Studies in Jainology Prakrit Literature and Languages

Author(s): B K Khadabadi
Publisher: Prakrit Bharti Academy
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/001597/1

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Prakrit Bharati Pushpa -
116
STUDIES IN JAINOLOGY, PRAKRIT LITERATURE
AND LANGUAGES (A Collection of select 51 papers)
BY Dr. B. K. KHADABADI Formerly Head, Juinology Chair Karnatak University, Dharwad
Prakrit Bharati Academy
Jaipur

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Publisher:
D. R. Mehta, Secretary, Prakrit Bharari Academy, * 3826, M. S. B. Ka Rasta.
Johari Bazar, JAIPUR-302 003
Phone : 561876 * 13-A, Main Malviya Nagar, JAIPUR-302 017
Phone : 524827, 524828
O Dr. B. K. Khadabadi First Edition, 1997
Price : Rs. 300.00
Lasertype Setters: Compu Prints, Lalji Sand Ka Rasta, Jaipur-302 003 Phone : 323496
Printers:

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Publisher's Note
Our universities and other research
institutes always face a dearthi of funds even for their routine activities. Therefore it is very difficult for them to take up the publication of all research conducted as well as other relevant material. Prakrit Bharti has taken steps in this direction and has published some excellent hitherto unpublished works.
This
compilation of Dr. Khadbadi's selected research papers is another step in that direction. This prominent scholar has devoted all his life to the study and teaching of Jairiology and Prakrit literature and languages. During all these years he has produced a number of research

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papers on a wide range of topics. The beauty and strength of these papers is that they are to the point, thought provoking, and authenticated. The themes covered may be old but the view-points are fresh to the extant of being radical. And this approach makes each and every article a research paper and not just an informative presentation.
We are sure this book will be of much use, not just to the lay and general reader but also for those who are involved in research and other scholarly pursuits.
We are thankful to Dr. Khadbadi for giving us the Opportunity to add this gem to the already rich list of our publications.
M. Vinay Sagar
Director

1997
Prakrit Bharati Academy JAIPUR

D. R. Mehta
Secretary

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PREFACE
I had, before retirement, planned to bring out in the form of a book a collection of my Research Papers, most of which were presented at several Conferences, Seminars, Symposiums, Academies etc. and published in the various Journals, Commemoration Volumes, Felicitation Volumes, Research Bulletins, Souvenirs, etc. But the weight of the then existing responsibilities on me at the Jaina Pitha in Karnatak University did not spare for me that kind of patience and leisure-time required for that work. After retirement, too, owing to other commitments, undertakings, health-hazards etc., such a plan lingered on unrealised. A few months ago, as I was rearranging my personal library at home, some off-prints of my published papers were found to have been nearly spoiled by mice. This created in my mind a sort of anxiety as to when, or whether, I could realise the dream of my plan? This anxiety grew rather intensive by my conviction of the fact that unfortunately we have no such liberal Institutions or Foundations like the GlasenappStiftung (Germany) that posthumously brought out recently a valuable collection of Dr. Alsdorf's papers in a single volume, the 10th in its series viz., Ludwig

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Alsdorf: Kleine Schriften, as nicely edited by Albrecht Wezler (Wiesbadon, 1974). And such conviction is based on my first hand knowledge of two unpleasant examples : In spite of some efforts by a few individuals and associations, a collection of Dr.A.N.Upadhye's more than 150 learned research papers (in English) did not come out until now. Similar is the case of the collection of Dr.Hiralal Jain's learned research papers (in Hindi), not in a small number. Hence, I decided to give first preference to this plan and set myself to work it out at this age - nearly a decade after retirement.
Finding and sorting out available off-prints of papers, searching out some Journals, Commemoration and Felicitation Volumes, Souvenirs, etc., that did not provide off-prints of those respective papers, getting their typed or xerox copies, tracing out typescripts or manuscripts of a few papers that were long back sent for some Commemoration and Felicitation Volumes which had not come out as yet - was all a cumbersome job for a retired liie Managing all this single handedly and listing down? the titles of all papers produced during the course of more than three decades - which amounted to 110 in English, 10 in Kannada and 2 in Prakrit. some 51 in English were selected and brought under the general title, "Studies in Jainoiogy Prakrit Literature, and Languages'.
But arranging the selected papers in the serial order was found quite problematic. Neither the

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chronological order of the papers nor their topicwise classified order was possible. Because the wide range and scope of Jainology and Prakrit languages and literature, or Prakrit languages and literature in relation to Old Kannada language and literature, stand almost inseparable. So some general convenient method had to be followed : Papers related to Jain religion, philosophy, ethics, history, cosmography, yoga and contribution of Jainism to some aspects of Indian culture in general and South Indian culture in particular, etc., were arranged in somewhat arbitrary serial order; and then papers connected with Prakrit languages and literature in relation to Kannada language and literature and their mutual influence, particularly of linguistic, literary and lexical nature were taken next in continued seria! order. Two papers - Nos. 36 and 37, which form two Chapters in my book Vaddārādhane : A Study, were made to replace other ones, with the objective of bringing the important aspects of the influence of Prakrit Language and literature on Old Kannada language and literature in one place, as the Vaddārācdhane happens to be the earliest available (c.925 A.D.) Jain Classic in Kannada prose. The last but two papers (No:48), however, may be said to represent partly my tribute to Prof. Albrecht Weber and partly my novel experiment in rendering some randomly chosen.beautiful Prakrit lyrical verses stored in the unique ancient Indian anthology viz., the Gāhāsattasai.

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Thus ultimately the material was almost ready for the press, endeavouring for which was first felt tiring; but the resultant work at the end rather happend to be a source of joy for me as all these papers reflected a side-line (i.e. apart from some books, special lectures etc.) of my life-time modest growth in scholarship and research accomplishment. Moreover several sweet memories of visits to different places, Universities and Research Institutes all over India, of novel academic and scholastic experiences gathered through association with a number of eminent scholars in India and a few from abroad, returned to my mind and made me as if to relive those energetic and active days. The memories of some of the Seminars and Conferences like the first A.I.Seminar on Prakrit Studies (Kolhapur 1968), the Jaipur (1975) and the Rajagriha (1980) Sessions of A.1. Seminars, the Silver Jubilee Session of A.I.Oriental Conference, Calcutta (1969) and its Ujjain (1972) and Shantiniketan (1980) Sessions, and lastly the National Conference on Prakrit Studies, Bangalore (1990) etc. that had left a rich and gainful impression on my mind appeared still more pleasant. At these Conferences, Seminars, Symposiums, etc., I could meet almost all Indian scholars, and some foreigners, in the field of Jainology and Prakrits, be guided by elder ones, exchange views and discuss with others matters of mutual interest, and be acquainted with fresh lines and new trends of research. I may mention here that I feel I have grown richer through my occasional (and later by correspondence with

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some) association, particularly with the following scholars : Dr.P.L. Vaidya, Dr.A.N.Upadhye, Dr.H.L.Jain, Dr.D.S.Kothari, Pt.Bechardas Doshi, Pt.D.D. Malvania, Pt.K.C.Shastri, Dr.J.C.Jain, Dr.N.M.Tatia, Dr.Ludrvig Alsdorf, Dr.A. Mette and Miss M.Dukewitz.
At this hour, I should heartily remember with gratitude my long association with my revered teacher Dr.A.N.Upadhye, who always took considerable interest in guiding and advising me on problems of research with a stress on marshalling of evidence and due documentation, etc., in encouraging me to write papers on some desiderated topics and to present them at Conferences and Seminars and also in publishing them in standard journals. I also remember with gratitude Dr.R.C.Hiremath who encouraged me in working out some papers connected with Prakrit languages and literature in relation to Kannada language and literature - almost a virgin soil, as I happened to be rightly equipped for it. Moreover I remember, with appreciation and regard, Dr.Ludwig Alsdorf who in 1972) exclusively enlightened me on the nature and method of research work being done in German Universities and who once casually struck a critical note of caution against prototypism and overbalance of descriptive elements, recently often found in dissertations and papers of several Indian scholars in the field of Jainology anci Prakrits; and I have been always honouring that note by meticulously avoiding those features.
Then I may passingly give vent to my honest

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feeling that the Sessions of the International Jaina Congress or Conference, which are organized with the main objective of promoting unity, awakening and consolidation of Jain religious and ethical values among householders all over the world, and which also bring out worthy Souvenirs with contributions of eminent scholars, should also pay attention to the promotion or consolidation of Jainological and Prakrit studies, wherever needed, in India or other countries.
Now let me record here due courtesy to all the publishers/editors of journals and the various Felicitation and Commemoration Volumes, Souvenirs, Research Bulletins, etc., wherein most of these papers have already appeared. Of course, I had reserved the right in each case to republish it. I have mentioned the respective name of each Journal or Research publication with an asterisk mark under Notes and References or Select Bibliography of each respective paper.
Lastly, I am extremely grateful to the Prakrit Bharati Academy, Jaipur, particularly to its esteemed Director, Mahopadhyay Vinay Sagarji, for including this significant and major work of mine, in the series of their publications and bringing it out in so short a time and in such a fine form.
B. K. KHADABADI
ĀRĀDHANĀ Kolekar Street, SANKESHWAR - 591 313 (Dist. Belgaum, Karnataka-India)

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CONTENTS
8.
Chapters
Page Nos. Publisher's Note System of Transliteration Prefacc
i-vii Mahāvīra and His Medium and Mode of Teaching 1-13 Ahimsā As Reflected in The Mūlarādhanā
14-20 On Samyama in Jainism
21-25 On Vinaya in Jainism
26-31 Lord Mahavira's Gospel and the Maladies of the Present Day World
32-38 Thc Doctrine of Anekānta and Its Significance . 39-46 Vijahanā and Yapanīya Samgha
47-55 The Concept of Truth in Jainism
56-60 Some Problems of Translating carly Jain Texts
61-66 Somadevasuri and His Innovations in the Practice of the Vow of Gift
67-71 Somc Thoughts on the Jaina Puranas and Narrative Literature
72-82 Jainism, Vegetarianism and Its Relevance to the Present World
83-90 Significance of Some Jaina Cosmographic Concepts
91-99 Sonic Aspects of Jaina Yoga in the Tenth Century
100-109 Observations on Some Sources of the Punyāsrava Kathākoša
110-118
16.
Studics in South Indian Jainism: Achicvements
and Prospects
119-127

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17.
128-132 133-142
18.
143-153
154-159
160-164
165-176
177-182 183-193
24.
Outstanding Contribution of Jainism to Kannada Language and Literature Jaina Path of Education Kundakundācārya : The Literary Doyen of Karnataka Outstanding Contribution of Jainism to the Culture of Karnataka Contribution of Jainism to the Culture of Tamil Nadu Reflections on the Jaina Exegetical Literature Contribution of German Scholars to Prakrit Studies with Special Reference to Prof. A. Weber Avasyaka- cūrni and the Tale of Cilliputra Some Thoughts on Tirukura! and Its Authorship Jain Literature in Kannada Bhagavati Aradhanā, Commentarics on Il, Kathākosas Associated with it and Old Kannada Literature. Influence of Middle Indo-Aryan Literature on Kannada Literature Literary Style of thc Vaddarādhanc Influence of Prakrit on the Language of the Vaddaradhanc Samadhi-marana in Early Karnataka Commentaries on the Gommaļasāra Some observations on the Cāvundaraya Purana Prakrit Quotations in the Cāvundarāya Purāna Prakrit Languages and Literature Prakrit Languages and Karnatak
194-205 206-218
219-228
229-240 241-251
252-259 260-267
268-276
277-288 289-294
34. 35. 36.
295-306
307-313

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37.
38.
39.
40.
41.
42.
43.
44.
45.
46.
47.
48.
49.
50.
51.
Karnatak and Jain Saurascni Literature
On the Paisaci Origin of Kannada Language Observations on Gommata, Gommaṭarāya and
Gommatadeva
Rajasekhara and Nemicandra
Kannada Words in Hemacandra's
Desinamamalā
Kannada Words in Desi Stock
Kannada Element in Dhatvadesas
The Desi Element in Middle Indo-Aryan and
Kannada
A Note on Some more Kannada Words in
Desi Stock
Prakritisms in Early Kannada Inscriptions On the Eighteen Desi Languages
Gāhāsattasai
Nagavarma and Three-and-a half Languages A Note on Why study Prakrit Languages and Literature
On the Apabhramsa Chapter of the Sabdamanidarpana

314-322
323-335
336-342
343-348
349-355
356-366
367-381
382-390
391-394
395-400
401-406
407-418
419-427
428-433
434-443

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SYSTEM OF TRANSLITERATION The following system of transliteration is adopted in these studies :
Translitera
tion
Sanskrit,
Prakrit, Hindi etc.
Translitera
tion
Sanskrit,
Prakrit, Hindi etc
Translitera
tion
Sanskrit,
Prakrit, Hindi etc
th
au
-
-
-
-
k
kh
a
I

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Studies in Jainology, Prakrit
MAHAVIRA AND HIS MEDIUM AND MODE OF TEACHING
Among the manifold contributions of Lord Mahavira to human life and wisdom, the most outstanding ones may be said to be his gospel of Ahimsa, Kriyavāda and Syādvāda. He taught that Ahimsā or non- hurting is the basic principle of higher life and made it hold the pivotal position in the whole code of conduct laid down both for monks and laymen. He was also a great exponent of Kriyavāda, the doctrine of action, which makes man himself morally responsible for all his decds, physical, mental and verbal. The Syādvada, propounded by him, inculcates among the members of the society a sense of giving room for considering all possible views and ideals about a given thought or thing.
Besides these, there is another very important principle, the principle of effective instruction to the common massaes, which Mahāvīra solemnly practised for the full period of thirty years without theroizing or indoctrinating it. This principle of effective instruction to the common masses has two inseparable sides:
(1) The medium of instruction and (2) The mode of instruction or preaching or teaching.
There are no two opinions about the fact that it is mainly the literary evidence that has often proved the authenticity of Jaira traditions regarding Mahavira's life and teachings. And
accordingly a few canonical and other later works unhesitatingly

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Studies in Jainology. Prakrit
declare that Mahāvīra preached and taugh in the Ardhamāgadhi language. The Samvāyamga Sulla states: “Bhagavam ca nam Addhamāgahic bhāsāe dhammam aikkhail
The revered one taught the law in the Ardhamāgadhi language.
Similarly the Ovavaiya Sutta tells : “Tac nam samanu Bhagavam mahavire Kūniyassa. . . . . . (elc.) Adhamagahe bhāsac bhāsai Aribā dhammam parikahei."2 The revered ascetic Mahavira spoke with and explained the Law to King Kunika etc. in the Ardhamagadhi language.” These scriptural works also describe, 10 some extent, the general nature of the Ardhamāgadhi language used by Mahāvīra. The Samavayamga says:
"Sā vi nam Addhamagahi bhäsijjamani tesim savvesim ayariyanamnariyanam duppayacauppaya miya pasupakkhi sarisa-van appano hiyasivasuhada bhāsattārā parinamai.'
“That happiness-bliss-and-peace giving Ardhamāgadhi language, while being spoken, undergocs modifications for the Aryans, the Anaryans, the bipeds, the quadrupeds, the wild and tamed animals, reptiles etc.” The Ovavaiya Sutta also states that Mahavira's Ardhamāgadhi language was “Savvabhasanugamini”+ ei., standing comparision with all the languages and further adds,
"Sa vi ya nam Addhamagaha bhasa tesim savvesim ayariyanamanāyariyanam apppano sabhāsāe parināmenam
parināmei">S
“That Ardhamagadhi language modified itself into the respective language of all the Aryas and the Anāryas .
Based on such scriptural works and, or, following, traditions, some later scholars expressed similar vicws regarding Mahavira's medium of preaching or teaching and its general nature. Pischel has already noted Vāgbhata (Alankāratilaka I.1), Abhayadeva on Uvāsagadasão, Malayagirl on Sūriyapannatti, Hemacandra in Abhidhānacintamani with his own commentary etc.' Dr. J.C. Sikdar

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Studies in Jainology, Prakrit
notes the Ayāramga Cunni 100 in this context.? Now it is interesting to know that the great Camundarāya in his Cāmundarāya Purana composed in Kannada prose in C.978 A.D., refers to the Ardhamagadhi language in a similar way more than once: asesabhāsasvabhāva Sarvardhamagadh® and ”vividha bhāsasvabhāvakārdhamāgadhi dhvanī."9 Morcover Bhatta Akalankadeva in the opening and benedictory verse of his Karnataka Subdānusasanam, a renowned grammatical work on Kannada language composed in Sanskrit in 1604 A.D., offers salutation to Mahāvīra as follows:
“Namah Śrī Vardhamānaya visvavidyavabhasini Sarvabhaşamayi bhasa pravrttā yanmukhambujāt
And in his own commentary on this verse, he quotes Acarya Padmanandi, Acārya Jinasena and some other eminent teachers of olden times where the language of Mahavira ci, Ardhamāgadhi, is described to have possessed "ascşabhaşatmakatā'' or “nihsesabhasatmakata” (Qualitics of all the languages) which is one of the fourteen of its qualities such as “gambhiramadhuram manoharam” etc. Moreover commenting on the phrase 'sarvabhaşamayi', Bhattakalanka says:
“Sarvāḥ samastah karnațakāndhramagadha-malavadi nanajanapada vikalpaih. . . . . . .nānātvam. . . . .bhāsah. .... sarvabhāşah pravacana prasiddhāh astādaśa mahābhā saplasata kşullakabhāşah ca iti arthah nābhih nivritā vā tadbhūista vā tanmai bhagavadvāni iti”:ll
Here he means to say that all languages mean 18 major languages and 700 minor ones (dialects) that are well known in scriptures. Languages of the regions of Karnataka, Andhra, Magadha, Mālava etc, are some of those languages of which mostly consists the language of the Revered one ei., Ardhamāgadhi.!2
From this brief survey of literary evidences, as found in different works in different languages and belonging to different periods and regions, regarding Mahāvīra’s medium of teaching and

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Studies in Jainology, Prakrit
its general nature, we may deduce the following points; (1) Mahāvīra taught in the Ardhamagadhi language. (2) It was a rich and powerful language as to be understood by his audience who could be from different regions as well as different social grades. (3) And a corollary from these two points can be drawn that Mahavira taught in the leading popular language of his time and region of his spiritual activities.
That the Ardhamagadhĩ language spoken by Mahavira changed or modified itself into the respective languages of all types of his listenersand that it could be understood even by the quadrupeds, birds, beasts etc, can respectfully be taken as s praiseful exaggerations ei., which have often been showered on divinities, great seers and eminent personages by their votaries in India or elsewhere. Moreover from the Bhagavi we learn that Mahavira's area of movements was between Eastern India (West Bengal) and Sindhusauvira. 13 Hence the South and West Indian languages reasonably do not come under 'sarvabhasa' Besides the Bhagavai tells us:
"Devā nam Addhamagahae bhasae bhāsamti
Sa vi nam Addhamāgahā bhāsā bhasi
jjamāni visissa."14
"Gods (also) speak in the Ardhamagadhi language and that Ardhamagadhi language, while being spoken acquires distinction" possibly, of being understood by all concerned. This statement in the Bhagavai signifies that even in the mouth of gods the Ardhamagadhi has some queer strength, capacity or distinction as it particularly has when being spoken by Mahavira15. Therefore this means that such queer strength lies in the natural language of the common masses itselft viz, the Ardhamagadhi which Mahavira, as a senior contemporary of Buddha, adopted as the medium of preaching and teaching the common people for the first time. Hence this language of the masses, which was unfettered by grammar, could naturally be qualified as Prakrt?

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Studies in Jainology. Prakrit
-
1
+
therefore, scholars like Namisadhu (on Sarasvatikanthābharana) have compared it with cloud-water : “meghanirmuktajalamiva”ló But we have to bear in mind that the various adjectives such as sarva, ascşa, nisseșa ctc., noted above, rather refer to the languages or dialects of the regions of Mahavirás religious and spiritual activities alone. To sum up this part of discussion, Mahavira preached or taught in the Ardhamagadhi language. It was the natural and unfettcred language of the common masses. It possessed a considerable number of features of the dialects of the area of his religious and instructional activities and, therefore, was understood by those people and, hence, it was the leading popular language of his time and ficld of activities.
At this juncture a problem arises: Was the leading popular language, in which Mahāvīra taught, called Ardhamagadhi in his lime? And is the Ardhamāgadhĩ, the language of the canon, the same as the Ardhamāgadhĩ, the medium of Mahāvīra's teaching? As regards the first half of the problem, we have noted above that several canonical and other later works unhesitatingly say that Mahavira taught in the Ardhamāgadhi language. Both the Digambara and the Svetambara workes say so without any difference of opiniom. Moreover according to the Avašyka Niryukti :
"Attham bhāsai Araha, suttam gamthamt i ganaharā niunam” The Revered One taught the law and the Ganadharas. composed it skillfully. According to tradition, Sudharmā, the fifth Ganadara, composed the Angas and the knowledge, except the 12th Anga, was preserved and passed on from tongue to tongue until it was finally put to writing at the Vallabhi Council under Devardhigani in 454 A.D. Besides, the Jaina Āgamas, unlike the Vedas, arc arthapradhāna and not sabdapradhāna c.i., the fact that Mahavira taught in Ardhamāgadhi has been authentically preserved in the canonical texts. Lastly there is no other evidence showing the otherwise of Mahavira's medium of teaching. Under these circumstances, we too have to accept unhesitatingly the literary evidence as authentic.

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Studies in Jainology, Prakrit
Now from the life of Buddha and the Pali canon, we learn that Buddha and Mahavira, departing from the instructional path of the Vedic priestly class, practised their preaching and teaching in thc language of the common people almost in the same region and in the same period. Hence naturally the modium of instruction of both of them was more or less the same." But the Pali canon tells us that Buddha's medium of teaching was Māgadhi. How to account for this anomaly? It is in the fitness of things and just natural that Mahāvīra and Buddha preached and taught the masses more or less in the same leading popular language of Magadha which accomodated different features of other dialects spoken in the area of their religious activities. And this accomodative leading popular language had its hold on the hall of Magadha area, 18 with Rajagrha as the representing centre, and hence, the name Ardhamagadhi might have been current, among the Ganadharas and the community of 14,000 recluses following Mahavira, in his life time itsell, or a little later; and further it might have been passed on to the redacted canon and from there to other later scholars who might have had one cyc on the tradition too.
As regards the second half of the problem, viz., is the Ardhamagadhi, the language of the present canon, the same as the Ardhamāgadhĩ, the medium of Malāvīra's teaching, the it can be said that it is not the same and it cannot be the same. We should bear in mind one fact that Mahavira's medium was spoken Ardhamāgadhi and the language of the canon is literary Ardhamāgadhi. It is an established linguistic principle that language changes from place to place and from time to time. We know that Mahavira's teachings were laughi, composed and passed on by the Ganadhares. Hence thc Ardhamagadhi of the canon, which was finally redacted and put to writing one thousand years after Mahavira's Nirvana, must have acquired, in such long course, several linguistic changes!. Moreover it is not the same type of language in all the Angas and, at times, in the same Anga. It is possibly for these reasons Hemachandra called it Arsa.20 Bul

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Studies in Jainology, Prakrit
taking into consideration the fact that Mahavira's teachings were, at the beginning, preserved and passed on from tongue to tongue by a line of expert and faithful teachers, 21 who must have avoided the default of hìnakkhara (faulty pronunciation or wrong reproduction), till the time of the first redaction at the council of Patalíputra, a respectable part of his voice or language and a considerable part of its spirit are likely to have come down at least in the early Angas like the Ayara, which work, Pischel points out, has “the most antiquated language of all”. 22 And because of the traditional belief in the Ardhamagadhi Agama as the Aptavacana, it is "best preserved and most copious”. 23 Thus the present canon is in the Ardhamāgadhi language which Hemacandra reasonably called Ārsa; but Mahavira, it can be said, taught in Old Ardhamāgadh7-4, a few glimpses of which have come down to us in the early works like the Ayaramga.
Now let me present a specimen or near-specimen of the great Teacher's voicc found in Ayaramga:
(1) Savve pānā piyāuya, dukkhapdikūlā. Savvesim síviyam piyam (2) Je gunc Sc āvahe, je āvahe Se gune. (3) Jassa natthi purā pacchā, majjhe tassa kao siya? (4) Dhire muhuttamavi no pamayac (5) Kā arai Ke anamde etthavi aggahe care (6) Purisa tumameva tumam mittam, kim bahiyā mittamicchasi ? (7) Jāc Saddhãe nikkamto tamev anupaliyā.
Does not the languages of these sentences appcar simple, natural and little refined? It is because of such qualities, Mahavira's Ardhamagadhi or Prakrit was compared with cloud-water by scholars like Nemisadhu, Ajada and others. And it is because Mahavira, a senior contemporary of Buddha, adopted for the first time in the known mass-instructional history of India, the language of the common masses viz., Ardhamagadhĩ, his teachings could straightway reach the hearts of the listners and win them over to the noble path of life of his ideals.

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8
Studies in Jainology, Prakrit
Now like the medium of Mahavira's teaching, his mode of teaching too outstands with special significance. Of the numerious aspects of his mode of teaching, the discussion of which all would indeed lead to a formation of an independent monograph on the subject, I would rather glean here only a few salient ones: Here again the Ovavaiya Sutta is quite cloquent on how Mahavira spoke and taught his audience:
"Tae nam Samane Bhagavam Mahavire Kuniyassa Aparimiyabala viriyateya māhappa katijutte särayenavatthaniya mahura gambhira ko canigghasa dumdubhissare ure vitthadae kamthe vatthiyae sire samainnae agaralac amammanae sannivaiyāc punnarattara sarassaic josainihärinäsarena Addamāgahic bhasac bhasai Ariha dhammam parikahci”. 26
This passage provides us with the following points of information While preaching or teaching, Mahavira was full of sincerity and enthusiasm; his voice was sweet, solcmn and easily audible to his listeners even in huge number and occupying extensive space; his pronunciation was clear; and his exposition was quite lucid and appealing. Possibly the oft- quoted sanskrit verse enumerating the fourteen qualities of the revered teacher's voice, it appears, is based on such information recorded in such cononical works:
Gambira madhura manoharataram doṣavyapetam hitam Kamthostadivaco nimittarahitam no vātarodhonugatam Spastam tattadabhista vastuyathaka nisseṣabhāṇātmakam Dūrāsannasama samaṁ nirūpaṁ jainaṁ Vasra patunaḥ27
I may point out here that except "nisseṇabhāsātmakam” which concerns the Master's medium of teaching, all other thirteen qualities rather describe his ideal mode of teaching. Further it appears that Mahavira, as a great educationist valued such instruction to one's pupils administered affectionately and

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punctually, for the Ayaramga states the following words as direction to other teachers from the great onc :
“Jahā te diyāpoc cvam te sissādiyā ya rāo ya anupuvveņa vaiya 1ti."28
“Just as the birds feed their young ones day and night punctually, so also should you instruct your pupils.” Moreover Mahāvīra had enormous zeal for educating the people round about him. The Samavāyamga records that the revered ascctic (once) offered 54 replies or explanations in a day in one resting place:
“Samane Bhagavam Mahāvīre egadivaSenain eganisijjāe caupannaim vāgaranaim vagaritthā”. 29
Another important feature of Mahāvīra's mode of teaching is his question-answer or dialogue method employing which, along with crisp analogical illustrations, he made difficult philosophical tenets simple convincing and bringing home the right meaning to the listener even of poor accomplishments. This aspect, I believe; is nicely reflected in the Master's dialogue with Roha anagara on the problem 'whether jīva is earlier or ajīva' given in the Bhagavas which presents a vivid picture of his life and work:
“Puvvim Bhamte! amdae pacchā kukkudi, puvvim kukkndi pacchā andae? Rohā se nam amdae kau? Bhayavam, kukkudio Sā ņam Kukkuļi Kao? Bhante, amda-yão. Evameva Rohā! Se ya amdae Sa ya kukkuļi puvimpete pacchapete duve te sāsayā bhava anānupuvvi csā Roha”30
“Just as hen-and-egg are 'anānupuwi (beginningless), similarly ure the sīva and ajiva.” But this metaphysical tenet has been effectively brought home through such lively dialogue method. Lastly I would present a very important aspect of the great social reformer's mode of teaching that Mahāvīra always kept before his eyes the social grade and the receptive capacity of his listeners. Winternitz observes in this regard, “In order to make his meaning

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comprchensible to his hcarers, he (Mahavira) used 10 condescent very low to the level of their intelligence and draw on incidents familiar to them from their daily lives."" The Bhagavi contains several references that testisy to this unique aspect of the great seer's mode of teaching. Among them the following one is so very intcresting:
“Kei parise tarune balava jāva niuna-sippovanae purisam junnam jarajajjariya jāva dubbala kilamia jamala-pānina muddhanam si abhihanijjā. . . . . . tassa purisassa veyanahimto pudhavi-kāic. . . . . . .veyanam paccanubhavamanc viharai.”32
"Just as a weak ailing old man, when struck on head with hard blow by a very strong young man, feels pain, similarly an earth-bodied being too when struck (or hurt) experiences far the greater pain than that.” It is just pleasure to read and repeat such passages for Mahāvira's voice and mode of teaching.
Thus Lord Mahavira by adopting the natural language of the common masses as the medium of his preaching and teaching for the first time in the known mass instructional history of India, and by teaching them in an ideal mode with all sincerity, solemnity, zeal, skill, resourcefulness, and sense of purpose, he proved to be a doyen of effective instruction to common people, great educationist, teacher and social reformer and stands before us even today as a rich source of light and inspiration.

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REFERENCES AND NOTES
Paper presented at the All India Seminar (Jain Visva-Bhārati), Jaipur, 1975 and published in Tulasī Prajnā, Jan- March, 1976 Samavāyamga Sutta 110, Suttāgame I, Gudgaum 1953, p. 346. Ovavaiya Sutta, 32, Suttāgame II, Gudgaum 1954, p.21. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Comparative Grammar of the Prakrit languages, Varanasi, 1957, Intro. p.15. Acāranga Curni 7, Ratlam 1941, p. 255. Vide Studies in the Bhagavatisutra, Muzaffarpur 1964, p.341. Cāvundarāya Purāna, Bangalore 1928, p.67. The context is Samavasarana of Rşabhadeva. Ibid. p.115. Ed. R.Narasimhachar, Bangalore 1923. Ibid The author further argues in his Commentary: Like Sanskrit Kannada language too is worthy of critical study; if anybody says that it is not so, then how could it form a part of the body of divine speech? Hence its grammar should be reduced to rules. Morcover Kannada contains varied and rich aspects of literature and in it was composed the great Cūdāmani, containing 96,000 granthas, a commentary on the Tattvärthasūtra.
10. 11. 12.

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14.
15.
Vide Studies in the Bhagavati Sūtra, p.477. Bhagavan Sutta 5, 4, 190, Suttāgame 1, p.477 (i) It may also aim at showing the contrast that the Vedic priests honoured Sanskrit because it was the language of Gods; but in Jainism gods honoured Ardhamagadht because it was the language of the common people. (ii) Jaina gods that way arc sociable and polite: “Devā vi tassa panamamti jassa dhamme sayā mano." "Even gods bow down to them whose mind is ever absorbed in picty.” : Dasaveyaliya Sutla, 1. 1. (i) Vide observations of Mahendrakumar Nyayacarya, Preface to Adipurana, I Bharatiya Jnanapitha, Kashi, 1963. (ii) Väkpatiraja in his Gaudavaho (v.93) similarly compares Prakrit, the hatural language, with the occan, whence all water comes and wherein it merges. Perhaps owing to this fact some of the sentences in Ayaramga compare well with those in the Buddhist Dhammapada and Suttanipāta. Vide Jain Sahity Kā Brhat Itihās (Part 11), Varanasi 1966, p.98. (i) Jinadasagani (7th cent. A.D.) nicely puts forth this possibility in his Nisītha Cūrni. Pt. Haragovindadas Sheth strongly defends this view refuting authors in his intro. to the Pāiasaddamahannavo (Revised edition), pp. 32-34. (i) This is obviously Western Magadha area. (i) The twelve-year famine and the consequent migration and return of a bulk of the group of monks is one of the causes of such changes. (ii) Dr. P.B. Pandit observes that from the point of view of place the Jaina Canon is linguistically less influenced than that of the Buddhist one. Vide Prakrta Bhasā, Benares 1954,
17.
18.
.
pp. 19-20.

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20.
21.
(i) Sheth notes that prior to Hemacandra, Sthananga and Anuyogadvāra called it isibhasita or isibhāsia, Ibid, p.37. (ii) Pischel notes the views of Trivikrama too in this regard, Ibid, p.14. Jinacanda Bhikhu observes that the first Samacarī of the 26th chapter of the Uttarajjhayana is 'svādhyāya' (Study of Scripture) that aims at training teachers in this regard, Vide Intro. to Suttagame I, p.14. Ibid, p.19. Ibid, p.19. Schubring observes that this Old Ardhamāgadhi is an idiom prior to the language of the present canonical texts. Vide the Doctrine of the Jainas, Delhi, 1962, fn. 2, p.40. We shall also find it below in some of the passages quoted in the course of discussion on his mode of teaching. Ovavaiya Sulta, 32, Suttāgame 11, p.21. Bhaltākalanka proudly, quotes, it, Ibid. Ayaramga Sutta, 1, VI. 4, Suttāgame, I, p.21. Samavayamga Suita, 132, Suttāgame, I, p.350. Bhagavai Sutta, I. 6.53, Suttāgame I, p.403. The History of Indian Literature, Vol.II, Calcutta, 1933, p.443. Bhagavai Sutta, 19.3.654, Suttāgame I, p. 785.
26.
30.
31.
32.

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AHIMSA AS REFLECTED IN
THE MULĀRADHANA
Religion has played a dominant role along the course of the history of mankind; and in almost all known religions of the world, ahimsa has been given a place with varied limitations. In India in 600 B.C., Jainism and Biddhism stood up in protest to the Vedic religion mainly on the principle of ahimsa that severely sufferred in rites like yajña etc. In Buddhism the theory and practice of ahimsa had their own limited scope. But in Jainism ahimsa was made to hold the pivotal position in its entire ethical and metaphysical system. To repeat the words of Dr. Bool Chand : "The way in which the doctrine of ahimsa is made to pervade the whole code of conduct is peculialry Jain".

Now it is essential to remember that the Jaina theory and practice of ahimsa are older than the Vedic religion. According to tradition the gospel of ahimsa was first preached by Rṣabhadeva. But in c. 1500 B.C. Aristanemi2, the 22nd Tirthankara, a cousin of Krsna, at the sight of the cattle tied together for his own wedding feast exemplified the practice of ahimsa by renouncing the world instantly. Then Parsvanatha, the 23rd Tirthankara (c. 800 B.C.), systematized the Jaina Philosophy by placing before the world his Caujjamadhamma where ahimsā had its first place, which later, was also maintained in Mahavira's elucidated system of the

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pañcamahāvvaya etc.
Then whatever Mahāvīra preached and taught regarding ahimsā came down through oral tradition and finally settled in the canonical texts. Now, here. I propose lo present, with observations, the outstanding facets of ahimsā as reflected in thu Anusisti Adhikara (the Section on Religious Instruction) of the Mulārādhanā of Sivārya, a highly estecmed Prakrit (Jaina Sauraseni) text of the pro-canon of the Digambaras belonging to c. 1st century
AD 3
The Mülārādhanā bclongs to that age when the Digambara and Svetambara sects were not much different from one another. Moreover Sivärya tells us that the entire carly canonical knowledge has been condensed in this work :
ärahanānivaddham savvampi hu hodi sudanānam |
Hence the contents of the portion of ahimsā in this work arc of considerablc importance. The context of this portion of the tcxt is as follows:
The Kșapaka or Arādbaka is on the samstara (his bed for the great final vow, viz., bhaktapratyakhyāna) and is cxerting himself in the various austerities like kāyotsarga (complete indifference to body), anuprcksās (spiritual reflections) etc., which destroy the karman gradually. At this stage, the Niryāpakācārya (the Superintending Teacher), silling by his side, slowly and effectively instructs him in the manifold aspects of religious tenets and practices, so that he may develop disguest for worldly life and longing for salvation. This course of instruction, naturally, also contains the topic of the pañcamahavrata; and the sub-topic of ahimsā is covered by some 47 gahās : 776 to 822
Amongst these 47 gāhās several contain exposition of the following facets of ahimsā which, amidst others, are usually found as laid down or discussed in other canonical texts, excgetical works and also in śrāvakācāras (trcatises on the householder's conduct):
(i) Definition of himsa (ii) Equality of all souls

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(iii) Five-fold indulgence in himsa (pañcapayoga) (iv) Bhavahimsa
(v) Consequences of committing himsa
(vi) Mathematical calculation of the 108 types of himsa (vii) Role of guptis and samitis in the successful practice of ahimsa
Hence repetition and enumeration of these here would be neither necessary nor practicable. So I would pick up only the significant facets of ahimsa for our discussion here :
After duly defining himsa, the Acarya lays down the basic concept of ahimsa in Jainism :
jaha te na piyam dukkham taheva tesim pi jāna jivānam evam nacca appovamio jivesu hohi sadāR |
-8
Just as you do not like pain, so also other beings dislike it. Knowing this, treat them ever as your own self (and abstain from causing any injury to them).
This gaha reminds us the famous passage in the Ayaranga
Sutta:"
savve pana piyauya suha saya, |
dukkha padikula appiya vahā piya jivino, |
jiviu kāmā savvesim jiviyam piyam.
All beings are fond of life, like pleasure, hate pain, shun destruction, like life, long to live. To all life is dear.10
Then we also remember a similar gaha in the Dasaveyaliya
Sutta:11
savve jiva vi icchanti jīvām na marijjium |
tamhā pāṇi-vahām ghoram nigganthā vajjayanti nam |
All beings desire to live and not to be slain. Therefore, the Jaina monks avoid the horrible act of killing living beings.
An all sided consideration and scrutiny of this passage and these two gahas would indicate us that the passage in the Ayaranga Sutta could be rather a direct and close echo of what Mahavira

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taught on the basic concept of ahimsa in his own simple, effective and inimitable way; and the gahas in the Muläradhana and Dasaveyaliya could be an indirect and distant echoes of the same. Then in another gaha, the Acarya holds out the greatness of ahimsa amongst other vows:
12
There is nothing smaller than the atom and larger than the sky. Similarly there is no vow which is greater than ahimsā. This same idea is elucidated in the very next gaha13 by comparing ahimsa with the loftiest Mount Meru.
-13
Further, we find an exposition of ahimsa as an all comprising
VOW:
17
Just as the sky contains all the three worlds and the earth holds all the oceans, similarly (the practice of) ahimsa comprises within it (the practice of) all the vows, vratas, šilas and gunas.
15
Then in the next two gahās," the Acarya describes, in the same figurative language and style, the pivotal position of ahimsa in the entire scheme of the ascetic vows. This description can be summerised as follows:
14
Ahimsa is the hub of the wheel of religion that holds together the spokes of sila which as well support the outer ring (the ascetic conduct). Moreover the silas play a protective role towards the vow of ahimsa like the hedge towards crop.
Further, it is explained that by practising ahimsā, the first vow, the other four vows can also be successfully observed. At this context, I remember R.William's observations on Amṛtacandra, author of the Puruṣartha- siddhyupaya Amṛtacandra explains "every other vrata is but a restatement in different terms of the content of the first". 17
Hence we can say that ahimsa also acts as a Master Key for other vows to be operated for salvation.
18

At one spot the Acarya, in his own sarcastic style, brings out the universal range and positive nature of ahimsa by contrasting it with a Brahmanic religious dictum:

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gobamhanitthivadhamettiniyatti jadi have paramadhammo | paramo dhammo kiha so na hoi jā savva bhūda-dayā |||
If abstention from killing merely the cow, the Brahmin and the woman could make one religion supreme, why could not another religion, with compassion unto all beings, be accepted as supreme?
And lastly, we cannot afford to ignore Śivarya's exemplification of social cquality and corrigible opportunity for any violent culprit, admitted by the practice of ahimsa in Jainism, through an illustration of thc story of a candāla, who was thrown in the Śimsumāra region of hell, but who, later, was worshipped by gods for observing the vow of ahimsā for a short time.
In conclusion, we can note : This portion of the text in the Mūlaradhana presents a panoramic view of the various facets of the theory and practice of ahinisā as a great vow. One of the gahäso contains the basic concept of ahimsä in Jainism - almost an indirect and distant echo of Lord Mahavira's words on ahimsā. By liberally using illustrations etc., rather than often advancing logical arguments, the author, who is a master of cononical knowledge as well as a skilled teacher, imprints on our mind the great, all comprising, all pervading, pivotal, universal and positive nature of ahimsā in the system of the ascetic (and also partly applicable to the lay) conduct. Hence there is no wonder if some of the above cited gahas prominently appear under the topic of ahinsa in the recent learned compilations iike the Jinavāni' and encyclopaedic works like the Jainendra Siddhānta Kosa.22

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REFRENCES AND NOTES
Paper presented at the All India Conference on Ahimsa in Jainism, (Virāyatan), Rajagriha 1980 and published in Jain Journal, Vol. XXII-1, 1981. Lord Mahāvīra, Sannati Series No. 2 Varanasi, 1948, p.73. Scholars have accepted the historicity of Aristanemi: If Krsna, the arch-figure in the Mahābhārata War, is accepted as a historical person, his cousin is bound to be so. For my study here, I have followed the Solapur edition, 1935. Gähā, 2103. (i) This is Anusisti-instruction. This Section (XXXVI) contains gahās 720 to 1489. (ii) Dr. A. N. Upadhye remarks: "The Section on Anuśisti is a fine didactic work by itself. Thus for the Jaina monk its importance is very great and its Study simply indispensable." Intr. to Brhatkathakośa, Singhi Jaina- Series 17, Bombay 1943, p.52. Nos. 776, 783, 800, 801, 807, 808, 811, 816, 817, 818, etc. In gahā No. 776. No. 777. Ayāro Il-3, 63-64: Ed. Muni Śrī Nathmalji, Jaina Svet. Terapanthi Mahāsabhā, Calcutta, 1967, p.29. Prof. Hermann Jacobi's translation: Jaina Sūtras (Part- I), Sacred Books of the East, Vol. XXII Delhi, 1964, p.19. Dasaveyaliya Suttam, Ch. VI, gahā 11:Ed. Prof. N. V. Vaidya, Pune, 1937.
11.

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12. 13.
14.
No. 784. No. 785. (i) No. 786. (ii) Somewhow thc Vijayodaya Commentary of Aparajita Suri does not say anything more about this gaha. But it is curious to know that the Musacāra (M.D...Series 23, Bombay, V.S.1980), in its Silagunaprastaradhikära states, with calculation, that there are in all 18,000 protective rules of conduct (gahā 2) and 84,000,00 gunas – ascetic virtues (gaha 8 and onwards). All this gives us an idea of uitae scientific working-out of the Jaina way of ahinsa in the conduct of the monk. Nos. 787-788. No. 791. Jaina Yoga, London, 1963, p.64. No. 792. No. 822. No. 777. Ed. Dr. H. L. Jain, Bharatiya Jnanapitha, New Delhi, 1975. Part I, Ed. Jinendra Varni, Bhāratiya Jnānapitha, New Delhi, 1970.
15. 16.
IX

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| 3
ON SAMYAMA IN JAINISM
In every religion or philosophical system of the world, there is some distinct place for Samyama (self-restraint or sclf-control) with different degree of importance, commensurate with its nature of conccpl, scope and objective ctc. In Jainism it holds rather the key position and pervades its whole religious system, particularly ils Ethical Disciplinc al all levels, with varicd degrees of intensity and plays its manifold instrumental roles with remarkable cffectiveness.
The general meaning of Samyama in our day-to-day life is restraint, control, temperate attitude towards an object or act clc. In different religious or philosophical systems of India, Samyama is generally taken to mcan restraint or control of the sense organs - indriya nigraha. Jo Patanjala Yoga the term Samyama is technically used for the last three stages of Yoga :
“Dharana-dhyana-Samadhitrayantarangan Samyamapadavācyam.”
nieaning thereby, accomplishment of absolute concentration of mind. Jainism, which has emerged from the far ancient Sramanic Cultural Tradition of India has naturally given, from its early days, utmost importance to Samyama, the various phases and shades of which are seen in the various vows or rules úiscipline, Codes of Conduct (both for ascetics and laymen) and doctrines propounded by thc Jina. Morcover, the Jainācāryas and eminent scholars have

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often highlighted the importance or significance of Savama in their respective works that have come down to us for centuries along. Let us, now, clucidate these reflections at some length :
· Jainism is envisaged as 'Ethical Rcalism', wherein an ideal path leading to human perfection or bliss is propounded by the Jina. This whole doctrine is wonderfully cpitomized by the great Umāsvāmi in a single sūtra in his Tativārtha-Sūtra (S.I.) :
“Samyagdarsana-jñāna-caritrani moksamärgah.”
Right Faith, Right Knowledge and Right Conduct constitute the Path leading to perfection, bliss or cmancipation. To have the Right Faith in and accomplish the Right Knowledge of the seven Principles (tattvas-jiva, ajīva etc.) laid down in Jainism, one has to possess a stable and resolute mind, for which Samyama is essential. Further, Right Conduct or Ethical Discipline, is of two kinds : Onc is prescribed for monks and the other for house, helders. Th. first consists of Five Great Vows or viriure's
pancamahāvrata - ahimsā, satya ctc.) and Eight Secondary Vows (5 Samitis and 3 guptis) of protective and regulative nature. The second consists of Five Small Vows (panca- anuvratas) and Seven Secondary Vows (3 gunavratas and 4 siksāvratas) of strengthening the regulative nature. The first kind of conduct is rigorous and the second moderate to suit the householder's life. In both the cases and in the practice of all vows, principle and secondary, Samyama plays its manifold roles with the required degree of rigour and stress and with certain objuctives.
Moreover in the 28 Basic virtues - mulagunas of the monk (enumerated with 11 categories in the Mūlācāra, Ch. I, gahā 3), and the 8 Basic Virtues - astamulagunas of the houscholder, described in the various works on Sravakācāra) as pre-requisito of Right Faith - Samyagdrsti, Samyama stands at their very roots. Further, the daily observance of Samayika (practice of equanimity), Kāyotsarga (Feeling of indifference to bodily cxistence), anuprcksa (objective meditation) etc. is nothing but regular practical exercise

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in self-restraint, needed for the sustenance and consolidation of the already adopted vows est rules of conduci. Morcover, the vow of Sallckhana (Emaciation of body and passions and voluntary submission du death), which is compulsory for monks and optional for householders and which froms the summit of the two-fold Ethical Discipline, almost hinges on Samyama itsell in its sublime spirit.
Going a little deeper, we find that some of the vows or virtucs like parigraha-parimāna-vrata (putting limitation to one's possession of material objects) hold out the requirement and benefit of Saniyama on socio-cconomic plane. So also docs anekānta (1hc Doctrine of Non-absolutistic way of Approach) on the plane of though. The virtue of ahimsā (non- violence or non-hurting), which forms the superb factor in the Jaina Ethical Discipline, and which is also known as the fundamental Doctrinc in Jainism, rather breathes Samvamit throughout Not only that, it is Samyama itsell. 'The Praśnavyakarana - sutra (the tenth Anga of the Archamagadhi Canon, Ch. VI, S.21) cnumerates Satyama as the 40th of the 60 synonyms of ahinsä. Several Jaina Canonical and non- canonical works like the Mularadhanā, Upasākādlyayana etc. characterise the Jaina Faith as dahavihadhammo or dasalaksanadharmah (Religious faith comprising ten-fold characteristics or moralities), wherein Samyama forms the 6th characteristic-morality. In such works, the monk or ascetic, who is expecteu o cultivate sell-restraint rigourously for the maintenance of the enjoined virtues of rules of conduct, is called Samyamī, Samjamī, Samyata, Samjaya etc., (Vide the Uttarādhyayana-sutra Ch. XXII, whcrin Rahanemi is called Samyata (Samjaya) and Rajímatī Samyatā (Samjaya). The Aupapātika-sūtra uses the term Samyama (Samjaya) to denote the Code of Conduct of the layınan. Morcover, Samyama, which forms one of the householder's.
6 Daily Duties, is interpreted by Ācārya Jinasena and his followers, as 'Duly carrying out the 5 Small Vows'.
Lastly, to bring out the be-all and end-all nature of Samyama

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in Jainism, I would just quote what Bhadrabhahu-tl (C.505 A.D.) has stated in his pithy-style in the Acaranga Niryukli (gahā No. 245):
Logassa säram dhammo Dhammampi nānasariyam bimui Nanam sanjama-sāram Samjama-sāran nivvānam “The (rea!) excellence of the world is dharma; and dharma is said 10 be the outcome of knowledge. Knowledge is the epitome of self-restraint; and the quintessence of self-restraint (ultimately) is perfection, bliss or cmancipation.”
To recapitulate and conclude, Samyama (self- restraint) is concupied, along with its wide scope and noble objectives, is one of the most significand human qualities or virlues in Jainism. It appears like a strong and perennial under- current of the marathon stream of the Jaina Doctrine (Jain Siddhanta) is a whole, more particularly of its unique tribulary viz., ils Ethical Discipline - Ācāradharma Iis the day to day life of the Jaina Community, comprising ascetics, nuns, pious laymen and layw'omen, Samyama is enjoined to be an indispensable accessory virtue that would aid, guide, regulate, consolidate and strengthen their various vows or rules of conduct ind, thus, help to build the super structure of an idcal individual and social morality, so as to lead to ones perfection and bliss. Grasping at least the essentials of all this, if man, in general, cultivates and practises genuine sell- restraint to an optimum degree on the various planes of his lifo - moral, social, cconomic, political, ccological clc., he could no doubt make the present sick world a better place to live in.

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SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY
Paper published in Ahinisā Voice, May 1991. Tallvārtha-sūtra, J.L.Jain Memorial Series - 2, Bombay, 1956. Mularādhanā of Sivakotyācārya, Solapur, 1935.
Mulācāra of Vattakera, M.D.J.Series - 19, Bombay, V.S. 1977.
Acaranga- sūtra (with Niryukti), D.L.P.Series, Bombay, 1925.
Prasna-vyākarna-sūtra, Ed.Amara Muni, Sanmati Jñanapitha, Agra, 1973.
Uttaradhyayana-sútra, Agama Sahitya Samiti, Calcuttin, 1967.
Ralna-Karandaka Srävakacara, Svāmi Samantabhadra, Bijnore, 1937.
Vasunandi Śrāvakūcara, Ed, Hiratal Jain, Varanasi, 1952.
Parisista Parvan of Hemachandra, Ed.Herman Jacobi, Calcutta, 1932.
Ethical Doctrines in Jainism, K.C.Sogani, J.J.Granthamala, No. 19, Solapur, 1967.
Jaiba Yoga, R. Williams, London Oriental Series, No.44, London, 1963.
Compendium of Jainism, T.K.Tukol, Karnatak University, Dharwad, 1989.
Vaddarad hanc : A study, B.K.Khadabadi, Karnatak University, Dharwad, 1979.
Śramana Tradition, G.C.Pande, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad, 1978.
. Paia-sadda-mahannvo, H.T.Sheth, Calcutta, 1925-38.

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Studies in Jainology, Prakrit
ON VINAYA IN JAINISM
Ethical Discipline (Acaradharma) being a very important facet of Jainism, the ancicnt Jainá Scers and thinkers have picked up certain valuable human virtues and given them specific places in their Scheme of Conduct, prescribed for ascetics as well as the laity; and Vinaya is one of such virtues to have that honour and stalus. Apart from the general or dictionary meaning of this term, such as modesty, humility, polite conduct, decorum or gentle behaviour etc., Jaina Seers have invested it with certain special qualities, that are expecied to produce certain results, which are conducive to the development of individual personality and healthy society, and also to the maintenance of stability and perpetuation of the Secred Law. This phenomenon is lucidly reflected in several Works found in ilio various strata of their literature--canonical, commentarial, didactic, narrative ctc.
Commentator Aparajitasuri (c.800 A.D.) in his Vijayodaya commentary on the Mülaradhana of Sivakotyācārya (c.100 A.D.), a Digambara Pro-canonical work, defines Vinaya as follows:
“Vinayati apanayati yaikarmasubham todvinayah."
“Thai which removes, keeps away or destroys inauspious or sinful acts is Vinaya".
According to Pl. Asadhara, an crudite scholar of the medieval period and author of the Anagaradharmamrta (1243 A.D.), Vinaya mcans control over senses and passions and huinble attitude

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towards reverential personalities.
It is so very important to mark that Vinaya forms the subject of the first Chapter or Sermon of the Uttarādhyayana- sūtra, an important Mūla-sutra belonging to the Ardhamāgadhi Canon, which is meant for the instruction and training of the younger monks. Muni Sri Nathamallaji, in his introduction to this Chapter (Āmukha, p.3) of this Sūtra cdited by himself, gives on the strenght of some canonical works, the following five mcanings of Vinaya:
1. Anuvartana - regard, obedience, following 2. Pravartana - Proper behaviour, governing 3. Anusasana - enjoined rule of conduct, or precept 4. Susrüşā - service to teachers and elders 5. Sistacara- paripalana - due observance of good manners
He then notes that, in this Chapter all these meaningful clements are propounded. He furiher observes that this Chapter represents all the aspects of Vinaya and in it they are systematically explained for the younger monks, for the reason that in ancient days a well-maintained the teacher-pupil tradition had great importance in monastic circles, which protected and perpetuated the Sacred Law taught by the Jina.
Canonical and other works generally classify Vinaya into five kinds :
1. Jaanta-vinaya - regard for knowledge 2. Darsana-vinaya - regard for faith 3. Cāritra-vinaya - regard for conduct 4. Tapa-vinaya - pleasant attitude towards austerity. 5. Upacara-vinaya - Observance of good manners with others.
The first four arc of basic value and the last one is concerned with the day to day practical life. The Tapa-vinaya is further divided into 3 kinds: mental, verbal and physical (bodily service), which are further divided into two : direct indirect. All this shows the extent of dcfth to which the Jaina Seers have gone while formulating the scope of their concct of Vinaya.

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Ācārya Vaitakera in his Mülacara (c.100-200 A.D.), another important Pro-canonical works of the Digambaras, Ircats the subject fo Vinaya at some length, and brings out its significance in the following gahā (V.211).
Vinacna vippahīnassa, Havadi sikkhā savvā niratthayā. Vinao sikkhāc phalam Vinaya - phalam savva- kallanam.
The whole oducation of one, devoid of Vinaya, is futile The fruit of education (acquiring knowledge) is Vinaya; and the fruit of Vinaya is one's overall progress in life.
He then (gahā V.213) elucidates : Vinaya is not indicative of mental slavery, but it is the manifestation of peculiar qualities Delonging 11) one's soul and day to day practical life, its il embodies the following qualities :
1. Arjava · Straight-forwareness 2. Mardana modesty, soltness 3. Lughava - dispassionate attitude 4. Bhakti • devotion, faith 5. Pralhada-karana - pleasing nature
Morcover in course of time. Vinava bears the following Truits (results) (gaba V.214): Fame, friendship jispelling of price, respect for icachers and ellers, regard for the Doctrine propounded by the Jina and appreciation of others) virtues.
The Mularadhanā provieds an independent Chapter (Adhikara IV, gāhās 112-131) for the treatment of Vinaya, incorporating the same above noted gahas and also adding a few morc, among which the following one deserves special notice (gahā IV-129):
Vinao mokkhaddaro, Vinayadu samjamo tavo nānam.

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Vinacia arahijjai, Ayario sawa-samgho.
“Vinaya is the gate of salvation; it is Vinaya with which one can accomplish self-restraint, austerity and knowledge, and one can win over (the favour of) the Acrya and even the (whole) Sangh - the Jaina social organization."
This gahā also helps us to cxplain why some canonical works, like the Upasakadasah and Aupapatika- sutra, have straightway used the term Vinaya in the sense of Samyama and Caritra - cthical discipline.
Further the Tattvärtha-sūtra, the Bible of Jainism, points out (VI.6.1) that Vinaya- sampannatā - possessing of Vinaya is one of the 16 virtucs that constitute excellent moral character (of ascetics as well as houscholders).
Then it is interesting 10 note that Hemacandra in his Yogasäsira enlists Saumya - modest, soft cte, as one of of 35 qualities of an illustrious houscholder. Similarly, Santisuri in his Dharmaratna-Prakarana another treatise, of the medicval period, on the householder's uits, enlists Vinita leing possessed of Vinaya, as one of the 21 qualities of an ideal layman. Moreover, Vinaya is one of the six abhyantara-tapas - internal austerities, tapa being a form of self-discipline or self-training for spiritual life.
Litstly I would just present a literary evidences, one annient and canonical, and the other medieval and narrative-cum-didactic, which highlight the prime importance of Vinaya in Jainism.
(1) In the story of Sclaka in the Nayadhamma-Kahão, the Sixth Anga of the Ardhamagadhi Canon, Jina Dharma is referred 10 as Vinaya- mula-dharma - Faith based on Vinaya, which is twofold: agara-vinaya (for houscholders) and anagara-Vinaya (for monks), Vinaya thereby mcaning Ethical Discipline - Acaradharma.
“Tac nam Thāvaccaputic Sudamsaņain vayasi Sudamsaņā vinayamule dhamme pannatte. Te viya vinae duvihe pannatte tamjaha

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rakai
agara- vinae anagara-vinac va."
(2) The Upadesamäla of Sanghadāsagani states: Vinao sāšanc mūlan, Vinao samjamo bhavc. - Vinayão vippamukkassa, Kao dhammo kao tao.
Vinaya is the foundation of the teachings of the Jina; and Vinita (alone) could be self-restrained. How one, devoid of Vinaya, accomplish Dharma-righteous way of life or tapa - austerity or self-discipline.
A careful consideration of all these salient statements on the special qualities of the virtue of Vinaya, as reflected in several works in the various Strata of Jaina literature, with which the Jaina Scers and thinkers have equipped this tern, leads us to the following conclusion.
For the proper developmcıl of individual personality and healthy social life, the accomplishment of the virtue of Vinaya is indispensable. A truly wise man or scholar is over Vinita possessed of Vinaya. Vinaya is as good as an accessory of Sanyama - self-restraint, which is a synonym of or another name for Ahimsā itself - non violence, the Supreme Doctrine in Jainism. The cultivation of, ai least, some of the practicable aspets of the viriuc of Vinaya by cvery nicmber of the society, would considerably help us towards national harmony and progress, further Icacing to international peace and prosperity.

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-
--
-
SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY
Paper Published in Dr.J.C.Jain felicitation Volume, Calcutta, 1993.
Uttarajjhayañana, Ed. Muni Shri Nathamllaji, Agama Prakāšana Samiti, Calcutta, 1967.
Nayadhamma-Kahão, Agamodaya Samiti, Bombay, 1919. Prasna-vyakarana-sūtra, Ed.Amar Muni, Agra, 1973. Mūlācāra of Vattakerācārya, M.D.J.Scries, Bombay, 1977. Mūlarādhanā of Sivakotyācārya, Solapur, 1935. Tillvärtha-Sutra of Umasvami, Varanasi, 1955. Upadeśamala of Samghadasagani Ahmedabad, 1933. Upasakādhyayana of Somadeva-Suri, Delhi, 1964.
Anagara-Dharmāmrta of Pt. Asadhara, M.D.J.Scries, Bombay, 1976.
Yoga-sastra 'of Hemacandra, Bibliothica-India Series, Calcutta, 1921.
Dharmāralna Prakarana of Shantisuri, Bhavanagar, 1913. Doctrine of the Jainas, Walther Schubring, Delhi, 1962. Paia-sadda-mahannavo, H.C.Sheth, Calcutta, 1923-28.

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5
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LORD MAHAVIRA'S GOSPEL
AND MALADIES OF THE
PRESENT DAY WORLD

If we reflect for a moment on the various events, situations and conditions occuring or prevailing today in different parts of the world, as known from reliable media of mass-communication like the press, the TV., the Radio etc., we are set aghast by the numerous of them like hte following ones: Arms-race between great powers arising from lust for supremacy as well as mutual fear and hatred, has driven our planet almost to the brink of total destruction, terrorism, involving killing of innocent people including women and children, has struck at the very root of peaceful and carefree living; smuggling, robbery, hijacking, sabotage etc., take place with almost professional skills; ecological disturbance, caused by man for selfish ends, has led to permanent the annihilation of some species of animals and birds; creation of peculiar health hazards and provocation of nature's wrath; an undue permissiveness among members of some sections of the society who take pride in abhoring all old standards and adopting ultra-moderm and strange life-styles, has given rise to and spread bad habits like drug-addiction and catching of formidable diseases; there are human deaths and deadly conditions owing to hunger, oppression, adulteration, hoarding, scarcity etc; in some sections of the

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33
society individuals and groups of people can squander money and material at will, in others individuals and groups go on begging or breathing abrupt poverty throughout life.
Remedies against these and other individual and socio-economic troubles or maladies, so spreadingly found among peoples of the present day world, are being sought at different levels, by different agencies and in different parts of the globe. But there seems to be a very little improvement. A deep and unbiased thinking over all this state of affairs would rather indicate that all these maladies have sprung up from the crisis of character of moral values in the present human society in general and a soothing change has to come from within; and, hence, remedies have to be necessarily directed at building up a healthy human character itself. For this, now, we have to remember, deliberate and bring into practice the words of great seers of ethico-religious and benevolent insight, who seriously and selflessely pondered, for long, over such and other troubles and problems and laid down means and methods of their solution for the welfare of manking at large. And before my mind, at this thoughtful moment, stands uppermost Lord Mahāvīra with his unique gospel of Acara-dharma, Ethica! Discipline.
Lord Mahavira, the last in the line of the 24 Jinas (the Victorious) or Tirthankaras (Ford-makers across the stream of existence) that flourished in India in the present cycle of time, promulgated and preached in historical days (600 B.C.) the great Acara-dharma (Ethical Discipline) for alleviating and redressing human suffering of varied kinds and magnitudes. It is a two-fold Ethical Discipline or Code of Conduct, one for the ascetics known as muni-dharma and the other for house-holders (the laity) known as Śravaka-dharma one to be practised in its perfection and the other partial (in a Sthūla form) or according to one's own reasonablc capacity (yatha-sakti)1.
Now we are concerned with the second one here. It mainly consists of five vows rules of conduct known as anu-vratas small vows. They are ahimsa - non- violence, satya - truthfulness,

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asteya - non- stealing, brahmacarya - chastity and parimitaparigraha - restricted acquisition. Though most of these vows are found in negative phraseology, they actually bear positive meanings. For example, ahimsā (non- violence) means dayā (compassion for all living beings. Moreover, for bringing into practice each of these rules of conduct in day-to-day life, one has also to accomplish a certain set of corresponding positive virtues. For example, for the observance of ahimsā in every day life, one has also to accomplish maitri (friendship), pramoda (joy), karunā (compassion) and madhyastha (neutral or detatched attitude), which all happen to be excellent social virtues that can make one an honest, cooperative and useful member of a healthy and happy society, besides building his personal character with the requisite qualities which can keep away such troubles or maladies as noted above. Moreover, this code of conduct being catholic in nature and secular in spirit, it can be freely and effectively adopted in human societies of all climes and times.
Today (the 31st March, 1988) being the Birth Anniversary of Lord Mahāvīra, let us bring to our mind a few words from his gospel, that also in his own simple and candid Prakrit voice as preserved in the various canonical and pro-canonical works, at least those words regarding the first rule or virtue of this Ethical Discipline viz., ahimsā - non-violence, which also is the cardinal rule practically comprising the constituent merits and strength of all the other four ones.
Savve pānā piyāuyā suha-sāyā dukkha-padikūla appiya-vahā piya-sīviņo jīviu kāmā sawesim jīviyam piyam.
All beings are fond of life, desire pleasure, hate pain, shun destruction, like life, long to live. To all life is dear.

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Savve jiva vi icchapli jīvium na marijum tamkā pāni-vaham gheran... ... ...
All beings desire to live and not to be stain. Therefore killing living beings is horrible..........
Jaha le na piyam dukkham laheva tesimpi jana jīvanam, evam naccă appovamia jīvesu hohi sada.
Just as you do not like pain, so also other beings dislike it. Knowing this, treat them ever as your own self (and abstain from causing any injury to them).
(IV)
Jaha te na piyaṁ dukkham jania cmeva savvajīvanan, savvāyaramuvautto attovammona kunasu diyam'.
Just as your do not like pain, similarly oiher beings dislike it. Understanding this and trcating all beings with duc regard like your own self, extend compassion to them.
Savvo vi jahāyase logo bhumie savvediudadhi, taha jāņa ahimsae vadagunaśīlāni titthanti.co
The sky covers the whole world and the earth (globe) holds all the islands and oceans. Similarly ahimsā comprises all (other) vows and (their) protective virtues too..
It may be noted that the kind of Ethical. Disciplinc, discussed here with ahimsā as its cardinal aspect, need not be taken as an utopian prescription for the present aching world. Mahātmā Gandhiji, who was considerebly influenced in the early part of his life by the Jaina religio- ethical tradition, long prevailing in Gujarat, which also had its impact on his family ancestors and elders, has

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already successfully experimented, with truth and non-violence, towards thc solution of grcat socio-political problems, with astounding results. Hence it is high time now that philanthrophists, advocates of human arian values, promotors of social and economic justice, benevolent stale-heads and seekers of universal peace and co-existence ac, in different parts of the world,should come forward, deliberate over this part of Lord Mahāvīra's gospel and try to adopt it on national and international level for the common good of mankend of the present day civilization.

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REFERENCES AND NOTES
Paper sent for the special member of Gommatavāni, 1988. Both are complementary and they together accomplish for the members of the community (Sangha) personal integrity, social welfare, spiritual progress etc., (i) The rules of conduct laid down for ascetics are known as mahā-vratas - great vows. (ii) There are also prescribed a few supplementary vows, known as guna-vratas and siksā-vratas, which simultaneously help to protect and regulate the anuvratas. (iii) For further details in this regard, see some sources like Intro. to Vasunandi's Sravakācāra by Pt.H.L.Jain (Varanasi, 1952) and Jaina Yoga, by R. Williams (Oxford, 1963). Vide Tattvartha Sutra, VII-2. To be accurate, it is Ardhamagadhi Prakrit. (i) Acārya Amrtacandra, author of the Puruśārtha-siddhyupāya (C.1000 A.D.) explains that all other vows are but restatements, in different terms, of the first one viz., ahimsa. (ii) Dr.K.C.Sogani has recently “endevoured, in the first place, to show that the entire Jaina Ethics tends towards the translation of the principle of ahimsā into practice". Preface, Ethical Doctrines in Jainism, Solapur 1967, p.XT. (iii) Ahimsā - non-violence or compassion, thus, holds a pivotal position in the whole scheme of jaina Ethics and Philosophy and, hence, Jina-dharma has been called Ahimsa-dharma' at several contexts.

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ci
i
no
ai
(iv) Note : "Jayā mūlu dhammu. . . (the dharma having compassion as its base) Sāvaya- dhamma-dohā, V.40. (i) Acaranga Sūtra, 11-3. (ii) I have kept Prof. Jacobi's translation intact. Sacred books of the East, Vol. XXII, Delhi, 1964, p.19. Dasávaikalika Sūtra, VI - 11. Mulārādhanā, v.776. Bhakta Prajnā, V.90. Mularadhanā, v.786. (i) It may be noted that Gandhiji's concept of ahimsā is also considerably subtle and of far-reaching effect. According lo him, "Evil thoughts, sentiments of revenge and brutality, verbal pugnacity and even accumulation of unnecessary things represent examples of personal violence”. (ii) For more details in this regard, vide The social and political Implications of Non-violence' by Dr.V.P.Varni, in Vaishli Research Institute, Bulletin - No.3, Vaishali, 1982. It will not be wrong to accept the view that possibly strong and organized voices of such humanc individuals and associations against the Nuclear Arms Race leading to global catastrophe, may have also contributed a bit towards the recent significant events like the Dclhi Declaration (1986) and the INF-Treaty (1987).
12.

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THE DOCTRINE OF ANEKANTA AND ITS
SIGNIFICANCE
Ahimsā non-violence or non-hurting, aparigraha putting limitation to one's worldly possessions and anekānta non-absolutism are the fundamental tenets or doctrines in Jainism; and they prominently stand as unique contribution to human thought and life. Among these ahimsā holds the key position; thc other two can be'said to be its extended forms on other realms of man's life. Ahimsā plays the cardinal role in man's ethical discipline; aparigraha or rather parimita-parigraha - limited possessions or icchā-parimana - putting limitation to one's desire, happens to be its one extended role on man's socio-economic plane and anekanta-drsti - non-absolutistic attitude the other extended role on the plane of thought.
Philosophically speaking anekānta is the name of Reality which is complex and according to which every object possesses indefinite aspects or characteristics. Dr.T.G.Kalghatgi elucidates it as follows' : Anckanta consists in the many-sided approach to the study of problem. It arose as an anti-dote to the one-sided or absolute approach (ekanta)- to the study of Reality of philosophers in those good old days. Pt.K.C.Sastri explains the same at some

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length and with a few technicalities and illustrations :
Any object, by virtue of its possessing several characteristics, is aneka-darmātmaka - dharma meaning characteristic, and hence, anekāntātmaka - anta meaning dharma. An object may be said to be nitya - imperishable from one point of view and anitya - perishable from another point of view at the same time. This statement, on the face of it, seems to be contradictory, but is the right one for having the full and correct knowledge of the object or Reality. Because from the point of view of dravya - substance, the object is imperishable and from the point of view of paryāya - modes or modifications, it is perishable".
So an object or Reality always possesses an indefinite number of characteristics, which could be of contradictory nature and, hence, one has to take a lotal or synthetic vicw of it. An acceptance or conviction of this kind of view is anckanla; and the acceptance or conviction of one of those points of view is ckānta. Hence the Nayacakra declares" :
“Eyaṁto cyanao hoi, aneyaṁto tassa samūho.” “Acceptance of one point of view is ekanta; and that of totality of the points of view is anekānta.”
To explain this doctrine of anekānta, Jainācāryas have given several illustrations to which Pt.K.C.Shastri refers. I would reproduce here one of them : A few blind men gather near an elephant. Each of them feels by touching one limb of the animal and tells to others that the elephant is like that particular linb. The rest of them do not agree. Thus do all of them. Then there arises a quarrel among themselves. By that time a normal man (with full eye-sight) arrives there and explains to them : That cach one of you have seen by touching one limb of the elephant is not false. The elephant's trunk being like a fleshy fat rope, it appears like such a rope to one. It's legs being like the pillar, it appears like a pillar to the other. Thus taking a compreshensive, total or synthetic view of all the limbs of the elephant, he verbally shows

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or figures out to them the complete or whole elephant. Like this illustration, the exposition of one of the characteristics of an object (Reality) is ekānta; and the exposition of all the characteristics of it is anekānta. And such theory or doctrine is anekānta- vada the Doctrinc of Non-absolutism.
Syädvāda is another related doctrine which has emanaled from anekantavada". The method or system of interpretation of the various characteristics of an object (Reality) is called Syadvada. In other words, it is the cxposer or systematizer of anckānta, showing which one of those characteristics stands with which point of view,
Syal means perhaps, under certain condition etc., and it signifies assertion of probability; and Vāda means theory or doctrine. With such assertion, Syadvada justisiably interprets the anckadharmātmaka Reality in the form of Seven-fold Predication, known as Saptabhangi - bhanga meaning predication. Of these seven predications, only three are fundamental : asti, nāsti and avaktavyam - affirmation, negation and undescribability respectively. With this system of predication, Syadvāda shows that there are in all seven ways of interpreting or describing an object, its attributes and modes. It also demonstrates to us that the same truth can be differently expressed without committing us to any kind of contradiction.
Many a time syādvāda is used as synonym of anekāntavāda. Dr.M.L.Mehta supports such usage in the following statement : The relativity of judgement (syadvāda) is nothing but a relative judgement about an object that possesses indefinite aspects or characteristics. In other words, a relative judgement is not possible unless the object for which that judgement stands is anekāntātmaka.
Moreover syadvada, which is a system of convincingly interpreting anekāntavāda, an important doctrine in Jainism, is also frequently used as a synonym for Jina-pravacana - the (entire) teachings of the Jina°. Prof. Jacobi points out, for example, the reputed Jaina work Syadvada-manjari-Exposition of Jaina Philosophy". Perhaps on such grounds, Dr. Dayanand Bhargav

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10
remarks that syādvāda has almost become a synonym for Jainism itself. Further, syadvāda is also used as a prominent characteristic of the Jina-sasana the (whole) Jaina Doctrine. For example, in Karnataka in almost all Jain inscriptions the opening verse forms the following invocation.11
Śrīmatparamagambhira-Syādvādāmogha-lāmchanam
Jiyat Trailokyanathasya sasanam Jinasasanam May the Doctrine of the Jina be victorious the Doctrine of the Lord of the three worlds, the unfailing characteristics of which is the -glorious and most profound syādvāda.
All these examples, I think, indicate a historical fact that the usage of the term anekāntavāda (standing for one of the fundamental doctrines in Jainism) rather took a back-seat, while that of the term syadvāda (standing as its resultant doctrine ei., emanating from anckantavāda itself), with its attractive method of the seven-fold predication and, thus, catching the imagination of scholars as well as laymen, took the front-seat in certain regions and times.
Whatsoever the nomenclature could have been in practice in certain regions and times, it is undoubtedly anekantavada or anekānta-dṛssti that stands as the basic or primary doctrine playing a singificant role not only in philosophy, but also on the plane or realm of thought in man's life. Anekanta-drsti non-absolistic attitude establishes a kind of propriety and harmony among different persons or bodies looking at an object, a problem or a henomenon from different points of view. It teaches us to show regard for or extend consideration to the other man's view or other side's stand, and to avoid further controversy, misunderstanding, mistrust and quarrel or confrontation. Such approach naturally inculcates constructive attitude and creates for us healthy and peaceful social atmosphere.

It will not be wrong if I point out, in this context, a recent classical example of the importance and value of having regard,
·

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on the part of each contending person or party, for the other person or party. had not President Regan and President Gorbachcv, Heads of two great world power-blocks, having different ideologies, met for summit-talks in their Capitals and discussed issues extending regard and consideration for each others views, the world would have heavily suffered from the catestrophe of heaps of the medium-range nuclear weapons by this time.
Pt.K.C.Shastri thinks that anekanta was born to avoid himsaviolence or to hush up trouble of himsā on the plane of thought, deliberation or discussion. This amounts to saying that to develop anekānta-drsti - non-absolutistic attitude, one has to develop ahimsaka-drsti -non-violent's attiude, which is based on samatā - equality. Perhaps on this ground the Samana- suttam stales13 : In the world of thought the visible form of ahimsā is enakānta.
One who is not violent, would also be non-absolutistic; and one who possesses non-absolutistic attitude, would also be nonviolent.
The significance and efficacy of all such reflections, views and opinions regarding the doctrine of anekānta have stood the crucial test, even in modern days, at the hands of great thinkers like Gandhji. To clucidate this point, I would just reproduce here my own observations presented elsewhere in a similar context!4:
Gandhiji's experiments with non-violence and truth, also comprised the application of non-absolutistic view (anckanta- drsti), for without it, it is hardly possible to reach truth, which is always non-absolute and many-sided. He did apply it to situations in relevant contexts : He often accepted offers of dialogues and deliberations with the authorities of the British regime with the purpose of knowing their own points of view and with that of giving them chances to reconsider his own carlier assertions on paricular issues. He had the same attitude towards his colleagues and leaders of other political organizations in India. On reasonable occasions even he did not hesitate to step back a little and strike
a compromise with the opposite person or group on certain

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questions. We get such examples of his broad-sighted or nonabsolutistic view having been displayed in some of his dealings with the British regime and the Muslim League on certain issues. Lastly, I may point out that Gandhiji's favourite and well-known multi-religious prayer is a unique symbol of his non-absolutistic attitude being put into practice, which has remained for us now as a source of eternal spirituality, fostering universal outlook nad cherishing universal good.
Like Gandhiji if each one of us develop, in out own humble way, anekānta-drsti and practise it, not only our family life and social life will be smooth, happy and peaceful, it would also show its effect on national and international levels in due course. This kind of noble hope is lucidly reflected in the significant words of the great logician Acarya Siddhascna Divakai, which are worth-meditating upon daily by us all:
Jena viņā logassa vi vavahāro savvahā na nivahai, Tassa Bhuvanckka-guruņo namo aneyamta-vāyassa's.
Salutations to the Supreme Preceptor of the World, the Doctrine of Anekānta, without which the daily business or practical life of its people cannot be carried on at all.

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REFERENCES AND NOTES
Paper published in Jain Journal, Vol.XXVI-2, 1992. Jaina Logic, Ahimsā Mandir, New Delhi, 1981, p.8. Bhāratīya Dharma cvam Ahimsā, Ahimsā Mandir, New Delhi, 1983, pp. 143-151. In Jain Logic naya is a point of view. Naya primarily is of two kinds (1) dravyārthika-the point of view of substance and (2) paryayarthika - the point of view of modes. Each of these two are of three kinds, making six as the total number of wayas. With the help of all these six nayas one can investigate the whole Reality and know it. This theory is known as Nayavāda, which is earlier and on which stands the system of Syadvada - the theory of relativity. V.No. 1801. Op. cit., p.147. Some scholars think that Anekantavada and Syadvāda are one and the same. Dr. Darbarilal Kothia rightly opposes this view for Syadvāda, which is bascd on Nayavāda, is just the systematizer of Anekāntavāda. Vide his Jain Darsan aur Nyāya : Udbhav evam Vikas tathā Jain Darsan aur Jain Nyaya : Ek Parisilan, Ahimsā Mandir, New Delhi, Vira Samvat 2513, p.p. 61-62. Outlines of Jaina Philosophy, Jain Mission Society, Bangalore, 1954, p.118. Vide Studies in Jainism, Prof. Hermann Jacobi, Ahmedabad, 1945, p.51. Ibid. Jaina Ethics, Varanasi, 1968, Preface, p.vii.
10.

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11.
(i) Dr. B.A.Saletore projects this l'amous verse with all pride at the opening of his treatise Medieval Jainism, Karnatak Publishing House, Bombay, 1938. (ii) Prof. S.R. Sharma finds this verse even on one of the Memorial Stones (Veeragallu) recording the death of a Jain Hero. Vide his Jainism and Karnatak Culture, Karnatak Historical Research Society, Dharwad, 5 1940, p.55. Vide Op.cit., p.151. Samanasuttam, Varansi, 1975, P From my proposed Special Lectures, under R.K.Jain Memorial Lecture Series, at the University of Delhi, on Śrávakācara-Jaina Code of Conduct for Houscholders. Its Significance and Its Relevance to the Present Time, Lecture III-3. Nyāyāvatāra, V.
14.
15.

