Indian Antiquary Vol 42

Author(s): Richard Carnac Temple, Devadatta Ramkrishna Bhandarkar
Publisher: Swati Publications
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/032534/1

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH IN ARCHAEOLOGY, EPIGRAPHY, ETHNOLOGY, GEOGRAPHY, HISTORY, FOLKLORE, LANGUAGES, LITERATURE, NUMISMATICS, PHILOSOPHY, RELIGION, &r., &6. EDITED BY SIR RICHARD CARNAC TEMPLE, BART., C.I.E., HON. FELLOW, TRIN. HALL, CAMBRIDGE. FORMERLY LIEUT.-COLONEL, INDIAN ARMY, AND DEVADATTA RAMKRISHNA BHANDARKAR, M.A. VOL. XLII.-1913. Swati Publications Delhi 1985

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Published by Swati Publications. 34. Central Market, Ashok Vihar, Delhi-110052 Ph. 7113395 and Printed by S.K. Mehra at Mehra Offset Press, Delhi.

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CONTENTS. The Names of Contributors are arranged alphabetically. PAGE **. *, ... 199 MR. D. R. BHANDARKAR, M.A. - EPIGRAPHIC NOTES AND QUESTIONS. 25, 159, 255 SOME PUBLISHED INSCRIPTIONS RECONSI DERED ... .. . ... ... ... 57 Sir. R. G. BHANDARKAR, K, C.L.E.:NOTE ON THE MANDASOR INSCRIPTION OF NARAVARMAN .. .. PROF. G. BUHLER: THE INDIAN INSCRIPTIONS AND THE ANTIQUITY OF INDIAN ARTIFICIAL POETRY. (Translated by Prof. V. S. Ghate, M.A., Poona).. ... 29, 137, 172, 188, 230, 243 PANDIT CHANDRADHAR GULERI, B.A. - THE REAL AUTHOR OF THE JAYAMANGALA, A COMMENTARY ON VATSYAYANA'S KAMASUTRA ... ... .. . .. ... 202 MR. M. N. CHITTANAH: FOLKLOBE FROM THE NIZAM'S DOMINIONS ... 284 MR. A. GOVINDACHARYA SVAMIN, C. E., M.R.A.S., M.M.S. - BRAHMIN IMMIGRATION INTO SOUTHERN INDIA ... ... ... ... ... ... 194 PROF. V. S. GHATE, M.A. - SOME MAXIMS OR NYAYAS MET WITH IN SANSCRIT LITERATURE . . ... 250 MR. Y. R. GUPTE, B.A. A NOTE ON A FEW LOCALITIES IN THE NASIK DISTRICT MENTIONED IN ANCIENT COPPER PLATE GRANTS .. ... ... ... .269 MAHAMAHOPADHYAYA HARAPRASAD SASTRI, M.A., C.I.E. - SANTIDEVA ... .. .. ... .. 49 KING CHANDRA OF THE MEHARAULE IRON PILLAR INSCRIPTION ... .. MR. HIRA LAL, B.A.: MUKTAGIRI ... . ... .. ..220 PROF. E. HULTZSCH, PH. D; HALLE:CRITICAL NOTES ON KALHANA'S EIGHTH TARANGA ... ... ... .. ... 301 MR. P. JAYASWAL, B.A. (Oxon) : ORIGIN OF THE NARADA-SMRITI ... ... 306 PAGE MR. KASHI PRASAD JAYASWAL, M.A. (Oxox) THE DATE OF THE MUDRA-RAKSHASA AND THE IDENTIFICATION OF MALAYAKETU ... 265 THE Rock EDICT VI or ASOKA ... ... 282 MR. S. KUMAR ON THE DATE OF LAKSHMANASENA .. PROF. H. LUDERS, PH.D; BERLIN THE INSCRIPTION OF ARA ... ... ... 132 MR. G. K. NARIMAN:THE PEREGRINATIONS OF INDIAN BUDDHISTS IN BURMA AND IN THE SUNDA ISLANDS ... 38 ONE MORE BUDDHIST HYMN ... ... ... 240 REFERENCES TO BUDDHIST AUTHORS IN JAIN LITERATURE .. ... . . PANDIT RAMKARNA : KINSARIYA INSCRIPTION OF DADHICHIKA (DAXTYA) CHACHCHA OF VIKRAMA SAM VAT 1056 ... ... ... ... ... 267 MR. R. SHAMASASTRY, B.A., M.R.A.S.: THE ADITYAS ... ... ... ... 19, 32, 72 MR. P. T. SRINIVAS IYENGAR, MA, ON THE PRONUNCIATION OF SANSCRIT ... 47 THE MYTH OF THE ARYAN INVASION OF INDIA .. KUMARILA'S ACQUAINTANCE WITH TAMIL ... 200 MISCONCEPTIONS ABOUT THE ANDHRAS .. 276 DIWAN BAHADUR L. D. SWAMIKANNU PILLAI, M.A., BL. (MADRAS); L.L.B. (LOND.):ON SOME NEW DATES OF PANDYA KINGS IN THE 13TH CENTURY, A.D. ... ... 163, 221 DR. L. P. TESSITORI: THE RAMACHARITAMANASA AND THE RAMA 217 PAKAMAJYOTISTOTRA .. .. .. ... 42 THE JAINA VERSIONS OF THE STORY OF SOLOMON'S JUDGMENT ... ... ... 1 18 SIR R. C. TEMPLE, BART. :THE OBSOLETE TIN CURRENCY AND MONEY OF THE FEDERATED MALAY STATES... 85, 12., 153, 181, 209, 287, 253, 273 THE ADMINISTRATIVE VALUE OF ANTHROPOLOGY ... ... ... ... .. ..

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CONTENTS PAGE PAGE RAO BAHADUR K, P. TRIVEDI, B.A. - THE PRIORITY OF BHAMAIA TO DANDIN MR. V. VENKATACHALLAM IYER: THE ADVENTURES OF THE GOD OF MADURA... 65 ... 258 MISCELLANEA. Kakatika Monke by Mr. Chandradhar Guleri... 28 The Vadner Plates of Buddharnja by Mr. Y. A Poem by Bhasa by Mr. Chandradhar Guleri. 52 R. Gupte ... ... ... ... ... ... 207 Sankaracharya and Balavarma by Mr. R. Matachi: A Dravidian word in Vedic LiteritNarasimhachar ... .. ture by Mr. K. B. Pathak ... ... ... The Age of Sriharsha by Mr. Rama Prasad Sankaracharya's Reference to Jayaditya by Chanda with Note by D. R. B. ... ... 83 Mr. K. B. Pathak ... ... .. ... A New List of Buddhistic Sanscrit Words, by Agiatio Oriental Research by Mr G.K. XariProf. Sylvain Levi and G. K. Nariman ... 179 man... ... ... . ... .. ... ... 252 A Noto on Siva-Bhagavata by A. Govinda The Jog or Gersappe Falls by Dr. J. Burgess ... 285 chary Svami .. The Harappa Seals by K. P. Jayaswal... ... 203 The Age of Sriharsha II, by Rama Prasad A few Remarks on Professor Pathak's paper Chanda ... ... ... ... ... ... 286 on Dandin, the Nyasakara and Bhemaha, by A Note on the Origin and Decline of BudMr. R. Narasimhachar ... .. ... 204 204 dhism and Jainism in Southern India by Some Notes on Buddhism by Mr. G. K. Nari- T. A. Gopinatha Rao ... ... ... .... 307 ... 205 Coins of Amritapala, Raja of Badaun, by Karaskara or the Katkari Tribe by Mr. K.C.M. 206 V. A. S... . ... ... ... ... 303 **. .. ... 180 NOTES AND QUERIES. Alopen and Siladitya by Sir George Grierson, K.C.L.E... ... .. ... ... ... 180 BOOK NOTICES. The Mahavamsa or the Great Chronicle of History of Aurangzib by Sir R. O. Temple ... 208 Ceylon by Mr. J. F. Fleet ... .... ... 55 Grantha Pradarsani by D. R. B. ... ... 208 The Ganita-Sara-Sangraha by Mr. A.F. Rudolf Indian Chronology by Mr. G. S. Khare... ... 236 Hoernle ... ... ... ... ... ... 84 Sivasutra-Vimarsini and Pratyabhijna Hridaya Anecdotes of Aurangzib by Jadunath Sarkar, M.A., Prof., Patna College., Eng., Ed. by by Mr. V. S. Ghate ... ... ... ... 271 L.M.A. ... ... ... ... ... ... 180i Pandit Bahecar Das Jivraj's PrakrtamargoA Primer of Hinduism by Sir R. C. Temple ... 207 padecika, by L. P.T. ... ... ... ... 288 SUPPLEMENT, The Discovery of the Bower Manuscript:ite Date, I cality, Circumstances, Importance, eto: Introduction by Dr. R. Hoernle, C.I.E. ... ... ... .. . I, XVII, XXV, XXXVII. ILLUSTRATIONS. Old Malay Currency-Nos. 1, 2 and 3 facing p. 124 Map of Paris of Kuchar ... facing p. 5 of Supplt. Do. do. IV-VII , p. 184 Table I and II ... .. >> p. xxvi. Map of Turkestan ... ... facing p. 6 of Supplt. Table III, IV and V ... P. xxxviii,, ERRATA. Pege 301, line 5 from bottom read, W T . Page 304 line 16 from top, read {TTETEATA: 42.99 Page 305 verse 1192, read . Page 304 verse 1093, read pereut. | Page 306 verge 1332 read ala.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY, A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH. T VOLUME XLII -1913. THE RAMACHARITAMANASA AND THE RAMAYANA. BY L. P. TESSITORI; UDINE (ITALY). (Continued from Vol. XLI. p. 286.) Ayodhyakanda. (10) The supreme desire of the old Dacaratha is that he may see Rama's coronation in his lifetime: C, II, 1, 86-37 (B, II, 1, 19): atha rajao babhuvai'va vriddhasya chirajlvinah | pritir esha katham Ramo raja syan mayi jivati || 36 || esha hy aaya para pritir hridi samparivartate kada nama sutam drakshyamy abhishiktam aham priyam || 37 || R. C. M., II, 1, 10: (saba ke ura abhilasha asa... \) apu achhata jubaraja-padu Ramahim deu naresu || R. C. M., II, 4, 3: mohi achhata yahu hoi uchhahu | Talasf Dasa, in the first of the two quotations given above, ascribes to all the citizens what Valmiki had ascribed to Dacaratha, but the substance is the same. The central point of the comparison is represented by the phrase mayi jivati, which has been literally translated into apu achhata and mohi achhata, and the correspondence is made still more persuasive by the fact that apu achhata in the first quotation from the R. C. M. is quite superfluous and unjustifiable. (11) Men and women in Ayodhya, eager to see Rama's coronation, look impatiently for the morning : C, II, 5, 19 (B, II, 4, 19): tada by Ayodhyanilayah sastribalakulo janah | Ramabhishekam akankshann akankshann udayam raveh || 19 || . R. C. M., II, 11, sb.4: kahahim parasapara loga logai | kali lagana bhali ketika bara | . Ib. 6: sakala kahahim kaba hoihi kali. (12) Valmiki, in order to depict Manthara's passion, makes use of the metaphors: dahyamana krodhena (C, II, 7, 18) and dahyamand'nalene'va (ibid. 21 ), which might have been the origin of Talast Dasa's expression: (Rama-tilaku suni) bha ura-daha (II, 13, 2). (18) It has always been a rule in the Solar race that the eldest son should be king and his younger brothers obey his commands. This argument, which Valmiki puts forth several times in his Ayodhyakanda in favor of Rama's consecration, is picked up by Tulasi Dasa and caused to

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2 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JANUARY, 1913. be uttered by Kaikeyi, when she is trying to convince Manthara that it is quite right that Rama should be made king : C, II, 73, 20; 22 (B wanting): R. C.M., II, 15, 3: asmin kule hi sarveshamjyeshtho rajye'bhishichyate apare | jetha svami sevaka laghu bhat bhrataras tasmin pravartante samahitah || 20 satatam yaba dinakara-kula iti subai II rajaputreshajyeshtho raja'bbishichyate | rajnam etat samar tat syad Ikshvakunam viceshatah 11 22 11 C, II, 79, 74 (B, II, 86, 10): jyeshghasya rajata nityam achita hi kulasya nah C, II, 102, 2 (B, II, 111, 2): cicvato 'yain sade dharmah sthito 'smagu... 1 iyesbthe putre sthite raja na kaniyan bhaven nipah II 211 (14) Dacaratha stoops over Kaikeyi, who is lying on the ground full of anger, and touches her with his hands : C, II, 10, 274 (B, II, 9, 64): R. C.M., II, 25, 9: parimrijga cha pavibhyam... parasata pani ... (15) Dacaratha asks Kaikeyi who has dared to vex her and what he is to do in order to punish the offender, and says that he himself, as well as all his family, is at her disposal : C, II, 10, 31 and #. (B, II, 9, 10 and f.): 1 R. C.M., II, 26, 1-2, 5: (...vyad him kchakshva bbamidi) kagya va 'pi priyam karyamanabita tora priya kei kinha | kehi kena va vipriyor kritam || 81 || kah priyam labhatam adya dui sira kehi Jama chaba linha ko va sumahad apriyam .... 11 32 || avadhyo vadhy atam kahu kebi raikahi karaur naresu ko vi vadhyah ko va vimuchyatam daridrah ko bhaved kahu kehi nripahi nikabaur desu ll... adhyo dravyavan va 'py akincbanah 11 33 ll abam cha hi priya prana suta sarabasu more! madiyac cha sarve tava faca'nugah I. parijana praja sakala baga tore ... The passage is quite identical, even in form, in both the poems. (16) Kaikeyi insists on demanding that the king should keep his promise and alleges the examples of others who gave their life and property to keep their word. This we find in both the poems, only the examples quoted differ, as Valmiki (C, II, 12, 43 and ff.; C, II, 14, 4 and ff. F; B, II,11,4 and ff.) quotes those of Cibi, Alarka and Sagara, wbilet Tulasi Dasa (11, 80, 7, quotes those of Cibi, Dadhichi and Bali. The example, of Bali, however, has a correspondence in the R. (C, II, 14, 11:= B, II, 11, 90-10). (17) Dacaratha wishes the day of Rama's banishment would never break : C, II, 13, 170 (B wanting): 1 R. C. M., II, 37, 2": na prabhatam traye 'chchhami nice nakshatrabhushite !| 1711(bhuald) ... hridaya manava bhoru jani hof (18) On the morning of the day fixed for the coronation, Rama is called to the king's presence, where, seeing his father lying on the ground in a miserable condition and not being addressed by him, he begins to suspect that the king must be angry with him, and asks Kaikeyi what is the offence which bas made his father angry: C, II, 18, 11 (B, II, 15, 18) : R. C. M., 11, 42, 70-8: kachchin maya na 'paraddham ajoanad yena me pita kupitas bha mnohi te kachhu bada aparatan mama 'chakshya ... dba || ta tem mobi na kabata kachbu rau mori sapatha tohi kaha satibbi u

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JANUARY, 1913.] THE RAMACHARITAMANASA AND THE RAMAYANA (19) In the R. C. M. (II, 44, 9-10) Dacaratha prays Civa that Rama may disregard his command and refuse to go to the woods. The same wish Valmiki ascribes to Dacaratha in the R. (C, II, 12, 86). (20) Rams, in order to dissuade Sita from her resolution to follow him to the exile, draws & sketch of the hardships of the forest, insisting particularly on the following points: (1) sleeping on the bare ground; (2) wearing bark-garments; (3) living on fruits, bulbs and roots and fasting occasionally when that natural food is scanty: C, II, 28, 11 and ff (B, II, 28, 20 and f :) R. C.M., II, 62, 9-10; supyate parqacaygaan evayambhagnasu bhatale 1... || 11 || ahoratram cha samtoshah kartavyo niyatatmana kanda-phala-mula to ki saga saba phalair vrikshavapatitaih ....ll 12 il apavasac cha dina milahin samaya samaya anukartavyo...1 jafabharag cha kartavyo valkala mbara- kula 11 dharanam 11 13 11.... 11 y athalabdhena kartavyah samtoshas....! yatha 'harair vanacharaih .... 11 17 11 The last point is better developed in : B, II, 28, 22 (C wanting): vaneshy alabhyamane cha Tanye mulaphale panab | bahay ahani vastavyam nirkharair vanacrayaih 11 2211. (21) Sita answers that a layer of grass will be for her the most delightful bed and that traits and roots will be as sweet as ambrosis, provided she be near Rama: C, II, 30, 14-15 (B, II, 80, 16-17 ): | R.C. M., II, 66, 234 : cidvaleshu yada cicye vanantarvanagochara kuthastara- kusa-kisalaya-Bathart sahat prenaynkteshu kim syat sukhataram tatah || 14 || patram bhu-samga manja Manoje-tarat il mulam phalam yat tu alpam va yadi va bahu dasyase kanda mula phala amia ahird 1 avayam abfitya tan me 'mpitarasopamam ! 15 | and protests she will never get weary on the way : C, II, 30, 119 (B, II, 80, 194 ) : R.O.M., II, 67,14 : na cha me bhavita tatra kaqchit pathi paricramah 1. mohi maga chalata na hoihi hart 1. (22) After Sita has been given permission to follow her spouse, Lakshmana grasps his brother's feet, wishing to be allowed to accompany him: C, II, 31, 1 and ff (B, II, 31, 4 and ) : R. C.M., II, 70, 1-2: avam crutva sa Bamvadam Lakshmanah purvam agatah 1 l samacbara jaba Lachhimana paye bashpaparyakulamukhah cokam sodham acaknuvan || 1 11 byakula bilasha-badans uthi dhiye ca bhratuc charanau gadham nipidya Raghanandanah .... kampa pulaka tana nayana sanfra gahe charana ati-prema adhira It. (23) In the R.C. M. SumitrA instructa Lakshmana to take heed that RAms and sits liva happily in the woods and forget their father, mother, friends and relations and the pleasures of the city. This can be traced back to a passage in the R. where Site says she will never think, while in the woods, of her parents, or of the palace, which she has renounced : C, II, 30, 16 (B, II, 30, 18) : R. C.M., II, 75, 9-10 : na matur na pitas tatra gmarishyami na vecmanah 1. apadesa yaha jehi jata tumhare Rama Siya sukha parahim | pitamata-priya-parivara-pura-sukha surati bana bisarayah II.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JANUARY, 1913. (24) Samitra instructs Lakshmana to regard Rama as Dacaratha, Sita as herself and the forest as Ayodhya: C, II, 40, (B, II, 39, 116-124): I R. C.M., II, 74, 2-89: Rama Dacaratham viddhi mam viddhi Janakatmajam tata tumhari mata Baidebt pita Ayodhyam atavim viddhi .... Rama Baba bharti sanehi || A vadba tahan jaham Rams-nivasu .. (25) The citizens accompanying Rama into the exile awake in the morning after the first halt, and, not seeing Rama any more, burst into lamentations, and cursing their lives bereft of Rama, pray to die : C, II, 47, 7 (B wanting): I R . C.M., II, 86, 58-78 : ihai' va nidhanam yama mahaprasthanam eva va| Ramena dhiga jivana Raghubfra-bihina 1 rabitanam no kim artham jivitam hitam || 711 ...itt 'va jau pai priya-biyoga Bidhi kinhan .. vilapanti .... tau kasa marana na mange doba 11 ehi bidhi karata prala pa-kalap ... (28) Rama, when taking leave of Samantra, implores him to do everything in his power so that the king may not griove on his account: C, II, 52, 220 (B wanting): R.C.M., II, 96, 8: yasha Dagaratho raja mam na cochet tatha kura || 22 ||. . saba bidhi soi karatabya tumhare | dukha na pava pitu socha hamare il. (97) Sita's prayer to the Ganga: CII, 52, 82' and #. (B, II, 62, 17 and #l.): R. C.M., II, 108, 2-3 : Vaidehi pranjalir bhatva tam nadim idam abravit II 82 || Siya Suragarihin kaheu kara jort patro Dacarathasya' yam maharajasya dhimatah | nidecam matu manoratha puraubi mori Il palayatv enam Gange tvadabbirakshitah II 83 || chatardaca pati devara samga kusala bahor hi varshani samagrany usbya kanane bhratra saha maya ai karaur jebi puja tort Il. chai 'va punah pratyagamishyati || 84 ll tatas tvam devi subbage kshemena punar agate | yakshye pramadita Gange sarvakamasamriddhin || 85 11 .......... punareva, mahabahur maya bhratra cha samgatah | Ayodhyam vanavasat ta pravicatv anagho 'naghe || 91 || . (28) Samantra, on his return after having accompanied the three exiles to the woods, relates to Dacaratha Rama's and Lakshmana's messages : B, II, 58, 22 and 8. (C, II, 58, 21 and ff.): | R. C.M., II, 152, 3and f. ... vaktavyo Bharato vachanan mama ... !| 2211 tvaya kababa sandesu Bharata ke cucrushyamano mam na cochati yatha nsipah matsnebad aye .. arhasi tatha kartum ity api nicchayam ll 23 ll samamseyehu matu sakals sama matsishu sarvasu vartetha iti cha' bravit.... | 24 | 25 11 jnil ..... ishadrosha parftas ta Saumitrir idam abrayit ... tata bharti tehi rakhabarka socha mora jebi karai na kau 11 Lashana kahe kachhu bachana kat hora ... As regards Site, both in the R. and in the R. C.M., Sumantra says she was so moved that she could utter no words. The correspondenco is so much the more significant as neither Valmiki nor Tulas Daga had mentioned Sita when describing Sumantra's taking leave from the exiles. Had

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JANUARY, 1913.) THE RAMACHARITAMANASA AND THE RAMAYANA not Tulasi Dasa kept strictly close to the R., it would be difficult to explain as a mere chance that he should have niade the same omission as his predecessor had : B, II, 58, 34 and ff. (C, II, 58, 34 and ff.): R. C.M.,II, 152, 9-10 : Janaki ta vinicvasya bashpachchhannasyara nipa | bhuto- kahi pranama kachhu kahana liya passishtachitte'va vikshamana samantatah || 34 || adsishta pur- Siya bhai sithila saneha thakita bavavyasana rajaputri yacasvint paryacruvadana dina nai'vachana lochana sajala pulaka-pallavita mam kimchid abravit ll 35 11 udikshamana bhartarara deha ll. mukhena paricushyata mumocha kevalam bash pam mam nivrittam avekshya sa Il 36 ll. (29) The fastening up their hair, after the mode of the ascetics, which the exiles had adopted before crossing the Ganga (B, II, 52, 2 and ff. = C, II, 52, 68 and #.) is not mentioned by Talasi Dasa in its proper place. Bat he does not omit this particular in Sumantra's relation to Dacaratha of what the exiles had done before he took his leave of them : R. C. M., II, 151, 2 : hota prata bata-chhiru mamgava jata-mukota nija sisa bankva 11 where maing dvd is perhaps sufficient to show that Tulasi Dasa had before his mind the above-cited passage of the R., where Rama gives Guha the command: nyagrodhakshfram anaya (B, II, 52,2 = C, II, 52, 68). (30) Sumantra goes on to relate bow his horses, after Rama's departure, kept on looking in the direction in which Rama had disappeared and neighing and shedding tears : B, II, 59, 4 (C, II, 59, 1): R. C.M., II, 142, 89, 9: tato mama nivsittasya turaga bashpaviklavah Ramam dekti dakhina-disi haya hihinahin eva'napacyanto heshamana vichukrucuh 11 4 ll. .....ll nahi toina charahim na piyahim jala mochahin lochana bari 1 * (31) Tulasi Dasa's account of what happened after Dacaratha's death harmonizes perfectly in its main lines with Valmiki's description, though the latter is of course much more diffuse. In fact the succession of the particulars is exactly the same in the R. C.M., as in the R., vis.: (1) lementations of the women in the seraglio (B, II, 68, 60-51; C, II, 66, 18-23; R. C. M., II, 156, 3-4); (2) affliction of the citizens and their lamentations (B, II, 68, 52-55; C, II, 66, 24-29 : R. C. M., II; 156, 6-6); (3) the breaking of the day and the gathering of the council (B, II, 69, 1 ; 0, II, 67, 1-2; R. C.M., II, 156, 8). Moreover, there are in this passage of the R. C. M. two unquestionable reminiscences of the R., to wit, where Tulasi Dasa says the citizens regretted that the sun of the Solar race had set and where he says that everybody was abusing Kaikeyi. They can be traced back to the following passages of the R.: B, II, 68, 54 (C, II, 66, 28) : bataprabha dyaar iva bhaskaram vina .... | raraja sa nai'sa bhticam mahapari.... B, II, 68, 55 (C, IL, 66, 29): narac cha naryac cha bhsicartama nasa vigarhayanto Bharatasya mataram 1.... (32) Bharata's hasty travel from Rajagriha to. Ayodhya, which is described at length by Valmiki (B, II, 73; C, II, 71), is condensed to less than within only half a chaupdi by Tulasi Dasa : R. C.M., II, 158, 1: chale samira-bega haya hamke | paghata sarita saila bana bumke but that half chaupat contains a complete summary of what Valmiki says in his fuller account, where Bharata is likewise represented as crossing rivers, forests and mountains, fatiguing his horses and vying in speed with the wind. As to this last point, namely, the comparison of Bbarata's

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY JANUARY, 1913. speed to that of the wind, I think it is sufficient to prove that Talasi Disa, when writing his chale samira-bega, had in mind the following cloka of the R.: B, II, 73, 7 (C, II, 71, 8) : rajaputro mahabahar atittkshnopacobhitam bhadrar bhadrena yanena Marutal kham iva 'bhyayat 11 7 11. (33) Tulasi Dasa relates how Kaikeyi, seeing Bharata greatly disconcerted on hearing of Rama's banishment, tried to console him with words, the only result of which was to exasperate him more and more, like salt applied to a barn : R. C, M., II, 161, 1: bikala biloki sutahi samajhavati manahun jare para lona lagavati Now the example of the salt applied to a wound to indicate pain added to pain is found in the R. in Bharata's talk to Kaikeyi ; in fact, in both poems it coours in the same situation, just as in both it refers to Bharata's grief: B, II, 75, 15a: vrane ksharam vinikshiptar duhkhe duhkham nipatitam (C, II, 79, 8a : duhkhe mo duhkham akaror vrane ksharami va 'dadah 1). (34) Talaaf Disa relates how Bharata in the couch of kupa, on which Rama and Sita had slept under the tree at ringavera, discovered some kanakabindavah from Sita's ornaments and placed them reverently upon his head. The same discovery Bharata makes in the R., and it is noteworthy that the two poems agree not only in that particular, but even in the use of the same term : kanakabindu : B, II, 96, 16 (C, II, 88, 14): | R. C. M., II, 199, 8: manye sabharani supta yatha svabhavane para tatra tatra kanaka-bindu dai chariks dekhe hi dicyante cirnkh kanakabindavah || 16 ll. rikhe sisa Sfya sama lekhe . (85) Valmiki says that Bharata, on his way to the woods to take back Rama, in the maitramukirta (viz. in the third muhurta from the rising of the sun), along with his retinde. entered Prayaga after having crossed the Ganga. From this statement it can be inferred that the crossing of the river lasted two muhurtas. Tulast Dasa keeps strictly close to Valmiki's computation of the time: B, II, 97, 27 (C, II, 89, 21): R. C. M., II, 202, 9a: sa sarva dhrajint Gangam dasaih samtarita tade maitre dandals chari maham bhi saba para: muhurto prayayau Prayagavanam uttamam || 27 || . R. C.M., II, 208, 9a: Bharata tssare pahara kaham kinha prabesa Prayaga 1. (36) Tulast Dasa narrates how Rama, at the sight of the sadness of the citizens in Bharata's retinue, took pity on them, and by embracing them all removed their grief; and then admonishes his readers not to marvel at the Lord's power to embrace in a moment such an immense multitude (R. C. M., II, 244, 1-4). Even this particular, pervaded as it seems by Tulast Dasa's peculiar mannerism, can be traced back to the following passage of the R. : B, II, 111, 51 (C, II, 103, 47): tan naran bish papurna kshan samikshya cha sudnhkhitan paryashvajata dharmajaah pitsivan matsivach cha sah 1151 11. 16 A danda is about 4 minutos, 6..., half the time of a muharta, which is about 8 minutes

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JANUARY, 1913. THE RAMACHARITAMANASA AND THE RAMAYANA till.. . (37) The words with which Rama is informed of Dacaratha's death are qualified by Tulasi Disa as kulisa-kathora ... katu bani (R. C.M., II, 247, 5a): Valniki in the corresponding passage has the same image of the thunderbolt, only more developed : B, IT, 111, 9-10 (C, II, 103, 2-3): tam tu vajram ivo' tspishtam Abave Danavarina vagvajram Bharateno 'ktam amanojnam nicamya tu 11 9 11 praglihya bahu Ramo 'tha pushpitagro drumo yatha vane paracuna ksittas tatha bhumau papata sah 11 10 11 . (33) Bharata before taking any deliberation consults Rama's sandals : B, II, 127, 15-17 (C, II, 115, 23-21): R. C. M., II, 325, 9-10 : tatas tu Bbaratah criman abhishichya'ryapaduke sa Lalavya- nita pujata prabhu-pamvari priti na janam tatra dharaya maba cha svayani || 16 | paduke tv bridaya samati | mangi mamgi abhishichya'tha Nandigrame purottame, | Bharatah casanam Ayasu karata raja-kaja bahu bhamsarvam padukabhyam nyavedayat || 17 II . ti || .. (39) The scratching of the ground with one's toes, which Tulasi Dasa more than once mentions as a token of grief, is also found in the R. I quote for the comparison two passages from the Ayodhydkdnda : B, II, 80, 15 (C wanting): | R. C.M., II, 281, 66: tam arakcirasam bhumin charanagrena Raghavam mali nakha likhana lagii saba vilikhantam uvachartam Vasishtho bhagavan pishih || 15 11. sochana II. Aranyakanda. (10) Tulasi Dasa begins the Aranyakanda by saying that he bas already sung tbe great affection shown by the citizens and Bharata, and that he will thenceforward sing the acts that Rama wrought in the forest. No doubt Tulasi Dasa refers here to the sarga 105 of the Ayodhyakanda in B, where Valmiki describes Ramn's and Sita's pastimes in a cave of the Chitrakata and then the episode of the crow. Tulasi Disa joins the tio parts together, condensing the first part within a single chanpdi and describing the second one at some length, but with great alterations. Here is the chanpdi replacing the first part of the earga : R. C.M., III, 1, 3-4 : eko barn chuni kusuma suhiye nija kara blushana Rama banaye Sitabi pahiruye prabhu sidara baithe phatika-sila para sundara il With the few touches above Talasi Dasa sums up imperfectly the whole substance of the verses 11, II, 105, 1-30, in which it is described how Ramn, after showing Sita the Chitrakuts and the Mandakini, entered with her into a cave in the mountain, sat down upon a rock (gildpatta, cild) to take rest, and then placed the tilaka on her with his finger, which lie had rubled on a piece of Arsenic, and a lorned her hair with flowers. The second part of the sarga, namely the episode of the crow (13, II, 105, 38-58), is narrated somewhat differently by Talasi Dasa. The crow for Tulasi Disa is none else than Jayanta, Indra's son, in the disguise of a bird. There is no mention of Jayanta in B, II, 105; but in another passage of the R. (common to C, B), where the same episode is repeated, we find Tulasi Dasa's version, which is certainly a later interpretation of the episode : B, V, 68, 9 (C, V, 67, 10): sutah kila sa Cakrasya vayasah patatam varah Tulasi Dasa maintains the point of the loss of one eye, but does not explain it as Valmiki does, so that the fact looks strange and obscure in the R. C. M., as a reader who is not acquainted with

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8 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JANUARY, 1913. the R. will not be able to see the precise reason for which the crow had to be deprived of one eye, but will think it a punishment in open contrast with the Lord's mercy, to which the crow had just appealed. (41) In the R., after Carabhanga's ascent to heaven, a great multitude of ascetics flock to Rama from every side and implore his protection from the rakshasas who are infesting the forest. And in the course of their appeal they say to him: B, III, 10, 176-18a (C, III, 6, 16): chi pacya carirani muninam bhavitatmanam || 17 || hatanam Rama rakshobhir bahunam bahudha vane | Tulasi Dasa catches the allusion given by Valmiki, and vivifies the image by making Rame actually see heaps of bones in the forest and ask the ascetics in his company about them: R. C. M., III, 11, 6: asthi-samuha dekhi Raghuraya puchha muninha lagi ati-daya ||. (42) Agastya advises Rama to take up his abode in the Panchavati in order to protect the ascetics there: B, III, 19, 21deg C, III, 18, 20: api cha 'tra vasan Rama tapasan palayishyasi || 21 || . R. C. M., III, 15, 17: basa karahu taham Raghu-kularaya| kijiya sakala muninha para dayen |. (48) Curpanakha presents herself to Rama after having assumed a beautiful form and addresses him with a gentle smile : B, III, 23, 25 (C wanting): sa 'bhigamya mahabahum bhutva vai kamarupini | strisvabhavam puraskritya sasmitam vakyam abravit || 25 || Mark how literal Tulasi Dasa's rendering of the passage is. R. C. M., III, 19, 7: ruchira rupa dhari prabhu pahim jai boli bachana bahuta musuka? (44) Tulasi Dasa goes on to describe how Rama, upon hearing Curpanakha's proffer of herself, looked at Sita, and then in reply advised the rakshast to court Lakshmana, who was still a bachelor. Though Rama's act of looking at Sita might admit of various explanations, even without referring to the R. (see Baija Natha's commentary), yet there is no doubt that Talasi Dasa has borrowed it from Valmiki's corresponding passage: B, III, 23, 45 (C wanting): etat tu vachanam crutva rakshasya hy atidarunam |iksham chakre tada Sitam Lakshmanam cha mahabhujah || 45 | B, III, 30, 16 (C, III, 24, 15): evam uktas tu Ramena Lakshmanah saha Sitaya caran adaya chapam cha guham durgam upacrayat || 16 || R. C. M., III, 19, 11": Sitahi chitai kahi prabhu bata. (45) According to the R., the rakshasas make two expeditions to avenge the disfigured Curpanakha: the first one of 14 men, the second one of 14,000 men. Tulasi Dasa fuses both expeditions together into a single one of 14,000 men. Seeing the big rakshasa army nearing, Rama enjoins his brother to take Sit& into a cave. Lakshmana obeys and starts at once with Sita, taking his bow and arrows in his hand : R. C. M., III, 20, 12: rahehu sajuga suni prabhu kai bani chale sahita Cri sara-dhanupani || Then Rama arms himself. Valmiki says he puts on his armour and therewith shines like the rising sun which has dispelled the darkness. Tulasi Dasa has the same image of the

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JANCARY, 1913.) THE RAMACHARITAMANASA AND THE RAMAYANA rising sun, but does not explain it, i.e., does not tell the reason of Rama's being compared to the sun : B, III, 30, 18 (C, III, 24, 17): R. C.M., III, 20, 19: sa tena 'gninkagenn kavachenn vibhushitah raraja Ramas ..... bala-rabibim gherata timirain vidhuya 'rka ivo 'dital || 18 11 danuja The rakshasas become quite paralized with amazement at the sight of Rama's majesty : B, III, SO, 39 (C wanting): R. C.M., III, 21, 1: drishtva tu Raghavam sarve rakshasa yuddhadurmadabil prabhu biloki sara sakabi na sthitah parvatasam kacah paramam vismayam gatah 1138 11 dari thakita bhai rajanichara | dhari The 14,000 raksh18as rain upon Rama weapons of every description : B, III, 31, 6 (C, III, 25, 7): R. C. M., IIT, 21, 19-20 : tatas tam bhimakarmi nam kruddhah sarse nicacharih bevadbuna hoi dhiye jani sabala sastrair nana vidhakarair abhyavarshan sudarjayam 116 11. Arati lage barashana Rama para astra sastra babu bhamti II. (46) Tulasi Dasn goes on saying that the rakshasas stricken by Rama's shafts fell to the ground like mountains. However natural may be the comparison of the monstrous bodies of the rakeshusis t) mountains, and "however common it is both in the R. and in the R. C. M., yet it seems to me that in the present passage of the R. C. M, such a comparison looks rather unjustified, and is not clear except by a reference to the corresponding passage in the R., from which it is certainly derived : B, III, 31, 25-23 (C wanting): R.C.M., III, 22, 10: kecbid ba napravegais tu nirbhinnakavaoha rane uchchnir chikkarata lagata bana dhara parata gaganam avicya tato' gachchhan rasa talam || 25 || mahadri- kudhara-samana II .. cikhara karin anjanachalasa nibhan khecbaran patayamasa rakshasin dharanitale 11 26 11. (47) Before describing the fight with the rakshasas, Valmiki gays that the gods were in fear for Rama on seeing him facing 14,000 foes alone. Tulast Dasa maintains that particolar, but puts it quite out of place, as he mentions it at a time when Rama has already Dearly completed the destruction of the rakshasas : B, III, 30, 20-21 (C, III 24, 23-24): R. C. M., II, 22, 27 : tato devarsbigandbarvah siddhac cha saba charanaih | Uchuh sura darata caudahs sabasa preta paramasamtraste guhyaka cha parasparam || 20 || cbaturdaca biloki eks Avadha-dhani]. Bahasrani rakshasam bbimakarmanam ekac cha Ramo dharin atma katham yuddham bhavishyati || 21 |1 . (48) According to Valmiki, Rama harled upon the raleshasas the gandharvdatra, which had the effect of dementing them in such a way that everyone saw the image of Rama in each of his comrades, and so they all perished killing each other. Tulasi Dasa closely follows Valmiki's narrative : B, III, 31, 469-47 (C wanting): R. C.M., III, 22, 28-30 : tatas to rakshasas tatra gandbarvastrena mohitah II 46 11 ... maya-natha ati-kautuka karyayam Ramas tv ayam Rama iti kalena choditah | anyonyaman dek hahin para sapara Rama kari SAMATO jaghnar utpatya paramayadhaib || 47 11 saip grima ripu-dala lari maryau 11 Rama Rama kahi tanu tajahin pavahim pada nirbans In the above passage from the R. C. M. it is said that the rakshasas die crying: Rama ! Rama! Now if one looks at the Hindl text only, one will not be able to find out the exact reason

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10 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JANUARY, 1913. of the rakshasat's crying: Rama! Rama! To ascertain it one must refer to the parallel passage in the R., where it is plainly said that the rikshasas, believing that they saw Rama in every one of their companions, rush upon one another crying : ayam Ramo! 'yam Ramah! ("this is Rama! this is Rama!"). That the Hindi passage is not clear without a reference to the R. is sufficiently proved by the fact that Mr. Growse quite misunderstood its meaning in his translation, which runs as follows: " the Lord .... having power over all illusion, wrought a prodigy and while they were yet looking at one another he finished the battle and the army of the enemy al pe.ished fighting crying . Rama Rana' as their soul left their body; they thus attained beatitude." (49) Ravana wants to secure Maricha's help for carrying off Sita, but Maricha tries to dissuada him from provoking such a tremendons hero as Rama; and says he has already tasted in battle his strength as, when smitten by a single arrow of Rama, he was driven to a distance of a hundred yojanas; from that time on he his lived in continuous apprehension of Rama's appearing and wherever he looks he sees his terrible foe: B, III, 43, 32-34 (C, III, 39, 15-17): R. C.M., III, 27, 7: api Ramasabasrani bhitah pa yami Rivana Ramabbotam bhai mama kita bhriga ki nain idam sarvam aranyam pratibhati me 11 32 || vsikshe vrikshe jaham tabam mai dekhaum dou cha pacyfi chiraksisboajinambaram | caracha padharam Ra- bhall. mam pa cahastam iva 'ntakam 11 33 || Ramam ova 'nupacyami rahitesby &kulegu cha | drishtva svapnagato Ramam udbhramami vichetanah II 34 ll. (50) In the R. Ravana menaces Maricha with death, who declines to help him out of fear of Rama, and gives him to a choice : either a probable death at the hands of Rama, or a most certain death at his own hands, in case he should refuse to obey : B, III, 44 31, (C, III, 40, 27): asadya tam jivitasarcayo va mrityur dbruvas te 'dya maya viradhyaevam yathirad viga payys baddbya yad rochate tat kuru yach cha pathyam || 31 || It is clear that Tulasi Dasa bud before his mind that alternative, when he wrote that Maricha resolved to obey, after having seen that either way he must die: R.C.M., III, 28, 5: ubhaya bhemti dekha nija marana | taba takesi Raghunayaka-sarana l. (51) "The apparition of the golden deer in the hermitage, Sita's longing for its skin, Rama's pursuit of it, the fligbt and death of the deer and its calling out. Lakshmana ! Lakshmana !' at the moment of dying, are narrated in quite identical terms both in the R. and in the R. C. M. AS A specimen of Talasi Dasa's close dependence on Valmiki's narrative in this episode, I quote the parallel passages, describing the trick of the deer of keeping itself now near, now far, now in sight, now hidden, in order to take Rama lure away: B, III, 50, 47: 1 R. C. M., III, 29, 12-13: sa cha Ramabbayodvigno Maricho Dandake vane |4 || babhu- kababum nikata puni duri parai ya'ntarhitas tatra kshanat punar adsicyata | esho'yam ayam kabahut ka, pragatai kabahum chhaeti'ti vegavan Raghavo yayau 11 5 || muburtad eva dadrice pai Il pragatata durata karata chhala muhurtan na prak&cate ativritta ishutrasul lobhayan sa Rabhuri ehi bidhi prabhuhi gayaughuttamam | 6 | kvachid dfishtah kvachin nastah kvachit lei duri. trasach cha vidrutahl.... (52) Talasi Dasa's description of the beauty of the Pampa forest in the spring and of its effect on the mind of Rama, bereft of Sita (III, 40-41), is derived from Valmiki's sarja B, III,

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JANUARY, 1913.] THE RAMACHARITAMANASA AND THE RAMAYANA 79 (C, IV, 1). In this sarga Valmiki, oo, describes the beauty of the spring in the forest, where all nature loves and invites to love, whilst Rama's mind becomes more and more sad at the sight : B, III, 79, 9-10 (C, IV, I, 22-23"): vasantakalah prapto' yam nanavihagakujitah I' vigalakshivihinasya mama cokavivardhanah || 9 |1 Saumitre mam saduhkhartam samtapayati Manmathah|.. Tulasi Dasa takes up this hint from Valmiki, and developes it by representing that the God of Love himself finds Rima tortured by separation, and encamps against him with his army; and this gives him an occasion for describing at full length Love's army impersonated in spring (R. C. M., III, 41) (53) According to Talast Disa the Pampa is a lake, not a river. Tulasi. Dasa lands the purity of its water, agreeing thereby with Valmiki, who gives the Pamp& the constant epithets of gabhajala, ranyandrivahd, gliajals, etc. Kishkindhakanda. (54) Rama presses to his bosom Sita's upper garment (uttariya) picked up by Sugriva: B., IV, 5, 16 (C, IV, 6, 18): R. C. M., IV, 6, 6b: bridi kritva tu bahucas tam alam karam artavat vinihcvasame pata ura lai socha ati kinha || eha babuco bhujanga iva roshitah || 16 || (55) In the R. C. M., Valin reproaches Rama of having killed him by surprise, as the huntsman kills his game: R. C. M., IV, 10, 56: marehu mohi byadha ki naim I 11: No doubt tae comparison has been suggested to Tulasi Disa by the following passage of the R. where Rama explains to Valin that, since he was nothing but a monkey, it was right on his part to kill him, as the huntsman kills his game: B, IV, 17, 16-19 (C, IV, 18, 37b-10): vagurabhic cha pacaic cha kutaic cha vividhair narah pratichchhannac cha dricyac oha nighnanti sma bahun mrigan || 16 | pradhavitan avicvastan vicvastan apy avidratan | prasuptan aprasuptamc cha ghnanti mamsarthino mrigan H 17 1 yanti rajarshayac cha'tra mrigayam dharmakovidah | lipyan'e na cha deshena nighnanto 'pi mrigan babun '18 || tasmat tvam nihato yuddhe maya banena vanara | ayudhyan pratiyudhyan va saumya cakhamrigo hy asi | 19 IF. (53) After killing Valin, Rama declines to enter Kishkindha, on the ground that he has promised not to enter any city or village for fourteen years. Then he enjoins Sugriva to enter the city and make Aigada yuvardja; as for himself, he will take up his abode on the mountain close by and remain there till the rainy season, just commenced, is over: B, IV, 25, 9 and. ff. (C, LV, 26, 10 and ff.): ohaturdacasamah saumya gramam va yadi va puram na pravekshyami Hanuman pitur adeca esha mo || 9 | 10 || evam uktva Hanumantain Ramah Sugri vam abravit enam apy Angadam rajan yauvarajye 'bhishechaya | 11. prathamo varshiko masah Cravauah salilaplutah | pravrittah saumya chatvaro masac cha varshika ime || 12 || na'yam udyogasamayah pravica tvam purim imam | iha vatsyamy ahan saumya parvate niyatendriyah || 13 ||. R. C. M., IV, 13, 79 kaba prabhu sunu Sugrivam haris | pura na jaum dasa chari barisa gata grishama barasha-ritu ai rahibaum nikata saila para chhai !! Angada sahita karahu tumha raju 1.

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12 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JANUARY, 1913. (57) Next comes the description of the rainy season, both in the R. and in the R. C. J. (B, IV, 27; C, IV, 28; R. C. M., IV, 14-16). The phenomena of nature at this time of the year give Valmiki an opportonity for some beautiful similes between them and the persons in his poem; the same is the case with Tulast Dasa, only his similes are moral and theological For example the lightning flashing amidst the clouds appears to VAlmiki as Sita being carried off by Ravana, whilst to Tulasi Dasa it looks like the friendship of the vile, whichi never lasts. Next comes the description of the autumn (B, IV, 29; C, IV, 30; R. C.M., IV, 1.7-18). (58) In the R. O. M. (IV, 25, 1) we find the statement that the monkeys sent in search of Sita, wherever they met a rdleshasa, killed him with a single buffet of their hand: katahum hoi nisichara som bhemta prana lehim eka eka chapeta No doubt Tulasi Dasa generalizes here the fact of the rakshasa killed by Argnda in mountain-cave with a blow of the palm of his hand ("talend 'bhijaghana " B, IV, 48, 21; C, IV, 48, 20); in the R. there is no mention of the monkeys's coming across any other rakshasa on their way. (59) Having failed to get tidings of Sita, Angada declines to turn back saying: "Should I return home without news of Sita now that the term fized for the return is over, Sugrira would certainly put me to death. He has been my enemy for a long time and would be glad .ito profit by that transgression in order to take his revenge ; it is not Sagriva who made me yuvardja, but Rama." Such is Valmiki's meaning in this passage, which Talasi Dasa reproduces quite unaltered as to the substance, thoagh more concisely as to form : B, IV, 53, 13-14 (C, IV, 53, 170-486 ): R.C.M., IV, 27, 46-5 : na cha'bam yauvarajye vai Sngrivena'bhishechitab 1 nar. uham gaye maribi kapirai il piti endre na 'bhisbikto 'ham Ramega viditatmana || 13 || Babadhe para marata mobi rakli purvabaddhavairo mam drishtva raja vyatikramam! Rama nihora na ohii. ghatayishyati tikshaena dandena 'ticbirad gatam || 14 II. (60) The monkeys shed tears at hearing from Augada that there is no escaping from death : B, IV, 55, 17 (C, IV, 55, 176-182 ): i R. C.M., IV, 27, 7: tasya crutva vachas tatra karunam vanararshabhah 1 Angada-bachada kupata kapi-bira nayanebhyas tu saspijar netrajam vari duhkhitah || 17 ||- | boli na sakahim nayapa baba ni. ra I. (61) At the sight of Sampati, Angada, thinking his life lost, accounts Jatay u blessed for having given up his life in Rama's service and gone to heaven: B, IV, 56, 120-130 (C. IV, 56, 13): | R. C. M., IV, 28, 7-8 : sukhito gridhrarajas tu Rivanena hato rane 11 12 1| muktac kaha Angada bichari mana mahirit cha Sagrivabhayad gata, cha gatim attamimi dbanya Jatayu sama kou nahin B, IV, 56, 156 (C wanting): Rama-kaja karana tana tyagi dhanyah sa grdhradhipatir Jatayuh. ... Hari-pura gayau parama-bada-bla gill. (62) Sampati saya to the monkeys: "Take courage, according to Nicekara's prophecy, you will succeed in finding Sita. The restoring of my wings is the best evidence in favor of the truth of that prophecy": B IV, 68, 15C, IV, 63, 126-130 ) : 1 R. C.M., IV, 30, 2: sarvatha kriyatam yatnah Sitam adhigamiskyathal paksha.mobi biloki dharahu mana dhira lambbe mama'yam vah pratyaksham samnidarcitab t115 11. Rama-ksipa kasa bhayau sarira II.

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JANUARY, 1913.) THE RAMACHARITAMANASA AND THE RAMAYANA 13 (63) The deliberations of the monkeys on the leaping across the Ocean (B, V, 1; C, IV, 64-65) are faithfully reproduced by Talasi Dasa with his usual conciseness. Jambavat regrets his old age and mentions a great achievement of his youth. Angada says he would leap across the bundred yojanas, but doubts as to his being able to leap back. Jambavat replies he is quite certain Angada would be equal to the feat, but it is not becoming to the chief to absen't himself. Then Jambavat turns to Hanumat and asks him why he, being the son of tbe Wind and equal in strength to his father, keeps sitting apart silently instead of rising up and offering himself to accomplish the task : C, IV, 66, 7 and . (B, V.2, 2): 1 R. C.M., IV, 31, 3-44 tushnim ekantam Agritya Hanuman kim na jalpasi 11 211 kahai richchha-pati bunu HanrHanuman harirajasya Sagrivasya samo hy asi....!! mana ka chupa sadbi rahen naMarutasyau'rasah patras tejasa cha pi tatsamah 1 tvarp hi balaya Pavana-tanaya bala pavanavayusuto vatsa plavane cha'pi tatsamah # 30 . samana . Sundarakanda. (64) Hanumat thinks to himself: it will not be possible for him to enter the city, so well guarded by the rakshasas, in his natural form: he must enter it by night after having assumed a most diminutive form: . C, V, 2, 31 and ff. (B, V, 9, 91% and !): R. C.M., V, 3, 24-25: anena rupena maya na cakya rakshasim purt praveshtam pura-rak havare dekhi baba kapi rakshasair gupta krurair balasamanvitaih 11 81 || 32 || laksb-mana kinha bicbara | ati-laghu rupa yalakshyena rupena ratrau Lanka puri maya praptakulam dharau nisi nagara karaum paipraveshtam mo krityam Badhayitum mahat 11 33 11. sira 11 The form assumed by Hanumat according to Talasi Daga is that of a gnat (macaka), and thug is afforded another argument in favor of those who take Valmiki's vrishadumg ika in the parallel passage of the R. (C, V, 2, 47) to mean "gnat," differing thereby from Kamavarman who takes it to mean "cat" (mdrjdra). (65) When Hapumat tells Sita he is Rama's messenger, Sita wonders how such a union bet. woen men and monkeys could ever take pace; C, V, 35, 28 (B, V, 82, 2): 1 R. C.M., V, 13, 11* :wanaranam daraa n ca katham asit samagamal # 2 1. nara banarahi sanga kahn kaise .. (66) To panish Hanumat, who, on account of his being & messenger, cannot be killed, Ravana gives order to set fire to his tail, a member monkeys are most proud of: C, V, 53, 3a (B, V, 49, 39): 1 R. C. II., V, 24, 10": kapidam kila langalam ishtam bhavati bhushanam .. kapi kai mamata pu mcbhi para ..., (67) The citizens of Lanki, terrified by the conflagration roused by Hanumat, cry out and call to each other: C, V, 54, 40 (B wanting): R. C.M., V, 26, 34 : he tita ha patraka kanta mitra ha jiviteckinga hatau 80- tata matu ha suniya pakara 1 panyam rakehobbir evam bahudha bruvadbhih cabdah krite ghora tarah sabhitah || 40 W and say " this is no monkey, bat some god in monkey disguise" : C, V, 54, 85-83 (B wanting): R.O.M., V, 26, 4: vajrf Mahendras trida cecvaro va sakshad Yamo va Varuno hama jo kaha yaha kapi vahim hoit 'nilo va| Randro 'goir Arko Dhanadac cha Somo na vana banars-rupa17 dbare sura loi || ro'yai svayam ova Ralah 35 1 kim Brahmanah sarvapitamahasya lokasya dhatu, chata rinapasya | iha 'gato vanararapadhari rakshopasamharakarah prakopah H 36 II kim Vaishnavam vi... adi. 11 Note how the banararapa dhare perfestly corres, onds to the ramararipadhari.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JANUARY, 1913 After having set Lanka on fire, Hanumat throws himself into the sea to extinguish his flaming tail: C, V, 54, 49 (B wanting): R. C.M., V, 26, 89: Lajkama samastam sampidya langulagain mabakapih i wlati palati Lanka Baba jari | kudi nirvapayamasa tadi samadre haripungavah 1149 ir para puni sindha mamjhart il pumchi bajbai ... All the above particulars are wanting in B, where we miss the verses C, K, 54, 31-50 . (68) Sita sends word to Rama that away from him she may live another month, but no longer: C, V, 38, 64-65 (B, V, 36, 69).: R. C. M, V, 27, 6: idam bruya cha me natham curam Ramam panah punah masa divasa mahom natha na aval ji vitam dbarayishyami masam Dacarathatmaja || 64 || Urd-tau pani mohi jiyata nahim pava II. hva masan na jireyam satyepa'bam bravimite .. (69) Rama clasps to his heart the jewel that Sita has sent him through Hanumat, and bursting into tears asks the monkey what is Sita's message to him: C, V, 66, 1 and ff. (B, V, 67, 1 and f): 1 R. C.M., V, 31, 16.3: tam manim hridaye kritva ruroda sabalakshmanah || 1 || tam Raghupati hridays lai goi Hohfr tu drisht va manicreshtham Raghavah cokakargitah | netrabh natha jogala lochana bhari bart ba. yam agrupornabbyam Sagrivam. idam abravit |1 311... 11 kim cbana kahe kachhu Janaka-kum. iba Sita Vaidehi bruhi saumy. panah punah...H.8 II. arf li.. .... || kinaha Siti Hangman ......... 11.14 !!... (70) Rim regrets he is not able to adequately recompense Hanumat for his great service: B, V, 70, 11 an ff. (C, VI, 1, 12' and I): R. C. M., V, 32, 6-8 : ekam tu mama dinasya mano bhuyah prakarsbati Iyad asya pratia pakara karaum ka tora sana. 'ha priyakhyade na karomi sadcik priyam || 11 || evar sam- makha hoi na sakata mana mora !! ohintya bahudhi Raghavah pritamanasah Inirikshya suchiram sunu buta toki urina main nahim ! pritya Hananantam uvacha ba || 12 | 13 || ity uktva basbpa- dekheam kari biehara mana mahir purnaksho Raghavah... puni pani kapibi chitava suratra tal luchana nira pulaka ati ga tau 11. The comparison with C is less persuasive;, a fact which is quite exceptional; for, as we have seen, Tulasi Disa never follows two recensions at a time. (71) Vithishana seeks renge with Rama. Sugriva and others, according to Valmiki, ) advises Rime not to accept him, for he must certainly be a spy from Rivana. But Rama replies tliat he cannot reject any one taking refuge with him, however gailty, be might be : C, VI, 18, 3 (B, V, 90, 35): R. C. M., V, 44, 1: mitrabha vena sampraptam na tyajeyam kathanchana | dosho koti bipra-badha lagabi jahu 1 Aye. yady a pi tasya syat satim etad vigarhitam | 8 sarana tajaum nahim tahu II. he has made a vow to protect all suppliants : C, VI, 18, 33 (B, V, 91, 14): R. C.M., V, 43, 8:. eaksid era prapannaya tava'smi'ti cha yachate abhayam mana pana-saranagata-bhaya-hari it Barvabhutebhyo dad my etad vratam mima || 33 11 and on the other hand, even sapposing that the rakshasa Vibbishana had been sent by Ravana with hostile intentions, why should Rama fear him? C, VI, 18, 22-23 (B, V, 91, 2-3): R.C.M., V, 44, 6-7: Ba dushto va'py aduslto va kim esba rajanicharah sukshmam bheda. lena patbava Dagasisat mpy alitap karta o mama caktah katbaachana 11.22 11 tabahum na kachha bhaya ha ni picichan danavan yakshin prithivyim chai'va rakshasan kapisa ll jaga mahu sakha nisaangulyagrera tan hanyam ichchhan barigaqecyara || 23 | chara jete | Lachhimanu hanaa. nimiga mahum tete!

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JANUARY, 1913.) THE RAMACHARITAMANASA AND THE RAMAYANA 15 Here Tulasi Dasa substitutes Lakshmana for Rama in the last part of the passage, but the meaning is the same. (72) The Ocean aplogizes for its delay in obeying Rama, by laying all the fault upon the inertia of the five elements C, VI, 22, 23 (B, V, 94, 5): R. C. M., V, 59, 2: prithivi vayor akicam apo jyotic ch, Raghara | svabhavel gngana samira anala jala dharani saumya tishthanti cacvatain margam acritah || 23 Il. inha kai natha sahaja jada karani | Yuddhakanda. (in the R. C. .: Lankak*nda.) (73) In the R. C. M. (VI, 9, 8-9) Prahasta admonishes Ravana not to listen to his counsellors, who, to please him, give him pernicions advice, and quotes a saying, which is found in & quite analogous passage of the R., 'where Vibhisbana gives Ravana the same admonition C, 61, VI, 21 (B, V, 88, 16): R. C.M., VI, 9, 8-9 : salabbah purushi rajan Batatam priyavadinah | apriy- priya-bini je sunahim jo kahahi | asya cha patbyasya vakta crota cha durlabhah 11 21 11. aise nara nikaya jaga ahabim ! bachana parama-hita sunata kathore | sunahim je kabahin to nara prabha thore 1. (74) At the moment of narrating how the monkeys's host crossed over on the bridge, Tulasi Dasa says that Rama mounted a height and thence gazed upon the vast sheet of water, whereapon all the living beings of the sea came to the surface to behold the Lord (R. C. M., VI, 4). Shortly afterwards Talasi Dasa relates that Rama pitched his tent on the opposite shore of the Ocean and told the monkeys they could go and feed on fruits and roots (R. C.M., VI, 5). Both particulars fail in the R. and look as if they had been entirely invented by Tulasi Dasa. If we examine attentively tbe parallel passage in the R., however, we shall find there two particulars, which might well be presumed to have given Tulast Dasa the idea of his invention : C, VI, 22, 71a (B, V, 95, 43) : dadricuh sarvabhutani sagare setabandhanam C, VI, 22, 83 (B wanting): vinarinin hi sa tirna vahini Nalasetuna tire nivivico rajna bahumulaphalodake || 83 | I see no difficulty in considering that Talasi Dasa derived the first of the two above innovations from Valmiki's statement that all the marine beings beheld the building of the bridge, and the second from the epithet of bahumilaphalodaka given by Valmiki to the opposite shore of the Ocean. (75) Talasi Daga (VI, 11-18) relates that Rema ascends the Suvela, where looking towards the east he sees the moon, and asks those who are around him their opinion concerning its spots. Then, turning to the south, he has the illusion of seeing a mass of clouds with flashes of lightning and thunder ; but Vibhishana explains to him that there is nothing of the kind : what he takes for clouds is the royal umbrella of Ravana, who is sitting on the top of the palace; what ho takes for flashes of lightning are the flashes of Mandodari's earrings; and what he takes for thunder is the sound of the drams. Rama fits an arrow to his bow and strikes down Ravana's umbrella and crowns along with Mandodart's earrings. Any reader, however well acquainted with the R., will hold that there is nothing like this in it. In a pas Bage of the Yuddhakanda, however, I have succeeded in discovering the source of this

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUAR. [JANUARY, 1913. innovation by Talasi Dasa.18 It is the sarga C, VI, 40 (failing in (A), B), where Valmiki inserts an episode wbich, though appearing at first sight to greatly differ from that of Tulasi Disa, yet has a very close analogy with the latter. Rama ascends the Suvela with his retinue (C, VI, 49, 1) and thence turns his eyes to the ten cardinal points (40,2 ) and sees Lauka, above which Rivana is sitting on the top of the gopura (40, 8). The first epithets with which Valmiki describes Ravana here are: gretachdmaraparyanta and vijayachchhatrapobhita (40, 4), next come also the epithets : nila/fmitasamkaca hemasamchhaditambara (40, 5), and lastly the simile : samdhyatapena samchhannam megharacim iva 'mbare 1 6 11 In my judgment there can be no doubt as to Tulasi Dasa's having derived from the above description by Valmiki the first part of his innovation, viz., Rama's illusion of actually taking Ravaun and his umbrella for a mass of clouds. Then Valmiki goes on saying that Sagriva, as soon as he saw Ravana, leaped upon him and tore the crown from his head and dashed it to the ground: ity uktva sahaso 'tpatya pupluve tasya cho 'pari aksishya mukutam chitrat patayamisa tad bhuvi || 11 || And this is certainly the source of the second part of Tulasi Dasa's innovation, vit., of Rama's striking down with an arrow Ravana's umbrella and crowns (along with Mandodari's earrings). Talasi Diss, who always strives to exalt Rama as much as possible, has deemed it convenient to ascribe to him even this feat, wbich in the R. is performed by Sugriva, and in consequence has been forced to change the particular of the leap and wrestle (convenient for the monkey, but not for Rama) into that of the arrow. As for the ascension of the Savela mountain and the consequent view of the rising moon, I think both of them are derived from surga C, VI, 38 (B, VI, 14), where Valmiki, too, describes the ascension of the mountain and the fall of the night illuminated by the foll moon (C, VI, 38, 13 ; B, VI, 14, 24). (76) Mandodari tries to persuade Rivana to give up fighting against Rama -it cannot . be an ordinary man that slew Viradha, Klaara, Trigiras and Kabandha and killed Vklin with a single arrow : B, VI, 33, 230 and ff. (C wanting): R. C.M., VI, 36, 14-15: Kharag cha nibatah samkhye tada Rimo na manushah badhi Biradha Khara Dokhanahim# 26 || Tricirac cha Kabandha cha Viradho Dandake 1118 hateu Kabandha | Bali eka hatah care ai 'kena Bali ca tada Ramo na manu- sara marea tehi janahu Dasakan shah || 27 II. dha ll . (77) Rama laments over Lakshmana, whom he thinks to be dead, whilst he has simply fainted, and says :-other wives, other sons, other kinsmen can be easily procured, but another uterine brother cannot be found in the world : B, VI, 24, 7-ga (C wanting): R.O.M., VI, 61, 7-86: yatra kvachid bhaved bharya putro'nye 'pi cha bandhavah suta bita nari bhavana parivara 11 7 | tam tu docam na pacgami yatra sodaryam hohim jahim jaga barahim bara l...! apnusam |.... milai na jagata sahodaralo bhrata 11 15 Even if Talast Disa should have derived it from some of his secondary Bobroes, rather than from the R. direofly, tha passage in the R, in question must be looked apon as the ultimate souro 1' Mark the correspondence: sodaryderohodara.

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JANUARY, 1913.] THE RAMACHARITAMANASA AND THE RAMAYANA Then Rama asks himself:-what answer shall I give Sumitra, when she asks me about Lakshmana on my return to Ayodhya ? .). B, VI, 24, 12 (C, VI, 49, 8deg): R. C. M., VI, 61, 16: Sumitram kin nu vakshyami putradarcanalalasam || 12 ||. utara kaha daihaum tehi jai 1. (78) In Kumbhakarna's episode Tulasi Dasa follows Valmiki very closely. Leaving aside the parallel of the particulars of the narrative, I limit myself to quoting only two parallel similes, which for us are much more significant, inasmuch as Tulasi Dasa generally disdains to avail himself of the same similes as have been used by Valmiki. Tulasi Dasa compares Kumbhakarna, when roused, to a personification of Kala: R. C. M., VI, 62, 7: jaga nisichara dekhiya kaisa | manahum Kala deha dhari baisa | The same comparison we find in the R., where it is said that the gods stood amazed before Kumbhakarna, taking him to be Kala himself: B, VI, 38, 11 (C, VI, 42, 11): culapaninam ayantam Kumbhakarnam mahabalam | hantum na cekus tridacah Kalo 'yam iti mohitab || 11 || The situation is somewhat different, but the image is the same. The second simile, common to Valmiki and Tulasi Dasa, is the comparing of the bleeding Kumbhakarna to a mountain overflowing with streams: B, VI, 46, 75 (C, VI, 67, 89): R. C. M., VI, 69, 7: karganasavihinas tu Kumbhakarno mahabalah raraja sonita Bravata soha tana kare | conitotsekair girih prasravanair iva || 75 || janu kajjala-giri geru-panare II. B, VI, 46, 108-109 (C, VI, 67, 121): sa banair atividdhangah kshatajena samukshitah || 108 || radhiram parisusrava girih prasravanair iva || ... 17. (79) The spear, with which Ravana throws down Lakshmana, striking him full in the breast, is described by Valmiki as: caktih samaraprachanda Svayambhudatta (B, VI, 36, 83; C, VI, 59, 105) which epithets Tulasi Dasa maintains unaltered: Brahma-datta prachanda sakti (R. C. M., VI, 83, 9). (80) In the R. Hanumat falls upon Ravana, who is trying to carry away the unconscious Lakamana, and strikes him with his fist, as if with a thunderbolt. Tulasi Dasa maintains the particular of the fist and amplifies the simile of the thunderbolt: B, VI, 36, 91 (C, VI, 59, 112): Lakshmanam tu tatah criman jighrikshantam sa Marutih ajaghano'rasi vyudhe vajrakalpena mushtina || 91 || (81) The gods are anxious on Rama's account, seeing nis chariot, and Indra despatches to him his own chariot B, VI, 86, 6-7 (C, VI, 102, 5 and ff.): bhuman sthitasya Ramasya rathasthasya ca rakshasah na samam yuddham ity ahur devagandharvadanavah I 6 || devatanam vachah cratva Catakratur anantaram | preshayamasa Ramaya ratham Matalisarathim || 7 ||. R. C. M., VI, 84, 2: muthika eka tahi kapi mara pareu saila janu bajra-prahara ||him on foot whilst Ravana is driving guided by Matali: R. C. M., VI, 89, 1-2: devanha prabhuhim payade dekha | upaja ura ati-chhobha bisekha | surapati nija-ratha turata pathavu | harasha-sahita Matali lei ava II.

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18 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JANUARY, 1913. 182) After slaying Ravana, Rama thanks the monkeys and bears, and says it is only through their help that he has succeeded in defeating his enemy: the renown they have acquired in the enterprise will last for ever in the world : B, VI, 92, 74-76 (C wanting): 1 R. C.M., VI, 106, 9-10 : uvAcbe'dam tadi sarvin Raghavo madhuram vachah || 74 11 kiye sukhi kshi bani sudha-sama bhavatam bahuviryena vikramena balena cha hato rAksha- bala tumhare ripu hayo payo sarajo' yam Ravano lokaravanah 11 75 || atyadbhutam idam Bibhishana raju tibum pura jasa karma bhavatam kirttivardhanam kathayishyanti purushi tumbaro nita nayo Il yavad bhumir dharishyati !| 76 . (83) The description of Sita's retorn from Lanka and of the eagerness of the monkeys and bears to see the beauty, that had been the cause of so great & war, is completely identical in the R. and in the R. C.M. (B, VI, 99; C, VI, 114; R. C. m., VI, 108). Tulasi Dasa's close dependence on Valmiki in this part of the poem is manifest not only from the faithful reproduction of every particular in the narrative, but also occasionally from the reproduction of the very words or epithets that have been used by Valmiki in the corresponding passages. I pick out the most striking coincidences between Valmiki and Tulasi Dass in this part of the poem. Vibhashana orders rakshasi ladies to attend Sita to the bath and to adorn her with rich ornaments. Then makes her mount a beautiful palanquin; B, VI, 99, 12 and ff. (C, VI, 114, 16 and ff.): R. C, M., VI, 108, 7-84: tatah Sitam cira henktam yuvatibhir alamkritam maharha- bahu prakara bhushana pahiraye bharanopetam maharhambaradbarinim 11 12 | Aropya sibika ruchira saji pani laye 1 ta civikam divyam ... para barashi chadhi Baidehi ... In the R.C. M. Sita proceeds, escorted by guards armed with canes : beta-pani rachchbaka, (R. C.M., VI, 108, 9) who are none else but the guards : vetrajharjharapanayah (B, VI, 99, 93 ; C, VI, 114, 21deg) of the parallel place in the R. The monkeys and bears flock to see Sita, but the above-mentioned guards push them back (B, VI, 99, 14-16 and 22-25; R. C. M., VI, 108, 10). Rama disapproves of such treatment towards his dear helpmates and orders Vibbisbana to bring Sita on foot, so that the monkeys may look at her, as at their mother: B, VI, 99, 32 and ff. (C wanting): R. C. M., VI, 108, 11-12a pacyanta mataram tasmad ime kautubalanvitah 11 32 11 kaha Raghabira kaha mama ...ll vissijya civikam tasmat padbhyam eva samanaya I minahusttahim sakha payade samipam mama Vaidehim payanty enam vanaukasah anahu | dekhahim kapi janani ki 11 36 11 (84) When Siti asks Lakshmana to prepare the pyre for her, Lakhsmana hesitates and looks at Rama; #en, interpreting Rama's wish from the expression of his face, complies : B, VI, 101, 22-24 (O, VI, 116, 20 and fr ) ; R. C. M., VI, 109, 3 and f. evam uktas ta Maithilya Lakshmanah paraviraha | vimar- suni Lachhimana Sita kai banil.. shavacam a panno Ramananam udaikshata il 22 Il sa vij- lochana sajala jori kara doul prabha naya matap tat tu Ramasya'karasuchitam chitam chakara sana kachu kabi sakata na ou il Saumitrir mate Ramasya viryavan || 28 || na hi Ramam dekhi Rama - rukha Lachbimana tada kacchit krodhazokavacam gatam ananetum atho dhaye pavaka pragati katha bahu vaktum drashtu va'py atha caknuvan li 24 ll. 1 lage 1 naimni.

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JANUARY, 1913.) THE ADITYAS THE ADITYAS. BY E. SHAMASASTRY, B.A., M.R.A.S., BANGALORE, (Continued from Vol. XLI. p. 296.) From what has been said above, it is clear that the three good twin sons brought forth by Aditi in consequence of her eating the remnant must necessarily be the three pairs of intercalary months occurring in the course of three luni-solar cycles of five years each in consequence of the difference, or remnant as it is called, of twelve days between a lunar and a sidereal year. There is a sufficient clue in the passage itself to interpret the story of Aditi in this way. We are told in the passage that the sacrificer should omit or intercalate a year, and that then he should set up the sacred fire anew. From the Maitrdyansya Samhita I. 10, 7, we also know that the rite of setting up or churning the fire anew was performed at the end of the third intercalary period of four months at the close of thirty years. We are told in the above passage that the sacrificer had to omit twelve days every year and that the embryos developed in the course of the intercalated) year were born. In the parlance of the Vedic poets, embryos or children are, as already pointed out, days of the year, oither ordinary or intercalary. If, then, the twelve days at the end of the gidereal year are, as implied in the above passage, the embryo, which, when developed and born, the sacri acer is called to set up, it follows that the remnant which gave to Aditi a pair of sons is the same period of twelve days, giving rise to two interoalary months in the course of five lani-solar years. If this meaning is true, it follows that the three other pairs of Aditi's sons must also be three other pairs of intercalary months, occurring in the course of fifteen luni-solar years. If this is true, it is clear that what are called Dhata, Aryama, Mitra, Varuna, Ama, and Bhaga, are the gods of the six intercalary months occurring in the course of fifteen luni-solar years. The only riddle that remains to be solved in the above passage is that connected with the birth of the fourth pair of sons, of whom one, called Indra, is said to have been fully born while the other, called Martanda, is said to have been half-born. If we paraphrase the Vedic language in our modern language, and say that three pairs of intercalary months and a seventh one were full and the eighth intercalary month was a broken month, we know where to seek for an explanation of this break. We know that the only year which can keep the seasons, especially the commencement of the much-desired rainy season, in their usual position, is the solar year of 3657 days, but not the sidereal year of 366 days, which is evidently too long by three-fourths of a day. This excess will amount to ? x 20 == 15 days in the course of four cycles of five years each or in twenty sidereal years. Accordingly if this greater cycle of twenty years, with eight or rather seven and a half intercalary months to be intercalated at the end of the twenty years, had begun to be observed, as the Vedic poets seem to have done, then the beginning of the year would fall back, not by eight months, as the Vedic poets first supposed, but by seven and a half months; or in other words the Hindu lunar year which begins with Chaitralo would then fall back and begin at the middle of Sravana of the rainy season, instead of at the end of Ashadha, as the poets sem to have expected it. How the poets found out the error, is a question with which we are not concerned here. It may, however, be suggested that the existence side by side of a different school of priestly astronomers who observed the solar year of 3657 daysli may have led them to detect the break in the eighth intercalary month. Whatever may be the way in which they detected the break or error, the only explanation that can possibly be given for the half-birth of the eighth intercalary month or son, seems to be the one I have given above. This theory of intercalary months explains the ** Bat it is only in the latter oalendar that we have a Chaitradi year. In the Vodic period the year and the cyole began with Magha.-J. F. F. 11 Seo Ante., Vol. XLI, p. 272.

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20 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JANUARY, 1913. simultaneous arrival of the seven streams' of the rainy season, of the demon, Vsttra, and of Indra, the god of the seventh intercalary month, for the destruction of the demon of the intercalary months. The Vedic poets seem to have entertained two kinds of conceptions about the intercalary months 3 ore evil and another good. Indra, Martanda, and other sons of Aditi seem to have represented the good side of the months, while Vtitra, Sambara, and other demons are regarded as the personification of the evil nature of the intercalary months. If there still remains any doubt about this point, the following passage of the Maitrd yainya Sanhitd (II. 4, 3, 4) will probably help to remove it: tato yassomo'syaricyata tamagnA upamAvartayat / svAheMdrazayurvardhasva itIMisyAhena zatrumAcikIrSaviMdramasya zatrumakarot. tathA vAksvayameva vyatsa yaM somaM prAvartayacasmiMzcAgnA upaprAvartayattA agnISomo devate prANApAnA abhisamabhatAm. sa bAvajUrvabAhuH parAvidhyattAvati vyaramata. yadi vA pravaNaM sAvadAsIyadi vAgneradhi tAvadAsIrasa vA iSumAtramevA hA tiryAvardhateSumAnamevAnyAdhI bhAturahorAtra eveSumAtra tiryavardhateghumAtramanvayiSo AharardhamAsamayo mAsamayI saMvatsaramiti. sa vA imAH sarvAH srotyAH paryazayattasmAtrA idro'vibhettasmA svaSTAvibhettasyadraH prattimeccattamasma prAyacchat. tasmai tvaSTA vajamasiMcattapovai sa baja AsIttamudhama nAzakIvatha sahi viSNuranyA devatAsItso'bravItiSNA ehi idamAhariSyAvo yenAyamidaniti. sa vedhAtmAnaM vinyadhattAbhiparyAvartAdavibhevasyAM tRtIyamaMtarikSe tRtIyaM vivi tRtIyaM. sa yadasyAM tRtIyamAsItena vana mudayadhaviSNvanuSThitaH sa vajamutyataM dRSTvAcinetso'bravIdasti vA idaM tyasminnaMtavArya tatte pradAsyAmi mA mA vaghIriti. tavA asmai prAyacdhan. tatpratyagRvAt | athA mA iti tadviSNave'tiprAyacdhat. tadviSNuH pratyagRhAt | asmAsviMdra iMdriyaM dadhAvasmAnAyo maghavAnaH sacaMtAm / asmAkaM sNtvaashissH| ti so'vezasti vA vAsminaMtIyamiti, sa yadaMtarikSe tRtIyamAsIttena vajamudayaccaviSNvanuSThitaH. sa vajamudyataM dRSTAvibhetso'bravIzasti vA idaM tyasminnatathi tatte pradAsyAmi mA mA vadhIrati. tahA asme prAyacdhat pratyagRhAt. dviAdhAH iti tadviSNave'tiprAyabdhat. tadviSNuH pratyagRhAta. asmAsviMdra iMdriyaM dadhAvasmAnAyo maghavAnaH sacaMtAm / bhasmAkaM saMvAziSaH, iti so'vedasti vA vAsminataryAmiti. sa yadivi tRtIyamAsIttena vajamukyacchadviSNvanuSThitaH. sa vajamudyataM dRSTvAvibhetso'bravIdasti vA idaM tyasminnatavIrye tatte pradAsyAmi mA mA vadhIH saMdhAM nu saMdadhAvahe yathA tvAmeva pravizAnIti. so'bravIyanmAM pravizeH kiM meM tataH syAditi. sonavItvAmevedhIya tava bhogAtha tvAM pravizeyamiti. tavA asmai prAyacdhat. tapa. tyagRhAt.nirmAdhAH iti tavAva vaidhAtavyA sahasraM vA asmai tatmAyacdhat. RcaH sAmAni yaSi yahA evaM kiMca tacaidhAtavyA tadAmoti pazUneva. M. S. II, 4, 3. udaraM vai vRtraH pApmA bhudbhAtRvyaH puruSasya. yatnapa upati pApmAnaM vA etarastRNute bhrAtRvyaM bhudhameva tasminvA bhavadetAM sayamasyA abhyUA vAgavadat. ubhA jigyathurna parAjayathe na parAjigye kataraca nainoH| M.S. II, 4,4. "Then what Soma there remained, he poured it into the fire, and said rather in favour of Indra than Agni : Grow with Indra as thy enemy.' He wanted Agni to be Indra's enemy; but he made Indra the enemy of Agni: for his expression itself came out with that meaning). Both the Soma he pressed and the Soma he put into the fire became the two deities Agni and Soma, and also the two vital airs, Prana and Apana (air inhaled and air exhaled). No sooner did this dual god with his arm raised up attempt to strike Indra, then he himself fell down. Whether when the dual deity fell down, or when he was inside the fire (it cannot be said),-he, however, began to grow breadth wise by the measure of an arrow in the course of a day, and also lengthwise by the measure of an arrow in the course of a day. They say that day and night themselves grew breadthwise by the measure of an arrow and also lengthwise by the measure of an arrow. They say that then the half-months (grew); then the month ; and then the year. Then this dual deity lay covering all these streams. Indra became afraid of him ; Tvashtri also feared him. Indra requested the help of Trashtri. The latter promised help: he sprinkled the thunderbolt (with water) for him. Tapas [the month so called] is, verily, the thanderbolt. Indra could not raise it. Then there was another god, Vishnu, near. Indra said : 'Come, Vishnu, let us catch hold of this by which this (is done).' Vishna stretched his body in three directions, one-third portion on the earth, one-third in the air, and one-third in the heaven, 80 that Indra might get rid of his fear from the universal growth of the dual deity. Followed by Vishnu, Indra raised the thunderbolt against the one-third part of the dual deity lying on this earth. Seeing the thunder

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JANUARY, 1913.) THE ADITYAS 21 - bolt raised, he became afraid of it, and said : There is in me some power and I shall give it to you. Do not kill me!' He gave it to Indra, and the latter took it, and gave it to Vishnu saying * keep it for me. Vishnu took it and thought : May Indra put vital force into us; may Indra bring prosperity to us; may there be blessings upon us ; for there is internal power in him.' Followed by Vishan, Indra raised the thunderbolt against the one-third part that lay in the air, Seeing the raised thunderbolt, he became afraid of it, and said : There is some power in me and I shall give it to you. Do not kill me!' He gave it to Indra, and Indra took it and gave it to Visbnu, saying keep this for me a second time,' Vishnu took it, thinking : May Indra put vital force into us; may Indra bring prosperity to us; may there be blessings upon as ; for there is internal power in him.' Followed by Visbnu, Indra raised the thunderbolt against the one-third part that lay in the sky. Seeing the raised thunderbolt, he became afraid of it, and said : There is some power in me and I shall give it to you. Do not kill me ; let us make peace : I shall enter into you.' Indra said: 'If you enter into me, of what use will it be to me?' He said: 'I shall brighten yourself ; I shall enter into you for your own enjoyment.' (So saying) he gave it to Indra, and Indra took it and gave it to Vishnu, saying: Keep this for me for a third time. It (the power) is, verily, a thousand of what are called Tridhatus (three elements). He gave it to Vishnu. The Riks, the Samas, the Yajus, and whatever else there is, all that belongs to the three elements. Hence he obtains cattle alone." "V ritra is the belly; and sin is hunger, the enemy of man. When man obtains Tapas, he rends the sin, the inimical hunger. This is what the heavenly utterance said : Both of them conquered, but never sustained defeat ; and no one defeated either of them (Indra and Vishnu.)" We are told in the above passage that Vsitra grew out of the remnant of Soma and that he grew first in the form of a day, then of half a month, then of a month, and at last of a year. Thus Vitra is clearly identified with Time. Special attention should be paid to those sentences of the passage which clearly declare : "Vitra began to grow breadthwise by the measure of an arrow in the course of a day and also lengthwise by the measure of an arrow in the course of a day. They say that day and night themselves grew by the measure of an arrow, and became half-months, months, and a year.' It is clear therefore that Vgitra is a demon infesting the intercalary months, or rather of the eighth intercalary month, since Indra who destroys him periodically is, as we have seen above, the god of the seventh intercalary month of the luni-solar cycle of five years. Since Vritra is made to enter into Indra himself,' it is clear that he is the broken eighth month coming alter the seventh month. I have pointed out in my Vedic Calendar how the Vedic poets regarded the intercalary days as being sintal and inimical to man. In the above passage Vtitra is spoken of as a kind of sin and enemy to man. We hare already seen how Agoi and Soma are considered as the gods of the light balf of an intercalary month. In the following passage of the Taittiriya Samhita (II. 5, 2) Agni and Soma are clearly described as the life-principles of Vritra. It follows therefore that Vritrs must be the light half of an intercalary month. Since Vtitra is periodically destroyed by Indra, the god of the seventh intercalary month, and since he is made one, with Indra himself, it is also clear that Vritra is the first half of the broken eighth intercalary month. The reference to cold and fever in the passage seems to indicate the arrival of the rainy seagon. The passage itself runs as follows: tvaSTA hatapUtro vIMdra somamAharat, tasminiMdra upahavamedhata. taM nopAhayata purva me'vadhIriti. sa yajJavezasaM kRtvA prAsahA somamApibat. gasya bahatyaziSyata tat svaSTAhavanIyamupaprArvatayatsvAheMdrazatrurvardhasvati. yAvartayat tatrasva vRtratvaM banavIt svAheMdrazatrurvardhasvati tasmAdasya iMdraH zatrurabhavat. sa saMbhavanamISomAvabhisamabhavat. sabamitramiSumAtraM vipvavardhata. sa imAlokAnAvRNot. tatrasya vRtravaM. tasmAdidro'vibhet. sa prajApatimupAdhAvat zatrumaujanIti. tasmai vajaM sikkA prAyacdhadetena jahIti. tenAbhyAyata. tAvatAmanISomI mA prahArAvamaMtaH sva iti. mama

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22 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JANUARY, 1913. ve surva stha ityanavIna mAmabhyetamiti. tI bhAgadheyamaicdhaitAma, tAbhyAmetamamISomIyamekAdazakapAlaM pUrNamAse prAyacdhata, tAyatAmabhisaMkaSTI vai svo na cAkuba patumiti. sa iMdra AtmanaH zItakarAvajanayat. tacdhItarUvonma. ya evaM zItoMrjanma veda nainaM zItarUrI hataH. tAbhyAmenamabhyanayan. tasmAjja abhyamAnAdamISomA nirakrAmatAm, prANApAnau vA enaM tavajAhatAm. prANo vai dakSo'pAnaH kratuH . tasmAjjanabhyamAno brUyAnmAye dakSakatU iti. prANApAnAvevAsmandhatte. sarvamAburoti. sa devatA vRtrAniya vArcanaM haviH pUrNamAse niravapat. pnati vA enaM pUrNamAsa A amAvAsthAyAM pyAyayaMti tasmAbArbanI pUrNamAse'nUcyete vRdhanvatI amAvAsyAyAma. tat saMsthApya vArcanaM havirvajamAdAya punarayAyata te'mRtAM yAvApRthivI mAprahArAvayA zrita iti. te'nUtAM varaM vRNAvaha nakSatravihitAhamasAnItyasAvanavIciavihitAhamiti. iyaM tasmAnakSatravihitAsau citravihiteyaM ya evaM cAvApRthivyovara venaM varo gacdhAti. sa AbhyA. meva prasUta iMdro vRtramahana, te devA vRtraM hatvAnIpomAvabruvan havyaM no vahatamiti. tAvatAmapatejasau vai tyo vRtra vai tyayosteja iti. te'cuvan ka dakSamAmdhatIti. gaurikhavana gIrvAva sarvasya mitramiti. sAvIt varaM vRNe mayyeva satobhayena bhunajAdhyA iti torAharata. tasmAgavi satobhayena bhuJjate etatA aprestejI yaddhRtematat somasya yatpaya: ya evamanISomayostejo veva tejasvyeva bhavati. brahmavAdinI vadaMti kindavatyaM paurNamAsamiti, prAjApatyamiti zrUyAta. tene jyeSTha putraM niravAsayayaviti. tasmAjajyeSTha putra dhanena niravasAyayaMti. T. S. II. 5, 2. " Tvashtri whose son was killed (by Indra) began to perform a soma sacrifice without inviting Indra to it. But Indra wanted to be invited to it. But he did not invite Indra, because the latter killed his son. But Indra drank the Soma by force after obstructing the sacrifice. Tvashtri poured (pravartayat) into the fire what soma here remained, and said (addressing the fire): Grow with Indra as thy enemy.' Vritra [the demon that rose from the fire in consequence of the above libation) is so called, because the act of pouring down Soma into the fire is from the root Vrit. Since he said : Grow with Indra as thy enemy', Indra became his enemy. While coming out of the fire, he (Vritra) became Agni and soma. By the measure of an arrow, he grew on all sides and pervaded these three worlde. Because he pervaded them, he is called Vritra, pervader.' Indra became afraid of him, and going to Prajapati, gaid : 'there has arisen an enemy to me.' Having sprinkled the thunderbolt with water, he gave it to him to kill the demon, Indra 'advanced with the thunderbolt. Then Agni and Soma said : Do not kill; we are within (him). Indra said : *You are for me; and Bo, come to me.' They asked for a share (in the sacrifice). Indra promised to them a cake on eleven pot-sherds, to be offered to them every full-moon. They said : We are bitten by his teeth), and cannot come out of his mouth).' Then Indra created out of his own body cold and fever. This is how cold and fever came into existence. Whoever knows this origin of cold and fever, will not be attacked by cold and fever. Indra transferred cold and fever to them (or to Vritra). When he (Vritra) began to shiver, Agni and Soma came out : it is prana (air inhaled) and apana (air exhaled) that left him. Prana is Daksha and Apana is Kratu. Hence the sacrificer should begin to sbiver and say: * Daksha and Kratu are within me.' Thereby he will have Prapa and Apina in himself, and live the whole length of life. Having released the gods from Vsitra, Indra offered an oblation at the full-moon on account of his slaying Vsitra; for they kill him at fall-moon, and revive him at new-moon. Hence a Rik-verse about the slaying of Vritra is recited at full-moon, while another about his revival is sung on the occasion of new-moon. Having offered an oblation for slaying Vritra, Indra again faced Vitra with his thunderbolt. Then the Sky and the Earth said: Do not kill him, for he is lying upon us.' And they said again : We request a gift (if he is to be killed); I shall like to be decked with stars-50 said the Sky; and I shall like to be rarionely formed, --so said the Earth.' Hence the Sky is decked with stars, while the Earth is Varionsly formed. Whoever knows this gift of the Sky and the Earth will bave the same gift. Laving Leen born out of these two (the sky and the Earth), Indra killed Vritra. Having killed Vritra, the gods asked Agni and Soma to carry their oblations. They said : We have lost our energy; for it is in Vritra.' The gods inquired among themselves, Baying who can secure that energy?' Some replied: The cow (can do that); for the cow is the friend of all.' The cow said: 'I shall

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JANUARY, 1913.) THE ADITYAS 23 request gift : you live upon the two things that exist only in me.' The cow secured that energy. Hence they live upon the two things that exist in the cow alone. What is called ghi is the energy of Agni, and what is called milk is that of Soma. Whoever knows thus the energy of Agai and Soma will be energetic. The Brahmavadins debate : "of what deity is the full-moon ?' One should reply : Prajapati.' Hence Prajapati gave to. Indra, his eldest son, a firm footing. Hence men give to their eldest son a firm footing by bestowing upon him a large portion of wealth." The following passage of the Taittiriya Sambita (VI, 5, 1) seems to furnish additional evidence about Vsitra being a half month : iMdro vRtrAya vajamutyaccat sa vRnI bajAduyatAdavibhet. so'pravInmA me prahArasti vAvaM mayi vIrye tane pradAsyAmIti. tasmA ukadhya prAyacdhata. tasmai dvitIya mudavacdhat. so'pravInmA me prahArasti vA evaM mayi vIya tatte pradAsyAmIti tasmA ukathyameva mAyabdhata. tasmai tRtIyamudayabdhat. taMviSNuranvatiSThata jahIti. so'avInmA me prahArasti vA vaM mAye vIrye tatte pradAsvAmIti. tasmA nakathyameva prAvacdhat taM nirmAcaM bhUtamahatU yajJo hi tasva mAyA''sIt. T. S. VI, 5, 1. "Indra raised the thunderbolt against Vtitra. Then Vpitra bocame afraid of this raised thunderbolt; he said : Do not kill me; there is some power in me; that I shall give you.' So saying he gave Ukthya (Fifteen) to Indra. Indra raised weapon against him for a second time. He said : Do not kill me, there is some power in me; that I shall give you.' So saying he gave the latter the same Ukthya (Fifteen). Then Indra raised the weapon against him for a third time; then Vishnu followed Indra, saying kill him. He said : Do not kill me ; there is some power in me; I shall give you that.' So saying he gave the same U kthya to Indra. Indra then killed this guileleas demon. It was, verily, the sacrifice which was his guile." We are told in the above passage that while breathing out, Vritra gave Ukthya to Indra. Ukthya is a word used in the Vedic literature in the sense of fifteen.'13 The word Vajra, the weapon of Indra, is also used in the same sense.18 Accordingly the wielding of Vajra or fifteen' by Indra, as well as the gift of fifteen by Vsitra to Indra, clearly means the growth of fifteen days over and above the seventh intercalary month, Contemporary religious records also furnish evidence that the Adityas are the gods of intercalary months. It is known that the Adityas are the sons of Aditi. Aditi in the Rig Veda (X. 100 1, 94) is requested to protect the poets from Amhas, "sin.' She and her sons also are requested to release the posts from guilt or sin (R. V. I. 24; II. 27; VII. 93 ; I. 162; VII. 87). I have shown in my Vedic Calendar how the word Amhaspatya is used in the sense of an intercalary month and an intercalary month alone. There is no doubt that this word is pbilologically identical with the Zend word Ameshas penta. The number of Ameshaspentas is also seven, Prof. Macdonell says (Vedic Mythology, P. 44). "It is here to be noted that the two groups have not a single namo in common, even Mithra not being an Ameshaspenta ; that the belief in the Adityas being seven in number is not distinctly characteristic and old; and that though the identity of the Adityas and Ameshaspentas has been generally accepted since Roth's essay, it is rejected by some distinguished Avestan scholars." Whatever might be the reason of the Avestan scholars for rojecting the identity, this much is clear, that the words Amhaspatya and Ameshaspenta are identical; and that when the former word is invariably used in the sense of an intercalary month in the Yajurveda, there is no doubt that the forgotten meaning of the latter word must also be the same ; and that when the Ameshaspentas are jeven, the number of Amhaspatyss must also be and is, as we bave already seen, seven. AS regards the difference in the names of the Ameshaspentas and of the Adityas, it does not appear to be of much importance, for the seven Amhaspatyas or intercalary months are found variously named both in the Rigveda and the Atharvareda. 11 Seo Tai. sam. VII. 2, 5, 17. 15 See Ibid. VII. 3, 6, 16; 4, 7, 25. 2. Soe Macdonell's Vedic Mythology, p. 121.

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24 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JANUART, 1913. The following are some of the passages of the Atharvaveda (VIII. 9) in which the bevor Adityas or the gods of intercalary months are called in various ways: paDAhazzItAnpaDa mAsa uSNAnutuM no bUsa ytmo'tiriktH| sapta suparNAH kavayo niSetuH sapta dhaMdasvanu sapta dIkSAH // 17 sapta homAH samidhI ra sapta madhUni sapta phatavoha sapta / saptAjyAni paribhUtamAbaMtAH sapta gRdhrA iti zubhumA vayam / / 18 bhaSTa jAtA bhUtA prathamaja RtasthApTeMdravijo devyA the| aSTayoniraditiraSTaputrASTamI rAtrimami havyameti // 21 aSTaMdrasya SaDyamasya kaSINAM sapta sptdhaa| apo manuSyAnoSadhIstAM upaMcAnu sacire // 23 " Six they call the cold, and six the hot months. Tell ye us the season, which one is in excess; seven eagles, poets, sat down ; seven metres after seven consecrations."17 "Seven are the offerings, the fuels seven, the sweet things seven, the seasons seven ; seven sacrificial butters went about the existing thing; they are such as have seven heavenly birds, so have we heard." 18. * Eight are born the beings first born of Rita%; eight, o Indra!, are the priests who are of the gods ; Aditi has eight wombs, eight sons; the oblation goes anto the eighth night." 21. "Among the seers, eight are with Indra, and six are in pairs; they are seven-fold and seven ; waters, men, and herbs,-over these the five (years) have showered." 28. In verse 17the poet clearly mentions the intercalary months (Atirikta Ritu) and numbers them in various names as seven. The expression seven seasons,' when taken with the expression the Zoessive season,' leaves no doubt that they are intercalarly months and seven in number. In verses 21 and 28 the poet refers to the story of Aditi, and seems to hesitate to count her sons as eight, though that was the number fixed at first. In the following passages of the Atharrateda (IX, 9. and R. V. I. 164) the seven months are called seren horses and seven sisters : sapta yuMjati rathamekaJcakrameko azvo vahati sptnaamaa| binAbhi cakramajaramana yatremA vizvA bhuvanAdhi tsthuH|| , imaM rayamadhi ve sapta sasthaH saptacakra sptmhtyshvaaH| sapta svasAro bhani saMnarvata bana gavAM nihitA sapta nAmA // 3 bAdazAraM na hi tajjarAya vorti cakra paricAmRtasyA bhA putrA agne mithunAso atra sapta zatAni viMzatizca tsthuH|| 18 sanemi cakramajaraM vi vAvRta uttAnAyAM daza yuktA vahati / sUryasya cak rajasaityAvRtaM yasminnAtasthurbhuvanAni vizvA|| 14. sAkaMjAnAM saptadhamAhuraMkajaM paDiyamA payo devajA iti| teSAmiSTAni vihitAni dhAmazaH sthAo rejate vikRtAni ruupshH|| 16 "Seven harness a one-wheeled chariot; one horse, having seven names, draws it. of three nares is the wheel, unwasting, unassailed, whereon stand all those existences. " "The gevan that stand on this chariot, seven horees draw it, seven wheeled; boven sisters shout at it together; where are set down the seven names of the kine P" "The twelve-spoked wheel,-for that is not to be worn out,-revolves greatly about the sky or Rita, there, O Agnil, stood the song, paired, seven hundred and twenty." 13. "The anwasting wheel, with rim, rolls about ; ten paired ones draw upon the upper side (ultana); the sun's eye goes surrounded with the welkin in which stood all existences." 14 "Of those born together the seventh they call the solo-born (single-born), six, thoy say, are twins, god born seers; the sacrifices of them, distributed according to their respective stations and modified in form, move to the one permanent (athatre)." 16. (To be continued.)

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JANUARY, 1913.) EPIGRAPHIC NOTES AND QUESTIONS 25 EPIGRAPHIO NOTES AND QUESTIONS. BY D. R. BANDARKAR, M.A.; POONA (Continued from Vol. XLI., p. 173.) XIV.-The Fourth Book edict of Asoka. There is one passage in this edict which has very much exercised studentsof Asoka's inscriptions. It is this, according to the several recensions : Girnar:-Ta aja devanasi priyasa Priyadasino rano dhaimacharanena bherighoso aho dhanmaghoso vimd na lasana cha hastidasand cha agikhandhani cha anani cha diyvdni rapani dasayitpd anai. Kalsi :Se ajd ded@nara piyasa Piyadasine idjine dhaimachalanend bhelighose aho dhainmaighose vimanadasand hathini agikandhani aina ni cha divyani lupdni dasayitu janasa. Dhauli :-Se aja devdnai piyasa Piyadasine idjine dhaumachalanena bhelighosash aho dhaimaghosaji vimdnadasanan hathini agi kasidhani arindni cha diviyani ldpdni dasayitu munisdnani. Shahbazgarhi:-So aja devanan priyasa Priyulrasisa raio dhram charanex1 bhorighosha aho dhramaghusha vimananah drasana hastino jotikan Zhani anni cha divani rupuni drasayitu janasa. Mansehra :--Se aja de vara priyasa Priy idrajine rane dhram zcharanena bherrghoshe aho dhrama goshe vim inadrasuna hastine agikan lhani anani cha divani rupani draseti janasa. . This passage has been variously interpreted, but these interpretations may be divided into two classes according as they are taken to refer to terrestrial objects or atmospheric phenomena. The first kind of interpretation has been favoured by M. Senart and Prof. Bibler and the second by Professors Kern and Haltzsch. I confess, the first interpretation commends itself to me as being more natural. But the actual sense I deduce from the passage differs from that of M. Senart or of Prof. Buhler, and I give it here for the kind consideration of the scholars, who are interested in the matter. In the first place, it is highly important to understand the syntax of the passage. The word aho I take, with Profesors Kern and Haltzsch as equivalent to abhavat. Vimanadasand of the Girnar and Kalsi texts corresponds to vindra lasanam of the Dhauli and vimananai drajanail of the Shah bazgarhl recension, and must, therefore, be supposed to stand for the Sanskrit vimanadariandni. The sano remark applies to hastidasand of the Girnar text. This may then be literally pat into Sanskrit thus : Tal-adya devantn-priyasya Priyadarsino rdino dharmacharanena bheri-ghosho=bhavad-tharmaghosho vimd na-darsandni cha hasti-dariandni cha agni-sland hd.ns-cha anyani cha divyani rupd ni darsayitva janan. And it may be translateliato English as follows: " But now in consequence of the practice of righteousness by king Priyalarsin, beloved of the gods, the sound of the dram has become the sound of righteousness, showing the people the speetaeles (darsana), of the palaces of gods (vindna), and of the (white) elephant, masses of fire, and other divine representations." Now, what can be the meaning of this passage P In my opinion, what Aboka means is that with him the drum has become the proclaimer of righteousness. The sound of a drum in variably precedes either a battle, a public announcement, or the exhibition of a scene to the people. But since Aboka entered on his career of righteousness, it has ceased to be a summons to fight, but invites people to come and witness certain spectacles ; and as those spectacles are of such character as to generate and develop righteousness, the drum has thus become the proclaimer of righteousness. This appears to me to be the natural sense of the passage. And now the question arises : what scenes or spectacles did Asoka show to his subjects P Obviously they are the vimdnas, hastins, agniskandhas and so forth. These terms must, therefore, be so interpreted as to show that they could create and foster righteousness. But it must also be borne in mind that the sense we attach to them must not be different from that ordinarily assigned to them. So to begin with, what does Asoka mean by virr Inz ? According to M. Senart it denotes here " processions of reliqdaries ", and, according to Brihler, "cars of the gods." Buhler, I think, cornes very near the proper sense though he misses the full significance of it. Now, Pali scholars neel not be told

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JANUARY, 1915. that there is a work in the PAli literature called vimd na-vatthu. It has been edited for the Pali Text Society by Mr. E. R. Gooneratne. The introduction of this book opens with the following paragraphs : u l'he vimdna-vatthu is a work that describes the splendonr of the various celestial abodes belonging to the Dewas, who became their fortunate owners in accordance with the degree of merit they had each performed, and who there spent their time in supreme bliss. These Vimanas aro graphically described in the little work as column supported palaces that could be moved at the will of the owners. A Dewa could visit the earth, and we read of their so descending on occasions when they were summoned by Buddha. "The lives of the Dewas in these vimdnas or palaces were limited, and depended on the merits resulting from their good acts. From all that we read of them we can well infer that these liabitations were the centres of suprenie felicity. It is doubtless with much forethought that peculiar stress is laid, in our work, on the description of these viminas, in order to induce listeners to lead good and unblemished lives, to be pure in their acts, and to be zealous in the performance of their religious duties. "Stories from the Vimana-ratthu bro not unfrequently referred to in later doctrinal works, when a virtuous career in life is illustrated. Thus Mattakandall and Sirima Vimana are referred to in the Dhammapada Atthakatha; Obitta, Guttils, and Rewati are quited in the Sutta Sangaha." Anybody who reads the above extract will be convinced that these must undoubtedly be the vimdnas referred to by Asoka. He seems to have made representations of them and paraded them in various places. His motive in doing so we can easily surmise. As vimanas are palaces of gods who became their owners in consequence of the pure unblemished lives they led on earth, it was natural that he should show their representati ns to the people in order to induce them to practise righteousness and become p0880880rs of such celestial abodes. That this was the sole object of the work Vimana-valthu in clear from the words of Mr. Gooneratne quoted above in bold type. Asoka is very fond of telling ne that the performance of dharma produces merit (punya) which in its turn conduces to the attainment of heaven (svaiga). It is therefore, quite intelligible that he might bere shown to his subjects the palaces of the denizens of beaven of which they became masters through the righteous deeds performed by them while on earth, in order to imprese on their minds that they also by similar virtuous courtes could become owners of them. Now, what can hasti-darsana signify? Hasti, of course, ordinarily means an elephant. But representations of what elephant did a soka exhibit to his people P They again mast be of such kind that they could deserve the name dirya. I am almost crtain that by hastin here we are to understand none by the White Elephant, i.e., Buddha. We know the story of the conception of Buddha. Maya bad a dream in which she saw the Bodhisattva in the shape of a white elephant approaching her and entering into her womb by her right side. We have sculptures of this scene not only at Bharahat but also at Sanchi. Nay, we have incontestable proof that this story was known to Asoka and that he had at least one representation made of him. On the Girnar rock below Roek Edict XIII and reparated by an indentation we have the following line: ... va svelo hasli savaloka-sukhaharo name [The wbite elephant whose name is the bringer of happiness to the whole world] Prof. Kern was the first to recognise in this an unmistakable reference to Buddha. At Kalsi too on the east end of the rock containing the edicts of Asoka inscribed, we have the outline of an elephant with the letters gajatume engraved between his feet. These letters, I think, stand for gajottamah, and nobody can seriously doubt that here also we have another reference to Buddha. Most probably there was a similar outlice or figure of an elephant in Girnar and also at other places. But it has now disappeared. I have, therefore, to doubt that similar repreaentations of the Whito Elephant were made and exhibited to the people, most 1 The idea of the vimdinar is not foreign oven to Jaina literature. "The servants of the Siddha. are Devatas, or the spirit of good and great men who, although not so perfoet as to obtain an exemption from all futuro change, yot live in an inferior heaven, called Swarga; wbere for a certain length of time, they enjoy great power and happines: nooording to the merit of the good works which they performed, when living as men. The mortal bodies of mankind and Deratae perish, while the Viminas (4..., the Abodes of deities of various classes) ondoro." (As. Res., Vol IX, p 2.2 and pp. 25081). Prof. K. B. Pathak also informs me that in the Digambara Jens works entitled Majhanandi orduakdchdra and Gomata.dra have been given not only minuto descriptions but also paintings of the im.dna..

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JANUARY, 1913.) EPIGRAPHIC NOTES AND QUESTIONS 27 probably accompanied by oral descriptions as in the likhydnas so as to show clearly to them how Buddha was sarva-loka-sukh-dhara and thus induce them to imitate his actions in their lives. There now renains the third word, vis., agniskan lha, and I am afraid I cannot give any satisfactory explanation here. The word ordinarily signifies a mass of fire, but this mass of fire must be of such a kind that it can be shown to be connected with a well-known incident and point to a moral. The only story that occurs to me in this connection is tbat narrated in Jataka No. 40 (Fausboll, Vol. I) called Khadiraig dra-jdtaka. The Bodhisattva of the story was the Lord High Treasurer of Benares. As he was sitting to take his meal, a Pachcheks Buddha rising form his seven days' trance in the Himalayas approached with his bowl and begged food. The Bodhisattva asked the bowl to be brought to him and filled it. But Mara wanted the Pachcheka Buddha to die of starvation by preventing the food from approaching him. So in the mansion of the Bodhisattva be created a fire-pit as fearful as in a hell. His cook who was taking the filled bowl to the Pachcheka Buddha saw this blazing fire and started back, The BodhisattVa came to know what had happened and went out in person to hand over the bowl to his guest. As he stood on the brink of the fiery pit, he noticed Mars, but heeded him not. And so be strode on with undaunted resolution to the surface of the pit of fire, and lo I there rose up to the surface a large and peerless lotus flower, which received the feet of the Bodhisattva. The bowl was given to the guest, and standing in the lotus he preached the truth to the people, extolling alms-giving and the commandments. . Several of the jdtaka stories we find sculptured in the Bharabat and Sabchi sta ras. They thus appear to have become popular even so early as the third century B.C.; and there is no reason why one of them should not bave been utilised by Asoka to make visual representations for impressing the people. Besides, the story just summarised must have been thougbt by him as exactly fulfilling his purpose, because it lacidly illustrates the fruit of alms-giving, of which Asoka is never weary of speaking in his edicts. If he really wanted to encourage almsgiving, I do not think he could have made a happier selection for making representations of it and showing them to his subjects. The jdlaka again appears to have been considered to be * very important one by the Buddhists themselves. For the same tale is re-repeated under the name of Sreshthijataka in the Jatakamdid of Aryasara published by Prof. Kern. The word rdpu occurs in two ancient inscriptions. Line 2 of the well-known Hathi-gumpha inscription of Kharavela has the following :-tato lekha-rupa.znin 1-0.vush ira-vidhi-visdradena, where the word has been rendered by 'painting' by Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji. A Pabbosa cave inscription again reads Sri-Koishna-gopi-rupa-karta, where Prof. Buhler translates it by 'statue'. I confine myself to the generic sense of the word, and render it by simply representation'. To this day it is a custom especially in villages, where English education has not spread, to make either paintings or clay representations of mythological scenes and explain to the people in detail what they are intended for. I have no doubt that Asoka must have done a similar thing. Nobody can, I am sure, object to such rupas beicg called dirga, which means 'not only belonging to heavenly regions' but also pertaining to divine beings.' XV.Talegaon Grant of the Rashtrakuta king Krishna I. My friend, Sirlar K. O. Mehendale, Sucretary of the Tharat-itihds-8 anshodhak-mandal, has kindly sent to ine for decipherment a set of copper plates recently brought to light at Talegaon (Dhamdhere's) in the Poona district. It registers a grant issueil by Krishna I. of the Rasbyrakuta dynasty. Most of the verses descriptive of the genealogy are found in other Rashyrakuta records. And the three or four new verses that are for the first time met with in this grant teach us nothing new excepting that in one stanza we are told that his son was called Prabhu-tungu. This mast evidently refer to his son Govindaraja, at whose request, as mentioned further in the inseription, the grant was made. The charter was issued on the occasion of a solar eclipse which happened on the new moon day of Vaisakha of Saka 6903 when Plavanga was the cyclic year. At that time Kpishna I.'s * My attention to this Jataka was drawn by Prof. Dharmanand Kosambi, The solar eclipse in question ooourrou on Wednesday the 33rd Maroh 768 A. D.

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28 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JANUARY, 1913. victorious camp against the Gangas was, we are informed, stationed at Mayyanagara, obviously the same as Manyapura where the royal residence of the Gangas was fixed in the 8th century, and which has been identified with Mayne, north of Nelamangal in Mysore. The grantees were the Brahmanas living in the Karahata Ten-thousand and one Bhatta-Vasudeva, to whom two parts only were assigned. The village granted was Kumarigrama, and we are told that this village was given at the request of two persons called Vasisbtla-Srikumara and Jaivanti-Phanaiye. Along with Kumarigrama four more villages seem to have been granted. They were Bhamaropara, in the Punaka district (vishaya). Their boundaries also have been specified. To their east were Khabbagrama, Vorimagrima and Dadimagrama. To the south were the Kbadiravena bills. To the west were Alandiyagrama and Thiuragrama and to the north the Muila river. Almost all these localities can be identified on the survey of India Atlas Sheet No. 39. Thus of the villages granted Kumarigrama is Karebgaon, Bhanaropara Bowrapoor, Araluva Ooroolee, Sindigrama Seendowneh, and Tadavale Turudee. Of the villages situated on the east, Khari, bbagrama is Khamgaon, Vorimagrama Boree, and Dadimagrama Daluemb. Khadiravena, the name of the hills to the south, cannot be identified, though of course these hills are there as specified. Of the villages on the west Alandiyagrama and Thiuragrama are doubtless the well-known Alandi and Theur, the first better known as chorachi Alandi and the second as the favourite resort of Madhayrao Peshwa who died there. The river Muila obviously corresponds to the present tane Mala of a river which joins the Mutha near Poona, their conjoint stream flowing afterwarda eastwards and passing by the north of the villages mentioned. And it is this conjoint river that appears to have been known in those early days by the name Moila, though it is now restricted to one of its feeders. But the most interesting fact recorded in this connection is the mention of Pusaks as the name of the district wherein the villages were situated. Puaka obviously i Poona. That Poona is an ancient place has long since been known. It is well-known that the two Shaikh Salla dargahs on the river bank were built about the cluse of the 19th century on the site of two old temples called Narayanesvar and Panesvar. Again, the caves near the Fergusson College are another indication of the antiquity of the city. But the most important and ancient monument is the rock-hewn temple of Panchalesvar situated in the Bhamburda suburb, which has been assigned by archaeologists to the 7th cetury A.D. We have thus ample and sure proof that Poona was a very old place. But it was never dreamt that the name Poona also was equally ancient and that it was the head-quarters of a district in those early times as it now. This however, is now quite clear from the fact that Punaka, which can stand for uothing else but Poona. is spoken of as the district which contained the villages granted. MISCELLANEA. KAKATIKA MONKS. | bhikshul' and explains that by 'kukkuti' here is IN J. R. A S. for January, 1912, Professor meant, by a transferred epithet, the space over H. Ludere. while commenting upon a Brahmi which a hen can fly at one flight inscription, in which the word ka katikdnani 00- who limits his vision over so much of the round curs, observes-- before him as can be covered by one (prover bially short) Night of a hen is meant by the word. It is more difficult to say who is meant by kaka There must have been bhikshus wbo submitted tikanan. I take this to be a proper name, and themselves to this sort of dircinline "885 cooking place in a Vihara can hardly be the sense of sight and to avoid tbe hirisa of intended for anybody but the monks living there, small insects. The Buddhists and Jainas set kakatika would seem to be the name of those a great store by ahirai, and the sight of a Jaina monks, though I cannot say why they were called sidhu, brushing the ground before him with a silk broom and treading with his neck bent low at Taking the Professor's assumption that kaka a snail's pace, is not rare even now in India. tika in the name of an order of monks to be cor If we assume that some bhikshwe were called Tect, may I venture to offer an explanation Tokaukkutikas after this habit of theirs, we can me the word appears to be an apabhramea from understand the lutter contemptuous sense of 'hySanskrit kaukkutika formed by Panini 4. 4. 46. pocrite' attributed to this word by the metrical Unfortunately, Patalijnli does not comment on Sadekrit ko as. It is with a certain diffidence the tea but the straitself explains the form that I offer this explanation, but the word tion of kukkutim pafyati - kaukkutikah & Sarynaydin' in Panini's satra itself supports my *savjndyan,' i.e., not in the literal sense of 'oue lconie conjecture, I think. who secs #hen', but as a name, or attributive class name. The Kafika illustrates by kaukkutiko Ajmer. CHANDRADHAB GULERI. BO,"

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FEBRUABY, 1913.) THE INDIAN INSCRIPTIONS AND THE ANTIQUITY 29 THE INDIAN INSCRIPTIONS AND THE ANTIQUITY OF INDIAN ARTIFICIAL POETRY. BY G, BUHLER. [Translated by Prof. V. S. Ghate, M.A.; Poona. ] [The Editors of this Journal are deeply indebted to Prof. H. Luders for baving kindly taken the trouble of securing the permission of the Vienna University to publish a translation of Dr. Buhler's Die Indischen Inschriften, eto. This booklet is su important that a reliable translation was a longfelt desideratam to the Indian scholars. The Editors are therefore highly thankful also to Prof. V. S. Ghate for having prepared the translation which is being published in this Journal]. Indian Epigraphy which, since the last fifteen years has received a new impulse, and which thanks to the progress of Sanskrit philology as well as to the perfecting of the methods of multiplying the inscriptions, leads to more certain results than in early times, has already provided us with several important particulars elucidating the literary and religious history of that part of the world which is inhabited by the Brahmanas and which wants a history as such. On the one hand, we owe to it particular and very important data, which definitely fix the time of prominent authors, as for instance, recently the time of the dramatic poet Rajasekhara, whose pupils and patrons, the kings Mahendrapala and Mahipala ruled during the last decade of the ninth century and in the beginning of the tenth century of our eta, as shown by Mr. Fleet and Prof. Kielhorn. On the other hand, the comparison of the partly insignificant notices in the inscriptions with the accounts of literary tradition or with the (data) conditions of the present day, permits us to have an occasional peep, in the development of all the types of literature and of all the religious systems, a peep whose worth is considerably significant in the absence of really historical details. Such, for instance, is the observation that the tradition about the home of several Vedic Schools and also of the works belonging to them, is confirmed through the statements in the old land-grants, inasmuch as, these mention not only the names of the donees but their secular and spiritual families. Not less significant for the history of the very important though little regarded in early times, religion of Mahavira-Vardhamana is the demonstration gradually rendered feasible, that, his followers, the Nirgranthas or Jainas, are mentioned in. uumber of inscription, which runs on from the beginning of the historical period of India, with but rare interruptions, and that the assertions in their canonical works, about the divisions of the Monk-Schools are made reliable to the most part, through writings of the first century of our era. These hitherto published results are, however, only a small part of what the inscriptions may possibly yield to us. An accurate working out and a fuller estimate of the bitberto published materials little iu extent though they be, will show that one can procure rich instruction from them, in all the departments of Indian Research; and that their results furnish specially sound proof-stones for the theories about the development of Indian intellectual life, theories which the Indologists, build on very weak foundations, compelled as they are by sheer necessity. The following treatise is a small contribution towards the examination of inscriptions in this spirit. Its aim is to establish firmly those results which the inscriptions yield for the bistory of Indian Kavya or the artificial poetry of the court, as also to demonstrate, how far the same agree with the new opinions regarding the development of this species of literature. My reason for undertaking to treat of this question before other perhaps more interesting and less disputed questions, is the recent publication of the Gupta inscriptions by Mr. J. F. Fleet in the third volume of the Corpus inscriptionum Indicarum. This exceedingly important work offers a larger number oi wholly or partly metrical inscriptions with absolutely certain dates. The same, taken together with some documents already made known through reliable publications (editions) allow us to prove the existence of a Kavya literature in Sanskrit and Prakrit during the first five centuries of our era, and to show that a great period of literature, which brought into general prominence, the style of the poetio school of Vidarbha or Berar, lies before the middle of the fourth century. They also make it very probable that the year 472 after Christ is to be fixed as the terminus ad quam for the poet Kalidasa.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [FEBRUARY, 1913 Such conclusions would, no doubt, appear quite unimportant and scarcely worth the trouble of a special inquiry to those searchers who busy themselves with the history and the literature of the European peoples. The Indologe, however is unfortunately not in that happy position to look down with contempt, even upon such general results. Because, the history proper of Indian Artificial Poetry begins not earlier than in the first half of the seventh contury of our era, with the reign of the mighty king Harsha or Harshavardhana of Thanesar and Kanouj, who ruled over the whole of Northern India from 606-648 A.D. The works of his favourite court-poet Banabhatta who tried to portray the life of his master and of himself in the incomplete historical novel Sri-Harshacharita, and who besides wrote, as we know for certainty, the romance Kadamlari, and the poem (song) Chandi-sataka, and perhaps also the drama Parvati-parinaya, are the oldest products of the Court-poetry, whose composition, no doubt, falls within the narrow limits given above. Before this time, there exists no Kavya as such whose age is hitherto determined with some accuracy and certainty or allows itself to be determined with the accessible documents. Only of one work which shows, throughout, the influence of the Karya style and which contains several sections entirely written in the Kavya style, we mean, of Varahamihira's metrical Manual of Astrology, the Brihat-samhitd, it can be said with confidence that it is written about the middle of the sixth century; because Varahamihira begins the calculations in his Panchasiddhantika, with the year 505 A.D.; and he is supposed to have died in the year 587 A.D. according to the statement of one of his commentators. As to when the most celebrated classical poets Kalidasa, Subandhu, Bharavi, Pravarasena, Gunadhya and the collector of verses, Hala-satavahana lived, we possess no historical evidence. We can only say that the wide spread of their renown is attested for the first half of the seventh century by the mention of their names by Bana and in the Aihole-Meguti inscription of 634 A.D.; as also that some of them, like Gunadhya to whose work Subandhu does allude repeatedly, must certainly have belonged to a considerably early period. Besides this, there are anecdotes only poorly attested, as well as sayings of very doubtful worth; and the scanty details contained in the poems themselves, which might serve as points (stepping stones) for determining their age, are very difficult to be estimated, because the political and literary history of India during the first five centuries of our era lies very much in obscurity. When the age of the most important poets is so absolutely uncertain, it is but natural that the case should be in no way better with the general question of the age of the Kavya poetry. In the literature, we come across very meagre traces which point to the fact that the artificial poetry was cultivated from earlier times; and to our great regret, even the. age of the most important work in which quotations from Kavyas occur, we mean, the Mahabhashya, is in no way, above doubt. Thus it is not improbable that these quotations might be left unheeded as being witnesses little to be trusted as some of the most important inquirers have already done, and that theories, not taking notice of the same, might be put forth, which shift the growth of the artificial poetry to a very late age. Under these circumstances it can be easily seen why I make myself bold to claim some interest for the evidence based upon the testimony of inscriptions, in favor of a relatively high antiquity of the artificial poetry. The materials which the third volume of the Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum offers for this inquiry, are not insignificant, and comprise not less than 18 numbers whose dates are certain or at least approximately determinable, the age of their composition lying about between 350 and 550 A.D. The assiduous labours of Mr. Fleet and Mr. Dikshit, about the astronomically calculable dates of the Gupta-inscriptions, irrefutably show that the beginning of the Gupta era falls 241 years later than that of the Saka ers, and for the reducing of the Gupta to the Christian era, they leave us just the option of adding 318 or 319 years. Mr. Fleet has tried to show that the year 319 or 320 A.D. marks the beginning of the Gupta era. Dr. Bhandarkar, on the other hand, advocates 318 or 319, and for important reasons. For a literary-historical inquiry, it is of course the same (it matters not, it is indifferent which of these suppositions is the right one). The first king who makes use of the Gupta era is Chandragupta II, named Vikramaditya, whose inscriptions and coins show the years 82-94 or 95, i.e., 400-413 or 401-414 A.D. From 30

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31 FEBRUARY, 1913.] THE INDIAN INSCRIPTION AND THE ANTIQUITY the reign of his father Samudragupta, there are two inscriptions not dated. These belong to the last half of the fourth century and as regards Mr. Fleet's No. I, it can be asserted that it was composed when Samudragupta had already ruled for a large number of years. Because the number of his exploits eulogised therein is very considerable. Mr. Fleet's supposition that this inscription must have been composed after Samudragupta's death, rests, as it will be shown in detail below, on a wrong interpretation of the expression "Samudragupta's glory had gone up to heaven". As for the documents dated according to the Malava era, the detailed expositions of Dr. Peterson and Mr. Fleet leave no doubt that the era is identical with the Vikrama era of 56-7 A.D. The age of several undated numbers can be determined, as Mr. Fleet has shown, by the comparison of their contents with those of the dated numbers. If we arrange chronologically the numbers important for our inquiry, we may have the following list. 1. No. I, Harishena's panegyric of Samudragupta, composed sometime between 375-890 A.D., on the Allahabad pillar, consisting of 9 verses and the rest in high, elevated prose, at the close named a Kavya. 2. No. II., A fragment of a poetic description of Samudragupta, composed sometime between 358-390 A. D. 3. No. IV., An undated fragment of a poetic description of four early Gupta-kings, from the reign of Chandragupta II; Gupta-Samvat 82-94 or 95. 4. No. VI., The small, wholly metrical, undated inscription in Virasena's cave at Udayagiri, from the same period. 5. No. X., The inscription on Dhruvasarman's pillar at Bhilsad, composed partly in high prose and partly in metre, dated Gupta-Samvat 96, i. e., 414 or 415 A. D., in the reign of Kumaragupta, Gupta-Samvat 96-180, 414/5-448/9. 6. No. XVII., The long composition, from Mayurakshaka's well in Gangdhar, dated Samvat 480 (P), 428/4 (?) A. D., from the reign of king Visvavarman. 7. No. LXI., The small metrical inscription from Sankara's cave in Udayagiri, dated Gupta-Samvat 106, 424 or 425 A. D. 8. No. XII., The undated, partly metrical inscription on the pillar at Bihar, from the reign of Skandagupta, Gupta-Samvat 136-149, i. e., 454-467 or 455-468 A. D. 9. No. XIII., The undated inscription on the pillar at Bhitari, which is partly in high prose and partly in metre, from the same period. 10. No. XIV., The long, wholly metrical Rock-inscription at Junagadh, which shows the Gupta year 136-188, 454-6 or 455-7, and is called a grantha. 11. No. XV., The wholly metrical inscription on Madra's pillar at Kahaum, dated GuptaSamvat 141, 459 or 460 A. D. 12. No. XVIII., Vatsabhatti's wholly metrical prasasti about the Sun temple at Mandasor, dated Malava-samvat 529, 473/4 A. D. 13. No. XIX., The wholly metrical inscription on Matrivishnu's and Dhanyavishnu's pillar at Eran, dated Gupta-samvat 165, June 21, 484 A. D., in the reign of Budhagupta. 14. No. XX., The short, wholly metrical, inscription on Goparaja's tomb-stone at Eran, dated Gupta-samvat 191, 509 or 510 A. D., in the reign of Bhanugupta. 15. No. XXXIII., Vasula's, undated, wholly metrical, panegyric of the king Yasodharman, on the pillar at Mandasor, spoken of as slokah, and engraved by the same stone mason As the following dated inscription. 16. No. XXXIV., (? 35) The wholly metrical Prasasti on Daksha's well at Mandasor, composed in the Malava year 589, 533-4 A. D., in the reign of king Yasodharman-Vishnuvardhana. 17. No. XXXV., (P36) The inscription on Dhanyavishnu's boar-statue at Erap, in the year 1 of king Toramana, composed partly in verse and partly in high prose. 18. No. XXXVI. (?37), The wholly metrical panegyrie on Matricheta's temple of Vishnu in Gwalior, from the year 15 of the reign of Mihirakula, who, according to No. XXXIII, verse 6, was a contemporary of Yasodharman.

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32 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [FEBRUABY, 1913. = It would be perhaps possible to augment this list by the inclusion of some other documents, as for instance, the Meberault pillar-inscription of emperor Chandra, No. XXXII, and the poetically coloured genealogy of the Maukharis on the Asirgadb seal, No. XLVII, which, according to the character of their writing, belong to this period. But those already mentioned quite suffice for our purpose. Their number shows that during the period from 350-550. A. D., the use of the kavya-style in inscriptions, especially in the longer ones, was in vogue and from this very circumstance it follows that court-poetry was zealously cultivated in India. It will be seen further on that this conclusion is confirmed by other iudications of no doubtful character. Our next and most important work is, however, to inquire how far the samples of the Kavya style contained in the inscriptions agree with the works of the recognized masters of Indian poetic art, and how the same are related to the rules in the manuals of poetics. A full discussion of all the numbers mentioned would in the meanwhile be too detailed and of but little use. It would suffice to select a poem that falls in the beginning of the period and another that belongs to the close of the same, as representatives and to go through the same thoroughly. With the rest, cnly a few important points will be prominently touched upon. On similar grounds, I take ap, for purpose of a detailed discussion, No. I-Harishena's panegyric of Samudragupta and No. XVIII.-Vatsabhatti's prajasti on the Sun temple at Dasapura-Mandasor; and immediately turn mysrlf to the latter. (To be continued.). THE ADITYAS. BY R. SHAMA SASTRY, B.A., M.B.A.S., BANGALORE. (Continued from p. 84) The seven hundred and twenty sons, spoken of in verse 13, are evidently the 720 days and nights of the civil year; and the ten twins on the upper side of the chariot, referred to in the next verse, must necessarily be the 10 days and nights above the 360 days of the year. This shows that the poets were well acquainted with the real length of the solar year. It is the seven Adityas or the gods of the intercalary months, that are referred to in verse 16. The expression that the seventh was single-born clearly shows the break in the eighth intercalary month, as pointed out above. In the following verses of the Atharvareda (X. 8) the mention of the number one thousand it connection with seven swans seems to furnish additional evidence that the seven Adityas, eagles, or swans, as they are variously called, are the seven intercalary months. bAvaza pradhayazcakramekaM trINi nabhyAni ka u sacciketa / sacAhatAstrINi zatAni zaMkavaSpaSThiica khIlA avicAcalA ye / / 4 evaM savitavijAnIhi SaDyamA eka ekjH| tasminhApisvAmadhaMte ya eSAmeka ekjH|| 5 ekacakra vartate ekanemi sahasrAkSaraM prapurI nipazca / / af er 264 I ........ 7 sahasrAdhA viyatAvasya pakSI haroha~sastha ptsssvrgm| Terriztu ara fa fra 18 "Twelve fellies, one wheel, three naves,--who understands that? Therein are inserted three hundred ard sixty pins, pegs that are immovable."16 4 " This, O Savitri!, do thou distinguish: six are twins, one is sole-born; they seek participation in him who of them is the sole sole-born." 5 "One-wheeled it rolls, one-rimmed, thousand-syllabled, forth in front, down behind ; with a hall it has generated all existence; what its other half is-what has become of that?" 7 "By a thousand days are the wings expanded of him, of the yellow swan flying to heaven; he, putting all the gods in his breast, goes, viewing together all existences,"16 18 15 Comp. R.V.I. 164, 18, * Comp. A.V. XIII, 2,88.

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FEBRUARY, 1913.) THE ADITYAS 33 In verse 4, the Savana year of 360 days is described ; and in verse 5, the three pairs of intercalary months together with the single seventh month are referred to. In verse 7, the cycle of 20 years is described as containing a thousand syllables, 1.c., days. The question about the other half seems to refer to the loss of fifteen days in the eighth intercalary month. In verse 18, the last cycle of five years with 7 intercalary months seems to be described as a special period or great year, each wing or half of which is measured by a thousand days. The yellow Swan is the seventh intercalary month. Now, if we expand the wings by putting 1,000 on each, its duration becomes equal to 2,000 days. In 2,000 days there are 2,000 2,000 X 32_12,800 290, 12h, 45m. - 945 = 189 67 lanations and 22 days, taking a lanation to be equal to 39 days, 12 hours, and 45 minutes 1 It is clear, therefore, that by the expressions' thousand-syllabled chariot,' and 's wing of thougand days' daration,' the poet refers to the last cycle in the greater cycle of 20 years, in as much as that cycle is approximately equal to five lunar years and seven and a hall lunations. It is also to be noted that five lunar years are = 5X 354 = 1,770 days and twenty-times 12 extra days = 20 x 12 = 240 days. Putting these together, we have 1,770 +240 = 2,010 days, which is e rester by 10 days than the duration of 2,000 days, as described in verse 18. We shall see that the same cycle of five years with seven and a half intercalary months is also termed Purusha. man' or Sapta-purusha, 'seven men'. Hence it is probablo that the rising up of the thousand-headed, thousand-eyed, and thousand-legged Purusha by 10 angulas or days above the earth, desoribed in the Purushasukta, refers to the same cycle of 2,010 days, which was made oqual to 2,000 days. It is probable that the use of angulas to mark days was common practice among the Vodio poeta, as among the Arabians. Regarding the use of fingers by an Arabian prophet to mark days, this is what Alberuni sayg18: We are illiterate people, we do not write, nor do we reckon the month thus and thus and thus, each time showing his ten fingers, meaning a complete month or thirty days. Then he the propbet) repeated his words by saying And thus and thus and thus', and at the third time he held back one thumb, moaning an incomplete month or twenty-nine days." In the following verses of the Atharvaveds (XII, 3, 16; and XIII, 2, 24) the same intercalary months are described as seven sacrifices and seven yellow steeds : saptamedhAnpazavaH parvagRhan ya eSA kyotiSmAnuta yahacakarSa / prayastriMzadevatAstAnsacaMte sa naH svargamabhinaSe lokam // sapta svA harito vahaMti deva sUrya zociSka vicakSaNam / bhayukta sapta guNyavaH sUro rathasya navyaH tAbhiyoti svayuktibhiH / / <> 1 But the Vedio estimate of the synodic lunar month, as shown by the Jyotish Vedanga, was 1880 days diri. ded by 62 lanations = 29 days, 12 hours, 23 2258 ..... Booonds. 11 Chronology of Ancient Nations, P. 78; 1879.

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34 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [FEBRUARY, 1913. . In the following passage of the Atharvareda (IX, 10, 17) the poet counts the intercalary months neither as eight nor As geven, but exactly as seven and a half and calls them embryos: sasArdhagabhabhuvanaraba retaHviplostiSTaMdipravidyA vidhrmnni| se dhItibhirmanasA vipazcitaH parimuvaH paribhavaMti vizvataH // "Seven and a hall, embryos, the sebd of existence, stand in front in Vishpu's distribution; they, by thoughts, by mind, thoy, inspired, surround on all sides the surrounders," In the following vordes of the Atharvaveda (X, 3, 8-10), the poet mentions the thirteenth month, and refers to the seven interoslary months as seven eagles and seven suns, making Kaiyapa the head of them : ahorAtraivimitaM ziraMga payoda mAsaM bo nimimIte / tasva devasyakuddhastha etdaagH............|| kRSNaM niyAnaM haravassuparNA bhapo vasAnA divamutpatati / tabhAvavRSansadanAdRtasva tasya devasya kudyasva etraagH|| battecaM kazyapa rocanAvayatsahitaM puSkalaM citrabhAnu / yasminsUrvA apitAssapta sAkaM tasva devasvakuddhasva etdaagH|| "He who measures out the thirteenth month, fabricated of days and nights, having thirty members, -against that god, angered, is this offence. ___ " Black the descent, the yellow eagles, clothing themselves in waters, fly up to the sky; they have come hither from the seat of Rita ; against that god, angered, is this offence. * What of thee, O Kabyapa, is bright, full of shining, what that is combined, splendid, of wondrous light, in which soven suns are set together; against that god, angered, is this offence." In the following verses of the Atharvaveda (XIX. 53, 1 and 2) the Poet describes the same seven intercalary months as time in the form of a thousand-eyed horse with seven reins, and also as seven wheels: kAlo bhazvo vahati saptarazmiH sahasrAkSaH ajarI bhuuriretaaH| samArohati kaSabI vipazcitaH tasva cakrA bhuvanAni vizvA / sapta cakrA vahati kAla eSa saptAsva nAbhIramRtaM nvkssH| sa imA vizvA bhuvanAnyavokAlaH sa hIyate prathamonu devH| " Time drives a horse with seven reins, thousand-eyed, possessing much seed ; him the inspired poets mount; his wheels are all beings. "Seven wheels doth this Time drive; seven are his natos, immortality forsooth bis axle; he, Time, including all these beings, goes on as first god." The meaning of a thousand eyes is the same as that of a thousand syllables, or a thousand days, expanding a wing of the heavenly swan, explained above. In what is called the Arunopanishad of the Taittiriya Aranyaka, the poet describes the same year with an intercalated month (Adhisanpatsara), beginning with the rainy season, together with the signs and characteristics by which its arrival was usually found out, so picturesquely and forcibly that one cannot resist the conclusion that the poet refers to the seven intercalary months. Since the Upanishad furnishes additional evidence about the theory I have been setting forth bere, some of the passages of it, bearing on the subject, are quoted below, with translation and notes. Owing to the want of the intercalation of 8 or 7 months, the beginning of the year falls back, and coincides, as pointod aboyo, with the middle of the month of Sravana, when the rainy season sets in with lightening and rainbow. Accordingly the poet calls upon the waters to remove the heat and fever of the summer along with the demon infesting the intercalary months, and to manifest the arrival of the Adityas, the gods of the seven intercalary months : bhApamApAmapassarvA bhsmaadsmaadito'mutH| anirvAvadaca sUrvazca saha saMcaskarAIiyA // 1 vAyvazvA razmipatayaHmarIcyAtmAno aduhH| devIbhuvanasUvarI: putravattvAba me suta // mahAnAmnImahAmAnAH mahasoM mhsssvH|

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FEBRUARY, 1913.] THE ADITYAS devIH parjanbasUvarIH puSavasvAya me suta // 3 bhapAinyubNimapA rakSAbhapAinyuNimapA ragham / bhapAghrAmapa cAvati bhapadevIrito hit||4 vanaM devIrajItAMzca bhuvanaM devsuuvriiH| bhAdityAnamitiM devIM yoninordhvamukhIpata | 5 zivA maizaMtamA bhavaMtu dimbA Apa bhISadhayaH / sumRDIkA sarasvati mA temboma sNbdhi|| 6 "I have obtained and obtained all waters from this and that side ; may Agni, the sun, and the wind make the waters prosperous. 1 "O waters, whose steeds are the (seven) winds, whose lords are the rays of the sun, whose body is formed of shining rays, who are not malicious to anyone, and who are the mothers of all beings, allow me to have sons. 2 "O Waters, who are of pleasing names, who are worthy of worship, who are of shining form, who are productive of food, and who are the mothers of the raining clouds, allow me to have sons. 3 "O Waters, take away the excessive beat and fever, take away the demon, take away the bad smell, and take away our poverty. 4 "o Waters, hold up the thunderbolt, hold up like and all beings%3 o mothers of gods, hold up the Adityas as well as the goddess Aditi together with her womb (bringing forth the Adityas or intercalary months). 5 "May the hea renly waters and herbs be auspicious to us, and may they bring happiness to us; O water, thou art the bestower of comforts; I have not seen thy abode in the sky." 6 In the next passages the poet proceeds to define time and its characteristics : smRtiH pratyakSamaitihAmanumAnazcamuSTayam / eterAvilyamaMDalaM sarvereva vidhAsyate // 7 sayoM marIcimAdatte svesmaabuvnaadhi| tasthAH pAkavizeSeNa smRtaM kAlavizeSaNam / / 8 nadIva prabhAvAskAcidakSayyAsvaMdate ythaa| sAM nayo'bhisamAyAMti sorussatI na nivartate / / evaM nAnAsamutthAnAH kAlAssaMvatsaraM shritaaH|| aNuvAzca mahazazca sarve samavayAMta sam / / 10 sa tessarvassamAviSTaH urussana nivartate / adhisaMvatsaraM vidyAt tdevlkssnne|| 11 aNuniica mahavizca samArUDhaH pravRzyate / saMvatsaraH pratyakSeNa nAdhisatvaH pravRzyate / / 12 "Remembrance of past experience, seeing with the eyes, tales heard from others, and inference as the fourth, with all these (four kinds of evidence), the circle of the (seven or eight) Adityas is laid up. 7 "The Sun takes up the water from the whole world; by means of the peculiar and ripe form of the waters [i. e., raining clouds) the characteristics of the times are remembered. "Just as a river flows from an imperishable source, and just as other streamlets join her, and just as she, growing in volume, never returns, so the moments of various birth are merged in the year, by small bits and big periods; they all form the year; the year being formed of them grows in length and never returns. "One should understand this as ayear with intercalation (Adhinashvateara), and that by means of the characteristics (to be spoken of); formed of small and big bits of time, the ordinary year is visible to the eye; but not so the swollen thing [i. 6., the year in which intercalation is to be made]." 12 The poet has defined the year as being formed of a member of small and big moments; and has pointed out the difficulty of seeing the intercalated year. Now he is going to describe' those characteristics by which its arrival can be inferred : paTo vividhaHpiMgaH etaruNa lakSaNam / yatraitadupadRzyate sahasaM taba nIyata // 13

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [FEBRUART, 1913. ekaM hi ziraH nAnA mukhe kRtsnaM tadRtulakSaNam / ubhayatassapteMdriyANi jalpitaM kheva vidyate // 14 zuklakRSNe saMvatsarasya dakSiNavAmayoH pArvayoH / tasyaiSA bhavatiHzukraM te'nyAjataM te'nyat / . viSurUpe ahanI caurivAsi || 15 vizvA hi mAyA avasi svdhaavH| bhadrA te pUSaniha rAtirastviti || 16 nAtrabhuvanA na pUSA na pazavaH naadityH| saMvatsara eva pratyakSeNa priyasamaM vidyAt / / 17 etasaMvatsarasya priyatama rUpaM yo'sya mahAnartha utpatsyamAnI bhavati / idaM puNyaM kuruSveti tamAharaNaM dadyAt // 18 " Being covered with (clouds), being damp and tending to wet, and being red (with the rainbow),--these are the characteristics of Varuna, the lord of water or the rainy season ; when this is seen, there is put in a thousand (days); "The head is uniform and single%3; but in its face it (the year) is varied; this is the sum total of the characteristics of the seasons intercalary). From both sides (ubhayatah,) there are seven vital organs; talk alone paints it thus [in reality there is no such thing as the vital organ, &c.); "White and dark days are on the right and left sides of the year : the following is said about it: 0year, that which is white of thee [i.e., the day, and that part of the year which extenda from the winter solstice to the summer solstice) is quite different from what is to be worshipped of theo [i. e., the night, and the part of the year which extends from summer solstice to winter solstice] ; thy days are of different form ; between them thou art like the sky. 15 "O year, thou art productive of food; thou possessest all kinds of enchantment; O Protector, may thy gift be good to us. 16 No beings here ; no god Pusban; no Cattle; no Aditya; there is the year alone; man Iboks upon it as a dear thing; the form of the year is what is dear to him; hence saying . Do, thou, this meritorious thing, one should give gifts when this great thing the intercalated year) comes into existence," As I have already pointed out, the poet speaks of the arrival of the rainy season, when, for the adjustment of 20 lunar years to twenty sidereal years, the last cycle of 5 years in the period of 20 years was divided into two parts, and each part was made equal to 1,000 days. The expression that there are seven vital organs in the face of the year which, as a whole, is uniform, refers to the insertion of the seven intercalary months. As it is necessary to know the two parts or sides of the year when 1000 days are counted to form each part, the poet has referred to those two sides as being formed of white and dark days respectively. There is no doubt that by the two white and dark sides, the poet refers to what is called the Uttarayana (that part of the year which extends from the winter solstice to the summer solstice) and also the Dakshinayana (that part of the year which extends from the summer solstice, which coincides with the arrival of the rainy Beason, to the winter solsticels). It is well known that it was during Dakshinayana that sacrifices were performed. Hence the poet has called that part of the year as being worshipable. The meritorious thing' refers to the gifts made in the sacrifices made at the end of the Dakshinayana. The poet now goes on to speak of the seven Adityas and of the loss of the eighth Aditya : sAkaMjAnAM saptadhamArekaja paDaghamA RSayo vajA iti / teSAmiSTAni vihitAni dhAmazaH sthAve rejate vikRtAni ruupshH|| 19 ko nu maryA amithitaH sakhA sakhAyamabravIt / jahAko bhasmadIyate / yastityAja sakhividaM sakhAyam / 10 Compare BhagavadgitA, VIII, 24, 25.

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FEBRUARY, 1913.] THE ADITY AS 37 na tasya vAcyapi bhAgo'sti / vahIM zRNotyalakaM zRNoti nahi praveda sukRtasya paMthAmiti // 20 "Of those born together, the seventh they call the sole-born; six, they say, are twins, god-born seers; the sacrifices of them, distributed according to their respective abodes and modified in form, move to the permanent. 19 "O men, tell me who is that friend who, though not vexed, said about his friend thus:- As a deserter, he wants to fly from us? Whoever has deserted his friend that knew him will have no share (of offerings) even in talk; if he hears that there is such a thing, he hears what is untrue; for he does not know the path of good deeds." 20 The poet says here that while the six sons of Aditi are born in pairs, the seventh became single-born, since the eighth, as he says later on, was half-born and was therefore cast out. It is only for the seven that sacrificial offerings are distributed according to their abodes, but not for the eight, who, though a friend, has fled from the company of his friend, the seventh Aditya. This is what the poet seems to imply when he says that a deserting friend will have not even a promise of a share of sacrificial offerings.. The poet now goes on to speak of the five years' cycle: RtuH RtunA nudyamAnaH vinanAdAbhidhAvaH / SaSThizca trizakA valgA zurUkRSNau ca pAThiko // 21 "One season, being propelled by another, runs and makes a noise: sixty are the groups of thirty (days); white and dark parts are also sixty in number." 21 Before going to speak of the deserter, the poet finds it necessary to describe the rotation of the seasons and of the five years cycle. Here the sixty groups of 30 days are evidently sixty months, i. e., five years. In this cycle a season of two months, propelled by other seasons, steps in. The sixty white and dark parts in the last line seem to refer to the greater cycle of sixty years, in which 120 solstices will happen. (60 winter, 60 summer.) It is to be remembered that the cycle of five years is closely connected with the cycle of sixty years, which is made of twelve cycles of five years each. There may probably be some reference to the names of the sixty years in the words Prabhava, '20 and Akshaya, used in the beginning of the Upanishad, while comparing the year to a river. After describing the characteristics of the spring and other seasons which are omitted here as unnecessary, the poet goes on to speak of the winter season when the sacrifices in connection with intercalation are completed : atitAkhANi vAsAMsi aTivajadyatAnna ca / vizvedevA vipraharati agnijihvA asazcata // 22 naiva devo na martyaH na rAjA varuNo vibhuH / nAgninedra na pavamAnaH mAtRSka cana vidyate // fener gaffe: gfasanyassu tasyeMdro vanirUpeNa dhanurjyAmacchinatsvayam / dhanurityayaM akSavarNeSu cakSate / gada q?iaigeqegea gaftrea vg: || 25 Free gaffe for aftita sa prava'bhavat / tasmayaH sapravavaiNa // yajheta yajate rudrasya sa ziraH pratidadhAti / nainaM rudra bhAruko bhavAte va evaM veda / / 26 (To be continued.) Prabhava is the name of the first year and Akshaya of the last in the cycle of sixty years. What is the authority for saying that Akshaya instead of Kahaya, is the name of the last year of the ayole ? J. F. F. Akshaya is the name by which the last year is commonly known in the Southern parts of India; mo Essentials of Astronomy, p. 155, Mysore G. T. A. Press, 1912.-E. S.

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38 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY THE PEREGRINATIONS OF INDIAN BUDDHISTS IN BURMA AND IN THE SUNDA ISLANDS. [FEBRUARY, 1913, BY PROFESSOR DOCTOR E. MULLER-HESS OF BERN. Translated from the German by G. K. NARIMAN, RANGOON, THE sources, which are at our command for the ancient history of Burma, are the holy scriptures of southern Buddhists composed in Pali. These were written in India and touch on the history of further India and Burma only cursorily and as a disgression. Besides they cannot claim implicit reliance; but implicit reliance cannot at all be placed in Oriental annalists since a simple straight narrative without ornamentation of their own imagining has been always foreign to them. According to the concordant testimony of all the histories, the Burmans came from the Ganges Valley and their kings were relatives to the Princes of Kosala and Kapilavastu. Of this tradition only this much is true, namely, that the Burmans emigrated no doubt, from the north and possibly in the course of their migration touched the valley of the Ganges. But there can be no possibility about their being related to the Aryans of India: that would be in conflict with their racial peculiarities as well as their language, which, no doubt, belongs to the monosyllabic grap. The whole theory of the descent of the Burmans from India was first invented, after the co.version of the country to Buddhism, by court historians, who thereby flattered the reigning kings, inventing for them a kinship with the clan from which the Buddha had sprung. In another instance the Burmese tradition comes in contact with the history of India, namely, as regards prince Dasaratha. He, too, was a descendant of the Sakya dynasty of Kapilavastu to which Gotama belonged, and wandered after renouncing the throne eastwards to Burma, where he founded the so called second Tagaung Dynasty. From these repeated attempts of the historians to connect the history of Burma with that of India and especially with Kapilavastu, it follows that at an early date a regular intercourse must have been established between the two countries. Thus, we read in the sacred books of merchants from Ukkala or Suvarnabhumi (these are the ancient names of Burma) who carried on business in Central India. Two of these merchants came in direct contact with the Buddha himself, as is reported to us in one of the oldest texts. (Mahdvagga, Book 1, Chapter 4.) The account is naturally somewhat fantastically embellished, still I assume with certainty that a historical kernel underlies it. It is stated there that the Tathagatas was seated at the foot of the Rajayatana tree sunk in deep meditation, when there came up to him two men named Tapussa and Bhallika from Ukkala bringing to the Buddha rice cakes and honey, offering the same to him as a present from themselves. The Buddha thought that "the Tathagata do not take any food in their hands; how then shall I receive these rice cakes and honey?" Upon this the four Maharajas of the four directions produced before him four stone utensils, in which the Buddha received the offered rice cakes and honey. These two merchants thus became the first lay disciples of the Buddha. This account in the Mahdvagga is confirmed by the inscription on the Shwe Dagon Pagoda at Rangoon, which dates from the year 1485 during the reign of king Dhammacheti. This king sent out eleven monks to Ceylon to enable them to receive their Upasampadu consecration at the celebrated Mahavihara, since their own ordination had become null, as they had not observed the prescriptions of the Vinaya. The pagoda of Shwe Dagon itself is said to have been built in the life time of Gotams; though, of course, this is mere legend. The inscription repeats the account as given in the Mahdvagga and adds that both the merchants received eight hairs from Gotama, which they took back to their country and enshrined in their pagoda on the summit of the Tamagatta Mount, east of the city of Asitanjanagara.

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FEBRUARY, 1913.] THE PEREGRINATIONS OF INDIAN BUDDHISTS Both these accounts differ only in one essential point. For while in the Mahdvagga, the two merchants came from Ukkala overland, the Shwe Dagon inscription states that this journey was made by ship. From this it appears that the compiler of the Mahavagga nuderstood Ukkala to be Orissa, which is a province of India, from where one could journey overland to the Rajayatana tree. Dhammaceti, on the other hand, the author of the inscription on the Shwe Dagon, understood by Ukkala the territory at the foot of the Shwe Dagon Hill stretching up to the Iravadi, where a number of colonists from further India must have settled at an early date. Hence he makes the two merchants voyage in a ship. When we look into the later Buddhist Literature we find the history of Tapussa and Bhallika also in the commentary of Buddhaghosha to the Vinayz and to the Anguttaranikaya, which is a production of the 5th Christian century. There also the city from where they came and where they erected the pagoda on their return is called Asitanjananagara, just as in the inscription on the Shwe Dagon. Accordingly, there seems to be no doubt that Buddhaghosha, too, the most celebrated of the later Buddhist theologians, had in his mind Burma and not Orissa, and that the Shwe Dagon Pagoda was actually built on the spot, where the two merchants buried the hair relics presented to them by Gotama. The name Dagon can be traced to an old Tikumbha "the three alms bowls", and with this is linked the legend that Gotama and his two favourite disciples, Sariputta and Moggallana had buried their alms bowls at that place. The name came into use first in the 16th century, while before that time the pagoda was called Singuttaracheti. Buddhaghosha's testimony is, therefore, of special value, in as much as he composed the greater number of his Commentaries in Burma, after he had spent some time in Ceylon with a view to study the sacred scriptures at the latter place. The Burmese historians even assert that he was born in their country. But this is contradicted by the evidence of the Mahavansa, which alleges his birth place to be in the vicinity of the holy Bodhi Tree, and, therefore, is not to be accepted as a historical fact. The identity of Ukkala and Burma, as asserted by Buddhaghosha, is no doubt, (a3 Kern indicates,) in conflict with the statement of the Lalita-Vistara, which places the home of the two merchants in a country to the north of the Deccan, and it likewise is not in accord with the information of the Chinese Pilgrim Hiuan-Thsang, who makes the merchants come from Baktria. But the Lalita-Vistara has proved itself in many cases to be an unreliable source and the expression "northern country" is so vague that it might indicate almost any country. As regards Hiuan-Thsang he is a great authority for Northern Buddhism; but, he has little knowledge of Southern Buddhism, and when his evidence is in conflict with that of Buddhaghosha, we must explicitly give precedence to the latter. We assume, therefore, that the first two lay disciples of Gotama originally came from Burma ; but that is not the same thing as to say that Buddhism had already been introduced into Burma by that time. That event took place after the Council of Pataliputra, which was held under the patronage of king Asoka. At this Council, at the suggestion of Tissa Moggaliputts, it was resolved to send out missionaries to various directions with a view to proselytise the surrounding countries to Buddhism. Both the children of king Asoka, Mahinda and Sanghamitta, went over to Ceylon; to Burma went the apostles Sona and Uttara. These two arrived there after a long journey, because the country was at that time in the possession of a sea monster who was working havoc there. The apostles succeeded in destroying the monster and naturally gained unexpected success in their mission of proselytisation. Two-thousand-five-hundred men and one-thousand-fivehundred women forthwith accepted monkhood, and the kings of the country thence-forward bore the name of Sonuttara. 39 The port where Sona and Uttara landed in Burma was called Golanagara or Golamattikanagara, and lay some twenty miles north-west of the capital, Thaton. The late Doctor

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40 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [FEBRUARY, 1913. Forchhammer, who rendered considerable service to the archeology of Burma, discovered there tolerably extensive ruins which go to prove an old settlement at the place. The name of the city in an inscription at Kalyani belonging to the 15th century is explained so as to suggest that it consisted of earthen houses after the style of those constructed by the Gaula or Gola in India. It was also probably an old Indian colony from pre-Christian times similar to the one mentioned above at the foot of the Shwe Dagon Hill. In the 16th Century the city was called Takkala, and at present it is named Ayetthima. Forchhammer attempted to identify this Golanagara with the territory called Kalah mentioned by Arab geographers, and accordingly propounded quite a new hypothesis with reference to a question which had already been taken up by Sir Emerson Tennent and others. The Arabs speak about a kingdom, which bore the name of Zabedj and extended in the 8th and 9th Centuries over the Islands to the south and east of Malacca, and consequently to Java, Borneo, Sumatra, etc. To this kingdom belonged likewise the southern extremity of India and also the country in question called Kalah. This place was the centre of commerce in aloes, camphor, sandlewood, ivory, and lead. The ships coming from the east, China, and from the west, Persia, met at Kalah and exchanged their respective commodities. This Kalah therefore, must have been situated somewhere in the Indian Ocean and the supposition of Sir Emerson Tennent that it would be Point-de-Galle in Ceylon has nothing improbable about it. Even this day Ceylon constitutes the centre of commerce and the meeting point of passengers in the Indian Ocean, and if 'Point-de-Galle has been replaced as a port in course of centuries by Colombo, it was because the port of Point-de-Galle is in the first place unsafe, and secondly, because, it was the government which directed the intercourse towards the capital Colombo. In the accounts of the Arab geographers we come across a group of islands which must have existed in the vicinity of this ancient Kalah, and this has probably placed us on the right track. Sir Emerson Tennent thinks in this connection of the Maldive Islands but that is scarcely probable, because, the Maldive Islands lie two and a hal Jays' journey west of Point-de-Galle, a situation which must have proved one of great distance for the then commercial circumstances. Perhaps we would be nearer the mark if we understood by Kalah the north-west coast of Ceylon, for, as a matter of fact there does exist a group of islands in close proximity, which constitutes what is called the Adams Bridge, and which was even a connecting link with the main land in pre-historic times. In the immediate neighbourhood of Kalah lived according to Cosmas Indicopleustes the king who had the hyacinth (o eis ekhon ton uakinthon) which is an attempt at transcribing the precious stone district in Ceylon at present called Sabara Gamuva, and with it was connected the land where the pepper goods i.e. the district between Puttalam and Adams Peak which is known in modern times by the name of Maha Oya. The Arab geographer Abu Zayid further narrates that the country in his time was subject to two kings. . . . the one was the Sultan of Zabej whose domination extended over Malacca, the Sunda Islands, and Travancore, the other was a Singhalese king who lived as a dependent on the Sultan. Of another opinion is the author of the anonymous work on Ceylon which appeared in 1876 in London under the title, "Ceylon, a general description of the Island, historical, physical, and statistical." He is of the view that the vessels which plied between China and Persia must have sailed from Cape Comorin straight over the Gulf of Bengal to the Nicobar Islands; they must have touched at the port of Kalah which must have been in that case one of the islands or peninsulas belonging to Hinter India, possibly, the modern Kedah near Penang. There is nothing more to adduce in support of this hypothesis except the more or less questionable similarity of pronunciation between Kedah and Kalah. This hypothesis, however, has more of probability in it than that of Forch-hammer, because, the vessels must have sailed past Kedah, while in order

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FEBRUARY, 1913.) THE PEREGRINATIONS OF INDIAN BUDDHISTS :) call a halt at Golanagara, they would have to make a long detour towards the north. I therefore, remain an adherent of the view of Sir Emerson Tennent coucerning the situation of Kalah; ply for Point-de-Galle I would substitate the north-west coast of the Island of Ceylon. We will now leave Burma and the questions connected with it and cast a glance at the Sunda Islands. The date of the first colonisation is here also a matter of doubt, though the place whence the colonists immigrated was in all probability Kalinga, the district to the north of the mouth of the Godavary. The name Kalinga or Kaling, which is the designation bestowed by the Chinese on the Javanese, is no strong proof of this, for, the Chinese so call all the Indians who crossed over the ocean to the Celestial Empire. But it is very likely that they originally came from there, because it was also the provenance of the Singhalese. The Chiuese Pilgrim Fa-Hian, who landed at Java about the year 413 on his return voyage from India to China, and sojourned there for a time, found an Indian civilisation in full growth. Brahmans and the so called heretics, as Fa-Hian calls all Shaivites, were in large numbers, while there were few or no Buddhists at all. This is confirmed by Sanskrit inscriptions in western Java and east Borneo, which to judge by the forma. tion of the alphabet must be at the latest as old as the 5th Century. From these inscriptions, which are of Vaishnavite character, we can conclude that both Java and the east coast of Borneo were indaised prior to the 5th Century. Moreover, we learn from a Chinese report that in the year 435 there reigned in Java a prince, whose name was the pure Indian Dbaravarman and his title Sripala. We possess documents belonging to Jaya and composed in its native language, the Kavi from the 9th Century. From this it follows that about that time the country was completely Hinduised and that there were traces of Buddhism in the Mahayana form, Probably, the Buddhists had immigrated to Sumatra and Malacca in the 5th Centary 8001 alter Fa Hian's visit. This is supported by the Sanskrit inscriptions of Kedah and province Wellesley, as well as of the celebrated temple of Boro Bodor, the most extensive Buddhist structure in existence. According to the opinion of Fergusson and Burgess, the temple was completed in the 7th Century and its construction must have taken somewbere about a hundred years so that its building was probably commenced in the 6th Century. We find Indian influence equally in Sumatra, although not in such a high degree as in Java and Bali. The alphabet which is used in Sumatra can be traced to an Indian origin, and the language has adopted a number of Sanskrit words. There are tolerably numerous names of places of Sanskrit origin. Buddhism must have flourished there from the 10th to the 14th Centuries, as can be inferred from several inscriptions and ancient buildings. Of all the islands of the Archipelago. Java alone seems to have admitted the division into castes according to the Hindu model, and this is an indication of Brahmanical and not Buddhist influence, for the Buddhist strove to do away with caste. The most prominent Brahmanical sect in Java was the Shaivite. Shaivism and Buddhism were the two officially recognised religions in Java, just as they are in Nepal of to-day where the king and the ruling classes are Shaivites, whereas the mass of the people do homage to the Buddha. We even find a kind of syncretism of both the religions in Java, in as much as the Buddha is regarded and adored as younger brother of Siva. At great festivals like that of Panchavalikrama, it so happens that four Shaivite and one Baddhistic priests officiate in co-operation. The Buddhist priest tarns his face towards the south, three of the Shaivites facing the three remaining cardinal points and the fourth sitting in the centre. We see from this that the Buddhists of the Sunda Islands were far from fanatics and allowed the adherents of other faiths to live there undisturbed. The situation was probably similar to that obtaining in Ceylon though in an inverted order, for the Buddhists were the first to occupy Ceylon, Hinduism baving crept into the island only at a subsequent period along with Tamil immigrants. There, too, we meet with, as at Dondra on the southern coast, in one and the same temple images of the Buddha, of Vishnu, of Ganesa, and the holy Bull from Tanjore, all of them being installed there without mutual disturbance or error in the prayers offered by the faithful of these various creeds. There is much more to be said for Kalabek dah than the author seems to be aware of.-ED.

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42 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [FEBRUARY, 1913. PARAMAJOTISTOTRA An Ou Braja Metrical Version of Siddhasen adivakara's Kalyanamandirastotra. BY L. P. TESSITORI, UDINE, ITALY. I found this vernacular version of the famous stotra by Siddhasenadivakars in a Jaina MS. pertaining to the Indian Collection in the Regia Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale of Florence. The MS. is registered in Pavolini's catalogue under No. 674. It consists of 15 leaves, with 12 lines on each paye, but it is unfortunately incomplete, some leaves at the end having been lost. As the colopbon is wanting, it is not possible to fix the date of the MS., but the general appearance of the paper and of the script are sufficient to show that it was copied at a comparatively modern time, On the cover we read the title, Digambarastotrani, which is quite probably the title we should find in the colophon, if the last leaf of the MS. bad been preserved to us. It is, in fact, a collection of stotras, partly in Sanskrit and partly in Bhasba, of which only the first four have been preserved, These are the following : (a) The Paschamangala by Rupachanda, in Old Braja, from page lb down to page 8a. It contains 25 stanzas in all, divided into five parts named respectively: (1) Prathamamangala, (2) Janamamangala, (8) Tapakalyanaka, (4) Jnanakalyanaka, (5) Nirvdnakalydnaka. It is a mangalagita .commemorating the five most salient points in the life of the Trailokyanaths Sudevajinavara, from the dreams seen by the mother of the Jins down to his attainment of the nirvana. In the last stanza (25th) the author records his name. (6) The Vish&paharastotra by Dhanamjaya, in 89 Sanskrit stanzas. (c) The Aiki bhdvastotra by Vadiraja, in 26 Sanskrit stanzas. (1) The Paramajotistotra, in Old Braja, from page 14a down to the foot of page 15b, deficient at the end, owing to the loss of the snbsequent leaves of the MS. The text reaches to the beginning of stanza 26 and, therefore, 18 stanzas are wanting. Though iocomplete, this Paramajotietotra is, no doubt, of the greatest interest. It derives its Valge partly from its excellence as a translation ; partly also, and perhaps chiefly, from the particular form of language, in which it is couched. The work is, in fact, a metrical version of Siddhagenadivakarn's Kalyanamandirastotra, in which the author has displayed an ability that is very rarely found in similar works. It was, indeed, no easy matter to put into a different language the often intricate meaning of the Sanskrit stotra, retaining all the puns that are met at almost every step in the latter; and, what is more, to put it into stanzas having verses rhyming with each other and corresponding exactly in number with the rasantatilakas in the original ; even to outdo the very Sanskrit text in conciseness, by recasting the whole content of each vasantatilakd-without omitting ang important particular-into stanzas numbering a smaller amount of syllables. How far the author has succeeded in this effort, the reader will judge for himself. In some passages, indeed, the vernacular version seems to be much more elegant than the Sanskrit original by Siddhasena itself. The work takes its Dame of Paramajotistotra from its beginning, after the exemple of the Kalyanamandirastotra itself and of many other stotrus of a similar kind, such as the renowned Bhaktamara. As to the probable author of the version-though it cannot be presumed that any positive conclusion on this question will ever be attained, owing to the scanty evidence.--I think there is a circumstance that may perhaps lead to his determination. Namely, the fact that the Paramajotistotra shares with the Panchamangala, the first work in the collection, not only the same language, but even the same linguistic peculiarities; and that the external affinity between the two works is such that it cannot be explained except by the assumption that both of them were composed in the same place and at about the same time, and, perhaps, even by the same poet. If it be correct to go as far as

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FEBRUARY, 1913.) PARAMAJOTISTOTRA the latter conclusion, it is with the Rupacanda of the Panchamangala that the author of oar version should be identified, Turning to the form of the language in which the Paramajolistotra is written, I have to make some further observations concerning what has been stated above. The language is, in fact, Old Braja, but this statement would be altogether incorrect, if it were understood to imply that the version was made within the area where Braja is spoken at the present day. It is well known (and here I mean to refer chiefly to Sir G. Grierson's authority) that in former times the nse of the Braja Bhakhe was spread towards the West far beyond the limits of the territory, where it was spoken. Indeed, for many centuries Braja bas been the common polite language, in which poets of the Western Gangetic Valley, Rajputana and even Gujarat used to compose their works. When so used for literary purposes by the poets of the West, it was called Pingala, and in contradistinction to it the dialects peculiar to each of the various countries, when they were used in poetry, were called Dingala. But the use of the latter for literary purposes seems never to have been so widely extended as that of the former. Now, it can be easily conceived that the adoption of the Braja by the poets in such countries as possessed a vernacular of their own, and differing from it, could not take place without the Braja growing more or less corrupt through the introduction of strange elements and foreign words, borrowed from the peculiar dialect of the writer. The resultant, then, was a form of language, that in its main features was Braja, but at the same time contained many peculiarities, which were not consistent with the latter and could be explained only by direct reference to Marwari or Gajaratt. This is precisely the case with the language, in which our Puramajotietotra is compored. It is Old Braja mixed with alien elements, which clearly point to the West for their origin. Such are: argat "dreams," hr auf " of the actions," i two instances of the plurals in as are met in all the dialects of the Rajasthant and Gujarati; "this, there," for the singular and plural forms of the demonstrative pronoun, which in Braja ought to be and respectively ; $wbo," for the plural of the relative pronoun, instead of the Braja forms or ; TU "gays," for the third persoa singular of the simple present, instead of you, which is the only form that is possible in Braja ; * " is doing," an instance of the definite present, which is not very common in Braja, whilst it becomes the rule in Marwori and in the other dialects of the West; Tat"will be," an example of the sigmatic future, which ie uot found to exist in the Western Hindi, etc. Indeed, some of these as well as other forms, besides pointing to the West, seem to point also to an early stage in the formation of the vernaculars. In other words there are some peculiarities, which, though they may hapen to have their correspondents in the dialects of Rajputana and of Gujarat, might be as well explained by a direct reference to the Apabliramca. Such are for instance: the postpositions Hot and aut of the genitive, which are liable to be directly chained to the correspoading forms: YUT and out in the Apabhranca; the inflected locative singular ending in -, -, of which there are traces in all forms of Bhasha and which likewise occurs in the Apabbraipca; the prono.ninal forms U " who?" for the interrogative pronoon, and how ?" for the interrogative adverb of manner, both of which are derived from the Apabhramca forms: ayu and , and the latter has spread so far in the East that it is found eren in the Old Baiswari of Tulasi Dasa; and finally the forme w at, acet, for the pronominal adjectives of nianner, which are even older than the corresponding forms 3, TH of the Apabhrama, and for the explanation of which one must refer to the Prakrit. Further, there are some other forms, which are rather to be considered as Kanauji peculiarities, like , faft, Pane, which are used for the oblique singular of the 1 These two forms, as well as some of the other mentioned below, are not met in the Paramajoristotra, but only in the Panchamangala * The MS. often reada , (TE, OV

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44 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY FEBRUARY, 1913. "are," pronouns. Quite peculiar are the forms if "is" and " for the 3rd persons singalar and plural of the simple present of the substantive verb, both used in their original indicative meaning and therefore corresponding to the Braja and, respectively. I believe, they are to be explained as having arisen from two hypothetical forms: * (*) and *gaft" of the Apabhramca, which, though they have not yet been found, may reasonably be supposed to have existed beside the more recent forms and fa. As for the being retained in the terminations: f. f, instances of the same are not wanting in Old Hindi. Lastly, there will be noticed the use of the old genitive in-, which is also commonly found in the Old Gujarati as well as in Canda's poetry, and in the latter it appears to have superseded almost all other cases. In the same way, it will be found used with a meaning different from that of the genitive case in the example que fe in the 2nd caupal of the Paramajolistotra. The conclusion, then, to be drawn is that the Paramajotistotra was written at a rather early period in the history of the Bhashas, which it is not possible to determine at the present day, and in a country lying to the West of the area where Braja was spoken. Whether this country was Rajputana or Gujarat, cannot be easily ascertained. The fact that some of the Western peculiarities, that have been treated of above-as for instance for the singular of the demonstrative pronoun and for the interrogative adverb of manner-seem to point rather to Gujarati than to Rajasthani, is of no great account in this question, as at that time the difference between the vernaculars of Gujarat and of Rajputana was much less distinct than at the present day. Be it remembered that both forms of speech have come out of the same stock, viz., the Caurasen? Apabhram ca, and that their mutual connection still appears as a very close one, if we only compare the Old Gujarati with the Old Marwari. I need not expend words in illustrating the contents or showing the literary importance of the Kalyanamandirastotra, the original, of which our Paramajotistotra is a version-nor shall I dwell on its being an imitation of Manatunga's Bhaktamarastotra, and still less on the questions concerning the probable identification of its author Siddhasenadivakara. For all these particulars, the reader may directly refer to Prof. Jacobi's introduction to the edition of the stotra in the Tndische Studien (Vol. XIV [Leipzig, 1875], pp. 376-377) and to Pandit Durga Prasada's introductory note to the edition of the same stotra in the Kavyamala (Guchchhaka VII [Bombay, 1907], p. 10). Let me only say, in explanation of the fact that the present version is included in a Digambara MS., that the Kalyanamandirastotra is read by the Digambaras as well as by the Cretambaras. The metre, in which the Paramajolistotra is arranged, is partly the chaupai, partly the dohd. The part of the work, that has been preserved to us, comprises 26 stanzas in all, out of which 18 are chaupais and the other 8 are dohds. The first stanza, from the initial words of which the version takes its name, is not found in the Sanskrit original, and is, therefore, to be regarded as an addition by the vernacular poet. As regards the Braja text, which follows below, I wish further to note that I have tried faithfully to reproduce the realing of the MS., as far as it was consistent with the laws of grammar and prosody. So, I have kept purposely unchanged:-the sign, without substituting for it; the frequent inorganic nasalization of the vowel, before , ., ; the frequent substitution of for original, 3, and of for, etc. On the other hand, I have silently corrected all evident blunders like the substitution of for and the omission of the dot of the nasals, and I have kept carefully distinguished from the the, for which the MS. has no special sigu. All other cases, in which I venture to differ from the reading of the MS., will be found recorded in the critical notes at the foot of the text. Their being so copious should not be imputed to any excess of scrupulosity on my part, but rather to the great incorrectness of the MS. The latter substitution is to be regarded as a Western peculiarity.

