Indian Antiquary Vol 25

Author(s): Richard Carnac Temple
Publisher: Swati Publications
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/032517/1

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THE
INDIAN ANTIQUARY
A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH
IN
ARCHÆOLOGY, EPIGRAPHY, ETHNOLOGY, GEOGRAPHY, HISTORY, FOLKLORE, LANGUAGES,
LITERATURE, NUMISMATICS, PHILOSOPHY, RELIGION, &c., &c.,
EDITED BY
RICHARD CARNAC TEMPLE, C.I.E.,
MAJOR, INDIAN STAFF CORPS.
VOL. XXV. - 1896.
Swati Publications
Delhi 1985

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Published by Swati Publications, 34, Central Market, Ashok Vihar, Delhi-110052 Ph. 7113395 and Printed by S.K. Mehra at Mehra Offset Press, Delhi.

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CONTENTS.
PAGE
... 144
The Names of Contributors are arranged alphabetically.
PAGE: D. G, B.:
Dr. B. LIEBICH:- : The Buddhist Origin of Naughaza Tombs... ... 146
THE CHANDRA VYAKARANA ... ... ... ... 103 SARDARU BALHARI :
M. MILLETT:Sondu Bir, the Whistling Spirit of Kaugra and
Some Modorn Jain Sects - Hindu Antipatly to Kabinir ... ... ... .. ...
Jains ... . . ... ....... ... 117 A Charia for the Whistling Spirit of Kangra
P. SUNDARAM PILLAT, M.A.:-- NILCAMAL BASAK :
ON TAX AOE OF TIRUNANASAMBANDHA ... 113, 149 Correspondence ... ... ... ... ..
Some SOVERKIONS OF TEAVANCORE IN THE SUITH JOHN BEAMES :
CENTURY, M E. ... ... ... ... ... 18 Salagram ... ... .. ... .. ..
T. C. PLOW DEN :GEORGE BUHLER, PH.D., LL.D., C.I.E.:
Tho Hore tabued as an Article of Food Epigraphic Discoveries in Mysore ... ... ... 27
A Note on Orientation...
... 141 A New Kharoshthi Inscription from Swat
. .. Tre SOHGAURA COPPER-PLATE ... ... .. 201
M. Y. PORTMAN :A NEW INSCRIBED GRÆCO-BUDDIIST PEDESTAL. 311
Disposal of th Doad amongst the Andamanese... 56 APARTAMBA'S QUOTATIONS FROM THE PURANAS. 328 PANDEC S. M. NATA SASTRI, B.A.. M.F.L.S.:J. M. CAMPBELL, C.I.E.:
FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA :-- NOTES ON THE SPIRIT BASIS OF BELIEF AND • No. 41. - Bitors Bit (a N illo Story) ... ... 21
CUSTOM ... ... ... ... ... 85, 72, 125, 242 No. 49.- A Knock on the Head of Akiri J. T, CHRISTIE :
DR. ROBERT SCHRAM :The Effects of a Cnrso ... ... ***
ON SOM DATES OF THE KOLLAM ERA... .. W. COLDSTREAM :
The Indian Cilandar ... ... . .. A Survival of Marriage by Capture ... ... ... 230
TAE LATE B. V. SHASTRI :MAYA DAS:
Notes on High Class Marriagos among Marriage Custom the Sieve
Maratha Salrag
. ** *** J. M. DOUIL:
GULAB SINGH:Some Modern Forms of Bhairava . ... ... 260
Birth Customs - Musulmans - Lying in... GEO. F. D'PENHA:
V. A. SMITH:A Collection of Notes on Marriage Castoma in
List of Mudras ... the Modris Presidency
.. .. .. ... ... ... .. G. A GRIERSON, PH.D., C.I.E.:
MRS. F. A. STEEL :ESSAYS ON KASMINI GRAMMAR...1, 29, 85, 165, 193, 208 Separate Feeding of the Sexes --- Musalmana ASSAMESS LITERATURE ... ... .
M. A. STEIN: Tho Harvard Oriental Series ... ... ...
The District of Oukhen... ... ... ... ... 174 D. K. HOMAN :
MAJOR R. C. TEMPLE, C.1. E. :A Method of Swearing Brotherhood ...
THE DEVIL WORSHIP OF TITULUVAS, from the B. HOUGHTON :
Papers of the lata A. O. Barnell ... 61, 213, 27. Au Unlucky Flaw - Burmose Superstition
272, 205, 39 Votes on Burmese Folk-lore ... ..
Panishment of an Unsuccessful Wizard ... ... 11 E. HULTZSCH, PH.D. :
The Eleventh Oriental Congress, Paris, 1997 MISCELLANEOUS SOUTH INDIAN COINS
Cheyla ... ... . ... .. .. DENZIL IBBETSON :
An Origin for the Naughasa Tomb.:... ** A Means of keeping off Rain... ..
Sebundy ... .. .. ... ... 257, J. JOLLY:
Khakee .. . Harita's Dharmasutra ...
zoft... ... . .. ... . Professor Weber's Anniversary ...
A Relio of Human Sacrifice ... ... ... Some Recent Researches coucerning the M
M. N. VENKETSWAMI: bharata ... ...
FOLKLORE IN THE CENTRAL PROVINCES OF INDIA :MRS. J. K. KABRAJI:
No. 2. - Tho Loving Sister .... ... ... 18 NARSINH MEHETANUN MAMERUN ... ... 11, F. KIELHORN, C.I.E.:
No. 8. -Tha Taming of the Blue-stocking... 50
No. 4. -"Letns eat and drink, for to-morrow Dates of the Kollam or Kolamba Era ...
we die" ... ... ... PANDUKESVAR PLATE OY LALITASURA DEVA... 177
No. 5. - Self-sacrificing Fairy . .... IGRCHHAWAR PLATES OF PARAXARDIDEVA;
Telugu Suporatitions as to Dogo. ... ... (VIKRAMASANYAT 1228 ... ... ...
A Telugu Superstition WARREN'S RULES TOR FINDING JUPITER'S PLACE. 238
... . ON THE DATES OF THE SAKA ERA IN INSCRIP
A. P. W.:TIONS ... ... ...
Modern Jain Antipathy to Brahmane . ... 285
L. A. WADDELL:Miscelinous Dates of Inscriptions... ... ... 345
Tax RECLUSE AND TAX Rats, Tibetan Tele J. L. KIPLING:
J. WILSON :Some Housewarming Customs of the Northern Tabu ns applied to Names of Marringe Relatione.., 204 Muhammadans... ... ... ... .. ... 7 The Signs of a Sacred Ballook ..
.. 318
314
19
... 205
***
***
233, 289
..
The Menning of Srabi

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CONTENTS.
MISCELLANEA AND CORRESPONDENCE. PAGE 1
PAGS Epigraphic Discoveries in Mysore, by G. Bühler ... 27 The Eleventh Oriental Congress, Paris, 1897, by Dates of the Kollam or Kolamba Era, by F. R. C. Temple ... ..
... ... 175 Kielhorn ... ... .. .. ... ... 53, 174 Cheyla, by R. C. Temple...
... 199, 228 A New Kharoshthi Inscription from Swat, by Sebundy, by R. C. Temple
. .. 257, 314 George Bühler ... .. ... .. .. 141 Khakee, by R. C. Temple... ...
... ...950 Notes on Burmese Folk-lore, by Bernard Houghton. 142 The Meaning of Srahi, by F. Kielhorn Correspondence, by Nilcamal Basak ... ...
Zuft, by R. C. Temple ... ... .. .. ... 319 The District of Cukhsa, by M. A. Stein .. ... 174 Miscellaneous Dates of Inscriptions, by F. Kielhorn, 346
.
... 143
NOTES AND QUERIES. The rare tabued as an Article of Food, by T. C. The Effects of a Curse, by J. T, Christio ... ... 146 Plow den ... ...
. ... .. 28
Marriage Custom - the Sieve, by Maya Dns ... 143 A Method of Swearing Brotherhood, by D. K. Teluga Suportitions as to Dogs, by M. N. VenketHomani .. .. . .. . ... .. 28
swami ... ... .. .. ... ... ... 143 Disposal of the Dead amongst the Andamanese, by The Buddhist Origin of Naughaza Tobs, by D. G. B. 146 M. V. Portman ... ... ... ... ... ... 56
Some Modern Jain Secta - Hindu Antipathy to Some House-warming Customs of the Northern
Jains, by M. Millett ... ... ... ... ... 147 Muhammndans, by J. L. Kipling ... ... ... 66 A Note on Orientation, by T. C. Plowden ... ... 176 Senda Bir, the Whistling Spirit of Kangro and Jaur Singh - A Folk Etymology ... ... ... 20+ Kashmir, by Sardaru Balhari.... ...
84 An Origin for the Naughaza Tombs, by R. C. An Unlucky Flaw - Burmese Superstition, by B.
Temple ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 204 Houghton ... ... ...
... .. .. .. 112 Tabu as applied to Names of Marriage Relations, Punishment of an Unsuccessful Wizard, hy R. C. by J. Wilson .. ...
... ... ... 204 Temple ... ...
... ... ... ... 112 Some Modern Forms of Bhairava, by J. M. Douie ... 260 A Collection of Notes on Marriage Customs in the A Survival of Marriage by Capture, by W. Cold. Madras Presidency, by Geo. F. D'Penha... ... 144 stream .. ...
... .... ... 260 A New Edition of Burns... .. ... ... ... 145
A Charm for the Whistling Spirit of Kangra, by List of Madras,' by V. A. Smith... ... ... ... 145 Sardaru Balhari...
071... ...
... ... ... ... ... 286 Datus of Sanskrit Works, fixed by references to Notes on High Class Marriages among the Maratha Tibetan Sources ... ..
Sudras, by the late B. V. Shastri ... ... .. 286 Separate Feeding of the Sexes - Musalmans, by A Telugu Saperstition, by M. N. Yenketswami ... 287 F. A. Steel ... . " *** ***
A Means of koeping off Rain, by Denzil Ibbetson ... 316 Salagram, by John Beames ... ...
.. .. .. 145
Modern Juin Antipathy to Brahmans, by A. P. W... 316 Birth Customs - Musalmans - Lying.in, by Gulab The Sigos of a Sacred Bullock, by J. Wilson... ... 342
Singh : ... ... ... ....... . ... 116 A Relic of Human Sacrifice, by R. C. Temple ... 343
BOOK-NOTICES.
Ilarita's Dharmasutra, by J. Jolly ... ... The Harvard Oriental Series, by G. A, G. ... Tho Indian Calendar, by Robert Sobram ...
... 147 | Professor Weber's Anniversary, by J. Jolly ... 843 ... 232 Sonne Recent Researches concerning the Mahabha ... 287 rata, by J. Jolly... . . .. ... 343
ILLUSTRATIONS. No. IY. - The Devil Worship of the Tulnvas
No. V. - The Devil Worship of the Tuluvas :Fig. 1, Attaver Daiyongula; Fig. 2,
Fig. 1, Kallurti; Fig. 2, Bubbarye ... 220 Foolish Jumad ...
... ..66 | South Indian Coins ... . ... .. 818, 322

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY,
A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH.
VOLUME XXV. - 1896.
ESSAYS ON KASHMIRI GRAMMAR. BY THE LATE KARL FRIEDRICH BURKHARD. Translated and edited, with notes and additions, by G. A. Grierson, Ph.D., C.I.E. 1.C.S. (Continued from Vol. XXIV. page 347.)
The Imperativo (legal). 26. The second person singular has the form of the Root or Stem of the Verb. E.I., w karun, to make, ý kar. Another form of the Imperative is the so-called Respectful form: e. g., w
un, jos kar-te. The negative used with the Imperative is'do mą, or, more emphatic dão matą. The first person plaral of the Imperative also expresses an intention ; e. 9.19 karex, let us do. .
The Participles, 26. (1) Present Participle (eds). This has two forms :(a) Iin wl án; e. g., wisi sorun, uljgó sósán. This Participle is indeclinable,
and is used - (6) Principally in composition with the auxiliary verbs dito chha and what doun,
soran شوزان ارس ;sands chhu, I am sending شوزان هس .و . ';to be
Osus, I was sending; (8) Standing independently, especially as a nominative or accusative after verbs
like wias vuchhun, to see ; o. go, wiki tas patami vuchh pakan, by him was he seen to go ; wlos ott's pi tim vuchhan yiván, they will see him
coming, G ) Frequently doubled; e... U
palán pakán, going on continually farther and further. (b) In itl (expressing a state), in intransitive verbs in composition with inden chha and was doun ; e. g., ungt his shungit ôs, he was sleeping, he slept.
t

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JANUARY, 1896.
.
27. (2) The Perfect Participle (Passive in the case of transitive verbs, Active in the cnse of intransitives. - Jynie pl) (often with a change of the root-vowel, vide post].
(a) In ca mut, e. go, wij go sozun, to send, ej gór sùemut. The plaral is in ció mati,
the fem, sing. in a mats, pl. de matsą. Many verbs have irregular forms in this participle. The irregularities are the same as those of the Aorist, and are
derived from them. (6) Ino = idl (expressing a state); e. g, den we likhit chhu, it is written,
i. e., it has been put into writing. 28. (3) Future Participle Active, in Jo's vål and us avun. This has been described above (SS 22-24). Both occur in composition with des chha, and mot disun.
29. The Participle Absolute (cybers wela). — The termination is - it, added to the stem of the verb; e.ge wys karun, s kar, oy karit.
The Participle Absolute has, as in Sanskpit, either an active or a passive meaning, according to the context. It also frequently occurs after the following verbs :- u hekun, to be able; we gatshun, to go (having done a thing to go, i. e., to do it at once); uke mokalun, to conso ; especially with whom chhunun, to throw ; e. g, wieg wy lej trávit ehhunun, to throw away; wiór ws kadit ohhunun, to expel; wóz włą toațit chhunun, to cut down; wieso es khit chkunun, to eat up, 45 etc. (Cf. also the Pres. part. (b), and Past part. ().)
The Precative. 80. This form expresses a prayer or request, and is only used in the 2nd and 3rd persons. The termination is j si, which is added to the root with = i as a janction vowel; e. 9., Was karun, sjus kariai. With da hi added, it takes a conditional meaning ; e. go, jus kariziki thou shouldst do (or shouldst have done); ds;s dixihi, thon shouldst give (or shouldst have given).
The Optative (yani solo). 31. This mood expresses a wish. The termination is as Laha; o. go wigs sdaun, akissốa-ahą. In the case of vés dywn, and similar verbs, merely the syllable as ką is added to the 1 sing, fat. ; 6. g., we yun, to como, I sing. fat. b yimą, ac yima-hę. The words will shay kásh are used with the optative in the sense of the Latin utinam; 6. gSablja B si ay kásh sán-aha-k, wouldst that thou knew.
89. The Optative is also used as a Potential, and with si ay, it, as a Conditional mood.
* This form in it is probably identical with the Participle Absolute. Fimslie and Wado, tohumun.
*[the Hindistant daind in kdy daind, etc. - TRANS.)
•

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JANUARY, 1896.)
ESSAYS ON KASHMIRI GRAMMAR.
Formation of Tenses and Persons. 33. In the Active voice a distinction must be made between the simple and the Periphrastio tenses. If we exclude the Imperativo (Jag) and the Present Optative Ili Wile), there are only two [three) Simple Tenses. The Present Indefinite or Future lejles) and the Aorist, or tense of narrative (cibe col) (and the pluperfect II. ( Comile)].
34. The Present Indefinite or Future has the following terminations. [This tense was originally a present, but is now only used, in the Indicative, with a future meaning. It is also regularly used as a Present Subjunctive.] .
Sing
Plnr.
(1)
Qu
ir
35. The Aorist (or Indefinite Past]. (In this tense the verb frequently changes its radical vowel in the masculine singular, and sometimes also further modifies it before a finali Thus, from wes karun, to make, 3 sg. masculine horu, 3 sg. fem. kari: 3 pl. maso. kari , 3 pl. fem. kari. It also frequently changes the final consonant of the root in the feminine. Thus, pok, he went, fem. pachi. In short, the 3rd person of the aorist is merely an old adjectival past participle, and is subject to the same rules as adjectives, as regards gender and number, see $$ 159 and ff, and 217 and ff. The following are the terminations of this tense in the case of Intransitive verbs Sing
PI. Masc.
Fem. Masc.
Fem. (1) 18
is or es (2) uk ik or ek
iva (3) 16
117
ivale
36. The Aorist of Transitive verbs ie treated passively (that is to say, instead of saying I sent thee,' the expression used is thou wast sent by me.' In this way the subject of the sentence is in the case of the instrumental, and the object of the sentence becomes the subject of the verb. The verb agrees in gender, number and person with this latter subject. The third person sg. of the aorist transitive, construed passively, súzu, súzi, súzi, súzi, he (it), she, they (m.), they (f.) was, were, sent, is taken as the basis of the ordinary conjugation of the aorist, and to this the following terminations are added :
Agent lst Person, no termination. Agent 2nd Person, sg. t, pl. vg.
Agent 3rd Person, no termination. We thus, when the object of the sentence, i. e., the subject of the verb, is in the third person (i. e., the 3rd personal pronoun, or a noun substantive), get the following scheme of terminations to be added to the root. There are other schemes for the same person which will be described subsequently (see & 88).
16 This is usually omitted in writing, and is not pronounced.
IT (This is sometimes omitted in writing, and is barely audible. Mady (including Wade) omit it altogether, but I have Dr. Neve's authority for its existence.)
18 According to some, ve. 19 Once for all, throughout the verb, the neuter is the same as the masculino.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JANUARY, 1896.
Subject of the verb) (he (it) she, they) was (were) sent].
Subject of sentence in instrumental
case.
Singular.
Plural.
Masc..
Fem..
.
Masc.
Sing.
Fem.
or 120 at or e
((1) by me
(2) by theo ((3) by him, her, it (1) by us (2) by you |(3) by them
[With Radical Vowel
frequently altered. Radical final consonant
unaltered.)
(Radical Vowel some times modified. Radical final consonant liable
to change.]
(Radical Vowel smetimes modified. Radical
fidel consonant unaltered.)
[Radical Vowel analtered, Radical final consonant liable
to change.)
Pl.
qve or iva
(yog
(N) DE
The is not pronounced and is seldom written. So also the i of the Fem. Sing, especially the i of iv.
37. [If the object of the sentence, i. e., the subject of the verb, is in the second or third person, the nominative suffixes of these persons have also to be added. This will become plain from the paradigms. Regarding the suffixes, see § 47.]
38. The second form of the pluperfect (Plup. II.) has the following terminations added to the root direct, frequently with a change of the final consonant of the root (see $ 158), but with no change of the radical vowel. E. g., The Plap. II. 3 sg. masc. of wa ladun, to load, is wel larov.
Bing.
Masc.
Fein.
Masc.
tv ابی ayas or eva ایس or ايس وهو or 80 مدرس or یوس (1)
: أبيه |
(2) Áor 0,2 ok or you by or as dyak or byok sl svę (3) ve or sy 2 ou or yővel a byi
byivą
leyi
The above are the terminations of the neater verb. The Transitive verb is construed passiveiy like the aorist, the same terminations being added as above explained.]
The Periphrastic or Compound Tenses. 39. (1) The Present Definite (J6), is compounded of the Present Participle, and the Present of the Auxiliary verb dun chha, 'to be.'
40. (2) The Imperfect (splate come le), compounded of the Present Participle, and the Aorist of the Auxiliary verb cor doun, 'to be.'
41. (3) The Perfeot (all candlo), compounded of the Perfect Participle and the Present of the Auxiliary verb 44 chha, to be (transitive verbs treated passively).
* Some vorba take the - and others the i- forms, sea $90.
11 See $ 160.

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JANUARY, 1896.)
ESSAYS ON KASHMIRI GRAMMAR
42. (4) The Pluperfast I. ( Solo), compounded of the Perfect Participle, and the Aorist of the Auxiliary verb wwt ásun, 'to be.' [For Plap. II., see under head of Simple Tenses.] [Transitive verbs treated passively.]
43. (5) The Periphrastio Future, compounded of the Future Participle, and the Auxiliary verb 444 chha,' to be'; e. g., 4 wes karavun chhu, he is about to make.
44. (6) The Future Perfect and Dubitative (as con lo), compounded of the Perfect Participle, and the Future of the verb amor ásun [Transitive verbe treated passively).
45. Mp. gives (7) A Perfect Optative or Conditional, componnded of the Perf. Part. + Opt. or Cond. of emos asun, and (8) An Imperfect Imperative, compounded of the Pres. Part. + Imperative of war ásun, but I have not met with any instance of them in literatare.
46. The Tenses of the Passive are all Componnd ones (see Passive, &$ 136 and ff.).
47. In order to be able to comprehend the Paradigms, it is necessary here to give the certain cases of the Personal Pronoung, and their connected saffixes.
PERSONAL PRONOUNS.
1. Nominative. Personal Pronoun.
Suis.
Singular.
all genders.
(1) ás do, I (2) of too, thou (3) , ho 1
dhe 80, she l aj ti, it 1 (1) vl part, we J (2) aš toki, you
(3) p tim, they (masc.) / l o time, they (fem.)
Plural.
2. Acousative.
f (1) or be me
de too, thee }(3) é ou, him
, o, her
Singular.
?

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JANUARY, 1896.
.
Personal Pronoun.
Suffix, (1) wins', us
(2) as toks, you Plural.
(3) putim, them (masc.) /
doj time, them (fem.) Note that, in the full forms, the Nominative is the same as the Aconeative. In the second pers. sing. and in the first person of both numbers, however, the Accusative usnally takes the form of the Dative.
3. Instrumental, (1) do me, by me
(2) dp toe, by the Singular.
(3) pštami, by him į só tami, by her
f (1) agí asi, by us Plural. (2) mad tohi, by you { (3) jul timau, by them (m. f.)
Dative. 7 (1) as me, to mo Singular. (2) 4 tse, to the
(3) má tao, to him or her
(1) domí asi, to us Plural. { (2) mí toki, to you
8, va | (3) was timan, to them (m. t.) [NOTE. - There is no suffix for the Nominative plural, and that the suffixes of the plural of the 2nd and 3rd persons are the same for all cases.]
REMARKS ON THE SUFFIXES. 48. It must be noted as a peculiarity of the Kasmiri idiom, that all pronominal snffixes are, so to speak, Relative, - that is to say, that they invariably refer to some preceding or following noun or pronoun, and are thus, properly speaking, pleonastic. A Kasmiri does not say, "he killed the inan," but "the man, he killed him," or "he killed him, the man." He does not say, "I will give to thee,” but “to thee will I give-to-thee." Hence we find piggistid bo balráva-k (causal of balm, to be in good health) tim, I will heal-them them. We also,
y
5

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JANUARY, 1896.)
ESSAYS ON KASHMIRI GRAMMAR.
however, find sentences like welbedo bo balrāva-R, I will heal him (amo su being understood from what precedes). 49. In applying these suffixes, the following special rules must be followed :
1. Simple Tenses. (a) A final 3 h is merely a graphic sign to shew that the word ends in a vowel, and hence should be treated as non-existent.
(6) A form ending in a consonant takes – a, (u) or (usually omitted) as a junction vowel, in which case if the consonant is k, it becomes h; e. g., Gjyw góra-k, thou wilt send, pjgua sôzal(a)-m, thou wilt send me.22
.(0)av (au) becomes , 4 i and , = io (iu) becomes sí yô ; e. g., 9;gar sózau, we shall send, -jjer sőző-t, we shall send thee; sjgó sốziu, you will seud, paigao sốzyô-m, you will send me.
(a) o t becomes the [if followed by another suffix]; 6.9, -jów do tse süzu-t, he was sent by thee do tse súz"th(a)-m, he was sent by thee to me.
(e) For oss's uva-vą we find os's óvą; so also, ws – veq-u becomes w, + ón; and 8,0% - avq-va, sjí - ávą.
eq-e becomes موس (2) .
.6l من رك becomes
م م ; موس
ves - becomes sm, and
دوت
-
() W a nan becomes
an tas. That is to say, the pronoon becomes separatel from the verb and ceases to be a suffix.
(n) If another suffix is added after w an, the latter becomes wy - On; e. 9., wes dima-n, I will give him, dimôn(a)-vą, I will give him to you.23
2 Compound Tenses. In these the suflxes are added, according to the foregoing rules, to the auxiliary verb; e. g., wmta chkus(a)-» (him).
Double Suffixes. 50. In the Aorist, Perfect, and Plaperfect we meet with Double suffixes (see Aorist). One suffix is that of the Instrumuntal. The other, that of the Nominative, Dative, or Accusative,
Examples. 51. Nominative Suffixes :
1st person singular. --(a) ws: 1st sing. presunto os bo chku-s, I am; 1st sing.
aorist, und das as bo khútsu-s, I feared. á masoi da tse trồelme). tl(a)-e, by
thee (was) forsaken-by-thee I I, .e., by thee was I forsaken, thon forsookost *The translator in responsible for most of these examples.
*In forms like dil drayi, we sometimes find who dris, instead of uroly drivis. [Xp, Mutth. xiii. 26.)

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JANUARY, 1896.
me :** (as) we sety (way) (toht) rol-va-s (bo), (by you) (was) seized-by-you-I (1),
i. e, you seized me. () p m : 2nd plural aorist, di peignes tohi sús-va-m bo, by you was I sent, you
sent me.
2nd person singular.- Uk; 2nd sing. pres. olan dos toq chku-k, thon alt; 2nd sing.
aor. Clases do teę khútsu-k, thou didst fear. 3rd Person Singular.
(a) w*: 2 sg. aor.dó wbj yu daš tohi sús-va-n su, by you was he sent. (3) W8: 3 sg. aor. vedo có váyus timau mol koru-, (he) who by them
was bought, i, e., (he) whom they bought. 2nd Person Plural. - sgvp : 2 pl. pres. Igra chhi-og, ye are : 2 pl. aor. Typ was a
tohi khúts-vą, ye feared. 3rd Person Plural, - WW: 8 pl. pres. what pj tim chhi-k, they aro. 52. Accusative Suffzes:
lot Person Singular. - pm: 2 pl. imperat. pohiya sosyo-m (for ots-in-m), send me. 2nd Person Singular. - $ 1: 1 sg. fat. s dobo kara-t; I will make thee. 3rd Person Singular. — (a)un: 1 sg. fat. úsloks bo mára-n, I will kill him.
(0) Wo: 3 pl. fut. como o pi tim karan(a)e, they will make him. 2nd Person Plural. — sy vạ : 1 sg. fut. oson bo mára-ve, I will kill you.
3rd Person Plural. - W k: 1 sg. fut. She di bo mára-k, I will kill them. 58. On the distinction betwoon the Acousative suffixes w n and mosInstead of u * (aoc.), is used - (1) In forms which end in -
(a) Fiore: a g., Laylo mári-s, he will kill him (from the mari + ws)! P o lítsali-s, they fled (from) him (from da toqli +'ws).
ميبه دنس .و . : an كن (6) ليه تدنس - (aliba din(a
: (altbe ladan(s
(Matth. 2x. 19), they will crucify him, or was also havála karan(a).. (Matth. 11. 19), they will put him in charge. [Mattb. xxvii. 22, 23,
has salibi (fem. obl.) pot saliba (masc. obl.).] [These are the only two cases allowed by Wade.] () In the 3 sg. aor. ; 6. g., w koru-s, he made him, to distinguish it from was
korun (?). Co is here a Nominative suffix.] Some call this an Accusative suffix: by thee thou hast forsaken me (t); by you didst thou send me (t); by you did you send him (!). Cf. Np., Matth. xvii. 46; IX. 18 ; xxvii. 9; xxvi. 55.
» Wade, mari.&.l.

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ON SOME DATES OF THE KOLLAM ERA.
(3) When a feminine predicate follows; e. g., 55 was sis di jus vos acã gigo
hunivushka jam' kariu tą gandyo-s gyad, ( Matth. xiii. 30) gather yo the tares
and bind them in bundles. 54. Dative Suffixes :
1st Person Singular. - pm: 2 sg. imperat. ps Ji-m, give me. 2nd Person Singular. -uy: 1 sg. fut. csos lima-y, I shall give to thee. 3rd Person Singular. - ws: 1 sg. fat. wys kara-s, I shall make for him. 3rd Person I'lural. - Uk: 1 sg. fut. Sjou shza-k, I will send to them.
(To be continued.) ON SOME DATES OF THE KOLLAN ERA.
BY DR. ROBERT SCHRAM; VIENNA, MR. SUNDARAM PILLAI gives in his interesting pamphlet, Some Early Sovereigns of Travancore, Madras, 1894, fourteen inscriptions dated in the Kollam Era. Some of these dates mention the week days and the moon's and Jupiter's places, so that they can easily be verified, and it is perhaps not without interest to see how far they agree with each other, The dates contained in the inscriptions are the following: - No. 1. - In the year opposite the year 301 since the appearance of Kollain, with the sun in
the sign of Leo (i. e., the Malabar month Chingam, or, roughly speaking, about the
latter half of August 1125 A. D.). No. 2. - In the Kollam yonr 319, with Jupiter in the sign of Scorpio and the sun in
Capricornus (ie, the Malabar month Makaram, or, roughly speaking, the end of
January 1114 A. D.) No. 3. - In the year opposite the year 336 after the appearance of Kollam, with the sun
6 days old in the sign of Taurus, Saturday, Makayiram star (i. e., the 7th ldavau,
lunar mansion Mrignsirslam, about the end of May 1161 A, D.) No. 4. - In the year (opposite the rear 336 since the appearance of Kollam), with the
sun • days old in Taurus, 'Saturday, Makayirain star. No. 5. - In the year 342 after the appearance of Kollam, with the sun 7 days old in Leo
(i. e., the 8th of Chingam, about the end of August 1100). No. 6. - In the Kollam year 8-18, with Jupiter in Cancer and the sun. #old in Pisces.
Thursday, Anuslam star (i. e., the Malabar mouth Minam, approximately speaking in
March 1173). No. 7. - In Dhanus and when life was at its keight (Dhanus 365, about the end of
December 1189). No. 8. - In the Kollam year 368, with Jupiter in Virgo and the sun 2 days old in Taurus
(3rd Idavam 368 M. E., or about the latter half of May 1193). No. 9. - In the Kollnm yonr 371, with Jupiter in Cancer and the sun 24 days old in Cancer
(25th Mêdam 371 M. E., or about the beginning of May 1796). No. 10. - In the Kollam year 38.1, with Jupiter in Cancer and the sun. days old in
Gemini) (Mithunam or Idavam 384 M. E.. about May or June 1209). No. 11. - In the year opposite the Kollam year 389, with Jupiter in Aquarius and the sun
18 days old in Pisces, Thursdny, Pashya star, the 10th lunar day (i. e., 1214 A. D.) 1 [An improved version of which is to be found in this Journal, Vol. XXIV.-ED.)
The words within brackets are Mr. P. Sundaran Pillai's reinarka • The worls within quare brackets are supplied in the inscription by Mr. P. Sundaram Pillai.

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(JANUARY, 1896.
No. 12. - In the year opposite the Kollam year 410, with Jupiter in Scorpio and the sun
27 days old in Aries (i. e., the 28th Mêdam, about April 1235). No. 13. - In the Kollam year 427, with Japiter entering Aries and the sun 21 days old in
Taurus, Wednesday, the 5th lunar day after the new moon. No. 14. - In the Kollam year 491 and in the fourth year, the sun being 21 days old in
Aquarius (22nd Kumbham 491 M. E., or, roughly speaking, about the end of February
1316). As the dates Nos. 3. 11 and 13 seem to be the surest, we will begin with them. Mr. Robert Sewell states in his South Indian Chronological Tables, Madras, 1889, page 7f., that on the first day of the Kollam era 1434160 days of the Kaliyuga had expired, and this brings us to the day 2022626 of the Julian period. And counting from the beginning of the Kaliyaga, corrected by - 2 d. 51 g. 8 v. 45 p. (see Warren's Kala Sankalita, page 10) and adding hereto 3926 years of 365 d. 15 g. 31 v. 15 p. plus the duration of the months Mêdam, Idavam, Mithunam, Karkadakam and Chingam, we find indeed that the entrance of the sun into Kanya took place on the day 2022625 of the Julian period at 37 g. 40 v. 36 p. after mean sunrise at Lanka
Taking now the dates as current years, we find for the beginning of the respective months the day of the Julian period: 2145227 d. 1 g. 28 v. 31 p. for Idavam 336; 2164524 d. 28 g. 11 v. 43 p. for Minam 389; and 2178465 d. 33 g. 52 v. 16 p. for Idavam 427. The first instance is so near sunrise that the slightest difference in the assumed duration of the solar months ean bring it back to the end of the day 2145226, which day is to be taken as the 1st Idavam; so the 7th Idavam 336 corresponds to the day 2145232 of the Julian period, which day (29th April 1161 A. D.) was indeed a Saturday. As it is easily found by Jacobi's Tables that on this day the moon was indeed in Mrigasiras, this date peems identified without doubt. If the 1st Idavam 427 corresponds to the Julian day 2178465, the 22nd will correspond to 2178486 or the 15th May 1252, which day was indeed a Wodnesday, and by Jacobi's Tables the 5th bithi was running; so this date, too, is undoubtedly ascertained.
The day 2164524 for the 1st Minam 389 would bring the 19th Minam to the day 2164542, which, instead of being a Thursday and the 10th lunar day, is Wednesday and the 29th lunar day. But when we take this year to be expired, the beginning of Minam 389 falls on the the day 2164889 d. 43 g. 42 v. 58 p. and the 19th Mînam corresponds to the day 2164907 or the 12th March 1215, which was a Thursday, and on which day by Jacobi's Tables the 10th tithi was running and the moon was in the nakshatra Pushya; so there can be no doubt that this date also is correctly ascertained by transferring it to 1215.
These dates shew that in the inscriptions the years are sometimes expired and sometimes current.
No. 4 is the same as No. 3, and need not therefore be taken into consideration. Nos. 1, 5 and 14 have no particulars by which to decide if the years are current or expired, 80 they may correspond respectively either to August 1126 or 1127 (1125 of one begins the year with Chingam instead of Kanya), to August 4, 1167 or to August 3, 1168 (or to August 4, 1166 when beginning with Chingam), and to February 15, 1316 or February 14, 1317.
For the datos Nos. 2, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12 and 13 the position of Jupiter is given, so that it is possible to decide in every case if the year is current or expired. Taking first all the years as current and calculating the places of Japiter, we find Japiter in the sign assigned to him in Ncs. 6, 9, 11 and 13, whilst in No. 12 Japiter, instead of being in Scorpio, was yet in Libra. So this date has to be taken as expired, which brings Jupiter to Scorpio. In No. 10 the case is reversed. Jupiter ought to be in Cancer, but he had really left this sign for some months and was far advanced in Leo. Yet this is easily explained when we consider the contents of the inscription. The words and the sun • days old in Gemini) are supplied. As the last lines of the document in question speak of a first half-yearly payment due in Vrischigam 385, Mr. Sundaram Pillai sapposes that the document itself was made half a year before Vțiśchigam

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NARSINH MEHTANUN MAMERUN.
11
385, which would bring us to Mithunam or Idavam 384. But as this supposition does not agree with Japiter's place, there can scarcely be any doubt that the document, instead of being made half a year before the first payment, was drawn up a whole year earlier or in one of the first months of 384, whilst Japiter was yet in Cancer. It is not quite easy to say which day is to be taken for Jupiter's leaving Cancer; for one cannot be sure whether the trae or the mean position of Japiter is to be taken into account. This seems to be decided by No. 13. When calculating the true place of Japiter by the Tables in Warren's Kala Sankalita, we find Jupiter, 14 degrees in Aries. As the inscription says "Jupiter entering Aries," fourteen degrees are rather too much advanced for such an expression. But when we simply calculate the beginning of Jupiter's years by the Tables of Kielhorn, we find that the yoar Pingala, which corresponds to Aries, had begun on the day 2178462 of the Julian period, just 24 days before our date, so that the expression “Japiter entering into Aries" would be quite exact. Using, therefore Kielhorn's Tables also for No. 10, we find for the beginning of Srimukha or Jupiter's entering Leo the day 2162576 or the 27th Tulå 334, so that the document would be brought to Kanyå or Tulå 384, some days before the first Vrischigam, so that the first half-yearly payment was only due after & whole year.
"As to the dates Nos. 2, 7 and 8, they must be erroneons; for Jupiter, instead of being in Scorpio, Cancer and Virgo, 'is found respectively in Aquarius, Sagittarius and Aries. Mr. Sandaram Pillai, in the note to page 29, also remarks that the position assigned to Jupiter in these inscriptions does not agree with the other inscriptions. There must be some error in the date. To sum up, we find for our dates: - No. 1 = Augast 1126 or August 1127 (August 1125, if one begins the year with
Chingam). No. 2 erroneous. No. 3 = 29th April 1161. No. 4 = No. 3. No. 5 = August 4, 1167 or August 3, 1168 (August 4, 1166, if one begins the year
with Chingam). No. 6 = 1173 A. D., February 22, or March 1, or March 8, or March 15. No. 7 erroneous. No. 8 erroneous. No. 9 = April 17, 1196. No. 10 between October 23, 1208 and January 14, 1209. No. 11 = March 12, 1215. No. 12 = May 10, 1236. No. 13 = May 15, 1252. No. 14 = February 15, 1316 or February 14, 1317.
NARSINH MEHTANUN MAMERUN.
A POEM BY PREMANAND. TRANSLATED FROM THE GUJARATI WITH NOTES BY MRS. J. K. KABRAJI.
(Continued from p. 106.)
Canto VII. 245 "What ruin the old woman has brought on me!" (Kuivarbåt laments). "My grandmother-in-law stands in the place of an enemy to me; she has destroyed all
the gladness of my heart :

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JANUARY, 1896.
(She who appears) sweet of tongue and of few words and sings the praises of Hari at
every step, With a show of benevolence chose to dictate the list, but she bears malice in her heart."93
Kuivarbat went to her father with the paper in her hand, 250 (And said) "My grandmother-in-law has prescribed impossible things : say, father, what
is to become (of us)? She has made a demand that not even a millionaire could satisfy. Why has this timant come to me, thus to be a source of grief to the sadhu, my father ? One thousand pieces of gold, to say nothing of the clothes!
And not a kaudi do I see with you, father. 255 Father, I beseech you to go back, for by stopping longer you will forfeit your good name."
Says the Mehetiji:-"Daughter mine, remain confident. The old woman has helped and not harmed our cause. Samâliâ is not one to neglect me on this occasion : why dost thou shed tears?
Damodar is not deaf to (our) prayers. He will not have to go into debt (for our sakes). 260 Kuivarbâi, go you to your home, it is none of onr concern.
If Hari does not furnish this mámérún, the ridicule will be all his. As he (mircnlously) replaced the nine huudred and ninety-nine sasis on the person of
Panchali,84 So will he provide the requisites of the mámérún.
You wait patiently till the morrow. . 265 Have faith in your heart, danghter of a Vaithyara. The Lord Gopil will support us and
maintain as through life." On hearing these words of her father, the daughter's heart was filled with affection, And she returned to her home with faith in her bosom, कडवू ७ मुं. राग मारु.
भापणुं कारज सीध्यु, डोसीए रुडं की रे
शामलीभी अवसरनहीं भुले, सुं को भांगड़ा पाडे. 245 डाट वाळ्यो रे, डोसीए डाट वान्यो रे.
डांसी. वडसास वेरण थई मारी. हरख हईयांनी टाळ्यो रे.
दामोदर कांड नयी दोहलो, नहिं कांड करजे काढे. डोसी.
डो मीठा वचननी ने थोडा बोली,हीडे हरिगुण गातीरे | 260 कुंवरबाई समे घेर पधारो, आपणु एमांएं जासे रे परमारथी थई पत्र लखाव्यो, मनमा मोटी काती.
जो मामेक हरी नहीं करे तो, उपहासी एनी या. डोसी.
कागळ लेडने कंवरबाई भाग्यां, पीता केरी पाशेरे , पंचाळीनां पटकुळ पुरयां, नवशोने नवाणु रे । 250 वडसासए वीप्रीत लखान्यं, कहो हवेjथाशेरे डो०। तेरीते मामेकं करसे, तुं थवा देने वाहाणु; सोसीए.
लखेसरीयो पुरूं नव पडे, एबुं मांही लग्याच्युरे; विशवाश रुदेमां गखो तमो, छा वाष्णवनां बाळ रे साधुपिताने महादुख देवा, मारे शीमंत शाने आयुडो-265 आपणु ए प्रतिपाऊण करसे, चामलिओ गोपाळ. सहस्र मोहोर सोनानी रोकडी, वस्त्र तणु नहीं लेखुरे, डो. .
सासजी हुं तो तमारी पासे, कोडी एक न देखू.डांसी हईडे हेत दीकरीने भाव्यं आणी तातमी वाणीरे; 255 पिताजी तमो पाछा पधारो, नहीं रहे इजत जाशेरे; कुंवरबाई फरी मंदीर आयां, विश्वाश उरमा आणी. मेहेतानी कहे पुत्री मारी, रहो तमे विश्वासे. डोसीए.।
Canto 1111. Mark, se people, the queer ways of this sinful nge, the Vaishnavas are ridiculed. This Någar community is much given to sarcasm, and will make cutting remarks on the
most trivial matters.
13 Lit., bears a large knife in her heart.
* This is a reference to the well-known story of Draupadt, who was condemned to be stripped in open court, but whose honour was saved by Vishnu, who substituted another cloth as soon as one was removed, till dine hundred and ninety-nine were supplied in.successions when her enemies, finding their efforts fruitless, ceased to harass her any more.

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NARSINH MEHTANUN MAMERUN.
270 As the Mehetaji arose to have his meal with his company of veragis,
The people all assembled around in a crowd, and began to laugh at them, Saying :-"See how the tilak and the necklace of tulasi beads, and the printed cloth on
his person become the Mêhêtaji ! Oh, see the beanty of the vevdi: millions of capids will hide their heads through shame! Now you will see that he will sing the Rág Maláre as he bathes, and will bring down a
shower. 275 Then he will hold forth the food and mutter incantations and Jâdav Nath will partake
of the oblation." All the verágís bathed themselves with such (water) as they could get; But the water provided for the Mêbêtâjf was boiling hot ; As hot as the oil boiled for frying Sudhaiva86 was the water heated
For the Mêhê tê by the véván, 87 that he might be flayed alive! 280 Seeing the water so hot the Mêhêtâji asked for some cold water.
But Kulivarvahu's sister-in-lawss turned away her face and said sneeringly:"Why, Mêbêtajt, can you not bring down a shower at will that you ask us for cold water ?" This remark went to the Mêhêta's heart, and he straightway called for his cymbals.
Seated on a stool he invoked the Lord Såma! and began to play the Rág Malár. 285 The Nagar people assembled to watch (the result), and went on speaking unmannerly
things. कडवू ८ मुं. राग गोडी.
स्नान करी सउ वग व बेग, जेने जेशुं मळतुं रे;
मेहेताजीने नाहावा भरथे, जळ मल्यु कळकळतुं रे; जोजो रे कउतक कलियुगना, वइष्णवनी चस्टा
जेम तेल कढा ताती उकाळी, सुधनवाने तळवा रे, . थायरे;
तेम वेवाणे जळ उकाळयं, मेहेताजीने छळवारे. वांका बोली नात नागरी, सेजे बोले अन्याय रे,
कउ० 270 भोजन करवा मेहेताजी उठया, साथे बहु बेरागीरे;280 उष्णोदक उनं देखीने माग्यु, मेहेते टाटुं पाणीरे; टोळे मळी सउ नात नागरी, जोई जोई हसवा
मरमवचन मुख मरडीने बोली, कुंवरबाईनी जेठाणीरे लागीरे; चीरया तिलक ने तुळशीनी माळा, छापी अंग
मांगपा मेह वरसे मेहेताजी, तो अम पाश शुं मागो रे; बिराजे रे
बाजटे बेठा ताळ मंगावी, बोल रुदमा वाग्यो रे. वेवाईनां रूप जुवोरे बाईभो, कोठीक कंदर्प लाजे रे. स्मरण की, शामळीयान, आरोप्यो राग मलार रे.
मलार गासे नाती वेळा वरशसे वरशाद रे । 285 नागर लोक जोवाने मळीया, बोले वंग उचार 275 प्रसाद करता थाळ गाशे, जमसे जादवनाथ रे ।
Canto ix. The Mêhêtaji sat on a bench and called upon Sri Gôpa!. He sang the Rág Malar with devotion, beating the cymbals with his hands : " Help me, thy servant, Samala, who am being ridiculed.
The water is hot enough to crack a cocoanut. 290 The enraged Haisdhvaj Rat had boiled the cauldron of oil,
But by thy mercy it cooled down and Sudharva was saved. Thou, O Samala, didst accept the order for seven hundred rupeesa (that I wrote)..
86 The Rag Malár is reputed to have the power of bringing down rain at any season, if sung by a righteous man. The cext canto is set to this rag.
86 There is a story that the Raja Hansdhvaj had condemned Sudhanva, his own son, to be thrown into a caul. dron of boiling oil. The oil was boiled ton steaming stage.. in Haiindhvaj Rat's presence, but, as Sudhanva was being thrown into it, Siva cooled it down immediately and the condemned man came out of the cauldron unscathed. much to the astonishment of the Raja and the people. sr Fem. of ovar, see note 38.
Wife of the elder brother of Knivarbat's husband. * It is related that once some holy men onme to Narsinh's door on their way to DwÅrk. They had not the necessary means to proceed on the journey and to live in that place of pilgrimage, and naturally expected that Narsióh, the great exponent of Vishnuism, should supply then with funds. When Narsinh pleaded his poverty hey demanded a written order on any banker-friend he might have in Dwarka, wherenpon Narsióh made out a

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Thus I have faith that thou wilt help me and send me a shower.
If thou dost not give me a little cold water, 'Sâmalâ, how shall I trust to receiving the maméran from you ?"
295 On hearing this prayer of Narsinh, the great god was moved.
In a moment the sky became overcast and darkness spread in all four directions. There was thunder and lightning in the skies.
Dast arose on all sides and rain began to pour down in torrents.
The water found its way into the vévá's house and the people began to clamour. 300 All the Nágars fell at his feet saying: - " Pardon our unjust conduct :
We were fools not to have recognized you, you are verily the chief of pious men." Srirang Mêhêta joined in praising (Narsinh): only the véváns kept away from pride. At length the rain ceased and the Mêhêtâ then bathed himself;
But when all was over the crafty Nagar-people said: "Oh, it was only an unseasonable shower, such as we have very frequently."
305 You are blind to what is proved before your very eyes; it is but a sign of this sinful age.
Refrain.
Then the Mêhêtaji sat down to his meal, and took the tal in his hand, And the crowd of vérágis began to chant the hymn of offering.
कडबु ९ मुं. राग सोरठ महार.
मेहेताजी बेठा बाजडे, स्मरया श्रीगोपाळ; मलार गायी प्रीतशुं हाये वगाडी ताळ, मेहेताजी० उपहास थाय तारा दाशनी, सामळा करो साहाय उष्णोदक अति उकळ्युं. फाटी श्रीफळ जाय. मेहे
ताजी०
290 जेम कढा उकाळी तेलनी, कोथ्यो हंसध्वज रायः तारी कृपाए टाई थयुं, उगारयो सुधन्वाय. मेहेताजी०
(JANUARY, 1896.
हंडी स्वीकारी तें शामळा, रुपईया दशेशात;
से विश्वाशे वळगी रह्यो, मोकळी वरसाद मेहेताजी • समोषण नही आपो शामळा, करशो मामेरुं कथम. 295 वीनंती नरसहयानी सांभळी, प्रेरयो परब्रह्म. मे
हेताजी०
पळमांही आगे घटा थई, चोदस चढयो अंधकार;
गगनविशे घन गडगडे, थाय वीज चमकार, • मेहेताजी०
उडे फोरण बहु कांकरा, वरशे मुशळ धार; वेवfईना घरमां जळ धशुं करे लोक पोकार, मेहेताजी०
300 सरवे नागरीओ पाए पडे, क्षमा करो अपराधः
अमो अज्ञाने न ओळख्या. तमे शिरोमणी साध मे० श्रीरंग मेहता स्तुती करे, वेवाणो माग मान; वरसाद वीसरजन थयो, कीधुं मेहेताए स्नान. मेहेताजी०
ठग नागर कहे थयुं मावई एम थाय घणीवार ; 305 प्रसीत न प्रत्यक्ष पारखे, कळिजुगनो प्रकार.
चलो.
मेहेताजी भोजने बेठा, करमां लीधी ताळ; टोकुं वेरागी तनुं तेणे गावा मांडी थाळ रे.
Canto X.
After this prayer was offered, Vanmålî partook of the food, 90 And accepted the offering out of his love.
310 (Now I relate) what happened when the night was over.
The night was spent in praise and prayer and day broke.
Kuivarbai went up to her father and said:"Now let us distribute the mosálin." The Mêhetaji said: "Go, daughter, and invite all your relatives and connectious,
And with faith in your heart, bring an empty basket
$15 And sit under the mandap, or holding it forth.
You are to invite all your relatives and caste-people with their families.
bill addressed to a fictitious banker, asked him to pay Rs. 700 to the pilgrims on his account, and sent the men on. Narsinh knew that the Lord Krishna would come to his aid in his difficulty, and he did oome. He appeared to the pilgrims at Dwarka in the guise of a Vapia banker, endorsed the bill and paid them seven hundred rupees on the spot.
The god is believed to eat part of the food offered.
A mandap, i. e., a canopy of cloth decorated with plants and flowers, is generally prepared for each festival.

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The delay is not mine, daughter: I am waiting for the recipients to arrive." Said Kunvarbai:-"Father, how can I have confidence ?
NARSINH MEHTANUN MAMERUN.
How shall I sit, holding the empty basket, while the people laugh at me ?" Said the Mēhētaji : " Daughter mine, thou art a Vaishnava by birth.
It is neither my concern nor thine; Sri Hari will provide the mdsdlan."
320 On hearing these words of reproach from her father, Kuiivarbai went to her mother-in-law
"My father is ready with the gifts, pray send round invitations."
Pandê Khokhalo went round to invite (the guests) and got together the whole town.
The vévát people mutter to themselves :-"The Mêhêtâjî will soon shake off his pride." The Mêhêtajî entered the mandap with the tál in his hand. 325 All the Nagars, standing up, cried "Jê-Gôpâ!" (with feigned devotion).
Refrain.
Getting an empty-basket (Kaivarbai) sat holding it forth. The Mêhêtaji blew into his shell, and prayed to Sri Hari.
कर्बु १० मुं. राग शामेरी.
मेहेते गार्ड प्रसादनी थाळी, आरोगवा बैठा श्रीवनमाळी
लीधो प्रसाद पुरण प्रीते, पछे शुं थयुं रजनी वीते. डाळ. 310 वीसी रजनी कीरतन करतां, भयो प्रातसकाळ रे. कुंवरबाई आव्यां पीता पासे, हवे मोशाळानी करो चाल रे.
मेहेता भी कहे पुत्री जाने, सगां सउने तेडां करो; विसवाश आणी मंडप मांहीं, एक छाब ठाली जह धरो
ज्ञात सगां सहीत पधरावो, सरव कुटंब परिवार जी; 315 छे वार ज्ञात मळ्यां तणी, नथी मोशाळानी वार जी,
15
कुंवरबाई कहे तातजी, मने केम आवे विसवाच्च; ठाली छाब केम धरूं, थाय लोकमां उपहास रे. मेहेताजी कहे पुत्री मारी, छो वष्णवनी दीकरी; सारे मारे चींता सानी, मोधाकुं करशे श्रीहरी. 320 मरमवचन सुणी तातनुं, सासु कने भावी वह
मारो पिता मोशालुं करे छे, संगां नित्र तेडो सह. खोखले पंडे ते डां कीधां मेळच्यं वधुं गामः
वाई वरग एणी पेरे बोले, मेतो मुकीने जासे माम. मंडपमां मेहेताजी आब्बा, हाथ महीने ताळ रे; 335 नागर सह उभा थई, कहे प्रेमे जे गोपाळ रे.
वलण.
मंगावी एक छात्र डाली, ते चोकमां आणी धरी; मेहेताजी शंख पुरयो, विनती श्रीहरीनी करी.
Canto XI.
The Mêlêtâ blew into his shell and called upon Vanmill.
All the four castes began to laugh, striking each other's palms (i. e., in expectation of _amusement);
330 “The vēvài has begun the farce of the mosalin.
All the customs of the Nigars has he forsaken.
Look at his printed cloth, his (biforked) tilak and his til, and his necklace of tulasi beads. Now will Narsinh dance and his topfwilds92 sing."
Thus say the assembled Nagar community sneeringly :
335 “And he will give us bodices for home wear : "
Many women both young and old are assembled in the mandap.
And they whisper sarcastic words, (to them ) sweeter than sugar.
They laugh and stare at the Mêhêtâ and rock him with cries of "Jê 'Sri Krishna."
The pearls of their nose-rings hang daintily over their pretty faces.
340 Decked all over with ornaments and fine clothes and silk bodices,
The youthful and blooming Någar women laugh and jeer at the Mêhêtâ. Some with jewels in their ears, their arms covered with ornaments, Their bangles jingling, and their throats glistening with (jewels), Stand quietly and draw their veils over their heads.
345 One casts sideling looks from her piercing eyes :
Another's long tresses trail down her back,
Lit., wearing caps, i. ., Vaishnavas, so called as they used to wear caps coming down to their ears.

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Her arms and feet jingle with ornaments, her high brow is adorned with large tilaks. Some have taken their little ones on their hips;
While some inquisitive) one rises now and then to see if the basket is still empty; 350 And some modest daughter-in-law hides herself behind her husband's sister.
Some mothers put words into their children's mouths And make them repeat them, while others do their best to keep them quiet. Some harsh-tongued woman speaks harsh and unjust things.
Such various moods the crowd presents, 355 And on little pretences is Hari maligned (thus): -
"Kunvarbhi's father is giving me a patoli as the mámêrdå gift; I shall never wear a plain sádi again! What lacks the Vaishṇava so long as he has the necklace round his neck,
And the ten or twenty rich lôpiwálás in his wake ? 360 We congratulate thee, Kuiivarvahn; thou art fortunate in thy piyar.03
Thy father blows into his conch-shell and lo! The maternity gifts are as good as received (by us)!" Thus the scornful vipras mock him :
" Place a stone in that empty basket or the wind will blow it off!" 365 At this the daughter lost courage and went ap to her father; bat he motioned to her to have patience.
Refrain. "Have faith, daughter," (he said) and took the tal in his hand, And placing the sheet of paper in the empty basket called upon 'Sri Gopal. कडवू ११ मुं. राग मारु.
केशर तिलक विशाळ भाले कीधां छ,
कोइए नानां बाळ केडे लीधां छे. मेहेते वगाडयो शंख, स्मरया वनमाळी;
| 350 कोड जोवा ठाली छाब अबळा उठे छे. लाग्या हसवा चारे वरण; मांहो मांही दे ताळीः
कोह बहुधारु लजवाळ नणदी पुढे छ, 330 मोशाळांना ढंग वेवाइए मांडया
को शीखवी बोलावे बाळ को पारी राखे छे, नागरना वेडेवार, एणे सरवे छांडचा...
को वांकां बालीनार वांकं बोले छे. छापा तिलक नेताक; जुओ तुळशी माळ,
एवां कउतक अनेक सउको देखे छ। नरशईओ करशे नृत्य; गाशे टोपीवाळा.
355 शेहेजे बोले अन्याय, हरीने लेखे छे. जोवा मळी नागरी नात्य, बहु टोळे टोळां;
कुंवरबहुनी बाप करशे मामहें; 335 मुख मरडी करे वास, आपशे घरचोळा.
इंलईश पटोळी सार, शाडी नहीं पेरु. बहु नानी मोटी नार, मंडपमा मळी%B
वइष्णवने शी खोटी कोटे माळा छ, करे वांकी छानी वात. शाकर गळी,
वेहेवारीआ दशवीश टोपीवाळा छे. मेहताने करे जे श्रीकृष्ण, हसी पुरूं जोती;
360 कुंवरबह धन धन पीयर पनौती छ। मुख उपर लळके सार, वेशरनां मोती.
बापे वगाडयो शंख शावर पोती छे. 340 सज्या सोळशणगार, चरणाने चोळी,
वांका बोला विप्र बोले उपहासे, जोबन मद भरी नार, कर बहु ठंठोळी.
मुको छाबमा पाहाण, वाये उडी जासे! काने तरोटी जडाव; गळस्थळ चळके छे.
मुक्यो दीकरीए नीस्वाश, आबी पीता पासे, जडाद चुडो हाथ कांकण खळके छ,
1365 मेहेते कीधी सान रहेने विश्वासे. समी रही ओढे चीर, शणगत वाळे छ।
वलण. 345 अपीआळां लोचन, कटाक्षे भाळे छं. छुटे अंबोडे नार वेणी लांबी छे,
विश्वाश राखो दिकरी करमा लीधी ताल रे; झांझर झमके पाय, कडलां कांबी छ ।
कागळ मुक्यो छाबमां मेहेते स्मरया श्रीगोपाळ रे.
Canto XII. Holding the paper in the empty basket Narsinh Mêhêtâ called upon the god Hari. All the verligis follow with their hymns, a sight quite strange to the NAgars.
58 Parents and the parental abode,

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NARSINH MEHTANUN MAMERUN.
17
370 While these reciters of the Veda speak unmannerly things, the Mêhêtâ remains absorbed
in Madhava. “O, see! Everything is placed in the basket : don't you see the rows of bodices?"
(remark the people). But the Mêhêtå minds not a word; he is lost in praise of Madhava. “Hail Dâm ôdar, Bal-mukand, thou Lord that savest from hell, thou son of Nand,
Master of the universe, Moon of the garden of Vaidrâvan, son of Dêvakî, thou source of joy, 375 Lord of the Gôpis, Govind, Protector of kine, victorious and yet kind and merciful!
Be mindful of me, thy servant, and prepare for the bestowal of the mosálún. As I sing praises with my mouth, and the ta! in hand, the Nagar community reproach me. It is difficult to have to do with this people. Lord, keep my honour this time.
If thou, Nandkumar, art my master, what (harm) can this wicked world do me? 380 As I know thee to be the protector of thy servants, I have every confidence in thee. Yoa sent timely help to Amarisa95 when he was in trouble. You have lived in the womb,
too, (for the sake of mortals). To kill Sankhâsur6 you took the shape of a fish; And, to bring out the fourteen jewels from the depths of the sea, you transformed yourself
into a tortoise.97 You destroyed the great sinner Hirņaksha,os and placed the earth in its proper position
once more. 385 And even a man like Ajîmê!,99 who was a great sinner, you raised to yourself, on bis
uttering the name of his son at his death). When Prahlada100 was in difficulties you, great god, manifested yourself at once. You absolved Dhruval from all fear of death and second birth, and made him immortal
like your own self. * Son of Nand.
95 Narsinh now enumerates all the services done to his devotees by Krisha. Amarisa (P Ambarisha) was an ardent worshipper and was subjected to persecution by certain Rishis, to test his devotion.
Sankhisur was a 898-monster. He lived at the bottom of the sea in a conch-shell. The wife of Sandipan, & worshipper of Vishnu, once complained to him that this sea-nonster had stolen her son from her, whereupon Vishnn took the Rhaps of a fish and fought the monster and brought back the son. [But the legend is well-known in another form..- ED.)
97 It has been said that the gods churned the sea in search of fourteen gems or imcomparable things, when Krishna in the shape of a tortoise bore them all on his back.
95 Hirpaksha = HirapyAksha, the twin brother of Hiranyakasipe, had carried off the earth into the regions of PÅtAla, whence Vishņu brought it baek and placed it in its proper position.
# Ajame! (= ? Ajámila) was at first a follower of Vishnu. But he fell into evil ways through the influence of a wicked woman, and lived a life of unrighteousness. At his death the messengers of YAma went and stood by his bed. Ajåmel was frightened by their cruel, ugly faces, and in his fright called his youngest and best-loved son, Narayan, by name. But as he uttered this word, & synonym of Vishnu, the latter's messengers took the place of those of Yama, and lifted AjAmel up into the presence of Vishnu, where the god forgave him all his trespasses and gavo him salvation.
100 Prahlada, the son of Hiranyakabipu and father of Bali. He became an ardent worsbipper of Krishna while yet a boy, which so enraged his father, who was a sworn enemy of Vishậu, that he ordered him to be killed but all attempts to destroy his life proved fruitless through the intercession of Vishậu. Thus baffled, Hiranyakasipu declared he would believe in Prahlada, if by his prayers he produced Vishau before his eyes. Prahlada uttered his prayers and Vishnu became visible in the form of half-man, half-lion and in a fierce fight there and then killed Hiranyakazipu.
1 Dhruva was a son of Uttanapada, and grandson of the first Manu. His mother was the second wife of Uttanapåda and bad no respect for her lord. Consequently Dhruva was no favourite with his father. Once, as he saw his half-brother, the son of the elder and more devoted queen, sitting in his father's lap, Dhruva tried to do the same, but his step-mother forbade him saying, "Thou hast no right to sit in thy father's lap since thy mother loves him not. If thou wishest to be a favourite, too, go and shake off this avatir and bo bora onoe more unto me." Dhruva was stung and went to the wooda to engage himself in tap (devotion). Vishnu bofriondod him, and said to him," Go back to thy parents, they are longing to meet thee. Reign with them for thirty-six thousand years, at the end of which time I shall send thee a vaiman, in which thou shalt come up to me with thy parents." So Dhruva wont back, reigned for thirty-six thousand years, and mounted up to Vaikunth at last in a vain in (the sërial car of the gods). [This is an interesting variant of the accepted legend. -ED.]

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Even the wicked Punscbali was able to ascend in a vaimán to Vaikunth, because she
taught her parrot to utter thy name. You ate the impure berries, and in consequence Savaria was enabled to enter paradise. 390 Because Vibbishan bowed his head to your feet, you made him the monarch of Lanka. You gave absolation to the fisherman and his family, and he was granted immunity from
a second existence on earth. Thus have you helped your worshippers in their difficulties. You saved the elephant from
the clutches of the sea-mouster.5 You appeared on earth in the shape of a dwarf,6 and but for you the seat of Indra would
have been lost, You took the grief of the queen of Papchala (Draupadi) to heart and replaced her clothes
as they were removed from her. 395 You gave Pârath victory over Kuvrav, and you even stooped to drive chariots in the
battlefield of Kurukshetra. You gave absolution to Rukmangad, and you rushed to the help of Harichandra.? You saved the Rajkumar Chandrabase on three occasions, because he worshipped (you)
with the conch-shell. You saved Sudhanvå from being burnt, although his own father had thrown him into a
cauldron of boiling oil. Even though Maradhvaj was sawn to death, he wept not and was granted salvation
(by your mercy). 400 You saved the birds daring the fire in the forest of Khaqqat by throwing the elephant
bell over them.” You ate the vegetables placed before you by Vidur,le because he had pleased you with
his devotion. You took the rice from the hand of Sudâmî and in reward gave him the nine priceless
jewels.11 You defeated the pride of Madhav's13 heart; and held up the Mount Govardhan as if
in play.18
Once when Vishnu was wandering in the desert he met a Bhil.woman. She had been expecting the great god to pass by her door, and as she had nothing in the way of food to place before the Lord, she went to the woods and collected bare (a kind of berries) and kept them ready. However, as a precaution against their being found sour by the god, the poor woman had bitten each berry and tasted it. Vishņu knew this and should not have eaten the impure fruit, but he did not like to damp the arcour of the poor womn. Ho partook of the berries, praised the woman for her devotion and rewarded her by granting her absolution from her sins.
Ayana, but ho had befriended Sita during her captivity, and had impressed on Ravans the necessity of submitting to the will of Rama (another inoarnation of Vishņu). As a reward Rama, after killing Råvana, set him upon the throne of Lanka.
• This fisherman had borne Råma and Lakshmana over the waters of the Gang& when they were banished from Ayodhya
This is a reference to a famous fight between a monster elephant and the sea-nonster Griba. 6 Reference to the Vamana, or dwarf, avatára. 1 Reference to the legends of Rukmiņt and Harichandra. * Allusion to the romantic legend of Chandraba. • These birds used to worship Krishna. 10 A very poor but sincere adorer of this god.
11 Sadêma was a poor Brahman; he was devoted to Krishna, and once when he went into his presence at Dwarka he had nothing with him to offer the god, but some parched rice. The Lord received him kindly and respected him on account of his learning. SudAma hesitated to place the rice before the god, but he said: "Hast thou brought no offering? From such a one as theo I would acoept even a trifte," and with his own hands pulled out the bundle of rice from Sudima's clothes. Then in reward for his modesty and learning, Krishna turned him into a rich man and gave him other gifta bodily and mental, nine gifts or "jewels" in all.
13 Madhava had displayed his mighty bow that no earthly youth could wield. Krishụa, when he saw it, broke it in two.
15 When Indra sent heavy rain into Vrindavana, through jenlousy that all worship was given to Krishna, the cowherds and cowherdesses went and asked the boy Krishna for redress. He laughed, and lifting up the mountain Govardhana from the ground, held it over Vrindrana, so that Indra was baffled.

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NARSINĖ MEHTANUN MAMERUN.
19
Lord Jadurây, 14 you drank off the fire in the forest, and saved the milkmaids and their kine
from burning. 405 You accepted the worship of Kubjâ,15 although you had to suffer the taunts of the
populace, Such a friend of the poor are you, -- so kind and merciful, - that I place myself as your
servant under your protection. You are the mighty Damodar, while I am but one of millions that serve and worship you. I have espoused your cause, great god, and I crave your assistance. Woes are growing round my head thick as trees (in a forest), which circumstance fills
your worshippers with humiliation. 410 The Nøgar community is rich and thriving, while my sect is moneyless. Just as if the thirty-three crores (of gods) suffered from any want, all the blame would
attach to the Kalpa-vșiksha ;16 So if the Vaishnavas lose their prestige, your glory will fade, my Lord. My relatives stand in the place of the messengers of Yamall to me, and yet how can you
sleep on? I have already) called together and seated all the relatives, and my daughter sits, holding
her pigánile in her hand, 415 The cup is void of the karkú n-paste, and (naturally) my daughter feels impatient.
It is two garis' past midday : pray come soon: time is flying, Kun varbåt is at thy mercy; I am too powerless to do anything. What! Art (still) sleeping in Vandråvan, with Radhájilo pressing thy feet ?
Or is it some incomparable woman like Lalita, or VisAkhâ, or Chandråvali, 420 (With whom) you spend the night in mirth, and thus forget your worshipper?
Wake up and see, Lord Jådava, and hear thy nervant's prayer. As you appeared unto Kabir on his calling you to mind, And as you accepted the milk offered by a worshipper, Dâm ôdar,
You saved Trilochan from his great grief, because he fetched you water like a servant.20 425 You invested the Koli21 with dauntlessness and you drank off the poison prepared for
Miranbai. 22 For the sake of Sên,43 Lord, you changed yourself into a barber and went to shave (the
king). I had not known yon, my Lord, when I used to fetch grass, And did not know a single letter, for my sister-in-law had turned me into a cowherd,
But Sadasiva made me your servant and shewed me the immortal dance. 430 I saw your amorous pastimes, and thenceforward made a study of your doctrine,
And for that the people ridicule me; yet I have faith in you. 14 Reference to Krishna's Yadava descent.
15 Kubjf was a servant of Kania, but she offered worship to Krishna when she saw him, and he by a touch of his hand transformed her into a goddess. [The ordinary legend is that Kubja was a crooked damsel whom Krishna made straight in return for a slight service. - ED.)
16 The immortal tree in heaven from which all the gods derive sustenance. 17 Yama, as the god of death, 18 The oup in which they keep kunkun pasto.
19 The wife of Krishna. 20 Krishna appeared to Trioban in the guise of an ascetic, and received service and gifts at his hand. The references to Kabir and Trilochan take us to the times of the medieval reformers.
21 The Ko (? Paundraka) was an impostor. He tried to pass himself off for Krishna, and when they called upon him to show his strength, Krishna endowed him with his own strength and fearlessness.
22 Miranbat was the first Gujarati poetess. She was the wife of KunbhA, RAņa of Mew&d, and had left he husband through some quarrel and gone to live in Dwarki. Here she worshipped Krishna and made poetry in his praise. Her husband sought to kill her by sending her & cup of poison with & mandate to drink it and prove her innocenco, if she were true to him. Krishna drank off this oup and Mir&nbat was saved.
36 Sêna was a barber, but loved the god Krishna, and shaved his worshippers and devotees without remuneration. Once while he was thus engaged the king of his country, who was a sworn enemy of Krishna, called for him. His non-appearance would have enraged the king and led him to condemn him to death, but Krishna took the form of the barber and went and shaved the king.

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Trikama, you must not forsake him, whom you call your own.
You came to distribute khichdo to my guests, and for my sake you employed five hands.24 Once when I was very thirsty at midnight, you took up the pot and poured water down my throat.
435 So many times have you established my truth (to the people), and even accepted my (fictitious) hundis.
In that way then, Lord, do you supply the mosálin, and fill up the empty basket with gold
[JANUARY, 1896.
coins.
But if you do not come to my aid, my beauteous Sâm, remember that, I have to do with the Nágars !
Refrain,
I have to deal with the Nâgars, plainly understand it!"
Hearing Narsiñh's prayer, the Lord of Vaikunth arose and rushed (to his assistance).
कउ १२ मुं. राग सारंग.
ठाली छाबमां कागळ धरी, नरसिंह मेहेते स्मरया हरी.
वैरागी शरवे पुठे गाय, नागरने मन कउतक थाय. 370 वांका वचन बोले वदा, मेहतो माधवमां भेदीआ; जुओ छाबमां मुक्युं सार, भो दीसे कमखानी हार! ते बोल अंतर नव घरे, मेहतो स्तुती माधवनी करे: जय दामोदर बाळमुकंद, नरकनिवारण नंदनानंद; विश्वंभर वंदरावनचंद, देवकीनंदन आनंदकंद 375 गोपीनाथ गोविंद गोपाळ, जय बंधु दीनदयाळ
हूं शेवकनी लेजो संभाळ, मोसाळानी करजो चाल. मुखे कीरतन हाथे ताळ, नात नागरी बोले आळ; छें दोहलो लोकाचार, लज्जा राखजो आणीवार; मारो शेठ तं नंदकुमार, शंकरशे पापी संसार? -380 तमो प्रतिपाल पोताना दास, माटे मुजने छे विश्वास. अमरीसनो नीवारयो त्रास, तमे भोगव्या छे गरभवास;
लीधो मछ तणो अवतार, संखासुरनो कीधो संहार; कमल रूप धरयुं मोरार, रस्न चउदे काढयां बाहार; मार्यो हीरणाक्ष महापापी, धरणी स्थीर करीने स्थापी
385 अजामेळ सरखो महापापी, पुत्रने नामे पदवी आपी. प्रल्हादनी दोहली जाणी वेळा, परमेश्वर प्रगट थया वहेला.
| 410 ध्रुवनी जन्म मरण भय हर्यो, अवीचळ पोतासरखी कर्यो.
पोपट पढावती पुंश्चली, वैमाने बेशी वैकुंड वळी. तमो उछिष्ट आरोग्या बदरी, तोतो परमगती पानी शवरी;
तारयो कुटुंब सहीत ते माछी. नव पाम्यो जन्मपीडा पाछी.
छो दोहली वेळाना साथी, तमे ग्राहथी मुकाव्यो हाथी;
वटुक वेश थया वामन, जानुं राख्यं इंद्रासन; समे पंचाळी दुख जाण्यं पुरयां चीर ते नवसेनवाणुः 395 कवरवथी जिताडयो पारथ, कुरुक्षेत्रमां हांक्या रथ; रुक्मांगद तारयो संसार, हरीचंद्रनी कीधी वार. शंख्या पुजतो राजकुमार, चंद्रहास राख्यो त्रणवार. समे सुधन्वा बळतो राख्यो, जो पीताए कढामां नांख्यो.
वेहेरतां नव रोयो रज मुक्ति पाम्यो मुरध्वज. 400 खांडव वन खग लीधां राखी, गजघंटा ते उपर नांखी;
वीदुरनी भारोग्या भाजी, तेनी प्रीत थया तमो राजी.
सुदामानां लेई तांबुल, नवनीध आपी तें अमुल्य. मद माधवाना मननो हरयो, लीलाए गोवरधन धरयो;
दावानल पीधो जदुराय, वळतां उगारयां गोपीने गाय;
405 कुबजानी लीधी अर्चा, तमे लोकतणी सही वरचा. अनाथबंधु दीनदयाळ, हुं शेवकनी लेजो संभाळ; तमो छो दामोदर दक्ष, हुं सरखा शेवक छे लक्ष. मारे एक तमारी पक्ष, परमेश्वर थाजो प्रत्यक्ष.
मारे माथे दुयनां वृक्ष, तेथी लाजे तमारी पक्ष. धनवंत के नागरी नाव्य, तेमां दुरबळ मारी जात्य; दुखे दबाय तेषीस करोड, कल्पवृक्षने लागे खोड. शोभा वैष्णवनी जो गई, कळा तमारी जांखी थई; मने सगां थई लाग्यां जम, तमने निद्रा आवे केम. सगां सउ बेसारथां आणी, पुत्रीना कर मांही पीगाणी;
390 लगार चरण नमाव्यं शीश, विभीषण कीधो 415 छे कंकुवणी कंकावटी, पुत्रीने थाय चटपटी. लंकाधीश;
मध्यान्ह उपर थई बे घडी, वेहेला आवो वेळा वटी; कुंवरबाई तारे आसरे, हुं दुर्बळथी अर्थ न सरे;
शुं सुतो वंदरावन मांय, त्यां राधाजी चांपे छे पाय;
24. The text is rather unintelligible here. The khichdi (a mixture of rice and pulse) was provided by Krishna when Narsinh had some ascetics as guests.

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ललिता विशाखा चंदरावळी, तने उत्तम नारी को 430 में जोयो तमारो वीलास, सेयो में कीधो अभ्यास; मळी
लोक बोले मने उपहास; मारे मन सारी विश्वास. 420 रंगमा जाए शरवरी, तेने भक्त गयो वीसरी.
बोलावीए पोसानो कही, तेने श्रीकम तजीए नही, जागी जोरे जादवपती, शांभळ शेवकनी वीनंती. !
खीचडी जमाडवा आष्या नाथ, माटे कीधा कबीरने जेम करुणा करी, समरे दरसन दी हरी;
पंचहाथ. भक्त एक नामे दामोदरजी, तेनुं पय पीधु तमे हरजी,
ई मध्यराते सरशी जाणी, झारी लई पाथु पाणीB विलोचननु महादुख हरयं. शेवक यईने पाणी भरयुः। 425 अभेदान काळीने दीधु, मीराबाई तणुं वीप पी);
1435 मने साची कीधो कोटीवार, हुंडी सकारी श्रीमोरार. शेना माटे नापीत पया, पवन करवाने प्रभुजी गया।
तमो तेरीते मोसाळु करो, ठाली छाब सोनये भरो; हुं तमंने कदी नव संभारतो, लावतो घास महिषी
भी नही आवो सुंदर शाम, तो मुज नागर शाये चारतो.
काम. नव जाणतो धोळापर काळो, भाभीए मने कीधी
वलण. गोवाळो. सहाशिये मने कीधी दास, देखाड्यो मने अखंड मागर शाये काम छे, समजी लेजो वातरे; रास:
सुणी नरशइनी वीनती, उठी धाया पडकुंठनाथ. (To be continued.)
FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA. BY PANDIT S. M. NATESA SASTRI, B.A., M.F.L.S.
No. 41. - Biters Bit (a Noodle Story). In Tanjore there lived a rogue of the first water, practising roguery as his profession, and living solely by it; so much so that he was known throughout the country as the Tanjore Rogue. No one dared to have anything to do with him, for people felt sure of falling into his clutches and becoming duped by him. After living for a long time in Tanjore as a trae devotee to this profession, the Tanjore Rogue fonnd it impossible to keep his life and soul together any longer there. Doors were shut against him, as soon as it was known that he was approaching a house. Men and women ran and hid themselves in unknown places, as soon as they perceived him at a very great distance. His name was in every one's month, and life any longer in Tanjore became an impossibility. So the roguo resolved to try his fortune in some other place, and, calling his wife, addressed her thus:--
“My dear, we have been living hitherto very happily here. Till now I have had a very successful profession, and found a way to earn thousands. I had an easy part to play. With very little labour I was always daping others. But now the days have changed. People have become more vise. Very few fools come my way now to be daped. My name is a byeword, and instead of finding a doubtful livelihood here I have resolved to go elsewhere, leaving you to live upon what little we have saved. I need not tell yon that I am so clever that I will carn thousands in no time, and soon return to your side."
My dear hasband," replied she. "You have spoken like a true hero. I give you my full permission to go, for I am sure that you will succeed wherever you may go, though my confidence of your success in this city has been completely lost by our sad experience of the last few months."
Thus saying, she ran off and soon returned with a big clay-ball and a handful of cooked rice: a proceeding which puzzled the rogue himself. She then rounded off the clay-ball and applied to its surface the cooked grains so nicely and so cleverly that the minutest eye could not distinguish the clay underneath. The rogue now saw what she meant.
"Done like a rogue's wife!" said he. " Language fails me to express my praise, my dear."
“Am I not your wife, my lord ?" said she smilingly. “Why should the rice at home be wasted. Why should you not, in starting out to earn a livelihood by your profession in a

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distant place, begin to practise it on the way? You can meet with some fellow-traveller on the road, and exchange with him this ball of rice, and thus commence to live by your noble art from the very starting point."
May the God of Rogaery shower his boons upon you, my dear! May he keep you, who has outwitted me in my own art, safe till my return!"
Thus saying, the Tanjore Rogue took leave of his wife, and, with the ball suspended on his shoulder, started towards the north !"
Now, there was a second rogue, called the Trichinopoly Rogue, who had made his position in Trichinopoly as impossible as had the Tanjore Rogue in Tanjore. With the permission of his wife the Trichinopoly Rogue, too, had started to try his fortunes in another country. He also must have something for the way, and so his wife brought him a small brass vessel filled with sand to within a quarter of an inch of the top, and scattered over it a thin layer of raw rice.
Both the rogues met. The patron God of Roguery had so arranged it. For how long could he keep apart such master gems of his own creation? They met as strangers for the first time in their lives on the banks of the river Coleroon.
“May I know who the gentleman is that I have the happiness of meeting to-day P" asked the Tanjore Rogue without knowing who the stranger was.
"I am a traveller for the present, a native of Trichinopoly," was the answer which the other rogue gave.
He then came to know that the stranger was a native of Tanjore and a traveller like himself. Beyond this they knew nothing of each other, for each was careful in his own way. By this time they had both bathed in the river and finisbed their ablutions. The Tanjore Rogue was waiting for an opportunity to get his ball of rice exchanged, just as the other sogae was with his vessel of raw rice; for each had seen wbat the other had for his dinner. The Tanjore rogae first began :
"That disreputable wife of mine gave me cold rice tied up in this bundle. I am not in rood health, and if I eat cold rice I fear I may fall ill. I do not know what to do. There appears to be no village near us. If I could only get someraw rice I could cook it in your Sessel
The Trichinopoly Rogue was very glad to hear this suggestion, and as soon as the Tanjore Rogue had finished his speech, he said :
"My friend, lom sorry for you. YCA, when you are not in good health eating cold rice will be bad for you. In travelling especially, the first thing to be cared for is health. I in very hungry. If you give me your rice, I have no objection to give you my rice and the vessel too. What matters if it takes some time? You can cook and eat, and, if there is anything left over, you can give it me hot."
Each felt himself elated in having deceived the other, and the exchange was readily made, as if they had been friends for a long time. The Trichinopoly Rogue was the first to discover that he had accidently met a person who had outwitted him in bis owo art.
He turned round to see what the Tanjore Rogue was doing, but he had not get discovered the trick that had been played upon him, for he was collecting dried sticks to light a fire. Said lie to himself :--
"Oh! he has not yet discovered the trick. I shall leave him alone till he does it."
So thought he, and he had not long to wait, for as soon as the fire began to burn, the Tanjore Rogue took the vessel to the side of the water to clean the rice before setting it on the tire. When water was mixed with the rice the trick was discovered, and the Tanjore Rogue stood dumb with astonishment for a minute. Without having the slightest suspicion, he had

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outwitted! He directed his eyes towards the Trichinopoly Rogue, who smiled and approached his friend.
"Was it proper on your part to have deceived me thus ?" was the question which the Tanjore Rogue put to him.
"Was it proper on your part to have deceived me thus ?" was the reply he received.
They then fell into a long conversation and many were the tales and adventures which each rogue related about himself to the other. In this pleasant conversation they spent a long time, forgetting hunger, fatigue and exhaustion. After full 5 ghafik is of their beloved subject, said the one rogue to the other:
"It is now plain that we are able men in our own way, and that we have started to earn a livelihood in foreign parts. We must continue friends from this moment. We must have a common object and work together for it. So from this minute we must embrace each other as brothers in a common cause."
"Agreed," said the other, and from that minute they became friends.
The sun had now set and the two men walked as fast as they could to some place where they might find something to eat. It was a jungly tract of land, but at last the sight of a dim light cheered their hopes. It was a lonely cottage in that wilderness, and its sole inhabitant was a bent old woman of three score years or more. She was an old lady who had seen a good deal of calamity in her younger days, and who had retired to that forest to lead a retired life. But even there her greed followed her, and she was a seller of puddings in the forest. For though the place appeared gloomy during night it was not so during the day. Many neatherds frequented that part in the daytime with their cattle, as the place afforded a good pasture, and the old woman sold them puddings and made money, saving a good sum in time. The rogues knocked at the door and demanded entrance.
"Who are you?" asked the woman from inside.
"We are travellers in search of a place for food and rest," was the answer. Again the same question was put, and again the same answer given. For a third time the question was repeated and when the same answer was a third time given the door flew open. The rogues gave money to the old woman, who fed them sumptuously. After the meal was over the strangers related to the old lady how they had come out in search of adventure, and how they would be highly obliged if she would advise them on that subject. The old woman was flattered.
"My dear sons," said she. "You seem to be young men. I have no children. You can live under my roof as my own children. I will feed you well, and impose upon you a very light task in return. I have a very quiet beast, a cow which one of you will have to take out to graze. There is no pasture near this cottage, so you will have to take her out a ghatika's distance near to a tank, where there is abundant grass. There are fruit trees near the tank, under which you can protect yourself from the sun, while the cow is grazing. This is a job in which one of you may be engaged. As for the other, I have a few beds of cabbages in my backyard, which must be daily watered. A few buckets of water will quite suffice. If one of you manages the cow and the other waters the cabbages, you can remain under my roof as long as you like, and pay nothing for your food."
These terms seemed very lenient to the two rogues. The grazing of a quiet cow and the watering of a few cabbage plots must be easy, even if one had to do both. The bargain was soon struck, and the two rogues had more than enough to eat that night, and fell sound asleep.
It is a belief among Hindus that devils knock at houses at night to play mischief with the inmates. The devils do not answer three times. Hence to test whether the knocker is a real person or a devil the inmates ask thrice before opening the door in the night.

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The morning dawned, and both the rogaes had something for breakfast. The old woman promised to give them a very sumptuous hot meal at night, and started the Trichinopoly Rogue, with something to eat in hand for mid-day, to graze the cow. The Tanjore Rogue had to water the cabbage plots in the backyard, and so was sure of his mid-day meal at home.
The Trichinopoly Boguo started with the cow, and had a very quiet business of it till he reached the tank. He thanked his stars for their having conducted him to the old lady, for what trouble was to be expected in grazing a quiet cow. Cows in India are proverbial for their meekness, but there are exceptions. As soon as the tank was reached, the rogue untied the cow and it began to graze even more quietly than he expected.
“What & fine time I shall have," thought the rogue.
But in a moment all his hopes were changed. Suddenly the cow took to her heels and for fear of losing the animal, and, as a consequence his evening meal, the rogue followed it hendlong. But he was no match for the cow, for she bad not thus been led out to graze for several days; it might have been even for months. She was far in advance of the rogue, and knowing that he could not overtake her for some time, stopped to graze. The rogue slackened his pace, and walked up slowly, gaining, in the meantime, fresh vigour to recommence the race, in case there was any occasion for it. The brute did not disappoint him. It was grazing again quietly.
"Poor thing; it was, perhaps, terrified at some object at first, and so far off so wildly. She is now grazing quietly according to her nature. I shall reach her in a minute," thought Je, and he reached the cow but, anfortunately, not to catch her. Just as he was on the point of catching her the cow again took to her heels; again the rogue began the race; again the cow stopped and began to graze; again, though not with so much hope as at first the rogae slackened his pace, regained strength, and was almost at the point of catching her. Again he failed. And so the whole day, even without having time for his mid-day meal, the Trichinopoly Rogue was after the cow. He was always unsuccessful in catching her. He had traversed nearly twenty kós by the time that ereping approached, and he had gone round the big tank and its neighbourhood nearly a hundred times. But at last, fortune seemed to pity even the worst type of rogue, and, as if more out of pity than anything else, the cow allowed itself to be caught.
"I shall never bring you up here again to graze. I shall, instead, give such a glowing description of you to my friend the Tanjore Rogne and change my job with him to-morrow. Watering a few plots must be extremely easy."
Thus thinking within himself, and composing his face, for with a dismal face one cannot play a devil's part, he slowly lead the cow to the cottage of the old woman. His whole body was in prin. Several thorns had found seats deep in his feet. He had hitherto lend an ensy life in roguery, but that day seemed to be a punishment for all his sins. Still with a com. posed countenance he returned home.
Meanwhile, the Tanjore Rogue in the backyard had only to water foar or five green plots. "I could do it in half a ghalikd," thought he.
There was a hand pilota at which he had to work, and the condition was that he should not cease work till the plots were fall of water to the brim. He was at work till mid-day, and. then found that the water baled up was not even a quarter of the quantity required!
"What? My hands are already red with work. I have pain from top to toe, and yet the plots are not a quarter fall. What can be the reason ?" thought the Tanjore Rogue, and tried his best to find out the cause, but without result.
A pikotta is & country water-lift.

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Now this was all clever trickery in the old woman of the wood. The fact was that in the midst of the plots, the old woman had placed subterranean tunnels by means of which the water was guided underground to a long distance, and there need for irrigating several acres of land. This was so well managed that there was not the least room for any suspicion. The Tanjore Rogue with all his cleverness was not able to find the trick out, though he surmised that there was some trick at the bottom. The old woman came to him at mid-day, and took him very kindly inside the house for a light meal, and then requested him to proceed to his task. Even before a ghalikd was wanting to evening, and as if she took the greatest compassion on our hero, she visited him again, and spoke thus: -
“My son. Don't mind the trouble. You can do the rest to morrow, cease work and take rest."
He thanked her for her kindness, left the pikotta, and came to tha pyal ontside the house. Sitting there, he began to chew betel-leaves and areca-nut, and as he was engaged in this, the thought passed and repassed his mind :
“What a fool I have been ? If I had taken out the cow, I would have had a better time of it to-day than the tirenome duty of watering these plots. There comes my brother rogne with a joyful countenance. Perhaps he has had a very happy time of it. I shall give him & good description of my work and change my job to-morrow with him."
Just as he was thus speaking, the Trichinopoly Rogue approached the house with the cow with him.
"How did you fare to-day, my friend ?" asked the Tanjore Rogue.
“Oh, I have had a most happy day of it. What fine fruit trees there are on the banks of the tank there, and I had no difficulty at all of any kind. I unloosened the cow to graze and passed the day sleeping under the shade of trees, and eating fruit. What a fine beast this cow is, too. It grazes quietly like a child,"
Thus said the Trichinopoly Rogue, and the composed way in which he told his tale made the Tanjore Rogue believe what he said. Soon the other rogue began : -- -
Oh! You do not know what I had to do. It was all over in a quarter of a ghalika. Half a dozen potfuls of water to each plot was all that was wanted in the business. So I passed the day in sleep and chewing betel. Come on, sit down ; you had better have some."
The cow was tied up in its proper place, and the two rogues sat down on the pyal of the cottage in the twilight. The pain and hardness of the work of the day were so predominant in their minds, that each easily believed the work of the other to be easier than his own, and each suggested an exchange of work, which was readily accepted.
The morning dawned. According to the mutual agreement the Tanjore Rogue took out the cow to graze, and the Trichinopoly Rogue went to water the cabbages. Each soon discovered how he had been duped by the other. In the evening they again met.
"What, brother! was it proper on your part to have deceived me thus P asked the Tanjore Rogae, and the Trichinopoly Rogue replied ;"What, brother! was it proper on your part to have deceived me thus P"
Then the two rogues came, a second time, to an agreement that they should not direct their ingenuity to deceiving each other, but that they should always act in accord. They resolved to do so, and held a long talk as to how to deceive the old woman, and walk away with all her money. The old women overheard all this conversation.
"I am too clever for such tricks," thought she, and was careful in her own way.
Now the old woman, was herself an extremely clever rogue, and the very next morning, as if of her own accord, she called the rogaes to her side, opened her big box to them, shewed them all the gold, silver, and copper that she had there, and promised to bequeath the whole property to them, in case they pleased her by their work. The rogues, then, though their

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task was very difficult, wanted somehow to continue it for a short time, waiting for an opportunity to plunder the woman. But she was not a person so easily to be made the subject of their deception.
One noon, when both the rogues were absent on their duty, she buried, in a very secret corner of her house, all her treasure, and locked up in the box heavy things, like broken pieces of stones, old rotten iron, etc. The box and the seal and everything was left in its original shape. After the rogues had their supper that night, she called them both near her, and slowly whispered to them thus:
"My sons, as you have made up your mind to live with me like my own children, you must little by little, know all my ways. I keep my box of money in the house during the white half of the month; in the dark half of the month I throw the box in the well. It is always better to be safe, as we live in a wood. Kindly help me, my dears, by removing the box to the side of the well, and by dropping it down there gently without making noise."
The rogues did not suspect anything, for, more or less, the reason of what she did seemed very natural, and so they assisted her in removing the box to the well side and dropping it in. The old woman held up the light as they did the work.
At about midnight the rogues went to the well. The Tanjore Rogne stood on the brink, while the Trichinopoly Rogue entered by the aid of a strong rope, one end of which was in the hand of the Tanjore Rogue. As everything had to be done very secretly the pikotta was not resorted to in order to get down into the well. The Trichinopoly Rogue went into the water and brought up the box in one dive, but he said that he had not yet secured the box, and that he must have a second, a third, and a fourth dive. Meanwhile, he opened the box in the well itself, and found by touch that himself and his friend at the month of the well had been deceived. It now struck him that be might have been deceived again by the Tanjore Rogue What guarantee was there that he would be safely lifted up? So he addressed him as follows:What immense treasure this box contains! It is very heavy. When I am ready I shall shake the rope which I have attached to the box. But be very careful in drawing up the box, for if the rope breaks in the middle the whole weight of the box will fall on my head and I shall die. After drawing up the box let down the rope again for me, and draw me up."
"My friend, our miseries are at an end.
The Trichinopoly Rogue then proceeded to seat himself in the box, removing all the stuff in it for the purpose.
The Tanjore Rogue drew up the box, and as soon as it reached the surface, he lifted it up, placed it on his head, and went off as fast as he could. His object in this was to evade the Trichinopoly Rogue, and take the whole property for his own use. When he had gone far enough to begin to feel safe from pursuit a voice fell on his ears: -
"Walk a little slower, my friend."
"What! has the Trichinopoly Rogue followed me?" He stopped for a minute, then quickened his pace a little. Again the same words fell on his ears:
"Walk a little slower, my friend."
Again he stopped, and, putting down the box, discovered the Trichinopoly Rogue, whom he had imagined all this while to be pining away at the bottom of the well, in the box itself.
"Was it proper on your part to have deceived me thus ?" asked the Tanjore Rogue.
"Was it proper on your part to have deceived me thus?" replied the Trichinopoly Rogue, and added that if he had not adopted that plan he would have been left in the well, as proved by the action of the Tanjore Rogue.
For a third time they came to an agreement that they should not deceive each other thus, but it was of no avail. They soon parted company, and went away to different places to try their skill independently.

Page #31

JANUARY, 1896.]
MISCELLANEA.
MISCELLANEA.
EPIGRAPHIC DISCOVERIES IN MYSORE. MR. L. RICE, C.I.E, the Director of the Archæological Department in Mysore, who, two years ago, discovered the Asoka Edicts of Sidda. pur, has again made three most valuable finds. He has kindly forwarded to me photographs and transcripts of his new inscriptions; and, with his permission, I give a preliminary notice of their contents, which indeed possess a great interest for all students of Indian antiquities.
The best preserved among the three documents is a long metrical Sanskrit Prasasti or Eulogy on the excavation of a tank near an ancient Šaiva temple at Sthana-Kundara, begun by the Kadamba king Kakusthavarman, and completed in the reign of his son Bantivarman. The author of the poem, which is written in the highest Kavya style, was a Saiva poet called Kubja, who, as he tells us, transferred his composition to the stone with own hands. He devotes nearly the whole of his work to an account of the early Kadamba kings, regarding whom hitherto little was known except from their land grants, published by Dr. Fleet in the Indian Antiquary. Like the land grants, the Prasasti states that the Kadambas were a Brahmanical family, belonging to the Mânavya Gotra, and descended from Hâritiputra. But it adds that they derived their name from a Kadamba tree which grew near their home. In this family, Kubja goes on, was born one Mayarasarman, who went to Kanchi in order to study, and there was involved in a quarrel with its Pallava rulers. He took up arms against them, and after a prolonged and severe struggle be became the ruler of a territory between the Amarârnava and Prêmâra. Mayarasarman left his possessions to his son Kanga, who adopted, instead of the Brahmanical termination sarman of his father's name, one that distinguishes the Kshatriyas, and was called Kangavarman. Next followed Kanga's son Bhagiratha, who had two sons, Raghu and Kakusthavarman. Both became successively rulers of the Kadamba territory; and Kakustha's successor was his son Santivarman, during whose reign Kubja composed his poem, while residing in an excellent village (varasásana) granted by that king. The last two kings are known through Dr. Fleet's Kadamba land grants, but the names of their predecessors appear for the first time in Mr. Rice's Prasasti. New also is the account of the manner in which this branch of the Kadambas rose to power. It seems perfectly credible, since Brahmanical rebellions and successful usurpations
27
have occurred more than once in the Dekhan both in ancient and in modern times. The change of the termination in Kangavarman's name, and the adoption of the names of mythical warriors by his descendants, may be due to a marriage of the Brahman Mayara with the daughter of a chief or king belonging to the Solar race, whereby his son and his offspring would become members of the Kshatriya caste. The inscriptions shew that anch alliances were by no means uncommon in ancient times.
Incidentally, the Prasasti mentions besides the Pallavas two other royal races: "the great Banas," on whom Mayâraéarman is said to have levied tribute; and, what is of much greater interest, the Guptas, whom Kakusthavarman is said to have assisted by his advice. The verse referring to the Guptas occurs in line 12 of the Prasasti, and I give its translation in full:
"That sun among princes (Kakustha) awakened by the rays of his daughter (Savitri Sarasvati, 'personified intelligence'), the glorious races of the Guptas and other kings, that may be likened to lotus-beds, since their affection, regard, love, and respect resemble the filaments [of the flower], and since many princes attend them, like bees [eager for honey]."
The Guptas, who were attended by aany princes, hungering for their gifts as the bees seek the honey of the lotus, are, of course, the Imperial Guptas; and the Gupta king whom Kakusthavarman "awakened by the rays of his intelligence" is in all probability Samudragupta. As far as is known at present, he was the only Gupta who extended his conquests to the Dekhan. His court-poet, Harishêna, alleges in the Allahabad Prasasti that Samudragupta imprisoned and afterwards liberated "all the princes of the Dekhan," and mentions twelve among them by name. Samudragupta's reign came to an end sometime before A. D. 400. Hence Kâkusthavarman, too, would seem to have ruled in the second half of the fourth century, and Mr. Rice's new inscription probably belongs to the beginning of the fifth. Its characters exactly resemble those of Kakusthavarman's copper-plates, which Dr. Fleet long ago assigned to the fifth century on palæographical grounds. The two estimates thus agree very closely, and mutually support each other.
In addition to these valuable results, Mr. Rice's new inscription furnishes an interesting contribu1 Reprinted from the Academy.

Page #32

28
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
tion to the religious history of Southern India. As all the land grants of the early Kadambas are made in favour of Jaina ascetios or temples, and as they begin with an invocation of the Arhat, it has been held hitherto that these kings had adopted the Jaina creed. Kubja's Prasasti makes this doubtful, and shews at all events that they patronised also Brahmans and a Saiva place of worship. An incidental remark in the concluding verses, which describe the temple of Sthâna Kundara, proves further that Saivism was in the fifth century by no means a new importation in Southern India. Kubja mentions Satakarni as the first among the benefactors of the Saiva temple. This name carries us back to the times of the Andhras, and indicates that Baivism flourished in Southern India during the first
centuries of our era.
Mr. Rice's two other finds are older than the Prasasti, and possess, in spite of their defective preservation, very considerable interest. They are found on one and the same stone pillar, and show nearly the same characters, which are closely allied to those of the latest Andhra inscriptions at Nasik and Amaravati. The upper one, which is also the older one, contains an edict in Prakrit of the Pali type, by which the Maharaja Haritiputta Satakaṇņi, the joy of the Vinhukaḍadutu family, assigns certain villages to a Bråhman. This Sâtakanni is already known through a short votive inscription, found by Dr. Burgess at Banavisi, which records the gift of the image of a Någa, a tank, and a Buddhist Vihara by the Maharaja's daughter. The new document, which contains also an invocation of a deity, called Maṭṭapaṭṭidova, probably a local form of Siva, teaches us that Sâtakanni was the king of Banavâsi; and it furnishes further proof for the early
[JANUARY, 1896.
prevalence of Brahmanism in Mysore. It certainly must be assigned to the second half of the second century of our era. For the palæographist it possesses a great interest, as it is the first Pali document found in which the double consonants are not expressed by single ones, but throughout are written in full. Even Haritiputta Sâtakappi's Banavasi inscription shews the defective spelling of the clerks.
The second inscription on this pillar, which immediately follows the first, and, to judge from the characters, cannot be much later, likewise contains a Brahmanical land grant, issued by a Kadamba king of Banavasi, whose name is probably lost. Its language is Maharashtri Pråkrit, similar to that of the Pallava land grant published in the first volume of the Epigraphia Indica, and Sanskrit in the final benediction. It furnishes additional proof that, at least in Southern India, the Maharashtri became temporarily the official language, after the Prakrit of the Pali type went out and before the Sanskrit came in. This period seems to fall in the third and fourth centuries A. D.
The numerous and various points of interest which the new epigraphic discoveries in Mysore offer, entitle Mr. Rice to the hearty congratulations of all Sanskritists, and to their warm thanks for the ability and indefatigable zeal with which he continues the archæological explorations in the province confided to his care. To the expression of these sentiments I would add the hope that he may move the Mysore government to undertake excavations at Sthâna-Kundura, or other promising ancient sites, which no doubt will yield further important results.
G. BÜHLER.
Vienna, Sept. 3, 1895.
NOTES AND
THE HARE TABUED AS AN ARTICLE OF FOOD.
The hare was a forbidden article of food amongst the Jews because (though I believe this is opposed to the actual fact) it chewed the cud (Levit. xi. 6; Deut. xiv. 7); amongst the ancient Britons (Cæsar, de Bello Gallico, Book v. Cap. 13); amongst the Shi'ah sect of Musalmâns, though not specifically forbidden by the Quran. I have heard that the reason is that the hare menstruates. But is that the actual fact? If so, is, there a sunnat or tradition of Muhammad rendering its flesh unlawful on this account? Again, if so, why do not Sunis also eschew its flesh P
T. C. PLOWDEN, in P. N. and Q. 1883.
QUERIES.
A METHOD OF SWEARING BROTHERHOOD. HERE is a curious application of the universal method of swearing eternal friendship and brotherhood by exchanging pagris. One Mori, a Musalman Jât, of Mari Dintala, Montgomery District, steals a bullock and is suspected of theft by the owner, one 'Atar Singh, a barber of Raka Chumân, Sarai Mughal, Lahore District. Finding himself suspected he offers to produce the bullock, but before doing so, in order to escape punishment, he makes 'Atar Singh exchange pagris with him, as an earnest of friendship that he will make no complaint.
D. K. HOMAN, in P. N. and Q. 1883.

Page #33

FEBRUARY, 1896.)
ESSAYS ON KASMIRI GRAMMAR.
ESSAYS ON KASMIRI GRAMMAR BY THE LATE KARL FRIEDRICH BURKHARD. Translated and edited, toith notes and additions, by Geo. A. Grierson, Ph.D., O.I.E., 1.0.8.264
(Continued from p. 9.)
THE AUXILIARY VERBS. 56. (1) The Defootive Vorb dan chha, 'to be. Affirmative.
Negative. no chhus, I am, and so on. amit elhus 'ng, I am not, an
et chhas
نه
chhao me چه
Singular.
chhu
Plural.
else chaude
ses chhuk na olar chhak
No chhak na og athuna
sin chheng de chhi
auss ohhina do chhe
asa chheng S chhiva
as sy ma chhiva na "It is a chheva
af og se ohhova na * ckki
afg chhine des chhe
som chheng Interrogative.
Negative-Interrogative. chhusd, am I? and so on. limit chhumná, am I not ? and so on. chhasa
Link chhasna m. Kaa chhuka
U slut chhuk ná . Káz chhaké
Wolós chhak na olm. i chhua
List chhund Pt. 4 chhea
live chhená
c
Singular.
* (From this point, the proof-shnots have been most kindly revised by the Rev. J. Hinton-Knowles, whose authority on the subjeot of KAamirt is unquestioned. The responsibility for all mistakes is, however, still the translator's.)
*** [In the 3rd sing. fem., and throughout the fem. pl., the author writes 4 chha, not a chhe. The latter is, however, correct, and is the form wed by the author himself later on. The translator hus socordingly made the BOBATY correction wherever +chha occurs. In MSS. a and = i ore are continually confused.]