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7
VIJAHANĀ AND YAPANIYA
SAMGHA

The mode of obsequies or disposal of the dead is found to have been different among the principle religious communities of the world. At times it has also been different in the same religious community in different periods of its history. Early Jaina texts refer to some customs of obsequies like leaving (according to the instructions of the King) the dead body of an ascetic in a hollow, lake or flowing river, or by the side of these places, leaving exposed on the open ground, cremating etc. But Vijahanā is a very peculiar and interesting mode of obsequies that was in yogue in an early community of Jaina monks. It also forms the subject of an exlusive Chapter in an carly Jaina canonical text.
Vijahanā forms the 40th and last Chapter (Adhikara) in the Bhaktapratyākhyāna Section of the Mulārādhana2 of Śivakotyācārya (c. 1st century A.D.), an important and bulky Prakrit text belonging to the early stratum of the pro-canon of the Digambaras. This Adhikara contains description of Vijahanā, a mode of disposal of the dead body of the Ksapaka (the Aradhaka monk) who dies a Pandita-marana (wise man's death) viz, the Bhaktapratyākhyānamarana i.c., death by systematically abstaining from food. This description spreads over some 34 gāhās (Nos. 1966 to 2000),
3
47

a

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brief survey of which can be given as follows:
When the Kșapaka breathes his last, his dead body should be taken out of the samstara (the Kșapaka's bed on which he observes the great final vow), be placed on a sibikā (a bier) and be removed immediately to the previously decided nisīhiyā (nisadyaka : āradhaka- sarīra-sthapana-sthānam). If it is night time, the congregation should observe jāgarana-bandhan-chedana etc. (Keeping themselves awake, binding and cutting a part of the body like a finger). The nisīhiyā should be preferably at the South-west, the South or the West of the Ksapaka's place and it should be a secluded, pure, plane and hard ground, not very near to, nor far away from the village or town. On such a carefully selected spot, a handful of hay is to be evenly spread and the corpse is to be placed in supine position with its head towards the village or town. Beside the body should be placed the Ksapaka's water-gourd and feather-brush. Then the samgha should return and observe Kāyotsarga, sast etc. On the third day, some members of the samgha, who are well versed in the nimittaśāstra (astrology), should go to the nisihiyā, study the omens, good or bad, for the samgha and for the gaii of the Ksapaka.
Leaving aside some strange beliefs and taboos mentioned in the course of this description, the most outstanding feature that stands before our mind here is leaving or abandoning the corpse of the Ksapaka on an open space outside a village or town. Pl.Premi observes that this method of disposal of the dead body of the Ksapaka is unparallelled and has not becn mentioned in any other of the Digambara works so far available. Pl.Sadasukhaji Kasaliwal also presents similar observation;" but he points out that references to such kind of disposal of the dead are found in some of the Svetāmbara works, which information he got from some Svetambara scholars. But Prof. Walther Schubirng, who describes the Doctrine of the Jainas after the old sources of the Svetāmbara canon, clearly states “the corpse” (of the monk dying a

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pandita-maranna) is cremated as a rule and is equally said of the Titthagaras."7
It is Pt.Premi who suggested that this mode of disposal of the cropse of the Kṣapaka, which mostly resembles the one that is prevalent amongst the Parsis in India, appeas to be one of the characteristic features of the early Yapaniya sect to which Śivakotyācārya or Sivärya belonged; and this author has left behind in his Mūlāradhana this queer feature of the early Yāpaniya sect, which, in later days, seems to have been given up by its later followers. Taking into consideration the date of the Mulāradhana (early centuries of the Christian cra), there is hardly any chance of the Parsis influencing the carly Yapaniyas in this regard. Beacause the Parsis, the followers of Zaratrushttra, camc to India some 300 years before the Norman conquest of England i.c., in c.750 A.D.9
Now one may ask with what ascetic ideal the early Yapaniyas could have adopted this mode of disposal of the corpse of the Knapaka? Possibly because it is the simplest mode and also causing very little himsa to the subtle beings. Moreover the nisihiya could serve as a mini tirtha to the other monks who are expected to visit and clean such nisihiya at the beinning of every season (ṛtu) or caturmasa. This is one of the religious ordinances (thikappa) prescribed in the Mūlārādhanā itself: gaha No.1967.10
Now the question arises when and why this mode of disposal of the corpse of the Ksapaka was given up by the later Yapaniyas? This is difficult to answer, for the specific works of the Yapaniyas have fallen into oblivion and also the Yapaniyas themselves, who were classed as an indepenent sect as early as the 5th or 6th Cent.A.D., were absorbed by the Digambaras in South India, more particularly in Karnatak, by the 10th Cent. A.D. Moreover this type of Vijahana has not been described or mentioned in any other work by a Yapaniya teacher, or otherwise, in any other language including Kannada, which preserves several early insciptional references to the Yapaniya teachers. Even Aparajitasūri

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(c. 7th cent. A.D.), the commentator of the Mūlārādhanā, who is said to have been a Yapaniya, does not give any information of his time about this method. Besides, in the different Kathakośas, associated with the Mularādhanā, where there are references to several monks undergoing the Bhaktapratyakhyāna-marana, there is hardly any description or mention of this type of Vijahaņā. All this means that this appears to have been a peculiar feature of only the early Yapanīya sect i.e., at least that of the period of Sivarya and prior to him.
About some aspects of the Yapanīya schism, eminent scholars like Jayaswal,!Pt.Premi, 13 Dr.P.B.Desai,l4 and Dr.A.N.Upadhye 15 have done some considerable work. And Vijahanā, as described in the Mūlarādhanā, stands as an important and queer feature of the early phase of the Yapanīya sect. Hence it would be in the sitness of things to see whether the Commentaries on and the Kathākośas associated with the Mūlaradhanā, throw any more light on this sect. Except a thorough elucidation of the huge number of the gahās of the Mulārādhanā the Vijayodayā Commentary of Aparajitasūri does not help us in respect of this historical aspect. And Asadhara's Darpana and Amitagati's metircal rendering are of little use to us in this regard. However, there are some Kathākosas associated with the Mulārādhanā, which, in one of their corresponding stories, viz., that of Bhadrabahu," provide us with some interesting bits of information about the background and origin of the Yāpaniya schism, together with some significant spellings of the term for Yapaniya.
Such available Kathākošas are five: (i) The Brhatkathākosa of Harisena in Sanskrit versc (931
A.D.)17
(ii) The Kahakosu of Sricandra in Apabhramsa verse (1100
A.D.)18
(iii) The Kathakośa of Prabhācandra in Sanskrit prose (1100 A.D.)19

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(iv) The Aradhanaā Kathakośa of Nemidatta in Sanskrit verse (1600 A.D.)20
(v) The Vaddaradhane of an unknown author in Old Kannada (c.925 A.D.) 21
Of these, the concerned story, viz., of Bhadrabahu, in the Kathākośas of Prabhācandra and Nemidatta, does not contain that part of the story which deals with the Yapaniya schism. However, the same corresponding story in the remaining three Kathakosas refer to the background and origin of the same, cach with different degrees of details, with different interesting spellings of the term and the Vaddarādhane bcing foremost in giving its wealth of details.
All the three corresponding stories in these three Kathākoasas, refer to the great lwelve-year faminc in the Madhyādesa, to the rise of the Ardhaphalaka- tirtha or Ardhaphālaka-samgha in the Sindnu-visaya and to the birth of the Kambala-tīrtha at the town of Valabhi in Saurastra. Then these Kathākosas state that from this Kambļa-tirtha (or şvetapatas,) later in the South, originated the Yāpaniya schism.
Harisena says : Tatah Kambala-tīrthat nūnam Savalipattane Daksināpatha desasthe jātah Yapanasanghakh: Then from the Kāmbala-tīrtha indeed was born the Yāpaniya sect at Savalipattana in the South.
Śricandra says : Sayalehim vi pamjula parihiyavu, uppare kiu kambali-pamguranu, taiyahum huu seyabhikkhu- caranu, Sāmalisuena tatto vihiu Jappuli samghu : All of them, then, wore (a long cloth) straight way, above they wore a blanket; thence arose the following of the white-clad monks; thereafter Samali-suta started the Jappuli-samgha.
The Vaddaradhane, however, gives greater details: In the country of Sindhu there occured a rist in the Jaina church with the Jinakalpa and there itself flourished the ardhagappada-tirtha.

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This ardhagappadatirtha spread up to Valabhi in Saurāstra, and from it there arose the Kambala-tirtha. The followers of this tīrtha, then, came to be known as Svetapatar. Then in the South, King Samaliputra became the founder of the Sveta-bhiksu-jāpuli-samgha.
It may be noted here that the term Sveta-bhikṣu-jāpuli-samgha, mentioned by the Vaddaradhane, is very rare and significant.22 Possibily the author may have intended to leave behind a selfexplanatory term i.e., the Yapaniya sect that was born of the white-clad monks. Besides, what Hariscna says in brief, is told in a bit clearer terms by Śrīcandra. And the Vaddārādhane rather elaborates the whole matter. Moreover, all these three authors represent, in this story, a tradition that looks upon the Yāpaniyas as a Svetāmbara schism.23
To conclude, now, abandoning the corpse of the Knapaka of Aradhaka on a pure open ground outside a village or town was a queer ascetic practice of the carly Yapaniya sect. It is found described only in the Mulārādhanā in its Vijahana Adhikāra. This practice appears to have been given up by the later Yapaniyas. None of the commentaries on the Mularādhanā, nor the Kathakosas associated with it, give any reference to the contemporancously prevalent practice of Vijahana or the like. But three of the Katha-kosas, associated with the Mularadhana, contain references in the origin, together with its background, of the Yāspaniya schism, the details of which all, more or less, agree together. The term Sveta-bhikṣu-jäpuli-sangha, mentioned by the Vaddaradhane is rare as well as significant. Moreover the authors of these three Kathakosas, like Devasena and Ratnanandi, look upon the Yapanīyas as a Svetāmbara schism.

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REFERENCES AND NOTES
Paper presented at the All India Seminar on Early Jainism (Punjabi University), Patiala, 1979 and published in the Journal of Karnatak University, (Hum.) Vol.XXVI, 1983. For further details in this regard vide Life in Ancient India as depicted in the Jaina Canons, by Dr.J.C.Jain, Bombay, 1947, pp.241-242. (i) Santisagara Granthamala, No.13, Sholapur, 1035. (ii) This is also popularly known as the Bhagavati Aradhanā, Anantakirti Digambara Jaina Granthamala No.8, Bombay, V.S. 1989. All such references are to the Sholapur ediion of the work. Jaina Sahitya aur Itihāsa, Bombay, 1956, pp.71-72. Intro. to the Bhagavati Aradhana p.13. (i) Ibid. (ii) These works could be Mahānisītha, Brahatkalpa-sutra, Brhalkalpa-bhāsya etc. as noted by Dr.J.C.Jain, Loc.cit. (i) Doctrine of the Jainas, Engi. Tr. by Wolfgang Beurlen, Delhi, 1962, p.290. (ii) My Scrutiny of the portion concerning the Funeral Obsequies contained in the chapter of 'Manners and Customs' given by Dr.J.C.Jain, Loc.cit., showed me that though various kinds of information regarding different modes of disposal of the dead are given here at random, there is no specific reference to the dis osal of the dead body of a monk dying a samadhimarana. Op.cit. pp.56-73. Religion as a quest for Values, by A.R.Wadia, Calcutta,
9.

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10.
11.
1950, p.60. (i) The concept of the Parsi mode of disposal of the dead lies in the ideal of maintaining the purity of the Earth, Fire, Air and Waler. Vide Religion of Good Life, by Sir Rustum Masani, London, 1954, pp.145-151. (ii) Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, Vol. IV, under Death and Disposal of the Dead, enumcrates the various modes of disposing the human corpsc prevailing among the different communities and races of the world. Amongst those, the mode of 'sub-aerial deposit quite corresponds to the onc under our discussion. There also runs a remark : "To leave the body on the ground was probably the carliest, as it is the simplest and most savage form of disposal of the dead”. Except the Yspaniya- tantra, mentioned by Haribhadra (c. 700-,70 A.D.), there is hardly known any independent literature of the Yāpaniyas. Vide History of Jaina Monachism, by Dr.S.B.Deo, Poona, 1956, p.95. Op.cit., pp.56-73 Jainism in South India, Sholapur, 1957, pp.97-113, pp. 164-170. etc. (i) Yapanīya Samgha: A Jaina Sect, Journal of Bombay University, Arts and Law, Vol. 1.6. (ii) On the meaning of Yapaniya, Srikanthikā, Mysore, 1973. (iii) More light on the Yapanīya Samgha, Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Vol.LX. This story in each Kathakosa is based on gahā No.1544 in the Mūlārādhanā. Simghi Jaina Granthamala, No.17, Bombay, 1943. Prākrit Text Society, Ahmedabad, 1969. Bharatiya Jnanapitha, Delhi, 1974. Jaina Mitra Kāryalaya, Bombay, V.S.2439-2442.
15.
16.
17. 18. 19. 20.

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55
21. 22.
Säradā Mandira, Mysore, 1955 etc. At this context I remember another interesting tcrm standing for the Yapaniya : The Kannada poet Janna (1209 A.D.) in his Anantanatha Purana qualifies Municandra Traividya by the term jāvaligeya. Vide Dr.Upadhye, A.B. O.R.I. Vol. LX. It may be noted here that both Devasena (the author of the Darsanasāra) and ratnanandi (the author of the Bhadrabahu Carita) also look upon the Yapaniyas as a Svetambara schism.
23.

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56
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ON THE CONCEPT OF TRUTH
IN JAINISM
It is difficult to define poetry in a sentence or two; but we can describe its nature for duly understanding what poetry is. Similarly it is equally difficult to define truth; but its nature can be described and understood. In the context of the Householder's Ethical Discipline ci., acara-dharma, the Jainācāryas have given it still a considerably wide connotation, which Prof R. Williams calls the Jaina interpretation of truth.'
Authorities on the Householder's Code of Conduct Śravakācāra present several aspects of the nature of truth as follows:

2
Umāsvāmi states that speaking what is not commendable is falsehood; and Pūjyapāda, the reputed Commentator, explains that what causes pain or suffering to a living being is not commendable, whether it refers to the contextual fact or not. Thus the spoken words that inflict any kind of injury to living beings is falsehood. Almost bringing out the same purport and elucidating the scope to some extent, Svāmī San.atabhadra states: Abstaining oneself from speaking and from asking others to speak gross falsehood, and also from truth that causes injury to others, is called by sages Satyaṇuvrata - the Minor Vow of Truth. Vasunandi says: One should not uttar untruth out of attachment
raga or

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hatred dveṣa, and even truth, if it causes destruction of a living being. Svami Kartikeya presents the very Jaina view of lay life and culture in this regard: The Satyanu-vrata the Minor Vow of Truth is abstinence from harmful, rough, cruel or secret-divulging speech and the use of harmless and balanced words that give satisfaction to living beings and also words that express sacred truth. The Savayapannatti, however, records the positive aspect of truthfulness: One's speech should be based on the pursuit of the good for both the worlds and also on the avoidance of what is harmful to oneself, to others and to both together. But Amṛtacandrasuri's treatment of the Minor Vow of Truth is quite worth nothing, though he has adopted a negative approach to truth:
57
-
Any statement made through Pramatta-yoga-careless activity of body, mind or speech is falsehood. It is of four kinds :
(i) Denying the existence of a thing with reference to its position, time and nature, when it actually exists. For example, to say "Devadatta is not here" when he is actually present there.
(ii) Asserting the existence of a thing with reference to its position, time and place, when it does not exist at all. For example, to say "The pitcher is here" when it is not at all there.
a cow.
(iii) Representation of an existing thing as something different from what it really is. For example, when a horse is said to be
(iv) When a speech is ordinarily garhita-condemnable, savadya- sinful or apriya-disliked.
Moreover, according to Amṛtacandrasūri, back-biting, harsh, unbecoming, non-sensical or unethical speech is condemnable. That kind of speech which provokes another to indulge in causing injury like piercing, cutting, beating etc., or which is likely to lead to destruction of life is sinful; and speech causing to others uneasiness, pain, hostility, misery or anguish etc., is disliked. All these kinds of speech are actuated by pramattayoga - passion in the form of anger, greed, hatred or deceit and, hence, by falsehood, which

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involves himsā or injury of some kind or other. But when a sage or preceptor extends sound and beneficial advice to others regarding their bad habits or vices etc., he cannot be said to have ultered false words, even though the concerned person may feel, ashamed, uncomfortable or hurt (for the time being). Hence intention is always the determining factor in each case.
With a view to explaining the deeper implications of the Minor Vow of Truth - Satyānuvrata, thc Jainācāryas, both the Digambara and Śvetāmbara, have given in their treatises on the Householder's Code of Conduct - Śravakācāra various classifications of asatya - falsehood and satya - truth.
Lastly, we should note, that these Acāryas have cautioned the householder against five principle aticāras-transgressions!o , lo be meticulously avoided in the course of their righteous life :
(i) mithyopadesa - false preaching or advice (ii) rahasobhākhyāna - disclosing other's secrets (iii) kūtalekhākrti - forgery (iv) nyāsopaharana - breach of trust
(v) sakāramantrabheda - divulging inferences drawn from behaviour or gestures
All this deliberation, with relevant textual evidence from ancient and medieval authorities on the Householder's Code of Conduct "Śrāvaka- dharma or Śrāvakācāra’, leads us to conclude that the Jainācāryas investing Satya - truth with considerably wider connotation and special interpretation is a very thoughtful and commendable effort that ultimately goes to strengthen the Jaina Supreme Doctrine of Ahimsā.

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59
REFERENCES AND NOTES
Ni n
ini s os
Paper published in Tulasi Praja, Vol XVII - 4. Prof.R. Williams observes that the term Satya has been given such a wide connotation that it is scarcely possible to render it merely as “truth'. Its specifically Jaina interpretation was already apparent to Acarya Pujyapāda and its amplitude has been concisely expressed by Acarya Vasunandi. Vide Jaina Yoga, London Oriental Series, Vol.14, London, 1963, p.71. (i) Tattvārtha-sūtra, VII-14. (ii) Sarvārthasiddhi, VII-14. Ratna Karandaka Sravakācāra, V.35. Vasunandi Śrāvakācāra, V.210. Kārtikeyanupreksā, V.333-36. Savaya-pannatti (with the Commentory of Haribhadrasūri), Ed.Shri V.K.Paramanand, J.J.Mandal, Bombay, 1905, V.264. Puruşartha- siddhupāya, Sacred Books of the Jainas, Vol.lv, Lucknow, 1933, Vs.91-100. (i) Hence here truth assumes the form of ahimsa - non-hurting or non-injury. (iii) And Amrtacandrasuri in his Purusārthasiddhyuapaya has systematically tried to convince us that every other vow in Jainism is but another form of the first vow viz., ahimsānuvrata. Prof.R. Williams has noted them with certain observations, Op. cit., pp.71-73. (i) Jainācāryas, both Śvetāmbara and Digambara, have given
9.
10.

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different designations for some of these transgressionsaticaras; and even when all of these five bear the same designations, divergent interpretations of them are presented by differerit Acāryas. This phenomenon can be taken as nothing but looking at a thing from different angles of vision. (ii) Here I would present only Amrtacandrasuri's list as a representative pentad.

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SOME PROBLEMS OF TRANSLATING EARLY JAINA
TEXTS
Jaina works could be ancient, or pre-medieval, carly medieval and later ones. They also could be mainly in Prakrit and Sanskrit. Translating these works in English, an act which must precede serious Jinistic studies, has to face several problems. I shall here prefer to restrict discussion to the problems of translating into English the carly Prakrit texts, namely canonical, exegetical and other cognate works.
The history of translation of carly Jaina Prakrt texts into English, unlike that of the Samskrit and Pali ones, is neither far long nor far wide. Hermann Jacobi's English translation of the Acāranga-sūtra nad the Kalpa-sūtra (Sacred books of the East, Vol.XXII, 1884) and next of the Uttaradhyayana- sutra and the Sūtrakrtanga (S.B.E.Vol.XVL, 1895) can be said to be the pioneering and systematically planned work in this field. Thereafter the translations of carly Jaina Prakrt texts - some complete, some in part and some in contextual form, - have been produced now and
then by forcign' and Indian scholars, the recent notable attempts • being by scholars like Taiken Honaki and K.C.Lalwani. In between
Jacobi and the last- noted two scholars stand those like Hoernle,
Barnett, Schubring, K.V.Abhyankar, A.N.Upadhye, H.B.Gandhi,

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N.V.Vaidya and a few other scholars. Taking a bird's cye-view of all such attempts we find that we as yet have not been able to arrive at the complete translation of even the main canonical texts into English, let away be that of the exegetical and other ones. Bringing out thorough critical editions of these texts and their English translation has been a long-awaited desideratum, without the achievement of which the prospects of Jaina siudies in the Western and other foreign Universities are blcak.
For translating an early Prakrt text is, it is essential that we must have its critical edition. We so far possess critical editions of only a few canonical works. As regards translating the excgetical literature, this is yet to begin. But waiting too long for the critical editions of all these texts would considerably retard the translation lask. It is hence advisable that efforts towards translating may go ahead, at present with the available editions of the texts.
The translator of course should be well equipped with the basic tools of the job - a good knowledge of Prakņi grammar and lexicon, of Jaina dogmatics, doctrines and philosophy of the concerned religio-historical and socio- cultural background', with ability to institute comparative studies", besides his possessing a more than ordinary command over English language. He has carefully to take into consideration the archaic and pithy nature of Prakrt language and the peculiar style found in some of the texts.
Though the text is in prose, at times the meaning in the English translation has to be supplemented with additional words put in brackets or with notes added at the foot. Otherwise clear expressivity of thought or idea cannot always be achieved in the translation.
Many a times a literal translation in English docs not bring home the intended sense of the original text. In such context we have to honour, partly or wholly, the following dictum : A true translation should strike a balance between fidelity and creativity, between interpretation and obj.ctivity. Let me cxtend an example within my own experience : A literal translation of a line, would

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be: That is religion where there is compassion. But, for clarity, I would render it as follows: That is a true religion which has compassion as its basis.
In the case of Sūtras we have to resort rather to the method of free translation, which is termed as chhāyānuvāda by som scholars. Otherwise it is difficult to arrive at the intended meaning of the original. If the text is in verse the task of translating becomes still harder. A metrical translation in English demands a special qualificatior. of English mctrics, poctics and vocabulary on the part of the translator. Hence the translation in prose of such verified texts normally fares better. But when the Prakrt text is just a contextual mctrical portion by way of quotation of a verse of a few verses, one can translate them in free verse, which can bring variety and beauty to such work. I have carried in my studies this experiment at such contexts. The following verse and its rendering in free verse may be noted :
Khammāmi savva jivanam savve siva khamaitu me Metti mc savva bhūdesu veram majjha kenavi? I do forgive all beings cver; May they forgive me too so! Let me love one and all for sure, Let me be an enemy of none!
Such icchnique of translating in free verse can also be fruitfully used in the case of Prakrt llyrical verses and religious ballads. I have rendered the entire 22nd Chapter, namely the Rahanemijjam, in the Uttaradhyayana- sūtra, in English free versc, free quartain', one or two of which can be reproduced.
(39) 10
Rajimati noted Rahanemi's mind disturbed, And (so also) his cxertion deleted; Losing not her presence of mind, Her own sell there she defended.

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(40) That daughter of the great King. Steadfast in her restraint and vows, Protecting the honour of her clan And of family and virtue, spoke to him:
(41) Were you handsome like Vaisramana, Were you pleasing like Nalakūbara, And the very Purandara incarnate were you, I should have no desire for you.
Al times we have to adjust the translation to the genius of the English expression while choosing a word or a phrase for the corresponding Prakrit one in the original text. I was, a few days back, rendering the Gommatesa-lhudi" and could not be satisfied with the literal rendering of the last recurring line of the verses in the hymn, namely,
Tam Gommatesam panamāmi niccam.
by using 'bowor 'bow down' for 'panamāmi’, for it did not bring down the duc sense of the original Prakrt word, nor did it suit the English expression. After some serious thinking, the following translation struck to my mind and to my satisfaction:
Before that Gommatesa ever I kncel!"2
These are some of the problems, surely not exhaustive, of translating early Jaina works into English, discussed in general and also in the light of my own experiments. German scholars, as noted above, have been pioneers in translating into English the early Jaina texts, as also they have been so in Jaina studies in general. Then some other foreign and Indian scholars have tried their hands, now and then, at this work. It is high time that some more Indian scholars should come forward to take up this work on a systematized plan, so that it can encourage the Jaina studies among the Westerners as well as among those using English as medium in their higher learning.

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os
REFERENCES AND NOTES
YALI
A summarised and revised version of thoughts presented at the 'Symposium on the Problems of Translating the Jaina Works', held at the P.V.Research Institute, Varanasi, in March 1981 and published Pi.Bcchardas Memorial Volume,
Varanasi, 1987. 1. (i) For some more details in this regard, one can go through
N.M.Tatia's (1) A Random Selection of Researches in Jainology by Foreigners, Tulsi Prajñā, Vol. V, Nos. 9-10, and (2) A further Selection of the Rescarches by Foreigners, Tulsi Prajñā, Vol. V, Nos.11-12. (ii) We can also note in this context that some allempts of translating the carly Jaina Prakrt texts into German, French, Italian and Japanese languages also have been made. Vidc Jacobi's translation of jasokāmī as 'famous knight', Sacred Books of the East, Vol. XLV, 1895, p.118. Vide Alsdorf's translation of (Uttaradhyayanasutra, XXII, V.42) as you intend to re-enter wordly life in Vantam Apatum Kleine Schriften, Glasenapp Stiftung, Band 10, Weisbaden 1974, pp.178- 185. After secing some raw attempts at translating and clucidating some Jaina canonical verses and passages, I feel like remarking, after the manner of Hala, as follows: Amayam khalu Jinavayanam sammagattham je na yanamti Anuvaya-kajjam pi kunamti kah te na lajjamti
“The words of the Jina are indeed like ambrosia. Those

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who do not know their right meaning but venture to translate them, how can they sare well?” As concluded by the Poet-translators Workshop, organised at Bhopal by the National Sahitya Academy in September 1976. The citation is from the Niyamasāra-tīkā (1.6) of Padmaprabha. The Mulacara, V.43. Vaddarādhanc : A study, Dharwad 1979, p.148. To be published shortly. The number of the gahā in the Chapter. (i) Attributed to Acārya Nemicandra. (ii) I am aware that he belongs to the tenth century A.D.; however, I am quoing the translation by way of an example. Thc versified translation of the hymn, with introduction and critical notes, is to be published shortly.
9.
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| 10
SOMADEVASURI AND HIS
INNOVATIONS IN THE PRACTICE OF THE VOW OF
GIFT
In the course of thcir General Editorial to the Upāsakādhyayana of Somadevasūri (959 A.D.), Dr.A.N. Upadhye and Dr. Hiralal Jain present the following observation:
Though the basic nature of Śrāvakācāra - the Code of Conduct for Houscholders has remained the same for centuries, the classification of the various vows, the technical words used for them and the enjoined mode or manner of their observance effected by the various Jainācāryas (like Jinasena, Somadeva, Vasunandi, Devasena, Hemacandra etc.) show its progressive trends, depending on the various regions, their needs and times. Such progressive trend is found decisively and exceptionally conspicuous in the case of Somadevasūri in respect of the Siksāvrata dāna - the Disciplinary Vow of gift or Charity, which is also one of the constituents of Caturvidha Śrāvakadharma - Fourfold Way of Righteous Life of the Householder that seems to have been enjoined at the initial stage of the householder's path.
This Disciplinary Vow, generally known as dāna, which has played a significant role all along the course of the history of

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Jainism, is also designated as atithi-samvibhāga - sharing with atithi - the ascetic, or Sadhu (bearing a special Jaina meaning of ascetic or monk or sadhu) by Ācāryas like Umäsvami, as vaiyavrtya (rendering service to monks by householders) by Samantabhadra, Vasunandi etc., as atithi- dāna giving alms etc., to monks) by Amrtacandra, and as atithi-puja (adoration of monks or Sadhus) by a few others, in their respective treatises on Śrāvakācāra.
But it is Somadevasūri alone who uses the simple term dana throughout his treatment of the subject at considerable length in Kalpa 43, spread over about 87 verses (765 to 852) of his Upasakadhyayana, a portion of the reputed Yasastilaka-campū.
Jainācāryas, both in the Digambara and Svatāmbara traditions, generally recognize the following five factors of Dāna in their treatment of the subject:
(1) Patra - the recipient (2) Dātr - the giver (3) Dātavya (Dravya) - the thing to be given (4) Dāna-vidhāna - the method of giving (5) Dāna-phala - the fruit (resuit) of giving
Moreover, they generally present the following classification of the first factor of dāna viz., pātra - one who is fit for receiving gist or charity, as follows:
(1) Uttama patra - the best recepicnt (Jaina monk or Sadhu)
(2) Madhyama patra - the mediocre recipient (the householder mounting the ladder of pratimas)
(3) Jaghanya patra - the least Satisfactory recipient (the layman equipped with right belief, but not yet duly observing the enjoined vows)
But Somadevasūri presents an additional classification of pātras that categorically introduce into the practice of this Disciplinary vow of Gift by the houscholder, some progressive innovations that conspicuously reflect the Acārya's pointed foresight and dynamic attitude in recognizing the useful services of erudites,

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experts fulfilling socio-religious nceds, enhancers or enlighteners of religio-spiritual interest among the common members of the Jaina Social Organization (Jaina Sangha). Prof. R. Williams remarks in his Jaina Yoga (p.152): "Somadevasūri seems to be the originator of another classification of the pătras designed to put a premium on crudition."
The verse containing this classification (v.808) runs as follows: Samayī sādhakah Sadhuh Sūrih Samaya-dipakah Tat punah pancadhā pātramamananti manīşinah
The wise also recognise the following five as the proper recipients:
(1) Samayi - ascctics and laymen who duly follow the teachings of the Jina
(2) Sadhakā - experts or specilists in sciences of practical utility to the community in general
(3) Sādhū - ascctics and laymen who observe the basic as well as the secondary vows cnjoined to them
(4) Sūri - leaders or guides of the members of the community in respect of ethical and religio-spiritual matters
(5) Samayadipaka - cnhancers or enlightens of the teachings of the Jina.
Further in the subsequent 8 verses (vs. 809-816) the Acarya clucidates and brings out the significance of the contents of v.808 alrcady noted above. Of these, the two categories viz., sādhaka and samayadipaka are quitc innovative and, hence, descrve our special notice. The Sadhakas include astrologers, physicians, conservators (of images etc.), whom the community often nceds without dependence on others (from rival social or religious groups). The Samayadipakas include cruditos, literary figures, orators, debaters etc., who enlight or explain the members of the community the teachings of thc Jina in an effective manner (and kindle interest in others too).
It may be noted that in the introductory verse (v.479) of his treatment of this Disciplinary Vow of Gift, Somadevasuri enjoins

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the householder to take into consideration desa - region and kala - time (besides the other three factors) while giving gift. Morcover, prior to treating this subject in Kalpa 43, we rather see the sprouts of his innovative or progressive attitude, as he declares in v.476 his concerned ideology:
Dvau hi dharmau grhasthanam laukikah paralaukikah, Lokasrayo bhavedādyah parah syādāgamāśrayah.
The Code of Conduct or righteous life of householders has two sides : One concerns this world - his day-to-day practical life; and the other relates to the next world - his spiritual pursuits. And he, as a practical thinker, surther remarks (v.479):
Samsāra-vyavahāre tu svatah Siddhc vrthagamah.
Social practices are self-cxplanatory; scriptuses are not needed to expose or explain them.
Now coming back to somadevasuri's treatment of dāna in general, and his additional classification of the pătra - recipients sit sor gift or charity (vs.808-817) in particular, I would once again stress on the Acarya's foresight, originality, innovative and progressive attitude in this regard and respectsully mark him as an astute yugacikitsaka - physician of the age (as usually are the Jainācāryas, to a more or less degree), who could feel the pulse of his region and time, and prescribe such requisite soico- rcligious practices with a vicw to keeping Jainism not only intact but also on progressive line.

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SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY
Paper sent for Acārya Vimalasāgar Felicitation Volume, Delhi. Upasakadhyayana of Somadevasūri, Ed. Pt.K.C.Shastri, Bhāratiya Jnānapitha, Delhi, 1964. Ratna Karandaka Śrāvakacara of Svami Samantabhadra, Bijnore, 1931. Vasunandi Śrāvakācāra. Ed. Hiralal Jain, Bhāratīya Jnānapitha, Vasanasi, 1952. Purusārtha Siddhyopāya of Amrtacandra, Sacred Books of the Jainas, Vol.lv, Lucknow, 1933. Adipurāna of Jinasenācārya, Mūrtidevi Jain Granthamala - 9, Varanasi, 1951. Sagaradharmāmrta of Pt. Asadhara, Dig.Jain Granthamala-36, Surat, V.S.2441. Tattvārtha-Sūtra, of Umāsvāmi, J.L.Jain Memorial Series-2, Bombay, 1956. Yoga-Sāsıra of Hemacandra, Bibliotheca India - 172. Calcutta, 1921. Bhāva-Sangraha of Devasena, M.D.J.Series-2, Bombay, 1922. Jaina Yoga, R. Williams, London Oricntal Series-14, London,1963.

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SOME THOUGHTS ON JAINA PURĀ ŅAS AND NARRATIVE
LITERATURE
Learned Friends, Let me, at the outset, express my sincere gratitude to the Executive Body of the Al! India Association of Prakrit and Jaina Studies, for their confidence extended to me for presiding over the deliberations of the Jaina Purānas and Narrative Literature Section of its first nad historic Session held here under aegis of the P. V. Research Institute.

We are rather proud to assemble here on the the premises of this P. V. Research Institute, which is the oldest to serve the cause of higher studies and research in the realms of Prakrit and Jainology nad which, coincidentally, also happens to celebrate now its Golden Jubilee. Besides, we are equally proud to be in this historic city, Vārānāsi which has been for centuries a unique centre of learning and pilgrimage, and the soil and surrounds of which have been rendered sacred and spiritually cultured by the movements and teachings of several great Indian saints and seers, including the revered Tirthankaras like Pārsvanatha and Mahāvīra. With this inspiring background and with your enthusiastic gathering for the maiden Session of this conference, I feel assured of your full co-operation in discharging the duties of this office entrusted

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to me.
It is the usual practice of the Sectional President to present in his address a bibliographic survey of publications coming out during a particular period and also make an appraisal of researches carried out in the concerned field. But I think, such survey is not desirable, for you all, as scholars interested in this field, are expected to know about such publications. Nor is it justifiably practicable to enter, at this hour, into such appraisal. Moreover it is the maiden Session of this newly emerged Conference. Hence I propose to limit myself to setting critically a few desiderative tasks and prospects for consideration, choise and undertaking, and also to stressing over a word or two for the equipment and encouragement of freshers and youngsters moving into this fascinating field viz., the field of the Jaina Puranas and Narrative Literature. Such limiting brings me on the following points:
(i) A Descriptive Master Catalogue of Jaina Puranas. (ii) Historical core of the Adipurāna or Adiśvaracarita. (iii) Jaina Narratives preserved in the Cūrnis.
(iv) Some tips on higher studies and research in Prakrit and Jainology.
The Jaina Purānas actually form a branch of the vast Jaina Narrative Literature. But by vircue of their antique nature, magnitude, certain characteristics and objectives, they have assumed for themselves a class of their own viz., the Purānas or Caritas. This class is also significantly designated as the Prathamānuyoga. These Puranas can be divided into two categories :
(1) The Mahāpurāņa or Trişasti-salākā purusa-carita (Biographies of Sixty-three Great Personage), and
(II) The (Laghu) Purana or Carita (Biography of one Great Personage). Unlike the Hindu Purānas, the Jaina Purānas have not been fixed into definite numbers (such as 18 and 8); nor are

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they tied to one language (such as sanskrit). They, depending on the needs of time and place, have been composed in various Indian Languages, ancient, medieval and modern, such as Prakrit, Sanskrit, Apabhramsa and some of the regional languages, thus all these Puranas amounting to a considerably large number spreading over a vast period ranging from C.400 A.D. to 1700 A.D. With their peculiar cosmographical aid mythological settings, the Jaina Purāsas are mostly encyclopaedic in nature and mainly aim at illustrating the life-history of great religious personages for the benefit of the liberable souls at large.
The origin and the progressive growth, for a pretty long time, of these Puranas, of course, marks a note-worthy rich tradition of numerous Jaina teachers and scholars sincerely dedicated to composing them. But so far we have no solid means of having a panoramic view of all these Puranas, so that our studies and researches in thsi field would lead to wider perspectives and fresh findings. Hence, I feel the need of a Descriptive Master Catalogue of the Jaina Purānas, composed in Prakrit, Sanskrit, Apabhramsa, Hindi, Kannada and also possibly, in old Gujarati, Rajasthani, Tamil and Telugu. To substantiate such need, let me now put forth a succienct critical account of the Jaina Purānas composed in Kannada.
The Jaina Purānas have been composed in Kannada from 941 A.D. 10 C.1700 A.D. There is one Mahapurāna, composed in 978 A.D., by the great Cāmundārāya and entitled Trişastilaksana-mahāpurana, which is popularly known as the Cāvundarāya Purāna. And there are more than thirty extant (Laghu) Puranas or Caritas (about twenty on the Tirthankaras, and twelve on the other Salakāpurusas) composed between 941 A.D. to C.1700 A.D. All are by the Digambara authors. It is interesting to note that the poet Nagacandra (C.1100 A.D.) has entitled his work (of the second category) as Rāmacandra-carita-purāna.

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The earliest available Kannada classic, poetry of a very high order, is the Adipurāṇa (941 A.D.) by the great Pampa, who is known in the scholastic world as Adikavi and also as Puranakavi. The earliest but-one Kannada prose work is the already referred Trisasti- lakṣaṇa- mahāpurāna (978 A.D.) by Camundaraya. The reputed Pampa, Ponna and Rana known as the Ratnatraya of Kannada Literature, have composed respectively the Adipurāna (941 A.D.) the Santipurāṇa (950 A.D.) and the Ajitapurāṇa (993 A.D.). These and several other Purānas (composed on the various Tirthankaras and other Śalākāpuruṣas) are evaluated as excellent religious and literary works in Kannada. Camundaraya, in the Introductory Part of his work, states that there had been a great tradition of eminent teachers composing the Mahapuranas, such as Kūcibhaṭṭāraka, Śrīnandimunīšvara, Kavi- Parameśvara, Acārya Jinasena and Gunabhadra; and that he has mainly based his work on those of Acārya Jinasena and Gunabhadra.
The voluminous Mahapurana (Adipurana and Uttarapurana) of these two celebrated saints and teachers, composed in Sanskrit, is well known. Parameśvara's (or Paramesthi's) Mahapurāṇa, from which Caamundaraya quotes a few Sanskrit verses, has not come down to us.
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We can say that it was in Sanskrit; and according to Dr.A.N.Upadhye, (Literary Predecessors of Camuṇḍarāya, Journal of Karnataka University (Hum.), Vol. VI, 1960), it could be in the Campū form. About Kucibhaṭṭāraka and Srinandimuni, the earliest in this line of the Purāṇakāras, and also about their Manapurānas, we are in complete darkness even in respect of their being referred to by any others elsewhere. Could it be that their Mahāpurānas, or at least one of the two, were/was composed in Prakrit? Almost all early Jaina works are found to have been composed in Prakrit.

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The earliest available Paumacariyam (a Laghu-Purāna) of Vimalasūri is in Prakrit. So far no Mahāpurāna in Prakrit has come to light. Camundaraya too does not specify the language in respect of any of the Mahāpurānas of his predecessors. In this work, he has quoted a few Prakrit verses, some being not traceable to their proper sources. Several Prakrit words nad phrases are found scattered in the course of its text. Hence it is possible that he might have passed his curious cye over onc or two Prakrit Mahāpurānas; and thery/it could be none else than these/this composed by the great Kuchibhattāraka and/or Srinandi- munīsvara.
I hope, such interesting findings arising from such brief critical account of the Jaina Purānas in Kannada might have now brought you home the importance of wider studies in this field. And the proposed Descriptive Master Catalogue world, no doubt, serve as the gate- way to such and other wider perspective and fruitful studies. Hence it is highly desirable that there should first come out individual Descriptive Catalogues of the Jaina Purānas in different possible languages, which all would then naturally lead to the constitution of the Master Catalogue.
Coming to the second point, amongst the biographies of the Salākāpurusas (Great Personages) of the Jaina Mahapurānas, particularly amongst those of the Tirthankaras (Ford-makers), Rsabhadeva has been given outstanding promincnce with far greater details of his life-history and with longer space alloted for the samc. Moreover the Jaina tradition preserved here, and also elsewhere, is unanimous and intact on Rasabhadevas being the first to preach the Ahimsādharma and higher values of life, to bring a good order in the society and to lay an ideal path to persection - the sum total of which all, later, came to be known as Jina- dharma.
In very old days we had, of course, no chroniclers or historians. The old and important factual events were preserved

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first in oral traditions and, then later, in the written ones. The Jaina Puranas originated in such a process and then progressively grew with objectives of generating religious awakening and enlightenment and of guiding spiritual welfare for the followers of the creed. To heighten effect and create awe and reverence etc. myths and cosmographic settings etc, were also texturised as the inseparable and even rather bulky parts of these Puranas.
Now, for practical purposes, in respect of the Adipurana or Adisvaracarita, if we leave aside, for the time being, the descriptive details about his hoary antiquity, previous births, the mother's dreams, the Pañcakalyānas, the enormous physical height, the fabulous life-span etc., given at the imposing cosmographic background, as mythology, but accepting at the same time, their religio-spiritual significance meant by the Jaina Seers and authors for the laity at large, the traditional matter preserved in this Purana/Carita could no doubt be the historical core of his biography.
But, as modern times would expect, such core has to be adequately corroborated by archaeological, inscriptional, non-Jaina literary evidences etc. But unfortunately serious, continued and co-ordinated efforts have not been put by us towards this directopm. The interpretation of some of the Indus Valley Seals and Images has to be re-attempted thoroughly, taking note of the clues from the later conflicting views on them held by some of the Vedic and other scholars. Let me remind that Prof.S.A.Dange has recently tried (Presidential Address, Vedic Section, A.I.O.C., Shantiniketan, 1982) to critically analyse some such details given by some scholars, and to sound a note of appeal to the Vedic scholars themselves in general, not to take them (these details) lightly. One would find that such and other details of such studies have almost reached a stage now, when the same figure on the same seal look like Śiva, Rsabha and Brahma too! Then, the relationship of the view of Pre-Vedic and Non-Aryan Origin of Jainism, (as connected with Rsabhadeva of the Indus valley culture days) with the postulation of the ancient Śramanic culture/religion of North-East India

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(Dr.A.N.Upadhye's Introduction to the Pravacanasāra, R.J.S.Vol.IX, Bombay 1935) is yet to be established.
Moreover we do not have, so far, a single compact and handy monograph, wherein whatever episodes of the life of Rsabhadeva depicted in Sthananga, details of Vedic references made to him in various contexts, the Hindu Puranic details, the reference in thc Vajrayana (Tantric) Buddhist Arya- manjusrimulakalpa etc. are duly discussed, compared and coordinated, and the result so obtained is stated in clear terms. Hence, holding fast to this part of the ground already covered, such and other requisite efforts have to be carried through for a cumulative and uncontroversial outcome, honouring, all along, the overall experience that authentic Jaina tradition more often than not has proved to be history to a large extent; and then, surcly, Rsabhadeva would be accepted as a historical person on all hands.
III Now coming to the third point, India with its warm and salubricus climatic conditions and congenial social and family atmosphere, is for long known as the home of numerous interesting tales, parables, sables etc. When Mahavira, and also the Buddha, picked up Prakrit, the natural language of the people, for preaching and teaching religious principles and cthical values to them, and that also through simple tales, illustrations, examplification etc, it marked an important event in the social and cultural history of India. Such narratives, avowedly meant for the common people, naturally reflected glimpses of their day-to-day life. Following the great Seer, the Jaina saints and teachers later harnessed this instructional art fruitsulty and turned out to be adopt story-tellers in course of time.
The oral tradition of this art, nurtured and maintained in their sermons, was as a matter of course, further continued in the written one too. They thus cultivated and utilised for centuries various types of narratives to instruct and educate the laity and the masses round about them in an interesting and entertaining

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manner. As a result there emerged a magnificient flow of Prakrit Narrative Literature, which gradually grew to a vast extent, covering a long period between c.400 A.D. to 1700 A.D., and assuming various forms, types and trends such as Puranas/Caritas, religious novels and romances, historical and semi-historical tales, kathākosas, satires, legends, myths, didactic tales, parables, fables, fol- tales etc., wherein the society depicted, on the whole, came to be more popular and realistic than aristocratic and artificial. Hence it embodies a mine of significant social and cultural data, which is indispensable for the thorough reconstruction of the cultural history of India.
This magnificient stream of Prakrit Narrative Literature, I would stress, has a very resourceful tribulary, so very important for its age, size, strength, riches, reliability, variety and utility. This tributary is nonc clse than the most important layer of the Jaina cxegesis viz.., the corpus of the Curnis, more exactly its massive narrative part, the veritable trcasure of numerous multi-valued narratives of varied types, upon which the medieval and late medicval Jaina teachers liberally drew and compiled numerous Kathākosas.
The Cūrnis, which are composed (during c. 7th Century A.D.) in Prakrit prose, mixed with Sanskrit in different degrees, hold a position of juncture in the Jaina exegesis, marking a departure from the archaic Prakrit verse of the Niryuktis and the Bhāsyas on one hand and paving the path for the classical Sanskrit prose of the Tīkās on the other. The cardinal aspect of the many-sided value of the Cūrnis is it's preserving intact the old Prakrit narratives in their own grand inimitable style. These narratives, which were nurtured and operated, on need, in the oral tradition, as hinged on the lively telegraphic line of the Niryuktis and Bhāsyas, were carefully set down in writing for the first time, with all their riches and niceties, in the Cūrnis. And these narratives, let me repeat, naturally embody a fund of significant
information regarding the cultural wealth of ancient and carly

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medieval India.
But unfortunately this mass of narratives, as a whole, has not been so far subjected to systematized studies so as to bring out its manifold values - social, cultural, religious, historical, literary, linguistic etc. Of course it is a gigantic tast, for which the Cūrnis themselves have to be duly studied first, not in isolation, but in their triple relationship with the Niryuktis, Bhasyas and Tikās and also with an eye on the concerned Canonical and some Pro-canonical works and medieval and late medieval Kathākošas, keeping all along in view the ideals and labours of Prof. Leumann; and separate critical editions, such as Avassaya Tales, Uttarajjhayana Tales, Dasaveyaliya Tales etc., have to be brought out; and, then the cumulative outcome has to be laid down. All this, I am sure, will yield astounding results. I have experienced, to my joy, such an outcome on a micro-scale by exerting myself in my short study entitled Avasyakacūrni and the Tale of Cilatiputra (published in the Tulasi Prajñā Vol. VI, No. 12, March 1981). I am also aware that such a task is not only gigantic but also cumbersome for, in the present state of affairs, all the Cūrnis (as stated by literary historians) have not come down to us; of the available ones, all are not found in print; the printed ones too are not critical editions - too many hurdles for an individual to remove. But we cannot further ignore this desiderative task. Some institute, or some body of enthusiastic scholars, must come forward, undertake it, plan for it and execute it.
DIV Lastly, a word or two for the equipment and encouragement of freshers and young scholars moving into the province of higher studies and research in Prakrit and Jainology or its district of the Jaina Puranas and Narrative Literature, which is no doubt rich and varicd. But you have to choose your tasks carefully, build your scholarship through sustained hard work and honest industry and achieve them. Hurry and shortcuts in approach in the realm of research would render you dwarf and keep your goals beyond reach. Similarly taking several problems on hand and lingering on without

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finishing a single one, would bore and disappoint you. One at a time, and that too to be fruitfully completed within a fairly right time, should be the guiding self-disciplinary principle kept before you throughout your career. And lastly may you be tempted by quality rather than quantity in your persuits of higher studies and researcn, always aiming at a genuine problem - be it or be it a research paper or a doctoral dissertation.
Let me illustrate the lack of some of these basic ideals as reflected in my own observations and experiences. On the occasion of the Ujjain Session of the A.I.O.C.(1972), on the last day, we had invited Prof.Alsdorf to our Prakrit and Jainism Section; and in his informal address he passingly remarked that out of about thirty papers presented thereat, only three or four had problems for them ei., most of the papers were descriptive and had no true research stuff. This fact was again brought out by Prof.D.D.Malvania on a similar occasion at the Dharwad Session (1976) of the same Conference. And I have observed that more or less the same conditions prevail even today. So I modestly appeal, to take a serious note of this and nip off this trend, if existing in whosoever's case, in its bud only. Then, peeping a little at the recent zone of Ph.D.Studies, we find that prototypical trends and approaches rather dishearten us though the number of subjects or topics covered is gratifying. If we pass our eyes over the informative list of Ph.D.dissertations (written or being written) in our contextual range of the Jaina Purānas itself (Higher Education and Research in Prakrit and Jainology, Sankaya Partikā I, Śramanavidyā, Vol.l, Varanasi 1983), we find that several siudies of the individual (Laghu) Purānas prototypically rotate over the Tulasi Rāmāyana for comparision. What I mean by bringing out such feature at this context, is that in this very range, fresh tracts or aspects could have been certainly explored for worthy harvest. Finally I hope, you will take these words, some of them signifying bitter truth, as coming from the heart of an elder colleague and not from the mouth of a pretending cynic.

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REFERENCE AND NOTES
Presidential Address delivered at Jaina Purānas and Narrative Literature Section of the All India Conference on Prakrit and Jaina Studies (P. V. Rescarch Institute), Varanasi, 1981 and published in the Institute's Souvenir, Smārikā, Varanasi, 1981.

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12
JAINISM, VEGETARIANISM
AND ITS RELEVANCE TO THE
PRESENT WORLD
Jainism emerged from the ancient Indian Sramanic Stream of throught that emphasised ahimsa, non-violence or non-hurting; and later it prospored considerably and is still living proudly with the Doctrine of Ahimsa as its fundamental principle of philosophy and practice in the actual life of its followers. This doctrine is based on the right perception of equality of souls or living beings, which the earliest Jaina Canonical texts explain in their simplest
terms:

83
The Acaranga-sutra, the first anga (book) of the Ardhamagadhi Canon states: All beings are fond of life; they like pleasure, dislike pain, shun destruction and long to live on. To all beings life is dear1. The Mularadhana, one of the earliest works of the Pro-canon of the Digambaras elucidates:. Just as you do not like pain, so also other beings dislike it. Knowing this, treat them ever as your own self (and abstain from causing any injury to them). It is essential to note in this context that, the term ahimsa- non- violence or non-injury has a negative look or fromat; but it also has the positive side bearing the purport of daya - compassion for living beings, rakṣa - protection to the life

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of living beings etc. The Prasna-vyākarana-sutra, the sixth anga (book) of the Ardhamāgadhi Canon, enumerates such sixty synonyms of ahimsā."
Jaina tradition, which is history in its core, unanimously holds that Rsabhadeva, the first Tirthankara (Ford Maker), was the first to preach the Doctrine of Ahimsā and train the people in practising it by setting before them higher values of life, discouraging hunting etc. and cncouraging agriculture etc." Prince Bahubali, his illustrious son, turned a sage rather than be a cause of violence to the soldiers of his brother's as well as his own army and also to his brother himself - the greedy monarch Bharata." Prince Neminatha's (cousin of Krişna), who later became the 22nd Tirthankara, practising of the great virtue of ahimsā, perhirps has no parallel in human history - that he instantly left the marriage pendal at his father-in-law's palace court-yard, took himself to ascetic life in order to avoid causing himsā to the numerous wailing animals and birds, kept in confinement and to be slaughtered and served at his own wedding feast the very next day.
Moreover, from the very beginning and through centuries down to this day, the Jainācāryas have been cloquently explaining through their sermons the importance of practising this ethico-social virtue of non-violence to the laity and also guiding them properly. Jaina story literature is replete with numerous illustrations of the significance of the universally benevolent virtue of non-violence and the practice of showing compassion to the suffering ones and of extending protection to all living beings, not only on the part of monks but also the lay community? The Jaina treatises on the Code of Conduct for Householders lay down several rules for the due observance of the minor vow of non-violence. The householders are expected to abstain from eating even a number of fruits, flowers, vegetables, mushrooms etc. (designated as abhaksyas and ananta-kāyas) which contain innumerable minute living beings. Even to this day, the majority of the Jaina householders abide by such rules and injunctions in their daily life; and hence the whole

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community has naturally remained vegetarian. This fact has been recently drawing the attention of even the Western World, wherein the importance of non-violence, vegetarianism etc., are being felt acutely.
9
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There are reasons why in the West and in several other countries, people are taking growing interest in vegetarianism the very corollary of ahimsa - non-violence. A number of Vegetarian Clubs, Vegetarian Societies, Organizations like Vegetarian Congress on national levels, International Vegetarian Union etc. have come up. Books and articles on the importance of vegetarianism arc being published by experts and thinkers.10 Mass Rallies for Vegetarianism are being held. They all stress and justify the need of vegetarian food for human society. Modern medical opinion is unanimous in diagnosing non- vegetarian food as the major cause of many of the dreaded diseases like B.P., Coronary strokes, gastro-intestinal disorders, kidney failure etc. Experts have also brought out for the public the preventive and curative role of vegetarian diet in man's daily life. The false notion that without meat eating man does not get the required energy and strenght is falling off; and the truth that vegetarian food is nutritionally wholsesome and complete with calories, proteins, minerals and vitamins etc., is being increasingly accepted. In this context I remember a classical example: Henry David Thoreu, the famous American pacifist, thinker and vegctarian, was once asked by a farmer, "I hear, you don't eat meat. Wherefrom do you get your strength?" Thorcu smilingly pointing to the husky team of horses drawing the farmer's wagon replied "Wherefrom do they get their strength?" Moreover we should note that the young Indian Chap, Shri Shah, who recently swam and competently crossed the British Channel, is strictly vegetarian and endowed with sound health12
Then on ethioo-social ground too meat eating has been proved to be bad, cruel and harmful to the human society itself. Yuvacārya Mahāprajñaji holds: With non-vegetarianism (meateating) the cruelty of killing of living beings is connected. Non-meat eaters are naturally free from such injury to life. The Jaina

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community is a living cxample. The Jains are usually aversc to several offences, because they are strictly vegetarians. Then taking for a while a socio-spiritual view, the learned monk obscrves: Man is not body alone that can think of quenching only hunger. He is a soul too that should have reverance or regard for other souls as well . Some cminent thinkers!4 hold that if man kills animals for food, he will not hesitate to kill his fellowmen whom he considers as his enemies. Dr.Albert Scweitzer, who was awarded the Nobel Prize for Peace, said that we will not have peace until! we cducate our people to develop in them “Reverance for Life”. Moreover meat cating moulds man's nature and sshapes his mode of Life. It encourages permissible society, cruclty and crimes and creats problems of co-existence, ccology and peace.
The economic aspect of non-vegetarian as against vegetarian sood is also disappointing and dismal. It is noted that we require approximately 5 kgs. of cdible grains to build 1 kg. of animal flesh for our food"). It is also observed : 10 Acres of land will support 66 people growing so, to 40 people growing ricc, 30 people growing maize and only 3 people growing cattle. The present population of the world is about 3 billion. If everyone will cat balanced vegetable dict, we can feed a population of 10 billion. Moreover at present more than 70% of the agricultural land in Western Countries is used for growing feed for farm animals, instead of food for humans. Hence considerable reduction or rather stopping meat consumption in the West would make a notable contribution toward fighting growing hunger in the Third World."
Thus if we calmly reflect and consider vegetarianisam versus non- vegetarianism from various points of view - economic, social, ecological, ethical, spiritual, moral, nutritional, medical, practical etc., only vegetarianism alone would justifiably provide with individual as well as social happiness and peace to the present world, which is ailing with a number of maladies such as hunger, poverty, exploitation, injustice, violence, terrorism, sabotage etc. And we should not forget that vegetarianism cannot sprout, grow and fructify of its own accord; but is has to be based on the

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great universal virtue of ahimsa - non-violence, equality of souls, love, compassion, reverence for life. Culture based on ahimsa alone can lead humanity to its destined goal; and for this indeed we have to seck now guidance from the fundamental principles and spirit of Jainism itself.

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*
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
Studies in Jainology, Prakrit
REFERENCES AND NOTES
Paper published in Ahimsa Voice,'1993.
Ayaro, II-3, 63-64, Ed. Muni Shri Nathmalji, Jain Svetambara Terapanthi Mahasabhā, Calcutta, 1967, p.29. Mularadhana of Sivarya, Solapur, 1935, gaha 777.
Prasna-vyakaraṇa-sūtra, Ed.Amar Muni, Sanmati Jnanapitha, Agra, 1973, Ch. VI-21.
Vide any edition of the Adipurana by Acarya Jinasena. For all details in this regard, vide Gommatesvara Commemoration Volume, Shravanabelagola, 1981.

Vide Uttaradhyayana-sūtra, Ch.22.
There are thousands of such narratives in the Jaina Commentorial Literature and numerous Kathakosas composed in Prakrit, Sanskrit, Hindi, Gujarati and Kannada. For details vide Jaina Yoga by R.Williams, London Oriental Series, Volume 14, London, 1963, pp.110-116.
(i) It may be noted that just a few years ago ci., in 1985, the University of Cambridge had sponsored an International Seminar on Jainas as a Community, on the principal consideration that the Jainas are the only community in the world who scruporously practise ahimsa in their daily life. (ii) Moreover on the invitation of Prince Philip of England, Chariman of Worldwide Fund for Nature, an Indian Delegation of 21 Members (monks, scholars, social workers etc.) representing the Jaina Community all over the world, submitted (on 23.10.1990) a memorandum on the View of

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10.
Jainism Towards Nature. The Memorandom mainly contained: (i) Teachings of Jainism with ahimsā as its fundamental Doctrine. (ii) Jaina View of the Universe, with due regard for ecology and protection to all living beings. (iii) Jaina Ethical Doctrines, among which strict vegetarianism projecting emphatically. (iv) The following significant Jaina motto duly highlighted: Parasparopagraho Jivanam: All living beings in the world are interdependent, are tied to one another for their fruitful co- existence. For details, vide the Sakāl (Marathi Daily) dated 2.12.1990. For example :(i) Role of Vegetarian Diet, Ed.Dr.O.P.Kapoor and Dr.Anand Gokani, Pub.R.D.Birla Smarak Kosh, Bombay, 1989. (ii) Vegetarianism or Non-vegetarianism? Decide for yourself : hy Gopinath Agarwal, New Delhi, 1990. (iii) Why Vegetarianism? by Dr.S.S.Jhaveri, Ahmedabad, Ahimsa Voice, April-July November, 1990. (iv) You are what you Eat, by Aravind Kala, Indian Express, (Bangalore Edn.), dated 1.12.1990. Quoted by Aravind Kala in the Indian Express (Bangalore Edn.), dated 1.12.1990. I had the good fortune of seeing this adventurous healthy youngster at Bārāmati (Dist. Pune) on 21.10.1990, when he was felicitated by the pious citizens of Baramati under the guidance of Acārya Śrī Vidyānandaji, who was then there for his rainy retreat. For details, vide his article Ham Keval Šarir Nahi Hai (in Hindi), Tirthankara, Dec.1990. Like Dādā J.P.Väsvāni of Sadhu Vāsvāni Mission, Delhi. For details, Vide Dr.John Mayor's paper entitled 'The Role of the Jaina Heritage in Today's world', Souveneer of the
11.
12.
13.
14. 15.

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16.
Third International Jain Conference, Delhi, 1985. For a fund of information in this regard, Vide Dr.S.S.Jhaveri's paper entitled why Vegetarianism 7, Ahimsā Voice, April-July Number, 1990.

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| 13
SIGNIFICANCE OF SOME JAINA COSMOGRAPHIC
CONCEPTS
According to the Digambara tradition, the Jaina Cosmographic knowledge, or the picture of the universe with its inhabitants and objects, has come down right from Lord Mahāvīra. The Ganadharas collected it as it was revealed by the Lord and handed it over through a long succession of teachers who later compiled the same into standard works like the Tiloyapannatti, the Tiloya-sāra, the Lokavibhāga etc. The Svetāmbara tradition is the same as well. The Ardhamāgadhi Canon, the codified corpus of Lord Mahavira's teachings, comprises cosmographical works like the Suriyapannatti, the Candapannatti and the Jambuddiva-pannatli besides having a considerable amount of cosmographical details in a few other canonical works like the Pannavanā, the Thänāmga and the Samavāyamga.' Eminent scholars like Kirfel are quite pleased to find such systematic and extensive Jaina treatises on cosmography which is not the casc with other rcligious communities of India.' This fact indicates the degree of importance the early Jaina teachers had given to cosmography among other branches of knowledge. In thc Jaina literary history
cosmographical works are called the Karangranthas, forming a

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part of the Karaṇānuyoga, a division of the pro-canon of the Digambaras, that comprises works on cosmography, astronomy and mathematics.
A cursory survey of the contents of one or two cosmographical works from each of the Ardhamāgadhĩ canon and the Pro-canon of the Digambaras, would show us that the general structure and picture of the universe is almost the same; and yet here and there we find some minor differences bearing on nomenclature, enumeration, situation of some geographical units, measurements of areas etc. We also see in these works peculiar logic, rich imagination, prototypical attitude etc., looming large in the course of the detailed description of the parts of the world and its occupants. Prof.Ludwing Alsdorf instituting a comparative investigation of some aspects of Jaina Cosmography as rightly come to the conclusion that there were several progressive stages in the development of the conception of the world on the part of the Jaina Acaryas.
Possibly the core-conception of the world, as scholars like Schubirng think, may have been, in very early days, near to true to the then known geographical facts along with the visible solar system etc., i.e., the conception of the circular-shaped Jambudvipa due to that of the segment Bharata like which the Indian peninsula appeared, the amount Mandara representing the Himalayas, the flowing of the two rivers from a longish lake on cach Vasadhara mountain into the Lavana sea thought after the course of the Sindhu and the Ganga, the conception of the intermediate continents as based on the ancient knowledge of Indo-China and the Malaccha peninsula etc.
Then this core-conception of the world appears to have developed further progressively at some stages with the need and on the line of the interpretation and explanation of some of the Jaina dogmatical, metaphysical and ethical doctrines. The nature of the soul and non-soul, the doctrine of Karman with the inseparable phenomenon of the cycle of life after death and the principle of retribution after every deed etc. in Jainism needed

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to be explained to the lay followers or common people through narratives effectively presented at the concrete background of the universe of the Jaina ideology; and hence the Jaina Acaryas with their own logic, imagination and vision, appear to have stuffed the former core-conception of the world with numerous clements and details so as to serve their practical needs. Such phase of Jaina cosmography could have first taken its due shape along the constitution of the Jaina Purānas or Caritas”, and expanded later into other narratives like religious novels, tales, sub-tales etc. In this context it is essential on our part to remember that the Jainas have no cosmogony, because their cardinal philsophic tenet states that the universe, with its system, is anādinidhana - with neither beginning nor end. So it will not be wrong if we postulate that the early Jaina thinkers, unlike their Brāhmana brothers, having no need of spending their time and energy on reflecting over the origin of the universe, may have, with the above cited need, zealously worked out all possible details for their heavenly and hellish regions and the Vidyadhara Śrenis etc., with their wonderfully-concepted graded personalities, their abodes, their consorts, their cities and their movements and after all each having an identifiable and pleasing name etc., for instructing the above-cited doctrines to their lay followers in an interesting and entertaining manner.
Such move naturally enriched and boosted the Jaina narrative literature, first of all the Puranas or Caritas, the Prathamānuyoga, for any folk-talc, any historical or semi- historical cvent or personage, or any universal motif, could be adopted and conveniently converted into a Jaina narrative asset. Moreover, these cosmographical concepts, through such narratives, were imprinted on the minds of the lay followers as well as the young monks and became popular. Soon there also appeared exclusive standard works on Jain cosmography with well-knit patterns of details which were utilised profusely by the later Jaina narrators of Prakrit, Sanskrit, Hindi, Kannada etc., though by their timc such aspects
of cosmographic knowledge had become outdated.

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It would appear like a paradox that by the 20th century A.D., when the Jaina thinkers, on one hand, had long before contributed so much in the field of Physics (say, with their atomic theory and principles of motion and rest etc.), and of biology (with the subtle nigoya etc.), and when Mahavíra-carya (850 A.D.) has already composed his unique mathematical treatise, the Ganitasārasamgraha, on the other hand, the Jaina narrators were still harping on such cosmographic concepts based on “debatable logic"* and free imagination, as picked up from contemporary or earlier cosmographical treatises and incorporated in their narratives. The reason for such a state of things is quite significant. The doctrine of Karman, The cycle of birth and death, the theory of retribution for one's deeds etc., in Jainism could not and cannot be better explained to the common laity than through the medium of such objectively cast narratives. I would like to illustrate this significance from a Jaina classical narrative in Kannada viz., the Vaddārādhane (C.925 A.D.), which is substantially based - - - on an early Prakrit commentary on the Mūlarādhanā of Sivakotyācārya (100 A.D.), and which stands in line with other such Kathakośas in Prakrit, Sanskrit and Apabhramsa.
In story No.19, the author, after giving an interesting life sketch of Acārya Vrsabhasena, tells us that the sage died the Jaina religious death and then was reborn as a god in the 14th kalpa called Prāṇata with the span of life of 20 Sāgaropama years. Similarly, according to Story No.:8, teacher Dharmaghoṣa led a pious life, died a similar death and was reborn as Acyutendra in the 16th kalpa with the life-span of 22 Sāgaropama years. Then according to Story No.1, Sukausalasvāmi died a similar death and was reborn as Ahamindra in the Sarvarthasiddhi with the life-span of 33 sagaropama years. Lastly, according to the same story the sage Siddhārtha died similar death, accomplished the Ratnatraya and attained salvation. Without elaborating the Jaina mctaphysical points, we can just say here that the higher degree of one's annihilation of Karman is related to one's being reborn in the

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heavenly abode of higher status with longer life-span and greater happiness, and complete annihilation leading to salvation. Had not the Jaina thinkers conceived these minutely graded and named heavenly abodes, the Jaina doctrine of Karman etc., could not have been interpreted and explained through the narratives effectively to the common lay followers. To heighten the effect of such edification in a certain context, the author summarises the importance of righteous life by quoting an ancient Prakrit verse and enumerating all the 16 kalpas, 9 graiveyakas, 9 anudisas and 5 anuttaras and thereby inspiring the readers or listeners towards the imposing Devaloka through their good conduct."
11
Then, in Story No. 17, after describing a horrible violent act of one Skandakumara, the author convincingly narrates how the culprit died and was reborn straightway in the 7th hellish region with the life-span of 33 Sagaropama years and how it required for him the total period of 91 Sāgaropama years to be spent in all the 7 hellish regions one after another after successively being born as a lower being (tiryak) each time, before he was born as a jatayu bird, which coming in contact with Padma and reciting the pañca- namaskāra mantra, died and was reborn in heaven 12 Without such a conception of graded and minutely worked out hellish regions, the Jaina theory of retribution could not have been better explained to the common people. To heighten the effect of his narration, in a certain context, the author quotes the following Prakrit versel and further describes the awful sufferings of the hellish beings14 as if to desist them from
13
"
14
committing impious deeds: Acchinimilaṇamettaṁ ṇatthi suhaṁ dukkhamev anubaddhaṁ.
"

95
Nirac niraiyanam ahannisam paccamāṇānam.
Further, in some other context, the author quotes the following Prakrit verse of immense ethical value as a part of a sermon by sage Abhayaghosa :
Pāvena nirayatiriyam gammai dhammeṇa devalogam.
15

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Missena mānusaltam donham pi khaena nivvānam.
This verse, I would say, contains the quintessence of Jaina ehtics and it may also be said to have borne the generalised form of the Jaina doctrine of Karman. How to explain it to common people or the lay followers? It could best bc donc so by illustrating through narratives the concerned sides of human behaviour at the concrete background of the universe of Jaina ideology with certain cosmographic conceps like the minutely graded, stuffed and named heavenly abodes and hellish regions. And that is what our author does in the passages following thc above-cited quolution.
Lastly, I would take up the Vidyadhara regions and their characteristic life. This aspect of the Jaina cosmographic concept appears to have been formed with a view to adding a romantic element and marvellous sentiment to the Jaina narratives (to the Puranas at the beginning) making them much more interesting and entertaining. To give to this objective a concreto and lively form, the Jaina thinkers appear to have conceived definite number of the Vidyadhara seats in rows on the northern and southern sides of the Vijayardha mountain, with their wonderful names like Meghakulapura, Rathanūpura Cakravalapura ctc., with the besitting names of the Vidyadharas and their consorts like Candavega, Asanivega and Vidyullatā, Meghamala etc., equipped with magical powers like Kāmavidyā, Prajñapti- mahāvidyā etc. In the Vaddarādhane all such details are found in Storcs Nos.2 and 4 and they very well tally with those given in the Tiloya-pannatti.!?
In conclusion, it can be said that behind the minutely graded heavenly abodes, hellish regions and Vidhadhara rows, stuffed with all possible requirements for a concvetc and lively view of cach, in the Jaina cosmography, there appears to have been the need or objective of interpreting and explaining some Jaina dogmatical, metaphysical and cthical principles to the laily through narratives in an interesting and entertaining manner.

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*
2.
3.
4.
5.
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REFERENCES AND NOTES
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Paper presented at the International Seminar on Jaina Mathematics and Cosmology, held under the joint auspices of the Digambar Jain Institute of Cosmographic Research and Meerat University, held at Hastinapur in April 1985 and published in the Tulasi Prajña, Vol.III, 1985. (i) Vide the Tiloya-pannatti I, Solapur, 1943, Ch.1-55-90. (ii) Simhasūri, the author of the Lokavibhāga, Solapur 1962, that he has presented such inherited knowledge in translation
-
- bhasa- parivartana i.e., in Sanskrit from Prakrit.
For Further details, vide the introductory part of Ch.V, The Doctrine of the Jainas, by Walther Schubring, Delhi, 1962. Vide Kirfel's Die Kosmographic der Inder, Bonn U.Leipzig, 1920, part III, introductory passage.
At times the same tradition faces different opinions on certain cosmographic details, for example, the number of kalpas, 16 or 12. Yativrsabha records such matters by saying kei paruvanti, some Acaryas describe so and so.
Vide Further contribution to the History of Jaina Cosmography, in Ludwig Alsdorf Kleine Schriften, Wiesbaden, 1974, pp. 136- 159, particularly p.155.
(i) Op. Cit, Ch. V, p.225.
(ii) This is also true of the thinkers in other religious communities of India.
(iii) Therefore the outlinear plan and structure of the world given by different schools of ancient India is more or less the same.
7.

(i) One can call it a finished cosmographic-mythological

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9. 10.
system. In the introductory part of the Jaina Purana, therefore, is generally given an outline of the structure of the universe and other cosmographic details. (ii) Cāmundarāya in the introductory part of his Purāna (Bangalore, 1928) states that such Puranas or the Prathamānuyoga create or enkindle the Right Faith among the laity. (i) Vide Alsdorf, Loc.cit. (ii) He also remarks here that much of the Jaina cosmographic details is quite worthless and meaningless mass. (iii) But behind all this, we should note, there was the Jaina objective. Mysore, 1959. (i) It may be noted in this context that unlike the authors of the Jaina Mahapurānas, who provide a brief Jaina cosmographic sketch at the introductory part of their works, the authors of these Kathakośas as well as those of the Jaina religious novels, tales and kāvayas etc., presuppose an acquaintance of Jaina cosmography on the part of their readers. This could be for the reason that by the time of the appearance of such Jaina narrative works, the readers scem to have been accustomed to collecting some basic cosmographic knowledge from one or other monograph on Jaina Cosmography. (ii) It is so very interesting to note that Karnataka had a good tradition of Jaina Cosmographic studies. My scrutiny of the Kannada Prāntiya Tadapatriya Granthasuci (Ed. Pt. Bhujabali Shastri, Kashi, 1948) has revealed the following facts : (a) A number of Mss of the Tiloya-pannatti (Yativrsabha), the Tiloyasāra (of Nemicandra), the Jambuddiva-pannatti

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11. 12. 13.
(of Padmanandi), the Lokavibhāga of Simhasūri) etc., are very well preserved in Kannada script. (b) Several such Mss of the Tiloyasara contain Sanskrit commentaries by either Madhavacandra or Abhyacandra (c) One Kavicandrama has translated the Lokavibhāga into Kannada - the Ms is dated C.1700 A.D. (d) The great Kannada poet, Ratnākaravarni (1600 A.D.) has composed a beautiful Jaina Cosmographic work in Kannada entitled the Trilokasataka, which in my view, appears to be a digest of Nemicandrācārya's Prakrit Tiloyasara. (iii) The Trilokasataka has appeared in print. Story No.7, pp.97-98. pp. 178-179. (i) p.126. (ii) This verse, which is found in the Tiloyasāra, is certainly a quotation from some early work. (iii) It campares partly with the one in the Tiloya-pannatti, Ch.Il-352. (i) pp. 126-127. (ii) This description very well compares with the one found in the Tiloya-pannatti, Ch.Il-313-358. p.96. It is found in the Paramātma-prakasa-tika of Brahmadova 2-63, where also it seems to be a quotation from some ancient work. The Vaddarādhane, in Story No. 1, respectfully refers to this and also some other earlier Cosmographical works like the Logani and the Sangani, which titles appear to be currupt forms of the Logayanīya and the Aggāyaniya.
16.
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SOME ASPECTS OF JAINA YOGA IN THE TENTH
CENTURY
The tcrm Yoga has scvoral meanings. Lexicographers like Apte note as many as 38 meanings of it, besides enumerating many compound words formed with it. Union, contact, concurrence, employment, trick, mode, consequence, yoke, remedy, .magic, maxim, skill, etymology, concentration of mind, deep meditation, contemplation of spiritual object etc, are some of its meanings. Compund words like Yogaksema, Yoganidrā, Yogakanya, Yoganatha, Yogacūrna, Yogavāhi, Daivayoga etc. are interesting and some of them are replete with colourful bits of information of ancient Indian mythology and culture. Hence the meaning of the term Yoga depends on the context in which it is used. Here our concern is with yoga in the religio-spiritual context, which can broadly be defined as religious or spiriiual exertion for altaining salvation, perfection of final beautifude.
Elaborating further, Yoga is interpreted as a psycho-philosophic discipline, well equipped with pragmatic system and technique which has been for long employed in India for reaching religious and spiritual goals. In simple words, as technology is related to the present day science, Yoga was related to philosophy

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in ancient India. It is rather difficult to trace exactly the roots of such Yoga tradition. It is, however, suggested, on the strength of the Yoga-styled naked monuincnts found in Mohañjodaro, that the ludus Valley Civilization might have originated some of the Yoga concepts, 10 which Auslric and Dravidian people also seem to have contributed considerably. Thereafter the tradition of Yoga has sown in three streams viz., Jaina, Bauddha and Hindu." Yuvācārya Śrī Mahaprajnaji's way of putting forth this very fact is much interesting. The strcam of Yoga had dams built at various slages. As a result we have Jaina Yoga, Bauddha Yoga and Patañjala Yoga."
Really these three are not completely separate and independent systems, but they are interrelated to a considerable extent and have insluenced each other. Their basic principles and concepts are much similar and their goal is more or less the same. Yet they rose up as different systems owing to the usage of different terms and names for certain Yogic concepts and owing to varicd interpretations or their sub-doctrines in the respective philosophical circles in the different periods of history. Pārsva and Mahavira are the originators of the Jaina system of Yoga, the Buddha is that of the Buddhist system and Patañjali is known as the best exponent of the Vedic or Hindu system of Yoga. Patañjali's Yogasutra is a unique work of codification of the Yoga of his times and, as such, stands supreme and unparalleled in the field. Its supremacy and populatity led the Vedic tradition of Yoga to be known as Patañjala Yoga. The 196 Sūtras in it cxpound the eight-sold constituent modes or methods of Yoga - (Astangayoga) to be practised sequentially and progressively. They are yama (restraint), niyama (observance), āsana (steady posture), prānāyāma (regulation of breath), pratyahāra (withdrawal of senses from their objects) dhārana (concentration of mind on any object etc.) dhyāna (meditation) and samādhi (super-conseious siate). The Yogic concepts, views and experiences of the Buddha, as scattered in the Pali Pitakas, were gleaned and syathetically presented in the

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Visuddhimagga by Buddhaghosa. In the Bauddha Yoga, samādhi, which is to be attained through dhyāna, and which is the constituent part of the Madhyama Pratipada propounded by the Buddha, has great importance.
The early phase of the Jaina system of Yoga, as developed by Mahāvīra after taking it over from Pārsva, is indicated by words like kāyotsarga, samvara, dhyāna, tapa etc, found in the early cononical works. It is also held that Umāsvami culled this system under samvara and its constituents (Ch.XI) in his Tattvārthasūtra, though his usage of the term Yoga here, in the sense of Activities of the body, speech and mind, is quite contrary to that of Patañjali, who used it in the sense of 'restraint of activities of the Mind'. Kundakunda's works like Niyamasara, Pavayanasara and Mokkhapāhuda also give some glimpses of Jaina Yoga. The Kāyotsarga Adhyayana'' in the Āvasyaka Niryukti can be called an introductory and important chapter in Jaina Yoga. Many other Jaina teachers like Pūjayapada, Jinabhadra Ksamāśramana, Yogindradeva etc. gave thought to Jaina Yoga and composed works concerning the same." But Haribhadrasūri (800 A.D.) happens to be the first Jaina teacher who used the term Yoga with a synthetic and integrated view of the different Yogic concepts and practices of both the other systems viz., the Hindu and Buddhist. In one of his four works on Yoga viz., Yogavimsikā, he calls Yoga ‘a noble and spiritual conduct of life'. Hemacandra (1200 A.D.), almost following the same ideal, named his work on the codified rules of conduct prescribed for the monks and the laity as Yogasastral and reiterated the age- long ideal of Jaina Yoga, i.c., the entire religious striving for salvation (moksa) itself is Yoga. This inherent Jaina ideology of Yoga, I believe, rather indicates the reason why exclusive and codified works on Yoga on the model of Patañjali's were not produced by early eminent Jaina teachers like Bhadrabāhu, Kundakunda or the like. Then taking a comparative view of the Jaina Yogic practices with those of Patañjala Yoga, it can be noted that pranāyāma, dhārana, and

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samadhi are not duly accepted, and yama, niyama, asana, pratyāhāra and dhyana are not expounded to be sequential order in Jaina Yoga. Moreover the yogic concept of Kayotsarga, which is one of the six essentials and an adjunct to many other Yogic modes or means, is unique in Jainism. Kayotsarga means giving up one's body or experiencing one's soul as separate from the body. It is also interpreted as mamatvatyāga. It can be called a preliminary yogic adjunct through which many other higher yogic practices can be successfully accomplished. According to Hemacandra15 kayotsarga is standing silent in meditation without any other activity or movement than the involuntary activities of the body, such as breathing for a definite time until the pañca-namaskāra is recited.' The minimum time prescribed for this is one muhurta (48 minutes). Hemacandra illustrates the ideal kāyotsarga in the following words : 'At dead of night he (the monk) stands in the kayotsarga outside the city wall and the bullocks taking him for a post rub their flanks against his body." An interesting practical exercise, with modern terminology, of kayotsarga is given by Mahāprajnajī in his Jaina yoga. He hopes that the contents of this work would be the media of memory of the forgotten chapters of Jaina Yoga." This means that a lot of research is yet to be undertaken in the field on Jaina Yoga.
,16
17
18
103
For a complete picture of Jaina yoga our mere acquaintance of works on or concerning yoga will not suffice. We must also know how, from the early times, it was practised and what terms for particular concepts of the existing yogic practices were used. We learn from some cononical works that Lord Mahavira used to be in kayotsarga for meditation, he practised bhndra and other pratimas, he did not take food or water for weeks together and even for months together etc. Such information about different aspects of Jaina yoga, collected on historical principles, viz., in the time and space context, and from varied available sources, I think, would yield encouraging results. Keeping this in view, I would venture to tap the sources of the Jaina stories. For the purpose of both the time and space contexts, I would pick up

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two works of, more or less, the same period and the same nature, but composed in two different places by two different authors respectively belonging to them.
These two works are : (1) The Vaddaradhane in Kannada, composed in Karnataka by an unknown Jaina monk in C.925.A.D.19 (2) The Brhatkathakośa in Sanskrit, composed by Harişena in Kathiyavad in 930 A.D.20 Both are Aradhanā Kathākošas, based on the Mūlarādhanā of Sivāraya' and having a Prakrit commentary on the Mularādhanā as one of their sources. Stories 1 to 19 in Vaddarādhane correspond to stories 126 to 144 in the Brhatkathākosa. The methodology I have adopted here is to glcan from their texts and enlist, with observations, such terms and phrases that indicate or signify one or other aspect of Jaina Yoga. While doing so the context in the respective text, the native element etc. are duly taken into consideration. Routine technical terms like dharma-dhyāna, sukla-dhyana, their sub-divisions, the various rddhis and labdhis (occult powers) etc., which also appear to have come down from the root source or sources of these texts, have been often ignored.
Following is such a study of the stories in the Vaddarādhane and of the corresponding stories in the Brhatkathakośa :
Tapa22 (penance) seems to have acquired great importance in the Jaina religious circles of Karnatak during the tenth century A.D. In these stories of the Vaddaradhane, the tcrm tapa is used in its various shades of meaning and representing peculiar contemporary concepts of Jaina yoga. Tapambadu (21. 11, 30. 16 etc.)23 is used a number of times in the sense of : to enter the Order; tapambadisu (79.8) - to initiate into the Order; tapamgeyyu (30.16 etc.) - to persevere in penance. Further, tapa (penance) was perserved by the Jaina monks by indulging in yama, niyama, svadhyaya and dhyananusthāna (11.24-25, 96.15-16). The nature of such tapa (penance) was ugrogra tapa (49.15), ghora- vīra tapa (98.24, 134. 3-4) and ugrogra ghora-vira tapa (145.3), tapogni (the

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fåre of penance) is said to have burnt out all the 8 kinds of karmas (174:9). Tapisu (151.25) is used once in the sense of : to imatiate the body. Tapa (127.24-25) is once defimod as the absence of extemal and internal parigraha (possessions). Lastly in these stories we come across a very important concept of tapa viz., dvadaśavidhamappa tapa (1.9, 11.23). The twelve- fold code of conduct for the lạity (comprising 5 Anuatas, 3 Gunavratas and 4 Śikṣāvratas) is referred here as tapa and not as yoga.
The term yoga has scarcely been used in these stories in the sense of : spiritual or religious exertion for salvation of liberation. However, the following technical terms in Jaina yoga are worthy of note : kasāya-yoga (24.8), yoga-nirodha (155.20), ayogi (155.21) and jogabhakti (156.8.161.2). The following Yogic practices, some of them expressed in local tone, appear to have been current in these days : pralimayoga (74,25 etc.) - standing like a statue; atapasthitayoga (114.5) - standing in the sun : ckasthitayoga (160.13-14) - standing in the same place until death; Tatripratimā (31.23 etc.) - standing in (kāyotsarga) the whole night; suryapratimā (152.15 etc.) - standing (in kāyotsarga) the whole day; kalncle nil (114.6, 160.14) - to stand (in kayotsarga) on the rock. Kayotsarga (49.18 etc.) abandoning the body, is found used several times. Jogugo! (27.24, 28.1, 48.7) - to enter Yoga, is a peculiar local vocable used in the sense of : to enter a mystic trance. In the similar context Harisena 4 used Yogagrahana (126.237) accepting yoga.
Samadhi (117.29) - the supreme state of dhyāna is occasionally found to have been used in the sense of the last stage of sukla-dhyāna. But samadhi-marana (45.1 etc.) invariably stands for bhakta-pratyakhyāna or prayeopagamana marana.
Upavāsa (64.10) - fasting was supposed to be a kind of tapa (penance). Various kinds of fasts like astopavāsa (107.6). paksopavāsa (45.6), māsopavāsa (46.1) diksopavāsa (68.24), etc. were observed by monks and laymen as suited to them. Nompi

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(156.24 etc.) was a local word for the vow of fasting observed by the laity, which could be sasta, astama, daśama, dvadasa etc. fasting for 2.5 days, 3.5 days, 4.5 days, 5.5 days etc. There are also references to acamlavardhana-nompi (66.17) observed by a layman and simhaniskridita-nompi (172- 12) observed by a monk. It is interesting to note in this context that in the Jaina Manuscript Libraries of Karnatak there are found several medieval and later story-books entitled Nompiya Kathegalu (Stories of vows of fasting).
Now when we come to Harisena in Kathiyavada of the tenth century we find a little difference in the usage of terms in Jaina Yoga, though the Yogic concepts are almost the same. Moreover Harisena's corresponding stories being comparatively in. brief, a few Yogic practices and concepts possibly could not have come down in them.
Tapo Jainam asisriyat (126.203), Jainam tapo agrahil dadhau Jainesvaram tapah (138.48) - such expressions, along with others like dīksām daigambarīm dadhau (126.11), Jinoditam dīksam dadhau (139.172) etc., are fourd for entering the order. Dadhau tapah (126.200) is used for : he perserved in penance. Jaina monks persevered in many kinds of penances : vividham tapah (128.15) or nānā-tapah (136.19). A Jaina monk is noted as tapahsoșitavigrahah (127.97) - one whose body was imatiated by penance; another is described as tapanidhi (131.13) - a store-house of penances; some other is referred as taporasi (139.73) - heap of penances. Observing astopavāsa was esteemed as a tapomārga (134.21-22) - a path of penance.
Here in Kathiyavad the term yoga appears to have been rather popular and much more current than was found in the Karnataka of the same period. The Jaina monk is mostly referred here as yogi (126.51 etc.) and often as yogindra (126:47 etc.), yogisa, (136.19) etc. The great sages like Bhadrabahu are referred as mahāyogi (131.28), (141.6). It may be recalled, at this context,

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that the author of the Vadďaradhane called all such sages as bhatāra. Further, yogagrahana (126.237) - accepting Yoga, appears to have been used for entering a mystic trance. Sārvari-yoga (139.116) - night-yoga, stands for rātri-pratimā. Gatiyoga (130.8) appears to have been some occult of fast movement possessed by a monk.
The following compound words, found in these stories, rather indicate the extent of hold of the term yoga on the mind of the author, Harisena, and hence, on the surrounding locality of the period; mithyodarsana-yogatah (139.20), Jinokta-jñāna-yogatah (136.48), vibhanga-jñāna- yogatah (134.52), daiva-yogatah (127.28 etc.), mantra-yoga (126.111), kākatāliya- yoga (141.41) etc.
Samadhi (127.207, 127.278), here too, indicates the final stage of sukla-dhyāna; but the word samādhi-marana is not at all found in any one of these corresponding stories.
This study may be concluded with the following general observation : During the 10th century A.D. in Karnatak the religious striving for liberation of the Jaina monk as well as of the laymen was known mostly as tapa. The Jaina teacher, who trodded the path of such tapa, was called bhatāra. But in the Kathiyāvad of the same period, though the term tapa was sparingly used for such religious striving of the Jaina monk, he was generally known as yogi. It appears that Haribhadra's synthetic approach towards Jaina Yoga was having its gradual impact on the Kathiyavad of this period.