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FEBRUARY, 1913.) PARAMAJOTISTOTRA atha paramajotistotra // dohA parama-joti paramAtamA parama-jJAna-paravIna / vando paramAnanda maiM ghaTi ghaTi antarajIna // 1 // caupAI nirbha-karana parama-paradhAna | bhava-samudra-jala-tAraNa jA~Na / ziva-mandira agha-harana aninda / vandauM' pAsa-caraNa-aravinda // 1 // maTha-mAna-bhakhana-para-vIra | giramA sAgara guNaha gabhIra / puragura pAra lahe nahi jAsa / maiM ajAna apahU~ jasa tAsa // 2 // prabhu-sampa ati-agama athAha / kyoM hama-sai-pai hoya nibAha / jyo dina-andha malU ko pota / kahi na sakai ravi-kiraNa-uyota / / 3 / / moha-hIna jANai mana-mA~hi / to-u na tuma guNa varaNa jaahi| prale payodhi karai jana-pauna / pragaTai ratana giNe te koNa // 4 // tuma asaSi-niramala-guNa-pA~ni / maiM mati-hIna kahA~ nija-bA~ni / jvau bAjaka nijabAha pasAri / sAgara-paramati kahai vicAri // 5 // je jogendra kara tapa gheda / te-u na jA~Nai suma guNa bheda / bhAva bhAgati mani mujha abhilASa / jyo' paeNpI bole nija-bhASa // // tuma jasa mAhimA agama apAra | nauva eka tribhuvana-bhAdhAra / Avai pavana padama-sari hoya / bhISama-tapati nivAra sIba / / // tuma Avata bhavi-jana ghaTa-mA~hi / karma-bandha sithana hoya jA~hi / kyoM candana-tari bole mora / Darai bhuyaGga lage cahu~ ora // 4 // suma nirapata jana dIna dayAla | saMkaTa-tai chUTai tatakAla / jyo. pamu gherilehi nisi cora / te taji bhAgata deSata bhora // // tuma bhavi-jana-tAraka kima hoya / te cita dhAri tirai'le toya / yau aisau kari jA~Ni subhAva / tirai masaka kyoM garabhita-bAva / / 10 // jini saba deva kiye vasi vAma / hai chinamaitrItyo so koNm| jo jaja kare agana-kula-hA~ni / vaDavAnala pIvai so pAni // 15 // tuma ananta-garavA-guNa jiye / kyau kari bhagati-dharau' nij-hiye| baha laghu-rUpa tirai saMsAra / yaha prabhu-mahimA agama apAra / / 12 / / krodha-nivAra kiye mana-zAnti / karma-subhaTa jIte kihi bhA~ti / 1)paramAtmA, jAMnA 1)aneka 2) gaMbhIra, nahI, japU pUta, kaha, kIraNaH 4)bhANa, mAhi parasai (instead of prale), koNa 5) muti, khii| .)mahamA, aika, vibhavana, siraH 8) karmanibaMdha, bhabaMga, ura; 1) 10)savi (intend of bhavi), bo, aisAra 11) mina, kIva, kyo, hANi, pAna, 12) beha, mahamAM, 15) kIyo, kiha, paTatara, mAranaviraSa. * For: garimA From alakaulaka; Contracted form from vamana.' An instance of the emphatio partiolo having combined with the Anal inherent of the word to whole it wm added.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [FEBRUARY, 1918. yaha paTatara deSyo saMsAra / nIla-viraSa jyau dahai tusAra // 13 // muni-jana hiye kamala nija Tohi / siddha-rUpa samasyA tohi / kamala-kaNikA vina nahi aura / kamala-bIja upajana-kI aura // 14 // jaba tuma yauna dharai muni koya | taba videha paramAtmA hoya / jaise dhAta sinAtana tyAgi / kanaka-sarUpa dharai jaba pAgi // 15 // jA-kai mani tuma karai nivAsa / vinasi jAya kyo" vimaha tAsa / jyoM mahanta vici Avai koya / vimaha-mUla nivArai soya // 14 // karai vividha je pAlmA-dhyAna / tuma prabhAva- hoya nirdhAna / jaisai mIra sadhA anumAni / pIvata viSa-vikAra-kI hAni // 7 // kyoM bhagavanta vimana-guNa-jIna | samaja-rUpa mAne mati-hIma / jau nIliyA-roga dviga gahai / varana vivarana saha sI kahai // 18 // dohA nikaTa rahata upadesa mani sara-vara bhaye asok| jyoM ravi ugatai jIva saba pragaTa hota bhava-noka // 16 // samana-vRSTi ne sura kare he vRnta-muSa sob| tyau tuma sevata sumana-jana bandha adhomuSa hoya // 20 // upaji tuma hiye upAdhi-tai bAnI sudhA-sAna / jihi pIvata bhavi-jana nahe' ajara-amara-pada-yAna // 29 // kara isAra tihu~ loka-kau besura-cAmara dIyA. bhAva-sAhita jo jina namai sAsu gati uraca hoya // 22 // sihAsana giri meru sama prabhuzvAni garajita ghora / syAma sutana dhana-rUpa napi nAcata bhavi-jana-mora / / 23 // chavi-hasa hohi asoka-dala tuma-bhA-maeDala deSi / vItarAga-ke nikaTa rahi rahe nairAga viseSi // 25 // sIpa kahai tiloka-ko pasura-sundami-nAda / ziva-patha-sArayavAha jina bhajyo tajyo paramAda // 25 // tIna batra vibhuvana udita . . . . . . . . . 15) hI, kINika (for karNikA), vinA, nahI, ora, gera; 15) paramAtma, dhava, bhAga; 180 vinisi, jyo (instand of kyo"), vigRha) '17) vividhi, pAlma, nira; 18)mati, byau, gaha, syo, 19) ugatA 20) vRSTe, kaira hai, pITha ( for vRnta), sII, adhImuSa hArA 21) upajI hIye, jiha, bhavI; 22)sAra, svara (for mura), sahana, tasa, hoI, 23) gira, meri 25) bimA 2)vibhavana. Obsorve that the carapa is faulty.

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FEBRUARY, 1913.] ON THE PRONUNCIATION OF SANSKRIT 47 ON THE PRONUNCIATION OF SANSKRIT. BY P. T. SRINIVAS IYENGAR, M.A.; VIZAGAPATAM. It is frequently urged, as one of the excellences of Sanskrit, that its alphabet is scientific and perfect, unlike the English alphabet, which is both superfluous and defective. But it is not so well-known, that while the spelling of Sanskrit words is fixed for all time, its pronunciation varies so much from province to province that there are comparatively few letters whose values are the same all over India. When this is pointed out to a Hindu, his first impulse is to maintain that his pronunciation, i. e., that of his district, is the correct, ancient one of Panini and the Rishis that preceded him, and that all others are wrong. I have heard a Tamil Brahman (and a professor in a Government College who has passed a high Examination in the Science of Language) maintain that the Tamil pronunciation of Sanskrit is the only perfect thing, though the Tamil land is several thousand miles far from that where Sanskrit was first evolved, and though Sanskrit did not reach the Tamil land until many hundred years after it was born. On the other hand I have known Hindi gentlemen, great Sanskrit scholars, believe that the confusion in speech between sh and prevalent in North India was part of the original perfection of the Sanskrit (perfected) tongue! As a matter of fact there is no right or wrong in these matters. As every flower has a right to exist and the one with narrow petals is not more correct than the one with broad ones, all forms of pronunciation are correct, each in the district or caste or clan where it prevails, and no one form is superior to another. Pronunciation, like other manifestations of life, changes in accordance with individual environment. Firstly as time goes on the sounds of a language change. It has been proved that Sanskrit has levelled down original Indo-Germanic a, e and o into one uniform a, whereas the original sounds have been preserved in Greek, Latin and other languages. Cf. Sans. pancha, janas, Gr. pente, genos: Sans. cha, Lat. que; Sans. chal, A. S. hweol; in all which cases the Sanskrit a is a later formation than the e or o of the other languages. That Sanskrit long e and long o are developments of ai and au is well-known to our Grammarians, but this is only a case of Indo-Germanic ai, ei, and oi becoming first ai and then longe in Sanskrit and au, eu and ou first becoming au and then long o. Compare Gk. aithos, Sans. edhas, Gk. teichos, Sans. deha; Gk, oida, Sans. veda; Lat. aug-ere, Sans. ojas; Gk. reuma, Sans. sro-tas. While Sanskrit has wandered farther from the parent Indo-Germanic in its vowel system than its sister-languages, it has preserved the original consonant system better. But even here, there have been wide changes. In the Indo-Germanic there were two sets of k sounds, as to-day Arabic has, a velar and a palatal. These as well as the labialized velars were fronted, when followed by front vowels e, i. ; thence arose in Sanskrit the sounds of i,j, h, k, ch, eto, Thus the roots ii, jtv, har, kal, chal represent an earlier kei, gwei, gher, qel, qwel. Most of these changes from the Indo-Germanic to the Sanskrit have been revealed by the historical study of languages conducted by modern investigators. The method of Sanskrit Grammarians was purely analytical; it consisted in tracing forms to their roots (real or imaginary) and it is obvious that this method cannot be lead to laws of word formation, which may be practically useful but are not true as facts of history. The study of the growth of man based on anatomical considerations and intelligent inferences from the dissection of a number of corpses as to how man's body must have been put together may lead to very interesting results, but these results are likely to be very different from the real story of man as revealed by Comparative Zoology and Embryology. Psychology, till recently, analysed the grown man's mind into faculties and proceeded exactly like Panini's grammar; and as the growing science of Comparative Psychology has upset the old Psychology, so Comparative Grammar has upset the older Sanskrit. Grammar. Thus in 6-ti, the e representing ei of. Indo-Germanic is surely not derived from i, the so-called root, The k of multa, rikta, is not a modification of oh as Panini says, because the Indo-Germanic analogue of their so-called roots much, rich, are meuk, leikw; similarly the gh of ghrants is more primitive than the h of hanti..

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48 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [FEBRUARY, 1913. But even taking Panini at the usual Hindu valuation, there are many difficulties in utilizing his sitras in an investigation of Sanskrit pronunciation. His last satra is "aa" (VIII., iv., 68) and is nsually interpreted to mean that though in the body of the stras vowels have been described to be open (rivrita), short a is not open, but close (sazvita). This information can be utilized only it we know for certain how short a was pronounced by Panini. This letter is pronounced in South India like the u of' but when accented and like the shortened form of the e in her 'wben unaccented. In Northern India when it is unaccented it loses all individuality and practically vanishes. In Bengal and Orissa, the accented a approximates to o. In which of these ways did Panini intend the sarrita a to be made? This is a question difficult to answer. And then there is the further question, whether these different pronunciations of a are far off reminisconces of the fact that Sanskrit a represents Indo-Germanic a, e, and o. Again in modern Hindt we certainly hear short e and short o. Whence come these sounds? It is fairly well-known that the Hindus are divided into two great groups, the five Gaucas and the five Dravidas. These groups are distinguished from each other, firstly by the fact that the Brahmans of the former group eat fish and the flesh of " five five-nailed "animals, and those of the latter do not, and secondly by the fact that the Dravidas pronounce and as sh and y, and the Gaudas in many cases pronounce them kh and j. Thus when they begin words or syllables, there are invariably kh and ; ; jama, jamuna, kha!, pukhar, y in the middle of n syllable is y as in syat; sh when it is the first part of a conjunct consonant is sometimes attempted to be pronouncel, and then it approximates to s, thus shashti becomes khasti. 1, the nasal of ch-series is pronounced alike throughout India, when it preceded ch or j, but when it succeeds j as in the words yajia or juana, it is pronounced differently in different parts of India. The Tamil has in his own tongue a distinct 1 sound, occurring by itself in words, e. 9., fiuyiru but it cannot be easily pronounced after ji bo he pronounces these words as yagha, gnana. The North Indian makes the first word jagya and the second gyana; the Maratha makes the former yadnya. As regards sibilants, there are four sounds, the English 8, the Tamil e, the English sh, and the Indian sh sounds, all made by the friction of air passing between the palate, beginning from behind the teeth and gradually receding to the mid palate. There is no difficulty with regard to the first of these sounds. The second is the sound made in South India and the third in North India when reading T. Seeing that Panini was a Sindhi, it is probable that he followed the modern North Indian practice. South Indians claim that their pronunciation of this letter is the proper one, but there is no shadow of evidence to prove this, though when << South Indian speaks Sanskrit, the car can much more readily detect the difference between and . But this is perhaps due to the fact that to the South Indian, Sanskrit is absolutely a foreign language, his mother tongue belonging to the Dravidian family and he is therefore plus royaliste que le roi. With regard to the last of these sounds, too, there is a difficulty. The Dravida makes the sound by doubling the tongue, and contacting the blade with the middle of the palate. The Gauda makes a kh of it, Where the South Indian reads tushara, the Gauda reads tukhara. The Gauda and not the Dravida has spoken Sanskritic languages continuously from the beginning of the historic age in India, and hence his pronunciation must be regarded as the genuine Sanskrit pronunciation and the Dravida one but a modification of it by a foreign tribe attempting to acquire it. The main language of Afghanistan is Pashto in its S. W. parts and Pakhto in the N. E. Here we have over again the Dravida-Ganda difference. The S.W. sh may be due to the proximity of a Dravidian language, the Brahus. It is to be noted that Herodotus speaks of them Paktues and the Rig Veda refers to them as Pakthas. Apparently Pakhto was the ancient form and Pashto a recent one. This fact rendere it probable that was kh in Sanskrit till the Dravidas made it into sh. This view will react on the discussion of certain problems of linguistic science. Collitz derires ksheti from a root kshei and kshayati and kshinati, both from a root ghehee. But it is a disputed question whether the Indo-Germanic had a sh sound. If, as with the Gaudas, Sanskrit is really kh and Iesh is really kilch and if y developed from Iudo-Germanic k onght to be pronounced sh, the above disputed question ought to be rediscussed in the light of this. As an example of a mis

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- FEBRUARY, 1918) SANTIDEVA 49 take due to the i suorance of the Ganda pronunciation of Sanskrit, I may mention that such a scholar as Bloomfield in his Religion of the l'eda, p. 54, speaking of the Persian translation of the Upanishads ma le for Dara, says that the Persian pronunciation of the word "panishad is oupanekat", whereas it is the Gauda pronunciation. Idg. sweks became Skt. 2, which Gaudas pronounce khash; Idg. skeut bicame , which Gaudas make khubh. In this connection it must be remembered that Iug. sw in some cases become a in Sanskrit and kh(w) in Persian ; thus the Persian analogue for sreilas is kh(wjay, for srasar is khwa har, and for s11-karas is khal. Curionsly enough Idg. kw when fronted by the influence of front vowels becomes s in Persian, corresponding to Skt. &; thus Idg. kweit, Skt. sretas, Pers. safid. Hence the history of Skt. C ought to be rediscussed in the light of these facts.' Scientific conclusions on the gradual changes of Sanskrit sounds are vitiated by four facts, (1) Maharashtras have been the main teachers of Sanskrit Grammar for the past two centuries or more and have imposed their Dravida pronunciation on Sanskrit ; and European Scholars have on that account not given the Gauda pronunciation its dues. (2) The Gaudas of Benares have for a long time been under the influence of these Maharastras and their own pronunciation to-day is a very mixed one. (3) Sanskrit was never the spoken langungo of the people; it was the Sanskrita, the literary, conventionalized form of the language of the people, first of the Indns valley, then of the Madhyadesa, and lastly of Magadha and perhaps also of the Marntha country, before it became finally fixed in its present highly artificial form, dennded of syntax, divested of idioms, eminently suited to be tbe language of scholars, but nn fitted to act as a means of registering the changing sounds of a living language. (4) The linguistic survey of Northern India has been conducted by gentlemen without a training in phoneties, and their enquiry has been to some extent vitiated by a belief that Sanskrit is the norm and the languages as spoken are corruptions of the Sanskrita bhashd. . My object is not to solve these problems, bnt merely to prove that the Sanskrit alpbabet is not deroid of perplexing difficulties, nor is Sanskrit pronunciation an invariable fixed thing ns people usually supposc. To one who knows the facts of the case and is not blinded by prejudice, it is as full of difficulties, as full of variations, as any other language. SANTIDEVA, BY MAHAMAHOPADHYAYA HARAPRASAD SASTRI, M.A., C.L.E.; CALCUTTA. SANTIDEVA is a great name in the later Malayana literature. He is credited with the authorship of three works: (1) Bodhicharyavatara, (2) Siksha-Samachcbaya and (3) Sutra-Samuchchaya (See Silishd-sa muchchaya of Bendall, Introduction, page IV., on the authority of Tarapatha). Sutra-Samuchchaya has not yet been found. But there is ample evidence that this was also written by Santideva, ns will be found in the sequel. Bolhicharyavatara has been several times published and even translated into English. It was first published by Professor Minnef in the eighties. Then it was published in the Journal of the Buddhist Text Society by me. I had the advantage of collating a beautiful palm-leaf manuscript belonging to the Hodgeson Collection; in the Library of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. In 1893 I acquired a copy of the Panjika commentary of the work by Prajnakaramati.. The manuscript was copied in the year 1078 A.D. in Newari character. The copyist's name is not given. But he describes the commentator Prajia karamati as his tatapada, from which it may be in'erred that he was a disciple of the monk Prajnakaramati who was a well-known scholar of the Vikramasili-vihara (See M. M. Satis Chandra Vidyabhusbana's Indian Logic, Mediaval School, page 151) and flourished about the beginning of the 11th century. Another

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50 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [FEBRUARY, 1918... manuscript in Maithill character of the commentary running over the Prajndpdramitd cbapter only was also acquired at the same time. Professor De la Vallee Poussin bas very nearly completed an edition of the text and the commentary in the Bibleotheca Indioa Series. The commentary is a store-honse of information about the later Mahayana School. The Siksha-samuchchaya was edited in the Bibleotheoa Buddhica Series of St. Petersburg by the late lamented Professor Bendall of Cambridge in 1902. He has enriched his edition with the meanings of the rare Baddhist worde in English in the form of an index, and in the introduction he discusses the age of the work and the genesis of the passnges quoted in the work. In the work' Santideva rarely speaks himself, but quotes from a very large number of authoritative works. His Bodhicharyavatara is written in beautiful Sanskrit, very rarely tinged with Buddhistic licenses. The versification throughout is exceedingly musical. Santideva wrote at a time when Chinese scholars ceased to come to India. So it was at first thought that his works were not translated into Chinese. But my friend Professor Ohmiya of Tokio writes to me that he has discovered in Nanjio's catalogue of the Tripitakas, a work which appears to be a different version of the Bodhicharydvatdra. Recently three palm-leaves were acquired by me, being No. 9990 of the Government Collection of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, which gives a legendary acconnt of Santideva's life. The leaves were written in the 14th century Newari hand at Katmandu. It represents Santideva to have been the son of a Raja. But unfortunately the name of the capital of the Raja has been so completely effaced that with all my efforts I could not make out anything of it. The name of his father is Manjuvarma. (Tarabatha says that Santideva was the son of Raja of Surashtra. Seo Introduction of Siksha-samuchchaya of Bendall, page 8. Bat Tarknatha was later than these leaves, on which my paper is based). At the time of his installation as Yurardja, his mother pointed out to him that kingship led only to sin, "You better go," said his mother, "where Buddhas and Bodhisattvas are to be found. If you go to the place of Manjavajra, you will prosper spiritually". He rode en green horse and loft his father's country. He was so intent on his journey that he forgot to eat and drink for several days. In the thick of the forest handsome girl caught hold of bis borse and made him descend from it. She gave him good water to drink, and roasted goat-meat to eat. She introduced herself as a disciple of Manju-vajra-samadhi. This pleased Santideva greatly. For bis mission was to become a disciple of the same Guru. Ho stopped with the Guru for 12 years, and obtained the knowledge of Manjubrf. After the completion of his education the Guru ordered him to go to Madhyadesa. And there be became a raut, vin., & military officer assuming the name of Achalasena. He had a sword made of devaddru wood, and he soon became a favourite with the king, so much so that other officers grew jealous of him. They represented to the king that this man had a sword made of devaddru wood. How could he then serve his master as a soldier in times of War 1 The king wanted to inspect the swords of all his officere. Acbalagens represented that his sword should not be seen. But the king insisted, and he agreed to show his sword to the king in private after covering one of his eyes. As soon as the king saw the sword his eye fell on the ground. The king was surprised and pleased. But Achalasena threw his sword on a stone,' went to Nalanda, changed his dress and renounced the world. There he got the name of Santideva on account of his calmnese. He heard the three Pitakes, and practised meditation. Ho got another name too, Bhusuku, because bhuJjAnIpi prabhAsvaraH buzopi, kurmI tatopa sadevota asakusamAdhisamApanasvAt asakunAmasvAti so'pi / Sometime after the young folk of Nalanda became curious to test his knowledge. It was the custom at. Nalanda to hold recitations every year in the month of Jysishthu in waxing moon.

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SANTIDEVA FEBRUARY, 1913.] They pressed upon him to give a recitation. There was an extensive Dharmasala to the Northeast of the great Vihara at Nalanda. In that Dharmasdid all the pandits were assembled and Santideva was raised to the simhdsana. He at once asked kimArtha paThAni arthArSaM vA tatra RSiH paramArthajJAnavAn Rdhgatau ityatra zrINAdikaH kiH RSiNA jinena protaM / nanu prajJApAramitAdau subhUtyAdidezitaM kathamArSe ityatrocyate yubarAjArthyamaitreyeNa bahadhammaipadopasaMhitaM 51 nivartayAM vcH| bhave bhavecchAntyanuzaMsa darzakaM tadvata kramArSe viparItamanyathA // tadAkRSTaM AryyAdyairaryArSe subhutyAdidezanA tu bhagavadadhiSTAnAdityadoSaH / The pandits became curious, and asked him to recite a work that may be Artharsha, He resolved in his mind which of the three works, Sutra-samuchchaya, Sikshd-samuchchaya and Bodhicharyavatara, to recite. And he gave preference to the Bodhicharyavatara, and began to _rend : sugatAn sasutAn sadharmmakAyAn praNipatyAdarato'khilAMca vandyAn | sugatAtmajasaMvarAvatAraM kathayiSyAmi yathAgamaM samAsAt // But when he came to recite the verse yadA na bhAvo nAbhAvo mateH santiSThate puraH / tadAnyagatyabhAvena nirAlambaH prazAmyati // the Lord appeared before him and took him to Heaven. The pandits were surprised, searched his Padhu-kauti, viz., a student's cottage, a thatched room 17' by 18 and there they found the three works Satra-samuchchaya and others, which they published to the world. This is the legendary account of Santideva's life given in those three palm-leaves. From this we come to know that Santideva was a monk at Nalanda, that he had a kufi there, that he was called Bhusuku, and that he was the author of the three works mentioned above. Reading through Sikshd-samuchchaya and Bodhicharya, we find that he was a Mahayanist of the Madhyamika School. Professor Bendall thinks that Santideva's Sanskrit works are not altogether free from Tantrika Buddhism. But from the Catalogue Da Fonds Tibetain by P. Cordier, Deurieme Partie, page 140, we learn that Santideva is the author of a Tantrica Buddhist work entitled zrIguhyasamA jamahAyogatantra banividhi: From a palus-leaf manuscript of qeatqcdfafrua:: in the Durbar Library of Nepal, we learn that to Bhusuku are attributed several works of the Vajraydna schools, viz., the school of the secret and mystic worship of the later Buddhists. I have discovered several songs on the same subject in Bengali attributed to Bhusuku. One of the songs declares him distinctly to have been a Bengali. 48 rAja mallArI vAjanAva pADI paU~grA khAleM vAhiGa / adaba vaGgAle keza luDiDa // dhru // Aja mukhakaM vaGgAlI bhaniniariNI caNDAlI leni // bhu ! prajJApAramitAmbhodhiparimathanAta mRta paritoSita siddhAcAryyabhucakrapAdo vaGgAnikAvyAjena tamevArthe pratipAda jati prazAravindakuharahare sagurucarapAvena prayozata samAnatvAvizavyAhI vyApi baGgajigavA. hiva iti prabhinatvaM kRtaM / Though the name of his father's capital could not be read in the palm-leaves, it seems that the city was in Bengal. Santideva rode into the jungles of Terai where Manjuvajra-samadhi, his Guru, had a tapovana similar to that of Divakara in Harshacharita. The Guru asked him to go to Madhyadesa in which term Hieuen Sthang included Magadha and which the Nepaleese still nee in the corrupted form, Madhess, in the same sense. Bengal is beyond Madhyadesa. So Manjuvajra would be justified in asking a Bengali to go to Madhyadesa.

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52 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [FEBRUARY, 1913. As to the age of Santideva, written as Jayadeva, by mistake, on page 106 of Cambridge Catalogue of Professor Bendall, while treating of Siksha-samuchchaya, it is stated that the work was compiled by Jayadeva in or about the 7th century A. D. But he reconsiders his position in his introduction to the Siksha-samuchchaya, and puts him down between the death of Sriharsha, in 648 and the translation of the work under the celebrated Tibetan king Khri-lde-sron-btsan, who reigned 816.838 A. D. If so, the Bengali songs attributed to Bhusuku would be as old as the 7th century though the songs belong to the Sahajia School of Buddbism, which seems to bave branched out from Vajrayana or may be identical with it. It may not be out of place to mention here how un historical Indian panditas became in the middle ages. In the Durbar Library, Nepal, there is a manuscript entitled Bodhicharyavalaranuansa, which is nothing else than the Bodhicharyd itself with a few verses added at the beginning and at the end. The prologue and the epilogue make the Bodhicharydvatdra a dialogue between Asoka and bis Guru Upagopta. It may be argued that Santideva, the author of Mahayana works, and Santideva, the composer of Sahajia songs, under the name of Blusuku may not be one and the same person. But this doubt is set at rest by the signature of one of the songs attributed to Bhusuku. The signature runs : rAuta bhaNai kaTa bhusakumaNDakaTa samajAcaisasahAva / jAtImUdAisI bhAnti pucchatu sadgurupAva / / In this signature Bhusuku calls himself a rauta, and we know from the palm leaves that Santideva served as a rauta in Magadba. I have a mind to say more on the subject when I publish the old Bengali songs on Buddhism. Wassiljew, following Taranatha, thinks that there were Buddhist works in an Apabhransa language. In our joint expedition to Nepal in 1898-99 Professor Bendall and myself got a work entitled Subhashita-sangraha. Professor Bendall has published the book. It contains some quotations in that Apabhransa language. But in my last journey to Nepal in 1907 I found Beveral works in that language which after a careful study I am inclined to call old Bengali. It is undoubtedly the language spoken in Eastern India in 7th, 8th and 9th centuries, in which these books were composed. MISCELLANEA. A POEM BY BHASA. Text. PANDIT T. Ganapati Sastri of Travancore has For Car ] Regi onal dari al laid all lovers of sanskrit literature under adeep | nibaDherapi maansaani| debt of gratitude by his discovery of twelve or EET a fonte (teet] canarrather thirteen of the dramas of the almost for CTO gotton poet Bhasa, who is known to bave preced Commontary. : ___ satAM kAvbataviSaye saMhAravidhau zahe doSAropaNe merapi ed Kalidasa. Three of these he has edited in the sakAzArajanAnAM cittAni dImAnbajAni bhavanti atra Trivandram Sanskrit Series. | sAdhanamA sImirapi bhAsamuneH kASyaM viSNudharmAnmuI beg to draw the attention of scholars to w a rtofcat: V TISTAT havya or epic poem by the same poet. It is re-|pamihiM vastvantaravalpArataMbandhumazakto mukhAnmuzcati bhAerred to in the Prithviraja-vijaya mahakavya, also fearaat afavau ateratanara Galled Prithof-mahendra-vijaya. I quote from a TATIT Traf a lcat: - manuscript in the possession of P. Gaurishankar baM zitam tayormadhyAdabhirviSNudharmAcArahaditi prasiddhiH H. Ojha, copied from the one in the Deccan ATE TRH R rai College Library T afae:I.

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FEBRUARY, 1913.) MISCELLANEA 53 (Leaf 1 (number 3), page 2, lines 4-11). and thereafter, tradition remembered them as From this we learn that Vistnudharma (plural) rivals of almost equal eminence and remembered was a kiloya of Blasa and it was put in the fire a kdvya by the latter named Vishnudharma. for being tested. The commentator, Jonaraja CHANDRADHAR GULERI. (son of Bhatta Nonaraja, son of Lolaraja) who Mayo College, Ajmer. commented on the Kiraturjuniya and Srikantha- [There are two works of the name of Vishnucharita also, calls Bhasamuni, and says that he dharna or Vishnudharmottara, of which one, and Vyasa were rivals and one work of each was according to Buhler, is as old as A. D. 500 (ante, thrown into the fire, which, as a referee, did Vol. XIX., p. 408). Both professing to be Purinot consume the excellent work of Bhasa named nas, one was naturally attributed to Vyasa, who Vishnudharma. It is not said whether the work is supposed to be the auther of all Puranas. As of Vyasa escaped unhurt. The submission of the it is inconceivable that one author can compose works of Bhass to the ordeal by fire is alluded to two ditferent works bearing one and the same by Rajasekhara in Jalbana's Siktimuktiivali in name, the other Vishnudharma appears to have the verse been hoisted upon Bhaga. A rivalry was accordbhAsanATakacakepicchekaiH kSipte parIkSitam / ingly imagined to bave sprung up between him svamavAsavadattasya dAhakobhUna paavkH|| and Vyasa, and the tradition about the ordeal of where chhekaih should be taken to mean vidag. fire which originally pertained to Srapuavasavadhain(critics), and where the surviving work of datta was transferred to Vishnudharma. outstanding merit is said to be Suapna-V drava. D. R. B] datta, and not Vishnudharma. The epithet jalana. - SANKARACHARYA AND BALAVARMA mitte (jvalana-mitra=friend of fire) applied to In a note on page 200 of this Journal for 1912, Bb&sa in Gaudavalo (v. 800) refers, I think, to Mr. D. R. Bhandarkar has made an attempt this episode in the poet's life rather than to an to fix more accurately the date of SAURAT incident in the play' (of Svapra-Vasavadatta,, as is charya. His attempt is based on the occursaid by M. Sylvain Levi. Testing the qualities rence of the name Balavarma in Sankaracharya's of a drama or a poem by its combustibility or commentary on the Vedantastitras, once under otherwise is indeed quaint. In his Prabandha Sutra IV. 3, 5 and once under Satra II. 4, 1. kosha, Rajasekhara-suri alludes to the custom of A Chalukya chief of the name of Balavarma authors taking their new books to Kashmir where is mentioned in the Kadaba platest of the works were examined by Pandits and placed A. D. 812 as the grandfather of Vimaladitya, in the bands of Bharati or Sarasvati, who sat on who was the governor of the Kunungil district a throne. If the work was of merit, the goddess when the plates were issued. The period of this nodded in approval and flowers were sbowered Balavarma would thus be, roughly, the last quarter upon the poet; if not, it was thrown to the of the 8th century. Hitherto this was the only ground inscription in whicb the name Balavarma was Thus there was a tradition in the 12th century found to occur. But I have recently discovered of a kavya named Vishnudharma (plural) of great three viragals in Hirigundagal and Sankenhalli, excellence by Bh&sa. The fact that Bhasa is Tumkur Taluk, which tell us that Balavem marasa called muni and a rival of Vy&sa, and the possi waged a war against the Gangas during the rule bility that Vishnudharmottara, one of the Puranas of the Ganga king Sivam&ra. As the period of going under the authorship of VyAsa, looks like the latter is also about the close of the 8th the name-sake and counterpart of the lost Vishnu century, there cannot be much doubt about the dharma by Bb&ss, would, no doubt, be very identity of the Balavemmarasa of the viragals gratifying to Pandit Ganapati Sastri, who, car. with the Balavarms of the Kadaba plates. Balaried away by the enthusiasm of his discovery, the varma's name also occurs in Maddagiri 93 and importance of which be it far from me to under- Tiptur 10, both of which', tbough undated, prorate, makes Bh&sa anterior to Kautilya Chanakya bably belong to the close of the 8th century. As and Panini. I shall discuss his case for this all the above inscriptions are found in the Tumassumption in another note. But those who are kur district, there can be no doubt as to the not prepared to accept Vysa and Bhisa as con identity of the Kunungil or Kunungil of the temporaries, would admit that, in the 12th century Kadaba plates with the modern Kunigal of the 1 Chloka is a Pali word meaning skilful, expert, vide Childers' Dictionary sub voce.-D. R. B. 1 Epi. Car., X11., Gubbi, 61; Epi, Ind., IV., 332. See Mysore Archeological Report for 1910, para, 53. Epi. Car., XII.

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54 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY FEBRUARY, 1913. same district. The Tamil inscriptions of the varma of Sankaracharya with the Western MagaChola and Hoysala periods in Kunigal Taluk, dha king of the same name, the late Mr. Telang which invariably give the name as Kupungil, also came to the conclusion that Sankaracharya support the above identification. Consequently flourished at about A. D. 600.7 With regard to the identification of Kunigal with the Konikal- the other kings mentioned above, we know of a vishaya of the Hosur grant of Ambera' is no Krishpagupta, the first king of the Gupta dynasty longer tenable. After the overthrow of the of Magadba, who ruled at about A. D. 500, of a Chalukya power, Balavarma may have become a Jayasinha of the Chalukya dynasty whose feudatory of the Rashtrakatas and fought on period is also about A. D. 500; and of another their behalf against the Gangas. Several tfragals Jayasinha (Jayasinha 11) among the Eastern newly discovered in Tumkur Taluk refer to the Chalukyas, whose date is about A. D. 700. There wars between the Ganga kings Sripurusba and is nothing to prevent us from identifying the Sivamara' and the Rashtrakutas, one of them kings alluded to in Sankaracharya's commentary giving us the important information that Siva- with those mentioned above. But none of them mara fell fighting in a battle at Kagimogey ar was his contemporary, if the date generally against Vallaba, i.e., the Rashtrakata king assigned to him is to be accepted. In these cir(Govinda III). cumstances one may well be excused if one holds There can thus be no doubt about the existence the opinion that the identification in the case of of a prince of the name of Balavarma at the close Balavarma is as much open to question as in the of the Sth century. And his period being about case of the others and that the synchronism the same as that generally assigned to Sankara based on it is purely accidental. It looks as if charya, the attempt on the part of scholars to one out of several names had been purposely identify him with the one alluded to by the latter seized upon to the exclusion of the others in in his commentary can by no means be pronoun order to secure support for a favourite theory. ced unreasonable. On reading my Archeological When epigraphical or other evidence becomes Report for 1910, Mahamahopadhyaya Harapra available to prove the contemporaneity of the sada Sastri, M.A., in a kind letter dated the 1st kings referred to with SankarAcharya, the arguof May 1911, wrote to me thus:-" The date of ment from the synchronism of Balavarma will be Sankaracharya has not yet been proved by any pert by any perfectly legitimnte. Till then the names bave positive fact. In your Report you speak of a perhaps to be looked upon as connoting imagiBalavarma in about A. D. 812, i.e., about the nary persons like the words Devadatta and time when Sankaracharya flourished; and he Yajnadatta or the letters A, B and C. mentions in his Bhashya IV., 3, 4 of Balavarma R. NARASIMHACUAR as being near to him. May not this be a fosi Bangalore, tive proof of Sankaracharya's date?" And in the note under reference Mr. D. R. Bhandarkar bas (I have no doubt that my identification of likewice based his conclusions on the same identi- Sankaracharya's Balavarman is correct. For, fication. It is possible that the identification is as shown by me, his grandson Vimaladitya can correct. There are, however, a few other circum- alone answer to the description of the contem tances which cannot well be ignored in this porary prince given by Sankaracharya's pupil's connection. Balavarma is not the only prince pupil, Prajaatatman. This receives additional mentioned by Sankaracharya. He mentions confirmation from the fact that it agrees with several others, e.g., under Sutra IV., 3, 5 Jayasimba the date of the philosopher arrived at by Prof. and Krisbnagupta along with Balavarma ; under Pathak on irrefragible evidence. It is true that Sutra II., 1, 17 Purnavarmi. In case Balavarma Sankaracharya speaks of other kings also, e.g., is taken to be his contemporary, it stands to rea- Jayasinha and Krishuagupta. But their names son that the others also should be treated as can have no weight so long as syuchronisms of Buch. It is not reasonable to single out one of their sons or grandsons with the philosopher's the names to base our arguments on and com- pupils or pupil's pupils are not established.pletely ignore the others. Identifying the Parna. D.R. B] . ibid. Kunigal 2, 14 and 16. * Mysore Archeological Report for 1910, paras. 46 and 51-54. 6 Epi. Ind., IV.. 337. Ante, XIII 95.

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FEBRUARY, 1913] BOOK-NOTICE BOOK-NOTICE THE MARAVANGA OR THE GREAT CHRONICLE OF CEY. them certain amount of miraculous matter. LON. Translated into English by WIL RLM GEIGER, But they do not stand alone among ancient Ph.D., Professor of Indo-Gormanio Philology at Er histories in presenting such matter. And when langen University, assisted by MABEL HAYNEB we have made the necessary elimination, which BODE, Ph.D., Lecturer on PAli at University College, is not difficult, there remains, easily recognizLondon. Demy 870 : pp. lxiv, 300; with a map of Ancient Ceylon. Published for the Pali Text able, a residue of matter-of-fact statements, in Society by Henry Frowde; London : 1912. respect of which the chronicles have already been found to be supported by external evidence to [Reprinted, by permission, from the such an extent that we need not hesitate about J. R. A. S., 1912, p. 1110 f.] accepting others of their assertions, which, though perhaps we cannot as yet confirm them Professor Geiger gave us in 1908 his critical in the same way, present nothing which is at all edition of the text of the Original Mahavarasa; staxtling and naturally incredible. that is, of chapters 1 to 36 and verses 1 to 50 of chapter 37 of the whole work, being that portion In dealing with the chronology, Professor Geiger which was written to rearrange, expand, and ex- has accepted B.O.483 as "the probable year" of the plain the Dipavamsa (see p. 11 of the introduc death of Buddha (p. 24). That particular year is tion to the translation). He has now followed undoubtedly the best result that we have attained, that up by his translation of the text, published in and that we are likely to attain unless we can English through the co-operation of Mrs. Bode: | make some new discovery giving us the absolute Professor Geiger made his translation in German; certainty which we do not possess. For a brief Mrs. Bode turned his translation into English; statement of the manner in which it is fixed, see and the English rendering was then revised by p. 239 above: Professor Geiger has added obser Professor Geiger: we may congratulate both vations of (1112) his own (pp. 26, 28-30), based collaborators on the result. Asis well known, the on something pointed out by Mr. Wickremas. text of the Dipavamsa, with an English transla- | inghe, endorsing it. As regards one item in the tion, was given by Professor Oldenberg in 1879. process by which it is fixed, the interval of 218 We are now at last provided with reliable and years from the death of Buddha to the anointeasy means of studying both the great Ceylonese ment of Aboka " is supported," as Professor Buddhist chronicles. Geiger has said (p. 25), "by the best testimony (1111] Professor Geiger's translation is preceded and has nothing in it to call for suspicion." As by an introduction of 63 pages, in eleven sec- regards another item, we need not hesitate about tions, in which he has discussed a variety of accepting 28 years according to the two Ceyimportant points. lonese chronicles, against the 25 years of the In the first place, he has briefly recapitulated Purinas, as the true length (in round numbers) of the reign of Bindusara. This last considerathe demonstration given in his Dipavainsa and tion, we may add, entails placing the anoint. Mahavamsa (1905) that the two chronicles were ment of Aboka in B.C. 265 or 264 (p. 27): if that based on an older work, known as the AtthakathA-Mahavamsa, which must have come down should still remain unwelcome to anyone who, originally to only the arrival of Mahendra in taking one item from one source and the other Ceylon (in the time of Asoka), but was after. from another source, would place both the death and the anointment four or five years earlier, - wards continued to the reign of Mab&sena first well; it can be shown on some other occasion that half of the fourth century A.D.). there is nothing opposed to B.C. 265 or 264, for In the second place, Professor Geiger, defend- the anointment of Asoka, in the mention of cer. ing the two chronicles against what he has just- tain foreign kings in the thirteenth rock-edict. ly described (p. 14) as "undeserved distrust and So, also, though the matter does not affect that exaggerated scepticism," has shown that they are point we may safely follow the 37 years of the two to be accepted safely as reliable historical re- chronicles, against the 36 years of the Puranas, na cords, with a framework of well-established the length (in round numbers) of the reiga of datos. We have, indeed, to clear away from Asoka.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY Professor Geiger hesitates (p. 28) to accept the "bold and seducive combination" by which I explain the mention of 256 nights in the record of Asoka at Sahasram, Rupnath, Brahmagiri, and other places. In what way, then is it to be explained? As regards the other two explanations" which have been advanced, there is nothing in the calendar to account for the selection of that particular number of nights or days; and a tour of such a length by Aeoka, while reigning,whether made by him actually as king or in the character of a wandering mendicant monk,- is out of the question. On the other hand, my explanation, that the 256 nights mark 256 years elapsed since the death of Buddha, is suggested historical events, and clears away the confusion in the Indian tradition between two [1114] distinct persons, KAlasoka and Dharmasoka, son The last. section of the introduction (pp. 5163) deals with the first, second, and third Buddhist Councils, all of which are shown to be edicts.1 exactly by the [1113] number of years established by the Dipavamsa and the Mahavamsa from that event to the end of Asoka's reign, and by of Bindusara, -the Aeoka who issued the the well-established practice of ancient Indian kings, of abdicating in order to pass into religious retirement: see this Journal, 1911. 1091 ff. My explanation may be set aside; but it has not been shown to be open to adverse criticism as the others are. 56 In respect of the later Buddhist reckoning, the erroneous one, now current, which would place the death of Buddha in B.O. 544, Professor Geiger, putting Mr. Wickremasinghe's remarks in a clearer light, has shown (p. 29) that it existed in Ceylon in the middle of the eleventh century A.D. This carries it back there to more than a century before the time at which I arrived in this Journal, 1909. 333. In SS 8 of the introduction, Professor Geiger has given (p. 36) a tabulated list of the ancient kings of Ceylon, down to Mahasena, on the lines of the list given by me in this Journal, 1909. 350, but with some improvements. His table has the advantage of giving the references by chapter and verse to his text of the Mahavamsa; a detail which, for reasons stated at the time, I was not able to fill in. It increases the total period accord ing to the Mahavamsa by 1 year, 4 months, 15 days, by alterations under Nos. 10 and 11 (plus 2 years) and No. 17 (minus 7 months, 15 days): [FEBRUARY, 1913. these are due to improved readings. And it includes two additional columns, which give the chronology in terms of the Buddhist era of B.C. 483 and of the Christian reckonings B.C. and A.D. As regards a remark on p. 39-40, there is no need to accept the assumption that Samudragupta began to reign in A.D. 326: a more reasonable date is A.D. 335 or 340: see this Journal, 1909, 342. Appendix D gives a list of Pali terms used in the translation without being turned into English. Under No. 34 there is quoted a statement that, according to the details given in a table of the end of the twelfth century, the yojana works out, for Ceylon, to between 12 and 12 miles, but that in actual practice it must have been reckoned at from 7 to 8 miles. This latter value, however, is quite an imaginary one: see this Journal, 1907. 655. And as regards early times there is no reason for discriminating between India and Ceylon in this matter; and for India we have (1) the vague day's-march yojana, averaging 12 miles, but liable to vary according to the circumstances of the particular march, and, in the way of yojanas of fixed unvarying lengths, (2) the long yojana of 32,000 hasta 9 miles, and (3) the short yojana of 16,000 hasta 4 miles; the last being specially favoured by the Buddhists: see p. 236 above, and this Journal, 1906. 1011. 1 Limitation of space prevents any further remarks. I conclude by expressing the hope that some Pali sobolar will give us shortly the technical review of Professor Geiger's translation which it merits. J. F. FLEET. 1 There is an accidental slip on p. 60, last line but one, where Dharmasoka is spoken of as the son of Chandragupta: read 'grandson.'

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MARCH, 1913.] SOME PUBLISHED INSCRIPTIONS RECONSIDERED 57 SOME PUBLISHED INSCRIPTIONS RECONSIDERED. BY D. R. BHANDARKAR, M.A.; POONA. 1--Harsha stone inscription of Vigraharaja. THE inscription, of which a transcript is given below, is engraved on a large slab of black 1 stone, which lies in the porch of the temple of what is known as purand Mabadeva on a hill noar the village Haras situated in the Sikar principality of the Sekhavati province, Jaipur State. The record was last published by Prof. Kielhorn in the Epigraphia Indica, Vol. II, p. 116 ff. But as he had no local knowledge of the place, he fell into some inaccuracies. Besides, many inscriptions have since been discovered, which throw a new light on some of the verses contained in this record. No excuse is, therefore, needed for re-editing it. The record contains forty lines of writing which cover a space of about 2' 11" broad by 2 10" high. The corners have been knocked off a little, and the right and left marging slightly damaged. A few letters have also peeled off in the body of the inscription. Still the inscription is on the whole fairly well-preserved. The characters belong to the northern class of alphabet, that was prevalent in the 10th century. Attention may be drawn in this connection to (1) the single instance of the character 6 employed in bdh-atkshepaih 1.2, (2) the initial au in auttares(varah 1,22, (3) the subscriptau 'in om=upalaughaih 1. 29, and (4) po in lingarupo 1. 7. The language is Sanskrit, and the inscription, excepting a few short lines in prose, is in verse to nearly the end of line 33. The remaining portion, excepting the closing benedictory verse, is in prose. In respect of orthography, it is sufficient to note (1) that t is throughout doubled in conjunction with a preceding r, except in svarga-khasida 1. 30; (2) the same letter is invariably doubled after a vowel in conjunction with a following r; (3) the sign for v is also used for b except once in I. 2; (4) a single ; is employed twice instead of jj in ujvalah 1. 16 and visphura-jnana", 1. 22; (5) the dental s is substituted for the palatal a, in auttaresvarah, I. 22, and in Chandasiva, I. 29; (6) the dental nasal is used instead of anus vara in dhvansa, I. 22, and (7) in conjunction with a following letter of the dental class, in sannivasan, 1. 18 and in bharanan=tatha, 1, 28; and (8) the dental n has wrongly been changed to the lingual n in prasannah 1. 15, and incorrectly retained in nirnndsita, 1. 17. As regards lexicography, the following words may be noticed as being rare or unusual: (1) niruddhan, 1. 33 in the sense of until;' (2) desi, 1. 38. meaning a guild (for this word see Ep. Ind., Vol. I. p. 187, 1. 8; and Vol. XI., p. 43; I. 3); (3) kutaka, 1. 38, corresponding to the Marathi word kuda, a measure of capacity, and (4) heddrika, 1. 38, equivalent to headvuka, as shown by Kielhorn, and signifying a horse-dealer (cf. the Mitakshard on Yajnavalkya, II. 30). Verse 1 opens with an obeisance to the god Gajanana or Ganesa. The next ten verses except one are devoted to the glorification of Siva, who was here worshipped under the name of Harshadeva. The exception is verse 9, which, we are told, was composed by one Sura and which informs us that the hill also was called Harsha after the god. Verse 7 is important, for, if we read between the lines, it will be found to contain the information that there were two temples, dedicated to the god Harsha, one on this hill and the other down below. Verse 12 describes what the temple where the inscription lies was like, and as Prof. Kielhorn's translation of it, owing to his lack of local knowledge, is not satisfactory, I give here mine: "Glorious is the mansion of the divine Harshadova, which is charming with the expanse of (its) spacious hall (trand apa), exquisite with the splendour of a gold shell, (and) lovely in consequence of the statues of) Vikata and the song of Pandu set up in the row of structures along (its) sides. Resembling (in height) the peak of Meru, it is pleasant on account of an excellent arched doorway (torana-dvara) and well-carved bull (Nandt), and is full of manifold objects of enjoyment.". All the parts of the temple referred to in this verse can be traced among its ruins on

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MARCH, 1913. the hill. A long flight of stairs leads to the courtyard of this temple. Just where these stairs end are the shafts of two pairs of columns one in front of the other, which were no doubt once surmounted by a torana and formed the arched entrance, as stated in the verse. A little further on, on a raised terrace is an old marble image of Nandi, once no doubt placed in a pavilion, of which the plinth only has survived. This is unquestionably the bull referred to in the inscription. It also says that there were other structures on the sides of the temple, and that in one of them were the images of the Pandavas and Vikata. That there were these structures is clearly proved by the ruins of the subsidiary shrines on the south and north-west. The images of Pandavas also may be easily recognised in the ruins on the north-east. Here are six colossal images, which were originally, when whole and entire, as high as seven feet almost, and which are to this day said by the people to be those of the Pandava brothers and Draupadi. I do not know whether Vikata stands here for the ogress Hidimba. The figure here is, however, that of an ordinary woman, and not that of an ogress. But Hidimba, it must be remembered, had changed herself into a beautiful woman and then married Dhima. And the figure in question may represent Hidimba when she had assumed this form. Verses 13-27 celebrate a line of princes belonging to the Chahamana family. The first of these is: 58 1 Gavaka I., who was famous as a hero in the assembly of the sovereign Nagavaloka and built the temple of Harshadeva (v. 13). The temple of Harshadeva bere alluded to is no doubt the one where the inscription stone was found, and the fact seems to be that this temple was originally constracted by Guvaka I. and simply repaired and renovated by Allata, as we shall see further on. In verse 27 Harshadeva is said to have been the family-deity of the Chahamana kings, and his temple could not, therefore, have been for the first time erected by Allata so late as in the reign of Vigraharaja. The prince Nagavaloka, who was the overlord of Guvaka, is, as I have shown elsewhere, to be identified with Nagabhata II. of the Imperial Pratihara dynasty. Guvaka's son was 2 Chandraraja (v. 14); and his son 3 Gavaka II. (v. 14); and his son 4 Chandana, who slew in battle the Tomara prince, Rudra2 (v. 14). His son was 5 Vakpatiraja, who, if I have understood verse 16 properly, at first harassed the prince Tantrapala because he was coming haughtily towards the Ananta province with the behests of his overlord. It appears that to check the haughtiness of Tantrapala, Vakpatiraja did not at first meet him. And Tantrapala, with his fagged elephants, could not overtake Vakpati with his fleet horses, and so was struck with shame at not having been able to deliver his overlord's orders to him. But when Tantrapala's haughtiness was curbed down, Vakpatiraja met him and propitiated him. This verse also, like verse 9, was, we are informed, composed by Sura. Vakpati's son and successor was 6 Simharaja, who, according to verse 18, seems to have set up the gold shell (andaka) of the spire of the temple no doubt referred to in verse 12 above. Verse 19 states that having subdued Salavana, the Tomara leader,3a he captured and put to flight the princes that had gathered under his generalship. And these captured princes were kept in his prison till his overlord, who belonged to the family of Raghu, did not come to his house in person to liberate them. We have seen above that Gavaka was a fendatory of Nagabhata II. of the Imperial Pratihara dynasty, and these Pratiharas continued to be supreme rulers till at least A.D. 960. Hence the overlord or overlords 1 Ante, Vol. XL., p. 239. 2 Prof. Kielhorn takes this name to be Budrens. But I think it is natural to split it into two words: (1) Rudra and (2) ina, the first as the name of the Tomara king and the second as an adjective of bhapa and thus corresponding exactly to pravara which precedes nripa in v. 13. 2a Or it may be that he subdued the Tomara leader together with his accomplice Lavana, as Kielhorn takes it.

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MARCE, 1913.) SOME PUBLISHED INSCRIPTIONS RECONSIDERED 59 of Vak pati and Simbar&ja could have been no other than princes of this dynasty, which, as we know from Rajasekhara, belonged to the Raghu family. We have seen that Chandana slew a Tomara king called Rudra and now we see that Simharaja vanquished Salavana, the Tomara leader. It is difficult to say where these Tomaras had established themselves about this time. The north of the Jaipur State is divided into two great divisions, one called Tamvrayati and the other Sekhavati. Tam vravatt, which is to the east, is so named after the Rajput tribe Tanvar, the same as be Tomara of the inscriptions. The Tomara princes, mentioned in our epigraph, may be rulers of this province, but according to the local tradition, the Tamvars were at first ruling at Delhi, and when they were ousted from there by the Chobang, they migrated southward and settled themselves at Patan in Tam vravati. Simharaja was succeeded by his son 7 Vigraharaja, reigning at the time when the inscription was composed (VB. 20-4). He made a grant of two villages, Chhatradhure and Sankaranaka, to the god Harshanatba (v. 25). He had a younger brother named Durlabharaja (v. 26). It will be seen from the prose portion below tbat besides Durlabharaja, Vigraharaja had two more brothers, Chandraraja and Govindaraja, and that he also had an ancle, named Vatsaraja, brother of Simbaraja. The remainder of the verse portion of the inscription gives an account of the line of ascetics who were in charge of the temple of Harsbanatba. In the country of Ananta there was a devoted worshipper of Uttaresvara named Visvarupa, who was a teacher of the Lakula doctrine ex ponding panchartha (v. 28). Visvarupa was thus an ascetic of the Lakulisa-Pagpata sect. The word panchartha, which is here conjoined to the expression Lakuldmndya, is a term technical to the philosophy of this sect and has been explained by Say ana in his Sarva-dariana-sangraha in the section dealing with Lakulisa.pdaupata-darsana. Visvarupa's pupil was Prasasta, Pasupata (v. 29), and the latter's disciple was Bhavirakta alias Allata who belonged to a Brahmana family of the Vargatika kchamp (v. 30) and whose wordly (odsisarika), as opposed to spiritual, family was at Ranapallika (v. 31), correctly identified by Prof. Kielborn with Rapoli, 7 miles east of Haras. Verse 32 likens Allata to Nandi, and from the next two verses we learn that he built the temple of Harshanatha with the wealth received from the pious people. Allata's pupil was Bhavadyota, who with the orders of his preceptor completed the other works started but left unfinished by him probably on account of his death, such as raising an orchard for furnishing flowers to the Siva temple, a watering place (prapd) for cattle and a well for sprinkling the orchard and filling the prapa. They were all made on the east side below the bill (vs. 36-40). He also paved the door of the court in front of the Harsha temple (v. 42). It is worthy of note that the preceding verse uses the word digambara in describing him, just as verse 83 above calls Allata digamalavasana. Does it show that the members of the Lakula sect were naked? If they were, this would be in keeping with the fact that Lakulisa is represented nude and called urdhwamedhra. Verses 43-44 inform us that the temple together with the hall and the arched gateway was constructed by the sutradhara Chandasiva, son of Virabhadra. The same thing is told in a short inscription of three lines on a piece of column in the ball immediately in front of the sanctum. The date of the building of the temple is the 13th of the bright half of Ashadha of the [Vikrama] year 1013. This date has been specified to be yatha-drishta or as the composer of the inscription learnt it. The sage Allata is mentioned in verse 48 to have expired in the elapsed year 1027, when the sun had entered the sign of the Lion, on the third bright lunar day joined with the yoga Subha and the nakshatra Hasta, on a Monday. This date, as calculated by Prof. Kielhorn, corresponds to Monday the 8th August, A.D. 970. From about the close of line 38 commences the prose portion, whick records the endowments of the temple of Harshadeya as they were severally received up to the 15th of the bright half of

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60 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MARCH, 1913. Ashadha of the Vikrama year 1030, which no doubt represents the date of the composition of thi inscription, as Prof. Kielhorn rightly thinks: The Maharajadhiraja Simharaja, having bathed in the Pushkara tirtha, granted the villages: (1) Simhagoshtha in the Tanakupaka group of twelve, his personal possession, (2-3) Traikalakakar and 1sanakupa in the Pattavaddhaka vishaya and (4) Kanhapallika in the Sarahkotta vishaya : his brother Vatsaraja, the village Kardamak hata in the Jayapura vishaya, his present possession ; the king Vigrabaraja, the villages Chhatradhara and Samkaranaka referred to in verse 25; Simharaja's other sons Chandraraja and Govindraja, one village (grama), one hamlet (pallika), and two wards or localities of town (pataka) from the Pattavaddhaka and Darbhakaksha vishayas ; Dhanduka, an official of Simharaja's, the village Mayura padra in the Khajakupa vishaya ; and a certain Jayaniraja, the village Kolikupaka. Likewise, for the benefit of the temple, one minisepaka on every kutaka of salt at Sakambhari was assigned by the Bhammaba guild, and one dramma On every horse by horse-dealers of the north. Besides, fields were given by various pious people in the villages of Maddipurika, Nimbadika, Marupallika, Harsha and-kalavanapadra of the places mentioned in the list, Pushkara tirtha near Ajmer is well-known. Sakambhari is, of course, Sambhar, on the borders of the Jedhpur and Jaipur States and famous for its salt lake. of the names of the provinces Tunakupaka is Tunu, Pattavaddhaka Patoda, and Darbhakaksha Dhakas-all in the Sikar principality. Kbattakupa is obviously Khard in Sambhar Nizamat, Jaipur State, and Sarahkota Sargot in Marot, Jodhpur. Jayapura is suggested by Kielhorn to be the modern Jaipur. But this is impossible as this town was founded by Jaisimba II. in A.D. 1728. As regards the names of places, Simhagoshtha is simhot, Lianakupa probably Dishnu. Kanhapallika Kansar, Kolikupa Kolida, Maddaparika Madavra.Nimbadilka Nimedi botb at the foot of the Haras hill and Marupallika Maroli-all in the Sikar Chiefship. Text. ......... / / savinazama[naM surArthitaM ] pUrvameva [zivayosta javam / bhukti muktiparamArthasiddhidaM taM namAmi va[ radaM]---[1] [1]......... ..........[kA ]kulitamAnasaiH / stUyamAnasvasahevaiH pAtu vstripuraaNtkH|| [2] pAdanyAsAvanunnA namati vasumatI zeSabhogAvalA. [bAhU kSepaiH[samaM]-~~~~~~--- --candraH / minnAvRSyaM samastaM bhavati hi bhuvanaM yasya nRtte pravRtte sa zrIharSAbhidhAno jayati pazupatiittavizvAnukaMpaH / / [3] savye zUle trizikhamapare doSNi bhikSAkapAlaM bhUSA [ca]-~-~ [bhu]jamaH kAThakA nIlakaMThe / nedRgveSastrinayana mayA kApi dRSTo vicica itthaM gauryA prahasisaharaH sasmitaH pAtu yuSmAn // [1] ve[go brUtAryamAdigrahagaganatalaM vyanuvAnA jalAnya kurvANA [ samu] [kyavalitajalAmmimAlAsahasrAH / deyAnabhyarthitaM vaH zazadharadhavalA svarddhanI caMdramAlemaulau lIlAM vahantI sphuTavikaTajaTAvandhane cIrikAyAH // [5] caMcacaMdrArkatAraM bhuvananaganadIDhI[]siM * From the original stone inscription. Rend bhinnAvasthA Restore it to * Supply gajAnanaM. or UTT. Read B Rend bAhU. * Read. siMdhu

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MARCH, 1913.] SOME PUBLISHED INSCRIPTIONS RECONSIDERED [ ] paMca vidhaM devAsurAtrimadhamunivareyasamasyaiH samAya / 'svecchA [ ]ktibhAvAdasadapi saMkalaM jAyate lIvate ca sohanaviracanAsUcadhAromameva // [4] nAmii [[]]] nitibhiH pUgyamAnIca yobhUnAmrApi harSo girizikhara bhuvorbhAratAnumahAva sostAho" liMgarUpo dviguNitabhavana caMdramauliH zivAya / / [7] nirvanecA [NDa ] . 7 9 10 11 12 18 12 DAnaharusi 13. prAntajvAlAvalI DumavahalamahAdhUmadhUlAvitAccana" / saMraMbhAraMbha bhImasvanamasamazarocchedi basyAzazaMke vRSTvA devaiH sarUpaM kimiyasasamaye " saMhatibvabhuvedya " // [8] devaH puradhagabhvAste yamakaSamuccakaiH / harSavAtiH sa harSAkhyo girireSa punAtu vaH [] zUrasya lokaM / gAMgaM no nibhaH ] pravahati na [zu ]bhA naMdanodyAnalakSmIH sadratnasvarNazRMgAmala vividha [rucAMneva]-. [ya] thaa"| bhanvAM dhatte tathApi vimatizayinImeva zailodvitIyAM sAkSAcchaMbhudAste tadapi hi paramaM kAraNaM ramyatAyAH // [10] aSTamUrvamadhyAste sidhSTakavibhuH svayam | mahinA bhUdharasyAsya paramaH [ ko ]pi-20 || [11] 21- svarNANDakAMtipravaratamamahAmaNDapAbhogabha mAMsamAsAdamAlAviracitakiTAcAnidyanam / mero gopamAnaM paTitanRpasatoraNadvAra ramyaM nAnAsaDokaM jayati bhagavato harSadevasya [ rbam ] // [12] Aca zrIsUkAzyAmadhita narapati cAhamAnAnyathobhU zrImannAgAvalokamavaranRpasabhAlabdhavIrapratiSThaH / basya zrIharSadeva paranayanamacI matalI kI kacApi sthireSA pratapati paranaiH [barAne] [3 puca: zrIcaMdrarAjeobhavadAtara sIvramatApaH sUnustasvAtha bhUSaH prathama iva punarguvakAkyaH pratApI / tasmAcchrIcaMdanobhUtkSitipatibhayadastomarezaM saha hatvA rudrenabhUpaM samara[bhu] 20 Rond bANA". 14 Road bahala'. 10 Road zUrastha lokaH. Road bhAsvatsvana Restore it to kiM varAnekabhoge:. 5 11 Boad sa svAho. 19 Road 'kANDA 18 Read svarUpaM. 10 Road kimivanasamaye. 20 Bond yogopyayAva n Restore it to hamma.. Boad "bhuSi 61 14. Boad sasyaM. 17. Road Darbobhuvedya. 20 Supply some such word as jAvate. 24. Bend "labdha",

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62 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MARCH, 1913. lAye ---jayazrIH // [14] tataH[para matejasvI sadA samarajisvaraH / zrImAnvAkpatirAjANyo mhaaraajobhvstH|| [15] benAdanyaM svasainyaM kathamapi vadhatA vAjivalgA mumukSu prAMgeva trAsitebhaH sarasi kariradADimaNDui -[je ] vanyamAbha rAjJAM samadamabhivahanAgatonaMtapArva mApAlassaMcapAlI dizi dizi gamito hIviSaNNaH prasaNNa: 29 11.[16] 15 shuursyedN| lokayoM hi mahItale nanu harizcaMdropamo gIyate tyAgezva[2] jayeSu kI. - malA dharmazca yasyopavale:301 yenAdAthi harAya maMdirakRta bhakyA prabhUtaM vasu zrImahAkpAtirAjamanurasamaH zrIsiMharAjobhavat / / [1] hemamA[ropitaM yena zivasya bhvnopri| pUrNacaMdropamaM svIyaM mUrta va [za] - ukm|| [1] [14] -- tomaranAbakaM salavaNaM sainyAdhipatyoddhataM yuddhe yena narezvarAH pratidizaM nirNAzitA jissnnunaa| kArAveimAna bhUrayazca vidhRtAstAvaddhi yAvadhe sAmuktyarthamupAgato raghukule bhUcakravartI svayam / / [19] zrImA- -praharAjo bhUttassuto vaasvopmH| vaMzalakSmIjayazrIzca yenaite vidhuror3ate / [20] zrIsiMharAmarahitA kila ciMtayaMtI bhAteva saMprati vibhunane ko mamati / yenAtmavAhuyugale cirasannivAsaM saMdhIriteti dadatA nija (1) '-jyalakSmI :36 || [21] yena duSTadamanena sarvataH sAdhitAkhilamahI svavAhubhiH / lIlavaiva vazavartinI kRtA kiMkarIva nijapAyayostale / [22] yastha cArucaritaM satAM sadA zRNvatAM jagati kItitaM jnaiH| iSTijAsaghanaromakaM -33 jAyate sanuralaM muhurmuhuH / / [23] mukkAhAraiH sutAraiH prataralataragaizvAruvastraizca zAstraiH karpUraiH puugpuurairmlytruvrhembhaarairpaaraiH| udyahA[naiH] samAna[ zcalakulagiribhiIntivAraiH sahAranirvyAjaiH prAtira -~-bhiriti bhRtaiH prAbhRtayaH sisseve|| [24] chacadhArAvaramAmI dvitIyaH zaMkarANakaH [1] tenemo harSanA-~[bha]tacA dattau sazAsanau / / [25] zrImatulla ] bharAjena bonujena vibhUSitaH [1] lakSmaSeneva kAkutsthI viSNUneva halAyudhaH / [26]. * Ristore it to balAyena labdhA. Read pAI. Read prasannaH. " Reatorsit to kIrtiramalA. 10 Read vala.. Restore onAMDakam. Supply jitvA or havA. sta Read niNNAzitA. . Read zrImAnvimaha. - Read bAha. Read saMdhArisati. * Rend rAjyalakSmI - Read 'bAha.. " Eend degkaMTakA. " Eend harSanAthAva.

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MARCH, 1913.) SOME PUBLISHED INSCRIPTIONS RECONSIDERED 22 23 --rAjAvalIcAsau shNbhubhktigunnodyaa| zrIharSaH kuladevosthAstasmAdivyaH kulkrmH|| [20] anaMtagocare zrImAn paNDita auttaresvara::00 / paMcAryalAkulAnAye vishvruupobhvguruH|| [28] dIkSA[jA]tamaladhvansavisphurakSA ~~mmala: pa[zastAsyobhavacchiSyastasya pAcapataHkRtI / / [29] bhAvirakko[bha]vattasya ziSyo vinaamtollttH| vaargttikaanvbodduutshiprkulsNbhvH||[.] harSasyAsannato mAmaH prasiddho rANa[ pallikA / sAMsArikakulAbAbastato vasva vini[ garga]-[I] [] bhAlacchapanA naMdI shivaasnsthitikrmH| zrIharSArAdhane nUnaM svayaM martyamavAtarat // [32] . bhAjanna brahmacArI digamalavasanaH saMyatAsmA tapasvI zrIharSArAdhanakavyasanazubhamatissyaktasaMsAramohaH / bhAsIyo labdhajanmA bhavata[raNAdha]yAM --[bI] subandhustenedaM dhammivittaH sughaTitavikaTa kAritaM harSahamya'm / / [1] bhasmizcaMdrAMkale gaganapathalihotuMgazRMgepramevaM haba zrIharSanAmaprathitapazupateH sahimAnopamAnam / dRSTvA sahogayukaMvasarabhavanaM kAritaM yena 25 nAsAbhyaM kiMcidasti sphumiti tapaso niHspRhAnAMbatInAm // [34]. AsISThikarUpo vo diiptpaashuptvrtH| tIvra vegtpojaatpunnyaapunnymlkssyH|| [35] sdaashivsmaakaarstsyeshvrsmbhuteH| bhAvapotobhavacchivaHsaMdIpitagu - ma: // gurorAjJAmayaM prApya pratiSThAso zivAlayam / "yathAprArabdhakArvANAmaMgIkRtabharobhavat / / [3] purastAtparvatasvAdhakhita bena kAritam / saskUpo [vA ]TikA divyA gomapA ghaTitopalaiH // [] sadaiva [va]hamAnena kUpena svAkuvAriNA [1] vATikAseca. ---goprapAbharaNantathA // [39] [sa] puSpairana embhoH payaHmAnaM gavAmapi / kAryayamidaM sAraM darzitaM puNyakAMkSiNAm // [.] b0 digaMvaraM jaTA bhasma talpaM ca vipulaM mhii| bhikSA vRttiHkaraH pAcaM yasvaitAni primhH|| [1] zivabhavanapu" Boad mahArAjA. Namond 'zvara:. Read visphurajjJAnanirmala:, . Read virniggamaH." RendmacArI. Read labdha." Road subandhu'. AORoad baha.. Sapply bhaktyA . - Restore it todeggurukama: Rend prArabdha'. 0 Read digambaraM NOriginally bhasma altered to bhasma.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MAROH, 1913. 29 30 ---badAsItAkhilamupaleSaiH pUrayitvA gabhIram / ..samatalamukhagambaM prAMgaNa sena kAMtaM ma[sRNa sarazilAbhiH kAritaM vaMdhayi[svA ] [2] vIrabha[] sutaH [khyAtaH] sUcadhAroca caMDasiva | vindhakameva sarvajJo vAstuvidhA [ma] ---[i][] [2]na nimmitamidaM manoharaM zaMkarasya bhavanaM samaMDapam / [sarvadevamavacArutoraNaM svargakhaMDamiva vedhasA svayam // [1] gaMgAdharavarabhavane karaNikathIrukasatena bhaktana / bha[ki]ba[te ]vaM sugamA prazastiriha dhIranAgena / [1] bAvacchaM[bho]-- -vanasuranadIcaMdralekhApatitvaM bAvalakSmIrmurArerurasi vilasati cosate kaustubhaM ca / gAyacI yAva[dAste satatamupanatA preyasI vamaponte kailAsAkArametaspatapatu bhavanaM harSadevasva tAvat / / [1] a.*hasaH zaMbhuH kathaM kAlasva gocrH| hanirmANakAla[sta] yathAvRSTI nivabhyate // [7] saMvat 113] bhASADhazudi bhoHprAsAdasiddhiH / / 66 || jAtedAnAM sahase ciguNanababute siMharAcau [ga]take zuklA vAsI[] thA] zubhakarasahitA [somavAreNa tasyAm / bhAdiSTaH zaMbhunAso dhruvamamalapadaM ditsunA zuddhasatvaM labdhA vaidehabhAvaM zivabhavanamabhiprAsthitoyalaToya ||56 1[1][8] svasti / saMvat 103.bhASAzudi 15 niruddhabadhAlabdhAsanA[nAM] 34 cAcaiva likhyate / mahArAjAdhirAjazrIsiMharAjaH svabhIge sUnakUpakahAzake siMhagoSThaM / tathA pahavaDakaviSaye caiklkkecaankpii| saraHkohaviSaye kaNhapAlikAmevaM bhAmAzcaturazcaMdrAMkazikharopari [sva.....bha] 35 gavate zrIharSadevAya puNyahani zrImatpuSkaratIrye snAtvA sapanArcanavilepanopahAradhUpadIpapalayAcosavArthamAzazAMkatapanArNavasthitevacchAsanatvena pradadI / tathaitaDUAtA zrIvatsarAjaH svabhogAvAmajayapura].. 36 ye kAmakhAtamAmamavAcchAsanena / [sa]pA zrIvigraharAjena shaasnvttmaamvymuprilikhit[maa]ste| tathAzrIsiMharAjAma[jo] zrIcaMdrarAjazrIgovindarAjau svabhogAvAptapAvaDakaviSaye | varbhakakSaviSa[ye]... 37 yAsaMkhyena svahastAMkisazAsanau ga...]Dake pATakAyaM palikAmAmI bhaktyA vitertuH| zrIsiMharAjIbAsAbhyazrIdhaMdhaka: khAkUpaviSaye svabhujyamAnamarapa[]pAmaM svA[mba numataH pradatta vA ] .......) 38 hilA[smajaH] zrInavanIrAjaH svabhujyamAnakolikUpakamAnaM bhattayA harSadevAya zAsanena dalavAn / ' tathA samasta zrIbhammaha[ vezyA ] zAkaMbhayoM lavaNakUTakaM prati vizopakamekaM dattaM / tathotarApathIyoDAvikAnAM [sa]... 39 ghoTakaM pAta dhamma eko pattaH puNyAtmabhittAni devabhuSyamAnakSecANi yathA | mahApurikAyAM pi[pa]lavAlikAcaM nimbaDikA[mA ] medarbhaTikAkSe[ca] marupallikAyAM [jhA][kSecaMha] lATabhe[9]......... 40 ... [ka]lAvaNa[ paDhe] sekyakakSecaM tathAcaiva vihalikAnaM[vi.]somake vRhadalamiti // sa[ vvA ]nesAnbhAvi[no] bhUmipAlA[bhUyo bhUyo yAcate rAmabhadra: / sAmAnyoyaM dharmasamarnRpANAM kAle kAle [pA ]lanIyo bhava[vi.] ||[19] 1 Road baMdhavisvA. 58 Reud eft ; bat this offends against the meter. The composer of the incription obviously meant it to be read Chandasi. - Eoad bramaNonte. # Read Moravaa. "Haro a lotus flower is engraved." Read M orai. " Bestore it to tRtIvA. .Rnd degsasva. - Rond lakavA. * Rand 'labdha'. aasand degviSave. " Band bayAsaMsbena - Rad nimbADikA. * Rand vRzAla.

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MAROH, 1913.) THE ADVENTURES OF THE GOD OF MADURA 05 THE ADVENTURES OF THE GOD OF MADURA. BY V. VENKATACHALLAM IYER, NELLOBE. Men are bat children of a larger growth.' The ancient priesthood of Egypt and India knew this truth quite as well as the poet Wordsworth. The priests of ancient civilisations exercised a paramount influence on the spiritual and temporal concerns of the community. They were the repositories of such learning as the period afforded. The masses were steeped in igaorance, of which superstition,-unthinking, unreasoning saperstition, is the natural offspring. It was not to the advantage of the priests to lift the veil, assuming them to have been able to do 80. They trafficked in the ignorance of the people. They profited by it. Rawlinson in his commentary on Herodotas has some pertinent remarks." Priesteraft indeed" says he is always odious but especially so when people are taught to believe what the priests know to be mere fable, and the remark of Cato- It appears strange that one priest can refrain from laughing when he looks at another,' might well apply to those of Egypt." Let me add, to those of India also, for priestcraft everywhere was and is mach tbe same. The Indian priests wrote their fables in the form of Puranas, in the number of which the Mahabharata as now extant has also to be included. They fathered their inventions on divine or semi-divine personages, the conventional creations of fancy. . Among the later contributions to the Paranic literature, the Thiruvilayadal-Puranami of Pandyanad, with its counterpart, the Halasya mdhdimyain, should be noted. It was a compilation of the Saiva-siddhanta period. The priests of this Order wrote the fables for the glorification ostensibly of the god Somasundara of Madura, but really of the Pandyan kings, from whose revenues the endowments of the monastic orders and of the temple were alike drawn. I propose to give in these columns a few selections from this repertory of folk-lore. If they are not all very instructive, it is hoped they will be found to be at least amusing. Indra in the height of his pride treated his guru and preceptor, Brihaspati, with positive discourtesy. The latter withdrew himself from Court. By degrees, Indra found that his prosperity declined all along the line. He complained to Brahma, the Creator, about his reverses of fortune. Brahma said to him that it was all due to the slight he had pat on the sage, his priest, and suggested to bim that he should entrust the priestship sub pro tem to one Visvarupa, son of Trasbta (Thot). Visvarupa was one of the gods and of the priestly order, that is, of the Brahman caste; for the gods had caste among them the same as we have here below. He was, however, a partisan of the Asuras, the hereditary foes of Indra and the gods. Visvarupa assumed charge of the priestly office and was duly installed as the domestic chaplain of Indra. On the occasion of a ceremonial sacrifice, be so managed the rite that the omens came out favoarably to the Asuras. The cheat was discovered, and Indra promptly cut off his head. This gave rise to Brahma-hatyd or the sin of playing a Brahman, the most heinous of all sins. Indra was in great distress. He cast about for expedients to rid himself of the sin. He distributed equal portions of it among four unfortunates, the earth, water, trees and women. In the case of the earth, the sin sho wa itself in pits and hollows contrived to receive the refuse and rubbish of sweepinge. It manifests itself on the waters as froth and foam. The trees exude it in the form of gums and resins. Women are troubled by it every month. The effect of this device was to give the transgressor only a slight reprieve, but cortainly no repose. Trashta barned with rage at the murder of his priestly son. He created another for himseli, Vpitrsura by name. The latter did not go into orders. He did better. He became king of the Asuras, as befitted one who was to avenge on Indra the murder of his brother, Vitrasura or - Vitra, as often written, proved to be the most inveterate and formidable foe of Indra. In fulness of time, however, the King of Heaven, with the help of all the greater and lesser gods, prevailed in battle and slew his enemy. But by this act he incurred, at the same time, the sin of

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66 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MARCH, 1913. Brahma-hatya over again, for Vritra was the son of a Brahman god. Indra fell into a sort of dementia and wandered abont, Orestes-like, pursued by his Nemesis and the relentless Furies. He had no peace of mind. He hid himself in a pool of water, for, the Furies could not pursue him. into that element. They stood on the margin waiting for him to come out. Brihaspati, the offended priest, was somehow appeased by Indra's forlorn queen. He was prevailed upon to go in quest of the absent god. The priest traced him to the lake. Thither he repaired. He called out to him. But Indra was afraid to come out of the water. He knew that the Furies were in waiting. Brihaspati, by the potency of his incantations, managed to get them cut of the way. Indra was encouraged to come out and did so. The Furies, indeed, were got rid of, but not the Nemesis. Indra felt the weight of the incubus, and prayed to his priest to help him out of it. Brihaspati took Indra with him from one sacred place to another, at every one of which the latter had a ceremonial bath with the spiritual ministration of the former. But the sin was not washed out of him. At last, the pilgrim, footsore and famished and little thinking of his approaching deliverance, turned his wearied steps in the direction of the future location of Madura. When he neared the place, he found, to his astonishment and relief, that the load of sin, with which he had been oppressed so long, dropped down suddenly from his back. He was again a free god. He proceeded apace and reached the brink of a pond, where he observed a Siva-linga of stone. He was certain then that be stood on sanctified ground and that his deliverance was due to the grace of the Bethel that stood there, looking quite innocent. bathing in the pond, he made puja to the stone-god as well as the time He lost no time, but and place allowed of it. Over the spot where the Linga stood Indra put up a shrine. The god Siva was pleased with Indra's devotion. He revealed himself to Indra and questioned him as to what he would have. The request of Indra was an humble one, that he should be allowed to stay there and worship the Linga day after day. But the All-merciful did not wish to take so much service from him. He vouchsafed to Indra that he might go back to rule his own kingdom, and that, if he worshipped the Linga on a certain day of the year, it would be accepted as equal to daily and hourly worship. [We must take it that the shrine raised by Indra was subsequently added to by the monarchs of the Pandya dynasty and that as the result we have the great temple now standing there. The fable of Indra's Brahma-hatya is a very old one and drawn from Sanskrit sources. The point of the tale in the Tamil Purana is that the compiler locates the deliverance at Madura, and ascribes it to the god worshipped there. In this the compiler was amply justified by the example of the Sanskrit Puranists, who connect this purgation with almost every important place of worship in India; giving rise, very frequently, to the most contradictory accounts in the body of one and the same Purana. The attempt to enhance the sanctity of the temple by ascribing its foundation to the god Indra appears on the surface. ] II. There is some foundation for the belief that the original capital of the Pandya chieftains was located on the eastern coast of the Madura District, at a place which tradition records by the name of Manalur. The name is suggestive, It is Tamil, and means the sandy town.' It would appear that, at a subsequent period, when probably the kingdom extended westwards and north, embracing the inland cantons, the necessity of shifting the capital to a central locality in order to secure the consolidation of political and administrative control occurred to the rulers. The change in the seat of the government may be gathered from a tale recording another of the adventures of the god Somasundara. A trader of Manalur, in the course of his itinerary progress for custom, happened to halt at sunset at the location of the future Madura, on a certain Monday. In the course of the night, he observed the gods, great and small, come down from the heavens and worship a Linga that stood there. He was privileged to see all this, as he was a great devotee of Siva, bimself, and strictly observed the Monday ceremonial in his practice of religion,

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MARCH, 1913.] When he reached home, on his return from his travels, he recounted his experience to his sovereign. Just about that time, the god Siva also revealed himself to the Pandyan in the guise of a siddha ani advised him to remove his capital to the interior, to where Madura now stands, and build there. The Pandyan obeyed and inade a start. The great Siva was pleased. It occurred to his divinity that, having chosen the site for the new capital, it behoved him to provide an adequate source of water-supply. He shook a tuft of his matted hair, in which the goddess of waters lies imprisoned. A few drops of water fell on the earth and welled out into the fountainsources of the river Vaigai that flows past Madura. As the water of this stream is very sweet, and the foundations of the new city were baptised with it, the capital was named Madura. A Pandya raised a temple, we may take it, over the fane put up by Indra. He also cleared the forest all round. This Pandya was named Kulasekhara. THE ADVENTURES OF THE GOD OF MADURA 67 [It is probable that the proximate cause of the change in the capital was, to some extent attributable to a seismic swell on the coast, which subjected Manalur to the rage of the flood. Sc much may be inferred from the two tales which will be noticed in their proper place. The city of Manalur has had the distinction of being mentioned in the Mahabharata-doubtless due to the cupidity or venality of interpolators, who saw their advantage in connecting this southern Dravidian dynasty with the hero Arjuna, who is credited with having begotten on the appointed daughter of a Pandya an heir to his throne. This is to push back the antiquity of the dynasty, in popular belief, to more than 3000 B. C. The interpolation was achieved by a very slight verbal change in the text of a geographical name Manipura into Manalur.] The Virgin Queen. Kulasekhara Pandya was succeeded on the throne by his son and heir Malayadhvaja. His consort was the incarnation of a demi-goddess. They had no issue between them. The king performed many aivamedhas in hopes of getting an heir. In this he did not succeed just then. But his labours had, however, an unexpected and untoward result. Indra feared for his throne in heaven, for, it was an article of faith with him that, if any man of woman born succeeded in the accomplishment of a hundred asvamedha sacrifices, he would attain to divinity, sufficient at least to dispossess Indra of his throne and to put himself in the place of the former. Indra bad, as usual with him, recourse to a subterfuge. He suggested to Malayadhvaja to vary the sacrifice and try the putreshti for the fulfilment of his desires, as the more appropriate. The king, accordingly, started the putreshti. A little girl, of the age of three years, came out of the sacrificial fire. It was observed that on her bust she bore the marks of three breasts in rudiment. A voice from above, at the same time, proclaimed that, when the child should grow to marriageable age and meet with her future husband, the third breast would disappear. Malayadhvaja lived his time and went the way of his ancestors. He left no son behind bim. He had crowned his only daughter before his death. This princess ruled under the regency of her mother, the dowager. The girl-queen developed martial tendencies. Yet in her teens, she started on an ambitious project of subduing all the princes and rulers of the earth. This was easily achieved, but her ambition or love of glory was insatiable. She led a campaign against the dikpdlas or the guardian-deities of the cardinal points. They were all vanquished, one after another, and bound down to fealty and tribute. Emboldened by these successes, the virgin queen led an expedition against the god Siva himself. She laid siege to his castle on Mount Kailasa. The god marshalled ail his clans and sent them out to fight against her, but the god's veterans were routed. More troops came out to tight and gave battle, but they were annihilated. The god was utterly discomfited. He had never met with such a disaster before. It was no use sending out even his best troops to the battle. He roused himself to action. He came out in person,-the great god Siva on the war-path. The lady gave, battle. She advanced. Their eyes met. As she looked steadily at him, she observed on the left side of his person a reflection of herself, as she might in a mirror. At once, the third breast disappeared. The virgin blushed; she felt abashed as she recognised in him her future husband and the fulfilment of the prophecy. The war was indeed at an end. The god's

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68 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY MARCE, 1913. companions wished him joy and congratulated the lady on her conquest. The god requested her to go back to her capital, and promised that he would go there on the eighth day, being Monday, to claim her in marriage. The princess was prevailed npon to return. True to his appointment, the god appeared at Madura, and claimed of the queen-mother the hand of her daughter in marriage. The wedding of the divine pair came off much after the fashion among high-class mortals. The religious ministration, however, as might be expected, was of divine agency. Brabma acted s the priest. Vishnu gave away the bride. All the rishis, all the gods and angels witnessed the ceremony and sat down to the wedding-feast. By right of marriage the god succeeded to the throne, and reigned under the name of Somasundara-Pandya. [Daring the time that the princess ruled, the kingdom obtained the name of Kanninada or the country of the parthenos. This Parthenos is the presidiog deity of the ancient temple of Kanyakumari or Cape Comorin, at the southern extremity of the Peninsula.--. HittitePhoenician foundation. It is probable that the Madura temple was consecrated to the same divinity, after the settlements extended inland ; and that, at first, it was the goddess alone that was worshipped there and that the association of the god-consort was a later idea. The princess, who is represented in the story as having bad three breasts, is really the goddess herself, as is plain by the narration of her miraculous birth from the sacred fire. This warrior-queen is the Hittite Amazonian-goddess, the Ephesian Diana, with her many breasts, symbolising the superabandance of nature. The number, three, of the breasts in the tale is not definitive of the real number, but merely suggestive of plarality. Doubtless it was in Madura, as it was in other ancient countries of parallel civilization. The king was the high priest, and the queen, where she ruled, was the chief priestess. In later periods, when the spiritual chieftaincy was dissociated from the temporal, a prince of the blood royal was the prisst, or the princess royal, a virgin, was the priestess. The priests and priestesses assumed the name and title of the deities to whom they ministered. In theory, the whole land was the demesne of the deity, an appanage of the temple, and the priest-king or priestess-queen was only the vice-gerent ef the god or goddess. The Dravidian Pandyans, as we find them in this early period, bad progressed into tbe gentile organisation, but the gens still claimed through the female. It was a stage of social evolution, from which the neighbouring allied tribes of Malabar have not as yet emerged. Descent and inheritance was therefore mostly in the female line, with the innovation of male descent encroaching on the old role and creating exceptions. The dominion was ruled over by . queen. She did not cease to be s virgin, because she became a mother, any more than the goddess wbom sbe worshipped and represented. We have the high authority of Pliny to vouch for the fact that women ruled as queans in this district. Vide, Christopher Cellarius in his Commentaries. Vol. II, in loco :--Ab illis gens Pandae, sola Indorum regnata feminis. Unam Herculis serus ejus genitam ferunt, ob idque gratiorem praecipuo regno donatam. A similar custom in dynastic Egypt is spoken about by Maspero, in his Struggle of the Nations, in a passage, which may be cited with advantage here. From the 12th dynasty downwards, the part played by princesses increased gradually and threatened to eclipee the power of the princes. Perhaps it was due to the males being killed out in the continuous wars. The histor is obscure. When it becomes clearer, we find qnite as many ruling queens as kings. Song took precedence of daughters, when they were the issue of a brother and sister along with their full blooded sisters. But the song lost this privilege when there was any inferiority in origin on the mother's side, and their chances diminished in proportion to the remoteness of the mother from the line of Rs. In the latter case, all their sisters born of marriages, which to us appear incestuous, took precedence of them and the eldest daughter became the legitimate Pharaoh, who set in the throne of Horus on the death of her father and even occasionally during his life-time. The prince whom she married governed for her, offered worship to the gods, commanded the army and administered justice. At her death, ber children inberited the crown."

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MARCH, 1913.) THE ADVENTURES OF THE GOD OP MADURA The princess in the tale is to be understood as representing a class, a Buccession of sovereigns like herself, in some sort of continuity. Where the annals of a whole period have been lost to tradition, device of the ancient writers was to embody the history of the entire period in the individuality of one monarch, whose life they prolonged even to a millennium, as Occasion required. Witness the instance of a thousand years of universal oppression by generations of Assyrian monarchs, impersonated in the Semitic Zohak of Pehlevi tradition and of the Shahnama. It appears in the Purana that, subsequent to the time of this princess, succession went in the male line in unbroken continuity. This marks the change in the social organisation, by wbich the succession to property was finally transferred from the female line to the male. The princess, then, was the eponymous beroine of a whole line of queens of the earlier period. Were it otherwise, it is difficult to believe that a solitary instance, or an exceptional one, should have been effective in giving historical and suggestive name to the kingdom to endure for future generations. The gid acquires the right to rule in virtue of his marriage, as was customary in ancient Egypt, Lycia, Caris, Lydia and neighbouring countries in matriarcbal epochs. The attempt to deduce a divine origin for the founders of the dynasty is thus apparent. The prominence given to that day of the week which is Monday is evidently referable to the cult of the Moon, s cult which had its origin when the Moon was the year-god of time measurement. When, in a later era, the Son, having been liberated from his subservience to the Star-gods who commanded the year-reckonings, was allowed undisturbed sway in marking time, the cult of the Moon was transferred in its entirety to him and he ruled thereafter as Somanatha, or the lord of the Moon, and, as a consequence, of the Moon-goddesses. The Monday cult, however, having been firmly established in practice, survived into the later epoch, though in association with the new god.] III The wedding-feast. The table-provisions had been prepared for the Marriage feast on such an extensive scale that hardly any appreciable quantity was diminished by the efforts of Siva's retainers. The hostess. the mother of the bride, was disagreeably surprised and felt very sorry that so much should go to wate. When she made mention of this to her son-in-law, he thought he would play * practical joke. He happily recollected that his retainer, Kundotharan, bad not been at the dinner. He now suggested that this faithful servant of his should be fed. At the same time, he exercised his divine will that the all-consuming fire of the ocean, the aurva, should get into the stomach of this yokel. He started eating and finished up with a mass of food of the cabic magnitude of the Himalayas, and yet, complaining of famine and hunger, implored, with the simplicity of the unfortunate Oliver Twist, for more. But all the available store had been exhausted, and the * hostess acknowledged herself beaten. The god then took it on himself to feed his retainer and doubtless, succeeded. At the end of the banquet, Kundotbaran felt very thirsty. He helped himself to all the water available in Madura. But his thirst was in no way allayed. Then the god requested the Ganges on his head to spare some drops of her store. She did so and the great river of Vaigai at once wound her course past the walls of the city. Kundotharan drank his fill of the ceaseless stream and was so good as to announce that his thirst was now quencbed. The summoning of the seven oceans. When the god ruled at Madura under the name of Somasundara Pandya, the queen-mother, desired to bathe in the ocean. For, the rishi Gautama had advised her that a bath in the waters of the ocean would free her from future births. This efficacy was due to the circumstance that all. the sacred rivers flow into the sea, and the waters of the ocean are, therefore, impregnated with the combined purifying essence of all the holy rivere,

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (MARCH, 1913, The old lady preferred her request to her divine son-in-law through her daughter that she might be enabled to take the bath as advised. The god-king suggested that there was no need for her to travel out of Madura to have her wish. If she had no objection, he would procure for her the waters of all the seven oceans at Madura itself. So there was a tank or pond contrired, the water for which, in obedience to the god's commandment, came bubbling up from the deep-sea fountains of the seven oceans. When the lady went out for her bath in the tank, an unexpected difficulty was interposed by the Brahman priests. They ruled tbat, according to the law of the Sdstras, the ocean bath had to be gone through by a woman in this wise. She should make the plange holding her husband by the band, or in default of the bosband (that is in the case of a widow), her son, and in default of both, holding on to the tail of a cow. Unfortunately, the lady bad neither a husband nor a son, So to satisfy the canon, she would have to adopt the third course. She felt it a great bumiliation to be driven to do that. Was it for her, the living bead of this ancient house to submit to this indignity ? Was there no help against the rigour of the law ? The divine son-in-law, however, came to the rescue. He willed that the departed partner of the royal relict should come down from his place in Heaven. Forth with, Malayadhvaja came dowa from Svarga. The spouses bathed in the tank with all due ceremonial observance. As soon as the bath was over and the parties put on dry clothes, a litter came down from the heavens, and Malayadhvaja with his queen flew up in it to Sivaloka, within sight of the wondering populace. [This tank, I believe, is the temple tank, in the waters of which experts in bacteriology will find enough to engage their attention and to test their learning. The tale was invented for the sanctification of the tank, where pilgrims bathe as a religious observance, to the present advantage of the priests, who receive a fee at each bath. The attention of the reader is drawn to the incident, as narrated here, that brought the river Vaigai into existence. It is a second version of the subject, and quite contradictory of the one that has preceded it in the second tale, where, the god, acting as the health-officer of the newlyfounded capital, calls the river into existence for the due water supply of the new settlers.] IV. The goddess-queen yearned for issue; the god-king, understood this and willed that the Dieur Fils, Kumara, should be born in flesh and blood as their son. The queen soon found herself enciente and in due course gave birth to a son, on a very auspicious day, a Monday in conjanction with the star Ardra. All the goddesses assisted at the accouchement and the gods at the naming. The infant was named Ugra-Pa@ lya. Brihaspati taught him the Vedas and the divine father himself initiated him into the secrets of the Pasupataiastra. The boy attained the age of sixteen and his marriage was contemplated. It was arranged that he should marry the daughter of the king of north Manalur, of the Chola dynasty and of the solar race. The Pagdyas were of the lunar race. The father bestowed on his son three potent arms: vel, valai and sendu, divine weapons of ofence which no one less a personage than the son god could wield. The prince was crowned king as soon as he attained majority, by his parents, who entered the temple, and, becoming unified with the god and the goddess thereon, disappeared from mortal vision. Ugra-Pandya performed many asvamedha-ydgas. Indra feared for his safety. He set up Varuna, or Poseidon, to invade the kingdom of the Pandyan and submerge the same with his waters. The briny deep at once fretted and foamed, swelled and surged. The flood rose so high and coursed so far in land that the waves dashed against the walls of Madura. The young king was told in a dream by his father, the god, to use the va he had given him against the attacks. of Poseidon. It was a sort of javelin. The king followed the direction given, with the result that the Ocean god receded, shrank back to his original dimensions and lay prostrate at the feet of the youthful sovereign.

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MABUE, 1918.] THE ADVENTURES OF THE GOD OF MADURA 71 Indra, having been baffled in this attempt, changed his tactics. He withheld rain from the three kingdoms of the Tamil country, Chera, Chola and Pandya. The three kings took counsel together, and questioned the bage Agastya as to how it happened that there was continued drought in the land. The ishi gave very little of comfort; he said the same conditions would continne for a period of twelve years, unless they saw their way to make peace with Indra. But this was easier said than done. Where, when and how should they meet Indra for a conference? The Rishi advised them that, if they duly performed the Monday urata or rito, they would be enabled to go ap in the flesh to Indraloka. They went through the vrata. Accordingly, and like aogels they soared into the empyrean and higher above that into Indraloka. Indra received them in full court. High seats were placed for them, and Indra requested them to be seated. Chera and Chola responded, but the Pandya, with a dash of audacity, which took his brother kings by surprise, seated himself on the throne of Indra by the side of its divine occupant. Indra was greatly pettled, but kept his temper admirably. Chera and Chola begged of Indra to send down rain for their domains. He promised to do so. The Pandya did not doign to make the request; he would get from Indra by force, if necessary, what he wanted. Chera and Chola were dismissed with costly presents. One was fetobed for the Pandya also. It was a pearl necklace, but so heavy that a multitude of angels was required to bring it to the presence, Indra offered it to the Pandya, and requested him to wear it, with the idea of seeing him humbled : for, Iddra supposed that the Pandya could not even move it, much less take it up by the hand. Bat the Pandya took it up as lightly as if it were a goosequill, and wore it round his neck. Indra was beaten at his own trick, and felt, as may be Burmised, somewhat ill at ease. The king of the gods took his leave of the king of men. The interview certainly failed to promote a good understanding. Indra still withheld rain from the country of the Pandya, though he fulfilled the promise he had given to Chera and Oholm. The king was tbrown into a rage. He would have his rovenge on Indra. He sent into prison, on a charge of espionage, some clouds that had inadvertently lighted on a hill in Pandyanad. This was throwing down the gauntlet for Indra to pick up it be dared. These clouds were among the faithful vassals of Indra. They had been ont picnicking on a holiday in the neighbourhood of Madura, on the Pasumalai hills, and had no passports to exhibit. War proved inevitable. Indra came down to fight the Pandya. The battle raged fiercely and long. The Pandya had to face the vajrd yu lha, that is, the thunderbolt of Indra. The Pandya launched the valai, the bangle that his father had given him, at the king of the gods. It sped like lightning. The thunderbolt of Indra was knocked down from his right hand and his jewelled crown from his head. Indra got his deserts; he felt, as others have done after him, that discretion was the better part of valour. He turned his back and fled in indecent haste. We are not told, but we may take it that, before he left the field, Indra managed to pick up his thunderbolt, for he is known to have used it again in battle and with better effect against the Asuras. After some time, Indra feared that the Pandys would carry the war into Indraloka. He was advised to sue for peace. The Pandya was to some extent conciliated as the overtures came from Indra. It was agreed between the high contracting parties that the imprisoned clouds should be set at large and that Indra should send down rain on Pandyanad. But the Pandys had no oonfidence in the word of Indra, or in his fidelity to an oath. Suretios were required. A certain man of the Vellala caste, who was a personal friend of Indra, stood security for his good behaviour, and peace was concluded. Rain fell and the famine was at an ena. [The king and the queen being the avatdras of the god Siva and his divine consort, it was only natural and necessary that the son of their begetting sbould be the double of Kumara, the son-god, The three potent arms which the divine father youchsafed to the divine son are the usual ontfit of solar heroes, the symbolism of which might vary, but is easily understood, as pointing to the same equation, as in the case of Bellerophon, Perseus, Sigurd, Karna of the Mahabharata and other solaz protagoniste.

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72 THE INDIAN ANTIQUART [MAROH, 1913. The vel is a kind of javelin, the ashen spear which Oheiron gave to Peleus: the oaduceus passed on by Hermes to Apollo. The valai, which signifies the banglo, is the perimeter of the solar orb, the discus, the chalera named sudarsana in the hands of Vishnu. The sendu or ball is the orb itself, the burning globe. These are the weapons with which the son god, that is the infant sun-god, Horus, fights his enemies in the heavens. The mention of north Manalur, which cannot now be located, any more than the south Manalar, as the seat of the Chola dynasty, points to simultaneous settlements by cognate tribes, to the north and the south on the sea-coast. The portion of the fable recording the adventures of the prince in the Indraloka is quite devoid of any interest. It embodies no history and no moral. The prince's bauteur at the reception by Indra and his ultimate triumph over the latter is, perhaps, for a mortal prince, a trifle over-done, but is quite intelligible as the allegory of a solar myth. The invasion of the district by the waters of the deep very probably records a reminiscence of the circumstances which made it desirable to shift the capital from the coast to the interior. This has been shown already. The compliment paid to the Vellala caste, in that an individual of that section is made to stand surety for the due observance by Indra of his pledges, is probably due to the fact that the ruling chiefs were of this caste, the members of which tberefore ranked high as kinsmen of the monarch, and in early times certainly supplied the military element of the body politic]. THE ADITYAS. BY R, SHAMASASTRY, B.A., M.R.A.S., BANGALORE. (Continued from p. 41.) " Very red are the garments; the Vibvederas throw (such weapons as) Ashti, the thunderbolt, and the hundred-killer, and swallow things with fiery tongues ; (the season seems to say no god, no man, no king Varuna, the lord, no Agni, no Indra, and not even Pavamana is like myself; there is none like me.' One end of the heavenly bow (the rainbow) is attached to the sky, and the other to the earth. Indra, inthe form of a white ant, cut off the string of this bow. This string less bow they call the bow of Indra in the colours of the clouds; the same is also called the bow of Samyu, the son of Bribaspati; the same they call the bow of Rudra; one end of this bow cut off the head of Radra himself; that head became what is called Pravargya. Hence, whoever performs the Pravargya rite reinserts the bead of Rudra. Then Rudra will not molest him who knows thus." : The mention of a white ant seems to refer to the supposed connection of the rainbow with an anthill, as Kalidasa says in his Meghaduta:- The rainbow rises from an ant-hill." As the word Rudra means the Number 11, there may be some reference to the last 12 days of the sidereal year, and it is likely that the excess of 4ths of a day in those 12 days may represent the head of Rudra. This excess, which, as we have already seen, is the cause of the break in the eighth intercalary month, seems to have been described as baving been ont off by the rainbow. The Pravargya ceremony which is usually performed in the soma sacrifice is a rite which comes after the Soms plant is purchased in the thirteenth month.20 Evidently, then, the Pravargya rite seems to symbolise the break in the eighth thirteenth month. The poet continues to speak of the characteristics of the winter and the winter solstice : bhatyUrvAkSetirazcAn ziziraHpradRzyate / naiva rUpaM na vAsAMsi na cakuH pratikRzyate // arz : E HTI lohito'kSiNa cArazIrSi sUryasyodayanaM prati // svaM karoSi nyaMjalikA svakaroSi nijAnukAm / nijAnukA nyaMjalikA bhamI vAcamapAsatAmiti / / 29 tasmai sarvekatavo namate maryAdAkaratvAt / prapurodhAM brAhmaNa apnoti ya evaM veda / / 30 sa khala saMvatsara etessenAnIbhissaha iMdrAva srvaankaamnbhivhti| ! Meghaduta, I. 15 * 80Aitaroya Brahmapa, L. 12.

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THE ADITYAS MARCH, 1913.] "(Man) has his eyes raised up; he moves neither forward nor backward, for winter is seen; neither colour nor garments for the winter; the eye of the winter is not seen; people do not kill each other (in battle); this is the sign of the winter; the eyes (of people) will be red, and their head gray; observing the northern movement of the sun, you spread and raise the joined palm, of your hands and you bend your knees (as a mark of respect to the sun). May men use this expression: Bended knees, and spreading and raising the joined palms of the hands.' To the sun all the seasons bow, for he is the maker of the (two) goals. The Brahman who knows thus obtains priestly functions to perform. This intercalated year with these troops (the intercalary months) brings all desired offerings to Indra." 73 The goals referred to in the above passage seem to be the two solstices, between which the usual six months, together with the 7 intercalary months, seem to have been counted and observed. Since Indra is the god of the last intercalary month, the year having such a month is said to bring all offerings to Indra in the sacrifices for which learned Brahmans were invited. The poet now goes on to speak of the cycle of 100 years : sa drapsaH / tasyaiSA bhavatei / bhavatupsoM' zumatImatiSThat / ivAnaH kRSNo dadyabhissahaleH / prAvartanidrazzacyA dharmataM / upastuhi taM nRmNAmayadrAmiti / etayaiveMdraH sAlAvRkyA saha asurAnparivRzcati / pRthivyaMzumatI tAmanvavasthitassaM vatsaraH divaM ca | naiva viduSA AcAyatavAsino anyonyasmai musyAtAm / yo duzyati bhazvate svargAzlokAta ilyUmaDalAni / sUryamaMDalAmyAkhyAyikAH bhatakabhyaM sanirvacanAH. "It is a drop (of time); about it the following is said :-The drop (of time) obtained its firm footing on the shining thing (Ameumati), coming as a dark thing with ten thousand (days)" O Drop, thou art Indra, coming frequently; with all thy force, melt the surrounding clouds which are praised by men and which can pour water. With the same rain-bringing clouds, Indra slays the Asuras (of the intercalary months). The earth is called the shining thing (Ameumati). The year having the intercalary month has obtained its firm footing on her, and also in heaven. The teacher and disciple who know this should not hate each other. Whoever hates so will fall down from the heavens. Thus are explained the circles of the seasons. Next the circles of the suns [the gods of the intercalary months] together with the stories and explanations." The word drapsa, 'drop,' seems to be a name of one hundred years, since it is described as coming with 10,000 (days). We know that the last cycle of five years in every period of 20 years consists of 2,000 days. Accordingly there will be 5X2000=10,000 days in the five cycles occurring in 20 x 5 = 100 years. While describing the same drapsa, the Atharvaveda (XVIII, 18, 28, 29) calls it hundredstreamed,' to which no other meaning than one hundred years can possibly be attached. The verses run as follows: ipsacaskaMda pRthivImanudhAmimaM ca yonimanu yazca pUrvaH / samAnaM yonimanucaraMtaM draptaM juhombanusapta hogAH // 28 zatadhAraM vAyumakai svarvidaM nRcakSasaste abhi cakSate rayim / ye pRNati pratra yacchaMti sarvadA te duhate dakSiNAM saptamAtaram | 29 "The Drop leaped toward the earth, the sky, toward both the source, and the one that was of old. To the drop that goes about toward the same source, do I make oblations after the seven priests. "A hundred-streamed Vayu (wind), a heaven-finding sun, do those men-beholders look upon; whoso bestow and present always, they milk a sacrificial gift having seven mothers." It is to be noted how the author of the Aranyaka connects the drop' with Indra, the god of the seventh intercalary month, and ten thousand days, while the Atharvaveda combines it with seven priests and mothers (i. e., seven intercalary months) and one hundred streams (i. e., years). Now let us revert to the poet of the Aranyaka and hear what he says about the seven suns: arogo bhrAjaH paTaraH pataMgaH svarNaro jyotiSmAnvibhAsaH / te asmai sarve divamApatati Urje buhAnA anapasphurataM iti / / kazyapo'STamaH sa mahAmeruM na jahAti / tasyaiSA bhavatiH bante zilpaM kazyapa rocanAvat iMdriyAgata puSkalaM citrabhAnu | 'basminsaryA arpitAH sapta sAkam ||

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74 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MARCH, 1913. "Aroga (one without disease), Bhraja (shining), Patara (one covered with clouds), Patauga (Bying), Svarnara (golden), Jyotishmin (one with mass of light), and Vibhasa (one with splendour),-these illamine the heavens for him, milking strength (for the sacrificer) and never losing their splendour. Kabyapa is the eighth; he never leaves the mountain called the great Meru. The following is said of bim : What contrivance of thine, O Kasyapa, is that which is full of shining, vigorons, splendid, and of wondrous light, and in which the seven suns are net together.'-" tasmivAjAnamAdhavizrayamAmiti / te asmai sarve kazvapAgjyotirlabhate / sAnsomaH kazyapAvadhinirdhamati bhastrAkarmakRvivaivam / "In hitn (Kabyapa) may we seek a king; they all (the suns) obtain light from him; the moon blows them out from Kayapa, just as a goldsmith blowing his bellows (over the fire with gold)." prANo jIvAni iMdriyajIvAni | sapta zIrSaNyAH prANAH sUryA ityAcAryAH / bhapazyamahamesAnsaptasUryAniti paMcakoM vAtsyAyanaH saptakarNazca praakssiH|| "(The seven suns are) the vital breaths; they are the forces of life; they are the principles of the vital organs; the seven vital breaths in the head are the suns,-50 say the Teachers ; Panchakarna, the son of Vatsyayana says: *I have seen the seven suns%3; so also Saptakarpa, the son of Plakshi.''" bhAnubhavika eva nau kazyapa iti ubhau vedayite / na hi kumiva mahAmeruM gatamu / bhapazyamahametatsUryamaMDalaM parivartamAnaM gAyaH prANaghAtaH / gacdhataM mahAmerum / ekaMcAjahatam / "We have only heard of Kabyapa; thus both of them tell each other; we cannot go to the great Mera. Gargya Prapatrata says: I have seen the circle of the (seven) suns which are moving around; go to the great Meru and also to the one (sun) who never leaves it.'" bhAjapaTarapataMgA nihane tiSTanAtapati / tasmAdiha takhitamAH / bhamukhetare tasmAdihAtabisamAH / teSAmeSA bhavati.. sapta sUryA divamanupariTAH tAnanvati pathimikSiNAvAn / te bhasma save ghRtamAtapaMti UrjabuhAmA bhnpsphurNtHhti|| " Bhraja, Patara, and Patanga shine, standing below; hence they are productive of heat to this world; the others are in the upper world; hence they are not productive of heat to this world; of them, the following is said:" "The seven suns have entered into the heavenly world; whoever has paid sacrificial fees will follow them; they all illamine the ghi for him, milking strength and causing no heat." saptarvijassUryA tyaacaaryaaH| teSAmeSA bhvti| saptadizo nAnAsaryAH sapta hotAra kasvijaH / devA bhAvisthA be sapta tebhissomAbhirakSaNa iti. "- The seven sacrificial priests are the suns-Bo say the Teachers 3 of them, the following is said: * The seven regions with many sons, the seven Hotri Priests, and the shining Adityas who are also seven ; by means of them the moon is maintained [i. e., the lunar year is prevented from rotating further)." tatyAmnAvaH / digdhAjaHkatankaroti / etavevAvRtA bhAsahasrasUtAvA iti peshNpaavnH| tasyaiSA bhavati. "-Accordingly there is the saying: (the sun called) Digbhraja (illuminator of the regions) makes the seasons ; in this way the suns are multiplied ap to a thousand,'---80 says Vaibampayans. About this, the following is said:-. bacAva drale pAtaM pAtaM bhUmI uta syuH| navA vajin sahana sUryo bhanuna jAtamaSTa rovasI rati / nAnAligavAhatUnAM nAnAsUrvasvam / bhaSTI tuSyavasitA iti // "o Indra, it the number of both heaven and earth comes to a hundred, even then,OWielder of the thunderbolt, no thousand suns will follow thee; born as thou art between those two worlds. Since the seasons are of different signs, the suns are many; but it is settled that they are eight."

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MARCH, 1913.) THE ADITYAS 75 What are called heaven and earth in this and other passages seem to be the two limits between which the seven intercalary months are inserted. Accordingly we may take those words to signify the cycle of 20 years. Hence a hundred of both heaven and earth will mean a 100 cycles of 20 years each, containing 100+ 7 = 700 or 100 X 71 - 750 guns or intercalary months, with Indra as their god, but not a thousand suns. This seems to be the meaning of the poet when he says thet, though the number of the birth-places of Indra amounts to a hundred, no thousand suns will follow him. After speaking of various things, especially of Vishnu, of Kabyapa, of seven Agnis who appear to be the same seven suns, of Gandharvas, and of geven Vayus, the poet, says: sahasravRdibaM bhUmiH paraM vyoma sahanavRta. " This earth contains a thousand, and the distant heaven also contains a thousand." If the explanation I have given above of the seven Adityas and of the number one thousand, is. true, it follows that the two worlds, each containing a thousand (days), as described in the above passage, must mean the two wings or halves of the last cycle of five years in each period of 20 years. After speaking of sundry things which it is unnecessary to notice here, the poet goes on to say: bhaditijotamaditinitvam |bhssttii punAso bhaditethe jAtAsvanvaH pari / devAnupapraissasabhiH parA mAtoMumAsyat / / saptabhiH putraraditiH upaprailyUSya yugam / prajAyai mRtyave tatparA mAtoMDamAbharaditi // tAnanakramiSyAmaH-mitraica varuNazca dhAtAcAryamA ca aMzazca bhagavaca iMdrazca vivasvAzcetyete. "Aditi is past and Aditi is futare ; of the eight suns of Aditi, who were born from her body, she approached the gods with seven and cast out Martanda ; with seven sons Aditi approached the gods in the former Yuga (cycle of 20 years) ; she brought thither Martanda again for birth and death. We enumerate them: Mitra and Varuna, Dhate and Aryaman, Amba and Bhaga and Indra and Vivasyan,-these are they." After referring to the verses which describe Purusha, the poet concludes by saying: T: 4999: 496969: 1 "The seed belongs to Prajapati, Father Time, and the Purusha (born thereof) is sevenfold." The Satapatha Brahmana identifies the seven Purushas with the seven logs and tongues of Agni, and also with Indra. The passages in which this identification is made are thus translated by Prof. Eggeling: "He offers with Vag. S. XVII. 79, thine, O Agni, are seven logs,'-loge mean vital airs, for the vital airs do kindle him ;-seven tongues,'--this he says with regard to those seven persons which they made into one person ;-Seven Rishis,'- for seven Rishis they indeed were ; seven beloved seats,' this he says with regard to the metres devenfold the seven priests worship thee,'--for in sevenfold way the seven priests indeed worship him ;-the seven homes,' -he thereby means the seven layers of the altar; ......... seven,' he says each time,- of seven layers the fire-altar consists, and of seven seasons the year, and Agni is the year.22" "This same vital air in the midst doubtless is Indra. He, by his power, kindled those other vital airs from the midst ; and in as much as he kindled, he is the kindler (Indha): the kindler indeed,--him they call'Indra' mystically (esoterically), for the gods love the mystic. They (the vital airs) being kindled, seven separate persons (Purusha) 22." I presume that I have made it clear that the various expressions, such as the eight song of Aditi, the seven or eight Adityas, seven eagles or swans, seven butters, seven logs of fire, seven tongues of Agni, seven Vayus, seven cattle, seven breaths, seven Agnis, seven Parashas, seven horses, seven sisters, seven priests, seven seers, and seven and a half embryos, are all of the same meaning, viz., the seven and a half intercalary months occurring in the cycle of twenty lani-sidereal years, and that the act of getting rid of the intercalary months is described as a recurring conflict between Vtitra, the demon of the intercalary months, and Indra, the god of the eventh intercalary month. That this conflict was a periodic and recurring phenomenon, is so well known to all Vedic scholars that it needs no proof. The expression that Indra killed Vtitra three times, securing thereby three.ukthyas or fifteens,' evidently signifies the cycle of sixty years, which consists of three cycles of 20 years each or twelve eycles of 5 years each. Since Indra is said to be the slayer. 11 Sat. Bra. IX. , 8, 44-45. 11 I bid. VI, 1, 1, 2

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76 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MARCH, 1913. of Vritra, Sambara, Bala and other demons, it is clear that those demons represent the same evil nature or side of the same intercalary months. The expression that Indra found out Sambara and killed him in tho fortieth year (R. V. II. 12, 11) proves the same fact. We are also told in the Rigveda (I. 180, 7; IV. 80, 20) that the number of Vsitra's forts which Indra destroyed amounted to one hundred. If this can be taken to mean a hundred times repetition of the cycle of 20 years, then we have the chronology of the Vedie period to be 20 x 100 = 2000 years. The Satapatha Brahmana, on the other hand, makes the number of the repetition of the seven intercalary months to be 101. The following is the translation by Prof, Eggoling of the passages in which this idea is conveyed : "Sevenfold, indeed, Prajapati was created in the beginning. He went on constructing (developing) his body, and stopped at the one hundred and onefold one. He who constructs one lower than a sevenfold one cuts this Father Praja pati in twain : he will be the worse for sacrificing as one would be by doing injury to his better. And he who constructs one exceeding the one-hundred and-one-fold one steps beyond this Universe, for Prajapati is this Universe. Hence he should construct the sevenfold (altar), then the next higher up to the one hundred-and-one-fold one, but he should notoonstruct one exceeding the one-hundred-and-one-fold one, and thus, indeed, he neither cuts this Father Praj&pati in twain, nor does he step beyond this Universe," 23 " Prajapati, indeed, is the year, and Agni is all objects of desire. This Prajapati, the year, desired, May I build up for myself a body so as to contain Agni, all objects of desire. He constructed a body 019-hundred-and-one-fold." Now this year is the same as yonder san; and he is this one-hundred-and-one-fold (Agni);his rays are a hundredfold and he himself who shines yonder, being the one hundred and first, is firmly established in this Universe."26 "And, indood, the one hundred-and-one-fold passes into becomes equal to the seven-fold one ; for yonder sun, whilst composed a hundred-and-one-fold, is established in the seven worlds of the gods, the four quarters and these three worlds; these are the seven worlds of the gods, and in them the sun is established."20 "And, again, as to how the one hundred-and-one-fold (altar) passes into the seven-fold one: Yonder san, composed of a bundred and one parte, is established in the seven seasons, in the seven stomas. in the seven Prishtha-s&mans, in the seven metres, in the seven vital airs, and in the seven regions,"27 "Therefore, also, they lay down around (the altar) sets of seven (bricks) each time, and hence the one-hundred-and-one-fold passes into the seven-fold one; and, indeed, the seven-fold one passes into the one-hundred-and-one-fold."> "And thus, indeed, the seven-fold (altar) passes into the one hundred and one-fold: that which is a hundred-and-one-fold is seven-fold; and that which is seven-fold is a hundred-and-one-fold.190 From the statement that they lay down sets of seven bricks one hundred and one times, where seven bricks evidently represent seven intercalary months, it is clear that by the time of the Bata patha Brahmana the number of the twenty years' cycles amounted to 101. It is, therefore, clear that by that time there had elapsed 101 x 20=2020 years in the era of the Vedic poets. I have already pointed out how the statement of the Atharvavada (XII. 3,16), that thirty-three gods pertain to the seven sacrifices, can be explained as implying the thirty-three months forming one of the wings or halves of the last cycle of five years in the period of twenty years. Now, according to the Nivid hymnao for the Vibve Devas, the total number of gods amounts to 3339. Dividing this by 33 we have 101 i cycles of twenty yoars each. This is a number which is almost exactly equal to the number of layers of the one-hundred-and-one-fold altar referred to above, * Sat. Bra. X. 2, 3, 18. Ibid X. 2, 4, 1. * Ibid X. 2, 4, 4; the italios are mine. Sat. Bra. X. 2, 4, 5; the italios are mine. >> Ibid. x. 2, 4, 7. Bat. Bra. X. 2, 4, 8. # Ser Hang's Translation of the litariya Brahmara III, 8,81 ; also his note on the number of gods. 36 Sat. Br. X. 243..he italics are mine. Toid... note on the number of gode

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MARCH, 1913.] THE MYTH OF THE ARYAN INVASION OF INDIA 77 Again we know that what are called Chaturmasyas are three intercalary periods of four months each. From the formula of these Chaturmasyas given in the Satapatha Brahmana (XI. 5, 2, 10), we can arrive at the same number of years. The passage in which this formula is given is thus translated by Prof. Eggeling: "Now, indeed, the formulas of these seasonal offerings amount to three hundred and sixty-two Brihati verses; he thereby obtains both the year and the Mahavrata; and thus, indeed, this sacrificer also has a two-fold foundation; and he thus makes the sacrificer reach the heavenly world and establish himself therein." 80 It is a fact that the Vedic poets usually represent a day by a syllable.31 Accordingly, the number of syllables contained in 362 Brihati verses must represent 362 x 36 days contained in all the Chaturmasyas so far counted. Expressed in months, they will be 362 x 36- =434 months intercalated in cycles of 2 years each. Hence the number of years will be equal to 2172 x=1086. Bat as stated in the passage, the sacrificer must have a two-fold foundation, i.e., must double the number, before he can reach the heavenly world, i.e., the era, and establish himself therein. Hence doubling the number, we have 1086 X2-2172 years. It is unnecessary to point out here that these various numbers of years in the era of the Vedic poets, though differing from each other a little, lead to the same conclusion that I have arrived at in my Gavam Ayana, "the Vedic Era," where I showed the lapse of 465 intercalary days equivalent to 465 x 4 = 1860 years. That this era of nearly 2000 years had elapsed by the time of Parikshit, the grandson of Yudhishthira, the hero of the Mahabharata war, is a point worthy of the attention of scholars. THE MYTH OF THE ARYAN INVASION OF INDIA.1 BY P. T. SRINIVAS IYENGAR, M.A.; VIZAGAPATAM. It is well known that most writers on modern history have not escaped the bias of their political or religious convictions, however impartial they have tried to be. In the selection of facts, in the method of marshalling them to point to a moral, Hume was as much dominated by his Tory proclivities as Macaulay was by his Whig predilections. This applies in a small measure to ancient history, too. When the theory of the great civilised Aryan race was started, German patriotism claimed the Aryans to have been originally tall, fair, and long-headed, and the direct ancestors of the modern Teutons. French patriotism insisted that the language and civilisation of the Aryans came into Europe with the Alpine race, which forms such a large element in the modern French population; while the Italian Sergi, who belongs to the Mediterranean race evolved from an African stock, credits his own race with originating the Greco-Roman civilisation, and believes that the Aryans were savages when they invaded Europe. This colouring of history by the sympathies of the historian is not an unmixed evil, for to it we owe the rehabilitation of the character of Catholic sovereigns and statesmen by Lingard, and the explosion of the myth of the Saxon extermination of the Celts in England by leaders of the pro-Celtic movement of our own days. The eye of sympathy can alone pierce through the thick veil of interested misrepresentation, and emotion must co-operate with cold reason in the recovery of historic truth. It is not in history as in physical science where passion cannot blind the eye to facts. The Dravidians, the Dasyus, the Dasas-by whichever of these three names we may choose to designate the bulk of the people of India since historic times-have suffered from the misrepresentation of the Aryan Rishis, who composed the Vedas in the remote past, and of the ancient Indian commentators and modern European and American expounders of the sacred Scriptures of the Hindus. At the same time a mythical Aryan race has been built up out of scattered allusions in the Indian writings, and credited with the invasion of India, with the extirpation in some places, and absorption into the capacious Aryan fold in others, of the numerous tribes that occupied this vast continent. This theory appealed to the prepossessions both of those who 81 Maitrayantya Sash. I. 7, 3. First printed from the Journal of the Royal Society of Arts, July 1912, revised by the authore

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18 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MARCH, 1913. believed in the re-population of the world by the three sons of Noah, and of those who speak what are supposed to be dialects of the "Aryan" speech. Being myself a Dravidian I propose to submit the theory of the invasion of India by the Aryan race, and of the extraordinary expansion of that race on Indian soil, to the test of reason inspired by sympathy for the Draviuian. The comparative study of languages was born when it was discovered that the languages of North India, Persia, Armenia, and practically the whole of modern Europe, all belonged to one linguistic group. The wide spread of these languages, now generally called the Indo-Germanic, was explained by the supposition that a race of people that spoke the parent form of these languages inhabited the regions beyond the Hindu Kush, and in prehistoric times sent streams of colonists to Persia, to India, to Armenia, and on to Europe. The flush of enthusiasm caused by such a brilliant recovery of ancient history by the study of languages was heightened by the emotional satisfaction due to the notion that the Germanic races that dominate the world to-day were of the same stock as the haughty Brahman of India, who has, like Saturn, gloomed by himself in the horizon of India for several millenniums, has guided its destinies in fields intellectual and political, and been responsible for the grandeur of its philosophy, and for the political ineptitude of its people. The name Arya, which originally belonged to certain Indian tribes that followed the fire cult in the valley of the Punjab, and spoke an ancient form of the language whose later literary form was called the Sanskrit, the polished speech, was extended to this imaginary race, partly because Vedic Sanskrit-the language of the Aryaswas believed to be the most primitive form of the Indo-Germanic tongues, and also because the word Arya, whatever its derivative meaning, meant "noble," and was, therefore, a fit designation for the great race that was believed to have civilised Southern and Western Asia and the whole of the European continent, and to lead the van of the world's progress to-day. Anthropologists soon pricked this Aryan bubble, and the great Aryan stock that peopled such a large slice of the world's surface soon became a small tribe that Aryanised Eurasia-i.e., transmitted its language and culture to other races. The original habitat of this much shrunk tribe was shifted in 1878 from the regions round the Hidu Kush to the shores of the Baltic by Posche, and in 1889 to Russia by Taylor. In 1901, Sergi maintained that the Aryans were "of Asiatic origin," and "were savages when they invaded Europe; they destroyed in part the superior civilisation of the Neolithic populations and could not have created the Graeco-Latin civilisation." In 1911, Dr. Haddon, the greatest living authority on ethnology, carefully avoid-. ed the mention of the word Aryan' in his admirable account of "the wanderings of people" in Europe. The "Aryan race" has been given the quietas so far as Europe is concerned. The theory of the invasion of India by the "Noble Aryan," and of the extinction in some places and the subjugation in others of the "savage Dasyu," was promulgated by Max Muller, Mair and other Sanskrit scholars in the middle of the nineteenth century, and has since been an article of creed with writers of the history of India. In 1891 and 1892 Risley attempted to supply this theory with an anthropometric foundation. Dr. Haddon summarises the results of Risley's researches in these words: "The Aryan type, as we find it in India at the present day, is marked by a relatively long (dolichocephalic) head, a straight, finely cut (leptorhine) nose, a long, symmetrically narrow face, a well-developed forehead, regular features, and a high facial angle. The stature is fairly high. . . . and the general build of the figure is well proportioned and slender rather than massive." These investigations were based chiefly on "the distinction between the fine and coarse type of nose," and on the theory that in India the nasal index "ranks higher as a distinctive character than the stature, or even than the cephalic index itself." This "Aryan type" is found in the purest form in the Punjab valley and, in other parts of India, is mixed with another type, called by Risley the "Dravidian type." To account for the existence of a "pure Aryan type" of non-Indian origin in the Punjab valley, Risley assumes that the "Aryans" must have moved into India with wives and children, "by tribes and families without any disturbance of their social order," at a time when north-western Haddon, The Study of Man, pp. 103-4. Sergi, the Mediterranean Race, p. vi.

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MARCH, 1913.) THE MYTH OF THE ARYAN INVASION OF INDIA 79 India must have been open to the slow advance of family or tribal migration. The previous inhabitants of the fertile valley of the Five Rivers politely retreated before the advancing " Aryana," so that the purity of the "Aryan type" might not be polluted ; and when the "Aryans" had moved into the Punjab, an obliging Providence ordered that the north-western frontier of India should be "closed to the slow advance of family or tribal migration." Granting that all these miracles took place four thousand years ago, does subsequent history help us to believe that this Aryan type has remained anpolluted in the Punjab Innamerable races have poured into India through the north-west in historic times. Persians, European Greeks, Bactrians, Scythians, Huns, Afghans, Tartars, and Moguls, have all invaded India and settled in larger or smaller numbers in the Punjab, and been absorbed in its " Aryan" population. It requires great scientific hardihood to maintain that the nasal index of the Punjabi has remained unaffected by this age-long welter of races. Apart from the measurement of noses, the only other source of information regarding the " Aryans" of India is the mantras of the Vedas of the Hindus. These mantras were composed by Rishis belonging to tribes who called themselves Arya, and who called certain other tribes Dasyu or Dasa. In later days Arya meant " noble," and Dasa meant "a slave," but it is not possible to find out with certainty what these words meant originally. The Arya and the Dasa fought with each other frequently; but as frequently Dasa tribes were auxiliaries of Arya tribes in fights among themselves. None of these conflicts are incidents of a war of invasion. The Aryas do not speak of themselves as invaders gradually driving the aborigines before them, and wresting their land from them. There is no trace of the inveterate habit of people settling in a new land, that of importing into the land of their adoption geographical and personal names from their far-off original homes. In the Vedic hymns there is not even the slightest reference to or memory of any land outside India which the ancestors of the Aryas inhabited, nu hint of the route through which they came to India, no phrase reminiscent of any foreign connection. Nor is there anything to indicate that they were gradually or suddenly moving hordes; the Aryas of the Vedio mantras speak of themselves as people living in the Indns-Ganges valley, leading a settled life in towns and villages, plonghing the soil and tending their numerous herds of cattle. Their kings, petty chiefs, lords of towns, and heads of villages, their village assemblies, political and religious, their irrigation canals and their roads, their threshing-floors and water-troughs for cattle, all indicate that the Aryas lived in an organised society in the Vedic times. Nor were the Dasyus savages. It is true the Aryans do not refer to them in complimentary terms; but even from the contemptuous references to the Dasyus in the hymns of their Aryan enemies, we can easily infer that they were not savages, but lived like the Aryans in towns and villages. They owned many castles built of wood like the castles of the Aryas. Their chariots, horses, and cattle proved a standing temptation to the Aryas to attempt to raid them. Thas all the available evidence shows that the Dasyus were not savages, but at least as civilised as the Aryas. There is nothing in the mantras froni wbich the physical characteristics of the Aryus or the Dasyus can be inferred. There is a solitary word (anasa) used in reference to the Dasya, which has been variously interpreted as "mouthless," or "faceless," or "nobeless," and some scholars believe that this refers to the nose of the Dravidian, " thick and broad," and the formula expressing its proportionate dimensions, higher than in any known race, except the Negro." There are also references to the "black"colour of the Dasyu; but, in some passages, this certainly refers not to the human enemies of the Aryas but to demons whom they dreaded, and, in others, it is not easy to decide whether the word is used metaphorically or literally. To construct theories of racial characteristics on the shifting foundations of solitary phrases of very doubtful import, and in the total absence of any other evidence, is speculation rop mad. The only certain difference between the Arya and the Dasyu, frequently referred to in the mantras, is one of cult. Whatever the etymological meaning of the word Arya may Imperial Ganottoor of India, I. p. 802. . Haddon, The Study of Man, p. 104,

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80 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (MARCH, 1913. have been in the mantras, Hindu commentators on the Veda, from the authors of the Nirukta, down to Sayans, have explained it as "the son of the Lord," "the wise performer of the (firerites)" "wise worshippers," "practisers of fire-rites," "he who has attained a high position through the performance of fire-rites." On the other hand, innumerable passages in the mantras describe the Dasya as "devoid of (fire-rites,) " " opposed to the ire-rites,)" " without Indra,' "offerers of worthless libation," "fire-less," etc. From this it is evident that the Dasyus incurred the hatred of the Aryas, because they did not worship the Aryan god Indra, and did not like the Aryas, offer sacrifices throngh Agni, the fire-god, the mouth of the Aryan gods and the mediator between them and their human worshippers. The Dasyos, like the Aryas, killed animals in sacrifice to their gods, and we may presume that, like the followers of many modern non-Aryan Hindu colts, they poured the blood of the slaughtered victims at their altars. The Dasyus must have hated the fire-rites of the Aryas as a strange innovation, and they are described as "revilers" of the (Arya) gods and rites, and are said to have frequently interrupted their performance. The Nirukta defines a Dasyu to be one that " destroys fire-rites." Besides offering animal sacrifices through fire there was a special libation that distinguished Arys worship. More than the flesh of balls and goats, Indra, the Arya god, loved the intoxicatiug juice of the soma plant, and his worshippers, inspirited by liberal dranghts of soma juice, ventured forth to raid Dasyu settlements, and bring back their cattle and their women as prizes of war. In comparison with soma, the offerings of the Dasyus to their gods were regarded by the Aryas as "worthless oblations." The Aryas also frequently refer to the Dasyas as "prayerless," "enemies of prayer," "those that do not employ hymns." This indicates another line of cleavage of cult between the Aryas and the Dasyus. All Aryan sacrifice, of animal or of soma, of corn or of cake, was accompanied with recitations of "prayers," either composed for the occasion or taken from a pre-existing stock of mantras. These mantras were composed in an early literary form of the tongue that later gave birth to classical Sanskrit. This Vedic language must have entered India primarily as the hieratic dialect of the followers of the fire-and-soma colt. Before the Vedic tongue reached India, dialects of two linguistic families other than Indo-Germanic were spoken in India. To-day those of the speakers of the Dravidian and Munda languages that have not yet been Aryanized still follow " fireless" cults. As similar cults are universal among the an-Aryanized part of the people of North India also, we may be certain that the Dravidian and Munda languages now associated with the fireless cult were once spread throughout India. Those of the people that became Aryans, i.e., joined the fire-and-soma colt necessarily learnt the language in which the rites were conducted. It must be added that there is no indication in the Vedic mantras as to what the languages of the Dasyus were. The fire and soma cult and the Vedic speech, then, and not differences of race, distinguished the Vedic Aryas from the Vedic Dasyns, in so far as we can judge from the Vedas. There remains to be discussed the question whether this cult and this speech were suddenly transplanted among the Aryas by any considerable body of foreigners, or whether they were slowly spread among them, undergoing changes in the process. The mere entry into a country of a foreign cult and a foreign tongue does not prove any appreciable ethnic disturbance of it. Dr. Haddon says: "It is astonishing with what ease a people can adopt a foreign language, which, however, almost invariably undergoes a structural and phonetic modification in the process." It is well known to students of comparative grammar that the Vedic parent of Sanskrit is profoundly different from the original Indo-Germanic. In this, as well as in certain respects of structure, most of the Euro-Indo-Germanic dialects are nearer the original * The soma plant has not yet been identified, but, judging from the methods of preparation of some and its effects on man as desoribed in the Vedas, it must be akin to the bhang (bemp) of modern times. The soma juice was drank without being fermented, and mixed with milk or ourds, Or was oooked with flour and boney. Haddon, The Wanderings of Peoples, p. 10.

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81 MARCH, 1913.] THE MYTH OF THE ARYAN INVASION OF INDIA tongue than the Vedic speech. This shows that the Vedic tongue came to India as a foreign language, and underwent there a levelling down of its vowels and other alterations. Now, as regards the cults, associated with this language. The soma plant is described in the Vedic mantras as growing on distant hills, like those of Gandhara, and generally procured with some difficulty, and stored in a dried-up form as charas is to-day. In later times, when the centre of the fire cult shifted into the heart of India, the soma plant could not be procured, its identity was forgotten, and substitutes came to be used in its stead. The soma cult flourished in ancient times in Persia. We may thence infer that it found its way into India from without. But once it was introduced, it underwent a great development in this country. The Aryan Rishis appreciated the virtues of soma juice so much that a large part of the Vedic mantras is devoted to its praise; King Soma attained a distinguished position in the Vedic pantheon, and the soma sacrifice became the principal rite of the Brahman. The fire cult, like the soma cult, existed in ancient Persis, but with this difference, that to the Persians fire was so holy that throwing offerings into it would pollute it; so parts of the bodies of slaughtered animals were shown to the fire and thrown aside. As in India the offerings to gods were burnt out in the sacrificial fire, the fire cult underwent a fundamental change in this country. When the cult changed, there resulted a corresponding and equally profound change in mythology. It is surprising that though the language of the Avesta and that of the Veda are so nearly allied that very often a sentence of the one can be turned into the other by merely making the necessary changes, there is very little in common between Avestan and Vedic mythology. In fact, quite as little of the mythology associated with the ancient Iranian speech as of that with the Indo-Germanic ursprache seems to have reached India. The only god common to the Vedic. Aryas and the races that spoke Indo-Germanic dialects in Europe is Dyaus, and Dyaus is scarcely worth the name of god in the Vedic pantheon, being so little removed from the physical sky. Then, again, Mitra is practically the only god common to the Vedas and the Zend Avesta, and is in both literatures a subordinate person. Indra, the chief god of the Indian Aryas, is a minor demon of the Iranian Aryas. Varuna was unknown in Persia, All other Indian gods are of pure Indian origin, Rudra, Vishnu, Aditi, Maruts, Asvins, Ushas, etc. The very name of the fire god, Agni, is also Indian, the corresponding Persian god being Atar. It is impossible to discuss here how many of the Vedic gods were borrowed from the people of India, and then Aryanised, and how many were evolved on Indian soil from pre-Aryan sources latent in Aryan speech, but the fact is triking that so few Aryan gods came to India along with Aryan speech. From this we see that the language and the cult of the Aryas were borrowed from without, and profoundly altered on Indian soil. If this cultural drift had been accompanied by any appreciable racial drift, if the cult and the language had been brought into India by any considerable body of foreigners, who formed a race by themsleves, and lived apart from the native races, neither the eult nor the language would have undergone such serious alterations as they have, but would have remained relatively pure. Hence the only conclusion that is borne out by the facts that a foreign tongue, the Vedic, and a foreign cult, the fire and soma worship, drifted into India from without, and were adopted by certain tribes, later called Aryas, among whom the cult and the speech developed in new ways, and distinguished the tribes that possessed them from the other tribes of this country. The comparative study of religion has brought out the fact that the movement of religious thought in early times was not from polytheism to monotheism, but the other way about, from tribial monotheism to inter-tribal polytheism. In his Religion of Egypt, p. 4, Professor Flinders Petrie says: "Wherever we can trace back polytheism to its earliest stages, we find that results from combinations of monotheism." The polytheism of the Vedas is one of the many proofs that the Vedas refer not to the beginning of any onlt, but the eulminating stage of many pre-existing tribal cults, which had coalesced chiefly out of political causes. This is the real explanation of the perplexing henotheism (as Max Muller called it) that runs throughout the Vedio mantras. At the time of the composition of the Vedio hymns, the tribe that worshipped Indra seems to hare acquired predominance over the tribes that worshipped other gods.

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82 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MARCH, 1913. Even among the Aryas this cult was but superimposed on, and did not oust, pre-existing cults. It mingled with the previous totemistic cults implying the worship of animals--like the cow, the hawk, and the serpent, of trees like the ficus religiosa, of hill divinities, and river goddesses; it also mixed with innumerable religio-magical practices based on animistic beliefs, all which are abundantly referred to in the Vedic mantras, and are prepotent to-day in India. But the fire-priests, some of whom, like the Rishis, composed hymns and instituted rites, and others like the H td, the Adhvaryu, etc., assisted at the ritual, dominated the land from early times, and secared the patronage of kings. As they alone have left literary monuments, they loom large in the early history of India; bat we must not forget that the bulk of the people of India followed, and still follow, the non-Aryan "fireless" rites of the Dasyus, and the fire rite was at no age more than the semi-esoteric cult of the few. The spread of the fire calt into the lower Ganges valley and into the Deccan has been mistaken by historians for the spread of the "Aryan race." There is no evidence of a racial dislocation in India in these early days. So far as is known the bulk of the people was stationary. The story of the Ramayana has been by some interpreted to refer to an ancient invasion of Southern India by the Aryans. But how the mythical defeat of a king of Lanka by & solitary ascetic prince, exiled from his kingdom, belped by his brother and by a South Indian monkey tribe, can mean the migration of a north Indian people, passes comprehension. In all the early books there is evidence of the spread of the fire cult and the gradual increase of the power of the fire-priests, bat none of any racial drift. Even this gradaal extention of the fire cult did not mean the adoption of it by the people, such as takes place when Christianity or Islam spreads in our days, but merely meant the predominance of the Bribman and the adoption of forms of State fire-rites like the Rajastya or Agdamedha by kings for special public purposes. The fire-rite could not spread among the people, for from pretty early times the Brahmanalone was competent to act as the fire-worshipper, and kings could be admitted to the fire-worship, even in sacrifices peculiar to kings, only after being temporarily invested with Brahmanhood, and even they could approach only the outermost of the sacrificial fires, that at the entrance to the sacrificial hall. This fire cult gradually died uut even among the Brahmans, and to-day but faint relies of it are followed in a half-hearted manner in Brahman homes. Bat from early days the name Arya--which originally belonged to the tribes that had adopted the fire and some on twas transferred to the higher classes of the Indian peoples, who, whatever their beliefs and religio-magical practices, acknowledged the theoretical supremacy of the fire-priest; so much so that when Gantama Siddhartha founded an order of ascetics (Bhikshus) open to Kshatriyas, in imitation of the Brahman order of Samnyadina, bis dhamma was called Ariya (Arya). When, in later times, modern Hinduism rose with its namerous castes each characterised by endogamy, and with its beliefs and practices conglomerated out of every cult that had grown in ancient India, the term Arya was extended to every clan and every tribe that could lay claim to a high social status, and could enforce that claim. And, lastly, when the theory of the "Aryan invasion" of India was promulgated by European scholars, it was seized with avidity by the "higher castes" as affording a historical basis to their pretensions of saperiority to other castes. And the result is that every member of every caste that calls itself "Aryan "believes that blue Aryan blood flows in his veins. Emotion plays a large part in the manufacture of history, and any theory that soothes the vanity at # people is straightway elevated to the rank of a fact ; go to-day a scientifio examination of the bases of the theory of a superior Aryan race is resented more in India than anywhere else in the world, European Sanskrit scholars, who have mostly kept themselves aloof from the world's progress in the science of ethnology, still speak to-day of the "Aryan" invasion of India, and the Bu persession of the aborigines by the " Aryan," as if it were a fact. They do not realise that, as Dr. Haddon says, "the so-called Aryan conquest was more a moral and intellectual one than pubstitution of the white man for the dark-skinned people that is, it was more social than racial." But it is regrettable that Dr. Haddon, the cautious ethnologist, the most eminent authority on the social drifts of the world, should yet give his unhesitating adhesion to Risley's theory that

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MAROK, 1913.) MISCELLANEA 83 "Aryans, perhaps associated with Turki tribes," moved with wives and children into the Punjab about 1700 B. ., and completely displaced the previous population, and, what is more curious, their noses bave retained unaltered since, notwithstanding that the Punjab has been the cockpit of races since the dawn of history almost down to our days, thus setting at naught at the same time the evidence enshrined in the Vedic Mantras and the necessities of the geographic control of all human affairs. When all is said, there may still remain in the minds of some the feeling of doubt how a cult or a speech can travel by itself. The fire cult and the speech of the Aryas must have come to India in the wake of a peaceful overflow of people from the uplands of Central Asia into the plains of India, or buen the result of a peaceful intercourse between the Indian people and foreigner. But theories cannot be built on metaphors, and there is absolutely no evidence at present to guide to a solution of the problem. What we know for certain from the researches of Anthropologists and Philologista is that nearly 5000 years ago a race of tall, fair-skinned, narrow-headed giants, lived in the great steppe land extending from the north of the Carpathians to the north of Persia. The conditions of their life made them lead a pastoral life and tame the wild horse. They were savages who continued in the stone age, while their contemporaries in Egypt, Crete, Babylonia and probably India had begun to use iron tools. Among them the Indo-Germanic languages were evolved. About 2,500 B. O., the drying up of their steppes led them to migrate to the west and the south. One branch of these people settled in Bactria where they learned to worship fire and drink sma. From them this cult and this tongue came to India. It is well-known that cults can travel far without the help of the sword. The Christ cult arose in Jerusalem, and, though promulgated by humble and despised people, spread through Europe within a short time. The Mithra cult started from Persia and spread also throughout Earope, even to remote Britain and for a long time proval a powerful rival to Christianity. Oults take with them a sacred language wherever they go. Latin spread along with the Roman form of Ohristianity to Britain and Germany and profoundly affected the languages of those countries. So the fire cult spread in India, the "divine" soma juice providing sufficient temptation to people to take to the Aryan rites; along with the cult spread the Sanskrit language. How far Sanskrit spread as a language and how far it affected the languages of northern India, whether it supplanted any of them or degenerated into any of them or helped the existing languages to change into the modern vernacular is another story. This question has not been squarely faced as yet by any one and I propose to take it for discussion in a futare article. MISCELLANEA. THE AGE OF SRIHARSKA. | Paramara king sindhuraja of Malva, who, In the concluding stanza of the fifth canto of his according to Padmagupta's Navaadhasdn kachaNaishadhlyacharitam Briharsha refers to a work ritam, had the biruda Navaskhasanka and sacof his entitled Srivijayaprasasti, "the panegyric ceeded Vakpati shortly after A D. 994, we obof the glorious Vijaya." In the concluding tain a date for the author of Naishadliyacharitain stanza of the 7th canto the poet refers to another that satisfies all the conditions. The king of work of his entitled Gandorvikakula-prasasti, Gauds to whom Gaudorvikakula-prahasti was "the panegyrio of the family of the kings of dedicated was Mahipala I. Briharsha, like Ganda "; in that of the 17th canto to Chhinda- Bilhana in the 11th century, must have been a prasasti, "the panegyric of Ohhinda"; in stanza wandering pandit in the beginning of his career, 151 of the 22nd canto to Navasdhasankacharitam, "the life of Navashasanka"; and in the Mahipala I and tried to win their favours by concluding stanza of the same canto he states dedicating prakastis to them, before he secured the patronage of the king of Kanauj. king of Kananj." If Vijaya of Srivijaya-prafasti RAMA PRASAD OHANDA. is identified with Vijayapals of the Pratthara dynasty of Kanauj, an inscription of whose time NOTE. is dated in 6. D. 960 (Kielhorn's N. I. List No. 39) Iam afraid, Briharsha cannot be placed so early and whose successor, Rajyapala, Wes a contem. as the close of the 20th century, as Mr. Rama porary of Sultan Muhammad of Gezni, Chhinda of Prasad Chanda contends. I agree with Buhler the Chhinda-pratasti with Lalls of the Chhinda (Jour. Bomb. As. Soc., Vol. X. p. 31 ff.) in acceptfamily whose Dewal prasasti is dated in A. D. ing the statement of Rajasekhara, author of the 992 (Kielhorn's N. I. List, No. 51); and Navast- Prabandhakosha that Sriharsha wrote the Naishabasanks of the Navashasankacharitam with the dhiya-charita at the bidding of Jayantachandra,

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84 BOOK NOTICE [MARCH, 1913. who can be no other than the Gahadavala king who was a contemporary of the Chaulukya Jayachandra (A.D. 1172-87). At the end of this Kumrapala, and for wbom we have the date work he tells us that when he composed it he V. E. 1196=A. D. 113). This identification was receiving a couple of betels and a seat of confirms the conclusion that Sribarsha was a honour in the court of the king of Kanyakubja. protege of Jayachandra. Obbinda of his ChhinAnd this is in consonance with what Rajasekhara da-prasasti is not, as Mr. Rama Prasad Chanda has paid, because Jayachandra was a king of supposes, Lalla of the Chhinda family whose Kanauj. Vijaya of his Vijaya-prasasti can thue record is dated A. D. 992, but appears to be the be no other than Jayachandra's father, Vijayach- Ohhinda chief of Gaya, referred to in an inscripandra (A. D. 1155-9). Sriharsha was also the tion dated in 1813 after Buddha's Nirvana A.D. author of the Arnava-varnana, as seems from the 1176 (ante, Vol. X. p. 342). It is difficult to concluding verse of canto IX, of the Naisha- determine who was the hero of his Navasahasarikadhiya-charita. Arnava-varnana has been wrongly charita. Perbaps Navasahasanka may be an translated by "description of the sea." It epithet of Jayachandra himself. The name really means "description of (king) Arnava." Gaud-orviba-kula-prabasti does not refer to any And this Arnava undoubtedly is Arnoraja, who specific ruler of the Gauda country. belonged to the ChAhamana dynasty of Shambhar, D. R. B. BOOK-NOTICE. TAX GANITA-SARA-SAGRARA of Mb Avtreokrya with be sufficient to prove that he looked upon English Translation and Notou, by M. RANGACKARTA, Brahmagopta "as & writer of authority in the M.A., Rao Bahadur, Professor of Sanskrit and Compa field of Hinda astronomy and mathematics." rative Philology, Presidency College, and Cerator, Government Oriental Manuaoripta Library, Madras, Simplifcation is hardly the usual mark of propubliched under Orders of the Government of gress in Hindu science. Professor D. E. Smith, Madras, Madras: Printed by the Superintendent, in his introduction to the edition, comes to the Government Press, 1912. eonolusion that the works of Brahmagapta, ONLY very few early Indian Mathematical MahaviracArya, and Bhaskars may be described works, irrespective of commentaries, are known as similar in spirit, but entirely different in to us. If we name those of Aryabhatta, Varaha Mihira, Brahmagupta, and Bh&akara, we practi detail." Still the fact that Mahavirac&rya was a cally exhaust the list. All these men were natives Jain, and that Jainism originated and spread of North India Mab&virichiya is the first South from the country with the capital " Patalipatra Indian, whose work has been made accessible to where Aryabhatta wrote " points to the line of us. And bence we have every reason to be descent of Southern Indian mathematics. grateful to Mr. Rangacharya who, in editing the The scope of the Ganita Sarasanigraha may be Ganita Sarasangrala with the help of barely seen from the Table of Contents. The work sufficient materials, has done a laborious work, consists of nine chapters which treat of the and has performed it with conspicuous ability. following subjects: (1) terminology; (2) arith Mab&viracArya lived in the time of the Raqtra-metical operations; (8) fractions ; (4) miscelKuta Emperor Amoghavarga Nrpatunga. He laneous problems on fraetions ; (5) Rule of belongs, therefore to the middle of the ninth three ; (6) minor problems; (7) calculations century A. D. He takes his place between relating to the measurement of areas; (8) calculaBrahmagupta in the seventh, and Bhaskara in th, and Bhaskars in tions regarding excavations; and (9) calculations the twelfth century. For the history of Indian relating to shadows. The edition is provided Mathematics it would be interesting to know with four useful appendires on: (1) Sanskrit what MabAviracarya relation was to his prede words denoting numbers with their ordinary and numerical significations; (2) Sanskrit words used cessors. He nowhere names them. His editor in the translation and their explanations; (3) concludes that he was "familiar with the work of answers to problems; (4) tables of measures Brahmagupta and endeavoured to improve upon On page 298, in Appendix XII, dafa, ten, bas it because his classification of arithmetical been inadvertently explained as "the tentir operations is simpler, his rules are faller, and be plece," instead of the second place in notation; Kives a larger number of examples for illustra- see page 7 of the English translation. lion and exercise." But perhaps this may not A. F. BUDOLF HOEENLE.

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APRIL, 1918.) THE OBSOLETE MALAY TIN CURRENOY 86 THE OBSOLETE TIN QURRENCY AND MONEY OF THE FEDERATED MALAY STATES. BY SIR B. C. TEMPLE, BART. Prefatory Bemarks. MR. W. W. SKEAT placed at my disposal some time ago a number of notes made on the spot, and some correspondence with Mr. G. M. Laidlaw from other notes made in Perak, relating to the tin currency and money in use in the Federated Malay States up till about 1880. I now address myself, without pretending to exhaust the subject, to the very difficult task of solving the mystery of this currency and coinage." Before attacking the subject directly, I preface my examination by standard tables of the money established by the Datoh and British East India Companies in their Bottlements in the Malay Peninsula, in order to make the comprehension of my conclusions and argaments the easier for the reader. Standard Tables of Malay Money. 1. Table showing the old Dutch popular method of reckoning. 4 pitis, pese (cash) make 1 duit 2 dait (cent) 1 dubbeltje, wang baharu (copper) 2} dubbeltje make 1 konderi perak (silver) 2 kenderi (candareen) make 1 tali (string of cash) 2 tali make 1 suka (quarter) 4 Buka make 1 ringgit (Sp. dollar, real) make. 400 cash to the dollar of 100 conte. 2. Table showing the modern British popular method of rookoning. 4 pitis, keping, duit (cash) make 1 tengah sen (half cent) 2 tengah sen make 1 sen (cent) 2 sen make 1 wang baharu (copper) 2 wang baharu make 1 buaya 2 buaya make 1 kupang 2 kupang make 1 suku (quarter) 2 suku make 1 jampal 2 jam pals make 1 ringgit (dollar) 400 cash to the dollar of 100 cents. I would like to acknowledge bere the kindness of Mr. O. O. Blagdan in going over the whole M8. and giving valuable hints and information throughout. My own previous researches into kindred sabjaots relating to the Frant may be of use to the student, and will be found :-Ourrenoy and Coinage among the Burmesos ante. vol. zxvi. (1897), pp. 154, 197, 389, 358, 881, 809. xxvii. (1898), 1, 29, 37, 85, 113, 141, 100, 258. Development of Currency in the Far Easti anto, vol. xxvii. (1899), p. 103. Beginnings of Currency : ante, vol. xxix, PP. 29, 61. Siamese and Shan Weighte, ante, vol. XXVII, p. 1. Chinese Weights, p. 29: Malay Weights, p. 87: Burmese atandard (animal) Weights, p. 141. Kobang, Malay Weight: ante, vol. xxvil, p. 328. Keping and Kapong, ante, vol. xxxi, p. 51. Derivation of Sapeque (sar paine, string of cash), ante, vol. xxvi, p. 222: of sateleer (na-tali, string of oush), p. 280 : of "Double Koy" (dubbelto), p. 885 : of Tiokal, PP. 845, 958-856. Ratios of gold and silver, ante, vol. xxxi, p. 899. Soe aloo Ridgeway, Origin of Metallic Currenoy and Weight Standards, p. 145 11. - Kiping means a bit, pione; buaya means crocodile: both terms refer to the old tin ingot ourrenoy of the Malay States. There is another torm, kpang, for a small copper coin or weight chall duit, giving 800 (small) cash to the British dollar, figure which is of interest in regard to many statements that follow. Jampal is used at Rian for 30 (not 50) sm or conta ; Wilkinson, Dict, 5.0., also speaks of an "old dollar, of which the jampal wa bal. The main point for the present purpose is that jampal obalf a dollar, or rapee.

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86 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [APRIL, 1913. cents. - - 50 100 It is important, in order to follow the remarks that succeed, to have the relations of the old Dutch and modern British money to each other, and also the terms, Buropean and vernacular. used for both, as clearly as possible in the head. A comparative table is therefore given here. 3. Table of Malay Money in terms of cents to the dollar (ringgit). Modern British and Old Dutoh. Modern British. Old Dutch. vernacular names. cente. vernacular names. keping, pitis and pichis, peso, pesi, pese and pesi, cash duit and duit, cash tengah sen sen, duits duit wang baharu, buaya wang baharu, dubbeltje (in accounts) (Anglice vulgo double key buaya 67 ksnderi perak, penjuru kupang (also, for tin, kati, tampang, jongkong, raman) 12 tali (piakin tio) 20 duapaloh sen suku (bidor and viss in tin) 25 saku jampal, 10 mas 50 jampal ringgit (tahil) 100 ringgit (tahil) I have spoken above of the mystery" of the Malay tin currency and coinage, because, antil quite lately, specimens of it in the form of animals and birds were regarded as toys, even by local collectors of considerable experience; and even now persons long resident in the Peninsula seem to regard this currency as mythical, and the specimens coming to light from time to time as children's toys. Local observers have not, however, always thought so, vide the following instructive quotation in a translation from Klinkert, Woordenboek, 8. o. buwaiya, crocodile"A tin coin in the shape of a crocodile was minted in Selangor." Upon this Mr. Skeat comments :-" the Malay peasant of Selangor to this day reckons his small currency by the buwalya. I have myself often heard it so used, though the thing itself went out of use in Selangor about 60-70 years ago (c. 1825), and is now never seen in Selangor itself. I was told this by some of the old Klang Chiefs who spoke of the tin ingots being brought to the custom house af K'lang." That both the solid tin ingot and the "animal" ingot currency of the Peninsula were known to traders in the 18th century, the following quaint quotation from Steven's Guide to East India I'rade, 1775, p. 113, will prove :-- Tin is to be bought at New Queda, in the Straits of Malacca (you cannot go in there within a league of the shore for a bar) by the bahar, equal to 419 lb. * In Singapore and formerly in Selangor : from Portuguese, poso, posk * In Penang & duit=cont: duit=duit elsewhere. * Wang means: "small change" synonymously with wing and s'kiling (Dutoh akilling) for 5, 10, 20 and 50 cents. Wang baharu, the "new wang," WAS * Opper coin - Datoh dubbeltjo. In account the wand was 8 cents. For "double key" seo ante, vol. xxvi.. p. 335. * Pulgo, boya, reminiscence of the buaya (crocodile) tin ingot. 11. e., silver kondari or keniri (andereen). Klinkert (Nieuwe Maloi soh-Nederlandisch Woordenboek) calls this coin simply perak or sa-perak (silver piooo) and makes it 6 cents. Au term of account sa-porak = oonts. In weighing gold: ponjuru (silver coins)=1 piah or mayam ; 4 plah 1 jampal; 2 jampal=1 real (rinngit) or Spanish dollar. Mial is, however, not the same word as piak: Wilkinson, Dist., ... Suku ia two strings or aeta; it is the quarter dollar. Suku moans properly "a quarter", originally, ", limb, leg." 1. This coin is now obsolete and rares the Datoh guilder, 11 It was, however, clearly in consional use till 1860 or even later.

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APRIL, 1913.) THE OBSOLETE MALAY TIN CURRENCY 87 English. The advantage is considerable if you pay it in dollars. Here your opium will sell with safety for better than cent per cent. The English and Portuguese country.shipsls generally barter it for tin. The country-ships generally meet oars [E. I. Co.'s ships] and will sell their tin for rupees instead of dollars. But observe to get large slabs [keping] if possible. If you cannot get all large, you may take everything but their chain-stuff, like jack-chains, and thin stuff of birds194, etc. If you are obliged to take the small stuff, the officers must take care where it is stowed, or the sailors will steal it, for samshow (native liquor or spirits]'s, and keep a good look-out while taking in. If you buy of a country-ship, know whether they sell by the Queda or Salengare bar.14 The first is equal to 419 16., the other not so much." What Stevens meant by this caution is clearly explained in a useful statement by that accurate first-hand observer Lockyer (Account of the Trade in India, 1711 p. 48). "200 catty Mallay is 1 bahar of 422 lbs. 15 0%. ...it China catty is commonly reckoned 1 catty Mallay, which bringe pecull China equal to a bahar, but should one bay after that rate one should be a Jooser in every bakar, for 3 Chira pecull will not hold out above 396 l. This is a very necessary caution : since I have known several suffer through neglect in examining disproportion in receipt." Tin Ingot Currenoy and Tin Money. In a dissertation on the Beginnings of Currency, 16 I explained that "barter is the exchange of one article for another : currency implies exchange through a medium; money that the medium is a token," and I differentiated currency and money thug16: _"Currency implies that the medium of exchange is a domestically usable article, and money that it is a token not domestically usable. Under such definitions iron spear heads, cooking pots (Siamese Shans), and ingots of tin (Malays of the Peninsula) are currency. But iron lozenges (Siamese Shans), imitations of iron hatchet (Nassau Islanders), of iron knives (Kachins and Shans of Assam), of iron spears (Nagas of Assam), of ingots of tin (Malayas of the Peninsula) are money. It is on the principle above-stated that I will proceed to examine the evidence at my disposal as to the tin media of exchange formerly in use in the Malay Peninsula. There are in the Cambridge Museum certain specimens, both of the new obsolete tin ingot currency and tin money, which have been measured and weighed. In both instances the specimens refer to two scales of values. The description given in the Museum Catalogue, obviously based on information supplied by the donors, is as follows: 17. Tin Currency. 879. One block, very roughly cast, of truncated pyramidal form with string-hole, weight 19 oz., size across base 2".2 x 2".2. 12 Ships owned in Indian ports though officered by Europeans. Yule, Hobson-Jobson, 4 v. Country. They were in severe competition with the East India Company. See Stevens, p. 112, N, Malacon. 189 Stevens means by "thin stoff of birds," small tin gambar model of animal) ingots : se infra p. 92. By * obain-stuff like jaok-chaine" and "small stuff" he apparently means strings of cash, though these are not in the least like jaok-chains (i..., with towelded or unsoldered links at right angle to each other) unless we read the word " jaok" in its sense of smaller than usual." See O. E. D.... jack and jack-ohain. 19 See Yule, op. cit., ..'v. Samshoo. 14 Kedah or Selangor bahara, The modern Malay standard bahara or bahar is approximately 8 owt. or 400 lbs., but it varies looally from time to time in the reports of traders, and one of the difficulties of this enqniry is the gauging of the probable accuracy of reports from all sorts and conditions of men. 18 Ante, Vol. XXIX, p. 38; J. R. 4. I., 899, pp. 99-192. 14 Op. cit., p. 38.

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88 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [APRIL, 1913 880, 881. Two blocks, cant solid, similar to last, bat with a receding step twc-thirds up from the base, weight 112 oz., and 98 oz. respectively, the heavier measuring 4.5 x 4.5 at the base ang 2".7 in height. They were formerly used in Selangor for the payment of duty on tin, but also passed as currency for general merchandise (their value was 25 cents: tin being then worth only 15 dollars the pilul). 882. One of similar form, but taller, with curved sides and no step. Its squared top is stamped in relief with an X-like mark, on the base of one face with two bold ridges, and on the opposite side with four smaller ridges. Weight 72 oz. Size 4"x4", by 2".7 in height. 888-885. Three: the base of plain truncated pyramid) being surrounded with a wide flat rim. The flat top is stamped with a quatrefoil, the tampo' manggis 160 Weights respectively 30 oz., 224 oz., and 12 oz. This variety called sa-lampang, i.e., a block or a cake, or when small sa-buaia, was used, prior to the establishment of English rule, for the payment of tin duty. Value of the larger coins 10 cents, of the smaller 24 cents, but tin was then less than half its present value. 886-888. Three similar in shape to the last, but cast hollow, and called by the same name (sa-tampang). Top plain, but the wide base rim bears an inscription. These token coins, evidently derived from the solid form, are still current in Pahang. Two of 4 oz., value 10 cents, and one of oz., value 1 cent." Mr. Skeat and Professor Ridgeway, however, some years ago weighed and tabulated the Museum specimens and arrived at results which I now put forth as follows: Cambridge Museum. Ingot Tin Currency from Selangor. 1. Form mint mark number 124 1/20 1/10 90 Museum Approx. Approx. Name fraction nominal Actual weight. of dollar. weight oz. AY. oz. ay. 885 buaya 111 884 tampang (kati) 22 (1} lbs.) 20 224 883 piak (tali) 1/8 28 80 bidor21 1/4 56 (84 lbs.) 881 8-buaya piece 215 880 jampal 1/2 112 112 dollar 21 (ringgit) 224 (14 lbs.) II. Form A mint marks: top sides'm and / 23 87929 jongkong (kati) 1/10 224 882 karakura24 1/3 70 16. Tampok manggis, represents the "rosette" at the end of a mangosteen fruit opposite the calyx. It has divisions indicating the number of the sections within, generally 3, 4, or 5. 11 Mint nt Kerayong in Ulu Klang in Selangor. 1 Called tampok mangga or mangosteen rosette. It is not a quatrefoil the Cambridge Catalogue states. It ocours on the first three piecos. This form is called "pagoda" later on in these pages. 1 The meaning of this word is "orocodile." * The tampang represents the kati of tin, which has a standard weight nowadays of 14 lb. The term means block or cake (of tin). 21 These have been inserted to complete the serlo: the bidor represents the enrrent skw, or quarter dollar. 29 The top represents the mangosteen rosette, the sides are called welumbu (? ), after the sloping shelves of a tip mine (lombong). This form is called the " sugarloaf" later on in tbego pages. * This is a roughly cast specimen. # The ineaning of this word is "tortoise." Five other ingots have been weighed and are notioed infra, p. 94 19

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APRIL, 1913.] THE OBSOLETE MALAY TIN CURRENCY Thomas Bowray25 writing about 1675 of Junkceylon has the following passage, which is of great value in this connection: "They have noe sort of coyned monies here, save what is made of tinne, which is melted into small lumps, and passe very current provided they be of their just weight allowed by statute: and are as followeth : 89 3d English 7d English one small lumpe or putta valueth here one great putta is 2 small ones value which is their currant moneys and noe other: but if wee bringe silver or gold massy26 or coyned the rich men will trucke with us for tinne and give some advance, 10 or 15 per cent, upon the moneys. "When wee have a considerable quantitie of these small pieces of tinne togeather, wee weigh with scales or stylyard 52 pound weight and, and melt it in a steele panne for the purpose and ranne it into a mold of wood or clay, and that is an exact cupine, 8 of which are one baharre weight of Janselone or 420 English ponnd weight. "In any considerable quantitie of goods sold togeather, wee agree for soe many baharre, or soe many cupines; when a small parcell, then for soe many viece, or soe many great or small puttas 4 great putta make a viece; 10 small ones is a viece," From this statement is derived the following scale : 2 puttas small make 1 putta large 4 puttas large 1 viece 15 viece 1 cupine 1 bahar 8 cupine It is here necessary to explain that putta represents the Malay patah, a fragment: viece, the well-known Indian and Far Eastern commercial weight viss [Tamil: visai,] of which the most persistent standard equivalent is 3 lbs. : cupine, the Malay keping, a slab of tin. From the two foregoing scales also is derived the important fact that the viss of commerce (3 lbs.) represented the bidor or quarter dollar of the Malay tin currency (3 lbs.). Captain Forrest,27 who visited the Mergui Archipelago in 1783, writes:-"Certain pieces of tin, shaped like the under half of a cone or sugarloaf cut by a parallel plane, called poot, 28 are used on the island [Junkceylon] as money: weighing about three pounds with their halves and quarters of similar shape: if attempted to be exported without paying duty, they are seizable. This encourages smuggling. The value of tin is from 12 to 18 Spanish dollars the pecul of 183 lb. put on board clear of duty." This statement affords a comparative table in the following terms : Forest 1788 2 quarter put make 1 half put 2 half put 1 put (viss) Forrest's poot is clearly the viss, and valuable information is procured from him as to the dual form of the currency, thus supporting the Cambridge Museum specimens; one in the form of a "pagoda" and the other in that of a "sugarloaf." For the purposes of distinction these terms will be used to describe them here. Bowrey 1675 2 patah small make 1 patah large 4 patah large 1 viss 15 Countries Round the Bay of Bengal, pp. 240 ff. 26 Mas (vulgo Anglice, massie, mace) means the Malay gold of ourrency. 27 Voyage to the Mergui Archipelago. Milburn, Commerce, 1813, 11. p. 291, oopies the information here and mixes it up with that to be found in Stevens' Guide to E. 1. Trade, 1775, p. 127, and gives a table which is impossible on the basis that the poot is about 3 lbs. 1-4 poots 1 viss, 10 viss 1 oapin, 8 capins 1 bahar of 476 lbs. Kelly, Cambist, 1. pp. 108, 121 (1835), copies Milburn, but makes the bahara of Junkceylon 485 lbs. and that of Tocopa 476 lbs. 25 Millies Recherches sur les Monnaies Malaies, p. 140 f. n., suggests a possible derivation in the Siamese phiit, which means lames, sheets, slabs. Cf. Pallegoix, Dict. Linguae Thai.