Page #34

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[FEBRUARY, 1806.
Interrogative.
Negative-Interrogative. liez chhina
chhid چها .n )
. chhed چها chita چهوا .m) chieve چیرا 4
chland چهنا chhive na چهره نا
to chheva ná
(3) 3
chhindi چهذا -chhena چهنا
)
- chhes چها
Before all these must be prefixed the nominatives of the corresponding personal pronouns
:bo chhus; I am, and so on به چهس ,thus ;( 47 وعج)
Note. - In Np. the following forms occur ; 8 18. fem. usually da chhe; 1 eg. masc., also, unto chhuou
.. چهه feen heard nowadays]; 3 pl. fem., usually
chhe; Negative, 1 and 2 sg. Also ,Interrogative : چهكده , چهسنه ,
1 and 2 sg. also du c hhutsa dst chhukes (all often used nowadays), and so on. (So also in current writing, the negative is often attached to the verb w in Np.)
un, to beية أمن (2) .
Imperative (negative -: (ang مه
.56
Immediate.
PI.
به آن (2)
و stat اسر
einة أمن (3) sinة أسمن
د
.Continuative Asan sia آسان اسر asan de آسان اس (2) asdast avi کسان اس asan isin آسان اسن (3)
Respectful forms.
aste استه (2) tan-معة أسئن (3)
tan-ية استر .titan استن
,ة
: Infinitive
Masc. Nom.
Dat. Abl.
Gen. Fem. Nom.
Dat. Abl.
ecu امنه arenault استك
aaa امي

Page #35

FEBRUARY, 1896.)
ESSAYS ON KASMIRI GRAMMAR
68. Participles :
Present -: asan اسان
Por. Sg
أرست , ss-must, fem
آهي .
s-waqts; pl اسمه .fem ,پ و نوت است . as-saten .
Feat. eg اون asavaw, fan
مة اون . آسون .grgi; p1
duate , fem dualwan اسونه .
استرول .Sg asanral, fem
آمنواج . انواجن asan e [obsolete) or asanedja; ; pl انو ال.
59. Noun of the Agent.
ásanvili, fem. daiginós úsanváji (obsolete) or dial sinót ásan vájani.
80. Indicative, Pres. Dof. umie wlast ásán chhus, etc., I am being. Pros. Indef. = Future, see below.
20,
,Imporfoot .Asan sus, etc. (see Aorist below), I was being آسان أوس
.Perf .sunut chhus, etc., I have beenة أرست هس
Pluperf. commentary ôsmut osus, etc. (see Aorist below). I had been.
.snawt ise, etc. (see Future below), I shall have beenث أردت أمه ,Future Exact
61. Aorist, I was.
nus أو مس .mل
فث اس
.وث أسس
s4 کلمه
su-kة أوشك
sites ون- وش اسوه .or
| isa-v
و تفتت
أو وه ای
ásą
62. Future.
Immediate. I shall be.
Darative. I shall be being, etc.
PI.
.
ase آمده (0) asak اسك (2)
(3) ast آمده
asan أسو asia آسو sanة أمن
.asan aso, and so oti أمان امها
[Before suffixes, tbe i of usi becomes e, thus, áse-m.]
63. Future Perfect and Dubitative. (Not given by the author. The following are the forms.) " I shall or may have been.
{ .Sg
ربع asmut ase أرشت آمده musts assی است کمد (0) {
p.
m
and so on, conjagating the
various forms of the future with the past participle
anes tags است امر م
.1
demnate asas اسم اسر

Page #36

32
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARI.
(FEBRUARY, 1896.
64. Optative and Conditional,77 Present, Were I, or had I been.
ahanعة اسهر
asahab كسهك (2)
i Bê
(1) de ásaha
yref ásikis (3) dgn ásiho or do leiha u ásahan
Perl., I might have been. Town, somut ásaha
.
)
semain tanha اس امهه
and so on.
T
Tosmati ásahau
)
اسمه امهر
asomats, asshan
بوان إس .gioan as, etc
86. Precative, sjovt árisi or da jouásisihe.
Participle Absoluto, em ásil. (8) w yun, to come.
88. Imperative. Immediate, come!
Continuing, continue to come. (2) yi, (pl.) yigiu
(3) will yiyin Respectful forms :Sg.
Pl. (2) diy yi-tą
Shu yiy-i-tav (S) wh yiy-i-tan
87. Infinitive. Masc. Nom. on your or why youn
Dat was ginas Abl. diy ying
ييتن yiyi-tan
.den
. yinah بنك
Fem. Nom. olymi
Dat. Abl. diyini
* In the Conditional, the conjunction as ay, if, must (usually) precede (or follow). The meaning in then of past conditional, if he had been (si est, vi fuisset). On the other hand, det han dri (prevent), if it is, if it be (si at, * nit, si fuerit). The apodoais (often) takes 43 tą.

Page #37

FEBRUARY, 1896.]
ESSAYS ON KASMIRI GRAMMAR.
33
88. Participles.
يوان ,Present vivant, coming :
Perfect, sg
أمت . amat, fem
. اهع . wats, come; pl أمت .
mnati, fem .amates امه .
Fatare, sg. we yivavun, fom. wyse yivavqñi, about to come ; pl. ubod yivavisi,
.inavani و یوونه .fem
69. Noun of the Agent, one who comes.
ينوول .Sg yanuaval, fem
يتواج :. inand) [obsolete] or .yanasajani نواجن
يتوال .Pl inaufti, fem
يتواجه . sinavajo [obsolete] or ginaodjani يواجده
70. Indicative,
Pres. Def :givdn chles, I am coming يوان چهس .
Pre-Indef. = Fature. Imperfect, coming fulgtyiván osus, I was coming.
.awat el leus, I have come ات چهس .Perf .amut Gette, I had come أمت أوس .Plaperf. I
71. Pluperfect II.
2.
aiye ابی yegi ایده
ایوس .m) (..aya ایاس) ay6.0
.aweya اييس
اباك) ayak ابوك .m) (anya-k
ابيك
ageye-k (ganة آبار) ay50 اور
. ayegi ایده
age-ta or اییوه 0 g آییو
yestate كبيره :age آبی
آييه :
تفت تف تفت
72. Aorist, I came.
Pl.
aya ای .
is ای ayi ايه
- اوه 06-ay i ابوه
ay ای
| ایف aya-k
au أو .m) ago دایه .
)
ayi آبه
» [Wade's fem, is dy@ya-s, etc. Both e and é are correct. I have corrected the author's transliteration of this tense throughout.)
آی .xp ه

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34
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[FEBRUARY, 1896.
Continuative, I shall be coming.
Pl.
73. Future. Immediate, I shall come.
Sg. (1) dan ying. soyimau (2) Qyik (3) # yiyi
.givin as, and so on بران امه
yigin ييو
o
yin
74. Future Perfect, I shall have come.
أشت امه .Sg 1 .angta dos امي امه .amut tes, fem
امت امر .Pl 1 .anatat daan امه او .amati anaa, fem
75. Dubitative. Same as Future Perfect.
76. Optative and Conditional Past. Present, did I come.
Pl. Hey yimahau
Sg.
(1) dec. yimang (2) das yihak (3) de yiyile or dose yiying
yiyihis
wat yihan
Perfect, had I come. Well ámut ásahy, and so on. Procative, do y yisihe or dón, yisihọ.
Participle Absoluto, .; yit.
(4) wtf gatahun, to go. 77. This verb also is frequently used as a kind of Auxiliary. We shall here give only the forms which differ from the conjugation of C T asun.
[This verb is used to mean " to become”; e. g, csólowers to be sent visk gau yi wuchhit nákhôsh, Jesus seeing this became displeased.]
78. Participle.
Perf. sg. coś go-mut, fom. go's gå-męta; pl. cs gomqui, fem, das ga-mataq.

Page #39

FEBRUARY, 1896.]
(1)
(2)
(3)
(1)
(2)
(3)
)
m.
f.
(m.
(
f.
m.
زنداو کات) و گرت . ) -
gaya-ke كيك
f.
m.
)
f.
m.
.
SPIRIT BASIS OF BELIEF AND CUSTOM.
m.
Sg.
(f.
90(96 کاس) 8-86 گوس
گیس
گو
gaya-s
79. Aorist.
gau
25 (Mp. 4) pay
(gor۸ گیات) وهو كبرت )
كييك
gayeyas
(gays گیس) gays كيوس
ga كييس
80. Pluperfoot.33
gayeyek
(کاور گیار) مومو بور )
gayeyzad كييه
گی
کیه
Pl.
gayi
گئی
گریه
gayi
ga-val or gav
gayi-va or gayav
دودو گی
کیه
gayi
gayei
gayyey
gayeet or gayee گیوه
gayayings گیره
گیی
gaysi
Jayyey33
35
(To be continued.)
NOTES ON THE SPIRIT BASIS OF BELIEF AND CUSTOM. BY J. M. CAMPBELL, C.LE., I.C.S. (Continued from Vol. XXIV. page 356.)
Noise and Music. Noise, the beating of drums, the rattling of gourds, the clashing of metal plates, restores to consciousness or life one who is in a swoon. Swoons are due to the oppressive attacks of evil spirits. Therefore evil spirits are afraid of noise and music. Again, two of the leading experiences of the early life are that noise scares wild beasts and thievish birds, and therefore spirits; for, to the early man, his risks from wild beasts and his losses from birds are mainly magical, the doings of evil spirits sent into the animals by some hostile witch or sorcerer. As with other scarers the dualism that makes the scarer also the home appears in noise. It appears still more clearly in the disciplined or regulated noise which is known as music, Noise scares, but noise, or at least music, also inspirits. All great spirittimes, whether the birth, sickness, marriage or death of the individual; the beginnings and endings of enterprise and endeavour, as foundation-layings and house-warmings; the changes of the seasons which are mainly the birth, maturity, and death of the sun and moon; the sudden and notable sickness of the sun and moon in eclipses; the battle-field; the guarding of the guardian, whether in health-drinking, triumphs, or temple ritual: all are times of noise. And the ground-object of all these various noises of humanity is the scaring of evil influences. In many cases the foundation is hid by a refined overlayer: the temple god-guarding outery becomes the hymn of praise or the call to prayer. Again the dual experience that noise inspirits as well as scares gains in importance with the advance of man. bagpipe sets the Scottish Highlander, the Dhêda's dram sets the West Indian Bharwar, dancing. It is neither inducement nor persuasion. It is the ancestral spirits gathering to the well-known
At festive times the
The forms in parenthesis are those of Ns. [gos, however, means "we went to him"].
31 These are the only forms which are vocalized in Mp. [Gayos also means "we had been to him," and gayék "we had been to them."] 32 No form vocalized in Mp.
رکیبیره, گیی .Mp 33 گیریه

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[FEBRUARY, 1896.
Round, who enter their tribesmen, inspirit them, and force them to dance. So still more in the battle-field : the trampets, the drum, the pipes and the shout are not only to scatter pale panic and fear but to gather and draw into the fighters the spirits of their battle-loving forefathers. Still more than the listener, the singer and the player are inspired. The Beluch Bezungas spend the night singing, in their choruses working themselves into a frenzy.57 Inspired by the music, the Turki singer and harper of the South Caspian throws himself into extreme attitudes, shak. ing his head and rolling on his seat.68 Of the people of Western India the Sidis of East African origin carry further than others the belief in the inspiration of music. If music inspires, the spirit must come out of the instrument whose sounds inspire. Therefore musical instruments are spirit-homes. With the Malangas or Sidi beggars the rattle is the home of mother Misra, the musical bow or Malanga of Rawa Ghôr, the kettle-drum of Dastagir, and the cymbal of Sulaiman. As a guardian home the harp or other musical instrument has to be adorned and evil influences scared or honsed by the wild talismanic tags of the negroe, by the stately Sphinx-head of Egypt, by the lion or human face of Greece, Rome, and Middle-Age Europe.
One of the few signs of Hindu temple worship that force themselves on the notice of strangers and passers is the evening rite called arti, the waving of burning camphor and other lights, the ringing of bells, the beating of gongs and brass plates, and in the larger temples the crash of kettle-drums. The object of this strange furious jostling of noises is to keep far from the god the alreaded fire-fiends called Yoginis, who haunt the twilight, intent on evil. How the early outery of priests and worshippers, whose object is to protect the god, passes into the later hymn of praise, shout of thanks, or church-bell or muezzin call to prayer, is shewn by the following order issued in connection with the new Ilahi religion started by the emperor Akbar in A. D. 1572:"Let the governor see to the beating of a kettle-dram at sunrise and at mid-night which is the birth of sunrise, and during the progress of the great majestic light from station to station let him order small and great gons to be fired, that all men may be called to offer thanks to God."69
From the tangled maze of instances that noise scares spirits the following somewhat unclassified and haphazard examples have been chosen. All over Western India, during the 116ļi or Spring festival, ontcries, drum beatings and shouts broken by striking the mouth with the right palm are believed to scare the evil spirit called Dhundha Rakshasi.co At the Ratnagiri Marathå wedding, when the lucky moment comes, the priest shouts "Take care," the guests clap hands, and when the people outside hear the clapping they fire guns. The reason why they fire guns is to keep off Kál, that is, Time. If they did not frighten Kal, he would seize the bride and bride-groom or their fathers and mothers. Whom Kal seizes falls senseless or in a fit.61 In Bombay, in a Prabhu family, on the fifth night after a birth, servants are made to sing and beat drums all night to keep off the spirit Satthi or Mother Sixth.62 The first thing a Prabbu looks at when he rises in the morning is a drum.63 In Ratnagiri, a man, whose funeral had been performed on a false rumour of his death and who came back, had to pass through a drum before he was allowed to come into his village. The Parsis say that a cock crows to scare evil spirits. As they also say that a crowing cock is a druin, it follows that, in their opinion, a drum scares spirits.64 Ata Parsi wedding, when the bride aud bridegroom throw rice on each other, the gueste clap their hands. At the lucky moment, ina Chit pâvan thread-girding, the musicians raise a blast of music.co In Poona, music is played two hours morning and evening for four days when a Chitpâvan girl comes of age.67 The musicians in the Chitpavan weddings claim the orální, or guardian fee. Among
of Pottinger's Beluchistan, p. 29.
* Frazer's Khorligun, p. 604. * Dabistan, Vol. III. p. 132.
C Viridha Dnyana Vistar Magazine, Vol. X. p. 1875. 1 Information from the peon BADA. Owing to excitement and anxiety, nervous seizures are common at Hindu weddings. This experience koepe fresh the belief that weddings are among the chief spirit-times. With Hindus. as with Europeans Time and Death are one. *K Raghnath's Patine Prabhus.
K. Raghunath's Patane Prabhue. # Dabistan, Vol. I. p. 324.
65 Mr. Dosabhai Framji's The Paraís, Vol. I. p. 179. # Bombay Gaxetteer, Vol. XVIII. p. 117. 7 Op. cit. Vol. XVIII. p. 140, Op. cit. Vol. XVIII. p. 188.

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all classes of Hindus, at their weddings, women sing marriage songs. Beni-Isra'll women sing Hebrew songs when a boy is being circumcised. Dekhan Chambhars, when the wedding screen is taken aside, clap their hands.70 Dekhan Râmôśis, when a boy is born, beat 24 metal plate. At a Konkani Kolt wedding in Poona, at the lucky moment, the guests clap their hands.72 At a Dekhan Uchlia's marriage, when the bride and bridegroom are being rubbed with turmeric, a Holar beats a drum and women sing songs.73 Among the Nâmdêv Shimpis of Ahmadnagar, during the wedding, when the bridegroom goes out in the morning, he is accompanied by music and friends.74 The Ahmadnagar Mhars, when a child is born, sprinkle it with water, and with a nail beat a metal plate close to its ear.75 In Kalâdgi, when a Kurubaru, or shepherd, is possessed, he is taken before the house-image of the guardian Birâppa. A noise of drums, gongs, flutes, cymbals, and bells is raised, and lemons and cocoanuts are waved round the patient's head.76 The Bijapur Raddis clap their hands when the mourner kindles the pyre." The Lingayat funeral is headed by a band of musicians.78 A worshipper going into a Hindu temple should ring a bell; if no bell is available he should beat an iron ring; if no iron ring is at hand he should rattle the iron door-chain. In North India, after a snake-bite, evil spirits are kept away by drumming on a brass plate.90 At a Gujarât funeral, the Brahman who conducts the rites, stamps thrice on the ground, that the noise may drive away spirits. On the sixth day after a birth, among Sonth Indian Musalmâns, the day is spent in listening to music.82 The rattle of chains has strong scaring power. Ringed and disked chains are dragged through a pierced wooden bar as the noise is believed to distract the Evil Eye. At all child-rites Indian Musalman women beat the dhol drum and clash cymbals.84 Indian Musalmâns believe that no spirit can stay within five miles of the place where the flat kettle drums, called tashas, are beaten.85 In Western India, the Titêri Kumbis of Bassein and Pâlgad fire guns during an eclipse. 8 If a Hindu has to go out in the dark he sings and bawls to keep his spirits up, that is, to keep off evil spirits.87 One of the earliest forms of music was beating sticks together. The rhythmic clashing of sticks is the accompaniment to one of the stick dances, so great a favourite among the Bhils, the pastoral tribes, and the Krishna-worshipping castes of Ginjarât and Rajputana. In the Central Provinces, in 1832, epidemics were cured by driving a scapebuffaloe into the wilderness with an appalling firing of guns and beating of metal pots. Among the Golls, a wandering tribe of Belgaum, the Lingayat priest purifies mourners by ringing a bell and blowing a conch in the house of mourning.89 Among the Kômtis of Sholapur, when a child is born, a metal plate is beaten near it, and the child is sprinkled with water.90 In 1808, the Musalmâns in the Maratha camp fired cannon at the new moon, sounded trumpets, and saluted each other.01 When a Khond patriarch dies, gongs and drums are beaten.93 A gun is fired when a boy is born in a Coorg family, and guns are fired when a Coorg dies.83 In South India, trumpets and shells are sounded at low-caste funerals. In South India, when a boy is being girt with the holy thread, women sing, musicians play, bells ring, and brass-plates are beaten.95 Perhaps one of the carliest forms of music is the Hindu patting his right cheek with his fingers and beating his sides with his arms in worshipping Siva. According to Hindu religious bocks, music of
69 Op. cit. Vol. XVIII. p. 528. 72 Op. cit. Vol. XVIII. p. 392. 75 Op. cit. Vol. XVII. p. 175. 18 Op. cit. Vol. XXIII. p. 237. 81 Information from Mr. Manibhai.
83 Information from Mr. Fazl Lutfallah.
85 Information from Mr. Fazl Lutfallah.
87 Compare Lenormant's Challean Magic, p. 39.
89 Bombay Garetteer, Vol. XXI. p. 167.
91 Letters from a Maratha Camp, p. 46. 93 Rico's Mysore, Vol. III. pp. 239, 240. Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 225.
70 Op. cit. Vol. XVIII. p. 328. 73 Op. cit. Vol. XVIII. p. 472. 76 Op. cit. Vol. XXIII. p. 123. 19 Information from Mr. Himatlil.
1 Op. cit. Vol. XVIII. p. 415. 7 Op. cit. Vol. XVII. p. 123. 17 Op. cit. Vol. XXIII. p. 155. se Folk-Lore Record, Vol. IV. p. 36.
82 Herklot's Quanuni Islam. p. 35. 84 Herklot's Quanuni Idim, p. 34.
86 Information from Mr. P. B. Joshi.
37
88 Sleeman's Rambles and Recollections, Vol. I. pp. 21, 215.
99 Op. cit. Vol. XX. p. 55.
92 Macpherson's Khonde, p. 55.
94 Dubois, Vol. II. p. 223.
96 Ward's View of the Hindus, Vol. II. p. 33.

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all kinds should be used at a Brahmao's funeral.97 The feeling is widespread in India that the decline of the power of spirits during the present century bas been due to the sound of the British drum. The shag Dörghỉ said to Capt. (Sir W.) Sleeman (A. D. 1832): "So great is the Company's fortune that, before the sound of their drums, sorcerers, witches, demons, even Thags flee.'99 So in Gujarit, the decline of the number and power of evil spirits is believed to be due to the sound of the British drum. Its pig-skin end scares Musalman spirits; its cow-skin end scares Hindu spirits. The Ceylon fiend-priests generally belong to the drummer class.100 According to a Persian belief the evil spirit is kept at a distance by the outery of a three-year old cock, an ass, and a righteous man. At Karirun, near Maskât, in 1821, guns were fired and a great noise was made to drive off cholera. At Baghdad, on an eclipse of the moon, the people get on their house-tops and clatter pots, pans and other kitchen dishes, howl and let off firearms to frighten the Jinn who has seized the moon. In Central Asia, at the time of the great Changêz Khải, the Mongols made an outcry to scare the evil spirits who cause eclipses. The practice still prevails.
The LÂms of Tibet use dead men's thigh-bones as trumpets to call to prayer, and their skulls as drinking cups. The young Lamas go about dancing to the sound of bells and other noisy music, and at the beginning of every month they make a procession with black flags and figures of clay attended with drums and music, which they believe chases the devil. Lâmá physicians cure certain cases of spirit possession by sounding music, of which evil spirits are afraid.7 Drums are beaten to drive away the evil spirits which annoy the Buddhist hermits. Among Tibetan Baddhists cymbals are one of the eight essential offerings or sacrifices. The noise of drums, cymbals, trumpets and horns at Lâmî ceremonies is notable.10 The received opinion is that this noise is to attract the attention of the demon guardian, not to scare him. This belief is due to the changing of the demon king into a guardian whose infinence is friendly, not hostile. To drive away the death demon, Lâmás loudly beat a large drum, clash cymbals, and blow a pair of thigh-bone trumpets. The laymen shout, cut the air with their weapons, and cry · Begone."! In a Tibet funeral a Lima goes in front of the body, blowing & thigh-bone trumpet and rattling & hand-drum. He holds the end of a white scarf which is fastened to the corpse. The voice of the sea-conch summons the Tibetan to prayer.13 The Burmese carts have grouniug wheels which can be heard miles off. The louder the noise the more the cart is prized. Every bullock has a bell to keep off tigers. At a Burman funeral musicians attend to play dirges, and monks come to keep evil spirits away.16 The Karens of Barma sell their children to buy hollow metal drams which drive off evil,16 The Burmese executioner dances round a victim, makes feints with his sword. and bursts into wild laughter or yells.17 A Red Karen chief in the East Burmah hill lands cured his daughter of bowel disease by firing a gun over her twice at midnight.18 The Manipürls of North-West Barmah sing at their festivals, in carrying loads, and in other hand-work. It is a compliment to a person to raise a song in his honour.19 In 1542, the Siamese had a yearly festival in which the king in his barge with many boats charned the waters with great noise and shouting.20 The accession of the king of Siam is accompanied with a tremendons noise of gongs, drums and conch-shells.21 The 97 Colebrooke's Miscellaneous Essays, Vol. I. p. 156.
Sleeman's Ramasiana, p. 158; History and Practice of the T'hags, p. 104. • The late Mr. Vaikuntram's MS. Notes.
100 Jou mal, Ceylon Asiatic Society, 1865, p. 12. 1 West's Pahlui Tezte, 1880, p. 113.
. Frazer's Khorisan, p. 63. • Notes and Queries, Fifth Series, Vol. VIII. p. 414 - Howorth's Changiz Khan, p. 143 6 Rerille Les Religions des Peoples Non Civilisés, Vol. II. p. 191. 6 Faria in Kerr's Voyages, Vol. VII. p. 15; Schlagintweit's Buldhism in Tibet, p. 229. 7 Schlagintweit's Buddhism in Tibet, pp. 267, 268.
• Op. cit. p. 163. • Waddell's Buddhism in Tibet, p. 425.
10 Op. cit. pp. 431, 432. 11 Op. cit. p. 495. 11 Op. cit. p. 104. Hoc and Gabet, Vol. I. p. 88.
Shway Yoe's The Burman, Vol. I. p. 98. 16 Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 347.
16 Fytche's Burmah, Vol. I. p. 339. It Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 149.
18 Government of India Selections, Vol. XXIV.p.39. 19 Op. cit. Vol. XXVII. p. 51. 20 Bassett's Sea Legends, p. 422.
11 Jones' Crouens, p. 437.

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39
Cambodians beat drums and shout to drive off the demon who causes eclipses. So do the Sumâtrang and the Chinese. 22 Both by day and night the Steins of Cambodia make insupportable noises to relieve the sick from evil influences.23 When the king of Cambodia has his hair cut the Brahmaņs keep up a noisy masic to scare evil influences.24 At the yearly purifying festival in Canabodia, and also in Siam and in Tonqain, all the artillery and muskets are discharged that by their most terrible noise the devils may be driven away.25 .When any one has an audience of the Chinese emperor, when the person presented salutes, music plays. The evening before the empress is to be crowned musical instruments are hung in the doors through which she has to pass. Bands play as she drives to the throne-room and as she mounts the throne 26 The Chinese put a drum in the thunder god's temple. They used to leave a drum on a hill-top with a little boy as sacrifice. The Japanese give thunder gods five drums. The Chinese and Japanese beat drams and gongs to scatter water-spirits.37 At an eclipse, to prevent the moon or sun being eaten by a dog the Chinese beat gongs and drums.28 In the leading boat at the dragon-boat procession in China, a man keeps blowing a conch-shell.29 In China, the night inspector beats an official brass drum.30 Before the Corean or North-East Chinaman goes to bed he offers prayers and music,32 Round the bed of the dying Corean no sound is allowed, apparently in case noise should frighten away the dying man's spirit. When the patient is dead wailing is allowed, but it must not be loud, for the dying man's spirit might be coming back and be scared.32 The people of Fooyn (A. D. 300), when travelling, alwaye sang.93 The gods of the Canton river are worshipped with an accompaniment of hundreds of fire crackers. When (about A. D. 1880), the new Chinese barying ground was opened in Bombay, it was cleared of evil spirits by a liberal discharge of crackers. During the whole of dinner-time at a Chinese house in Canton ear-splitting music is played. 36 In Canton, at the close of the procession in honor of Paaktaoi, a number of fire-works are let off to scare evil spirits.36 In China, in the worship of Confacius, old stringed instruments are played and old bells are rang.97 In China, if an old man dies, neighbours come to the house and beat gongs, tom-toms, and drums. At three in the morning all the decorations of the house are pulled down and burnt with howling:38 At a Chinese funeral two men walk with lanterns, two men with gongs and sixteen musicians with flags and red boards.39 In China, when a house is haunted by evil spirits, the owner loses no time in procuring the services of an exorcist. When the exorcist comes, he orders his attendants to beat gongs, drams, and tomtoms. In the midst of the appalling din he shouts :- "Evil spirits from the east I send back to the east, evil spirits from the west I send back to the west, those from the north I send back to the north, and those from the south I send back to the south, and those from the centre of the world I send back thither. Let all evil spirits return to the points of the compass to which they belong. Let them all immediately vanish."'40 When the Chinaman is put in his coffin one of the body-cleaners beats the floor with a large hammer to terrify evil spirits. The Chinese at an eclipse in April, 1688, made most hideous yellinge and horrid noises to drive off the dragon. The Chinese Lâmás in their churches blow horns and shells.43 The Chinese beat tom-toms and make noises to frighten the heavenly dogs from eating the sun and the moon on eclipse days." A queer wild plaintive song sung by women is one of the few signs of mourning in Japan.45 22 Balfour's Hindus, Vol. V. p. 53.
25 Black's Folk-Medicine, p. 18. 24 The Golden Bough, Vol. I. p. 197.
25 Op. cit. Vol. II, p. 178. 26 Kidd's China, pp. 289-241,
91 Bassett's Sea Legends, p. 83. * Kidd's China, p. 301.
2. Mrs. Gray's Fourteen Months in Canton, p. 146. 30 Huc and Gabet, Vol. I. p. 18.
51 Rose's Corea, p. 358. 39 Op. cit. p. 320.
53 Op. cit. p. 22. * Mrs. Gray's Fourteen Months in Canton, p. 120. 56 Op. cit. p. 174. * Op. cit. p. 41,
37 Op. cit. p. 258. * Gray's China, Vol. I. p. 299.
* Op. cit. Vol. I. pp. 300-303. * Op.cit. Vol. II. pp. 19, 20.
41 Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 280. 42 Maurice's Inllan Antiquities, Vol. II. p. 294. 43 Gray's China, Vol. I. p. 134. Op. cit. Yol. I. p. 268.
46 St. John'. Japan, p. 220.

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In the Nicobar islands, when ghosts grow troublesome, the priest brings a boat under the houses which are built on poles in the water, and with noise, helped by the people, drives the ghosts into the boat, and sends the boat, and its devil-cargo to sea. The Nicobar physician drives out the disease-spirit by howling, yelling and whistling frantically. It would be pleasant travelling in a Malay chief's boat, but for the ceaseless tom-tom accompaniment.19 The wild tribes of Perak, in the Malay Peninsula, accompany their dances by striking together pieces of bamboo. During an eclipse the people of Sumatra make a loud noise to prevent one laminary devouring the other.50 Among the people of Neas Island, to the west of Sumatra, if a disease-spirit will not go, the women are sent out and all openings are shut cxcept one in the roof. The men brandish their weapons, and with drums and gongs raise such a din that the spirit flies oat through the hole in the roof.51 On the eves of Galangan, of fast days, and of eclipses, the people of Bali to the south of Java make a terrible noise with their rice blocks and other instruments to drive away evil spirits. In the island of Buro, when sickness comes, the people rush about, beating gongs and drums to frighten the demons. The Papuans, or people of New Guinea, have feastings and music at funerals and wedding3.54 If a Papuan is killed, the villagers assemble and raise the most frightful howling to drive the ghost away, if he should attempt to return to his former home.65 Almost any event, joyful or sorrowful, gives the Papuan an excuse for singing and dancing. The great feasts are the completing of a Korowar or divine nine-pin or the successive steps in the carving of one of the great images of the idol house of the Mon or ancestors. In the big feasts dancing and singing go on the whole night. A barn is built on the shore. The men sit apart from the women, checked with coloured leaves and scarlet hibiscus in their armlete, necklaces and hair. Wooden drums are beaten without stopping. The drumming and dancing, which is so violent as nearly to abake the house down, produce a terrific noise pleasing to a Papaan, as he knows it is most effective in guarding him against the evil influence of the Manuen or demons.50 The Fijiang clap their hands and shout Ho Ho' when they visit a chief or a god:57 The people of the Leper Islands in Melanesia blow conches to drive away the mischief of a comet.58 In Melanesia, when the moon is eclipsed, conches are blown and house roofs are beaten. T'he bull-roarer or buro of Florida is used in the Banks Islands to drive away ghosts.60 On the fifth day after a death the spirit is driven away by shouts and by the voices of the conch and of the bull-roarer. In Tasmania, the medicine-man drives out the evil spirit froin a sick man by springing a rattle.62 The Australians, to frighten the storm-fiend, howl, stamp and curse.63 The Australians thought it risky to whistle at night, as the demon Karingpe was attracted by the sound.64 In Madagascar, while the neighbours move round clapping hands, a woman of rank dances, and a second woman beats an old spade with a hatchet close to the sick person's ear, to drive out the spirit of sickness.86
In East Africa, when any one is possessed, the drum is beaten and the devil is enticed by medicine-man into a stool. The stool is then carried about from place to place till the devil is unable to find his way back. The Waniks of East Africa have a wonderful dram which they worship.67 Drums of hollow trees are common all over Africa.68 The clapping of hands is a necessary part of the dances of West African negroes.
• Spencer's Principles of Sociology, Vol. I. p. 235; Featherman's Social History, Vol. II. p. 249. *7 Featherman's Social History, Vol. II. p. 949. • The Cruise of the Marchesa, Vol. II. p. 233. Straits Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, December 1879 - Hardwick's Traditions, p. 44.
01 Featherman's Social History, Vol. II. p. 360. 52 Essays Teyrding Indo-China, Second Series, Vol. II. p. 198.
63 The Goklen Bough, Vol. II. p. 187. Wallace's Australasia, p. 457. Foatherman's Social History of Mankind, Second Division, p. 42. - The Crane of the Marchesa, Vol. II. p. 286. 07 Pritchard's Polynesian Remains, p. 864. # Codrington's Melanesians, p. 348.
0 Op. cit. p. 348.
60 Op. cit. p. 342. 11 Op.cit. pp. 267, 971. 2 Featherman's Social History, Vol. II. p. 109. 03 Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 171. • Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 174
6 Sibree in Foll-Lore Record, Vol. II. p. 46. 4 Thomson's Central Africa, Vol. I. p. 144. 07 News' East Africa, p. 113. 6 Burton's Dahomey, Vol. 1. p. 41.
Park's Travels, Vol. I. p. 278.

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Some Africans salute by clapping hands.70 In some parts of Africa subjects must clap hands before speaking to the chief. When the Sultan of the Wajijis of East Africa appears among his subjects he claps his hands, to which all answer by clapping their hands.72 So, when the king of Dahomey on a ceremony drinks a health, the ministers bend to the ground and clap their hands.73 According to Stanley," Utesa, the emperor of Uganda (East Africa) went to battle with about fifty great war-drums and a hundred pipes. His men shook gourds, with pebbles and made charms against evil. Among them, before a battle, it is customary to carry charms to propitiate spirits unfriendly to the monarch. The charms are dead lizards, bits of wood, nails of dead people, claws of animals, and beaks of birds. During the battle the witches and wizards chant incantations and produce the charms in front of the foe, while the gourd and pebble bearers sound a hideous alarm. Tbe men appear in full war-dress, ostrich plumes, leopard skins, and lances adorned with feathers and rings of white monkey-skin.75 When a north African Shekh is on the war-path he has near him A timbrel or drum carrier fantastically dressed in a straw hat and ostrich feathers. To lose the drum in battle is the greatest misfortune and disgrace.76 The Balondas of South Africa clap their hands before and after food.77 At Benguella, in West Africa, the sorcerer's attendants ring bells and clap hands.78 In West Africa at coronations, Old Calabar people keep up a hideous and continual noise by tapping their mouths with the palms of their hands. The Monbottos of Central Africa crack fingers when they meet one another.80 The Hindu cracks his fingers in front of his open mouth when yawning, either to scare his soul from flying out or evil spirits from flying in. The Nubians believe that a new-moon day is a great spirit-day, and fire guns to drive off spirits.81 In Abyssinian churches, a rattle is used to accompany the chants.82 Arab and Egyptian women utter peculiar cries accompanied by a strange rattle of the tongue called zagharib.83 An English traveller says of the Moors of Africa : "When the sun's eclipse was at its height we saw the people running about as if mad and firing their rifles at the sun to frighten the monster who they supposed was wishing to devour the orb of day."86 In the seventeenth century the Moors of Barbary thought water-spouts were dragons or evil spirits. To drive them away they fired cannon at them, shouted at them, beat the deck, and crossed swords.85 The firing of cannon at waterspouts is mentioned both in Camoen's Lysiad (A. D. 1510) and in Falconer's Shipwreck (A. D. 1780). Basset86 says: "Doubtless, at first cannon were fired, gongs beaten, and swords were clashed not to break the water-spout but to scare the fiend. When the moon is eclipsed, the Eskimos hide all their belongings. They think the moon leaves the sky and comes to spoil their houses, and so make a noise to drive her back to the sky.87 In Nova Scotia, demons are charmed into quiet by the beating of a drum.88 Beating a drom saves the Nova Scotian youth from the magician disguised as a beaver.89 During eclipses of the moon, Greenlanders carry boxes and kettles to the roofs of their houses, and beat them as hard as they can. In Canada, among the Mic-Mac Indians of the Bay of Chalewi, New Brunswick, who are Roman Catholics, on their great yearly festival the women all go to church. On either side of the road to the church artificial bushes are planted at intervals, and behind the first bush on either side a band of youths hide themselves with muskets loaded with powder. As the women come opposite the bush the lads fire into the air and rush to the next bush, so firing a volley when the women reach each bush till they get to the charch door. The Indians say that they fire the
To Dr. Livingstone's Travels in South Africa, p. 274. 11 Burton's Central Africa, Vol. II. p. 69. 73 Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 69.
13 Burton's Dahomey, Vol. I. p. 245. 76 Through the Dark Continent, Vol. I. p. 326.
16 Stanley's Dark Continent, Vol. I. p. 827. T6 Denham's Africa, Vol. I. p. 361.
7 Dr. Liviogetone's Travels in South Africa, p. 804. T1 Cameron's Across Africa, Vol. II, p. 218.
TJones' Crowns, p. 448. # Schweinfurth's Heart of Africa, Vol. II. p. 461. * Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 91. #2 Notes and Queries, Vol. IX. p. 4.
* Lane's Modern Egyptians, pp. 165, 166. # Grimm's Toudonic Mythology, Vol. III. p. 1170.
* Basset's Sea Legends, p. 30. * Op. cit. p. 34. #7 Reville Les Religion des Peuples Non Civilisés, Vol. I. p. 191. - Conway's Demonology and Deuil-Lore, Vol. I. p. 104 - Op. cit. Vol. L p. 891.
Grimm's Teutonic Mythology, Vol. III. p. 707.

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guns to keep away evil spirits.1 The Indians of Alaska beat drums close to the sick. After beating the biggest drum to pieces, if the patient is no better, they strangle him.92 From one end of America to the other the clapper is the typical tool of sorcery.93 The North American sorcerer, by the help of his clapper, and the South American, by the help of bis rattle, work themselves into a fit. The Abipones of Central South America, when a man is sick, raise a deafening din about him to scare the evil spirit that has entered into him.95 The Central American Yucatans (1650), during an eclipse, pinch their dogs to make them howl, and beat their tables, benches and doors. The Guiana Indians wake at 4 a. m., sing songs, drum and issue at day-light, greeting the morn.97 The South American Patagonians treat sorcerers with respect, for, after death, they may come as terrible spirits. They believe that spirits cause disease and that they can be scared by noise. The wild Brazil tribes believe that spirits go into certain objects, roots, stones, teeth and bones. Their chief spirit-home is the magic gourd closed by a holed board and having inside stones, dried fruit, and kernels. In dancing the owner shakes the gourd and makes its contents rattle. The owner blows tobacco smoke on his holy gourd, chats with it, calls it his child, and offers it to eat. At certain festivals its spirit-scaring power is renewed by enchantments.99 The Indians of Brazil blow horns to frighten seamonsters, 100 At sowing festivals, in Peru, a great noise of arms was made to prevent the disease attacking the plants. The Mexicans began battle with a most horrid noise of warlike instruments, shouting and whistling, which struck terror in those not accustomed to hear it. Fighting in ancient Mexico (A. D. 1300) consisted of singing, dancing, shrieking and whistling. Before they were Christians the Mexicans used to scare evil spirits by springing a rattle. The use of the rattle is continued on Holy Thursday in Mexican churches. On the Saturday of Holy Week (1842) the clang of bells is incessant, the air is full of the smoke of myriads of crackers, called Judases and Heretics, stretched on ropes across the street. During an earthquake at Florida, in 1886, the Floridans held a camp meeting, and yelled and shrieked all night. Kalmuks fire guns at the storm demons. The Pueblos of America make a great bowling and a tremendous uproar when death comes, and the Creek Indians of Florida in North America keep up a death-howl for four days. Once a year the Queensland tribes beat the air in a mock fight to scare the yearly army of souls, and the North American Indians lash the air with sticks and beat the walls of houses to force out the ghosts.10 The Patagonians strike a drum at the beds of the sick to drive out diseases. Other tribes of Americans make a noise at the grave to scare the evil one who waits for the soul.12
Among Egyptians Jews and Greeks, music had great spirit-scaring and religions virtue. The Egyptians disliked the trumpet because its sound was as the noise of an evil genius.13 The sound of the Egyptian sistrum was supposed to frighten the evil spirit Typhon.14 So, in Egyptian pictures of sacrifices, the queen stands behind the king shaking the sistrum and beating the drum to dispel evil influences.15 Clapping of hands was common at Egyptian festivals.16 The Egyptians sang at their work.17 Egyptian servants kept up a doleful dirge so long as funeral rites were in haud. 18 The toil of dragging great weights was lightened by a call or chant led by a master. Among the Jews, when the Lord left Saul and removed to
91 Capt. Dixon's Eleph inta, 15-11-83.
9 Reville Les Religions des Peuples Non Civilisés, Vol. I. p. 393.
95 Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 385.
Folk-Lore Record, Vol. I. p. 130.
92 Black's Folk- Medicine, p. 19.
Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 174. 9 Descriptive Sociology, Vol. II. p. 40.
Reville Lea Religions des Peuples Non Civilisés, Vol. I. p. 935. 100 Burton's Brazil, Vol. II. p. 5.
2 Descriptive Sociology, Vol. II. pp. 13-17. Mayer's Mexico, p. 152. 5 Op. cit. p. 155. Bassett's Sea Legends, p. 45.
99 Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 371.
1 Descriptive Sociology, 2, "Ancient Peru." Descriptive Sociology, (2) Table "Ancient Mexicans."
6 From MS. Note.
First Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, Washington, p. 102. Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 95. 10 Tylor's Primitive Cultura, Vol. I. p. 154. 12 Bancroft, Vol. III. p. 523. 13 Wilkinson's Egyptians, Second Series, Vol. II. p. 263.
14 Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 323; Plutarch in Inman's Ancient Faiths, Vol. II. p. 745.
15 Maspero's Egyptian Archaeology, p. 95.
16 Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 303.
Op. cit. Vol. III. p. 326.
18 Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 253.
11 Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 129.
19 Wagner's Manners, p. 35.

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David, evil spirits came upon Saul, causing suffocations that nearly choked him. The physicians ordered that some one skilled in the harp shonld be ready, and when the evil spirits came upon Saul the player should play and sing hymns.20 It was the music, not less than the words of the carmen or song, that made it a charm with power to draw the gunrdian gods out of a city, to ruin armies, to raise the dead, to bind gods and men, to drag the inoon out of heaven. That by David's harping the evil spirit departed from Saul is an example of the religious importance of music among the Hebrews, Music by clearing evil influences enabled the youthful Saul to prophesy: it was through the same power that Elisha and others prophesied. The music at battles, at marriages, at funerals: the song of the wine-presser, of the women at the mill; the blare of the Jubilee trumpets, the din as of battle round the golden calf, the blowing of trumpets and piping of pipes when Solomon was anointed king, the bands of musicians at the banquets in the palace and in the temple, seem all to have their origin in the experience of the Jews that music scares evil influences.32 Tophet, near Jerusalem, was said to take its name from toph, a dram, because drams used to be beaten there in honour of Moloch.33 The Jews considered thunder to be the voice of the guardian Javeh.24 In 1894, to keep off cholera, the Jews of a town of Poland put on helmets and cuirasses of paste-board and, taking woodeu ja velins, marched forth, clashing cymbals and shouting a dissonant dirge.25
Among the ancient Greeks music played a not less important healing and religious part than among the Jews. Pythagoras (B. C 600) employed music to cure diseases, both of the body and of the mind 26 Aesculapias said that music, songs and farces cured madness. Like David, Greek singers to the harp quieted the spirit-haunted,37 Like the Australian bull-roarer and the rattle of Buddhist and Christian religious ceremonies, the Greeks had un instrument called rombos which was used in mysteries and magic, 28 The youth who brought the Tempic laurel to Delphi was always attended by a player on the flute. At their feasts the Homeric Greeks gang healing. that is, spirit-scaring, songs or peans in praise of their gods.30 Among the later Greeks, music at feasts prevented drunkenness.31 The Cory bantes cured madness by beating cymbals round their patient.33 In Cybele's honour trampets were blown for a whole day.33 Among the early Greeks, when an animal was sacrificed, the women wailed or cried aloud. In later times flutes were played, as music and songs charmed the spirits of the air.34 The spirit-scaring rites of Bacchus were fall of noisy shoutings and drummings.35 Every Greek ship had its musician who played to the rowers to keep off thought of fatigue.36 At eclipses of the moon the Greuks beat drams and kettles and sounded trampets and haut-boys to drown the voices of the magicians and make all their charms of no effect. When the soul was leaving a dying Greek, brazen kettlos were beaten, because the airy forms of evil phantasms, who might have carried 'he dead to torment, could not endure so harsh a sound.37 At their funerals the Greeks sang and played Phrygian flutes, which frightened the ghosts and the faeries from the soul of the dead.39 Among the Romans the Salii or dancing priests at the old March New-Year clashed their swords against their shields, apparently to drive out demons.3 The Romans, like the Greeks, considered lightning an evil spirit, and hissed wben they saw it. The coarge and abusive fescennine songs of early Italy were sung at weddings and triamphs to evert the Evil Eye and the envy of the
0 Josephus' Antiquities of the Jeroe, Vol. 1. p. 373. Smith's Dictionary of the Bible, Vol. I. p. 551.
Smith's Dictionary of the Bible, "Music"; Jones' Crowns, p. 387. 93 Conway's Demonology and Devil Lore, Vol. I. p. 63. 24 Compare Smith's Dictionary of the Bible, Vol. III. p. 1194. Elworthy's The Evil Eye, p. 438. 24 Wilkinson's Eygptian, Second Series, Vol. II. p. 213, note 17 Mitchell's Highland Superstitions, p. 39. » Compare Smith's Greek and Roman Antiquities, Vol. II. p. 907. >> Plutarch quoted in Moore's Poems, Routledge's edition, p. 170, n. 1. 10 Potter's Antiquities, Vol. II. p. 249. Plutarch in Wilkinson's Egyptians, Second Series, Vol. II. p. 399. M Smith's Greek and Roman Antiquities, Vol. II. p. 298.
Inman's Ancient Faithe, Vol. II. p. 380. M Smith's Greek and Roman Antiquities, Vol. II. p. 584; Potter's Antiquities, Vol. I. p. 278. 38 Brown's Great Dionysiak Myth, Vol. II. pp. 94, 95. Putter's Antilities, Vol. II. pp. 149, 150. 37 Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 179.
= Op. cit. Vol. II. pp. 205, 206. 39 Compare The Golden Bough, Vol. II. p. 210, n. 1. • Potter's Antiquities, Vol. II. p. 384. Potter quotes Aristophanes, B. C. 40, aud Pliny, A. D. 70.

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gods. The ancient Romans thought the eclipsed moon was enchanted, and tried to help her by the dissonant ringing of basins. According to Pliny the Romans played the flute at sacrifices that no other sound might be heard.43 Ovid's spirit-haunted house holder beats a brass vessel and asks the shade to leave his roof. Varro says, bees can be collected, that is, the spirit of unrest that maddens the swarming bees can be driven out of them, by beating cymbals and working rattles. The Romans had shouting and trumpet blowing called conclamatio in lamentation for the dead. The early Christians in many practices continued the belief in noise as a scarer. Tertullian (A. D. 176) refers to the din at Christian festivals and to the uproar at Christian banquets. In their funerals the early Christians marched chanting hymns. 48
Though the scientific explanation of eclipses was known in Pliny's time (A. D. 70) and through the Middle Ages, the people clong to the venerable pity for the moon in trouble, and to help her and themselves they raised an outcry.49 In England, during the eighth century, cries and sorceries were believed to help the moon at the time of an eclipse.50 Noise remained a leading feature in country festivals. Posterli, the Swiss scape, who, dressed as a witch, a goat or an ass, took on himself the sins of the people, was driven out with a deafening din of horns, clarionets, bells and whips.51 The uproar of Royal and other salutes, as the name salute like the name pæan shewe, is healing or wholesome, that is, it gaards the person honoured from the attacks of evil influences. In Rome, cannon are fired in honour of many festivals and many saints. Salutes are specially frequent on the accession of a new Pope. The Calabrian minstrels in Rome salute the shrines of the Virgin Mother with their wild music to soothe her till the birth-time of her infant.53 At noon, on the Saturday of Easter Week, in Rome, in 1817, when the role of the power of darkness comes to an end, the guardian influence is re-introduced and the evil spirits are scared by the firing of cannon, the blowing of trumpets, and the ringing of bells which, since Thursdey morning, have been tied up, Jest the devil should get into them. The modern Romans ring bells at a death and at an eclipse.56 At an eclipse the Romans beat pots and pans. In Europe, in 1620, music was considered a cure for sadress, and soothed people affected by the dancing madness.67 When the Czar of Russia is anointed there is a salute of cannon, a braying of trumpets, and a beating of drums.58 In Russia, like the Corsican vociferators, the Greek myrologists, and the Irish keeners, professional wailers are employed at funerals.. In Germany, on the first of May, Walpargis night, spirits are driven out by the crack of a wbip and the blast of a horn ;60 and in Switserland and the Tyrol, by the barking of dogs, the ringing of hells, the clashing of pots and pans, and an universal outcry. In Mecklenberg, in Germany, in the fifteenth centary, the Wends walked round the budding corn with loud cries.cz Loud cries scare the eclipse fiend. So in the German story, to scare the devil, the woman claps her hands and crows like a cock. Clapping of hands is useful in enchantments. In France, on Midsummer Eve, brazen vessels are beaten with sticks to make a noise.65
41 Smith's Greek anul Roman Antiquities, Vol. I. p. 839. ^ Pliny's Natural History, Book ii, Chap. 12. • Op. cit. Book xxviii. Chaps. 2, 11.
- Elworthy's The Weil Eye, p. 288. 4 Op. cit. p. 870. Smith's Greek and Roman Antigreities, Vol. I. p. 889. Compare , "The cry at a death, the Roman conclamatio, the saludut of the Turk, Egyptian and Arab, the scream of the Jew, the howl of the North American Indian, the kreen and wail of the Welsh, the Irish, and the Scottish Highlander, seem all to have the same object to scare the flocking spirits of corruption." Smith's Dictionary of the Bible, Vol. II. p. 438. 7 Hislop's Two Babylons, p. 133.
45 Smith's Christian Antiquities, Vol. I. p. 253. + Op. cit. p. 1544.
up. cit. pp. 811, 1548. 61 The Golden Bough, Vol. II. p. 199. 53 Story's Castle of St. Angelo, p. 140.
* Hone's Everyday Book, Vol. I. p. 1595. # Hislop's Two Babylons, p. 226.
Hone's Table Talk, Vol. II. p. 27. * Brand's Popular Antiquities, Vol. . p. 152. In Rome, during the Tenebræ or Darkness Service, when even the altar lights are put out, the congregation map loudly on their prayer books. Wagner's Manners, p. 207. That this mapping is to keep off evil influences is illustrated by the German rapping on the table when he has said something boastful and dreads retribution, 57 Burton's Anatomy of Melancholy, p. 90. Jones' Crowna, p. 389. Ralston's Folk-Tales, p. 21.
Enc. Brit. Val. IX. p. 63,"Demonology:" The Golden Bough, Vol. II. p. 182. Grimm's Teutonic Mythology, Vol. I. p. 65. Op.cit. Vol. I. p. 245. " Op. cit. Vol. III. p. 226. Stally brass in Grimm, Vol. III. p. 1026. Brand's Popular Antiquities, Vol. I. p. 316.

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At the Draids' festivals, in England, the cries of victims were drowned in shouts and music. In England, all work used to have a song accompaniment cow-milking, cobbling, road-making, sowing, and reaping, each had its song. Day-labourers had their pipers, 67 The sailors' Heave-Ho' is almost the last of toil songs.
Two of the leading branches of music are represented by the regimental band and the church choir. That church singing started, in the belief in the scaring power of noise into which the name of God enters, seems probable from the Bedfordshire custom of curing sick bees by singing a psalm in front of the hive. The bees being guardian spirits are specially apt to suffer from fiend attacks. In Wales, till 1769, there was a custom of laying down the corpse at all cross-roads, called resting places, where prayers were offered and a little bell was rang in front of the corpse. As late as 1633 the custom prevailed in England of tolling the "passing bell" or "soul bell" at the time of death.70 Douce is inclined to think that the passing bell was originally intended to drive away the demon that might take possession of the soul of the deceased. In 1795, in Sussex, on New Year's Eve, boys used to go to apple trees and encircling them shouted aloud that they might bear a good crop.73 The custom of singing to the apple trees in early spring, that the orchards may bear good crops, is still kept up in Somerset. The singers come round to each orchard and sing a rhyme, part of which is that a cup of good cider can do no harm, a hint which always brings out a canfull.73 In a wild Yorkshire wedding, the party gallop round the bride and bridegroom, firing guns and shouting and making every one pledge the new couple. In Durham, the bridal party is escorted to church by men armed with guns, which they fire close to the bride and bridegroom. In Cleveland, gans are fired over the head of the newly married couple.75 Formerly, in rural England, the people resented ill-assorted marriages by serenading the couple with the beating of old tinpots, pans and kettles, apparently to scare the ill-luck which must attend such marriages.76 Gan firing at funerals remains in the three vollies fired over the grave in a British Military funeral. In North England, to find a sunk body, a loaf of bread with a candle stuck in it is set floating on the water near where the person was drowned. When the candle stops over the sunk body a gun is fired. On hearing the gun the demon who has seized the body lets go in a fright and the body comes to the surface.77 Similarly, on the Thames it is believed (1878) that to fire a gan brings a drowned body to the surface. In 1606, King James I. of England feasted on board the Danish ship Admiral. At each toast drums, trumpets and cannon were sounded." The early Germans believed eclipses to be caused by wolves eating the sun or To help the attacked sun or moon the people uttered loud cries.80 The sorcerer who is dragging the moon out of the sky is stopped by the beating of brass vessels.1 In Worcerstershire (1850), a donkey braying is a sign of rain. Here probably the later sign of rain represents an earlier cause of rain. The bray of the holy or guardian ass puts to flight the demon of drought, and so allows the kindly rain to fall.93 In Oxford (1680), during the whole night, before the great spirit and witch festival of May Day, boys blew cow-horns and hollow canes.93 In Yorkshire (1790), at, Ripon, every night at nine, a man blows a large horn at the market cross and at the Mayor's door. In Suffolk (1867), two old women thought their bed was haunted by a fairy. They seized the warming pan and made a loud din, satisfied that the noise would drive the Pharisee, that is, the fairy, away.95
moon.
In Brittany, people sing songs about the plague, a white-robed woman. When she hears
66 Maurice's Indian Antiquities, Vol. VI. p. 128.
67 Temple Bar, December 1888, p. 518.
Op. cit. p. 285.
10 Op. cit. p. 320.
72 Brand's Popular Antiquities, Vol. I. p. 9. 74 Henderson's Folk-Lore, p. 37.
To Wagner's Manners, p. 17.
78 Notes and Queries, 5th Series, Vol. X. p. 276.
Dyer's Folk-Lore, p. 123.
45
71 Op. cit. p. 208.
78 Jefferics in the English Magazine, October 1887. 16 Op. cit. p. 33.
77 Conway's Demonology and Devil-Lore, Vol. I. p. 46. 79 Notes and Queries, 5th Series, Vol. IV. p. 223.
81 Tibullus' Elegy I. line 21.
80 Grimm's Teutonic Mythology, Vol. I. p. 245.
62 Gentleman's Magazine Library," Popular Superstitions," p. 13&
Gentleman's Magazine Library," Popular Superstitions," p. 4.
83 Aubrey's Remains of Gentilism, p. 18. 8 Op. cit. p. 123.

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herself called by her name Mother Plague withdraws.86 In Normandy and in the Tyrol, ennnon are fired to put a stop to excessive rain. The sense of this gan firing is shewn by a similar practice in Carinthia, where the people shoot at a storm to scare the evil spirits, who hold counsel in storms. Disturbing demons by nproar is universal. Exorcists yell, roll drums, clash cymbals and ring bells, all with the object of dislodging spirits. In Poula, to the south-west of Shetland, if a cow is sick, wounded by the trows or spirits, the wound is daubed with tar and ganpowder is lighted and blown off near the cow's borns. In England, on May Day morning (1600), borns itsed to be blown. In Scotland, church bells were believed to drive away the fneries. So in Sweden, the troll would have lived at Botna Hill were it not for the soand of the plagaey bell : also in Zealand, the troll irad to leave because of the eternal ringing and dinging.o2 So in Coleridge's Christabel,03 Eracy the bard “vowed with music Joud to clear the wood from things unblest, and with music strong and saintly song to wander through the forest bare lest onght anholy loitered there." So, again, Coleridge says: "A melody dwells in tliee which doth encbant the soul. Such a voice will drive away from me the evil demon that beats his black wings close above my head." It is an old German belief that to slap the knee loudly scares the devil. Compare the English slapping the leg under the influence of a joke. Perhaps, this slapping was, originally, a form of applause, and therefore a guarding rite. The shouting at health-drinking, whether the German 'Hoeh'or the English • Hurrah,' bas its sense in scaring evil influences from the honoured Health. The practice seems to pass back to the old northern nations who hallooed when they drank in honour of their rural deities.96 In Spain, at Christmas (1828), carols were sung to the sound of the cambomba, a shoot of the reed Arundo donax, fixed in the centre of a piece of parchment so as not to pass through the skin. The parchment is softened by wet and tied like a drumhead round the month of an earthen jar. As the parchment tightens, the place where the reed point peaks the skin is rubbed with wax, and the clenched hand is drawn across the wax, making a deep hollow sound.97 In Constantinople, in an eclipse, gans are fired to keep Satan from harming the moon. In 1680. Aubrey notes that the wild Irish and Welsh run about daring eclipses, beating pans. They think the noise helps the orb. In the West Highlands of Scotland, in the Island of Inishail, the bagpipes used to be played at funerals.100 The Welsh and Irish had music at meals. In Ireland, the harper, and in the Highlands of Scotland, the piper, used to play at dinners. All over Enrope, state or ceremonial dinners have an accompaniment of music.? In (1758) the Welsh are described as like the Greeks entertaining their reapers with music, and using music at fanerals and weddings. In the packet boats between Grimsby and Hull the whistling for a wind (1833) was a direct invocation of the
* Grimm's Teutonic Mythology, Vol. III. p. 1185. * Bassett's Sea Legends, p. 45. 8 Grimm's Teutonic Mythology, Vol. III. p. 1088. * Dalyell's Darker Superstitions of Scotland, p. 612. 90 Sands in Kirkwall Paper, 7th January 1888.
Notes and Queries, Vol. VII. p. 130. n The Denham Tracts, Vol. II. p. 135. Jurandus (Wagner's Manners, p. 114) says : -"The evil spirits in the region of the air fear much when they hear bells ringing. This is the cause why the bells be ringing when it thundereth to the end that the foul fiends should be abashed and flee and cense from moving of the temple." The hell fastened to the Russian carriage is like the bell in other countries to scare evil influences. Of the objections taken to this explanntion by a recent writer in Blackrood (December 1895, p. 812) the chief is that so strong is the Tussinn belief that noise attracts instead of scaring evil spirits, that when out at night, if they have to be out. they never speak above a whisper. The case is an example of the law that the soarer is also the home. On Holy Thursday, in Catholic countries, so great is the power of the devil that the bells which in happier times he dares not listen to (nee Longfellow's Golden Legend) have to be muffled to keep him from housing in them. At a Roman rite silence was the rule, lost an unlucky word might wake evil influences. In the case of the sad liquor-sodden Russian, who finds life mainly devil-ruled, it seems natural that all but the cheeriest of them should favour the Kods by keeping silent both their own tongues and the tongues of their bells.
93 Moxon's Ed. 1870, p. 137. * Death of Wallenstein, Act I, Scene 4.
» Grimm's Teutonic Mythology, Vol. III. p. 1026. no Gentleman's Magazine Library, "Manners and Customs," p. 22. 97 Gentleman's Magazine Library, "Popular Superstitions," p. 102.» Moncure Conway's Demonology and Devil-Lore, Vol. I. p. 48. 19 Aubrey's Romains of Gentilim, p. 37. 30 Cumming's In the Hebrides, p. 110. Aubrey's Remains of Gentiliem, p. 27.
Folk Lore Recordi, Vol. iv. p. 102. Gentlenan's Magazine Library, "Manders and Customs," p. 43.

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prince of the power of the air to exert himself in the whistler's behalf. Behind this there was probably the older belief that the friendly wind would blow if an evil spirit had not stifled it, and that whistling would scare the evil spirit and the kindly breeze would be able to blow. Compare the practice of whistling in passing through a church-yard at night to scare spirits, "Oft have I seen," writes Blair,"in the lone churcb-yard by glimpse of moon-shine the schoolboy whistling to keep his spirits up."'s Before sunrise, on Good Friday, the Bohemian goes into his garden, and, falling on his knees before a green tree, says: “I pray, O Green Tree, God may make thee good." A formula, says Ralston, probably under the influence of Christianity, changed from a prayer direct to the tree itself (or rather to the guardian in the tree). At night the Bohemians run about the garden crying: -"Bud, tree, bud, or I'll fog thee," apparently forgetting that tree-flogging was not a punishment but a treatment to scare the evil spirit of barrenness. On Saturday, in Holy Week, the Bohemians shake the trees, ring church bells, and clash keys. The more noise, they say, the more fruit, the sense being the more fruit because the noise drives out of the tree the evil spirit of barrenness. A form of noise much in use to scare fiends is cheering. Cheering when a health is proposed, cheers in the battle-field, cheers at a ship launching or a stone laying, cheers in honour of some favourite of the people, cheers at the beginning, at the completion and at the burning of the antique North-East Scotland clavie or fire wheel.7 These examples of cheering suggest the general subject of signs of public approval and disapproval. The Younger Pliny (A. D. 100) speaks of clapping as the music of the stage.3 That hand-clapping keeps off evil spirits is shewn above by many examples. That the practice of clapping hands in sign of applause was in use at the time of the Ramayana (A.D. 100-300 ?) is shewn by the couplet: "From beaten palms load answer rung as glad applauders clapped their hands." Clapping forms & part of Hindu religious rites. A Sannyasi, seated in the hot weather among 8+ cow-dung fires on the bank of the Narbada, clapped his hands at each text he repeated, to scare evil influences. The pre-Muhammadan Arabs went naked round the Kaaba, whistling and clapping hands.11 On this evidence it seems safe to suppose that the music of the theatre had as its object the scaring of evil spirits. The sense of the clapping would then be the same as the sense of the cheers and of the bouquets, namely, to scare evil spirits and prevent them molesting the honoured actor. Conversely, the hiss of disapproval, like the Greek and Roman hiss to turn aside the fiend lightning, would have the same object as most terms and signs of abuse, namely, to shew that the person abused is, or is possessed by, an evil spirit, and that the sign or word of abuse is required to scare the evil spirit out of the possessed.
This note may end with the following example of music played with the object of tompting into the player the spirit of his special guardian or saint. The Sidi or part Sidî, that is African, religious beggars, who are known as Kalandars from the name of their chief saint and as Malangâs from the musical bow of that name which they use in their religious dances, shew more clearly than any natives of Western India that a leading aim and result of music is to be inspired by the guardian. Among the Malangis the Váhán or Bearer of tho Spirit is the special bow, malanga, of bamboo, four to six feet long and two to three inches round, slightly bent by a goat-gut string, which is kept in place by a bridge or tightener. To the back of the bow, resting on a small round fender of red cloth, is tightly tied a dry hollow gourd whose outer end is sliced off, leaving a circular opening four to six inches across. The tip of the bow is adorned with a bunch of peacock feathers and a swallow-tailed streamer of red cloth, whose evil-scaring power is increased by a glass bangle, a metal charm-cylinder, a few glass beads, brass bells, red rags and peacock "eyes" and, perhaps, a small paper pocket of incense. With the bow go an arrow-like stick to beat the bow-string and, hid in a hanging veil of bright cloth and cotton netting, a handled cocoa-shell rattle noisy with pebbles. The
* Gentleman's Magazine Library, "Popular Superstition," p. 118. 6 The Grave, p. 59.
• Russian Songs, p. 219. 1 Mitchell's Past in the Present, pp. 257-259. . Pliny's Letters, Book II. Letter XIY.
• Griffith's Ramayana, Vol. II. p. 257. 10 MS. Note, 26th April 1895.
11 Sale's Kuraan, Book I. p. 211.

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musicians, who generally travel in bands of three or four, are of pure or of part-negro blood They wear a somewhat slack and heavy head-dress of twisted orange cloth, a tight cotton jacket and a loose waist cloth banging to the knee. Round their shoulders are slang & wallet or two, and under the left arm hangs a pair of fire tongs. Their feet are bare. The music begins by the twanging of the bow-strings and the shaking of the rattles, while the musicians move slowly in a circle, bending, almost crouching, as with loose knees they sway from foot to foot. All are intent looking upwards with a strained gaze, as, in prayer for his coming, they murmur "Kalandar, Kalandar." Each holds the bow in his left hand, a few inches above the gourd, and presses the open end of the gourd against his chest as he keeps up & soft bum by working the bow-string with the raised knuckle of his first left finger. In his right hand, between the thumb and first finger, he grasps the handle of the rattle, and under the doubled third and fourth fingers, resting on the palm he fixes one end of the arrow shaft. With a quick turn of the right wrist, as he murmurs "Kalandar," he springs his rattle, and with the end of the arrow shaft deals a sharp blow either above or below the tightener. As he rattles, beats the bow-string with the arrow, and rabs a humming accompaniment with his knuckle, the musician murmurs "Kalandar, Kalandar," moving round slowly with loose knees, swinging from foot to foot, his elbows close pressed to his sides. As the motion, the music, and the longing for Kalandar excite the players, the performance divides into well-marked alternate fierce and soft passages, the musicians falling into pairs, one pair taking up the fierce passage as the other pair finishes it. The musician in high excitement shakes his rattle, bangs his bow-string, and, with frantie hopping from side to side, calls loudly on his saint. Then, to a gentle knuckle-worked hum of the bow-string, with knees bent almost double, he sways slowly from foot to foot, his strained shuteyed face raised to heaven or drooping on his cbest while he marmurs "Kalandar, Kalandar." The slow still time is the time of longing and prayer: the fierce noisy time is the time of possession. With face, either raised or bowed in prayer, to a gentle hum of the bow-string and a slow swaying from foot to foot, he gasps in coaxing tones "Av Ralandar, Kalandar, Come Lord, Come." Then, with sudden nervous jerks, whirling from foot to foot, tossing his head and loose heavy turban, he bangs the bow-string and springs the rattle, shouting in triumph "Jultá, jultá. He sways me, He sways me;" "Jultá Kalandar, jultá Kalandar, the Lord sways me, the Lord sways me." The fit is over: the spirit has blown where it listed. The musician stills his rattle and stays his arrow shaft, beads of sweat running down his bowed quivering face as he pants in deep chest notes tearful with longing "Av Kalandar, Kalandar, Come Lord, Come."
(To be continued.)
FOLKLORE IN THE CENTRAL PROVINCES OF INDIA,
BY M. N. VENKETSWAMI OF NAGPUR.
No. 2. - The Loving Sister. ONCE upon a time there lived a king, who had by way of issue, a son and a daughter by his first wife. The mother of the prince and princess died when they were quite young; and to add to their grief, the queen, whom their father married after the death of their loving mother, persecated them with a hatred that rendered their position well nigb unbearable. The sun could not go down without the lodgment by the step-mother with the king of some report or other against the juveniles, for no fault of their own, except their existence on this earth in general; and not being satisfied with what slie thought were probably minor complaints, the cruel persecutor spoke thus to her husband one day :
"My Lord, it seems to me that your daughter is a bad character. Look, she has the appearance of pregnancy."
The king heard the calamny and nodded his head as much as to say "yes," and thus afforded a fresh opportunity for the further persecution of the prince and princess : so immersed
Narrated by the writer's sister, the lato P. Uttutamma,

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49
was he in his new love and entangled in the wiles of his plotting wife. Far different was the case with the prince when he heard that the character of his sister, notwithstanding her tender years, was calumniated by the step-mother, for this so exasperated him that he, taking his sister with him, left the palace of his father, who had now become a tool in the hands of the queen.
Having left the palace the prince and the princess did not remain long in their father's territory, but repaired to a distant country, being afraid of falling again into the clutches of their obdurate step-mother. There they lived without being persecuted, the prince given to the pleasures of the chase and leading the life of an independent country gentleman. On returning one day from one of his hunting expeditions the prince saw & snake, after having regaled itself, about to enter the mouth of his sleeping sister. He at once out short ite career by a stroke of the scimitar, which hang by his waist-belt, and without awakening his sister and telling her of what had happened, he threw away the dead reptile and thought within himself thus:
“Ah! I now understand that this is the repulsive creature that made my little sister appear pregnant and thus furnished a ground to our step-mother for calumniating the innocent girl, notwithstanding her tender years. This is the reptile that created an inordinate hunger in my sister, as if she was a glutton; and a glutton, I know, she is not."
It chanced that the remains of the dead snake fell into one of the upper rooms of the mansion, and they grew into beautiful lilies of sweet fragrance. The prince came to where these were one day, and was very much surprised that the plants had grown in such a place spontaneously without being planted by him; and inferring that some evil might befall bim or his sister by reason of his having in his possession this unwishod for botanical treasure, probably surcharged with mischief, he always kept the room padlocked, keeping the key with him. But one day he left the key at home, and ouriosity led the princess to open the door of this very room, where to her extreme joy she found lilies of the first magnitude blossoming with flowers, with which she thought within herself to decorate the head of her brother.
It was the wont of the princess to comb the hair of her brother ocoasionally, and one day, when the prince was taking his siesta, she combed his hair, oiled it, and thinking that something was wanting to impart beauty to the beautiful glossy jet black hair, the delectable lilies with their sweet scented flowers stood before ber nind's eye. On this without a second thought she stole away, without making any poise or awakening her brother, to the room where the plants were, and fetched one flower. Hardly had the beautiful lily been put into the hair of the prince than he turned into a huge snake and in this strange form wriggled out of the room, Very much troubled in spirit on account of the strange transformation of her brother due to the lily, the princess began to lament bitterly, and crying, "Brother! brother," followed the snake wherever it went.
The snake very soon entered a dense forest, and thither, too, the sister, anmindful of herself, followed. Hard by the forest was a moand of earth, which the reptile entered through one of the holes. The grief of the princess at this juncture was at its height, and her ories were heard for miles around.
It so happened that a neighbouring king was then hunting in the forest, when his ears caught the cries of distress. Without losing a minute he summoned one of his servants and spoke to him thus:
"I hear the lamentation of a woman in distress from that direction. Go and ascertain the cause of it."
The servent repaired to the spot, whence the lamentation came, approached the distracted teir lady, and respectfully enquired into the cause of her grief: but eliciting no reply - 30

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much was she under the power of the paroxysms of her grief - he went back to his master and reported the unsuccessful result of his errand.
Thereupon the king himself, who was of a tender heart, went to where the princess was, consoled her, and assuaged her grief to a considerable extent; yet his attempts to ascertain the cause of the grief wore as fatile as his servant's, owing to the bewildered state of the mind of the princess, caused by extreme anguish at the loss to her of her brother, thus metamorphosed. But he took her to his dominions, where, ander his kind treatment and after the lapse of time, her poignant grief subsided to some extent, when the king, finding her to be an accomplished lady and of royal blood, married lier. What the grief was she did not disclose, for a considerable time, to her husband, mach less to others; and it was only when she became a mother that she narrated to the king in detail the great misfortune of the loss of her only brother. On this the affectionate husband, who was very much affected by the recital, resolved /within himself to relieve the anxiety of his beloved wife, and repaired, followed by the queen, to the mound in the forest, and had it dug up, reaching the very bowels of the earth, when veritably a snaku appeared. On the appearance of this reptile the sister with a significance, and as if by instinct, threw on it the lily, which she had treasured up all the long years since it fell off the head of her transformed brother on that never-to-bo-forgotten day. In a moment the prince, her brother, stood befora her to her infinite jog. equally shared by her royal husband. Great was the rejoicing in the city, when the ramour spread that the queen's brother, who had been metamorphosed into a snake and for whom the queen had been stricken with grief for so long had again taken human form.
No. 3. - The Taming of the Blue-slocking. Once upon a time, in a certain country, there lived a king who had an only daughter. Her he loved passionately, for she was his only hope, as he had no son to continue the royal line. So to make up for the want of a son, the king deviated from the general rule and pat his daughter to school as soon as she began to understand, and spared neither labour nor monoy in getting for her, as she progressed in her studies and her mind expanded with age till she could understand abtruse subjects, teachers from distant countries who were eminent in all the departments of knowledge. In course of time, under the instruction of these teachers, the princess became proficient, or seemed to be so, in all the departments of knowledge. But in the domain of poetry she had shewn an aptitude rivalling that of her teachers in versification. By the time her education might be said to be complete, she advanced towards womanhood, and, with the consent of her royal father, she issued a proclamation to the effect that she would bastow her aff3ctions, irrespective of rank or caste, on any one who would recite one slöka composed by himself at each step of the flight of thirty steps leading to the princess' palace, and five slókas at the place where the steps came to an end, with the stipulation that the theme of the last five slökas should be original, i.e., that the subject of them was not to be met with in the books.
Many were the princes and plebeians who tried their luck in metrical composition in order to obtain the princess in marriage and failed. There was uot a single exception, and so there was formed an impression in the mind of the princess that man is a useless being and quite inferior to the fair sex in point of intellectual attainment. To strengthen the impression it chanced that one day, when she was pulling off the skin of a plantain, a poor boy who was passing the palace took up the plaintain skin and ate it, evidently with the view of checking the pangs of hunger. At this the princess exclaimed :
“What! Is the worth of man, who is said to make a great noise in the world, only goch that he will eat the skin of a plaintain thrown away by a woman?"
Narrated by the writer's mother-in-law, M. Narîyannamma,

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A bold maid, who had seen life, and had been in the service of the princess for a number of years, said at once in reply to the exclamation:
"Oh! Princess, man should not be slightingly spoken of, and, who knows, the very boy you talk so lightly of might become your husband."
The overbearing princess replied to the servant-maid that the realization of her hope was impossible, though it might be within the bounds of possibility.
This conversation was overheard by the poor boy, who had then been the laughing-stock of the princess, as being in her opinion typical of man as apart from woman.
The boy, who was impressionable and intelligent, notwithstanding his extreme poverty, revolved in his mind the conversation he had heard, and at once made his way to an adjacent hermitage, and narrated the incident to the well-disposed gósdins living there, who heard it with wrapt attention. In the end, he asked them what should be done to raise himself to such a pitch in intellectual attainment as to recite the stipulated thirty-five stanzas, and to marry the very princess who had despised him, so that he might shew the fallacy in the princess' argument that man is inferior to woman.
Being pleased with the boy's simple narrative, and still more so with the ambition displayed under his rags and tatters, the gosás, to the best of their ability, gave the boy a sound liberal education, in which prominence was given to metrical composition. On the completion of this education, this favored protégé of the gosáins stadied the best models of poetry, in order to effectually tame the princess' pride by rivalling her in poesy, marriage with her being regarded as of secondary importance.
Fortified thus by knowledge, the lad composed thirty-five stanzas, into the last five of which he skilfully introduced words signifying pepper, aniseed, various seeds, mustard and dub grass (Agrostis linearis), to impart originality to them, as required in the royal proclamation. So one day, followed by his friends the gôsáíns, he went to the royal court, announced his business, recited one stanza at each of the flight of thirty steps approaching the princess' palace, and five on an original theme at the place where the approaches ended. Thus was won the princess to the great joy of all who regarded her as invincible in her special line.
In accordance with the promise made in the proclamation, the marriage of the princess with the ripe scholar who had won her by his own abilities, was celebrated in due time, and when the princess was about to be led to the nuptial coach the bold maid-servant, who was an advocate of the superiority of man, as we have already seen, pointed out to her mistress that the very boy whom she had despised had now become her husband.
On this the imperious pedant committed suicide by falling on a sword.
No. 4.-"Let us eat and drink for to-morrow we die."
ONCE upon a time in a certain country there lived a king who had an able minister. The minister managed the affairs of the State so well, and was so just in his doings as a public man that none dare cast reflections or heap reproaches upon him. Afraid of his popularity, his royal master sought an occasion to find fault with the minister, so that he might destroy his reputation and even himself.
Accordingly the king summoned his minister one day and gave him a pearl of great price for safe custody, stipulating that the minister should return the valuable pearl whenever his royal. master desired it. In giving the pearl into the minister's keeping the king entertained the hope of getting it back furtively, and thus gaining the opportunity for finding fault with him that he sought.
1 Narrated by Mr. Talairam Motiram, a Rajput gentleman of Lascarline, Nagpur, C. P.

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The minister took the pearl and gave it to his wife, asking her to keep it carefully, but in the meantime the king employed every means, false or foal, to become possessed of the pearl. For this purpose he made a serving-woman get herself engaged under the minister's wife. In course of time this serving-woman ingratiated herself into the favour of the minister's wife, and one day asked her mistress to array herself in all her paraphernalia, for she said she was very anxious to see how her mistress looked when thus bedecked.
The minister's wife, though vain, was ignorant of the tricks of the world ; so she dressed herself in her best robes and adorned her person with very valuable trinkets of exquisite workmanship and shewed herself to the deceitful servant-woman. The woman, on looking at the minister's wife, at once said:
"Madam, you look beautiful in the apparel and ornaments you now wear, but an additional beanty would be imparted to you, if you would ornament your person with the pearl belonging to the king, which you have now in your keeping."
Flattered thus, the vain lady at once unlocked a casket and out of it took the pearl that was reposing there, and with it further adorned her already much-adorned person. On this she received & profusion of praise frein the serving-woman, and exulting in the praises lavished on her, she became unmindful of her personal adornments. This gave the serving. woman the opportunity she wanted to carry off the pearl to the palace.
The RAJA, on receiving the pearl, had it thrown into the deep waters of the blue sea, and the next day called upon his minister to return the object of great price entrusted to him for safe keeping. The minister went to his mansion and asked his wife to bring the pearl, which he had given her to keep. She searched amongst the caskets of her jewellery, and in the thousand and one folds of her robes, but all to no purpose ; for how could she get what had been removed from her without her knowledge and by sheer craft?
Not blaming his wife, but cursing his own fate, the minister reported the disappearance of the pearl to the king, who, expecting as mach, gave him a week's time for the produotion of the pearl, failing which the minister was to suffer the extreme penalty of the law. The minister feeling that it was not possible to find the lost pearl, and that in consequence his end had approached, sold off his vast landed estates, and with the proceeds of these and with the money he had in hand gave grand feasts and magnificent boisterous dances, enjoying himself greatly, though fally knowing that he was soon to die.
On the last of the seven days' time given him, he called his wife and said :-"My love, I am now going to the sea-shore with fishing tackle to fish, and you must cook the fish I shall bring. For, before I die to-morrow, I wish to eat a fish dish specially prepared by your loving hands." With these words the minister went to the sea-shore and in due time returned with only one fish. This he gave to his wife and went off to enjoy the company of his friends for the last time.
His wife, heavy at heart for her husband who was to die on the morrow, ripped open the belly of the fish in order to dress it, when to her amazement she found a pearl. She recognized it to be the one which her husband had given her and she had lost, for which the minister was to suffer capital punishment the next day. As soon as the preparation of the dish was over, she dressed herself in her best garments, decked herself in all her silver and gold ornaments, and anxiously awaited her husband.
In due course the minister returned. Struck with the change in his wife-- a beaming face and noble attire as contrasted with her rueful countenance and careless dress since her husband's doom - he said in an angry and sarcastic tone (for in a moment of weakness like this the
* Rang is the vernacular expression. It refers to the red colour used at the Hojt, or the feast of Hclikd, which is also called Wasant Panchami. To give rang, then, means to give a boisterous feast, one at which the colour
d at the Hill is used. To give ndch, or dance, implies a much more decorons entertainmept.

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thought of his approaching end rather unmanned him, though he had tried to banish in pleasure the terrors of death) :
“I am to be taken to the gellows to-morrow, and you are jubilant in spirit? Your happy countenance, your dress and ornaments, are visible signs of it - as if I were to retain with you for many a long year and not for a day only."
“Oh dear lord," she cried, " do not be sorrowful. There is now no cause for sorrow, for God has removed it from us. Take your meal and satisfy yourself, and I shall explain all." So replied the wife, and after ministering to her husband's wants, she told hiin how she had in & miraculous manner come by the pearl. She shewed it to him. He was overjoyed and thanked God.
On the last day for the production of the pearl, the Raja's servants came to the minister's mansion with the message that his presence was required at court. The minister, however, was in no hurry, but about four o'clock in the afternoon, after taking a nap and a light meal, he went to court, and on the king's asking for the pearl, "Here it is," said the minister, producing the valuable shell. He then left the court abruptly to the great chagrin of the bad-hearted king, and not only that, he left the kingdom to seek his fortune elsewhere.
MISCELLANEA. DATES OF THE KOLLAM OR KOLAMBA ERA. with the day on which the sun enters a sign of MR. P. SUNDARAM PILLAI of Trivandrum has
the Zodiac, whenever this sankranti takes place,
according to the Arya-siddhanta, within about asked me to test the dates of the inscriptions, con.
7 h. 20 m. (or about 18 ghatikas) after mean tained in his pamphlet on Some Early Sovereigns
sunrise;' but when the sankranti takes place of Travancore, and has sent me for examination a number of other dates from inscriptions which
later in the day, the new month only com
mences with the following day. According to he is preparing for publication. I have the more readily complied with his request, because all
the Trivandrum calendar, the year 1069 of which
comprises the time from the 15th August A. D. these dates belong to the Kollam or Kolamba era, of which few dates with sufficient details for
1893 to the 15th August A. D. 1894 (both days verification have been hitherto available; and I
inclusive), the year begins with the month of publish the results of my calculations, because
Simha (the solar Bhadrapada); but according to they tend to shew that the materials, 80 zealously
the Calicut calendar, the year 1065 of which corcollected by Mr. Pillai, may be confidently used
responds to the period from the 15th September for historical purposes.
A. D. 1889 to the 15th September A. D. 1890
(both days inclusive), it begins with the month of My knowledge of the Kollam andu or Kolam- Kanya (the solar Asvina). The calendars thus ba varsha is chiefly derived from a Trivandrum shew that when, for purposes of calculation, we calendar for the year 1069, kindly furnished to have to convert a given year of the Kollam era me by the Dewan of Travancore, and a Calicut into an expired year of the Kaliyuga, we must calendar for the year 1065, for which I am indebted add 3925 for the months from Simha to Mina (or, to Dr. Hultzsch. These calendars shew that the according to the Calicut calendar, from Kanyi to Kollam year is a solar year, the twelve months of Mina), and 39:26 for the remaining months; that, which are named after the signs of the Zodiac. for converting a Kollam year into an expired Saka According to both calendars, a new month begins year, the corresponding figures are 746 and 747;
1 This is actually the case in all the dates given below is counted as the last day of the preceding month. In except the date No. 8.
the date No. 8, below (the same date in which the month In the Trivandrum calendar a day on which the is called by the Tamil name Tai), a day, on which the sankranti takes place 6 h. 59 m. after mean sunrise is sam krunti took place 8 h. 5 m. after mean sunrise, has counted as the first day of the month, and another day been counted as the first day of the month (in accordance on which the suhkránti takes place 8 h. 41 m. after mean with the practice of the Tamil calendars, by which a sunrise is counted as the last day of the preceding month. day is reckoned as the first day of the month, when thu Similarly, in the Calicut calendar a day on which the savikranti takes place within 12 hours after mean sarh kranti takes place 6 h. 9 m. after mean Banrise is sunr counted as the first day of the month, and a day on which Compare Dr. Buchanan's Journey through Mysore, the sankranti takes place 7 h. 51 m, after mean sunrise Vol. II. p. 355.

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and that, roughly speaking, a Kollam year may mean sunrise. Besides, Jupiter was in the sigu be converted into a year A. D. by the addition Kumbha which it had entered on the 25th August of 824-25. With these equations, the dates in A. D. 1214. Mr. Pillai's pamphlet which contain details for
4. - P. 25, No. 6. A Tiruvattar inscription cxact verification work out as follows:
of the time of Vira-Udaiya-Mårtandavarman of 1. - P. 19, No. 3. A Puravachêri inscription Vêņåd is dated in the Kollam year 348, with of the time of Vira-Ravivarman of Venad is dated Jupiter in Karkataka, and the sun.. days in the year 386 after the appearance of Kollam, old in Mina, Thursday, Anuradha nakshatra. with the sun six days old in the sign of Vrishabha, Here the year 348 should correspond to Saka. Saturday, Mrigasiraha nakshatra. - In Saka. Samvat 348 + 746 = 1094 expired; but the date Samvat 336 + 747 = 1083 expired the Vpishabha really fell in Saka-Samvat 1093 expired. In that sarnkranti took place (by the Arya-siddhanta) year thu Mina-samkranti took place 20 h. 32 m. 6 h. 35 m. after mean sunrise of the 24th April after mean sunrise of the 22nd February A. D. A.D. 1161; and the 6th day of the month of 1172; and during the month of Mina the moon was Vrishabha therefore was Saturday, the 29th in the nakshatra Anuradha on Thursday, the April A. D. 1161, when the moon was in the 16th March A.D. 1172, which was the 23rd of the nakshatra Mrigasirsha for 20 h. 21 m. after month. On this 16th March Jupiter, as required, mean sunrise.
was in the sign Karkataka which it had entered
on the 23rd February A. D. 1172. 9. - P. 56, No. 13. A Varkkalai inscription of the time of Vira-Padmanabha-Mártandavarman I am not at present prepared to say that the of Vêņad is dated in the Kollam year 427, with
figures 389 and 348 of the dates 3 and 4 must Jupiter entering into Mêsha, and the sun 21 days necessarily both be considered as incorrect, but it old in Vpishabha, Wednesday, the 5th lunar is clear that at least one of them must be wrong. day after new-moon. - In Saka-Samvat 427 + Similarly to what is the case in many Saka dates 747 = 1174 expired the Vrishabha-samkranti took which quote wrong years, the position of Jupiter place 19 h. 33 m. after mean sunrise of the 24th is given correctly in both dates, and there is not April A. D. 1252; and the 21st day of the month the slightest doubt about the proper European of Vrishabha therefore was Wednesday, the 15th equivalent of either date. May A. D. 1252, when the 5th tithi of the
The other dates in Mr. Pillai's pamphlet do not bright half ended 10 h.38 m. after mean sunrise,
admit of exact verification. But the dates of the and when Jupiter was in the sign Mêsha which
inscriptions 7, 9 and 10, on pp. 28, 38 and 42 may it had entered on the 17th March A. D. 1252.
be looked upon as correct, because in the years 3.-P. 46, No. 11. A Kadinamkulam inscrip- quoted by the dates Jupiter really was in the tion of the time of Vira-Råma-Keralavarman of positions assigned to it. On the other hand, the Vénál is dated in the Kollam year 389, with dates of the inscriptions 2 and 8 on pp. 15 and Jupiter in Kumbha, and the sun 18 days old in 36 are quite incorrect. And in the date of the Mina, Thursday, Pushya nakshatra, the 10th inscription 12 on p. 49 one would at any rate have lunar day.-- By our equation the year 389 should expected the year to be +11 instead of 410. correspond here to Saka-Samvat 389 + 746=1135 expired; but in reality the date fell in Saka
The following dates are from inscriptions which Surivat 1136 expired. In that year the Mina
have not yet been published: - xiliakranti took place 23 h. 29 m. after mean
5.-The year 428, the 8th day of Mina, Sunday, sunrise of the 22nd February A.D. 1215; and the Rêvati nakshatra. - In Saka-Samvat 428 + 746 13th day of the month of Mina therefore was | = 1174 expired the Mina-sankranti took place Thursday, the 12th March A. D. 1215, when the 19 h. 24 m. after mean sunrise of the 22nd 10th tithi of the bright half ended 13 h. 2m. and February A. D. 1253; and the 8th day of the tlak nakshatra was Pushya for 11 h. 10 m. after month of Mina therefore was Sunday, the 2nd
• It will be seen from the above that, omitting hundrede, of an inscription in Archæol. Surv. of South. India, a kollam year, for the months from Sithon (or Kanya) to Vol. IV. p. 112, the Kollam year 775 is rightly described Mina, is exactly the same year of the Saptarshi era (ante, as Sarvarin according to the southern luni-solar system. Vol. XX. p. 151). Thus the year 428 of the date No. 5, This inscription has not been translated correctly by below, would be Saptarshi-8thvat 4328, or simply Mr. Pillai. The original indicates that Jupiter was in Samvat 28.
Dhanus in the Kollam year 366 (expressed by the word • This simply means the 6th,' and not the 7th.' Mártanda) A. D. 1189-90 ; and Jupiter was in Dhanus
6 In all the above dates the position of Jupiter is given from the 12th December A, D. 1188 to the 8th December in accordance with the mean-siga system. In the date A.D. 1189.

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March A. D. 1253, when the nakshatra was Ravati the 23rd June A.D. 1604, when the 7th tithi of from 3 h. 17 m. after mean sunrise.
the bright half ended 21 h. 36 m., and when the 6. - The year 42[8), the 17th day of Mina,
nakshatra was Hasta, by the equal space system Tuesday, the 10th lunar day, Pushya nak.
from 7 h. 13 m., and by the Brahma-Biddhanta shatra. - The yenr and month being the same as
from 3 h. 56 m. after mean sunrise. Jupiter, as in the preceding date, the 17th day of the month
required, was in Dhanus, which it had entered on of Mina was Tuesday, the 11th March A.D. 1253,
the 3rd February A. D. 1604. when the 10th tithi of the bright half ended 11.- The year 685, the 6th day of Tula, Friday, 12 h. 10 m., and the nakshatra was Pushya for the 8th lunar day of the dark half, Punarvasu 12 h. 29 m. after mean sunrise,
nakshatra. In Saka-Samvat 685 + 746 = 1431 7. – The year 440, the 23rd day of Karkataka,
expired the TulA-samkrinti took place 6 h. 31 m. Sunday, the 5th lunar day of the bright half,
after mean sunrise of the 30th September A. D. Hasta nakshatra. - In Saka-Samvat 440 + 747 1509; and the 6th day of the month of Tull = 1187 expired the Karkataka-sankranti took therefore was Friday, the 5th October A. D. 1509, place 4 h. 35 m. after mean sunrise of the 27th
when the 8th tithi of the dark half commenced June A. D. 1265; and the 23rd day of the month
9 h. 47 m., and the nakshatra was Punarvasu for of Karkataka therefore was Sunday, the 19th 17 h. Hm. after mean sunrise. July A. D. 1265, when the 5th tithi of the 12. The year 720, the 26th day of Makara, bright half ended 2 h. 8 m., and the nakshatra | Friday, the 18th Irnar day of the bright half, was Hasta for 6 h. 34 m. after mean sunrise. Mrigadirsha nakshatra. In Saka-Samvat 720
8.- The year 663, the 28th day of Tai(Makara), + 746 = 1466 expired the Makara-satikrinti took Thursday, the 11th lunar day of the bright place 1 h. 58 m. after mean sunrise of the 28th half, Mrigasireha nakshatra, Vaidhriti () December A. D. 1544, and the day intended by the yoga. - In Saka-Samvat 663 + 746 = 1409 expired date clearly is Friday, the 23rd January A. D. the Makara-saukránti took place 8 h. 5 m, after 1545, when the nakshatra was Mrigasiraha for mean sunrise of the 28th December A. D. 1487, 10 h. 30 m. after mean sunrise. This, however, which, according to the practice of the Trivandrum was the 27th (not the 26th) day of the month of and Calicut calendars, should have been counted Makara, and on it the 11th (not the 12th) tithi of as the last day of the month of Dhanus. But it the bright half ended, 14 h. 10 m. after mean was apparently here counted as the first day of gunrise. the month of Makara, and the 28th day of this
13.- The year 757, the 12th day of Vriácbika, month therefore was Thursday, the 24th January
Saturday, the lat lunar day of the dark hall, A. D. 1488, when the lith tithi of the bright
Rohini nakshatra, Jupiter in Dhanus.-In Saka. half commenced 4 h. 2 m., and when the nakshatra
Sainvat 757 + 746 = 1503 expired the Vriáchikawas Mrigasirsha for 21 h. 1 m., and the yoga
samkranti took place 19 h. 10 m. after mean Vaidhfiti for 13 h. 26 m. after mean surfrise. sunrise of the 30th October A. D. 1581; and the
9. - The year 749, the 1st day of Karkataka, 12th day of the month of Vrischika therefore was Wednesday, the 12th lunar day of the bright Saturday, the 11th November A. D. 1581, when half, Anuradha nakshatra. - In Saka-Satiivut the 1st tithi of the dark half ended 14 h. 36 m., 749 + 747 = 1496 expired the Karkataka-san- and the nakshatra was Rohini for 13 h. 8 m. after kranti took place 2 h. 58 m. after mean sunrise of menn sunrise. But Jupiter was no longer in the Wednesday, the 30th June A. D. 1574, which sign Dhanus, having loft that sign already on the therefore was the 1st day of the month of Karka. 11th May A. D. 1581. taka. On this day the 12th tithi of the bright
14. -- The year 778, Kaliyuga 4704, the 7th day half ended 21 h. 16 m., and the nakshatra was
of Mêsha, Monday, Rohini nakshatra, Gands Anuradha for 7 h. 13 m. after mean sunrise.
yúga, Jupiter in Vrischika. - In Saka-Saivat 10. - The year 779, Kaliyuga 4704, the 26th 778 + 747 = 1525 = Kaliyuga 4704 expired the day of Mithuna, Saturday, the 7th lunar dayMosha-sankranti took place 16 h. 27 m. after meun of the bright half, Hasta nakshatra, Jupiter in sunrise of the 28th March A. D. 1603, and the 7th Dhanus. - In Saka-Samvat 779 + 747= 1526 = day of the month of Mosha therefore was Mondsy. Kaliyuga 4705 (not 1704) expired the Mithuna- the 4th April A. D. 1603. On this day the sankranti took place 6 h. 33 m. after mean sunrise nakshatra was Rohini, by the Bruhma siddhantil of the 29th May A. D. 1604; and the 25th day of from sunrise, and by the equal-space systein from the month of Mithuna therefore was Saturday, 16 h. 34 m. after mean sunrise ; but the yogu
• Compare the date No. 14, below.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(FEBRUARY, 1896.
was Saubhagya (4), not Ganda (10). Jupiter, as 654 + 746=1400 expired the Tuld-sankranti took required, was in Vrischika, having entered that place 6 h. 3 m. after mean sunrise of the 30th sign on the 7th February A. D. 1603.
September A. D. 1478, and the day of the date is To these dates from Mr. Pillai's inscriptions
Monday, the 26th October A. D. 1478, which was
the 27th day of the month of Tula, and on which I add here the date of a short inscription from Suchindram, published ante, Vol. II. p. 361, the
the first tithi of the bright half ended 19 h. 29 m., only date of the Kolamba era in this Journal
and the nakshatra was Anuradha (by the Brahma.
siddhanta) from 5 h. 16 m. after mean sunrise. which furnishes details for verification :
On the same day Jupiter was in the sign Vrisha15. - The Kalamba year 654 (expressed by the bhs which it had entered on the 24th July A. D. word vifati), Jupiter in Vrishabha, the sun at 1478. the end of Tula, the nakshatra Anuradha,
F. KIELHORN. Monday, the first lunar day. - In Saka-Samvat Göttingen.
NOTES AND QUERIES. DISPOSAL OF THE DEAD AMONGST THE The relations, friends, and tribesmen of the ANDAMANESE.
deceased coat their heads with a thick mass of A SHORT description of the Andamanese method white clay, called ôgda, and are considered to be of disposing of their dead may be of interest. ákaôgda, or mourners, for a period of about two
The corpses are either put up in aërial plat. months, during which time they do not dance, forms built in trees, buried or thrown into though they may be present at a dance and join the sea; the former being the most honourable in the singing. form of interment, and the latter being only
At the expiry of this period the bones of the done to the bodies of enemies.
deceased are taken by his nearest relatives, Should an Andamanese die among his own
and washed and broken up into pieces, people, and especially if many are in camp, and he is a man of importance and property (tyúburda),
These are then distributed, the skull being his corpse would be tied up in a wrapper of leaves,
given to the nearest relation, and are made up and then wrapped round with his sleeping mat.
into ornaments. The mourners now have a feast A platform would be constructed in a tree, at
and dance, preceded by a washing of the white some considerable distance from the ground, and
clay off their heads, and again coat themselves the corpse would be plaoed on it. Plumes of cane
with koiôbda (red ochre and turtle oil), which leaves would be fastened at conspicuous points
during the period of mourning they have had to near by, in order that people might know that a
abandon.
M. V. PORTMAN. corpse was there.
Should the man die almost alone, or be a youth Port Blair, Andaman Islands. of no importance, or be residing at the time of his death with a friendly tribe among whom he had no relations, his corpse would be similarly wrapped
SOME HOUSE WARMING-CUSTOMS OF . up and buried in a hole about four feet deep.
THE NORTHERN MUHAMMADANS. Should an enemy be killed in fight, or a total WHEN a Musalman starts the foundation of a stranger die among the Andamanese, they would, house he gets an auspicious day fixed -- as often as if on the coast, throw his body into the sea, or, if not by a Brahman-, and the ordinary Hinduised in the interior, either bury or burn it. The latter Musalmans of the eastern districts of the Panjab practice among the North Andaman tribes possibly will entertain Brahmans at a dinner, A strict assisted in giving rise to the idea of their
Musalman will get a mullah (priest), or a respectbeing cannibals.
able man of weight and character, to lay the first The Öngés sometimes place the corpses of their
brick, and will distribute gur (molasses) to the deceased relations in big wooden buckets, and leave
poor, and give a dinner. When the house is these in the battressed roots of certain trees.
finished he gives an 'indm (reward-gift) of a The above remarks apply to women as well as
shawl, or turban, or money, to the mistri (master. men, and babies are generally buried under the
mason). floor of their parents' hut.
J. L. KIPLING in P. N. and Q. 1883.
[With these notes compare Dr. Sebram's article, ante, p. 9 ff., on the same subject. The comparison will be found, not only to be valuable, but exceedingly interesting. ED.]
[See also Journal, Society of Arts, 1888, p. 788. -Ed.]

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MARCH, 1896.)
ASSAMESE LITERATURE.
57
ASSAMESE LITERATURE.
COMMUNICATED BY GEO. A. GRIERSON, PH.D., CJ E. Co little is known about Assamese Literature that I make no apology for giving the
following second hand and somewhat antiquated information. It deserves better preservation than that afforded by a fugitive pamphlet long out of print.
In the early fifties a discussion arose as to whether Bengali or Assamese should be the official language of Assam. It was contended by some that the latter was merely a corrupt dialect of the former. Others, principally patriotic inhabitants of the country, urged the claims of Assamese as a separate language, and eventually carried their point. For years the Assamese language has been officially recognized, and now it can be proved that it is, in its grammar, much more nearly connected with Bihari than with standard Bengali.
The discussion seems to have been lively, and one of its products was a pamphlet entitled, 1. A few remarks on the Assamese Language, and on Vernacular Education in Assam. By a Native. Sibsagar, Asam 1. Printed at the American Baptist Mission Press, 1855 1.' As may be gathered from its name, the book strongly defends Assamese as a separate language. The author commences by shewing how little Bengali is used in that country. He next institutes an elaborate comparison between the two languages, and shews clearly that Assamese, far from being an uncultivated dialect is capable of expressing the most abstract ideas of Science or Law. He finally compares the Literary History of Assam with that of Bengal, much to the advantage of the former, and as this is, at the present day, the most valuable portion of the pamphlet, I give it here in full. Owing to the peculiarities of Assamese spelling (especially, the pronunciation of. 8 as h, and of ô as u) I give here and there (in parenthesis) the Sanskrit spelling of such tatsama words as will not be easily recognized.
The Bengali can scarcely be said to have existed as a written language until the beginning of the present century, when the Missionaries of Serampore first moulded it into a form, Rajah Ram Mohun Roy wrote his Bengali Grammar, and other Native gentlemen, educated and trained in the sciences and literature of Europe, reared up, during the last few years, a distinct literature, by the publication chiefly of translations from English works on different branches of learning. The Bengali translation of the Sansksit Mahabharata by Kašt Dâs, and that of the Ramayana by Kirtti-bâs, executed about a centary and a half ago, may be said to be the only works of any importance in Bengali, that existed before the present Bengali literature sprung out from the efforts of Missionaries and educated Natives. Now, we beg to affirm, that the Literature of Assam was in the year 1800 A. D. more extensive and varied than that of Bengal. The Mahabhdrata and Ramayana were translated into the Assamese language by Ramsaraswati and Sri Honkor (Sankar) nearly 400 years ago long before Kirtti-bâs or Kasi Dis published their Bengali translations. The Sri Bhagawata and the Bhagavat Gitá were translated into Assamese, both in prose and verse, by different authors nearly at the same time, and not only were other principal Sanskțit works relating to Religion, Medicine, History, Drama and other subjects, translated by successive authors, but & considerable collection of historical works of considerable authenticity, composed in original Assamese, and styled Baranjis, had, it appears, existed since the Thirteenth Century of the Christian era.
In support of these facts, we subjoin the following catalogue of original books and translations from the Sanskrit, written in the Assamese language :--
Catalogue of Assamese Books, Hindu Religious Works, and Purans, The Srimat Bhagawat, translated from the Sanskřit in verse by Sri Honkor.” The Srimat Bhagawat, translated from the Sanskrit in prose by Kabi Ratna. 1 I owo my acquaintance with this pamphlet to the kindness of Mr. E. A. Gait, I. C. S.
- Brf Honkor ( Baokar ) the founder of the MALA Purohid seot of Vaish Arm in Assam, who flourished (in the reign of Rajah Nari-narayana) about 100 years ago, and his contemporaries Bimasaraswatt alias Ananta Kondoli

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(MARCE, 1896.
The Mahabharata, translated from Sanskrit by Ramsaraswati alias Ananta Kondoli. The Ramayana, translated from Sanskrit by Ramsaraswati alias Ananta Kondoli. Govinda Misra's translation in verse of the Bhagawat Gita. Kabi Ratna's translation in prose of the Bhagawat Gitd. Gita Gunamála. The Kirtan of Sri Honkor. Daham (Dalam, or tenth book of the Bhagavata Purdna) of Sri Honkor. Bhakti Ratnáwali, by Madhab. Bhakti Premáwali, by PuroBattam. Ratnakar, in prose. Ratnákar Tika, by Madhab Deb. Bhakti Pradip, by Honkor. Vaishnavampit. Gupta Sintamani (Chintamam). Amulya Ratna. Guna Mald, by Sri Honkor. Líld Mála. Bhatima. Chapai Totai. Hdzári Ghöhd. N& Ghoha. Katha Ghohd. Dipika Sanda (Chanda). Naba pidha (Siddha). Anddi Patan. Udhawa Hambád (Saravdda). Janma Nirnai. Јапта Rahaya. Hánta (Sánta) Nirnas. Kan Khód. Prahlad Saritra (Charitra). Bhima Saritra. Shyamanta Haran. Rukmini Haran. Ua (Usha) Haran, Kumar Haran. Ram Kirtan. Rám Gura Mald. Bhim Saritra. Madhab Saritra. Honkor Saritra, by Kaņthábhushan. Honkor Saritra, by Dotyári Thakar. Déb Gépal Saritra. Bura Bhasya. Deka Bhasya. Náma Máliká. Bijai Daham. Harivangsha, oy Bhawananda. Kriyôg sdhara Vishnu, by Deb Goswami.
and Madbab appear to have been the earliest writers in the Assamese language. The greater portions of the religious works mentioned in this oatalogue were written by them, though the works of Kabi Ratna, Aviruddha. aud others are also numerona.