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REFERENCES AND NOTES
1.
Paper presented at the Staff Academy, Karnatak Arts College, Dharwad, 1981 and published in Tulasi Prajñā, Vol. VII-11-12, 1982. The Practical Sanskrit-English Dictionary, Delhi 1975. Vide Haribhadra, Jainism and Yoga by S.M.Desai, Sambodhi, Vol.VIII. 1-4, pp. 153-155. (i) For want of sufficient data it is very difficult to prove which system is older. (ii) Some scholars hold that the standing deities of the Mohanjodaro scals display an aspect of Jaina Yoga viz., Kāyotsarga. For details in this regard, vide Yoga, Meditation and Mysticism in Jainism, by T.K.Tukol, Delhi, 1978, pp. 3-4. Jaina Yoga, Churu, 1978, Front cover-jacket. ātmā, punarjanma ctc. kaivalya, nirvāna and mokșa. We, should remember that according to Vyāsa, the commentator 'on Yogadarsana, Surat, 1958, p.2, Yogah samadhi (Yoga is samadhi.) The term Yoga found in some of the canonical works, like the Uttarādhyanasūtra VIII-14 (samadhi- joga), Niyamasāra 137-139 (joga) etc. is used in the sense of dhyāna. Vide Desai, Loc. cit. Kāyotsarga is also treated at length in works like the Muläradhanā, the Mulacara etc., For details regarding this, vide Jaina Yoga, by Dr.A.B.Dige, Varansi, 1981 pp, 37-53.
10.
11.

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12.
13.
14. 15.
17.
They are Yogavimsikā, Yogasataka, Yogabindu and Yogadrstisamuccaya. The first two are in Prakrit and the other two are in Sanskrit. Keeping Hcmacandra in view, recently R. Williams called his work on the Jaina srāvaka- dharma (the corpus of rutes that regulate the daily life of a layman) Jaina Yoga, London, 1963. Vide Mahaprajñaji, Intro. to Jaina Yoga, p.1. Yogasastra, III-130. (i) Ibid. III-144. (ii) As rendered by R. Williams, Op.cit., p.215. pp. 166-167. Op.cit., Intro.p.5. Mysorc, 1959. Bombay, 1943. Composed in Prakrit and belonging to c.100 A.D. Tapa is said to have been the oldest word used for expressing Yogic practice, wich attempt at the beginning appears to have got inspiration from the sun and the fire. (i) The first number refers to the page and the second to the line. (ii) etc. indicates usage of the vocable numerous times. In respect of the Brhatkathākośa, the first number refers to the story and the second to the verse.
18.
21. 22.
24.

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15
OBSERVATIONS ON SOME
SOURCES OF THE PUNYASRAVA-KATHAKOSA
Jaina literature is remarkably rich in stories. From early times the Jaina teachers have narrated or composed stories in Prakrit and Sanskrit (later also in Apabhramsa and some of the modern Indian languages) with a view to imparting ethical education to monks and cdifying and instructing the pious laity in an entertaining manner. As a result, there has gracefully flown a stream of Jaina narrative literature which is a part of the Indian narrative literature in general. Kathakosas or Compilations of Storics form an interesting type among those ones found in the later Jaina narrative' literature. And the Punyāsrava-kathākoša, in Sanskrit prose, of Ramacandra Mumuksu stands as a unique work among the Kathakośas. It is unique in the sense that it illustrates the fruits obtainable from the practice of the six-fold duties of housc- holders which are generally known as:
(i) Devapuja (worship of divinity); (ii) Gurūpāsti (devotion to Guru); (iii) Svadhayāya (Study of scripture); (iv) Samyama (self-restraint);

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(v) Tapa (penance); and (vi) Dāna (religious donation)
The Punyāsrava- kathakosa has been a very popular work among the pious Jaina house-holders and house- wives. Its very tiile signifies that the study of it by such men and women would cause influx of meritorious Karman in them. Its manuscripts are found in the various parts of India and it has been translated in different languages such as Kannada, Marathi and Hindi." It is worth noting that the Kannada scholar, Nagarāja, based his Punyasrava, in Campu style, on this work as early as 1331 A.D. The Punyasrava-kathakosa is divided into six sextions which in all have fifty-six stories. These sections give stories of outstanding men and women who were famous for the practice of the six-fold duties enumerated above. Rāmacandra Mumuksu, however, uses slightly different terms : Pujā, Pañca-namaskāra-mantra, Śrutopayoga, Sila, Upavāsa and Dana. Each story opens with a verse (in one case with two verses) that forms just a skeleton of the story narrated as an illustration. The stories are illustrated in simple prosc, but with emboxment of sub-tales and sub-sub-tales. There are also found some Sanskrit and prakrit verses quoted here and there in the course of narration. Mostly, the author of the Punyāsrava-kathākośa does not mention the sources of the stories. But in respect of somc storis he specifies the sources by mentioning merely the names of works such as Rāmāyana (St.No.5, p.15) Padmacarita (St.No.15, p.82) Sukumāracarita (St.Nos.21-22, p.107) etc, Rarely he specifies a source by mentioning the name of the work as well as that of the author : Bhrajisnorārādhanā-Karnātatīkakathitakramenollekhamātram kathiteyam kathā iti (St.No.8 p.61), i.e, this story is adapted in short from the Kannada Commentary on the Arādhama of Bhrajisnu. Among those stories about the sources of which nothing is said by the author, the threads of some can be traced to works like the Padmacarita of Ravisena, the Mahāpurāņa of

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Jinasena-Gunabhadra etc. I propose to present, in this paper, some observations on the sources of two stories, namely, the story of king Srenika (No.8) and the story of Nandimitra (No.38) regarding which some scholars have already put forth their views.
Story No.8 gives the biography of King Śrenika. At the close of it the author says, as already noted above, that this story is adapted in short from the Kannada Commentary on the Aradhana of Bhrajisnu. Perhaps on the strength of this specification, in the main, of the author regarding the source of this story, Pt.Premi, as early as 1907, made a general statement that possibly Rāmacandra Mumuksu had before him some Kannada work as the source of his Punyasrava-Kathakosa. Later, Prof.D.L.Narasimhachar, on the strength of the above-noted specification of the author regarding the source of the story and on that of another specification of the author, viz., asya kathā Bhadrabahucaritāntargatā iti, regarding the source of the story of Nandimitra (No.38, p.215), pointed out that the Kannada Vaddarādhane appeared to be the source for these two stories. 10 But the Vaddarādhane does not at all contain the story of King Srenika." It, however, contains the story of Cilātaputra (No.15) which is very short. Both these stories deal with the family of Śrenika and hence, some parallel motifs and events can be found in both. A part of the story of Srenika in the Punyāsrva- kathākośa (pp-30-31) that concerns Cilātaputra (or Cilatiputra in Pkk) stands some what parallel with a part of the story of Cilācaputra in the Vaddarādhane (pp.162-163 and 164-165). But these corresponding portions are not identical: The tests prescribed by the astrologer to King Upašrenika for the selection of the right heir to the throne differ in number and details. Even some names are different : In the Punyasrava-Kathākośa the Bhilla King is Yamadanda, his wife, Vidyunmati and their daughter, Tilakavati; whereas in the Vaddarādhane, they are Mahakala, Saundari and Gunasaundari respectively. Therefore there is hardly

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any possiblity of Ramacandra Mumuksu's picking up the story of Cilātaputra in the Vadďaradhane and developing it into that of Śrenika.12 Thus the Vaddaradhane cannot, in any context, be the source for the story of Śrenika in the Punyasrava-kathakośa.
Then at the commencement of the story of Nandimitra (No.38), Rāmacandra Mumuksu tells that this story is included in the biography of Bhadrabahu : asya kathā Bhadrabāhucarite, ntargatā iti (p.215). On the basis of this statement too Prof.D.L.Narasimhachar thinks that the story of Bhadrabāhu in the Vaddarādhane appears to be the source for the story of Nandimitra in the Punyāsrava-kathākosa. But after camparing both these corresponding stories in the two works, I have found that it is not so:
(1) The structure of the story of Nandimitra in the Punyasrva Kathākośa is much different from that of the story of Bhadrabahu in the Vaddarādhane : After narrating his story to some extent (pp.215-217) Ramacaffdra Mumuksu states on p.217 that there is another (emboxed) tale: tatrānya kathā, and narrates it (pp.217-219). This part of the main story has its parallel (which is not identical) in the story of Canakya (No.18) in the Vaddaradhane (pp.180-186). Then on p.219, Ramacandra Mumuksu tells that thereafter the story of Canakya is different and it van be known from the Aradhanā Kathākośa : Cāņakyabhattārakasya ita urdhvam bhinnā kathārdhanayam jñātavyā. Which Aradhanā Kathakośa could it be?
(2) Then the remaining part of the main story in the Punyāsrava-kathākośa broadly compares well with that of the story of Bhadrabahu in the Vaddaradhane (pp.75-93). But there are some striking differences:
(a) In the Vaddarādhane (pp.85-86) in the description of the 16th dream of king Candragupta, there is a reference to white asses; whereas in the Punyāsrava-kathakośa (p.223) it is to white

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bulls.
(b) In the Vaddaradhane (pp.91-92), Rāmilla and other two teachers go to the country of Sindhu; but in the Punyāsrava-kathākośa (p.227), they stay at Pātasiputra only.
(c) In thc Vaddaradhane there is not found the incident or episode of Sthulacārya's being murdered by his followers, which one is given in the Punyāsrava- kathākośa (pp.228- 229).
(d) The Punyāsrava- kathākośa gives some additional information regarding the formation of the Śvetāmbara and the Yapanīya sects. (pp.222-230). Taking into consideration all these points, it can be said that for the story of Nandimitra also in the Punyasrava-kathakośa, the Vaddarādhane is not the source.
Now coming back to the story of Śrenika, Ramachandra Mumukṣu clearly states, as noted above, the Kannada Commentary on the Aradhanā of Bhrajisnu is the cource for it. And except the Vaddarādhane, which is a (partial) Aradhana Kathakosa or a (partial) Commentary on the Arādhanā, no other Commentary on the Aradhanā, or an Ārādhanā Kathākosa (partial or complete) is available so far. But the Vaddarādhane, the author of which is not yet known, does not contain the story of Śrenika. Therefore the conclusion is inevitable that there did exist some other Kannada Commentary on the Aradhanā composed by Bhrajișnu, which Ramacandra Mumuksu used for the story of Śreņika in his Punyāsrava-kathākosa. Unfortunately this Commentary is not known, even by reference, any where in the Kannada literary works or epigraphical records so far known to me. Nor is Bhrajisnu found referred to in any of such works or records within the purvicw of my knowledge. So it is very difficult to say, at this stagc, anything about the nature and date of Bhrajisnu's Kannada Commentary on the Aradhanā. It may be a much earlier work than the Vaddaradhane and it may be a thorough commentary on

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the Arādhanā and, hence, a voluminous work,13 possibly in prose. If it could be so, the statements of Nrpatunga?4 and Nagavarma, that Kannada possessed rich story literature in prose, would gain additional strength by Ramacandra Mumuksu's specifying Bhrajisnu's work as the source of the story of Śrenika in his Punyasravakathākośa, a fact which now stands as a good indicator for scholars for further research and investigation in this direction.

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REFERENCES AND NOTES
1.
Paper presented at the 25th Session of the All India Oriental Conference held at the Jadavpur University, Calcutta, in October, 1969 and published in the Journal of Karnatak University, (Hum.), Vol.XIV, 1970. Dr.A.N.Upadhye has made a masterly survey of the narrative clemens in the early Jaina literature at the background of the early Indian narrative literauture in general and has noted the various tendencies and types of the later Jaina narrative literature : Intro. to Brhat- kathākosa, Singhĩ Jaina Series No.17, Bombay, 1948, pp.6- 47. (i) An authentic text of this work (with introduction and Hindi Translation) has been published for the first time in the Sivaraja Jaina Series, No.14, Solapur, 1964, its editors being Dr.A.N.Upadhye, Dr.Hiralal Jain and Pt.B.Siddhantashastri. (ii) All references made to this Punyasrava-kathākośa (Pkk) in this paper are to this edition. (i) His date is not yet settled, However, the General Editors, Dr.Upadhye and Dr.Jain, have shown that he must have composed this work between 991 and 1331 A.D: Intro. to Pkk, p.32. (ii) Nothing is known about his place so far. That he knew Kannada well is beyond doubt. Intro. to Pkk, p.9. Vide Karnataka Kavicarite, I, Bangalore 1961, pp.463-465 Vide Intro. to Pkk. pp.27-30. For details on these points vide Intro. to Pkk, pp-18-19.
5.
7.

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8.
10.
The General Editors of Pkk have traced some of such threads to the possible sources : Intro. to Pkk, pp.20 and 22. (i) Intro. to Punyāsrava-kathakośa (Hindi Translation of Ramacandra Numuksu's work), Sāhitya Sadana, Lalitapur 1959 (3rd edition), p.6. (ii) It is not unusual that a Kannada work should serve as a source for a Sanskrit work. Dr.Upadhye points out that the Kannada Commentary of Kesavavarni on the Gommatasara has been rendered into Sanskrit : Jñānapītha Patrikā, Oct.1968, p.4. (i) Intro. to Sukumară Caritam, Karnataka Sangha, Shivamogga 1954, p. IXXX. (ii) Vaddarādhane (Sarada Mandira, Mysore 1959) is a Kannada Classic in prose which can be assigned to the first quarter of the 10th Cent.A.D. It is an Arādhanā (Kavaca) Kathākośa containing 19 stories. For further details, vide Dr.Upadhye's Intro. to Brhat-kathakośa pp.63-72. (i) The General Editors of Pkk note this fact: Intro. to Pkk, p.20. (ii) However, the Vaddarādhane (contains four stories, namely, of Sukumāra Svami, Bhadrabāhu, and Lalitaghate which correspont to those Nos.21-22, 25, 38 and 40 respectively in Pkk. Other Arādhanā Kathākośas of Harisena, Śricandra, Prabhācandra and Nemidatta also contain these four corresponding stories: Vide Intro. to Brhat-kathakosa,
11.
p.78.
12.
The story of Śrenika is also found in the Běhat-kathakośa of Harisena (No.55). Some of the details of this story in Pkk compare well with the corresponding ones in that of Hariscna. But the story of Harisena differs from the one

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13.
of Ramacandra in structure and scquence of events. Some of the names too differ. In Harisena the feudatory king is Nāgavarma (v.3), but in Ramacandra Mumuksu he is Somasarma (p.30). Ramacandra Mumukṣu tells that his story of King Śrenika (pp.29-61) which is pretty long, is just a short adaptation of the one in Bhrajisnu's work: Pkk. p.61. Kavirajamārga, (the earliest available work on rhetoric, believed to have been composed by Nepalunga: 814-877 A.D.) Bangalore 1898, 1-27. Kāvyāvalokanam, (c.1150 A.D.) Mysorc University, 1939, v.949.
15.

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16
STUDIES IN SOUTH INDIAN JAINISM: ACHIEVEMENTS AND
PROSPECTS
With an humble beginning by the publication of a few reports about the Jaina community in the Asiatic Researches (Calcutta and London), Vol. IX, during the first quarter of the 19th Century, and showing a notable progress with the rise of a host of scholars, both western and Indian, by the first quarter of the 20th century,' Jaina Vidyā or Jainology, nowadays has become a vast distinct ficid of study comprising many aspects of Jainism - historical, philosophical, doctrinal, literary, inscriptional, scientific ctc; and thc 2500th Anniversary ‘of Lord Mahāvira's Nirvana recently can be said to have given a new phillip to the study of all these branches of the field all over India and abroad too. Now the organizers of this unique Seminar, I should say, have decided upon the most relevant topic for deliberation viz., The Various Branches of Jainology : Achievements and Prospects; and I have chosen to reflect on the Studies in South Indian Jainism : Achievments and Prospects.
It is quite possible that the first team of Jaina teachers entered South India viz., the Telugu country through Kalinga as early as 600 B.C. and were pioneers in bringing the teachings of
Lord Mahavira to the South. But it is the second team, certainly

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a large onc, headed by Bhadrabāhu and accompanied by his royal disciple Candragupta, which entered Karnataka in 400 B.C. and established its first colony at Kalbappu, that radiated those teachings more effectively and extensively to the Southern and nearby regions in South India. The study of this carly phase of South Indian Jainism, which can be said to have its beginning with B.L. Rice in 1909, progressed at the hands of scholars like Ramaswami Aiyangar and B.Sheshagiri Rao, R.Narasimhachar," Vincent Smith elc, and the historicity of this south Indian tradition of the great Jain migration was almost established.
The next phase of a studies in South Indian Jainism is found represented by the works of B.A.Saletore, S.R.Sharma," P.B.Desai, S.B.Deo, Kailas Chandra Shastri,10 ctc., wherein religious history of Indian Jainism with the corresponding political background, and based on tradition, inscriptions, monuments and literary evidence, has been very well depicted. Considerable light on the Yapaniyas, the Kūrcakas, the Gommala cult, the Yakșini cult, the innovations and adaptations etc., has been thrown in these works.
At this stage we can hardly forget the timely and relevant miscellaneous contributions, in different degrees, to this field by scholars like N.R.Premi, Hiralal Jain, A.N.Upadhye, Bhujabali Shastri, Jyoti Prasad Jain, B.R.Gopal, Sarayu Doshi, B.K.Khadabadi
etc. 11
Further, V.P.Johrapurkar's findings on the South Indian Bhttāraka tradition as a part of his whole work and V.A.Sangave's findings on the South Indian Jaina Community as a part of his novel work, 13 have added new dimensions to the studies in South Indian Jainism.
Moreover we have to rememter with gratitude scholars like Robert Swell, 14 T.N.Ramachandran,ls A.Chakravarti, 16 S. Vaiyapuri Pillai,17 K.V.Ramesh 18 etc., for their varied contributions to the different aspects, of the hold of ancient and medieval Jainism, particularly in the Tamil country, as based on the Jaina inscriptions,

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monuments, vestiges, literature elc. Similarly we have to be proud of scholars liko B.Sheshagiri Rao, M.Somashekhara Sharma, S.Gopalkrisna Murthy etc. for enlightening us on the position of medieval Jainism, particularly in the Telugu country as based on some Jaina living monuments, inscriptions, sculptures and vestiges. 19
The latest works connected with South Indian Jainism, as far as I know, are two. One is by P.Gururaj Bhatt, Studies in Tuluva History and Culture, which contains a separate Chapter (No.XIV) on Jainism in Tuluva country, wherein is given a brief interesting account of the late medieval Jainism along with its political, racial and cultural (including art ad architectural) background. The other one is by R.P.P.Singh, Jainism in Early Medieval Karnatak,21 wherein the author has given a religious history of Jainism in Karnatak from 500 to 1200 A.D. Admitting his claim on some novel fratures in the treatment of the subject, I find that he has also consused himself by mixing the significant Bhattāraka tradition with the Digambara monarchism in the Karnataka of that period.
After taking, thus, a bird's eye-view of the salient achievements in the field of the Studies in South Indian Jainism, I propose, now, to present to this galaxy of scholars a few outstanding prospects or tasks that strike my mind at this hour, so that the interested and capable scholars may note them and exert themselves to accomplish them too in the days to come. I would enlist them, with some observations, as follows:
(1) The Yapanīya Samgha: its Origin, Growth and Merger: It is well known that numerous references to the Yapanīya Samgha are found in inscriptions and literary works. It was N. R. Premi who particularly drew the attention of scholars on some features of this compramising Sect.22 Then some historians, religious and political, furnished some further details about it.- A.N.Upadhye instituted a systematised study of this interesting Sect by contributing three valuable papers. A Recently B.K.Khadabadi presented some thoughts on Vijahanā, a characteristic feature of the Yapaniyas.25

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But a thorough study of this important Sect, which is said to be a product of South Indian Jainism, particularly Karnatak Jainism, is a desideration. Somc 25 years ago, V.S.Agarwal expressed that a detailed study of the Yapaniyas could be presented in the form of an important research dissertation.26 Last year Muni Śri Hastimallaji, who was staying at Raichur, had sent one of his follower-scholars to Dharwad to plan a line of study in this regard. This shows the need as well as importance of this prospect.
(2) Reconstruction of the History of Jainism in Andhra Pradesh: We know that the Telugu country was rather the first in South India to receive the gospal of Lord Mahāvīra through the first team of Jaina teachers moving through Kalinga. Later Jaina teachings must have penetrated into this region from the Kalbappu centre too. Thus Jainism must have flourished in this region to a considerable degree. But unfortunately owing to the Buddhist rivalry in the early days and the Hindu revival in the later days, almost all the Jaina literary works, most of the Jaina inscriptions and monuments appear to have been destroyed. As a result of this and on some other ground, scholars have just surmised the 9th and 10th centuries A.D. as the possible Jaina period of prosperity in this region. But after that, going through the monograph entitled Jaina Vestiges in Andhra by S.Gopalkrsna Murthy,21 I feel that a few more intensive and extensive efforts, after the manner of the one by this learned Professor, on the part of some enthusiastic archaeologists, epigraphists, and art specialists, would make some more material available for the primary reconstruction of the history of Jainism in Andhra Pradesh. I felt overwhelmed when I read about the existence of a Jaina University at Raydurg - a University in stone, with inscrptions mentioning the names of Jaina teachers belonging to the Mulasamgha and the Yapanīya Samgha which was contemporaneous with the Rāstrakūtas and the Western Cālukyas.28
(3) Reconstruction of the History of Jainism in the Western Coast of South India : Scholars like Saletore, Desai etc., noted that several petty kings and chieftains patronised Jainism in the

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Tuluva country, and Mudabidri happened to be its last stronghold in the upper Western Coast of South India in the late medieval period. Then P.Gururaj Bhatt gave a better picture of this fact in this region.30 On the strength of some inscriptions and antiquities found in the Kerala region, some scholars have postulated that the 9th to 11th Cent.A.D. constituted a glorious period of Jainism in the Kerala region." But we do not have so far a good picture of Jainism that flourished in this region. It is learnt that the Bhāratiya Jñānapitha entrusted P.Gururaj Buatt to conduct this kind of study. But unfortunately he expired suddenly and I have no idea of what were the fruits of his study and who has resumed his work.
(4) Jaina Teachers and Social Uplift in South India: Much of the work done in South Indian Jainism is regarding its religious and political aspects in the main. Now we can take-up its social aspect and treat it thoroughly. The Jaina teachers' sermons, and the stories, illustrations etc. in them, were the most effective media of social education in the carly and medieval periods.” The Jaina teachers always struggled to eradicate the seven vices (sapta-vyasanas) from the masses and cultivate among them social virtues like compassion, truth, honesty, charity etc. Moreover the remarkable adaptability of Jainism to the contemporary social trends and local environments (keeping its basic tenets intact) can also be highlighted here. Keeping these and such other things in view, a social historian can take up this work for the full growth of the knowledge of South Indian Jainism.
(5) Contribution of Jainism to the Cultural Heritage of South India: This is one of the most important desiderations, which can also partly include the one noted just above. The tolerant attitude, accommodative nature, vegetarianism etc. available among the people of this part of the country, can be reasoned to owe much to the cultural impact of Jainism that gloriously flourished here. Tradition, political history, literature and above all the inscriptional wealth of this area, can be of great use in
this task. S.Vaiyapuri Pillai observed “So far as Tamil Nādu is

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concerned, we may say that the Jainas were the real apostles of culture and Icarning.”* Moreover, Saletorc long back understood the need of this work in the following words: “The contribution of Jainism to the culture of Karnatak, Tamil Nadu and Andhra Pradesh can be given in a separate dissertation.".S
(6) Lastly, I have to pose a small problem but not of less importane. It is, Satkhandagama and Destivāda : Seemingly this problem is of a literary nature, but it has full bearing on South Indian Jainism - its tradition and its history. So far we were, on the strength of the authority of eminent scholars like Hiralal Jain and A.N.Upadhye, under the impression that the Satkhandagama Volumes are the only surviving pieces of the 'Drslivada’ the 12th Anga of the Jaina Canon.30 But Ludwig Alsdorf, a few years ago, has opined that this is not so.37 This sets aside not only our above noted impression, but also the important Dharasenācārya-Puspadanta- Bhūtabali tradition underlying the composition of the Satkhandāgama Volumes; a singular manuscript (in Kannada script) aof which has been preserved at Mūdabidri. Now unfortunately we do not have amongst us Hiralal Jain or A.N.Upadhye to reconsider their view in the light of Alsdort's opinion. Hence, I with due respect to Alsdort (whom I know by meeting him at Ujjain) and to his valuable contribution to the Jaina studies, appeal to scholars like Kailasa Chandra Shastri to scrutinise this eminent German Scholar's opinion in the light of the internal as well as external evidence of the Satkhandagama Volumes, form their views and publish them.

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REFERENCES AND NOTES
Paper presented at the Seminar of Scholars in Jainology, held under the joint auspices of the Bhāratīya Jñāhapītha (Delhi) and the Shantisagar Memorial Trust (Bombay) in Sept, 1982, at Teen Mūrti (National Park) Bombay and
published in Acārya Deśabhusana, Fel. Volume, Delhi, 1985. 1. For further details vide 'A Short History of Jaina Rescarch?
in the Doctrine of the Jains, by Walther Schubring, Delhi, 1962, pp. 1-17. Mysore and Coorg from the Inscriptions, London, 1909. Studies in South Indian Jainism, Madras, 1922. Epigraphia Carnatica, Vol.li, Bangalore, 1923. The Oxford History of India, Oxford, 1923. Medieval Jainism, Bombay, 1938. Jainism and Karnatak Culture, Dharwad, 1940. Jainism in South India and Some Jaina Epigraphs, Solapur, 1957. In the History of Jaina Monachism from Inscriptions and Literature, Poona, 1960.
Dakșina Bhāratamem Jaina Dharma, Varanasi, 1967. 11. (i) These contributions are scattered in the form of various
chapters of books and stray papers by these scholars, which are too many to be enumerated here.
(ii) This list of scholars is not claimed as exhaustive. 12. Bhattāraka Sampradaya, Sholapur, 1958. 13. Jaina Community, Bombay, 1959.
14. Historical Inscriptions of South India, Madras, 1932.

i wi ono
o

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15.
16.
17.
18.
21.
22. 23.
24.
As noted by S.Gopalakrishna Murthy in his preface to the Jaina vestiges in Andhra, Hyderabad, 1963. Jain Literature in Tamil, Arrah, 1941. History of Tamil Language and Literature, Madras, 1956. The same as noted in No. 10, but re-edited by him with some additions and an introduction, Delhi, 1974. For the contribution of the first two scholars, vide Preface to Jaina Vestiges in Andhra and for that of the third, this excellent monograph itself as a whole. Kallianpur, 1975. Delhi, 1975. Vide Jain Sahiya aur Itihāsa, Bombay, 1956, pp.55-73. Scholars like B.A.Saletore, S.R.Sharma, P.B.Desai, etc., These three papers are: (i) Yapaniya Samgha :-A Jain Sect, Journal of the Bombay University (Arts and Law), Vol.l., Part 6, 1933. (ii) On ite Meaning of Yapaniya, Śrīkanthika, Mysore, 1973. (iii) More light on the Yapanīya Samgha, Annals of the Bhandarikar ().R.I., Vol. LX, 1975. Some observations on Vijahanā, Journal of thc Karnatak University (Humanities) Vol. XXIV, 1982. Jain Sahitya aur Itihāsa, Bombay, 1956, Paricaya, p. 16. Already noted above. Vide op.cit., pp.87-88. In their respective works noted above. Op.Cit., pp.425 ff. Vide P.B.Desai, Jainism in Kerala, Journal of Indian-History, Vol.XXXV-2, 1957. This is true even to this day. Jaina teachers have told, and have been telling numerous stories to eradicate each one of these vices from the life of the masses. Op.cit., p.60.
25.
27. 28. 29. 30.
31.
32. 33.
. 34.

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35. 36. 37.
Op.cit., p.262. Vide Introduction to the Satkhandagama, Vol.1. Vide 'What were the contents of Drstivāda’?. German Scholars on India, Vol.I, Varanasi, 1973. At the 26th Session of the All India Oriental Conference, 1971.
38.

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17
OUTSTANDING CONTRIBUTION OF JAINISM TO KANNADA LANGUAGE AND
LITERATURE
The Samavayanga Sutta tells us that Lord Mahavira preached in the Ardhamāgadhi language : Bhagavam ca nam addhamāgadhic bhāsae dhammamaikkahai.' That is, as carly as c.600 B.C.,Lord Mahavira adopted the principle of teaching the masses in their own language so that this instruction might be lucid and effective.
The same principle was followed by his later disciples in Karnataka. According to the well known South Indian tradition, corroborated by cpigraphic records, archacological remains and literary references, Jainism cntcrcd Karnataka with the migration of the Jaina Sangha from Madhyadeśa as headed by Acarya Bhadrabahu and accompanied by Candragupta Maurya in about 300 B.C. at the time of the great twelve year famine. Śravanabclgola possibly was the first Jaina colony. There the members of the Sangha, whosc language was Prakrit, must have picked up the then Kannada language in due course and the monks and teachers must have gradually started preaching or teaching their religious tenets to their newly obtained followers and others in their own

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native language. In the course of such instructional activities, they no doubt enriched the Kannada language by lending several requisite. Prakrit words and phrases such as dhamma, savana, risi, varisa, etc, which later on were absorbed in the language in the same Prakrit form." Perhaps with this linguistic process, among other things, in view, Nāgavarma I (900 A.D.) had said in his Chandomhudhi (w.1-21) that Kannada along with other regional languages, was formed of three and a half languages : Sanskrit, Prakril, Apabhramsa and Paisacī.!
After cultivating the Kannada language to a certain extent, the Jaina teachers then applied themselves to composing literary works and thus, laid the foundation of literary Kannada and gradually built a magnificnent structure on it. Though the early line of origin and growth of Kannada literature is not traceable, there are found references to a number of Jaina authors and works prior to the 9th century A.D. It is interesting to note that the first available Kannada work on poetics, the first one on prosody: the first one on grammar, the first classic in prose10 and similarly the first one in poetry" are all by Jaina scholars.
As a result, the carly period of Kannada literature, from the 9th to the 12th century A.D., came to be known as the Jaina period, though Jaina authors flourished in later periods too. The late Mahāmahopadhyāya R. Narasimhacariar called this period “The Augustan Age of Kannada Literature”. Like the Jaina antiquities, several Jaina literary works reflect the hold and affluence of Jainism in Karnataka. The Three great poets, Pampa, Ponna and Ranna are known as the 'Ratnatraya' in Kannada literature. Cāmundarāya, one of the greatest generals Karnataka had ever produced, who got erected the world famous monolithic statue of Bahubali, is also the author of the Trisasti Laksana Mahapurana and commentator of the Gommatasara of Acarya Nemicandra.
Now it needs no elaboration of the fact that the major portion of the Jaina Kannada literature is avowedly religious wherein are embedded the principle tenets of Jainism like Ahimsā.

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The Basadis or Jaina monasteries took the responsibility of preserving the composed works and of catering these tenets to the people through their carefully built libraries.13 The Jaina teachers, from the very beginning, did propagate these tenets through their regular and effective preachings. As a result several dynasties of kings accepted Jaina faith!and not only the Jaina community but also other people around were influenced by the cardinal principles of Jainism, which put an effective check to social vices like hunting, drinking, dicing, etc. The comulative effect of all these processes helped the greater part of Karnataka to emerge, and remain till today, peace-loving, vegetarian and accommodative.
We can just imagine what healthy moral atmosphere in society could have been created by the quotation from the Mulācara used either in sermons for masses or in works of literary excellences 15 :
Khāmemi sawe jīve save jīva khamantu me, metli me savvabhūdsu veram majjha na kenavi. which I would render in free verse as follows: Forgive do 1 all beings ever! Forgive may they so me too! Let me love one and all sure! Let me be an enemy of nonc whoscever!
To conclude, Lord Mahavira's principles and teachings, inherited by his great grand disciples and propagated through the language and literature of Karnataka, have not only made them both rich and prosperous but also have added much to the gereral cultural wealth of the land.

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REFERENCES AND NOTES
3.
4.
Paper presented at the All India Seminar (Jainological Research Society), Delhi, 1975 and published in Jaina Journal; Vol.X.1, 1975. Samavāyanga Sutta, 110, Suttāgame I, Gudagaum 1953, p.346. This tradition, on such evidences, has been accepted as a fact of history by eminent scholars like Rice, Smith, Aiyangar-Sheshagiri Rao, Sharma, Saletore, etc. We come across such words and phrases in early inscriptions (vide Epigraphia Carnatica, Vol.II) and works like the Vaddaradhane, Camundaraya Purāna, etc., Kesiraja also has collccted several such words in the Apabhramsa Chapter of his Sabdamanidarpana. The figure "three and a half” has still remained a hard nut 10 crack for scholars. It is worth noting at this juncture that the great teachers like Kunda-Kunda and Vattakera had already composed their Prakrit works of high order in this region and the same tradition was continued later by others like Yativrsabha, Joindu, Nemicandra, Puspadanta, etc. These have been noted at length by me in my paper Influence of Middle Indo-Aryan Literature on Kannada Literature', presented at the All-India Fifth Seminar on Prakrit Studies, Ahmedabad, March 1973. The Kavirājamārga of Nrpatunga or Amoghavarsa 1, the famous Rāstrakūta King. The Chandombudhi of Nagavarma I.
8.

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9.
The Sabdamanidarpaṇa of Kesirāja.
10.
The Vaddaradhanc of an unknown author.
11. The poet Pampa who composed Adipurana and Bharata,
is known as Adikavi.
Introduction to the History of Kannada Literature, Mysore,
12.
13.
14.
15.
Studies in Jainology, Prakrit
1940.
A peep into the Manuscript Library of the present day Jaina Math at Moodabidri can give us the idea of this feature.
Here the Gangas, the Rastrakūtas, the earlier Hoysalas, the Kongalvas, the Cengalvas, etc. are note-worthy. Some of the Eastern Calukya monarchs were Jainas by persuasion, a fact that reflects the universal appeal of Mahavira's gospel. Like the Vaddaradhene, wherein the gaha is repeatedly quoted in the contexts of sermons and dogmatical discussions.

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133
JAINA PATH OF EDUCATION
Education aims at equipping man with the art of living-living a successful life. In ancient and medieval India education and religion were closely related, or rather, religion also played the role of educating its followers. Jainism has been no exception to this fact. Therefore, Jainism can be said to have had its own influence on the educational system and values of India, more particularly of the ancient and medieval period.
A characteristic feature of the Hindu system of education in ancient days was its Gurukula system. The teacher's house itself was the school, the higher educational institute and the hostel - in one'. The four Vedas, the six Angas, the eighteen Dharmasastras, logic, grammar, lexicography, economics-sociology-law (Cāṇakya), medicine, astrology etc., all these subjects were taught in the course of seven or eight years. Later with the retention of the Gurukula system, places of pilgrimage also developed as centres of education. Gradually in places like Takṣaśilā educational centres of University level and model came up. Some Agrahāras turned up to be small centres of education. Some pontiffs of the Hindu mathas took considerable interest in and helped the cause of education. Such work, in varied ways and by many pontiffs, is going on even to this day.

As we enter and peep into the early Buddhist system of education, we arc struck with a peculiarity that imparting of

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education took place mostly in the monasteries and they were meant for the newly initiated monks. But later on, outsiders too began to be admitted into these monasteries and non-Buddhist subjects too came to be introduced for them. As a result of such gesture, in due course of time, there appeared Universities of international fame like Nālandā, Valabhi and Vikramasilā. Soon these Universities earned a name as educational centres of high order amongst the seekers of knowledge even from foreign countries, particularly from those in Midle and East Asia. But later, all these unfortunately fell prey to the reckless plunder and arson of the Muslim invaders. Then, with the later Buddhism, its hold on education in India too disappeared. But the present excavated part of the great Nālandā University very well speaks to the visitor today of its old grand scale of planning and facilities provided therein.
Now coming to the system of education falling within the compass of early Jainism, what we find conspicuously is that no Jaina University like that in Takṣasilā or Nālandā, nor other centres of education of those models, came into existence. The reason for this is not far to seek. The great vow of Aparigraha (non-possession) appears to have been at the root of this phenomenon. According to this vow, the Jaina monk cannot own or possess any property of any kinds; and because of this strict injunction, there did not at all exist Jaina monasteries in those days. Even keeping books with oneself was considered as breach of the vow of Aparigraha. This led also to the loss of considerable part of the scriptural knowledge on the part of the early Jaina monks.
The Jaina Acaryas, in the early period, kept on always wandering and camping as per the dictum 'one night at the village, five nights in the town (or city) and ten nights in the words':
"Grame ekarātram nagare pañcaratram
atavyām dasaratram."
and they spent most of their time in observing their vows and practising penances. It was at the time of delivering sermons

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10 their laity that they used to educate them. Each Ācārya had his own interesting and effective method in this regard. Moreover, as the Jaina Acarya wandered about according to the dictum cited above, he kept on imparting religious education to his monk-pupils, who, with previous permission had accepted him as his teacher. Such instruction was given punctually and systematically in the manner of the mother-bird tenderly and punctually seeding its young one:
"Jahā se diya-poya cvan te sissā diyā ya rão ya anupuvvena vaiya.” (Ayāra, 1-6-3, Calcutta, ed.1967)
Such monk-pupil after initiation, used to be with his teacher for 12 years and during this period he could almost have the entire scriptural knowledge. Then, the young monk, with his teacher's permission, uscd to go on wandering independently and according to the rules of the Sangha. Scholars opine that such system was in vogue from 500 B.C. 10 100 A.D.
Then, during the first half of the 1st century A.D., there began to appear here and there caityas or basadis introduced and maintained by the lay community; and according to Dr.J.P.Jain, from the 3rd century A.D., the Jaina monks began to stay in such caityas and during the period between the 5th and 6th centuries A.D., there distinctly appeared two categories viz., Vanavasi and Caityavasí among them. Later on, gradually, the Caityavasi monks began to teach the children of thc laity also in addition to their own monk-pupils who lived along with them. That new course of instruction could have been : exposition of the Anuvralas, Sikşāvratas and Gunavratas, bad effects of Saptavyasana, exemplification of Punya and Papa, elucidation of the path leading to liberation etc. The Caityavasi monks, as ycars passed on, may have also commenced to impart general education of the primary stage to the children of the round-about laily. Later, some members of the lay community also may have started Primary Schools or Pathasalās. It is reasonably presumed that such primary education commenced with a salutary

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sentence like "Om namo siddhānanı” the corrupt from of which viz., “Onamasidhain” it is said, was available till the 20th century A.D., in numerous schools of Northern India.
We have already noted that during the period between the 5th and 6th centuries A.D., there appeared among the Jaina Ācāryas two categories viz., Vanavast and Caityavasi. Almost during this very period, there set in the Bhattāraka tradition among the Digambaras. These Bhaltārakas converted many Jaina Maths (Monastcrics) into mini centres of rcligious education. It is possible that subjects like lexicography, grammer, mathematics, astrology etc., were also studied in such centres bccausc numerous manuscripts of works on these subjects, besides those on religion, philosophy etc., are found even to this day systematically preserved in these mathas. It is also interesting to note that the Bhattaraka tradition is still alive in places like Jaipur, Jaisalmer, Karanjā, Moodbidri, Kolhapur elc.
An important outcome of the educational work conducted and carried over by the Caityavasi monks and the Bhatlarakas etc., is that there appcared, in due course of time and under their care, manuscript libraries of varicd sizes and contents. Some of them later developed into cminent libraries called Sastrabhandaras. Important works of secular nature, too, were preserved in them. Some scholars like Dr.K.C.Jain hold that the idea of Public Library is a Jaina one, and that the earliest Granthabhandura (Sastrabhandara) is found in Rajasthan. This tradition of Jaina Manuscript Library has come down all along to this day. Such Libraries at Jaisalmer, Patan, Arrah, Moodbidri, Kolhapur etc., have earned the value of a national asset and attract scholars from abroad 100.
From this brief survey of the educational aspect of early and medieval Jainism, we gather the following points: The Jaina teachers imparted religious education to their monk-pupils regularly and directly, and to the laity through sermons. Later, the Caityas

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or basadis also served as schools of general type of primary education, in addition to religious education, for the children of the laity of the surrounding arcas. Pathasalas were also run by some members of the lay community. The Bhattaraka tradition developed in their mathas mini centres of education, religious as well as partly general. Later, gradually, there appeared manuscript libraries in some of the basadis and mathas. The general type of education, however, did not make much progress so as to enter into its higher order. "The reason for such state of affairs." as Dr.Altekar observes, "is that the Jaina community, mostly belonging to the merchant class, did not think much about higher education for their children. They mostly trained their children in their own family business and later accommodated them therein alone. This tendency can be seen among some Jaina merchants even to this day."
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Though the Jaina teachers did not build outstanding educational centres like Takṣasila and Nalanda, the work done by them in the field of social education or mass-education is unique. Well-equipped with the vast scriptural and general knowledge, bearing pure thinking and conduct, always wandering about as a model for other young monks and the pious laity, every Jaina teacher was almost a moving mini University. His sermon was a powerful means of mass-education; the religious story (dharma-katha) in the sermon was an effective medium of such education; and narration of such story in an interesting and entertaining manner was a wholesome method followed by him. Thus, through various stories, the constituent (individual and social) virtues of the Śravakadharma and other ethical principles were imprinted on the minds of the masses. In order to keep away the common people from the seven vices (Saptavyasana), many Jaina teachers have told numerous interesting stories, which we can read even today in the rich Jaina narrative literature in different languages and of different periods. Thus, religious or ethical instruction in an entertaining manner is the secret of successful social education

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or mass-education achieved by the Jaina Acaryas. During the reigns of some of the Kadamba, Ganga, Chalukya and Rastrakuta rulers, the Jaina teachers have successfully carried out such mass-education in Karnataka. This is also true of Rajasthan and Gujarat under their favourable rulers. The comulative effect of such education in these provinces could be seen in the fact that the virtues of regard for Ahimsa etc., in general and vegetarianism in particular were nurtured by most of the people of those and later days including the present days to some extent - in these regions. Moreover, some scholars think that the percolation of the principle of Ahimsa to the very root of Gandhiji's mind is the later fruit of such age-long education by Jainism in that region. Another interesting factor in the educational values of Jainism is that in the day-to-day practice itself of the Śravakadharma by the members of the lay community is found the carrying out of some important educational principles. Dāna (gift), Sila (protection of minor vows), upavāsa (observance of fast) and pūjā (worship) are the four constituents of the layman's way of pious life; and they play a very important role in his total life. The gift of Sastra (books) or Jñāna (knowledge) is one of the four facets of Dana (gift), the first constituent of the Śravakadharma., Sastradāna means to provide the right person with the right book (or books, the vehicles of knowledge) at the right time. The educational importance of this aspect of gift can be illustrated from a gesture of an eminent historical personage of medieval Karnataka when printing was unknown. With a beneficial motive of augmenting interest in (religious) literature, in 973 A.D., the great pious lady Attimabbe, wife of general Nagideva (under the Western Calukyas), got prepared 1000 copies of Ponna's Santipurana and distributed them to the deserving ones. The worth and strength of this Sastradāna is seen even today among numerous well-to-do members of the Jaina community extending a helping hand towards publication of worthy books, enaouragement of scholars in their pursuits, liberal donations to educational institutions etc. A number of educational trusts have come up out of this motive in different parts of the
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country.
Moreover, of the six duties to be carried out daily by the Śrāvaka, viz., Pujā (worship, prayer etc.,) Vārtā (the exercise of honest livelihood), Dāna (alms-giving) Svadhyāya (self-study of the scriptural and other religious works), Samyama (practising self-restraint and observing vows) and Tapa (penance like fast, Pratikramana etc.,), Svādhyāya represents an important educational tenet in the sense that it makes the layman or laywoman indulge in an ideal type of self-study daily. This can be explained just by merely enumerating the constituent parts of act of Svadhyāya; Vacanā (reading), Praśna or Prochā (questioning), Parivartana (repetition, revision), Anupreksā (meditating and reflecting) and Dharmakathā (listening to or relating religious story). Hence, there would be no exaggeration if it is remarked that the way of life prescribed by Jainism for the pious layman and laywoman, represents a perennial stress on self-education on the part of each member in the community.
Now we must take into account a very important contribution of the Jaina Acāryas to the cause of education in general. Though the Jaina teachers did not build great educational institutions, they have composed and left for posterity a great number of treatises on many different subjects which have been serving as valuable means of higher education for the last several centuries. Their contribution to the disciplines of metaphysics, ethics, logic, philosophy, poetry, grammar, lexicography is considered as excellent and, at times, unparallelled. The works of Umsavami, Kundakunda, Siddhasena, Haribhadra, Jinasena, Udyotana, Somadeva, Hemacandra etc, are accepted as valuable gems in the syllabi of several modern Universities in India and abroad. Moreover the Jaina Syādvāda (Doctrine of seven-fold Predication) has been estimated to be a rare asset of Indian thinking. Similarly, it is the Jaina teachers and monks who, with devoted efforts eultivated and gave literary status to the south Indian languages like Kannada, Tamil and Telugu. This historical phenomenon also contains an
important educational principle viz, effective instruction through

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the medium of mother tongue, which was practised first by Bhagavana Mahāvīra himself.
Lastly coming to the modern days, the Jaina community as a whole has been adjusting to the needs of the time. Its members have been paying sufficient attention to the cducational needs of their children from their very early age and cducating them in various branches of learning both in India and abroad. Wealthy and pious members, as usual, have extented their helping hand towards building numerous educational institutions which are open for all. Individuals as well as members of the community with collective gesture have come forward to set chairs in Universities for Jaina studies in different parts of the country.
The Jaina Acaryas, too, have made no small antribution to the cause of education. Besides their usual routine of imparting religious and ethical education through their scrmons to the masses wherever they stay or move, they are also playing the role of the main spirit in building notable educational centres, where education in varied branches is to be imparted in accordance with thc Jaina ideals. For example, Kothali (Karnataka), Kumbhoj (Maharastra) ctc., represent primary and secondary stage of such education. The Jaina Visva Bhäratī at Ladnu (Rajasthan) has alrcady developed into a virtual University with these ideals, where fresh interpretation of doctrines like Anekāntavāda and now experiments in scriptural leacings are going on. Another centre of these ideals and high stature viz., Ādaría Mahavira Vidyapitha, is said to come up soon somewhere near Ahmedabad. At Virayatana (Bihar) is coming up fast a unique institute with such ideals and novel experiments in the teachings of the Jina.
This bricf critical survey of the Jaina Path of cducation from the early period to the modern days discloses some important principales and values of education, which also indicate the contribution of Jainism to the field of education in India in general. They can be laid down as follows:
(i) Careful prescrvation of ancient works.

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(ii) Effective education through the mother-tonguc.
(ii) Mass education through sermons delivered in an interesting manner.
(iv) Sell-education as a part of the daily routine of an individual.
(v) Anekāntavāda for social health.

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SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY
5 คู่
Paper presented at the All India Seminar on Jaināgama and Prakrit, Sampūrņānand Sanskrit University, Varanasi, 1981 and published in Karmayogi Kesarimal Surāna Felicitation Volume, Ranavas (Rajasthan), 1982. Education in Ancient India, A.S.Altekar, Varānası, 1953. Jaina Sources of the History of India, J.P.Jain, Delhi, 1964. Jaina Yoga, R. Williams, London, 1963. Bhāratīya Samskriti mem Jainadarma kā Yogadana, H.L.Jain, Bhopal, 1962. Medieval Jainism, B.A.Saletore, Bombay, 1938. Jainism and Karnataka Culture, S.R.Sharma, Dharwad, 1940. Jainism in Rajsthan, K.C.Jain, Solapur, 1963. Ayarangasutta, Calcutta, 1967. Ratnakarandaka-Śravakācāra, Bijnore, 1931. Vaddarādhane : A study, B.K.Khadabadi, Dharwad, 1979. Vaddarādhane : Ed. D.L.Narasimhācar, Mysore, 1935. Jaina Visva Bhārati Samācāra Darsana, Muni Sri Rajendraji, Ladnu, 1980.
8.
9. 10. 11. 12.

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19
KUNDAKUNDĀCĀRYA : THE
LITERARY DOYEN OF
KARNATAK
There are no two opinions about the fact that Kundakundacārya was one of the great exponents of Jaina Religion and Philosophy and leader of the Jaina Sangha; and among the Digambaras he was such supreme exponent and leader who flourished in South India. Therefore in the benedictory part of almost every literary composition or of auspicious occasion of the Jaina community in this part of the country, he is respected next to Lord Mahavira and the Ganadharas as seen in the following well-known verse:
Mangalam Bhagavan Vīro mangalam
Gautamo ganih,

Mangalam Kundakundaryo Jainadharmostu Mangalam.
I would render it as follows: Propitious is Lord Mahavira; And so is Gautama ganadhara; Propitious is Teacher Kundakunda; And let so be the Jaina Religion!
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Sufficient deliberation has taken place on the date of Acarya Kundakunda. The one proposed by Pt.Mukhtar, i.c., 81-165 A.D., appears to me quite acceptable.1 As a boy of sharp intelligence, he is said to have commenced his studies seriously, entered the order, rose to the position of the Acarya at the age of 33 and held that position for 52 years. He founded the Mūlasangha that strongly adhered to the two basic principles viz., acelatva (nudity) and strimuktiniṣedha (non-acceptance of liberation to woman in this life). Jinacandra was his teacher and Bhadrabahu-I was his inspiring teacher (preraka Gura). In inscriptions and literary works, he is mentioned under five names viz., Kundakunda, Vakragrīva, Elācārya, Grddhapiccna and Padmanandi. Scholars, on scrutiny, have accepted Padmanandi as his real proper name, Kundakunda being a Sanskritised form of Kondakunda, the most popular and accepted name that came after his place.
Uptil 1957, there prevailed much vague thinking on the domicle of this great teacher. Prof.A.Chakravarti held that Acarya Kundakunda belonged to the Tamil country. Dr.Harilal Jain seemed to support this view. Dr.A.N.Upadhye opined; "The domicile of Acarya Kundakunda will have to be sought in South India especially in the Dravida country.' ,,5 But it was Dr.P.B.Desai, who having an all sided approach to and a thorough study of the problem, gave almost a final decision that Acārya Kundakunda belonged to Karnataka. Konaakondla is a village about four miles towards south from the Guntgal Railway Station, in the Gooty Taluka of Anantapur District. This Konakondla is the Telugu form of the former Kondakunde or Kondakunde that originally belonged to Karnatak proper, which fact is vouched by the Kannada inscriptions discovered in this place and by some other external evidences. I may quote here Dr.Desai's conclusion: "Thus judging on the whole from the weight of the above substantial evidence based on a variety of reliable sources, the conclusion seems to be irresistible that the great teacher Kundakundacaya hailed from this place whose carlier name was Kondakunda or Kondakunde and which

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was subsequently changed to Konakondl a under the influence of Telugu, possibly in the later age of the Vijayanager regime. The real name of the tcacher was Padmanandi, but in course of time, this name was pushed into the background; and he came to be distinguished, more prominently on account of his unique personality, by the characteristic name of the place which was his domicile. This name, which was originally Dravidian in general and Kannada in particular, was Sanskritised into Kundakunda and Kundakunda. Still the Dravidian form of the name peristed with
ual credit and this is attested by the numerous allusions to the teacher as Kondakunda especially in the epigraphs.”? Dr.Desai further tells that this place possibly had been a stronghold of Jainisin even before Kundakundacarya and after him, in later days, it got the reputation of a tirtha and developed into a Jaina religious centre.
Kundakundācārya was not only a great preceptor but also a voluminous author. After the rist in the Jaina Church, he was the first and foremost 10 endeavour to fill up the lacuna of canonical knowledge for the Digambaras by providing important texts which later sormed the bulk and pivotal part of the Pro-canon of the Digambaras. Tradition attributes to him the authorship of 84 works which are generally called Pāhudas. Of these Pahudas only 8 are available. They are: Pamcatthikāya, Pavayanasāra, Samayasāra, Niyamasāra, Rayamasūra, Dasabhatti, Althapāhudas and Bārasānuvekkhā. Moreover he has written a commentary (vrtti) called Parikamma on the first three parts the Satkhandāgama according to a statement by Indranandi in his Śrutāvatāra. Now this statement of Indranandi is accepted as a fact almost by all scholars. This Parikamma has the honour of being the first commentary on the Satkhandāgama. It is said, through the tradition of tcachers, Kundakundācārya possessed two copies of the Satkhandāgama and the Kasāyapāhuda. Moreover he also inherited some knowledge of the Purvas based on which he composed the

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Samayasāra, which forms the most important work of the trio of his valuable ones i.e., the Ratnatraya, and the subject matter of which is unique in the whole range of the Jaina literature."
A peculiarity of all these works of Ācārya Kundakunda is that they are all in Prakrit viz., Jaina Śaurasení to which language, subsequent to the composition of the Satkhandāgama sutras, he gave a special literary status that was honoured and adopted by other authors even in far later days. Hence, these texts of this eminent teacher may be said to have been the earliest available literary works of Karnatak. As we know Puspadanta and Bhutabali composed the sūtras of the Satkhandāgama in the days prior to Kundakundacārya i.e., c. 1st century A.D. But we have no evidence to show that these scholar monks belonged to Karnatak. As per the message of Dharasenācārya in Girinagara, Puşpadanta and Bhutabali were deputed from Mahimānagari situated in the Andhra country. After receiving the sacred knowledge from the great seer, Puspadanta is said to have returned to Banavāsi from where he sent, through Jinapalita, his 177 sūtras on Satparūvanā to Bhūtabali who had already gone to the Tamil country. Thus at the most, the 177 sūtras of Sātparūvanā seem to have been composed at Banavasi by Puspadanta of whose domicile we have no clear idea. Therefore we can say that Acarya Kundakunda is the earliest known and great literary figure of Karnatak.
Now the question arises whether Kundakundacarya attempted to use Kannada too as his literary medium? Our consideration of his age, particularly as a preceptor and author, i.e., the latter half of the 2nd century A.D., would indicate that such an attempt on the part of this distinguished teacher was not possible. Possibly he might have used the Kannada language for some of his sermons meant for the masses. Because during this period the Kannada language, no doubt, existed; but the process of having a script for itself was still going on. This process appears to have been complete by the close of 3rd century A.D. 13

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The question cited above leads us now to some serious reflections, both linguistic and literary. As I have observed elsewhere, “It was the sublime virtue of the Jaina teachers and authors that wherever they migrated and settled down, they learnt the regional language. cultivated it to a literary one, if it was not so then, and cnriched it through their instructional and literary activities. It exactly happened so in South India and particularly in respect of Kannada.”l4 After the Jaina Samgha migrating from the North during the great famine, established its first colony at Kalbappu or the modern Sravanabelgola in c. 300 B.C., the Jaina teachers and monks, who were Prakritists, must have gradually learnt the Kannada language and begun to use it, by all means, during the 1st and 2nd centuries A.D. There was every possibility of Ācārya Kundakunda’s not only using Kannada language, but also cultivating it for his sermons, which act could have produced some type of Kannada oral religious literature that might have asserted its existence along with rather earlier Kannada oral folk-literature. Admitting a hundred years for the consolidation and perfection of such cultivation of the Kannada language for such oral religious literature on the part of Jaina teachers, there must have appeared during the 4th and 5th centuries A.D., some Kannada Jaina inscriptions15 and a few Kannada literary compositions, which could, in all probability, be a few commentaries on some important Pāhudas of Acārya Kundakunda himself, who had produced for the first time such important pro- canonical texts and who had founded the Mūlasangha that was bound to carry on the torch of his teachings and writings to the wider vistas; and I may even say with stress that his Ratnatraya,16 particularly the Samayasāra, could hardly escape some commentaries in Kannada during this period.
Thus just as the Brahmi script of the early Prakrit inscriptions might have served as the model source for the Kannada script, similarly Acārya Kundakunda's (and his associates) cultivation of the Kannada language for sermons (for oral religious literature) and his important Prakrit Pāhudas might have later given rise to

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some Kannada commentaries on them, which can be said to have been the earliest literary works in Kannada. None of these works is found mentioned anywhere in the subsequent literary places. Hence it would rather be a significant and constructive conjecture, if I call this period, the period between the 4th and 5th centuries A.D., the Earliest but Forgotten Period of Kannada Literature."7
After this, sets in the History of Kannada literature, the period of the Great Jaina Commentaries (the 6th and 7th centuries A.D.). which I have envisaged elsewhere.18 These great commentaries are : Those of Sāmakundācārya and Tumbalūrācārya on the Satkhandagama and Kasāyapahuda; the one by an unknown scholar on the Tattvārtha Sūtra, mentioned by Bhattakalamka; and ihat of Bhrajisnu on the Mularādhanā, mentioned by Rāmacandra Mumukșu. These great commentarial works, together with a few smaller ones on Kundakundācārya's select Pahudas, can be said to represent a hidden landmark in the history of Kannada literature. 19
At the last stage of our reflections we can bring in the latter part of to 6th, the 7th and 8th centuries and call it the Period of (a variety of) Independent Works - Prose, Poetry and others (composed by Vimala, Udaya, Nagarjuna Srivijaya, Kavīšvara, Lokapāla and other unknown ones) referred to by Nịpatunga in his Kavirajamārga.20 Thus Ācārya Kundakunda, the great preceptor and literary doyen of Karnataka, appears to have been the starting point of the genesis of an important section of Kannada literature, and his life and works have, thus, led us to some serious reflections which could help us, to some extent, to reveal the mystery of, if not to establish, the long line of development of the Kannada literature of the Pre-Nrpatunga period.
Now coming back to the Kannada Commentaries on Kundakundacārya's important Pahudas, we may face a query as to why such commentaries, if any, have not come down to us, nor referred to by the subsequent scholars? There seems to me two

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reasons : (1) Firstly, they were composed at a very early distant age and in a new literary medium of rather cxperimental nature and, hence, Time might have pushed them into oblivion. (2) Secondly, there might have been another attempt at composing such commentaries in the next period; but the great commentaries on the Satkhandagama and Kasayapāhuda might have overshadowed them in respect of referenes by others.
But it is so very heartening to learn that Kannada commentaries on the important Pahudas of Kundakundācārya dis appear in still later days too and were preserved in some of the Jaina Bhandaras (Manuscript Libraries) by the Bhaltārakas, the esteemed custodians of Jaina works. Fortunately now in the Moodabidri Bhandaras alone, there are found numerous manuscripts of Kundakundācārya's works preserved in the Kannada script. Of them about twenty are cndowed with Kannada commentaries on the select Pahudas including the Ratnatraya. The commentarios arc of the nature of vrtti and tikā. Some commentaries do not bear the names of the commentators. The known commentators are: Muni Balacandra, Pt.Balacandra, Muni Meghacandra, Bahubali Siddhanti, Muni Padmanandi, Kcsavanna and Maladhari Padmaprabha.?! We can also expect such other commentaries in other Jaina Bhandaras at Kolhapur, Humbuch, Arrah, etc. A thouough study of all these commentaries with special reference to their authors, dates, sources, citations and linguistic peculiarities ctc. is likely to yield promising results of religious, philosophical and literary value, which would shed fresh light over our serious reflections on the line of development of the Kannada literature of the Pre- Nrpatunga period in which we indulged just previously.
In conclusion it may be stated:
Kundakundācārya was not only the prc- eminent preceptor and leader of the Jaina Sangha, but also the literary doyen of Karnataka. His Pāhudas are the earliest known literary works of

.

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Karnataka. His period, of which he himself was the epicentre, can be said to have been the starting point of the genesis of Kannada religious literature; and this significant conjecture lends hand, to some extent, for tracing the early line of development of the Kannada literature of the Pre-Nrpatunga period. A thorough study of the available later Kannada commentaries on his select Pāhuda: is likely to yield promising results.

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REFERENCES AND NOTES
in
s
Paper presented at the All India Seminar (Mysore University) Mysor, 1975 and published in the Glory of India, Vol.III-3, 1979. Prof.Lalchand Jain has discussed this problem of the date of Acarya Kundakunda at length. Vide Tulasi Prajñā Vol.I]I-1, pp. 7-15. As proposed by Pt.Kailas Chandra Shastri, Vide Ibid. Intro. to Pancāstikāya, Arrah 1920. Bharatiya Sanskriti mem Jainadharma kā Yogadāna, Bhopal, 1962, p.83. (i) Intro. to Pravacanasāra, Bombay 1935. (ii) Laler he accepted Dr.P.B.Desai's findings, as I learnt in the course of my personal discussion with him. Jainism in South India and Some Jain Epigraphs, Sholapur, 1957, pp.152-57. Ibid., p.16. Vide Ibid, pp.156-57. (i) Some scolars like Dr.Upadhye do not accept the Rayanasāra as the genuine work of Kundakundācārya Vide his Intro. to Parayanasāra. (ii) Some scholars like Dr.H.L.Jain and Shri Phulchand Shastri attribute the authorship of the Mulācāra to this grcal teacher. Some others do not accept it. Pl.Premi discusses this problem at pretty length and comes to the conclusion that the Mūlacăra can be the work of Vattakera and not of Kundakunda. Vide Jaina- Sahitya aur luihāsa, Bombay 1956, pp.548-53.
7.
si
ai

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10.
(iii) Similarly the authorship of the Tamil Kural is attributed to this great preceptor by some scholars. But, for this, no reliable evidence is produced. Vidc Jaina Literature in Tamil, Delhi 1974, p.30. Prof.S.Vaiyapuri Pillai holds that the Kural can be the work of some other Jain Scholar. He puts it in 600 A.D. Vide History of Tamil Language and Literature, Madras, 1956, pp.79-85. Pt.K.C.Jain has thoroughly discussed this problem giving the various former views of different scholars and comes to conclusion that the Parikamma was certainly a commentary on the Satkhandagama. He has cited 29 references to the Parikamma found in the Dhavala Commentary. Vide his Intro. to Kundakunda Prabhrita Sangraha, Sholapur, 1960. Ibid For details on these points vide Intro. to Satkhandāgama-I (Revised Edition, Sholapur 1973). Prof.D.L.Narasimhachar holds that the Kannada language inust have had its own script for literary expression during the 2nd and 3rd cenuries A.D. Kannada Granthasampādanc, Mysore, 1964, p.32. Influence of Middle Indo-Aryan Literature on Kannada Literature, Proceedings of thc Seminar in Prakrit Studies, Ahmedabad 1978. p.113. (i) Which surely have not come down to us. (ii) We should also keep in view the Halmidi inscription. Also called the Natakatraya. When darkness prevails, an honest and constructive conjecture like this to start with, I believe, would help us further. Jaina Literature in Kannada, Sri Puskara Muni Felicitation Volume, Udaipur, 1979. ibid.
13.
14.
17.
18.
. 19.

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20.
21.
Vide Kavirajamarga, Bangalore 1898, 1.29-34.
(1) These findings are the outcome of my close scrutiny of the concerned pages of the Kannada Prantiya Tādapatriya Granthasuci, Ed.Pt.Bhujabali Shastri, Bhāratiya Jñanapitha, Kashi, 1948.
(ii) Kesavanna appears to be the well-known Kesavavarni. (iii) There are found many Balacandras. But here- our Balacandra appears to be the pupil of Nayakirtideva. Dr. Upadhye proposes his date as 1176-1231. Vide his Intro.
to Pravacanasara.

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OUTSTANDING
CONTRIBUTION OF JAINISM
TO KARNATAKA CULTURE

Jainism is an ancient religion. It is rightly called Ethical Realism. Deeply moved by and giving, for long, austere and meditative thought to the chaotic and miserable political. social and economic conditions prevailing in the north-eastern region of India in 600 B.C., Lord Mahavira rightly preached this ethical code with its five-fold great vows, which he had inherited in its four-fold system (cāujjama) from his predecessor Lord Parsvanatha, as an effective antidote to those aweful conditions and also for the common good of all the mankind. It was received very well round about the area. Soon Lord Mahavira had a unique band of close disciples and well organised four-fold sangha. Later on his disciples and, then, the pontiffs and numerous other teachers carried on the torch of his valuable preachings and teachings, which can be said to have culminated into ahimsa, anekantavāda and kriyavada, to the various parts of the country.
Events of history no doubt indicate us that the first team of Jaina teachers may have entered South India, viz., the Telugu country first, through Kalinga as early as 600 B.C. and thus, were pioneers in bringing the teachings of Lord Mahavira to the South. But it is the second team, certainly a larger one, headed by

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Bhadrabahu 1 and accompanied by his royal disciple Candragupta, that entered Karnataka region in 300 B.C., firmly established its first colony at Kalbappu, the modern Śravanabelgola, and, then, conveyed and radiated therefrom those teachings more effectively and extensively to the nearby and deeper southern regions. Thus Karnataka can be said to have been rather the Southern Head Quarters of this great faith in the early days. Then assuming further strength, later in the medieval period, it became the very "home of Jina-dharma” as history would announce through the well known Kuppatūra Stone Inscription dated A.D.1408 (Epigraphia Carnatica, Vol. VIII, Sh.261). Perhaps taking all this in view, Dr.Saletore seems to have observed in his Medicaval Jainism: “The history of Jainism in South India is primarily the history of that religion in Karnataka.”
Hence it is but natural that the contribution of Jainism to the culture of Karnataka, indeed as a constituent part of its contribution to Indian culture in general, could be not only manifold but also of abiding value. Even the outstanding glimpses of such contribution would thrill every one of us with joy as well as pride:
It was a virtue and practical attitude of the Jaina teachers that wherever they moved and settled down, they adopted the language of the soil, cultivated it and used it for preaching and propogating their religious and spiritual tenets among the people of the region. This has been exactly true also of the Jaina teachers, settling at the Śravanabelgola colony, in respect of the Kannada language. They, with Prakrit as their own language, within years must have learnt the Kannada language, and gradually cultivated and improved it so as to suit for their preaching, teaching and, later on, for composing literary works in it. Most of the so-called tadbhava words in the Kannada language are none else but Prakrit words and words derived from Prakrit, lent by those and later other teachers in the course of their newly introducing religious, philosophic and dogmatic concepts, ideas etc. Some of the early Kannada inscriptions, literary works and after all the Apahramsa

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chapter in the Sabdamanidarpana (the most authoritative Kannada grammatical work), hold evidence to this fact.
The carliest cultivators of the Kannada language for preaching, teaching and propagating the Jaina religio-spiritual principles, further, also laid the foundation of the literary Kannada and gradually raised on it a magnificent structure. The first phase of Jaina literature in Kannada (c. 600 to 700 A.D.) happens 10 be in the form of commentaries on the canonical works like the Satkhandāgama, the Mularadhanā, the Tattvärtha Sutra elc., which are known by references only. Moreover some works of scholars like Vimala, Udaya, Nagarjuna (c. 700 to 800 A.D.), referred to by Nịpatunga, are not at all traccable. However the period between 900 and 1200 A.D. is specifically known as Jaina period in Kannada literature (1hough Jaina authors were active stilt later until 18th cont.A.D.), which also happens to be the Augustan Age of Kannada literature with numerous valuable works of varied inicrests. It is interesting to note that the first available Kannada work on poetics, the first one on presody, the first one on grammer, the first classic in prose and similarly the first one in poetry are all by Jaina scholars. Moreover the volume and value of the Jaina epigraphic wealth in Kannada has its own multi-sided importance. On the whole it can be said that both in cxtent and range, Jaina literature in Kannada stands supreme in South India.
It is well known that the most outstanding contribution of Jainism to art in India is in the field of iconography. And Karnataka has its own trcasure of beautiful images of the Tirthankaras and the presiding deities carved on stone and metal and preserved in the Jaina temples and also in private collections. Some of the metal placques, folios of palm-lcal and paper manuscipts, preserved in such collections, depict excellent artistic expressions of the Jaina religious ethos.
Jaina architecture in Karnataka has its distinct specimens. The cave temples at Badāmi, Aihole and Candragiri arc notable for their seclusion, serenity and sanctity. Then some of the Jaina

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temples (basadis) at Sravanabelgola, Karkala, Mudabidire and Halebidu are known for their excellence for structural architecture. Who can forget the free standing pillars (mānastambhas) standing in front of almost every Jaina temple (basadi) in Karnataka, particularly the one at Mudabidire with its having about seven monolithic Bahubali statues set at various centres of Jaina culture in different periods of its history. The one, the colossus, at Śravanabelgola, set by the great Camundaraya in 981 A.D., being world famous, has brought a distinctive cultural status to Karnataka. It would rather sound like a paradox, at the outset when we say that Jainism has its own contribution to Karnataka in the domain of politics as well, But it is a historical fact that entering as a fugitive faith, maintaining intact its religio-spiriual tenets and meta-physical beliefs, Jainism kept on accommodating itself to the age and environment, and gradually became the dominent religion of the land for nearly twelve centuries (200 A.D. to 1300 A.D.) and guided the fortunes of some of the most powerful royal families ruling over it, besides being a creator of kingdoms the Ganga and the Hoysala. During this whole course of history the role of the Jaina teachers was all benevolence both to the rulers as well as the ruled. It is enough, at this context, if we bring back to our memory the words of advice extended by Acārya Simhanandi to the Ganga Kings, Dadiga and Mädhava :“ That if they failed in what they promised, if they did not approve of the Jina-sasana, if they seized the wives of others, if they ate honey or flesh, if they formed relationship with the low, if they gave not of their wealth to the needy and if they fled from the battle-field, then, their race would go to ruin" (Kallurgudda Stone Inscription, dated 1122 A.D.)
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Helping towards stability and success of many kingdoms in Karnataka for several centuries, the Jain wisdom also endeavoured, all along, for the social uplift and welfare of the land. Cultivating the Kannada vernacular, the Jaina teachers composed numerous works of varied interests and utility. Carefully preserving such and

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other works in the Jñana- bhandaras, the Jaina monasteries also acted as veritable centres of learning. The social organisation of Jainism, particularly with its four-fold gift (caturvidhya-dāna), fulfilled manifold needs of the society intellectual, philanthraphic, humanitarian, moral etc., Moreover the Jaina teachers, ever moving from place to place, carried on a kind of mass-education through their regular sermons with interesting moralising tales and illustrations. Inscriptional and literary references are cloquent about the fact that, these teachers, some of which are noted as moving tirtha (Jamgama-tirtha), incessantly worked to eradicate the seven vices (sapta-vyasana) and other bad elements from the masses and to cultivate among them social virtues like compassion, truth, honesty, charity etc. The percolative process and cumulative effect of all such efforts and endeavours through centuries, it may be observed, have made the people of Karnataka to be (comparatively more) tolerent, accommodative and vegetarian even to this day.

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SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY
Paper presented at the 3rd International Conference (Ahimsa International), New Delhi, 1985 and published in its Souvenir dated ibid. Jainism in South India and Some Jaina Epigraphs, P.B.Desai, Solapur 1957. Jaina Sources of the History of India, J.P.Jair, Delhi, 1964. Medieval Jainism, B.A.Saletore, Bombay, 1938. Bharatiya Samskritimem Jainadharmakā Yogadana, H.L.Jain, Bhopal, 1962. History of Kannada Language, R.Narasimhachar, Mysore, 1934. History of Kannada Literature, R.Narasimhachar. Mysore, 1940. Vaddaradhanc : A Study, B.K.Khadabadi, Dharwad, 1979. Epigraphia Carnatica, Vols. II & VIII. Indian Sect of the Jainas, J.G.Buhler, Eng. Tr. by Burgess, London, 1903. Jaina Yoga, R. Williams, London, 1963. Gommatesvara Commemoration Volume, Shravanabelgola, 1981. Jain Literature in Kannada, B.K.Khadabadi, Shri Puskara Muni Felicitation Volumc, Udaipur, 1979.
7. 8.
10. 11.
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21]
CONTRIBUTION OF JAINISM
TO THE CULTURE OF TAMIL NADU
The Tamil people form one-fifth of Indian population and one- hundredth of World population. The Tamil language happens to possess a distinct position, in respect of its antiquity and its still preserving maximum Proto-Dravidian scatures among the Dravidian group of Indian Languages viz., Tamil, Kannada, Telugu and Malayalam. Morcover with their far ancient or Pre-Aryan historical background, with the peculiar geographical situation of their land, with their trade-contacts with overseas people of different civilization and culture, in the West as well as the East, and with the infiltration and impact of the North-Indian unorthodox religions like Jainism and Buddhism, and later, Vedic Brahmanism, the Tamilians have had their own cultural traditions and way of life, and yet, they form a significant cohesive unit of the colourful civilization and culture of India as a whole. And in shaping such cultural traditions and way of life of the Tamil people, Jainism
has played its own role for several centuries and has made its • own contribution.
After long-time and careful research, eminent scholars have come to conclusive opinion that Jainism appeared in the Tamil

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country through twin streams of Jaina teachers, monks and recluses: One following from the Telugu country on its way to Ceylon; and the other proceeding from the Mysore region viz.., Sravanabelgola. The first was the earlier, sometime prior to the 4th Century B.C. and the other in C.300 B.C. The first team entered as a part of Lord Mahāvīra's dharmacakra that had started long back and later had moved, through Kalinga (Orissa), into the Telugu country. The second procecded from Śravanabelgola, wherein a Jaina colony was already raised by the great migrating congregation (Samgha) of twelve thousand monks, headed by Bhadrabahu and accompanied by his royal disciple, Chandragupta Maurya, moving from Madhyādesa owing to the terrible twelve year famine.
All these teachers and monks had missionary zeal; and Jainism being a faih of pre-eminently humanitarian values with healthy ethical discipline, well-defined for ascetics as well as householders, very well impressed the Tamil people and gathered followers. Two characteristic features, deeprooted in the Śramanic cultural tradition, viz., bhramanaśīlatā (denying to themselves a fixed abode and keeping on moving from place to place, except during rainy retreat - varsavāsa) or aniyatavāsa (unsettled life) and lokabhimukhatā (their honouring and adopting the language of the people of the soil on which they lived and moved), gradually boosted the number of followers in various susceptible areas. Originally being Prakrit-speaking migrants, they learned the local language, used it as their medium of teaching and preaching and duly cultivated if for literary purposes. Moreover their usual method of preaching or teaching religious tenets and inculcating healthy rules of individual and social conduct through interesting moralising stories, illustrations etc. had abiding influence on the religious and social life of those people in early days. Then it is through the various and valuable literary products of Jaina teachers and scholars, that the general cultural life was influenced most. If we take a comprehensive view of all these factors, we have but just to repeat
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as the Tamil region is concerned, we may say that the Jainas were the real apostles of culture and learning.” - (History of Tamil Language and Literature).
All this can be seen reflected in the various Jaina monuments, relics, sculptures, inscriptions, literary works of high order, some institutions, cults, social customs and manners etc. available therein. Dr.P.B.Desai (in his Jainism in South India and Some Jaina Epigraphs), has lucidly shown that in Tamil Nadu several caverns, rocky beds and epigraphs have clear Jaina association of hoary antiquity. Moreover religious centres like Kanci, Madurā, Ponnūr, Sittannavāsal, Chittanur etc. bear great testimony to the past glories of Jainism. In Tinnavelly district Kalugūrumalai is rich in rock-cut Jaina sculptures. Some of the so called Pañca-pāndava Beds, carved out in rock in the hills and mountain regions in the Pudukkottai area were actually created for Jaina ascetics and monks who always preferred good natural surroundings. A hill in the Madurā district is known as Siddharamalai (Hill of Jaina Sages) even to this day. Moreover the Yakșini cult widely prevailent in the Tamil country in early and medieval period, and now found in some other garb or guise, is a creation of Jaina teachers to meet the religio-social needs of the days, by providing to their followers Jaina female deities like Ambikā, Siddhāyikā ctc., who could stand parallel to the Saivite and Vaisnavite deities like Parvati and Lakşmi etc., The idea and nomenclature of Sangam (Academy) in Jaina literature is rightly said to have been of Jaina inspiration ci., from Jaina Sangha and Mūla Sangha.
It is the realm of Tamil literature that conspicuously reveals the different aspects of Jaina contribution to the cultural life of its people. Jainas were the pioneers in the cultivation of Tamil language and enrichment of Tamil literature in its various branches : Inscripions, cpics, poetry, prosody, grammer, lexicography, mathematics, astrology etc. Some of the early Tamil inscriptions indicate the pioneering attempts of Jaina teachers at cultivating the language for literary purposes by formulating new terms like

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nikkanda (nirgrantha), samanar (śramanas) etc. The term palli, in usage cvcn to this day, (formerly meaning Jaina religious establishment) has left a permanent mark on the cultural life of the Tamil people. The term pallichanda (grant of a village to Jaina monastery or temple), found in inscription and literary works, indicates the wide practice of the vow of gift or charity (dāna) by householders. The great Tamil epic 'Silapppadikāram' (Topic of the Anklet) by Ilango Adiga! is richly nurtured in the Jaina atmosphere, with Kuvanti, one of the principle characters, as a Jaina nun, Kovalan as a Śravaka, an avowed attempt at often inculcating the sublime Jaina doctrine of non-violence. The Tirukkural, the most valued product in Tamil literature and claimed as a world classic, is replete with the Jaina principle doctrines like non-violence and vegetarianism, with notable stress on social virtues like truth, compassion, charity, and with highlighting the greatness ascetics and duties of the householder to himself and the society at large, to the extent that its author, Tiruvalluvar is claimed, and accepted by many scholars, as a Jaina, Elacarya - a disciple of the renowned Acārya Kundakunda.
To recapitulate and sum up, from the advent of Jainism into the Tamil land (C. 400-300 B.C.) until the Saivite and Vaisnavite reaction (700-800 A.D.), the Jainas have zealously contributed their sizablc mite towards building and healthy growth of Tamil çuture, that has carned its own distinct place in the colourful cultural map of India.