Page #94
90 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [APRIL, 1913. &Y av. 10 314 70 We are now in a position to set up provisionally two comparative tables; which will, however, require recasting somewhat as we proceed, thus : Comparative Table of Malay Ingot Tin Currencies. Scale of Pagoda Currency Scale of Sugarloaf Currency corresponding to the corresponding to the modern British monetary scale old Datch monetary scale centa2o to approx. weight centes to approx. weight name in oz. the dollar the dollar name in oz. patah (small) 54 5 buaya 11) patah (large) 14 10 tampang (gajah) 30 22 (141b. tampang(kati) 22} (1916.) 12 tali 28 12} ayam besar 28191 bidor 56 (3 lb.) viss 56 (3 lb.) kurakura 40 buaya 90 50 jampal 112(7 lb.) 100 dollar (ringgit) 224(14 lb.) 100 dollar (ringgit) 224(14 lh.) kepingla (jongkong) 521 lb. pikul 140 bahara 420 Certain useful facts come out of this table. The small patah is the wang or half buaya; the large patah is the penjuru or half tali; the standard weight kali (usually 1f1b.) and bidor or viss (34 lbs.) are the same in both scales. The viss=10 small patah and the kurahura=5 large patah or 24 tali. The two scales constantly dovetail into each other, and it will be observed that the "pagoda" scale corresponds with the modern British monetary scale and the sugarloaf" with the old Dutch, as stated at the head of the table. (See infra, pp. 92 ff.) Having thus established the fact that the unit of the ingot tin currenay-the dollarrepresented 14 lbs, or 10 kati (at 1 lb. the kats) of block tin, I will proceed to examine the tin money and to tabulate the Cambridge Museum specimens as follows: Cambridge Museum. Table of Tin ("Hat "32) Money from Pahang. Form 1 I. Pagoda Scale. Approx. AppUOS. nominal Actual number Museum fraction weight Name Actual of grains number of unit in grs. woight represented (dollar) (onit 3120 in gre in unit grs.) (dollar) 241 buaya 1/20 156 160 3200 jongkong93 1/12 260 260 3120 24H bidor34 1/4 780 777 3108 29 These columns are added for the sake of olearing the comparison of the scales. 30 Thig word means elephant. The namos crocodile, elephant, tortoise, cock, have been shown to help in elucidating what follows. 31 This term means "large pook" and is supplied from the scale of " ingot animal currency" (infra, p. 92). 914 keping hero means a 'slab' of tin, 32 So called by European observers from its shape. 38 Not in the Museum catalogue, but weighed at the Museum with the other specimens. The jongkong or raman of the tin money corresponded to the tampang of the ingot tin currenoy. 36 Another piece was weighed out at 7121 krs., whioh seems to be a "light" bidor. I have in my possession two specimens of the bidor, both dated on the under part of the "rim of the hat" 1281 A. H. - 1864, with the word ampat (four)'attached to them, valued at 4 cents: and two specimens of the buaya both dated 1245 A. H. 1829, with the word satu (one) attached, valued at 2 oente, but according to Mr. Laidlaw's informant the tin buaya was worth 5 pitio or 14 cent. Much importanoo doos not attach to unsupported valuations in terms of

Page #95
APRIL, 1919.) THE OBSOLETE MALAY TIN CURRENCY II. Sugarloaf Scale. 2411 visa 1/4 780 777 3108 24G kurakurs 1/3 1040 1036 8108 Now the standard silver (Spanish) dollar weighs 416 grs., therefore 71 Sp. dollars weigh 3120 grs., and the references in the tin money table seem clearly to point to the subdivision of a unit of 8120 grs. This would mean that the ratio of silver money to tin money was 1 to 7, but by the tin ingot scales we find that the unit of that currency weighed 14 lbs. or 101 kati. That is, tin could be purchased at 103 kati to the unit (Sp. dollar) of either money. This represents its most persistent par price. The general inference therefore from the above considerations is that the ratio of the unit of silver money to the unit of tin money was I to 7)," and that the ratio of the unit of money to the unit of ingot tin ourrency was 1 to 10}. The difference between the two ratios represents the profit of the mint-owners of the tin money, wbich was thus 3 points in 10 or 281%. Practically the gross profit to the mint on its production must have been 30 %, and considering the quality of the product, the method of minting and the prevailing low rates of labour, the net profit could not bave been far short of the gross, say 25% of the value of the product. It was obviously to secure this profit that the weight of the tin money was fixed at 7 times that of the established silver money of the time, which was the Spanish dollar and its recognised divisions. The weight or intrinsic value of the tin money is thus accounted for. Its form merely imitated the contemporary form in which ingots of tin were usually cast. . The above conclusions are confirmed in an interesting and independent manner by a table to be made out of Mr. Laidlaw's letter dated 14th June 1804 36 from Lower Perak. cents weight name av. tahil 1 oz. penjuru piak if lbs. suku jampal 63. dollar 13 . (10 kati) keping 50 pikul 138} , bahara 400 This shows that the weights and scales given to Mr. Laidlaw. by his native informants are merely a reduction, on the Dutch system, of the former pre-European system of the ingot tin currency made to suit the exigencies of commerce under British rule, by making the dollar 19 kati and the bahara 400 lbs. In outlying parts of the Malay Peninsula the old Dateh system of reckoning fractions of the anit might be expected to outlast for some time the introduction of the modern British system, which is comparatively recent. dollars by Malay informants, as they usually depend on the price of tim, as purchasablo by dollars, from time to time. Cf. infra, P. 106. With the help of Mr. O. O. Blagdon I have been able to read the legend on the larger specimens and partly on the smaller. They are interesting as exactly dating the issues. Thus the two larger are identical and rond-ini belanja Pahang 1 dari tarikh sanaf 1281 pada awal bulan Rabi'u-l.thani, Tbie [is] money of Pabang under dato your 1281, on the lat of the month Rabi-ul-thani, i. e., Srd Eeptember 1864. The smaller ooine are also identioal and on them appears Malik-al-Adil .... tarik sanat 1245 ........... the just king l..... date your 1899... Perhaps Malib al-'Adil should be road milki-l'adit, fall value, legal tonder : 100 J. R. A. 8., Straita Branch, No. 44, p. 215. * Tavernier sys (irra, p. 89) in the 17th century that the Malay tin coin which he figures weighed 11 ox, (=kati) and was worth in silver looally 2 sous (oents)=wung. This gives the ratio of silver to tin thon as 1:5. 67 135 12, 8 100

Page #96
92 Perhaps the most interesting confirmation of all comes from some Portuguese coins described by Dr. Hanistsch, J.R.A.S., Straits Branch, No. 44, p. 218 ff, as having been formed at Malacca in 1904 in two varieties. These were cast in the times of Kings Emmanuel (14951521) and John III (1521-1551), s.e., immediately or not long after the conquest of Albuquerque in 1511. These coins clearly imitated the indigenous tin ingot currency and approximated in denomination to the "hat" money. Five specimens of one variety weighed from 571 to 642 grs. One specimen of the other variety was in the form of a truncated cone, and weighed 694 grs. It seems to be fairly certain from what has gone before that they were meant to represent, in tin money, the viss or quarter dollar unit of tin, 36a They were obviously cast (not struck) in Portuguese moulds, as they all bear the cross and globe of Kings Emmanuel and John III of Portugal and the legends :-Nostre (a) spes unica crux X PI ') and s(e)mp(e) r depu(l) sor diem (for deus). See also infra, p. 109, n. 15a. (for II. Gambar Currency. (Tin Ingots in Models [Gambar] of Animals.) It will have been observed that, among the names for pieces of ingot-tin currency, there have been introduced certain names of animals: buaya, crocodile; kurakura, tortoise; gajah, elephant; ayam, cock. These all refer to tin ingots cast in the forms of animals, specimens of which, brought together by Messrs. Skeat and Laidlaw, may be tabulated as follows on the evidence available. Standard Tables" of Gambar Currency. No. 1: Messrs. Skeat and Laidlaw's information. "Pagoda" Scale Corresponding to the modern British monetary scale. weight in os. name30 av. cents 5 10 20 111 29 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY 45 buaya gajah kurakura kechil belalang penengah meaning crocodile elephant 43 small 44 tortoise mid mantis centa 181 61 74 17 121 25 311 37 "Sugarloaf" Scale Corresponding to the Old Dutch monetary scale. weights in oz. &T. 14 28 42 56 70 84 name buaya kechil ayam kechil belalang kechil ayam besar [APRIL, 1913. belalang penengah karakura penengah kurakura besar belalang besar of tin. One informant makes this set the buaya of the Pagoda Scale at 5 cents. 41 A Horniman Museum (London) specimen of mantis weighed 7 os. See Plate IV. 2 The elephant" is said to = 2 buaya: average length of specimens, 9 in. The size of these "sooks" is given as 3 by 2 inches. Supplied from the Horniman Museum pecimen. meaning small crocodile 40 small cock small mantis 41 large cock's mid mantis mid tortoise large tor toise large mantis 38 See Appendix I. infra. sa If they are to be regarded as tin ingots, which is unlikely, then their value, according to weight varying roughly from 1 oz. to 13 oz. av., would be 3 kaping or cash in a dollar of 400 cash. See infra, p. 98. 31 Variations from standard to almost any extent may be excepted in local finds. 3 These columns are added to clear the comparison of the scales. These columns show correspondence with the Table of Ingot tin currency, ante, p. 90, 420 lbs. to the banara

Page #97
APRIL, 1913.) THE OBSOLETE MALAY TIN QURRENOY 93 In addition to the above specimens Mr. T. A. Joyce has sent me accurate weighments of others in the British Museum (Nos. 1905-11-16-1 to 8) and in his own collection. Mr. Skeat has also weighed some in his. The actual weights are as under : British Name Maveam Skeat solleotion collection gajah (elephant) 18,185 grs. 1,522 grs. 15,480 1,980 ayam (cock) 1,910 2,727 2,788 grs. 1,785 1,450 1,348 550 880 547 buaya (crocodile) 96,42045 16,625 9,720 1,865 166 The practical identity of some of these specimens as representatives of currency and their relative proportion to each other is obvious. It is also clear that they have not been accurately cast, and so, for the purposes of this enquiry, I have tarned their weight in grains into their approximately equivalent weight in ounces avoirdupois. These specimens may in this way be tabulated as follows: Standard Tables of Gambar Currenoy. No. 2: Messrs. Joyoe and Skent's weighments. "Pagoda " Soale. "Sugarloaf" Soale, weight in Os. av." weight in os. av." conto of actual nominal RAMO Domias actual dollar Approx. ayam 111 ayam (8) 400 ayam gajah ayam (8) 465 ayam buaya gajah ayam ayam ayam (8) 10 227 227 buaya 35+ gajah 88 buaya 184 413 gajah 317 60% buaya 16e 46 One log apparently broken off. "ha Mr. Joyoe conjootures that this specimon is a lisard or insect. I rather think it is meant for a prooodilo. ** See ante, p. 88. *** All the weighments are by Mr. Joyce except those marked (8) Which are by Mr. Skont. ** Two specimens. "Mntilated and now under original weight cents of DADO Approx. 154

Page #98
94 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [APRIL, 1913. dollar 28 257 baays Mr. Joyce further weighed five ingots, three from the British Museum (Nos. 1905-11-16-9 to 11) and two from his own collection, and found that they weigbed respectively grains 11, 188 ; 7, 623; 7, 462; 7444 (J); 202 (J). From this we get the following tabulated information : "Pagoda " Scale. "Sugarloaf" Scale. weight in oz. av. weight in oz. av.47 sonts conta of . nominal actual of nominal actual approx. dellar approx 17 175 17 17 (J) 127 All the above tables of ingots and gambar pieces can be stated together in another way, which clearly brings out the fact that the modern Malay monetary system is based on the kati or Malay pound weight of tin), and the old Dutch monetary system on the tali or string (of cash or units, i. e., regulated pieces of tin). It also clearly shows how the ingot tin currency in any form met the requirements of Malay commerce. "Pagoda " Scale. cents of mame of corresponding reference to commercial #dollar animalia weight weight standards (ingot) 1 keping the lowest denomination of Malay weight ayam 2 keping ayam 3 keping ayam kati s buaya half kati 1 ayam buaya kurakura kati lower standard of Malay ((ingot) weight s belalang 1 buaya double kati (ingot) 4 kati (ingot) S 5 kati 1 half dollar "Sugarloar" Scale. oents of a corresponding name of animal reference to commeroial dollar weight weight standards Jayam 1 gajah quarter penjuru. half penjuru ayam quarter tali ) buaya penjuru layam hall tali Singot) bolalang it penjuru 124 Singot) tali string of cash or unit of ayam tin weight " See ante, p. 89. sa Ayam, cock: buaya, crocodile; gajah, olophant; kurakura, tortoise; balalang, mantis. gajah gajah

Page #99
APRIL, 1913.] THE OBSOLETE MALAY TIN QURRENOY 96 gajah double tali } 15 S gajah 1 buaya 21 penjuru (belalang 184 3 penjura ayam (ingot) viss 25 kurakura standard of Far Eastern av. weight kurakura 314 5 penjura 3 buaya 14 viss lingot) great viss of commerce 377 belalang 6 penjuru 1} viss One interesting point, as showing the force of commercial necessities on a people, is that we have (ante, p. 90) & "pagoda " ingot weighing a tali, and a "sugarloaf" ingot weighing a kati, both out of scale. This shows that the tali and kati were of such importance as standards of commercial weight that they had to be specially provided for under each method of reckoning. There must always bave been much confusion in the use of the two scales of the ingot and gambar pieces, unless they were not concurrent, i.e., unless they were in vogue only in separate places and periods, which is not at all likely.48 At the same time the above tables show that there Was a simple and easily understood proportion between the various gambar pieces in circulation. Thus, taking all the available ingot and gambar pieces together, we get the remarkable facts that on the "pagoda" scale there were issued, on the basis of the keping or cash, & series of 10 coins " in the proportion of 1: 2: 3: 418a: 8: 20 : 40 : 80: 160: 200. On the "sugarloaf " scale, on the basis of ponjuru, the proportion of another series of 10 " coins" is 1: 2: 4: 5: 8: 10: 12: 16:20: 24. As a matter of fact, however, the bases of the two scales were, no doubt, the kati or lower standard of Malay av. weight for the "pagoda" scale and the tali or string of cash for the "sugarloaf" scale. On this assumption we can get at the minds of the issuers of the tin ingot currency and observe that they intended to make the tin pieces represent the following proportions :-That is, on the "pagoda" scale. 5: 4: 2: < 1: kati >::: to further dividing the lowest of these denominations into , , }, to meet surrounding commercial requirements. On the "sugarloaf" scale the proportions intended were 3:23; 2:13, 11 <1: tali >: : : : It is interesting to observe that the pagoda scale works out to 200 keping or cash, i, e., to half a dollar of 400 cash or 100 cents, and that the sugarloaf scale works ont to 24 penjuru (24 x 6+ = 150 cents) to a dollar and a half. This gives a proportion between the pagoda and sugarloaf scales of 1: 3. Bat, unless there were ready means of identifying specimens) this fact would not be of any practical use for appraising the relative value of pieces, when converting those of one scale into the other. The various species of gambar pieces had also a clear and readily remembered proportion between themselves. Thus, from the specimens already available we get the following proportions. # See remarks above on the existence of ingots out of scale. A No specimen of the 1 oont gambar piece is as yet available to mo.

Page #100
96 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (APRIL, 1913. "Pagoda" Soale. "Sugarloaf" Scale. (1) ayam (cock). 1, t. I, keping. 3, 2, 1, 1, 1 penjuru. Proportion ; 1: 4: 8. Proportion ; 1: 2: 4:8: 12. (2) buaya (crocodile). 2, 1, $ + kati. 5, 2, 1 penjurn. Proportion; 1: 21: 5:1 Proportion ; 1: 21: 5. (8) gajah (elephant). 2, 1, 1 kati. 3, 2, 1 penjuru. Proportion ; 1: 5: 10. Proportion : 1: 10 : 12. (4) belalang (mantis). 6, 8, 14 (for 1}) penjuru. Proportion; 1: 2: 4: (5) kurakura (tortoise). 5, 4, penjara. Proportion; 1: 14. The above considerations seem to prove beyond doubt that there were two concurrent scales in the tin currenoy represented by the two forms of the ingot, and the main future interest in the above statements is that they enable us to know what to look for in order to complete the information already gathered. The practical use to which the gambar currency was put is cariously illustrated by a letter (Appendix I, No. VI.) from Mr. Laidlaw, dated 29th July 1904, in which he says that the trader Imam Haji Mat Arshat drove a "satisfactory trade" in rice in the Kinta Valley (Perak) in the "bad old days", before the introduction of British rule into the Federated Malay States, on the following basis. He sold his rice at 5 dollars the gantang of 4 chupak. He was paid in gambar (tin ingot) currency at 10 kati of tin to the dollar, which is practically the rate on which the preceding tables are based. This trader placed the same value on the small gambar ingots of tin (small cock, mantis, crocodile) as the tables do; i. e., he said they were equal to a penjuru of tin currency, or i dollar in that currency (= 64 cents.) Sa He also said that a small gambar ingot was equal in fact to 10 pitis, or it tin " dollar," but that he valaed.such ingots in his trade at 5 pitis, or 3 tin "dollar," and that he sold his rice at a chupak, or gantang, for a small ingot, at the valuation of dollar. By this means he got 8 dollars worth of tin for the gantang of rice, whereas his price was 5 dollars the gantany, presumably with a further profit attached to it on its intrinsic value. He therefore made a profit on his trading of 3 points in 50 or 60% by his manipulation of the currency, without reference to what might happen to him on the actual sale of his rice. Thus was the trade made " satisfactory," and thus does this trader once again demonstrate the truth of the comment 50 that in countries where there is a currency and not money, the opportunities of illicit profit are twice as great as in a country where there is a legally fixed coinage. Od * We have not come to the end of the information procurable, because there is some evidence in the oorrenpondence in Appendix I, that there was a buaya of account at 2 cents (pagoda Boale), and other buaya valued at a tali or 12 cents and at a koping (slab) or 312 cents (both sugarloaf acalo). 4* Ho naturally reokoned his fractional parts on the old Dutch soalo. 5. Ante, Vol. XXVI., PP. 200 f. Ba The villagers he was dealing with, on the other hand, probably thought that they were making good bargain for themselves by getting 5 gantang of rice for tin our renoy, which should bare produoed only 4 gantang. For other instances of this mutual" profit" between trader and somi-savage or Tag, mo ante, Vol. XXII, P. 90.

Page #101
APRIL, 1913.) THE OBSOLETE MALAY TIN CU RRENCY 97 One general inference here which will be found to be supported by independent argument later on, is that the British took the surrounding Malay system directly for the basis of their imported money system, while the Dutch adopted for theirs the system originally invented by the Chinese to meet their own commercial necessities in the Malay Peninsula.51 III. Historical Examination. Yule, Hobson-J06807,52 8.v. Malacca, quotes Groeneveldt, Chinese Annals, p. 123, to the following effect as to Malay currency in tin in 1409 A. D.:- "In the year 1409 ... the land was called the kingdom of Malacca (Moa-la-ka).... Tin is found in the mountains ... It is cast with small blocks weighing 1 catti 8 taels ... ten pieces are bound together with a rattan and form a small bundle, whilst 40 pieces make, large bunde. In all their trading ... they use these pieces instead of money." This provides a scale 1}kati make 1 patah 10 patah 1 tali. = 15 kati 4 tali 1 keping = 60 Ante, vol. XXXI. p. 51, I have quoted two statements from Stevens, Guide to East India Trade, 1775, p. 127, as under :Jonokosy lone. Tooor. 3 panchorf4 make 1 poot. 3 pingas make 1 puta. 4 poot 1 vis. 4 patas 1 viss. 10 vis , 1 capin 10 viss , 1 onpin. 8 capin , 1 babar. 8 capin , 1 babar. And ante, p. 9, will be found Bowroy's statement in c. 1675, which affords the following table : Janselone. 21 puttag65 small make 1 putta largo 4 patta large 1 viece 15 viece , 1 copine 8 cupine , 1 babarre of 420 lbs. From these statements and those above made (ante, p. 94) as to the gambar or animal ingots in use about 1860, and from the standard weights for tin currency set ap on the modern British and old Dutch scales, we can arrive at certain facts pertinent to the present parpose. The scale of 1409 shows 10 tali (bundles) of 1 kati = 1 unit of 15 kati. The modern scales show 8 tali of kati = 1 unit of 10 kati. The ratio of the two scales is therefore 11: 1. The modern standard viss or bidor = 3} lbs.; therefore the viss or bidor of 1409 was 54 lbs., i..., it was the great viss (11 standard viss). The scale of 1409 was consequently the scale of the great viss. 61 The British E. I. Co, made attempts to control the money of the Malay Arohipelago as long No M 1686, vide Pringlo, Consultations, Fort St. George, Vol. IV, p. 170, quoting an agreement with the Raja of Pryaman and Tika (Sumatra), dated 20th Jan. 1684 "No other Europeans or Natives be authorised of allowed to have a mint or coyne or stamp any sorts of mony, whither gold or copper, tinn, or any other mettle or thing whatsoever." * See also Miscell. Papers relating to Indo-China, and Series, 1. 944. * Or bundle; it're presents on the great visa scale the "dollar" unit of the modern nomenclature. # Read panjur, patah, viss, koping, bahara. * Read patah, viw, koping, bahara.

Page #102
98 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [APRIL, 1918. Reducing all the scales above mentioned to the standard of 420 lbs. to the bahara, or 52 lbs. the keeping (ante, p. 90), we find that the scales of 1409 and 1725 are those of the great viss, and that all the rest were of the standard viss. This enables us to arrive at the following table:-56 Great viss scale. 1409 1a 10 b 4 c = b c d a =14 Oz. b =21 OZ. c5013 lbs. d = 52 lbs. 1775 3a= 4 b= 10 c= 8 b C d 0Zu OZ. &= 7 b=21 c= 5 lbs. d=52 lbs. Malay Tin Currency. Comparative Table of Scales: 1675 8 b Standard viss scale. a= 5 oz. b=14 03. c= 8 lbs. d=52 lbs. 1860 2} a= [2 a= b]57 [2 a= 4 b= s C 5 b= 15 c= 4 b= 15 c= d 15 c= d Table stated in av. weight: [a= 7 oz.] b=14 oz. c= 3 lbs. d=52 lbs. Standard ingots. British scale. b]ss C d Old Dutoh scale.. [a= 5 oz.]59 b=114 oz. c= 3 lbs. d=52} lbs. 5 In accounts as the half gambar (buaya, ayam, belalang) kechil. 5 This is the " dollar" unit of later times on the great viss scale 4 viss or bidor. a 2) a b 4 b= c 15 c= d a=154 oz. b=14 oz. c= 3 lbs. d=52 lbs. In terms of modern currency, on the standard of 420 lbs. to the bahara, the half-gambar kechil (small description of model of animal) or half-penjuru = 7 oz.: penjuru = 14 oz.: 22 oz. tali 28 oz. viss = 56 oz. (3 lbs.): great viss 84 oz. tampang (kati) (5 lbs.): "dollar" 224 oz. (14 lbs.): kepingto = 52 lbs. = = The above comparative tables supply the following important facts: (1) The "dollar" unit of weight (tin) is constant through the centuries at 13 lbs. on the great viss (bidor) scale and at 14 lbs. on the standard viss scale. The persistence of this unit accounts for its existing use to represent in weight of tin the dollar unit of European imported silver money. The old Chinese kati is represented on the modern scales by the penjuru, and the old Chinese tali (bundle) by the tampang (block), to which the name of kati has become transferred in the course of time in the Malay countries. The constant units are the penjuru at 14 oz.: tampang (Malay kati) at 21-22 oz. bidor (viss) at 56 oz, great viss at 84 oz.: "dollar" at 13-14 lbs.: keping at 52 lbs.: it being borne in mind that the bahara of the ingots and gambar ingots is still 420 lbs., though the modern standard British bahara has been rounded off to 400 lbs. se I feel justified in setting up this standard of 420 lbs. to the bahara by a remark in Lockyer, Account of Trade in B. India, 1711, the most painstaking of all the writers of the period on commercial matters. He says, p. 30, that the Malay bahara weighed 422 lbs. 15 oz. o. 423 lbs. He also says that the dollar weighed 17 dwt. 14'81 grs. c. 423 grs., thus incidentally showing the cause of the standard bahara, for by it 1 gr. of silver money 1 oz. of merchandise. So all that the trader had to do was to bargain as to the number of grains silver currency he was to pay per ounce of stuff. This exhibits a strong instance of commerce accommodating itself to circumstances. The standard quoted by Lookyer was long maintained, for Dilworth, Schoolmaster's Assistant (Arithmetic), 1782, p. 103, makes "pieces of 8, old plate of (i. e., old Sp. dollar) 17 dwts. 12 grs." = 420 grs. 57 In accounts as the half buaya. This denomination seems to have been originally the "great bundle" or tali, for which was afterwards substituted a slab of tin (koping) as the capacity for casting improved. 1 Also (at 1% standard viss) 70 oz.

Page #103
APRIL, 1913.) THE OBSOLETE MALAY TIN QURRENCY 99 (2) The modern tali or bundle is & double-penjuru or half viss or 28 lbs., but this denomination has been subject to many fluctuations, presumably dependent on the number of units that at different times and places went to the bundle. (3) The modern denominations of the silver money used in the Malay countries are the result of dividing the dollar unit into coats: the number of cents in each denomination representing it in the old tin currency. (4). The tin "hat" money of the old Malay State is a diroot representation of the tin currency in money, to suit the requirements of the dominating silver money introduced by Europeans. The general historical inferences from the above considerations are that the modern silver money adopted by Europeans for the Malay States is the direct descendant of the old tin ingot currency; that this in its turn was the direct descendant of the method employed for bartering in tin, which must have been evolved out of the obvious needs of the early traders, and that the gambar "animal" currenoy was evolved out of an attempt to regulate the tin ingot currency by giving it various readily recognisable forms, which could be made to conform to definite standards. 2 Historical continuity of the tin currenoy in the Malay Peninsula can be further shown in an instructive manner by references in Maxwell's paper, "The Dutch in Perak," J. R. A. S., Straits Branch, No. 10, relating chiefly to Datch treaties and arrangements with native chiefs, which may be reduced to the following statements :p. 246. 1650. 1 bidor = 14 Sp. dollar: 1 bahara = 3 pikul = 125 bidor = 314 Sp. dollar: 1 slab (leoping) of tin = 62} kati = 78 lbs. Dutch. p. 247. c. 1651. Tin sold at 50 rixdollars = 1 bahara. p. 258. No date. Tin sold at 32 Sp. dollars, the bahara. p. 262. 1765. Tin sold to Datoh at c. 363 = 125 lbs. for 113 Sp. dollars = 34 Sp. dollars per bahara of 375 lbs.: 1 slab = 561 kati = 75 lbs. Datch. p. 267. 1768. Tin sold to Datch at 32 Sp.dollars per bahara of 428 lbs.: 1 slab= 647 kati = 854 lbs. Dutch. p. 268. 1888, 1 bidor = 2 kati and hence 1 tampang = 1 kati. Mr. Skeat has quoted to me the following data from Newbold's Statistical Account of Malacca, Vol. II. D. 94. 1760. Tin sold at 38 Sp. dollars per bahara = 3 pikul. p. 96. 1819. Tin sold at 40 Sp. dollars per bahara of 300 kati = 370 lbs. p. 100. c. 1830. The tampang weighed i} to 2 kati, and the keping or bangka (slab) 50 to 60 kati : the kati = 14 lbs. Yule's quotation for 1409 (ante, p. 19) shows 60 kati to the keping. From these statements there can be constructed for Malay-land in general the following historical table, which might be indefinitely increased :kati to the keping Sp. dollars to the lbs. to the (slab). bahara. babara. Date. No. Date. No. Date. 1409 60 1650 314 148662 4269 1650 627 166063 1650 390 - From Chinese account of Sumatra in Miscell. Papers, Indo-China, I., 210 giving & bahara of 820 kati taken at 1 lb. each. 68 This was a temporary redaction by the Datoh. Tavernier (see infra, p. 31) writing in his Travels, published in 1678, says that the Malay tin in India was 14 sous (centa) a lb. Taking Bowrey's statement in 1675 (ante, p. 89) that 220 lbs, 1 bahara, then 581 dollars went to the bahara. Tavernier also says that the Dutch had oustod Eho British from the trade, at what profit to themselves, less freight and charges, can be doen, when they purchased at 894 dollars per bahara of 420 lbs. In Siam in 1676 tin was 46-50 dollars the bahara : Anderson, English in Siam in Sixteenth century, p. 186. In 1878, it was said to be 30-32 dollars for oash and 40 for credit: oc. cit. No. 80

Page #104
100 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [APRIL, 1013. 38 39} 31: kati to the keping Sp. dollars to the lbs. to the (slab). bahsra. bahars. 1765 56 S 176065 16758 420 1 1765 1765 375 177066 177567 177569 405, 419, 476 1786 64 1786 1786 428 181369 476 1819 1819 370 c. 1830 50-60 1830 430-475 183510 476-485 c. 186071 37-381 c. 1860 c. 1860 420 1883 374 1883 1883 400 The forerunner of the modern ratios shown in the last two sets of figures can be ascertained thus. The statements of Bowrey, Stevens, Milburn and Kelly all give 8 koping (slabs) to the bahara, from which we get the following information : 1675---the bahara = 420 lbs, and the ksping = 36 kati. 1775-- = 476. = 444 1835- = 485 , , = 454 i With this information, and assuming that the keping mentioned at the other earlier date were eight to the bahara, the following table can be constructed : 30 30 Date. wore 36} kati to the keping Iba. in the bahara kati to the keping were should have been 1650 621 390 1765 561 375 35 1780 64; 428 403 If then the tin was paid for by the Dutch in dollars per bahara, the difference between the number of kati reckoned to the keping by agreement and the true number would represent the profit made by manipulating the currency, which would in the instances quoted above be about 33 per cent, in favour of the Dutch as against the native chiefs. This argues that the true silver monetary ratio between the kati and the keping on a bahara of 375-475 lbs, bas been in all European times 35:1 to 40: 1, but the tables show that the native idea of the ratio in tin currency was 50: 1 to 60 : 1. The old Dutch traders and the commercial anthorities were thus able to take advantage of native notions of currency to profit largely when Assessing payments for tin weigbed out to them in terms of silver money. From Bowrey's statement, anto, p. 89. 4 There was a ratio of 32 dollars to the bahara some time between 1660 and 1766. Abb6 Raynal, quoted by Yulo, Hobron Jobson, 4. v. Calay, says --[The Datoh in Slam) received in rotarn oslin (tin) at 70 liures the 100 weight." Read cut, pikul; livre franc dollar; bahara = 8 pikul of 1 cwt and the statement gives 897 dollars the bahara. . " Stevens' Guide to E. I. Trade, p. 87. From Stevens' statement, ante, p. 87. But on his p. 118 he also makes it 419 lbs. and p. 127 405 lbs., both at Malacoa. Milbarn, Commerce, II., p. 391, bat possibly he is copying Forrest, Voyage to Margui Archipelago, 1788 and Stevens, Guide to E 1. Trade, 1775, jointly with improved information. Forrest gives 86-89 dollars per bahara of 400 lbs. Kelly, Cambist, I., PP. 108, 121, who may be relied on, partly supports Milburn. The last two dates represent respectively the standard for tin ourrenoy set up, ante, p. 20, and the modern British standards, and are added for comparison. A local variation is quaintly reported by Kelly, Cambiat, 1. 100... MalosA kip ksping slab) of tin contains 15 bidoor (bidor) or 80 tampang. It woighe 871 lbs. Datoh troy or 40 lbs. 11 os. Av thus giving a bahara of only 8264 Ibu.

Page #105
APRIL, 1913.) THE OBSOLETE MALAY TIN CURRENCY 101 3. The information gathered by Mr. Skeat in the various districts and States of the Malay Peninsula affords another important historioal deduction. The scales of the tin currency prevalent on the East Coast, that is, away from European influence until quite recently, conformed to the old Dutoh scale, showing that that scale was based on the old tin currency systems of the Peninsula The scales of the tin currency now prevalent on the West Coast, long subject to European influences, conform to the introduced European monetary scale of 1000 cash (Portuguese pese) to the dollar. The old Dutch reckoning was :25 cash (pese) make 1 kenderi (silver). 2 konderi 1 tali, 8 tali 1 dollar of 100 doits (cents). 400 cash to the dollar. The East Coast Malays still reckon on this system, but they make scalo 4 kondari to the tali,72 and vary the number of cash to the kenderi locally. On this explanation, a comparative table of reckoning in the Eastern Malay States can be readily made out from Mr. Skent's notes, showing the descent of the old Dutch schle. East Coast Currency System. State or Distriot. Number of cash" Number of cash to kend&i. to dollar." Old Dutch 25 40076 Kelantan 15 480 Patani70 Jering present 640 former 480) Teluban present 8842 former J 10 S 320 S Ligeh 320 Trengganu 10 . 320 Patalung77 12 384 Mr. Skeat also quotes in his notes Klinkert, Nieuw Maleisch-Nederlandsch Woordenboek, 1893, which gives s.v. tali, the following scale of 600 cash to the dollar, thus:75 pitis (cash) make 1 tali. 4 tali 1 guilder (jampal). 2 guilder 1 dollar. 15 12 10 600 cash to the dollar The actual origin of the existing European scale of 400 cash to the dollar can be ascertained from Marsden's Sumatra, 1811, pp. 171-2:-"Spanish dollars are everywhere current and acconnts are kept in dollars, suku (imaginary quarter dollars),79 and kopeng or copper cash, Called kupang in Kelantan, E. Coast, and synonymously ku pang and tali in Nogri Sembilan, W. Coast. "Arrived at by multiplying the number of cash to the kendiri by 32 (4 dnddri by 8 taui -1 dollar). ** Callod pitis and kopong in Patani and Patalung, and tra (stamp) in Setul: leping in Kedah. 16 25 cash by 16 hindari-1 dollar. This soalo is added for comparison. The British soalo is also worked out to 100 cash to the dollar. T6 Differences stated to be due to changes in the price of tin. TT Siamese territory beyond Singora * Maradon's sonlo (1811) for Sumatra is 50 cash to the tali : 8 talk to the dollar-100 carb to the dollar. Klinkert's solo seems to show the depreciation of cash between 1811 and 1898. "In modern terminology "money of acount."

Page #106
102 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [APRIL, 1913 of which 400 go to the dollar. Besides these there are silver fanam, single, double and treble (ilie latter callei tali),80 coined at Madrag: 24 fanam or 8 tali being equal to the Spanish dollar, which is always valued in the English Settlements at 5 shillings sterling. Silver rupees (rupik) have occasionally been struck in Bengal, for the use of the Settlements on the coast of Sumatra, but not in sufficient quantities to become a general currency. In the year 1786, the Company contracted with the late Mr. Boulton of Soho [London] for a copper coinage, the proportions of which I was desired to adjust. The same system, with many improvements suggested by Mr. Charles Wilkins, el has since been extended to the three Presidencies of India. At Achin, small and thin gold and silver coins were formerly struck and still are current, but I have not seen any of the pieces that bore the appearance of modern coinage, nor am I aware that this right of sovereignty is exercised by any other power in the Island." This statement in Marsden's Sumatra shows that in 1811 he was working on the Dutch scale, and provides an interesting comparative table with what is nowadays understood as the old Datch" scale. Marsden's Scale. Old Dutch Scale. 16% cash make 1 fanam. 4 cash make 1 duit. 2 fanam 1 double fanam. 24 duit 1 dubbeltje. 11 double fanam 1 tali. 2) dubbeltje , 1 kenderi. 2 tali 1 suku. 2 konderi 1 tali. 4 saku , 1 dollar. 2 tali >> l suku. 4 suku >> 1 dollar. 400 cash to the dollar. 400 cash to the dollar. The statement tends to show that the modern European System of 400 cash to the dollar arose out of the requirements of Europeans in Sumatra in dealing with the Malays, and was imported thence to the Malay Peninsula, possibly by Sir Stamford Raffles about 1819, though apparently Marsdon was working on notions of money current loth in Sumatra and Malacca in his time. There is a curious reference to the "old Dutch Scale" of 400 cents to the dollar in the following quotation from Tavernier's Travels, English ed., 1678, Vol. I, Pt. II., p. 6 l., showing that it, or something like it, existed long before Marsden's time: "An Account of the Money of Asia." The money of the King of Cheda and Pera (Kedah and Perak). This money is of Tin, and is coined by the king of Cheda and Pera. He coins no other money than Tin. Some year since he found out several Mines, which was a great prejudice to the English. For the Hollanders and their merchants buy it, and vend it over all Asia. Formerly the English brought it out of England, and furnished great part of Asia, where they consumed a vast quantity; they carried it also into all the Territories of the great Mogal, as also into Persia and Arabia ; for all their Dishes are of Copper, which they cause to be tinned over every month. Among the meaner sort of people, there is little to be seen but this Tin-money, and the Shells called Cori (cowrey); Figs. 1 and 2 are of that great piece of Tin, which weighs an onnce and a half,89 and in that country goes for the value of two of our Sous. But in regard that Tin is there at 14 Sous a pound, this is not worth above one Sous and three Deneers. This piece of Tin is only thick in the sides, the middle being as thin as paper. See infra, p. 107, n. 6, as to the transfer of the term tali for half a rupee, or four to the dollar, in modern Indian broker's slang. Librarian of the East India Company. The old Fronob poid de mare or pound of 16 oz. 7555 gr. Eor.. as against the old Eng. lb. which 7600 gra. The old French livre (called also the frane) was divided into 30 sous of 12 deniers enob, so a ww was roughly * English half penny or 1 cent of a dollar,

Page #107
APRIL, 1913.) THE OBSOLETE MALAY TIN CURRENCY 108 Figs. 3 and 4 are of a piece that goes at the value of four Deneers.86 Figs. 5 and 6 are three Shells (cowries), whereof they give fifty for the little piece of Tin." Plate marked to face p. 7 of Tavernier's Travels. The money of the king of Beda [for Cheda] and Pera (Kedah and Perak] ("That great piece of tin which weighs an ounce and a half",86 All that Millies could find of this coin 200 years later in Paris, when it had beconie much worn, is given below.87 It is an indication of the liberties taken by Tavernier's engraver. br ): . Tavernier's statement therefore exhibits an instructive scale. 50 cowries = 1 little piece (kepeng, pitis, cash). 3 little pieces (cash) = 1 son (cent). 100 sou (cent) = 1 dollar. 1500087a cowries or 300 cash to the dollar. " Figs. 8 and 4 of Tavernier's plato show regularly minted coin with an Arabio inscription on the reverse. Its value of 4 deniers abows that it was vou or oent; i.e. it was a kepeng pitis or cash. Millies, Recherches sur les Monnaies Malaies, p. 192, thinks he can read the date 1041 A. H. on this coin = A.D. 1831. * The misfortunes that have happened to Tavernier's plates of Malay money at the hands of subsequent writers are detailed on p. of Millios, Recherches sur les Monnaies Malaies, 1871. 07 Op. cit., p. 130 and PL. XXII., No. 230. Ma This giyen 7500 cowries to the ropeo, a fair average number; nee ante, Vol. XXVI., PP. 290 ff.

Page #108
104 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [APRIL 1913. Remembering that this is the report of a French traveller on Malayan currency as understood in India in the 17th century, one finds in it a clear reforonco to the old Dutch scalo of 400 cash to the dollar.99 A transition stage between the two scales of 400 and 1000 cash to the dollar respectively. perhaps due to surrounding influences, appears to be found in the following facts reported from the Kinta Valley (ante, p. 96), West Coast, and Patani town on the East Coast. The Kinta Valley scale shows 800 cash to the dollar. Now, in Patani Mr. Skent tells me that " cash' were cast in trees" (pokok pitis), and that those with the Raja's stamp on the top were most valued as genuine. Such trees were valued at a kondari, 39 cents, or 32 to the dollar (ante, p. 101). Each cash on the tree was valued at cent or 800 cash to the dollar. This works out to 25 ash per tree. On Plate VII, will be found a reproduction from the Cambridge Museum of a half pokok pitis or cash tree, consisting of 13 cash without the Raja's stamp. The cash bear date A. H. 1314= A. D. 1896. 5. The alternative term for "cash " in many parts is still pese, Portuguese, Spanisli, Italian, etc., for "weight," and used for the low unit of monetary weight, varying in the East from about 1000 to about 1600 to the dollar ; by standard 1000.89 From information gathered by Mr. Skeat and other European observers, a table can be made out showing the effect of European commerce and influence on the monetary currency scales of the Peninsula. The evidence for the West Coast currency system is as follows: (1). Mr. Skeat's notes for Kedah and Setul, North of Kedah, show 40 cash to the kunder:no and 32 kon lori to the dollar = 1280 cash to the dollar.1 And Loyan, Jonurn. Ind. Archipelago, 1851, p. 58, says the same thing: "The native coin is the tra, a small round piece of tin with a hole in the centre, of which 160 make a tali, and 8 tals are worth avlodlar"=1280 cash to the dollar. (2). Mr. Laidlaw's information provides the following scales : Perak. Telok Anson. Lower Perak. K'inta Valley. 62 duit make 1 penjuru 10 duit make 1 pitigos 10 duit make 1 pitis ayam ayam 2 penjuru 1 pink03 10 pitis , 1 gambar 5 pitis 1 gambar ayam Syar 2 piak suku 4 gambar 1 suku 4 gambar, 1 snku ayam ayam ayam . Other inforenoen from this valuable statement by Tavernier will be found in the appropriate places. > Pererris, of which 1000 to 1200 went to the milrei or dollar unit. Hence the use of the term for "cash." The actual value of the mitrei was always uncertain. * Reckoned na 4 tra (onab) to the drit, 10 duit to the kenl@ri, Millies Recherches sur les Monnia Malaies. D. 130, quotes Beaulieu, Relation de Voyages, 1666, II. 38, who says 32 fra makon dollar, thus transferring the erpression tra from "cash" to the kenderi. This makes the karudari of this soale half s pa njuru or 3 cente dollar. Usually the kondriopohujumu 6+ cente. dollar. Mr. Skeat quotes Denys, Descriptive Dict. of British Malaya, 1894, v. tali, who has 160 trael talic1280 orab to the dollar. "A coio, "oash with the cook," called also koping and dy. 93 Or tali. Ordinarily pitia means oash, 400 to the dollar: here it is 160 to the dotlar. Tin ingot in the form of a book : the small "cook" ingot. 1 pinjuru, 16 to the dollar

Page #109
APRIL, 1913.) THE OBSOLETE MALAY TIN CURRENCY 105 2 suku make 1 jampal 2 suku make 1 jampal 2 suku make 1 jampal 2 jampal 1 dollar 2 jampal 1 dollar 2 jampal 1 dollar 1000 duit ayam (cash) to 1600 duit ayam to the 800 duit ayam to the the dollar. dollar. dollar 86 (3). Maxwell, Man. of the Malay Language, 1882, p. 142, gives the following scale for Perak: 36 duit ayam" (copper) make I wang (silver)98 7 wang 1 suka 4 suku 1 dollar 1008 cash to the dollar. (4). Wilson, Documents of the Burmese War, 1827, App. 26, p. 61, says :- "The ticalo. and tin pice were the currency in Tavai and Mergui, but the former has been superseded by the rupee. The rates for the rupee and pice may be expected to vary, but the following was in use at the date of our suthorities (1826).100 12 small pice make 1 large one or kebean. 88 kebean 1 Spanish dollar. 1056 pice (cash) to the dollar. "Small pice" here means cash, the Anglo-Indian term, pice (paisa), being then commuonly usel on the Coast, from the "pice" coined by the E. I. Company at Penang in tin for the nse of the Malay Settlements. Kebean is obviously kaping, used as an alternative for pitis, in the same sense as Mr. Laidlaw's informant used that term for a Dutch doit or cent. There is also further instructive proof of the interdependence of the native and European money all down the Coast. Chalmers, Hist. of Currency in Brit. Colonies, p. 382 ff., says that in 1887 the E. I. Company commenced a coinage in Penang, which the Indian authorities proved very tenacious in retaining as long as they had control of the Straits Settlements up to 1867. This coinage consisted in the days of Wilson of balf and quarter rupees and copper cents, balf and quarter cents, and tin "pice" of the value of a cent. The rupee was the equivalent of the Dutch guilder, and so it was half a dollar. This means that they coined on the scale of 400 cash to the dollar. It is obvious, therefore, that Wilson's kebean referred to the E. I. Co.'s tin pice or cent, and his small pice" are cash at 1200 to the dollar. His other statements of 88 and 771 la kebean, s. e., 1056 and 930 cash to the dollar, merely represent the discounts the local native merchants or money-changers tried to get as their prost by manipulating the currency. * The difference here shows the difference in the value of tin on the coast and ap-country in Perak. Called in Salangor, duit jagoh, Jav. jago, A cook. " Chalmers, Hist. of 'Currency in Brit. Colonies, 1893, p. 983, quotes in a footnote a letter from Maxwell. "The Wang was Netherlands-Indian stijver 4 duit, and the wang baharu was the European alijver - 5 duit. Twenty-two years ago (say 1870), when I was Magistrate of Malacca, I often heard the expression, wang bahari, wsed to signify 21 cents of a dollar, though there was no corresponding coin. This is similar to the use of the word ka pang (kupang) in Penang. This expression is still in use." - Siamese silver coin, representing the old Indian tankha, whence came also the rupee 10 This is a point that the student should always bear in mind when appraising a traveller's or "authority's" statement: 6. 9., Bowrey, loc. cit., puts the patah at 8d. Eng. -60 Sp. dollars to the bahara. But p. 134 he says tin was rookoned at 28 dollars to the bahara "ready moneys," i. ., for immediate delivery, but 40 dollars the bahara "apon truck," i. 8., for future delivery. 1 Dr. Hanitsch, J.R.AS., Straits Branch, No. 39, P. 199, showa oopper pice from Penang minted by the E.I. Co., dated 1798 and 1805, and supersoribed 2, 3 and 4 koping, 6. e., , and 1 cent. On p. 194 he shows rupees. half rupees in silver, staivers and half stuivers, duita in copper, and daite in lead, issued by the E. I. Co, for Malacca in the years 1811-1816. Ia See para. next but one below.

Page #110
106 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [APRIL, 193. Through all this, the influence of the E.I. Co.'s coinage for the Straits Settlements can be perceived. It had another curious effect along the Coast. The money the Company established was on the Indian scale of rupees of 16 annas of 12 pie, i.e., 192 pie to the rupee. Between 1786 and 1825, Malacca had an alternating history as a possession of the Dutch and British. It was restored to the Datch in 1818 and finally handed over to the E. I. Co. in 1825, when Kelly (Cambist, 1835, I., p. 108) reports that "accounts are kept in rix dollars of 8 schilling or 48 stiver; this is subdivided into 4 doi!." Now this statement makes 192 doit to the dollar of account. That is, the local people managed to make their accounts conform to the new money by the simple process of doubling its value on paper, and thus to stick to the old ideas and scale of 400 cash to the dollar, at a discount. We have also an echo of this in the actual coinages. Dr. Hanitsch, op. cit., p. 197, quotes specimens of a copper coin struck in Batavia with the Dutch E. I. Co.'s coins and dated 1802 and 1815-24. One of them (and perhaps two) was issued during the British occupation of Java (1811-16). These coins bear the figures to and 5, showing that they were i of something and 5 of something else. The figures i no doubt referred to the 16 annas in the rupee, which make the coin equal to 5 "pice" (koping). This gives 80 pice to the rapee, though in point of fact, as the text shows, koping ran at that time 40 to the Madras rupee or half dollar. It would appear, therefore, on this argument, that the value of the money was doubled in the coinage as well as on paper, in order to stick to the old ideas. This was the fact, because the coins in question were for currency in Achin as kupang or 3 duit (keping) pieces. The Acbin kupang was at that date to of a pardao or dollar of 4 8. 8 d., i, e., double of a rupee of 2 3.4 d. All this means that the familiar Indian coinage was adapted to the habits of Sumatra by doubling the value of the denominations, the anna or te rupee being exactly half the Achin kupang or lo dollar, How the rate of 88 keping to the dollar became fixed is brought out in an interesting manner (op. cit., p. 56), thus. Wilson says, quoting the Government Gazette, 2 March 1826: "The Tavai (Tavoy) minor smelts the ore immediately on his return to town (from the tin mines), and coins those sorts of pice (cash) which are current in the bazaar. Of these 15462a, make one pikul of Pinang-allow 14 for wastage-so that, if the average price of the tin of the Coast be 20 Sp. dollars per pikul, we shall have 38} pices carrent for the value of one sicca rupee, which is very nearly what it was once valued at in Tavai, viz., 40 pices. The established rate at present is 44 pices for one rupee, whether at Madras or sicca (.e., Bengal standard), although the bazaar people only give 40 pioes for a Madras rupee, if allowed their option; 44 pices for a Madras rupee seems to be above the intrinsic value of the metal (in terins of the rupee). There is, therefore, bere an exceedingly interesting proof of the spread of the tin currency along the Western Coast of the Malay Peninsula and its consistency and persistence over the whole country, as Mr. Laidlaw's information gives 80 keping to the dollar in c. 1860 and Wilson's 88 keping in 1826. * For proof, see Appendix VI. 24 The official E. I. Co.'s rate was 1600 to the ollar (Chalmer's Hist. of Currency in Brit. Colonies, p. 382 1.). The difference here means the local discount. 1.e., 774 cash to the dollar at 2 rupees to the dollar, giving & ratio of tin to silver at c. 6:1. Wilson's 66 kebean to the dollar gives ratio of c. 61 to ]. Chalmer's loc. cit. shows that the ratios then varied at Perang from 6: 1 to 5: I. Milburn, Oriental Convmorca, 1813, Vol. II, p. 300, has a statement which makes the ratio 4.1. "The current pice are coined on the island, being pieces of tin, nearly the size of an English penny. They have the IE. I.) Company's mark on one side and are fate on the other; 100 of them ought to contain 4 cattis of pare tin." At p. 816, Milburn makes the proportion 8:1 at Selangor alternatively 6: 1 according to Kelly, Oambial, 1856, Vol. 1., p. 115. * This statement affords a strong instance of the necessity of referring all mercantile statements of value to a general standard,

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THE OBSOLETE MALAY TIN CURRENCY 107 APRIL, 1913.] (5). Mr. Skeat has a note (showing the spread of European influence Eastwards) that the old Singora (E. Coast) currency was reckoned 10 cash to the 10 keping piece, 100 cash to the kenderi, 32 kendiri to the dollar: 3200 cash to the dollar. This scale is clearly that given by Mr. Laidlaw for Perak in 1860: 10 cash=10 pitis=1 kenderi (penjuru), but 16 kender to the dollar. The Singora ratio of "cash" to the dollar was stated to depend on the quantity of Dutch cash in the country from time to time.5 The accuracy of this statement is attested by some remarks in Raffles' Java, 1830, Vol. II., App., note to p. 11, and pp. clxi, clxii (table), from which a scale can be made out thus:1 dubbeltje or wang. 1 dollar. 200 pichis (cash) make 24 wang 4800 pichis to the dollar. Raffles' observations also show the great fluctuation of various dollars in terms of pichis: e. g., he rates the Sp. dollar at 28 wang-5600 pichis to the dollar, and the rixdollar (of account) at a discount of 8% off the ordinary dollar, giving 4500 pichis to the dollar. Something of the same kind must have always been going on in the countries East of India. Under date, 1567, Caesar Frederick (Hakluyt, Maclehose ed., Vol. V., 481: Purchas, Maclehose ed., X 131) says:-The current money that is in this city [Pegu] and throughout all this kingdom is called Gansa or Ganza, which is made of Copper and leade... with this money Ganza, you may buy gold or silver, Rubies or muske and other things. For there is no other money current among them, and Golde, silver and other marchandize are at one time dearer than another, as all things be. This Ganza goeth by weight of Byze [plu.], and this name of Byza goeth for ye accompt of the weight, and commonly a Byza of a Ganza is worth (after our accompt) halfe a ducat [dollar] litle more or lesse : and albeit that gold and silver is more or lesse in price, yet the Byza never changeth. Every Byza maketh a hundredth Ganza of weight, and so the number of the money is the Byza." "Byza" (viss) is here clearly half a dollar. On his return from Pegu to India (p. 437), Caesar Frederick landed at the Island of Sondipa (Sand wip) near Chittagong, and took in provisions, buying, as he was told at an exorbitant rate, "great fat hennes for a Bizze apiece, which is at the most a pennie;" . e., a viss weight of some coin or currency (perhaps cowries) was worth a penny according to Caesar Frederick's translator, or say to of the "byza" of Pegu. Ralph Fitch, who was in Pegu in c. 1585 (Hakluyt, Maclehose ed., V. 492: Purchas, Maclebose ed., X. 192: Ralph Fitch, ed. Ryley, 1894, p. 166), says, while using terms which are suspiciously the same as Caesar Frederick's, that "commonly this biza after our account is worth about half a crowne or something less:" i. e., the "biza" was half a dollar of account usually taken formerly at five shillings English. Therefore, Caesar Frederick's "bizze" at Sondiva was of the "byza" of Pegu. All this supplies an alternative scale : 5 For reasons for the depreciation of "cash" from time to time, see ante, Vol. XXVI., pp. 222 f. The tali was half a viss and to this day tali in broker's slang means an eight-anna piece or half rupee (or quarter dollar). 7 A century later than Caesar Frederick's day, the value of bell-metal in Burma had gone down 50% at any rate temporarily, for Mr. William Foster has given me the following quotations from contemporary MS. documents. The President and Council at Surat, wrote to the E. J. Co., 25 Jan. 1650 (O. C. Dup. 2147):They enclosed certain accounts relating to the recent Pegu Voyage" which accounts being kept in vists [viss] of ganoe [bell-metall, you may please to take notice (if it should not be so exprest in the accounts) that each That is, the price of sell-metal had fallen from 2s. 6d. to 1s. 4. per viss vist (viss) is nearest 16d starling. between 1567 and 1650, a statement supported by the generalisations of Sangermano about 1790 (infra. p. 122,65). On the 11 Feb. 1648, Thomas Breton and William Potter, E. I. Co.'s servants. wrote from Pegu to Fort St. George: Such is the cruelty of these people that, seeing us in necessity of a boat. (they I will not be hired to furnish us for less then 500 usest [visst, for viss]" Taking then the viss at le. 4d. or thereabouts, the pries demanded for a cargo-boat was some 233 Rs., which would not be unlikley at that time.

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108 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (APRIL, 1913 24 cash make 1 ganza, 30 cash make 1 ganza. 100 gadza 1 byza. 100 ganza i byza. 2 byza 1 ducat (dollar). 2 byza . 1 ducat. 4800 cash to the dollar. 6000 cash to the doilar. Again, William Barrett, Consnl at Aleppo, writing in 1584, the last year of his life, on money and measures in the East, says (Hakluys, Maclehose ed., VI. 21 f.) of Malacca :-" For the marchandise bought and sold in the citie they reckon at so much the barre, which barre is of divers sorts, great and small, according to the ancient custome of the said citie and diversitie of the goods ... The measures of Malacca are as the measures of Goa ... For the money of Malacca, the least money current is of tinne stamped with the armes of Portugall and 12 of these make a Chazza. The Chazza is also of tinne with the said armes, and 2 of these make a challaine. The Challaine is of tinne with the said armes and 400 of these make a tanga of Goa good money, but not stamped in Malacca. There is also a sort of silver money, which they call Patachines [rixdollar or dollar of account], and is worth 6 tangas of good money, which is 360 reyes. There is also a kind of money called crusado stamped with the armes of Portogall and is worth 6 tangas good money ... The rials of 8 they call Pardaos de Reales [dollar) and are worth 7 tangas of good money (420 reyes)." Read cbazza = caixa=cash; challaine=calaim=calin= kalang (tin coin)=kiping; and this statement supplies the following table : 12 small cash make 1 cash 2 cash 1 keping 40 keping 1 tanga 7 tanga 1 dollar 40 6720 cash to the dollar (for 6400). On the information above detailed, the following table of cash to the dollar can be made out: West Coast Currenoy System. Old Datch 62) pese by 16 kcnderilo = 1000 cash to the dollar. Kedah 40 tra by 32 = 1280 Setul 40 pitis by 32 = 1280 Denys' Diot. tra by 32 = 1280 Perak. Telok Anson 62; duit by 16 penjarulo = 1000 ayam Lower Perak 100 Kinta Valley 50 , by 16 = 800 Maxwell, Man. 86 by 28 Fang = 1008 Tavoy and Mergui 12 pitis by 88 kepingle = 105611 Old Singora 100 by 32 kenduri = 8200 The origin of the system of 1000 cash or thereabouts to the dollar can be traced even more satisfactorily than that of 400 cash to the dollar. Denys, Descriptive Dict. of British * This statement is interesting ag making Albuquerque's criado = 6/7 dollar, and the Goa pardao in the 16th century to equal a dollar. Taking the Goa tanga (nominally a tanka, i. ., rape or fickal) as the real opper anit of Goa money, then the remarkable likeness of Barrett's statement in 1584 to Wilson's (ante, p. 106) in 1896 comes out. * Shown here for comparison. 1. This scale is really that of 8 tali to the dollar, with kinddriponjuru, and rookoned 2 or 4 to the tali. 1 For 1200. O by 16 = 1600

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APRIL, 1913.) THE OBSOLETE MALAY TIN CURRENCY 109 Malaya, s. r. money, states that Castanheda, Vol. II., says:-As there was no money in Malacca except that of the Moors, the Governor-General (Albuquerque) ordered (1510) some to be coined, not only that he might extinguish the Moorish coin,12 but also in order that a coin might be struck with the stamp and arms of his royal master. Also, taking on this subject the opinion of the Gentile Chinals and other honorable men, dwellers in the city of Malacca), he commanded forthwith that a tin coinage should be struck. Of the one small coin called caixa (cash) be ordered two to be made into one, to which he gave the name dinheiro. Ho struck another coin, which he named soldo, consisting of 10 dinheiro, and a third which he called the bastardo, consisting of 10 soldo. As there existed no coin of gold or of silver, for the merchants made their sales and purchases by weighing the precious metals, the Governor-General resolved, with the advice of the persons abovementioned, to coin gold and silver money. To the gold coin he gave the name of catholico, and it weighed 1000 reas, and to the silver that of malaque. Both were of the purest metal that could be smelted. 14 From this statement it can be deduced that the catholico and malaque represented the milrei or dollar of 1000 reis in gold and silver respectively, and that the caixa or cash equalled the reis. We can further construct table which shows the relationship of the modern dollar and its parts to the Portuguese coinage in the Malay Peninsula, which was obviously based on the coinage invented by the Chinese to suit their commercial dealings with the Malays. Albuquerque's Portuguese Coinage. 2 caixa (cash) make 1 dinheiro 10 dinheiro 1 solda 10 soldo 1 bastardo Si malaque (silver, 416 grs.) 5 bastardo 1 1 catholico (gold, 26 grs.) 15 1000 cash to the dollar. Therefore : - Cents of the British dollar. caixa 1/10 dinheiro 1/5 soldo 20 bastardo 20 malaquela 1000 100 13 Malay tin money was found by Pyrard de Laval (Hak. Soc. ed. of Voyage, p. 285) in the Maldives in 1602 and according to his editor, Gray, it existed before the days of the Portuguese. Under the names of calaim and calin (kalang, tia) the coins were worth 100 cash or half one of Albuquerque's bastardo (see below). 13 heling, Kaling, Kling, that i. Tri-Kalinga, Telinga ; Hindus from the Coromandel Coast of India. These Hindus were at first ordinarily known to Enropeans as Gentiles, Gentus, through Portuguese, gentio, a heathen. See ante, Vol. XXX., p. 850. 1. Biroh, Commentarios of Albuquerque, Hak. 80c., Vol. II., PP. 128 ff.; III., p. 41, gives an account of Albaqaerque's coinage in Gon in 1510, and in Vol. III, pp. 138 ff, there is an elaborate account of his coinago at Malacon in 1511.. See also Hanitsch, J. R. A. 8., 8. B., No. 39, Collection of Coins from Malacca, Singapore, 1903. p. 183 ff: Danver's Portuguese in India. Vol. I. p. 230. 18 Assuming the ratio of gold to silver to be 1: 16. Ha Birch, op. cit., vol. III, p. 140n., makes out tables of Albuquerque's coinage which are not quite the same as mine, but I think he has misinterpreted the text. In the Commentaries, malaque appears as malaquese. Dr, Hanitech cit. loc. cit.. shows some coins in the Rames Museum, Singapore, which are probably of Albuquerque's minting In op. cit. No, 44, pp. 219 ff, he shows some Portuguese imitation of Malay tin ingots cast by Albuquerque or soou after his time (see ante, p. 92), which, weighed 571, 642 and 69 grs. They represent in fact Albuquerque's bastardo, or dollar, Dr. Hanitach also shows, op. cit., loc. cit., two smaller contemporary tin coins found in Malacca at the same time, inscribed nostrae (a) spes unica, and bearing the same cross and globe. These weigh 611 gin., or c. to of the large opins, and are therefore Albuquerque's soldo or tb bastardo. Cash 200

Page #114
110 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [APRIL, 1918. How the "gentile China and honorable dwellers in the City of Malacca" were guidel in their advice to Albuquerque in 1310, when he desire to reluce the local currency to Portaguese money may be gauged by a Chinese account of Java in 1416 16 :- "Their weights are as follows: in kati (kin) has 20 taels (liang), a tael 16 ch'ion and a ch'ien 4 kobang." This statement supplies a table : 4 kobang (kapang)? make 1 ch'ien 16 ch'ien 1 tahil 20 tahil 1 kati 1280 kupang to the kati (of tin). If then the ratio of silver to tin be taken at its most constant rate 1 : 10 and it be assured that the Obinese denominations have remained unaltered, 18 t'en the leupang, 1/10th of the silver dollar, is reducel in value to a cent, and the following table for the silver unit results 128 koping, pitis or cash' = 1 kupang 10 kapang = 1 miliei (dollar) 1280 cash to the silver dollar anit. This Albuquerque converted into 1000 cash to the milrei. The whole story is curiously confirmed by another Chinese account of Java dated 181890:" The red hairol barbarimus [Dutch and English] have come to Hakang [Chinese name for Bantam] and have established a magazine on the eastern side of the great river, the Franks [Portuguese] have done the same on the western side ; and these foreigners arrive every year. In trading shey use silver money, but the natives use leaden coins (cash) ; 1000 of them forma string and ten strings make a bundle. One bundle of leaden coins is said to be equivalent to one string of silver money." Clearly, the leadea coins were cash and the et:ing of silver money was the dollar, one of which could purchase ten "strings," or "one bundle" or kali of tin.21 The general inference to be drawn from Marsden's and Castin heda's statements is that historically the scale of 400 cents to the dollar arobe out of Dutch and British deslings directly with the Malays through their tin currency, and the scale of 1000 cents to the dollar out of Portugaese dealings with the Malays through the t'n money of the Chinese 32 16 Miscell, Papers relating to Indo-China, 2nd Ser., I., 177. 11 The original Chinese characters are rendered kobang in the translation. But for the confusion between the Japanese kobang and the Malay knpang, see ante, Vol. XXVII., PP. 223 f. 10 This is a fact, see op. cit., loc. cit. ** Cash were commonly used in the Malay Arohipelago in the 14th century: see op. cit., pp. 215, 222, 248, Bat the History of the Sung Dynasty 1960-1979) reports that there were no copper cash in Malay-land then; op. cit. P. 187. 2. Op. cit., p. 182. 11 Vasco da Gama in 1498 reporting on the Countries beyond Calicut by bearsay (Hak. Soc, ed, of Firat Poyage, p. 100), says, "There is also... much tin, of which they coin money: but this money is heavy and of little Nue. 3 frazila, being worth only crusado." Frasil, taroel, farzala, is an Arabia weight of c. 24 cuadora 100 reise2/6 milrei or dollara gente : 3 frasila=80 lbs. represents the koping (slab) of tin. At 8 Hoping=] bahara, this gives a bahard of 480 lbs, or more (noe ante, PP. 99-100) but the silver valoe works out at only c. dollars to the bahara, or about 1/10 of the probable true ratio. The editor, E. G. Ravenstein, has. Date: "The framvia ww equal to 10-51 kilo.; the bahar was 210-22 kilo.; the crusado www a silver coin and was valued at 380 reis (B.. Bd.)." Iv giving Mr. Ravenstein this information his Calicut correspondent seems to have mixed up the gold and silver Portagiese standarde, the terminology of whiob is nearly identical. * The Portuguese early carried Albuquerque's coidage to India, where it still remained in Bombay in an instructive manner up to the end of the 18th oeptury at any rate : witness Stevens, Guide to B. I. Trade, 1775, p. 124, "Bombay. Accounts are kept here in Rupees, Quarters and Raos: 100 Raes are 1 Quarter i 100 Raes are 1-rapee (i. e., 800 Raes=1 dollar). Besides these Raes, which are made of lead with a stamp on them, there is a small coin made of tutanag I spelter, I called a pie, of which 80 are equal to a repee." (The modern pie go 192 to the rupeel.

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APRIL, 1913.) THE OBSOLETE MALAY TIN CURRENCY 111 IV. Analogies and Developments, 1 The Oriental influences, which induced the early Datoh merchants, Marsden for the British Government, Albuquerque for the Portuguese, and indeel the Malays themselves, to adopt respectively the sums of 400 and 1000 (to represent 1280) cash to the dollar, may be arrived at from an examination of the following quotations from an obscure official book, which thus becomes of the first importance for the present purpose. Brown, Statistical Account of the Native State of Manipur, p. 89, says :-"the only coin proper to the country is of bell-metal and small in size, weighing about 16 grs. This is coined by the Raja as required, goods and money being taken in exchange. The metal is obtainel chiefly from Burma and consists of old gongs, etc. Some of it is also procured from the British provinces ... The word sri is strack on it... The market value of the sel, as it is called, variou. When rupees are pleatiful, then sel are cheap, when scarce, the opposite. The present (1873) value of the coin is 428 to one British or Baruese rupoo, and its usual variation is said to be from 420 to 450." * Manipur is a Natire State between Barma and Assam, which, in re'erence to Malay-land, is " beyond " Barma, and it will be seen from the foregoing statement that the bell-metal (brass and tin) money of that country is 800 to 1000 to the dollar of two rupec, thus showing the exiz tence of a system of reckoning money analogous to that of the Malays for je:koning cash to the dollar. An exhaustive enquiry into the difficult and instructive question of the Manipuri monetary system shows that it was basel on reskoning 400 sel to the rupeo, in correspondence with the very ancient Indian system of 400 dan to the jalala adoptel by the Emperor Akbar for his goli. coinage, that the jalala squalloi in weight the tola, the rnpoo or half-dollar weight, and that the Nepalese reckoned 400 dan to the takka (-tola) or rapee. These figures inevitably recall the 400 pilis or cash to the dollar of Malay-land. The eaquiry also shows that the 400 sel to the rupeo of Manipur were reckoned by nomenolature as 5000 oowries, 24 that the standard scale for reskoning cowries was 400 to the anna or 1/16 rapee (-6400 cowries to the rupee), that the sel of Manipur was the Indian dam of Akbar's time (16th centary) and of modern Nepal, and that the origin of the Manipuri scale was directly due to the system of reckoning cowries. Thus, Manipuri sel are reckoned for purposes of account by fours, exactly as cowries are reckoned by the ganda or quartet, i..., by sets of four. The process was the practical and handy one of separating the cowries four at a time from the heap with a finger or stick and counting verbally as the quartets thus separated. In this method of Indian reskoning, certain sums constantly recur, 400, 640, 1280, 5000 sel and cowrie: going to certain units of account, and the cowries themselves to certain units in multiples of 400, as 800, 1600, 3200, 4800, 6400, 7200. The foregoing pages show that these very figures recur over and over again in reckoning cash to the dollar of account and other units. There are thus presented to us here the two concurrent facts, that the standard Malay sosles of cash to the dollar existed very long ago in India and have been preserved there in different places to the present day, and that these soales were directly 13 That is, of the coinage of King Mindon minted at Caloutta. Ila Ante, Vol. XXVI., P. 290 f., and Vol. XXXIII, p. 169 #. 24 That is, the people though asing sol still count them in terms of sowries. Precisely the same thing has bappened in Kashmir where the terms for reckoning money still represent those for reckoning cowries : 4000 (for 1096) cowries to the rapee. Stein, Notes on the Monetary System of Ancient Kashmir, 1890, PP. 36, 38-40 25 Tho process can be soon to this day in the fantan gambling with oowries at Macao in China.

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112 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [APRIL, 1913. connected with those for counting cowries. The inference therefore is that, whatever the method of reckoning may have been whea cash were first introduced to the Malays by the Chinese, the Malay scales for counting such a small denomination as the cash had, in the course of centuries of commerce, come to be based on those for counting cowries in India ; just as they adoptel the Indian nomenclature for the onrrency and money. The cash were presumably treated in the same way as cowrio: for reckoning, i. e., they were separatel from the heaps four at a time before stringing together. The Malays, the old Dutch merchants, Marsden and Albaquerque were in fact, though probably unoonsciously, utilising the general Indian and locally commonly recognisel system of counting cowries, and treating cash as metal cowries, in adopting scales for carrency and monetary purposes in the Malay peninsula. How far afield from Malay-land the ideas that have led to the connting of 400 cash to the dollar in modern times had spread in ancient days westward from India may be see in the following important passage from Ramusi, Delle Navigationie Viaggi, Vol. II., Col. 158b, 1606,27 quoting Herberstein, 1559:-"The old Muscovite money is not round, but oblong or egg-shaped and is callel denga... 6 denga make an altin ; 20 a grifna; 100 a poltina and 200 a ruble." Grifna is the modern grions of the Russian currency : denga" is a direct descendant of tanka, 2 the ancient Indian weight and coin. The above quotation supplies a scale, which with quite extraordinary completeness corresponds to the existing Malay scale of 400 cash to the dollar. Russian soale. scale. Malay terms oents cents to dollar dollar 1 denga sen (cash) 6 deiga make l altin 1 sen 37 altin 5 grifos 2 poltios 1 4 quarter make sen 5 5 sen 25 5 buaya 59 2 Buku 50 1 grifna 1 poltina 1 rable (florin or balf dollar) 1 dollar] 1 buaya buku 1 jampal (rupee or haki dollar) 1 dollar [2 ruble - 100 100 2 jampal 400 denga (cash) to the dollar 400 cash to the dollar * See ante, Vol. XXVI., p. 45 f. *Quoted in English by Yule, Hobson-Jobeon, . v. Tanga. * Plural, dengy. 20 Just nu are the modern dinga of Burma, and (through the alternative form taka) the tikal of Siam. See anto, Vol. XXVI.. Pp. 235 ff., 259 ff. Mr. Blagdon tells me that in old Talaing inscriptions tidal is found in the form of daker (for detal).

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APRIL, 1913.) THE OBSOLETE MALAY TIN CURRENCY 113 Another quotation derived from Yule, Hobson-Jobson, 8. o. kopek, gives a history for this currency of Russia curiously analogous to that in Malay-land. Yule quotes Chaudoir, Apercu sur les Monnaies Russes :-"It was on this that the Grand Duchess Helena, mother of Ivan Vasilievitch, and regent in his minority, ordered in 1585, that these dengui should be molted down and new ones struck, at the rate of 300 dengui or 3 roubles of Moscow a la griven ka in kopek ... From that time socounts continued to be kept in rouble, kopek and dengui." The kopek is the hundredth part of a rouble and therefore half a cent, or 200 to the doller, or 2 dengy, which commences the scale of 400 to the dollar eren more closely in the Malay style than the scale just shown :-2 quarter cents (denga)=one half cent and so on. The story is carriel on into modern times30 with an illuminating double scale, as in India and the Far East : one of account in kopel, 100 to the rouble, with halves (denushka) and quarters (polushka), 800 (cash : polushka) t the dollar ; the other with 10 griepen (also writtea grievener) and 33 altin to the roulle of money, or in other words with a survival in terminology of the old scale of 400 cash to the dollar. 3 The analogy between the European and Oriental scales does not rest here, and as a matter of inct the alternative souls of 1000-1280 cash to the upper unit found in Malay-land must have been quite familiar to both the Portuguese and Dutoh traders to the Malay Archipelago, as in those times exactly similar relations prevailel in their own respetive countries.30 Thns, in Portugal itself the old soal, ran then :31 20 reis make 1 vintem. 5 vintem 1 teston. 4 teston 1 (old) crasado. 2 crasndo 1 milrei. 1000 reis to the milrei (dollar). Whilst the actual figure of 1280 to the dollar unit or its half, 640"(exactly as in Malay-land) was then found in Germany. Thus3? :(Liege, then in Germany). Vienna. 4 pfening m ake liard 2 heller make 1 pfening 4 liard 1 stiver 3 pfening 1 grosobel 10 stiver 1 escalin 1 groschel 1 kreutzer 2 escalin 1 florin 3 kreutzer 1 groschen 4 florin 1 patson (dollar) 2 groschen 1 schilling 54 schilling 1 rixguiden 1280 pfening to the dollar. 2 rixgalden 1 rixdollar C40 beller to tha dollar. so Kelly, Universal Cambist, 1835, I., 299. 340 That this was the fact, so far as the Portuguese were concerned, is proved beyond doubt by the following qitation from the Commentaries of Albuquerque, Vol. III. pp. 771., Hak. Soc., Ed. "This King Xaquendarza [Sikandar Shab of Malacca).... desired to see the King of China ....so be set out from Malaca, taking with him a present for the King of China .... became his Taal .... and obtained permiwion to coin small money of pewter, which money be ordered to be made as soon as he reached Malacs; and to it he gave the name of caixes, which are like our ceitils, and a hundrad of them go to the calaim, and each calaim was worth, scoording to the appointed law, eleven reis and four celtils. Silrer and gold was not made into money, but only used by way of marchandise." From this statement we get the fact that the Malay cash was recognised by the Portuguese >> analogous to their own ceitil, an obsolete coin, wbioh Birob shows, in a note to p. 78, ran 6 or 7 (the above quotation makes it c. ep) to the rei, or 6000 to 7000 to the silver dollar. Albuquerqne's story gives incidentally traditional date for tho introduction of cash into Malay-land, as Sikandar Shah visited China in 1411, (op. cit., p. 81n., 9, Yule, Marco Polo, 2nd Ed., pp. 263 ). Kelly, Universal Cambiat, I., 280. 32 Op. cit., pp. 209, 319.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [APRIL, 1913. The double of the 400 cash to the dollar scale is to be seen in that of the old Dutch scales.33 Amsterdam and Rotterdam. make 114 16 pfening 20 stiver 2 guilder 12 denarii 20 solidi 800 pfening to the dollar. The general European scale, on which the above and very many others in the western countries are based, is that established by Charlemagne so long ago as the 7th century A. D. make 1 solidus 1 libra (pound) 12 deniers 20 sols (sous) 4 livres 240 denarii to the libra. This sale gave rise to others which spread over Europe and especially to the Latin countries and were in force up to the 18th and 19th centuries. This scale works out to 960 denarii to the dollar, because the libra under various forms stood constant through the centuries at about a quarter of a dollar. Thus :-35 France Old Copenhagen 4 pfening make 13 witte 2 fyrke 16 skilling 1 mark 4 ort "3 31 l 35 " 33 33 Italy denari 960 deniers, etc., to the dollar. To show the close connection between the German and Latin ideas on monetary scales, there was a Vienna scale for money giving 960 heller to the rixdollar (Kelly, op. cit., p. 848). In old Germany there was a scale that worked out on two lines of division to 288 pfening to the rixdellar, which by multiplying by both 4 and 5, as the Dutch did in the Malay Peninsula, has led to instructive scales for the present purpose: "7 soldi lire 1 witte 1 fyrke 1 skilling 1 mark 1 ort 1 rixdollar 1 stiver 1 guilder 1 dalder (rixdollar) 2 piening 3 dreyling 12 grote 8 shilling 2 rixdollar 33 Op. cit., pp. 8, 297. 34 Chalmers, Hist. of Currency in the Brits Colonies, p. 398 f. n. dineros sueldos libras Old Hamburg make se Kelly, op. cit., pp. 141, 344, 348, 316. * This figure of 288 to the upper unit was once common in Europe. 3 Kelly, op. cit., pp. 74, 167. Spain }make 33 ake 1 dollar. 1 dreyling 1 grote 1152 pfening to the dollar. 1440 pfening to the pound (Flemish). There were other connected scales in Europe most reminiscent of those in the Malay Peninsula. For instance in Poland there were two-one double of the other-in different divisions of the country, of 540 pfening to the sloti orrixdollar and the other 1080. Here we 1 shilling 1 rixdollar 1 pound

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APRIL, 1913.] have the "cash" pure and simple at 4320 and 8840 to the dollar respectively. Another scale showing a very low small denomination was that of Dantaic on the German Baltics showing 1620 pfening to the rixdollar. THE OBSOLETE MALAY TIN CURRENCY 115 38 Without pursuing the enquiry further it reems to be clear that, in the Malay Peninsula and in Europe, mankind has been working on identical lines in devising means for finding proportions into which to divide its currency. And it seems also reasonable to assume that the scales have all originatel out of the simple and necessary processes of rapidly separating (for counting) shells, beans or seeds from the heap, the said shells, beans and seeds having Leen selected for the purpose on account of their observed constant average weight. 4 The wide spread and the antiqnity of the ideas leading to the Malay scales for currency and money are thus clearly brought out, but the gambar (model of animal) currency can be shown to give concrete form to ideas equally ancient and widely distributed in Oriental lands. That the principle of metal currency in ingots and models of animals and common objects was of recognised standing in India in the 1st or 2nd century B. C. is attested by the quotations which follow. Firstly, there is a statement in the Nidana katha,40 a Sinhalese Buddhist compilation of the 5th century A. D. about the land on which Anathapindika, the famous rich merchant disciple of Buddha, built the Jetavana Vihara or Monasteryl :-"Long ago, too, in the time of the Blessed Buddha Vipassin, a merchant named Punabbasa Mitta bought that very spot by laying golden bricks [P ingots] over it, and built a monastery there a league in length. And in the time of the Blessed Buddha Sikhin, a merchant named Sirivaddha bought that very spot by standing golden ploughshares over it, and built there a monastery three quarters of a league in length. And in the time of the Blessed Buddha Vessabha, a merchant named Sotthiya bought that very spot by laying golden elephant feet along it, and built a monastery there half a league in length. And in the time of the Blessed Buddha Kakusandha, a merchant named Achchuta also bought that very spot by laying golden bricks on it, and built there a monastery a quarter of a league in length. And in the time of the Blessed Buddha Konagamana, a merchant named Ugga bought that very spot by laying golden tortoises over it, and built there a monastery balf a league in length. And in the time of the Blessed Buddha Kassapa, a merchant named Sumangala bought that very spot by laying golden bricks over it, and built there a monastery sixty acres in extent. And in the time of our Blessed One, Anathapindika, the merchant bought that very spot by laying kahapanas over it and built there a monastery thirty acres in extent." The writer, in bringing the legendary history of the Monastery down to then comparatively modern times, is obviously using expressions, "bricks," "ploughshares," "elephant feet," "tortoises," which indicate ingots of certain shapes current as weights in his time, till he comes to the last payment, which he states in terms of a recognised weight.2 As a matter of fact he was recording in monkish fashion a legend that was in existence many centuries earlier. Plate LVII of Cunningham's Barhut Stupa, 1879, contains an inscribed has relief, which represent Anathapindika making over to the Church (Sanga) the park of Jetavana, which he had 30 Op. cit., p. 83. 30 Kelly, op. cit., p. 278. Rhys Davids, Buddhist Birth-stories, p. 132 f. 1 The account purports to relate to a gold ingot currency, of which the following is a quite modern instance: "Gold continues to pass current in small uncoined round balls usually weighing a tola." W. Robinson, Account of Assam, 1841, pp. 249, 987 in Ridgeway, Origin of Currency, p. 177 n. 41 Kahapanam (Skr, karshapana) was in general terms a gold weight 16 masha or about 176 gr

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116 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [APRIL, 1913. purchased by covering the ground with a layer of crores (kofi): see Pl. VII. infra. The inscription says: "Jetavana Anathapediko deti kotisanthatena keta; Anathapindika, purchaser for a layer of crores, presents Jetavans," The date of the Barhut sculptures is of the 2nd or 1st century B. C., or some six centuries earlier than the Nidanakatha, but that work gives the legend in almost identical terms:-Tasmin samaye Anathapindiko gahapati... Jetavanam lentisantharena atthavasa-hirannakotihi kinitva: at the same time the householder Anathapindika having purchased the Jetavana (Jeta's park) for a layer of crores, or eighteen crores of treasure." It will be observed that embroidery has accrued to the story in the six centuries, and that the layer of crores had become, by a clear addition, 18 crores of gold (or treasure), and also a layer of definite gold coins (kahapana, practically the modern gold mohar). Plate VII. infra shows a medallion on a pillar of the Barhut Stupa describing the scene: men are taking stamped bricks or ingots, not coins, from a bullock cart, and spreading them in the garden under mango and sandalwood trees, while Anathapindika, with a libation ewer in his hand, is making a present of the ground for the monastery.** In translating the expressions kofi (crore), kahapana (coins), hiranna (treasure, gold), Cunningham, Hultzsch (Bharaut Inscription No. 88: ante, vol. xxi., pp. 226, 230), and the others all agree in making the purchase price "crores of gold coins," thus turning the story into, a manifestly exaggerated legend. On this point we can, however, usefully turn for the present purpose to Stein's edition of Kalhana's Rajatarangint, or Chronicles of Kashmir (A. D. 1148), in which prices are frequently stated in exact sums of dinara, an obvious derivative of the Roman denarius and used in the East for a gold coin. It has been so used by most commentators on the Rajatarangini, but so far from representing gold coins, Stein shows that dinara meant in Kashmir, firstly a coin of any kind, and secondly just money or currency. Stein quotes a case of daily pay stated at a lakh (100,000) of dinara, sets himself to solve the question of what the Kashmir dinara really was, and shows that as a money of account it represented what is now our old friend the cash; i.e., it ran 320 to the rupee or 640 to the dollar. His instructive table (p. 36) is worth reproducing in part here. Ancient Kashmir Currency. Designation. Value in dinara 12 25 dvadasa (bahgani, "bargany") pantsha sata (hath) sahasra (sasun) laksa (lakli) Equivalent values in dam rupees 1/320 1/160 1/8 1/4 1 10 1/40 1/4 25 2,500 100 1,000 100,000 10,000,000 koti (crore) If then we follow Stein (p. 22) and interpret the statements as to the price paid for Jetavana as meaning crores of metal currency instead of gold, then the sum of 18 crores of currency (attharasahirannakcti) represented Rs. 2,500 by 18 Rs. 45,000 or say PS2,000 of modern English money as the price of land required for monastery buildings covering 30 acres. 43 Barhut Stupa, p. 85: Also Fauaboll, Jataka, I., 92. The story is a Buddhist favourite and appears in Hiuen Tsiang, Fa Hien, Hardy's Manual of Buddhism, eto. Barhut Stupa, loc. cit,Cunningham Mahabodhi, Pl. VIII, fig. 8, which carries the story to Asoka's time, B. C. 250. Cunningham, Coins of Ancient India, pp. 6, 7. 45 Notes on the Monetary System of Ancient Kashmir: Numismatic Chronicle, 3rd Ser. xix., pp. 125-174. Reprint p. 86. See also Stein, Kalhana's Rajalarangini, Tr., II., 308 ff.

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APRIL, 1913.) THE OBSOLETE MALAY TIN CURRENCY 117 These figures, even on Stein's statements (pp. 8, 14) can be cut down to half or a quarter, and in tact probably represented a still smaller sum, bringing the actual payment to a reasonable and Credible amount. All this leads to the conclusion that the legend record's a transaction that really took place and that Anathapincika bought the ground and expended on it a sum that was paid in ingots of cttrrency. The sculptures show that in the centary before Christ such ingots were usually stamped, and the legend of the 6th Century A.D. shows that they also often took the form of animals and common objects. As regards Europe and the near East, Professor Ridgeway, in a note to Mr. Skeat, says he has "silver ingot from Russia called grivna or neck-ring, once used as currency and found in graves along with the actual silver ueck-ring. In modern times the term grivna (plu, grirny) wieans a coin worth 10 kopek. Professor Ridgeway also quotes 6 a passage from Brugsch, Hist. of the Pharoahs, Eng trans. 2nd ed., I., 386, when referring to the days of Thothmes III. and Rameses II. of Egypt (. 1500-1809 B. C.) :-"Solid images of animals in stone or brase in the shape of recumbent oxen took the place of our [modern European] weights." And he gives an illustration of an ancient Egyptian weighing by a steelyard or graduated balance with bull and ring weights.67 Professor Ridgeway farther quotes (p. 271) Professor R. S. Poole :--"The sanction of the LXX., and the use of weights bearing the form of lions, bulls and geese by the Egyptians, Assyrians and probably Persians, must make us hesitate before we abandon a rendering the Septuagint "lamb" for Hebrew qesita; translated "piece of money" in Gen. xxiii. 19: Joshua xxiv. 32: and Job xlii. 11] so singularly confirmed by the relatiou of the Latin pecunia cumulative property : money] and pecus [cattle, including sheep]." In support of this statement Professor Ridgeway exhibits (p. 271) two stone "lamb" weights from Syria and Persia respectively and a further illustration of the transfer of the "lamb" weight to the stamp on money by a Phoenician coin from Salamis in Cyprus (p. 272). In Burma the chinthe is a mythological lion, and the to is a mythological deer (half deer, half horse),60 and both are representative of guardian spirits. Examination of various forms, which these creatures assume in sculptare, picture and engraving, show them to be respectively the greatly degenerated modern descendants in a far country of the ancient Assyrian guardians, the winged lion and the winged bull. The Assyrians also used models, both of the lion and the 46 Origin of Metallic Currency and Weight Standardo, p. 128. + Lor. cit., from Leipsius, Denkmaler, p. 331. 4. Madden, Jewish Coinage, p. 7. + About 1892 I secured a silver "lamb" from a Baghdadi Jew in Rangoon. In 1906 Prof. Barton recognised tortoine bronze weight in Palestine with a Hebrew inscription showing it to be a quarter noseph (shekel). This togloise was a Phoenician symbol and became transferred to the onoe widely spread Aeginetan "tortoise" coinage of ancient Greece, Quarterly Statement, Palestine Exploration Fund, October 1912, pp. 182 f. * In practice the to has now become a "lion;" see infra, p. 123. There can be little doubt, however, that the to of the Burmese is of the same origin as the national guardian ki-lin, of the Chinese, transferred to Japan as the kirin, both in its winged lion and winged horse-deer form. Whatever can be proved as regards the one in referepos to origin will hold good of the other: vide Kaempfer, Hist. of Japan, 1690 : reprint of 1908, Vol. I, pp. 191-92 ; figs. 25, 26 and 28. Gould, Mythical Monsters, 1886, hes a valuable Chapter (I. p. 558) on the unicorn with which he connects the ki-lin and its songeners, showing the instructive gonneotion of the lu (unicorn) with Chinos repremontation of the sphinx (p. 860, fig. 85-7).

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118 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [APRIL, 1913. bull as standards of weight (Plate VI., figs. 4, 5 and 6). These considerations lead to a possible origin for some forms at any rate of the animal models used for weights and currency in the Far East, where the two ideas are still habitually mixed up in the popular mind. In 1892 I had a plate drawn (ante, Vol. XXVII., p. 141) of Burmese metal weights (ale)51 in the form of animals, which were then still in use in Upper Burma as official standards of the old Burmese Kingdom.62 These weights took the form of chinthe, to, nin elephant), nwadi (bull), and myauk (monkey), besides the common henthase (goose) of the bazaars. Notices of these have been traced in the writings of travellers from 1786 (ante, loc. cit.). About 1881 Carl Bock (Temples and Elephants, p. 159) found old native weights still in use in the form of the "hoong or sacred goose" [i. e., the hentha of Barma), or of an elephant, among the shape and Laos of Upper Siam. I saw this collection and they consisted of counterparts of the standard Burmese weights--hentha, nwadi and myauk (goose, ball and monkey). This looks as if the animal weights had travelled from Burma into Siam. The chinthe (lion) of Burma became transferred from the weights to the European-minted gold coinage of the late Alompra dynasty, together with the royal cognisance of the peacock and the hare (see Pl. IV., figs. 8 and 10). In the other parts of the Far East, the cock appears on a modern duit ayam (copper cash : Pl. III., fig. 8), and unmistakeably on a very rough coin from Mergui (Pl. V., fig. 5). The goose is seen on a Cambodian coin of 1848 (Pl. III., fig. 10) and on a Tenasgerim weight of 11+ oz. = the penjuru of the tin currency lower down the coast (PI. IV., fig. 11). The to is found on a spelter (tin and lead) coin from Mergui (Pl. III., fig. 9, Pl. V., fig. 3).5* The Mergui weights and coins had on the reverse debased imitations of Burmese legende, which one of them shows to have been Mahasukham Nagaram (angrammatical Pali).65 This again points to the importation of the animal currency to the Malay Peninsula from Burma, as did the finds of Bock in the case of the Shans of Upper Siam. Such an inference is confirmed by a Plate in Tavernier's Travels, Eng. ed. 1678, I., Pt. II., 6 f., (given ante, p. 103). This was copied by Crawford, Hist. Ind. Archipel., 1820, L., p. 150, and shows a tin coin purporting to come from Perak and Kedah, which, he says weighed 1 oz. = kati or tampang. The obverse has a snake and the reverse some marks that might pass for serpents, bat are more probably a further breaking down of the above mentioned Burmese legend on the coins from Mergui. Plate V., figs. 3 and 4, also shows that the "snake " coin may after all be only * debased or developed" to. 51 All presented to the British Museum. 52 Plate IV. fig. 5 to 9. # One variety of this is called sinago, tho swift of the edible birds' Desta. # Such coins were found being used as gambling tokena in Rangoon in 1899. - Figu, 9, 10, 11 of P1. III. Are all from Phayre, Internat. Numis Orientalia: Coins of Aracan, Pagu and Barma, 1882. The logend would mean City of great pence. This legend Mahasukha-nagara seems to refer to Kedah, wbioh on later ooide assumed the Arabio form of Daru'l-aman, Land of peace. Vide Apps. III, infra, where Millies' readings are Dara'l-aman Balad Kadah and Daru'l-aman Kadah (Land of peace, City of Kedah and Land of peace, Kedah) on tin coins of 1741 and 1809. Mr. Blag den tells me that the capital of Kedah was known in the 18th and 14th centuries as Langkasuka, "Land of Peace," name still remembered. 56 A comparison with the imitation Burmese characters on the Morgui coins will show this. See Phayro's PI, IV., fig. 3 and 5

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APRIL, 1913.) THE OBSOLETE MALAY TIN QURRENCY 119 The general inference, therefore, is that the idea of a model-animal currency travelled Esstward to Burma, and thence further East still into the Malay Peninsula and Siam." This inference is strongly supported by a statement by La Loubere (Hist. Relation of Siam, 1687-8, traps. 1699), who says (p. 14) that Vincent lo Blanc [a physician working the King of Siam's miner] elates that the Peguins [Talaings of Burma] bare a mixture of lead and coprer, which be some times calls ganze [plu.] and sometimes ganza (Bing.],68 and of which he reports they make statues and small money which is not stamped with the king's coin, but wbich every one has a right to make." Against this inference, however, must be set the ancient Chinese model knife money, the origin of the form of the "cash," and the model boe money, still in use in Upper Siam, which point to an independent developer ent of the idea of the model tin currency and subsequent coinage of Siam and the Malay Peninsula out of models of common objects (Pl. VI., figs. 7 and 8). Also the hentha weight or coin exhibited by Phayre (op. cit., Pl. V. 2), bears an insoription obviously of Arabic origin, wbile Plato V., fig. 4, infra, bears a debased Arabic inscription with a probable date corresponding to 1408 A. D., showing that other influences have been at work. The very close connection between the Malay tin hat" money and the spolter and tin coins of the whole West Coast of the Peninsula came out clearly in an official letter of the Deputy Commissioner of the Morgui District, dated 27 May 1891, communicated to me by the late Mr. Hesketh Biggs, Accountant General of Barma, on the 28th Nov. 1895. It relates to two boxes containing "two sets of tin money ", both of which have now unfortunately disappeared, but the letter shows that specimens are still probably procurable in Tenaseerim without much difficulty. "The round pieces," (" about the size of a ruj ee" in Mr. Biggs' covering letter: cf. the "cock" coin, Pl. V., fig. 5), "are coinel at Renoungs and some on our side amongst the Chinese and Siamese. They are valued at 10 cents and 5 cents respectively, of the Straits Set. tlements currency. The Pagodas (shaped Mr. Biggs said ), which are cast by the mine lessees, are used in barter in the neighbourhood of mines at Thobawtoik and elsewhere, and are valued at abont 2 annos, 3 annas and 4 annas each." In other words the coins represented the tampang 1/10 dollar and buaya 1/20 dollar respectively, and the "hat" coins a penjuru 1/16 dollar, a tam pang 1/10 dollar and a tali 1/8th dollar, of the ingot and gambar ingot tin currency of tho Foderatel Malay States. GENERAL CONCLUSIONS. The evidence available as to the tin currency and money of the Malay Peninsula seems to justily the following general conclusions. The regulated solid tin ingots constituted a currency made, out of the customary forms of native tin castings, to meet the necessities of an external trade carried on by means of barter and currency, and to conform in weight and size to the weight-standards of that trade. - The ringgit babi (infra, App. I, No. V) or pig dollar may represent a gambar babi, pig ingot, and the enako a gambar ler, sake ingot, yet to be unearthed. 5. The Indian kansa; Malay gangsa : bell-metal, bronse; also used for lead and spelter. See Yule, Hobao Jobson, 1. v. ganzo. La Loubere, however, merely copied Caesar Frederick, 1567, in the last part of his statement. See Hakluyt, Maclehow ed. v., 131 ; Purchas, Maolohovo od. ., 131. . * Between Barma and the Federated Malay States in the Malay Peninsula.

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120 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (APRIL, 1918. Tin was adopted for the purposes of currency as being the staple metallic product of the Peninsula, and the system of tin currency devised by the Malays has not materially varied in historical times. The solid animal "ingot tin currency arose out of an attempt to improve the regnlatioa of the solid ingot currency by giving it readily recognisable forms, which could be made to conform to definite standards; while the forms themselves ware copied from those in use with a very long history behind them-by the neighbouring countries carrying on the external trade, which were mainly Burma and China (directly or through Siam). In regard to the weight standards of the countries trading with the Peninsula, I have shown, ante, Vol. XXVIII, pp. 102 ff., that the ponderary (Troy ) scales in use in the whole of the Far East wore originally based on that of ancient India, which in its turn was connected with that of ancient Greece ;61 that the terminology of the international commercial ponderary scales east of India is Malayan with a partly Indian basis; that the standards of weight for metallic currency spread eastward from India ; that the basis of the standard was the seed of the abrue precatorius creeper (rali, rakal, crab's eye62), with its double, the seed of the adenanthera pavonina tree (kondori, kendari, redwood-seed, candareen), and that these two seeds were habitually mixed up in the popular mind, producing in various countries and places concurrent scales of standard weights, one double of the other and often mixed up. The hollow tin money of the Peninsula grew in form, weight and size out of the solid tin currency, so as to meet the necessities arising out of a later external trade carried on by means of money. The first external nation to use coined money in trading with the Peninsula was China, whose traders adopted a system of spelter coinage to suit the native tin currency. Tho various European systems of coinage adopted to suit the trade with the Malay Peninsula are the descendants of the native tin currency: in the case of the British by direct descent; in the case of the Dutch by descent from the Chinese spelter coinage through the Portuguese. The scales of the Malay tin currency were based in the first instance on the standards of the external trade, and later on were modified 90 AS to conform to the scales of the predominant nations successively carrying on that trade in money-Chinese, Portuguese, Dutch and British; the necessition of the trade having always mataally affected the evolution of the scales by the Malays and the nations dealing with them. All the existing scales used in the Peninsula-Malay, Dutch through Portuguese, and Britishfor the enumeration of cash for monetary and currency purposes are adapted from the Indian system of counting cowries as money, which in its turn is closely analogous to the system long since adopted in Europe for describing money. The currency and money used in the Peninsula, in their final forms up to date, thus exhibit a clear instance of the development of homan whought along a definite main line, as affected by environment and contact with outside influences. " But not the Burmese, who have but recently dominated the country now named after them. The old trade must have been carried on by the Talaings (Mons) or by the Siamese (Shane). * See also Vol. XXVIII. p. 103 ; XXVII., 91.4 ff. ** Also starling's eye, cook's eye, Job's tears, King Charles's tears. See alao Wilkinson, Dict., 9. . Naga (adenanthera pavonina) and Saga belina (abrw precatoriws), for whioblast Malay term wae mataburung, bird's oyo: se infra, Appr. IV., Extraot No. VI.

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APBIL, 1913.) THE OBSOLETE MALAY TIN QURRENCY 121 VI. EXPLANATION OF PLATES. Plate I. Ex. coll. W. W. Skeat. Fig. 1. "Hat " money, apparently the bidor, quarter dollar. It is of a different mint from that of tiga. 9, 8 and 4. The inscriptions are Chinese and P Arabic. Figs. 2, 3 and 4. "Hat" money in three sizes, made so as to fit into each, and holed for carrying on a string (tali). They represent respectively the quarter, twelfth and twentieth of a dollar: see ante, p. 88. They came from the same mint as my own specimens (ante, p. 90, n. 84), which are dated 1864 and 1829. They all bear legends in Malay on the inner rims. Fig. 3 is dated A. H. 1265 = A.D. 1849. Fig. 5. A gambar buaya; "crocodile" tin ingot: length about a foot, representing probably buaya penengah, mid buaya or jampal, ball dollar, in the tin currency (ante, 96 n. 49). * Figs. 6 and 7. Gambar ayam; "cook" tin ingots, pierced for stringing together and representing the tali and penjuru of the tin currency, the eighth and sixteenth of dollar fante, p. 94.) Plate II. Ex. coll. G. M. Laidlaw. This plate represents a collection of tin ingot currency made by Mr. G. M. Laidlaw in 1904 ja Lower Perak, of wbich he took two photographs. There are four more figures in Fig. 2 than in Fig. 1: all crocodiles" (gambar buaya). The figures correspond thus :Crocodiles. Cocks. Elephants. Fig. 1. 1 Fig. 2. 2 Fig. 1. 2 Fig. 2. 21 Fig. 1. 6 Fig. 2. 5 15 20 13 18 Four crocodiles in Fig. 2, No. 14, 15, 16, 22, have no corresponding forms in Fig. 1. There are in addition to the gambar currency, two specimens of the "pagoda "ingot: no. 4 in fig. 1, and under the "crocodile," no. 4 in fig. 2. In fig. 2, no. 3, is an independent specimen of "pagoda" ingot. The plate seems to show that there must have been more donominations of gambar currency than those of which we have definite information at present. Fig. 1, no. 3, corresponds with Fig. 2, no. 6. Mr. Laidlaw, in his letter of 14th June 1904 says that this is a jongkong, or firstling of the smelting house, to which a superstitious value was attached that caused these first fruits to be bequeathed as heirlooms. As currency they corresponded with the tampang of 22 oz. or 10 cents. See infra, Appx, I., No, V.63 * Normally they were of most anoortain size and weight, as they were also cast from the superAuous tin left over after onating the hoping or slabe.

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122 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [APRIL, 1913. Plate III. Figs. 1-8 ex. coll. W. W. Skeat. Figs. 1, 2 and 3. Rough specimens of tin ingots of the "sugarloaf" form in the Cambridge Museum: ante, p. 88. Figs. 4, 5 and 6. Specimens of tin ingots of the "pagoda" form, with the tampok manggis mint mar! .Figs. 5 and 6 are in the Cambridge Museum, ante, p. 88. Fig. 7. Tin ingot of the "sugarloaf" form in the Cambridge Museum, bearing the tampok manggis and the melumba mint marks : ante, p. 88. Figs. 8, 10 and 11. Developments in money of the gambar ayam (cock) tin ingot. Fig. 8 is a duit ayam, coined copper cash 634 ; Fig. 10 a Cambodian coin of 1808(ante, p. 118): Fig. 11 is a spelter "cock coin of Tenaseerim (Mergui, ante, p. 118). Fig. 9 is a spelter "to": coin from Tenassarim (ante, p. 118). Plate IV. Figs. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6. Burmese ingot weights (iron) ex. coll. R. C. Temple. (1) chinthe, lion ; (2) sin, elephant; (8) hentha, goose ; (4) myauk, monkey ; (5) nwadi, ball; (6) ziwaro, swift. Fig. 7, 8, 9, 10. Coins of the Alompra Dynasty : ex. coll. R. C. Temple. 7. Oopper : coin of Thibaw (1878-1885). Obv. to tarsk law, and figure of a to, which is here evidently a " lion." Rev. Yadanabon nebyidaw ; 1 mu thong dinga i 8 pon tabon, 1240 (Burmese Era) Royal stamp of the to: Ratanapunna (Mandalay) the royal residence; 8th part of coin to be used as one mu (64th part of one rupee = anna), 1878 4. 8. Gold : coin of Mindon Min (1853-1878). Obv. to tasek tau, 1940, and figure of to. Rev. Yedanabon nebyidaw : 5 mu thong dinga. Coin to be used as 5 mu, 1878 : = balf a (gold) rupee, or 8 rupees as the standard then was. This coin is evidently the forerunner of no. 7. There was a gold rapee or mohar with a chinthe (lion) on it. Obr. Chin the tazek taw, 1928. . Rev. Yedanabon 1 kyat thong dinga. Royal stamp of the lion, 1866 : coin to be used as 1 (gold) rupee. 9. Copper (P debasel): coin of Mindon Min. Obv. figure of a peacock and udanng tazek taw, 1227. Rev. Yedanabon nebyidaw 1 pe thong dinga i 4 bon tabon. Royal stamp of the peacock, 1865, 4th part of a coin to be used as one pe (64th part of a rupee=1 paisa (pice) or anna). 10. Lead: coin of Mindon Min. Obv. figure of share and yon tazek taw, 1931. Rer. kyeni dinga i 4 bon tabon. Royal stamp of the hare 1869: coin to be used as 4th part of a copper coin (t pice or to anna or 256th part of a rupee).66 Fig 11. Hentha (goose) coin or spelter weight (ex. coll. R. O. Temple) procured in 1899. Phayre. Numis. Orient. coins of Aracan, Pegu and Tenasserim, 1882, Plate IV. no. 2, exbibits a sa Thin aoin is dosoribed by Dr. Hanitsch, J. R. A. 8., Straits Branoh, No. 39, p. 199, Matoken issued in Bumatra by the British E, I, Co. in 1881, having on the reverse "antu keping, 1947." Specimens in B. M. bear dates from 1797 to 1892 and later. Only three Bormer Kings inued ooiped money-Bodew.pbaya (1781-1819). Mindon Min (1852-1878): Thiba (1878-1885). They all copied the British metallio currency of India. os Sangormano, Burmese Empire, od. Tandy, 1888, p. 167, says the proportion of lead coin to the tical (--ropeo) in Burma in his day (1781-1809) WAS 200: 1, but was at times as great as more than 1000: 1. Thoro was met smaller lead denomination which was "the 8th part of a copper coin", or 512th part of rapee.

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THE OBSOLETE MALAY TIN CURRENCY 128 APRIL, 1913.] better specimen, which has an illegible debased Arabic legend on the reverse. He remarks (page 32) that hentha-ingot weights were common in Pegu. Phayre's specimen weighed 11 ounces and no doubt represents the penjuru (14 oz. standard) of Malay tin ingot weight. Phayre's Plate IV., fig. 3 shows a clear "cock" variety, with debased Talaing or Burmese characters on the reverse. Plate V. Figs. 3, 4 and 5: ex, ooll. R. C. Temple, Figs. 1 and 2: ex. coll. Horniman Museum, Forest Hill, London. Fig. 1. A belalang kechil, small "mantis" tin ingot: value a penjuru or 64 cents: weight 17 oz., length 7 in. (ante, p. 92). Fig. 2. A kurakura kechil, small "tortoise" tin ingot: value a tampang or 10 cents: weight 22 oz., length 44 in., breadth 24 in. (ante, p. 92). Fig. 3. A to tin weight or coin from Mergui (ante, p. 118) with the eight-star, or Malay "palm," symbol on reverse. Phayre, Numis. Orient., Coins from Aracan, Pegu and Tenasserim, Plates III. and IV., gives several examples, some with Pali and debased Talaing and Burmese characters on reverse: mahasukam nagaram (Oity of great rest, apparently Kedah, see ante, p. 118 . 55 and infra, Appx. III.) Phayre's Plate III., figs. 5-10 are small denominations, all showing debased chaitya on the reverse, and hence all Buddhist and from Burma. His figs. 8 and 9 show the transition to the chinthe, lion, and his fig. 5 to humped bull. The effigies of the chinthe, lion, and the to have become so confused in the process of cutting moulds for metal castings for standard weights, just as have those of the hentha, goose, and the zitoago, swift (see Pl, IV. 3, figs. 3 and 6) that they are hardly distinguishable. This will be seen by comparing the drawing of a to weight below with that of chinthe weight on Plate IV., fig. 1. This confusion has been carried on into the Burmese coinage where the to has become a veritable lien. See Plate IV., figs. 7 and 9. To-le, "Lion" Weight of Burma,

Page #128
124 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (APRIL, 1913. Fig. 4. Tin "snakeweight or coin from Mergui (ante, p. 119) with debased Arabic characters on reverse, or what may be a date All=A. H. 811=A. D. 1408. See also ante, p. 103, for another specimen from Tavernier, Travels, 1678, copied by Orawford, Hist. Ind. Archipel., 1820, I., 253. It is quite possible that the "anake" weight is only a debased or "developed" to. Cf. Figs 3 and 4 on this plate, and the various developments of the to in Phayre's plates, ante, p. 123). Fig. 5. Tin cock coin or perhaps counter, token or tally, from Mergui. Reverse has a badly inscribed Burmese legend which reads :- thathanadav (in the year of) religion : date illegible. This is probably the tin coin from Mergui "about the size of a rapee" mentioned ante, p. 119, and also that recorded by Sangermano (Burmese Empire, ed. Tandy, 1838, p. 167) as current between 1781 and 1808:- "In Tavai and Mergui pieces of tin with the impregsion of a cock which is the Burmese arma 60 are used for money." Taking the ratio of tin to silver as 10:1, the value of this coin would be 5 cents of Malay money.07 Plate VI. All the figures are from Ridgeway's Origin of Metallic Currency and Weights Standards. Fig. 1. Coin of Salamis in Cyprus, showing lamb weight (p. 172). Fig. 2. An ancient Egyptian weighing with ox weights and rings (p. 128). Fig. 8. Coin of Orcesus, showing lion and ox weights (p. 298). Fig. 4. Lamb weights, Syria and Persia (p. 271). Fig. 5. Chinese hoe money (p. 28). Fig. 6. Assyrian duck weight (p. 245), which is perhaps a debased "bull's head" (p. 247). Fig. 7. A Jewish (P Assyrian) bull's head weight (p. 283). Fig. 8. An Assyrian lion weight (p. 245). Fig. 9. Chinese knife money (p. 157). Plate VII. Fig. 1 is a representation, from Plate LVII. of Cunningham's Barhut Stupa, of Anathapindika dedicating the Jetavana (Jeta's park) to the Buddha, after having purchased it for a layer of crores (of treasure)." See ante, p. 115. The scene shows Anathapindika himself with a libation ewer in his hands, standing beside the holy mango tree surrounded by a Buddhist railing. It also shows the two, Gandhakuti and Kosambakuti, shrines built in the garden and the attendant crowd. In front of Anathapindika is his treasurer tallying the contents of a bullock cart, which is in the process of being unladen. The bullocks have been taken out and are lying down. A basket of stamped ingots is being drawn off the cart by a cooly; another is carrying a basket of them on his shoulder and two others are spreading them over the ground under three sandal-wood trees. Every ingot is stamped with what appears to be a letter or figure.. Fig. 2. A half cash-tree, showing thirteen cash without the Raja's stamp at the top. The cash bear date 1314= A. D. 1896. (To be continued.) * Really the hentha, goose. 07 The Malay tin coin mentioned by Pyrard de Laval (ante, p. 109, n. 13) in 1603 was worth ball Albuquerque, or 10 conta. That mentioned by Tavernier, 1678 (ante, p. 108), was worth loont. bastardo of

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OLD MALAY CURRENCY Plate i. Indian Antiquary Sule all fuletype :

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OLD MALAY CURRENCY Indian Antiquaru Patru FIII. way CON

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OLD MALAY CURRENCY. Indunt utyuary ud ( Sizes reduced from the originals) Autotype Comune

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MAY, 1913.] THE OBSOLETE MALAY TIN CURRENCY 125 THE OBSOLETE TIN CURRENCY AND MONEY OF THE FEDERATED MALAY STATES. BY SIR R. C. TEMPLE, BART. APPENDIX I. Correspondence.69 No. I. Mr. W. W. Skeat to Sir R. Temple. 13 March 1904. The series is a most interesting one, as it includes a specimen of the Perak-Selanger "crocodile coin," the name of which (sa-buaya) is still used in reckoning small sums (-2 cents). It is shaped like a crocodile with the tail slightly curved upwards, is made of tin and is several inches long. There are also several specimens of the fowl coin, also of tin, and cast in the shape of a cock. I am trying to get a specimen of the snake coin of Kedah to complete this series. There are also specimens of the solid tin coins [ingots used as coins] of Selangor and Perak, some of which weigh several pounds, and are copied in a similarly-shaped token series of Pahang, hollowed out to fit on to each other like hats. I secured also two small gold coins from the East Coast with bulls on them, apparently not yet recorded, but in shape and size resembling some Sumatran coins; and finally a large and complete series of the tin cash of the various East Coast States, some of which have inscriptions in a script that I have not yet been able to get deciphered. A list of these coins was made out by Mr. [now Prof.] Rapson of the British Museum, who told me that the series was not in the Museum. I should like to add that Prof. Ridgeway and I worked right through them, constructing tables of the various State currencies. Some of the cash show symbols that reappear in old Javanese coins, notably a sort of "wheel ornament," and the unusual script may have some bearing on the same problem. Besides the coins I have some "cash trees" (Mal. pokok-pitis) which show the method of making the cash. No. II. Mr. W. W. Skeat to Sir R. Temple. 10 June 1904. The [tin] currency is all obsolete. Most of it has been so for two or three generations. It was only with the greatest labour that I could evolve order out of the chaos, or indeed find out anything about the ratio that the different coins bore to each other. All this is quite new, as is also the entire history of the development of the so-called "hat coin," whose shape is taken ultimately from the trade blocks of tin still in use. All this has never been touched before. The crocodile coin took quite five years before I could run it to earth, and the cock coins are little if at all commoner. There was no proof till I got it that these things were ever used as currency at all. Even the Curator of the Perak Museum, from which State they came, told me that he had no idea of their use, and thought they were only toys. Both these and the 'snake' coin of Kedah-in fact the whole set-are surely entirely sui generis, and of the highest interest. No III. Mr. W. W. Skeat to Sir R. Temple. 30 June 1904. 1. I believe that there are two sizes of crocodile' coins, as there certainly are of the 'cocks.' I am trying hard to get further light from the Peninsula, without success so far. 09 This contains original information on the subject gathered on the spot.

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126 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARI (May, 1913 2. To the cock' coin series might be added an Achinese coina of which I once possessed a specimen. It had a cock stamped on it, and is important because of the former relations of Achin with the Peninsula, as well as because their gold dinar in shape and execution rather reminds one of the gold bull' coins I found in the Peninsula. 3. These gold bull' coins should certainly I think be included in the animal series." 4. There might also be included two specimens of tin 'snake' coins from Kedah and Perak, of which I am trying hard to get specimens, and meanwhile send you tracing." If one could get coins stamped with the crocodile' it would be a great point. It also occurs to me that it would be as well to get hold of a fall-sized Perak or Selangor tin block. I have seen them at tio-smiths' shops in England. The small blocks (bat' coins) stand in a definite relationship to the big blocks, I feel sure. It is possible that the Batavia Museum has specimens of coins of the animal' kind, perhaps important ones. No. IV. Mr. W. W. Skeat to Sir R. Temple. 21 July 1904. I have just received an interesting letter from Mr. G. M. Laidlaw from Perak about some coins he has sent me, of which I ain sending you a copy. It is of great interest to bear of the gajah and belalang ( elephant' and praying mantis') coins, whose names were quite new to me. Of course they may turn out to be Malay nicknames applied to some of the loss known European coins that were once 'used in the Peninsula, but any how it points clearly to the zo-omorphic tendency of this branch of numismatics. You will welcome the little cock' coin that I send herewith," the inscription on which is Tanah Malayu or Malay land above the cock' and satu keping or one piece' with Arabic date on the reverse. I have seen these coins before, but imagine them to be Achinese. I feel sure they are at least of Sumatran origin, as they are practically identical in respect of material, weight, size and general design, with other kepings in this very lot, which evidently came from the British Settlement in Sumatra. They have such inscriptions as Island of Sumatra' in English73a and Island of Sultana,' also in English.738 I have also coins of Dutch and Friesian origin. No. v. Mr. G. M. Laidlaw to Mr. W. W. Skeat. 14 June 1904. Written from Telok Anson, Lower Perak, Federated Malay States. Your letter, asking for further information and fresh examples of tin coins, arrived just before I left on a down-river trip. I failed to get fresh examples there, but I have sent out by the Malay writers, and hope to have run some to earth when I get back to Telok Anson in ten days' time. I have tried to put my notes in order, but the results are meagre. My earliest informant was Pa Lani bin Uda, the oldest native of Kota Stia. His information I have checked with other old men, both up and down river. I have, however, not really got oh Probably a token of the British E. I. Co. of 1891. Bee ante, p. 122. * Prima facie they would be of Indian rather than of Malay origin. 11 Vide Plate IV. 12 Returned to Mr. Skeat, 23 July 1904. 13 Common in Singapore and Malacoa. Good specimens in the British Museum. See ante, p. 122. 18a Dr. Hanitsch, J.R.A.S., Straits Branch, No. 39. p. 198, desoribes them as copper tokens of the British E. I. Co. in Sumatra, dated 1804. 786 The only explanation I can offor of this name is that it means Sumatra, or a part of it, perhaps Aohin: in wbich case it should be read "Ioland of the Sultana "in reference to the long prevailing idea that Aohin was governed by a Queen, owing to the fact that there were four governing Queens there in succession from 1651 to 1699. Soe Marsden, Sumatra, pp. 44 f.

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MAY, 1913] behind this coin currency. the addition of the penjuru. THE OBSOLETE MALAY TIN CURRENCY This table is practically that of Wilkinson, Dict., p. 153, s. v. tali, with 62 keping or dait ayam75 125 Sa (one) penjura Sa piak or sa tali Sa suku 250 500 jampal or dollar 1000 Satu wang I was told was 36 ke ping" and the piak, which seems to have been a Perak term, was equal to 3 wang. This equivalence is interesting, as it is not quite exact, being one keping out in comparison with the above table.78 There were presumably no bullion brokers to call the coinage in those days. Wilkinson, (Malay Dict.) quotes Clifford's proverb, sa tali tiga wang juga, one tali, three wang too.79 Sa jampal Dua 99 Ringgit moriam 31 99 Another difference from Wilkinson, which also appeared was that the value of the wang had by no means been constant. It had been successively 1: 14, 1: 20, 1: 28, 1: 36. The change in the ratio had been effected by beat of gong.80 The Raja Muda, 81 who lives here, tells me he thinks the old record was lost in the trouble at the time of the Perak War, (1875). 39 Pa Lani said:"wang tiada ubah, naik turun duit. Raja mahalkan sebab baniak duit Buggis masok, the wang did not alter, but the duit went up and down. The Raja raised the price because many duits entered from the Celebes." 33 " Down the river they were not accustomed to a bimettalic currency, but they met the depreciation of copper by an alteration in the ratio. The copper unit was the duit or keping. First came the duit ayam, fowl' doit, which was Raffles' Bencoolen coin, and equal to it was the duit bunga tanjong, flower of the Cape' doit. This I think is the coin described by Dr. Hanitsch, (Collection of Coins from Malacca, Singapore, 1902, J. R. A. S., Straits Branch, No. 39, p. 198) as having a sixteen-rayed star (? palm) on the reverse. There was also the duit lorek. This is the keping with the shield and inscription Island of Saltana,sla a coin which Luering said he had seen with the inscription' Sumatra.' The dollar had various names: Animal currency. 33 dollar with the gun. of cloth. 33 33 kain berkain tua gambar babi rial 13 31 The only specimen I got was that of a ringgit meriam. I am sending all my wang, the best of the copper coins and the only other gambar timah, tin model,82 that I have. One of the old Friesian coins shows the lightning' in the lion's paw pretty well. The Dutch East India Company's duit chabang, doit with the fork,, latterly equalled the or dinary duit ayam, 'cook' doit, but formerly in Toh Bongko's time, say 1850, ten of these equalled one wang,83 39 $3 127 covered with cloth. old. with (picture of a) pig. real (Sp. dollar). "Fowl' doit, or cash. 17 See Maxwell, Manual of Malay Lang., p. 142. 10 This would give 108 koping to the piak or tali. 30 i. 6., successively the number of koping to the piak rose from 49 to 70, 98 and 126, by administrative order. 51 Heir Apparent. 16 Double. 126 koping to the piak in place of 125. 31a See ante, p. 126. Giving yet another ratio of 85 keping to the piak.

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128 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MAY, 1913. The tampang another informant said was current at ten sen, the sen (cent) being equal to ten duits. This however only showed a later equivalence with the kupang. It was stated to be a Selangor measure. The only tin equivalences I could get were that the buaya, crocodile', was worth 50 duit ayam, that two buaya made ono tampang, and that the bidor equalled the suku (quarter dollar). "Datoh meradendakan orang 100 bidor, the Chief fined the people 100 bidor," which was equivalent to 25 dollars.84 "The people in Pahang used gold coins konderi, busok, lada, mayam (the big one)." Ratios I could not get. " They used the tin tampang and keping," but here again ratios were not forthcoming. "They did not use the bidor or buaya." Perak seems to have used the gambar, b@lalang, ayam, buaya, gajah85 and bidor. - So far I have not got behind " ta' tau, don't know." Possibly something can be made out of the following table of weight which I have pieced np from a string of statements made by, Pa Lani. The last has a slight discrepancy which shows that the verbal equivalent was out by 21 kati.36 sa87 psnjara = 10 tahils dua pe njuru = sa piak = 1 kati 4 tahil [1] kati] empat po njuru dua piak = ss suku = 24 kati lapan penjuru = empat piak = dua suku = sa jampal = 5 kati 16 penjuru = 8 pisk = 4 suku - 2 jampal = sa ringgit = 10 kati of tin 2 keping (slabs) = 75 kati 4 keping = tengahd1289 pikul = 150 kati 8 keping = sa bahara = 300 kati 2 koping 5 jampal = sa pikal = 100 kati 7 jampal = sa keping = 881 kati The bidor or suku (quarter dollar) will go into this bullion currency," but the crocodile of which 20 went to the dollar will not.02 * This provides a soale : 50 duit ayam 1 buaya = 6 centa 2 buaya 1 tampang or kupang = 10 conto 21 tampanga 1 suku 25 cents 4 suku = 1 dollar =100 cents It shows also that 1,000 duit ayam or kaping went to the dollar, and thus provides the required equivalence between the silver dollar money soale and the tin currency soale above stated, as in either case 1,000 koping wont to the upper unit of the scale. # Models of praying mantis, fowl, orocodilo and elophant. * Should be 14 kati : see table below. ono: dua two! empat - four: lapan eight. # 16 tahil = 1 kati. That is one and a half pikul - 150 katt: therefore 1 pikul - 100 kati. Three pikul - one bahan. The bati is 1 tbs: therefore the bahara is 400 lbs., or the remodelled British weight. 1 An error of 14 kati us the keping (slab) should on this table consist of 37 kati. See ante, p. 90. Because the above table represents the old Dutch scale, which works out at 6t conta to the peruru, and the buaya of 5 cents is reckoned on the modern British scale.

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MAY, 1913.) THE OBSOLETE MALAY TIN QURRENCY 129 This is very little, but I hope still to get some of the missing links.03 2 buaya = 1 tampang 5 buaya = 1 bidor or suku 4 bidor = 1 dollar of 10 kati No. VI. Mr. G. M. Laidlaw to Mr. w. w. Sleat. 29th July 1904. Written from Telok Anson, Lower Perak. I have been able to meet with several buaya, but I have notbeen able to make their owners part with them. So I have tried to make them lend them me till I get them photographed. The first photograph was a failure, so after some days I had others taken. I do not yet know with what success. I am sending the ayam referred to in my lag: letter, and also, what is of greater interest, an old ayam and gajah found at Pasir Panjang Lant some eight feet below the present surface in making a new well. They were given me by the finder, Mat Nor bin Bilal Yop. I could get no information out of him. From an old man at Setiawan I got the following facts-by name Haji Mat Said bin Shekh Husin. In the time of Marhum Sebrang Bandar, the ratio of the duit ayam to the wang was 14: 1. In the subsequent changes, other ratios of 20: 1, 28: 1, 36 : 1 were made in the time of Marham Durian Sabatang. I will try and get the sanat (date) of the reigns. It seems that the dowry of the mythical princess Tanjong Baeh was 1000 bidor.06 While he said that the bidor equalled the suku, he also said that the buaya equalled the ponjuru, i.e., 16 wont to the dollar. Other informants give the ratio as 20 to the dollar. Two buaya equal one gajah. It seems that ten kati of tin were worth one dollar. This level was known, whenever it was reached, as 8a-urup or samurup. In other words the bimetallic currencios of tin and silver were at par whenover tin was 30 dollars per bahara. The weight of the kati was the same as that of four score dollars (empat lekor ringgit), whereas it is now equal to two score (dua lelor).00 At Janggor, the first distriot opened up, in Butang Padang, 8 koping went to the bahara, whilo in Batak Rabit (practically Telok Anson) perhaps only 6 went to the dollar. I came across an old trader named Imam Haji Mat Arshat bin Imam Bugis. He did a lot of trading in the bad old days up the Kinta Valley, He said the keping (slab) was worth four dollars, less one suku, or 37 kati of tin, 100 when tin was at par (samurup); i, e., when tin was at ten kati to the dollar. At the same time this level was very rarely reached at Batak Rabit, although he was able to do satisfactory buginess on the following basis up country. A pitis * This was, however, not powiblo, m the tin animal ourrency corresponded with the old Dutob scale, and the sondo Mr. Laidlaw was trying thus to get matohod was the modern British soalo. # The late. " That is, 250 dollars of tin at 10 hati the dollar. That is, this man wu quoting the old Dutch soale, making the buaya - 6+ (not 5) cente. Probably confusing the buaya of the tin currenoy with the buaya of British silver money. This is the approximate historical ratio. A dollar weighs 416 grs, and this statemont gives therefore 33,260 grs, as the weight of skats of tin. The standard worked out at p. 91 ante, makes the weight 3120 X 104-37,260 grs. The reduction of the ratio of tin and dollar to all the above is due to depreciation of silver. It may be noted here that the terms Impat lekor for four voore, and dwa lekor for two soore are unusual, and probably dialootio : ordinarily they would mean 94 and 23 respeotively. 100 That is, 31 dollar of 10 kati 37 kati to the koping.

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130 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MAY, 1913. was worth ton duit ayam. and ten pitis were worth one gambar ayam. He traded his rice up country at the rate of five dollars to the gantang. From this basis I got the very unsatisfactory statements which follow : 1 gambar ayam kechil fetched i chupak of rice 1 gambar ayam besar 2 chapak 1 gambar belalang kechil 1 chupak 1 gambar belalang bebar 1 chupak and 1 kal? 1 gambar buaya kechil* 1 chapak The small crocodile was worth five pitis, which gives 50 duit ayam or 20 to the dollar.5 It appears that 8 keping might weigh 3 pikul 20 kati; that is, be 20 kati out. He said that the tortoise (kekura or Iurakura) was worth 3 piak (tali) the middle sized crocodile (buaya penengah) >> 5 tals the small crocodile buaya (kechil) >> >> 1 pen juru the small mantis belalang (kechil) > 1 penjuru the small cock (ayam kechil) >> 1 penjuru the large cock (ayam besar) , 2 penjuru At the same time there were crocodiles as large as balf a keping (slab), and there were mantises worth 3 penjuru. He said that these coins were made to order by any bellows-smith (tukang pengembus) or magician (pawang), and that they were made for ornament, not use. The oldest native I have met, Tukang Awang of Palau Tiga, a man who can remember ten Sultans," and was 15 years old in the time of Marhum Jabat, could give me no information beyond the duit ayam currenoy. He, however, had never been in a tin district. I send herewith a photograph of some of these coins. Better photographs to follow. Notice the belalang (mantis) in the second row, also in the foreground the primitive Pasir Panjang Laut specimens sent you. The oval shell-backed casting is a jongkong. That is, the sulong relau, eldest born or firstling of the smelting-house ;, or sulong klian, oldest born of the mine. I Here duit ayam, cook' doit- onsh' (money): pitis, ordinary ash' oont gambar ayam, model of oook (tin ourronay). This gives 1000 cash to the dollar. 9 Unit measure of oapacity: 2 kal = 1 chupak: 4 chupak = 1 gantang. * Stevens, E. I. Trade, p. 87, makes the caul or kal of Achin to be about gantang. * gambar model: kochil=small : berar-largo : ayam cook : belalang mantis buaya orocodile. 5 This is a wrong assumption, these 'orocodiles' were clearly 16 to the dollar, m the informant was speak. ing of the Dutch not the British soale. The son of this statement is explained, ante. p. 96. * The trader Wan, however, here referring to the bhara of 420 lbs. which was the standard for the animal aurrenoy, see ante. p. 90. + This table shows, in terms of tin currenoy at the standard of 420lbs. to the bahara crocodile mantis of 1 penjur - 1405. Oook mantis of 8 panjuru = 420z. tortoise of 6 penjuru = 840s. crocodile of 10 penjuru - 140 oz. crocodile of keping (slab) - 263 lbs. Other observations are that the whole is on the Dutok scale of the great vin (58 lbs.). The tortoise representa the great viss: the mantis the half-great-viss or tali. * Thus perpetuating a clear error, . It is however clearly a crocodile : Plate II. fig. 2, no

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MAY, 1913.) THE OBSOLETE MALAY TIN CURRENCY 181 They were usually cast in duplicate and were used for the tiang seri (central pillar) in front of a house, 10 and were bequeathed as heirlooms (herta pesaka). The evidence is quite against the chief having the prerogative of casting the coins. The names and actual mines and dates of the hejira, 1280 and 1275,11 of one elephant and one crocodile were given. In 125212 the price of tin was theoretically at the level of 80 dollars per lahara. The price subsequently rose, though the old price could still be got in the case where a long credit of three months was given. The average size of the crocodiles in the illustration is twelve inches and the maximam twenty. The average elephant was nine and the cock three by two. NO VII. Mr. W. W. Skeat to Sir R. Temple. 6 September 1904. From the letters received from Mr. G. M. Laidlaw of Perak, and the accompanying photograph,13 which came from the same source, you will see that the "animal" currency of Perak is a more elaborate affair than I at first supposed. Laidlaw has sent me in addition to the photograph one or two more ayam or " cock". coins, and a gajah or "elepbant" coin, whilst the photograph shows several more gajah, a number of crocodiles and a tortoise (kurakura), with none of which could the owners be persuaded to part. The gajah sent me is noticeably different from the others shown in the photograph. It is far smaller, has bent legs, very short snout, no ears to speak of and no saddle. So evidently it must be an anak gajah, or young elephant, intended to represent an amonnt of lesser value.15 Laidlaw also mentions a belalang ( praying mantis") coin, of which he could not purchase a specimen. If it occurs in the photograph it is probably the long thin coin, under the topmost "cock," though I should say that it was really (despite its name) nothing more than a degenerated " crocodile,"16 The fact that the " elephant" sent me was buried some feet deep-as are many other specimens of tiu currency in the Malay Peninsula-argues for its long continuance in the land, if not for its validity. The tortoise" exactly resembles an ordinary piece of smelted tin, with the addition of head and flappers,14 At first one would naturally expect that the "animal" currency would represent only animals that had a distinct barterable value ; e. g., fowl, goat, cattle, ete. But the introduction of the crocodile-as to the use of whicb as a coin there is more emple evidence than in the case of any of the others-shows that this was not the underlying motivo: or at least not the sole one. Whatever the motive was, there is ample evidence to prove the use of the "animal" as currency, and this evidence receives the most practical corroboration from the arrangements for stringing these coins together, like cash. See the hole at the top of the "cock" coins and over the nose of several of the "crocodiles." No. VIII. Mr. W. W. Skeat to Sir R. Temple. 11 September 1904. No specimen of the belalang (praying mantis) coin has yet been obtained, nor even a large " elephant." Only one "crocodile" is to hand and no kurakura or tortoise, if any indeed are obtainable, 2. The tiang sdri is really the first pillar or house-post planted in the ground... 11 A.H. 1275 - A.D. 1880. A.H. 1280 - AD. 1865. 1 A.H. 1252 - A.D. 1888. 18 See Plate II. 14 This is the jongkong, vide p. 180. 15 Is this meant to represent the babi or pig? Cf. ante, p. 127, the babi or "pig" dollar ourrent in some of the States. 1. In the description of Plato II. fig. 2, No. 2, it has been planned as a buaya or " orooodile," which it undoubtedly is.

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132 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (MAY, 1913. I am sending a second pull of the first photograph. I also send you a second photograpb, showing the various pieces in different positions, which will therefore be useful. I imagine they have been printed as dark as possible to facilitate reproduction.7 No. IX. Mr. W. W. Skeat to Sir R. Temple. 7 November 1904. I send a set of photographs of the tin currency in my collection at the Cambridge Museum.18 The specimens have each been taken separately. Note that which is described in the Curator's report as possessing ridged markings on the side. This coin belongs to a slightly different type, the sections lacking the usual step and curving upwards to the top: thus Zomas against the usual Two of the faces have the curious ridged markings already mentioned ; one resembling the Roman numeral II and the other IIII. The top of this specimen is marked by a cross, which corresponds to the usual tampok manggis (mangosteen rosette), as it is called in Malay. The photographs are half size. No X. Mr. W. W. Skeat to Sir R. Temple. 7 March 1907. Dr. Harrison of the Horniman Museum (Forest Hill, London) was sent round to me from the British Museum in connection with two specimens of the tin currency found there. I asked him for photographs and he has courteously sent me the enclosed, recording in each case the weight and dimensions. No. 1 is a gambar belalang or mantis ingot. The disposition of the wings, shape of the head and eye, and the segmentation of the tail part of the body are all very clearly marked. No. 2 is, I take it, a gambar kurakura or tortoise ingot, showing the shell marks. Both are of bright new tin, as fresh as when first cast. There seems to me a possible connection in shape between the mantis and the long tin slab (koping) and also between the tortoise and the round tin piece (jongkong) shaped like a rather flat bowl, into which form the superfluous tin is still cast in the Malay Peninsula, when there is insufficient metal left over at the smelting to form a slab. (To be continued.) THE INSCRIPTION OF ARA.1 BY PROF. H. LUDERS, PA.D.; BERLIN. . The Kharoshthi inscription treated here was discovered in a well in a ndld called Ara, 2 miles from Bagnilab. It is now in the museum at Lahore. Mr. R. D. Banerji was the first to bring it to our notice. In publishing it (ante, vol. XXXVII, page 58), he expressed the expectation that I should succeed in completely deciphering the text. I regret that I am not able wholly to respond to the expectation. The last line of the inscription remains obscure though the script is here partly quite clear. I believe, however, to have been able to read so far the remaining portion of the inscription with the help of the impression which I owe to the kindness of Dr. Fleet, that at the most there will remain doubt ag regards the two names in the fourth line. 11 These two photographs form figs. 1 and 2 of Plate II. $ Plates I. and III. I Translated by Mr. G. K, Nariman from the Sitrungsberichte der Preussiachen Akademie der Wissenschaften 1912, pp. 824 ff, and revised by the author. * It is the same after which the phototype has been reproduced in this Journal.

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May, 1913] THE INSCRIPTION OF ARA 133 + In order to show what I owe to my predecessor I reproduce here his reading of the text of the inscription. I consider it superfluous to go into every point in detail in which I differ from him : in most cases an inspection suffices to determine the text. Let me, however, make one observation : Banerji believes the inscription to be broken towards the left end, and that the final words of all lines except the first are missing. This assumption is wholly without foundation. Only the last line is incomplete at the end. Banerji reads: 1. Maharajasa rajatirajasa deraputrasa pa(?) thadharasa ...... 2. Vasishpaputrasa Kanishkasa samvatsarae eka chatari(se).... 3. Sam XX, XX, 1, Chelasa masasa diva 4, 1 atra divasami Namikha.... .... na pusha puria pumana mabarathi Ratak haputa .... at manusa sabharya putrasa anugalyarthae savya .... .... rae himachala. Khipama .... I read :Maharajasa rajatirajasa deva putrasa [ka] [sa]rasal 2. Vajheshkaputrasa Kanishkasu sainbatsarae' ekachapar[i] 3. [ae] sam 20 20 1 Jefhasa masasa di 205 4 1 [be] divasachh enami kha[n]es 4. kupe [Da] haverana' Poshapuriaputrana matarspitarana piya5. Namda[sa sa]6harya (sa sa] putrasa anugrahartha sarva .. [pa] na? 6. [ja] tisha hitaelo ima chala khiyamall.. 1. To the reading of this word we shall revert later on. 2. The second akshara can in my opinion be only jhe; the reading si is at all events exolu ded. As regards the reading of the third akshara, there may be different views at first sight. Asshka occurs in the name of Kanishka, Vasisbka, Havishka, and as exactly the same symbol. occurs in the Zeda inscription in the name Kanishkasa, one might feel tompted to read shka. On the other hand shpa is suggested by the fact that in the ligatare shka, in the word Kanishkasa which follows immediately after, the ka is joined to the shia in a different way. But, I think, we shall decide for shka when we take it into consideration that in the Kharoshtht script the same symbol on the same stone shows often widely different forms. 3. I have already given the correct reading of the date of the year in Jour. R. As. Soc., 1909, p. 652. The ligatare tra is not new as Banerji thinks. It occurs, not to mention uncer tain cases, in the word samvatsaraye in the Taxila inscription of Patika (Ep. Ind. 4, 54 ; Buhler: samvatsaraye), and in the Mahaban inscription (Jour. As. IX, 4, 514 ; Senart : sainvatsaraye), and in bhetsiti and matjana in the MS. Dutreuil de Rhins, as was shown ten years ago by Franke (Pali und Sanskrit, page 96 f.) 1. The i of ri is not clear. 5. After the symbol for 20 there is a hole in the stone. 6. The n has crumbled away. The sign for e is attached below as in de in line 1, in gene. rally, and probably also in ve in line 4. 7. The da is uncertain. 8. The sa at the end of the word and the following sa are not quite distinct, but perfectly certain. 9. The akshara after sarva is totally destroyed, and the pa is uncertain. Shall we read sarvasapana ? 10. The hi is not certain. 11. After khiyama there are three or four illegible aksharas. Translation, " (During the reign) of Maharaja, Rajatirdja, Devaputra, Kaisara Kanishka, the son of Vajheshka, in the forty-first year,-in the year 41,-on the 25th day of the month of Jeths (Jyni. sht ha), in this moment of the day, the dug well of the Dashaveras, the Poshapuria sons, for:

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184 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MAY, 1913. the worship of father and mother, in order to show favour to Nainda together with his wife and his son, and to all beings (P). For the welfare of these () ...." The inscription reports the sinking of the well in which it was found, by a number of persons who called themselves Dashaveras, if that name has been correctly read, and who are further characterised as Poshapuriaputra. Since it is said later on that the work was undertaken for the worship of father and mother, Dashavera can only be the family name indicating here a number of brothers belonging to it. The expression " Poshapuriaputra" one would be at first sight inclined to understand as "sons of Posbaparia "; bat PosLapuria would be a very strange personal name. I therefore believe that putra is here employed in the frequently occurring sense of member of,' belonging to," and that Poshapuria is derived from the name of the city of Poshapura, which is equal to Purushapura, the modern Peshawar. As for the form posa it can be authenticated from Pali writings. Khane is no doubt derived from khan in the sense of "dug"; whether it is an adjective or a participle (Sk. khatah) should be left an open question, Khane kupe seems to have been used as a contrast to the natural fountains. The expression is of interest inasmuch as it enables us to explain a passage in the enigmatical inscription of Zeds. There occur after the date sam 10 1 Ashadasa masasa di 90 Utaraphaguna ise chhu nami, the characters which Senart reads: "[bha]nam u[ka] .... chasa ma .. kasa Kanishkasa raja[m] .... [dadabhat] da[na]mukha''; and which are read by Boyer' as : "khanam wsphamu :. chasa mardakasa Kanishkasa rajami [to]yadalabhai danamukha." Now the impression before me clearly shows that the three first aksharas of this passago are exactly the same as those following the date in onr inscription. Even thee of ne is joined to the matrika in exactly the same way as here. That the fourth character is neither ka nor spha but e, can now bardly be disputed. The words thereafter I read as: Varadasa mardukasa. They are pretty clear in the impression except the second akshara which may as well be ro. As regards the five aksharas coming after rajami, I can for the present only say that they can in no case be read as toyadalabha. Therefore the reading that we get is : khane kue Veradasa mardakasa Kanishkasa rajami ......... i danamukha. The form kue instead of kupe is found also in the Paja inscription and in the Machei inscription, 11 Much more important than the contents proper of the inscription is its date. Until now the numerous dates of the inscriptions of the Kushana period presented no difficulty at least in so far as the sucoession of the kings is concerned. They yielded for Kanishka the years 3-11, for Vasishka 24-28, for Havishka 33-60, for Vasudeva 74-98. Here we suddenly find Kanishka in the year 41. To explain this contradiction it may be alleged that in the text of the inscription we find nothing to show that Kanishka was on the throne in the year 41. Kanishkasa sambatsara skachapari'iae literally means in the year 41 of Kanishka", and one might find in it the sense, "in the year 41 of the era founded by Kanishka". Now it is self-evident that the combination of the number of year with the name of a king in the genitive case originally indicated the year of the reign of that king but I need cite no instance to show that later on in a similar way people combined the namoz of the reigning king with the number of the year of the current ora; and * The final portion is not alear to me. * Comparo e. 9., nigamaputa in the Bhatti prolu inscriptions and other instances, ZDMG. 68, p. 608 f. 5 I adhere to the usual transoript of the two na signs without exproming that I consider them as bolatoly correot. 6 Jo. As VIII. 15, 197. Ibid 2. 3486. * It woms that both Serart and Boyer have regarded the right hook of ku as portion of the preceding symbol. Otherwise I am unable to explain the reading nam . See my remarks Jour. R. As. Soc. 1900, PP. 647 # 2. Ante, 87, 85, 11 Ibid, 87, 64; Jour. R. As. Sp. 1909, 664.

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MAY, 1913.] THE INSCRIPTION OF ARA 135 that must be also the case here. Kanisbka receives bere his whole title, and even a statement about his descent is added. And people generally do not speak in this fashion about a king that was long dead especially when they are silent as regards the name of the reigning king. That explanation, therefore, seems to me out of the question. Another possibility is afforded by the assumption that Kanishka was a contemporary ruler of Vabishka and Huvisbka. Banerji has expressed this view. Accordingly Kanishka, between the years 2013 and 24, would bave handed over the rule of India to V&sishka, who afterwards was succeeded by Huvishka, and himself confined bis rule to the northern part of his empire. This does not appear to be probable, because all other sources are silent. We should above all expect that in the titles of Vasishka and Havishka there should appear an indication of a certain relation of dependence. But in the inscription of Isapur and Sanchi, Vasishka bears the title of mahardja rdja tirja devaputra shahi.18 That for Huvishka up to the year 40 only the title of mahdraja devaputra can be ascertained as far as the inscriptions go, is probably a matter of accident. In the inscription of the Naga statue of Chargaon of Sam 4014 and in the inscription of the Wardak vase of Sam 5115, we find that he is called maharaja rajatirdja, apd in the Mathura inscription of Sam 6016 mahardja rajatirdja devaputra. Under these circumstances, it seems to me more probable that the Kanishka of our inscription is not identical with the celebrated Kanishka. I lay no stress on the fact that Kanishka bere bears a title which is not applied to him anywhere else. But the characterisation as the son of Vajheshka, which too does not appear anywhere else, gives an impression, to me at least, that it was added with a view to differentiate this Kanishka from the other king, his name-sake. Now the name Vajheshka or Vajheshka sounds so near Vasishka that I look apon both forms only as an attempt to reproduce in an Indian alphabet one and the same barbaric name, 17 These two forms at any rate are closer to each other than, for instance, the various shapes in which the name of Huvishka occurs in inscriptions and on coins. Now, cannot the Kanishks of our inscription be the son of the successor of the great Kapisbka P He would be probably in that case his grandson, which would well agree with the Dame, because grandsons are, as is well known, often named after the grandfathers. The course of events then would be something like this. Kanishka was followed by Vasishka between the years 11 and 24. After Vasishka's death, which occurred probably soon after Sam 2818, there was a division of the empire. Kanishka II took possession of the northern portion of the kingdom. In India proper, Huvishka made himself king. The reign of Kanishka II endured at least as far as Sam 41, the date of our inscription. But before Sam 52 Huvishka must have recovered the authority of the northern portion of the empire, for in this year he is mentioned as king in the Kharoshthi inscription which was found at Wardak to the south-west of Kabul. I do not misapprehend the problematic nature of the construction I have proposed; whether it is correct will depend on further discoveries for which we are fortunately justified in entertaining hopes. The inscription which presents us with so many new difficulties carries us, however, in my opinion, by means of one word further towards the solution of a question which for the last few 11 This is the date of an insoription in the British Museum which apparently we found in the country about Mathura, (nee Ep. Ind. IX. 239 f.) 18 Jour. R. As. Soc., 1910. 1318; Ep. Ind. II. 369. # VOGEL, Catalogue of the Archeological Museum at Mathura, p. 88. 15 Jour. R. As. Soc., XX. 256 ff. 18 Ep. Ind. 1, 388. 11 Jh and may have been used to expressa #; compare the writing Jhoilasa in Kharoshtht by the ride of ZOIAOY on the coins of Zoilos (Gardner, Coins of Greek and Beythic Kings in Bactria and India, P. 52., 170). It need hardly be noted that the notatione or i before the sh ka makes no difference. 19 In owe the Mathura insoription (Ep. Ind. II. 206, No. 26) in dated in Sam 29 and in the reign of Havisbka.

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136 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MAY, 1913. years has considerably occupied Indian bistorical research. This word is the fourth title of Kanisbka which I read as laisarasa. This reading appears to me to be absolutely certain, although the upper portion of some letters on the stone bave been injured. Banerji read it pathadar asa. I must at once concede that the first akshara can be pa. But it is equally possible that the upper portion of the symbol has been broken away, just as bas been the case with the preceding symbol which undoubtedly is sa. In that case the akshara can only be ka. The second akshara can be nothing but i. The hook at the top of the symbol is perfectly visible in the impression and makes the reading tha impossible. Of the third akshara only the lower portion bas been preserved. Comparing the remnant with the last sa of the word, one can have no doubt but that it was a sa. The lection dha is simply impossible. The two last aksharas are manifestly rass. Thus we can either read paisarasa or kaisarasa ; and it is obvious that only the latter can be the right reading. The title of kaisara has not up to now been traced to Indian soil, and it would be incredible if we had to deal with a national dynasty. But the Kushana kings drew their titles from all parts of the world. They call themselves mahdraja : this is the genuine Indian title. They call themselves rajatiraja : this obviously is the translation of the Middle Persian royal designation shaonano shao which we meet with on the coins of Kanishka, Huvishka, and Vasudeva. The third title deraputra is, as bas been long known, the rendering of the Chinese t'ien-tzu, 'son of heaven.' And now to these has been added the Roman appellation of Caesar. It may be asked : why this heaping up of epithets? For this too we have an answer : These were calculated to mark the monarch as the lord of the whole world. Mahardja is the king of India, the ruler of the South. As against him we have rdjatirdja, the king of the Northern country. That properly speaking Iran lies to the North-West of India, and not exactly to the North, need not be considered as prejudicial to our explanation, inasmuch as we have to deal here with the cardinal points in a general way only. The term devaputra marks the ruler of the East. To him is opposed the kaisara or sovereign of the West. Thus the Kushana king is a sarvalogaisvara, as runs the title on the coins of the two Kadphises. This idea appears to be an Indian one. I need only call to mind the digvijaya which was the ideal and aspiration of every Hindu ruler. In this connection there is an interesting passage in the Chinese translation of the Dasaviharanasitra of A. D. 892. I quote it according to the version of Professor Sylvain Levi.19 In the len-feou-ti (Jambudvipa) there are .... foar sons of heaven (t'ien-treu). In the East there is the son of heaven o! the Tsin (the Eastern Tsin 317-420); the population is highly prosperous. In the South there is the son of heaven of the kingdom of Tien-Ichou (India); the land produces many celebrated elephants. In the West there is the son of heaven of the Ta-ts'in (the Roman Empire); the country produces gold, silver, and precious stones in abundance. In the North-West there is the son of heaven of the Yue-tebi; the land produces many good borees." This passage is almost a commentary on the significance of the royal titles in our inscription. We have seen above that there is some doubt as regards the personality denominated here as kaisara. It is immaterial to the chronological inference which we may draw from the uge of these titles. No one will deny that this inscription dates from the Kushana period and its date Sam 41 belongs to that series of dates which run from 3 to 98. The beginning of the era which the reckoning has for its basis is uncertain. The theory which was advanced first by Canningbam that the Kushana era is identical with the Malava-Vikrama era of 57 B. O, has found in Dr. Fleet an energetio defender. Professor 0. Franke has attempted to support and I too have agreed to it. But the word kaisara overtbrows this bypothesis. The idea that so early as in the year 16 B.O. * Contral Indian or Indian ruler should have assumed the title of Caesar is naturally incredible. With the possibility of transferring the beginning of the era, and con 19 Jour. A. IX 9, 2s, note.

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MAY, 1913.) INDIAN INSCRIPTIONS AND THE KAVYA 137 sequently Kanishka, to pre-Christian times falls likewise the possibility of placing the succession of kings from Kanishka to Vasudeva before Kujula-Kadphises 20, whose conquests, according to Professor Chavannes 21 and Professor Franke, 22 took place in the first post-Christian centary. In these respects I am now entirely at one with Professor Oldenberg, who has recently treated the whole problem in a penetrating way.28 The exact determination of the era however depends before all on the question whether we should identify the king of the Ta-Yue-chi, Po-tino, who sont in the year 229 A. D. an ombassy to China, with Vasudova, the successor of Huvishka. In that case the ora would start at the earliest with 130 and at the latest with 168 A. D. None of the grounds which Oldenberg has adduced against this supposition is decisive. On the other hand, the identification of Po-t'iao with Vasudeva is, as observed by Chavannes, merely permissible and not necessary; besides there still remains the possibility that a later and another Vasudeva is meant. Accordingly a consensus omnium can hardly be attained at once, and final decision will vary according to the evidential value attached to the Chinese data. Oar inscription has, however, perceptibly narrowed the bounds of the possible, a fact the value of which, under the prevailing circumstances, is not to be underestimated. Postscript. After I had already written the above paper, I received the July number of Jour. R. As. Soc. containing the first half of the essay by J. Kennedy, on the Secret of Kanishka." The author supports the theory of Fleet and Franke. So far as I see there is nothing in the essay which invalidates the clear evidence of our inscription. This is not the place to enter into details; only one word I shall say regarding the argument upon which Kennedy seems to place chief reliance. Kennedy arguos thos (p. 667): 'We must date Kanisbks either 100 years before 50 A. D. or after 100 A. D. (strictly speaking after 120 A. D.). Now the legends on his coin are in Greek. The use of Greek as a language of everyday life however coased in the country to the East of the Euphrates partly before and partly soon after the close of the first Christian centary. Hence Kanishka cannot be placed in the second oentury, but must belong to a period prior to the Christian times." Now before me lie a pair of foreign coins : a nickel coin from Switzerland of 1900 and Penny of 1897. The inscription on tho former reads: Confoederatio Helvetica. On the Penny stands Victoria. Dei. Gra. Britt. Regina. Fid. Def. Ind. Imp. I pity the historian of the fourth millennium who will draw from the coins the conclusion that about the year 1900 Latin was the language of daily life in the mountains of Switzerland and in the British Isles. INDIAN INSCRIPTIONS AND THE KAVYA. BY G. BUHLEB. [Translated by Prof. V. 8. Ghate, M.A., Poona.] (Continued from p. 32.) II. Vatsabhatti's Prabasti. Vatsabhafti's composition consists of 44 verses, not to mention the two blossings' or mangalas in prose form at the beginning and at the end. The whole can be divided into sections, as follows: 1. The mangala addressed to the Sun in verses 1-3 of which the 1st and the 3rd belong to the type of what is technically called dois or drodda (blessings), while the end verse falls under the category of namaskriti or namaskara (salutation). ** Fleet, Jour. R. As. Soc. 1903, p. 334, 1907, p. 1048; Franko. Beitrage aus Chinas inchengwollen wir konntau der. Turkvolker. &o. p. 98 ff. * Tong Pao, 8. II, Vol. VIII, p. 101, note 1. n Beitrago p. 71. 13 Zur Frage nach der Ara des Kandika., N.G. G. W. Phil. Hist. KL. 1011, pp. 1971. #4 Toung Pao, 8. II. Vol. V., p. 489.

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138 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MAY, 1913. 2. A poetic description of the guild of the silk-weavers of Daeapura-Mandasor, verses 4-32, in which, descriptions of their early fatberland Lata or Gujarat, and of their later home Dasapura, are interwoven. 8. A poetic picture of the suzerain Kumaragapta, verse 23. 4. The same of his vassals Visvavarman and Bandhuvarman, the rulers of Dasapura, verses 24-28. 5. A short description of the temple built by the weavers, verses 29-30. 6. The mention of the date of its constraction with a poetio description of the winter season, when the temple was consecrated, verses 31-35. 7. A postscript narrating a restoration of the edifice demolished in parts, with a men.. tion of the date of this event and a description of the season when it took place, verses 36-42. 8. A wish that the temple may last for ever, verse 48. 9. The name of the poet, verse 44. If one compares these contents of the composition in question with the sample I have presented in Wiener Zeitschrift fur die kinde des Morgenlandes, Vol. II. pp. 86 and ff, it will be seen without doubt that this composition belongs to that class of prasastis (oncomiums or panegyrics), of which the recent epigraphical researches have brought to light such a large namber. The composition itself provides us with a clear indication that the poet also wished to have his work called by that name. For verse 44 says-"By the order of the guild and owing to their devotion, was built, this temple of the San ; and the above was composed, with great troubles, by Vatsabhati." The above' (parva) is an expression which occurs frequently in later inscriptions of this type and which must be supplemented by the word prasasti as Mr. Fleet also remarks in the note to this verse. The fact that the actual title of the composition is not mentioned, but is only indicated, proves that in Vatsabhatti's time there were many such prasastis and that it was a familiar custom in the 5th century, to glorify the erection of temples and other edifices, by means of such occasional compositions. Another interesting point in the foregoing verse is Vatsabhatti's assurance that he composed his work prayatnena with a great effort. By this he means to say, no doubt, that he utilized with care the best samples and strove to observe very carefully the rules of poetics and metre. This careful study and this effort to do justice to the pretensions of the art of court poetry are to be marked in every verse. The very eagerness with which the author takes advantage of every little circumstance to bring in poetic details and descriptions, shows that he wished to do his best to make his composition resemble a mahakavya. The science of rhetorica prescribes that a mahak dvya should contain descriptions of cities, oceans, mountains, seasons and so on. Thus Vatsabhatti is not dissuaded from devoting one verse (4) even to the early home of his patrons, the Lata country, casually mentioned as it is. The city of Dabapura, of course receives more space and is glorified in nine verses (6-14). The descriptions of the two seasons, of winter in verses 31-33 and of the spring in verses 40-41, also find a place, as, to give the date completely, the month must be mentioned, and this naturally serves as an occasion for an excursus on the season in which the month falls. The examination of the metres used by Vatsabhatti and of his style would likewise show what great troubles he had taken, though, of course, the product is only of a mediocre type. Next to proceed to the versification, there is a frequent change of the metres, which are sometimes very artificial. We have the following metres used-1. Anushtubh 34-37, 44; 2. Aryd 4, 13, 21, 33, 38, 39, 41, 42; 3. Indravajrd 17, 26; 4. Upajdti 10, 12, 128 ; 5. Upendrarara 7-9, 24 ; 6. Drutavilambita 15 ; 7. Mandakranta 29 ; 8. Malini 19, 43; 9. Vasastha

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MAY, 1913.) INDIAN INSCRIPTIONS AND THE KAVYA 139 23 ; 10. Vasantatilakd 8, 5, 6, 11, 14, 18, 20, 22, 25, 27, 30-32, 40; 11. Sardalavikridita 1-2 ; 12. Harini 16. Of these Vasantatilokd is the most frequently used, i, e, in as many as four teen verses. The frequent change of metre finds, without doubt, its explanation in nothing but the writer's desire to show his skill in the art, as otherwise the prasasti itself never demands it. There are many compositions of this class, in which only a single metre is used, or one priocipal metre and a second only in the concluding verses or verse. The best mahdkdryas present exactly similar phenomena. Sometimes we find that the wbole of a kavya comparatively short in extent, or a section of a long karya presents only one metre; sometimes there is one general metre with a different metre used at the close only; in other cases, again we see a large number of different metres used. One thing that is striking in Vatsabhatti's versification is the frequent use of the weak Panbe which occurs in ten Vasantatilakd verses, in two Upendravajrds and in one Aryd (verse 33). In the last case, it stands at the end of a halfverse, where it is never found used by good poets, as far as I know. Vatsabhatti has thus made himself guilty of an awkwardness. Other cases wherein he commits offences against the rules of grammar or of rhetorios will be mentioned later on. As regards the form of the composition, it is to be further mentioned that often two or more verses form & yugalaka, a vises haka or a kulaka. Yugalakas or yugmas are instanced in verses 21-22, niseshakas, in verses 23-25, 26-28, 4-6, kulakas in verses 6-14, 31-85, 36-41. This peculiarity also is very frequently met with in all mahakavyas. Vatsabhatti's diction shows many marks which characterise, according to Dandin, the poets of the eastern school. First of all he makes ise of long compounds, which cover a pdda or more than a pada or even the whole of a half-verse. Instances of the last type occur in verres 4, 6, 8, 14, 32, 41, while those of the first and second type are much more frequent. The whole of the verse 33 consists of one single compound. If one compares Daudin's illustration of the style of the Gaudas, (Kavyadarka I. 82.) with our verses 32-88, the resem. blance would be unmistakable. Secondly, the writer, in his attempt to bring the sound of the words into harmony with the sense, shows in one and the same verse a mixture of soft and hard sounding syllablos, as is allowed only by poets of eastern India. Verse 26 rang thos: tasyAtmajo sthairyanayopapanno bandhupriyo bandhuriva prajAnAm / pandhyattihartA nRpabandhuvarmA vidRptapakSakSaparNakadakSaH // His son is king Bandhuvarman, endowed with firmness and statesmanship, dear to the brothers, a brother, as it were, to his people, removing the sofferings of the relations, the only man skilful in destroying the proud hosts of enemies.' Here, there is a change of rasa or the poetic sentiment. The first three pddas describe Bandhavarman's wisdom and goodness, the last his terribleness in war with enemies. Corresponding to this, the words in the first three quarters of the verse consist of syllables which are soft or light to be pronounced, in consideration of the necessity of the alliteration of the name Bandhavarman. The fourth pada, on the other hand, where the raudra rasa prevails, contains only hard sounding syllables and agrees quite well with Dandin's typical illustration, kdvyddaria I, 72: w afari Hilal. While explaining Samatd or evenness of form required for the Vaidarbhi riti, Dandin mentions (Kavy. I. 47-49a) the different types of letters which a verge can have and illustrates the same with examples. As the last example, he gives a half verse (49b) in which every pada bas a different combination of letters corresponding to the change of sentiment, and Dandin farther adds in verse 50, that this sort of change or unevenno88 788 in vogue only amongst the Easterns.

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140 THE INDIAN ANTIQUABY (MAY, 1913. Of Satddlaskaras or figures of words, Vatsabbatti uses only the dwuprdoa, or alliteration. The lotter-alliteration or Varnanuprata occurs in every verse. The Paddruprasa or the repetition of the same word in different senses is found more se!dom. The verse above (26) is an instance, where the word bandhu is repeated thrice in honour of the king Bandburarman, It is to be noticed that Kalidasa in his brief accounts of the Ragba kings Nabhas, Pundarika, Kshemadbanvan, Ahfaagu and othere, plays on their names exactly in a similar manner. (Raghupanija , XVIII., 5, 7, 8, 13 and so on)25. In prasastis, this sort of play on name is met with occasionally and one should specially compare the above-mentioned LAkha-Mandala praiast, wherein almost everything is provided with a play on bis name. A second instance of the Padanupraca occurs in the beginning of the first verse in siddhaik siddhyarthibhih, a third, in verso in kinara-naraih, a fourth, in verse 18, where the first pada ends with vanja and the second pada begins with the same syllable, a fifth in verse 25 in andthandthah, and sixth in verse 87 in atyuddram udaraya. of the Arthalankdras or figures of sense, the author frequently uses only the most familiar ones, riz. Upamd, Utprekshd, and Rapaka or the identification of two similar things. In the phrase siddhaih siddhyarthibhil, already mentioned above, . Virodbilan kara or Oxymoron appears to be attempted, and a Dhwani (see belon) is contained in verse 9. It would be little interesting to enumerate severally the Upamas, Utprokshdo and Rapakas which the composition presents. Far more instructive would be the attempt to place the most important images and turns of oxpression side by side with similar ones in the Kavyas and thus to show that quite number of expressions characteristic of the karya style occurs in Vatsabhatti's prasasti. Even the praise of the sun in the mangala contains several points of relationship with passages in classical poems which are devoted to the glorification of the same gcdbood. The first two strophes : 1 . May the light-giver (Bhaskara), the cause of the destruction and origin of the world, protect you; the God, whom the host of gods worship, .for por pobo. of their own presertation, the Siddhas (the accomplished), because they strive for: bigber, accomplishments, the yogins entirely given to meditation, and having their objects of desire under their control, because they long for liberation, and the sages rich in severe penance, powerful through their cursing as wel as favouring, from deep devotion of the heart !! 2. 'An adoration to the Generator (Savitri), whom even the zealous Brahman sages know. ing the truth, do not fully2 comprehend, who supports the three worlds with his far-reaching rays, whom Gandharvas, gods, Siddhas, Kinnaras and men, praise, as he rises, who fulfils the desires of his devotees !! comprise briefly the ideas which are met with in the Puranas, in the writings of Sauras; which identify the Sun with the world spirit, and even in still older works. Amongst the courtpoets there is one Mayura, in whose Suryasataki, a prayer addressed to the Sun, we have almost: every one of the ideas contained in the verses above, repeated and with much the same form of expression. As Vateabhagti praises the Sun as being the generator and the destroyer of the world, BO also Mayura identifies him, in verse 99, with Brahman, Vishnu and Siva, the three gods who generate, preserve and destroy the Universe. As the prasasti speaks of the worship of the Sun and of the prayers offered to him at dawn, so also does the Saryasataka frequently emphasise the idea that men and spiritual beings adore the Sun in the morning, only with this difference that the number of the divine and semi-diving beings that bring their adoration to the Sun, is much larger therein. In verse 13, the Sun's rays are praised by the seers amongst gods. According to verse 86, the lustre of the rising Sun is eulogized by the Gandharyas both in probe and verse, as also by ts The numbers of terres should be 6, 8, 9, 14 respectively according to the Nirnaya-Bigars edition of Ragh uosta. Kytara seoma to bave been taken by Buhler with vidu. V. S.G.

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MAT, 1913.) INDIAN INSCRIPTIONS AND THE KAVYA. 141 Narada and other beings of antiquity. According to verse 81, prayers are offered to the Sun in the morning, by the Siddhas, gods, Chiranas, Gandharvas, Nagas, Yatadhanas, Sadhyas and princes amongst sages, by each in his own peculiar way. So also, the Suryatataka often dwells on the thought that the Sun nourishes the gods and the world, thought already suggested by the Vedic name of the Sun-deity, vit., Pashan-and that he makes them free from the bonds of transmigration (re-birth). As for this latter point, verse 9 says of the Sun's rays that they are the boats which carry men through the fearful ocean of existence, the source of great sufferings. Further, the Sun's orb is described in verse 80, as the boat for the yogins across the ocean of existence', and in verse 73, as the door of the liberated.' So also the Sun is depicted with Bpecial fulnegs as the nourishor of men and gods and as the maintainer of the entire order of the world (verse 87). The same thought is more briefly expressed in verse 77, where the sun's orb is named 'the life-principle of the world'. It may be further added that in the older Varahamihira also we meet with the thoughts expressed in the beginning of our prasasti. Thus in the first verse of the Brihat-sahhitd, the Sun is invoked as the generator of the world' And as the goal of the Universe', and in the first verse of the Yoga-ydird, as the soul of em bodied beings', and as the door of liberation '. The third verse of the mangala : : 8. May the illuminator (Vivamat) protect you, adorned with the beautiful or Daments of rays,-the god whose circle of rays shines forth daily, coming over from the bigb, expansive summit of the mountain of the East, and who is lovely like the cheek of an intoxicated woman 9 compares the reddish morning-son with the reddened cheeks of a drunk Ndyika. This conparison is quite characteristic of the court-poets, who are never tired of describing or alluding to the revels of their heroes with their wives in the barem. Even in the kavya literature, this comparison is very often found used in connection with the rising as well as the setting Sun of the day. Thus, for instance, Bana says in the beginning of a description of the evening: 'when the day went down, the day whose light became as soft as the cheek of a Malava Woman, reddened with the intoxication of wine, etc.' (Harshacharita p. 212). Bana's comparison is somewhat more nicely brought out than that of Vatsabhatti, owing to the use of the term Malava woman in place of the general expression Angandjana. The later poets make use of specific expressions, almost everywhere. The following verses (4-6) describe the emigration of the silk-weavers from Lata, the middle Gujarat, to Dasapura, wherewith short descriptions of Lata and of the environs of the city are interwoven. These do not rise above the level of mediocrity and bave nothing remarkable. Of course, Dasapura, as we commonly see the cities described in the kavyas, is called the beauty-mark (tilaka) on the forehead of the province, and this province also, which is named bhumi, the earth, is imagined to be a female. Accordingly the trees bending under the burden of flowers are spoken of as her ear-crests, and the thousands of mountains, as her ornaments. So also as befits the kdoya style, the mountains are spoken of ag trickling with the juice fowing from the temples of wild elephants. The same remarks also apply to the next verses (7-9), in which further the lakes and gardens of Dasapura are spoken of. The description contains only the most usual expressions that are found used in kdrya in a similar connection. The lakes are full of blooming water-lilies, and lively with ducks and swans. The water near their banks is variegated with the flowers fullen from the trees. The swans therein are tawny-brown owing to the pollen fallen from the lotuses shaken by the fickle waves. The trees bending under the burden of their flowers, the humming of the bees bold with the intoxication of honey, and the incessant singing of the city-women walking for pleasure, make the groves lovely. It is to be noticed here that the description of the bees no doubt reminds us through dhvani of the bold

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142 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MAY, 1913. and intoxicated lovers of the beautiful women. The following verse, on the other hand, with which begins the description of the city is considerably more interesting: 10. Where the houses towering high, of purest wise, with flying flags and trim women, quite resemble the peaks of silver clouds variegated with flashes of lightning.' Vatsabhatti has given himself great pains to bring out the best possible resemblance between the houses and the clouds and thus to excel the parallels frequently used in the kavyas. This fact is specially proved by the double application of the word 'lightning-flash'. He is not merely content with describing the lightning-flash as the mistress of the cloud, dancing before the house for a moment, as Indian poets do very often, but he portrays the same as the gay flags waving over the houses. There can be little doubt that Vatsabhatti in this intended to surpass some poet known to him, and we can hardly help thinking that he had before him the description of the palaces in Alaka, which Kalidasa gives in the beginning of the Aparamegha in Meghaduta. The verse runs thus: vidyutvantaM lalitavanitAH sendracApaM sacitrAH saMgItAya prahatamurajAH snigdhagambhIragheoSam / antastoyaM maNimayabhuvastuGgamabhraMlihAmAH trAsAdAstvAM tulavitumalaM yatra testairvizeSaH // Where the palaces can match themselves with you (the cloud) by means of these and other particulars their lovely, fair inhabitants resemble your lightnings, their gaily coloured portraits, your rainbow, their drums struck for concert, your lovely, deep thunder, their jewelled floors, the schimmering drops of water that you hide, their terraces towering up to the clouds, your height." In the view that Vatsabhatti tried to compete with Kalidasa, we are still further confirmed, if we observe that in the next verse, he adds all the details met with in Kalidasa, which are left out in verse 10. In that verse, he says: 11. And (where) other (houses) resemble the high summits of the Kailasa, with long terraces and stone-seats, resounding with the noise of music, covered with gay pictures, and adorned with groves of waving plantain trees." The agreement of thought and imagery is thus quite complete. something more, and it is what we expect of an imitator and a rival. that Vatsabbatti's verses are on a lower level than those of his model. The next verse also, in which the description of the houses is further elaborated quite in an insipid manner, presents one point worthy of notice. 12. Where the houses adorned with rows of stories, resembling gods' palaces, of pure lustre like the rays of the full moon, raise themselves up, having torn open the earth.' Here, the statement that the houses raised themselves up, breaking through the earth' is quite striking. If this expression means anything, it suggests a comparison of the houses with something to be found in the deep or the nether world, with something like the thousand, white-shining heads of Sesha. Such an image is however, defective, when there is already a comparison of the houses with the vimanas, the moving gods' palaces, soaring up high in the sky. The difficulty, I think, may be solved by supposing that Vatsabbatti has confounded, with little understanding, two comparisons used by the poets of his time. The comparison of houses with the vimanas of gods is not rarely found in epic works, but is still more frequently met with in the kavyas. On the other hand, that of buildings with things in the nether world comes only as now and then in artificial poetry. Thus in Kalidasa's Raghuvansa XII. 70, we have: sa setuM bandhayAmAsa pravagairlavaNAmbhasi / rasAtalAhivonmannaM zeSaM svabhAva zArGgiNaH // Only, Vatsabbatti says It goes without question

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MAY, 1913.) INDIAN INSORIPTIONS AND THE KAVYA 143 He (Rama) had a bridge built by the monkeys on the salt ocean, the bridge which was, as it were, the serpent Sesba, coming up out of the nether world, to serve as a bed for Visbnu.' So also in Magha's Sisupdlavadha III. 83, we have : turaMgakAnsAmukhahavyavAhayAleva bhityA jalamullalAsa // In the midst of the ocean, tinging with yellow-red, the regions, with the lustre of its golden ramparts, the city (Dvaraka) shone forth, like the flame of fire from the mouth of the mares, breaking up through the waters.' It can be further Been that Vatsabhati, inspite of the great labours he has taken with his poem, has committed several offences against good taste, and thus we would not be unjust to him, if we suppose that in this case, in his eagerness to bring in many figures of speech, he was tempted (laid astray) to confound in quite an unintelligible manner, two comparisons current in the literatare of his time. Not less interesting is the following verse of the prasasti : 13. Surrounded by two charming rivers of tremulous waves, the city resembles the body of the God of love, which his wives) Priti and Rati with prominent breasts embrace in secrecy. The idea of the rivers looked upon as females is a very natural one. It is very frequently met with in tho kavyas. Thus Subandbu in Vasavadatta, p. 102, 1. 1-2, says of the Vindhya mountain : tarfar Taifa T E: 'It is surrounded by the Reva (Narmada) as by a beloved with the arms in the form of waves stretched forth. Even a more exact parallel we have in a passage alike referring to the Vindhya, in the above-mentioned hymn of Agastya (Brihat-sanhita XII. 6): rahati madanasaktavA revayA kAntayevopagUDhaM * Whom the Rova embraces like an ardent beloved'. Even though it may not be certain that Vatsabhagti lived before Vardhamihira, one would be tempted to conjecture a close connection between his verse and that of the Brihat-Samhitd. The real fact seems to be that all the three poets imitated some well-known model. In the last verse in connection with the description of the city, we meet with a simile which is more rare : 14. With its Brahmans, who conspicuous with truthfulness, forgiveness, self-control, mental quietude, the observance of their vows, parity, firmness, the study of the Veda, pure conduct, modesty and understanding, possess no other treasures than knowledge and penance and yet are free from pride, shines forth this city like the sky with its multitudes of bright, glowing planets. Nothing similar to this, in the old kavya literature is known to me. On the other hand, in many works and in the prasastis, we often see conspicuous persons compared to the Moon or the Sun, and their family to the heavens. In a later work, the Prabhdvakacharita (the life of Hemachandra, p. 54) there is found the comparison of a poet with the planet Mercury (Budha.) In the following description of the guild of silk-wea vers, which possesses more of historical than of poetical worth, there are, on the one band, seroral particular expressione, and, on the other hand, some general assertions, which are quite characteristic of the kavya style. Thus in verse 15, we have the figurative use of the verb jimbh in the phrase aharahah pravijrin. bhita-sauhridan whose friendship augmented more and more everyday.' So also the compound Sravanasubhaga 'pleasing to the ear' (verse 16) should be compared with netrasubhaga.pleasing to the eye' (verse 21), and pratapasubhaga 'pleasing on account of warmth' (verse 31). Subhaga is particularly used by Kalidasa very often in the sense of beautiful, lovely, pleasing' at the end of

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144 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY compound words. Other poets also use the word similarly though more rarely. Further we must notice the second half of verse 17: [MAY, 1913. adyApi cAnye samarapragalbhAH kurvansvarINAmahitaM prasahya // And, even to-day, others courageous in war, effect by force the destruction of their enemies.' Here the wording which expresses the simple fact that some members of the weaver-class served as soldiers, is exactly as it is required in artificial poetry; and the words samarapragalbhah. And prasahya of which latter, the position also is to be observed, are quite characteristic of artificial poetry. With verse 23, begins the description of the princes of Dasapura and their suzerain, wherein, at the very threshold we are face to face with quite a rush of images and turns of expression very frequently used by artificial poets. 28. While Kumaragupta ruled over the earth, which is circumscribed by the four oceans as by a moving girdle, whose high breasts the mountains Sumeru and Kailasa are, and which smiles with the flowers in full bloom coming from the woods. 24. 'King Visvavarman was the protector [of Daiapura] who, equal to Sukra and Brihaspati in wisdom, the ornament of the kings on this earth, performed exploits in the battles, like Partha." The metaphor of the girdle and the breasts of the earth is absent from no Indian poet. The only thing to be noted in our passage is that Vatsabhatti selects for the comparison the most important mythical mountains. Probably, the Himavat and Vindhya which are otherwise frequently referred to in this connection appeared too trivial to him, not to mention his desire to surpass his predecessors. The third metaphor of the smile in the form of flowers is also not a rare one. So also the compounds samudranta and vananta are quite characteristic, in which the word anta has, really speaking, no meaning. The word vanduta, as the passages quoted in the great Petersburg Lexicon show, is very frequently used in the sense of forest-region, forest' in epics as well as in kavya literature. Samudranta, on the other hand, signifies only sea-shore' in other places. But this sense would not do in the present place. For the shores are really included in the earth; and it is only the rocking oceans that can suitably be represented as the swinging, moving girdle. Thus, on the analogy of vendnta, samudranta appears to be used in the sense of the surface of the ocean'; and it is very probable that the compound is used only for the exigency of the metre. Equally noteworthy is the figurative use of the word vanta, so favourite with the court-poets, which Dandin treats of in Kavy. I. 95-97 and sanctions as atisundaram. Of the comparisons in verse 24, that of the king with Partha or Arjuna is very familiar; so also is the comparison with Sakra and Brihaspati, the teachers and Purohitas of the Asuras and the gods. In the second verse referring to Visvavarman (verse 25), the comparison of the king with the tree of Paradise, yielding all the desires, stands out prominently, a comparison which the needy poets, as is well known, apply very frequently to kings, in order to stimulate their generosity. Verse 26 with which begins the description of Bandhuvarman has been discussed above. In the following verse, there occurs the stereotyped comparison with the God of love, which the poet has taken troubles to make even more emphatic by the use of several epithets: 27... Of a graceful form, he shines forth, though not wearing ornaments, by virtue of his beauty, as if he is a secend ged of love." Even the last verse contains a description of the terrible character of the king, very frequently recurring in the kavyas: 28. Even to-day, when the beautiful, long-eyed wives of his enemies, afflicted as they are by the severe pangs of widowhood, remember him, a painful, violent tremour tortures their full breasts. With this may be compared, for instance, Raghuvamia, IV. 68, Subhashitavali 7 rather incarnation of love.

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MAY, 1913.] INDIAN INSCRIPTIONS AND THE KAVYA 145 Nos. 2482, 2535. Still more frequently are the pangs of the wives of the enemies, described, in the prasastis, with very various modes of expression. As for the description of the temple, it is naturally (verse 30) resembling a mountain', white like the pure rays of the moon that has risen up', and 'quite comparable to a lovely jewel on the crest of the western city. After the restoration of the temple, it is said (verse 38) to be touching the sky, as it were, with its beautiful turrets,' and 'the receptacle of the spotless rays of the sun and the moon, at their rise', i. e., reflecting their rays. At last in verse 42, the poet assures us: As the heaven with the moon, and the bosom of Sarigin with the Kaustubha jewel shines in pure lustre so does the whole of this stately city embellished with this best of temples. The similes and modes of expressions occurring in these verses also belong to the repertory of the artificial poets. The last points in our inscription, which deserve special attention, are the descriptions of the two seasons. Of these, that of the winter in the kulaka formed by verses 31-35 runs thus : 6 31. In the season, wherein the houses are full of beautiful women, which is pleasant on account of the feeble rays of the Sun, and the warmth of fire, when the fish conceal themselves deep under water, when the rays of the Moon, the top floors of houses, sandal ointment, palm-fans and pearl-necklaces afford no enjoyment, when the hoar-frost burns down the water-lilies,' 32. In the season, which is made lovely by the swarms of bees rejoiced by the juice of the opened flowers of the rodhra, the priyangu tree and the jasmine creeper, when the solitary branches of the lavalt and of the nagana, dance under the force of the cold wind full of frost,' 33. When the young men counteract the effects of frost and snow-fall, by fast embracing the massive thighs, the lovely breasts and the bulky hips of their beloveds,' 34. When four hundred and ninety-three years had passed, according to the reckoning of the Malavas, in the season when one should derive pleasure from the high breasts of women,' 35. On the auspicious thirteenth day of the bright half of the month of Sahasya was this temple consecrated with the ceremony of auspicious benediction. Ritusanhara V. 3, corresponds to a part of the first verse in this description: na candanaM candramarIcizItalaM na harmyapRSTha zaradindu nirmalam / na vAyavaH sAndratuSArazItalA janasya cittaM ramayanti sAMpratam // Neither the sandal-ointment cooling like the rays of the moon, nor the terrace pure bright like the autumnal moon, nor the winds cold with dense frost, please at present the minds of men.' The idea of our verse 83 and of the close of verse 34 is expressed in Ritusashara, V. 9, thus: payodharaiH kuGkumarAgapiJcaraiH sukhopasebyairnavayauvanoSmabhiH / vilAsinIbhiH paripIDitorasaH svapanti zItaM paribhUya kAminaH // Also verse No. 3925 in Sarigadhara's Paddhati bears a very great resemblance to the ideas contained in the verses before us: prAleyazailazizirAnilasaMprayogaH zrI kundanakarannahatAmivRndaH / wintersak Lagisigg petering veggie || Now comes the season, which brings cold winds from the snow-mountains, when the swarms of bees are attracted by the juice of the jasmine in full bloom, when one should cling close to the high breasts of charming beloveds, breasts which are coloured yellow with saffron-ointments.' Similar verses are found not seldom; and one may refer to Sarng. Paddh. Nos. 3924,3937, and Vikramankacharita XVI. 8 ff, 47-49, as parallels in point. In connection with verse 32, it must be added that 'the dancing of the branches or the creepers, owing to the wind' is a favourite 28 should rather go with T.S.G.