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MARCH, 1896.)
ASSAMESE LITERATURE.
Bista Hari Akhyan. Brahma Vaivarta Purán, by Shâbhanath ("Sobhânáth). Dharma Purán. Bamana Puran. Utkal Khanda. Markandeya Purán. Itihús Purán. Bhavishyat Purdn, by Sharobhanma Bhatacharjya. Náradiya Puran. Brahmanda Purán, by Ramgovinda. Vishnu Puran, by Ramgovinda. Káliká Purán, by Brajanath. Karma Purán. ddhyátmá Rámáyan. Harisandra (Harichandra) Akhyán.
History:
In no department of literature do the Assamese appear to have been more successful than in history. Remnants of historical works that treat of the times of Bhagadatta, & contemporary with Râjâ Yudhishthira, are still in existence. The chains of historical events, however, since the last 600 years, has been carefully preserved, and their authenticity can be relied upon. It would be difficult to name all the historical works, or as they are styled by the Assamese, Baranjis. They are numerous and voluminous. According to the customs of the country, a knowledge of the Búrañjis was an indispensable qualification in an Assamese gentleman; and every family of distinction, and especially the Government and the public officers, kept the most minate records of historical events prepared by the learned Pandits of the country.
These histories were therefore, very namerous, and generally agree with each other in their relation of events. A large number is still to be found in the possession of the ancient families.
In 1829, Haliram Dhekial Phukan printed and published, in the Bengali language, a brief compilation from the Barañjis ; and in 1844, Rådhânâth Bor Barua and Kasinath Tâmůli Phukan published at the American Mission Press, a somewhat more comprehensive work on the history of Assam in Assamese. A portion of the History of Kåmrüp has been also since published by the Missionaries in the Orunudoi (Arunodaya) Magazine.
Medicine. The Hindu system of medicine was professionally studied in Assam by numerous families of distinction; and many of the officers in the courts of the Ahom kings were professed physicians. Some knowledge of medicine constituted one of the chief accomplishments of a well-bred Assamese gentleman. The learned physicians translated into plain Assamese almost all the principal Sanskțit works on medicine, as they were known in Assam. The Sanskrit Medical Dictionary, the Chikitsárnada and the Nidán have been rendered into Assamese. In fact, the text books of learned physicians were often translated into their mother tongue for the use of beginners as a preparatory course for entering into the study of the original works. We have seen several works of the kind, though we cannot now quote their names from memory.
Dramatic Works. The Assamese seem to be zealously devoted to theatrical amusements; and scarcely & month passes in the villages in which some of the dramas composed in Assamese are not performed in the public Namghors. The dramatic works having for their subjects chiefly some

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MARCH, 1896.
historical events treated of in the Mahabharata, Ramdyana or Srimat Bhagawata, are purely original productions, written principally by Honkor, Madhab and their followers. The following list will suffice to shew, their nature :Kangha (Kansa) Badl.
Nriņingha (Nrisiiñha) Játra. Bali Salan (Chhalan).
Tal Bhañjan. Pariját Haran.
Durbáñá (Darvásá) Bhojan. Káli Daman.
Gráha Gajindra. Ráh.
Pátaná Badh. Sita Shayambar.
Chakrabát Badh. Bhojan Byabahár.
Khi (Kést) Badh. Rájsúya.
Jaraħandha Badh. Dadhi Mathan.
Byamba Badh. Patní Prahad (prasáda).
Pralamba Badh. Bastra Haran.
Baka Badh. Kumar Haran.
Agha hura (Aghasura) Badh. Pipari Gúsúa.
Mahirwana Badh. Rukmini Haran.
Rawana Badh. Shyamánta Haran.
Kulásal Badh. Sita Haran.
Radha Kộishna Ņambad. Amrita Mathan.
Bhimi Lotoá. Hara Mβλα».
Gúlli Párá. Sitá Patál.
Ajamil Pakhya. Rámáswamedh.
Krishna Nirján. Govardhana Játrá.
Bhishma Nirján.
Arithmetio. • One Bakul Kaistha appears to have been the earliest and most popular writer on arithmetic. He writes in verse, and gives important rules on surveying. He also translated into Assamese portions of the Sanskřit Lilávati.
Dictionaries. Jaduram's Bengali and Assamese Dictionary. This is a voluminous work, supposed to contain almost all the important Assamese words. It was written by Jaduram Deka Baruâ in 1839 for Colonel Jenkins, and by him presented to the American Baptist Mission.
Mrs. Cutter's Vocabulary and Phrases, in English and Assamese, - Mission Press, 1840, pp. 251.
Assamese Works published by the Serampore Missionaries. The whole of the Bible was translated and published in the Assamese language by the Serampore Missionaries with the aid of Atmâram Shorma, an Assamese Pandit, in the year 1813. A second edition was issued from the Serampore Press in 1833.
St. Luke's Gospel revised by Mossrs. Robinson and Rae. Robinson's Assamese Grammar, 1840.
Assamese Works published by the American Baptist Mission in Assam. . [Most of these are omitted. They are educational works, and Missionary tracts and translations of the Pilgrim's Progress. A few important ones only are given.]
Miscellaneous. Brown's Grammatical Notices - English and Assamese. The Orunudoi - A monthly magazine, continued from 1846 to the present time.

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MARCH, 1896.]
THE DEVIL WORSHIP OF THE TULUVAS.
61
Soriptures. New Testament (3rd edition). Life and Gospel of Christ. A part of the Psalms of David.
• Assamese being the medium of communication with the hill tribes of Assam, the following books have been prepared with corresponding Assamese columns, or separato Assamese translations :Spelling Book and Vocabulary, in English, Assamese, and Shyan or Khamti. Do.
in English, Assamese, Singpho and Naga Catechism in Shyan, History of the Creation, in Shyan. Catechism, in Naga. Worcester's Primer, in Naga. Phrases, in English and Naga.
Do. in English and Singpho.
In view of the above catalogue of Assamese books, embracing such an extended variety, what shall we say of the statement, that the Assamese is merely a provincial speech, like the Yorkshire or Wiltshire patois in England; and that it is an unfit medium for communicating knowledge to the masses ?
A large number of works, both original and translations, have not reached us, and a great many appear to have been so mach scattered over the country, that they have never come to our notice.
The number of works, especially those of a historical character, that were lost during the late Burmese war, and the Muttack insurrection, when the whole country was in a state of revolution with incredible loss of lives and property, must ever be a deep source of regret. Båt the list, above given, however small, wholly refates the notion that the Assamese have no distinct literature of their own.'
THE DEVIL WORSHIP OF THE TULUVAS. FROM THE PAPERS OF THE LATE A. C. BURN ELL.
(Continued from Vol. XXIV., Page 272.)
BURNELL M88, No. 18.
THE SONG OF KALKUDA. Original, in the Kanarese character, occupies, text and translation, leaves 280 to 232 inclusive of the Barnell MSS. Transliteration by Dr. Männor: translation from Burnell's MS., checked by Dr. Männer.
Text.
Kalkuda Paddana. “Niry patty niwalla ! Pery patty jajálla ! Babipala-nallere kallâņa! Malpiñchitti páli kenla! Mangalûru sârály paņpi pari kinla! Mulki orm bamagane panpi pári kênla ! Banter sära sime paņpi pari keala! Manely hobali paņpi pari kənla je wadye! Mogery munndaly pappi pari kênla, yê!"
Åpagane nâna patti nadunda Kella Puche Mantradi, appe ulloļu Kalabairt, amme allena Bawa Kalkude. Äkulegy patti magalullola Durgamme. Atena samayoga eiyeregy worti Bangadi. Wori Kalkude chembattalyda bele benpenð; nana wori Yellara Kalkude kañchi kadumugtuda bele benpeno; nana wori allenð marata bele benpend; Narna Kalkude-tyo chitrada bele benpendeno.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MARCH, 1896.
* Yâny pôpe Belgulagu."
Bolguladu Gummada sami bêle benpen ande. "Bele bentara Kalkudâ mulláty mune bảry, dâty kôredinte bele benodu ?” andydg ammagų paņde. "Balada bhagodu Gummaqady woñji kappe woñji sire niry undu."
Andydy pande mage:--"YAny bendi bélegy wori ûna pantyji" andydy. bolli katti bêsatte dettonde. Tana jiwogu tâny ûunondenÅ 'Sûwa Kalkude. "Eiyaya amnere mage bele tuwere battenê-nina jiwa Ikaļewondanê." Andydų panpe Sambu Kalkude. Ammany siletty pidudene manta bêle benpe Samba Kalkude. Karļa saraly barpery, Gummadany tûwere ; yenkuleg? jenkulegy bele benpå wodundu paņdery. Belgulądy mây âye Sambu Kalkude Kârlady jôgâyena. Kårļaly woñji Koludda hecha bendenÅ Kalkudeye.
Yentra sûrály baruwerg Kärlagy tanukulegyla añchene nå tåwodundy. Åkula barpineny tủye nädade Gummadani saruta malte mayakâye âpagane. Atena samayodu yênûrndu jóga bende (undaye) Yênûrudu yêlêly wottu padinâly billuddo bêle hecha bende. Einy tûyery Bairana Sūdery kei wonji, kâry woñji deppâdery yê.
(Sambu Kalkudanau), "panawadu mêly jâtidy hina." Bảirana Súdery yê-n ana-ula dum buda" charyonde 'Sambu Kalkude.
Woñji keity Gummandany milpadiyenâ mâya ayena. Mâykyidêwadê Kariñjady bêle benpende. Káriñjadły bêle bennaga Birta Aļdyandary Mitta Addyandaru tûwere battery.
"Wonji karuda woñji keità dê wastano raddy kattydy pallyakelogy bali," japudanå andydy kändery.
" Bali (galigegy," japudende Sambu Kalkude.
"Igaligegy malpanaye iyo," andydy môạe gubbiyery. Åkulu pôpery dewasta na kattiyena gôpura hirdiyena; kalla pañchâmga pagara angana sutta malten jalakogu kere ma!te; weipere têrn malte-mitta dê wastana kattude; birtadêwasta nogu battená bunadi padiye, Aye dêwastana raddylâ pallyåwandi ulaiji kattiyena. Pallyada balinkye pidada yenâ Hirta Addandâry Mitta Addandâry kêndydų pary bannaga, dêwere appaņe andų daneadanda. “Angana jappande madely mattandendydy woñji târaida niry wode mutta barpundo ade mutta jâgy, a de matta jâgy deweregu kolpundi dewastânogu baroli andudy paņdery."
Woñji târaidaniry nútra (120 muļi) mudi kandogu suttu battynddy. Dêweregy sûwatti koriyery. Dåre yerôdery ganda purusado dettondery.
“Yang pôpe (Samba Kalkude) tenykâyi Gange miyere." Ubârzdy Ubâra Tirta miyenaye. "Badakayi Baļu Sênery pôti raj ogu Gange miyere pôpende yê-adegy.” Pôye Gange miyenâ
Translation. "Take away the Bhúta in the water, O god ! Offer milk! Help thy servants! Hear advice ! Hear the advice of a thousand people of Mangalûr. Hear the advice of the people of nine Mágnes at Mulki, Hear the advice of a thousand people of the Bants. Hear the advice of the people of Manel. Hear the advice of three hundred inhabitants of Mugês."
Now there is a village called Kolla Puchchye Mantradi, where Kalkude was born. His mother was one Kala Bairi, and his father one Siva Kalkuda. Their daughter's name was Durgamma. To five brothers there was one sister. One son was a copper-smith; another, Yellúr Kalkuda, was a bell-metal smith; another a carpenter; another, Nûrna Kalkuda, was & carver.
"I will go to Belgaļa," said he (Tambu Kalkuda).
His father was making an idol of Gummata at Belgula. "Have you finished Gammata without making a fault as large as a thistle-thorn or as a grain of rice P" said he to his father. “There is a frog and handful of water on the right side of Gummata."

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MARCH, 1896.)
THE DEVIL WORSHIP OF THE TULUVAS.
“No one has yet found any fault in my work," said his father, and took a knife with a silver handle and killed himself,
“O my father, your son came to see your work only, but you have killed yourself!" said Sambu Kalkuda.
He buried his father and began to work in his place. Then a thousand people of Karkal came to see the Gammata, and said they wanted one like it; so Sambu Kalkuda disappeared from Belgula and appeared at Kårka!, where he made a Gammata two cubits higher than that at Belgala).
A thousand people of Yênur came to see the Gummata at Karkal, and said that they also wanted to establish one like it, and in the same way. When he saw them coming, he raised the Gummata straight up and disappeared immediately, going to Yênür. He made a Gummata, seven and seven, altogether fourteen, kôls 18 higher than that at Kirku!). One Bairana Sada saw this and broke one of his legs and a hand.
"Bairana Süda, you are rich and of a mean caste. You will see what happens hereafter, said Samba Kalkada.
He raised the Gummata straight up by only one hand, and disappeared, going on to Karinja, where he said that he would work at something. While he was working there Hitta Adyandar and Mitta Adyandar came to see his work. "
“ Can you build two temples with only one hand and one leg? And will you go early in the morning all round the temple ?" asked they.
“ I shall make a round of the temple at once," said Sambu Kalkuda.
"Are you the man to finish such a work at once ?'' said they, and spat in his face, and went away.
He built one temple and a high building in front of it. He made a stone wall around the temple. He made a tank for bathing. He made a car, in which to draw the god. In this manner he built the temple on the higher ground and came to the lower ground. He laid a foundation for the second temple and built on it. He built two temples before the morning and made the god to turn over the temple in the morning. When Hirta Adyandar and Mitta (Milla) Adyandar heard this and came running, the god ordered them not to touch the walls and not to come into the yard.
"If so much ground as the water in a cocoanut will surround is presented to me you may enter the temple !" said the god.
Then it turned out that the water in a cocoanat was sufficient to pour around a place sowing a hundred and twenty muras of paddy! This place was presented to the god, and they received sandal and flowers.
"I go to bathe in the Ganga in the south 1" Samba Kalkuda bathed in pare water at the Ubara Tirta at Ubara.
"I will go to bathe in the Gangå in the north, whither Baļa Sénava has gone." He went and bathed there, too.
BURNELL MSS. No. 17.
POSA MAHÅRÅYE. Original, in the Kanarese character, occupies, text and translation, leaves 233 and 234 of the Burnell MSS. Translation according to the Burnell MSS.
** Two cubits = 1 kol.

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Translation. There were four kambalas (large paddy fields on four sides of the palace at Poukule. The kambalas were plongbed at noon, and when this bappened the Bhata Pa Maharaya was feasted in the evening with a thousand young cocoanuts, a kalasé of boiled rice, 19 and a thousand sére of rice flour. In this manner Aitha Sattival, the richest man in the place, performed the feast, bringing out ancient ornaments of bell-metal kept at Perala. He presented sufficient gold and silver ornaments and built a wataw, and he presented the Bhúta with a head-ornament, rings for his ears, ornaments for his neck, a large ring for the arms and jewelled bangle for his wrist, another for his neck, a cover for his back, and a bench to sit on. Then the Bhâta told him that he wanted the honors that are given to god, viz., a bell and a sword, such as are given to Brahmi. Then he was presented with two drums. He also wanted a piece of land and a fire burning at his stone. He further wanted a matam where a feast to him was to be performed.
He went to Kurodal Barke and had a feast at Kuyels Berike. A fag was raised at noon and a feast was performed in the evening for him. Then he went to a place called Muli Botti Guttu. There he asked for a feast in the evening and a flag to be raised at noon, Kitna Naika at Beldà made a feast for him. Padama Settiva! performed a feast at his new house. Rama Parbu at Nayi performed a feast. Kittappa Naiks at Pariri Gutta performed a feast. Kuttappa Naika at Lower Pañja performed a feast. Vaji Naika at Upper Pañja performed a feast. Aitha Settiva! performed a feast. Chinnaya Fêttivaļ at Middle Pañja performed a feast for bim, Gerappa Kaiyar in a lower part of Pañja performed a feast for him. Sanku Baidya in Upper Pañja performed a feast. Dama Baidya at a hut by an oil-mill performed a feast for him. Koti Baidya at Alke Bail performed a feast. Basava Baidya at Guri Kanda performed a feast.
Some persons from Kuvvidal Barke were going to bespeak a marriage at Muli Botti Guttu, where there were some girls who were very beautiful. The mother's name of one was Abbaye, and of another Då rå. Kana Bettival arranged to be married to Banda Kamboli at Kuvvidal Barke. He saw the girl on a Tuesday, and promised to send neck jewels by the next Tuesday. On the next Tuesday the girl was bronght to Kuvvidal Barke, and the marriage was performed on Wednesday. The girl came to her maturity as soon as the marriage was over. She bathed once or twice on the next days, and bathed on the fourth day; but there was no water for bathing on the fifth day. So a well was dag in a kambala where two pikottas were put up. Her busband told her to take her dirty cloths and to go to the well to bathe. When she went there, there was no water. Then she went towards Muli Botti Gattu. When she had passed two kambalas on the road, she reached Daiyangule Mana, where she was concealed by the Bhata Posa Maharaye. He made her to disappear from Ankronda Adda to this place. Kana Sêttival prayed to him and promised that he would perform a feast if he would bring back the girl. The girl answered the call, but did not ярреаг.
Then Pôsa Mahârâye went to Eravail Paramèsvart and stood on her right side. " You are a god and may stay in the temple : I will remain in the matam," said he.
BURNELL MSS. No. 18.
KANNALAYE. Original, in the Kanarese character, occupies, text and translation, leaves 235 to 239 inclusive of the Barnell MSS.31 Translation according to Burnell MSS.
11 Oue kaland=18 afra.
* It is usual for Bhatas to have a particular stone attached to them. - Leates 237, 238 and 289 are blank.

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MARCH, 1896.)
THE DEVIL WORSHIP OF THE TULUVAS.
65
Translation. There was a mother named Soyframma Taiyar, a father named-Guru Sarapoli Naika, and an ancle named Babe Banava. Guru Sarapoli had four children. One of them was called Aru Adana Śétti ; another Unnappa Sêgi ; another Darama Setti; another Bandaram Setti. For those four children he built a building on the sea-shore. He brought some sand for them to write on. He put up a sloping table for them. Then the children began by writing on the sand, and when they could write on boards their father brought some leaves of
palm-tree, put them in the morning sun and heaped them together in the evening son. He cut off both the ends of the leaves, and trimmed the edges. He put turmeric on the leaves. The children wrote on a bundle of such leaves and tied them to a tree in the street.
Then they took ink saying, “Wo will hereafter write in English. They wrote superior writings on stamped papers and kept them safe in their house.
"We have become clever, and so now let us build four shops on the sea-shore," said they. They put curry-staffs into one shop, wheat and Bengal gram into'another; into anther a kind of rice called sans : into another clothes. In this way, they had separate things in four shops.
Then they left off this trade and began to deal in bullocks. At Kermin Sald on the Ghåţs there was one Yollappu Gands. They went to him and said :
- Yellappu Ganda, we want a pair of bullocks. Tell us the price and give us the ballock quickly and the straw for them ! Give us & superior kind of bullocks."
He brought bullocks differing in the colours of their four legs. Brown was the colour of their tails; white the colour of their heads and white were their tongues ! He sold them with the straw for them. They paid three hundred rupees, and then they brought them to the chávadi of a woman named Saminandedl. They called her and asked her & foot's length of ground on which to cook.
“We give food to those who take it, and fruit to those who will not take food; but our ancestors never gave a place for cooking, and we will not give it now," said she.
Then she asked their caste and supplied them with water. Then Kappslaye caused Saminandadi to disappear and he went to his matam.
BURNELL M88. No. 18.
THE WANDERINGS OF JUMAPI. Original, in the Kanarese character, occapies, text and translation, leaf 240 and part of leaf 241 of the Burnell MSS. Translation according to the Burnell MSS.
Translation. He came from Sarakime in Magêrnad. He passed the pleasure-garden in Bantwal. He came to Aiyyandálpaţta in Ambadadi. There he entered the gudi of Brahmå served by five Bhůtas. After this, he passed the banyan tree in Pachhanádka. He ascended the hill in Beñjana. In Amuñje he saw Brahmå of Adibeyta. He passed the jack-tree in Poiyye and the banyan tree in Podikára. He visited the goddess Paramlávarl of Paraļa. The three thousand men of Parala assembled, and he was offered sacrifice at the gate of Parala. He required 8 sthana, and took possession of the sthána in Uripade. He said that he intended to walk a long distance, and crossed the river at Addanda. He passed the village of tge. He passed Kalibolur, and visited the Bhúta Munditaya of Mulur. He passed the Sala Ferry and visited Bannåkala of Apaje. He took possession of the sthána on the bill in Ballammole. He visited the god Amţitesvara, and required that a sacrifice should be offered him in the yard of the temple, and it was offered accordingly. He took possession of the thing in Padarodi and

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MARCH, 1896.
received sacrifice in Pâlatikatte. He passed by Doniñje and Kallamugêr. He came to Aiyyandalpatta, and thence passed on to the bidu in Sampiñja. He visited the Kartu, Sarakullaya.
66
He sent small-pox and sharp pain into Samujad. The prasna-book was brought out to discover the cause of this sudden disaster. They found that a Bhúta equal to a god had come into the kingdom, and they asked him to tell them what he wanted. He required a swinging cot set with pearls to be put up for him in the bidu in Tampiñjal; the dagger used by the Balla! of Aiyyandul; the sthana in Mudar to be consecrated to him; a flag to be raised to him, and to be drawn in a car. The god in that place was called the Eternal God, and this Bhúta became known as the Eternal Jumâḍi.
BURNELL MSS. No. 20. THE STORY OF JARANTAYA.
character, text and translation, occupies part of leaf 241 and Translation according to the Burnell MSS.
Translation.
Original, in the Kanarese leaf 242 of the Burnell' MSS.
A bhatta of Barebail and a magician of Dêrebail, together with four other bhaṭṭas had seed enough for sowing and a field to cultivate, but had no bull-buffaloes for ploughing. A certain man had brought four thousand bull-buffaloes to Buleribuddyottu. They heard the news and passed Poiyye and a house in Nirmârga, and came to Buleribuddyoṭṭu. Then they saw the four thousand bull-buffaloes, and asked the owner to tell them the price of two bull-buffaloes.
"One thousand pagodas for the fore-legs and one thousand for the hind-legs," said he.
They then prayed to Jarantaya saying: "If you make our minds and the bull-buffaloes to agree with each other, we will make you our family-god. We will worship you at the right. hand of our god in our house at Maiyya, both in the time of prosperity and in the time of distress."
He made their minds and the bull-buffaloes to agree with each other! And the bhaṭṭas returned home, taking the two ball-buffaloes with them. They returned by way of Poiyye and passed the house in Nirmârga.
They had worshipped the Bhûta for about six months, one year or two years, when, after a short time, famine appeared. Then he required that a dagger should be placed in his sana.
He took possession of the sthana in Maniyal, requiring that the flag should be raised and that he should be drawn in a car. On leaving the sthánas in Poiyye, Nirmârga, and Maniyal he settled himself in Sâira. He required that the sthana in Vañjare should be given to him. He next made himself known as the "Three Bhutas of Saira." He ascended the hill in Adḍanda, and visited the god Mañjunâtha at Kadri, the god Sarva, Brahmâ of Alake and fourteen other Bhutas. He took possession of two mathas, known as the Kariyâne and the Boliyane. He entered the mathas and kept a numerous guard in them.
The soothsayer was questioned as to the cause of this disaster.23
"If you give me half of the land belonging to the matha, I will relieve you from the disaster that has befallen you," said Jârantâya.
Half of the land belonging to the matha was given to Jârantâya. The man relieved by the Bhûta was one Dêvu Baidya. The Bhûta said that that he wanted a dagger in his sana, and Dêvu Baidya caused a sána to be built for him in Bolûr, after which the Bhûta became known as the umbrella (guardian) of the hundreds of families in the four quarters.
22 [The native artist in illustrating him, however, calls him Foolish Jumadi! - ED.] 23 [A gap in the legend here. - ED.]

Page #71

ಜು
ಏ.
ಉತವಕ
ಒಮ್ಮೊಂಹ
33
ಕ
ಪಾಪ...
ce
++-- 4
+
+
-
-
*
=
q
* *
i, Gಳ
IV.-The Devil Worship of the Tuļuvas. Fig. 1. Attaver Daiyonguld. Fig. 2. Foolish Jumadi.

Page #72


Page #73

MARCE, 1896.]
THE DEVIL WORSHIP OF THE TULUVAS.
BURNELL MSS. No. 21.
PERAR BOLANDI. The original tert, in the Kanarese character, occupies leaf 243 of the Barnell MSS. There is no translation of this short tale given in the Burnell MSS.
BURNELL M88. No. 22. SOME ACCOUNT OF MIJAR# KODAMANATÁYA. Original, in the Kanarese character, ocorpies, text and translation, leaf 244 of the Burnell MSS. Translation according to the Burnell MSS.
Translation. He came to the temple of the god Irvail, and required that a fennt should be celebrated for him in the yard of the temple. On leaving it he passed the village of Darana in the East, and the gudi of the goddess Mahamahi. He passed the hill named Boļakallu (white stones), and came to Irandulptta. He visited the Baragas of Irandalpatta, and required that & sacrifice should be offered him in Kukki Katte.
"The sacrifice is sufficient; now I want a sana," said he. “I want the daggers of Irandůlpatta, Kukki Katte and the sthana in Kemraje."
He said also that he would make himself known as the umbrella (guardian) of Kommula. jebettu, Mijarguttu and Irandal.
BURNELL MSS. No. 23.
THE ACTS OF KÅNTUNEKRI BHUTA. Original, in the Kanarese character, occupies, text and translation, leaves 245 and 246 of the Burnell M3s. Translation according to Burnell MSS.
Translation. A sudden disaster came upon the world. It reached the Sthana in Panambur. The thousand men of Panambar assembled in the bidu, and triod to find out the cause of tho calamity. After finding it out, they put the calamity in a magio-box and had the box taken to the bidu ia Pagambar, placing it in the centre of the bid. They opened the box ;whoever looked into it became blind; whoever heard of it became doaf.
The hero (the Bhuta) entered the person of a woman named Kivart of Panambar. The people referred to the praśna-book to ascertain the cause of the calamity. Thay found that a Bhūta, who was as agreeable as the gold worn on the body to Bunnikula of Gujjer, and whe might well be the crown of a family, had come to the bids of Paņımbaar in an invisible shape. The Bhúta required that his sina should be furnished with a dagger, and caused the sina to be built behind the bidu, and dwelt in it.
On leaving Salapatta in Panambůr, he crossed the river at Aldanda, and came to the hill in Pirya-paiyyar. On leaving Ainûdala patta, he settled himself in Saira, and contracted friendship with the god Mañjunatha, the god Sarva, Brahma of Alake and fourteen Bhůtas. He made himself known as one of the Five Bhutas of Siirs, and said that he wanted the dagger of Saira, and a dagger for his sána at Podãyibettu. Ho made himself known as one of the Alve Bhůtas, and as the umbrella (guardian) of Saira.
BURNELL MSS. No. 24.
THE ACTS OF MAGRANDAYA. Original, in the Kanarese character, occupies, text and translation, leaves 247 to 252 inclusive of the Burnell MSS.25 Transliteration by Dr. Månner: translation from the Burnell
21 This word is misprinted Miyår at Vol. XXIII., p. 2, ante. Leaf 251 is blank and leaf 252 is missing.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MARCH, 1896.
MSS. checked by Dr. Männer. An autograph note states that Burnell procured this tale from the Pombala Kinta, at Mangalore, in February 1874.
MAGRANDÀYA PÅDDANA. Panjipadida barke-auļu wonji appegy Nalu jana baleluge-akule padary Kamarei Bhatterandydy woñji, Raigapparei Bhatterandydy wori, Ujappurei Bhatterandgdy won, Nandappurei Bhatterandydy wori. Ako!a an! Woji båduduittery. Magrana kala meggyagola Palayagylâ nyaya battandų. Meggye panderg Irega yei ka woñji budu sallandy. Wonji karatty bawana sallandy andydy pandery. Woñji guwelyda nirg sallandy. Yany dêsântrogu pope andụdy megye pandern. Nadirudaga bolli kudredų kuldery, årg. Bollida (bolpu) sattye pattâyery. Nada dîtige (panchadițige) påttayery. Panipadida barke kadaterų. Mayadamake kadatery. Addada padawu pattiyery: Magerynady sime kadatery. Pånemugеry poyye kadatery. AmbadAdi Aindale Pata (magane) kadatery. Yêryada goli Kadatery. Pilipánjara kadatery. Kallumajaly Kalkary kadatery. Nugra kambula kadaterg. Piryodi dêwere dêwastandinle Bannaga nilwery piriwedidiry brânery. Kudigrama sayirola dê wastanoda küdudery. Imberenụ tùyinäkuļa Bondada kanige kondu battery. Kondatti kadigeny gettondery Bafta Ballaye yeukule jâtida nyâya kêndy Korodandu Pirwodidarylå Kodigramamaganelá Kêndery, Yang Manglarugu pôdu barpo Aidydo bokkanikule nyâya kêndydy korpe Andydų battery ullâye pandery. Peryodi dêwere dêwastana kadatery. Tumbê Ulauru kadatery Kiladibannale Barke kadatery. Varadeswara dêwere Stala kadatery. Addyara magane kaçatery, Gaddeda châwadi kadatert. Gajjarakêda kadatery. Manglúru samstå pogu battery. Mangloru arasulenu tûyery. Kei mugkyery-woļtu Batta, wodegy popa Andydy Manglúru arasule appane andy. Aiky Pañjipadida barikedy. Worti appegy nálwery båle lu itta Meggsågula palayaggla wotra kalau Battundy. Yång dêsantroga popo Andydy battini,

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THE DEVIL WORSHIP OF THE TULUVAS.
Tre arike malpere batte andydų Batta Ballâye pandery. Aiky arasuļa i desantro powodji 1 Kudigrâma maganedų Kaichigåra Kêridydų pattinau Arkula tary Mutta yena hêlikedy ndkikära padewonyduppula. Andydy arasuļu parxlery Maganeda adhikâra koriyerg Maganeda gadi pattieru. Ula ùru aramane kattâyery - Bhatta Ballage Kattydų wokkelâyery. Bhattery ullaya marmaly Toipergadedary andydų. Äregą wartamâna îndu Ulaurada tana tam male budu kattiyery andydų Marmaly Pañjipadida barkedydy jattydų battery. Åredoppa Magrandaye Pañjipaqida barkedudu beriye batte. Marmaly Ulaura aramanegy battery. Latti galigegy tammale marmaleny tūdu Santôśa malton dory. Marmaly battaly andydy ani râtredy Magrandaye Bhattery ullayagų swapnodu tôjiye Ire marmile beri pattonudu batte. Irų santosody illary, Tre râjoda yenkulegy woñji mâda i woda andydy Swapnoda tôjyindy. Dlanadáni Kudigrama maganeny Ulaûra aramanedu Bhattery ullâye kadayery. Kadady yenkule janana kattaleda Bhúta (kula bhůta) Panjipadi barikedụdy baude. Äyagy irijiyoda woñji mada awodyndydy Swapna åndy. Nikulu maganedAkulu dâne panpary andy ly Bhata Ballâye maganeda kêndery. Aiky maganedákuļu pandini ire appaņegy Yenkulu mirayo. Ire appane yeñcha apunda ancha nadapuwa andery. Bhattery ullâyelâ mâgenelů Kanapadu Mida kattayery. Mada kattady bhandi andy. Kodi yêryndy, nêma andy, Ânêma tüwere battery. Arkula baduda Déwu Nayikery Setti nêma tûyery. Areny & Bhúta tundu. Singarada purpa lettudy Korpayery. Are beriye batte. Kanapadidayo Battydy můlu (DEwunagikere illady) sankadodu. Kondu pâdiye balimedy kêndery. Kanapaļi dâye ire beri pattonudu batte. Ayagy ire jâgydy sâna âwodandydy Tojidy barpundy andydy nimityada bhattery pandery. Tana wokkeluny kûdâyeru Dêwunâyike Kuļády yâny Kanapadi âyana tuwere pûye. Alty yena beri pattonudu â Bhata battyndy. Baļime kêņnaga ayagy mûļu sânalâ âwodandydy

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[MARCE, 1898.
Tôji battynd!. Nikuļu dâne panpary andydy Dêwanngikery Tana wokkeluny kenderu. Wokkely pangery ire appaņe miraya. Îregy yechinda nüchenû yeukulegy andydy. Dowunayikerla wokkelyla Gummaly Durgada mada kattiyery. Auļu kodi yêryndy. Ayana andy. Aula pudary leppâyery, Bhata Magrandayo andudų Nadladu kodi yêrîdî bandi Adų nêma ayi magrana. Kila Magrandaya Banţe altı pidadiye. Kadre Manjunatha dewere staloku batte. Aro bhétimalte. Are appare indy. Yeyyâdidy Jirandâya sana unda, adegy pôla and dy Yeyyadigy pôge. Jarandayany andų maltonde. Jarandaga såna horatudy bête sinoñji kattânwonde. Järandûyn nümoduda bokka ayagyla nêma indy. Altų lakkiye Mangalûru pênțedi. Kalama dówereny tûyo. Aro bhoți maltoņde. Achirileny nály úru andydų panypunda. Akalenu andı maltonde. Akalamma dəwere dêwastinada bakilydy - Nêma gettonde Auchenê a néma ini muttalê nadatydy barpuļu.
Translation. A mother had four children at Panjapadi, whose names were Kimaraya Battalle,26 Rangapparaya Battallo, Ujjappuraya Battalle, and fourth Nandappuraya Battalle. They lived in a bílu. In the second year quarrels arose between the elder and the youngest brothers.
The youngest brother said to the elder: "We cannot live in one house ; we cannot take rice boiled in one pot. We cannot drink water from the same well: so I go to a foreign country."
The youngest brother mounted a white horse at midnight, and made one servant hold a white umbrella, and another hold torches; and thus he left Paõjapadi. He crossed the river Mayi and passed over a plain at Addl. He came to Magernad. He then passed by a sandbank at Panimuger, and by a place called Aidâlepatta at Ambadadi; by a Banian-tree at the village of Erya; by a place called Pilipáñjara; by the places called Kalmajel and Kalkür; und by the lambala at the village of Nungra.
Wheu he came to the temple of the god at Periyodi, four Bråbmans of Periyodi and a thousand men of Kudigrama were gathered together at the temple. They saw him and gare him tonder cocoanuts. The Battallaya took the tender cocoanuts brought by them, and the inhabitants of Periyoili and of Kudigráma Mágne asked him to settle quarrels among them about their caste.
"I must go to Mangalur, but will return back again, and settle your quarrels," said the Battalle.
He passed by a temple at Periyodi; by the villages of Tumbê and Uļaûr, and by a place called Kilaļibannikulu. He passed by the temple of Varadés vará, and the Magne of
26 (That is, apparently, Bhata. -ED.)

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THE DEVIL WORSHIP OF THE TULUVAS.
S71
Adyar; the chávadi of the village of Gadde; the tank called Gajjarakeda, and came to Mangalûr. He visited the King of Mangalur, and saluted him.
"From where do you come P And where are you going P" asked the King of Mangalar.
“We were born four children to one mother at Pañjapadi. Quarrels arose berween us brothers, and I left with the intention of going to a foreign country, and also to inform you of this matter," said the Battalle.
"Do not go to foreign country. It is better that you remain here under my authority, cultivating lands which lie between the Kanchigara Keri in this village of Kudigrama and the stream at the village called Arkula," said the king.
Authority over the Magne was given to him and a boundary was made. The Battalie made his people build a palace at the village called Ulaûr and entered the palace.
The Battalle had a niece named Toipergadether, who came to know that her uncle had now a palace at Ulaur. So she left Pañjapadi, and Magrandaya the Bhata followed her from Panjapadi. The girl came to the palace at Ulaur, and as soon as she came there, her uncle saw her and was glad that his niece had come to him. That night the Battalle saw Magrandaya in dream, who said: -
"I followed your niece, and you are now very happy : therefore, give me a matham in this your country."
Thus was the complaint heard by tue Battalle in a dream. Next day the inhabitants of Kudigrama Magne were called to the Uļaûr palace by the Batta!le, and he said to them:
"A Bhata, which is worshipped by my family, has arrived from Pañjapidi. I have had a dream that he wants a matham in this country. You people of the Magne, what do you say "
Thus asked the Battasle of the people of the Magne.
“ We do not disregard your order; we are ready to do what yon order," said the people of the Migne.
Tho Battalle and the people of the Magne built a mathan at the village called Kapapadi, after which car was made for the Bhůta, a flag was raised, and a sumptuous entertainment given.
Dávu Naika of Arkula Bidu came to see that feast and the Bhata saw him and called to him and gave him Areca-flowers. On his return the Blúta followed him and went to his house, where he spread disease. Then Dêru Naika made a Brahman astrologer refer to the praéna-book,
"Kanapaditaya the Bhata (i. e., Magrandaya) has followed you, for he wants & sánum in your country," said the astrologer.
Dêvu Naika called his tenants and said: "I have been to a Bhúta feast at Kanapa di and the Bhúta has followed me; and now it is found by reference to the praśna-book that he wants a sanam here. What do you say?"
“We do not disregard your order : the daty lies on both you and us,” said the tenants..
Devu Naika and his tenants built a matham at a place called Gummada Darga, where a Aag was raised, a festival was celebrated, and where he was known by the name of Magrandaya.
In the year after that feast, MagrandAya's Bhanta (attendant) left that place and came to a god named Manjunatha at Kadri, and visited him. Manjuntaya ordered the Bhanta to go to the sanam of Jarantiya the Bhúta at the village of Aiyadi, and he went there. He made friendship with Jarantaya, and he got a separate sanam there. Festivals wero

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performed for him after those for Jarantîya. He then left that place and came to the goddess Kalamma in the town of Maugalûr ana visited her. Her priests are known by the name of the people of the "Four Countries," and he made friendship with them, and a festival was performed for him at the gate of the temple of the goddess Kalamma. In the same manner the feast is performed to him there to this day.
(To be continued.)
NOTES ON THE SPIRIT BASIS OF BELIEF AND CUSTOM.
BY J. M. CAMPBELL, C.L.E., I.C.S.
(Continued from p. 48.) Metals. - To the evidence given under this heading ante Vol. XXIV., p. 57 ff. (Ch. I., i., 5 c., Metals) in support of the view that, among spirit-scarors, metal holds a leading place, the following additions are offered. The bulk of this fresh material is connected with iron. It may be arranged under the following heads :-the simple virtue of cold iron, the virtue of iron to which is added the scaring quality of heat, the virtue of iron aided by the guardian power of the Tool, as the nail, the knife, the sword, the hatchet, the sickle, the ploughshare, the rake and the key ; finally iron with which is associated the merit both of a lucky shape and of a close connection with a guardian part of a guardian animal, such as the horse-shoe.
Iron.-Among the Hindus of Gujarat, in Western India, the two chief articles that guard against the malign influence of the evil eye are iron articles and articles of a black colour.12 In Eastern India, the performer of funeral rites touches cold iron to guard himself against any evil spirits he may have dislodged from the dead body.13 In Gujarat, when a spirit refuses to leave the body of a possessed man, the exorcist catches the patient's hair, buffets him or beats him with an iron rod.14 To guard against a return of spirit possession a Gujarat Hindu wears an iron wristlet.15 In North India, a piece of iron is tied to the wrist or to the ankle to keep off the Evil Eye.16 The door and the furniture of the Parsi lying-in room are of iron. In A. D. 570, when Zemarchus, the Byzantine ambassador, came near the camp of the Great Khân, he was met by Turks offering a piece of iron. They rang a bell, beat a drum, burned incense, and raged like maniacs driving off evil spirits. The dress of the Siberian mediums or shámáns described by Girchino was for the men on each shoulder two pointed iron horns, with iron rings, & saw-toothed plate of iron, and hanging Chinese locks. The women's dress was taselled with iron discs and a rusty iron lock hung from a braid of hair.19 When the Roumanian of South-East Austria hears the first thunder of the season, he knocks his head with a piece of iron and is free from headaches for the rest of the year 20 In Germany and in England, in the seventeenth century, during thunderstorm, iron or steel was laid on a beer barrel to keep the beer from turning sour,al The Middle Age Germans held that a were-wolf could be turned into a man by crossing its path with a knife, a sword, or a ploughshare,22 the sense being that the sight of the iron scared the evil spirit out of the man who, without the inspiration of the evil spirit, fell back into the true likeness of a man. The Arab's shout, “Hadid, Hadid (Iron, Iron)," when he sees a spirit-ridden whirlwind, is oddly the same as the Scottish fisherman's shoat, "Cauld Airan," if, as they are putting out to fish, 23 any of their number mentions an unlucky word, brags of his riches, of his wife's looks, or of his last take of fish, or takes God's name in vain. In both cases the sense is that the evil is turned aside by naming or touching the great scarer cold iron. The object of the Estonian custom of biting at cold iron before eating the first 18 The late Mr. Vaikuntram's MS. Notes.
13 Elworthy's The Evil Eye, p. 223. 14 The late Mr. Vaikuntram's MS. Notes.
15 Op. cit. 16 Folk-Lore Record, Vol. IV., p. 136.
17 MS. Notes on Pirst Customs. 15 Yale's Cathay, Vol. I., P. CLXIII.
19 Howorth's Changiz Khan, P. 116. 20 Nineteenth Century Magazine, No. 100, p. 136. 11 Aubrey's Remains of Gentilim, p. 22. 11 Moncure Conway's Demonology and Devil.Lore, Vol. I. p. 314.
25 Guthrie's Old Scottish Customs, p. 149, and NS. Dote from Mr. James Douglas of Bombay, dated 6th December, 1895.

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bread of the new harvest24 seems to be to drive out of the eater all evil before be partakes of what he considers sacramental or guardian-housed bread. In Cornwall, iron controls fiends,25 and the Welsh faery wife disappears if touched by iron.26 In Scotland, a piece of cold iron was laid close to a woman in child-bed to scare the faeries.37
With the added virtue of fire, iron becomes one of the great disease-scarers. Hindus use the actual cautery with a red-hot iron with great success in curing rheumatism.20 The mere threat to brand an epileptic with a red-hot iron has so affected the patient that his fits have never come back. In North Africa, the sovran Arab remedy for nearly every disorder is burning with a red-hot iron.30 In Scotland, lumps on a cow's udder are cured by rubbing them with water heated by a red-hot iron.31
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Tools. Again, by shaping it into a tool the guardian virtue of iron is enhanced. The knife was one of the earliest of Hindu medical agencies. According to the medical books the healer who knows mineral cures is like a god, he who knows the virtues of herbs and roots is like a man, he who uses the knife and fire is like an evil spirit or Asur, he who knows charms and prayers is like a prophet.32 In West Multân, when a Musalmân, Jatt, or Bilach boy is born, a knife is struck in the ground, close to the mother's head, to keep off evil spirits or jinns.33 The Arab belief, that the whirlwind is a devil who fears iron, is widespread in Europe. The Briton peasant throws his knife and fork at the devil who lifts up the hay in a whirlwind; the German peasant throws his knife or his hat at the witch in the whirlwind. In Barbary, among the Moors in the seventeenth century, a black-handled knife tied to the end of a spar drove away the water spout.35 The seventeenth century Italians had the same practice with the addition that crosses were made in the air with the black-handled knife, and at every cross the point of the knife was stuck into the side of the ship.36 That the whirlwater like the whirlwind was considered a spirit, a passage in Thevenot's Travels (A. D. 1687)37 shews: "The sailor with a black-handled knife cut the air toward the spirit or water-spout as if he would cut it." The sign of the cross would add scaring power, and, as among the Romans, in the Italian mind, defigere or to fix down the point of the knife in the ship's side would be to lay or house the spirit. The Mediterranean practice throws light on the becalmed Scottish sailor's cure when whistling for a wind fails, namely, driving the point of a knife into the main mast. The calm is a fiend which stifles the breeze, it is housed in the knife and imprisoned in the mast, and the fair wind is free to blow. So among Persians, if a man shoots badly or is unlucky in sport, he murmurs some texts or charms over a knife and drives the knife into the ground and his luck changes. Here the ill-luck clings to the knife and is buried. The object of the Persian sportsman and of the Scottish sailor seems the same, to get rid of some influence which prevents the kindly intention of the guardian acting. In England, the best way to staunch blood was to lay a knife on the wound.39 That in English nursery beliefs a knife scares or houses evil influences is shewn by Herrick (A. D. 1650).40
38
"Let the superstitious wife
Near the child's heart lay a knife, Point be up and haft be down While she gossips in the town;
This mongst other mystic charms Keeps the sleeping child from harms."
For the scaring power of the sword, the home of a greater and more honoured guardian
83 Muzaffarghar Gazetteer, p. 53.
ss Bassett's Legends of the Sea, p. 30.
24 Frazer's The Golden Bough, Vol. II. p. 71.
25 Basset's Legends of the Sea, p. 19. Lang's Custom and Myth, p. 82; Elworthy's The Evil Eye, p. 223. Napier's Folk-Lore, pp. 20, 29; Black's Folk Medicine, p. 178.
Wise's Hindu Medicine, p. 259. 29 Pettigrew's Superstitions connected with Medicine and Surgery, pp. 91, 92. 30 Denham and Clapperton's North Africa (1823), Vol. I. p. 157. 31 Gregor's Folk-lore of the North-East Scotland, p. 193.
Note from H. H. Agha Khan, 5th December 1895. Elworthy's The Evil Eye, p. 71.
Wise's Hindu Medicine, p. 19.
34 Frazer's The Golden Bough, Vol. I. p. 30. be Op. cit. p. 32.
Op. cit. p. 32. Hesperides, p. 305,

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than the knife-spirit, a few examples may be added to those given in the former note. A recently found encyclopedia of 13th century Syrian magic is called the Sword of Moses.41 In the sword of the Cambodian fire-king lives a yan or spirit who guards it and works wonders with it.42 In the Celebes, when a captured soul is being brought back to its owner, the priest who carries the soul in a cloth is followed by a man brandishing a sword to keep other souls from an attempted rescuer, 3 Gujarat Hindus set a light and a sword beside the basket in which they grow the lucky grain seedlings which are used at the Dasahra (September-October) festival. To scare evil spirits and infection the Japanese bride takes to her husband's house a small sabre in a white sheath.45 The Irish mother puts the first meat into her babe's mouth on the point of a sword.46 Fire, sword and the blood-red banner are the three chief emblems borne by the Booth (Salvation) Armies in their campaigns against evil spirits.47 Shears like the sword have a guardian influence. In Fowla, one of the Orkney Islands, a sick cow is cured by shaking over her back white money, a razor and a pair of shears.48 So Herrick, in his Charm for the Stable:
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"Hang up hooks and shears to scare
Hence the Hag that rides the mare, Till they all be over wet
With the mire and with the sweat: This observed the manes shall be Of your horses all knot free."
In Germany, apoplexy can be charmed by laying a hatchet on the threshold.50 In the Bengal Sonthals, a sickle is laid under the pillow of a bewitched patient, because no witch can come near an iron sickle.51 A coal-rake, combining the virtues of coal and iron, is used in Yorkshire (1887) to keep off night-mare.52 A still stronger virtue lives in plough-irons. In Scotland (A. D. 1597), madness was cured by touching the patient with plough-irons and barying them between two laird's lands.53 In Ireland, if milk is bewitched and the churn yields no better, an iron plough-coulter is put in the fire and the spell is broken.54
[MARCH, 1896.
Nails. Perhaps from its use as a layer or fixer, special spirit-ruling or guardian virtue attaches to the nail. To guard a Gajarât Hindu against a second spirit-attack a nail is driven into the ground at each corner of the house and also into the threshold and into the door-post.55 When a Gujarât exorcist enters a patient's house he drives a nail into the threshold, and leaps over the sick man or drinks water which has been waved round the sick man's head.56 Or he ties a thread and sprinkles water round the house, drives a nail into the threshold, and entices or bullies the spirit into a copper coin.57 The sense seems to be the nail in the threshold frightens, and the thread and water rings prevent, any fresh spirit entering the house, and the spirit in the possessed passes into and is prisoned either in the copper-coin or in the scape-goat medium, when he leaps over the sick or when he drinks the water into which some of the spirit has passed. When a Gujarât exorcist has driven a haunting spirit into a lemon and the lemon is buried at the village border, a charmed two-inch long iron nail is driven at each corner of the cairn of stones that are piled over the lemon.58 When a Gujarât exorcist wishes to secure a familiar, that is, a serf or slave-spirit, like Aladdin's slave or familiar of the lamp, he goes to a burying ground, unearths a corpse, makes a circle round the corpse, and outside of the circle drops charmed adad (Phaseolus mungo) beans scatters halves of lemons smeared with red lead, and drives nails into the ground. The beans the lemons and the nails strengthen the defence of the magic circle against any spirits who gather to prevent the taking into slavery of the corpsespirit, so that the magician may undisturbed perform the rites which bring into himself or at least
41 The Pioneer, January 4th, 1993.
The late Mr. Vaikuntram's MS. Notes.
46 Hone's Table Talk, Vol. II. p. 28. 48 Lotter in Kirkwall Paper.
42 Frazer's The Golden Bough, Vol. I. p. 55. 43 Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 135,
45 Titsingh's Japan, p. 193.
41 Compare Bombay Gazette of 18th January 1887. 49 Poems, Vol. II. p. 305, Ed. 1869.
01 Times of India Newspaper, 12th February 1887. 53 Dalyell's Darker Superstitions of Scotland, p. 190. 55 The late Mr. Vaikuntram's MS. Notes. 01 Op. cit.
Op. cit.
Grimm's Teutonic Mythology, Vol. III. p. 1166. 52 Notes and Queries, Fifth Series, Vol. X. p. 266.
5 Notes and Queries, Fifth Series, Vol. IX. p. 4. se Op. cit.

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into his power the spirit in the corpse. To guard a Gujarat lying-in woman from spirit-attacks # nail is driven into the floor of the room.69 When the Parsis prepare to lay the foundations of - Tower of Silence, to peg down the place-spirits, they drive into the site a number of long nails.60 Similarly, evil influences are nailed down by the Pårsf-Hindu driving of a silver nail into the keel of a vessel on the launch-day. So the Etruscan goddess Athrapa (or Atropos) is shewn with a nail and a hamraer about to nail down the death, that is, the spirit of Meleager.61 The Tarquins introduced into Rome the Etruscan yearly nailing.62 It was the Roman belief that, by driving a nail into the temple of Janus, the Dictator stayed pestilence. In Rome, & nail was driven into the spot when the man struck by the sacred or spirit caused disease of epilepsy fell.64 According to Pliny scratching with a nail cured disease, 65 as the Middle-Age Scottish witch lost her power to work mischief, that is, had her familiar or slave spirit driven out of her, apparently througb the top of her head, by scratching her "above the breath," that is, on her brow with an iron nail. So also the Roman broke the witch's spell by shooting "Defige, "66 with the sense of "Nail her down." Nails have been found in Greek tombs, apparently to keep vampires from the dead.87 The virtue of a nail was increased if it was taken from a shipwrecked vessel or from a cross where some one bad hung, apparently with the sense that the spirit of the shipwrecked or ot the crucified had gone into the nail and added to its virtue.68 So Lucian (A. D. 150) makes one of his characters, Querates, boast that he is so accustomed to meet thousands of devils ranging about that he had to come to take no notice of them, more especially since one Abraham had given him a ring made out of the nails of a cross and taught him the charm made out of many names. In Germany, gonty people wear on the ring finger of the right hand an iron ring made of nails on which people have hanged themselves.70 In Middle-Age Europe, women wore nails from horse-shoes as love charms.71 In eighteenth century France, nails were driven into walls to cure toothache.72 In North-East Scotland, an iron nail is carried to throw at a cat,73 and after a death a nail or a knitting needle is stuck into all the meal, butter, cheese, flesh and whisky that are in te house, to prevent Death passing into them,74 The well-known nail-embossed and pence plated tree-trunk in the Cathedral Square at Vienna, the prison or scape of the sickness and ill-luck of generations, 75 has its fellow in the oak at Loch Maree in North-West Scotland, into whose trunk are driven nails, holdfast buttons, holdfast buckles, pennies, and half-pennies, some fresh, some deep embedded in the trank.76 Among the Tibetans, a talisman, consisting of a demon head with two side and one under triangle, is known as phurbon or the nail. If a demon has got into a house the owner turns the nail point from side to side and passes throngh all the rooms to drive out the visitor.77
Key. - Another combination of the virtue of iron with the virtue of a tool is the key. Among Bengal Hindus, mourners wear iron or iron keys.78 In Russia, a key is held in the hand to stop bleeding,79 and in Scotland and Staffordshire, a key laid on the deck or put down the back stops bleeding at the nose.80 In Scotland, in the seventeenth century, secrets were brought to light by turning key,81 In 1701, in Scotland, Margaret Sanders was accused of laying a key under a sick man's pillow to cure him.82 The Roman and the Norseman bride was 5 Op. cit.
Than Gazetteer, Vol. XIII. Part I. a Smith's Greek and Roman Antiquities, Vol. I. p. 453.
2 Op. cit. VOL. I. p. 453. 6 Elworthy's The Evil Eye, p. 329.
Smith's Gresk and Roman Antiquities, Vol. I. p. 453. 66 Elworthy's The Evil Eye, p. 329.
66 Op. cit. p. 329. 67 Op. cit. p. 329. 68 Compare op. cit. p. 329. King's Gnostics and their Remains, Ancient and Mediwal, p. 242. 7Grimm's Teutonic Mythology, Vol. III. p. 110. 11 Elworthy's The Evil Eye, p. 36. 12 Dalyell's Witchcraft, p. 184.
* Folk-Loro of North-East Scotland, p. 124. ** Frazor's The Golden Bough, Vol. I. p. 176.
15 Comparo Fergusson's Tree and Serpont Worship, p. 21. The Stockam Eisen in Vienna, the sacred tree into which every apprentice drove a nail for luck before he started on his your of wandering.
T6 Mitchell's Past in the Present, p. 269. 17 Schlagintweit's Buddhism in Tibet, 258-9. 78 Frazer's The Golden Bough, Vol. I. p. 176. * Moncure Conway's Demonology and Devil Lore, Vol. I. p. 102. ** Black's Folk Medicine, p. 183; Notes and Queries, Fourth Series, Vol. VII. p. 91. # Sharpe's Witcheraft in Scotland, p. 217, Dalyell's Darker Superstitions of Scotland, p. 14

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presented with keys at the wedding. In A. D. 600 Gregory the Great sent to Childebert, king of the Franks, a golden key to be worn round the king's neck to guard him from evil.s Its guardian power was the probable root-reason why the key was chosen to adorn the gods Mithrases and Janus, the goddesses Cybeless and Ceres, the Jewish high priest, and the Christian Pope. Its power of shutting and opening continues the key as & symbol of authority after the belief in its guardian virtue has passed. The same double power makes the key an emblem of learning and eloquence in Asiatic literature, and of silence among freemasons.08
Horse-shoe. --The piece of iron, the belief in whose guardian virtue is strongest and widest spread, is the horse-shoe. The horse-shoe, to the virtue of iron and of a lucky shape, adds the close association with a guardian part of a guardian animal. The lackiness of the horse-shoe form, as shewn in its popularity in Buddhist buildings and in rude stone monuments at Stonehenge and Avebury, probably is partly owing to its adoption among phallic shapes. That the hoof is in itself a scarer is shewn by the practice of barning hoof-parings to raise people out of swoons and by the belief in West Kent that ague is cured by drinking the dissolved inside of of a horse's hoof.91 In the Indian Muharram, or Musalman Carnival, one of the chief performers is the half-dazed man who runs carrying Lord Horse-shoe or Na'l-Salib, who, for several days before, has been worshipped with lights and incense. Aubrey, in 1680, notices the London practice of nailing horse-shoes to the threshold. In 1800, Scottish cows, suffering from the sadden cramp known as elf-shot, were cured by passing a horse-shoe thrice under the stomach and over the back. The belief is common to sailors in Scotland, in the west of England, in Roumania, in North Germany, and in America, that a horse-shoe, or even a nail driven into the deck, keeps off lightning. In 1820, English sailors insisted that a horse-shoe should be nailed to the mainmset to keep off the evil one. So also, in England, about the same time, if milk would not churn, country wenches dropped into the milk a heated horse-shoe to destroy the charm. In Ireland, a horse-shoe ought to be nailed over the stable door to keep out the good people, that is, the faeries; otherwise your horses will be faery-ridden. In Suffolk and Worcester, the practice remains of fastening a horse-shoe over a door to keep out a witcb, or to a bedstead to keep off evil spirits.. An ass's shoe used in England (1770) to have the same restraining power over witches as a horse-shoe.100 In Scotland, the shoes were twisted off an ass's feet before she foaled, perhaps from the fear that the scaring power of the shoes would prevent the spirit coming into the unborn foal.
This introduces a curious point with regard to iron, namely, that its power is so great that, besides evil spirits, it soares spirits and influences that are harmless or even guardian. The Gold Coast Negroes remove all metal from their bodies when they go to consult their guardian. No iron may touch the body of the king of Coren.' When iron was brought into the grove of the Bona Dea or Ops near Rome, the Fratres Arvales had to offer a sacrifice. So iron tools are unsafe apparently because they are apt to scare the guardian influence. Medea cat herbs with a brass hook, and the Druids severed the mistletoe with a golden knife. The Jews cut the balsam tree with a stone : the tree quaked as with fear if an iron knife was brought. The Jewish circumcision knife was of stone, and the Nazarenes, * Smith's Christian Antiquities, p. 899.
Smith's Christian Antiquities, Article "Eucolpion." #6 King's Gnostics, p. 63. 56 Hislop's Two Babylons, p. 302. 57 Monoure Conway's Demonology arul Devil-Lore, Vol. I. p. 103. #Notes and Queries, Fifth Series, Vol. VII. p. 409; Greenland's Masonic Lectures, p. 74. » Reginald Scott's Discovery of Witchcraft, p. 573. # Inman's Early Faiths, Vol. L p. 114.
51 Notes and Queries, Vifth Series, VOL. I. p. 287. » Compare Nelso a's Glossary, "Nal-Saheb." $5 Aubrey's Remains of Gentilism, p. 27. Guthrie's Old Scottish Customs, p. 162,
» Bassett's Sea Legends, p. 462. Op. cit. p. 462. 1 Gentleman's Magazine Library," Popular Superstitions," p. 219. * Folk-Lore Record, Vol. IV. p. 102.
» Gentleman'. Magazine Library. "Popular Superstitions," pp. 125, 184; Folk-Lore Record, Vol. I. p. 24; The Denham Tracta, Vol. II. p. 62. 180 fooro's Oriental Pragmente, p. 456. Guthrie's Old Scottish Customs, p. 161. · Elworthy's The Evil Eye, p. 220.
Frazer's The Golden Bough, Vol. I. p. 172. • Smith's Grock and Roman Antiquities, Vol. I. p. 200; Pater's Marins the Epicurean, Vol. II, p. 199. . Compare Evelyn's Siwa, Vol. I. p. 10.
• Tacitus quoted in Whitstone's Josephus, p. 654.

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who were set apart as spirit-homes, would not let iron come near them. The Roman Sabine priest was shaved by bronze, not by iron. Among the Germans and Scottish, the need fire makers were careful to have no iron with them. The hammer that made the clavie or fire-wheel of North-East Scotland must be of stone. The Code of Changez Kháñ (A. D. 1250) made it penal to tonch fire with a knife.10. In China and in the Malay Peninsula, no iron tools, leather, or ambrellas may be brought into a mine for fear of annoying the spirits. At Christmas time the smiths in the Isle of Man will not light a fire to temper iron.13 In Durham (1876), the first cake taken from the oven must be broken not cut.13 In Kent (1886), no hot-cross bun may be touched with a knife.14 The gift of a knife is unlucky in Scotland, lest it may cut friendship. A gift of needles according to a Venetian proverb loses friendship, unless the giver and taker each pricks the other's finger,15 So the reason given for the Mongol rule against touching fire with a knife or an axe was the fear that the fire might be beheaded, 16 and the Germans say: -"Don't set a knife edge up. It will cut the face of God and the Angels."17 All of these are meaning-raising attempts to explain the strange early experience that the scaring power of iron is so great that it scares even the guardian. Two other examples of the guardianBoaring power of iron may be cited - in house or temple building and in Christian martyrdoms. The Raja of Vijayanagar in South-East India would not allow iron to be used in any building. The use of iron brought small-pox and epidemics, 18 that is, the iron scared the guardian and evil influences were unchecked. So Moses, when he bailt the altar, saffered no metal tools to pass on it as iron polluted the altar, 18 apparently because the metal drove away the guardian and evil influences came in and defiled the altar. So when Solomon built the temple (B. C. 1001) no sound of iron was heard. When Judas Macabæus (B. C. 260) renewed the temple he built the altar of stones untouched by iron tools, 20 and again when (B. C. 30) Herod built a new temple, no iron tools touched the altar stones.31 This Jewish belief in the guardian-scaring power of iron seems to explain how certain of the early Christian martrys, whom neither fire, water nor wild beasts could harm, were in the end slaitr by the sword. So St. Agnes was saved from death by burning in oil, only to die by the sword;at Brescia, Sta. Faustino and Gionita (A. D. 119) were spared by beasts only to be beheaded :23 St. Christina (A. D. 295), after escaping many forms of death, was shot by arrows;24 St. Januarius, the patron saint of Naples, after being saved from wild beasts and fire, was beheaded : 26 st. Katharine survived the breaking on the wheel and Sts. Cyprian and Justina of Antioch (A. D. 304) the caldron of boiling pitch only to be slain by the sword.26
Gold. - The virtue of gold as a scarer and healer is little less important than the virtae of iron. According to Manu, before its navel cord is cut, the Hindu male infant should be fed with honey and butter from a golden spoon.27 The Badagas, or husbandmen of the Nilgiri hills, place gold in the corpse's mouth.28 They say the gold is to pay the heavenly gate-keeper, but the root-aim is either to keep the spirit of the dead from going out or to prevent outside spirits from coming in. The Ashantis of West Africa scare evil spirits by throwing gold dust and ground food into the air.20 The Chibchâs of Central Africa hang gold plates at the entrance to their palaces.30 The Finns placed gold, silver and precious stones near their idol
1 Reville Les Religions des Peuples Non Civilisés, Vol. II. p. 189. • Frazer's The Golden Bough, Vol. I. p. 172
Elworthy's The Evil Eye, p. 220. 10 Howorth's Changis Khan, p. 157; Howorth's Mongola, Vol. I. p. 111. 11 Straits Journal, June 1892, p. 10.
11 Notes and Querios, Fifth Series, Vol. X. p. 23. 18 Op. cit. Vol. VI. p. 397. 16 MS. Note of 27th April 1898.
16 Notes and Queries, Fifth Series, Vol. VIII. p. 323. 16 Howorth's Changis Khan, p. 167.
11 Frazer's The Golden Bough, Vol. I. p. 177. 18 Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 174.
Compare Exodus, II. 20 Josephus' Antiquities, Book xii. Chap. 7.
* Smith's Antiquition of the Bible, Vol. I. p. 54. * Mrs. Jameson's Sacred and Legendary Art, Vol. III. p. 603. 93 Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 662.
Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 603. * Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 712.
46 Wagner's Manners, pp. 180, 189. 17 Burnell and Hopkins' Ordinances of Manu, p. 20. Rooho's Primitive Folk-Loro, p. 906. » Reville La Religione dos Peuple. Non Civilisés, p. 76. Descriptive Sociology, Book ii. Chap. 70.

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Youmala.31 The people of Peru buried gold in front of a tree which gave oracles.32 In Egypt, on the seventh day after a birth, Maslim women place a handkerchief and a gold coin near the child. The dishes are decked with gold-leaf at a Japan feast. On high days, the bills, legs and claws of the birds served are gilt. A seven-branched golden candlestick stood in Moses' tabernacle, 35 and golden lamps hang in Christian Churches.30 Marcus Aurelius (A. D. 200) notes that a gold ring marked with lettere cared pain in the side.37 That the Venetian practice of throwing a ring into the sea was not to wed the sea, but to scare storms, is shewn by the Provence practice of throwing a gold ring into the water and repeating verses to charm the water king.38 In touching for the king's evil the English kings put a gold piece tied with a ribbon round the child's neck. In some cases the disease returned if the gold piece was lost.39 In Northampton, a gold coin used to be put outside of the door on New Year's eve, and be taken in when the bells began to ring. The sense seems to be the gold kept off evil intruders till the clash of the bells scared them. Potable gold was the famous Paracelsus' (A. D. 1500) elixir of life.41 Gold in physic says the poet Chaucer (A. D. 1400) is & cordial. Fine gold and some pearls were put into an old English stew taken to care consumption. Both in England and in Ireland, to rub the eye thrice with & wedding ring cured the inflammation of the eyelid known as a stye in the eye."
Silver and Copper. - Of the healing power of silver the practice may be noted of the use in Worcestershire of a sacrament shilling made into a ring to keep away evil spirits and cure fits. In 1850, almost every man in Hartlepool, who was subject to fits, wore a sacrament ring. In the North-West Provinces of India, the sick are cured by passing copper coins over their heads and giving the coins to a Brâhman.46 In Gujarât, copper toe rings cure kidney disease and an iron anklet keeps off guinea worm. In 1640, in England, metal seals were found sewn into the clothes of old soldiers to keep off wounds.
Mirror. - The people of the Andaman Islands regard their reflections as their souls. The Tulas will not look into a dark pool because a beast lives in the pool and takes away their reflections.50 As the home of reflections or shadows the mirror is a great spirit haunt. In Gujarat, the ill-luck of an unlucky day may be avoided by looking into a mirror or by eating grains of rice or barley.51. The sense seems to be that some of the spirits, whose uncontrolled activity makes the day unlucky, go into the person, and he is freed from them either by eating rice or barley which scares the spirits, or by looking into a mirror into which the spirits pass. The polished bronze mirrors for which Etruria was famous (B. C. 600) were laid in graves, either to house the spirit of the dead should it leave the corpse, or to prevent vampire or other grave spirits passing into the body.52. In Anjâr, in Kachh, in a temple of Mother Bahuchara, the object of worship is a mirror into which the pious visitor looks and gains his wish. The sense is that the evil spirit or bad luck in the looker passes into the mirror and is imprisoned in it. The Sati, whom in A. D. 1623 the traveller De la Valle saw on her way to the pyre in Ikeri in Kanara, carried a mirror in one hand and a lemon in the other,64 She kept looking into the mirror. As she was in a position of high honour spirits crowded to enter into her. The lemon was to keep off the spirits. The constant looking into the mirror was to pass into the
31 Reville Les Religions des Peuplas non Civilisés, Vol. II. p. 217. Descriptive Sociology, Book ii. Chap. 26. 55 Arab Society in the Middle Ages, p. 188
Japanese Manners, p. 186. 36 Josepbus' Antiquities, Vol. III. p. 6. N. Middleton's Conformity between Popory and Paganiom, p. 146.
Black's Folk Medicine, p. 135. Bennett's Sea Legends, p. 188. Pettigrew's Superstitions, p. 144. · Notes and Queries, Fifth Series, Vol. V. p. 6. 1 Browne's Vulgar Errors, p. 110. 12. Pettigrew's Superstitions, p. 71.
45 Black's Folk Medicine, p. 73. Notes and Queries, Fifth Series, Vol. II. p. 184; Black's Pak Medicins, p. 173 ; Foll-Lore Record, Vol. I. p. 45: Vol. IV. r. 105.
15 Gentleman's Magazine Library, "Popular Superstitions," p. 134. 6 Folk-Lore Record, Vol. IV. p. 134.
41. The late Mr. Vaikuntram'a MS. Notes. *Aubrey's Remains of Gentilim, p. 76.
4. Frazer's The Golden Bough, Vol. I. p. 145. 60 Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 145.
51 The late Mr. Vaikuntram's MS. Notes ** Mangscript note in Bologna Museum, 1888; Encyclopaedia Brittanica, Article "Etruria." * Burgess' Kachh and Kathiawar, p. 212.
The Hakluyt Edition, Vol. II. p. 266.

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mirror any evil spirit which might lodge in her. Another Sati is described as walking with a cocoanut in her right hand and a knife and mirror in her left.66 The object in this case is the Bame as in the last. Among American Indians, during the Elk Mysteries, the performers wore pieces of mirror.66 In the Eleusian mysteries and in processions in honour of Bacchus a mirror was carried.57 A mirror is considered an emblem of the soul in Japan and a deity in the Arabian Nights.58 Many English regard a'mirror with reverence. The breaking of a mirror is unlacky.se In Spain, fragments of mirror were formerly worn to keep off evil spirits.60 The Croatian peasant, doubtless originally with the same object, wears little mirrors fastened to her neck. The use of the mirror necklace, like the use of the early skull or later precious stone necklace, is to house or soare evil influences. According to an English saying no child should be allowed to look into a mirror till he is .year old, since the life or soul of the child is not yet firmly 6xed in the child, and might pass from the child's body into the mirror. Similarly, mirrors in a sick room should be covered, since in sickness the soul is specially apt to leave the body. And a mirror should be covered in a room where a corpse is lying, lest the dead should pass into the mirror and haunt the house. For seven days, after a Jewish funeral, all mirrors are covered.96 That the object is to prevent the dead haunting the mirror is in agreement with the Jewish rule against women and priests attending funerals.
Oil.-I8 & medicine. Oil heals wounds; and, rabbed over the body, relieves cramps, seizures, and weariness. Oil is also both food and drink: it is a giver of light and a giver of heat. For all these reasons few spirit-scarers are either so powerful or so popular as oil.
The healing virtue of oil is recognised by Hindu physicians, who hold that anointing the head, ears and feet prevents cramp and headache, and increases happiness, sleep, life, strength and good fortune. Sesamum seed and sesamam oil are a specific for keeping off ovil spirits.67 In Western India, before their wedding, the Hindu bride and bridegroom are generally rubbed with oil and turmeric. Among the Dekhan Chitpavans, if a woman suffers greatly in child. birth, oil, in which durva or bent grass (Cynodon dactylon) has been dipped and over which charms have been said, is given her to drink and is rubbed over her body,69 The Chitpåvan boy, before the thread-girding is rubbed with oil and sweet scents.co The PAbadis, a class of Poona Marath& husbandmen, call the washerman to sprinkle the bridegroom with oil.70 The Raddis, & Telugu class in Poona, anoint the bride and bridegroom with sweet oil.71 The Baris, a class of Poona husband men, on the tenth day after a death, dip a flower in clarified butter and draw it from the shoulder to the elbow of the men who carried the bier. They call this ceremony, ichdndé utarné, or shoulder-tessening, that is, apparently, the removal of the uncleanliness, that is, of the unclean spirit which entered into the bearers' shoulders when they were carrying the bier.72 The Kirâds, a middle class Upper Indian caste in Poona, at their marriages, anoint the bride and bridegroom from head to foot.7 Among the Uchlias or pick-pockets of Poona, for five days after child-birth, the midwife rubs the mother and child with turmeric, oil and cocoa kernel.74 Among Kônkan Maråthås the opening or the crown of the head of a new-born babe is kept soaked with oil till the covering hardens.76 Sholapur Komtis rab the corpse's head with butter, and Sholapur Mudliars anoint the dead body.78 Among Bijapur Bedars the new-born child is rubbed with oil for five days after birth.77 When a Pârsi
* Percy Anecdotes, Vol. IV. P: 893.
06 Emerson's Masks, Head and Faces, P: 280, 57 De la Valle's Travels, Hakluyt Edition, Vol. II: p. 266, n. 1. * Op. cit.
ooOp. cit.; Wagner's Monners, p. 88. Dalyell's Darker Superstitions of Scotlandy p. 149:61 Unonown Hungary, Vol. I. p. 145.
The Denham Tracte, Vol. II. p. 48. * Fracor's The Golden Bough, Vol. I. p. 147.
The Dortham Tracta, Vài. Il. p. 73. • Wagner's Manners, pp. 122, 123. 68 Wise's Hindu Medicine, p. 93. 01 Dubois, Vol. I. p. 204. # Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XVIII. p. 112.
6 Op. cit. Vol. XVIII. p. 117. To Op. cit. Vol. XVIII. p. 812.
71 Op. cit. Vol. XVIII. p. 405. 71 Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XVIII. p. 288.
T5 Op. cit. Vol. XVIII. p. 269. ** Op. cit. Vol. XVIII. p. 470.
16 Information from the peon Babaji. 70 Bombay Gamotteer, Vol. XX, pp. 47,78.
11 Op. cit. Vol. XXIIL P.. 94/

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child is five months old, children are called and feasted, and have their heads rubbed with jessamine oil. The Dharwâr Madhava Brahmans anoint their bodies on New Year's Day.79 Among the Khandesh Bhils, and also among the Bhois or fishermen of Poona, on the third day after a death, one of the women of the mourning household rubs the shoulders of the pall-bearers with oil, milk and cowdung. Among Gujarat Brahmans and Vânis, mourners are anointed on the seventh day after a death. And a week later, from the house of mourning, oil is sent to relations, who use no oil till the mouruers' oil is received. Anong the Kurs or Muasis of Western Bengal, the exorcist drives out spirits by gently anointing the patient with butter.80 In Ceylon, a possessed man is cured by having his bair knotted and cocoanut oil smeared over his head, brow, temples, breast and nails.81 In Gujarat, when an upper class Kinda child has small-pox, the mother does not dress or oil her hair. The reason seems to be that Sayid Káká, by whom the child is possessed, is mainly a fiend whom the scent of oil will annoy and enrage. The reason why a Brahman may not look at his wife when she is oiling her hair is perhaps the risk that the evil spirit scared by the oil may go into the looker.82 So, to prevent spirits entering by their newly washed hair, Brâhman women oil their hair before washing it in water. Among the ingredients in Herrick's charm-song to affright and drive away the evil sprite are salt, sacred spittle and a little oil. The Oraons and the Hô and Mundâs of South-West Bengal anoint the dead.83 The Moria Gonds anoint the bride and bridegroom.84 At an Indian Musalman wedding, oil jars are passed over the heads of the bride and bridegroom, and an arrow is dipped in oil and with its point the brido's knees, shoulders, temples, hair and brow are anointed.85 Before a caste feast, the Nagar Bråbmans of Gujarat, dip their right finger tips in oil and mark their brows. At Hinda visits sweet-scented oil or 'atar is rubbed on the face and clothes of the parting guest. In Malabar (A. D. 1508), warm oil applied three times a day cured wounds.87 Oil is poured by Hindus over Hanuman or Måruti, over Sani or Saturn, and over the two Nodes, Kêtu and Rahu. Oil mixed with red lead is still more widely used in marking worshipful stones and images. On high festivals, when upper class Hindus apply scented oils to their own heads, they also pour some of the same oil over the heads of their household gods.89 In the crowning of Sivaji (A. D. 1674) the first of the sacred sprinklings or abhišék was the dropping through a dish drilled with boles of clarified butter over the seated Raja. The Red Indians bathe and anoint themselves with cedar oil before praying to the Sun.a
That its light-giving quality is one element in the worshipfulness of oil appears from the address in the Hindu midday sandhya or prayer to butter :-"You are the light, by you everything burns." The Babylonian Beel-samen was the God of Oil. The body of the Babylonian Belus was kept floating in oil. According to the ancient Persians the departed in heaven live on oil.92 The ancient Ethiopians delighted in anointing the head, so that the oil ran down and made their shoulders shine. The ancient Egyptians anointed guests, mummies, and the statues of the gods. The anointing was one of the chief ceremonies at the king's crowning. At Egyptian parties, every guest's head-dress was bound with a chaplet of flowers, and ointment was put on the top of the wig as if it had been hair. The Jews anointed the table and vessels the candlesticks, the altar of incense, and the altar of burnt offerings with sacred ointment.86 They also anointed their hair and beards, and on festive days they anointed their bodies, especially the head and feet. Further, they anointed their dying, their dead, their žings, their high 18 Op. cit. Vol. XXII. P. 69.
19 Op. cit. Vol. XIL p. 92. Dalton's Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal, p. 238. 1 Journal Asiatic Society, Ceylon, 1966, p. 49. " Dabistan, II.
#5 Dalton's Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal, pp. 202, 261. # Hislop's Aboriginal Tribes of the Central Provinces, p. 23.
Herklot's Quntuni Islám, p. 128. * Moore's Fragmenta, p. 149. M Commentaries of Albuquerque, Vol. II. p. 79. * Note from L. S. Gupte. • Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XI. p. 370.
Wa Emerson's Masks, Heada and Faces, 88. # Dabois, Vol. I. p. 366.
Hislop's Theo Babylons, p. 241. n West's Pahlavi Tezts, p. 83; Dabistan, Vol. I. p. 290. Wilkinson's Egyptians, Vol. III. p. 380. N Wilkinson's Egyptians, Second Series, Vol. II. pp. 279, 280, 282. * Op. cit. Vol. III. p. 356.
* Exodus, inx, 22-29; Josephus' Antiquities, Vol. III. 9.

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priests, and their guests.97 Through the ceremonial anointing the guardian Jah or Jehovah passed into the Hebrew king. Even at his own request it was sacrilege to kill Saul. Jacob oiled the holy dream-pillar, and the Jews brought oil as a sin-offering. At Delphi, the stone which Chronos swallowed instead of Zeus, was anointed daily with oil.100 About 1820, the Antiquarian Museum at Newcastle received the Irish Stone, an oiled and shining stone that kept away vermin. The early Christians, when a new church was dedicated, anointed the altar. Formerly, in England, the gods were anointed as a reward. If a straw figure brought good luck it was anointed: if bad, it was knocked to pieces. In Scotland, to prevent cattle being bewitched, some drops of an Easter candle were dropped on their heads. In North Africa, when overfatigued with desert travelling, the rubbing of a little oil or fat on the back, loins and neck, is the greatest comfort. In seventeenth century Scotland, oil was one of the most widely used remedies. At the close of the mysteries of Adonis the priest anointed the mouths of the initiated. The ancient Negroes of the Upper Nile (B. C. 1500) worked grease and oil into their hair. The people of Dahomey please the goddess Legba by unctions of palm oil. Tityan, the guardian badge of the Siberian Ostjak, has its lips smeared with train oil or blood.10 The Western Australians cover theinselves with grease and ochre to keep off flies.11 The Newfoundland Indians (1811) had their faces lacquered with oil and red ochre or red earth.19 The Melanesian Mincopies rab themselves with tortle oil to keep off insects.18 The South Africans are fond of rubbing the body with oil and butter.14 In Morocco, boiling oil is used to stop bleeding, 15 and olive oil is considered a cure for typhus fever.16 In Ceylon, an order in Vishộu's name to bind the demon Riri is breathed over oil. The charmed oil is sprinkled over the sick, and he is at once well. In Ceylon, headaches are cured by stirring with iron a mixture of cocoanut, ginjelly, cohomba, mi, and castor oil, and muttering a charm.27 The Zala medium brings on a trance by fasting, inhaling the smoke of herbs and drinking strange oils.18 The Fuegians of South America cure diseases by rubbing the patient with oil. 19 The Hottentot going to fight a lion is oiled and sprinkled with sweet smelling buchu to encourage him,20 This Hottentot oiling is perhare with the object of making the champion wound proof, since, among the Hindu Saktis, a man becomes wound proof, if, while muttering a cbarm, he smears a weapon with resin, marking nut, and cletoria oil.21
The freemasons have adopted the Hebrew saying: "Wide gladdens the heart, oil makes the face to shine, bread strengthens the heart, and scares evil spirits.'92 With this view of oil as a cheerer and gladdener compare Spencer's description of October%3:
"His head was full of joyous oil whose gentle gust
Made bim so frolic and so full of lust."
97 Exodus, XII.; Dubois, Vol. I. p. 381 ; Smith's Dictionary of the Bible, Vol. I. p. 72: Vol. II, p. 596. Compare (Josephus' Antiquities, Vol. I. p. 377). "Samuel anointed David and whispered to him that God had made him king." Conway (Demonology and Devil. Lore, Vol. II. p. 228) says the Jews bad an extreme unction. Adam, dying, asked Seth to bring the oil of mercy from Paradise. $e Smith's Dictionary of the Bible, Vol. II. p. 18.
Maurice's Indian Antiquities, Vol. II. p. 384; Josephus' Antiquities, Vol. I. p. 219. 200 Pausanias in Lang's Customa and Myth, 223, Notes and p. 58 ; Hislop's Tuco Babylons, p. 487. * The Deriham Tracts, Vol. II. p. 41.
Smith's Christian Antiquities, p. 429. : Grimm's Teutonic Mythology, Vol. I. p. 63. Brand's Popular Antiquities, Vol. III. p. 54.
Denham and Clapperton's Africa, Vol. I, p. 167. Dalyell's Darker Superstitions, pp. 115, 126, 158. Mackay's Freemasonry, P. 9.
• Eber's Uarda, Vol. I. p. 178. Burton's Mission to Dahomey, Vol. I. p. 88. 10 Baring Gould's Strange Survivals, p. 145. 11 Journal Anthrop. Institute, Vol. V. p. 317; Featherman's Social History of Mankind, Vol. II. p. 122. 19 Barron's Voyages into the Polar Regions, p. 20. 25 Featherman's Social History of Mankind, Vol. II. p. 229. 14 Dr. Livingstone's Travels in South Africa, p. 272, Harris' South Africa, p. 55. 16 Rohlf's Morocco, p. 91.
16 Op. cit. p. 84. 31 Journal Asiatic Society, Ceylon, 1885, PP. 64, 66. 16 Enoy. Brit. Ninth Edition, "Apparitions." 19 Descriptive Sociology, 3, Table I.
so Hahn's Touni Goam, p. 71. 31 K Raghunatji's Patané Prabhua.
» Mackay's Freemasonry, p. 68. 30 Fairie Queen, Vol. VII. p. 739,

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And Herrick
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
"When the rose reigns and locks with ointments shine, Let rigid Cato read these lines of mine.""
Vitizilonitti, king of Mexico, was anointed with the same divine ointment as the statues of the gods.25 The Greeks offered oil to Pluto instead of wine. In consecrating statues, the Greeks anointed them.27 The Greeks made great use of oil as a medicine. Oiling after a hot bath prevented a chill.23 Rabbing and oiling was the basis of the School of Physic which was founded by Prodicus.20 Oiling was a remedy for strains, swellings and women's diseases.30 The Greeks bathed and anointed before a meal and after a long journey. In their games the Greeks had their joints rubbed, fomented and suppled with oil, whereby all strains were prevented.32 Greek feasters oiled the breast, as the heart, like the brain, was refreshed by oil.33 Greek drinkers anointed their heads: oil kept the brain cool and prevented fever.34 When the Roman bride entered the bridegroom's house, she struck the door cheek with swine's grease.35 The ancient Greeks had probably a similar practice, since, in modern Greece, the bridegroom's door is anointed with swine and wolf's fat.36 Both the Romans and Greeks anointed their dead. And the Greeks washed the bones of the dead and anointed them with oil.97
Even more than Jews, Greeks or Egyptians, the early Christians gave oil the position of a holy and miraculous healer. The use of oil as a miraculous healer had the support both of the example and of the direction of the Apostles.38 As late as A. D. 742, Pope Boniface advised his people to keep off fevers and other diseases, not by binding charms, but by unction.30 Besides by the example of the Apostles, the early Christians, as worshippers of the Anointed, naturally believed in the special sanctity of oil. The sanctity of the Chrism, or holy unguent of oil and myrrh, was increased by the sameness of its monogram that is the Greek Ch and R, with the monogram of the name Christ, the famous finial added to the Roman standard about A. D. 320 by Constantine the Great.40 The rapture of Christian enthusiasm is described as an unction. The face of the martyr shone as with oil. This general worship of oil gave rise to several varieties of sacred unguent. At first the Oil of the Cross was supposed to be oil from a vessel that had lain on the cross. Later (A. D. 679) Cross Oil was held to be a special oil which, like resin, oosed from the wood of the cross. This Cross Oil had notable power over evil spirits. It cared the sick, it scared all the evil spirits from a devil-haunted hill, it prevented miscarriage, it healed a demoniac. These miraculous powers were (A. D. 641) equally inherent in oil set in vessels in the places hallowed by the birth, death, burial and resurrection of the Anointed. Oil taken from lamps that burned in holy places was also healing. The martyrs yielded healing oil from their relics, their tombs, their images, and the lamps at their shrines. The spirit power of the oil from the seat where St. Peter first sat was famous.43 In A. D. 423, an evil spirit was prevented shooting Theoderet of Cyprus because he saw that the Lamb was guarded by bands of martyrs. These martyr bands were rows of vessels containing martyrs' oil.43 Among its other miraculous powers, sacred oil had apparently the virtue of preventing excess in drinking causing drunkenness. Oil in a lamp at the tomb of Nicetius in Lyons restored sight and withered limbs, and drove out devils: oil burnt at St. Servias' tomb cured epilepsy: St. Genevieve's oil cured blindness. According to St. Chrysostom (A. D. 398) oil
[MARCH, 1896.
24 Horne's Hesperides, p. 3.
26 Potter's Antiquities, Vol. I. p. 251.
28 Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 368.
Op. cit. Book xviii. Chap. 4.
25 Jones' Crowns, p. 534; Descriptive Sociology," Mexicans." 27 Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 232: Vol. II. p. 213.
29 Pliny's Natural History, Book xxix. Chap. 1. Potter's Antiquities, Vol. II. pp. 364-366.
32 Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 499. The refining Ruskin (Queen of the Air, 51) says: The olive has a triple significance in symbolism from the use of oil in anointing, in strife, and
in light. The prize of the Panathenaic games is a vial of oil. Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 381.
85 Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 384.
85 Pliny's Natural History, Book xxviii. Chap. 9. Potter's Antiquities, Vol. II. p. 183.
38 Story's Castle of Saint Angelo, p. 232.
38 St. Mark's Gospel, vi. 13; The Epistle of St. James, v. 14.
40 Compare Smith's Dictionary of the Bible, Vol. I. p. 671. 42 Smith's Christian Antiquities, pp. 611, 1455. Op. cit. p. 1455.
39 Smith's Christian Antiquities, p. 992.
41 Eusebius in Smith's Christian Antiquities, p. 1214. 43 Op. cit. p. 1454.

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from church lamps dispelled diseases. Church lamp oil healed monks and lay men harassed with evil spirits.
It was natural that the Church, the object of whose rites and ritual was to scare evil, should enlist into its service so powerful an ally as oil. To the inherent virtue of oil the Oil of Chrism had the added virtue of balsam and of being breathed upon by the Bishop, signed with the cross, and blessed.46 Before the days of infant Baptism the first Christian rites administered were to the catechumens in preparation for Baptism. The object of the anointing of the catechumen is clearly stated to be to drive out of him the in-dwelling spirit of evil who is threatened, abused and ordered to depart.7 In early Christian times, in North Africa, the oil used in Baptism, was hallowed at the altar.49 After Baptism the baptised was anointed with myrrh or scented oil with the prayer: “Grant that this unguent may so effectually work in him that the sweet savour of Thy Anointed may abide in him fixed and firm.49 In Baptism, besides the sealing with oil of the person baptised, in Western Europe, the water in the font was blessed or exorcised by a cross of oil poured on its surface.50 And the Manicheans and other Persian Christians were baptised, not with water, but with oil.51 Confirmation was specially the Sacrament of oil.52 Candidates were also anointed with oil as a consecration for the priesthood.53 When a heretic returned to the Christian faith, his eyes were anointed with the holy unguent called muro,54 The Lyrian Christians mixed oil with the sacramental bread.55 Holy oil, blessed by the Bishop or Deacon, was applied to the sick in the form of a cross with this prayer: “Lord of Hosts, giver of oil that cheers the face, give this oil virtue imparting health, expelling diseases, putting devils to flight, scattering evil designs."56 Immediately before burial the early Christian body had oil poured over it, or the breast was anointed with the Chrism.57 Even after burial precautions were taken to keep evil from trespassing in what had been the temple of the Holy Spirit. In Roman-British tombs, small bottles have been found which were formerly supposed to be tear bottles, but are now believed to have held unguents.58 The benefits of anointing were not confined to men and women. Altars, the tombs of martyrs, the columns and balusters of churches, and church bells, were all anointed. In these anointings the oil was generally mixed with myrrh. It was applied by dipping the thumb into the ointment and with the end of the thumb marking the sign of the cross on the object to be anointed.50
Most Christian churches still accept and employ the virtues of oil. Every Russian church has a small bag of relics called antimius anointed with oil, without which no church can be used.co On Maundy Thursday, that is, on the day before Good Friday, the Pope blesses three oils, one to be used in Baptism, one to be used in Confirmation and in consecrating Church vessels and blessing bells, and one to be used in Extreme Unction, that is, in anointing the dying. The Italians are (1874) more afraid of spilling oil than of spilling salt.62 The Russian church has an oil specially consecrated by the Metropolitan. Persian Armenians get meron or holy oil from rose-leaves, praying round the leaves as they ferment in a vat. This holy oil is used at baptism, in cleaning the cross, in a house for luck, and to cleanse & dish licked by a dog." The Christian Abyssinians (A.D. 1814) have a holy oil which they call meurion. At the churching or purification of women in the Ethiopian church, the mother and child have their brows anointed with holy oil. In the Abyssinian church, the holy oil meurion is ased in Baptism. In 1814, the traveller Salt was present when a convert from Islâm had each of his joints oiled ninety-six times.86 Hungarian gypsies baptise their children by rubbing them with oil and holding them near a fire.66 The Russian *6 Op. cit. p. 1455.
*6 Op. cit. pp. 355-356, 1161.
41 Op. cit. p. 652. #Op. cit. pp. 255, 1423.
" Apostolic Constitutions quoted in Christian Antiquities, p. 355. Smith's Christian Antiquities, p. 1456. 1 Op. cit. p. 1456.
63 Op. cit. p. 1831. 65 Op. cit. p. 855. Op. cit. p. 655. 05 Op. cit. p. 602.
06 Op. cit. p. 778. 57 Op. cit. pp. 254, 607, 1438.68 Wright's Celt, Roman and Saxon, p. 303 ; Smith's Christian Antiquities, p. 780.
Smith's Christian Antiquities, pp. 2000-2003; Potter's Anti uities Vol. I. p. 232. 60 Mrs. Romanoff, Rites and Customs of the Graco-Russian Church, p. 85. 61 Chambers's Book of Days, p. 412. 62 Notes and Queries, Fifth Series, Vol. I. p. 400. a Bishop's Journeys in Persia, I. p. 277. 6. Salt's Voyage to Abyssinia, p. 891.
« Smith's Christian Antiquities, p. 391. 6 Salt's Voyage to Abyssinia, pp. 388, 389.
66 Victor Tissot's Unknown Huyary, Vol. II. p. 1 63.

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(MARCH, 1896.
Baptism is markedly a double anointing: the first as healing, and the second as the seal of the Spirit. In the second avointing, the priest dips a feather into a small bottle of holy oil specially prepared by the Metropolitan or Russian Pontiff, and signs the child in the form of a cross on the brow, eyes, nostrils, ears, lips, breast, hands, and feet, saying each time: "The scal of the Holy Ghost." If an adult is baptised into the Russian churcb, he is anointed on the forehead, over the eyes, nostrils, lips, ears, breast, hands and feet or knees. At the Baptism of Clovis (A. D. 467-511) a white dove brought ointment or Chris in & vase from heaven.87 Among Catholic Christians, in Baptism, the child is anointed on the breasts and between the shoulders.ca
All European kings are anointed on the coronation day. According to Mr. Jones, the anointing at the crowning of the kings seems to bave been brought to Europe from Egypt. But the practice is not more in agreement with the Egyptian than with Greek and Jewish ideas.69 Unction from the first was part of the Christian crowning. Charles the Great (A. D. 800) vas anointed all over. In the Greek ritual, the king's head : according to the English practice the head, breast and arms; and, according to the French seven parts of the body are anointed.70 At the Czar's crowning the Metropolitan dips a gold branch into the oil and anoints the emperor's forehead, eyelids, nostrils, ears, lips, and hands, both on thu back and on the palm.71 Oil from the statue of St. Cosmo in Italy cures sickness if rubbed on the diseased part.72 In tbe Greek charch, the sick are anointed with the enchelaion, or prayer-oil which seven priests have blessed.73 In Russia, the dying are anointed with oil from a glass set on a little heap or layer of wheat grains into which seven stick ends are dipped and, where possible, each stick is applied by a different priest.74 The Gnostics threw oil and water on the head of the dying to make them invisible to the powers of darkness.75 The dying Roman Catholic receives Extreme Unction, the anointing with holy oil. The Greek Church goes further, sprinkling on the dead either oil from a church lamp or incense ash from a thurible.70
(To be continued.)
NOTES AND QUERIES. SENDU BIR, THE WHISTLING SPIRIT OF Senda Bir steals corn, milk, ghí, &c., from others, KANGRA AND KASHMIR.
to give to his special worshippers. The people It is a common belief among the people that also fear those who are supposed to have mastered Senda Bir is generally to be seen in the form of a the mantras or charms by which Senda Bir can be Gaddi (hill shepherd) with a long beard and a kirá made to come at call, and to go by command, to
long basket for carrying milk, ghi, &c.) on his oppress their enemies. In some places Senda Bir back. The spirit is also called D&riala from its is supposed to burn down the houses, etc., of beard, and Kirowalk from the kirô or long basket. those with whom he is dissatisfied. In places The main shrine of Senda Bir is at Basoli, in the where houses are liable to be burnt down auddenly, territory of Jaimun, and smaller ones are at the people are much afraid of faqirs ooming to Dhar, Bhangöri, and Gungtha, in the Kångså beg in the name of Senda Bir; and if they say they District. Nearly all the Hindu cultivators have a belong to his shrine they are plentifully rewarded. strong faith in this spirit, and at both harvests The inhabitants of Barsar will commonly state offer him karáhí (i.e., halwa, sweetmeat). When- that the police station there was burned down by ever a house, or a woman, or a man is deolared by this spirit. a jogi (locally, chela or magic-man) to be possessed Senda Bir is also supposed to cobabit with any by Senda Bir, such person will make offerings of female to whom any person who has mastered his laráhís, or a ram, or a he-goat, to the spirit in charms may send him, the woman thinking that order to ward off illness.
she is in a dream. It is believed by cultivators generally that SIRDARO BHALYARI in P. N. and Q. 1883.
67 Smith's Christian Antiquities, p. 78.65 The Golden Manual, p. 671. 69 Jepes' Crowns, p. 288.
** Smith's Christian Antiquities, PP. 453, 466, 457, 488. 11 Jones' Crowns, p. 297.
71 Moore's Oriental Fragments (1814), p. 145. 78 Smith's Christian Antiquities, p. 628.4 Mrs. Romanoff's Rites and Customs of the Greco-Russian Church, p. 231. * Smith's Christian Antiquities, p. 777. T Op. cit. p. 1433.
[For a further note about Sendu or Sindhi Bir, see ante, Vol. XI. p. 261.- ED.)

Page #91

APRIL, 1896.)
ESSAYS ON KASMIRI GRAMMAR.
85
وزنه .Abl وزنك .Gen
strana s6aanuk
ESSAYS ON KASMIRI GRAMMAR. BY THE LATE KARL FRIEDRICH BURKHARD. Translated and edited, with notes and additions, by G. A. Grierson, Ph.D., O.I.E., 1.0.8.
(Continued from p. 85.) THE TRANSITIVE VERB.
Active Voice. 81. Two verbs are conjugated : -
(a) A Primitive Verb. wjo sópun, to send. (6) A Derivative Verb, the Double Caugal. We lo múranávun, to get killed. Verbal Stem or Boot.30
lo mirandv 82. Infinitive, the act of sending (or getting killed). Masc. Nom. wjqreo sôzun
máranávun Dat. como govo sốzanas
márandvanas márandvang
maranavanuk Fem. Nom. wjgno sózañi
máranávani Dat. Abl. disgó sózani
máranávani 88. Participles.
Present (Active). uljono sózán, sonding. wg6,60 máranâvân, getting killed.
Perfect (Passive). Sg. m. chignon sur-mut, 31 sent. Les lo miranôumut, 31 got killed. f. rigor síla-mutass
• maranov-mutssa súz-mati33
mdranovi-mati sốzą-matsa*
márandve-matsa
Fature (Active). m. wgjigu gộzavun, about to send. uggulo maranávavun, about to get killed.
!
sózaduki35 Pl. m. wyggnadsốzavuni
sôzavun135
C
madranauavuniss مارنارون
marandtapuai مارنارن maranduaotan96 مارناوونه
* The order of tenses is different from that of the original. See note to 9 85. 81 (Regarding the vowel changes of the root, see $ 158.).
On further inquiry, I find that mute more nearly represents the termination of the fem. sg. than mata as given in $ 27.
$(Or eux-mat.)
سوز هچه ,Sometimes written و stemats [from
کرون karun, etc کرمچه ,. here-males .(
» So also I find that vuit and (pl.) vuni more nearly represent the pronunciation than the vari and vani given in $ 22.

Page #92

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
CAPRIL, 1896.
84. Noun of the Agent.
Sg. m staanool, a sender موز نودل .
. marandeanool, one who gets مارنا ررول ) mnarananamvajeat90 مارناونوا جن adaani bajests وزنواجن .1
P. m adaenoit ونوال .
وزنواجنه .
sorantejeni marandevanedajena مارناونوا جنه
le máranávanvóli
Participle Absolute.
strait شوزت
-maramait مارناوت
85. Simple tenses.37 rThese are (1) The Imperative (Immediate); (2) The Present, Indefinite, and Future ; (3) The Aorist; (4) The Optative; and (5) The Precative. - Trans.]
86. Imperative Mood.
Singulor. Simple. Respectful.
Simple.
Respectfal.
Simi
son شوز (9)
وزن (3) نه
ه سوزنه ta, send
مارنار ! marande
ltanء نه شوزن marandvin مارناون
مارنارنه maranap-te, get
مارناوتن mirandai-tan
killed !
Plural.
موزر rinژه str-i-tar
شوزن seri-lan
marewdvi مارنارر maramarin مارناين
مارناوتر maranaderi-tan
مارناوتن mndarande.itan
Indicative Mood. 87. Present Indefinite, and Future.38
Singular.
(1) (2)
شوزه sos-, I shall send, etc .
steak موزك
مارناره marando, I shall get killed, etc .
مارنارك marande-ak -marando مارناره
82-
Plural.
a0-62و شوزر (1)
وزر (2) -sos
(3)
وزن an-839
مارنارو mirando-an -maramic مارنارو
مارناون marande-an
* So also vdjesi is better than the vójest given in $ 22.
7 In the original, the author follows the order of tenses usually met with in grammars of European languages, commencing with the Present Definite, the Imperfeot, Perfect, and Pluperfect, all of which are compound tenses, and then dealing with the Aorist, Future, Indicative, and with the Present and Perfect Optative. The translator bas taken the liberty of following the usual Indian custom of grouping the tenses, first under the head of Simple Tenses and then under that of Compound Tenses. This has necessitated slight deviations from the language of the origioal.
* For the Personal Pronouns, see $ 47. (This tense, though an old present, is mostly used in a future sense.)

Page #93

APRIL, 1896.)
ESSAYS ON KASMIRI GRAMMAR.
87
88. Aorist. This tense30 is Active in form, but is treated as if it were a Passive. Hence the Personal Pronoun (or subject) appears in the Instrumental case, and the Object becomes Subject, while the verb remains active in form. [Regarding the changes of radical vowels and consonants in the Aorist, see $$ 158 and ff.] The Aorist can be formed in three different manners, viz. :(a) With the Personal Pronoun (or noun) (which if the verb was construed actively
would be the subject) in the Instrumental, and the verb with the terminations
of the Aorist given in $ 36, e. g., ju do me stzw. (6) With the Personal Pronoun (or noun) in the Instrumental, and again repeated
as a pronominal suffix at the end of the verb40 (see $$ 37, 47, 48, e.g., pjy do
me susu-m. (c) With the Personal Pronoun not given in the Instrumental, and only given as a
suffix at the end of the verb, e. g., pjg súsu-m. 89. As regards the use of these three varieties, if the instrumental case is nsed, and the grammatical subject is not expressed, the suffix is usually omitted (variety a): but if the pronoun (or noun) in the instrumental is to be supplied from an instrumental in a preceding sentence, or is to be understood from a nominative in a preceding sentence in which, owing to the use of an intransitive verb, a nominative has to be used as the subject of the verb and not an instrumental, I find that the form with the suffix is invariably used. Thus, wis dapun, to speak ; 40 petami dop, hy him was it spoken, i.e., he spoke ; voulas pádi shák-án dop", by the king it was spoken, the king spoke; but wig ai you why pädishák-an dop* tą súsu-n, by the king it was spoken and it-was-sent-by-him, i. e., the king spoke and sent; or
w aishi padishah &u tą dopu-n, the king came and it-was-said-by-bim, i. e., the king came and said. So also jyun opas timau súzu, by them was sent, they sent; but the king spoke and sent men' is
SWAS padishdh-an dopu ta xañi sui-n, by the king it-was-spoken, and men were-sent-by-him.
An intransitive verb can also be used in this impersonal way; 6.9., US, woulun, to weep; Sy wod", he wept : Us, wodu-n, it-was-wept-by-him (Lake, xix. 41).
90. In this tenge, the characteristic vowel of the feminine is a, e. g., jyw sós-ą, and of the masculine w in the singular, and in the plural. Sometimes, however, we find i [e] also in the feminine; e. g., Wys kare-n, whiie the regular form, given in the paradigm is wj8ôza-n. It appears that those verbs which change their root-vowel a into o, take i in the feminine. Thus (Mp.) wte, rachhun has its 3rd pl. fem. aorist wt , rachin (rachhe-n], as compared with wjy sốsa-n, because the former has jrochh for its aorist, and the latter jy súe. I find all Intransitives taking a. So far I have not been able to lay down any better rule for distinguishing the use of these vowels. [The real termination of the fem. pl. ise, written ya in the Sarada character. If the e (ya) is preceded by ta, tah, or , it be comes a. We thus get rachhe n, they (fem.) were protected by him, kare-n, they (fem.) were by made by him, but dsa (not ase), they (fem.) were, sóza-n, they (fem.) were sent by him.] [In the fem. sg. the
[It is derived from the Sanskrit Passive participle.) - Note that the 1st Plural never has a suffix,

Page #94

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[APRIL, 1896.
termination is not pronounced and will not be written so as to distinguish the form from the Masc. pl., in which it is pronounced. It is written in the Sâradâ character, and before terminations, as in slaa-m, sivat, etc., it has a very indefinite bound partaking of the nature of a short German i. In such cases, therefore, it is conveniently represented by 4. See 87. Note that a final a always has this short sound, or something akin to it, and is hence also written a.)
el. In order to thoroughly explain the conjugation of the aorist, I also give, in $ 138, the conjugation of that tense for the verb wys diun, to give, on account of the difficulties which it exhibits. This will also serve as an example of the conjugation of verbs like to heun, to take, which take altogether different forms in the feminine ; 6. g, houn, Aorist es hiuku, fem. E hets; V tulun to lift, Aorist, tulu, fem. i tij; who hekun, to be able, aor. La hiuks, fem. & hech.
I. - Subject --& Noon Substantive. 92. [The following is the conjugation of the Aorist of a transitive verb, when the grammatical subject is a noun substantive. Thus in "I sent the man' (i. e., the man was sent by me); the grammatical subject is a noun substantive, vis., the man.'
When the grammatical subject is a pronoun, the conjugation is complicated by the addition of pronominal suffixes of the nominative case. This conjugation is given afterwards. ]
Singular. Masculine.
Feminine.
me sruhl مه سوز
by him
me simum مه وزم
Was sent
by me ...
me sú:45 by thee
wanting just tąmiss sum
tamita situs by us judul asi súnu
asi sir by yon ...
wanting ( by them iymo si timau súru
jyou yo timau sús by me
pjguide me sútą-m by thee do tse sivu-t
tse súzę-t (6) by bim
wanting by us
wanting by you tohi súzung
aš tohi stize-up by them
wanting by me sru-m
súza-m by thee stizu-t
slizant by him súzun
súza-n wanting by you ... jy súzu-vo
úza-vo by them ... súzu-l
sú za-k *1 [This final" is written in the Paradigma, but is not audible in pronunciation.] ? By her dej tami.
[The norist of marun, to kill, eg. m. mürfem. mor (written co már) (for) lemar); pl.m. mort, but f. mdre, in which the d is unchanged. So from karun, to make, sg. m. kor, f. kar, pl. m. kort, f. kara. See $ 90 above.]
سوزم
سوزت
(c) by us

Page #95

APRIL, 1896.)
ESSAYS ON KASMIRI GRAMMAR.
Plural.
Masculine,
Feminine.
by me
...
medias مهرز
vízoto me a6zqi
wanting
by tkee by him
...
joao petqmissa súsi jsou asi odsi
of masí asi 1024
by as by you by them
wanting
og
timau sisi
timax tôn
by me
me silsi-m
pizode moodua-m
him
Were sent
jgud teo sitait
wanting wanting
tohi súsi-a
by us
by you
tohi va-va
by them ...
-
(by me
sósa-m
by thee
EG-
by him
ska
by us
wanting
by you
..
ނުޕިފައި
visee
je s8aa-va
by them ...
Ujen suni-h
رزت
eðra-K
[Note that certain verbs take e in the feminine plural. The causal conjagated subsequently is one of these. So also the verbs karun, to make (aorist koru), and rachhun to protect (aorist rochh), have the fem, pl. kare, kare-m, kare-t, kare-n, kare-og (not kari-vg), kare-k, and nachhe, rachhe-m, rachhe-t, rachhe-n, rachho-ve, and rachhe-k, respectively. See & 90 above.)
*** By ber dob tami.