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SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY
Paper sent for the 5th World Jain Congress, to be held in Madras. 1991 and Published in Ahimsā Voice, 1993. Chronology of Early Tamilians, T.N.Shivaraj Pillai, Madras, 1937. History of Tamil Language and Literature, Prof.S.Vaiyapuri Pillai, Madras, 1956. Jaina Literature in Tamil, Prof. A.Chakravarti, Arrah, 1941. Jaina Literature in Tamil (Revised Edition), Dr.K.V.Ramesh, New-Delhi, 1974. Studies in South Indian Jainism, Prof. Ramasvami Aiangar and Sheshagirirao, Madras, 1922. Jaina Sources of the History of India, Dr. Jyoti Prasad Jain, Delhi, 1964. Jainism in South India and Some Jaina Epigraphs, Dr. P.B.Desai, Solapur, 1957. Indian Sect of Jainas, Prof. J.G.Buhler, Eng. Tr. by Burgess, London, 1903. Tirukkural, Ed. and Tr. (in Kannada) by Prof. L.Gundappa, Bangalore, 1960. Thirumathi Sornamma 1 Endowment Lectures on Tirukkural, University of Madras, 1971. Studies in South Indian Jainism: Achievements and Prospects, B.K.Khadabadi, Acārya Deshabhushan Felicitation Volume, Delhi, 1987. Jaina Vestiges in Andhra, S.Gopal Krishna Murthy, Hyderabad, 1963.
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22
REFLECTIONS ON THE JAINA
EXEGETICAL LITERATURE
According to the Jaina tradition the teachings of the Jina or Mahavira were grasped and then composed by his close disciples, the ganadharas, in the form of sūtras which later on came to be orally transmitted to the successive generations of teachers. And those teachings, according to the Śvetāmbara tradition, finally settled down in writing, passing through a few redactions carried over during the course of about a millenium, as the “Ardhamāgadhi Canon” consisting of some 45 sacred texts. Depending on the nature of the texts and the needs of the time, a great number of explanatory works - āgamic vyākhyās were composed, at first in Prakrit, and next in Sanskrit and old Gujarati' by the Jaina Ācāryas between the period of c. A.D.100-1800. This huge mass of literature is generally known as the Jaina exegesis or the Jaina exegetical literature, which has contributed its important mite to the history of Indian thought and literature. This vast literature is represented mainly by its four classes or types, namely Nijjutti (Skt.Niryukti), Bhāsa (Bhāsya), Cunni (Cūrni) and Vitti (Vrtti) or Tīkā, mostly forming the four successive layers.
After the Jaina studies in general and the study of Jaina canonical works in particular were pioneered by the Western scholars like A.Weber and Hermann Jacobi, for several years it
was the 4th class of the Jaina exegetical literature, namely the

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Tīkās, that served the purpose of scholars indulging in deeper and extensive studies in the field of Jainology, both in India and in the Western countries, and in Japan. The state of knowledge of the other three classes was so poor that even scholar like Jacobi at times confounded Bhāsya and Cūrni', and Jarl Charpentecr rather conjectured the Cūrni as mctrical besides suspecting (through grammatical lapses) the metrical currectness of the Niryukti and the Bhasya.' Thc Niryukti, the first type of cxegetical literature, being long ago ignored by the later Sanskrit commentators (the Tīkākāras) by dropping them from their works, likewise had received scant allention in our days. It was Leumann who inaugurated a systematized study of the Niryuktis some 90 years ago, concentraling as he then did on one of them, namely the Āvassaya-nijjutti (Avasyaka-niryukti), extended its study over subsequent layers and allied groups, and finally called the outcome of his long, hard and sustained studies, the "Avassaya Litcrature”. Since then the importance and magnitude of, as well as the hurdles in, the study of the Jaina cxegetical literature conspicuously have come to light. Bui, unfortunately, as remarked by Walthar Schubring and noted by Ludwig Alsdorf. “Leumann has never had a successor" - his work has not been resumed and continued, The reasons for such a state of affairs in this important domain of Jaina studies can be noted as follows: the non-coming to light of the entire excgetical material, the existence of the non-critical and unsatisfactory texts of all the four types of commentaries (parts of many of which are cilher mixed or intermingled), their non-availability owing to rarity of manuscripts and several of the published ones going out of print, the limited or difficult accessibility (owing to rarity) to the available ones at many centres and libraries,
Clc.7
Let us, then, have in briei a connected and comparative view of these four classes of the Jaina cxegetical literature as known and today available.
The Niryuklis are a peculiar type of versificd commentaries

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developed by the early Jaina teachers with a view to explaining the canonical texts. To facilitate oral transmission, they came to be composed in the form of memorial verses with catch-words that helped the teacher in instructing and explaining the holy scriptures. Actually, the Niryukti is defined as that which contains a decided or intended meaning of the terms contained in it. Alsdorf points out that the most prominent feature of the Niryukti "is the so-called niksepa, no doubt the exclusive invention of the Jaina scholars and their most original contribution to scholastic research. The niksepa is a method of investigation to which any word or concept can be subjected by applying the various points of views for getting the multi-faced knowledge of the same. Such being the nature of the Niryukti, it did not much help in understanding the meaning of the corresponding canonical text. Hence other explanatory verses were, al later stages, inserted or added. The result was the emergence of the Bhasya, the next class of the Jaina cxegetical literature. The available Niryuktis are ten in number and tradition attributed them to Bhadrabahu I (B.C.300). But Leumann, after deep study, has attributed them to the Bhadrabahu of A.D.100' though a group of scholars now-a-days take the bulk of them to be postcrior to the Valtabhi Council II (c.A.D.454/457 0. better A.D.503/516).'0 The Niryuktis have not been written on all the canonical texts but only on the most important ones, those that formed the nucleus of the canonical material and required that kind of explanations. They contain, on the average, a few hundred verses. But the Avasyaka-niryukti has the largest number of verses and it is said to be complete and scientifically presented.
As noted above, from the later additions and insertions of the surther explanatory verses into the body of the Niryukti, there emerged the Bhasya type of exegetical literature. This phenomenon has been explained by different scholars in diffring ways. I would rather quote hcte H.R.Kapadia : “Nijjutti contains verses really belonging to it and some of the corresponding Bhāsa too; but the former preponderate over the latter. Similarly Bhāsa consists of

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verses which legitimately belong to it; and in addition, it has some verses of the relevant Nijjutti as well; but the former cxceed the latter in number. This means that the verses in the extant corresponding texts of these two classes of cxegetical litcraiure arc partly intermingled. We today possess no Bhasyas for 5 Niryuktis. (There is no certainity whether these ever were written). The total number of the currently available Bhāsyas on the canonical texts is 11, which are broadly dated between A.D.500-700.2 Most of the Bhasyas comprise a few thousand Prakrit verscs cach. Rc-explanatory processes at length in the case of some important scriptural texts like the Avassaya have produced extraordinary commentaries like the Visesa Avasyaka-Bhasya (c.A.D.585-590) that comprises the more ancient mulabhasya as well as the Bhasya, and the Viścsa bhāsya. The author Jinabhadragani Ksamāsramana (latter half of the 6th cent.A.D.) is prominent among the Bhasyakaras, besides Sanghadāsagani Kşamasramana.
The Cūrnis mark a new phase in the growth of the Jaina cxcgesis, both in respect of form and linguistic trait. They are mostly in Prāk: it pose with the mixture of Sanskrit in varicd degrees.'" This indicates the need of the time - the Jaina Ācāryas being lempted to begin to adopt Sanskrit too in their excgctical writings, a trend that surther paved the path for the latter commentaries in Sanskrit, namely the Tikās. Curnis are found to have been written on some 20 canonical works between C.A.D.600-700. The prominent of the Cūrnikāras is Jinadasagani Mahattara. It may be noted that the sub-domains of Bhāsya and Cūrni cannot be duly demarked chronologically; at least one Bhāsya is posterior to the earliest Cūrnis; but a Bhasya on which we have a Cūrni is assuredly anterior to that particular Cūrni. The main value of the Cūrnis lies in the preservation of the old Prakrit narratives in their own grand style. And several quote from works now lost. Leaving aside the mixture of Sanskrit, thc Cūrni, on the

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whole, may be said to have contained the full text of the traditional exegesis that was passed on from tongue to tongue in carly days. When we come to the Tikas we find some interesting features of form, language, exegetic methodology, etc. They are in Sanskrit prose. Most of them, however, preserve their narrative parts in Prakrit in almost the same form and contents as in the Curnis. They explain the Niryukti verses as well as the Bhāṣya verses, many a times alternately and often adopting and brandishing technique of the Brahmanic Nyaya school. There has been at least one Tika for almost every canonical work. Haribhadra Sūrī (8th cent.A.D.) happens to be the first among such commentators and most of the remaining commentators flourished between A.D.800-1300, though the Tikas continued to be written till A.D.1600.
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My interest in and curiosity for the Jaina exegetical literature led me through some of these works and the concerned critical writings of some modern scholars and made me acquaint myself pretty well with these four classes or layers of the Jaina exegesis, a very succint account of which I have so far tried to give. But some of Alsdorf's observations in this regard, presented very concisely, most particularly drew my attention. They are :
15

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To quote Schubring (Doctrine p.63); "As long as such insertions were limited, the title of Nijjutti remained - but when the size of the latter had swollen up owing to an extraordinary number of Bhasya verses, it was they who gave the whole work its title." What this explanation fails to make clear is the relation between Bhāṣya and Cūrņi. According to Schubring, the Curni is a commentary on the Nijjutti as well as on the Bhasya, but in some cases the Curni follows immediately on the Nijjutti without a Bhasya in between, I am afraid these views are based on a misunderstanding of the true character of the Bhāṣya. My own opinion will be given with some reserve; it may have to be modified after a more extensive study of the whole Bhāṣya literature. But

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a.comparison of the Visesa Aasyaka-bhāsya with the Āvasyaka-curni leaves to me no doubt that the former is a mere versification of the prose tradition represented by the latter. I believe that certainly in this case, and probably also generally, Tikā and Bhasya represent two parallel development: the Tīkā changes the Prakrit language of the Cūrni to Sanskrit but keeps to the prose form; but the Bhāsya versifies the traditional prose yet keeps to the Prakrit language. It is perhaps not too bold to see in the Bhāsya an attempt at the continuing, beside the new Sanskrit exegesis, the old Prakrit tradition in a new form. This new form may indeed have been suggested by the progressive insertion of Bhāsya stanzes into the Nijjuttis; but that the Bhasya rcally marks a new departure is shown by its very size which is a multiple of that of the average Nijjutti; it is underlined by distinguishing the 257 Bhāsya stanzas. inserted into the Avaśyaka-nijjutti as ‘Mūlabhāsya' from the Visesa Avaśyaka-bhasya of Jinabhadra.
After going through this passage we find that Alsdorf proposes to present here (of course, with some reservation and subject to modifications after thouough investigation), his opinion about the true character of Bhāsya mainly through the following lines of thinking:
(i) The Comparison of the Visesa Avasyaka-bhāsya with the Avaśyak-cūrni undoubtedly shows that the former is a mere versification of the latter.
(ii) Tīkā and Bhasya (the Avasyaka-ịīkā and the Visesa Avaśyaka-bhāsya and also other Tikās and Bhāsyas) represent two parallel developments :
(a) The Tikā changes the Prakrit language of the Cūrni to Sanskrit but keeps to the prose form;
(b) the Bhāsya versifies the traditional prose but keeps to the Prakrit language.

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(iii) In the Bhasya one sees an attempt at continuing, besides the new a Sanskrit exegesis, the old Prakrit tradition in a new form.
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Now examining the first line of thinking of Alsdorf's opinion, of course on the basis of my own comparison of the two works of the Jaina exegetical literature, namely the Visesa Avasyaka-bhāṣya and the Avasyaka- curni,17 I find that the learned Professor's attention has, some how, missed the narrative element which prominently appears in the Avasyaka-curni, wherein the kathanakas are narrated in beautiful Prakrit prose. On the other hand, the Viseṣa Avasyaka-bhāṣya is satisfied by merely giving a very bircf summary of the narrative or rather by quoting the concerned Niryukti verses containing catch words of the respective narratives. For example. after mentioning in v.3332 (which also happens to be the Niryukti verse No.865) the eight names of religious heroes to be examplified in respect of sāmāyika, the Viseṣa Avasyaka-bhāṣya disposes off the cight narratives in just 17 verses (3333-3349). The narrative of Cilatiputra is given here in just four verses (3341-3344), which, also, happen to be the Niryukti verses 872-875." On the other hand, in the Avasyaka-curni the tale of Cilatiputra is fully and beautifully told in Prakrit prose on pp.497-498, and this prose narration is followed by the same Niryukti verses (872-875) by way of its closure with an apt quotation." Hence the Viseṣa Avaśyaka-bhāṣya cannot be said to be a mere versification of the prose tradition represented by the Avasyaka-curni. Second the Viseṣa Avasyaka-bhāṣya comprises Mulabhāṣya, Bhāṣya and Viseṣabhāṣya verses. Such composition cannot be said to be a single (planned) attempt at representing the old prose tradition. Third, when we go to extend such comparasion of Bhasya and Curni to some other similar cases, we find that the comparison does not stand at all: The Dasaveyaliya-bhāṣya comprises 63 verses2 and the Uttarājjhayaṇa-bhāṣya comprises just 45 verses;21 how, then, can
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these stand comparison with the corresponding Curnis which are pretty bulky prose texts? Hence Bhāsyas cannot be said 10 be mere versification of the prose tradition represented by Cūrnis.22
Further, we can also say that Tīkā and Bhasya cannot represent two parallel development : Because, we have just seen in the foregoing passage how the Bhāsya type of exegetical literature emerget and now it is essential to note that Tikā changes the Prakrit language of the Cūrni (already in prose) to Sanskrit as per the need of the time, which fact has been already indicated by the mixture of Sanskrit with Prakrit appearing in the Carni itself. And one's viewing in the Bhasya an attempt at continuing the old Prakrit tradition in a new form, applies only to the extraordinary commentaries, like the Visesa-Avasyaka-bhās, a.
I find that the history of the genesis and growth of these four layers of exegetical literature that developed around the Jaina canonical texts, remains condensed in a single aphoristic observation of Schubringas: “The commentaries on the canonical texts represent the apprchcnsions of their time", on which I would comment as follows: An early nucleus of the canonical texts was provided with the Niryuktis - comprising memorial verses with catch words, leaving the other explanatory and instructional matter to the teacher. These Niryukti verses, along with the canonical Sūtras, later required to be further explained, leading as it did to the composition of Bhāsyas. Some Bhāsyas, like the Avassaya - (Avasyaka) the Kappa (Kalpa), and the Nisīha (Nisitha) had to indulge in further detailed explanations of philosophical, dogmatical and disciplinary matter and, consequently, they swelled to considerable size.24 The Curnis embarked on the prose style, almost assuming the written form for the old full oral exegetic tradition, which earlier was maintained with the memorial verses containing catch words; but, at the same time, the Cūrnis indicated their temptation to switch over to Sanskrit by partially admitting

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Sanskrit into their regular Prakrit medium. The Tikas, then, fully realized this temptation of the Curnis, imbibing scholastic techniques of the Brahmanic Nyaya school and displaying them well in their commentarial efforts.
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After getting introduced fairly well to these four types of the Jaina exegetical literature, some interesting questions stand before us Why do we have no bhāṣya for every Niryukti? Or, why Niryuktis like the Ayāra and the Suyagada remained free from later additions and insertions of explanations? Why some Cūrnis stand independent of Bhāṣyas? Why should a Bhāṣya, like that on the Dasaveyāliya (Dasavaikālika) comprise just 63 verses? We cannot bundle off all these and many such other questions by simply saying that all the exegetical works (in different layers too) have not come down to us. But we have to apply ourselves, first and foremost, to bringing out critical editions of the available exegetical works and to study them intensively, extensively, and comparatively, so that we may be able to answer all such questions and also know many new facts about and facets of the Jaina tradition, history, dogmatics, theology, philosophy, metaphysics and hence the Jaina contribution to Indian thought and literature. This would be possible only when we will have some Leumanns, in India and Japan, and of course in the West, who would produce scholarly studies like 'Ayara Literature', 'Dasaveyaliya literature', 'Nisiha Literature', etcetera.

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Paper Published in the Pt.Malvania Felicitation Volume, Varanasi 1991. There could have been also produced some such exegetical works in Apabhramsa, old Hindi and old Rajasthānī. But I have no knowledge of their existence. Walthar Schubring. The Doctrine of the Jainas, Delhi, 1962, p.83, f. n. 5. Ibid., p.83, s. n. 3. Ibid., p.84, f. n. 3. Vidc “Jaina Exegetical Literature and the History of the Jaina canon", in Mahāvīra and His Teachings, Bombay 1977. Alsdorf and his team of scholars are said to have been trying to do it in Hamburg. Vide Alsdorf, "Jaina Exegetical Literatura", p.8. (i) Last year when I intended comparatively to refer in respect of the “Cilatiputra Kathānaka”, to all these four types of commentaries on the Avassaya. I had to borrow, with difficulty, the Visesa Avasyaka-bhasya Volumes from the Rajaram College Library, Kolhapur. And when I sat for my job with all the works, the uncritical and intermingled texts, with neither tables of contents nor indexes of any kind, tired me for days together untill I received a reminder from Kolhapur to send back the borrowed Volumes. (ii) At the same time I cannot fail deeply to appriciate the generous lending hand of the rich Rajaram College Library, which I many a time hi je availed.

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8.
10.
11.
12.
Alsdorf, p.8. Mohanlal Mehta (after Muni Punyavijayaji), however, states that bhis Bhadrabahu happens to be the brother of the grcat astrologer Varahamihira and hence is placed between 500-600 V.S. Vide Jaina Sāhilya kā Brhad Itihāsa (Hindi) (Part III), Varanasi, 1967, intro., p.9. Only this date can synchronize with the Maitraka ruler Dhruvasena's date. This alternative, seemingly providing a more valid date, is based on computing at B.C.477 the Nirvana of Mahavira. A History of Canonical Literature of the Jains, Surat 1941, p. 123. (However, most historical synchronisms are possible if B.C.477, in lieu of B.C.527, is taken as thc date of Nirvana of Mahavira.) . M.A.Dhaky recently has narrowed down this bracket to c.A.D.550- 660, just as curnis to c. A.D.600-700. Alsdorf obscrves that the amount of Sanskrit in a cūrni indicates its relative age - the more Sanskril the later the cūrni : “Jaina Exegetical Literature, p.8. Somc commentators, however, have rendered the Prakrit narratives in Sanskrit. Alsdorf, p.8. Part II, Ratlam 1937. (i) Part I, Ratlam, 1928. (ii) Vide also Avasyakasūtra (Part III), Surat 1936. Op.cit. Op.cit. Kapadia, The History of the Canonical., p.89. Ibid., p.189. In fact there is hardly any cūrni on any agama which can be said to precede its bhāsya.
13.
19.
21. 22.

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24.
The Doctrine., p.82. The mentioned Bhasyas contain 4847, 8600 and 6,439 verses respectively. Vide Kapadia, pp.187-190.

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23
CONTRIBUTION OF GERMAN
SCHOLARS TO PRAKRIT STUDIES WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO PROF.
A.WEBER
The first German scholar who showed special interest in and regard for India and its literature and culture is Harder (17441803), thc poct. It was he who introduced Kālidasa's Sakuntalam drama to the great poet Goethe(1749-1832). Such interest and regard developed and spread among German Scholars on a large scale within a short period i.e, by the close of the first half of the 19th century A.D, and created in them an impression and conviction that for the interpretation and explanation of the history of mankind, adequate study of Indian culture is inevitable. Then soon subjects like Sanskrit (Vedic), Indology and Comparative Linguistics prominently appeared among the various subjects or courses then provided at German Universities.'
As early as 1818, the first Indology Chair was instituted at the University of Bonn. Such Second Chair came into existence in 1820 at the University of Berlin. Later several other Universities
in Germany instituted such Chairs or created Readers' Posts for .

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Indological subjects according to their needs and convenience. Today, on the whole, there is provision for at least one or two branches of Indology chosen from Sanskrit, Prakrit, Pali, or the Hindu, Buddhist, Jain religion, history, culture, modern Indian languages, literature, philology etc., Moreover, the German Oriental Society (Deutschen-Morgenlaendischen Gesellschaft)- has been doing commendable work in this field. At the beginning German Scholars gave much more importance to the study of Vedic culture. But later on they also studied on historical and scientific lines, the Brahmanas, the Upanisads, Scriptures, Grammar, Puranas, History etc., and held thier eminence among all European countries. In the field of Pali and Buddhism, however, their contribution stands rather second to that of the British and French scholars, But their contribution to Prakrit and Jainological studies, barring the work of just a few French, Italian and British scholars, is the highest and unparalleled onc, in respect of quality, quantity and variety.
It will not be wrong if we state that the first phase of Prakrit Research studies commenced with the publication of Hemacandra's Abhidhāna Cintamani by Otto Bohtlingk in 1848. After Bohtlingk have shined scholars like Buhler, Weber, Jacobi, Pischel, Hertel, Leumann, Winternitz, Schubring, Alsdorf clc., in the galaxy of German scholars in the vast field of Prakrit studies. » Among these scholars, several maintained an ideal tcacher - pupil tradition (Guru-Sisya-Parampara) by dedicating their whole life to such studies. In these days scholars like Klaus Bruhn in Berlin, Gustov Roth in Gocttingen and A.Melle in Munchen have sincerely and efficiently continued the work of Prakrit and Jainological studies. A few others, together with some of the Indian scholars like Tripathi, Pande etc., are doing appreciable work within some of the Departments or Seminars of other German Universities.
Now coming to A.Weber (Albrecht Weber - 1825-1901), we find that he was one such distinguished German Scholar who cultivated Indological and Oriental field with all dedication, reaped rich harvest and left for posterity. He was the first to write a

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History of Indian Literature and that too mostly depending on manuscripts. He edited on scientific lines thc Sukla Yajurveda, the Atharva Veda, Jaina Canonical works liks the Bhagavatī-sūtra etc. He also wrote with authority on Panini. He visited India, travelled extensively by way of study-lours, collected several manuscripts, took with him a few of them, deeply studied them and published them on a systematized pattern.
Among such of his publications prominently luminates Hāla’s (Salavahana's) Prakrit Gahāsattasai (Gathāsaptasatī) (c.100 A.D.) - Das Saptasatakam des Hāla". When European countries were caught with an impression that India was a lowly and backward country, filled with poor people, marked with recluses, beggars, snake-charmers etc., through the publication of Das Saptasatakam des Hala, A Weber showed them that even ancient rural India, (c.100 A.D.) was well-cultured with people living a busy colourful life, bubling with love-notes of joy, mirth and tender sentiments and, thus, surprised the former followers of Kippling-Philosophy: Ohl, The East is East, the West is West.
Today? happens to be for us a happy day of the year 1981 -- the Centenary Year of the maiden publication of the Das Saptasatakam des Hala (1881), an important ancient Indian Prakrit anthology of lyrical songs of life and love, given to us by the great German Indologist A.Weber. I, for one, as a part of my tribute to him, would present now a few observations on this anthology and also place before you a novel expreriment of translating into English, Free Verse-Free Quartain, some gahas picked up from A.Weber's critically edited text itsell.

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A slinghtly revised and amplified version of the paper presented at the Staff Academy, Karnatak Arts College, Dharwad on 11.10. 1981 and published in the Tulasī Prajñā, Vol. XVII-3,1991. (i) For more details vide German Indology, Shakuntala publishing house, Bombay, 1969, pp.1-3. (ii) During this period in India there was no planned or regularised provision for Indological or Oriental studies. However the Central Government, on the recommendation of the Butler Committee that met at Simla in 1911, decided to depute every year two Indian Young Scholars to the Western Universities to study the functioning and proceedings of the International Congress of Orientalists that had held its first session in Paris in 1873. Shri P.D.Gune was the first to get such benefit. The last scholar so deputed in 1921 was Shri P.L. Vaidya. In 1921, education became the State subject; and, hence, this scheme stopped there alone. (iii) Shri P.D.Gune returned from Germany in 1914. At the same time Shri S.K.Belavalkar returned from U.S.A. Whatever new Research Methodology and Oriental knowledge they had brought with themselves, was appreciated and actively encouraged by a team of other scholars and the result was the birth of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute at poona in 1917. Gradually Indology and Oriental studies were put on a new track of teaching and research, Shri A.N.Upadhye was the first to get his Master's Degree in Prakrit, taught and trained by Dr.P.L. Vaidya,

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3.
Dr.S.K.Belwalkar etc., in this very Institute. (iv) For further details in respect of (ii) and (iii) above, vide the General Presidents Address by Dr.P.L. Vaidya, Silver Jubilee Session, A.L.O.,Confernce, Calcutta, 1969. (v) Prakrit Studies in Indian Universities were given a langible shape and push by about 1930. Dr.A.N.Upadhye and Dr. Hiralal Jain, Pt.Bechardas and Pt.Malvania ctc., can be said to be doyens in this regard. Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlaendischen Gesellshaft (ZDMG), a reputed Journal, is the research organ of this Society. For details of individual work and contribution of these scholars to Prakrit and Jainological Studies, Vide the relevant parts of the following: (i) German Scholars on India Vol. I, Chowkhamba Sanskrit Series, Varanasi, 1973 and Vol.II, Nachiket Publication, New Delhi-1976. Both are published by the Cultural Department of the German Embassy, New Delhi. (ii) Ludwig Alsdorf : Kleine Schriften, Glasenapp-Stiftung, Band 10, Wiesbaden.
iii) A Random Selection of Researches in Jainology by Foreigners, Dr.N.M.Tatia, Tulasī Prajñā, Vol. V-9-10(1979-80); and Further Sclection of Researches in Jainology by Foreigners; Dr.N.M.Tatia, Tulasi Prajñā, Vol. V-11-12 (1980). (i) The contribution of German Scholars, it may be noted, is not limited to Sanakeit, Prakrit, Pali or traditinal Indology only; they have contributed to other areas too such as natural sciences, ecological problems etc. concerning modern Indian conditions. (ii) Among these German scholars, some came to India on study tours. Some others like Buhler and Alsdorf served as Professors in Indian Universities. Prof.Alsdorf visited the Vikramk University, Ujjain, in 1972, on the occasion of the

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26th Session of the A.I.O.Conference. I had the good fortune of staying with him there for 3-4 days. I found him to be a great scholar and thorough gentleman.
For the complete picture of Frakrit and Jainological Studies in Germany today, Vide relevant Parts of Geraman Indology, by Dieter Schlingloff, Munich, 1982.
(i)
Das Saptasatakaṁ des Hāla, Leipzig, 1881. (ii) Several research articles of A.Weber connected with this work have adorned the pages of the Indian Antipuary and have guided Indian scholars.
11th October, 1981.
This part is cast into separate paper entitled Gāhāsattasai and published in Sambodhi, Vol. X (1982)

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24
AVASYAKACŪRNI AND THE
TALE OF CILATĪPUTRA
The Cūrnis in Jaina literature are a kind of commentaries on the Ardhamagadhi canonical works (as well as on the Niryuktis) composed in Prakrit prose mixed with Sanskrit in different degrecs. They have their predessors, the Niryuktis and the Bhasyas, other two types of commcntaries composed in Prakrit verse; and they are also followed by the likās, the far detailed commentaries composed in San:krit prose. Serving the needs of their times for more than a millenium, these four types of commentaries form a vast body of the Jaina cxcgesis, which has held mirror to the history of jainism on one hand and colliributed its own to the marvellous stream of Indian thought and learning. And among these four types of commentaries, the Cūrnis occupy a position of juncture marking a departurc from the archaic Prakrit verse of the Niryuktis and the Bhāsyas and, thus, paving the path for the classical Sanskrit prose of the Tīkās.
Ai, many as twenty Cūrnis are said to have been written on the Āgamas. A few are known by reference alone and all of the others are not available in print. The printed ones, unfortunately, are not critical editions and some of them too are not available now.' Coming back to our Cūrnis in general, in the

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whole corpus of the Cūrnis the Avasyakacūrni (600-650 A.D.). composed after its corresponding Niryukti by Jinadāsagani Mahaltara (650-750 V.S.), holds a distinct place for several reasons, a few outstanding oncs of which can be noted here. Firstly, it is a commentary written on the Āvasyaka-niryukti, the 2nd Mulasūtra of the Ardhamagadhi canon, the core of the basic sutras which is said to have belongeci to the period of Mahāvīra himself, or at least to the 1st century after his nirvana. Secondly, its subject-matter is treated more exhaustively than any other Cūrni does so in respect of its own. Thirdly, it is a valuable treasure of historical and semi-historical narratives, myths, legends, parables, fables and several other interesting folk-lates. I, for one, was fascinated by its narrative aspect, and aong the numerous narratives of varied types, by the tale of Cilatīputta (Cilatiputra), an exemplary tale (udaharana) illustrating equanimity (samāsa), one of the cight synonyms (paryāyas) of mental equipoise (sāmāyika), 50 indispensable in the daily life of the Jaina monk. Following is the summary of the text of this cxemplary tale apearing in this Cūrni:
Cilatīputra was a teen-aged son of a Kirata maid-servant of merchant Dhana at Rajagrha. Dhana had five grown-up sons and a daughter named Sumsuma, who was just a child. Cilatiputra was employed to look after Sumsumā. But soon noting the mischief-mongering of Cilatiputra, Dhana drove him away. Cilatiputra, then, idling here and there, joined a gang of robbers and later became its chics.
Promising his followers with the booty and keeping an cye on the young Sumsunā, Cilatiputra one day plundered the house of Dhana and leaving the booty to them, kidnapped Sumsumā. Dhava, together with his five sons and the city-guards, chased Cilatiputra, who after a long hectic march with Sumsumā on his shoulder, severed her head and ran away with it. The city-guards returned.
When all of them were oppressed by hunger, the father expressed to offer himself as food to his five sons. So also came

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forward cach of the five brothers to be food for the other four and the father. Then they all agreed to cat the headless trunk of Sumsuma, did so, returned home and again indulged in pleasures of life. So also the Jaina monk (in exceptional circumstances) cats food just to sustain his body and, then, enjoys the pleasure of nirvana.
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Moving ahead with the severed head of Sumsumā, Cilatiputra knew not what to do, when he came across a Jaina monk and requested him to preach him dharma, in short, promising that he would not indulge in violence thereafter. The monk uttered : "uvasamo-vivego-samvaro." Cilatiputra instantly sought solitude, reflected on these terms which meant for him quenching of anger etc., power of discrimination between good and bad in regard to wealth and bed, and controlling of senses. He acted accordingly by throwing away the severed head and sword and then entering into meditation achieved equanimity. Soon smelling the blood, ants appeared there and punched his body from toe to top like a sieve. Cilatiputra borc all this for two-and-a half days, breathed his last and was reborn in the Sahasrara heaven.
This tale of Cilatiputra in the Avasyaka-curni is just an claboration of a few concerned skeletal or mnemonic gahas in the Avasyaka-niryukti. After giving the niryukti of Sarvavirati- sāmāyika (absolute mental equipoise) in gahā No. 864. and after just enumerating the names of the eight exemplary ascetic heroes in the respective oreder of its paryāyas (Cilātīputra being the 4th for samāsa) in gāhā No. 862, the author of the Niryukti, in due course, presents four skeletal gahās (Nos.472-475) that cover in 'telegraphic style' the exemplary life-sketch of Cilatiputra. The text of these four gahas is as follows:
Jo tihim pachim sammam samabhigao samjamam samarūdho Uvasama-vivega-samvara Cilāiputtaṁ namamsāmi (872) Ahisaria pachim soniyagamdhena jassa kīdio
Khayamti uttamangam tam dukkarakarakam vaṁdel (873) Dhiro Cilaiputto muimgaliyahim calanivva kato

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So tah vi khajjamano padivanno uttamam attham (874) Addhaijjehim raimdiehim pattam Cilaspuitenam
Devinidamarabharvanam accharaganasamkulam rammam (875)
The nature and contents of these gāhās undoubtedly indicate that they consist of catch-words metrically presented for memorising, which is one of the main objectives of the Niryuktis. In those good old days the concerned teacher, who knew through oral transmission the full text of this talc, would narrate it duly. But later, as of need, that text had to be written down. The overall result was the birth of the Curni. Jaina tradition places ne Niryuktis in C.400 B.C. Leumann places them in C.100 A.D. The Cūrnis arc placed in C.700 A.D., and the Avasyaka-cūrni in 600/650 A.D.
Kecping all this in view, we find that there is a minimum gap of 500 to 600 years between the oral tradition of the tale of Cilatiputra and its written sixation. But through faithful transmission from tongue to tongue, maintained with thc svadhyaya of the successive generations of the Jaina teachers, this tale must have been handed over to the pen of the Cūrnikara with a fair amount of precision, though some allowance, as a rule, has to be made regarding a few timc- oriented changes of linguistic or dialectic nature.
With this background, now, we have to investigate into the nature or type of this tale,, which I propose to be the aim of this paper. Was Cilatiputra a historical person? Did the events in this tale really take place? When we prove the historicity of great personages like Pārsvanatha, the 23rd Tirthankara, and Bhadrabahu I etc., bristling with problems, it is difficult to say anything either way about Cilatiputra. But the outlinear study of this tale as recorded in the Curni and its comparative study as occuring in other works of Jaina literature and keeping an eye on the concerned stanzas in the Niryukti all along would, I hope, help us considerably to decide its nature.

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We have already had above a summary of this tale as recorded in the Cūrni. With regard to its comparison with the corresponding talc in other works at the outsct we have to note that this tale is narrated at considerable length and in the typical style in the Nayadhammakahão (I-18), the 6th Anga of the Ardhamāgadhi canon.' Here it is an illustrative dhammakahā, where Cilātīputra dics on his way back to his settlement and Sumsumā (i.c, the headless trunk of her body) figures till the close of the story, while it is illustrated that the Jaina monk in exceptional circumstances can take food just to save his body so that he could reach his goal.
Then in three of the Painnas8 we find skeletal gāhās containing references to Cilatiputra's ascetic heroism which are almost similar to those in the Avasyaka-nirmyukti (ANI): Gaha No.88 in the Bhattaparinnā compares very well with gāhā No.872 of ANI. Further, gahā No.86 in the Samihāraga compares with gahā No. 874 in ANI. Lastly the whole group of gāhās Nos.427, 428, 429 and 430 in the Maranasamahi is almost the same as that of Nos.872, 873, 874 and 875 of ĀNI.
Further we find in the Mūlarādhana' gāhā No.1553, which is almost the same as gahā No.874 in ANI.
Then there is found a skeletal gahā as well as the narrative of Cilaliputra's ascetic heroism in the didactic work Uvaesamala of Dharınadāsagani (C.500 V.S.) which is noted by Jayasimhasuri in his Dharmopadeśamalavivarana.''
And lastly the tale of Cilatiputra is narrated in varied ways and at varicd length in the Kathākošas like the Akhyānaka-manikosa" of Nemicandrasuri (1073-1083 A.D.) on one hand, and in the Arādhanā Kathākośas of Harişcnal?, Sricandra,13, Prabhācandra, '4 Nemidattals and the Vaddāradhane 16 in Kannada on the other. Nemicandrasūri at the end of his tale quotes (Nos.37 to 40) the four concerned gahas in ĀNI and the narrative almost follows the Cūrni. All the Aradhanā Kathākosas formally basc

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their narratives on gahā No. 1553 of the Mülaradhanā (C.100 A.D.); but their main source is some Prakrit commentary or commentaries on the Mularādhanā which, unfortunately, is (are) not available; and they dropping the scene of the headless trunk of the female body being caten by her father and brothers, illustrate well the equanimity (samāsa) and victory over calamities (parisahajaya) of Cilatiputra by creating a kite 10 peck his cyes, in addition to the ants punching his whole body. It is also worth noting that these Aradhanākathākosas have made some changes in this tale and yet its general frame-work in them is the same; They have made Cilātīputra the son of Upaśrenika (Praśrenika) born of Cilātamahadevi (Tilakāvatī). Sumsumā, in the Cūrni, is replaced by Subhadrā (Bhadra), daughter of the maternal uncle of one Bhattimitra. Hariscna makes Bhattimitra himself kill Subhadra and his tale is entitled Cilatimitra Kathanakam. The Vaddarādhane, which is an Arādhanā Kavace-Kathākosa, however, has preserved from its main source a Prakrit quotation and two Prakrit phrases (partial quotation) that form a part of preaching of dharma received by Cilatiputra from the Jaina teacher he inct before resorting to Prayopagamana. These quotations are:
(1) Jam icchasi tam nam tam jampuna nccchasi tam tumappam,
Purisa sīha tam icchasu samsaramahannavani taridum. (II) Abhavidam bhāvemi bhāvidam bhāvemi. (III) Savvam sāvajja-jogam viradomhi.
We should remember that in the tale recorded in the Cūrni the corresponding part contains “Uvasamo-vivego-samvaro". Hence it is possible that the commentary on the Mularādhanā, which was a source for the Vaddaradhane, has tried to augment this part of the tale for further elucidation, though Cilatiputra of the Vaddārādhane requests the teacher to preach his dharma in short and that too exactly in the same manner and in the same terms

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of Cilatiputra of the Curni:
"Mamam samkhevena dhammam kahchi" (Cūrni) "Enage Samksepadim dharmam pelim 20 This indicates that the Prakrit commentary on the Mūlārādhanā, has also preserved some contents of the tale of Cilatiputra which, in carly days, were in oral tradition and later came to be recorded in the Curni.
Now, I would present some observations on this whole body of the skeletal gāhās and the tale of Cilatiputra narrated in the various works by the various authors in the various languages and in the different periods:
The skeletal gahās in the Avasyaka-niryukti, the three Painnas and the Mularadhana, as noted above, not only compare well with one another but also are composed almost in indentical terms. Hence there could be some common authentic source, mostly based on the factual ascetic heroism of Cilatiputra, of the pre-rift days for all these works. Ch.18(1) in the Nayadhammakāhao is no doubt based on this authentic tradition, but by highlighting Sumsuma's headless trunk, is adapted to the objective of the work and presented in the typical style. The tale in the Avasyaka-curni is the best available record of this authentic tradition which is best preserved in the catch- words of the skeletal gahas of the Avasyaka-niryukti. The last commentary on the Mūlaradhana also may have basically contained this authentic tradition; but in the zeal of clucidation of some points in the light of Prayopagamana, the objective of the corresponding tale, the author appears to have made some changes in some particulars of his narrative. Then in the later stream of the narrative of Cilatiputra, there appear to have been two branches: one of the Svetambara scholars as set in the Kathakosas like the Akhyānakamanikosa and Upadesamālāvivarana etc., and the other
21
of the Digambara scholars as set in the host of half a dozen Aradhanakathakosas. The first branch naturally follows the Avasyaka-curni and the second one the lost Prakrit commentary

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on the Mularādhanā. Inspite of some additions and omissions in regard to the details of the corresponding tale in these later kosas, the basic frame of this authentic tradition is gencrally found well protected.
Now can we accept this authentic tradition of Cilatiputra's ascetic heroism etc. as true to life - as history? Yes, to a considerable extent, for an authentic tradition without historical evidence cannot be set aside as fictitious. At the most we can call it semi-history and the tale of Cilatiputra semi-historical.22 To do so, we have some external strength too. The Prākrit word Cilāya, Cilāyaga or Cilatīputta itsell, occuring in the Jaina cononical, pro-canonical, exegetical and the later compliatory works, is of quite archaic nature where we find k>c. It happens so in (old) Ardhamagadhi. It is this word alone that represents such linguistic phenomenon in the whole range of the Prakrit dialects.23 Hence this archaic name, viz., of Cilatiputta, is associated with carly Jainism, the major part of the history of which itself is based on traditions. Moreover, according to Dhavala (1.1.2/104/2) Cilatiputra is one of the ten Jaina eminent sages that were reborn in the highest heavens (anutlaropapadakas) in the tirtha of Mahavira.24 And lastly, as far as my knowledge goes, Cilātīputra has not been claimed as an ascetic hero either by the Buddhists or by the Hindus.25
To conclude, the narrative of Cilatiputra as preserved in the Avasyaka-curni is a semi-historical tale. Similar studies extended 10 similar olher tales of ascetic heroes like Damadanta, Metārya etc. would yield better results and thus add to the authenticity of traditions caught in such skeletal gahās of the Avasyaka-niryukti, the Painnas and the Mūlaradhanā etc. Moreover such attempts would add a new phase to the studies of Jaina narrative literature in general so far presented by scholars like Jacobi, Leumann, Hertal, Winternitz, Jagadish Chandra Jain etc.

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REFERENCES AND NOTES
*
1.
Paper presented at the All India Seminar (Jain Viśva Bhārati), Ladnun 1980 and published in the Tulasi Prajñā, Vol.VI-12, 1981, Prof.Alsdorf holds the view that the Bhāsya is a mere versification of the prose tradition represented by thc Cūrni. In this regard he differs from Leumann and Schubring (Vide Jaina Exegetical Literature and the History of the Jaina Canon, Mahavira and His Teachings, Bombay 1977, pp. 1-8). For further details, vide Prof. H.R.Kapadia : A History of The Canonical Literature of the Jainas, Surat, 1941, pp.190-192. (i) This appcars to be one of the reasons why scholarly studies of the Cūrnis have not been produced. (ii) Vide also Prof.Alsdorf, Op.cit., p.8. Published by R.K.Svetambara Institute, Ratlam, Part I, 1928 and Part II, 1929. Vide Pu.Malavania: Introduction to Jaina Sahitya kā Brhat Itihāsa, Part I, Varanasi, 1966, p.55. For the text of the Āvasyaka-niryukti, I have depended upon Sri Avašyakasūtram (Part III), D.L.J.Pustakoddhara Scries No.85, Bombay, 1936. Part. I and II were published by the Agamodaya Samiti, Bombay, in 1928 and 1932 respectively. References to Cilātīputra arc also found in Acaränga- Cūrni
7.

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10.
11.
13. 14. 15. 16. 17.
and the Vyavahāra-bhāsya, vide Prakrit Proper Names (Part-I), Ahmedabad, 1970. Prakirnaka-dasakam, Āgamodaya Series, No.46, Bombay, 1927. Sri Santisāgara Granthamala 13, Sholapur, 1935. (i) Singhĩ Jaina Series 28, Bombay, 1928, p.128. (ii) Dharmadāsagni's skeletal gahā No.38 of the Uvaesamala. Prakrit Text Society Series 5, Varanasi, 1962, pp.125-127. Brhat kathakośa, Bombay, 1943. Kahakosu, Ahmedabad, 1969. Kathākoša, Delhi, 1974. Aradhanā Kathakośa (Part-III), Bombay, VI s.2442. Mysore, 1955. (i) Vide Dr.A.N.Upadhye, Intro. 10 Brhatkathākośa, pp.47-80. (ii) Vide also Dr.B.K.Khadabadi, Intro. to Vaddaradhane: a study, Dharwad, 1979, pp.17-19. Exdept in Kahakosu where Cilatiputra disappears after being driven out by Srenika. Op.cit., p.167. Ibid. The author of the Avasyaka-niryukli would not refer to the name of the sage (Cilatiputra) and his ascetic heroism, unless he had before him the concerned account, which had been kept intack, and with all reverence, in the oral tradition of the Jaina teachers. Hence such tradition has to be accepted as authentic. I think Dr.Jagadish Chandra Jain calls such tales Anusrutigamya. Vide Prakrta Jaina Kathasahitya, Ahmedabad, 1971, p.168. (i) Vide Pischel, Comparative Grammar of Prakrit Languages, Delhi, 1957, :230 and :257. (ii) Such change is also found in Pali: kunda >cunda.

19.
21.
22.
23.

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24.
25.
Vide Jainendra Siddhanta Kosa (Part I), Delhi, 1970. I have no source to see whether Leumann had come acroess such a claim in any non-Jinistic works. (Vide the general observation of Schubring, A Short History of Jaina Research, the Doctrine of the Jainas, Delhi, 1962, p.8.)

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25
SOME THOUGHTS ON TIRUKKURAĻ AND ITS
AUTHORSHIP
The Tirukkural, the master-picce and immortal work in Tamil literature by Tiruvalluvar, one of the most valuable gems of the rich ancient Indian culture and literary products, is also acclaimed as a world-classic for its lofty wordly wisdom and ethical values presented in superb catholic spirit. Scholars have essentially marked it as an excellent treatise on the art of living; and the author's reflections, prescriptions, and advices etc, stand far above castes, creeds, climes and times, breathing living fresheness all along and attracting not only Tamilians and other Indian, but also great savants, thinkers, humanitarians all over the world like M.Ariel, G.U.Pope, Mahatma Gandhi, Albert Schweitzer ctc. Hence it has been rendered in all major languages of the world and read with all appreciation.
Kural is the name of the short metre in Tamil (a couplet with four and three feet respectively), used for the verses in this work. Actually Kural-venbā is the full name of this metre and the term “Kural literally means short, small; and tiru, (like Srī in Sanskrit or Siri in Prakrit) is just an honourific prefix, used in
the case of both persons and things. The verscs of this classic are

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expressed in sweet language and in the beaufitul Tamil maxim-like or epigrammatic style, memorable and quite wholesome for recitation, reflection and assimilation in one's daily life. They have been commented upon, paraphrased and explained by several scholars and widely translated both in India and abroad.
This didactic poetic work contains in all 1330 couplets, classified topic-wise in groups of 10 each, making thus in all 133 chapters, called Adhikāras, divided in three main parts known as Muppal in the following order:
(i) Aran-Dharma (Ethical Discipline for Householders and Renunciators).
(ii) Porul-Artha (Socio-economic, Political and Administrative Matters).
(iii) Inbam-Kāma (Idealised Love).
Thus, the poet Tiruvalluvar has covered, with remarkable brcvity and yet case, man's all the four Puruşārthas - Objectives of Life (the last i.e., Moksa - Liberation, Perfection or Final Bcautitude being precisely implied in the First Part itself).
Owing to lack of exaet information about the author and also for want of either precise internal evidence or external references etc., the date of this classic could not be pinpointed; and hence scholars, basing their studies with different angles of vision, have tried to fix different dates for it. We find that generally three dates have been proposed; Some scholars hold that it is c.100 A.D.. Somc c.300 A.D. and some others c.600 A.D. : (1) Those, like Prof.A.Chakravarti Nayanar, associating the author of the Kura! with the Jaina Sage Elācārya, and also those others identifying the work with the classic of great antiquity or belonging to the pre-Sangam Age, assign it to c.100 A.D. (and even a little earlier). (ii) But Prof.Mecnaxisundaram places it not earlier than 300 A.D. presenting the following observations, It is difficult to fix the date of the Kural. But one may point out that Tiruvalluvar may not have written the stylized language of Sangam poets, which

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could not be the language of the common people of the day, and he, in ecletic attitude, must have preferred to write in the natural language of the day. In any case one cannot place the Tirukkural much later than 300 A.D., for it preserves certain aspects of the older language inspite of its acceptance of new developments in the language (iii) But Prof.S.Vaiyapuri Pillai proposes 600 A.D. us the date of the Kural, placing it after the great Tamil grammatic work Tolkāppiyam and advancing the following reasons : Kural is later than Tolkāppiyam. Linguistic considerations too strengthen this conclusion. There is a higher percentage of Sanskrit words in the Kural than in carly Sangam Works and in the "Tolkāppiyam. New forms of functional words appear in the Kural for the first time in the history of Tamil language.
The author of the Kural is known as Tiruvalluvar (tiru being an honourisic prefix). But very little is known about this great and noble poet-philosopher. For want of cxact information about him, several anecdotes, folk-tales and traditions have come up about him and around some aspects of his life. He is associated with Madurai region by some and with Maylapore near Madras by others. In some places a valluvar is known as a product of a Brahmin by a Harijan (low-caste) woman. The term valluvar also refers (as found in the Manimekhalai, another Tamil classic) to a low class community and is applied to the King's officers or men, announcing the royal proclamations to the public all round the capital city, sitting on the elephant and heating drums. Whatever could be the indicative meaning of the term valluvar, Tiruvalluvar was a great personage of saintly and catholic dignity, with deep insight into human psychology and behaviour, sincerely nourishing humanitarian values, cver breathing goodness ad goodwill and zealously catering them to the people at large.
Thus very little is exactly known about Tiruvalluvar and his life; and besides there prevails some uncertainity about his date. As a result, there has also been, for the last several decades, a

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controversy among scholars over his religion, faith or sectarian denomination, on which, now, I propose to present some observations. Several scholars have so far put forth their views regarding Tiruvalluvar's religious faith, advancing reasons as per their convictions: Some say he was a Jain; a few others think he was a Buddhist; some others hold he was a Brahmin (Saivite/Vaisnavite); some keep him above any or all such sectration
denominations; and some just mark him as a great ecletic ethico-social reformer addressing mankind at large. As it is neither possible nor practical here to consider in detail the views of all scholars, I would cite one or two in each case representatively: Prof.A.Chakravarti Naynar tried to prove that Tiruvalluvar was a Jain Sage Elācārya, a disciple of Acarya Kundakunda; but Prof.S.Vaiyapuri Pillai simply said that he was of Jain faith. The Buddhist work Manimekhalai and also some modern scholars state that Tiruvalluvar had the real Buddhistic vision. This could be, perhaps, particularly keeping in view his verses such as on ‘Giving up Desire' (Tiukkural, Part-I, Ch.37). Prof.S.Krishna Svami Aiyangar quoting some verses in Kural and connecting them with the Manusmrti, the Mahābhārata, the Danacandrikā etc., concludes that the author of the Kural was Brahmanical in religion. C.Rajagopalachari, straightway rejecting Tiruvalluvar being claimed as Jain, finds him above all denominations, Prof.Meenaxisundaram, after much discussion on this point, concludes that the author of the kural refuses to be labelled. Prof.T.R.Sesha Aiyangar pointing out the poet-philosopher's particular qualities remarks: Valluvar resembles that other great ecletic weaver, the medieval reformer, Kabir, who spoke neither to any particular sect not to any one form of religion even, but to the whole of mankind.
But I for one, think that whatever could be the various regional and time-honoured meanings of the term valluvar, Tiruvalluvar must have been from the very beginning an intelligent child and sprouting poetic genius; he must have belonged to some

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religious faith as a growing member of a family and society and gradually may have developed his scholarship and built his wordly wisdon, as nurtured by ecletic attitude and catholic spirit, and then presented these sweet, meaningful, cpigrammatic, diadactic couplets to the world, so as to reach straightway the hearts of people at large. And in the course of all these developments, his own ethico-religious equipment and convictions must have played a crucial rolc, particularly in shaping the design, nature and spirit of the Contents of the Tirukkural. Taking into consideration the earliest impact of Jainism on the Tamil land (c.400 B.C. onwards) and the early period of Tamil language and literature, we should remember that it were the Jainas who did the pioneering work of cultivating the Tamil language and gave it a literary form of refinement so as to reach classical dignity. It were the Jainas who produced works of considerable merit in the various branches of that literature, the gnomic and ethico-didactic works catering humanitarian values. Thus thc Jain teachers and scholars happen to be the real apostles of culture and learning in the Tamil country in early days and Tiruvalluvar was one of them. These points have already emanated from the researches of Shri T.N.Shivaraj Pillai (Chronology of early Tamilians), Prof.Chakravarti Nayanar, (Jain Literature in Tamil) and Prof.S. Vaiyapuri Pillai (History of Tamil Language and Literature) etc. But taking a critical view of these and some other such points, I would humbly state that the Jaina tradition, which is history in its core, has in this case a grain of truth and not the whole truth, that Kundakundācārya alias Elācārya was the author of the Tirukkural. Because Kundakundācārya, though moved over the bulk of the South Indian region, now covered by parts of Karnatak, Andhra Pradesa and Tamil Nadu, has not composed any work in any language of these areas, but in Prākrit (Jaina sauraseni) alone. Moreover this great philosopher Acarya could not have bothered over subjects like Artha and kāma. Then Prof.Chakravarti's view that the Tirukkural was composed by Elācārya, a disciple of Kundakundācārya, also has no evidence,

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internal or external. But we have a good external evidence, for saying that Tiruvalluvar was of Jain faith, in the admittance (though rather reluctantly) of this Hindu Commentator on the Kural, Parimelalagar, and in the citing of the Kural as 'em-oltu' - our authority' by thc jain commentator Samayadivakara. Hence agreeing with Prof.S. Vaiyapuri Pillai's vicw that ”Tiruvalluvar was Jain admits of no doubt”, but revising it on certain grounds, I would propose my own view in this regard as follows:
Tiruvalluvar, in all probability, was a Jaina householder (grhastha or Śravaka), who came in close contact with a Jaina Sage holding the position of Elacarya (which is post-Upadhyaya and pre-Acarya rank in the Digambara tradition of teachers), and cquipped himself with adequatc knowledge of Jainism, and more particularly of the ethical discipline concerning the houscholder as well as the ascetic. As a fruit of such long term association as well as teachings of such teacher and his own equipment through deep study, together with keen observation round about, came out from his pen Aram - dharma, of Part 1 of the Kural, which is almost like a mini Manual of Ethical Discipline for the houscholder in the main and the ascetic to some extent, highlighting his greatness, principal qualities, merits and spiritual significance etc. Moreover the impact of Tiruvalluvar's close association with the teachings of the Elacarya on him was so much cffective that although a householder, he might have lived almost a saintly lise and, hence, people round about the region may have called him 100 an Elācārya; and this phenomenon gradually seems to have settled down as an anecdote or a tradition in that area. Actually he could have been an erudite Jaina Householder and this fact gave a shape and spirit to part 1 of the Kural. In support of this theory, I would adduce in brief the following reasons and textual evidence : (All my references here are to the Delhi Edition);
(i) By way of the Jaina mode of invocation at the beginning of the work, the opening couple of the Tirukkural (I.1.1.) is with

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reference to Ali- pakavan-Adibhagavan, who could be none but Adinatha, Ādideva or Rsabhadeva, the first Tirthankara - Ford maker, who is Jitendriya - who won victory over the five senses (1.1.7.).
(ii) Further Ch.3 is devoted to highlight thc grcatness of Jaina ascetics or renunciators (1.3.1) who have restrained their five senses, with the goal of resoluteness, and thus made themselves qualified for liberation (1.3.4); mounting the peak of renunciation, they nourish compassion or love for all the livings, tread the righteous path; and they (alone) are the truc sages (1.3.9-10).
(iii) In Ch.4 is presented an epitome of the nature of Dharma- righteous conduct: That conduct which everyonc ought to practise is dharma - righteous conduct; and that from which everyone ought to abstain is adharma - unrighteous conduct - exactly the Jain way of interpretation of dharnia and adharma.
(iv) Ch.5 glorifics the general nature of grhastha-dharma-ethical disciplinc for houscholders. Love and righteous conduct are fundamental in the householder's life (1.5.5) which is superior to that of those who simply strive for liberation (1.5.7). The layman's life becomes worthless, if his wife, the woman, too does not possess the householder's quaiitics (1.6.2).
(v) In Ch.8 the greatness of love, compassion or non-injury, which cannot be measured (1.8.4) is brought out as is done in Jainism. Love is the foundation of dharma - rightcous conduct and also the destroyer of adharma - unrightcous conduct (1.8.6).
(vi) On close study and comparison, we find that the following Chapters in part 1 of the Kural broadly constitute the very five Minor Vows (anu-vratas) prescribed for the houscholder in Jainism
(1) Ch. 33 (and 26 partly) - ahimsā - non-violence, non-injury. (2) Ch. 30 (and 19 partly) - Satya - truth. (3) Ch. 29. asteya - non-stealing. (4) Ch. 15 - brahmacārya or svadāra- santosa or

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paradāra-niyrtti-celibacy, being satisfied with one's own wife or abstaining from others' wives.
(5) Ch. 18 (and 37 partly) - Parimita-parigraha, icchā-parimāna- limited possession of wordly materials or putting limitation to one's desire.
(vii) In some of the Chapters, we find, a few important ethico- social virtues, prescribed in Jainism for the householder, are explained. The Chapters and the virtues are noted below:
Ch. 12 - Samadarsana - equanimity. Ch. 13 - Samyama - Self-restraint. Ch. 16 - Ksamabāva/Sahanaśīlatā - forgiving nature, tolerance Ch. 23 - dāna - charity
Ch. 26 - nirāmisahāra - abstinence from non- vegetarian food
(viii) The following chaplers point out some of the special qualitics of an ideal householder that are enumerated in Jaina treatiscs on Householder's code of Conduct:
Ch. 9 atithisatkāra - entertaining atithis, ascetics or any deserving persons (patra)
Ch. 10 madhura bhāsā - sweet talk Ch. 14 sadācāra - decorum, decent behaviour. Ch. 20 vyartha-kathana - purposeless talk. Ch. 22 paropakāra - helping others.
(ix) It can be particularly noted that part 1 of the Kural is replete with the grcat virtues and profound ethical values like ahimsā - non-violence, karunā - compassion, anāmişahāra / sakāhāra - abstinence from meat-cating or vegetarianism, kşamābhāva - tolerance and forgiving nature etc., for the propagation and practice of which Jainism is wellknown to the world for the last two thousand years and more.
(x) Moreover it can be marked with special interest that the peculiar Jaina Concept of Truth or the “Jaina Interpretation

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of Truth” (As Prof.R. Williams would put it) is presented candily and accurately by Tiruvalluvar in the Chapter on Satya - truth:
That indeed is truth, if the words expressing which do not cause any harm or injury to anybody (1.30.1).
If any goodness is to come out from some falsehood, that falsehood (or the words expressing it) also stand in the very rank of truth (1.30.2). This peculiar Jaina meaning and interpretation of truth in these two couplets can be rightly compared with that given by Acārya Umāswāmi in his Tattvārtha-sūtra - VII-14 and by his commentator Ācārya Pujyapāda in his Sarvārtha-siddhi - VII-14.
Now in this context, a question arises as to how to account for Tiruvalluvar's plan and design of his Kural, with the addition of part II, Porul - Artha (Socio-economic, Political and Administrative Matters) and part III, Inbam-Kama (Idealised Love)? Tiruvalluvar, as a pious (Jaina) householder, scholar, poet and a keen obscrver of the society round about him must have thought of the householder's socio-economic responsibilities as well as his duties towards the state - which was of monarchial type with Kingship in those days; and he might have also felt the nced of the householder's being equipped with the knowledge of idcalised love for a conjugal and happy married lifc; and hence he may have added these two parts too through commendable exertion, self- study and in the course of such altempt and also as inspited hy his ecletic attitue and catholic spirit, he must have drawn upon the various authorities from the Brahmanic sources like the Manusmrti, Mahabharata, Arthasastra, Nītisastra, Danacandrika, Vatsyāyana etc., and thus made his classic a worthy comprehensive treatise on the art of living for the good of all people.
There are of course several examples of such attempts in the history of Jaina literature : for example, the author of the Kannada Vaddaradhane, the earliest available Jaina classic in prose (c.925 A.D.) even though a Jaina monk has profusely drawn upon a number of Brāhmanical works of various strata to make his

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.
classic comprehensive and well- constituted. Then one may ask, can a pious householder (like Valluvar) possess such deep scholarship? Yes, Pandit Asadhara (1300 A.D.), who composed notable works like the Sagara-dharmāmrta-Nectar of Ethical Discipline for the Householder and the Anagāra-dharmamrta - Nectar of the Ethical Discipline for the monk, was a householder. Pandit Todarmal (close of 181h cent. and beginning of 19th cent.A.D.), who was a pious householder and who lived almost like a sage has to his crcdit learned commentaries on ancient Prākrit and Sanskrit works and also an original work entitled Mokşamārga-Prakasaka, which is a proud possession of every personal and public library for the pious- minded in North-India.
To conclude Tiruvalluvar, the author of the Tirukkural, the great Tamil classic, was an erudite Jain houscholder and poet of cxceptional ability. He was a close disciple of a Jaina Sage of the rank of Elācārya and also had developed in himself ecletic attitude and catholic spirit. All these factors have influenced in shaping the plan, design contents and spirit of his Tirukkural, which is rightly acclaimed as world classic.

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SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY
Paper published in Tulasi Prajñā, Vol.XVII-3, 1991. Kural, English Translation and Notes, by C.Rajagopalachari, Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, Bombay, 1968.
Tirukkural, Hindi Translation by Pt.Govind Ray Jain, Pub. Kundakunda Bharati, New Delhi, 1988.
Tirukkural, Kannada Translation by Pradhān Gurudatta, Shri Siddhantakirti Granthamalā, Jain Math, Hombuj, 1989. Tirukkural (Part I) with original Tamil Text, Kannada Tr.Paraphrase and Notes, By Prof.L.Gundappa, Bangalore. Tirukkural (Thirumati Sornamal Endowment Lectures), Part I (English), University of Madras, Madras, 1972.
(i)
Philosophy of Tiruvalluvar, Lecture by Prof.T.P.Meenaxisundaram.
(ii) The Ethics of the Tirukkural, Lecture by

Prof.V.A.Devasenapathi.
Jain Literature in Tamil, Prof.A.Chakravarti Nayanar, Jain Siddhant Bhavan, Arrah, 1941.
Chronology of Early Tamilians, (Lectures) by Shri T.N.Shivaraj Pillai (as noted by Prof.Chakravarti and Prof.Mecnaxisundaram).
History of Tamil Language and Literature, Prof.S.Vaiyapuri Pillai, New century Book House, Madras, 1956.
Some contribution of South India to Indian Culture, Prof.S.Krishnaswami Aiyangar, University of Calcutta, Calcutta, 1933.

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Dravidian India (part I), Prof.T.R.Scsha Aiyangar, Madras, 1933. Jaina Yoga, R. Williams, London Oriental Series, Vol.14, London, 1963. Tattvārtha-Sūtra of Umāswami. Sarvartha-siddhi of Pujyapāda. Vaddarādhanc : A study, B.K.Khadabadi, Karnatak University, Dharwad, 1979. Anagara-dharmāmrta of Pt.Ashadhara. Agāra-dharmāmrta of Pt.Ashadhara. Moksamārga-Prakāsaka, Acaryakalpa Pl. Todarmal, Jaipur,
1986.

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| 26
JAIN LITERATURE IN KANNADA
Jain Literature in General :
Jain literature in its carliest phase is found in Prakri viz., Ardhamāgadhi and Jaina saurasenī. According to the Śvetāmbara tradition, after Lord Mahavira taugh the Sacred Law in the Ardhamāgadhi language, his teachings, as received and composed by Sudharma (the 5th Ganadhara) in the twelve Angas, were preserved through svādhyāya on the tongues of generations of monks for about a thousand years and then were finally put to writing, more or less, in the same language' at the Vallabhi Council convened by Devardhigani in 454 A.D. According to the Digambara tradition, the canonical knowledge of the twelve Angas was almost lost except some portion of the 12th Anga and a part of the 5th Anga which have been preserved in the Satkhandāgama by the great foresight of Acarya Dharasena and the sincere efforts of the two learned monks Puspadanta and Bhutabali, who composed it in Jaina sauraseni between the 1st and 2nd centuries A.D.? Besides almost all other works of the procanon of the Digambaras have also been composed in Jaina sauraseni.
After the appcarance of the principal canonical works in Ardhamāgadhi and Jaina sauraseni, commentaries of varied types were written in Jaina Maharastri, Jaina saurasent and also in Sanskrit. Thereafter Jaina teachers and scholars commenced to produce original works in Sanskrit, in addition to those in Prakrit,

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possibly to convince and propagate their religious tenets in Sanskrit-knowing circles and also to expand their influence over rival groups and others by composing worthy works of secular nature too. There also arose a situation when Sanskrit was preferred to Prakrit as a literary medium. Shri K.M.Munshi, observes: “The revoli in favour of using Sanskrit as against Prakrit, headed by Siddhasena Divakara (C.533 A.D.) was an attempt to raise the literaiure and the thought of the Jainas to the high intellectual level attaincd by those of the Brāhmins. This revolt naturally met with considerable opposition from the orthodox Sädhus."
Moreover wherever the Jaina tcachers inoved and settled down they adopted the language of the soil, cultivated it and produced in it excellent works of varied interests. Tamil and Kannada literatures stand out as classical examples of this Jaina scat in South India, whereas Apabhramsa (the forerunner of the New Indo-Aryan language), Hindi, Rajasthani and Gujarati, hold out this fact to a notable extent in North India. Thus in the long cultural history of India, the contribution of the Jainas to Indian literature and thought can be seen through the media of Prakrit (Ardhamagadhi, Jaina saurasenī, Jaina Mahāratri and Apabhramsa) and Sanskrit, through Hindi, Rajasthani, Gujarati in North India and Tamil and Kannada in South India. And this contribution, as assessed by eminent scholars like Winternitz,' is of no mean value.
Jaina Literature in South Indian Languaged :
The beginning and growth of Jaina literature in South Indian languages is invariably connected with the advent and prosperity of Jainism in South India. According to a well-known South Indian tradition, Jainism entered into South India with the great migration of the Jaina Sangha, headed by the Srutakevali Bhadrabahu and accompanied by his royal disciplc Candragupta, who left Madhyādesa owing to the twelve year famine, moved to the South and had their first colony at Kalbappu (Sravanabelgola) in C.300 B.C. Then a part of the Sangha under Visakhācārya moved fruther to the
Tamil country. But an evidence of the existence of Jainism in

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Ceylon in C.400 B.C.led scholars to serious thinking and, then, to a reasonable conclusion that Jainism had made its enterance into the Telugu country via Kalinga during the life-time of Mahāvīra himself (C.600 A.D.), passed on to the Tamil country and then reached Ceylon and that consequently the Jaina followers were already in Karnatak before the great migration."
This acceptable track of Jainism in South India would naturally tempt us to expect from the Telugu region, which was the first and earliest to receive the Jaina teachers and scholars, rich and varied forms of Jaina literature in the Telugu language. But the actual state of things is quite different : there are found just less than a half dozen Jain works belonging to the later period, the earliest available literary work in the language being the Mahābhārata of Nannayya Bhatta (C.1050 A.D.). But taking ino consideration the very carly advent of Jainism into the Telugu country, the available Jaina epigraphs and the various Jaina vestiges, scholars opine that at the beginning, Jainism had its hold in several parts of the Telugu country. Then rivalling with Buddhism on one hand and the Hindu reaction on the other, it cstablished its influence over different strata of society and had made Krishna and Guntur districts, its strong- holds. The 9th and 10th cunturies were prosperous for it. By the middle of the 11th century, the mighty and violent Hindu revival swept it away when all Jaina literary works might have been destroyed. The names like dānavulapādu (Place of demons) given to a Jaina vestige is sufficient to indicate the whole dreadful story. Hence it will not be hazardous if we surmise a Jaina period in the Telugu literary history between the 9th and 11th centuries.
But in the Tamil country, which received Jainism in two streams as noted above, Jaina literature had a good beginning and considerable growth until the Saiva saints and the Vaişnava Alvaras strongly reacted and produced vast literature of their own. As usual the Jaina monks and scholars soon picked up the Tamil language, cultivated it for literary usage and produced in it a good
amount of literature in its varied branches : inscriptions, poctry,

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prosody, grammar, lexicography, mathematics, astrology etc. To mention a few, Tolkāppiyam (C.450 A.D.) - the most authentic Tamil grammar, Tirukkural (C.600 A.D.) - the immortal Tamil Veda, Silappadikāram (C.800 A.D.) - the well-known Tamil classic of abiding interest, Sivaka Cintamani (C.1000 A.D.) - the great romantic epic and Vasudevanār Sindam (?),which is based on the Paisāci Brhatkathā of Gunadhya and which stands in rank with the Prakrit Vasudevahindi - are all by Jaina authors. The Tamil Jaina inscriptions, as observed by scholars in the field, 12 clearly shown the Jaina contribution to the growth of Tamil language and literature.
When we come to the Malayalam language of Kerala, the Southern portion of the west coast of India, we do not find any Jaina contribution in it. The reason is obvious that it happens to be the youngest of the Dravidian group of languages which had its distctive existence just by the 10th century A.D. Until when Sendamil (Pure Tamil) was the sole language of the land. The first Malayalam literary pieces go back to C.13th century A.D.12 Yet there are reasons to believe that Jainim had its spread and roots in this country too. It is interesting to note that Prof.A.Chakravarti, while presenting critical observations on the Silappadi kāram, writes 14 «Mr.Logan in his Malbar District Manual states several important points indicating the Jaina influence over the people of Malbar coast before the introduction of Hinduism.” Moreover, Dr.P.B.Desai, basing his study on the notes on the Chitral inscription and the Jaina vestiges in Travanacore published in the Travanacore Archaeological Series, Vol.I (1910-13), pp.193 ff., and Vol.II (1920), pp.125 ff., come to conclusion that approximately the age of 9th to 11th centuries conly built by gloious period of Jainism in Keral." Hence we before our eyes expect some Jaina literature produced in Keralaiectured now; and But according to the linguistic picture of tannada literature could

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as viewed above, such literature could be in Tamil (Sendamil) alonc.
And lastly coming to Kannada, we find that this has been for the Jaina scholars, monks and lay disciple, the most favourable of the South Indian language in which they have left a very rich literary heritage in addition to their contributing significantly to the general cultural wealth of the land which they have described as the home of Jainism in one of their inscriptions. 16
Jaina Literature in Kannada :
Jaina literature in Kannada, being vast and varicd, is a topic for an independent monograph. Hence taking just a bird's rescarching cyc-view of it or presenting a descriptive and critical sketch of outstanding works and authors, high-lighting some of the findings of the recent rescarches, could alone be within the range of my attempt here."
The carliest available Jaina literature in Kannada can be said to be in inscriptional form belonging to C.7th centur A.D. and even a little carlier. In the cpigraphic wealth of Karnataka the Jaina share is of considerable volume and value. 18 and it extends even up to the end of the 181h century. Many of the Kannada Jaina inscriptions are metrically composed and have high poctic quality. Some of them also provide us with varied data of religious, social and political importance. It can be remembered with pride that the appearance of the Sravanabelgola inscriptions in the Epigraphia Carnatica Volumes gave the Jaina studies a historic and scientific turn and inspired towards the birth of the estcemed volume of the Jaina Silalekha Sangraha in the M.D.J. serieamus a. considerable c earliest available Jaina literary work in Kannada strongly reacted arga, a treatise on poctics, of Nepatunga, the usual the Jaina mou nown as Amoghavarsa (815-877 A.D.) who language, cultivated it for,
asena. This work on poetics naturally amount of literature in its va
For Private & PPays Bonu
* pretty good number of carlicr

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Kannada works. Nrpatunga mentions several names of earlier eminent writers of Kannada prose nad poetry : Vimala, Udaya, Nāgārjuna, Jayabandhu and Durvinīta as eminent prose-writers; Srivijaya, Kavisvara, Pandita, Candra and Lokapala as renowned poots. Unfortunately we do not get any exact and decisive information about these authors. Durvinīta is identified as the Ganga King who was a disciple of Devanandi or Pujy apada. Kavīsvara is surmised as Kaviparamesthi praised by the Acāryas Jinasena and Gunabhadra. Any way it is quite possible that several of these authors were Jains.
Besides such eminent authors there are a few great ones who, along with their works, are known by references only : Śyamakundācārya wrote a commentary in 12,000 gathās on the Satkhandāgama and Kasāya Prābhrta in Sanskrit, Prakrit and Kannada. He is placed in C.600 A.D. Tumbalūrācārya wrote on these very works another commentary in Kannada, named Cūdāmani extending over 91,000 gāthās. He is placed round-about 650 A.D. Moreover some so far unidentified scholar wrote on the Tatvārthasutra an exhaustive commentary in Kannada extending over 96,000 gathās. Though anything definite about its date cannot be said, it must be more or less of the same antiquity as that of the two commentaries of the Satkhandagama noted above. Lastly, Bhrajsnu wrote in Kannada a voluminous commentary on the Mūlarādhanā (Bhagavati Aradhanā).18 It appears to have been in prose and possibly belonging to the period anterior to that of Nrpatunga.
Had these four commentarial works, together with those of the eminent authors mentioned by Nrpatunga, been available to us, the glory of the carly Kannada literature, as mainly built by the Jaina teachers and scholars, would have stood before our eyes in its far factual vividity than could be just conjectured now; and also the carly line of development of Kannada literature could

,

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have been restrored to a great cxtent. Hence all these four great commentarial works can be said to represent a hidden Landmark in the History of Early Kannada Literature, and I am tempted to call the period covered by these works, together with a few other ones,20 the period of the Great Jaina Commentories, which could in all probability be the 6th and 7th centuries A.D.
Next to Kavirajamārga is available the Vaddaradhane (0.925 A.D.) the earliest available prose work in Kannada which is based on the Mūlaradhana (Bhagavati Aradhana) of Śivarya. It is an Aradhanā Kathakośa standing in rank with similar Kathakośas of Harişena, Sricandra, Ncmidatta and Prabhācandra. This can be said to be the only Ārādhanā Kathākośa in modern Indian Languages, Aryan or Dravidian, and hence, is of great oriental value. It shows considerable influence of the diction of the Prākrit narrativ works and is unparallcdlled in Kannada literature in respect of its excellence of language and literary style.21 Along with this classic can be mentioned another prose work, the Cāvundarāyapurana (C.978 A.D.), composed by the great Camundarāya. The prose of this work shows some Prakrit influence; but the language is more Sanskrit-ridden.
Now entering the realm of poetry, we first meet Pampa (941 A.D.), the greatest of the Kannada pocts. He is known as the Ādikavi of Karnataka. His Adipurāna and Vikramärjuna-vijaya, composed in the Campū style, are the masterpieces in Kannada literature. Ponna (C.950 A.D.), known as Kavicakravarti, composed his Šantipurāna in the same Campū style. Ranna (C.993 A.D.), also entitled as Kavicakravarti by the Cālukya King Tailapa, gave us his far esteemed Ajitapurana and Gadayuddha. All these three poets are known as the Ratnatraya of Kannada literature.
Among other eminent Jaina poets who flourished after this great trio, the following are worthy of special mention along with their respective works: Santinātha (1068 A.D.) - Sukumāracarita;

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Nāgacandra or Abhinavapampa (C.1100 A.D.) . Rāmacandracaritapūrāna and Mallināthapurāna; Brahmasiva (C.1100 A.D.) - Samayaparīkse and Trailokyacūdamani Stotra; Nayasena (C.1112 A.D.) - Dharmamrta; Nemicandra (C.1170 A.D.) - Nemināthapurana known as Aristanemi and also a secular romance called Līlāvati; Aggala (C.1189 A.D.) - Candraprabhapurāna; Bandhuvarma (C.1200 A.D.) - Harivamsha Purana; Gunavarma II (C.1225 A.D.) - Puspadantapurana; Janna (C.1230 A.D.) - Yasodharacarita and Anantanāthapurāna. Andayya (C.1300 A.D.) - Kabbigara Kāva; an interesting secular work written in pure Kanndad without the mixture of Sanskrit words; Nagaraja (C.1331 A.D.) - Punyasrava; Madhura (C.1385 A.D.) - Dharmanathapurana; Bhāskara (C.1424 A.D.) - Sivandharacarito; Bommarasa (C.1485 A.D.) - Sanat kumaracarite; and Ratnākaravarni (C.1557 A.D.) - Bharatesa Vaibhava.
The Jainas, being the carliest cultivators of the Kannada language, have predominantly contributed to its grammer, lexicography, prosody and poetics : Nagavarma's (IT) Karnataka-Bhāsābhūsana (C.1145) in Sanskrit Sūtras, Kesiraja's Śabdamanidarpana (C.1260 A.D.) in Kannada and Bhattākalarika's Śabdanusasana (1604 A.D.) in Sanskrit with his own exhaustive commentary are well-known grammatical works among which that of Kesiraja is accepted as the most authoritative one. Rama's Rannakanda and Nagavarma's (II) Vastukosa are the carliest lixicons. Nāgavarma's (1) Chandombuchi (C.990 A.D.) is the earliest extinct work on Kannada prosody. Nrpatunga's Kavirajamārga (C.815 A.D.), Nagavarma's Kāvyāvalokana (C.1145 A.D.), and Salva's Rasaratnākara (C.1500 A.D.), are notable works on Kannada poctics.
Besides inscriptions and commentaries, poetry and prose (with biography, religion, philosophy, metaphysics, logic etc.) grammer and lexography, prosody and poetics, the Jaina scholars

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also applied themselves to several other siclds like Mathematics, astrology, medicine, veterinary science, toxicology, cookery etc, and have produced many interesting books on these subjects. The last notable Jaina contribution to Kannada literature may be said to be in the field of history-rather quasi-history (Jaina traditional history and chronology) i.e., the Rajavasikathe by Devacandra, composed at the instance of a queen of the Mysore Royal Family. The number of Jaina authors in Kannada, as noted by the late M.M.R.Narasimhachar some forty years ago, is about two hundred.22 To this number may be added another hundred found in recent years. A cursory suvey of the Kannada Prantiya Tadapatriya Granthasüci23 and the List of Unmentioned works of the History of Kannada Literature.24 shows that there are numerous Kannada Jaina authors and Jaina works (some without the author's names) awaiting publication. All these are of the nature of commentarius on the Prakrit works of Kundakunda, Vattakera, Kartikeya, Nemicandra, etc., their translations and digests, their imitations, Purānas, Caritas, collections of stories etc.
Conclusion :
The Jaina teachers and scholars happen to be the earliest cultivators of Kannada language for literary purpose. Unfortunately the earlier line of the development of Kannada literature, for the laying of which mainly the Jaina scholars appear to have been responsible, is not traceable. The great Kannada Jaina Commentaries on the pro-canonical works in Prakrit and Sanskrit represent a hidden landmark in the early history of Kannada literature of the 6th and 7th centuries A.D. i.e., prior to the appearance of the Kavirajamārga and a pretty good number of the authors mentioned in it must have been Jaina teachers and scholars. The period between the 9th and 13th centuries A.D., can reasonably called not only the Jaina Period but also the Augustan Age of Kannada Literature, though Jaina authors continued to appear here and there up to the middle of the 19th

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Century A.D. The Jaina literature in Kannada though religious in the main, it also possesses a nuber of secular works produced for the benefit of day-to-day life of the people at large. In respect of antiquity Jaina Literature in Tamil stands first and that in Kannada stands next, not only among South Indian languages but also when compared with that in north Indian ones. But in extent and range, Jaina literature in Kannada surpasses that in Tamil too. Thus the contribution of Jainism to Kannada literature is unique; and carly literaiure, to a certain extent, has often served as an authentic source of religious, social and political history of a community in India as also elsewhere. Here without a thorough study of Jaina literature in Kannada, the Jaina studies in general would not only remain incomplete but even rather poor.

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REFERENCES AND NOTES
Paper published in Puskara Muni Feli. Vol., Udaipur, 1980. Of course admitting the changes effected by time, of which we have no record. Thus the two traditions regarding the preservation of the canonical knowledge complement each other to a certain extent. Vide Introduction to Satkhandāgama Vol.l., by Dr.H.L.Jain, Amaravati, 1939, p.iii. In his Gujarat and its Literature, Longmans, Green and Co., Ltd., Bombay 1935, p.32. In his History of Indian Literature, Vol.II, Calculia 1933, pp.394-95. (i) Vide Jainism in South India and Some Jaina Epigraphs, by Dr.P.B.Desai, Solapur 1957, pp.18 ff, and Daksina Bharat mem Jaina Dharma by Pt.K.C.Shastri, Varanasi, 1967, Intro.pp.i-iii. (ii) Vide also Antiquity of Jainism in South India, Indian Culture, Vol.IV, pp.512-516. Vide Pl.K.C.Shastri, op.cit., pp.62-72. Noted by Dr.P.B.Desai, op.cit, p.15. For details on this topic vide Jaina Literature in Tamil, by Prof.A.Chakravarti, First Revised Edition, Delhi 1974. For the dates of these Tamil works, some of which are controversial, I have mainly depended on the History of Tamil language and literature, by Prof.S.Vaiyapuri Pillai, Madras, 1956. There has been also a lot of controwersy on the authorship of this grcat work: Some scholars have claimed that the
on si
o
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11.
14. 15.
16.
author of this work is Kundakundācārya (Elacarya). Generally it is attributed to Valluvar; but scholars have differed on the details of his life. Discussing all such points Prof.Pillai observes: “That he was a Jain admits of no doubt." Vide op.cit. pp.79-80. This important work, however, has not yet come to light, It is mentioned in the commentary of Yāpparungalam. Vide Prof.Pillai, op.cit., p.139. Like Dr.K.V.Ramesh, Intro. to Jaina Literaturo in Tamil, pp.XVHI - XIX. For further details on Malayalam Literature, Vide Shipley's Encyclopaedia of Literature; New York, 1946, pp.536- 539. Op.cit, p.61. Vide Jainism in Kerala, Journal of Indian History, Vol.XXXV, Sb.2,1957. It is the Kuppatur Inscription of 1408 A.D.: Epigraphia Carnatica, Vol.VII, Sb.261. The general sketch of Jaina literature in Kannada drawn here, is mainly based on : (i) Kavicarite, Vols.1-111 by R.Narasimhachar, Bangalore 1961-63, (ii) History of Kannada Literature, by the same author, Mysore 1940. (iii) Epigraphia Carnatica, Vols I and II, (iv) Sasanapadya Mañjari, by R.Narasimhachar, Bangalore 1923. It is interesting to note that of the 375 Jaina epigraphs in different languages recently collected in the Jaina Šilalekha Sangraha, Part V (M.D.J.Series No.52, Delhi 1971), 110 are in Kannada: Introduction by the editor Dr.Johrapurkar, p.15. Bhrajisnu is mentioned by Rāmaçandra Mumuksu, author of the Punyāsrava Kathakośa. For details on his Kannada commentary on the Aradhanā, Vide 'Observations on some Sources of the Punyasrava Kathākosa,' by Dr.B.K.Khadabadi, Journal of Karnatak University (Humanities), Vol.XIV, 1970.

17.
18.
19.

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20.
21.
(i) There could also be somc commcntaries on a few important works of Kundakundācārya viz., Pancāstikaya, Pavacanasāra, Samayasara, Niyamasāra, etc., and the Mulācāra of Vattakera.
a of Vattakera. (ii) With the addition of these, I believe, the mammoth attempt at the commentarial exposition in Kannada of the early stratum of the pro-canon of the Digambaras would have been completed. For all details and comparative study of this important Kannada Jaina Classic, vide “Vaddarādhane'; A study, by Dr.B.K.Knadabadi, Karnataka University, Dharwad 1979. History of Kannada Literature p.66. Edited by Pt.K.Bhujabali Shastri, Bharatiya Jñānapītha, Varanasi, 1948. Available in Kannada: Karnataka Kavicariteya Anukta Krtisuci; by S.Shivanna, Mysore University, 1967.