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146 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MAT, 1919. ides in the kdvyas, an idea which is sometimes found very much elaborated. Thus, in Kiratdrjuniya IV, 14-17 we have an elaborate description of the creepers as dancing women of the woods; with this, we may also compare Kalidasa, Vikramorvasiya, Act II. verse 4. The description of the spring, which comes in connection with the statement that the restoration of the temple was accompJished in the month of Tapasya or Phalguna (February-March), is shorter in length and presents fewer characteristic features : 40. In the season, when the arrows of the god whose body is purified by Hara, increase in their might, as they verily become one with the visible, fresh, blooming blossoms of the asoka, the ketaka, the sinduvdra, the moving atimukta creeper and the madayantika.' 41. In the season, when the solitary, large branches of the nagana are resounding with the music of the swarms of bees delighted by the drinking of honey, when the lovely exuberant rodhra is thickly set with flowers newly bursting forth.' The most notoworthy point here is the identification of the five kinds of flowers with the fine arrows of the god of love. This idea is frequently met with in the kavyas and still more prominent is the fact that the spring is described as making ready the weapons for Kama. Thus in Kumdrasa bhara III, 27, we have : saya pravAlonamacArupatre nIte samA nvcuutcaanne| nivezayAmAsa madhudirephAnnAmAkSarANIva manobhavasya / . As the arrow of the fresh mango-blossom with tender sprouts serving as feathers, was made quite ready, Madhu set thereon the dark bees, which were, as it were, the letters of the name of the god of love.' The same thought is more simply expressed in the verge quoted by Anandavardhana in Dhwany dloka II. 28, (p. 106 of the text in the Kdvyamala ) and in the Sarngadhara Paddhati, No. 3789. The names of the flowers, however, do not wholly agree with those which, according to the familiar idea, are supposed to form the tips of the arrows of Kama. Probably the author has intentionally chosen other names, because he misplaces the beginning of the spring in the closing part of the Sisirs or the cold season whose last month is the Tapasya or Phalguna. What we have said so far is sufficient to establish the fact that Vatsabhatti was acquainted with the rules of Indian poetics and that he tried to satisfy the demands thereof, so that his prasasti, in form as well as in sense, strictly belongs to the domain of Sanskrit artificial compositions. From this we can further deduce, without hesitation, the conclusion that in his time, there existed a considerably large pumber of kdvyas, from whose study he cultivated himself, upon which he drew and with which he tried to compete now and then. The rightness of this supposition is confirmed by many circumstances. Thus, Vatsabhatti was not at all a man to whom we can give the credit of originality; nor can we name bim as a poetic genius capable of giving Dew ideas. He shows the several weaknesses which characterise the poets of the second or third class, who compile their verses laboriously, after the model of the classical great poets. A number of points, which can illustrate this, have been already discussed above, and can be still further multiplied. Thus he uses expletives and particles not rarely, and never minds the fault of tautology, just in order to complete his verse. To the first category belonge prakasam (verse 5), sametya (verses 5 and 15), tatas=fu (verse 22), the abovementioned anta in samudranta (verse 23), and tiranta (verso 7), so also the altogether meaningless prefixes prati and abhi in prativibhdti (verse 3) and abhivibhati (verse 19); so also we meet with quite striking tautologies; e. g. in dhyanaikagraparaih (verse 1), where, however, the synonymous words ekagra and para may perhaps be supposed to be put together in order to make the idea of the complete merging clearer and more emphatic; but in tulyopamanani (vorse 10), it is very difficult even to find an appearance of excuse for the simultaneous use of the two synonymous words. Further, Vatsabbatti commits offences against

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MAY, 1913.) INDIAN INSCRIPTIONS AND THE KAVYA. 147 grammar, for purposes of metre. A slight mistake of the kind is the use of the Atmanepada in nyavasanta (verse 15), instead of Paras maipada, though this may perhaps be excused owing to its similar use in epic poetry and on the ground of analogons mistakes met with in the kavyas. Far worse, however, is the use of the masculine form spritann=iva instead of the neuter sprisad-iva (verse 38), which has to agree with the substantive griham (verse 87). Mr. Fleet, of course, propoges to write sprisativa, but it would not at all suit the metre. Besides, with this alteration, the whole construction would not only be changed but broken up into pieces, because then the locatives in verges 89-40, would be altogether hanging in the air. With the text as we have it, sainskdritam was repaired' (verse 37) is the verb in the principal sentence with which, all the following words, which are attributes of the time, can be quite rightly connected. If, however, we write sprisativa, this itself, then, becomes the principal verb and then we must translate as follows : 37. This temple of the Sun, which the generous guild caused to be built up again, in all its parts, very stately, in order to further their renown,' 38. "That temple, which was exceedingly higb, glowing white, the resting place of the pare rays of the Sun and the Moon at their rise, touched, as it were, the sky, with its charming tarrets.' Here the sentence is complete, and there is no verb with which the following words, after five hundred and twenty-nine years had passed, on the second day of the bright half of the lovely month of Tapasya' can be construed. Thus Vatsabhatti cannot be freed from the charge of having used a wrong gender, out of regard for the metre. We may suppose that he might have been conscious of the fault but that he might have consoled himself with the beautiful principle : mASamapi maSaM kuyovattimajaM vivarjayet / according to which the correctness of the metrical form precedes every other consideration. We can easily believe him as capable of such blunders, for, in the second half of verse 30, yAti padhimapurasya niviSTakAntacUDAmaNipratisamaM nayanAbhirAmam // we come across something worse, a fault in construction. The genetive paschimapurasya goes with Chadamani, and there is no substantive which is connected with rivishla. The grammatically correct form should have been paschimapure, but that would not have suited the metre. To the category of poetical absurdities not specially alleged belong verses 7-8, where at first sardineithe lakes' in general is used, then again kvachit sardinei the lakes in some places is used. Farther in verses 10-12, the poet first speaks of grihani. the houses,' then again of anyani other houses', and lastly again of griheni 'the houses in general. Notwithstanding all these facts, it cannot be denied that Vatsabhagti was a versifier per baps learned, but clamsy and little gifted. This conclusion appears in no way surprising, if we remember that he never lived at the court of his native place Dasapura, but was a man of limited means or of moderate circumstances. If Vatsabhatti would have been able to boast of & place at the court of Bandhuvarman or even of a mere connection with him, he would not have failed to let posterity know of the same or at least to praise his master as a patron of poetry. As nothing like this is done by him, we would not be wrong in supposing that he was a private man of learning, of the type found in all Indian cities, that he had specially studied the worldly lores and that he was not ashamed of making money by composing a piece of poetry occasionally, even when such a low class of people as the silk-weavers required his servicos. Thus it is quite evident that the points of affinity with the classical literature, which are presented by a composition originating from such a man as Vatsabhatti are possessed of great significance. When we know that Vatsabhatti was not an original genius, but only a man who sought, with great effort in the sweat of his brow, to compile a medley of the classical modes of expression and exerted himself, though with little success, to play variations on the same or to improve apon them, then the supposition cannot be gainsaid that in the fifth century, there existed << kdvya literature quite similar to that known to us already. This conclusion is still further confirmed by the fact that all the above prasastis in Mr. Fleet's volume which were composed between the year 400 and the year of Vateabhatti's composition, present the same close

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148 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MAY, 1913. relations to the kavyas known to us. We agree that a large number of there is no doubt of an insignificant character, and is written by private men of learning of the province, as, for instance, the Dasapura prasasti, but there still remains the stamp of the kavya on them. One of the few pieces wbich show a higher talent, is Mr. Fleet's Number VI. Although the first two verses are very much distorted, still it can be unmistakably seen that it is written in a high style and by a real poet. The fragments of the first vorse : yasztitaniutauit * - - ... - THE 11 remind us of Ganadsa's words in Kalidasa's Malarikagnimetra: ay gen tia vaina: N In the conclusion which is better preserved, the author gives his name and applies to himself the title of Kuri. It runs thus : tasya raajaadhiraajrcintyoujvlkrmnnH| anvayamAptasAcivyo vyApRtaH sAndhivigrahaH // 3 // kotsaH zAba iti khyAto vIrasenaH kulaakhyyaa| zabdArthanyAyalokajJaH kaviH paattliputrkH||4|| kRtsnapRthvIjayAyana rAjJeveha shaagtH| bhaktyA bhagavataH zambhogehAmetAmakArayat // 5 // 8-4. Virasena, known by the family name of Kautsa Saba, well-versed in grammar, politics, logic and the course of the world, a poet, living in Patalipatra, who served as a hereditary minister to the sage-like king of kings, who performed deeds, inconceivable and bright,' 5. Came here (to Udayagiri) with the king himself, who intended to conquer the whole earth and caused this cave to be constructed, out of devotion for the divine Sambhu." The poet Virasena lived about the year 400 A. D.; for, as Mr. Fleet's No. III shows. Chandragupta II. bad conquered the province of Malva in the middle of the Gupta year 82, i. e., 400/1 or 401/2 A. D. Thus the invasion, on which Vfrasena accompanied his master, can be undertaken not later than (but rather earlier) in the beginning of the year mentioned above. At this time, Virasens, as the verses above state, was the minister of foreign affairs. That a minister occupied bimself with poetry leads us to conjecture that Chandragupta II - Vikramaditya looked npon the Muses with favour or that poetry had at least the right to appear at Court. (To be continued.) - TWO JAINA VERSIONS OF THE STORY OF SOLOMON'S JUDGMENT (in Gujarati and Jaipur.) BY L. P. TESSITORI, UDINE (ITALY). That the story of the judgment of Solomon had been taken up by the Jainas and introduced into the vast body of their legendary literature has been well known ever since my fellow-countryman, F. L. Pulle, published his paper : "* Un progenitore indiano del Bertoldo," in which two Sanskrit versions of it are exhibited. The existence of the story in the Jaina tradition may be traced as back as the composition of Malayagiri's commentary on the Nandisutta and is also found in Rajasekhara's Antarakathsamgraha, a work which is partly based upon the former and the redaction of which appears to have taken place in the fourteenth century. It is as an exemplification of the paroleshajiiana that the story is quoted by Malayagiri in his commentary, in connection with other parables of a similar kind. Rajasekhara availed himself directly of such parables and incorporated them into his Antarakathdeamgraha, generally keeping close to Malayagiri's version and only indulging in some lengthier, or rather less hasty, descriptions and in minuter details. It is particularly Rajasekhara's version that Signor Palle takes into account in the above mentioned paper, but in the notes thereto he quotes also the version by the commentator of the Nandisutta. I think it sufficient to produce below the literal translation of both, since the reader mas directly refer for the Sanskrit text to Signor Polle's paper, page 10, III. See : Studi editi dall' Unipersita di Padova a commemorare l'ottavo centenario dall'origine dall'Universi a di Bologng, Padova 1888, Volume III.

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MAY, 1913,] TWO JAINA VERSIONS OF SOLOMON'S JUDGMENT (a) The version in the commentary on the Nandisutta: A certain merchant had two wives: the one had a son, the other was barren. The latter, however, also took good care of the child, for which reason the child was not able to distinguish: "This is my mother, not that." Now the merchant, together with his wives and his son, went to another country-where the tirthakara Sumatisva min was to be born-and there just upon his arrival he died. And between the two wives a quarrel arose. The first one was saying: "Mine is thi. child, so it is I that am the mistress of the house." The second one was saying: "It is I." Then there was made a complaint at the royal court of justice, but nevertheless the question could not be disentangled. At last the thing came to the ears of the queen Mangala, the mother in whose womb was staying the venerable tirthakara Sumatisvamin. The queen had the two co-wives summoned to her presence and then pronounced sentence: "After some days a son will be born from me. When he will have grown up and will be sitting at the fect of the present king Asoka, he will decide your dispute. So till then eat and drink without any distinction." The barren woman accepted the sentence and the queen made out thereby This is not the mother of the child", and reproached her and made the other one the mistress of the house. 149 (b) The version in the Antarakatha samgraha : A certain merchant had two wives: the one had a son, the other had not. The latter, however, also took good care of the child and the child was not able to distinguish: "This is my mother, this is not:" Once on a time the merchant, together with his wives and his son, went to another country and just upon his arrival (there) he died. Then between those two quarrel arose. One was saying: "Mine is this child", and the other was saying the same. One was saying: "It is I that am the mistress of the house", and the other was saying: "It is I". Thus a quarrel having ensued between the two, and a complaint was made at the royal court of justice. The minister thereon gave an order to his men: "Here! First divide the whole property. After dividing it, cut the child into twe paies with a saw and, having done that, give one part to the one and the other to the other." Thereupon the mother of the child. having heard the minister's sentence, equal to a thunderbolt surrounded by thousand flames suddenly falling on her head, with her heart all trembling as if it had been pierced by a crooked dart, with difficulty managed to speak: "Al sire! Great minister! It is not mine: this child! The money is of no use to me! Let the child be the son of that woman and let her be the mistress of the house. As for myself, n matter if I drag out an indigent life in strange houses though it be from a distance, yet I shall see that child living and by that much 1 shall attain the object of my life. Whereas. without my son, even now the whole living world is dead to me." The other one uttered no word. Then the minister, having seen the distress of the former, said: "To this one pertains the child, not to that one", and made her the mistress of the house and reproached the other one. One will see at once that the two versions above nearly coincide in all particulars excepting as to the person that is made to decide the question and in the pretended sentence pronounced to penetrate the truth. Of the two discrepancies the former is of much the less importance, in that the story, being an example of keen discernment, was naturally fitted for being ascribed to any wise person, whose sagacity was to be illustrated. But the discrepancy concerning the form of the sentence in the two accounts is of greater value, and in this particular case the version given by the commentator of the Nandisutta is all the more interesting, from the point of view of comparative folklore, the m'e widely it deviates from the version in the Bible, which has been faithfully reproduced by Rajasekhara in his Antarakathasamgraha. We shall return to this later on. 2. I road: tAvatA ca kRtyamAtmana: prapatsye. Signor Pulle's reading tAvatAvakutyamAtmAnaM prapatsye meaning to me. boa no

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150 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MAY, 1913. I have discovered two new later versions of the story in two MSS. belonging to the Indian collection in the R. Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale at Florence. The fact tbat both of them closely agree with Rajasekhara's account, as far as the form of the sentence is concerned, is a testimony to the greater popularity of that account in the Jaina tradition. Both the new versions are in bhasha. The first is derived from a MS, in the above mentioned Library, No. 539, 63 leaves, with 6 lines on each page. The MS. contains the Prakrit text of the Nandisutta with an anonymous faba written in an old form of Gujarati, the orthographical features of which appear to have been somewhat modernized by the latest copyist, though so imperfectly that it still retains many obsolete words, forms and spellings. Such are: aftt, rute, fat, instrumentals with suffix .*(=o of the Apabhraica); T , corresponding to the Old Gujarati ant and to the A pabbramca TA ; , instrumental of the first personal pronoun like in the Old Gujarati and in the Apabhrama; fer, for , probably connected with the Apabhram ca faitu ; qrat locative form corresponding to the Apabhramca Trail, etc. I give below the Gujarati text, in which I have corrected without remark all the most obvious blunders, but retained all orthographical incongruities, like beside y, which are possibly the result of a period of transition, during which both forms of spelling were legitimate. For the same reason, I have nowhere substituted and for and , as in Old Gujarati MSS. 4 is commonly written for and there is no particular sign for . Text. Translation. A man had two wives. In the course of time T 969-at RIAT FIBA Eitt go the younger wife gave birth to a son. The elder, however, used to feed him, to take care of spozit fou se car him, to amuse him, to make him sleep at her side and do everything for him. He used to sarva dhaka kare / te nija mAtA jaanni| bhale jima tima take her for his own mother. Anyhow, the child was growing up well. The child used to putra bAdhA ch| te bAlaka behu pAse jAi / ima karatA go near both of them. After two years had elapsed in such a way, the father died. Some TR Ta# far ri i marr days after, the mind of the co-wife grew pervertdina-ne aMte soka-no mana viNaTho je e bAlaka to ed," (for she thought to herself :) " This chila, indeed, is fondly attached to me. Therefore I mujha ne halyo che / te mATe e putra e dhana hu~ hAtha will take to myself this child and this property, and I will put my rival to a condition equal to kahai / e sokane dAsI sama tulya karI rAdhU | pache that of a slave". Then she started a quarrel (by affirming :) " It is I that am the mother of the baDhavAra mauDI unI / putra-nI mAtA hu~ dhana nI dhaNi child! It is I that am the owner of the property!" The other one protested : "It is I that gave yANI / pelI khe| putra mara jAyo ghara-nI dhaNiyANI haiN| birth to the child, so it is I that am the mistress of the house!". In such a way an ima soka-meM jhagaDo jAgo / vadatI 2 behu rAjA pAse altercation issued between the two co-wives. Wrangling all the way, both the women went to T HERA FETT U PET the king and there both began to protest : "0 king! This child is mine and the money also is E arft 1916 fast-fertar - mine!" Then the king) caused both the co wives to sit down, with the child seated on the RATATER I 6 - aarat o ground betwixt, and ordered them: Call the child ; to whom he will go near, that one is his are a gentarar 16-STATI G. mother." The child was called, but he went near both of them and looked both in the face. (It * SE REFIRAT NIE I 6 U was clear that the child could not distinguish

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May, 1913.] TWO JAINA VERSIONS OF SOLOMON'S JUDGMENT 151 S rerar i Ararlar-a& rear satil which was his mother and which was not. The parAjA-nI rANI sagarbhA che te garbhaprabhAvaI sumati UpanI king began to feel perplexed. Now, the head queen was pregnant; by the power of that * mahArAjA e nyAya haiM karU~ / pache rANII ghaNI rItaI (divine) embryo keen discernment arose (in her mind, so that she said :) "Great king! I will ka chu piNa na smjhe| tivAraI kachu / eka putra lyo eka decide this question." Then the queen spoke in many ways, but the two parties could not dhana lyo / to piNa na smjhe| tivAre rANI kahe / putra come to an understanding. Then she said : "Let one take the child, the other the property", T r oy frert i frivir but even so they did not come to an understand ing. Then thu queen said : "Let both the HPT []af et arar fearfit I t child and the property be divided into two equal parts and do each take her own". The step -ve tivAra e bAlaka mare to pachI dhana syA kaam-no| ima mother felt thereat rejoiced, but the natural vicArI rANI-meM kachu / hu~ SoTI hu~ / e putra vihacI ardha mother grew distressed. "If they divide every thing into two halves, this child will die and of karasyo mA / e putra dhana soka-ne Apo / hu~ dalaNu karI what use thereafter would the money be to me" --thus reflecting to herself, she said to the queen: para bharIsa / e jItI hu~ hArI / pachI rANI soka-ne dUra "It is I that am the liar. Do not divide this child into two parts. Give both the child and karI sagI mAtA ne putra dhana ghara sarva saMpyo / the money to my rival. I shall support myself by hard work. She has won, I have lost." Then gafar-fi rar-siar y II. the queen removed the false co-wife and delivered over to the natural mother the son, the money, the house and everything. This is the story of the wisdom of Sumati | natha's mother. The other bhasha version is found in a MS. in the same Library, No. 760, 40 leaves, with 14 lines on each page, modern copy, incomplete. It is a Digambara MS. containing a collection of novels of various length and bears the title: Punyacravakatha. It is written in a form of Central T'astern Rajasthanis, which may be easily identified with modern standard Jaiparts, though, ; erhape, it is to be referred to a somewhat earlier stage of development, when the difference between Kastern Rajasthani and Western Hindi was not so distinctly marked as in the present day. In net it contains forms, which seem to point towards Braja and Kanauji, such as the forms: , are for the oblique singular of the second demonstrative pronoun, which in modern Jaipurf is : ; the forms: jihi jiha, tihi, tiha for the oblique singular of the relative and correlative pronouns, for which Jaipuri has: aft; for the neuter interrogative pronoon, which in Jaipuri ought to be : 41; the forms with the- termination for the conjunctive participle, which in Jaipuri ends in - , etc. Quite noticeable are the forms: & for the oblique feminine singular of the pronoun at, which is probably derived from af and is to be compared with Mewati : ; aut for the blique singular of the indefinite pronoun, which is also corresponding with Mewati : et ut for at of the second person plural of the imperative, in wbich is perhaps nothing more than an e nphatic appendage. It will be further noticed that: is very frequently substituted for: ; that the nominative singular of the firet personal pronoun is: and the negatives are: agi anda The version of the judgment of Solomon is found on pages 258-25b of the MS. In the Jaipur txt, which is following below, I have mainly limited myself to restricting the use of the Dasalization, which mostly appears to be quite unnecessarily employed especially after: and I, and to Correcting a few wrong spellings. Here and elsewhero, for the classification of the Indian vernaculars, I adopt the terms introduced by Sir 1. Grierson in his Linguistic Survey of India.

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152 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MAY, 1913. Text. Translation. Now, in the city of Rajagsha, there was athAnaMtara rAjamahai nagara-mai samudradatta vaisya rahai / tiha-ka | living the merchant Samudradatta. He had two wives: Vasudatta and Vasumitra. To Hraf va fun atzifa (S60 )-* Sizi Vasumitra, (who was) the younger of the two, Tera - E di ir izt-e ga fari a son was born. Both of them, however, used to amuse the child and to give him their breasts Acala cuSAvai / ke tAyaka dina-mai seTha muvI / vA donyA to suck. In the course of some day, the merchant diod and between the two women rUyA-maiM vivAda huyii| vA kahai mahAro putra / vA kahai | contention arose. The one was saying: "Mine is the child !" The other was saying: "Mine HTC gzi au ni za u st-*arata is the child !" Then this question was brought ar-t sittain rataet 157 4734rfeia to Srenika, but by that king justice could not be done. Then Abhayakumara tried in many prakAra kAra ThIka pAjyau / sau kahI hai ThIka na pajyau / ways to set it right, but it could not be set right in any way. (At last), when the child jaba bAlaka nai dharatI upari melhiyA kahI jo lurI-sau | bad been laid down on the ground, be said (to bis men): "Cut with a knife (the child) into doya TUka kari donyA-nai Adho Adho vA~Ti yosa / taba | two parts and assign one half to each of the two (women)". Thereupon Vasumitra, who was the vAha bAlaka kI mAtA vasumitrA chI jihi khii| yau mother of that child, said: "Give the child to 19 -et utengefo- also her var her! I shall live contenting mysell) with simply looking (at him). There is nothing that belongs wa h ara - Arar milu 167 to me." Then, seeing that her love was the greater, (he) recognized her to be the true) - tl. mother and made the child over to her. The reader will have noticed that, whilst the form of the sentence is just the same in the two vernacular versions as well as in that in the Antarakathasamgraha, the person that is introduced to decide the question seems to differ in each of the three. In the Antarakathdsamgraha it is the minister of an anonymous king, whilst in the Jaipurt version of the Punyagrarakatha it is Abhayakumara, the famous minister of king Srenika bf Rajagsha, and in the Gujarati version it is the mother of the tirthakara Sumatisvamin, just as in the version by the commentator of the Nandisulta quoted by Signor Pulle. Now, as there is no reason to prevent us from identifying the anonymous king in Rajasekhara's account with Srenika and his clever minister with Abhayakumara, there can be no doubt as to the Jaipuri version having the Antarakathasangraha as its mediate or immediate source, and as to the Gujarati version, on the other hand, being closely connected with the version in the Sanskrit commentary on the Nandi sutta. The connection of the latter ones with each other is made furthermore evident by the fact that both of these two versions occur in commentaries on the very same work. Thus even the less important of the two main discrepancies between the two Sanskrit versions, to which attention had been drawn above, is turned to account for determining the affiliation of the two later versions of the story. There remains the discrepancy concerning the form of the sentence, which in the Sanskrit commentary on the Nandi sutta is altogether different from the account given by all the other three versions alike. In other words, it is to be explained now that not unimportant discrepancy may be consistent with the Sanskrit commentary, which ought to be the source, not only of the Gujarati version, but also of the version in the Antarakathasangraha, the author of which openly declares that he has availed himself of Malayagiri's novels. In my opinion, there are two probable explanations of the questions, to wit: either the account in the Sanskrit commentary quoted by Signor Pulle does not represent the genuine version by Malayagiri, but only a variant of the latter ; or, besides the version by Malayagiri, the Jaina tradition knew also another version of the Judgment of Solomon, which was in better agreement with that in the Bible, and which it being more current than the former - was preferred by Rajasekhara for his samgraha.

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JUNE, 1913.j THE OBSOLETE MALAY TIN CURRENCY THE OBSOLETE TIN CURRENCY AND MONEY OF THE FEDERATED MALAY STATES. BY SIR R. C. TEMPLE, BART. Continued from p. 132. APPENDIX II. Notes made on the spot by Mr. W. W. Skeat. I East Coast. 1. Kelantan. 15 pitis or keping=1 kenderi: 60 pitis or 4 kenderi 1 kupangle 480 pitis 8 kupangs = 1 dollar. 2. Singora. At Singora ( April 21, 1899). I obtained three of the small cowries formerly used here as coins. Phya Sukum, the Siamese Commissioner for the Ligor group of States, told me that the number of them which went to one pitis (cash) varied a good deal according to locality, 20 but in this district he thinks it was 100. 3. Singora and Patalung (shores of the Inland Sea, East Coast ). At Singora (April 16, 1899), the Siamese Governor of Patalung sent me by request 28 of the old cash formerly in use there. They were round coins of tin, or perhaps spelter, with a round hole in the centre, a little larger than the ordinary Singapore cent, and appeared to bear trilingral inscriptions-in Siamese, "Patalung" on one side; in Malay Negeri Singgora " and a Chinese inscription on the other. Some of them were also struck with the letters E. B. L., which the Governor believed to be the chop (Hind. chhap, shop-stamp) of the Chinaman who struck them, and who was, he said, well known in Singapore. Four hundred of these cash, he said, went to the dollar, but they were never current beyond local limits. 4. Patani, East Coast. Chinese gaming counters with Chinese inscription on one side only, but otherwise resembling cash, were obtained from Jala, a province of Patani. No special local cash were obtainable either from Jala, Nawng Chik or Raman provinces, but were so from the provinces of Ligeh, Teluban, Patani and Jering,21 which were perhaps rather more Malayan in custom at the time. 153 5. Patani. Siamese money was not in general use here, perhaps, but was understood in the ports of the Siamese-Malay States: e. g., in Patani Town. 2 solat (lot) make 2 at 4 phai 2 fuang 4 saling 33 33 1. at 1 phai 1 fuang 1 salung 1 bat32 4 bat 20 tamlang 6. Patani. Minted coinage. All Patani pitis (cash) were formerly coined in the precincts of the is'ana (palace) up to about two years ago (writing in 1899-1900). All the pitis were called in at the death of the late Raja, the new Raja issuing new coins, according to the usual custom. 1 tamlung 1 chang (kati )23 19 Here the kupang the tali. 20 See ante, Vol. XXVI., pp. 290 ff. Cowries are nowadays grated and used medicinally. 21 Patani was divided into seven provinces. Cash were not obtainable in Kedah, West Coast, but were so in Kelantan and Tringganu, East Coast. 22 kop 1 tikal. 25 For an explanation of Siamese money, see ante, Vol. XXVII pp. 1 f.

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154 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JUNE, 1913. 7. Patani. Ou my visiting the office of the Customs clerk, a Patani-born Hokien (Chinese), in company with Luang Phrom, the clerk produced two of the old casb-trees, which had been cast before the making of cash had been prohibited by the Siatrese Government, and also some cash of Jering. 8. Patani: Jering. Present coinage. 20 pitis or koping make 1 konderi 80 pitis or 4 konderi 1 kupang 640 pitis or 8 kupang2 >> 1 dollar In the last reign the coinage was as follows : 15 pitis of keping make 1 kenderi 60 pitis, or 4 kenderi 1 kupang 480 pitis or 8 kapang24) 1 dollar The alteration was due to a change in the price of tin. The tin cash-trees may have from 10 to 12 or 15 coins on them. 9. Patani-Jering. I bought at Jering some gold dinar, there called mas kupang (gold kupang), which were brought round by an old Haji. He said that they had been dug up in a bottle at Bukit Kuwong about 18 to 20 years ago (writing in 1899 ) by a Siamese, and that as they were considered treasure trove, balf of them had gone as usual to the Raja and balf to the finder. Traditionally they are supposed to bave been struck by Raja Merkah after his conversion to Islam. Another kind, struck on one side only, is said to have been minted by his wife after his decease. The traditional diameter of coins of this kind is alleged to be that of blossoms of the tanjong tree, but the two I bought were a little smaller. One of them bad a rude figure of a bull on it, and the other that of a horse and both had Arabic inscriptions. One of them had had a small eyelet-hole added to the edge of the coin, which was intended (I was told ) to enable it to be worn round a child's neck to benefit the child's eyes. 10. Patuni-Jering. The new British dollar is called here perak toka' (tongkat, or the " staff silver" piece ), on account of the trident borne by the figure of Britannia. The peruk naga or "dragon-silver" piece (Chinese Canton dollar) is now charged here at a discount of from one to two kindari ( saga kenderi, candareen ). 11. Patani Jering. At Penarik, Singapore cents were by no means well or generally understood, but nevertheless they were accepted, though I had to get help in explaining what they were. 12. Patani-Teluban. Coinage. 12 pitis make 1 kcndori 48 pitis or 4 kcnderi 1 kupang ( sa-tali ) 25 320 pitis 26 or 8 kupang 1 dollar Formerly the coinage was as follows:-- 10 pitis make 1 kcndori 40 pitis or 4 konderi 1 kupang 820 pitis or 8 ku pang 1 dollar The statement that 320 cash instead of 884 went to the dollar in Teluban may have been due to the old associations of the time when 10 pitis went to the kinderi. It cannot point merely to an appreciation of the pitis, as that would have evenly affected the scale throughout. 13. Patani-Ligeh. At Tanjong-mas we found that the pitis of Teluban were current there as well as the pitis of Ligeh. These last bore inscriptions :--(1) chaping (keping ) Al 24 Here the ku pang = the tali, 24 But should be 384. Showing the kupang to equal the tali.

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JUNE, 1913.) THE OBSOLETE MALAY TIN CURRENCY 155 Shamsu wal Kamar ft Rabi'-al-awwal, 1318 [ 4. D. 1893 ). (2) Langkat (Ligeh) khalik min zalik menjadi deripada ini negeri. The pitis of both districts were however of equal value, which perhaps made things easier. The scale of currency was as follows: 10 pitis make 1 kcndori 40 pitis or 4 kenderi 1 1 kupang .: 320 pitis or 8 kupang , 1 dollar 14. Patani-Ligeh. The small currency at Tomoh consisted, I was told, of gold dust, and this is quite intelligible, as gold washing is the staple industry of the place. I asked the Chinese head man to give me 5 dollars worth of this small change in gold; but his Chinese instincts were too strong for him, and I could afterwards only get 3 dollars for what he was pleased to call 5 dollars' worth of change. 27 15. Patani- Ligeh. Gold-dust is said to be used as soall change both at Mombang and at Rekoh, though the people at the ponghulu's house declared they had none of it. 16. Patani: descriptions of Patani cash. (a) Teluban. Inscription in Arabic28 ;-atazi tazani f billah bisawaf. tubin (i.e., Teluban) Sanat 1308 (A, D, 1891). (6) Jamba (Jering): Inscription in Arabic : al kadir biladi saharni hazar il wanna. Yambu (i. e., Jambu ), 1319 (A. D. 1895). (c) Patani. (i) Inscription in Arabic : almanshiri wan f biladil. Fatani (i..., Patani), sanat 1309. (A. D. 1892). (ii) Inscription in Malay ini pitis belanja didalam negeri Patani : this cash is coin within the country of Patani. It is said that in Jala no pitis are coined. (d) A Singora coin. Has a Malay inscription on one side and Chinese on the other. 17. Kelantan. Old and present Kelantan pilis (cash) are said to go 480 to the dollar. They bear inscriptions : (1) chaping (keping) li amir saj'a mulkahu daulat Kelantan, 1305 (A. D. 1888 ):-(2) Thuribah fi Jamad-al-awwal. 18. Kelantan and Patani. Cash-trees were obtained in both States, 19. Putani-Ligeh ; description of cash. (a) Inscription in Arabic :-sultan-al-adhim daulat Ligeh Khalif. (6) Inscription in Malay :-2 hari bulan Rabi' al-awwal, 2nd day of the month of Rabi' al-awwal : sanat 1307 (A.D. 1890) : asha ama wal rahman. 20. Coins obtained on the East Coast. (a) Three small cash with hole in centre, and same legend on both sides ; no mint mentioned, but probably Kelantan. Inscription : Khalif [atu'l-mu] minin. (6) one Patani cash. (c) one Kelantan cash. (d) twenty-three large Trengganu cash, with legend : sapuloh kepeng 10, ten cash-piece 10 kepeng, on one side : dharab f Targanu (Trengganu) on the other. (e) two joko, gambling counters passing current in Trengganu with Malay legend on one side : ini Ban Sing-punya, this is Ban Sing's ; and in Chinese on the other. * That is he made 2 points in 5, or 40 per cent,, by manipulating the currenay. See ante, p. 17, for the West Coast mint method, and p. 26 for the Dutch E, I. Company's method in similar oironmatanoon. It was his idem of legitimate trede profit. 2deg All Arabic readings oan only be approximate on such coins,

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156 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JUNE, 1915. (d) one Siamese coin bent (tikal) used by gamblers as being easy to pick up. ) Ode Penang coin with Malay legend :- Pulau Pinang on one side, and arms of the British East India Company on the other. () three old cash, much defaced : one with Trenggana clearly written (t-t-ng-a-nu): the other illegible. (9) four American half-dollars, which go by the name of jampal : the oldest 1810. (1) four Java coins (guilder, hall-guilder, quarter-guilder, eighth-guilder). The two latter have Malay and Javanese inscriptions ;-sa-percmpat rupiye (quarter rupee) and sa-porpuloh rupiya (eighth-rupee) respectively. 21. Pahang. In a Malay house on the Lebih, I saw cash hung upon the strings of a para (hanging tray), wbich was suspended over the hearth, just as they are hung upon the strings of an anchak (tray for offerings to the spirits). Deer-hoofs' were hung underneath the para, just as is the case with the hoofs of the goat, whenever one is sacrificed for exposure in an anchak. In the same way coins are fixed to the shrouds of the spirit-boat (lanchang). In faet it seems pretty generally understood by all the Malays in the Peninsula that the spirits will appreciate the value of cash. Pahang is part of the British protectorate. Kelantan, Patani, Trengganu and Kedab, including Setul, Perlis, Singora and Patalung are under Siamese administration, 28a 22. Patani : Jambu (Jering). Gold weights. 2 saga kenderi 20 = 1 saga besar 4 saga kenderi =1 kupang 4 kupang = 1 'mas (niace) 16 'mas = 1 tahil (tael) of 16 dollars 23. Patani: Raman-Ligeb. Gold weights.30 4 lada = 1 puchok 4 pachok = 1 padi (saga kenderi) 4 kenderi = 1 'mas 5 kenderi = 1 kupang 8 kenderi = 'l rial (Sp. dollar). 15 rial = 1 tahil 24. Patani : Raman-Ligeh Silver weights.90 2 pachok = 1 padi 3 padi = 1 cents 6 padi = 1 kenderi II: West Coast. 25. Singapore and Malacca Carrency. 4 duit (t cent.) make 1 sen (cent.) 2 sen > 1 wang 10 wang , 1 suku (quarter dolar) 4 suku . 1 ringgit (dollar) 26. Perak. Wang baharul means the new (silver) piece valued at 2 cents. According to Klinkert, 33 the wang (uwang) was a small piece of money = 10 duit = een dubbeltje (a Duteb ana Trenganu, Kelantan, Kodah and Perlis bave since been transferred to British territory. * Kindari seeds = oandareon: saga dinar=grest wood. Saga by itself means usually tho kandant or oandareen, i..., seed of the adonanthera pavonina, which is double of the abrua precatoria seed. Here however Haga konddri is clearly the latter and saga War the former. ** It seems possible that in these omBON the informant mixed up weights with relative and absolute value. 11 Maxwell, Malay Manual, p. 142. n Nieuw M-N. Woordenboek.

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JUNE, 1913.) THE OBSOLETE MALAY TIN CURRENCY 157 silver coin worth two pence). It was also a gold-weight = 'mas (mace). Klinkert no doubt refers to the old wang. 27. Perak. Maxwell's boya is no doubt a valgar corruption of buaya (buwaya), i.e., the * crocodile" coin, which is referred to by Klinkert, who says it was a tin coin in Selangor in the shape of a crocodile, and that the value was 20 duits, as formerly issued. 28. Perak. The recess in the design in the tampang or "block".coin is called melumba, which may be connected with lombong, a "paddock" in the workings of local tin mine, so named from its sloping side. 29. Peral and Selangor coinage. In Penang, Kedah, etc., the tampang was called kuparg. The copper coinage now in use in the Federated Malay States is the cent (100 to the dollar) and half-cent of the Straits coinage. Till recent years, however, copper coins from nearly all the adjacent countries were admitted, but Government has some time since taken the matter in hand, and foreign copper coinage has been largely prohibited ia the Federated States. A small copper Dutch coin called wang is still in use at 2} cents. The small silver coins of the Straits currency (British) now ased in the Federated States are 5, 10, 20 and 50 cents. They are called sling or s'killing (Dutch, skilling), and were preceded by small silver pieces about the size of a Straits balf-cent piece, but thinner. They had a design described as a shield and crown and were evidently Dutch or Javanese. They were sometimes collectively called wang, i.e., change, though this term more properly applied to the copper wany. For the half-dollar (jampal), the United States coinage was sometimes employed. The dollars in use were as follows: (a) One of the oldest dollars, ased in the Federated States, was the pillar" dollar called by the Malays the "cannon" dollar, as they mistook the pillars on it for cannon. I have met with one or two specimens in Selangor. (6) The Mexican dollar with eagle and snake was largely used till quite recently, and was called the "bird " dollar (ringgit burong): the "snake" "dollar (ringgit ular): and even the butterfly" dollar (ringgit rama-rama). (c) The "scales " dollar (ringgit noracha). (d) Chinese and Japanese dollars were also in use. (c) Not long ago the Government has minted a Britisb dollar at Singapore, which has been called the "Staff " dollar (ringgit tongkat) from the trident carried by Britannia. 30. Perak-Selangor. A tali was always 12 cents. The expression sa perak (one silverpiece) was also formerly used for 6 cents as money of account, though there may have once been such a coin. 31. Penang and Province Wellesley. Swettenbam, Vocabulary, p. 129. 10 duit (cent) make 1 kupang 12} duit 1 tali 2 tali , 1 Buku (quarter) 4 suku . 1 ringgit (dollar) The duit (Dutch) is divided into halves and quarters : satengah duit and suku duit. Klinkert Woordenboek, says 8. v. tali:-sa-lali = t gulden; "naar het koord met 75 pitis, dat vroeger daarvoor gebruikt werd." Here the pitis = cash of the Chinese variety. 82. Kedah: Ulu Kedah. At Baling I found old Straits coins, copper cents of the East India Company when it administered Penang, still current. 33. Setul: N. of Kedah. I was told at Setul that a species of cash, keping, was formerly current, with a quarter of a Penang or Singapore cent: 4 keping (cash) = 1 Dutch duit (cent).

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158 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JUNE, 1913. 34. Negri Sembilan. Names for ourrency, from report in J. R. A. S., Straits Branch No. 18, pp. 356 f. sa-wang = 2 cents. sa-perak Ba-kupang $-suku s'-omeh (sa 'mas) sa-liku33 centa dua-liku tiga-liku and so on to 29 cents = 52} Ba-'ng baharu3* = 27 cente Sa-tali = 5-'ng babarusia = 12; sa-liku-'ng babara dua-lika-'ng baharu = 55 . duapuloh omeh = 10 dollars omeh duapuloh duapuloh sa-ropi dua-bslas sa-rcpi346 35. Singapore and Peninsula. Dollars recently in use. Average Parts Name. Parts weight pure in ge. Bilver. Hongkong 416 900 100 Old Mexican 4161 898 102 New Mexican 417} 898 102 Japanese 416 900 100 American Trade 420 900 100 British 416 900 100 36. Perlio, N. of Kedah. A certain amount of tin is exported from Perlis : 60-70 kali=1 jongkong or slab. In Selangor and Perak, the slabs are called koping or jongkong, and the smaller pieces buku. The shape of the slab was roughly that of the tampang, which was a clear imitation of it. This seems to be a strong link between the tin currency and the system of blocks or slabs in which the tin is actually cast, alloy. keping or jongkong tampang 93 Lekor (liku) is the coeffloient of the numerals between 20 and 80+ so satu-Lokor (na-likw) is 21 and so on. * Wang baharu, new coin: used in Malacca for small obsolete silver coin. The phrase still means 2 cente in scoounts. Ha The original bas S'ng baharu, which, as Mr. Blagden ha pointed out, is a misprint for 5 'ng balar. 14) The last three statements are not oloar. Omeh dua puloh and duapuloh sa-ropi are evidently equivalentes Ju lae aa-rupi means olearly another kind of dpi (piece). Apparently duapulo 8-rdpi means " piece of 20" -7 dollars, and dua-bilas (bolas, coefficient of numerals between 10 and 20) sa-rapi, "s piece of 12" = 4 dollars. If this reading be correot, the proportion is not quite right, me 7: 4:5 18 produces 84: 80. If, however, the two sides of the equation are intended to tally, mai duaruloh would seem to mean " gold piece of 20," whatever " 20" refers to

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JUNE, 1913.) EPIGRAPHIC NOTES AND QUESTIONS 159 S In Pabang the tampang bave been turned into mere tokens (money) by hollowing them out. The slape is preserved and they fit each other like a series of bats. According to Wilkinson, Malay Dict., jongkong is applied to the hollowed-out tokens to distinguish them from the tampang or solid blocks, which were also called raman. It is bowever certaioly applied in the first place to the slab of tin (koping), vide Klinkert. Tampang means a flattish square slab ; the term is also applied to the fort" or ramparts round a Raja's palace in the sense that these are four-square. It is also used sometimes even for the Pahang jongkong. 37. Perak and Selangor. Currency table for block tin. 5 cents make 1 buaya (crocodile) 2 buaya i tampang (block) 6 tampang? 2 bidor ,, i 'mas or jampal (} dollar) 10 tampang 2 'mas 1 dollar The weight of the tampang is said to have been about 1 kati in Selangor. The entire currency is now obsolete and very hard to get. One of the minting places of the tin-block coins was Kerayong in the K'lang, Selangor. The tampang there minted were stamped with 4 mark called ta mpol manggis, or mangosteen rosette, which it was meant or thonght to resemble X . The value of tin when these coins were current may have been not more than 12-15 dollars the pikul. It has lately gone up to 80-90 dollars, but for a good many years it varied from 20 to 40 dollars. Some of the small varieties of the coins were carried on a string, but not all, and it is perhaps some 40 years or more since they were in vogue. A duit in Selangor was formerly called a pese. Four duit or pese, went to a cent. (To be continued.) EPIGRAPHIC NOTES AND QUESTIONS BY D. R. BHANDARKAR. M.A.; POONA. Continue.l from Vol. XLII, p. 28. XVI.Sambodhi in Asoka's Rock Edict VIII. A much discussed passage in this edict rans as follows, according to the Girnar text: Alika lain antaran rajano dihara-ydlan nayds' ela mnaga yvd arani cha elarisani abhirama dni ahusu so Devdnapiyo Piya lasi rdid du sa-vas-dbhisilo sailo aydyu sana 5o thin len-esd dharuna. ydia. Now, what is the meaning of the expression, aydya sambodhin? According to Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji, it means, "reached true knowledge". M. Senart translates it by," set out for perfect intelligence". Buhler renders it by "weut forth in search after true knowledge". Mr. V. A. Smith's translations is " want forth on the road to wisdom". According to Prof. Rhys Davids, it means " set out for the Sambolhi-that is to say, he had set out, along the Aryan Eight-fold Path, towards the attainment (if not in his present life then in some futaro birth as a man of the state of mind called Arahatship". Dr. Fleet's interpretation is entirely different from any yet proposed. He regards so Deodnampiy>> Piya lasi raja dasa-vasAbhis ito as a sentence in itself, and takes santo to stand for santah and to refer apparently to the Buddha. And he gives the following translation of the passage : "In times gone by, the kings want forth on pleasure-tours, on which there were hunting and other similar a musements: (so did)

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160 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JUNE, 1913 this same king, Devanampiya Piyadasi, when he was ten-years-anointei: (but) the Tranquil One went to true knowledge': therefore there is now this touring for dhamma". I submit my interpretation of the passage so that the scholars may take it for what it is worth. The knotty expression with which we are concerned is, aydya sambodhin. The natural meaning of it is * went to Sanibodhi" and not a set out for sambodhi" as contended by Messrs. Senart, Buhler and Rhys Davids. The words we have in the text are ayaya and not patthito. Now the question arises : in what sense is the word sabodhi to be taken here? Is it to be understood in the sense of "perfect intelligence" as done by all scholars ? As pointed out by M. Senart, it is impossible to credit Asoka with pretending to have attained to perfect intelligence. This meaning must, therefore, be rejected. It is worthy of note, that, while the Girnar recension has aydya the Shahbazgarhi and Mansbera texts give nikrami and the Kalsf nikami[th]a. This root nishkram, which always has a physical signification, precludes us from taking sanbodhi in the above sense; in other words, sanbodhi nish-kram cannot mean " attain to perfect intelligence". Sanbo lhi must, therefore, denote something with reference to which the physical action of going is possible. The conclusion is thus irresistible that the term here refers to the place where Buddha attained to true knowledge. If any instance is needed of the word bodhi or sambodhi having been employed in this sense, it is furnished by the following passage from the Divyaradana. Yavad rajn= Acokena jatau bodhau dharmachakre parinirvane ekaika-sata-sahasraan dattan tasya bodhau viseshatah prasada(o) jata iha Bhagavat=dnutlard samyak-sashbodhir = abhi savibuddh=eti sa yani visesha-yuktani ratndni tani bodhin preshayati, etc., etc. I have no doubt that the word bodhi is in this passage employed in the sense of," the word place where the Buddha attained to perfect intelligence". It may, perhaps, be argued that the word bodhi does not here denote the place where, but the date when, Buddhs obtained perfect knowledge. But that this is not the sense here intended is shown by the words bodhin preshayali where the word cannot possibly have that sense. The word sha occurring in the extract siinilarly points to a place and not to a date. It may, however, be argued that bothi here means the bodhi tree. This sense also can suit the passage of the edict, though it does not seem to be intended in the passage of the Divyava ldna. For it jali denotes the place where Buddha was born, bodhi must necessarily denote the place where he acquired true knowledge. I have said, above, that bodhi or saubodhi, in the sense of the Bo troe, can also fit the passage of our Rock Edict. That this word has this signification is clear from Childers' Dictionary of the Pali Linguage. A slightly grander term is mahdbodhi, which is an almost exact equivalent of Sanbodhi. It occurs in the name Mahdbodhi-vainsa of a well-known Pali work, published by the Pali Text Society. Mahabodhin gam is an expression which is frequently met with in this book ; e. g., on p. 130, we have tajn kchanan yeva Bardnasi-raja hiniya Brahmadatta-rdjana adayu mahabodhim upagantvd, etc., etc. . Whichever sense of the word bodhi or sanbodhi is taken, the purport of the edict in question is clear. It tolls us that Asoka's religious touring commeaced with his visit to Bodhi. Of the four places connected with Buddbs, that where he obtained enlightenment is considered as most important by the Buddhists. The Divydvadani also, as will be seen from the extract cited above, says that Aska attashed far more value to Bodhi than to anything else, and consequently gives a longer and much more glowing description of his visit there. It speaks of the religious benefactions made by him and also of the interviews he had with sthaviras, exactly as the Rock Edict tells us. XVII.-Was Devagapta another name of Chandragupta II P On pp. 214-15 of this Journal for the last year, Prof. Pathak has given & snmmary of a Vakacaka copper-plate grant which is in his possession. Therein Prabhavati, motber of the

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JONE, 1913.] EPIGRAPHIO NOTES AND QUESTIONS 161 yuvardja Srt-Divakarasena, is spoken of as daughter of Chandragupta II, of the imperial Gupta dynasty. The same Prabhavati (-gupta) is mentioned in at least two published Vakataka grants as daughter of Devagupta. And, as Prof. Pathak's grant, which was thoroughly examined by me, is an unquestionably genuine record, the conclusion is irresistible that Devagupta is another name of Chandragupta II. But if there is still any scepticism on this point, it is, I believe, set at rest by the Sinchi inscription of Chandragupta II, datod G. E.93. The following words which occur in it are important: mahardjadhirdja-sri-Chan lraguptsya Devardja iti priya-nam .............. ... tasya sarda-guna-sampaltaye, etc. The lacqnae here are rather unfortunate, but if we make an attempt at grasping the true meaning of the passage in the light of what precedes and follows, I doubt not that it is intended to tell us that Devaraja was another name of Chandragupta II. Prinsep translated this passage so as to make Devaraja another name of this Gupta king. This may be correct," says Dr. Fleet. But he prefers to supply the lacunae by reading Devaraja its foriya-nam-[dmdtyo-bhavat]y-[c]tasya, and take Devaraja as the name of his minister. Priya-nama Dr. Fleet correctly renders by " of familiar name," but this phrase loses its sense if Devaraja is taken to be a name not of Chandragupta but of his minister. What is the force of saying that the minister's familiar name is Devaraja, when his other and generally known name is not given? On i he other hand, if it is taken to refer to Chandragupta, the fall significance of the passage is brought ut. For the name Chandragupta is, as a matter of fact, first mentioned, and it is immediately followed by Devaraja. This first name is more widely known, but the second is more familiar, And there is also very great propriety in Amrakarddava, the donor, giving this second name of the Gupta sovereign. For Amrakarddays was not a Chief, but an officer of Chandragupta, as rightly said by Dr. Fleet. And it is but natural that he should mention over and above the usual and common, alse the favourite, name of the sovereign by which he was familiarly known in his palace there Amrakarddava must have more often come in contact with him than elsewhere. Again, Amrakarddava is said to be anujivi-satpurusha-tadbhava-vrittin jagati prakhy&payan. This epithet becomes appropriate only if Devaraja is taken to refer to Chandragupta. For part of his gift is intended to produce perfection of all virtues in Devaraja. If this Devaraja is no other but s minister, the expression anujivi-satpurusha-sadbhava-vsitti has no meaning. This epithet would, tuerefore, naturally lead us to suppose that Amrakarddava made the grant for the benefit, not of the minister, but of the sovereign. There can thus be no doubt that the Sancbi inscription gives Devaraja as another name of Chandragupta II only. And this corroborates the Vakataka plates of Prof. Pathak. XVIII.-Manandasor inscription of Naravarman, A new inscription has recently been brought to light at Mandsaur or Mandasor, the chief town of the district of the same name in Scindia's Dominions of the Western Malwa Division of Central India. It is now lying in the possession of Lala Dayashankar, a local pleader, but was originally found near the Fort gate not far from the village of Todi. The stone on which the inscription is engraved appeare purposely to have been neatly cut out after line 9 for being used in some building. The object of the record is thus not clear, as it is lost with the missing portion of the inscription stone; bat it seems to be something connected with the god Yasudeva. This benefaction, whatever it was, was made by an individual paned Satya, who was a son of Vargnavriddhi and grandson of Jaya. The record refers itself to the reign of Naravarman, son of Singhavarman and grandson of Jayavarman, and is dated the 5th of the bright half of Asvoja (Asvins) of the Malava (or Vikrama) year 461 = A. D. 404. It is thus evident that this Naravarman is identical with the prince of that name who is mentioned as father of Vibyavarman by the Gaigdhar inscription of V. E. 480. And we know from another Mandasor inscription that 1 Fleet's Gupta Inscrs., p. 74 ff.

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162 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY Visvavarman's son was Bandhuvarman. We thus obtain the following line of the feudatory princes who ruled over Malwa from about the middle of the fourth to about the middle of the fifth century A.D. (1) Jayavarman 1 (2) Simghavarman, son of (1) I (3) Naravarman, son of (2) V. E. 461 A. D. 404. I (4) Visvavarman, son of (3) V. E. 480 A. D. 423 [JUNE, 1913. I (5) Bandhuvarman, son of (4) V. E. 493 A. D. 436 Among the various epithets of Naravarman mentioned in our inscription occurs in 1. 5 the epithet Singha-vikranta-gamini (Naravarmani). If I have understood this expression correctly, it shows that Naravarman was a feudatory of Chandragupta II. We know from Gupta coins, that Sinha-vikrama was a title of Chandragupta II.; and we also know from a Sanch inscription that this Gupta sovereign was reigning till G. E. 98 A. D. 411, i. e, for at least seven years after the date of our inscription. Nothing, therefore, precludes us from concluding that the expression Singha-vikranta-gamini hints that Naravarman was a tributary prince of Chandragupta II. And this is in keeping with the fact that his son and grandson, vis., Visvavarman and Bandhuvarman were feudatories of Kamaragupta. The verse which sets forth the year is very important, and I, therefore, quote it here. Sri(r)-Malava-gan-dmndte prasaste Krita-sanjhite [1]. Eka-shashty-adhike prapte samd-bata-chatushtay[e] [I]. The two expressions that are worthy of consideration in this verse are Malava-gan-amnate, and Krita-samjhite. The first reminds us of similar expressions found elsewhere, viz., Malavandm gana-sthityd and Malava-gana-ethiti-vaidt of the inscriptions dated V. E. 493 and 589 respectively and both discovered at Mandas or itself. But what is the meaning of the expression Malava-ganamnate which occurs in our inscription? In my opinion, it can have but one sense, viz., "handed down traditionally by the Malava tribe." The root, d-mna, primarily signifies "to hand down traditionally," and, consequently, the word gana can here only mean "attribe," which again is one of its usual senses. This, I think, is clear and indisputable, and the other similar phrases just referred to, must be so interpreted as to correspond to this. The late Prof. Kielhorn" took these latter to mean "by, or according to, the reckoning of the Malavas." But to understand gana in the sense of ganand, as he undoubtedly does, is far-fetched. Besides the expression occurring in the new inscription clearly shows that the word gana must in all these phrases be taken to signify "a tribe." The word sthiti of the expression Malava-gana-sthiti now remains to be explained, and it is obvious that it must bear a meaning which would correspond to amnata. Sthiti, therefore, must mean some such thing as a settled rule or usage' which, doubtless, is one of its senses. This also brings out clearly the meaning of the instrumental which is intended by Malavanam gana-sthityd and Malava-gana-sthiti-vaidt, as was first pointed out by Prof. Kielhorn. These expressions must, therefore, mean, "in accordance with the (traditional) usage of the Malava tribe." 2 Ibid, p. 82. 3 Jour. B. As. Boc. for 1889, p. 87-90; 1893, pp. 111-12. The Amarakosha e. g. gives sampradaya (traditional usage) as one of the meanings of amnaya. s One Bijaygadh inscription e. g. speaks of Yaudheya-gapa (Gupta Inscrs. p. 252). Gana is also found appended on coins not only to the name Yaudheya but also to Malava (Catalogue of the coins in the Indian Museum, Vol. I. by V. A. Smith, pp. 173-4 and 182). Ante, Vol. XIX, pp. 56-7. Vide the St. Petersburg Lexicon sub voce and the references culled there from Sanskrit literature.

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JUNE, 1913.] ON SOME NEW DATES OF PANDYA KINGS 163 Now, what can be the meaning of Krita-samjhite, which expression also is met with in our inscription? Obviously, the years 461, are here meant to be called Krita. But it may be asked, "Are there any inscriptions which contain instances of this word applied to years?" I answer in the affirmative, for there are at least two inscriptions which speak of Krita years. They are the Bijaygadh stone pillar inscription of Vishnuvardhana and the Gangdhar stone inscription of Visvavarman referred to above. In the first, the date is mentioned in the words, Kriteshu chaturshu varaha-satesho ashtavin(m)seshu 400 20 8, etc. The second sets forth the date in the following verse: Yateshu shatuh(r)shu kri(kri)teshu sateshu sau[m]yeshv = dita-sollarapadeshv-iha vatsa[reshu]. Dr. Fleet translates the word kriteshu by "fully complete," but admits that it involves a straining. Besides, even with this meaning, the word is made redundant by yateshu, which is used along with it. But the sense of kriteshu, and consequently of the two passages in which it occurs, is rendered clear and intelligible, if we take it to be a name by which the years of what is now called the Vikrana era were known, as no doubt the phrase Krita-samjnite of our inscription tells us. But here a question arises: "Was Krita the name of an era?" It is difficult to answer the question definitely at the present stage of our research. But the manner in which the word Krita is employed leads us to surmise that it was at any rate not the name of a king or royal dynasty that was associated with these years. We have e. g., eras originated by Saka or Gupta kings. But we never hear of expressions such as Sakeshu vatsareshu or Gupteshu vatsareahu. The Bijaygadh and Gangdhar inscriptions, on the other hand, as we have seen, speak of Kriteshu varsheshu or vatsareshu. It is for this reason that I am inclined to think that Krita was not the name of a king or dynasty that was given to these years. It is not safe just at present to make an assertion on this point, but it appears to me that what is now known as the Vikrama era was invented by the people or astronomers for the purpose of reckoning years and was consequently originally known as Krita, which means "made." If this supposition is correct, it is clear why Krita can be used in apposition to years as is no doubt intended in the passages cited above. I do not, however, believe that the Malavas had anything to do with the actual foundation of the era. This is evident from the word amnata, which never means "originated". The word can here signify only handed down traditionally," and shows that the Malavas were only in possession of a traditional usage regarding, i. e., of a mode of reckoning, the Krita years. We know that there are two systems of reckoning, which are peculiar to the Vikrama era, viz. the northern (Chaitrddi) and the southern (Kartikadi). Whether the Malavas were supposed in the fifth century A. D. to have handed down one of these or not is a question which we must await further discoveries to answer. ON SOME NEW DATES OF PANDYA KINGS IN THE 13TH CENTURY A. D. BY DIWAN BAHADUR L. D. SWAMIKANNU PILLAI, M. A., B. L. (MADRAS); LL.B. (LOND.). I. IN December 1911, I obtained the permission of the Epigraphist to the Government of Madras, M.R.Ry. Rao Sahib H. Krishna Sastriar Avargal, to search the files of his transcripts of Pandya inscriptions for unverified dates to be used as illustrations to my Indian Chronology as well as to the method of verification of dates advocated in my little brochure, Hints to Workers in South Indian Chronology. The search resulted in the discovery of many unverified Pandya dates, equal in importance, and more than equal in number, to those upon which the late Prof. Kielhorn had been engaged from 1901 up to the time of his death in 1908, and which had been published by him from time to time in the Epigraphia Indica. I had reason to believe that a considerable proportion of these unverified dates had also been submitted to Prof. Kielhorn, but that he had not succeeded in discovering a clue to them. From a note in German by Prof. Kielhorn, which I found in one of the transcripts in the Epigraphist's office, it was apparent that, in order to be able to deal more effectively with Pandya dates, which no doubt present features of unusual difficulty (as pointed out in my Hints to Workers in South Indian Ibid., p. 75 11. 19-20. Fleet's Gupta Insors., p. 258.

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164 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JUNE, 1913 Chronology), he had constructed a rough ephemeris for the years A. D. 1000-1800. From his description of the ephemeris, however, I gather that it could not have contained more than the first five or six colamns of Table X of my Indian Chronology, if it contained so much; that is, he must have used, as data for all the tithis and nakshatras of a particular year, certain constants derived from the positions of the sun and the moon at the commencement of the year. I mention these details, because for the very same purpose of dealing effectively with Pandya dates, I have also constructed an ephemeris or daily Trayanga for the years A. D. 850-1000 and again from A. D. 1200 to 1500, which I intend to continue backwards as well as forwards; but my ephemeris gives, in addition to constants for every year and every new moon, which I have already furnished in print in Table X of my Indian Chronology, the actual ending moment of the title and nakshatra for every day in the period dealt with. It is possible to discover from this ephemeris, after a few trials and without any calculation whatever, the day corresponding to any combination of tithi, nakshatra and zdra. The accuracy of the results presented to Epigraphists in this article, as well as the ease with which I have been able to obtain positive results where Prof. Kielhorn and other investigators merely reported negative results, are due to the fact that I obtained them, as a rule, direct from my ephemeris, instead of having to work them out every time from my Indian Chronology. For the sake of ready reference, I give below a list of all the Pandya rulers of the 18th and first quarter of the 14th century, whose initial years have been ascertained either by Prof. Kielhorn or by me, distinguishing by asterisks my own contributions to the list. Where I have been able to reduce to narrower limits the commencement of a reign given by Prof. Kielhorn, this fact is also indicated by an asterisk. Similarly, the fact that I have proved Kielhorn's Vira Pandya (the only prince of that name disclosed by his investigations) to have been a Maravarman is also indicated by an asterisk. To Kielhorn's eight Pandyas of the 13th century, I have added a dozen new names, so that the obscurity in which the history of the Pandyas of the 13th century has been hitherto involved, and which finds frequent i expression in the annual reports of the Madras Epigraphist, has to some extent been removed. It remains for me, however, to acknowledge gratefully the liberal hints I have received from Mr. Rao Sahib H. Krishna Sastriar, in the matter of determining the broad Annual Report, 1911-12, p. 71. "No. 392 of 1911 which is dated in the 10th year of Jat. S. Pandya and quctos the 15th of Perunjingadeva may refer to the time of Jat. S. Pandya I (1251 to at least 1261), or to J. S. Pandys to at least 1290). The latter is more probable, as J. S. Pandya I is always distinguished by the epithet who took all countries," I shall show below that the king referred to is J. S.P. I. Annual Report, 1911-12, p. 72. "Inscriptions of this Jat. Vira Pandya, copied in previous years, do not give any ne to the period when he flourished. I shall show, by moans of four inscriptions oopied so early as 1894. and one in each of the years 1906, 1907 and 1908, that this Jat. Vira Pandya oamo to the throne in A. D. 1254 and WAS no other than the person well known to Madras epigraphy as the conqueror of "Ilam, Kongu and Chola." Annual Report, 1910-11, p. 79. "M&r. Vira Pandya is another unknown king to whose 10th year belongs No.277 of 1910." Again Annual Report, 1909-10, p. 99. "M&r. Tribh. Virs Pandya and Jat. Tribh. Vira Pandya, mentioned in No8, 307 and 494 of 1909, could not be identified with any of the kingsi means of insoriptione, copied in 1905 and 1909, that the only Vira Pandya whose dates were investigated by Kielhorn was a Maratarman; I shall also show that there were at least three Jal. Vira Pandyas in the 13th century. Annual Report, 1910-11, p. 79. "We do not know who Mar. Sundara Pandya was in whose 12th year.........the kaikkolar...". In Nos. 342, 343 and 814 of 1911 (three dated insoriptions of the 15th year of Mar. Sund. Pandya) the kaikkolars figure again, this time as donors of gifta. I have identified these dates as belonging to & reign which commenced in A. D. 1294. Annual Report, 1909-10, p. 97. "Jat. Tribh. Sanda Pandya whose identity with any of the known kinge of that name oould not be definitely affirmed... -. One of these insoriptions ...... One of those inscriptions ( 418 of 1909) refers to an earl by Kopperunjangadeva and helps us to identify this Sund. Papdya with Jat. S. P. II." I shall show, by means of 9 inscriptions copied in 1909 (including No. 418 of 1909), and three in earlier years, that this Jat. 8. Padya could not be either J. S. P. I or II, but a different person whose reiga began in A. D. 1970-71. . 82. Other kings of the name of Sundara Pandy who could not be identified by their characteristic epithets are Koner. Jat. Tribh. S. P. (Nos 69 and 72 of 1908); Jat. 8, P. (214, 217. 395. 411. 414 and 594 of 1908)...... Tribh. S. P. (150 of 1908 and 14 of 1909); ... Vira Pandya is represented by 18 inscrip tions, in nine of which (119, 120, 123, 128, 134, 290, 401... ... and 598 of 1908 and 59 of 1909) he is oalled Jat. Tribh. Vira Pandya." I shall show below that the eight insoriptions for which details of day and month are available, can be referred definitely to certain known Pandya sovereigns, viz. Jat. S. P. II (411), Mar. S. P. II (130), Jat. V. P. II (194), Jat. V. P. III (119, 120, 182 and 101 of 1908), and Jat, S. P. IV (69 of 1908).

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June, 1918) ON SOME NEW DATES OF PANDYA KINGS 165 limits of the period to which each inscription relates. Without sach hints, pare chronology would be very often at son in such investigations. The annual reports of the Madras Epigraphint give only the Saks or the cyclic years of inscriptions, but not the details of month and day, where these are available. I have suggested to the Epigraphist that these details might be given in fatured in the Annual Report in all cases in which they are available, and also, where the only possible clue to the discovery of the year is the mention of a concurrent set of tithi, udra and nakshatra with or without solar month, that a brief indication of the period to which the characters and other epigraphical evidence might soem to point should be furnished in the Annual Report. Such an indication as "circa 13th cent." or " 12th or 13th cent." or later than 14th cent." is in the latter class of cases indispensable for chronological investigation. All details of tithi, nakshatra and vdra, invaluable as they are for epigraphic research, are at present omitted from the epigraphist's annual reports, in order possibly to economize space, but no scientific record, however brief, can be complete without such details as may serve eventually to fix the date. The inscriptions containing such details are unfortunately not many. Moreover, if the tabular arrangement at present adopted in the appendices to the Madras Epigrapbist's annual reports were replaced by the narrativo form which I have adopted in Part IV of this article, there would not only be no waste of space, but considerable economy would result, and the Epigraphist would be able to include in the appendices everything he wished to quote from the contents of a given inscription, instead of having to divide his notes between the "remarks" column of an appendix and the text of his report. If the procedure I suggest were adopted, all the inscriptions found in a partioular temple or other building would still stand together, as they do now, but they could be provided with a conspicuous heading, describing the temple or structure by its name, village, taluk and district. The tabular form seems to have been adopted more than 20 years ago when there were much fewer inscriptions and much less information to be recorded under each than is at present the case. It is now rather a hindrance than a help to the full treatment of an important or interesting inscription. II. List of Pandya rulers of the 19th century. * An asterisk distinguishes additions made by the present writer to the list of Pandya kings published by Prof. Kielborn at pp. 226-228 of Vol. IX of Epigraphia Indica. Name of ruler. Limits of commencement of reign. # Jatavarman Vira Pandya 1 ... 18 Aug. 1189--15 Ap. 1190 Jatavarman Kulasekhara I ... ... 30 Mar.-29 Nov. 1190 29 Mar.4 Sep. 1216 Maravarman Sandara Pandya I *25 June-]9 July 1216 * Jatavarman Kulasekhara II 16 June-30 Sep. 1237 15 June 1288--18 Jan. 1289 Maravarman Sundara Pandya II *3 July-1 Dec. 1238 Jatavarman Sundara Pandya I 30th-28 Ap. 1251 Maravarman (*) Vira Pandya 11 Nov. 1252--13 July 1258 * Jatavarman Vira Pandya II... 15 May-19 June 1254 Maravarman Srivallabha ... 4410 Sep. 1257 2-27 June 1268 Maravarman Kulasekhara I ... -12-27 June 1268 Jatavarman Sandara Pandya (II) ... ... 2 Nov. 1270-5 Jan. 1271 13 Sep. 1275-15 May 1276 * Jatavarman Sandara Pandys II ... " 24 June 1276 I am glad to find that in the annual report for 1912-13 these details are for the first time given in full-L.D.8. * I have assigned numbers to the Pandyas of the 18th cont. morely for convenience of reference in this artiole. I do not recommend the employment of such numbers generally when donline with the Pandyas: for it is certain that there were earlier Pkpd yw bearing the same names, though we do not now know their OXAT dates. It would be better to refer to each Pkpdya by the your of his accession. . Called Jat. Sundara Pandya II in Professor Kielhorn's list.

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166 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JUNI, 1915. * Maravarman Vikrama Pandya * Jatavarman Vikrama Pandya * Jatavarman Srivallabha ... * Marsvarman Sundara Pandya III ... * Jatavarman Vira Pandya III * Jatavarman Sandara Pandy 6 (IV) ... Maravarman Kulasekhara II... Jafavarman Parkkrama Pandya * Jatavarman Sundara Pandya V ... 12 Jan.-29 Aug. 1283 circa 1280 ... 6 Ap.-12 Nov. 1291 20 Feb.-6 Mar. 1294 28 Jone-24 July 1296 29 Aug. 1802-5 July 1808 6th-29 Mar. 1914 ... 18 Ap.-10 Aug, 1815 ... 10--25 Ap. 1818 The following is a tentative arrangement of most of the above Pandya ralers, which will make it clear, (1) that five Pandyas ruled at the same time, a fact established by tradition as well as by the statements of contemporary historians; (2) that two Mars varmans and two Jatatarmans were co-regents with a fifth Pandya who might be either a Maravarman or a Jacavarman; (3) that as a rule not more than one or two years elapsed between the death of a MAravarman or Jatavarman and the accession of the next Maravarman or Jatavarman. The interval of 4 years betwoon the death of Maravarman Kulabekhara I and the accession of Kulabekbara II is accounted for by the Muhammadan invasion (circa A.D. 1810-vide Report on Madras Epigraphy for 1908-09, p. 82). Again there is a gap of ten years in col. (6) which one would expect to have been filled up by ~ Jatavarman. For the present I am only able to fill it ap with Jatavarman Vikrama Pandya to whom I have assigned above the conjectural date circa 1280; bat I admit this is not satisfactory; (4) that, in what I have numbered as the first line of Pandyas of the 13th century, a Maravar. man was regalarly succeeded by a Jatavarman and vice versa, each successor being presumably either appointed by the reigning sovereign during his life time or called to the throne after his death. N.B.-The main purpose of this tabular arrangement is to show that, taking almost any year between A. D. 1250 and A. D. 1315, it is possible to prove from inscriptions that five Pandyas ruled simultaneously. The qualification almost " would probably be UDNOCOBAry if we knew the Oxact terminal year of each reign. The terminal year of each reign here assumed is merely the latest year occurring in inscription, (Padukkotta inscriptions have in one or two cases been used for this purpose by anticipation), whereas the actual year of death may bave been a few years later than that bere assumed. Also . more careful investigation of the relationship among the individuals reigning at the same time, as well as of the places whore thoy had their palacos, may lead us to a boater adjustment of the oonourrontlines which, as presented here, make absolutely no pretence whatever to a genealogical arrangement. (2) (3) Mr. Sun Pipd. I k. Vira Padys J. Virs Pandya II xckr. Sund' Plod. II Jat. Kaleokhara II (1914-1946) (1282-1987 (19541715) (18081856) (1237-1959) Jut. Band. Pap. 1 Mr. Kulasek. I JA. Sund. Pend. I , Brtvallabhs JA Vilarama Pandya (1351-1980) (1208-1810) (1976-1908) (1957-1998) circa 1280 Mk, Vlaam. Plod. JM. Vtra Pindy III Ar. Bund. Pandyal Ja$. Bund. Pandys II (1206 (1870-1803) Sat. Brivallabha kr. Kulatek. 11 (1991-1815) (1816-1846) (1) . Sund. Plody II (12011 54. en part 54, Band. Pagal This was prerumably the Sundara Papdys who, according to the Muhammadan historians, murdered his father Wizararman Kukatokhara

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JUNE, 1913.) ON SOME NEW DATES OF PANDYA KINGS 167 IV. An analysis of 77 Pandya dates hitherto unverified. Between 1902 and 1908, Prof. Kielhorn verified 67 Pandya dates-vide list at pp. 226-228, Ep. Ind., IX.) Explanatory Note.--I believe I have the authority of the Madras Epigraphist for saying that he accepts the conclusions arrived at by me in the present analysis. I accept sole responsibility, however, for the caloulations here presented and wish to add, by way of caution, that variations to the extent of .02 of a day may be found in my results. This is the necessary consequence of my ephemeris being calculated to two places of decimals: but wherever the variation was likely to affect the vdra, I have taken care to caloolate the result to four placos of decimals according to the full method indicated in my Indian Chronology. I have in my possession about 90 Pandya dates sent to me by the Pudukkottai State which, so far as they are capable of verification, I hope to publish in a later article after getting them epigraphically examined. In quoting dates, I bave used certain abbreviations the meaning of which will be obvious; 4. g., 84. for sukla, ba, for bahula, etc. I have indicated nakshatras by placing their names between inverted commas, 80 as to distinguish them from the names of solar and lunar months. When I say that a tithi or Nakshatra ended at 25 of the day, I mean that it ended 15 gbatikas after mean sunrise. A key to this decimal system will be found in the Eye-Table appended to my book, Indian Chronology (1911). Jata varman Kulsbekhara I. (Reign began between 30th March and 29th November 1190.) 1908 (103). From the south wall of the mandapa in front of the central shrine in the Tirattalisvara temple at Tirupputar (Madura District). Records (gift of) some lands belonging to the temple of Kailasamudaiya Nayanar by the sabhd of Tirappatur, in order to provide for offerings on a festival in the same temple. Mentions samvatsaravdriyam. Date.-Year opp. 2nd of Tribh. Kalasekhara; 5th day of Mithuna; Sunday = Sunday 30 May A.D. 1198, which was the 5th Mithuna. * Jatavarman Vira Pandya. (Reign began between 18th Aug. 1189 and 15th April 1190.) 1908 (144). From the north wall of the six-pillared mandapa in front of the Central Bhrine in the Mangainatha temple at Piranmalai (Madara District). Gift of money for offerings. Tirukkodungupru was situated in Tirumalain adu. Mention is made of Alagapari alias Seliyanarayanapuram in Keralasinga-Valanadu. Date.-3rd year of Jat Vira Pandya (no epithet) Kanni ; g. 7; Anuradha. On Monday, 17 August 1192, Anuradha ended at -44 and su. 7 at 20; but as the solar day was only the 145th it was 10 days short of Kandi. [Kanni, error for Simha.] 1906 (352). From the north wall of the Akbilandeovari Shrine in the Sikhan&thasvamin temple at Kadumiyamalai (Pudukkottai State). Damaged. Sale of temple land for the purpose of repairing temple. Date.-13th year of Tribh. Vira Pandya; Mesha ; su...., Sunday ; Utt. Phalgupt= Sunday 15th April 1201, when Mesha sn. 11 ended at 84 and "Utt. Phalgant" commenced at .27; (possibly regnal year 18 should be 12). MAravarman Sandara Pandya I. Reign began between 29th March and 4th September 1216 25th June and 19th July 1216 1906 (862). From the south wall of the second, prdkara in the Sikhanathaavamin temple at Kudamiyamalai (Padukkottai). Registers 4 public sale of land and its purchase by Udaigar Gangeyarayar, a native of Arrur in Cha-Pandy-Yalanadu.

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168 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JUNE, 1913. Date.-3rd year of Maravarman Sundara Pandya I; Margalt; ba. 5; Sat.; "Magha "= Saturday 8 December 1218. Margaliba. 5 and "Magba" commenced just before sunrise on, and were current throughout, Saturday, coming to an end at 07 and 10 respectively on Sunday. 1907 (133). From the north wall of the mandapa in front of the Macbukundesvara temple at Kodumbalar (Madura District). Seems to record a gift of land. Mentions Karaiyur in Sola Pandiya-valanadu. Date.-13th year (in Padukottai copy, tho' Mad. Ep. Rept. notes that regnal year .is lost) of Maravarman Sandara Pandya I ; Mithuna; su. 2 (2nd tiyadi); Sunday; "Pushya". On Sunday 24 June 1229 Mithuus su. 2 and "Pasbya" ended at *59 and -22. Read tithi for tiyadi. .. Jatavarman Kulasekhara II. (Reign began between 16th June and 30th September 1237.) 1905 (62). From the fifth pillar in the second storey of the east gopura of the Sundaresvara temple at Madura. Gift of land. Date.-2nd year of Jat. Kulaaekhara; Tula; ba. 6; Thursday; "Mrigasira". On Thursday, 30 Sep. 1238, Tula ba. 6 and Mrigasira ended at 91 and 36 respectively. 1910 (135). From the fifth pillar of the mandapa in front of the central shrine in the Mulasthanesvara temple at Tenkarai (Madara District). Gift of land by the assembly of Solantaka-Chaturvedimangalam, to the servants of the yogasthana of Karravar-dasar situated in the ninth hamlet of the village. Date.-2nd year of Jatavarman alias Tribhuvanachakravarthin Kulasekharadeva-Mithuna 20, 6u. 13; Wed.; "Anuradha". On Wed, 15 June 1289 (= 20 Mithuna ) su, 13 and "Anuradha" ended at -87 and 20 respectively. 1908 (185). From the west wall of the store_room in the Tiruttalesvara templo at Tirupputur (Madura Distriot). Seems to record a gift of four water pots for the sared bath by Avanimolududaiyar, wife of Devaragandan. Date.-10th your opp. 13th of Tribh. Kulasekharadeva. 16th Mesha; day of "Anuradha". On Thursday 10 Ap. 1259 (= 16 Mesha) " Anuradha" began at .46. It ended next day at 40. Note. It is curious that in the 23rd year of Jat. Kulasekhara I (whose reign began in A.D. 1190) there is a date, Tuesday 9 Ap. 1213, which satisfies the present conditions, vis, 16 Mesba and "Anuradha"; but Madras Epigraphist thinks the characters of the inscription cannot be referred to beginning of 13th cent. MAravarman Sundara Pandya II. (Reign began between 15 June 1238 and 18 Jan, 1299.) * 3 July and 1 December 1238. 1908 (180). From the north wall of the first prakdra of the Agasty@svara shrine in the Tirattalisvara temple at Tirupputur (Madura District). Sale of land for the maintenance of a flower garden which was founded by Popparriyudaiyan Viluppadarayar of Pallarkudi in Naduvir. kurru in the district of Milalai-karram. Date.--2nd year of Tribh. Sandara Pandya. Dhanus 11, su, 10, Wed; "Asvini". On Wed. 7 Decr. 1239 (= Dhanas 11), sa. 10 and "Asvini" ended at .72 and 89 respectively. Note. The result agrees with that of Prof. Jacobi, publisbed, since this article was written, in Ep. Ind. Vol. XI, p. 185: but the learned author satisfied himself with stating that the king in question must have begun to reign-in A.D. 1237-38. As a matter of fact, the king is identical with Maravarman Sundara Pandya II (Kielhorn's C. vide Ep. Ind. vol. IX, p. 227), though the inscription itself does not style him a Mdravarman; and if my other identifications of Madras and Pudukottai dates of this reigo are correct, he must have come to the throne between 6 Oct, and 1 Decr. 1238, i.e. in A.D. 1238-89, not in A, D. 1237-38. 1895 (169). From the east wall of the mandapa surrounding the shrine of the goddess in the Kailasapati temple at Gangaikondan (Tinnevelly District).

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JUNE, 1913] ON SOME NEW DATES OF PANDYA KINGS Date.-2nd year opp. [8th] of Maravarman Sundara Pandya; ba. 6; Wed.; "Hasta "= Wed. 6 Jan. 1249, when ba. 6 and "Hasta" ended respectively at 32 and 87 of the day. [Possibly 11th year, not 10th; the reading is conjectural.] 169 1902 (616). From the inner side of the north wall of the mandapa in front of the Vriddhapurisvara temple at Tiruppunavasal (Tanjore District). Sale of land. Date.-3rd year opp. 14th of Maravarman Sundara Pandya "who conquered every country"; Kataka; su. 7; Monday; "Svati" Monday, 12 July 1255, when Kataka su. 7 ended and "Svati" began. Jatavarman Sundara Pandya I. (Began to reign between 20th and 28th Apl. 1251.) 1906 (260). From the south wall of the central shrine in the ruined Siva temple on the hill at Narasamangalam (N. Arcot). Begins Samasta-jagad-ddhara, etc. Incomplete. Registers a public sale of the village of Narasingamangalam in Mavandar-nadu, a sub-division of Kaliyurkottam, a district of Jayangonda-cholamandalam. Date.-7th year of Jat. Sundara Pandya; Vrischika; ba. 3; Monday; "Mrigasira "= Monday 6 Nov. 1256, when Vrischika ba. 3 and "Mrigasira" ended at 97 and 33 respectively. [6th Regnal year, not 7th.] 1901 (218) From the east wall of the Mandapa in front of the Tirumalievara temple a Magaral (Chingleput District). Records that a private person opened out streets and colonised the environs of the Agastyesvara temple. Date.-7th year of Jatavarman Sundara Pandya "who conquered every country." Mesha; ba. 1; Rohini. On Thursday 27 April, 1256, Rishabha su. 1 (not Mesha ba. 1, which is a double error) and Rohini ended at 38 and 98 of the day respectively. [7th year, as before, vide No. 260 of 1906 supra, an error for 6th.] 1901 (275). From the north wall of the mandapa in front of the central shrine in the Divyajnaneavara temple at Koviladi. (Tanjore Dt.) Date.-7th year of Jat. Sundara Pandya I., distinguished by the introduction Samasta jagad, (Tanjore Dt.) 8th tithi; Monday; "Purva Ashadha". On Monday 17 Sept. 1257 Kanni su. 8 and "Purvashidha" ended at 76 and 82 respectively. 1911 (322). From the west wall of the central shrine in the Dhenupurisvara temple at Madambakkam (Chingleput District), quotes the 15th year of Perunjingadeva and records a gift of lamps, etc., in the temple of Sirreri Aludayanayanur. Date.-10th year of Jatavarman Sundara Pandya; Rishabha; Sukla 11; Sunday; "Svati". On Sunday 23 May 1260, Rishabha eu. 12 and "Svati" ended at 71 and 60 respectively of the day. According to Kielhorn (Ep. Ind., IX, p. 222) Perunjingadeva began to reign between February and July 1243. [As Rishabha su. 11 cannot ordinarily concur with "Svati," su. 11 must be an error for "su. 12".] 1909 (677). From the south wall of the Mandapa in front of the central shrine in the temple of Nedungalanathasvamin at Tirunedungalam. (Tamil). Begins with the introduction Samastajagad-adhara of Jatavarman Sundara Pandya, Gift of land by the people of Misengili-nadu in Tenkarai Jayasinga Kulakala-valanadu. Date.-Jatavarman Sund. Pandya ("Samasta-jagad"); 11th year; Makara (apparent error for Mina); su. 6; Wed; "Rohini"- Wed. 5 Mar, 1264 when tithi su. 6 and Nakshatra "Rohini" ended respectively at 50 and 53. Reg. year appearing in inscription as "pat [......] nravudu " should be read as "pat [imu] nravada" (13th), not as "pat [ino] pravadu (=11th).. The combination, su. 6 and "Rohini," on Wednesday occurred only once (i, e., on this date) during the 40 years A. D. 1251-1290, although ordinarily such a combination may be expected at intervals of 3, 7 or 10 years. 1903 (125) From the north wall of the central shrine in the Agastyesvara temple at Tiruchchunai (Madura District). Incomplete, Gift of land. A certain Vaidyadbiraja is mentioned.

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170 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [Junt, 1913. Date.-148h year of Jat, Sundara Pandya "who took every country" [Mina]; su. 7; [Sunday]; "Punaivasu "=Wed, 25 March 1265. [Mina and Sunday, wrongly conjectared for Misha and Wednesday.] Vira Pandya (Kielhorn's "B".): (Reign began between 11 Nov. 1252 and 18 July 1253.) 1909 (395) From the south wall of the verandah round the central shrine in the Vyaghrapadesvara temple at Siddhalingamadam (8. Aroot). Gift of land by purchase to the temple of Tiruppalippagava-Nayanar at Sirringar, a brahmad@ya in Karukkai-kurram, a sub-division of Maladu in Rajaraja-Valanada. Dato.- 15th year of Karavarman Vira-Pandya; Dbanne; ba, 8; Saturday; " Hasta"=10th Decr. A.D. 1267. From this inscription it is clear that Kielbom's Vira-Pandya Wasa Mdravarman. Jatavarman Vira Pandya. (Reign began between 15 May and 19 June 1254.) 1894 (142) From the outside of the north wall of the second prakdra in the Nellaiyappar temple at Tinnerelly. Gift of a lamp. Date.-4th year of Jat. Vira-Pandya (no epithet), Vaikasi [22]; Tnesday; "Hasta "=Tues. 14th May A.D. 1258 (=20 Risbabba or Vaikasi). Hasta ended at *57 of the day. [The solar date, Vaikasi 22, which I found entered conjecturally in the Madras Epigraphist's records, should be 20th.] 1894 (129) From the outside of the south wall of the seeond praldra in the Nollaiyappar temple at Tinnerelly. Gilt of land. Date.-[4th] year of Jat. Vira-Pandya Simba; ba. 9; Sunday ; " Rohini"=Sunday, Aug. 1257 when Simha ba. 9 and Rohini ended at .92 and 74 respectively. 1894 (186) From the outside of west wall of the second prakara in the Nellaiyappar temple at Tinnevelly. Gift of a lamp. Date.-Year opp. 5th of Jat, Vhen-Pandya (uo epithet); Kanni 14; ba 5; Priday; "Uttara Bhadrapada". On Friday 11 July 1259 (= 14 Kataka, not 14 Kanni), ba. 5 and Utt. Bhad." ended at -86 and -66 respectively. [Kanni, error for Kataka] 1894 (151) From the inside of the west wall of the third prdkellra in the Mellaiyappar temple at Tinnevelly. Gift of land. Dato.-7th year of Jat. Virs-Pandya; Kattigai 16, Satabhishaj"=Friday, 12 Nov. 1260 (= 16 Kattigai) when Nak." Satabhishaj" ended at 17 of the day. 1908 (134) From the west wall of the store-room in the Agasty@svara shrine in the Tiruttalisvara temple at Tirupputar (Madura District). Incomplete. Refers to the shrine of Suryadeva in the temple of Tiruttaliyanda-Na yapar and to the Kannadiyan borsemen from a foreign country. Dato.- 10th year of Jat. Vira Pandya; no epithet; but Kannadiyan horsemen are referred to); 10th year; Mithuna 7; day of Magha". On Sunday, 1 June 1264 (=7 Mithana) "Magba" ended at .44. 1906 (485) From the north, west and south walls of the central shrine in Vedanara yapa Perumal temple at Murappanada (Tinnevelly District). Mentions Sri-Posala-Vira-SomideraChatarvedimangalam, a brabmadeys in Marappanadu and matha in it. Refers to a sale made in the 11th your of the king's reign). Date.-14th year of Jat. Vira-Pandya "who took Ilam, Kongu, and Chola, and performed the anointment of heroes at Perumbarra puliyur." Karkataka ; su. 1; Sunday; "Pushya". On Sanday 4 July 1266, Karkafaka . l; and "Pusbya" ended at 94 and 79 respectively.

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ON SOME NEW DATES OF PANDYA KINGS 1907 (402) From stones built into the base of the ievara temple at Perungarunai (Madura Dt): these are fragments. JUNE, 1913.3 171 Date.-14th year of Tribh. Vira Pandya "who took liam, Kongu, and Solamandalam". Mithuna; Ekadasi; Sunday; "Krittika." On Sunday 19 June 1267, Mithuna ba. 11 ended at 84 of the day, while "Krittika" began at 25 of the same day, ending at 29 next day. 1908 (128). From the Tiruttatisvara temple at Tirupputtur, (Madura District). Date. 22nd year of Tribh-Jatavarman Vira Pandya 4th day (tedi) of Rishabha, su. 2, the day of Rohini." On Monday 29th April 1275 which was 4th Rishabha, but fell in the 21st year of the present reign, su. 2 and "Rohini" ended, the former at 27 of the day and the latter about sunrise [22nd regnal year should be 21st]. Prof. Jacobi, in Pandya date No. 91 contributed by him to Ep. Ind. Vol. XI, p. 137, was unable to refer this date in all its details to Jatavarman Vira Pandya whose reign began according to him in or about Decr. 1295, but the present reign is a more natural place for the date. Maravarman Srivallabhadeva. (Reign began between 4 and 10 Sept. A. D. 1257.) 1900 (110) From the south wall of the central shrine of the Rishabheevara temple at Chengama, in South Arcot District. (Inscription built in.) Date.-4th year opposite the 17th of Tribh. Srivallabhadeva. Mithuna su. 4; Saturday, "Magha"= Saturday 25 June A.D. 1278, when Mithuna su, 4 and "Magha" ended at 76 and 48 of the day respectively. 1904 (539) From the east wall of the first prakara of the Tyagarajas vamin temple at Tiruvarur, Tanjore District; seems to record a gift of land (inscription built in at the end). Date.-Maravarman Tribh. Srivallabhadeva's 35th year; Simha; su. 5; Wednesday; "Krittika." The day intended was probably Wednesday, 3 Sept. A. D. 1292 when Kanni ba. 5 (not Simba su. 5) and "Krittika" ended at 25 and 59 of the day respectively. [Simha and Sukla are errors for Kanni and bahula.] Note-There is a Pudukota inscription for the same regnal year, Kanni; paurnami; Monday; "Revati"; which corresponds to Monday, 10 Sept. 1291 when paurnami ended at 02 of the day while "Revati" ended at 39 on the following day. Maravarman Kulasekhara I. (Reign began between 12th May and 27th June 1268.) 1902 (598) From the inner gopura of the Premapurievara temple at Anbil (Trichinopoly Dt.), left of entrance. Gift of land. Date.-1 [1] th year of Mar. Kulasekhara; Kanni; su. 2; Wed.; "Anuradha": on Wed. 19 Oct. A. D. 1278, Tula (not Kanni) su. 2 and "Anuradha" ended at 65 and 77 respectively. [Kanni, error for Tuld, as Kanni su, 2 cannot join with "Anuradha" except in very unusual circumstances.] 1910 (126) From the west wall of the first prakdra in the Mulasthanesvara temple at Tenkarai, (Madura District). Incomplete. Mentions the Tirujnanasambandan-tirumadam in the same temple. Date.-14th year of Mar. Kulasekhara "who was pleased to take all countries." Kanni, su. 7; Sunday; "Mula". On Sunday 21 Sept. 1281, Kanni su. 7 and "Mula" ended at 92 and 58 of the day. 1910 (123) From the west wall of the first prakara in the Mulasthaneevara temple at Tenkarai (Madura District)-Damaged and incomplete. Mentions Ten-Kallaganadu. Date.-23rd year of Mar. Tribh, Kulasekhara, "who took every country;" Makara; su. [7]; Monday; "Hasta". On Monday 23 June 1292 (25th year of Mar. Kul. I), Mithuna (not Makara, which is an obvious error), su. 8 (not 7) and "Hasta" ended at 80 and 09 respectively. [Through the kindness of the Government Epigraphist I had an opportunity of examining the impression on which Makara and Saptami are fairly clear. If the inscription really belongs to this reign, it must be pronounced full of mistakes.]

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172 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (June, 1913. 1910 (124) From the west wall of the first prdkara in the Molasth nesvara temple at Tenkarai, Madura District. Damaged. Quotes the 10th year of Sundara Pandyaders and mentions the Allasundaran-tirumadam in the same temple. Date.-28th year of Mar. Kulasekhara "who was pleased to take all countries :" Vrischika ba. 4; Sunday; "Pushya"=Sunday 27 Nov. 1295, when Vrischika ba. 4 and "Pushya" ended respectively at 70 and 56 of the day. 1909 (734) From the south wall of the mandapa in front of the central shrine in the Moktisvara temple at Purattukoyil (Trichinopoly District). Gift of a village to the temple of Tirumuttisvaramadiya-Nayanar at Kaduvankudi by the inhabitants of Mudiyakkudinadu and Vadakonadu which were sub-divisions of Urattur-kurram in Konada alias KadaladaiyadIlangaikonda-Cb6lavalanaqu. Date.-28th year of Maravarman Kulasekhara ; Kanni (should be Dhanus); ba. J0; Friday; "Hasta". On Friday 2 Decr. 1295, Dhanus ba. 10 commenced, ending at .46 next day, while " Hasta" ended on Friday, 2 Decr. at .55. 1904 (506) From the north wall of the central shrine in the Agasty ebrara temple at Agattiyanpalli (Tanjore District). Gift of land in order to celebrate a festival in the temple for the recovery of the king from some illness, Date.-31st year of Mar. Kulasekhara ; Rishaba ; sukla ..., Sunday, "Utt, Phalg". = Sunday 10 May 1299, when "Uttara-Phalguni" ended at -89 of the day. The tithi was su..9. 1906 (46) From the base of the verandah enclosing the central shrine in the temple of Amritaghatasvara at Tirukkadaiyur (Tanjore District). Gift of land for 40 lamps for the merit of Ulagadaiya-Perumal. The country is said to have been in a state of confusion for a long time and the inhabitants to be suffering distress in other provinces. Dato.-84th year Mar. Kulasekhara; Kanni; su. 7; Sunday;"Male". On Sunday 10 Sept. 1301, Kanni; su, 7 and "Mula" ended at 81 and 93 respectively. 1903 (288) From the north base of the central shrine in the Parthasarathisvamin temple at Triplicane (Madras). Mutilated in the middle. Rocords a sale of land. Date.-[4] 9th year (may be read, says Epigraphist, also as 41st year]; Mesha; su. 5; Wed. "Rohini". On Wednesday 27 March 1308, Mesha sa, 5 ended at 60 of the day, while Rohini" had ended at .97 on Tuesday. Local time may have added about .02 to mean time, so as to bring Nakshatra "Rohini" up to sunrise on 27 March. A. D. 1308 was the 41st year of this reign. To be continued :) THE INDIAN INSCRIPTIONS AND THE ANTIQUITY OF INDIAN ARTIFICAL POETRY BY G. BUHLER, [Translated by Prof. V. S. Ghate, M. A. ; Poona.] (Continued from p. 148.) III. Harishena's panegyrio of Samudragupta. Tes second one of the inscriptions which we are going to examine, Harishena's panegyric of Samudragupta, presents many points of close touch with the Kavya literature preserved and proves in the clearest manner that court-poetry was & subject most assiduously cultivated in the fourth century of our era. Harishena's panegyric covered originally thirty lines and a half, and consisted of eight verses in the beginning, a long prose-passage and a concluding verse. All the three parts together form one single, gigantic sentence. Unfortunately, the four lines in the beginning containing two versos have been entirely lost and lines 4-16 have been distorted more or less, so that we have only one of the introductory verses, in a complete form. The subscription of the author in 11.31 -38 informs us that not only the metrical lines but the whole of the composition is to be regarded as kdvya. It is said there : * And may this kedvya, of the slave of the feet of this same lord, 2deg whose intelligence was expanded by the favour of dwelling near (His Majesty), the minister of foreign affairs, and the * 1 o. of the king Samudragupta. Mr. Fleet's supposition that Chandragupta IL is meant is grammatically not allowable.

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June, 1918.) INDIAN INSORIPTIONS AND THE KAVYA 173 counsellor of the royal prince, 30 the great General Harishena, the son of Khadyata pakika31 and of the great General Dhruvabhati, lead to the welfare and happiness of all beings. The accomplishment of the same was, however, looked after32 by the great General Tilakabhatta who meditates with reverence on the feet of his lord.' Thus, this little composition of Harishena belongs to that class of mixed compositions which in poetics are frequently called by the name champu, while the oldest works preserved for us, such as Vakuvadatta, Kadamdari, Harshacharita and Dabakumdracharits are called by the name of Akhyayikd or katha, 's narration, a romance. It possesses a certain relationship with the descriptions of kings, which are found in the akhyayikas. Similar to these 33 last, the description, in the present case, consists of one sentence with many adjectival as well as appositional phrases and s number of relative sentences. As will be shown later on, there are many agreements in respect of details. But, besides, Harishena's composition presents its peculiarity or special character in several respects. This comes out in the grouping of the elements and especially in the skill in bringing out a connection of the praise of Samudragapta with the pillar on which the inscription has been worked out. The last part which forms the very foundation for the compilation of the whole work, and the concluding verse, deserve a detailed examination not only for this reason, but also for the fact, which will be seen if they are rightly understood, that the inscription was not composed, as Mr. Fleet assumes, after the death of Samudragupta. They are to be translated in the following manner, according to my interpretation : Lines 30-31-- This high pillar is, as it were, the arm of the earth raised up, which announces that the fame of Samudragupta, the illustrious lord of great kings, greatly augmented through the conquest of the whole earth, filled the whole surface of the earth, and found a lovely, happy path in that it wondered from this world to the palace of the lord of gods. 36 Verse 9- And the glory of this (ruler), which rises up in layers one above the other, through huis generosity, his bravery of the arm, his self-control, and his perfection in the science of letters, and which follows more than one path, purifies the three worlds, like the white waters of the Ganga, which rises up in even higher floods, follows more than one path, and dashes forth rapidly freed as it is from the imprisonment in the inner hollow of the braid of hair of Pasupati, For the explanation of this translation, the following should be noticed 1. The word uchchhrita (1. 30) refers to the arm as well as the pillar, for it is only the raised orm pointing to heaven that can announce the fact that the king's glory has gone up there. The roet here has the Slesha or paranomasia in view, and the word is, therefore, to be translated twofold. It is possible that the word uchchhrita as taken with the pillar may mean erected' (just here), instead of high ;' but to decide which of the two meanings is intended, we must know further particulars regarding the working of the inscription. The title kumaramdtya .counsellor or minister of the royal prince' corresponds probably to the title at Dresent in use in Gujarat, i. o., Kumvarjeno karbhart the manager of the prince'. At all the great courts in Kathiaw and Rajputana, the adult princes as well as the Chief Queens have their own karbharfe who look after their private affairs. The minister of an Andhra queen is mentioned in the Kanberi inscription No. 11 (Arch. Surv. Rep. W. Ind. Vol. V, p. 78). di I take this word to be a title, which, however, I am not able to explain. [The translation above is grammatically wrong ) 82 The expression anushthitam will signify that Tilakabhatta - who, as his title and name show, was a HrAhman of a high military rank, superintended the preparation of the fair copy and the engraving of the text; Cf. the use of the word at the end of the Girnar inscription, below. 13 See, for instance, Kadambarf, pp. 5-6, 58-56 (ed. Peterson); Harshacharita, p. 162-179, 227-228, 267-271 (Kasmir ed.) and especially Vasavadatta, p. 121-129 (ed. Hall), where in the midst of proso, four verses have been interwoven. 84 For the sake of comparison, I give Mr. Fleet's translation of this passage, which differs from mine. This lofty column is as it were an arm of the earth, proclaiming the fame-which having pervaded the entire surface of the earth, with (ita) development that was caused by (his) conquest of the whole world, (has departel) hence (and now) experiences the sweet happiness attained by (his) having gone to the abode of (Indra) the lord of the gods-of the Maharajadhiraja, the glorious Samudragupta.' The points requiring explanation are: (1) the addition of has departed and now, (2) the translation of vicharaya by experiences, (3) the insertion of his i. e. cf the king, before having gone.

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174 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JUNE, 1913. 2. As regards the translation of the word vicharana by 'patb,' it is to be observed that the synonyms charana, gamana and yana are given in this sense in the Petersburg lexicon, and that this sense is justitied by the statements of the grammarians about the suffix ana. According to them the suffix and serves to denote the means; and the path is, according to the Indian conception, one of the means of going. 3. The adjectival phrases uparyupari-sanchayochchhrita and anekamarga must be translated in two ways, like uchchhrita, because they refer both to the glory and to the river Ganga. As applied to the glory, the first compound means that Samndragupta's generosity, bravery, selfcontrol and knowledge of the letters form the layers by which the glory towers itself up to the height of a mountain, and that every quality that follows, is higher and more excellent. As applied to the Gongu, the adjective alludes to the Indian belief that this river is first visible in the heavens as the milk-path, then dashing through the mid-region, it falls upon the Kailass and "lastly it rushes downwards to the plains. Thus to the looker-on, standing on the plains and looking upwards, the water of the Ganga would appear to be towering in ever-rising layers. Anekamdrga lit.' which has more than one path,' as applied to glory, means, not only that the glory travelled in the three worlds, but that it followed different paths in the sense that it sprang from different causes such as generosity and so on. As applied to the Ganga, the word has only the first sense and it is well known that the Ganga is called tripathaga. According to the translation given above, the last part of the panegyric tells us that Samudragupta's fame, which is personified as a female, as is frequently met with in Indian poets, occapied the whole earth, and thus found it impossible to spread forth any more on this earth. Thus embarrassed, the fame went up to the palace of the lord of gods and thus found a new path for itself, along which it moved happily. Verse 9 informs us of the result which was brought about by this ascent to heaven. Then, says the poet, the king's glory attained to a similarity with the Ganges. For, like the same, it flows through the three worlds: heaven, mid-air, and earth. Every one of these thoughts and images occurs frequently in the court poete. Almost in every Prusasti and in a large number of chatus or verses containing flattery, it is told that the glory of the king under description rushes forward into heaven. The most usual expression used to convey this thought is the statement that the glory of such and such a person fills up the three worlds. There are many places, however, where the ascent of fame, as here, is spoken of, and the figurative motive for the same is also given in different ways. Thus it is Ghid in verse of the poet Amritadatta who was a contemporary of the Kasmirian Sultan Shahabuddin (1352-1870 A.D.), Subhashitavali No. 2457 (Peterson's edition):35 kIrtiste jAtajADyeva caturambudhimajjanAt / AtapAya dharAnAtha gatA mAtaMNDamaNDalam // * Thy fame, oh lord of the earth, which was, as it were, benumbed with cold, through its bathing in the four oceans, went up to the sphere of the sun, in order to warm itself.' Another conception we find in Sambhu, the bard of the king Harsha of Kasmir (1089.1101 A. D.) in Rajendrakarna para, verse 67, ( Subhashit dvali No. 2627): kAntAreSu ca kAnaneSu ca sarittIreSu ca mAbhRtA mutsaGgaSu ca pattaneSu ca sariDatusnaTAnteSu ca / wear: 1976: Far T4 19 kAnte nandanakandalIparisare rohanti te kiirtyH|| * Thy glory, oh lord of the earth, which shines white like the inner sprouts of the ketalea, wandered about in forests and groves, on the banks of rivers, on the slopes of mountains, in cities and on the shores of the ocean; and then, as if exbausted (by this long journey), it sprouts up (as white flowers) on the lovely plots of plantain trees in the garden of gods.' These modes of expression are quite complex and bombastic in comparison with Harishena's simple and natural conception of the motive for the ascent of fame. No doubt, this is accounted for by the change in the Indian taste, which was brought about in the long period that separated these three poets. 15 Seo Subhashitavali, introduction p. 4; and Prinsep, Indian Antiquities, Vol. II, p. 247.

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JUNE, 1913.) INDIAN INSCRIPTIONS AND THE KAVYA 175 Not loss familiar is the comparison of a king's glory with the Ganges, which flows throngh the three worlds and purifies them. Thus it is said in a verae of Pandit Krishnaka, Subhd shitdvali, No. 2556 :36 sA vAtAsti jagacave suranadI sA zaMbhucUDAmaNI zeSA zeSatuSArasomamuSamAcaurI gunnainirmlaiH| yuktA sA bhavadIyakIrtimulanaucitvaM bhajessA na ce pAlakSaNadesa saMtatamadhoyAnekatAnA bhavet // This would quite soffice to show that the ideas contained in the concluding part of the panegyric, according to the translation above, are current in court poets. This itself vouches for the correctness of the proposed interpretation and proves the fact that this part of Harishena's composition has been written in the kary style. To tarn from this digression to the examination of the form of the panegyric, we must begin with remarking that Harishena, like Vatsabhatti, tries to introdace too often & change of netre in his verses. Thus, of the verses partially preserved, three (3,5 and 8) are composed in Sragdhard, two (4 and 7) in Sardulavikridita, and one each in Mundakrantd (6) and Prithv (9). The bad caesura comes only once in the third pada of the last verse. The language of the verses is, on the whole, simple, and especially the compounds of extraordinary length which are found used by Vatsabhatti, are carefully avoided. With the prose part of the panegyric, however, things are quite otherwise. Here, simple words are only the exception, while very long compounds are the general rule, the longest compound word (1. 19-20) containing more than 120 syllables. There cannot be any doubt that this contrast is intentional. Because all the manuals of poetice are unanimous on the point that the essence of elevated prose to be used in romances and stories consists in the length of componds ; wbile the different schools are not so unanimous regarding the admissibility of long compounds in versee. Thus Dandin says in Kavyddarsa 1,80-81: bhIjaH samAsabhUvastvametapasya jIvitam / popcadAkSiNAtyAnAmidamekaM parAyaNam / / 7 / / tadrUNAM laghUnAM ca bAhulyAlpasva mishrnnaiH| ucAvacaprakAraM tadRzvamAkhyAdhikAdiSu // 1 // 81. The grandeur (strength) (of language consists) in the frequency of compounds; it is the very life of (poetic) proge. Even in verses, it is regarded as the main feature by those who do not belong to the southern school.' 82. It is of many kinds, according to the mixture of a larger or smaller number of long or short syllables; and is found in romances and other similar works.' Dandin's statement leaves no doubt about the fact that Harisbena follows the style of the son thorners, the so-called Vaidarbhi riti, which must have enjoyed in the fourth century the same high osteem as in later times, when a large number of writers belonging to the different parts of India advocate it as the most beautiful. Harishena, however, could hardly have come from the south of India. His station at the court of Samudragupta shows that he lived in the northeast, in Patalipatra, 37 and probably belonged to a family settled in the same place from of old. Apart from the use of long componnds in the proso parts, there is nothing very artificial in Harishena's language. Of the Sabdalankdras, he uses only the simplest kind of alliteration, the Varanaprasa, and even this occurs principally in the prose-parts38 and that, too, not many times. Of the Arthalariakaras, he uses Rupaka very often, and Upamd and Slesha more rarely. Two instances where the last flavikdra, i. e., Slesha occurs have been discussed above. A third instance of the same is met with in l. 25, in the epithets of Samudragupta : AUTENTTagaytarfor which is to be translated thus of an incomprehensible prince who is the cause of the elevation of the good and of the destruction of the bad (and thus who 33 Cl. also Barigadhara paddhati No. 1263. BY That Patalipatre, and not KADAU), an is usually supposed, was the capital of the Guptas, follows from the verson from Mr. Floot'. No. VI. translated above on p. 149 wherein the miniutor of Chandragupta calle himself an inhabitant, of Pataliputra. For instance, f. 17. parasujarasaklipro sitomara; 1. 20deg. Tajagrahayamokshanngrahao; 1.26 .vigrahavato lokanugrahasya, and so on.

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176 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JUNE, 1913, resembles) the unfathomable spirit (Brahman), that is the cause of the origination and the destruction (of the world) which consists of both good and bad people.' Thu poetic figure used here is a sleshamalmi Rapakam, i. e., a metaphor which is brought about by the double meaning of the words used. This instance reminds us very much of the play on words found in Subandhu and Bana. This is, however, the only instance of the kind, in the whole of the prasasti, & circumstance which shows, that Harishena, like Kalidasa and other adherents of the Vailurbhi riti, indeed, regarded the Slesha as a poetic embellishment, but himself shunned the insipidly frequent use of the same. Harishena, however, does not direct his attention 80 much to the use of Alainkdras, as to the fine execution of the pictures of the several situations under description, and to the choice as well as the arrangement of words. Of the former, verse 4, the only vorse that can be restored completely, is a typical example in point, which depicts the manner in which Samudragupta was ordained by his father to be his successor : 4. Here is a noble man !'. With these words, the father embraced him, with shivers of joy that spoke of his affection, and looked at him, with eyes heavy with tears and overcome with love--the courtiers breathing freely with joy and the kingmen of equal grado looking up with sad faces-and said to him: 'Protect then this whole earth.' It is not possible to have a more concise and a more graphic picture of the situation. There is not a word which is unnecessary; and one believes as if he sees the scene with his own eyes, how the old Chandragupta, in the presence of his sons, each of whom hoped to have the highest fortune, and of his court household who were afraid lest the choice may fall on an unworthy person, turns round to his favourite son. This verse is one of the best productions the Indians have given us, in the domain of miniature-portraits, which is their forte. This very example woald also illustrate Harishena's special care for the choice and arrangement of words, a qualification which can be easily seen even in other parts of the composition, both metrical and prose. In the proeo part, there are inserted between the long compounds, at definite intervals, shorter phraser, in order to enable the reciter to draw his breath and the hearer to catch the sense. In the long compounds, the words are so chosen as to bring about a certain rhythm throngh the succession of short and long syllables; and care ia taken to see that this rhythm changes from time to time. This can be best seen by a representation of the design of the compounds occurring in lines 17-22, by marking the accents as is customary in recitation. The lines in onestion contain only seven long compounds, the arrangement of whose syllables is as follows: 1. you love julv / voltu 2. uvol vulvaul Luis3. vaul-dur 4. bowl volu--/-ul Lour busuluboy-suse Zlotuul vacu- lulu-ul-lucu-ivult woulu 5. -uulutu -u-uuluululululuuluv il-tuulutluluulivul- uullul-juvefulullah Tutul-lululul tuvo lulul Luvvululuuluu tultu - wulul tuula-1 Lowl u-1 u 1 tulutat - 6 , b khh dr bh dygr r b t l vicult-1 su-i iu-t-/utul cu 7. uutuul - wol-tul

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JUNE, 1913.1 INDIAN INSCRIPTIONS AND THE KAVYA 177 It is obvious that the short compounds marked 8 and 7 are to serve as resting points, and that the rhythm in 1, 2 and 4, is to remind us of the beginnings of the Dandakas. In Harishena's poetical imagery, we come across many conceptions that are very familiarly met with in the kavya literature. Some of these have been already dwelt upon, while discussing the concluding part of his composition. We now notice a few others. The fragment of verse 3 says : * The order of the possessor39 of the true meaning of the Sastras whose heart is higbly happy at the association with the good,-multiplied as its power is, by the virtues of the wise-pats an end to the war between good poetry and prosperity and thus enjoys in the world of the learned, a far-extending sovereignty whose shining glory endures in many poems. Here we have the exceedingly favourite allegory of the fight or discord between the Muse and the Goddess of wealth, which condemns the poet and the learned man to poverty and makes the rich incapable of service to Wisdom and Art. By way of comparison, I quote here from the classical literature only the Bharatavakya at the end of the Vikramorusi, where Kalidasa prays that this antagonism should cease : parasparavirodhinyorakasaMzravadurlabham | saMgataM zrIsarasvatyobhUtayestu sadA satAm / / May the union of the mutually hostile goddesses Sri and Sarasvati, which is to be found only rarely in one place, bring good luck to the good !' Farther, the author mentions in verse 8, which will be given get more fully later on, amongst the high excellences of the king. Tia : aiz: agat: the fame sprouting forth, shining purely like the moon' and thus bears evidence to his being aware of the well-known idea of the kirtivalu or the creeper of fame, which covers over the three worlds with its tendrils. With this may be compared in the field of classical literature, Sarngadhara-paddhati, No. 1235. A third most favourite poetic representation of fame is met with in the second compound in 1. 23, referring to Samudragupta : Whose fame arising from the re-establishment of many fallen kingdoms and of many extinguished royal races, is tired by its journey through the three worlds.' Hemachandra also in the prasasti to his grammar, verse 29, similarly speaks of the want of rest for his master's fame :40 yahormeNDalakuNDalIkRtadhanurdaNDena siddhAdhipa krItaM vairikulAvayA balatkuNDAvadAtaM yshH| bhAnsvA bINi jaganti khedavivazaM tanmAlavInAM vyadhA dApANDo stanamaNDale ca dhavale gaNDasthalevAsthAtim / / * With the bow bent into a circular form by your arm stretched round, you won, oh king Siddha, your fame that shines whitely like the blooming flower of the jasmin; being rendered helpless through the exbaustion of wandering through the three worlds, that your fame has at last rested itself on the palid, round breasts and the white cheeks of the Malava women.' In 1, 25, again, we have quite an origical conception which is meant to illustrate how far Samudragupta's glory obscured that of all his rivals. The post there praises Samudragupta as a ruler who, in consequence of the overflow of his many virtues elevated through hundreds of good works, wiped off with his feet the fame of other kings. The idea seems to be that the leaves, on which the fame of other kings is written, lie before Samudragupta. The flow of his virtues streams over them, and he is only required to stir his foot, to obliterate the praisen of the rulers of antiquity. I cannot point out anything in literature, which exactly corresponds to this. Nevertheless, it cannot escape the attention of any one, that the conception quite fits in with the character of the style of court-poets. In the next line (26), we meet with a comparison which occurs frequently in the epics and which is used in later times by almost every classical poet and in every prasasti-where Samadre gupta is celebrated as a king who resembles Dhanada, Varuna, Indra and Antaka, i.e., the guardien-gods of the four directions.' Equally favourite is the immediately following Upama : * who puts to shame the preceptor of gods by his sharp and subtle understanding, and Tumburu, Nirada and others, by his lovely performances of music. About the comparison of the king with 39 1. e. of Samudragapta. * Ot. also the verse quoted above on p. 175 from Rajendrakarnapura. , +1 In the second line, two letters seem to be wanting between yer and -V. S. G. 12 As it appears to me this passage presumes the use of the colour asnally prepared from soot and gum Arabia in old times, which was used for writing on palm leaves. As the Horinsi-M9. shows. The oldest full desoripo tion of suoh MSS. oan bo had from the different pages of Subandhu's Vasavadatta.

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178 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JUNE, 1913. Brihaspati, we have spoken above on page 144. As for the statement that Samudragupta was a better musician than the well-known Gandharva and the sage of gods who invented the rind, an explanation is furnished by the coins, as Mr. Fleet has pertiner e coins, as Mr. Fleet has pertinently remarked, on which Samuidragupta is represented as a late-player. For the last climax of byperbolical representation, we also meet with analogies in the kdvyas. When Harishena says in l. 27-28, that his master is a god dwelling in this world, whose many marvellous and noble deeds deserve to be praised for a very long time and who is a man only in that he performs the acts necessary according to the conventions of the world,' we are reminded, in the first place, of Bana's description of his patron, Harsha (SriHurshacharita, p. 207-208), where his deeds have been put on a level with those of Indra, Prajapati, Vishnu and Siva, and be bimself has been identified with these gods. A still more important parallel is provided by the statements of the Prakrit poet, Vak pati, about Yasovarman of Kanauj (Guiduoho, verses 167-181), according to which, the king is an incarnation of Balaka-Hari or Vishnu. As is to be expected of a poet of the eighth century, Vakpati expresses the idea with a greater elaboration of details. Many more points of relationship with the kavya literature can be discovered in the individual expressions of our praazati. It would suffice if I only point to wpaguhya (for dalishya),46 hlana-nieuna. mlandnana. sneha-wudlulita, bdshpa-guru (All in verse 4). adbhulaoibhinna-harsha (verse 5), uohohapakdra, tosh-ottunga, sneh-phulla, and the frequent nse of sphuta. The parallel passages given in both the Petersburg lexicons spare me the trouble of giving here many new quotations. Whoever is familiar with the diction of the kedvyas, will not require any special proof, but will at once recognise the affinity of these and other modes of expreseion to those used by claesical poets. Now, wo have to notice a number of cases, especially in the prose part, where Harishena obviously tried to surpass his rivals in the composition of prasustis. To this category belong most of the long compounds in lines 17-24, in which the closing part especiaily comes now and then as a surprise and deviates very much from the usual track. Thus, in line 21, for instance, instead of saying that Samudragupta had acquired great power through the forcible extinction of many kings of Aryavarta, Harisbena represents his master as a prince who was great through his power which expanded itself through the forcible extinction of many kings of the land of the Aryas. Perbaps, the simple and natural expression T TSTYRETTYTTRI Appeare l too trivial to the poet, and, for that reason, he went in for the more artificial one Ter r a:. So also the last parts of the following compound phrases are unusual and deliberately sought : 1 (1-22-23)--whose fierce sovereignty (the neighbouring kings) propitiated, by means of the Payment of all the taxes (levied), the carrying out of his orders, salutations and visits,' 2 (1. 25)-the mighty bravery of his arm which held the whole earth in bondage, received homage from the inbabitants of all countries, in various ways, such as causing themselves to be presented to him, offering daughters and other presents, and requesting him for a decree with the Garuda seal for the possession of their country, 3 (1.26)-- whose heart had willingly received the formula and the consecration for the deliverance of the poor, the miserable, the helpless and the sick'. Whoever will take the trouble of reading through other published prasastis, will easily see the originality of these modes of expression and judge of them according to their worth. The fact, however, that Harishena makes use of deliberately sought modes of expression is to be explained by the existence of many other similar panegyrics whose simple and unadorned diction he tried to surpass. The most clear proof, horrerer, for the fact that Harishena's composition does not at all belong to the beginning of the karya period, is provided by those passages in which he speaks of the king's peculiar poetic activity. In this connection, we should refer above all to what we have of the eighth verse, wherein the poet declares : He alone is worthy of the thonghts of the learned ! Because what excellence is there, which would not be his? le bas made firm the barrier of law, his is the sprouting fame that shines purely like the rays of the moon, his the wisdom which pierces down to the truth, his the selfcontrol ......, his the poetic style which is worthy of study, and his are the poetic works which multiply the spiritual treasures of poets.' In the second part of his composition, Harishena again refers to the last point when he says in 1.27 that Samudragupta's' title as the prince of Poets was well established by the composition of many poems worthy of the imitation of the learned. If one adds to this, verse 3 spoken of above on page 176 and the expressions used by Harishena about his person, it naturally follows that, during the reign of Samudragupta, the karya literature was in full bloom, and that the conditions at bis court were absolutely similar to those which are reported to have prevailed in later times at the courts of Kauauj, Kasmir, Ujjain, Dhara and Kalyani, and which are found to exist even to this day, here and there in India. The cultivators of Sanskrit poetry, who were called by the names of kavi or budha or vidrus, were not born or self-taught poets, but were professional learned * The deification of the king is already found in old times ; 6.9., in Manava-dharmasastra VII, .. * See abovo p. 143.

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JUNE, 1913.] MISCELLANEA men or Pandits who studied the sdstras, i. e., at the least, Vydkarana, Kosha, Alankara and Chhandas, and who wrote according to the hard and fast rules of poetics, as is shown by the form of Harishena's little composition. The Sanskrit kavya, which owed its origin to the court-patronage, and which can exist only by means of the same, was assiduously cultivated at the courts. The king supported and raised to honour, such poets, and even he himself, and with him his high officers, too, emulated with their proteges. Perhaps he had even a kaviraja, or a poet-laureate, appointed. At any rate, the title, as such, was in use in the days of Samudragupta, the title which in later times occurs very often in Sanskrit literature, and which, even at present, is given away by Indian princes, associated as it is with many benefits. His court could not thus have been the only one which patronized the exertions of the Pandits in the domain of poetry. (To be continued.) A NEW LIST OF BUDDHISTIC SANSKRIT WORDS, by Prof. Sylvain Levi and G. K. Nariman. THE St. Petersburg Dictionary, a monument of Germanic erudition, published at the expense of Russia, contains an almost exhaustive inventory of Vedic and Brahmanic Sanskrit. Buddhism hardly appears in it at all. The authors of the Dictionary and their collaborateurs make use of a few meagre texts only. But in the last forty years the material for Sanskrit Buddhism has vastly increased. The published texts have revealed a perfect treasure of words which classic Sanskrit had ignored or neglected. A Buddhistic Sanskrit Dictionary is one of the A list compiled by G. K. Nariman of new words unknown in classical Sanskrit and not yet met with in Buddhist Sanskrit except in the Mahayana Satralankara of Asanga, edited and translated by Prof. Sylvain Levi.1 Abhiprayika Adhimucyana Adik&lika... Adhyavihimsaka Akilasikatva Akilasitva Anukshudra, Antarayin... Anus&eani Apayika... Apratiprasrabdha ... Arihat Atilajjana Aupalambhikatva Ayonisatas Balika Bhajanibhava Citrana Daushprajnya Esbika Hay in .00 ... ... ... . ... ... *** *** ... ... www ... ... ... . ... ... ... 08 ... ... MISCELLANEA. ... *** ... PAGE ... 138 ... 71 www 000 000 55 8 20 ... 150 37 127 18 49 ... 132 Priyana Prodbhasa Sembilan www 143 Samadhin 116 Samasasti 40 Samavaghata 101 Sambhogika ... 50 Sambhogya ... 94 Saradosha ... 1 The spellings of the words in this list are given as they are published in Prof.Sylvain Levi's book. *** 159 31 78 86 ... ... tasks to be undertaken in the near future. Meanwhile, it is of importance to elaborate the materials so as to put them on some sort of working basis. Cowell and Neil have given an excellent model in the glossary that they have added to their edition of the Divydvadana, Mr. G. K. Nariman has been good enough to prepare the list of new words that I have pointed out in my notes on the text and translation of the Mahayana Sutralankara. It may not perhaps be superfluous to place this list at the disposi tion of philologists, who are interested either in Sanskrit or Buddhism. SYLVAIN LEVI. Jugupsin ... Kaukrty&yate Naiyamya... Nirabhisamskara Nirjalpa... Nirmrgya... www ... Parihanika ... Parijnatavin Parinirvapana Paripantha Parthagjana Paryesha... Prahanika Pratidesan& Pratyavagama ... Pratyupasthayin Pravedana *** ** ... ... ... ... ... *** *** .. ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 179 ... PAGE ... 173 72 ... 166 ... 161 ... 111 ... 159 ... 35 *** ... ... ... ... www 10. www .. Bow 138 130 www 51 85 168 28 71 5 150 61 71 62 116 52 90 55 45 45 21

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180 Sam klesika Sammosha Samprapatti Sampravarjana Samtirita... Samudghatana Sanuraksha Sardhamviharin. Sarita Satata Brutka Tavatkalika www ... ... THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY ... .de ... www PAGE 62 ...186 28 29 .... 188 108 130 164 80 23 62 150 ... ... ... A NOTE ON SIVA-BHAGAVATA. THE mention of Siva-Bhagavata in PatanjalaMahabhashya is no doubt a proof that the Saiva sect existed in the days of Patanjali. But that the Vishnu-cult is anterior to the Saiva cult, whenever the latter came to be formed, is also proved by this compound word. Bhagavata is a worshipper of Bhagavan, the latter being a name peculiar to Vishnu. See Vishnu-Purana and my notes on Bhagavan in the Journal, R. A. Society, London. The Bhagavatas, or those who belonged to the Vishnu cult, are contemporaneous with the NOTES AND ALOPEN AND SILADITYA? PROFESSOR TAKAKUSU (I-tsing, p. xxviii, n. 8) states that Alopen, the Nestorian missionary to China, visited Siladitya, in India, in the year 639 A.D. This statement is based on a remark of Edkins, quoted in the Athenaeum of July 3, 1880, p. 8. Back numbers of the Athenaeum are not readily available, and more than one writer has accepted Takakusu's account, without testing its as an important contribution to the history of Christianity in India. I myself did this in the This little volume consists of three parts. (1) A short account of the life and reign of Aurangzib. (2) A collection of anecdotes regarding that great emperor. (3) Miscellaneous essays dealing with the reigns of Shah Jahan and Aurangzib. Tayaka Upamiera Upapranyati (?) ... Vaibhutvika Vardhana... Of these, the second part is of real value to English students desirous of closer acquaintance with the individuality of the last of the great Mughal rulers. Here we have Aurangzib as courageous youth, jealous brother, ardent lover, stern parent, administrator of justice, upholder of royal prerogative and disappointed dreamer. The anecdotes have lost little of their Varjana Vikopana... Vilomayati Vivarnayati Vyavakirana Vyavasayika Vyutthapana ... [JUNE, 1913. PAGH ... 124 ... 119 145 ... ... 75 *** 128 28 ... 114 BOOK-NOTICE. ANECDOTES OF AUBANGZIB (Translated into English | vigour by translation and the editor has eluciwith Notes) and Historical Essays by JADUNATH dated the text by valuable notes. SARKAR, M.A., Professor, Patna College. M. C. Sarkar and Sons, Caloutta, 1912. Rs. 1-8, pp. 242. 1 Ante, Vol. XLI., p. 272. Reprinted from the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, January, 1913, p. 144 4 83 181 142 35 Vedas. When the Saiva cult was inaugurated, it was felt to be necessary to appropriate this term of high and hoary sanction. In adopting it, therefore, it was also necessary to add a distinguishing mark showing the differentiation of the new cult from the old one. That mark was, of course, Siva. This was added; and the compound word Siva-Bhagavata was thus launched into the world of the Sanskrit Grammarians. A. GOVINDACHARY SVAMIN. MYSORE, VEDA-GRIHAM. QUERIES. article Bhakti-marga, in Hastings' Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, Vol. ii, p. 548. Since then, the statement has been called in question, and I have been able to trace it to ite source. I now hasten to correct any wrong impression which may have been caused by my trust in Takakusu. He is quite wrong, and has entirely misunderstood Edkins. In the passage referred to, Edkins is not dealing with Siladitya, but with the Emperor of China. CAMBERLEY. GEORGE A. GRIERSON. The third part is necessarily more fragmentary, but all the essays are brightly written and several contain information not hitherto available to the English student, notably those entitled "The Companion of an Empress" and describing the self-sacrifice of Khan Bahadur Daily Life of Shah Jahan." The final essay, Khuda Bakhsh in collecting the nucleus of a "Bod'eian" Library at Patna will be read with deep interest by those hitherto ignorant of what this public benefactor accomplished for his own country. It is a pity that the learned author occasionally uses slang expressions, evidently under the impression that they are idiomatic English. L. M. A.

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JULY, 1913.) THE OBSOLETE MALAY TIN OURRENCY 181 THE OBSOLETE TIN CURRENCY AND MONEY OF THE FEDERATED MALAY STATES. BY SIR E. C. TEMPLE, BART. (Continued from p. 159.) APPENDIX III. Extracts from Millies, Recherches sur les Monnaies des Indigenes de Malaie. La Haye, 1871. (Translated). 1. pp. 180 ff. Beaulieu is, I think, the first to mention the coins of Kedab : "They cast (says he) money somewhat of the material of French sous, of a little better alloy however, which they call tras, 32 being worth a dollar. They (the people) coant by taels (tahil), but a tael there is worth four of the Achin (tael)."95 The name tras or teras for a coin is not otherwise known th me, but I think it must be explained by tra, stamp, mark, which Marsden quotes in the term tra timah, lead (or tin) marked (to give it currency). Mr. [J. R.] Logan, Journal of the Indian Archipelago, Singapore, 1851, p. 58, says,36 in -1850, that the native coin is the tra, a suall round piece of tin, with a hole in the centre, of which 160 make a tali and 8 tali are worth a dollar. Tavernier is the very first to publish some coins of the King of Cheda (as he writes the ordinary name Quedah) and Pera." In the second part of his work (Les six Voyages de Jean Baptiste Tavernier, Paris, 1679, Pt. II. p. 601,37 he says that the King struck no other coin than of tin," and he gives on the accompanying plate under Nos. 1 and 2 the "figure of a great piece of tin ..." It is the only specimen of the celebrated traveller's collection which I have unearthed in the Musee Numismatique of the Bibliotheque Imperiale at Paris. I give a drawing of it as I saw it, but it has suffered much daring these two centuries,38 The piece is octagonal with two lines in relief parallel to the edge. Between these lines there are some dots. There is no hole in the middle, but a small square, which Phayre thought to be a rough image of the chaitya on the ancient Buddhist coins, with a central chamber for relics (1). Crawfurd, who copied without remark Tavernier's coin, thought that this square represented a hole, and had the coin engraved with a hole on the obverse, but without a hole on the reverse 139 Round the square are some characters which I have not been able to decipher. The reverse, which has some lines in high relief, parallel to the edge, with larger dots between the lines, bears in the drawing of Tavernier the figure of a serpent in the field. There is in the same Museum a piece of tin of a similar type to the above specimen, with nearly similar characters, but it is round in form, and has on the reverse a figure which resembles a lotus flower. 10 Despite the authority of Tavernier, who, however, did not visit the Malay Peninsula himself, I doubt whether bis coin belongs to Kedah or Perak. Not only is it unlike any of the known 35 Relation de divers Voyages curieua, eto. Paris, 1666, Part II., P-83. Beaulieu is probably here contrast. ing the difference betwoon the silvor standard of Kedah and the gold standard of Achin. 28 This is from a footnote. 31 Vide page 6 of the English Translation of 1678. See ante, p. 30. Plate XXII, fig. 280. 39 Hist. of Ind. Archipel. I. p. 258, plato 6 M. de Chaudoir, Recueil de monnaies de la Chine, St. Petersburg, 1842, has also repeated the obverse (PI. LIX, No. 26), but by a mistake of his in the catalogue and on p. 79 we find after Raffles" instead of "after Orawfurd." 4. Phayre gives a drawing of a similar piece of money, without explaining the legend (Pl. XVI. No. 6).

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182 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1913. Malay coins, but also the characters on it do not appear to be Arabic, as would be expected at that time. On the contrary, the type resembles the coins which were in use in the neighbouring countries to the North, either on the coast of Tenasserim or Burma. Pieces of a similar kind, probably called kebean, which I know, and of which I have seen a good specimen in the Musee Numismatique de La Haye, usually bear on the obverse a circle with an eight-pointed star, and round it a legend in Pali in Burmese characters, and on the reverse a fantastic figure of a quadruped, probably of a sinha or lion, or according to Phayre of a fabulous animal, called to or nayas in Burmese mythology, made up of a winged horse and a deer. Paulin de Saint Barthelemy (Fr. Paullinas), missionary to the Indies, was the first to attempt to explain one of these coins, and quite lately 45 Lt. Col. A. P. Phayre has given drawings of a number of those which are to be found in the Museum of the Asiatic Society of Calcutta [A. S. Bengal], but [both] without adding much light which would extend the knowledge of these numismatic remains. The other coin (his Plate, Nos. 3 and 4) which Tavernier attributes to the King of Kedah and Perak is of quite a different character: "The little coin, (says he) passes at the value of 4 deniers." It is unfortunate that Tavernier's drawing is so badly executed, that it is difficult to decipher the legend. Still, I think I can distinguish the ordinary formula of the Mahammadan) creed-la illaha il'illahu muhammadi' r-rasulu'llahu: sarb f... sanat ? 1041? ... There is no God, but God : Muhammad is the Prophet of God : struck at ... year? 1041 ? (1631-2). Unfortanately the name of the town has been injured, se but it must be confessed that what remains visible does not appear to agree with the name of any known locality in the State. The date is also very doubtful. The type of this side of the coin) resembles the obverse. of the Persian coins of the Sufis ; but the Shiah formula [of the creed] Ali waliu' llah [Ali is the Prophet of God] is not visible in the drawing. The reverse, which seems smaller, does not bear anything but some ornaments. In the centre is an eight-pointed star, or rather a wheel, encircled by a garland of flowers and fruit, with a milled edge. Gemelli Careria, Giro del Mondo, Vol. II., p. 148, without quoting the source, has reproduced this coin the wrong way round. 2. p. 183. After Tavernier we find hardly any mention of Kedah coins. However, I have discovered one (which is published by Marsden), but having been wrongly read bas remained unrecognised. This piece is (what seems to me very remarkable) of silver... The obverse bears : bubalad Kadah daru' l-aman :47 sanat 1154, in the country (or kingdom) of Kedah, the abode of peace, year 1154 (1741-2).48 8. p. 137. In the Royal Numismatic Cabinet at the Hague I discovered a copper coin of Kedah, so far, unique. Its weight is 14 grs. The obverse bears... Kedah; the reverse, daru' l-aman: Kedah the abode of rest. The first word is too indistinct for me to dare to define it.50.. . This piece bears no date. 41 Million was however, not aware of the fact that the Burmese legend gives the mint in Pali as Mahasukha nagara, which exactly translates Daru' l-aman or Kedah, on the Kedah coins. see ante, p. 65. 12 Cf. J.R. 4. 8., 1836, III, 302. [This is, however, a mistake. The weight and value do not admit of the suggestion. These coins must have been about 6 cents in value (ante, p. 81), whereas the kebean = keping were worth about 1 cent. See the quotation from Wilson, Documents of the Burmese War, 1827, ante. p. 38 and Pl. V fig. 3.] ** This is really a compound expression, to-naya, a winged to. Systema Brahmanicum liturgicum mytholigieun civile e monumentis Indicis Mussi Borgiani Velitris, Rome, 1791, p. 217, Pl. 31, No. 12. Phayre, J. A. 8. B. 1883, No. 291, pp. 271-3, Millies is writing before 1866, when he died. 4 I entirely agree with Million roading and would like to go further and read warb i Kadah, struck at Kedah, ' dar is for dar. ** Plato XXII, figs. 231-232. Plate XXII, fig. 234. 40 May it not read belanja Kedah: Kedah, money,

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JULY, 1913.) THE OBSOLETE MALAY TIN CURRENCY 183 I am indebted to the kindness of Mr. Logan of Singapore for several pieces, unfortunately badly preserved, which belong to the class of tra, or modern tin coins of Kedah. I will describe those of them which are the most distinct. A round tin coin 51 with an irregular bole: diameter, 23 mill. ; weight, 1.85 grs. The obverse bears dar (sic) -u' l-aman (sic) balad Kedah; the country of Kedah, abode of peace. The reverse: tahan alif, 1894 (1809-10). The first and fourth words of the obverse and the second of the reverse are written contrary to orthography. Also if the word dar were not very distinct, one might read zarb A [struck at]. Moreover the second and the fourth figures of the date are not Very distinct on the coin, but nevertheless I think I can read the year 1224 by the accompanying definition tahan alif, the year a. 4. P. 138. One more piece of this state, 52 diameter 24 mill, and weight 150 grs., though of modern date, offers several difficulties in reading and explaining. I think I can read on the obverse: belanja balad (1) al-parlis qadah: sanat 1963, money of exchange of the country of Perlis, Kedah : year 1262 (1846). On the reverse is seen a lotus flower of five petals. The Malay word belandja [bulanja], revenue, expense, is moreover in use in the Malay Peninsula to indicate money of exchange. But the third word with the [Arabic] article seems to me so peculiar, as to leave me in doubt, I have found no explanation of it. I have never seen the name Perlis written in Malay characters, but as it is the name of one of the principal towns, which has often been the capital of the State, this name seems to me nost probable. 5. P. 145. We have not been able to discover any coins which could with certainty be attributed to the other small States in the Southern part of the Malay Peninsula, but we must speak here of a class of tin coins, which though very simple in form, offer several difficulties in determining them. These pieces do not usually bear anything except some titles, either on one face or divided between the two sides; sometimes with, often without, a date. - A large round pieces of this kind is to be found at the Musee Royal de La Haye. On one side is the whole legend--maliku' l-adil khalifu 'l-muminin sanat with two figures of a date-13: King [by grace] of the Just [God], the chief of the believers, year--13. From the appearance of the piece I should think that it is not of ancient date and that the year 1213 H. (1798-9) must be meant. Some others, of a little smaller size, in the same collection, appear to be of the same manufacture, but have simply the title without date:--khalifu' l-muminin, chief of the believers. In the Musee de Gotha there is to be found a fine example, and two less well preserved specimens in the British Museum, of an octagonal form, without a hole, [but] with the same legend and no date: on the obverse maliku' l-adil; on the reverse khalifu' l-munimin. 6. P. 147. A learned Malay, who has published several works in his own language, Abdu'llah, son of Abdu'l-kadir, made, in 1838, a voyage from Singapore to Kalantan on the East Coast of the Peninsula. A judicious observer, he noted the most remarkable things he saw, and to please the English he published an account of his voyage in Malay at Singapore in 1838.56 ... Speaking of the State of Trengganu, or Trangganu, on the East Coast, which formerly acquired a certain fame and played, even in the past century, a fairly great part in the political relations of the Peninsula, but which is now fallen into profound degradation, he mentions, among 51 Plate XXII. fig. 235. 52 Plate XXII. No. 236-7. 53 Plate XXIII. No. 249. (Plate XXIII. No 251-2.] Perhaps the reading should be rather Malik-al-'adil, the just king, or Milki-'. adil, legal tender. 55 Bahwa ini Kesal pu-layar-an Abdullah, ben Abdul-kadir munshi. Deri Singapura ka-Kalantan. Turkarang alih-nya. Singapur, 1254-1838. (Published also in Malay characters ) M.Ed. Dulaurier bag rendered a great servioe by making the work better known through his Frenoh tranglation of the Malay text, publiebed under the title :- Voyage d'Abd-Allah ben Abd-el-Kader de Singapore & Kalantan : Paris, 1850.

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184 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1918. other things, the coins of the country. He says, p. 48, that the money of exchange at Trengganu (wang blanja negri Trengganu) is 3840 piti 856 of tin (pitis timah) to one dollar (ringgit). They bear an impression of the words maliku' l-a'dil and are of the size of our duit (duit ket). It seems to me from this remark to be very probable that all the coins of this class [above] mentioned belong to the Malay State of Trengganu. 7. P. 149. Passing on to Pahang during his voyage along the same coast, the learned Malay Abdullah complains greatly of the difficolties relating to the monetary system : 16 tompang (blocks of tin) are worth one dollar, but cannot be broken up into three suku, a half suku and one suku.67 If we wish to buy an object of very small value, we must give a whole tampang. Cf. text p. 23, French trang. p. 23). Thus this State, once so flourishing, has returned to an almost primitive savagery, where great blocks of tin, the produce of the country, serve as an imperfect medium of exchange. 8. P. 150. I have been unable to discover any ancient monetary remains of this State (Patani), but I have received one coin of a fairly recent date. It is a piece of tin, round in form, with a round hole, larger and heavier than the ordinary pitis. The obverse bears the Malay legend : in [int] pitis blanja raj (raja] Patani, this is a pitis current of the raja of Patani.co On the reverse there is : khalifu l-.uminin, sanat 1261, the head of the believers; the year 1261 (1845). 9. P. 161. To the north of Patani is Sanggora .. . It was in the fine numismatic collection of Dr. W. Freudenthal in London, that I discovered a coin of tin of this small State. It is round with a round hole, and, as is perfectly explicable from the above-mentioned notice of Dr. Medhurst, it is trilingual,50 That which appears to be the principal side is occupied by a Chinese legend in four characters, which, according to my friend, Professor Hoffmann, should be read : Tsai-tch'ing thung pao, coin of Tsai-tch'ing. As however, we have very little means of determining the names which the Chinese give to foreign towns, we should be very uncertain where to find the locality of this Tsai-tch'ing without the help of the reverse. On the reverse is found the same name twice: in Malay in two words, above and below, Negri Sanggora, and to the right and left in Siamese characters Song-khla, which is [a corruption of] the name in use in. that language. 10. P. 152. We ought also to speak of two coins, which, by their texture, seem to belong to the Malay Peninsula, but as to the exact locality of which, we have been unable to arrive at any determination. The firstoo is a piece of tin, 28 to 30 mill. in diameter, and weighing 4.96 to 6.80 grammes, with a square hole in the centre. The obverse bears the tittle-khalifu' l-muminim, the head of the believers. On the reverse there is nothing but the date-sanat 1256, year 1256 (1840-1)--which is clear. The rest shows certainly some Arabic signs, not Siamese as one would imagine after the preceding piece, but I cannot make out the meaning. On five examples, which I have been able to study, all bearing the same date, there is some difference in the signs, but they nevertheless seem to express the same words. On one specimen might almost be read shahr, which would recall to memory the name of the ancient capital of Siam, mentioned in the Sajra Malayu (shahr al nawi or rather, shahr nari, the new city); but besides the fact that this nomenclature, 8 I do not know why M. Dolaurier (p. 4) has translated [this]:"It takes 8880 of them to make a dollar." The corresponding Malay text is olear: tek ribu dalapan ratas ampat pulah [3840). [Read: tiga ribu d@lapan ratus em pet puloh). 61 Suku, a quarter, is also need for a quarter of dollar, but here it trust, I think, be considered the fourth of a tampang.. [This argues a great local appreciation of the dollar, as the standard tampang is worth 1/10 dollar.] 6Plate XXIII No. 254: s* Dr. Medhurst who visited Singora in 1828 found it divided into three parta, Chinese, Siamers and Malay. See Plate XXIV. No. 255. Plate XXIV. fig. 256.

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Plate IV. EX. COLL. R. C. TEMPLE. 5 OLD MALAY CURRENCY. Burmese and Tenasserim Weights and Money. wwwwwwww II COINS FULL SIZE Indian Antiquary 3 TO W GRIGGS & SONS, LTD., COLL.

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Plate V. na OLD MALAY CURRENCY. Malay and Tenasserim Currency. SOU 5 Indian Antiquary WEIGHT 116 l'1/2 oz LENGTH IN 116 6 oz WEIGHT LENGTH 4+N at 1000

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Plate VI. X Fig. 5. Chinese hoe-money. OLD MALAY CURRENCY. Ridgeway's Origin of Currency and Weight Standards. Fig. 1. Coin of Salamis in Cyprus. Fig. 2. Egyptian Wall Painting showing the Weighing of Ox and Ring Weights. Fig. 4. Weights in the form of Sheep. B Fig. 6. Assyrian half-shekel weight of the so-called Duck type. 4. Side view showing cuneiform symbol-1. B. View from above. AMPIED PHOKE Fig. 8. Lion weight.. AP CN CADOR Indian Antiquary EN Fig. 3. Coin of Croesus. Fig. 7. Bull's-bend Five-Shekel Weight O Fig. 9. Chinese Knife Money (showing the evolution of the modern Chinese coins). W. GRIGGS & SONS, LTD., COLL

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OLD MALAY CURRENCY. Metal Ingots and Cash Tree Plate VII Indian Antiquary Fig. 1. OOOOOO Fig. 2. W. GRIGGS & SONS, LTD., COLL.

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JOLY, 1913.) ON THE DATE OF LARSHMANASENA taken from the Persian, belongs to a time somewhat distant, the last part of the name) is not found on these coins. The letters ba might be taken for an indication of a year of the short cycle, as on a coin from Kedah; but the preceding signs give as little satisfactory sense as the following ones reading the Arabic word at the beginning as shahr, month. Further, it is very improbable that the last signs should be read der-ba for the Arabic zarb [struck), and that the first signs might indicate the well-known name Ligore or Lagor, Lakhon in Siamese. It therefore only remains for me to confess my ignorance. 11. P. 153. Again, MM, Netsche and van der Chijs have reproduced a tin coin (De Munten van Nederlandisch Indie, Batavia 1863, p. 172, No. 220), which I have never seon, but which, although somewhat obscure, scems to me to belong also to the Malay Peninsula. According to their description, it weighs about 5 gr. with a diameter of 32 mill., and has a hole of 18 mill. diameter. One side is blank, the other bears the inscription in [ini] pitis Jering 1861. [This inscription puzzled Millies and the others, writing about 1865 and earlier, but from the knowledge since gathered by Mr. Skeat c. 1893, the coin clearly reads as above :--this is a pitis (cash) of Jering, 1261:-1845. Plate XXIV. No. 257]. (To be continued.) ON THE DATE OF LAKSAMANASENA. BY 8. KUMAR, Supdt. of the Reading Rooms, Imperial Library, Calcutta. In this Journal for July 1912, Prof. Nalini Kanta Bhattasili has contributed a paper on the date of Lakhmanagena, in which he has attempted to uphold Minhaj al-Din's story of the conquest of Bengal by Mahammad bin Bakhtyar-i-Kbilji, with a view to controvert an opinion expressed by Mr. R. D. Banerji in a meeting of the Bangiya Sahitya Parishad on the same subject. The author of the paper having implicit confidence in Minhaj's statement says that a composition executel by an artist of some note has succeeded in stirring up the studente of history of our country to examine the story in a critical way. The author should have been aware that the " fresh stir" was not created by the painting referred to by him, but that a note of disbelief bad already been struck, and that an attempt at criticising the statement which the author accepts as unquestionably true was first made by the late Bankim Chandra Chattopadhyaya. Mr. R. D. Banerji, whom Prof. Bhattakali controverts, has already laid on the table of the Asiatic Society of Bengal the results of his investigation on the subject, which when published will perhaps yield the soundest arguments and go a great way to establish the historical validity of the statement alleged to have been made by Mr. Banerji. The object of the present note is to point out the fallacies, which are apparent in Prof. Bhattasali's peper. "Every School boy" is aware no doubt of the daring deeds of the son of Bakhtyar. Bat does this at all prove that the account is necessarily true ? Our school books are not always well-chosen, and the authors, whose profession it is to get them up, do so anyhow, without taking much intelligent interest in their work. About the four inscriptions which Prof. Bhattasali has referred to, we have here only a few remarks to make. The name of the king mentioned in these inscriptions is Asokachalladeva and not Asokavalladeve, the reading which has been accepted by Prof. Bhattasali. The name was first correctly read by Dr. Bhagawanlal Indraji, and was afterwards emended by Cunningham without much reason for doing so. If Prof. Bbattagalt referred to the inscriptions themselves, or had examined the impressions taken from them, he wonld have, no doubt, been convinced that the inscriptions, Nos. 2 and 4, on which Conningham's emendation was based, could not be relied upon. They seem to be very carelessly incised and abound in orthographical errors, and, on a minute examination, it will be found that in these practically very little difference exists between v and ch. 1 Prabandham 8.4.

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186 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1913. The trustworthiness of Minaj's account, which Prof. Bhattabali upholds, remains as much doubtful as it had been before he subscribed to it. The cont:mporary historians whom Minhaj takes as his authorities, with the singular exception of the anthor of Taj al-Masir, do not refer to Muhammad bin Bakhtyar's raids in BangalA". Minhaj visited Bengal about forty years aft:r the raids and collected his account of them from two old soldiers, Sambain al-Din, and his brother, Nizum al-Din, who were said to have been in the raiding hordes. 2 Their account was sure to be an exaggeration if not anything else, and little reliable on the ground that they even did not understand the language of the country, as is to be expected of the pioneer soldiers of a foreign raiding horde ; their mistaking a vihdra for a fort and the Buddhist Sramanas for Hindu Brahmanags would perhaps be sufficient for us to determine how far their story could be relied on. In order to magnify their own achievements, they fabricated the story which Minhaj records as true. It was eren alleged that when Lakshmanasena was still in his mother's womb, his mother was hnng legs upwards, in order to prevent the birth of the child at an inauspicious moment. When the proper time arrived, she was released and gave birth to the child, the future Lakhmaniya, but the mother did not survive. Such treatment of a lady has not been heard of in the country during the last two thousand years. Moreover, bad the mother been treated in the way which Minhaj relates, the survival of the child wonld have been a physical impossibility. The source from which such stories originated cannot have much value with regard to veracity. Tie fanatic superstition and zeal of the raiders stood in their way of getting at a clear understanding of the circamstances which presented themselves at the time, and rendered them quite incapable of making a sympathetic study of the manners and customs of the nation, which, owing to internal dissen. sions fell an easy prey to the invading hordes of foreign barbarians, who were neither more brave nor more civilised. The rude vandals of the frontier border-lands, whose civilisation was all to come, pulled down a superb edifice of refinement and culture by one sweep of their fanaticism. They had neither the time nor the capacity to understand the real canae of their success. They were blinded by their magnificient achievements in a country, which to them appeared to be the promised land--the land flowing with milk and honey. The treatment, which, according to Minhaj,' was doled out to the mother of Lakshmanasena is unprecedented in India, and is only possible in a country where women are being regarded as mere commodities of trade and subject to the waqf of morables. The next source of information, which the learned Professor makes much of, is the Laghubharata, The traditions, as recorded in this work, might have been the prevailing traditions of the time, but with regard to their genuineness from an historical point of view, they should find acceptance with a heavy amount of discount. The work itself is a composition of the sixteenth century. The distance of time sufficiently warrants scepticism with regard to the historical nature of the traditione, on which Prof. Bhattasali builds up his arguments. The demise of the queen, the reported death of Vallala, and the necessary installation of the new-born infant, Lakslimana, are events too sad to be commemorated by the institution of a new era. Such commemoration is without any parallel in the world's history. The Nirvana era, which is supposed to commemorate the death of Buddha, has a different interpretation with the pessimistic Buddhist. To him it typifies the total cessation of pains, an utter dissolution of the entity, "a consummation devoutly to be wished ". In the case of the Hijira, we might say that Muhammad's flight from Mecca to al-Madinab was the beginning of his success, and, hence, he had good reason to regard the date of his flight as auspicious and to perpetuate it in the memories of men by the inanguration of a new era: 31:nhaj: Tabagat-i-Vasirl: Raverty's Trans., p. 552. 3 Ibid, Raverty's Trans., p. 552. * Ibid, Raverty's Trans., p. 555. .

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ON THE DATE OF LAKSHMANASENA 187 JULY, 1913.3 Mr. Banerji is perfectly right in rejecting the date of the first of the four Bodh-Gaya inscriptions of Asokachalladova. When Hieuen Tsang visited India, there was a great divergence of opinions about the date of the Mahaparinirvana. The Northern and the Southern Schools did not agree. The mention of the Mahayana and the Hevajra leads us to believe that the date might have been in accordance with the reckoning of the Northern School; but the mention of the "Singhal-sthaviras" in the inscription IV raises doubts, and the definiteness which Prof. Bhattasali asserts is rendered cloudy. No chronologist in India, or anywhere else, during "the interval of the seven centuries," took up the question and tried to harmonise the widely divergent opinions of the north and the south and to fix even a conventional date for the starting point of the Nirvana ers. Even now the same difference in opinions exists, and we fail to see any reason in the dogmatic assertion of the learned Professor. A calculation based upon so unsure a ground cannot stand the test of critical study. The assurance of the Buddhist friends of Prof. Bhattasali cannot obviate the difficulties that beset its acceptance as a datum for logical argument. He might convince himself of the existing difference in opinions by consulting Cunningham's Book of Indian Eras. . The next question that has been raised by Prof. Bhattasali centres round the expression atttarajya. The Sanskrit expression, as it is, directs our attention to the rajya itself, if not to its initial year. It is not equivalent to rajye atite sati, which would refer to the end of a regnal period. The purvanipata of atita is what we think renders the explanation of Prof. Kielhorn more acceptable than the one proposed by Prof. Bhattasalf, and we understand it to mean that "although the years were still counted from the commencement of the reign of Lakshmanasena, that reign itself was a thing of the past."5 Prof. Kielhorn tried to harmonise the evidences of the Muhammadan historians and those yielded by epigraphical studies and held that the so-called conquest of Bengal took place in the year 80 of Lakshmanasena era, although the reign itself was a thing of the past. The question of a distinct era counted from the end of Lakshmanasena's reign is altogether a new one. If the king had been a very popular one, the end of his reign with the loss of his kingdom brought about by a foreign invasion, would be regarded rather as a calamity and would not be The word that occurs in the old document commemorated by the institution of a new era. referred to by Prof. Bhattasall has not been correctly quoted. The word is pargandit and not parganditt. We are at a loss to understand how he could misquote it. The reference is to p. 45 (and not p. 511) of Babu Jogindra Nath Gupta's History of Vikrampur (in Bengali). Before making any remark, we would draw the attention of the learned Professor to the language of the document. It is full of outlandish words and expressions, and was made out at the time when the languages of the courts of law in Bengal were Persian and Arabic. The word parganati has perhaps no relationship with atita. We should not like to risk any suggestion or improvise any correction as the learned Professor has done. In the Madhainagar copper plate grant, it has been said that Lakshmanasena joined in an expedition against the Kalingas when he was still a Kumara (Kuumara keli). This must have been when he was at least 20 years of age. Then, following up the datum of the grant, he must have been at least 22 years of age when he was called to the throne. If we accept the conclusions of Prof. Bhattasall, king Lakshmanasena should have attained 22+80= 102 years when Muhammad the son of Bakhtyar led his Turks into Nadiya. Prof. Kielhorn, as it appears from his Synchronistic List of Northern India, had afterwards abandoned his theory of the conquest of Bengal, an interpretation which he proposed by bringing together the evidences of the Muhammadan historians and those obtained by the study of inscriptions of the period. Mr. D. R. Bhandarkar has pointed out that Mr. Nagendra Nath Vasu has already set forth much of the matter which Prof. Bhattasulf dilates upon in his paper; and, by the way, it might be said that the conclusions of Mr. Vasu on the date of composition of Danas@gara do not seem to us very Jour. As. Soc. Beng. for 1910. J. A., VIII. Ante, XIX, p. 7. and p. 2, note 3.

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188 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY well warranted. When we find that slokas indicate the date of the composition in a manuscript, copies only of which are available, and also find that in some of them such slokas are absent, the possibility of their being interpolated in the copies in which they are found .generally comes to our mind, and such evidences should not be taken as conclusive enough to serve as data for further argumentation. With regard to the Adbhutasagara, we may point out a similar variation in the existing copies of the work. The copy of the Asiatic Society of Bengal does not contain many slokas which are reported to be present in the manuscript described by Sir Ramkrishna Gopal Bhandarkar. [JULY, 1913. In conclusion, we are inclined to believe that Lakshmanasena was dead long before the raids described by Minhaj took place, and that A. D. 1119 or Saka 1041 is the approximate date of the death of Vallalasena and the installation of Lakshmanasena. A new inscription lately discovered at Dacca by Mr. R. D. Banerji, which he has incorporated into his paper on Lakshmanasena read before the Asiatic Society, will conclusively prove the validity of our reasoning and hasten to a definite decision a yet undecided point in the history of Bengal. INDIAN INSCRIPTIONS AND THE ANTIQUITY OF INDIAN ARTIFICIAL POETRY. BY G. BUHLER. [Translated by Prof. V. S. Ghate, M.A.; Poona.] (Continued from p. 179.) IV. The Girnar inscription of the reign of Mahakshatrapa Rudradaman, The results obtained from the examination of Harishena's prasasti, point to the provisional supposition that the Kavya literature was in bloom, at least in the whole of the fourth century, and the works composed at that time, do not essentially differ from the samples of Vaidarbhi riti preserved for us. Beyond this, we cannot go with the help of the Gupta inscriptions known to us up to this time. It, therefore, becomes necessary to consider the only great Sanskrit inscription, which can be, with certainty, placed in a considerably earlier age., It is the so-called Rudradaman inscription on the well-known rock on the way from Junagadh-Girinagara to the present Girnar, a holy mountain known as Urjayat or Ujjayanta in earlier times. This inscription would be more properly called the prasasti of the restoration of the Sudarsana lake, during the reign of Mahakshatrapa Rudradaman.' Its age is pretty certainly fixed, in the first place, by the names of the king and the Kshatrapa Chashtana, who is spoken of as Rudradaman's grandfather, and in the second place, by the date of the storm which shattered down the embankment of the Sudarsana lake. Chashtana is no doubt rightly identified with the king Tiastanes, who, as Ptolemaus informs us, ruled in Ozene or Ujjayiui. The Greek name quite corresponds with the Indian name, not merely on the ground of other similar cases which occur and in which the Indian palatal sounds are represented by the Greek dentals with following ia,45 but because even the Indian pronunciation of the palatals varies between tsa and tya as well as between dea and dya, and we frequently hear of tya and dya as combinations with the sibilants. The possibility that Ptolemaus could have meant any other Chashtana than that of our inscription must be regarded as out of question, because the name occurs in no other dynasty, and even amongst the western Kshatrapas, it is only the grandfather of Rudrad aman, who is so named. Thus, if we accept this identification of names and persons, it follows that Chashtana must have reigned before 150 A.D. and further that his grandson Rudradaman can, in no case, be placed later than in the first half of the third century, probably even earlier. The settling of the date becomes even more accurate through the fact that the fixing of the beginning of the Gupta era in the year 318 or 319 makes entirely probable the view already maintained by Dr. Bhagvanlal, Dr. Bhau Daji, Dr. Bhandarkar and others, according to which the date of the inscription in question, i.e., the year 72, refers to the 4s Cf. Tiatoura-Chitor and Dismouna-Jamuna. See the remarks on the reverse of the table of letters in my Guide to the elementary course of Sanskrit. I shall, in another place, furnish proof that the modern pronunciation of the Indian palatals is very old.

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JULY, 1913.] INDIAN INSCRIPTIONS AND THE KAVYA 189 Saks era and thus corresponds to our year 150 or 151. This date is the first of a long series, which continues down to the year 310. Inscriptions provide the following dates:-103 for Rudradaman's son Rudrasimha, 127 for Rudrasimha's son Rudrasena, and 252 for Svami Rudrasena; while on the numerous coins are frequently represented almost all the decades between 100 and 310. During this long period, the successors of Chashtans appear to have maintained their sovereignty over western India, except for a short interruption, and to have been in possession of Malwa as well as the neighbouring provinces of Gujarat and Kathiawar. There is nothing in the inscriptions before us, that would admit the conclusion that their capital was ever removed from Ujjain further westwards. On the other band, our inscription shows quite clearly that the residence of the prince lay outside of Gujarat and Kathien war, as his officer Su visakha, according to 1. 18, was governor of Anartai and Sarashtra. The successors of the Kshatrapas, in the sovereignty over Malwi and the whole of western India, were the Guptas, whose conquest of the former province falls before or in the Gupta year 82, i.e., 400/1 or 401/2 A.D., as is shown by Mr. Fleet's No 3. Accordingly, it is to be expected that the last date of the Kshatrapas coming from Ohashtana's race can not lie far removed from the Gupta year 82. And this is actually the case, if the year 310 on the Kshatrapa coins is interpreted as a year of the Saks era. Then it corresponds to the year 388 or 389 A.D., and is removed only by eleven years from the year in wbich the conquest of Malwe can have taken place at the latest. Though this very consideration is enough to cominend the identification of the era used by the Kshatrapas with that of the Saka kings, there are still many other reasons of not less importance, which would confirm the same. The titles of Chashtana are rdjan, Kshatrapa or Mahakshatrapa, and sva min. The word Kshatrapa is, no doubt, as has been long ago asserted, an adaptation of the Persian Kshatrapa 'satrap.' Because, although we can look upon the word as a pure Sanskrit word and translate it by the protector of Kshatriyas, still such a title is entirely unknown to Sanskrit literature, Kshatrapa and its Prakrit substitute Chhatrapa or Khatrapa occur in the first place, in the coins and inscriptions of barbarous kings and their governors, who ruled over the north-western India. Even Chashtana as well as his father, the Mahakshatrapa Ygamotika, 50 were foreigners, and there is no reason why we should believe that the title was fixed upon them in a different sense. If Chashtana bears the title of rajan also, well, it might bave been conferred upon him only as a mark of distinction for some special service. In a similar manner, the vassals named samanta or mahdsdmanta, as well as other high dignitaries received the title mahardjal in the fifth, sixth and later centuries. Chashtana's suzerain can have been just one of the Indo-Scythian kings whose might had overshadowed the whole of the north-western and western India, towards the close of the first century and in the second century, as is shown by the inscriptions and the accounts of the Greeks; and a still clearer proof of his connection with the north-west is provided by his coins, wherein his name is given in the Bactro-Pali or rather Kharoshtr152 alphabet which is written from right to left. It is very probable that the descendants and the immediate successors of Chashtana bore the same relation to the rulers of the Indo-Scythian kingdom as long as it was in existence. As for Radradaman, in particular, I see a clear confession of his dependence in the expression (1. 15) svayam-adhigata-Mahdkshatrapa-sabdena, * The three dated_insoriptions are, that on the rook of Gunda, ante, Vol. X., p. 157, that on the pillar of Jandan, Jour, Bo. Br. Roy. As. Soc., Vol. VIII, p. 284 ff. (in which, acoording to an impression of Mr. Dhruva's, the date is to be read as (trilyuttarasate 100[+]3), and one unpublished insoription on a pillar in Okhamapdal, of whioh I possess & aktoh and a photograph. The view, that the era used by the western Kahatrapas in the Sala ere, is found at first in the Jour. Bo. Br. Roy. As. soc., Vol. VIII. P. 248 ffand is further developed in Dr. Bhapdarkar's Early History of the Dekkan, p. 19 8. See also Jour. Roy. As. Soc., N. 8. 1890, P. 639 r. I have opposed the same in Arch. Buru. West. India, Vol. V., p. 73, while I believed that the beginning of the Gupta era fell in the second century p. Chr. * Anarta includes Northern Kathil war and northern Gujarat up to the Mabl. Notion specially the copper-plate on which the Chhatrapa Links Kusula appears by the side of the king Moga. In this case it is quite olear that Liaka was the Satrap of Moga. See Jour. B. Br. Roy. 41. Soc., Vol. VIII, p. 3. A very nicely preserved coin on which this name is very clearly readable, was shown to me, some years ago, by Dr. Burge88. Dr. Bhagvanlal reade the name as Ghsamotika. $! See Fleet, Corpus inscr. Ind., Vol. III., P. 15 note. 12 Seo Professor Terrien de la Conperio Babylonian Record, Vol. I, p. 60. Dr. Bhagvanlal (ante, VIII. p. 256) has rightly recognized the historical significance of the use of this alphabet on Chashtana's coins. net 001D. .

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199 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1913. .by (Rudrada man) who had himself won the title Mahakshatrapa'. According to my view, 63 the author means to say that Rudradaman did not inherit the title Mahdleshatrapa from his father or grandfather (although these possessed it), but that he had to win it by ineans of his special services and that be received it from his suzerain. To this interpretation I am specially led by the meaning of the very analogous phrase, samadhigatapanchamahisabda, 'be who has won the five mahdsabdas (i.e., either five great titles, or the right to have the royal music band to play)', which is used in a very large number of inscriptions, of Samantas or Vassal-chiefs. Moreover, even supposing Rudradaman had made himself independent and had himself taken a title, it appears to me improbable that he should have chosen the title Mahakshatrapa. In that case, he would have certainly named himself maharija, Tajardja, rdjdtirdja, or rajddhiraja, as the independent kings of the first and second centuries always did. Thus Chashtana, in all probability was a dependent of some Indo-Scythian king, and it is, therefore, not possible that he should have founded a new era. He must bave used the era of his suzerain, and the same must be supposed in connection with his grandson. It then, as I believe it must be assumed, this latter also bore the same relation to the Indo-Scythians, there can be no doubt regarding the interpretation of the date of the Girnar prasasti. According to this calculation, then, the destruction of the Sudarsana lake by the storm mentioned in our inscription falls in the year 150 or 151 A.D. The inscriptio, itself, however, mast have been written yet later, sometime towards the end of the first century of the Saka era, i.e., between 160 and 170 A.D., because it is said in lines 17-18 that the restoration of the dam was attended with great difficulties. Thus it is most conclusively proved that even during the scoond half of the second century, there was in existence a Kavya literature. Although there is wanting a colophon which might have given us the exact character of the composition, still it can be easily seen that it contains a gadyan kavyam as such. Its style is similar to that of the prose part of Harishena's kavya in many respects and besides the use of alurikaras, there is an obvious effort on the part of the poet, to satisfy all the requirements prescribed for prose-composition by poetice. At the same time, however, it can not be denied that its worth is very considerably less than that of the Allahabad prasasti, and that its author did not by far possess the imagination and talent of Harishena. The language itself which is, indeed, generally speaking, flowing and good shows several deviations from the usage of classical poets and even presents some actual mistakes. Thug in ..... no d garbhd (l. 9) there is a wrong sumdhi made. Among other offences against the rules of orthography prescribed by grammar are the frequent omission of ch before chh and the use of the anusvara for hand , in the body of words, as well as form at the end, though both these, it is true, are sanctioned by usage. Further, there is seen the influence of the Prakrit in the word visaduttardni (1.7)which stands for runaduttarani. Even the form vinneut used only on the analogy of trinnsat etc., is not classical, bat belongs to the language of the epics and the Puranas as is shown by the quotations in the Petersburg Lexicon. If the long syllables in nirvydjam avajity dvajitya which are against rule, are not mere mistakes in writing of the scribe or of the stone-engraver, although in the ease of Oragena for Pragena, no other assumption is possible,-then they must be regarded as only instances of the Prakrit influence. Because, the Prakrit dialects frequently represent nih hy ni or ni, and the Gujarati jit.conquest', and jitavuin 'to conquer' agree with the long syllable in avajitya. So also, the instrumental patina in 1. 11 is formed against Panini's rules, though it is in agreement with the usage of the Vedic and epic language. There is also a mistake of syntax in anyalra Sarngrameshu (l. 10), 'except in battles', which ought to be anyatra sangramebhyah. So also the form pratyakhyataraibharh (1. 17) would be a worse mistake of syntax, as I believe in all probability it can not be regarded as an error in writing for pratyakhyataranble. 68 Dr. Bhagvanlal thinks otherwise. According to him the idea is that Rudradi man freed himself from the yoke of a suzerain. The frequent avoidance of a sathdhi is not incorreot, because, according to a well-known karika, the sasidhi depends upon vivaksha, i..., it is to be made only if the words actually belong together. In the proseinscriptions, the sandhi is usually not made where we would have a comma or A semi-colon.

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JULY, 1913.) INDIAN INSORIPTIONS AND THE KAVYA 191 Last of all, the phrase - CarrataTIT feat Gerrar (. 5) is a hard nut to crack. No full-fledged classical poet has taken the liberty in this way. On the other hand, a similar phrase is more frequently met with in the epios.65 The many points of similarity with the epice, which the language of the Girnar praasti exhibits, could have led to the supposition that the author had cultivated himself exclusively by the reading of epics and that a kdvya proper was not at all known to him. But such a supposition is contradicted, first of all, by the general impression, which his composition makes. Whoever reads it attentively would feel that in the matter of the development of the style, it shows a stage considerably in advance of the epics. Farther the supposition is contradicted by several particulars leading to a similar conclusion, especially the important passage in l. 14, wherein the author enumerates the attributes of a good composition, prevalent in his time. As for the points of affinity with the kavya style proper, which this prasasts exhibits, it is to be first of all noticed that the author knew very well the canons laid down by Dandin as common to all schools, according to which ojas or samisa-bkuyastpa, the frequency and length of compounds, is the principal feature of a prose composition. In the prasasti also, the compounds occur more frequently than single words, and the compounds themselves often exhibit a conspicuous length. Thus in the very first line, there is a broken compound which consists of nine words with twenty-three letters. Such compounds and others extending over between ten and twenty letters are numerous Orice in the description of the king (1. 11) the gathor goes to the extreme of having a compound word which comprises seventeen words with forty letters. As compared with Harishena's performance, that of the Gujarati author is by all means a modest one, though the latter far surpasses what the epic poets have been capable of doing or have regarded as permissible. As with Harisbena, & rhythmical arrangement of letters in the longer compounds is often noticeable, as for instance, in 1l. 6 and 9 ff. Hand in hand with the length and number of compounds, goes the length of the sentences. The prasasti apparently contains only five sentences with forty-nine grantha, of which the fourth Bentence alone consists of more than twenty-three grantha, Harisbena surpasses the Gujarati writer, in this point also, and this is an important point, because his whole kdvya, though longer in extent, contains only one sentence. Of the Sabddlashk dras, we have only the Anuprasa, and the repetitions of parts of words, more seldom of whole words, as well as of single letters producing a similar sound, are very frequently met with. The specially remarkable instances are: T&T ZURIT TRT (1.4), quitar (1.5), atat rat (1.6), rietaryo (1.10), qaiat Pargaritat (111), arrari Perri ( ibid. ), ferraraileani (1.12 ), R aufarha (1.13), orarurari fearai (ibid.), Terror (ibid.), TATITTAT (ibid.), 1990deg ( 1.14 ), ATTAramt ibid.), TRATTAT OFITEAT (1.15). Ti (1.16 ), T TT (1.18), wife (1.19 ). The Varndnuprdeas, which do not strike us at first sight, but which are, nevertheless, not less characteristio, are specially numerous in girizikharataruttaTAhAlakopatalpahArazaraNocchya vidhvaMFETT (1-6), where the repetitions of consonants and vowels are linked together very skilfully. Thus it is quite evident that the author took great troubles with these word-ornaments and attached great importance to them. His use of these far surpasses what the epic literature can present, and stands pretty on a level with what we have in Harishen. The word ardhigarraffrontert is just exactly in the Kdvya style, for the compound arjitorjita is very much favourite with the later court-poets. As for the Arthdlankdras, our author uses them but very rarely. Thus there are only two Upamas to be noted. In 1. 1-2, it is said that the lake or rather the embankment thereof is parvrata-pratisparddhi, resembling a spur of a mountain'; and in L. 8, the dried-up lake is spoken of as maru-dhanva-kalpam, resembling Bandy desert. In the former instance, the expression pratispardlhi is quite characteristic of the Kdoya style. We have an Utprekshd in the already mentioned passage, Tora Of. for instance, Nela XII, 28, AT m er and also the quotations onder in the Petersborg Lexicon

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.192 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1913. Cantorantr ai rar and a faint attempt at Slesha in 1. 8, where it is said that the lake had become atibhriban durdda[reanam]. For the rest, the author neglects the numerous opportunities which are offered to him, for instance, in the description of Rudradaman, of showing his skill in bringing out similarities. He relies more on the effect of a representation of facts marked with strong outlines, than on the conglomeration of more or less conventional figares of sense. It must be conceded that he sticceeds quite well in individual descriptions, though he fails in the fineness of execution and the elaboration of details, which are found to be present in Harishena. The passage in l. 8-7 describing the destruction of the lake, reads best notwithstanding many important lacunae. Freely rendered, the passage would read thus In the year seventy-two, 72, (in the reiga)56 of the king and great Strap Rudrad Aman whose name is uttered by the worthy (praying for purity)-the 'son [of the king and great Satrap, Lord Jayadaman] .....- the grandson of the king and great Satrap, Lord Chasbana-the mention of whose name brings purity-on the [fifth or fifteentb] day of the dark half of the month Margasirsha........ ...... a storm with great streaming showors, as it were, reduced the earth to one single ocean; the terribly augmented force of the Suvarnasikata, the Palabini and other rivers of the mountain Urjayat broke through the dam ........ although proper remedial measures were taken, the water agitated by the whirlwind which (raged) with fearful violence as if at the end of the world-age, and which shattered down mountain-peaks, trees, rocks, terraces, temple-turrets, gates, abodes and triumphal columns, the water scattered about and tore to pieces [tbe......and] this (lake) [orammed) with stones, trees, bushes and circles of creepers that were thrown down, was broken up, down to the bottom of the stream.' The small number of the Arthalankaras is richly counterbalanced by the fourth word in 1. 14, which praises in all probability Rudrademan's skill in poesy, and contains, without question, the views of the author regarding the requirements of a good composition. Unfortunately, the word is mutilated. After sphuTala ghumadhuracitrakAntazaisamayorAlaMkRtagacapatha, eight letters have . been obliterated, followed by 4. The last letter shows that the expression ended with the instrumental of an a-stem. Immediately after TOTO, only the word can come, as it is absolutely necessary to complete the two expressions and to. The remaining six letters should then have been aphrase like vidhAnapravINeracanakucale, racananirate or like (bhA) svAvananirataH Now if we consider what is said of Rudrademan in l. 18, viz., that he had acquired great renown by the complete study, the preservation, the thorough understanding, and the skill in the use of the great lores, such as grammar, politics, music and logic, we must go in for one of the first series of expressions proposed. Because, the practising of classical poetry is the natural complement of the cultivation of the abstruse sastrat in the case of the Pandit, and both these have been very frequently extolled as the qualifications of Indian kings. These considerations make it quite probable that the compound in question, when completed should stand ag Fengania y a90 [piraletata 7 Now, if we take the author on his word, and suppose that he is stating only facts, nothing more nor less, then it would follow that Radrademan must have devoted himself to the cultivation of court poetry like Samudragupta and Harsbavardhana. Then the passage in question would further prove that the Kavga literature, in the second century, had been developed to such an extent, that even the grandson of a foreign Satrap like Chashtana could not escape its influence. On the other hand, if it is thought more advisable to understand the expressions of praise in the prasasti, with a qualification, and to think that these expressions regardless of actual facts, only concern themselves with representing Rudradaman as an ideal Indian prince-88 the poet's fancy was pleased to depict, even then we would be justified in drawing this conclusion at least, that during the second century it was the custom at Indian courts to oocupy oneself The words printed within small brackets are necessary to complete the song while thone in rectangalar brackets are renderings of the broken words as restored by mo.