Page #96

90
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[APRIL, 1896.
93.
II. - Subject - a pronoun (partly with double suffixes).
I was sent
Masculine.
Feminine.
...
by me
... a comer i smo da tse suzu-tha-s bo ... as coisas que pase (terme) oilz-na-s bo
. af Jens (harjus (tami) súzu-na-s do by us ..
... as cores con dos tohi vizu-va-s bo
á togar tse súza-tha-s bo
(tami) súza-na-s bo di jadi gor (03j(tami) sázq-na-s be al consigna del tohi viza-va-s bo
timon) stan-ka-s bo) (تم) شوز مس به ... them
tennaa) saiso-ha-s bo) (تو) موزهس به |
94. Thon wast sent
Masculine,
Feminine.
to me súza-ma-k tag
by me ... de elegde me súku-ma-k tsą by thee ...
... as ecomp (tami) 5 slru-na-k teq her ... as atrisi (och (tami)süzmra-k tag
lami, súza-na-k taa
also coas (tama)16 ałaq-na-k tog
us
anti sars-ks tag أسه وزت چه aoi sars-k tag سه وزت چه .....
by them ... de ce como conse) (simau) ataw.ha-k tsą
elásml siz) (timau) süza-ha-k teq
05. He or she was sent
Masculice.
Feminine.
by thee ... dm
tse súzu-tha-n su by you .. and we badai tohi sisu-va-n ou
[This form is only used in the second person.]
dm utgo do tse size-tha-n so die w o da tohi súza-va-n 30
yo timau are usually omitted, or, if they are retained, the instrumental suffix of the third person in omitted. Thus, des could koru.na-bo, or diversos pútami koru-s do. This also applica to the following paradigms. Remember that, once for all, the small * above the line is not pronounced, and that thea of the feminine singular is a very short indefinite sound.]
15 See note 44 abovo.

Page #97

APRIL, 1896.)
ESSAYS ON KASMIRI GRAMMAR.
96. We were sent
Masculine.
Feminine.
5'
. thee
رزت سی توپ toe strict چه به stain ما(tema) (قم) وزن اسی ... him 7
her sadni-w ani) توه) شونين اسي -
tam
wiejscatoe a82a-147 qui vi wisao (país (tamizao sốza-n47 asi
5'
tamt) 46 sốza-9:47 asi
5
by you
tohi stizi-va asi
tohi sóza-vant asi
مه(»tima) (تمر) سوزت اس ... by them وی stri-k
) (تمر) موزتاس | وب tionaut sana-k7
97. You were sient
Masculino.
Feminine.
me
arsgigo co me súzi-ma-vą tohi
vyo; gu to me sóza-ma-vą tohi
by thee
by him
(tami; sizi-na-vą toki by her ... assiga roos (tami)** sústi-na-zą toki by as
18 ... asosiy tash asi susivą toki by you ...
tami)49 sốza-na-va tohi aina hiyo leoj (tami) göza-za-vą tohi
asi söza-va tohi
) (تو) شوز مره ثه ... by them Finau) •
sari-ha-o ) (تمر) شوز هوه ته چ timat) s8sa-ha-ve
toni
tohi
98. They were sent
Masouline.
-
Feminine.
by theo ... poi clasigura by you .pl on juba
tse sázó-thu-k tim toki súsi-va-k tim
dotse sóza-tha-l ting origa do tohi sóza-va-k timą
[This form is only used in the second person.]
** See note 44 abovo.
*(Promoć karun, eto, tko tom, pl. in eo s kare-t @kerom, bss kare-ve, só koronks] - [From vocó barun, oto, the fem. pl. to says naro-mave, oto]
"See note 44 above.

Page #98

92
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(APRIL, 1896.
90. Edgeworth, besides some certain misprints, has the following forms: I by you (fem.), saziran ; thou by us, misinath; he by us, nisai; you by us, Hisinara ; they by us, izai; they (pl. fem.) by you, sónidan. The ai is the suffix y (to thee), the rest I cannot understand.
100. The remarks made in 88, regarding the omission of the instrumental personal pronouns, apply here also. The nominative personal pronouns can also be omitted; e. g., in
súxu-tha-s, I was sent by thee, the pronouns are indicated by the • and by the th, respectively.
;
Causal Verb wylos la märandvün. 101. I. - Subject - Noun.
Singular.
Masculine
Feminine.
by me
...
مارنار امه
marandute
by us ... by you ... by thom
Instrumental Pro
DOUN.
máranów
4
.. e
ho
mie Granuียน-200 tre máranővu-t
Was got killed
.. him by 26 ... by you ... by them
me máranôva, Ley too máranova -
=
مه مارنآورة | tahi marandesee هه مارنورة
tohi mareneue-es
máranðvu--
ps Wijca maranve to
by me... by thee ...
-marandma مارئورت
were mdrandou.
mdrandvu-
-mndrandoq مارا ناره marandeen مارنان ومهmarande مارناره marandush مارناوت
by them ...
maranawa ماروت
* By bor, o camis

Page #99

APRIL, 1898.]
ESSAYS ON KASMIRI GRAMMAR.
Plural
Macsuline and Feminine.
Feminine.
(by me
by thee ... by him by us by you ... by them
Instrumental Pro
nouns,
naran
مانا
Instrumental Pro
noun.
márandde
by me. ...
me mdranovi-m
me márandve-m
by thee
tse mdranovi-t
tse máranáve-t
by him
Were got killed
... soy To'lo da
tohi máranôni-va los uso da tohi máranáve-vą
by you ... by them ...
by me
ps bosco máranôni-mi
مارناوم
maran doe-me
thee
márandve-t
marandvi. مارناوت maranduin ما رناوت
máranáve
by him by as by you
mdranautoe مارنا يوه
-marandve مارناووه marande مارناوت
by them ...
O,
ko maranõvi-k
II. - Sabject - a Pronoun. 102. Like the Aorist of the Primitive Verb. Thas, de código de me márandom-ma-k tes, by me wast-got-killed-by-me-thou thoa, 1. e., 'I got you killed.” The general remarks concerning the Aorist refer also to the Causative.

Page #100

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[APRIL, 1896.
103. Pluperfect II.51
Subject.
Singular.
Masculine.
Feminine.
sisa do me sózôv
o
j go do me sérôyi
by me by thee by him
tamia sốxôyi
แต่ 8ะช
asi sôzôyi
by us by you by them
tami62 sôzôv seisio avi adrão visagés timari rôzőv
simas essage نمووز ايه
by me
مه وزوم ...
me saat-m
by thee
• me sôzôyam opsiguo da teo sôcôya-t
de
tse 8ôzô-t
Had been sent
by him
ب0-tohi s6s6 هه وزووه
by thee
ބު
by us by you
ossiamo dei tohi s626-ra by them ... by me sôzô-m
sôzôya-m sôzô-t
sôcônja- by him
Tiga sôzôya-n wyjy sogoby us by you ... 8. 8686-vg
19:1; go sôzôyi-va by them ... Og jy sô26-K
Timesőzőya-k [NOTE. - The above is as given by the author. Wade gives for this tenge, instead of 8ôtov, márov, máryov, or máréyor, fem. märêy, or máréyéy; pl. masc. máréy, or máréyéy, feminine, máréyi, or ndréyéyi. According to the Kasmirasabdāmsita, a native grammar, this tense is simply an Indefinite Past, and its principal forms are as follows. The simple verb is karun, to do:
He was made Sho was made they (masc.) were made They (fem.) were made
by me by thee by him by us by you by them ...
karyd-m karyot karyo-n karyőr karyo-ve karyő-k
karyeya-m karyéya-t karyéya- karyeyo karyéya-vg karyeya-k
karya-m karye-t karyen kary@y karye-up kary6-k
Same as Fem. sing.
" For Pluperfect I., see Periphraatio tenses. * By her du tami.

Page #101

APRIL, 1896.)
ESSAYS ON KASMIRI GRAMMAR.
95
The Pluperfect is formed by substituting ya for y8, and byť for ye in the masculine. The Feminine is the same as above. We thus get the following forms:
He had been made
They (masc.) had been made
by me by thee by him by us by you by them ...
karya-m karya-t tary4# karyan karya-vo karyd-k
karéyém kartykaréyékaréyéy karéyé-ve karéyék
So also from the Causal, mdrandvy8-m, etc.
If the stem of the tense, however, ends in ts, tsh or, the y of y8 and of yd is omitted. We thus get sôx8-m, not sốay-m, I sent him; sôad-m, I bad sent him. Moreover, in these verbs, y@ya, ya, and éyé become oya, ó, and oys, respectively. We thus get the following forms :
Indefinite Past.
He was sent
She was sent
They (masc.) were sont) They (fem.) were sent
...
by me by thee by him by us by you by them
8ôzô- tôi đ-4 sôzô- ఆరీకారం sôzô-vg sózo
sôôya-m sixoyat sôsoya-n sôzoya sôzôya-og sôzôya-k
sok-on. Mộtô838ô-n sonoy 8638-vg sôcô-k
Same as Fem. sing.
Pluperfect, masculine.
He had been sent
They had been sent
soud-m soud-t sord-n
by me... by thee ... by him ... by us .. by you .. by them ..
sôsoye-m *ôzôyét sôzôye-n adsoyéy sôzôyé-ver #Ozôye-k,
sósá-va aord-K
The following verbs, however, do insert y in the masculine singular terminations, katsun, to be wet; grotown, to be splashed out of a vessel; tsotsun, to be without employment; tshotsun, to be empty; tésun, to be sharp ; pasun, to be fit; rôtoun, to be pleasant; vetsun, to contain; brarun, to shine; bdwasun, to be pleasant; letsun, to be weak; érôtsun, to be pare. These are all neuter verbe, and therefore take the terminations of neuter verbs. Vide post. Thus katoyos, not katos, I was wet.)

Page #102

96
Primitive.
Sg.
112
(1)
(2) sôz-aha-k
sôz-aha, did I send, etc.
Pl. 12
مارنا وهه marana-aha-k مارنا وهك
miraadiha مارنا ره marande-ihe or مارناره taiba شوزه adride or شود (3)
soz-ah-au
siz-ih-iu شوهر
j soz-aha-n
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
104. Optative or Past Conditional. Present.
keep sending, etc.
موزان چهس
et ه که ماه شروان اس
سوزان آرسس مارداران آرسس
106.
105. Precative,53
sót-iti, [or da sózizihe], je maranav-izi [or dalo múranávizihe], Bend, I pray
get (
killed, I pray
see
Causal.
Sg.
máranáv-aha, did I get killed, etc.
Pl.
marande-ah-au مارناره marana-ak-fu مارنا وهو
وعه sand مارتار في
Compound Tenses.
Imperative Continuative.
asun آسن
[APRIL, 1896.
.marande de fr, etc مارتاران آس
Continue getting(-)killed, etc.
Indicative Mood.
107. Present Definite.
sózán chhus, etc., I am sending, etc.
mdranded chhus, etc., I am getting(-)killed, ete.
108. Imperfect.
sôzán ôsus, I was sending, etc.
môranáván ôsus, I was getting(-)killed, etc.
Perfect.
109. There is no active form. The tense is hence formed by means of a passive construction, by combining the Perfect Participle Passive, with the Auxiliary Verb de chha. The Personal Pronoun (or subject) has therefore to be put in the Instrumental (§ 88), and the object stands in the nominative. Thus, 'I have sent him' is rendered by 'He has been sent by
me.'
110. As in the case of the Aorist, the Perfect can be formed in three different ways:(a) With the Per sonal Pronoun (or noun) (which if the verb was construed actively would be the subject) in the Instrumental, and the Perfect Participle with 244 chha conjugated as given in § 55, and agreeing with the object (which has now become the subject) in gender, number and person; . g., me süzmut chha, by me it has been sent, I have sent.
Not given in Mp.
مه شوزمت چهه .

Page #103

APRIL, 1896.]
ESSAYS ON KASMIRI GRAMMAR.
97
(6) With the Personal Pronoun (or noun) in the Instrumental, as before, and again
repeated as a pronominal suffix at the end of the Verb ( 48 ); e. g.
pas wojgn do me sůzmut chhu-m, by me it-bas-been-sent-by.me. (e) With the Personal Pronoun not given in the Instrumental, and only given as a
suffs at the end of the verb; e. g., pti cijem súzmut chhu-m, it has-been-sent
by-me. The different uses of these three forms are as described under the head of the Aorist (S 89).
111. I. - Subject - a Noun.
Singular.
Masculine.
Feminine.
(by me
...,
me
by thee
him
..
do me wanting
pj tamis mi asi wanting
timau
موزه چه
tamil
(a)
shizmut chhu
by us
Yani asi
sürmuta chle
.
by you ... by them ...
times تمر
do me
mechhu-m tse chhut
chheim chhe-156
Has been sent
by me. by thce ... by him .. by us ... by you (by them
izmat
súamuls
tohil
chhu-va
chhe-ra
4
( by me.. by thee ...
chhu-m chh t-t chhu-n
chhe-na chle-t chhe-n
by him
...
súzmut
وزی
8นียงnuts
by ns ... by you ... i by them ..
chhe-ra
chhu-va chhu-k
chhe
But the first plural nover has a suffix, By her to tami. So Mp., but Np., yun de too chha-y.

Page #104

98
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[APRIL, 1890.
Plural.
Masculine.
Feminine.
( by me
by thee
tami
tami
súzmatika chhi
dal asi
sozamatsa57chhe
you
.
| by them ...
by me ...
de me
r.) chlim
r
chhe an
chhi.
chhet
Has been sent
اندوزمت
súzmati66
sôzamatsa57
da tohi
chhi uc
chhe-vo
by you by them ..
by me
chhi-m chhi-t
by thee
chhochhet chher
chhin
وزمت
súsmatible
LDÖSIDUDES
by you by them ...
chhi-ra chhi-l
chhere chle-l
II. - Subject - a Pronoun.
112. [In this case the Auxiliary, in the case of transitive verbs, does not take the termi. nations of the present tense, but the same suffixes as those which we find in the Aorist of a transitive verb. The original text gives incorrect paradigms for the Perfect and Pluperfect, using the forms of the Auxiliary employed with intransitive verbs. This the Author himself points out later on. In the present translation I give the correct forms of these tenses.)
ra Properly coz odalmat. • From ou já korun, depósó karematao, wo 500.

Page #105

APRIL, 1896.)
ESSAYS ON KASMIRI GRAMMAR
113. I have been sent
Masculino
Feminine.
tse chhe-th(a)-8
by me... by thee by himse ... by us by you
tani chhesse
og gud
tse chhu-tha-s une pui tamo chiusco * da tohi chhuvas
timau chku-959
bo súzout
bo sú muts
tohi chhe-va-8 timau chhe-360
by them
114.
Thou hast been sent
Masculine.
Feminine.
me chhu-ma-k
mne chhe-ma-k
C
by me.. by thee ... by him... by us
... by you by them ...
elem po tamé chhu-dos das any asi chhu-k
ทนแ28 ยงรุ
tami chke-.61 007 tool asi chhe-k
877 vtz38 บริ)
S
DN
timau chhu-161
timaw chhe-1.61
115. He or she has been sent
Masculine.
Feminine.
by thee ...
weito do
tse chhu-tha-n
tse chhe-tha-1
su súziat
Susnuts
hy you
...
w%
tohi chhu-va-n
lust do tohi chhe-va-»
9
(This form is used only in the second person.]
1
" By her doś tami.
[In thin oneo we should expect to chhu-na-# (fem. clho-na-s. The analogy of the Aorist is followed, where we have de tami korus bo, instead
tomi korunas bo. See $ 93, note 4. So also in the plural). When the pronoun in the instrumental is not given, the full forms are used. )
• By her, doś tami.
1 Instramental suffix omittod, as the propoup in the instrumental is given. Thas 3 chhak for si chhu-na-k, and sleea chhu-ha-k. See $ 113. note 59, above.

Page #106

100
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[APRIL, 1896.
116. We bave been sent
Masculine.
Feminine.
4
tse chhi-t
tse chhe-t
by me by thee ... by him... by us ...
3)
(tami) 62 chhi-n
w** (p) (tamoyaa chhe-n
us siะmate
asi sóza matsa
by you
tohi chhi-va
tohi chhe-ra (timar)® chheek
by them ...
).(limau) chhi-k)
.
117. You have been sent
Masculine.
Feminine.
by me ...
do me chhi-vą85
me chlie-va 65
by thee..
tami chhi-vros
tami chhe-ra85
i
Osnumros
ndwa
ioli súzmati
asi chhi-ra
by him64 ... by us ... by you ... by them..
asi chhe-vo
101
timau chhi-pne
timau chhe-ra66
118. They have been sent
Masculine.
Feminine.
by thee ..
elskapene tse chhi-tha-k
de
tse chhe-tha-k
* صورت
tim súzmati
timq sizamator
by you...
tohi chhi-va-k
tohi chhe-va-k
[This form is used only in the second person.]
62 See $ 113, note 59 above.) 63 By her he tani. " By her dos tami. Instramental suffix omitted, as the pronoun in the instrumental is given. Thus,
ären. Thus, isto instead of chhi-ta
i-11a-to, 55+++ chhi-ha-rn, and so on. See $ 113, note 59, above.

Page #107

APRIL, 1896.)
ESSAYS ON KASMIRI GRAMMAR.
+ 1013
119. The Causal verb is conjugated exactly like the simple one, and need not be given in full. For ej súzmut, etc., substitute the corresponding Participle Passive of
مارنارن
marandouh. Thus
,
m&random at for مارنو و مت stimut شوز مت stian atts موزه marandomneuts for مارنا و sarimuqti شوز مت marandingti for ماردة ومت
ورميه mawandosenate for مارنا و ميه .stewatsa
120. Pluperfect. .. This is conjugated on the same lines as the Perfect, the Aorist of the Auxiliary verb UHT ásun being substituted for de chha. The second form of the Pluperfect (Pluperfect II.) will be found above, under the simple tenses (f 103).
121. I. - Subject - a Noun.
Singular.
Masculine.
Feminine.
do me
pi tami
by me ... by thee ... by him ... by us by you ... by them ...
súzmut os
وهي اس
Pronoun in instrumen
tal as in masc.
stimuts us
timant
.
Tilawi co gao
üsil-int
.بده
Had been sent
sizmu.
Pronouns in instrumental as in masc.
szizmuts
osu-u?
65ą
by me by theo by him by as ... by you ... *gungt by them ... by me... by thee by him .. og by us : by you ... Syment by them ... on
0814-
01 || 131 773752
osu-t
ösa-n isaat 639-12
casino
Osu-12
suะmut
súzmuts
osu.vg
osa ug osak
osu-k

Page #108

102
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[APRIL, 1896.
Plural.
Masculine.
Feminine.
by me
thee
him
وزعت اي
súzmati si
8ôzamatsą ása
by you by them ... by me
tal as in masc. sg. mental as in masc. sg. Pronouns in instrumen. Pronouns in instru
súzmati
tal as in masc. sg. mental as in masc. sg. Pronouns in instrumenPronouns in instru
sôząmatsa
ása-11
by thee
ása-t
Had been sent
وزمت
osi-va
DA-DSP
by him by us by you
Lby them ... Derby me
by thec by him
lligenz liello
osim
ása-in
asi-t
si-n
caigua
by as
súzmati
asa-t ása-n
8ôząmatsa
i
by you by them ...
8T
d
asa
ása-k
ősé-ra
lási- ohet II. - Subject - a Pronoun.
122. I had been sent
Masculine.
Feminine.
bg me ... by thee
da
tse ôgu-tha-s
tse ôsq-thas comment pas tami osą-987
by him...
tomi Osu-887
gue de
by us
bo suzmut
.
bo súzmuts
by you ...
độ toli -va
van gew'das tohi ôsą-va-s
by them ...
I sunog sa timan Isu-ser
tawani dans تر اس
G8 Once for all, by her, du tami.
67 Instrumental suffix omitted, as the pronoun in the instrumental is given : thus, Wol-na-s, and commune I cou-ha-s, as in the aorist and perfect. See $ 113, Lote 59,

Page #109

APRIL, 1896.)
THE CHANDRA-VYAKARANA.
103
THE CHANDRA-VYAKARANA. PROVESSOR KIELHORN has shown that Jayaditya and Vamana, the compilers of the Kifiká Vritti, have used the Granner of the well-known Buddhist author Chandragomin or Chandracharya, the Chandra-Vyakarana, although they never actually mention it. As a full knowledge of this system has thus become desirable for a critical edition of the Kasika, a pupil of Prof. Kielhorn's, Dr. Liebich of Breslan, has examined all the obtainable materials, - the MSS. found in Nepal, Ceylon and Kaśmir, as well as the Tibetan translations contained in the 116th and 132nd volume of the Mdo or Sátra portion of the Tanjur. Hitherto, no remains of Chandra's work have been found in India proper. In the Nachrichten der K. Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Göttingen, Phil.-Hist. Klasse, 1895, Heft 3, Dr. Liebich gives a résumé of his inquiries, from which it appears that the whole system of Buddhist Sanskrit Grammar has now been recovered. It consists of the following texts, preserved either in the original or in the very faithful Tibetan translation :
1. The Súlra-Pál ha, in six books, corresponding to the Ashțádhyáyi of Paniņi. A complete MS. of it, written in 1356 A. D., has recently been acquired by the Indian Government from Népal and is now in Calcutta. Moreover, there are several fragments in Cambridge and a complete translation in the Tanjur.
2. The Satra-Vritti. This is, no doubt, the most important text of the whole system, corresponding, as it does, in style and treatment of the matter to the Kasika Vritti and con. taining very probably the original explanation of Chandragomin himself. In the colophon, it is called the work of Dharmadasa. If this is to be taken as a proper name, it may be the name of the pupil who wrote down his master's words. Dr. Liebich gives the beginning of this commentary, which shews its similarity to the Katiká and the help it gives for emending the corrupt passages of its printed edition.
The only complete MS. of this commentary, containing the Satras, and written in the character of the XII-XIII. century, is in the library of the Mahârâjd of Nepal ar Kathmanda. Through the kind intervention of Col. Wylie, British Resident in Nepal, Dr. Liebich obtained a copy. The original, according to Prof. Bendall, comprises 159 palm-leaves. The copy numbers 281 large leaves of Nepalese paper. Fragments of the same Vritti, not extending over a third of the whole, are in the Cambridge University Library.
3. The Satra-Paddhati, a gloss by Anandadatta. Copions fragments, belonging to the first and second books of the Sútrapátha, are preserved at Cambridge.
4. Chandra-Alankára, a sileá of the Sutra päļha, by an unknown author. The single existing fragment, referring to the fifth and sixth books, was acquired in Nepal by Prof. Bendall, and is now in his own possession. It is written in a very archaic alphabet, the so-called arrowtop character, similar to the South Indian alphabets and else found in Buddhist votive inscriptions only.
5. Adhikára-Sangraha : a curious little book, containing all the Adhikáras or leading rules of the Chandra-Sátra, with an indication as to how many Sútras they apply. It is found in the Tanjur only. No such treatise, at least in Grammar, has reached us in the original Sanskrit.
6. Dhátr-Patha, the collection of roots according to the Chándra system, differing from Panini's mainly in the arrangement, as it makes the genera verborum the highest principle of division. It was found by Dr. Liebich in two different translations in the Tanjur. With the aid of these, the Sanskrit original, too, was afterwards discovered in the Cambridge collection.
There is a third translation of this work in the Tanjur (No. 3727), with some alterations, having the ad- and tuhoti-classes combined into one, and the last or chur-class worked over
Ante, Vol. XV. pp. 183-3.

Page #110

104
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[APRIL, 1896.
and rendered more similar to Pânini's. In the concluding verses, Bgrod-dka-sen-ge (Durgasimha) is named as the author of these alterations. Dr. Liebich has shewn that this Durgasimha is identical with the well-known commentator of the Kátantra Grammar, and that he really introduced the Dhátupátha of the Chandras in this revised form into the Kalâpa system, as it is found in all the Sanskrit MSS. of this Grammar, while the genuine Kalapa-Dhátusûtra, differing totally from this, is again preserved in the Tanjur only (No. 3723).
7. A Dhátu-Párayana by Pârnachandra, probably belonging to the Chândra system and corresponding to the Madhaviya-Dháturritti, was bought by Prof. Bendall in Nêpâl, and is now in the Cambridge collection.
8. Gana-Patha. The Ganas of the Chândra system are fully incorporated into the SútraVritti (No. 2), just as the Kásiká Vritti contains the Ganapatha of Pâniņi.
9. Unádi-Sútra, preserved in the Tanjur only. Chandragômin has arranged his unadi affixes in three books according to the final letter. The first book or chapter contains the affixes ending in any vowel except a; the second the affixes in a from ka to ya; and the third, the remaining a-affixes from ura to ha, the so-called kvip-affix and the affixes ending in
consonants.
10. Unádi-Vritti; an excellent commentary to the former, in the Tanjur only. The words derived from the unádi affixes as well as their synonymes are given in Sanskrit together with a Tibetan version.
11. Upasarga-Vritti, an explanation of the twenty Upasargas or verbal prefixes of the Sanskrit language, by Chandragômin. It is found in the Tanjur only.
12. Varna-Sutra of Chandragômin, corresponding to the Paniniya-Siksha and like this containing rules on phonetics. It was found in Kasmir by Prof. Bühler, and is moreover translated in the Tanjur.
13. Varṇa-Sútra-Vritti, a metrical commentary to the former by Chos-skyon, i. e., Dharmapâla, in 119 slokas. This is preserved in the Tanjur only.
14. Paribháshá-Sútra, giving the rules of interpretation for the Chândra system. It was found in Kasmir by Prof. Bühler, together with No. 12. Dr. Liebich has proved the genuineness of these paribhashd rules by quotations from the Sûtra Vritti (No. 2).
15. Bálávabodhana, an elementary treatise on Sanskrit Grammar according to the Chandra system, corresponding to the Laghukaumudi of Varadaraja. It was written in Ceylon by a Buddhist priest named Kasyapa, or Kassapa, about 1200 A. D., with a view of facilitating the study of Sanskrit. But its existence seems af terwards to have caused the loss. of the original Chándra Vyakarana in that island. It was discovered by the late William Goonetilleke, who reported on it under the title, "The Grammar of Chandra" (ante, Vol. IX. pp. 80-84) and published its beginning, about a third of the whole, in the Orientalist. Dr. Liebich is in the possession of a complete copy of this work, presented to him by Mr. Mendis Gunasekara of Colombo.2
16. Tinanta, a treatise on conjugation of verbs on the Chândra system. In the Tanjur
only.
17. Subanta-Ratnakara, the "jewel mine of nouns:" a collection of nouns according to gender and last letter, and belonging to the Chândra system. In the Tanjur only.
18. Vyakarana-Subanta, treatise on the declension of nouns according to the Chândra system: found in the Tanjur only.
* A printed edition of the Bálavabodhana has appeared in the meanwhile (Colombo, 1895).

Page #111

APRIL, 1896.)
THE RECLUSE AND THE RATS.
105
19. Vibhakti-Kariká, by Isvarabhadra or Sirohabhadra, treating the same matter as the former: preserved in the Tanjur only.
20. Sambandha-Uddeśa or Changa-Vritti, a short and rather meagre treatise on syntax by the Kayastha Changadása, written in klókas. An original MS. of it is in the possession of Dr. S. von Oldenburg in St. Petersburg, and a Tibetan translation has been inserted into the Tanjur.
21. Changa-Vritti-Vivarana, a commentary to the former, in the library of Dr. S. von Oldenburg
The upper limit of Chandragomin's date is now determined by an example given in the Sútra-Vritti (No. 2), which records as a contemporaneous event a world-known victory gained over the Hûņas. This refers him to the Gupta period. The lower date has long been known as he is mentioned by Bhartrihari, who died, according to I-tsin, about 650 A. D.
Concerning the date of the Tibetan translations, the colopbon of the Adhikára-Sangraha (No. 5) is not devoid of interest, in which it is said that the Bhikshu Blo-gros-brtan-pa (Sthiramati) translated this text in the city of Yeran, the capital of Népål. Dr. Liebich has shewn that Yeran is the Tibetan name of Patan, the old metropolis, which ceased to be so after the foundation of the present capital Kathmandu. Now Kathmandu, according to the Nepalese chronicles, has been founded under Gunakâ madeva, about 1000 A. D. On the other hand, the same Sthiramati is said to have began the translation of Ugrabhati's Sishyahita. The date of Ugrabhùti is given by Bórúni, who says in his India (written 1030 A. D.): "Ugrabhậti was the teacher of Anandapála, son of Jaya pala, who ruled in our time." So the literary activity of Sthiramati, who translated most of the preceding texts and a good many others, probably falls between 050 and 1000 A. D. The Sútrapátha, Upasarga-Vritti, Varna-Satra and VarnasútraVritti seem to have been translated even earlier,
THE RECLUSE AND THE RATS. A TIBETAN TALE, translated by
L. A. WADDELL, LL.D.
Preliminary Note. The tale here translated from the Tibetan, for the first time in European literature, I believe, is contained in a booklet, printed, it is said, at Narthan near Tashi-lhunpo, the capita 1 of Western Tibet. It is generally believed to be an allegorical account of the war between the Nepalese and Tibetans and the sack of Tashi-lhunpo by the former in 1792 A. D. Thus the hermit of the tale is considered to be the Grand Lâms of Tashi-lhunpo of that time, Lo-zan Palbdan Ye-s'e, who himself is credited with the authorship of the story. The tale is also interesting as a specimen of indigenous Tibetan prose with its clumsy pastoral pictures, everywhere pervaded by the Buddhist ethical doctrine of retribution - as a man SOWS so shall he reap. The narrative has been condensed in places where it was too diffuse.
Translation. One night, a hermit, while performing his devotions in the retreat known as The Tawny Rook Cave, heard a strange sound inside the altar vase. On this the hermit said to himself:-"Hitherto the solitude of my retreat has been anbroken, what can be the cause of
8 See ante, Vol. XV. p. 31 f. 1 Entitled Gom-ch'en dan rixa-rtsig or 'The Recluse and the Rate.
2 Brag-skys sen-ge'i p'ug. The word skya-sen literally means 'tawny,' and corresponds to the Sanskrit Pandu; it also is the name of a tree, see Jaeschke's Tibetan Dictionary, p. 25.

Page #112

106
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(APRIL, 1896.
this great noise ? Perhaps it is owing to my offerings having been badly made, and therefore unacceptable to the gods, or can it be robbers, or is it the evil enchantment of spirits or devils ?" He therefore spent the rest of the night in prayer and in holy rites, and invoked the aid of his spiritual tutor till the day dawned, when he arose and went to the vase. Then he saw that its contents were spilled, and that the offering of rice and cakes were cut in pieces, and the magic-circle offering of rice and the wheaten flour and the other votive offerings were scattered about and destroyed. Then thought le, the rate - the tawny rat, the Dzara, and the mice, which he had been so hospitably house-cherishing, were now repaying his kindness by harm.
So he decided to find this out, and next night be set a wooden cup as a trap, and when he heard the noise repeated, he went with a lamp in his hand and found a tawny-coloured rat and a mouse lying under the cup with dishevelled whiskers and dark eyes. As, however, he thought it would be unjust to punish them without first making due investigation, and considering what they had to say in their defence, he addressed them, saying:
"O you two persons, rat and mouse, answer me straight! I have come to this cave through fear of death, to make offerings to God and to pray to him from the bottom of my heart. Now, tell me, have you not taken those offerings which were consecrated to God? If you have, then yoa sball have the ill-repute of sinners; and for displeasing a hermit, the Dakkiņi fairies will vent their rage upon you. If you have not taken these offerings; then, say, have you seen any one else taking them ? Now neighbours, speak the truth.” He spoke in a soft voice so as to conciliate them; but these two shook their elbows and raised their tiny heads indignantly and replied: -- "He! He! it is ridiculous of you (O hermit, void of feelings and sense. How can you take up the cause of others, when you cannot take care of yourself? A monk intoxicated by.wealth makes a great stir and speaks as intemperately as a drunken man. How could we steal even if hungry? Does the vulture eat grass when starving? Have the he-goats upper teeth in their old age ? Do the crows grow white when they are old ? We both have plenty of wealth, then why should we depend on you men for anything? We have gold, and silver, gathered by our forefathers, we have heaps of wheat and rice gathered by ourselves, 80 We are not driven to each an extremity as to harm a hermit. O monk, you had better be silent.")
The hermit now thought that these rats probably were speaking the truth and that other rats might be the real culprits. And while he was thinking how he could obtain convincing proof of the offence, a crafty rat came to him and said :-"Hear me, holy herrit! It is wise to do all things with due consideration, else you must repent eventually. Cunning people contrive to appear as if they speak the truth, they mention their own faults at first, and meet their enemies with smiles. The cat catches the bird by stealth ; rogues steal by stratagem, and often remain unsuspected. Yon must therefore get convincing proof."
The hermit acting on this friendly advice, placed, amongst the newly made offerings, a trap which was so cleverly contrived that it could catch even the shadows of the birds of the sky. Soon after dark, on hearing again a piercing noise, he hastened to the spot with a lamp and cords and a sharp knife and ho found the rats as before caught in the cup. They tried to hide their faces in shame, as some of the flour which they had been stealing still clung to their mouths. But the hermit seized and bound them and cut off a bit of their ears and their tail, and he burned their whiskers and eye-lashes with the lamp-flame. Then he set them free and they ran squeaking away.
. See my Buddhism of Tibet, pp. 296, etc.
• This rat, rDze-ra, or the clay colored, is said to live in ditches: it is probably the Zab-ru of Jaesck he's Tibetan Dictionary, p. 407, though he there defines it as a 'mole-like animal.'
Byi-wa is applied to the common ruddy rat, as well as to mice.

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The rats having reached their holes consulted together for revenge. Said they, the hermit, though apparently of mild exterior, has a heart black with anger, and deserves to be expelled from the monkish order. Because we had taken a mere morsel of his offerings, he has inflicted on us an unheard-of punishment! Speaking thus they determined to fight him out, and they came and seated themselves before him upon a table.
THE RECLUSE AND THE RATS.
107
On seeing them, the hermit rebuked them and threatened to behead them, if they did not confess their crime; but the rats assumed a more daring attitude than before and said :-"Can every spoken threat be carried out? Can every mere wish be performed in deed? You have inflicted on us a punishment unheard of in the laws of kings and religion. If you do not repent and ask our forgiveness, we will gather 100,000 Dzara rats and 10,000 mice, and bring you to justice."
Now, at this time, there was a partridge with its young one, which the rats had formerly harmed. This young partridge addressing his mother said: "Mother! just look at the burnt faces and cut ears and tail of the two rats. How true is the Jina's (Buddha's) word that the sins of one's misdeeds are visited upon oneself." The mother delighted to hear such news, smiled and said:"O my son, old women are indeed glad to see such sights, even though their knee-joints ache in going. Come, let us go to congratulate them. Let us afflict them with taunts."
So saying they went to the rats, and having flapped their wings thrice, said: "Ki-ki swaswa! The sun is warm to-day. We have heard such good news to-day. You often used to injure our nest, so we are glad that your ill-deeds have met their reward. As the smith is killed by the sword which he himself has forged, so the weapon of your misdeeds has wounded yourself. At this we are glad. How ridiculous you now look without whiskers and eye-lashes and with cut ears and tail. Ere we die we shall spread the news of this great joke and good news throughout the world." On this the partridges flew away, leaving the rats abashed.
Near by were two other birds, one of whom, mCh'u-rin-ma with the long bill, said to the other Tin-tin-ma:-"The parent crow suffers great hardships in feeding its young, yet these young cruelly drive their parent away. A wicked man, though treated with kindness, will eventually become an enemy. These two rats have returned the hermit's kindness with evil. Therefore let us go and console the hermit."
Again, outside the cave were two other rats named Glory (bKra-s'is) and The Obtained Wish (Don-grub), who said to each other:-" Let us go and smother the flames of this quarrel in its outset, and be the mediators between our kinsmen and the hermit. For one bad man disturbs the whole country. One Garuda moves the ocean to its depths. One bad piece of food disorders the whole body. One bad servant raises a quarrel between the master and the whole of his servants." They then advised the two rats to cease quarreling with the hermit, but the rats indignantly refused to hear them, and said: "Mind your own business. Geese are not caught in a fish-trap. You had better go and count the lice in your bosom."
Meanwhile the hermit was very sad and inclined to abandon religion. Seeing an eagle skimming the sky, he addressed it saying:-"O sage among the birds, you have no kin, nor attachment to any one country, but can go wherever you wish. I much envy your position. I am in great sorrow. I was born here, in Tibet, through the force of my karma, and if I am to agree with the people, then I must abandon religion; while if I lead a pious life the people annoy me. Acting according to the holy Law makes enemies of both high and low; and if I render service to others I receive injury in return." The eagle replied:-" You are fortunate to have attained the human form, and you should fully utilize your superior opportunities. The prophet Padma Sambhava said, wicked men drive away good men, and the wicked The founder of Lamaism, see my Buddhism of Tibet, pp. 22-33, 380, eto.

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shall be revered while the good shall be treated like dogs: the wicked shall be elevated and the good laid low. One will not see his own faults, but will point out the faults of others. Happiness is rare amongst re-births, while the miseries are as numerous as the rings in a lake.' Hermit, pray rest content with your lot." And so saying the eagle flow off to the eastern horizon,
Two lha-by-gong-mo birds then appealed without success to the rats to cease their conflict with the hermit, while two other birds called cho-ka said :-"It is better to chant the six syllables - Om mani padme hun,' than to attempt persuading those who won't listen. To endeavour to persuade those who won't listen is like trying to make a knot of a rigid tree, or to hold an angry elephant by its trunk, or to make a stream flow uphill."
The rats now bethonght themselves of taking advice from their friends, The White Small One' and Meditation,' whom they thus addressed, -"O friends, if you help us not when in need you will be worse than dogs; if you allay not our so rrow when we are sad what is the use of your friendsbip? The old hermit has punished us without our having committed any crime and if you do not assist us our reputation is lost. Help ns, friends! help us!” The two friends replied: "You are like the great hawk, while we are like poor fowls ; we had not your friendship before and we do not wish it now. If fowls associate with hawks, the sky will soon be filled with their feathers. So we leave you to your own resources." And after saying this they left them. Then the rats thought that the saying ind eed is true that "People love the rich man's son." Everybody was helping the hermit, while not even a lame fowl would take their part,
Then they went to their uncle Flat top,' and said :-"You alone help us in our distress; we used to be leaders in this country, every one relied on us, but the mad old hermit has degraded us to the lowest position and has most unjustly punished us. Help us to muster an army against him." The old rat replied :-"O nephews, I am hoary wtih age, wrinkled and toothless, and almost blind; my death is drawing near so that I need to chant the Om mami. How can I help you in raising an army? My advice to you is to live in peace with the hermit."
A cow, near by, raised her tail and said :-" rats, you should have remained humble and never have tried to harm the hermit, who is an ornament to the hill-side: besides he is my Lâina-priest." The rats protested that they were forced to quarrel with him, owing to the severe and unjust punishment which he had inflicted on them, and in proof of this they pointed to theis burned and cut features.
Then they decided to go to a rat named the Consuming Haro-lip, '10 who in temper was hotter than fire and fiercer than the river torrent, and who defied the gods and devils, as well as men. They went to him carrying as presents, a spoonful of barley, 1 spoonful of mixed grain, a lump of butter and a piece of silk cloth, and they said to him :-"O king of the rats, you are strong as the mighty king Ge-ser, brave and fierce! If you do not assist us in our conflict with the hermit, all the rats will lose their reputation entirely." The rat-king was furious at the mangled appearance of the rats, and scratching the ground said :- Ha! Ha! I am the powerful protecting father, fierce as an angry lior, my bloodshot eyes and awful mion scatter armed foes by the hundreds, and heroes by the thousands. You did right to come to me, your great father for help. Shew me at once the person who has harmed you."
Then they led him to the hermitage, but on arrival there they saw descending the wall a huge cat named. The Infernal White,'12 with iron teeth and striped like a tiger, who having scratched the ground and shewed his fangs with all his wrinkled fierceness, said :-"O foolish rats, I am the guardian of this hermit, and if you do not instantly obey him, the time for my
Khrs.
Po-t'an. .Ze-mo.
10 Sreg-s'ar. 11 A legendary king of Noribera Asia, probably a corruption of Czar or Cesar 12 'Og.dkar, this roprevents the demoniacal guardian (sruó-mo) of Tibet.
Kaiser.

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drinking your blood has arrived, for your lives are in my power." The rat-king ran off in terror and hid himself under a stone, but a dove named “The Virtuous One' who saw him trying to escape, turned round thrice and said :-" The rat-king is very vain, thongh he neither knows nor can do anything. His pride is greater than the dragon's. Ran quick, leaving your trail of dirty foot-prits! You ought to be ashamed to make the lying boast that neither gods, devils, nor man can conquer you."
The rats thus deserted by everyone and trembling with terror humbly besought The Infernal Cat to spare them, crying " Have mercy on ns, spare our lives! We did not willingly desecrate the sacred offerings, we only ate a little under the pangs of hunger, and carried off a little as we were so very poor; but we now repent and promise never to commit such offences again, and from this day forth we shall always obey the hermit."
When the hermit heard the rats confess their sorrow for their sins, and their repentance he gave them this religious advice, after invoking his god and saints, saying:- " Alas, O my Lâma guide and the Three protecting Gods, may all animals live in peace and may their passionate hearts be calmed! Bless, purify and enlighten me !" Then turning to the mts he said, “ you rats, hearken to me. Because of the bad deeds done by you in a former existence, when you were human beings, you have received the low bodies of beasts in the present life, and your impurity bas bred ill-will. Because you gave no charity to the priests in your former life when yon were men, you have in this life become poor. Be not avaricious therefore in the future, and, remembering your own case, do not injare others. Now promise never again to molest me and my property or my pions offerings to God," Then the rats gave the askedfor promise, and besought the hermit to forgive them. He did so, and each of them returned to his own bome. And since that time the hermit has received no harm from the rats, and he has daily increased his deeds of virtue. This history has been composed by me, á Yogin, 12 of the name of Blo-gros-ts'ul-krims (Skr. Silamati) at the retreat known as Brag-skya-sen-gehi-p'ug.
FOLKLORE IN THE CENTRAL PROVINCES OF INDIA.
BY M. N. VENKETSWAMI OF NAGPUR.
No. 5. - The Self-sacrificing Fairysl a Story of Sirens. ONCE upon a time, in certain country, there lived > king who had seven sons, all advancing or advanced towards manbood. The father loved the princes very tenderly; so, when he learned of their firm determination to see the world, he addressed them thus:
"My beloved sons, with great reluctance I permit you to see the world in order to gain experience of it, or, to use your own words, to put a finishing touch to your high and manly accomplishments as befitting nobles of the first order. But for your own welfare I cannot refrain from tendering you a piece of advice; viz., that you go in the seven directions, but under no circumstances make the slightest acquaintance with the eighth. For in connection with that direction I have heard thrilling accounts that have made my hair to stand on end."
The princes travelled in the seven directions, and found the countries traversed as uninteresting as they were devoid of adventures, -adventures which would at least compensate for their trouble; , consulting amongst themselves, and, setting aside the advice of their father, they resolved to extend their travels in the eighth direction also.
19 Bya-bral.wa, literally, 'One who is freed from deeds.
1 Narrated by Shekh Farid alia. Paddar, a young chuprási in the Comptroller's Office, Nagpur. (Though no doubt "improved by the English rendering given it by the recorder, this is a remarkable tale, quite out of the ordinary run of Indian folktales. - ED.)

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In their travels in the eighth direction the brothers were enchanted with the varied scenery of the pleasant country, the sweet valleys covered with verdure, the distant blue mountains of every imaginable altitude, with the primeval forest abounding in trees-ever-green and deciduous of thick foliage, resounding with the melodious notes of some of Nature's famous songstresses, with the beautiful sheets and wide expanses of limpid waters, with artistic orchards of luscious fruits and delectable gardens of shrubs and odoriferous plants, carrying through the agency of the wind for miles around sweet fragrance from their chalices, side by side with the charmingly beautiful harmonies of music that emanate from the eighth direction in full volume of sound; and it was by these charmingly beautiful strains of music, resembling those of the Apasarasas of the Indra's heavens above, that the brothers were bewitched. So, with a view to find out whence they came or who shared in them, the intrepid travellers went to the furthermost end of the eighth direction, and to their great surprise discovered there a magnificent abode of fairies, which was responsible for the delicious music, with which our heroes, being friends of that fine art, were so delighted.
The inmates of this solitary magnificent abode, who were seven fairies of great personal beauty, and whom the brothers found to be the participators in the music, received the princes with every mark of kindness, and the latter inferring at once from the outward signs that the former were greatly in love with them, and harbouring no suspicions of danger arising from that quarter, returned the love, and made them their consorts by mutual agreement. For some days the princes lived with the fairies in great amity, enjoying ambrosial viands, delicious drinks hot and cold, melodious music vocal and instrumental, scented baths, and wearing the finest, lightest and the most valuable of clothing.
But one day the youngest of the princes observed that his wife- the youngest fairyhad turned her back and was weeping bitterly, while taking her dinner. For some reason or other he did not ask his wife about the matter, neither did he ascertain the cause of it from other sources. But when this continued for three or four days, the husband asked his brothers in a general sort of way, and at the same time without mistrusting his fairy-wife, whether their wives also wept, as his did. On receiving a reply in the negative, he asked the fairy one day as to the cause of her sorrow.
"I am sorry for you," she replied, "because I have a great love for you. And the day is approaching when you will be killed along with your brothers, and this will happen on the Occasion of a festival amongst us fairies, which is fast approaching."
The prince narrated what he had heard to his brothers, who, realizing that they had fallen into dangerous hands, advised him, for their common safety, to ask the fairy what should be done to avert this catastrophe.
He accordingly asked, and the fairy, possessing a very kind heart, replied :—
"My lord, I advise you, as also ask you to tell your brothers to shew signs of extreme disgust or discontentment (such as, amongst others, of rending your clothes, throwing your turbans to the ground, etc.), to charge the fairies with inattention, to raise complaints on every possible occasion in the matter of viands, drinks, baths and wearing apparel, and most important of all to break the legs of your horses without the knowledge of the fairies. On this the fairies will press to know the reason of your general discontent, and then you should tell them in detail of your being displeased with them in every way and also impress on them the fact that nothing short of those horses that neigh in the middle of the night will satisfy you by way of compensation for the unrivalled steeds incapacitated by the breaking of their legs and now in a dying. state. It is by possessing these wonderful animals, which have the power of saving those riding on them in an emergency, that you will set yourself free from the calamity that is overhanging you. Thus I advise you for your own preservation and for the preservation of my lord's brothers, and in so doing I am endangering myself it is true, but I do not consider it a danger if my first

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sweet love and his beloved blood relations are saved from destruction by the sacrifice of my frail self.""
The husband was extremely pleased with the advice of his wife, marked by the ring of sincerity, truth and true love, and communicated it to his brothers..
The brothers did as advised to the very letter; and the fairies, coming to know of the grievances of the princes which made them discontented; promised to remedy them, and also promised to give the horses, distinguished from ordinary animals by neighing in the middle of the night, on the festival day which was approaching.
Though the fairies promised to give the horses, they wondered as to which amongst them could have revealed the secret about these mysterious animals, which they thought they only knew; and suspicion with justice fell on the youngest fairy, whose kindliness of heart the sisters were aware of, as distinguished: from their own relentless ones. This suspicion the six sisters locked in their breasts..
In due time the festival of the fairies came, and on the festival day the seven sisters took luxurious baths, put on the finest garments of rain-bow colours, and, providing themselves with the materials of worship, reached the steps of a temple not far from their abode, where the youngest fairy was asked to hold the bridles of the wonderful animals which were at the time standing ready in their trappings. The six elder sisters went inside and for some time remained in the place of worship; but as they came out they ate up their youngest sister. The princes at this juncture were ready for any imaginable emergency, warned as they had been of the festival beforehand. They, mounted the animals with a heroic spirit, and instantly were the seven brothers divided from, the weird land of the fairies by an interval of seven seas.
Thus the seven heroes providentially escaped; through the instrumentality of the steeds that had the power of saving those who were upon them at any cost, from the cannibal fairies and arrived in a certain kingdom..
The king, on hearing from the courtiers of the arrival in his country of miraculous horses in which he had no belief, sent for the owners of them, and in the first instance enquired whothey were, and, on receiving a reply that, they were common itinerant travellers, questioned them no further as to their horses,
But the king's three daughters of great loveliness and refined accomplishments, with their true feminine discernment, perceived in the young men no ordinary individuals of plebeian blood, but either princes or scions of a royal race travelling incognito in search of adventures, and believed at the same time that their horses were no ordinary animals. And; therefore, from the time the princes set foot in their court, the princesses were enamoured of them, and, after the lapse of some time, obtained their parents' consent to wed those three of the brothers, whom they liked most amongst the seven for qualities of head and heart.
But the princes greatly objected to marry, for by the alliance they averred that three of them would lead a conjugal life, and the rest that of celibates; and this state of things, they said, would not meet with the approbation of the gods, not to speak of man.
On hearing this the king replied :
"My sons, I am pleased with what you say so sensibly, and propose a remedy for the matter. The remedy is that a neighbouring king has four daughters, accomplished and of unrivalled beauty, whose hands, with the consent of their father, I shall ask and obtain for four of you, and solemnize the marriage simultaneously with the marriage of three of your brothers with my own three daughters."

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In due course, the bridal of the princes had been celebrated with pomp and glory befitting grand persons. For a considerable time the princes lived in every luxury, ease and enjoyment with their spouses of unsullied purity, in the kingdom of their respective fathers-in-law. But one day they naturally remembered their parents, and quick as thought asked their fathers-in-law concerning such and such a kingdom, admitting for the first time to the extreme satisfaction and bewilderment of the latter that they were the sons of the by no means minor king who dwelt there. The princes then made preparations to go, and, selecting an auspicious day, started amidst the blessings of their new relatives, followed by their wives, their wonderful horses, and their retinue, and reached their father-land.
Their father and mother, who were almost blinded by constant weeping for their sons whom they thought to be lost, were now very much gratified to see them safe and sound once more in their midst; but the former, notwithstanding the gratification, had a great mind to inflict condign punishment, and it was only when his wife brought to his notice their extreme dutifulness to him, excepting this breach, that he excused them half-heartedly. Yet he could not refrain from expressing his regret that they should have set aside his advice, and thus reduced him and their mother to mere skeletons.
NOTES AND QUERIES. AN UNLUCKY FLAW-BURMESE nion from the custodian of a shrine erected there. SUPERSTITION.
The priest, on being consulted, fell, or affected to Extract from a diary of Maung Ba Thare, fall, into a state of frenzy; and while thus inspired,
Ak'unwun of the Myingyan District. as was thought, by the goddess, be oried out in a AT Debyuwa, I was told of a dispute about # lond voice that a certain man whose name and seven-toothed harrow which had a flaw in caste he gave, and who dwelt in the cholera. it owing to a wrong hole being chiselled out for stricken village, had brought the visitation, one of the teeth by the maker. This harrow was and could alone remove it. The elders at purchased by one Maung Yuet from an itinerant once retarned and exhorted the man to do vendor. His fellow-villagers, as soon as they what he could. He had always been credited saw the harrow, demanded its surrender to them, with magical powers, and now, followed by on the ground that it was keeping off the rain, an anxions crowd, he proceeded to exercise and that it must be thrown into the Irrawaddy them. First he made offerings of a young pig, after being coated with banatk'd and decorated & lime, and ashes to the local deity; then, with flowers, and broken so as to be useless ! clad in a yellow garment, he ran the circuit of It is said to be the Burmese custom to crop the
the village and finally set up a small barricade hair of the maker of a harrow with a flaw in it,
across the entrance, through which, he declared, deck him with flowers and banátk'a and then
it would be impossible for cholera to pass. But make him dance and carry the harrow to the
his spells had lost their virtue, and the village
folk still went on dying. The wizard repeated the river. Otherwise the country is sure to suffer
ceremony, but again without avail; for while from drought.
he was performing it a third time, men came up Maung Yuet at first refused to give up his
saying that two more victims had been taken. harrow, and then threw it into a fishery; but after
With regard to what followed, it is impossible to much coaxing from his fellow villagers has now
speak with certainty. The police, who soon heard agreed to give it up.
B. HOUGHTON.
of what was happening, reported that the unfor. tunate man had been beaten to death by his
neighbours, as a punishment for his want of skill. PUNISHMENT OF AN UNSUCCESSFUL
The villagers told another story. Disheartened, WIZARD.
they said, by his failure, he proceeded to demolish THERE was lately an outbreak of cholera in a the shrine of the goddess whom he had invoked in remote Gond village in the Central Provinces. vain. He was carrying off her image, intent on The local deities were cither supposed to be power
throwing it into the river, when he himself was less in the matter, or were suspected of conniv.
seized with the cholera and died within a few ance, and the headmen accordingly repaired to a neighbouring hamlet to obtain an impartial opi.
R. O. TEMPLE.

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ON THE AGE OF TIRUNANASAMBANDHA.
BY P. SUNDARAM PILLAI, MA. AMONG the Saiva community of Southern India, no name is held in greater veneraA tion than that of Tirunanasambandha. By the Saiva community, I mean the Hindus that regard Siva as the head of the Hindû trinity. Saivas, in this sense, form the bulk of the population in the districts of Tinnevelly, Madura, Trichinopoly, Tanjore, South Arcot, Chingleput, Madras, North Arcot, Salem, and Coimbatore, and are also found in large numbers in certain parts of Ceylon, Malabar, and Travancore, -in short, wherever Tamil is the prevailing tongue. The Kanarese people are also more or less exclusively Saivas; but they adopt a bigoted form of the common faith, and are therefore known as Vira-Saivas or Lingayats. Among the Brahmans too, there is a section specially called Saivas, and the vast majority of the rest, though known as Smartas, venerate Saiva traditions and ceremonials, and are Saivas to all appearance.1 For all the Saivas, and particularly for the non-Brâhmanical Tamil Saivas, Tiruñûnasambandha is the highest authority, and his works have all the sanctity of the Vedas.
The Tamil Saivas have their own system of sacred literature, compiled and arranged so as to match the Vedas, Puranas and Sástras in Sanskțit. The hymns of Sambandha, together with a few other songs, are in fact known as the Tamil Vedas. These hymns and songs were compiled and arranged into eleven groups, or Tirumurai, by one Nambi Andar Nambi, a Brahmaņ priest of Tiranâraigür in the Tanjore district, — the sovereign who patronized this Tamil Vyasa being Rajaraja Abhaya Kulasekhara Chola, as will be seen further on. Of these eleven collections or Tirumurai, the first three contain the hymns of Sambandha, and the next three those of a Vélala saint, called Appar or Tirunavukkarabu, an elder contemporary of Sambandha, and an earnest and pathetic writer, whose thorough renouncement of Buddhism seems to have been the first of the irreparable reverses which that religion experienced in Southern India. The seventh comprises the rather humorous hymns of Sundara, a Brahmaņ devotee of a later generation. These seven collections form the compilation called Devaram, also known as Adangal-Murai, and are perhaps meant to match the hymns of the earlier portions of the Vedas, which they closely resemble in being but praises and prayers offered to the deity. They are used alo, much in the same way as the Vedic hymns, on ceremonial and religious occasions. The mere learning of them by rote is held to be a virtue, and special provision is made in respectable Saiva temples, throughout the Tamil districts, for their public recitation after the daily pújás, by a class of Velåla priests, called Oduvår. The earlier work, the Tiruvasagam, forms a part of the eighth Tirumurai or collection. It is perhaps intended to take the place of the Upanishads, and there is decidedly no work in the Tamil language more deserving of that distinction. There are, indeed, but few poems in any language that can surpass the Tiruvasagam or the holy word' of Manikkav bagar in profundity of thought, in earnestness of feeling, or in that simple childlike trust, in which the struggling human soul, with its burdens of intellectual and moral puzzles, finally finds shelter. The hymns of nine other minor authors, composed in apparent imitation of the Dévára hymns, make up the ninth group called Tiru-Isaippa. Among these nine authors was a Chola king named Kanqaraditya, and I am glad to find his
1 For instance, they use holy ashes, ruraksha beads, etc. See the Tirumurai-kanda-Purânam, verse 2.
Under the term Buddhism, I include all forms of anti-Védio heresy that provailed in this age. Though they differed among themselves, all the schismatics, known variously as Kshapaņas, Bauddhas, Jainas, Thêras, Sakyna, Aragar, etc., were at one in rejecting the authority of the Vedas. Useful pieces of interesting information may be gathered from the Devlira hymns concerning all the sects of South Indian Buddhists.
. See the Tirumurai-kanda-Puranam, verse 16.
6 The priority of ManikkavAsagar is generally accepted only on tradition, and on the genealogy of the Pandyas given in the Madara Sthala-Purana. Bottor evidence is found in the Devaram itself. See verse 2, page 652 of Ramasvami Pillai's edition, where Appar directly alludes to a miracle ascribed to Mapikkavasagar.
See verse 10 of his Tint-Isaippa.

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name in Dr. Hultzsch's table of Chôla kings, as the one, from whom Rajaraja, who ascended the Chôla throne in 984-85 A. D., was the fifth in succession. The tenth collection contains the mystic songs of an old Yogin, called Tirumalar. The eleventh and last, evidently looks like a supplement, and was perhaps intended to provide room for all other sacred writings current at the time. It embraces a number of miscellaneous treatises, some ascribed to Nakkirar of the old Madura college. The last ten pieces in the eleventh Tirumurai were written by Nambi Andar Nambi himself; and of these ten pieces, the third or the Tiruttondar Tiruvandadi forms the basis of the Tamil Purana, popularly called the Periyapuranam; and this completes the analogy we have drawn between Nambi Andar Nambi and Vyasa, - the compiler of the Aryan Védas and the supposed author of all Purinas. These eleven collections, together with the Periyapuranam, make up the sacred literature of the Saivas, if we put aside the works of the Santana-Achâryas, called Siddhanta-Sastras, fourteen in number and professedly philosophical. These last correspond to the Védúnta-Sutras and their commentaries, which, though not looked upon as revealed, form still an integral portion of the sacred Sanskrit writings.
[MAY, 1896.
From this short account, it must be clear what position Tiruñânasambandha holds among the Tamilas as a religious teacher. He is decidedly the greatest and most popular of the Tamil Rishis. There is scarcely a 'Saiva temple in the Tamil country where his image is not daily worshipped. In most of them, special annual feasts are held in his name, when the leading events of his life are dramatically represented for the instruction of the masses. All classes of poets, from his colleagues Appar and Sundarar to the latest of Purana-writers, from the purest of Vêdântists like Tattuvarayarlo to the most uncompromising of dualists like Arul Nandi Sivacharya, from the iconoclastic Kannudaiya Vallalarll to the Vira-Saiva Sivaprakasa, unite in invoking his spiritual aid at the commencement of their literary labours. Indeed any Tamil scholar ought to be able, at short notice, to compile a goodly volume of the encomiums paid to the memory of this religious teacher by an appreciative posterity.
Even as a poet, Sambandha has more than ordinary claims to be remembered. His hymns, of which three hundred and eighty-four padigams12 or more than 19,000 lines are now extant, are models of pure and elevated diction, generally earnest and touching, but always melodious and well-turned. Most of them appear to have been uttered impromptu; and all of them, being lyrical, are set to music. The original tanes are now mostly forgotten. They were lost in the later airs introduced by the Aryan musicians of the north. Some of the old names13 are still retained; but it is difficult to believe that they denote, in the new system, the same old Dravidian melodies. The very instrument upon which these melodies were played, namely the yál, is so completely forgotten that no small difficulty is felt in following the descriptions of it in such ancient classics as the Ten Idyls and the Silappadigúram. The viņai now in use would appear to be of quite a different structure: The melody of some of the hymns of Sambandha, therefore, may not be fully realised, since the tunes to which they were set are now lost. Taken all in all, Sambandha must be reckoned as a great genuine Tamil poet, certainly the greatest in the lyrical department. It is a pity that he composed nothing
7 South-Indian Inscriptions, Vol. I. p. 112.
* See ante, Vol. XXIII. p. 297, and Ep. Ind. Vol. IV. p. 68.
? Umapati Sivacharya was the last of the four Santana-Acharyas, for whom the Saira Calendar provides an annual fast-day. They constitute, together with the devotees whose lives are described in the Periyapuranam, the canonized saints of the Saivas.
10 This excellent poet and subtle metaphysician deserves more attention than he now generally receives.
11 The only work of this author now extant, called Oliviloukkam, is an endless mine of what Dr. Bain calle "intellectual similes." Compared with his merciless sarcasms on all kinds of idolatry, the words of Sivavákyar and others, so frequently quoted, are the tamest of jejune platitudes. The author of the Tamil Plutarch does not mention this writer. He mistakenly ascribes his work to Santalingar, of a totally different school.
12 A padigam is a collection of ten stanzas. Sambandha generally adds an eleventh, giving his own name, etc. 13 Such as the tunes now called kuruji, kolli, etc.
The Tiruvasagam distinguishes the vinai from the old yd. So also do the Kalingattu Parani and other works of the middle ages.

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in any other line. With his masterly command over the language and his marked individuality, he might have left behind more imposing monuments of his genius in the epic or the dramatic line, if his vocation and circumstances had permitted him the requisite leisure.
But, evidently, his time was otherwise fully engaged. His life is narrated at great length, in the Periyapuránam, but scarcely with such particulars as a modern historian would care to have. He was born of good Brahman parents of the Kausdinya gôtra at Srikali or Shiyali, a few miles to the south of Chidambaram. His father bore the name of Sivapadahșidaya, and his mother was called Bhagavati. Evidently, they had no other children. At the age of three. Sambandha, who was then called Pillai or Aludaiya Pillai, accompanied his father, one morning, to the bathing gha! of the local temple tank. Busy with his own ablutions, the father forgot the presence of his son; and the boy, left to himself, cried and wopt, and called to his mother. The local goddess heard the cry, and appearing before the boy, gave him a cup of her own milk. The boy drank the holy draught, and forthwith becamo Tirunanasambandha, or the one related to the godbead) through wisdom.' In the meantime, the father having finished his ablutions, came up to his boy, and wished to know about the cup in his hand. The child broke out into verse, and pointing to the divine figure, still but vanishing through the sky, proclaimed the source of the gift. The hymn still exists, and is the very first of the compilation called Déváram, but it seems to give no support to the miracle narrated. Probably, Sambandha's was one of those cases of marvellous precocity now and then puzzling psychologists; and no doubt, he was a born poet who 'lisped in numbers, for the numbers came. Anyhow, after declaring himself to be of the elect, Sambandha could find no rest. Crowds of people came to have a look at the prodigy and to invite him to their villages. He responded to their calls, and commemorated his visit by composing a hymn of ten stanzas in praise of Siva and the village visited.
It was while he was thus travelling about, raising unbounded admiration among the people, and securing the staunch support of the leading men of his agc, 15 that an invitation from Mangaiyarkkarasi, the queen of Kun Pandya of Madura, reached him at Vedårayyam. The Pandya had been converted to Jainism, but his queen and his minister, Kulachchirai, retained their traditional faith ; and wishing to reclaim their sovereign, they naturally looked to Sambandha, the marvel of the age. Nor was he slow to respond. Though the Purana records no previous copflict with the Buddhists, it is clear from the uniform imprecations pronounced upon them in every one of his hymns - not even the first excepted - that he must have already encountered them frequently in the course of his incessant movements. It is, therefore, not unlikely that Sambandha was anxiously looking out for an opportunity for a decisive trial of strength. The invitation was accordingly accepted with alacrity, and the champion of the Saiva faith appeared in Madura. It would be interesting to get an historical account of the meeting of the two opposing creeds of the timo at the court of the Pandya. That there was such a meeting is beyond all dispute. Of this, the hymns connected with the proceedings at the meeting, bear ample, and so far as I can see, unquestionable evidence. But of the debate we have no particulars; the story is repleto only with miracles. Suffice it to say that the Buddhists were routed, and that Kun Pandya was duly re-converted to the Saiva faith. This event is the most important historical fact connected with Sambandha's life. After re-establishing the traditional faith in Madura, he recommenced his travels. He appears to have been an indefatigable traveller, and to have visited almost every town and every village of any consequence then in the Tamil districts.16 A marriage was at last proposed and settled with the daughter of a pious Brahman called
15 Six of these are expressly mentioned : Tiranavukkarabu, his fellow hymn-maker; Biruttoņdar, Tirunilanak. kar, Murugar, and Tirunilakapda YAppapar, who accompanied Sambandha for the rest of his life, playing on his matchless yůl every hymn his youthful master produced.
16 There exist hymns commemorating his visit to more than 200 places, mostly in the Tanjore district.

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Nambâṇḍâr, 17 but, at the end of the wedding, a miraculous fire appeared, in answer to the prayers of the bridegroom, and all present, including the married couple, says the Purána, departed this life to heaven.
[MAY, 1896.
Thus the life of Sambandha begins and ends with miracles.18 But in spite of these supernatural elements, it is impossible not to see in him a powerful historical personality. If the downfall of Buddhism, at least in the Tamil districts, can be ascribed to one individual more than to another, that individual is Nanasambandha. That he looked upon the final overthrow of the Jainas and the Buddhists as the one object of his life will appear from every one of his numerous hymns, the tenth verse of which is uniformly devoted to their condemnation. Even after his glorious victory over them at Madura, the habit of cursing them is continued, shewing that the schismatics, however vanquished, had still a hold on the land. An express mention of a subsequent debate at Telichchêri is also met with. But from Kûn Pândya's conversion may be dated the downfall of Buddhism. Buddhism never regained its lost prestige, and by the time of Nambi Andar Nambi, i. e. the eleventh century, it was practically extinct in the Tamil country.
It is difficult, at this distance of time, to understand why so implacable a hatred was implanted against the Jainas in the heart of our otherwise amiable author. The religion of Araga must have deteriorated, no doubt, a good deal, after it got itself established under Asôka in the north and equally powerful potentates in the south. Religious sects, like political parties, are generally good and promising only till they attain to power. However corrupted the creed of Gautama had become, that fact alone could not have been the sole ground of Sambandha's intolerance, or the sufficing cause of its rather rapid downfall and disappearance. With the hopelessly impenetrable darkness that envelopes the history of this period, it is idle to open such questions. We should rejoice, if we could, with any tolerable certainty, determine what that period itself was.
It is scarcely possible to conceive greater confusion than that which prevails with reference to the question of the age of Sambandha. Mr. Taylor places Kûn Pândya, and therefore Sambandha also, who converted him, about 1320 B. C.,19 while Dr. Caldwell contends that he was reigning in 1292 A. D. Thus it would appear possible to assign Sambandha to 1300 B. C. or A. D. indifferently! This is certainly very curious: and I am not sure whether we can find the like of it in the whole range of history. Indeed, it would seem that South-Indian chronology has yet to begin its existence. We have not, in fact, as yet, a single important date in the ancient history of the Dravidians ascertained and placed beyond the pale of controversy. It is no wonder, then, that, in the absence of such a sheet anchor, individual opinions drift, at pleasure, from the fourteenth century B. C. to the fourteenth century A. D.! I am not sure whether even the conditions under which South-Indian chronology has to proceed have themselves been sufficiently attended to. Whatever else there exists or not of the ancient Dravidian civilization, there exists the Tamil language with its various dialects, including the classical dialect, now gone out of use, and the extensive literature written in that dialect. A critical study of this dialect and of this literature would certainly, under ordinary circumstances, be held as a pre-requisite for conducting South-Indian antiquarian researches. But, unfortunately, for reasons that cannot be here explained, critical scholarship in Tamil has come to be regarded as not so essential to those researches.20 Hence the absurdities that we sometimes meet with in the writings of those whose oracular utterances pass in certain quarters for
17 The author of the Tamil Plutarch mistakes Nambandar for Nambi Andar Nambi, quite a different person. 18 It is but just to add that some of these do find support in the Devara hymns. There is clear evidence to prove that Sambandha believed in his own powers to work miracles.
19 Nelson's Madura Country, Part III. Chapter II. p. 55.
20 Dr. Hultzsch, too, seems to complain of this prevailing prejudice. "It is still a popular opinion," he writes in his preface to the first volume of South-Indian Inscriptions, "that a colloquial knowledge of one of the vernacu. lars with a slight smattering of Sanskrit is sufficient for editing successfully the records of bygone times,"

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axiomatic truths. For instance, Dr. Barnell, in an otherwise very masterly treatise on SouthIndian Palæography, goes out of his way to add the following footnote :
“Buddhamitra, a Buddhist of the Chôļa country and apparently a native of Malakuța or Malaikurram, wrote in the eleventh century & Tamil Grammar in verse, with a commentary by himself, which he dedicated to the then Chôla king and called after him Virasóliyam. The commentary cites a great number of Tamil works current in the eleventh century, and is therefore of much historical importance; for the approximate dates even of most Tamil works are hardly known. He cites Amritaságaram, Avinayanár, Arúrkôrai, Eliviruttam, kapilar, Kamban, Kaviviruttan, Kakkaipádiniyar, Katantras, Kándi, Kunilalakésiviruttam, Kural, Sangai-authors, Ohintámani, Solarajavarisai, Tandi, Tiruchchirrambalalckovai, Tirumannivaları, Tolkáppiyam, Nambi, Nalavenbá, Nariviruttam, Naladiyár, Niyáyasiidamani, Néminádum, Perundépar's Bharatam, Manippiraválam, Mayésuranár, Víruslanmérkavi. This then represents the old Tamil literature prior to the eleventh century, and to it must be added the older Saiva works. The above-mentioned literature cannot be older than the eighth century, for in the seventh century Hiuen Tsiang expressly states that the Tamil people were then indifferent to literature. That this literature arose under North-Indian influences and copied NorthIndian models can hardly be disputed; but it is time now to assert," so runs the emphatic edict," that it is nothing more than an exact copy; if there be any originality, it is in some of the similes and turns of expression only."21
But it is time also to see that such assertions do not go uncontradicted. It was but the other day that I found this passage cited in the Encyclopædia Britannica, 22- a work sapposed to contain nothing but reliable matter. But the passage in question is a veritable nest of errors. In the first place, to say that Buddhamitra is a native of Malaküta, while there is his own authority for saying that he belonged to a place called Ponparri, arguos cither ignorance of the very opening verses of his . Grammar, or an inclination to substitute the unknown for the known ! For to this day, nobody knows where Malakú is. It is, in fact, Dr. Burnell's own conjecture for the Chinese Mo-lo-kiu-ch'a; and its identification with the Tanjore district rests entirely upon an erroneous reading of his, - taking Manukulachülámani-chaturvedimangalam in an old Tanjore inscription for Malakútachúlámani-chaturvédimangalam.33 In the second place, to say that Buddhamitra wrote his Grammar in the eleventh century, may be permitted as a venturesome conjecture; but, before we accept it as an indication of a bit of terra firma on which to build historical conclusions, we must demand better proof than Dr. Burnell is able to offer. Here again, a mistaken identification is at the bottom of his argument. Vira-Chôļa to whom the Grammar is dedicated, is assumed to have been the same as Rajendra-Chola who " reigned from 1064 to 1113," and whose coronation " took place in 1079.24 But neither Tamil literature nor the latest epigraphical researches lend the least support to this identification. Nay, there can be now very little doubt that Dr. Burnell simply mistook for a genuine Chola king the Châlukya prince Vîra-Choda Vishnuvardhana IX., who ascended the throne in 1079.25. In the third place, it is hard to account for Dr. Burnell's supposition that the commentary was by Buddhamitra himself. The old grammarian was really more modest! The commcntary was written by one Perundêranar, and not by that author himself.
It is harder still to explain how Dr. Burnell got the curious list of books he gives. Mr. Damodaram Pillai - the veteran editor of the Virasóliyan - ought to be able to say, whether he found any such list in the many manuscript copies be examined in order to bring out his remarkably careful edition. But the list is its own best condemnation. It is full of enigmatic
21 Elements of South Indian Palæography, p. 127, note 2.
11 Article "Tamil." by R (ost). I find myself anticipated by this able writer in an investigation I have been of lato conducting regarding the tense-formations of Tamil verbs. 25 Ante, Vol. XVIII. p. 240.
24 South Indian l'alcography, p. 40. 35 South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. I. p. 32.

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conundrums, sufficient to amaze and humble the proudest of Tamil Pandits ! For, has he read Eliviruttam or Nariviruttam 726 He may know Kundalakési, but does he know Kundalakésiviruttam? Kaliviruttam, as a metre, he may be familiar with, but has he read Kaviviruttam as a book ? Kändigai, as a mode of exposition, he may know, but what is Kándi ? He may condemn manipraválam, as a mongrel sort of poetic diction, and may even be aware that it is referred to in the commentary in question (for here we actually come upon something that has a basis in fact), but has he had the rare fortune of meeting with it as the title of a Tamil work? But he must feel considerable relief when he comes to Tirumanni-valaru : for, he must know that that is but the initial phrase of a particular stanza in the book under reference, and cannot be itself the title of a treatise. But to be serious, it is a pure waste of time to examine the list. The errors in it are too many and too transparent to mislead any one with the least pretence to Tamil scholarship. In this fanciful list, no doubt, some real namos do occur ; but even these shew only what hazy ideas the author had of their bearing. For instance, "Sangai-authors," if it has any meaning at all, must mean the poets of the Madara college. It might be too bad to sappose that Dr. Burnell could mistake the Augastan age of Tamil literature itself for a particular book; but how else are we to avoid the charge of cross division, which enumeraten, as of co-ordinate importance, the class and some individuals of that class? Further, is there any justification for saying that even these real authors and works are cited in the commentary ? The most patient study does not reveal a word of reference to most of them. On the other hand, there is evidence in the book itself to shew that some of them did not exist to be cited. For instance, Buddhamitra alludes to the Sanskrit grammarian Dandin in a way that could leave but one impression
- vis. that the Tamil Taņdi was yet to be born. With the exception of the Kura!, Náladiyar, and a few other works, the bulk of the illustrations are the commentator's own composition, as the new principles of this Sanskritizing Grammar could not find apt support in the old Tamil literature.
Turning now to the conclusion drawn, does it look probable that such an extensive literature, as must be assumed to have existed from the list given, started into existence in the course of but three centuries of those backward times ? Even supposing there existed no works but those cited in the commentary (which is really difficult to believe), and omitting also the older Saiva" works, which are allowed to have existed, though not cited by Buddhamitra, Dr. Burnell's list would give us ten important works for a century, that is, one standard work, worthy of being cited in a grammar, for every ten years; and yet, the Tamilas were all but recently indifferent to letters ! But the truth is, Dr. Burbell is simply indulging his fancy, and piling up conjecture upon conjecture, to construct his cloudland. Hien Tsiang says not a word about the Tamilas. He simply notes what somebody told him of the people of Mo-lo-kiu-cha. But to the anxious ears of Dr. Burnell, Mo-lo-kia-cbA sounds like Malakůta, and to his no less anxious eyes, the innocent word Manukula in the old Tanjore inscription, though written in characters of two to three inches in height," appears as Malakata ; and forth with, he harries to apply what is said of the people of Mo-lo-kit-cha, not merely to the village of Manukulachůlâmaņi-chaturvedimaigalam, nor even to the delta of the Kávéri where that village is supposed to have been situated, but to the whole Tamil race itself! Untrustworthy As such sweeping assertions about whole nations generally are, the hearsay report of the Chinese pilgrim would appear to be extremely so, when taken along with another choice bit of news, his worthy but unnamed informant seems to have favoured him with The capital of Mo-lo-kiu-cha, Hiuen Tsiang was told, was three thousand li from Kářicht; and General Cunningham, wishing to discover the place, finds himself quite at sea, having to go far out into the ocean beyond Cape Comorin to cover the distance given ! Yet with Dr. Barnell, the bearsay evidence of Hiuen Tsiang about the literary tastes of the people of that
[Nariviruttam actually occurs as the name of Jitakachintamani, Introduction, p. 2.-V. Venkayya.]
Tamil work in Pandit v. Såminadaiyar's edition of the

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curious missing city and country, is sufficient evidence, to declare that the Tamil people had no literature till the eighth century A. D.! It cannot be untrue that some angels, in their flights, do extend their wings too far forwards to be good for their vision! With all my admiration, I can find no other explanation for the state of mind that could indulge in such gratuitous and unprofitable dogmatism. Possibly the indifference noted is also not to letters in general, but only to Buddhistic canons, in search of which the pious Chinese traveller came to India. Lastly, as regards Dr. Burnell's emphatic assertion about Tamil literature being but an exact copy of Sanskrit works, it need not concern us much, seeing what proofs the author gives in the same paragraph of his scholarship in that literature. Even one that has studied no other Tamil classics than the popular Kural, may know, if pressed, what answer to give to this charge. I am sorry, only for the reputation of Dr. Burnell, that this unlucky note of his, as unlucky as uncalled for, has found its way into the stately columns of the Encyclopædia Britannica.
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Be it far from me to disparage the labours of the few European scholars, to whose indefatigable endeavours alone is due whatever light there exists in this and similar branches of study. The blame, if anywhere, must rest with the native scholars themselves. If they fail to imbibe the historical spirit of modern times, and do not stir themselves to help forward the researches made regarding their own antiquities, they will have themselves to thank, if their favourite language and literature are condemned and thrown overboard, as is summarily done by Dr. Burnell.
Returning to our subject, I am aware of only two serious attempts to determine the age of Kun Pandya, or which is the same thing, the age of Sambandha. The first is that of Dr. Caldwell in his Comparative Dravidian Grammar, Introduction, pages 137-143, and Appendix III. pages 535-540, and the second is that of Mr. Nelson in his District Manual called the 'Madura Country,' Part III. Chapter II. pages 54-70. Neither of these two attempts appears to me successful or satisfactory. It would take too much space to review their arguments in detail, but I shall briefly note what strikes me as the leading features of these theories.
Dr. Caldwell's hypothesis as to the age of Sambandha is based entirely upon two assumptions first, that Kûn Pandya's name was Sundara-Pandya, and second, that Sundara-Pandya is identical with the Sender Bendi of Marco Polo that reigned in 1292. As Mr. Nelson also proceeds upon the first of these two suppositions, it is necessary to observe once for all that Sundara-Pandya is hardly a proper name. The deity at Madura is called Sundara, and SundaraPandya by itself is no more the name of any particular Pandya than is Sri-Padmanabhadâsa the individual appellation of any sovereign of Travancore. Hence we find the term Sundara associated with the name of so many kings of Madura. That it never stood by itself as the distinctive name of any individual Pandya, it may be hazardous to assert, but that it was too common a designation to yield us any historical clue, requires no proof. Still, for the satisfaction of European scholars, I shall quote just one or two authorities. Dr. Hultzsch says with reference to the phrase 'crown of Sundara': "The name Sundara occurs in the traditional lists of Pandya kings. In the present inscription the term 'crown of Sundara' seems to be used in the sense of "the crown of the Pandya king." So Sandara means nothing but Pandya. Be it also noted that this expression, Sundara's crown,' occurs in an inscription of Rajendra-Chola, who, according to Dr. Hultzsob, ascended the throne about 1014 A. D., that is, 278 years before Marco Polo landed at Kâyal.
27 This is the view adopted in my first article on " The Ten Tamil Idyle."
28 The loss to the Tamil language and literature by the death of this venerable Tamil scholar is really great, and it may be long before that language finds so devoted a student and so patient an enquirer as The Right Rev. Bishop Caldwell.
29 South-Indian Inscriptions, Vol. I. p. 96.

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It is possible also to trace the source of this common error that confounds Kûn Pandya with Sundara-Pandya. When Kún Påndya was converted by Sambandha, the Saivas in their exultation called him nipra-sir-Nedumaran, -the tall or prosperous Pândya of established beauty or grace; - probably meaning thereby nothing more than a compliment, like the title
Defender of the Faith,' conferred by the Pope on Henry VIII. I am not sure, whether the name Kûn Pandya itself was not an after designation, to be understood metaphorically and theologically, rather than literally and physically. Anyhow, the Kûn Pandya of Sambandha still continues to be worshipped as a canonized saint, only under the name of ninrasir-Nedumâra-nayanâr. When, however, the time came for the Sansksit Sthala-Purana to be written, the Pandits, who must needs translate even proper names, rendered Kun Pandya into Kubja-Pandya and ninra-sir-Nedumarán into Sundara-Påndya, exactly as they translated his queen's name, Mangaiyarkkarasi, into Vanitèsvari, and his minister's name Kulachchirai into Kulabandhana. The Purána itself makes it clear that Sandara-Pândya was simply & title assomed after the conversion ;30 and the Tamilas know of no other title then assumed, but the name of ninra-sir-Nedumâran. Be the explanation what it may, to build any theory upon the name Sundara Pâpdya, is simply to build upon quicksand. I shall add but one more testimony to this simple fact. The Rev. E. Leventhal says: "The name Sundara-Pandya is found on such a multitude of coins, both in the Tinnevelly and Madara districts, that it is difficult to believe that all those coins should have been struck by one king. Could it not be that some of his successors had used that name as a title on their coins, the meaning of the name being only beautiful." "31 Of course, such perplexities are unavoidable, when one proceeds upon a wrong hypothesis. For, it should be added, Mr. Leventhal goes upon Dr. Caldwell's theory that there was a particular På dya, called Sundara-Påndya, who reigned in 1292. Error in these regions of pure speculation is always infectious.
Now with regard to Marco Polo's Sender Bendi; Marco Polo distinctly says, he ruled over Soli, the best and noblest province of India.' Madura does not answer this description, nor can we conceive how it can possibly be corrupted, even in the language of these flying foreign visitors into Soli.' Colonel Yule may be right in identifying Soli with Tanjore, the then capital of the Chola country: but it looks more probable that it was the name of some province about the sea-coast yet to be identified. At any rate, it cannot be Madura. That in some undated 32 inscriptions in the possession of Dr. Caldwell, the expression Sundara-Chôļa-Pandya' occurs will be scarcely accepted as an argoment for confounding Soli with Madura, unless we have a foregone conclusion to maintain. More reasonable appears to be the conclusion arrived at by Colonel Yule, that Marco Polo's Sender Bendi was no sovereign of Madura, but some adventurer "who had got possession of the coast country and perhaps paid some nominal homage to Madura."33 It is unnecessary for our purpose to follow Dr. Caldwell through the maze of dreamy tales he cites from two Muhammadan historians, to show that there was a king in Madura about 1292, called 'Sundar Bandi.' The earlier of the two, Rashidu'ddin, says that a Sundar Bandi ruled over Malabar, extending from Kulam to Silâwar (which Dr. Caldwell interprets as Nellore!), with a Muhammadan minister named Shekh Jamalu'ddin, and that he died in 1293, leaving his throne and seven hundred bullock loads of jewels to his lucky minister! Wassâf, the second historian, agrees as to Sundar Bandi's death in 1293, but amplifies the seven hundred bullock loads into seven thousand, and gives the treasure to a brother of Sundar Bandi, instead of to his Muhammadan minister. But not so harmless is his other exaggeration about the extent of Malabar, which is here described as stretching from the Persian sea to Silkwar (or Nellore), - which, indeed, would be a noble province to rule over, but neither Malabar, Madura nor Soli! Still more remarkable is another statement of this historical authority
> Tiruvilaiyddal. Puranam, Chapter 69, verse 68; and Tirunelli Sthala-Purinam, p. 748, vurses 4 and 5. 31 The Coina of Tinnevelly, p. 19.
32 I have now with me some inscriptions with this name which I should have published already, but for want of time and health to make out their full bearing.
* Colonel Yule quoted by Dr, Caldwell ; see Appendix III. p. 537.

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depended upon by Dr. Caldwell. The Sundar Bandi who dies in 1293, re-appears in 1310, and flees from Madura to Delhi for protection against a rebellious brother of bris! But it is need less for our purpose to go into the evidence of these so-called historians, cited by Dr. Caldwell to support his view. Let us suppose that the reconciliations he proposes, between these and other queer statements of theirs, are satisfactory, and also that the identification of Marco Polo's Sender Bendi of Soli with their Sundar Bandi of Malabar is as sound as the learned Doctor could wish ; still, are we any way nearer our conclusion? A distinctly different identification would yet remain to be made. Is the Kün Pandya of Sambandha the same as the Sandar Bandi of the two Muhammadan historians ? There is not the least shadow of evidence in favour of the supposition, while every historical fact known is decidedly against it. We need mention here but two. (1) The minister of Kûn Pandya was not the Muhammadan Shekh Jamalu'ddin, but Kulachobirai Nayapar - one of the sixty-three canonized Saiva saints.36 . (2) The dominions of Kan Pandya, instead of extending from Külam or the Persian Gulf to Nellore, did not go beyond Trichinopoly, where the three Tamil kingdoms met in the days of Sambandha." The Chôļa kingdom itself did not embrace Cuddalore, which was then a Pallava province.
Now turning to Mr. Nelson, --surely his procedure is more judicious. He has no decided theory to uphold, but arguing from certain premises, he concludes that “it is very possible that Kun Pandya reigoed in the latter half of the eleventh century." The premises assumed are, (1) that certain conquests and feats, claimed for one Sundara-Pandya in an undated inscription, are true and applicable to Kan Pâədya; and (2) that Mangaiyarkkarasi, the queen of Kun Pandya, was the daughter of Karikála Chôļa, who persecuted Ramanuja. Now both these premises appear to me more than questionable: and I shall consider them separately.
The most remarkable point in Mr. Nelson's inscription is the alleged occurrence in it of thi name of Mangalyarkkaraki, the patroness of Sambandha. But, as Mr. Venkayya informs me, the name of Mangaiyarkkaraši is a mere misreading of Mr. Nelson for Ulagamuļududaiyál,37 the Tamil equivalent of Lôkamahadevi. This removes the only ground for any plausible identification of Sundara-Pandya with the Kar Påądya we are in search of.
The only other historical allasion in the document is the burning of Tanjore and Uraiyûr. Mach is made of this by Mr. Nelson. But it is altogether fatal to his theory. Kun Påodya could not have burned Tanjore, for the simple reason that Tanjore did not then exist. Neither Sambandha, nor Appar, nor Sandara found such a place in their systematic and incessant peregrinations. They do not even seem to have heard of such a place, which would be certainly inexplicable, seeing that all of them, and particularly 'the third, spent so much of their time in what is now called the Tanjore district, where scarcely a village was left oncommemorated in their endless hymns. Sandara, indeed, mentions a Tanjore, as the birthplace of a particular saint, but it is not our Tanjore at all, but a village now called Pottai Tanjâvûr, a bamlet near Negapatam. By the time of Karavar Devar, one of the nine authors of the TiruIsaippa, Tanjore makes its appearance with its temple of Rajarajêsvara, 90. and in that supplement to the Déváram, a hymn is found for the first time for Tanjore. Nambi Âşdir Nambi thus finds it necessary to qualify the original Tanjore of Sundara with a distinguishing
* We have Sambandha's own evidence for this fact. For instance, he says "Korravan.tanakku mandiriy-dya Krulachchiqari;" Hamasvami Pillai's edition, p. 838.
- See Sambandha's Mudkichchara-padigan, p. 84.
* Soo Tinnloukkarasar Puranam, verse 84. Tiruppådirippuliyar, now called Old Cuddalore, was the capital of Pallava province and the seat of Buddhist university; hence its name, which is simply a Tamil rendering of Pitaliputra
» Soe Dr. Burgess and Mr. Nateks Saatri's Tamil and Sanskrit Inseription, P.51, noto 2.
* Over five hundred and twenty-five such villages are mentioned in the Dévora Hymna, nearly half of whioh *in the Tanjore distriot.
It ww buut by the Chola king Rajaraja about A. D. 1000 ; so South Indian Inscription, Vol. II. p. 1.

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epithet, Maruga-nattu Tanjai. Though negative in itself, this is as clear evidence as it is possible to obtain about the origin of a town from literary records.
Now for Mangaiyarkkarasi being the daughter of Karikala, which is Mr. Nelson's second assumption, it rests entirely upon a statement of Dr. Wilson, that she is called so in an account of the gopura of the Buddhist temple Padeovaily,' - 8 place I am not able to identify with any known Tami) town. We cannot estimate the historical value of this account unless more particulars are given. But so far as the question in band is concerned, the account, whatever it may turn out to be, cannot prove of much consequence. There is but ore Karikåla known to Tamil literature, - the hero of so many immortal poems of classical antiquity. There may have been several others of a later generation who passed under that honoured name: but there was apparently none about the time of Sambandha, who would have surely commemorated the father of his royal patroness, if he had had any independent importance. In one of the Dévára Hymns," the word Karikala actually occurs, but it means there the god of death' and not & Chola prince. But even suppoging that Karikala was the name of the father of Mangaiyarkkarasi, we should shew that that Karikala was the real persecutor of Râmânaja, before we can draw any inference with reference to the question in hand.
I find in Dr. Caldwell's arguments too, a reference to Ramanuja, and I am afraid, it indicates too serious & distortion in the view taken of the religious history of Southern India to be passed over in silence. We cannot here go into the question in detail, and must be content with pointing out certain well-marked stages in the religions development of the Tamil nation. There was a period, lost altogether in hoary antiquity, when the native Dravidian religion, with its peculiar forms of sacrifices, prophecies and ecstatic dances, dimly visible still in deriyditu, vēlamadal, and other ceremonies of mountain races, was alone in vogae. The first foreign influence brought to bear upon the primitive form of worship was that of the Vedic religion, which, with its usual spirit of toloration and compromise, adopted and modified the practices it then found current in the country. For a long time the influence was anything but strong: but it accumulated as time elapsed, and some traces of this foreign influence may be observed in such fragments of the pre-Tolkáppiyam works as now and then turn up in old commentaries. By the time this famous grammar came to be written, the Dravidians would appear to have adopted a few of the social institutions, myths, and ceremonies of the Aryan settlers. But it was even then only an adaptation, and no copy. The most ancient of the works of the Madura college were composed during this period. Next came the Buddhist moveinent; and after a long period of mutual toleration and respect, during which was produced the bulk of the extant Tamil classics, the creed of Gautama supplanted the older compound of Dravidian and Vedic worship. After attaining to power, the mild doctrines of Buddha seem to have undergone rapid degeneration and to have otherwise offended the followers of the original calt. Then followed the revival of Hinduism. In the course of its long contact with Buddhism, the old Dravidio-Aryan religion was considerably modified in principles and practice, and the Hinduism that was now revived, was altogether therefore a higher and more complex compound. The first who raised their voices against Buddha, were those who worshipped Siva, a name that the Tamilas had learnt to use for the deity, ever since they came under the Aryan influence, if not earlier, as contended by Dr. Oppert. The question was then, not between Siva and Vishnu, for no such antagonism was then conceivable, but between the Vedic ceremonies and the teachings of Buddha. The struggle must have continued for a long while, but the time was ripe when Sambandha appeared. Already had Appar, - & learned and earnest Buddhist monk in the most famous of the southern cloisters, 13 - renounced publicly his faith in Gautama; and in a generation or two appeared Sandara. These three had to fight very hard, but
*See the Tiruvandadi, verse 66. Békkilar does the same; see Seruettunainayandr Puranam, verso 1. 41 Ramsavami Pillai's edition, p. 983.
See Comparative Dravidian Grammar, Introduction, p. 140. I mean Tirupp&dirippuliyur, named aftor Påtaliputra,

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they succeeded nevertheless ih turning back the tide of Buddhism ; and though the schismatics lingered long in the land, they never regained their lost position. Thus was inaugurated the period of piety and miracles, which, no doubt, impeded for a while the cause of sound learning and culture. It was during this period that the country came to be studded all over with those temples, which to this day form the characteristic feature of the Tamil provinces. As this process was going on, there appeared the Alvars to add to the general excitement and to accelerate the decline of Buddhism. Though they represented the community that loved to feature the deity in the form of Vishņa, I do not think they ever set themselves in direct opposition to the Saivas, as their later adherents do. The common enemy, the enemy of the Védas, was still in the field. It was while these sects of Hindus were thus re-establishing themselves in practice, that the Acharyas, i.e. the theological doctors, rose to supply the theory. Even to the earliest of them, Sankaracharya, was left only the work of formally and theoretically completing the religious revolution that was already fast becoming, in practice, an accomplished fact, at least in Southern India. He is Osually said to have established, by his Bhashyas or philosophic interpretations of Vedic texts, the six orthodox systems of worship, Saiva and Vaishnava forms inclusive. This assertion ought to be carefully interpreted; for there can be no greater mistake than to suppose that he invented, or originated, these six systems. Forms of religion are founded, not by philosophers and theologians, with their interpretations and argumentations, but by heroic men of faith - faith in God and faith in themselves, to such an extent that they can induce not only others but themselves, too, to believe in the miracles they perform. The former come later on, to justify and sanction what already exists, with their elaborate exegetics, written solely for the learned and thoughtful — not to say the sceptical. Samkarâchårya himself is personally & Saiva, but he suppresses his individual inclinations, and takes his stand upon the common ground of the Vedas, and so supports all sects accepting the authority of those hoary compilations, in order to show a united front against the common foe. It is expressly to meet the heresy of Nirvana that he formulates the Advaita or non-dualistic theory. But the common enemy soon disappears, or at least sinks into unimportance; and later Acharyas, not feeling that external pressure, find the Non-Dualism of Samkars a little too high-pitched, if not dangerous also to the current pietist forms of worship. Accordingly, Râmânuja slightly modifies the original Non-Dualism, and distinctly puts a Vaishọava interpretation on the Vedic texts. But he still retains the Non-Dualism of Samkara to some extent. His system is not Dualism, but Vitish advaita, meaning qualified NonDualism. When we come, however, to the days of Madhvacharya, the Buddhistic theory is so far forgotten that all forms of that original Non-Dualism, with which alone Samkaracharya was able to confront the heretical Nihilism, are completely rejected in favour of pronounced Dualism, which perhaps was always the theory implied in the Saiva and Vaishnava practices, And what is more, this last of the Acharyas adopts some of the very principles for the sake of which Buddha revolted against the Vedas - as for instance, substituting animal images made of flour for the veritable and living ones required for Vedic sacrifices. Bot except in the matter of such minor details, the dogmas of none of these Acharyas affected the forms of public worship. The temples and the processions remained, exactly as they were in the days of the fiery votaries of old - the "Saiva Nayanmårs and the Vaishnava Âlvârs; only, as time rolled on, these latter crept, one by one, into the sanctuaries they themselves worshipped and secured those divine honours that are now their undisputed rights. With the last of the Acharya846 we reach fairly into the Muhammadan times and the arrest that all native
* The fable of Tirumangai AlyAr's quarrel with Sambandha, whose trident he is said to have snatched, reflects only the modern feelings of the sect. Even as a story it faile; Sambandha bad only a pair of cymbals, and never a trident,
Even in Northern India, the practionl work of confuting and overthrowing the Buddhists fell to the lot of Bhatta KamAra, the redoubtable champion of Vedic karman, - and of PrabhAkara rather than of Bankars, who followed them after several generations.
16 There can be no dispute as to the age of Madhvach&rya. He died in Baka 1120, the Pingala year, or 1197-98 A. D. Compare Dr. Bhandarkar's Report on Sanskrit Manuscripts for 1892-83, p. 203.] Satyaviratirtha, who died in 1879, was the thirty-fifth from him in succession.

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activities in religion, literature, and other walks of intellectual life then experienced, is a matter of history, and not of speculation.
From this short account, it should be clear in what period we ought to look for Sambandha. The confused talk about Ramanujâcharya and Kûn Pandya, which we find in both Mr. Nelson and Dr. Caldwell, betrays such an absence of the sense of historical perspective as cannot but produce the most amusing and most grotesque results. For instance, it is now pretty well established that the independence of the Tamil countries was completely lost by the early years of the fourteenth century. It was about the year 1324 A. D. that the notorious and cruelhearted chieftain, Malik Naib Kafur of Ferishta, popularly known in Tamil as the AdiSultan Malik Nomi, took possession of Madura, razed to the ground the outer walls of the town with their fourteen towers, and demolished the temple and despoiled it of its valuables, leaving behind nothing but the shrines of Sundarêśvara and Minakshi. The Muslim clouds must bave been hanging over the Tamil kingdoms a good many years before they at last broke and overwhelmed the southernmost of them. Whether or no the Muhammadans actually subverted the Pandya kingdom about 1100, as Mr. Nelson 67 is inclined to think, the Pandya kingdom could have enjoyed little peace during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. Yet it is at the very end of the thirteenth century, that Dr. Caldwell would place Sambandha and therefore the beginning of that grand struggle between the Buddhists and the Saivas that finally led to the disappearance of the former. That Kun Påndys, the most powerful monarch of his age, was a Buddhist, is as certain as that he really existed. That Buddhism was the prevailing religion, though on the point of decline, is evident from every hymn of Sambandha and of his elder contemporary, Appar, who incessantly complains of the persecutions he experienced, at the hands of the heretics, in his native district of Cuddalore. Such was the position of affairs in the reign of Kun Pandya : and yet Dr. Caldwell would have us believe that Kûn Påndya ruled in 1292, because Marco Polo happens to talk of a Sender Bendi of Soli,' in that year of grace! And the consequence is that we have also to believe that, by some miracle or other, the whole scene had completely changed by 1324, when Malik captured Madura. In other words, within the short space of thirty-two years, the Buddhistic religion with its widespreading organisation, half a dozen holy orders and thousands of monks in each, all disappeared as if by magic, and the ready-made Saiva religion stepped into its place, with its richly endowed temples with golden images, and outer walls having fourteen towers! If such a theory does not violate all the analogies of history, I wonder what can ! To add to the miracle, it was during the subsequent centuries of foreign oppression, of Muhammadan generals and of Nayaka and Telugu viceroys, that the bulk of our existing literature arose !
Unless, therefore, no better hypothesis can be found, - better founded on facts, more natural and consistent in its consequences, and better confirmed by collateral evidence, -- we cannot bnt decline, with all our deference to the esteemed authors concerned, to accept either of their theories as answering to truth.
The truth is, such theories are the fruits of pare despair, - are advanced, as the drown. ing man clutches the straw. Literary Tamil is a difficult dialect to master, and the literature in it too extensive and complicated to be compassed without years of patient study and prolonged attention. The conviction, too, is abroad that these literary records are atterly devoid of historical implications. “We have not," says Dr. Caldwell," a single reliable date to guide us, and in the midst of conjecture, a few centuries more or less seem to go for nothing. Tamil writers, like Hindd writers in general, hide their individuality in the shade of their writings. Even the names of most of them are unknown. They seem to have regarded individual celebrity, like individual existence, as worthless, and absorption into the universal spirit of the classical literature of their country as the highest good to which their compositions could aspire. Their readers followed in their course, age after age. If a book was good,
41 Madura Country, Part III. Chapter III. p. 76.

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people admired it; but whether it was written by a man, or by a divinity, or whether it wrote itself as the Vedas were commonly supposed to have done, they neither knew nor cared. Still less did they care, of course, if the books were bad. The historical spirit, the antiquarian spirit, to a great degree even the critical spirit, are developments of modern times. If, therefore, I attempt to throw some light on the age of the principal Tamil works, I hope, it may be borne in mind that, in my opinion, almost the only thing that is perfectly certain in relation to those works, is that they exist." Under such circumstances, it is no wonder, that for historical purposes, the literary works are treated as if they were as good as non-existent. If the authors systematically hide even their own individualities, what light are they likely to throw on the history of their times P That the vast majority of modern Tamil writers, the stereotyped Purána-makers and the authors of cut and dry Kalambagams and Andádis, - are guilty of this curious kind of literary suicide, can never be gainsaid. But I would beg to submit at the same time, in extenuation of their crime, that writers of this class can never possess any individuality either to be preserved or submerged. They are poets only in name, - with a ready made Buok of Similes and other equipments to suit; they dispease with nature and her promptings, as they wriggle themselves up, from rhyme to rhyme, and alliteration to alliteration. But putting aside these products of stagnation and ascending to the fountains of Tamil literatore, we meet with well marked individualities both in the authors and in the characters they create, and can observe no great inclination on their part to obliterate their personalities. On the other hand, their individuality may be found sometimes even obtraded upon us. For instance, every hymn of Sambandha uniformly closes with a benedictory verse, where his own name, his native place, and other particulars are given. Only, in keeping with the general Indian failing as to chronology, the old poets, as well as the new, give us no dates. They nevertheless specify the names of their patrons, sovereigns, friends, and so forth, as occasion offers itself, and otherwise furnish us with much historical information, which is waiting only to be gathered up and collated, to yield the most reliable data for reconstructing extinct societies and social conditions. I cannot, therefore, make up my mind to believe that the old and true Tamil literature is as barren of historical import as is generally assumed.
To see what light the works of Sambandha and his colleagues throw upon the historical conditions of their age, is too large a topic to be taken up in this connection. Bat confining ourselves to the more important question of the age of Sambandha, the question we have already propounded for our consideration, we may examine the literary works connected with the subject, to see whether they cannot furnish us more reliable indications than Marco Polo's
Sender Bendi of Soli'! The sacred Saiva works may not, perhaps, enable us to discover when Sambandba did actually live; but they are certain to shew at least when he could not have lived ; and considering the confusion that reigns in connection with the subject, even so much of light cannot but be welcome.
(To be continued.)
NOTES ON THE SPIRIT BASIS OF BELIEF AND CUSTOM.
BY J. M. CAMPBELL, C.L.E., I.C.S.
(Continued from p. 84.) Precious stones. - In India, spirits are believed to fear precious stones. This belief seems to be due partly to the colour and brightness of the gems, and partly to their healing properties. Pearl ash and coral ash are highly valued by Hindu physicians, especially coral ash or pravala bhasma, in consumption. The navaratnas or nine gems --mdnika 45 Comparative Dravidian Grammar, Introduction, p. 128.
This is a curious book attributed to Pugalêndi. There are hosts of other treatises telling us with what letters, words, eto., we should begin a verse and what dreadful consequences will follow otherwise, and so forth.
50 It is upon this conviction that the Ton Tamil Idyls have been taken up elaewhere for analysis.