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27
BHAGAVATI ARĀDHANA COMMENTARIES ON IT KATHAKOSAS ASSOCIATED WITH IT AND OLD KANNADA
LITERATURE
In India, Aradhanā is generally known as service, worship etc. In Jainism, it is “devoted adherence to the precepts of the Omniscient, leading to the final bliss”. But a comprehensive meaning of Aradhanā together with its technical background and based on some important ancient texts, has been offered by Dr. A. N. Upadhye : "Aradhanā consists in firm and successful accomplishment of ascetic ideals, namely, Faith, Knowledge, Conduct and Penance, that are laid down in jainism ; in maintaining a high standard of detachment, forbearance, self- restraint and mental equipoise at the critical hour of death; and in attaining spiritual purification”.
The subject of Aradhana is as old as Jainism. The Bhagavati Sutra, the fifth Anga of the Ardhamagadhi Canon contains (8.10.354) the general phase of Arādhanā as taught by Mahāvīra himself.
Later the great importance of Aradhanā naturally tempted several

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scholars, both Digambara and Svetambara, to compose works dealing with the subject in its varied aspects. Such works are found in Prakrit and Sanskrit and in big and small volumes of which just a few, like the Bhagavati Aradhana, the Aradhanasara and the Aradhanāsamuccaya have been published; while others are lying in the state of manuscripts in the various Bhandaras. Dr. Upadhye has enumerated these Aradhana texts with the available information about them.4 Besides these, a few other Aradhana texts in Sanskrit and Prakrit preserved in the Kannada script, can be noted on the authority of the Kannada Prantiya Tadapatriya Granthasuci.5
Of all these Aradhanā texts published and unpublished, the Aradhana, popularly known as Bhagavati Aradhana and also as Mularadhana, is the most important one. It is a bully text with more than 2160 Prakrit verses, belonging to the early stratum of the Pro-canon of the Digambaras and is ascribed to about the 1st century A.D. It treats the subject of four-fold Aradhanā most systematically and exhaustively and in the course of such treatment, it presents a grand survey of Jainism. The author of this work is Śivarya who ate his food from the cavity of his plams. Šivarya is also known as Sivakoti, respectfully mentioned by Acarya Jinasena in his Adipurana.
The Bhagavati Aradhana, with such important contents and composed by such an eminent teacher as Śivarya, has had several commentaries to its credit. The earliest available commentary on the Bagavati Aradhanā is Śrīvijayodayā of Aparajitasūri (alias Śrīvijaya). It is in Sanskrit and it clearly explains the original gāhās supplying all the requisite technical or dogmatical information. Thus, it helps us to know the true nature of Aradhana. But it does not give stories on the gāhās containing references to different taleslegendary, ascetic etc. Aparajitasūri belongs to the period between 8th and 10th centuries A.D. The Mūlārādhanā Darpana of Asadhara, in Sanskrit, stands next to the Śrīvijayodayā in exhaustiveness. This too does not give stories on the referential

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gahas. Asadhara flourished during the 13th cent.A.D. Aradhanapañjika and Bhavarthadipika are two small Comentaries still in manuscript form. Asadhara also mentions Jayanandi and Śricandra as two of the authors of some Tippanakas on the Bhagavati Aradhana he had used. Some references in the Commentaries of Aparajitasūri and Asadhara suggest that before them there were also other Commentarics, in Sanskrit and Prakrit, on the Bhagavati Aradhana. Asadhara clearly refers to a Prakrit Commentary" that contained stories on the referential and significant gahas in the Bhagavati Aradhana. Morcover there was another such Commentary in old Kannada Composed by Bhrajisnu and known by an authentic and lucid reference. It is Ramacandra Mumuksu, the author of the Punyasrava Kathākosa, who states at the close of the story of Śrenika (No.8):
10
11
Bhrajisnorāradhanā-karnāṭatīkākathita-kramenollckhamatram kathiteyam katha iti; (St.No.8, p.61): this story is adapted in short from the Kannada Commentary of Bhrajisnu on the Aradhana.
From this discussion, it can broadly be deducted that the earlier and detailed Commentaries, like that of Bhrajisnu and the Prakrit one used by Asadhara, gave stories also on the referential or skeleton type of gahas; but the later Commentaries, like those of Aparajita and Asādhara, ommitted stories possibly for the reason that by their time some scholars had presented separate Kathakosas by picking up the story-element from the earlier Commentaries.12 Hence the trend and nature of development of commentarial and story-literature round about the Bhagavati Aradhana appears to have been as follows: Detailed Commentaries, including stories, were first composed to be studied by younger monks and for the benefit of the Aradhakas. Then the story-element was separated from such Commentaries and presented in the form of Aradhana Kathākosas particularly for the pious laity. Later, Commentaries without stories, came to be written with a view to interpreting and explaining the technical or dogmatical points in

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the original gahās to all those interested in the four-fold Aradhanā and Jainism. During this period and later too Kathakosas continued to be presented with different numbers of stories, in different languagesa and by different authors.
On the whole, Kathakośas associated with the Bhagavati Ārādhanā are found in Sanskrit, Prakrit (including Apabhramsa) and Kannada. Among the available such Kathākośas, the Vaddaradhane 3 in old Kannada Prose, which, of course, can be treated as a partial Kathakosa, is the carliest one assignable to the 1st quarter of the 10th century A.D. It is also the earliest available and excellent Kannada Classic in Prose and it contains 19 stories told with greater wealth of details and motifs than is found in the corresponding stories of any other availablc Aradhana Kathākosa. Vaddarādhane is not, however, the genuine title of this work. The genuine title has not come down us in the available manuscripts of this important work. The genuine tille, signifying the contents of the work, could indeed be Aradhana-Kavaca-Kathakosa for the 19 stories are based on the 19 verses (1539-1557) in the Kavaca Adhikara of the Bhaktapratyakhyāna Section of the Bhagavati Aradhanā and each story aims at acting as a unit of Kavaca (Religious Protective armour) to be imparted to the Arādhakā. The language of the Vaddarādhane is influenced by Prakrit in several ways. Moreover, out of 131 quotations found in its text, 62 are in Prakrit and the rest are in Sanskrit and Kannada. Then Harisena's Brhat-Kathākosa (931-32 A.D.), in Sanskrit verse, stands as an Important Aradhana Kathākosa with highest number of srorics and longest extent of text. Śrīcandra's Kathakośa, '4 in Apabhramba verse, is put at the close of the 11th century A.D. Prabhācandra's Kathakosa, in Sanskrit prose, belongs almost to the same period. Nemidatta's Kathākosal, in Sanskrit verse, which is mainly based on Prabhācandra's work belongs to the beginning of the 16th century A.D., Besides these Ārādhanā Kathākosas several others in Sanskrit and Prakrit, are found in manuscript form in different Bhandaras."

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A scrutiny of the so far known Commentaries on the Bhagavati Aradhana and the Kathakosas associated with it, published, unpublished or known by references only, reveals a significant fact that except in old Kannada, in no other Modern Indian Language, Aryan or Dravidian, is so far found any Commentary on the Bhagavati Aradhana or any Kathakosa associated with it. Why could it be so ? Most probably for the reason that Karnatak is one of the regions in South India where thes advent of Jainism took place very early at least with the migration of the Jaina Sangha led by Bhadrabahu and accompanied by Candragupta Mauraya, which tradition is monumentally represented at Śravanabelgola, recorded in some of the inscriptions and literary and literary and semi-historical works of this part of the country and accepted as a fact of history by eminent historians like Rice, Smith, Aiyangar, Sheshagiri Rao, Saletore etc. After the establishment of the Jaina colonies in Karanatak, possibly the first one at Śravanabelgola, the Jaina teachers, as usual, learned and adopted the local language for their religious preaching and teaching, laid the foundation of literary Kannada18 and gradually raised it to a magnificient structure, glipmses of which are fornd dedcribed in the Kavirājamārga,' a work on rhetoric and of great value, supposed to have been composed by the Rastrakūta king Nṛpatunga (814-877 A.D.) Thus as a result of the sincere cultivation of Kannada by the Jaina teachers of old, it has had an early literary carcer and rich heritage though the lower line of development is not traceable.20 Along with these literary activities on the part of the Jaina teachers, the Aradhana (i.e, the Bhagavati Aradhana), a very important work on ascetic ideals, must have been studied discussed in different ascetic circles in Karnatak. The Vaddaradhane refers to it with all reverence more than once; so also does the great Camundaraya in his Trisasti22 Then some lakṣanamahāpurana known as Cavundaraya Purana. teachers must have composed detailed Commentaries (including stories) in Kannada. Bhrājisnu's Aradhana-tikā may be one of such
19
21

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• Commentaries. Later there must have appeared, following the
general trend of development of such literature noted above, one or more exhaustive Kannada Arādhanā Kathākośas in the porcess of separating the story element from the Commentaries like that of Bhrajisnu. The Vaddarādhane, which is a partial Aradhana Kathākośa uniquely representing the Kavasca Adhikāra in the Bhaktapratyākhyāna Section of the Bhagavati Aradhanā, appears to have been composed later than one or more complete Aradhanā Kathākosas none of which unfortunately is known to us so far. Could there be any Arādhanā Kathakośakāra in the galaxy of the Kannada prose authors mentioned in the Kavirajamärga (9th cent.A.D.)?23 Could the rich story literature in Kannada noted by Nagavarma in his Kavyavalokanam (C.1150A.D.) include at least one such Aradhana Kathakosa?24
In the light of all the above discussed facts and possibilities, literary, historical, ascetic etc., I may draw the following conclusion25 : Leaving aside Sanskrit, Prakrit and Apabhramsa, cxcept in old Kannada in no other Modern Indian Language, Aryan or Dravidian, is so far know or found any commentary on the Bhagavati Aradhanā or any Kathākosa associated with it. The Aradhanā (ie, the Bhagavati Aradhana) was studied and taught with great faith and reverance in ancient and mcdicval Karnatak. Bhrajisnu's Kannada Commentary on it was one of the thorough Commentaries (including tales) composed in this part of the country. Later, at least one exhaustive Arādhanā Kathākosa in old Kannada must have flourished; but unfortunately it has not come down to us. And it is after such complete Aradhanā Kathākośa that Vaddaradhane, which is a partial and specially cast one (i.e, as Aradhanā KavacaKathākosa), appeared in the first quarter of the 10th century A.D. and standa now as the carliest among all the available Aradhanā Kathākošas in general.

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REFERENCES AND NOTES
Paper published in the Journal of the Oriental Institute, Vol. XXII-4, 1973. Muni Shri Ratnachandraji, An Illustrated Ardhamagadhi Dictionary, Vol. II, Śvetambara Sthānakavasi Jaina Conference, Bombay, 1927. Intro. to the Brhat-Kathākośa, Singhi Jaina Series, No. 17, Bombay, 1943, p. 47. Suttāgame I, Ed. Puppha Bhikkhu, Sutrāgama Pustaka Samiti, Gudgam, 1953, pp. 510-11. Intro.to Brhat-Kathakośa, pp. 48-49; Ed. Pl. K. Bhujabali Shastri, Bharatiya Jñānapitha, Kashi, 1948. (i) There are two editions of this great work: (1) Bhagavati Aradhanā, the Anantakirti Digambara Jaina Granthamala No. 8, Bombay, Sam. 1989; it contains the Hindi translation of the text, (2) Mülaradhanā, Sri Santisāgara Granthamala NO.13, Solapur, 1935; it contains the Sanskrit Commentaries of Aparajita (Srivijaya) and Asadhara, the metrical paraphase of Amitagati and Hindi Translation. (ii) My reference to this work will be to the Solapur cdition only. (ii) The genuine title of this work according to the author himself is the Arādhanā : gāhā 2166. Sivakoti-munisvara (1.49) Detailed descussion on this point is presented by pt.Premi and Dr. Upadhye in Jaina Sahitya aur Itihas, 2th edition,
7.

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9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
Studies in Jainology, Prakrit
Bombay, 1966, pp. 78-86 and in Intro. to the Brhat-Kathakosa,
pp. 55-57, respectively.
Bhagavati Aradhanā, p. 643, commentary.
There appears to have been a good tradition of writing commentaries in Kannada on the Aradhana texts. Though long after Bhrajisnu, we find that Kesavavarni wrote a Commentary (c.1359 A.D.) on the Aradhanasara of Devasena, Karnataka Kavicarite Vol.I, Bangalore 1961, p. 469. Later Santikirti wrote a Commentary (1755-A.D.) on the same Aradhanasara, Karnataka Kavicarite, Vol. III, Bangalore 1929, p. 113. Moreover one of the MSS of Aradhana Samuccaya of Ravicandra.(who flourished between 950 and 1556 A.D. Dr. A.N. Upadhye: Intro. to the Aradhanasaumccayam Yogasarasangraha, Bharatiya Jñānapitha, Kashi 1967, p.8) is endowed with a Kannada Commentary: Kannada Prantiya Tadapatriya Granthasuci, p. 37, Ms. No. 40.
(i) Jivaraja Jaina Series, No. 14, Solapur 1964. The General Editors Dr. A.N. Upadhye and Dr. Hiralal Jain, propose that this work must have been composed between 991-1331 A.D.
(ii) For details regarding some sources of this work, see my paper Observstions on some Sources of the Punyaasrava Kathakosa, Journal of the Karnatak University (Hum.) Vol. XIV.
That these two scholars might have ignored the story element voluntarily, as Dr. Upadhye suggests (Intro. to the Brhat-kathākosa, p. 58), can also be the other possibility.
But there is no evidence to show this too.
(i) Composed by an unkonwn author, a (Digambara) monk in all probability.
(ii) Ed. Prof. D.L. Narasimhachar, Kannada Kavi Kāvyamāla,

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14.
17.
18.
No. 6, Mysore, 1969. (iii) Vide Dr. Upadhye's critique on this: Intro. to the Brhat-Kathākoša, pp. 63-72. (iv) This same classic was the subject of my Ph.D. Thesis (Karnatak University, 1968) the title being, Vaddaradhane : A Study of Religious, Social Literary and Linguistic Aspects. This has come out recently from the Pradrit Text Society, No. 15. It is learnt that this is to be published soon by Dr. Upadhye. This, with Hindi translation, is published in three volumes by the Jaina Mitra Kāryalaya, Bombay, Vira Samvat 2440-42. For more details about all these Kathakośas, see Intro. to the Brhat-Kathākoša, pp. 57-63. Vide Buhler, The Indian Sect of the Jainas, Eng. Tr. by Burgess, London, 1903, p. 22. Bangalore, 1898. (i) The literary Kannada, available now in inscriptional form dates back to 450 A.D. (ii) The Kavirājamārga notes (verses 27-32) varied and rich literary forms together with names of the authors of some of them. (i) pp. 6, 83, 142 etc., (ii) It is worth noting at this context that the Bhagavatī Aradhanā was not merely studied by the monks and teachers in Karnatak, but its principles, the crest of which was Samādhimarana, were zealously practised in ancient and medieval Karnataka: Since Candragupa Maurya submitted himself to Samādhimarana afrer his teacher Bhadrabahu on a hill at Śravanabelgola, a good number of others followed the great path. It is interesting to know, “no less than 94 individual cases are recorded at Sravanabelgola alone, besides the 700 who are said to have followed the example of
20.
21.

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Prabhācandra in performing Samlekhanā noted in S.B.I. The other inscriptions of Sravanabelgola which record such death are No. 11, 64-66, 117, 118, 126-129, 159, 389 and 477 eighty others. The earliest goes bsck, to the 7th Cent. A.D. These include both men and women, mostly monks and nuns; 64 males and 16 females. Out of these, 48 of the former and 11 of the later died between the 7th and Sth Centuries": Vide Professor S.R. Sharma, Jainism and Karnataka Culture, Dharwar 1940, p. 193 (iii) The Vaddarādhane very well demonstrates Samādhimarana in one of its stories. No. 14. Cāvundarāya Purana, Karnatak Sahitya Parişattu, Bangalore 1928, p. 24. Op cit., I, 29, The names of such authors are Vimala, Udaya, Nagarjuna, Jayabandhu, Durvinita etc., Kāvyāvalokanam, Mysore University 1939, v. 949. This conclusion, of course, is subject to revesion by otherwise new findings in future.
24.

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229
INFLUENCE OF MIDDLE
INDO-ARYAN LITERATURE ON
KANNADA LITERATURE
It was a sublime virtue of the Jaina teachers and authors that wherever they migrated and settled down, they learned the regional language and cultivated it to literary activities. It exactly happened so in South India and particularly in respect of Kannada. It was at the beginning of the present century that Pof. Buhler pointed out that the foundation of literary Kannada, together with that of Tamil and Telugu, was laid down by Jaina monks. Later Winternitz observed the same fact at some length. The root of lying down the foundation of literary Kannda may be said to go back actually to the great migration of the Jain Sangha headed by Bhadrababu and Candragupta and establishment of the first Jain Colony at Sravanabelgola. The members of such Sangha and, later, many a Jaina teacher and author were Prakritists. Hence it was natural that Prakrit or Middle Indo-Aryan literature influenced Kannada literature to a considerable extent. In such process the non-Jaina Middle Indo-Aryan literature also influenced Kannada literature here and there.

As things stand to this date, Kannada literature, found in inscriptional form, dates back from the 5th century A.D.3 There must have been soon a line of literary development connecting

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the earliest type of literary activity and this inscription. But unformatunately Timc has hopelessly erased it. From 450 A. D., the date of this inscription, to the middle of the 9th century A. D., the date of Kavirajamārga, the earliest available Kannada work, Kannada literature is found so far in the form of inscriptions alone. At this context it is so very interesting to know that the earliest available and decipherable epigraphic records in India, including those in Karnatak are written in Prakrit alone. Hence it is just possible that the literary form of the carly Parkrit inscriptions in Karnatak, might have served as a model to or influenced the early Kannada inscriptions in Karnatak, a number of which surely have not come down to us. A comparative and intensive study of the Asokan edicts and other Prakrit inscriptions in Karnatak, including those found at Sannathi and Belvadgi, on one hand, and the available early Kannada inscriptions, on the other, would yield some tangible result. I could, however, note some Parakiit terms in some of Śravanabelgola inscriptions of c.700 A.D. : moni (S.B. 8,20), risi (S.B.13) saddhamma (S.B.29)
etc: 5
The Kavirajamärga is the first available Kannada work and is supposed to have been composed by Nrpatunga (814-877 A.D.), the Rāstrakūta King and disciple of Acarya Jinasena. It is a work on rhetorics and, hence, pre-supposes earlier forms of literature. It tells us that prior to the 9th cent. A.D. Kannada posscscd rich varied literary forms in prose, poetry and mixture of both by eminent scholars like Vimala, Udaya, Nagarjuna, Durvinita, Srivajaya, Kavisvara, Lokapala ctc.
The works of these scholars, unfortunately, have not come down to us. It is possible that some of their works were influenced by the prior Prakrit literature or some of the authors were also Prakrit schloars. It is interesting in note that of these literary figures viz, Durvinīta (c.600 A.D.), a king of the Ganga dynasty, is said to have rendered the Paisací Bphatkathā of Gunādhya into Sanskrit. Now it can be conjectured that this eminent Kannada

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Prose-writer (gadyakāra) might have aslo rendered the Brhat katha into Kannada, which was lost but still remained, as we shall see below, in an oral tradition from which some of rare story- motifs appear to have been picked up and included in works like the Vaddarādhane. And K.M. Munshi's views regarding the oral tradition of the Brhatkathā in Indian folk-literature very well support this line of thought here.
The carly prosc works like the Vaddaradhanc and Cāvundarāya-Purāna are highly influenced by the Middle Indo-Aryan literature. The Vaddarādhane, Composed by some unknown Jaina (Digambra) monk (c.925-A.D.) is an Arādhanā (Kavaca) Kathakośa containing 19 stories which are based on the 19 gahas (1539-1557)' in the Bhagavati Aradhanā of Sivakotyācārya. It had as its sources one or more Prakrit commentaries on the Bhagavati Aradhana and are mainly influenced by them. Among 131 quoted verses in it 62 are in Prakrit (including Apabhramsa). The rest are in Sanskrit and Kannada. It has preserved some rare story motifs'', which appear to have been picked up from some written or more probably, oral tradition of Gunadhya's Brhalkatha. Moreover, an intersting feature of this narrative work is its having some tendencics of the prose narrative texts of the Aradhamagadhi Canon like the Nayadhammakahão, Antagadadasão, Anuttarovavaiyadasão, Nirayāvaliyão, etc. and some of the narrative parls of its exegetical literature, where strict adherence to the Jaina cosmographical setting for each story, emboxment of subtales in the inain or frame-story, stereo-typed descriptions, synonymous repetitions are liberally used. Moreover, several Prakrit words and phrases are found used in their natural settings along with the Kannada words in sentences or clauses in the course of the text : vakkhānisu, jānisu, jāvajjivam, chatthamadasamaduvālasa etc. After reading the text, one feels that author's Prakrit sources and other Middle Indo-Aryan literature (in Jaina Sauraseni, Ardhamagadhi, Apabramsa and even Paisacī) he had used or assimilated, had

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developed in him a special liking for the diction of the Prakrit literary speech. The Cavundaraya Purana of the great Cavumdaraya (c.978 A.D.) who wrote a Kannada Commentary on the Gommaṭasara of his teacher ñcārya Nemicandra, also shows the influence of Middle Indo-Aryan literature (in Jaina Śauraseni, Ardhamagadhi and Apabhramsa) but not to the extene as that of the Vaddaradhanc.
Similarly some of the early Camp works like the Adipurāṇa of Pampa (941 A.D.), the Santipurana of Fonna (950 A.D.) and the Ajitapurana of Ranna (993 A.D.), all Jaina works, indicate some direct or indirect influence of Pradrit literature. In these works are foud backformations from Prakrit like paguda, carige, vigurrvisu etc., the birth of which appear to have been owing to such author's being influenced by their some Pradrit sources along which the Sanskrit ones.
Moreover, these carly Campū works, begining from Pampa, were influenced by the Apabhraṁsa metre “Pajjhadia”ll which was adapted to Kannada suitably. Pampa was the first known poet to adapt this Apabhramsa metre which later came to be known as "Raghaṭā" or "Ragale»12 with its three varieties Utsäha, Mandānila and Lalita. This "Ragale" mctre in Kannada continued to hold its sway on the minds of the later poets to such an extent that with further adaptations it fimally appeared as 'Sarala Ragale' and continued to be used till the recent days of the 20th century when the Jñanapitha Award winner Rāmāyaṇadarsanam of Kuvempu is also composed in this very metre. Coming back to Pampa, he must have sufficiently read the Apabhramsa poetry and adapted it sutiably in his works. At this context it is interesting to know that in those days the Prakrit poets also read the works of the Kannada poets with the same zeal and sympathy: Dhavala, an Apabhramsa poet of the 10th Cent. A.D., appreciates in his Harivamsa Purana the work of a Kannada Poet Asaga (c.900 A.D.) in glowing terms." :
13
14

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“Asagu mahakai jem sumanoharu Virajinindacariu kilu sundaru Kettiya kahami sukai guna āyara Jem kavva jahim viraiya sundara.
Now thcrc are some scholars who are known by references only and who are said to have composed works both in Kannada and Prakrit and also in Sanskrit. Unfortunately these works are not extant. Tumbalurācarya or Śrīvardhadeva (c.650 A.D.) was an authority on the Siddhānta and wrote in Prakrit, Sanskrit and Kannada the volumihous Cūdamani Commentary on the Tattvārtha-mahasastra.'s Śyamakundacarya (c.600 A.D.) composed a Prabhrta in Prakrit, Sanskrit and Kannada.' Bhrajisnu wrote a huge Kannada Commentary on the Aradhanā!? (The Bhagavati Aradhanā or Mulāradhana) on which Ramacandra Mumuksu based his Sanskrit Punyāsrava Kathākosa. All these works must be having the influence ot the concerned branches of Prakrit literature.
Then there are some interesting self-reputed titles of scholars that indicate the possible Prakrit literary influence on thcir respective works ; Balacandramuni (c. 1770 A.D.) is known as “Samasta Saiddhantika Cakravarti”, 18 Nemicandra (c. 1770 A.D.) as 'Caturbhāsa Kavi Cakravarti',"' Subhacandra (c.1200 A.D.) as Sadbhāsa Cakravarti:20, Māghanandi (c.1253 A.D.) as 'Caturānuyogakusāla' and 'Siddhāntābdhi-vardhana-sudhākara:21 and Keśavavarni (c. 1319) as "Sāratrayavedi.22
A peculiar phase of influence of Prakrit literature on Kannada literature can be seen in the production of several Kannada Commentaries on Prakrit (Jaina) works. Unfortunately almost all such Commentaries, except a few are still in manuscript form. The following Commentaries on the respective Prakrit works would give us an idea of the extent of interest of Kannads scholars in Prakrit literature.23

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Parkrit Work
Author
Author & date
Kannada Commentary
Tīkā
Samayasara
Pañcastikaya
Tīkā
Pavayanasāra
Tīkā
Balacandra (c. 1170 A.D.)
Balacandra (c. 1170 A.D.)
Balacandra (c. 1170 A.D.) Padmaprabha
(c. 1300) Balacandra
Parcāstikaya
Tīkā
Mokkhapāhuda
Tikā
Mokkhapahuda
Tīkā
Padmaprabha
Mokkhapāhuda
Vrtti
Kundakunda
Acārya Kundakunda
Acārya Kundakunda
Ācārya Kundakunda
Ācārya Kundakunda
Acārya Kundakunda . Acārya Kundakunda
Acārya Kundakunda
Acarya Kundakunda
Ācārya Kundakunda
Ācārya Kundakunda
Acarya Nemicandra
Ācārya Nemicandra
Ācārya
Kanakacandra
(c. 1300) Bahubali
Tīkā
BarahaAnuppehā Mülacara
Tīkā
Meghacandra
Mulācāra
Tikā
Kesavavarni
(1359)
Rayanasāra
Tīkā
Gommatasara
Vrtti
Cāvundarāya
(978) Kesavavarni
Gommatasara
Vrtti &
Tīkā

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Vrtti Tīkā Tīkā
Balacandra Keśavavarni Prabhācandra
(c. 1300) Padmaprabha
Tika
Vrtti
Balacandra
Tīkā
Tīkā
Dravyasamgraha Nemicandra Dravyasamgraha Acārya Kainmapayadi Nemicandra
Acārya Visaparūvaņā Nemicandra
Acārya Tibhangi
Nemicandra
Acarya Labdhisara Nemicandra
Ācārya Payadisamu- Nemicandra -kkittana
Ācārya Puvānuppehā Nemicandra
Acārya Paramappa- Yogindradeva -payāsu Paramappa- Yogindradeva -payāsu Jogasāru Yogindradeva Siddhāntasāra Jinacandra Āsavasantati Śrutamuni Arahanāsāra Arahanāsāra
Vrtti
Meghacandra
Tīkā
Padmanandi
Tīkā
Balacandra
Tīkā Vrtti & Tīkā
Tīkā sīkā Tīkā
Devasena
Devasena
Balacandra Prabhācandra
Bālacandra Keśavavarni Santikīrti
(1755) Maghanandi
(c. 1253) Māghanandi
(c. 1253)
Padārthasāra
Sangraha grantha
Tīkā
Śastrasārasa-
Sangraha grantha
Tīkā
-muccyaya

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Now some observations may be offered on the contents of this table : The commented Prakrit works are mostly in Jaina Śaurasení; two are in Apabhramsa; the Siddhāntasāra, being concerned with the twelve Angas, may be linked with Ardhamagadhi to some extent; and Magahanandi's works, being of the nature of sangraha granthas with Kannada Conmentary, concern with different Prakrit dialects and Sanskrit too. Kundakunda and Nemicandra are the most commented authors. The earlicst konwn Kannada Commentator is Cāvumdaraya (978 A.D.) and the latcat one is Sāntikirti (1755 A.D.). Besides these Kannada Commentaries on Prakrit works there are found a number of such ones wherein the commentators' names are absent. It is also possible that many of these may be just the copies of the above noted once.24 In this comtext it is worth noting that in those days the Kannada Commentaries on Prakrit works were held in high esteem in the world of scholars as is seen in the following fact : Rāmacandra Mumuksu partly based his Sanskrit Punyasrava-Kathakośa25 on Bhrajisnu's Kannada Commentary on the Aradhanā and Kesavavarni's Kannada Commmentary on the Gommalasāra was rendered into Sanakrit.26
Besides these Kannada Commentaries on Prakrit works, there is found a Kannads ‘tātparya' of Pavayanasāra by Padmanandi27 and the Ksannada translation of Jñānacandra Carita of Vāsavacandramuni by Pūjyapādayogi (c. 1600 A.D.)28 Moreover, Samayasara, Tribhuvanakosa, Karmaprakrti, Yoga sāra, Parāmagamasāra etc, are the other Kannads translations of Prakrit works of the same name.
Then the numerous Kannada Puranas, Caritas 29 and Kathās like the Jaina Kathāsangraha, Dharma Kathāsangraha and Vrata Kathāsangraha30 could hardly escape the influence, direct or indirect, of the concerned Prakrit literaray works. Really this is an interesting field for such a kind of study.
At this stage I may just refer to an instance of the fact

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that a very high value of Prakrit religious literature weighed on the mind of the Jaina community in Karnatak which is seen in the unparalelled careful way the great Satkhandagama works have been preserved in Kannada script and protected, till today, in the Bhandara of the Jaina Mattha in Mūdabidri.
Now considering the secular literature, the Kannada Līlavati of Nemicandra (c. 1170 A.D.) a romance, is influenced in respect of its Māyabhujanga Episode by the Karpūramañjari" Sattaka of Rajasekhara. We have already seen above that the 'Ragale' metre in Kannada literature in general is a lovely gift from Apabhramsa in which the great words like the Mahapurāna of Puspadanta were composed in the Kannada region itself.
Lastly coming to the folk-songs. it may just be said that Hala's Gahāsatlasai or Other Prakrit lyrical songs must have influenced the carly Kannada folk-songs which have come down to us from tongue to gonguc. It is, of course, very difficult to trace such influence in the Kannada folk-songs of today for some of the basic human feelings and aspiratins are more or less the same in different periods and places and “a folk-song then is always grafting the new on to the old."** Yet some of the Kannada folk-songs available today can curiously be compared with those in the Gahāsattasai : The folk-songs Māvana magale”elc, and fgeneyana Kalaakomdu' etc., collected by Dr.B.S. Gaddigimath, 4 very well compare in spirit with gaha Nos.161 and 56 respectively.35
Thus the Middle Indo-Aryan literature in Jaina Sauraseni, Ardhamagadhi, Apabhramsa, Paisacī and Mahārāsırī, has influenced, at times indirectly, the Kannada literature in varied ways and in different degrees in different periods of its history36 and made it rich and colourful. And the Jaina teachers and scholars have a prominent role in this process right from the days of its foundation.

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REFERENCES AND NOTES
*
:
Paper presented at the All India Seminar on Prakrit Studies (Gujarat University) Ahmedabad, 1973 and published in the Proceedings of the Seminar, Ahmedabad, 1978. The Indian Sect of the Jainas, English Tr. By Burgess,
London, 1903, p. 22. 2. History of Indian Literature, Vol. II, Calcutta 1933, pp. 594
595. This is the inscription of Kakusthavarman at Halmidei of c. 450 A. D. and is the earliest datable one : Sources of Karnatak History, Vol. I, by S. Shrikantha Shastri, Mysore University, 1940, Intro., p. XX. Vide Studies in Prakrit Inscriptions, by Dr.G.S. Gai, Proceedings of the Seminar in Prakrit Studies, Poona University, 1970, pp. 115-123. Epigraphia Carnita, Vol. II Kavirajamārga, Bangalore, 1898, vrcses 27-32. This work is not extant. This information is available from some copper-plate Inscriptions, Vide Kavicarite, Bangalore, 1961 pp. 12-13. Gujarat and its literature, ch. V.
These gahas refer to the Solapur edition. 10. Like the hybrid motif of 'promise to return' used in the
sub-sub- tale of Sudame which is emboxed in the sub tale
of Kanne in the Story of Sukumāra Svāmi. 11. This is described in 1-125 in the Prakrta Paimgalam, Varanasi,
1959, p. 112.

9.

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12.
13.
14.
15.
17.
18.
Nagavarma has used these terms for the first time in his Chhandombudhi, 3.22. Vide Kannada Chandovikāsa, by Dr.D.S. Karki, Hubli, 1962, pp. 160- 173. Kavicarite I, Appendix II, p. 29. (i) Referred to by Devendra in his Rajavalikathe; Kavicarite 1, pp. 8-9 (ii) Bhattakalanka (1604 A.D.) calls it the greatest work in the Kannada language. Referred to by Indranadi in his Śrutāvatara Kavicarite 1, p. 10. Referred to by Ramacandra : Vide this author's Paper 'Observations on some Sources of the Punyásrava Kathākośa', Journal of the Karnatak University (Hum) Vol. XIV. Kavicarite 1, pp. 284-85. Op. cit., p. 287. Op. cit., p. 370. Op. cil., p. 433. Op. cit., p. 469. The data collected in the following table is bascd on (i) Kavicarite I & II, (ii) Kannada Prāntīya Tadapatrīya Grantha Sūci, by K. Bhujabali Shastri, Varanasi, 1948 and (iii) Karnataka Kavicariteya Anukta Krtisuci, by S. Shivanna, Mysore University, 1967. In the following table commentator's name and date are given. If he is repeated his data is not given under his name. Want of information is suggested by a long dash. As found in Pt. Bhujabli Shartri's Suci. As noted above. As noted by Dr.A.N. Upadhye, Jñana Pītha Patrikā, Oct.. 1968, p. 4.
23.
24.
25.
26.

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27. 28. 29. 30. 31.
Pt. Bhujabali Shastri's Suci. Kavicarite II, App. I, p. 604. Most of which are still in manuscript form. Noted froin Pt. Bhujabali Shastri's Suci. Vide this author's paper : Rajasekhara and Nemicandra, Joural of Karnatak University (Hum)., Vol. VI. Kannada is also rich in folk literature of varied forms from early times. Nrpatunga proudly tells us that the illiterate Kannada people too possessed skilled poetic talent. Encyclopaedia Britannica, Vol. IX, 14th edition, p. 143. In the Kannada Janapada Gītagalu, Karnatak University, Dharwad, 1963. Nirnaya Sāgara edition. This study, however, is not claimed as exhaustive.
33. 34.
35. 36.

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29
LITERARY STYLE OF THE
VADDĀRĀDHANE
If one considers the Vaddārādhane as an Arādhanā Kathākosa, its literary style is a type hy itself. Harisena's and Nemidatta's, and also Sricandra's works are in verse; while Prabhācandra's work, though in prose does not stand comparison with the Vaddaradhane, for its stories are given in brief : Prabhacandra's work is just one-fifth of Harisena's', and the stories in the Vaddarādhane are generally far longer than those in Hariscna. And in Kannada literature it has no extant parallel.
A conspicuous feature of this Kannada prose narrative work is that it has some tendencies of the prose narrative texts of the Ardhamagadhi canon, like Nayadhammakahão, Antagadadasão, Anullatovavaiyadasão, Nirayavaliyao clc., and of some of the narrative parts of its cxegetical literature, where strict adherence to the Jaina cosmographical setting for each story, emboxment of sub- tales in the main or frame story', stereotyped descriptions, synonymous repetitions etc., are liberally used. In the canonical prose works arc found stenographic devices, like the varnakas“, where only the first and the last words are given for a particular description and the remaining part is suggested by the word vannao or jāva inscrted between the two. In the Vaddaradhane, however,

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instead of using such a devic, the particular description is repeated in similar contexts throughout the text. All or some of these tendencies might have also crept into this work from the sources which the author used for his stories :
The begining of each story in the Vaddarādhanc invariably prescnts the Jaina cosmographical setting : A particular town or city (potal) is in a particular contry (nād), which is situated in Bharataksetra in Jambūdvipa. Within the stories in the course of the narration, various references to the Vidyadhara śrenis on mount Vijayārdha (regions of demigods called Vidyādharas - holders of spells) (as on p. 42.3), Bhogabhūmi (where there is no work, and all enjoyment provided by the ten wish-yiclding trees) (as on p. 164.6), the mythical continent of (Purva-) Videha (as on p. 104.2), the seven regions of hell (as on pp. 172.15 to 179.2), the various divisions of Heaven (as on pp. 97.25 to 98.2) clc., alwaya maintain such cosmographical atmosphere. Moreover, the Vaddarādhane being an Aradhana Kavaca Kathakosa, the closing passage of each story* invariably contains the author's pious hope that other Aradhakas may follow the hero in all respects and attain heavenly happiness or cternal bliss.
In several stories in the Vaddāradhanc, specially in those which are longer, many sub-tales are emboxed. St. No. 1 is an cxample of super-emboxment-veritable 'Chinese box’, with fine the sub-tales and sub-sub-tales: The picture-story of the maiden (Kanne) is one of the three sub-tales incorporated in a single context to illustrate the two Anuvratas, viz.., satya and asteya. In this sub-lale is, again, emboxed the sub-sub-tale of Sudāme, with interesting folklore motifs. All these sub-tales and sub-sub-tales are narrated with such welath of details and in such an interesting manner that the reader, or listener, almost forgets the main story which lakes a "back-seat for a while. Similarly, the preliminary stories of accounts of the previous exixtences of the hero, and of the associate characters in some cases, also interrupt the main stream
of naltration. Moreover, incidental tales, anecdotes, episodes,

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sermons etc., are inserted in the stories, at all convenient points, with the result that the main flow of narration is hindered every now and then'. Yet the author, with his narrative skill and attractive laguage, manges all these in such an admirable way that one feels like reading these stories again and again.
Stereotyped description is found repeated, in similar contexts, through the whole narration of stories in the Vaddaradhane:
(a) After a particular town (polal) is mentioned with the peculiar Jaina cosmographical setting, the author tells that there rules a king, invariably with his queen or queens, and, at times, with princes, princesses or a minister. Sometimes, such a king or queen is in no way connected with the story proper : In story No, King Prajapala and Qucen Suprabhe (p. 71. 12-13) are not materially connected with any thread of the story.
(b) Almost every queen or important woman in any story is the mistress of exquisite beauty, charm, fortune, lustre, coquetry etc.: ‘atyamta rūpalāvanya saubhāgya kamti hāva bhāva visāsa vibhramamgala- nodeya! : (pp. 20-11, 16.24-26, 17.11-12, 25.11-12, 33.1-2, 51.8-9, 63.4-5, 131.4-5, 163.3-4 etc.)
(c) As the king and the queen both for themselves or together with their sons and daughters, enjoy the desired pleaures of all sorts, time passes: ‘amtavargalista visayakāmabhogamgalananubhavisuttire (kalam sale)' : (pp. 2.11-12, 33.27-28, 50.16-17, 169.18-19, 180.16 etc.).
(d) Moreover, such kings and queens, and a few other characters of fortune, lead a life of happiness and merriment, listening to or narrating tales: ‘sukha samkatha vinodadim kalam sale': (pp. 4.30, 43.5, 45.30, 61.31, 185.12 etc.).
(e) Some kings and queens spend their leisue on the terrace of the seventh storey of their palace and look round them 'saptatala prāsādada megirvarum disavalokanaṁgeyyuttirpannegam' (pp. 43.4-5, 109.3-4 ect.). (f) Almost in every case, marriage takes place on an

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auspicious day, at an auspicious moment to suit the bride's convenience, and with the joining of hands: ‘prasasta-dinavāra-naksatra-muhurta-horalagnadol kusinanukuladol pānigrahana- purassaraṁ (maduve nimdu): (pp. 33.24-25, 62.18-21, 149.19-20 etc.).
(g) Every prince goes out, at midnight, on an important errand with a jewelled dagger concealed close to his chest and a drawn- out sword : ‘nallanaduvirulo! manikhetamamurado! sārci (amarci) kilta balverasu poramattu' (pp. 158.12-13, 181.14-15 cct.).
(h) The musical instruments are almost the same on different occasions, though in some cases the list is abridaged by the addition of ādi: “patu - pataha-tunava-bhambhā-mardale-jhallari mukumda-lala-kahala-samkha-vamsa-vina? (pp. 83.28 to 84.1, 137.13- 15, 146.15 ctc.). (i) A layman or liberable soul enters the order under some teacher, studies all the scriptures (consisting of the twelve Angas and fourtcen Pūrvas, or of the four Anuyogas) for twelve years, and then, with the teacher's permission, wanders about alone pr. 103.14-16, 109.9-11 ctc.). (j) Such a monk, or party of monks, wanders about from onc type of settlements to another; the enumeration of the various settlements in all cases is almost the same: ‘grama-nagara-khēda- kharvada-madambapattana-dronāmukha magalam viharisuttam *: (pp. 7.2-3, 27.19-20, 45.31 to 46.1, 72.2-3, 114.1-2, 138.13- 14, 162.24-25, 191.16-17 etc.)
(k) While wandering alone from place to place, the monk stays one night in a village, five nights in a town or city, and ten nights in the wood : ‘grāme ekarātram nagare pamca rātram atavyām dasarātramembi nyāyadim viharisuttam' (pp. 7.1, 45.4-5, etc.).
(1) The monk, while on his begging round in a village or town, moves from house to house, big or small (i.e, of the rich or poor) irrespectively: ‘Kirumane permancyannadunaltakka manegalaṁ carigcdołaluttam (barpor)"9 (pp. 7.5-6, 46.2-3,78.5-6

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etc.).
(m) Such a monk, with his and austere life, looks queer with his lean body and deep-sunk eyes : 'gidigidijaṁtram milimilinētram?"9 (pp. 134.3, 151.24-26 etc.).
The stories in the Vaddarādhane also contain a canonical type of synonymous repetitions : (a) 'Sriyum sampattum vibhavamum' (p. 7.16). (b) Sampattum śriyum (p. 8.12). (c) fadharmara pollamānasara durjanara jārajātara' (p 8.14). (d)
palidu nimdisi? (p. 11.30). (e) rūpamam tējamumam yauvanamam lavanyamam... “sucitvamam saucamam śrīyam sampattam sobagam ... ' (p. 30.8- 12), (f) “sriyum sampattum vibhavamum aisvaryamum (p. 97.18).
Both these recurring stereotyped descriptions and synonymous repetitions are used so sparingly and so rhythmically in the stories in the Vaddarādhane that their prose style, instead of becoming monotonous, as is the case with some canonical texts, has acquired a peculiar kind of literary charm and colour unknown elsewhere in Kannada literature.
It has already been seen in the previous chapter that the author of the Vaddaradhane has quoted as many as sixty-two Prakrit verses, incorporated in the text as a part of his narration. Besides these quotations, several Prakrit words and phrases are found used in their natural settings, along with the Kannada words in sentences or clauses":
(a) The following Prakrit words, some of them in their peculiar usage, are spread all over text : vakkhānisu (P. 4.25)- to preach; jänisu (p. 49.18) - to meditate; paccakkhāna (p. 68.27) - abstinence; padikamana (p. 61.31) - consession; jāvajjivam 9p. 28.28) - so long as one is alive. Other Prakrit words likc ayambila (p. 66.11.8) and phrases like 'chattahamadasanaduvalasa' (p. 45.6) - fasting continuously for two, three, four or five days, 12 are incidentally used.

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(b) At times, the author is found to have given only the initial words of the Prakrit verse he has puoted and explained the rest in Kannada : ‘padigahamuccam thanam ...' (p. 7.8)'', receiving, offering a raised seat etc.
(c) The following sentence shows how much the author is, at times, attached to Prakrit words even in their original grammatical forms, picked up, possibly, from his sources : bolaha bolaha bhattara' (O. 85.13)" : Go away, go away, o revered onc. The Prakrit form is ‘volaha'.
(d) Al times, parts of Prakrit quotations are inserted in the Kannada text : ‘abhāvidain bhāvidam bhāvemi' (p. 167.16), “savam sāvajjājogam viradomhi' (p. 16.19-20).
Though the literary style of the Vaddaradhane shows, thus, considerable influence of Prakrit literature, it is not completely free, besides the 59 Sanskrit quotations, from the influence of the Sanskrit ornate style of luxurious descrition, in some contexts. The following passages give some glimpses of such influence : (a) The description of lake Kșullakamanasa and its surroundings in St. No. 4: 'Agalātanum... nolpam', (pp. 54.19 10 55.8). (b) The desctiption of the pleasure-grove Imdropama in St. No.13 : ‘aśoka...namdanavanado! (p. 129. 1. 5). (c) Thc description of the well Sudarsana and the royal bath therein in St. No.14: balikka...Kamdu (pp. 136.21 to 137.17).
In addition to some of the descriptive passages noted above, some portions of the text which contain a dogmatic discussion have Sanskrit words out of proportion, which feature is not generally found in other contexts : (a) 'ellarumum...lapambattam (p. 133.14-29). (b) “annegam...Keluttirdar (pp. 154.8 to 155.12)
The numerous quotations, in Sanskrit, Prakril and Kannada, form a considerably part of the text of the Vaddarādhane. Some of the longer rows of quotations (pp. 131-133, pp. 142-144 etc.), no doubt, hinder the stream of narrative; but they, on the whole, add to the text the strength of authority, sancti
ww.jainelibrary.org

DACI V a

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It is in the narrative portions of the text that the prose of the Vaddaradhane fascinates us most, with its manifold literary excellences: poctic beauty, colloquialisms, lucid descriptions, vigourous expression, naturalness and fluency of narration, didactic zeal etc.
The following few lines can be noted as specimens of rhythmic prose with fine alliteration: 'pengatteyagi putti piriyavappa poregalam pottu pogi' (p. 9.1); 'durupe-durwarne durgamdhedusvare-puttumgurudi-polatiyagi-putti' (P. 9.6-7); 'maneyam pokku poramattu podaremdu pēldu' (P. 46.29-30); 'kudiye kudiye karagada dhareyugidudomdode' (P. 111.3-4); 'arasi peraganim paritamdu bamdu mumde nimdu' (p. 117.14-15); Figurateve expressions are also found studded here and there: 'amedyadol krīḍisuva bālakambol kālamam baride kaledem' (p. 28.24); 'mānasavālembudu panipulla mugila samjeyoloramtappudarimda' (p. 47.6-7); 'khecara kanneyarkkala kamgalemba mimgal kumarana rūpemba gāladim tegeyepattu' (p. 57.10-11); 'ivara kaladigalanemma talegalemba tamareya pūgalimdarcisidodallade' (p. 99.16-17). There is every possibility that the ten Kannada verses that stand in the rows, are of the author's own composition. The following two stanzas, are sufficient to show the author to be a poet of no ordinary rank : 'Panipulla mugila somjeya' ctc. (p. 113.10-13); 'Badi kol kattiri muri kadi' etc. (p. 127.9- 12).
The colloquial passages in the text give, possibly, specimens of the Kannada spoken in the author's day. The sweetness and livliness of such language can be seen as represented in the following few lines: 'enayya arasara vārakada mānikadumguramam kidisi bamdire' (p. 5.10-11); 'nodā emma settiti Jayavati besaleyādal' (p. 44.10-11); itaamge nim basirtive baddisadir' (p. 77.5-6); 'nincke nakkappeyamma' (p. 100.3); 'ele küse niram kudiyalereya' (p. 111.1); 'elege kulam tamdeyilla' (p. 153.1); 'nodarasa nimma savanara

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goddamam' (p.177.25).
With a few simple words, the picture of a person or a situation is lucidly painted for the reader or listener : ‘avarga! laleyam bagi marumātamguda de kannaniran tivi nelanam bareyuttire' (p. 21.23); “pemdatiyam soppunaragi badiye' (p. 153.1-2); Cilāta risiyaram kamdu. pageyam nenedu pardina rūpam kaikomdu bamdu nettiya mcgirdu kamgalam todi tine' (p. 168.4-5); “Vistamatsyan kamdu sairisalarado... neraviyol soltu siggagi pogi nattanaduviru! bamdu kiccani tagulci podam' (p. 192.19-22).
The Vigour of the prose, mostly with its natative beauty, can hardly be forgotten: 'edeyol batleyolorvanam podamagayyudiye katti omdevaregutti polala janamga! musurikomdu...tcjasviyam kamdu (p. 13.23-26); “mahāmuniyam malarci pattirisiyurahsthalamam nabhivaregam vidarisi...kayda karbonna kilgalam nelanam tapinamurcipogiridodo' (p. 51.27 10 52.2); ‘ninnam hedi pāgudamgalam pergadegalumam...balam berasu bamdu polalain müvalasagi muttidode. (p. 149.3-6).
The author, being a Jain monk, and therefore a skilled story- teller, narrates these stories, which are drawn from different sources, as if they were his own. Hence, naturalness in narration is a notable excellence of the prose of this work, and this appears to its best in the narration of the folk-tales (pp. 14- 22, 76-77, 177 etc). Moreover, Muency of narration and case of cxpression can be seen together in an attractive blend : Gajakumaranum lanna bedida varamam pettu paradara pārvarokkaligara samntara polalolagulla...lanniccheyimdam morcdumotlayisiyuydu baluttirc' (p. 51.5-7); “Halamukhamemba pārvam tanna nūdana Kcyyanulalemdu pogi kesarādudam kamdu padanalicmdu...bhaļāraram kamạimtemdam (p. 152.16-18); ‘malle kclavu dinadim melc Suvrateyemba mahadeviyodane mamuri kajjamam samakattikondu...taleyam kirisi kariya kovanavan udisi...

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kuincamam Kottimtemdam (p. 177.15-18).
Lastly, apart from the numerous quotations and valuanle sermons that are incorporated in the various stories, the author's instructing and edilying zcal, at times, has crystallised into religio-moral maxims in Kannada : 'Kolladude dharmam'. - Nonhurting itself is truc picty. (p. 11.26); “Arahamta parama devare devar’. The Arahamta, i.e., thc Jina himself is the true god (p. 127.23-24).
All these literary peculiarities and excllences of the Vaddaradhane clearly point to its author's many- sided personality that he was an adept story-teller or narrator, an emenent teacher a poet of no mean order and, above all, a master of language.

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REFERENCES AND NOTES
-
Publlished in the Vaddarādhane : A study, Dharwad, 1979. Intro. to Brhat-kathakosa, p. 92. These are also found in the later Jaina story literature. (i) H.R. Kapadia has discussed the birth, nature and practice of these varnakas in his History of the Canonical literature of the Jainas, pp. 64-65. (ii) Such a device is also found in Buddhist literature, where it is known as peyyalam. Except story No. 1, where this passage is the last but one. Stories Nos. 1,2,4,6,13,14 and 18 arc the glaring examples containing all features. (i) These references are not exhaustive; but they just show how this stereotyped description of womanly beauty is repeated all over the text. (ii) All such references that are to follow now will be of this nature. All the contents of this list are found in the bigger lists of musical instruments mention:d in the Jaina Canonical works : Lisc in Ancient India as depicted in the Jaina Canons, pp. 183-184. The longest list consists of twenty-one Such seitlements give in the Uttaradhyayana Sūtra, Ch. XXX, noted by Dr. Otto Stein in his Finist Studies, p. 3. This is undoubetedly the author's inimitable Kannada-rendering of the Prakrit vannaa, viz.,
8.
9.

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10.
11.
A detailed stury of this feature is presented in Part IV; Ch. 3 of the present Study.
(i) Vide Paiasaddamahannavo for the meaning and usage
of chatta etc.
(ii) For details about fasting vide the commentary on vs. 441-442, Kartikeyanuprekṣa, Rajachandra Jaina Granthamālā Agas 1960.
(i) Other manuscripts contain the quotation itself (in 4). (ii) Camundaraya quotes the complete gāhās : Cāmundaray Purana, Bangalore 1928, p. 56.
14. Harisena gives almost the Sanskrit rendering of this very sentence St. No. 131, v. 30.
12.
13.
'uccaniya..adamane' occurring in the Nirayavaliyão (p. 56.10),
ed by Gopani and Chokshi, Ahmedabad 1934.
This phrase appears to be the quintessence of galia No.
269.
251

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30
INFLUENCE OF PRAKRIT ON THE LANGUAGE OF THE
VADDĀRĀDHANE
. It can be clearly seen that the text of the Vaddaradhane abounds in native (desi) elements. Yet it is not free from the influence of Sanskrit. But such influence is far less than that on the Cāvumdarāyā Purāna, the other old Kannada prose work. Besides several quotations of Sanskrit verses in the Vaddarādhane, some passages with luxuriant descriptions (pp. 54.19 to 55.8, p. 129.1-5, pp. 136.21 to 137.17 etc.). and dogmatical discussions (p. 133.14-29, pp. 154.8 to 155.12 etc.), contain a considerable number of Sanskrit words. Occasionally, the author uses Sanskrit expressions like : Kaśiciddēvaddatta (p. 33.9), kimkurvānam (p. 79.22), katipaya (p. 91.25), Yatrāstamitavāsi (p. 152.11), namostu (p. 177.22) etc. But, unlike any other old Kannada author, besides profusely quoting Prakrit verses, he shows a greater liking for Prakrit words, expressions and their forms under Prakritic influence, apart from the common Tadbhavas. Scholrs like Jacobi, Tawney, Weber and Bloomfield have observed: Jaina Sanskrit texts, presumably; never quite escape Prakrit influence. This obscrvation also applies to Jaina old Kannada texts and all the more to the Vaddaradhane than to any other work in old Kannada.

For Prive

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.
The following Prakrit words are found repeatedly used in the regular syntactical system of the text.
vakkhānisu (pp. 4.25, 4.29, 6.11, 7.13, 23.28, 83.3, 126.11, 142.13 ctc.) : 10 preach.
j(h)ānisu (np. 49.18, 52.2, 83.12, 101.16, 109.24, 138.3, 174.8, etc.) : to meditate, reflect.
padikamana (pp. 6.3, 6.27, 28.26, 91.25 etc) : confession. paccakkhāna (pp. 68.27, 82.21, 82.27 etc) : abstinence. jāvajsīvam (p. 114.15, 138.2 ctc): so long as one is alive.
The following Prakrit words and expressions are found used in the right contexts:
gahc (p. 1.14 ctc.) : Skt.gāthā. padiganam (p. 7.8) : reception. uccathānam (p. 7.8) : raised seat nagathāna (p. 9.14) : an abode of Nāga.
sayasattama (p. 29.10): Skt. sada-sattama-forever the best(?). Paiasaddamahannavo, Raluacandraji's Ardhamagadhi Dictionary, or Abhidhana Rajendra does not contain it.
chatthatthamadasamaduvalasa (p. 45.6), i.e, chattha, atthama, dasama and duvalasa-fasting up to the 6th, 8th, 10th and 12th
meal.
donikomda (p. 68.4) : this is a very interesting word, an instance of polyglottism. The Prakrit komda (a deep-based basin, a round vessel) has as its Sanskrit equivalent kunda. Similarly doni (a big kunda used for water) stands for droni. Both these words are found used separately in ancient Jaina (Prakrit) literature.” Paiasaddamahannavo gives both these words separately. Vala (p. 67.2):Skt. Vyala.
bolch bolaha (p. 85.13): The correct Prakrit form is volaha, Imperative second person of vola -to go (away). Hence, volaha

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volaha means go away, go away. Harisena uses in this context the usual Sanskrit expression kṣipram gaccha (St. No. 131, v. 30). Lacchi (p. 97.30): a cosmographical name of a division of
Heaven.
Mahalacchi (p. 97.30): Ibid.
Siridinna (p. 108.15): poper name of a prince, which is descriptive of his way of birth: Siri (Skt.Śrī) (guardian deity) and dinna-Past Passive Passive of da-to give, i.c., given by Siri.
abhāvidam bhāvēmi bhāvidam bhāvēmi (p. 167.16): This appears to be part of some ancient Prakrit verse.
savvam savajja jogam viradomhi (p. 167.19-20): This also appears to be part of same ancient Prakrit verse.
dehāra (p. 171.19): temple. Skt. deveagṛha
Studies in Jainology, Prakrit
Most of the following Prakrit words have come down to us in corrupt form. They are names of some of the diseases from which the sage Sanatkumāra suffered. Devendra aslo gives the same names of diseases though wiht slight dialectical differences.4 Vadd. (p. 68.28-29)
Devendra
Meaning
kacchu
jara
khasa
SOSO
bhattacchadi
acchi-(dukkham)
kucchi-(dukkham)
dukkham
kacchu
jaro
khaso

SOSO
bhattachamdo
akkhidukkham
potṭadukkham
scab
fever.
The following are Prakrit names of some of the subdivisions of the supernatural power of medicine (osaha riddhi) acquired by the sage Sanatkumara. They are neither Prakrit nor Sanskrit. Hence they, too, have come down to us in a corrupt form. Devendra, too, gives the same list in Prakrit with a slight change in the sequence of enumeration.S

cough
asthma
dislike for food
pain in the eyes
pain in the stomach

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Vadd. (p. 69.3-4)
amoṣadhi
kheloṣadhi
javõadhi
vippōsadhi
sarvõsadhi
Harisena's list corroborates that the list in the Vaddārādhane deformed Prakrit : amakhelausadhih
255
is in corrupt or visṭājallauṣadhiḥ sarvauṣadhiḥ (St. No. 129, v. 47).
The following words appear to be back-formations into Kannada from Prakrit :
prakrit.
Devendra
amosahi
kheloṣahi
jallosahi
vipposahi
savvosahi
paguda (p. 34.4 ect.): Sanskrit prabhṛta; Prakrit pāhuda paghuda > paguda. This word seems to be an instance of oral transmission: pahuḍa may have been pronounced with a peculiar stress on 'h'; hence, the Kannada ear may have heard it as paghuda and, then, adapted it as paguda. This word is very popular among Jaina authors, like Pamapa (Bhārata 9.95 vac.) Ponna (Santipurana 2.22 vac.) and Cāvumḍarāya (p. 111.8), who have often used it in their writings.
Jāpuli (p. 92.21): Sanskrit Yapaniya; Prakrit Javaniya Japuli. Cilāta (p. 162.1): Sanskrit kirāta; Prakrit cilāya cilāta. The following words appear to have been derived from

carige (p. 7.6 etc.): Skt. carya; Pkt. cariya(-ka) carige. In the Vaddaradhane, it is used with different shades of meaning, as noted in the preceding paper.
gudda (p. 7.11): Pkt. (Desi) khuddaga gudda. tirika (p. 10.16): Skt. tiryaka; Pkt. tiriyaka, tirika.
Badubbe (p. 118.21): Skt. Bhratṛdvitiyaka; Pkt.

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Bhādubidiyaya > Bhādubbiya > Bhādubbe > Bādubbe. This word also apears to be a good instance of oral transmision of words. Bādubbe (name of a festival) in Kannada can be explained reasonably through this line of phonetic development. The original Prakrit word for Bhratrdvitiyaka is not known from available sources. It is interesting to note that the Skt. dvitiyaka has given rise to the Kannada bidige, a feature not found in the above development.
Then there are some words, mostly names of persons and places, which have partly Prakrit sounds. They possibly indicate Prakrit sources for the stories :
Rēvata (p. 51.22): Skt. Raivata; Pkt. Revaya. Thevata, in the text, is not the right reading. Harisena gives Raivat aka in this context (St. No, 128, v. 15).
Sāmaliputra (p. 93.20): Skt.Salmaliputra (?): Pkt.Sāmaliputta. Harisena uses not this name in this context in St. No. 131, but Sāvaliputtana (v.81).
sabhijñāna (p. 100.6.15): The Sanskrit equivalent would be svabhijñāna, like svabhiprāya (p. 5.24). The Prakrit equivalent for the same is sāhinnāņa or sabhinnāņa. Harișena, too, is found to have used sabhijñāna (St. No. 96.v. 31), to which Dr. Upadhye prefers svābhijñāna (Brhat-kathākosa, notes, p. 388).
Ujjeni (p. 110.11); Skt. Ujjayini; Pkt. Ujjeni. Bhattimitra (p. 166.23); Skt.Bhartrmitra; Pkt.Bhattimitta. Sāvasti (p. 175.14): Skt. Śrāvasti; Pkt.Savatthi.
Moreover, there are a number of words like savana (p. 5.21) risi (p. 45.9), miga (p. 95.23) etc., which are no doubt Prakrit, but are included by Kannada grammarians among the so-called tadbavas, i.e., words derived from Sanskrit according to s.253 of Kesirāja's Šabdamanidarpana. But, actually, Kesiraja gives tadbhave words in use, lokarudhi (s. 252 ). All the words in his list are
not Sanskrta-bhavas. There are words in his list which are obviously

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Prakrit; for instance, mayana, paya, Jasoye (under s. 267). And there are words which are rather Prākrta-bhavas; for instance, bagga (under s. 261), carige (under s. 259). Hence it is quite possible that Kesiraja, the earliest Kannada gramarian, might have included Prakrit words in his list of tedbhavas, which he conventionally calls words derived from Sanskrit.
Lastly, it is worth noting that the text of the Vaddarādhane appears to have been considerably influenced by the linguistec habits and aims of the scribes or copyists. There is evidence ot show that of the differences in readings of words in differnt manuscripts are due to substitution of Sanskrit words for Prakrit rather than scribal errors: For instance, sreni (p. 137.6) has another reading, sredhi (in4), which obviously stands for the Prakrit sedhi. ācāmlavardhana (p. 66.17) has other readings yāyambilamvardhamana etc. (fn8), which all indicaste the Prakrit ayambilavaddhamana to be the possible right reading. jānisuttam (p. 138.3) has another reading, dhyānisuttaṁ (in.1), a clear instance of substitution. There is also an interesting case of scribal ignorance of the meaning of Prakrit terms: y(j)āvajjivam (p. 101.10) has another reading y(i)āvajsīvasbaregam (fn.1), which is a tautological expression.
Thus, the language of the Vaddaradhane is influenced by Prakrit in several ways; and in this respect this work stands un-paralleled in Kannada literature. The text of this Kannada classic with these Prakrit elements exhibits two facts: (a) The author had before him one or more Prakrit sources, most probably one or more Prakrit commentaries on the Bhagavati Aradhanā. (b) He had some special liking for the diction of the Prakrit literary speech.'

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REFERENCES AND NOTES
Published in the Vaddarādhane : A study, Dharwad, 1979. The life and Stories of the Jaina Saviour Parsvanātha, p.
220.
That is why Prof. R.Y. Dhasrwadkar observes that the Vaddarādhane, at times sounds like Prakrit. Kannada Bhasasastra, Dharwad 1962 p. 296. Pots and Utensils from Jaina Literature, by Dr. S.B. Deo, Bulletin of the Deccan College Research Institute, Vol. XIV, pp. 33,-42. (i) Sukhabodhā Tikā on the Uttaradhyayana Sūtra, p.241a. (ii) Harişena simply mentions: Kacchusvāsajvarādayah (St. No. 129, v.45). Op.cit., p.241b. gudda and such other words in the Kannada Jaina literature were once a puzzle to scholars. Vide Nisidhi and Gudda, by J.F.Fleet, Indian Antiquary, Vol.XXII, pp.99-104. It is Nemidatta who mentions this (St.No.66, v.33). Harisena gives Bhrātrkotpatti (St.No.136, v. 28). (i) Hence a scientific clalssification of the Kannada tadbhavas was proposed by R. Narasimhachar long back. History of Kannada Language, Mysore University 1934, pp.116-121. (ii) These points have been discussed by me with more illustrations in my paper, Some obsservations on Cāvundarāya
8.

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9.
Purana, Journal of the Karnatak University Hum.), XII, 1968. Harisena, too, had before him at least one Prakrit source, but the text of his work shows this feature only occasionally.

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31
SAMADHIMARAŅA IN EARLY
KARNATAKA
According to the teneis laid down in Jaina Scriptures a soul can attain liberation only in the human state of existence and that too by terminating such existence through the religious vow generally known as Samādhimarana. Out of seventeen possible kinds of death, oly three are commendable : 1) Panditamarana 2) Balapanditamarana and 3) Panditapanditamarana. Of these, the Panditamarana has tree varieties : (i) Bhaktaprātyakhyāna (ii) Ingins and (iii) Prāyopagamana. Ingins and Prayopagamana are too hard to be practised by men in this Kali age for physical reasons. Hence Śivaraya (Śivakoļyachärya) has presented at great length in his Bhagavati Aradhanā (Mularadhana)' the description of the Bhaktapratyakhyāna, the right practising of which would lead liberable souls to final bliss.
Karnataka was a very favourite region of the Jaina saith of the Digambara Order for more than a thousand years from the early centuries of the Christian era. Hence, naturally, the practice of Samadhimarana, the singularly prescribed religious final vow for the Bhavyas (the liberable ones) for attaining eternal bliss has left in this region, in the course of the long period, numerous and varied traces in traditions like the well-known

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Bhadrabāhu-Candragupta migration, literary works like Vaddarādhane, Cāvundarayapurāņa etc, epigraphic records, and archaeological remains such as at Śravanabelgola, Koppal and other places.
Among all these, epigraphic records are of great importance not only for their eloquent nature regarding this kind of religious vow, but also for the reason that several of them preserve, among other details, the date and the name of the place where the vow was practised. Some of them also concern great personages in the history of this part of the country as for example Ganga Mārasimha and the Rāshțrakūta King Indra IV. In several such inscriptions, besides several literary works, three terms are synonymously used for this religious vow : (1) Sallēkhanā, spelt here after as Samlekhanā (2) Samnyasana and (3) Samadhimarana. Though all details are not available, such religious vow generally appears to have been Bhaktapratyakhyana (courting death by absolute abstinence from all kinds of food).
Technically speaking, Bhaktapratyākhyāna has two varieties: Savichāra and Avichāra. The first is described by Sivarya in his Bhagavati Aradhanā in 40 adhikaras. It is prescribed for such a monk who is healthy and who has before him still a long life. The sccond is for the one who is weak or who faces sudden death. The term Samnyasana appears to have been set in currency at first only in the case of Śrāvakas (house-holders) who adopted the Pañcamahāvrata (or who were initiated into monkhood) which was immediately followed by Bhaktapratyakhyāna. Saril@khanā connotes imaliation which is of two kinds: (1) Internal - kasāya-samlekhanā (imatiation of passions) and (2) External-Sarīrasamlckhanā (imatiation of body). The external imatiation is achieved by Bhaktapratyakhyāna. Samādhi means mental equipoise and perfect concentration on the self at the critical hoor of death which alone can lead to spiritual purification and liberation. Whatever may be the technical sides and shades of these three terms, they have been used synonymously for

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Bhaktapratyakhyāna in several of the inscriptions and literary works.
The plan of Bhaktapratyakhyana as described by Sivarya is very elaborate. It is to be practised in a properly selected place by the monk with certain qualifications (Kșapaka or Arādhaka) under the guidance of the Superintending Teacher (Niryāpakācārya) who is helped by several attending monks who, dividing themselves in teams of four each, tell dharmakathās to the Ksapaka and the pious visitors and attend to his various necds. A pavilion (mandapa) was also to be erected for the pious visitors who would go there with a belief that the Ksapaka was a tīrtha.
In view of the Bhaktapratyakhyāna described in the Bhagavati Aradhanā, what might have been the history of the practice of this great vow in Karnataka? Of course it could not have been the same throughout, for, in this region, Jainism tried its best to accommodate itself to the age taking into consideration all possible practical points. Moreover, the Bhagavati Aradhana leaves some margin for change and adjustment in the plan of this vow. So it would be of great value if we can have a historical approach to this problem and collect all possible information from inscriptions, historical monuments, archaeological remains, literary evidence which appears to have been a reflection of the practice of Bhaktapratyākhyāna in Karnataka in the 10th century A.D.
The Vaddaradhane is the earliest available Kannada Classic in prose assignable to the first quarter of the 10th centuy. It is unique in Kannada literature and the only so far available Aradhana (Kavaca) Kathākośa in the whole range of the modern Indian languages, Aryan, or Dravidian. It contains 19 stories which are meant for advising and encouraging the Kșapaka or Arādhaka. Though these stories concern ancient religious heroes who attaied eternal bliss through the more ardous vow of Prayopagamana, there are a number of references to Bhaktapratyākhyāna' in several subtales and miscellaneous episodes. In one of these stories the author appears to have demonstrated, consciously or

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sub-consciously, the practice of Bhaktapratyakhyāna as obtained in his time in Karnataka:
In the story of Gurudatta Bhatāra (St.No.14) the large snake (the former King Uparichara), which had already adopted the lay disciple's vows, on learning from the teacher Sarasvata that it had only fifteen days life remaining ahead, adopted Samnyasana by being indifferent to the body and abstaining from (all kinds of) food' unto dcath (Jāvajjīvam). The teacher directed prince Anantavírya (the eldest son of king Uparichara) that the snake had adopted Samnyāsana and, hence, it should be adored. Anantavīrya had a large and decorated pavilion erected, set an image of the Jina and offered worship three times a day, while thc teacher worshipped the Aradhanā, studied it for himself (Svadhyāya) and commenced preaching the same. Several verses in Prakril, Sanskrit and Kannada are quoted. Most of them eulogise Samnyasana, Panditamarana, and Samadhimarana. A few of them hold out the insatiability of sensual pleasures. Some speak of the greatness of the Jaina Law and the rest describe the cfficacy of Pañcanamaskāra and Bhāvanamaskāra.
In this part of the story some of the details regarding the practice of the vow are very interesting and they appear to have been in vogue in Karnataka in those days
(i) In the Bhagavati Aradhana we find the provision of a pavilion (mandapa)" . But here the large pavilion (piriya pandaram) is beautifully decorated with various kinds of cloths, banners etc.
(ii) The Bhagavati Aradhanā states!? that the Ksapaka being a tirtha, people from surrounding areas move there, pay homage to him and acquire metit. But it does not mention anything like the setting of the image of the Jina, offerings of worship13 (mahamahime and puje) thrce times a day, etc.
(iii) The words 'having worshipped the Aradhana (aradhaneyam archisi) etc., clearly indicate that in those days a copy of the sacred scriptural work was possessed and preserved
by the Niryāpakācārya and relevant protions from it were preached

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to the Ksapaka and the pious visitors.14
(iv) As no mention of story-telling monks is made here, as given in Bhagavati Aradhanā (gahas 651- 653). It may be assumed that religious tales (dharmakatha) were narrated by the Niryapakācārya himself. This fact seems to be implied in the words Anantavīryanum Bhatarar pelo dharmasramanamam keldu (Anantavīrya listening to dharma as explained by the teacher), for, dharma was (and is even today) preached to the pious laity mainly through dharmakathās.16

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*
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
REFERENCES AND NOTES
Paper published in Studies in Indian History and culture (P.B.Desai Felicitation Volume), Dharwad, 1971.
The genuine title of this Prakrit work (1st century A.D.) is Aradhana. There are two editions of this work, Bhagavati Aradhanā (Bombay, Sam. 1989) and Mūlārādhanā (Sholapur, 1935), All the references to this work herein are to the Sholapur edition.
The vow resorted to by Ganga Marasimha described in Ep.Carn. Vol. II., is evidently of Avichāra variety.
Some verses of Acarya Jinasena (9th Cent.A.D.) in his Adipurana (verses 226-250) (Bhāratiya Jñaānapitha, Varanasi, 1963) regarding the practice of this vow by King Mahabala very well support this view.
For further details on this subject, vide Jaina Theory of Sallckhana, by Dr.T.G.Kalghatagi, The Voice-of Ahimsa. Vol.XII-2 and Santhārā aur Ahimsa, by Pt.Sukhalalji Sangavi, in his Darsan aur Chintan II, (Gujarat Vidyasabha, Ahmedabad, 1957).

265
The usage is like sallekhanā-vidhiyim (Ep.Carn. Vol.II, 384). samnyasana-vidhiyim (Ibid, 141) and samādhī- vidhiyim (Ibid, 142). The Vaddārādhane, at times, specifies the same as bhaktapratyakhyāna-vidhiyim, p.24, 20). In Ep.Carn, Vol.II, 59, we find “aradhanavidhiyim mūru divasaṁ nāntu” etc., The editor has translated it as "having observed the vow for three days with the rites of worship" etc. The right translation would be having observed the vow for three days as per the rules laid down in the Aradhana, or having

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6.
8.
observed the vow for three days trodding the path of Right Faith, Knowledge, Conduct and Penance. In some inscriptions as well as in literary works the practising of this vow is simply referred to as 'tapambhattam' or 'tapambattar'. . These have been discussed by scholars like Dr.B.A.Saletore in his Medieval Jainism, (Bombay, 1938) pp. 172ff; Prof.S.R.Sharma in his Jainism and Karnatak Culture, (Dharwar, 1940), pp.124 ff; and Dr.P.B.Desai in his Jainism in South India and Some Jaina Epigraphs (Sholapu, 1957). The author generally refers to this vow in terms of Samlekhanā, Samadhimarana and Samnyasana, and at times in those of Bhaktapratyākhyāna as noted already. Samnyasana, however, recurs in greatest number and Samlekhanā in the smallest. It should be noted that these details are not available in the parallel contexts of the corresponding stories in other Ārādhanā Kathākośas viz., of Harishena, Śrīchandra, Nemidatta and Prabhāchandra. Jaina Scriptures classify all human food under four heads : asana (that which is swallowed), pāna (that which is drunk), khādima (that which is chewed), and svādima (that which is tasted). Two terms ‘mahamahime' and 'pujc' are used here. The first means worship offered by princes and the second, worship offfered by commoners. gahā 639. gāhā 2007. (i) It is worth nothing at this context that pujā plays an important role among the Digambaras and especially among the followers of the tradition laid down by Achārya Jinasena. It is one (the first) of the six daily karmas to be performed by the householder. Hence in order to encourage the
10.
11.
12.
13.

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14.
15.
16.
devotional mind of the pious laity in the presence of the Kṣapaka, these rites appear to have been added to paying homage to the Kṣapaka and dharmasravana.
(ii) These ceremonial rites on such occasion may also signify the laudable adaptability of Jainism to the surroundings of non-Jaina Karnataka.
to.
(iii) For details on the custom of pūjā, vide R.Williams, Jaina yoga, (London, Oriental Series, No.14,) pp. 184-185 and 216-217; and for some significant observations on the same, vide Pt.K.C.Shastri's Introduction Upāsakādhyānayana, Bharatiya Jnanapīṭha, Varanasi, 1964) pp. 39-40.
(i) Bhagavati Aradhana tells us that it contains the essence of the whole Canon gaha 14.
(ii) Possibly this may be one of the sacred works which were placed on the book-stand seen in the memorial stones called Nisidhi-Kallu, a few specimens of which are preserved in the Museum of the Kannada Research Institute, Karnatak University, Dharwad.
(iii) It is interesting to note that Cavundārāya also writes as aradhaneyam arcisi' in one of similar context: Cavundaraya Purana, (Bangalore, 1928), p.24.
267
Vaddaradhane, p.144.
Bhagavati Aradhanā also says that preaching dharma means preaching it (mainly) through religious stories: gāhā: 653.

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| 32
GOMMENTARIES ON THE
GOMMATASĀRA
Acārya Nemicandra, generally known as Nemicandra Siddhānta Cakravarti, was a very eminent Jaina teacher who flourished in the region of the modern Śravanabelgola in Karnatak during the latter half of the 10th century and the first quarter of the 11th century A.D. Belonging to and topping the desiya gana, he was the prcceptor of the great Cāmundarāya and was highly revered by him :
trilokasāra-pramukha. .... ....... bhuvi Nemicandrah vibhāti saiddhāntika-sārvabhaumah Cámundarajarcita-pädapadmah.
(The author of religious works), Trilokasāra and others, Nemicandra, the monarch among those well versed in scriptural knowledge, shines in the world, with his lotuslike feet worshipped by Camundarāja.
Besides his usual instruction to Cāmundarāya in the Jaina tenets,? Acārya Nemicandra also composed some works with the purpose of imparting to this royal lay disciple the important facets of scriptural knowledge as systematically culled from ancient works

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like the Lokavibhāga, the Tiloyapannatti, the Satkhandāgama of Puspadanta and Bhūtabali with the Dhavalā, Jayadhavala and Mahādhavalā commentaries. All of his works are in Prakrit viz., Jaina Sauraseni. They can be enumerated as follows:
(i) Davva-Samgaha (Dravya-sangraha) (ii) Tiloyasāra (Trilokasāra)* (iii) Gommațāsara (Gommatasāra) (iv) Laddisara (Labdhisāra)
The Dravya-sangraha expounds the theory of the six substances that exist in and comprise the universe. The Trilokasāra describes the three units of the Jaina cosmography. The Gommatasāra, as the title indicates, was specially written for instructing Gommataraya and, hence, is of great importance and value. It consists of two parts viz., sivakānda and Karmakānda, with 22 and 9 Adhikāras, and 733 and 972 gahas respectively. It, as a whole, is also known as Pamcasamgaha as mentioned by the commentators. It contains the valuable essence of ancient works of Karananuyoga concerning jīva and karma, particularly the Satkhandagama with the three great cominentaries.? Though this work is of the nature of collection, with its language, style and discussion on many a Jaina philosophical points etc., it has earned a great name among scholars right from the beginning. The Labdhisāra iss just like an appendix to the Gommatasāra describing the way how jīva liberates itself by destroying karma. This brief survey of Ācārya Nemicandra's works shows us that the Gommațasāra is his greatest and monumental work and, hence, naturaly, greater number of scholars took interest in writing commentaries on it than those who did so regarding each of the other three works.
On the Gommatasāra there are available so far mainly four commentaries :
(i) Mandaprabodhikā in Sansskrit by Abhayacandra (c. 1275

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A.D.): It is incomplete and available uplo gahā No. 383 only of the Jivakanda. Whether the remaining part was written by the author or not can hardly be decided. Though available in part, it is the carliest available Sanskrit commentary on the Gommațasāra. This commentary, together with the other two, (iii) and (iv) discussed below, is published along with the Calcutta edition of the Gommatasāra.
(ii) Jivatattvapradipikā in Kannada (mixed with Sanskrit especially in the beginning) by Keśavavarni (1359 A.D.): This commentary is on both the Kāndas, complete and quite in detail. The author seems to have availed himself of the Mandaprabodhikā in the course of his writing. This commentary, unfortunately, is still in MS form.
(iii) Jivatattvapradipikā Sanskrit by Nemicandra (c. 1525 A.D.): This commentary is also on both the Kandas and complete. The author has followed the Mandaprabodhika in respect of several details. On the whole it is the translation of Kesavavarni's Kannada commentary.
(iv) Samyagjñānacandrikā in Hindi by Pt. Todarmal (little earlier than Samv. 1818): This commentary is almost the translation, at times with elaborations of the Sanskrit Sivataltvapradipikā of Nemicandra. The Hindi commentary is important in the sense that all the Hindi, English and Marathi translations of the Gommalasāra came to be based on it later. Moreover it helped, to a large extent, to make the Gommatasāra popular both among the modern scholars and the laity.
At this juncture, we cannot ignore the confused view of Pt. Todarmal and a few other scholars that Kesavavarni was the auihor of the Sanskrit Sivatattvapradipikā, which was based on the assumed Karnataka vrtti of Cāmundarāya. This confusion arose out of the following factors:
(a) The names of both the Kannada and the Sanskrit

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commentaries are the same viz, Sivatatvapradipikā, (b) The names of the author of the Gommațasāra and the author of the Sanskrit Jivatattvapradipikä are the same viz., Nemicandra. (c) The vague reference, ... Gommatārayena jā kayā desī. . . Vīramattamdi' etc., found in gāhā 972 of the Ka. Kā. of the same viz., Gommaļasāra, led to believe that Cāmundarāya was the author of the Kannada Sivatattvapradipikā (d) Besides, some queer readings in the verse sritvā karnatakavrtti. .... etc., in some MSS of the Sanskrit Jivatattvapradipikā led to believe that Keśavavarni was its author. And this confused view was carried over by several later scholars until 1940, when Dr.A.N.Upadhye gave serious thought to this confusion, examined the concerned manuscripts of the commentaries and clearly proved that Kesavavarni (1359 A.D.) is the author of the Kannada commentary and one Nemicandra (originally from the Gurjara country and contemporary of Saluva Mallirāya - 1st quarter of the 16th century A.D.) is the author of the Sanskrit commentary, which is the translation of this Kannada commentary itself; and he also stated that no MS of the vrtti of Cāmundarāya has come to light."1
After duly acquainting ourselves with these four commentaries on the Gommatasara, a question stands before our eyes : What could be said about the desī (Kannada) commentary, or otherwise, of Camundarāya alluded to by his own preceptor, Ācārya Nemicandra, in gahā No. 972 of the Ka. Kā. of the Gommațasāra?
That no MS of any vrtti, or anything like it in Kannada, on the Gommatasāra by Cāmundarāya has come to lightl?, cannot be denied. Pt.Nathuram Premi observes that the right anvaya of this gahā cannot be achieved as the reading appears rather incorrect. He thinks that Camundarāya might have prepared a copy in Kannada script (pratilipi - transcription) of the Gommatasāra.13
Pt.J.K.Mukhtar, giving due thought to this question, noting the .

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vague nature of some words in this gahā and finding a metrical Maw in it, presents a textually criticised alternate gaha.4 The original gahā is:
gommatasuttallihane Gommatarayena jā kiyā desi so rão cirakālam ņāmena ya Viramattamdi,
“May (Cāmundarāya) named Víramārtanda. Gommatarāya be ever victorious, who prepared the vernacular (commentary) while Gommatasāra was being written”.IS
The gahā presented by Pt.J.K.Mukhtar is: gommațasuttallihane Gommatarayena jam kaya desī, so jayau ciram kalam (rão) nāmena ya Viramattamdi.
While writing the Gommațasāra (at the time of preparing that first copy of the Gommatasāra), Gommataraya who prepared the desi (who prepared its chaya in Kannada, the desī language) and who is well known as Viramatlamdī, may this King be victorious for long.
Further, Pt.J.K.Mukhtar comments: Here we should take desi to mean the Kannada chāyā and not the Kannada vrtti or tīkā for which requires, on the part of the author, far better capacity which cannot be, at that stage, expected of Cāmundarāya, to instruct whom the Gommațasāra was being composed. But, unfortunately, this chāyā of the Gommatasära by Cāmundaraya too is not available.
With some hope in this regard, I closely scrutinized the Kannada Prāntiya Tādapatrīya Granthasūci and was, at the first sight, extreinely glad to note MS No. 55 of the Gommațasāra”l? in the Kannada script with the following note added by the editor: 'This MS contains a Kannada vrtti written in Salivahana Śaka 1821 by Camundarāya and to the vrtti is appended a Kannada prasasti in detail. But the very next moment the date mentioned therein

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(Śa. Śaka. 1821) disappointed me. Could the date be wrong? Or could this Cāmundarāya be some other recent author who wrote this vrtti? Or could it be that some furious lines in thc MS may have led the editor to add this note? Only a close examination of the MS itself would throw light on these surmises.
After taking, thus, a critical survey of the various commentaries on the Gommatasāra, one is struck by a fact that the Kannada commentary of Keśavavarni, which is complete, thorough and the biggest in volume, still remains in the manuscript form, though its Sanskrit translation and the latter's Hindi version have come to light long back. The Manuscript Library of the Jaina Matha at Moodbidri alone possesses several MSS of the Gommatasara with the Kannada commentary of Kesavavarni. Besides there are many other MSS of the Gommatasāra with the Kannada commentaries noted anonymously. 18 With all these in view, I would irresistably appeal that some capable Oriental or Jaina Institutc should have this great Kannada commentary of Kesavavarni critically edited by some competent scholar and publish it soon, so that the importance and value of the Gommatasara would stand out in their perfection. Moreover, this project may also throw some light on the alluded desī attempt - a vrtti, pratilipi or chāyā - in respect of the Gommatasara by Cāmundaraya.''