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JULY, 1913.] INDIAN INSCRIPTIONS AND THE KAVYA with kavya. Even this result in itself is of no little significance inasmuch as it proves that the invasions of the Scythians and other foreign races had extinguished the national art as little as the sciences. Further, as regards the characteristics which the prasasti prescribes for gadyapadya 'the compositions in prose and metrical form', it is to be noted, that they essentially agree with those which are given by Dandin for the Vaidarbhi riti, in accordance with an old tradition. In Kavyadarsa, I. 41-42, we have : zleSaH prasAdaH samatA mAdhurye sukumAratA | arthavyaktirudAratvamojaH kAntisamAdhayaH // 46 // iti vaidarbhamArgastha prANA dazaguNAH smRtAH / Of these ten fundamental attributes of the Vaidarbhi style, the prasasti names three, viz., madhurya, kanti and uddratva, and there is no reason why the madhura and kanta of the inscription should be interpreted otherwise than as rasavat full of sentiment,' and sarvajagatkanta 'pleasing to the whole world' or 'lovely', respectively. On the other hand, the word uddra elevated, grand' can scarcely have the meaning which Dandin attributes to it, in Kavyadarsa, I. 76.58 The preceding sabda-samaya specially enters into compound with udara at any rate, and the expression sabdasamayodara can not but be translated as 'grand through the conventional (with poets) use of words.' Accordingly, our author, following those who are referred to by Dandin, as kechit (Kavy. I. 79), means by udara, that language in which are used proverbial words and attributes commended by poets, e.g., kriddsarah, lilambuja, and similar words. A fourth characteristic mentioned by Dandin, the arthavyakticlearness of meaning', can be easily recognized in the synonymous expression sphuta of the inscription. A fifth characteristic ojas, the force of expression' may probably be meant by the adjective chitra wonderful, exciting wonder.' In favour of this we can quote Bharata's definition (Chap. XVI) 193 samAthi pa sAtu [ sAdhu ] svarairudArezca tadAjaH parikIrtyate // Even in the epithet laghu which is wrongly rendered by translators as short', we may find hidden a reference to the sixth attribute of the Vaidarbha style. Laghu here, no doubt, means beautiful, pleasing' and it very possibly stands for prasada or sukumdrata, both of which are conducive to loveliness of composition. The last adjective alamkrita leaves no doubt about the fact that the author of the prasasti was acquainted with some theory of Alamkaras. In accordance with the proposed filling up of the lacunae and the explanations offered so far, the whole clause may be thus rendered: 6 (by the king and the great Satrap Rudradaman) who [was expert in the composition of] prose and metrical kavyas, which are easily intelligible, charming, full of sentiment, capable of awakening wonder, lovely, noble with the conventional use of words, embellished (with the prescribed figures of speech).' Thus, whatever we may say about Rudradaman busying himself with poesy a fact which is very probable, though of course we can not be absolutely sure about itso much is certain that the author of our prasasti lays on poets conditions very similar to those prescribed by Dandin, that in the second century there must have been already in existence romances and other works in high prose as well as compositions in the Vaidarbha style, which in no way differed from the samples of classical composition preserved to us, and that there also existed an Alashkara-sastra. (To be continued.) 5 The same are mentioned in Bharata's Natyasastra, oh. XVI:leSaH prasAdaH samatA samAdhirmAdhuryamojaH padasaukumAryam / arthasya ca vyaktirudAratA ca kAntica kAvyasya guNA dazaite // utkarSavAnguNaH kazciyasminnukte pratIyate / tadudArAdvayam 55 11 5 Dr. Bhagvanlal's translation, 'remarkable for grammatical correctness,' is not right for several reasons. 'Grammatical correctness' would be sabdabuddhatva, and this quality does not make a composition udara. Besides, the king's ability to write oorrectly is mentioned in 1. 13. I explain sabda samayodara thus:sadvaviSaye yaH kavInAM samayaH saMketa AcAro vA tena udAram ||

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194 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1913. BRAHMAN IMMIGRATION INTO SOUTHERN INDIA. BY A, GOVINDACHARYA SVAMIN, O.E., M.B.A.S., M.M.S; MYSORE. (Continued from Vol. XLI, p. 232.) From this the conclusion is irresistible that there was indeed an ancient Brahman leader of that name, who led a colony of Brahmans into the South. What the motives were that led to the emigration, we cannot definitely ascertain. The Puranic account is that the Vindhyas began to grow higher and higher and obstruct the path of the Sun, that the Devas sought the help of the sage and requested him to humble the pride of the mountain; that while accordingly the sage approached, the mountain, being its sishya or disciple, made its obeisance by prostrating itself before him, and then the sage crossed it and enjoined it to remain in that posture until be returned-which event has not yet taken place and therefore the mountain has remained low until to-day. Certainly there must be some meaning in this otherwise palpably impossible myth. Agastya himself was one of the Rig Vedic sages, but he was not included among the Saptarishis or the seven sages, though he as the latter bas become one of the gotrakdras, i.e., heads of the Brahman families. The Rigveda plainly describes him as trying to introduce a cult somewhat opposed to the cult of Indra, which was the prevalent one, and, therefore, as meeting with some opposition. Tamil tradition also points to this split as the real cause of his southward march with all his following. Probably it was not Agastya bimself of the Rigveda that made this southward march: & sort of quasi-eternity is given to the Vedic sages by the habit of calling the successive heads of the families or gotras by the names of the founders. Perhaps a descendant of the sage might have in later times led the southward march, when perhaps on account of the split in the camp, their continuance in the north had become intolerable. Perhaps, synchronous with that march, a depression of the Vindhyas took place due to seismio causes, which gave rise to the myths we have referred to. Geology owns the possibility of each subsidence and teaches that such subsidence may occur, due to undue volcanic activity, especially at the opposite side of the earth, A glance at the map shows us that about-20deg lat.-70deg long., the opposite point of the earth with respect to the Vindhyas, we have the Bolivian Andes with the powerful volcanoes of Sahama, Acancagua and so forth, and if in prehistoric times there was a terrible eruption of these volcanoes and this disturbance caused the subsidence of the mountain in India, we have precisely the state of things which the myth has obscurely represented as the prostration of the Vindbyas before Agastya, Somo such extraordinary or apparently miraculous intervention is needed to make a dissenter like Agastya find favour with the Aryans of the porth, who have not only included his name among the gotrakdras, but have also accepted his hymns in the Rigveda and thereby practically adopted his cult. When this event took place, it is not possible to determine. Tamil literature refers it to a remote age, i.e., earlier than 5000 B. O. Considering the magnitude of the geologic changes with which the emigration was synchronous, there is indeed mach to be said in favour of this tradition. The Ramayana also makes the southward march of Agastya long anterior to the events it narrates. Even before Sri-Rama's time, Agastya bad been dwelling in a hermitage to the south of the Vindhyas about two yojanas from Panchavati, where he had made his temporary home; and he always seems to have acted as the pioneer in the southward march; for we find him go down further south at the time of the close of the Lanka war. The Tamils locate his asrama in Podiyam, a peak of the Tinnevelly Gbats, from which the Tamraparni takes its source ; and he is still thought to be living there. Moreover, Rapana, Vali, Sugriva and other great epic heroes of the south are represented as children of Non-Aryan mothers by Aryan fathers. Perhaps before complete Aryanisation was effected, these hybrids, with the energy natural to the offspring of mixed union, and also with the atavism of barbarian nature, which is seen to follow such unions

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JULY, 1913.] BRAHMAN IMMIGRATION INTO SOUTHERN INDIA 195 as a natural consequence, began to trouble the Aryan settlers in the Dandaka forest. For the Ramayana says that for a long time before the advent of Rama the troubles from the Rakshasasmeaning thereby the aborigines of the south, had ceased; but only very recently they had begun again under the leadership of Maricba, Subbu, Khara, Ravana and others-all offspring of Non-Aryan mothers and Aryan fathers; R&rana is even represented as a Brahman and Sams. Vedin-a descendant of Pulastya. Thus the first movement of the Brab mans towards the south seems to bave been caused by a split in the faith, and the succeeding settlements were made afterwards by ascetics and lay-brothers, seeking solitade and calm for practising ahl the self-mortifications that they thought were necessary for gaining spiritual wealth. It was the combination of the two sets of circumstances that led to the slow Aryanisation of the south long before the rise of Buddhism, or the southward march of Jainism, Later on, after some advance was made in civilisation, emigration from other motives began also to take place ; until at last about the 1st century A. D. we find that it was the South that became the seat of revived Brahmanism. For the North had become almost Buddhistic, and powerful Scythian princes, like Kanisbka, who had embraced Buddhism, were ruling in Kashmir, and the Sungas and the Andhrabbrityas in Magadha, and Persian Satraps like Rudradaman in Ujjain. Only Kananj seems to have been still Hindu, but it was quite powerless then. The Kosalas had emigrated by that time to the south of the Vindbyas and had formed the Chalukyas, who later on founded in the 6th century A. D. the Chalukyan kingdom in the Maharashtra country, after defeating Indra of the Ratta or Rashtrakuta family. Gotamiputra Satakarni, one of the Andhrabhsityas, who ruled at Pratisthana, is represented in the inscriptions, as having conferred on the Brahmans "the means of increasing their race and stemmed the progress of the confusion of castes," wbaterer that may mean. Perhaps it was from his time that the downfall of Buddhism may be dated. For after this time we find a revival of Sanskrit literature and re-institution of sacrifices ; and the long disused Asvamedha is referred to as again having been performed by Pulakesin and others. Even the satraps of Ujjain, who had apparently been given a place in the Hindu social system, took the Brahmans under their wings: for Usbaradatta, son-in-law of Nahapana is represented as having fed thousands of Brahmans and, like Gotamiputra Satakarni, given them "the means of increasing their race" (whatever that may mean). During the time of the Chalukyans, Brahmanism seems to have completely regained its lost power ; for it was then that the greatest Neo-Hindu teacher, SriSankaracharya made his appearance. Before his time, Parvamind sa had been studied with great attention and famous writers like Prabhakarasvami. Nandisvami and others lived and wrote during the reigns of the early Chalukyans; and as we have said elsewhere, Telugu and Kannada began to differentiate themselves about this time, giving rise to two distinct languages. In the meanwhile Mayurasarman, the founder of the Kadamba kingdom in Konkan in the 6th century A.D., introduced a colony of Brahmans from Abikshetra in Rohilkhand, and when it was found that during the reign of his son these showed a tendency to go back to their old home, the king seems to have set a mark upon them by obliging them to wear their top-knot in a special fashion. These formed the Nambudris (50489-our masters) of the West coast-a class of Brahmans, who differ from the Brahmans of the East coast and of the Andhra, Kannada, and Tamil country in many particulars. These Brahmans slowly spread towards the south along the west coast and now inhabit the whole of the maritime country west of the Gunts as far down south as Trivandrum. It was the influence of these Kada mbas that led to the subsequent differentiation of Malayalam from Kannala on the one hand and Tamil on the other. The Kurgi and the Tela from the links connecting it with the two elder numbers of the Dravidian group; but none of these importations altered the essential character of the first settlers in manners and customs: they have remained distinct. The earlier settlers had borrowed many of the manners of the Dravidians, among which may be named the institution of tali-tying, the boring of the nose, the tying of the

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY tali and the presenting to the bride of the new sari by the husband's party prior to marriage called, are all Dravidian customs, symbolic of slavery or purchase and do not find any sanction in the sacerdotal formulae of the grihya ritual in use among the Aryans. In all these respects the Nambudris seem to differ from the other southern Brahmans. So much was the South favoured by the colonization of the Brahmans before the 6th century that the Purdnas, that seem chiefly compiled during the early Chalukyan kings, went to the length of prophesying that in future the only refuge of Brahmanism would be the extreme south of the Peninsula, in the basin of the Tamraparat. For they shrewdly found out how in the North, subjected to foreign inroads and irruptions from without, there was not much chance of their keeping either their blood or their religion pure, and they with one voice declared : 196 [JULY, 1913. kalau khalu bhaviSyanti nArAyaNaparAyaNAH / kacitkacinmahArAja imiDeSu ca bhUrizaH // sAmraparNI nadI yatra kRtamAlA payasvinI / kAverI va mahAbhAgA etc. etc. Bhag. Nor were their apprehensions long allowed to remain unconfirmed; the worst sort of disaster soon overtook them, when, early in the 8th century A. D. (711 A. D.), the relentless iconoclastic Muhammadan storm burst upon the land. It was Gujarat, that first suffered from the outburst. The Bhagavata Sampradayins-worshippers of Krishna, who formed the bulk of the population of Gajatat, Muttra and the north-west generally, soon felt the pressure of the times and the wisest among them migrated to the south and peopled the Telugu, Kannada and Tamil kingdoms. In the 9th and the 10th centuries their numbers increased when the Muhammadan incursions became more frequent and more threatening. It was these that brought into the South the Renaissance literature of the North, the product of more recent times, made during the times of king Bhoja of Dhara and the Guptas of Ujjain and Pataliputra and Harshavardhana of Kanauj, The earlier emigrants had brought but the Mimdied, the Epics and the Sutras. It is these latter that brought Logic, Grammar and Belles-lettres in general, and gave an impetus to learning in the South. The 10th and the 11th centuries formed the Augustan period of Dravidian literature, alike in the Telugu, Tamil and Kannada lands. The chief impetus for this magnificient activity was given by the new-coming Aryan settlers. So much did Raja-raja, the powerful Chola king at Kanchi, recognize the value of these new comers that he defended them against the attacks of his aunt Kunda-Avvai, who remonstrated with him for showing favour to the culture of the North in preference to his own Tamil. The Srivaishnavs revival in the 11th century A. D. in the South was only an episode in the literary culture that came with this latest emigration. Sri-Ramanaja himself was directly related to Saint Alavandar, grandson of Nathamuni. In all likelihood Nathamuni's father or grandfather was one of the pioneers of these latest settlers. If we examine the account given of the way in which these behaved towards each other, though settled in far off places like Kanchi, Srirangam, Madura and so forth, we are bound to conclude that they belonged to a closely-knit sept, and that they could be easily marked off from the rest of the Brahman population among whom they had settled; the real name of the Saint Alavandar, i. e., the name Yamunai-thuraivar (the sage of the Jumna) itself tells us how new these settlers must have been in their new homes at the time of the sage. Even to this day these are distinguished from the other Brahmans of the South in several respects and go generally by the name of Vadamas, meaning North-country men. It was chiefly from this community that the bulk of the Srivaishnava conversions were made. Even in the Kannada and Telugu country, it is the Bhagavata Sampradayins that easily passed into the Srivaishnava or the Madhva fold. One distinguishing feature of these Sampradayins is their partiality for Vishnu in his incarnation of Krishna. The Bhagavata-Purana, which seems to have been compiled by one of their number

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JULY, 1913.) BRAHMAN IMMIGRATION INTO SOUTHERN INDIA 197 develops this point of view of the community. Sri-Bhagavata is prized alike by the Srivais hoavas, the Madhvas and the Smarta Bhagavata Sampradayins and Vadamas. That these latter form the latest addition to the Brahman population in the extreme south of the Peninsula is borne ogt also by a very curious custom. All the Smarta Dravida Brahman women, together with a few of the left-hand section of the Sudras, tie their saris in a peculiar fashion. The upper end of the sari is brought under the left shoulder over the right arm round the back and thrown over the left shoulder. This is precisely the manner of the costume of Greek ladies after 450 B. 0. known as the himation. It was also the old mode of dress of the Aryan Brahmana before they entered India. It is the mode in use among the Persians and the Muhammadans, Once upon a time it was precisely the way in which the upper garment was worn by the Aryan males also. But there seems to have come a change in the mode of the male dress somewhere about the time when the Aryans settled in India. The yajnopavila which the Brahman wears is only a symbolic representation of his mode of dress. Much as the yajnopavita, the sacred thread, is prized by the Brahman of nowadays, there seems to be nothing in the ritual or the mantras that are used during the upanayana ceremony to uphold the great value set upon it. That it is nothing but a symbolic representation of the upper garment will be patent to every one who considers the origin of the mode of wearing it as given in the Taittiriya-Brdhmana. bhajinaM vAso vA dakSiNata upavIya dakSiNaM bAhumukharate'vadhatte savyamiti yajJopavItaM / etadeva viparIta para ll etc. Skin or cloth worn towards the right, round the body so as to go under the right shoulder and above the left is called Tata, the mode of dress in the service of gods; the opposite mode is called prdchindvita.' The words upavIta and prAcInAvIta indicate in what sense they might have been first used. prAcInAvIta means the ancient mode of dressing; 394a is the recent mode of dressing, both derived from vye to weave. Later on the sacred thread with a bit of deer skin tied to it has come to symbolize this mode of dress. That prdchindvita means the old mode of dress is borne out by the fact that funeral ceremonies are enjoined to be performed, the performer being dressed in that fashion, agreeably to the primitive notion that the sacrificer must dress himself like the god or the spirit he worships. Yamavaivasvata, being the old ancestor, who is worshipped in funeral ceremonies, the old mode of dressing is recommended. But in other cases the upavita, the new mode. A metaphysical reason is assigned in the Veda itself for the change of dress, vis., that the Devas and the Asuras performed a sacrifice, the Devas dressing in the terre fashion, i.e., in the left to right fashion we have described and the Asuras in the other mode; and the Devas succeeded in gaining heaven while the Asoras were defeated and dispersed on all sides on acconnt of the gra fashion they had adopted. Probably this refers to the Aryan ancestors in their new colonies following nature, where all motion is seen to take place from left to right. For, finding such a mode of dress among the non-Aryan dwellers in the soil, they seem to have adopted it as a part of their scheme of following nature, which included the taking of such of the non-Aryan customs under their patronage as would help them in assimilating them easily and thereby strengthening their stock. While the male population easily adopted the change, the conservative female population perhaps remained averse to it for a long time. It was probably at this stage that the Dravidian Brahmans first migrated to the South. For while their ladies, i.e., those of the Smartas of Tamil land preserve this old habit, the ladies of the later settlers have adopted the new orthodox fashion completely. Here is an evidence of a very curions but convincing kind for the very early settlement of the Tamil land by Brahmans, long before perhaps the Telugu country itself was ocoupied by them. For we know that the Karnataka and Telingana Brabman ladies adopt the la mode. The whole subject seems to be very interesting, and is deeply connected with the distinction of right hand and left hand

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198 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1913, factions that used until recently to disturb the peace of Tamil villages, and of the Phanas in the Kannada districts. At an early stage in the progress of this paper I asked the late Mr. Venkayya if he could throw some light on the solution of the problem I have taken up. I must, in justice to him, quote the letter he was good enough to send me from his camp at Vijayanagaram. He wrote: -"As I have not got all the books of reference, I am unable to give you a complete list of all inscriptions which contain grants of land to Brahmar. I suppose you know that the founder of the Kadamba dynasty, viz., Mayurasarma, was a Brahman. His date is not definitely ascertained. But Dr. Fleet assigns the Kadambas to the 6th century A. D. As regards Pallava inscriptions, I would invite your attention to three copper plates, viz., Mayidavola plates of Sivaskandavarman (Epigraphica Indica), Kadamba plates of Jayavarman and the Hirahadagalli-plates of Sivaskandavarman. From the language and phraseology of these inscriptions, Dr. Hultzsch has concluded that they cannot be very distant, in point of time, from the reign of Gotamiputra Satakarni, who reigned about the middle of the 2nd century A. D. These and similar grants which Dr. Fleet has noticed show that the Brahmans had immigrated into Konjivaram long before A. D. 600. As regards Western India we have evidence to prove that there was a large colony of Brahmans at Nasik already in the 2nd century A. D. while the Western Chalukya king, Kirtivarman I, is said to have made a grant to Brahmans in A. D. 578. No Chola or Pandys records prior to A. D. 600 are known. But the presence of Brahmans in Konjivaram during the 2nd or 3rd century may be adduced as evidence to show that they might have advanced farther south. This information is perhaps quite meagre for your purposes." Thus wrote Mr. Venkayya; yes, meagre enough, as I have said in the beginning of this paper if we have to depend solely on the evidence of inscriptions. But we have seen what other sources of information we have regarding such points. Sanskrit literature and Tamil literature might be used conjointly in fixing the chronology or other points of Indian History; for these two together will be seen to act like a vernier to definitely fix many an otherwise doubtful point. It will thus be seen that the Aryan migration to the South was part of the scheme of Providence unfolded during a long interval of time by divine agencies apparently working with diverse, and oft times with cross, purposes. It was part of the large scheme whereby a moral and intellectual conquest of the whole of India was effected and the new-comer Aryan was blended with the native Dravidian, tending to produce a homogeneous population. Thus the method followed by the old Aryans was not to substitute the white man for the dark-skinned people-the method which is universally practised by the present-day civilizing agency with its cry of "White-man's burden" and "Imperialism". In those days Brahman missionaries of a different kind pioneered indeed and overran unsettled tracts and devoted their energies to the conversation of the heathen. But these missionary settlements, except in very early times, never led to the spreading of the sword in their wake, as has often happened in these afterdays of European colonization. "It was by absorption rather than by annihilation that Brahmanism triumphed", says Mr. Crooke, the Bengal civilianhistorian of the old North-West provinces. "We hear", says he, "of none of the persecution, none of the iconoclasm which characterized the Musalman inroad. A fitting home was found in the Brahman pantheon for the popular village deities, the gods of fear and death of the indigenous faith. Vishnu by his successive incarnation has been made the vehicle for conciliating the tribal gods or totems of tribes-now well within the fold of Hinduism". Thus the slow upheaval was going on and under the leadership of liberal teachers like 'Sankara and Ramanuja, the band was being removed from the eyes and hearts of the people, when it pleased God to throw open the country for the inroads of more powerful foreigners.

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JOLY, 1913.) NOTE OF THE MANDASOR INSCRIPTION 199 NOTE OF THE MANDASOR INSCRIPTION OF NARAVARMAN. BY SIR DR. R. G. BHANDARKAR, K. C. I. E., &o.; POONA. In my article on the epoch of the Gupta era published in Jour. Bomb. As. Soc., Vol. XVII. I have stated, (p. 92) "the date 493 occurring in that (Mandasor) inscription is referred to the event of the Ganastbiti of the Malavas. What this ovent was exactly and when it took place we do not know." The impression of a new inscription recently discovered at Mandagor, prepared by Mr, D. B. Bhandarker of the Archaeological department and shown to me by him, enables me to make a contribution towards an olacidation of the point. The verse giving the date is thus worded : zrImAlavagaNAmAte prazaste kRtasajJite / - ekapaSTapadhike prAple smaashtctussttye|| The translation is :-"the excellent quaternion of hundreds of years increased by sixty-one laid down authoritatively by the Malava-gana and named Ktita having arrived." The word amndta means laid down,'-authoritatively of course,-Bince what is amndta is to be treated with respect and ecrupulously followed, In ATC: atq: the sense is: the Samdmndya (Nighanfus or thesaurii) has been laid down (Nirukta I, 1). Similarly we are told in I, 20, that the later Rishis samamwasishuh, i. e., laid down authoritatively or composed this work, and the Vedas and the subordinate treatises. In a TOTIATTE (Vedantasatra I, 4, 25) amndta has the same sense. In the present case therefore the sense is : the year 461 has arrived which has been laid down authoritatively by the Gana of the Malavas. This authoritative laying down cannot be predicated of this one year only but of all previous and subsequent years. If these years were laid down by the Gana, they must either be so by their having composed a long list or directed that the years following & certain event should be ordinally numbered. Since & list must go on ad infinitum, i. e., be interminable, the former supposition cannot be accepted. The gana of the Malayas, therefore, must be supposed to have directed the use of an era beginning with a certain specific event. What must be the specific event? Light is thrown on this point by the following Verse occurring in Yasodharman's inscription at Mandasor : pakSasa zateSu zaraNaM yAteSvekAnanavatisahiteSu / mAlavagaNasthitivazAt kAlajJAnAya likhitessu|| " Five hundred and eighty-nine years written down for the purpose of knowing the time in consequence (ablativo) of the moment [moving cause or impelling force (vasa)] of the condition as & gana or compact political body of the Malavas having elapsed." That the word vasa should be anderstood as the moment or impelling cause is confirmed by the manner in which the date is kiven in Bandhu varman's Mandasor inscription. The words are : mAlavAnAM gaNasthitvA yAte paatctussttye| frefas .................. 11 The sense is : "four hundred and ninety-three years having elapsed since the condition (i.., formation of the Malavas as a gana." Ganasthityd is to be taken as an ablative, the visargu having been dropped in consequence of the following soft consonant. This then was an era, the impelling cause of which was the sthiti of the Malavas as a gana, that is, it was the era of the formation of the Malayas 88 & gana, i. e., their forming a body corporate or body politic. The Malaves were originally << tribe which followed the occupation of fighting. They were soldiers by profession, and could entet any body's service as such, and did not form a gana or an incorporated society for political and other purposes. Yajsavalkya, speaking of a person who takes away the wealth of gana, necessarily implies that a gana is a corporate community with common property and common interest (II, 187). Occurring side by side in ibid, II, 192 with treni a gaild, and naigama or a body of merchants trading with foreign countries, gana must mean a body corporate of persons following the same occupation such as that of fighting (Vijna. nekvara and Apardrka). I translate ganasthiti as existence or condition as a gana. It should be taken as * Karmadharaya or oppositional compound ( uret f ri. e. T hat or T7591 Para:). It cannot be taken as TTFU kafa For in Bandhuvarman's inscription the expression WHAT Tuffert would in that case involve what is called Ekadesi anvaya or the latter part would be a sdpeksha compound, i. o., Malavdndm would have to be connected with gana, i, e., the first or subordinate part of the following compound and not with athiti the principal part, as it should be. When we take the compound as a Karmadharaya, Malavan&m is to be connected with athiti which is the principal noun as qualified by the word gana. A gana or a corporate and poli

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200 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JULY, 1913 tical union the Malavas constitated in B. C. 56 and laid down authoritatively (annata) that that event should be commemorated by making it the epoch of an era. I now proceed to show by direct evidence what the condition of the Malayas was in ancient times and how it changed subsequently as indicated by the inscriptions we have gone over. In an article in this Journal, Vol. I, p. 28, I have stated that Alexander the Great met in central and lower Panjab two tribes of warriors named Malii and Oxydrakae. From Panini's sutra V, 3,114 and from the instances given by bis commentators it appears that in the Punjab there existed in ancient times two tribes of the names of Malavas and Kshudrokas who are called ayudhajivins, i.e., sustaining themselves by the use of warlike wenpons, in other words, who followed a soldierly profession. Under the sutra IV, 2, 45 Patanjali discusses why Kshudraka and Malava are included in the group "Khandika" and others and in the course of the discussion he and the Kasik& mention that these two tribes belong to the Kshatriya order-he, impliedly, and Kasikd, expressly. Since the two names occur in the group and as it is reasonable to suppose that the first three words of a group at least come down from Panini himself Kshudrakas and Malavakas were known to Panini himself, The Malavas are mentioned in the Mahabharata also sometimes among northern peoples (II, 32, 7. III, 51, 26); and sometimes among southern, with Dakshinaty as and Avantyas (VI, 87, 6-7). It also mentions westerly (pratichya) and northerly (udfchya) MAlavas (VII, 7,15; VI, 106, 7). Varahamibira too places the Malayas among the northern peoples inbabiting the Punjab (Bti. S. 14, 27). In speaking of a man of the name of Malayya he represents him to be ruling over Malava, Bharukachchha, Surashtra, etc. (Bri. S. 69, 10-12); so that the Malava country is here alluded to as occupying the same position as it does in modern times. Kalidasa in his Meghadata carries his cloud messenger over the country now named Malwa but does not give that name; and mentions Dasarnas, Vidika, Avantis, Ujjayini, and Dasapura. So that it is clear that according to these authorities the MAlavas in ancient times lived in the north, that is, in the Punjab and that they subsequently migrated southwards. While in the Punjab they were simply ayudhajiving or professional soldiers and do not seem to bave formed a political union. Their migration to the south and settlement in the region just to the north of the present Malwe in the modern state of Jaipur is evidenced by a very large number of coins found at Nagar near Tonk, Most of these bear the legend Malavdnam jaya and some Malavaganasya jaya. The very fact that coins were issued proclaiming the triumph of the Malavas or the Malava-gana shows that at the time when they were issued the Malavas bad already constituted themselves into a political unit with a regular system of government. That system appears to have been republican and not monarchical; since the legends on the coins bear the name of the tribe and its gana. Probably afterwards the names of the leaders of the Republic were engraved on the money that was issued and perhaps in the course of time the Republic was succeeded by a Monarcby. The Malavas gradually moved southwards and gave their name to the whole country now called Malwa. Another instance of a race moving from the south to the north and giving their name to the countries they occupied from time to time is that of the Gurjaras. They first settled in Punjab and a district of that Province is called Gujarata to this day. Then they migrated southwards by western Rajaputana which was formerly called Gurjaratra or the protector of the Gurjaras. This name, however, that part of the country soon lost, and in the form of Gujarat it was transferred to a southern province which is now called by that name. The years of the era founded by the Malava republican body had the namo Krita given to them according to the new inscription and there are two dates at least in which the years are given with the epithet Kriteshu prefixed to them. In the absence of any specific information we can only suppose that they were called Krita, because they were "made or prepared " for marking dates by the MAlava government. KUMARILA'S ACQUAINTANCE WITH TAMIL BY P. T. SRINIVAS IYENGAR, M. A.; VIZAGAPATAM. Burnell has quoted, ante, Vol. I. p. 310, & passage from the Tantra-Varttika of Kumarila-Bhatta, beginning with the word Andhra-Dravida-bhashayam; and, being puzzled by the singular locative termination, has remarked that the phrase is a " vague term by which the Tamil language is mentioned." Dr. Sten Konow in p. 277 of the Linguistic Survey of India, Vol. IV takes the phrase to describe "the language of the Andbras (i, e., Telugu ) and Dravidas (i. 6.

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JULY, 1913.) KUMARILA'S ACQUAINTANCE WITH TAMIL 201 Tamilians)." He remarks that Andhra-Dravida-bhdshd was Kumarila's name for the " Dravidian family of languages and translates the same word in page 284 by " the speech of the Andhras and the Dravidas" (shortening dravida into Dravidas, it is not known why). The singular suffix is explained by Dr. Konow as denoting "a difference of dialect, which is by no means certain," and, if true, he adds that the " Kanarese and Tamil would be included in the dravidabhdshd, as against Telugu, the andhrabhasha." All this is wasted ingenuity, for both in the printed text of the Tantra-Varttika and in the MS. copy (in Telugu script) used by Dr. Ganganath Jha, the translator of the Tantra-Varttika, the reading is atha dravidadibhashdydm. The whole passage as printed by Barnell, is full of errors and unauthorized alterations by a Tamil copyist; I therefore transcribe it below: Tad-yatha, Drdvidadi-bhd shayam-eva tdvad-vyanjandnta-bhashd-padeshu svaranta-vibhaktistri-pratyay ddi-lalpandbhih sva-bhdshdnurdpan-arthan pratipadyamdndh drisyante. Tad-yatha, odanam chor ity-ukte chora-pada-vdohyam kalpayanti, Panthanam atar ity-ulete atara iti kalpayitud dhuh," Satyam, dustaratvat, atara eva pantha," iti. Tatha pdp-sabdam pakdrantam sarpa-vachanam ; akdrantam kalpayitpd, "Satyam, pa pa eva asau." iti vadants. Evam mal-sabdam stri-vachanam mala iti kalpayitvd," Satyam," iti dhuh. Vair-sabdam cha rephintam udara-vachanam vasri-sabdena pratyamndyam vadanti, " Satyam, sarvasya Ishudhitasya akdrye pravartandt udaram vairi-karye pravartate," sti. Tad-yadd Dravid ddi-bhashayam fdpisi svachchhandakalpand tada Parasi-Barbara-Yavana-Raumakadi-bhashasu kim vikalpya kim pratipatsyante iti ng vidmah. The passage occurs in Kumarila's discussion of Mimdinod-sdtra I. ui. 9 choditam tu pratiyeta avirodhat pramanena. This sdtra ordains that words borrowed from mlechchha languages and used in the Veda, ought to be understood in the sense they have in the mlechchha languages and not to be ascribed new meanings based on the Nirukta. Sabara gives four such words in illastration, pila, cuckoo ; nema, half; tamarasa, lotus and sata, a hundred-holed, round, wooden bowl-these words, having been borrowed, according to Mimainsa tradition, by the Vedic Rishis from mlechchha tongues. Discussing this question further, Kumarila uses the opportunity for airing his knowledge of five words from the Mlechchha tongue, Tamil, which he, no doubt, had casually picked up from some Tamil man. So he says that when the Argas hear mlechchha words, they add to or drop from them some sounds and make them resemble Sanskrit words, though not necessarily of the same import. "Thus in the Dravida, etc., language, where words end in a consonant, ( the Aryas) add a vowel, a case inflection, or a feminine suffix and make them resemble significant words of their own language. Thus when food is called chor, they tarn it into chora; when a road is called atar, they turn it into atara and say, 'true, a road is atara, because it is dustara, difficult to cross'. Thus they add a to the word pd pending in p and meaning a snake, and say, true, it is a sinful being. They turn the word mal meaning a woman into mdia, and say, it is so.' They substitute the word vairiin place of the word vair, ending in and meaning stomach, and say, 'yes, as all hungry people do wrong deeds, the stomach undertakes to do wrong (vairt) actions. When guch changes are freely made in the Dravida, etc., language, what changes can be made in Persian Barbara, Greek, Latin and other languages, and what words can be got thereby, I do not know." It is to be noted that Kumarila misquotes four of the five Tamil words he gives. Three out of the five do not in Tamil end in a consonant, but in u, and Kumarila clips the final short vowel as North Indians do in speaking Sanskrit words and imagines his mutilated form to be the Tamil form. Besides he drops the nasal of the word for snake, perhaps for fitting the word to the point to be illustrated. The Tamil words are chou more properly koru, pambu, vayiru, the final vowel in each case being u made with the lips unrounded. By the word Mal, said to mean woman. Kumarila perhaps means Tamil ammal, woman. Perhaps he heard women called Stammd!, Mangammal, etc., and broke them ap into Sita+mdl, Manga+mal and thus arrived at the word mal. The only word Kumarila quotes correctly is atar, more properly, adar, 8 word not now used in Tamil speech, so far as I know, except perhaps in some dialect unknown to me. From a Tamil dictionary, I learn, it means way,' and adarkol means bighway robbery. It is curious that the cnly word Kumarila gives in a correct form is an obsolete word. The misreadings of Bornell's copy are also interesting. The copyist was, no doubt, a Tamil man for, not knowing the word atar, he boldly substituted nadai, and has thus turned the remark about atara into nonsense, and not being able to trace Kumarila's mal, he changed it into el, a man. I am not able to explain the ddt in Kumarila's Dravidadi-bhdsha. Probably it is an expletive meaning nothing.

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202 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1913. THE REAL AUTHOR OF JAYAMANGALA, A COMMENTARY ON VATSYA YANA'S KAMASUTRA. BY PANDIT CHANDRADHAR GULERI, B. A.; AJMER. In Mahamahopadhyaya Pandita Durga Prasadaji's edition, Vatsyayana's Kamasutra is accompanied by a commentary named Jayamangala, therein ascribed to one Yahodhara. At the end of every adhydya, the colophon is as under iti zrIvAtsyAyanIvakAmasUtraTIkAvA javamajalAbhidhAnAyAM / vidagdhAjanAvirahakAtareNa gurudattendrapAdAbhidhAnena yazodhareNakatrakRtasUtrabhAdhyAyAM / - - - - - - Tara: 11 To me it appears clear from the above that the commentary, named Jayamangald, was not the work of Yasodhara, who occupied himself, during his separation from a cultured lady, in writing out the bhashya, immediately after its corresponding text. The oommentary existed before him, but was separate from the text of the Satras. Yabodhara whiled away the days of his separation by putting the text and the commentary together. For this labour he has been amply rewarded, by being called the author of the old commentary for hundreds of years! To the second edition of Kamasutra, Pandit Durgaprasadaji's son has added an appendix containing the commentary on the last book which in the former edition was without it. This part of the commentary is printed from a Vizianagaram manuscript, and its colophon is iti saptame'dhikaraNe dvitIyo'dhyAyaH / bhAditaH ssdvishH| samApvaM ca kAmasUcaTIkAyAM jayamaGgalAkhyAyAmopaniSadikaM nAma saptamamadhikaraNam // Here we come across at least one manuscript of the commentary not tampered with by this worthy. From a close examination of the commentary one finds another interesting thing. Thia long colophon, giving the autobiographical details of the redactor, is found at the end of every arthy dya, but at the end of overy prakarana, there is another pithy colophon incorporated in the text. The text is doubly divided into prakaranas and adhikaranas as well as into adhyayas. The text marks the end of adhydyas and adhikaranas by a colophon which the redactor follows, wbile the original commentator seems to have marked the ends of prakaranas only. He did not think much of the division of the text into adhydyas also, when it was already divided into prakaranas and adhikaranas, for he says tabAbhyAvasaMkhyAnaM pUrvazAsabhya idaM stokamiti darzanAryam / prakarapAdhikaraNasaMkvAnamanvanirapekSAryam / (p.9) In Pandits Dargaprasadaji's edition, these pithy colophons are not given for the first four adhydyas, which are the same as the first four prakaranas. At the end of the fifth adhydya, which is also the end of the fifth prakarana and first adhskarana, the colophon, receitfarad: Te TORT T unat: occurs in one M8. consulted and not in others; but after that these prakarana endings regularly occur. From this I suppose that they were removed when prakarana and an adhydyc ended in the same place, to make room for the bigger and newer colophon but when the prakarana endings did not coincide with the adhydya endings they were allowed to stand. I find further evidence of the fact that Yabodhara was not the author of Jayamangald from commentary of Kamandaki's Nftisdra, pablished in Trivandrum Sanskrit Series No. XIV. This is also named Jayamangald, but its author is Sankarirya. The following is the first verse of the Jayamangald on Vatsyayana pAtsyAyanIvaM kila kAmasUtraM prastAvitaM kaidhivihAnyayaiva / tasmAvidhAsve jayamaGgalAzyAM TIkAmahaM sarvavidaM praNamya // Compare this with the second verse of Sankararya's Jayamangala on Kamandaki kAmandakIye kila nItizAstre prAyeNa nAsmin sugamAH padArthAH / tasmAdidhAsye jayamaGgalAsyAM tatpatrikA sarvaviraM praNamba / /

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JULY, 1913.) MISCELLANEA. 203 Not only the names and the beginning verses, but the general styles of both the Jayamangalds are similar. Both discuss questions of grammar in the same way and explain, criticise or quote references in the sa ne spirited fashion of ancient commentators. Here is one passage from both in which the words and phrases are almost the same Vatsyayang : yathA dANDakyo nAma bhojaH kAmAvAmaNakanyAmabhimanyamAnaH sabandhurASTrI vinanAtha. Jayamangald : dANDakya iti sNjnyaa| bhoja iti bhomavaMzajaH abhimanyamAno'bhigacchan / sa hi mRgayAM gato bhAgevakanbAmAzramapade dRSTrA jAsarAgo rathamAropya jahAra | sato bhArgavaH samitkacAnAvAyAgasya tAmapazyannabhidhyAya ca yathAvRtta rAjAnamabhizazApa | tato'sau sabandhurASTraH pAMsuvarSeNAvaSTabdhonanAza | tatsthAnamadyApi daNDakAraNyamiti gIyate / (p.24) Kamandaki's Nitisdra T uli za: #TATC etc. Sankararya's Jayamangald saba daNDako nAma bhojavaMzamukhyaH / tanimitta prasiddhanAmA pANDakyo nAma | saca mRgayAM gatastRSitI bhRgvAzrama mavizya tatkanyAM rUpayauvanavatImekAkinI pRSThA jAtarAgastAM svandanamAropya svapuramAjagAma / bhRgurapi samirakuzA dInAdAya vanAdAgatya tAmapazyannabhidhyAya ca yathAvRttaM jJAtvA jAtakodhastaM zApa saptabhirahobhiH pAMsuvRSTapA vipadya. ITATA I T U TETIT(p. 20.). Unless these be cases of unconscious similarity, I propose to conclude that Sankararya commented on both the Arthasdetra of Kamandaki and the Kamasdstra of Vatsyayana. He named both his works Jayamangala, just as Mallina tha's commentaries on Kalidasa are called Sanjivani. MISCELLANEA. THE HARAPPA SEALS. Di-vya-ba-lo Out of the three Harappa seals, the facsimiles 1 I take the first letter in the latter order to be which have been published by Dr. Fleet in the derived from the picture of the dhanu, bow, July issue of the Journal of the Royal Asiatic and representing da ordha, the two bars Society for 1912 on the plate facing p. 700, I standing for the matra f as attached to the da. propose here tentative reading of the seal The second figure I propose to read as vya, Tha sarand ficonna T marked B, viz. standing for v, and for ya. The original hieroglyph for va was probably a representation of the vina, lute, and for ya, one of the yoni, as suggested by Cunningham. The letters may be called "Later Indian Hieroglyphs." Distinctively pictorial traces linger The next symbol, I think, represents ba, here only in two cases: the fish-picture letters on (See legend) the seals (A and O), and the tree-like letter in from wbich the Brahm seems to have the legend of the seal B. The characters, on the whole, are nearer the system of the old Brahms come down. The original figure, it appears, rethan their pictorial predecessors. produced some particular kind of tree. The last No rending oould be offered with any definite character may be read as lo, as Dr. Fleet has tentatively read the same character in the seal O. amount of certainty until specimens of these characters are available in much larger numbers. Adopting the Brahmi order I propose a reading The Brahmi la U probably has as its of the legend of the above (B) Seal as; predecessor in the Harappa la. V lo-ba-vya-di And reading it from right to left we get : K. P, JAYASWAL 1 The figures on A and have been conjeotured to be either that of a door or bull. The long tail and the hooves in indionte that it is an attempt at representing the cow. The blurred portion between the hind logo in probably represented the udder. There is a touch of domesticity in the little cover over the animal, like one seen up-country over the 'begging oowe' of Jogis, and in the mark of a vessel below the mouth of the animal. There seems to be also a band round the nook. * On the same principle I would read the legend of O. As TarpQ-lo-mo-lo-gotripura-mayuraka?

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204 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY A FEW REMARKS ON PROFESSOR PATHAK'S PAPER ON DANDIN, THE NYASAKARA AND BHAMAHA. In his paper on "Dandin, the Nyasakara and Bhamaha," Ante, Vol. XLI p. 232, Prof. K. B. Pathak has said: "Mr Narasimhachar quotes from this verse the words faca acare and would have us believe that the second word in this verse is the name of Pajyapada's commentary on Panini. This view is amply refuted by the Hebbur plates, which describe king Durvinita: zabdAvatArakAra-deva-bhAratIniva (ba) ddha-bRhatpathaH Bp. Car., Vol. XII., p. 17. He who was restricted to the path of eminence by the words of Deva [Devanandin], the author of the Sabdavatara.' I do not think I have taken the word as the name of Pujyapada's commentary on Panini. A reference to my paper will clearly show that I have taken the word in the sense of a commentary on grammar. With regard to the passage quoted from the Hebbur plates, it has to be mentioned that the interpretation put on it is no longer tenable, the passage making no manner of reference to either Devanandin or his Sabdavatara. In a set of copperplates, recently discovered at Gummareddipura, Srinivasapur Taluk, Kolar District, which is dated in the 40th year of king Durvinita's reign and may be assigned to the early part of the sixth century, the corresponding portion runs thus: zabdAvatArakAreNa devabhAratI- nibaddha-vaDakayena kirAtArjunIye This makes it quite plain that Durvinita was himself the author of a Sabdavatara, as also of a Sanskrit (Devabharati) version of the Paiedcht Vaddakatha or Brihatkatha of Gunadhya and of a commentary on the fifteenth sarga of the Kiratarjuniya. We thus see that there is no ground at all for the supposed connection or contemporaneity of Devanandin or Pajyapada with Durvinita. The passage from the Hebbur plates, which are of a later date than the Gummareddipura plates, can now be confidently corrected thus : zabdAvatArakAro devabhAratI-nibaddha-bRhatkatha: That Durvinita was the author of a commentary on the Kiratarjuniya had long been known, but [JULY, 1913. 1 Ante, Vol. XLI, p. 90. See his Essai sur Gunddhya et la Byhatkatha, p. 147. his authorship of the other two works is gathered for the first time from these new plates. It is of considerable interest to know that there came into existence, though unfortunately it has not come down to us, a Sanskrit version of the Brihatkatha as far back as the 6th century A, D. The versions now extant are those of Somadeva and Kshemendra, of the 11th century, and that of Budhasvami, styled Brihatkatha-eloka-samgraha, recently published in Paris by Prof. F. Lacote, who is of opinion that it was composed between the 8th and 9th centuries." Prof. Lacote also writes to me: "I believe Budhasvamin's work is based on an older Sanskrit version of the Brihatkatha, for his version shows by the side of traits relatively modern traces very curious of archaism." This earlier version may in all probability be Durvinita's. Further, as shown above, the Sabdavatara mentioned in the passage quoted from the Hebbur plates, is a work by Durvinita himself. It is true that Pajyapada's Nydsa on Panini is also named Sabdavatara in a Mysore inscription, dated A. D. 1530, which is quoted by Prof. Pathak, but this work must be quite different from its namesake referred to above. The latter, which has not likewise come down to us, may have been a Nydsa on Panini just like Pujyapada's; and it is just possible that Bhamaha's reference is to this work, though, from the nature of the case, it is not possible to lay much stress on the point. Prof. Pathak says: "Rakrilagomin Was parasargaTIkAkAraNa durvinItanAmadhevena. Reverend Rakrila, a Buddhist, and his son Bhamaha was also a Buddhist." It is not clear on what evidence this assertion is based. If Bhamaha were a Buddhist, we might reasonably expect some clue, however slight, to his religion in the illustrative stanzas, which, according to him, were composed by himself. On the contrary, we find in these stanzas references not only to the stories of the Ramayana and the Mahabharata but also to the deities Siva, Vishnu, Govinda, Parvati and so forth. Further, in the fifth chapter of his work, which deals with the logic of poetry, ocours the expression pratyakSaM tasvavRtti hi. I am not sure if a Buddhist would express such an opinion. See Mysore Archeological Report for 1912, paras 65-69.

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JULY, 1913.] MISCELLANEA 205 As Bhimaha criticises the division of 3qht into of the Chinese versions upon which Prof. TAT, TOETAr and s t ar, and as Sylvain Levi has relied. Prof. Oldenberg brings these are found in the Kdvyadar sa along with out a few fresh points which will be studied with several other varieties, Prof. Pathak has come to interest by the schools of Ceylon, Siam and the conclusion that Dandi is anterior to Bh&maha. Burma. He produces a number of parallels from He says further : "The justice of Bhamaha's the PAli texts to the Divyavadana. He shows that criticism will be at once admitted if we recollect the Pali school is mentioned by the Divyavadana. that these numerous varieties are not recognised He admits that the Pali is not the original by Sanskrit writers on Alamkara, who succeeded language of Buddhism and that the Pali canon Bhamabs. Nor can it be urged against this view, is translated from the M&gadhi. He examines that Dandin copied these thirty-three varieties carefully the Pischel fragment of the Sanskrit from some previous author, since such a presump Anguttara Nikaya, and, with the help of the tion is rebutted by the fact that Nripatunga bas Chinese rendering furnished by Prof. Sylvain admitted most of these upamds into his Kavir&. Levi, is enabled to correct the Pali text; and jamarga II, 59-85." I venture to think that interprets the whole differently from the conDandt could not have been the originator of the struing of the passage by Pischel. Both the scholars emphasise the capital nature of the above-mentioned varieties of TFT, nor can the critical study of Prof. Anesaki on the four fact that most of them have been adopted by Baddhistic Agamas in Chinese. Prof. Oldenberg Nripatunga, a later writer, prove that he was so. devotes some pages to the literary history of the In the verse pUrvazAstrANi saMhastha * Dandi clearly Jataka and examines finally the history of the admits his indebtedness to previous authors, and canon as constructed by Prof. Sylvain Levi. as a fact, we find some of his varieties, e. g., forest He is of opinon that the artists of the Bharhut T and i t in the Natyafdstras of Bharata. and the Sanchi Topes were acquainted with a I may remark in passing that the well-known later version of the life of the Buddha than that line for at has now been traced to two of preserved in the Pali texts. He is of the same Bh&sa's dramas, namely, Charudatta and Balacha- opinion as Prof. Luders that the original rita, by Pandit Ganapati Sastri of Trivandrum. language of Buddhism was the old Ardha-MAgadhi. It is gratifying to note that Prof. Pathak, A very interesting fact is the prohibition of following a different line of argument, has come image worship by the Buddha as hinted at by to the same conclusion as myself wita regard to Prof. Oldenberg. It would be highly interesting the period of Dandi, viz., the latter half of the to gather together from the oldest portions of the 7th century. Tipitaka direct interdiction of idol worship. R. NABABIMHACHAB. Another contribution of high value from the same distinguished Professor at Gottingen is the SOME NOTES ON BUDDHISM. Studien Zum Mahdvastu which explores the AMONG the problems regarding the origin and Sanskrit work and takes up the search for history of Buddhism, the most interesting refer to parallels, where it was left by Prof. M. Senart and the original language of Buddhism and to the Prof. Windisch. Though generally the Proprime original tradition upon which the various fessor is enabled to prove the superiority of the schools into which Buddhism was early divided Pali texte, he himself is the first to bring into have drawn. In the year 1909 a little work of prominence such passages in PAli as have been the highest importance on the question of the emended with the help of Sanskrit. A striking formation of the PAli canon was published by instance of the Mahavastu supplying a gap in the Professor Sylvain Levi (Les Saintes Ecritures du Pali text, as published both in London and Siam, is Bouddhisme) which has been translated into given at p. 131. Prof. Oldenberg gives ample English by me. Professor Herman Oldenberg has instances where the Sanskrit text is more brief recently brought out Studien Zur Geschichte des than Pali, and asserts that these are so many Buddhistischen Kanon in which he fully recog- exceptions which prove the rule. At times he nises the value and indispensable importance himself is in doubt to decide which is the older, . Kavyddaria I. 2. Kavyamal edition, XVI, 48-50. * Soo his edition of Bhawa's Hvapnavdavadattarn, Trivandrum Sanskrit Series, No. XV, Introduction, p.XXIII.

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206 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1913 the Pali or Sanskrit (p. 135). Here and there the Baudhayana-dharma-sutras. This same word Prof. Oldenberg finds traces of the prime canon Karaskara is met with in the 44th Chapter of the on which both the PAli and the Sanskrit are based Karnaparpam of the Mahabharata. In both these (p. 150). Prof. Oldenberg objects, in the light of places, this word is used to denote a tribe of Central Asian discoveries, to the assertion of Prof. barbarians. Baudhayana has prescribed an ex. Rhys Davids that the old vinaya had never been piation for those who might have incurred the translated into Sanskrit. guilt of visiting the country of these people. In the Journal Asiatique, Sept. and Oct. 1912, Dr. Buhler thinks that they must have lived Prof. Sylvain Levi gives an exhaustive in the South. (Vide, note on p. 148, Sacred Books of study of the apramada-varga and the Sanskrit the East, Vol. XIV). This ingenious suggestion, Dharmupada discovered by the Pilliot mission. if accepted-and we for ourselves see no objec: A very interesting fact deduced by Prof. tion to it--enables us to throw a new and a better Sylvain Levi from the Chinese authorities is that | light upon the 158th sutra karaskarovrikshah light upon the 186th edtra a portion of the Dharmapada was translated oocurring in the first pada of the sixth Chapter of from Sanskrit into Chinese by a fire-worshipper Panini's Ashtadhyayf. The Paraskaradi group converted to Buddhism and that tho Mahdvastu also includes this word Karasakara, which stands mentions the Dharmapada. second there. There is, therefore, no doubt, that Perhaps of still greater value and interest is Panini knew the term Karaskara. Some people the Professor's dissertation on the pre-canonic include it in the Kaskadi group, but this is not language of Buddhism in the Journal Asiatique, generally allowed. The expression Satra KarasNovem. and Decem. 1912. The conclusion of karo urikahah means karo urikshah means a tree growing in the country his most fascinating study seems to be that the called Karaskara and itself having the same name. Asoka edict of Bairat mentions portions of the Panini,' we thus clearly see, well knew two factsBuddhistic scriptures in the language in which (1) that Karaskara was the name of a country and they were first given out, that is to say, the (2) that the trees from that country were also prime language of Buddhism. I hope to give al called karaskara. Of course, if the suggestion more detailed notice shortly of Prof. Sylvain Levi's that Karaskara must be some southern countrystudies, which, if accepted, must greatly modify lying to the South of the Vindhya mountains, be our views of Ur-Buddhism and its language. approved, then we may surely say that this southern country called Karaskara was known to Theorie des doute causes by Prof. L. de la Panini, who, moreover, knew that a very precious Valle Poussin is his further study of the kind of timber was being imported from that Buddhist theory of the pratityasamutpdda. country into Northern India, in his time. The Professor uses, besides the PAli canon, the (9) Now, Baudhayana tells us that Karaskara Tibetan Shatistambasdtra, and Sanskrit works is the name of a barbarian tribe. Let us try to among them the invaluable Abhidharmakosha of find out, who these people must have been and Vasubandhu. Sanskritista interested in Buddh- what must be the present corruption of their ist philosophy will be glad to learn that the name. We think that these Karaskaras of the Belgian Academy will soon bring out the third time of Panini and Baudhayana are the present kosha and that Prof. Sylvain Levi is engaged on Katkaris of Mabarashtra. The name Katkaris the first dealing with vijnana and shadayatana. can be derived thus:G. K. NARIMAN. TET=art=1 = k. As at present, so in ancient times, these Katkarir KARASKARA OR THE KATKARI TRIBE. used to live in the Mahakantara to the south of the (Translated from Mr. V. K. Rajwade's Marathi Vindhyas and the country which they occupied essay.) came to be called Karaskara after them. The (1) Along with the words Aratta, Paundra, derivation of this word given in the Bombay Gazetteer is thoroughly untenable. Panini thus Saavira, Vanga, Kalinga apd Pranna, expressive must have known the Karaskara country, th of those countries and their peoples, the word Kuraskara tree and possibly also the Karaskar. KAraskara a)go occurs in the 14th satra of the second people. kandikd in the first adhydya of the first pradna of K. C. M. 1 The original essay is published in the Report of the Bharat-Itihasa-Samahodhak-Mandal Vol. III Part II.

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BOOK-NOTICE JULY 1913] THE VADNER PLATES OF BUDDHARAJA. IN December 1912, I discovered at Vadner in the Chandor Taluk of the Nasik District a set of two copperplates. They contain a grant issued by Buddharaja, son of Sankaragana, son of Krishnaraja of the Katachchuri family of Central India, which appears to be an Imperial dynasty. The characters belong to the southern variety of alphabet and resemble those of the Abhona' plates of Sankaragana and the plates of Buddharaja found at Sarsavni", a village 4 miles from Padra in the Baroda State. These last bear the date, the 15th of the dark half of Kartika of the year 361 of the Kalachuri era. The Vadner plates record an earlier grant, dated Bhadrapada buddha trayodasf of the year 360 of the same era. The date does not admit of complete verification. Attention is invited to Dr. Kielhorn's remarks on the Sarsavai plates of Buddharaja. (Ep. Ind. Vol. VI. p. 295). Diwan Bahadur Pillai of Madras has kindly furnished me with three dates, viz. (1) A. D. 607, Friday, 11th August, (2) A. D. 608, Thursday 29th August, and (3) A. D. 609, Tuesday 19th August, one of which corresponds to that occurring in our grant, I am inclined to accept the third or the last date. The Kalachuris are mentioned in the Miraj grant, the Nerur plates (4nte Vol. VII, p. 161), the Sankheda plate of Santilla (Ep. Ind., Vol II, p. 23), the Aihole and Mahakuta or rather Makutesvara column inscriptions. The last record states that Buddharaja was lefeated by Mangalisa of the Chalukya dynasty, who took possession of all the wealth of the former. From this one is apt to suppose that A PRIMER OF HINDUISM by J. W. FARQUHAR, Second Edition. Oxford University Press; London, Henry Frowdo, 1912. THIS is a remarkable book both on account of its contents and its authorship, for it has been written by the Literary Secretary of the National Council of Young Men's Christian Associations the power of the Kalachuris of Central India was crushed for ever. But the Sarsavni and the Vadner plates prove that Buddharaja must have made good his resources, and reclaimed at least the territory from Gujarat to the Deccan, which probably formed the integral part of the empire. The Vadner charter was issued at the request of Queen Anantamahayi by the illustrious Buddharaja while his camp was pitched at Vidiua. It was made for the purpose of defraying the cost of the five great sacrifices, bali, charu, vaievadeva, agnihotra and others. The name of the dutaka (messenger for the conveyance of the grant) is Prasahyavigraha,' the great officer appointed over the army, and that of the writer is Naphita3, the minister who had to look to the arrangement of peace and war. 207 The donee is Botasvamin or Bodasvamin of the Vajasaneya-Madhyandina school and of Kasyapa gutra, and a resident of Vatanagara, doubtless the modern Vadner in the Chandor taluka. It was the headquarters of the bhoga of that name. Vada is the Prakrit form of Vata and nagara is shortened into ner. We thus get Vadaer. The village granted is said to be near Bhattaurik&, which may very possibly be Bhatgaon about 9 miles from Vadner. BOOK-NOTICE. As my paper on the Vadner plates will be published later on, it is needless to dilate on other points here. The above summary is given, as antiquarians are always naturally anxious to learn the salient facts mentioned in an ancient inscription newly brought to light. It will be noted that the present grant is only the third known issued by the imperial Kalachuri family. Y. R. GUPTE. in India and Ceylon, and it is a careful and competent historical account of that form of religion, which is known as Hinduism. The reader is taken successively through the prehistoric period, when primitive animism was first developed in the family, to the Vedic times and the rise of the priesthood and theology. 1 Ep. Ind., Vol. IX, pp. 296 to 300. Ibid., Vol. VI., pages 294 to 300. Dr. Fleet has shown that the forms Kalatsuri, Kalachuri, Kalachuri, Katachchuri and Kalachchuri are identical and are applied to the same family (Ante. Vol. XIX, p. 16). Ep. Ind., Vol. VI, pp. 1 to 12. The date of the Makuteevara column inscription is 12th April 602 A. D. or thereabouts. Prasabyavigraha is also the dutaka of the Sarsavni grant, Ante, Vol XIX, p. 9. 5 Ante, Vol. XIX, pages 7 to 20. Line 34.

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208 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1913. Thence to the philosophio period and the forma. the student the first conneoted authentio account tion of the religious doctrines, which laid the of these two reigns. Hitherto, all that has been foundations of Hinduism as a distinct form of available to the English enquirer of an authoritabelief, with its offshoots of Buddhism and tive nature, apart from Lane-Poole's monograph Jainism, and to the scholastic period, when the in the Rulers of India series, are the disconnected doctrine became defined in authoritative writings translations of Elliot from vernacular authors, and manuals. The author then passes on the which have the further disadvantage of being period of the deification of heroes, which has had out of striot chronological order and very difficult so great an effect on the Hinduism of to-day and to collate. on its allied religions, and to the days of which he The book is well put together and the footcalls decadence, giving birth to the exclusive Bec- notes are of special value, as they not only give tarianism from which India has never recovered, chapter and verse for the statements in the text, despite the efforts of the great general orthodox but provide an extensive bibliography which cansects and of the unorthodox eclectio reformers not but be of the greatest assistance to the stuthat arose in mediuval times, with their doctrines dent of this period of Indian history. of faith and pure deism. And finally he deals with It is pleasant to observe that the author warmly the modern revival of Hinduism as a patriotic acknowledges his indebtedness to the assistance stand against the enormous influence of West- afforded him by the late Mr. William Irvine, to ern ideas on the populace since the advent of whose unselfish generosity many other writers British rule and the Christian Missionaries. I on Indian historical subjects havu owed so much. All the vexed questions involved in such a On the other hand, the unpleasant survey are treated with historical fairness and the book is the absence of an index, for which the book is the xha wide knowledge and with true sympathy. The the long list of contents does not compensate the style is clear and brief. The reader is shown student. One knows how much it goes against the history, religion and literature of each the grain of the true Oriental to concoct an acperiod, with illustrative readings and delightful curate index, but when it comes to the author's representative texte, and there are also attacbed turn to dive into as many volumes as the present to ench chapter a series of most careful tables, writer has had to consult in the course of his exhibiting in the briefest and clearest form historical studies, he will realize the supreme possible such points as caste, orders of Brahmans, value of a competent index in saving time and the growth of the Vedas, the chief schools and labour. their Brahmanas, Hindu chronological ideas, the R. O. TEMPLE. Upanishads, Sruti or the Hindu Canon, the Satras, the Manuals of the Vedic Schools, the Buddhist Vadin Schools tha Buddhist GRANTHA-PRADARBANI (No. 84-89). Edited and pubTipitaka, the chronology of the Incarnation, the lished by S. P. V. RANGANATHASVAMI ARYAVARA GURU. Printed by G. R. KRISHNA MURTI, at the systems of Hindu Philosophy, the Sectarial Arsha Press, Vizaga patam. Literature, the Vaishnava, Saiva, Krishnaite, and Tae editor of this monthly is not unknown to Bhagavata Schools, and the mediaval reformers. the readers of this Journal. In the numbers reThere are also useful chapters on the outline of the history of the Hindu family, Indian ferred to are published Prakrita-sarvasva of Mar. kandeya-kavindra and Aphorisms of Jaina Prakrit asceticism, modern Hinduism as a system, the Grammar of Trivikrama. No pains seem to bave animism of the outcaste classes, and the Hindu been spared in properly editing these works. social organization. Some of the works so far published in this To missionaries who would learn something of monthly are Sriharsha's Dvirupa-kosha, Agastya's the religious ideas that dominate those amongst Sabda-sangraha, Samkara's Samyami-namawhom they work, and to all Europeans who malikd, Appayya Dikshita's Prakrita-mani-dipa, would wish to understand, even dimly, the Annarbbatta's Mitakshara, and Divyasuricharimental attitudes towards religion of those among tan. He also contemplates editing Madhavawhom they dwell or with whom they come in charya's Ekakahara-ratna-mala, Mahadeva's Upadaily contact in India, this book is an invaluable sarga-varga, Sesha-Srf-Krishna's Pada.chandrika, vade mecum. R. O. TEMPLE. Kandda-Nyayabhushana, and so on. There can thus be no doubt that Mr. Ranganathaav&min's one aim appears to be to publish rare and HISTORY OF AURANGXIB. Mainly based on Persian sour valuable Sanskrit works. And now tbat the old ces By J. N. SARKAR: 2 vols. M. C. Sarkar & Sons, Caloutta 1912. Rs. 3-8.58, net. Kavyamala is all but extinct, the value of his These two volumes comprise in reality the monthly can scarcely be overrated especially as it reigns of Shah Jahan and Aurangzeb, and their is being so well edited by him. main value lies in the fact that they bring before D. R. B.

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AUGUST, 1913.] THE OBSOLETE MALAY TIN CURRENCY THE OBSOLETE TIN CURRENCY AND MONEY OF THE FEDERATED MALAY STATES. BY SIR R. C. TEMPLE, BART. (Continued from p. 185.) APPENDIX IV. Extracts from various authorities relating to the Tin Currency of the Malay Peninsula. I. 209 Denys, A Descriptive Dictionary of British Malaya, 1894. S. v. Money. A great variety of small coins of brass, copper, tin and zinc are in circulation throughout all the (Dutch) Islands. The most frequent of these is the Dutch doit, of which about 300 ought to go to a Spanish dollar. The intrinsic value of all such coins, however, has no relation to their assumed one, and being usually over-issued, they are generally at a heavy discount. The small coins of Kedah are of tin. They go under the name of tra (stamp, impression). Of these 160 are filed on a filament of rattan, of which 8 strings (tali), or 1280 coins, are considered equal to a hard dollar. Chinese cash are often known as pitis by the Malays. This was the name of the ancient coins of Java, and is a frequent appellation for money in general, as well as for small change. Chinese coins of this description were found in the ruins of the ancient Singapore, of as early a time as the tenth century, and we have the authority of the first European that visited Borneo proper, the companion of Magellan, that they were the only money of that part of the Archipelago The money,' says Pigafetta, which the Moors use in this conntry is of brass, with a hole for filing it. On one side only there are four characters, which represent the great king of China. They call it picis' (Primo Viaggio, p. 121). The absence of all other current coins than such as are now mentioned, previous to the arrival of Europeans is testified to by the Portuguese historian (Barro), and this even in Malacca, the most considerable trading emporium in the Archipelago. The enterprising Albuquerque, before he quitted that place after its conquest proceeded to supply this deficiency . . 'he ordered money to be coined, for in the country gold and silver passed only as merchandise, and during the reign of the king Muhammad there was no other coined money than that made from tin, which served only for the ordinary transactions of the market. (Decade, II. Bk. 2, ch. 2). II. Newbold, Political and Statistical Account of the British Settlements in the Straits of Malacca. 2 vols. 1839. Vol. II, p. 94. The following extracts from treaties made by the Dutch shew that they did not fail to profit by this opportunity of increasing the revenue of Malacca. Article I. of a treaty concluded by the Dutch Governor, West Boelan, in council with the Chiefs of Rumbowe (Rembau) and Calang (Klang) dated Malacca, 24 January 1760:"The tin being the produce of Lingee (Linggi), Rumbowe and Calang, without any exception, will be delivered to the Company at 38 dollars a bahara of three pikule, and this price will always continue without its being enhanced. p. 96. The Dutch resumed their monopoly, as we find from the 7th article of a treaty, dated, Naning, 5 June 1819, between the Supreme Government of Netherlands India and Rajah Ali, the Panghulu and Ampat Suku, of Rumbowe which ran thus:-Rajah Ali, the Panghulu

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210 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [AUGUST, 1913, and Ampat Suku, of Rumbowe, must give up to the Government all the tin from Lingee, Sungie-Ujong, Rumbowe, and any place under their authority, without reservation. The Government binds itself to pay 40 Sp. dollars per bhara of 800 kati of 370 lbs."... On the resumption of Malacca by the English in 1825, the tin trade relapsed into the hands of private merchants. p. 100. The tin assumes the shape of the ingots of commerce, of which there are two kinds, common in Sungei-Ujong, tampang and keping or bangka. The former weighs from half a kati to two kati, and the latter from 50 to 60 kati: one kati is equal to one pound and three quarters. p. 103. According to Mr. Crawfurd (Hist. of the Indian Archipelago, 1820), the cost of producing a cut. of bangkas tin is but PS 1-2-8, whereas the cost of producing the same quantity of Cornish tin amounts to PS 3-4-7. The cost of a cut. of the metal in Sungei-Ujong is estimated by an intelligent native at PS 1-8-0. III. J. R. A. S. Straits Branch, No. 10. 32 Nos., Singapore, 1878-99. p. 246. In a MS. collection of Dutch treaties prepared in Batavia under the orders of Sir Stamford Raffles, while he was Lieut.-Governor of Java the following engagement is to be found. It is dated 15 August 1650, Cornelis van der Lyn being then Governor-General. "Contract with the Chiefs of Perak, dependent on Acheen, stipulating that the exclusive tin trade granted to the Company by the Ratoo of Acheen will likewise embrace the State of Perak; that is to say, that the same will in future be restricted to the Dutch Company and the inhabitants of Acheen. Yang-de-per Tuan, Sultan of Perak, further promises in obedience to the order received from Acheen to direct all foreigners now trading at Perak to depart without delay with an interdiction against returning hereafter. The Company to pay the same duty as at Acheen for the tin it shall export, and the value of the tin coinage to remain as it is at present: viz., 1 bidor for Sp. dollar, and 1 bahara of 3 pikul for 125 bidors or 31 Sp. dollars. P. 247. c. 1651. The first named, Peirah (Perak), is situated on the Malay Coast and is subject to the Queen of Acheh (Acheen). The Establishment, which is under the control of an onderkoopman is maintained by the E. Maatschappy solely for the trade in tin, which is obtained for ready money or piece goods at the rate of 51 Rix-dollars the bahara. p. 258. We are told, in an extract from a Malay Chronicle of Perak, that for a bahara of tin the Dutch could pay 32 reals (dollars); the duty was 2 reals besides. p. 262. In a contract between the Dutch E. I. Company and the Sultan of Perak, dated 1765, the latter engages to sell all his tin exclusively to the Dutch "at the rate of c. 36 or Sp. dollars 11 per (pikul of) 125 lbs., or per bahara of 375 lbs. Sp. dollars 34." p. 267. The tin of Perak is said to be delivered to the Dutch "at the rate of 32 Sp. dollars per bahara of 428 lbs." (1786). p. 268. Maxwell says (1883) that the old Perak currency, lumps of tin weighing 2 kati each, called bidor, have altogether disappeared. IV. Marsden, History of Sumatra, ed. 1811. P. 172. "Tin called timah is a very considerable article of trade The mines are situated in the island of Bangka, lying near Palembang and are said to have been accidently discovered there in 1710 by the burning of a house. . It is exported for the most part in small pieces or cakes called tampang, and sometimes in slabs" (keping). 68 I. e., from the Island of Bangka near Palembang in Sumatra. ca Stevens, Guide to E. I. Trade, 1775, p. 87, says exactly the same thing: "The Pecul contains 100 Catty or 375 lbs. or 125 Bid" (bidor).

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AUGUST, 1913.] (1). p. li. footnote are equal in value to a Sp. (2). p. clavi. In the local currency of Java, 10 copper doits make one wang (a small silver coin) and 12 wang one rupee. (3). p. clxvii. The following table 5 shows the current value of the different coins circulating in Java : 4 doits make 1 stiver 10 164 190 30 60 120 240 [other variants]66 33 812 320 20 29 33 63 doits make 126 132 10 30 60 120 37 240 THE OBSOLETE MALAY TIN CURRENCY 23 33 V. Raffles, Java, 1830, Vol. II. Appendix. The pichis is a small tin coin, of which 200 make a wang, and 28 wang uilar. "3 33 93 29 1 dubbeltje 1 schelling 1 half rupee (Batavian, Surat or Arcot) 1 rupee (ditto) 1 American or Austrian dollar 1 1 old ducatoon 1 new ducatoon From these tables can be deduced the following useful scales and inferences : (1). 200 pichis make 1 28 wang ", 93 1 1 1 1 half sicca rupee (Bengal) sicca rupee half Sp. dollar Sp. dollar rix-dollar (of account) 5600 pichis to the Sp. dollar.. the pichis here are Chinese cash. Also 24 wang go to the dollar, making 4800 pichis to the dollar. The rix-dollar account) would run 4500 cash to the dollar, (2). to the dollar 4 doits 2 stiver 3 dubbeltje 2 schelling 2 half rupees 2 rupees wang 1 Sp. dollar 10 doits make 1 wang 24 wang 1 dollar 240 doits to the dollar. 2 doit make 1 cent, and the doit is here the Dutch cash. (3) General scale. doits make 99 19 211 1 stiver (cent) 1 dubbeltje (wang) 1 schelling 1 half-rupee (snku) 1 rupee (jampal) 1 dollar 210 doits to the dollar.. 23 doit make 1 cent and the doit is here the Dutch cash. Selections only; differently stated from Raffles for clearness. Showing how easily the reports of observers of the old time can be misinterpreted.

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212 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [AUGEST, 1913. VI. Thomas Bowrey, Malay Dictionary87, 1701. 10th Dialogne. (1) Achee. 16 Miams make 1 booncal 20 booncal 1 cattee 100 cattee 1 pecool 2 pecool 1 babar Malayo The bahar contains of English averdapoiz weight : 896 l. 11 oz. 14 gr. The booncal contains of troy weight : 1 ox. 8 du. 23 gr. The aforesaid is the Malayo weight, bat they also use the China dachin or stilliard for great weighte, which is locounted so: 10 coonderin make 1 mas 10 mas 1 tial (tahil, tale] 16 tial 1 cattee 100 cattee * 1 pecool 8 pecool 1 bahar Malayo The China pecool contains of English averdupoiz weight : 131 1.13 oz. 12 dx. Tbe tial contains of Troy weight : 1 oz. 4 dw, 1 gr. (2) Bamjarmasseen. The weights used to weigh gold and silver is accounted 80 : 8 matabooroongea make 1 telae [tera, tra : Chinese pron.] 6 telae >> 1 mas 16 mas , 1 tial The tial contains of Troy weight: 1 oz. 8 dr. Ten mas is accounted a dollar weight, but if the dollar wants 4 telae it is passable. One mas weigbt of gold is accounted the same value as a silver dollar; if so, 10 m28 weight of gold, or one dollar weight of gold, is valued at ten silver dollars, bat men may bay gold cheaper. The dust-gold is near equal in fineness to English gold. For great weights they nse the China stilliards. (3) Saccadana. The weights used to weigh gold and silver is accounted 80 : 3 mata booroong make 1 telae 6 telae 1 mas 16 mas 1 tial For great weights is used the China dachin or stilliard. The tial contains of Troy weight, 1 oz. 12 dw. 13 gr. The price of gold is 16 dollars a tial : its fineness is near as English gold. (4) Passeer, The weights used to weigh gold and silver are accountod so : 3 matabooring make 1 telae 6 telae 1 mas 16 mas 1 tial A very rare and practioally unknown book. Two copies in the British Museum. . (?) Misprint for 8 peccol. a Mataburung, bird'. ayo: abrwe seedOr. Milburn, Oriental Commerce, 1818, Vol. II., p. 415, where matabooroong becomes malabooroong and telas become tua (tha), wbioh, when written by a Chinaman, representa tera. " This means that the ratio of gold to silver ww in the latter part of the 17th century 10: 1 or lone. For ratio of gold to silver in the Far East at various periods noe ante. Yol. XXVI. p. 310.

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AUGUST, 1913.] THE OBSOLETE MALAY TIN CURRENCY The tial contains of Troy weight: 1 oz. 5 dw. 1 gr. The gold is in fineness near the English gold, and is valued at 16 dollars the tial. For great weights is used the pecool and cattee: 100 cattee = 1 pecool. The pecool contains of English averdupoiz weight 119 pounds. (5) Extract from a Letter about Merchandize. (dollars cents) 300 830 225 120 Black pepper: 25 bahar, each bahar 8 pecool, at 12 dollers the bahar White pepper: 15 bahar, at 22 dollers the bahar, is Dragon's blood: 5 pecool, at 45 dollers the pecool, is Bees-wax: 10 pecool, at 12 dollers the pecool, is Canes; 1000 Factorage of 1025 dollers, at 2 per cent ... 29 20 102570 213 48 12 VII. Chalmers, History of Currency in the British Colonies, 1893. p. 382. For this settlement (Penang) the Company in 1787 and 1788 struck a silver coinage consisting of rupees, with half and quarter rupees and copper cents, half cents and quarter cents, . . . There were also 'pice' here usually of tin. For on 22nd March, 1809, a Government advertisement atates that: whereas large quantities of spurious pice are now in circulation in this settlement and Government having ordered a new coinage of pice to the amount of 4,000 dollars, which with those that have been before coined at different times, by order of Government, will be sufficient for the purposes of general circulation. Notice is hereby given that on and after the first of next month no pice will be received into the treasury of this island, except such as have been coined by the order of the Government, as before mentioned, so that 100 of which pice shall not weigh less than 4 catties of pure tin Though the (E. I.) Company had established the rupee as the standard coin in Penang, the trade relations of the settlement constrained the mercantile community to adopt as their standard, not the Indian coin, but the universal Spanish dollar, the coin familiar to the conservative races with whom they had commerce. Therefore from the earliest days of Penang, the dollar, not the rupee, was the recognised standard of value. Writing of this Island Kelly says in his Universal Cambist of 1825 :-"Accounts are kept in Spanish dollars, copangs and pice, 10 pice make a copang and 10 copangs one Spanish dollar. The current pice are coined in the Island. They are pieces of tin, 16 of which weigh a catty or 1 lb. English. On the exchange of dollars into pice there is a loss of 2%. p. 383. The Currency of the Straits Settlements is thus described in Low's Disertation on Penang, etc., in 1836 :-"The dollar is the favourite coin in the Straits. It exchanges in the bazaars for a number varying from 100 up to 120 pice. At present it is pretty steady at 106.7 Indian rupees are also in circulation, but gold coins are hardly ever seen. There are also half dollars, and the divisions of the sicca [Government] rupee. A sicca rupee exchanges in the bazaar for 50 pice on an average" [i. e., at par as a half dollar]. And similarly Newbold in his Account of the British Settlements in the Straits of Malacca, 1839, (says)... "The most current copper coins are the cent, half and quarter cent, the doit, the wang, the wang bhara [baharu], and the Indian pice." The total is really 1024 dollars 60 cents including "factorage" This gives the ratio of tin to silver as 54: 1. See next note. 12 The nominal local ratio of tin to silver was 10): 1 to 10: 1. The actual ratio as shown by comparative weighments of tin money and its silver equivalents (ante. p. 13) was 7: 1. The statements here show ratios of 54, 6, 64 and 5: 1; no doubt all due to local variations in the value of tin as stated in terms of silver money.

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. 214 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [AUGUST, 1913 pp. 383-4. In 1835 the Company revised its currency legislation for the whole of its territories, which included the Straits Settlements, and made no exception in favour of the dollar-using colony when enforcing the establishment of the rupee as the standard coin, with pice as subsidiary circulation. The first concession which the Company made to the reynire. ments of the Straits currency was in 1847, when by Act No. VI, of that year it was provided that the Indian Regulations shall not apply to copper currency of the Settlements of Penang, Singapore and Malacca ... But this concession was withdrawn in 1855. The preamble of Act XVII of that year reads as follows:- Whereas the Company's rape is by Act XVII of 1835 a legal tender in the Settlements of Prince of Wales Island (Penang), Singapore and Malacca, but no copper coin except the balf-pice issued under Act XI of 1854 is now legal tender of fractions of a rupee in that Settlement... it was enacted as follows from the 1st Jaly 1855 A pie (cash) should be the legal tender in the Straits as 420 to the dollar A balf-pice 280 A pioe73 140 A double pice 70 p. 383. (In 1868) Sir Hercules Robinson exposed the absurdities of the existing regalations :-All accounts throughout the Straits Settlements, except those of the Government, are kept in dollars and cents, but the smaller accounts are kept in the denomination of rapeed, andas and pies, causing thereby much needless labour and confusion in the financial department. p. 386. (On the transfer of the Colony from the Indian to the Imperial Government in 1867), the new local Legislation ... under date 1st April 1867 passed the Lega Tender Act of 1867, repealing all laws for making Indian coin legal tender, and declaring that from lat April "the dollar... shall be the only legal tender in payment or on account of any engagement whatever, except as hereinafter mentioned (i. c., as to subsidiary silver coins)... The Act goes on to place limits, of tender of ... such copper or bronze coins as may be issued by Her Majesty's Mint or any branch thereof, representing the cent or one hundredth part, the half-cent or two hundredth part or the quarter-cent or four hundredth part of the dollar ... Footnote. The rate at which the conversion of the old into the now currenoy was to be effected was 220 rupees per 100 dollars. VIII. Histoire de la navigation aux Indes Orientales par les Hollandois. Par G. M. A. W. L. [Lodewijcksz Willen]. Amsterdam, 1609,74 [Translated.] [Book I. relates to the First Datch Voyage, 1595-7] fol. 306. The Chinese live only at Bantam ... Those who live at Bantam are those who buy pepper of the villagers .. storing it until the Chinese ships arrive, when they sell it at two sacks for a catti, that. is, 100,000 casas [ensb], for which they have bought eight sacks or more. Eight or ten of these ships come every year in January. ... They bring the coin which has currency over all the Island of Java and the neighbouring Islands; it is called cas in the Malay language and pitio in Java. It is less than a denier,75 and of very bad alloy, being cast in a mould. It is of lead mixed with the copper dro88,70 and therefore so fragile that when a string 13 Batio of tinto silver #: 1. 14 These atracts contain the first report of the currency in the Malay Archipelago made to the Dutoh. The French in whioh the wooount is written in quaint and diffioult, At that time 840 denier wont to the lur (quarter dollar)960 to the dollar, The text he "de plomb mosle d'onomo de ouivre" [? sino).

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AUGUST, 1913.) THE OBSOLETE MALAY TIN QURRENOY 215 of them is dropped, eight, ten, twelve, or more are broken. Also if they are soaked for a single night in salt water, they stick together so firmly that half of them are broken. This coin is cast in . mould in China, at the town of Chinchen, situated in twenty-five degrees North Latitude, and they first began to take it there in 1590, at which date it was first cast in a mould by order of King Hammion, the present ruler, because the King, who was luis predecessor, named Wontai, seeing that the caras which had been made for the preceding I wenty years by King Hoyjen had, to a large extent, filled the islands ;78 for they have no currency in China, where everything is bought and sold by little pieces of silver which they * weigh by the conduri Coandareen). These are little red beans (faniolo), having a black spot on eze side, called in Latin abrus, Fol. 31a. The Chinese morchants bringing them fcash] from China in such a great quantity and being able to pass them, invented this pasty little coin,' in order that by the use and handling thereof, they might break them and dee them ap. Considering this, that King had tbem made of an even worse quality, and strung them by a square hole in the middle, 200 together. This they call a satac and they are of the value of 8 liards of our money. Five satac fastened together make 1000 caras which they call sapocou : 12,000-13,000 casas are bought for a real of [dollar).80 Few of the first casas are found because they are nearly all used up, and in Java they are no longer current. When they were first introduced, six sacks of pepper were bought for 10,000, where now, on the arrival of the Chinese, they buy only two or occasionally 2 backs for 100,000 caxas of the present currency.. . Now, because we have spoken of the weight conduri, it should be noted that a large number of reals of 8 [dollars) are taken to China, which will not pass because no coin is current there. But they cut them into little pieces, weighed by the above mentioned conduri, ten of which make a old) mas, and 10 mas make a layel, which is as much as 12 ordinary reals [of silver].81 IX. Anonymous : Collection of Voyages undertaken by the Dutch East India Company. Translated into English [really paraphrased and extended from several authorities of all dates). London, 1703. p. 137. Waiting for the payment of pieces of eight for caxias, which the Dutch had, hought of them. These caxi as are a kind of money of worse alloy than lead, of which they string 200 together and calle2 it una sauta de caxias and caxas. TP Cachao in Tonquin. See Crawfurd, Embassy to Siam and Cochin China, 1828, p. 517. " This information and "bistory" is of course only what the Dutoh were told looally. C. Crawfurd, Embassy to Siam and Cochin China, 1828 p. 243. "(At Hub) he brought ... 30 quane in coney. About 15 Sp. dollars in a miserable coin composed of sino." * Malay, sa-takok, a knot on a string : Sa-peku, sa-paku, a string of cash: Yule, Hodaon-Jobson, 8. v. sapeque: Crawfurd, Malay-Diet... v. paku(-Cantonese pak, a string of cash). Liard was an old French copper coin, worth pparently about an English penny on the above statement. 5 sa-takok-lapoku c. 121 sq-poku -1 dollar .. 1 80-peku 8 centa 3 Kard =5 -te kok .. 1 liard = it 1 cent penny .. 1 liard - i The olone connection of this soalo with the sub-divisions of the tin ingot onrrenoy of the Malay Peninsula will 1.ave become by now olear to the reader. All this is copied by Mandelalo without acknowledgment in the fashion of his time in Voyages and Travels to the E. Indies, 1630-40, in Davies' trans. 1869, pp. 1178. It is also red in a Collection of Voyages of the Dutch E. I. Co., 1703, pp. 198 f. 12 I. e., the Portuguese so oall it. Una sauta de Caxias come from Portuguese information and would mean a atring" (na-utas, one string or file) of cash. In the work quoted sauta is miaprintod santa and sa pocow (na-poku) 18 misprinted rapoon.

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216 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [AUGUST, 1913. p. 169. Though 140,000 caxas, which is six score pieces of eight, were offered to make him [a Dutchman] prisoner and deliver him to the Portuguese: [1166 to the dollar]. p. 233. The small caxas are not current money in Bali, but only the great ones, 6,000 of which are worth a piece of eight. X, John Crawfurd. Journal of an Embassy to the Courts of Siam and Cochin China, 1828. p. 517. The proper coined money of Tonquin and Cochin China is called a sapek or sapeque, and formerly consisted of brass, but at present of zinc. It is about the size of an English shilling, bears the King's name in the Chinese obaracter and has a square hole in the middle for the convenience of being strung, 60 sapeks make a mas, and 10 mas one kwan or quan [dollar] as it is more usually written. The two last are moneys of account: 600 sapeks, which make a kwan, are commonly strung upon a filament of ratan and in this manner kept for use, forming a bulky and most inconvenient currency. Ingots of gold and silver, stamped by the Government are current in the Country, although not considered ... the zinc coin, as well as the gold and silver ingots are struck at Cachao, the capital of Tongking. The punishment of death is inflicted for forging the former. The Sp. dollar is current in Cochin China and valued at one quan and a half by the Government. The kwan of account according to the statement now given ought to be worth 55 cents or something more than half a Sp. dollar, but its price fluctuates with the plenty or scarcity of silver, as may naturally be expected. The price paid by the King for the metal, from which the zinc currency is struck, is only 12 quans the picul: so that of course it passes for infinitely more than its intrinsic value, and is therefore an object of considerable revenue.83 coin XI. Bowring: Kingdom and People of Siam in 1855-1857. Vol. II., p. 34. [Cambodia-The King sent us] 30 chu-chu. This is the currency of the country and a very inconvenient one it is. The only coin current in Cambodia besides is the petis. This is made of an alloy of zinc and tin, very thin, and so brittle as to be easily broken between the fingers. It has Chinese characters on one side and a square hole in the midle, for the purpose of being strung on a cord like Chinese cash. The coin itself is Cochin-Chinese, but is ourrent over a great extent of country, including Cochin-China, Tongking, Laos, Champa and Combodia, 60 petis 10 tean 33 7 chuchu 39 make 1 tean 1 chuchu 1 Sp. dollar 4200 petis to the dollar. Ten chuchu are generally tied together in a bundle for convenience of carriage: the weight of the bundle is enormous, four of them weighing a pioul. We received from the King 3 bundles their equivalent value being equal in Straits money to the magnificent sum of 4 dollars and 28 cents or thereabouts. It certainly, looked a great deal, and was just about as much as a man could carry. (To be continued.) This gives a scale 60 sapek 10 mas 1 mas 1 kwan 600 sapek (cash) to the kwan. Government reckoning, 400 cash to the dollar: actual relative value, 1200 cash to the dollar. This exactly tallies with Cochin-China scale reported by Crawfurd, supra. No. X. Chuchok, Malay, a string, file [of pierced cash].

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AUGUST, 1913.) KING CHANDRA OF THE PILLAR INSCRIPTION 217 KING CHANDRA OF THE MEHARAULI IRON PILLAR INSCRIPTION. BY M, M. HARAPRASAD SHASTRI, M. A., C. I. E.; CALCUTTA. The Meharauli posthumous iron pillar inscription gives the following historical information: Chandra, an independent ruler conquered Bengal, crossed the seven tributaries of the Indus, and brought Balkh within his sway. The southern boundaries of his dominions were washed by the waves of the southern seas. He was a worshipper of Vishnu and he erected << flag-staff in hononr of that deity. The inscription gives no information about his capital, his parentage and his time, but as the characters in which it is incised belong to the early Gupta varioty of Indian alphabet, he may have flourished in the first century of the Gupta era The inscription does not give his sardame. Any surname may be given to him. Baba Nagendra Nath Vagu gave him the surname Varman, and Mr. Vincent Smith, tbe surname Gupta, Mr. Vaso's paper appeared in the Proceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, for 1895, pages 177 to 180, and Mr. Smith's in the J. R. A. S. for 1897, pages 1 to 18. Mr. Vasu bases his theory on the Sugunia insoription of Chandravarman which he read from an imperfect impression as follows: Pushkardmbudki pater Mahardja-Sri-Siddhavarmmanah putrasya Maharaja-Sre-Chandravarmanah kritih. Chakrasodminah Dasdgrenatisrishtah. Mr. Smith bases his theory on the fact that at that period there was no great king who could conquer Bengal and Balkh at the same time, and on the fact that the inscription belongs to the north eastern variety of Gupta character. Mr. Vasu says that this Chandravarman is identical with the Chandravarman who was defeated along with other potestates of Aryavarta by Samudragupta. Mr. Smith says that that may be true, but he cannot be the Chandra of the Iron Pillar, as he is simply styled mahardj& which means a subordinate position. Mr. Vasu says it this Chandra could conquer Bengal from the Pushkara Lake, how can he be a small king? Mr. Smith replies that Pushkarambudhi must be some place in Bengal or Assam, and not the Pushkara Lake. I believe, I have stated the position of the two scholars on this point as far as a third person can do. But some facts have since then come to light which have strengthened the position of Mr. Vasu. Mr. R. D. Banerji very kindly sent me a good impression of the Susunia inscription. This impression improves the reading given by Mr. Vasu in one point at least. What he reads Pushkar&nbudhipateh is really Pushkarand dhipateh. This makes a good deal of difference in its historical bearing. Pushharambudhi may or may not be the Pashkara Lake near Ajmer. It may appear to matter-of-fact people absurd to call that small sheet of water, 7 miles from Ajmer, an ambridhi, but Sanskrit poets are capable of such exaggeration. The latter part of the compound word may lead men to think of the sea, which is close to Bengal though not to Assam. But all these speculations have been set at rest by the new reading. Pushkarana is a city which still exists. It is the second city in the Jodhpur State, and not stands on the border of the great sandy desert. In the map given by Mr. Smith in his history of the conquest of Samudragupta, vast tracts of the country round Pashkarana have been left outside these conquests. So even he admits that there were independent kings in this part of India which Samudragupta did not or could not conquer. There is nothing to prevent the supposition that Chandravarman king of Pushkarana conquered or raided the greater portion of Aryvarta and even Balkb but that Samudragupts sent him away from Aryavarta, but could not conquer his home provinces in Western India ; and I believe this is the right supposition. Its antiquity is youched by the fact that an influential body of Brahmaps in Western India go by the name of the city.

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218 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [AUGUST, 1913. Another fact has also come to light which confirms Mr. Vasu's theory. Babu Jaya Sankar, Vakil, Mandasor, has some property close to the city. While he was cultivating one of the fields, his men turned up a stone which contained an inscription. It was immediately taken. possession of and kept in the house of the Subbah of the Province. In October last I saw the stone and read it. But as my stay there was short, I was not quite satisfied with my reading. Babu Jaya Sankar very kindly gave me two impressions which he had taken on very thin paper. But as I wanted to be quite sure, I applied to Dr. Marshall, Director-General of Archaeology in India, and at his in stance Mr. D. R. Bhandarkar has sent me an excellent impression. This stone contains only half the inscription. It breaks up in the middle of a sentence. But the portion that remains gives us a good deal of historical information. It was incised in the year 461 of the Malava era, that is, 404 A. D., and it gives us a line of kings in Western India, uiz. Jayavarman, his son Simhavarman, and his son Naravarman, who was reigning in 404 A. D. Now, this Naravarman is known to us from the Gangdhar inscription, dated 426 A. D., of Visvavarman, who was his son. Referring to the new impression of the Susunia inscription given to me by Mr. R. D. Banerji, I find that what Mr. Vasu read Siddhavarman is really Simhavarman, written exactly in the same way as the Simhavarman in the inscription discovered by Mr. Jaya Sankar. In the Susunia inscription then, Simhavarman is the father of Chandravarman, and in the Mandasor inscription of 404 A. D. he is the father of Naravarman. May not Chandravarman and Naravarman be brothers? They both hail from western India, they both have the surname Varman, and the name of their father is also the same. They also come near to each other in time,- Naravarman in 404 A. D. and Chandravarman in Samudragupta's time, which Mr. Smith puts down from 345-880. But as his successor's earliest inscription is dated in Gupta Samvat 82, that is, 401 A. D., his reign may have come down to a few years later than 380 A. D. Mr. Smith is wrong, I believe, in including Mandasor in the map of Samudragupta's conqueste. For Naravarman and his son Visvavarman do not seem to have acknowledged any obligation to the Guptas. The only inscription from Western Malwa in which a Gupta name appears is that of Bandhuvarman (436 A. D.), son of Visvavarman, in which Kumaragupta's Lame is given first and then that of Bandhuvarman, who is again extolled for his many good qualities, showing that the subjection was not very hard. The line of Varman kings of Pushkarana would then run thus Chandravarman Jayavarman J Simhavarman I Naravarman I Visvavarman Bandhuvarman, reigning in subjection to Kumaragupts. It may be urged that the title of all these monarchs, namely mahdraja shows a subordinate position. But is it a fact that maharaja always meant a subordinate position? To whom would Maharaja Jayavarman be a subordinate? Naravarman's grandfather must have lived in 350 A. D. or thereabout. There was no big empire at that time in India, and, by the showing of Mr. Vincent Smith's map, Pokarna was never included in Samudragupta's conquests, and yet Simbavarman of Pokarna is styled a maharaja. 1

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August, 1913.) KING CHANDRA OF THE PILLAR INSCRIPTION 219 Mr. Vincent Smith may say that as it is not probable that a Maharaja of Pokarns should invade distant Bengal, there must have been some Pushkara or Pushkarana in Bengal or Assam. But then the burden of proving lies on him. Pashkarna is a well-known place. The Susunia inscription agrees in character with the Mandabor inscription of A. D. 404. The compound letter m and h are exactly alike in both. They are records within a few decades of each other. So unless the contrary is clearly shown, people have a right to believe that a Mabaraja of Pokarna did invade Bengal. It may be argued that while Ohandragupta I. and Samudragupta were powerful monarchs and were extending their dominions on all sides from the capital at Pataliputra : how could a king, however powerful, of Pokarna, conquer Bengal? But the Susunia inscription says that Chandravarman of Pokarna did conquer that part of the country and erect the wheel there; Bo in spite of Chandragupta and Samudragupta he did come there and conquer. This may be possible only if it is considered that Chandravarman came to Bengal before the victorious career of Samudragupta began. In fact, Samudragata, in establishing his dominions in Aryavarta, bad to conquer Chandravarman. In ancient India and even in modern India powerful kings often had dominions distant from their home provinces. Daryodhana had Anga as one of his provinces, though in the intermediate space there were other independent sovereigns. The feudatory states of the present day often have possessions detached from their main possession. Shivaji bad Tanjore far away from Poona. Similarly Chandravarmuan might have possessions in Bengal. It is much easier to believe that a Maharaja of Pokarna would invade or lead an army to Balkh than to think that a Maharaja of Pacaliputra would invade that country. The distance between Pataliputra and Balkb is certainly much greater than the distance between Pokarna and Balkh or Pokarna and Bengal. The argument from paleography, though very powerful when centuries are concerned, is of very little force for shorter periods. That the iron pillar insoription is written in eastern yariety of Gupta character does not show that the inscription necessarily belongs to a Gupta emperor. The man who inscribed the inscription may have known only the eastern variety of character. The last argument of Mr. Vincent Smith is now given in his own words. : "When to all these arguments is added this, that it is impossible to indicate any other sovereign of the period to whom the language could be applied the conclusion is inevitable that the Chandra who set up the iron pillar was beyond doubt Chandragupta II." The inevitable conclusion depends upon one assumption that it is impossible to indicate any other sovereign, But, with Simbavarman close by at Pokarna, having complete mastery of western India including western and even central Malwa, where is the impossibility of indicating another sovereign ? Mr. Smith admits that the wording of the iron pillar inscription departs widely from the ordinary formula of the Gupta inscriptions, and yet he is convinced that the mysterious emperor can be no other than Chandragupta II. But others are not so convinced, and the probability of the mysterious emperor being Ohandravarman is now all the greater for the new reading of Pushkarana for Puskara in the Susunia record and the discovery of the new Mandasor inscription of 404 A.D. The Sisania insoription has the figure of a wheel before it. The wheel is pretty large and is complete with apokon, Dave and rim. The insoription is meant to record the dedioation of the wheel to Vishpu. The iron pillar inseription recorda tho dedioation of a flagstaff to Vishnd. Both these are likely to be the work of one devoted follower of Vinbna. This is another argument in favour of the Candra of iron-pillar being Candra Varma. Because the wheel and flagstaff are both sacred to Vishna and one who areots wheel is likely to orect flagstaf leo. I think the same donor dodion ted other rigas also sacred to Vishnu and some of them may yot be discoverd.

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220 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [AUGUST, 1913 MUKTAGIRI. BY HIBA LAL, B. A.; NAGPUR. MUKTAGIRI or Salvation Hill is what is called a siddha-kshetra of Jainas, whence 3} crores (35 millions) of Jaipa devotees are said to bave obtained nirodna or salvation. Its old name is said to have been Medhagiri or Sheop Hill, because a sheep happened to fall from its top, but attained salvation owing to tbe sanctity of the place. It is referred to as Medhigiri in the Jaina book Nirvana-bhakti, in which the following gath occurs : Achchalapura para niyade isanai bhaya Medhigiri sihare Ahuththaya kodio nivvana. gayd namo tesi. "To the north-east of Achchalapura lies Medhigiri Hill (whence) 3} crores' attained nirvana. I bow down to it." Achchalpura is the old name of Ellichpar, to the north-east of which lies Moktagiri, at a distance of about six miles. It is included in the Betul district of the Central Provinces and is fifty-seven miles from Badnur, the head-quarters of the district. The hill is included within the village of Thapora, and is about a mile away from the basts. It is reached by a country road, passing between two mountains rising high on either side, and presenting a most picta. resque view to the passer by. These two hills, which are parts of the Satpuda range, meet at the point which was selected by the Jainas as their sacred place, where as many as 48 temples have been constructed, containing 85 idols of the various Tirtha karas, the principal one being Parsvanatha. Below the hill there is a new temple built in which twenty-five idols are enshrined, some being new and others being those of old temples on the bill, now bronght down below. The dates on these range from 1488 to 1893 A, D, The hill has two principal groups of temples, one at the highest point, containing four temples, which enshrine only the twenty-four pairs of charanas, or footmarks of the Tirthankaras or Jaina incarnations. As a matter of fact, however, there are 26 pairs instead of 24. The main group of temples is at the middle of the bill, and has a temple cut out from the rook. It is not exactly in the cave style, the roof being ornamented with artificial arches. The central and the largest temple is that of Parsvanatha with a golden pinnacle on its top. The image inside is canopied with seven snake-hoods, one of which, the local tradition goes, was broken with a stick by Aurangzeb, whereapon a stream of blood shot forth, which restrained the iconoclast from making further injuries to the idol. It is believed that antil recently the blood mark was visible on the broken hood, but somehow or other it has now disappeared. The temple was apparently roofed, but a brick dome, as in almost all other temples, has been erected over it, fully on the Muhammadan style. To the west of this temple there are three temples made of stone. One has a small portico supported on four pillars, two of which belong to an old temple, which seems to have fallen down. The carvings on these pillars are beautifully execated, especially the one which occupies the south-west corner. It is ornamented with kirtimukhas and with carvings of bells suspended with chains, as also Jinas in standing and sitting postures. Inside the temple, of which this forms the portico, there are broken pieces of pillars and bikhara, which indicate the existence of an older temple here. On a still higher level to the west of this temple is another old temple, which has an underground terrace. This is rather in a decayed state, and has bad to be supported by 1. Vinited on 18-8-10. * The word is kodi, which is taken as a corruption of hot, but the more reasonable version would be to take it in the ordinary sense of & noore. It is very possible that 70 saints obtained nirvana from this hill.

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AUGUST, 1918.] ON SOME NEW DATES OF PANDYA KINGS 221 battresses in several places. At the entrance on the top there is an exquisite carved image of a Jaina Tirthankara. Thus there are really 5 old temples, which may claim to have been built during medieval Brahmanic period, or prior to the 13th century A. D. Most of the images placed in this group of temples are made of black or white marble, but there are others made of ordinary red stone. Most of the marble stones are dated, and go as far back as 1488 A. D. They are much finer in sculpture than the red ones, which are locally believed to be older than the marble ones. It is very possible that the red ones are older and were made by local sculptors, wbo apparently were rade workers. Besides the temples, there are spacious dharmasalds, or rest-houses for the pilgrims, and there are also underground temples, where everything is pitch dark without a lamp. Some of these underground places are said to have been covered up as being dangerous. Formerly the temples were not carefully looked after and they had decayed, but now the Jains community is taking active interest in their conservation, and duly repairs and whitewashes them. This work was first commenced in the year 1890 by Bapu Shih of Ellichpur, who spent about Rs. 22,000 in doing jir moddhdra or repairs, and enshrining new images where they were missing. Now each temple contains three or four or even a larger number of images. On one temple there is a stone inscription dated Samvat 1691 and Saka 1556, or 1634 A. D., recording the names of the builder with his family. Another stone has now been inserted giving the repairer's name as Sitabat of Amraoti. A regular staff of temple servants is now engaged to look after the temples, whose picturesqueness is well described by a party of visitors, in the Visitors' Book kept by the manager. This may well be quoted here. "This charming place, due to the charity and munificence of the Jaina community, so full of beauty and interest, perehed in such commanding surroundings, wrought upon us all & sort of spell. One would well believe that the green moss-grown water-fall was fashioned, as we were told by our guide, by the fairies. The images of the gods, their expressive countenancos, mysterious and brooding, with foreheads that seem to hide within themselves great thoughts, withdrawn and unspeakable, the courtyards, the temples and all their beauty, brought great onjoyment to our party'." The Jainas believe that there is occasionally a shower of kenar (saffron ) rain on the temples, which leaves yellow marks on them. Whether this has any connection with any kind of droppings from the numberless bhanwar bees, which make numerous combs on the rocks is a matter for leisurely determination. ON SOME NEW DATES OF PANDYA KINGS IN THE 13TH CENTURY.A. D. BY DEWAN BAHADUR L.D. SWAMIKANNU PILLAI, M.A., B.L. (MADRAS); LL.B. (LOND.). (Continued from p. 172.) *Jafavarman Sundara Pandya. [Reign began between 29th December 1270 (See No. 584 of 1902 below) and 5th January 1271.] 1909 (680). From the west wall of the Chandikesvara shrine in the temple of Nedunga! Bathasyamin, at Tirunedungalam (Trichinopoly District). Gift of land for a lamp by Aryan Bivandakalalagiyan of Padavur in Arvalakurram, a sub-division of Rajendra-cho]a-valanadu. Date.--3rd year of Jatavarman Sandara Pandya; Rishabha; eu. 11; Monday: "Pushya" (s. 11 error for su. 5). On Monday, 22 May 1278, Rishabha su. 5 and "Pushya" ended respectively at 73 and 01 of the day. Note. A date wrong by 6 tithis is not a satisfactory date. It is possible, however, that Putan, the Tamil equivalent in the inscription for Pushya, is a wrong reading for "Puram" ="Parra Phalgani," but though the combination of "Parva Phalgani" with Rishabha sa. 11 is possible, such a combination did not actually occur even once on Monday between A.D. 1200 and A.D. 1350. It occurred on days of the week, other than Monday, in A.D. 1200, 1216, 1227, 1235, 1238, 1254, 1265, &c; and on Monday, but in Mesha (not Rishabha) in 1258 and 1275. Possibly * H. Campbell and others.

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222 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [AUGUST, 1913. the date intended is Monday, 4th April, A.D. 1278, when Mesha su. 11 and "Parva Phalguni" commenced ; they ended next day at. 33 and ..70 respectively. This would be the 3rd regral year of Jat. Sund. Pandya whose reign began in 1276. 1909 (303). From the south wall of the outer prdkara of the Kachchhapeavara temple at Tirukkachchur (Chingleput District). Gift of one buffalo for a lamp. Date.-7th year of Jaf. Sundara Pandya : Mina; sa. 10; Sunday; "Hasta" [Mina error for Rishabha). On Sunday 24th May 1976, Rishabha su. 10 and "Hasta" ended at .49 and 16 respectively. [Regnal year, 7th, should be 6th]. 1908 (411). From the west wall of the first prakdra in the Vilinathasvamin temple at Tiruvilimilalai, Tanjore District; Damaged. Seems to record a gift of land for the benefit of the mathas and minor shrines in the temple at Tiravilimilalai ; mentions a certain Narpattennayira Pillai among the Saiva devotees. Date.-8th year of Jatavarman Sundara Pandya; Dhanus; su. 8; Friday; "Revati." On Friday, 23 Decr. 1278, Dhanus, su. 8; and "Revati" ended at. 26 and .03 respectively. 1909 (667). From the north wall of the manda pa in front of the central shrine in the temple of Nedungalanathasvamin, at Tirunedungalam, Triebinopoly District. Gift of land to the temple of Tirunedungala Udaiya Nayanar in Vadagavi-nadu which was a sub-division of Pandyakulapati-valanadu. Date.-8th year of Jat. Sundara Pandya; Makara; su. 10; Wednesday ; "Rohini." On Wednesday 5 Jan. 1278, Makara su. 10 ended at :36 and "Rohini" commenced, ending next day at 41. 1909 (819). From the north wall of the Vighnesvara shrine near the tank, in the Tirukkachchur village (Chinglepat District). Gift of land in Brahmakn[ la ]ttur alias Vettaikarankulattur in Urrukkattukottam, to the temple of Narpattepnayira-vinpagar Emberu man at Tirrukkachchur. Date.-8th year of Jat. Sundara Pandya ; Rishabha; su. 3; Thursday: "Pashya." On Thursday 26 May 1278, Rishabha su. 3 ended at 37 of day and "Pushya" commenced, ending at 27 of Friday. 1909 (305). From the south wall of the onter prakdra of the Kachchhapekvara temple at Tirukkachchur (Chingleput District). Records the gift by a temple dancing-girl, of a lamp and a brass image carrying it. Date.-8th year of Jat. Sund. Pandys; Mithuns ; bahula . . . ... Monday, "Utt.. Bhad." On Monday 13 June 1278, Mithuna ba, 7; and "Utt. Bhad." ended at 30 and 79 respectively. 1902 (584). From the west wall of the Saundarya-nayaki shrine in the Kalisvara temple at Kalaiyarkovil (Madara District). Gift of land. Date.-10th year of Jat. Sund. Pandya; Dhanus, su, 2; Sunday; "Pushya" (Dhanus must be Makara, and fukla must be bahula]. On Sunday 28 Dec. 1281, Makara ba. 2 and "Pushya" came to end respectively at * 76 and .00 of the day. Note.-Relying on this date, I have fixed the earlier limit of the commencement of this reign as 29 Dec. 1270. The particular combination of tithi and nakshatra on a Sunday did not occur in the 10th year of reign of any of the other Sundara Pandyas and it may therefore be safely assumed that the date belongs to the present reign. If so it would belong to the 11th year, not to the 10th. 1909 (315). From the north wall of the outer prdkara of the Kachchhapesvara temple at Tirak kachchur (Chingleput District). Refers to the confiscation of the property of some rebellious and misbehaved people at Uttippakkam and registers a gift to the temple of Tirukkachcbur. Dato.-13th year of Jat. Sund. Pandya. Kumbha, su, 5; Wednesday; "Asvini." On Thursday 4 Feb. 1283, Kumbha su. 5 and "Asvini" came to end at 20 and 39 respectively. They were both current for the greater part of Wednesday, 3rd February. 1909 (418). From the east wall of the prdkara in the Voighrapadesvara temple at Siddhalingamadam (8. Arcot). Records that the Siva-Brahmanas of the temple agreed to provide for offeringe in the shrine of Aludaiya Pillaiyar, from the interest on 2000 Kasu presented to the temple by Arindavan-Pallavaraiyan in the time of Koppernnjingadeya and now placed in their hands.

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AUGUST, 1913.) ON SOME NEW DATES OF PANDYA KINGS 223 Date.-13th year of Jat. Sund, Pandya ; Mina ; su. 6; Saturday; "R@hini." On Sat. 6th March 1289, Mina, su. 6 and " Rohini" ended at:51 and 54 respectively. 1901 (191). From the south wall of the mandapa in front of the Apatsahayesvara temple at Tenneri (Chingleput District). Gift of land. Date.-14th year of Jat. Sund. Pandya ; month of Adi; Monday; " Hasta." On Monday 9th July 1285,"Hasta" ended at .48 [Regnal year should be 15th, not 14th). 1909 (308). From the south wall of the outer prakara of the Kachchhapesvara temple at Tirukkachur (Chinglepat District). Gift of 3 cows for a lamp by a mercbant of MadhurantakaChaturvedimangalam, residing in the street Bavanamuludapperunderuvu, of that'village. Date.-17th year of Jat. Sund. Pandya; Simha, bukla .... " y", Monday; "Utt. Asb," On Monday 6 Sep. 1288, Simha sukla navami (9th tithi) ended at .22 of day and "Utt. Ash." was current for the greater part of the day, ending at 21 next day. [Regnal year was strictly the 18th, not 17th]. N. B.-This Jatavarman Sundara Paudya, whose reign is attested by six regular and several fairly regular dates, noticed above, comes between Kielhorn's Jat. Sund. Pandya I and his Jat. Sund. Pandya II, who is really the third of that name in the present list of Pandyas of the 13th century. I would, bowever, not assign any numbers till we know more about the Sundara Pandyas in the latter half of the 12th and the first half of the 13th century; but simply distinguish each Pandya, whether Sundara or Vira, by the initial year of his reign. It would be interesting to know when Jat. Sundara Pandya, who came to the throne on or aboat 29 Dec. 1270, ceased to reign. A. D. 1288 is the latest date furnished by Madras Inscriptions, while in one of the Padukottai inscriptions I have found a 30th year for him, i. e., A. D. 1300. If Jat, Sundara Pandya whose reign began in 1270 ceased to reign in or about A. D. 1800, he cannot be the parricide who murdered Mar. Kulasekhara I, in or about A. D. 1310. Nor can the parricide be the Jag. Sundara Pandya who next comes under our notice and whose reign, beginning in A. D. 1276, ended in all probability, according to the inscriptions, as well as the Muhammadan historians, about A. D. 1293. Jatavarman Sundara Pandya II. (Reign began between 13th September 1275 and 15th May 1276 on or about 25th June 1276). 1908 (414). From the Vilinathagvamin temple at Tiruvilimilalai (Tanjore District ) Gift of land for the recital of tirumurai. Date.-9th year of Jatavarman Sundara Pandya; Tula; ba. 7; Sunday; "Pushya." On Sunday, 21 Oct, A.D. 1285 Tula. ta. 7 and "Pushya" commenced respectively at 24 and 14 of the day. They ended next day at 20 and 12 respectively. 1902 (581 A). From the west wall of the Saundaryanayaki shrine in the Kalisvara temple at Kalaiyarkovil (Madura District). Gift of land. Date.--11th year of Sundara Pandya II. Dhanus ; 2nd tiyadi, Wodnesday; "Punarvasi" = Wed. 4th Dec. 1286, on which day Dhanns ba. 3 and "Panarvagu" ended respectively at 82 and 93 respectively. [N. B. "Second tiyadi," ordinarily meaning the 2nd day of a solar month, is an unusual expression for dvitiyd or " 2nd lunar tithi", although tiyadi is etymologically tbe same as lithi]. 1902 (575). From the south wall of the Kalisvara temple at Kalaiyarkovil (Madura District). Gift of land to the temple of Kanapper by Aghorasiva Mudaliar alias Vaidya-chakravartin. Mentions also a certain Pushpavanasiva. Date.-12th year of Jat, Tribh. Sundara Pandya; Simba 29; ba. 3; Wednesday, "Revati." On Wednesday, 27th August 1287 [which was 30 Simha, not 29 Simba], ba, 3 and "Revati ended at 73 and 37 respectively. There is another date, very similarly worded, but referrible to a Sundara Pandya whose reign must have commenced in A. D. 1303- [See No. 580 of 1902 below]. 1907 (590). From the north wall of the Tiruchuttumaliga of Saumyanathasyamin temple at Nandalur (Cuddapah). Damaged.

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224 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (AUGUST, 1913. 1909 (802). From the South wall of the outer praktra of the Kachchapeswara temple at Tiruppachchur (Obingleput District ) Tamil. Gift of 30 cows and one bull for a lamp by a native of Mananallur alias Virasolachaturvedimangalam in Sembur Kottam, a subdivision of Jayangonda chola-mandalam. Date.-Year opp. 18th of Jatavarman Tribh. Sundara Pandya; ba, 10; Monday; "Krittika"= Monday 3 July 1290 when ba. 10 in Kataka and "Krittika" ended respectively at 44 and 77 of the day. Date.-(15th) year of Jat. Sandara Pandya; Virodhi Samvat; Kumbha; su, 10 ; Monday, "Panarvasa." On Monday 20 Feb. 1290, which was in Virodhi Samvat, Kumbha sa. 10 ended at *60, and Panarvasu began, ending next day at .05 . [15th year, error for 14th]. 1908 (69.) From the south wall of the central shrine in the Nilakanthesvara temple at Vedal (North Arcot District). Gift of land to the temple of Karaikkandisuramudaiya-Nayanar at Vidal in Vidar-parru alias Vikrams-Pandya-valanada, a district of Venkupra-kotfam in Jayangonda chola-mandalam. Date.- [This date appears, without any result, positive or negative, among the dates published by Prof. Jacobi in Ep. Ind. XI p. 136]. 3rd year opp. 13th Konerinmaikondan Jat. Sund. Pandya. Kataka; su. 7; Wednesday; "Hasta." On Wednesday 4 July, A.D. 1291, Kataka su, 7 and " Hasta" ended at *58 and .01 respectively. (For ending moment of Nakshatra local time has also to be considered). 1904 (128). From the east wall of the wandapa in front of the central obrine in the Sivankaresvara temple at Tirthanagari (South Arcot). Gift of land for the festival called Kodandaraman-sandi after the king. Date.-3rd opposite 18th year of Konerinmaikondan Sundara Pandyan; Mesha su. 9, "Pushya" =Friday 28th March 1292, when Mesha, su. 9 and "Pushya" ended at .59 and 25 respectively. N.B.-The inscription particularizes the date now dealt with as the 276th day of the 16th regnal yoar. If so, the reign would appear to have commenced on or about 25th June 1276, which is consistent with all the dates found so far for this Sundara Pandya, except Kielhorn's "P." No. 27 " year opp. 14 ; Monday 15th May 1290." * Maravarman Tribhuvanachakravarti Vikrama Pandya. (Reign began between 12th Jan. and 29 Aug. 1288). 1902 (143). From the south wall of the prakara in the Ramasva min temple at Bandur (Mysore District). Sale of land. Dato.-3rd year of Maravarman Vikrama Pandya; Makara ; su, 4 ; Friday; " Panarvasu " [Sukla 4 must be Sukla 14). On Friday 11th Jan. 1286, Makara sa, 14 and "Panarvasa" ended at .20 and 12 respectively. 1896 (120). From the north wall of the second prdkdra in the Kanyakumari temple at Cape Comorin (Travancore State). Gift of lamp. Date.-5th year of Maravarman Vikrama Pandya; Dhanus; sukla 8; Sunday; "Revati." On Sunday 14th Dec, 1287, Dhanus sukla 8 and "Rerati" ended at 12 and .64 respectively. 1909 (410). From the east wall of the prdkdra in the Vyagbrapadesvara temple at Siddha. liigamadam (8. Arcot). Gift of land for offerings by the nagarattar of Sirringur. Date.-EURth year of Mar. Tribh. Vikrama Pandya ; Kanni; eu. 1; Sunday; "Hasta." On Sunday 29 Aug. 1288 (= 1 Kanni), Kanni su. 1 ended at 60 while "Hasta," began at .38, ending next day at 42. [Inscriptions Nos. 58 and 54 of 1905 give this Pandya the Saks dato 1209 = A.D. 1287). 1900 (116). From the north wall of the first prakdra of the Trivikrama-Perumal temple at Tirukkoilur (S. Aroot). Refers to the king's victory over the Kakatiya king Ganapati and records # gift of two lamps. Date.-8th year of Tribhuvanarajadhiraja Paramesvara Sri Vikrama Pandyn ; Dhanus; ba. 8; Friday "Hasta." On Friday 14th Dec. 1291, Dhanus ba. 8 and "Hasta "ended at .90 ad .85 respectively.

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AtQuer, 1918.) ON SOME NEW DATES OF PANDYA KINGS 223 1901 (251) From the south wall of the central shrine in the Aksheevara temple at Achcharapakkam (Chinglepat District). Damaged; gift of land. Date.-3rd year of Mar. Tribh. Vikrama Pandya; ["may be 5th," says Epigraphist; but the impression which he was good enough to examine again with me, seems to be a fairly clear " 3rd year"]. Mina; ba, 11 ; Monday ; "Sravana." There is no dato corresponding to the given chronological details between A.D. 1283 and A.D. 1290, but on Monday 26 Feb. 1291 (which however was in the 8th year, as in the last inscription, not in the 3rd or 5th), Mina ba. 11 ended at 51 of the day and "Sravana "commenoed at .15, ending at 17 on Tuesday. * Jatavarman Tribh. Vikrams Pandya. 1894 (11) From the inside of the north wall of the second prdkdra in the Sundararaja-Perumal temple at Dadik kombu (Madars District). Incomplete. Dato.-4th year of Jatavarman Tribhuvana-chakravarti Vikrama Pandya , Mithuna, su. 9 : Taursday"Svati." On this inscription the Madras Epigraphist remarks: "The characters are earlier than those of inscriptions belonging to Kielhorn's * K, Koneriamaikondan Vikrama Pandya, whose reign commenced in A.D. 1401. This Jatavarman Vikrama Pandya may have been contemporaneous with Maravarman Vikrama Pandy. (A. D. 1282)." Elsewhere (Annual Report for 1910-11, p. 79) we read "In the time of Jat. Vikrama Pandya whose exact period of rule could not be fixed at present, etc." I find po datos that would suit the chronological details and the poriod assigned by the Epigraphist, except the following: (1) On Tharsday, 30 June A.D. 1278, Mithuna su, 9 and Sveti" ended at 59 and 54 respectively. (2) On Thursday, 1 July, 1905, Mitbana su, 9 and "Srati" ended at 90 and 75 respectively. When more dates of this reign are found, a further approximation may be attempted. * Jatavarman Brivallabhadeva. (Reign began betwoon 5 Ap. and 12 Nov. 1291.) 1909 (508). From the South wall of the Parappangattaraliyasvamin temple at Puduppalaiyam (Tinnevelly District). Tamil, appears to tecord a gift of money for a lamp; much damaged. Date.-6th year of Srimat Srivallabhadeva; Mesha ; [ba.] 11; Friday; (may also be read, ways Epigraphist, as Monday); "Uttara Bhadrapada." On Friday, 19 April A. D. 1297, ba. 11 in Mesha and Uttara Bhadrapada" ended respectively at 11 and 87 of day. 1909 (499). From the east wall of the Venkatachalapati-Perumal temple, at Solapuram (Tinnevelly District), right of entrance. Damaged; mentions Uttamasole-Vinnagar, Date. [9]th year of Jatavarman Srivallabhadeva ; Mesba 11 ; ..... Paurnami; Tuesday. The Epigraphist commented thus on this inscription : "The record is much damaged and the reading very doubtful." The value, however, of the solar day of the month, in investigating the particulars of reign regarding which nothing was known, induced me to beg the Epigraphist to examine the impression once more in my presence. This was done ; and the conclusion arrived at by us was that although the record was much damaged, there was no doubt about the words "Mesha, Paurnami and Sevvai (=Tuesday);" there remained the day of the solar month which we read as "11" but which might equally be "19" or "16". Presuming that it was "11," I arrive at the date, Tuesday 5 April A. D. 1300, which was full-moon day and 11 Mesba. 1902 (642). From the north wall of the manda pa in front of the central shrine in the Parijatavanesiarasvamin temple at Tirukkalar (Tanjore District). Sale of land to Vijays. Ganda-gopala. Date.-2uth year of Jatavarman Srivallabha; Mesha ; ou. 11; Saturday; "Magba." On Saturday, 8 April, A. D. 1316, "Magha" ended at 60 of the day and Mesha sukla 11 commenced on at 18, ending at 26 next day.

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226 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (AUGUST, 1913. 1902 (639). From the east wall of the mandapa in front of the central shrine in the Vibiraranesavara temple at Tirumiyachchur (Tanjore District). Gift of land, Date.-21st year of Maravarman Kulasekhara; Mithuna ; sukla 12; Monday ; * Svati." Later, the same inscription refers to Jatavarman Brivallabhadeva's 25th year, Vrischik ba. 15 (aparapakshattu paunniyai, an extraordinary expression, since paurnami must of course fall in purva paksha]; Wed.; Robini. The date first quoted in the inscription may be referred, as is dope below, to the reign of Muravarman Kulasekhara II, i. e., to A.D. 1334. The second date may be identified with Wednesday, 12 Nov. 1315, when Rohini ended at .66 of day, and ba. 1 (aparapakshattu prathamal) at .95 of day. Either the inscription wrongly quotes paunniyai for prathamai which, considering the unusually erroneous expression commented on above, is the more probable alternative or the paurnami which in meantime ended at .97 of the day on Tuesday, was brought up to sunrise on Wednesday owing either to local time of to a peculiarity of local calculation. I think, however, ba. I was meant. # MAravarman Tribh, Sundara Pandya. (Reign began 19 Feb. and 6 Mar. A. D. 1294.) 1911 (842). From the west wall of the central shrine in the Munkudumisvara temple at Kalattur (Chingleput District). Gift of land for offerings to the same temple by Kakkun@yakan one of the Kaikkolars of the temple. Mentions Gangaikondasola-chaturvedimangalam. Date.-14th year of Maravarman Sundara Pandya, Mesba, su. 13; Sunday ; * Chitra" Sunday, 16 April, A.D. 1307, when Mesha, eu, 18 ended at .66 of day, while" Chitra" ended at 39 next day, having been current for the greater part of Sunday. 1911 (348). From the north wall of the central shrine in the Munkudumisvara temple at Kalattar (Chinglepat District). Gift of land for offerings by Aludaiyana yakan, another Kaik. kola of Mugkudumisvara temple at Kalattur (Ohingleput District). Date.-14th year of Maraverman Sandara Pandya ; Mina ; 8. 1: Monday; " Revati." On Monday, 6 March A.D. 1307, Mina su. 2 and "Revatt" onded at 82 and 47 of the day respectively ["su. 1" error for "su. 2"]. 1911 (344). From the north wall of the central shrine in the Munkudumisvara Temple at Kalattur (Chinglepat District). Gift of land [for offerings] by Mallandai, a third Kaikkola of the same temple. The donors in Nos. 342 and 343 were his brothers. Date.-14th year of Maravarman Sandara Pandya; Kumbba ; sakla..........., Monday ;. Uttara-Ashadba. On Monday, 19 Feb. A.D. 1308, Kumbha ba. 12, and "Uttara-Ashaaha" ended at .89 and *27 of the day respectively [Sukla error for bahula). * Jatavarman Vira Pandya, (Reign began between 23 Jane and 24 July 1296). 1900 (78). From the north wall of the first prakdra of the Vedapariswara temple at Tiruvottar (North Arcot District). Gift of 64 Cows and 2 Bulle.. Dato.-5th year of Jat. V. Pandya ; Mithana ; " Hasta." On Friday 7 July A.D. 1801, Bu. 1 and Nak. "Pushya" (not "Hasta ") ended at *56 and 23 of the day. + 1908 (401). From the north wall of the first prakdra in the Vilinathasvamin temple at Tira vilimilali (Tanjore District). Gift of land by a native of Periyavguli in Tiranaraiyurna du a sub-division of Kulottungasola valanadu. Date.-6th year of Jat. V. Pagdya (no epithet); Kanni; eu. 6; Friday ; "Mula." On Friday 28th Sep. A. D. 1802 which was, however, at the beginning of the 7th and near the end of the 6th year of Vira Pandya who soffered the Muhammadan invasion, Kanni su. 6 (it was the last day of Kanni) and Mula ended at 10 and 25 of the day respectively. . 1 Since this article was sent to Press, Prof. Hermann Jacobi of Bonn University has onloulated four of these dates (i.e. those markedt ) relating to the reign of Jat. Vira Pandya and published them in Ep. Ind. Vol. XI. pp. 137-139. The present results are, however, offered to the publio in the form in which they originally stood first because several old dates not furnished to Prof. Jacobi, are here referred to the present reign and secondly because the findings here presented, especially that relating to the probable oommengement of the reign, are not invari. ably those arrived at by Prof. Jacobi.

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AUGUST, 1913.) ON SOME NEW DATES OF PANDYA KINGS 227 1906 (45). From the base of the verandah enclosing the central shrine in the temple of Amritaghatesvara at Tirukkadaiyar (Tanjore District). Gift of land ; mentions the 41st year (of the king's predecessor ?) and the shrine of Vikrama-Oholichobaramudaiyar. Date.-14th year of Jag. Vira Pandya : (no opithet) [Dban] ba. 10 Wed.; "Svati ;" (1) on Wednesday 22nd Dec. 1266, Dhan. ha. 10 and "Svati " ended at .94 and 44 respectively. (2) on Wednesday 16 Dec. 1310, Dhan.ba. 10 and "Svati" ended at -55 and 57 respectively. If the first of these days were the date intended, it would belong to the conqueror of "tlam, Kongu and Chola ;" but as no such conquest is explicitly referred to, we may adopt the second date which would then belong to Jat, Vira Pandya whose reign began in 1296 and lasted till at least 1342. He was the only Vira Pandya who could, so far as is known to us, refer in 1310 to & predecessor with 41 years of reign, that is, to his own (natural) father, Maravarman Kulasekbara whose reign began in 1268, and who in 1310 was murdered by his legitimate son Sandara Pandya. All the remaining dates of this Jat. Vira Pandya refer to the 40th and subsequent years of his reign. We know from the Muhummadan historians that Sundara Pandya, after murdering his father M&ravarman Kulasekhara in 1310, defeated his natural brother Vira Pandya but was after wards defeated by the latter with the help of "Madar Barmul," son of the daughter of the murdered Kulasekhara, and fled to Delhi. Vira Pandya's snccess and restoration to bis throne were of brief duration, because in or about 1312 he was attacked and defeated, and the city of Madara sacked, by the Muhammadans under Malik Kafur. We are told also that eight Muhammadan Chiefs raled over the Pandyap kingdom from 1810 till about 1958, and there is among the Pudukkottai datea a Hejra date A. H. 732 (= A.D. 1381-32). About 1340, however, the work of the reconstruction and reconsecration of the temples desecrated by the Muhammadan occupation was taken up under the auspices of Vira Pandya, who now reappears on the scene, always dating his reign from July 1296 when he seems to have been installed by his father as co-regent of the Pandyan Dominions. + 1908 (122). From the east wall of the first prakdra of the Tiru Stalisvara temple at Tirupputtur (Madura District). Sale of privileges pertaining to padik kdval by the salha of Tirupputur (Madura District) to Avaiyan alias Malavachakravartin of Saraikkndi. Date.-44th year of Jat. Vira Pandya ; 5th Dhanus; su, 1; Thursday, "Mula." On Thursday, 2 Dec. 1399 (= 5 Dhanus) sa. 1 and." Mula" ended at *51 and 26 respectively. 1906 (393). From the north wall of the mandapa in front of the Satyagirina tha-Perumal temple at Tirumaiyam (Padukkottai). Records the sale of all rights connected with padikdvali. Date.-4 [5th] year of Jat. Tribh. Vira Paqdya (no epithet); Dhanus; ba. 8; Wod. "Hasta." On Wednesday 13 Dec. 1840, ba. 8; and "Hasta" ended at 28 and 28 respectively. +1908 (119). From the east wall of the first prakara of the Tirattalisvara temple at Tirupputtur (Madura District). Records that Avaiyan Periya Nayanar alias Visalayadeva, a native of Kuraikkugi irrigated by the river) Tenaru in Adalaiyar nadu, consecrated again the image in the temple of Tiratta!fyanda-NAyapar which had been polluted by the occupation of the Muhammadans. Date.-46th year of Jat. Tribh. Vira Pandya ; 14 Kataka ; Monday ; su. 5; "Uttara Palgupf." On Monday 12 July 1389, su. 5 and "Uttara Phalguni" ended at .22 and .006 respectively; bat the day of the solar month was 15 Kataka not 14th [Regnal year 46 is apparently an error for 44). At p. 138 of Ep. Ind. Vol. XI, Prof. Jacobi gives 2 Aug. 1839 as the equivalent of this date ; but as he agrees with me as to the day of the solar montb, his "2 Aug." must be a lapsus calami for "12 July." (The Epigraphist, on reading the impression again in my presence, was of opinion that the recorded year was clearly 46). 1908 (120). From the east wall of the first prdkara of the Tiruttalisvara temple at Tirup. puttur (Madura District). Records the Muhammadan occupation of the temple and its consecration by Visalayadeva mentioned in No. 49. He was on this account given certain special privileges in the temple by the priests of the temple. Date.--44th year of Jat. Vira Pandya; 21 Mithuna ; su. 12; Sund.; " Anuradha."

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228 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (AUGUST, 1913. [Reference to Muhammadan occupation commented on in Ept's. Rept., 1908-09, p. 82] Bunday 16 June 1342 (=21 Mithuna); 80, 12 and "Anuradha" ended at 49 and 77. [Regnal year should be 46, not 44). (The Epigraphist read the impression again in my presence and was of opinion that the regnal year may be 46 or 49, not 44). * Jatavarman Sundara Pandya. (Reign began between 29 Aug. 1302 and 28 Aug. 1308). 1902 (580). From the west of the kitchen in the Kallavara temple at Kalaiyar Kovil (Madura District) Gift of land. Date:--[1] year of Jat. Sand, Pandya; Simba 81, ba 3; Wed. ..... "pati di." On Wed. 28 Aug. 1814 (=81 Simha) ba. 3 and nakshatra "Asvini." (Tamil, Aivati) ended at *89 and 47; respectively of the day.' Maravarman Kulabokhara II. (Reign began between 6th and 29th Maroh 1814.) 1902 (595). From the inner gopura of the Premapuriivara temple at Anbil (Trichinopoly District), right of entrance. Incomplete Date year opp. [8rd] of Maratarman Kulabek hara II. Risbaba ; 13th . .. titbi; Wod.; "Svati. On Wednesday 6 May, A.D. 1816, Rishabbs su. 18 and "Svati" commenced, ending at 09 and 40 respectively on Thursday. [Regnal year should be "year opp. (2nd) not" your opp. (3rd)'']. * 1908 (119). From the oint wall of the mandapa in front of the central sbrine in the Tilakesvara temple at Devipattanam (Madura District). Mutilated at the beginning. Date.year opp. 2nd of Kalasekhara...Pandya "who conquered every country;" .... 8th tithi ; Sat. ;." Robini" . On Saturday, 19 Feb. 1817, Phalguna 30. 8 and Rhini" ended at .92 and 25 respectively. - From the outer wall, Cabove the gomukhi) of the inner prdkara enclosing the garbhagriha of the Kuttaltsvars temple at Karralam (or Courtallam, Tinnevelly District) Date 7th (1) year of Maravarman Kalasekhara; 13 Kumbha; su. 8; Friday; day of "Robini." On Friday 5 Feb. A. D. 1321, which was 18 Kambbe, sukla 8 and "Roihni " ended respectively at.59 and 98 of day. The regnal year looks like " Ath" in the impression but is really " 7th," which fact was verified by the writer's friends at Kurrilam. 1907 (186). From the north wall of the kitchen in the Biddhajnanesvara temple at Papangulam (Tinnerelly Distriot). Sale of land to the temple of Karatt-arindamaditta-Pandi [Sa] ramudaiya Nayapar, here said to be in Seranai-Veprin-tiramadaivilagam situated in Mollinada. Date.-8th year of Maravarman Tribh. Kulasekhara "who took every country ; " Tula "[1] 9"; su. 9; Wednesday; "Sravana." On Wednesday 30 Sep. 1821(=2 Tola), su. 9 and "Sravana" ended at .72 and 97 respectively. The reading 18 Tula, which I believe to be an error for 8 Tula, gives rise to the following observations The epithet "who took every country" may seem to relegate this date to the reign of Mar. Kulasekhara I. The interval between the initial years of the two Kulasekharas being 46 years, it follows that lunar tithis and nakshatras are likely to occur at the same time of the solar year in either reign. (Vide seo, 228 of my Indian Chronology.) Moreover, if a tithi falls this year on 2nd Tula, it must have fallen last year on or about 12th Tula, so that per se a partionlar tithi and nakshatra, due on the 2nd Tala this year, would, ordinarily, have occurred 47 years ago on 12th Tala. Nevertheless, no suitable date, satisfying all the chronological details in the inscription, has been found in the reign of Mar. Kulabekhara I. except A.D. 1274, which however, was only the 7th year of that reign (not the 8th). On Wednesday 10th October A. D. 1274 (=13 Tula, not 12 Tula) Tola su. 9 commenced at .08 of the day, anding next day at 14, while nakshatra Sravana ended at 55 on Wednesday. N. B.-This inscription is on the north wall of a temple kitchen, while the next, No. 125, is on the west wall.

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AUGUST, 1913.] ON SOME NEW DATES OF PANDYA KINGS 1907 (125). From the west wall of the kitchen in the Siddhajnaneevara temple at Papangulam (Tinnevelly). Sale of land to the temple of Karutt-arindu-muditta Pandi [Sa] ramudaiya Nayanar. Date. 8th year of Maravarman. . . Tribh. Kulasekhara; Dhanus 11; ba. Tuesday, "Svati." On Tuesday 15th December 1821 (=19 Dhanus) bs. 10 ended at 18 and "Svati" at 24 of the day. [The inked impression of the inscription was read again in my presence by the Epigraphist, and the conclusion come to by him was that the solar day of the month could be read either" as "11" or as "19." The latter reading suits the other chronological details which are clear.] 1907 (149). From the south wall of the shrine of the goddess in the Siva temple at Puvalaikkudi (Pudukkotai State). Gift of the village of Puvalaikkudi. Mentions the festival called Maramanikkan-sandi and a certain Solai-Kalyilayamudaiyan alias Kalikadinda Pandiyadevar. The temple is called Udaiyar Tiruppuvalaikkadi-udaiya-Nayanar in Vadaparrunadu including Sevvalur, a sub-division of Kudalar-nadu, a district of Ten-konadu. Date.-16th year of Mar. Kulasekhara "who took every country;" Vrischika; su. 5; Wednesday," Revati." On Thursday, 25 January, 1380, Kumbha [not Vrischika], su. 5 and Revati ended at .20 and 18 respectively; in other words they were current for the greater part of Wednesday, 24 January, on which they commenced at 10 and 07 respectively [Vrischika, error for Kumbha]. 229 [The Epigraphist, at p. 78 of his Annual Report for 1907-08, identifies this prince with Mar. Kulasekhara I,but the date does not suit the 16th regnal year of that reign]. On Wednesday, 3 Nov. 1283, Vrischika, su. 12 (not sukla 5) and Revati ended at 71 and 71 respectively. On Wednesday, 81 Oct. 1286, Vrischika, su. 12 (not bukla 5) and Revati" ended at 66 and 96 respectively. These dates would answer for the 16th and 19th years of Maravarman Kulasekhara I (16 and 19 being easily confounded in Tamil writing with each other); but fukla 5 for sukla 12 is not an error so readily accounted for as Vrischika for Kumbha. 66 Jata varman Tribh. Parakrama Pandya. (Reign began between 15 April and 10 August 1815.) 1906 (395). From the west wall of the mandapa in front of the Satyagirinatha-Perumal temple at Tirumaiyam (Pudukkottai State). Incomplete. Sale of land for marriage expenses. Date. 5th year opp. 7th of Jat. Tribh. Parakrama Pandys; Kumbha; ba. 12; Sunday; "Uttara Ashadha." On Monday 11 Feb. A. D. 1825, Kambha ba. 12 and "Uttara Ashadha" ended at 22 and 11 respectively. In other words, ba, 12 and "Utt. Ash." were current for the greater part of Sunday, 10 Feb. 1825. [Regnal year should be 10th not 12th]. 1894 (17). From the east wall of the mandapa in front of the Pushpavanesvara shrine at Tiruppuvanam (Madura District). Gift of land. Date.-(Wrongly assigned in App. to Annual Report for 1894-95 to Konerinmaikondan's 8th year) 9th year of Parakrama Pandya; Simha su. 8; Wednesday, "Anuradha." On Wednesday 10 Aug. A.D. 1828, Simha su. 8 and "Anuradha" ended at 48 and 45 respectively. *Tribh. Kulasekharadeva. [28 July A.D. 1166 fell in his 5th year. This must have been the Kulasekhara who waged a prolonged war against Parakramabahu of Ceylon. Tirupputtur is one of the places mentioned in the Mahavamso as having been visited by Lankapura, the Ceylonese General.] 1908 (101). From the Tiruttalisvara temple at Tirupputtur (Madura District.) Date.-Year opposite the 4th of Tribh. Kulasekharadeva, "27th day of Karkataka "Rohini;" Saturday. In Ep. Ind. Vol. XI, at p. 137 the Epigraphist notes that the date of the, inscription, as judged by the characters, must be earlier than A. D. 1200. I find that the date was Sat. 28 July A. D. 1166 which was the 27th day of Karkataka. On this day "Rohini" and Sravana ba. 10 ended at 70 and 87 of the day respectively.

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230 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [AUGUST, 1913. THE INDIAN INSCRIPTIONS AND THE ANTIQUITY OF INDIAN ARTIFICIAL POETRY. BY G. BUHLER. [Translated by Prof. V. S. Ghate, M. A., Poona.] (Continued from p. 193.) v. The NAsk-Inscription No. 18, from the ninteenth year of Siri-Pulumagi. A further contribution to the knowledge of the Kavya style of the second century and especially of the poetic ideas and comparisons in vogue at the time is made by the prasasti of a cave which was given over to the monks of the Bhadra yaniya school, in the ninteenth year of the reign of the Andhra king Siri-Pulamayi. The date of the inscription can be only approxi. mately determined at present. Nevertheless it must be somewhat older than the Girnar prasasti discussed above. Siri-Palumayi like Chashtana is, as we know, mentioned by Ptolemaus, under the name of Siro-Polemaios or Siri-Polemios, as the ruler of Baithana, i.e., Paithana or Pratishthana on the Godavari river. Accordingly the inscription in question will have to be placed somewhere about the middle of the second century. To the same result leads another circumstance which is put forth by Dr. Bhau Daji in Journ. Bo. Br. Roy. As. Soc., Vol. VIII, p. 242. According to l. 6 of our inscription, Polumayi's father Gotamiputa Satakali extinguished the family of Khak barata. In the inscriptions of Nasik,60 Junnar, and Karle is mentioned a Kshabarata king and satrap or great gatrap Nahapana, whose son-in-law, the Saka Ushavadeta or Usabhad Ata was a great patron of Brabmans and Buddhists and made many grants in the western Deocar. as well as in Konkan and Kathi&vad, and we are provided with the several dates of his reign, from the year 40 to 46. The similarity of the names Khakhar&ta and Kshaharata makes it very probable that they denote one and the same person, a supposition which is also favoured by the circumstance that just the very districts, in which Ushavadata made his grants, have been mentioned in 1, 2 f. our inscription as parts of Satakani's dominion.61 The title satrap or great satrap borne by Nahapana leads to the further conclusion that he was a dependent prince and the fact that on his coins, the Kharoshtrt lipi is used side by side with the southern alpbabet, proves bis connection with the north-west where the Indo-Soythians were rulers. We may, therefore, suppose that he, like Rudradaman used the Saka era, and thus his last date, Samvat 46, would correspond to A.D. 124/5. Very probably his unfortunate war with Satakani took place soon after this year. According to his inscriptions,62 Satakani ruled for at least 24 years, and extinguished the Kshaharata king and satrap before the eighteenth year of his reign. For, the Nasik inscription No. 13, bearing this year, disposes of a village in the district of Govardhana, which had in earlier times belonged to the dominion of Nahapana. If then we assume that the battle between Nahapana and Satakani took place in the year 47 of the Saka era used by the former, i, e., in A. D. 125/6, and in the fifteenth year of the reign of the latter, then the year of the writing of our inscription would be A. D. 153/4, by adding the 9 years of Sata kasi and the 19 years of Palumayi to 125. OF course it is possible that the date in question may be from ten to twelve years earlier or a very few years later even. A later date than this does not seem to be probable, because the mention of Pulumayi's name in Ptolemans shows that he must have been on the throne a long time before A. D. 151, the date of the completion of the Geography, If we accept these conjectures which at least possess a very high probability, then our inscription is about twenty years older than the 'prasasti of the Sudarkana Lake ; and its style must be regarded as a proof for the growth of kedvya in the middle of the second century. Although it is 40 Archeological Survey of Western India, Vol. IV., p. 99-103 (Nos. 5-11). 11 Soo especially Insaription No. 20, in which , village given a prosent by Usabhadata is again given away by an Andhraking, Aroh. Sur. W. India, Vol. IV., p. 106 (No. 6) and p. 112-118 (No. 20). 62 Arch. Sur. W. India, Vol. IV., p. 106 (No. 14, last line.) As Ibid. p. 105, where 14 is to be correoted to 18. Compare also Dr. BhapdArkar's remarks in his Early History of the Dokkan, p. 20 ff. where the date of the [uscription is placed somewhat earlier. In several particulars, I can not agree with Dr. BhApdarkor.

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INDIAN INSURIPTIONS AND THE KAVYA composed in on old Prakrit very much nearer to Pali, still the results that may follow from its examination would of course be equally applicable to Sanskrit Poetry; as there exists no separating barrier between Prakrit and Sanskrit kavyas. As far as the information provided by the Alamkara-sastra goes, both Sanskrit and Prakrit compositions are regarded as branches of a common stem and are both bound by the same laws. Accordingly we find that all the known Prakrit kavyas are composed in obedience to the same canons as are written in Sanskrit. They present the same varieties of style and the same alamkaras, and it happens not seldom that one and the same author uses both Prakrit and Sanskrit. Even the author of our inscription must have known Sanskrit and been expert in Sanskrit kavya also, because he appears to be guilty of some Sanskriticisms. The compound Vijhachhavantadeg (1. 2) appears to be but a transliteration of the Sanskrit Vindhyarkshavat, since the Greek form odeytos shews that the Prakrit name of the Rikshavat began with u. Another apparently Sanskrit sanidhi is found in Kesavajuna (1. 8), where the rule of the Prakrit demands Kesavajuna, i. e., Kesavajjuna. So also the form pitupatiyo (1. 11) occurring in a writing of such a late date, must be looked upon as only an archaic imitation of pitripatnyoh. As far as I know this is the only instance of a genitive in the dual number, which has been entirely lost even in older Prakrit literature. It is even possible that the inscription might have been at first composed in Sanskrit and then translated or transliterated, as the Prakrit, which resembled Pali, was then, as even in much later times, the official language in southern India.65 Whatever may be the case, so much is certain that the author was acquainted with the Sanskrit language as well as the Sanskrit literature. AUGUST, 1913] 231 His work is a gadyam kavyam like the Girnar inscription discussed above and belongs to the class of prasastis. After the date given in quite an official manner, there follows the description of the king of kings Gotamiputa Satakani written in a high poetic style, which together with the shorter praise of his mother Gotami Balasiri and of the cave prepared by her, in all, covers eight lines and a half, and altogether makes a gigantic sentence. Then there come at the end two short sentences which say that the Queen gave away the cave to the Bhadrayaniya monks and that her grandson Pulamayi assigned the village Pisachipad raka for the preservation of the sculpture and pictures. In these concluding sentences, the language is quite business-like; but even there we find some figures on a small scale made use of. In the first of these, the mother is described by means of three epithets giving rise to alliteration, mahadevi maharajamata maharajapatamaki, in the second the king is spoken of not by name but as mahadeviya ajjak dya serakamo piyakamo na[ta Sakaladakhind]pathesaro, the grandson ever willing to serve and please the Queen the grandmother, the lord of the whole of the Deccan.' Thus even here the author does not forget his profession altogether. As for the first and the main part of the prasasti, its style entirely resembles that of the Girnar prasasti in that long compounds are used to bring out ojas or the force of language. These run on almost exclusively from 1. 2 to 1. 6; then in 1. 7, the almost breathless reader is favored with a resting pause, in as much as only short words are used. In the last line and a half of the description of the king, the poet again takes a new leaf and uses towards the end the longest compound which contains sixteen words with forty-three letters (paranagarula ityddi). The Anuprasa is more liberally made use of, as is the case with the Girnar prasasti. Thus we have in 1. 2 asika-asaka, in 1. 3 degpavatapatisa, divasakara haradeg degkamalavimala," in the last parts of the compounds in 1. 3 sdsanasa, vadanasa vahanasa, degdasanasa, and many more similar expressions. In one point, however, the Nasik inscription differs from the Girnar prasasti. While the latter disdains the use of the conventional similes of court poets, these are found in our prasasti in a very large number and sometimes very striking too. Just the very first epithet of the king Himavata-Meru-Mudara-pavata-sama-sarasa whose essence resembles that of the mountains Himavat, Meru, and Mandara, is conceived quite in the kavya style. Thus the author shows that the comparisons of the king with these mountains so favourite in later times were in vogue even in his day. What he, in reality, means by the phrase in question is that Satakani was possessed of 65 See on this my remarks on the Prakrit Pallava Land-Grant in the Epigraphia Indica, p. 4 f.

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232 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [AUGUST, 1913. great treasures, like the Himalaya, that he was the central point of the world, and overshadowed the same with his might, like the Meru, and that like the Mandara which was used as a churning rod by gods at the time of churning out nectar, he knew how to bring to light and to acquire for himself Lakshmi, the Fortuna regum. The correctness of this explanation can be easily demonstrated. For, the idea that the Himalaya hides within himself immeasurable treasures has been prevalent amongst the Indian people since & very old time, and it finds its expression in mythology, in that the abode of Kubera is located in the Himalaya. To the court poets, the idea that riches are the sdra of the Dimalaya is so obvious that at times they do not express it at all, but only bint at the same. Tuus Kalidasa says in Raghuvamsa IV, 79: paraspareNa vijnyaatstsspaavnpaannissu| rAjJA himavataH sArI rAjJaH sAro himaadrnnaa| * As the (Ganas) (came) with presents in their hands, they understood each other's essence; the king, that of the Himalaya (i. e., his riches, and the Himalaya that of the king (i. e., his might.)' Equally old and generally prevalent is the conception that the mountain Meru is the centre of the world ; and kings are very frequently compared with the same, in kavyas, in order to illustrate their great might. Thus, in the beginning of the Kadambari, Bana says (p. 5. 1. 11, Peterson's edition) of the king Sudraka : meruriva sakalabhuvanopajIvyamAnapAracchAyaH * He resembles Meru in that all the worlds live in the shadow of his feet,' i. e., are preserved through his protection, just as they live in the shadow of the spur of the mountain. The comparison is also found in the inscriptions, e.g., in the prasasti which forms a prelude to the grant of land made by the Chaulukya king Malaraja I. It is said there06 (1. 3):- i : He resembles Meru, in that he is always madhyastha, i.e., the centre of the world, and impartial.' As for the mountain Mandara, it is one of the most well-known myths, according to which it served gods as a churning-rod, at the churning of the milk-ocean. As on that occasion, Lakshmi. the goddess of wealth, came out, and she is often described as the representative of the royal power and splendour and even as the consort of kings, the kings themselves are often compared with the Mandara mountain in order to bint at the idea that they churn out Fortune from the ocean of the enemies. Thus in Sri-Harshacharita, p. 227, 1. 7 (Kasmir edition) Bana says, while describing the king Pashyabuti, that he was e Mandara-like in drawing out Lakshmi.' This same thought is further elaborated in verge 7 of the Aphsad prasasti, a composition of the seventh century, written in a high Gauda style, where it is said of the king Kumaragupta : bhImaH zrIzAnavarmakSitipatizazinaH sainyadugdhodasindhurlakSmIsaMprAptihetuHsapadi vimathito mandarIbhUva yena // "Who became Mandara and immediately churned out the terrible army of the illustrious franavarman, a moon amongst princes, the army, which was the means of the acquisition of Fortune, and thus resembled the milk-ocean.' A still more artificial representation of the simile is found in the prasasties of the Rathor king Govinda II, verse 3, belonging to the beginning of the ninth century. I bave explained it fully in the translation of the passage. In the face of these facts, it can not be doubted, that the author of the Nasik inscription intended to say or to hint all tbat is contained in the explanation given above ; 68 and when we see that he dares to express himself in such an oxtraordinarily concise manner and is content with only - See Ante, Vol. VI. p. 191. My translation is given there mentions only the second meaning of madhyastha. It is, however, not improbable that the writer also means to say that Mdlarija was the centre of the world, although the expression cannot apply to a petty ruler who possessed only a few miles of land. Such consiclerations, however, have no weight with a court poet. 67 Corpus Inscr. Ind., Vol. III., p. 203, 1. 7. << Ante, Vol. VI, p. 65. 9 It is just possible that he had in view oven other legs important qualities of the mountains named here. Thus, as the Meru is the abode of the vibudha or the gods, and as vibudha also means 'a wise man', the compari son of the king with the Meru may imply a compliment to the effect that the king was surrounded by wise Councillors and learned mon. Compare, for instance, Vasavadatta, p. 14, 1.1 Foto RT G :.

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August, 1913.) INDIAN INSCRIPTIONS AND THE KAVYA 233 alluding to the sdra of the three mountains, we cannot but suppose that in the first place he knew all the myths in question and in the second place that the comparisons of kings with these mountains were in vague then ; for otherwise the expression in question would have been quite unintelligible to the hearer. The comparisons involved in the epitlets in the next lines 3-4 are some of them so familiar that it is unnecessary to demonstrate their occurrence in the kdoyas. This is the case, for instance, with the phrase divasakara-kara-vibodhita-kamala-vimala-sadisa-tadanasa, whose face Tese mbles a spotless lotus which the sun's rays hare awakened (from the nocturnal sleep)', of which we should only nenark that the use of the word lara, which also means band,' is not unintentional. Equally commonplace is the comparison in patipuna-chada-madala-sasirika-piya-dasanasa whose appearance is lovely and lustrous like the disc of the full moon. What is, of course, meant is that the face of the king shines like the full moon. But as the face has buon spoken of tefore, the author uses dasana for radana and thus varies somewhat the usual idea. Lastly, no examples are 1.ecessary for varavaranavikamachdruvikamasa, whose gait is beautiful like that of a lordly elephant,' and bhujagapatibhogapenavatavipuladighasudarabhujasa, whose arms strong, round, massive, long and beautiful like the coils of the prince of serpents. With regard to the last epithet it must be observed, in the meanwhile, that the author has taken great troubles to give a new unusual form to the old comparison of the arm of a Warrior with a serpent, already very usual in the *opics. For this purpose, he mentions the serpent prince Sesba instead of some other favourite serpent, and piles together a number of adjectives. Tle first of these things is often done by court poets: e. g., in Raghurashsa XIV. 81, Kalidasa describes Rams as Sarpddhirdjorubhuja. Sonewhat more rare is the absurd notion in li-samuda-toya-pita-vdhanasa 'whose armies drink the water of the three oceans,' though sanctioned by the usage of Indian poets. Similar expressions are now and then met with in panegyrims and prasastis, with a view to suggest that the victorious armies have proased forward to the shores of the ocean. A rhetorician remarks that the water of the ocean would never be drunk. But nevertheless the poets very frequently use expressions like the one above, which, therefore, cannot be looked upon as involving a breach of auchitya.70 The following lines contain nothing tseful for our purpose. Their object is to represent Sa takani as a ruler who lived up to the rules of Nftisastra. On the other hand, the short epithets in l. 7 remind us of several passages in the descrictions of beroes and heroines by Bana who also frequently interrupts the long-winded compounds and the tiring rows of comparisons, in quite a similar manner, and now and then makes use of similar expressions in such cases. The rightness of what we say will be best shown by placing this part of the inscription side by side with a passage, in Bana's Kadambari, from the description of the king Sudrakal: bhAgamAna nilayasa sapurisAna bhasayasa sirIva adhi-| kartA mahAdharmANAmAhA kasUnAmAvaH sarvazAstrANAma ThAnasa upacArAna pabhavasa ekakusasa ekadhanudharasa ekasu-spattiH kulAnAM kulabhavanaM guNAnAmAgamaH kASyAmRtarasArasa ekbmhnns| nAmudayolo mitramaNDalasthotpAtake turahitajanasya pravartabitA goSTIvandhAnAmAzrayo rasikAnA pratyAdezo dhanuSmatAM dhaureyaH sAhasikAnAmamaNIvidagdhAnAm / of course Bana's expressions are much more choice, and they show a considerable advance in the development of the style. Nevertheless, a certain similarity is unmistakable and the reason why simpler epithets are inserted in the midst of more complicate ones is no doubt the same in both the cases. In l. 8, we meet with two long compounds which compare Sa takani with the beroes of Mahabharata as well as with the kings of yore described in that work:-'Whose bravery was similar to that of Rama (Halabhsit), Kesava, Arjuna and Bhimasena,' and 'whose lastre resembled that of Nabhage, Nahusha, Jananejaya, Samkara, Yaya ti, Rama (of the Raghu race) and Ambarisha.' Further these two compounds are separa ted, certainly not without intention, by another epithet inserted between them. Comparisons with the kings of epic tales are as a rule used by Subandha and Bara, in the descriptions of their heroes, wbo, however, work them out in a for finer way. They bring out the similarity in particular points by means of a slesha on every 10 See, for instance, the Udepur prabanti verso 10; Ef. Ind., p. 234. The name of the rhetorician I bar. unfortunately not noted. 11 Kadambart p. 5, 1. 12-16; compare also Kadambart p. 56, 1. 7-8

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [AUGUST, 1913. name or they show that their heroes surpass by far the old heroes, in that they go more deeply into the original.73 Here, in our inscriptions, we have to do with the beginnings of a development which reached its high point certainly in the seventh century, or perhaps even much earlier. 234 To the great significance of the immediately following passage, I have already alluded (the Sahasankacharita, of Padmagupta p. 48 ff.):- Who, standing in the forefront defeated the hosts of his enemies, in a battle in which, in a manner immeasurable, eternal, incomprehensible and marvellous, the wind, Garuda, the Siddhas, Yakshas, Rakshasas, Vidyadharas, Bhutas, Gandharvas, Charapas, the sun, the moon, stars and planets took part.' 73 It is just the oldest instance of a mixture of history and mythology, so usual in the later court poets. As Bilhana repeatedly makes Siva to interfere in the fortunes of his patron Vikramaditya, or as Hemachandra surrounds his master Jayasimha-Siddharaja with supernatural beings, or as Padmagupta-Parimala reduces the history of the life of Siddharaja to a pure myth, so has here our author given heavenly powers as confederates to the father of his master. This passage thus provides us with an interesting point of connection between our inscription and the style of narration of the court poets. About the meaning of the next phrase, unfortunately we are not sure, as the first letter can be read as nd or na. If we read nagavarakhadha gaganatalam abhivigadhasa, as is most probably the case, then it would be rendered thus:- Who towered up higher in heaven than the shoulder of a great mountain, or the trunk of a grand tree.'74 With this we may compare Raghuvamez XVIII, 15, where it is said of king Pariyatra: uccaiH zirastvAjjitapAriyAtraM lakSmIH siSeve kila pAriyAtram / Fortune resorted, indeed, to (the king) Pariyatra, the height of whose head surpassed (the mountain) Pariyatra.' If, on the other hand, we read nagararakhadha, then we must translate :- Who went up inte the heaven from the shoulder of his lordly elephant. The meaning then would correspond to that of verse 20 in the Lakka Mandal prasasti,75 where it is said of Chandragupta, the consort of the princess Isvara of Singhapura: bhartari gatavati nAkaM kariNaH skandhAt "As her husband ascended to heaven, from the shoulder of his elephant' These words describe Chandragupta's death, and would mean that he fell from an elephant, and had his neck broken, or that he, while fighting on elephant-back in the battle, met with a hero's. death, or perhaps that he exchanged the splendour of the earthly life of a prince for heaven. The second alternative seems to be the most probable. At any rate the passage referring to Satakani will have to be understood thus, in case the reading naga is the correct one. In the remaining lines, we have first, the praise of the queen Gotami Balasirf, who, in every way, acted worthy of her title "the wife of a royal sage"; secondly, the very bold, though improper, comparison of the mountain Trirasmi with a peak of the Kailasa mountain, and lastly the assurance that the cave possessed a magnificence which equalled that of a lordly palace of gods. All these three notions are most usual in karyas. Instances of the third have been already mentioned by us above on p. 142. What we have said so far should quite suffice to prove that the Nasik-inscription No. 18, also, bears a close relationship with the gadya kavyas preserved for us, and that it especially contains many comparisons current in the latter. It must, however, be repeated that this prasasti occupies a considerably lower rank than the prose parts in Harishena's kavya, and is still less artificial than the works of Subandhu, Bana, and Dandin, (To be continued.) 1 Compare, for instance, Vasavadatta p. 15, p. 22, 1. 1 p. 27, 1.8 p. 122, 1. 4-5 and especially the passage from the Harshacharita referred to by Dr. Cartellieri, Wiener Zeitschrift f. d. Kunde des Morgenlandes, Vol. 1, p. 126. 13 Dr. Bhandarkar and Dr. Bhagvanlal translate vichina-which I have freely rendered as 'in which-took part-by witnessed'. The reason why I do not follow this meaning is that no examples of this meaning accepted by the two gentlemen are known to me; on the contrary, Yuddham vichar 'to fight a battle' is given in the Petersburg Lexicon. 74 The ablative implies here, as is often the case in Sanskrit, that the Positive form has the sense of the Comparative. 10 Ep. Ind., p. 13.

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AUGUST, 1913.] MISCELLANEA 235 MISCELLANEA. H NATACHI: A DRAVIDIAN WORD IN VEDIO | kaTha batvApusAharaNam does not tavour our view. LITERATURE But we reply that even this illustration is in COL. JACOB, in a paper contributed to the Jour. perfect harmony with our view, if the question xal of the Royal Asiatic Society for April 1911, relates to the individuals composing the Katha p. 510, makes two interesting suggestions regard labhd. Sankaracharya's words are :ing the word matacht occurring in the Chhandogya-Upanishad 1,10,1, catal &o., which manu jAteH pariprabha isvasminvimahe katamaH kaTa is explained by some commentators as : isvAyunAharaNa mupapanajAtI paripramahatvAtuma bujyate / O T: Col. Jacob says, that these red tathApi kAdizAtAva vyaktipAtvAbhiprAyeNa paricoloured winged creatures are no other than | prama itvadoSaH / locusts" and that the word macachf " looks like an importation from outside Aryavarta.". Anandajfikoa explains this thus: It is interesting to note that both of these sog. bhasmaviSTa vimahAparimahe vRtikArIbamuhAharaNaM gestions are confirmed by the fact that matachi is proui ETF Efferrafata * Sanskritised form of the well-known Dravi. manviti / udAharaNepi satvAM karamAtI tabyaktibAlbA'dian word midichi or midiche, meaning locusts, which is used at the present day in the Dharwar tadanyatamanirdhAraNAnimAveSa parimame utama jityajIDistrict. Mr. Kittel, in his Kannada-English | kArANa parokkosAharaNavirAdho'smatpo'stIti pariharati Dictionary, explains the word midiche thus that trai which hops, & grass hopper; a locust." According Chhandogya-Up. Anandasrama Ed., p. 10 to the same authority the word appears as midutha Here gardagueri means the illustration in Telugu, as vittal or vettal in Malayalam, and as given by the Kasika-vfittikara Jayaditya, who vettukkisi in Tamil. The word is obviously derived from the root midi, to hop. died in A. D. 661, and whose words referred to Mr. Kittel in the introduction to his Dictionary above are : gives a very long list of so-called Sanskrit words, Tips: which are really Dravidian. But in compiling this list he seems to have drawn exclusively upon Katika-vritti, Benares Ed., Part II, p. 94. classical Sanskrit, Malachi is thus the only Dravidiad word as yet discovered in Vedic literature. this by using the expression rear thus: : K. B. PATHAK. year T TH. It may be stated here that Katyayana and Patanjali,as interpreted by Kaiyata, hold that the words SANKARACHARYA'S REFERENCE TO af should be left out JAYADITYA. of the stra es unnecessary, and therefore an In his commentary on the Chhandogya-Upani illustration of this sutra is given in the Mahabha shya. The fact that Sankaracharya quotes the shad 1, 1, 4, when elucidating the expression celebrated Buddhist grammarian Jayaditya, who 1 x Sankaracharya quotes the well-known died in the second-half of the seventh century sritra vA bahUnAM jAtiparimame utamaca (Panini V, 3, 98] A.D., is so interesting from a literary and historical and says that the compound unferafiya in this point of view that it deserves to be brought to the nitra should be treated as a locative and not a notice of Sanskrit scholars, genitive compound, and continues :It may be contended that the illustration given K. B. PATHAK. in the commentary on this sitra, namely, T: Poona.

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236 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [AUGUST, 1913. BOOK NOTICE. INDIAN CHRONOLOGY :- A practical guide to the inter- 500 A. D. is made only according to the Stryapretation and verification of Tith's, Nakshatras, siddhanta. It is aecurate and clear, but it is likely Horoscopes, and other Indian Time-records, from to lead the reader to form the wrong impression B. c. 1 to A. D. 3000-By DEWAN BARADUR L. D. that Surya-riddhanta was followed in those days SWAWIKANNU PILLAI, M.A., B.L., LL.B.; published by Grant Co., Madras (1911). Price Rs. 5. also. Var&hamidhira's Pancha-siddlantikd no Tex present book by Dewan Bahadur S. Pillai doubt refers to a Seryasiddhanta, but it was not dealing with the citation of dates according to the Strya-siddhanta of the present day, from which the various systems in vogue in India ranging the author has adopted the mode of calculation in between 1 B. C. and 2000 A. D. fills a longfelt the book. The calculation of the dates prior to want. Ronghly speaking the book may be said 500 A.D. according to the latter-day Suryato consist of two main divisione-the letter siddhanta is, therefore, not quite in harmony with press and the tables. The former gives the facts, and is merely a carrying backwards of the preliminary information necessary for an intel process used authentically only for the period ligent use of the tables. It explains the relations from 500 A.D. onwards. between Indian Astronomy and Indian Chronology. The eye-table appended at the end of the book Chapter XV gives a list of the principal systems sums up the results of the preceding tables, and of chronology in use in India, along with the is of great value for obtaining general results. mode of calculating the equivalent Christian date It gives in a remarkably well condensed form therefrom. The catalogue of Hindu festivals in almost all the items necessary to determines relation to tithis given in Chapter XVI is likely date with fair accuracy. But for obtaining a to prove of much interest even to the ordinary detailed result, the reader must resort to the layman. The three parts, into which the letter preceding tables. press of the book is actually divided, are so Messrs. Dikshit and Sewell's book on Indian arranged and treated that they gradually develope Ohronology has acquired prominence because it one into the other, without in the least slackening was the first one in the field, but in point of the interest of the general reader in the study of cheapness and utility Dewan Bahadur S. Pillai's even such a dry abstruse subject as chronolo present publication in our opinion is much better. gical research. To an ordinary man Dikshit and Sewell's book is By far the most important portion of the prohibitive owing to its high price, and consebook-and also the practical one-is the tables quently there was a longfelt want of a cheap given therein. They occupy nearly 250 pages ready-reckoner of dates. Mr. S. Pillai's book, closely bristling with figures. They are twenty however, meets this want to a remarkable degree. His methods are on the whole generally correct two in all, embodying the various items of value and sound. To workers in the various fields of and interest to the historian, the arebaeologist antiquities and archaeology, the present book and chronologist. In these tables the most must prove to be of incalculable value. To the important one, and of greater practical inter layman also it will be of no small interest, est to the ordinary man of the world, is inasmuch as hardly anyone will be found who Table x, which enables him to know the exact has not at any time to look up some old date or English equivalent of any date from 1 B. C. to another. Mr. S. Pillai's book is being constantly A. D. 2000. In this table also are given the used by the Bharat-Itihas-sanshodhak-mandal of solar years, new moons, and eclipses that occur Poona for verifying dates from Marath& history. during this long period of time. The calculations In the course of calculations made for several for this period of two thousand years is made dates of the Marathi period, only one inaccuraey according to the mode followed in the Surya was detected. On page 116, the week day of let siddhanta as it is found at present. For the January 1704 ought to be 7 (Saturday) and not period from A. D. 500 to A. D. 999 the calculation 1 (Sunday) as printed in Table X. This is the only misprint so far discovered. But speaking according to the Aryadsiddhanta also is given, and generally, the work is remarkably free from this special calculation is valuable owing to the misprints or inaccuracies of any kind, which are immense influence which the Arya-siddhanta too often the besetting sin of books teeming enjoyed during this period. Dewan Bahadur S. with figures. Pillai's calculation for the period from 1 B. C. to Poona. 6. S. KEARE.

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SEPTEMBIR, 1913.) THE OBSOLETE MALAY TIN QURRENCY 237 THE OBSOLETE TIN QURRENCY AND MONEY OF THE FEDERATED MALAY STATES. BY SIR R. O. TEMPLE, BART, (Continued from p. 216.) APPENDIX V. Subsidiary Tables and Scales made during Investigations into the Malay Tin Ourrency. Professor Ridgeway's and Mr. Skeat's Table of Tin Money (Pahang) from the Cambridge Museum (and other specimens. Measurement Museum Approx. tration of Aotual weight in inches at base. number. ** dollar." in grs. Troy. length. width. height. 24 I 160 1 1 + 260 inio * w 25 24 H 24 G 24 15 7121 777 1086 1036 ? 3200785 24 25 17 II. NO. Museum - aios 35 13 Professors Ridgeway's and Mr. Skeat's Table of Tin Currency (Selangor) from Cambridge Museum Spec nens. Approx. Mensurement Monument fraction of may Actual weight Number. obaal weight in inohes at base << dollar." n oz. av. length. width. height. 885 12 2231 884 22; 14 88887 30 561 881 98 4 4127 880 112 4 43 38 224]* 879 19 24 21 1} 9. i 34 24 1. This is the "dollar" unit. " These represent the bidor or quarter "dollar" unit and the "dollar" unit respectively. * The first three specimens bear the tampo' manggis (mangosteen calyx ) mint mark; the last two have no mint mark. # The first seven numbers refer to the "Pagoda " Scale. See anto, p. 92. "The last two numbers refer to the "Sugarloaf" Soale. See ante, p. 92. The last bears the mangostoen 8. 72 lyx. wint mark on the top, and the molimba, tin mine rouessed shof, marks M and Non the siden, No. 879 is unsymmetrical and very roughly oast.