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ruby, mauktika pearl, pravála coral, pacha emerald, pushkrája topaz, hiraka diamond, nila sapphire, gômédha amethyst, and lasunika cat's-eye-are specially valued by Hindus for their power in checking the evil influences of the navagrahas, or nine seizers, that is, the planets. Each of these nine jewels is assigned to a planet, and when any planet is unfavourable, the jewel which is sacred to the planet is either given as an offering to a Brâhman in the name of the unfavourable planet, or it is set in & gold ring and worn on the finger.77 A Gujarat Hindu, who is under the influence of Mercury, weare an emerald ring, and one under the influence of Gurú or Jupiter a topaz ring. The result of wearing a sapphire or nila ring, which is sacred to Sani or Saturn, is uncertain. The owner wears it on Saturday, which is sacred to Saturn, and lays it by till Tuesday. If on Tuesday no mishap has befallen him, he continues to wear the sapphire so long as the planet's influence is unfavorrable. Should any mishap befall him during the three days he gives the ring to a Brâhman.7" The first thing & Bombay Prabhu looks at on getting up, is a diamond-ring.90 In Gujarat, crystal is worshipped as the sun. Among Chitpåvan Brahmans, pañch ratnas or five jewels, generally diamond, gold, amethyst, emerald and pearl, are dropped into a pot when a girl comes of age.81 Gold and an emerald are laid in the dead Chitpêvan's mouth.82 In making the marriage booth the Velális, a Madras caste in Poona, bury under the chief pillar a pearl, a piece of coral, and a bit of some other precious stone.88 The Poona Râmôsis wear necklaces of the Sulaimani onyx to keep off spirits and the Evil Eye. A favourite offering to the Hindu gods are five jewels, generally gold, diamonds, rabies, sapphires and pearls. So in Násik, at the shrine of Pancharatnêsvara, that is the Five Jewel Lord, Rama, the hero of the Ramayana, is believed to have offered five precious stones.85 In a very old burial mound lately (1880) opened near Nasik, some child's bones and a piece of coral were found in an urn, the coral probably to keep evil spirits from lodging in the bones.86 The city of Kolhapur has & much valued Arab stone, which, when a woman is in labour, is washed, and the water is given her to drink.87 Pearls, precious stones, silver, gold, brass, and copper are dropped into the jars whieh are set before the Dharwår Lingayat couple at marriage.88 In Calcutta, in 1887, a ling was shewn made of a chrysoberyl cat's-eye set in a topaz. It was supported on a gold base encrusted with nine gems or charms. At the famous ling of Mahâbalêávar at Gokarn, in North Kinara, once in sixty years the ground near the ling is dug and strewn with powdered jewels and pearls." The Central American Chibchas bury gold and jewels in their sacred woods, and throw gold and jewels into their sacred lakes. They also fill with precious stones the bellies of some of their gods.1 In Kanara, quartz powder is rubbed on Virabhadra's face. Among the Nagpur Gonde the sánálk or spirit of the dead comes into the ministrant's hands in the form of grains of quartz like rice." In Southern India, rich people, instead of rice, sometimes throw pearls or precious stones over the bride and bridegroom. Brahmans hold that the lustre in stones and gems is the principle of light and life." Certain precious stones are worn by Hindus as amulets to keep off disease. On many great occasions it is common for Hindus and Pârsis to draw lines
T The ruby is sacred to the Sun, the pearl to the Moon, coral to Mars, the emerald to Mercury, the topas to Jupiter, the diamond to Venus, the sapphire to Saturn, the amethyat to Rahu, and the lasnika or cat's-eye to Ketu : (Information from Mr. P. B. Joshi). The alternative in the text in interesting. The sense is either to transfer the evil influenco into the soape-goat guardian, the Brihman, or to how the evil influence in the wing, and so either prison or please it.
Th From MS. Notes. Information from Mr. P. B. Josbi. Mr. K. Raghunath's Pataud Prabhu $1 Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XVIII. p. 140.
12 Op. cit. Vol. XVIII. p. 148. * Op. cit. Vol. XVIII. p. 258,
14 Op. cit. Vol. XVIII. p. 413. * Op. cit. Vol. XVI. p. 565.
*6 Op. cit. Vol. XVI. p. 540. #7 Information from Mr. M. W. Barwe.
** Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XXII. p. 118. * Times of India, 5th February 1887.
• Bombay Garetteer, Vol. XV. p. 291. 1 Descriptive Sociology, Vol. II. p. 24. Rislop's Aboriginal Tribes of the Contral Province, Ap. I. p. 1.
* Dubois, Vol. I. p. 912. This practice is also observed among Indian Muslims. Compare Jehingir's Memoirs, Persian Text, p. 186. It is called niedr or sacrifice, and is done with the object of making ill-luck pace from the person into the jewels
# Colebrooke's Miscellaneowe Essaye, Vol. I. p. 113. ^ Maurice's Indian Antiquities, Vol. VII. p. 63%.

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of quartz powder, called rangoli, generally made and sold by wild tribesmen. The object of this quartz powder tracing is admitted to be to keep off evil spirits.66
In Persia, the carnelian used to be worn by the priest of the planet Hormazd or Japiter. 7 Judges in ancient Egypt wore breast-plates of precious stones, and the Jewish high priest had a breast-plate of precious stones with the name of a tribe carved on each stone ;98 they had also on each shoulder an onyx stone graven with the names of the tribes. A piece of a bone of Buddha is kept in a crystal globe in Japan.100 The Papuans of New Guinea carry pieces of carved wood and quartz aa amulets. The Nubians cover tombs with white pebbles and pieces of quartz. In Peru, when a chief died, a jewel was laid in his mouth, and in Mexico, a jewel was placed alongside of the dead.3
In Rome, coral hung round the necks of infants was believed to preserve against witchcraft and sorcery. The diamond was called anachites because it frustrated poison, drove away frenzying thoughts, and expelled yain fears. The sparkling precious stones
- the diamond, ruby, emerald and sapphire - seem to owe their fame as spirit-scarers to the fact that they flash in the dark. Perhaps for the same reason crystal and glass were believed to have special power over spirits. Another reason was that the crystal or stone Was & fire-home. The Romans kindled fire by ineans of a lens or & crystal ball. Similarly, silex or flint was sacred to Jupiter, and in Germany, a witness taking an oath held a flint in his hand. In Middle-Age Europe, glass with spiral lines cured disease, e cattle were sprinkled with water in which a crystal ball had been washed, and precious stones were believed to have miraculous and healing power.10 The Pope has a sapphire of great value.11 Dantels calls the eyes of Beatrice emeralds. Ottino, commenting on this, says the emerald is powerful against phantoms and demons.is
In the Scottish Highlands it is common to keep a smooth polished stone in a bag for luck, 14 and there is also a strong feeling, both in the highlands and in the lowlands, 16 that lammber, that is, l'ambre or amber, cares inflamed eyes and sprains. According to Burton,17 in England, in the beginning of the fifteenth century, the carbuncle, coral, beryl, pearl and ruby were believed to drive away devils, to overcome sorrow, and to stop dreains. In England, in 1584, crystal was believed to staunch blood.18 In England, there was a belief that the amethyst prevents drunkenness, the diamond betrays inconstancy, the sapphire prevents enchantment, the agate averts tempest, and the chrysophrase cures the love of gold.l. The belief in the spirit-scaring power of precious stones lives in England in the baby's coral and in the bishop's sapphire. Of the sapphire Barton wrote: - " It is the fairest of stones, of sky colour, & great enemy to black choler, freeing the mind, mending manners and driving away evil spirits, demons and sprites.". He mentions20 that coral is a cure for falling sickness, so coral is probably given to children to keep off convulsions and other sicknesses which are believed to be due to fairy 'influence. In Suffolk, till 1833, Aints hung in a stable protected the cattle against spirits.21
In the matter of personal ornaments, especially of decoration by gems and precious stones, the feeling and the experience are still fresh and widespread that gems are not only
# From MS. notes. 97 Dibistan, Vol. I. p. 37.
Mackzy's Freemasonry, p. 41. » Exodus, xxviii. 10, 11.
100 Reed'. Japan, Vol. II. p. 189. 1 Earl's Papuans, p. 84.
- Burkhardt's Nubia, p. 264. * Spencer's Principles of Sociology, Vol. I. p. 396. • Pliny's Natural History, Book xxxii. Chap. 2. • Op. cit. Book xxxvii. Chap. 5.
• Early History of Mankind, p. 249.. + Grimm's Teutonic Mythology, Vol. I. p. 180.
Leslie's Early Races of Scotland, p. 608. • Op. cit. p. 77. 20 Grimm's Teutonic Mythology, Vol. III. p. 1916. 11 Jones' Crown, P. 401. 11 Dante's Purgatorio, xxxi, 115, 116. 15 Capt. H. O. Selby, L, E.
From M8. notes, June 9, 1882 15 From MS. notes, June 9, 1882.
16 Henderson's Folk-Lore, p. 145. 17 Barton's Anatomy of Melancholy, p. 434.
18 Dyer's Folk-Lore, p. 179. 1. Browne's Vulgar Errors, Bohn's Ed. Vol. I. p. 191. 70 Burton's Anatomy of Melancholy, P. 460.. 21 Brand's Popular Antiquities, Vol. II. p. 503.

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pleasant to look on but are lucky. In the seventeenth century, the learned Burton quoted with approval the saying of Renodens :-"Gems adorn kings' crowns, grace the fingers, enrich our household stuff, defend us from enchantment, preserve health, care disease, drive away grief and cares, and exbilirate the mind."22 In most modern jewellers' catalogues, bracelets and bangles are Porte Bonheurs or Luck Bringers; chains of metal or of hair are guards; tassels, fishes, knives, crosses and hearts hung to a watch chain are charms; horse-shoes, horns, crosses, and other shapes dear to the evil-eye-dreading Neapolitan form the most popular pins and brooches; and their lack or ill-luck is still an important element in the value of the cat's-eye, opal, turquoise, sapphire, agate and diamond 23 That the glory of luck still enobles gems which are the chief of ornaments, helps to lessen the apparent grotesqueness of the contention, that, in every form, ornament has its root, not in the craving of Vanity or in the love of beauty, but in the need of housing guardian and of scaring evil influences. According to the general rule, objects round which, in the growing darkness of dying belief, still rests the halo of Luck have in earlier times been noted centres and homes of guardian spirits. Four main guardians live in precious stones and scare evil influences : the Eye, Blood, Fire and Light. If these ind welling guardians keep off evil influences from the wearer they must be able to cure disease as well as to prevent it, since disease is possession by an evil spirit. Experience establishes the correctness of this argament. Faith in the virtue of the gem of itself cures sickness and the world wide tendency to record hits and forget misses raises the gem to the glory of an all-heal. Since jewels guard the wearer, it follows that jewels should be used to guard other objects of value which like man are open to the nttacks of evil influences. All guardians need guarding. So priests, bishops, popes, kings and gods, tools and weapons, animals and furniture, dwellings and temples should all be protected by the armour of gems. Again, to strengthen their guardian virtue, gems should be grouped in shapes which in themselves are lucky or evil compelling, in circles, triangles, frete, knots and crosses. And, to increase their capacity for housing friendly influences, either guardian forms or evil-binding words should be graven on them. Such seem the chief teachings of the following details.
Into the general and far-stretching belief in the virtues or healing influences of gems the the following quotations give some insight. From the earliest times the monarchs of the East attributed magic and talismanic properties to gems.2 The Babylonian gem was a cylinder engraved with letters or figures. To the inherent guardian power of the stone was added the influence obtained from engraving on the stone the forms of guardian deities.25 The Assyrian cylinders or engraved gems bore the names of the owner, of the owner's father, and of the
In Fraser's Magazine, October 1956, p. 421; Pettigrew's Superstitions connected with Medicine and Surgery, pp. 50-57.
» With the modern Porte Bonheur applied to the bracelet compare the Roman Good Luck applied to the jewel box. In play of about A. D. 60, one of the ladies, Scintilla, takes from her neck a little case, which she called her Good-Lock, and out of which she brings two ear drops. King's Antique Gem, p. 287, note 1.
* Emanuel's Diamonds anul Preciow Stones, p. 23. King (Anti Gems, p. 418), impressed with the scientific spirit of Pliny (Natural History, Book xxxvii, Chap. 40) and of other authors of Pliny's time (A. D. 50-80), writes as if the belief in the myatio virtues of gems took its rise in the decline of knowledge in the following century, that it had increased in the time of Solinus and Orpheus about a century Inter; that it was wider spread and more developed in the eleventh century when (A, D. 1070) Marbodus wrote; and was still more elaborated in A, D. 1500 about the time of Camillo Leonardo. In spite of this statement King was aware that a little later than Pliny the very accurate and scientie ohaerver Galen (A, D, 100) was from his own experience satisfied of the healing virtue of gems. a belief which was not less unhesitatingly shared by another great physician, Alexander of Trulles, about 100 years later. Before Miny (King's Antique Gems, p. 390, note 1) the virtue of gems had been carefully recorded by Metrodorus, in a work addressed to the Great Mithridates (B. C. 120-53). Aristotle (B. C. 30) was a believer in the healing virtues of precious stones, and Pinto (B. C. 490) connected this power with the over-lordship of the planets. In earlier times in Egypt, Phoenicia, Palestino, Assyria and India, except for a chance soaptie, the trust in precious stones was universal, and in spite of consional surface materialism it is still as universal ag ia the securo judgment of the circle of the lands in the reality and power of Luck.
76 Compare Enry. Brit. "Gems."

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owner's guardian. The designs on most Assyrian cylinders shew they were talismans.26 The Caribeans of the West Indies use jade-amulets in the shape of hollow engraved cylinders like the Assyrians.27 According to the Greek writer, Onomacritus (B. C. 500), the agate, topaz, spring-green jasper, amber, chrysolite, coral, and opal had all supernatural powers.38 During the whole of their history the faith and experience of the Greeks in the supernatural power of gems remained unshaken. The Greeks and Romans held that gems had a spiritual as well as a material potency.29 They cared diseases, kept off calamities, and both during life and after death scared the demons of the earth and air.30 That the kindly influences of the different gems might serve as an unbroken guard against evil influences, they arranged twelve of them to form a zodiac amulet, assigning to each gem the month during which the power of the gem was at its highest.31 The Water-pot or January spirit lodged in the jacinth or garnet, the Fishes or February spirit in the amethyst, the Ram or March spirit in the bloodstone, the Bull or April spirit in the sapphire, the Twins or May spirit in the agate, the Crab or June spirit in the emerald, the Lion or July spirit in the onyx, the Virgin or August spirit in the carnelian, the Balance or September spirit in the chrysolite. the Scorpion or October spirit in the aqua marine, the Archer or November spirit in the topaz, and the Goat or December spirit in the ruby. In accordance with the wholesome law that a new religion continues old experiences under a new name, during the first centuries of Christianity, the zodiacal gems were turned into the twelve apostolic jewels. The Peter spirit was housed in the jasper, the Andrew spirit in the sapphire, James the Greater in the chalcedony, John in the emerald, Philip in the sardonyx, Mathew in the chrysolite, Thomas in the beryl, Thaddeus in the chrysophrase, James the Less in the topaz, Simeon in the jacinth, and Matthias in the amethyst.32 This arrangement may in part have been due to the knowledge and talent of Dioscorides, who, in the second century after Christ, formulated the virtues of gems with a skill which agrees with all subsequent experience. In the seventh century A. D., the magic powers of gems were, like other magic powers, greater than they had been during the -season of science and philosophy in Greece and Rome in the century before the Christian Era. Gems secured the wearer health, beauty, riches, honour, good fortune, and influente. They had special connection with planets and seasons. In spite of the claims of the Apostles each month had still its gem.34 It was the Middle-Age experience that in each variety of gem a special spirit had its abode. The gem was alive, as according to received Christian theories, the vile body of man was alive because in it lived a spirit. In the beginning of the sixteenth century Cardan wrote:-" Not only do precious stones live but they suffer illness, old age, and death."35 Since Cardan the antique worship' of gems has continued to be based on their proved magical and talismanic powers rather than on the pleasure derived from their beauty, endurance or rarity.36 In A. D. 1652, Thomas Nichols, perhaps the greatest authority on gems, noted that the descriptions of the healing and guarding influences of gems recorded by
26 Compare Ency. Brit. "Gems." Talisman is the Arabic tiliem, pl. filisma Tilism is not a native Arab word. King (Antique Gems, p. 434) is probably correct in tracing filism to the Greek (apo) telesma or influence. 28 Streeter's Precious Stones and Gems, p. 17.
27 Dieulafait's Diamonds and Precious Stones, p. 179. 29 Emanuel's Diamonds and Precious Stones, p. 23.
50 Dieulafait's Diamonds and Precious Stones, p. 32. Gnostic gems were placed in tombs to guard the dead against demons. King's Antique Gems, p. 349. This practice was observed by Christians as well as by the followers of the earlier faiths. So the Christian Maria, wife of Honorius, had gnostic gems buried with her as amulets (King's Antique Gems, p. 304). So in the Middle Ages, bishops were buried wearing their sapphire rings (King's Antique Gems, p. 297).
31 Emanuel's Diamonds and Precious Stones, p. 28; Hone's Table Book, Vol. I. p. 320. Similarly, it was probably more from their power of excluding evil of every shape than from the pleasing gradation of colours that the writers of Tobias' Dream and of the Revelations built the walls of the New Jerusalem with precious stones in the following order working up from the foundation, amethyst, hyacinth, chrysoprase, topasion or peridot, beryl, chrysolite that is topaz, sardius, sardonyx, smaragdus, chalcedony, sapphire and jasper. Compare King's Antique Gems, p. 429. 32 Emanuel's Diamonds asul Precious Stones, p. 30. 35 Dieulafait's Diamonds and Precious Stones, p. 44. 54 Streeter's Precious Stones and Gems, p. 19. The common belief, that a spirit or soul lives in gems, explains Blue John, the local Derby name for Fluor spar.
38 Dieulafait's Diamonds and Precious Stones, p. 48.
se Emanuel's Diamonds and Precious Stones, p. 31

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Theophrastus (B. C. 300) and by Pliny (A. D. 77) were borne out by all subsequent experience.37 Apart from all records of Pliny or of Thomas Nichols, the Peruvians of the sixteenth century endorsed the truth of their forefathers' experience that the emerald was the home of a goddess.38 The monarchs of the East, in the nineteenth century after Christ, as in the nineteenth century before Christ, find magic and talismanic properties in gems.39 Even the European nineteenth century gem-dealer finds in precious stones some occult charm which causes them to be coveted.
The question remains :-"How comes it that man in all times and conditions bas agreed to hold gems worshipful? How is it that the sickly doubting beryl spirit of the Thomases, not less than the trusting full-blooded jasper spirit of the Peters, have found magic and mystic influences in gems ?" The answer seems to be that the gems are the homes of some of the greatest guardian spirits, the Eye, Blood, Fire and Light. It was because of their experience that these great guardians lived in precious stones that the ancient saying was accepted :-"A man may carry with him his genius or guardian in a gem."1 Three main characteristics in gems marked them from the earliest time as tempting guardian homes, the eye-like gleam of some, the blood-red sheen of others, and the lustre of a third class as either of fire or of light. It is from its pupil-like light-centre that the true cat's-eye gains its name and its high repute for luck both in Asia and in Europe. Even the false or quartz cat's-eye was sacred to Bel, the god of Babylon, and was known to the Romans both as Bel's-eye and as Wolf's-eye. The gleam of light in the true cat's-eye shifts, says Streeter, from side to side like a restless spirit glowing now at one spot, now at another. No wonder that people regard it with awe and wonder, believing it to be the abode of some spirit. From its strange property of gleaming through water the hydrophane was known as the eye of the world. That its blood-redness is the chief source of the worshipfulness of the ruby or carbuncle and of the garnet is shewn by Pigeon's blood, the name of the purest red ruby. 46 The same spirit-drawing influence brought the leading antique engraverg-the Chaldeans, Assyrians, Medes, Persiang, and Phoenicians-to start their carvings on the blood-spotted surface of the hematite or blood-stone.47 Among Christians, the worshipfulness of the green variety of the blood-stone was due to the explanation that its streaks were the marks of the blood of Christ. A stone so coloured had naturally the highest medicinal and magical virtues. Similarly, the blood-red tint of coral was explained by its having sprung from clots of blood dropped from the Gorgon or Medusa head, and in consequence coral or Gorgeia kept evil from the new-born and the wiles of the devil from all who wore it as a necklace 50 Fire struggled hard with blood as the origin of the healing influences of the carbuncle and garnet. According to some authorities the holiness both of the carbuncle and of the garnet was due to its looking like a glowing coal when held against the sun.51 Like the carbuncle and the chrysolite, the lychnis flames and some hyacinths glow like burning coal.52 The finest opals are known as fire opals. The numberless red flames blazing on its
37 Op. cit. p. 29.
* Op. cit. p. 134. Compare the emerald seen by Herodotos (B. C. 450), the night-glowing sign of Melkarth, the guardian of Tyre and Gaden (Journal Asiatique, Series VI. Vol. X. pp. 166, 266).. * Op. cit. p. 28.
Op. cit. p. 2. 41 Dieulafait's Diamonds and Precious stoner, p. 32. Compare Orpheus' (A. D. 950) description (King's Antique Gems, p. 457) :-"Now after washing and duly worshipping the serpent stone, a living soul enters the gem. Afterwards if the gom is held near the eye the spirit may be seen to leave the gem." 49 Streeter's Preciowe Stones and Gome, p. 118.
43 Emanuel's Diamonds anul Precious Stones, p. 173. 4 Streeter's Precione Stones and Gome, pp. 167, 168. 46 Dieulafait's Diamonds and Precious Bones, P. 103. 46 Emanuel's Diamonds and Precious stones, p. 105. 47 Dioulafait's Diamonds and Preciosa Stonos, p. 188. + Emanuel's Diamonds and Precious Stones, p. 176: King's Antique Gems, p. 17. 49 Emanuel's Diamonds and Precious Stones, p. 176. 60 Op. cit. p. 216.
61 Op. cit. p. 147. Marbodus (A. D. 1070) says the carbuncle gets its name from casting fiery rays like burning coal King's Antique Geme, p. 404. Compare (Isaiah, Chap. liv. 12) the Hebrew name for the carbuncle kautkod (Ency. Brit. Art. "Carbuncle") means glowing fire. In Exodus (Chap. xxviii, 17) it is called Bareketh the Flasher.
12 Emanuel's Diamonds and Precious Stones, pp. 27, 40.

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surface have given the Empress Josephine's famous opal the name of the Burning of Troy.63 Crystal through whose indwelling vestal fire wood might be kindled and the actual cautery was performed was a fire stone. So great was its power that, according to the Greek Onomacritus (B. C. 500), the gods could not withstand crystal and were certain to answer the prayer of any one who came before them carrying a crystal in his hand.55 As a fire home the gem Asterites, found inside of a fish called Pan, and which in sunlight shot forth flames, was a potent love charm.56 According to Josephus the gems in the Hebrew High Priest's breast-plate originally shot forth brilliant rays of fire that shewed (in them) the immediate presence of the deity.57 When the people's sins were forgiven the high priest's breast jewels shone bright; when the sins were not forgiven the gems grew dark.58 But more than the abode of an eye, of blood, or of fire the gem was deemed a guardian because in it dwelt the great guardian Light.59 It was because he was a good light-spirit, the opening of whose eyes flooded the land with light, the closing of whose eyes plunged the land in darkness, that in Egypt the up-standing hawk-headed serpent, Chneph, was so suitably housed in a gem. The varying gleams of light in the opal seem to be shot from some life within the gem, which lost its power when exposed to water and regained its brightness when warmed by the hand.61 The light-spirit in the diamond, whose phosphorescence, when brought from the sunshine into a dark room made it a specially striking light-home, disarms even its fierce fiend-brother lightning, Crystal, besides being a fire-maker, was the image or home of eternal light.63 The mysterious gleam in the cat's-eye ever shifting like a restless spirit, now glowing at one point, now at another, has made men honour it as a home of spirits. With the Hebrews and Arabs the carbuncle is the lightflasher. So Laurin, the Dwarf King, had set in the the gold of his helmet a carbuncle so bright that where he rode the darkest night grew brighter than the day, and lightened his cavernpalace with a splendour brighter than day.65 The Hebrews and Arabs say that a ruby was hung in the ark to give light, and that its beam could kindle a lamp.66 According to the Hindus, rubies and diamonds ray light in the dark like the planets."7 The iris, now almost out of use, but once (A. D. 1070) prized as highly as the opal, is described in Marbodus' Lapidarium as full of heaven's own light,68 The moon-stone, whose luminous heart waxes and wanes with the moon, is worshipful because it brightens a dark place by gathering light into itself. The pearl is the home of the purest, serenest and evenest light. It was the lustre of gems that suggested to Plato that the vivifying spirit, whose home is in the stars, was the origin of precious stones." The holiness of the star-sapphire is due to the six-rayed star which appears in the stone when light shines upon it. This was the love-compelling Asterites, the signet of Helen of Troy, which shot forth flames when exposed to the sun.70 A zodiac of gems was strung, each stone ruling
131
68 Streeter's Precious Stones and Gems, p. 164. Marbodus (A. D. 1070) adds the Chrysolectrus made of purest fire which flames forth if laid near a fire, and the Asbeston which with eternal flame unceasing glows, and the Hephaestite which shoots rays of fire. King's Antique Gems, pp. 407, 408.
54 At the Eleusinian mysteries new fire was kindled through a crystal ball. Emanuel's Diamonds and Precious Stones, p. 23.
55 Streeter's Precious Stones and Gems, p. 17; Pliny in King's Antique Gems.
68 Emanuel's Diamonds and Precious Stones, p. 28.
57 The jewels had ceased to flash 200 years before Josephus wrote (A. D. 100). According to Josephus the twelve stones of the breast-plate were in four rows. In Row I., Sardius, Topazion, Smaragdus. In Row II., Carbuncalus, Sapphirus, Jaspis. In Bow III., Ligurius, Achates, Amethyst. In Row IV., Chrisolithus, Onyx, Beryl. King's Antique Gems, pp. 134, 135. King believes the breast-plate stones are still in the Sultan's Treasury in Constantinople, as the Turks found them in the saoristy of St. Sophia. King's Antique Gems, p. 137.
58 Emanuel's Diamonds and Precious Stones, p. 282. Compare King's Antique Gems, p. 364.
62 Op. cit. p. 32. King's Antique Gems, p. 27.
64 Streeter's Precious Stones and Gems, p. 168.
50 Streeter's Precious Stones and Gems, p. 174.
61 Emanuel's Diamonds and Precious Stones, p. 185.
68 Orpheus (A. D. 250) in King's Antique Gems, p. 94. 65 Folk-Lore Record, Vol. II. pp. 95, 96. Lamp-lighting power is attributed to the Lychnus which
66 Emanuel's Diamonds and Precious Stones, p. 89.
is the Jacinth or the Ruby. Lucian (A. D. 150) mentiens a lychnus in the head-dress of the Mother of Syria, which at night lighted the temple. The Dutch had a similar belief in a stóne called the osculan or chrysolampis. King's Antique Gems, pp. 25, 26, 53.
67 Streeter's. Precious Stones and Gems, p. 211.
es Streeter's Precious Stones and Gems, pp. 172, 174.
es Emanuel's Diamonds and Precious Stones, p. 24. To Dieulafait's Diamonds and Precious Stones, p. 42.

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the month in which its guardian influence was strongest. When their god-head had not yet passed from the stars, and they still ruled the destinies of men and of mankind, it was fitting that gems who were of like spirit with the flashing lights of heaven should also guard and rule the life of men. As a guardian home the gem was not only used to guard the person of the owner, Gems also guarded property. The Romans of the empire crusted their robes with precious stones. Pliny says we drink out of a mass of gems. Gems decked candelabra as well as caps, and, after the time of Constantine (A. D. 330), crowns and picture frames, even armour had an armour plating of gems.71 Since the guardian wants guarding the services of gems were enlisted to keep evil out of churches and temples; to protect the images of the gods;72 to ornament the cross; to cover crucifixes, missals, reliquaries, and sacred vessels; to protect priests, bishops and popes.73
As with other guardians the experience of the spirit-controlling power of gems may be judged from their healing or medical virtues. The Almighty gave Abraham a gem to keep off sickness74 In ancient pharmacopæas, precious stones are among the most valued remedies, The dwarf king Laurin from his precious gems gained wondrous strength and power.75 The ruby, topaz, emerald, sapphire and diamond were so valuable in medicine that they were known as the Five Precious Fragments. St. Fillan (A. D. 700), one of the early preachers of Christianity in Scotland, cured diseases by the touch of precious stones,76 Besides by the touch, gems cured by being ground to powder and swallowed.77 In recent times gems used to be kept in the mouth tied by a string to cure ear-ache, tooth-ache and sore throat.78 In Middle-Age Europe, the stones found in the lynx, the cock, the adder, and the toad ensured victory and stayed thirst. According to the Hebrews, the agate kept off the plague, and the Arabs used the agate to stop bleeding. In the eleventh century, the agate was an antidote to poison, as in the An Oren Riwle Christ is likened to the agate which the poison of sin cannot approach.81 According to Marbodus (A. D. 1070), the agate soothed thirst and sore-eyes, kept the wearer in health, and gave him grace and eloquence.82 Marbodus says:-"Grave a beryl with a scorpion and a bird, consecrate, and set it with vervain leaf and gold : it will strengthen your eyes and liver, and make you victor in battle."93 In auother passage, Marbodns states that the virtue in jewels exceeds the virtue in herbs.84 In the eleventh century, blood-stone or hämatite enred ulcers, tumour on the eye, and spitting of blood, stopped fluxes, cleansed wounds, and melted stone in the bladder.85 The carnelian stopped bleeding and quieted
11 Streeter's Precious Stones and Gems; pp. 18, 19, The Romans of the empire and the French of Francis I. (A.D. 1500) adorned their armour with engraved stones and cameos. King's Antique Gome, p. 256. Compare in early (A, D, 100-600) Scotland, Cuchullin's chariot bossed with crystals, cairngorms and other stones of power. Clerk's Ossian, II. p. 151.
79 How early is the belief that precious stones guard the guardian is shown by the Hindu ling montioned above with its base crusted with the nine charms. The belief is much older than Hindu ling-worship. Ea, the Babylonian Earth-Spirit, the great spirit-soarer, had an armour of precious stones. His chief weapon was a stone with seven rays and fifty faces. Budge's Babylonian Life and History, p. 188.
3 Protection of the wearer seetns to underlie the wearing of the Cardins!'s ruby and of the Bishop's sapphire. The original meaning of the rite is lost in the explanation that the custom is solely for pomp and show, the ruby suiting the scarlet robes of the Cardinal and the sapphire the violet robes of the Bishop. King's Antique Gems, 297. It is not less hid by the tradition that the ring symbolison the union betwoon Christ and the Church, or that the sapphire was worn by persons under a vow of chastity because the sapphire was a checker of lust. Op. cit. p. 297. The fact, that in the middle ages Bishops were buried woaring their rings of office (Op. cit. p. 297), supports the view that the ring was worn for its guardian virtues. Similarly, the freemason, who reaches the giddy height of the arch degree, has to be guarded by wearing a jewel. Greenlaw's Masonic Lecturer, p. 209.
Tt Napier's Folk-Lore, pp. 102, 103. 6 Folk-Loro Record, Vol. IL p. 95. Napier's Folk-Lore, pp. 102, 103. 71 Pettigrew's Superstitions connected with Medicine and Surgery, pp. 50-57. 18 Dieulalait's Diamonds and Precious stones, p. 50. 19 Grimm's Teutonic Mythology, Vol. III. p. 1219. * Emanuel's Diamonde and Precious Stones, p. 30. #1 Skent's Piora the Ploughman, p. 113. 81 Marbodus in King's Antique Gems, p. 893 ; Black's Polk-Medicine, p. 176. ^ King's Antique Goms, p. 482.
#4 King's Antique Gems, p. 439. Black, Folk Medicine, p. 165, quotes a saying that, to scare fiends, Christians trust to words, Jews to stones, Pagana to herbs.
A Marbodus in King's Antique Gems, p. 408. The belief in the eyo-healing power of hematite goes back . Babylon. Smith's Dictionary of the Bible, Vol. II. p. 295.

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the mind and malice.86 Coral which scared nervousness and causeless fears was given as a medicine to new-born children. Its changes of colour warned the wearer against the approach of disease.87 The chrysolite draws wisdom and scares folly.88 The Syrians valued the diamond highly as an amulet, for its many medical virtues, and as a safe-guard against madness." In eleventh century Europe, the diamond nerved the arm with force, drove dreams and goblins from the sleeper, baffled poison, healed quarrels, appeased madness, blunted the foeman's steel.90 In Italy, a diamond bound to the left arm scares the Evil Eye, and, together with jacinth, sapphire and carbuncle, is hung round children's necks, as a strong charm.91 The famous diamond of the Rajâ of Mattan is the guardian of Borneo, and the water in which the diamond has been dipped cures disease.92 Till the close of the middle ages, the chrysolite or peridot, also called topazius, was believed to cool boiling water, lust, madness, and piles, and to keep off sudden death.93 Powdered crystal stopped dysentery ; laid on the tongue it weakened fever.84 Aristotle (B. C. 330) said that an emerald worn at the neck or on the finger kept off the falling sickness.95 The Romans held that to look at an emerald healed and cooled the eyes.96 In the eleventh century, Marbodus (A. D. 1070) says that the emerald hung round the neck cured ague and falling sickness, and Psellos notes that ground to powder and mixed with water, the emerald heals leprosy and other diseases.97 The garnet, if hung round the neck or taken internally, refreshed the heart. Heliotrope staunches blood, drives away poison, preserves health, and saves the wearer from abuse. During the Middle Ages, the jacinth drove away the plague and cured colic, jaundice and king's evil.100 According to Galen (A. D. 100) & jasper, hung about the neck, strengthened the stomach. According to Orpheus (A. D. 250) it cured scorpion bite. In the eleventh century the green jasper was sovran for fevers, dropsies and the woes of child-birth. The Greeks called jade nephrite, because it cured kidney (nephros) diseases. In the eleventh century, jet cured dropsy, epilepsy and diseases of the womb, and the magnet quelled dropsy and cooled burns. Among the ancient Greeks and Romans, powdered lapis lazuli cured melancholy.? Till recent times the moon-stone cured consumption and epilepsy. In the sixteenth century, the opal was good for the eyes. In India, the pearl is a cure for syncopes and fluxes of blood; seed pearls and dissolved pearls are largely used as medicine by the people of China.10 According to Burton (England, seventeenth century) unions or pearls are very cordial and avail to cheer the heart.11 In
* Fraser's Magazine, May 1856, p. 585; Pettigrew's Superstitions connected with Medicine and Surgery, pp. 50, 51.
7 Emanuel's Diamonds and Precious stones, p. 216 ; Dienlafait's Diamonds and Precious stones, p. 202. # Pettigrew's Superstitions connected with Medicine and Surgery, p. 51. * Streeter's Precious stones and Gems, p. 127.
Marbodus in King's Antique Gems, p. 392 91 Story's Castle of St. Angelo, pp. 219, 220. 92 Dienlafaits Diamonds and Precious Stones, p. 85. 95 King's Antique Goms, p. 427. # Emanuel's Diamonds and Precious Stones, p. 156. King's Antique Gems, p. 432. * Op. cit. p. 34.
7 Streeter's Precious stones and Gems, p. 150; Emanuel's Diamonds and Precious stones, P. 135 King's Antique Gems, P. 396. The writer in Fraser's Magazine, October 1856, p. 430, notices that in the sixteenth century ground telesine corundum and quartz were taken in draughts. 16 Pettigrew's Superstitions connected with Medicine and Surgery, p. 51.
* Op. cit. pp. 50, 51. 140 Emanuel's Diamonds and Precious Stones, p. 141. Camillo (1503 in King's Antique Gems, p. 422) calls it Lyoncurius, Marbodas (A, D, 1070) makes Lyncuriam cure chest complaints and diarrhoea. (Op. cit. p. 406.)
1 Emanuel'e Diamonds and Precione Stones, p. 175. The words of Galen (De Simplis Mod. Fac. B. IX.) in King's Antique Geme, p. 384, are important. A virtue is inherent in the green jasper which benefits the chest and the mouth of the stomach if tied on it. Of this stone I have had ample experience, having made a necklace of such gems and hung it round the neck, descending so low that the stones might touch the mouth of the stomach. They appear to me to be of not less service than if, as king Nechepaos recommends, they had been graven with a serpent with radiated head. This shews (a) the experience of scientific physician that gems exercise healing virtues, and (b) that the object of graving was to add to the virtue of the engraven stone. King's Antique Gems, p. 19.
• Marbodus in King's Antique Gems, p. 894. • Op. cit. p. 397.
• Merbodus in King's Antique Gome, p. 401. • Op. cit. p. 302.
Pettigrew's Superstitions connected with Medicine and Surgery, pp. 50, 51. • Marbodas in King's Antique Gems, p. 505 ; Strauter's Precious stones and Gems, p. 211. . Camillo (1503) in King's Antique Gems, p. 423. 20 Emanuel's Diamonds and Precious Stones, pp. 81, 195. Diealafait's Diamonds and Preciowe Stones, p. 194. 11 Burton's Anatomy of Melancholy, p. 434.

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Europe, in the Middle Ages, the ruby kept the wearer in health and cheered his mind.12 Boetius (A. D. 520) says the ruby is sovran against plague and poison.13 Italian women wear sard rings as an amulet to keep off sickness. Up to modern times the sapphire has been regarded as medicinal.15 The sapphire preserved sight; its influence strengthened the body as well as the soul.16 According to Marbodus (A. D. 1070) the sapphire preserves health, disarms treachery, checks sweat, stays ulcers, clears the eyes, and strengthens the tongue. In sixteenth century Europe, serpentine or hydrius cured rheumatism and dropsy by draining out the moisture. In the eleventh century, the topaz cared hæmorrhoids.?
Besides their medical or healing virtues all times and peoples agree in the experience that certain gems and precious stones guard against and put to flight spiritual influences which are hostile to mankind. According to the Jews, the diamond keeps off Satan, the ruby fear, the topaz poison, the amethyst drankenness, the emerald impious and the sardonyx unlucky thoughts 18 Compare in Piers ths Ploughman (A. D. 1870), mede or reward bringing rubies, diamonds, sapphires, orientals (eastern rubies), emeralds, amethysts, and images (aquamarines) to destroy envenomys, that is, poisons.19 One of the excellences of Elias Ashmoles' (London, 1650) angelical stone was to keep all evil spirits at a distance,20 an example of the rule that the use of precious stones was neither for their beauty, nor because of their proof of wealth, but because they were choice amulets against the Evil Eye and other evils. In sixteenth century Europe (A. D. 1503), according to Camillo Leonardo, amber guarded the throat, scared venomous animals, and tested chastity. The amber mouth-piece of his water pipe still keeps the Turk from inhaling pestilence.28 In the time of Pliny (A. D. 77), ambernecklaces preserved children from witchcraft and sorcery.24 In India, amber or amber coloured glass saves bullocks and horses from the Evil Eye and other hurtful influences. Among the Greeks and on through the Middle Ages, the wine-coloured amethyst scared or housed the spirit of drunkenness; it also sharpened the wit and overcame poison.35 The beryl, which has the merit of keeping its lustre in artificial light, in the eleventh century, bronght luck, bound love and stopped sighs.26 In the fifteenth century, the beryl, when looked through, shewed what was before invisible 37 In the eleventh century, the chalcedony, blest and tied to the neck, especially if on the stone was graven Mars, a robed virgin, or a laurel branch, cured lunatics, and made the wearer beautiful, faithful, strong and successful,33 According to Marbodus (A. D. 1070), the carnelian checks frays and chases spites and quarrels.39 In the Middle Ages, the balas ruby repressed vain and impure thoughts, restrained passion, and fiery wrath, and guarded both men and houses from lightning.30 According to Camillo Leonardo (A. D. 1503), the grey carnelian makes the wearer victorious,31 Both in Europe and in Asia, the cat's-eye is a gem of luck, a charm against witchcraft.32 In the eleventh century, the fiery blase of the chrysolite, especially if strong on the hair of an ass, scared nightly terrors.33 In India, Hindu and Musalman religious beggars use coral beads for their
12 Emanuel's Diamonds and Precious Stones, p. 108. 13 Op. cit. p. 80. 14 King's Antique Geme, p. 176.
16 Streeter's Precious stones and Goms, p. 146. 16 King's Antique Goms, p. 395; Emappel's Diamonds and Precious Stones, p. 41. 11 Marbodus in King's Antique Geme, p. 899.
1 Napier's Folk-Lore, pp. 102, 108. 19 Skont's Piers the Ploughman, Part IL. Pp. 10-14. For the Greek and Roman belief in the virtues and magio powers of gems, see Smith's Greek and Roman Antiquities, Vol. I. pp. 118, 903. For the Arabe Journal Asiatique, Ser, vi. Vol. XL. 20 Pettigrew's Superstitions connected with Medicine and Surgery, p. 10. 11 Elworthy's The Evil Eye, p. 44. King's Antique Gems, p. 427.
23 Streeter's Preciow Stones and Gems, P. 177. 24 Emanuel's Diamonds and Preciowe Stones, p. 218.
Marbodus in King's Antique Gome, p. 108; Emanuel's Diamonule and Precious Stones, pp. 30, 159; Dieulafait's Diamonds and Preciowe Stones, p. 164; and Chamber's Ency. Geme.
* King's Antique Gems, p. 398. 91 King's Antique Gems, p. 40. That is, the Beryl was a magnifying glass. » King's Antique Gems, p. 432.
2 Op. cit. p. 40%. Emanuel's Diamonds and Precious Stones, p. 30. Camillo (A, D, 1503) in King's Antique Cems, p. 419. A house or field whose four corners have been touched by a balas raby is safe from lightning, storms and blight. 31 King's Antique Goms, p. 422.
53 Streeter's Precious stones and Gens, pp. 167, 168. » Marbodas (1070) in King's Antique Gems, p. 398.

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rosaries. Coral is worn in turbans and on the handles of daggers and swords to keep off the Evil Eye. Coral ornaments are laid with the dead that vampires and other evils may not house themselves in the corpse.34 As an amulet Boetius and Dioscorides (about A. DC 100) found coral efficacious against the delusions of the devil,35 From the third century to the eleventh century A. D., coral was & talisman against enchantments, witchcraft, thander, tempests, and other perils. Coral also preserved crops from drought, hail, caterpillars, worms and rust.36 According to Ovid coral stops bleeding, according to Orpheus it cures scorpion stings, according to Lucullus its soft smell keeps off lightning. The Spaniards say, coral keeps off lightning, hail, and fascination. The Italians and the English agree that it saves children from witchery and the Evil Eye.37 The chrysolite cooled wrath and boiling water, and by its' pallour warned against poison.38 The Greek gods (B. C. 500) could not stand against the power of crystal,39 In the Scottish Highlands, from the early times of Ossian (A. D. 100-600), rock crystal and cairngorm have been known as stones of power and stones of virtue. They were a sovran remody in disease. Till the close of the Middle Ages (Camillo Leonardo, 1503), crystal worn by sleepers scared evil dreams and baffled spells and witchcraft; taken powdered and mixed with honey it filled the breasts with milk. Dees' Crystal Globe (seventeenth century) and other crystal balls, some of which have been found in tombs, have magical powers. The Irish believe in the virtues of certain.pebbles which they keep on the altars of their churches. Water in which the stones are steeped cures cattle. In the Highlands of Scotland, crystal balls have healing power. If poison was poured into a crystal cup, the cup turned pale or broke 3 According to King the Romans prized the diamond, not for its beauty, but for its rarity and its extraordinary powers as an amulet. Its electric power of attracting, when heated by rubbing, and its phosphorence after being steeped in sunshine, fostered the belief in the magical powers of the diamond. According to Serapius and Camillo Leonardo (A. D. 1503), the diamond resists poison, and if taken inwardly is itself a deadly poison; it drives away lemures or ghosts, incubi and succubi, that is, night terrors; it baffles magic, gives success in law suits and makes the wearer brave and large-hearted.46 According to Pliny, the diamond destroys poison and cures insanity. The famous Mattan diamond of Borneo is the chief's talisman, on the possession of which depends the happiness of the Mattan family.47 Marbodus (A. D. 1070) mentions a stone called Dionysia, which turns water into wine and keeps wine from intoxicating. Among the Romans, the emerald was sacred to Mercury. The emerald gave warning of false evidence by changing colour. It was good for the eyes, helpful to women in child-birth, it heartened the wearer, and turned away the plague. It was an infallible preservative of chastity.50 In eleventh century Europe, the emerald was good in divination and increased the wearer's importance.51 According to Marbodus (A. D. 1070), the hyacinth gives safety in travelling and in bad air.53 According to Cardan (A. D. 1500), the hyacinth or jacinth makes rich, increases power, strengthens the heart, brightens the soul,
* Diamonds and Precious Stones, p. 215. About 1880, a piece of coral, along with a few child's bones, was found in a Buddhist stúpa or burying mound at Nasik by the late Dr. BhagwAnlal Indraji.
» Emanuel's Diamonds and Precious Stones, p. 816.
* Orpheus (A. D. 250) and Marbodus (A.D. 1070) in King's Antique Geme, pp. 403, 425, 426; Streeter's Precious Stones and Gems, p. 233.
97 Bassett's Bea Legends, p. 459; Napier's Folk Lore, p. 86. Emanuel's Diamonds and Ireciow Slones, p. 30. 5 Streeter's Precious stones and Gems, p. 17.
40 Clerk's Oasian, Vol. II. p. 151. "1 Emanuel's DiaNonds and Precious stones, p. 155.
43 King's Antique Gems, p. 94, 453. • Emanuel's Diamonds and Precious Stones, p. 8.
4 King's Antique Gem, p. 70. Op. cit. p. 419; Emanuel's Diamonds and Preciowe Stones, p. 29. Though the diamond is so lucky & stone it is remarkable (King's Antique Gems, p. 68) that the Hindus think the Köbinar a most unlucky stone. They say it ruined the Mughals, it destroyed the power of Nadir Shah, and after of Ahmad Shah Durrant, and of Ranjit Singh. Finally it caused the 1857 Mutinies.. * Mawe on Diamonds, p. 13.
T Streeter's Precious Stones and Gems, p. 122. 18 King's Antique Gems, p. 416.
** Emanuel's Diamonds and Precious Stones, p. 30. 50 Emanuel's Diamonds and Precious stones, p. 185. According to Marbodus (A.D. 1070) in King's Autique Gemis, p. 896, the emerald gave wealth and eloquence. 51 Marbodus in King's Antique Gems, p. 482
61 King's Antique Gome, p. 400,

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and makes it wise. The jacinth gives sleep and scares thunder, plagae and evil spirits.63 Cardan's own big hyacinth did not bring sleep, but then the stone was of a bad colour.54 Jade, the holy stone of China, cures colic and the bite of venomous insects.65 In Burmàh, if poison is laid on a green jade-plate, the plate tarns black.56 According to Pliny (A. D. 70), in the East, the jasper was worn as an amulet.57 In the eleventh century, the green jasper, when strengthened by magic rites and a silver setting, scared the terrors by night.68 Hung round the neck, the jasper resisted sorrow and refreshed the heart. In the seventeenth century, Nicols noted that many attribute power and virtue to cross-white jasper if figures and characters be graven on them.so Jet, according to Bætins (A. D. 520) and Marbodas (A. D. 1070), screens from evil influences, nightly fears, spectres and ghosts. The rosaries of Catholic Saints were made of jet,61 Jet is still used in medicine and magic as a means of fumigation. In the Scottish Highlands, oblong pieces of obsidian, smooth as glass, called amulets of leng, have healing virtues. Till the close of the Middle Ages, green jet or gagatromæus made the wearer invisible. In the eleventh century, heliotrope caused storms, gifted the wearer with prophecy and made him invisible. The magnet tested a wife's faithfulness, helped robbers, and graced the tongue.cs Roman children wore ornaments of molochite, perhaps a green jade, to protect them against evil.67 And this name for keeping evil from the cradles of children was still fresh in eleventh-century Europe. The moon-stone in the sixteenth century gave a knowledge of the fature. The onyx is one of the doubtful guardians. It cured epilepsy, but caused melancholy and strife, and, in the Middle Ages, sent confusing dreams. The opal is also uncertain. From classic times to the seventeenth century the opal was thought to bring every possible good. By a strange freak of fortune, which Mr. Streeter traces to Hermione's opal in Scott's Anne of Gierstein, it is now falsely accused of brin ging ill-luck.71 The lustre of the pearl scares evil spirits. So Bengal virgins wore pearls as a preservative of virtue, that is to scare evil thoughts and wishes.73 The ancient Chinese highly valued the pearl as an amulet.73 Since B. C. 500, the Corean has put in the mouth of his dead boiled panic, three unbored pearls, and a piece of jade. It was as an amulet, or a houser of Hamlet's ill-luck, that the king threw a union or pearl into the cup he drank to Hamlet's better breath.76 In the Middle Ages, in Europe, the ruby guarded against poison, plague, sadness, evil thoughts, and wicked spirits, The ruby kept the wearer in health and cheered his mind. It diminished its light to warn him of danger.76 It scared evil spirits and bad dreams. The Indian and Chinese place-spirit is
03 Emanuel's Diamonds and Precious Stones, pp. 30, 141; Dieslafait's Diamonds and Precious Stones, p. 49; Fraser': Magazine, May 1856, p. 585.
4 Dieulafait's Diamonds and Precious Stones, p. 49.
* Op. cit. p. 179. Chinese officials and their wives wear jade as a badge of rank. Mrs. Gray's Fourteen Months in Canton, p. 126.
16 Advocate of India, 20th October 1886.
67 Emangel's Diamonds and Precious Stones, p. 174; Streeter's Precious stones and Gems, p. 201. One sort of jasper called grammatias was a Gnostic (A. D. 100-300) amulet. King's Antique Gems, p. 19. 68 King's Antique Gems, p. 894
60 Fraser's Magazine, October 1869, p. 481, ** Streeters Preciow Stones and Gems, p. 201.
a King's Antique Gems, p. 406. 61 Op. cit. p. 98.
Clerk's Orsian, Vol. IL p. 151. "King's Antique Gems, p. 420. 65 Op. cit. p. 407.
" Marbodus (A.D. 1070) in King's Antique Geme, p. 402. of Streeter's Precious stones and Gema, p. 208; Marbodus in King'. Antique Gome, p. 415. King in Antique Gema, p. 15, says: "Molochite is not Malachito." The writer in Fraser's Magarine, November, 1856, p. 572, thinks it is.
6 King's Antique Gems, p. 427. Emanuel's Diamonds and Precious Stones, pp. 48, 167. Marbodus (A, D. 1070) in King's Antique Goma, p. 897, gives the onyx an entirely evil character.
76 Streeter's Precious stones and Gems, p. 164.
Tl Op. cit. p. 164. Petrus Arlenius (A. D. 1610) describes an opal which forced every one who saw it to love, honour and worship it. King's Antique Gome, p. 423. T3 Emanuel's Diamonds and Precious Stones, p. 195.
** Streeter's Precious stones and Gems, p. 248. 14 Ross' Corea, p. 325.
* Hamlet, Act V. Soene 2. The case is a good instance of the rule that the drinker of a bealth is a soape, taking into himself the ill-luck of the person to whom he drinks. 16 Emanuel's Diamonds and Precious stones, p. 108.
17 Op.cit. p. 80.

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chased or housed, and the safety of the building is secured, by laying under the foundations bags of small rubies.78 The Egyptian priest wore a sapphire amulet on his breast.7 Like the crystal among the Greeks the sapphire was the gem of gems, the most sacred of stones.80 It prevailed against the gods. Those who consulted the oracle at Delphi, bringing a sapphire, had early and favourable answers,81 According to St. Jerome, the sapphire wins the favour of princes, soothes enemies, and frees from enchantments. It is partly because it dulls devotion to Venus that the sapphire is worn by the priest and bishop.82 Also, according to Mercurialis, the sapphire frees the mind from prejudice and mends manners.83 The sapphire preserves the sight and strengthens the body as well as the soul.84 In Middle-Age England, Richard Preston, citizen and grocer, gave to the shrine of St. Erkenwald his best sapphire stone to cure imprints of the Evil Eye.86 On the top of the English Crown is a rose-cut sapphire, said to have been used by Edward the Confessor (A. D. 1050) for blessing cramp rings.86 In eleventh-century Europe, & sard worn on the finger kept off dreams and charms and made the wearer a favourite with women.87 In the eleventh century, the swallow-stone or chelidonian was good for idiots and madmen, for orators, and for tempering the ire of kings.89 In the eleventh century, the thunderstone, which came with the thunder-bolt, kept off lightning and all harm.89 A famous Arab amulet was of topaz, with the Arabic words bored through it - "Success is from God alone.''90 Even anaided by a text the topaz was of high virtue. When placed near poison it grew dark, it quenched the heat of boiling water, it calmed the passions, it prevented bad dreams.81 Cill the close of the Middle Ages, according to Camillo (1503), the topaz (he calls it chrysolite), get in gold and worn on the left hand, drove out night-demons, terrors and gloomy visions. If strang on an ass's hair, it drove out devils and overthrew spells. Held in the hand, it cooled fever. Among the ancient Egyptians the turquoise was a favourite amulet and charm.es According to Pliny (A. D. 70), the turquoise brought health and fortune. The Persians hold that the turquoise has talismanic virtue.86 In Middle-Age Europe, few stones had such guarding power as the turquoise. It was especially valued by horsemen. No one wearing a turquoise would either be thrown or tire his horse. In eleventh-century Europe, to draw out the full virtue of the turquoise, à beetle and under the beetle & man should be graven on it, the stone should be bored lengthwise and hang on & swivel, blessed and set in a prepared and adorned place.97 The Muslims added to the virtue of the turquoise by carving texts on the gem. Nádir Shah (A.D. 1737) wore as an amulet a heart-shaped turquoise graven with a verse from the Kurán. Many Europeans still wear the turquoise because it keeps off contagion, because it prevente damage if you fall from your horse, because it foretells sickness, changing with the colour of the wearer.100 In Italy and in India turquoise-coloured glass is the best protection of horses, camels and bullocks from the Evil Eye and other hurtful influences. In the sixteenth century, zemech or lapis lazuli cured melancholy.
The inherent guardian virtue of gems was increased by having them cat in certain lucky shapes, by having them graven with guardian forms, names or letters, by having them set in certain guardian substances. Further the gem's virtues were increased by choosing for
15 Streeter's Precious stones and Goms, p. 141.
Eber's Egyptian Princea, Vol. I. p. 56. 30 Dienlafait's Diamonds and Precious Stones, p. 122. Streeter's Precious Stones and Goma, p. 146. » Emanuel's Diamonds and Precious Stones, pp. 80, 112. Fraser's Magasine, October 1856, p. 431. * Emanuel's Diamonds and Precious Stones, p. 41. #Milman's Latin Christianity, Vol. VI. p. 875, and Skeat's Pier the Ploughman, p. 113. * Jones' Crowns, 44.
17 Marbodus (A.D. 1070) in King's Antique Goma, pp. 432, 483. # Op. cit. p. 401.
* Op. cit. p. 408. * Streeter's Precious stones and Groms, p. 222.
1 Emanuel's Diamonds and Preciow Stones, p. 128. » King's Antique Gems, p. 420.
* Emanuel's Diamonds and Precious Stones, p. 182. * Op. cit. p. 182
* Fraser's Khordaan, p. 469. * Streeter's Precious Stones and Gems, p. 170; King's Antique Gome, p. 427. Marbodas (1070) in King's Antique Gems, p. 483.
Streeter's Precious stones and Gems, p. 171. Emanuel's Diamonds and Precious Stones, p. 23; Dienlafait's Diamonds and Precious Stones, p. 49. » Emanuel's Diamonds and Precious Stones, p. 29.
Op. cit. pp. 181, 182. 1 Oamello Leonardo (1503) in King's Antique Gems, P. 427.

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graving and for setting the season during which the guardian infuences of the gem were at their highest. In Europe, till the end of the Middle Ages, the belief prevailed that certain gems have certain influences, and certain shapes have certain influences. The influences vary at different times. Choose the time and the subject that suits the gem and the influence of the whole will be so much the greater. "In the Middle Ages," says, King, "all engraved goms were worn as amulets. Gnostic gems were, mainly periapta, that is, to be worn round the neck to keep off evil. The early Christians, while taking exception to certain designs, accepted the mystic value of engraved ships." In the second century A. D. Clemens of Alexandria says: "Christians should not wear any ring but the signet, and on the signet no engraving but a pigeon, a fish, a ship, lyre, an anchor and a fisher. The signet should not have the image of an idol which Christians are forbidden even to look at, nor & sword, nor a bow Christians being the followers of peace, nor drinking goblets Christians being sober, nor naked women." In Jaspers and other precious stones, certain natural lines were thought unlucky and called grammata or writing.7 King notes in the Devonshire collection of gems, an Etruscan stone set in a ring and carved with elegant and intricate filagree patterns. Of lucky shapes into which gems were cut are the helmet, of which in modern crowns is the jewelled representative, and is stilla guardian shape, the wheel juyxor turbo which spun and unspun magical spells, 10 and the tongue. The belief in the influence of stars apon men and also the common attribute of light-housing, that is, the sameness of spirit in stars and in gems, made stars a favourite subject for gem engraving. The guardian star of the owner was engraved on his ring, as Capricornus is shewn in the corner of a cameo of Augustus.11 The idea of engraving the owner's special constellation was developed into zodiac stones with all the signs of the zodiac graven on them, because each sign had a special guardian influence over a part of the body 12 Again, the kindly influences of a constellation were secured by carving one or two of its leading stars.13 The sun and the astrolabe, the tool with the star spirit, were also forms of special virtue.14 As part of the general raising of the guardian form through animals to man, 16 under the Gnostics the constellations ceased to be shewn by animals and came to be figured as winged human beings holding stars. Till the close of the Middle Ages luck lived in the fol. lowing animal figures, many of which were supposed to trace back their fame to Chael, an ancient Hebrew doctor of the wilderness time (B. C. 1300), as mentioned by Camillo (A. D. 1503), - the ass, bat, boar, bull, camel, dragon, falcon, frog, griffin, hoopoe, lion, raven, swallow and vulture.16 Each of these shapes was endowed with a special virtue. In early times (B. C. 2000-500) the armoured and fight-loving scarabeus beetle, in Egypt, Phoenicia, and Etruria, was a more favourite guardian than any who has succeeded him.17 Chneph the Egyptian Good Daemon
* Camillo Leonardo (1603) in King's Antique Gems, p. 435. Compare the stone, the setting and the graving. - a triple source of power in Marbodus (1070), King's Antique Goms, p. 417. • King's Antique Gems, p. 181.
* Op. cit. p. 849. 6 Op. cit. p. 277.
+ Fraser's Magazine, October 1856, p. 480. • King's Antique Gems, p. 486.
9 Op. cit. p. 307. 30 Op. cit. p. 456. Compare Horace to Canidin : -"Turn back your wheel and free from your spell."
11 King's Antique Gems, p. 456. According to Grotius (A.D. 1540) among the Romans, plain iron hoops traced with cabalistic lines worked wonderful cures, The physician Alexander of 'ralles (A. D. 200) had a hoop that was sovran in cases of blue devils. Fraser's Magazine, May 1856, p. 584.
11 King's Antique Gems, p. 333.
13 Each sign of the zodiac had power over a special part of the body: - The Ram over the Head ; the Bull over the Nock; the Twins over the shoulders, the Crab over the Breast; the Lion over the Shoulder-blades; the Virgin over the Flanks; Libra over the Haunches; the Scorpion over the Groin ; Centaur over the Thighs ; Capricoruus over the Knee, Aquarius over the Leg; the Fishes over the Feet (King's Antique Gems, P. 180)."
1 King's Antique Gems, pp. 333-5. King (Op. cit. p. 335) quotes the saying of Greek astrology that three stars n each constellation, cut upon gems and known as the Decani or Lookers, charm away disease and accident.
16 Camillo (1508) in King's Antique Goms, pp. 442-4.
16 Compare King's Antique Geme, p. 169:-"Agreeably to the analogy o other branches of pictorial art tho earliest Greek or Grieco-Italian gem engravers began with representations of beasta."
17 King's Antique Gems, pp. 412, 444, 448; Compare Dalyell (Darker Superstitions of Scotland, p. 145.) A ship sculptured on a stone prevented shipwreck, a standard cut ensured victory, the figure of a grey honnd cured lunacy and scared fiends, a hare guarded against ill.will.

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or guardian, figured as an erect hawk-headed serpent, was also a favourite object on gems.18 On early (B. C. 500-300) Greek gems are engraved the horse, lion, ox and stag.19 According to the Arabs the guardian power of a gem is increased by having an animal engraved on it. A stone with a lion graven on it guards against wild beasts; a scorpion prevents the attacks of reptiles.20 This idea seems to give sense to the grylls or chimeras composed of different parts of different animals and so housing, and by housing turning into guardians, a variety of influences.
As the power of man over beasts increased, so to man his terror of his brother man became greater than his terror of wild beasts : also as the power of man to depict the human form and face improved, a human guardian began to emerge from the animal guardian. A human head rules the lion body of Egypt's guardian the Sphinx. Dagon steps out of his husk of fish scales, and a human head appears between the wings of the great warders of Babylon.21 The Assyrian guardian, who wrestles with the lion Bad-luck, is half bull half man.22 Among the Persians (B. C. 500-300) the human head and breast of Hormazd rise out of a winged eye, 23 while in some cylinders, not only is the guardian human, but one of the evils he keeps at arms length is a man-headed bull.24 Among the Greeks, the animal lingers in the half human Faun and Silenus.25 The animal lingers in the snake ringlets of the guardian Medusa-head, which, from the gigantic coarse lolling tongue-mask passes to a woman-face of the calmest beauty ceaselessly guarding the wearer from the Evil Eye and other influences of death.26 Finally, the animal guardian or home lingers in the horned human head on some gems, odd and curl-horned with short beard, hair-hidden ears, and up-turned satyr eye-brows.27 In an Isis vase of the second century A. D. a horned human head supports the handle.28 Similarly, a Babylonian cylinder (B. C. 600 ?) shews a bull-legged figure erect with a horned and bearded human bead breaking the fore legs of a ramping lion.20 How important a guardian element lay in horns is shewn by the horned Moses and still more by the horned Alexander.
But, before Alexander, the Greeks had begun to shew their guardians in simple human form. Not only was the man Hercules a special favourite on gems as a guardian whose protection assured good luck,30 even the great gods of the Greeks and Romans, especially Jupiter and Venus were graven in human form.31 In the centuries before and after Christ the head of most virtue was the horuless Alexander 32 During the first centuries after Christ the head of Augustus to some extent took the place of the head of Alexander. That it was believed that in the graven head some of the spirit of the great guardian of the Roman people lived, is shown by the law of Tiberius that it was a crime to take into a house of ill-fame a gem graven with the head of Augustus.33 As part of the worship of the Human even the stars had to change
18 The soldier theory of the beetle (Fraser's Magazine, February, 1856, p. 238) seems more practical than the received world-rolling explanation, which cannot have come into belief so long as men continued to bold that the earth was flat.
19 King's Antique Goms, p. 354. 99 Op. cit. p. 169. Fraser's Magazine, February 1856, pp. 233, 237. 21 King's Antique Goms, p. 335. 91 See examples in King's Antique Gems, plato facing p. 129, No. 3. » King's Antique Gems, p. 125.
24 Op. cit. pp. 180, 131. 25 Op. cit. pp. 129-131. * King (Antique Gems, pp. 377,878, note) says: "The Medusa occurs in Gnostio gems (A, D, 50-300) and was apparently from its universal use an amulet to keep off the Evil Eye. On a red jasper are the talismanie words "I guard Roromandaras.'" 11 Figures in King's Antique Gems, p. 239.
Op. cit. p. 366.
29 King's Antique Gems, p. 129. 50 Op. cit. p. 378. A3 & cure for colic the learned physician Alexander of Tralles (A. D. 200) counsels the wearing of gam of Horsules strangling the Nemean lion. King's Antique Gems, p. 434.
01 Julius Caesar wore a Venus engraved on a gem, as he held himself under the special favour of Venus. Fraser'. Magazine, February 1856, p. 281.
» Trebellius Pollio notes that women wore Alexander's portrait and that those who wore it prospered. St. Chrysostom (A, D. 347-407) describes a brass coin of Alexander being tied to the feet and head to keep off sickness, King's Antique Gems, pp. 822, 323. The writer on old rings in Fraser's Magazine, February 1866, p. 235, says: " Alexander so bewitched posterity that the wearing of his effigy on a ring secured success."
» King's Antique Goms, p. 277.

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their old honoured shapes for human figures. In the fourth century A. D. instead of the sign of the constellation was graven the guardian god or angel with which the Persians and Gnostics had furnished each of the planets and of the leading constellations.34 Till the close of the Middle Ages among the lucky figures graven on gems, were the bowman, the swordsman and the man with the upraised hand.35
The human form did not long remain unchallenged as the most favonrite home of the guardian. Among Gnostics and other amulet-wearing mystics of the early centuries after Christ the Name composed of mystic letters was found to hold more virtue than any human or other figure.36 So s gem has graven on it: Abraxas, Jao, Adonai. Holy Name, Holy Powers defend Vibia Paulina from every evil spirit,'37 Titles, phrases and numbers all added to the natural powers of gems. Round the head of the crystal signet of king Lotharus (A. D. 960) ran the words Christ, defend king Lothaire.'38 Till the close of the Middle Ages the names of the three kings of Cologne, Casper, Melchior and Balthasar, also the words Guttu, Gutta, Thebal Ebal, IHS Nazarenus, housed special holy influences.39 Still, in Germany, the plague is scared by a plate with the names of God 'round the rim and in the centre a figurepattern which read in any order gives the total 34.40 Similarly, in the Middle Ages the decade rings bad in each of the ten short cogs the spirit of an Ave and in the round head with IHS the spirit of a Pater Noster 1 These " names-of-God" phrases and mystic figures were usually added to other images in accordance with the experience that combination increases the guardian influence of the gem. So in the time of Hadrian (A, D. 100) gems were graven with the triane God of Egypt, either Ammon (Jupiter) Ra (the Sun) and the Asp, or A thor, Bart and Acbor, with in words 'Father of the world, Triple God. Some gems carry the combination of guardian influences still further. An emerald gem, probably of the time of Antoninns Pius (A. D. 130), made in Alexandria, has & central Serapis head with thunderbolt on left and cornucopia on right wreathed round by a beading of circles or eggs ending in a snake head swallowing the end of the wreath. Outside of this egg-beading is a row of human and bird heads and at the foot & large lizard.43 King notes that in such gems the mouse, dolphin, rabbit, and lizard are favourite figures. As these animals represent the earth, the air, and the sea, the object of engraving them would seem to be to choose objects likely to prove tempting homes for the three great classes of spirits. Thus, the object of this massing or housing of guardian shapes is the same as the object of the grotesque chimaeras or grylls, namely to grave shapes likely to prove attractive to different classes of spirits.45
(To be continued.)
M Firmicus in King's Antique Gems, p. 334. The Perso-Jewish angels were made the guardians of the leading constellations : Michael of the Bear, Gabriel of the Serpent, Snriel of the Engle, Raphael of the Lion, Tauthabaoth of the Dog, and Erataoth of the Ball. The spirits or overlcrds of the seven planets were of the Sun Adonai, of the Moon Jao, of Jupiter Eoi, of Mars Salbao, of Venus Ovai, of Mercury Astaphai, of Saturn Ildabaoth, King's Antique Geme, pp. 348, 349. According to the Gnostics these overlords were underlords of the supreme, whom they named Abraham. Op. cit. pp. 318, 349.
3 Camillo Leonardo (1503) in King's Antique Gems, p. 442.
* Compare Revelations, ii, 17: "To him who overcometh I will give a white stone and in the stone a new name written."
97 King's Antique Gome, pp. 854.5. On another Gnostic stone are "Ja Abrazas keep from evil" (Op.cit. p. 434). The word Abra, like the word Mithrus. had the figure value of 365 (Op. cit. p. 855), Ency. Brit." Gema." Thus the name was not only a home for the time or year spirit, but was a home for the creator of the universe, since the universo had been formed to include 353 separate worlds or creations.
# King's Antique Gome, p. 305.
» Op. cit. p. 870. Camillo (A. D. 1503) mentions the names of God' among gravings of special virtue. King's Antique Gome, pp. 42-4.
4 King's Antique Gems, pp. 865, 368. 1 Op. cit. p. 296.
41 Op. cit. p. 358. * Op. cit. p. 337.
u Op. cit. p. 830. . Compare Camillo Leonardo (1503), King's Antique Geme, p. 437, who explains the use of mixed forms by the figure being suitable to the different virtues of the stone,

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MISCELLANEA.
MISCELLANEA.
A NEW KHAROSTHI INSCRIPTION FROM SWAT.1
TOGETHER with his interesting Report on the results of his mission to Swât Dr. L. A. Waddell forwarded to me some months ago two impressions of the longest Kharoshthi inscription which he had found on his tour at Kaldarra near Dargai. As the impressions have been taken on very thick country-paper, they are not sufficiently distinct to allow the whole inscription to be read. Of late, Dr. Waddell has sent in addition an excellent photograph of the document, taken by Mr. Andrews, with the help. of which it can be easily deciphered.
The inscription is incised on a rough block of stone, measuring, according to the impression,
about 27 inches by 9.
The lines are not quite equal in length, the last sign of line 2, E, protruding beyond the ends of lines 1 and 3. The letters, which vary between 1 and 2 inches in height and have been cut deeply and boldly, shew the type of the Saka period,' which is known from the Taxila Copper-plate of Patika and from the inscriptions of his contemporary Suḍasa or Sodasa on the Mathur Lion Capital. With the Taxila Copper-plate they agree,. particularly in the curls at the left end of the tops of ta, ra and sa, which Prof. Dowson erroneously considered to express the medial i. The only notable peculiarity is the clear distinction between na and na, the signs for which are mostly identical in the later Kharoshṭhi documents The numeral signs are 7 or, according to Mr. V. A. Smith's notation, ICXIII. The figure for 100 differs from those in the Takht-i-Bahi inscription of Gudupharna' or 'Yvôo peppns and in the inscriptions of the Kushanas. The sign for ten retains almost exactly the form of the corresponding numeral figure in the Teima inscription.
1 Reprinted from the Vienna Oriental Journal.
3 See my Grundriss der indischen Paläographie, Tafel I. Col. VIII-IX., and § 10, 3, § 12 of the letter-press.
See my new edition according to Dr. J. F. Fleet's photo, compared with the original in the library of the Royal Asiatic Society, in Ep. Indica, Vol. IV. p. 54 ff. Jour. Roy. As. Soc. 1894, p. 525 ff.
This is the fuller form of the name, discovered by Prof. Otto Franke on some coins of the Berlin Collection and visible also on some of Prof. P. Gardner's autotypes, e. g., un Pl. XXII. (Nos. 7 and 9) of his Catalogue of Indo-Grecian and Scythian Coins. There the third sign of the word is or rna.
See my Grundriss der indischen Paläographie, § 33. Von Sallet, Die Nachfolger Alexanders des Grossen, p. 47 f., 65; P. Gardner, Catalogue, p. xxxix., and Chart
141
The close agreement of the characters with those of the Taxila Copper-plate makes it very probable that the era, according to which Dr. Waddell's inscription is dated, is the same as that used by Liaka Kusuluka's son Patika and by his contemporary Soḍâsa or Suḍasa. If that is so, the new document is only thirty-five years later than the Taxila Plate. The beginning of this era is still uncertain. The numismatists' allege that Sodasa's father, Rajuvula or Ramjubula, ruled in the beginning of the first century B. C. Hence the reign of his son could not fall later than about B. C. 65-40, and the era, used in the date of his Mathura inscription "the year 72," must have begun between B. C. 137-112. But the late Dr. Bhagvânlâl Indrajî held that all the Northern
Kshatrapas ruled in the first century A. D. In my
opinion the only certain point is that Ramjubula and Bodasa preceded Kanishka.
Transcription.
1. Datia putrena thai Norena puka
2.
rani?)10 karavita savrasapana" puyae vashra ICXIII Sravana s[u]dha1 [*]
3.
Translation.
"By the son of Dati, the Thera Nora, a tank (pushkarint) was caused to be made for the wor ship of all snakes (in) the year 113, (in the) bright half (of the month of) Sravana."
The wording offers few difficulties. Thai, which I take to be an abbreviation of thairena, in Sanskrit sthavirena, is separated from the name Nora by a considerable interval and hence must represent a word by itself. Similar abbreviations are found in the Western inscriptions from the time of Pulumâyi (2nd cent. A. D.); see Nasik, No. 15, where sava occurs for savachare and gi pa for gimhánam pakhe. Pukarani, "a
of Greek and Scythic Kings, p. xxxii.; Cunningham, Coins of the Indo-Scythians, p. 27.
Jour. Roy. As. Soc. 1894, p. 542.
The separation of the words strictly follows the original.
10 The vowel is not distinct and might be read as e. 11 On the photograph the middle portion of the second sa is not distinct, but it is plain on the impressions.
12 The tail of the last sa has been lost through an exfoliation of the stone. It is hardly doubtful that it had the u-curve. The prima facie reading sadha would give no sense, except on the supposition that several lines have been lost. In that case it might be taken as an equivalent of sûrdham, "together with," and as the beginning of a sentence enumerating persons associated with the donor in the pious work.

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[MAY, 1896.
tank, "'13 stands midway between Sanskrit pushka- It is somewhat doubtful whether this request rini and PAli pokkharanf. The two names Datihad its foundation on Buddhistic or animistic and Nora have a foreign look. With the ideas; but it is probably to be referred to the termination of the masc. genitive Datia compare latter, as ordinary Burmese criminals, when Haganardia, Uggahiniya and Nandiya from the executed within the walls of a jail, are frequently Kushana inscriptions.14
anxious that, after death, their souls may be The dedication of a tank for the worship
allowed free egress beyond the Jail walls. In the of all snakes will cause no surprise to those
present case, there was, of course, no difficulty in acquainted with North-Western India, where, e.g.
assuring the condemned men that the warrants of in Kashmir, every big spring is called a ndga, and
transportation against them would be cancelled
after their deaths. every small one a nágin', and where every lake
II. has its tutelary ndga. For instance, the Vullar
A well-known Burmese Head Constable, named Lake or Ullola is considered to be the residence
Thankkyk, died recently at a place called Sale in of the Serpent Padma. In Kashmir there are also
the Myingyàn District, and shortly after his instances, in which artificial tanks or ponds were
death complaints began to be made by the con. dedicated to particular Nagas. Thus Bilhana says
stables at the police station there that his ghost in his Vikramdükadevacharita, XVIII. 70:
was causing them much annoyance by haunting "At a distance of one and a half Gaus from the place. They said that the only way in which Pravarapura lies a place with high-rising monu- this could be stopped was to put up a notice ments, called Jayavana, where the pool(kunda) of in the police station informing Thaukkyå that Takshaka, lord of snakes, filled with pure water, he was dismissed from the force, and so urgent resembles a war-disc, intended to cut the head of were their complaints that the European Kali who is bent on the destruction of Dharma." Assistant Superintendent of Police actually stuck
In 1876 the pool of Takshak was still known up a notice to this effect. at Zevan-Jayavana, though its round stone-wall When asked how they knew that Thaukkyå had disappeared. The close connexion of the was haunting the place, they replied that he consnake-worship with Buddhism is well known and stantly appeared to them in dreams. explains it how a Thera came to dedicate a tank As is well known, the Burmese have the usual or pond to this minor race of divine beings.
half-civilised ideas as to the actuality of dream
GEORGE BÜHLER. incidents and persons. Indeed, a constable at February 21st, 1896.
the police station at Singú, not far from Sale,
where a Buddhist priest wanted by the police bad NOTES ON BURMESE FOLK-LORE. lately committed suicide, was geen to jump up The following facts, which have recently come from his sleep, seize a sword and rush violently under my notice, will be of some interest to round the station house. He explained to a anthropologists :
European, who happened to be present, that the
deceased priest had just appeared to him, and as A famous dacoit chief, Bộ Chô, and his two
he had done so twice before he was determined sons, were recently tried and sentenced to death
not to stand the annoyance any longer. for murder, as well as to transportation for vari- The above incidents illustrate the origin of ous terms on different charges of dacoity. On the belief in ghosts from dreams. appeal to the Judicial Commissioner of Upper It appears also that the influence that Thauk. Burma, the sentences of death were confirmed,
ky& exerted during his life is believed to be posand by the special order of the Chief Commissioner, Bened by his ghost. At any rute, on a report of Burma, they were carried out publicly at a place a large theft of money, (Rs. 600), being lately made called Ngabayauk in the Myingyản District, to his successor, another Barman, the latter on (Upper Burma). The dying request of the con his way to the scene of the occurrence besought demned men, about which they were obviously Thaukkyå earnestly, (inmadan shikode), to shew very anxious, was that, after their death, the sen. him how to detect the case. As he was successful tences of transportation on them might be in getting back all the money and in proving the remitted.
case to be a false one, it is not unlikely that 15 Compare also the form pushkarant in the Matburs 16 Kashmir Report, p. 6. inscription of the time of Sodasa, Cunningham, Arch. 1 Since writing this I have heard, on excellent authority, Surv. Rep. III. PL. 18, No. 1.
of two very similar cases which occurred recently, one in 14 Epigraphia Indica, II. p. 197.
the Meiktila, and the other in the Tharrawaddy District.
I.

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MAY, 1896.)
OORRESPONDENCE.
143
the deceased Thaukkya will come in time to be regarded as a godling or nat.
III. A superstition of the Burmane, which may not be generally known, is that it is very unlucky
for a warm of bees to alight on a house; in fact, this will occasionally entail the desertion of the latter altogether. Evil spirits and influences may be, however, kept out of a house by stretching round it a thread charmed by the priests.
BERNARD HOUGHTON.
CORRESPONDENCE. To the Editor of the Indian Antiquary. (Rudraydmala Tantra) called the Jatimáld, treatDEAR SIR, - Muir, in his Original Sanskrit
ing of castes, has been printed at Calcutta." Texts, Vol. I., has collected, translated and illus- I have long been on the look out for this Jati. trated" the principal passages in the different muld as well as the Rudraydmala Tantra, but have Indian books of the greatest antiquity as well as not been fortunate enough to get hold of either. in others of comparatively modern composition,
I shall feel much obliged'if you, or any of your which describe the creation of mankind, and the
learned readers, will be good enough to let me origin of classes or which tend to throw light upon
know where and how can get hold of a copy of the manner in which the caste system may have
either the Tantra itself, or the chapter called arisen." He has thus afforded ample information
Jatimdid, which, Monier Williams says, has been on the bibliography of the subject; but his atten.
printed at Calcutta, where I have left no stone tion, it appears, was confined to the consideration
unturned to come by it, but in vain. of only the four principal castes - the Brah. mans, Kshatriyas, Vaisyas and Sadras. Not
The only Jatimáld, available here in print, a single sentence is to be found about the other
contains two excerpts from the sacred books: one
is from the Brahmavaivarta Purana and the other castes-the mixed classes which are more numerous than the original ones and have overgrown
is said to be taken from the Parasurama Samhita. them.
But I have not seen any Samhita of that name.
The Sanskrit Texts are given with a Bengali Thus, after reading the Orignal Sanskrit Tents,
translation in verse. The Publishers do not say my desire for knowledge about caste was not
from what book they have taken the first extract, satisfied, but the information I gathered from this
and it is only after my researches in the several book has served rather to excite than allay my
Puranas, etc., that I have been able to trace it to curiosity. I, therefore, set about collecting from
the Brahmavaivarta Purdņa. the various Puranas, Upapuranas, Smritis, Tantras, etc., extracts regarding the mixed
Here I must again ask your learned readers to castes, in the same way as Muir has done about favour me with any information they may know the original ones.
regarding this Parasurama Samhita. Of the Tantras, I am sorry, I could not lay my
Touching the Rudrayamala Tantra, which is, hands on a copy of the Rudrayamala Tantra,
as Monier Williams says, “one of the most regarding which Colebrooke, in his paper headed
deservedly esteemed and most encyclopaedic in its " Enumeration of Indian Classes" in Vol. V. of
teaching," and is said to consist of 100,000 verses, the Asiatic Researches, says :
all that I know is that it has not as yet been “One of the authorities I shall use is the
printed, and that a complete MS. copy is nowhere
to be found, so far as I have been able to hunt for JAtimale or Garland of Clas808, an extract from
it. I myself have got a MS. copy of the Uttara the Rudraydmala Tantra, which, in some
Tantra, or last portion of the above, containing instances, corresponds better with the usage
sixty-four patalas or chapters. In his Notices and received opinions than the ordinances of
of Sanskrit MSS., Dr. R. L. Mitra has noticed Manu and the great Dharma (Vrihaldharma)
one, but it contains only a few patalas: nor is Purána."
the copy in the Library of the Asiatic Society Monier Williams, in a note in page 131 of his here a complete one. Hinduism, & volume in the Non-Christian
NILCAMAL BASAK. Religious Systems series, says:-"A section of it! 8/1, Dewan's Lane, Calcutta.
• This oocurrengo is, however, in some parts held to portond good fortune.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
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NOTES AND QUERIES. A COLLECTION OF NOTES ON MARRIAGE stolen. The bride's party go in search of the CUSTOMS IN THE MADRAS PRESIDENCY, thief. A boy dressed to represent him is arrested
THE following collection of notes on marriage by mistake. The bride's people, on this, admit customs are taken from an issue of the Pioneer. their inability to find the rogue. He is then Brahman ceremonies are very lengthy, but the
produced and formally conducted to the bride. essential portions are the following. On the
The Holeyas, or agrestic slaves of Kanara, bave wedding-day, the bridegroom, attired in cadjan, a still more quaint ceremonial. The youth's with his books and with a bundle of rice on
party goos to the bride's on a fixed day with rice, his shoulder, makes believe he is off to Benares
betel, and areca nuts, and waits all night outside to lead a holy life. The bride's father accosts
the hut, the groom being squatted on a mat him and persuades him to stay and marry his
specially made by the bride. Next morning the daughter. He is then accompanied to the marriage
bride comes and sits in front of him with pandal, and the bride is made over to him. The
a winnowing fan between them, filled with betel sacred fire is kindled and worshipped, the gods
leaf. Those present throw rice over the heads of are invoked and the talt or insignia of marriage
the couple. The ceremony lasts four days, during is tied round the bride's neck by the bridegroom.
which it is indispensable that one of the two Both then walk round the fire, and the bride.
should continually use the mat. On the last day groom, taking his bride's foot in his hands, places the couple take the mat to a river or tank holding it seven times on a mill-stone. This is the bind- fish, dip the mat in and catch some fish wbich ing part of the ceremony. After further prayers,
they let go off after kissing them. A feed comthe couple exchange garlands of flowers. Five or
ge garlands of flowers. Five or pletes the marriage. nine sorts of seed grains are mixed and sown in The Badagas of the Nilgiris are perhaps the special little earthen vessels. The couple water only Indian race among whom the custom of these for four days. On the fifth day the sprouts courtship prevails. The marriage is not binding are taken out and thrown into a tank or river. until the wife is about to become a mother. On the second night, the bride takes her hus- When this occurs the badge has to be promptly band outside and points out to him a parti- tied round the girl's neck. cular star and implies thereby that she will
The Kois, of Godavari, have an interesting remain as chaste as the goddess inhabiting
custom. Should the youth be poor, he carries off the star.
his bride by force, and, what is more, he may The severely conservative Nambari Brahmans select another man's wife for the purpose. The of Malabar have, of course, customs similar to wedding ceremony is beautifully simple. The their congeners of other parts, but one curious girl bends her head, the youth leans over her, and inexplicable feature in the ceremony is, that friends pour water on his head, and when the the parties go through a pretence of catchmg water has dropped from his to the bride's head, fish.
the twain are one. The Bants - the chief land-owning class in The Chenchus, a forest tribe of Karnůl, also South Kanara - bave a long ceremonial, the believe in clandestine unions. Either the couple essential part of which is called dhare. The run away at night and return the next day - man bride's right hand is placed over the groom's, a and wife or they go round a bow and arrow silver vessel with water is brought, over its month planted in the ground, and their relatives throw is placed a cocoanut, and over the latter an areca rice on them and bless them. palm flower. The hands are then placed over all. Among the Kurumbas -- a shepherd class found The parent and relatives all touch the vessel,
in many eastern districts of Madras- & golden which is thrice moved up and down. The couple
image, representing the hero of the clan, is taken are then congratulated by all present, who desire
out of a small box filled with saffron powder, in that they may become the parents of twelve
which it is usually secured, and placed before the sons and twelve daughters.
bride and bridegroom, who call aloud the hero's Among the Heggades - a shepherd class in the name. The performing pri:st breakcocoanuts game district-on the second day of the ceremony, on the heads of those of the tribe who hereditarily the bridegroom makes away with a jewel from enjoy this distinction, and then ties a piece of the bride's person, which he pretends to have saffron on the bride's right arm. Rice is then
(See Yule, 1. v., in Yobeon-Jobson. -Ed.]

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NOTES AND QUERIES.
145
thrown on her head, the talk is tied round her I SHOULD be glad to have for reference a com. neck by the bridegroom, and the ceremony is plete list of the mudrds, or conventional attitudes, over. Among some divisions of the tribe other of images of Buddha, and do not know where to substances than saffron are employed.
find one. Can any reader of the Indian AntiWith the Kallans of Trichinopoly and neigh- quary oblige me with a list, and give the exact bouring districts, the most proper alliance is
definition of each mudrd ? between a man and his paternal uncle's daughter.
Gorakhpur.
V. A. SMITH, Failing this his niece or his aunt is most suitable. | [Waddell, Lamaism, pp. 324 ff., gives a vast Worst of all a bridegroom - young though he amount of information about this subject. -ED.] may be - has to accept his fate even if the bride is fifty and toothless. His sister visits the bride's DATES OF SANSKRIT WORKS, FIXED BY parents, presents them with twenty-one little coing REFERENCE TO TIBETAN SOURCES. and a cloth and ties some horse hair round the PART II. of the current volume of the Zeit. bride's neck. After a feast the bride and groom schrift der deutschen morgenländischen Gesellgo to the latter's house and exchange boomerangs. achaft contains some important notes by Dr. Georg A feast ensues. The bride gets a dowry of a hen Huth, of Berlin, on the chronology of certain and some rice and trots off to her new home. works in the Tibetan Tanjur. Many of these The Maravens of Tinnevelly, a robber caste,
are translations of, or commentaries on, Sanskrit have rather aggressive matrimonial usages. The
works, and the dates of the Tibetan writers are elders arrange the wedding, and, with or without
capable of being fixed with reasonable accuracy. the consent of the young folks, go and tie the
Based on these premises, Dr. Huth shews, amongst tall round the bride's neck, blowing conches
other interesting facts - the while. Feasts and processions follow, a (1) that the date of the composition of the cocoanut is broken before the caste deity, and Ashtangahridaya-samhita, of V&gbhata, cannot certain other ceremonies complete the alliance. be later than the eighth century A. D.;
Among a subdivision of the Reddis-a cultivat- (2) that translations of ing tribe of Nellore and neighbouring districts -
(a) the Ashtdngahridaya-sanhita, of Vagthey have a lengthy marriage ceremonial, part of
bhata, which consists of the worship of a number of (b) the Padarthachandrikáprabhusandmdpots especially made for the occasion, as also in
shtangahridaya-vritti, of Chandrathe feigned anger of the bridegroom's party on
nanda, the fourth day of the ceremony.
(c) the Dhúpayôgaratnamdid, ascribed to The Uriyas of Ganjam have to marry their
Nagarjuna, girls before the period of puberty. If a suitable (d) the Vimalaprasnottararatnamdlá, of husband is not obtained before the time, the girl
Amôgôdaya, is married to an arrow.
(e) the Chanakyanítidastra, Among the Paniyans, a labouring class in
and a treatise on Veterinary Surgery, Malabar, when a man wants to marry a girl, he
ascribed to Sâlihotra, must take a bundle of firewood daily to her were all made in the first half of the eleventh house for six months.
century; Geo. F. D'PENHA.
(3) that the Avaddnakalpalatd and Dandin's MESSRS. T.C. and E. C. Jack, Grange Publish
Kavyadaria were both translated in the second ing Works, 215, Causeway-side, Edinburgh, have
half of the thirteenth century; asked us to state that they are publishing a new
(4) that Ratnakara-sAnti's Chhandáratná. Edition of Burns, to be edited by Messrs. W. E.
kara, and Kalidasa's Méghadúta were translated Henley and T. F. Henderson, and that, as the
in the first half of the fourteenth century. Editors are anxious to make the edition as com- Dr. Huth finally shews that the date of the plete and free from errors as possible, they are oldest original Tibetan work in the Tanjur was anxious that all owners of original MSS. should probably the second half of the sixth, or, at latest, communicate with the publishers.
the beginning of the seventh century. As it is possible that some of our readers may be in possession of original or valuable documents
SEPARATE FEEDING OF THE SEXES - connected with Burns we have much pleasure in
MUSALMANS. inserting this note.
WHY do Musalman women never eat with males? The custom seems to spring from choice

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(MAY, 1896.
on the women's part. They refuse to eat with, of him to return and assume his rightful position those who may, for all they know, commit all at Jammdý, but he refused, and invoked a curse kinds of sin out of doors without their knowledge. on those of his race who might attempt to live in The women pride themselves greatly in adhering pakkd buildings. Of many others, the two followto this rule. The Sunis of India say that the ing instances of recent occurrence are commonly Shi'a women do not conform to the custom. quoted in the Sialkot District as the immediate F. A. STEEL in P. N. and Q. 1823. results of a violation of the honored tradition:
(i) Chaudhri Gajja Singh of Sâlobál, Tahsil
Zaffarwal, built a pakká dwelling. Before the SALAGRAM
building was finished he died, and the members THE salagram stone, a kind of ammonite, of his household died soon after; so that the found chiefly in the Gandak River, is worshipped family is now extinct. The building was auctioned by some sections of Hindus. Can any one give me
and purchased by a Brahman, but is now a ruin. information on the following points connected
(ii) Chaudhri Buddha of Gamróla erected a with it?-(i) Are there more kinds than one of pakkd residence, and as he commenced the upper this stone; and if so, what are the vernacular storey he died. His eldest son was appointed names of the various kinds P (ii) What sort of zaildar and lambardar, but forfeited both for stone is that called Dudhi-murti worshipped by misconduct and died. Vaishnavas P Where is it found, and what gotra
J. T. CHRISTIE in P. N. and Q. 1883. or sept of Brahmans conducts the worship P Are any offerings presented by worshippers ; and MARRIAGE CUSTOM - THE SIEVE. if so, on what occasions? (iii) What are the
AMONG high-caste Hindus of the Pañjab, the peculiar marks by which the variety known as
bridegroom, on entering the bridal chamber, finde Lakshmi Narayana is distinguished from other kinds of sálagrdm ?
a sieve hanging on the door-post. put there by the
parents of the bride as a warning to him not to JOHN BEAMES in P. N. and Q. 1883.
take her unless he chooses, as she has as
many faults as there are holes in the sieve. The BIRTH CUSTOMS - MUSALMANS-LYING-IN. bridegroom always carries an iron weapon The woman after child birth lies on a tát
with him to drive away the evil spirits which (coarse canvas bag), or on a mat spread on the
haunt him, especially at the marriage ceremony, ground for seven duys, during which time she will
and with this he cuts down the sieve and throwe not lie on a charpe (bed-stead). She is fed chiefly
it away, in earnest of his choice of the bride
with all her faults. with small pieces of bread soaked in ght and sugar, and, because this is good for her milk, she
MAYA Das in P. N. and Q. 1883. is made to abstain from other articles of food.
TELUGU SUPERSTITIONS AS TO DOGS. She often continues this diet as long as she is suckling.
1. WHEN a dog flaps its ears, owing to mange GULAB SINGH in P. N. and Q. 1883. or being pestered by fleas, the dog is said to bring
in luck to the owner of the house where the act THE EFFECTS OF A CURSE,
was done. SAMMAN Dô Mannis, Hindû, Rajpat, the
2. When a stray dog barks, in the compound eldest son, and consequently heir to the family
of a house, during the night in a low tone or estate, left Jamman in displeasure, and founded the
plaintive manner, owing probably to bodily suffervillage of Gamrólå in thána Chamal, Gurdaspar Dis.
ing brought on by mange or other distemper, the trict, from which have sprung twenty-two villages
owner of the house, if unwell, is said to die. of Manhas Rajputs in the districts of Gurdaspor,
M. N. VENKETSWAMI. Sialkot, and Jammun, but in none of these is a (pakka) dwelling of baked bricks or stone to be
THE BUDDHIST ORIGIN OF NAUGAZA TOMBS. seen. On the death of Samman Deo's father, a SEE Cunningham, Archæological Survey of special deputation waited upon the son, to beg India, 1872-73, pp. 98 ff., 130-1. The suggestion
1 [Is the slagram an ammonite at all? Fallon, New of slagrame, meant, I think, for Kashmir, passing along Hind. Dict., 8. 1., says, it is "an ovoid black quartzose the Pañjab Railways, some of which at least bad the worn by the action of water, and sometimes found im- appearance of having been manufactured. On the other pregnated with gold, bearing the impression of one or band I possess two, I believe, genuine slagrims from muore ammonites." Bate, Hindi Dict., 8. v., says much Bangalore which are apparently unquestionable ammon. the same thing. Scme years back there was a quantity / ites. -ED.]

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that they are of Buddhist origin is due to Mr. W. Simpson, J. R. A. S. Vol. XIII. p. 205. It is difficult, however, to see how figures of Buddha could have come to be regarded as the tombs of Patriarchs and Muhammadan heroes. Such tombs are not likely to present signs of antiquity, as they are always kept in repair.
D. G. B. in P. N. and Q. 1883.
NOTES AND QUERIES.
SOME MODERN JAIN SECTSHINDU ANTIPATHY TO JAINS.1 "BETTER jump down a well than pass a mundéband," said a Kasmiri Pandit. The mundébands are a sect of Jain ascetics, and are to be found in great force in a house on the north side of the Chandni Chauk at Delhi. Ibbetson, Outlines of Panjab Ethnography, § 255 ff., footnote to p. 130, quoting the Bombay Census Report, says: In Rajputânâ considerable animosity prevails between the Hindus and the Jains. There is a saying, 'it is better to jump into a well than to pass a Jain ascetic on the
BOOK-NOTICE.
HARITA'S DHARMASUTRA.1
WHEN, in 1889, I put before the Eighth Congress of Orientalists at Stockholm my Collection of Legal Quotations" from Harita's Dharmasastra, I did not venture to hope that a complete copy of that important work might turn up at any time. It was this very consideration which caused me to make a beginning towards collecting the numerous and important, fragments of that work, which are preserved in the quotations of medieval and modern writers on Sanskrit law. I am extremely glad to be able to announce to the Members of the Tenth Congress, now assembled, that after all as. has been lately discovered in India of saskrit composition apparently identical with the genuine old work of
Harita.
The first notice concerning the MS. in question has been given in Pandit Vaman Sastri Islamapurkar's Preface to the first volume of his edition of the Pardiara Dharma Samhita with Sayana's Commentary (1893, Bombay Sanskrit Series). The Pandit is quite right in stating that this MS., which he has secured from Nasik, is a fresh discovery, o mention having been made of it either by orientista or antiquarians. It is true that several riti compositions attributed to the
147
road; and another, 'a Hindu had better be overtaken by a wild elephant than take refuge in a Jain temple,' and 'he may not run through the shadow of it even to escape a tiger."" He says, however, that this hatred is merely sectarian, and that the Jains are in effect Hindus. At p. 131, § 256, he says:-"They carry the reverence for animal life to an absurd extent: many of these ascetics wear a cloth over their mouths, lest they should inhale an insect or other living thing." Those who do this are the mundebands. At p. 132, § 257, he says:-"A more modern sect is the Dhûndiâs, so called because its followers were persecuted by the orthodox, and compelled to take refuge in ruins (dhund)." This word dhúnd is said to be Gujarâtî, but I believe it to be theth bhasha (real speech of the people) as I have heard it in Ambâlâ. As far as I have gone in the inquiry, I should be inclined to think that the
mundeband custom existed anterior to the rise of the Dhandîâ sect.
M. MILLETT in P. N. and Q. 1883.
sage Harita bave been printed in India, and that a number of others are extant in MSS., and have been noticed in the published catalogues of Sanskrit MSS. But none of these works, as far as I am aware, shews the least resemblance to the Dharmasastra of Harita. Thus the printed Vriddha Harita Samhitd is a lengthy sectarian production, in which Vaishnava rites and the Avataras of Vishnu are constantly referred to. The other Smritis which go by the name of Harita are mostly brief and insignificant tracts, in which few, if any, of the numerous texts attributed to Hârîta by the standard writers on law are to be met with. All these works are entirely put in the shade by the present copy of the Dharmabåstra of Hârita, which may be reckoned among the most important recent finds in the field of ancient Sanskrit legal literature.
Though the merit of the discovery belongs to Pandit Islâmapurkar, European scholars would have been unable to test, and make use of, his discovery, unless Prof. Bühler had applied to him for the loan of the MS. This request was readily complied with, and as Prof. Bühler has kindly lent me both the MS. itself and a transcript made by himself of some important portions of it, I am in a position to offer the
1 [Ibbetson, § 55a, gives "Munhband (Caste No. 220): the Jain ascetic who hangs his cloth over his mouth."-ED.]
1 Translated, with modifications and additions, from the Actes du X. Congrès International des Orientalistes.

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following remarks on what may be called the quotations from Harita which occur in the first Dharmasatra of Harita.
volume of Sayana's Commentary of the Smriti of The contents, as well as the style and language,
Parasara bave been verified by Pandit Ielamaof the present work tend to shew its close analogy purkar Våman Sastri. He observes that he has with the genuine Dharmasútras of Åpastamba, succeeded in tracing a majority of the author's Baudhayana and others, the earliest relics of quotations. Harita is constantly referred to as Sanskpit legal literature. The following is ali aularity in the bulky compilations on funeral a list of the principal subjects treated in the
rites, such as, e. g., the huge Sraddhakalpa of Harita Dharmśdstra, as this work is styled in the
Hemadri. These texts have been carefully col. colophons.viz.. the respective duties of the lected by Dr. Caland, who in his valuable work four orders (Cérama), rules of diet, almsgiving,
Altindischer Ahnencult (pp. 93-95) has underfuneral oblations, the duties of an absolved
taken to restore the original Srdddhakalpa of student, the five great offerings, the study of
Harita. Turning to the present work, we find the Veda, impurity and its removal, penances
that the description of funeral oblations in for various offences, the examination of wit- Chapter 12 agrees in the main with the conjecnesses, law and judgment, the obligations of tures put forward by Dr. Caland. As regards the women, philosophy, the chief crimes and offences, Vedic works quoted or referred to by Hårita, it the entertainment of Brahman guests, special is important to note that he seems to look up with penances, purificatory prayers. The treatment of special veneration to holy Maitri vani. The these subjects is very copious for the most part,
authenticity of several references to that Vedic the bulk of the present work exceeding that of teacher is confirmed by the quotations from all other Dharmasútras known hitherto, except
rto. except. Harita in Hemadri's and other legal treatises. It ing perhaps the Vishnusmriti, which work, how. appears, therefore, that Prof. Bühler has been ever, abounds in modern additions. The chapters quite right in his surmises regarding an original are termed Adhyâyas, as in the Vishnusmriti, connexion between Hårita and the well-known Gautamasmriti and other modernized Dharma. Vedic school of the Maitråyaniyas. Hårita shews sittras. The language abounds in archaic terms himself thoroughly acquainted with the works of and quotations from Vedic works. Long prose
that school; thus, the curious Mantra fotadayo passages alternate with verses in the Anushţubh | viro, which he quotes without giving his source, and Trishtubh metres, as in the other Dharma- may be traced in the Maitrdyani Samhita (1, 2,5). sútras. Many among the versified texts recur
The publication of this work which ranks with literally in these ancient works. Thus the Trish.
the earliest and most precious relics of Sanskrit tubhs on Science and on Venial Falsehood in
literature would be a great desideratum. UnforChapters 18 and 23 recur in Vasishtha 2, 8 and
tunately, to undertake an edition of it from this 16, 35 and in Vishnu 29, 9; the bloleas on pañcha
single MS. is entirely out of the question. The súnd and on sabhd in Chapters 10 and 23 are equally
MS. is apparently complete in thirty chapters, and met with in Manu 3, 68, Vishnu 59, 19, and Naruda has been written about the end of the seventeenth 1. 3. 14-17; the whole section on praeritiydvaka
century, but clerical errors, blunders and omisin 28 corresponds literally with Baudhdyana 3, 6
sions of every sort are so frequent in it that a and Vishnu 48. These passages cannot have been
great many passages are utterly unintelligible in borrowed by Hårita from the other works, as they
spite of the excellent assistance afforded by the may be traced to their source in the floating
numerous quotations above referred to. Let us wisdom of the ancient sages and teachers.
hope that other and more reliable MSS. of The authenticity of the present work may be Harita's Dharmasútra may soon turn up. Perhaps further proved by an examination of the quotations we may look to the Benares Pandits for help in this from it in the medieval and modern commentaries matter, as Krishnapandita's recent Commentary and digests, and by the quotations from, and of the Vasishtha-smriti, in which a text of Harita references to, Vedic productions wbich it contains is quoted, has been printed at Benares. An old itself. Thus the texts of Harita, which have been
Commentary on the Háríta-smriti is quoted by brought together in the abovementioned Collection Hemadri (3. l. 559). and Kashmirian was of Legal Quotations, may be generally traced in mentioned in this commentary seems to point to the present work; e. 9., the long string of rules Kashmir as being the country where it has been concerning women (3, 3 loc. cit.) which may be
written. Nothing could afford such good help viewed as the locus classicus for the subject, the towards preparing a correct edition of this imarchaic comparison of the distribution of the
portant work than the recovery of an ancient family property between a father and his sons
commentary. with the jars at a Soma sacrifice, etc. Those Würzburg.
J. JOLLY.

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THE AGE OF TIRUNANASAMBANDHA.
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ON THE AGE OF TIRUNANASAMBANDHA.
BY P. SUNDARAM PILLAI, M. A.
(Concluded from p. 125.) T SHALL now try to trace the influence of Sambandha, from the middle ages back1 wards to the earlier times, confining myself to such leading facts as might be inferred from the sacred Saiva works themselves,
Let us begin with the last of the canonized Saiva saints, Umapati Sivacharya. Umâpati Sivâchârya is the fourth of the Santâna-Acharyas and is the author of eight of the fourteen Siddhanta-Sastras, besides six minor works devoted to sacred history and geography. Of these latter, one is on the life of Sêkkilar, the author of the Tiruttondar- or Periya-puranam, another on that Purana itself, while a third gives an account of the eleven sacred Saiva books, as compiled by Nambi Andar Nambi. From all these three, I have borrowed valuable facts in the earlier parts of this inquiry. Evidently the author had a historical and critical spirit, and all his philosophical disqnisitions bear ample testimony to this.51 But the fact I would here mention in evidence thereof, is one that is directly connected with the question in hand- & fact for which Dravidian archæology can never be sufficiently grateful. In his preface to the Sankalpanirúkarana, - & subtle and able metaphysical dissertation, he tells us the object for which the lecture was written, the audience to which it was addressed, and the date on which it was delivered. This date was the 6th day of the Ani festival in the Chidambaram temple, 52 in the Baka year 1236. Here then is a date which may prove a veritable loadstar to guide us through the conjectural cloudland of current chronology. It is not a date prefixed by some unknown hand, as in Kambap's Ramayana or in the Skanda-Purána, and therefore open to question. It occurs, on the other hand, just in the middle (lines 26-29968 of a long sentence, extending over 54 lines of Agaval metre, in which the author speaks in the first person and introduces his treatise, which immediately follows without any further ceremony or word of explanation.
If the Sankalpanirákarana was written in Saka 1235 or A.D. 1313, Umâpati Sivacharya mast have composed his account of the Periyapuranam much about the same time. Can we seriously then seek for Sambandha in 1292 ? The Puráņa that narrates his miracles was old enough about 1313 to need an account of its origin being written,
That Purána itself must have been in 1313 at least a century old. For, Umapati Sivacharya does not write as if he were a Boswell writing the life of a Johnson. No one can read his account of the way in which the Periyapuranam came to be written, without being convinced that there was a respectable interval of time between that Furána and his account of it. To Umapati, the author of the Purána was already a canonized saint, worthy of worship along with those commemorated in the Purana itself. The work had become by his time so sacred that the first line of it is ascribed to the direct inspiration of the god at Chidambaram, who is further made to announce the completion of the holy treatise to king Anapaya by asariri or 'incorporeal voice. No doubt, myths do grow rapidly in the tropical East; bat can we seriously think of ascribing those under notice to the imagination of Umapati himself, the leading characteristic
61 No difficult philosophical doctrine of his need be quoted to illustrate the liberal critical spirit of this writer. It is enough to point to his preface to the Sivaprakdía.
3 Umapati Sivåch krye was one of the 3,000 Brahman priests attached to this temple.
63 The lines run thus: - "elañj-irun orr-eduttav-Syiram vAlu-nar-chakana maravênirpa, etc." Mr. Damodaram Pillai says in his preface to the Virašiliyam that our author composed his. Koyil-Purinam about Saka 1200 ; but he does not state his authority. The Tamil Plutarch begins its account of Umapati Sivacharya dogmatically thus: -"This celebrated poet and philosopher flourished in the 17th century;" but ends with nescience and doubt. "The time of his existence is not known : but we find his name mentioned in the Intro. duction to the Sidambara-Purinam, which dates A.D. 1513." It is hard to conceive how the author can make the two ends meet of this, his small paragraph of twenty-three lines!
* See particularly verses 9 and 10.