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REFERENCES AND NOTES
Published in the Gommatesvara Commemoration Volume, Śravanabelgola, 1981. Epigraphià Carnatica, Vol. VIII (Nagar Taluka), inscription No. 46 (c. 1530 A.D.) The beautiful picture, as found in the old manuscript of the nicely illustrated on a leaf in the introductory part (after p.xxxviii) of the Dravya-Sangraha, Sacred Books of the Jainas. Vol.I, Arrah 1917, very well gives the ideas of this possibility. (i) Pub. in S. B. B. J. Series, Vol. I, arrah 1917. (ii) Some scholars like Pt. J. K. Mukhtar, however, hesitate to attribute the authorship of this work to Acārya Nemicandra. Vide Intro. to Purātana- Jaina-Vakyasūci. Sarsawa 1950, pp. 92-94. Pub. by Gandhi Nathārangaji, Bombay 1911. Pub. in Rājacandra Jaina Series, Bombay 1927 and Samv. 1985; in S. B. J. Series Vols. V (1927), X (1937); and in Gāndhi Haribhai Devakarana Jaina Series, Calcutta.. (i) Pub. in Rajacandra Jaina Series, Bombay 1916. (ii) Many a time, immediately after this work, Ksapanasara is also enumerated and attributed to this author. But, in fact, it is the name of the Sanskrit commentary on the 3rd Adhikara of the Labdhisāra written by Madhavacandra
Traividyadeva.

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7.
9.
(i) Acārya Nemicandra himself refers, in his own peculiar way, to this fact in gahā 397 of the Gommațasāra (Ka. Kā.): jaha cakkena etc. As the Cakravarti conquers the 6 parts (of the Bharataksetra) with his Cakra without any hindrance, so the six-fold (Scriptiral Work) has been duly mastered by me with the Cakra of (my) intelligence. (ii) And his epithet (Siddhanta Cakravarti) appears to have accrued from this statement. Brahmadeva has commented in Sanskrit on the Dravya-samgraha and Madhavacandra on the Trilokasāra and the Labdhişāra. Manuscripts of Kannada commentaries on the Dravyasangraha and the Labdhisāra by Kesavavarni and Balacandradeva are noted in the Kannada Prāntiya Tadapatriya Granthasūci, Bhāratīya Jñanapitha, Kashi 1948. Pt.J.K.Mukhtar holds that a number of other commentaries on this great work, possibly written during the past few. centuries, have not come down to us. Vide op. cit., p.91. Vide Sivatattva Pradipikā on Gommatasāra : Its author and date, Indian Culture, Vol. VIII-I, 23-33. As noted by R.Narasimhachar in Kavicarite Vol.1, Bangalore 1923, pp. 46-49. Ibid. Jaina Sāhitya Aur Itihasa, Bombay 1956, p.269. Op.cit., pp.90-91. Editor's translation of gāhā 972, S. B. J. Vol. X, Lucknow, 1937. Op.cit., p.91. On p.6. Could any one of these turn out to be with a vrtti or chāyā of Cāmundarāya?
11.
12.
13.

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19.
After completing this paper, recently I learnt, with pleasure, that the Bharatiya Jñanapiha is publishing shortly Kesavavarni's Kannada Commentary on the Gommatasara as cdited by the late Dr.A.N.Upadhye, from whom I could have no chance to get this happy information then.

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33
SOME OBSERVATIONS ON CAVUNDARAYA PURANA
It is now an established fact that the earliest cultivators of thc Kannada language for literary purpose were the Jainas. As carly as the beginning of the present century of the Christian era, Buhler pointed out that the foundations of literary Kannada and also of Tamil and Telugu, were laid down by the Jaina monks." The roots of this work ultimately go back to a distant past of 300 B.C., when the first colony of the Jaina monks was established at Śravanabelgola in Mysore by the Jaina Sangha that migrated from the North under Bhadrabāhu 1.Within years of this great event the Jaina monks may have commenced their preaching and teaching in Kannada and, thus, gradually enriched it and given it a literary sorm. Unfortunately, the early line of such development cannot be traced. Yet Kannada literature, found in inscriptional form, dates back from the 5th cen. A.D. And there is sufficient evidence to show that prior to the 9th cent. A.D. Kannada possessed rich and manifold literary forms, in prose, poetry and mixture of both, composed by several great literary figures like Vimala, Udaya, etc. The forms of 'cattāna’ and bedamde' which hav not come down to us, were distinct and peculiar to Kannada. The first available Kannada work, the Kavirajamārga, of Nạpatunga (814-877 A.D.), the Rāstrakuta king and disciple of Acarya Jinasena, proudly

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supplies us this important information. Moreover, this work, being on rhetoric, naturally presupposes earlier forms of literature. The late Mahāmahopadhyaya R. Narasimhachar evaluates the Jaina hold on the Kannada language and literature in the following words: “The carlicst cultivators of Kannada language were Jainas. The oldest workers of any extent and value that have come down to us are all from the pen of the Jainas. The period of Jaina predominance in the literary field may justly be called the Augustan Age of Kannada literature. Jaina authors in Kannada are far more numerous than in Tamil. . . . . Besides Kavyas written by Jaina authors, we have numerous works by thcm dealing with subjects such as grammer, rhetoric, prosody, mathematics, astrology, medicine, veterinary science, cookery and so forth. Alogether the number of Jaina authors in Kannada is nearly two hundred."
During the 10th cent. A.D., which happened to be a period of considerable literary activity of high quality for the Jaina scholars in different languages, Sanskrit, Prakrit and Kannada, there flourished a Kannada author, the grcat Camundarāya, who got the world-famous colossal image of Bahubali cut into the hillock at Sravanabelgola. He was minister and general under the Ganga rulers between 961-984 A.D. The celebrated Ajitasena was his preceptor and he was a close disciple of Acārya Nemicandra, known as the Siddhānta-Cakravartin (Spiritual Monarch, who conquered the continents of Scripture). Cāmundarāya was a very interesting personality. Besides his being a brave general and trusted minister, he was second only to his preceptor, King Rācamalla, in encouraging the Jaina Faith.? Among his numerous honourific titles, ‘gunaratnabhușana' and ’kavijanasekhara deserve special mention in this context. He was also patron of the eminent Kannada poet Ranna. In the words of Dr.Saletore, “A braver soldier, a more devout Jaina, and a more honest man than Cāmundaraya Karnatak had never seen."
This great Cāmundarāya composed his Cāvundaraya Purana in 978 A.D. Among the so far available works, it is supposed

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to be the first prose composition in Kannada and an “excellent specimen' of the period. It is also known as Trisastilaksana-mahapurāna and gives accounts of the 24 Tirthankaras and other great personages of the Jaina hagiology. In the introductory part of the work, the author states that this work was first written by Kūcibhattaraka and the same subject was handled later by. a galaxy of great teachers like Śrīnandi, Kaviparameśvara, Jinasena, Gunabhadra etc. and that the same work he composed in Kannada for the benefit of the liberable souls at large. Only a portion of Adipuräna has so far been published, first in 1918 and, then, revised in 1928.2 I propose to present in this paper some observations mainly regarding the Prakritic influence on the language of this part of the published
text.
Camundarāya, as noted above, was a devout Jaina and a close disciple of Acārya Nemicandra whose five works in Prakrit (viz., Jaina Sauraseni), particularly the Dravya Sangraha and the Gommatasara, stand in high esteem and reverence among the pious Jainas even today. Gommaļasāra is said to have been composed for explaining the essence of the Jaina doctrine to Cāmundarāya. Moreover, when the Gommatasāra was being composed by his guru, Camundaraya prepared on it a Kannada Coinmentary called Viramattaṁdī,l4 which, unfortunately, has not come down to us. All these points undoubtedly go to indicate that Camundarāya had at least some working knowledge of, though not high proficiency in, the Prakrits. Therefore, it is quite natural if his Kannada composition has been influenced by them.
Though the Cāvumdarāya Purana contains some rare ancient Kannada words like tottu (66.1), maralumdu (p.107-20), verbal forms like padedom (p.36.11), adom (p.36.15)16 and expressions in native words, like 'sattam puttam kottam kettam' (p.19.11) etc.,
its language, on the whole, is highly Sanskrit-ridden. One of the

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reasons may be that the works of Jinasena and Gunabhadra are the author's main sources and the other that he may have had some special aptitude for Sanskrit in which he has composed his Caritrasāra. At times, his sentences or clauses become strings of Sanskrit words with Kannada pronouns, verbs, gerunds or case-terminations just added to them; and yet, his style shows admirable ease and polish. For instance: 1. avikāriyembom bhrū lalāļa nayana nāsāputosta
sirassirodhara karacaranodara vikāra virahitanum (pp.8.24-9. 1-2). nija tumdadim tanna namaksaramam baredu (pp.86.
24-87. 1). 3. idadesa kambalamendu madanadāhanasmlapteyado!
(p. 105. 14-15). The language of this work shows some noteworthy Prakritic influence also. It is interesting to know that Camundaraya resers here along with several scriptural works, to Acara (p.7.17), Prajñapti (p.7.18) and Aradhanā (p.24.8) which are obviously the Mulacara of Vattakera," the Triloka Prajñapti of Yativrsabaha! and the Bhagavati Aradhanā of Śivarya,'' all of which command great reverence among the Digambaras even today. Further, he proudly and respectfully refers - perhaps following tradition as the riaiure of the wore would expect - to the Ardhamagadhi language more than once:
asesa bhāsā svabhāva sarvārdhamāgadhi (p.67. 100). and vividha bhāsā svabhāvakārdhamāgadhĩ (p.185. 10). Then we find three Prakrit verses quoted in this work: 1. Verse No. 30 (p.40) : Dasu hetthimāsu pudavisu etc. 2. Verse No. 31 (p.42): Dassana vada sāmāyiya etc. 3. Verse No. 45 (p.56) : Padigahamuccathāņam etc. All these three have come down to us in corrupt form.

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The first appears to be in Jaina Saurasem and could not be traced to any available source. The second and third are also in Jaina Saurasenī, the sonrces of which have been already noted by Dr.Upadhye." The second verse also appears in the Gommatasara, gahā 477,21 which, too, may be a quotation from Kundakunda's Dvadasānupreksa (gāhā 69) noted by Dr.Upadhye. Regarding the third verse, what Dr.Upadhye has observed is exactly correct: This verse cannot, on the grounds of chronology and imperfect identify, be from Vasunandi's Śrāvakacara. Further investigation on my part has carried the source of this verse to the point that it exactly agrees with that verse which has been quoted from some unknown ancient work, by Prabhācandra in his commentary on the Ratna Karandaka.22
Besides, the Cāvumdaraya Purāna contains several Prakrit words diffused all over the text. At this juncture, we have to remember the religio- historical background at which Prakrit words may have begun to enter Kannada through the early Jaina monks and teachers who had come forward to cultivate it so that they could use it, at first, for the propagation of their regligion. Prakrit words like dhamma, sagga, samana etc., may have straightway reached the ear of the laity through sermons or religio-social contects and, in course of time, settled on the popular tongue and, later, cnetered into literature too. Others may have entered the new language through the pen of Jaina teachers and enlightened lay-disciples like Cāmundarāya himself. Similar possibilities, along with the theory of the Prakritic influence on the Kannada vocabulary have been suggested, with instances, by Dr.Upadhye in his paper ‘Kannada words in Desi Lexicons and in the Mysore University Special Lectures, Series No.9, on Pali and Prakrit.A With these considerations in mind, the Prakrit words in the Cāvundarāya Purāņa may be classified under four categories: 25 (i) Prakrit words which are not listed as Tadbhavas by
Kesirāja (1260 A.D.), the Pāṇini of the Kannada

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(ii)
(iii)
language. Those that are listed as Tadbhavas (Sanskrita-bhavas) by Kesirāja. Those that are listed as Tadbhavas (Sanskrita-bhavas) hy Kesiraja but are actually Prakrita-bhavas. Those that are Prakrita-bhavas and are not listed as Tadbhavas by the same grammarian.
(iv)
These are the Jaina cosmographical and dogmatical terms in Prakrit:
hetthima (p.39.2) Skt.adhastana-lower. uvarima )p.31.23)26 uparistana - upper. samthāra (p.24.8)27 Skt.samstara-bed of the Aradhaka.
This category may raise a problem as to whether Kesiraja listed these words as they entered Kannada from Prakrit or as borrowed from Sanskrit with the requisite phonetic changes; and it is very difficult to decide this. But this much is certain that Kesiraja, in Ch.VIII, called Apabhramsa, of his Sabdamanidarpana,28 has collected words which he found in usage (lokarudhi : 5.252) at and prior to his time. His statement, in S.253, that he is giving Tadbhavas as derived from Sanskrit is rather conventional, for several of these words are found to be nearer to Prakrit than Sanskrit : Under S.276 (m g), he gives that Yamunā-Jagune. This phenomenon, or its single illustration, presented by the grammarian can hardly be brought under any principle of linguistic change, if we only stick to the conventional ssumption that the word Jagune has been derived from the Skt.Yamunā. Therefore the word Jagune seems to have come from the Prakrit Javunā? the masalised v of which is foreign to the Kannada ear and tongue; and hence the occurrence of the change v>g, which is much more possible on physiological grounds than m>g. Then biyadi, under S.254, is no doubt from the Skt.vyādhi, but bagga, under S.261, is much more likely to come from the

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Prakrit vaggha than the Sanskrit vyāghra. Morcover there are some words mayana (Skt.madana) and paya (Skt.pada), given under S.267, which are obviously Prakrit words and which, as Tadbhavas in Kannada, do not suit the genius of that language and hence, appear to have been dropped from usage later. Kannada, which possesses kadana and battuku as its native words, had no need of simplifying, while adopting, the Sanskrit madana and pada, with ysruti, as mayana and paya. This indicates that Kesirāja may be giving these two words as found to have been used in some Kannada work with much Prakritic influence. Under these circumstances, it would not be out of place to list these words as Prakrit and to hold that they entered Kannada before and during 978 A.D. when this work was composed : 30
jasa (p.1. v.3, p.2. v.8); miga (p.13.22); sagga (21.14); jāva (p.25.11); ittige (p.38.2); sejje (p.38.22); sivige (53.15, p.79.15); sula (p.96.3); samkale (p.97.7, 100.21 etc.).
III The propriety of this category has been noted above: lakke (p.114.22 etc.), Pkt. lakkha; suragi )p.21.1), Pkt. churiyā (gā); setti (p.37.2, 8), Pkt. setthi; vinnaha (p.29.19 etc.) Pkt. vinnāņa.
IV Under this category may be brought the following words. Among these, words like gudda were once a puzzle to scholars." The word pāguda, which is a very favourite one among the early Jaina authors, is very interesting. It appears to be a back-formation into Kannada from the Prakrit pāhuda (Skt.prābhrta). The line of phonetic development may be : pāhuda > pāghuda > pāguda. The Prakrit pähuda may have been pronounced with a peculiar stress
on 'h', which may have been heard by the Kannada man as

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paghuda and adopted it as pāguda. dropping the aspiration which does not suit the genius of his tongue
gudda (p.4.v.20), Pkt. (D) khuddaga; keli (p.32.11), Pkt. Kila; talara (p.97.7) Pkt.talāra; Nattuva (p.97.10), Pkt.Nattumatta; . pāguļa (p.111.8), Pkt. pahuda;
Lastly, and in a passing manner, some of the readings of the text of this work deserve special notice. These are obviously the scribal errors passed on by the editors. Such readings together with their corrections are noted below: 1. nidhānaṁgeydu (p.31.7 and p.89.10):
nidanamgeydu-having entertained a desire for worldly reward samadhāna vidhānadim (p.3.v, 15): samadhi vidhānadim - by the rite of samadhi. aradhaneyim arcisi (p.24.8) : Arādhaneyam arcisi-having adored the Aradhanā (i.e, Bhagavati Aradhana). vírasaṁsthārudhanāge
(p.24.8): vīrasamthārārudhanage - having set himself on the bed of the Aradhaka. avamõdārya (p.21.22): avamodarya- the name of a
32
VOW.
aprāsaka (p.72.14): aprāsuka - not free from living beings. prāsaka (p.73.15, p.98.4): prāsuka-free from living beings. bodhe (p.114.4): bodhi-inclination towards liberation.

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*
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
oi
9.
REFERENCES AND NOTES
285
Paper presented at the Seminar in Parkrit Studies organized by the Shivaji University, Kolhapur, in May, 1968 and published in the Journal of Karnatak University (Hum.), Volume XII, 1968.
The Indian Sect of the Jainas, Eng. Tr. by Burgess, London 1903, p.22.
(i) Dr.P.B.Desai, on the strength of epigraphical evidence backed by literary traditions, proposes that Jainism commenced its southward journey as carly as 6th Cent.B.C.: Jainism in South India and Some Jaina Epigraphs, Solapur, 1957, p.18. (ii) Shri K.P.Jain observes that South India had already followers of the Jaina Law before the great Jaina Migration of the Maurya period: The Antiquity of Jainism in South India, Indian Culture, Vol.IV, pp.512-516.
The earliest datable Kannada inscription, found at present, is that of Kakusthavarman at Halmidi of C.450 A.D. Sources of Karnatak History, Vol.I, by S.Shrikantha Shastri, Mysore Universisty 1940, Intro.p.xx.
Kavirājamārga, Bangalore 1898, verses 27-32.
History of Kannada Language, Mysore University, 1940, pp.65-66.
7.
S.B.345: Kavicarite, Revised edition, Bangalore 1961, p.47. 8. S.B.281: Kavicarite, p.48.
Medieval Jainism, Bombay 1938, p.102.

The ocean in the form of Camumdaraya was raised high by the spotless moon in the form of Acarya Nemicandra: Gommaṭasāra, Lucknow 1937, gāha 967.

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10.
(i) The controversy raised by some scholars that Ranna might have composed this work, sccms to have subsided with the acceptance of Prof.B.M.Shrikanthayya's suggestion that “Ranna’s revisionist hand might be suspected” in it. Vide Cāmundarāya and his literary predecessors, by Dr.A.N.Upadhye, Journal of the Karnatak University, Hum. VI. 1960, pp.125-136. (ii) He also composed a Sanskrit work colled Caritrasāra, published in the Manikacandra Digambara Jaina Granthamala, No.9, Bombay 1917. (i) Verses 24-25. (ii) For details about these predecessors of Cāmundaraya, see Dr.Upadhye's paper noted above. (i) Both by the Karnataka Sahitya Parişattu, Bangalore. (ii) All my references, hercaster, will be to the revised edition. Vide History of Indian Literature, Vol.II, by M.Winternitz, Calcutta 1933, p.586. (i) Gommatasara, Lucknow 1927, gahā 972. (ii) Vīramārtanda was one of the many titles borne by Cāmundarāya. This one was conferred on him by king Racamalla when he displayed his valour in the battle with the Nolambas; Cāvumdaraya Purāna, closing part, passage cited in Kavicarite, p.48 and intro. to Cāvundaraya Purāna, p.ii. Pt.Premi thinks that the anvaya of this gahā is not clear. This commentary must be, if at all it exissts, other than the Karnataka vrtti used by Keśavavarni for his Sanskrit Commentary. It is also possible that Cāmundarāya may have written a Kannadatranscription (pratilipi) of Gommatasāra, Jaina Sāhitya Aur Itihā., Bombay, 1956, p.269, Foot Nel
15.

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16.
17.
18.
19.
20.
21.
22.
23.
24.
25.
26.
27.
28.
287
All these are also found in the works of Pampa and Ponna composed a little earlier.
The author Vattakera is thought to be associated with one of the three places in Karnatak bearing similar names: (i) The modern Betgeri in Dharwar district. (ii) A part of Śravanabelgola, (iii) Some village near Karikal. Vide Jaina Sahitya Aur Itihasa, pp.548-49.
This work on Jaina cosmography was composed in Karnatak. Vide Pali and Prakrt. by Dr.A.N.Upadhye, Mysore University Special Lectures Series. No.9, Mysore 1965, p.3.
This huge work is mainly connected with the Jaina way of meeting death-the goal of each liberable soul. In a family like Camundaraya's, this work would have been one of adoration.
Camundaraya and his Literary Predecessors, J.K.U.Hum.IV, 1960, pp.125- 136.
Gommaṭasāra, Lucknow, 1927.
Noted from Ratnakarandaka Śrāvakācāra, Jivarāja Jaina-Granthamālā, Kannada No.1, Solapur 1960, p.252, fn.1. Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Vol. XII, Part III, 1931.
Mysosre University 1965.
The lists of words coming under all these categories are not claimed to be exhaustive.
The reading in the text is uparima which appears to be faulty. Gommaṭasara Jivakanda 601, contains this word as well as hetthima.
The reading in the text is (virasamstha) which is obviously
wrong.
All my references regarding this work are to the edition of Kittel, Mangalore 1920.
Vide Introduction to Ardhamagadhi, by Dr.A.M.Ghatge,

29.

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30.
Kolhapur 1946, p.31. (i) it may be noted that a scientific classification of the Tadbhavas in Kannada was proposed by R. Narasimhachar long ago. History of Kannada Language, Mysore University 1934, pp.116-121. (ii) Another point to be noted here is that in this work the side-by-side usage of Sanskrit equivalents of some of the Prakrit words is also found. Hence such Prakrit words, along with the native ones, may represent the colloquial element in the author's expression. Vide Nisidhi and Gudda, by J.F.Fleet, Indian Antiquary, Vol.XII, pp.99-104. Bhadrabahu | is said to have submitted himself to Samadhimarana by undergoing this vow: Aradhanā, Sholapur edition, gahā No.1544.

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| 34
PRAKRIT QUOTATIONS IN THE CAVUNDARAYA PURANA
Cāmundarāya was a very great and interesting personality of medieval India from various points of view viz., historical, religious and literary. He was an able minister and brave general under the Ganga rulers of Karnatak between 961 and 984 A.D. He encouraged the Jaina Faith with a zeal which was only next to that of some of those rulers. It is he who got the world-famous colossal image of Bahubali created on the Vindhyagiri at Śravanabelgola. He was a pious royal follower of the great Acārya Nemicandra, generally known as Siddhānta Cakravarti, who composed a few religious works in Prakrit with the specific purpose of instructing this royal lay disciple in the essential tenets of Jainism. Camundarāya also patronized the eminent Kannada poct Ranna. Besides he himself was a literary figure of no mean order.
Some three works are attributed to him: (i) Caritrasāra in Sanskrité (ii) A Vrtti on, or a Pratilipi or Chayā of the Gommatasara
in Kannada? (iii) Cāvumdarāya Purāņa or Trişasti Šalākā Purusa Purāņa
in Kannada The Cavumdarāya Purana was composed in prose by the

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grcat Cāmundarāya in 978 A.D. It narrates the accounts of the 24 Tīrthankaras and other great personages of the Jaina hagiology. It is mainly based on Adipurana of Jinasenācārya and the Uttarapurāna of Gunabhadrācārya."
Camundarāya tells us in the introductory part of this work that he composed this work in Kannada for the benefit of the liberables (bhavyas). Chronologically this work stands next to the Vaddarādhane in the old Kannada prose literature. Though several native words and idioms arac found spred all over the text of this work, on the whole its language is highly Sanskrit-ridden. Besides it also shows considerable prakritic insluence. The author respectfully refers to a few ancient Prakrit works like Acara, Prajñapti? and Aradhana' which are obviously the Mulācara, the Trilokaprajñapti and Mulāradhana. There are also found in the text of this work Prakrit words lik hctthima, samthara, jasa, miga, sagga etc. and words with Prakritic influence like gudda, pāguda etc. Moreover, there are found several Prakrit verses, quoted at requisite contexts, along the course of the whole text."" Following is the alphabetical index of the gahās quoted in this work:
1. Agahidamissam . . . . (p.273) 2. Osappină (p.274) 3. Nanadirayanam (p.297) 4. Nirayāvu (p.275) 5. Dasu hetthimasu (p.28) 6. Duonadam (p.243) 7. Damsanavada Sāmāyiya (p.30) 8."" (p.211) 9. Padigahamucca (p.39) 10. Savvammi (p.274) 11. Savve Payadi (p.276) 12. Savve vi poggalā (p.274)

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All these gahas are quoted by the author without making any reference to any of the sources and in the manner that each of these appears to form a part of the body of text itself. All these gahas have come down to us in very corrupt form, obviously owing to the ignorance of Prakrit on the part of several persons in the generations of copyists of the manuscripts. Such ignorance is very well reflected in quotations Nos.7 and 8 above: Both of which are the same quoted gahās but corrupt forms in the text of the iwo differ widely. Moreover the technique of indicating a cluster by a bindu in old Kannada manuscripts and the genuine bindu in the gahas, have further confused the editors of all the three editions of this work in arriving at the right readings of some words in these quotations." This made my problem of reconstructing the gāhās er parts of the gahas still harder; and without such reconstruction, my attempt at tracing them to their sources could have been just a misadventure. Hence in respect of same words in these quotations, I tried to replace the clusterindicating bindu (in the Kannada script of the text) by the right chuster2 and, then, go ahead.
Coming to the sources of these quotations, Dr.Upadhye has already noted the sources of quotations Nos 7-8 and 9 as gaha No.69 in Kundakunda's Bārasa Anuvekkhā and as gaha No.225 in Vasunandi's Śrāvakācāra respectively, with a remark that the latter verse is also a quotation in Vasunandi: 3 We should also remember that at that time there was available in print only the portion of Adipurāna, in which quotations Nos.5, 7- 8 and 9 only were available.
My attempt at tracing these quotations to their respective sources has borne fruit as follows:
Quotation No.1 Agahidamissam etc., is gahā 559 in the Jiva Kānda of the Gommatasara.14 Qt.No.2 Osappini etc., is gahā 27 in the Bārasa Aņuvekkhā (Ba. A.) of Kundakunda."Qt.No.4 Nirayāvu etc., is gāhā 28 Ibid. Qt.No.6 Duonadam etc., is gāhā No.104 in the Mulācara of Vattakera. Qt.Nos. 7-8 Damsanavada

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Sāmāyiya etc., is also gahā 477 in the Síva Kānda of the Gommatasara."7 Qt.No.10 Savvammi etc., is gahā 1776 in the Mülaradhana of Śivarya.18 It is also gāhā 26 in Ba.A. Q.NO.11 Savve payadi etc., is gahā 29 in Bā.A. And Qt.No.12 Savve vi poggalā etc, is gabā 25 in Ba.A. again:19 Qts.Nos.3 and 5, however, yet remain to be traced to their sources.
Thus Camundaraya's main sources for his Prakrit quotations are:--
(i) The Mularadhanā of Sivarya (c.1st Centursys A.D.,) (ii) The Mułacara of Vattakera (c.2nd Cent.A.D.) (ii) The Barasa Anuvekkhā of Kundakunda (c.2nd
Cent.A.D.) (iv) The Gommatasāra of Nemicandra (10th Cent.A.D.)
We already know that Camundarāya has respectfully referred to the mularādhanā and the Mülacara in the early part of his work. As a pious lay disciple and receiving proper instruction in the essential tenets of Jainism at the feet of his revered teacher, he must have been acquainted with the Bārasa Anuvekkhā of Kundakunda. The Gommatasāra was specially composed for him. Moreover he had the credit of producing some desi (Kannada) work (Pratilipi or Chāyā) concerning it.20 Hence, it appears, he was quite pleased to draw upon all these four sources for most of his Prakrit quotations so as to make his Kannada work much more venerable for the liberable readers. Moreover these Prakrit quotations reflect Cāmundarāya's scholastic equipment with the knowledge of the Jaina Pro-canonical works, the credit of possessing which, really, must go to his teacher, Acārya Nemicandra-the Siddhānta Cakravarti.

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REFERENCES AND NOTES
1.
2.
3.
Paper presented at the All India Seminar on Gommatesvara, held at Sravanabelgola in Dec, 1980 and Published in the Vaisāli Institute Research Bulletin No.3, Vaisāli, 1982. (i) It is interesting to note at this context that Kavijanasekhara' was one of the several honourific titles of Cāmundaraya. (ii) These titles, some fifteen, have been enumerated at the close of his Cavumdaraya Purana. Published in the Manikchand Digambara Jaina Granthamala, No.6, Bombay, 1917. (i) This has not come to light so far, but is known by reference by Acārya Nemicandra in gāhā No.972 of Karma Kānda of his Gommaļasāra. (ii) Formerly it was believed to be a Kannada vrtti on the Gommatasara, on which the Sanskrit commentary was based. (iii) Pt.Premi thinks that it could not be a vrtti but a “Pratilipi' in Kannada. Vide Jaina Sahitya aur Itihasa, Bombay 1956, p.269. (iv) Pt.J.K. Mukhtar holds that it could rather be a Kannada 'Chaya’ of the work. Vide Intro. 10 Puratana-Jaina-Vakyasuci, Sarsawa, 1950, pp.90-91. (i) Only the portion of Adipurana was published by the Kannada Sahitya Parisattu, Bangalore, in 1918 and the same was revised in 1924.
4.
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(ii) Recently the whole work, entitled Triṣasti Salākā Purrṣa Puranam, was edited by Dr.B.S.Kulkarni and published by the K.R.I., Karnatak University, Dharwad, 1975.
For details on this point, vide Dr.A.N.Upadhye's 'The Predecessors of Camundraya, Journal of the KarnatakUniversity (Humanities), Vol.IV.
(i) p.6., (ii) All such references are to the pages of the Triṣasti Salākā Puruṣa Purānam.
p.6
p.17
For detailsin this regard vide my paper, 'Some Observations on the Camundaraya Purana, Journal of the Karnatak-University (Humanities), Vol.XII.
Similarly are also found many Sanskrit verses quoted here. As a result the very reading of such words sounded to me at first un-Prakritic and made no meaning.
As could be seen in the index above too.
vide loc.cit.
Rayachand Jaina Granthamālā, Bombay edition.
Comprised in the Satprabhṛtādi Sangraha, Pub.M.D.J. Series, Bombay.
Pub. in the M.D.J.Series, Bombay.
S.B.J.Series, Vol. V, Lucknow, 1927.
Vide the Solapur edition.
Pt.J.K.Mukhtar notes that the five gahās of the Barasa Anuvekkha (25 to 29) are quoted in the commentary on S.10 of Ch.II in the Sarvarthasiddhi of Pujyapada. Vide Op.cit., p.13.
As stated with pride by his own teacher. Vide Gommaṭasara (Karma Kanda) gaha 972, S.B.J.Series, Vol. VI.

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35
PRAKRIT LANGUAGES AND
LITERATURE
Language is a medium or vehicle of thought and a full-fledged language is said to date from the Azilian culture which is assigned to the approximate period between 15,000 B.C. to 8,000 B.C. Hence we can safely say that the invading Aryans stepped on the Indian soil with a full-fledged language about the beginning of the second millenium B.C. We cannot say anything about when and how they tried their hand at producing literatre which is defined as "the permanent record of memorable speech." but we do know that by c.1,500 B.C. they composed and left for us the Rg-veda which stands as the earliest known record of human knowledge.
What language did the invading Aryans speak? How many dialects did their community of speakers use? How possibly did the literary Vedic emerge out of them?
Many such questuons have exercised and are still exercising the minds of scholars in this field. Different opinions are held on these and other allied problems. It is interesting to note that Panini (c.700 B.C.) called the language of the Vedic texts Chāndasa. Nowhere in his great grammatic work does he mention the term Sanskrit which is said to have come into currency by the time of the Rāmāyana. Nor does he mention the term Prākrit anywhere

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in it. The theory that from Vedic descended classical Sanskrit and from classical Sanskrit descended Prakrit, is held to be unscientific because several linguistic features of the Vedic language are nearer to those of Prākrit than to the corresponding ones of Sanskrit; and a number of Prakritisms are surprisingly found in the Vedic literature itself. Jules Bloch rightly holds that the oldest language, which was considered sacred, gave a model, but not birth to the latter viz., Classical Sanskrit," Similarly Sanskrit cannot be the basis for Prakrit as is stated by some grammarians and scholars. Hence Prakrit can be interpreted as the natural language of the masses and Sanskrit as the refined or cultivated language of the sistas, the elite, who used is for literary purpose in the early days. Leaving aside thc elaborate discussions advanced on this topic by eminent scholars in India and abroad, I may quote here Dr.P.L. Vaidya's view presented about two decades ago in simple but lucid words : "Prakrit is the oldest and natural language of Indian people, spoken by all from their childhood, out of which Sanskrit, the polished language of the cultured classes has developed. Some of you may feel that this is a startling statement made to magnify the importance of the Prakrit language. Far from it, there are evidences available to prove my statemeni; and they are culled from the oldest and most reliable works in Sanskrit itself. If you take the Mahabhasya of Patañjali (2nd century B.C.), you find the words like goņā and gonī, which mean a cow, are mentioned by Patañjali, the great grammarian and champion of Sanskrit, who asks his listeners not to make use of these words, as they are Apabhramsa, degraded, and as such unsit to bc uscd by cultured classed at least on sacred occasions like the performance of a sacrifice. But words like gonī, gonā, gona were so popular and current among the people, that completely banning their use became impossible, and so they made it a rule, recorded by Patañjali himself or by his immediate predecessors that one must not use such words at least on sacred occasions: yajáa-karmani nāpabhrmsatavai. Later classicists like Bhartrhari went a bit further

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and enunciated a theory that Prakrit words, so numerous and current among the vast population, are incapable of carrying any meaning by themselves, but they do have a meaning through the medium of Sanskrit only. To make the point clear, they mean to say that words gonā, goni, gona do not convey to the listener the meaning of a cow or bull directly, but only through the medium of Sanskrit. Their equation is thus : goni : gau. I do not think it requires any elaboration to prove that the natural language of the people of Aryāvarta at least was Prākrit out of which the polished language Sanskrit has developed."
All this means that when the Vedas were composed by the priestly class, there were also, spoken at home and owing to social strata and tribal groups etc., popular dialects or Prākrit dialects current among the masses. Later classical Sanskrit assumed the status of Vedic and Prakrits continued their further journey until when Mahavira and the Buddha picked up an outstanding regional dialect (Ardhamāgadhi or Western Prācya) for preaching their religious tenets and moral principles to the people at large. This was an important event in the cultural history of India, because a spoken dialect (Ardhamagadhi or Western Prācya) got for the first time the status of being the medium of religious and ethical preachings and teachings and, hence, had the change of being cultivated, and the outcome was the appearance of the great Pali and Ardhamagadhi Canons and the Pro-canon (of the Digambaras) in later days. But before the appearance of these canons Emperor Asoka (309 B.C.) had already addressed his subjects in Prakrit through his well known Rock Edicts inscribed in the Brāhmi script found in the different parts of India even today.
Thus Prākrit also got literary status, gradually had its literary dialects and, thus, stood in rank with Sanskrit while the spoken dialects flowed on with the life of the masses. As days passed on, the difference between the literary Prakrits and the spoken dialects widened. By c.5th century A.D. both Sanskrit and Prakrit had almost the same stereotyped literary form and once again an attempt was made to raise the spoken dialect to a literary status

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as a result of which Apabhramsa came up as a literary dialect. And at about the 11th century A.D., this same phenomenon of the 5th century A.D. got itself repeated only to give rise to the New Indo-Aryan literary languages like Hindi, Gujarati, Marathi, etc. Thus we see that as the stream of the unfettered spoken dialects flowed on, there formed some literary islands and were left for posterity. Prof.Devendrakumar Banarji describes this phenomenon as follows: "Words are the grains of sands and drops of water forming the eternal stream; flowing from the beginning of creation, it will slow on till the end of the world. In it were formed the literary islands as the Vedas, the Upanisads, the Rāmāyana, etc."? But J.Vendryes' view of this phenomenon appears to me much more appealing. He compares the literary language to the formation of a film of ice on the surface of a river and then remarks : "The ice borrows its substance from the river, it is indeed the actual water of the river itself and yet it is not the river." Therefore, we can call the various literary works in Vedic, in classical Sanskrit, in Prakrit and in Modern Indo-Aryan languages as literary islands formed and left by the stream of spoken dialects, or the permanent patches of film of ice on it. An approximate and compact chronological sketch, with no watertight compartments whatsoever, of all these literary languages of India can be drawn in the following table:
I. Vedic and Classical Sanskrit : 1500 B.C. onwards II. Prakrits : Inscriptional Prakrit, Pāli, Paisacī,
Saurasenī, Māgadhi, Ardhamāgadhi, Maharātri,
Apabhramsa, etc: 600 B.C. to 1100 A.D. III. Modern Indo-Aryan Languages:
Hindi, Gujarati, Marathi, etc : 1100 A.D. to till today. Thus we see that the Indo-Aryan speech has had a continuous and long history of life of about 3500 years. Dr.Katre observes : “Nowhere else can we see this unbroken existence of a stream of language, represented in the literature of its people from such hoary antiquity upto the present day; and in this sense Indo-Aryan is unique in the history of any language group in the world."10

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And in this long history the Prakrits have played an important role by contributing their own significant mite to the cultural life of India, which fact is found reflected in their literature that is vast and varied covering a considerably lengthy period of about 1700 or 1800 years, from the days of Mahavira and the Buddha until c.11th century A.D. when the modern Indo-Aryan languages began to appear.
Thus after having a brief acquaintance of Prakrit languages and their literary evolution, let us, now, have a bird's eye-view of the outstanding realms of Prakrit literature and try to assess its contribution to the culture of this great country of ours.
11
The inscriptions of Emperor Aśoka (300 B.C.) are earliest available Prakrit records which deserve to be classed as literature. Moreover these inscriptions, as observed by Bloch,11 are the first authentic documents marked and dated with a relative precision in the whole range of Indian History. They are more than thirty and are incised on rocks, boulders, pillars and walls of caves. The fourteen rock-edicts, found in seven recensions, are simple but forceful and they echo the great monarch's appealing voice. They depict the picture of the state and also reflect the monarch's great personality that championed the cause of Ahimsa and Peace and yearned for the welfare of the subjects. Amongst the numerous Prakrit inscriptions belonging to the post-Asokan period, special mention may be made of the Hathigumpha inscriptions of King Khāravela (2nd century A.D.) for their informative value and literary qualities. It is striking to note that inscriptions in India are all in Prakrit from 300 B.C. to 100 A.D.; and during this period Sanskrit was eclipsed by Prakrit, to which fact stand as the first witness, the Asokan inscriptions, clearly indicating that the official language of the then Magadhan Empire was Prakrit. Here, again, we should recapitulate what Dr.Katre Says: "These Prakrit inscriptions and coin legends continued for nearly eight centuries, and during the latter half of this period competed with Sanskrit, both as media of instruction and cultural languages." After inscriptions we enter the realm of canonical literature
,,12

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which can be said to comprise the Ardhamgadhi canon and the Pro- canon of the Digambaras.3 The Ardhamagadhi canon consists of 45 books composed in different periods, the texts like the Acaranga Sutra belonging to as early a period as 400 B.C. This canon, as is available now, was finally redacted and put to writing in 454 A.D. The subjects covered by these texts are encyclopaedic with religion, philosophy, metaphysics, ontology, logic, ethical teachings, moral exhortations, didactic tales, cosmography, historical and semi-historical legends, etc. The Pro-canon of the Digambaras is grnerally divided into four parts : (1) Prathamānuyoga, (2) Caranānuyoga, (3) Karanānuyoga and (4) Dravyānuyoga. The Satkhandāgamas, the works of Śivakotyācarya, Kundakunda, Vattakera, Yetivrsabha, Yogindradeva, Nemicandra, etc. are highly esteemed. The value of all these canonical works of the iwo sects lies in the fact that they laid down for the masses higher values of life like Ahimsā and other ethical principles, which influenced the contemporary and later life of the Indian people in respect of peaceful attitude, respect for others' views, vegetarianism, etc. Some scholars think that the roots of the modern political doctrine of non-violence go back to such teachings preserved in and handed over through these canonical works.14
A huge mass of commentorial literature in Prakrit has grown around the Ardhamagadhi canon (and also a part of the Pro-canon) taking the forms of Niryuktis, Bhasyas, Cūrnis and other exegetical works from which arose, later, vast and varied types of narrative literature : biographies of religious celebrities, legendary tales of didactic motives, illustrative fables, parables, popular romances, fairy tales, Kathanakas, Kathakośas, etc. It may be noted in this context that the Prakrit languages replaced logical arguments by interesting fables, parables and other tales for illustrating religious doctrines and ethical principles more effectively and, hence, they could contribute their own to the field of fables, parables and other facets of story literature. It is noted that the Prakrit fable literature was the precursor to the Pañcatantra which has made a notable contribution to the world literature. It is also an

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established fact that Prakrit narrative literature has considerably influenced the modern Indian litcrature both Aryan and Dravidian and inculcated humanitarian values among the masses.
While moving in the field of Prakrit narrative literature, we can hardly ignore the great Brhatkathā of Gunādhya in Paisací Prakrit (c.1st Century A.D.) which is lost beyond recovery, but thrce Sanskrit epitomes of which have come down to us. Being of secular naturc, it stands in rank with the Rāmāyana and the Mahabharatha on the national level, in the sense that if the two great cpics influenced the bulk of the literary output of India by their religious concepts of dharma and mokșa, the Brhatkatha introduced a pure romantic concept in Indian literature as a whole - both oral and written. A number of folk-tales, some of which are found still in the oral traditions of modern Indian languages, have their ultimate sources in the Brhatkathā. Several interesting Sanskrit dramas like the Mrcchakatikam and the Svapnavāsavadattam and their romantic episodes are based on the legendary tales in it. Its high popularity led it to its different versions as found now in Sanskrit, Prakrit1 and Tamil.!? Durvinita (600 A.D.), who is said to have translated it into Sanskrit, might have, most probably, given its Kannada version too. I have noted an amusing sub-tale viz., of Sudame, in story No.1 of the Kannada Vaddārādhanc (c.925 A.D.) to have had its source in this Great Tale.18 This sub-tale in the Vaddarādhane is like a folk-tale and numerous such tales are found to have been current in modern Indian literature, both Aryan and Dravidian, written and oral. Prof.Eberhard considers folk-tale materials as fossilised social and religious history and in the light of this view too, we have to assess the value of Gunadhya's Great Tale.
The secular lyric is another alluring sphere of Prakrit literature. From the hoary past until the 1st century A.D., .except the two Samvada hymns in the 10th Book of the Rg-veda and a quoted line in Patañjali's Mahabhāsya, we hardly find anything

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like love-lyric in Sanskrit literature. Prof.S.K.De remarks : “Neither the culture of the age nor its social environment was favourable to the development of pure love-poetry in the orthodox literature of the higher classes which was dominated mainly by a serious and didactic motive.”19 But in folk-literature, the tradition of which is niccly prescreved in Prakrit, the sentiment of love must have been nourished with zcal. It is because of this fact that a large number of such lyric songs in Prakrit had already grown some three centuries before Kalidasa and an anthology of them, compiled and edited by King Hala, has come down to us in the form of the Sattasai or Gāthāsaptaśali20. These little songs of love and life have considerably influenced the later Indian literature, including that of Bhakti, divine longing for union with God. A peculiarity of these lyric songs is thcir realistic touch and closeness to the family and social life of the ancient and medieval rural India.
Prakrit literature is also endowed with ornate and stylistic poetic tales and prose-romances like the Setubandha, the Gaudavaho, the Kuvalayamala, the Lilavai, the Samaraiccakahā, etc. which have influenced some branches of modern Indian literature including that of Kannada. Some of them give realistic pen-pictures of the social and cultural life of medieval India. But the Dhürtākhyāna of Haribhadra (8th century A.D.) is a unique satire in Indian literature. It takes a critical view of the Hindu Puranic legends.
Now coming, lastly, to the dramatic literature, we have half a dozen purely Prakrit dramas which are called Sattakas. The Karpūramañjari is the carliest available one composed by Rajasckhara (10th century A.D.). The term Sattaka?" has a Dravidian element viz., āța (meaning play) which word is also used even today for the crude type of play enacted in rural Karnataka i.c., ata or bailāta, suggesting thereby that the Sattaka had a popular origin.22 Leaving aside the Sattakas, almost every Sanskrit drama has its Prakrit portions i.e., some characters speak in Prakrit in its various dialects. The early dramas of Ašvaghosa,

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Bhāsa, Sūdraka, Kalidasa etc. are bound to present the linguistic picture of the contemporary society, whereas the later ones used the Prakrit dialects conventionally. In the Mrcchakatikam and the Vikramorvasiyam, the number of Prakrit-speaking characters is greater than that of the Sanskrit-speaking ones. Scholars hold that Prakrit portions of the early Sanskrit dramas contain valuable linguistic heritage of India.
In conclusion, now, I would sum up the contribution of Prākrit literature to Indian culture:
Prakrit literature contains a wonderful linguistic, literary and spiritual heritage that has considerably influenced the Modern Indian Languages and literature, Aryan and some of the Dravidian too. It records the noble thoughts and messages of Asoka, one of the greatest monarches of the world. The canonical section of Prakrit literature presents some brilliant chapters in the history of human thought. They may be said to be Ahimsā (non-violence), Anekāntavāda (propounding respect for others' views) and Grhastha-dharma (ideal code of conduct for the layman, leading towards social health). It has preserved and propagated such lofty spiritual and ethical ideologics that have helped to nourish among the masses higher values of life and to set for them healthy moral standards. Gandhiji's principle of 'Truth and Non-violence can be said to be a modern fruit of such agc-long reslections and teachings. The society depicted in Prakrit literature, particularly in its narrative and lyric zones, is more popular and realistic than aristocratic and artificial. It embodies a mine of information and data that can take us towards more or less a complete religious, social and political picture of India of the period that could contribute its worthy mite to the civilization of cultural india, Prakrit literature provides rare and significant details. And a good knowledge or our past culture, we should remember, helps us to evaluate our present and plan the future.

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REFERENCES AND NOTES
Paper presented at the Staff Academy, Karnatak Arts College, Dharwad, in April, 1979 and published in the Jain Journal, Vol.XIV-2, 1979. (i) Aspects of Language, William J.Entwistle, Faber and Faber, London, pp.26 ff. (ii) Azilian culture belongs to the upper Palaeolithic age or old stone age. On the Art of Writing, Sir Arthur Quiller-Couch, Guild Books No.426, Cambridge, 1954, p.42. 'Some Problems of Indo-Aryan Philology', B.S.O.S, Vol. V, Part IV, London, 1930, p.720. Inaugural Address, Proceedings of the Seminar of Scholars in Prakrit Studies, Shivaji University, Kolhapur 1969, pp.12
If
(i) According to Dr.S.K.Chatterjee the original discourses of the Buddha were in the Western Prācyā (Ardhamagadhi) : The origin and Development of the Bengali Language, Vol.I, Calcutta, 1926, pp.56-77. (ii) Buddhagboşa, regarded Pali as synonym for Buddhavacana, speech of the Buddha. But this is not correct. For details on this point vide Māgadhi and its Formation, by Dr.Munishwar Jha, Calcutta, 1967, pp.35-39. For further details vide Dr.Upadhye's observations in his essay on “Prakrit Literature', Shipley's Encyclopedia of Literature, Vol.I, New York, 1946. On the orgin of Sanskrit and the Prakrits, K.B.Pathak Commemoration Volume, Poona, p.321. Language, London, 1931, pp.275-276.
8.

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(i) It is also customary to treat of this development of the Indo-Aryan family into three sections: Old Indo-Aryan, Middle Indo-Aryan and New Indo-Aryan.
(ii) Grierson divides the growth of the Indo-Aryan speech in the following manner: (i) The spoken languages of the Vedic times (2000 B.C. to 600 B.C.): Primary Prakrits (ii) Those between 600 B.C. and 1100 A.D.: Secondary Prakrits; and (iii) The Modern Indo-Aryan languages: Tertiary Prakrits. Prakrit Languages and their Contribution to Indian Culture, Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, Bombay, 1945, p.7.
And noted by Dr.Jha, Ibid., p.6.
Vide Ibid., p.7.
There is also the Pali canon of the Buddhists that theorotically comes under this category.
Vide Dr.Katre, Ibid., p.84.
(i) Vide Dr.Katre, Ibid., p.85.
(ii) It may be noted that Benfey, in his famous introduction to the Pañcatantra, asserted that India was the home of all fairy tales and stories found in different parts of the world. But Winternitz prefers to have a cautious view that numerous stories current all over the world could be traced back to India. He further observes that the Shherzada in the Arabian Nights stands in form, spirit and role parallel to Kanayamañjari in the Prakrit commentary (the Sukhabodha of Devendra) of the 11th century A.D. Vide Some Problems of Indian Literature, Calcutta, 1925, pp.7172.
The Vasudevahindi.
The Perungadai and the Vasudevanar sindam.
(i) This sub-tale compares well with the story of Madanasena and that of two Brahmins: Kesata and Kandarpa in Somadeva's Kathāsaritsagara, which is younger than the Vaddaradhane. (ii) There is also a possibility of this sub-tale

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19.
being taken from a Prakrit or Kannada version of the Great Tale or picked up from an oral tradition. Ancient Indian Erotics and Erotic Literature, Calcutta, 1969, p.11. (i) A number of similar verses in Apabhramsa have been compiled by Hemacandra in his Prakrit Grammar. (ii) The Vajjālaggam is another such anthology, but planned topically. Rajasekhara tells in his Karpūramanjarī that the Sattaka is to be danced. According to I.Shekhar, the Sanskrit drama has come to the Aryans from the Dravidians and Pre-Aryans. Vide Introduction to the Sanskrit Drama : Its Origin and Decline, Leiden, 1960.

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307
PRAKRIT LANGUAGES AND
KARNATAKA
In the course of the long history of about 3500 years of the Indo-Aryan speech, the Prakrits have played an important role by contributing their own significant mite to the cultural life of India, as reflected in their literature, and covering a lengthy period of about 1700 years from the days of Mahavira and the Buddha (600 B.C.) until the 11th century A.D., when the modern Indo-Aryan languages began to appear. And Karnataka has also been, naturally, a receptive ground for such a role to some extent. It is rather difficult to say exactly when the Prakrit speaking people came to Karnataka. But there is a persistent South Indian tradition, the historicity of which is accepted now by eminent scholars, of the immigration of the Jaina Sangha from the North, headed by Bhadrabahu I and accompanied by Candragupta Maurya to the South and establishing a colony at Kalbappu (Śravanabelgola) in 300 B.C. Or, according to some scholars, Candragupta came to Shravanabelgola which presumably formed a part of his own empire. It is also possible that the Jaina and the Buddhist monks, who spoke Magadhan Prakrit dialects, reached this region by different routes, including the one via Kalinga, still earlier.
The first historic evidence of the influence of Prakrit on the Karnataka region is borne by the Asokan Inscriptions found in its different parts viz., in the districts of Chitradurga, Raichur

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and Bellary. These inscriptions belong to the group of Minor Rock Edicts of Asoka. It is interesting to note that out of 17 such edicts so far found in different parts of India, 8 are located in Karnataka alone, indicationg thereby that in those days (C.300 B.C.) Karnataka was a notable part of the Mauryan Empire, with Prakrit as its official language and with Isila as the Seat of Government of the Karnataka territories unter it. Curiously enough, for about 300 years i.e., after Asoka and up to the 1st Century A.D., we have not been able to discover so far any Prakrit inscription though there could have been some. But then we do have several Prakrit inscriptions in the Brahmi script (with southern peculiarities), belonging to the period between the 1st Century A.D. and 4th Century A.D. and found in different parts of Karnataka that formed the settlements of the Satavahanas, the Cutus, the Pallavas and also a part of the Kadamba kingdom. The latest Prakrit inscription so far sound in Karnataka is thc Candravalli record (C.350 A.D.) of the Kadamba Mayūravarman. All these factores indicate that Prakrit was the official language under each of these dynastics during this period. Thus the period between 300 B.C., the days of Asoka, and C.450 A.D., the date of the Halmidi inscription, can be called the Prakrit Period of Karnataka Inscriptions. Moreover, these inscriptions form an important source of political, religious and social history of Karnataka. These have also served as models for the newly emerging Kannada script and inscription:
When Prakrit had the status of official language under some dynastics ruling over some parts of Karnataka during the early centuries of the Christian era, it also happened to be a medium of literary compositions at the hands of a few eminent authors. Of the basic sutras, in Prakrit, of the Satkhandagama, 177 on Satparūvanā are said to have been composed at Banavasi by Puspadanta (C.100 A.D.) of whose domicile we have no clear idea. Then the great. Kundakunda (C.100-200 A.D.), now well proved to have belonged to Karnataka, composed several texts in

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Prakrit which, later, formed a substantial part of the Pro-canon of the Digambaras. His major works are : (1) Pañcastikāya, (2) Pravacanasāra and (3) Samayasāra. His other works are : Niyamasāra, the Prakrit Bhaktis, the eight Pāhudas, Bārasa Anuvekkhā cic. He is also said to have written a commentary, called Parikamma, on the basic sūtras of the Satkhandagama. It is worth noting that all the works of Kundakunda are in Prakrit. The Mularadhanā of Sivarya (C. 100 A.D.) and the Mülacara of Vattakera (C. 100-200 A.D.), respectfully and together mentioned in the Kannada Vaddarādhane and Cāvundarāyapurāna, appear to have been composed in Karnataka. Vattakera's name is associated with the modern Betgeri District Dharwad), while Śivārya might have been an outsider. Then the two works on Jaina cosmography, the Lokavibhāga of Sarvanandi (C.500 A.D.) and the Tiloyapannatti of Yativrsabha (C. 600 A.D.) were in all probability composed in Karnataka. Then come the Prakrit portions of the great Satkhandagama. We should particularly note that the Dhavala (816 A.D.) contains 75% of it in Prakrit. At this context we cannot assord to ignore the Prakrit portions of the Cudamni of Tumbalurācārya and the Paddhati of Syāmakundacārya, which also were commentaries on thc Śatkhandagama, but lost irrecoverably The study of the early Prakrit texts and commentaries like the Dhavalā ctc. by the Jaina monks and scholars in Karnataka appears to have been kept alive as late as 10th Century A.D., when Nemicandra, widely known as the Siddhānta Chakravarti, prepared a digest of the Dhavalā etc. in the Gommatesāra for his royal disciple Cāmundarāya, who got erected the world-famous monolithic stalute of Bahubali at Shravanabelgola. He also composed the Dravyasangraha, a manual of Jaina dogmatics. There are also found in the Moddabidri Manuscript Library, come Prakrit texts of his authorship and preserved in the Kannada script Tibhaingi, Payadisamukhittana, Vísaparūvanā etc. It is so very interesting to

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note here that all the Prakrit works and Prakrit portions of commentatorial works, noted above, are in the Jäina Sauraseni Prakrit, conveniently so called by Prof.R.Pischcl, though this literary Prakrit dialect also has several Ardhamāgadhi and a few Maharantri features. Another important point regarding this Saurasení literature is that almost the whole of it is produced by the Digambara monks and scholars in the Karnataka region. Scveral of these basic texts are endowed with Kannada commentaries, most of which are still in the manuscript form. Moreover, thesc authors and their works have considerably influenced and shaped the contemporary and later Kannada literature.
Karnataka has also produced a Prakrit Grammar at the hands of Trivikrama (1300 A.D.). He is noted as the pioneer of the Southern School of Prakrit grammarians. Originally belonging to Andhra country, he seems to have come to Karnataka later,
There is not, so far, found any Māhārāntri Prakrit work composed in Karnataka. But there is a possibility of several verses in the Gathasaptasati having been composed by poets from Karnataka, who can hardly be identified on the strength of their bare names given in some of the manuscripts. Some scholars hold that Narasimha, poet of gathā 4.14 and Arikesari, poet of gathas 2.59 and 3.20, belong to Karnataka. The Kannada word, gāde (wise saying), derived from gathā and found in currency even to this day, rather indicates the possibility that the Prakrit gathās were very popular in Karnataka in early days.
Similarly no work in Paisaci Prakrit seems to have been produced in Karnataka. However, the Ganga King Durvinīta (C.600 A.D.), who is said to have translated the Paisāci Brhatkatha in Sanskrit, could have, in all probability, rendered it into Kannada also, for he is mentioned as an eminent Kannada prose writer by Nrpatunga in his Kavirajamārga. Moreover, some Paisaci speaking itinerent tribes or colonists in South India (including Karnataka) might have refluenced the Kannada language in case of J>c etc. Such influence could also be from Pali, for Māgadhi had hardly

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any chance for it.
When we come to Apabhramsa, the last stage of literary Prakrit, we have two great Apabhramsa poets, Svayambhū (C.9th Century A.D.) and Punpadanta (10th Century A.D.), who chose Karnataka as their favourite land for their literary activities. Svayambhu's Paumacariu and Ritthanemicariu are valuable Mahakavyas, whereas his Svyambhūchanda is a unique work on metrics. Then Punpadanta, unter the patronage of Bharata and Nanna during the reign of the Rantrakūta King Krsna III, composed (1) Mahāpurāna, (2) Nayakumaracariu and (3) Jasaharacariu. The Mahāpurāna is a work of great merit and importance. Besides, Kanakamara the poet of Karakanducariu, shows a close acquaitance with Karnataka as reflected in his details dscription of the jaina caves at Terā, the old Tagara of the Silahāras. Apabhramsa has also influenced Kannada lliterature in some respects. The Kannada metrical form Raghatā or Ragale is nothing but an adaptation of the Apabhramsa Pajjhadia metre. Such adaptation, first seen in Pampa, has had its several varieties later.
This is all that we could know about the literary Prakrits in Karnataka. But the Prakrit speaking people, since they came in contact with the Kannada speaking ones, must have influenced the Kannada language, of which process we have no early evidence. However, such linguistic iníluence is found reflected in some early Kannada inscriptions and literary works like the Vaddarādhane etc., wherein are found pure Prakrit words and words with Prakritic influence (including back formations) like dhamma, cāga, jasa, vakkhānisu, pāguda, gudda etc. Then the Apabhramsa chapter in the Sabdamanidarpana of Kesirāja happens to be partly a replica of the Phonological Section of the Prakrit grammar. Thus the lexical contribution of Prakrit to Kannada is considerable and in this respect the Jainas have a bulky share.
It is essential to note that Kannada has not remained as just receiver from Prakrits. But it has also lent several words,

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particularly through Maharastri and Apabhramsa, to Prakrit in general and enriched its vocabulary. The words like tuppa, kona, beli, bhandi, gomjala etc., which are listed as Desi by Prakrit lexi-cographers and grammarians, are but Kannada vocables borrowed into Prakrit at different contexts and times. All this indicates the spirit of co-operation, accomodation and appreciation prevailing among the masses and writers using these languages.
At present Prakrit languages and literature are studied in some of the colleges and Universities in Karnataka. At times they also appear, in the form of quotations etc., on the tongues of erudite persons in the course of their sermons and learned talks.

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SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY
Contributed to the Karnataka Gazetteer, Vol.II, Bangalore, 1983. Prakrit Languages and Their Contribution to Indian Culture, by S.M.Katre, Bombay, 1945. Prakrita Sahitya kā llihāsa, by J.C.Jain, Varanasi, 1966. Medieval Jainism, by B.A.Saletore, Bombay, 1938. Karnataka Through the Ages, Bangalore, 1968. Kannada Prāntiya Tādapatria Granthasūci, Ed.K.Bhujabali Shastri, Varanasi, 1948. Studies in Prakrit Inscriptions, by G.S.Gai, Proceedings of the Seminar in Prakrit Studies, Pune, 1970. Karnatakadalliya Prākrita Bhāṣā Sāsanagalu, by S.K.Koppa, Karnataka Bharati, Vol. XI-1. Vaddarādhanc : A Study, by B.K.Khadabadi, Dharwad, 1979. Influence of Middle Indo-Aryan Literature on Kannada Literature, by idem, Proceedings of the Seminar on Prakrit Studies (1973), Ahmedabad, 1978. Jaina Sauraseni Literature and Karnataka, by idem, Jaina Antiquary, Vol. XXVIII-1-2. On the Paisací Origin of Kannada Language, by idem, Sambodhi, Vol. VI - 1-2. Kannada words in Desi Stock, by idem, Journal of Karnatak University (Hum.), Vol. VII.
9.

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KARNATAK AND JAINA SAURASENI LITERATURE
In the introductory part of his Medieval Jainism1 Dr.B.A.Saletore records a South Indian tradition in the following words: "The advent of Jainism into Karnatak, and, therefore, into South India, is connected with the immigration of the Jainas under their celebrated leader Bhadrabahu, the last of the great Śrutakevalis and his desciple the Maurya Emperor Candragupta" And I may add here that with the immigration of the Jaina Sangha into Karnatak is connected the sowing of the seed of the socalled Jaina Šauraseni literature, the major part of which was produced in the Karnatak region itself, and which prominently influenced and shaped the Kannada literature in its early and medieval period.
The Jaina Sangha, that most probably built their first colony at Śravanabelgola, no doubt spoke some Prakrit dialect; but we have no evidence to say definitely what its nature was. But this much appears to be naturally possible that soon after their immigration into Karnatak they learnt the Kannada language, gradually cultivated it, enriched it by lending Prakrit words for expressing abstract and religious ideas, laid the foundation of literary Kannada and built a grand structure on it. Besides, for centuries together they continued to be the intellectual custodians of the land. Regarding the immigration of the Jaina Sangha and their spoken language, Dr.Nemichandra Shastri holds that the

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Sangha headed by Bhadrabahu reached Kalbappu via Ujjain and Girnar and with the Sangha entered into Karnatak the Old Śauraseni.S Then Emperor Khāravela through his political relations with several kings of South India strengthened the position of this Śauraseni Prakrit. Then Puspadanta and Bhutabali, by composing the basic sutras of the Satkhandagama in this language, acquired for it canonical sanctity and antiquarian importance. After this, Acarya Kundakunda set this language on the throne of the grand literary medium of the Agama works in Karnatak. This hypothetical line of thought indeed deserves an intensive study, but in the light of the opinions of some scholars in this regard, we should particularly remember here R.Pischel who for the first time called the Prakrit language of the early Digambara dogmatical and religious works Jaina Šauraseni, mainly on the ground of its observing the phonetic law of softening the dentals: t>d and th>dh". Jacobi, however, finds that except the observance of this phonetic law, this Prakrit however has nothing in common with the Sauraseni. Besides, in the ancient Šauraseni of the Sanskrit drama (Asvaghosa) the softening of the dentals is not found, nor could it be the influence of the later Saurasení upon the certainly more archaic Digambara Prakrit. Denccke observes that Pichel's styling this language as Jaina Šauraseni is not relevant for it bears more Ardhamagadhi features that those of the Sauraseni along with a few of Jaina Mahārāstrī and Apabhramsa too. He would rather call it the Digambari language. Thus an attempt at sketching a line from the spoken language of the immigrating Jaina Sangha to its development of their literary medium bristles with several knotty problem. With all this Pischel's designation of this language viz, the Jain Sauraseni, has come to stay as a 'convenient term' and we too shall honour it.
315
After briefly, acquainting ourselves with the history of the Jaina Sauraseni language, let us now take a broad survey of the Jaina Sauraseni literature produced in Karnatak.? In the very early days the Jaina monk as a rule could not possess any book.

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Knowledge was passed from tongue lo tongue and from generation to generation. But later owing to the diminished power of memorizing on the part of the monks, hardships of nature and growth of knowledge, books were allowed to be composed and possessed. A little earlier than this practice was set into routine, there must have apprcared several Prakrit inscriptions on the model of Ashokan edicts found in the different parts of Karnatak. Now a comprehensive and historical study of the available early Prakrit inscriptions of Karnatak such as found in Vadgaum, Banavāsi, Malavalli, Candravalli etc., together with those recently found ones al Sannatti and Belavadgil', is a desideratum. And there is no wonder if such study showed features of the Jaina Sauraseni literature of the dogmatical and religious works.
After considering inscriptional form of literature, I enumerate below the literary works, with their authors wherever available, of dogmatical, religious and cosmographical nature composed in the Jaina Śauraseni Prakrit (JS):
Ācārya Kundakunda (c. 1st cent. A.D.) who undoubtedly belonged to Karnatak, composed almost all of his works in the JS: They are Samayasāra, Pavayanasāra, Pamcatthikaya, Niyamasāra, Rayanasāra, Chappahuda, Dasabhatti and Bārasānuvekkhā. He is also said to have written a commentary called Parikamma on the basic sūtras of the Satkhandāgama. This Commentary, which is not available must have been in the J'Ś.
Then comes Vattakera (c. 1st cent. A.D.) with his Mulacara and Trivarnacara which is not available. Some scholars say Vattakera is another neme of Kundakunda; but there is no proof for this. Pt.Premi associates the name of Vattakera with the modern Betgeri in the Dharwad District of Karnatak."
Sivārya (1st-2nd A.D.), who has composed his great Mülaradhanā or Bhagavati Aradhanā, is said to have belonged to Karnatak by Dr.Umarji who, unfortunately has identified his
(Sivarya) with the author of the Kannada Vaddaradhane (c. 925

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A.D.)'2. We have no solid cvidence to show that Śivarya belonged to Karnataka. But taking into consideration Acarya Jainasena's reference to him as 'Sivakotimunīsvara:13 the great tradition of Arādhanā literature in Kannada, in Karnataka, 4 the respectful mention of the Aradhanā (Mūlarādhanā) together with the Acara (Mūlacara) in the early works like the Vaddarādhanc's and Cāmundaraya Purana!. I feel that Śivārya had very close association with Karnatak.
Yativrsabha's Tiloyapannatti (C. 6th Cent. A.D.) is a great work on the Jaina Cosmography which appears to have been composed in Karnalak according to Dr. Upadhye.
At this context it is worth noting that the Prakrit (metrical) work Lokavibhāga of Sarvanandi (5th Cent. A.D.) which is referred to by Yativrsabha, but which is lost, also appears to have been composed in Karnatak.19
Then come the Prakrit portions of the great Satkhandagama. We should particularly note that the Dhavalā Commentary composed in 72,000 verses by Virasena (816 A.D.) containesd 75% of it in the JS. At this context we cannot ignore, the Prakrit portions, most likely to be in the Jaina Śaurasení, of the Cūdamani of Tumbaluracārya and the Paddhati of Syāmakundācārya which also were the Commentaries on the Sathandāgama, but which are irrevocably lost.20
Acārya Nemicandra (10th Cent. A.D.), widely known as the Siddhānta Cakravarti, trod the very path of Acarya Kundakunda in composing his works like Dravya Sangraha, Gommațasāra Labdhisāra, Tibhangi, Payadisumukkittana, Visaparūvanā etc.21
Māghanandi's (13th Cent. A.D.) Šāstrasāra-Samuccaya and Padārthasāra contain Prakrit portions which are in the JS.
Then scholars like Śrutamuni (15th Cent. A.D.)22 the author of the Bhāvatibhangi, and the Asavatibhangi, most likely to be the JS, appear to have flourished in Karnataka. Similar is the case of

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Jinacandra (16th Cent.), the author of the Siddhāntasāra.23
Similarly the great Kannada Commentators on Prakrit works like Balacandramuni (12th Cent. A.D.), Subhacandra (C. 12th Cent. A.D.) and Prabhācandra (C. 13th Cent. A.D. might have composed works also in the JS which have not come down to
US 24
Lastly several stray Prakrit works like Siddhantaasāra, Sakalagamasāra, Paramagamasāra of unknown authors,” preserved in the Kannada script, appear to be in the JS.
It is not all that these Digambara Jaina monks and scholars composed their numerous works in the Jaina Sauraseni Prakrit in the Karnatak region. It is these very authors and their works that influenced and shaped the contemporary and later Kannada literature : A bird's eyeview of the relevant portions of the Kavicarite Parts I and II and of the lists of manuscripts of Jaina works, with their available details, stored in the libraries of the Jaina Matha and the Jaina Bhavan at Mudabidari as given in KTGS, would show us with what sincerity and zeal the hundreds of manuscripts of all these Prakrit (JS) works have been preserved in the Kannada script.26 Many of these are endowed with several Kannada Commentaries. The most commented authors are Ācārya Kundakunda and Acarya Nemicandra.27 The known commentators are Balacandramuni, śubhacandra, Prabhācandra, Kanakacandra, Maghanandi, Padmaprabha, Viranandi, Kesavavarni, Santikirti etc, the first three being the most celebrated ones.28 Besides the commentaries there appeared translations and digests of several Prakrit works, and independent works in Kannada were also produced. For instance, Karmaprakriti by an unknown scholar, Samayasāra by Brahmadeva, Dvādaśānuprekșa by Vijayanna appear to be translations.29 Muni Padmanandi has presented a digest of Pavayanasāra." and there are found several works that appear to be of independent, nature: Parmagamasāra of Candrakirti (C.1400 A.D.), Trilokaśataka of Ratnakaravarni (C.1557)31 and Dhyānalakșana, Lokasvarūpa, Paramāgamasāra, Sakalāgamasāra etc.

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of unknown scholars.32
Apart from the creation of such dogmatical, religious and cosmographical works in Kannada, narrative works like the Vaddaradhane are based on similar works in the Jaina Sauraseni viz., Mūlāradhana, Aradhana Tikā etc. Moreover several Kannada authors of the Puranas, Caritas, Kathās etc., must have drawn upon the Jaina Sauraseni works like Pavayanasara, Dravyasangaha, Tiloyapannatti, Mulacara, Mularadhana etc, to make their literary pieces perfect and fine.
Thus the Jaina monks and scholars that immigrated into Karnataka, at the beginning composed their works in their own language viz the Jaina Saurasen, brought the native language to the literary level by cultivating it and finally merged their literary genius, together with themselves, into the general culture of the land of their adoption which they loved as their own, which fact is lucidly reflected in the famous Kuppatur Inscription of 1408 A.D.33
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"Among the many beautiful countries it (the Bharatakhanda) contained, an abode of the Jina-dharma, a mine of good discipline like the dwelling of the Padmasena (Brahma), having acquired great fame, the birth place of learning and wealth, the home of unequalled splendid earnestness, thus disinguished in many ways was the lovely Karnatak Country".

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REFERENCES AND NOTES
Paper presented at the All India Seminar on Jainism (Karnatak University) Dharwad 1975 and published in the Jain Antiquary, Vol. xxviii, 1976. Karnatak Publishing House, Bombay 1938, p.3. This tradition corroborated by several literary, cpigraphic and archaeological evidences, is of course accepted as a fact of history by eminent scholars like Rice, Smith, Sheshagiri Rao, Aiyangar, Sharma, Saletore etc. As reflected in the Kavirājamārga of Nrpatunga viz., Verses 27-32. Prakrta Bhasa aur Sahityaka Alocanātmaka Itihāsa, Varanasi 1966, pp.43-44. At this context I am tempted to note here a novel thesis putforth by Dr.S.B.Joshi who holds that the Prakrit that flourished on the banks of the Jamunā was born of the association of the Yādavas, who were Dravidians, with the Aryans. And the Kandamil, language of these people was converted into Kannada owing to its association with Sanskrit and Prakrit. Moreover some Jainas that moved from the North to Karnatak already knew Kannada. Vide Karnataka Samskrtiya Pūravapīthike, Dharwad 1966-67 Part I, P.538 part II p.83. Comparative Grammar of the Prakrit languages, English Tr. by Subhadra Jha, Delhi 1957, Intro P.21. Introduction to Bhavisattakahā: Younger literary Prakrits,
6.
pp.81-99.
Communication over Digambara Texts, Hermann Jacobi,

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pp.160-168, English Tr. by Dr.Ghatge. This survey is not claimed to be exhaustive. In respect of some literary forms it is suggestive or representative. Vidc Studies in Prakrit Instructions, Proceedings of the Seminar in Prakrit Studies, Poona 1970, pp.120-121. (i) Jaina Sahitya aur Itihās, Bombay, 1956, pp.548-549. (ii) Dr.A.N.Upadhye opines that Trivarnācāra can be attributed netiether to Vattakera nor to Kundakunda: In the course of discussion at the Seminar. Karnatak Bhārati, Vol.6 No.4 pp.114-115. Adipurāna 1-49. Vide my, paper Bhagavati Aradhanā Commentaries on it, Kathākosas associated with it and old Kannada literature, Journal of Oriental Institute, Vol.XXII, No.4. Vide ibid. Vide ibid. Dr.Jyoti Prasad Jaina suggests that sivarya was a Northerner; The Jaina Sources of the History of India, Delhi 1964, p.128. Karnataka Through Ages, Dharwar, 1960 p.475. Vide ibid. Kavicarite I, Bangalore 1961. The last three are noted in the Kannada Prāntiya Tādapatriya Grantha Suci, (KTGS) Kashi 1948. As the book possesses good indexes, details of reference are not given. KTGS.
15.
Ibid.
24.
For details on these scholars vide Kavicarite I & II and KTGS, KTGS. Ibid. Ibid.
26. 27.

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28. 29. 30. 31. 32.
Ibid Ibid. Ibid. Kavicarite II. (i) KTGS, (ü) At the close of this survey, I may just observe that a well planned study of the Kannada Commentaries, on, and the digests and translations of the Prakrit (JS) works, together with the corresponding independent books, most of which are still in the manuscript form, would yield very promising results of religious, linguistic and literary value. Epigraphia Carnatica, VOL. VIII, SB.251, pp. 41 & 107.
33.

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38
ON THE PAISACÍ ORIGIN OF
KANNADA LANGUAGE
Paisaci is one of the very archaic Prakrit dialects. It is in Paisací that Gunadhya composed his great Brhatkathā which could stand in rank with the Rāmāyana and the Mahābhārata. But unfortunately the Brhatkathā is irrecoverably lost; no other literary work in Paisací has come down to us; and we have to depend mainly on grammarians like Hemacandra who has described the language fairly well in his Siddhahema Sabdanusasana. Because of its peculiar and independent nature, Paisací has been considered as the fourth language besides Sanskrit, Prakrit and Apabhramsa. Phonologically Paisací shows closer relation with Sanskrit and Pāli.
Often attempts are made to trace isolated characteristics of Paisacī in one language or the other. An attempt is made to detect Dravidian affinities in the so called Paisaci language of the North West, on the ground that Paisāci was connected with the Dravidian Group of languages. Moreover scholars like Prof.Muliya Timmappayya and Dr. V.R.Umarjio have tried to prove that the Kannada language originated from the Paisaci one! I propose to examine, in this paper, this theory of the Paisací origin of the Kannada language and also present a few observations on the samc.
Prof. Muliya Timmappayya's line of thought regarding the

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theory of the Paisaci origin of the Kannada language can be summarised as follows:
(i)
Pampa in his Vikramarjuna Vijaya (941 A.D.) states: Amalayacalahimagiri
Simavanitala (le) Bengimandalado! ce
Ivagame tanagadondūr
namadolam Vengipalu karam sogāyisuguṁ // (40, A.XIV)
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"There is the beautiful town Vengipalu spreading its fame all around in the country in the country of Bengi that extended from Mount Malaya to Mount Himalaya.' bengi or vengi is derived from the Kannada bel meaning pisaca. So vengimandala means the country of the Pisacas whose language was Paisaci. The modern Karnatak is a part of the ancient Vengimandala. Hence Kannada is born of Paisaci.
(ii)
(iii)
Moreover Culika Paisaci, the sub- dialect of Paisacī, is named after Coladeśa where it was spoken.
The names of the some modern towns and cities in Karnatak also owe their origin to the term beļ (Piśāca) and, thus, support the theory very well: bel- gāma (Belgaum); bel- kola (Belgola): and same is the case with Bellary, Bangalore etc.,
Lastly, that indeed was belnudi or Pisaca language (mother of Kannada language) which had less admixture of the Aryan linguistic elements. Dr.V.R.Umarji advances, at first, a novel theory that all

(iv)
(v)
Further, from this, bel or venginad developed the term bekanata (one belonging to the Pisaca country) occuring in the Rgveda (VII, 7.66): belvengibeka. etc. Therefore the extensive country of Vengi existed prior to the Vedic period itself and this glorious territorial picture was before Pampa's mind when he referred to Vengipalu.

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Indian languages, Gaudian and Dravidian, go to the Sanskrit origin. He presents some comparative material in cach, Ch.II Phonology, Ch.III Vocabulary, Ch.IV Morphology and Ch.V, Syntax. It is in Ch.VII, Conclusions that he draws a corollary form his general theory, noted above, that Kannada is originally a Paisaci language. In support of this statement he gives some "evidences' from literature and grammatical works:
(i) Ranna's statement navabhūtabhāṣā etc, in his Gadāyuddha (iv.41) carries the meaning of the New Paisaci Language i.e., Kannada, bhūtabhāsa being Paisacī.
(ii) Vātāpi, Ilvala etc., referred to as Piśācas in the Rāmāyana, lived in the present Badami region in Karnataka. The place-name Bädāmi has come after Vätāpi. Hence the ancient Karriatak is Pisacadesa and the language spoken there then was Paisaci from which originated the Kannada language.
(iii) Thus Paišācī flourished in the Bādāmi region of Karnatak; but Cūlikā Paisací flourished in Coladesa, the modern Tamil Nadu,
(iv) Coladesa was also called Drāvidadesa. The Drāvidi (Prakrit) noted by Bharata in his Nātyaśastra or the Dravida Apabhramśa enlisted by Mārkandeya in his Prākrta Sarvasva, was a desi language viz., Paisacī, spoken in the region.
(v) Moreover Pisacadesa can be identified as Karnatak on the strength of Pampa’s Vengimandala and the Vedic bekanāta.'
(vi) Lastly the Agastya-Vindhya Episode and the Southward march of Rāma described in the Rāmāyana also lend support to the Paišācí origin of the Kannada language.
Now comming to Prof.Timmappayya, I would present the following observations on his line of thought:
(i) Pampa's statement on the Vengimandala is beset with a vague purport and its interpretation by the learned author appears
as a forced one. We do not understand why Pampa should bring

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before his mind the ancient vast Vengi country while describing the Vengipalu town of his time. Moreover if the Vengimandala, accounting to Pampa, had spread over the major part of Bharata, it would mean that the bulk of the Indian Sub-continent was occupied by Paisācas or the bulk of it was divided into Paisaci speaking provinces, to show which we have no evidence.
(ii) Then the Vedic bekanāța has been interpreted in different ways. The author himself tells that Apte identified it with Magadhadesa. Besides be! has different meanings in different contexts and in different times, thereby showing its semantic development: bellar-stupid, uncivilized beings, daśyus, bhūtas, pišācas etc. The author himself proposes that bellar can be taken to mean brave people. Hence the author's discussion on Vengi and his attempt at establishing its connection with bekanāta standing on very slippery ground, take us nowhere.
(iii) Cūlikā Paisací has nothing to do with Coladeśa. The names Cūlikā and Cola represent rather an accidental phonetic phenomenon than hold any linguistic interrelation. It is worth noting in this context that the Cūlikās, Sūlikās or Sūdikās are a northern tribe mentioned along with the Kaikeyas, Bāhlikas, Kambojas etc., in the various Purānas.” And Dr.P.C.Bagchi, after a thorough study of this problem, has finally established that the Cūlikās were originally Sogdians living to the north of the Oxus and that they moved into India, from the North-Western side. Hence Cūlikā Paisací should be considered to have been variety of North-Western Prakrit spoken by the Sogdians.
(iv) Connecting be! (pišāca) with Belgaum and Belgola etc. is not only phantastic but salso a wild surmise; because Bel-gama (Belgaum) is derived from Venugrāma (a village with plenty of bamboo trees) and Belgola or bel-kola (a place with a white pond). Similarly Bellary, Bengalorc etc, may be scrutinized by those who know the history of these names.