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238 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (SEPTEMBER, 1918. III. cents to Mr. Skeat's Money Tables. A,' Singapore and Malacca. Penang and Province Wellesley. dollar. 2. quarter cents make 1 half cent 2 quarter duit make 1 half cent (dait, pese)1 2 half cents 1 cent (sen) 2 half cents . 1 duit (cent) 2 cents 1 wang 3 5 duits 1 buaya 2 wang 02 i boya (buaya) 2 buaya ,, 1 kupang 2 buaya 1 kupang 1 kupang >> 1 tali 20 2 kupang 1 20-cent piece 14 tali , 1 20-cent piece 25 17 20 cent piece 1 quarter (suku) 1 20-cent piece , 1 saku 50 2 sukgo2 1 jam pa 93 2 Buku , 1 jampal 100 2 el i dollar jampal83 2 jampal 1 dollar B. Modern British in Federated Malay States. centa to dollar. 2 quarter cents make 1 half cent 2 half cents , 1 cent 5 cents 1 buaya 2 buaya 1 kupang 2 kupang > 20-cent piece 13 20-cent piece 1 suku 92 50 2 gaku >> 1 jampal 100 2 jampal , 1 dollar IV. Federated Malay States. Mr. Skeat's table Mr. Skeat's table of old Dutch money. of Tin Ingot Currency. oonts oents in Federated Malay in Perak, Selangor, Sangel to the to the dollar States. dollar. Ujong, Negri Sembilan. 4 pese make 1 doit (cent) 5. 2 buaya (cro. 2} 27 duit >> 1 wang baharu codile) make 1 tampang (cake) (dubbeltje) 67 11 tampang , 1 tali (string) 6+ 2 wang-bs 2 tali 1 bidor (viss) baru . 1 kenderi-perako5 4 bidor 1 "dollar" 12+ 2 kenderi-perak , 1 tali 100 25 2 tali >> l suku 64 "dollar" 1 keping (slab) 50 2 Buku 1 jampal (gailder) 2 keping 1 pikul (load) 100 2 jampal , i dollar08 3 pikul 1 bahara 90 In Penang the duit - a gent, following the old Dutch system. 1 These names were also formerly Current in Selangor. Wang and suku are moneys of socount, not coins." " Jampal are obsolete and soarge. .., the new wang, which, when first introduced, was ooppar. . i. .., silver oandareen. For candareen, see anto, Vol. XXVI, pp. 914 #f. This represents the half-tak, which, s money of account, was reokoned at 8 cents pot 6+ Oents. As money, it was called sa-perak, ono silver piece. * The Spanish dollar of 416 gra. 25

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SEPTEMBER, 1913) THE OBSOLETE MALAY TIN CURRINCY 239 of seksa piak - 10 v. Federated Malay States. T'ables from the information given to Mr: Laidlaw : see his letter dated 14 June 1904. (1). Ingot Currency. 10 tahil make 1 penjuru 2 penjuru : 1 piak piak 1 suku Buku I jampal (guilder) jampal i ringgit (dollar) 160 tahil to the dollar of 10 kati (of tin). Therefore value value value name in cents by av. in katil weight. of 11 lb. dollar. tahil 1 oz. penjaru 12) suku 25 316. jampal 50 6 lb. ringgit 100 13 lb. 23 keping (slab) = 1 pikal: 3 pikul = 1 bahara of 300 kati = 400 lbs. Therefore koping = 37 kati = 50 lbs: 1 pikul = 100 kati = 133 lbs. This gives a scale 37 dollars make 1 koping (slab) 2 keping 1 pikal 3 pikul I bahara (of tin) of 400 lbs. which is the standard scale of 420 lbs. to the bahara redaced to suit the existing British current money. (2). Gambar timah (tin models of animals). Selangor. tampang = kapang = 10 sen = 10 cents bidor = suku = 25 cents Scale. 50 duit ayam make 1 buaya (1/20 dollar) 2 buaya 1 tampang (1/10 dollar) 23 tampang 1 bidor 4 bidor 1 dollar (ringgit) (3). Perak. Soale. kati to the babara. 10 tahil make 1 Penjuru 14 psnjuru kati (tampang) 1 piak (tali).. . 2 piak suku (bidor) - 2 suku jampal 2 jampal 1 ringgit 37 33 ringgit i keping 100 24 ksping (slab) 300 3 pikul99 1 bahark (To de continued.) 1 kati ene 1 pikul Very confused as given to Mr. Laidlaw. * Varying to 320 kati.

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940 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [SEPTEMBER, 1913. ONE MORE BUDDHIST HYMN. BY G.K. NARIMAN, BOMBAY. Tax aprend of the Mahayana religion is due to the appea t makes to the heart, laid on the principle of devotion (Shakti), as opposed to the cold intellectuality of the Hinayana. We do not find in Pali any fervid hymns or prayers ever addressed to the Buddha, but we have a large number of them in the later Mahayana Buddhism, as witness the stotra sangraha published by the Bibliotheca Indica. Some time ago Professor Sylvain Levi reconstructed two hymns, translated in Chinese character from Sanskrit by an Indian monk from the college of Nalanda about the year 1000. They are called Ashtama-chaitya-vandand and the Trikdyastava. The latter is a hymn on the three " bodies" of the Buddha, and consists of sixteen stanzas, of which we find a Tibetan transe lation ander the name of Sku-geum-la-datod-pa. The Chinese transcription was made by the celebrated traveller Fa-bien. The Sanskrit text of the first twelve stanzas of this ode is also preserved in the beginning of the Tibetan block-print (Deb-ther-snon-po) communicated by M. Baradijan to Baron Von Stael-halstein, who expressed his opinion (Bulletin of Imperial Academy of Sciences No. 11,1911), that the Sanskrit text preserved in the block-print is independent of Chinese tradition, and deserves to be published especially, as it sometime deviates from the reconstruction of Professor Levi, and in some cases diverges from the original used by the monk of Nalanda, who attempted about 900 years ago to reproduce the Indian sounds by means of Chinese symbols. The Baron proceeds to give the Sanskrit text and the Tibetan version according to the Deb-ther-snon-po, as well as the Tibetan text cited from the Tanjur. All the texts are in the tragdhard metre, but while the Tanjur text represents nineteen syllables, the others have twenty-one. yo naiko nApi bhanekaH svprhitmhaasNpaadhaarbhuuto| bonaiko nApi bhanekaH svprhitmhaasNpdaadhaarbhuuto|| nevAbhAvo na bhAvaH svamivasamara || vibhAvaH svbhaavH| nevAbhAvo na bhAvaH svamivasamaraso durvibhAvaH svbhaavH| Note: It seems that even ta read nilepaM nirvikAraM zivamasamasamaM vyApinaM prapaMcam / nile nirvikAraM zivamasamasamaM vyApinaM niSpapaMcam / baMda pratyAsmaveyaM tamahamanupama dharmakAvaM zinAnAM / paMde pratyAsmaveyaM tamahamanuparma dharmakArya jinAnAM / / lokApitAmaciMtyAM marutasamaphalAnAtmano yo vibhUtim / lokApitAmacisyAM sakatAtaphalAnAtmano yo vibhUtim / Note: pAhyAna must bare read also sukRtasama see the French translation of the Chinese para phrase of pikAvastara. by spbavannes, R. H. R., 84,16. paraSanmane vicitrAn tabhavati mahatI matAM prItihetuM / parapamadhye vicitrAn prathayati mahatIM dhImatAM priitihetoH| For paracamadhyagatA Bee mahAkutpatti 245,34. It may be noted that pAhyAna is not partienlar about representing the visarga. dujAnAM sarvalokaprasRtamavirato hArasajurmako / bujAnAM sarvalokaprasRtamaviratI paarsshrmko| baDe saMbhogakAvaM tamapaniSa mahAdharmarAjAM pratiSThA / baMda saMbhogakAvaM samahamiha mahAdharma rAjya pratiSThaM / satvAnAM bhAgahetuH kacidanabhavAbhAti yo dIpyamAnaH / sattvAnA pAkahetuH kacivanalavAbhAti bo diipymaanH|

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SEPTEMBER, 1913.] REFERENCES TO BUDDHIST AUTHORS saMbodho dharmacakre kacidapi ca punardRzyate yaH prazAMtaM / saMbodhI dharmacakre kacidapi ca punarvRzvate vaH prazAMtaH / naikAkAramabhRtaM tribhavabhayaharaM vizvarUpirUpauyaH | nekAkAramapUrNa cibhavanavaraM vizvarUpiNIyaH / nirmANakArya parivanugataM mahAmunInAM / dinu mahAmunInAM / kArya The rest of the text in Baradijun is altogether different from that of r; still it may be interesting to compare the last four slokas as given in the Tanjur with the reconstruction of Professor Levi. sArthaka kRpAnAM aparimitamahAyAnapuNyAnavAnAM kAyAnAM saugatAnAM prativigatamanovAkpathAnAM prayANAM / kRtvA bhaktyA praNAmaM kuzalamupacitaM banmayA baudhibIjaM cikAyastena labdhvA jigadidamakhilaM bodhimArge niyuMje / REFERENCES TO BUDDHIST AUTHORS IN JAIN LITERATURE. BY G. K. NARIMAN, BOMBAY. BUDDHIST Sanskrit works of tolerable antiquity in comparison with Pali texts are so rare that any references to them in other literatures must be welcomed. The Brahmanical Sanskrit literature hardly offers any reference to Baddhist works of antiquity, and, as Vallee Poussin has shown, the Sarvadarsana-samgraha has no reference to Buddhism that goes back to respectable antiquity. Prof. Mironov in the course of a paper on Devabhadra and his Nydy avataratippana in the Bulletin of the Imperial Academy of Sciences, St. Petersburg (April 15, 1911) points out some Buddhist authors, whose standpoint was familiar to Jaina logicians. vibhAgaH nyAyAsAranivRti tayuktam / anuve'tha ve sadbhAvo nAsvivAsasi / nicitAnupabhAmA kAryAsthA hetavastrayaH // Devabhadra notes the sayuktam to be vibhAgeneti zeSaH // 241 nyAyAvatAravivRtti on the AdivAkyaH taduktam tenAnyApohaviSayAH proktAH sAmAnyagocarAH / jayadeva vastunveSAmasaMbhavAt // The Tippara says proktA AcAryadinAgena and etadarthaca vistArArthinA pramANavArtike kalyANacaMdrakRta - TIkAto 'vaseyaH | dharmakIrtiH The following loka seems to have been borrowed by Devabhadra from Gunaratna with its polemical prefatory remark : badAha rAgAndhAvasthAyAmapi dharmakIrtiH | gacchatu kApi te svAntakAMte kArya svaveva ca / badevArthaH priyAkArI tadeva paramArthasat || dharmottaraH The quotation is from his Pramidnaviniichaya-tika and the comment is on the terms middha and dhamdha, jJAnabhI [ mitra ] nanu cAryakriyA sAmarthyameva sasyam | nAnyat / tathA ca jJAnazrIH | yadi nAma pratidarzanaM satyamedastathApIhArthakiyA sAmarthyaneva vastvananimetam //

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242 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [SEPTEMBER, 1913. vAramahApAapamAmiLLtAna He lived at the close of the 10th century as shown by Satishchandra Vidyabhushan and composed three works, viz., Pramana-vinsschaya-fikd, Karyakarana-bhava-siddhi and Tarkabhasha. There is also a reference to a Bauddh-dlajakara. These are the allusions to Buddhist authors; the following bear on other schools of philoso. phy in the same Jain author : sAMkhyaH vivikte duk! pariNatI buddhau bhogosva kathyate / pratibiMbodavaH svacche yathA caMdramasobhasi | Devabhadra thus comments on this: - vibhaktetyAdipAThAMtareNa vyAkhyAnAntaraM tu haribhadrasUrikRtaM neha prakAzyate bahuNyAkhyAte vyAmAhaprasaMgAta / vidhyAvAsIH puruSo'vikRtAsmaiva svanirbhAsamacetanam | . manaH karoti sAMnidhvAnupAdhiH sphaTika vathA / Two slokus from the same Vindhyi vasi have already been known from Bhoja's commentary on the Yoga-sutra, IV. 22. vAdamahArNavaH vAramahArNavo'pi asmin [ sAMsya ] varzane sthitaH prAha / buddhirpnnsNkraaNtsmrthprtibiNbkN| dvitIyadarpaNakalpe puMsi adhyArohati / nvAbaHof this school only the following authors are referred to, vir: Akshapada, Uddyotakera and Kandalikura. deSezikaHIt appears that Vyomasiva the commentator on Prusastapdda-bhashya wscribes to the Acharya (Prabuslapada ?) three pramdrus, viz. - pratyakSa, bhanumAna and zada. as against Kamdalikira who holds only the first two. - mImAMsAHJaimini is mentioned to show that he taught six pramdnas, viz:pratyakSa, anumAna, zada, upamAna, bharyApatti, and abhAva. While prabhAkara understands abhAva as a kind pratyakSa. (Jaina):-jenaH As expected the author of the Nydya cutara-tippana makes mention in several places of his co-religionists. He adduces the three Jaina anthors, vix., Bhadrabihu, Haribhadra and Prabhachamdra. The last who wrote the Prameya-kamala-nartanda and Nyaya-kumu.la-chandra belonged to the Diga:n bara sect, and lived in the beginning of the 9th century. His Nyaya-kumuda-chandra has a highly important reference to the Buddhist school of the Vaibbashikas who are defined as : vibhASAsaddharmapratipAdako grNthvishessH| taM vidatyadhIyate vA vaibhASikA // Besides the above we may note various other quotations made known by Mironov. gauDa jJAnAtmacakrazakaTe pAcakavyavahArabo: __ tuSekarSe pumAnakSaM tuccha sauvarcaleMdriye / This grammarion is cited by Hemachandra and Kshirasvamin in their commentaries on the Anarakosha. - - The Jaina Nydy-Avatdra-lippana also quotes Magha's Sisupdlavadha, XI. 38.

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SEPTEMBER, 1913.] INDIAN INSCRIPTIONS AND THE KAVYA THE INDIAN INSCRIPTIONS AND THE ANTIQUITY OF INDIAN ARTIFICIAL POETRY. BY G. BUHLER. [Translated by Prof. V. S. Ghate, M. A.; Poona.] (Continued from p. 234.) VI. The conclusions and their bearing on the theory of Renaissance of Sanskrit Literature. 243 Now we proceed to sum up the results following from the detailed examination carried on so far. In the second century of our era, there existed a Gadyam kavyam which resembled the classical samples of the same, not only in respect of the fundamental principles, but in many details also. Like the rhetoricians and writers of the fourth and the following centuries, the poets of the second century regarded the essence of the Gadyam Kavyam as consisting in the frequent use of Sesquipedalia verba. Like the later authors, they were fond of constructing very long sentences, a thing which depended, for the most part, on the length and number of compound words. However, they permitted to the reciter and the hearer, resting pauses between long compounds, by inserting shorter words or phrases made up of shorter words, some of which are not unlike those inserted for the same purpose in the classical samples of works written in high prose. Of the Alankaras the poets make use of Alliteration, Upamu, Utpreksha, and Rupaka, and at any rate, an attempt at Slesha. As compared with what we find in the classical works, the figures of speech are, in the first place, used much more rarely, and, in the second place, are executed with much less care and skill. Sometimes these rise not at all or only very little, above the level of what is found in the epics. So also we are reminded of the language of the epics by the several grammatical forms which are used by the author of the prasasti of the Sudarsana lake. On the other hand, the arbitrary intermixture of history with mythology found in the Nasik prasasti just corresponds to a tendency which, in much later kavyas, comes to view very strongly.76 Side by side with works written in high prose, there existed, as is to be expected, and as is distinctly shown by the Girnar prasasti, metrical works whose form essentially agreed with the rules laid down, in the oldest available manuals, for the Vaidarbha style. Further, this accordance with rules naturally points to the existence of an Alamkara-sastra or some theory of the poetic art. Both these kinds of composition were equally estezmel with the Brahmanic sciences, at the courts of Indian princes, and in spite of the lacunae in the Girnar inscriptions, it is hardly to be doubted that a personal occupation with poesy is ascribed to the king and great Satrap Rudradaman, the grandson of a non-Aryan governor of an Indo-Scythian ruler. Be this right or not, it is in any case quite evident that the poesy resembling the classical Karya in essential features, enjoyed the royal favour in the second century, as it did in later times, and that it was cultivated at the Indian courts. In no case can it be said that the Brahmanic science and literature was extinguished by the invasions and the rule of the barbarian foreigners (as an Indian would say). If we suppose that the prasasti informs us of pure historical truth, then its contents clearly show that the life of literature in the second century must have attained to such a richness and strength as to win over to itself even the descendants of barbarians. Thus it naturally follows that the Kavya could not have been a new discovery in the 2nd century, but it must have had a long previous history which went back to the times when Aryan princes were the exclusive rulers of India. For this reason, it would not be certainly going too far to assert that the Girnar prasasti makes probable the existence of the Kavya style, even in the first century. A very large number of prasastis go to prove that in the fourth, fifth and sixth centuries, the Karya literature was in its full bloom and that the kavyas did not at all differ from those handed down to us. The second, independent Gupta king whose reign, no doubt, covered the greatest 70 According to my view, what the two inscriptions present, must be looked upon as the minimum of the development of Poesy at that time, and not as the maximum. It appears to me very probable that in the second century, there had been many superior and more elaborate compositions; because the author of the Girnar insoription was only an obscure provincial writer, and the author of the Nasik inscription was only a Court poet of the Andhra king. It is, however, very questionable whether the poetic art had reached, in southern India, that degree of development which it had reached at the special centres of intellectual life, in northern India. It would be a strange chance, indeed, if the two inscriptions presented to us a completely accurate picture of the stage of development in which Indian Poesy was at that time.

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244 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [SEPTEMBER, 1913. part of the second half of the fourth century, Samudragupta-Parakramanka, was himself a poet, and received from bis admirers the title Kaviraja. He supported several poets, who at the same time were l'audits, and put an end, as far as he could, to the old antagonism between the Muses and Platus. His- courtiers followed the example of their master, and the panegyric by Harishena, the minister of foreign affairs and the counsellor of the prince royal,' shows that Samudragupta bad at least one poet, of whom he had no reason to be ashamed. Harishema's kavya is in every respect an artistically finished little work, which places its author in line with Kalidasa and Dandin. Its style is that of the Vidarbha School. The very fact that Harishena himself belonged to the north-east of India shows that, there must have preceded his time, a period of literature, during which, poets from Berar in northern Deccan, accomplished much, and brought their particular taste to a high repute. Probably this full bloom of the Vaidarbhas will fall in the third century, or at the latest in the beginning of the fourth century. Under Samudragupta's successor, Chandragu ta II.- Vikramaditya, poetry must have similarly enjoyed the patronage of the court, inasmuch as even the king's minister took to himself the titly of a kari. The little proof of his art, banded down to us, discloses at any rate great cleverness, if not a real poetic taleut as such. Even this little composition is written in the style of the Vaidarbha School. The same holds good of the prasastis of the time of Kumaragupta and Skandagupta. The works in existence are, howerer, most insignificent, a phenomenon which is satisfactorily explained by the fact that they were all written by provincial writers. In the second half of the fourth centary, in Vatsabbatti's prasasti of the Sun-temple of Dasapnra-Mandaeor, we Eco traces of the existence of the school of the Gaucas, the poets of eastern India. This work should be called rather the exercise of a scholar who busied himself with the study of the kavya literature, than a product of an actual poet. We can see therein that its author had studied the kavyas and Rhetorics, but that, in spite of all the troubles he took to produce a real kavya, he possesso little of inborn talent. Small offences ngainst good taste, such as the use of expletives and tautologous words, are more frequently met with. In one place, the author is led to forget one of the most elementary rules of Grammar, by the exigencies of the metre; in another place, in his zeal to form long compounds, he is tempted to disregard the rule, always observed by good writers, according to which, the weak pause can nerer come at the end of a half-verse. In a third place, he jumblee together two ideas in a manner the least permissible; and his attempt to bring out a new comparison between the clonds and the houses leads in no way to a happy resolt. These defects in Vatsabbatti's prasasti make it the more important for the historian of literature, inasmuch as they bear testimony to the fact that everything worthy of attoution, in the prasasti, is gathered from the literature of his time and compiled into a whole. Thus, on the one hand, we are assured of the fact that about the car 472 A. D., there was a rich Kavya literature in existence; and on the other band, greater weight is gained by the poiuts of acoordance with the works banded down to us, which the prosasti presents. It bas been already pointed out above that verse 10 of the prasasti only repeats, for the most part, the comparison contained in Verse 65 of Meghadita, with some new points added in a very forced way; while the remaining points contained in that verse of Kalidasa, find themselves repeated in verse 11 of the prasasti. Further it is to be noted that Vatrabhati, like Kalidasa, shows a special predilection for the word subhaga, and that he while describing the king Bandhuvarman, plays upon his nap o just in the same way as Kalidisa does with the names of Raghus, whom he describes in the beginning of Sarga XVIII. of Raghuraika. These facts make the conjecture more probable, that Vatsabbatti knew and made nse of the works of Kalidasa. The same view is advocated by Prof. Kiel.orn in a publication just appearing. which reached me alter this treatise was nearly finhed. He reads in verse 31 of the prasasti : rAmAsanAthabhavanIvara bhAskarAMzu-vaDipratApasubhage instead of and shows that the verse sufficiently agrees with its thdra V. 2-3, in both words and thoughts, as there are only two new poiuts added. Although I am not in a position, withont examining a good impresion of the inscription, to give a definite opinion regarding the proposed, and no donbt very interesting alteration of the text, still the truth of his 11 The Mandasor-inscription of the Mainya year 629 (49 4. D.) and Kilidhea'. Pitucanhara' uittingos 1890, p. 951 ft.

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SEPTEMBER, 1913.) INDIAN INSCRIPTIONS AND THE KAVYA. 245 assertion that verse 31 of the prasasti is an imitation of Pitusa ihara. V. 2-3, appears to me quite undeniable. If we may believe in the traditions which ascribes Ritusaihdra to the author of Meghaddta, then the point overlooked by me, which Prof. Kielhorn has made out, strengthens the probability of the supposition that Kalidasa lived before 472 A. D., which is very significant. In that case, however, it will have to be assumed that Vatsabhatti knew the Ri tusaihdra also. One of these conclusions, the statement that the Indian artificial poetry had developed itself not after but before the beginning of our era-is confirmed also by references in a literary work which is by all means old. Whosoever goes through the collection of poetic citations from the Mahibhashya, which Professor Kielhorn has brought together Ante, Vol. XIV, p. 326 ff., can not but see that the K ya prospered in Patanjali's times. Many of the verses exhibit metres characteristic of the artificial poetry, such as, Malati, Pramitakshara, Praharshi ni and Vasantatilakd. These verses as well as many others in the heroic Anushtabha-Sloka agree, in point of contents as well as the mode of expressions, not with epic works but with the Court ledoyas. The composition of the Mahabhashya can now indeed no longer be placed with certainty in the middle of the second century before Christ, as was the case generally, up till very recently ; because the uncertainty of the known arguments of Goldstucker and others has become more and more evident with the time.80 In the meanwhile, according to what Prof. Kielhorn in his articlesi The Grammarian Panini' has said about the relation of Bhartsihari and Kasikit to the Mahabhashya, and for reasons of language and style, we cannot establish for Patanjali a later terminus all quem than something like the first century after Christ. Thus the passages from Patanjali show at any rnt, as Kielhorn remarks in Ante, loco citato, that the so called classical poetry is older than it has lately been represented to be.' A further proof for the early growth of the Sanskrit Karya is provided by a Buddhist work, the Buddhacharita of Asraghosha, whose Chinese translation was prepared between 414-421 A.D. The work is not a Mahdkavya in name only, but is written in the Kavya style, as we may judge from the samples given by Mr. Bendall, sa Mr. Beal the translator of the Chinese version looks upon the Buddhist tradition as right,83 according to which, the author, Asvaghosha, was a contemporary of Kanishka (78 A, D.). Even if we lay aside this difficult question and take our stand on the date of its translation, which is beyond doubt, the work would still possess great worth from the point of view of the history of literature. The composition of the work in question can not be placed in any case later than 350-400 A. D. Even the bare fact that a Buddhist monk, as early as this, thought of writing the Legend of Buddha, according to the rules of the poetic art, establishes a great popularity of the brahmanic artificial poetry and confirms the conclusions, arrived at, above, by the analysis of Harishena's prasasti. A thorough examination of the Buddhacharita, and comparison of its style with that of the older karyas and with the rules of the oldest manual of Rhetorics will, withoat doubt, lead to more definite and more important results. If one compares the conclusions, set forth in this essay, with the views of other Sanskritists regarding the history of Indian Kavya, it will be found that they are entirely incompatible, especially with those which Professor Max Muller has argued ont in his famous dissertations on the Renaissance of Sanskrit Literature; and thus I am not, in this case, in a position to agree with * This tradition is, at any rate, older than Vallabhadeva's Subhashitdrali, which belongs probably to the first half of the fifteenth century. In it, are quoted two verses from Ritganhdra, No. 1674 (Ritus. VI, 17) and No. 1678 Ritus. VI, 20) under the same Kalidasaaya. In the note to the first of these, the editors wrongly attribute it to Kumarasamblava VI. 17. The mistake has been rather due to a misprint. Two other verses from Ritusa nkdra have been cited in the same anthology. but without a mention of the particular author. Vallabha has probably taken them from some older work on which the author's name was not given. In this connection one should notice the quotations from Vol. I, 428, 435, II, 110, III, 143, 338. (Kielhorn's edition of the Badshya.) According to the communiontion of Pandit N. BhaskariahArya. The Age of Patanjali. Adyar Series No. 1 p. 4, the two old Mes from the South are unfavourable to one, historically important, word, nos contested till now, inasmr ch as they do not read a bat in the well-known passage on Pan. V, 3, 99. Although the treatise mentioned above contains very little else that is noteworthy. still this point requires to be investigated further, especislly as Southern Ms. have not been used for the Bhashya up till now. * Yachrichten der K igl. Gesellschaft der Wissenschatten Gottingen, 1985, p. 195 ff. *2 Calalone of Budalist Sansk. Mss. p. 82. Srcrel Boots of the East, Vol. XIX, p. XXX, ff. India, that can it teach u8? p. 231 fr. On the other band, Larsen's views regarding the development of KArya, oompe pretty near to the results given above. As he had studied the injoriptions, it wils but natural that the significance of the Girnar inscription and of Harichopa's grasasti did not escape his observation ; see Indische Altertuigkunde, part II. p. 1159 f., 1159 f.

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246 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (SEPTEMBER, 1913. the literary-historical suppositions of my honored friend and to build further on the same, as I have done many times on other occasions. His first proposition, that the Indians did not show any literary activity during the first and second centuries of our era, in consequence of the inroads of the different foreign races, is contradicted by the clear proof provided by the prasasti of the Sudarsana lake and the Nasik-inscription No. 18. I think, I must further add that the extinction of the intellectual life of the Indians during the first two centuries by the Scythians and other foreigners is improbable for other reasons also. In the first place, never had the foreigners brought under their sway, in the long run more than a fifth part of India. To the east of the district of Mathura, no sure indications of their rule have been found, and the reports of the Greeks ascribe to the Indo-Scythian kingdom no further extent in the east or, south. In India proper, the kingdom could permanently possess only the Panjab, besides the high valleys of the Himalaya, the extreme west of the North-western Provinces, the Eastern Rajputana, the Central Indian Agency, with Gwalior and Malwa, Gujarat with Kathiawar, as well as Sindh. No doubt, temporarily these limits are further extended in several cases, as the inscriptions from the reign of Nahapana prove for the western border of the Deccan, and several traces of war might present themselves in further removed districts. The rulers of such a kingdom could indeed have exerted a considerable influence, on the east of India, but they would never have been able to suppress the literary and scientific life of the Indians. Secondly, however,--and this is the most important point--the very will to show a hostile attitude towards the Indian culture, was wanting in the foreign kings of the time, as the sayings and authentic docnments inform 19. They themselves, as well as their comrades of the same race, were far inferior to the Indian, in point of civilisation and culture, and the natural result was that they could not escape the influence of the Indian civilisation, but were themselves Hinduised. Their willingness to appropriate the culture of their subjects is shown by the very fact that the descendants or successors of the foreign conquerors immediately began to bear Indian names, even in the second generation. Huvishka's successor is indeed a Shahi, but he is named Vasudera. Nabapana's daughter is named Dakshamitrd and his son-in-law, the son of Dinika, a Saka, is named Ushavad&ta or Usabbadata, i, e., Rishabhadutta. The son of Chashtana is Jayad Amah. The leaning of these kings to the Indian systems of religion is equally indisputable. According to the Buddhist tradition, Kanishka is one of the greatest patrons of Buddhism and even became a Buddhist himself. The latter fact is indeed shown to be improbable by the inscriptions on his coins. On the other hand, there is no doubt that he built a stilpa and a vihdra in Purasbapura--Peshawar, So also it is proved from the inscriptions that Huvishka had founded a tihdra in Mathura.85 Ushavadata and his consort, according to the Nasik and Karle inscriptions,88 made grants to Buddhists and Brahmanas without distinction, and the former, just like a pious Indian, carried out numerous works of public utility, for the sake of merit. The Mathura inscriptions further show that under Kanisbka and his successors, by the side of Buddhism, many other systems of religion also, like Jainism, were not only tolerated, but enjoyed a high prosperity. These inscriptions as well as numerous archeological finds also prove that the national Indian architecture and sculptures in Mathuri were on a high level, and one of the newest discoveries of Dr. Fuhrer permits us to conclude that even the dramatic art was cultivateil in the city of gods. The inscription No. 18, out of the collection prepared by me for the next number of the Epigraphia Indioa, says that the song of the actors of Mathur (Mathurdnan saildlakanash), who were known as Cbandaka brothers, dedicated a stone-blab, for the red ein ption of their parents, at the holy place of the adorable Naga-prince, Dadhikarna.' If Mathuri had its, company of actors, then it would not bave been in want of dramas. All these circumstances make it impossible in my opinion to look upon the times of the Indian popular migration as a period of wild barbarism. The conditions appear to be in no way essentially different from those of the times when there were national rolers. The Indians of the north-west and the west had indeed to obey foreign suzerains and to pay them tributes and taxos; in return for which, however, they had the triumph of exerting sway on their subjugators, through their high culture and of assimilating the same with themselves. The conditions necessary for literary activity must have been in existence, when an Urhavadata noted his great deeds in a mixture of Sanskrit and Prakrit itself.87 * Cansingham, Arch. Sury, Rep. Vol. III, plate XIV, No. 12. Arch. ewo. Rop. West Ind., Vol, IV., p. 99 % >> Arch. Surv. Rop. West Ind., l. c No. 5, 1. 3. ff.

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SEPTEMBER, 1913.) INDIAN INSCRIPTIONS AND THE KAVYA 247 He would certainly have lent his ear and opened his purse to bards and karis who would glorify him. These considerations appear to me to be of importance for the statements in the Girnir praksti and heighten their significance. A second proposition which Professor Max Muller in addition to other scholars advocates, that the real period of the bloom of artificial poetry is to be placed in the middle of the sixth century after Christ,-is contradicted by the testimony of the Allahabad prasasti of Harishena, of other compositions of the Gupta period and of the Mandasor prasasti. These leave no doubt about the fact that there were not one but several such periods of the bloom of the Kavya, of which one fell before the time of Samudragupta, and they also innke it probable that Kalidasa wrote before 472 A. D. The same conclusion is favored by the fact that Dr. Fergusson's bold chronological combinations, on which is based the theory of the Indian Renaissance in the sixth century, bave been shown to be insupportable by the researches of Mr. (Dr.) Fleet. The authentic documents going down to the year 588 A. D. know absolutely nothing about the Vikrainaditya of Ujjain whose existence is inferred or get up by new interpretations of the different legends, and who is reported to bave driven away the Soyibians from India and to have founded the Vikrama era in the year 544 A. D., dating it as far backwards as 600 years. On the contrary, they prove the following facts concerning western India. Samudragupta-Parakramauka, according to Mr. (Dr.) Fleet's inscription No. II., had extended the kingdom of his father, at any rate as far as Ere in the Central Provinces. His son Chaudragupta II.-Vikramaditya, according to No. III., conquered Malwa, before or in the year 400 and also possessed Mathura. Chandragupta's son, Kumaragupta. Mahendraditya, held fast these possessions, because, according to No. xvUl., he was the suzerain of the rulers of Dasapura-Mandasor, in the year 437. His son, Skandagupta-Kramaditya or Vikramaditya, according to No. XIV., ruled over Gujarat and Kathiawar, about 455-457 or 456-458. In his time, the Hunas came forth, against whom he made a successful stand, according to No. XIII Later on, however, whether it was in his own reign which lasted at least till the year 467 or 468, or under his successors Paragupta ani Narasimhagupia,89 the most western possessions were lost and went over to the foreign race. In No. XXXVI. and XXXVII. there appear the kings, Toramana and Mihirakula80 as rulers of Erai and Gwalior, and in No. XXXVII., the latter is said to have reigned for fifteen years. The end of the rule of Mihirakula in these districts, is made known to us through Nos. XXXIII, XXXIV and XXXV, according to which, he w48 defeated by a king Yasodharman-Vishnuvardhana, before the year 533 A. D. These inscriptions represent Yasodharman as a very powerful ruler who had brought under his sway not only Western India from Dasapura-Mandasor down to the ocean, but also large parts in the east and north. In his possessions, Malwa was naturaily included, whose capital Ujjain lies only something like 70 English miles to the south oi Dasapura. In No. XXXV., and in two considerably early inscriptions Nos. XVII. and XVIII, the Malava era is used, which is identical with the so-called Vikrama era beginning with 56/57 B. 0:0 These exceedingly important discoveries which we owe to Mr. Fleet's zeal in collecting and his ingenuity, prove the absolute antenableness of the Fergussonian hypothesis. Because they shew-(1) that the era of 50157 B. C. was not founded in the sixth century, but was in use under the name of the Malava ela for more than a century;ol (2) that at that time, no Sakas could have been driven from western India, inasmuch as the country had been conquered by the Guptas more than a hundred years ago; (3) that, on the contrary, other foreign conquerors, the Hunas, were driven ou_92 of western India in the first half of the sixth century, not, however, by a Vikramaditya, but by Yasodharman-Visbipuvardbana, and (1) that, therefore, there is no room at all in the sixth century, for powerful Vikramaditya of Ujjain, whose exploits called forth a national upheaval in India, ** See Dr. Hoernle, Jour. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. LVIII, p. 89, and Mr. Fleet, Ante, Vol. XIX. p. 224. 19 See also Mr. Fleet's article on Mihirakula, Ante. Vol. XV., p. 245 f. and on Toramana, ibid. Vol. XVIII. p. 225. With Dr. Hoernle (. . p. 93, Note 2) I Vith Dr. Hoernle (L. c. p. 93, Note 3) I hold that Vishnuvardhana is a second name of Yaiodharman, as is shown by the grammatical construction. " See also Ante. Vol. XV. p. 19. ff. and Vol. XIX, p. 56, in which letter place, Prof. Kielhorn has given the right explanation of the difficult expression Alavand or Malara-ganasthiti. As is quite clear, the MAlava ere has suffered the same fate as the Baku era and came to be known by other zame, as its origin was forgotten. The ohange of name appears to have wwe in about 800 AD The latest known Malava date is the year 795, which appears in the Kanaswa insoription, Ants. Vol. XIX, p. 55 ff. Apart froin the two doubtful documents, the oldest known Vikrams date is found in Dr. Haltaoh's Dholpur inscription, #nd corresponds to 16, April 842, as Prof. Kielhorn has shown, Aste Vol. XIX, p. 35. If it occurs to any one to conjecture that the Hapas had caused on interruption in the literary activity of India, I bring to his notion the fact that both the inscriptions of the age of Toramana and Mibirakula contain mo mean gomposition and that their authors glorify the foreign kings as highly as if they had been the national Talers.

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248 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY . [SEPTEMBER, 1913. Thus, when, with the fall of the Vikramaditya set up by Dr. Fergusson, it becomes no longer poseible to place in the sixth century, on the same grounds, the writers, whom legends connect with a Vikramaditya, the view which holds that the leaders of the Indian poetic art belonged to ibis period, will be also compelled to support itself by other arguments and to produce a proof for every one of these writers in particular. What has been adduced, in this connection, about Kalidasein whom alone we are interested here-is, in my opinion, not sufficient to make out even the bare probability of such a fixing of the age. The well-known but hardly accredited verse which mentions Kalidasa as one of the nine jewels at the court of the Vikramaditya, and which makes him & contemporary of the astronomer Varabamihira, loses all its value. The Vikramaditya referred to in the verse is, as the Jyotirvidabharana shows, the legendary founder of the era of 56-57 B. C. So long as the history of western Iudia was absolutely unknown, it was at least possible to conjecture that the writers named in the verse would have been contemporaries and lived under a Vikramaditya-whose time was wrongly pat later--and that their actual age ought to have been inferred from the sure date of Varabamihira. But now when we know that in the first half of the sixth century, there never existed a Vikramaditya of Ujjain, it naturally follows that the legend is the more defective. It would be more than venture to hold as historically true what remains of the legend, namely, the simultaneity of the nine writers. A second argument which is based on Mallipatha's explanation of Meghadata, verse 14, CAD also hold little water, in that it requires us to assume many things, no doubt, possible, but incapable of proof, and its conclusion is opposed by important considerations. One must, to begin with, take it as proved that Mallin atha was right in asserting that in the passage in question, Kalidasa, in the word digndgandin referred to a hated opponent, further that this opponent is identical with the Buddhist teacher Dignaga, so also, that this latter was the pupil of Vasubandhu or Asanga, 95 as the Buddhist tradition goes according to Tarana tha and Ratnadharmaraja. Then comes the last and the most questionable link in the chain, i. e., the assigning of the year 550 or so to the two brothers Vasubaudhu and Asanga, which derives its main support from the untenable theory of the great Vikramaditya of the sixth century. This assumption, as Professor Max Muller himself admits, is contradicted by a Chinese account, according to which, Kumaraji va translated the works of Vasubandhu in the year 404 4. D. The same is further contradicted by the tradition mentioned by Mr. Bunyin Nanjio, that the same Kumarajiva translated the life of Vagubandhu, as well as in my opinion, by the existence of Chinese translations of Vasuband), u's works, in the years 508, 509, 508-11 (Bongin Nanjio Catalogue, Nos. 1168, 1194, 1233).96 A third argument which is based on the assumption that Kalida sa must bave lived after Aryabhata (who wrote about 499 A. D.) just because he abows an acquaintance with the scientific astronomy borrowed from the Greeks, bas fallen down to the ground, owing to the results of the newest researches. Professor Max Muller, in addition to the views of earlier scholars, held that Aryabhata was the father of scientific indian astronomy, and assigned the five Siddhantas selected by Varahamihira to the sixth century. But this is quite a mistake, according to Dr. Thibant's thorough examination of the question in the introduction to his edition of the Pazcha-siddhantika. Of the five Siddhantas, two, Paitamaha and Vasishtha, bave nothing to do at all with the astronomy borrowed from the Greeks. Of the remaining three, two, Romaka and Paulisa, are more incomplete and older than the one ascribed to Surya, and all the three, in their form, go backwards even before Aryabbata's works. They are also treated by Varahamihira, with greater respect than Aryabhata and other individual astronomers. These and other considerations lead Dr. Thibaut to fix the year 400 A.D. as the terminus ad quem for the Romaka and Paulisa. Thus it is no longer necessary to assign Kalidasa to the sixth century just on the ground that he is acquainted with Greek astronomy. I must still further add that the assertion made by "I purposely speak of the verse only. For, in my opinion, it is not advisable to refer to the Gay A inscription translated by Sir Ch, Wilkins (As. Res., Vol. 1. p. 284), but now lost, as a proof for the existence of a tradition of the Nine Jewels. Whosoever oompares the translation (Murphy's Travels in Portugal) of the Cintra-inse'iption by the same learned gentleman with the original, will certainly agree with me in that his word is not sufficient to ufford ua the certainty that the Gay A inscription oontained such a striking statement as that of the Nine Jewels 44 India, what can it teach us? p. 800 ff. " The two Thibetan writers oontradiot eno other on this point. Thran Atha says, History of Buddhism P. 131), that Dignaga had been a pupil of Vaubandhu. The seoond socount belongs to Ratnadbarmardjo. he ofder Chinese writers are not aware of this tradition. Mr. Beal, according to his note 77 10 his trapelation of the Siynki. Vol. I, p. 105, appears to have doubted the fact that Vaubandbu lived in the sixth century A. D. Compare also Note 80, p. 106, where Mr. Beal sbows that Vasabandha, socording to Hinen Triang, lived in tho middle of' or 'during the period of 350 8. C-650 A. D. "7 India, what can it teach sa P p. 318 ff. * recent article on the Romaka Siddhantas, Ante. Vol. XIX, p. 183 if.. Mr. 8. P. Dikabit Koes still in thor and fixes the time of Ptolem 150 A, D. as the terminus ad quem for the old Romaka. Dr. Thibant aleo Mys, I. o. p. LII-III, that the Romaka can be older tban Ptolomaus, although there lies no conclusive ground for tio supposition. Compare, in this connection, Dr. Burgesa Anto., Vol. XIX, p. 267

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SEPTEMBER, 1913.] Mr. S. P. Pandit and Professor Max Muller, that Kalidasa in Raghuvansa XIV., 40, traced the lunar eclipse to the shadow of the earth, rests on a misunderstanding. Kalidasa, there, speaks of the spots on the moon, which as the Puranas teach us, are called into being by a reflection of the earth.99 As for the eclipse, he is quite orthodox, as is to be expected of an Indian poet. INDIAN INSCRIPTIONS AND THE KAVYA A fourth argument, on which Dr. G. Huth lays some stress, in his investigation about Kalidasa,100 carried out with much labour, rests on the mention of the Hunas, amongst the frontier peoples of India, in Raghuvathaz IV, 68. Dr. Huth thinks that it can be assumed that Kalidasa has transferred the conditions of his time to that of Raghu, and that by the Huuas are meant, the White Huns. These possessed Kabul twice, once from the end of the second century B. C. to the end of the second century A. D., and again from the beginning of the fifth, to the end of the sixth century. Now as it is impossible on various grounds that Kalidasa should have lived at the time of the first possession, so, Dr. Huth further concludes, he must have belonged to the second period, and that naturally the sixth century should be the terminus ad quem. The information provided by the Gupta inscriptions, regarding the history of the Hupas in India, would very much modify this conclusion. But it is not at all necessary to go into further details, for there is no difficulty in showing the improbability of the very first proposition in the argument, which has not been proved. Indian poets, even when describing the triumphs of historical kings, their very masters and patrons, are frequently quite inaccurate in their geographical and ethnographical accounts, and instead of giving actual facts, they take their stand on the traditional accounts in the epics, Puranas and other older works that describe digvijayas. Thus Vakpati (about 740 A. D.) makes his master and hero, Yasovarman of Kanauj to conquer the Parasikas, although the Persian empire was then no longer in existence. Similarly, Bilbapa, in the Vikramankacharita XVIII., 34, describes Ananta of Kasmir as conquering the Sakas, and further in 58-57, his son Kalasa, as conquering the kingdom of the Amazons (strirajya) after a ride through the ocean of sand, as well as visiting the Kailasa, the Manasa lake, and Alaka the city of the Yakshas. In the face of these facts, it is hard to believe that Kalidasa, instead of following, as a good kari is supposed to do, the authority of the lists of peoples, in the Mahabharata or of the Bhuvana-vinyasa in the Puranas, should have occupied himself with the historico-geographical investigations regarding the conditions of the frontier peoples of his time. If we look into his works more carefully, we shall find that they contain much that points to his having made use of the sources mentioned above. The whole of the digvijaya contains no names which are not also mentioned in the Puranas on the same or similar occasions. It also mentions, side by side, peoples like the Parasikas (verse 60) and the Yavanas (verse 61), the Hunas (verse 68) and the Kambojas (verse 69), which can never justly belong to the time of the poet, why even to no single period of time whatsoever. The Greeks have never been simultaneous neighbours with the Persians; and surely the Greeks have never possessed the North-west frontier of India in years after the birth of Christ. Further, even if the Hunas rushed into India, through Kabul and possessed the country, still it is not intelligible how a writer who took his stand on historic facts can mention both the subjugators and the subjugated side by side, as independent peoples. 249 As for other so-called arguments for the supposition that Kalidasa belonged to the sixth century, I pass them over; because they are open to similar and even greater objections than those discussed above. I do not believe that the question of the time of Ka.idasa and of other leaders of Indian poetic art whose dates have not been fixed by actual historical documents, will make an essential advance, by such methods as have been followed up till now, by most of the Sanskritists. In order to arrive at certain conclusions, we must thoroughly investigate the language, the style and the poetical technics of single works and compare them with those of works whose dates have been known with certainty or with approximate definiteness, and of epigraphical documents, as well as with the canons laid down in the older manuals of poetics. If we will extend the scope of our work to the epics also, we will be able to have quite a complete picture of the gradual growth of Indian Poesy. Such investigations of which a beginning has been made, especially in the works of Prof. Jacobi, naturally fall outside the limit of this essay whose only aim is to point out in a general way, the significance of the study of the inscriptions, for the Kavya literature. "Compare, for instance Vishnudharmottara I, 29. 16 f.: 'svadvimbe nirmale pRthvI sazailavanakAnanA // 16 // zazAkRtiH sadA dRzyA zazalakSmAsyatonagha / tenaiva kAraNena svamucyase mRgalAJchanaH // 17 // The verses are found in a hymn to the moon. 100 On the Age of Kalidasa. p. 30 f. (Inaugural Dissertation) Berlin 1890.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY SOME MAXIMS OR NYAYAS MET WITH IN SANSKRIT LITERATU E. BY PROF. V. S. GHATE, M.A.; POONA. I propose to point out some Sanskrit ny@yus or maxims, which I have come across in the course of my reading, but have not found mentioned in Col. Jacob's Laukika-nyayanjali. So also I would like to cite a few more references or passages in which some of the nyayus already noticed by Col. Jacob occur. 250 [SEPTEMBER, 1913. the maxim of burning what is not already burnt. When one thing, mentioned in connection with a second, is transferred to a third thing, because it is required by this last, but is not so required by the second thing which is possible even without it, then this maxim is said to be applicable. The nyaya is referred to in Ramacharana's commentary on Sahitya-darpana (Nirnaya-sagara, edition 1902) p. 532. The passage runs thus aureara ferar farafatsvarthasyAnyadhAti tacAnupayoginI madagdhadahananyAyena pArthAntarasya vidheyatAyAmupayoga samAnA pAre saMcAryate tathAtrApIti bhAva: / In the instance, danA juhoti, though the injunction (vidhi) should grammatically refer to the act of sacrificing or offering (havana), still, as havana is not in need of such an injunction, being, in fact, a matter of course, the injunction refers to curds or dadhi. Thus what is practically enjoined in the sentence in question is not the offering but curds as the material offered. 4 Barchaeftamear-the maxim of a golden lotus possessing fragrance. When a thing already possessing a good quality, which alone makes it highly valuable, is found to possess another good quality in addition, it is a very happy combination, just like a lotus which is golden and which also possesses fragrance. This maxim is referred to by Viraraghava in his Commentary on Uttararamacharita (Nir. Sagara-ed.), page 24. Rama says afegi kasya na priyaH etc.' on which the commentator remarks muzliSTamiti / hemAravindaparimala nyAyAditi bhAvaH / ' I think, this hemAravindaparimalanyAya practically corresponds to the Marathi - dudhAMta sAkhara paDalI. -The maxim of the tongue of a bell. Just as the tongue of a bell is free to strike either way, in the same way, when a word on account of its position in the middle can be construed either with the preceding or with the following sentence, this maxim is said to be applicable. This maxim is referred to by Mallishena in his Syddvadamanjari (Chau. Sk. Series), p 35atra ca yadyapi madhyavartino nakArasya ghaNTAlAlAnyAyena yojanAdarthAntaramapi sphurati yathA imAH kuhevAka viDambanAsteSAM na syuryeSAM svamanuzAsakaH etc. The part of the original verse commented upon is ' imA kuhevAkaviDambanAH syusteSAM na yeSAmanuzAsakastvam |' The commentator has first construed na with what follows, thus the sentence being imAH kuhevAkaviDambanAH teSAM syuH yeSAM tvaM na anuzAsakaH ( These obstinate and ridiculous assertions would be made by them, of whom you are not the teacher); then he says that a second interpretation is possible by construing with what precedes, thus the sentence being- imAH kuhevAkaviDambanAH teSAM na syuH yeSAM tvamanuzAsakaH ( These obstinate and ridiculous assertions would not be made by them of whom you are the teacher). Of course it will be seen, that practically both the interpretations give the same meaning. This quarrara is to be distinguished from the more familiar gott. The tongue of a bell can strike either side, but only one at a time; whereas the lamp on a threshold can light both the inside and the outside of a house simultaneously. Thus to take a particular instance, a word in the middle position can be connected at a time with either what precedes or with what follows according to the while it can be connected with both simultaneously according to the fara, as, for instance, in the phrase 'pitAmaha mahendrAbhyAM rakSitasyAnilena' ca rakSitasya is connected simultaneously with both the preceding and following words. PPia-the maxim of believing in a thing only on oath, as is taken at the time of driaking from a goblet. When one is asked to believe in a thing which does not stand the test. of reason, this maxim is applicable. It is referred to in Syddvddamanjari (Chau. St. Series), p. 27. fedraft greppandek nem kozapAnapratyAyanIyaH tatsiddhI pramANAbhAvAt / a difervennugragor | Aa- the maxim of the burden of the matted hair of a frog. Anything, which is void of an independent existence, and is still supposed to exist independently, is said to resemble the matted hair of the frog. I think it very much corresponds to castles in the air (

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SEPTEMBER, 1913.J SOME MAXIMS OR NYAYAS 251 zazaviSANa etc.). The proverbis referred to in Syalvadi.finjuri (Chai. Sk. Series),p. 104-ki-cAmI vizeSAH sAmAnyAdbhinnA bhabhinnA vA bhinnaashcnmnnddkjttaabhaaraanukaaraaH| prAsAdavAsinyAya-the maxim of those living in a palace. It is mentioned and fully explained in Patanjali's Mahabhashya, on the satra mukhanAsikAvacano'nanAsikaH (Nirnay Sagara ed.. pt. I., p., 166). The point in question is that the Anundsikas may be either called mukhavachang or ndsikdvachana, becanse they are both; thus any one of the words mukha or ndsikd being sufficient for the purpose in the sutra, just as those who live both on the ground and in a palace may be called either prasadavdsinah or bhdmi-vdsinah. The passage in the Mahdhhashya, which is quite intelligible by itself, runs thus:-mukhamahaNaM zakyamakartum / kenezanImubhayavacanAnAM bhaviSyati / prAsAdavAsinyAyena / tadyathA-kecitpAsAdavAsinaH kecit bhUmivAsinaH kecidubhayavAsinaH ! taba ye prAsAsvAsino gRhyante te prAsAdavAsigrahaNena | ye bhUmivAsino gadhante te bhUmivAsimaharNana | ye bhayavAsino gRhyanta eva te prAsAtavAsimahaNena bhUmivAsipahaNena c| evamihApi kecinmukhavacanAH kecinnAsi kAvacanAH kevinubhyvcnaaH| taba ye mukhavacanA ga dhante te mukhamahaNena / ye nAsikAvacanAgRhyante te nAsikAgrahaNena | ye ubhayavacanA gRhyanna eva te makhamahaNena nAsikAmahaNena ca / kriyAvibhAgAdinyAya is a maxim of a more technical character, and is based on the well-known principle of the Naiyayikas, stated in the words kriyA, kriyAto vibhAgaH, vibhAgAtpUrvadezasaMyoganAzaH uttaradezasaMyogopattizca. From activity there arises a disjunction, which leads to a destruction of the conjunction with the former place, ultimately resulting in the production of a conjunction with a new place. This maxim is referred to by way of illustration by Sridhara in his Nydya-kandali (Vir. Sk. Series) p. 33, thus-zarIrArambhe paramANava eva kAraNaM na zukrazoNitasannipAta kriyAvibhAgAAdanyAyena tayArvinAze satyutpannapAkaje paramANubhirArambhAt. So also on the next page of the same book we have avRSTavazAttatra punarjaTharAnalasambandhAt kalalArambhakaparamANuSu kriyAvibhAgadinyAyena kalalazarIre naSTe samutpannapAkaH kalalArambhakaparamANubhiradRSTava zAsanAtakriyairAhAraparamANubhiH saha sambhUya zarIrAntaramArabhyate. So far the nykyas not mentioned in the Laukika-nyaydrijali. Now I proceed to add some more passages illustrative of the nyayas alreadly mentioned therein. sandIpasundanyAya is mentioned in Tarlrabhasha (edited with the com. Nyayapradipz at Benares (p. 188), in the section dealing with Sabdt. tatrAdyamadhyamazadvAH kAryazadanAzyAH / antyastUpAntyena upAntyamsvamtyena sundopasundanyAyena vinazthene / The nyaya is also mentioned in Syade adamarijari (Oh. Sk. Series.). p. 190. parasparasmA dhvaMsante vinAzamupayAntItyavaMzIlA: sundopasundavAditi paraspara vaMsina : ghahakaTIprabhAtanyAya is mentioned in Syadradamanjari (Ch. Sk. Series), p. 83-karmajanyeca tribhuvanavaicitrye'pi viziSTahetu kaviTapaSTikalpanAyAH kaSTakAlavAvasmanmatamevAGgIkRtaM prekssaavtaa| tathA cAyAto'yaM ghaTTakuTyAM prabhAtamiti nyAya : ardhajaratIyanyAya is referred to in Mitabhashint, the commentary on Sivaditya's Saptapadarthi (Vit., Sk. Series), p. 26-nanu tarkAdInAM yadi saMzaye'ntarbhAvastahi tallakSaNenaiva teSAM lakSitasvAn na pRthaglakSaNAbhidhAnaM yuktam / antarbhAvaNIyatakodijJAnAya tallakSaNamiti cecUhAderApi tahAcyaM nArdhajaratIyanyAyo yukta : The spirit of the nydya is quite clear here. It means that if a principle is to b: applied, it should be applied uniformly to all cases and not partially. The p a per is also referred to in the same Bense in syatrademaijari (Oh. Sk. Series), p. 46-tatkimidamardhajaratIyaM yaSyAditraya eva sattAyogI netaratra traya iti. Sankarachirya also rekers to it in his bhashya on the Chhandogya Upanishad (Anand. Sk. Series), p. 257, thug-tulyayorvijJAnArthayoH pramaprativacanayo: prakaraNasya vijJAnArthatvAdarghajaratIyo nyAyo na yuktaH kalpayitum / / Very similar in meaning to this nydya is the stuia . which is thus referred to by Sridhara in his Nydyakundali, the commentary on Prasastapddabhishya (Vix., Sk. Series) p. 6 kica prayoknuranvite vyutpattiH zrotuzcAnanvite bhanyavyutpatyAnyo na pAdvArtha pratyeti / tatazca madhukararAvasthAnanvitArthatvamanvitArthatvaM ca puruSamevenetyardhavezasamApatitam. zaUpAhikAnyAya is referred to in the same book (p.59)- yasyAH sajJAyA binA nimittena zujanAhikayA saMketaH sA pAribhASikI yathAyaM devadatta iti. andhagajanyAya which Col. Jacob had not mst with in literature for a long time, is referred to in Salvadamarijart in two places-nahi kvaciskAcikenacitsAmAnya vizeSavinAkRtamanabhUyate vizeSA vA sahinAkrutAH kevalaM durnayaprabhAvitamativyAmohavazAvekamapalapyAnyataravyavasthApayAnti bAlizAH so'ymndhgjnyaay:| (p. 107, Ch. Sk. Series); anantadharmAtmakasya vastunaH sarvanayAbhakena syAdvAdena vinA yathAvada grahItumazakyasvAditarathA'ndhagajanyAyena pallavamAhitAprasaGgAt / (p. 160)

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252 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY MISCELLANEA. (1) ASIATIC'S ORIENTAL RESEARCH. THE value of co-operation of Asiatic scholars in the prosecution of oriental research has begun to be realised. We have already a couple of works of authority in which Indian and Japanese scholars of note have collaborated. The Vth volume of the Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics contains & number of contributions by Asiatics. This important book of reference is likely to remain a standard work for a long time. It therefore needs little apology to indicate such slips as have inadvertantly appeared there. In the Vth volume speaking generally one misses the master hand of Vallee Poussin in the treatment of Buddhistic subjects so well represented in the first four volumes. Parsi subjects are treated with the usual conspicuous ability of Dr. Hastings' colleagues. There is however a curious error in the article on "Parsi disposal of the dead" by Dr. Lehmann, a correction to which will perhaps appear in a subsequent volume. Dr. Lehmann is made to say "the Parsis of to-day bring the dead bodies of men and dogs to the tower of silence." The Parsis have some religious veneration for the dog, but they certainly do not carry its dead body to the tower of silence. (2) A work of equal authority and value as the above Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics, though per haps appealing to a more limited public, the great Encyclopedia of Islam, ia slowly progressing, being published simultaneously in English, French, and German. Some of its articles are invaluable monographs, which if reprinted separately would enjoy a deserved wider popularity. Here and there the work is responsible for curious lapses. For instance under the heading of Baku (Encyclopedia of Islam, p. 609) we find the follow ing: "The main assumption that the naptha wells of Baku with the eternal fire played an important part in the fire worship of Persia likewise rests on no historical foundations; the fire worship was not brought here till the XVIIIth century by Indians and Indian Parsis." The portion I have put in italics certainly rests on no historical foundation. It would be highly interesting to know if Parsis from India ever visited the Baku springs in sufficient numbers to establish the so-called fire worship there. This Mammoth collection of Moslem information includes much that pertains to ancient Iran. One however would be justified in looking for (what he does not find there) an article on that unusually interesting book the Bilauhar va Budasaf which enjoys the unique reputation shared by two other books only, (the Kalila wa Dimna and a [SEPTEMBER, 1913. third one of which nothing remains except a bar mention in the Fihrist of an-Nadhin) of being an Arabic translation of a Pahlavi version of Indian origin. (see Horovitz's all too brief para at p. 663.) Among the great lost books of the world the Khudai-nameh, the official history of pre-Moslem Iran, composed in Pahlavi, and forming the mediate or immediate basis of the epic of the Shahanameh of Firdausi enjoys a unique position. The last word has not been said on this fascinating book. All the available material on it's origina is to be found in Mohl's introduction, in Noeldeke's Das national-epos of Iran, and in the less known but scarcely less exhaustive monograph of the late great Russian Iranist Baron Rosen, Ka voprocy ob Arbs. perevodakh Khudainameh (i.e., on the question of Arabic translation of the Khudai nameh). Two facts of arresting interest in connection with the celebrated book deserve to be better known in the West. The Khudai-nameh has been noted as mentioned by Arab chroniclers of Iran like Hamza of Ispahan, but so far as I know no reference to it has been detected in any Pahlavi Iranian work by Western scholars. It is clear however that Khudai-nameh does occur in the celebrated Bundahesh, a reference which escaped the notice of Dr. West, who mistook its proper name for a couple of common nouns. (S.B.E. Vol. V., p. 147). From the lengthy introduction by Dr. J. J. Modi to the Madigan-i-hazar Dadistan (p. 44) we learn that the Khudai-namel was still extant in Persia about ten years ago, and that it was in the possession of an old Iranian woman, who valued it above all money out of superstitious regard for it, but could not unfortunately be prevailed upon under any circumstance to part with it. She looked upon it as an ancient heir-loom, the disappearance of which from her house was certain to bring down the wrath of heaven. The large volume, with its number of loose leaves, for which she betrayed little solicitude rested in her winecellar, which was opened every Naoruz day and locked up again. The late Parsi Pahlavi scholar Ervad Tehmuras D. Anklesaria, endeavoured his best to secure even a transcript of this Khu dai-nameh, but without success. Since the death of Mr. Anklesaria all trace of the Iranian woman and her son-in-law, through whom the MS. was attempted to be secured, has disappeared. This must give hopes to the disinterested devotees of Iranian antiquities in the West for the recovery of the priceless history, if not also of other similar works of old Zoroastrian Iran. If the Khudainameh existed at the end of the last century, there is strong presumption that it and works of its genre may still be awaiting in a corner of Persia the adventurous and learned search of a Westergaard or Jackson. G. K. NARIMAN.

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OCTOBER, 1913.) THE OBSOLETE MALAY TIN CURRENCY 258 THE OBSOLETE TIN CURRENCY AND MONEY OF THE FEDERATED MALAY STATES. BY SIB R. O. TEMPLE, BABT. (Continued from p. 239.) APPENDIX, VI. An Achin Kupang or Five Doit Piece. Dr. Hanitsch, J. R. A. S., Straits Branch, No. 39, p. 197 f., says that there was found at - Malacca in 1900 "copper coin, probably one duit, of the following description :-Obv., coatof-arms consisting of a crowned shield enolosing a lion rampant, with the figures 5 and 1/16 to the right and left of the shield respectively. Rev., the legend Indiae Batan 1816." That is, the coin bears the arms of the Dutch E. I. Co. and was struck in Batavia. "Coins identical with it, except for the date, were issued by the Batavian Repablic previous to the English occupation of Java, and by the Dutch Government after the English occupation, and the Raffles Museum contains such coins of the year 1802, 1818, 1819, 1821 and 1824. The Museum also contains a coin of 1815 ; that is, a coin struck in Batavia with the Datch coat-of-arms during the time of the English rule. Therefore it is possible that the above coin of 1816, found at Malacca, may also have been struck under English rule. I cannot offer any explanation of this. A coin of this kind, but of the year 1802, is figured in Netscher and Chije, pl. VI. fig. 39 (De Munten van Nederlandisch Indie, 1863). The figures 5 and 1/16 to the right and left of the shield respectively are somewhat mysterious. Netscher and Chijs (p 108) say they are not able to offer any explanation of their meaning." The coins in question are dated 1802-1824 and therefore the following quotation from Kelly's Cambist, 2nd ed., 1835, Vol. I., p. 97, applies to them. "Acheen in the Island of Sumatra. Accounts are kept in tales, pardows, mace, copangs and cash. A tale is 4 pardows, 16 mace or 64 copangs. The coins of the country are mace and cash. The mace is a small gold coin weighing 9 grains and worth about 140 sterling. The cash are small pieces of tin or lead, 2500 of which usually pass for a mace, but this number often varies." This scale of money of account was of long standing in Achin : see Stevens, Guide to E. I. Trade, 2nd ed., 1775, p. 87, who makes almost the same statement as Kelly. It goes back in fact a long way in the Malay countries : see Bowrey, Countries round the Bay of Bengal, Hak. Soc. ed., p. 280 f., writing about 1675. From the statements above quoted we can extract the following results: A. 'Achin Ourrency. 40 cash make 1 kapang 4 kapang 1 mas 4 mas 1 pardao 4 pardao 1 tahil 2560 Cash to the tabil 640 cash to the pardao B. Value of mas and pardao. 1 mas equal 14d. 1 pardao , 562 = 46. 8d.. Ses ante, p. 87.

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254 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [Ostoviv, 1913. Therefore the pardao was a dollar of account (rix dollar, reichsthaler) reckoned at 640 cash. C. Value of the coin. make 5 1 kupang= 64 cents 1 pardao = 100 cents doit (keping) 16 kupang of Achin Therefore the Achin kupang was the kenderi of the old Dutch popular currency (see ante, p. 86). Therefore also the coins represent the kupang (kenderi) of Achin, which was 1/16 of a pardao or rixdollar of 640 cash, and was worth 5 duit (keping) of 1 cent. Hence the figures 1/16 and 5 on the coins. The coins appear to have been struck for the convenience of the Achin trade, then very important. Historically Achin does not seem to have been so closely under British rule as Java was, during 1811-1816, and on the restoration of Java to the Dutch "a good deal of weight was attached by the neighbouring British Colonies to the maintenance of influence in Achin. In 1819 a treaty of friendship was concluded with the Calcutta Government, which excluded other European nationalities from fixed residence in Achin. When the British Government, in 1824, made a treaty with the Netherlands, surrendering the remaining British settlements in Sumatra in exchange for certain possessions on the continent of Asia, no reference was made in the articles to the Indian treaty of 1819; but an understanding was exchanged that it should be modified, while no proceedings hostile to Achin should be attempted by the Dutch." (Encyc. Brit., 11th ed., L 145). It is quite possible, therefore, that the British Government issued the kupang or 5 doit piece for the Achin merchants as well as the Dutch Government, and its use of the Dutch arms can be accounted for by the almost universal custom of the retention by a new Government of a well-known, even though inappropriate, design on coins meant for popular use. The coin is not likely to have been intended for Java currency, as at that time "in the local currency of Java, 10 copper doits made one wang (a small silver coin) and 12 wang one rupee (Raffles, Java II. Appx., p. 166). Therefore, if intended for Java currency, a coin of 5 doits would equal 1/24 rupee or 1/38 rixdollar, as the rixdollar was then in Java equal to 190 doits (op. cit. p. 167). These proportions do not fit in with the statements on the coin. It is interesting to note that 5 and 1/16 represents a very ancient proportion in India. The oldest copper coinage known there, the purdna, pana, karshapana, or current copper cash, was based according to Cunningham, Coins of Ancient India, p. 46, on the cowry by tale, and on the raktika or rati (= abrus precatorius) by weight, the cowry being equated to the rati. On this basis the tale of the actual copper coinage ran as follows: pana oowries or raktikas grains 9 18 5 10 T 36 20 1/16 1/8 1/4 1/2 3/4 1 40 60 80 pana, karahapana "The old copper punch-marked coins of copper and all the one-die [oldest] coins from Taxila were panas." This exhibits a most 72 108 144 interesting comparison. Scale of modern gold coins in Sumatra. 86 9 grains = mas = pardao = tahil 144 39 (To be continued.) names ardhakakini kakipl andhapapa Scale of ancient oopper coins in India. = 1/4 kakin! = kakin! papa, karshapana

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OCTOBER, 1913] EPIGRAPHIC NOTES AND QUESTIONS EPIGRAPHIC NOTES AND QUESTIONS. BY D. B. BHANDARKAR, M. A.; POONA. (Continued from Vol. XLII. p. 168.) XIX.-Aboka's Rock Edict I. Be considered. 255 Eleven years ago I contributed a note to the Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society on Asoka's Rock Edict I., and therein showed what the true sense of the word samaja was and why it was that the Buddhist monarch spoke of it in an edict connected with the preservation of life. I am glad to find that my view has now been generally accepted. I have, however, since I wrote last about it, found many more references to samaja, which are interesting and which throw light, in particular, on the passage asti pi chu ekacha samaja sadhumata Devanam-priyasa Priyadasino, which I then was not fully able to comprehend. The last portion of the edict wherein he makes mention of hundreds of thousands of animals slaughtered every day in his royal kitchen was also not quite clear. I, therefore, make no excuse for considering this edict again, and, above all, making a somewhat detailed discussion about the word samaja. I have in my last article on the subject cited a passage from the Harivamia, which represents Krishna to have held in honour of the god Bilvodakesvara a samdia, which "abounded in a hundred (varieties) of meat and curry, was full of diverse (kinds) of food, and surcharged with condiments." Samaja was thus a public feast where meat formed one of the principal articles of food served. This is one sense of the term, and doubtless shows why Asoka took objection to such a kind of samaja. But there is another sense of the word which indicates that there was a second kind of samaja where no animal life was sacrificed and which could not consequently have been disapproved by him. No less than three descriptions of such samajas I have been able to trace in the Brahmanic literature. One of these has been set forth in the Harivamhea in verses 4528-4538 and 4642-4658. This samaja was called by Kamsa in order that his people might witness a wrestling match between Krishna and Balarama on the one hand and Chanura and Mushtika on the other. Here the word samaja is used synonymously with ranga and prekshagara, and appears to be a building erected by Kamsa for permanent use for entertaining his subjects by the exhibition of public spectacles. The building was at least two-storeyed and divided into a number of compartments with passages running inside. They all faced the east, and were provided each with manchas which were arranged in raised tiers one behind the other. Some of these compartments were specially reserved for the various guilds (ren) and classes (gana), which on festive occasions decorated them with banners indicative of their profession. The prostitutes had also their own manchas separately. But ladies of the harem were accommodated in the compartments of the upper storey, some of which were furnished with minute lattice windows (sukshma-jala) and others with curtains (javanika). The golden paryankas and the principal seats were covered with painted cloths (kutha) and flowers. Drinking pitchers were fixed into the ground at due intervals, and fruits, stimulants (avadakia) and ungents (kashaya) were provided for. A not forgettable feature of the samaja was the offering of bali, which has been twice mentioned in this account. A second description of samdia is contained in the Mahabharata, Adiparvan, chap. 184 and ff. When Drona made the young Kaurava and Pandava princes conversant with the science of arms, he informed Dhritarashtra of it, who thereupon ordered Vidura to have a public exhibition made 1 Vol. XXI., p. 392 fr. Smith's Asoke (nd edition), p. 156, note; Early History of India, p. 165, note 3; Hultscoh in Jour. R. As. Boe, for 1911, p. 785. Mofcha no doubt corresponds to the Hindi mamcha or Gujarati maohs, and denotes a kind of stool or chair Paryanka was only an elaborate kind of mancha.

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256 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [OCTOBER, 1913. of their skill. A samdja was accordingly announced to the people. Land, even and free from troos, was selected, and the necessary portion of it measured out, by Drona, who also made an offering of bali. On the ground so selected the architects of the king raised a prekshdgdra. The people made their own manchas and the rich folk their own fibikds. On the day fixed Dhritarashtra with the ladies of his royal family attended ; and what with musical instruments sounding and what with the excitement of the people, the samaja was in an uproar like the ocean. There after Drona entered the ranga, again offered a bali, and caused Brabmanas to pronounce benedic. tions. Then the whole array of the young princes made their appearance and commenced each showing to the best advantage his proficiency in the military science. The third description of the samaja occurs in the same epic but in chapter 185 and in connection with the svayashvara of Draupadi. On an even piece of ground, we are told, and to the north-east of Drupada's capital a samaja was erected, adorned with walls, moats, doors and arched gateways, and covered with a variegated canopy. It abounded with actors (natas), dancers (nartakas), and hundreds of musical instruments (turyas) and was made fragrant by the burning of aguru sticks and the sprinkling of sandal water. The manchas were occupied by princes come from the different quarters and by people of the capital town and the distriots. For sixteen consecutive days the samd ja was held, and it was concluded on the sixteenth day with the appear. ance of Draupadi and the hitting of the target by Arjava. It will be seen from the above summaries, brief as they are, that the words samdja, ranga, and prekshdgdra have been used synonymously and that samdja sometimes refers even to the concourse of the people assembled there. All the three samdjas were held by kings, the first to witness'a wrestling match, the second the military maneuvres of the princes, and the third the evayashvara of a princess. No pains were spared to make the people comfortable and make their amusements complete. Manchas and paryankas were set up, and different classes of people had different compartments assigned. Arrangements for drinking water and stimolants were made. Actors, dancers, and musical instruments were also brought in to feast their eyes and ears. The samdjas were sometimes permanent structures as in the case of Kamsa's sandja, and sometimes put up temporarily. The Brahmanical literature thus tells us that there were two kinds ol samdjas, one in which amusements for the people were organised and the other in which meat and other food were distributed among them. The same thing we find in Buddhist literature also. In Vinaya II. 5.2.6 we are informed that certain Bhikshus attended a samaja that was held on a hill at Rajag riha and that they were censured by the people because they like ordinary sensual lay men took delight in dancing, vocal and instrumental music that were going on there. Here not the slightest mention has been made of victuals. But Vinaya IV. 37.1 has a different account to give. Here also a samdja on a hill near Rajagriba is spoken of, and certain Bhikshus again mentioned to have gone there. But there was nothing at this place to gratify the eye or the ear. The Bhikshus are represented in this samdja to have bathed, smeared themselves with unguents and dined, and also to have taken somo victuals for their brethren. The words used here for dining and victuals are bhojaniya and khddanfya, which last word the commentator, it is worthy of note, has explained by the term marisani. We thus find that both the Brahmanical and Buddhist literatures allude to two classes of samaja. In one the people were entertained with dancing, music, and other performances, and in the other with food of which meat formed the most important part. Now, turning to Rock Edict 1. let 118 see what Aboka's attitude towards samdja was. There were some samdjas which he condemned outright and in which he saw nothing but evil. On the other hand, there were some which were approved by him. As this edict is devoted to the preservation of animal life, there can.

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OCTOBER, 1913.] EPIGRAPHIC NOTES AND QUESTIONS 257 be no doubt, that, the samajas, which the Buddhist emperor tabooed, were those, in which animals were slain to serve meat. And further as there was nothing in the other samajas for Piyadasi to object to, these must have been the samdjas which were called sadhumata by him. But why should they have been considered excellent by him? If they were unobjectionable, he should have bestowed neither praise nor condemnation on them. But why were they designated sadhumata? It is not difficult, I think, at least to frame a reply which is plausible. The samajas of the second kind were intended as we have seen for the exhibition of public spectacles. Could Asoka have given a somewhat different turn to these spectacles and utilised the institution of samaja for impressing his people with something that was uppermost in his mind? If my interpretations of Rock Edict IV. is correct, in all likelihood Piyadasi must have shown to his subjects in these samajas representations of vimanas, hastins and agniskandhas, by means of which he claims to have increased their righteousness. He informs us that the sound of his drum became a sound of righteousness. What is probably meant is that the drum was beaten to announce a samaja in which these spectacles were exhibited. After publishing my interpretation of Rock Edict IV, I was revolving in my mind the question where Asoka could have shown these representations to his people. The idea suddenly struck me that as samajus were prekshagaras which were thronged by all sorts and conditions of men, he could not have done better than used these places for exhibiting these vimanas, hastins, and so forth. This is the reason, I believe, why samajus of the second class were looked upon favourably by him. That it was the practice of the kings of ancient India to call samajas is clear from the descriptions given above and also from epigraphic references cited in my last article. These last speak of Kharavela, king of Kalinga, and Gautamiputra Satakarni as having amused their subjects with utsavas and samajas. I now proceed to consider the third or last part of Rock Edict I. in which Piyadasi speaks of hundreds of thousands of animals slain every day in his royal kitchen. In my last article on this inscription, I interpreted this passage to mean that these animals were slaughtered to serve meat on the occasion of these samajas which he now condemned but which he formerly celebrated. But this interpretation is open at least to two objections. First, the word anudivasam is rendered devoid of all meaning. For the natural and usual sense of this term is "every day ", and it is not possible to suppose that before the spirit of righteousness dawned upon the mind of Piyadasi, he was in the habit of holding a samaja every day. Such a thing is an utter impossibility. Secondly, the slaughter of the animals referred to by him took place, as we are distinctly told, in his own kitchen (mahanasa) and not in a samaja. Nor is it possible to suppose that these samajas were celebrated near the royal palace, and, in particular, in the close proximity of the royal kitchen. For all evidence points to such samajas coming off not only far from the palace but also far from the city. Both the samajas described in the Mahabharata and alluded to above were held outside the capital towns. And the references from Buddhist literature cited above inform us that they were held on the tops of hills. Hence samajas can possibly have nothing to do with the fearful killing of animals, that, as Asoka tells us, was carried out every day in his kitchen. The questions therefore naturally arise: why did this daily slaughter take place? Was such a thing ever done by any other king? Those who have read chapter 208 of the Vanaparvan of the Mahabharata can have no difficulty in answering these questions. In this chapter we are told that two thousand cattle and two thousand kine were slain every day in the kitchen (mahanasa) of the king Rantideva and by doling out meat to his people he attained to incomparable fame. This statement, I have no doubt, at once unravels the mystery which has hung over the passage of the edict. We cannot help supposing that like Rantideva Asoka also was in the habit of distributing meat among his subjects and that his object in doing so must have been precisely the same, Ante, p. 25 ff.

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258 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (OCTOBER, 1913. piz., that of making himself popular. This explanation fits here so excellently that, in the absence of a better one, it may, I think, be safely accepted. But he put a stop to this terrible animal carnage the moment his conscience was aroused and at first restricted it to the killing of three animals everyday which were required strictly for the royal table, and finally abolished this practice also, as we can well believe from the concluding words of the edict. xx.-Ujjain Stone inscription of Chaulukya Jayasimha. When I was at Ujjain in January last, I was told by the people that a fragment of an inscription recently discovered was lying in the compound of the local Municipality. On persoually inspecting it, I found that though the inscription was but a fragment, the preserved portion of it was of great importance for the bistory of the Obaulukya and Paramara families. It begins with the date, viz., Thursday the 14th of the dark half of Jyeshtha of Vikrama Samvat 1195, and refers itself to the reign of the Chaulukya sovereign, Jayasimhadeva. His usual epithets also are given, viz., Tribhuvana-ganda, Siddha-chakravarti, Avantindtha and Varvaraka-jishu, and he is mentioned to be reigning at Anahilapataka ( Ashilvada). Mahattama Sri-Dada ka was at that time the keeper of the seal at Anahilapataka. Then, in lines 7-8, whose meaning is clear but whose grammatical construction is not faultless, we are told that Jayasimha was per force holding the district ( mandala ) of Avanti after vanquishing Yalovarman, king of Malwa. The next two lines inform us that Malwe was held for Jayasimha by Mahadeva, who was a son of Damda Dadaka and who belonged to the Nagara race. Then follow names of some individuals and the mention of the god Kirtinarayana. But as the stone is broken off from here, their connection is far from clear. The importance of the inscription is centred in the mention of the district of Avanti being held by the Chaulukya Jayasimba after defeating the Paramara Y abovarman. This gives confirmation to the fact that the old Gujarat chronicles speak of Jayasinha as seizing and imprisoning Yasovarman and bringing all Avantidega together with Dhar under his subjection. That Yasovarman was thrown into prison is borne out by a Dohad inscription, which represents Jayasimha to have imprisoned king of Malwa who can be no other than this Paramara prince. We have a copper-plate grant found at Ujjain, which gives V.E. 1 191 as the date of Yasovarman and couples with his name the titles Maharajadhirdia Paramesvara. Jay'asimha must, therefore, have inflicted this crushing defeat on Yasovarman between V.E. 1191 and 1195. We are told that Yasovarman contrived to escape from his prison, and, with the assistance of the Choban king of Ajmer, regained his possessions and came to terms with Jayasimba. THE PRIORITY OF BHAMAHA TO DANDIN. BY RAO BAHADUR K. P. TRIVEDI, B.A., AHMEDABAD. Tye question of the priority of Bhimaba to Dandin has been discussed fally by me in the Preface to my odition of the Pratdparudrayabobhushana in the Bombay Sanskrit Series. I have also given there my views in regard to the reference to Nyasakars which is found in Bhamsha's work; Since, however, Prof. K. B. Pathak has chosen to establish his theory of the priority of Dandin to Bhamaha on the strength of the reference which he thinks is indisputably & reference to Jinendrabuddhi of the eighth century, disregarding, or not attaching much value to, or not caring to refuto other grounds which lend a strong presumption in favour of the priority of Bhamaha to Dandin, I shall try in this article first to show that the Ny sakara alluded to by Bhamaba is not Jinendrabuddhi, and then to mention some grounds which lend a very strong coloar to the belief in my mind of the priority of Bhemaba to Dandin. Soo . y. the Duydirayakdvya (Ante, Vol. IV., p. 266). * Ante, Vol. X., p. 159.

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OCTOBER, 1913.) THE PRIORITY OF BHAMAHA TO DANDIN 259 The verses in Bhamaha's Kavydlaskara in which Nyasakara is alluded to are as under: ziSTaprayogamAveSa nyAsakAramatena vaa| tRcA samasvapaSThIkaM na kayaMciduvAharet // sUtrajJApakamAtreNa vRtrahantA ythoditH| . bhakena ca na kurvIta vRtti tagamako SathA / The passage from Jinondrabaddhi's Kafikavitaranapanjika, as quoted by Prof. Pathak, is as ander : atha kimayaM nRcaH sAnubandhasyocAraNam / tRno nivRtyartham / naitadasti / tayoge na lokAvyayetyAdinA SaSThIpratiSedhAn | evaM tAtadeva jJApakaM bhavati tayoge'pi kacit SaSThI bhavatIti / tena bhISmaH kurUNAM bhayazokahantesvevamAdi siddhaM bhavati / / Now what Bhamaha arges is that Panini's sutra arzi aast'RI 1 3411 should be strictly observed and no weta y compound formed with words ending in the subjective and bhaka suffixes. Consequently no compound takes place in instances like apAM sraSTA, vatrasya bhartA, and E TT : How then, says Bhattoji Dikshita, is a compound like Prat : in qerai fafan u m : to be accounted for? He then gives Kaiyata's view 9989: HET '. It will thus be seen that a compound of Cwt with a word ending in a or in the subjective sense is forbidden and that whenever & compound of a word in the genitive case is formed with a word ending in subjective or so as in I I I : it should be taken as a compound of Tyst with a For T word. Let us now see what the extract given above from the Kasike drivara napanjika means. Nya sakara discusses the propriety of the anubandha in in the stra t ezi wafe.' His extract, as I understand it, means, as under :- Why does Panini pronounce with its anubat dha ? In other words, why does Panini not give the satra as T&T aft'? W at is the propriety of the anubandha ? Nyasakura says that is pronounced to exclude it. That is to say, a compound of gt with a H is forbidden, not with a gw . But this view brings in another difficulty ; for the use of the genitive is forbidden with a war word by q a raniSThAkhalarthatanAm'2369|| and so SaSThIsamAsa withasanta is out of the question. This difficulty is obviatel by Nyasakara by sapposing that this very sutra is a that the genitive niay some. times be used with a Two word and that the Aly or prohibition of the genitive with a word by the sutra maT is facut or inconstant. The probibition of the genitive with a word being inconstant, the prayoga fisk: 2016RIT etc. according to the extract as given by Prof. Pathak or the compounds h ar etc., can be justified. In brief, the gist of the Nya sakara's contention is this. No compound of the genitive with vajanta word can take place according to Panini's bajakAbhyAM kartari. Therefore compounds of the genitive with a word ending in a should be justified by taking the word ending in to be a Now let us see what Bbimaha means and whether the Nyasakara alluded to ly bin is Jinen. drabuddbi. He urges very strongly that Panini must be strictly followed and that compounds of the genitive with a word ending in at should on po account be formed either on the strength of freig, 1. e., the use of such compounds by the learked, or on the strength of the view of the Nyasakara, as the compound ERT las actnally been mentioned simply on the strength of sUtrajJApaka. kathaMcit seems to have been explained by Bhamaha by sUtrajJApakamAtraNa. Some justify compounds of the genitive with a word ending in ay by Puyini's own fata in the satra wa wala. The sense of Blamaha's words is qaite clear. He contends that Panini must be followed and no compound of the genitive with a 19 word should ever be formed; Nyasakara's opinion should on no account be accepted and water

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260 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [OCTOBER, 1913. with a ver should not be formed. Thus the view of Bhamaha's Nyasakara is that caterte with a word may take place. This is distinctly against Panini and is therefore very strongly condemned by Bhamaha. tRcA samastaSaSThIkaM nyAsakAramatena na kathaMcidAharet means distinctly that according to the view of the Nyasakara SaSThIsamAsa with a sUjansa may be allowed. tRcA SaSThIsamAso bhavatIti nyAsakAramataM tanmatena tRSA samastaSaSThIkaM na karyacidAharet yato'pANinIyametat This is the purport of Bhamaha's words. Bhamaha had great reverence for Panini; for at the end of the sixth parichchheda he says, ' TIG H q ' Now let us see whether Jinendrabuddhi is the Nya sakara alluded to by Bhamaba. That the two Nyasakaras, the one alluded to by Bhamaha, and the commentator on the Kdekdvritti, are far from being one and the same person must have now been clear on the following ground : The Nyasakara, Jinendrabuddbi, is not in favour of a tears with a word; but justifies a compound of the genitive with a word ending in by taking the word ending in a to be T and not . Thus Bhamaha's Nyasakara can never be Jinendrabuddhi. ____Moreover, vRtrahantA yathoditaH means that the compound vRtrahantA is udita-actually mentioned by Nyasakara. It cannot mean : so that it can be included in the class o r owing to the use of the word of as Prof. Pathak seems to think. Bhamaha's Nyasakara must be one who has actually used the compound ERIT. It is thus as clear as anything that the Nyasakara of Bhamaha is not Jinendrabuddbi on the two following grounds : (1) Bhamaha's Nyabakara is distinctly in favour of the compound of the genitive with a word ending in y; while Jinendrabuddbi is not in favour of such a compound and justifies a compound of the genitive with a word ending in a by taking the word ending in to be a word ending in tRn and not tuc to avoid the violation of the Sutra 'sRjakAbhyAM kartari'. (2) Bhamaha's Nyasakara has mentioned the compound quear on the strength of sUtrajJApaka and this compounded word must be understood to be tathA samastaSaSThIka; that is, vRtrahantA is a compound of the genitive with a n and not word. Jinendrabuddhi does not mention the compound EFEIT at all; and the compound that he mentions according to Prof. Pathak's extract is ther. He uses wife and thus re may be proved to be correct (hy) according to him. But it is not afa or actually mentioned by him ; nor is it according .to Jinendrabaddhi a compound of the genitive with a T a s Bhamaha's Nyasakara evidently sanctions. Prof. Pathak says, "I shall give below Bhamaha's verses, together with the passage containing the Nyasakara's Jadpaka, as the extract supplied to Mr. Trivedi from Mysore is most corrapt." Now Bhamaha's verses given by Prof. Pathak are the same as in my edition of the Prataparudriya and there is no difference in reading whatsoever; and the extract supplied to me does not differ from Prof. Pathak's extract except in one place, where the reading in my passage is more to the point than the one in Prof. Pathak's extract. My extract is as under : atha kimarthaM sAnubandhasyoccAraNaM tRjiti | suno nivRttyartham | netadasti / tadyoge na lokAvyayaniSThetyAdinA SaSThIpratiSedhAt / evaM tahi tadeva jJApakaM bhaviSyati sayoge kacit SaSThI bhavatIti / tena bhISmaH kumArANAM bhayazokasya hantA ityevamAdi siddhaM bhavati / On comparing this extract supplied to me for my edition of the Prataparudriya with Prof. Patbak's extract as given above, it will be seen that there is no material difference in them except at the end in the instance given. Now Tuiz is more to the point than uuta ; for Jinendrabuddhi has given this instance to justify the use of the genitive with tRnanta word and to show that the prohibition 'na lokASyaya-is bhanisva. The justification of a compound is not in dispute and therefore the reading given in Prof. Patbak's extract is not quite in point ; though it appears to be the correct reading as a line of a verse from the Mahabharata.

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OCTOBER, 1913.] THE PRIORITY OF BHAM THE PRIORITY OF BHAMAHA TO DANDIN 261 Prof. Pathak says, 'When Mr. Trivedi says that many Nyasakaras are mentioned in the Dhaturritti of Madhavachiarya: kSemendranbAsa, nyAsoyota, bodhinbAsa, zAkaTAyananyAsa," he tells us something less than the truth. Prof. Pathak then quotes three or four passages where Nyds or Nyasakira is mentioned. The truth is that Nyasa, Nyasakara, Haradatta, Padamaijart, Maitrega, etc., are mentioned or quoted so very frequently in the Dhdtudritti that it is useless to quote passages to show it to the reader. Moreover, the point at issue is whether there was only one Nyasakara or whether there were more than one Nyasakara. To establish that there were more than one NyAsakars, I have given the different Nyasakaras, mentioned by Madhava, and I now quote a few passages where they are mentioned : (a) spaSTaM caivaM 'gUpadhUpa' ityatra nyAsapadamazcaryAdiSu / bhatra kSemendranyAse paNateH sArvadhAtuke'pyAyavikalpa T: p. 266 Vol. I. Part I. (Mysore edition). Here kSemendranyAsa is distinctly mentioned as different from nyAsa. (8) kartha tarhi pratyudAharaNaM 'mAmaNye striye''khalapye striya' iti / ucyate-kriyAzabdatve'pyanayoHpuMsi mukhyA vRttiH puMsAmeva khalvimucitaM yaduta mAmanayanaM nAma / evaM khalapavanamapi / AdhyAnaM tu strIpuMsasAdhAraNAmiti vizeSa iti / nyAsodhotAdArapyevamuktam | P. 74 Vol. I. Part I. paripahe tu agatitvAt antarhasvA mUSikA zyeno gata iti bhavati / parigRhyetyarthaH / aba myAsodyote'bhantaHzabdo dhAtoH parimahe vRtti kageti' iti / p. 14 Vol. II. Part I. manohatya payaH pibati......uktaM ca nyAsodyote 'hantiravadhIkaraNAnivRttau vartate bhamilApanivRttimavadhIkRtya payaH pibatItyartha iti / p. 14 Vol. II. Part I. 'akathitaM ca' ityatra nyAse nivAhiharijidaNDIn prastutya prAmAdInAmapyajAdivat kriyAjanyaphalabhAkkhe'pi tadavivakSAyAmakathitasvamuktam / yavAha-akathiteSveSAM mahaNaM yadA pAmAdInAmIpsitatamatvamanIpsitatamatvaM ca na vivakSyate ki tu karturIpsitasvamAtrameva tadarthamiti / nyAsodyoteca-anAdInAM mAmAdInAM cIpsitatamatvamAvi ziSTamityuktam | p. 529 Vol. I. Part II. It is not quite clear whether the rurarara or the art on the Pre quoted here is on the same rate that is quoted before or on another Fute. sAtayatAti sAtayaH |......'saasiH sAMtro dhAtuH' iti vRttau / bodhinyAse'pi 'sAtiH sukhe vartate sautraH' haati| jinedraharadatto 'sAtihetumaNNya ntaH' iti / p. 122 Vol. I. Part I. Here bodhinyAsa is made distinct from the well known nyAsa of jinendra. viSvaNanam / sazabdabhojanam / tathA ca vRttI-abhyavahArakriyAvizeSo'bhidhIyate yatra svananamasti / sazabda bhurake isvarya iti / pinAkI tu / bhuzcAnaH kiMcicchanda karotIti / kAzyapastu bhojanamevArthamAha / bodhinyAse'pi pakSatrayamApi darzitam / PP. 437-58 Vol. I. Part II. bhava svAmyAdayaH kecidetavantA ghaTAdaya iti / bodhinyAse tu dhvanyantA iti / p. 459 Vol. I. Part II. sarve nAdayo popadezA ityasya paryutAse 'nRtinandinadinakinATinAInAthanRvarjam' isvatra cainaM na peThatuH (maitrebAbharaNakArI) |bhtr kAzyapaH-'nAdhateopadezasvamayuktaM gaNakAravRttikArAdInAmanihatvAt' iti / nRsInandItyAdivAkye navajai nRtyAdIn paThitvaitAn sapta varjayitvA iti vadan zrIkAro'nyavAnukUlaH | tathA parvazasavAkye natibarje sarvAnetAn paThataH zAkaTAyananyAsakRto'pyayameva pakSo'bhimata | p.94 Vol. I. Part I.. The above quotations make it clear that Madhava mentions more than one Nyasakara. Having shown that the Nyasakara of Bhamaba is not Jinendrabuddhi, I shall proceed to place before the reader arguments in favour of Bbamsha's priority to Dandin. (a) Old writers on Alamkaras are mentioned as bhAmahAdaya: in the following: (1) pUrvebhyo bhAmahAdibhyaH saadrvihitaavliH| vasve sambagalaMkArazAstrasarvasvasaMgraham / / pratAparudrIya.1.2.

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262 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY OCTOBEE, 1913. (2) bhaamhottprkRtbshcirNtnaalNkaarkaaraaH| alaMkArasarvasva p.3 (3) bhAmahAdimatena tu arthAntaranyAsa evaM iTa' kAvyAnuzAsana p. 116 The views of Dandin being the same as those of Bhamaha about sufra , Rudrata would have said forufaa, had he thought Dandin to be the oldest Alavikdrika in place of Bhamaha.. (6) Bhamaha's work is looked upon with great reverence by authors like Mammata and Abhinavagupta and is called . The fo lowing verses have been quoted by Mammata : saiSA sarvatra vakroktiranayArthI vibhaavyte| yatno'syAM kavimA kAryaH ko'laMkAro'nayA vinaa|| kAvyapra.x. This Verse is quoted in dhvanyAloka and locana pp. 207-8 and hemacandra' kAvyAnuzAsana p.267. ruupkaadirlNkaarststhaanyairvaadhoditH| na kAntamapi nibhUSaM vibhAti vanitAmukham / / rUpakAdimalaMkAraM bAhyamAcakSate pre| supAM tinaM ca vyutpattiM vAcAM vAJchantyalaMkRtim | tadetadAhaH sauzabyaM naarthvyutpttiriidRshii| zabdAbhidheyAlaMkArabhedAdiSTaM vayaM tu naH || kAvyama. VI. Raghavabhatta in his Arthadyotanika on the Abhijndnasakuntala calls Bhamaha's work bhAkara-ata eva sarvAlaMkArANAmatizayoktigarbhavamAkare darzitam-"nAlaMkAro'nayA vinA" iti / The mention of authors like Ramnasarman and Sakhavardhana and works like Achyutottara, Ratndharana, Rajamitra, and Asmakavansa, and the fact that nothing is known about these authors and works and that they are not found quoted anywhere else lend a strong colour to the presumption that Bhamabs belongs to vory ancient times and this justifies the mention of Bhamaha at the top of old aluriilcarikas in expressions like pUrvebhyo bhAmahAdibhyaH , bhAmahoiTaprabhRtayAzcaraMtanAlaM: kArakArAH, the great reverence in which he was held by authors like Mammata and Abhinavagupta, and the application of the epithet a to his work. (c) Dandin's numerous divisions of Upamd, Rupaka, Alsshepa, and Vyatireka and his detailed treatment of Sabdalarikdras in a separate chapter strengthen the presumption of the priority of Bhimaba to Dandin and of Daydin's belonging to a later age than Bhamaha ; since the latter's divisions of Alankaras are not go minute and since he does not attach mach importance to Saddlaikaras. (d) A close comparison of several portions of the works of Bhamaha and Dandin almost afiords a convincing evidence in favour of the priority of Bhimaha to Dandin. The following may be mentioned as instances :(1) Verses abont kathA and bhANyAyikA prkRtaanaakulshrvyshbdaarthpdvRttinaa| gayena yuktodAttAryA socchrAsAkhyAyikA matA // vRttamAkhyAyate tasyAM nAyakena svaceSTitam / va cAparavakaMca kAle bhASyarthazAsa ca // kaverabhiprAyakRtaH kathanaH kaishcivkitaa| kanyAharaNasaMgrAmavipralambhIdavAnvitA / / na vakAparavakAbhyAM yuktA nIcchAsavatvapi / saMskRtaM saMskRtA ceSTA kathApabhraMzabhAktathA //

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THE PRIORITY OF BHAMAHA TO DANDIN OCTOBER, 1913.] - 263 anyaiH svacaritaM tasyAM nAyakena tu nocyte| svarANAviSkRti kuyAdabhijAtaH kathaM jnH|| bhAmaha. Compare with the above, the following from Dandin's Kavyddaria : apAdaH padasantAno gadyamAkhyAyikA kathA / iti tasya prabhedo do tayorAkhyAyikA kil|| nAyakenaiva vAdhyAnyA nAyakenetareNa vaa| svaguNAviSkriyA doSo nAca bhuutaarthsinH|| api svaniyamo vRSTastathApyanyairudIraNAt / bhanyo vaktA svayaM veti kIdRgvA bhedakAraNam / / vakra cAparavakaca socchAsatvaM ca bhedakam / cihvamAkhyAyikAyAzcet prasaGgena kathAsvapi / / AryAdivat pravezaH kiM na vakAparavayoH / bhedazca dRSTI lambhAdirucchAsI vAstu kiM ttH|| tat kathAkhyAyiketyekA jAtiH sNjnyaadvyaadd'itaa| atraivAntarbhaviSyanti shessaacaakhvaanjaatyH|| On a comparison of the description of kathA and AkhyAyikA as given by bhAmaha and paNDin, .it will be seen at once that Bhamaha recognizes a difference between them ; while Dandin says that they belong to one and the same class of compositions with two names. The facts that Dandin knew that the difference between kathA and AkhyAyikA was traditional (as the word kila'kila iti aiti - shows) and accepted by old Alankarikus, that Bhamaha acknowledges the difference between them and that the points of difference between them (1 we a r regter kathA nocchAsavatI; 2 bhAkhyAyikAyAM vakra cAparavakaM ca kathAyAM na vakra nApyaparavakram; 3 AkhyAyikAyAM nAyakena svavRttamAkhyAyate kathAyAmanyAyakavRttamAkhyAyate) as attacked by Dandin are precisely the same as those mentioned by Bhamaha afford a strong presumption in favour of the priority of Bhamaha to Dandin. 2 gato'stamarko bhAtInduryAnti vAsAya pakSiNaH / ityevamAdi kiMkAvyaM vArtAmenAM pracakSase / / bhAmaha. gato'stamarko bhAtInturyAnti vAsAya pkssinnH| itIdamapi sAdhyeva kAlAvasthAnivedane // daNDin. Here gato'stamarka: etc. is declared to be bad poetry by Bha maha ; while Dandin says that it is undoubtedly good poetry. The use of ry is pointed and seems distinctly levelled against those who call it bad poetry. Bhamaha is one that we have found as such and this allueion of Dandin is another strong evidence in favour of the priority of Bhamaha. 3. apArthaM vyaryamakAyeM sasaMzavamapakramam / bdahInaM yatibhraSTaM bhinnavattaM visandhi c|| dezakAlakalAlokanyAyAgamavirodhi c| pratijJAhetupRSTAntahInaM puSTaM ca neSyate // bhAmaha. bhapAthai vyarthamekAya sasaMzayamapakramam / zabdahInaM yatibhraSTaM bhinavRttaM visandhikam / / dezakAlakalAlokanyAyAgamavirodhi ca / iti doSA darzavate vAH kAvyeSu sUribhiH / / pratijJAhetavRSTAntahAnidoSo na vesysau|| vicAraH karkazamAyastenAlITena kiM phalam || daNDin.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY It will be seen that the first ten dos has mentioned by Dandin are precisely the same as those given by Bhamaha and that the eleventh dosha of Bhamaha is criticised by Dandin. This is almost conclusive evidence in favour of the priority of Bhamaha to Dandin. 4. The verse 264 [OCTOBER. 1913, adya yA mama govinda jAtA tvayi gRhAgate / kAlenaiSA bhavet prItistavaivAgamanAt punaH || is given as an instance of preyo'laMkAra both by Bhamaha ( III. 5 ) and Dandin ( II. 276 ). It is very probable that Dandin has borrowed this verse from Bhamaha; for when the former does not acknowledge the source from which be borrows as in limpatIva tamo'GgAni &c, the latter acknowled ges the sources wherever he borrows verses from others as Rajamitra, Achyutottara, etc. Moreover, Bhamaha says distinctly that the instances to illustrate figures of speech are his own composition (svayaMkRtaireva nidarzanairiyaM mayA praklRSA khalu vAgalaMkRtiH / II. 96). This is an additional evidence for the presumption of the priority of Bhamaha to Dandin. 5 kAvyAnyapi bImAni vyAkhyAgamyAni zAstravat / utsavaH sudhiyAmeva hanta durmedhaso hatAH // bhAmaha II. 20. vyAkhyAgamyamidaM kAvyamutsavaH sudhiyAmalam | havA durvedhasaghAsmin yA mayA // bhaTTi XXII. 34. Here it is evident that one has borrowed from the other. The verse is ascribed to Bhamaha by Srivatsauksmiera of the tenth century A.D. This places Bhamaha before Bhatti of the 6th or the 7th century. Prof. Pathak quotes from my text the verses yaduktaM triprakAratvaM tasyAH kaizcinmahAtmabhiH etc. and states that Bhamaha is attacking Dandin in whose work the three divisions of Upama mentioned by Bhamaha are found. This inference or presumption does not seem to me to be at all warranted by facts; for Dandin does not divide Upama into three kinds only, but into a number of varieties (dharmopamA, vastUpamA, viparyAsopamA, anyonyopamA niyamopamA, aniyamopamA, samuccayopamA, atizayopamA, utprekSitopamA, adbhutopamA, mohopamA, saMghayopamA, nirNayopamA, zleSopamA, samAnopamA, nindopamA, prazaMsopamA, AcikhyAsopamA, virodhopanA, pratiSedhopamA, caTUpamA, tattvAkhyAnopamA asAdhAraNopamA, abhUtopamA, asaMbhAvitopamA, bahUpamA, vikriyopamA, mAlopamA, vAkyArthopamA, prativastUpamA, tulyayogopamA, and hetUpamA) BO many as 32 in number ; nor does Dancin's vistara or long division of Upamd begin with mAlopamA so that Bhamaha's_words 'mAlopamAdiH sarvo'pi na jyAyAn vistaro mudhA' may be taken as levelled against Dandin. If Bhamaha had Dandin in view, he would have said dharmopamAdi: instead of mAlopamAdiH (e) Tarunavachaspati, a commentator on the Kavyadarsa, distinctly mentions in three or four places the priority of Bhamaha to Dandin : (a) bhAmahena 'kanyAharaNa saMbhAmavipralambhodayAnvitA ' iti AkhyAyikA vizeSaNatayA uktam / AkyAyikAbheda eva atra nirAkRtaH / Com. on I. 29. (b) hetuM lakSayiSyan bhAmahenoktaM- ' hetuzca sUkSmalezau ca nAlaMkAratayA matAH' - ityetad pratikSipati --- hetuzceti / Com. on II. 285. (c) hetoralaMkAratvapratyAkhyAyinaM bhAmahaM pratyAha- prItyutpAdanetei / Com. on II. 237. (d) dazaivetyavadhAraNaM na yuktam | bhAmahoktAnAM pratijJAhAnyAdInAmapi vidyamAnatvAditi cedAha | pratijJeti / Com. on IV. 4. In (b) and (c) the commentator states distinctly that Dagdin criticises Bhamaha. He thus places Bhamaha before Dandin. I think I have made out a sufficiently strong case for the presumption, almost amounting to certainty for the priority of Bhamaha to Dandin.

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OOTOBER, 1913.] THE DATE OF THE MUDRA-RAKSHASA 265 THE DATE OF THE MUDRA-RAKSHASA AND THE IDENTIFICATION OF MALAYAKETU. BY KASHI-PRASAD JAYASWAL, M. A. (OXON.), BARRISTER-AT-LAW, CALOUTTA. The arguments of Telang! are conclusive to establish the thesis that the play could not have been written later than the eighth century A. D. Now there is a further piece of internal evidence which has been missed, and which, I think, fixes the date of the play with almost absolute certainty. The bharata-udkya to the play names the reigning monarch: "al present (adhund) ..... .... may long reign king Chandragupta3". Who was this the then reigning king Chandragupta alluded to in the bharata-odkya ? Before the eighth century and during * period when Pataliputra was a living towns (before 644 A. D.) there had been only three Chandraguptas: Chandragupta the conqueror of Seleucus, and the two Guptas bearing that name. He could not have been the first. Omitting other reasons, it would be sufficient to point out that the Sakas and the Honas are mentioned in the plays. I attach more importance to the mention of the latter, who were absolutely unknown in the fourth century B.0.5 As the first is excluded, the identification must be limited only to the ambit of the two Guptas, out of whom I would select the latter, Chandragupta (II) the Vikramaditya. Chandragupta I was not a monarch of much importance ; his name is not associated in any of the Gupta inscriptions with the suppression of any foreign enemy, or any great deeds to elicit << comparison, as in the bharata-vakya, with Vishnu. Chandragupta II, on the other hand, did suppress the political power of the Sakan mlechchhas of Western India. Also I feel inclined to suspect a veiled defence of the scandalous murder of the Saka Satrap? in the story put forward in the Mudr-Rakshasa of the destruction of the Mlachchha Parvataka! hy Chandragupta the Manrya through the alleged agency of the visha-kanya (poisonous girl'). 1 Mudra-Rakshasa (Nirnaya Sagara Press, 4th edition), Introduction, pp. 13-25. 3 mecchahAijyamAnA bhujayugamadhunA saMzritA rAjamUrteH / sa zrImadvandhubhRtyazciramavatu mahIM paarthivshcndrguptH| 3 Yawan Chwang (c. 644 A. D.) found Pataliputra in ruins with a population of some 1000 persons. Besides the fact that most of the scenes are laid at Pataliputra, the patriotio speech of RAkshaga about Patalipatra indicates that at the time of the composition of the play Patalipatra was the capital: "ayi, mAya sthite kA kumumpurmpriisthti| pravIraka pravIraka, kSipramidAnIm | prAkAraM paritaHzarAsanadharaiH fore of , agi: qfaffroartW: eft arg. Act II. vorso 13. * Aot V, verse 11. . I disonas below the Hapas of the Mudrd-Rakshasa. * In this connexion the prophecy of the Puranas as to the rise in Skambhart (Sambhar) of a popular leader, the BrAhman Kalki, who is an ordinary man in the Vayu Purana but is treated as an avaldra in later works, is significant. There seems to have been some great popular attempt made at uprooting the Sakag in Milava and Western Rajputin about the early decades of the Gupta days, at which point the earlier Purdnas close their chronology. [The Vayu, I think, closed before the reign of Chandragupta II, probably in the early days of Samudragupta. For the dominions of the Guptas described there precede the conquesta of Samudragupta anugaGgaM prayAgacca sAketaM mgdhaaNstthaa| ATT STYTTUR THUHT: 11 Vayu-Purana 87 oh, 977.) 7 aftgt at faoTEN TH: Tayfa TUTUR. "Chandragupta, in the anpital of the enemy, disguised ma bonutiful woman, killed the lord of the Bakas who wanted wives of others. Harsha-charita, VI. The trath seems to have been that while a war was waged by Chandragupta II against the Batrap, probably an agent of Chandragupta took advantage of some scandalous intrigue of the Satrap and killed him. The Parvataka of the Mudra-Rakshasa probably conceals in it the historical Philippor, Alexander's Strap of the Panjab, who is recorded to have been murdered by Indian troops. Philologically Philippoe wonld be changed into Piribo, Piribao or Pirabao; and an attempt to restore Pirabo or Pirabao into Sanskrit would prodnos Parvata or Parvataka.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [OCTOBER, 1913. On the basis of the occurrence of the Hunas in the play, it might be argued that the play must be dated after the Hun irruptions into India, which are believed to have taken place a generation later than the reign of Chandragupta II". But the Huns had been known to this country before they came in as invaders. The Lalitavistara mentions the Huna-lipi. They came to be known through the intercourse between India and Tartary and China, which had been well-established and frequent in the 1st and 2nd century A. D. A series of Hindu missionaries of Buddhism10 to China bad already preceded Dharma-raksha (d. 313 A.D.), the translator of Lalitavistara. The Questions of Milinda, (ii. pp. 203-4) describes "people from Scythia, Bactria, China and Vilata (Tartary)" coming here. We do not know exactly where the Huns stayed immediately after they were driven away by China in the 1st century A.D. But this much is certain that they must have remained in the neighbourhood of Transoxiana through which the route to China lay. Before their attack on Persia (420 A. D.) they had already occupied Bactria. At Balkh and Bamian they had their head-quarters from which they raided south-west and south-east11. In view of these circumstances there is nothing contradictory in having an author under Chandragupta II mentioning the Huns. The very mention shows that up to that time the Huns had not yet occupied any part of India, for they are associated with the Chinese or China (China-Hanaih, Mudra-Ra. Act V, verse 11). By Kalidasa they are described as occupying Kashmir (the land producing saffron)12; their Chinese association was completely forgotten in his days. It is also worthy of note that they do not figure in the first army of invasion which came to help Chandragupta against the Nanda (Act II, P. 124); they only appear in the army of Malayaketu, and there too not prominently, but as mere auxiliaries to Saka monarchs (the northern Sakas = the Kushapas) 13. They had not yet shown themselves superior to their Scythian neighbours, whom they actually overthrew about 465 A.D. The conclusion, therefore, to which we are led is that the play knows the Hunas of a time when they had not yet acquired any territory in India, although an attack from them was considered probable. We may roundly put it down on chronological considerations c. 410. A. D. This also would confirm the view that the reigning Chandragupta of the bharata-vakya must be Chandragupta-Vikramaditya (d. c. 413 A. D.) And the annoyance caused to the country by the mlechchhas at the time of the composition of the drama would refer, if the composition, as it seems probable, took place after the suppression of the Western Satrap (c. 390 A. D.), to the Kushanas, or possibly to the new element of the Hans, who might have already made some incursions, possibly in league with the Kushanas, during the last years of Chandragupta's reign. 266 "Malayaketu." All the nations, which help the mlechchha king Malayaketu, in his invasion of Pataliputra, belong, as the late Mr. Telang has pointed out, one and all' except the name Malaya' to the northern parts, and most to the northern frontier of India,' to be more accurate, V. Smith, Early History of India, 2nd ed., p. 284. 10 6.9., Mahabala (c. 197 A. D.), Dharmapala of Kapilavastu (c. 207 A. D.), Dharmakala (222 A. D.), Vighna (c. 224 A. D). 11 Sir C. N. Eliot, Ency. Brit, 11th ed., Vol. IX, p. 680. It is very probable that the invasion of Balkh by Chandra of the Delhi Iron Pillar inscription (who has been now conclusively identified with Chandravarma (c. 400 A. D.) by M. M. Haraprasad Sastri in the light of his new Mandasor inscription) was in response to an early Hun inroad in territories, which were not subject to Samudragupta. 13 Raghuvamia, IV, 67-68. The Hunic occupation of Kashmir comes over a century later, i. c., after Mihirakula's defeat (c. 530, A. D.) by BAIAditya and Yasodharman. This would place Kalidasa about 540-550 A. D., or some 130 years at least later than the composition of the Mudra-Rakshasa. (I may mention here that I have come across a Han caste at Almora, Himalayas.) [For a different interpretation of these verses of Kalidasa about Hapas, see Prof. Pathak's note, Ante, vol. XLI.-D. B. B.] 13 gAndhArarmadhyayAne yavana patibhiH saMvidheyaH prayanaH / pazcAtiSThantu vIrAH zakanarapatavaH saMha [1] tAcInahUH // 14 Mudra-Rakshasa, Introduction, p. 33.

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OOTOBER, 1913.) KINSARIYA INSCRIPTION OF DADHICHIKA 267 to the north-western frontier of India. Malayaketa's predecessor, Parvataka, aleo belonged to the same regions. Not a single southern nation is mentioned in bis army. Malayaketa thus obviously has no connection with the Malaya of the south. Further, no Malayal6 in the north-west is known to any branch of Indian literature. And as Malaya is nowhere associated with the name of Malayaketu's alleged father and predecessor the mlechchha Parvataka, it does not seem to be connected either with any place name or with any tribal designation. In view of these considerations Malayaketu can not be taken as representing originally a Samskruta name. It appears to be merely a samskrutised edition of the original mlechchha name of the mlechchha invader, I propose to read Malayaketu as Salayaketu, taking the latter as a Hindu edition of Seleucus. There is a deceptive similarity between the letters ma and sa of the Gupta and later scripts, and the change from an unfamiliar Salaya-into the familiar Malaya.would bave been an easy process in the course of copying manuscripts. Whom else could Indian tradition have intended by the mlechchha king *Malayaketu' invading from the north-western frontier with a huge army of Greek and other (auxiliary) forces against Chandragupta the Maurya than the Greek Seleucus P If by the invasion of Malayaketu the Greek invasion16 alone could be meant, the proposed reading Salayaketu in place of Malayaketu, I submit, has a very strong case. KINSARIYA INSCRIPTION OF DADHICHIKA (DAHIYA) CHACHCHA OF VIKRAMA SAMVAT 1056. BY PANDIT RAMKARNA; TODHPUR. An article on the above has been prepared and sen by me for publication in the Epigraphia Indica, bnt a summary of it is given here for the information of those interested in the ancient history of Rajputana. The inscription belongs to the reign of a prince called Chachoba, a feudatory of Durlabharaja of the imporial Chahamana dynasty and whose genealogy is as follows: Vakpatiraja Simharaja Durlabharaja Chachcha is spoken of as a prince descended from the well-known rishi Dadhichi. The inscription unfolds the following genealogy of this chief : Meghanada Vairisimha Chachcha 1 Yasahpashta Uddbarana Chachcha is styled Dadhichika or Dahiyaka, which is now-a-days called Dahiya. The following remarka translated from the Hindi Marwar Census Report of 1891 would be found interesting: "Some people hold that Dahiyas are the one-half race that goes to complete the thirteen and #half races 'of Rathors. They once ruled over Parbatbar and Jalor, but now they are scattered 18 Mab Amabopadhyaya Haraprasad Sastrt has kindly drawn my attention to the fact that the term Malaya in itself a Dravidian word meaning 'mountain.' cy. Caldwell, Grammar of the Dravidian Languages, 2nd ed., p. 21. 10 It is probable that some of the details of the invasion of Beleuous might have been confused with the details of the invasion of Menander, e. g., the march upon the capital Pataliputra might have been transferred from the latter to the former, although it is not impossible that Seleuous was actually rosed into a long maroh in the interior a strategio polioy largely and very successfully followed later on by the Parthians.

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268 LOCTOBER, 1913, here and there. The old fort of Jalor was constructed by the Dahiyas. They now abound in the districts of Jalor, Bali, Jaswantpura, Pali, Siwana, Sanchor and Mallant. They observe widow marriage, and are not regarded as of equa position with other Rajputs." A detailed and more reliable account of this clan is contained in Muta Nenast's Chronicle, a summary whereof will not here be out of place : "The original seat of the Dahiya Rajputs is reported to be a fortress named Thalner situated on the banks of the Godavari near modern Nasik, whence they migrated into Marwar. In the Ajmer province they held the following places (1) the Deravara-Parbatsar group of fiftysix villages, (2) Savar-Ghatiy Ali, (8) Harsor and (4) Mahrot also called Vilanavati. All the four villages lie in the north-eastern part of Marwir. They also owned villages in south-western part as well, i. e., Jalor and Sanchor. Sanchor is said to have been conquered by Vijayast with the aid of an accomplice, Vaghela Mahiravana (sister's son of Vijayaraja), from the Dahiya Vijayaraja in 8. 1142. This event is recorded in a verse quoted below: THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY 44 dharA dhUNa dhakacAla kIdha dahiyA dahavahai / sabadI sabalAM sAla prANa mevAsa pahahe || AlaNa sa vijayasI vaMsa AsarAva prAgavar3a / yAga tyAga khatravATa saraNa vije paMcara sohar3a !! cavAMNa rAva cauraMga acala narAM nAha aNabhaMga nara / dhUmera sesa jAM laga acala tAma rAja sAcora ghara || 1 || " Muta Nenast also gives a list of the Dahiya princes, who reigned round about Parbatsar and Marot. He mentions Dadhiche as one of their ancestors and specifies their names as follows: No. 27 Raha Rano (who inhabited Rohadi). No. 28 Kadava Rano. No. 29 Kiratasi Rapo. No. 30 Vairast Rano. No. 81 Chacha Rano (who raised a temple on a hill in the village of Sinabadiya). No. 32 Anavi Udlar ana (who ruled over Parbatear and Marot). It is clear that the names Vairasi, Chacha and Udharana of this list (Nos. 30-32) exactly correspond to Vairisimha, Chachcha, and Uddharana of our inscription. The list however gives Kiratasi as the name of Vairasi's father, whereas he is called Meghanada in the inscription. But there is nothing to preclude the supposition that Meghanada and Kiratasi (Kirttisimha) were the names of one and the same prince, as instances are not wanting of kings known by more than one name. Chacha Rano, as we have just seen, is described in Muta Nenasi's Chronicle as having built a temple on a hill in the village of Sinahadiya, which seems to be an old name of Kinasariya. Our inscription also tells the same story, viz., that Chachcha caused a temple of Bhavani to be built. The epithet anavi, which is coupled with Udharana, appears to be a corruption of anamra, meaning "unbend. ing." He was succeeded by Jagadhara Ravata, who ruled over Parbatsar. He constructed a temple, dug a step-well and a well in village Mandala, 2 miles from Parbatsar. His second son was Vilhana, who wielded sway over the whole district of Marot, which is, up to the present day, called Vilanavati. He used to reside in the village of Depara situated on a hill and 4 miles from Marot, where an old fort and a tank still exist. Some Dahiy&s are still called Dej ara-Dahiyas after this village. Of the succeeding generations, Bito (No. 84) constructed a tank called There are several villages which are collectively still called Dahiyapatti, as districts of Marot and FarbatJar are called Godat! (on account of their being once held by Gaudas) and districts to the north of Jodhpur are called Indavat! (owing to their being once ruled over by Inda Rajputs). This name Dahiyapattt, is sufficient to testify the fact that Dahiyas held some sort of sway over that part of the country in some time past.

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OCTOBER, 1913.) NASIK LOCALITIES MENTIONED IN GRANTS 269 Bibasar in Parbatsar; and Hamira (No. 35) was a great warrior. His deeds are beautifully described in the following verses : "mahAkAla jamajAla bodhAra mallarA, kAlharau kathanaM saMsAra kahiyo / durata patasAhare sAla ho khUbar3I, dUpar3A tarI ura sAna rahivo // 1 // nivara bhara niDara naranAha narabaharau, sakaja bhar3a syAmarI kAma sadhIra | hivai patasAha sAla hADo huvau, hivai hADA taNe sAla hamIra // 2 // Avarata kahara asavAra pAkhADa sidha, kAma pahacAr3a idhakAra kiiyau|. dUdar3e dUTha patasAho mukha diyo, T ETT HIGH tut Il II" There is a number of piltalis or figures of satis in an enclosure adjoining the temple containing this inscription. One of these figures bears an epitaph dated V. S. 1300 and containing the name of Vikrama son of Kirtisimha Dahiya. This shows that Dahiyas held this part of the country for nearly 300 years, . e., up to 1300 V. S. The use of the letter ra, which is but an abbreviation of raja, prefixed to the name of Kirtisimha, and the word rajnt before that of his wife show that Kirtisimba was a ruling prince, and not an adda Rajput. The Dabiya kings inentioned in our inscription were chieftains, no doubt, feudatory to the Chahamana overlords, but also wielding sway over a tract of a country. This fact is again corroborated by the following abstract from an inscription of V. S. 1272 discovered in Manglana in the Marot district : "dadhIcavaMze mahAmaMDalezvarazrIkavuvarAjadevaputra zrIpadamasIhadevamutamahArAjaputrazrIjayatasya(si)ha" The inscription refers itself to the reign of Sri Relana-deva (lord) of Ranastambhapura or Ranthambhor, and records some arrangements made in connection with a step-well. In this nscription also, the Dabiya prince, Jagatasimha, is spoken of as maha rdjaputra, and his forefather Kaduvarajadeva as mahamandalesvara, showing that originally the Dabiyas were certainly of a higher status than that of add Rajputs, to which position they have now sunk. A NOTE ON A FEW LOCALITIES IN THE NASIK DISTRICT MENTIONED IN ANCIENT COPPERPLATE GRANTS. BY Y. R. GUPTE, B.A.; NASIK. 1. Vatanagarika. Vatanagarika occurs in the Pimpari plates, edited by Prof. Pathak in the Epigraphia Indica. On page 85 he says that Lilagrama and Vatanagarika are identified by Mr. G. K. Chandorkar with Nilgavhan and Vani in the Nasik District. I do not intend to pass any remarks at present on the identification of Lilagrama with Nilgavhan. Bat the assertion that Vani is the modern representative of the ancient Vatanagarik& seems to me to be without any foundation. It A Raipat is called an add as distinguished from a jagirdar. An adi Bajpat is thus one who owns no jagfr And is for that very reason looked apon as of inferior status. 1 Volume X, pagea 81 to 89. * This identification was first proposed by Dr. Fleet when he edited the Vanl grant (ante, Vol. XI, p. 157), but he afterwards identified Vatnagarika with Vadner (ibid, Vol, XXXI, p. 218;-D.R.B.

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270 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [OCTOBER, 1913. proof is wanted, it is afforded by the mention of Vaganagara in the Kslacburi grant of the year 860 (about A.D. 609)," which must be Vadner in the Chandavad talulod of the Nasik District, where it was discovered. I do not urge that the Vatanagariks of the Pimpari plates must be this Vadner. Probably it is not. But the name Vadner is sufficient to show that this must really be the modern form of the ancient name, Vatanagarik. As in the Pimpari plates the name given is Vatanagarika, it appears that this was in all probability smaller than Vatanagara of the Vadner plates. But there is another Vadner, vis, in the Malegaon tdlukd on the bank of the river Mosam, and probably it is this Vadner which may represent Vapanagarika, if the identification of Moaint with Mosam, which is all but certain, is accepted. 2. Vallistka, and 3. Bhoga vardhana, These localities occur in the Abhono platest of Sankaragana of the imperial Kalachuri dynasty. To a Brahman of Kallavana (Kalvan in the Nasik District) the village Vallisika in the province of Bhogavardhans is noted as given, while king Sankaragans was encamped at Ujjayini. Balbegaon in the Yeola talukd, about 15 miles from Ujjani, may perhaps be the modern representative of the ancient Vallisika. The shortened form of Vallisiki would be Valba and then Balha, and would further run into the modern longer form Balhegion. There is a village called Bogte not far from Balbegaon, which may perhaps be Bhogavardhana. I would propose another set of villages for consideration. Vallisika is most probably Varasil and being interchangeable, and a being changed to a for the ease of pronunciation, as a conjunct consonant follows, and the ka being dropped. This village is about 8 miles from Kalvan. Bhogavardhana very likely must be Bhagardi, an ancient village in a dilapidated condition just near Abhon, v taking samprasdrana and the vowel preceding and fol owing it being dropped. It is worthy of note that the plates were discovered not far from it. Again Bhagardi seems comparatively older than Bogte. Bbagurdi is 8 miles from Kalyan and milo from Abhone. It would be of some use to the antiquarians, if I would note one or two particulars about the above plates, not given in the Epigraphia Indica. They belong to Parvatrao Bbausing Thoke of Abhona in the Kalvan tdluka. The plates weigh 182 tolas without the rings and the seal, which are missing. (I have taken impressions and plaster casts from them. They were kindly forwarded to me by Mr. L. S. Potnis, Mamlatdar of Kalvan). 4. Chebhatika. Chebhatike occurs in the inscription of Karkarkja, edited by Mr. D. R. Bhandarkar. He identifies it with simply Chehdi, in the Nipbad idluka. But it is better to call it by its usual name Chebai Khurd, to distinguish it from Cbehoi Badruk close to it in the Nasik talukd. 6. Dadhivahala and 6. Padalavadapatana. These localities occur in the partly forged Daulatabad grant, edited by Mr. D. R. Bhandarkar, which prove that Dhrava usurped the throne, deposing Givinda II. Or the boundaries of the village, which appeared to Mr. Bhandarkar something like Semira, two can easily be identified. The village situated on thewest is Dadbivahala. This would naturally assume the form Dahiva!, dahi being the Prikrit form of the Sanskrit word dadhi. Dahital is in the Malegaon dlukd. The name of tbe village on the north is given as Padalavad spagans, the latter part of which would be dropped and the former would become PAdalid very naturally. It is 4 miles from Dahivale, Anta, Jaly 1918, p. 207. * En Ind.. Yal.IX., . 496ff. Ep. Ind., Vol. TILI., p. 188. * Bp. Jad., Vol. IX., PP. 19% to 198.

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OCTOBER, 1913.) BUOK NOTICE 271 BOOK NOTICE. SIVA-BUTEA-VIMARINE AND PRATTABXIJRI-XPIDATA, three remedies are technically called sambhava, Nos, 2 and 4 of the Kashmir Series of Texts and sakla and anana. Thus the Siva-sutras and so the Studies. By J. C, Chatterji, B.A. (Cantab.) Vidyl Vimarfini also do not give us any satisfactory idea vAridhi. Printed at the Nirnaya-Sagar Press, Bombay. of what the philosophy of Saivism is, except THE Archaeological and Research Department of the Jammu and Kashmir State has been under only incidentally, but at once proceed to show the distinguished patronage of H. H. the Maha men, in the words of the editor himself, 'a practical way of realising by experience the fact raja Sahib Buhadur, preparing for publication a that man is essentially......... no other than the number of Sanskrit and Kashmiri works, which have so far remained unpublished, and which are Deity himself, and of enabling him, in virtue of this realisation, to attain not only to absolute called the "Kashmir series of Texts and Stu freedom from all that limits him and subjects dies. The works under review form Nos. 2 and 4 of this comprehensive series. The editor has him, as a helpless creature, to tbe sorrows and undoubtedly rendered great service to the cause sufferings of limited existence-but also to gain of Kashmir Saivism by the publication of these the omniscience like the Deity himself, indeed, two works. The first gives the stras called Siva. as one with him. sutras, and a commentary on the same by Kshema Thus it would be seen at a glance that the rajn. These sutras, according to tradition, were Siva-sitra-vimarkini is not at all the book with revealed to Vasagapta, who handed them on to which one should commence his study of Kasbhis pupils, who interpreted them in several ways. mir Saivism. One is at first likely to think that Kabemarija, the commentator, says at the very the stras may provide us with an outline of beginning, that there lived on the Mahadeva-giri. Saivism from the philosophical and argumentathe great teacher, by name Vasugupta, who, always tive point of view, as is for instance the case with devoted to the worship of Siva, received an inspira Nyaya-siras. But the reader is disabused of this tion from the same. Once, the great Siva, being illusion as soon as be goes' to the fifth sutra. moved to pity by the unsatisfactory condition of Besides, the over-abundance of the technical the world of mortals, inundated as it was with the terms of tho Mantra-fastra and the uncouthness doctrines of Duality, wished that the doctrine of of style have rendered the book a hard not to Unity should be spread, and hence appeared to crack, and in the prose of Ksbemaraja we miss this Vasugupta in a dream, and gave him to the fluency and literary finish which characterise understand thus:- On this game mountain, on a many & similar manual of Vedanta. great slab of stone, there lies the secret; know The second volume, however, named Pratya bhijnd-hridaya is calculated to he more useful it and proclaim it to those who are worthy of the favour.' On getting up, Vasagupta searched for to the beginner than the first, by its very nature. the stone. As he approached it, he turned it round As the name signifies, it aims at giving the essence in brief of the Pratyabhijna or the with his hand and found his dream realized. This is the origin of the Siva-sutrag'. doctrine of Recognition,' in twenty satras with Kshemardja, who names himself as the pupil a commentary on them, by Kshemaraja. Thus of Abhinavagupta, representa one school of inter this book 'bears the same relation to the Advaita pretation, as opposed to that of Kullata and his Saiva system of Kashmir as the Vedantasara of followers. It should be noticed here that the Siva Sadananda does to the Vedanta system. That is sutras must not be confounded with the Spanda to say, it is intended to be an easy introduction to, sutras, as Bubler seems to do. In his Kashmir and a summary of the doctrines of, the system.' Report of 1875-76, one manuscript, really contain All the same, one must not be too sanguine ing the Siva-sutras, which we have before us now, about the usefulness of the treatise, in the abis named Spanda-sutra without any reason. sence of some preliminary knowledge of Saivism. That Siva-sutras and Spanda-otras must be the The editor, too, has not come to our help by uames of two different collections of sitras giving a short sketch in the preface, but he only follows from what Ksbemaraja remarks on p. 3 refers us to bis book Kasimir Saivism', which of the let volume before us- Ferragama is intended to be a general introduction to the bistory and doctrine of the system in question, sammamUcANi bhasmAbhiH sandanirNaye sambak nirNItAni / but which, unfortanately, has not seen the light romag fatti I. of day as yet. The Sida-ritros are divided into three sections, The Pratyabhynd dootrine, with which both the called mesha, dealing with the three remedios of volumes before us deal, and which is called by the attaining to Unity of Bive, without which freedom Leditor, by the general name of Kashmir Saivism, from this worldly existence is impossible. The corresponds really to the Pratyabhynid darlana in 1 Buhler's Kashmir Koport, p.olxvii. The same point has been referred to by Sir R. G. Bhandarkar in his "Report 1883-84. (Section on Saiviam.)

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272 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [OCTOBER, 1913. the Sarva-darkana sangraha of MadhavAcharya, One more point to be noticed in connection and not to the Saipa-dargana, which immediately with Pratyabhijna-hridaya is the sutra No. 8 precedes it in the same work. Madhavacharya ' fhT: afectat:' and the explanation introduces this 'Recognitive system'thus--'Other thereof. The different systems of philosophy, or MAbesvaras are dissatisfied with the views set out rather the different views held regarding the in the Saiva system as erroneous in attributing various problems of philosophy, for instance, by to motiveless and insentient things causality in the Charvakas, the Naiy&yikas, the Bauddhas, the regard to the bondage and liberation of transmi. Mimmsakas, the Pancharatras, the Samkhyas and grating spirits. They, therefore, seek another 80 on, are, the sutra says, only so many stages system, and proclaim that the construction of the in the progress of knowledge arising from a more world or series of environments of these spirits or less partial eclipsing of the real nature of the is by the mere will of the Supreme Lord. They Supreme Self and of his perfect independence, the pronounce that this Supreme Lord, who is at final and the most perfect stage being repreonce other than and the same with the several sented by the Pratyabhijna doctrine. cognitions and cognita, who is identical with the This Kahemaraja, the author of the Siva-stitratranscendent Self posited by one's own conscious- vimarsins and Pratyabhijild-hridya, lived in the ness, by rational proof and by revelation, and first half of the 11th century A. D.He was who possesses independence, that is, the power of also called by the name of Kshemendra and was witnessing all things without reference to aught the pupil of Abhinava-gupta, and wrote many other ulterior, gives manifestation in the mirror of treatises amongst which are Spanda-nirnaya, one's own soul to all entities, as if they wereSpachchhandodyota and commentaries on several images reflected upon it. Thus looking upon Saiva works. Recognition as a new method for the attainment The get-up of the books is excellent, and of ends, and of the highest end, to all men alike the works are, on the whole, carefully and critically without any the slightest trouble and exertion edited. Again, the several appendices at the end such as external and internal worship, suppres greatly add to the utility of the volumes. How. sion of the breath and the like, these MAhesvaras ever, we cannot but notices few defects in the set forth the system of Recognition. The very writing of the text. In the first place there is first Siva-sutra PHT is quoted by no uniform principle regarding the putting-in of Madhava, and the verse which Madhava quotes dashes (wbich are in our opinion generally super and attributes to Vasuguptacharya, vit. fluous) between the different members of a nirupAdAnasaMbhAramabhittAveva tanvate / compound word, (see line 8, p. 4, Siva-sitra jagacitraM namastasmai kalAlAdhyAya shuuline|| vimarfinf.) Secondly, the use of commas and oprresponds to the second sutra of Kshemaraja, semicolons is not very discreet and sometimes viz.-' Far F a rleyfa. tends to make # sentence even more illegible Intelligence is the nature and essence of all. than otherwise (e.g. the long sentence on p. 6, Thus the individual soul is the same as the Vimartini). Thirdly, no uniformity is observed supreme soul. If it is so, why is the recognition in making samdhis. Thus on p 10 of Vimarsini, of the same fact necessary P In order to make we have faga,' re,' and 'T perfect the sameness which no doubt already Ta...'' aigaar GUT 761...' On p. 13 of exists. And a striking instance to illustrate this the same we have ru; art.' On p. 17, we is given by Madhavacharya. A love-sick woman have Stars...' where the purpose of the is not consoled by the mere presence of the lover, avagraha sign is not clearly seen. It is to be unless it is so recognized by her. In the same sincerely hoped that the editor will attend way, the bondage due to ignorance is not put an even to these minor points in the publica. end to, unless a recognition of the sameness of tion of the other volumes of his comprehensive the lower and the higher soul, which is always series, to make them flawless, so far as possible. existing, is produced by virtue of the instruction V. S. GHATE. of a teacher, etc. 2 This is how Professor Gough renders the word ' SP A G E TTIGES...' which should be rendered thus: 'independence consisting in not having to look up to the faces of others, 6.6., solely depending on himself. nAyakaguNagaNasaMzravaNapravRddhAnurAgA kAMcana kAminI madanavihalA virahaklezamasahamAnA madanAlekhAvalambanena svAvasthAnivedanAni vidhatte, tathA vegAttannikaTamaTatyapi tasminnavalokite'pi tadavalokanaM tarzayaguNaparAmarzAbhAve janasAdhAraNatvaM prApne hadayaMgamabhAvaM naM lbhte| yadA ta mUrtivacanAttadIyaguNaparAmarza karoti tadA tarakSaNameva pUrNabhAvamasyeti / evaM svAtmani vizvezvarAtmanA bhAsamAne'pi tanirbhAsanaM tadIyaguNaparAmarzavirahasamaye pUrNabhAvaM ma sNpaadyti| yadA tu guruvacanAdinA sarvajJatvasarvakartRtvAdilakSaNaparamezvarotkarSaparAmarzo jAyate sakA tatkSaNameva T eart:l' 8 rvasariana-tangraha (AnandAahram Sk. Serien), p. 70. Buhler's Report, p. 82.

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Fig. 6. Poth found in the Ming-os of Qizil. (Unopened). Fig. 7, The same Pothi. (Opested.)

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NOVEMBER, 1913.] THE OBSOLETE MALAY TIN CURRENCY THE OBSOLETE TIN CURRENCY AND MONEY OF THE FEDERATED MALAY STATES. BY SIR R. C. TEMPLE, BART. (Concluded from p. 254.) APPENDIX VII. Proportion. 192 48 12 -8 Synopsis of Malay Currency, 1800-1835. N examining the evidence to establish the identity of the Achin five-doit piece I went through the whole of the Malay currency reported by Milburn, Oriental Commerce, 2nd ed., 1813, Vol. II, and by Kelly, Universal Cambist, 2nd ed., 1835, Vol. I (s. vv. under East Indies), who includes in his report Milbarn's information and that sent him officially. I give here a synopsis of the result. In the following summaries M. stands for Milburn and the figures that follow for the page in his Vol. II; K. stands for Kelly and the figures for the page in his Vol. I. 1. Spanish Influence Paramount. Money of Account, Philippines; Manilla (K. 109, M. 480) Scale. Scale Proportion 872 8 Dutch Influence Paramount. Money of Account. Moluccas; Amboyna (K. 97, M. 396). (a) Rixdollars of 48 stivers, value 8s. 4d. masin (K. 99). (6) Rixdollars of 48 stivers, value 38. 6d. Sumatra; Palembang (K. 112, M. 84). (e) Rixdollars (value 4s. 7d.) and stivers. Celebes; Macassar (K. 109, M. 409). (d) Sp. dollars, value 5s. Java; Batavia (K. 100, M. 351): Kaupang (M. 386). (e) Rixdollars, value 38. 4d. and Sp. dollars value 58. 4d. (M. 406). Moluccas; Ternate (K. 120, M. 406). (f) Scales: value of rixdollar 38. 4d. Proportion 768 48 34 maravedi 8 real 2. Soale 4 doit stiver 4 stiver 1 dubbeltje = dubbeltje schilling1 8 schillings = dollar 16 penning 6 stiver 8 schilling (4 penning 100 Cf 198 pie to the rupee, see ante, p. 106. Moluccas; Banda. (K. 99). Scale Proportion.100 192 48 Sumatra; Padang (M. 346): Borneo, Banjar = real = peso (dollar) = Peninsula; Malacca (K. 108; M.318). Scale. 4 doit 6 stiver 8 8 schilling = stiver schilling = 273 = dollar = doit) 1 Milburn's scale stops at sohillings. stiver schilling = dollar

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274 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [NOVEMBER, 1993. Coins in use. (a) European and Indian. Java ; Batavia (K. 100, M. 851) : Sumatra ; Padang (M. 846). (6) European and Indian valued in stivera. Molucca; Amboyna (K. 97): Peninsula; Malacca (K. 100). (c) Spanish dollars and othor coins. Moluccas ; Ternate (K. 120), 8p. dollars 48. 72. (M. 396), ducatoons (4/5 Sp. dollars), crowns at 2% premium on Sp. dollars (K. 120, M. 396): Celebes ; Macassar, Sp. dollars 48, 7d. Earopean and Indian coins : Sumatra; Palembang (K, 112, M. 847), Bp. dollers 58. 5d., and holed cash, 500 = 1 parool, 16 parcels = Sp. dollar = 80,000 cash to the dollar. 8. European Influence. A Dollar with Natios Divisions. Money of Account. Peninsula; Selangor (K. 115, M. 316), 8 tampang =rixdollar: Celebes ; Macassar (K. 107 7 mas = rixdollar. Scales Sumatra ; Ssngkel Samatra ; Ben kulen. (K. 118, M. 332). (K. 101). Proportion. Soale. Proportion. Soale. 16 talis = suku 328 tali = saku 4 suku tabil 4 soka = dollar = 4 Sp. dollar (.: suku dollar) Peninsula ; Trengganu. (K. 121, M. 323). Proportion. Seale. 25,600 400 pitis? kopang 64 kopang mas . . 16 mas = dollar 4 doller tahil (:. 6,400 pitis dollar) Coins in use. (a) Sp. dollar. Peninsula; Trengganu (K. 121, M. 828). (6) Sp. dollar, value 55. Sumatra ; songkel (K. 118, M. 882), Benkulen (K. 101). B. Dollars with mixed Native and European Dirisions. Money of Account. 64 16 Scale. Proportion. 48 = Java; Batavia (R. 100). Senle. 2 sliver' cash 2 tali 4 suka 24 cash tali suka dollar) : Milbourn says, p. 318," in schillingu." II..., 4/3 ritdollar. . I..., /4 rixdollar. * reported (K. 118) as satalli.. * reported (K. 101) as stallie, matallor. reported (K. 121) a. patties ; (. 393) ss patties. .. toported (K. 121, M. 823) As cowany. * Bepplied: not in K. 100; ruk o ne quarter dollar.

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NOVEMBRE, 1913.) THE OBSOLETE MALAY TIN CURRENCY 275 400 8. Indian Influence. Money of Account. Sumatra; Natal (K. 112, M. 334), Sp. dollar of 24 fanam or tali: Java; Batavia (K. 100) 50 pitiglo = stiver, ... 15,000 pitis = rapee of 30 stivers, Scales. Sumatra ; Tapanuli, (K. 120). (M. 334). Proportion. Scale. Proportion. Soale. 400 163 keping = fanam 100 kiping = suka 24 fanam = dollar 4 suku = dollar Sumatra; Benkalen. Peninsula; Penang. (K. 101). (K. 114, M. 299). Proportion. Soale. Proportion. Soale. 24 2 single = double 100 10 picell = kapang fanam fanam 10 kupang = Bp. dollar 12 6 double = rupee (.. pice = cent) fanam 2 rupee = Sp. dollar Coins in use. (a) Sumatra; Natal (K. 112), Sp. dollars and rapees, also 1, }, and , fanam; (M. 335) Sp. dollars and 1, 2, 3 fanam pioces: Tapanuli (M. 334) dollars of 24 fanams. (6) Java ; Batavia (K. 100, M. 851) rapoe, value 88. 11d. Scales. (K. 100). (M. 851). Proportion. Boale. Proportion. Boule. 120 4 doit = stiver 120 4 doit = stiver 302 stiver = cash 30 2 stiver = dubbeltje 1 cash = dubbeltje 12 3 dubbeltjes schilling 12 3 dubbeltje = schilling 4 4 schilling = rupee 4 4 schilling = rupee 5, Native System.13 Money of Account. (a) in mas and tahil. Borneo ; Sakadana (K. 119). (6) Chinese cash, Peninsula; Bintang (Singapore, M. 320) : Borneo; Mompars (M. 418). (c) Scales. Jaya; Batavia (K. 100). Java; Bantam (K. 100, M. 354). Proportion. Scale. Proportion. Soale. 400 10 konderi = cash. 10,000 10 pcku 13 = laksan 4 cash = mas 10 laksan = kati 10 mas = tahil 100 10 kati = uta (.. tahil = dollar) 10 10 uta 14 = bahar 25,000 - 30,000 cash dollar (.. 30 - 40 peku = dollar) 15 1,000 1. Made of lead and tin; proportion 4:1.. 11 Proportion of pico to kati of tin, 16: 1. 11 For Achin (K. 97) seo ante, p. 253. Milburn, 329, has manna for Kolly's 'small mas.' Milburn gives atom at Podir (351), and Analabu (311) as identioal with those of Aobin, to whioh those places were subjoot. 11 reported as peoco i poku. Chinese pal, a string of onsh; 10 ante, P. 215 1. Uta string of kati hero: ko anto, p. 215.

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276 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [NOVEMBER, 1913 mas patak Coins in use. (a) Earopean and Indian. Peninsula; Bintang (K. 320) = Singapore: Jaya; Batavia (K. 100, M. 864). (6) Sp. dollars. Borneo; Sakadana (K. 119, M. 417); Mompara (M. 418). (c) Nativo. Java; Batavia (K. 100), patak and cash. Scale, 4 cash 8 mas (...24 cash patak) 8. Kough Conditions. No Coinage. Currency of Accounts. (a) Tin. Peninsula; Tocopa (K. 112), bahar of tia (476 lbs.): Junkceylon (K. 106) "pieces of tin shaped like the under part of a cone," (see ante. p. 19). (6) Measured linen cloths and paddy16 (rice in husk). Sulu Archipelago (K. 107, M. 424) : Philippines; Magindanao (K. 107, M. 417) in kangen (coarse cloth) and paddy. Coins used by Europeans. (a) Chinese cash. Philippines ; Magindanao (M. 417), 160-180 to a langan. (6) Sp. dollars. Peninsula; Kedah (M. 296), Pahang (M. $20), Pakanga River, Rian (M. 321), Patani (M. 894): Borneo; Pontiana (M. 417) Sambas (M. 419), "Borneo Town" (M 420). (6) Sp. dollars and Portuguese coins. Jaya; Deli (M. 386). (To be continued.) . MISCONOEPTIONS ABOUT THE ANDHRAS. BY P. T. SRINIVAS IYENGAR,M.A.; VIZAGAPATAN. MB. Vincent A. Smith, in p. 194 of his Early History of India, 2nd edition, says, " In the days of Chandragupta Maurya and Megasthenes, the Andhra nation, probably * Dravidian people, now representel by the large population speaking the Telugu language, occupied the deltas of the Godavari and Krishna rivers on the Eastern side of India... The capital of the State was then Sri Kakulam, on the lower course of the Krishna." The only authority for this statement seems to be a passage from the Trilinganusdsanaw of Atharvanacharya, quoted by Campbell in his Telugu grammar, where he calls the book Athurvana vyaourunum. The passage as translated by Campbell runs as follows:-"Formerly, in the time of Manu Svayambha, in the Kali age, Hari, the Lord of Andhra, the great vishnu, the slayer of the Danava Nisumbu, was born in Kakalam, as the son of the monarch Suchandra, and was attended by all the gods as well as reverenced by all maukind. He having constructed a vast wall connecting Srisailam, Bhimesvaram and Kalesvaram, with the Mahendera bills, formed in it three gates, in which the three-eyed Isvara, bearing the trident in his hand, and attended by a host of divinities, resided in the form of three lingams. Andhra Vishnu, assisted by augels, having fought with the great giant Nisumbu for thirteen yagas, killed him in battle, and took up his residence with the sages on the banks of the Godavari, since which time this country has been named Trilingam. The adherents of Andhra Vishnu who then resided on the banks of the God ivari spoke tatsama words. In the course of time, these words, not being properly articulated by the unlearned, by the change or obliteration of letters, or by being * Spelt paly by Milburn,

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MISCONCEPTIONS ABOUT THE ANDHRAS contracted, a fourth or a half, became tadbhavas. Those words consisting of nouns, verbals and verbs, created by the God Brahma, before the time of Hari, the Lord of Andhra, are called atsa (pure)." Campbell does not quote directly from Atharvanacharya, but takes the passage from the Andhra-kaumudi, which quotes it. A manuscript copy of Atharvanacharya's work is to be found in the Madras Government Oriental Library. Campbell adds in a foot-note that Andhra Vishnu or Andhrarayuda, as he was also called, is now worshipped as a divinity at Srikakulam on the river Krishna and... was the patron of Kanva, the first Telugu grammarian." The utter worthlessness of Atharvanacharya's testimony for historical purposes is patent on the face of it. There is no Andhra king of the name of Sachandra. The first king, according to the Puranas, of the Andhra dynasty, was Simuka, which name has as variants in the Purdnas, Sindhuka, Sisuka, Sipraka, but not Suchandra. Secondly, Atharvanacharys quotes in his book a number of authorities, e. g. Vishnu, Indra, Brihaspati, Somachandra or Hemachandra, Kanva, Pushpadanta, Dharmaraja, all giving pronouncements on Telugu, but none traceable anywhere. Atharvanacharya also gives a quotation there which, he pretends, is from the Atharvanasikhopanishad, but it is not found in that Upanishad. From this we may infer that the quotations were made up by Atharvanacharya. This author is desperately anxious to prove that Telugu may be used in books and has hence manufactured these quotations. Possibly Atharvanacharya is the pseudonymn of a Telugu writer, whose use of Telugu in books was attacked by the purists of the day and who resorted to this method of defending his procedure. This work of A tharvanacharya has not yet been printed, but a karika professing to be from the same man has been printed and it reveals the fact that the author has stolen numerous stanzas from Dandin's Kavyddaria without even the acknowledgement 'iti'. Thirdly, Atharvanacharya quotes the so-called Valmiki-sutrus on Prakrit. These sutras have been proved to be the composition of Trivikrania, who lived in the 14th century. Hence Atharvanacharya must have lived later. The statement of Atharvanacharya, that Andhra Vishnu lived on the banks of the Godavari, shows that he was a late writer who lived long after Rajahmundry became the capital of Telugu Rajas. The earliest reference to the Andhras is the passage in the Aitareya-Brahmana where the Andhras, Pundras, Sabaras, Pulindas and other Dasyu tribes living on the borders of the Aryau tribes, are said to be the descendants of the exiled sons of Visvamitra. As the Aryan cult did not extend beyond the Vindhyas in those days, these tribes must have then lived in the Vindhyan region. Even in the age of Baua (7th century A. D.) the Sabaras are mentioned in the Kada nbart as living in the Vindhyan forests. The next reliable reference to the Andhras is that in Asoka's Rock Edict XIII, where he claims "the Andhras and Pulindas" as people in his dominions, who, among others, followed the dharma he taught so vigorously. It is to be noted that the Andhras are here grouped together with the Pulindas, thus showing that they were still living in the central parts of the Peninsula, not far from the Vindhyan range. Soon after Asoka's death the Andhras rose to prominence. Raya Simuka Satavahana, who, according to Mr. Vincent A. Smith, lived about 220 B. C., was the first king of the dynasty. His name, as well as that of a later Andhra king, Siri Satakani, are cut under figures of persons in the back wall of a cave at Nanaghat. The next king was Krishna, whose lieutenant scooped out a cave at Nasik, which was apparently his capital. The next reference to Andhra kings is found in the inscription of Kharavela, king of Kalinga, in the Hathigumpha cave, where Kharavela says that in the 2 VII.18; also Sankhayana-satra, XV. 16 1 Ante, Vol. XL. p. 219 ff. The reference to "the Pandyas, Dravidas, Udras, Keralas and Andhras" in Sabha parvan, XXXI and to "the Andhras, Pandyas, Cholas and Keralas" in Ramayana, iv. 41 are not useful for historical purposes, from the fact that these Itihasas have been the result of centuries of growth. The references may prove that either the final reduction of the Itihasas was made, or at least the particular slokas were composed not earlier than the 3rd century, B. C. when these states rose to fame and were first mentioned together. Arch. Surv. West. Ind., Vol. V. p. 59. Tr. In Or. Con. III. p. 174. NOVEMBER, 1913.] 277

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278 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [NOVEMBER, 1913. second year of his reign (168 B. c.) "Satakani, protecting the west sent a numerous army of horses, elephants, men and chariots" apparently to help him in his operations against Magadha. This Satakani was either the third or fifth king of the list of Andhra kings in the MatsyaPurana. The Andhra territory was hence, still in the west" of Kalinga. Next comes the cave inscription at Pitalkhora near Chalisgaon cat in characters of the 2nd century R. c. and referring to the king at Paithan or Pratishthana. The centre of Andhra influence is still in western India. The next Andhra king we hear of is Hala, the 17th king, who, according to Mr. Vincent A. Smith lived circa 68 A. D. The Brihat-katha, the original of Kshemendra's Brihat-katha-manjari and Somadeva's Katha-sarit-sagara, said to have been written in the Paisachi dialect by Gunadhya, was composed, according to tradition, for the sake of this king's wife, who must, therefore, have been a northern princess. Hala is the reputed author of Saptasati, an anthology of erotic verses in the ancient Maharashtri tongue. This fact and the other one, that the Andhra inscriptions are all in some form of Prakrit, prove that the Andhras spoke some kind of proto-Maharashtri. In modern usage Andhra means Telugu; and hence many historians assume that the ancient Andhras spoke Telugu, Sir Walter Elliot in his discussion of the question in the Numismata Orientalia, hopelessly mixes up the Kalingas, the Triglypton of Ptolemy, Trikalingam, Trilingam, Telugus, and Audhras and takes an imaginary Kalinga-Andhra tribe to have migrated from the Gangetic region, the Andhra tribe separating off in Orissa, first settling on the Chilka Lake, then going down the coast to the Goda vari-Krishna valley and shooting up into the Deccan, and accomplishing this itinerary in an impossibly short space of time! Not to speak of the blending into one of so many tribes by Sir Walter Elliot, even the assumption that the ancient Andhras spoke Telugu is an entirely gratuitous one. If the ancient Andhras had been Telugus, Telaga literature would have been born in the early years of the Christian era, in the palmy days of Andhra supremacy in India, whereas its birth took place in the 11th century A. D. when undoubted Telugu princes, i. e. princes whose mother-tongue was Telugu, whatever their (ultimate) origin, reigned in the Telugu country. The next reference to the Andhras is in Pliny (77. A.D.) where he says that "the Andhra territory, stronger (than other territories of India) ineluded thirty walled towns, besides numerous villages, and the army consisted of 100,000 infantry, 2,000 cavalry, and 1,000 elephants." The Andhras must have been dominant throughout India at this epoch, as references to them are found in inscriptions in various parts of India. Their sway extended from sea to sea in Central India and up to Sanchi in the north. The Periplus, which was written at about the same time as Pliny's Natural History, says, "Beyond Barygaza (Broach), the adjoining coast extends in a straight line from north to south; and so this region is called Dachinabades, for Dachanos in the language of the natives means south. The inland country back from the coast towards the east comprises many desert regions and great mountains; and all kinds of wild beasts-leopards, tigers, elephants, enormous serpents, hyenas, and baboons of many sorts; and many populous nations, as far as the Ganges. This is the first clear1o reference to the Andhra country by the name Dakshinapatha, which still survives as the Deccan. Bom. Gaz. I. ii. p. 147. Hist. Nat. VI. 224. 'P. 10. Ep. Ind. ii. 88. 10 Dakshinapada is mentioned in the Rig-Veda vii, 33-6 as a place of exile; it meant of course the Vindhyan region, which was in those days outside the pale of the Aryan fire-oult. Dakshinapatha occurs in the Baudhayana Dharma-stra (I. i. 2. 13), coupled with Saurashtra. It occurs in the Mahabharata, Sabh&-Parvan, xxxi. 17, when Sahadeva is said to have gone to the Dakshinapatha after defeating the Pulindas and the Pandyas. In Patanjali's Mahabhashya on Panini, I, i. 19, also, the word Dakshinapatha occurs. In all these places it probably means the Andhra territory, but we cannot be certain that it is so. In the Puranas, Dakshinapatha is clearly defined, but we cannot use it in historical investigations, since the question of the dates of the composition of the Puranas is a hopeless of solution. Similarly the Andhra country is, in the Saktisangamatantra, said to be above Jagannath and behind Bhramaratmika, and the next country is said to be Saurashtra (Vide Sabdakal padruma i. sub desah). This tantra work is apparently a recent one and is absolutely unauthoritative..

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NOVEMBER, 1918.) MISCONCEPTIONS ABOUT THE ANDHRAS 279 The Peripide mentions Paithan as one of the two principal market-towns of Dachinabades; and then refers to anather market-town on the coast, the city of Calliens, which in the time of the elder Saragands became lawful market-town; but since it came into the possession of Sandanes the port is much obstructed and Greek ships lying there may chance to be taken to Barygasa under gaard." Calliena is certainly the modern Kalyag, near Bombay. Saraganus is probably Satakepi, the title used by most Andhra kings; and Sandanes is Sundars, the 20th Andhra king, in the Matsya-Purdna list; if so, the elder Sarganus is perhaps bis immediate predecessor, Palindagena (a noteworthy name associating the Polindas still with the Andbras), also called Parindrasenn, daring whose time, Sundara was, as usual in ancient India, viceroy of part of the country. Kalyan was in the district administered by Sundara. By this time Saka Satrape of the Kebabarata clan had risen to power in Gujarat and seized some of the northern territories of the Aadhras, their early leaders being Bbumaka and Nabapana. The initial date of the Saka era is by some historians held to mark the establishment of Saka power under Nabapana ; if this is correct, Nambanus, whom the Periplus names as the king of the country round Barygaza is probably the same as Nahapana ; whetber this identification is correct or not, it is certain the rise of Saka power in this age made the port of Kalyan dangerous to foreign ships, the Andhra viceroy not being able tu guard the post efficiently, against Saka depredations. The Sakas and the Andras were in constant conflict from this time and the Andbras gradually lost their western dominions and were driven to the east. Vilivayakura 1111 fought with them in 126 A. D., and his mother Balasiri tells us in the Nasik cave Inscription that her son "destroyed the Sakas," but we find that the Sakas continued to reign at Ujjain till Chandraga pts II. Vikramaditya, extinguished the dynasty about 409 A. D. ; Rodrad&man, the Saka Satrap, fought with his son-in-law, "the lord of Dakship&patha," Pulamayi, son of Vilivayakura 11,18 and desisted from destroying him, because he was his son-in-law, in 150 A. D. This phrase "destroyed the Sakas," used in Balasiri's inscription, like all other phrases there in descriptive di Vilivyakura, ought to be taken with many grains of salt, for they form a mere ealogy of the king composed by a coart-poet, and secondly, subsequent events have disproved the destruction of the Sakas and the consequent stoppage of the "contamination of the four caster" (also referred to in the ealogy), Pala mayi, son of Vilivyakura and king while this inscription was iucised, having married the daughter of the Saka Rudradaman. But yet Elliot and others bave deduced from this phrase that Vilivayakura was the head of a great revolution and gained a national victory; Cunningham has gone one better and made bim found the great Saka era, in commemoration of the event. Ptolemy, the geographer, (in his Geog., VII. 17) writing in 151 A. D., after describing Larike, the Lit or Gajarat coast, describes the Ariake coast (a Dame used by the Periplas also), which he divides into two parts, Ariake Sadinon and Ariske Andron Peiraton. The latter phrase is usually translated Ariake of the Pirates, but Sir James Campbell in Bom. Gax., Thana, ii, 415, 11 From Vilivkyskura I, the Andhra kingewed metrodymio titles, e.g. V lithiputa, Madhariputa, Gotamiputa, eto., just as in Vedio times people were onlled KaubikIpatra, Kautelpatrs, Alambi putra, Vaiyagraha padiputra, ato. Does this moan that the Andhrns were now definitely drawn into the Brahmap polity and recognised as orthodox Kshatriyas, bearing Dames like the hallowed ones in the Vedas? It certainly does not warrant Sir Walter Elliot's oonclusion that one of the RajAs that bear metronymios, i, e, the third of them, Visivyakura II. Gotamiputra Batakaoi, was " bold adventarer" who seized the throne ; this Sir Walte: Elliot has inferred boonuse the mother's name is found no remarkably associated with that of her son." (Num. Orient p. 19). That tbla deduction is absolutely unwarranted will be readily seen if it is remembered that dozens of Vedic name, are mostronymio and among the later Andhra kings, at least seven have a similar title. 19 Rp. Ind. viii, 61. 11 Another view regarding Visivyakura and the son-in-law of Rudradaman has been set forth in my Epigraphic Notes and Questions, nos. IV and V published in the Jour. Bomb. As. Soc., Vol. XXIII-D. R. B. Ibid. 47.

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280 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [NOVEMBER, 1913. argues that the pbrase means Ariakels of the Andhrabhsityas. Besides this, Ptolemy mentions (16. vii, 1. 82) Baitbana as the royal seat of Siro Polemaios and Hippokoura as the royal seat of Baleokouros. The former is certainly Paithan, the capital of Siri Palumiyi or Palumari, and the latter place, which is identified with Kolhapur, by most authorities was the royal seat of Vilivayakura II. Pulumayi was his son and viceroy (yuvaraja) at Paithan. In an inscription in a Cave-temple at Nasik of Palumayi's time occurs the phrase Dhanakafasamanehi, meaning by the Samanas of Dhanakata. Dr. R. G. Bhandarkar has suggested that this may be a wrong reading and the original may be read as Dhanakata-8dminehi or Dhanakata-samiyehi, by the lord of Dhanakata 10(ka). Bhandarkar is clearly wrong, as Senart points out in Ep. Ind. viii, 69, Dhanakataka is a hypothetical name, and the actual names of the place near Amaravati being Dhamnakata kal7 in the fourth centary A. D., Dhanakada (vide infra), Hionen Tsang's To-na-kie-tse-kia, 18 Dhanayavatipura in an inscription of 1361 A. D., and Dharanikoja of modern times. Thus the name Dhadakataks is as much a myth as that Amaravati or any place near it was an Andhra capital. Senart himself guesses that Dhanakata is a misreading for Benakata, which occurs in another inscription of the same reign. This conjecture of Bhandarkar's is the only source of the assertion made by most writers on Andhra history that Dbanakataka, near Amariyati, was the Andhra capital from the time of the second Andhra king, Ktiskna. Among others, Burgesso makes this statement without giving the authority for it and also needlessly accuses the Andhra kings of constantly change ing their capitals. About 200 A. D. Nagarjuna is said in a Tibetan life of his, to have "gar. rounded Dhanakataka with a railing." I-t'sing, the Chinese traveller, says that Nagarjuna's patron was of the So-to-pho-ban-na family ; Hionen Tsang calls him So-to-pho-lo. These names are probably to be equated with Satskani or Satavahana, the proper name of the king being either Siri Polomari or Siri Yana 20 It is noteworthy that among the numerous scrape of inscriptions found at Amaravati, the only reference to an Andhra king is [asi]th[ puta[80][0][0] Siri Pulumdrisa savachhara. This itself is sufficient proof that the place is wrongly called Dhanakataka was never the capital of the Andbras. Another late Andhra insoription is the one found in the Krisbna district of the 27th year rano Gotamiputasa araka siri Yana satakanisa. 22 Numismatic evidence, so far as bas been obtained, corroborates tbe above view. The legends of the Andhra coins are all in Praksit, as their inscriptions are. The earliert Andhra coins are two, bearing the name of Siri Sata (c. 68 B. c.) and the so called Ujjain symbol--the cross and balls device, which probably originated in Malwa. The bow and arrow' coins of Vilivayakura I, Sivalakura and Vilivayakura IL (84 A. D.-138 A. D.) were all found only at Kolbapur. The later coins of the latter hall of the second century and the early part of the third century, i.e., those of Palumayi and his successors (138 A. D.-229 A. D.) have been found only in the Godavart and the Ksishna districts, which alone formed the dominion of the later Andhras when the Sakas on the west and the Pallavas in the south hemmed them in. Mr. Vincent A. Smith who has discussed the Andhra coinage in Z.D. M, G. 1903, has remarked that the Andhra coinage, although geographically to be classed with the southern issues, is Northern and Western in its 1s Ptolemy mentions Larike, Ariake, and Damirike as being in the west coast of India. Larike has been un. animously held to be the Latika country, that of the L&ts. So Damiride was the Hellonized form of possible Dramidaka, (the country) of the Dramidas or Dravidas. Damirike has been identified with the Tamil word Tamilagam, but the uniform ending ke indicates an identity of origin and ke is therefore the Sanskrit suffix ka. Ariake has baffled most people. Has it anything to do with Ariyaka, supposed to be the original of the title Araka, meaning lord, a title given to Siri Yano (Ep. Ind. i. 96) and Mahd airaka, equivalent to Mahd Aryaka, an obscure word which ooours in Palumayi's insoription above referred to The expression is maha-ajrakona odena. The reading of the latter word and the meaning of both are involved in doubt. 16 I regret I cannot bring myself to agree with the French savant in this respect. What is read as Dhanakata 010 also be rend as Dhamnakata and as, in Nasik inseriptions, no is used instead of * (compare e. 9. Anapeyati of the same Nasik insoription), Dhamakata oan very well be taken to be equivalent to Dhamakataka. Sir R. G. Bhandarkar's view, therefore, still standa incontrovertiblo.-D. E. B. 11 A 8. 8. I. Amar. and Jag. p. 90. 1. Ante zi. 95. 19 A. B. S. I. Amar. and Jag. p. 4. lb. pp. 7-13. 11 It is not possible to identify Rasia sivamaka Sada of Amarivati (4. 8. 8. I. Amar, and Jag. p. 61) or Rasia Madhariputa Ikhatunam siri frapurisadata of Jaggayyapeta (ib 110.) 2 Ep. Ind. i. 96.

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NOVEMBER, 1913.) MISCONCEPTIONS ABOUT THE ANDHRAS 281 affinities, and has nothing in common with the peculiar coinage of the South." The gratuitous assumption that the Andhras were a south-eastern tribe is the cause of this apparent anomaly. It has been proved above that there is not a shadow of evidence to assume that the original home of the Andhras was the cast coast of south India and all reliable documents indicate that their original home was south of the Vindhyas, as their coins also prove. In the third century A. D., the Andbrs dominions in the west passed into the hands of the Sakas whose capital was Ujjain. The eastern Andhra territory was acquired by the Pallavas, the earliest king of which dynasty, so far as has been made out from epigraphical evidence, was Sivaskandavarma. The Pallava capital was Kafichipuram and the Andhra district of the Pallavas was called . Andhra patba.'23 This name, translated into Tamil, Vadogavali, 12,000, was in use even in the 9th century A. 0.24 Dbai akada, which is the same as Dhamiakads of the Amaravati in. scription already referred to, was the capital of a Pallava governor in Sivaskandeyarma's time, at about the beginning of the fourth century. Now for the first 26 time we hear of Dhanyakada as a capital of any kind. In the year 340 A. D. when Samudragupta went round India on a digvijaya tour, he vanquished Hastivarma of Vengi (now Pedda Vegi, eight miles north of Ellore), a Pallava viceroy of another part of the Andhramandalam wrested from the Andhra King by the Pallsvas. Veagi was also called Andbranagaram.26 But the Andhra kings and the Andhra tribes have disappeared without any trace from the 3rd century A. D. We do not hear of them in Samudragupta's inscription, nor in the Raghutumia where a digrijaya similar to that of the great Gupta conqueror is attributed to the mythical Ragbu. The word Andhra now became the name of a territory. As such it is mentioned by Hiouen Tsang, who visited the province in the 7th centary A. D., about 30 years after the Eastern Chalukya dynasty was founded at Vengi by Kubja VisbnuVarda hada. The Chinese traveller says that he went from southern) Kosala (Berar) to the country of Andhra (An-ta-lo)," through a great forest, south, after 900 li or so." He calls its capital Ping-ki-lo (P Venginadu). He says that not far from the city is a great Sangharama with storeyed towers and balconies beautifully carved and ornamented." The extensive Buddhist rains at Guntupalli, 16 miles from Pedda Vegi, are perhaps relics of this Sangharama. "These consist of a chaitya cave, a circular chamber with a simple facade containing a ddgaba cut in the solid rock, and several sets of vihdra ca ves with entrance halls and chambers on each side."7 Hiouen Tsang says of the Andhra country, "The soil is rich and fertile ; it is regularly cultivated and produces abundance of cereals. The temperature is hot." This applies very well to the Ellore Taluk, which is the modern representative of the ancient Vengirashtran). Hionen Tsang also says, "the language and arrangement of sentences differ from Mid-India (where Kosala was) but with reference to the sbapes of the letters, they are nearly the same." The language referred to by the keenly observant Ohinese traveller, is the Proto-Telugu evolved in the GodavartKtishaa valley, tbe (later) literary form of which was used by Nannayya Bhatla, the author of the Telaga Mahabharatamu, who lived in the 11th century, and, who, so far as I can discover, was the first person to call the Telugu language by the name of Andhra, We thus find that the Andhras were & Vindhyaa tribe and that the Andhra kings originally ruled over western India and spoke Praksit and not Telugu. The extension of Andhra power was from the west to the east down the Godavari Krishna valley. When their power declined in the west, the namo Andhramandalam travelled to their eastern provinces and stuck to it under Pallava as well as Eastern Chalukya rule. The word Andhra was first a tribal name ; then it became the name of dynasty of kings, who ruled in the west ; and then it became the name of a language which evolved in the cast sometime before the eleventh century. Whence and when and how Telugu arose, what influences fostered its inception and growtb is, however, another and a more complicated story, which will be told in a future article. 13 4. 8. I. 08-07 p. 223. ** 8. I. I., iii, p. 90, # The next occasion when Dbambakaa is called onpital is in Hiouen Teang's description of the place, when it continaed to be, it is presumed, the capital of Pallaya vioeroy. 20 Dalakumdracharitam, vii, ?' Imp. Gax., Ind., zii, 888.

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282 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY ROOK EDICT VI OF ASOKA. BY KASHI-PRASAD JAYASWAL, M.A. (OXON.), BARRISTER-AT-LAW; CALCUTTA, THE passage: [NOVEMBER, 1913. yaca kiMci mukhato ApayAmi svayaM dAparka vA AyApakaM vA va vA puna mahAmAtretu prAcAvike AropitaM bhavati tAba prathAya vivAdo nijhatI va saMto parisAyaMprAnaMtaraM paTivedetathya me sarvaca sarve kAle evaM mayA ApitaM [1] (Girnar, lines 5-7) has been translated by Buhler as follows: "Moreover, if, with respect to any thing which I order by (word of) mouth to be given or to be obeyed as a command, or which as a pressing (matter) is entrusted to my officials, a dispute or "a fraud happens in the committee (of any caste or sect), I have given orders that it shall be brought forthwith to my cognisance in any place and at any time."3 In the above translation the word nijhatt has been rendered as "fraud." I could not trace Dr. Buhler's ground for adopting this meaning. No explanation has been offered by him in his articles on the edicts published in the Zeitshrift d. Deutschen Morg. Gesellschaft, vols. 43 and 44 and the Epigraphia Indica, vol. 2. I do not think there is any warrant for this rendering. The source of the mistake seems to lie in M. Senart's remarks on nikati, an incorrect reading of nijhati: Le sens de "bassesse, fraude," atteste pour le pali nikati et sen prototype sanskrit mikriti, s'accorde tres bien avec de voisinage de virado "desunion, querelle." But the reading nikati, as Buhler himself pointed out, was wrong, jha being quite distinct in all the recensions. If nikati meant fraud,' there is no reason why mijhati also should mean the same. The two are not one and the same word. Pillar Ediot IV. Les Ine, de Piya,, ii. 89,94. Jha in Asokan phonetics, as in Pali, represents either dhya () or keha (a) of Samskruta, e. g., the jha in the nijhapayitave and nijhatiya which, as M. Senart pointed out," are derived from the Sans. Fr+, and the jha in the jhapetaviye of the Pillar Edict V., which. comes from the Samskruta kshai() (Childers). The nijhati of our Rock Edict would therefore represent either #nidhyati (*nidhyatti) or #nikshatti (*nikshapti). The context shows that it does not stand for nidhyatti or a similar expression connected with ni-dhyai, to be attentive,' to reflect. For if in respect of the royal order, there was to be seen, in the parishat nidhyati, attention or reflection, the king would not have been in a desparate hurry to be told of it "forthwith" and t all hours and in all places. It is evident that some unsatisfactory conduct en the part of the parishat is meant by nijhati. And this sense we do get from the other restoration, nikskapti (or nikahipti), casting away,' throwing down, or the act of rejection. In respect of an order given to the Mahamatras if there happened or was going to happen () in the parishat a division (virado) or a total rejection of the order (nikshape), the king was to be informed forthwith at whatsoever place he might be and whichsoever hour it might be. The sense becomes still clearer with an appreciation of the real import of the parisd. The stroke attached to ka is unmistakable, the projection being clearly noticeable beyond the abrasion. See the facsimile in the Ep. Ind., II, facing p. 454. In other recensions mijhatt. Ep. Ind., vol. II, p. 468. Les inscription de Piyadasi, i. 157. It must be at the same time noticed that M. Senart himself in transla ting the adiot (p. 173) does not adopt "bassessee" or "fraude" but "division" as the meaning of the supposed nikats Pillar Ediot VII. 2.

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NOVEMBER, 1913.) ROCK EDICT VI OF ASORA 283 Parisd : M. Senart. takes it to be synonymous with sanghae and Buhler, as the committee of caste or sect. It is obvious that Buhler's importation of caste or sect is too far-fetched and does not suit the context at all. Taya athaya qualifies the whole sentence. The dispute which might arise in the parishat would be a dispate in the matter of an order charged to the Mahamatras and in respect of matters charged to the Mahimatras a discussion could hardly be expected to arise in a council of caste or sect. The same objectiou applies to M. Senart's l'assemblee du clerge. I do not think anybody would suggest that the Maba matras figured as members of the singha. That the parishat was the parishat of the Mahamatras is a conclusion which is forced upon us by the context. This conclasion receives confirmation from an independent source, which I propone to notice after commenting on the term Muhamdira. The confusion with regard to the meaning of this expression has been removed by the recent rendering, the High Ministers.' Tais rendering is confirmed by the Arthasastra, the Maba matras there are the Highest Ministers.10 I think the term Mahamatra, "of high (higher) authority," distinguished the Mabamatra class of ministers from the inferior ministers. Dr. Fleet has noticed in the inscriptions of the Gupta period two grades of offices distinguished from each other by the addition mah1 to particular offices. For the sake of comparsion I would draw attention to a passage of the Sultra-nili, which lays down that each minister in charge of a portfolio was to have two ministers under him as juniors (ii. 109). For the council-of-ministers we have a technical expression in the Arthasdetra, the mantri-purishat. hfiagitas T ACTILataa HITET: (p. 29) FEIE APP (sic)- ofta fui a (p. 29) Afyfta 193 (p. 29) qua sieu sa voi Han (p. 88). In the edict we have vA puna mahAmAcesubhAcAyike AropitaM bhavati. In the Arthaidatra we are told that an dtyayika business had to be entrusted to the parishat whose decision was to be followed in the matter : reuniu ar TU HRA gare i at gras: haranga T uial (p. 29 ) " In case of an diydyika business the mantri-parishat of the ministers shall be called and told (the business). Therein what the majority says or whatever for the success of the matter they tell, shall be done." 11 In the light of this evidence as well as the other considerations put forward above there seems to be strong ground to hold that the parishat of the edict is the mantri-parishat of the Arthasdstra. The edict, which is purely an administrative one, exhibits the emperor's dissatisfaction at the restiveness of his ministers with regard to his certain commands.13 That the ministers had such wide powers as to be in a position to offer opposition in certain matters can be gathered also by the data of the Greek writers 13. i, 157. Cf. Fleet, J. R. A. 8., 1909, p. 997. 1. At the succession of a sovereign, who is a minor, the Mab&matras are tola. He is only the symbol, you sre the real sovereign' (ed. Mysore, 1909, p. 254. Tara GT FIAT: ). It is they who'oollectively deal with the annual account sheets of the provinces sent to the capital (p. 64. Tantai KUTATWITEIT: T: + +). 11 of. Also the Sakra-Niti (II. 3). sabhyAdhikAriprakRtisamAsatsumate sthitH| sarvanA sthAnRpaH prAjJaH svamate na kadAcana // 19 This explanation supports the tradition of the Divyavadana that Radh Agupta opposed the gifts of the king to the Buddhist Brotherhood, 15 Cf. Hence (the "Councillors of State who advise the king') enjoy the prerogative of choosing governors, chiefs of provinces, deputy governore, Boperintendents of the treasury, generals of the army, Admirals of the navy, controllors and commissionors who superintend agrioalbure." Arrian, Indika, XII.