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of whose intellect was, as far as we can judge of it from his writings, a spirit of matter-of-fact, almost prosaic, realism. The myths must have been current, not only in his own age, but for some generations preceding, to have grown to some extent venerable. We are led to the same conclusion by another well known fact, viz., that three Santâna-Acharyas followed Sekkilar, the author of the Purána, before Umâpati, the fourth in the list, appeared. I say therefore, at the very least a century must have elapsed between the composition of the Periyapuránam and the account of it, written as we have just seen in 1313. In all probability, the interval was longer. The work is unquestionably the oldest of the existing Tamil Puránas. Frequent references to incidents narrated in it will be found in almost every other Purána, including the Skanda itself.55 It was composed, we are told,50 with the express object of superseding the Buddhistic epic Chintamani, which was evidently the only narrative poem of any magnitude then in existence. The Chôla prince at whose instance Sêkkilar wrote his Periyapuranam, is well known in Tamil literature under the name of Anapaya Chola Pallava. He is sometimes called also Tirunirru Chôla,57 probably to indicate the regard he had for that symbol of the Saiva faith. His religious fervour seems to have proved largely beneficial to the temple of Chidambaram, which he is said to have covered with gold58-probably in the way of repair of what was done by his forefather Parântaka I. Though it would appear from the Tiruttonḍar- or Periya-puranam that Anapâya was holding his court at Tiruvarur,50 near Negapatam, when that Purana was composed, a verse cited in the commentary on the Tamil Tandi Alankára leaves no room for doubt that his real capital was the same Gangapuram or Gangaikonḍaśô lapuram, where the successors of Parântaka bore rule. Probably he was attracted to the former city by religious considerations. In an inscription of his, at Tiruvarûr, dated in the seventh year of his reign, offering gifts of "land, gold, brass, silver and other excellent treasures" to the images of Sambandha and the other. two authors of the Dévára Hymns, set up in that shrine, he calls himself Rajakesarivarman alias Tribhuvanachakravartin Sri-Kulôttunga-Chôladêva. Referring to this inscription, Dr. Hultzsch writes: "The characters of the Tiruvârûr inscription of this prince are decidedly more modern than those of the Tañjavûr inscriptions of Rajaraja and RajendraChôla. Accordingly, the Periyapuranam must have been composed after their time. On the other hand, the subjoined inscription proves that the legends which Sêkkilar embodied in his work were not of his own invention, but must have grown up in the time of the predecessors of Rajendra-Chôla."3 Of course, for this last conclusion we stand in no need of any proof. In the very opening chapter, Sêkkilar himself expressly states how the lives of the sixtythree saints he embodies in his work were commemorated in the hymns of Sundara, and how they were subsequently amplified by Nambi Andâr Nambi.63
150
But the inscription alluded to by Dr. Hultzsch is certainly a remarkable one. It records the setting up of a copper image with the rather telling legend Tattá namaré kán,' or 'O Tattan! He is one of us! Behold!' The reference is to the dying words of Meypporul Nayanâr,
55 See for instance Avaipugu-Padalam, verse 52.
56 See Umâpati Sivâchârya's Account of the Periyapuranam, verse 10.
[JUNE, 1896.
67 Koyil-Puranam, Payiram, verse 12. Tiruniru means the 'holy ashes.' I am glad to find that in the preface to the Purana, its editor, the late Mr. Arumuga Navatar, the greatest of modern Tamil Pandits, notes the date we have assigned above to Umâpati Sivacharya.
cs Koyil-Puranam, Pâyiram, verse 12, and Periyapuranam, Payiram, verse 8.
89 Periyapuranam, Tiruvárir-sirappu, verse 12.
60"*... Anapayan-koy-polil-sal-Gangapura-máligai.
.;" sutra 95, part 14. According to Mr. Kanakasabhai Pillai, Gangapuram was the capital of the Chola empire under Abhaya also (see ante, Vol. XIX. p. 337). But the Kalingattu Parans, canto xiii. verse 92, depended upon for this statement, is, at best, ambiguous. Gangapuri there appears more as a conquered place than as the capital,so favouring Dr. Fleet's statement (ante, Vol. XX. p. 277) that Abhaya succeeded to the Chôla throne not wholly as the lawful heir to it. Probably after capturing this old Chola capital and with it the Chola crown, Abhaya held his imperial court in the more central station Kâñcht,
61 South-Indian Inscriptions, Vol. II. p. 158 f.
03 Ibid. p. 167.
63 Tirumalai-sigappu, veraes 20 and 39.

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amploring his attendant, Tattan by name, to spare the life of his murderer out of veneration for the form of a Saiva devotee the assassin had assumed. The date of the inscription is the third year of Rajëndra-Chôļa's reign; and there can be no question that this Rajendra was the immediate successor of the now well known Chôla emperor Rajaraja, since the person who sets up the image is the temple-manager Poygai-nadu Kilavan Adittan Sûryan alias Tennavan Mûyêndavēļân, figuring so frequently in the published inscriptions of that great monarch. It is not unlikely that the shrewd temple-manager found his new youthful sovereign anxious to exercise a rather inconveniently strict supervision over the management of the temple endowments so profusely made by his predecessor on the throne, and in consequence, wanted to read to him a practical sermon by thus setting up the image of a king, who held it profane even to touch the hair of his own assassin, because he had come covered in Saiva garments! However that be, the question of absorbing interest to us here is, whence did our clever manager borrow his text to be thus utilized for his purposes ? Is it or is it not from the Periyapurdnan ? If it is, it must unquestionably establish the priority of that treatise to the third year of Rajendra's reign. The words of the legend appear temptingly similar to those in the Purana. Dr. Hultzsch himself observes, "The words Tattá namaré kán' bear a close resemblance to those of the verse 'namar Tattá.' ” The resemblance, however, is really closer. The line in the Periyapuranam reads not namar Tatta,' but Tattá namar' exactly in the order given in the inscription. Probably the mistake arose by referring to the Tiructondar-Purárasáram,65 or the abstract of the Periyapuranam by Um&pati, instead of to the Purana itself. In the face of the identity, I am not sure that Dr. Hulteseh's inference about the relative age of Sêkkilar and Rajaraja will be accepted by all as conclusive. For, it is possible to contend, in the first place, whether there lived but one Anapaya, as the argument assumes, and in the next place, whether South Indian palæography is yet in a position to be dogmatic about dates, independent of corroborative evidence aliunde. Nevertheless I am not inclined to contest tho point, partly out of deference to the opinion of so careful & writer as Dr. Hultzsch, but more because I think I have a better hypothesis as to the source of the Tanjore temple-manager's text, than ascribing it to the Periyapuránam.
For I find in the Andádi of Nambi Åndar Nambi, upon which the Periyapuráram is avowedly based, the identical expression, letter for letter, with the simple omission of the expletive 'kan' at the end of it. It is not impossible that the temple-manager added this word, 'kán, meaning 'look' or behold,' not as a part of the dying exclamation of the pious king whose image he was then setting up, but as a warning of his own, & word in terrorem, to such impudent profanity as would venture to subject to the secular law the acts of the holy servants of god. But whether we regard it as a pure expletive or as a sly hint, the absence of 'kun' will not stand in the way of our tracing the text to Nambi's andadi. The principal word in it is 'namaré;' and no Tamil scholar can feel any scruple as to its being a classical term, unknown to colloquial Tamil, even of the age of Rajaraja, if we may judge from the style of the many voluminons inscriptions of his, now placed before the public through the indefatigable labours of Dr. Haltzsch. The only question possible, to my mind at least, is whether Nambi Andâr and Rajaraja's temple-manager might not have both borrowed the expression from some common prior source in verse. But, even in the days of Sêkkilar, there was no work extant on the subject except this Andddi of Nambi and the famous padigam of Sundara. The expression not being found in the latter, the Anda di is the only classical source from which the temple-manager could have borrowed his text, unless, of course, we indulge in the assumption that there existed a poem of which Sekkilär himself was not aware, and imagine also at the same time, that so practical a man as the temple-manager could have been foolish enough to believe that so rare a text could have carried home to the reader of his legend the lesson he was intent on teaching. I, for one, am
64 See South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. II. Parts I. and II.
Verse 7. *[This is improbable, as the word kan precedes the relative participle enca, 'who said,' and thus forms part of the dying king's own words.-E. H.]

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not prepared to accept such an alternative, as gratuitous as it is unavailing. It seems to me, therefore, that the best course now open to us is to take the expression as borrowed from the Andadi itself. I am not aware of any fact that can militate against such a view. On the contrary, all that we are able to glean from the Andadi, or the account of its author given by Umapati, goes only to strengthen the easy inference we have drawn. According to this last authority, the patron of Nambi was Rajaraja Abhaya Kulasekhara Chola: and we know from his Tanjore inscriptions that the glorious reign of the great Rajaraja, who in his latter days assumed the title of SivapAdaśêkhara, 67 was exactly the period when such a grand undertaking as that of Nambi, the compilation of the Tamil Védas, could have been taken up. Seldom does a great deed in letters or religion synchronize with national dejection : nor is it often that such exceptional national prosperity as the Tamilas enjoyed under Rajaraja, fails to leave its high-water-mark in some branch of learning or other. It is true that Nambi does not mention Rajaraja by name in his Andadi, but it is well known that in the host of titles and birudas under which he passed, Rajaraja was but one, and one by no means the most prominent in his own days, nor the earliest assumed. Allusion, however, is made to his conquest of Ceylon, one of the early achievements of Rajaraja.68 Nambi refers also more than once to the munificence of the Chola, who covered with gold plates the roof of the temple at Chidambaram, and we know this prince is now generally taken to be Parântaka I., the forefather of Rajaraja. But from the tone in which this reference is made, as well as from the fact that Nambi embodies, in his eleventh or last volume of Saiva sacred writings, the poems of Gandarådityavarman, a later prince of the same dynasty, the upper limit of Nambi's age may be safely fixed. After the days of Gandaraditya, we know of no Rajaraja in the same dynasty, who could have encouraged Nambi in his grand andertaking, except the great Rajaraja, whose accession is now calculated to have taken place in A. D. 984-85. Do not these circumstances then render it extremely probable, if not certain, that Rajaraja's temple-manager was quoting but the words of the great Saiva sage of the period, patronized by his own old glorious sovereign master, when he engraved the inscription near the copper image set up as a practical lesson to the new Chola prince Rajendra, in the third year of his reign ? I scruple not to answer in the affirmative, and to conclude that Nambi Andar Nambi was & contemporary of the Rajaraja of the Tanjore inscriptions. If then Nambi wrote his Andádi before the close of the 10th century, when could Sambandha worshipped in that poem have lived ? Not surely at the end of the 13th. An inscription]1 in the Tanjore temple now places it beyond all donbt that Sambandha and his colleagues were objects of even popular worship in the age of Rajaraja. It records the setting up of the images of Nambi Arůrapar (i. o.) Sandara, Nangai Paravaiyar (i. e.) Sandara's consort, Tirunavukkaraiyar and Tiruñanasambandadigal, in the 29th year of the reign of this famous Chola emperor. Adverting to this record, Dr. Hultzsch writes : “ This inscription is of great importance for the history of Tamil literature, as it forms & terminus ad quem for the time of the reputed authors of the Détáram. Dr. Caldwell was inclined to assign this poem to the end of the 13th century. But the present inscription shews that it must have been written before the time of Rajarajadêva." It was more with a sense of
61 Bouth-Indian Inscriptions, Vol. II. p. 2. Verses 50 and 65. " See note 8, above.
50 [The following will shew that the patron of Nambi Åndar Nambi cannot have been the Chota king Rajaraja. who ascended the throne in A, D, 084-85. Among the works incorporated by Nambi in the Tinklaippa there is a hymn dedicated to the Gaigaikonda-Chiefvars temple (see note 90, below). By this is probably meant the temple at Gangaikondacbőlapuram, which is now called Brihadiévara and which was founded by Gangaikonda. Chola. This name was borne by several Chola kinge, of whom the earliest wa Ajendra-Chôla, the son and successor of RAjarkija (ante, Vol. XXI. p. 323). Even if we suppose that the temple referred to in the Tir-Isernd was built by Rajendra Chola bimself, some time must have ela pred before the hymu in question could be deemed sacred and worthy of being included in the same class as the Derlina Hy . Consequently Nambi Apdør Nambi must have lived long after Rijendra Chola, who built the temple to which the hymn in the Tiru-l aippa is dedicated. -V: Venkayya.)
11 South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. II, No. 38. .

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relief than of gratification that I received the first intimation, from Dr. Hultzsch himself, of this extraordinary confirmation of the view I ventured to advocate, four or five years previously, against the esteemed and then unquestioned authority of Dr. Caldwell. The inscription under reference puts it now beyond all possible doubt, not only that the Déváram was composed before the days of Rajaraja as concluded by Dr. Hultzsch, but also that its authors, including Sambandha, were in the days of Rajaraja objects of worship, as much to the public at large as they were to Nambi Andar Nambi, patronised in all probability, as we have just seen, by the same Chôla emperor.
THE AGE OF TIRUNANASAMBANDHA.
The authors of those hymns must have lived surely long before that century. To estimate the interval that must have separated the compiler, Nambi Andar Nambi, from Sambandha and his colleagues, one has only to reflect upon the account, given by so early an authority as Umapati Sivacharya, of the difficulties that the former had to overcome in the course of his collection. Of 1,02,000 padigams that originally constituted the Dévára Hymns, Nambi Andar was able to secure not more than 795. All the imperial authority and influence of the greatest conqueror of the age was of no avail; and the gods72 had to interfere for securing even so small a fraction of the sacred songs. If it was so difficult to reclaim and restore to existence the works of Sambandha about the tenth century, can there be any question at least as to the centuries that could not have been graced by the living presence of that saint?
153
With the evidence offered by the Tiru-Isaippá, the tenth of the sacred books of the Saivas, we may descend to still earlier ages; but even then, we find Sambandha's apotheosis as complete as it is to-day. Observe, for instance, the tone in which Nambi Kada Nambi alludes to him in his Koyil Tiru-Isaippa.73 To Sundara too, who came after him, the same divine honours are paid. With regard to the age of this tenth collection, we find a not altogether despicable clue in the name of one of its nine authors. Kandaraditya is the fifth of these nine poets, and his central position in the list may be taken, in the absence of any evidence to the contrary, as significant of the average age of the whole collection. Kandarâditya describes himself as the Chôla king of Uraiyûr and the lord of Tanjore,'75 and makes particular mention of a predecessor of his, who "conquered Madura and Ceylon and covered with gold the Chidambaram temple."7 The latter, we know, is the famous Parântaka I. that "conquered the king of Lanka and Râjasimha Pandya ;"77 and we find Kandarâdi tya in Dr. Hultzsch's Table, as the third in succession from Parântaka. Rajaraja, who ascended the throne in 984, being the tenth Chôla in the same list, the age of Kandaraditya may be assumed provisionally as the close of the ninth century, allowing an average of 25 years' reign for the intermediate four Chola kings. If then, by the close of the 9th century, Sambandha's apotheosis was perfect, how preposterous is it to seek for him in the close of the 13th century! Surely, if literary records have any value, Sambandha must have lived long before Kandarâditya, and the only possible question is, how long before?
To answer this question precisely, we have no materials in sacred Tamil literature, so far as I can recollect at present. Still, there are several indications to shew that the interval between Kanḍarâditya and Sambandha must have been of considerable length, nothing short of three or four centuries. Among these, I may mention the following:
(1) We have already alluded to the fact that Tanjore was not in existence in the days of Sambandha, or even in the days of Sundara who came a few generations after him, say, a century. Kandarâditya speaks of himself, as we have just seen, as the "lord of Tanjore." Karûr Dêvar, another of the nine authors of the Tiru-Isaippá, describes Tanjore as a flourishing town of considerable extent and importance. He uniformly speaks of it as the fortified
73 See the Tirumurai-kanda-Puranam, verses 18 to 20. 14 Ibid, verse 5.
Te See his Tiru-Iiaippa, verae 8.
73 See verse 4.
To See his Tiru-I'aippå, verse 10.
TT South-Indian Inscriptions, Vol. I. p. 112.

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Tanjai.'78 Possibly, the old Tagjai of Sundara came to be called Pottai Taõjai' or 'open Tanjore,' by way of contrast to the fortified Talijai' of Karûr Dêvar. Thus then, it was in the interval between Sundara and Kapdaråditya, that our modern Tanjore rose into existence, and developed itself into that fortified and flourishing city of which the latter so proudly speaks of himself as the lord.
(2) Nowhere in the Devara Hymne - not even in those dedicated to Chidambaram - is there any mention of the celebrated Chola, Parantaka I., who covered that temple with gold and who preceded Kaņdarâditya by two or three generations.79 This silence is certainly remarkable, considering the unique celebrity of the victorious and religious-minded Chola and the zeal with which every opportunity is taken by later writers to allude to him. Nambi Ândar Nambi, for instance, often goes ont of his way to compliment Parântaka. In his account of Pugal-Chôļa, he refers to Parântaka's conquest of Ceylon, in that of IdaugaliNayanâr, to his victory over Rajasimha-Pandya and to his roofing the Chidambaram temple with gold, and again in his notice of Kôchchengan Chôla, he recurs to the same act of extraordinary manificence.80 Sekkilir, the author of the Periyapuránan, is equally anxious to commemorate the pious gift. Is it not then remarkable that, if Sambandha lived after Parântaka, he should not have a word for this glorious monarch, even when he was standing before and celebrating the glories of that very temple which Parântaka covered with gold? The Brahman priests of the place are referred to, but not the king Parantaka. Appar is as silent on the point as Sambandha, and so too is Sundara, who followed them after some generations. The fact that Nambi Andir Nambi claims three royal saints, of equal rank with Sambandha, - via, Pugal-Choļa, Idangaļi and Kôchchengannin, as remote progenitors of Parântaka, is suggestive of the distance of time by which Sambandha must have preceded Parantaka.
On the other hand, it might be argued that, as the expression Ponnambalam occurs in the hymns of Appar, 81 both Appar and his younger contemporary, Sambandha, lived after Parântaka, who on the authority of the Kongu Chronicleas is generally believed to have built that Golden Hall'at Chidambaram. But this last sapposition appears to me a grave error, though a common one. Ponnambalam, first translated by Sanskrit Pandits as Kanakasabha and then rendered by modern scholars as the Golden Hall,' was originally but an endearing name for the temple at Chidambaram. It is sometimes known simply as Kôyil' or The Temple. Parântaka's covering the roof of it with gold plates was, perhaps, only an illastration of the curious, but well-known, tendency of names to realize themselves. The pious Chettis of to-day, too, assign no other reason for their costly undertaking to cover the roof and walls of the same temple with gilt plates, but the fact that it is called Ponnambalam! Probably, in his age, Parântaka was actuated by no better reason. At any rate, Nambi Ändar Nambi of the eleventh century, who surely onght to know better than the Kongu Chronicle, gives Parântaka, in the very act of proudly and flatteringly alluding to his munificence, only the credit of having covered the roof of the ball with gold, but not of having constructed the ball itself.93 It must be further remembered that according to Sêkkilar, 94 his own patron, Anapaya, had also the honour of gilding the roof of this same temple. Umâpati Sivacharya, who lived in the 14th century, and to whose statements we are bound to accord some consideration, ascribes the building of the Golden Hall and the town itself to a certain Hiranyavarman of immemorial antiquity.85 75 See his Tiru-Isaippa on Rajarajdávaram.
15 See South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. I. p. 112. 89 See his Tiruvandadi, verses 50, 65 and 82.
1 Ramasvami Pillai's edition, p. 5, verses 4 to 6. I am not sure whether the Kongu Chronicle itself is responsible for this error, or only its translators. But the Leyden grant speaks of Parantaka as only having covered the Saiva temple at Vyhghragrahira with gold.'
88" Mugadu-kongil kanakam-aninda ;" Tiruvand di, verse 65. See the Periya puranam, P&yiram, verse 8.
* See the Hiranyavarm i-Sarja of the KiyilPursam. Hiranyavarman is here said to have constructed the temple with a gold roof! and it is not impossible, that Parlotaka was himself anticipated in his 'golden feat' by a remote predecessor of his, exactly as the Chettis of our days are by himself. Or may it be that the templo was called Pon-Ambalam, because built by Hiranyavarman? As to the era that Hiranyavarman is said to have commenced, see the Tiruvi/8-Sargam, verse 5.

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But whoever built the Ponnambalam, in the days of Manikkavasagar, or well nigh the classical, or the Sangam, period of the Tamil literature, the name had not any more connotation about it than its well known synonym Puliyûr, or Tiger-village. From the mere occurrence, therefore, of the expression Fonnambalam in the hymns of Appar, we cannot jump to the conclusion that Appar lived after Parântaka. Such an inference would be not only unwarranted, but absurd also, in the face of the facts we have mentioned above. In fact, we have unmistakable evidence to shew that in the Dévára period, Chidambaram was not even a Côļa possession, but a strong-hold of the Pallavas.87 After it was re-annexed to the Chôļa dominions under the dynasty of Parântaka, the town did not go out of the hands of his successors, till long after the days of Anapaya, the patron of Śêkkilậr. The period of Pallava supremacy at Chidambaram mast have been, therefore, long anterior to the reign of Parantaka; -an inference that strongly supports the conclusion we have otherwise arrived at, with respect to the relative age of Sambandha and that sovereign.
(3) The only Chola that Sambandha refers to is the red-eyed 'Kochchengannan,- the hero of an archaic poem of Poygaiyar, called Kalarali-Nárpadu, - one of the eighteen didactic pieces compiled by the Paydits of the old Madura college. The dynasty of Parantaka I. is a distinctly different line, probably an offshoot of an alliance of the old Chola family with the Pallavas of Ka nchi. Kalingattu Parani, the historical poem we have already referred to, seems to break off rather abruptly 80 with this red-eyed king, in its poetical account of the old Chôļa line, and to begin afresh when it takes up the story of the dynasty of Parantaka. A long period of confusion would seem to have prevailed between the demise of Kochchengannan and the establishment of the new Chôla-Pallava dynasty to which Parântaka and Kandaraditya belonged. Sambandha, most probably, lived in this period of transition, when the old Chô!a kingdom had gone to pieces, and the new Pallava-Chôļa kingdom was in the course of formation. At any rate, such is the impression left on my mind by the Dévára Hymne, and if it is confirmed by the experiences of others, the estimate here formed of the interval between Sambandha, in whose memory the old Chola line was still fresh and green, and Kaņdaráditya, one of the later princes of the new dynasty, will not be regarded as excessive.
(4) The same conclusion would be forced on us, if we consider the practical extinction that had come over the Buddhistic religion by the time of Kaņdaraditya. The creed that was, in the days of Appar and Sambandha, so universally predominant, as to lead to the former's persecution, and to need the curse of the latter in every one of his padigams, evidently attracts little attention from the authors of the Tiru-Isaippa.
Do not such considerations as these and they may be multiplied, if necessary)" raise a strong presumption in favour of a long interval of time between Sambandha and Kaņdarâditya of the ninth century ?
Thus then, we need not go beyond the sacred literature of the Saivas, to establish two important positions, with respect to the question in hand. In the first place, the facts I have mentioned enable us to trace the influence of Sambandha successively backwards through the 14th, 12th and 1th centuries to the close of the 9th, the age we have assigned to Kaņdaraditya. If there is any force in facts, these prove beyond all doubt, that Sambandha could not have lived later than the 9th century. In the second place, certain other typical facts that
66 For an example of such a jamp in the dark, see The Yadura Country, Part III. Chapter II. p. 63. .
87 See Sundara's Kiyil Padigam, verse 9, where he speaks of the god of Chidambaram 48 & terror to whose who refuse rightful subsidies to the Pallava rulers.
# For, according to the Kyil. Puranam, the town was founded by a Chola prince. Again, in the Periya. purinam, the Brahmans of Chidambaram are said to have declined to crown Karruva-Nyapar on the ground that the Cholas were alono entitled to that honor.
* See canto viii. verse 19; but much stress cannot be laid on the arrangement of verses in this work. The whole poem requires careful editing by capable Tamil scholars in touch with the modern historical spirit of inquiry.
* For instance, the rise of the temple of Gangaikonda-Chôļebrara at the capital of the revived Chola dynasty of Parantaka, which finds no place in the Devara Hymns, but which has a Tiru-Iiai ppd for itself.

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I have grouped together conjointly point to a probability of his having lived a considerable time, say three or four centuries, before the Chôla king and poet, Kauḍarâditya. But there are one or two other considerations to enforce the same conclusion, and I shall now proceed to explain them.
Let us, for example, inquire whether Sanskrit literature can throw any light on the subject, corroborating our position or otherwise. From the summary inquiry we held in a previous part of this paper, we found reasons for believing that Sambandha preceded, not only Ramanuja and Madhvacharya, but Samkara also, the greatest of modern Hindû philosophers. Now the age of Samkaracharya is diversely estimated. The Hon'ble Mr. Telang1 adduces certain sound reasons for placing Samkara in the sixth century, while Dr. Fleet has equally cogent reasons for believing that he lived about 630-655 A. D. The latest date yet assigned to this philosopher, as, for instance, by Mr. Pathak, is the eighth century. We have then in Samkara an Indian celebrity who lived about two or three centuries before Kandarâditya, or much about the time to which we have been able to trace Sambandha by means of purely literary records in Tamil. The history of the religious development in Southern India, pointing as it does in the same direction, raises a strong antecedent probability in favour of finding Sambandha somewhere about the time of, or immediately before, 'Samkara.
The presumption thus raised is verified beyond all expectations by a verse of Samkaracharya himself. The tone of veneration in which this philosopher refers to Sambandha, proves beyond doubt, not only that the latter lived before him, but that there was a considerable interval of time between the two. The verse referred to is the 76th in a poem called Saundaryalahari, a well-known and evidently genuine work of Sankara, and particularly sacred with the Sâktas and Tantrikas. The first forty stanzas, which by themselves constitute the first part called Anandalahari, are especially so with them; and they do not allow their composition to be ascribed even to Samkaracharya himself. That revered philosopher is not sufficiently remote in their view; and they vouchsafe to him only the honour of having completed this holy fragment, found inscribed on the mountain of Kailasa by a certain Rishi called Pushpadanta, and handed down to 'Samkara by his master, Gauḍapå da.93 The epigraphical tradition, however, does not affect the authenticity of the verse under reference; for all parties agree that the last sixty slokas of the work are of the Acharya's own making. It runs thus:
"O daughter of the mountain! I consider thy breast milk an overflow of the sea of wisdom from thy heart. For by tasting it, the 'Dravida child' to whom it was so mercifully granted, became such a charming poet among the great poets."94
To those that know the story of Sambandha, the allusion is as clear as daylight. Even to purely Sanskrit scholars, the knowledge of the incident referred to ought not to be difficult of access. They have only to open chapter 47 of the Sanskrit treatise Bhaktavilása, where Sambandha's life is given in full detail. We cite below three verses which narrate the 92 Ante, Vol. XVI. p. 41.
91 Ante, Vol. XIII. p. 95.
See the Introduction to the Tamil Saundaryalahari by Ellappa Navalar, verses 3 and 4.
94 तव स्तन्यं मन्ये धरणिधरकन्ये हृदपतः पयः पारावारं परिवहति सारस्वतमिति । दयावत्या दत्तं द्रविडशिशुरास्वाद्य तव यत् कवीनां प्रौढानामजनि कमनीयः कवयिता ॥ 95 अथ मूर्तिमती देवी जगतां जननी शिक्षा | आगत्यास्यान्तिकं बालमङ्के कृत्वा शुचिस्मिता ॥ दुग्ध्वा स्तन्यामृतापूर्णे चषकं हेमनिर्मितम् | दीगृहात वेदान्तबोधमय मम्बिकया वितीर्ण स्तन्यामृतं तदनु पीतवती कस्य । उगारपूर इव सूक्तिमुधाप्रवाहो वक्त्रादजायत जगचयतापहारी ॥
॥

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miraculous nursing of the Dravida child by the goddess Parvati. That this very incident was the most distinguishing feature in the life of Sambandha, will be clear from the opening verse of the chapter which may be thus rendered :
"O saint ! I shall now tell you the story of Jñánasambandha, to whom the daughter of the Himalaya mountain vouchsafed the nectar of her breast milk, and acted, therefore, the part of a mother."
The interpretation of Lakshmidhara, 07 otherwise known as Lolla, which identifies the Dravida child' with the author Samkaracharya himself, deserves therefore no refutation. It is, no doubt, on account of such blunders as these, that Bhaskararâyn, who flourished in the last century, treats him with such unqualified contempt. "Such nonsense,” says Bhâskara in another connexion, "can proceed only from madness."
The word ' sifu' or 'child' in the verse which has given room for such gross misapprehension, is peculiarly appropriate when applied to Sambandha. The proper name in Tamil of the famous saint, at the time when the goddess was supposed to have appeared to him, was, as I have already pointed out, Pillai or Aludaiya Pillai---literally meaning 'cbild.'
In his Sivabhujanga and Siviinandalahari,100 the Acharya pays similar homage to four other saints, of whom one was a contemporary of Sambandha, and another a huntsman or Kiráta by birth, but none of them half as well known as our Brahman saint of the Kauņdinya gótra.
96 अथ वक्ष्ये कथा ज्ञानसंबन्धस्य मुतीधर ।
स्तन्यामृतप्रदानेन यस्य धात्री हिमादिजा ॥ 07 My attention was first drawn to this interpretation of Lakshmidhara by Mr. V. Venkayya, the Assistant Epigraphist to the Madrs Government. It would appear, Prof. Aufrecht adopts tho banne mistaken interpretation in his Catalogue of Oxford Manuscripts. But the absurdity of it is nevertheless self-evident. The Acharya was no poet at wll; his fame rests entirely upon his pbilosophical exegetics called Bhashya To identify the Dravidasište with Sankara himself would be, therefore, to charge that revered thinker with unbounded arrogance; but even supposing he had the vanity to speak of himself as 'the distinotly lovable among great poets, where do we find any tradition of his having boon suckled by Parvatt, when he was an infaut? The old metrical Tamil translation of this verse (see p. 118) by Virai Kaviraya Panditar gives the correct rendering hore adopted. The distinguished Tamil poet, of the last century, Saiva Ellappa Navalar, proceeds also upon the same view in his currentary on that translation. Indeed, the absurdity of Lolla's interpretation is to patent, that every Sanskrit Pandit (including that foremost Sanskrit scholar in Southern India, tho Valia Koil Tampuran of Travancore, to whom I showed the stanza) heartily agroos with me iu condomning it.
०३ इति लोलेन यन्मलपितं तत्प्रामादिकम् ॥ 90 न शक्नोमिक परद्रोहलेशं
कथं प्रीयसे त्वं न जाने गिरीश | ATT TEST SHTETIT arसुतद्रोहिणी वा पितृद्रोहिणी या ॥
Il fer fra : 11 From the absence of any reference to Barnkara in the Tiruttomattogai of Sundara, it may be inferred that the former lived after the latter. The verso quotod above support this view. The expression kunta-drihin, one who betrayed his wife, probably refers to Sundara, who, without the knowledge of his wife Para Vai, married a woman named Sangili at Tiruvorriyar near Madras. If the Sivabhu jaringa is a genuine work of Barnkara, this reference would establish that he lived after Sundar. The other two devotees, who are referred to in the samn verse by the terms sutarthin and pifri-urihin, are 3irattonda, who cooked his only son for the sake of Siva io the disguise of a devotee, and Chandelvara, who out off the log of his father when the latter interfored with his worship of Biva. - V. V.)
100 मार्गावर्तितपादुका पशुपतेरहस्य कूर्चायते
Tozer ga geftaffesureret किंचिड़क्षितमासशेषकवलं नव्योपहारायते भक्तिः किं न करोत्यही वनचरो भक्कावतंसायते ।।
Il ya 119 HER I Thin verse refers to Kannappa Nayanir, who is believed to have worshipped Siva at K ahasti in the North Arcot district. A hill south of K Alahasti even now bears a shrine oalled Kappappevara.-E.H.]

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The conclusion then is irresistible, that in the days of Samkaracharya, Sambandha was & well known character - an inspired poet, worthy of being spoken of as the distinctly lovable among the greatest poets of India, and a saintly person, sufficiently remote in time for it to be then believed that he had been sackled by the goddess Pårvatf herself. Taking then the age assigned to Samkara by Dr. Fleet, we may now safely assert that Sambandha, could not have lived later than the seventh century; and that in all probability, there was an appreciable distance of time between Samkara and himself. What this interval actually was, it is impossible to determine with the existing materials. We cannot, however, be far wrong if we take it as a century or two.
That we are not attributing too high an antiquity, will appear from the age usually assigned to Sambandha by enlightened native scholars, of whom I shall here mention but two or three.
Mr. Simon Casie Chitty, the author of the Ceylon Gazetteer and the Tamil Plutarch, says in the latter work of his : -" In our opinion, as the date given in the Cholapúrvapattayam for the accession of Seraman Peruma! seems to admit of no doubt, we may place the period of the existence of Sandara and his two fellow champions in the fifth century of the Christian era for a certainty; and thereby clear it from the monstrons chronology of the Puranas."1 Mark the last expression. In the opinion of this native Christian Tamil scholar, to assign Sundara to the fifth century - not the 13th as advocated by Dr. Caldwell - is only to clear the age of that author from the monstrous chronoloy of the Puranas ! If Sandara lived in the fifth, Sambandha, who, as we know, preceded him by a few generations, niust have lived somewhere about the fourth century. But until we know more of the history of the Cholapúrvapaffayam here depended upon, we cannot afford to be as positive as Mr. Chitty. We know also, on the other hand, the slippery indefiniteness that is inherent in so vague and general a designation as Sêraman Peruma!, - perhaps as misleading as its notorious counterpart, Sandara-Pandya. Anyhow, the opinion of so well-informed a person as Mr. (asie Chitty, and the Cho!apúrvapattayam he cites, cannot but show that it is not a violent assumption to allow an interval of a century or two between Sambandha and Samkara of the seventh century.
The---second native scholar I have in view is Mr. Damodaram Pillai, the erudite editor of so many valuable Tamil classics. He is decidedly of opinion that Kun Pandya (and therefore Sambandha) lived more than 2,000 years ago. To support this conclusion, primarily based upon the usual Paråņic lists of Påndyas, he makes a statement which, if historically correct, ought to enable the to arrive at a more or less accurate approximation. The present head of the Tiruinaasambandha matha of Madura, it would appear, claims himself to be the 114th in lineal succession from the Saiva devotee, in whose name the monastery is established. If this assertion is well-founded, it will indicate, no doubt, a lapse of fifteen to twenty centuries, according to the average we assume for each of the 113 deceased heads of the monastery. To urge an antiquity of 2,000 years, appears to me to be rather unsafe. It would scarcely leave time for Jainism to develop itself in Southern India, and to assume those formidable proportions, which brought about the reaction in the age of Sambandha. But, however that may be, Mr. Damodaram Pillai himself announces, in another foot-note, 3 a fact that cannot but affect the value of the testimony for scientific purposes. The present matha in Madura, it would appear, was established only as a branch or sabordinate monastery
1 See p. 21.
? Preface to Virafolyam, p. 17. According to Mr. Nelson, the present head is the 27th hereditary manager. Mr. Damodaram Pillai explains the discrepancy as due to Mr. Nelson's including in his account even those anointed as heirs apparent. It is with the deepest regret that I have now to record a change in the personnel of this matha. The late revered head of the monastery, Rai Bahadur Svaminatha Derika SvAmigal, breathed his Jast on the morning of the 29th January 1896. No Hindi matha had ever an abler or more enlightened head.
* Preface to Virasliyam, p. 20.

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to another of the same name in Tinnevelly, of which, however, no trace is now left. Nor was the Tinnevelly matha itself the original institution. Until, therefore, more of the history of this interesting institution is known, particularly of the way in which the tradition as to lineal succession has been preserved, it is possible to exaggerate the probative force of the statement in question. But we are citing the fact and Mr. Damodaram Pillai's conviction only as shewing that, in the opinion of competent native scholars, to assign Sambandha to the fifth or the sixth century is not to advocate an extravagant theory.
The Hon'blo P. Kumarasvamit of Colombo argues that, since the miracle of the vanni tree, with which Sambandha is associated in the Tiruvilaiyádal-Puránam, is alluded to by the heroine of the Silappadigaram, said to have been born in the reign of Karikala, the grandfather of Senguttuvan, who was visited by Gajabahu of Ceylon between the years 113-135 A, D., the age of Sambandha ought to be accepted as at least prior to the birth of Christ. Supposing the age of the exceedingly interesting poem, Silappadigáram, is determined beyond all question with the help of the old chronicles of Ceylon, where more than one Gajabâhu is mentioned, I am not sure whether the first link in the chain of argument, which alone connects Sambhandhs with that ancient classic, will be accepted by all parties as sound and irrefragable. For, however admirable as a work of art the Tiruvilaiyádal-Puranam is not distinguished for historical accuracy, and it stands alone in associating the vanni tree story with Sambandha. Nor does it agree in its account with the earlier and the more authoritative treatise, the Periyapuranam, even as far as the latter goes. As the matter is of some real importance, 1 would first solicit attention to the difference in the two versions of the tradition itself.
The Periyapuranam version of the story is briefly this:-- A trader of the Vaniga caste in the town of Vaippûr, by name Taman, promises to give in marriage to his nephew the eldest of his seven daughters, but tempted by lucre, he repeatedly forgets his promise and gives away to different other parties his first six daughters in succession. The seventh, moved by love and pity for the disappointed suitor, escapes with him, proposing to solemnise their marriage in the village of the poor nephew. On their way, they halt at a place called Maruganûr, near Negapatam, where Sambandha was then sojourning. Here the intended bridegroom is bitten by a snake, and in a few hours he expires, leaving his lonely love in indescribable sorrow. Her cries of anguish, however, reach the ears of Sambandha who, repairing to the spot and becoming aware of the melancholy situation, improvises a hymn invoking the mercy of the local deity; and the man revives as if from sleep. Sambandha then observing the decorous behaviour of the Vaniga woman who, because a virgin, would, neither in the worst moments of her sad tribulation nor in the rebound of joy, go within touching distance of her lover, although he was but her cousin, causes the wedding to be solemnised at once, so that the might be a help to one another even on their way; and the married couple resume their journey; while he himself returns to 'Seigâttangudi at the request of that famous devotee who, when required, ecrupled not to slaughter and cook his only child as food for Siva. Such is the Periyapuranam version of the story from which the Tiruvilaiyadal® chooses to differ in some essential particulars. Shocked probably by the amount of freedom which the earlier version would allow the fairer sex, this comparatively recent production gives an account of its own of the way in which the lonely couple came to be travelling together. Instead of the seven daughters and the six successive disappointments to the poor nephew, this Purára
• His last letter to me on this subject is dated 1st March 1895. • It is usual in this casto to marry & maternal uncle's daughter.
. The name of this village is significant. It means the town of the nephew. Could it be that it was so named boonuse of this very incident? If it bore this name in the days of Sambandha, would not the tradition be still older P
+ See the Tiruranasambandhamirti-Puranam, verses 479-484. The particular hymn of Sambandha referred to by the Purana does not lend any support to the story, on the other hand, verses 3 and 10 of it are distinctly against any such construction : see Ramasvami Pillai's edition, p. 622
. See the Tiruvilaiyadal-Purinam, chapter 64.

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would allow but one daughter to the Vaniga merchant, whose name and native place, however, it does not care to specify. This Vaniga again is here not a sordid but a superior person, who, instead of selling his daughters as in the old tradition, piously promises away all his wealth, and bis only child too, to a nephew of his in Madura, who, to boot, is already married and well Bettled in life. Some time after making known to his townsmen this his wish and will, the trader dies, and his widow dies with him on his faneral pyre - a poor substitute for the more zatural acts of feminine heroism which this later version feels bound to suppress. The fortunate nephew in Madura is then for the first time informed of the gifts made to him by his deceased uncle, including his only daughter, and he forth with hurries to the spot to remove them all to his own city. But for reasons not so easy to understand, he sends in advance, not only all the treasures he so inherits, but also all his relatives, excepting the virgin girl-an arrangement extremely andatural from a Hindu point of view. It is thus, the couple come to travel together according to this Purána. The cobra bite and death, the subsequent revival through the virtue of Sambandha's verse, and the improvised marriage ceremony at the instance of that saint, all follow in due course, though there would seem to be no necessity for the unseemly haste in that last act, since according to the Purana there were all along plenty of servants, man and maid, near at hand to render all needful service on the way. Such are the two versions of the story, and it does not require much insight to see what liberties are taken with the old tradition in the later of the two. I mention the fact, as I believe it would prove helpful to us in appreciating the historical value of the episode, which this later version adds to the story, and on which the argument of my friend entirely turns.
The scene of this episode is laid in Madura. To that city the married couple return, and in due course is born a son. A childish quarrel between this boy and the children of the first wife gives occasion for an altercation between the mothers, during the course of which the first wife ventures to question the legal status of the second, and tauntingly inquires as to what sort of proof the latter could offer for her alleged marriage on the way. Unable to adduce better evidence, the innocent woman cites the vanni tree, the temple well and the Siva linga before which the marriage was solemnised at the melancholy spot of cobra fame, which, according to this Purána, is not Maruganur as in the earlier version, but Purambiyam, which I am unable to identify. "Good witnesses and meet indeed!" jocosely replies her rival; and it may indeed well surprise any one why she had such confidence on these inanimate objects, and none at all on any of the many servants of her husband who according to the Purána accompanied her from her father's house to Madara, and some of whom at least must have witnessed the rite, even supposing Sambandha and his large retinae had retired to their lodgings before the actual ceremony was performed. Anyhow, one and all the three witnesses cited did present themselves next morning, within the precincts of the Madura temple, to the joy of innocent faith and the discomfiture of ill-natured jealousy. Sach is the episode of the vanni tree miraclelo found tacked on to the story in the Tiruvilaiyádal-Puránam; and the question for us is, whether, on the strength of this Purána, the incident may be taken to have occurred in the life of that very Vaniga lady whose marriage was arranged at Maruganûr by Sambandha.
As already pointed out, the earlier and the more reliable treatise, the Periyapurá nam, is silent on this point. But this negative evidence in itself cannot carry much weight, since it may be met by the consideration that it is no part of the business of that Purána to relate all the incidents in the lives of every one with whom its own heroes come in contact. There being, then, as far as I know, no extraneous evidence, for or against, the accuracy of the episode has to be accepted or rejected, according to the estimate we may form of the general historical
. (See South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. II. p. 881, note 1.-E. H.)
1. The miraculous nature of the incidents here dealt with is no objection to their being used, ander certain conditions, for sifting historical testimony. If tradition invariably ascribes a particular incident, however miraculous, to a given historical individual, it serves in innumerable waye, direct and indirect, in estimating the Age of that individual. Subjectivo belief in such cases is tantamount to objective existence.

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veracity of the Purána in which it is found. It is not possible in this connection to open an explicit discussion on the historical value of the Tiruvilaiyáḍal-Puranam, but from what has been already said with regard to the version contained in it of the earlier part of the very story in question, I trust it may be inferred that it is not altogether a safe ground to build historical theories on. My own impression is that in adding on this episode, the Purana is but trying to patch together two independent old traditions. Who knows whether this penultimate chapter in the Purána is itself not written to flatter the pride of the Nayaka rulers of the times ?12 That this and the two chapters immediately preceding it should have Sambandha for their hero, would seem also not devoid of meaning, when we remember that the author belonged to a monastery which still claims Sambandha for its founder. It is quite possible, too, that the life of Mânikkavasagar is given in an earlier chapter just to enable the author to conclude his work with the life of Sambandha, the patron saint of his convent. But such speculations apart, I would earnestly beg to repeat that, for my part, I would prefer to wait till better evidence is found to take the tradition of the vanni tree miracle as originating with or in the time of Tiruñânasambandha.
This position would appear to be further confirmed by the way in which the miracle is alluded to in the Silappadigáram. There the heroine couples with the tree that appeared in the temple to attest the marriage, not a well and the Siva linga as in the Purana, but a kitchen.1 The Vaniga lady for whose sake the tree appeared, is claimed again as a native of Pûmbugar in the Chola kingdom, and not a nameless sea-port town in the Madura country as in the Purana. The version of the episode in the Tiruvilaiyáḍal-Puranam then would seem to differ in essential particulars from the one referred to in the Silappadigáram, nearly as much as the earlier part of the same story in the work does from what is found in the more trustworthy treatise of Sêkkilar. Taking then into consideration these suspicious variations in details, as well as the conspicuous absence of the historical sense in the Tiruvilaiyáḍal, I humbly submit, I am not prepared to take the allusion in the Silappadigáram to the vanni tree miracle as proving that Sambandha lived before the composition of that indisputably old and genuine classic. On the other hand, critics may not be wanting who may look upon this very allusion in the more ancient work as discrediting the date assigned to the miracle in the Tiruvilaiyádal. Nevertheless the opinion of so able and enlightened a gentleman cannot but be of immense value for the purpose for which it is here cited, viz. to attest the modesty of the theory I am advocating.
To the opinions of these native scholars, I am glad, I am now in a position to add the view of so esteemed an authority in South-Indian epigraphy as Dr. Hultzsch. He writes: "As poems in the Tamil language are thus proved to have been composed in the time of the early Chôlas" (i. e. Karikala and Kôchcheůgannân), "there is no objection to assigning the authors of the Déváram to the same period,"14 The moderation of the hypothesis here advocated which assigns them to a later period cannot, I hope, be then questioned.
For after all, we allow, it is only a hypothesis. All that we are sure of is that the age of Samkaracharya is the lower limit of the age of Sambandha; whatever century we assign to Samkara, the sixth, seventh or the eighth as may be hereafter finally determined, that century will form the latest period that can be assigned to Sambandha. We reach this conclusion in a diversity of ways. The religious history of Southern India points to the priority of Sambandha to Samkara. The absence of all traces of non-dualistic philosophy in the Dévára songs is a well-known fact enforcing the same conclusion. The independent historical facts gathered from the sacred Saiva works, not only enable us to trace the influence of Sambandha,
11 I mean no disparagement to the Purina as a literary work. So charming is its diction and so great its powers of clear description that for years together I have been in the habit of reading a few verses of it every day. 12 The word Nayaka appears several times in this chapter itself; see for instance verse 11. 18 See the Silappadigaram, chapter xxi, lines 5 to 35.
14 South-Indian Inscriptions, Vol. II. p. 153.

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step by step, from the thirteenth backwards to the close of the ninth century, but raise also a strong presumption of his having lived three or foar centuries earlier. And finally, the verse we have quoted from Samkaracharya's Saundaryalahari serves to demonstrate that Sambandha did actually precede that revered philosopher. We scraple not, therefore, to maintain that the age of 'Samkara constitutes the lower limit to the age of Sambandha. If with Dr. Fleet, we believe that 'Saṁ kara lived between 630 and 655 A. D., the opening of the seventh century is the latest possible period that oan be assigned to Sambandha.
We should be glad, if with equal certainty, the upper limit could also be ascertained. It is impossible to undertake this part of our problem without transgressing the bounds we have set to this paper. We can here only indicate one of the main lines of inquiry we should like to pursue. We have already pointed out that Sambandha frequently refers to the famous Chola prince Kochohengannan, the hero of the classical war-song called Kalavali. On one occasion, he speaks of a temple at Vaigal, a village near Kumbakonam, as having been constructed by Kochchengannan in " former days."15 Clearly then, Sambandha must have lived a considerable time after this temple-building red-eyed Chôla. But when did this red-eyed Chola live P The question opens a field of inquiry as wide as the whole range of ancient classics in Tamil - A sphere obviously more beset with historical difficulties than that of the sacred Saiva literature with which we have been hitherto concerned.
The farther we proceed into antiquity, the darker naturally becomes the view around, and it is well, for more than one reason, to leave this part of our subject to be taken up on a future occasion, for an independent and separate handling which the range and importance of those ancient classics would otherwise also demand.
All that we would, therefore, now say with regard to the upper limit of the age of Sambandha is, that it would be found in the age of Kôchchenganpin. Sambandha, in fact, forms the line of partition between ancient and modern Tamil. With regard to the lower limit, no such indefiniteness need any longer be allowed. The facts we have mentioned uumonstrate as conclusively as the nature of the subject will admit, that Sambandha could not have lived later than the opening years of the seventh century. In conclusion, we may indicate the main purposes subserved by this paper.
(1) It gives a bird's-eye view of the sacred Tamil literature of the Saivas. (2) It shows the position of Sambandha as a Saiva saint and a lyrical Tamil poet,
and also as the first great adversary of Jainism in Southern India. (3) It controverts the opinions of Dr. Barnell with regard to the antiquity and value
of Tamil literature. (4) It proves the utterly unfounded nature of the hypotheses advocated by Dr.
Caldwell and Mr. Nelson, with regard to the age of Sambandha. (5) An attempt is made to trace an outline of the religious history of Southern India
with a view to fix the relative ages of Sambandha, Sankara, and Râ mânuja. (B) Pasta are deduced to prove with the help of the latest archeologioal researches
that Sambandha could not have lived in any period later than the early years of the seventh century, leaving the upper limit to be fixed by an inquiry into the
age of Kochchengantân. Standing as Sambandha does at the close of the ancient and the opening of the modern period of Tamil literature, the attempt we have made here to fix his age will, it is hoped, provo
16 Vaiyaga-magiklara Vaigay-mér-brisai, Soyya-kar-Valavap: mur Seyda köyile; Ramasami Pillai's edition.
p. 142.

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of some servicu to further inquiries in to the history of the Tamil language and of Dravidian civilization in general. At any rate, I earnestly trust, the few mile-stones in that history discovered in the course of this investigation will serve to ward off future speculation from altogether losing its way.
Postscript. Since the above was written, epigraphy has offered a diroot solution of the longstanding question as to the age of Tiruñânasambandha. Visiting Conjeveram in Decembor 1895, I found that the archaic Pallava temple, now called Kailasanatha, is the same as the one called Kachchi Mérraļi in the Dévára Hymns. If Mêrrali means the Western Shrine,' the name is certainly well suited to the direction in wbich the shrine now stands. But I am afraid it is a mere mistake for Karrali or Tirukkarrali,' a name which occurs in several of the inscriptions of the temple.16 The substitution of Tirukkarraļi' for Tirumêrrali,' wherever found in the hymns, only improves their rhythm. The local ôduvárs or habitual reciters of the hymns know of no place in Conjeveram answering to the name "Tiramêrrali,'17 and patient inquiry on the spot leads to the same nescience. We have therefore either to suppose that the temple of Tirumorrali, celebrated in the Dévára Hymns, is now gone to such rnins as to leave no trace whatever of it behind, or to take that name to be an error for Tirukkarrali. I decidedly prefer the latter course, as the result of all the inquiries I was able to make at the spot. Other temples commemorated in the hymns are yet in existence, and if Tirakkarraļi were not Tirumérrali, there would be no mention in the Devira Hymns of the one temple in Conjeveram, which, of all the shrines, is the most ancient-looking. If the identity, then, is permitted of Tiruk. karrali with the Tirumêrrali, of the printed Dévára Hymns, an important inference will force itself upon us. From the pablished inscriptions of the Tirakkarraļi or the Kailâsanatha temple, otherwise known also as Rojasimhosvara, we learn that it was built by the Pallava prince BAjasimhs, the son of Ugradaņda, the destroyer of Raņarasika.18 We owe to Dr. Hultzsch the identification of Ranarasika with Ranaråga, the Western Chalukya prince, and if he is correct in it, it naturally follows that our RÂjasimha was at least a contemporary of Polikêáin I., the immediate successor of Ranaraga on the Chalukya throne. Now Pulikesin I. being the direct predecessor of Kirtivarman, whose first year of reign was Saka 487 or A. D. 567, Dr. Hultzsch rightly places the construction of the temple of Tirukkarraļi or Rajasimhêávara about 550 A. D. If, then, we are right in taking the word Tirumêrraļi in the Dévára Hymns of Appar, 31 the elder contemporary of Sambandha, as & mistake or an equivalent for Tirukkarrali the middle year of the 6th century would form the upper limit of the age of that great Tamil saint, which we left to be determined by an inquiry into the age of the Chôļa king Kochchenga nîn.
But a still closer and safer approximation seems to be rendered possible by a circumstance recorded both in Mr. Foulkos' grant of Pallavamalla and in the Kdram grant respecting & successor of our Rajasimha. These two important Pallava docaments agree in declaring that Narasimhavarman I. defeated the Chalukya king Pulikesin and destroyed his capital Våtâpi, 22
16 South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. I. Noa. 82 to 88 and 145 to 150.
17 [There is, however, a temple named Mêrraļi in the Weavers' Quarter. See my Annual Report for 1892-98, p. 4 f., where I have tried to identify those Conjereram temples which are mentioned in the Portyapuranam and Nalayiraprabandham. - E. Hultssch.]
18 Ibid, No. 24. Vorne 11 of this Sanskrit inscription would seem to offer some justification for the modern popular name of the temple. It is there and to rob Kaillea of its beauty, and probably it came to be called Kailasanathar, köyil on that account. 1. Toid. p. 11.
* Ibid. p. 12. n Ramaykami Pillai's edition, p. 998. That the Pallaves continued in ponosion of Conjeceram later on is proved by a line of Sundari, who, in the last verse of his hymn, speaks of it as 'the great and fortified city of the Pallavas ;' see p. 099.
11 VAt&pi, as known to the Puranas, is the Protean brother of the miserly giant Ilvalan of the city of Manimati, who used to spite his Brahmar visitors, and to save his money at the same time, by changing for the nonce V&tapi into a lamb and cooking him up as food for his holy guests. For Våt&pi, once within the intestines of the

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1. e. Badami in the Bombay Presidency. Now, since, according to Dr. Fleet, Vatapi was wrested from the Pallavas and made the Western Chalukya capital only in the days of Pulikeğin I., the contemporary of Rajasimha, the founder of the Conjeveram Kailasanitha temple,-the Palikesin, who was overthrown by Narasimha I. of the same line and in whose reign that capital was destroyed, may be safely identified, as has been done by Dr. Hultzsch, with Pulikesin II., who reigned from abont Saka 532,3 or about the early years of the 7th Christian century. Now it will be observed that, throughout the foregoing pages, we have been trying to make out that we must look for Sambandha somewhere in this century. It is therefore with no small gratification we note Mr. Venkayya's discovery that the conquest of Vatapi, almost the only event we are sure of in the bistory of the Tamil countries for that century, is recorded in the Periyapuranam as a memorable fact in the life of Siruttonda, a contemporary of our Sambandha 24 According to this Purana, the historical veracity of which we have more than once in the preceding pages found reason to assert, one of the many military exploits of Sirattonda in the service of his royal master was the conquest of Vatapi
in the north,' which, in the picturesque language of the poem, he is said "to have reduced to dust."25 Who then could have been that royal master in whose service 'Siruttoņda reduced Vitâpi to dust but the Pallava king Narasimhavarman, whom the Kuram grant and the grant of Pallavamalla agree in distinguishing as the destroyer of Vâtâpi ? There can be, then, no question as to Sirattonda having lived in the early years of the 7th century along with his master Narasimhavarman, Bat we have Sambandha's own evidence to sbew that Sirattonda and himself were contemporaries. For in the last verse of a hymn celebrating his friend's native village of Sengåttangudi, Sambandha distinctly says that it was composed at the special request of Siruttoņda. It is no longer therefore & venturesowe hypothesis of mine, but a veritable historical fact, that TirañÂnasambandha, who converted Kün Pandya of Madura and rolled back the tide of Jainism in the south, lived and laboured in the 7th century of the Christian era: at any rate, it is a fact capable of as much direct proof as any yet established in the history of Southern India. This, then, is the remotest mile-stone we are yet able to plant with anything like scientific certainty in the history of the Tamilas. But it should never be forgotten that this, the earliest epoch for which we are able to assign a date, marks but the dawn of what is unquestionably the modern period in their literature. Not in vain, however, would this long and laboured essay prove, should the date wbich it has all along sought to establish, be found to offer a foothold for scaling yet higher in the neglected antiqnities of an undeniably ancient and interesting people.
unsuspecting Bribmaps, would turn into a goring goat and find his way out, to be similarly used when fresh risitors arrive. The brothers continued to play the trick till Agastya came round, raising subscriptions to colebrate his nuptials with his bride Lopamudra, V&t&pi, changed and cooked up as usual, found the peritoneum of the Tamil sage too tough to be rent open, and his mortal parts were accordingly digested, his ghost alone passing out as wind! What the meaning of this old myth may be, it is hard to discover. It turns up, however, in almost all the leading Puranas, and the Tamilas are particularly proud of it, as it redounds to the glory of the Vedio Rishi, whom tradition, however, absurdly reckons as the founder of their language. For a version of the story in Sanskrit, see Mahabharata, Aranyaparuan, Tirthay dtr dearga, chapter 96.
13 South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. I. page 11.
* See Mr. Venkayya's third article on the Study of Vornaoulars in the Madras Christian College Magazine for November 1893, and Ep. Ind. Vol. IV. p. 277 f.
» Siruttondandyapar. Puriņam, verse 6: "Mappavarkku toņde pây vada-pulattu V Adavi top-nagaram tagal-Aga,
etc."
* Ramsavami Pillai's edition, p. 618: "Biruttondag avap rêņda." Birattonda, meaning 'humble servant,' is evidently an assumed title. May not his real name be Ganapati, sipoe his temple at Bengktangudi is called Galapatišrara ?

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ESSAYS ON KASMIRI GRAMMAR. BY THE LATE KARL FRIEDRICH BURKHARD. Translated and edited, with notes and additions, by Geo. A. Grierson, Ph.D., O.I.E., 1.C.S.
(Continued from p. 102.) 123. Thou hadst been sent
Masculine.
Feminine.
ene ôs-ma-l
do me osa-ma-k
by me... by thee ...
y him ..." by us . by you by them.
ois tratami soubou o lim; f denní asi osu-k
tsa sútmut
curs per tąmi &oq-1600 1 số axi đen-k
to súzmuts
timau osu-A68
timean in تمر است 10
124. He (she) had been sent
Masculine.
Feminine.
by thee ...
weinigt do tse õgu-than
weint doo tse Ösą-tha-n ·
tohi ôsą-va-n
80 stizuts
by you
...
tohi ô$14-va-
ja
[This form is only used in the second person.]
125, We had been sent
Masculine.
Feminine.
-tee dot چه است
se dsat چه است
wees (MS) (tami) @si-n
1931
by me .. by thee ...
him ..3 by us by you ... by them ...
(tani) ása-n
usjuulizgs usi
tohi ôgi-va
som i das toki ásą va
Got 603) (timau) åsik
) (تمر) اسك timan) dan -
[As elsewhere in the case of the first person, tami and timau must be omitted when the suffixes n and k are used. See $ 89.)
Instrumental suffix omitted, as the pronoun in the instrumental is given : thus, they Bowd for Bling eru-na-k, and Samy dom-ha-k, as in aorist and perfect. See $ 113, note 59.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY..
(JUNE, 1896
126. You had been sent
Masculine.
Feminine.
si mi da me ôsi-ma-vą
{
T do mo'lsa-ma-vą
... by thee by him ... by us by you by them ...
نه سوزمت
Beyond y por tani asi-vęso Tomi asi si va
toki súzmati
og pitąmi áoa-vaco
toki sốzamatsa
di asi daq-ug
osol sos timau &o-ego ]
( sját són timau úsz-vąco)
127. They had been kent
Masculine.
Feminine.
by thee ...
[
chatol de toe ôni-tha-k
I do too ása-tha-
k
tim sizmati
designed
tima sôzamatsa
!
by you
Our sal tohi ôst-va-k
I dai tohi ása-va-k
...
[This form is used only in the second person.]
The Causal verb is conjugated exactly like the simple one, and need not be given. All that is necessary is to substitute the corresponding forms of the past participle passive, as explained above in g 119.
Futuro Perfect and Dubitative.70
128. 1. - Subject - Noun.
Singular.
Masonline.
Feminine.
It will or may have
been sent
آمده سوزمت
Asi súzmat
Pronouns in Instromental as in masculine.
asi súamuts
by them ...
Instrumental suffix omitted as before.
11 By her, *3
T0 Only in Mp.
tom

Page #173

3 Not 6sana-n, see § 53, 1, b.
They will or may have been sent
**** H⠀⠀⠀
912
شوزمت
sûrmati
111'11
漢守湾/領導
Lasana-k ásana va
"
sôzamatsa
dsana-87
árana-t ásana-m
ásana-e
⠀⠀⠀
سوزیت
Pronouns in Instrumental as in masc.
Bg.
úsana-t
asana-m
shemati
11
Ásana-va
Pronouns in In
strumental as in
masc. fg.
dsana-t
asana-m
sôramatsa
Y
:
آسن
Pronouns in Instrumental as in masc. 8g.
ásan súzmati
Pronouns in Instrumental as in masc. sg.
ásan sôzamatsa
Masculine.
Feminine.
Plura
It will or may have been sent
áse-k
fisi-va
suzmat
WW/N
سوزه چ
süzmuts
ase-n
ase-t áse-m
:
سوزمت
ohi asi-va دهه آسوه
ast-va
suzmut
شورشی
T
ANT & me ase-m
tse ase-t
1414
Pronouns in Instrumental as in mascu
line.
sûzmuts
úse-t
áse-m
Masculine.
Feminine.
Singular.
JUNE, 1896.]
ESSAYS ON KASMIRI GRAMMAR.
167

Page #174

168
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JUNE, 1896.
II.–Subject--a Pronoun. 129. As in the examples of the Perfect and Pluperfect. [Thus weg
do tse dse-tha-s bo súemut, I may have been sent by you; you may have sent me.
Note that before suffixes consisting of a single consonant, the i of asi becomes e.]
CAUSAL. 180. As in the Primitive verb, substituting og maranovmut, etc., for no; gá súrmut.
131. Optative Perfeot. chojo dau do me dsihe suzmut, had I sent (Passive construction).
Buy lo demo do me asihe máranõumut, had I got killed (Passive construction). As in the Perfect Indicative. Asiha may be substituted for dsihe.
132.
The e forms of the simple verb may be given as further examples.
Singular.
Masculine.
Feminine.
cloggio ponto
by mo ...
..
isihe-m súrmut
اسهت سوزمت
by thee
:
ásihe-t suzmut
اسهن وزمت
by him
Auxiliary same as in the masculine; the past participle in the feminine, Eige súamuts.
by us ...
by you...
dsihe-n súsmut
— suojaus tsent ásihe-va súemut en gói oleme Asihe-k súamut
by them
.

Page #175

JUNE, 1896.)
ESSAYS ON KASMIRI GRAMMAR.
169
Plaral,
Masculine.
Feminine.
امهت وزمت اسمس شوزمت
وزميه ,feminine plural
by me...
ásahanam súa mati by thee
drahana-t sumari
Auxiliary same as in the masculine nlural; the
past participle in the
lisahana-s sizmati by n8 ...
sótamata. by you..
Asahana-va súsmati
cajo en este
isahana-A súamati When the subject is a pronoun, the example of the Perfect and Pluperfect Indicative is followed. E. y.,
de tre leihe-tha- bo edemut, had I been sent by thee, hadat thou sont mo. Sriha- may be substituted for drihs throughout. 1
183. Conjugation of the Aorist of the verbs wys diun (or dy'un), to give, and its similars,
Subject-a Nour.
به وزمت
Singalar.
Feminine.
Masculine.
do me
by me...
thee
him
pitamins
dintu
Pronouns in Instrumental
as in Masc.
dits
ng
you
Was given
by them
tiamana تو ne aiutv-m
مه ديم
Гby mo
by thee
many do me ditsq.m
dotse ditset
tse dintut
by him
by us by you by them ...
tohi diutu.be
bas na
ditoq-vo
By her, dod tami.

Page #176

170
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[Juxe, 1896.
Singular.
Masculine.
Feminine.
by me
...
ditaa-m
pis dintris diutat
sy ditsat
Was given
-dints دیتی
1-ditog دچن
by thee by him by as by you i by them
diutuvę
ditse-va
دينك
dinute-k
ditaa.k
Plural.
Masculine.
Feminine.
by me ... by thee by him by us
by you (by them ...
Pronouns in Instrumental
as in mase, sg.
Pronouns in Instrumental
as in masc.-sg.
081!P
by me ...
me ditsa-m
pis do me diti-ma wisdo tse ditit
by thee
copy
tse ditsa-t
Were given
by him
...
by us .. by you by them ...
Bois das' tohi diti-va
tohi ditea.us
by the
...
ditim
As ditsa-m
by thee ...
دتت
diti-t
ditsa-t
wisditi-n
-ditaa دچن
by us
ditt-ve
ditsq.og
i by you by them ...
ditik
els ditse-
(Diut- may be spelled dyut- throughout. ]

Page #177

JUNE, 1896.)
ESSAYS ON KASMIBI GRAMMAR.
171
134. The verb who heun (or hyun), to take, (nearly] follows us diun (or dyun) in the formation of its Aorist. [Its c forms are sing., masc, heutu, fem. hets ; plar., masc. heti, fem. hetsą.] wjsiun (or ayun), to be born, follows ? yun, to come (s 66). The following are the a and c Aorist forms of wi niun (or-syun), to take away :
m. sg. (one (, sv), su, so, daí, par, do me, tạmi, asi,
me, tams, asi, timau niu (niu, nyu) f. sg. di » » » » » » » » niyo
» » » » » » » niyi f. pl.
» » » » » niya Subject.
3
!
Singular.
Plural.
Masculine.
Feminine.
Masculine.
Feminine.
by me ... poi nim
pid niya.m
py nim
pa
niyat نيت
Was (were) taken away
niya-m niya-t niyan
wij niya-n
by thee by him by us by you ... niú-vą by them ... Oy niúk
niya-ug
niya-ya
ago نيك
ya-k
(Nyu- may be substituted for niú- throughout.]
185. So also are conjugated the transitive verbs who kheun (or khyun), to eat, and when cheun (or chyun), to drink: e.go wytt kheo-n, whes kheya-n. I, however, also find the following additional forms of the 3rd person of the Aorist :
Singular.
Plural.
Masculine.
Feminine.
Masculine.
Feminine.
sots khyau
amar kheyễyg
whes kheyêy
ches
they@ya
shchyau
13 Sy w dotse nfl rati chłs, by thee were good things taken, thou receivedst good things.Lake, uyi. 25.
75 % do we wa nin panqñi bah ted:, by him were his twelve disciples taken, he took his twelve disciples with him. -- Matth. Is, 17.

Page #178

172
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JUNE, 1896.
Thos following 35 gav (79). [All these forms are really Plup. II. The true Aorist of these two verbs is not used.]
The conjugation of the intransitive verb peun, to fall, will be found under the head of Intransitive verbs ($ 154).
THE PASSIVE VOICE. 136. All the verbal forms hitherto treated are active ones, and have (with the exception of the Aorist, Perfect, and Plaperfect) also active meanings. The three tenses last mentioned, as we have above explained ($ 88), although passive in their literal meaning, must be classed under the active voice, and treated as representatives of the English Past, Perfect and Pluperfect Active; for "by him was sent,' is 3 tami sús, means he sent;' by him had been sent,' woglej yo pitamí sázmut ôs, means he had sent.' If, however, the Agent (answering to the question, by whom P') is not expressed, the sentence becomes a true passive, the formation of which we now proceed to treat.
Thus, , 1 ; su sg narkar sózaną kv, 'the servant was sent,' is a true passive ; but of the year walay pádshāhan7e siz* naukar, by the king was the servant sent, i. e., the king sent the servant, is a true active, in a passive construction.
187. The true Passive is formed by a circumlocation ; 4. e. by compounding the oblique base of the masculine infinitive of the main verb with the Auxiliary verb ul yun, to come. E. g., "the man was sent,',T as good grimu mahanyuv sôrang dv (hero the Agent is not expressed) "the man will be sent,' diy young girl por mahanywv sôzana yiyi. For the conjugation of ww yun see $$ 66ff. 138. The following are the principal parts of the conjugation of a Passive verb.
189. Imperative. 2nd sg. dj go szaną yi, etc. 140. Infinitive, we also sózaną yun.
141. Participles. Present, ': dig sốzaną yirán. (Perfect, eiga süzmut). Fatare, user disco sózaną yivavun. Participle Absolute,
Simple Tenses.
142. Indicative. Presont Indefinite, and Future, dos agua sôzana ying, etc.
** The Agent aun also be expressed by the words that is varilah, by means of; togt, with ; or +31 atha, by the band of.
"[That is the oblique (ablative) masculine, see $20, (d). The idiom is exactly the same as the Hindt den mon ami, to como into sooing, to be soon. So eixang yun means literally,. to come into sending, hence to be sent.'
.s6zana yit وزنه يت

Page #179

JUNE, 1896.]
ESSAYS ON KASMIRI GRAMMAR.
173
وزنه ,Aorist
& اسی sorant, etc .
ايرس سوزنه .Punperfoot II) Ay8- setana (.
149. Optative and Past Conditional
kózaną yima-ha, etc.
.sesane sinthe شوزنه يزهه ,Prooative
Compound Tenses. 144. Indicative ,
pron. Dot .
وزنه یوان چهس
:sdnang givan chhwa, ote
Import Perfect,
coming to wlosasson sósaną yiván dou-s, etc. who was a sus obsang ámut chhu-s, etc.
.Plaperf
شوزنه امت ارش
.adnane amat beace, etc
146. Dabitative. Singular.
Feminine.
Masculine.
s63ana amat de
اسه (1) شوزانه امت شونه امت اسك (2) شوزنه امت اسه (3)
وزنه اي اشه وزنه اي اسك
soseną ámuts-dog
s6rang dm ut asail
sonana amute taab
اسه
شوزنه ام
sózaną ámut ási
aósang ámuts áni
Plural.
Masculine.
Feminine.
وزنه امت اسو (1)
شوزنه امید است
soraną (mati ásau
rasang amatne 6san
وزنه امت اسو (2)
شوزنه امه اسر
sôrang amati lisica
sôrang amataş dsins
وزنه امت ان (8)
وزنه امه امن
sônang amatse ásan
sôrang amati ásan 146. The Causal is treated similarly, e. g.,
.marandeane yi, and so on مارناو نه به Imperative
(To be continued.)
18 So in Mp.

Page #180

174
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JUNE, 1896.
MISCELLANEA. DATES OF THE KOLLAM OR KOLAMBA ERA. | 9s 15° 17', and his true place 9s 1° 47', i.e., Jupiter (Continued from p. 56.)
in either case was in Makara, not in Dhanus. If
we might calculate Jupiter's true place from his MR. P. SUNDARAM PILLAI bas sent me two more dates of the Kollam era which admit of
mean place with bija, we should indeed obtain
85 28° 57', with Jupiter in Dhanus, but are we exact verification.
allowed to do so ?? 16. - The year 782, Kaliyuga 4708; the 6th day
The date No. 4 (the year 348, the month of of Mêsha, Friday, the first tithi of the dark
Mina, Thursday, Anuradha nakshatra, jupiter in half, Jyoti (P) nakshatra, Siddhi yoga, tho sign
Karkataka), judging by the other dates, should of Karkataka rising; Jupiter in Mina, and
fall in A. D. 1173, but in that year the month of Saturn in Dhanus. - In Saka-Samvat 782 + 747= 1529 = Kaliyuga 4708 expired the Mêsba-sai
Mina contained no Thursday on which the
nakshatra was Anuradha; and the probability kranti took place on the 28th March A. D. 1607,
therefore is that the corresponding date is by the Sarya-siddhanta 19 h. 52 m., and by
Thursday, the 16th March A, D. 1172, when the the Arya-siddhanta 17 h. 17 m. after mean
nakshatra was Anuradha. If this were absolutely sunrise; and the month of Mesha therefore
certain, the position of Jupiter, referred to in the commenced on the 29th March, and the 6th of
date, would undoubtedly be his mean one; for Mêsha was Friday, the 3rd April A. D. 1607. On this day the first tithi of the dark half
on the 16th March A. D. 1172 Jupiter's mean
place was in Karkataka (35 1° 48'), as required ended 6 h. 48 m., and the nukshatra was Sveti for 11 h. 50 m., and the yuyu Siddhi from 2 h.
by the date, and his true place in Mithuna 27 m. after mean sunrise. At noon Jupiter's
(2 25° 25'). mean place was 118 5° 55', and his true place The seventeen dates treated of do not enable 11s 9° 16', in both cases in Mina; and Saturn's us to say whether the years of the Kollam era mcan place 88 23° 37', and his true place 88 26° are ordinarily quoted as current or expired years, 19', in both cases in Dhanus. The sun's | In fifteen of them (Nos. 1 and 2, and 5-17) the longitude at sunrise was 5° 4', and the sign of difference between the given year and the Karkataka therefore was rising about midday. year A. D. (from about the middle of August to
about the middle of August), in which the date 17. - The year 412, the month of Makara,
falls, is 824-25; but in No. 3 that difference is Sunday, Révati nakshatra, Jupiter in Dhanus. -
825-26, and in No. 4 it is 829-24. This shows that In Saka-Saúvat 412 + 746 = 1158 expired the
either the given year of No. 3 or that of No. 4 is month of Makara commenced on the 26th Decem
certainly wrong (whether current or expired), ber A. D. 1236, and the day of the date is
and that neither of them can be utilized to decide Sunday, the 4th January A. D. 1237, when the
the question whether the years of the other dates nakshatra was Rêvati about the whole day.
are current or expired ones. Jupiter's mean place was 88 18° 42', and his true place 86 17° 42', in both cases in Dhanus.
Göttingen.
F. KIELHORN. It will be seen that in these two dates it practi.
THE DISTRICT OF CUKHSA. cally makes no difference whether we take the statements rewarding Jupiter's position to refer The last number of the Epigraphia Indica, to his mean place or to his true place. And the Vol. IV., Part ii., brings us a new critical edition same may be said of the dates Nos. 2 (Jupiter and translation by Prof. Bühler of the 80in Mêsha), 3 (in Kumbha), 10 (in Dhanus), 14 (in called Taxila copper-plate, which records the Vrischika), and 15 (in Vpisbabha). The two erection of a monastery at a place called Choma, remaining dates that mention Jupiter's place, to the north-east of Takkhasila or Taxila. In Nos. 4 and 13, each offer a difficulty.
this document the donor, Patika by name, is
called the son of Liaka Kusuluka, who himself is The date No. 13, as we have seen, corresponds to the 11th November A. D. 1581, and it records
Sonde designated as Chahara-Cukhsasa ca 'chatra that Jupiter then was in Dhanus. But by the
pass.. Sarya-siddhanta rule without bija Jupiter's mean Professor Bühler is unquestionably right in place on the 11th November A. Đ. 1581 was explaining these words to mean "that Liaka 1 This apparently should be Spati.
Mr. Dikshit. According to that book, we apparently * This wote was written in April 1896, before the are allowed to caloulate Jupiter's true place from his publication of The Indian Calendar by Mr. Sewell and mean place with boja.

Page #181

JUNE, 1896.)
MISCELLANEA.
175
ruled as Satrap over the districts of Ohahara and Languages, I., p. 309). The change of Skr. Cukhsa." General Cunningham, Archeological u > a is also well known to the phonology of Survey Reports, V., p. 68, had proposed to the modern Indo-Aryan Vernaculars (see Dr. identify both names with that of the modern Grierson's essay, ZDMG. xlix., p. 406). Bir-Sukh, the place where the inscription bas
General Cunningham has correctly observed been found. But Prof. Bühler rightly points
in his Ancient Geography of India, p. 109, that out that according to the text itself the place
the traditional designation of the territory in was called Chema.
which Shahdhêri or Taxila is situated is CacProfessor Bühler ingeniously connects the name Hazara, and a glance at the map shews that the Cukhsa, which might possibly be read also Cac plain must have formed part of any larger Cuskha, with "the curious Sanskrit coska, territorial division which had its administrative which, according to the Trikandasesa means a centre at Taxila. General Cunningham came horse from the districts on the Indus.'” And he thus close enough to the identification of Cao adds: "Might not coska, like saindhava, 'a horse with Cukhsa, but seems yet to have missed it. from Sindh,' be a purely territorial name denoting He explains in the above-quoted passage Cacsome particular district on the Indus, and a Hazira as a 'corruption of Strøa-sahasra,' and variant of Cukhsa or Cuskha?”
subsequently Archæol. Survey Reports, V., p. 68) On perusing these remarks we are forcibly
he has looked for Cukhsa in the name of the reminded of the name of the fertile tract now
modern village Sir-Sukh near Shabdhori. known as Cac (or Chach), which forms part of the The name Chahara (or Chaharata, as restored Attock Tahsil of the Rawalpindi District. It by Dr. Bhagvanlal) I am at present unable to stretches as a low-lying level plain along the left trace. I am similarly prevented by press of bank of the Indus above Attock; on the east it work from looking for earlier references to the is bounded by the range of the Gandgarh hills. name Cac in Muhammadan works and elsewhere. Its length from south-west to north-east is about which might possibly furnish us with the missing 25 miles and its greatest breadth about 12 miles. links between the modern form and its Prakrit Through this plain, which in the Gazetteer of the
original.
M. A. STEIN. District (revised edition, 1893-94) is described as
Lahore: 8th April, 1896. extremely fertile and rich in wells, led the old road which connected Taxila.Shahdhêri with Udabhanda, the ancient capital of Gandhara on
THE ELEVENTH ORIENTAL CONGRESS,
PARIS, 1897. the right bank of the Indus, the modern Und. Hiuer-Tsiang, when he proceeded on his return
The Orientalists who met at Geneva in Sept. 1894 journey in three marches from Ta-ch'a-shi-lo unanimously decided that the next Congress (Takşasila) to U-to-kia-han-ch'a (* Udakahånda, should be held at Paris during 1897. the Udabhända of the Rajatarangini), must have
The French Orientalists have consequently been crossed the Cac plain; cf. Life, transl. Beal,
discussing the date of this Congress, the conp. 191, and my paper Zur Geschichte der Qahis
stitution of its different sections, and the provon Kábul in Festgruss an R. von Roth, 1893, visional arrangement of the proceedings they p. 203.
propose to hold in conjunction with their col. The phonetic facts permit of our deriving the leagues in Europe, America and the East -- in modern name from the Cukhsa of the inscription. short, the steps necessary for the furtherance of The former is spelt both Cac and Chach in the efforts made for more than twenty years by pre. District Gazetteer (see e. g. pp. 3, 47 and 103, 1 vious Congresses on behalf of Oriental Languages, 144 sqq.) and other works. I regret that when History and Archæology. I followed on a tour in 1892 the track of Hiuen
The duration of the Congress has been fixed Triang to Udabhånda-Und, I did not pay atten
from the 5th to the 12th September 1897, and tion to the actual pronunciation of the name by
below will be found a list of the Sections and the inhabitants.
Committees of Management. The Committees If we assume that the correct form was Cach will be very glad to include in the Sections all we can account for the phonetic changes of the the savants who care to join. Later on notice name without difficulty. Ch for khsa is what we will be given of the facilities which will be granthave to expect after the analogy of Skr. ed to Orientalists by the French Railway Adminiskaa >ch of Prakrit and Indo-Aryan Vernaculars trations and of the manner in which their days (see Beames, Compar. Grammar of Modern Aryan will be employed during their stav in Paris.

Page #182

176
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JUNE, 1896.
M. Ernest Leroux has been appointed treasurer
Second Section.. and publisher to the Congress, and it has been Languages and Archeology of the Far East. decided to fix the fees at 20 francs.
(a) China and Japan. International Congress of Orientalists:
MM. Cordier, Devéria, Guimet, DeRoeny, Ed. XIth Session, Paris, September, 1897.
Specht: Secretary, M. Ed. Chavannes. Patron.
(b) Indo-China, Malay Countries and The President of the Republic.
Polynesia. Standing Committee.
MM. Aymonier, Bonet, Cordier, Marre : SecrePresident: M. Charles Schefer, Rue de Lille, 2. tary, M. P. Lefèvre-Pontalis. Vice-President: M. Barbier de Meynard, Boule
Third Section. vard de Magenta, 18.
Musalman Languages and Arohwology. Secretaries : Prof. Maspero, Avenue de l'Obser- MM. Barbier de Meynard, Devenbourg, Houdas,
vatoire, 24; Prof. Henri Cordier, Place Vin- Schefer : Secretary, M. Casanova. timille, 3.
Fourth Section. Members : M. E. Aymonier, Rue du Général Foy, 46.
Semitio Languages and Archeology. M. Em. Guimet, Place d'Iéna.
(a) Aramaio, Hebrew, Phoenician, Ethiopio. Prof. Jules Oppert, Rue de Sfax, 2.
MM. Ph. Berger, Bubens Duval, Marquis de M. G. Schlumberger, Avenue d'Antin, 27.
Vogüé: Secretary, M. L'Abbé Chabot. M. Em. Senart, Rue François Ier, 18.
(b) Assyrian. Marquis de Vogüé, Rue Fabert, 2.
MM. Henzey, J. Oppert, L'Abbé Quentin,
Thureau-Dangin: Secretary, R. P. Scheil. Treasurer and Publisher : M. Ernest Leroux, Rue Bonaparte, 28.
Fifth Section. General Managing Committees.
Egypt and the African Languages.
MM. Guieysse, General Hanoteau, Lefébure, First Section.
Maspero, Pierret: Secretaries, MM. René Basset Aryan Languages and Archeology, and Moret. (a) Indis.
Sixth Section. MM. Barth, Bréal, Senart, Vinson: Secretary. The East, Greece, Greek Relations with the M. Sylvain Levi.
East, and Turkey. (6) Persia.
MM. D. Bikelas, E. Legrand, G. Schlumberger : MM. Carrière, Dieulafoy, Drouin, Blochet:
Secretaries, MM. Jean Psichari and Théodore
Reinach. Secretary, M. Meillet.
Seventh Section. (c) Linguistics.
Ethnography and Folk-lore of the East. MM, Bréal, V. Henry, Ed. Specht: Secretary, Prince Roland Bonaparte, Dr. E. T. Hamy, M. Louis Duvau.
IM. Girard de Rialle: Secretary, M. F. Grenard.
NOTES AND QUERIES. A NOTE ON ORIENTATION.
also to remove from them all temptation to TEE fourth prayer of the Musalmên day, orientation or sun-worship. This latter is the known in Arabic as Sulatu'l-Maghrib (the prayer primary cause of the Hindu worshipping the at sunrise), in Persian as Namdx-i-Sham (even púrab (east), and apparently of the Christians of ing prayer), in Pashtu as Nmd-Kkhdm (evening the Greek, Latin, and even Reformed Protestant prayer), is appointed to be said a few minutes Churches bowing to the east at certain portions after sunset i. e., after the orb of the sun har of their Church Service. The Jewe, Semitic disappeared from the view. It is a tradition that brethren of the Arabs, shared with them their the object of Muhammad in fixing the time was abhorrence of orientation. See Ezekiel's horror to avoid any suspicion of his followers holding stricken vision (Ezekiel, viii. 16). the Sabian tenets and worshipping the sun, as
T. C. PLOWDEN, in P. N. and Q. 1883.

Page #183

JULY, 1896.]
PANDUKESVAR PLATE OF LALITASURADEVA.
177
PANDUKESVAR PLATE OF LALITASURADEVA. BY PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, C.I.E.; GÖTTINGEN.
HIS plate is preserved in the temple of Yoga-badari at Pandukêsvar, in the Garhwal of the
of the inscription which it contains was published, in 1875, by Mr. E. T. Atkinson, B. C. S., in a collection of inscriptions from the temples of Kumaun and Garhwâl, translated by a Calcutta Pandit, and circulated with the object of endeavouring to identify the localities and personages mentioned in them. And the text of the inscription was afterwards edited, with a good photolithograph, by the late Dr. Rajendralâl Mitra,3 in the Proceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1877, p. 71 ff. I now re-edit the inscription from the published photolithograph.
The plate is a single one, inscribed on one side only. It is said to measure 24" broad by 16" high, not including a handle-like projection, said to be 5" high, on the proper right side. In the middle of the projection is let in a lead seal, 3" in diameter, which projects about " above the front and "above the back of the plate. This seal has, on a countersunk surface, the figure of a bull couchant, facing the proper left, and beneath it a legend in three lines the text of which will be given below. The projection, besides, contains the word śri, which is engraved on the proper left of the seal, opposite to the head of the bull. The engraving apparently is very deep and most carefully executed, and the writing, which runs across the breadth of the plate, is in a perfect state of preservation. The size of the letters must be between and ". The characters, which in line 23 include the ordinary numeral figures for 1, 2, and 3, belong to the northern class of alphabets. They are of the same type as those of the Aphsad inscription of Adityasêna, and closely resemble those of the Dêô-Baranârk inscription of Jivitagupta II. That they have to be assigned to comparatively early times is shown by the circumstance that such letters as p, m, y, and s throughout are open at the top, by the forms of the initial á and the medial diphthongs, by the use of the final form of t (in samvat, 1. 23, and vasét, 1. 27), and by the fact that in the conjunct ry the sign for r is every where written on, not above, the line. They are undoubtedly more antique than the characters of the two British Museum inscriptions (from Northern India) of the [Vikrama] years 981 and 983,7 published ante, Vol. XIII. p. 250 ff., and even than those of an unpublished British Museum inscription of the second year of the reign of Mahendrapâladêva (of Kanauj); and they may, in my opinion, be assigned with confidence to about the middle or the second half of the 9th century A. D. — In respect of orthography, it will suffice to state that the letter b everywhere is denoted by the sign for v, that t throughout is doubled in conjunction with a following r, and that the sign of the upadhmaniya is employed in Dhurjjatéḥ prasádát, 1. 3, and the letter n instead of anusvára in anyáns=cha, 1. 15. Except for nine benedictive and imprecatory verses in lines 24-30, the whole text is in prose, which is not wanting in the quality of ôjas. It is remarkable for the long list of officials enumerated in lines 11-16, and contains several technical terms (pointed out in
1 See Dr. Führer's Monumental Antiquities and Insriptions in the North-Western Provinces and Oudh, p. 46. 2 I owe a copy of this probably very rare publication to Dr. Hoernle. It is a great pity that the texts of these inscriptions have not yet been made generally accessible, So far as I can see from the rough translations, the inscriptions are really of some importance, and they apparently contain sufficient data to enable one to calculate the times of the kings of whom they treat.
s His text has been reprinted by Mr. Atkinson in his Gazetteer of the North-Western Provinces, Vol. XI. p. 473 ff., and in the Prachinalékhamala of the Karyamála, Vol. I. p. 216 ff.
The shape of the plate is similar to that of the Gorakhpur plate of Jayaditya; see ante, Vol. XXI. p. 169. * See Dr. Fleet's Gupta Inscriptions, Plates xxviii. and xxix. B.
The ordinary superscript sign of é is used 60 times, the more antique form of 17 times; the corresponding figures for & are 44 and 14; for ai, 2 and 10; and for au, 9 and 4.
7 Not 781 and 789.
In this respect the inscription no doubt resembles the copper-plate inscriptions of the Påla kings, but the agreement with the Deô-Barapark inscription of Jivitagupta II. (Gupta Inscriptions, p. 216) is almost closer. That inscription (in line 9) also seems to have pramatri-sarabhanga, like the Mungir plate of Devapala, but e. g. in line 10 it certainly reads kisóravadavajómahishyadhikrita, differing in this from the Pâla plates, and agreeing exactly with the present inscription, line 14.

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my notes) which are of rare occurrence or have not yet been met with at all in other inscriptions.
The inscription is one of the Paramabhattáraka Mahárájádhiraja Paraméšvara Lalitabaradova, the son, from the queen Vågadevi, of the Paramabhattáruka Maharljádhiraja Paramésvara Ishtaganedēva, who was the son, from the queen Nasudevi, of Nimbara, who apparently was the founder of the family. And by it Lalitastradeva, from the city of Karttikėyapura, (in lines 16-22) informs the officials and people concerned that on the day of the winter-solstice he gave three villages (palliká) in the Karttikeyapura vishaya (viz., a village in the possession of Khashiyaka and situated in Gurunnasari, and two villages in the possession of Guggula and situated in Palibhutika) to (a temple of) the god Narayana that had been founded at Gorunnasari by the Mahadevi Simadevi.10 That this lady was Lalitaśůradêva's queen is not stated in the present inscription, but is proved by the fragmentary inscription from Bagésvar, published in the Journal Beng. ds. Soc. Vol. VII. p. 1058. --The inscription is dated in line 28) on the 3rd of the dark half of Maghs of the 21st year of the king's reign.
If this date refers, as it very probably does, to the Uttarayana-sarisránti on which the donation was made, it will help to fix the time of Lalitaśúradêva, as soon as the other inscriptions of the same dynasty, which are dated in a similar manner, have been published. For the present, I can only say that in the second half of the 9th century A. D. the day which would best suit the requirements of the date of the present inscription, is the 22nd December A. D. 853. For on this day the Uttaráyana-saukránti took place 9 h. 13 m. after mean sunrise, during the 3rd tithi of the dark half of the púrnimánta Magha, which ended 13 b. 40 m. after mean sunrise of the same day.12
Of the localities mentioned, Karttikėyapura is reported to be the modern village of Baijuath or Vaidyanath in Kumûan; Gorunnasäri and Palibhatika have not been identified.
TEXT.13
The Plate. 1 Oin svasti [1] Srimat-Karttiksyapurat-sakal-Amara-dititanuja-manuja-vibha
bhaktibhava-bhara-bhar-idamit-amitôttamanga-sagi-vikața-m akute-kiritavitan ka-koti-koti-6[v]êt-aikata.
The three Dames Nimbara, Ishtagapadeva and Lalitaédraders are also given on the seal. 10 According to the account in the Proceedinge Beng. As. Soc., referred to above, the villages were given to a Brahman named Påråyana - apparently a misprint for Nårågans - Bhattaraka, for the worship of a goddess in the village Saurunnoad.'
1 The published text, after mentioning Nimbara (called Nimbarataddual), his wife NASddevl(called Daoulavi) their son Ishtagañadeva (called Ishtaronadeval) and his wife Véghdevi (called Dharddéve), and their son Lalitasûradeva, goes on: tasya putrah tatpadanudhyata(t)) rájni mahadevi Srl-Sayadevi tasyam-utpanna[l]. There can be no doubt that Sayad vi here is put wrongly for Samallvi.
12 In Mr. Atkinson's collection of rough translations, referred to above, there is another great of Lalitaádre deva's, which is dated in the 22nd year of his reign, on the 15th day according to the printed copy, of the bright half, but, according to a manuscript correction of it of the dark half of Kårttika, while the donation recorded in the grant, according to the translation, was made on the meritorious day of the vernal equinox. Considering that the date falls in the month KArttika, it is exceedingly probable that the expression 'veral equinox' has been erroneously used by the native translator for 'autumnal equinox,' and that the original has simply vishuvasankrantau: Now, if the date of the inscription here pablished, which is of the 21st year of Lalitabúradéva's reign, fell in December A, D. 853, the date of the other inscription, of the 22nd year of the king's reign, would be expected to fall, in the first instance, in A. D. 854. And it is, at any rate, a curious coincidence that the date of the 22nd year does, work out quite faultlessly for A. D. 854. For in that year the Tuli-vissera-soniskrauti took place 2 h. 44 m, before mean sunrise of the 25th September, kod this day was wholely occupied by the 15th tithi of the dark half of the pamimanta Karttika. The two dates by themselves do not fix the time of Lalitas dradeva with absolute certainty, but on paleographical grounds the inscription here published might well have been written in A. D. 853, and in the whole of the 9th century A. D. there are no two consecutive years which would suit the two dates so well as A. D. 858 and 854 do. 13 From Plate i. in Proceedings Beng. As. Soc. 1877.
14 Expressed by a symbol.

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2 nânấyaka-pradipa-dipta-didhiti-pâna-mada-rakta-charaṇakamal-amala-vipala-va (ba).
hala-kirana-kêsar-âsâra-sârit-abesha-visesha-môshi-ghana-tamas-tējasas-Svardhuni
dhauta-jațâjd3 tasya bhagavató Dhurjjatëh-pras[A]dân=nija-bhaj-párjjit-aurjjitya-ni[ro]jjita
riputimira-lavdhô(bdhô)daya-prakasa-daya-dAkshinya-satya-sattvaslla-saucharsau ry
audhrya-gambhirya-maryâd-aryavritt-aécharya4 karyavary-adi-guna-gaa-alamkrita-śariraḥ15 maha-suksiti-santâna-vfj-avataraḥ kritayug
agama-bhủpåla-lalita-kirttih16 NandA-bhagavati-charanakamala-kamala-sanatha-mûr
ttih srl-Nimva(mbaras-tasya ta5 nayas-tatpåd-Anudhyâtô rájni mahadevi sri-Nasadovt tasyam-utpannah para
mamahéávarah paramavra(bra)hmanyal sita-kripaņa-dhår-8tkhâta-mattêbha
kumbh-aksisht-8tkrishta-muktavali-yasahpatak-66 chchhraya-chandrik-apahastita-târaganah paramabhattâraka-mahârâjâdhiraja-paramê
śvara-srimad-Ishtagapadevah 17 stasya puttrasetatpåd - Anudhyâtô rajñi mahadev
śrî-Vagadovi tasyâm=utpannab paramama7. hêśvarah paramavra(bra)hmaqyah kali-kalanka-paik-Atanka-magna-dharaṇy-uddhara
dhårita-dhaurêyavara-varaha-charitaḥ sahaja-mati-vibhava-vibhu-vibhuti-sthagit
Artichakra-pratâ padahanah18 ativaibhava sambhar-arambha-san8 bhrita-bhima-bhrukuti-katila-kåsari-saga-bhitabhit-åråt-ibhakalabha-bharah atunda
ranat-kripâņa-va(bâ)ņa-gana-pråņa-gana-hathakrisht-otkrishta-saltla-jayalakshmi-pra
thama-samâlingan-Âvalô9 kana-vê(vai)lakshya-sakheda-surasundari-vidhůta-kara-skhalad-valaya-kusuma-p[r]a
kara-prakirup-avatanse-sam yuddhita20_kirtti-vijah Prithoreiva de(d)rddanda
sâdhitar-dhanurmmandala-va(ba)l-avashtambbar vasa10 vašíkrita-gå-pålanÂ-niścbaliksita-dharadharêndral paramabhatțâraka-mahârâjâdhiraja
paramèsvara-srimal-Lalitab radova[h*] kušali 21 asminpêva srimat
Karttaköyapura-viskayê samu11 pagatân=sarvvânaeva niyogasthan=raja-rajana ka-râjaputtra-ra[j]âmâtya-sâmantamabasamanta-thakkura-mahamanushya-mahâk(
Arttákļitika-mahåpratihậra-ma hadandanayaka-mahârâjapramatara-sa12 rabhanga-kamârâmâty-ôparika-dussâdhyasâdhanika-d[4]śâparadhika-chaurôddharați
ka-saulkika-gaulmika-tadâyuktaka-viniyuktaka-pattakâ pachárik-Ase(sê)dhabh a iga
dhikrita-hastyas[v]ôshtra13 va(ba)lavyâpritaka-důta-prêshaņika-d[4*]adika-a[A]odapásika-gamagami-khadgiik --
bhityuramânaka-rajasthaniya-vishayapati-bhôgapati-tarapaty-asvapati-khandaraksha,
pratisuri14 ka-sthånâdhikrita-vartmápåla-kötta påla-ghattapala-kshêttrapÅla-prantapâla-kiśöravad a
vågômshishyadhikrita-bhatta-mahattam-abhira-vagik-érêshthi-purègin-sâshtâd as a -
praksi15 tyadhishthân yên-Khasha(sa)-Kirâta-Dravida-Kalinga-Gauda-Hûn-Odra - Med-An.
dhra-chandala-paryantân-sarv va-sam vâsânga masta-janapadán. bha$a-ch[A ]asevak-adin-anyang=cha kirttitan-akirttitánasma-25
17 Read devas-tasya.
16 Read -sartr8. .
16 Read - kittir. 18 Reud "hans-tio.
> Read-bharbatundar. 20 Read -sarvarddhita.
* Read kujaly=cominn. 32 The actual reading of the original may possibly be tyadhi. # Read -anydrhbucha; the following kirttitor appears superfluous.
* Read -samvasina, 36 Read tan-mapada'.

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16 tpâdapadm-ôpajivinah prati vâsinaścha vrå (brá)bmaņottarân-yatharham m[*]
nayati võ(bô)dhayati samajõå payaty=astu26 vas-bamviditam=uparinirdishta
vishayê Gorunnasaryam 27 prativa(ba)ddha-Khashiyaka17 paribhajyamina-pallika tatha Palibhatikayam prativa(ba)ddha-Guggula
paribhujyamâna-pallikâ-dvayam29 êtê mayâ mâtâpittrôr=âtmanaś=cba panya
yasô-bhivriddhayê pavana-vighattit.&18 évattha-pattra-cha chala-taranga20.jivalókamravaldkya jala-Fadvad-akaram30-asáras
chraya[r*]-drishtvå gajakalabha-karņņagra-cha palatâñ=cha lakshmya (ma®]tva
paraloka-nihśrêyasártba[ro] samsir-arnnava-taraņárthan-cha 19 punye-hanil[ut]tara ya]ņa-sa[m*Jkr[a*]nto(ntau) gandha-pushpa-dhupa-dip-pale
pana-naivedya-va(ba)li-charu-nşity-gêya-vådya-sattr-adi-pravarttanaya khanda
sphuţita-samskaranaya32 abhinava-karmma-karani20 ya cha bhritya-pâdamúla-bharaṇâya cha Gorumasdryan mabadêvi-sri
Samadevy éva(sva)yamkârâpita-bhagavat-sri-Narayana-bhattarakaya33 säsana
dânêna pratipaditah prakriti-parihara-yuktah34 21 a-chåța-bhata-pravē6kly35 akiñchitpragrahyah36 anachchbêdya37 A-chandr-arkka
kshiti-sthiti-samakalikaḥ38 vishay (a*]d=addhțita-pindas=svasima-gôchara-pra(pa)
rya(rya)ntas-sa-vriksh-ârâm-odbbeda-prasravan-êpe 22 tah30 dêva-vri(brahmana-bhukta-bhajyamina-varjitah [1] Fatas=snkham
páramparyệna paribhuñjatas-ch=isy=ôparipirdishtair=anyatarair=vya dharanavidháraņa-paripanthan-adik-Ôpadravô manag=api na karttavyô=to=nyath-Ajõa-hanau mahandrôhas=syad=iti (1L*] Pravarddhamana-vijayarajya-samvatsareo kavinbatime samvat 21 Magha-vadi 3 [11*]
D[]takóættra makâdânâkshapatalâdhikrita-śrs-Ytjakah Li24 khitam-idam mahåsandhivigrahákshapataládbikrita-órimad-Aryatavat[e]n=&tar [i]k=
ôtkirnnal éri-Gangabhadrêqa (W) 42Va(ba)bubhir=v vasudha bhukta râjahhis=
Sagar-Adibhih [1] Fasya yasya yada bhůmiseta. 25 sya tasya tada phalam (11) 43Sarvvân=étánbhâvinah pårthivêndrån=bhuyo
bhûyê yachatê Ramabhadrah [19] sâmân()*]ô=yam dharmma-sêtu[ro]- npipaņÂm
kalê kalê pilaniyô bhavadbhih [11*] "Sva-dattâm=para-dattám=vi46 yo ha26 rêta vasundharan [1*] 48shashtim=varsha-sabasråņi śva-vishthya [zio*]“7 jayatê
krimi[h) () 48Bhûmêr=d[&*]ta yâti lokê sorâņim hamsai[r]= yaktan yânammirahya divya [] laubhê (he) kombhệ taila-puronit sutapte bhûmêr=ha
23
°
26 Read "yati i Astu pas-saviditam Upars 27 One would have expected here sdrl-pratto, and in the next line 12-prati. > Read - dvayamota.
3. This is not quite grammatical. The writer perbaps meant to say-chanchalataraslı jiratokom, or chanchalania tarangavajjiralikam, ** Read - budbud. 3) Read -hanya
Read Ondy-Gbhi'. 35 Read - bhagavach-chhrh-. » Read-yukta.
* Read -pravesa. 26 Read Ogr&hy.
07 Rend ochchhedya.
* Read kalika. 89 Read tá.
Read on pratsara ékavitatitame sanat. 41 Read vaténa 1 dtank-8ttirnina. I am doubtful about the correctness of the word tankd which I have not found elsewhere. 42 Metre : Slóka (Anushtubh).
43 Metre : Alidt.
44 Metre : Sloka (Anushțubh). 45 Read - dattáris va.
46 Read shashtin rarsha.. 17 Pishthi for rishthd is most unusual 16 Metre : Alini.
49 Read Dirons.