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(v) The statement that Paisací has less admixture of the Aryan linguistic elements is unauthoritative and contradictory to the accepted linguistic facts. We should no forget the fact that of all the Prakrit dialects Paisací is most akin to Sanskrit. 10
Now coming to Dr.Umarji, I would present the following observations: Instead of devoting the major portion of his small treatise i.e, six out of seven Chapters, lo trying to establih the Sanskritic origin of the Kannada language, the learned author should have done so to prove directly the Paisacī origin of the same. After this treatise came out, it may be noted, this theory of the Sanskritic origin of Kannada and other South Indian Languages was rightly, on the ground of the findings of the modern Linguistic Science, was not accepted by Dr.D.N.Shankar Bhatt."
(i) Ranna's poetic expression in 17.41 of his Gadayuddha (c.982 A.D.) cannot be taken in the grammarian's sense. Here navabhūtabhāseyim would mean 'in the new language of the goblins' moving on the battle field where the Mahābhārata was ended with success for Pandavas. It cannot be taken as Kannada. We should not forget to note the poet's similar expressions viz navarakta and navaveda in the earlier verse (IV.39). He mentions in the verse (IV.41) the name of Gunadhya just to heighten the effect of his poetic expression -iz., navabhutabhāsa as against Gunadhya's (old) bhutabhasa which term for Paisaci was used by scholars like Dandin and Vagbhata. Moreover we do not come across anywhere the usage of navabhūtabhāṣā in the sense of Kannada language either in the above discussed context or otherwise.
(ii) Wc necd not take the legend of Vatapi and livala, narrated in the Rāmāyana, to cut out a favourable linguistic possibility unless it is accorded by other dependable evidences - linguistic, geographical, historical etc. We should note that there is also a reference in the Mahabharata (Dronaparva, 499) which indicates that the Pisacas were a tribe living in the North-Western region." Pisacikā is a northern Puranic river emerging from mount

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Rkṣa. The Kashmirian legend of the Nagas and Pisacas, preserved in the Nilamata Purana, is much more appealing with its geographical and linguistic background. That Pesavar has come down from Pisacapura is much convincing with similar background. Moreover the concept of a pisaca is different in different traditions and times: The Yaksas in the Buddhist literature correspond to the Pisacas of the Hindu legends, cannabalism being a common characteristic in both. So Kalhana, in his Rajatarangini (1.184), equates Yakṣas and Pisacas. Yāska does not consider Kambojas to be Aryans and they are mentioned together with Pisacas, Khasas, Dardas etc. The word Pisaca is derived from pisitasis (cannibals, eaters of raw flesh). There are several traditions about the ancient cannibalism in the neighbourhood of the Hindukush: Krodhavasa, one of the wives of Kasyapa, after whom Kashmir is named, was the ancestress of the cannibal Pisitasis or Pisacas. Similarly another wife of his was Khasa of Yakṣas and Rākṣasas. Another legend makes Pisacas the children of Kapisa and there was an ancient town called Kapisa at the southern foot of the Hindukush. All these traditions and legends, with convincing geographical and linguistic background, go to indicate that formerly there were some cannibal tribes that inhabited the area in the neighbourhood of the Hindukush. Later legends associated this area with cannibals, pisitāsis or pisacas And when other people like Sogdians moved in and built colonies there, their language came to be called Paisaci.15 Thus the original home of Paisaci has to be located in the North-Western region of India.
14
(iii) That Culikā paisaci cannot be related with Coladesa, has been already shown above. And the argument that Dravidi (Prakrit) enlisted by Bharata or the Draviḍi Apabhramsa enumerated by Markandeya, was Paisaci can hardly be accepted. It is essential to note at this context that there is no agreement at all among the grammarians on the number as well as the nature of the sub- dialects of Paisaci: Vararuci, Canda and Namisadhu

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have not given any sub-dialect. Hemacandra adds Cūlikā Paisaci as a sub-dialect. Trivikrama, Lakshmidhara and Simharaja just follow Hemacandra. Purusottama gives three dialects viz. - Kaikeya, Saurasena and Pāñcala. Ramasarman gives these three and adds eight more. Markandeya, agreeing with Ramasarman about the Paisací dialocts, quotes some lines which indicate that Paisací had eleven regional dialects. 16 1. Kancidesīya,
2. Pandya, 3. Pāncala,
4. Gauda, 5. Magadha,
6. Vracada, 7. Dāksinātya,
8. Saurasena, 9. Kaikeya,
10. Sabara, 11. Drāvida
He further, describes only three of these viz, Kaikeya, Saurasena and Pāñcala and ignores the rest. Laksmidhara quotes two traditional verses which enumerate eleven Piśāca countries, 17 1. Pandya
2. Kekaya 3. Bahlika
4. Simha 5. Nepāla
6. Kuntala 7. Sudesna
8. Bhoja (Bhota ?) 9. Gāndhara
10. Haiva 11. Kannoja
Moreover there is no agreement among the Prakrit grammarians about the dialects of Prakrit itself : It is interesting to know that the seven Prakrit languages enumerated by Bharata viz., Māgadht, Avantija, Prācyā, Śaurasenī, Ardhamāgadhī, Bāhlikā and Dāksinātya are brought under the sub-dialects of Māgadhi and Paisaci by Canda in his grammar.18 This phenomenon may be noted in comparision with the various sub-dialects of Paisaci given above. Moreover we have no idea of the context as well as the authority of the quotations, left by Markandeya and
Laksmidhara, which could be of the nature of the traditional

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fiftysix Indian daughter languages born of the three and-a-half mother languages, as stated by Nagavarma and others. That there is no agreement between the eleven Paisací sub-dialects and the eleven Paisací speaking regions or provinces, itself creates doubts regarding the genuineness of the linguistic or geographical classification. Beside some sub- dialects are noted on the ground of difference of very minor points. Ramasarman, disapproves of such trend because it would be just like “differentiating between the sweetness of molasses and that of sugar.20 Again how can Kannada originate from a sub- dialect of Paisaci as well as from three and-a-half languages? In these circumstances we cannot take one or two particular grammarian's enumeration of the Paisaci sub-dialects for the purpose of establishing the theory of the Paisací origin of the Kannada language and that too ignoring the geographical, historical and linguistic factors.
(iv) It has already been observed above that Pampa’s Vengimandala or the Vedic bekanāta do not help us to identify Karnatak with the Pisaca country.
(v) And lastly, we do not understand how the Agastya-Vindhya episode and the southward march of Rama, described in the Rāmāyana, go to establish the Paisāci origin of the Kannada language. On the other hand, the reference of the Mahabhārata to the country of Pisacas noted by Pischel and the Kaśyapa-Krodhavašā legend or the legend of Kapiśā noted by Grierson, are much more appealing with their present day geographical background and linguistic conditions.
Thus none of the two scholar's grounds viz, literary evidence (Purānic, epic or modern), etymologiging words like bel, vengi or bekanāta, and particular grammarians classifications of the sub-dialects of Paisacī, give us any scope to say that the Kannada language originated from the Paisaci one.
Keeping aside the question of duly applying the principles of modern Linguistic Science, neither of the scholars has listed even a few commonest Kannada words for such as hand, leg, eye,

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ear, father, mother, brother, I, thou etc. as to have been derived from thcir corresponding Paisací ones. It is Grierson, who devoted the major part of his life to the study of the Indian languages, has also given considerable thought to Paisacī, its sub- dialects and its legacy.
In his esteemed treatise, the Pisaca Languages of North-Western India, 22 this distinguished linguistician has presented a thorough study of the North-Western languages viz Kāfir, Kho-wār (Citrāli) and Dard i.e, Eastern group viz., Sina, Kasmiri, Garwi and Maiya; and this study shows that these languages are undoubtedly related with our archaic Paisací : "I think I am justified in saying that nearly every characteristic of that form of specch (Paisacī), as recorded by the Prakrit grammarians, is present in them. I therefore, consider myself justified in clasing them together under the name of Modern Paisacī.»23 He concludes the study with the following lincs : “The Modern Paisací languages are neither of Indian origin nor of Eranian origin, but form a third branch of the Aryan stock, which separated from the parent stem after the branching forth of the original of the Indian languages, but before the Eranian languages had developed all their peculiar characteristics.":24
At this stage one feels like raising a question as to what has Grierson to say about the various sub-dialects of Paisacī as mentioned by grammarians like Markandeya? Yes, Grierson does take note of Markandeya with the following observations : “I do not deny that in later times there may have been people called Pisacas or even Pisaca colonists, in other parts of the country, but that opens out too wide. a question to be discussed here." And Dr. Upadhye has suggested20 a fairly reasonable solution to the problem of the appearance of the so called Psisaci colonies in widely separated parts of India : "It may be stated that the North-West of India was possibly the original home of Paisacī, but the dialect in the mouths of an itinerant tribe travelled in different parts of the country and was popular near Vindhyas some time before Rajasekhara. This conclusion has been further supported

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by the facts that the basic or standard Paisacī is called Kaikeya Paisací by Purusottama and others, and that Dr. Bagchi has also arrived at the conclusion that Cūlikā Paisací might have been a variety of North-Western Prakrit spoken by Sogdians. The fact that Sogdians were zealous traders would explain the spreading of Paisací over a wider arca”. This indicates that there might have been some Paisācí speaking itinerant tribes or colonists here and there in South India too. But it does not mean that all the provinces of South India had Paisaci as their main language from which the later languages, like Kannada etc., could spring up. There is, however, a possibility of some mutual borrowings of a lexical type, along with which a few phonetic peculiarities might have also come down to us.
At this juncture a few names, current even in the present day Karnatak that have one or two Paisaci features come to my mind : Rācappa (j>c), Rācamalla (j>c); Rācanāyaka (j>c).27 That such change could be spontaneous on the tongue of sonie Kannada community, cannot be denied. But the peculiar name Kiññanna (snññ) does contain a Paisaci feature if not a Pāli or Māgadhi one.28

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*
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
REFERENCES AND NOTES
Paper presented at the 28th Session of the All India Oriental Conference (Prakrit and Jainism Section), held at the Karnatak University, Dharwad in November, 1976 and published in the Sambodhi, Vol. VI, 1977
Vide R.Pischel, Comparative Grammar of the Prakrit Languages, English Tr. by Subhadra Jha, Varanasi 1957, p.30.
(i) The Dravidian Affinities of the Paisacī Languages, by K.A.Row, Sir Asutosh Mookerjee Silver Jubilee Volume III, Orientalia Part 2, pp.427-32.
Nadoja Pampa, Mangalore 1938, Ch.IV Vengimandala, pp.85-127.
Kannada Language: Its Origin and Development, Dharwar 1969, Ch.VII, pp.91-94.
Presented Op.cit.
Op.cit.

333
Prof.Muliya Timmappayya's arch 'evidence' which Dr.Umarji acknowledge.
(i) Vide Studies in the Geography of Ancient and Medieval India, Dr.D.C.Sircar, Delhi 1960, p.26.
(ii) Vide also A Concordance of Purana Contents (CPC), Yashapal Tandon, V.I., Series 3, Hoshiyarpur 1952, p.29. (i) Vide Journal of the Department of Letters, Vol.XXI, (ii) Vide Dr.D.C.Sircar, Op.cit., p.26.,
(iii) Vide also Dr.A.N.Upadhye, Loc.cit.
Vide Pischel, Op.cit., p.30.

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11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
17.
18.
19.
20.
21.
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Vide, Why Kannada is not born of Sanskrit, Samyukta Karnataka Daily, 8.3.1972.
Pischel notes this more than once, Op.cit., p.29.
Vide CPC, p.51.
For further details on these legends and traditions, vide The Pahari Language, by George Grierson, Indian Antiquary Vol.XLIII, pp.143-151.
(i) And thereafter this Paisaci appears to have been imposed on goblins (Bhūtas, Pisacas, Raksasas) of imagination or belief by narrators of storics, religious men and literary figures.
(ii) Gunadhya's Paisacī in which is composed his Brhatkatha was literary Prakrit possibly agreeing with that of Hemacandra's Paisaci description.
(iii) Some scholars believe that Hemacandra's Paisacī illustrative quotation is the benedictory verse of the Brhatkatha itself.
(i) It may be noted that Nos.1, 2, 7 and 11 together do not make any feasible sense.
(ii) Moreover, it is difficult to imagine the region of the Sabaras.
The term kuntala has been used vaguely. It comprises different territorial units in different times under different regimes. Dr.D.C.Sircar presents an interesting discussion of this fact: Op.cit., pp.155-159.
For further details on this point vide Pt.Sheth's observations, Paia-Sadda-Mahannao, Varanasi 1963, Intro.p.21.
For details vide my paper, Nagavarma and Three and-a-half Languages, Journal of Karnatak University (Hum), Vol. XIX. Prakṛta-Kalpataru (III, 3.13), Ed.Dr.Manmohan Ghosh, Bibliothica Indica 278, Calcutta 1954.
Dr.Umarji also accepts that Kannada is a product of three

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-
22.
26.
and a half languages: Op.cit, 87-88. Second Edition, Pub.Munshiram Manoharlal, Delhi 1969 (First published in 1906, by the Royal Asiatic Society, London.) Op.cit, Intro.p.3. Op.cit., Intro.p.4. Op.cit., p.190. Loc.cit. Change of a voiced consonant into a voiceless one. (i) In which too is found this feature of the palatal nasal conjunct. (ii) Dr.Sukumar Sen holds the view that the Paisací of the Prakrit grammarians “was probably the early Middle Indo-Aryan literary language which after being cultivated by the Southern Schools of Buddhism, later received the name Pali in Ceylon". : Journal of the Oriental Institute, Vol Xl. 3, pp.207-208. (iii) There was little scope for Māgadhi to influence the Kannada Language.

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39
OBSERVATIONS ON GOMMAȚA, GOMMATARAYA
AND GOMMATADEVA
A few decades ago a good number of scholars like M.G.Pai. S.C.Ghoshal, N.R.Premi etc. thought that Gommaļa was another name of Bahubali, the son of Lord Rsabha, and, hence, his colossus at Sravanabc!gola got this name and the term (gommata) was applied to several persons and things associated with it. Some scholars proposed interesting vocables like manmatha (cupid), go (speech) etc., from which the word gommata was said to have been derived.' Later Dr.A.N.Upadhye put forth a theory that gom(m)ata is not derived from any Sanskrit or Prakrit vocable, but is a local word found in slightly varicd forms in Kannada, Telugu, Konkani and Marathi languages and used in the sense of good, handsome, benefactor etc. He opined that Gommaļa must have been a pet name of Camundarāya, which in course of time came to be applied to several things, including Bahubali's image, associated with him." This theory, though not propounded on any contemporary evidence, but being most plausible was accepted by the majority of scholars in the field.

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:
Dr.J. P. Jain in his recent paper, Lord Gommatesvara of Śravanabelgola, not only accepts Dr.A.N.Upadhye's above noted theory but also strengthene its plausibility and acceptibility by discussing at length all the points - historical, inscriptional, literary etc., concerning the name and the date of the world-famous monolithic image of Lord Gommatosvara. But Dr.M.A.Dhakey in his paper, The Belgolian Bahubali and Western Indian Notices, observes as follows: “Somc say that the colossal monolithic image on the Vindhyagiri (or Gommatagiri) was named 'Gommatesvara? because Gommata was the other name of Cāmundarāya, the Prime Minister of Ganga Rācamallą IV, who caused it to be carved. This suggestion does not seem to hold good since an inscription in Karnataka predating Cāmundarāya, mentions 'Gommatadeva’ as sthāvara-tīrtha"!. He also adds a foot-note: No.5; Annual Report of the Archacological Department, Mysore, 1914, p.38. The inscription dates from the time of Ganga Ereya and hence early tenth century. 10
I, who have firm conviction of Dr.Upadhyc's theory, after going through these two papers, had to have a pretty long scarch for the concerned Report and the Inscription, with a vicw 10 casting a first hand look into them. As these records are not easily available, I feel it proper to reproduce them here. Following is the concerned Report Ereyappa:
63: An inscription on a beam of the Gadde Basava temple at Chikka Hanasoge, Yedatore taluk, which is a Jaina epitaph (plate XI.2), refers incidentally to, the reign of Ereya,. who is evidently the Ganga King Ereyappa. It opens with a verse in praisc of a Jaina teacher, named Elācārya and tells us that he subsisted on water for one month and expired by samādhi and that astopavasa(da) (one who fasts for cight days) Kalneledevar set up the nisidhige or tomb- stone for his Guru Elācārya. Then follow two verses in praise of Kalncledevar stating that when Ereya was ruling the sea-girt carth, receiving homage from the great

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māndalikas, Kalneledevar received homage from all the world, and that of two kinds of tirthas, namely, stationary and moving; Gommatadeva was the stationary tirtha and Kalneledevar the moving tirtha. The writer of the epitaph was Beldeva and the engraver Mallacari. The date of the epitaph may be about 910. From EC IV, Yd.28 at the same village, we learn that, Elacarya was the disciple of Śrīdharadeva and belonged to Desiga-gana and Pustaka-gaccha. A Kalnele Ramacandradeva is mentioned in a later inscription, namely, EC V, Ag.96 of 1095; but he was of the Surastha-gana."
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Following is the transcribed text of the concerned inscription in Kannada found at Chikka Hanasoge, Yedatore taluk, Mysore District:
No.84
On a beam of the Gadde Basava temple to the south of the village Chikka Hansoge: Eastern Face
Balo kaluri men viyudvasakarum Kandarpparupa-probhā jālāmkṛtarge yunnati-viduram Bhismaram saddaya
Bhūlokodara-dāni yuddhata dhanummlen nekulam nettanita Elacaryya-munindraradar adarim dascarya merum jagam
ondu tingal panamam bhāvisi samādhi-maranadinda māydu nontu sadgatige sandar Astopavasade Kalneleyadevar damma gurugal Elacaryya-devarge parokṣa-vinaya nisidhigeyam nirisidar Western Face

Ereyasamudra-vestita-dharā-talamam pratipālisuttum
itta Erega-mahari-mandalikarim besakeyye vilasayolgcim mereva karūranenisalaliporī sthitas andhyar indu vand Erega samantu Kalneleya-devara pada- payoruhamgalol sthāvara-jangama-līrthaṁ
bhavisi peldāgal orade Gommatadevar

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sthāvara-tīrtham Kalncledevar bhūvalayadolage jangama-tirtham Beldevam baredam ilvede Mallacari.!2
I had also, in the meanwhile, written to Dr.J.P.Jain (lucknow) seeking some clarifications on this problem. He, in his letter (dated 30.4.1981), kindly drew my attention to the last passage on p.42 of his paper and reiterated his views expressed in it. The following lines in the passage deserve special attention : “. . .There is nothing in the record to identify the first two or to fix its date. Yet presuming the ruler to be identical with Ereya, the Ganga King (C.907-913 A.D.), the date of thc crection of the Gommata image has been fixed as 907 A.D. Apart from the fact that this dalc is impossible for historical reasons, as discussed carlier, a ruler named Ereya, the father of Visnuvardhana Hoysala, and a Guru named Kalneledeva of Surastha-gana are known to have belonged to about the end of the 11th century A.D. Hence in all probability the inscription in question belongs to that period and not to the beginning of the 10th century. . .”
After carefully taking into consideration the relevant parts of these two papers of the two learned scholars and scrutinizing the concerned Report and the Inscription, I have to present the following observations:
A pet name is generally given in child-hood and this could be true of Câmundarāya. Acārya Nemicandra even recorded his former friends and later pupils name as Gommata and, Gommatarāya4 etc. Then things associated with Gommata or Gommatarāya were also called after his name: Gommata-Jina, Gommata-silā, Gommata- suita or Gommatasära and also Gommalesa or Gommatadeva. On the other hand Bahubali, the ascetic Lord, could not have been called 'Commata' first and straightway, but Gommatesa, Gommatadeva or Gommalaswāmi
with his image in view as installed by Cāmundarāya. Then if we

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presume that the concerned inscription belongs to 910 A.D., we will have to say that it is referring to some other image of Bahubali as Gommatadeva' - the stahāvara-lirtha. But why should an inscription in Chikka Hanasoge near Mysosre ever refer, in the .context, to an image of Bahubali at Badami, Aihole or Ellora, if at all it was then called Gommatadeva? Moreover M.M.R.Narasimhachar in the concerned Report has rather inferred the date (910 A.D.) by distinguishing, on the strength of the 'gana', the Kelneledeva of this inscription (as of Desiga-gana to which his Guru Elacārya belonged) from the Kalneledeva of a later (Ag.96 of 1095 A.D.) inscription (of Surastha-gana). In fact, neither Elācārya nor Kalneledeva is a proper name, but a designatory or descriptive one and, hence, is an uncertain means for identifying persons. So the Elācārya of Yd, 84 (EC XIV) could be different from the Elēcārya of Yd, 28 (EC IV). Hence the date of the concerned inscription mentioning 'Gommatadeva' cannot be said to be 910 A.D, and predating Camundarāya.

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REFERENCES AND NOTES
I.
Revised version of the paper presented at the Symposium on Gommatesvara, held at the University of Mysorc, in January, 1981 and published in the Jain Journal - Vol.XXV - 4, 1991. Recently, in the Seminar on Lord Gommateśvara, held at Śravanabelgola in December, 1980, Dr.R.C.Hiremath suggested the following derivation: Brahma (great) > Bomma Gomma>bombe >gombe in Kannada. Anekānta, Vol. IV, 3-4. (i) In Marāthi language gomatā is still a living word. The Maharastra Sabdakośa Vol.III (Pune 1934), notes its meaning as follows: gomațā-lem - sweet, beautiful, good, charming, of fair complexion. (ii) Curiously enough, Kittel does not note it in his Kannada Dictionary, However he notes gumma, meaning devil. It is interesting to note in this context that a small merchantile community named Kommatigas, found even today in Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh, are said to have been formerly, devout followers of Lord Gommalesvara. Gommateśvara Commemoracion Volume, Śravanabelgola 1981, pp.34-45. Ibid., pp.40-41. Ibid., pp.41-44. Gommateśvara Commemoration Volume, Śravanabelgola 1981, pp.96-98.

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9.
10.
11.
Ibid., p.96. Ibid., p.98. Archaeological Survey of Mysore, Annual Report, for 1914, (1914/92), Ed.R.Narasimhachar. Epigraphia Carnatica, Vol. XIV, Mysore, 1943. Loc.Cit., Vide Gommateśvara, Karma-kānda, Part II, V.972, Lucknow, 1937. All these images of Bahubali were carved prior to 981 A.D., i.e., betwcen 7th and rh centuries A.D.
15.

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34.3
40
RĀJASEKHARA AND
NEMICANDRA
In his masterly Introduction to the Lilavai (in Prakrit) of Kouhala, Dr.A.N.Upadhye, while recording his critical observations on the Lilavar Prabandham (in Kannada) of Nemichandra, has remarked: “The episode of the magician Mayabhujanga is based on that of Bhairavānanda in the Karpūramañjari of Rajasekhara'.' This remark led me to a comparative study of the relevant parts of the two works, viz., thc Karpūramañjari of Rajasckharaí and the Līlāvati Prabandham of Nemicandra", the parallel points of which I have attempted to present here.
The two episodes, the one of Bhairavānanda presented by Rajasekhara, who lived between 855 and 930 A.D., and the other of Mayabhujamga sketched in detail by Nemicandra, who flourished about 1170 A.D., can be divided into three convenient common parts : (1) The arrival of the magician. (2) His announcement, after he enters the court-hall, of his magical powers or capabilities. (3) His production, through the unfailing power of his magic, of the Heroine.
In all these three aspects, Nemicandra has based the episode of Mayabhujamga on that of Bhairavananda in Rajasekhara. However, in the hands of Ncmicandra, who, unlike Rājasekhara (mainly a playwright), has the greater ambition of writing a novel,
a Śrngārakāvya, it has, naturally, assumed an enormous size, with

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various descriptions, poetical embellishments and elaborate details. The description of Indra's court alone, though just a part of the episode, spreads over 55 stanzas: iv. 96-150.
Studies in Jainology, Prakrit
It would be interesting to note, side by side, the parallel passages of the two works in all these three :
(Entering tossing the certain)
Vidūsaka: Asanam āsanam.
Rājā: Kim tena?
Vidūṣaka: Bhairavāṇamdo duvare ciṭṭhadi.
Devi: Kim so jo janavaanādo accabbhudasiddhĩ suniadi? Viduṣaka: Adha im.
Rājā: Pavesaa.
(Vidūṣaka goes out and enters together with him.)4
Nemicandra has entrusted this task of reporting to a female door- keeper, creating thereby an additional opportunity for himself to display the crotic sentiment, and has worked out this part of the episode by adding one more character, a Jogini, a female companion of the magician, with detailed descriptions of the persons, dresses, bearing etc., of both: iv. 73-90.5
2. Then, in Rajasekhara's play, Bhairasvānanda announces the main features of his Kaula religion and occupies a seat offered by the King. Immediately a conversation begins:
Bhairavananda: Kim kādavvam?
Rājā: Kahim pi visae acchariam datthum icchaāmi. Bhairavananda: Damsemi tam pi sasim vasuhāvainnam, Thambhemi tassa vi raissa raham nahaddhe.
Anem jakkhasurasiddhaganamganão,
Tam natthi bhūmivalae maha jam n sajjham”.
On the other side, Nemicandra sends in his magician accompanied by the Jogini and reciting a Prakrt versc. The magician

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then, addressing Prince Kandarpa, gives a long statement of his magical powers: iv. 90-91. Nemicandra's expression "divākaranadurtu' (93) closely resesmble that of Rajasekhara.
3. Lastly, in Rajaśckhara, Bhairavānanda asks the King what exactly he should do and then produces the Heroinc according to the desire of the King expresssed through the Jester:
Bhairavānanda: Tā bhana kim kariadu.
Rajā (Looking at Vidusaka): Vaassa bhana kahim pi apuvam dittham mahilāradanam?
Vidūsaka: Althi cttha dakkhiņāvadhu vacchebham ņāma
naaram.
Tahim mae ekkam kannāradanam ditt ham tam idha āniadu. Bhairavānanda: Aniadi. Raja: Avadáriadu punnimāharinamko dharandale. (Bhairavānanda pretends to mcditate) (There enters thc Heroine tossing the curtain. All look at
her.)?
Nemicandra has worked out this part of the episode giving it a dual form and stretching it to a coniderable length : in one, the magician, at the desire of Prince Kandarpa expressed through his friend Makaranda, shows Indra's Court : iv.96-150; in the other, he, in collaboration with the Jogini, at the desire of the Prince guessed by and expressed through the same friend, produces the Heroine without delay: iv. 155-56. It is interesting to note here that is Rājaśckhara puts the word “kannāradanam in the mouth of thc Jester, Nemicandra puts 'vanitāratnamam in the mouth of Makaranda.
Thus, all these aspects, both in content and context, stand so close to cach other as to indicate that Nemicandra has certainly based the episode of Māyābhujamga in his Kannada Campū on that of Bhairavānanda in the Prakrit play Karpūramañjart of
Rajasekhara. This statement has also a tew other points in support

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of it: Nemicandra, who has based his plot on that of Vasavadattā of Subandhu and has followed the style of Bana, shows a close acquaintance with Samskrit. Moreover, he who probably" had a casual acquaintance with the Prakrit poem Līlavati:10, “the title of which has lent itself to his work”ll, and who himself has composed a couple of Prakrit verses in the work??, also shows that he was a good student of the Prakrit language and literature and so might, naturally, have been attracted and influenced by Rājasekhara, a not too distant predecessor and one who had made a name for himself with his Samskri and Prakrit work, particularly the Kāvyamīmāmsa, the Bālarāmāyana and the Karpūramañjari, and who had, with confidence, entitled himself 'Sarvabhāsavicaksana”:13 and “Savvabhāsacadura'. 14
It must, however, be made clear that the admission of Rājśckhara's influence on Nemicandra does not assume that the character of Bhairavvānanda, the magician,' is an orignal crcation of Rājaśckhara. Characters of this type are found in the works of his predecessors. Vidyeśvara, in the Dasakumāracarita of Dandin (Pūrva-pīthikā V Ucchvása) Sambarasiddhi, in the Ratnāvali of Sri-Harsa (iv Act), Bhairavācārya, in the Harsacarita of Bana (III Ch.), and Aghoraghanla, in the Mālatīmādhava of Bhavabhūti (V Act), are a few examples of characters possessing some affinity with Bhairavānanda of Rajasekhara. Who was the first creator of this type of character and how and to what extent the later writers followed it in their works, is a problem by itself for an exclusive paper. Besides, the admission of Rajasekhara's inslucnce on Nemicandra does not go with the assumption that Nemicandra had not come across any characters of that type besides Pājasekhara's Bhairavananda. A few points in the episode or the character of Mayabhujamga resemble the above-mentioned characters or episodes, and also that of Bhairavu or Bhairavānandu pressented by Puşpadanta (cira 965 A.D.) in his Jasaharacariu (1.6-7) composed in Apabhramsalo: but they are not so close as

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-
to invite parallelisms. On the other hand, the parallels in the two episodes presented by Rajasekhara and Nemicandra, both in context and content, even in expressions and words, are, as shown above, so close that one would accept with no hesitation whatsoever that Nemicandra has based the episode of Mayabhujamga in his Campu on that of Bhairavānanda in the Karpūramañjarī of Rajasekhara.
Yet, one has to admit that Nemicandra has not followed Rajasekhara blindly in his Campu, but worked out the parallel in his own admirable way, so ass to befit his great and the first known) work of fiction in Kannada.

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*
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
Studies in Jainology, Prakrit
REFERENCES AND NOTES
Paper published in the Journal of Karnatak University, (Hum.), Vol. VI, 1962.
Lilavai of Kouhala, Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, Bombay 1949, Intro.p.38.
Ed. by Konow and published by Harvard University, 1901. Ed. in the Karnataka Kāvyamanjarī 1898.
Konow's edn.: i. pp.23-24.
For want of space, only the Aśvāsa and the numbers of the relevant verses are given throughout.
Loc.cit. i. pp.25-26.
Loc.cit. i. p.26.
Loc.cit., i.p.26.
Asvasa iv 155.
Dr.A.N.Upadhye: Intro. to Lilāvai of Koūhala p.39.
Op.cit. p.38.

1st verse: iv.91 and 2nd verse: ix.58.
Balaramayana i.101.
Karpūramañjarī i.71
Dr.Manmohan Ghosh, in his Introduction to the Karpuramañjarī, (Calcutta University 1939, pp.LXII- III), does not accept Bhairavananda to be a magician but calls him a "Siddhapurusa of the Tantric sect" whose words have a "double meaning".
Ed.Dr.P.L.Vaidya, the Karanja Jaina Series 1931.

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41
KANNADA WORDS IN
HEMACANDRA'S
DESINĀMAMALA
All the Prakrit grammarians divide thc Prakrit vocabulary into thrce classes: Tatsama, Tadbhava and Desya. They do not, in their treatment, touch the Tatsama words, but, concentrating their altention on Tadbhava words, lay down the various rules of phonetic change. As regards the Deśya words, they say that these are not related to Sanskrit words in accordance with the rules laid down in Prakrit grammars but were current in the language from time immemorial and have been freely used by poets in their compositions.
Hemacandra includes words of this Deśya class in his Desīnamamala' (DNM), a work of immense importance to the Prakrit student as well as to students of modern Indian languages. The Desināmamala, of course, is not an original work of Hemacandra's, but is based on the Desī lexicons of his predecessors, to whom he has often referred in it. But it is, as he says, certainly superior to those of his predecessors in several respects.?
Hemacandra, at the beginning of the work,' clearly states what he considers to be a Desi word. Words which are not treated in his grammar, which are not recognised in that sense in the Sanskrit Lexicons, which have changed their meaning in Prakril,
For Private

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the change not being due to the secondary or metaphorical use of words, and which were current in Prakrit from time immemorial, are desī. He also points out that a Desī lexicon does not mean a vocabulary of words current in the various provincial dialects, for such words would be almost endless in number.
But Hemacandra has not followed his own definition, though he, with his vast knowledge of Sanskrit and Prakrit, has taken pains to make his work superior to those of his predecessors. Eminent Prakritists like Buhler,' Pischelo and Ramanujaswami' have scrutinised the work from different angles and pointed out this fact. Dr.P.L.Vaidya, in a paper, classifics the words in DNM under eight groups and states that only 25 per cent of them are "genuine desi words”. He further' obscrves, “The principal source of these words would) of course, be the old Mähara iri or the Marathi language of the greater Maharastra or the Marathi language of the grcater Maharastra, with which Hemacandra seems to be well acquainted. It is, however, very likely that the oid Maharastri might have adapted words from other Indian languages, principally from the Dravidian languages".
Considering the vast number of words collected in DNM cven Dr. Vaidya's estimate of the genuine desi words would give us no small number of such words, among which a good many are “very likcly“U to have entered from Dravidian languages including Kannada. Besides, if we take into consideration the history of Prakrit literature or rather that of the Jaina Śauraseni (of the Digambaras) in Karnatak before Hemacandra (1088-1172 A.D.), we are much more convinced of the greater possibility of Kannada words having entered into Prakrit literature and having settled down as desi. Dr.A.N.Upadhye, in a paper", discusses this point and clearly shows the inevitability of Kannada influence on Prakritic vocabulary. He finally observes, “It is no wonder, then, if some Kanarese words have entered into Prakrit Kavyas and they are set down as Desī words by lexicographers”.
In the same paper," Dr.Upadhye has traced about 39 words

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from Desi lexicons to Kannada. I propose to give, in this paper, a critical list of a few more dcsi words in thc work, which appear to have been taken from Kannada. I do not, hoverer, claim the conclusions reached here to be final, nor the list to be exhaustive.
Vali - ( = avatamsah 1.90).
Cf. Kannada (K) ole (vale, colloquial) = an ear-ornament worn by ladies in the jobe of the car.
Kondio - ( = bhedena grāmabhoktā 11.48).
Cf. K.Kondeya (kondeya (kondiga) = one who creates a quarrel among two men or groups. (Cf. also Tamil (T.) Konduni and Telugu (Tc.) kondcmu).
Gejjalam - ( = graivcyakam 11.94).
From K.gcije = small bells of which the neck ornament gejjc-sara or gejje-ţike (gejje- ţikke) is made and worn, even now, by ladies of rich families in the rural areas of North Karnatak, These small bells do not produce any sound. The word gejjc occurs in the Sabdamanidarpana (SMD).!4
Jadiam - ( = khacitam III, 41).
From K.jadi = to beat into, to drive in. This mcaning appcars to have been extended from jadi = to menace, which root is included in the list in the Dhātuprakaranam (Dh.) in SMD.
Tinisaṁ - ( = madhupatalam V.II).
Cf. K.tinisu = an eatable, food, from tin15 = to eat. Here the gencral meaning appears to have been restricted in the sense that madhupatalam is an eatable, food. It is worth noting that forest tribes, like pulindas, when hungry, eat the honey-comb, if they get it, and drink water as if they had had their meal.
Tumbilli - ( = madhupatalam V.23). From K.tumbi = a bee. This word occurs in SMD. many
times. 16

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Dandi - ( sūtrakanakam V.33).
Cf. K.dandi (dande) = a string, garland, wreath. Here the meaning appears to have been restricted.
Pampuaṁ - ( = dirgham VI. 12).
Cf. K.pempu (from piridu) = greatness, sublimity. SMD. gives the formation of this word.17
Piñjiam - (= vidyutam VI. 49).
From K. piñju18 = to separate, to card (cotton), to tear (cloth).
Purillo - ( = pravarah VI. 53).
Cf. K.puru! = prosperity, suitableness, that which is good. (Cf. also T.porul).
Pendalo - ( = rasah VI. 58).
From K. pindu = to squeeze. It is interesting to note here Kannada forms like sidi - sidilu; suy-suyilu, suylu; koy - koyilu, koylu.
Polio - ( = saunikah VI.62). Cf.K.poleya = a sinner. This word has other meanings too in Kannada. But it is, perhaps, with the above meaning that it might have been taken from K, and used in a restricted sense.
Bondi - ( = rūpam, sariram VI.99) Cf. K.bondi = the body, This word is included in the list of uncommon Kannada words (Ch.IX) in SMD.
Bhandi - ( = gantri VI.109) Cf.K. bandi (bhandi, colloquial) a cart. (Cf. also T.vandi, pandi).
Muriam - ( = truțitam V1.135). From K. muril9 = to break, twist.
Leso - ( = nidrā VII.28). Cf.K. lesu = well-being, health, contentment. Here the meaning is metaphorically extended. This word occurs in SMD, many times.20 Vantho, Vanto - ( = akrtavivāhah VII.83), CT.K.onti (onliga)

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=
single, alone, (Cf. also T. ondi).
Sāla - (
sakha VIII.22). Cf.K. sale21
a line, corn-row furrow. Here the meaning appears to have been metaphorically extended.
==

353
=
Horanam - (vastraṁ VIII. 72).
From K. por, poru22 (or hor, horu) to bear on the head. Then the meaning appears to have been extended to to put on, wear, Considering the date of Hemachandra, the use of 'h' along with 'p' was not only common but the use of 'h' forms had increased in number even in verse.
23

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REFERENCES AND NOTES
Paper published in the Journal of Karnatak University, (Hum.), Vol. VII, 1963. The name given to this work by Hemacandara is Ratnāvali (DNM, VIII, 77), but Pischel, finding it to be “too unexpressive”, called it Desināmamala. (Intro. to Desināmamala BSS XII, 1st Ed.) P.V.Ramanujaswami, Intro. to Desīnāmamālā BSS XII, 2nd Ed., pp.3-4. DNM. 1.3, 4. Ibid. Intro. to Paiyalacchi Namamala, Gottingen 1879. Intro. to Desīnāmamala, BSS XII, 1st Ed. Intro. to Desinamamala, BSS XII, 2nd Ed. 'Observations on Hemacandra's Desināmamālā, J.B.O.R.I, Vol. VIII, pp.63-71. Ibid. Ibid. ‘Kanarese Words in Desi Lexicons', J.B.O.R.I, Vol.XII, pp.274-28. Ibid. Ibid. See illustrations on S.198. (All references made to SMD, here are to Kittel's 3rd Ed., Mangalore 1920.) SMD. Dh. See illustrations on Sūtras 112, 113, 117 etc., See S.211. SMD. Dh.
14.
15.
17. 18.

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19.
21.
22. 23.
SMD. Dh. See Alustrations on Sūtras 52, 57 etc., SMD. Dh. SMD. Dh. A.N.Narasimhaiya, “A Grammar of the Oldest Kannada Inscriptions', Mysore, 1941, pp.1-2.

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42
KANNADA WORDS IN DESI STOCK
The stock of Desi words may be said, so far as present knowledge of it goes, to have spread over three patches of the field, viz, the Paiyalacchī Nāmamala (PLM) of Dhànapāla - a lexicon, the Desināmamālā (DNM) of Hemacandra - also a lexicon, and the exhaustive list of Desī words given by Trivikrama in his Prakrit grammar, the Präkrtasabdanusāsanaṁ (PSM). From Hemacandra, of course, we learn that before him there flourished many lexicographers to whom he often refers in his DNM by terms like pūrvācāryah, sarve, eke, anye etc., out of whom he specifically quotes some eight desīkāras; of these eight, unfortunately, only the work of one, viz, Dhanapala's PLM’, has come down to us. Thus, Dhanapala, Hemacandra and Trivikrama are the three available Acāryas who have made valuable contribution to the Prakrit vocabulary in different degrees and in their own individual ways.
Dhanapala's PIM is the oldest extant Desi lexicon. It was composed in the year 1029 of the Vikrama era (972 A.D.)3 He in the introductory stanza of the work, calls it namamala", and in one of the concluding stanzas designates it as desī. But the major number of words in the work are Tatsama and Tadbhava, the Desī ones constituting about one-fourth of the same. He himself says

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that he has included in the work all the words generally used by the Prakrit poets in their compositions. Buhler, therefore, rather lightly remarks' that the Desi words “are all or nearly all derived from Sanskrit”. Pandit Bechardas Doshi observes that it is not improbable that Dhanapala has used the word Desi to suggest that the Prakrit language is the language of the countryside-language of the common people'. Besides, unlike Hemacandra's DNM, Dhanapala's PLM is merely a dictionary of synonyms. Yet, it has its own importance for the reasons that it is the oldest available Desi lcxicon, it is acknowledged by Hemachandra as onc of his sources of information, and it gives a few words which are not given by Hemacandra or a few forms of words which were particular to its age.
Hemacandra (1088-1172 A.D.), the greatest of the Prakrit grammarians, also gives us a Desī lexicon, viz., DNM, which unquestionably stands foreniost in all respects. He lays down, in the work, a new definition of the Desi word, collects a vast number of such words, adds to it his won commentary, which helps us to know the right meaning of several rare words, and quotes and acquaints us with many of his predecessors. The many-sided importance of this work as well as its superiority over others of its kind has been shown by distinguished Prakrițists in various contexts. Pischel observes”, “As far as I can see, the Desi constitutes an `authority of the first rank' that shows to us that there still remains much to be known about the valuable contributions made in Indian languages and that we still do not know much about the rich literature that exists in Prakrit”. Winternitz remarks," “Of inestimable value is his Prakrit lexicon Desinamamala”. It i “so very valuable because Hemacandra was able to use sources which are lost to us, as also on account of its practical arrangement and the clear explanations”. IT
Trivikrama (the latter half of the 13the century)", instead of writing an exclusive lexicon like Hemacandra gives an exhaustive list of Desh words in his grammar PSM with a view to “bringing all the Desī words into the sold of grammar”13. Of course,

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Trivikrama recognizes Hemacandra as his authority!4 and follows him mostly both in respect of his grammar in general and the list of Desī words in particular: "Thus thc subject matter of 1119 sūtras of Hemacandra has been compressed by Trivikrama in about 1000 verses"'. Moreover, "It is casy to prove that Trivikrama has drawn largely upon Hemacandra's vocabulary of such Desī words.»»16 Yet, Trivikarama has his points: Hemacandra refers in his grammar to Desī words in a single sutra, 17 whereas Trivikrama in his work brings the same topic under six sūtras 8 thereby classifying Desi words into six groups according to their nature. Hcmacandra produces a separate work containing the Desi words, whereas Trivikrama attempts to bring "all the Desi words into the fold of grammar.”lo Besides, he gives a few words which are not traceable to DNM and hence are his own contribution. And this contribution is of special interest to Southerners, particularly to students of Telugu and Kannada,20 for he was “prbably an Andhra with close contacts with Karnataka.”:21
The nature and implications of Desi words were discussed at length and the probability of the contribution of Dravidian languages to the Prakritic vocabulary was hinted at by Dr.P.L. Vaidya long ago. 22 Then, Dr.A.N.Upadhye, discussing the historic, linguistic and literary background of ancient Karnatak, established the inevitability of the Kannada influence on the Prakritic vocabulay and traced about 39 words from Desi lexicons to Kannada.23 Recently, the author of the present paper, in a similar attempi, traced to Kannada some 19 words from DNM.24 Now, this paper aims at giving a critical list of a few more words from the Desi stock, viz. Dhanapala's PLM, Hemacandra's DNM and the list of Desi words given by Trivikrama in his PSM, which appear to have cntered from Kannada. This list, too, with tentative conclusions, does not claim to be final or exhaustive.
The following are a few words from Dhanapala's PLM which appear to have been taken from Kannada.
Kanaiam - ( = covered with spots).

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From Kannada (K) Kan25 = eye, star of peacock's tail, etc. This word is also used in Kannada in the sense of 'spot : Rottige kannu biddive., (Cf. also Tamil (T.) kan) Hemacandra (Hem.) includes this word in his DNM (11.57), but with four meanings including the one given by Dhanapala.
Kanao - ( = arrow).
CT. K. kana“ (kanc) = arrow, atick. The Sabdamanidarpana (SMD) (Kannada Kavikavyamale-68, Mysore 1959). gives kilkane, kammangane etc. III on S.187) Hem. includes it in DNM (11.56). (Cf. also T.Kana).
Kannoli - ( = car ornament).
This is a compound word the first member of which appears to be a Tadbhava of Karna and the second member (oli) is Desi. CI. K. ole27 = car ornament worn by ladics in the lobe of the ear. In DNM also (11.57) we find this word with some variation (kannoli) and with two meanings including the one given in PLM.. (Cf. also Tolai).
Kudo - ( = water-poet).
Cl. K.koda = carthen or metal pot, pitcher. It is a very interesting word. Kittels says koda is a Tadbhava of Kuța. Pandit Haragovindadas Shesh29 accepts kuda as Desī but gives kuta as. its Sanskrit cquivalent. Monier Williams 30 gives kuța with other meanings also and brings it under “L31. T.Burrow includes kuța32 (“Ka, koda') in the list of the most important and certain of the Dravidian loans.33 Burrow and Emeneau, in their work, include koda and its derivatives kudike, guduvana or gudana and add a note' Cf.Sk.kula - water-pot 4 Hemacandra includes kudo in his DNM (11.37) but wiih a different meaning, viz., latāgrham = a bower of creepers. (Cf. also T.Kuļam).
Beli - ( = post).

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Cf. K.beli 35 = tence, hedge, Here the meaning appears to have been metaphorically extended, from fence to fence-holder. Hem. includes it in DNM (V1.95). (Cf. also T.veli).
It may be noted here that the words jadiam, bondi and sala found in Hem's DNM and traced to Kannada by the author of this paper36 are also included in PLM: jadiam (140), bundi (97) and sala (136). Dhanapala, being Hemacandra's prcdesessor and one of the sources of his information (and the only available one of such sources), can be given the credit of preserving such words.
The following two words from Hemacandra's DNM traced to Kannada here are in addition to the list given by the author of this paper elsewhere.37
Aralam - ( = ciri 1.52).
From K. aral (aral).38 = to spread, expand, Here the meaning appears to have been metaphorically extended, the quality of a thing signifying the thing itself. (Cf. also T.alar).
Heppo - ( = Bhūtādigrhītah VII.74).
Cf. K. beppa39 = a confused, stupid man; from bercu40 = to be frightened. Here the mcaning appears to have been restricted and particularised. Note also K. beppu = confusion and beppala = alarm, fear.4! It may be noted that v and b are interchangeable in K. : SMD gives vedi as well as bedugum^2 and varpu as well as barpu43. (Cf. also T.veru, virappu etc.).
Trivikrama's list of Desi words given in his PSM contains the following few words which appear to have entered from Kannada.
Ukkatti - ( = kūpatulā 3.4.72).
Cf.K.Ukkada44 = “a piece of rope that is tied to the lower end of the well-rope for fastening the vessel and is of a different texture, generally not so thick.:4) In kupatula, which is generally uscd where the well-water is at a short reach, instead of rope a horizontal beam, at one end of which a vessel or bucket hangs,
is used and made to see-saw on a vertical post. Thus both serve

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in similar contrivance and the same purpose, i.e, drawing water from a well. Dr. Vaidya traces this word to DNM (ukkandi 1.87). (Cf.also Tukkam).
Khoddi - (
dasi 3.4.72).
Cf. K. goddi47 a barren woman, a male in female attire in plays. Here the meaning appears to have come through some semantic development. Many a time poor barren women (and widows) have to work as servant-maids. And the male in female attire in plays is mostly a low type of character, a servant. It is interesting to note in this context that "a clerk at one time was but a clergyman, later a scholar, then a record-keeper or secretary and today he is but a petty quill-driver." 48 Morever, kolam sanketasthalam (SMD Ch.X) also suggests similar semantic development. In Kannada, ki, k and g can be used as variants in the same word; khani (ni), (SK), kani and gani Dr.Vaidya traces this word to DNM (khotti II.77). (Cf. also T.kottu)
49
Goñjalam ( Cf.K.goñcal50
graiveyakam 3.4.72).
cluster, bunch. Here the meaning appears to have been particularised owing to the qualitative aspect of the ornament. It may be noted that a common garden flower is called in K. adike huvu31 (lit. areca-flower) for the reason that the flower
resembles adike (or aḍake)
areca in size and shape. (Cf. also
T.Kuñcam).
-

=
Maddo (alasah 3.4.72).
Cf.K.madda2 a stupid man, dull fellow. It is very interesting to note a coincidence here that the Sanskrit equivalent of the word (viz. alasah) also happens to be a Kannada word (from alasu).53 Dr.Vaidya traces this word to DNM (Mattho VI.112). (Cf. also T.Matam, mattan).
-
=
Muruo (truțitaḥ 3.1.132).
Cf.K.muruku 54
-
361
=
fragment, but, from muri55

=
to break.

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Dr.Vaidya traces it to DNM (muriam VI.115). (Cf. also T.muri).
Vokkaam - )' = animittam 3.4.72).
From Kokku 56 = omen. In colloquial K. o, va and vo are inter- changeable initially: okkalu, vakkalu and vokkalu.
Hekkiam ( = unnatam 3.1.132).
From K.hekkuS7 = to glean, pick up. Hekku = pikku. 58 From hekku has come hakkalu = gleanings, so commonly used in rural Karnataka. The change of 'p' to 'h' is also normal in Kannada considering the date of Trivikrama 60

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REFERENCES AND NOTES
1
Paper published in the Journal of the Karnatak University (Hum.), Vol. VIII, 1964. They are: Abhimanacinha, Gopāla, Devaraja, Drona, Dhanapala, Padaliptācārya, Rāhulaka and Silanka. Besides these lexicographers, two poets, viz Avantisundari and Sātavahana, two grammarians and Bharata (of the Nāļyaśāstra) are also quoted. (P.V.Ramanujaswami; Intro. to Desīnāmamala, BSS XII, 2nd Ed.), But Dr.P.L. Vaidya in a paper, 'Observations on Hemacandra's Desīnāmamala (J.B.O.RJ. Vol. VII pp.63-71), concludes that Hemacandra refers to twelve lexicographers. He accepts Avantisundari and Satavahana as lexicographers and points out an 'anonymous lexicographer and Samba as the other two. There are, however, different opinions among Prakrit scholars on Hemacandra's referring to or utilising the extent lexicon of Dhanapala and even on the identification of the lexicographer: Buhler thinks that Dhanapala wrote another Prakrit lexicon and Hemacandra quotes from that work. (Intro. to Paiyalacchinamamala, Gottingen 1879, p.15) P.V.Ramanujaswami opines: “I venture to suggest that the Dhanapāla quoted by Hemacandra is quite different from the author of the Paiyalacchi”. (Op.cit. p.13). PLM 276. PLM 1. PLM 278. PLM 279. Op.cit., p.14.

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8.
ci
9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
17.
18.
19.
20.
21.
22.
23.
24.
25.
26.
Intro. to Paiyalacchinamamala, Bombay 1960, p.15. 'Comparative Grammar of Prakrit languages' (Eng.Tr.), Varanasi, 1957, p.43.
Foreword to 'The Life of Hemacandrācārya' by Buhler, Singh Jain Serics Vol. II, p.XIV.
Ibid.
Studies in Jainology, Prakrit
Dr.P.L.Vaidya: Intro. to the 'Prakrit Grammar of Trivikrama, Sivaraj Jain Granthamālā No.4, Solapur, 1954, p.XXXIII. Dr.P.L.Vaidya, Op.cit., P.XXIX.
PSM introductory verse 11.
Dr.P.L.Vaidya, Op.cit., p.XXVII.
Ibid, p.XXXVI.
DNM II.172.
PSM 1.2.109, 1.3. 105, 1.4.121, 2.1.30, 3.1.132 and 3.4.72. Dr.P.L.Vaidya, Op.cit., P.XXIX.
It is interesting to note here that of the two original manuscripts used in editing PSM by Dr. Vaidya, one (K) is written in Old Kannada script and belongs to the collection of Sri Laxmisena Bhaṭṭāraka Matha, Kolhapur, (Vide Dr.P.L.Vaidya, Op.cit., p.xiii.)
Dr.P.L.Vaidya, Op.cit., p.xxxiii.
'Observations on Hemacandra's Desīnāmamālā, J.B.O.R.I, Vol. III, 1926.
'Kanarese words in Desi Lexicons', J.B.().R.I, Vol.XII, 1930. 'Kannada words in Hemacandra's Desīnāmamālā Journal of the Karnatak University (J.K.U.,) Humanities, Vol.VII, 1963.
This word is included by T.Burrow and M.B.Emeneau (BUREMN) in their A Dravidian Etymological Dictionary', Oxford 1961, Entry No.973-Ka.
BUR-EMN, 979-Ka. Here a note also is added: /Cf.Sk.Pa.Kanaya- a kind of spear or lance'. Vide Op.cit., Intro.9.p.XVII.

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27. 28. 29.
32.
35. 36. 37. 38.
BUR - EMN, 903 - Ka. A Kannada-English Dictionary', Mangalore 1894. Paia-sadda-mahannavo', Calcutta 1928. A Sanskrit-English Dictionaryo 2nd Ed.Oxford 1899. L= lexicographers (i.e. a word or meaning which although given in native lexicon has not yet been met with in any published text. Vide Op.cit., Abbrevations. “The Sanskrit Language', Faber and Faber London, p.381. Op.cit., p.380. BUR-EMN, 1376-Ka. BUR-EMN, 4556-Ka. J.K.U., Humanities, Vol. VII.1963. Ibid. (i) BUR-EMN, 209-Ka, (ü) It is also found in SMD., in the Dhātuprakaranam (Dh. Kittel, Op.cit. (i) SMD Dh. (ii) SMD also gives the forms berci and be!paļisi (vide III, on s.21). (iii) BUR-EMN, 4519-Ka. BUR-EMN, 4519-Ka. See III. on S.63. See III. on 5.71. BUR-EMN 488.Ka. Ibid. Op.cit. (Appendix V). BUR-EMN 1727-Ka. Dr.P.E.Dus toor: "The World of Words', Journal of Jammu and Kashmir University, Vol.IV-2, Dec.1961. Op.cit. (Appendix V). (i) BUR-EMN, 1368-Ka. A note is also added: "Cf.Sk.Kurca, guccha, guñja, guluccha and gulunc(h)a' Vide Op.cit., Intro 9.p.XVII. (ü) SMD lii. on .71. 'Gomphrena globosa Roxb, the globe amaranath', (Kittel, Op.cit).

45. 46.
50.
51.

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52.
53.
BUR-EMN.3798-Ka. A note is also added: 'CL.Pkt.mattha-slow dull, stupid'. (1) SMD Dh. (ii) T.Burrow (Op.cit.p.380), included it in the ‘list of the most important and certain of the Dravidian loans". (ii) BUR-EMN, 200-Ka. BUR-EMN, 4109-Ka. (i) Ibid. (ii) And SMD.Dh. SMD Dh. Kittel, Op.cit. (i) Ibid. (ii) pikku is included in SMD Dh. (ii) BUR-EMN, 3459- Ka. Kittel, Op.cit. A.N.Narasimhaiya, A Grammar of the Oldest Kannada Inscriptions', Mysore 1941, pp.1-2.

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43
KANNADA ELEMENT IN
DHATVĀDESAS
The treatment of the so-called dhatvadesas forms an integral part of Prakrit Grammars, though it, in respect of the number of dhātvādesas, their arrangement, distribution, explanation etc. differs from one to another. Most of the grammarians are silent on the concept or nature of dhātvadeśas. Vararuci, the oldest Prakrit grammarian and the first to reduce popular dialects to a system, straightaway commences enlisting them. Even Bhāmaha, his commentator, does not care to explain anything about them. It is the great Heinacandra who, in his Prakril Grammar, Siddha-Hema, and his Desī Lexocon, Dcsīnāmamala, both with his own commentaries, tells us what he thinks to be chatvādesas and discourses, though in a scattered manner, about their nature.
According to Hcmacandra, vajjar etc. are the ten substitutes for the Sanskrit verbal root kath-and though they have been taught by his predecessors as desī, hc considers them as dhatvādesas, for, thousands of forms of these can be had by adding to them the various verbal suffixes.' Moreover, akkus - etc. are taught, in his Grammar, as dhatvādesas for gacch - and hence, are not included in the Desināmamala. Nor is the inclusion of dhātvādesas in the Desi Lexicon proper, for innumerable forms of them can be had by the addition of verbal suffixes and, as such, will make such collections impossible. From these observations of

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Hcmacandra it follows that dhātvadesas are, in fact, desi words but for some practical purposes he teaches them in his Grammar and excludes them from his Desī Lexicon. Yet he includes in his Desināmamālā a few dhātvādesas which have only one form (which can receive only one suffix) and hence are not taught in his Grammar;' or he includes there a few others like ajjhass - out of respect for his predecessors. Besides, after enumerating the desi words of a certain number of syllables in verses in the Desinamāmalā, he, in his commentary, refers to the Jhätvādesas of the same number of syllables taught in his Grammar. Prin.P.V.Ramanujaswami has presented an analytical study of the nature of dhatvadesas according to Hemacandra in the light of his actual practice. Prof.M.Banerjee has particularly pointed out that Hemacandra, in excluding dhatvādesas from his Desi Lexicon, was led by the “purpose of cconomy." Dr.P.L. Vaidya has given an epitome of Hemacandra's concept and scheme of dhatvadesas in the following words : “Hemacandra's held that the so-called dhatvadesas were in reality roots drawn from the stock of Desī vocables, and that they were shown technically as substitutes for Sanskrit roots with the simple object that they could, that way, be used to form derivatives with the help of suffixes”.!
In his unique monograph, "The Prakrit Dhātvādesas' (According to the Western and the Eastern Schools of Prakrit Grammarians) Sir George Grierson has collected 1590 dhātvädesas, or Prakrit verbal substitutes, from sive works on Prakrit Grammar:
1. The Siddha-hemacandra of Hemacandra 2. The Prakrta-prakasa of Vararuci 3. The Saṁksipta- sāra of Kramadīsvara 4. The Prakrta- kalpataru of Ramašarman 5. The Prakrta-sarvasva of Mārkandeya'
He divides these verbal substitutes into four classes according to their main features. 10
(I) The verbal substitutes that are identical with the

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corresponding Sanskrit roots.
(II) Those which are derived from the corresponding Sanskrit forms according to the usual phonetic rules laid down by Prakrit grammarians.
. (III) Those which cannot be traced back to any Sanskrit root by applying any of the same phonetic rules.
(IV) Thosc which, phonetically, fall under II, but “which have changed their mcaning, and which are therefore, by Prakrit grammarians equated with, and substituted for, some other Sanskrit root which has a meaning more nearly akin to the acquired meaning of the Prakrit word.” He also remarks that the verbal substitutes of classes III and IV only are truc ādesas and that a good number of those coming under class III are borrowed desya words which cannot be referred to Sanskrit at all. In this context it is well worth noting that Dr.S.M.Katre, in his highly esteemed work 'Some Problems of Historical Linguistics in Indo- Aryan','3 accepts, from the linguistician's point of view, this classification of Grierson with some reservation, the reservation assecting classes III and IV.14 He observes that forms like callai under III can be placed under ll and be omitted from the list of the verbal substitutes; and as regards those under IV, he questions the very necessity of their being considered as substitute bases. He, however, agrees with the latter part of Grierson's remarkt" cited above, and gives his own concept, perhaps the most scientific one ever offered, of the dhatvadesa: “The true dhālvādesa must be some vocable which is not IA in its origin immediately, but which regularly appcars for some IA verbal base which may or may not have gone out of usage.”
Coming to Grierson, he further divides the Prakrit grammarians into two schools of India, Western and Eastern, noting the various differences between the two groups, the widest one being in respect of the dhālvādesas.18 Taking Hemacandra (the Westerner) and Markandeya (the Easterner), whose lists of the verbal substitutes possess the highest number of them in their
respective schools, he shows by statistics that, of the total 1590

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21
verbal substitutes collected in the monograph, Hemacandra and Markandeya give 1548 Hemacandra 930, Markandeya 618. Hemacandra gives 707 verbal substitutes which Märkandeya ignores, and Markandeya gives 395 which Hemacandra ignores. Thus, only 223 are common to both." Comparing further the two grammarians in respect of the genuine verbal substitutes, or desya dhatvadesas, of Hemacandra's 930 forms, 388 are such genuine ones (i.e.35 per cent), while of Markandeya's 618 they are only 65 (i.e. 11 per cent.).20 Then, examining the 223 verbal substitutes common to the two grammarians, from the point of view of their giving Sanskrit equivalents to these, he points out that no less than 62 are given different Sanskrit equivalents in their respective lists." The implications of this part of statistical study presented by the learned Prakritist will be clear only if we note his observations on some features of the verbal substitutes of class IV, and that too in his own words: "We may here note a difference which I have observed between Hemacandra and the Eastern Grammarians. Hemacandra seems to prefer to group his adesas according to their generalised sense, while the grouping of the Easterners tends towards specialisation. Take, for example, the root gam .. Here Hemacandra gives no less than 21 adesas. It is not to be expected that all these 21 are exact synonyms; most of them must have been used to indicate more or less specialised meanings of the verb 'to go'. But Hemacandra clumps them together under one general head. That some of them do have specialised meaning is borne out by the Easterners, not one of whom gives a single adesa for the Sanskrit gacchati."
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From all these details it may be deduced that of all the grammarians, Hemacandra, the Westerner, gives the highest number of verbal substitutes which contain the greatest number of true or desya ones, but has a weak point that he does not, like Märkandeya or other Easterners, group them in accordance with the different shades of their meanings.
These true dhātvadesas, as noted above, are also desya

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words, but for some practical purposes have been included in Prakrit grammar. They, together with the desya words, were indeed found in Prakrit literary works and even in Sanskrit Lexicons and Dhātupathas. But the discovery of the Pāiyalacchinamamala of Dhanapala and the Desīnamamalā of Hemacandra by Buhler, and the publication of both these works later, 24 gave a new impetus to their study and enhanced the scope of such study among the various scholars - Prakritists, linguisticians and others. Hence, naturally, we came, and are still coming to know more and more about the importance and the problematic origin and preservation of these dhatvādesas as well as desī words, which together go to for an interesting part of the Middle Indo-Aryan vocabulary. Pischel early observed,25 "Among the desya words are included the largely numerous verb-forms, that are designated as dhātvādesas “root-substitutes" by grammarians, and they cover much space in Indian grammars. Here, Sanskrit fails miserably in rendering any help, though agrecment among the new Indian languages is most rigorous.” Dr.S.K.Chatterji remarks,26 “The desi element in MIA is another absorbing and frequently baffling topic.” Dr.S.M.Katre thinks, 27 “One of the most urgent problems which faces us with respect to MIA verbal bases is that of the dhatvadesas”.
Another early outcome of the attention paid by scholars to the desi clement in MIA, was the conviction that it largely possessed the non-Aryan clement, Dravidian being a notable part of the latter.28 Later, Dr.P.L. Vaidya hinted at the possibility of Dravidian words entering into MIA through Old Mahārāstrī.” Then Dr.A.N.Upadhye proved clearly the inevitability of the Kannada loan words into the Prakritic vocabulary and gave a pretty long critical list of such words, which may be said to be pioneer work in this particular direction.30 Recently I attempted, in two papers," to trace to Kannada a few more words from the Desi Stock, viz., Hemacandra's Desinamamala, Dhanapala's Pāiyalacchinamamala and Trivikrama's exhaustive list of desi:words given in his Grammer. Now I propose to give in this paper a critical list of a few genuine
dhātvādesas,32 which appear to have been borrowed wholly or

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partly, from Kannada. The list is not claimed to be exhaustive, nor are the conclusions to be final.
attai = kvathati (IV.119.93 : 1.2034) - boils, prepares by heat, Kannada (K). attus - to cook,36 boil, cvaporate. Cf. Famil (T:) aty - id, Malayalam (M.) aļuka-id, Tul (Tu) adupinii and Telugu (Te.) attu - a flat think cake roasted or baked on an iron pan. Shri Shivashekhara Mishra proposes that the Hindi atā flour, food, is a loan from Dravidian : K. attu, adu, Tu. attila, Te.attu". But it cannot be so, for the cognate forms of the Hindi ata are found in other NIA languages also, and they have all come down from attam (Sk.lex.),” which itself appears to have been taken from MIA (i.c., attai).39 Prof.K.P.Kulkarni rightly observes that the Marathi atne (atne) is originally a Kannada word attu, which entered into Māhārāstrī and which later, Hemacandra called desto (or dhātvādesa).
avukkai = vijñāpayati (IV.38: 1.37) - requests, teils respectfully. vokkai = id (IV.38: VII.81) - id. vokkai = unnatati etc. (Mārkandeya)"! - jumps towards. K.avuku (avunku)^2 - to embrace, M. amukkuka - to press down, Tu.amapuni, Te. avukku - to yield to pressure. It is obvious that phonologically the Prakrit verbal root agrees with that of Kannada. As regards the semantic side of it, the meaning of the Kannada root is similar to the one given by Markandeya. The Kannada root might have possessed other meanings, 100, which have not come down to us.
ahodai = ladayati (IV.27: 1.71) - beats, strikes. vihodai = id (IV.27:VII.72) - id. nihodai = patayati etc. (IV.22:IV.51) - fells etc. pahodai = vilulati (Rāmaśarman)44 agitates, shakes etc. All these four verbal substitutes are formed by adding prefixes to hod - which appears to have been borrowed from Kpode4 (hode) - to beat, strike, fell. Fc.T. putai - id, Tu. podepuni - to fan, winnow,
Te.poducu - to fight, Kot. porc - to winnow with a stick. Considering

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the date of Hemacandra, i.c., 1088-1172 A.D., the change of 'p' to 'h' in the Kannada root stands true to the historical change of the sound in the language." Ramasarman flourished: "between the beginning of the 12th and the end of the 16th century"."
45
46
=
oggalai romanthayati (IV.43: I.163) chews. vaggolai id (IV.43.VII:49) - id.K.ugul (ugal)47 - to spit as saliva etc. Cf.T.umir
-
48
49
khuttai
to gargle, spit, M.umirka id, Tu. ukalu -vomitting, Te. umiyu to spit. It can be noted that the meanings chewing, spitting gargling etc, are so closely allied. The shift of sound u>o>va is also plausible. As regard g>gg, it is just possible that undue accent on 'g' on the part of the lenders might have given rise to 'gg' amongst the borrowers, for "the masses speak by ear". tudati (IV. 116 II.75) - breaks, K.kuttu to pound, beat, strike. Cf.T.kuttu - id, M.kuttuka - id, Tu.kuttuni to thump, give a blow, Ko.kut - to pound. The aspirated 'k' may be a dialectical variation in Kannada itself, for we hear kamba : khamba, bangāra : bhangāra, gāļi: ghali etc. Besides, it is interesting to note that the Sanskrit kutt to pound, is also included by T.Burrow in his "list of the most important and the certain of the Dravidian loans."50 Turner, under kutnu, notes that Bloch and Kittel suggest the Dravidian origin of the Sanskrit root." Moreover, Dr.R.C.Hiremath suggests that the Sanskrit kuttima - an inlaid or
51
=

-
paved floor, ground paved with small stones, also, "can be derived from the Dravidian kuttu to beat, to strike and to pound.»52 But Dr.Katre includes the Samskrit kutṭayati among" a few examples of OIA bases of earlier forms, subject to the process of MIA development" kuṭṭayatiPage #389

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the aspiration of 'k' we have noted above, under khullai, the tendency in Kannada. According to Prof.K.P.Kulkarni, the Marathi khuppano also is, originally, a Dravidian formation and the desi (or dhātvādeśa) khupp - was Sanskritized as ksup.56
ghuttai = pibati (IV.10:II.109) - drinks. K.guļuku -a gulp. guțukisu? - to gulp. Cf.Tu.gutuku -id. Te.guļuka -id. Ko. gurkan - noise of drinking water, Tu,kurk - to gulp. The Nepali form and other IA cognates given by Turner are : Nepali ghurko - a gulp, Hindi ghutaknā - to swallow, Punjabi ghutta · a swallow, Sindhi ghutko - a gulp, Gujarati ghutdo -id, Marathi ghutkā (ghot) -id, etc.58 From these details it is clear that the cognates of the root are found in the languages of both the families, Dravidian and · Indo- Aryan. Hence can it be an cthno-psychological phenomenor.? Or can we say that the MIA rool is a Dravidian loan in IA, for "the onomatopoctics form a very characteristic element of speech in both Dravidian and Austric?"60 Prof.K.P. Kulkarni suggests that the Marathi ghutkā originally might have come from the sound or from the Kannada word gutuku.
tiritillai = bhramati (IV.3) - wanders, turns round. K.tiri62 - to wander about, turn round. The verbal substilute appears to be a reduplicative of the Kannada tiri, the second 'ri' dropping by Syncope: țiritirillai tiritillai. As regards the addition of illa, the formation is on the analogy of cincai : cincillai"). And the change of 'l' to 'l' is also possible. Even in Kannada we find tagaru and tagaru.4 Cf. also T. tiri - id, M.liri -id, Tu.Tiruguni -id, Kol.tirg-id.
tuppam = mrakṣitam (1.200: V.22) - besmeared, anointed. K.tuppa - clarificd butter. Cf.Ttuppu - enjoyment, object of enjoyment, food, ghee, tuppam -ghee. Other Dravidian languages possess this form in some other meanings: Te.tuppa small bush, Kol.tuppa- birds' nest etc. The semantic development of this verbal substitute probably took place out of a social custom in South India that women, during their period, besmeared their face with

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ghee mixed with turmeric, in which context it might have been borrowed into MIA with the meaning: that which is besmeared with ghee. The three verses in the Gahāsattasai viz., Nos.22, 289 and 519, speak of this custom and allow scope to this possibility. A scrutiny of the usage of tuppa in these three verses, as found in the various editions of the work, show that there appears to be some confusion on the part of the copyists, commentators and later editiors of the verses, which is reflected in the different qucer readings of the form, particularly in verses 22 and 519 : vannaghitatuppamuhie: vannaghialittamuhie, vannaghialittamuhie, vannaghaalippamuhim: vannaghaatuppamuhim ctc. Could it, ghaatuppa or ghiat uppa here, be an example of Polyglottism?66 Verse 289, however, gives rather a true nature of the form: tuppānanā - shc with her face besmeared with ghee. Hemacandra, in his Desinamamala, gives as many as six meanings of tuppa®. And Pandit Haragovindadas Sheth has collected from various literary sources, besides Hemacandra, several meanings of the word in which it has been used.68 Among all these mcanings, except the one, viz, sarsapa, included by Hemacandra in his list of six meanings, some stand for ghee, while others move round it being used in a similar or a metaphorically extended sense." Prof.K.P.Kulkarni proposes that the MIA tuppa, from which the Marathi tūp has come, can be connected with the Sanskrit root tup - to hurt (Dhātupā!ha) and suggests a distant line of its semantic development : In ancient days tuppa stood for the fat removed from the hunted or killed animal. Later, when such violence was given up, the word came to be used for the milkproduct. Turner, under the Napali ghiu or ghivu, gives all the corresponding forms in IA, the line of thcir descent beings: Sanskrit ghrta, päli ghatam, Prakrit ghaa, ghia NIA ghiu, ghĩ, etc." in Marathi and Konkanī, besides ghi, tūp also is in currency. Other NIA languages do not appear to possess this additional form. 72 Hence it is possible that tuppa entered into MIA, viz. Old Māhārastri
from Dravidian, possibly from Kannada, which area is geographically

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morc favourable for sach borrowing, and the Marathi tūp camo down from thc Old Māhārastri and later remained in wide currency, at least in some regions, in preference to the one directly inherited from Al, i.e.ght owing to the closer contact of the peoples of Marathi and Kannada-speaking arcas, or owing to the merger of some parts of the Kannada - speaking arca in the course of the formation of later Maharastra. Dr.Upadhye suggests that the Kannada tuppa might have been borrcwed into Marathi and phonetically naturalized.73 Prof.Tirumala Ramachandra proposes that tuppa, found in the Gāthāsaptaśatī, is a Telugu word. 74 After all these considerations, 1 believe that a more detailed investigation of the MIA tuppa, both in its phonological and scmantic aspects, on historical principles, would be of much value to IA as well as Dravidian Linguistics and even to Indo-European Linguistics, for Monier Williams gives some Indo-European cognate forms, viz., Latin stupco, German stumpf etc. of the Sanskrit tup" - with which according to Prof.K.P.Kulkarni, as noted above, the MIA tuppa can be connected.
Murai = bhanakti (IV.106: VI.136)-breaks. musumūrai = id (VI.106:VI.136) -id. mummurai = cūrņayati (Märkandeya) -pounds, powders. mamūrai = id. (Rāmasarman) -id. K. muri78 -lo break. Cf. T. muri - id, M. murikka-id, Te. muriyu-to be broken. The last three forms of the verbal substitutc are formed by adding prefixes to the first one. Hemacandra gives, it may be noted, merely the general meaning, whercas the other two grammarians, the Easterners, give the specialized mcauing."

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REFERENCES AND NOTES
Paper published in the Journal of the Karnatak University (Hum.), Vol.IX, 1965. Siddha-Hema, IV.2. Desīnāmamalā, 1.37. Op.cit. 1.10. Op.cit. 1.13. Introduction to the Desīnāmamala of Hemacandra, BSS No.XVII, pp.6-7. Intro. to the Desināmamala of Hemacandra, Calcuttal University 1931, p.XXXV. Introduction to the Prakrit Grammar of Trivikrama, Sivaraja Jaina Granthamalā No.4, Sholapur 1954, p.xxxviii. Memors of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol.III, No.2, pp. Op.cit., Intro.p.78. Op.cit., Intro.p.77. Ibid. Ibid. Wilson Philological Lectures, Bombay University 1940-41, Pub.1944. Op.cit. Intro., p.99. Ibid. Op.cit., Intro.p.100. Ibid. Op.cit., Intro.pp.82-83. Op.cit. Intro.p.83. Ibid. Ibid.
18. 19. 20. 21.

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22.
23.
25. 26.
27. 28.
Op.cit., Intro.p.81. Vide Pischel, Comparative Grammar of the Prakrit Languages (Eng. Tr.), Varanasi 1957, Intro. *9.p.7. In the years 1879 and 1880 A.D.respectively. Op.cit., Intro. 9.p.7. Indo-Aryan and Hindi, Ahmedabad 1942, p.92. Op.cit, p.98. It may be noted here that as carly as 1872 A.D., John Beams, while taking stock of the Linguistic material from which the vocabulary of the scven New Indo-Aryan languages is derived, gave due consideration to the 'Desaja' class and recognized in it the non-Aryan clement though in “a very small proportion”. (Comparative Grammar of the Modern Aryan Languages of India, Vol.l, London 1872, Intro.pp.1-13). Then scholars like Grierson, Bloch, Truncr, Chatterji, Przyluski and others in various contexts pointed out Dravidian as well as Austro-Asiatic influence on MIA vocabulary including the desi element. Observations on Hemacandra's Desinamamalā, J.B.O.R.I., Vol. VIII 1926. Kanarese words in Desi Lexicons, J.B.O.R.I, Vol.XII 1930. (i) Kannada words in Hemacandra's Desināmamālā, Journal of the Karnatak University, (IKU), Humanities, Vol. VII, 1963. (ii) Kannada words in Desi stock, JKU, Humanities, Vol.VIII, 1964. My source of verbal substitutes for investigation, naturally, is Hemacandra and I have consulted, occasionally, others either from Grierson's Indexes or frompublished works. Refers to Hemacandra's Grammar. Refers to his Dešināmamala. It is a included by T.Burrow and M.B.Emeneau (BUR-EMN) in their ‘A Dravidian Etymological Dictionary', Oxford 1961,
0.
31.
32.
33. 34. 35.

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36.
37.
38.
41.
Entry No.66- Ka. A note also is added : 'Cf.Sk.atta-dried, Pk.attai-to become dry, Mar. atne-to dry up.' Vide op.cit., Intro. &9. Kittel, in his ‘A Kannada-English Dictionary', Mysore 1894, quotes the usage of the root in this mcaning, Non-Aryan Element in Hindi language, Summaries of Papers, All India Oriental Conference, Lucknow 1951, pp.166-167. Vide Turner, ato-flour, in his 'A Comparative and Etymological Dictionary of Nepali language', London 1931. This possibility has been noted above on the authority of Pischel, Op.cit., Intro. 9, p.7. Marathi Etymological Dictionary, Bombay 1946. Grierson's Index II, p.154. (i) BUR-EMN, 143-Ka. (ii) Kesiraja includes it (avunku) in Dhātupātha of his Sabdamanidarpana (SMD) Dh. The Prākrta-kalpataru, The Asiatic Society, Calcutta 1954, 1. 8.38. (i) BUR-EMN, 3493-Ka. (ii) SMD Dh. Vide A.N.Narasimhaiya, “A Grammar of the Oldest Kannada Inscriptions, Mysore 1941, pp.1-2. Dr.Manmohan Ghosh, Intro, to the Prakrta-kalpataru, Calcutta 1954, p.XV. BUR-EMN, 547-Ka. John Beams, Op.cit., Intro. p.14. (i) BUR-EMN, 1391-Ka. A note also is added : 'Cf.Sk.kuttayati- to beat', Vide op.cit. Intro. 9. (ii) SMD Dh. The Sanskrit Language, Faber and Faber London, p.381. Op.cit. ‘Linguistic Investigation of Some Problems on the
43.
44.
47.
50. 51.
52.

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54.
55.
Relationship of Indo-Aryan and Dravidian Languages', Ph.D.Thesis, accepted on 8- 12-1955, by the Karnatak
University, p.250. 53. Op.cit., p.67.
Ibid, p.68. Vidc A.N.Narasimhiya, 'A Grammar of the Oldest Kannada Kannada Inscriptions, Mysore 1941, pp.1-2.
Op.cit. 57. BUR-EMN, 1381 Ka. A notc is also added: ‘CI. Turner
S.V.ghurko’. Vide Op.cit., Intro.9. 58. (i) Op.cit.
(ii) It may be noted that the 1A line of decent, here, starts with the desi (or dhātvadesa) ghuttai, with no Sanskrit or
Pali or Prakrit cognale form prcccding it. 59. Vide Prof.C.R.Sankaran, Some Problems in Kannada
Linguistics, Kannada Research Institutc Dharwar, 1954, pp.59-60. (i) Vide Dr.S.K.Chatterji, Op.cit., p.92. (ii) At present I have no means of finding out the Austric cognates of the root. Op.cit. (i) BUR-EMN, 2665 Ka. (ii) SMD Dh. (tiripu). Siddha-Hema, IV.115. Kittel, Op.cit. BUR-EMN, 2685-Ka. A note also is added:
“Cf.Pk.tuppa-ghee, Mar. tup-id”. 66. Vide Dr.S.K.Chatterji, Op.cit. pp.94-95. Dr.Chatterji notes
that the phenomenon of Polyglottism in MIA is illustrated by what may be called Translation Compunds. He further observes; "The occurrence of this kind of translation compounds suggests that in ancient India, as much as in Modern India, various languages were spoken (or studied
or otherwise employed) side, by side, and hence tese

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67.
compound formations”. V.22. Pâia-sadda-mahannyo, Calcutta 1928. The following two meanings are interesting to Note : tuppam - besmeared with ghee, luppo - a leathern bottle for storing ghee. Op.cit. Op.cit. The Gujarati people also settled in Karnatak and Maharasthra, use in their language tūp in addition to ghi. J.B, O.R.I, VOL. XII. Some Telugu words in Gatha Saptasati, Summaries of Papers, 26th International Congress of Orientalists, Delhi 1964, pp.203-204. A Sanskrit-English Dictionary, 2nd Ed.Oxford 1899. Grierson's Index II, p.149. Prākrta-kalpataru, I. 8.36. (i) BUR-EMN, 4109-Ka. (ii) SMD Dh. These peculiarities have been noted above.
73.
75.
76. 77. 78. 79.