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284 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (NOTEWBER, 1913. I propose to translate the passage as follows : "If, again, in the matter of anything that I myself order by word of mouth-either (an order) to be issued to be given, * or to be p'oclaimed ( 4*)-or, again, in the matter of anything urgent that is charged to the Mahamatras, a division or rejection is taking place ( at) in the council, without any interval I must be informed at all places and at all hours. This has been ordered by me." Mykhato : This signifies that the orders ware not always given by word of month. In this connexion I would refer to a role of the niti ns sarviving in the Suleraniti, viz., that orders by the king should not be given otherwise than in writing, and if an order was otherwise given it was not to be obeyed by the public servant, for it is the royal sig net which is the king and not the king himself 15.'. FOLK-LORE FROM THE NIZAM'S DOMINIONS. BY M. N. CHITTANAH. No. 1. The King and His devoted Minister. T#sre lived once upon a time king and his faithful minister. They loved and trusted each other much. Their love was so great that when anything ever happened to the king the minister felt as if it had happened to him, Likewise the king also felt in the same way if anything ever happened to the minister. On one occasion, & dealer is swords and other arms and weapons came to the king and showed him his wares. The king, while examining one of the swords unfortunately cut off his little finger because it was so sharp. He immediately informed bis beloved minister of this accident and wanted him to see to come at once. But the Minister, to the utter amazement of the king, instead of running to his sid and comforting and sympathizing with his royal master, sent back his reply in these words. " Whatever God does is done wel Though the reason why to tell." When the messengers brought to the king this unexpected reply, his anger knew no bounds, and he at once caused his minister to be dismissed and appointed another man in his place. Some days after, the king went out hunting. While chasing a door, he lost himself in thick forest, which was the den of one hundred and one notorious robbers. It happened to be the festival of their presiding and protecting deity, to whom they offered human sacrifice sunually. Every preparation was ready and the only want was the required sacrifice. So they took it as good luck that they chanced to meet the unfortunate king. Thinking him to be the gift of the goddess, who had been pleased to help them in tim difficulties and utter want and disappointment, they hastened to perform the sacrifice. While they were engaged in bringing the king to the altar, the chief robber's glance happened to fall on the king's missing finger. He at once bawled out to his comrades and showed the defect in the sacrifiee to be offered.' In sorrow and anguish they let the victim go freo. On returning to the palace, be remembered the minister's wise words at the time of the loss of his little finger, which had saved him now from the hands of the murderous band of robbers and reinstated his wise and learned minister to his former place, passing the remainder of their days in blessed harmony of peace and pleasare. 14 ddpakam might moana fiscal order. Cr. 17 1916 1. Arthaelatre, p. 57. 15 wer: ruotara el TTTTTTT fare TTTH II. 290 qer a TK TT 79: HII. 292. (J1vananda's ed.) 1 Among the lower olasses of peoplo very great care is taken when a goat, a sheep or fowl is being chosen for snorifice to goddesses to see that the animal is free from defeotive limbs. Even now when an animal saorific is offered to the lower goddesses, or prosiding deities over oholors, small pox and other epidemios, votaries and worabippers are very careful to obtain sound animal or fowl

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NOVEMBER, 1913.] MISCELLANEA MISCELLANEA. THE JOG OR GERSAPPE FALLS. THE Jog Falls on the Sharavati river,' which for about eight miles forms the boundary between Mysore and the North Kanara District of the Bombay Presidency, are best known to Europeans as the Gersappe Falls, though they are eight miles further up the river than that old village, and about thirty miles from Hona var on the coast. In the south of India there are not a few waterfalls of considerable height and volume. The falls of the Ghatprabha, near Gokak in the Belgaum District, for example, are 170 feet high, horse-shoe shaped, and with a flood-breadth at the crest of 580 feet, discharging in November after the rains an average of nineteen tons of water per second. But the Jog on the Sharavati is by far the grandest, pouring a large volume of water over a vertical cliff with a sheer drop of 830 feet in height, and extending, even in the dry season, to about 720 yards across, whilst in the monsoon the flood is about doubled, rolling over the precipice at a depth of eight feet into a pool some 130 feet deep. In August 1844 Captain Newbold estimated the fall of water at 43,000 cubic feet per second. In November and later the sight of this mighty cataract is still magnificent; while during the rains the huge chasm is filled with the clouds of spray and mist which hang over the cliff. It is divided by rocks into four separate channels. The Raja or Grand Fall is that nearest the right or Kanara bank of the river, and by itself is a fine fall sweeping down in a smooth unbroken volume till lost in clouds of spray. A good way to the left is the second fall, named the Roarer from the noise it makes: it is within the curve on the north-end of the cliff, and falls into a basin whence it rushes down a deep channel and leaps out to join the Raja fall and the joint streams dash down a rugged gorge upon a great rock. The Rocket is outside the north curve and is of great beauty, and falling upon a projecting rock and darting out thence forms a rocket-like curve of 700 feet, throwing off sparkling jets of spray. To the left of this is the fourth cascade styled LaDame Blanche, which . 285 glides gracefully over the precipice in a sheet of foam and spreads out over the face of the rock down to the pool like folds of silver gauze.' When visiting these falls in March 1880, I found the following lines in the visitors' book at the Kodkani Travellers' Bungalow, close to the falls, which I got copied out: they may be of interest to some readers: the author of them, Mr. Gordon Forbes, was a Madras Oivilian, and seems to have been at one time Head Assistant in South Kanara. J. BURGESS. GERSAPPE FALLS. Unnamed yet ancient river! Since the flood Your tribute-gathered from a thousand rillsIncreasing journeys to the Western main, Anon, as now in summer heats, waxed low, Winning slow way amongst the wave-worn rocks; Anon, ere many moons, above their crests Rolling triumpbant, an all-conquering flood. Thy varied scenes are like a changeful life : Turmoil and rest: now harassed and now still. Thou hast deep reaches where thy waters rest Calm as a healthful sleep; there drink at noon The wild herds of the woods; there with deep shade Primeval forests curtain thy repose, Then on with gentle flow and rippling soundDimpled as mirth and musical as joy! On, lured to swiftness, or provoked to strife" By rough obstruction or inviting slope,On, still unconscious to the awful brink, Where the wild plunge hath made thee glorious. Mortal! where wast thou when the hand of God Quarried the chasms in the living rock, And rent the cliff to give the torrent way? How pigmy on the brink thy stature shows, Topping a rampart of a thousand feet! Bend o'er the cliff when the uplifting clouds Beveal the terrors of the deep abyss, Where the blue pigeon circles at mid height, And in the spray the darting swallow bathes; Then, with firm foot and brain undizzied, hurl A fragment from the precipice, and markWith fearful sympathy-its long, long fall! It dwindles to a speck, yet still descends, Descends and vanishes ere yet the eye 1 Kanarese jogu, 'a waterfall.' Newbold in Jour. As. Beng., Vol. XIV, pp. 416 421; Bombay Gazetteer, Kanara, Vol. XV, pt. ii, pp. 284-298; Rice, Gazetteer of Mysore and Coorg, Vol. II, pp. 387-391; Murray's Handbook of India eto., 5th Ed., pp. 384-5; Imperial Gazetteer of India, Vol. XII., p. 210.

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286 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY Discerns the signal of its distant splash. Grudge not the toil to track yon rugged stair," Down where huge fragments strew the torrent bed. Look up and scan the tow 'ring precipice. Sat ever beauty on such awful front? Was e'er dread grief so girt with loveliness? How goodly are thy robes, thou foam-clad queen. What hues of heaven are woven in thy skirt; Thy misty veil, how gracefully it fallsForever falls and yet unveils thee not! Down the black rock in many a show'ry jet, Like arrowy meteors on the midnight sky, Prone shoot the parted waters. And lo where With angry roar athwart the precipice In mighty furrows rushes to the plunge A headlong torrent. But majestic most Thy stately fall, unbroken to the base, Fair column of white water meekly shrined In the dim grandeur of thy gloomy chasm. Imperishable waters! To the place From whence ye came incessant ye return, Dissolve, condense and constant reappear; A river now, and now a restless wave, Aloft a heaven-obscuring canopy, A thunder cloud alighting in soft rain, Or spilt in torrents on the streaming earth, Again to gather, and perchance again Shoot from yon heights a sounding cataract. GORDON FORBES. THE AGE OF SRIHARSHA, IN connection with Mr. D. R. Bhandarkar's note appended to my note on "The age of Sriharsha" ante, p. 83, I have to offer the following observations: (a) Rajasekhara's Prabandhakosa was compos ed more than a century and a half after the reign of the Gahadavala king Jayachchandra (A.D. 1170-1193) in A. D. 1348 (Sivadattasarman's introduction to Naishadhiyacharitam, p. 3). The story of the composition and publication of the [NOVEMBER, 1913 Naishadhiya as told by Rajasekhara bas very little historical basis. Of course the names of some historical personages find place in the story. But even here the author is not correct. He names the patron of Briharsha as Jayantachandra and not Jayachchandra and makes him the son and not the grandson of Govindachandra, king of Varanusl; so Rajasekhara cannot be accepted as a very reliable authority on Gahadavala history, and it is not safe to accept his testimony concerning the contemporaneity of Jayachchandra and Sriharsha as decisive without corroborative contemporary evidence. Rajasekhara may as well have connected a poet of an earlier age with Jayachchandra as Merntunga has connected Bana, Magha, and the dramatist Rajasekhara with Bhoja Paramara in his Prabandhachintamani. (b) As for Arnava-varnana we know of no other charita which is called varnana, and so it is difficult to accept Arnava-varyana as a charita of the Chahamana king Arnoraja. (c) The Chhinda chief (of Gaya) mentioned in the Gaya inscription of Purushottamadeva, who was a tributary of Asokavalla, and dated in the year 1813 after Buddha's Nirvana, was not a contemporary of Jayachchandra, but flourished a century after Jayachchandra's accession. The date of this inscription is usually taken as corres ponding to Wednesday, 28th October, A.D. 1176, with 638 B. C. as the initial year of the era of Buddha's Nirvana. As this is the only instance of the use of this era in India, it cannot be can. sidered as of Indian origin, but must have been imported from outside. It has been proved that the era of Buddha's Nirvana starting from 544 B. C. took its rise in Ceylon in the middle of the eleventh century and was thence carried to Burma (Fleet's Contributions to J. R. 4. S. of 1909, 1911 and 1912; Geiger's Introduction to the Mahavamsa, London, 1912, p. 29). From a Burmese inscription at Bodh-Gay& we learn that Burmese monks repaired a chaitya at Bodh-Gay three times, and that the last repair works were The descent on the south side of the fall down to the pool at the bottom. The section of the fall called La Dame Blanche,-the fall on the south or Mysore side of the river. The fall known as 'The Rooket,'-to the north or right of La Dame Blanche. The Roarer, falls into a basin and thence leaps towards the Reja fall and joins it. The Raja, also called the Horse-shoe fall, the Main fall and the Great fall,-is the large fall on the north or Kanara side of the Sharavati river.

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NOVEMBER, 1913.) BOOK-NOTICE. 287 begun in January 1295 A.D., and completed in No- Bengal, gives Saka 913 = A. D. 991 as the rember 1298 A. D. (Ep. Ind. vol XI., pp. 119-120). date of composition (Buhler's Kashmir Report, The era of Buddha's Nirvana was, therefore, p. cxliv ; Visianagram Sanskrit Series, No. 6, probably imported from Burma into India in the p. 831). Sridharadasa, whose father was a friend thirteenth century, and according to the Ceylon- of Lakshmanabona, compiled his Saduktikarndese, Burmese and Siamese reckoning the year mrita in Saka 1127-A. D. 1205. Kielhorn, in his 1813 after Buddha's Nirvana corresponds to A.D. synchronistic table for Northern India appended 1270. We arrive at similar conclusions regard- to Ep. Ind., Vol. VIII, accepta the date of the ing the age of Asokavalla, and, therefore, of the composition of Danasdgara as a landmark in the Chhinda chief of Gays, from two other Gaya Sena chronology and places the reign of Laksbinscriptions. The first of these two inscriptions manasena in the fourth quarter of the twelfth is dated in the year 11 of "Srimal-Lakshmanase- century. But in the list of dated inscriptions of nasya=&tita rajya," " the year 51 after the end of Northern India prefixed to the table he does not Lakshmanasena's reign." (Kielhorn's Northern make corresponding changes in the dates of the List, No. 576), and the second in the year 74 of Gay& inscriptions of Asokavalla. Taking A.D. the same era (Ibid, No. 5:77). Assuming that 1200 as the approximate date of the end of the Lakshmanasena ascended the throne in A. D. reign of Lakshmanasene, the record of 51 1119, the initial epoch of the Laksmana Saravat, should be assigned to A. D. 1251, and that of 74 Kielhorn gave A. D. 1171 and 1194 as the equito A. D. 1274. Thus the dates of Abokavalla's valents of these dates. But in some copies of inscriptions dated in Lakshmanasen-&tita-rdjya DAnasagara by Ballalasena, father of Laksh- may be reconciled to his third inscription dated manasena, Saka 1091=A.D. 1169 is given as the in the year 1813 after Baddha's Nirudna in date of the composition of the work (J. A. S. B, which a Ohhinda chief of Gay& is referred to. 1896, Part I, p. 23; Eggeling's Catalogue of (d) Mr. Bhandarkar admits, "It is difficult to India Office Mss., p. 545), and in one copy of determine who was the hero of his NavasdhasankaAdbhutasagara by BallAlasena it is said that the charita." This difficulty disappears if we reject. work was begun in Saka 1090 = A. D. 1168 the tales told by Rajasekbara and identify the (Bhandarkar's Report, 1887-88 to 1890 - 91, hero of Briharsha's Navasdhasankacharita with P. Ixxxv). Giving the date of composition in Bindhuraja Navabahasanka of the Paramars Saka era was the usual practice with the Bengali dynasty, the patron of Padmagupta-Parimala authors of those days. Sridhara, the author of and the hero of his Navnshasarkacharita. Nyayakandali, a native of southern Radha in RAMA PRASAD CHANDA. BOOK-NOTICE. PANDIT BALZCAR Dis Jiveis, Prakrtamargopade fika (in Gujaratt).-Printed at tho Dharmabhyudaya Press, Benares, 1911.-Pages 148, 28.-Price 12 annas. To be fully appreciated, the above book should be considered in connection with the object at which it aims, namely, smoothing the way of learning Prakrit to Indian students, by putting Hemacandra's aphoristic rules into an easy and readable form. As regards this end, the author-a scholar in the Sri Yasovijay Banaras Sanskrit Pathball - has no doubt reached it, and has fairly succeeded in giving a co-ordinated and lucid exposition of the whole Prakrit morphology and of the most important phonetical rules and adelas in the Haimaryd karana. It is an original reconstruction of the latter work, not a more translation, and its most pleasant feature is the division of the matter into lessons-33 in all, which can be successively studied, one after another, in the easiest way. Each lesson generally contains, besides paradigms and grammatical rales, lists of words to be learnt by heart, and

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288 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [NOVEMBER, 1913 very useful exercises, consisting of short Prakrit tatsamas of the same origin as the latter, whensentences to be translated into Gujarati, and ever it is possible; c. 9., putra instead of dikaro Gujarati sentences to be translated into Prakrit. as an equivalent of putta, nagara instead of The practioal value of the book is further daher as an equivalent of nayara, eto. This increased by a complete index at the end of all would, in many cases, greatly facilitate for the Prakrit words occurring in it, each word students, the work of learning Prakrit words being explained in Gajarati. We have therefore by heart. in this work the substance of an ancient Indian The language, which Pandit Bahecar Das oydkarana,--the most authoritative one in the Jivraj teaches in his Prakytamargopadecika, is present case, --recast into a modern form, in naturally the same as that described by Hemaaccordance with much the same praetical candra in the three first, and also in half the principles as any European grammar of to-day; fourth, pada of the eighth adhyaya of his vyakaraand I do not hesitate to recommend it strongly na, namely the Mabaraatri, mixed with some of to all Indian students, who wish to learn Prakrit the peculiarities of the Jaina MabArdetri and of from the rules set down by Herdacandya.. the Ardbamagadh. Amongst the ebaracteristics Another important feature of the book, which of the two latter dialects, we may reckon the will not be approved by all, however, is the total yafruti and the dentalisation of initial and banishment of Sanskrit from it. Here Pandit medial rn, which Hemacandra and most Jain Bahecer Das Jivr&j seems to have gone either on writers often transfer not only to the M&hardotri, the assumption that there might be students of but even to other Prakrit dialects and to the Prakrit, who are not acquainted with Sanskrit, Apabhrama. The greater part of the book is or, what is practically the same thing, that devoted to a description of the morphology, and the latter language is not necessary for the it contains the whole substance of the third pada explanation of the former. I need hardly show in the Haimavyakarana, each sutra being expand. that this is not the real situation. It is clear ed into one or more very clear rules, and the that reference to the Sanskrit is absolutely 1000ession of the various sabjects wholly reindispensable not only in describing Prakrit arranged in the most convenient way. Adelas, phonetics, but also Prakrit morphology. There indeclinables etc., are occasionally interspersed. are many irregular Prakrit forms, like 'rocod Within the above limits the book is quite com (CSkt. frutva), pappa (<8kt. prapya), bhunnai plete and, if there are any deficiencies in it, these (Page #303
DECEMBER, 1918.) 'ADMINISTRATIVE VALUE OF ANTHROPOLOGY 289 THE ADMINISTRATIVE VALUE OF ANTHROPOLOGY.1 BY SIR RICHARD C. TEMPLE, BART., C.I.E. THE title of the body of which those present at this meeting from a section is, as all my hearers will know, the British Association for the Advancement of Science, and it seems to me therefore that the primary duty of a sectional President is to do what in him lies, for the time being, to forward the work of his section. This may be done in more than one way : by a survey of the work done up to date and an appreciation of its existing position and future progpeots, by an address directly forwarding it in some particular point or aspect, by considering its applicability to what is called the practical side of human life. The choice of method seems to me to depend on the circumstances of each meeting, and I am about to choose the last of those above mentioned, and to confine my address to a consideration of the administrative value of anthropology because the locality in which we are met together and the spirit of the present moment seem to indicate that I shall best serve the interests of the anthropological section of the British Association by a dissertation on the importance of this particular science to those who are or may hereafter be called upon to administer the public affairs of the lands in which they may reside. . I have to approach the practical aspect of the general subject of anthropology under the difficulty of finding myself once more riding an old hobby, and being consequently confronted with views and remarks already expressed in much detail. But I am not greatly disturbed by this fact, as experience teaches that the most effective way of impressing ideas, in which one believes, on one's fellow man is to miss no opportunity of putting them forward, even at the risk of repeating what may not yet have been forgotten. And as I am convinced that the teachings of anthropologists are of practical value to those engaged in guiding the administration of their own or another country, I am prepared to take that risk. Anthropology is, of course, in its baldest sense the study of mankind in all its possible ramifications, a subject far too wide for any one science to cover, and therefore the real point for consideration on such an occasion as this is not so much what the students of mankind and its environments might study if they chose, but what the scope of their studies now actually is, and whither it is tending. I propose, therefore, to discuss the subject in this limited sense... What then is the anthropology of to-day, that claims to be of practical value to the administrator? In what directions has it developed ? Perhaps the best answer to these questions is to be procured from our own volume of Notes and Queries on Anthropology,' a volume published under the arrangements of the Royal Anthropological Institute for the British Association. This volume of Notes and Queries has been before the public for about forty years, and is now in the fourth edition, which shows a great advance on its predecessors and conforms to the stage of development to'. which the science has reached up to the present time. The object of the Notes and Queries' is stated to be to promote accurate anthropological observation on the part of travellers (including all local observers) and to enable those who are not anthropologists themselves to supply information which is wanted for the scientific study of anthropology at home.' So, in the heads under which the subject is considered in this book, we have exhibited to us the entire scope of the science as it now exists. These heads are (1) Physical Anthropology, (2) Technology, (3) Sociology, (4) Arts and Sciences. 1 Presidential Address delivered to the Anthropological Section of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, held at Birmingham, 1913.

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290 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [DECEMRER, 1913. It is usual, however, nowadays to divide the subject into two main divisions-physical and cultural anthropology. Physical Anthropology aims at obtaining 'as exact a record as possible of the structure and functions of the human body, with a view to determining how far these are dependent on inherited and racial factors, and how far they vary with environment.' This record is based on two separate classes of physical observation : firstly on descriptive characters, such as types of hair, colour of the eyes and skin, and so on, and actual mesaurement; and secondly on attitudes, movements, and customary actions. By the combined study of observations on these points physical heredity is ascertained, and a fair attribution of the race or races to which individuals or groups belong can be arrived at. But anthropology, as now studied, goes very much further than inquiry into the physical structure of the human races. Man, unlike other animals, habitually reinforces and enhances his natural qualities and force by artificial means.' He does, or gets done for him, all sorts of things to his body to improve its capacities or appearance, or to protect it. He thus supplies himself with sanitary appliances and surroundings, with bodily ornamentation and ornaments, with protective clothing, with habitations and furniture, with protection against climate and enemies, with works for the supply of water and fire, with food and drink, drugs and medicine And for these purposes he hunts, fishes, domesticates animals, and tills the soil, and provides himself with implements for all these, and also for defence and offence, and for the transport of goods, involving working in wood, earth, stones, bones, shells, metals and other hard materials, and in leather, strings, nets, basketry, matting and weaving, leading him to what are known as textile industries. Some of this work has brought him to mine and quarry, and to employ mechanical aids in the shape of machinery, however rude and simple. The transport of himself and his belongings by land and water has led him to a separate set of industries and habits: to the use of paths, roads, bridges, and halting places, of trailers, sledges, and wheeled vehicles; to the use of rafts, floats, canoes, coracles, boats, and ships and the means of propelling them, poles, paddles, oars, sails, and rigging. The whole of these subjects is grouped by anthropologists under the term Technology, which thus becomes a very wide subject, covering all the means by which a people supplies itself with the necessaries of its mode of livelihood. In order to successfully carry on what may be termed the necessary industries or even to be in a position to cope with them, bodies of men have to act in concert, and this forces man. kind to be gregarious, a condition of life that involves the creation of social relations. To understand, therefore, any group of mankind, it is essential to study Sociology side by side with Technology. The subjects for inquiry here are the observances at crucial points in the life history of the individual--birth, puberty, marriage, death, daily life, nomenclature, and so on; the social organisation and the relationship of individuals. On these follow the economics of the social group, pastoral, agricultural, industrial, and commercial, together with conceptions as to property and inheritance (including slavery), as to government, law and order, politics and morals; and finally the ideas as to war and the external relations between communities. We are still, however, very far from being able to understand in all their fullness of development even the crudest of human communities, without a further inquiry into the products of their purely mental activities, which in the Notes and Queries' are grouped under the term Arts and Sciences. Under this head are to be examined, in the first place the expression of the emotions to the eye by physical movements and conditions, and then by gestures, signs and signals, before we come to language, which is primarily expressed by the

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DECEMBER, 1913.) ADMINISTRATIVE VALUE OF ANTHROPOLOGY 291 voice to the ear, and secondarily to the eye in a more elaborate form by the graphic artspictures, marks and writing. Man further tries to express his emotions by what are known as the Fine Arts; that is by modifying the material articles which he contrives for his livelihood in a manner that makes them represent to him something beyond their economic use makes them pleasant, representative or symbolical-leading him on to draw, paint, enamel, engrave, carve and mould. In purely mental efforts this striving to satisfy the artistic or aesthetic sense takes the form of stories, proverbs, riddles, songs, and music Dancing, drama, games, tricks and amusements are other manifestations of the same effort, combining in these cases the movements of the body with those of the mind in expressing the emotions. The mental process necessary for the expression of his emotions have induced man to extend his powers of mind in directions now included in the term Abstract Reasoning. This has led him to express the results of his reasoning by such terms as reckoning and measurement, and to fix standards for comparison in such immaterial but all essential matters as enumeration, distance, surface, capacity, weight, time, value and exchange. These last enable him to reach the idea of money, which is the measurement of value by means of tokens, and represents perhaps the highest economic development of the reasoning powers common to nearly all mankind. The mental capacities of man have so far been considered only in relation to the expression of the emotions and of the results of abstract reasoning; but they have served him also to develop other results and expressions equally important, which have arisen out of observation of his surroundings, and have given birth to the Natural Sciences : astronomy, meteorology, geography, topography and natural history. And further they have enabled him to memorise all these things by means of records, which in their highest form have brought about what is known to all of us as history, the bugbear of impulsive and shallow thinkers, but the veryback-bone of all solid opinion. The last and most complex development of the mental processes, dependent upon all the others according to the degree to which they themselves have been developed in any given variety of mankind, is, and has always heen, present in every race or groupon record from the remotest to the most recent time in some form or other and in a high degree. Groups of men observe the phenomena exhibited by themselves or their environment, and account for them according to their mental capacity as modified by their heredity. Man's bare abstract rcasoning, following on his observation of such phenomena, is his philosophy, but his inherited emotions influence his reasoning to an almost controlling extent and induce his religion, which is thus his philosophy or explanation of natural phenomena as effected by his hereditary emotions, producing that most wonderful of all human phenomena, his belief. In the conditions, belief, faith, and religion must and do vary with race, period and environment. . Consequent on the belief, present or past of any given variety of mankind, there follow religious practices (customs as they are usually called) based thereon, and described commonly in terms that are familiar to all, but are nevertheless by no means even yet clearly defined : theology, heathenism, fetishism, animism, totemism, magic, superstition, with soul, ghost, and spirit, and so on, as regards mental concepts; worship, ritual, prayer, sanctity, sacrifice, taboo, etc., as regards custom and practice. Thus have the anthropologists, as I understand them, shown that they desire to answer the question as to what their science is, and to explain the nain points in the subject of which they strive to obtain and impart accurate knowledge based on scientific inquiry : that is, on an

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292 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [DECEMBER, 1913. inquiry methodically conducted on lines which experience has shown them will lead to the minimum of error in observation and record. I trust I have been clear in my explanation of the anthropologists' case, though in the time at my disposal I have been unable to do more than indicate the subjects they study, and have been obliged to exercise restraint and to employ condensation of statement to the utmost extent that even a long experience in exposition enables one to achieve. Briefly, the science of anthropology aims at such a presentation and explanation of the physical and mental facts about any given species or even group of mankind as may correctly instruct those to whom the acquisition of such knowledge may be of use. In this instance, as in the case of the other sciences, the man of science endeavours to acquire and pass on abstraot knowledge, which the man of affairs can confidently apply in the daily business of practical life. It will have been observed that an accurate presentation of the physical and mental characteristics of any species of mankind which it is desired to study is wholly dependent on accurate inquiry and report. Let no one suppose that such inquiry is a matter of instinct or intuition, or that it can be usefully conducted empirically or without due reference to the experiences of others; in other words without sufficient preliminary study. So likely indeed are the uneducated in such matters to observe and record facts about human beings inaccurately, or even wrongly, that about a fourth part of the Notes and Queries ' is taken up with showing the inquirer how to proceed, and in exposing the pitfalls into which he may unconsciously fall. The mainspring of error in anthropological observation is that the inquirer is himself the product of heredity and environment. This induces him to read himself, his own unconscious prejudices and inherited outlook on life, into the statements made to him by those who view life from perhaps a totally different and incompatible standpoint. To the extent that the inquirer does this, to that extent are his observations and report likely to be inaccurate and misleading. To avoid error in this respect, previous training and study are essential, and so the Notes and Queries on Anthropology,' a guide compiled in co-operation by persons long familiar with the subject, is as strong and explicit on the point of how to inquire as on that of what to inquire about. Let me explain that these statements are not intended to be taken as made ex cathedra, but rather as the outcome of actual experience of mistakes made in the past. Time does not permit me to go far into this point, and I must limit myself to the subject of Sociology for my illustration. If a man untlertakes to inquire into the social life of a people or tribe as a subject apart, he is committing an error, and his report will almost certainly be misleading. Such an investigator will find that religion and technology are inextricably mixed up with the sociology of any given tribe, that religion intervenes at every point not only of sociology but also of language and technology. In fact, just as in the case of all other scientific research, the phenomena observable by the anthropologist are not the result of development along any single line alone, but of a progression in a main general direction, as influenced, and it may be even deflected, by contact and environment. If again the inquirer neglects the simple but essential practice of taking notes, not only fully, but also immediately or as nearly so as practicable, he will find that his memory of facts, even after a short time, has become vague, inexact, and incomplete, which means that reports made from memory are more likely to be useless than to be of any scientific value. If voluntary information or indirect and accidental correboration are ignored, if questions are asked and answers accepted without discretion; ii exceptions are mistaken for rules, then the records of an inquiry may well mislead and thus become worse than useless. If leading or direct

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DECEMBER, 1918.) ADMINISTRATIVE VALUE OF ANTHROPOLOGY 293 questions are put without due caution, and if the answers are recorded without reference to the natives' and not the enquirer's mode of classifying things, crucial errors may easily arise. Thus, in many parts of the world, the term 'mother 'includes all female relatives of the past or passing generation, and the term "brother' the entire brotherhood. Such expressions as brother and sister' may and do constantly connote relationships which are not recognised at all amongst us. The word ' marriage may include irrevocable betrothal,' and so on; and it is very easy to fall into the trap of the mistranslation of terms of essential import, especially in the use of words expressing religious conceptions. The conception of godhead has for so long been our inheritance that it may be classed almost as instinctive. It is nevertheless still foreign to the instincts of a large portion of mankind. falso, when working among the uncultured, the inquirer attempts to ascertain abstract ide , except through concrete instances, he will not succeed in his purpose for want of representative terms. And lastly, if he fails to project himself sufficiently into the minds of the subjects of inquiry, or to respect their prejudices, or to regard seriously what they hold to be sacred, or to keep his countenance while practices are being described which to him may be disg sting or ridiculous-if indeed he fails in any way in communicating to his informants, who are often super-sensitively suspicious in such matters, the fact that his sympathy is not feigned he will also fail in obtaining the anthropological knowledge he is seeking. In the words of the 'Notes and Queries 'on this point, 'Nothing is easier than to do anthropological work of a certain sort, but to get to the bottom of native customs and modes of thought, and to record the results of inquiry in such a manner that they carry conviction, is work which can be only carried out properly by careful attention.' The foregoing considerations explain the scope of our studies and the requirements of the preliminary inquiries necessary to give those studies value. The further question is the use to which the results can be put. The point that at once arises here for the immediate purpose is that of the conditions under which the British Empire is administered. We are here met together to talk scientifically, that is, as precisely as we can : and so it is necessary to give a definition to the expression Imperial Administration,' especially as it is constantly used for the government of an empire, whereas in reality it is the government that directs the administration. In this address I use the term 'administration as the disinterested management of the details of public affairs. This excludes politics' from our purview, defining that term as the conduct of the government of a country according to the opinions or in the interests of a particular group or party. Now in this matter of administration the position of the inhabitants of the British Isles is unique. It falls to their lot to govern, directly or indirectly, the lives of members of nearly every variety of the human race. Themselves Europeans by descent and intimate connection, they have a large direct interest in every other general geographical division of the world and its inhabitants. It is worth while to pause here for a moment to think, and to try and realise, however dimly, something of the task before the people of this country in the government and control of what are known as the subject races. For this purpose it is necessary to throw our glance over the physical extent of the British Empire. In the first place, there are the ten self-governing components of the Dominion of Canada and that of Newfoundland in North America, the six Colonial States in the Commonwealth of Australia, with the Dominion of New Zealand in Australasia, and the four divisions of the Union of South Africa. All these may be looked upon as indirectly administered portions of the British Empire. Then there is the mediatised government of Egypt,

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294 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [DECEMBER, 1913. with its appanage, the directly British administered Sudan, which alone covers about a million square miles of territory in thirteen provinces, in Northern Africa. These two areas occupy, as it were, a position between the self-governing and the directly-governed areas. Of these, there are in Europe, Malta and Gibraltar, Cyprus being officially included in Asia. In Asia itself is the mighty Indian Empire, which includes Aden and the Arabian Coast on the West and Burma on the East, and many islands in the intervening sens, with its fiftoen provinces and some twenty categories of Native States' in subordinate alliance,' that is, under general Imperial control. To these are added Ceylon, the Straits Settlements, and the Malay States. federated or other, North Borneo and Sarawak, and in the China Seas Hongkong and Wei-haiwei. In South Africa we find Basutoland, Bechuanaland, and Rhodesia ; in British West Africa, Gambia, the Gold Coast, Sierra Leone, and Nigeria ; in Eastern and Central Africa, Somaliland, the East Africa Protectorate, Uganda, Zanzibar, and Nyassaland; while attached to Africa are the Mauritius, Seychelles, Ascension and St. Helena. In Central and South America are Honduras and British Guiana, and attached to that continent the Falkland Islands, and also Bermuda and the six colonies of British West Indies. In the Pacific Ocean are Fiji, Papua and many of the Pacific Islands. I am afraid that once more during the course of this exposition I have been obliged to resort to a concentration of statement that is almost bewildering. But let that be. If one is to grapple successfully with a large and complex subject, it is necessary to try and keep before the mind, so far as possible, not only its magnitude, but the extent of its complexity. This is the reason for bringing before you, however briefly and generally, the main geographical details of the British Empire. The first point to realise on such a survey is that the mere extent of such an Empire makes the subject of its administration an immensely important one for the British people. The next point for consideration and realisation is that an empire, situated in so many widely separated parts of the world, must contain within its boundaries groups of every variety of mankind, in such numerical strength as to render it necessary to control them as individual entities. They do not consist of small bodies lost in a general population, and therefore negligible from the administrator's point of view, but of whole races and tribes or of large detachments thereof. These tribes of mankind profess every variety of religion known. They are Christians, Jews, Mahomedang, Hindus, Buddhists, Jains, Animists and to use a very modern expression, Animatists, adherents of main religions followed by an immense variety of sects, governed, however loosely, by every species of philosophy that is or has been in fashion among groups of mankind, and current in every stage of development, from the simplest and most primitive to the most historical and complex. One has to bear in mind that we have within our borders the Andamanese, the Papuan, and the Polynesian, as well as the highly civilised Hindu and Chinese, and that not one of these, nor indeed of many other peoples, has any tradition of philosophy or religion in common with our own; their very instincts of faith and belief following other lines than ours, the prejudices with which their minds are saturated being altogether alien to those with which we ourselves are deeply imbued. The subjects of the British King-Emperor speak between them most of the languages of the world, and certainly every structural variety of human speech has its example somewhere in the British Empire. A number of these languages is still only in the process of becoming understood by our officials and other residents among their speakers, and let there be no mistake as to the magnitude of the question involved in the point of language alone in British

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DECEMBER 1913] ADMINISTRATIVE VALUE OF ANTHROPOLOGY 295 Imperial regions. A man may be what is called a linguist. He may have a working know. ledge of the main European languages and of the great Oriental tongues, Arabic, Persian, and Hindustani, which will carry him very far indeed among the people-in a sense, in fact, from London to Calcutta-and then, without leaving that compact portion of the British Possessions known as the Indian Empire, with all ics immense variety of often incompatible subordinate languages and dialects, he has only to step across the border into Burma and the further East to find himself in a totally different atmosphere of speech, wheis not one of the sounds, not one of the forms, not one of the methods, with which he has become familiarised is of any service to him whatever. The same observation will again be forced on him if he transfers himself thence to Southern Africa or to the Pacific Ocean. Let him wander amongst the North American Indians, and he will find the linguistic climate once more altogether changed. Greater Britain may be said to exhibit all the many varieties of internal social relations that have been set up by tribes and groups of mankind-all the different forms of family and general social organisation, of reckoning kinship, of inheritance and control of the possession of property, of dealing with the birth of children and their education and training, physical, mental, moral, and professional, in many cases by methods entirely foreign to British ideas and habits. For instance, infanticide as a custom has many different sources of origin. Our fellow subjects of the King follow, somewhere or other, all the different notions and habits that have been formed by mankind as to the relations between the sexes, both permanent and temporary, as to marriage and to what have been aptly termed supplementary unions. And finally, their methods of dealing with death and bringing it about, of disposing of the dead and worshipping them, give expression to ideas, which it requires study for an inhabitant of Great Britain to appreciate or understand. I may quote here as an example, that of all the forms of human head-hunting and other ceremonial murder that have come within my cognisance, either as an administrator or investigator, not one has originated in callousness or cruelty of character. Indeed, from the point of view of the perpetrators, they are invariably resorted to for the temporal or spiritual benefit of themselves or their tribe. In making this remark, I must not be understood as proposing that they should not be put down, wherever that is practicable. I am merely trying now to give an athropological explanation of human phenomena. In very many parts of the British Empire, the routine of daily life and the notions that govern it often find no counterparts of any kind in those of the British Isles, in such matters as personal habits and etiquette on occasions of social intercourse. And yet, perhaps, nothing estranges the administrator from his people more than mistakes on these points. It is small matters-such as the mode of salutation, forms of address and politeness, as rules of precedence, hospitality, and decency, as recognition of superstitions, however apparently unreasonable-which largely govern social relations, which no stranger can afford to ignore, and which at the same time cannot be ascertained and observed correctly without due study. The considerations so far urged to-day have carried us through the points of the nature and scope of the science of anthropology, the mental equipment necessary for the useful pursuit of it, the methods by which it can be successfully studied, the extent and nature of the British Empire, the kind of knowledge of the alien populations within its boundaries required by persons of British origin who would administer the empire with benefit to the people dwelling in it, and the importance to such persons of aoquiring that knowledge. I now turn to the present situation as to this last point and its possible improvement, though in doing so I have to cover ground that some of those present may think I have already

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296 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [DECEMBER, 1913. trodden bare. The main proposition here is simple enough. The Empire is governed from the British Isles, and therefore year by year a large number of young men is sent out to its various component parts, and to them must inevitably be entrusted in due course the administrative, commercial, and social control over many alien races. If their relations with the foreign peoples with whom they come in contact are to be successful, they must acquire a working knowledge of the habits, customs, and ideas that govern the conduct of those peoples, and of the conditions in which they pass their lives. All those who succeed find these things out for themselves, and discern that success in administration and commerce is intimately affected by success in social relations, and that that in its turn is dependent on the knowledge they may attain of those with whom they have to deal. They set about learning what they can, but of necessity empirically, trusting to keenness of observation, because such self-tuition is, as it were, a side issue in the immediate and imperative business of their lives. But, as I have already said elsewhere, the man who is obliged to obtain the requisite knowledge empirically, and without any previous training in observation, is heavily handicapped indeed in comparison with him who has already acquired the habit of right observation, and, what is of much more importance, has been put in the way of correctly interpreting his observations in his youth. To put the proposition in its briefest form : in order to succeed in administration a man must use tact. Tact is the social expression of discernment and insight, qualities born of intuitive anthropological knowledge, and that is what it is necessary to induce in those sent abroad to become eventually the controllers of other kinds of men. What is required, therefore, is that in youth they should have imbibed the anthropological habit, so that as a result of having been taught how to study mankind, they may learn what it is necessary to know of those about them correctly, and in the shortest practicable time. The years of active life now unavoidably wasted in securing this knowledge, often inadequately and incorrectly even in the case of the ablest, can thus be saved, to the incalculable benefit of both the governors and the governed. The situation has, for some years past, been appreciated by those who have occupied themselves with the science we are assembled here to promote, and several efforts have been made by the Royal Anthropological Institute and the Universities of Oxford, Cambridge, and London, at any rate, to bring the public benefits accruing from the establishment of anthro- pological schools before the Government and the people of this country. In 1902 the Royal Anthropological Institute sent a deputation to the Government with a view to the establishment of an official Anthropometric Survey of the United Kingdom, in order to test the foundation for fears, then widely expressed, as to the physical deterioration of the population. In 1909 the Institute sent a second deputation to the present Government, to urge the need for the official training in anthropology of candidates for the Consular Service and of the Indian and Colonial Civil Services. There is happily every reason to hope that the Public Services Commission may act on the recommendations then made. This year (1913) the Institute returned to the charge and approached the Secretary of State for India, with & view to making anthropology an integral feature of the studies of the Oriental Research Institute, to the establishment of which the Government of India had officially proposed to give special attention. The Institute has also lately arranged to deal with all questions of scientific import that may come before the newly constituted Bureau of Ethnology at the Royal Colonial Institute, in the hope with its co-operation of eventually establishing a great desideratum-an Imperial Bureau of Ethnology. It has further had in hand a scheme for the systematic and thorough distribution of local correspondents throughout the world. .

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DECEMBER, 1913.] ADMINISTRATIVE VALUE OF ANTHROPOLOGY 297 At Oxford, anthropology as a serious study was recognised by the appointment, in 1884, of a Reader, who was afterwards given the status of a Professor. In 1885, it was admitted as a special subject in the Final Honours School of Natural Science. In 1904, a memorandum was drawn up by those interested in the study at the University, advocating a method of systematic training in it, which resulted in the formation of the Committee of Anthropology in the following year. This Committee has established a series of lectures and examinations for a diploma, which can be taken as part of the degree course, but is open to all officers of the public services as well. By these means a School of Anthropology has been created at Oxford, which has already registered many students, among whom officers engaged in the administration of the British Colonies in Africa and members of the Indian Civil Service have been included. The whole question has been systematically taken up in all its aspects, the instruction, formal and informal, comprising physical anthropology, psychology, geographical distribution, prehistoric archaeology, technology, sociology and philology. At Cambridge, in 1893, there was a recognised Lecturer in Physical Anthropology, an informal office now represented by a Lecturer in Physical Anthropology and a Reader in Ethnology, regularly appointed by the University. In 1904, as a result of an expedition to Torres Straits, a Board of Anthropological Studies was formed, and a Diploma in Anthropology instituted, to be granted, not for success in examinations, but in recognition of meritorious personal research. At the same time, in order to help students, among whom were included officials in the African and Indian Civil Services, the Board established lectures on the same subjects as those taught at Oxford. This year, 1913, the University has instituted an Anthropological Tripos for its Degrees on lines similar to the others. The distinguishing feature of the Cambridge system is the prominence given to field work, and this is attracting foreign students of all sorts. In 1909, joint representations were made by a deputation from the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge to both the India and Colonial Offices, advocating the training of Civil Service candidates and probationers in ethnology and primitive religion. In 1904, the generosity of a private individual established a Lectureship in Ethnology in connection with the University of London, which has since developed into a Professorship of Ethnology with a Lectureship in Physical Anthropology. In the same year the same benefactor instituted a Chair of Sociology. In 1909 the University established a Board of Anthropology, and the subject is now included in the curricula for the Degrees of the University. In and after 1914, Anthropology will be a branch of the Science Honours Degree. The Degree course of the future covers both physical and cultural anthropology in regard to zoology, palaeontology, physiology, psychology, archaeology, technology, sociology, linguistics and ethnology. There will also be courses in ethnology with special attention to field work for officials and missionaries, and it is interesting to note that students of Egyptology are already taking a course of lectures in ethnology and physical anthropology. Though the Universities have thus been definite enough in their action where the authority is vested in them, it is needless to say that their representations to Governments have met with varying success, and so far they have not produced much practical result. But it is as well to note here that a precedent for the preliminary anthropological training of probationers in the Colonial Civil Service has been already set up, as the Government of the Sudan has directed that every candidate for its services shall go through a course of anthropology at Oxford or Cambridge. In addition to this, the Sudan Government has given a grant to enable a competent anthropologist from London to run a small scientific survey of the peoples under

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298 ... THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [DECEMBER, 1913. its administration. The Assam Government has arranged its ethnographical monographs on the lines of the British Association's Notes and Queries' with much benefit to itself, and it is believed that the Burma Government will do likewise. Speaking in this place to such an audience as that before me, and encouraged by what was already been done elsewhere, I cannot think that I can be mistaken in venturing to recommend the encouragement of the study of anthropology to the University of such a city as Birmingham, which has almost unlimited interests throughout the British Empire. For it should be remembered that anthropological knowledge is as useful to merchants in partibus in dealing with aliens as to administrators so situated. Should this suggestion bear fruit, and should it be thought advisable some day to establish a School of Anthropology in Birmingham, I would also venture to point out that there are two requirements preliminary 'to the successful formation of almost any school of study. These are a library and a museum ad hoc. At Oxford there is a well known and well conducted anthropological museum in the Pitt-Rivers Collection, and the Museum of Archaology and Ethnology at Cambridge contains collections of the greatest service to the anthropologist. Liverpool is also interesting itself in such matters. The Royal Anthropological Institute is forming a special library, and both that Institute and the University of London have the benefit of the splendid collections of the British Museum and of the Horniman Museum readily accessible. The .ibraries at Oxford and Cambridge are, I need hardly say, of world-wide fame. At all these places of learning, then, these requisites for this department of knowledge are forthcoming. It were almost superfluous to state why they are requisites. Every student requires, not only competent teachers to guide him in his particular branch of study, but also a library and a museum close at hand, where he can find the information he wants and the illustration of it. Where these exist, thither it will be found that students will flock. Birmingham pos. sesses peculiar facilities for the formation of both, as the city has all over the Empire its commercial representatives, who can collect the required museum specimens on the spot. The financial labours also of those who distribute these men over Greater Britain, and indeed all over the world, produce the means to create the library and the school, and their universal interests provide the incentive for securing for those in their employ the best method of acquir. ing a knowledge of men that can be turned to useful commercial purpose. Beyond these suggestions I will not pursue this point now, except to express a hope that this discourse may lead to a discussion thereon before this meeting breaks up. Before I quit my subject I would like to be somewhat insistent on the fact that, though I have been dwelling so far exclusively on the business side, as it were, of the study of anthropology, it has a personal side as well. I would like to impress once more on the student, as I have often had occasion to do already, that whether he is studying of his own free will or at the behest of circumstances, there is hardly any better hobby in existence than this, or one that can be ridden with greater pleasure. It cannot, of course, be mastered in a day. At first the lessons will be a grind. Then, until they are well learnt, they are irksome, but when fullness of knowledge and maturity of judgment are attained, there is, perhaps, no keener sense of satisfaction which human beings can experience than that which is afforded by this study. Its range is so wide, its phases so very many, the interests involved in it so various, that it cannot fail to pleasantly occupy the leisure hours from youth to full manhood, and to be a solace, in some aspect or other, in advanced life and old age. The processes of discovery in the course of this study are of such interest in themselves that I should wish to give many instances, but I must confine myself now to one or two. The

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ADMINISTRATIVE VALUE OF ANTHROPOLOGY 299 DECEMBER, 1913.] students will find on investigation, for instance, that however childish the reasoning of savages may appear to be on abstract subjects, and however silly some of their customs may seem, they are neither childish nor silly in reality. They are almost always the result of 'correct argument-from a false premiss'-a mental process not unknown to civilised races. The student will also surely find that savages are not fools where their concrete interests are concerned, as they conceive those interests to be. For example, in commerce, beads do not appeal to savages merely because they are pretty things, except for purposes of adornment. They will only part with articles they value for particular sorts of beads which are to them money, in that they can procure in exchange for them, in their own country, something they much desire. They have no other reason for accepting any kind of bead in payment for goods. On few anthropological points can mistakes be made more readily than on this, and when they are made by merchants, financial disaster can well follow, so that what I have already said elsewhere as to this may bear repetition in part here. Savages in their bargains with civilised man never make one that does not, for reasons of their own, satisfy themselves. Each side, in such a case, views the bargain according to its own interest. On his side, the trader buys something of great value to him, when he has taken it elsewhere, with something of little value to him, which he has brought from elsewhere, and then, and only then, can he make what is to him a magnificent bargain. On the other hand the savage is more than satisfied, because with what he has got from the trader he can procure from among his own people something he very much covets, which the article he parted with could not have procured for him. Both sides profit by the bargain from their respective points of view, and traders cannot, as a matter of fact, take undue advantage of savages, who, as a body, part with products of little or no value to themselves for others of vital importance, though these last may be of little or none to the civilised trader. The more one dives into recorded bargains, the more clearly one sees the truth of this view. I have always advocated personal inquiry into the native currency and money, even of pre-British days, of the people amongst whom a Britisher's lot is cast, for the reason that the study of the mental processes that lead up to commercial relations, internal and external, the customs concerned with daily buying and selling, take one more deeply into aliens' habits of mind and their outlook on practical life than any other branch of research. The student will find himself involuntarily acquiring a knowledge of the whole life of a people, even of superstitions and local politics, inatters that commercial men, as well as administrators, cannot, if they only knew it, ever afford to ignore. The study has also a great intellectual interest, and neither the man of commerce nor the man of affairs should disregard this aide of it if he would attain success in every sense of that term. Just let me give one instance from personal experience. A few years back a number of ingots of tin, in the form of birds and animals and imitations thereof, hollow tokens of tin ingots, together with a number of rough notes taken on the spot, were handed over to me for investigation and report. They came from the Federated Malay States, and were variously said to have been used as toys and as money in some form. A long and careful investigation unearthed the whole story. They turned out to be surviving specimens of an obsolete and forgotten Malay currency. Bit by bit, by researches into travellers' stories and old records, European and vernacular, it was ascertained that some of the specimens were currency and some money, and that they belonged to two separate series. Their relations to each other were ascertained, and also to the currencies of the European and Oriental nations with whom the Malays of the Peninsula had come in contact. The mint profit in some instances, and in other instances the actual profit European governments and mercantile authorities, and even native traders, had made in recorded transactions of the past, was found out. The origin of the British, Dutch, and Portuguese money,evolved for trading with the Malays, was disclosed, and several interesting historical discoveries were made; as, for instance, the explanation of the coins still

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800 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [DECEMBER, 1913. remaining in museums and issued in 1510 by the great Portuguese conqueror, Albuquerque, for the then new Malay possessions of his country, and the meaning of the numismatic plates of the great French traveller Tavernier in the next century. Perhaps the most interesting, and anthropologically the most important, discovery was the relation of the ideas that led up to the animal currency of the Malays to similar ideas in India, Central Asia, China, and Europe itself throughout all historical times. One wonders how many people in these isles grasp the fact that our own monetary scale of 960 farthings to the sovereign, and the native Malay scale of 1,280 cash to the dollar, are representatives of one and the same universal scale, with more than probably one and the same origin out of a simple method of counting seeds, peas, beans, shells, or other small natural constant weights. Bur the point for the present purpose is that not only will the student find that long practice in anthropological inquiry, and the learning resulting therefrom, will enable him to make similar discoveries, but also that the process of discovery is intensely interesting. Such discoveries, too, are of practical value. In this instance they have taught us much of native habits of thought and views of life in newly acquired possessions which no administrator there, mercantile or governmental, can set, aside with safety. . I must not dwell too long on this aspect of my subject, and will only add the following remark. If any of my hearers will go to the Pitt-Rivers Museum at Oxford he will find many small collections recording the historical evolution of various common objects. Among them is a series showing the history of the tobacco pipe, commonly known to literary students in this country as the nargileh and to Orientalists as the hukka. At one end of the series will be found a hollow coconut with an artificial hole in it, and then every step in evolution between that and an elaborate hukka with its long, flexible, drawing-tube at the other end. I give this instance, as I contributed the series, and I well remember the eagerness of the hunt in the Indian bazaars and the satisfaction on proving every step in the evolution. There is one aspect of life where the anthropological instinct would be more than useful, but to which, alas, it cannot be extended in practice. Politics, government, and administration are so interdependent throughout the world that it has always seemed to me to be a pity that the value to himself of following the principles of anthropology cannot be impressed on the average politician of any nationality. I fear it is hopeless to expect it. Were it only possible, the extent of the consequent benefit to mankind is at present beyond human forecast, as then the politician could approach his work without that arrogance of ignorance of his fellow countrymen on all points, except their credulity, that is the bane of the ordinary types of his kind wherever found, with which they have always poisoned and are still poisoning their minds, mistaking the satisfaction of the immediate temporary interests and prejudices of themselves and comrades for the permanent advantage of the whole people, whom, in consequence, they incontinently misgovern, whenever and for so long as their country is so undiscerning as to place them in power. Permit me, in conclusion, to enforce the main argument of this address by a personal note. It was my fortune to have been partly trained in youth at a University College, where the tendency was to produce men of affairs rather than men of the schools, and only the other day it was my privilege to hear the preserit master of the College, my own contemporary and fellow-undergraduate, expound the system of training still carried out there. In the government of young men,' he said, 'intellect is all very well, but sympathy counts for very much more. Here we have the root principlo of Applied Anthropology. Here we have in a nutshell the full import of its teaching. The sound administration of the affairs of men can only be based on cultured sympathy, that sympathy on sure knowledge, that knowledge on competent study, that study on accurate inquiry, that inquiry on right method, and that method on continuous experience.

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DECEMBER, 1913.] CRITICAL NOTES ON KALHANA'S EIGHTH TARANGA 301 CRITICAL NOTES ON KALHANA'S EIGHTH TARANGA. BY E. HULTZSCH. The subjoined list forms tha continuation of my "Critical Notes on Kalhana's Seventh Tarangu" in Vol. XL. of this Journal (p. 97 ff.). It is concerned with verses 1-1500 of the last Taranga (VIII.) of Kalhana's BAjatarangini and registers those readings of my ancient Sarada MS. (M) which are either preferable to those of Sir Aurel Stein's edition or worth consideration. The abbreviations are the same as before (Vol. XL. p. 97), but the two MSS. P and E were not at hand during the preparation of this list. In M the following verses of the passage VIII, 1-1500 are preserved either in full or partially :-1-24, 733-1369, and 1495-1500, while the leaves containing verses 25-732 and 1370-1494 are lost. It will be observed that, wherever M is available for comparison, it becomes possible to correct some details of the published text. Every student of the eighth Taranga is therefore recommended to consult this list when using Sir Aurel Stein's excellent edition and translation of Kalhana's chronicle. 3. 991 M. 13. M. ; read of 14. Read Temat: with M. 17. Read of " with D. 149. Read roro with D. 175. Read with and D. 252. Read perhaps Fato (Cast MSS., TTTO). 296. Read perhaps too with C, D and gar: Eto 868. Read car with D. 875. Read : with N. 490. Read . 501. Read of T4 ( 10, D, N). 538. Tonger N; cf. my note on VII, 588, 600. If the reading Firat is correct, Kalhana would have offended against Panini, VI, 1, 125. 610. Read arr447: with D. 708. Read th: . 715. Read it with D. 738. cerito M. 737. W o M. Divide dean asantaor asan asranta, whilo Dr. Stein's translation presupposes asanna-santao. 739. Read Tat with M. 746. ait :) M. 747. Carrara M; read any afa. 750, Read T with M. After 756 M. adds the following verse : vihAravATike tuGgezApaNe kampanApatiH / anyoM nandanavane sasainyA raajmntrinnH|| "The commander of the army (stood) at Vihara Vatika (?) on the Tangesapana (of. VI, 190) and the other ministers of the king in the Nandanavana with soldiers. 760. Fato M. 764. feferent M.

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302 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [DROEMBIR 1913 766. visazena M. 770. cApya M, as suggested by P. Durgaprasad. pavAba: MB of the footnotes in P. Dargaprasad's edition and in Dr. Stein's translation 774. karavaM MB read kRtsno . 777. Read degcatrikAn with M. 780. pratApeSu javanya tha M. 782. tyAnavideg M, svAnsvavi ,N, svAmsa vi. (which seems to be correct) D. 785. virAgabhAk M. 788. yo nAsti vyApahA MB read yo mAntopadA. 790. 'simbAyo M. Read degbanAra' with M. 798. cimugdhadeg M. 800. Read dar with M; cf. VIII, 824. 801. rAjJo dhairyaNa M. 802. pajAbite M. 803. nAma for vAsaH M. Read 'varSiNam with c and D. 812. sabAlAddhaM M. | 813. Read gratarea with M; see Panini, VI, 1, 95. 814. macchata M. 816. nirgataH M. 817. pravada' and taityA M. 819. sa bhRtvadroha M. 821. 'syAba vinizcasan M. 824. buyutsuH M. degvALApI M, N. 825. Read degnirodhinaH with M. 827. Read degnmArgeSu with M. 831. vahitikA M. 834. goSThI M. 844. nAzliSTai M. 845. 'locotinA M. 847. Read degmancasva valga[taH] and cArucAmare' with M. 848. Read niruddhAca[:] with M. . 849. kRtyopa M. 850. Read sanyavarzayat with M. 858. Read robhidhAM with M. 859. syAdRSTapUrvasva M. 861. zukho M. 862. karaNe M. 863. antarajJaH M, as suggested by P. Durgaprasad. 864. dharya M. 872. degstattadanva M. 874. gehe M. 898. alobuvA M. 899. 'kAH prAcaM MB read degkA prAyaM. 900. tejA M. 902. 'dinAdadeg M. 908. Read AIREAT with M and D

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DECEMBER, 1913.] CRITICAL NOTES ON KALHANA'S EIGHTH TARANGA 303 906. degddhataiH . 909. tatra for tatha.sovadhIn M. 918. Read tamazzUnyaM with M. 919. degcApAnAM M. 920.. vaitAlA I. 921. kimanyaJcA' M. Read perhaps subaha. dhvastadhAnsa M; read perhaps dhvastathAnsva. 924. dRSTA M. 929. kAeDa M. 934. Read sAntvya with D. 944. siMhAcaiH ... . 946. taH patan . 948. kopanartita M. 951. Read kezAnalpa with M. 952, akRSTa sa. 953. rudAma' and 'dAkAra M. 955. salAvanyAnvya MB read sa javanyAnya'. 960. prasthitI M and c%3Bck. the footnoter in Dr. Stein's edition. myadhAta M. The second half of verse 961, which is missing in other MSS., runs thus in M: avikriyA tasya gUDhA bhuutvevaasiibmrssinnH|| " Inwardly this resentful (king) did not change (in his feelings) towards (his) servants. 962. saMsparzajaM M. 968. Read svIcikIdeg with M. 970. Readge with M. 971. degdharAGganaM I. 975. nirguDa . 976. diipyt|. 980. Read hemAeDadeg with . 984. Read zAvasaMhAra'. 986. kepi nideg M. 989. * bhasmIbhUtA and simisimAdegI. 992. Read.vAtra with M. 998. bAjarA. - 997: maI 999. vaizase 1, as suggested by P. Durgaprasad. 1002. Here and in verses 1039 and 1043 M reads simbha for simba, and in verse 1045miha. 1005. vALAbInulhaNa M; cf. VIII, 1041, etc. 1006. prayuddhA . 1018. bahuzo bahavaM (read degvo) hatAH M. 1019. Read rAnIke with M. 1021. Read perhaps vizvedevA with cand N. 1023, vyavasAyo M, as suggested in Dr. Stein's translation. 1081. cetmApsye ; read cetyApsya'. sAkSepaM M with L.. 1038. Mfally confirms Dr. Stein's conjeetural readings. 1048. syakAzizraya ; read tyakAzizriyadeg with cand D. 1049. 'paplave .

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304 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [DEOEMBER, 1913. M omits verses 1052 and 1053 and continues thus : sviikRtaanyvlnyauss"siiskRtturnmH| sodhavAraiH saha raNaM cakAra nagarAntare // nRpaavrodhsso(ssii)dhaapaavaalokitmthaakulaiH| bhikSuNa kSiptikAtIre skandA(ndhA)vAraMnyabadhyata!! The first of these four lines, which is missing in other MSS., seems to be meant for svIkRtAnyalavanyauSo vazIkRtaturaMgamaH / "Having won over numerous other Lavanyas (and) having secured horses (for them), he commenced a fight with the horsemen within the city. Then Bhiksbu pitched on the bank of the K shiptika a camp which was regarded with apprehension by the king's ladies from the top of the palace." 1056. rAjodyAnA M. Instead of verse 1059 M has the two following verses: ....."tasminhatAvaSTa k(embh)viksstH| DAmarANaM sa kaTako babhUva vijayezvare / / pareSAM tu yArohastitaH pRthviihraadyH| prayayuH setumuvaDya jIvAsvasthAkathaMcana / 1066. moDitI M. 1070. Read they with M and C; the reading uca offends against Panini, VI, 1, 95. 1073. vitastAyAM and degtAilAt M. tajAM; of. note on VIII, 900. 1080. bAyatu mulaM M and D. 1083. vicchiTi M. 1084. telo M. Read kSatriyA (as a separate word) with M3 of. L.bhibhikAsthAnasaba M. 1090. degsissussanissanTAH M; cf. the footnote in Dr. Stein's translation. 1098. pAvAlyA phAlgunasyeva M. Read degmApatuH with M. 1096. dhAyyapi M; this or degdhAyyatha is the correct reading. 1097. kare M. na tathA majane payaH M. 1101. jIrNa M. 1102. loTAzAhyalakAdayaH M. 1105. Read turaGgamaM with M. 1112. Read zamitI yuje rAjasanusamIraNaH and prAsAmba with M and translate: " These two removed in the fight by showers of darts, the distress (produced) by the prince (Bhikshu) as (the two months) Nabhas and Nabbasya (extinguish) by showers of rain the jungle-fire (fanned) by the wind." 1113. Read oftto with M. 1117. Read degcikIrSuNa with M. 1122. kaizci M. 1127. Read degmuttaraM with M. 1129. kAndi M. 1130. praroha M. 1131. janyakena M. 1138. maDAtmajo DamNaM. 1147. tathAvidheM. 1148. pratipakSe M. 1151: senaiva for saMgamya M. 1155. punazca for vasante M. 1159. Read faster with M.

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ORITICAL NOTES ON KALHANA'S EIGHTH TARANGA DECEMBER, 1918.] 1170. Read 1171. Read 1174. Read 1175. vezmaniSTa M. 1185. degteSu ca M and N. 1186. Read 4deg with M. at with M. far with M. with M and C. 1190 bhUmikRte M. 1192. M, as suggested in Dr. Stein's translation. dalAsa yat M. 1198 1194. bhRtyeSu gacchatsu M. 1198 prerayacca M; read prerayaca. Read vyadIryanta with M. 1200. ekopyadrA M. 1201. nipAtya and vyUhe M. 1202 vyaJjita M. 1203. mAnassvIkAzaM M; read mANa[ ] stokAzaM with C. 1205. Read a with M, N, C, D and Fra with D. 1208. Read perhaps bhikSAM (for kSipraM ) prapedire. 1221. kazmIra and purAntare M. 1223. Read wear with M. 1229. maMtra yAtaH M. Instead of verses 1230 to 1236 of the printed text M has 161 other verses. That the latter are genuine follows (1) from their style, which is unmistakably Kalhana's, and (2) from the fact that the published text shows a gap in the narrative between the years [41]99 (verse 1151) and [420] (verse 1348), which is filled up by those verses: verse 50 specifies the year 100 (i. e. 1200), verse 79 the year [420], verse 117 the year [420], and verse 152 the year [420]. This period was occupied by continual fights between Sussala and his enemy Bhikshachara. Much of this passage is so corrupt that it seems difficult to publish the whole from M alone in an intelligible form. Here shall note only the following occurrences:-Prithvihara is killed by Rilbana and Syama (verse 13 f.); Prajji dies (verse 144); in Vajsakha of the year [420]3 Sussala leaves Srinagar for the last time (verse 152). 1 1237 deg devI gUDhaM kandanayantrayaM M. 1288. sa taM bandhuM M. 1241. svamantribhiH M. 1246. Read perhaps sAnnidhyaM for tannityaM. 1248 vyApAdayAmyahaM M. 1252. bhavyamavarNayat M. 1258. kSautre M. 1259. Read far with M. 305 1260. vASTaghUvAya M. 1269. : and at M, which adds the following verse: yAvanmAtrasya daNDasya vidheyasya virodhinAM / himAgamo narapateH paripanthitvamAyayo || The beginning of winter prevented the king from inflicting any punishment on the enemies." 1270. avartata M. 1271. ntAkrama M.

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806 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [DECEMBER, 1913. 1275. nipatertura M ; read nipatehaIra. Read kana for kramet with M. 1296. Read gastro with M. M with L. 1299. Read FAITEIT VAT ("Having bathed I shall wait for (you)") with M. 1301. HITS M. 1312. uro M, 27T: C. 1318. * M; read as Frase, as suggested by P. Durgaprasad. 1820. M. 1321. dt M. 1823. i Terfaru M. 1326. FAITU M. 1328. : M. 1831. For the use of alam with the gerund, see Panini, III, 4, 18, and Magha, II, 40. 1832. Sio M with C and D. 1334. Turgo M. 1339. 95 M. 1341. M with 0. 1349. Read data and see my notes on VIII, 813 and 1070. 1350. : M. 1351. Read Reyear with M. 1352. : M. 1354. Read PU with M. 1355. T M . TA M , as suggested in Dr. Stein's translation, 1356. Read tits with M. 1357. laka and saMdarzane M. 1365. cat M. 1362. Read euroro and facerea: with M. 1364. M. 1366. Read area with M. 1867. Read Feat with M. 1368. Read T with M ; cf. Panini, VIII, 2, 84, and Magha, V, 15. ON THE ORIGIN OF THE NARADA-SMRITI. BY K. P. JAYASWAL, M.A. (OXON.)., BABBISTER-AT-LAW. I should like to draw the attention of orientalists who are interested in the study of the Smpitis, to one of the sources of the Narada-emrit. I brought out the point in the course of a series of articles discussing the connection between the Artha-adstra and the Dharma-idotras. The procedure law of the Narada-smriti is greatly based on the Dharmasthiya book of the Artha-sastra of Kautilyn. In the preface the smriti avows that it is based on Manu, while it, seldom follows the Code of Manu. The importance of the Artha-sdstra in Hindu legal history is so very considerable that we shall be justified in treating the Book on Law (Dharmasthiya) as a part of the permanent logal system of the Hindus. The Manava-dharma-kdatral criticises it, the Yajaavalkya? borrows from it, and the Naradasmriti adopts its purely secular treatment and its principles of procedure law. 1 See The Doctrine of Rquity in Hindu Jurisprudence, Calcutta Weekly Notes, Nos. 39, 41, and 12, (1911). (Cf. also the Archiv fur Reschte und Wirtschafts philosophie, V, 4, where the articles have been discussed.) 10 W. N., 1918, NO. 39. of C. W. N.Nos. 44 & 45, 1918. Seo NS.. Introduction, 2, 7, 10, 11, 87, 19, 40, and AB., Verses at P. 150 (ed, Shama Sastri); cf. also the laws of evidence in AS., III. 11, with NS. 1.; rules about plaint and written statement in A8., III. 1, with those in NB., Intro. II.

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DECEMBER, 1913] MISCELLANEA. MISCELLANEA. A NOTE ON THE "ORIGIN AND DECLINE OF BUDDHISM AND JAINISM IN SOUTHERN INDIA.". I have read with some interest the paper on The Origin and Decline of Buddhism and Jainism in Southern India written by Mr. K. V. Subrhamanya Ayyar and published in the pages of this Journal. I cannot leave the subject without making a few observations on some statements made by the author which are wrong and consequently likely to become mischievous. I shall not trouble myself with the first part, which is based exclusively on the Mahavamia, whose authenticity for historical purposes has been questioned by scholars, but shall confine my cbservations to the latter part. But, before doing so, I shall notice in brief one point. Our author says that the famous Bauddha bhikshu, Aritta, who was the maternal uncle of Devanampiya Tissa, might be the person after whom the village of Arittappatti in the Madura District, must have been named. There is as much likelihood as not for such a supposition. If the Brahmi inscriptions found there call the village by the name Arittappatti, we could easily take it to have been named after this Bauddha apostle. On the other hand our friend himself states that one of the Vatteluttu inscriptions found in that region mentions a Arittanemi. There is now a probability of the place being called after this person also; so then, one cannot be certain as to the origin of the name of the village. It is apparent that, since this fact came in handy enough to bring home a theory of his making, Mr. Ayyar has utilised it here. I do not mean to say that he himself could not have perceived the difficulty in an identification of the kind he has made. A similar error is committed by coupling the name of an Ajjapandi mentioned in the Tamil epic Jivakachintamani and a similar name found in inscriptions. I would be the first person to accept such an identification if the date of any of the two factors of the identity had been known. Has our author determined the approximate date at least of this Tamil epic poem? Or, does he know the period in which the Jaina acharya mentioned in the stone records lived? If neither of these dates is known, how can we assert that the two Ajjenandis are identical? From a careful study of the hymn of Tirujnanasambandar, one would perceive that he ridicules the curious names of the Jaina gurus, rather than gives a list of his contemporaries of the Jaina persuation, who lived on the Anaimalai hill. 307 He says "As long as I have the grace of Siva of the temple at Alavay (Madura), I would not feel helpless, before the blind fools of Jainas who hail with the names Sandusenan, Indusenan, etc., and who like monkeys, go about without any knowledge either of the Aryan tongue or of the refined Tamil." The vein of derision is seen when he talks of the swartby colour of these people, while he describes Kandusena, an imaginary personage. The very peculiar satirical tone of Tirujnanasambandar is visible throughout the verses referred to here. He also plays upon the names of the religions that were in vogue at that time, Andanam (Brahmanism), Arugandanam (the religion of the Arhantas), Puttanam (that of Buddha), Sittanam (of the Siddhas), etc. Another statement which cannot go unquestioned is: "The time of the three Alvars has been definitely made out. They belong to the latter half of the 8th century A. D. and seem to have held high position in life. What Jnanasambandar and Appar are to the Saivites, Nammalvar and Tirumangai are to the Vaishnavites of the south. The hymns composed by them are equally stirring. Madhurakavi was the minister of the king Nedunjadaiyan and Nammalvar was the magistrate of the town of Alvar-Tirunagari in the Tinnevelly District. It is easy to conceive the amount of influence they might have brought to bear upon the people." Will Mr. Ayyar be good enough to tell us who has made out the time of these Alvars and how it is definite? Where is it said that Madhurakavi, the Alvar, was the minister of Nedunjadaiyan or that Nammalvar was the District Magistrate of the district of AlvarTirunagari in the Pandya kingdom? Was the name of the place in which the latter Alvar was a magistrate the same as is given by our author in those days, or did it come to be known after the Alvar at a subsequent time? For aught we can gather from the Guruparampara of the Srivaishnavas, Madhurakavi, the Alvar, was a poor Brahmana born in Tirukkolur, long before Nammalvar was born, and had travelled far and wide on pilgrimage, and eventually became the disciple and constant companion of his master, Nammalvar. He does not appear to be a master in the art of composing sweet verses and therefore called Madhurakavi, for the only composition of his that we have got at present is only a decade of verses in praise of his master. These verses do not speak much for his capacity for making sweet verses. The minister of Nedunjadaiyan is called MaranKari (Kari the son of Maran, Mara-sanu), and

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308 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [DECEMBER, 1913. the footsteps of Venkayya, who is the first to blunder in that manner in the construction of the history of the Srivaishnava Alvars, and Acharyas. The article is a fine specimen of working facts into preconceived theories and basing argument on ipse dixits. A wrong theory is tolerable, because, it is ever subjected to examination, while a wrong fact, if allowed to remain uncontradicted, is likely to prove mischievous in the hands of suheequent students of history, who, because this fact has remained unchallenged, would assume it to be true, and in their turn commit serious blunders. By repetition a wrong fact, even a wrong theory, acquires the statue of truth. No more glaring instance of this staternent could be quoted than the theory of the Ganga-Pallavas, which, when facts against it were placed before Prof. Haltzech, its author, was accepted by him to be in more tenable, but is still frantically hugged to the bosom by its supporters in India, i. e. by scholars like Messrs. Verkayya, Krishna Sastri and others. Trivandram. T. A. GOPINATHA RAO. was born in the Vaidya-kula in the town of Karavandapuram (Kalakkadu in the Tinnevelly District). He was remarkable for his sweet compositions and was also known on that account as Madhurakavi. Except in the matter of identity in the name Madhurakavi, there is nothing to prove that the Alvar, a Brahmana of Tirukkolar, was the same as the Vaidya of Karavandapuram. A curious dictum which finds favour with the official epigraphists of Madras is that he who mentions another must be a contemporaryof the former. The late Mr. Venkayya held that Tirumangai must be a contemporary of Nandi. varman Pallavamalla and Vayira megan, because he praises thern as the benefactors of certain temples. Similarly, MAnikk vachaka, who mentions the name Varaguna in his work must be the latter's contemporary. If to-day someone writes the biography of another, say Mr. Vincent Smith of the life of Asoka, could he be called the contemporary of that Bauddha Emperor ? The most egregions of all the blunders is con. tained in the stateinent : The proper names of Namma var and Madharakavi suggest that the former must bave been the father of the latter. As Madhurakavi appears to have died at some time prior to A. D. 769-70, if Tirumangai was bis contemporary, there is every likelihood of the latter having lived in the reign of Nandivarman Pallavamalla,' (p. 217, f. n. 33). What are the proper names of the two Alvars according to Mr. Subrahmanya Ayyar how does he claim to have identified the first as the father of the second ? Does he not know the former was a Brahman, while the latter is said to have been a person of the fourth caste? Wag not the birth of Namma var unknown to Madhurakavi, and the latter, finding the south glowing with a divine light, traced his steps from Ayodhya to seek this light? If all this tradition is idle, I should object to onr friend utilising from the idle tales those portions which say that Nam. in] var was called Karimeran, that he was a magistrate (?) of Alvar-Tirunagari, etc. Most certainly Madhurakavi, the Alvar, war not the father of Nammalvar. I would rather put it that the minister, Maran-K&ri, alias Madhura. kavi, was the father of Nammalvar, and the latter gave the name of his father to his disciple Madhurakavi, the Alvar. In that case I am myself prepared to admit that Nammi var lived about the beginning of the 9th century of the Ohristian era. It is no wonder that Mr. Ayyar commits 80 many mistakes, because he follows only in COINS OF AMRITA-PALA, RAJA OF BADAUN. In my Catalogue of the coins in the Indian Museum, Calcutta, vol. I (1906), pp. 244, 249, and Plate XXVI, 6, I described certain rare silver coins of the "bull and horseman "type under the name of Asata-pala, and doubtfully connected them with the mintage of the kings of Ohind. Mr. Richard Burn has proved to me that the correct reading is Amrita-pala, and that the coins were struck by the prince of that name, mentioned in the long inscription now in the Lucknow Museum, and edited by Kielhorn in Epigraphia Indica, vol. I, pp. 61-66. The inscription was found in the ruins of the south gate of the old fort of Badiun, U. P. It treats of the foundation and endowment of a temple of Siva, erected apparently at Badaun, which is called Vodmayata. The record gives the genealogy of a Rashtrakata Raja named Lakhanapala, the younger brother of his predecessor, Amrita-pala, who is described as having been learned, pious, and valiant. It is possible that there may have been a date at the beginning of line 23, but Kielhorn could not read the characters. The script is that of about A. D. 1200. V. A. S. Elsewhere I havo stated that Namm] var must have lived about A. D. 1,000, whioh my subsequent researches have shown to be wrong. I am getting & paper ready on the subject, once again dealing with th Srivaishnava ohronology in the light of these fresh facts.

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INDEX B. MS. refers to the pages of the Bower Manuscript, in the Appendix. abbreviation marks B. MS. .. .. . 42 Ameshaspenta and Amhaspatya .. .. 23 Abhayakumara, Minister to k. Srenika, and Amrakarddave, donor, in Vakataka's copper the story of Solomon's judgment .. .. 152 plate grant .. .. .. .. .. 161 Abhinavagupta, Saiva teacher .. .. 262; 271, 1 Amfitadatta, poet .. 174 Abhope plates of Bankaragana .. .. .. 270 Amrita-Pala, Raja of Badaun, coins of (and Abu Zayid, Arab geographer .. .. .. 40 Asata pala) .. .. .. .. 308 Achalasena, and other names of sAntideva .. 50 Amsa, 8. .. .. .. .. 19 Achchalapura, the modern Elliohpur .. .. 220 Ameumati, the earth .. .. .. .. Achin, currency, scale of, 263 1:-kupang Anahilapataka, Aphilvada, cap. of Jayasimha 258 5 doit (keping) piece .. .. .. .. 106 Apaimalai hill .. .. .. .. 307 actors, in Mathura .. .. 248 Ananta, co., 58, ana Visvarapa.. .. .. 59 AJA, Rajput title .. .. .. .. 269 and n. Ananta of Kasmir .. . .. .. 249 Adam's Bridge .. .. .. .. .. 40 Ananta Varman, his Coppor-plates .. B. MS. 22 adhisashuateara, year with intercalation .. 34, f Anarta, co., and the Kshatrapas .. 189 and n. Aditi, goddess.. .. .. 19, 20, 24, 36, 37, 75 anisa, noseless, applied to Dasya .. .. 79 Adityas, The, contd. from Vol. XLI p. 296 Anathapindake, the Barhut Stupa plaque 19-24 : 32-37 :72-771 explained .. .. .. .. .. 124 Adventures of the God of Madura .. ..65, ft Anava, Saiva term .. .. .. .. 271 Afrasiab, his reputed cap. . B. MS. 4 Andes, Bolivian .. .. . . . . . . 194 Africa, British lands in .. .. .. .. 294,f Andhra coins . .. .. 280 Agastya, sage .. .. .. 8, 71, 194 Andhra-Dravida-bhd-shaydm, phrase in the Agni, g. .. .. .. .. 20, ff; 35; 80, f Tantra-Varttika, note on; .. .. 200, f. agniskandha, word in Asoka edict .. 27, 257 Andhramandalam, Andhra territory .. . 281 Aihole Meguti inscrip., and early poets 30; 207 Andhrapatha, Vadugavali, Pallava-Andhra dist. 281 Aikibh duastotra, work by VAdiraja .. Andhras, the, misconceptions about .. 276, ff Aitareya-Brahmana, has the earliest reference Andhra Vishnu, Andhrardyudu .. 276,f. to the Andhras .. .. .. 277 Anecdotos of Aurangzeb, book-notice .. .. 180 Ajjanandi, two men of the same anekamirga, meaning of .. .. .. 174 Ajmer, and the Dahiya Rajpats .. .. 268 Aphilvada, Apahilapataka .. .. 258 Akhydyikd or latha, a narration, romanoo .. 173 animal currenoy, Malay .. .. 86, f. ; 300 Akabaya, Kshaya, last year of a cycle.. 37 and n. animal ingot tin (gambar) currency .. .. 92, ff alam kedras, and 2nd century poets .. .. 243 animal metal weights of Burma .. .. 118 Alavandir, Yamunai-thuraivar.. .. .. 196 animal weights and money, various specimens. Alberoni, on counting 33 ; on Indian bookbind. explained . . .. .. .. .. 124 ing .. .. .. .. .. B. Ms. 23 Antavakathdeamgraha, a work by Rajabokhara, Albuquerque, tin money, 92, specimens of and the story of Solomon's judgment 148, f, 162 109 n. 15 & Malacca coinage of (1510) Anthropology, the administrative value of .. 289,ff 109, f; . .. . .. .. .. 300 Antiquity of Indian artificial poetry, and the Alexander the Great, in the Panjab .. .. 200 Indian inscriptions 29, ff. ; 137, ff; 172, ; Allahabad, pillar inscription 31 prasasti of 188, ff ; 230, ff; 243, ff Harishopa .. .. .. .. .. 247anudivasail, meaning of.. Allata, sage, and the Harshadeva temple .. 58, Apabhrapca, and the old Braja lang. 43, alliteration .. .. .. .. .. 243 Caurabenf .. .. .. .. .. .. 44 almsgiving .. .. .. 27 Apabhra sa lang. and Buddhist works Alopen, Nestorian missionary, and Bildditya .. 180 Apana, sir oxhalted 20, keratu .. .. Alvare, the three, their dates .. .. .. 307 Appar, Saiva teacher .. .. .. .. 307 Amardvati, tn., 280, and . ; inecriptions .. 281 Ara, near Bagnilab, inscriptions of .. Amazons, and Kalada .. .. ... .. 249 Aranyaka, the, quoted .. Arayyaka, the, quoted .. .. .. .. 73

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310 7, ff Aranyakanda, a work by Tulasi Dasa Ardha-Magadht, the old, original language of Buddhism .. INDEX 205 299 279, 280, and n. .. 307 307 67 argument, among savages Ariake and araka, a lord Aritta, Bauddha bhikshu, and Aritta patti Arittanemi, vil. in Vatteluttu inscriptions Arjuna, hero Arpava, the Chahamana Arporaja 84; and the Arnava-varnana Aryabhata, and Kalidasa Aryama, g. Aryan, invasion of India, the myth of 77, ff.; and Agastya etc., Aryas, Nobles,' of the Panjab Valley Aryavarta and Samudragupta .. Ashtama-chaitya-vandana, Buddhist hymn Asiatics' Oriental Research Asirgadh, seal inscription asis, sirvada, blessings Asitanjanagara, c. Asoka, his Rook Edicts, IV:-25, f.; VIII :159, f.; I, reconsidered 255, ff.; XIII 277; VI-282, f;-and Buddhism 39; date 55, f. 149. 206 de script, B. MS. Asokachalladeva and Agokavalladeva 185, 187; date 25, ff. Assam, Government and ethnology Astronomy and Chronology, Indian Asuras, and Indra etc., 65, 71; 73; and Devas Asvaghosha, author of the Buddhacharita Asvamedhas, sacrifice 286 .. 248 19 Ayodhyabanda, a work by Valmiki ayudhajivins, professional soldiers 194, f.; 197, f 78, ff., 82 178; 217, 219 240 252 32 137 38, f. 286, f. 298 236 197 245 67, 70; 82 81. 276, f. 24; 34, ff. 24 187 55 Atar, Persian g. Atharvanacharya, on the Andhras Atharvaveda, the, and the Adityas Atirikta Rita, intercalary months atitarajya, meaning Atthakatha-Mahdvarhea, and the Dipavamsa Aurangzeb, anecdotes of, booknotice 180; reign of 208; and the Parevanatha temple. Avanti, mandala, and Jayasimha ayam, 'cock' pieces: proportion between specimens 56, between weights 93,: size of 130 n 7: average measurements of = ayam besar, large cock in Gambar currency, 90, n 31 28 oz. 12 cents ayam kechil, small cock in Gambar currency 1=14 oz., value 61 cents Ayetthima, ancient Takkala Ayodhya, tn. 220 258 131 ..90,92 92 40 1, 4, 5, 17 .. 1, ff. 200 Bactria, and the Aryans 83; and the Huns bahar, see bahara.. bahara of tin = 420 lbs. old standard 90, 130 n 6 and 7; 420 lbs. in Gambar currency 92 n 37 justification of standard of 420 lbs., 98 n 56-reduction to 400 lbs., instance of 239, modern British standard 400 lbs. 98:370-485 lbs., 86, f, 89 n. 27, 210, 276 :300 kati 400 lbs... = 128 n 90 .. 206 230, 280 252 Bairat edict of Asoka Baithana, Paitthana, Pratishthana Baku, oil wells Bala, demon Baliditya, K. Balasiri, Andhra q. 76 Balavarma, Balavemmarasa, and Sankaracharya Balhegion, and Vallisika or Virasi .: = .. .. .. .. Bali, Indian influence in.. Balkh subdued by K. Chandra 217, 219; and the Huns, etc... 266 and n 78 266 .. Baltic Shores and the Aryas, Bamian and the Huns Banabhatta, court-poet of k. Harsha 30; his style etc. 176, 178, 232, ff Bandhuvarman, K. of Dasapura 138, ff, 144, 147; inscrips. of 199; 218; 244 Banerji, Mr. R. D. and the Ara inscrip. etc., 132, f., 135, f.; and Muhammed bin Bakhtiyar-i-Khalji, ... bangka 185, ff. keping, slab of 50-60 kati, 210:origin of name .. .. 210 bar see bahara 87 bargains between trader and savage 96 n. 50 a. 299 279 baryaza, port bastardo, a coin of Albuquerque, specimens of 109 n. 15 a.; hal, specimen of 124 n. 67:= 20 cents 109; 10 soldo 200 cash Baudhayana, and the Karaskara tribe.. Beaulieu, and the Malay tin currency Behar, Vicarbha.. belalang, mantis ingot, specimen 132: pro portion between specimens belalang besar, large mantis 84 oz. value 371 Bengali songs, attributed to Bhusuku Berezovski, Mr. ; and Hindu MSS. B. MS. Bhaga, g. 266 86 ..266n 279 . 53, f 270 41 cents belalang kechil, small mantis = 173 oz. value Ta cents Belalang penengah, middle mantis, = 42-45 oz., value 18-20 cents Bengal, and Muhammed-bin Bakhtyar-iKhalji 185, ff.; conquered by K. Chandra 109 .. 206 .. 181 29 khkrnnddhm-lhsky-skyu smr 92 217, 219. ..51, f. 9, 15 19

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INDEX 311 65, . .. .. 30 stotra .. . 72: 144; 178 Bhagurdi, Bogte, Bhogavardhana, vil. .. 970 Brahma and Indra . . . . . 65; 68 Bhallika, Burmese Merchant, visited Buddha 38, f. brahma-hatya, sin of Indra .. . . Bhimaha and Dandi etc... ... 204, f. ; 258, ff. Brahman immigration in to S. India, contd. Bhandarkar, Dr., and Gupta dates .. .. 30 from Vol. XLI p. 232 .. .. .. . 194, ff. Bharahat stat pa .. .. 26, . Brahmans, 78; and the sons ind tire cults Bharata, quoted .. .. .. .. .. 193 and n 81, L.; and Ushavadata . . . . . 230, 246 Bharati, Sarasvatt .. 53 Brahmf, inscription from Aritt Appatti 307; Bharavi, poet i. .. script. .. .. .. .. B. MS. 9, 14 Bharhut tope .. .. .. 205 Braja, Old, Piogala, lang, of the ParanajotiBhisa, a poem by .. .. .. 52, f. Bhaskara, the light giver Brihaspati, guru, .. 65, 6., 72 ; 144; 178 Bhagaon, and Bhataurika, of the Vadner Brihat-katha, several versions .. .. 204, 278 plates . . . . . . .. .. 207 Brihat sahhita, a work by Vartha-mihira .. 30 Bhagagli, Prof. Nalini Kinta, on the date of British (Malay) currency system, based on the Lakshmnanasena . . . 185, ff. 1 former Malay system .. .. .. .. 97 Bhatti and Bhamaha, writers, dates of .. 264 British Empire, its extent .... .... ... 293, ff. Bheda Samhita, the, B. MS. .. ..41, f. British money .. .. .. .. .. 299 Bhilsed pillar inscription .. .. 31 British Museum and anthropology 298 ; hae Bhitari, pillar inscription 31 the Macartney MS. .. .. .. B. MS. 2 n. Bhogavardhana, of the Abhone plates, 'per- buaya = crocodile 85 n. 2 in British scale haps Bogte or Bhagurdi, in Nasik .. .. 270 of Malay money 85 : Gambar currency weight bhojaniya, dining . . . .. .. 256 of, 11 oz. 90, 92, 90 oz., 92; sizes of Bhudagupta, k... .. .. .. 31 130 n. 7; average measurements of 131 ; Bhomaka, Kehaharata leader .. varying proportions of weights 93;. of Bhumara, tn., land grants from .. 1. MS. 28 specimens 96;=ksping slab, 312 cents, Bhusuku, gantideva .. .. .. ..50, f. 96; tali = 110 cents, 96 n. 49 :value, bidor, = suku, 86, 129,= viss 86, 56 oz. of 128 ; 5 cents 86, 128 n. 84 ; 20 doita 157; tin = 33 lbs., 90 in hat-money == 780 grs. in accounts 2 cents, 86, 90, n. 49, 125, in = dollar, 90, = 25 cents, 86; dated speci. hat-money 20 to dollar, = 156 grs. 90; mens . . . . . . . .. 90 n. 23 dated specimens .. .. . 90 n. 83 Bihir pillar inscription .. . .. .. 31 buaya kochil, small crocodile = 14 oz. value Bijayagadh inscription 162 n. 163; .. B. MS. 26 6 cents .. . .. 92 Bilhana, writer .. .. .. 83; 249 Buddha 26, f., 38; and Java 41; date 55, f: ; Bilsal inscription.. .. .. .. B. MS. 31 in inscription .. .. .. 159, i. ; 246 Bilvodakekvarn, g. .. .. .. .. 255Buddhacharita, a work by Alvaghosha .. 245 Bindusara, k. .. 55, f, Buddhaghosha .. .. .. .. .. 39 binding, of Indian MSS. .. .. B. MS. 22, 23 n. Buddharaja, Kalachuri K., his Vajner and birch-bark, as writing material B. M8. 17, f., Other plates .. .. .. .. .. 207 22, 23, 29, 31 n., 32, 35, ff., 42, f. Buddhism, various schools 61, f. ; in N. India, Birmingham University, and anthropology .. 298 195 ; some notes on 205 ; and Hinduism 208; biza = viss .. .. .. 107 under Kanishks 246 ; Hindu, and China bizze = viss .. .. . . . . 107 266 ; and Jainism in 8. India, note on the Bodh Gaya inscription.. 187, B MS. 22, 30 orgin and decline of .. .. ... 307, f. Bodhi, visited by Buddha .. .. 160 Buddhist. councils 56 ; Hymn 240; authors, Bodhicharydvatara, work attributed to references to in Jaina literature 241, f.; Santideva .. .. .. .. 49, ff. ruins, at Gantupalli 281 ; monk, and the Bodleian Library, Oxford contains the Weber Bower MS., etc. .. .. B. MS. 29, 32, ff. and Bower MSS. .. Buddhistio Sanskrit words, a list of ... 179, 1. Bogte, Bhagurdi, and Bhogavardhana.. .. 270 Buddhiste, Indian, in Burma, and the Sunda books, Indian .. .. .. B. MS. 18, 23 Islands 38, ff.; under Ushavadata .. .. 230 Horneo, inscriptions in .. .. .. ... 41 I budha, vidvas. kavia. . . .. Boro Bodor temple, Sanskrit inscription in .. 41 Buhler, Prof. and Aboka edicts etc. 25; 27; Bower MS. see * B. MS. 1444 159, f., 283, f. ; 287; and the Age of Srtboya = buaya .. . 86 n. 6, 157 harsha . ..

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312 INDEX .. .. 86 .. 85 buku, small piece of tin .. .. .. .. 158 5600, p. 211; 6400 pp. 108, 274 ; Chinese Burma, and the Sunda Islands, and Indian zinc, 6000, p. 216 debased Chinese 25,000 Buddhists .. .. .. .. 38, ff. -100,000, .. .. .. pp. 214, 274, f. Burmans, froin Gangon Valley .. .. .. 38 | cash-trees (Patani), 125, 154 : =lindori = 3 Burmese, inscription at Bodh Gaya .. .. 286 cents = 26 to the tree, 104 half tree = busok, a gold coin .. .. .. .. 128 13 cash .. .. .. .. .. .. 104 Buton Tura, E. of Kuchar, has rock-cut caves Caste, in Java .. . . . 41 B. MS. 4 n. catholico, gold coin, 26 grs. = 5 bastardo = buwaiya = buaya 1000 cash =dollar .. .. .. .. 109 byza, byxo, Port. for viss .. 107 oatti, catty = kati .. .. .. 87, 214 caul, see kal . .. .. .. 130 cave figures and inscriptions .. .. 277. ff. caixa = cash, 108 f= 10 to & cent .. .. 109 caxia = Chinese cash .. .. .. 214, f. ceitil, Port. coin (1511), 6 or 7 to the reis 113 n. 308. calaim, see challine, 108: tin coin in Maldives in 1602=100 cash, ten to a dollar .. 109 n. 10 cents, scale of 400 rose out of Malay tin cur. calin (tsin coin) see calaim 109 n. 12: see rency 110; scale of 1000 rose out of Chinese challaine tin currency .. .. . . . . 110 .. . . . . . . 108 Calliena, modern Kalyan .. Ceylon, 38; and Buddhaghosha etc... .. 279 .. 39, ff. Chachcha, Chacha, prince Cambridge University and anthropology 296, ff. .. . 267, f. Chahamana, family in Harsba stone inscrip... 58. Campbell, and the Andhras . .. 276, f., 279 chakra, wheel, mark in .. .. B. MS. 38 candareen, see kindsti .. Candra Varma, Chandra Varman .. 219 n challaine, calaim, calin, kalang (tin coin Waping .. capin=kiping ... .. 97 n. 54 .. .. .. 108 Chalukyas, and Kosalas eto. 195, f. ; E. .. 281 onpin cupine =kiping, s slab of tin 89 n. 27 Champu, mixed composition .. .. .. 173 cas (Malay) = cash .. .. .. 214 cash = cent. in modern British malay money Chandaka brothers, actors of Mathura .. 246 Chandana, Chhamana k. .. .. 58, f. 86, as 1.cent in Dutch Malay money, 86 of Chandi-Sataka, song by Binabhatta .. .. 30 lead, 110:-Malay soales of, very old in India Chandra, Emp., his Meherauli pillar inscrip. 111, directly connected with system of rec 32; 217, ff. ; Chandravarma 266 n. koning cowries 111 f of zino 214, 215 n. Chandragupta I. .. .. .. 219, 266 79 : treated as metal cowries 112 Chi Chandragupta II., Vikramaditya and the nene, described 214, f, origin of in Malay coun. Gupta era 30, f. ; etc. 148; 160, ff.; and tries 113 n. 30a, 125, tin pice (paisa) 106 : Samudragupta 172 n; 175 n. 176 ; 219, death -of tin or spelter with trilingual legends of 234 ; conquests etc. 244, 247; 265, ff.; 163: legends on 154, ff, stamped with and the Andhras 276, 279 .. .. B. MS. 28 English initials 153 ;. custom regarding coinage of 153 used as charms .. . 156 Chandraraja, Chaha Mina k. .. .. .. 58 cash, scales in terms of the dollar: table of Chandravarman, k. .. . .. 218, f. West Coast and Perak 239 Scale of 400, chaping = Koping .. 154, f. Chargeon inscription.. . .. 135 pp. 85, 153, 275; origin of 101, f; spread in Charlemagne, 7th cent. scale of reckoning 240 Europe 112; Russian and Malay identical, 112, f.;= 400 dam to the jalald of Akbar = denarii to the pound=960 to the dollar .. 114 charms, against snakebite, for long life B. MS. 400 sel to the rupee (Manipur), 111; variants 22, 41 320 and 384, 154 f. ; 480 pp. 153, ff. ; 600, Chashtana, Tiastanes, Satrap 188, ff., 192; 230; 246 p. 101 ; 800, pp. 103, 105 Scale of 1280, Cha topadhyaye, the late Bankim Chandra, pp. 104, 181, 209, half scale (640) pp. 154, 258 and Muhammedbin Bakhtiyar-i-Khalji .. 185 reckoned as 160 to the string, 209; 1280 chaturmasyas intercalary periods . .. 76 1000, common to all Europe 113, ff., explain. chatus, flattering verses . . .. 174 ed 113 f. :-converted into 1000 by Albuquer. Chaulukya Jayasimha his Ujjain inscription.. 258 que at Malacca 110 Soale of 1000, origin chazza = cash .. .. .. . of, 101, 108, ff., see also 105, 127, 127 n. 84 ; Chebhatika, of the Karkarkja inscrip., and varianta 1008 and 1056 pp. 106 : Scales of Chehoi Khurd in Nasik dist... .. .. 270 Chinese, fuotuating 1600, p. 106, f. ; 3200, p. cheling see Kling .. .. .. 109 a, 13 107; 4200, p. 216 ; 4800, pp. 107, 211; Chera, Co. .. .. .. .. .. .. 71 .. 108

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INDEX 313 .. .. 180 236 1. 216 Chhinda, Chief of Gaya .. .. 83, f. ; 286, f. Dadhichika, (Dahiya) Chachcha, his Kinsariya Chin Bee Kling .. .. .. .. .. 109 inscription . . China, visited by Alopen 180 ; and Hindu Dadhikarna, Naga prince .. .. 246 Buddhism, eto. 266; and brush writing Dadhivahala, of the Daulat bhd grant, and B. MS. 34, f. Dahival in Nasik .. .. .. .. 270 chinthe of Burma, lion-weight, origin of 117, f. Dahiyas, Rathorse . .. 267, ff. Chola, dyn., and Pandya ..70, ff. ; 164 n., 170; daksha, prdna . .. 227 | Daksha's well inscription, Mandasor .. .. 31 Christianity in India . . . Dakshamitra, d. of Nahapa .. .. .. 246 Chronology, Indian, book-notice Dakshina patha, Dachinabades, the Deccan, chu-chu = Chinese zino cash .. . various mentions of it .. 278 and 1., 279 chupak = 1 gantang, measure of capacity .. 130 Dakshinayana, season .. .. .. .. 36 Cintra inscription. .. .. .. .. 248 n. danda, period of twenty-four minutes .. 6 n. Civil Service, Colonial, and anthropology . 297 Dapdin, poet 175; 191, 193; The Nyasakra Cock' coin, Raffles' in Bencoolen, 127; in and Bhamaha 204, f. ; 244 ; and Bhamaha Achin, of 1831, 126 n. 69 &: copper token 258, ff. ; wad Atharvanacharya .. .. 279 of 1804, .. .. .. .. .. 126n. 73 a. Daru'l-aman-Mahasukha-negara-Kedah 118 coinage, Malay, origin of Chinese and Euro n. 55 ; 182 n. 41 pean 120; origin of scales of .. .. .. 120 Datapura-Mandasor, tn. in the Praiasti of coins, Burmese, specimens explained ... 122, ff. Vatsabhatti 138, 141, 144, 147, f. ; 244, 247 coins, Gupta 152 and n. ; 189 and n.: MAlava Dagaratha, prince, and Burma.. .. .. 38 etc. 200; 230.; 246 ; 280; 287; of Amrita. Dasas, Dasyus, people of India .. 77, ff., 82 Pala . .. ... 308 ; B. MS. 26 Dashaveras, name in the Ara inscrip... 133, f. comma, used .. .. B. MS. 37, ff. ; 42, f. Dates, of Lakshmanasona 185, ff.; of the MuComorin, e. Kanyakumari .. 68 dra-Rakshana eto. 266, ff. ; of some of the conduri =candareen .. .. .. .. 215 Plpdya kings in the 13th cen. 163, ff.; 221, f. copang see kupang, money of uccount=10 pice 213 DaulatAbid grant, villages in .. .. .. 270 copper coinage in Sumatra in 1811 . .. 102 Deccan, and the fire-cult 82; Dakshinapatha - copper-plate grants, of Vaktaka 160, 1. ; Uj. etc. .. .. .. .. .. .. 278 jain 258 ; ancient, mentioning localities in Delhi Iron Pillar inscription .. .. 266 n. Nasik dist. 269, f.; B. MS. 22, f. Deoriy image inscription .. .. B. MS. 27 Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum .. B. MS. 25 deft, a guild .. .. .. .. .. 57 correction marks, . . . . . . B. MS. 40 denga, Russian money=cash 112-tanka .. 112 Coemos Indicopleustes and Kalah .. .. 40 Devabhadra, writer .. ... ... 241, f. cossang see kupang . ... 274, n. 8 Devagupta, and Chandragupta II .. 160, f. Councils, Buddhist Devingmpiya Piyadasi, k. in Rock Ediet cow, the .. .. 22, f. VIII .. .. .. .. .. 159, f. cowries, currency in Singora, 100 to the cash, Devanandin, Pujyapada, and k. Durvinita .. 204 153 ; ganda system of reckoning, 111;- Deva putra, from t'ientzu, Kushana title .. 136 money still reckoned in 4000 cowries to the Devas, and Agastya 194 ; and Asuras. . .. 197 rupee, 111 n. 24 ground for medicine 163 n. 24 devatas, spirits of good men .. .. 26 n. cro88, mark in .. .. .. B. MS. 40, f. Dewas .. .. .. .. crow's foot, kaka pada mark .. B. MS. 40. f. Dhammacheti, k. . .. .. 38, f. crusado, a Portuguese dollar of 6 tangas 108; Dhamakataka, Dhana-kada, To-na-kie-tse. Albuquerque's .. .. .. . 108 kia, Dhanayavatipura ete, modern Dharani. Cunningham, and the Kushana era ete. 136 ; 185; kota, Pallava Cap. .. 280 and n., 281 and n. 187 Dhanyavishnu, his boar statue inscrip. at Eran 31 oupineksping, slab. .. .. 89, 97 n. 55 Dhiravarman, prince of Java .. .. .. 41 Currency, identity of European scales based on Dharmakbla, Buddhist Missionary .. 266 n. counting small articles 116 animal Dharmapala, Buddhist Missionary .. 266 . ingots, story of Anathapindaka 115, f. :-in Dharma-riksha, translator linen cloth, 276,-in rice in husk ..276 ; 299, f. | Dharmasoka, Abbka .. .. 56 and n. Dhati, g... Dachinabades, Dakshinapatha .. .. 278, t. Dhauli inscription : .. .. 25 Dadhichi, rishi .. . .. .. 267' Dholpur inscription .. . 247 n. .. .. 19

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314 INDEX .. 68 Dhruvabhuti, general .. Dutch Malay currency, origin of 97 :-mon. Dhruvasarman, his Bhilsad Pillar inscription.. 31 etary system based on the tal, 94 :-old Diana of Ephesus .. scale 102 :-profit on dealing in tin ingots.. 100 Dignaga, Buddhist teacher . .. 248 and n. Dutch money .. .. .. .. .. 299 Digvijaya, Hindu title .. Dutreuil de Rhins MS., the oldest Indian book dikpalas, deities .. .. . .. 67 B. M8. 18 Dildar Khan, found the Weber MS. B. MS. 6, Dyaus, g. .. .. .. .. .. .. 81 ff., 12, 15. Dingala dialects.. .. . .. 43 East Coast (Malay) currency .. .. 101, ff. dinheiro = cent == 2 cash .. .. .. 109 1 East India Company, Malay coinage 105, in. disk, mark in .. .. .. .. B. MS. 39 fluence on Strait settlements, 106 Malay Dohad inscrip. i. .. .. .. 258 currency policy 214, attempt to control in doit duit=cent 105 Dutch cash 240 1685, 97 n. 51 :-5 doit piece in Achin .. 106 300 to the dollar 209, 211; 240 to the rupee Edicts of Aboka, Rock IV 26, f. ; 55, f. ; VI 282, f. (Java) 275 :-five doit pieceukupang=-64 Edkins, on Alopen .. .. .. .. 180 centa 254, 258, f; represents anciens Indian Eggeling Prof., and the Adityas .. 75, ff. copper scale .. .. .. .. .. 254 Egypt and female rule 68, f. ; and anthropo. dollar (ringgit); unit of Malay tin currency, 90, logy, etc. .. .. .. .. 293, 297 =3200 grs. 237 :-unit of tin weight, origin Elephant, the White, name of Buddha .. 26 of, 98, constant at 131-14 lbs., 90, 98, Ellichpur, the ancient Achchalapura.. 220, f. 6-101 kati, 90, f. also 13 lbs=10 kati, 91 : Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics, of Islam.. 252 -8p. silver, standard weight 416 gr., 238 n. Epigraphic notes and questions, contd. from 96; real of 8 eut up for currency by weight Vol. XLI. p. 173 XIV Fourth Rock Edict in candareens 215 :-in hat-money weighs of Aloka 25, f.; XV. Talegaon grant of 3120 grs. in use in Malay in six varieties the Rastrakuta King Krishna I. 27, f. ; XVI 158; pillars-cannon, 157 :-divisions Ne. Sambodhi, in Rock Edict VIII 159; XVII tive and European 274 : -of 400 cash was Devagupta another name of Chandraunit of tin money and of silver money . 91 gupta II 160; XVIII. Mandagor inscrip. Dondra temple, mixed worship in .. 41 of Naravarman 161, f.; XIX. Rock Edict double key=dubbeltje . .. 85 n 1, 86 n. 5 I reconsidered 255, ff.; XX Ujjain Stone double stroke, mark in B. MS. 37, 39, 40 and n.. 42, inscrip. of Chaulukya Jayasimha .. .. 258 Eran inscrips. .. 31; B. MS. 25 and n. 30 f dramas in Mathura .. .. 246 Ethnology, Bureau of .. .. .. 296, f. Dravidas, the five, a Hindu group .. ..48, f. Europe and the Aryane .. .. Dravidian, people of India 77, 1., 80 ; customs, Expeditions, to E. Turkestan B. MS. 2 and n, 3 and n spread of 195, f. ; word in Vedio literature.. 235 dua jampal, double jampal-dollar .. .. duapulok sene20 cents .. .. Fa-Hian, Chinese pilgrim .. . 41, 240 dubbeltje, Dutch 85 2 cents, 86,= 10 onsh, fanamadali (Sumatra) 275 : treble=tali . 102 102 double key .. .. .. 85 n. 1 Federated Malay States, currency of .. .. 299 duit, copper and lead coin, 105 n 1 koping, Fleet, Dr., on dates 29, ff. ; on Rock Edict VIII. the copper unit of Malay coinage 106, 127 159, 161; 163; and Harishena's Panegyrio pese, 159 =l cash 85 34 cash 102:-1 cent, of Samudragupta 172 n., 173 n.; 175 n.; Dutoh soale, 85, f : cent., British scale 178 ; 247 and n.; on the Vani grant 269; 156, 159 283 and n., 286; B. MS. 25 n duit ayam, fowl or cock doit, 127 n 75,5.copper flower coins-cock coin .. . .. 127 cash 105,-keping=duit, 102 n 92; ten to Fine arts .. .. .. 291 the cent.. .. .. .. .. 128 n. 84 fire, sacred 19; cult in Panjab Valley, 78, 80, duit bunga tanjong, 'flower of the Cape' duit.. 127 in Persia .. .. .. .. 81 R. duit chabang, Dutch E. I. Co.'s doitduit ayam Folklore from the Nizam's Dominions .. 284 also wang .. .. .. .. .. 127 duit jagoh, cash with the cock, hoe duit ayam.. 105 Forbes, Mr. Gordon, his poem on the Jog duit lorek .. .. .. .. .. .. 127 Falls .. .. .. .. .. 286, 1. Dnrvinita, k., author of the Sabdavatora, and Forchhammer, the late Dr., and Burma . 40 other works . .. .. .. .. 204 Franke-Portuguese .. .. .. .. 110 43 77, f .. .. 86

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INDEX 315 Gadhwa inscrip. .. .. B. MS. 26, f. Gadyasi kavyan .. .. .. 190 ; 243 gujah, elephant 90 n. 30 tampang, 90 ; = 221 oz., 90, 92 = 10 cents, 92 :-propor. tion between specimens 93, 96; measure. ment of specimens .. .. .. .. 131 gambar, a form of tin currency, ingot models of animals 02, ff. trung together for car. rying 131 :-specimens explained, 121, f., 123 : -instance of practical use, 96 scale of, 239 :-origin of 120 -analogies with Burma 117, f., other countries 117, Egypt, bull and ring weights 117, China, knife and hoe 119:-spread of, ancient oriental 115, f. ; direction of spread 117, 119 forms trans. ferred to coins 118-actual weighments, 93:-standard tables of, 93-bases of scales, penjuru and keping (cant), 95 :-pieces in circulation, proportions of, 95 :dated specimens .. .. .. .. .. 131 n. 11 gambar babi, pig'ingot .. 119 n. 67, 131 n. 15 yambar timah, tin model, we gambar currency 127, 239 gambar uler, snake ingot .. 119 n. 57 gana, of the Malavas Ganapati, Kakatiya k., defeated .. 224 ganda system of reckoning cowries by quartets (sets of four) 111: used in fantan gambling in China .. 111 n. 25 Ganesa, at Dondra 41 ; Gajanana .. .. 57 Ganga, kgs, and Krishna I. 28; and Balavem. marasa .. .. .. . .. 53, f Ganga-Pallaves .. .. .. .. 308 Gangdhar, well inscrip. .. .. 31, 161, 163; 218 Ganges Valley, and the Burmans 38; and the fire cult .. .. .. .. .. .. 82 gansa, ganza, a money of copper and lead in Pegu (1567), 107 -100 to half a ducat, (dollar) .. .. .. .. .. 107 gantang, measure of capacity .. .. .. 130 ganza, noto on spelter coinage of Pegu (1687).. 119 garlie, treatise on . . . . . . B. MS. 37 Gauda, co. .. .. . .. 83, f. Gaudas, the five, Hindu group.. .. 48 f. Gaudas, poets of E. Indie .. ... 244 Gaula, Gola, Indian tribe .. 40 Gautama, rishi .. .. .. .. .. 69 Gautama Siddhartha .. .. .. 82 Gautamiputra Hatakarni, k., celebrated the Samaja .. .. .. .. .. 257 Gay& inscrip. .. . .. 248 n., 286, f. Gersappe or Jeg Falls . .. .. .. 285 Ghanizat Khan .. .. B. MS. 9, 14 and n Ghatprabh6 Falls, in Belgaum dist. ... .. 285 ght, energy of Agni .. .. .. 23 Girnar, inscrip. 25, f. ; 159, f. ; or Urjayat 188, ff. ; 231; 243 and n., 245, n. 247 Gobi, desert, has buried cities .. .. B. MS. 6 God of Madura, Adventures of the .. 65, ff. Godfrey MS. .. .. .. B. MS. 7, 15 Gola, Gaula .. .. Golanagara or Golamattik nagara, port in Bur. ma 39, and Kalah .. .. .. 40, f. gold dust as currency .. .. .. .. 155 gold weights, scale of, at Patani .. .. 156 Goparaja's tomb inscrip., Eran.. .. .. 31 Gotama .. .. 38, f. Gotami Balasiri, q. Gotamiputra Shtakarni, k., and the Brah mans 195; date 198; and the Khakharata family etc. .. .. .. 230. f., 233, 279 n. Godavari Delta, and the Andhras 276, 278, 280, 281 Govindarija, Prabhutunga, son of Krishoa I. 27 Grantha-Pradarsani, Nos. 34-39,"book-notice 208 Greiger, Prof., and the Mah guansa . 55, f. grihya ritual .. .. .. .. .. 196 (grivana,) a Russian ingot of silver currency= 10 kopek (coin).. .. .. .. 117 Gruel, preparation of .. .. .. B. MS. 41 Grunwedel, Prof., in E. Turkestan .. B. MS. 17 Gujarat, Lita 138, 141 ; 189 and n.; and the Muhammadang . .. .. .. 196 Gujarata, and the Gorjaras .. .. .. 200 Gujarati and Prakrit .. .. 288 Gummareddipura, Kolar dist., copperplates recently found there .. Gunshya, poet.. .. .. 30 Gunda, rock inscrip. .. 189 n. Gupta, Era, 30; 188, 189 and 1. ; 199; coins 162 and n.; conquest of India 247 ; inscrips. 249 ; script .. . B. MS. 25, ff., 31, ff. Gupta and Varman, suggested surnames of K. Chandra .. .. .. .. .. 217 Gurjaras, migration of .. .. .. .. 200 Gavaka, I., Chahamina k., in Harshs stone inscrip., and II. .. .. .. .. 58 Gwalior, inscrip., 31; dist. .. .. .. 247 199, f. . .. 204 Haddon, Dr., The Study of Man 78 and n., 79 n., 80 and n., 82 Hala, Andhra k., whose wife is mentioned in connection with the Brihat-k Itha .. .. 278 Hala-Satavahana, K. collector of versos .. 30 Halasya-Mahdimyain, later Puranic work . 65 Harappa seals, the three .. .. .. 203 Haras, vil. in Jaipur Stato, and the Harsha inscrip. .. .. .. .. 57, 69 Harishena's panegyrio of Samudragupta 31, f. ; 172, ff. ; 244, 245 and 1 ; prasasti 188 190, f., 347

Page #330
316 INDEX Harsha, Harshavardhana, k. of Kanauj, and Imperial administration. . .. . .. 293 Kavya literature .. . 30, 192 India, and Burma 38 ; and Sanskrit pronounciHarshe stone inscrip. of Vigraharaja .. 57, ff. ation 48 ; Aryan invasion of 77, ff.; S., Harshanatha, g... .. Brahman Immigration into (contd. from Vol. hastidasana, word in Asoka edict 25; hastidar. XLI p. 232), 194, fl.; and the Seythians 246, sana .. .. .. .. .. .. 26 f. ; w., and the Sakan Mlechchhas etc. 265, Hastina .. .. .. .. .. 25; 257 ff. ; E., home of the Andhras 276 ; 278; 281; Hastivarms of Vengi and Samudragupta .. 281 S., waterfalls in 285 ; and the origin and dec HAthi-gumpha inscrip. of Khfravala .. .. 27 line of Buddhism and Jainism 307, f. ; the hat-money (Pahang) direct representative of introduction of writing materials etc. into, B. tin ingot currency 99 : origin of weight and Ms. 17, f., 20, 23 and n., 25, ff. ; 29, 32, 34, ff. form, 91 : close connection with spelter and Indian Artificial Poetry, The Antiquity of, and tin coins 119: tables of, 90: specimens ex the Indian Inscriptions 29--32; 137-148; plained, 121 : ratio to silver money 1 to 7}, 172--179; 188-193 ; 230-234; 243-249 91 : mint profits on .. | Indian, Buddhists in Burma and in the Sunda Hebber plate inscrips. and k. Durvinita .. 207 Islands, the peregrinations of 38-41 ; Chro. dvika, heddruka, horse-dealer .. .. 54 nology, book-notice 236 ; names assumed by Hemachandra, quoted .. .. 177; 287, f. foreign invaders 246; and Japanese Scholars, hentha, goose weights of Burma .. .. 119 collaborate 252; Empire .. .. .. 294 Hidimba, ogress, and Vikata .. .. .. 58 Indian Inscriptions and the Antiquity of Indian Hieuen Tsiang, Chinese pilgrim 187; 281 and n; Artificial Poetry q. ... .. 29-32; etc. or Hiuan Theang .. .. 39 Indische Studien, and the Kalyanamandira Hijira Era . .. .. 186 stotra .. .. .. .. .. .. 44 Himalaya, Mts. .. .. . . .. 232 ; 246 Indor inscrip. .. . .. B. MS. 30 himation, Greek custom, in S. India .. 197 Indra, g. 17; 19, ff.; 66, ff.; 70, ff. ; 80, 81 Himavat, Mt. .. .. .. . . . 231 and n; cult, and Agastya .. .. .. 194 Hinayana, religion Indra, Ratta k., and the Chalukyas .. .. 195 Hindu, Buddhist, Missionaries to China Indraji, Pandit Bhagwanlel, and Rock edict Hinduisation of foreign invaders .. VIII .. .. .. .. .. .. 150 Hinduism, in Ceylon 41 ; book-notice .. Indus-Ganges, Valley, and the Aryas .. .. 79 Hindu Kush, cradle of the Aryans .. ingot currency, gold in balls .. .. 115 n. 41 Hippokoura, Andhra cap. Kolhapur .. .. 280 ingot tin currency, sce tin currenoy: origin of Hirahadagalli plates of Sivaskandavarman .. 198 forms 119: dollar unit of, 90: in Lower . History of Aurangzeb, book-notice .. .. 208 . .. .. 91 holen, for binding, in Indian Mss. B. MS. 22, ink, black .. 23 and n. Inscriptions Indian, and the Antiquity of Horiuzi Ms. .. B. Ms. 23, 31, 33 and n., 34 Indian Artificial Poetry 29-32 ; 137-148; Horniman Museum and anthropology . 298 172-179; 188-193; 230-234; 243--249 hukka, tobacco pipe .. .. .. .. 300 Inscriptions, some published, reconsidered I. Hultzach Prof. and Aboka ediets 26; and the Harsha Stone Inscrip. of Vigraharaja ..57, ff. Ganga.Pallavas .. .. .. .. 308 Inscriptions, the Indian, and the antiquity Hapan, in India 247 and n.; and White Huns of Indian artificial poetry 29-32; 137249; in the Mudra Rakshasa, 265 and n, 148; 172-179; 188--193; 230--234 ; 243--249 266 and n Inscriptions, of Ara, 132, fl.; Mandasor 199, f. Huvishka, and the Ars inscrip. 133, ff.; 246 (see also 161, f.) The Meharauli Iron Pillar Hymn, Buddhist, one more .. .. .. 240 217, ff.; Kinsariya of Dadhichika (Dahiye) 267, f. ; Rock Ediot VI of Asoka .. 282, ff. Inscriptions, in Epigraphic Notes and Quest ions Rock Edict IV, of Asoka 26, f.; idol worship, and Buddhism .. .. .. 205 Talegaon grant of the Rashtrakuta King Ien.foow-fi, Jembudivipa .. .. .. 136 Krishna I, 27; f. ; Rock Edict VIII, 159; flam, conquest of .. .. 164 n, 170, 1., 227 Vikataka copper-plate grant 160 ; Mandasor, image worship and Buddhism .. 206 ; B. M8. 27. f. of Naravarman 161, f., (see alao 199, f.): immigration, Brahman, into 8. India, contd. Rock Ediet I., reconsidered 265, f. Ujjain from Vol. XLI p. 232 . 194, ff. stone inscrip. of Chaulukya Jayasimha .. 258 .. 246 Perak .. . B. MS. 44

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INDEX 317 Inscriptions, 'in Shwe Dagon Pagoda 38, f. ; Jatavarman Vira Pandya III .. 166, 226, and n. Kalyant 40; in Java 41.; Kadamba etc. 53 ; Java and casto 41; table of coins in circulation, Tamil 54; of Vijayapala 83 ; 84; Taxila, 1830, .. .. .. .. 211 Mahaban ete. 133, 134, 135 and n.; of Nera. Jayachandra, Jayantachandra, GAhalavala varman etc. 161-168 ; 185, 187; 189 Palla K. .. .. .. .. .. 84, 286 Va ete. 198; in Ellichpur Temple 221; Delhi Jayad&man, son of Chashtana .. .. .. 246 Iron Pillar ete. 266 n. ; H&thigumph cave Jayadeve, Santideva .. .. etc. 27; 277, f. ; Nasik 279; Andhra etc. Jayaditya, referred to by Sankaracharya .. 233 280 and n.; 281 ; Gaya 286 ; of N. India Jayamangal, & commentary on Vatsyayana's 287; Brahmi 307 ; from Badgun 308; Kamasutra, its real author 202 ; two works Gupta etc. .. .. B. MS. 22; 2534 of the name . . . . . . .. .. 203 interpunction marks .. .. .. B. MS. 37 Jayanatha, his copperplate grant .. B. MS. 22 invasion of India, Aryan .. .. 77, ff. Jayant Jayanta, Indra's son .. .. .. .. 7 Iran, history of .. .. .. .. 252 | Jayantachandra, (Jayachandra) .83 Igapur inscrip. .. Jayapur, and Jaipur .. .. .. 60 Islam, in India .. .. .. B. MS. 18 Jayasimha, Chalukya K. 54; and Yasovarman 258 Jayavarman, his inscrips. 198; 218; .. B. Ms. 23 Jering in Patani .. .. .. .. .. 101 Jinendrabuddhi, Nyasakara .. .. 238, ff. Jacobi, Prof. and the Kalyanamandirastotra Jnanasambandar, Saivite teacher .. .. 307 44 ; on Papdya dates 226 n., 227; 249 Jog, or Gersappe Falls, on Sharavati riv. .. 285 jagirdar, Rajput title .. .. .. 269 n. joko, see tokens, gambling .. .. .. 155 Jain literature, references to Buddhist author's jongkong tin currency=kati 86 ; tampang, in . .. .. .. .. .. 241, f. 90 n 32, 167, origin explained, 121; koping, Jainn, versions, two of the story of Solomon's slab, 90, 158 :-in hat-money, 12 to a dollar judgment 148, ff temple in Ellichpura 220, f. 260 grs. 90 ; = 10 cents. 86 casting of, Jainas, Nirgranthas, in inscrips. .. .. 29 132 As a charm .. .. .. 130, 1.. Jainism, and Hinduism 208 ; under Kanishka Junagadh rock inscription. 31; B. Ms. 31, f., 34 246 ; and Buddhism, in S. India, origin and decline of .. .. .. .. 306, f. Jaipur State, Harsha inscrip. in 57; divisions .. .. 59, 60 Kabul, and the White Huns .. .. .. 249 jalanamitte, joalanamitras:friend of fire, ap. Kadamba, inscription . . . . . . 53 ; 198 plied to Bhisa .. to bhasa. .. . .. .. .. 53 Kadamba script. .. .. .. B. Ms. 30 Jalor, Rathor territory .. . .. 267, f. Kadambari, a romance by Banabhatta .. 30 Jambudivipa, Ien-feou-ti . . .. .. 136 Kadphises, Kushana K. .. .. .. 136 janvpal, Dutch guilder 101, 238, f. ; now rare kahapana, meaning of, 'coin not 'gold mohar and obsolete 238 n. 93 half dollar 85, 157; 116; compared with the dinira of Kashmir 116 50 cents 86, 91=30 cents 85 n 2 Kahaum, pillar inscription. .. 31; B. Ms. 30 500 cash 127 : in British scale of Malay kaisarasa, title of Kapishka .. .. .. 136 money 5 kati, 128: =64 lbs., 91 =112 kaka-pada, crow's foot mark . B. Ms. 40, f. oz. 7 lbs. .. .. .. .. .. 90 Kakatika monks .. .. .. .. .. 20 Japanese and Indian Scholars, collaborate .. 252 kalchupak, measure of capacity. 130 n. 2 Jaadan Pillar inscrip. .. .. .. .. 189 Kalachuri, Katchchuri, and other forms 207 and n. Jatkvarman Kulagekhara, I and II Kings 165, ff. Kalah, Golanagara and Point de Galle 40, 41 and n. Jatavarman Parakrama Pandya, K. .. .. 166 kalang (tin coin) seo challaine 108, see calaim Jatavarman Srivallabha, K. .. .. 166; 225, f. 109 n 10 Jatavarman Sundara Pandya I., K. 165, f., Kalaba, and the Amazons .. .. .. 249 169, f. ; II :-165, f., 221, ff. ; III-166 ; Kalasoka, k. .. .. .. .. .. 56 IV : 166 and n., 228 Kalhana's Eighth Taranga, critical notes on Jatavarman Tribh. Parkkrama Pandya, K... 229 . . . . . 301. ff. Jatavarman Tribh. Sundara Pandya, K. .. 224 KAlidesa, poet, date of, etc., 29, f. ; 247; copied Jatavarman Tribh. Vikrama Pandya, K. .. 166 by Vatsabhatti 142, 146, 148 ; quoted 177; Jatavarman Vira Pandya I. .. .. 165, 171 244 and n., 245 ; 248, 249 and n.; and the Jatavarman Vira Papdya II .. 166, f., 170, 227 Huns .. .. .. .. .. 266 and it. .. .

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318 INDEX . . . . 195 Kaling, see Kling.. .. .. 100 n 13 Kautilya, his Arthasastra and the Narada. Kalinga, Kaling, Chinese name for the Javanese 41 Smriti .. .. Kalingas, the, and Lakshmanasena .. .. 187 kavi, or budha or viduas cultivators of Sanskrit Kalki, Brahman leader .. .. . 265 n. poetry .. .. .. .. .. .. 178 Kalsi inscription .. .. .. .. 25, f ; 160 kaviraja, poet laureate .. .. .. 179, 244 Kalyan, ancient Calliena .. .. 279 Kavya, Sanskrit and Prakrit artificial poetry of Kalyanamandirastotra, a work by Siddhasena the Court, and Indian Inscriptions 29-32; divadivakara, and the Paramajotistotra 42, 44 137-148; 172-179; 188-193 ; 230-234; Kalyani; inscriptions, at.. .. .. .. 40 243-249 K&mandaki, author of the Nitisara .. 202, f. 1 Kavyamala, the, and the Kalyanamandirastotra 44 Kamasutra, a work by Vatsyayana, and the kebean-koping .. .. .. 105, 181 n. 42 Jayamangala .. .. .. .. 202, f. Kedah, near Penang, and Kalah 40, 41 and n. : Kambojas, a people .. . . . . 249 or Selangor .. .. .. .. 37 n. Kapaswa, inscription, at.. .. 247, n. Kedah, old tin coinage 102, f. Mahasukha Kanauj, and the Guptas 175, n., 178; Hindu NagaracDar-u'l-aman . .. .. 182 n 41. province .. .. .. Kelantan currency . . . . . . . 101 Kanchipuram, Pallava cap. .. .. .. 281 kenderis:candareen, 85, 154: 156 n 29 :-- as a kangan, coarse cloth, used as currency=160-- standard weight tali, 101 penjuru, 108 180 cash .. .. .. .. 276 nll=25 cash 102:a gold coin in Pahang 128 Kanishka, in the Ara inscription 133, f., pro- kenderi perak (Silver candareen) 85,=-67 cents, bably Kanishka II; 136, f. ; and Buddhism 86,=Cents .. .. .. 238, n. 95, 85 etc. .. .. .. .. .. 195 ; 245, f. konsrizkonderi .. .. .. . 86 n. 7 Kannina'u, Co., of the parthenos . . . . 68 kepeu cash 101 n. 74, 155 Copper cash, Kantideva, K. .. .. .. .. .. 257 101 --Tavernier's piece of 4 deneers, 103 :-- Kanyakubja, K., and Sriharsha .. .. 84 Copper coin-half a duit .. .. 8.5 n 2 Kanyakumari, C. Comorin .. .. koping, a slab of tin, 87, 90 n. 31a, 168 =50 ka pangkupang, money of account. 105, n. 98 lbs. 91,524 lbs., 90 :- ==37 and 387 kati, Kapilavastu, tn. .. . 38 128 n. 91,75 kati, 128 :-6 and 8 to tho Karashahr, in E. Turkestan .. .. B. Ms. I n. bahara 129; 8 to the bahara historically, Karaskara, the KAtkari tribe.. .. .. 206 100 :-substituted for the great tali, bundle, Karavandapuram, town in Tinnevelly district, owing to improvement in casting .. 98 n 60 birth place of Maran Kari . .. 308 keping, cash: lowest denomination of Malay Karkaraja, inscription of "Jo, mscription of .. .. weight, 94 :-basis of a scale of Gambar cur. .. 270 Karle inscription rency, 95:- =-kupong, 85 n. 1 origin of Kashgar, in E. Turkestan .. .. B. Ms. I n. 88 to the dollar .. .. .. .. 106 Kashmir, dindra of, compared with the kaha. keping cash, 101 m. 74,127 :- = bit, piece, pana 116; and the Huns 266 and n.; and Saiv. 85 n. 2 :-unit of Malay coinage, 127 = ism 271; and the birch tree etc., B. Ms. 19; Dutch duit cent . . . . . . 157 31, and n., 33 n., 35. Kern, Prof., and Asoka edicts .. .. 25, ff. Kasyapa, intercalary month .. .. .. 34 khadaiya, mamsam, victuals .. .. .. 256 kathi, akhyayika .. .. .. .. .. 173 Khadirangara-jataka, a story .. .. Kathiawar, and the Kshatrapas .. 189 and n. Khakharata, Kshahar&ta family conquered by kati, 1 to Malay pound, 94 ; lower standard of Gotamfputa Satakani .. .. .. .. 230 Malay weight, 94, usually 13 lbs, 90, 128 n. Kharavela, k., his Hathigumpha inscription 90; 1 lb. 90 ;=19. lb. 209 : basis of a scale in 27 and the samaja 257; and Satakapi .. 277 gambar currency, 95-4080 dollars by Kharoshtht inscriptions, of Ara 132, f. ; Warweight, 129 kupang, 86 =jongkong, slab dak .. .. .. .. .. .. 135 of tin, 158 =bundle of ten strings of cash Khoh, town, inscriptions from .. B. Ms. 28, 30, 31 1 dollar 110 --in terms of cents to the dollar, Khotan, in E. Turkestan .. .. B. Ms. In. 86,=-22 centa, 90,=10 cents, 86, 129 basis Khri-Ide-son-btsan, Tibetan k... .. .. $2 of modern Malay monetary system, 94: Khudai-nameh, a lost work .. .. .. 252 Malay=1Chinese :-300 to the bahara .. 210 Kielhorn, Prof., and dates 29 ; and the Harsha Katkari Tribe, the Karaskara .. .. .. 206 stone inscription 57, ff. ; and p. the Mandas or Kansambht inscription .. .. .. B. Mg. 27 inscriptions, 162; 244, 245, and n, 247 n. and .. 246 . 27

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INDEX 319 . .. 100 n 71 .. 38 Pandya dates 163-165, 167, f., 170, 223 ff. ; Kumara, s. .. .. .. .. 70, f. and the Sarsavni plates of Buddharaja .. 207 | Kumaragupta, K. 31; 138; 144 ; 218; 244 ; I kilin of China,=kirin of Japan, connection inscription of .. .. .. .. B. Ms. 22 with the to of Burma.. Kumkragupta-Mahendradiya, k. .. .. 247 kinakati .. .. .. .. 110 Kumarajiva, translator .. .. .. .. 248 King Chandra ... 217, ff. Kumarigrama, Karehgaon, village in Telegaon Kings, Pandya, of the 13th. con., some new grant .. .. .. .. .. .. 28 dates of .. 163, ff. Kumarila's acquaintance with Tamil .. 200, 1. Kinsariya inscription of Dadhichika .. 267, ff. Kundotharan, retainer of Siva .. .. .. 69 kip=keping (slab) Kunigal, Konikalvishya, ancient Kupungil 63, 1, Kirtinarayana, 8. .. .. 258 kupang=koping .. .. .. .. 85, n. 1. kirtiralli, the creeper of fame ... .. kupang, Malay weightekati, 86 tampang 157; Kirtivarman I., W. Chalukya K., and the =lali 101 n. 72, 153, f, in British scale of Brahmans . .. .. .. .. 198 Malay money, 85=1 cent, 110,=10 cents 86, Kishkindha, C. .. .. .. .. 11 128 n 84 ;- =cash in Java (1416), 110, runnKishkindhakanda, a work by Tulast Dasa 11, f. ing 1280 to the kati 110 in Achine-konderi Kling, derivation of .. .. .. 109 n 13. 254,35 doit pieco, 106, 233, f 16 to the kobang-kupang 110 n. 17 : cause of confusion pardao (dollar) .. .. .. .. .. 106 110 n. 17 kurakura, tortoise, 8870 oz. of tin, 90 - kolhapur, Hippokoura .. .. .. .. 280 specimen 132; varying sizes of 130 n, 7, Kondamudi grant . B. Ms. 23, 31 proportion between them, 96 -in hat money Kone Shahr ancient city,' in Qum Tura = dollar1040 grs. .. .. .. .. 90 B. Ms. 10, 13 kurakura besar, large tortoise, gambar currency Kongu, conquered .. .. 164 n., 170, f., 227 70 oz. value 312 cents .. .. .. .. 92 Konjivaram, and the Brahmane .. .. 198 kurakura k/chil, small tortoise in gambar curren. Kopikalvishya, and Kupigal .. .. .. 54 cy=22 oz. value 10 cents .. .. .. 92 Kobala, tn., and the Burmese kings kurakura penangah, middle tortoise, gambar Kesalas and Chalukyas .. .. 195 currency-56 oz.25 cents .. .. .. 92 - Kosam image inscription .. B. Ms. 27 Kushana, inscriptions 134 ; era, and the Mala. kratu, apana .. .. .. va.Vikrama 136; inscription . B. Ms. 27 Krishna, g., and the sami pradaying 196; and Kushanas, Northern Sakas .. .. .. 266 the samaja feast .. .. .. .. 255 kodtaka, kuda, measure of capacity .. .. 57 Krishna, Andhra K. .. .. .. 277, 280 kwan, a dollar of zinc Chinese cash, in account 216 Krishna I., Rashtrakuta K., his Talegaon grant 27 Ktishna, district, and the Andhras 276, 278, 280, 281 Lacuna .. .. .. .. .. .. . .. B. Ms. 12 Krishnagupta, K. .. .. .. .. .. 54 lada, a gold coin .. .. 128 Krishnaka, Pandit, poet.. .. .. .. 175 La Dame Blanche, Fall on the Shardvati riv. krita, years of Malava era .. .. .. 199, f. 285, 286 n. krita-sathijrite, word in Mandasor inscription Laghubharata, the, and the date of Lakshman. 162, suggested ineanings of .. .. .. 200 eshna .. .. .. .. .. .. 186 Kshaparata, and Khakharata clan 230; and the Lagor-Ligor .. .. . .. 186 Andhras.. .. .. .. .. .. 279 Lahore Museum, has the Ara inscription .. Kshatriyas, as blikshus 82; and the Andhras 279 n. Laidlaw, G. M., correspondence on Malay tin Kshaya, Akshaya .. .. .. 37 n. currency .. .. .. . Kshemaraja, author of the Siva-sutra-rimar. Lakhanapala, Rashtrakuta raja, in Badaun sint 271, or Kshemendra .. .. .. 272 inscription .. .. .. .. .. 308 Kshudrukas, Panjab warriors .. .. .. 200 Lakshmanasena, Laklimapiya, date of 186, ff., 287 Kubja Vishnuvarddhana, founder of the E. Lakhon-Ligor .. .. .. .. Chalukya dynasty .. .. .. .. 281 laksan=10 pakut dollar (Java) .. Kuchar, (Kush& and other forms) scene of its Lakula, sect .. .. .. .. .. 59 discovery B. MS. 1, ff., 5-15.; 19, 24, 28, Lalla, Chhinda .. .. lamb weight and money of the Jows .. 117 n. 49 Kujula Kadphloos, Kushana K. .. .. 137 languages of Europe, of one group .. Kulasekhara, Papaya R... * .. 67; 228' Lanka, Ceylon .. .. .. .. 132 :::: 32--36 .. 82

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320 INDEX 13 Lata, Gujarat .. .. .. .. 138, 141 Mahaviracharya, S. Indian mathematician .. Le Coq., Dr. A von, and Mss. in Turkestan B. Mahavira-Vardhamana, and the Jainas MS. 1 n, 3 and n., 9.n., 11, 13, 15, 16 Mahayana, religion .. .. .. .. 240 Left, and Right Hand Brahman Sections, .. 197 Mahendrapala, K., and Rajasekhara .. .. 29 Lehmann, Dr. and the Parsis .. . .. 252 Mahinda and Ceylon .. .. .. .. 39 Liaka Kusula, Satrap.. .. .. 189 n. Mahipala, k., and Rajasekhara 29; I, Gauda k. 83 Library, Imperial, of St. Petersburg, has the maitramurta, period of time .. . .. .. B. MS. 8 n. Potrovsky Mes. 6 .. Ligeh currency .. .. .. .. .. 101 Maitrdyaniya Sarnhill, and sacrifice 19; quot. Ligor, coins of .. .. .. .. 184, f. ed .. .. .. .. .. .. 20, f. Lilagrama, Nasik dist., and Nilgavhan .. .. 269 Majhgawam, town, land grants at B. MS... 28 Literature, Sanskrit Kavya 29; Dravidian, Malabar, and female rule .. .. . 68 spread of 196 : Jain, references to Buddhist Malacca and Buddhism 41; East India Coy's authors in, 241, f.; Sanskrit, theory of the coinage in .. .. .. .. .. 106 Renaissance of 243, ff.; maxims or nyayas in. 250 malaque, malaquese silver coin of 416 grs.=5 livre-frano, old French.. .. ... 102 n. 84 bastardo 1000 cash=dollar .. .. .. 109 London University, and anthropology 290-298 Malay Currency, origin of existing legal, 214 - lotus, white, padma, B. MS. 38, 39, 40 and n. synopsis of 273, ff European influence, 274, Luders, Prof., and the meaning of kakatika.. 28 Dutch 273, f., Spanish, 273 Indian influence 275, f native system 275, f : of account by weight .. .. . .. .. 276 Malay monetary system, modern based on the macaka, agnat .. .. . kati, 94 Marsden's scale (1811), 102 : Macartney Mss. .. . B. Mg. 2, 6, ff, 14-16 effect of European commerce on .. .. 104 mace, massie, Malay gold currency .. .. 89 Malay money, Standard Tables, 85 table in Madhainagar. Copper-plate grant .. 187 .. terms of cents, 86 -Dutch popular scale, Madhavaoharye, author of the Sarvadartana. 85 referred to two goales, 87, British and Samgraha . . . . . Dutch 50, f. . .. .. . . Madhyadesa, town, and Santideva . 90 Madra, his Kahaur pillar inscription .. .. 31 Malay tin currency, dual form of, 89 : referred Madras insoription, and the Papdyas .. .. 223 to two scales, 87, pagoda and sugarloaf, Madura, Adventures of the God of 65, ff., 90 specimens .. .. .. . 87, ff. .. 267 and n. sacked .. 227 . . malaya, Dravidian, mountain... .. 227 Madurakavi, Alvar, and Maran Kari. 307, f. Malayadhvaja, PA ya, k. .. . 67, 70 Magadha, c. and Santideva...... Malayagiri, and the story of Solomon's Judg. Magadhi, lang, and Buddhism .. .. .. 205 ment .. .. .. .. . 148, 152 Mahabala, Buddhist missionary .. 266 Malava, era, and the Vikrama 31 ; and the Mahabharata, the, 65; mentions Manalar 67; 71; Kushana .. .. . 136; 247 and n. and the MAlavas . .. Malavas, the Ganasthiti of .. .. 199, f. Mahabhashya, the, date doubtful 30; citations Malayaketu, Mlechchha K., the identification from .. .. .. .. .. .. 245 of, and the Mudra Rakshasa 265, f., or Mahadeva (purani) town in Jaipur State, Har. Salayaketu .. .. . .. 267 sha inscription at 57; and Jayapura Malu, Panjab warrior tribe i. .. .. 200 MahAdova-giri, home of Vasugupta .. 271 Malik al-'Adil on coins : alternative reading Mahakata, Makutesvara inscription .. Milk'tadil, full value, legal tender ..90 n 34 183 Mahamatras, in Rock edict VI 282, ff. Malik Kafur, sacked Madura .. .. .. 227 mahanasa, kitchen :: :: . "" . . . . 257 Maliy& script .. .. .. .. B. Ms. 29, f. Mah&rja, Kushana title .. .. .. 136 Mallinatha, his explanation of Meghadata .. 248 MahArashtri, lang. used by Andhra K. .. 278 MAlva, conquered by Chandragupta II. .. 148 MahAsadevaraja, his copper-plate grant B. MS. 22 Malva, feudatory princes of 162; conquest of Mahasukha Nagar-Kedah .. .. 182 n. 41 189; and the MAlavas.. .. .. .. 200 Mahavagga, the, and Burmese Buddhism 38, f. Mammata and Bhamaha .. .. .. 262 Mahavamsa, book notice ...' .. 65, f. matuh, khadaniya .. .. .. .. 256 Vahvastu, the, and the Pali canon 205, and the Majalar, traditional Pandya cap. 66 ; Manipura Dharmapada .. .. .. .. .. 206 67, 70, 72 .. .. 272 .. 207

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INDEX 321 .. Manandasor inscription of Naravarman .. 161 Matricheta's temple of Vishau in Gwalior 31' ma icha, maincha, etc., stool, chair 255 and n., 256 Mattivishnu, and Dhanyavishnu, their Eran Mandara, mt. .. .. .. .. 231, f. pillar inscrip. .. .. . .. 31 Mandasor, inscrip. 31, f.; or Manandasor, Man. Maukharis, genealogy of .. .. .. 32 dsaur 161, f.; 199, f.; 218, f.; 266 n.; B. Ms. 25 Mauri Tim Stapa, near Khanui, Khotan B. Ms. 14 n., 27, 30 Max Muller, and the Aryans 78, 81 n.; and Mandasor.--Dasapura prasasti .. 244 and n. 247 Sanskrit literature 245, 247; and Indian 248, f. Maigaivatha temple, Madura dist., inscription Maxims and nyayas, some met with in Sanskrit from .. .. .. .. .. .. 167 literature .. .. .. .. 250, f. Mangala, Mother of Sumatisvamin, and Solo- mayam-piah, & gold weight, 86 n 8 :- & gold mon's judgment .. .. .. coin .. .. .. .. .. .. 128 Mangalisa, Chalukya K., and Buddharaja .. Mayidavola plates of Sivaskandavarman 198 Mauglana, inscription found at .. . 269 Mayarakshaka, his Gaugdhar well inscrip. 31 Manipura, and Manalur.. ... .. .. 67 Mayurasarman, k. of Kadamba, and the Nam. Masjusr! ... .. . .. .. .. 1 50 budris .. . 195 ; 198 Manjuvajra, guru of Santideva . 50, PS. medicine . . . . . .. .. B. MS. 20 Malljuvarma, father of Santideva .. .. 60 Medhagiri, Muktagiri .. .. 220 Mankuwar image inscription .. .. B. Ms. 27 Megasthenes, the Andhras of his date .. .. 276 .. .. 275 n. 12 Mcghadata, .. . i i. 244, f., 248 * Manno, in Mysore, Manyapura, Mannanagara . 28 | Meherault Iron Pillar inscrip. 32; Meharauli, Manshehra, inscription. . . .. 25, 160 and K. Chandra .. . 217--219 mantis, various sizes of .. 130 n. 7 mielumba, a mint mark 122, 132 :-means a tinManyapura, Ganga royal residence, Mappana mino recessed shelf 237 n 89 : derivation of 157 gara, Manne in Mysore . . .. 28 Menander .. .. .. .. .. 267 n Mara, demon .. .. 27 . Meru, mt. .. .. .. .. 231, 232, and n. Maran Kari, minister of Nedunjalaiyan 307, Mihirakula, K. .. .. 31 ; 247 and n., 266 n. Madhurakavi .. .. .. 308 Mihrauli inscription .. B. Ms. 27 Maravarman Kulagekhara I. 165, 166 and n., Milk, energy of Soma .. .. 23 171, 172, 223, 227, 228 milrei-dollar ar .. . . . . . . . . 110 Maravarman Kulasekhara II 166 ; 226, 228, 229 Mimasis, the .. .. .. 196 Maravarman Srlvallabha, K... 165, 166, 171 Ming oi, groups of rock cut caves in E. TurkesMaravarman Sundara Panlya I., 164 n., 165--168 tan B. Ms. 4 and n., 5 and n., 9-14, 16, 2., 34 n., 36 MAravarman Sundara Pandya II. 165, f., 168, f. Minhaj-ad Din, author of the Tabaqat-1-Nasiri Maravarman Sundara Pandya III. .. .. 166 185, 186 and n., 188 Maraverman Tribh. Kulasekhara K. 171, f. Miraj grant . . . . . . . i. 207 Maravarman Tribh. Sundara Paglya .. .. 226 misconceptions about the Andhras .. 276, ff. Maravarman Tribh. Vikrama Pan.ya, K. 224, f. Mitra, G. 19; Mithra 23 ; 81, cult of .. .. 83 Maravarman Vikrama Pandya K, .. .. 166 Mlechchha, words in the Veda .. .. Maravarman Vira Pan iya 164 and n., 165, 160, 170 Mlechohhas, Sakan, of W. India, and Chandramaravedi, 372 to the dollar in Philippine cur. gupta Il. .. 265, ff. rency .. .. .. .. .. .. 273 Modi, Dr. J.J., and the Khudai-nameh.. # 262 marks, miscellaneous .. .. B. Ms. 37-42, 42 Moga, K. .. .. .. .. . 189 n marriage, of widows .. .. 268 ; 293, 295 Moggaliputta, Tissa, K.... . .. .. 39 Martdyda, son of Aditi .. .. 19f. Monday, cult .. .. .. .. .. 68, ff. Marwar, and the Dahiyas .. .... 268 Monk, Buddhist, .. .. .. B. Ms. 29, 34, 35 mas-mace, massie, 89: 50 cents 86: monotheism and polytheism 81 a. * pardao (dollar)=14d, 253 : jampal .. 169 Mdsinf, Mosam, riv. .. .. .. .. .. 270 mas kupang din lr) a gold coin . .. .. mother .. .. .. .. .. .. 293 Maspero, and female rule in Egypt .. .. M88., from E. Turkestan B. Ms. 2 and n., 3,5 matabunoum, bird's eye,=abrus seed .. .. 212 11 ; 18 pagination of, 20-22, binding .. 23 matachi, midichi, Dravidian word in Vedic Mudra-Rakahasa, the, and the identification literature. .. .. .. . . .236 Mathura, inscrip., 135 and n.; the eastern limit of Malayaketu .. .. .. 265, f. . of Boythian conquest 246 247 : inscrip.. Mulammad bin Bakhtyar-i-Khalji and the B. MS. 26, 28, 301 conquest of Bengal .. .. .. 185, ff

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322 INDEX . .. 377 On . .. 252 Muhammadans, in South India 196, f; and the Nizam's Dominions, folklore from .. .. 284 Pandya Kingdom .. .. 226, ff ; B. Ms. 17 Note, on Siva Bhagavata 180; on the Mandmuharta, period of time . . . . . 6 and n. asor inscrip. of Naravarman 199; on a few mukhato, word in Rock Edict VI. .. .. 284 localities in the Nasik district, mentioned in Muktagiri, Medhagiri, Salvation Hill .. .. 220 ancient copper-plate grants 269, f.; on the murder, ceremonial .. .. .. 295 origin and decline of Buddhism and Jainism Museum, Lahore, has the Ara inscrip. 132; Bri in Southern India .. .. .. .. 307 tish 135 n; and the Macartney Ms. B. Ms. 9 n. Notes, some, on Buddhism 205 ; critical, on Kalhana's Eighth Taranga 301-306; and Queries, on Anthropology 289, ff; 292, f; 298; and Questions, Epigraphic 26--28; 159 Nadiya, invasion of .. ... . . . 187 -163; 255-258 Nagabhata II., Nagavaloka, Pratihara K... 58 numeral signs .. .. .. .. B. Ms. 37 Nagarjuna, and Dhapakataka .. .. .. 280 Nydsakara, the .. . . .. .. .. 204 Nagarjuni inscrip. .. .. .. B. Ms. 30 Nyasakaras, Jinendrabuddi, etc. .. 258--261 Nahapana, satrap 230, 246 ; and Nambanus .. 279 nyayas, Maxims, q.. .. .. .. 250 naigama, trading body .. .. .. .. 199 Nalanda, tn., visited by Santideva . 50, f. namaskyiti, namaskara, salutation .. .. 137 Nambucri Brahmans rise of, etc. ... 195, f. Okhamandal Pillar inscrip. .. .. .. 189 Namda, name in the Ara inserip. .. 134 Oldenberg, Prof., on Kushana dates 137; and Oldenbe Nammalvar .. .. . 307, 308 and n.! Buddhism .. .. .. .. 205, f Ninaghat cave figures.. . Oni, sacred symbol Onli, sacred symbol .. .. B. Ms. 21. f. Nanda, the, and Chandragupta. .. .. . 266 ordeal, by firo, for books.. . Nandi, image in Harshadeva Temple .. 57, f. Oriental research, Asiatics .. Nandisutta, the, and the story of Solomon's Origin of the Narada Smriti .. .. 308 judgment .. .. .. .. 148, 1, 102 Origin and Decline of Buddhism and Jainism Narada-Smriti, the, origin of .. .. .. 306 in Southern India, note on .. .. 307, f. Narasi hagupta, K. .. .. .. .. 247 Orissa, and Ukkala .. .. .. .. 39 Naravarman, his Manandasor inscrip. 161, f. ; Orthography of Harsha Stone inscrip... . 57 or Mandasor 199; 218 Oxford University and Anthropology. 296--298 nargileh, tobacco pipe .. .. .. .. 300 Oxydrakae, Panjab warrior tribe . .. 200 nasaksaya, phrase .. .. .. B. MS. 35 Ozene, Ujjayini .. .. .. .. .. 188 Nasik, Inscrip., from the ninteenth year of Siripuumayi 230-234 ; 246 ; 277 ; 279, 280 and n.; and the Brahmans 198; prasasti 243 and n. ; 246 ; district, note on localities in Padalavadapatana, of the Daulatabad grant, it, mentioned in ancient copper-plate Padalad, in Nasik .. .. .. .. 270 grants .. .. .. .. .. 269, f. Padnia, Whito Lotus, mark .. .. B. Ms. 38 Natural sciences 291, and anthropology .. 297 Padmagupta-Parimala, author . .. 287 Navasahasanka, a biruda of the Paramara K. pagination of Ms. .. . B. Ms. 20, ff., 29 Sindhu raja of Malva .. .. Pagoda form of Malay tin currency .. . 87 Navashashnkacharita, two works of the name 287 Pahladpur inscrip. . .. B. Ms. 34 Negri Sembilan, scale of money .. paisa in tin=cash.. .. 158 .. .. .. .. 105 Neolithic populations and the Aryans.. 78 Paitamaha, astronomer .. .. .. .. 248 Nepal, religions of .. .. .. 41 Paitthana, I'ratishthana, Baithana 230; or Nepalese, Ms. .. .. B. Ms. 23; ins. 27 Paithan.. .. .. .. 278, ff. Nerur plates .. .. .. .. .. 207 Palaeography, Buhler's Indian, B. Ms. 29, 30, 33. Newart, character in palm-leaf Ms. .. 49, f. PAli Canon, the .. .. .. .. 205, 4. Newbold, Capt., and the Jog Falls .. 285 n. Palt land-grant . . .. B. Ms. 27. mijhati, nijhati, word in Rock Ediot VI. 282 and n. Pallave, inscrip, 198; grant B. Ms. 23 and n., Nirgranthas, Jainas .. .. .. . 29 Script 30, copper-plates .. .. .. 31 Nirmand inscrip. .. ... i. B. Ms. 34 Pallaves and Andhras .. . .. 280, 281 . Nirvana, era . .. . 186, PS. ; 286, 1. Palm-loaf, Ms., of the Bodhacharydratira 49, ff.; Nirudna-Bhakti, Jaina work ... .. .. 2201 as writing material . B. Ms. 17 and n., 23 * 83

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INDEX 323 Per Panchalen var, rock temple in Poona .. Panchamangala, a work by Rupachanda 42, f. Panchavalikrama, festival Panchayapti, home of Agastya .. .. .. 194 Pandu, the sons of, as statues in Harshadeva temple 57, or Papdevas .. .. .. 58 Papdys kings, in the 13th century, on some new dates of I, 163, f; II, list, 165; III tentative arrangement of 166; IV, analysis of .. 167-172; 221-229 Pandyan kings and the God of Madura etc. 65--71 PAnini, and the pronounciation of Sanskrit 47, f., and the Panjab warriors 200; and the Karaskara co. 206 ; quoted .. .. 259, f. Panjab Valley and the Aryans .. .. 78, f. paper, its introduction into India B. Ms. 17; 18; 32 Parakramababu, k. of Ceylon, and Tribh. Kulafekhra .. .. .. '.. 229 Paramajotistotra, an old Braja metrical version of Siddhasenadivaskara's Kalyanamandira. stotra .. .. .. .. . .. 4246 Paramara, dyn., and Chaulukya Jayasirinha .. 258 Parasikas, a people .. .. .. .. 249 Parbatsar, Rathor territory . .. 267-269 pardao-dollar, 106, 253 : Erixdollar of account=48. 8d. .. .. . .. 253, f pardao de reale, Portuguese dollar of 7 tangas, 108 Partkshit, g., son of Yudhishthira .. .. 77 parist, word in Rock Edict VI, 282, and sangha .. .. .. .. .. Parsi, customs... ..252 Parthenos, g. of Kanyakumari.. Parvataka, Philippos, Piribo, etc., Saka Satrap, murdered by Chandragupta II 265 and n., 267 paryanka, maficha, .. .. 255 and n., 256 patachine, rix-dollar of accounts .. .. 108 palah, slab or sheet, (phiit) 89 n 28 =lt kati, 97 large panus tali, 90; small, 25, oz.14 oz., 90 wang=half buaya .. 90 patak-24 cash (Java) .. .. .. .. 276 Papaliputra Council of 39; Gupta cap. eto. 175 and n ; in the Mudra-Rakshasha 265 267 n.; B. Ms. 26 Patalung Currency .. .. Petani Currency 101 :- provinces of .. .. 153 Patanjali, and the Saiva Sect 180; and the Kavya style .. .. .. .. 245 and n. Pattak, Prof., and Vakataka's copper-plato grant .. .. .. .. .. 160, f pattiespitis Pauliba, astronomer .. .. 248 resso voe raku ".. .... 276 n. 13 pecull see pikul .. .. .. 87 Pedda Vegi, Veugi peku, string of cash .. .. .. 275 n. 13 Pelliot, M., and Mss. B. Ms. 2 n., 3 and n. ; 8-14, 16 Penang, E. I. Co's currency in .. .. 105 Penang, scale of money .. .. .. .. 157 panjuru, ingot tin=133 oz., 91= kati8 to 10 tahil 128 n. 88; 16--20 to the deliar, 128, 129: -half tali, 90, 94 :=kondari, 10 8 n. 11 : 67 cents, 91;=627 keping (cash).. .. 127 penning doit,2 pice double paisa .. 273 Perak, scales of tin ingot currency 104, f. - old coinage of .. .. .. .. 102, f. perak-kindari, & silver coin=67 cash.. 86 n. 7 perak naga, dragon, silver=canton dollar .. 154 perak tongkat, staff silver=British dollar .. 154 peregrinations of Indian Buddhists in Burma and the Sunda Islands .. .. 38-41 Periplus, the, and the Dachmabade region .. 278 Perlis, coins of .. .. .. .. .. 183 Perumbarrapuliyur, tn. anointment of heroes at 170 Persia, and the soma cult 81 ; 82; and the Huns ... ... ... .. 266 pese, Portuguese cash, 86 n. 4 :-see pitis, 85, means weight and=cash, 104 : =duit=t cash, 159:-1,000 to the dollar, 101,=reis, 1,000 to 1,200 to the milrei or dollar unit 104 n 89 Peshawar, ancient Purushapura .. 131; 246 pesi=pitis .. .. .. .. .. .. 86 peso, Philippine currency=dollar .. .. 273 petis, see pitis .. 216 Petrie, Finders, Prof. and religion Petrovsky, Mss. .. B. Ms. 2, 9-11, 14, f. Philippos, Piribo, etc., and Parvataka 9.v.265 and n. piah, a gold weight-mayam, not the same as piak .. .. .. .. .. 86 n. 7 piak, tin ingotalf lbs., 91;=lt kati, 128:= talic3 wang=125 cash, 86, 127:=10 cents 86 ;=12 cents .. pice, tin coin, Penang, 213 :- =paiai in Mer gui and Savoy (1826) 105-16 to the kati 275 n 11 :- =scents 105, 275 : -100 to 120 to the dollar, 213; 4 20 to the dollar, .. .. 214 pichiszpitis, 86 %& small tin coin 211 :- = Chinese cash . . . . . . . . . . 211 picispitis .. .. .. .. 209 pie, & spelter coin of Bombay (18th cent.) 80 to the rupee .. .. .. .. 110 n. 22 pikul, Malay cut=133} lbs., and 133 lbs., 89, 91; = 140 lbs., 90 3 to the bahara, 87; 128 n. 89, 209 =100 kati .. .. .. 128 Pimpari plato inscriptions, villages in 269, f. pinga-pinjuru .. .. .. .. 97 n. 54 Pingala, Braja . .. .. .. .. 43 pipe, tobacco, history of .. .. .. .. 300 283 : : : :

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324 INDEX .. .. 30 72 Pitalkhora cave inscrip. .. .. .. .. 278 pitis, cash, 101, 130 n 1: Chinese cash, 167, 209, 214 - ksping, 85 S =duit, oent in Dutoh soale and money, 86, 106 Sash in same scale 85:- 4 coin of jering and Patani:=both money and small change in Java, 209 - mixed lead and tin coin in Sumatra . .. ... .. 276 n. 10 Pitt-Rivers Museum, Oxford .. .. 298. 300 Piyadasi, .. .. .. .. .. 257 Pliny, and female rule in Madura 68; refers to the Andhras .. .. .. .. .. 278 Podiyam, peak in Tinnevelly Ghata, and the darama of Agastya .. .. .. .. 194 poem, by Bhass .. .. .. .. 52, f. Poetry, Indian artificial, the antiquity of, and the Indian inscrip. 29-32, ; 137-148; 174 179; 188--193 ; 230-234 ; 243--249 poid de mare, old French pound .. .. 102 n. 83 Point de Galle, and Kalar .. .. 40 Pokarpa, co. in W. India .. .. 218, f. pokok-pitis, cash-tree .. 104, 125 Polemaios, Siro, Siri Pulamayi .. .. 280 Politics and anthropology .. .. .. 300 polytheism, and monotheism .. .. 81 n. Poona, Punaka, in Telegaon grant .. .. 28 poolputah 89 n. 27, 97 n. 54 :-=viss .. 89 Portuguese cash (pese F1,000 to 1,600 to the dollar, by standard 1,000, 101, 104:-tin money of Albuquerque Portuguese money, etc. in Malay States Posche, writer, and the Aryas .. .. .. 78 Poseidon, g., and Madura .. 70 Poshapuria, and Purushapura, in the Ars grant 133, f pothi, Sanskrit pustaka, pustika, book, B. Ms. 9 n, 17 and n, 18, 20, 22-24 Po-t'iso, Ta-Yue-chi k., and Vasudeva .. 137 Prabandhakoia, & work by Rajahekhara, date of .. .. .. .. .. .. 286 Prabhava, first year of a cycle .. 37 and n. Prabhaivatt, d. of Chandragupta II. 180: (-gupta), of Devagupta .. .. .. 161 Prabhu-tunga, Govindaraja .. .. .. 27 Prichindvita, mode of dress .. .. .. 197 Prajepati, g. .. .. .. 22, f. ; 76, f. Prajnakaramati, monk and commentator .. 49 Prakrit lang., and Kavya literature 29; and the Andhras .. .. .. 28C, f. Prok, tamdrgopadetiks, book-notice .. 287, f. Pripe, air inhaled 20, Daksha .. .. Pratthara dyn., and the ChAhamanas .. .. 68 Pratishthana, Paihan .. .. .. .. 378 Pratyabhijna-Hidaya, book-notice . 271, . Pravardena, poet .. .. Pravargya rite .. . .. Prayaga, tn., and Bharate Prakshagana and samd ja . 256, ff. Primer of Hinduism, book-notice . .. 207 Priority, of BhAmaha to Dandin .. 258-284 Priyadaryin, k., Aboka 25; Priyadasino .. 265 profit, merchants and money changers, by manipulating currency .. .. .. 105 Pronounciation, of Sanskrit . i. 47, f. Ptolemywa, mentions Siro-Polemaios 230; date .. .. .. .. .. 248 n. Ptolemy, 279; and the Andhra co. .. 280 and n. Pudukkottai, inscrip. 166, f. ; Pudukota 171 ; 223; 227; 229 Pajyapada, Devanandin .. .. .. 204 Pulindaatna, Purindrasens . .. .. 279 Pulle, Signor, and the story of Solomon's judg. ment .. .. . . . . . 148, 162 Pulumayi-Biri, Andhra k. 279; Polemaios, Siri Yana, inscrip. of .. .. 280 and n. Punaka, Poona .. .. . .. . 28 punciorfspphuuhthnn .. .. 97 n. 54 Punjab, warrior tribes .. .. .. 200 Puragupta, k. .. .. .. 247 Puranas, fables. .. .. .. 65, 69 Parpavarma, W. Magadha k... Purusha, man,' period of time .. 33 Purushapura, Poshapuria, modern Pesha 184; and Kanishka .. .. Purushottamadeva, date of .. .. 286 Pushkara, lake .. .. .. .. 217 Pushkarambudhipatok and Pushbaryadhipateh 217, n. 19 Pushkarapa, and Pushkara, c. in Jodhpur 217, and the Varman kings . .. 218, f. pustaka, pustika, pothi .. .. B. Ms. 17 and 'n. putroshti sacrifice .. .. .. .. .. 87 putta, noe patah, a fragment .. .. .. 89 . 246 . gorita (Hebrow) analogy to Malay gambar .. 117 Qizil, w. of Kuchar, Ming-of, B. Ms. 4 n., 9, 16, 17 Qizil qaghe, N. of Kuchar has rook-out caves B. Ms. 4 n. Qosh Turt, Stupa . .. B. Me. 8 n. Quan noo kwan, a dollar of scoount .. .. 216 Qumbas .. .. .. .. .. B. Ms. 10 Qum Turd, Ming-oi, B. Ms. 6 and n., n., 4 14, 38 Qutluq UrdA etapa B. Ms. 6 n., 7 n., 8-12, 14, 32 .. 22 race (lead coinreis 110 n. 21 - 400 to the rupeo in Bombay (18th cont.).. .. 110 n. 22 Raghavabhatta and Bhamaha .. .. .. .262

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INDEX" 325 285, 286 n.! Raghu .. .. .. .. 249 ringgit, various descriptions of * babi, pig 119 Raghus i n 57 : burong, bird (Mexican) 157 :-kain, RAja, or grand, Fall, on the Sharavati river berkain, cloth, 127 meriam, gun, 127: rial, Spanish, 127 tongkat, staff (British), Rajagriha, tn. 5; Rajagrihe, in the story of 167 :-ua, old, 127 - lar, snake (Mexican) 157 Solomon's judgment .. .. .. .. 152 ringlet, mark .. .. .. B. Ms. 38 Rajahmundry, Telugu cap. .. .. .. 277 Risley, and the Aryans .. .. .. 78, 82 Raja-raja, Chola k., and the Brahmans .. 196 Rita, goddess, Atirikta, Rita, intercalary months Rajasekhara 29; and the age of Sriharsha 83, f; 24; 34 and the story of Solomon's judgment 148, ff, Ritusaihara, the, and the Prasasti of Harishena 152; date of his Prabandhakoia . 286, f. 144, 145 and n. rajastya, fire rite.. .. .. .. 82 rixdollar, (reichs+thaler) & money of account, Rajatarangint, a work by Kalhapa .. 301-306 106 : scale and value .. .. 273, f. rijatindja, from shaonano shao, Kushana titlo.. 136 Roarer, Fall, on the Sharavati riv. .. 285, 286 n. Rajendrakarnapura, work by Sambhu, quoted Rock Edicts, fourth, of Asoka 25, f. ; (in scrip. 174, 176 n. 31 ); VIII 159; I, reconsidered 265, ff.; IV. Rajim, inscrip. at .. .. .. B. Ms. 30 257; XIII 277; VI. . . . . . . 282, f. Rajyapala, Pratihera k. of Kanauj .. .. 83 Rocket Fall, on the Sharavati . 285, 286 n. Rakrilagomin, father of Bhamaha .. .204 Romaka, astronomer .. .. .. .. 248 rakshasas, 8-10, 12-14, 16; rakshasas, abori- Rudra, Rudrena, Somara k. .. 58 and n., 59 gines of the South .. .. .. .. 195 RudradAman, Mahakshatrapa, his Girnar, Ramacharitamanasa, the, and the Ramayana, inscrip. 189--193; 195; and the Andhras 279 and n. continued from Vol. XLI p. 286 Ayod. Rudrata, and Bhamaha ... .. .. .. 262 hyakanda 1-6; Aranyakanda 7-10; Kish- ripa, divya, words in Asoka edicts .. .. 27 kindhakapda 11, 12; Sundarakande 13, 14; Ropachanda, author of the Pafichama igala 42; Yuddhakanda .. .. .. .. 15-18 his connection with the Paramajotistotra raman, see tampang 159 kati, 86 -in hat 43 and a money-jongkong, 90 n. 32- 10 conta .. 86 rapaka, the, usod.. .. .. .. .. 243 Ramanuja, Sri, .. .. .. .. 196, 198 rupee-half a dollar 213 half a Dutch guil. Ramasaraman, and Bhamaha .. .. .. 262 der, 105 -920 to 100 dollars .. .. 214 Ramayana, the, and the Ramacharitamanasa, Russia, and the Aryas .. .. .. .. 18 . q. v., 1-18; and Agastya .. .. .. 194 R&napallika, Rapolf, vil. in Jaipur .. .. 59 ranga and samdja .. .. 255, f. Sabara Gamuva, precious stone district, in Rashtrakats, and Gaiga kings .. .. 54 Ceylon .. .. .. .. .. Rathor Rajputs .. .. .. 267 Sabdavatara, two works of the name.. .. Ratnadharmardja, writer .. 248 sa-buaya, see buaya .. .. raut, military officer 50, rauta.. ... 52 Sadhumatd, aamd jas .. RAvana, bero 10, 12--18, .. .. 1, 94, f. Sahajia School of Buddhism, and Santideva .. 52 real, Spanish dollar, 85:-of & Sp. dollar Saiva sect 215-in old Philippine currency 8 to the saivism of Kashmir .. ..271 dollar .. .. .. .. .. 273 saka era, 189 and n, and the Kshatrapas 190; .. 291, f., 294 247 n., 279 Renaissanoo, literature, of Noron 190; Of Sans. Sakambarl, Sambhar .. ... .. 60; 205 n. krit literature, theory of .. .. 243-249 Sakas, in India 247; and Ananta 249; in the Renoung State, coinage of .. .. .. 119 Mudra-Rakshasa 255 and n., 266 ; and the rapi, piece (of money) . . 158, n 34 b. Andhras .. .. .. .. 279--281 Research, Asiatic's Oriental .. .. .. 252 Sakhavardhana and Bhamaha .. .. .. 262 reyesreis.. .. .. Rhys Davids, Prof., and Rock Edict VIII 159, f. sakta, saiva term ... .. .. .. 271 .. Salavana, Tomara leader .. riak dollar 58, f. ... .. .. .. 108 Right, and Left Hand, Brahman Sections .. 197 Salayaketu, ior Malayaketu, and Seleueus . 267 Rigveda, the, and Agastya .. .. .. 194 samaja, word in Rock Edict I., 155, f., and ringgit=dollar, 85, 119:-standard of tin addhumata .. .. 257 weight=10 kati 128,=tahil .. .. .. 86 samaja, demon .. .. .. .. .. 20 .. 40 204 .. 180 " religion .. .. 108

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326 INDEX Sambhar, Sakambari, salt lake. . . . 60, 263 n gambhava, Saiva term .. .. sambodhi, word in Rock Ediot VIII .. .. 159 Sampradayins (Bhagavata), immigration of 196, f. Samudragupta k, date of. 58; Harishema's panegyrio of 31 f, 172-179; 244, 245 and n.; his conquests 217-219; 247 ; 192; 265 n, 266 ; and Hastivarma 281 ; coins and inscrips. B. Ms. 26, f. Sanchi, ali pa 20, f.; 208; inscrip. 135, 161, f. Sanchor, vil. of Dahiya Rajpats .. 268 Sandanes, Sundara .. .. 379 Sanggora, see Singora .. 184 sangha and patisu Sanghamitta and Ceylon Sankara, cave inscrip. in Udayagiri .. Sankaracharya, and Balavarma 53, f.; 195, 198; his reference to Jayaditya .. .. .. 235 Sankaragana, Kalachuri, k., his Abhone grant 270 Sankararya, author of a commentary (on the Nitisara of Kamandaki) called Jayaman. gala, 202 ; and the Jayamangala, a comman. tary on the Kamasltra of Vateyayana .. 203 gaikha, conch shell, mark, .. .. B. Ms. 39 SAukhida plate of Santilla .. .. .. 207 Santideva, his works 49, legendary life, or Achagena 50; or Bhusuku 51; miscalled Jayadeva .. .. .. .. .. 52 Sanskrit, (kavya) literature, 29; theory of the Renaissance of, 243--249; maxims and nyayas in 250 ; f. ; inscrips. of Kedah 41 ; Harsha stone 57; Girnar 188-193; on the pronounciation of 47, ff. ; lang. of the Aryas 78, 80, 82; Buddhistio words 179, f.; and the Pali canon 205, f. ; and Prakrit 246 ; 288; .. B. Ms., 9 n., 14, 44 and n. 80-parte, sa peru, string or ca . 210 n. 80 sapek, see sapeque .. .. .. .. 216 sapeque sa pakuestring of cash 85 n. 1, 216 n. 80 sa-perak, silver coin see kenderi perak, 238 n. 95 =6 cents, 86 n. 6 in accounts 6 cente.. 157 sapta-purusha, seven men,' period of time .. 33 saplarishie, seven sages . . . . .. .. 194 Sarada script . . . B. Ms. 31-34 Saraganus, perhaps Satakapi .. .. .. 279 Sarasvati, or Bharati, goddess, and the testing of poetry, etc. .. .. .. 53; 177 siris, among the Smarta Dravida Brahmans .. 197 Sarvalogaiswara, Kushana title .. .. .. 136 salac-sa-takok, string of cash.. .. 215 n. 80 Satekani,-girl-, Andhra k. 277 f., and, Sara ganus 279, Satavahana, So-to-pho-lo, Siri Pulumdvi .. .. .. .. .. 280 satallie, sataleer, see tali .. .. n. 5 and 6 274 Satya, donor in Manandasor inscrip. .. .. 161 sauta, 82-utas, string or file of cash . 215 n. 82 savages, and argument etc. .. .. .. 299 Savarnabhumi, Ukkala, Burma.. .. . 38 Savitri, g. 32; generator .. .. 140 sciences and arts, and anthropology 289-291, 297 ribal errors .. .. .. .. B. Ms. 42 scripts, used ... . .. . B. Ms. 2 28 Scythians, in India .. .. 246, f. seals, the three Harappa . .. .203 Sekhavatt, division of W. India.. .. .. 59 sel, Manipuri bell-metal coin, 111; 800-1000 to the dollar, 111-400 reckoned as 5000 cowries on Indian system of reckoning cow. ries by gandas (quarters) . . .. 111 aslingeskilling=s'killing, small silver change 86 n. 5, 157 Seleuous, and Chandragupta 265, Salayaketu 267 and n. sen, cent, in British scale of Malay Money 85, 128 Senart, M., and Asoka edicts 25; 169, f. ; 182 and n., 183 sendu, divine weapon .. .. .. 70, 72 Serai Tam, ruin, at Qum Turd .. B. MS. 10, 11, 13 Sergi, Italian writer and the Aryans .. 77, f. Shahbazgarhi inscrip. .. .. .. 25, 160 Shah Jahan, Emp., reign of .. .. .. 208 Shaivism, in Java .. .. .. .. 41 Sharavati, riv., and the Jog Falls .. 285, 286 n. Shwe Dagon Pagoda inscrip., Rangoon 285, 286 n. Siamese money, scale of .. .. .. 163 sicoa rupee-Government rupee, 213; =Ben gal standard, 106 :-=half a dollar.. .. 213 Siddha, k. .. .. .. .. 177. Siddhasenadivakara, author of the Kalyana. mandirastotra .. .. .. .. .42, 44 Siddhavarman and Simhavarman .. .. 218 signs, numeral .. .. .. .. B. Ms. 37 Siksh4-Samuchchaya, & work attributed to Santideva . . . . . . 49-52 Siladitya, k., and Alopen .. .. .. 180 silver to tin, ratio 1: 10 ;-to gold, ratio 1:6, 109 n 15 silver money used in Malay Statos, origin of, 99:-modern denominations of, result of dividing dollars into cents .. .. .. 99 silver weights, scale of, at Patani .. .. 156 Simharaja, Chahamana k. .. .. 58--60 Simhavarman and Siddhavarman .. 218, f. Simsin, N. E. of Kuchar, has rock cut caves B. Ms. 4 n. Simuka, Sindhuka, Raya Satavahana, first 1 Andhra k. .. Sindhuraja of Malwa. Navashasanka 83 ; hero of the Navasthasdi kacharita .. o ko . . . . . 287 Singora, trilingual coins of .. .. .. .. 184 .. 184

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INDEX 327 subhaga . .. . .. .. .. 244 Suchandra, reputed Andhra k. .. 276. f. Sudan Government, and anthropology .. 297 Sudarsana, lake, destruction of 188, 190; pra. fasti .. .. .. .. 230; 243, 216 sugarloaf form of Malay tin Currency .. 89, 276 suku, a quarter a tin ingot 3j lbs., 85, 86 n. 8,bidor viss, 86 = 24 kati 128 :- two strings or sets 86 n 8 :- = quarter dollar 25 cents, 85, 86 n 8, 91, 102, 128 n. 84 in Sumatra:1 dollar, 274 = 100 cash 102,= 250 cash, 127 :-money of account, 238 n 92, = dollar .. .. .. .. .. 101 Sultana, Island of,=? Sumatra or Achin 120 n 73 b. Sumatisvamin, Sumatinatha, ffrthakara 149, 151, f. Sumatra, and Buddhism.. .. .. .. 41 Sun temple at Mandagor .. .. 31, f. Sunda Islands and Burma, the peregrina tions of Indian Buddhists in .. .. 38. 41 Sundara, Andhra k., Sandanes .. .. .. 279 Sundara Pandya, k. .. .. .. .. 227 Sundarakanda, a work by Tulasi Diee 13, f. Sarya, astronomer .. .. .. .. 248 Susunia, inscrip. of Chandravarma 217--919 n. Satra-Samuchchaya, a work attributed to Santideva .. .. .. .. 49, 51 Sylvain Levi, Prof., his work Les Saintes Eeri. tures du Boud. dhisme etc. . 205, f.; 240, f. . Singuttaracheti, Pagado, the modern Shwe Dagon .. .. .. .. 39 Sinha-vikrama, a title of Chandragupta II .. 162 Siri-Pulimdyi, the Nasik inscrip. No. 18, from his ninteenth year .. .. .. 230--234 Siva or Harshadova 57; and Madura 65, 67, 69, 71 Siva-Bhagavata, a note on .. .. .. 180 Sivalakura, Andhra k., coins of . .. 280 Sivaskandavarman, Pallava k., his inscrip. 198; Sivaskandavarme .. . 281; B. Ms. 23 Siva satra-vimarsint, book notice .. 271, f. Skandagupta, k., his inscrip., 31 ;-Parkkra manika, and poetry. .. .. .. 244, 247 Skandagupta-Kramaditya, or Vikramaditya 247 Skeat, W. W., correspondence on Malay tin currency .. .. .. .. 125, ff. slesha, its use attempted .. fleshamalash rupakam, a metaphor .. .. 176 Smarta Dravida Brahman dress . .. 197 Smith, V. A., and Rock Edict VIII 169; on K. Chandra .. .. i. .. 217--219 snake bite, charms against, i . B. Ms. 22 Sociology, and Anthropology . 289, 1., 292, 297 Solamandalam, conqd. by Tribh. Vfra P&pdya 171 soldo, Albuquerque's, specimens of 109 n. 15 &: =2 cente-10 dinheiro 109-20 cash .. 108 Solomon's Judgment, two Jaina versions of the story .. .. .. .. .. 148-152 Soma, g. 20-23 ; sacrifice 72 ; cult,.. 80-83 Somasundara, God of Madura, the adventures of .. .. .. .. ... 65 ff. Sona, Buddhist apostle to Burma .. .. 39 songs, Bengali, attributed to Santideva . 52 Sonuttara, name of the kings of Burma .. 39 So-to-pho-lo, and other names, of Satakani .. 280 froni, guild .. .. .. .. 199; 255 Srenika, k. of Rajagtha .. .. .. .. 152 gri, goddess .. .. .. .. .. 177 fri-Bhagavata, g. .. .. .. .. 197 Sriharsha, The Age of .. .. .. 83, 286, f. Sri-Harshacharita, historical work by B&na. bbatta .. .. .. .. .. 30 Sri Kakulam, called the Andhra cap... 276, 1. Srivatsa kami ra, tenth cen. writer, and Bha maha .. .. .. .. .. .. 264 Stein, Sir Aurel, 301-306; and E. Turkestan B. Ms. 2 and n., 3 and n., 4 n., 5 n., 6 n., 10, 14 St. Petursburg Imperial Library, has the Pe. trovsky Mss. .. .. .. B. Ms. 8 n., 10, 15 string of cash-1000 cash-dollar .. .. 100 als pas, ruined, in E. Turkestan, B. Ms. 5 and n.. 10--14, 24, 29, 32, 36 Subhandhu, poet 30 ; quoted .. .. 177 n. Subashi, N. E. of Kuchar, has rock-cut cases B. Ms. 4 n.. sta pa, at .. .. .. 14 .. 243 tables, of scripts, . B. Ms. 25 tact tadbhavas .. .. .. .. .. 277 tael, see tahil .. .. .. 181 Tagaung, dyn., and Dasaratha .. .. 38 tahil (tael), 181 dollar, 275 ;=ringgit, 86: in ingot tinal oz., 91 ;=6 to the cent. 91 = 16 to the kati .. .. .. .. 128 n. 88 Taittirya Aranyaka, a work, and the Vodie Cal. endar .. .. .. .. . .. 34 Taittiraya-Brahmana and the Yajfopavita .. 197 Taittiriya Saivita, quoted .. .. .. 23 Takakusa, Prof.y on Alopen and Siladitya .180 Takkala, C., now Ayetthima .. .. .. 40 Talegaon grant of the Rasthtrakata king Krishna I, .. .. . .. 27. f. tali, string of cash, 85, 94; bundle of cash. 97 n. 53, 99:-unit of tin weight, 94 ; basis of the gambar system of Malay currency, 95, of Dutch (Malay) monetary system, 94:=38 lbs., = double penjuru-half viss, but fluctuating, 99; dollar unit of tin weight 97 n 53 ; half great viss, 130, n 7:-Wilkin.