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27 rtta pachyatê Kala-dûtaiḥ (11) 50Shashtim=varsha-sahasrani svargge tishthati
bhúmi-dah 1*7 Achchhetta [ch]-anumant[&*] [cha] tânyrêva narakê vaset [*] Gimsex[i]=cha suvarnnâ(rnme)]=cha bhumêr=apyxêkamsaigularm [*]
břitvå nara28 kammâyâti yavad-Ahâti(ta)samplavam (11"] BYån=iha dattini pura narendrair=
dânâni dharmma-artha-yasaskaråņi (*) nirmmalya-v[a]åta-pratimani tâni kô
nama sådhu[h*] punar=aditaḥo2 (11*] 53 Asmat-kula29 kramam-idam54 samudàharadbhir-angais=cha dâpam-idam-abhyanumôdani(nî)yam
[1*) lakshmyis-tadit-salilavudvuda-chañchalâyah55 dinam phala[m.] para
yasal-paripalanañ=chah56 (11) Iti57 kamala-dal-amva(mbu) 30 vinda-10lâ[m] śriyam=anuchintya manushya-jivitaī=cha sakalam=idam= udahşitan-cha vudhvâ68 na hi purushail para-karttayo vilopya[h] [11"]
The Seal. 1 Sri-Nimva(mba)ras-tatpådânudhgataḥ 1159 2 śrimad-Ishtagañadovaḥgoo=tatpådânudhyâ [tah"] 3 śrimal-Lalitabaradevaḥ kshitêr=[bbartta 11?]
TRANSLATION
Om. Hail ! (Line 1.) From the prosperous (city of) Karttikoyapura.61
By the grace of the holy Dhûrjați (Siva) who has destroyed the might of the dense gloom that robs of all discrimination, by assailing it with the abundant wide-spread pure rays - the filaments of the lotuses his feet, which are red with intoxication from im bibing the bright beams of those lights that bring about a uniform white colour - the billions of handsome points of the beautiful crowns and coronets of the innumerable heads of all the lords of immortals, Daityas and men, bowed down under the weight of the burden of devotion; (and) whose matted hair is washed by the celestial stream;
(L. 3.) (There was) the glorious Nimbara, who had his body adorned with the splendour that shone forth, when, by the strength acquired by his arms, he overcame his adversaries, (as the sun overcomes the darkness of night with clemency, courtesy, truthfulness, virtuous disposition, purity, horoism, munificence, depth of character, rectitudo, noble conduct, wonderful achievements, and a host of other excellencies; who was an incarnation of the seed of a long lineage2 of. virtuous men; who was possessed of fame as pleasing as that of the rulers of the earth at the advent of the golden age; (and) whose person was endowed with fortune (derived) from the worship of the lotus-feet of the holy Nanda.63
(L. 4.) Kis son, who meditated on his feet, born from the queen the glorious Mahadlá ef NABadevi, (was) the devout worshipper of Mahůśvara (Siva), devoted to Brahma, the Paramabhat túraka Mahárájádhiraja Paramésvara, the glorious Ishtagapadeve, who, because he extracted excellent rows of pearls from the frontal globes of furious elephants, split open
09 Metre > Slöks (Anushtabh); and of the next verse. Read Shashfilla varsha- Metre : Indrarajri. 53 Read -adadita.
# Metre : Vasantatilakd. 6 Read -iman.
* Read 'budbuda-chanchalaya. Read -cha. 67 Metre: PoshpitAgri
66 Read buddhod. • This siga of panctuation is superfluous.
Read devas. 61 In the original all the words from here up to the word samajh payati in line 18 form really a single sentence.
6 The word santana also denotes one of the tiroes of Indra's paradise; the king was 'an incarnation of the seed of the great santana tree of the blessed. For the double meaning of sukritin compare ante, Vol. XX. p. 189; compare also the Jatakamala, p. 206, L. 21, nukritulua Nandant
A L.., the goddess Durga; after her one of the principal mountains in tho Kumkun division is called NandAdēvi.

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with the edge of his sharp sword, eclipsed the array of the stars by the moonlight - the elevation of bis banner of fame.
(L. 6.) His son, who meditates on his feet, born from the queen the glorious Mahadevi Végadēvi, (is) the devout worshipper of Mahêśvara (Siva), devoted to Brahma, the Paramabhattarala Maharajadhiraja Paramésvara, the glorious Lalitasuradeva, who, in lifting up the earth when it had sunk into the distressing mire of the sin of the Kali age, acted the part of the boart most fit for the burden; who is a fire of prowess to the circle of his adversaries who vanish before the force of his natural genius and his omnipresent power; who, whea preparations for war are made of more than ordinary might, by the terrific frown of his brows again and again frightens the multitude of his enemies, as the lion does the elephant cubs by his curling mano; the seeds of whore fame were made to grow up into garlands, thrown on him in the shape of the wreaths of flowers of the bracelets which dropped from the trembling wrists of the damsels of heaven, distressed with bashfulness at seeing him first embrace the excellent wanton Fortune of victory, when she was forcibly drawn to him by the superior power of his mute, yet loudly ringing, sword and showers of arrows; (and) who has subjugated the earth by having recourse to the strength of his bow, bent by his massive arm, and by his rule of it has kept (other) kings of the earth at peace, resembling thus Prithu who, in order to tend the cow whom he had brought into subjection by means of his bent bow, firmly fixed the chief mountains in their places.co
(L. 10.) He, being in good health, makes known and issues the following commands to all the functionaries assembled in this prosperons district (vishaya) of Karttikêyapura, to the Rajas,67 Rájanakas,68 Rajaputras, Hajámáty as, Sámantas, Mahasamantas, Thakkuras, Mahamanushyas, Mahakártálitikas, Mahápratíháras, Mahádandanayakas, Mahárdjapramátáras,Sarabhangas,71 Kumarámátyas, Uparikas, Duhsadhyasádhanikas, Dásáparadhikas,72 Chaurôddharanikas, Saullikas,73 Gaulmikas, Tadáyuktakas, Viniyuktakis, Patļakápachárikas, Asédhabhangadhilepitus,75 to those engaged with the elephant, horse, and camel troops, to the Datas, Préshanikas, Dándikas, Dándapásikas, Gamágamins,76 Khádgikas,77 Abhitvaramánakas, Rájasthaniyas,
64 1. e., the god Vishnu in his boar incarnation,
65 Vis., by his adversaries, 66 The story is that Prithu uprooted the mountains and piled them upon one another, in order that the earth, who had assumed the form of a cow, might let her milk, the seed of all vegetation, flow every where around. - Our author may have had in his mind the words of the Kadambari : Vainya iva ch 1pakiti-samutsarita sa kalartikuld. chalah. - I have some doubts about the exact translation of the words palang-nischalikrita.
67 For some of the more common of the following titles of officiale, see Dr. Fleet's Gupta Inscr. pp. 15, 16, 52, 69, 148, 157, 169, 170, 217, 218, and 284.
e Rojanaka alao occurs in line 44 of the KhAlimpur plate of DharmapAla (Ep. Ind. Vol. IV.) and in lide 80 of the Bhagalpur plate of Naraynnapala (ante, Vol. XV. p. 305). It may be equivalent to the term rinaka in line 31 of the Mungir plate of Dévapala (ante, Vol. XXI. p. 256),
" The title mahamanushya, literally great man, a noble,' I have not found elsewhere; the mention of the thak. kuras also is unusual.
To Maharajapramatara would be the great rajapramatára.' The Mungir plate of Devapala in line 32 bag pramatri, which also occurs in line 32 of the second Baijnath prasasts (Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 115, aripa pramatri-rja-pramátora), where it has been suggested to denote some kind of spiritual councillor.' And the Madhuban plate of Harshavardhana (ibid. p. 72) in line 9 has pramatara, and in line 17 mahapramatara which we also find in line 36 of the Benares plafo of Karnadeva (ibid. Vol. II. p. 309).
11 Sarabhanga occurs, spelt sarabhanga, in line 32 of the Mungir plate of Devapala, and very probably in line 9 of the D80-Barañárk inscription of Jivitagupta II. I have not found the word elsewhere and am unable to explain its meaning.
12 As the chanriddharanika was an official who had to look after the catching of thieves, so the dataparadhika apparently was one whose duty it was to inflict punishment for the ten offencos'; see Gupta Inscr. p. 189.
18 Superintendents of tolls (Gulka) and of woods (guma).
** Paffakápachdrika is another term which I have not met with elsewhere; it may denote an official who had to investigate offences against royal edicts or copper-plate grants (paffaka).
16 If my alteration of the text is correct, the datdhabhangddhikrita probably was an official who had to provent flight from prison or legal restraint.
T6 These are usually called gamAgamikas. 11 Khadgika, which may have been been put erroneonly for khadgika, would literally mean's swordsman.'

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183
Vishayapatis, 78 Bhôgapatis, Tarapatis, Aśvapatis, Khandarakahas,70 Pratiśûrikas, 80 Sthanadhikritas, Vartmapálas, Ko!!apálas, Gha!!apálas, Kshetrapdlas, Prúntapálas, to the superintendents of colts, mares, cows, and buffalo-cows, to the Bhattas, Mahattamas, cowherds, merchants, foremen of guilds, and to the remaining Sáshţadušapraksityadhishthaniyas82 down to the Khasas, Kirâtas, Dravidas, Kalingas, Gaudas, Hûņas, Udras, Médas, Andhras, and Chân dâ las, co all habitations, to the entire people, to the regular and irregular soldiers, servants and others, and to others enumerated 83 (and) not enumerated who live in dependance on his lotas-feet, and to the neighbouring people, - paying due respect to all of them, especially to Brâhmaņas: Be it known to you!
(L. 16.) Observing the living world, like a billow, to be as unsteady as the leaves of the holy fig-tree shaken by the breeze, and seeing that life, like a bubble of water, is void of substance, and knowing fortune to be as vacillating as the tip of an elephant cub's ear,- in order to attain beatitude in the next world and to cross the sea of this life, I, to increase the merit and fame of my parents and myself, on the auspicious day when the sun enters upon his northern course, have assigned by the grant of an edict, in the above-stated district, the village situated in Gorunnasari which is in the possession of Khashiyaka, and also the two villages situated in Palibhatika which are in the possession of Guggula, to the holy Lord Narayana who by the personal order of the glorious Mahásléví samadevi has been set up at Gorunnasari, for providing perfumes, flowers, incense, lights, ointments, offerings of eatables, sacrifices, oblations of rice, &c., dancing, singing, music, charities, &c., for the repair of what may be damaged or broken, as well as for the execution of new work, and for the maintenance of servants and attendants; 95 (the said villages) to be exempt from the molestation of officials, 80 not to be entered by irregular and regular soldiers, not in any way to be seized, not to bo resumed, (to belong to the donee) for as long a time as the moon, the sun and the earth endure, as pieces taken out of the district (to which they belong), 97 as far as their proper boundaries and pastare land, together with and including their trees, gardens, springs of water and cascades, (but) without whatever has been or is in the possession of gods and Brâhmaņas. Wherefore (the donee), enjoying (this grant) in comfort in regular succession, shall not in the slightest degree be troubled by the above-mentioned people or by others with seizure, restraint, robbery, or in any other way. Whoever may act contrary to this, will, in violating my order, commit a great offeuce.
T8 Chiefs or superintendents of districts (vishaya), of subdivisions of districts (higa), of forry-bonts (tora), and of horses (aiva).' The term tarapati leo occurs (in addition to tarika) in lino 35 of the Mungir plate of Devapila.
* Khandaraksha, which I am unable to explain, also occurs in line 84 of the Mungir plate of Deva pala and in line 84 of the Bhagalpur plate of Nariyanapala. Instead of it, the Dinajpur plate of Mahipala (Jour. Benvy. As. Soc. Vol. LXI. P. I. p. 85, 1. 33) and the Amglohhi plate of Vigrahapala (ante, Vol. XIV. p. 167, 1. 29) have angaraksha; and the ChambA plate of Somayarmaders and Asaţadeva (ante, Vol. XVII. p. 11, 1. 14) has khadgaraksha.
0 Pratisarika is another term which I am unable to explain. I can only compare with it pratisaraka which with vartmapala, ocours in line 22 of the Sorath plates of Dharasēns II. of Valabhi (asite, Vol. VII. p. 70), and protinartaka in line 76 of the Aline plates of $11Aditya VII. (Gupta Inser. p. 180).
1 Superintendents of places (sthina), guardians of roads (vartman), of forts (katta), of landing-places or steps on the side of a river (ghatta), of fields (kshetra), and of boundaries (prunta).' The ghattapalas are not mentioned in other inscriptions which enumerate the other guardians.
This term, again, I cannot explain. The alishtadaša prakritis are mentioned as officials in line 15 of the Chamb plate of Sdmavarmadêva and Asaţadeva (ante, Vol. XVII. p. 12): and the Sangamner plates of Bhillama II. in line 80 have the expression shada laprakrity pétam, qualifying the land granted by the king. (Ep. Ind. Vol. II. p. 220).
* This word apparently is superfluous.
M I am somewhat doubtful whether the two words Khashiyala and Guggula denote individuals or are Dames of tribes or castes.
# The term padamila occurs in the same sense in line 51 of the KhAlimpar plate of DharmapAls ; in verso 74 of the Shabaha temple inscription of Mahipala (ante, Vol. XV. p. 89) we have parlakula instead of it.
This appears to be the meaning of the phrase prakriti-parihara-yukta, which is employed in the place of the more common parihrita-sarrapida.
# I am not sure that this is the exact meaning of vishayad-uddhrita-pinda, which hitherto I have only found in line 11 of the Madhuban plate of Harshavardhana (Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 73).

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(L. 23.) In the twenty-first year of the increasing reign of victory; the year 21, the 3rd of the dark half of Magha. The Ditaka in this matter is the Mahádándleshapataladhikrita,88 the illustrious Yijaka. This is written by the Mahasandhivi. grahákshapatalddhikṣita, S9 the illustrious Aryatavata. The engraving (?) is executed ty the illustrious Gangabhadra.
(L. 24.) [Nine benedictive gnd imprecatory verses.]
SOME SOVEREIGNS OF TRAVANCORE IN THE SIXTH CENTURY, M. E. BY P. SUNDARAM PILLAI, M.A., M. R. A. S., F. R. H. S.
Introductory Remarks. Is a former paper (ante, Vol. XXIV. pp. 249-259, 277-285, 305-311, and 333-337). I noticed a series of dated inscriptions enabling us to infer, among other matters of historical importance, the names of the sovereigns who ruled over Travancore, or, as it was then called, Vêņâd, in apparently unbroken succession from 301 of the Kollam era to 427. I also adduced some reasons for suspecting that for upwards of half a century subsequent to that date, Venad was more or less in a state of confusion, probably in consequence of foreign aggression and annoyance. But the last document which I brought to notice proved that the confusion, whatever its cause, was of a temporary description, and that by 491 the ancient principality had regained her authority and was once more pursuing her even course of progress under Sri-Vira-Udayamartandavarman II. alias Vira-Pandyadova. As there was reason to infer from the same document that this prince had begun his role only four years previously, we may safely presume that his reign saw the close of the fifth Malabar century.
I propose now to discuss some later documents relating to the same royal house. I regret that the records I possess are not such as to give a continuous account of the period over which they extend. Most of them have been in my hands for more than three years, and I have waited thus long before attempting to give an interpretation of them in the hope that I should be able to fill up the gaps in them, or at least to piece them together so as to throw light on a tolerably large portion of the period to which they refer. But I have not succeeded to the extent of my desire. Still, however disconnected and fragmentary these records may be, they constitute the only reliable data yet available for the future historian of the land.
XV.1 The first of the documents I have relating to the royal family of Travancore subseqnent to 500 M. E. is & Sanskrit distich, inscribed on the northern wall of the GOBAJA Krishna temple at Trivandrum, which, for the reasons given ante, Vol. XXIV. p. 279, we may presume to be the oldest of the shrines in this town, with the exception of those at Mitranandapuram. When freely rendered into English the slóka runs as follows:
15 Old Malayalam First Trivandrum Inscription of Adityavarman.
No. 52
-
Sanskrit
"Hail! Prosperity ! Ho! In the year Cholapriya, when Jupiter was in the sign Leo, king Sarvanganaths of fair reputation, moved by piety and devotion, and desirous of fame and (the merit of) charity, constructed in the town of Syanandarapura the Gośála temple, the fair lamp-house, and the mandapa (in front) of the shrine of Krishna."
In this inscription, Syanandtrapura is the term used to designate the town of Trivandrum. It will be remembered that in the inscription of 365 M. E., the word Syanandura was found good enough for the purpose. Why the name is now lengthened out by the addition of the
* I..., 'the great record-keeper of gifts.' 1 The numbers in this paper follow on those of the last.
I , the great record-keeper of peace and war.' Ante, Vol. XXIV. p. 279.

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unmistakable Sanskțit word pura I cannot say, though it is not unreasonable to suspect that the motive may have been to secure additional sanctity to the village by giving its name a clearly classical air.
Having already met with the temple of Krishna in 365 M. E., when Aditya Rama presented to the god & mountain-like' drum, we have to take the Gośdlá, here said to have been constructed, as referring only to the outer rectangular hall, in the middle of which now stands the real inner shrine. Architecturally, too, this hall bears evidence of a later origin. Probably it was put up in this rectangular form, which is rather unusual in the sacred architecture of Southern India, to suit the original name of the temple, Gośâlâ, which means literally 'a cowshed.'
The fair lamp-house' referred to can be nothing else than the wooden railings with small iron lamps that now surround the rectangular structure. It is even now regarded in the country as a specially meritorious act to provide an illumination thus round a temple, when the village folks turn out in their holiday garments to amuse themselves with innocent games and pastimes till midnight arrives, when the local beauties, lamp in hand, begin to move in procession thrice round the temple, while the brave and the sturdy, standing apart, shout Haiyu!! at the top of their voices, in the hope of frightening away sickness, famine, and devils! There is no evidence to shew that they succeed thus in frightening away pestilence or famine; but over the last mentioned source of evil they sometimes completely triumph. For on certain occasions, as the procession goes on, a weak-minded village woman suddenly stops and shivers, and the devil possessing her poor soul, his ears thus assailed by the yell which proves too much even for his infernal tympanum, solemnly promises to surrender his prey then and there! Such illuminations and drppu,' as the hideous howling is technically called, must have become about the time of the inscription frequent enough in the rising village of Trivandrum to require the provision of a permanent lamp-house.
The mandapa spoken of is also still in existence, and the wood carvings on the ceiling and the pillars are really admirable in their way. The carved figures are meant to illustrate some of the leading events narrated in the Mahabharata and the Rámáyana, and are entitled to better care than they appear to be receiving in an age when the art of carving may be said to be rapidly on the decline.
But we are here more concerned with king Sarvanganatha than with his wood carvings, however exquisite. Evidently, the name Sarvanganatha is more a descriptive title than an individual appellation. It occurs more than once in the worn out inscription on the conspicuously high altar or bali-pitha in front of the shrine further to the east of the mandapa. Exposed as this altar is to the sun and rains, it is no wonder that of the inscriptions with which it is literally covered, nothing more is now decipherable. As it is in a prominent situation and within easy reach, I would recommend these inscriptions on the altar to such as may be curious to see and know for themselves the condition to which most of these valuable historical records on the West Coast of India have been reduced through exposure. But I should add that if anyone should at the same time feel tempted to try his skill at deciphering, he ought to be prepared for similar exposure; for between twelve and two in the day is the only time suited in this case for leisurely inspection, and umbrellas are objectionable appendages within the precincts of all Malabar temples. In this particular case, a decipherer would have also to take care that the day he selected for his visit did not synchronize with the one on which a certain pions individual among the temple guards is on daty. But with all precautions, I doubt whether anyone would make out anything more from those obliterated engravings than the word Sarvaiganatha, which, as I have already said, occurs more than once among them. The word literally means "master of all the constituents of a kingdom,' which under the name of daéánga are usually enumerated thus: - mountain, river, arable land, towns, garlands, horses, elephants, drums, banners, and sceptre, making ten

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in all. The allusion might be also to the twenty-one insignia or marks of royalty which are counted as essential before one is crowned king. These are according to Tamil lexicons the following :-crown, umbrella, hair-fans, elephant-hook, drums, the discus weapon, elephants, banners, fortress, festoons, pots full of water, conches, seas, the sword-fish, garlands, turtles, a pair of carp-fish, lions, lamps, bulls, and a throne. Why this particular king came to be noted for the complete possession of all these marks of ancient Hindu royalty it is now impossible to say. Perhaps the occurrence of a fortress in the latter list might suggest that after the bitter experience of the previous century, the Vêņåd kings found it desirable to protect their kingdom by fortifying some of their rising towns. Mr. Shungoonny Menon (p. 93) writes: "'Sri-ViraRama-Mürtândavarman, who was then in his 28th year, was installed on the masnad in 510 M. E. This king reconstructed the palace near the pagoda at Trivandrum and built a fort round it." If we could be sure of this architectural activity, our conjecture would receive some sort of confirmation; but it is impossible to be positive about the facts stated. There would appear to have been in this early centary no regular palace in Trivandrum, the site now occupied by the palace being known, even in the extant old land records, as Pulluviļågam.
Bat whatever may have been the circumstances that led to the king's assuming the title of Sarvânganatha, there can be no question as to the date of this inscription. Cholapriya signifies, in the Katapayâdi system, the number 1296, and the word 'abda' usually refers to the SakAbda, or the Saka year. Sarvånganatha then constructed the beautiful mandapa in front of the temple of Krishna, as well as the rectangular enclosure called Goala, in the Saks year 1296, corresponding to the Kollam year 550 or A. D. 1874. It is rather remarkable that this first mention of the 'Saka year in the Travancore instriptions should be by a word which signifies also dear to the Cholas'- it being known that with the Pandyas and the Chêras the Kollam year was the more favoured one. If Mr. Shungoonny Menon be correct, then in his account of this early period, Sarvanganatha might be taken as a surname either of Sri-ViraRama-MÁrtándavarman, who according to this writer ruled over Travancore from 510 to 550, or of his successor Ravivarman, who died in 557.
XVI. But another inscription belonging to the same shrine leads us to a different conclusion. It consists of five Sanskpit ślók as engraved on the basement wall of the very mandapa, the construction of which is here recorded as having taken place in Saka 1296. The álókas might be rendered thus :16 Old Malayalam
. Second Trivandrum Inscription of Adityavarman.
No. 54.
Sanskfit
“Hail ! Prosperity ! Adityavarman, the brave among the brave, is he who has erected the Gósalá, Kțishna's shrine, and the mandapa, for the use respectively of cattle, the god Krishna, and the gods of the earth (viz. Brahmans). Lo ! there stand visible to all, the Goala, the mandapa, and the temple of Kțishņa: O dear friend! what else shall I say ? May all behold with admiration these three works executed by king Adityavarman, and worship Krishna with devotion. The pictures (i.e. the wood carvings) that adorn the ornamental mandapa in front of Krishna are such as attract and delight the eyes of all spectators. Stand, therefore, around this delightful mandapa, and gaze on those pictures so gratifying to the eyes!"
These ecstatic lines no doubt represent the feelings with which the author, along with the simpler folks of his times, beheld the elegant carvings on the mandapa, as they stood fresh from the chisels of the carpenter. We wish, however, he had been somewhat more calm in his enjoyment; for then he could have embodied in these five blokas, so laboriously incised into the stones, far more useful facts of history than his own esthetic impressions and rhapsodic exhortations. For instance, he could have for one thing told us the date of these works, about which we should be left utterly in the dark but for the inscription we have just explained.

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If chronology was not in his line, he could have at least utilized the words he so lavishly wastes, to recite the glories of his sovereign, Adityavarman, in the fashion of the Chola inscriptions, affording thereby some scope for further historical investigations. Bat the most unpardonable of his offences, from our point of view, is his omission to insert somewhere in his five álókas the title Sarvanganatha of bis sovereign. For then we could have been certain that 'Sarvânganatha' of the previous record and Adityavarman of the present are but names of one and the same king of Véad. In the face, however, of the substantial agreement between the two documents, there can be little question as to the truth of the identification. No doubt. the more imaginative of the two instruments substitutes in place of the "fair lamp-house' the inner shrine of Kộishņa itself, which, however, could not have been constructed along with the mandapa in which it is inscribed, since we know that it was in existence as early as 363 M. E. The word navatva used in this inscription signifies usually only renewal,' and may be so taken to apply to that inner shrine, which probably was touched up and repaired when the adjacent new works, the mandapa, and the rectangular enclosure, with the railings for lamp posts, were completed. I have no hesitation, therefore, in inferring that in 550 Vênad was governed by Adityavarman surnamed Sarvanganatha. In view of this extremely probable conclusioa, Mr. Shungoonny Menon's statements would seem to require modification. Either Sri-Vira-Rama-Mártândavarman did not live till 550, or Ravivarman was not his immediate successor. Mr. Shangoonny Menon indeed (p. 93) mentions an Adityavarman with whom in truth his chronology begins: but he is indefinitely said to have reigned in the fifth century M. E., to have adopted two females from Kolathnad on the other side of Calicat, and to have extended his sovereignty to Vycome in 505, statements that do not look at first sight probable in themselves, particularly by the side of our inscription of 491. At any rate, they require further examination and verification. Meantime we may conclude with the help of the records now before us that in 550 the throne of Vêņâd was occupied neither by ViraRama-Mårtåndavarman nor by Savivarman, but by Adityavarman, the Sarvaiganatha.
XVII. Our next inscription comes from a different quarter. It is engraved on four sides of a tablet posted in front of a temple, now said to be sacred to Âlvår, about three miles to the south of Padmanabhapuram in South Travancore. It consists of two parts-a Sanskrit áljka and a prose record in Tamil. The part in verse may be thus translated :
17 Old Tamil Grantha No. 72 Sanskrit
* First Padmanabhapuram Inscription of Vira
Kerala-Mártandavarman. E “In the Saka year Sakhaloka, when the sun was in his own house, the chief of the gods in Sagittarius, and the moon in the constellation Yâmya, the prosperous roler, Martandavarman, of boundless fame and mild disposition, the chief among the kings of Kerala, instituted, granting lands of great value for the purpose, regular offerings at daybreak for the god Sambhu of the temple of Sivagiri.”
This rather cleverly composed couplet is certainly more satisfactory than those of the temple of Krishna. The chronogram Sakhaloka according to the Katapayadi system of notation means the year 1925, and the Saka era being specially mentioned, there can be no doubt that the date recorded corresponds to the Malabar year 578 (A. D. 1402). The sun being said to be in his own house, current astrology would lead us to infer that the month was Chingam or Simha, the sign Leo being the one now believed by astrologers to be peculiarly the sun's own constellation. But as we shall see presently, the Tamil portion of the inscription specifies the month as Mêsham. This must be due either to an alteration in astrological conventions since 578 M. E., or to an error on the part of the composer of the Sanskrit distich, who mistook the heavenly position where the sun is reckoned to be at the zenith of his glory for the sign specially considered to be his own - 8 pardonable error, no doubt, on the part of one

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not acquainted with the intricacies of astrological conceptions. For what is more natural than to suppose that one would be at the height of one's power in one's own house rather than under the roof of another ? Bat such a supposition would imply ignorance of an important branch of Indian letters, not only on the part of the writer of the slôka, but also on the part of those court pandits and other scholars of the age, who must have examined the verse before allowing it to be inscribed on a tablet specially prepared for it. The two alternatives being thus equally difficult to accept, I leave the solution of the problem to those better versed than myself in the history of Indian astrology. There can be, however, no similar doubt as to the position of the chief of the gods - Jupiter. He was in 578 in the sign of Sagittarius, - just the position where we should have expected him, having found him 28 years previously in Leo. The lunar mansion of the day was Yamya or Bharani, as the star is now more commonly called.
More important to us than all these items of astronomical information is that the king of Vēņåd of the day was Martåndaverman, who is described as of boundless fame and of mild disposition, the latter of which descriptions at least must be taken as answering to fact. If the third descriptive clause, “the chief among the kings of Kerala," is meant to be equally significant, it would clearly prove that there were others in Kerala exercising sovereign powers at the time- & supposition of some historical value, as we shall see further on. But it appears to me quite possible that the expression is a mere expletive introduced to fill up the metre. The subject of the grant is described as lands of great value, and its object a particular divine service consisting of offerings to be made at the early dawn of each day.
XVIII. This inference is fully borne out by the Tamil portion of the record, which when translated reads thus :
18 Old Malayalam No. 79. Medieval Tamir Second Padmanabhapuram Inscription of Vira
Kerala-Mártandavarman. "In the Kollam year 678, the sun being 26 days old in Mêsham, on Saturday, new moon, [the lunar mansion being] Bharani, was instituted a dawn offering by Sri-Vira-KóralaMartandavarma-Tiruvadi of Kilapperor, to be made to the Mahadeva of Sivagiri at Raņasimhanallúr, and the arrangements made for the expenses thereof are as follow :
The husked paddy required per day being in home measure .... the total paddy required per year is 24 kalam, and the cost of condiments amonnts to .... To meet this total charge, six kalam are to be taken out of the tax due on ... and for the remaining 18 kalam is to be utilized the tax due on the paddy lands beginning with the piece called Akkirappullan Perai among the Alvår temple lands in Tiruvikramapuram, thus making the total 24 kalam in all. The clarified butter required for the divine service and for vaisvadeva being per month two nali in home measure, the land called Mavaraimllaippirayidam is also made over for the purpose. All these properties shall be taken possession of and enjoyed by the Vâriyan of Sattanûr, by name Adityan Adityan, and he shall furnish the supplies for the offering and also a holy garland ont of the flower garden to be formed by him. (In return for his labour) he shall take the offering of cooked rice. If the supply is not made for any one day when the property is enjoyed in pursuance of this arrangement, double the default shall be paid ; but if the failure continues for a month, a fine shall, in addition to double the quantity defaulted, be imposed. If, however, the failure is due to the obstruction of any in the sabhá, a complaint shall be lodged at the door (of the temple P) and the obstruction shall then be removed. Thus in lineal succession, and as long as the moon and the stars endure, shall these paddy lands and gardon be enjoyed, the rent recovered every harvest, and the divine service conducted without failure. This copy of the royal writ is inscribed on this stone by Ichuran Iravi of the temple.'"

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Thus it will be seen that this Tamil portion of the inscription adds a few particulars to those found in the Sanskřit verse above cited. A fracture having occurred on the lower right-hand corner of the front part of the tablet, a few words of the royal writ are irrecoverably lost. But fortunately these words happen only to be those describing the lands from which the smaller portion of the supply, viz, six kalam of paddy, is to be drawn. It will be noticed that even as late as 578, the measure used was called kalam and not kölfai, marakkal, or parai, as at present. The word perai occurs as a part of the name of a particular piece of land, and it seems to me that the underivable modern term parai, used in Trivandrum and North Travancore both as land and paddy measure, might be traced to perai and therefore to peru, meaning to contain,' 'to be worth,' or 'to multiply.' I have rendered the illalavu as
home measure,' and if I am right in my interpretation it will imply that some foreign measure was also then current in the country. The word vaišvadé va usually means certain offerings to departed forefathers, and since clarified butter alone is provided for, we have to take the offerings as having been of the nature of a sacrificial fire. As in our former documents, so in this we find reference made to the village councils of those days, which, it would appear, had influence and independence enough to obstruct the provisions of a royal charter. In the case of such obstruction, however, provision was made for an appeal to be taken to the door,' which we may take to be the door of the temple, and, therefore, to the Government authorities connected with the temple. The curious caste name Váriyan occurs in this inscription : and the attempts made to explain the term are so typical of the spirit of myth-making, so characteristic of Eastern scholarship, that I am tempted to borrow a passage on the subject from the pages of the last Census Report of Travancore -
"Sri-Parasurama," so runs the paragraph on The Origin and Caste Derivation of Váriyara, “having brought in Brahmans from outside to colonize Malabar, detailed the Súdras to do menial services for them. The Brâhmaņs finding the Sadras unfit from a religious point of view for pagoda service, they prayed to Parasurama to help them in their difficulty. SriParasurama appeared unto them and created out of water a new caste for pagoda service. They were called Varijanmar (from the root vári - water), which gradually became Vâriyanmar." Thus in the attempt to trace a clear Dravidian word to a Sanskrit root, the special creation hypothesis is strained to breaking point. But the derivation, however gratifying to the Sanskrit grammarian, does not satisfy the Nambari philosopher, as it leaves unsettled the water-made Vâriyar's position in the Aryan hierarchy. A new tradition is therefore invented, and the paragraph goes on to add :--" There is also another tradition current about their origin, according to which a certain Sudra woman was doing menial service in the pagoda. She was ordered by the Brâhmaņs employed in the temple to sweep away the bones, etc., that lay within the precincts of the pagoda. She did so, in conseqnence of which her caste people excommunicated her from their order. But the Brahmans allowed her to remain in the pagoda service separate from her own caste people. She and her descendants were per. mitted to live on terms of sambandha with Brahmaņs, thus constituting them into a separate caste, and fordidding them to interdine with Sudras. According to the ordinances of Yâjñavalkya, the offspring of a mixed connection of a Brihman with a Sudra woman were termed Variyars." Thus, then, does the Nambûri seek to check the undue aspirations of his cleanly Vâriyar colleagues in the temple by assigning to them a Sûdraic origin. But the Variyars themselves are not wanting in inventive genins, and so the paragraph concludes with yet another tradition of their origin. "According to the Bhugolapurána," continues the Report, "there lived in Trichur & certain old Namburi Brahman married to a young Brahman girl. Wishing for progeny she commenced a course of devotion to the village god, one portion of which was the making of garlands of flowers
Till recently the official term for revenue district was mandapattum vadukkal, meaning the door of the mandapa.' This Malay Alam word is fast giving way to the Hindustani term taluk.
. See page 746.

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daily for the god. This is considered one of the modes of propitiating a Hindu god, who heard her prayer, and she in due conrse conceived. Her old husband, however, suspected her of infidelity and discarded her. From that day forward the pagoda authorities also refused to accept the garlands of flowers she used to make for the deity. She was, however, resolute in her pious work, and placed the garlands daily on the temple steps notwithstanding and returned home. The flower garlands which she so left on the steps used to be seen the next day on the god's image, day after day. This miracle attracted the notice of the holy Brahmans, who tberefrom declared her immaculate, and said that the conception was the result of divine will. She was not, however, taken back into their own community, but a separate caste was started for her from that day, her occupation being making of flower garlands and other such temple service."
We are thankful to the Census Commissioner for having embodied these traditions in his Report ; but it would be idle indeed to criticise them. They would have been eren beneath our notice but for the currency and credence sach false derivations receive in this land, even when the etymology of a word lies, as in this case, unmistakably on the surface. Viriyan' is obviously the man with the vári, and rari in Tamil means a broomstick or rake - várukál and vúriyal being other derivatives, in everyday use, from the same root, vár, to collect, clean, or sweep. Sweeping the inner court of the temple was undoubtedly one of the special duties of the original Väriyar or Vårer, however much his descendants may now prefer the more leisurely and dignified function of tying up flower garlands for the use of the deity inside. Oar Váriyan, Adityan Adityan of Sattanûr, it will be observed, had also a garland of flowers to supply, but the extra payment of the cooked rice offerings fixed by the grant would shew that he had other functions to discharge and other remunerations to receive.
But whatever were the duties and emoluments of the Vâriyan in question, it is more important for us to note that the full name of the sovereign who ruled over Vêņid in 578 was Sri-Vira-Kerala-Mártåndavarman, which the metrical necessities of the slóka contracted into king Martanda. Equally, if not more important is the mention of the Kilapperur family name. It will be remembered that the earliest of our inscriptions giving this family designation is the one taken from Kadinaikulam, dated 389. I have not yet succeeded in finding out how the Vêņad royal house came to be associated with a village so far north as Kilappêrûr in the Chirayinkil tâluk. Further on we shall see how in subsequent times an important branch of the original stock assumed an exclusive right to this title. Already perhaps the royal family was getting split up into distinct branches, and it was found necessary thus to designate the branch to which the reigning sovereign of the time belonged.
But these doubts are nothing by the side of a more serious difficulty created by Mr. Shungoonny Menon. For whatever was meant by the addition of the Kilapperur family name in this particular case, the inscription leaves no room for the least doubt that Sri-ViraKerala-MÁrtándavarman was the name of the Vêņad sovereign in 578. But Mr. Shungoonny Menon tells a different story. Having noted the death of Keralavarman three months after he succeeded to the throne of his uncle Ravivarman in 557 M. E., the author says: "Keralavarma Kulaśdkhara Perumal was succeeded by his twin brother Chera-Udayamartaņdavarman. The reign of this sovereign was longer than that of all the Travancore monarchs. His Highness ascended the masnad while he was sixteen years of age and died at the ripe age of seventyeight after a reign of sixty-two years. His reign was of s mixed character, partly attended with prosperity, and partly with troubles and annoyances, as is natural during such a long period, in which many vicissitudes might be expected. His Highness Chêra-Udayamartandavarman performed the coronation ceremonies, and was styled Kulabókhara-Perumal. During the reign of this sovereign all the south-eastern possessions of Travancore on the Tinnevelly side were regained, and the sovereign often resided at Valliyûr and Chêramaha
• Ante, Vol. XXIV. p. 807.

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SOME SOVEREIGNS OF TRAVANCORE.
19
dévi. In consequence of the mild and unwarlike disposition of this king, some o? the subordinate chiefs in the east became refractory, and there was constant fighting, and latterly, while the sovereign was residing at Trivandrum, the chief of Rettiapuram invaded Valliyûr, and the king's nephew, being defeated in battle and fearing disgrace, committed suicide. In these places, several grants of lands made by this Kulaśêk hara-Peruma! remain, soine of which we have already noticed. Chêramahadevi was his favourite residence, and consequently this sovereign was called Chora-Udayamartandavarman. Towards the close of his reign, suspecting unfair proceedings on the part of the chief men of the Pandya state, the residence of the royal family wus removed to Elayadathunad Hottarakaray (Kottarakkarai ?) and a governor was appointed to rule Valliyur and other possessions in the east. This sovereign died in 619 at the ripe age of seventy-eight years." Mr. Shungoonny Menon then by way of illustration gives a portrait of the king Chera-UdayamArtândavarman. As this is one of the few reigns in the early Malabar centuries of which the author attempts to give us any particulars, it would have belped us more than this attractive picture, if he had indicated the sources from which he borrowed his information. In itself it does not look very probable that the name CheraUdaya could have been derived from Chêrama hâdêvi. Chéramahadevi itself is explicable only as "(the village of the great queen of Chêra.” Even supposing it to be a contraction for Chêramabadovi-Udaya, we have the irrefutable evidence of our inscriptions to prove that up to 578 at least, that is, up to the twenty-first year of his supposed loug reign, he had neither that title nor the designation Kulabekhara-Perumal, since a formal royal writ is the last place where such omissions would be permitted. On the other hand, the document proves that the king who ruled over Vêņkd in that Malabar year had a distinctly different word as an integral part of his name. He was not, as Mr. Shungoonny Menon tells us, Chera-UdayamartandaKulasekhara-Perumal, but Sri-Vira-Kerala-Martåndavarma-Tiruvadi. Remembering how easily mistakes in dry lists of long compound names may occur, we could have supposed CheraUdayamártânda to have been either a predecessor or a successor of our Vira-Kerala-Mártandavarman of 578, but for a remarkable coincidence. Both Mr. Shungoonny Menon and the author of our Sanskrit ílóka are agreed as to the characteristic mildness of the sovereigns they respectively describe. But what confidence this singular circumstance breeds is rather rudely shaken by Mr. Shungoonny Menon's reference to the Rettiapuram chief. Reitiapuram may be taken for Ettaiyapuram, of which it is a vulgar corruption. But the Ettaiyapuram Zamindari was not itself in existence about this time to attack Valliyur in the confines of Travancore. The traditions cherished by the family itself do not claim for its founder a higher antiquity than 1423 A. D. Dr. Caldwell thus summarizes the legends connected with the foundation of the Zamindari : "On the defeat of Anna Devaraja, king of Vijayanagara, by Muhammad
All'uddin, one Kumaramuttu Ettappa Nayaka, the ancestor of the Ettaiyaparam Zamindars, Aed from Chandragiri, in company with 64 armed relations, 309 men at arms, and 1,000 dependants, with a certain number of accountants and others, and took refuge with Ati Vira Parkkrama Pândya Raja at Madura, who appointed them to repress outrages in the country of the Kallars, and gave them some villages therein for their maintenance. This is represented to have taken place between 1423 and 1443. In process of time they moved on towards the south and became possessed of various villages in the Tinnevelly district, one of which, to which they gave the name of Ettaiyapuram, they made the capital." Now, it is foreign to our purpose to test the truth of this traditional account of the origin of the Ettaiyapuram Zamindari. Whatever errors there may be in this account, it does not err on the side of modesty in the date assigned to its founder. If Kumaramuttu Ettappa Nayaka came really from Chandragiri, it is more likely that he fled from the place when Chandragiri was taken by the Muhammadans in 1645, than about 1423, wben Åla'uddîn is said to have attacked Vijayanagara - a further statement for which it is difficult to find any support. If his flight on the other hand had anything to do with the fall of Vijayanagara, the more appropriate period would be about 1565 • See page 94.
+ History of Tinnovelly, p. 84.

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and not 1423. But even taking the latter date as the correct time for the original Ettappa Nøyaka, since we are told that only "in process of time" his successors established themselves at Ettaiyapnram, we cannot imagine how the "chief of Ettaiyaparam" could have invaded Valliyar, not far from Cape Comorin, in the lifetime of Mr. Shangoonny Menon's ChêraUdayamártândavarman, who according to the author died in 619 M. E. or A. D. 1444.
But this last date raises a difficulty yet more formidable. We learn from an inscription at Navayakkalam, in the Chirayinkil tâluk, dated 7 a. m., Monday, Pushya star, panchami, the 22nd Edavam, Kollam year 614, that the king of Vênid on that date was SriVira-Rama-Mártandavarman, and it is therefore impossible that Mr. Shungoonny Menon's Chera-Udayamartanda varman, whether he was or was not identical with our Sri-Vira-KeralaMartandavarman of 578, could have reigned up to 619, that is, full five years after the crown had passed to another individual. But curiously enough Mr. Shungoonny Menon mentions some sixty pages earlier and quite in another connection, an "inscription on the inner stonewall of the Chéramabadevi pagoda, dated Malayalam or Kollam year 614 (1439 A. D.), commemorating a grant by the Travancore king Chora-Udayamartandavarman to the pagoda at that place while the grantee was residing in the Cheramahâdêvi palace." It is possible, of course, to reconcile the two inscriptions by supposing that Mr. Shungoonny Menon's is dated a month or so earlier than onrs, in which case the year 614 would be the date both of the death of Chera-Udayamártândavarman and of the accession of Sri-Vira-Rama-Mártandavarman. But in scientific researches nothing can be more dangerous than taking matters on trust. We have therefore to examine the Chêramahâdêyi inscription afresh. The Nâvâyakkalam inscription, also, is too important to be hurriedly disposed of. Until, then, these two inscriptions are fully discussed, we may provisionally suppose that Sri-Vira-Kerala-MártandaVarman was otherwise known also as Chera-Udayamartandavarman, and that he continued to rule till the end of the sixth Malabar century - the period here taken up for investigation.
Conclusions. Before concluding I shall briefly recount the results arrived at in this paper. Unlike the fourth and fifth centuries dealt with in my previous paper, the sixth has not been left a pure blank in the history of Travancore, to be filled up by epigraphy. Besides Mr. Shungoonny Menon's History, which I have more than once alluded to, there is a more authoritative publication, the Government Almanac, in which will be found a list of 35 sovereigns of Travancore, of whom the first four fall within our period. We have therefore to present the results of our inquiry in two aspects a positive and a negative, consisting respectively of what we are able to affirm and what we are able to deny. The facts we affirm are :(1) that in Saka 1296, corresponding to the Kollam year 550, the king of Vêņad was AdityaTarman surnamed Sarvanganatha ; (2) that on the 27th Mêsham, 578 M. E., or Saka 1325, the same country was governed by Sri-Vira-Kerala-Mårtanda varma-Tiruvadi of Kilappêrûr; and (3) that on the 22nd Rishabha, 614 M. E., the king of the country was Sri. Vira-RamaMártándavarman. These few facts, no doubt, have many gaps ; but so far as they go, they are indubitable - or to be strictly accurate - very nearly 80. Being such, they enable us to deny, with proportionate confidence, certain statements commonly believed to be true on the strength of the authorities above named, Mr. Shungoonny Menon's list of Travancore kings for the same period would stand thus:-- (1) Adityavarman, who died in 510 M. E.; (2) Sri-Vira-RamaMartåndavarman, who reigned from 510 to 550; (3) Ravivarman, who ruled from 550 to 557; (4) Keralavarma-Kulaśêkhara-Perumal, who died 3 months after his coronation in 557; and (5) Chêra-Udayamártándavarma-Kalasekhara-Perumal, who ruled from 557 to 619..
The list in the Travancore Almanac omits Adityavarman, and begins with his successor in the above table. From the way in which it is printed with no reference to Mr. Shungoonny Menon's History, one would be led to think that it had some independent foundation, but closer examination tends to shew that its independence consists entirely in its orthography. Year after year for

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the last quarter of a century and more, this perennial pages in the Annual inforins us (1) that Sri-Vira-Rama-Mártândavarma-Raja ruled 40 years beginning with 1335-36; (2) that Ravivarma-Raja ruled for 7 years beginning with 1375-76; (3) that Kaler KulaçêkharaPerumal ruled for a short time in the year 1382-83; and (4) that Chêra-Udayamartandavarma-Kulaśêkhara-Perumaļ ruled for 12 years beginning with 1382-83. The dates given in this list, if taken to be in the Christian era, correspond well enough with the Malabar years given by Mr. Shungoonny Menon, and with the exception of the name Kaler KulasokharaPerumal, which can hardly be identified with Keralavarma-Kulasekhara-Perumal, the dissimilarities in the names might be set down to individual idiosyncrasies in spelling. Now our records enable us to deny almost all the statements supported by these two authorities, and they are the only two in the field. For instance, if there is any truth in the inscriptions I have explained to you, it must follow (1) that Vira-Rama-Mártândavarman could not have reigned up to 550 M. E.; (2) that Ravivarman could not have commenced his reign in that year; (3) that in 578 the king of Travancore was not known as Chera-Udayamartandavarman; and (4) that whenever Chera-Udaya did commence his reign, he could not have continued on the throne till 619 M. E. We cannot, therefore, safely look to these anthorities to fill up the gaps left by the records which I have presented to you. We must leave that good work to future research, more systematically conducted than mine has been. My spasmodio, unaided efforts serve, perhaps, only to render the very darkness of the subject visible. But it has been well said : " Prudens quæstio dimidium scientice est." It is half way to knowledge when you know what it is that you have to know.
ESSAYS ON KASMIRI GRAMMAR. BY THE LATE KARL FRIEDRICH BURKHARD. Translated and edited, with notes and additions, by G. A. Grierson, Ph.D., C.I.E., I.O.S.
(Continued from p. 173.)
THE INTRANSITIVE VERB. 147. This only differs from the conjugation of wjy soeun, in the tenses formed from the Past Participle, which are construed actively.
[The terminations are those given in $ 35; which are simply added to the root. Seo, however, below.] Thus -
ways khótsun, to fear.
Aorist, I feared. Masculine.
Feminine Singular.
bo) khátsu-76 (2) Olje (
o tsa) lehútsu- (3) és (ao su) khitsu
EDAS (Oo oo) khúte
Plural. (1) Ex's (com qoi) leháteis
yes khôtse (2) spas já toli) kkütsi-vę
khôtsa-og (3) Boots i tim) khfitsi de jos (as tima) khótsą Travancore Almanac for 1895, p. 92.
1" For vowel changes, see $ 159.
-khateg كهرچس khateek كوچك

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[The statement that the terminations used are those given in 35 must be taken with some reservation. The terminations there given are literal transeriptions of the ones found written in the Persian characters. In the feminine singular, the vowel written in $35 as i ore is not pronounced at all when it ends a word. Before s and k it has a very indefinite sound, something like that of a short German ü, and, I have therefore transliterated it in the above paradigm by a, as I have done in the case of transitive verbs (vide $$ 90 and ff.), and as I shall do in future. The vowel of the feminine plural is usually e (written i in tbe Persian, and ya in the Sârada character). As explained in 90, when this e (i, ya) is preceded by ts, tsh, 2, or s, it becomes a. This role was not known to the author, and, indeed, has not hitherto appeared in any printed grammar. The author has hence been once or twice-misled by the loose way in which the vowels are written in the Persian character. These mistakes, I have taken the liberty of silently correcting.
The following three verbs, however, do take 6(Persian i, Sârada ya) in the feminine, plural: katsun, to be wot; rotsun, to be pleasant; detsun, to fit into. Thus, rôtse (not ratsa), they (fem.) were pleasant.]
147. Nore. This tense, the Aorist, used actively, only occurs in the case of fifty-seven Intransitive verbs. These verbs have been carefully listed by the author of the Kasmírasabdámrita, and are as follows. As will be seen subsequently this list is very important. Indeed, the verbs contained in it almost form a separate conjugation. For the sake of brevity, I shall henceforth call them "Listed Verbs." (1) Thakun, to be weary.
(30) Wayun, to suit. (2) Pakun, to go.
(31) Kharun, to be unpleasant. (3) Samakhun, to meet.
(32) Tarun, to cross. (4) Hokhun, to be dry.
(33) Pharun, to be a cause of loss to. (5) Tagun, to be able to be done..
(34) Phêrun, to go round.. (6) Shongun, to sleep.
(35) Marun, to die. (7) Lagun, to be applied.
(36) Sôrun to be spent.. (8) Katsun, to be moist.
(37) Galun, to melt. (9) Khôtsun, to fear.
(88) Tsalrn, to escape. (10) Patsun, to have trust.
(39) Palun, to be unsteady. (11) Rôtsun, to be pleasant.
(40) Dolun, to be useless. (12) Vetsun, to fit into.
(41) Phalun, to wear oat (of clothes). (13) Hotsun, to rot.
(42) Pholun, to flower. (14) Gatshun, when meaning to be proper.' (43) Melun, to be met. (15) Wopazun, to be born..
(44) Bovun, to be. (16) Dazun, to burn.
(45) Rávun, to be lost. (17) Rôzun, to remain.
(46) Doshun, to trickle. (18) Phatun, to be split.
(47) Pöskun, to be complete. (19) Phutun, to be burst.
(48) Mashun, to forget. (20) Rótun, to be stopped.
(49) Rôshun, to be angry. (21) Bodun, to sink.
(50) Åsun, to be. (22) Wátun, to arrive.
(51) Khasuun, to mount. (23) Wothun, to rise.
(52) Phasur, to be entangled. (24) Tshenun, to be cut.
(53) Basun, to dwell. (25) Sa panun, to become.
(54) Lasun, to live. (26) Wupun, to burn inwardly.
(55) Lôsun, to be weary. (27) Shrapun, to be digested.
(56) Wasun, to descend. (28) Prayun, to be pleasing.
(57) Behun, to sit. (29) Layun, to be worth.

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The importance of this list will be gauged from the fact that these are the only Intransitive verbs which change either their radical vowel or their radical consonant in the past tenses. As will be explained subsequently (8 159), many Transitive verbs, and certain of the above fifty-seven Intransitive verbs are liable to change the final consonants of their roots, both in the feminine of the Aorist, and throughout the pluperfect II. Many are also liable to change the radical vowel in the Aorist, but not in the Pluperfect II. As only those Intransitive verbs which are included in the above list use the Aorist, no other neuter verb ever changes its Radical Vowel. Moreover, as only those Intransitive verbs which are mentioned in the above list are liable to change their final consonant, no other Intransitive verbs do so.
For instance, amongst the Intransitive verbs which change both their radical vowel, and their final consonant is the verb pakun, to go. It is mentioned in the above list. Its 3rd person Aorist is -
Poku, he went. Pach, sbe went. Paki, they went.
Pache, they went (fem.) If pakan had not been in the above list, this tense would not have occurred at all. Its 3rd sing. Plup. II. is pachyov, in which, according to rule, the k is chaged to ch.
But, now, take the verb thikun, to be firm. As it is not in the above list it has no Aorist, and uses the Plup. II. instead of that tense. In its Plap. II., it does not change its k to ch, as it is unlisted. Its Plup. II. is, therefore, thikyou, not thíchyov.]
148. Pluperfect II.
(.khata mut Gen کھو چوت آرسس First form)
Singular. ra khôtsổ-4 con el logós khôts@ya-s. Wyngas khôte8-k
To jer khótsöya-k
Plural. Wys khôtsey de ses khôtedya vous gars, khotos-vę
magas Lhotséyi-vo
(m. je.
jes khôtsov
.khatasy کوچیی khataeys کهوچييه
کھوچبية
khatsage
148a. As in the case of Transitive verbs (vide $ 103), I reproduce this tense as given by the author. Wade gives for this tense, instead of khôtsôv, dôryov, he ran, fom. dôréyi; pl. masc. døréi or doréy, fem. dórêyi. According to the Kdómíraéabdámsita, there are three kinds of Past Tenses, via. :
(1) Bhatta, or Immediate Påst. (2) Sámánya-bhúta, or Indefinite Past.
(3) Pärna-bh úda, or Plaperfect. No. (1) is used only when the act done is near in point of time. Thus, korun, he did (i. e., he has just done); lahatsu, he feared.(i..e., he has just feared).
No. (2) is simply a Past Tense, and should properly be called an Aorist, as it simply refers to Past Time, without reference to whether the act done is near or distant, in point of time. E. g., karyôn, he did; khôtsôv, he feared.
No.(3) is used when the act done is distant in point of time. Thus, karyán, ho had done (he did it a long time ago); khótsdv, he had feared (he feared a long time ago, and fears no longer).

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The same author divides Intransitive verbs into two classes :
(a) Listed Verbs, i. e., the 57 verbs given in § 147a.
(6) Others. The Intransitive Immediate Past (called the Aorist in this Grammar) only occurs in the case of Listed Verbs.
The Indefinite Past (called Pluperfect II, in this grammar) of Intransitive Verbs is thus conjugated, according to the same author. The verb taken as an example is pakun, to go which is a Listed Verb, and in which, consequently, the ke becomes ch in the Immediate Past (Plup. II.) Singular.
Plural. Masculine. Feminine.
Masculine.
Feminine. (1) pachy6-8
pachy@ya-8 (1) pachyby
pachyéya (8) pachys-k
pachy@ya(2) pachy6-wa
pachyé-roa (3) pachejov
packyéyo (3) pachyéy
pachyéya In the case of Listed Verbs, this is used in its proper sense as an Indefinite Past.
In the case of non-listed verbs, it is not used as an Indefinite Past, but is used instead of the Immediate Past. Thus, take the non-listed verb mokalun, to be released. Its Plup. II. is mokalyov, he was released, and is used as an Immediate Past only. It means 'he has just been released,' though pachyov does not mean he has just gone.'
The Intransitive Plaperfect is as follows. It will be seen that the Feminine is the same as in the Indefinite Past. Singular.
Plural. Masculine. Feminine.
Masculine.
Feminine. (1) pachyd-8
pachyéya-s (1) pachyáy
pachy@ya (2) pachyu-l pachyéya-k
pachya-xog
pachyé-woo (3) pachyáv
pachayềựa (3) pachyay
pachy@ya In the case of Listed Verbs, this tense is used as a pluperfect. Thus, pachyár, he went (a long time ago).
In the case of non-listed verbs, it has the force of an Indefinite Past. Thus, mokalydt, he was released, he got loose.
In the case of non-listed verbs, whose roots end in vowels, it is also used as a Plaperfect. thus, from peon, to fall, peyao, he fell (either he fell, or he fell a long time ago).
The Pluperfect of non-listed verbs, whose roots end in consonants is formed by inserting i before they of the first form. Thus - Singular.
Plural. Masculine. Feminine.
Masculine.
Feminine. (1) mokaliya-s
mokaliyéya-8 (1) mokaliyáy
mokaliyéya (2) mokaliya-k mokaliyéya-k
mokaliyá-20g mokaliye-ca (3) mokaliyáo
mokaliyéya (3) mokaliydy
mokaliyéya In the case of verbs ending in ts, tsh ors, they (and iy) is omitted in these tenses, and we get the following forms. The verb khôtsun, to fear (a Listed Verb), is taken as the example.
(a) Indefinite Past in the case of Listed Verbs ; Immediate Past in the case of
non-listed verbs. Singular.
Plural Masculine. Feminine.
Masculine.
Feminine. (1) khótsó-s
khôtsôya-s (1) khôtsổ
khớtsông (2) khôtsó-k
khôts@ya-k (8) khôtsô-ug
khôtôd-toa (3) khôt sốt
khôt sống (3) khot công
khôtôva

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JULY, 1896.]
ESSAYS ON KASMIRI GRAMMAR.
197
Similarly we have:(6) Plaperfect, in the case of Listed Verbs ; Indefinite Past, in the case of non-listed
verbs; Pluperfect, also, in the case of non-listed verbs. Singular.
Plural Masculine. Feminine,
Masouline.
Feminine. (1) cốt84-8
khôtsoya-s (1): khớtsấy
khitsông (1) khôtsá-k
khôtsôya-k (2) khôted-toa
khốtejua-ta (3) khótsáv
khôteốạ (8) khôtsấy
khstsônya The following twelve verbs, however, do insert y, and are in other respects treated like the verb pakun.
(i.) Listed verbs :-Katsun, to be wet; rôtsun, to be pleasant; vetsun, to fit into. (ü.) Non-listed verbs :-Grotsun, to be splashed out of a vessel ; tsotsun, to be without
employment, be not current; tshotsun, to be empty; tézun, to be sharp ; pazur, to be fiti bradun, shine; báwazun, to be pleasant; letsun, to be weak;
shrotsun, to be pure. If the base of the verb ends in ts, tsh, or 2, it does not use the pluperfect in iya. The form in á is used instead. Thus, khôtsáv means both 'he feared,' and he feared a long time ago.'
These rules about bases in ts, tsh and I, apply not only to verbs like khôteun, whose roots end in one of these letters, but also to verbs, whose final root-consonant (t, th, or 1), is changed to ts, tsh, or, in the Plup. II. E. g., wátun, to arrive (Listed Verb), Plup. II. witsou. On the other hand, tatur, to be warm, is not a listed verb. It hence does not change its final consonant, and its Past Tenses are - Immediate Past, tatyóv; Indefinite Pust, tałyáv; Pluperfect, tatiyav.]
149. [The original does not give the other tenses formed from the past participles of the intransitive verb, but as they are conjugated actively, not passively, the translator gives them here on his own authority,
180. Perfect.
I have feared, etc. Masculine.
Feminine. Singular.
(1) com jos wat (a bo) chhu khátsmut eigos más (a bo) chhas khitomutok a (2) images das las toa) chhuk khítomut gan gas olism ton) chhak kihútsmuts (3) agos ász (ac ow) chhu khútsmut de sus doo (do ro) chhe khütemuts.
Plural.
(1) water antalone gas) chi khátomges afts*s top (cur qu') chhe khótagmatıq (2) anyar este case tone) chhivą khítomgei et s uses (as toht) chhewą khátogmatag (3) comes top (p?tim) chhi khütemati din jus de fái tima) okhe khớt sąmatsą
sa Seo $ 62, noto 32.

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198
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JULY, 1896.
16l. Pluperfect 1, I had feared, etc.
Singular.
Masculine.
Feminine.
)
( مهن (io به اوس به) اسس) bo) see ( ,
چه أوشك كهرچت کرد taq) suk' ihatsmat
ك كهرچهج tas) s4l khatemiuts چه
04 (su شه) أرس)
( ل وة (10 ه) اس )
(1)
( : ( أي اسيم ae (هو أسي) اسه) (
هرچیت (2) toli) as-eq khatswats ته) اسوه كهوجيه og khutomati. خية (to86 ) اسوه
ر نو (tim تم اس البيه (tims تمه) اسه)
Plural.
182. Future Perfect and Dubitative. I shall have, or I may have feared, etc.
Masculine. Singalar.
=
به آسه ) bo) to
چه آسك لکهوچت (2) ts) asal
asi ( سه آسه
Plural.
=
asas (یو ای) اسر) khatamat نه) آسوکھرچمت (2) tohi) asia
له) تم اسنا tim) asan
The feminine is the same as the masculine, except that the feminine forms of the past
emute and d ots khôtsąmatsą), and in the 3rd person the feminine
times) are used تمه so and شه) pronouns .
168. Optative Portfoot,
Masculino. Singular.
( diale (0
امته .ره)
tea) tsahak khatamut چه آسهك ( كهرچت (2)
(8) ه) اسمهه از ariae (
Plaral.
(1) ( aahaa (تو اس) امهر) khatomati که اسهر كوچت ك (2) ton) trihia
(8) تم استين) im) saahan (
Feminine as in the Future Perfect.]

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JULY, 1896.1
MISCELLANEA.
199
154. The following is the Aorist of the intransitive verb w
peun, to fall:
.m
pegas پیوس pegas پیس
peyi پی
com
peyi . (u), peók (pik) (Bob) suga pyöva (pyova) olan peyak
peyiva peô (pet)02 w piyi or piyéyi piyi or piyêyi 4 piyi or piyêyı]
(To be continued.)
MISCELLANEA. CHEYLA.
| 1857.-"Chot, chetak, chora, chera, chels, This would appear to be the form under which a servant, a slave brought up in the house, a pupil, this wellknown word usually appeared to the disciple." - Forbes, Hindustani Dictionary, Anglo-Indian of a century ago. It was then in 8.00. common use in senses which are not to be found 1857. -"Chela, by redup. chéláchățd (chela, in Yule's Hobson-Jobson, nor curiously enough in Hind.), a disciple, a pupil, an elève of." - Molesany of the Indian Dictionaries available to me. worth, Marathi Dictionary, 8.1. Originally a Hindu word meaning & servant,'
1 1872. -- "Chit . . .. to be a servant many changes have been rung upon it in Hindu life, so that it has meant a slave, a household slave,
.... cheta, ohotaka, cheda, chedaka, a family retainer, an adopted member of a great
a servant, #slave, a minister who fulfils an family, a dependant relative and a soldier in its |
appointed duty." - Monier-Williams, Sanskrit secular senses; a follower, a pupil, a disciple and a
Dictionary, 8.vv. convert in its ecclesiastical senses. It has passed 1875. — “Cetako, ceto (ceta), a servant, a out of Hindu usage into Muhammadan usage with slave. - Childers, Pali Dictionary, 3.vv. much the same meanings and ideas attached to it,
1876. "Chera, chera, chelaka, chela, from and has oven meant a convert from Hinduism to
cheda, a servant, slave brought up in the house, Islâm..
a pupil, a disciple." - Bate, Hindi Dictionary, In the last century, persons bearing the title - it can hardly be called the stigma of chela
1879. - "Chela, . .. played so important a part in current politics, and
S. chota, Pali the word was so familiar in its applied senses, that
chato, & disciple, learner, follower." - Fallon, to the Anglo-Indian of that day it required no
Hindustani Dictionary, e.o. reference and no explanation, though nowadays 1884. - "Chet, chotak, chera, cheraa, some of the secondary senses have become so far l cherw. chala. chelnka . . . . serrant. forgotten that the modern Dictionaries have slave, .... (S. chetakah and chedakah) missed them, and so comprehensive a work as a servant, a slave (brought up in the house) a Burnell's and Yule's Hobson-Jobson has failed to pupil, disciple, follower." - Platts, Hindustani record it.
Dictionary, 3.00. I, therefore, make no apology for the lengthy
1885. - "Cheld (Hindi, said to be from the quotations which follow to prove the uses to
Sanskrit cheta, a servant), a disciple, a pupil: which it has been put, and giving its history for
especially the disciple of a guru or a mabanta. In the last four centuries. R. O. TEMPLE
Kangra also a magician." - Whitworth, Anglo
Indian Dictionary, 8.0. The Dictionaries.
1888.-"Chêla (Sanskrit chotaka, chedaka) 1854. - "Chera, chela, a disciple, a pupil, a - a disciple of an ascetic or holy man: in slang a servant, a slave." - Lodiana Mission Panjabi hanger-on at a rich man's house who eats scraps." Dictionary, s.vv.
- Crooke, Rural Glossary, 8.0. • Pronounce jeo.

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200
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JULY, 1898.
II.
254]." - Powlett, Bikanir State, p. 114. Repeated Hindu Usage.
in part in Rajputana Gazetteer, Vol. i., 1879,
p. 194. 1891.-"We saw a little monastery of Atteets, founded by the chiefs ef Bhynsror. It is called
1874. "The Karauli forces onganized in their Jhalaca ... The head of the establishment,
present form by the late Maharaja Mudan Pal a little vivacious, hot, wild-looking being, about
are as follow:- .. . Infantry . . . . sixty years of age, came forth to bestow his
Paltans, 1st, Gol Paltan (under'a 'khAschéla' or blessing and to beg something for his order. He,
household slave; 2nd, under a 'nankerchéla' however, in the first place elected me one of his
or slave holding grant of land; 3rd, under a chelas or disciples by marking my forehead with household slave)."- Powlett, Karanli, p. 40. a tika of bhaboot, which he took from a platter 1878. - "Bakhtawar Singh [of Ulwur) died in made of dhak-leaves, to which rite of inauguration 1815.... Banni Singh, then seven years I submitted with due gravity." - Tod, Rajasthan, old, was accepted as Raja by the Rijpats and Vol. ii., p. 612.
artillery (golandaz) headed by Akhe Singh 1832. It was one day remarked that, when Bankawat and an influential chela or household refreshing in the coond or reservoir, Sirdar Sing slave named Ramů .... Ramo and Ahmad [ob. 1782] did not lay aside his turban, which Bakhsh (Khân, Vakil, afterwards Nawab of provoked a suspicion that he had no hair. The Firozpur and Loharu) each tried to obtain for Rana (R&ja of Mêwår), impatient to get a peep at their respective parties the support of the Dehli the bare head of the son of Chandrabhan, proposed! Resident, Sir David Ochterlony.... Rama that they should push each other into the water. the faithful old chela died in 1825. His son The sport began, and the Dodeah's turban falling Mulla had established a great influence over the off disclosed the sad truth. The jest was, however, young chief, and on the whole this influence was not relished by the Sirdar, and he tartly replied in used for good, for he was kept under restraint and answer to his sovereign's queetion, 'what had compelled to acquire some education. But Mulla become of his hair?,' that he had lost it in his treated him sometimes with such indignity as to service in a former birth as chela by carrying excite the anger of the Rajpats and at last Akbe wood upon his head to feed the flame when his Singh had Mulla murdered to the extreme grief sovereign as a jogi or ascetic performed penance and displeasure of Banni Singh who expelled (tapasya) on the hills of Budrinath .... Chela Akhe Singh from Ulwur." - Powlett, U'leur,p. 23. is a phrase which includes servitude or domestic Copied into Rajputana Gazetteer, Vol. iii., 1880, slavery: but implies at the same time treatment as pp. 185 f. a child of the family. Here it denotes that of | 1878. - "The household slaves or Khawas a servant or disciple." - Tod, Rajasthan, Vol. ii., Chelas [of Ulwur) number about 200.... pp. 527 f. and 528n.
Though known generally as khawas chelas, the 1874. - "The menials (of Bikânir) are heredi- special title of khawas, which is an honourable tary household slaves called 'chelas.' They distinction, enabling the bearer to sit in Darbar are, I believe, never sold by Rajpat families of is borne by only five. Råmd, the faithful Minister distinction, though they often form part of a and adherent of M. R. Bakhtawar and Banni bride's dowry. When not the children of slaves, Singh, is the slave most distinguished in the they have usually been purchased in times of history of the State. His family hold a valuable famine from their storving relations. Their work rent-free grant. Khawls Sheo Bakhsh, Superinis light, and they are generally well treated, and tendent of stables, woods, etc., is at present the sometimes placed in positions of high trust. But chels of most mark. Thâkurs, especially the inferior ones, occasionally When in 1870 the Council of Administration act with much cruelty towards their slaves as was established and a fixed sum assigned for the well as their other dependants. Cholas' who expenses of the palace, the late chief neglected have fled from their masters are to be met with to supply maintenance to a number of the housein British territory, where they often assume the hold slaves, who applied to the Political Agent caste of their foriner owners. The term "chela' | for the means of support. The Council thought signifies disciple rather than slave, and was the opportunity a good one for permanently applied to household servants by the large- reducing the number of slaves in the palace and niinded Akbar ... whether in the use so far diminishing the servile influence which was of this word the Rajpats were taught by Akbar or the cause of much evil. It was consequently le by them, I cannot at present any [here is determined that the complaining chelss should quoted the passage from Blochmann's Ain, i., I either leave the service of the State or enter the

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MISCELLANEA.
201
army as Fort Garrison Sepoys. This attempt to
Gurujl, ik meri garib di araj hai, eh dd confer freedom upon them was resented as a
ajan nd mundrá pdo.' cruel wrong. They had always been accustomed
Said Gorakh to his disciples : Take to live in the city of Ulwur, and leave it they
Poran out of the hole. declared they would not. It was only after a
Six and thirty years he has spent in it long time, and after every effort to change the
and suffered much pain! decision of the Council failed, that they partially
Put the rings into his ears at once and yielded." - Poulett, Ulwur, p. 124. Copied into
make a Jogi of him, Rajputana Gazetteer, Vol. vi., 1880, pp. 1968.
Make him a follower of Gorakb, for he 1884.-"Ja, landf ke ! Bhag jd ! tá kyt jdne jog?
is a great saint.' Jo dhdre hai jog ko, tiyag shakal man
When they commenced to make him a bhog.
Jogi, Thikar Náth cried out: Tiyag shakal man bhøg: katkan hai jag
"Sir Gurd, hear my humble petition, pat meri jog daheld!
not in the ear-ringe without trial.'” Panchon mar, pachis tiyag de : job jogt
Temple, Panjab Legends, Vol. i., kd chele.
p. 440f., Legend of Púran Bhagat. Go, thou son of cur! Be off! What 1886. - [The following quotations exhibit the dost thou know of saintship
P
d ifference between the Hindu and Musalman Who takes the saintship, renounces all words in the same document.] the desires of his heart.
Ik of murid Shekh dd safar dir nun ţurid Renounces all the desires of his heart: the saintship is hard and difficult in
Askardmat Miydi Walidad salib bills kc #indd the world!
hond aur khadim nús sher bankar dikhar Put off the five (desires) and the twenty- dend . . . five (lusts): then canst thou be a jogf's
Phir jogi ne ghusse khákar das dfh chele hor, disciple."
Pakaran kdran Imum Sahib de jaldt ditte for. Temple, Panjab Legends, Vol. i.,
p. 327, Legend of sad Dat. Alim faxil murid ban gae ; júne bahut Ichudde. 1885. -"He Gur Deo ! karo tum kirpd ! Mata ne tumhers batde.
Hafis nie eh sunid jab shagird rasid kamdrd; - Kún phayke maundra dalo ;jog len ko đe.
Safé da murid ban gid, karke bahutd chard. Nath, ohola kar ljo;
A disciple of Shekh (Ahmad Ghaus) went on a Jog ked rosta dejo;
long journey .. . Miyan Walidad miraChiro mere kan ;
culously restored to life a dead cat and shewed Aj, Gur, kirpd kljo.
himself to a follower in the form of a tiger Hail, my Lord Gura! Have mercy! . . . Then the jogk in his wrath sent ten or My mother sent me to thee.
twenty disciples more to seize the Imâm quickly Bore my ears, put in the (jog('s) ring: . . . . The wise and learned became his
I am come to take the saintship. followers as all the world knows . . . My Lord make me a disciple. The Hafiz heard that his own disciple had become Shew me the way of devotion. a disciple of the Soft with all his heart. . . Bore my ears.
Templo, Legends af the Panjab, The Saints of Have mercy, Gurd, on me to-day." Jalandhar, Vol. iv., pp. 169., 185, 187, 198, 200,
Temple, Panjab Legends, Vol. ii., 207, 210. p. 9f., Legend of Gop! Chand.
III. 1885.-"Gorakh cholan ndi dkhdd: Paran
Muhammadan Usage. kaddho barmf te bar.
1688. -"And many of His Majesty's (Akbar] Bh nun chhattis baras guzar gae, bahuts
special disciples in 991 (A. H.) onlled themselves par sazie!
chelahs in imitation of the use of this term among Eh di jhabde pdo mundrdo, Jogi leo
Jogie." - Baddont, ii., p. 325, in Blochmann, bande.
Ain-i-Akbari, Vol. 1., p. 253, n. i. Cheld kar do Gorakh Nath dd, siddh bara parkár.
Tarikh-i-Badaani, text, Vol. i., p. 324). "In Jad Jogi banduan lag pie Thakar Nath
4. H. 991 the king (Akbar) erected two buildings ne kui phunkár:
outside the city where he might feed fakire both

Page #208

202
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JULY, 1896.
Musulman and Hindu; one he called Khairpåra and prisoners taken hy the French in the Hannibal the other Dharmpara. Some of AbQ-1-Fazl's .. to the number of near 500 were landed people had the charge and used to spend the king's at Cuddalore the 30th June 1782, sent from thence money in procuring food. As the jogis also used to Chillunıbram the beginning of July, where to flock there in great numbers a separate receiv. ing house was built for them and called Jogipära. August 12th, when they were delivered over to Nightly meetings were held in private with some Hyder Ally Khan and marched to Bangalore, the of these men and they used to employ themselves privates in irons. They arrived at Bangalore the in various follies and extavagrancies in contempla- 2nd September ... On the 19th October, tion, gestures, addresses, abstractions and reveries, the youngest of the whole, to the number of 51, and in alebemy, fascination and magic. The king were sent to Seringapatam, where they arrived himself studied alchemy and used to exhibit the
the 31st October. They remained there till the gold which he made. One night in the year
7th November, when their heads were shaved, called Shivrat was appointed for a grand assembly and, on the 20th all their things taken from them of jogis from all parts of the country. on which and they were circumcised. Soon after Mussalman occasion he would eat and drink with the best of names and dresses were given them, and they them; and used to be gratified by their assurances were marched about the parade .... (The of & life three or four times longer than the
Europeans) all were bound on the parade and natural life of man." - Elliot, History of India,
rings (boly) the badge of slavery were put into Vol. v., p. 538.
their ears. They were then incorporated into a
battalion of Cheylas, wbere they remained till c. 1596. - "The Chelahs or Slaves. His
the 19th December 1783. . . [In April Majesty (Akbar) from religious motives dislikes
1784) the command of a company of Cheyls the name bandah or slave, for he believes that
boys, with exercising muskets without locks, was mastership belongs to no one but God. He there.
given to Messrs. Speedimax and Rutlidge, and the fore calls this class of men Chelahs, which Hindi others were made Havildars, having the command term signifies a faithful disciple. Through His of six . . . . [In February 1785 Tippoo Majesty's kindness many of them have chosen
gave thesc Battalions of Cheylas with fire-locks the road to happiness, [by joining the Dirire
ng the Divine to Messi's. Speediman and Rutlidge and a battaFaith]'.... The pay of the Chelahs (in lion of boys with exercising muskets to Sergeant the Infantry] varies from 1 R. to 1 d. per diem.
Dempster, and made the others Havildars in those His Majesty has divided them into several sections and other Cheyla Battalions .. . The and has handed them over to native and expe- Battalions to which they were posted were four of rienced people who give them instruction in Christians called Ahmedy, and four of various several things." -Blochmann, Trans. of the din-- castes called Assad Allye, all circumcised .... Akbari, 1873, Vol. i., p. 253f.
[In 1788 by Tippoo) all the European Cheylas € 1596. - "The Cheolah. His Majesty
and many other Europeans were then sent back [Akbar) does not approve of giving these unfortu
to Seringapatam in consequence of the desertion nate men the opprobrious name of slave, but calls
that had taken place among them. .. [In them Cheolah, which word in the Hindowee
June or July 1787] the Chittledroog party reached language siguifies one who relics on another their destination the 27th December and were .... The daily pay of a cheetah is from
incorporated into four Cheyla Battalions that one Dam to one Rupee. They are formed into
were at that place.... [In February 1791 divisions and committed to the care of skilful
at the taking of Tul Ryrah] one European persons to be instructed in various arts and occu- Cheyla was killed and one wounded... pations. - Gludwin, Trans. of Ayeen Albery,
Those who have made their escape from Chittle1783, Vol. i., p. 167f., ed., 1885.
droog report the garrison of that place to be to c. 1596. - "The Persian Text from which
the best of their knowledge as follows:- Four
nominal Battalions of Cheylas consisting of Blochmann's and perhaps Gladwin's Translations
about 800 . . . . were made is to be found in Blochmann, Persian
Several European boys
were taught dancing in the country style and Text of the Ain-i-Akbari, Vol. i., p. 190, first
forced to dance in female dresses before Tippoo. line f., where the word is spelt ple chéla.
It is said that of late as they grew up they have 1791.-"Narrative of Mr. William Drake, for been transferred to the Cheylah Battalions morly Midshipman of the “Hannibal" and other .... The country names given by Tippoo prisoners taken last war, who have lately made to such of the Europeans as were circumcised are their escape from Tippoo - .
The inserted in the list with a view to facilitate the

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JULY, 1896.)
MISCELLANEA.
203
enquiry and recovery of those who are still alive. despatched some of them .'. . to They have occasionally been altered." - Seton. | Nagar with letters to the Jam Saheb Jasaji Karr, Selections, Vol. ii., p. 311f.
declaring that he would confer a great obligation 1795. -"A few days ago a Havildar formerly
upon the Nawab by sending back the Divan attached to the 15th Bombay Battalion arrived
Raghunathjf. Accordingly the latter, although from the Mahratta country, having escaped from
aware of his master's fickle temper and of the Tippoo's dominions, where he had been detained
envy of Wania Karsandås, of Nagar Kahandas,
Azam Beg Chela and others, he took into a prisoner 13 years, and compelled to serve in one of his Chela Corps. The only intelligence
account that sincere excuses had been made and that he brings is, that Tippoo is diligently employ.
that it was his duty whether he liked it or not to ed in fortifying the lines near Seringapatam
comply with the wishes of his old master and that were storied by our Grand Army on the
went to Junagadh." - Tarikh-e-Sorath, trans. celebrated 6th February, and that he knows of
Burgess, 1882, p. 196. See also p. 286. no European prisoners that now remain under c. 1825. -" The author [Diwan Ranchódji] Tippoo's bondage." - Bombay Courier, March had been for two years at Porbandar, to which 21st, 1795, in Seton-Karr, Selections, Vol. ii., place Prabhudis and Kamal Chola were sent to p. 407.
recall him." - Tarikh-i-Sorath, trans. Burgess, c. 1821. -" Hiyat Mahomed Khan (of Bho
1882, p. 197. pal], when installed Nabob, had no children by his c. 1825.-"Azam Beg Chela, Karsandas, a wife, but he had adopted four Chelahs or family Vaniya, and Kahandas induced the Nawab Saheh dependants, who were considered almost as rela- [in Samvat 1861, A. D. 1804] to take part in tions. The oldest of these, Fowlad Khan, was the carousals and drinking houts, with music and son of a Gond. The second, Jumshere Khan, dancing and singing and administered the affairs was the son of a Gossein; and the third and fourth, of the state as they chose." - Tarikh-i-Sorath, Chutta Khan and Islam Khan, were the sons of a trans. Burgess, 1882, p. 202. Brahmin. The merit of having withdrawn these c. 1825.-"Navab Saheb Bahadur Khan bin children from their errors to the true faith no Hamid Khan Bahadur Babi . . . . After doubt constitnted in the eyes of a pious his father's death, however, he was brought back Mabomedan prince another tic to strengthen that to Junagadh by the Jamadár Omar Makbasam, of adoption.
Azam Beg Chelah, Kahandds Vaislırdav, MugatFowlad Khan, the eldest of the Cholahs, was rám Bakshi, Jhinâ Mehta and others and ascend
firer who possessed the power of Minister, led the throne in his 18th year, 9th of Phagan and it was during his administration that the Sud, Sauvat 1867 (A.D. 1810). .. ." - detachment under General Goddard passed Tarikh-i-Sorath, trans. Burgess, 1882, p. 205. through the territories of Bhopal (1778). ... c. 1825.-" The murder of Ahmad Khin Soon after these events a family quarrel occurred
[Faqir) was perpetrated on the 4th Muharramı in which Fowlad Khan was slain in an attempt A. H. 1219 (Samvat 1880) (A. D. 1823] and as a to capture the old Fort of Bhopal, then the resi
punishment for it Chela Esmayl Khan and dence of the widow of Yar Mahomed Khan: who
Kadava were one year afterwards expelled from from disgust at his violent and tyrannical acts had
the town." - Tarikh-s-Sorath, trans. Burgess, for some time resolved to subvert bis authority
1882, p. 227f. and to raise to power Chutta Khan ...
1864. -"Kalimdtushshu'ara Taşnif Sarkhúsh, This virtuous woman had every reason to
The Words of the Poets, by Mirzê Mohammad congratulate herself on her choice of Chutta Khan." -- Malcolm, Central India, ed., 1880,
Afdhal, whose takhalluç is Sarkhosh and who was Vol. 6., p. 296.
generally called Child. The title of the book is
& chronogram for 1093 [A. H. = 1882 A. D.) c. 1891.-"Chelah means literally an adopted the date when he coinmenced to compile it." - dependant. It peither applies to a slave nor an Sprenger, Catalogue of King of Oudh's Library, adopted child, but to a person who is admitted to Vol. 1., p. 108. the claims of a dependant relation." -- Malcolm,
"He wrote a biography of the poets of his Central India, ed., 1880, Vol. i., p. 296f.
own time entitled Kalmit-ush-Shu'arit,' the c. 1825.-When the Navab Saheb (of letters of which if taken according to their res. Junagadh] perceived that not one of the pillars pective numbers will give the year in which it of the State was able to extricate him from was written, viz., 1682 A.D., 1093 A. H." - Beale, this difficulty in Samvat 1867 [A. D. 1800] he | Orient. Biograph. Dict. 8.v. Sarkhush, ed. 1881.

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[JULY, 1896.
1873.-" The author of the pretty Tazkirah entitled Kalimatushshu'ard which contains bio graphies of the poets of the 17th century was called Chelah. His real name is Mirza Muham- mad Afzal: as a poet he is known as Sarkhush." - Blochmann, Ain-i-Akbari, Vol. ii., p. 253, n. i.
1873. - "The word Chelah is the same as the Arab. murid, a disciple who places implicit belief in his murshid or pír, the head of the sect." - Blochmann, Ain-i-Akbari, Vol. i., p. 253, n. 1.
1876. - "Chela, a Hindu boy seized in early life and forcibly made a Muhammadan by order of Tippu. These boys, as they grew up, were incorporated in a military corps retaining the name of Chelas." - Rice, Mysore, Vol. ii., Appx. ii., Glossary, p. 6.
[In 1779] "to break up the Bedar population [of Chittaldroog] .... he [Haidar Ali] removed 20,000 inhabitants to people the island of Seringapatam, and of all the boys of proper age formed regular battalions of captive converts, who in following wars were of great service to him." - Op. cit. Vol. i., p. 463.
1878. - The Lauk-i-Tarikh is an Urdu work, which in its present shape was composed in 1255 A. H. (March 1839-March 1840). . . . [This is a work on the Nawabs of Farrukhabad prepared more especially from the recollections of an old man, Allahdad Khan, son of Muķim Khan Chela. - Irvine, Bangash Nawabs, in J. A. S. B., Vol. xlvii., p. 263.
(To be continued.)
NOTES AND QUERIES. JAUR SINGH-A FOLK ETYMOLOGY. pakka (burnt) bricks, leaving an opening in it on In the Karnal and Ambla districts, worship- one side large enough for him to be put in when ped along with Goga Pir, Når Singh (Narasinha), he died, presented the Gurd with a man (82 lbs.) Kale Singh and Bure Singh, is found Jaur Singh. of gh, a man of sugar, and the same quantity of N&r Singh is of course a corruption of the name
flour. He also provided grass and grain, and of the man-lion avatar of Vishnu, and Barê moreover entreated the Gurd to make him a Sikh. Singh and Kalê Singh appear to be synonymous
The Gurd consented, and re-named him Ajmer with him. Jaur Singh is explained to be Jêwar
Singh. He had the power of performing miracles, or Rája Jêwar, the usual name of Gaga's father. and could collect alms in Dehli and Lahore on All the above are worshipped as godlings, and
the same day." Have we not here the true called någs, or serpent. - P. N. and Q. 1883. origin of the naughaza P
R. C. TEMPLE in P. N. and Q. 1883. AN ORIGIN FOR THE NAUGHAZA TOMBS. A naughaza is a deceased saint occupying
TABU AS APPLIED TO NAMES OF one of those very numerous long graves to be
MARRIAGE RELATIONS. found all over the Panjab. They are popularly
In accordance with the universal Indian cussupposed to be 9 feet or 9 yards long, and to
tom, among the Bagasi Jats in Sirsa, a man will contain the remains of a saint of proportionate
not speak of, or address his wife by her name, length. Like all similar objects of worship, these
but will use the name of her gôt or clan, calling naughazas perform miracles, grant sons, and so
her, for instance, Godari, if she be of the Gôdêrá on, and there are many current popular tales to
clan. The clan named is that of her father. that effect. I have heard it suggested that they
There is a very general rule in the Eastern are really the platforms of recumbent images
Pañjab against speaking of one's wife's father of Buddha, turned in the course of time into
as " father-in-law" (susrá). The Musalmans of Muhammadan tombs. Those I have seen, how.
Sirsa call him "uncle" (tdya or chacha); the ever, hardly look old enough for this, though I
Brahmans of Gurgaon, Pandit Ji or Misr Ji; the never saw one excavated to ascertain its internal
Kayaths, R&i Sahib; the Baniyâs, LAIA Sahib or structure. Many are quite modern undoubtedly,
SAL Jf; the Mês, Chaudhri or Muqaddam, or - and there are instances of some which may be
a specially M68 usage - dókrá or "old man;" said to be still "growing"! In Sardar Atr
insomuch that if you call a Mê woman - dôkr Singh's Sakhis (Lahore, 1876), in sakhi (tale)
she will fly at you with -"Do you call me your 69, p. 77, I read “the Guru (Gobind Singh)
mother-in-law P" While if you address her as next encamped at a place which he called Guptsar (P in the Sirsa District). Here a Muham.
burhiya (old woman in general), she will reply:
Achchha beta, achchha!" (good my son, good). madan faqir of the Wahmi order, who had built a tomb nine yards in length with lime and
J. Wilson in P. N. and Q. 1883.
[Arjan and Sarjan, the jord or twin half-brothers of Guga, are sometimes worshipped as Jaur. -ED.]

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AUGUST, 1896.)
ICHCHHAWAR PLATES OF PARAMARDIDEVA,
205
ICHCHHAWAR PLATES OF PARAMARDIDEVA; [VIKRAMA-JSAMVAT 1228.
By PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, C. I. E.; GÖTTINGEN. THESE plates were found near the village of Ichchhawar, in the Pailäni tahsil of the Banda
1 district of the North-Western Provinces, and belong now to Dr. W. Hoey, I.C.S. A description of them and a full summary of the contents of the inscription which they contain have been already published by Mr. V. A. Smith, I.C.S., in the Journal Beng. As. Soc. Vol. LXIV. Part I. p. 155ff., with a photolithograph, from which I here give the text of the inscription,
These are two copper-plates, each of which is said to measure about 1' 1' long by 101 broad, and is engraved on one side only. The plates contain each a hole for a ring, but the ring itself has been lost. In the upper part of the inscribed side of the first plate there is, causing a break in the first four lines, an engraving of the goddess Lakshmi, squatting down, with an elephant on either side pouring water over her head. The first plate contains 17, and the second 18 lines of writing, which tbroughout is well preserved. The characters are Nagari; and the language is Sanskrit. The inscription, after the words or svasti, opens with a verse which glorifies the Chandråtrêya ramsa, and it ends with two verses which give the names of the writer (Prithvidhara) and of the engraver (Palhaņa, the son of Rajapala), and in lines 27-33 there are four of the ordinary benedictive and imprecatory verses; the rest of the text is in prose. In respect of orthography, it soffices to state that the letter b is denoted by the sign for y, and that the palatal sibliant is employed six times instead of the dental sibilant (e. g. in sahasratamé, 1. 12), and the dental once instead of the palatal (in sana, 1. 23). In general, the wording of the text closely resembles that of the Banda district plate of Madanavarman, ante, Vol. XVI. p. 208..
The inscription is one of the Paramabhaftáraka Maharajadhiraja Paramé svara, the devont worshipper of Maheśvara ('Siva) and ruler of Kalanjara, the glorious Paramardidėva, who meditated on the feet of the P. M. P. Madanavarmadáva, who had meditated on the feet of the P. M. P. Prithvivarmadáva, of the family of the Chandratroys (i. e., Chandella) princes. And it records, in terms which are well known from other inscriptions, that the king, while at Vilasapura, at the time of & lunar eclipse on a date which will be given below, granted the village of Nandini in the Nandavana district (vishaya) to the Sé nápati MadanapalasaȚman - & son of the Thakkura Mahêśvara,' son's son of the ? 'hakkura Bhôņapâla, and son of the son's son of the Thakknta Tihunapala - a Brâhmaņa of the Krishạâtrêya gôtra who studied the bákhá of the Chhandôgas, and who was an immigrant from the bhaflágrahára? Naugava.
The date on which the grant was made is Sunday, the 15th tithi of the bright half of Sråvana of the year 1228. It regalarly corresponds, for the Chaitrádi Vikrama-Samvat 1228 expired, to Sunday, the 18th July A. D. 1171, when there was a lunar eclipse which was visible in India, 20 h. 54 m. after mean sunrise.
Of the localities mentioned in the inscription, the village of Nandini has with some probability been identified by Mr. Smith with the modern village of Nandandoo (the
1 Indian Atlas, Sheet 69, N. E., Long. 80° 34', Lat. 25° 59'.
? A similar engraving of Lakahmt we have in the Bandi district plate of Madanavarman, ante, Vol. XVI. P. 208, Plate.
The present inscription shows that in line 16 of the plate of Madanavarman the proper reading is sa-sarvu. daan- ekshu-.
• According to the Baghårt inscription of Paramardideva (Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 308) this king was the son of Yalvarman (who apparently did not reign, and) who was the son of Madanavarman.
. The only passage which does not occur in the plate of Madagavarman (nor in tho)DAhi plate of Viravarman of which I possess Sir A. Cunningham's own transcript), is the sentence atra cha ... parihartta vyam in lines 25-26.
. For his three prararas see the text and the noto on it.
Apparently village that had been granted to learned Brabmaņas; compare the term bhattagrama, ante, Vol. XVII. p. 121, 1, 85, and elsewhere.

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Nundadeo of the map), which is about 10 miles south-west of Ichchhâwar. The rest have not been identified.
So far as I know, there are four other dated inscriptions which distinctly refer themselves to the reign of the king Paramardidêva. They are:
1. A short image inscription at Mahoba, with a date in [Vikrama-]Samvat 1224, corresponding to Sunday, the 9th June A. D. 1168; Archaeol. Surv. of India, Vol. XXI. p. 74, and Plate xxiii. G.
2.
An inscription of 5 short lines on a rock between the 4th and 5th gates of the fort of Kalañjar, with a date in [Vikrama-]Samvat 1240, corresponding to Thursday, the 26th April A. D. 1184; ante, Vol. XIX. p. 37, No. 67.
3.The Baghâris (now Lucknow Museum) inscription, published in Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 207 ff., with a date in Vikrama Samvat 1252, corresponding to Sunday, the 10th September.
A. D. 1195.
4. A long, partly effaced Kilañjar inscription of 32 lines, which contains a eulogy of the god Siva, composed by Paramardidèva himself. According to my rubbing it is dated saivat 1258 Kartlika-sudi 10 Sômé, corresponding to Monday, the 8th October A. D. 1201. This inscription is known from the Journal Beng. As. Soc. Vol. XVII. Part I. p. 313 ff.; excepting the date, it contains no historical information of any value.
Besides, Paramardidêva's name occurs in the Madanpur inscriptions of [Vikrama-]Samvat 1239, which record his defeat by the Châhumana Prithviraja, the son of Sômésvara and son's son of Arnôrâja; Archaeol. Surv. of India, Vol, X, Plate xxxii. 9 and 10, and Vol. XXI. pp. 173. and 174.
TEXT.10 First Plate.
1 Om svasti 1 12Jayaty-ahlâdayan-viśvam viśvêsvara-sirô-dhritah
Chandratreya
na
2 rêndrânâm va[m]sas-chandra iv-ôjjvalah Tatra pravarddhamanê virôdhivijaya-bhrâ
3 jishnu-Jayasakti-Vijayasakty-idi-vir-âvirbhâva-bhâsvarê13
paramabha
4 ttaraka-mahârîjâdhiraja-paramêsvara-érî-Prithvivarmmadova-på dân ndhyâta-pa
5 ramabbaṭṭaraka-maharajâdhiraja-paramêsvara-sri-Madanavarmmadova-pădânudhyât a
6 maharajadhiraja-paramêsvara-paramamâhêśvara-śrîKalañjaràdhipati-śrimat-Para
marddidêvo
7 vijayî Sa êsha durvvishahatara-pratâpa-tê pita-sakalaripukulaḥ kulavadhûm=iva vasu(su)ndharân-nirâ
8 kulim
paripâlayann-avikalavivêka-nirmmalikṛita-matiḥ 114
Nandavana-vishay
mahattarân-mêda-chanḍâla
paramabhattaraka
intabpiti-Nandi
9 nl-grim-pagatin=vri(brå)hmapin-any[*]i-cha
paryantân-sam vô(mbô)dhayati sama
10 jäâpayati ch=âstu15 vah samviditam yath-ôparilikhito-yam grâmal sa-jala-sthalaḥ svasim-âvachchhinnaḥ s-a
This, according to Mr. Smith, is the proper name of the place where the inscription was found.
This rubbing was sent to me some time ago by Dr. Hoerule.
10 From the photolithograph in Journ. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. LXIV. Part I. Plate vii.
11 Expressed by a symbol.
13 Metre: Sloka (Anushṭubh).
13 That the two words Jayasakti and Vijayasakti are proper names-see now Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 121ff. - was first seen by Dr. Cartellieri whose edition of the Semra plates of Paramardidéva is in the press. I owe this information to Dr. Hultzsch.
14 Read-matir,
15 Read cha 1 Astu.
16 Read sarviditam.

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AUGUST, 1896.)
ICHOKHAWAR PLATES OF PARAMARDIDEVA.
207
11 dba-Arddhvô bhůta-bhavishyad-varttamâna-nihalsh-adaya-sahitah pratishiddha
charadi-pravēšaś chcâgma12 bhih sri-Vilasapuro 17 asht[&*]vimsatyadhika-satadvayopota-8a(sa)h asra
(Bra)tamo samvatsard 118 Sravane 13 masi bukla-pakshe panchadasyan-tith&vian katdapi samvatio 1228 Sravana
budi 16 Kavi-vare 14 Bahu-graste nisakara panya-tirth-8dakêna vidhivat=snätvå dêvu-manushya
pitrin-sa[]tarpya bhâsya-30 15 Ta-půja-puraḥsaram charâchara-garam bhagavantam Bhavani-patim-abhyarchya
hutabhnji hutvå måtâpitro 16 raîtmanas-cha punya-yaśô-vivsiddhayê Naug&va-bhattâgrahara-vinirggataya
Krishņk17 trêya-gôtrayal Atri- Årddhanana- 1 Sasagasa-tripravarâya -Chhandôgar [s]Akhadhyâ
Second Plate. 18 yino thakkara-śrt-Tihunapala-prapautrảya thakkura-sri-Bhôņapala-pantra19 ya thakkara-sri-Mahêśvara-putrâya sênåpati-sri-Madanapalaśarmmanê vrâ(brâ)hmaņa20 ya kusalatâ-pûtêna hast-ôdakâna chandrårka-samakalam patrapa trådy-anvay
anugami śasa (sa)naṁ kritya 21 pradattah | iti matvå bhavadbhirajña-sravana-vidhêyair bhùtva bhagabhôga
pasu-hiranyar-kara-bulk-adi sa22 rvvammasmai samopanéta vyam 1(11) Tad enam-nya grimam sa-mandira
prakaran sa-nirggama-pravesam 88-Baryv-asan-ê23 kshu-karpåsa-kusuma-san-Amr-Adi-bhůruhan sa-vana-khani-nidhanam wa-lôh-ady
Akaram sa-gôkulam sa-paku-msi24 ga-vilangamarjalacharam-aparair=api sim-ântarggatair-yvastubhiḥ sahita
váhy-Abhyantar-adAyam bhuñjana25 sya karshatah karshayatð dîn-adhậna-vikrayam-và38 kurvvato na kênacbiter
kâchid-vadha karttavyå atracha 1197 26 râja-raja-rajapurosh-atavika-chit-adibhih
van svameta(bhA)vyama pariharttavyam-idan-ch=Asmad-dinam-and27 chchbadyamanîhâryan=chêtibhavibhir-api bhùmipalaih pâlaniyam=iti (11)
Uktañ-cha! Bhàgi(mim)50 yah prati28 gribnti yas-cha bhûmêrin(mim) prayachchhati ubhô(bhau) tau puạya
karramanau niyatam svargga-gáminau 29 | Shashthim(shtim) varsha-sahasrå (srâ)ņi svargge vasati bhûni(mi).dah
ichchhətta ch-anumanta cha tâny-ê. 30 và naruko vsát || Suva[r]|namsekai gấm êkinh khủnê(me)rwapv=ekame
angala[**] I haran-naraka 11 Read pur shta". Rend savvatsarl, and omit the sign of punctuation. 19 Read sashuat. u The word bhaavara, if it really is the reading of the plate, is used for the more common bhaskara.
21 Read-gitrily-Åtri.. The two names which follow must be incorrect. Since, according to the AsvallyanaAsrautastra XII. 14, the three pranaras of the Ātrêyas are Åtréya, Archaninana, and Syaudia, the proper reading probably is Archchananana-Savdea (for-Syavasva). Compare, however, Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 43, noto 29. 23 Read Chchhandiga..
Read pradatta, without the sign of punctuation. # Read -kurembha-san..
* Read Oyam van 37 If these two lines are meant to be a full stop, they are superfluous.
The two worda rija.ndja cannot be correct; one might suggest raja-rajaka-. 29 The original has clearly ratavyan, which yields no sense ; but the Semra plates of Paramardidāva, as Dr. Hultasch informs mo, have -abhavyan. The same very unusual word we find in the copper-plates of the Maharajas of Uchchakalps, Gupta Insor. p. 118, 1. 11, p. 122, 1. 13, eto., in the phrase samuchita-rajabhduya. karapratyaya na grdhyah, the usual taxes, the payment of which may be claimed by the king, shall not be taken (from the donees).
» Motro. $10ka (Anzahtubh); and of the two next verses.
36 Read Wishata

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[AUGUST, 1896.
31 meåpnoti yâvad-lhůtasamplavam 11 31Sarvvân-êtán=bhavinah på[r*]thiv-êndrân=
bhugo bhû32 yo yâchate Ramabhadrah | så manyô=ya dharmma-sêturennripaņa kale
kåle pålani.. 33 yô bhavadbhireiti (11) Sva-bastô=ya[m*] râja-bri-Paramarddidővasya (1*]
matam-mama (11) 32 Kaya[sth]-ikbila-vi34 dyêna kûyastha-kamnd-êrduna [1*] Prithvidharêņa likhitaḥ śusanań nripa
sasanat | Rajapa35 lasya putrêņa Palhaņêna cha silpina (1*7 atka(tkr)rņa varņa-ghatana
vaidag[dh]2-Viśvakarmmaņa 11
ESSAYS ON KASMIRI GRAMMAR. BY THE LATE KARL FRIEDRICH BURKHARD. Translated and edited, with notes and additions, by G. A. Grierson, Ph.D., 0.I.E., I.C.S.
(Continued from p. 199.)
IRREGULAR FORMS. 155. These are really sound changes according to certain laws which occur in the formation of the Perfect Participle, Aorist and Pluperfect II. [Note that in the pluperfect II., there are only consonantal changes. The radical vowel is not changed. On the other hand, in the Perfect Participle and Aorist, radical vowels, as well as radical consonants, are liable to change.
166. The 3rd person of the Aorist is really an old Past Participle. Thus jy súa# or els means originally sent,' hence (he was) sent.' As each it is liable to the rules of inflection which apply to adjectives, and we have a feminine jy sie, (she was) sent; pl. masc., jy súsi Cthey were sent; pl. fem., jo sira, (they were sent. As will be seen subsequently, adjectives participles and substantives all follow similar rules in the formation of the feminine and the plural (vide $$ 183, 217), and identical roles in the case of the Aorist. As in the case of adiectives, masculine Aorists follow the second declension of substantives, but of the feminine Aorists those which take s e in the plaral follow the third, and those which take 4 follow, in appearance, the fourth, thus:
Signo stileu, pl. jgum súri (2nd declension). Masculine. S komas, pl. so's kari, (2nd declension). Feminine. Jis, sús, pl. vigo súzą (4th declension).
Jos kari, pl. Is heari (3rd declension). 157. The Perfect Participle is a compound of the 3rd person of the Aorist (or old past participle) and the syllable en mut. Both members of the compound are inflected for gender and number. The first member follows the Aorist. The second (no mut) follows, in the feminine, the 4th declension ; thus :Masculine, kor-inut, pl. buys karizmati, or contracted Boys kar-mat.
(2nd declension throughout). Feminine, pats kar-mute, pl. dom w kare-matsą ( 4th declension).] Metre : Salint. * Metre : Blók (Anushtabh); and of the next verne.