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44
THE DESI ELEMENT IN MIDDLE INDO-ARYAN AND
KANNADA
The Desi Element in Middle Indo-Aryan may broadly be said to have comprised: (i) The stock of genuine desi words collected in the
Paiyalacchi Namamala of Dhanapala - a lexicon, the Desinamamala of Hemacandra - also a lexicon, and the long list of dest words given by Trivikrama in his grammer, thc Prākrta-Sabdānušāsanam.' The genuine dhātvadesas, verbal substitutes, taught by Hemacandra and other Prakrit grammarians in
their respective grammatical works. (iii) The desi vocables, found in Prakrit works like the
Kuvalayamala and the Mahapurana of Puspadanta", but not included in the desi lexicons or Trivikrama's
list. (iv) The desi vocables that are stored away in unexplored
or lost works, like the Tarangavai Kaha of
Pādaliptasuri and the Vilasavai Kahā of Halika. (v) The desi vocables which may have come down in
New Indo-Aryan without being collected in the

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desi lexicons, Trivikrama's list, or the lists of verbal substitutes given by Prakrit grammarians, or without being used in Prakrit works, extant or lost."
Though the problem of the exact origin, development ana preservation of Desi Element in Middle Indo-Aryan has not yet had complete solution, it has been an established fact that a notable part of it is a loan from the Dravidian and the Austro-Asiatic (which also includes the Munda) languages, and amongst the former, Kannada has contributed its mite to it. A few attempts, so far, have been made to trace the Kannada element within the Desi element in Middle Indo-Aryan. Now I propose to evaluate the results of this branch of research in the light of some of the cautions struck or tests laid down by linguisticians' while proposing scientifically better lines of investigation, as well as in the light of the difficulties, a few of which, being unsurmountable in the present state of knowledge in the field, one has to face along such lines.
For scientific accuracy it is necessary that, when we say that a particular desī vocable in MIA is a loan from, say it first Dravidian, we must assure ourselves that:
(1) It is not inherited, with new phonetic developments, from Old Indo-Aryan. Several words in the desi lexicons, which have undergone phonetic changes not admitted by any rule or rules in the Prakrit grammer, can be brought under this test.
>10
(2) It is not inherited from Indo-European leaving, however, no trace in OIA. In Dr.Katre's words, "MIA may inherit directly IE vocables not recorded in the OIA stage.' He also points in support of this peculiarity, to Prof.Louis H.Gray's Paper11 on the Indo-European etymologies of fifteen Prakrit words. Among these fifteen etymologies, it is interesting to note the first one, viz., attana, which Kittel had noted as borrowed from Dravidian."
12
13
(3) It is not a loan from Munda from which Dravidian itself may have borrowed. Bloch observes that Dravidian also may have borrowed from Munda "which must be at least as ancient as Dravidian in India.»14

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(4) It is not a loan from other Austro-Asiatic languages. Przyluski claims to have shown, in a series of articles in the Memories and the Bulletin de la Societe de linguistique de Paris, "the importance of the Austro-Asiatic languages for the study of Sanskrit and Middle Indian languages."IS
(5) It is not a case of an accidental linguistic phenomenon, 16 an ethno-psychological phenomenon, or polyglottisms or the like.
Among these tests the first is casy to apply. The second demands a vast knowledge of different families of languages, Dravidian, Indo-Aryan, and Indo-European. If scholars like Gray extend their efforts to the entire field of the Desī Element in MIA and prepare an exhaustive list of vocables "derived from bases long recognized in non-Indian linguistic families of IndoEuropean”!), it would be of great use to scholars working in this field. The third and the fourth stand almost in theory only, for material usable to those effects is not available in both the groups of languages. As regards the items in te fifth, while the accidental linguistic phenomena and polyglottism are not difficult to be considered, the ethno-psychological phenomena require specialisation, for which we have to depend on scholars like Prof.C.R.Sankaran.
Besides, all these tests do not go to form a complete unit so as to ensure our conclusions being sinal, for there are some vocables, in MIA as well as in OIA, which stand beyond these tests and lead even eminent linguisticians to different conclusions. For example, while Bloch connects O1A tad -with Dravidian, Kan. tattu etc., Dr.Katre derives it from OIA trd-20 Again while Kittel connects the epic Sanskrit atati with Kan.ātu, and Bloch with Kan.adi etc., Dr.Katre attributes it to Ola rt-a-ti21 and remarks, “The acceptance of these etymologies is largely a matter of faith or convication."22 Coming, further, to MIA, when Bloch connects bolla - with Kan.bogalu or bogalu, etc., Dr.Katre derives it from OIA bru-23 and then lays down a comprehensive three-point

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25
scheme for deciding a Dravidian or non-Aryan loan in IA in general24. Thus there are some tests which are imperfect, there are others which stand in theory only and there are some others which require a long-term co-operative planning and application." Hence, under these circumstances it seems reasonable if one takes courage from Bloch's words, "If it is no reason for giving up this research, it is one for leaving necessary room for possibilities to which hitherto little attention has been paid," and go ahead
,,26
with the work in hand.
27
Coming to the next stage of this discussion, for scientific accuracy it is also necessary that when we decide a particular desi vocable is a loan from Dravidian, we must also be able to say where and when it was borrowed into MIA. In other words, we must be able to say whether the vocable was borrowed from Kannada, Telugu, Tamil, Malayalam or Tulu or some other Dravidian tongue, and that also at what definite period. Dr.Katre calls it the "space and time factor" and emphasises it as very important in this branch of research. Recognizing the importance as well as the difficult nature of this factor with special reference to the Desi Element in MIA, he proposes a four-point scientific seheme,2 which also is a gigantic one, demanding long-term co-operative planning and execution to be spread all over the nation and covering all the families of languages in India. Moreover, the problem of inter-borrowing wihtin the Dravidian family of languages is beset with subtle difficulties, which fact Burrow and Emeneau have casually noted, suggesting the need of a "separate monographic treatment' for the same. In this context, it would not be out of place to note what Turner has observed with reference to NIA languages, for it applies, more or less, to the Dravidian Languages too: "In India, perhaps as much as in any linguistic area, we are faced with an extensive mixture of dialects from the earliest times. The conditions have seldom been as such make for the evolution of a number of sharply differentiated languages. Constant invasions, the movements of great armies, the attraction of vast crowds of pilgrims from distant parts to centras of religious worship, the far
,,28

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wanderings of innumerable ascetics, the influence on illiterate peoples of travelling bards, the continual interplay of kingdom with kingdom, a district being now in this political area, now in that-these conditions have all made for widespread borrowings in languages, the extension of common linguistic changes over large areas and the formation of common mixed languages”30. Moreover, among the Dravidian languages, Kannada, as also Telugu, with the peculiar geographical position of its linguistic area, stands better chances of lending vocables to MIA as well as NIA.”31
After all these considerations, one is inclined to hope that until the giant and complicated lines of investigation proposed by linguisticians like Dr.Katre, are actually set for working, individual attempts necding the maximum possible caution or tests may be continued in all Dravidian languages, and later, with the material available, attempts, on the model of 'Telugu Loans in Tamil,133 but on historical grounds as far as possible, may help some kind of sorting and sifting and lead, finally, to the realisation, though not complete, of the 'space and time factor too.
Such attempts may, in the long run, help to solve the problem of the Desī Element in MIA. They will give an idea of the quota of the vocables borrowed by MIA from each language and of those common to all the languages of the family. This would further show how a part of the Desī Element in MIA binds together all the languages, Dravidian and NIA," and, in a way, represents the unity of the Indian languages as a whole. And lastly, it would also help, considerably in spirit and to some extent in practice, towards the learning of Hindi, our National language, by South Indians by the method of going from the known to the unknown.36

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REFERENCES AND NOTES
Paper published in the Journal of the Karnataka University (Hum.), Vol. X, 1966). The nature of desī words and some details about the two desi lexicons and Trivikrama's list have been already discussed by the auhor of this paper elsewhere: 'Kannada words in Hemacandra's Desinamamala' and 'Kannada Words in Desi stock', Journal of the Karnataka University (J.K.U.) Humanities, Vols. Vbi and Vill respectively. For the nature of and details about the dhatvadesas, see the same author's 'Kannada Element in Dhātvādesas' J.K.U. (Humanities). Vol.IX. The Kuvalayamala is likely to contain such vocables, as the author himself says that he who knows desi languages may also (with interest) read the work. (Vidc 23, p.281, Kuvalayamala of Udyotanasūri, Ed. Dr.A.N.Upadhye, Singhi Jain series 45, Bombay 1959. Dr.Mrs.Shriyan has traced in this work words of this type, for examplc mīsiya etc., in her 'Some Foreign Loan Words In Puspadanta's Apabhramba, Bhāratiya Vidyā. Vol.XXV; No.1-2, pp.26-37. Grierson tells that the early Prakrit narrative works like the Tarangavat (C.5th cent.A.D.) freely borrowed from the then languages of the people, particularly those for whom they were written (Linguistic Survey of India, Vol.I, Part, I.P.123), He, further, observes about the Tarangavar: "Owing to the

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8.
number of provincialisms contained in it, it gradually became extinct. Udyotanasuri, in the introductory part of his Kuvalayamala (p.3), respectfully remombers this work as well as the Tarangavai Kahā, together with their authors. Several of the “words of non-Indo-European, uncertain or unknown origin” given by Turner in his A comparative and Etymological Dictionary of Nepali Language, Index p.657 fl, may come under this class. (i) Kanarese words in Desi Lexicons, J.B.O.R.I. VOL.XII 1930, by Dr.A.N.Upadhye. (ii) Kannada Words in Hemacandra's Desīnāmamala, J.K.U. (Hum.) Vol.X VII, 1963, by the present author. (iii) Kannada words in Desī Stock J.K.U. (Hum.) Vol. VIII 1964, id. (iv) Kannada Element in Dhatvadesas, J.K.U, (Hum.) Vol.IX, 1965 id. After Caldwell, Gundert, Kittel etc., linguisticians like Levi, Przyluski and Bloch (in their respective papers in Pre-Aryan and Pre-Dravidian in India, University of Calcutta 1929), Dr.Katre (in his Historical Linguistics in Indo-Aryan, Bombay 1944, particularly pp.138-139 and p.154), Dr.S.K.Chatterji (in his Indo-Aryan and Hindi, Ahmedabad 1942, pp.94.95 and also noted by Dr.Katre, Op.cit., p.189, note 8) and Prof.C.R.Sankaran (in his Some Problems in Kannada Linguistics Dharwar 1954 pp. 47-50) have either struck some cautions to be noted or prescribed some tests to be followed while investigating the problems of Dravidian loans in IA in general, and also in MIA in particular. Op.cit., p.40. This paper has been published in the Journal of the American Oriental Society, Vol.60, No.3, 1940, pp.361-369. See No.12 in ‘On Dravidian Element in Sanskrit Dictionaries', Indian Antiquary, Vol. I, pp.235-239. "The Munda languages must have been formerly spoken
10.
12.
13.

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14.
over a vast area in central India and probably also in te valley of the Ganges” - Sten Konow, Linguistic Survey of India, Vol.IV, Intro.p.9, Levi has noted this, Op.cit., p.95.
Op.cit., p.59. 15. Op.cit. p.25.
Vide Bloch, Op.cit., p.44. Vide Prof.C.R.Sankaran, Op.cit., pp.59-60. Vide Dr.S.K.Chatterji, Op.cit., pp.94-95. Gray, loc.cit., p.361. Historical Linguistics In Indo-Aryan, pp. 135-136. Ibid., p.136. Ibid., p.137. Op.cit., p. 138. Op.cit., pp. 138-139. Like Dr.Katre's three-point scheme noted above. Op.cit., p.59. Op.cit., p.154. A Dravidian Etymological Dictionary, Oxford, 1961, Intro. p.xvi. Gujarati Phonology, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 1921, Part-III, Intro.p.329. ibid. For an excellent sketch of the political geography of ancient, medieval and also modern Karnatak, see A. Master's “Some Parallelisms in Indo-Aryan and Dravidian with Special Reference to Marathi, Gujarati and Kanaresc', Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society Vol.5-1929, pp.95-140.
As noted in note 8 above. 33. By S.V.Subramanian, Indian Linguistics, Vol.xvi, pp.179-186. 34. If the need felt by Burrow and Emenea, as noted above,
is fulfilled, preferably by themselves, it will be a great boon
to all who are interested in such work.

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35.
Some desī vocables which are loans from Dravidian have come down in NIA. Sce under attai in 'Kannada Element in Dhātvādesas, J.K.U (Hum.) Vol.IX. By Dr.Katre this method is laid down as part of his ‘A New Approach to the study of Middle and Modern Indo-Aryan' (Bharatiya Vidya, Vol.1, Part 2 pp.135-143).
36.

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| 45
A NOTE ON SOME MORE KANNADA WORDS IN DESI
STOCK
Hemacandra's Desinamamala occupies a distinct place in the field of the Desi element in Middle Indo-Aryan. Of the several intriguing problems connected with the Desī words collected in this work, that of the sources of such words is of considerable importance. It has been as established fact that Kannada, an important member of the Dravidian family, with its favourable geographical, historical, linguistic and literary background in early days, has served as one of the sources of several loan words listed in the Desīnāmamala and sound in other repositories of Desi vocables. A fairly good amount of work has already been done in this branch of study : Dr.A.N.Upadhye's pioneering work in this direction is quite noteworthy.' the presert writer's work in this field is spread over four papers. In the last of this series, a note had been taken of some of the cautions given and tests laid down by linguisticians for scientifically better lines of investigation of the Dosya vocables that are loans from the Dravidian in general and Kannada in particular. But Dr.H.C.Bhayani's “Studies in Hemacandra's Desīnāmamala”, which also represents some noteworthy aspects of investigation of loan words in the Desi
Stock, had not come out by that time.

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in his introduction to the book, the author presents his observation on the nature of and the problems connected with the Desināmamala; and lays down for scholars in his field a scheme of further research on the work, thc epitome of which is found in the following words: "Actually the further research work on the Desinamamala has to proceed in iwo closely related directions : ascertainment of the correct form and mcaning of the listed item and ascertainment of its currency and derivation”. 4 The Studies are then divided into three Sections in which are listed in all 597 Desī vocables with the following aspects of their study:
1. Formal variation in the Dosya Items of the Desinamamala: (1) Graphic variation (2) Phonological variation.
II. Correction of Erroneous Interpretations.
Jll. Some Desya Items from Svayambhu's Paumacariya (I-XX):
(1) Items common with the Desīnāmamala. (2) Items not recorded in the Desinamamala.
The present writer was actually induced by some aspects of these studies - especially by 1 and 2 in Section 1 and 2 in Section II - to carry out once again, a close search for the Kannada loans in the listed stock of Desya vocables and, thus, could pick-up a few items. The following appear to have been borrowed from Kannada:
Pusa (DNM 6.63) - mrja to wipe. Cl.Kannada (R) pūsu Cf. also Telugu (Te.) puyu, Tamil (T.) pūju. The Śabdamanidarpana (Dh.) also includes it. The meaning is to smcar, besmear etc. Hence, the borrowal appears to have been with a semantic change. pumsa-with nasalisation, phusa- with aspiration and pumccha- with cha acha variation appear to be later developments.
Ubbaro (DNM 1.126) - visamonnatapradesah, an unevenly raised place. From K, ubbu - to swell, increase etc., Cf. also Tc. and Tuppu K.also possesses ubbara - the state of being swollen, risen etc. Cf. also Te. and Tubbaro, and not ubbūro, seems to be the correct form. In addition to the correct interpretation given

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by the author of the Studies, the other meaming viz., unevenly raised, also might have been in vogue. Or the word might have had the other shade a of meaning too.
Kurulo (DNM 2.63) - kutilakesah, CF.K.kuru! -curly hair. Cf. also Tc. and T.kurul. The author's interpretation of the word, in the context of Hemacandra's illustrated verse, may be another shade of its meaning.
Kollo (occuring many times in the Paumacariya of Svayambhu and the Mahapurāna of Puspadanta (MP.) - hollow, a hollow chasm, deep cavity. Cf.K.kolla - depth, a deep place, a clift of the rock ctc. Aspiration or stops is normal not only in borrowal but also in the same language in different times and places. Words kholla, mīsiya (MP.) etc., which are not listed in the Desi Lexicons, are indeed very interesting for they do induce us to search for other Prakrit and Apabhramsa works for many a ioan of this kind.

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1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
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REFERENCES AND NOTES
Paper presented at the 26th Session of the All India Oriental Conference held at the Vikram University, Ujjain in October, 1972 and published in the Journal in the Journal of Karnatak University (Hum.) Vol.xvii, 1973.
"Kanarese Words in Desi Lexicons", Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Vol.xii.

(i) "Kannada Words in Hemacandra's Desīnāmamālā”, Journal of the Karnatak University (Humanities), Vol. VII. (ii) "Kannada Words in Desī Stock", Ibid, Vol.viii. (ii) "Kannada Element in Dhatvadesas", Ibid, Vol.IX. (iv) "The Desi Element in Middle Indo-Aryan and Kannada", Ibid, Vol.X. Unfortunately, Prof.H.P.Nagarajaiah has not noted any part of this progress made in this field in his Dravida Bhaṣavijñāna (Bangalore, 1966), p.452, nor has Shri P.G.Kulkarni done so in his Kannada Bhāseya Caritre (Belgaum) 1967 p.510.
P.V.Research Institute, Benaras Hindu University, Varanasi, 1966.
P.8.
It may be noted that several other Desi vocables have been already proposed to be such loans in papers listed in fn.2 above.
Noted by Dr.Mrs.Shriyan, "Some Foreign Loan Words in Puspadant's Apabhramśa Works”, Bhāratīya Vidyā, Vol.xxv, pp.26- 37.

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46
PRAKRITISMS IN EARLY! KANNADA INSCRIPTIONS
It is an established fact that the Jaina teachers and authors, who were Prakritists, were the earliest cultivators of the Kannada language for literary purpose. And in the course of their instructional and literary activities, they must have enriched the Kannada vocabulary by lending leveral needful Prakrit words. There is not available any contemporary material for the study of this important phenomenon. However, we have some carly Kannada Jaina inscriptions and literary works, that could give us a few glimpses of the later phase of this phenomenon.' Keeping this in view, I have taken a sample survey of the early inscriptions on the Cikka Betta (Small Hill) at Sravanabelgola and noted here, with some observations, Prakrit words and words with Prakritic influence found therein. I have collectively called them Prakritisms.
Śravanabelgola is well known for its epigraphic wealth and Jaina monuments. Its inscriptions have been exclusively collected and published in Vol.ll of the Epigraphia Carnatica (E.C. Series At first B.L.Rice discovered such 144 inscriptions and published them in 1899 (1st Edition). Later R.Narasimhachar found 356 more and published these 500 inscriptions in 1923 (2nd edition). And recently the University of Mysore undertook the revised edition of the E.C.Series and published its second volume with
573 inscriptions.

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Of these 573 inscriptions, 271 are collected from the Cikka Betta (Small Hill), 172 from the Dodda Betta (Big Hill), 80 from the Śravanabelgola village and 60 from the round about area. I have selected the inscriptions in the Small Hill for my study, because almost all the ancient ones are centralized therein. As a whole, these 271 inscriptions belong to the period between the 6th or 7th century A.D, and the 19th century A.D. But more than half of these i.e, 154, belong to the early period between the 6th or 7th century A.D. and the 10th century A.D. I have restricted my study to these 154 inscriptions, but have referred, wherever necessary, to a few later and other ones too. I have used the Second Edition as well as the Mysore Edition of the E.C.Vol.II for my study presented below here. The first number of the inscription refers to the Mysore Edition and the number in the bracket (of the same inscription) refers to the Second Edition. The date that follows these numbers is also from these two editions.
(I)
The following are the Prakrit words noted from these inscriptions:
5
Saddhamma : No.32 (29), c.700 A.D. This word occurs twice in this inscription. It is interesting to note that the word dhamma also occurs in (the Jaina) Inscription No.15 (of 1939-40), Karnatak Inscriptions Vol.1, found at Shiggaom (District:Dharwad) and belonging to the reign of the Rāṣṭrakūta King Amoghavarṣa (814-870 A.D.). It is possible that these Prakrit terms, saddhamma and dhamma, had a special sanctity for some Jaina engravers; or these terms may have occured in some early Prakrit inscriptions the might have served as models for such engravers. Because saddharma or dhamma does not occur invariably or often in other early Jaina inscriptions.
caga No.163 (133), 982 A.D. jasa No.163 (133), 982 A.D.
These two words are very interesting from the point of view of Kannada Linguistics. The earliest available Kannada grammarian,

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Kesiraja, in the Apabhramsa Chapter of his Šabdamanidarpana (1260 A.D.) enlists these two words as tadbhavas (words derived from Sanskrit). It is quite possible, I believe, that the Jaina teachers and scholars, who started cultivating the Kannada language, may have set in currency these and such other Prakrit words, which the Kannada tongue may have received without any phonetic modification, simple as they were. But later on the grammarians may have listed them as words transformed from Sanskrit on the Kannada tongue, i.c, as tadbhavas.
The following names possess Prakrit sounds: Singhanandi : No.35 (32), avout 700 A.D. Aritthanemi : No.67 (61), about 20 A.D. Devanandi : No.52 (49), about 1000 A.D.
In some of the later inscriptions names like Lakkhanadcva : No.147 (119) c.1100 A.D. Lakkhanandi: No.71 (A), 1163 A.D. and Vaddadeva : No.79 (69), c.1200 A.D. are also available. The name Santanandi is found in No.152 (123), c.1100 A.D., which is in the Nagarī script. The Nagari script of this inscription and the peculiar form Aritthanemi is No.67 (61), I think, give clue to a probability that these or such names were found in some carly Prakrit inscriptions, or these names were pronounced like this in the concerned Jaina circles. Because the changes i n and ss are not found in most cases in these inscriptions.
(III)
The following words can be said to have been derived from their corresponding Prakrit oncs:
pāuggamana : No.92 (82), c.800 A.D. It is a Jaina technical term derived from the Prakrit pāovagamana (Skt. Prayopagamana), a variety of vow of fasting unto death, which is described at length in the Bhagavati Aradhan (Mulārādhanā); gahas 2063 2072' and which predomincntly figures in thc stories of the Kannada

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Vaddarad hane, an Aradhanā Kathakośā (c.925 A.D.), R.Narasimhachar, the cditor of E.C.Vol. II (Second Edition), however, translates this term as "expiry of life' and gives its Sanskrit equivalent as 'prānotkramana' in a foot-notc. The Mysore Edition of the volume accepts this same translation, but drops the foot-note.
gudda: No.5 (4), about 900 A.D. It is derived from the Prakrit khuddaga (Skt.ksudraka). This word appears in many later inscriptions and is used to mean, generally, a lay disciple. From this term is formed guddi - a female lay disciple and is used in some of the later inscriptions.
bamma : No.102 (90), c.900 A.D. It is derived from the Prakrit bambha (Skt.brahman). In some of the later inscriptions the form bomma also appears.
simga : No.64 (59). 974 A.D. It is derived from the Prakrit simgha (Skt.simha).
oja : No.172 (139) c.1000 A.D. It is derived from the Prakrit uvajjhāya (Skt.upadhyaya). The line of derivation appears to be : uvājjhāya uvajjhāya ojjhaya ojjha oja. In this inscription (and also in many other later ones), oja is suffixed to proper names : Dāsoja and Rāmoja. In a later inscription the term ojakula is also found. Al this context I remember the surname Ojhā, current in some familics in Gujarat even today. The surname Jha, current in some of the Northern provinces, sccms to be a further development from Ojhā. In the true and scientific scnse, all these words can be called Prakrta-bhavas. But some of these have been listed as tadbhavas (Sanskrta-bhavas) in Kannada grammatical works. None of the granımarians has recognized or thought of the class of Prākrta-bhavas and listed any word under it.
(IV) Lastly there is sound an interesting verbal form:
ujjamisu (valli): No.38 (35), c.800 A.D. It is formed by adding the verbal (causal) suffix - isu to ujjama meaning to
conclude (a vow). It is a rec form not only in inscriptions, but

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also in early Kannada Jaina works. In its formation, ujjavana (Skt.udyāpana): cannot be brought in the picture. Paiasaddamahannavo does not note ujjama in the sense 'to conclude'. It is possible that this peculiarly formed verbal root ujjamisu was current in the pious Jaira circles in Karnatak ini those days.
This aspect of study of these inscriptions lead us to the following conclusion:
The carly Kannada Jaina inscriptions bear a stamp of clear and considerable Prakritic influence; and this phenomenon stands as a mile-stone in the history of literary Kannada. Moreover, the field of these and such other inscriptions presents as a foreground to the sublime and sustained efforts of cultivating the Kannada language on the part of the ancient Jaina teachers and scholars, who were Prakritists.

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REFERENCES AND NOTES
Paper presented at the 29th Session of the All India Oriental Conference, held at Poona in Junc, 1978 and Published in thc Journal of Karnatak University (Hum.) Vol.xxii, 1978. (i) Inscriptions very well preserve the heritage of the language of a people. (ii) Such literary works are the Vaddaradhane, thc Cāvundarāya Purana, the Adipurana etc., (iii) For details on this point vide the introductory part of my paper, Influence of Middle Indo-Aryan Literature on Kannada Literature, Proceedings of the Seminar on Prakrit Studies, Ahmedabad, 1973. E.C. Vol. II, Bangalore 1923. General Editor, Dr.H.M.Nayak, Director, Institute of Kannada Studies University of Mysore, 1973. For further details, vide Introduction 10 E.C.Vol. II (Mysore Edition). Edited by PL.R.S.Panchamukhi, Dharwad, 1941. A number of early Prakrit inscriptions in Karnataka have not come down to us; and so also the Kannada ones. The Jainas being the earliest cultivators of the Kannada language for literary purpose, there could, naturally, have been several Kannada inscriptions during the 4th and 5th centuries A.D., i.e, prior to the Halmidi inscription (450 A.D.). Sri Santisagara Granthamala No.13, Sholapur, 1935. vrata-samapri-karya : the rite of concluding a vow.
7. 8.

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47
ON THE EIGHTEEN DESĪ LANGUAGES
The Nayadhammakahāo, the sixth Anga of the Ardhamagadhi Canon, refers to the Eighteen Desī Languages more than once :
(1) Tae nam se Mehe Kumāre atthārasavihappagaradesībhāsavisārae. . . . . . . hotthā. Prince Megha was well versed in the Eighteen kinds of Desi Languages. (2) Tattha nam Campāe nayarīe Devadattā nāma ganiya parivasai addhā. ..... atthārasadesībhāsāvisārayā.” In the city of Campā there lived a harlot named Devadattā who was rich. . . . . . (and) well versed in the Eighteen Desī Languages. Similarly we find references to the Eighteen Desī Languages in Vivāgasutta, Ovavaiyasutta and Rāyapaseniya : Tattha nam Vāniyagāme Kāmajjhayā ņāmam ganiya hotthā. . . . . althārasadesibhāsavisaraya.? In Vaniyagama there was a harlot named Kāmajjhayā who was skilled in the Eighteen Desi Languages. Tae nam Dadhapainno dārae atļhārasadesībhāsavisārac.* The boy Dadhapainna was well versed in Eightcen Desī Languages. Tae ņam Dadhapainne dārac atthārasavihadesīpagārabhāsavisārae. The boy Dadhapainna was well versed in the Eighteen kinds of Desi Languages.
Then Jinadāsagani in his Nisítha Cūrni (7th Century A.D),

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also refers to the Eighteen Desi languages; atthārasa desibhasa***niyayam vā Adhamāgaham.*****6 or the Ardhamagadhi language which has the characteristics of the Eighteen Desi Languages.
Further Udyotanasūri, the author of the Kuvalayamala (778 A.D.) not only refers to the Eightcen Desī Languages, but also enumerates them by illustrating in brief the colloquial format of each of them as observed by prince Siridatta in the narrative:
Iya atthārasa desībhasāu pulaiuna Siridatto, Annāiya pulaer Khasa-pārasa-babbarādie”.
Having observed these Eighteen Desi Languages, Siridatta observed a few other ones like Khasa, Pārasa, Babbara etc., The following are the names of those provincial traders whom Prince Siridatta heard speaking in the market place:
Gollae, Majjhadese, Māghae, Antave, Kire, Dhakke, Sendhave, Marue, Gujjare, Lāde, Mālave, Kannadae, Taie, Kosalae, Marahatthe, Andhe, Thus the author illustrates only sixteen languages; and according to A.Master, the two missing Desi Languages are possibly Odra and Dravidi.
Moreover Cāmundaraya, the author of the Kannada Cāvundarāya Purana (978 A.D.), refers to the Eighteen languages. He, however, does not call them Desī. The contextual reference is to the Bharatakhanda consisting of countries like Trimāgadha, Lāța, Vatsa, Gauda, Maharastra, Karduka wherein lived people speaking eighteen languages : “Trimāgadha : Lāta Vatsa, Gauda Mahārāsıra, Karduka laksanamappastadasa bhāsajanaparivrta Satkhanda- Bhāratamam. . . . . .»10
Lastly Bhattākalankadeva, while commenting on the opeining verse of his Karnataka Šabdanusāsanam, a grammatical work in Sanskrit (1604 A.D.)", refers to the Eighteen Great languages together with seven hundred dialects. It is interesting to note here

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that the author does not call the eighteen languages Desi but Mahā (great) and at the same time he tells that they are well known in (Jaina) scriptures. In fact we do not find any reference to the 'Eighteen Great Languages' in any of the Jaina canonical works. The opening verse of the said work is as follows:
Namah Śrī Vardhamānāya viśvavidyavabhasinī, Sarvabhāṣāmayi bhāsa pravrttā yanmukhāmbujāt. The author's own commentary runs as follows: Sarvah
samastah Karnatkāndhramagadhamālavādinānājanapadavikalpaih nānātvam prāptā). .... Sarvabhāşah pravacanaprasiddha astadaśamahābhāṣāh Saptașata Kșullakabhāṣāh ca iti arthah. All languages mean those that are spoken in the varios countries like Karnatak, Andhra, Magadha, Mālavā etc., They are those Eighteen Great Languages well known in Agamas and Seven hundred dialects.
A close scrutiny of all these references to the Eighteen languages, Desi or otherwise, would yield us the following points: (i) All the above noted works whie contain references
to the “Eighteen Languages, Desi or otherwise, are Jain works. The earliest work is the Nayadhammakahão (400 B.C.)12 and the latest one
is the Karnataka Sabdanusasanam (1604 A.D.). (ii) All the canonical works, the exegetical work viz.,
Nisitha Cūrni and the Kuvalayamala contain the reference as 'atthārasadesībhāsa, the Eighteen Desī
Languages. (iii) In the Kuvalayamala the author also enumerates these
languages. Actually he enumerates, of course by illustrating them, only sixteen which include the Dravidian too. Hence it is clear that the list is arbitrary and the author is trying to adhere to the number Eighteen which by his time had duly acquired traditional or conventional importance the ultimate

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source of which seems to be the Nayadhammakahão. (iv) Cāmundarāya does not call the Eighteen Languages
of his reference Desī. The context of his reference is the narration of the Adipurana. And hence he obviously sticks to the traditional number Eighteen in this respect. Bhattakalanka does not qualify the Eighteen Languages of his reference by Dest but by 'Maha calling them Eighteen Great Languages. Yet he openly announces that they are well known in the Agamas. Thus he too adheres to the traditional number Eighteen and, at the same time tries to provide rather a true linguistic picture of the country of his time
by adding to it the seven hundred dialects. To conclude, during the period round about htc composition of the Nayadhammakahão (400 B.C.) there must have existed some eighteen regional languages. Unfortunately we have no evidence to show which actually they were. To be well versed in the Eigheen Desī Languages was a matter of proud accomplishment in those days. The number of Desī Languages and the context of accomplishment were taken up as a tradition and were repeated in later canonical works like Vivagasutta, Ovavaiyasutta and Rāyapaseniya. Jinadāsagani however refers to the Eighteen Desī Languages in the linguistic context i.e, while discussing the nature of the Ardhamāgadhi language. Cāmundarāya obviously adhers to the same number of traditional importance. So also does Bhattākalanka, but he tries to give a realistic touch to his statement by adding to it Seven hundred dialects.13 It is Udyotana who not only attempts to enumerate the Eighteen Desī Languages but also illustrates them. But we cannot take Udyotana's list as wholly and truly reflecting the linguistic picture of the contemporary society. Because the number of the regional languages, making allowance for the inclusion of the Dravidian too, in 878 A.D., could not be the same as it was in the days of the Nayadhammakahão. It must

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have been a large one. Hence we can say with certainity that Udyotana too adhers to the same number of traditional importance. But the truc value of this dated author's list lies in its illustrating the colloquial format of the Sixteen Languages, the galaxy of specimens of which can rarely be found elsewhere.
405
Thus the number Eighteen which formerly denoted the Desi languages in the early literature of the Ardhamagadhi Canon, has been adhered to by the later Jaina authors in Prakrit, Sanskrit and Kannada. And this number it appears was keeping for long its hold on the Kannada people to such an extent that there has come down in the Kannada language an idiom known as Hadinentu Jatigalu, eighteen castes, possibly indicating thereby that at some juncture of the cultural history of Karnatak the importance of the numerical group of languages has been replaced by that of the same group of castes.
14

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REFERENCES AND NOTES
i mi mi owo
si sco
Paper presented at the All India Oriental Conference, xxvii session, held at Kurukshetra University, Kurukshetra, in December 1974 and published in the Sambodhi, Vol.IV, 1975. Nāyādhammakahão I, i, Suttāgame I, Gudgaum 1953, p.957. Ibid, 1.3, Suttāgame I, p.987. Vivagasutta 1.2, Suttagame I, p.1249. Ovaväiyasutta, Suttāgame II, Gudgaum 1954, p.32. Rāyapaseniya, Sultāgame II, p.102. Vide Intro. to Paia Sadda-Mahannavo, Varanasi 1963, p.34. Kuvalayamalā 1, Singhi Jain Series, 45, Bombay, 1959, p.153. Ibid, pp.152-153. (i) For this and other details on the subject vide Dr.Upadhye's Notes, Kuvalayamala II, Singhĩ Jaina Series 45, Bombay 1970, pp.144-145, (ii) I may add here that the Babbaras are the northerners, mentioned as Varvaras, in the Sanskrit Puranas. Vide Concordance of Purana-Centents, Hoshiyarpur 1952, p.29. Cāvundarāya Purāna, Bangalore, 1928, p.20. Karnataka Sabdānusāsanam (With commentary of the
author), Ed.R.Narasimhachar, Bangalor 1923. 12. I have taken here the approximate date of the First Redaction
of the Canon. 13. This number too might have an importance of some tradition. 14. According to Shri S.B.Joshi, this idiom is connected with
the Agastya legend in the Tamil tradition. Vide
Karnataka-Sanskritiya Purvapīthike I, Dharwar 1967,; p.64.

10.
11.

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48
GAHĀSATTASAI
The Gahāsattasai (Gathāsaptasati) is one of the most valuable works of ancicnt Indian literature. It can also be said to have been the first to represent the ancient Indian forlk-poctry. From an excessively large number of verses composed in the Maharastri Prakrit and in the gaha (arya) metre by different numerous poets, Hāla (Sātavāhana), a king of the Andhrabhartyas, selected only seven hundred, edited them and presented them in the form of an anthology under the title Satlasai or Gāhāsattasai. Of these several bear the name of Hala himself.
Hala (Säta ahana) was the 17th King (C.1st century A.D.) in the line of the Andhrabhrtyas, who ruled in the Daksināpatha (Southern India). He was proud of, and partial to, the Prakrit language. Himself a poet, he had in his heart a soft corner for pocts. Bcing of an amorous disposition, he had a life of pleasure and liberally extended patronage to literature and writers. Eminent Poets like Palilta (Padalipta) flourished in his court. While collecting these gālhas, he is said to have paid a large amount of money for some of them.
At first this anthology of Prakrit verses was called Gahakoso (Gathakosa), It contained about 400 gahās. By the 10th-12th centuries A.D, the number of gāhās increased to 700;" hence the anthology began to be called Sattasaī or Gahāsattasaī. Thc boost in the number of gahas and the change in the title of the anthology

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gave rise, among some scholars, lo a short- lived controversy about the Gahāsattasai (Gathāsaptasatī) being quite different from the Gāhākogo.The Gohasattasas first appeared in print in India in 1911. But the great Indologist, A. Weber, had edited and presented its complete German Edition as carly as 1881.
The literary and cultural value of the Gahāsattasat is unique. Each gāhā in it is a muktaka, an independent lyrical verse complete in itself. Composed by folk-pocts or after the pattern of folk-songs, these gahas cvince a lovable style, precise and homely, casy and natural. Most of these gāhās depict the joys and sorrows of the love-life of the village people. The scenes, situations and experiences reflected in these gahas could occur in anybody's lifc. Hence they invariably strike a sympathetic chord among listeners or readers of any clime and time. The natural grace and sweetness of the Prakrit language have imparied to these gahā a special charm. The main sentiment of the gahās being love, we find throughout the anthology a lively vein of lyricism, charm and literary beauty. The suggested sense, which is hardly found anywhere in such a fine form and manner, has made these gahās immortal. Soft to the voice and pleasant to hear, these muktakas would scarcely spare the hearts of listeners or readers. For all these reasons, they won considerable popularity amung scholars as well as laymen. In course of time, they had gained the status and fame of aphorisms (subhasitas). More than 18 commentaries have bcen written on this anthology by different scholars at different times. Rhetoricians picked up from it a number of gahās for illustrating rusas and alankaras, It was seriously imitated in Sanskrit, Hindi, Gujarati etc., but with little success. It has been also translated into several Indian languages and some Western Languages like German and English.
Weber's German prosc translation of the Gahāsattasan is held to be as good as its critically reconstituted text. Then M.Winternitz, in his History of Indian Literature, Volume III, Fasciculus I, translated a few of the gahās from it into German, the English translation of which was presented later by Miss

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H.Kohn in the Calcutta Edition of the volume. Similarly, a few other writers of the History of Sanskrit Literature gave an English translation of some of the gahās by way of specimens. A completo English translation, in prose, of the Gähäsattasai was presented for the first time by Prof.Radhagovind Bhasak in his English edition of the work published recently in 1971.'
I have bocn an admirer of the Galasatlasañ ever since I was acquainted with it. As I taught during the academic years 1961-62 and 1962-63, its first two centuries of the gahas, the text prescribed for the final year of the Degree Course of Karnatak University, 1 translated them into English prose. And it hardly needs to be reminded that the translation sounded prosaic and also often needed the help of a commentary for fully understanding the suggested sense and other nicities of the original text. Since then I had nourished an ardent desire in my mind to translate these gahās in such a way that they would require very little help from a commentary and would strike a balance between fidelity and creativity, between interpretation and objectivity.11 Such translation, surely, could not be literal. And as I experimented in This direction, I found free verse, or rather free quartain!? is the right mediuin.13 The following is my translation of some of the gähās in the Gabāsattasar:'
pasuvaino rosārunapadimāsamkamtagorimuhaamdam / gahiagghapaṁkaaṁ mia sainjhāsalilamjalim namaha // (1-1) Salutations to Pasupati's cupped palms Filled, al dawn, with the twilight-offer of water Wherein's reflected Gauri's jealous red moon-like face Resembling the red lotus held in worship!
(2) amiam pāuakavvam padhium soum ca je na anamti / kāmassa tattatattin kunamti te kaha na lajjamti // (1-2) Prakrit poetry, verily, is like nectar;

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Those who know not how to recite or listen to it, Yet discuss aloud the philosophy of lovc; Are they not ashamed? I do wonder!
(3)
satta saāim kaivacchalena koạia majjhaārammi / Halena viraiaim sālamkārana gahānam / (1-3) Froni a huge heap of ten million gahās, Selecting seven hundred only with a poetic core, King Hala Satavahana, the dearest to poets, Compiled this wonderous Gahāsatlasai.
ua niccalanipphamdā bhisinīvattammi rehai valaa / nimmalamaragaabhāanaparitthiā sainkhasutti vva // (1-4) Behold! There sits alone a female crane: Silent and motionless on that green lotus-leaf, Looking a monster-conch milky as it were, Placed on an emerald plate glowing and rare!
(5) kim ruasi onaamuhi dhavalaamtesu salichettesu / hariālamamdiamuhi nadi wa saņavādia jaa // (1-9) Looking at the paddy-ficlds turning white Space, Why do you wccp so, casting your face down? There remains a hemp-field like an actress, lo, Her face besmeared with vellow orpiment!
kim kim de padihāsai sahihi ia pucchaiāi muddhāc / padhamuggaadohalinia navara daiam gaā ditthi // (1-15) “What are the objects of thy longing now?” Friends asked the young woman in her first pregnancy.
The blushing innocent one did'nt open her lips or ponder;

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But just cast a loving look at her husband there!
aliapasuttaa vinimiliaccha de suhaa majjha oāsam / gamdaparicunvanāpulaiamga na puno ciraissam 1/ (1-20) By feigning aslccp tire not thy eyes in vain; Make me room a little to be by thy side, Ah! Here are prickles on tny cheek so lightly kissed; By my heart, darling, I will not tarry again!
(8) kallam kira kharahiao pavasihai pio iti suvvai janammi / taha vaddha bhaavai nise jaha sc kallam cia na hoi !1 (1-46) "My husband is to travel away tomorrow' Is the news outside afloat; Ah! He's stone-hearted.
revered Night, I pray, lengthen thyself To the extent that morrow does't turn up for him!
vajjavadanairikkam paino souna simjinīghosam / pusāi karimaric sarivamdiņam pi acchīm /1 (1-54) Hearing the bow-string-iwang excelling the thunderbolt, The captive woman marked it as her husband's own ! Puffed up with joy at thc close of calamity, She wiped away tears of her co-captives too!
(10) dakkhinnena vi esto suhaa suhāvesi amha hiaām / nikkaiavena jānam gao si kā nivvui tānam // (I-85) Out of courtesy, () favoured one, you came to me today; And yet it gives me so much pleasure, What vast bliss must they's be enjoying, they Whom you approach without any deceit?

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(11) jo tiā ahararāo rattim uvvasio piaamena / so ccia disai gose savattinaanesu samkamto // (11-6) The red colour she had put to her lovely lips Was wiped off the previous night by her spouse; But the next morn she, the buoyant, did find it In the co-wives' eyes as fully reflected!
(12) kamalāarā na maliā hamsa uddaviā na a piuccha / kena vi gāmatadāc abbham uttāniam chūdham // (11-10) Of the lutus-beds none is crushed not faded: Amongst the numerous swans not one is fled; In our village lake, O my paternal aunt, The sky is thrown supine by some gallant!
(13) ajja vi valo Damoaro iti ia jampie Jasoae / Kanhamuhapesiaccham nihuam hasiam vaavahūhim // (11-12) Fonding her son warmly mother Yasodā said: “My Damodara is a child even to this day.” The gopis hidden aside cast mutual looks And wondering smiles as they looked askance!
(14) naccanasalāhananihena pāsaparisamthiä nivunagovi / sarigoviāņa cumvai kavolapadimāgaam Kanham // (II- 14) Feigning to appreciate the dancing gopis, there Gently advances another gopi artful and clever, And while whispering praises, she also kisses Krsna's image mirrored on their glossy chceks!

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(15) ahaam lajjāluini tassa a ummaccharai pemmām / sahiñano vi nivuno alāhi kim paarāena || (II-27) I am so very bashful, you know it well; And my spouse's love vehement by far; Friends are all quite clever and quick; Hence dye not my feet, away with the red lac!
(16) sāloa ccia sūre gharini gharasāmiassa ghettūņa / necchamtassa vi pāe dhuai hasamti hasaritassa // (11-30) The clever house-wife, as the sun's yet to set Holds her husband's feet against his will And washes to them well with a light smile; He too knowing her will, smiler as well!
(17) uddhaccho piai jalam jaha-jaha viralamguli ciram pahio / pavalia vi taha-taha dhāras tanuam pi tanuei || (11-61) The traveller drinks from the cup of his palms With eyes uplifted and chinks of fingers laxed; And the maiden at the water-stall iesponds at will By making the thin pitcher-stream thinner still!
(18) jhamjāvauttinagharavivarapalottamtasaliladhārāhim / kuddalihiphidiaham rakkhar ajjā karaalehim // (II-70) Deranged by gale is the cottage-thatch; Torrential rains soon rush in streams; With hasty palms does the house-wife protect Counts of husband's journey marked on the wall!
(19) bhuma albanumia vīsaddho so suņaho ajja mārio teņa /.

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Golaadaviadakudamgavasinā dariasihena // (II-75)
Move about with free mind, O pious man, The fear of that dog is no more now;
The haughty lion in the horrid thicket On the Godavari bank finished it off today! (20)
kahijjamtam
vahuso vi
hatthasamdittanam /
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tuha vaanam
majjha
na suam ti jampamānā punaruttasaaṁ kuṇai ajjā // (II-98)
I told thy wife four or five times indeed Thy message sent with me the other day; "It isn't clear, could'nt hear!" saying so She made me repeat it a hundred times! (21) pāsāsamki kao necchai dinnam pi pahiagharinic / onattakaraaloaliavallaamajjhatthiaṁ pimḍaṁ // (III-5)

The traveller's wife for husband's carly return Offers bending adown the ball of oblation; Around it drops a bracelet from the wasted wrist But the crow taking it for a snare touches it not!
(22) camdasarisam muham se sariso amaassa muharaso tissa / sakaaggaharahasujjalacumvanaam kassa sarisam se // (III-13)
The face of my beloved looks like the full moon atop, And the juice of her mouth is like nectar-drop! But what would te kiss, speedily wrought By grasping her curly locks, be like, I know not!
(23) ekkekkamavaivedhanavivaramtaradinnataralanaṇāe /
tai volamte valaa pamarasaunaiam tic // (III-20)

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As you went away that day, ( simpleton, She moved to each chink on the fonce around And stard far with eyes so tremulous In the manner of a bird that is kept in a cage!
(24) paisambharanapalottamtavahadharanivaabhiae dijjai vamkaggivai dīvo pahiajaae // (III-22) With fear that the lamp would be put off By the tears streaming with the thought of her spouse, The traveller's wise with all precaution Hands it over with her face turned away!
(25)
tā majjhimo ccia varam dujjanasuanehi dohi vi na kajan | jaha dittho tavai khalo lahea suano ansamto || (111-27) It's better, friend, to get a common spouse! A good or a bad one is of no use, be sure: The bad one's company is too troublesome And the good one's, you know, is hardly found!
(26) sawassammi vi daddhe taha vi hu hiaassa nivvui ccea / jam tena gamadāhc hatthāhatthim kudo gahio !! (III-29) Almost the whole village was suddenly on fire; All that belonged to me was burning around; But what immense plcasure rushed to my mind, As we both took the pitcher of water from hand to hand!
(27) vevirasiņnakuramgulipariggahakkhalialehanímagge / sotthi ccia na samappai piasahi lehammi kiṁ lihimo // (III-44) From the pen that oft slips through the fingers
Trembling and sweating for reasons scrupulous,

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Not even the first two letters come down in order What more, fricnd, can I write in this letter?
(28) mānosahani va pijjai piāi mānamsiņia daiassa / karasampudavaliuddhāṇanāi mairai gamdūso 11 (111-70) Raising up, with support of both the palms, The beloved's face cast down in sulky hush, He puts a mouthful of wine between her lips Which she takes for a cure for sulking and gulps anon!
(29) dadhamulavaddhagamthi wa moiā kahavi tena me vahu / amhehi vi tassa ure khutta wa samukkhaā thanaā // (111-76) In manner of undoing the hardest known knot, Did my lover free my arms in ardent embrace! Then I too in willing feat pulled out my breasts So very deeply dug in his wide warm chest!
(30) asaei parianam parivattamtia pahiajaae / nitthāmuvvattanavaliahatthamuhalo valaasaddo // (111-83) The traveller's wife, quite pale and ematiated Lies on the bed as does a hopeless patient; But the sound of bracelets from a casual side-turn Brings a beam of hope on the attendants' faces!

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ac
1.
2.
4.
5.
6.
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REFERENCES AND NOTES
417
Paper presented at the Staff Academy, Karnatak Arts College, Dharwad, in memory of A.Webers' Das Saptasatakam des Hala (Leipzig, 1881), marking its centenary year of publication and published in the Sambodhi, Vol. X, 1982.
The names of all the authors of these verses are not known. The later commentaries on this anthology, however, mention their names for each separate couplet. But these commentaries differ considerably about these names and, hence, are not reliable.
3. Each galā being independent and a complete whole, there was ample scope for interpolations. And when the number of the gāhās rose to 700, the anthology was called Sattasai. Later, this number rose to nearly 1,000. Yet the anthology is popularly known as Gāhāsattasai (Gāthāsaptasati). Vide Introduction to the Hindi Gāthāsaptasati by Narmadeshwar Chaturvedi, Chowkhamba Vidyabhavan Sanskrit Series No.55, pp.13-16.
Edited by Pandit Kedarnath and Vasudev, Bombay, 1911. Das Saptasatakam des Hala, Leipzig, 1881.
The gahas of the Gāhākoso, which claim great antiquity, can be said to have been composed by folk-poets, and the

A.Weber finds that only 430 gahas occur in all the six recensions of the Gāhāsattasai. Hence these gahas may have hence the contents of the Gāhākaso.

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10.
11.
12. 13.
later ones by the classical poets after the folk pattern. (i) The only authorised translation into English, published by the University of Calcutta, 1959. (2) After this paper was completed, I learnt that two more editions of the Gahāsattasai have just come out; one from Ahemedabad (Prakrit Text Society) and another from Udaipur. Bibliotheca Indica, No.295, The Asiatic society, Calcutta, 1971. Then I also translated them into Kannada prose. The Poet-translators' Workshop at Bhopal, organized by the National Sahitya Academy, declared that such translation is really effective: News item, The Times of India, 13-9-1976. As I would call it so. I also carried on such experiments in Kannada (my mother tongue) and translated a pretty good number of gahās after this ideal. I have followed here in the transcript the text of the gahās as found in Weber's Leipzig edition of 1881. They - other wives. In those days there was a custom that, after washing one's feet in the evening, one should not go out. The shrewd house-wife thus prevented her husband from going to another woman, possibly another wife, then staying at her parents' in the same village. We - my lover and I, endeavouring to quench the fire. I am grateful to Prof.A. Menezes (Karnatak University) who read the tranlation of these gahās and gave me some suggestions
14.
15. 16.
17.

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NĀGAVARMA AND THREE AND-A-HALF LANGUAGES
Nāgavarma, the author of the earliest available Kannada work on prosody viz, the Chandombudhi (c.900 A.D.), states in the context of his discussion on ‘vrttas' that languages of the fiftysix regions (visayas) such as Tamil, Telugu, Kannada etc., have been born of three and-a-half languages viz., Sanskrit, Prakrit, Apabhramśika and Paisācika: “Samskrtam Prakrtam Apabhramsikam Paisācikamemba mūruvare bhāsegalol puttuvavellam (Drāviđandhrakarnāțakādi satpamcāšat) sarvavisaya bhāsajātigalakkun."
I propose to examine the linguistic value and significance of this statement which has exercised for long the minds of several scholars in varied ways : Kittel, the editor, does not try to weigh this statement in ils linguistic perspective, but he passes a remark that Nāgavarma probably called the Paisacika a half language because it was spoken only by barbarous tribes. The late M.M.R.Narasimhachar finds the large infiltration of Sanskrit” into the Dravidian languages, but does not make any reference to the statement. Prof.H.P.Nagarajaiah takes the statement to be very interesting from the linguistic point of view because a happy attempt at the linguistic division of the country was made in the
poet's time whether the fifty-six languages including, Kannada etc.,

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were born of the three and-a- half languages or not. Shri P.G.Kulkarni takes the statement into consideration and observes that the borrowal of Sanskrit words into the South Indian languages has led to the belief that all these languages are born of Sanskrit.5 Shri S.B.Joshi takes note of the statement and calls it as the outcome of the author's belief based on the fact of excessive 6 borrowal of Sanskrit and Prakrit words. Dr.V.R.Umarji rather forces this statement of Nagavarma in support of his thesis that Sanskrit is the mother of all the Indian languages and Paisaci the immediate source of Kannada. Thus no serious attempt has been so far made to bring out the linguistic value or significance of the statement under discussion.
Now an analytical view of Nagavarma's statement holds out to us a three-fold problem:
(i) Languages like Tamil, Telugu and Kannada are born of Sanskrit, Prakrit, Apabhramsa and Paisaci.
(ii) The daughter-languages (bhaṣājātiga!) including Tamil, Telugu and Kannada are fifty-six in number spoken in fifty-six countries.
(iii) One of the mother-languages is a half language.
Nagavarma, of course, does not enumerate the fifty-six countries or languages, nor does he specify with reasons which is a half language a queer numerical expression ever recorded in respect of a language. It is the commentators that try to enumerate the fifty-six countries. Kittel reproduces these lists and observes that they do not contain complete enumeration and also that great arbitrariness is shown in enumerating these countries as the lists provided by the different commentators are not at all identical, but several countries in one list are substitued by others in the another one. The following is the incomplete list of the fifty-six countries:
Anga, Andhra, Ārya, Ekapāda, Odra, Karnāta, Kalinga, Kamboja, Kasmira, Kalava, Kuntala, Kukura, Kuranga, Kerala, Konkana, Konga, Koraha (Mahākoraha), Kollala, Gandhara,

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Gurjara, Gaula, Ghodamukha, Cola, Cina, Turuska, Tuluva, Teluga, Dravida, Ncpala, Pallavaka, Pancala, Pandya, Pariyatraka, Bangala, Barbara, Bahlika, Belava, Bhota, Magadha, Madhya, Malaha (Maleya), Maleyala, Mahārāsıra, Mārava, Mālava, Lambakarna, Lāla, Lubdhaka, Vanga, Singala (Simhala), Sindhu (Saindhava), Simbvana (Simhvana), Strīdoša, Hammīra and Haiva.' The following are the countries that are substituted:
Amaraka, Kamboja, Karala, Kirata, Kuru, Kodagu, Košala, Karpūra, Kharpara, Mraiti, Cerri,. Jalandhara, Turukanya, Trigarta, Dvaipa, Nisadha, Patala, Barama, Ballala, Boraļa, Matsya, Māța, Muru, Mleccha, Yavana, Varala, Vacala, Vidarbha, Sūrasena, Saurastra, Sauvīra, Hūna and Haihaya. "O
The complete list however is the Tamil one. Of course, it is the Kannada version of the original Tamil:
Anga, Aruna, Avanti, Andhra, Lāta, Oddiya, Karusa, Kalinga. Kanada, Kamnāda, Kāsa, Kasmira, Gāndhāra, Kamboja, Kirāta, Kurugu, Kudaga, Kuntala, Kuru, Kulinda, Gūrjara, Kekaya, Kerala, Komkana, Kolla, Košala, Ścka, Sauvíra, Salva, Singala, Sindhu, Cina, Sūrasena, Cola, Conaga, Dravida, Tuluva, Tengana, Nidada, Nepāla, Babbara, Pallava, Pāñcala, Pandiya, Pulinda, Poda (Boda), Magadha, Matsya, Marada, Maleyala, Malava, Yavana, Yugandhara, Vanga, Bangala and Vidarbha."
The idea or concept of the division of the countries into fifty- six units was not limited to Karnatak or South India alone, 12 but is was found in other parts of ancient and medieval India too. Dr.D.C.Sircar devotes a special chapter to the Account of Fifty- six Countries in his “Studies in the Geography of Ancient and Medieval India.:13 I may summaries below the relevant parts of his studies and findings on this topic which would be of considerable interest and use to us: The 'Satpañcāsat Desavibhāga' (Fifty-six Divisions of the

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Country) is a manuscript of a small work, a part of the Saktisangamatantra' (c.17th century A.D.), which belongs to the gazetteer literature in Sanskrit. Actually the work gives an account of the fifty-six countries lying in and on the boarders of India. Similar lists are found in some other medieval Tantric texts. The 'Sammohatantra' (c.1450 A.D.) contains two lists of fifty-six countries. The importance of the number fifty-six is not casily determinable. This number is found adhered to in a few other works of the class. The earliest work containing a list of fifty-six countries seems to be the 'Candragarbhasutra' composed or reedited (not later than 566 A.D.) in Central Asia. Hence, it is possible that the importance attached to the number fifty-six is essentially foreign.
Now scrutinizing Nagavarma's statement in the light of the nature of the commentators' lists of fifty-six countries and the findings of Dr.Sircar's Studies, I may deduce the following points: (i) The commentators add arbitrarily varied lists of fifty-six countries. That means they do not take Nagavarma's statement as based on linguistic or historical facts. Moreover the names of the countries in these lists represent all the familics of languages in India viz., Aryan, Dravidian and Austro- Asiatic. Even some foreign countrics like Turuska, Cina, Simhala etc. are included in them. Hence it cannot be accepted that among the fifty-six languages those like Tamil, Telugu, Kannada etc. belonging to one family could be derived from Sanskrit, Prakrit, Apabhrmsa and Paisacika belonging to another. Hence Nagavarma's statement has no linguistic value from the point of view of derivation.
(ii) To denote the linguistic divisions of the country, Nagavarma adopted the number fifty-six from some tradition which was known to hs commentators also.
(iii) This tradition was prevailent in different parts of ancient and medieval India commencing from about 566 A.D. but possibly having its roots outside India.
Now taking up the last fold of the problem of Nagavarma's statement, that the mother languages viz., Sanskrit, Prakrit,

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Apabhramsa and Paisacī, being counted as three-and-a half languages, it appears from its place in the serial order that the Paisacī, the last one, is denoted as a half language. That the number three and-a-half has been a puzzling one is known by the fact that in one of the manuscripts it is replaced by four : "caturbhāse” as noted by Kittcl.14 Then Kittel observes, as already noted, that Nagavarma called Paisaci a half language probably because it was spoken only by barbarous tribes. But how could Kittel afford to ignore that Gunādhya composed his Bịhatkathā in the Paisādi language? Morcover like Apabhramsa the Paisaci is an equally important Prakrit dialect enumerated by Prakrit grammarians. The Buddhist Sthaviras of the Vaibhāșika school used Paisācis Rajasekhara gives to Paisācí, a place of equality along with Sanskrit, Prakrit and Apabhramsa and observes that the Paisací has llavorous composition: “Sarasavacanam Bhūtavacanam Rajasekhara also tells that the people of Avanti, Pariyatra and Dasapura take interest in Paisaci.l? And it is so very interesting to know that Rajasekhara presents an ideal picture of a poetic concert at the King's court where Paisaci is treated cqually with Sanskrit, Prakrit and Apabhramsa, as the poets of these four languayes are seated to the North, East, West and South respectively."' Pischel observes that Paisacī was so much peculiar and independent that it began to be called as the fourth language besides Sanskrit, Prakrit and Apabhramsa." With all this on the side of Paisaci, Kiteľ's above noted observation appears to be just casual.
Then Dr.Umarji observes: “Paisacī is considered to be a half language perhaps because it contains about half sounds of the Sanskrit language":20 But this numerical proportion theory does not stand any more for every Prakrit dialect has considerably less number of sounds than that of Sanskrit. Can we call, then, Apabhramsa ‘One-third language'?
Then what might have led Nāgavarma to denote Paisací as a half language? Really it may not be Nagavarma's original way
of denoting the Paisāci. Because about some forty years earlier,21

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Ponna (c.950 A.D.), possibly Nāgavarma's contemporary senior literary figure, also refcrs, without any specification, to thrce-and-a half languages: “nodire pelva muruvare bhāsegalam”22 – indeed the threc and a half languages that are told about. Here Ponna too is obviously referring to the four literary languages Sanskrit, Prakrit, Apabhramsa and Paisaci. From this it appears that in the tench century A.D, in Karnataka there was in voguc, among the literary circle of poets like Ponna, Nāgavarma etc.,23 a jargaonized number, 'three and a hall' to denote the four prominent literary languages with Paisací as a half one. Moreover we do not sce, so far my knowledge goes, such qucer numcrical denotation any where in Sanskrit, Prakrit or any other Indian literature. Paisací was called a half language in such literary circles possibly because it was half dead by that time, its literary wealth being buried under the passage of Time24 and it remained with its formal existence mainly proved and preserved by the Prakrit grammarians.
To conclude, Nägavarma makes this statement as a prosodian and nut a linguistician. To denote all the so called daughter languages or the respective divisions of the country, he uses the number fifty-six following a tradition which prevailed in Karnataka as well in other parts of ancient and medieval India, but the roots of which appear to have been outside India i.c, Central Asia. To denote the so-called mother languages viz., Sanskrit, Prakrit, Apabhramsa and Paisaci, he picks up a jargonized number viz., three- and-a hall, a half being used for Paisacī, that was possibly in vogue in the poet's literary circle. The statement has no linguistic value from the derivative point of view. However, it is significant of the fact that in it Nagavarma has lightly left behind a contemporary belief that Kannada, Telugu, Tamil etc., are derived from Sanskrit, Prakrit Apabhramsa and Paisaci, the prominent litcrary languages of his time and such belief appcars to have taken its root because of the substantial lexical contribution of the latter group to the former one.

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REFERENCES AND NOTES
Paper presented at the All India Oriental Conference, XXVII Session, held at the Kurukshetra University, Krukshetra, in December 1974 and published in the Journal of Karnatak University (Hum.) Vol.xix, 1975. (i) Ed.F.Kittel, Mangalore, 1875, I, V.67, p.22. (ii) The ka suffix in both “Apabhramsika' and 'Paisācika' in the authoris statement does not effect any alteration in the meaning of the two terms. This feature is found more frequently in Prakrit than in Sanskrit. (Vide Pischel, Camparative Grammar of Prakrit Languages, Varanasi 1957.598, p.409). Namisādhu (on Rudrata) also uses ‘Paisacika), Nägavarma too uses these two terms in the same spirit. Op.cit., Intro, p.VII. History of Kannada Language, Mysore, 1934, p.22. Drāvida Bhāsavijñāna, Bangalore, 1966, p.12. (i) Kannada Bhaseya Carite, Belgaum, 1967, p.30. (ii) In this context, he also quotes the opening verse of Bhattākalanka’s Karnataka Śabdānusāsanam along with the commentary, but interpretes the phrase "Sarvabhaşamayi Bhasā to mean Sanskrit. It is indeed Ardhamayadhi (Praakril) in which Mahavira preached and from which the (natural) language, the author means to say, originated or which possessed the main features of all languages.. Karnataka Samskrtiya Pūravapithike I, Dharwar, 1967, p.153.

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7.
8.
Kannada Language, Its Origin and Development, Dharwar, 1969, p.87. Op.cit., p.22. Ibid. Ibid. (i) Ibid. (ii) This list duly agrees with the Tamil one given by Nateshwara Shastri in the Indian Antiquary, Vol.XVI, p.231. (iii) In the abovc lists there appear to have crept in some scribal errors or wrong versons like Ceri, Borata, Vācala, Kasa etc. I have kept them as they are. As pointed out by the Maharastriya Jñanakosa, Vol.XIII, Poona 1925, under Chappannadeśa. (i) Delhi 1960, pp.66-82. (ii) Space does not perinit me to reproduce here the Sanskrit lists of the fifty-six countries. But I earnestly feel that a thorough comparision and study of all such available lists would yield results of varied interests, geographical, historical, linguistic and cultural. Ch.V in A concordance of Purana- Contents, V.I. Series-3 Hoshiyarpur 1952, would also be of ample use for such comparison and study. Op.cit., sn.1, p.22. Vide Pischel, op.cit., p.30. Balarāmāyana, Benares, 1869, I, 11, p.8. Kāvya-Mimāmsā, Patna, 1965, X, p.126. Ibid, pp.134-135. Op.cit., p.30. Op.cit., fn.31, p.88. I am aware that the controversy over Nägavarma's date is not yet finally settled. I have stuck up to c.990, A.D. here. Santipurāna, Madras, 1929, XII.77.
15.
17.
18. 19. 20. 21.
22.

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23.
24.
We must not forget that both of these poets are Jain by faith. Gunadhya's Brhatkathā was found in Karnataka at least about 6th century A.D. when it was translated by Durvinīta into Sanskrit and, most probably, also into Kannada.

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A NOTE ON WHY STUDY PRAKRIT LANGUAGES AND
LITERATURE
Language as a medium or vehicle of thought, is said to have developed into its full-fledged phase during the period of Azilian Culture (Upper Palaeolithic or Old Stone age) between 15,000 B.C, to 8,000 B.C, and hence we can say that the ProtoAryans certainly spoke such a developed language. Then from the commencement of the Second Millenium B.C, the probable days of the arrival of the invading Aryans on the Indian soil, till c.600 B.C, the days of the rise of Jainism and Buddhism, the natural language of the common people or masses was some kind of Prakrit and the literary forms of it, as cultivated and refined by the elite, were the Vedic and Sanskrit. To clucidate the point:
It is interesting to note that Panini (c.700 B.C.) called the language of the Vedic texts Chāndasa. Nowhere in his great grammatic work does he mention the term Sanskrit which is said to have come into currency by the time of the Rāmāyana. Nor does he mention the term Prakrit anywhere in it. The theory that from Vedic descended Classical Sanskrit and from Classical Sanskrit descended Prakrit, is, held to be unscientific, because several linguistic features of the Vedic language are nearer to those of

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Prakrit than to the corresponding ones of Sanskrit; and a number of Prakritisms are surprisingly found in the Vedic literature itself. Jules Bloch rightly holds that the oldest language, which was considered sacred, gave a model, but not birth to the latter viz., Classical Sanskrit. Similarly Sanskrit cannot be the basis for Prakrit as it stated by some grammarians and scholars. Hence Prakrit can be interpreted as the natural language of the masses and Sanskrit as the refined or cultivated language of the sistas the elite, who used it for literary purpose in the early days. Leaving aside the elaborate discussions advanced on this topic by eminent scholars in India and abroad, I may just quote here Dr.P.L.Vaidya's view, presented about two decades ago, in simple but lucid words:
"Prakrit is the oldest and natural language of Indian people, spoken by all from their childhood, out of which Sanskrit, the polished language of the cultured classes has developed. Some of you may feel that this is a startling statement made to magnify the importance of the Prakrit language. Far from it, there are evidences available to prove my statement; and they are culled from the oldest and most reliable works in Sanskrit itself. If you take the Mahabhāṣya of Patanjali (2nd century B.C.), you find the words like gona and goni, which mean a cow, are mentioned by Patanjali, the great grammarian and champion of Sanskrit, who asks his listeners not to make use of these words, as they are Apabhramsa, degraded, and as such unfit to be used by cultural classes at least on sacred occasions like the performance of a sacrifice. But words like goni, gona, gona were so popular and current among the people, that completely banning their use became impossible, and so they made it a rule, recorded by Patanjali himself or by his immediate predecessors, that one must not use such words at least on sacred occasions; yajña-karmani napabhramsatavai. Later classicists like Bhartrhari went a bit further and enunciated a theory that Prakrit words, so numerous and current among the vast population, are incapable of carrying any meaning by themselves, but they do have a meaning through the

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medium of Sanskrit only. To make the point clear, they mean to say that words gonā, gonī, gona do not convey to the listener the meaning of a cow or bull directly, but only through the medium of Sanskrit. Their equation is thus: goni = gau. I do not think it requires any elaboration to prove that the natural language of the people of the Aryāvarta at least was Prakrit out of which the polished language Sanskrit has developed.”
All this means that when the Vedas were composed by the priestly class, there were also, spoken at home and owing to social strata and tribal groups etc., popular dialects or Prakrit dialects current among the masses. Later classical Sanskrit assumed the status of Vedic and Prakrits continued their further journey until when Mahāvīra and the Buddha picked up an outstanding regional dialect (Ardhamāgadhi or Western Pracya) for preaching their religious tenets and moral principles to the people at large, as they knew for certain "Na sakkam anajjoanajja-bhāsāviņā gāhedum” - "the common man cannot be instructed, taught or explained without the common (spoken) language" (Rayanasāra, gāliā 8). This was an important event in the cultural history of India, because a spoken dialect (Ardhamagadhi or Western Prācya) got for the first time the status of being the medium of religious and cthical preachings and teachings and, hence, had the chance of being cultivated, and the outcome was the appearance of the great Pali and Ardhamagadhi canons and the Pro-canon (of the Digambaras) in later days. But before the appearance of these Carons, Emperor Asola (300 B.C.) had already addressed his subjects in Prakrit through his well known Rock Edicts inscribed in the Brāhmi script found in the different parts of India even today. Gradually other regional Prakrit dialects such as Mahārastrī, Sauraseni, Magadhi, Paisací and lastly Apabhramsa also got literary status. And by c.1100 A.D, the spoken Apabhramsa gave birth to the Modern Indo-Aryan languages like Hindi, Gujarati, Marathi etc., Moreover, the Prakrit speaking Jaina monks and recluses,

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who cntered South India in two successive streams, one through Kalinga and Telugu Country (c.550 B.C.) and the other (c.400 B.C.) reaching Sravanabelola first and, then moving into the deep South, also gradually picked up the local languages like Tamil, Kannada etc., cultivated them and laid the foundations of their literary forms, in addition to their producing considerable amount of literature in Prakrit in these areas too. The total result was that in Prakrit a vast amount of literature, extending over the period of 1700 years (600 B.C. to 1100 A.D.), from the days of Mahāvīra to those of the birth of the Modern Indo-Aryan languages and even later on was produced in its various forms - Inscriptional Prākrit, Pali, Paisacī, Sourasenī, Magadhī, Ardhamagadhi, Mahārāstri and Apabhramba etc.,
As regards the importance of such vast and varied Prakrit literature, I would rather just quote here my own conclusive reflections on a similar topic already presented elsewhere (Jain Journal, Vol.IV-2):
“Prakrit literature contains a wonderful linguistic, literary and spiritual heritage that has considerably influenced the Modern Indian languages and literature, Aryan as well as Dravidian. It records the noble thoughts and messages of Asoka, one of the great monarchs of the world. The Canonical Section of Prakrit literature presents some brilliant chapters in the history of human thought. They may said to be Ahimsā (non-violence), Syādvāda or Anckantavāda 'the principle of non- absolutism) and Grhastha-dharma (an ideal Code of Conduct for the Layman), leading towards individual and social health. This has preserved and propagated such lofty spiritual and ethical ideologies that have helped to nourish among the masses higher values of life and to sct for them healthy moral standards. Gandhiji's principle of “Truth and Non- violence" can be said to be a modern fruit of such age-long reflections and teachings by our ancient Saints and Seers, that gradually percolated into our culture through centuries. The society depicted in Prakrit literature, particularly in its narrative and lyrical zones, is more popular and realistic than aristocratic

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and artificial. It embodies a mine of information and data that can take us towards more or less a complete religious, social and political picture of India of the period that could notably contribute its worthy mite to the civilization of the world. This means that for the reconstruction of the history of cultural India, Prakrit literature provides rare and significant details. And a good knowledge of our past culture, we should remember, invariably helps us to evaluate our present and plan for the future. Hence the study of Prakrit language and literature is indispensable for us and more so in the present days that are facing deep moral crisis and considerable loss of humanitarian values.

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SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY
A revised version of the paper presented at the First National Prakrit Conference, held under the auspices of the Prakrit Jñana Bharati, Bangalore, in December 1990 and published in Prakrit Vidyā, Vol.2, 1992. Aspects of Language, William J.Entwistle, Faber and Faber, London. Dr.P.L.Vaidya's Inaugural Address, Proceedings of the (First) Seminar of Scholars in Prakrit Studies, Shivaji University, Kolhapur, 1969. The Origin and Development of Bengali Language, Dr.S.K.Chattarjec, Vol.I, Calcutta, 1920. Prakrit Literature; Dr.A.N.Upadhyc, Shipley's Encyclopedia of Literature, Vol.I, New York, 1946. Prakrit Language and their Contribution to Indian Culture, Dr.S.M.Katre, Bhāratiya Vidyā Bjavan, Bombay, 1945. Some Problems of Indian Literature. Prof.M.Winternitz, Calcutta, 1925. Some Problems of Indo-Aryan Philology. Prof.Jules Bloch, B.S.O.S. Vol.IV, London, 1930. Prakrit. Languages and Literature. Dr.B.K.Khadabadi, Jain Journal, Vol.IV-2, Calcutta, 1979. Rayanasara of Acarya Kundakunda.
8.

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51
ON THE APĄBHRANSA
CHAPTER OF THE SABDAMANIDARPANA
Next to Tamil, Kannada is a very important member of the Dravidian family of languages from the point of view of antiquity, varicty and range of its literature. There are found four traditional grammatical works written for this language.
NĀgavarman's Kavyavalokana (1144 A.D.) : Composed in Kannada; the first of its five parts is duly devoted to Kannada grammar and is called the Sabdasmrti. The remaining four parts treat of
rhetorics. (ii) Nāgavarman’s Karnataka-Bhāṣābhūşana (1145 A.D.)
: It is an independent grammatical treatise by the same author, but written in Sanskrit. Kesirāja's Śabdamanidarpana (1260. A.D.) : It is a thorough Kannada grammar written in the same
language. (iv) Bhattakalanka's Karnataka-Śabdanusāsana (1604
A.D.) : It is also a thorough grammatical work on
Kannada language, but written in Sanskrit. All these three grammarians wrote their books under the
(iii)

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influence of Sanskrit grammatical system in similar sutra style, technical terms etc. and of these four grammatical treatises two are in Sanskrit. Of the remaining two written in Kannada, the Śabdasmṛti is a concise one. Thus Kesiraja's Sabdamanidarpana happens to be a singular full-fledged Kannada grammar written in the same language. Moreover, it is marked out as unique not only among all the grammatical works on the Kannada language, but also in the whole field of Dravidian grammatical treatises. Dr. Burnell observes: "The great and real merit of the Sabdamanidarpana is that it bases the rules on independent research and the usage of writers of repute; in this way it is far ahead of the Tamil and Telugu treatises, which are much occupied with vain scholastic disputations."
The Sabdamanidarpana is said, by scholars like Dr.Burnell, to have belonged to the Katantra school of grammar. There is also a good deal of influence of Sanskrit and Prakrit grammars on it. It describes the old Kannada language in 8 chapters. It also embodies the author's own explanatory gloss, called arthavṛtti, on the sutras which are followed by examples of literary usage. Its 7th chapter is entitled as Apabhramsa Prakarana, to which are devoted 47 sutras that are followed by copious examples. It is proposed to present here a brief study of this chapter with some observations.
Kesiraja in sutra 2563 clearly tells us that he is going to teach us the characteristics of tadbhavas, words as derived from Sanskrit into Kannada Sakkadada tadbhavangala lakkanamam kannadakke lakṣisi pelvem. Yet he calls this chapter Apabhramsa Prakarana, possibly after the manner of ancient Indian grammarians and rhetoricians, who looked upon deviations from standard Sanskrit as a sort of deterioration, as Apabhramsa. Patañjali (150 B.C.) regarded Prakritic and dialectical terms like gonā, goni, gona etc., for gau in Sanskrit, as Apabhraṁśa. Dandin (600 A.D.) noted that in Sanskric works deviations from Sanskrit were called Apabhramsa.

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Thus the nomenclature of this chapter by the author has a traditional garb of Apabhramsa (as deviations from Sanskrit), but practically, as he himself tells us, it treats of the so-called tadbhaves, words as derived or borrowed from Sanskrit.
Then we know, from Kesiraja's introductory verse No.3, that he aimed at writing the Śabdasastra (Science of Words); and, hence, he accommodated in this work a chapter on the socalled tadbhava words. He collected a large number of such words from literary works of eminent scholars prior to him and brought them under 47 sulras. Even a cursory survey of the sutras and the examples from literary usages following them, would reveal to us that some sūtras (like 258) contain rules of facts underlying the phonological changes in the borrowed worits. But many of them (like 283) do not contain any rule, but a mere list of such words. At times a single sūtra (like 281) contains a list of vocalic and consonantal changes of varied types and is followed by a number of examples, some of which hardly standing for the said change." Therefore, we are much more attracted by and feel to concern ourselves with the vast number of borrowed words collected by the author, rather than with the sutras proper. Such survey would also bring to one's mind the fact that Kesiraja has not strictly adḥered to his objective (of teaching the characteristics of words as derived from Sanskrit into Kannada) as declared by him in sutra 256 noted above. A close scrutiny of this chapter from this angle of view leads me to bring broadly the so-called tadbhava words listed in it under the following five headss of classes.
(I) Words which are in their Prakrit forms in toto and at the same time suit the Kannada phonological system and, hence, are generally further found in usage in later literature too?: Sanskrit Prakrit
Kannada pasa pasa
pasa sira sira
sira rasi rasi
rasi yogi jogi
jogi

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rna
karya
thāna
tana
kaksa
kacce
akara agara
agara rina
rina kajja
kajja mayūra mora
mora svarga sagga
sagga jvara jara
jara (II) Words which are slightly modified from their Prakrit cognates so as to suit the Kannada phonological system : Sanskrit Prakrit
Kannada Sankā samkā
samke salā salā
sāle sthāna sayyā sejjā
sejje kaccha laksana lakkhana lakkana ksāra khāra
kāra ujjvala ujjala
ujjala granthi ganthi
gantu (III) Words which are more prone to have been derived fron their Prakrit rather than the Sanskrit cognates: Sanskrit Prakrit
Kannada vyāghra vaggha bagga
chatthi catti prthvi pudhavi
podhavi simha
simgha simga pustaka potthaga hottage puskarini pukkharini hokkarane dainstrā dādha
dade angara
imgala imgala
şaşthi

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gavila
saurāstra sorattha sorata
grāmīna gamilla
(IV) Words, which are (at times almost) in their Prakrit forms, but do not suit well the Kannada phonological system and, hence, are not surther found in usage in later literature: Sanskrit Prakrit
Kannada dharma
dhamma dhamma yamunā jagunā
jagunc madana mayana
mayana pada paya
paya yasodā jasoya
jasoye (V) Words, the phonological modifications of which (from their Sanskrit cognates) suit Kannada, but are not leasible to Prakrit, and nence, are not found in Prakrit in these forms:
Sanskrit Kannada Prakrit prakrta pagada paia paiya paua samskrta sakkada sakkaa, sakkaya mukha
muka, moga muha sudhā sode
suha vidhi bidi
vihi laksmi lakumi lakkhī, lacchi vyadha
biyada kathā kate
kaha vithi bidi
vīhi vrsabha basava
vasaha Now, coming to words under Class I, such words appear to be in the largest proportion amongst the entire stock of the so called tadbhavas collected in this Chapter, because such words
could be borrowed from Prakrit with much case as they suited

vaha

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the Kannada phonemic structure. It is for this reason that several of such words found a place on the tongue of the masses and are in currency even to this day.
Words under Class II are almost the same Prakrit cognates (as those under Class 1), but with a slight or minor phonetic compromise so as to suit the Kannada language. These minor changes are: Words ending in a made to end in c, dropping the aspirate from a syllablc, 1>1 ! etc.,
Words under Class III are very interesting in the sense that they stand nearer to their Prakrit than the Sanskrit cognates. They seem to have borrowed from Prakrit rather than from Sanskrit. In other words they are not tadbhavas (Samskṛtabhavas) but Prakṛtabhavas. Keeping this in view and commending the method of the Telugu grammarians the late M.M.R.Narasimhachar long back proposed to redefine the terms tatsama and tadbhava by dividing such vocabulary in Kannada into four classes:
(i) Samskṛtasama (the same as Sanskrit), (ii) Samskṛtabhava (derived from Sanskrit), (iii) Prakṛtasama (the same as Prakṛt), (iv) Prakritabhava Cderived from Prakrit. In this context too we can say that Kesitaja has not adhered to his objective declared in sutra 256, for the so called tadbhava words listed by him in this chapter can be brought under three of the four classes noted just above: (i) Samskṛtabhava, (ii) Prākṛtasama, (iii) Prākṛtabhava.
Words under Class IV stand before our eyes as a kind of lexical riddles in Kannada. The word dhamma listed by Kesiraja here is also found in some of the early Jaina inscriptions in Kannada.10 It seems to have fallen out of usage in later days. The word dhamma appears to have been one of the carliest borrowals from Pral:rit into Kannada by the Jaina teachers and scholars, who happened to be the earliest cultivators of literary Kannada and also who systematically adopted into and adapted to Kannada Prakritic vocabulary for expressing in that language religious and philosophical concepts and, thus, paved the path for such borrowal for the succeeding generations. Similar is the case of gahe. We
11

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can call gāde (from gaiba) a late tadbhava in Kannada. Jagunc could be nothing but the Prakrit (viz. Ardhamāgadhi) jagunā, the process of development of which could be yamunā javunā jagunā (with v>g). Wards with this queer phonetic change are found in some of the Ardhamāgadhi canonical works?: avaủa > agada, nainhava > ninhaga, aśrava > anhaga, mahānubhāva> mahanubhāga. The Vadựaradhane (one of its manuscripts), which is considerably influenced by its Prakrit sources contains the word jagune.13 But wc hardly come across v>g elsewhere in Kannada literature.
Then we come to an interesting group of three words viz., mayana, paya and jasoye. These are all Prakrit words derived from their Sanskrit cognates by dropping -d- and, then, bringing in ‘ya' śruti. This cannot take place in Kannada. To put it in modern linguistic terms, the Kannada Phonotactics cannot admit of it.!4 Because Kannada language, which possesses kada (door), cde (chest), kudi (to boil), kādu (to sight) etc. as its pure native words, cannot afford to drop-d- while borrowing madana, pada and yaśodā from Sanskrit. I think that the words mayana, paya and jasoyā have been picked up by Kesiraja from same Prakrit passage, or passages quoted in some Kannada works which happened to be one of his sources, and they are somehow, listed as tadbhavas under sūtra 270, which describes, among others, d>y. Of course, the words of this class are found in the smallest proportion.
Lastly coming to the words under Class V, we can say that these are the real tadbhavas (Samskrtabhavas), words derived into Kannada from their Sanskrit cognates. These quite differ from those derived into Prakrit. Moreover the words of this class secm to be in smaller proportion as compared with those under Classes 1, II or III.
Then there are some words which deserve cxclusive observations: It may be pointed out that for some words Kesiraja has not given their right congnales in Sanskrit: bidige is not derived from dvitiya, but from dvitiyaka. Similarly tadige is from tritiyaka

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and carige secms to be from the Prakrit cariya (-ka). The word naccani as derived from nartaki quite baffles us. Actually, I think, naccani is from the Prakrit naccani (dancing woman) peculiarly developed from naccana (dancc). 16 The word jigule is mainly a case of metathesis jalūkā jalugā jagūla jigule. The word dewa appcars to have been borrwed from Prakrit with a semantic change. And lastly, developments in words like gaje and jamta (d>j)? can be called individual crcations arising out of some psycho-physical capricc, or scribal errors crept in at some stage of a manuscript tradition of the concerned literary work.18
Now this study of the Apabhramsa Chapter in the Sabdananidarpana leads us to the following conclusions: Kesiraja called this chapter Apabhramsa Prakarana using the term Apabhramsa after the manner of ancient Indian grammarians and rhetoricians. This term stands here for tadbhavas, to which he explicitly refers in surtra 256 and declares there alone his objective of teaching us the ladbhava words as derived from Sanskrit into Kannada. But in practice, in addition to these words (Class V), he also teaches us Prakrit words and words derived from Prakrit (Classes I to IV) besides several other words of complicated nature (discussed exclusively). Of the total collection of words in this Chapter, the Praksta and Prākṣtabhavas together far out-number thc Samskrtabhavas. The early Jaina teachers and scholars seem to have played a major role in augmenting the Kannada vocabulary by deriving or borrowing words largely into Kannada frorn Prakrit. Some early Kannada literary works at Kesiraja disposal seem to have embodied weightly quotations in Prakrit. Kesiraja, himself a Jaina scholar, who is also influenced by Prakrit grammar, must have had at lcast some idea of the influence of Prakrit on the Kannada vocabulary. But he does not express here anything like this, probably because of the grip of Sanskrit grammatical system and tradition on him (as is also found on other Kannada grammarians). Keeping this in view, one could also say that Kesirāja
is technically right in calling all these words tadbhava, because of

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all of them (except words like naccani) could be taken back to Sanskrit ultimately. Moreover the existence of tadbhavas, in general, in Kannada in such a large number may be said to reflect the resentment of eminent Jaina scholars like Nayasena (1112 A.D.), Nagavarman (1144 A.D.), etc., at the usage of Sanskrit words in the Kannada literary compositions. And lastly, inspite of some descrepancies in the method of treatment in this chapter, Kesiraja stands before our eyes as the first and foremost grammarian to render a notable service to the Kannada grammatical and lcxical studies, by collecting and leaving to posterity such a wealth of interesting words borrowed into Kannada from Prakrit and Sanskrit prior to 1200 A.D.

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*
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
REFERENCES AND NOTES
443
Paper presented at the 30th Session of the All-India Oriental Conference held at the Visva Bharati University, Santiniketan in November, 1980 and published in the Annals of the Bhandarkar oriental Research Institute, Vol. LXII, 1981. In his Aindra School of Grammarians; vide Prof. Chennakeshava Aiyangar's preface to kesiraja's Sabdamanidarpana, Madras, 1973, p. 2.
It may be noted that Bhattakalanka treats of this subject in 22 sutras under Samasamskrta and Tadbhava in pada II of his work, whereas Nagavarman does not at all touch it in either of his two works.
All references to the sutras, verses, examples etc, are to thesame Madras-1973 edition.
Hence here the term apbhramsa has nothing to do with the linguistic stage (in Middle-Indo-Aryan) or with the literary dialect (in Prakrit) of the same nomenclature. For more details regarding this, vide Intro. to Historical Grammar of Apabhramsa, by Dr. G. V. Tagare, Punc, 1948, pp. 1-15. (i) John Beams has noted such features in Vararuc's method of treatment of the tadbhavas in Prakrit. Vide comparative Grammar of Modern Aryan Languages of India, Vol. I, London, 1972, pp. 136, 1973-1974 etc., (ii) And such features are also found in other Prakrit grammatical works. (iii) Kesiraja seems to have beeninfluenced in this chapter by vararuci's Prakrta Prakasa.

The words listed under each class (except class iv) here are to be taken as representative and not exhaustive.

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7.
9.
10.
11.
(i) Some of these like rasi;, rina, kajja, etc., are current even in the spoken idiom of this day. (ii) To avoid confusion the Kannada e and o are not used here. Some of these like sale, kara, ganty, etc. are current even in the spoken idiom of this day. History of Kannada Language, Mysore 1937, p. 116. Vide : Praketisms in Early Kannada Inscriptions, by Dr. B.K. Khadabadi, journal of the Karnatak University, (Humanities), Vol. XXII. See also Dr. A. N. Upadhya's views on this point: “Kanarese Words inDesi Lexicons”, Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Institute, Vol. XII, pt. 3 pp. 274-84. For details vide Pischel, Comparative Grammar of Prakrit languages, Varanasi, 1957, : 231. Vide Vaddaradhane : A Study, by Dr. B. K. Khadabadi, Dharwad, 1979, p. 247. For detaild on this point vide Kesiraja's Sabhamanidarpana by Dr. J.S. Kulli, Dharwad, 1976, p. 240. It may be noted that in some of the early Jaina classics, like the Vaddaradhane, quotations appear as a part of the taxt itself : Hence nartaki, need not come into picture here. As in words like koli, tamde etc. Beams calls such modifications local corruptions, op. cit., p. 270.
.
14.
16.
17.
18.

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