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328 INDEX son's table of Malay tin currency is to be found. 8. v., 127-in hat money == 28 oz., 90 :-values, 1 cash, 127; 50 cash, 102; 121 cents, 86, 157; t gulden, 157 :- = half rupee in Indian broker's slang .. 102 n 80 lali tying, Dravidian custom .. .. 195, f. Tamagatta Mount, Burma, Pagoda on 38 Tamil, literature, and the subsidence of the Vindhyas 194; Kumarilas' acquaintance with it. .. .. .. .. .. 200, f. tampang, block or cake of tin, 88, 158, 210 : 22) Oz., 90 :- = kati, 86, 159; = kati, 209; kupang, 128, 157 hollowed out in hat money, 159:- special in Pahang, 184 : value 1 cent, 128, 10 cents .. .. .. 86 tampok manggis, rosette or calyx of the mang ostoen, 88 n. 16 a, 132, 257 n 87 mint mark on tin ingots .. .. .. 122, 132, 159 Taravar, Tomara, Rajput tribe Tamvravati, division of N. Jaipur, home of the Tamvars .. .. .. .. .. 59 tanga, Goanese silver coin, 6 and 7 to the dol. lar, 108 :- =nbtrupee =tikal : 108 n. 8 Tanjore bull, worshipped at Dondra, with other gods .. .. .. .. .. 41 Tantrapals, and Vakpatirkja .. .. .. 58 Tapussa, Burmese merchant, visited Buddha 38, f. Taranktha, and Santideva .. 50, 52; 248 Taranga, Kalhana's eighth, critical notes on it 301, ff. Tarunavachaspati, commentator, and Bhamaha 264 tatsama words, 276; or talsamas .. .. 288 Ta-ta`in, Roman Empire . .. .. 136 Tavernier's tin coins (Malay) described, 181, ff. -his monetary (Malay) scale in 1678, 102, f.: 300 Taylor, writer, and the Aryas .. .. .. 78 technology, and anthropology .. .. 289, f., 292 tela, telae, Chinese pronounciation of bra, tra 212 n. 65 &. Teluban in Patani Telugu and Andhra, langs. .. 276--278, 281 tengah sercent . .. 85, f. Tennent, Sir, E. and the territory of Kalah 40, f. tera, tra .. .. .. .. .. .. 181 ThAlner, near Nasik, home of the Dahiya Raj pute .. .. .. .. .. .. 268 Thiruvilayadal-Purannan, & work by Pandya. nald . .. .. .. .. .. 65 Thot, Tvashga . .. Tiastanes, k. of Ozone or Ujjayini, identified with Chastana .. .. .. .. .. tical, tikal, Siamese silver coin 105 n 99:used as gambling token . .. . . . . 166 Tien-tchou, India Tilakabhata, general .. .. .. .. 173 and n. timaketin .. . .. .. 210 tin, the Malay medium of exchange, 209; par value, 10 kati or 30 dollars, 129; recent rise in price, 159 :-value per bahara, 3140 dollars, 209, f. 57 rix dollars, 210 :-ratio to silver 4 to 1, 214; 51 to 71 to 1, 213 n 72; nominal ratio-10 to 107 to 1 .. 213 n. 72 tin coins, Malay States, 183, f. Sorigin of legends and designs on .. .. .. 11 tin curency (and money), Malay States, 85, ff.; origin of 120 tables and scales of 237, ff: Wilkinson's table, 127; chiefs had no mono. poly of casting .. .. .. .. .. 131 tin hat-money ; ratio to silver money is 1 : 71 91 tin ingot currency, see ingot currency :-tablo of, 159 specimens explained, 122 ; weights of,94:-in two forms on two concurrent scales, 96:-history of, 97, ff., historical continuity of, 99, table of, 97, f. -scales of, 94, 1., comparative, 98; West Coast (1000 cash to dollar), 101, East Coast Dutch, 101, f. ; Porak, 104, f.; French in 1770, 100 n. 66 ; Chinese in 1409, 97; great viss in 1409, 97, in 1725, 98 : profits in manipulating Dutch, 100, native, 96 Junk Ceylon in 1676 and 1775, 97: Tokopa (1775) 97 n. 53 old traders valued one grain of silver (Malay) money as =l oz. merchandise, 98 n. 56:-ratio to silver money 1 to 103.. .. .. .. .. 96 tin money (Malay), Skeat's scales of, 238, Laid. law's, 239 :- Albuquerque's, 91 : Taver. nior's, 91, his ratio to silver 1 to 5, 01 n. 38:hat money, origin of .. .. .. .. 126 TirujfiAnasambandar and the Jainas .. .. 307 Tirukkor, birth place of Madhurakavi 307, f. Tirumangai, Vaishnava teacher .. 307, f. Tiruttalfa vara Temple, Madura diet., inscripe. at .. .. .. .. .. 167, f. titles, Kushana .. .. .. .. .. 130 to, of Burma, deer-weight, origin of, 117f; specimens explained .. .. .. .. 123 tobacco pipe .. .. .. .. .. 300 tokens, gambling, used as money .. 155, f. Tomara, Tanvar kings, and Chandana 58 and, n., 39 Toramipa, k. 31, 247 and n., his stone inscrip. B. Ms. 34 n. tra (stampcash, 101 n 74 - small round piece of tin with a hole in the centre, 104; tin holed cash, 1280 to the dollar, 181 -mo. dern tin coin, 183 copper coin, 32 to the dollar, 181 tin coin (Kedah) 209; 1280 to the dollar, 160 on a string, 209 - kondari in 1666, .. .. .. .. . 104 n. 90

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INDEX 329 tra timah, load or tin marked to give it our Vaigai, riv., origin of .. .. .. 87, 69, 70 rency .... .. .. . . . . 181 Vairisimha, prince, Vairast .. .. 267, f. Trailokyanatha Sudevajinavara, the Jina ... 42 Vajheshka, father of Kanishka II, 133, f., and Trengganu Currency .. . .. .. 101 Vasishka .. .. .. . . .. 135 Tribhuvanacha krabrathin, alias of Jat. Kulake. vajra, fiftzen 23 khara II . ... .. .. 168, 171 vajrayana, school of Buddhista aiste.. .. 51, f. Tribhuvanachakravarthinu Kulasekharadeva .. 229 VAkataka, k., his copper-plate grant .. 160, f. Tribhuvanachakravarti Para. Sri Vikrama, Vakpati, k., date 83 ; VAkpatiraja ... 58, f. Pandya R. .. .. .. .. .224 VAkpati, poet .. .. . . . . . . 178, 249 Trika yastava, a Buddhist hymn .. .. 240 valai, divine weapon .. .. .. 70--72 Trilingam, home of Andhra Vishnu .. ... 278 Vallabhe, author .. .. .. .. 245 n. Tripathagd, applied to the Ganges .. .. 174Vallala, k., death of .. .. .. 186, 188 Tulasi Dasa, author of the Ramacharitamanasa Valle Poussin, Prof. L. de la, and Buddhism 1, 2, +18 206, 241 Turkestan, E. expeditions to and explorations Vallisika, of the Abhone plates, perhaps in, B. Ms. 2, 3, 5, 7, 14, paper in 32; Gupta Balhegaon or Varisi.. . . .. . . . . 270 script, otc. . . . . .. 3335 Valmiki, author of the Ramayana .. 1-18 Trashta, Thot .. .. .. Vani, Vatanagarika .. .. .. 269 and n. Tvaahtri .. .. .. 20, 22 Varahamihira, author of the Brihat-sam-hita 30 ; and the Malavas .. .. .. 200 ; 248 Varasi, Vallisika, Balhegaon .. .. .. 270 uchokhrita, word in Harishena's panegyrio of Varmen, and Gupta, suggested surnames of k. Samudragupta .. .. .. 173, f. Chandra .. .. .. . . . . . . . 217 Udayagiri inscrips. 25 1., 27n., 28, 31.. B. Ms. 30 Varodnuprpeas . . . . . . .. .. 191 Uddharapa, for Udharana .. .. 267, f. Varuna, G. 19, 36 ; and Madura .. .. 70 Udyana, co., and the birch tree, B. Ms. 19, 31 Vasco da Gama, report on tin money, confused and n., 33 n. 35 by editors .. .. .. .. 110 n 21 Ujjain, 195, f. 247, f., and the Sakas 279281; Vasishka, Vajhoshka, father of Kanishka 133-135 * stone inscrip. of Chaulukya Jayasinhs .. 258 Vasishtha, astronomer .. .. .. .. 248 Ujjayanta, Urjayat .. Vesu, Babu Nagendra Nath, on k. Chandra 217, 1. Ujjayini, Ozene .. Vasubandhu or Asauga, .. .. .. 248 and n. Ukkala, Suvarnabhumi, Burma 38, Orissa .. Vasudatta, wife of Samudradatta .. .. 162 ukthya, fifteen .. .. Vasudeva, g. .. .. .. .. .. 161 unit of ingot tin currency=dollar Vasudeva, K., date of 134, 136, or Po-t'iao Upama, use of .. .. .. .. 243 137; 246 Upanishad, quoted . . .. 3437 Vasugupta, Saiva teacher uparyupari-samchayochchhrita, meaning of .. 174 Vasula, inscrip. of .. ...... . .. 31 Urga-Pandya, k. .. .. .. .. .. 70 Vasumitra, wife of Samudradatta . .. 152 Urjayat, Ujjayanta, Holy Mt., Girnar.. 188, 192 Vatanagara, vil., Val nor 207, and Vapi, Vatan. Ushavadatta, and the Brahmans 195 ; saka, agarik& .. .. .. .. 269 and n, 270 UsabhadAta 230 and n., Rishabhadatta .. 246 | Vatsabhati, his Mandasor pralasti 31, f. ; 137. ula, astring of tin pieces (kati) .. .. 275 n. 14 -144, 146, f., 176, 244, f. utprolband, use of .. .. .. 191, 243 VatayAyana, his Kamasitra and the Commont. utagoas .. .. .. .. .. .. 267 ary Jayama gala .. .. .. 202, f. Uttara, Buddhist apostle to Burma .. Vatteluttu inscrip. .. .. .. .. 307 Uttarayana, part of the year .. vdyu, wind .. .. 73 uwang, see wang .. .. .. .. Vodas, the, and the Dravidians, eto. 77, 79, .. 156 80 and 7., 81 wil, divine weapon .. . .. V anas, Brahman .. .. .. 106, f. | Vollalu, casto .. .. .. 71, f. Vadner, Varanagara 207 identified with Vat. Veigi, Pedda Vagi, Andhranagaram .. .. 281 Anagarika 269 n, two places of the name .. 270 Vengirashtram, inodorn Ellore .. .. .. 281 Vadugavali Andhrapatha .. .. .. 281 vicharana, word in Harishena's panegyric of vaidarbhi nili, verse style, of, 175, f. ; 188, 193; Samudragupta .. Skudragupta .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 174 or Vaidarbha .. .. .. .. 43, 1. Vidarulu, Bulur, poetic school of .. 29, 244 ** .. .. 188 39 23 .. v Bugupta, Salva teacher . .. 271 .. .. 39 36

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330 vidvas, budha or kavi viece, see viss Vighna, Buddhist missionary Vigraharaja, his Harsha stone inscrip... Vijaya, Vijayapala, 83; Vijayachandra Vikata, statue, 57 and Hidimba Vikrama, and Malava era, Vikramaditya, Chandragupta II Vilivayakura, I and II., Andhra Vira Pandya k., Maravarman Virasena's cave inscrip Virasena, poet INDEX 30; 244, 247, f. kings 279 and n., 280 vimana, word in Asoka edict 25, 26 and n., vimanas... Vimana vatthu, Pali work .. 257 26 Vindhya Mts., and Agastya 194; home of the Andhras 277, 278 n., 281 164 and n., 170 31 .. 148 265 42 178 89, 97 n 55 266 n. 57-64 84 58 31; 163; 247 visha-kanya 'poisonous girl' Vishapaharastotra, a work by Dhananjaya Vishnu, g. 20, f.; at Dondra 41; 68; and k. Chandra .. 217, 219 n. Vishnudharma (plural) poem by Bhasa, or Vishnudharmottara, two works of the name.. 53 Vishnuvardhana, his inscriptions 31; 163; Yasodharman .. 247 and n. viss, standard of Far Eastern avoirdupois weight, 95-of commerce 56 oz., 90, 3 lbs., 89:-great,1 and 1 viss, also a standard of tin weight, 95, 5 lbs., 130 n 7;=10 small Patah, 90: double tali, 94 :-in hat money dollar or 780 grs. 25 cents 86: .. = half dollar in Pegu in 1567 and 1585, 107:of base coinsa penny in Chittagong in 1567,.. 107 277 59 Visvamitra, ancestor of the Andhras Visvarapa, an ascetic Vieyavarman, K. 31; 138, 144; inscrip. of 161 163; 218 .. 141 13 - Vivasval, the Illuminator Vrishadamcaka, meaning of Vritra, demon 20-23; or Vritrasura.. 65, f., 75,f. Vyasa, rival of Bhasa 53 wang small change 86 n. 5, copper change 157: a gold weight mas, mace.. wang, a coin 213; small silver, 211 stijver 4 doite, 105 n. 98: copper 2 cents 156, f-money of account 238 n 92, 2 cents. 86 n. 5 157 wang, currency, buaya, 90, 36 keping, cash, 127 of inconstant value wang baharu, new wang, a coin, 213: silver 2 cents, 85, 156, 158 dubbeltje 2d., 156, 1, :-copper, 85, 86 n 5, 238 n. 94: money of account 5 duit-2 cents 105 n 98 135 Wardak base inscrip. weavers, of silk in Dasapura-Mandasor 138, 143, f. 147 Weber, collection of Mss., B. Ms., 2 and n., 6 and n., 7-9, 11, f., 14-16, 32, f. weight standards, oriental, origin of .. 120 weights, animal, of Burma, specimens explain ed 127 122, f. 212 f. 41 101, ff. B. Ms. 38, f., 41 249 268 weights, Malay, in 1701 Bowrey's tables Wellesley, Prov., inscrips. from West coast (Malay) currency wheel, chakra White Huns and Hunas widow marriage, among the Dahiyas Willen, Lodewijckoz, History of Dutch Navigation to the East 1609, 214, ff. 197 196 yajnopavita, a symbol Yamunai-thuraivar, Alavandar Yasamitra, Yasomitra, name B. Ms. 29 Yasodhara, reputed author of the Commentary Jayamangala Yasodharman, 266 n.; and Mihirakula 247 and n.; B. Ms. 27 Yasovarman, k., of Kanauj 249; of Malwa, and Vishnu-vardhana, k. 31; 199; Jayasimha yavaga, gruels, Yavanas, a people Ysamotika, father of Chashtana Yuddhakanda, a work by Tulasi Dass Yue-tchi, 136; Ta-Yjie-chi Yuwan Chwang, Chinese pilgrim and Pataliputra.. Zeda inscrip. Zohak, of Pehlevi, tradition 258 B. Ms. 41 249 189 15-18 137 Zabedj, kingdom in S. and E. of Malacca, and Kalah 202 ..265 n.. 40 .. 134 69

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Page 301, line 5 from bottom read, yra 7 Page 304 line 16 from top, read & Terena: Page 304 verge 1093, read Patut. ERRATA. . Page 306 verse 1192, read . Page 306 verse 1332 read wao.

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THE BOWER MANUSCRIPT.* CHAPTER I. THE DISCOVERY OF THE BOWER MANUSCRIPT: ITS DATE, LOCALITY, CIRCUMSTANCES, IMPORTANCE, ETC. THE Bower Manuscript, which is named after its discoverer, Lieutenant (now Major General) H. Bower, C. B., fell into the hands of that officer, early in the year 1890, in Kuchar, where he had gone, on a confidential mission from the Government of India, in quest of the murderer of Dalgleish.1 Kuchar, or Kucha, situated about 41deg 42' 50'' N. Lat., and 80deg 33' 50'' E. Long., is the name of one of the principal oases and settlements of Eastern Turkestan, on the great caravan route to China which skirts the foot of the Tian Shan Range of mountains on the northern edge of the Takla Makan desert. On his return to India, Lieutenant Bower took the manuscript to Simla, whence in September 1890 he forwarded it to Colonel (now Major-General) J. Waterhouse, who was then the President of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. By him it was exhibited to the Society at their monthly meeting on the 5th November 1890, when also a short note. (see below, No, i. p. iv) from Lieutenant Bower, dated the 30th September 1890, was read explaining the circumstances of the discovery. Some attempts were made after the meeting to decipher the manuscript, but they proved unsuccessful. At the time I was absent on furlough to Europe. It was on my returu voyage to India that I received the first news of the discovery through a copy of the Bombay Gazette which fell into my hands at Aden. By a lucky chance, Major (now Major-General) W. B. Cumberland whose companion Lieutenant Bower had been during the earlier part of his travels, happened to be a fellow passenger on the steamer, and furnished me with corroborative information. On reaching Calcutta in February 1891, being then the Philological Secretary of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, I at once claimed the manuscript from Colonel Waterhouse, who most readily made it over to me. At the April meeting of that year, I was able to communicate to the Society the first decipherment of the manuscript which was immediately published in its Proceedings (April, 1891), pp. 5-1-65. Reprinted, with additions, from the Introduction to the Edition in Volume XXII of the New Imperial Series of the Archaeological Survey of India. 1 See the Geographical Journal of the Royal Geographical Society, Vol. V (1895), p. 240. 2 The spelling Kuchar represents the local pronunciation of the name, see M. A. Barth in Comptes Rendus of the Academie des Inscriptions & Belles Lettres, 1907, p. 21. The spelling Kucha, or Kucha, (Chinese K'iatse), as Dr. A. von Le Coq informs me (letter. of 24-10-1909), occurs on coins and public documents. It is used, e. g., in Dr. M. A. Stein's Ancient Khotan, Vol. I, p. 8, et passim, also in M. Chavannes' Documents sur les Turcs Occidentaux, p. 8, et passim. The latter work may be consulted on the ancient history of Kuchar. It is one of the four territories, or so-called "Garrisons," the other three being Kashgar, Khotan, and Karashahr, which anciently constituted Eastern Turkestan.-The Jatitude and longitude of Kuchar above given, are those which have lately been determined by Dr. Vaillant of the French Expedition with a possible slight error of 300 or 400 metres in latitude, and of about 1,000 metres in longitude, as communicated to me by him in his letter of the 5th January 1910. See also his article in the L'annee Cartographique, October, 1910. 3 See Proceedings, Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1890, p. 222. 4 The whole story of the discovery and decipherment of the Bower Manuscript is reviewed in Sir Alfred Croft's Presidential address to the Asiatic Society of Bengal in their Proceedings for 1892, pp. 61-63. See also Sir Charles Elliott's Presidential Address in the Froceedings for 1894, pp. 31-34.

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ii THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [CHAPTER I It was the discovery of the Bower Manuscript and its publication in Calcutta which started the whole modern movement of the archaeological exploration of Eastern Turkestan. The late Hofrat Professor G. Buhler, having seen the report of the discovery in the Proceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, at once announced it in an early issue of the 'ienna Oriental Journal for 1891, p. 103. The Russian Archaological Society, haring thus their attention attracted, addressed, in November 1891, a request to Mr. Petrovski, the Russian Consul General in Kashgar, to endearour to collect similar manuscript treasures. In response to it the Petrovski Collection went to the Imperial Library in St. Petersburg, in the autumn and winter of 1892-3, of which Professor Serge d' Oldenburg published a report and specimens in the Transactions of the Imperial Russian Archaeological Society, Vol. VIII, for 1893-4, pp. 47 ff. In the same year, 1892, the Weber Collection of manuscripts was acquired by the Rev. F. Weber, Moravian Missionary in Leh, whose curiosity had been aroused through a meeting with Lieutenant Bower on the latter's return journey to India (see below No, iv, p. vi). This acqui. sition was at once transmitted to me, and a report and specimens were published by me in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. LXII of 1893, pp. 1 ff.In the following year, 1893, on my motion, the Government of India issued instructions to their Political Agents in Kashmir, Ladak, and Kashgar, to make enquiries for ancient manuscripts, and secure all that might come in their way. It was in pursuance of these instructions that the "three Further Collections" of manuscripts came into my hands, of which a report and specimens were published by me in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. LXVI. of 1897, pp. 213 ff.' The most important, in the present connection, of these three collections are the Macartney manuscripts, so named after Mr. (now Sir ) George Macartney, K. C. I. E., the British Consul in Kashgar, who secured them in 1895.10 The direct result of these discoveries of ancient manuscripts was the inception of the first expedition of Dr. (now Sir) M. A. Stein, K.C.I. E., into Eastern (or Chinese) Turkestan in 1900-1901, of which a report was published by him, in 1902, in his Ancient Khotan in two volumes. It is true that there had been numerous expeditions into that country in earlier years, such, c.g., as the Russinn expedition of General Prejevalski in 1878 and 1885, the British expedition of Major (now Lieut-Colonel) Sir Francis E. Younghusband, K. C. I. E., in 1887-90, the French expedition of M. Dutreuil de Rhins in 1891-2, and the Swedish expedition of Dr. (now Sir) Sven Hedin, K. C. I. E., in 1894-7,12 but none of these was 5 See, e. g., Buhler in the Vienna Oriental Journal, Vol. VII., (1893), p. 260, Dr. Stein in Ancient Khotan, Introduction p. v; M. Pelliot, in Comptes Rendus des Seances, 1907, p. 166, also infra, No. 2, p. ix; Professor S. d'Oldenburg, in the Journal of the Imperial Russian Archaeological Society, Vol VIII., 1893-4. 6 See Transactions of the Imperial Russian Archaeological Society (1892), Vol. VII., pp. 81-2. 1 The Weber Manuscripts, which were subsequently purchased by me from Mr. Weber (Journal, As. Soc., Beng., Vol. LXVI., 1897, P. 239, footnote) passed, in 1902, into the possession of the Bodleian Library in Oxford; see its Catalogue, Vol. II., P. 111, No. 1091, 8 For particulars, see my Report on the British Collection of Central Asian Antiquities, Part I., Introd., p. ii; also Proceedings, Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1898, p. 65. See also my Report on the British Collection of Central Asian Antiquities, Part II, being an Extra Number to the Journal, Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. LXX., 1901. 10 Since 1902 they are in the possession of the British Museum in London. 11 On its inception, see Introd., pp. V, vi. The expedition started from Kashmir on the 31st May 1900, and returned to London on the 2nd July 1901. 12 For two fuller, though stip not quite complete Usts of such expeditions, see the Geograthicul Jonmal, R. G. S., for 1893, P. 57, and the Journal, R. A. S., for 1909, p. 299; also Professor W. Geiger on Die archeologischen und literarischen Funde in Chinesisch Turkestan muid ihre Bedeutung fir die ortentalische Wissenschaft, Rede beim Antritt des Prorektorates der Koniglich- Bayeristhen FriedrichAlexander-Universitat Erlangen, November, 1912.

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CHAPTER 1] BOWER MANUSCRIPT undertaken with the object of archeological exploration. Their main object was scientific, ie., geographical, geological, zoological, and the like, and any antiquities which they, brought home had been gathered, as it were, accidentally and by the way. The first expedition to Eastern Turkestan which was undertaken avowedly for the purpose of exploring the country archeologically, and excavating ancient sites, was the Russian of M. D. Klementz in 1898.13 As in the case of the expedition* of Sir Aurel Stein, it owed its inception directly to the stimulus imparted originally by the discovery of the Bower Manuscript. A series of archaeological expeditions now followed in rapid succession. It comprised the first German expedition, led by Professor Grunwedel, in 1902-3; a Japanese expedition, in 1902-3, under Count Otani; the second German (or first Prussian) expedition, under Dr. A. von Le Coq, in 1904-7; and the second Prussian expedition led again by Professor Grunwedel, in 1905-7. These were followed, in 1936-8, by the second British expedition of Sir Aurel Stein, which was extraordinarily successful; and fruitful of archaeological results, and of which a preliminary account was published in the Geographical Journal (for July and September 1909). The last of the series was the French expedition, under M. Paul Pelliot in 1907, which has recently (autumn 1909), returned to Europe. As it made a particular point of thoroughly exploring the district of Kuchar, where the Bower Manuscript was found, its full and final report when it appears may be hoped to set at rest any still remaining doubts regarding the exact locality and time of its discovery.15 In the meantime the publication of the Bower Manuscript steadily pursued its course. The proposal to prepare a complete edition of its text, illustrated with facsimile Plates, and accompanied by an annotated English Translation, was a corded, in 1892, the sanction of the Government of India through the cordial support of Sir Charles Elliott, the then Lieutenant-Governor of Bengal. The first part of the edition appeared in 1893; the Second Part (in two fasciculi) in 1894-5, and the remaining Parts III to VII in 1897This completed the edition of the text and translation. After an interruption of several years, caused by my retirement from India and engagement in other time-absorbing work on subsequent finds of ancient Central Asian Manuscripts, the Sanskrit Index, being a complete vocabulary of the Bower Manuscript, was published in 1908, and a Revised Translation of its medical portions, in Parts I, II and III, in 1909. The Introduction, benefiting by the long delay and the attendant material increase of information, now brings the laborious work of the edition to its long-desired completion. The Bower Manuscript itself, which till the completion of the edition of the text in 1897 had remained in the hands of the editor, was returned, in April 1898, to its owner, Colonel Bower. By him it was taken to England, where it was finally purchased, in 1898, by its present possessor, the Bodleian Library in Oxford, 16 It remains to determine, so far as it is possible with the evidence at present available, the exact locality and the exact time of the discovery of the Bower Manuscript. iil Since the above list was written, two new expeditions have been undertaken, and are now in progress: a German under Dr. A. von Lecoq which left Berlin in April, 1913, and a British, under Sir Aurel Stein, which started from Kashmir, in August, 1913. 13 A report was published in the Transactions of the Imp. Russian Archeol. Soc., Vol. XIII. of 1899; transl. into German by O. v. Haller. 14 A summary report appeared in the Century Magazine for October, 1906. 15 A preliminary report, read in the seance of the French Academy, on the 22nd of March 1907, is referred to in the sequel (No. x. p. viii). The preliminary sketch map of the Kuchar district, which illustrates this chapter, was, in response to a request from me, most kindly prepared by Dr. Vaillant, who had accompanied M. Pelliot on his expedition. 16 In the Second Part (1905) of the Library Catalogue it is No. 1090, p. 110.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [CHAPTER 1 Fig. 1. : (i) The earliest information on the subject is contained in the note of Lieutenant Bower, which accompanied his transmission of the manuscript to Colonel Waterhouse, and which is published in the Proceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal for 1890, p. 221. It is dated from Simlat, the 30th September 1890, and runs as follows: "While at Kuchar a man offered to show me a subterranean town, provided I would go there in the middle of the night, as he was frightened of getting into trouble with the Chinese, if it was known that he had taken an European there. I readily agreed, and we started off about midnight. The same man procured me a pucket of old manuscripts written on birch bark. They had been dug out of the foot of one of the curious old erections, of which several are to be found in the Kuchar district. There is also one on the north bank of the river at Kashgar. The one out of which the manuscripts were procured is. just outside the sulterranean city. *These erections are generally about 50 or 60 feet high, brond in proportion, and resembling somewhat in shape a large cottage loaf, They are solid, and ..... are principally composed of sun-dried bricks, with layers of beams now crumbling away. Judging from the weather-beaten appearance they possess, and taking into consideration the fact that in Turkestan the rain and snowfall is almost nominal, they must be very ancient indeed ...... "The subterranean ruins of Ming or, to which my guide had promised to take me, <Page #351
Nisgi Qiu Qaghe Mingel Qial . CHOLL-TAGH 90-10 feet. Car Auson TVM Kone Amar Chea Tura Stra T > Od down wdry of Kuh wan rah > + Pa - F YARI * . # 2 Cultura udland. Saline laad SKETCH-MAP Det dusitated tanarinde Oasis of KUCHAR. 7 D of dusental fruit trees Scale: lem. = 4 km., reduced from Original by Dr. G. Vaillant) Rund alles in all

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CHAPTER 1] BOWER MANUSCRIPT "A more perfect hermetical seating than the mound formed it would be impossible to imagine as the outside had a slight coating of a baked clayey nature.... ..........and the documents had been buried right in the centre of it. The statement that they were dug out of the ruins of the underground city is a total misconception of the facts. 19 ... ... ... I think I saw about Kuchar five or six of these mound like Fig. 2. erections. This (Fig. 2) will give you a rough idea of the erection. The asterisk indicates the place where the documents were found." (iii) Again three years later, in 1895, Captain Bower repeated his account of the acquisition of the manuscript in a paper contributed by him to the Geographical Journal of the Royal Geographical Society of London, in which he described his trip to Sketch of the ruined Stapa at Qumtura. Turkestan. That account, in Vol. V., pp. 254 ff., was as follows: "At Kuchar, where I halted for several days, a Turki who had been in India, used to come and sit with me in my room in the serai. One day in coversation, he told me about an ancient city he knew of, built underground in the desert. I thought at first that he meant one of the ordinary buried cities of the Gobi desert; but he insisted that it was something quite different, and explained that it was underground by the wish of the people that made it, not by reason of a sandstorm. He told me also that he and one of his friends had gone there and dug for buried treasure, but had found nothing but a book. I asked to see it; and going &way, he returned in about an hour, bringing some sheets of birch bark covered with writing in a Sanskritic character and held together by two boards. I bought them from him; and it was fortunate that I did so, as they have since excited a considerable amount of interest in the learned world ... ... ... When I asked him to take me to this interesting place, he demurred a good deal, on the ground that the people would kill him, If he took an European there; but at last he consented on condition that we went at night, so as not to be seen. This I readily agreed to do; and starting at midnight, we marched steadily forward in westerly direction. When daylight broke, we had left cultivation far behind, and were on the shoulders of a range of low gravelly hills, and away to the south a narrow strip of green with houses at intervals marked the course of a canal. Keeping on, we came to the curious old erection from under which the manuscript had been unearthed. Similar erections are found in different parts of Chinese Turkestan ... ... ... ... They are solid, and built of sun-dried bricks and wooden beams now crumbling away. In shape they roughly resemble & gigantic cottage loaf, about 50 feet high. Close by, on the banks of a river, were the remains of the ancient underground city of Ming-oi to which the guide had promised to take me... ... ... ... ... High upon the face of the cliffs overlooking the water, the marks of what have been habitations are to be seen worn away in such a manner as to show sections.... ... ... ... ... I entered one of the tunnels. It was shaped as under ... ... ... ... ..." Here follows the section through the Ming-07 (Fig. 1), and its explanation, exactly as given in No, i (p. iv). With the help of the Topographical Plan and View of the Ming-oi of Qum Tura (see Frontis-piece, Nos. II and III), which I owe to the kindness of Professor Griinwedel, the description of Lieutenant Bower's march will be readily understood. He approached the Ming-oi from the east, from Kuchar. (See the Sketch Map of the Oasis of Kuchar.) At day-break he was above the point marked A on the Plan, looking "away to the south" on the double canal with its narrow strip of green cultivated land, and the houses belonging to the large village of Faizabad, "Keeping on" he came to the ruined Stupa of the manuscript 19 This apparently refers to the remarks of Buhler in his paper on the discovery of the Bower Manuscript in the Vienna Oriental Journal, Vol. V. (1891), pp. 103 and 302. 20 AS fact, there are four ruined Stapas near Qum Tura, one at Qosh Tura, and one at Qutluq Urda (letter from Sir Aurel Stein, 3rd Dec. 1909)-all six on, or near, the line of Lieut. Bower's march to the Ming-oi of Qum Tura. See the Sketch Map. Of the four Stapas near Qum Turd two are at D, one at A, and one at C, of the Topographical Plan,

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (Chapter 1 at the point marked C, "Close by," at the distance of about 500 yards (see No. i), was the main group of caves on the left bank of the river, into one of the tunnels of which Lieutenant Bower entered. On his return, he went to the village of Faizabad, the houses of which he had, earlier in the morning, discerned from a distance, see below p. xiii. (iv) With regard to the Weber Manuscripts, the earliest reference to their discovery is contained in a letter, addressed to me by the Rev. F. Weber, of the Moravian Mission in Leh, in Ladak, on the 21st June 1892. Translated from the German, it runs as follows - "Two years ago I met here in Leh the traveller Captain Bower. He showed me an old book which had been found not far from Yarkand, 21 and which he intended submitting to you ... .. .. ... I. regret that I have never been able to learn anything about the age of that book; but in the meantime I have succeeded in getting hold of an undoubtedly very old book, which I venture to submit to you for critical examination. It was found, the year before im vergangenen Jahr), not far from Kugiar on the border of Yarkand 21 ... ... ... ... Near that place, there is a house which, apparently since immemorial times, is ruined and buried.22 Some mercliants, hoping to find treasure, undertook with much trouble to excavate it, but found only the bodies of some cows which, on the first touch, crumbled into dust. On that occasion they found also the above mentioned book." (v) The above narrated particulars of the excavation of the "house," or stupa, in which the Weber Manuscripts were found, Mr. Weber had from a letter written in Urdu, which was interpreted to him by the person who delivered the manuscripts to him. This appears from another letter addressed to me by Mr. Weber from Leh on the 29th July 1892. In it, he wrote that the book had been no more than three days in his hands before he transmitted it to ine. He, then, continued as follows (translated from the German original): 4 As I received the book through an intermediary, the latter could not furnish me with exact information. He showed me a letter in Urdd (which, however, I could not read) written by the finder of the book, an Afghan merchant, in which the find-place and everything that I reported in my previous letter was stated. The people knew that I collect Tibetan objects of every kind, and it was for that reason that the book was brought to me.'' (vi) The identity of the intermediary (Munshi Ahmad Din), and the "Afghan merchant" (Dildar Klan), mentioned in the preceding quotation, is disclosed in a letter written by Sir George Macartney, on the 12th October 1896 from Kashgar, to Lieut-Colonel. Sir A. C. Talbot, K. C. I. E., then British Resident in Kashmir. That letter was sent together with the Macartney Manuscripts, the acquisition of a portion of which is explained in it as follows : 23 This is a manuscript, presented by Dildar Khan, an Afghan merchant in Yarkand. It appears that when the Bower MS, was found in Kuchar, two others were at the same time and under the same circumstances discovered.21 Dilder Khan obtained possession of the latter, and took them to Leh in 1891. 21 The reference, of course, is to the Bower Manuscript, which, owing to a misapprehension, Mr. Weber at that time believed to have been discovered in Kugiar (Kokyar), about 60 miles south of Yarkand, at 77' 12' E. Long, and 37deg 25' N. Lat. See the Map in the Geographical Journal, July 1893. The misapprehension was subsequently corrected in a letter addressed to me by the Rev. F. B. Shawe from Leh, on the 15th September 1893. See Sir Charles Elliott's Annual Address to the Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1894, p. 33 ; also Journal ASB., Vol. LXII (1893), pp. 1 and 2; and ibid., Vol. LXVI (1897) p. 229. The German original has versunkenes und vershuttetes Haus. The word "house" evidently represents the Urdd ghar of Mr. Weber's native informant. That word appears to be usually employed by the natives of Turkestan to indicate a stapa: See, e.g., Sir Aurel Stein's Ancient Khotan, Vol. I., P. 483. See Journal As. Soc. Beng., Vol. LXVI (1897), p. 27. * This statement, as will be shown in the sequel, is a misapprehension. The two others " are rather "two bundles of manuscripts" (see No. x), and they were found at a place and at a time different from those of the discovery of the Bower Manuscript. 25 This should be 1892. See Nos, iv. and v.

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CHAPTER I] BOWER MANUSCRIPT vii He gave one to Munshi Ahmad Din, who in his turn presented his acquisition to Mr. Weber, Moravian Missionary. Hence the origin of the Weber Manuscripts. The other manuscript in Dildahr Khan's possession was taken by him to India, and left with a friend of his in Aligarh, a certain Faiz Mu'ammed Khan. Dildar Khan brought it back to Turkestan last year (1895), and presented it to me." (vii) From the preceding quotation it is seen that the " intermediary," from whom Mr. Weber received his manuscripts, was Munshi Ahmad Din, and that the "Afghan merchant," who sent ther, through the intermediary, to Mr. Weber, was Dildar Khan of Yarkand. This man, however, was not the writer of the Urdu letter to which Mr. Weber (in No. 1) refers. That letter must have been one written to Dildar Khan by his elder brother, Ghulam Qadir Khan, who sent the manuscripts, a portion of which found its way to Mr. Weber, through Munshi Ahmad Din. This appears from an account, which was procured for me by Sir George Macartney from Dildar Khan himself in January 1898. That account was written in Urdu and may be tranted as follows20 : "I heard from my brother Ghulam Qadir Kbin that there was a dome-like tower near Kuchar at the foot of a mountain. Some people said that the treasure in it; it must be searched out. Accordingly, some people, making a hole in the tower, be to excavate it, when inside they found it to be a house containing a compartment (ghar khinadar), and in it a cow and two foxes standing. On touching them with the hand the cow and foxes fell to the ground as if they were dust. In that place those two booksas were found enclosed in wooden boards. Also there is in that place a wall made as if of stone (diwar sang ke mwoa fiq), and upon it something is written in characters not known. It is said that a few years ago an English gentleman" went there, and having visited the place, came away. Nothing more is known," Plainly this account is identical with that given by Mr. Weber (see No. iv). as interpreted to him from an Urdu letter. It shows that the letter was written by Ghulam Qadir Khan, an Afghan merchant resident in Kuchar, to his brother Dildar Khan, n merchant residing in Yarkand. It was this letter, in the possession of Dildar Khan, on which the latter based the account, above-quoted, which he gave to Sir George Macartney for transmission to me. The importance of these facts lies in this that we see that the earliest statement concerning the locality and the circumstances of the find of the Weber Manuscripts and Macartney Manuscripts was made immediately after the discovery, in 1891, by a native informant in a letter written for the information, not of any European enquirer, but of his own brother. Native informants, in their dealings with Europeans, are, no doubt, not reliable ; but in the circumstances of the present case,-a native merchant dealing with anothlative merchant, his own brother, with common interests, there seems to be no good reason to distrust the substantial accuracy of the account of the discovery. (viii) A little later in he same year, in November 1898, another more detailed account, in Urdu, of the discovery and dispersion of the Weber and Macartney Manuscripts was procured for me by Captain (now Lieut-Colonel) S. H. Godfrey, c. I. E., from Munshi Ahmad Din. In all probability it was based on information supplied to the Munshi by Dildar Khan. The main points in it are the following30 : 28 See my Report on the British Collection of Central Asian Antiquities, Part I, Introd., p. xi. 27 In my Report (see preceding note) this phrase is translated "spacious," but the literal, and more correct, translation is as in the text above. As to the term "house," see ante, Nole 22. See also below, P. ix, M. Berezovski's account. 15 Or rather "bundles of manuscripts." See below No. X. " This is a confused reference to Lieutenant Bower, who went to Gum Turk, but not to Qutluq Urda. 3) See my Report on the British Collection of Central Asian Antiquities, Part I, Introd., PP. x and xi. There explanatory statements of my own are interspersed. See also Proceedings, ASB., 1898, pp. 63, 64.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [CHAPTER I "Some years ago some people of Kuchar undertook to make an excavation of an ancient tower. Their object in digging into the tower was to find treasure, as it was well known that in the time of Yakub Beg much gold had been discovered in such ancient buildings. Whether or not they found any treasure is not known; but what they did find was a number of manuscripts and detached papers, together with the bodies of a cow and two foxes standing. The manuscript books and papers were taken to the house of the chief Qazi, of the town, where a couple of days afterwards they were seen by Hajl Ghulam Qadir heaped up in a corner, there being a big basket (sabud) full of them. On enquiry, having been told the whole story by the Qazi, he brough away a few of them. Of these he gave one to Lieutenant Bower,31 while he sent the others to his younger brother Dildar Khan in Yarkand. These the latter took with him to Leh in 1891.32 Here he gave one portion to Ahmad Din, who in his turn gave it to Mr. Weber. The other portion Dildar Khan took with him to India, where he left it with a friend in Aligarh. On a subsequent visit to India, in 1895, he re-took it from his friend, and brought it back to Turkestan, and presented it to Mr. Macartney. What beame of the rest of the manuscripts in the house of the Qazi is not exactly known. It is propable that Andijani merchants in Kuchar, who are Russian subjects, got hold of some of them, and gave them to Mr. Petrovsky, the Russian Consul General in Kashgar.33 As late as 1894, ten manuscripts were reported by Dildar Khan, on the information of his brother in Kuchar, to he in the possession of a cert in Yusuf Beg. Unfortunately the negotiations set on foot by Mr. Macartney for the purchase of these manuscripts fell through, owing to the Beg's denial of possession from fear of the Chinese authorities. It is believed that subsequently Mr. Petrovski succeeded in purchasing them." 31 viii (ix) With regard to the ten manuscripts referred to at the end of the preceding account of Munshi Ahmad Din, I received, in response to a request for further information, in November 1895, from Sir George Macartney the translation of a letter of the Chinese Amban of Kuchar, dated on the previous 7th December 1894, which runs as follows 35: "I have received your letter desiring me to enquire whether there are any sacred Tibetan manuscripts in the family of Timur Beg. I lost no time in summoning him. He stated that he had no such manuscripts, but that some people had several years ago [i. e., in 1891] dug some out from a big mound situated at the west of the city [of Kuchar], and almost 5 li [about one mile] from it, and as this took place a long time ago, the documents had either been sold or burnt. I also went in person to make an inspection of the mound which was about 10 chang [approximately 100 feet] in height, and about the same dimension in circumference. As people had already been digging there, a cavity was seen which however had fallen in. I hired 25 men to dig under proper supervision. After two months' work, they dug out only a parcel of torn paper, and torn leaves with writing on them. I now forward this to you. If afterwards I discover any person possessing such manuscripts, I shall again communicate with you." (x) Subsequently the oasis of Kuchar was visited by a series of expeditionsJapanese, German, Russian, and French (see ante, p. iii)-for the purpose of exploring all the sites of archeological interest situated in it. It was the object of the last expedition, the French, led by M. Pelliot, more especially to explore systematically the 31 This is a total misconception, Lieutenant Bower, as the latter states himself (see No. iii), received his manuscripts, not from an Afghan, but from a Turki, and as will be shown in the sequel, he received it one year earlier than the occasion here referred to. The statement, it should be noted, appears only in an account of 1898, and is due to a confusion of the Munshi himself. The genuine early and contemporary native tradition knows nothing of it. For an explanation of the facts, see below p. xii. 32 This should be 1892. See ante, note 25. 33 That this really was the case is proved by the fact that among the manuscripts which Mr. Petrovski sent to the Imperial Library in St. Petersburg during the autumn and winter of 1892-3, there are portions of at least two manuscripts, of which other portions are included in the Weber and Macartney Manuscripts. See Journal, As. Soc. Beng., Vol. LXVI (1897), pp. 241-2, also my Report, Part II, in Extra Number to Journal, ASB., Vol. LXX (1901), pp. 16-17 (No. 2, Pothi); also Vienna Criental Journal, Vol. VII, p. 273. 34 These, of course, are not included in the Petrovski Collection of 1892-3 referred to in the preceding note, 35 See Journal, As, Soc., Beng., Vol. LXVI (1897), pp. 213-4.

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CHAPTER I] BOWER MANUSCRIPT sites reputed to be those from which the Bower, Weber, Macartney, and Petrovski Manuscripts had been extracted by the native treasure seekers. The only report on the subject, however, which as yet is available is contained in a letter of M. Pelliot, dated the 29th January 1907, which was read by M, A. Barth to the French Academie des Inscriptions & Belles Lettres in their seance of the 22nd March 1907, and which is published in the Comptes Rendus, pp. 162 ff. It gives an account of all the information which at present, and at this distance of time, appears to be obtainable at the locality of the discoveries itself. M. Pelliot relates (loc. cit. p. 164) that on the 21st January 1907 he went to visit the Ming-oi or rock-cut caves of Qizil to the north-west of Kuchar (see the Sketch Map). On his return he took the more difficult hill route, where he met with a well-educated Turki, named Timur Beg, who was in charge of the copper mines of Kuchar, From this man M, Pelliot elicited some interesting information regarding the discovery of the manuscripts in question. His letter, translated from the original French, proceeds as follows (p. 165) > From the time of my arrival at Kuchar, Berezovski had spoken to me about 250 bundles of Hinda manuscripts which had been found about a score of years ago, in the ruined grand stupa of Qutlug Urda, a little to the west of Kuchar. These books, Berezovski told me, had been distributed in a series of small receptacles built into the very brick core of the stupa; and some of them still remained in a certain Turki family which refused to sell them. Berezovski had this information from "his man" as he always called him, a shady person, treasure-seeker and sorcerer on occasion, well acquainted with the country, but a liar without an equal. I have caught him in fagrante delicto on several occasions, and as the places which were shown to me as the ancient receptacles of the book were little capable of ever having contained anything, I was convinced that, even if the discovery was true, at all events the informant, Mir Sheriff, had not been an eye-witness of it. - Until my meeting with Timur Beg it had seemed to me little probable that we should ever hear much more about the discovery. But while I was conversing with him, he spoke to me, of his own accord, of books which had been found some time ago by treasure seekers at Qutlug Urda. There were about 25 bundles, each between two wooden boards, the whole in an unknown script, measuring about 0-30 by 0-10 metre; also one very large book was found in a bag. The treasure seekers, not knowing what to do with their booty, offered it to Timur Bog's uncle, Ghanizat Khoja, who was the headman of that part of the village. He, however, did not attach to the books any greater value, and thus little by little, being torn by the children, and exposed to neglect, they all got lost. No one suspected that these old papers could possess any value. "The idea occurred to me that possibly the Bower Manuscript was one of the manuscripts of Ghanizat Khan. For this, however, I had no proof, nor even any serious indications. In fact, as I should explain Bower was told that his manuscript had been found in one of the caves of the Ming.oi of Qum Turi. This in itself is quite possible; for though, as a rule, the Ming-ois have yielded only detached leaves, the Germans are said to have stumbled at Qizil on an almost complete text. But in any case, it appeared to me very little probable that the particular grotto which had been indicated to Bower, and which, in the course of centuries, had been but little 'encroached upon by the sands, had yielded any manuscript. The find, if it was made at all in Qum Tura, must have taken place in another grotto. "But there is another possible solution. I asked Timur Beg whether he aver heard of any of the bundles having been sold to a foreigner. He replied that he had heard say that one of the servants of his uncle had once taken one or two bundles and sold them to the "Afghan" Qadir Khan, who had resold them to an Englishman.37 There is still, at the present day, at Kuchar a Qadir Khan who, as a fact, is an * Dr. A. von Le Coq informs me (letter 29th October 1909) that it was a well preserved puthi, tied up between two wooden boards, consisting of a large number (about 60) of leaves in Brahmi script, and Sanskrit language; also one leaf in Brahmi script and an unknown language; measuring about 22x7 cm. It is shown in figs. 6. and 7, Chapter II, pp. xvii and xvill. 57 This is a vague reference; but it cannot refer to Lieut. Bower, who is out of the question, but to Mr. Weber, or to Sir George Macartney, or possibly to both. See below, page xv.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [CHAPTER I English subject. People call him an Afghan, just as they call the Aqsakal an "Afghan," because he comes from the region of Peshawer. Is he the same man? I do not know; for, as I believe I had understood from Timur Beg that the Qadir Khan in question was dead. If the truth of his story can be fully relied on, it would seem to afford us glimpses of the Bower MS, I am rather disposed to admit that solution, seeing that the manuscripts of Qutluq C'rda are, on the whole, the cnly ones regarding which I have hitherto obtained some little more precise information. On the other hand, if Qadir Khan owed his manuscripts to the theft of a servant, he would only too naturally prefer to attribute tl:em to another source, and, from this point of view, the Ming-oi of Qum Tura would be just what be required. * But it is also possible that we have here a false tradition, that the sale to an Englishman is an invented story, and that the reference is perhaps rather to a text wl.ich Petrovski acquired and which may now b. in St. Petersburg. We must not forget that in consequence of Bower's discovery, Petrovski and Macartney sent men into the country, and their enquiries, by arousing the attention of the natives, would tend to originate legends. All that I wish to say is that the traditional version of the discovery of the Bower MS. can be received only with a good deal of reserve, and that possibly the manuscript came from Qutlug Urda." (xi) In a subsequent English letter, dated Peking, 10th July 1909, addressed to me in response to a request for further information, M. Pelliot wrote as follows: if Unfortunately I have not come across any new date since the time I wrote to the Academy the letter you allude to. [See No.x] Qoutloug Urda is a ruined stupa, tying about one mile to the west of the town of Kuchar, while the Qoum Toura Ming-oi is about 12 miles further west, on the left bank of the Mouzart Daria ..... I am quite at a loss to decide between the two versions I have collected for the discovery of the Bower Manuscript. It may just as well be true that they were unearthed in the Cave Bower was shown to. But it seems to be a well-established fact that an important manuscript-find was made in the Qoutloug Urda stupa some time before the arrival of Capt in Bower. I really cannot say anything more." ..... (xii) M. Pelliot's concluding remark in the preceding No. xi regarding the " wellestablished fact of an important manuscript find in the Qutluq Urda stupa" is confirmed in a letter addressed to me by Dr. A. von Le Coq, dated the 9th October 1909, from which the following, translated from the German, is an extract: 4 That a very considerable find of manuscripts was made in a stapa in Kuchar appears to me to follow from the narration of the Russian (Andijani) Aqsaqal in Kuchar, Chal Muhammad. He showed me the pyramid-like structure near the town, north of the road to. Qum Tura, from which, some 20 years ago, some people extracted the largest find of manuscripts, which, so far as I know, had ever been made. Possibly the Bower manuscript was part of that find. To native statements, as a rule, no weight attaches; but this man was the most honest of all whoin I came to know in that place." (xiii) From the careful survey made by the French expedition it appears, as I learn from M. A. Barth (letters of the 3rd June and 22nd October 1909), that there are four stupas in the neighbourhood of the Ming-oi of Qum Tura. Their distribution is shown in the following extract from a letter to me of Sir Aurel Stein, dated the 3rd December 1909: The Qum Tura site, as far as I saw it on a gloomy winter day, consists of: (a) the caves on the left river bank, in two groups, close together, cut into the barren outer hills; (b) a Kone Shahr, or "ancient city," about 10 miles to the south, norr the right bank of the river containing the ruins of a large monastery with one stupa in the centre, and another big stupa ruin outside it to the north ; (c) the Serai Tam ruin, about 13 miles to the south-west of (o), on the left bank of the river, consisting of a massive enclosing wall about 55 yards square with a ruined stupa in the centre, and a fairly well preserved Qumbaz in one corner " In addition I noticed some ruins, probably of temples, about 150 feet above the caves on a ridge of the left bank. These I had no time to visit, and hence cannot say whether stupas could be distinguished among them."

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CHAPTER I] BOWER MANUSCRIPT That there was, however, a large stapa among them, the fourth of the list, appears from a letter of Dr. A. von Le Coq, dated the 24th October 1909 : "Stopas are there .... Bower's statements are likely to be correct; all the stu pas are more or less ruined. Qum Tura, or the (old) building in the sand' is a modern small settlement which takes its name from an old (Buddhist) temple which stands on a gravelly alluvial flat (apparently Sarai Tam) on the bank of the river where it debouches from the valley. On the height of the eastern (left) bank there stands, unless I am much mistaken, the principal stupa. In order to get to the Ming-op one has to ride in the bed of the river (or on the ice). I should say the distance is about half a kilometer." In a later communication from Dr. von Le Coq, on the 16th November 1909, the following distances are given : "The distance from Qum Tura to the Tura (or the ruined building on the ridge is about five kilometer (or about three miles). We rode at the time over the ice: in the summer the distance may be a little greater. From the Turk to the beginning of the caves I should say the distance is about 500 meters (or about 500 yards, see No. ii)." On the basis of the above-given extracts from letters as illustrated by the Sketch Map the Topographical Plan, and the View of Qum Tura, an attempt may now be made to determine what, in all probability, would seem to have been the true find-place of the Bower Manuscript. In the first place, two misapprehensions must be removed which hitherto have prevented its recognition. It will be seen from the extracts Nos. x, xi and xii, that according to an admittedly, well established native tradition, current in Kuchar, a large find of manuscripts was made in the Qutluq Urda stupa; and it is there suggested that the Bower Manuscript may have formed part of that find. Again, in Nos. x and xi, a rival version of the tradition is referred to, according to which the Bower Manuscript was found in one of the caves of the Ming-oi of Qum Tura. Now this rival version is not a native Kuchari tradition at all, but merely a mistaken view originally started by Buhler in his contributions to the Vienna Oriental Journal, Vol. V (1891), pp. 103 and 302, in which after having read Lieutenant Bower's note (quoted in No. i), Buhler announced the discovery of the Bower manuscript to the learned world of Europe, as having been "obtained by Lieutenant Bower froun the ruins of the ancient underground city of Ming-oi ncar Kuchar in Kashgaria." On referring to that note, it will be seen that Lieutenant Bower made no such statement. He says explititly that the manuscript was "dug out of the foot of one of the curious old erections " which stood " just outside (or "close to " as in No, iii) the subterranean city." Buhler's misrepresentation is, in the circumstances, easily enough explainable, but it suggested what Lieutenant Bower explicitly states in his letter (see No. ii) to be "a total misconception of the facts"; and unfortunately it has had the effect of obscuring the real facts to all subsequent investigators. The correction of Buhler's misconception practically disposes also of the other misapprehension regarding the Qutluq Urda stupa. As may be seen from Nos. ix, xi, and xii, that 'stopa is situated close to the town of Kuchar itself, that is to say, only about one mile" (No. xi), or " about 5 li" (No. ix) to the west of that town, and north of the road to Qum Tura ; while the stupa, from which the Bower manuscript was extracted, stands close to, that is to say " about 500 yards" (No. ii), or "about half a kilometer" (No. xiii) from the Ming-os of Qum Tura, and that Ming-oi itself is situated, according to Lieutenant Bower," about 16 miles from Kuchar" (No. i), or according to M. Pelliot, "about 12 miles further west" (No. xi) from the Qutlug Urda stupe, that is to say, about 13 miles from the town of Kuchar. Clearly the stupa of the Bower manuscript, and the stupa of Qutluq Urda from which the Weber, Macartney and Petrovski manuscripts were obtained, are two entirely distinct structures,

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [CHAPTER I But the extracts, above given, furnish us with some further corroborative evidence. Lieutenant Bower tells us that his stopa (ie, the stopa close to the Ming-oi of Qum Tura) was "about 50 feet high" (No. jii). On the other hand, the stupa of Qutluq Urda, which is described by M. Pelliot as a "grand stupa " (No. x), is stated by the Chinese Amban, who visited it at the end of the year 1894, to have been "about 10 chang (pr about 100 feet) in height, and about the same dimension in circumference (No, ix). This "grand stupa," therefore, in those days, was about twice the size of the stupa of Quin Tura. Again the stupa of Qum Tura, according to both Lieutenant Bower and Dr. von Le Coq, stands right upon the eastern or left) bank of the river Shahyar (Nos. iii, xiii ), or Muzart as it is also called (No. xi. ), while the stupa of Qutlug Urda is described by Dildar Khan, in his Urdu account, as standing" at the foot of a mountain" (No. vii ), the reference apparently being to the "low barren hills," alluded to by Lieutenant Bower in the account of bis march to Qum Tura ( No. ii). The topographical position of the two stupas, therefore, is quite different. There is a further difference in the dates of the opening of the two stupas. Lieutenant Bower obtained his manuscript early in 1890. Therefore the stupa, in which it was found, was opened, at least, as early as that year. In fact, as will be shown presently, it appears to have been opened only a few days previously. On the other hand, the Qutlug Urda stupa must have been opened in 1891, that is, about one year later than the Qum Tura stapa. For when Mr. Weber obtained his manuscripts in June 1892, he was told that they had been found "the year before" (Nos, iv and v), that is to say, in 1891. There was, therefore, an interval of about one year between the openings of the two stapas. Between the year 1891 and the date of M. Pelliot's visit in 1907, there is an interval of 16 years. The native tradition, at the time of his visit to Kuchar, made the interval to be "about a score of years " (No. x). The same statement, " some 20 years ago " was made about the same time to Dr. von Le Coq (No. xiii). As to this discrepancy, the contemporary statement, made to Mr. Weber, is obviously more trustworthy than the vague statement, in round numbers, of a much later oral tradition, which had no longer an exact recollection of the date, and which, in any case, would be inconsistent with either date, 1890 or 1891. M. Pelliot's remark that the find in the stupa was made "some time before the arrival of Captain Bower" (No. xi) would seem to be merely a deduction from the statement " about a score of years " in the native tradition, seeing that the latter would work out about the year 1887, or about four years earlier than Lieutenant Bower's visit. The tradition itself knows nothing about Lieutenant Bower. Lastly, there is a difference between the numbers of manuscripts which are reported to have been found in the two stupas respectively. The Bower Manuscript is the solitary manuscript which is said to have been found in the stopa at Qum Tura (No. iii). On the other hand, with regard to the stupa of Qutluq Urda the uniform native tradition is that a large number of manuscripts were dug out from it (Nos, viii, xii), the number being sometimes given as 25, and at other times (no doubt, exaggeratedly) even as 250 (No, x), The facts above set out make it quite certain that the Bower Manuscript was not found in the stapa of Qutloq Urda, about one mile from Kuchar, but in a stupa close to the Ming-oi of Qum Tura about 13 (or 16) miles from that town,' But further, it seems practically certain that it was dug out from the stapa, on the ridge above the caves, at the spot marked C on the Topographical Plan. For this stopa alone can be said to be " close

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CHAPTER 1) BOWER MANUSCRIPT to" the Ming.oi or "just outside the subterranean city" (No, i), the other three stapas at Kone Shahr and Sarai Tam being about 13 to 2} miles distant from the Ming-oi. Having determined what in all probability is the true find-place of the Bower Manuscript, we may now attempt to determine the exact time when it was discovered by the native treasure-seekers of Kuchar. For guidance we have the following data, supplied by Captain Bower in the report of his travels in the Geographical Journal of the Royal Geographical Society, Vol. V (1895), pp. 252 ff., and illustrated by the annexed Sketch Map. At Kuchar, Captain Bower tells us, he halted several days, and wbile staying there, he received, as related in Extract No. iii, the visits of a Turki who gave him the manuscript and guided him to its find-place, the stupa close to the main group of caves of the Ming-oi of Qum Tura. He started on this expedition about midnight of the day on which the manuscript was brought to him (Nos. i, iii). He reached the Ming-oi at day-break (say, about 5 a, M., Nos, ii, iii) of the following day. Here he spent some hours in examining the stapa of the nanuscript, and some of the adjacent caves of the Ming-oz, of the appearance of which the icco npanying photographs, (Figs. 3 and 4), supplied by the kindness of M, Pelliot and Dr. von Le Coq, give us some idea. Having done so, Lieutenant Bower went on to Faizabad, where he spent the night. The next day, i, e., the second day after lcaving Kuchar, he marched down the banks of a canal to Charshamba Bazar, shooting on the way wild ducks that were on the canal, On the same day, or the day after, he reached Shahyar. On the 6th of March he left Shahyar on his return journey to Kashgar, which he reached on the 1st of April. These are the only two definite dates mentioned by Captain Bower in the recital of this part of his tour. He does not say how long he stayed in Shahyar, but as it was his second visit to the place, and as nothing that might have caused a longer detention is mentioned, it may be concluded that the 6th of March was the day after his arrival in Shahyar from his visit to the Ming-oi of Qum Tura. On the basis of this count, it was the 2nd or 3rd of March, on which Lieutenant Bower received the manuscript, and on the midnight of which he started on his visit to the Ming-oi. Now Lieutenant Bower states (see No. ii) that the Turki, who brought the manuscript to him told him that he had dug it out "a few days previously," and that he "showed him where a hole had been recently excavated." It follows, therefore, that the discovery of the Bower Manuscript must have occurred a few days previous to the 2nd or 3rd of March, that is, on some day of the month of February of the year 1890. Having passed in review the evidence for what is probably the true find-place of the Bower Manuscript, and for the exact time of its discovery, we may now proceed to sketch

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xiv THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [CHAPTER I briefly the course of events connected with the discoveries and vicissitudes of the manuscripts called after the names of Bower, Weber, Macartney and Petrovski, so far as they may be deduced by means of a careful comparison and co-ordination of the statements quoted in the preceding extracts. There are some minor discrepancies in them; but they do not affect the main lines of the story. In February 1890, two Turkis of Kuchar, searching for treasure, dug into the stapas which stand near the Ming-oi, or system of rock-cut grottos, of Qum Tura. In one of the stupas, they discovered the birch-bark manuscript, which one of the two men on the 2nd or 3rd of March 1890, sold to Lieutenant Bower, and which is now known as the Bower Manuscript (Nos, i-iii). The partial success of this enterprise apparently suggested to a number of men of Kuchar the attempt to break into the neighbouring great stupa of Qutluq Urda, which by its much larger size gave promise of the yield of much more valuable booty (No, vii). This enterprise, it appears, was executed some time in the early part of 1891, The story of the men as to what they found in the interior chamber of the stupa seems never to have varied in its main lines from that year down to 1907, when it was repeated to M. Pelliot (No. iv of 1892, Nos, vii and viii of 1898. No, x of 1907). Nor is there any good reason to discredit it, Interior relic chambers do not uncommonly occur in stapas of Eastern Turkestan, as has been observed by Sir Aurel Stein in his Ancient Khotan, Vol. I, pp. 82 ff. Such an interior chamber may be clearly seen, e.g., in the subjoined view of the stupa at Subashi (Fig. 5) to the east of Kuchar (see Sketch Map) from a photograph taken by Sir Aurel Stein. A similar interior relic chamber in the Mauri Tim Stupa, near Khanui, is shown in Sir Aurel Stein's Ancient Khotan, p. 74, fig. 13. However, the only point of interest in the men's story is that they found a large number of manuscripts, enough to fill a "big basket" (No. viii). These manuscripts are said to have consisted of twenty-five "bundles," that is, Indian pothis (see Fig. 6. p. xvii), each tied between two wooden boards, and written in a script unknown to the finders (No. x), that is, in a Sanskritic, or Bralmi, script. They were taken to the house of the Qazi, or headman, of Kuchar (Nos, vii, x), a Turki, called Granizat, Khan, the uncle of a man called Timur Beg38 (Nos, ix, x). In his house they lay about, uncared for, and suffering much injury at the hands of the children. In the meantime, 'Lieutenant Bower, on his return journey to India, having shown his acquisition to Messrs. Macartney and Petrovski in Kashgar, and to Mr. Weber in Leh, these gentlemen had instructed their native acquaintances, or Agsaqals, to keep an outlook for similar discoveries with a view to securing them (Nos, iv, v, x). The presence of the "bundles" of manuscripts in the house of the Qazi soon became known generally in Kuchar. Among others the British and Russian Aqsaqals 38 In No. viii the owner is called Yaqib Beg. If this is not a mere error, Yaqub Beg may have been a son of Glanizat Khan, who may have been dead by that time

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Fig. 3:-View of a portion of the Ming-ol of Qum Tura. Fig. 4:-View of the river Shihyar from t'e window of a cave of the Ming of of Qum'l urk, Fig. 5:-View of stay a at Subashi.

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CHAPTER I] BOWER MANUSCRIPT in that town came to hear of it, and at once went to the Qaxi's house to secure some ortion of the find for their patrons. The British Agent, an Afghan merchant residing in Kuchar, named Qadir Khan, obtained, only a couple of days after the manuscripts had been brought to the house of the Qazi, a few of them in two bundles, no doubt, by means of a gratuity given to the servant of the Qasi (Nos, viii, x). The manuscripts thus btained he transmitted to his brother, Dildar Khan, another merchant, acting as the British Aqsaqal in Yarkand. The latter sold, in the following year, 1892, one of the wo bundles to Mr, Weber, through Munshi Ahmad Din. This bundle has since been known as the Weber Manuscripts. The other bundle Dildar Khan carried to India, no coubt with the object of selling it there, but failing therein, he brought it back, in 1895, ind disposed of it to Sir George Macartney in Kashgar (Nos, vi, viii); and it has since been known as the Macartney Manuscripts. Similarly, the Russian Aqsaqal in Kuchar, an Indijani merchant (perhaps the man Chal Muhammad who was Dr. von Le Coq's aformant ; see No. xii), secured another bundle of more or less injured manuscripts rom the Qazi's house, which he transmitted to Mr. Petrovski in Kashgar, and which ow form the Petrovski collection in St. Petersburg. As to what became of the remainder of the manuscripts in the house of the Qazi, there is no certain information. The current pinion in Kuchar appears to be that, utterly neglected as they were in the house of the Razi, they gradually got lost or destroyed. Some of them may, in the form of detached eaves, have subsequently found their way into the hands of Europeans; others may possibly, as Mi. Berezovski seems to believe (No. x), still yield to persevering search. To he former class may possibly belong some of the detached leaves, which were given to Captain Godfrey in 1895 apparently by some Yarkand traders, and which are said to have freen "dug up near some old buried city in the vicinity of Kuchar." They belong to the ollection which now bears the name of the Godfrey Manuscripts.39 The general truth of the native tradition respecting the condition of the manuscripts At the time of their discovery, and their treatmeut afterwards in the house of the Qari. is fully confirmed by the appearance of the Weber, Macartney and Petrovski Manuscripts at the time of their reception. At the latter date, they consisted of more or less disorderly bundles of damaged manuscripts in which a number of leaves of different manuscripts were mixed up. Among the Weber and Macartney Manuscripts there actually were portions of manuscripts of which other portions are among the Petrovski Manuscripts.40 This strikingly illustrates the ignorant neglect and careless treatment to which, according to Timur Beg's story (see No. 2), the manuscripts were exposed in the house of his uncle. According to that story, in the original condition in which they were found, they appear >> See Journal, Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. LXVI (1897), Part I, p. 14, and Plates II and III, 40 See the description of pothf, No. 2 of set I, in my Report on the British Collection of Central Asian Antiquities, Part II, page 16; also ante, footnote 33, p. VIL

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xvi INDIAN ANTIQUARY [CHAPTER I to have been in more or less good order, each manuscript being tied up, in the ordinary fashion of an Indian pothi, between two wooden boards (see No. 1, also No. vii). The condition, in which probably they were found, may be seen from the photographs (Figs. 6 and 7, pp. xvii and xviii) of a manuscript, which was found by Dr. A. von Le Coq in a grotto of the Ming-oi of Qizil. As a matter of fact, among the Macartney Manuscripts both boards of a manuscript. were still preserved, though the manuscript itself was defective. Also the bundle of Weber manuscripts contained two single boards of different sizes, belonging to two different manuscripts, which manuscripts themselves were defective both in the size and number of their leaves. 41 It is probable that at the time these two manuscripts were found, they as well as their boards were in good order, and that they got into their present defective condition during their sojourn in the house of the Qarf. Similarly the Bower manuscript was found enclosed between two wooden boards (see Chapter II). Again, according to the native tradition reported to M. Pelliot (No. x), the dimension of the manuscripts was about 114 by 4 inches (0'30 sur 010 metre). As a matter of fact, the Weber and Macartney Manuscripts, in their original condition, measured roughly from 51 to 104 inches in length, and from 24 to 44 inches in breadth. This is as near to the traditional statement as, in the circumstances of the case, we can reasonably expect it to be. 1 Soe the description in the Journal, Asiatic Society of Beng. Vol. LXII (1893), Part 2, pp. 2, 5, 9, 32, and Vol. LXX (1901), Extra Number, Pp 8, 16 Soe ibidem Vol. LXII, pp. 9ff., Nos, 1, 2, 5, 6, 7, 9; also Vol. LXX, p. 18, No. 7.

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CHAPTER II. DESCRIPTION OF THE BOWER MANUSCRIPT. The term "Bower Manuscript" is not strictly correct. As will be seen from the sequel, the object in question is not really a single manuscript, but, in point of size, rather a combination of two manuscripts, a larger and a smaller. The larger manuscript itself, moreover, in point of subject matter, is a complex of six smaller manuscripts, the distinction of which from one another is indicated also by their separate pagination. The Bower Manuscript, therefore, in reality is a collection of seven distinct manuscripts, or it may be called a collective manuscript of seven parts. The latter is the terminology adopted in the present edition; that is, Parts I-III, IV, V and VII, constitute the larger manuscript. while the smaller manuscript consists of Part VI. The external form of the collective Bower Manuscript is that of the Indian pothi 13 A pathi consists of a number of leaves, of a practically uniform oblong shape, generally enclosed between two wooden boards, and the whole held in position, or "bound, by a string which passes through a hole drilled through the whole pile. Unfortunately no photograph was ever taken of the Bower Manuscript in the condition in which it was found, or in which it was made over by the finder to Lieutenant Bower. But an idea of its appearance may be formed from Fig. 6, which shows a paper pothi, tied up with a string between its wooden boards, exactly as it was found by Professor Grunwedel's expedition in a cave temple of the Mingoi of Qizil. 44 In Fig. 7, the same pothi is shown untied and unfolded. The leaves of the Bower Manuscript are cut from the bark, or periderm, of the birch tree; those of a modern Indian pothi are, as a rule, of paper.45 Before the introduction of paper into India, which event probably coincided with the advent of the Muhammadans, the writing material for the purpose of literature was palm-leaf or birch-bark.46 Palm-leaf must have been the original material of an Indian pothe; for it was the shape of the palm-leaf which determined the narrow oblong shape of the leaves of the pothi. The bark of the birch tree may be obtained in very large strips, about a yard long and eight inches broad. There is no apparent reason why these stripe should have been cut into narrow oblong pieces in order to be used as the writing material of books. On the other hand, from the long narrow segments of the leaf of a palm tree none but strips, at most about a yard long and three inches broad, could be cut. These, if used as writing material, necessarily determined the narrow oblong shape of the leaves of the pothi. The birch tree (Betula utilis), the "Himalayan Birch," is indigenous in the extreme North of India (eg., in Kashmir), while the palm tree (Talipat, Corypha umbraculifera) is peculiar to the South of India. Hence the fashion of the Indian pothi must have originated in the South of From the Sanskrit pustaka, or rather pustika, book, applied at the present day to any book, written or lithographed or printed, Indian or European 4 See Sketch Map to Chapter I. * Occasionally they are still made of palm-leaf, in Bihar, Orissa, and Southern India. 46 On the local distribution, and other particulars, of these two materials, see my Epigraphical Note, in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. LXIX (1900), Part I, pp. 93 r.

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xviii THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [CHAPTER 11 India, while the original "book" of the North of India must have been written on large strips of birch-bark. As a fact the oldest Indian "book" on birch-bark, the Dutreuil de Rhins Manuscript, which probably dates from ncar the beginning of our era, is written on such large strips. The Southern Indian fashion of the pothi is, in many ways, more convenient for literary use; and as evidenced by the Bower Manuscript and by the other birch-bark manuscripts which have been discovered in Eastern Turkestan (see Chapter IV), it must, at a very early period, have made its way into Northern India, whence finally it was carried, by the spread of Buddhism, to Eastern Turkestan, nearly all the indigenous paper manuscripts of which exhibit the narrow oblong shape of the Indian pothi, At a much later period, probably after the advent of Islam and its western culture, the fashion arose, within the birch-bark area of Northern India to use birch-bark in imitation of paper, and to give to birch-bark books the shape of the paper books of the West, The Indian pothe shape of the birch-bark Bower Manuscript, therefore, is corroborative evidence of the great antiquity of that manuscript,-a point which will be discussed in detail in Chapter III. The birch-bark leaves of the Bower Manuscript, as already intimated, are of two different sizes. The leaves of Parts I-III, IV, V and VII are considerably larger, both in length and breadth, than those of Part VI. The former measure about 114 by 2 inches; the latter, about 9 by 2 inches. Besides the size of the leaves, there is another point which differentiates the two portions of the collective manuscript from each other, The birch bark of the larger portion is of a quality much inferior to that of the smaller portion (Part VI). The former is hard and brittle, and apt to break if roughly handled, while the latter is soft and tough, and can readily be bent. The difference may be due to the age of the tree from which the bark was taken, as well as to the thoroughness of the process (probably boiling in milk or water) by which the bark was prepared for the reception of writing. Moreover, some of the leaves used in the larger portion were in a defective condition at the time when they were inscribed, while the leaves of Part VI were, and are still, in perfect order. For example, 'in Part I a large portion in the upper right corner of the third folio (see Plate III), affecting no less than six lines, had broken away, before the leaf was inscribed; for nothing of the text is wanting. Similarly, in Part II, large holes had broken into folios 25 and 26 (Plates XXVII and .XXVIII), before they were written on. On the other hand, the defects in folios 9 and 12 of the same Part (Plates XIV and XVII) only, occurred after those leaves had been inscribed ; for some portion of the text is lost. But there is also another cause to which the defective condition of the leaf is occasionally due, vie., exfoliation. Birch-bark, as writing material, is of varying thickness, consisting of several layers of periderm of extreme tenuity, numbering from two to twelve, or even more :47 one layer by itself would be too tenumus to be inscribed. When the bark is properly prepared, the process renders the natural adhesion of the layers more durable; but when it is imperfectly prepared, or when it is 47 Thus, of the five folios of Part I, the first consists of two layers, the four others of four layers ench (Journal, As, Soc, Beng., Vol. LX, 1891, p. 136). Of the five folios of Part IV, the second has at least twelve, and the other, four layers each (Indian Antiquary, Vol. XXL, 1891, pp. 129, 130). Of the four folios of Part VI, the first has three layers, the third, six, and the two others, four each. Of course with good birch-bark it would not have been necessary to have a large number of layers to render the bark inscribable: it was the inferior quality of most of the bark which prevented a separation of the layers an unlacerated portions of sufficient dimensions to admit of being used as writing material (see Journal, As. Soc. Beng., Vol. LX, 1891, Part I, p. 137).

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CHAPTER II] taken from a too old tree, or from an unsuitable part of the tree, the surface layers are apt to flake off, when the bark becomes thoroughly dry. In that condition, a leaf is unsuitable for writing. This may be illustrated by the blank reverse of the fourth folio in Part IV (Plate XLI), which distinctly shows the surface in process of exfoliation; and it was, no doubt, for that reason that the scribe abstained from writing on it. For the same reason, apparently, the obverse of the fourth folio of Part V (Plate XLVI) was left blank,48 On the other hand, occasionally exfoliation took place after the leaf had been inscribed. Thus on the left of the reverse side of the thirty-third folio (Plate XXXIV) of Part II, about one-fourth of the surface layer has flaked off, carrying with it a large portion of the text; and the same injury has befallen a smaller portion of the reverse of the twenty-ninth folio (Plate XXXI). On the obverse side of the sixth folio of Part V we have another example of the same phenomenon; and in the case of folio 1 of Part VII (Plate LIII) the whole of the inscribed top layer of the obverse side has flaked off. In the third place, much of the bark, used in the larger portion, is full of faults in its texture. It appears to have been taken from an unsuitable part of the tree, producing a rough and knotty surface, unserviceable for writing. This may be seen by reference, eg., to the reverses of the first folio of Part II (Plate VI) and the second folio of Part IV (Plate XXXIX), about one-half of which has been left blank. It is also illustrated by the fact that sometimes when the scribe attempted to write across a fault, his letters would form only very badly, as, eg., in Part I, folio 569 (Plate V), where the syllable la (of ela) is almost illegible; or they would not form at all, and the writer was obliged to abandon a half finished letter, and trace it anew on the other side of the fault, thus leaving a more or less extended gap in his line. Thus in Part I, folio 3a7 (Plate III) we have vimi[ia]iro, folio 366, ji[va]vitukamah, folio 562 (Plate V), vya[va]vayachcha, where the abandoned half-finished letters are indicated by being placed within brackets (Journal, As. Soc. Beng., 1891, Vol. LX, Part I, p. 137). Other examples are in Part II, fols, 7, 8, 22, 27, 29, etc. (Plates XII, XIII, XXIV, XXIX, XXXI), in Part III, folio 3 (Plate XXXVI), and in Part V, folios 2 and 6 (Plate XLIV and XLVIII), which show large uninscribed places. None of these defects is seen in the bark of Part VI, which is of the proper texture, and, has been properly prepared. BOWER MANUSCRIPT. xix The fact of the larger portion of the Bower Manuscript being written on birch-bark of such an inferior quality, of course, suggests the enquiry as to what may have been the cause of it. So much seems obvious that, as Kashmir and Udyana are the lands of the birch aud birch-bark, the scribes (on their number, see Chapter III) of the larger portion of the Bower Manuscript would not have had recourse to an inferior quality of bark, if at the time of writing it, they had not been, for some reason, in a position which made it impracticable for them to procure a supply of good bark. The most obvious explanation that suggests itself, of course, is that when they wrote their manuscript, they were already settled in Kuchar, where fresh birch-bark prepared for writing was not readily procurable, for which reason they were reduced to the necessity of using up what inferior portion remained to The blankness is not due to the spots: that need not have interfered, as may be seen from the obvers of folio 2 of Part III (Plate XXXVI). The leaves and plates of Part V are wrongly placed; for Leaf 6, Plate XLVIII "read" Leaf 1, Plate XLIII", and shift the others accordingly. The number 33 which is seen on the peeled off surface on Plate XXXIV is not original: it was inscribed by myself for guidance.

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IX THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY CHAPTER II them of the store of birch-bark which they may have originally brought with them from their home in north-western India. But by the time that Part VI came to be written, a fresh supply of good and well-prepared bark had been procured, One of the indications of the collective character of the Bower Manuscript, as has been stated, is the mode of pagination, which it exhibits. For the leaves of each Part are numbered separately, so far as can be judged from the numbering where it is preserved. In Indian pothis the practice is to number, not the pages, but the leaves; and the numbers are placed on the left-hand margin, either on the obverse or the reverse side of the leaf. In northern Indian manuscripts it is always the reverse side which is thus numbered, while in southern manuscripts, it is the obverse.50 In Parts IV and V, the margins are so imperfectly preserved that it must remain uncertain whether they ever bore, any numbers. The practice of numbering the folios, however, is so general in Indian manuscripts that, on the whole, the probability is in favour of its having once existed in those Parts at the time when the margins were intact. In Parts I-III and VII the margins of most leaves are fairly well preserved, and they show the usual pagination on the reverse side of the leaf, thus pointing to a northern locality as their place of origin. Part VI, the margins of which are well preserved, shows pagination throughout; and, what is noticeable, the numbers are on the obverse side of the leaves. That fact points to a southern place of origin, and this indication is confirmed by others which will be fully discussed in Chapter III. The total of the existing leaves of the Bowes Manuscript is fifty-one. But unfortunately the more important portion of it, Parts I-III, which treats of medicine, is incomplete, Part I ends quite abruptly with the fifth folio. How many more may have completed the text, it is impossible to conjecture from the context. The existing five leaves are numbered consecutively from 1 to 5. The obverse of the first leaf, as usual in Indian pothis, is left blank. In the left-hand margin of the reverse of the third leaf, there appear, below the ordinary pagination 3, two other signs of doubtful value. If they are to be read as separate. numeral figures, they might be 51 ; or if they are to be read as a single figure, it might be an imperfectly (ie., discontinuously) written 40 or 70. But in either case their purport is a puzzle,51 Part II also is a fragment; for it ends, apparently abruptly, with the 33rd folio somewhere in the fourteenth chapter. Moreover, the two final chapters, the fifteenth and sixteenth, which are announced in the introduction (verses 8 and 9), and which might have comprised five leaves, are entirely missing. In addition, the entire folios 20, 21 and 30, and the major portion of folios 16 and 17 are missing. Also, as previously stated (p. xix), smaller portions are missing, by fracture in folios 9 and 12, and by exfoliation in the reverses of folios 29 and 33. The total number of the existing leaves, inclusive of the two fragmentary folios 16 and 17, is thirty. In the case of most of these existing leaves, vis. in folios 2-10, 12, 13, 15, 22-26, 31 and 32 (total 19), the ordinary pagination is fully preserved. It is only partially preserved in the five folios 16, 18, 19, 28. 29; and it is entirely lost, by fracture or exfoliation of the margin, in the six folios 1, 11, 14, 17, 27, 33. On folio 13 (Plate XVIII) there is an indistinct mark between the figures for 10 and 3. apparently the cancellation of another wrongly inscribed figure. The pagination is placed 50" See the Vienna Oriental Journal, Vol. VI, p. 261, quoted in Chapter III, P. xxxi 51 The figures, or figure, cannot well refer to the number of the corresponding ve.se in the text, 49 doubtfully suggested in note 57 on p. 5 of my edition.

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CHAPTER 111 BOWER MANUSCRIPT. xxi as a rule, in the middle of the.margin, but in folios 25, 31, 32 it appears in the top of the margin, facing the third or fourth line of the text; and it must have occupied the same position on folios 1, 11, 27, where the top of the margin is mutilated,52 Part III, again, is a mere fragment. Its commencement is marked, as usual, by the sacred symbol of oi on the obverse of the first leaf; but it breaks off abruptly on the obverse of the fourth leaf. But the noteworthy circumstance is that it breaks off, not at the bottom, but in the middle of that side of the leaf. This circumstance certainly suggests that the original scribe left off writing at that point, and never completed his work. Subsequently, the manuscript came into the possession of the writer - Part IV, who commenced the writing of that Part on what was then the blank reverse of the fourth folio of Part III. Ultimately the whole manuscript, that is, the unfinished Part III and the subsequently added Part IV, came into the possession of a third person, viz., the writer of Parts V and VII, who proceeded to write a remark of his own on the space left blank by the original writer on the lower portion of the obverse side of the fourth folio of Part III (Plate XXXVIII). This curious case will be the subject of further consideration with additional details in Chapter III (p. xxxv), where it will be shown that the writer of Part III must have written also Parts I and II, In connection with this latter circumstance the query suggests itself whether Parts I and II, no less than Part III, might not have been incomplete at the time when Part III came into the possession of the writer of Parts V-VII; that is to say, that already at that time Parts I and II extended no further than they do at present. It might be surmised that the seribe who made the copies of Parts I-III died before he had finished his task, and that his unfinished copies passed on, in turn, to the writers, or owners, of Part IV and Parts V and VII. There is nothing in the Parts concerned to decide one way or the other about this hypothesis, but in any case the hypothesis has no concern whatever with the losses of fols, 21, 22 and 30 of Part II. or the fractures (e. g., of fols, 16 and 17) and exfoliations which have been referred to. For injuries of an exactly similar kind are observable in every one of the Parts of the Bower Manuscript, with the exception of Part VI which is written on birch-bark of a superior and durable quality. All these injuries occurred at a date subsequent to the hypothetical transmission of Part I and II to its later owners. The second of the four folios of Part III is the only one which bears pagination. In the others the margin is defcctive. Of Parts IV and V, which are two tracts on divination, the former is practically complete, 63 while the latter secms to be considerably defective (see Chapter VIII). Neither of them shows any pagination. As they are very small manuscripts, of five (strictly four and a half) and six folios respectively, it is possible that they never had any; but as the margins are more or less defective, the numbers may be lost; and this alternative seems more probable. The obverse of the first leaf of Part V is blank, just as in the case of Part I. Its reverse is inscribed only with the introduction to the treatise, which does not cover the whole of its surface. It bears only five lines, and there is a blank space left, sufficient for, at least, one additional line: all the other leaves have six or seven lines to the page. Part VI, which is a treatise on a charm against snake bite, is complete. Being written on a superior quality of birch-bark, it is the best preserved portion of the Bower Manuscript. The left-hand margins of all its four folios are in good condition, and bear the pagination, 52 The numbers marked on the reverses of folios 17, 21 and 33 are not original, but were inscribed by myself for guidance. $ On Part IV see my article in the Journal, A. S. B., 1892, p. 129.

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xxii THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [CHAPTER II 1 to 4, on the obverse sides. The manuscript commences with the usual symbol for coin on the obverse of the first leaf, and ends with the usual Buddhist terminal salutations and the double stroke (Chapter IV, p. xxxvii) on the top of the reverse of the fourth folio. Part VII, which contains a portion of the same charm against snake bite (see Chapter III, pp. xxix and xxxy and Chapter VIII) is defective. It consists of two, much damaged, leaves, the first of which, on its reverse side, bears the pagination 1. The obverse has lost its inscribed surface layer of bark (p. xix), and with it the commencement of the charm. The pagination of the second leaf is lost with the broken-off margin. Indian manuscripts, or records, as a rule, commence with some benedictory word such as siddham, success, or svasti, hail, or with the sacred particle in. The last mentioned is almost universally used at the present day. It may be either written in full, or indicated by a symbol. The latter takes the form of a spiral which may turn either to the right or the left (Fig. 8), and which is probably a conven Fig. 8 tional representation of the sacred sanikha or . conch shell. The dextrorse form may be seen on the first leaf of Part I (Fig. 8a), Part II (Fig. 8 b and c), and Part III (Fig. 8 d), while the sinistrorse form appears on the first leaf off Part IV (Fig. 8e), and Part VI (Fig. 8 f). Modes of writing om. In Parts V and VII it is lost through the damage suffered by their first folios. In all the Parts, except the second, the symbol occupies the usual position facing the first line of the text; but in Part II it appears in the more unusual position, on the left-hand margin, opposite the third line of writing, exactly as it is seen in the two copper-plate grants of Ananta Varman, dateable probably in the sixth century A.D. (fig. 8 g, h), shown in Dr. Fleet's Gupta Inscriptions, pp. 220 and 226, Plates xxxB and xxxiA. Among the dated northern Indian epigraphical records of the Gupta period, the earliest known examples of the dextrorse form of the symbol are those of the year 448-9 A.D. in a stone inscription of Kumara Gupta I (Fig. 8i, see ibid., p. 45, Plate viA), and of the year 493-4 A.D. in a copper-plate grant of Jayanatha (Fig. 8 k, see ibid., p. 120, Plate xvi). The earliest known example of the sinistrorse form occurs in a copper-plate grant of Mahasadevaraja, of an unknown though early date (Fig. 8l, ibid., p. 198, Plate xxvii), and apparently, though mutilated, also in the Bodhgaya inscriptions, of 588 A.D. (ibid., Plate xli A and B). Of course, these dates are not sufficiently numerous to settle the exact beginning and end of the period of the use of the two forms; but on the whole the sinistrorse form seems to be somewhat later in origin. Curiously enough, the symbol for oi, in its dextrorse form, is found also on the obverse side of the 32nd leaf of Part II, on the left margin, opposite the second line of writing. How it comes to be there is, at present, not apparent. As already observed, the typical Indian pothi is provided with a hole for the passage of the binding string. At the present day, the hole is placed exactly in the middle of the leaves; and it has been so during many centuries past. In the Bower Manuscript the hole is placed in the left side, about the middle of the left half of the leaf; about 31 inches from the left margin of the larger, and 2 inches, in the case of the smaller folios. There are reasons to believe that the latter practice was that which prevailed in ancient India. In the old Indian copper-plate grants, the copper leaves are strung together on a copper

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CHAPTER II] BOWER MANUSCRIPT. xxiii. ring which passes through a lrole in the left side of the leaves,54 The oldest known copperplates of this kind are those of the Kondamudi grant of Jayavarman (Epigraphia Indica, Vol. VI, p. 316) and the Pallava grants of King Sivaskanda Varman (ibid., Vol. I, pp. 4-6,397; Vol. VI, p. 84), which, on palaeographic and linguistic grounds, must be referred to the second and third centuries A.D. respectively.55 They have their ring-hole near the middle of the left half-side. They are all South Indian grants; and seeing that, as already pointed out, the oblong form of the earliest birch-bark pothis of Northern India, as seen in the Bower Manuscript, is an imitation of the palm-leaf pothi of Southern India, it may be concluded that the placement of the string-hole in southern manuscript pothis was the same as in the southern copper-plate grants, and that the practice of placing the string-hole in the middle of the left half of the manuscript was adopted by the northern scribes from their southern brethren, whom, in fact, they imitated in the whole mode of fashioning the pothi. All the earliest birch-bark manuscripts of the fourth and fifth centuries show their string-hole on the left side. But as birch-bark (as well as palm-leaf) is a more or less fragile material, the practice soon arose for the greater safety of the leaves, to make two holes, in the right and left halves, at corresponding distances from the right and left margins. The earliest known examples of this practice are presented in the Horiuzi Manuscript (see Anecdota Oxoniensia, Vol. I, Part III, Plate I) and the two Nepalese manuscripts of the Cambridge Collection, Nos. 1702 and 1409 (see Bendall's Catalogue, Plate I, Figs. 1 and 2), all of which probably belong to the sixth century. Still later, the practice arose of replacing the two holes by one hole in the middle of the leaves. The existence of this practice is recorded by Alberuni in the eleventh century, who says (Professor Sachau's Translation of Alberuni's India, Vol. I, p. 176) that "the Indians bind a book of palm-leaves together by a cord on which they are arranged, the cord going through all the leaves by a hole in the middle of each." The hole was not at first in the exact middle, but probably a modified survival of the ancient practice-slightly more to the left, as seen, e.g., in the Nepalese manuscript No. XXI (Palaeographic Society), which is dated in 1015 A.D. Still later, and in the present day, the hole appears in the exact middle of the leaves. The peculiar position of the string-hole, in the middle of the left side of the Bower Manuscript. therefore, is an evidence making for the extreme antiquity of the manuscript.56 54 This is the general practice; but there are exceptions in various directions. Thus exceptionally the hole is found in the bottom margin. A very old example, from the third century A.D., is the Pallava grant of Queen Charudevi (Epigraphia Indica, Vol. VIII, p. 141). Two other examples of the 7th century are the Chiplun grant of Pulikesin II (ib., Vol. III, p. 62), and the Nausarf grant of Sryasraya fib., Vol. VIII, p. 232). Occasionally there are two holes at the bottom, e.g., in the 5th century the Ganesgad grant of Dhruvasena I (ib., Vol. III, p. 320) and the MAtiye grant of Dharasena II (Fleet's Gupta Inscriptions, No. 38, P. 168, Plate xxiv); in the 7th century the Samkheda grants of Dadds III, (Bpigraphia Indica, Vol. II, p. 20 and Vol V., p. 40), and the Nogawa grant of Dhruvasena II (ib. Vol. VIII. p. 192). Another early practice, which however appears to be limited to a particular Central Indian province, is to place the hole in the top margin of the plates, as in the Khoh grants of Hastin and other princes (Fleet's Gupta Inscriptions Nos. 22, 25, 27, 28, 30, 31, plates xiii, xv, xvii, xx). Lastly the hole is occasionally found on the right side. The earliest exnmple of this appears to be the Paithan grant of the Rashtakatrakuta king Govinda III, of 794 A.D. (Bpigraphia Indica, Vol. III, P. (106). But the overwhelmingly favourite practice throughout ancient India, and at all times, is to place the hole on the left side. 55 These grants are written in Prakrit, and the spelling in Jayavarman's grant (single for double consonants), a Professor Hultzsch has pointed out (Epigraphia Indica, Vol. VI, p. 316) is exactly like that in the records of the Andfira kings Gautamiputra and Valishttputra, whose dates are c. 117-137 A.D. The spelling in Sivaskanda's grants has double consonants, but the writing otherwise resembles that of Jayavarman's grant, Accordingly they can be dated, at most, about a century later. 56 Revised from the statement in my Report on the British Collection of Central Asian Antiquities in Extra Number 1 to the Journal, As. Soc. Beng., Vol. LXX, Part I, for 1901, pp. 7, 8.

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xxis THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [CHAPTER II Unfortunately it has never been recorded in what condition the Bower Manuscript was when it was received by Colonel Waterhouse in Calcutta in September 1890. When it came into my hands in February 1891, the leaves of the pothi were enclosed between its two wooden boards, and a string run through them. In order to examine the leaves, I cut the string, and, on doing so, discovered that they were not arranged in their proper order, but that the leaves of the several parts were mixed up (see Proceedings, Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1891., p. 55). How they came into this state of disorder is not known. It does not seem probable that they were so originally when the manuscript was discovered by its Kuchari finders. The people who enshrined it in its receptacle in the stupa may be assumed to have been able to read it; and they would not have enshrined it in a disorderly condition. But from the time of its discovery, it passed through the hands of, at least, four different persons, all of whom may be assumed with certainty to have cut or unloosed the string to satisfy their curiosity, and none of whom knew, or could read the characters. In the case of Babu Sarat Chandra Das this is certain; for he stated himself to Colonel Waterhouse who had first given him the manuscript to examine, that he had failed to decipher it (see Proceedings, As. Soc. Beng., 1890, pp. 222-3). Moreover two of the leaves were photographed (see ibid., Plate III) by Colonel Waterhouse, before ever the manuscript came into my hands. It may, therefore, be concluded with good reason that the disorderly condition of the manuscript arose only in the course of its passage through the several hands; and it seems not at all improbable that the serious damage done to the folios 16 and 17 of Part II may be due to incautious handling by the original Turki finders in Kuchar. After each examination the leaves seem to have been bound together again by a string, whether the same original string or any other may be doubtful. That they were in this bound condition when they reached the hands of Colonel Weterhouse seems to be expressly stated in the original report, published in the November Proceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal (1890, p. 223).

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CHAPTER III. THE SCRIPT, THE SCRIBES, AND THEIR USAGES IN THE BOWER MANUSCRIPT. A glance at the Tables which illustrate this chapter shows at once that all the seven Parts of the Bower Manuscript are written in an essentially identical script. Considering the fact, which will be proved in the sequel, of a diversity of scribes, the identity of their script is strikingly shown by the occurrence of the same slight variations in the forms of such consonants as k,r and (Table I), and such vowels as i, u, and 1 (Table II, Nos, 5, 7-10). This script is that which prevailed in Northern India from the fourth to the sixth centuries A.D. (both inclusive). It is now generally known as the Gupta script, because its prevalence coincided with the rule of the (Early) Gupta Emperors in whose epigraphic records it is employed. Most of these records, inscribed during the period of the Gupta Empire, are collected in the third volume of the Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum.67 The facsimile Plates, accompanying that volume may be consulted for the purpose of comparing the script used in the Gupta records with that seen in the several Parts of the Bower Manuscript, During the period of approximately three centuries of its prevalence the Gupta script shows two distinct types, a southern and a northern, their areas being separated by a line running in a north-easterly direction, roughly between N. Lat. 24deg and 22.deg At Mandasor (Lat. 24deg3), Eran (Lat. 24deg 5'), and Udayagiri (Lat. 23deg32'), there exist inscriptons, side by side, in both types of the script. From the dates of these inscriptions58 it will be seen that, in every case, the records of the southern are earlier than those of the northern type,-& circumstance which points to the gradual advance southwards of the fashion of writing in the northern style. For practical purposes the most useful test for distinguish. ing the two types is the form of the letter m (Fig. 9). Here (a) shows the original form of the letter, in the so-called Asoka script. Gradually the curve at the base was flattened, and the point of crossing shifted, more or less, to the 8 right. In this form (b) the character was preserved in the southern type of the script. In the north-west of India the tendency of straightening the curves was more pronounced. At first it affected only the right side of the letter. This side was made quite straight; and in consequence thereof it was entirely severed from the crossing point. Thus arose the earlier northern Gupta form (c). Soon also the left side was straight Forms of the ened, producing the alternative form (d). In these two forms the character for m prevailed throughout the Gupta period (Table I), gradually spreading castward over the whole of Northern India. From the second of the northern Gupta forms 67 Volume III, Inscriptions of the Early Gupta Kings and their successors, edited by Dr. J. F. Fleet, c. I. E., in 1888. A few additional inscriptions, discovered after that date are published in the Bpigrapkia Indica. These two publications are quoted in the sequel as F. GI, and E.I. respectively. * Mandasor, northern type, F. GI., No9, 33, 34, 35, dated c. 530-533 A.D., and southern type, F.GI., No. 18, dated 473, A.D. Eran, northern, F.GI., Nos. 19, 20, 36 dated 468, 484, 508 A.D., and southern, F.GI., No. 2, dated 370 A.D. Udayagiri, northern, F.GI., No. 61, dated 425 A.D., and southern, F.GI., No. 3, dated 401 A.D. Fig. 9.

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xxvi THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [CHAPTER III of m, developed, at a later time, the Nagarl form (e), and its ringleted variety (/), by the production of the right lateral below the base linc.. The origin of the northern form of the Gupta m must be placed in the earlier half of the fourth century A.D. The starting point of the Gupta empire (Pataliputra) was in the East. On the coins and in the records of Samudra Gupta the older form of m with its curved sides (Fig. 9, a b) is still exclusively prevalent. But with his son Chandragupta II, who added the West to the empire, a total change takes place. All his coins and records show only the forms of m with straight sides (Fig. 9, c d). He commenced to reign about 375 A.D.; and he completed his conquest of the West about 395 A.D. His earliest known dated inscription of 407 A.D. (F.GI., No. 7, p. 36) shows the straight-sided m. Its locality Gadhwa, Lat. 80deg 38', is just within the eastern area. Another of his inscriptions, within the western area, at Mathura, Lat. 77deg 43', which also shows the straightsided m (F.GI., No. 4, p. 25, Plate iii A) is mutilated and hence undated; but it may be some twenty years older. Anyhow, the fact that the straight-sided m shows no signs of a gradual origination or introduction, but with Chandragupta's western conquests, all at once, entirely supersedes the older curved-sided form of m in the records throughout the northern portion of the Gupta empire, proves that, at the time of that conquest, it must have been the established and prevailing fashion of writing m in the north-west of India. The beginning and growth of that fashion in the North-west itself, therefore, may with good reason be placed in the earlier half of the fourth century, though, of course, in calligraphic records of a particularly ornate kind, such as the Bijayagadh inscriptions of about 372 A.D. (F.GI., Nos. 58, 59, pp. 251-2, Plate xxxvi B. C.), the old form of m with its angular or curved sides, might tend to survive for some longer time. The only form of m, prevailing throughout the whole of the Bower Manuscript, in its calligraphically as well as cursively written portions, is the earlier of the two north-western forins, with its right side straight, but the left side twisted (Fig. 9, c; and Table I). So far, therefore, the graphic indications of the manuscript point to some time within the fourth century A.D. At any rate, they need not carry its date back of that century. LU & The northern type of the Gupta script, again, is divisible into two distinctly marked varieties, an eastern and a western. With regard to this division the most useful test letter is the character for the cerebral sibilants, as compared with the character for the dental sibilant. The original forms, in the Asoka alphabet, of these two characters are shown in Fig. 10, a and f respectively. The form of the former Fig. 10. was soon modified, as in (b), by closing up the lower semicircle. In the East, gradually that semicircle was made to bulge out on the left, as in (c), and finally reduced to a sinall ringlet, as in (d), while in the West it was simply more or less angularized, as in (e). On the other hand, in the case of the dental s (f), its basal curve was angularized in the East, and at the same time Forms of the cerebral and dental its tail closed up to form a ringlet, as in (g), while in the sibilants. West the whole character was angularized, a triangle taking the place of the ringlet, as in (h). The final result of these modifications was, in the East, to cause the forms of the cerebral and dental sibilants, (d) and (g), to resemble each other so closely as to make them practically indistinguishable, while in the West the forms of the two sibilants remained quite distinct. It may be added that the western form of the dental sibilant occurs in & 2 heori * & N N 18h i k

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1 A 2 A I I U U Ri E Ai O Au 1 K N PART I P T Th D ani R R * A& * be 3h + p * 2 0 16 3 th 32 N as WEW Kh G Gh W ext N 7 35 F Ch 37 3 8 88 Chh J PART 11 * s Ma . 5 3 36 a 3 n70 * 14 1099 . 2 BA kuu % TABLE I ALPHABET PART III PART IV # # ZHOU o x R M 52 a 2 st EX 21934 n k Wo sa : 5. 13. * 4 mlh 4 4 chu 440K z "G WG * PART Y PART VI ba ja ma tra bhazetra f of 24 2 527:44 36 " * P * 3 53 2 46 24 5 EE 35 3 SU 8 3 Mi 3 T 3 Ji Ji Jie 2 98 n 1 PB 24 E . B PART VII # and 3 hy * MEGA ng ng RG to 1 10

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Page #379
TABLE I ALPHABET PART III PART 1 PART PART II 1 PART VI PART VII has KOO oo 11 xo IS og PP ever feux 26 81 888 TIN 1 * W 139 I H M well il all Tulitust

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+1 A 1. A 5 3 8 TO 13 11 R 13 A 12 R1 I 20 A 21 U gha . [b / * $5 7 14 E 20 15 F 26 1 U 27 17 A1 28 U E A 15 0 go 16 A1 khl 0 23 AU i 24 A 25 Au l PART 1 PART II PART III P Hre If 5 & 6 u T 20 @ Z M N O 4 2 Ju & 200 ** $3 Qiao Yun ma z Z be Bm a. 224 k J Se Se e o 224432 4 52 4 * M ***3 2 * 4 H Tur s ) g g . ) s 31 Qi Shi 3 Xin TABLE II Br on 2 dina meM 8 5 44 *** w` 2 VOWELS PART IV PART V PART VI W SHE ENTE B 12 IT A no Ya OM kaka 1 & 2 AUT y 633 ha y ra 1466 G huI bhAI hai @ R $ q 5 zra 27 he se re the ne he the meM naye hai to 20 ke ke Y= Fis eil 475 5 2 22 A55 207 ???? 533 H 242 243 PART VIL pra x te * OM OM 2 39. mumsm + Afo 32 54

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CHAPTER III] BOWER MANUSCRIPT several slightly differing variations, shown in (h), (i) and (k), none of which, however, affects its distinctive character of angularity. xxvii Fig. 11. A s The boundary of the western and eastern areas runs roughly along E. Long. 81deg. At Kausambhi (Long. 81deg 27') we have inscriptions in both varieties of the northern Gupta type side by side: the western variety in the Palt land-grant (E.I., Vol. II, p. 364, 1, 4, yathaisa), the eastern in the pillar inscription of Samudragupta, now in Allahabad (F. GI. No. 1, p. 1, Plate i), and in the Kosam image inscription (F. GI. No. 65, p. 266, Plate xxxix C). Similarly, we find the western variety in the image inscription of Deoriya (Long. 81deg 51', F. GI. No. 68, p. 271, Plate xl B), and close by, the eastern variety in the image inscription of Mankuwar (Long. 81deg 52', F.GI, No. 11, p. 45, Plate xii A), and in the inscriptions at Gadhwa (Long. 81deg 18'; F.GI, Nos. 7, 9, 64, 66, pp. 36, 40, 264, 267, Plates iv B,D, and xxxix B,D).59 As the Nepal valley lies within the eastern area, all the Nepalese inscriptions at, or near, Katmanda (Long. 85deg 71') exhibit the eastern cerebral (Fig. 10, d), but exceptionally they preserve the distinction of the two sibilants by using the western angular dental s (Fig. 10, h).60 Throughout the whole of the Bower Manuscript, the two sibilants appear in the western variety of the northern Gupta type, as may be seen by referring to Table I. This fact limits the country of origin of the manuscript to some part of north-western India; and as will be shown in the sequel, the probability is that Parts I-III were written in the extreme north, and Parts V-VII, in the extreme south of that portion of India, or rather (p. xxxv) by scribes coming from those localities. ^ Ia d Forms of the Palatal Sibilant. The western variety of the northern type of the Gupta script itself possessed two subvarieties. The distinctive feature of these sub-varieties is their different way of writing the palatal sibilant e, either with a curvilinear or a straight-lined top. The successive stages of development of the form of this sibilant are shown in Fig. 11. Originally, in the Asoka script, it had the form (a). Gradually the medial perpendicular line assumed a slanting position as in (b), till finally, in the Indoscythic period, in the Kushana script of the second century A.D., it became more or less horizontal, as in (c). Somewhat later, apparently in the early Gupta period, in the fourth century A.D., the alternative form (d) arose, which flattened the rounded top into a straight line. These two forms of the palatal, s the round-topped and the flat-topped, however, were not restricted to a particular area, or a particular period of time. Tucy existed A instructive. contemporaneously during the Gupta period, and in the same common area, example is the group of Mandasor inscription of Yasodharman (F. GI. Nos. 33, 34, 35, pp. 142, 149, 150, Plates xxi B,C, xxii), which were written by the same scribe, named Govinda (ib., p. 146), about 533 A.D. He uses the flat-topped form of throughout his three records.c1 On the other hand, the writer of the somewhat earlier Mandasor inscription, of the time of Kumaragupta and of the year 473-4 A.D., uses the round-topped n 59 Exceptionally the eastern variety is found in two inscriptions as far west as Mihrauli (Long. 77deg 14 F. GI, No. 32, p. 139, Plate xxxi A), and Udayagiri (Long. 77deg 50', F. GI. No. 6, p. 34, Plate iv A). 60 See Indian Antiquary, Vol. XI, p. 163 ff. The two sibilants may be seen in juxtaposition in 1, (karyytshu sadvi) of No. 3, p. 167. 61 Unfortunately, owing to the nature of the soft sandstone, on which they are incise:1, the angles of the letters are much eroded, thus obscuring somewhat their true forms, but the flat top is still well marked in several cases; e.g.. in sabda, 1. 6, and irf., 1. 7, of the complete pillar inscription (F. G., p. 146-7) and in sala and satra, 1. 1 of the duplicate inscription (ib., p. 159). In the better preserved inscription, on the harder slate tablet, the flat top of e is quite distinct; e.g., in srt 1, 4 (ib., p. 153.) 13

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xxviii THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY CHAPTER 111 throughout (F. GI, No. 18, p. 79, Plate xi). Good examples of the use of the flat-topped a are the cave inscription of Udayagiri (Lat. 23deg 32', Long. 77deg 50'), dated in 425-6 A.D. (F. GI, No. 61, p. 258, Plate xxxviii), and the stone image inscription at Mathura (Lat. 27deg 30', Long. 77deg 43'; F. GI, No. 63, p. 262, Plate xxxix A), dated in 454-5 A.D. On the other hand, good examples of the use of the round-topped o are the copper-plate land-grants of the Parivrajaka Maharajas, at Khoh, Majhgawam, and Bhunara (about Lat. 24deg 25' and Long. 80deg 45'; F.GI. Nos. 21-25, pp. 93-112, Plates xiii, xiv, xv B), which are dated between 475 and 529 A.D. These examples show that the two forms of the palatal a were in use over the same western area, and during the same period of time. But there is one point to be observed with regard to the use of the two forms of the palatal a, whch is of great importance in connection with the Bower Manuscript. The two ways of writing that are never confounded, nor do they ever occur promiscuously in the same epigraphic record. It is clear, therefore, that they mark two different styles of writing, each peculiar to a particular writer. They thus offer a test for determining the number of writers who were engaged in the production of the several Parts of the Bower Manuscript. As may be seen by reference to Table I, the round-topped e is used exclusively in Parts I-III, while the flat-topped a is, equally exclusively used in Parts IV-VII. In Parts I-III, the flat-topped o never occurs, nor does the round-topped e ever occur in Paris IV-VII. It is inconceivable that the same person should have used habitually and exclusively one mode of writing a in one set of manuscripts, and another in another set of manuscripts. It follows, therefore, that Parts I-III were written by a person different from the three persons who wrote Parts IV-VII; for as will be shown in the sequel (pp. xxix and xxxiii), on similar grounds, the two writers of Parts IV and VI must have been different persons from the writer of Parts V and VII. In this connection, as bearing on the question of the number of scribes, the following fact, which will be fully discussed in Chapter IV, must be noted. The modern form of the letter y, which originated in the northern area of the Gupta script, and which is found in Parts I-III, is entirely absent from Parts IV-VII. The latter make use exclusively of the old three-pronged form of y (Fig. 19), which persistently continued to prevail in the southern area. Also, another small point which distinguishes the scribes of Parts V-VII from the scribe of Parts I-III is worth noticing. It is the fashion of writing the character for the dental th. As may be seen in Table I, in Parts I-III that character has an upright position, while in Parts V-VII its position is more or less slanting. Though a small point in itself, it is worth noticing, because it marks the germ of a fashion of writing with a slant, which developed subsequently in the Eastern Turkestan settlement of Kuchar, and which is shown in Fig. 15, 1, 2, (r. xxxii), and in Fig. 17, 1. 3, cand d (p. xxxiv). The peculiarities of writing above set out shown that there must have been no less than four persons engaged in the writing of the Bower Manuscript. In Parts I-III, the similarity of writing is, in all points so conspicuous that it is impossible to ascribe their production to more than one person. A's to Parts V, VI and VII, it has been shown from their mode of writing the palatal , that they cannot have been written by the identical person who wrote Parts I-III. Moreover, it is practically certain that they must have been written by two different writers. That Parts V and VII are due to the same writer follows, as in the case of Parts I-III, from the conspicuous similarity of the writing. The case of Part VI rany seein uncertain. There is superficial dissimilarity in its style of writing from that in Parts V and VII, but on the other hand, it must be remembered

Page #383
CHAPTER III] "" that Part VI is written calligraphically, while Parts V and VII are written in an extremely cursive and careless fashion. Also, there is a not inconsiderable similarity of writing in the three Parts, which extends even to the use of the same signs of interpunctuation (see p. xxxix), parts V-VII having in this respect a common system differing from that in Parts I-III. Moreover, there is the fact that the same name Yaeamitra (ie., Yasomitra) occurs both in the calligraphically written Part VI (fol. 4a, 1. 6, ed. pp. 225, 230) and the cursively written Part VII (fol. 2a, 1. 3, ed. pp. 237-9). This name must be that of the votary, who either wrote the manuscript himself, or got it written for himself by a scribe. For, as the Japanese scholar, Dr. K. Watanabe, explains (Journal, Royal Asiatic Society, 1907, p. 263), it was a custom in ancient China and Japan" that "a votary must recite his name in the copy of a devotional work which he either wrote himself, or caused to be written for himself. On the other hand, there is the very significant circumstance that Part VI is paginated on the obverse side of its folios, while Part VII bore its folio numbers on the reverse sides (see Chapter II, p. xx). As in the case of the two modes of writing the palatal, it is hardly conceivable that the same person should have been in the habit of using two entirely different modes of paginating. It should, also, be observed that (see Chapter VIII) Parts VI and VII contain two different portions of the same tract, and (see Chapter II) greatly differ in their quality of birch-bark and state of preservation. The explanation which best accords with all these facts seems to be that a monk, called Yasomitra, wrote, or got written, for his own use, a copy of the protective charm, a portion of which now survives as Part VII. At a subsequent date, when that copy had become damaged, he got the damaged portion replaced by a new copy, namely the existing Part VI, on a fresh supply of superior bark, which a new arrival from India may have brought with him. Regarding the personality of Yasomitra, it may be surmised that he must have been a Buddhist monk of great repute for saintliness and learning. For the fact that the manuscripts were found in the relic chamber of the stapa shows that they must have been the property of the person in whose honour the stapa was erected; and to be accorded such an honour that person must have been a monk of acknowledged eminence. But whatever the exact number of writers may have been, the fact that Parts V-VII have so many peculiarities in common shows that the writer of Part VI must have been a native of the same country, or locality, in India as the writer of Parts V and VII. On the writer of Part IV, see below, p. xxxiii. BOWER MANUSCRIPT 5. D L This introduces another important subject, viz., the native country of the writers of the several Parts of the Bower Manuscript. On this point the manuscript presents some very interesting evidence. In the first place, looking at Table I, a difference will be observed in the forms of the initial vowel e. In Parts V-VII, the right side of the triangle projects, or juts out, beyond the apex. This projection is wanting in Fig. 12. Parts I-III. On consulting the Tables III, IV and VII in Buhler's Indian Palaeography (in the Encyclopaedia of Indoryan Research), it will be found that the projection is peculiar to epigraphic records of the southern area of the Gupta script. The forms which obtained in the northern and southern areas respectively are shown in Fig. 12. The boundary line, as already stated, runs roughly in a south-easterly direction between N. Lat. 24deg and 22deg. The form of the jutting e is shown in northern and southern areas. (a) from an inscription at Maliya (about Lat. 21deg 31', F. GI. No. 38, p. 164, Plate xxiv Forms of the initial & in the J J xxix 0

Page #384
XXX THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY - [CHAPTER III 1, 26), well below the boundary line, in the southern area. The same southern form, from an inscription at Eran (Lat. 24deg 5', F. GI, No. 20, p. 91, Plate xii B, 1, 1), is shown in (b). Eran is just on the boundary line of the two areas; and from arother inscription (F. GI. No. 36, p. 158, Plate xxiv A, 1. 2) at the same place comes the northern form without the projection, shown in (e). The same northern form, in two slight variations, is shown in (f) and (8), coming from the same place Khoh (Lat. 21deg 13', F, GI, No. 27, p. 121, Plate xvii, 1. 9, and No. 28, p. 125, Plate xviii, 1. 12). From further south come the Pallaya and Kadamba forms, shown in (c) and (d); and from further north comes the Kushana form, shown in (h). In the second place, there is the characteristic difference in the form of the vowels * and u, in the akshara, or syllables, ru and ru, which are shown in the 7th and 9th traverses of Table II. In Parts I-III the short vowel u is attached to the foot of the consonant, but in Parts V-VII to its middle. The long vowel u is indicated in Parts I-III, by adding a stroke above, but in Part VI, by adding a semicircle, to its own particular symbol for rs respectively. For Parts V and VII, unfortunately, no examples are available ; but their agreement, in this respect, with Part VI may be presumed. On rcferring again to the Tables III and VII in Buhler's Indian Palaeography, it will be seen that the forms used in Parts V-VII are peculiar to the southern, but those in Parts I-III to the northern area. Both forms, the southern and northern, Fig. 13. are shown in Fig. 13. Well within the Nort southern area occurs the southern form (a) from the same above-mentioned inscription at Maliya (about Lat. 21deg 31', F. GI. No. 38, p. 165, Plate xxiv, South 1. 3); also the similar southern form Jo Jo 5 (6), from an inscription at Junagadh (Lat. 20deg 31'; F. GI, No. 14, p. 61, Plate viii, 1. 29), as well as (c) from an Forms of ru andra in the northern and southern areas. inscription at Rajim (Lat. 20deg 58', F. GI, No. 81, p. 295. Plate xiv, 1. 12). The strictly southern character of these three inscriptions is proved by the fact that they all exhibit the distinctly southern form of m (Fig. 9 b). Tre Maliya inscription (Plate xxiv, 11, 12, 16) shows the southern forms (e) ard (f) of ri. On the other hand, we have, well within the northern area, the northern form (i) of ru in inscriptions at Kahaum (Lat. 26deg 16', F. GI. No. 15, p. 67, Plate ix A, ll. 8, 12), and at Irder (Lab. 28deg 12', F. GI. No. 16, p. 71, Plate ix B, 1. 6), and the similar forms (k) at Nagarjuni (Lat. 25deg 0'), (1) at Mandasor (Lat. 24deg 3'), and (m) at Mathura (Lat. 27deg 30'; F. GI. Nos. 50, 33, 63, pp. 227, 147, 263, Plates xxxi, 1. 1, xxi B, 1. 8, xxxixA, 1. 3). The northern form (n) of ru appears in an inscription at Udayagiri (Lat. 23deg 32' F.GI, No. 61, p. 259, Plate xxxviii, 1. 7) and with a slight difference (o) at Bodhgaya (Lat. 24deg 41', F. GI, No. 71, p. 277, Plate xli, 1. 13). Both these inscriptions are on the border line; but on that line also the southern forms of u and ru are found side by side with the northern. Thus at Khoh (Lat. 24deg 23') both forms of ru occur : the southern (d) (F. GI, No. 22, p. 103, Plate xiii, II. 5, 11, and No. 25, p. 114, Plate XvB, 11, 7, 13), and the northern (i) (F. GI, No. 27, Plate xviii, 11. 6. 10; No. 28, Plate xviii, 1-6; No. 29, Plate xix A, 1, 13, and No. 31, Plate xx, 1. 6); and what is particularly to be noted, the southern form occurs here in conjunction with the northern form of m (Fig. 9c). Similarly both forms of ru are seen at Manda sor (Lat. 24deg 3'), the

Page #385
CHAPTER III] BOWER MANUSCRIPT xxxi southern (g) (F. GI. No. 18, p. 82, Plate xi. 11. 10, 15) and the northern (n) (F. GI. No. 35, p. 153, Plate xxxii, 1. 11). Moreover, there is a peculiar form ru (h) and (p) which substitute two parallel strokes for the southern semi-circle, and this form appears to be common to both areas; for it is seen in the south at Junagadh (Lat. 21deg 31': F. GI, No. 14, p. 59, Plate viii, 1. 10), as well as in the north at Bilsad (Lat. 27deg 33'; F. GI. No. 10, p. 44, Plate v, 1. 11). In the third place, there is the striking difference in the use of the two forms of the letter y, the old and the modern. In Parts I-III, as already observed, and as will be explained in detail in Chapter IV, the modern form of y is used optionally with its older three-pronged form; while in Parts V-VII that three-pronged form is used exclusively. The modern form of y originated in the norch, and its use never spread to the south.62 The obvious conclusion suggested by the foregoing evidence is that the persons who wrote Parts V-VII were natives of some place lying within the southern area. In the case of Part VI, at all events, this conclusion is confirmed by the other significant fact that the folios of Parts VI are numbered on their obverse sides (see Chapter II, p. xx). For, as Buhler has pointed out in the. Vienna Oriental Journal, Vol. VII, p. 261, the practice of numbering the folios on their obverse side is a peculiarity of Southern India. We have a good example of this practice, of a very early date, in the copper-plates of the Pallava king Sivaskanda Varman, and the Kondamudi Plates of Jaya Varman, a contemporary of the Andhra kings Gautamiputra and Vasistbiputra, who reigned about 113-137 A.D. These copper-plates may be seen in the Epigraphia Indica, Vol. I, pp. 4-6, Plates I-V.. Vol. V, p. 86, and Vol. VI, p. 315. At the same time, the place whence the writers of Parts V-VII came must have been somewhere near the border line of the two areas. This is indicated by the circumstance that the southern forms of e, ru and ru arc employed in conjunction with the northern form of m, exactly as in the inscriptions, above mentioned, at Eran' and Khoh, both of which places lie on the border line. While the writers of Parts V-VII appear to have come from some place near the southern limit of the northern area, the person who wrote Parts I-III must have come from somewhere near its northern limit, that is to say, from Kasbinir or Udyana. This is indicated by the occurrence in Part I) (fol. 27a, 1. 11) of the peculiar Sarada form of the letter k (Table I, No. 2 in Traverse 2). The Sarada script is peculiar to Kashmir, where it originated directly from the Gupta script in the course of the seventh century, and where it is still current, almost unchanged, to the present day. The Sarada forms of Fig. 14. those letters which enter into the present enquiry are shown in the lower line of 1 3 * A Fig. 14.63 The upper line shows the corresponding letters in the script of the r Horiuzi Manuscript, which was written in the first half of the sixth century Letters of the Horiuzi and Sarada scripts. (Anecdota O.xoniensia, Vol. I Part III, p. 64), Its script, therefore, was the immediate predecessor of the Sarada script. The 69 There is a further point of difference between Parts I-III and Parts V-VII. It concerns the shape of the initial vowel i. This point, however, is not decisive of locality, and will be discussed in the sequel, p. XXXVI. 63 These letters are extracted from a birch-bark manuscript in Sarada characters which was prescated to me by Dr. Stein in December 1898. d

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XIX THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [CHAPTER III forms which they assumed in manuscript ? a appearance of the Sarada form of k (Fig. 14, 1.2 b) in Part II is quite exceptional. It oceurs only once. Its use would seem to have grown gradually more frequent, till it finally became distinctive of the Sarada script. On the other hand, that script selected for itself (Fig. 14, 1, 28), from the two co-existent forms of the palatal a, the flat-topped variety, which is used in Parts V-VII. The forms which the Gupta script developed on its transference to Central Asia are shown in Fig. 15. That figure shows the Fig. 15. same series of letters (as in Fig. 14) in the 1 forms which they assumed in manuscripts written in the Buddhist settlement at Kuchar. They are extracted from Parts II and IX i 2 the Weber Manuscripts, which are shown in Plate I, Fig. 2, and Plate III, Figs, 3-5, ** The upright and slanting scripts of Kuchar. in my Report on the Weber Manuscripts in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. LXII, Part I (1893), pp. 1-39. It will be seen from Fig. 15 that there are two distinct varieties of the Kuchari script, the second variety (lower line) showing an appreciable slant which is absent from the first variety.s4. The latter variety, it will be noticed, resembles much more closely the upright ductus of the Gupta script as it was current in northern India, and as it prevails in the Bower Manuscript. The latter Manuscript, as has been explained in Chapter II, is written mainly i.e., all except Part VI) on inferior and damaged bireh-bark, which cirumstance suggests its having been written by Indian emigrants on remnants of the store of birch-bark which they had brought with them from India 65 On the other hand, the Weber Manuscripts are written on paper, which was the ordinary writing material of Eastern Turkestan. The two varieties of the Kucbari script, shown in these manuscripts, were current contemporaneously; for they were all dug out from the Qutluq Urda stupa jn the vicinity of Kuchar (see Chapter 1). How the divergence of the two varieties arose is not known. What the difference of the writing material, however, suggests is that the manuscripts on bircb-bark, such as the Bower Manuscript, were written at an earlier date than the manuscripts on paper. The former probably wero written by immediate immigrants from India, who still possessed some store of birch-bark, their native writing material, while the latter were written by their descendants, or by native Kuchari converts wlio naturally made use of the paper of their own country. In this connection a curious point may be noticed. The upright variety (upper line in Fig. 15) conserves the Southern Indian fashion of writing the syllables ru and ru (e and f), the jutting e (a), and (though not quite distinctly) the flat-topped (8), all of which fashions are peculiar to Parts V-VII of the Bower Manuscript. On the other hand, the slanting variety (lower line of Fig. 15) conserves the northern fashion of writing ru and ri (e and f?, and the round-toppeda (g) of Parts I-III, with which, however, it combines the southern The two varieties are showa also in Fig. 17, where the difference of the upright (c) and slanting (a) forms of " and th (in II, 1, 2, 3, respectively) is very clearly marked. 65 This conclusion is suggested also by the circumstance mentioned carver (p. xxix) that the letter * is written in Parts V-VII with an approach to the slant which distinguishes one of the two varieties of the fully developed Kuchari script.

Page #387
CHAPTER III] BOWER MANUSCRIPT jutting e (a). This combination, in the slanting variety, of different Indian fashions of writing seems to suggest that that variety originated among the native Kuchari converts to Buddhism, while the upright variety persisted among the Indian Buddhist immigrants and their descendants. For it should be noticed that both the Sarada script, which originated from the Gupta script, and the Horiuzi script, which occupies a position intermediate between the Gupta and Sarada, agree with the upright variety of the Kuchari script in conserving the southern Gupta fashion of writing e, ru and ru, and 6,60 The considerable modification in the forms of some letters, such as m and y (Fig. 15, c and d), presupposes a not inconsiderable interval of time to have passed since the introduction of the Gupta script into Eastern Turkestan and the production of the Bower Manuscript. As the date of the latter is probably to be referred to the second half of the fourth century (see Chapter V), the date of the Weber Manuscripts may be placed within the sixth century, or possibly a little earlier. xxxfil It has been stated (ante, p. xxix) that Part IV must have been written by a person different from the two writers of Parts V-VII, as well as from the writer of Parts I-III. From the latter the writer of Part IV differs (see Plate I) by the use of the flat-topped 38 against the use of the round-topped in Parts I-III. From the former he differs by the use of the plain e, as well as the northern ru and ru, as against the jutting e and the southern ru and ru of Parts V-VII. Further from both, the writer of Parts I-III as well as the writers of Parts V-VII, the scribe of Part IV differs in the following striking points. In the first place, he writes the initial vowel ri in a way quite peculiar to himself. In Parts I-III it is written quite differently, as may be seen from Table I. In Parts V-VIL that vowel does not happen to occur at all. It is altogether a character of very rare occurrence. From the epigraphic records of India, as may be seen by a reference to the Tables in Buhler's Indian Palaeography, it appears to be altogether absent. In the Horiuzi Manuscript (first half of the sixth century) it resembles rather the character for the vowel a. In the Sarada script, also, it has a very simple form, though quite different from that in Part IV. The full data for an effective comparison, therefore, are not available. All that can be said is that the form of the initial vowel ri, which is seen in Part IV, stands quite by itself. In the second place, in Part IV the initial vowel i is written quite differently from Parts I-III on the one side, and from Parts V-VII on the other. The character for the vowel i is made up of three dots arranged triangularly (see Table 1). With the exception of Part IV, all the Parts agree in placing the dot, which forms the apex, below the two dots which form the base of the triangle; with this difference, however, that in Parts V-VII the apicular dot is made plain, while in Parts I-III it is furnished with a tail. But in part IV the arrangement of the dots is exactly reversed; the apicular dot has the superior position. The evidential value of this difference, however, is not quite assured. 66 The line of graphic descent, on the present evidence, appears to be as follows: The southern Gupta travels in the fourth century northwards, through Kashmir and Udyana, to Kuchar in Eastern Turkestan In Kashmir it develops gradually, through the Horiuzi script (6th cent.), into the Saracia (7th cent.). In Kuchar it develops, contemporaneously with the Horiuzi stage, into the slanting variety of the Kuchari script (6th cent.).

Page #388
txxiv THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [CHAPTER III :! In the Gupta script, as seen in the epigraphic records of India the initial i is made in s great variety of forms. These are shown in Fig. 16. Fig. 16. The four forms (a-d) are peculiar to Bonth Best the southern area of that script. The two forms (e and f) and the four forms (g-k) prevail mainly in the eastern and Western West portions respectively of the northern area, Finally the form (l) has no definite habitat: it is found in the inscriptions at Nirmand in the north-west (Lat. 31deg 25', Long. 77deg 38'), in Forms of the initial vowel i. Pahladpur in the north-east (Lat. 25deg 26', Long. 3deg 31'), and at Junagadh in the south-west (Lat. 21deg 31', Long. 70deg 36'). Moreover in the Nirmand inscription it occurs side by side with the proper western form (i); and in the Palladpur record it alternates with the form (g). Considering that the record at Nirmand comprises only sixteen lines, and that at Pahladpur even only a single line, the suspicion obtrudes itself that the reversal of the position of the apicular dot in the form (1) may be a mere error of writing. Whether or not its occurrence in Parts IV of the Bower Manuscript is due to a scribal error, it is not possible to say with certainty, seeing that the initial (1) occurs only once in that Part; but the possibility of its being due to a mere error cannot be Fig. 17. disregarded, and it is this possibility which detracts from its evidential value. For the purpose of further comparison there are added in Fig. 17 the forms of initial i in the Horiuzi (a) and Sarada (6) scripts, as well as in the Kuchari script of the upright (c) and slanting (d) varieties. In order to bring out more clearly the marked distinction between the two varieties (c) and (d) of the Letters of the Horluzi, Sarada, and Kuchari seript, the forms of n and tk are added in the Kuchari scripts. second and third lines. In the third place, the general appearance of the writing in Part IV conveys the suggestion that it was done with a brush rather than a stylus or reed-pen, Thus the curious flourish, or jerk, at the bottom of the right limb of the letters g and t, and of both limbs of o (see Table 1), suggests the brush. The apparently similar curves, to be seen in the letters 8, 1, 1, $ in Parts V-VII, are obviously due to a different cause, vis., to the tendency towards continuity in cursive writing.67 The stylus, or reed-pen was the usual instrument of the Indian scribe, and with it undoubtedly Parts I-III and V-VII are written. The brush was peculiar to the Chinese scribe, and hence would naturally be the instrument used in the Chinese province of Eastern Turkestan. And though an Indian immigrant into Kuchar might conceivably abandon his accustomed instrument and take to that of his adopted country, it is-on the assumption that Part IV was really written with a brush-practically certain that it must have been written by a native of Eastern Turkestan, or perhaps by a Chinese Buddhist monk, resident in the monastery of the Ming-oi of Qum Tura, 61 An instructive example of an exactly similarly written cursive may be seen in the Toraroapa stone inscription at Kura, in the word mahfia in Epigraphia Indica, Vol. I, p. 240,4 12.

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CHAPTER III] BOWER MANUSCRIPT Irrespective of the details which distinguish the three styles of writing in Parts I-III, Parts V-VII, and Part IV respectively, it is impossible not to be impressed by the pronounced difference in the general appearance of the writing in those three portions of the Bower Manuscript. This circumstance leads to a further observation. On the blank space of the obverse of the leaf on which Part III ends, there is inscribed a remark, the exact purport of which is, at present, not intelligible. But it is obviously written by the same hand that wrote Parts V and VII. For, in addition to the general appearance of sameness, there occur in the remark those forms, previously explained of the letters and th, which are peculiar to the writer of Parts V and VII. On the reverse of that same leaf there is inscribed the commencement of Part IV. On the obverse of the third leaf of Part IV (see Plate XL), there is seen, written between the fourth and fifth lines, the brief remark na samiaya. This interlinear remark, too, is clearly in the handwriting of the scribe of Parts V and VII; for it comprises the peculiar and y of those Parts; for example, as will be seen by reference to Table I, the left-hand stroke of y of the remark curls to the left as in Parts V and VII, while in Part IV it curls to the right. The conclusion that may be drawn from the existence of the two remarks in the positions in which they occur is that after Parts I-III had been written, they passed into the hands of the writer of Part IV who began his writing on the blank page of the last leaf of Part III. Afterwards Parts I-IV passed into the hands of the writer of Parts V and VII, who added his explanatory remark to the final page of Part III, and his brief complementary remark on the third leaf of Part IV. Probably it was also he who put all the Parts together, and enclosed them as a collective manuscript between a pair of wooden boards. It may be suggested that the remark appended to the end of Part III, if we only understood it might refer to the monastic order or rank of the writer of Parts I-III. The interlinear remark in Part IV only adds a phrase which had been inadvertently omitted by the original writer. The results of the foregoing enquiry may be summed up as follows. The writers of Parts I-III and Parts V-VII were natives of India who had migrated to Kuchar. They, no doubt, were Buddhist monks, and these, as is well known, were often in the habit of travelling, or migrating, for missionary or other purposes, into Foreign Parts. To judge from their style of writing, the scribe of Parts I-III originally came from the northern, and the two scribes of Parts V-VII from the southern part of the northern area of the Indian Gupta script. But the fact that they use birch-bark as their writing material shows that the country, from which more immediately they migrated to Kuchar, must have been Kashmir or Udyana; and the quality of the birch-bark which they use suggests that they wrote their respective parts of the Bower Manuscripts after their settlement in Kuchar, when their store of birch-bark had run short. Parts V and VII probably were written about the same time as Parts I-III. The latter apparently were never completed. They passed, in their incomplete state, into the hands of the writer of Part IV, who would seem to have been a native of Eastern Turkestan, or perhaps of China. From him Parts I-IV passed into the hands of the writer of Parts V and VII, who added the two remarks above referred to. Part VI was written at a subsequent date by a fourth scribe on a fresh supply

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [CHAPTER III of well prepared birch-bark leaves, since received from India, for the purpose of repairing the damage suffered, in the mean time, by part VII. In fact, that fresh supply may bave been brought from India by the fourth scribe h'imself who may have been a later immigrant. All four writers must have been residing in a monastery near Kuchar. But the ultimate owner of the whole series of manuscripts, whose name appears to have been Yasomitra, must have held a prominent position in that monastery. For his collective manuscript was contained in the relic chamber of the memorial stupa at the Ming-oi of Qum Turk, which would appear to have been built in his honour.

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CHAPTER IV. THE SCRIPT, THE SCRIBES, AND THEIR USAGES IN THE BOWER MANUSCRIPT-Contd. It remains to notice a few miscellaneous points connected with the script and the usages of the writers of the several Parts of the Bower Manuscript, (i) THE NUMERAL SIGNS ; see Table IV. These are the old signs of the original Indian system of notation, anterior to the discovery of the value of place" and the invention of the cypher. That systeia made use of twenty signs, viz., nine for the units, nine for the tens, one for hundred, and one for thousand, Thirteen from among these twenty signs occur in the Bower Manuscript; vis., the nine unit figures, and the figures for 10, 20, 30 and 50. The figure for 50 is doubtful: it might be the figure for 70 (see Chapter II, p. xx). Most of the thirteen figures occur in the numbering of the leaves of the several Parts, a few also in the text of Parts II, IV, and V. The series of three numbers which occur in the divination treatises of Parts IV and V have to be understood, not as possessing any "value of place," but simply as being three successive unit figures. For example, the series 444, in Part IV, p. 192, which repeats three times the unit figure for 4, is to be read, not as four hundred, forty, four, but simply as four, four, four. It indicates that the die is thrown three times, (see p. X CI) so that each time its face shows the number four, (ii) MISCELLANEOUS MARKS; see Table V. A variety of marks occur to indicate various purposes, such as interpunction, correction, or a lacuna. (1) INTERPUNCTION (see Traverses 1 and 2 of Table V for Parts I-III. Traverses 1-3 for part IV, and Traversez 1-1 for Par's V-VII). The writers of the Bower Manuscript observe no consistent system of interpunction. As to Parts I-III, which are written, practically entirely, in verse, the writer, as a rule, makes no use of any sign to indicate the ends of half or whole verses. Occasionally he marks the end by a rather wider interval, as, e.g., the end of verses 121 (Part II, p. 32. fol. 56, 1. 5), 223 (ib., p. 38, fol. 86, 1. 4). 353 (ib. p. 44, fol. 116, 1. 7), etc. This mars, however, is very unsafe, as the writer often disperses his writing, mostly by reason of the defects of the birch-bark (as in Part II fol. 126, 1. 2; Part III, fol. 2b, 1. 3), or on account of the spread of a conjunct consonant (as in Part III, fol. 2b, 1. 3); bu, sonetimes apparenily from mere caprice (as in shalini on 1. 6 of Part II, fol. 12b). If he does use a sign, it is either the well-known double stroke, or a comma laid lengthwise, or a ringlet, simple or complex, (a) The Double stroke. -The mo lern Indian usage is to mark the end of the half-verse by a single vertical stroke, and the end of the full ver ze by a couple of vertical strokes. As regards the single stroke, in Parts I-III, the end of the half verse is never marked, unless it coincides with the end of a formula, or of a seatioa; and in that case, it is marked-if it is marked at all-with any of the marks of a full-verse. The single stroke, accordingly, is never found. The double stroke always, except as above noted, marks the end of a full verse. In Part I, it occurs no infrequently, in fact, in the forty-three verses of the initial treatise on garlic, it is used regularly, the only exceptions being verses 29 and 35. In the subsequent portion it occurs very rarely: only in verses 51, 59, 69, 67, 70, 73, 79-88, 97, 98. 100, 116, 128. In Parts II and III, also, it occurs very rarely. Thus, in Part II, in verses

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[CHAPTER IV 1, 2, 3, 20, 149, 336; after which it grows rather more frequent, on account, apparently, of the shortness of the formule; thus in verses 427, 444, 446, 459, 462, etc. In Part III, it occurs only in verses 52 and 61. But as will be noticed presently, it is used occasionally also in conjunction with the ringlet. (b) The Comma.-Another sign which is occasionally used to mark the end of a full verse is a comma, laid lengthwise. It exactly resembles the figure for the numeral one, and is, no doubt, identical with it. In Part I it is found at the end of verses 49 and 71; and in Part II at the end of verses 5, 45, 108, 130, 178, 372; 488, 619, 642, etc. In Part III it does not occur. In addition to marking the end of a full verse, it is also used occasionally in other ways. Thus, in Part I, fol. 364-5 (p. 5), it marks the prose notice bhavati ch-atra, preceding the fiftieth verse, and in Part II, fol. 29a3 (p. 70) it marks the prose notice tatra slokal. Again in Part II, fol. 466 (p. 32), it separates the two parts of a colophon,68 Sometimes, again, it marks merely a superfluous blank space; see below under Lacuna, p. xlii. Xxxviii THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (c) The Ringlet.-The third sign which exceptionally marks the end of a full verse is a ringlet with a central dot, or a ringlet containing a still smaller ringlet the circumference of which is studded inside with (usually) three dots. The former probably represents the sacred chakra (dharma-chakra), or Wheel of the Law, the latter, the sacred padma or White Lotus; and in the sequel these two signs will be referred to as the wheel and the lotus. The latter is found only in Part II, while the wheel is common to all three Parts. An example of the lotus, used as the mark of the end of a full verse, occurs in Part II. fol. 2a10 (p. 28), and of the wheel, in fol. 1967 (p. 57), where they mark the end of verses 38 and 639 respectively. As a rule, however, the lotus and wheel are used as the special marks to indicate the end of a passage which is longer than a verse, such as a whole formula, or a whole chapter, or the whole of a subject. Accordingly they constitute the special marks of the colophon, which is marked off, afore as well as after, by them from the surrounding text. Thus we have two lotuses to mark the colophon of the first formula in Part II, fol. 1a8-9 (p. 26), and of the first chapter in Part II, fol. 4667 (p. 32).68 Similarly. we have two wheels to mark the colophon of the sidhma formula, in Part II, fol. 1843 (p. 54), and of a formula for boluses, in Part III, fol. 365 (p. 184). Sometimes the two signs are combined; thus the sequence wheel, lotus is found with the colophon tryushanas, in Part II, fol. 6a (p. 34), and the reversed sequence lotus, wheel, with the colophon asvinarasayanam, ib., fol. 24a1 (p. 61). Also other variations occur, such as placing one of the two signs between a couple of double strokes, as in the sardula-churna colophon in Part II, fol. 3b (p. 30), or placing a double stroke after both signs, as in the modaka formula in Part III, fol. 365-0 (p. 184). Exceptional cases, however, are found in which the colophon is marked only by one sign, or by no sign at all. An example of the latter case is the pancha-gavya colophon in Part II, fol. 5b11 (p. 34). Examples of the former case are the colophons after verse 613, in Part II, fol. 19a3 (p. 56), and after verse 782, ib., fol. 24a3 (p. 61), which are marked only by a lotus after them,69 The signs of the wheel and the lotus, however, are also employed to indicate the end of a formula, or of a subject matter, whenever a colophon is dispensed with. Examples are, in Part I, the wheel in fol. 36', 5610, where with verse 120 the subject of hair dyes closes. 63 This colophon combines those of a formula as well as of the chapter; and the two portions are separated by the comma mark. 69 The colophon after verse 804, in part II, fol. 24610 (page 63) is no real exception, because it is misplaced, and should stand in the preceding line. The misplacement is marked by the two crow's feet; see below on Correction, p. xli.

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PART 1 TABLE DI CONJUNCT R PART II Part w Part IV | PART. V PART VI PART VII 1 #8 || MS | FP bhUmara WAR | LEGO | 858A 10 stano v makai TABLE IV NUMERALS ADA! x 30 31 dwd rdlmw 1. 2 of 31 50 TABLE V MARKS alt + TILL HAAHHHH -

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CHAPTER IV) BOWER MANUSCRIPT XXXix In Part II we have the lotus, reinforced by the comma as well as the double stroke, after verse 10, in fol. la, to mark off the end of the introduction to the treatise. Similarly after verse 24 on fol. 165, we have the lotus by itself to mark the end of a series of short formulae (verses 18-24), and after verse 39a, on fol. 261, to mark the end of a single short (unnamed) formula (verses 38-39a). And after verse 737, on fol. 2265, we have the wheel to mark the end of the long pippali-vardhamana formula (vv. 716-737). In Part III a disk is frequently used in this way, to mark thc end of a formula; especially in fol. 36, where it occurs not less than seven times, in 11. 1, 2, 3, 5, 7, 8, 9. Of particular interest is the circumstance that the lotus and wheel appear to be used, in Part II, also to indicate glosses, which the author of the Navanitaka himself seems to have added to the extracts from old authoritative works of which his own work is mainly composed. Thus on fol. 2703 (page 67) there is, after verse 879, the obvious gloss prachinika palha enclosed between two wheels (see note 418, on page 162). On fol. 3366-, verse 1109 is enclosed between two wheels, and its purport suggests its being a gloss (see note 490 on page 180a). In the similar case of verse 929, on fol. 2863 (p. 69), which the author had at first omitted to mark as a gloss, he (or rather a subsequent copyist) has afterwards, on revision, inserted the lotus mark between lines 2 and 3. The same practice is observed in Part III, which may be a work by the same author. Here, on fol. 167, the lotus marks what appears to be a gloss, so also on fol. 36. It will be observed that both passages, thus marked, are in prose. In Parts V-VII, the usago with regard to marks of interpunction is much the same as in Parts I-III. But in addition we meet with three signs which exactly resemble our modern comma, semicolon, and full stop. The comma occurs, e.g., in Part V, fols. 263, 364, 5a", twice even in a reversed position on fols. 3al and 543 (see Table V, Traverse 3), in Part VI, fol. 264, and in Part VII, fol. 123. But it is probable that the comma is really identical with the more usual lengthwise-comma (the numeral one), of which it is an exaggerated cursive form. The semicolon, practically identical with the well-known sign of the visarga, occurs, e.g., in Part V, fols. 6a5 and 663, and in Part VII, fol 4a6. The full-stop, or single dot, is found, e. 8., in Part V, fols. 2a5, 3a, 665, in Part VI, fols. 160, 3al, and in Part VII, fols. 2a4 and 264. As to the ordinary signs, the double stroke does not happen to occur in Parts V and VII, in which the comma, either erect or prone, regularly takes its place. In Part VI the double stroke is found in a slightly modified form, embellished with a hook to the left at the top of the first stroke, as in fol. 4a5, or with a hook to the left and right respectively at the top of the two strokes, as in fol. 46. The lengthwise-comma, or the numeral one, as already observed, is used regularly in Part V. e.g., in fols. 1a3.5. 2a, etc. So also in Part VI, e.g., in fols, 164, 3a, and in Part VII, e.g., in fol. 1a5. Neither the wheel nor the lotus is found in any of Parts V-VII. In their place Part V uses the spiral which is the conventional representation of the sacred saikha, or conch shell, as in fol. 569. Once in fol. 3a(r), this spiral is accompanied by the lengthwise-comma, It will be observed that the same spiral appears also in the remark which is appended to Part III (Plate xxxviii, obv.), and which, as has been previously (pp. xxi and xxxv) stated, was written by the scribes of Parts V-VII. In Part IV the usage with regard to interpunction is as follows. The double stroke is not uncommon. In its plain form it occurs, e.g., in fols. 2a, 3a%; but it is often accompanied with the lengthwise-comma, or numeral one, as in fols. 2a, 3a2, 4al, and occasionally this comma is drawn across the double stroke, as in fols, 3a", 3a, Moreover in the case of

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [CHAPTER IV. fol. 3a, the double stroke is hooked, just as in Part VI, fol. 4a5. Once, fol. 2a, the crossing comma is found also with a single stroke, imitating the form of a regular cross. In equally frequent use, however, is the lengthwise-comma, or numeral one; it occurs, e.g., in fols. 3a2, 3b1, 4a3, 5a3, 5b3, etc. The spiral, in a rather imperfect form, and enclosed between a pair of double strokes occurs in fol. 165, to mark off the introduction to the treatise. The same spiral, in much better form, is used also for the benedictive on at the beginning of the treatise, in fol. 161 (see Chapter II, p. xxii). (2) CORRECTION;-see Table V, Traverse 4 for Parts I-IV. For the purpose of correcting an error in the text, when a letter, or a word, had to be cancelled or altered or inserted, or when a misplacement had to be indicated, certain signs are used in the Bower Manuscript. In Parts I-III one of these signs consists of two, or more, minute strokes attached to the top of a letter or a word. Thus in Part I, fol. 363, the word which originally was written prokto is altered to proktah, and this alteration is indicated by attaching two minute strokes to the cancelled vowel o. Similarly on fol. 2a7, the syllable ha of the word, which was originally written havan, is marked to indicate that it is to be read ya (yavam). Again on fol. 464, the vowel a of samustam has been cancelled by the attachment of minute strokes. In Part II there occur the following examples. On fol. 7b, the final e of line 10, which is written in faint ink, is cancelled because it is superfluous, being repeated at the beginning of line 11; so also on fol. 14a the superfluous final na of madhuna. On fol. 16a one of the duplicated cha of chandana is cancelled; so also, on fol. 194 the vowel e of dridhe, and on fol. 1963, the syllable na. On fol. 2864, the misshapen final d of kkaded has been cancelled, and replaced by a well-made d. In all the above-mentioned cases the double stroke indicates cancelment. The following are examples of its indicating an insertion. In Part I, fol. 46deg, the original writing had only me nu, which is false for me arinu. The omitted syllable iri is inserted, in very faint ink, between 11. 9 and 10, and the place of insertion, between me and nu, is indicated by two minute strokes placed above those two syllables. Similarly in Part II, fol. 12a4, a double stroke indicates the omission of the syllable va, which is inserted, just below, between 11. 4 and 5. But there exist also numerous cases, in which these corrective double strokes are applied for no apparent reason. They all occur in Part II. Thus we find them attached to yo of yogo on fol. 667, to the visarga of syuh on fol. 10a, to lla of bhallataka on fol. 1066, to ra of rasna on fol. 11a3, to hu of bahusc on fol. 1267, to cha of chatur on fol. 15b, and to ima of aimari on fol. 31a5. On fol. 565 even the whole word pathah is thus marked. In all these cases, the existing text is correct (see note 45 on p. 33, and note 87 on p. 93). They are so numerous that they cannot be attributed to inadvertence on the part of the scribe. He must have had some reason for attaching the mark; but what it can have been is not intelligible, unless it be that he wished thus to indicate the correction of something (an error, or a lacuna, or the like) in the original from which he was copying. x1 Another sign, found in Part II, is a cross. passage which is supplied in the bottom margin. duplicated, is not intelligible. On fol. 15a11 it indicates the omission of a Its use on fol. 2a3, where it appears to be A third sign, found also in Part II, is the so-called kaka-pada, or crow's foot. It resembles the mathematical sign of the "root." It may be seen on fol. 12610, where it indicates the omission of a portion of the mark of the colophon, vis,, lotus plus double stroke. The omission is supplied in the margin below. Unfortunately the margin is damaged, but the traces that remain can be completed from the same mark70 on fol. 224.1 To The traces are not those of a damaged syllable, as suggested on p. 46, n. 99. The verse 393, beginning with madhuka is complete. Precisely the same mark (lotus and double stroke) is supplied interlinearly on fol. 2863.

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CHAPTER IV) BOWER MANUSCRIPT e ngi o m We have the same crow's foot on the margin of fol. 136, where it refers to the cancelled numeral four, On fol. 24b, it occurs in duplicate, at the end of line 10, apparently to indicate the misplacement of the preceding colophon, which should stand on line 9. It will be observed that there are twenty-four formula for the preparation of various kinds of gruel (vv. 785-802). To these is appended a charm for insuring long life (ayus) in vv. 803-4, and after it comes the colophon Bhele yavagu. This colophon indicates that the verses preceding it are composed by Brela (or Bheca). As a fact, the charm (vv. 803-4) is found in the existing unique Tanjore Manuscript of the Bheda Sarhita (see note 376, p. 154), in the seventh chapter of its Sutra Sthana which deals with indriyopakramaniya, that is, with general rules for the preservation of bodily and mental health. But the formulae for the gruels (vv. 785-802) cannot be traced in it owing to its mutilated condition. Seeing. however that formulae, practically identical, are found in the Charaka Sanhita, in the second chapter of its Sutra Sthana, it may rightly be assumed that the missing formulae would be fouud in the second chapter of the Sutra Sthana of the Bheda Sarihita, if the text of the latter were intact.71 It is further to be observed that the charm has no particular connection with the gruels. It and they are mentioned in two different and quite unconnected chapters of the Sanhita, and the charm may be used with any kind of treatment in order to render the latter effective for long life, while the gruels of Bheda are specifically referred to in the colophon. One naturally expects, therefore, to find the colophon, not after the charm, but immediately after the gruels, that is, after verse 802. If it is replaced in its proper place, in 1. 9 of fol. 246, it will be seen that it comes to stand between two wheels (see Fig. 18) And in fact, the existing Fig. 18. niisplacement of the colo , waq War utanim phon appears to be in- to scribe, or " S o uton oma 78 y enye his reviser. He placed two crows' feet, together A corrective marginal note. with the numerals (one above the other) on the margin against the wheel mark of the colophon. The figure 2 would refer to the second chapter of the Sutra Sthana which contains the formulae for the gruels, while the figure 7 would indicate the seventh chapter of that Sthana as the source of the charm; and the reviser's object in thus identifying the two different sources of the gruels and charm would be to indicate that the colophon which speaks of the gruels (yavaga) of Bheda really belongs to the verses 785-802 which contain the formulae for those gruels. Exceptionally the correction of a letter is made in the text itself. Thus, in Part I, fol. 2a8 the second letter of durjjara is written across the letter y of the original reading durjjaya; see note 10 on p. 12. In Parts V-VII only one of the above-mentioned signs, viz., he cross, is found. It occurs twice in Part V. fol. 5a, where it, marks the omission of the syllable na, supplied below, between lines 2 and 3; and ibid, fol. 663, where it marks the insertion of the syllable te, written on the margin, below the cross. Otherwise corrections are not marked by any sign. For example, in Part VI, fol. 3a", the omission of the syllable na of upananda, which is supplied below, between lines 4 and 5, is not marked by any sign; neither is the interlinear supply of , ibid., fol. 5a. Similarly the supply of the syllable kto, on the margin of fol. 3a, in Part VI, is not marked. The meaning of this syllable is quite unintelligible; for the suggestion made, in noto 18, p. 224, is not tonable. Possibly it may really be the badly drawn and hence cancelled, numeral three; though this explanation, too, is not satisfactory. Occasionally blundered readings are defaced; as in Part VI., fols. 261 and 366, and in Part VII, fol. lai. Ti See ako ontwal, Royal Asiatic Society, 1909. Pp. 869-70; and id. 1910, p. 830. dicated by the scribe, or

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY CHAPTER IV In Part IV, fol. 3a, the interlinear insertion of the phrase na sasaya, which was made by the scribe of Parts V-VII, appears to be marked by a double stroke in a slanting position in line 4. But the interlinear insertions of the syllables pi on fol. 4a3 and bha on fol. 5a5 are not marked by any sign. On fol. 56, the correction of tri to tri is made in the text itself. The favourite method, however, of correcting blundered letters is to deface them, as on fols. 393. 3a5, 564, whero false numerals are defaced. See, also fols. 4a3 and 5a" 3. LACUNA-see Table V, Traverse 5, for Parts I and II. The existence of a lacuna is indicated in the Bower Manuscript by means of dots. The number of these dots is equal to the number of the missing syllables, when the latter is very small. Thus in Part I, fol. 264, there are thrco dots to indicate the absence of three syllables, which the scribe was unable to read in his original, but which can now be identified as pancha cha from the Bheda Sanhita, the source of the Navanitaka (see Journal, Royal Asiatic Society for 1909, p. 858); also below, Chapter VI, p. lvii. Similarly, ibid., fol. 761, there are two dots to indicate the absence of the two syllables para (see note 61, p. 36). Also ibid., fol. 46, there are two dots indicativo of the loss of two syllables, the identity of which, however, for the present. is unknown (see note 38, p. 32). The case is slightly different with Part 1, fol. 367. Here we have a blank space, partly filled with four dots and enclosed between those double strokes which are the usual mark of the end of a full verse (see ante, p. xxxvii). Here the dots indicate the loss of an indefinite portion of the text in the original manuscript, from which the scribe prepared the existing copy of the treatise. Dots, however, serve to indicate not only a lacuna in its proper sense, i.e., a gap in the text, but also such gaps, or blank spaces, in the inscribed surface of the leaf as are due, not to the loss of any portion of the text, but to defects of the birch-bark, or to other causes (See Chapter II pp. xviii, xix,). Thus we have three dots at the end of the first line of fol. 76 in Part II, to show that nothing of the text is missing, but that the surface of the birch-bark was not good enough to be written on. The single dot on the third line of the same page serves the same purpose, so also the two single dots on the tenth line of fol. 56, though here their presence is not due to badness of the surface of the bark, but probably to a real lacuna, which the scribe could only partially fill up with the word chitraka, for which reason he put dots into the superfluous blank spaces on either side of that word. Besides dots, also the lengthwise-comma, or numeral one, is frequently used to mark a superfluous blank space. Thus in Part I, fol. 1b11, Part II, fols. 4a11, 7all, 7610, 865, 1160 25b12, 29611, 31a10, 3161, 9-11, etc. In Part II, at the beginning of the fourth line of fol. 156, the comma indicates a blank space due to the conjunct letter above it. Finally a more or less lengthy serpentine line is used for the same purpose of indicating a superfluous blank space. It occurs, e.g., in Part II, fols. 6al-11,861, 14a1. (iii) ABBREVIATION. The practice of abbreviating a word is found only in Part II, and only in application to the two words sloka and pada, when they are connected with numbers expressed by figures. The word sloka serves as the name of any kind of verse, not of the technically called aloka only: and pada is the name of a quarter verse. The two names often occur in the colophon of formulae, to indicate the number of verses, or parts of verses, of which they consist. When so insed, they are usually abbreviated to slo and pa respectively. Thus we have alo 2 on fol. 3a8 (p. 29), and alo 11 pa 1 on fol, 5+ (p. 32), etc. Twice, however, aloka is written in full, vis,, kloka 14 on fol, 1865 (p. 55), and floka 5 on fol. 1962 (p. 57). As part of the text. of course, it is always written in full; thus in verse 498, on fol. 1568, we have ardha-slokasama panah, and in the prose note introducing verse 947, on fol. 29a3, we find tatra slakan. (iv) SCRIBAL ERRORS. Lapses in writing occur not infrequently in the Bower manuscript. In Parts V and VII, which are written with evident carelessness, they are particularly numerous. In a

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BOWER MANUSCRIPT xliii comparatively small number of cases they have been corrected by some revising hand, and some of these corrected errors have been already referred to in the Section on Correction (p. xl), and others will be referred to below in the Section on Revision (p. xliv). The subjoined list refers only to uncorrected errors, and comprises only selected examples. For many others the footnotes to the transcribed texts may be consulted. CHAPTER IV] etc. The most frequent error consists in a miswritten letter or syllable. Thus in Part I fol. 169 (p. 1) guna is written for gana; fol. 3a (p. 4) Suerutaigramanah probably for Susrutaikamanah (i.e. Susruta ekamanal); fol. 368 (p. 5) prathamaneshu for pradhamaneshu In Part II, fol. 2b (p. 28), phalani for. palani; fol. 668 (p. 35), arpane for armase (possibly only a badly written m); fol. 24b9 (p. 63), madhyagad for mavyagad; fol. 296+ (p. 71) to ye for toyam, etc. In Part IV, fol. 2a2 (p. 193), nishpala for nishphala; fol. 3a7 (p. 194) sahayes for sahayais, etc. In Part V, fol. 3at (p. 205) sascha for pascha; fol. 3a (p. 205) upastitam for upasthitam; fol. 4a5 (p. 206), puvva for purvva, etc. In Part VI, fol. 2a (p. 223), sulam for sulam, etc. In Part VII, fol. 2a (p. 237), kritayam for kritaya, etc. Or, a letter or syllable is misplaced. Thus in Part I, fol. 4b5 (p. 7), savakara for savaraka, fol. 5a (p. 8), pilpan for piplum. In Part II fol. 10a4 (p. 41), kronchanadani for krinchadanani. In Part V, fol. 565 (p. 207) isvaram sarana for isvara-saranam. In Part II, fol. 2461o a whole colophon is misplaced (see ante, p. xli). Or, a letter or syllable is omitted. Thus in Part I, fol. 26 (p. 3). prayujan for prayuijan; fol. 3al (p. 4), munir for munibhir. In Part II, fol. 1a (p. 26) chatum for chaturdasam; fol. 10a (p. 41) gundanam for gundranam; fol. 19a (p. 57), jivani for jivaniyani. In Part IV, fol. 2al (p. 192), tatash for satatam. In Part V, fol. 26 (p. 204), vichehi for vichintehi; fol. 4a5, samusthita for samupasthita. In Part VI, fol. 3bs (p. 224), ugadhipena kalena for uragadhipa-kalena; fol. 4ae, (p. 225), ktaye for muktaye, etc. Occasionally even a half-verse, or a whole verse, or a whole clause, is missed out; see note 244, p. 126, note 459, p. 171, and note 2, p. 226. Or, a superfluous letter or syllable is inserted. Thus, in Part I, fol. 16e (p. 1), otkshit" for okshit. In Part II, fol. 4b (p. 32), na namna for namna; fol. 24b" (p. 63), ma at the beginning of the line. In Part IV, fol. 165 (p. 192), balamamantaram for balamantaram In Part V, fol. 1a3 (p. 203), tatahstesham for tatastesham; and exactly the same superfluous visarga in Part VI, fol. 1a2 (p. 222), daharah starunah for daharastarunah. A superfluous anusvara is rather common; e.g., in Part I, fol. 16" (p. 1), jvalanti for jvalanti; Part III, fol. 3a (p. 183), srinvamnti: Part IV, fol. 3a (p. 194), sarvantha; Part V, fol. 1a (p. 203), mamnusha; Part VI, fol. 1at (p. 222), darumni; fol. 2at (p. 223), arochakas, m for arochakam; in this case there is a superfluous comma in addition to the superfluous anusvara. Once there occur also two superfluous verses, see note 114, p. 98. Occasionally there occur entirely wrong words, such as pushte for pakti in Part I, fol. 3a2 (p. 4); sa-patran for sa-pushpan, in Part II, fol. 2266 (p. 59); dvitiya for tritiya, in Part IV, fol. 5al- (p. 195) and 243 for 343, in Part V, fol. 3a (p. 205). But the responsibility for these errors possibly lies rather with the original writers of the treatises than with the scribes who copied them in the Bower Manuscript. Still such grossly blundered readings, as kaeyeshasno in Part I, fol. 3a (p. 4), and chashkashu in Part V, fol. 2a (p. 204), are probably to be laid to the charge of the scribes, who may not have been able, or careful enough, to read correctly their original. They are certainly responsible for such curiosities as those referred to in note 32, p. 3, and note 77, p. 7. In this connection a brief reference may be made to certain defects due to the inferior quality of the birch-bark on which the scribes wrote rather than to the scribes themselves. To this category belong half-formed letters, such as may be seen, e.g., in Part II, fols. 7a7, 1864, 22a7, and in Part V, fol. 264 (see note 21, p. 193); and want of evenness, or continuity, in the lines of writing, as, e.g., in Part II, fol. 11a, lines 5 ff.

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xliv THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY APTER IV (v) Revision. When the Bower Manuscript was exhibited for the first time in Calcutta in November 1890, it was stated (Proceedings, As. Soc. Beng., p. 223, Journal, As. Soc. Beng., 1891, Vol. LX, p. 137) that "the writing was entirely in black ink." So it no doubt appears at first sight; but on closer examination letters and syllables are met with occasionally, which are written in a very light, or faint, ink. The significance of these light-inked letters, namely, that they indicate corrections, is disclosed by such cases as the following. In Part I, fol. 469, the original writing in black ink was me ?u, which is false for me srinu. Here the omitted syllable-sri is inserted below, in the interlinear space, in almost invisible light ink, and the proper place of insertion between me and nu is marked by two minute strokes, also in light ink, above those two syllables. Again, ibid., fol. 368, the original black-ink writing was prokto 8u, and this is, as it should be, corrected into proktal sa, by inserting a visarga and cancelling the top-strokes of the vowel o by two minute strokes, all in light ink. Similarly, ibid., fol. 367, an originally omitted visarga is inserted in ajaran But not infrequently corrections are found made also in black ink. Thus, in Part I, fol. 464, we have the original reading sa-mustam, which is adjectively made to qualify the preceding noun triphalum, corrected into sa-mustam, which, just as the following sa-sarkkarar (derived from sa and sarkkara), now qualifies the succeeding noun aschyotanam. Here both, the original as well as the correction, are in black ink, Again, ibid., fol. 5a?, (p. 7), the original blundered reading muvva is corrected to miiuva, both in black ink, though another error is left uncorrected; for the fully correct reading should be miruva. Ibidem, fol. 469, there is another instructive example. The original reading pralepaik is corrected to pralepah, both again in black ink. As a matter of fact, the noun prale pa refers to both, the preceding instrumental plural ardha-rupail and the succeeding nominative singular samprayojyah, and may grammatically be made to agree with either. This correction, as well as the correction of sa-mustam in black, and of proktah in ligat ink, shows that the revisers, whoover they were, were far iliar with the technicalities of the Sanskrit language. Equally instructive is an example ibid., fol. 566. Here we have the word laua nopetair entirely in black ink with the exception of the syllable no which is in light ink. It would seem that the original writer in black had left a gap for that syllable, which for some reason he had omitted to write, and that a subsequent reader of the treatise supplied the missing syllable no in light ink. The fact that the original writer should have failed to recognize the com. compounded with upeta, seems to suggest that he must have been a rather illiterate person,-- a conclusion which the occurrence of the numerous other errors (see Section iv, p. xlii) in the original writing tends to confirm. A further instructive example occurs in Part II, on fol. 76. Here the last word of the tenth line appears to have been originally dapaye in black ink. To this the reviser added in light ink the terminal t (dapayet),72 and after it, the vowel e, as if to commence a fresh verse. Then noticing his mistake-for as a matter of fact the vowel e which commences the new verse does stand at the beginning of the eleventh line-he cancelled the superfluous e by two minute double-strokes. The foregoing remarks are concerned, in the main, with Parts I-III of the Bower Manuscript. The general conclusion suggested by the observed facts is that those Parts were originally written in the usual black Indian ink by a somewhat illiterate writer, and that some of his numerous errors were afterwards corrected by a more intelligent user of the manuscript at different times, sometimes in black ink, at other times, when for some reason good black ink was no! at hand, in diluted ink. 1 Both forms dapaye and dapayet, are correct; only the former is Prakrit, while the latter is Sanskrit,-another indication that the reviser was a person familiar with Sanskrit.