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AUGUST, 1896.)
ESSAYS ON KASMIRI GRAMMAR.
209
General Rules. 158. (1) In Feminine forms of the Perfect Participle and Aorist, and in all forms of both genders of the Pluperfect II.], there is a marked tendency to palatalize final consonants, which leads to the following changes : Final.
Become. Sg and JI
ei (only in Fem. pl., and Plup. II.)
or
thor
ch [only in Fem. pl., and Plap. II.)
4S kk
cha
chl [only in Fem. pl., and Plup. II.]
@
ciut me
toh
Co
manj
mmanjg6o مدیور
tujube جور
hekan, to be able متى
hyuk هيك
neckson هچیرو
. hockh چهہ
toolhgdo میور
[The above has been slightly altered from the original, to bring the information up to date. The changes only occur in Transitive verbs, and in Listed Intransitive verbs. They do not occur in other Intransitive verbs; see $ 147a.] Examples. Aor. 3rd sg. maso. Aor. 3rd sg. fem.
Plur. II., 1st pl. of Tr.,
and 3rd sg. of Iutr. verbs. kié mangun, to ask hio mong w tulun, to bear Útul obis gundun, to bind this gono kis gand
J is ganjyou
hech con tragen, to cat be too! toat evento teachyou wócó hokhun, to be dry natá hokh wenys deskun, to see (ans mit 35 dyüļh
Játs déchhyoo old verb)
u hetsov usió mathun, to anoint spio moth Á ladun, to build a lod
who mini
ggriso ményồo
Jalanyôo Exception. - When s dis itself derived from j s, it goes back to ; - in the feminine, instead of becoming j.
* Perf. part. pane celo telmat, tem. fun turmate.
hyter, to take هين
asus ميت
malak مچهه
ما ز
malah60 مچموو
taste تزور
manun, to measure ميتن
anun, to bring أنن
mytin مون
on أن

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[AUGUST, 1896.
Example.rôzun, uy's rúd is rúa (not 293 spisy róxőv to remain
rój.) [The author originally stated that, as a rule, sd becomes aj. This was, however, incorrect, and there is no doubt that in Kashmiri of the present day s d always becomes #; thus, lod, fem. laz.]
159. (2) [Vowel changes. - None of these re marks apply to the Feminine plural of the Aorist, or to Plup. II., in both of which the radical vowel always remains unchanged. The changes are liable to occur in all verbs, Active or Nenter, Listed or Non-listed.] (a) A radical a (or a) becomes to in the singular) masculine. [In the feminine singular and masculine plural of the Aorist the original a becomes a.]
3rd Aor, m. Sed Aor. fem. [3rd Aor. pl. m. Perf. part. maso. (Perf. part. fem. wys karun, to make
J/
koro vs karas kari wós kormutters kąrmute *** metery into opepř mutogr jóú mutogri] common mutsorm it @mutogrmute]
But we bakhshun, to give, Dakhsh.
This last is a Persian base, borrowed by Kashrairi.
(6) A radical & becomes 2 d. rla this case, as in the last the radical IL á remains apparently unchanged in the Persian character, in the feminine singular, and in the masculine plural. But for reasong similar to those stated above, the d is pronounced as ö in the feminine singular, and plural masculino, both of the Aorist and of the Perfect Participle. Examples :
Aorist.
[Perf. part. Iofnitve. 8 sg. m. [3. sg. fem. 3 pl. maso. S plur. fem. Perf. part. sg. m. 88. fem.
maa ما
{
man مان onda مان msn مون
:mediamut مارمي Monomut مونت mano مانة
os lo marun, to slay joé môr slo môr yle môri oyle mare cajgó mórmut çaylw mõrmuts osljø trárun, to} sisi tróv glji troo y j3 trôut ty's tráve casserovmut Eyl trôomuto wij zálun, to} Jej tôt lj tôj J'y zóki dalj záje] wólmut cum ij zôjmuts]
set alights 1) A radicali becomes a yu, in the masc. sing. of the Aorist, and in the Perfect Participle. Thus wáis gindun, to play, any gyund jis gina di gindi ewéins gyundmut gázis
ginamuts Batmés behun to sit,' a byáha v bith bighi e bykļlmut forbins
64 linuts The Fem. Pl. Perf. Past. of the last is bechhematsą.
(d) In the same circumstances, a radical y í becomes y, e. .W! chirun, to
to} se chyür yta chấr y#chiri wapya chyformat e schermato
squeeze,

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ESSAYS ON KASMIRI GRAMMAR.
211
.
(6) Similarly, a radical = e becomes do yu, e.g. -
Infinitive. 388, n. 3 sg. f. Perf. part. sg. m. Perf. part. sg. f. wks hekun, to be able, apo hyuk e hesh was hyukmut de hechmuts
(f) A radical y = 6 becomes sé ya in the mast. sg., and í in the fem. sg., e.g.
s
medwan, to mee ميتن
mai مین ngan ميون - minute ميني nganmut ميونت
phar, to turn پھیرن phirnuts پهیره phyarmut په یورشت phir پھیر phygar پټيور ,
bnan, to conquer زبان ytin* زبون ,
ء زین sydnmut زيوت idm ute زینهي
melan, to mix میان
, ميج myat مټوں
ز myanmat مونت ميج 5jmute
(9) A radical o remains 0, 0.9.orde votkun, to rise, 's voth te's votsh e, vothmut eins votshmuto which shongun, to sleep, các shong pria shoñj ali shongmut ensino shoñjmuts
(h) A radical , becomes , 21wisao sốzun, to send, jy sie je sús a good súrmut ko jauno sirmuta
(1) Bat radical 24 and, a remain unchanged, e.g. - ut, vuchkun, to see, + vuchh + puchh .*) vuchhmut' ** vuchhmuts
badaun, to parch بوزن ,
bas بوز
bada بوز
badanaut بوزمت
bdamnuts بوزه
o u (cf. & 148), and have
180. The following Intransitive verbs insert Us y before y the perfect participle in cig yôronut]: -
alan, to tremble ألن اليوم ,
algan, Part. Perf. Pasa .alyoumut البرمت .
oby baqun, to become big [bady6v). w samun, to meet (samyőv]. U budun, to be old [budyov]. -
kalun, to be dumb [kaly6v). com basun, to dwell (bos, basy ov (listed verb)]. kobun, to be hunchbacked [kobyoo. o balun, to become strong [balyôv].
gobun, to be heavy [gobyóv). ogle prárun, to wait (práryov].
matun, to be foolish (matyóv]. w prazalun, to shine (prazalyôv).
mokalun, to be free (mokalyôv]. un péđun, to drip [pédyôv].
nalun, to be afraid (natyov]. w tatun, to be hot [tatyóv).
uso nikun, to be thin (nikyôv]. uri tethun, to be bitter [tețhyov).
namun, to bow [namyov). wa thadun, to be high (thadyốo].
wys navun, to be new (navyôv? to thaharun, to remain [thaharyôv). w], wudun, to fly (wudyôv]. wie chhatur, to be white [chhatyôv]. win, wushnun, to be hot (wushnyov]. wys durun, to be steady (daryov].
ut, vethun, to be fat [vehyov]. Og du dôrun, to run (dôryov).
WA hanun, to swell Chanyôo, and others.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[AUGUST, 1996
These forms in ), ov, thongh properly belonging to 3rd sg. m. Plup. II., are used in most of the above verbs, in the meaning of the Aoriet.
[This list is given by the author, from Mp., bat is quite incomplete. All verbs, except those in ts, tsh and = (and some even of those) take y in Plop. II, as explained in $$ 108, 146 and 148a. All Non-listed Intransitive verbs use the Plap. II. in the sense of what the author calls the Aorist, but which is really an Immediate Past, vide $ 148a.]
161. Special cases.
8rd sg. masc. aor. U", warun, to descend
sooth khasun, to rise
ás khot (fem. cur whęte)] lux) pritshun (pratohun), to ask protsh
dazun, to barn (intr.) só dod marun, to die
Ago müd rôzun, to remain ngy rid (fem. jos rius) milavun, to mix (intr.)
myul qeshun, to see
dyûh (see above) behun, to sit
byłgh who chown, to drink
chyau (chiujas A peun, to fall
khern, to eat wie niun, to tako Los) on nyú (niu) wys diun, to give
bys diut or dyuta ut heun, to take
heut or hyut (het)** atsun, to enter
- sh tsáo ayun, to be born, to
bear a child nerun, to go out
yun, to come wie gatshun, to go
COMPOUND VERBS. 162. These are compounded with Arabic and Persian, and sometimes with KAfmid and other nouns. They are quoted in the Infinitive masculine, when the noun is masculine, and in
(I have omitted some of the verbs in the list, as they are already given in $$ 168 and f. -TRANB.)
Mp. usé chin (with pufis), o más khan (with sufl.), usad nyan (with auf.), os ditun (with rotfl.), using hitun (with saff.).
pes پیر
کھیر کاهkhyat
gan کو

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ESSAYS ON KASMIRI GRAMMAR.
213
the Infinitive feminine, when the noun is feminine. These are to be found in the Dictionary (880 Elmslie's Vocabulary, in which several are not mentioned), and, when they have a transitive meaning, govern the accusative, like simple transitive verbs.
Personal Suffixes. 163. In addition to the nominative and instrumental pronominal suffixes already given in the paradigms of the Aorist, Perfect, Pluperfect; the other pronominal suffixes, given § 47, vis., those for the accusative and the dative can also be applied to verbs. The following are examples :
164. d4 chha, to be, with sufixes. Masculine.
Singular suffix.
1st person.
2nd person.
chhuh-ames
me, to me thee ... .. to thee ... him, her to him, to her ... you, to you ... them, to them ...
chhus-at chhus-ay chhus-an chhusras chh 168-avg chhus-ak
3rd person. pia chhu-m
chhu-t chhu-y chhuchhu-s chhu-ve , chhu
chhuh-an chhuh-as
chhuh-ak
Plural suffir.
1st person.
2nd person.
3rd person.
chhiva-m
chhi-t
me, to me thee ... to thee ... him, her
4
chhi-y chhi-n
chhi-m chki-t chhi-y chhi-n chhi-8
chhiva
>
chhi-s
چهوس
chhiva-s
1
to him, to her ... you, to you ... them, to them ...
chhi-vo
chhi-ua chhi-l
chhiva-k
165. Double nuffixes, e. g., 19** chhu-m-ava, etc., also occur, e. g., g 8**as de mo tohi chhu-m-80% nounmut, by me to you it has-been-by-me-to-you said, i. e., I have said to you.
186. Note. - Be careful to distinguish 84 chhivą, you are, from 89 chhi-ve, we are to you, they are to you; wao chhus, I am, from who chhu-s, he is to him ; and clés chhuk, thou art, from or chhw-k, he is to them.
* See $ 49, (1) (b).

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[AUGUST, 1896.
107. The Feminine is conjugated similarly; thus to chhas-ay, etc. So also in forms of wot ásun, e. g., Aor. 3.gg o-ve, he was (by) you.
The Moods and Tenses with Personal Suffixes.
I.-The Simple Tənses.
168. Imperative.
Singular.
Plural.
2nd
3rd
2nd
3rd
me, to me
. pisa sőz-um
sentinam
osny smal00 شوزیوم
thee
...
sozin-at
to thee ...
sốzin-ay aj gaa sõsin-ano usisa $6xyên continguts sóxin-as hungrigio sôryo
3rd sin
gular.
E him, her ... li>- sổa-um
to him, to her ... com o sôn-. you, to you .... - thom, to them ... wigó sốa-uk
موزنوه
sarain-ava
|
Bú; y
sósin-ale
gün sốay8-2
Respectful form.
Singular.
Plural.
(me, to me
. Majgú sózta-m
për sé sõritan-am
sốaitan-am
pár on sósito-m
o-m?
thee
...
sóxitan-at
to thee ...
...
sizitan-ay
him, her
Be good enough to send
wjør söztan
sôzta
sozitan-an
sốait-on 1
Same as 3rd singular.
..senta موزتس... to him, to her
وزنس
,contana
-on its وزوس
sốzitan-ava
you, to you ... (them, to them. ... oó; só sosta-i
előjgó sòsitan-ak
bahis sérito-2;
» Soo $ 169, noto 6. 300 For rajon erin-m, ote, noo $ 40, 1,6
jy sovitan-m, etc., see $ 49,1, c.
2

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August, 1896.]
ESSAYS ON KASMIRI GRAMMAR.
215
169. Future or Present Indefinite.
Singular.
1st
2nd
8rd
adza
sôzak
me, by me...
jy
sốzah-ama
sózi-n
thee
sôza-t
to thee
sozi
(1) send
him, her ...
sôra-n
w jy
sough-and
söze-s*
to him, to her
sôxa-6
sôzah-asa
sôze-s
8ôza-vg
sózi-vg
you, to you (them, to them
o'zga söza-k
oso odząh-aks
- súni-k
Plural.
lat
2nd
3rd
es con sốzau
ujy
sútan
gjo sóriu
sózyô-ms
(1) send
وزني
me, by me... thee ... to thee ... him, her ... to him, to her
you,.to you (them, to them
sozan-am sốzan-at sozan-ay súzan-ano suzan-as
... 8636-48
8620-y$ sôzô-n23
శిరీష ... Ngjyra eözó-vas ... wy s ô26-43
سوزیون
sozyó-n5 ustiga sózy6-5
... US
بسوزد
sôzat-qua
Wyligim sốzyo-k
شو تك |
sozan-ak
170. In the same way are formed the Optative, the Precative, and the Causal.. It is doubtful if every form occurs. The fall form of the pronoun, standing by itself, often appears instead of the suffix.
Examples. —- Causal, eg, tharávyo-k (Causal, 2 pl. pres. + k).
رتزن ,daptains دیزس ,Precative
.rahaei-n
Seo $ 49, 1,
. See $ 49, 1, 0. • Np. ii. 13 (Matth.) wyle maro... See $ 53, 1, a. Fem. w-shiyan asayo-e, Np. xiii. 30 (Matthi) ..We And comb was gou sozan tus in Np. xvii. 13 (Matth.), and combis oran.qe in Np. IX. 10 (Matth.).

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[AUGUST, 1896.
Opt. Cond., com si gur sõziha-s, he would have sent to him; was diyiha-s, he would have given to him.
Aorist. 171. In the case of Aorist forms ending, v, the , v is elided before suffixes: e. g., T do tus=UT ds;,1 av +uk = UT ald; ; sáv (from oj xyun) +
rás. Hence we bave OT ak, thou camest, and, he came to them. Bat, dv + the saflix « y becomes sul oy, he came to thee.
(To be continued.)
THE DEVIL WORSHIP OF THE TULUVAS. FROM THE PAPERS OF THE LATE A. C. BURNELL.
(Continued from p. 72.) BURNELL MSS. - No. 25.
THE STORY OF KALLURTI. ORIGINAL in the Kanarese Character: transliteration by Mr. Männer: translation from Burnell's MS. checked by Mr. Männer, Original, text and translation, occupies leaves 253 to 265 inclusive of Burnell's MSS.
Mr. Männer gives Kalkuda and Vorte as synonyms for Kallusti, and the following geographical notes of places mentioned in this important legend. Kallatta Mârnâd is N-E. of Mangalore. Belgula, Belůr and Nagar are in Mysore. Kollur, Karkala, Yênär, and Ubâr = Upparangadi are in South Kanara. And as to the great images of Gomatesvara mentioned in the text he gives a reference to Buchanan's Mysore, Vol. II. Ch. XV.
Text. Kellatta Mārnādually appe Iravadi, amme Bambu Kalkude. Akuļegy ainy ang bāleļu, vatti sangaļi, pari kilaty pūvo!u bandydy, pulaty pudary lettini. Akule pudary Yellanne, Mallanne, Biru, Bikkuru, Nandu (tangadi) Kālamma atavā Kallusti. Aiyerego ainy binnapada bēle. Kadiry magaky marata bēle, madiry magaky karboda bēle, nadta magaky bangārda bēle, variyagy chembuda bēle, tiddi magaky āye tidyādy puttie, hiriyady balate, kallada bēlo. Mara bēle bendiniye Malenādechchave, karboda bēle bendināye Nudtalachchave, chembuda bēle bendināye Chemațigăre, bangārda bēle bendināye Yaranne, kallada bēle bendināye Kalkude.
Imbyenā, imbya megdiyā votta puțținakuļu. Imbyagy banjigu yēly tingoļu ānaga, imbya amme Sumbu Kalkudagu Bēlūra Belkuladdy gadi gadi võle uda uda māni battyndy. Kadadi māni baredi võle dumbu põvadų yang portingoļuda banjinalegu banjida muttu ambāri bēdago (sāmäny) konda pāddy yany barpendy pande.
Aiyelu hantāi (sāsami), mūva!y muşchi, koppara tārāi, pādara yenne, kallyda marãigy kanchida ranka kondupădye, Sadida vechcha podike kattye, taạnganonda ide ganji, bechcha. nonda pēry podike, jātig! janivara, nitigy, kalkude (kode), bāji kūtu bagalygy diye, uli kūtu tottedy padiye, madu kūtu puggelydy diye. Alakkanda bally, lekkanda kõla, aitanda kotyady aita balmaņa āye, jalakanda kotyady jalaka singarāye. Yang Belugulaky arasu nādag! pūpe andydy budedida pande.
Sadi muttudu sakaņa sirte, addanda sãru nitanda gudde kadate, ane katti attaso, kudre katti kinni göli, Santanda ka niru pariva, Kokkada Nirenki, saroli sampakatte kadate. Belugulaky pöye, padirady matti kally mittaye, ane būkily kadate, mūji permundily kadate, bannda chāvadi, marata kambo rajangaño kadate. Mairy bāņodu, kilenji gaddigodu arusu

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voderetta võlagātern (kuldery) sõlery solma sandāye Kulkude. Balappā Kalkuda kullandery, dāne kajyokārijogy lepudyary ande. Alkade portāndy (müji sanja) posoda yēļiandy (unpi samaya), aiyaļu ari pattylā padi, tade budarodālā, maru dinoku sürya udayogu paņpi; bēle yāny paņpe, benipi bēle bemba andery.
Ayyaļari padi patye, tade budarodu āye. Maggry dinoku sirya udayogy batte, paņpi bēle pandery. Sāra kammoda battadada bēle (basti), nutturuva bombeda bēle, yēly gunda kațroda, yeluverya dēvereng nirmita malpoda ; uļa gundo piravu gõpurada bēle, anganoda äne kallyda bēle, Gummada sāmi böle, sāra bakily pādnaga onji bākily jatty barodu, onji bākily pādnaga sära bakily jutty barodu, rambe nāțaka, sūle gudi, budároda bēle, benodundery; votanda ane, lotanda kudure, singa murugada bēle, benodundery. Yenkāpi kally tūpāvodundery, perya kallūņigy põla, nina manasagāpi kally tula andert.
Perya Kallūņi põye, nälg koņi dēverekuleng ninete, däre tūda nļi pāờye, aike mada pādye, netter påmbale lakkyndų, nettery pambaļe kattae, kally jāgaranda bēle benipāye. Sāra kammods battadeda bēle, nutturava bombeda bēle, rambe näţaka, sūļo gudi, budaranda bēle, n!y gunda, pira güpura bēle, yēly gõpura kattiye yelavery dõverykuļeny nile malte; votands ine, lotanda kudure, singa murugo, Gummandasāmi, bēle bende. Anganodu āne kally pădye, såra bākily pad bannaga onji bākily jattandų, onji bākily pādanaga sära bākily battandy, inchilli büle bende. Yany battydy varao aji tingoļu ändy, yany yena rājogu põpe, portingoļuda banjinăļeny bududu beide, appaņe korodande. Malagere mancha, kullere kuruchi, pattiyere pracha divatige, bipere bandi kõlu, puggellinja pachchade, băinja bülya (bachchire), sēji koriyery.
Sēji pattoņdu pira bannaga, tage tangaļi mūļu (illādy) puțydery amaļu bālelu; mage pațțuda aļy toļūdg (manushye ādy), tana sari jākuļe gobbuga põye. Jēkuļu pando, amme dānti mundre mage i gencha gobbaņindery. Onjeky voride, yeradeky pējade, müjeku kudtulakie; yenky amme ando ijjyo appă andyd; kūnde, dāni kēnpa magă ando!u. Yena sari jākula yang mundre mage andydy pandery, ainy këndydy barpe ; anchānda nina tare kadıą, padvenda lekkydēndy pande. Ayyayyā magā nina ammery yenky banjiļy yēly tingoļu änaga Bēlūru Belukulandāgu bēlegy pötery, varuso āji tingolāndy, nina amme barpi portāndy magā andoļa. Yena amma nūlogu (nadondu) povande saleyajji ande; tādida yechcha podike kattye, mukkunde neyty mūji achchi bellody podike kattye, pērydy beityndy, benjoņodu podike kattye, yang pope, ammany tūvoda, amme bendi bēle tūvodu, yenky benodande.
Pidādse adkanda säry, nitanda gudde, āne kattu attasa, kudre kattu kinni gõli, Santandadka, niry pariyu Kokkada, Nirocki, saroļi sampada katti, dadeyy pöye. Amme battydy sēji pattondu ally dembuga bēsarādy nirely vasātydy (sampada) kudure kastdy kattedy kuļde. Amma gurto magaky ijji, maga gurto ammagy ijji, yēreppä yēry kuļdininde; mage sölugu sõlyéry (kiyyēry) solma sandāye. Voľtu battini vodegy pöpini andydy kēnde amme. Yena amma nātogu põpe andydy pande, nina uru võla ande. Kellatta Mārnady dësonde. Appe pudarg däninde, amma pudary däninde amme. Appe Iravadi amme Sumbu Kalkude ande, nina amme võlande; amme Bēlūra Belgaļa rājyogu binnañada bēlegy potege, yang banjity yēly tingoļudāye āvoņda appanaga põtege. Onji ammagy votti appegy yēty jana bāleļu andy kēnde, aigēry āņuļa yang kūdudu vatti tangadi, tage sangadi yenkulu vottu patřinākuļu ando mage. Akule pudary dāninde amme; Yellanne, Mallappe, Bikkuru, Nandu, Narayaņe, yena pudary Biru, tangadi pudary Kallusti athavå Kalamma ande mage. Nina amma amma nätogu dāyegy põpini ande. Yena sari jokuļeda gobbugu pöye, amme dānti mundregu puţtudi mage i andēru, onejeky voride, yeradeku pējide, müjeky kudta batte; appeda kēnde amme nļena ijjenă ande. Amme Bölüruga bindanada bölegy pōte, baruvendoļu. Yena ammanų sūvande saleujji, yene amma nātogu yenky povodu, am mereny tuvodu, are bēlo tuvodu, anchane yenkylā malpodu, andydy batte ande mage. Hara bara magā kōde puttya, nāda balata (bēga), yena nātogu batte ende, katteddy pakkane jatte; ammendanda yānē, magendanda iyē sei ande, nikky yenky sari mutinava yeddändande. Magany tālādy, tottye, bāyāra bira mānye

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
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(bāi nilke pande) amme. Ammā nina bēle yenky tūvodu, piratti põyinde. Yena bēle dane tuvā, dāne kalpa magā, kāde pottya, näda buleta ande, yena bēle tūvană arasulu tūtery, mechchandi arasuļu mechchidery, korana sēji kortery ande amme.
Nina bele tüdu kalpande saleyuiji ande mage; pira'vottugu aime mage Belgulagy pöyery. Amme bendi bēle pancha divitige pattydy magaky tūpāye, mārnemi kammoda bēle bentinety onji kappeda rūpu bente. Itu bēle bentināvuandu, kappeda bēle mātra bendināvnägiji, aiky kanny hirdinávu āyji, kei hirinăua ayji, kāry birdinávu hirdinău ägiji ande mage. Rāma Rāma Bermettyē ! tupinäkuļu tütery, mechchunäkulu mechchidery. I kode puttya, nady buļeya, yena bēlegy vūne kūre pandanē, indini arasu kēnderyda äneda kūrygv yenany kattady, kudreda chabukuda kuttāvery, yena māna hina malpery, yany ittydų dāne andy magā andery. Tăng patti muttu muriny tirty pädye, tana sontada bisatti dette, tana kekkilygų pādonde, tana jiva tāny dettonde.
I põyada pūlamma nina muttu muri yang badayende mage. Amme keri mage bēledy buddivante andydy nāly rājyogu vartama punda, Belgulada arasu magany lepudyerij. Amaddu yechcha bēle Belugulațy mage bende. Yēlu gandakattye Bermereny nilete, yēly nileta kudoku yelu very dērerekulenynilete, sara kambo battada nüttirava kamboda bēle, rambe Dāta kada bule, sule gu di badūrada bēle bende, näga kalluda bēle bende, sāra bākily onji bākily bēle bende, singa murugo lytanda bēle bende, lotanda āne kodre bēle bende, Bēlūrudda onji kūlu bēle yichcha bende mage. Kollūrugu batte dēvastāna kattye Mukāmbikeng nilete. Trnādygy pöye devastāna kattye dēvery kuleny nilete. Nagaroņu bēle bende. Kārlada arasu Bairana Sūdery i vartama kēnderg, lepodyern ; yena rājyodu bēle benodu andery. Āye, sāra kambo battadada bēle, nutturuvo gombeda bēle, rambe nätakada bēle, Süle guļi budaranda bēle bende; boţtuda pādegu põlā, Gummada Sāmi bēle bennändery (arasu). Gummada26 Sami bēle bende, Banta Kammo, märnemi kammo maltenāye; angaņonda bēle bende, hachchigonji aiva käyi, pattle käntyara (püvvo) kuppo mijatu kāyire kondále, Kārļa aisarālu kūdule, Gummada Süming nile malpulende. Kārļa aisarāļy kūdundalā Gummadany sarūtā malpere küduji. Sarta malpere kūduji Kalkudā bēle bendi sēji sambala nikky korpundo, sarta maltu nirmitada aiky bēle seji korpenderu. Āvujya (kartuļende) datta kai pādye, pira hāsy kally koriye, Gummadany nirmye, yena sēji pālane pādle; inigy yāny illy budodu battady padyrādu varuso ändy kartonde. Ini alkade portu Andy, posoda yölyandų, mari dina adiulla portuga balla, nikkäpi sēji pālane korpe andery arasıļu.
Manadāni põge, yena rājyoda bēle bendi Kalkadang bête rājyoqa bēle benyare budaye andery; yedata kai balata kāry kaleyery. Rāma Rāma Bermmetti! Karto! alevu alepāyaru (tirgūdų) kubelydų būrtiery (haly maltery); Ire rājyodu yāny ațaddy buraye (labādi), bandi niry muttaye, köpo kurdadu mana bugaļudu. Yönūrugu põye.
Onji kaity onji kārydy Yēņūruļu kartu arasu Timmanājilendudų, are rājyoga binnaşanda bēlegy pöye. I bēledy buddivantege, yena rajyodu bēle benodundery. Ayyayya karto ! kai ijji karto, käry ijji karto, yāny yencha bēle benikēnde; Kārlada arasu Bairy Sürdery yena kai kārg gettery, bēle rājyodu bēle beniere küdandyndydy, anda ūraye, handi nirų muttayendydg, rājya bududu i rājyogu batte karto ande. Nina jāti, sarikereny lepudve i bēleda nota paņodu andery. Yānų kalti bēlengāyagy pany pang proyereky yāny bēle benayena karto ande; iye bennändery. Batta dada bēle madávere angaņoda bēle, Gummada bēle bende, Kürladdy onji kõlu bechcha bēle bende, banta kammoda bēle, märnemi kammoda bēle, Banta Kammoda mēlydy tana pratir ūpu bēle bende.
Anne Yēņuruļu bēle malpānaga tangadi Kellatta Mārnāddy pandola, yena anne põdu padirūdy varuso andy, yena annany kaņog kondu hūyini ijji, kebi konda kēņiji, totande tõļu mujjundu, tūvande kaộny nalipundu. Anna nātogu penky povody, yena annany volledala nādų pattoda andydy, aạnagy mukkunde neitu mūji achchi belloqu podike kattyoļu, pērydy
» This statue of Gummada is about 56 feet in height.

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beitady benjonoda podike kattyola; appadadye, äryya kadapa (arita) madads pori, aryyada neyitu annagu. Tanky, kayindy rotti, udijande keipu, mukkonde neyi, mujachchi bella irety podike kattyola, tare barchyolu, kattyola, muttuda baktale diyoļu, kurely padaka diyolu, yenne võle, yesaly bugudi, mullu koppa, banna sara, idekaji, chalaki, kärngy pilli menți kannagy kölu mai, kappa botta diyolu, jagina sire tutyola, paṭṭeda ravaki päḍyolu, aita singuro, ayolu. Sādi muttyolu, sakana sertola, Atkanda sarg niṭanda gudde, ane kaṭṭu attasa, kudre kattu kinni gōli, Santandadaka, niry parivu, saroli sampakatte, kaḍatady Belurugu poyolu Bölürudu anaang kendola; anna pudara daninderg. Bira Kalkuḍendolu, Belagulāgy pote andern; Belugulagu poyolu, ally Iranadagy pötenderg. Ade pōyolu, ally Nadugu potendery, adegy poyolu, alla Nagarogu potendery; adegy pōnaga Kolluruga potendery, adegy pōnaga Pedḍurugu pute andern, ally kadiky karlagg pōte andery. Karlogy battolu, all kondolu arasu mechchintinchchi bile bende, nana volla inchidi böle benyare kuḍandandy onji kei onji karų arasu kadpayery; onji keity onji karydy Yönuruga pute andydy pandern. A patero kendoļu Rāma Rama! Bermettyē! ulo ulo vidiye yena annang võlu tuke, võlu sanduge andolu, aronda maredondu dartondu guddondu pāryoln. Ubärade poyola, ally Hoilārdu (kolyolu) kendoļu, Hoilary nina anna pudary danindery, padary Biru Kalkaḍendaļa; arg Yenuruḍu bele benpendery, anna titi mati dane 'andolu, ayaga onji kei onji karg ijji anderg, gontu kepondu Yenurugu balitolu. Ally tana podikeny anna podikeng tudeky dakyoļu; ally madavere anganoda bele, Gummaḍa Sämi bēle māta ādy banta kammoda mitta tana partirupu malpanaga anna jakkeln mōla podu buryolu. Ayyayyanņā nina kei karą dantiniyo aṇnäadolu. Rama! Rama! Bermettyē! kandudy atty kalatu atta, arasu mechchidy Kärladarasu Bairana Sudery yena rajyoda bendi baleny bete dikkudy benyere avandy andydu yena kei kärg dettery ande.
219
Aty patero këndolu anna jakkeluddy kuḍtu lakyolu, Yenurudda Karlagg makaḍdu untyolu-arasugu base pandolu, yena anna kei käry kaleyi arasunu tūva kēņa (tuvande kēṇande) budaye, inchitti bhōga nanky bodchi. I pattudi muttu mari yena batta bangarn kaledy madavēre anganoḍu padugo andola, anchane pädyera. Padady pancha dițige pattondu mūjisuttu anganoga battery, "Mā Dēverē," mayaka malpoḍu anderg; Kärlagg mukkuddu ma dāvēre anganoḍdu mayakayern, nanku puttiame kara, seiti kara (sütigo) nanna suddo atuji, namo Kāvēri Kanya Sirito (tirto) mikondolu, badakayi Gangegy poyi andoļu, Gange sirto mīyondola. Kāvēri miyery, tage tangadi badakayi Gange miyerg, Tirpattigu battery, Ananta Nompa Ranga Puje kei kondern (tūyera), alla namo pāḍyolu, nāga betto puttondola, baktida karaḍige padyolu (chilodu) Timmappa Devereda, ire kapata nataka yenkų koroḍundoļu gettondolu, Kärlagy battery. Tago tangadi mutta mutta bannaga, nina kei karų kaleyi arasu aramane yevutupala anṇa andoļu. Odu hunaga hojunda leppunaga kununḍunde anne.
Arasu aramaneky battery, badakai gōpurogu battery, pogyerg, tenakui agra sälegg battery, asigedy kolli päḍyeru karadigeda bangarg dengäyerg, Setți pente Paluvere angadi sudyerų suda sukary maltery; ponṇang i seṭṭālā, apang yang setṭavendola. Kärla aisaraly paṭṭodu any poņņu marly maltery; arasu abbeng nirada yely irlu nira mudi katty diyerg (nirady kantāyerų). Irlu jogo pageludy mayo ayerų, kally i dakkalā, tu yang dipe anṇandolu. Jogodu (jivoḍu) yena anna kei kary kaḍtady punedary mayoḍu yenkuļu puneva andola. Arasule pērn parivāloḍu (ahāra) näida puna pita kudante padyeru. Arasnļu, i būtoļu buḍupujjo, i butoleng bajanyeregu banda malpere yēru ullera Rama! Bermatte! andery. Nallyani Kalyandāru, kalpeda muttidunarg; Kallabotți Adangerg, Kalai Boyyandary, Maraḍangern Mathikala Yantiridārg mōkulu battera. Yerg mantiridanḍala akule jañtro mantrogu yenkuļu sikkaya jōgodu irn munidary arasule, mayoḍu yenkulu munivo anderg. A mantravādileda yeredala ayijji, nana yēru yērākuļu allery andern; Ubarydy abarg Hoilary malla kalpādi, malla mantravādi, malla jautri, ary baligada avundery.
Onji voli ori mani kaḍayerg, vōle vodige maltern Hoilary, i chana baroḍundu barettandy. Jalaka siugaro ayer, vanasu balmana maltery, aita balmana ayer, pidadyery arasu rajyogu, Ubara tadeky battudu jappanaga võleda māni berie pōti tage tangaḍi

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[August, 1896.
ir pirim päpora ijo, tudeta kallydu yērāvanyandery. Veilary pira päryery, pira pärady tenakii illuun pöyer (tana illuda kūne) kanchi kalembidi kuldery, bahala chinte malterų; i būtolegidly tūri arasu mini kadāyery, dane mapuge andern, i būtolen nenavarike maltery, yena inantroga nikulu sikyarda japa jāvarada kottya kattāve, võdily pädāve, magali dipāve, por bajany ma!pe, patti sarapoli, palle nuvalo didy, Kārlag!! põnaga jaya maltarda, nikulegu incha maltady noma malpāve andery. Apaga echchaitti kalpa jantro tūpāvere irega küdandy yenkule aga nirvodau (ūpi vastuļu) ūgina onji kon le tumbeda pūvu, varla bulante ari, kally, sunno, onji betto, vatte kally, paleda panchavalli; kukkuda mundo!li, kabeti pettada sanenlla piri inchinnu vodundolu, Trg karla aisarāly pattogu pūle, jaya malty korpe, uttāra nmboli kopāvendolu; mudāi milyodu kalle, i sāpitta pattydī, mālya katudy mantro anopale, hanchi budulo, kiida nevanodu kulle, kāida nevanodu kullanagn yenkulu barpo, kāidy vodile, hanchidy (tanchi) pādle, Ubūrygı kondudu balle, andydy pandolu.
Anchane Kärlagı battery, battydy mantrarāda maltery, mudāi mālyecy kuldery, hanchi budgery, käidy vodyery, apane mäta sūkarāndh; nirudy pādi arasu ajji battery mittą, dambadalckkauo māta sūkara andų. Veilāry anchane Ubārngų kondattery, ja pa jāvara kotya katyery hanchi padhyer, muguli dipāyery, něma maltadų mane dēvery kula sumi deivandydy nambyērn, pū pūjane karitondu ittern. Nemogu tageky madumāya aita singaro, tangadig madimale aita singaro malpām; santosodu nema dettondera, āre (Veilary) mane dovery kula sämindo panapāyer. Yenkuly yuva důsoga pondala ire purapu (pudary) budayondery.
Nalyane Kalyandāry, Kalla botti Adangēry, Karayūdu Joggyandāry, Kolpada Muppendary, Miradanger Malisūra Jantiri, Malayūln Jantiri; mokule illaga püyery, tage tangadi sanknda üyasus pädyern illogy tū pūlyeru, onji kūdi pattīnāga onji ködi tekkyndy, Nädy Balyeng leppäycry, karia katronda maņety bolsa sario pădydy nimityo tūpāyern varte būtoda (Kallusti, Kalkuda) upadrondi tojindi, aiku nēma bali avodundy tōji 'battyndų. Anchanē sina kattāycry noma pūje ma!pāyer, sankada süyasa guņa ändų.
Dokko Aruyada Guttu, Bangāra Guttu Bangüdigy 27 battery, Nāūrugu battery, allo noma gettonderi. Ulara karapagu battery, kadapu Rāma Gudca Kunjandy lettery, kada puda voda kondalā Rāma Gudda kunjanderu. Natta nadu irlụdy, natta nadiru jāmoada portugu yerali leppunende, votte võtto mūntu jalla yennau, niru sulipa, kally davaņe yenky teryyandų rūtreg ande; vula voiturly, kacekų kally dakkāde, kadapu võdo konda barāyende. Nina votte vodo montu jalla i kondu baravā attāndudą pandolu, āyereddų iyere vodon voitölu tangadi, iyereddy nyere rüyolu, voda kallada kūdi üye dilekkanë didy kattyolu. Inchi (vododāye) põnaga röda budłyere budujyoļu, budi voda nadapere budijyolu, kadapuda para pădyern tago tangadi. Undu dāne jūga kalijagande rödadāye; Nādu Balyani leppäye, kariya kadrenu inaneti bollya sariyodu nimityo kēnde, Balyāya ganditta panna, álochchi tūla ande, Kadapagu baile miyoda deira võtla na lapodandı kallų māda kattavodundery, deivog plenn nambodunderi, mane deiva kula sumindų nambuve andųdy pandonde. Āyūgą kanoța pandolu tangadi; kallı panchanga yenknļu kattaro, mölpure i kattula Kunjandoļu. Oipuda dēveregu kadpāyi kallugu Ubāra kariyagu māyodu voipādu panchanga kattāyolu; mēlupure Rāma Gudda Kunjo kattye. Sāna andy, bali nēma korye; niva bali nūmoga babala santūsāndy; nālų rājyo yenkuļu ponala niva pudara bulayo andudņ pander tage tangați. Aiddų bokko mudāi riyodilu paddai rājyogu badakāi Anköle gadiddu tenakāi Rāmösvara mutta Käyeri gattadda Nūguru poyye mutta katydi illy jatiydi bākilų tappande sarvatrodi kappa iyi kartu dettondery tagi tangadi.
Translation. In the village of Kollata Marnad there was a woman called Iravadi and a man called Sambu Kalkuda. They had tive souis, who had a sister. They (the parents) bound up their navels, and gave them names when they were born. Their names were Yellaņņa, Mallaņps, Biru, Bikkuru, Nandu, and Kalamma or Kallurţi. The five sons entered upon five kinde
27 A place in Mysore.

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V.–The Devil Worship of the Tuļuvas,
Fig. I. Kallurti. Fig. 2. Bobbarge..

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THE DEVIL WORSHIP OF THE TULUVAS.
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of trades. The first son became a carpenter, the second a black-smith, the third a gold-smitli, the fourth a copper-smith, and the youngest was burn very tiny, but grew very big and became a stone-mason. He who became a carpenter was called Mulenadechchava, the black-smith Nudtlachchava, the copper-smith Chematigür, the gold-smith Yaranga, and the stone-mason Kalkuda.
The youngest aon and the sister were brought up together. When his mother was seven months pregnant with him, letter after letter and messenger after messenger came to his father Sumbu Kalkuda, from Balar and Belgula :-“These letters and messengers are sent on first, but I will supply the pregnant woman with medicine, and I am coming." said Sumbu Kalkuda.
He supplied her with five sers of mastard, three sers of pepper, some dried cocoanuts, * pot full of oil, and a bell-metal vessel measuring half a ser instead of a stono one. He prepared a quantity of food for his journey, rice water and things with milk and warmed. He put the thread on his shoulder to let people know his crate, and held up an umbrella. He made sharp his adze and put it on his sboulder. He made sharp his chisel and put it in a bag. He made sharp his axe and put it on his shoulder. He carried a cord and a pole for measuring. Ho dressed himself in his dressing-room. He took a bath in his bath-room, and then he dressed himself again,
"I am going to the kingdom of Belgula," said he to his wife.
He went on to the road and saw a good omen. He passed by water-course, by a long hill, by a Brihmaga tree where an elephant was tied, by a small Banian tree where a horse was tied, by Santandadka, by a stream, by the villages Kokkada ard Nireiki, and by a platform round a caroli tree. He reached Belguļn where be ascended twelve steps of stone. He passed by the gate. He passed by three lurge yards. He passed by a painted chávadi. He passed by a pillar of precious stones, and a large yard. There the King sat down ou his throne with peacock's feathers.28 He held up bis bands and saluted him.
“Come Kalkuda, take a seat," said the King. “Why did you send for me P" asked Kalkuda.
"Now this is evening and the time to take one's food : therefore take five sers of rice, and go to your lodging. I shall tell you your work to-morrow morning, and then you must work well," said the King.
He took five sers of rice and went to his lodging. He went to the palace at sunrise, on the morrow, when the King directed him to do fine work, such as a basti (temple), with a thousand pillars, and with one hundred and twenty images. Seven temples with seven idols : A small temple inside and a garden outside: an elephant in the outer yard, and also a large idol called Gummada 2 Work such that only one door was opened when a thousand doors were shut, and that the thousand doors were opened when & single door was shut:- a building for dancing and another for dancing-girls, and also others for lodgings:- an elephant that seemed to be running :- a fine horse and a lion.
“I want to choose my own stones," said Kalkuda. "Go there to a large rock, and get the stones you like," swid the King.
He went to a large rock called Porys Kallani and remembered the gods on the four sides. He found the cleft in the stones and put his chisel there, and then he applied his axe. The stone was separated, just like flesh from the blood. Then he did fine work, and built basti of a thousand pillars and one hundred and twenty images : a dancing room, and a lodging
Or in the peacock grove. * This han reference to the great statue of Gomatisvara at Bravaņa Belgo!a. It is 56) ft. bigh. See ante, Vol. II. p. 129 4.

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for dancing-girls: a small bnilding inside and a large gate outside. He built seven pyramidal towers over the gates of the seven temples. He established seven gods. He made an elephant appear as if running, a beautiful horse, and a lion, too. He made a Gummațasimi. He placed an elephant's image in the yard. He so built that only one door was opened when a thousand doors were shut, and a thousand doors opened when a single door was shut. Thus did he do his work.
" It is a year and six months since I came. I must go to my native country. I came, leaving alone a fully pregnant woman. Therefore I beg leave," said Kalkuda. The King presented him with a cot to lie down on, a chair to sit on, five torches for light, a stick to walk with, cloths up to the shoulders, and betel-leaves to fill his mouth.
When he returned home with all his rewards, a brother and a sister were born twins at his house. When the son grew old he went to play with some boys of his own age. The boys said: - "You are a rake's son, and are without a father. How can yon play with us?" asked they. He said nothing at the first time they said thus, and thought a while on the second occasion, and at the last he stood up and asked his mother directly :-"Mother, have I a father or not?" asked he.
"Why do you ask, my son ? " said she.
"Some boys of my own age called me a rake's son. I told them that I would go home and ask. If it were true, I wanted to cut your throat," said he.
"Alas, my son! when you were seven months old in my womb your father went to work in Belgula, and now that a year and six months bave passed it is time for him to return," said
she.
"I will not remain without seeing any father," said be, and tied up a parcel of food for his journey. He prepared some food with three sers of ghi, and three pieces of sugar; also some boiled with milk, and some with cards.
"I go; I want to see my father; I want to see my father's work, and I myself want to work," said he.
He started from his house and passed by a water-course, a long hill, a Brahmana tree where an elephant was tied, a small Banian tree, Santandadka, a stream, Kokkada and Nirenki, and came to a cool platform round a soroli tree. His father, being much tired, sat with his rewards to take rest on this platform, and there the boy tied up his horse. The son did not know his father, nor the father his son. The son asked him : “ Who is it sitting on the platform ?," and held up his hands and saluted his father.
"From whence do you come and where are you going?" asked the father. "I am going to search for my father," said the son. "What is your country? " asked the father. "Kellatta Marmad," said the son. "What is your mother's name, and what is your father's name" ? asked the father. "My mother is called Iravadi, and my father is onė Sumbu Kalkuda," said the son. "Where is your father?" asked the father.
"I bave heard that my father went to Bélúz Belgula to do fine work, when I was an infant weven months old in my mother's womb," said the son.
“How many children bave your parents ?" asked the father. “Five sons altogether and a sister," said the son. “I and my sister were born twins."
“What are their names?” asked the father. "Yellanna, Mallanna, Bikkuru, Nandu, Narayana. My name is Biru, and my sister's name is Kallurti or Kalamma," said the sou.

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“Why do you go searching for your father?" asked the father.
“I went to play with some boys of my own age; they called me a paramour's son. I said nothing the first time, and reflected the second time, and then I went at once to my mother and asked her about my father. Your father went to Bêlûr and he will return in a short time,' said my mother. I cannot remain without seeing my father; I will go searching for my father, I want to see my father, I want to see my father's work, and I want to work in the same way,' said I, and I came here," said the son:
"Good, good, my son ! you were born but yesterday, but you have grown up very soon that you should come searching for me," said the father, and came down from the platform immediately. “It is true that I am your father and you are my son. It is well that we have met," and he clasped his son in both his arms and kissed him.
"Father! I want to see your work, let us go back," said the son.
"Why do you want to see my work? Why do you want to learn? You were born bat yesterday and have grown up very soon. Kings, who examined my work, saw what it was, were satisfied, and gave me presents," said the father.
"I cannot stop without seeing your work and learning," said the son,
Then the father and the son went to Belga!a. The father holding five torches, shewed his son all his work. He had made a figure on a pillar of maharnavami.
" All the work is done well, except the image of a frog which is not done well. Its eyes are not well done. Its paws are not well done. Its legs are not properly done," said the son,
"Rama, Rana, Bermetti! Many have examined and seen my work; many have been satisfied with it. You were born but yesterday, and are only just grown up, but still you have found out a mistake in my work ? If the King heard of this, he would tie me to an elephant's leg and beat me with horsewhips. He would dishonor me, and then what would be the use of my life!" said he, and put down all bis tools, and took out a knife at his girdle and cut his throat. Thus did he kill himself.
“Father, although you are dead I will not leave your tools," said the son. The news was spread in the four countries that the son who had killed his father was very clever. The King of Belgala sent a man to call him. The son worked at Belgnla much better than his father had worked. He built seven temples; he established a Brahma; he established seven idols in seven temples. He made a basti with a thousand pillars, one hundred and twenty images; a building for dancing ; a lodging for dancing-girls; a figure of a serpent. He made the wonder of a thousand and a single door: he made a figure of a lion: he made an elephant that appeared to be running, and a horse. He made a Gummata two cabits higher than that at Belûr. He went to Kollar, where he built a temple and established the god Mukambike. He went to Yörnad, built a temple and established a god there. Then he worked at Nagar, Bairangsada, King of Karkal, heard the news, sent for him and told him to work in his kingdom. He made a basti with a thousand pillars, a hundred and twenty images, a dancing room, 4 lodging for dancing-girls.
"Go to a rock on dry land and make a Gummatasami there," said the king.
He made the Gummatasami. He made a pillar called Banta Kamba, a pillar of maharnavami. He made a garden inside the temple.
"You people, bring fifty cocoanuts in a basket, flowers in a basket, and betel nut on a fan; call together the five thousand people of Kârkal, and raise the Gummatasâmi," said he.
Although five thousand people of Karkal were collected together, they were not able to raise the Gummata.
"O Kalkuda, we are not able to raise the Gummata ! We are not ablo at all!"

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"I will pay you and give you presents for your work, but if you raise the Gummata I will give you more presents," said the King.
“Very well," said Kalkuda; and he put his left hand ander the Gammata and raised it, and placed it on a base, and then he set the Gummata upright.
"Give me my pay and the present that you have to give me! It is twelve years since I left my home and came here, O my master," said Kalkuda.
"Now this is the evening time and the time to take one's meal. Come at sunrise to-morrow, and I will give you a fitting present," said the King.
He went to him next day. "I will not let Kalkada, who has worked in my kingdom, work in another country," said be, and cut off Kalkuda's left band and right leg.
“Rama, Råma, Bermetti! Master! you have made me run abont and wander, and recklessly made me cry out; but I shall not become a useless man, and I will not even drink cold water here," said he, and went down to Yonar in a very grievod and angry way.
Timmanajila was King of Yentr, and he went there to do fine work with his single hand and leg.
" I have heard you are clever in stone work, and so you shall work in my kingdom," said the King.
"O Master! I have no hand; I have no leg! How can I work P" said he. "Bairans Suda, King of Karkal, has cut off a hand and a leg, so that I should not work in any other kingdom, I thought to myself that it was not good even to sit or drink cold water, and so I left his kingdom and came."
"I will call your caste people and you shall teach them how to work," said the King.
Can I not work better than I can teach others P" asked Kalkuda. * Then do the work yourself," said the King.
He made a basti with an enclosure and a Gummata. He made the Gommata two cabits higher than that at Karkal. He made a pillar, and another for the maharnavami. He made >> figure of himself on a pillar called Banta Kamba.
While the brother was working at Yênûr, his sister said at Kellatta Märnad :-"Twelve years have passed since my brother went away, and since then I have not seen my brother with my eyes, and I have not heard of my brother with my ears. My arms ache for want of clasping him. My eyes are weak from not seeing him. I will go and search for my brother, I will find him wherever he may be."
Thus she said, and prepared for her brother & meal with one and a half sert of ghi and three pieces of jaggery: a dish warmed with milk, and another mixed with cards : cakes made of rice, sogar, and cocoaput and fried with oil: rice pudding: and rice flour in a leaf. She took the ghi in a pot and tied up the rest in a bundle for her brother. For herself she baked bread and made some curries of vegetables : one and a half ser of ghí; three pieces of jaggery. She tied them all together in a leaf, and combed her hair, putting a chaplet of pearls on her head. She put jewels on her neck and in her ears; jewels called waté and koppu; coloured garlands; copper rings; jewels called chalaki on her hands; silver rings called pilli meyli on her toes. She pat collyrium on her eyes and a mark on her forehead. She tied round her waist a black cloth and she put on a groon jacket, With all these things did she dress herself. Then she started and met with a good omen, She passed by a water-course at Atka, a long hill, Brahmaņa tree to which an elephant was tied, a small Banian tree to which a horse was tied,
place called Santandadka, a stream, platform round a saroli tree, and went on to Belar, where she enquired after her brother. The inhabitants asked her his name.

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" His name is Biru Kalkuda," said she.
They said that he had gone to Belga!a. She went to Belgola, where the people told her that her brother had gone to Yêrnad. She went there, but the people told her that he had gone to Nåd. She went there, but then she heard that he had gone to Nagar. When she went there, she heard that he had gone to Kollør, and there she came to understand that he had gone to Peddür. At last the people of that place told her that he had gone to Karkal. She went there too, and inquired after him, and heard that he had worked with satisfaction to the King, who had cut off a hand and a leg, so that he might not work so well in any other country. She heard that he had gone to Yênûr with a single hand and leg. When she heard this she cried aloud :- "Rama, Rama, Bermetti! Alas my fate! Where shall I see my brother? Where shall I go ?”
She began to cry aloud and beat herself. She passed by Ubûr, where she inquired of one Hoïlar. He asked her :-“What is your brother's name?
“Biru Kalkuda," said she. "He is working at Yênûr," said he. “What are my brother's circumstances?” asked she. "He has one hand and one leg," said he.
Then she went running to Yênûr, inquiring after him, and she threw her own and lier brother's parcel of food into a river. While her brother was finishing the enclosure of the temple and Gummatasâmi, and while he was making the image of himself on the pillar, she arrived and fell at his foot!
"Alas! my brother, you have lost a hand and foot," said she.
“Rama, Råma, Bermetti! . This has not happened on account of theft or falsehood. Bairana Süda, King of Kärka!, cut off my hand and leg, so that I might not be able to work elsewhere," said he.
She heard him and stood up at once. She stood facing Kärkal, and made an oath to revenge herself on the King for the injury done to her brother: - "I will not leave the King who has cut off my brother's hand and foot without seeing and hearing him. We do not want to live like this, brother! Let us throw all your tools and all my ornaments into the enclosure of the temple," said she.
Then they threw them in and walked three times round the temple by the light of five torches.
“Mahadeva! make us disappear!” prayed they. They disappeared in the enclosure of the temple, standing towards Kärkal.
"No ceremony was performed for our birth and death so as to sanctify us. Therefore, let us take a bath in the Kaveri at the Kanya Tirtha. Then let us go to the Ganges and bathe there," said she.
The brother and sister bathed in the Kåvēri and then in the Ganges in the North. They went to Tirupati, where they saw the festival of Anantha Nômpu30 and the Ranga Puja of the lamps. She put marks on her body, took a cane called nága betta, 31 put her box of ashes in a bag, and asked the god Timmappa to bestow power upon her. Then she took leave of him. Then the brother and sister went together to Karkal. When they came near to the palace, the sister asked her brother: - "Which is the palace of the King that cut off your hand and foot ? Shew me, brother!" said she. “The palace appears to be at the distance of a call," said the brother. 10 Worship of the god Ananta,
SI A cane with black spots.

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They went to the palace and they entered the gate on the North They went to a room in the South', set fire to the King's bed, and hid his box of jewels. They burnt the greater of the 'Séttis' houses and the shops of the Paļuver merchants. They burnt down the town entirely.
"Do you brother, possess the females, I will possess the males," said she.
They made the people of five thousand houses mad at Karkal. They dipped the King's mother in water for seven nights. They appeared in the day time, but disappeared at night.
"Do you, brother, throw stones, and I will set fire to the house," said she. "You King, destroyed my brother by cutting off his hand and foot during his life; but we will ruin you now that we are dead."
They put a dead body of a dog in the palace and the ordure of men and other filth.
“Rama, Bermetti! these Bhutas do not leave me! Who are they that worship Bhůtas, and will keep them quiet?” said the King. Nallyana Kalyandâr, and one who had finished all his studies of magic; Adauga of Kallabotti, Boyyandar of Kalai, and Maradauga the Jantiri of Blathikala went to him.
“Though there are many to charm or enchant, we do not come under their enchantment or mantram. King, you ruined my brother in your life, now we will ruin you in our death!" said the sister.
None of the magicians could succeed : -"Who else can do better" asked the King.
"There is one Hoilår at Ubar, he is & very learned man, a great magician and a good conjurer. If he be called, it is good," sad the King's servante.
He sent a man with a letter to call him. Hoilår saw and read the letter asking him to come immediately. He bnthed, took his food, dressed himself and started to go to the King. When he descended to the river at Ubar, the brother and the sister, who had followed the bearer of the letter, said to him :-"Will you turn back? Or shall we throw on you the stones in this river ?”
Hoilir went running back and entered a roum in the south of his house, and then sat on a box of bell-metal, He became very sorry for himself: "On account of these Bhútas 11 powerful King sent me a messenger. What can I do?" said he.
Then he besought the Bhatas: "If you come under the power of my mantram, I will build a house for your worship, cover it with tiles, put a spire on it, make japam with milk, present you with a girdle of silver and a chain, too, and a belt with silver flowers. Also, if you let me succeed at Karka! wben I get there, I will perform a feast for you, with all these jewels," said he.
"If we are to do this you must not use any charm or play any trick, but must do what we wish. We want half a ser of white tumbl flour, a ser of green rice, stone chunam, a cane, a betel. leaf on an Areca-tree, and a mundolli leaf on a mango tree, and the milk of a red pregnant cow. These are to be given us. Now go to Kärka! of the five thousand houses. I will help you to be successful, and I will make the King present you with a remission of revenue in times of extreme scarcity. Do you sit in a room and worship us there. Then open your betel-nut bag and begin to chew betel-nut. While you sit there chewing, we will come to yon. Thon you should catch and place us in a nut and put it in your bag, and then take it to Ubår," said the sister.
Afterwards this Hoñlar went to Kirka! and held a mantravada. He sat in the room on the East, opened his bag and secured the Bhitas in a nut, and then every thing improved. The King's mother who was sunk in the water came up, and every thing became as it was before.
Hoïlår brought the nut in the same way to Ubar. He built a room for worship, roofed it with tiles, put a top over it, performed a feast and trusted in those Bhutas as the gods of his

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house and caste. He afterwards performed a pújá with flowers. He presented the brother at the festival with all the dresses of a man, and the sister with all those of a woman. The Bhûtas readily accepted the feast, and were called the gods of Hoïlâr's house and caste.
227
"We will not forget you wheresoever we may go," said they.
They went to the houses of Nalyana Kalyandar, of Adauga at Kallabotti, of Jogyandûr at Karaya, of Muppendar at Kolpu, of Maraḍaiga Jantiri of Malivar, of the Jantiri of Malabar; and wherever they went they made the people sick. They burnt the houses, and while the fire was burning in one corner, it went out in another. They called Nada Balyaya, and made him refer to the prasna-book on a plank of a black tree called katra, to the sound of conch shells. It was found in the prasna-book that it was an annoyance. The Bhûta Kalluṛti had caused the annoyance and that a feast and sacrifice were to be made. And so they built a sanam, and performed a feast and pújá. Then the sickness decreased. Then the Bhûtas went to Aruvatta Guttu, Bangara Guttu, and Navar (in Maisûr), where they were received with a feast by the villagers. Ferry, called to the boat-man Râma Gudda Kuñja :-"You, Rama Gudda ferry-boat," said they at midnight.
Bangadi, and last to They reached Ubâr Kuñja, bring the
"This is midnight and who is that woman that calls ?" bawled out he. "There are holes in my boat, and the oar is bent. I cannot recognise the whirpool and the rocks at night. I have drawn the boat up and put a stone on it, and so I cannot bring the ferry boat."
"Cannot you bring your boat because of the holes in it and the bent oar ?" the sister
asked.
She drew the boat to her from the other bank and crossed over in it. She tied up the boat and put a stone on it as before. She would not let the ferry-man get into the boat, and when he climbed on to it, she would not let the boat proceed.
"What is this wonderful event?" said the boat-man. He called Nada Balyaya, and made him refer to the prasna-book on a plank of the black tree called katra to the sound of white
conch shells.
"Balyaya, say correctly and think properly!" said he.
"A Bhúta possessing charms has come to the ferry. If the boat is to go properly, a matam of stones is to be built, and you should worship there," said the astrologer.
"I will worship them as the gods of my house and caste," said Ke. Then the sister informed him in a dream: "We will build the foundation first with stones and then you must build over it, Kuñja!" said she.
She built the foundations of stones at Oïpu for the god Kadvaikai and at the ferry of Ubâr, and the remainder was built by Rama Gudda Kuuja. The sanam was built. He performed a feast and sacrifice.
"We are very much pleased with your feast and sacrifice. Although we wander over four countries we shall not forget you," said the brother and sister.
In the places between the Eastern countries and Western countries; within the boundaries of Ankola (in North Kinara) in the North and Ramêsvar in the South; and in the Ghâts called Kayeri and at, the sand-bank at Nuguru the brother and sister had feasts, without leaving even a house built or a door open.
(To be continued.)

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MISCELLANEA. CHEYLA.
deliver Muhammad Khan by their means. He III. - Muhammadan Usage -- contd.
then in a great rage lead Káim Khán by the hand
put of the audience hall. With them were 60 (Concluded from p. 204.)
Patháns clad in chain mail, whose orders were to 1878. - "At this time (1721), his 'Amils or strike at once if any one lifted a finger to touch subordinate governors were : - for Alláhábád, them." - Irvine, Bangash Nawabs, in J. A. S. B., Bhúre Khán Chela: for Irich, Bhånder and Vol. xlvii., p. 300. Kali, Daler Khán Chólay for Sípri and Jalaun, 1878. - Nawab Muhammad Khan to the last Khunál Khán; for Bhojpur, Noknám Khán maintained very plain and soldier-like habits Chelay for Shah sá bád, Daúd Khán Chela; for . .. In his audience halls and in his house Budúon, Salaswán (now both in the Budáon the only carpet consisted of rows of common District) and Mihrábád (now in the Shahjahanpur mats and on them the Pathans and chelas and District), Shamsher Khán Chela ... all persons high or low had to be content to sit [1719-1720] Dalér Khán Chéla was ordered .... when any noble visited the Nawab off with a proper force and marching rapidly he no change was made, the same mats were spread ejected the thánas of the enemy (Bundelas] from to sit on and the same food presented .... the parganahs of Kálpí and Jalálpar [in the Then for each day after their arrival the Nawab Hamirpur District] .... Daler Khán Chela would name some chela to entertain the visitor was by birth a Bundela Thákur (or possibly a Ját). sumptuously. [Then follows a story of Nawab He was famed for his bravery.... Daler Khân Umdatul-Mulk Amir Khan and his extravagant was buried in the village of Mandah [20 miles from entertainment by Ja'far Khan Chela]." - Hamirpur] and all the people of Bundelkhand Irvine, Bangash Nawabs, in J. 4. S. B., Vol.xlvii., mourned his loss. On every Thursday sweetmeats p. 338f. are offered at his tomb. Every son of a Bundela
1878. -"Slavery is a part of the Muhammadan on reaching the age of twelve years is taken by his
legal system, but there must be, I think, few father and mother to Mandah, where they place
instances, in which it has been carried to the his sword and shield on Daler Khan's tomb.
length practised by Muhammad Khán. Slaves They make an offering and the boy then girds on
were preferred to equals or relations as deputy the sword and takes up the shield, while the
governors of provinces, slaves led his armies, he parents pray that he may be brave as Daler
even kept a bodyguard of slaves. Khán. Kettle drums are regularly beaten at the
One of the reasons assigned for this preference tomb." - Irvine, Bangash Nawabs, in J. A. S. B.,
is the trouble given by his brother Pathåns of Vol. xlvii., pp. 283, 285f. For details of the tradi
Mau. Many of them at one time had farming tions regarding Dalêr Khair, see note C. p. 365f.
leases of parganahs. If the Nawab complained 1878.-" [In 1727] Bhure Khan Chela now
of embezzled revenue, their answer was, that they placed himself at the head of a number of brave would fight, but not pay. If one of them was Pathans and penetrated the enemy's army, imprisoned as a defaulter, all the other Patháng intending to kill Chattarsál Bhúre Khán lost rose in arms till he was released. For this reason his own life instead.... For the loss of it is said, some years after his rise to power, the Bhúre Khán the Nawab [Muhammad Khan of Nawab remitted large sums to Afghanistan, and Farrukbábád) wept and for many days after the induced a colony of the Bangash tribe to emigrate battle wore orange-coloured clothes in sign of
and settle in the city of Farrukhábád. From mourning, saying - What Bhúre said was true;
among them he selected eighteen leaders as he said he would die before me.' " - Irvine, I Jam'adars. They were petted in every way, the Bangash Narabs, in J. 4. S. B., Vol. xlvii., p. 293. Nawab looking on them as his own right arm,
1878.-"[In 1720) tho Bíbí Sabiba mother of and to them his daughters were given in marriage. Káim Khán, hearing reports of intended treach. He gave them land for their houses on the side of ery sent Neknám Khán Chels to Faizabád. the city nearest to the Ganges, and the quarter to .... The same day Ķáim Khan and this day bears the name of Bangashpura. Neknám Khán visited 'Abdul-Maneur Khán and Another expedient resorted to was to seize the asked leave to depart. 'Abdul-Mansur Khán pro. sons of Rajputs and Brahmans, who were then posed their waiting for the troops he had sent for, made into Muhammadans. Some were obtained who would arrive in a few days. Neknám Khán by consent, some by payment; others were the then forced ķáim Khan to rise and pointing to sons of revenue defaulters, whose sons were seized Sa'dat Khan said to Khim Khan, You will never and made Muhammadans. Thousands of boys

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were thus obtained and taught the precepts of tion was in favour of Yakut Khán, Khán Bahadur, Islám. From them were selected the leaders of of whom we will speak again presently. the army, and the collectors of land revenue in
A teacher was appointed for the boy cholas, the parganahs.
his name was Kali Miyan Shah. When a boy Muhammad Khán had quite a passion for
could read and write, he was taken before the crearing the number of his chales All his | Nawab, who presented him with one hundred managers (Amils) and deputies (Súbahdars) had rupees, a shield, and a sword, by way of khila't. orders to send him all the Hindu boys, whom 1 From among the chelas of eighteen to they could procure between the ages of seven and twenty years of age, the Nawab selected five thirteen. When they grew up, they were placed hundred youths, and trained them as a picked in his police or army, or were appointed to regiment. They had firelocks of Lahore, accoumanage the Nawab's private affairs. When even trements of Sultani broad-cloth, powder-horns an amil bad a fight with a troublesome village each holding two and a half seers of powder, and or invested it, he seized all the boys he could get, each a pouch with one hundred bullets. One and forwarded them to the Nawab. Others day, they were drawn up along the Jamna bank became Muhammadans of their own accord. In under the fort at Delhi while the emperor was this way, every year one or two hundred boys seated on the fort wall, with Muhammad Khan were made Muhammadans, and by the end of his standing in an attitude of respect beside him; Life the Nawab bad some four thousand chelas. Muhammad Shah ordered him to fire at some Many of these were killed in battle in the Nawab's moving object in the river, and was so delighted lifetime, many died without issue, and many with the good practice they made, that he asked were never married. The descendants of the rest for a gift of the whole corps. - Muhammad still exist, and are distinguished as Ghazanfar- Khán made the objection that they were a lot bachha (progeny of Ghazanfar), the title of
of Brahmans and Rajputs, who could do nothing Muhammad Khan having been Ghazanfar Jang. but talk a rustic patois and use their swords. During the Nawáb's lifetime these men were The emperor accepted the excuse, arra sent one nover styled chelas, they were always known thousand rupees to be distributed." - Irvine, as Tifli-Birkár (song of the State). All places Bangash Nawabs, in J. 4. 8. B., Vol. xlvi., of trust were given to them, the Nawab's house
p. 340f. hold was in their charge, and his whole establish.
1878.-[Mr. Irvine gives the facts known about ment under their orders. For many of them
47 of the principal chelas, from which it will he obtained the title of Nawáb from the
be sufficient to extract the following as illustraomperor. Of whatever caste a chela had been,
tive of the subject in hand.] "(1) Yáķut Khán, he was marriod to the daughter of a chela originally of the same caste, a Rájput was given
Khán Bahớdur . . . , Seven gajes [an
interesting Anglo-Indián form on its own to a Rajput, a Bráhman to a Brahman, and so forth. This plan was followed till the time of
account !) were founded by Yaķut Khán.... Nawab Ahmad Khan Ghalib Jang (1758-1771).
the chelas of former days used to say that Miyán After that time they all got mixed together, so
Khán Bahadur spent 25 lakhs of rupees on the that one caste cannot be distinguished from
gungos (another form!), his house and the bághs another. Among the chelas were the sons of
he planted .... (4) Mukím Khán. This
chela held Ujjain during the time of Muhammad powerful Rajahs, who by misfortune had been
Khán, was Subah of Malwa .... He was captured and made Muhammadans. Thus Shamsher Khan Masjidwala' is reported to have
with the Nawab from his early days and the been a Banáfir Rajput, Sher Dil Khan was a
Bibi Sahiba observed po pardah to him.... Tomar, Pur Dil Khán & Gaar, Dad Khán a
(5) Jáfar Khán. He was the Nawab's Bakhshi Brahman, and so forth.
... . (6) Daud Khán. He is said to
have been originally a Brahman. He was one of The Nawab used to tell his chelas to collect as the chelas with the Nawab in his younger days much money, goods or jewels as possible. In to whom the Bibi Sabiba observed no pardah.. adversity such property could be made of use to . . (9) Bhúre Khán. A story told of this him or themselves. But he who built a masonry man shows the amount of license accorded to structure in any village would be at once removed the chelas. One day' Bhure Khan coming into from employment. Nothing was to be built but darbár late could find no place to sit. Kicking with sun-dried bricks and mud mortar, and to away the pillow separating Mhd. Khan and ench chola permission was given to build a single Káim Khan, he sat down between the Nawab and brick room as reception hall. The only excep- his son. Káim Khán turned angrily to his

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father and said:-You have given such freedom Bent one of his father's cholas, whom he trusted, to these chelas that they will never respect me.' his name was Bhúre Khán, with five hundred Mhd. Khán got up in a rage and went off matchlock-men to take possession of Kannauj to his house at Amethi. Mhd. Khán then . . . . Rahm Khán Chelt used to say scolded Bhúre Khán saying that he had lost that his father Diláwar Khân, then very young, confidence in him, for if while he was alive they visited Kannauj a few days after the battle and at did not respect his sons, who knew what they the commander's invitation he went into the Rang would do when he was dead. Bhúre Khán Mahal. There were no people in it, but bags putting up his hands said :- May God Almighty of rupees and gold coins were scattered about grant that I never see the day when you no .... Diláwar Khán lived all his life on the longer live!' .... (10) Sa'dat Khan. He proceeds of the things he carried away with the was amil of Mandeshwar in Málwá south of ķila'dár's permission and at his death he left Nímach.... When Mhd. Khán quarelled house and a pot full of gold coins." - Irvine, with Sa'dat Khán Burhanul-Mulk, Subahdar of Bangash Nawabs, in J. A. S. B., Vol. xlviii., Audh, he gave his chela Sa'dat Khán the I p. 66. ironical title of Burhanul-Mulk! ....
1879.-"[To stop the rising that led to the (11) Neknám Khán. He was one of the four
battle of Khudaganj, 23rd July 1750, 'Abdulchelas to whom the Bibi Sahiba used to appear Mansur Khán the Wazir] marched with a large unveiled. . . . (12) Juháp Khán. He was
force of his own troops .... and conone of the Bakhshis and an old chela to whom the tingents under , . . . Ismail Beg Khán Bibi Sahiba kept no pardah." - Irvine, Bangash
Chole, IBe Beg Khán Chela.” –Irvine, BanNawabs, in J. 4. S. B., Vol. xlvii., p. 3411 gash Nawabs, in J. 4. S. B., Vol. xlviii., p. 68.
1878. - [In 1748, on receipt of the emperor 1879.-" The Wazir's orders to put the five Ahmad Shah of Dehli's farmán to attack the
Chelas to death reached Jalalu'ddin Haidar the Rohelas, in the days of Nawab ķáim Khán)
Wazír's son (afterwards known as Shuja'uddaula) "the principal leaders were then sent for to be
and on the 20th Ramzan (12th August 1750) he consulted. Chief among them was Mahmud
directed their jailor Zainul-'Abidain to bring them Afridi the Bakhshi and others. These all voted
forth. [Then follows a long account of the execufor immediate war, but the Nawab seems to have
tion of Shamsher Khan and four others]." - been reluctant to attack his fellow Pagháns.
Irvine, Bangash Nawabs, in J. A. S. B., Vol. xlviii., Shuja't Khán Ghilzai, who had formerly
p. 69f. exchanged turbans with 'Ali Mhd. Khán Rohela, Yakut Khán Khán Bahadur, Shampher Khán,
1879.-" According to the custom of his family Mukím Khán, Islam Khán, Kamál Khán, and
Nawab Abmad Khán made about three or four Sardár Khán, chelas, represented to the Nawab
hundred Hindu boys into chelas. Those who that the Rohelas were not his enemies." -Irvine,
had charge of his territory acquired wealth: the Bangash Nawabs, in J. A. S. B., Vol. alvii., p. 377.
rest who received only pay and gifte, rose to no
eminence. They were all known 48 Ghalib 1878. - [After describing at pp. 3811. the Bachh.. (1) Zu?likar Khán. In Ahmad Khán’s doings of the chelas at the battle of Dauri- time there were three men known as Nawabs, at Rasúlpúr, 22nd November 1748] "the Rohelas whose houses the naubat was played : 1st, Ahmad advanced as far as Khákatman opposite Farrukh- Khán himself, called the Base Nawab; 2nd, abad where they first met with resistance. A chels Zu'lAkar Khán, called the Majhlo Nawab; who was 'Amil of the place showed a strong 3rd. Dálm Khán, called the Chhota Nawab. front and kept up & vigorous musketry fire at the . . . . (2) Daim Khán. - Islám Khán, enemy, many of whom were killed. He would not
chels of Shamsher Khán, chels of Nawab abandon his parganah and the Rohelas thinking Muhammad Khán, had two song: a) Roshan there was no need to entangle themselves in bram- Khán, and (6) Dám Khán . . . . Ahmad bles left the place and marched back. All the rest Khán said he would adopt him and gave him the of the Trans-Ganges country was thus lost per- titles of Azim Jang Muhammad Daim Aban manently to the Farrukhabad Nawab. Only Bahadur, but he was popularly known as the Amritpur, Khákatman and Paramnagar were Chhote Nawab.... In his childhood the preserved through the courage of this nameless emperor Ahmad Shah had held him in his lap, fed chela." - Irvine, Bangash Nawabs, in J. A.S.B., him with his own hand, put on his shoulders Vol. xlvii., p. 383.
miniature kettle drums (nakkárah and dauki), 1879. - "[After the battle of Khudaganj, 2nd thus conferring upon him the naubat .... August 1750) Ahmad Khan (of FarrukbabádjHere follows an account of 35 chelas.)" - Irvine,

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AUGUST, 1896.]
Bangash Nawabs, in J. A. S. B., Vol. xlviii., p. 160 f.
MISCELLANEA.
1884.“Káim Khán, the Nawab’s[Farukhabad] elder son, beseiged Jarahwár in the east of Bánda, while Daler Khán, a trusted chela, advanced from his head-quarters at Sihonda towards Maudha in Hamirpur. On the 13th May 1721 Dabr [Daler?] Khán was defeated and slain close to the abovenamed town now in the Hamirpur District."N.-W. P. Gazetteer, Vol. vii., p. 154.
1884. "The cholas [of Farukhabad] were slaves by whom most offices of trust under the Bangash dynasty [of Farukhabad] were filled. Such creatures were found better and more obedient servants than the haughty kinsmen of a reigning Nawab. Chiefly Hindu by birth these slaves had been seized as boys and brought up as Musalmane. But in their marriages the restrictions of Hindu caste were until Nawab Ahmad's time [1750-71] observed. During the reign of Nawab Muhammad [1718-48] they were never called chelas or disciples, but always children of the State (atfál-i-sarkár). Their descendants are now known as Ghazanfarbacha, that is, lion-whelps,' or progeny of Nawáb Ghazanfar Jang [i. e., Muhammad Khán him. self.]"N.-W. P. Gazetteer, Vol. vii., p. 154.
1884."When Muzaffar Jang [of Farukhabad] succeeded his father [in 1771] he was a lad of 13 or 14 years only. But the princely power was for a time faithfully wielded by the pay-master Fakhruddaula [a chela], whose first task was to repress a disturbance raised by Murtaza, one of the surviving sons of Nawab Muhammad Khán Murtaza Khán was wounded and taken prisoner. He afterwards died in prison. Not long after this Fakhruddaula was assassinated by Námdár Khán chela, a partisan of Murtaza Khán.” — N..W. P. Gazetteer, Vol. vii., p. 173. "There were two claimants to the succession [in 1796]. The chelas Parmal and Muhamdi Kháns put forward the late Nawab's [of Farukhabad] second son Imdád Husain.". N.-W. P. Gazetteer, Vol. vii., p. 171,
1884. -
1884. – * Mukhím Khán, one of the most distinguished of Nawab Muhammad's slave officials (chelas). He was for a short time governor of Pargana Shamsabad which of course included Káimganj [in Farukhabad]."-N.-W. P. Gazetteer, Vol. vii., p. 269.
1884. -"Yákútganj [in Farukhabad], originally called Sarái Núri.... By a eunuch Sarái Nári was certainly founded. Presented as a gift to Muhammad, first Nawab of Farukhábád (1713-43) the slave Yákút or Ruby rapidly rose in that prince's favour. He was appointed nazir and
231
ennobled under the title of Khán Bahádur. But of his servile origin Yákút was never ashamed. The slave officers of the Nawab, afterwards called chelas, were then known as Tifl-i-sarkár or children of the State, and the motto which Yákút caused to be engraved on his seal was this: -
Yákút-i-surkhrú ba tufail-i-Mhd. ast. Red-faced Ruby is as the little child of Mahomed.
Mhd.'s officers were forbidden to erect any structure more lasting than mud or sun-dried bricks. They might indeed build as a receptionhall one kiln-brick chamber; but any further dabbling in bricks and mortar was the prerogative of the Nawab alone. In Yákút's case, however, the prohibition was removed. The Nawab remarked that he could never have children, and that it did not much matter what buildings he left to revert to the State on his death. Yákút thereon built seven markets (ganj) including Yákútganj. It was founded in 1789 [1152 A. H.] The remaining foundations were:(1) Khudaganj in this district; (2) Kasganj or Yákútganj; (3) Aliganj; and (4) Daryáoganj in Eta; (5) Kauriyaganj, probably the place so named in Aligarh; and (6) Nabiganj in Mainpuri." - N.-W. P. Gazetteer, Vol. vii., p. 401f. and n. 1884.-" -"Dani nin pir betá diṭṭa, Sewadár Sarwar dd kitd:
Kuttin chúrián kare tayyârt Pirán sadwdidn. Unhan piran dsádár chele kite. The Saint gave Dâni a son, She made him a follower of Sarwar : Making ready cakes and sweetmeats. She called the saints.
The saints made him a follower and disciple. Temple, Panjab Legends, Vol. i., pp. 93f., 97: Three Fragments about Sakhi Sarwar. 1885.
"Air chele ditia,"
Phir chele hoe mitthid! Guran Pirán to mukare Sidh dpt dp sadâtye. I gave my disciple a flock,
And my disciple hath become
faithless!
Denying his Saint and Teacher, He hath made himself a saint."
Temple, Panjab Legends, Vol. ii., p. 108: Sakht Sarwar and Játé.
1893. "Chelah (chela, Hind.) from (chêta San. servant) disciple. Especially Hindoo convert to Mahomedanism."-Madras Manual of Administration, Vol. iii., Glossary, p. 163.

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BOOK-NOTICE. THE HARVARD ORIENTAL SERIES. expensive, for the cheapness of the series is The University of Harvard, and Prof. Lanman, another of its features. Six shillings for a are to be congratulated on the successful com
handsomely-bound book of 250 large pages of mencement of the series of Oriental works thick paper cannot be called excessive. now being issued under the above name.
Of Dr. Kern's edition of the Jataka-Mala, it We have here three important books dealing | is sufficient to say that it is worthy of its author. with Oriental subjects, printed in a style which, It is a valuable contribution to the hitherto some. in neatness, clearness, and general get-up, has
what scanty collection of published texts dealing never been surpassed, and rarely approached, and
with northern Buddhism. edited with the care and accuracy which we are Professor Garbe's edition of Vijana-bhikshu's entitled to expect from Mr. Lanman and his well-known Sankhya-pravachana-bhashys is distinguished associates. Each volume, too, is a fitting complement to his German translation a sample of what America can do in very of the same work which appeared in 1880. Dr. F. different styles. One volume contains a Buddhist E. Hall's edition of the text, which appeared in the Sanskrit text printed in beautiful Devanagari type. Bibliotheca Indica, has long been out of print, The next is a Sanskrit philosophical treatise, and the reprints which have been turned out in printed in the Roman character. The third is a the Calcutta Bazar can only be called piteous
eries of English translations selected from the specimens of Bengal scholarship. I would call Buddhist PAli scriptures. It is true that the special attention to Prof. Garbe's introduce editor of the first hails from Holland, and of the tion to the present edition, in which he discusses second from Prussia, but America has shewn that Vijana-bhikshu's views regarding the Sámkhya she too has Oriental scholars, not only in the editor system of philosophy, and his attempts to recon. of the entire series, but in the author of the third. cile it with the Vedanta.
There is one point about these books, indeed, Mr. Warren's Buddhism in Translations is about all other Oriental books published in an altogether different kind of book from the Boston, which is deserving of general imitation. two foregoing. It is an account of Buddhisin It is the absolutely perfect clearness of the told by itself. The author has selected passages Devanagari printing. Page after page may be from various Buddhist scriptures, and has searched, and not a worn letter - not even a arranged and classified them, so that, read in the broken T, that bug-bear of proof readers - can order in which they stand, the student can gain be detected. Such perfection rouses feelings of | a clear conception of both exoteric and (real) envy in the heart of one who, like the present esoteric Buddhism. The work is divided into writer, has suffered many things at the hands of five chapters, occupying in all some five hundred Calcutta compositors. I have had the curiosity pages. The first chapter deals with extracts to find out how it is done. The secret is simple from passages describing the Buddha's life, and enough. The type is never printed from, and hence contains a complete record of the authorised is never worn out. As soon as the proof is passed account of his lives, from his previous existence for the press, an impression is taken in wax, on as a Bodhi-sattwa, to his death as the Buddha. which an electro-type plate is made, from which The second chapter similarly deals with the the actual printing is done. The type is then Buddhist doctrine of the Sentient Existence, and distributed to its cases uninjured, and the electro- the non-existence of the Ego. The third deals type plates remain stored for ever, available for l with Karma and Re-birth the fannth wit further editions when the first is exhausted. tation and Nirvana; and the fifth with the There is no hurry about printing off. There is no Buddhistie Orders. A word of praise must be cry against authors that type is being kept stand. given to Mr. Warren's translations of the metrical ing for unconscionable periods, and the out-turn texts. He has selected an easy unrhymed quatrain is — well as excellent as what we see in the as the medium of his version, which well reproHarvard Oriental Series. Why cannot Indian duces the unelaborated ewing of the original. Presses follow this good example P It cannot be Bankipur, 13-8-96.
G. A. G. 1 HARVARD ORIENTAL SERIES, edited with the co- by Arya-, edited by Dr. Hendrik Kern. Price operation of various scholars by CHARLES ROCKWELL 6 shillings. 1891. LANMAX, Professor of Sanskrit in Harvard University. Vol. II., The 84 hkhya-Pravachans-Bh Sahya, by VijilPublished for. Harvard University, by Ginn & Co., pabhikshu, edited by Ricbard Garbe. Price 6 shillings. Boston, Mass., U. S. A., London: Ginn & Co., 87, 1895. Bedford St., Strand, W. C.
Vol. III., Buddhism in Translations, by Henry Clarke Vol. I., The Jataka-Mala, or Bidhisattvävadana-Mali, Warron. Price 5 shillinge. 1896.

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SEPTEMBER, 1896.) WARREN'S RULES FOR FINDING JUPITER'S PLACE.
233
WARREN'S RULES FOR FINDING JUPITER'S PLACE.
BY PROF. F. KIELHORN, C. I. E.; GÖTTINGEN. THE dates of some inscriptions record that on the day of the date Jupiter was in a certain
1 sign of the zodiac. Thus the Bhatka! plates of the time of Harihara II. of Vijayanagara! are dated in the Kshaya sarvatsara which corresponded to the "Saka year 1309, when Jupiter was in the sign) Simha, on Thursday, the fifth tithi of the dark half of Pausha;' and this practice of quoting the sigu in which Jupiter was at a particular time is especially common in dates of the Kollam era. In order to verify dates, we therefore occasionally must calculate Jupiter's place, or find his longitude, for a given day. This may be done by certain rules and tables in Warren's Kala-sankalita, but that work is very difficult to obtain now. To supply a substitute, I reprint here two of Warren's Tables, slightly modified, and give his rules, some of them so altered as to make them applicable to some Tables in Vol. XVIII. of this Journal. I shall only be too glad, if my doing this will induce a more competent scholar to show us how the problem may be solved in a simpler manner.
To show the working of the rules and Tables here given, I take as an example the 18th October A. D. 475, when, according to Mr. Dikshit, the true longitude of Jupiter was 195° 24'.
RULES. 1.- Convert the given date into the corresponding day of the Julian period, by Table I. in Vol. XVIII. p. 203.
The 18th October A. D. 475 is found to be the day 1894 842 of the Julian period. .
2. - To find Jupiter's moan place, use the Tables 1 and 2 in Vol. XVIII, pp. 382 and 383, taking the Nos. 1-12, 13-24, 25-36, 37-48, and 49-60 in the first column of Table 2 in cach case to be equivalent to the complete) signs from 0 to 11,thus:
From the day of the Julian period subtract the next lower number of days in the column without bija of Table 1. From the remainder subtract the next lower number of days in the column without bija of Table 2, to obtain signs. The remainder divide by 12.0342 to obtain degroes; and the remainder by 0.2006, to obtain minutes.
Day of Jul. per. 1894 842-0000 Table 1 -1888 161.9457
6 680-0543 Table 2
- 6 498-4810 = No.,19= 6 signs ; 12.0342: 181.5733 = 15;
120 342 61 2313
60 1710 0-2006 :
1.0603 = 5.
1 Soe Ep. Ind. Vol. III. p. 117. The date corresponds to Thursday, the 10th January A. D. 1387, and according to Warren's roles, here given, Jupiter's mean place on that day was 4s 11° 48', and his true place 46 21° 45, in both cases in the sign Sinha.
"I may state here that my manuscript of this article was sent to the press in April last, before the publication of The Indian Calendar. In the Additions and Corrections of that work, pp. 155-161, the authors have done now what I very much wished them to do..
See Gupta Inscr., Introduction, p. 105.
.0 Mioa; 1 = Mteha: 2 Vrishabba, 8 Mithuna; 4 = Karkata ; 5 Simha; 6=Kaoy ; 7 Tull; B Vrischika; 9 = Dhanuh; 10 Makara; 11 = Kumbha.

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Accordingly, Jupiter's mean place on the 18th October A. D. 475 was 6. 15° 5' ; i. e., Japiter's mean position was in the 16th degree of the 7th sign (Tula), or his mean longitude was 195° 5.
3.- Since Japiter's true place is found from his mean place, the place of his apsis, and the sun's mean place, take the place of Jupiter's apsis for the given year A.D. from the accompanying Table I.
The place of Jupiter's apsis for A. D. 475 is 56 21° 10'.
4. - To obtain the sun's moan place, find first the number of days of the elapsed years of the Kaliyuga, by Table V. Col. A. in Vol. XVIII. p. 207, and increase it by 2.1476. Subtract the total from the day of the Julian period. Divide the remainder by 36:4382, to obtain signs; the remainder by 1.0146, to obtain degrees; and the remainder by 0.0169, to obtain minutes.
The 18th October A. D. 475 falls in Kaliyaga 3576 expired, and the number of days of 3576 years, calculated by the Table, and increased by 2.1476, is 1894 631 0631. We therefore bare :
Day of Jul. per. 1894 842.0000
- 1894 631-0631 30-4382
210.9369 = 6 signs;
182 6292 1.0146 ; 28.3077 = 27°;
20 292 8 0157
7 1022 0.0169 :
.9135 = 54. Accordingly, the suu's mean place on the 18th October A. D. 475 was 6. 27° 54'. Now, having found Jupiter's mean place, the place of his apsis, and the sun's mean place,
5.- From the sun's mean place subtract that of Jupiter. With the remainder ng argament take out the equation frem Japiter's Annual Table (herewith published), and apply ono half of it to Jupiter's mean place, to get it once corrected. 6° 27° 54
6s 15° 5 - 6 15 5 .+ 13 0 12 49;
6 16 8; equation + 2° 5';
Jupiter's place once corrected. half of it + 1° 3. 6.- From the place of Jupiter's apsis subtract his place once corrected. With the remainder as argument take out the equation from Japiter's Anomalistic Table (herewith published), and apply one half of it to Jupiter's place once corrected, to get it twice corrected. 5° 21° 16'
61698 - 6 168
- 1 5 11 5 8; 6 15 3; equation -20 10; Jupiter's place twice corrected. half of it -1°

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SEPTEMBER, 1896.) WARREN'S RULES FOR FINDING JUPITER'S PLACE.
235
7.- From the place of Jupiter's apsis subtract- his place twice corrected. With the remainder as argument take out the equation from the Anomalistic Table, and apply it to Jupiter's uncorrected mean place, to get his true heliocentrio place. 5° 21° 16'
B 15° 5 - 6 15 3
- 2 5 11 6 13;
6 13 0 ; equation -2° 5'.
Jupiter's heliocentrio place. 8. From the sun's mean place subtract Jupiter's heliocentric place. With the remainder as argament take out the equation from the Annual Table, and apply it to Jupiter's heliocentric place, to get his true geocentrio plaou. 6° 27° 54'
6° 13° 0 -- 6 13 0
+ 2 25 0 14 54;
6 15 25; equation + 2° 25'.
Jupiter's true geocentrio place. Japiter's true place at the time of mean sunrise of the 18th October A. D. 475 is therefore found to be 6. 15° 25'; i.e., Jupiter's true position was in the 16th degree of the 7th sign (Talá), or his true longitude was 195° 25'. This differs 1' from Mr, Dikshit's result, but the difference is somewhat loss because Mr. Dikshit's calculation is made for about an hour before sunrise.
. Another Example. I give another example in which there is a considerable difference between Japiter's mean and true places.
According to a Benares Panchanga Jupiter entered the sign Mêsha (i.e., his true longitude was 360° 0) on Jyêshtha-sudi 12 of Vikrama-samvat 1949 = the 7th Juno A. D. 1892.5 What was Jupiter's true longitude, by the rules here given, at the time of mean sunrise of the 7th June A. D. 1992 (which falls in Kaliyuga 4993 expired)? 1.- Day or Jul, per, 2412 257.0000
- 2408 040.4240 . 4 216.5760
- 3 971.2939 = No. 12 = 11 signs; 12.0342 :
245.2821 = 20°;
249 6840 0.2006 :
4.5981 28. Jupiter's mean place : 11" 20° 23'. 3.- Place of Jupiter's apsis : 5* 21° 22'. 4.- Number of days of 4993 years + 2.1476=2412 202.7212. Day of Jul. per. 2412 257.0000
- 2412 202.7212 30.4382 : -54.2788 = 1 sign;
30 4382 1.0146: 23.8406 = 23o;
- 20 292
3 5486
3 0438 0.0169 : -5048 = 30. Sun's mean place : ls 23° 80'. . In other Panchanges which I have at hand, Jupiter is stated to have entered the siga Mesba on the 19th June on the 30th Jano, on the 1st July, and on the 2nd July A. D. 1892.

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5.1° 23° 30
- 11. 20° 230 - 11 20 28
+ 4 38 2 3 7;
11 25 1; equation + 9° 16';
Jupiter's place once corrected half of it + 4° 38'. 6.- 56 21° 22
11' 2501 - 11 26 1
+ 0 10 5 26 21;
11 25 11; equation + 0° 20';
Jupiter's place twice corrected. half of it + 0° 10. 7. 5° 21° 22
11* 26° 28 - 11 25 11
+ 0 21 5 26 11;
11 20 44; equation +50° 21"
Jupiter's heliocentric place. - 1° 23° 30
11. 20° 44 . - 11 20 44
+ 9° 13.5 2 2 46;
11 29 57-5 equation + 9° 13.5. Jupiter's true geocentric place. The true longitude of Jupiter at the time of mean sunrise of the 7th June A, D, 1892 therefore is found to be 11. 29° 57.5 = 359° 57.5, which is sufficiently near to 360o = 0, to enable us to say that Jupiter did enter the sign Mêsba on the given day.
TABLES.
II. - Anomalistic Table.
+ 0.-VI..
+1.9-vn." + 11."-VIII
L. -Jupiter's Apsis.
Equation.
Equation.
Equation.
Years A. D.
Place of Apsis.
343-564 565 - 786 787-1008 1009-1230 1231 - 1452
50 21° 16' 5 21 17 5 21 5 21 19 5 21
21
1958 - 1674 1.8
1675-1896
6
21
- 31."* v. -x*+1V:"-12. + 01:

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SEPTEMBER, 1896.]
THE DEVIL WORSHIP OF THE TULUVAS.
237
III.- Annual Table.
+ II.
+ III.
+ IV.
Equation.
Equation.
Equation.
Equation.
Equation.
Equation.
-X1"
-IX."
-VIII."
-VII."
-VI.
THE DEVIL WORSHIP OF THE TULUVAS. FROM THE PAPERS OF THE LATE A. C. BURNELL.
(Continued from page 227.) BURNELL MBS. - No. 26.
THE STORY OF BOBBARYE. ORIGINAL in the Kanarese character: transliteration by Mr. Männer: translation from Burnell's MS. checked ly Mr. Männer. Original, text and translation, occupies leaves 266 to 271, inclusive of Burnell's MSS.
Text. Bobbaryn adi divu, pattini Gôvody balletini Kochchidy; appe Pātuma, amme Sulikalla Muravo Ryari. Vorti appe wori ammagy yel wer bābeļu, paļli kilady puovaly kuttudu pudary letteru Kāyiri, Kalasappe, Gonda Bommaye, Sinkiri Suņi, Sumuni Anando, Sarapoli, Sunajānunaike. Akula mallo āyery, baravu kalpadendery, kadla bariddy sanna poyye sere sere tarpudãyer, mudāyi sine mundudu pādiery poyyedu baretery barawu andy palāyi patti. yeru vadanda Bottudu gujjilla siriwoli tarpudãyery, mudūyi mugaly dembugu pādāyery, paddüyi pachche mapida dembugu pādiyery magramada dinatäni kade wali katteriyery, kadi woli mutteriyery, bãnji woli bamosa barpāyerij, eipundi wüle mappundi grandha pattiyery, wõle patty wodiyerij, grandba patty nangiyery pöyye palayi wole wakkara sama ändų. Yenkulegu nana üru jattydy yüra saro byorn Dialpodendery. Kanchi sidde, kanchi balla, balla mudi chirawu pagelydy pädiyery. Sara katty bella seppuda puri nülu āru kondadu mārodendery, māta sari andy, illagonji garn, illagonji madaly pattiyery. Kadaly barity madali angadi kattiyery sine kõludu padinigi bākily tonery padināgi bākiludų padināgi byara diyerg, same, yenme găchi kadale renke ragi, käytyody poddoļu, kenchilla bonda, tippidy podi suņņa marayidy yenne, charbuda baggoyi, kudpudu gõri bachchire, magadora sārāyi, vanji bākilgdy jauleda byara, peikydy puggire, ballada byara I yēra sara maltydy käyida yecbtha kaviji banjida paripady poyijji, tuttudu muni diyijji, munda tuttugi, kālogu eiwa nūdu warang galisaga, nada padawu

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[SEPTEMBER, 1896.
tawada, padawuda rēra sara malpoda, gēlachchida yerme pårola mároda, munnidu músi achchi chirāwudu ciny adhdbi padiyerty. Yēl patgada marakalery yēly bãmonda Byāriju küdanda Peirya Kaçanjärysy pöyery, Bermereny thyerų kei intigiyera, játi nitida Byāri]ā, jāti setti byáriļā andery úra jana. Yenkulu jāti rīti byáriļu jāti setti nākuļu atty andera jāti Byariļa anda angana jappale dali gunto pattale batti siriky bade gūta paple lng Bermere itti úradu padawugu āpē mara undundu kõnda. Konda põgi warāny bollida battalady koriyery, warany tūdu Bermenegy sitta sellindu, māna worindy jāny pijiryndy tirty kadyddy mitta kāna mutta tūdu nikalegāpi mara tūdu tūle, porlagu ponne, sirelugų siruwa, berikų berpaloyi, adi palāvi sekkida mara tüyerty, malenādy achariny lepyāyery, kalamme kadi ari tumbe soļi pū, maraky mattāry patti yerą mūji seso pārāyery, ane barakanda marakg, kudure barakanda gadi pādiyern mara bürtāyery bokkonji kadpanaga sāradāty tekkelakkyji, paņāwadāty kujumbo lakkaji Nādụbalyāyany lettery kariya kanda maņely bolya sariya pādādy nimitta kēņdery. pinjola kilepi padyrādų māganedu panjaky pattā, Bermeregy nichcha māļānda kelasa apundundu tögundy pattoga sāroligy Pūnje andāndā pāra palenkidy kulladu, muji dali muttu kilepu āye kilepadu anchānda bangāruda kūkāyi, muttada renke, bollida kāny korpa. Bermeregy nichcha māda kattāwa andery, muji dali muttu pallenkidy kelette, bangārg tükāyi mattuda renke ballida kāry korigery, Bermeregy ganda kattāyery, maraką weipu burdāyery, mara lattg tunda pādiyerų padăwugu, kodi tundupū kammogu mastery, mara toļtu alulegy bally patteung buru pādāyery mara weitery köļi malețy weitery kalkuda kally kndatery Pallita Palke Pallida karyagu baktery, Süle, Kumble, Muttida kariya, Panjimăr kariya, Madymalegundi, Bolleda kariya, Tambadagandi, Taradi yedanīry kadattery Madymbeily kariya āyery Udyary kariya battyndy. Ponnedongadi Powullanādygy battery alaweda koddymara weitydy bottuga pädiyery Malenādichchawany appāyery paļāwuda bēle pattāyery wonji padāwuda yēlare malpãyery, maņile manfame tēwnda guri padpeda kaly, niry apparige, kanji keikanji kõne. mutta ratanogu, wajra māņikogo, ari bārggy adē pādlydy bēli andy, padāwada muttei tu būrdu Anatanna Marakale, adi marakale, Bobbari Kunnyāli, Kendidēwu, i marakalery padāwada aya pahnadu eiwa sāra atligy pachcheda pāyi, pagaloda komba, muttada nangāly māya nada patty mina balaky karubodāni yēdy kuri kali gangara āwodandery, padāwagu maru mēlātery ning dingelygy padãngu daladdigy wondāyeny. Uruditti ari bary padawuga dingãyeru alasy keiteru pū kambogu nidy pudiyery gāļita barawuga tüyert patteda pāyi yēdery gāļita barawuga nīradinjelygy sarūtu tenakāyi räjyogu põyery Mukkodu kobe Makāyiờy yēry dipudu nangāly Kochchidy yēnosarā pādu warsa āji tingolu āņdy batta bangāry mutta manikya wajra weidūrya kei shērandy nama botiy warusa Ājitingolu andy, nama batti uraga pira watti poyi inderg, pirawatty nadygy bannaga kallyda padāwa badakāyi dikkyddy bottundu barile padawa tenakäyiddy barpandu kally padawudākalega maggi padāwudākulegā bāra bakkaņi andy, wormunda kāļaga andy sakala bēda sarwa lakkaņoda yõlg irlydų yenma pagelydu kādiyery. Koteda bara chanduda, baro bedipagari kaliga andy ine bara wanta beļi Byāriļeg! pattāyery kally padāwādākula. Byāri padāwu dariyond, allasz kadindy pūnkara mujjindų pūkamba pāyi, parindu niry nlayi andy, kanti Byārlu kantiya, nindi marakalery nindudy mitty bāriya, wari Byari kare būrige, Yērikally Dondikalludu kare būriye, Ādi püranda Bermery Popikalāya Bermeru ákale bala pakkodu jõganda Byāripõge mayakāye, sety daời muttye jartana batte, wadde addaņa bipere chawala datta keitg mani balata keity kanchida dānya malta pöye. Māyilapūjari Mungladotti peri itti sānada wäsãye, shēriye, alty Mülūru shēritti sānogu põpende. Ade põye, alta janokulegg kanota sānāwodu ande aggely tödāwadunde, sara kilaly sara mēlāly kūdāye, Māyadanga uggely tõdudaga kalte da marte mugitydy beiyada mortegy pátery Pongadērg beidye. Pongada undeny tūyinayada tūyendy parada, kenanayada kēndendy panada andery Bobbariye. Beidye tayivāyada tiyendery kēņunāyada kēpdenderg, einy Bobbariye kēndydy āyany gēla irly yeņma pagelydy paļi tulaty karty diye. Pongadēry beidya santānada adeki nädydy, nādāyery lettydy mābra kuttery Mülüru nūdāly kūdāyery pāri malpãyery, Ponga Beidya pāre tögunda kulalg jāri mattu tojanda batti maga tõjujji, pongadērg beidye tõjajje, Pongadēry Beidya pāle tõjunda mandeda pālegy wotti katigdy pāri pandery kanti pongabeidyery nigatneda

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Mülūra sänada nļāyida adipo Pungadēry Beidya santāna sāra kālogu korpāwa pandi nalayi dondedy awudda baggone lakkyery Pongadēry. Mülūru nūdāly Bobbarya gy wõduri māda wõdilu paddy mugili diyera ; radda warsogo wonji warusādi bali korpāyery alty Mallār sānogn pöye anļu sanknda kondu pādiye. Sopnoda sāna bödende, sāna undy, nēma āņdy nltu Woiyārygy pāye eiwa sāla alang kudaye andu malte. Sana bödande, anļa sana anda nēma āndy. Aļtu" kāpuga batte Kāpuda Janārdana dēwereny sandiye Kāpy Sārānglāga aramanegy pöye badakāyi bâkilly badunde, badı kāyi bākilydų bākiląda Paradānindų paņpāye. Altų Ajjälygų batte, aolu tala poyye tula gettonde sana malpā wonde bali nēma konde Yelledari Päridy bali nēma dettop de Bawagu batte sāna katāwadende Pāngāļa kariya kadatte Pāngālydų iruwery siri kolena andy maltoņde Janārdhana dēwereny andy maltoņde Mūdottu Mālingeshwara Dēwereny Andy maļtoņde Kattipidi Sārangoļlāya aramane shēriye. Alta Balleleda posayy sāna āwadunde. Posary Kure Kunja kadatte Mattudy Ittumārti dēwereny sandiye Kodidalla Bermere bala pakkoda nela udedy ndiya bende dadi mutta jaritana botte Ajāpakke yēly jangigola sāna kattāyeru kõla koriyery. Alty Udyāra kariya kadatte udyarada Winayaka dēwereny Bandiye. Udgara munnudāly bāragery workamba bali māda korpāyery kālādi mechichi warsādi nēma dettonde Udapi salaky kedāragirta midy ādi Anantēshwara dēwere balata bāgada kempu tāware korpädų udiya bende yenma samsthanada kartaleny andy maltondo da were sāra-bĀdyada vakkeleng kūdāye, dēwere kanchi mady anaga yenkonji kally ganda iwadande yenma samsthanada kartuļu paddĀyi Tolala sānodu kally ganda kațāgery yeņma samsthāvada appane selipadų kālādi mechchi warus di bali nēma dettonde, alty battydy Chittupādi kartu Sārangullāyang sandidy Bīrotti sānadu aye. Pilichandi bala bāgadu dom pada bali nēma dettonde, alty Kudārg Sankrāņa dēwereng Bandiye Wadapāndeshwara Balarama dēwerenų sandiye. Bilugudde Yetrāly dēwereny sandiye Nandēshwara dēwereny andy maltonda Kalmüdi pädelu aye. Aula gunda malpā woyda warsādi bali nema dettonde, Kalmādi padedy Tinada pādeky workait mattiye sabāsy karite sanyasi padete mudiyi gattada rajyaddu paddayi samudra motta bad, kāyi Angöleddy tena käyi Kāpu mutta gadu wady sthalota na ga jide pāļi kallydauļu Bermere ganda gaddigedauļu dēwere dewasthannadauļu wasady kāla pra pancha bali nēma dettoyde.
Translation. The original home of Bobbarye was an island. He was born at Goa and grew up at Cochin. His mother was Patum&, and his father Murava Byari of Sulikal. The father and mother had seven children. They bondd up their children's navels when they were born and gave them names : - Kayiri, Kalasappa, Genda Bommaye, Sinkiri sani, Sumuni Ananta, Sarapoli, and Sunsjanu Nayaka. They grew up and wished to learn to writo. They brought many a handful of fine sand from the sea-shore and put it on the western verandah. They wrote on sand, and learnt writing on it. They got planks. They brought short leaves of the palm-tree from Uddanda Bottu, put them in the sun when it was low in the East and heaped them up in the evening when the sun was dark. Next day they cut off bot!i ends of the leaves and bound the middle parts into books. They had five handfuls of leaves, and three of written books. They clearly read the writing on the leaves, and only murmurred the books. Their writing on sand, planks and leaves was done well,
"Now let us go and trade in the villages," said they.
They put on their shoulders & vessel holding about one-foorth of a ser Add a vessel of bellmetal into a bag.
"We wish to sell a thousand bundles of sugar and coir of cocoannt fibre," said they.
They sold the sugar and the coir. They got a bamboo and a plaited cocoanut leaf from each house. They built a shop of cocoanut leaves on the sea-shore with sixteen partitions of thick bamboos. They put sixteen kinds of goods within the sixtoen partitions. The goods were : - sago, oil-seed, wheat, Bengal gram, reike (a kind of grain), ragirice flour in a

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basket, red tender cocoanats, chunam in shells, oil in a wooden vessel, bunches of Areca-nuts, betel-leaves heaped in a basket, toddy in bottles, cloths, tobacco in matting, and sugar. Though they sold them all, they did not recover the cost even of their Areca-nuts and living.
"We have not put on fine hanging cloth or even a mundu (a small coarse cloth). We have not collected fifty or a hundred Pagodas in a year. Therefore, we must go and trade in a ship. So let us sell our small she-buffalo worth seven Pagodas," said they, and they sold the she-buffalo.
They put three Pagodas in their waist-cloths, and five Pagodas in a bag. Fishermen of seren honses and Byaris (Moplas, Måpillas) of seven houses were collected together, and went to Peirya Kadanjar. They visited Brahmâ and folded their hands,
"Byâris ! nre you in your caste or ejected ?" asked the villagers. “We are in our caste, not ejected," said they.
"If you are in your caste you may come into the temple-yard and tonch the door, and then tell us what you want," said the village people.
"We have heard that there are trees fit to build ships within the village of Brahma," said they, and put the money which they had taken on a silver plate. The Brahma-Bhata, pleased with the money, became proud, and his head was turned. ; "You had better examine the trees from the lower to the upper forest."
They saw a fine ponne tree and a siruva tree and a berpalôyi tree, for the keel of the ship, and a teak tree fit for the planks. They called a carpenter, and brought some black and rough rice with some white tumbe flowers and sprinkled them over the trees. In this way they sprinkled them thrice. They made a cat as large as a horse in a tree of the size of an elephant. They cut down the trees. Then they began to cut another tree, but could not cut from it a piece as small as a sdra or as large as a rupee. They called Nadubalaya and asked him to refer to the prasna-book on a black plank made out of a kadre tree with white conchs. It was found that they would succeed, if a puñjapata (small building) was built in twelve mágnes (villages) where the cocks crow, and if a roof was built over Brahma and his post.
"If Panja is the Bbūta for the patta for the thousand people in the twelve villages. he must ride in a palanquin at full speed and must cry out thrice. If he do this, we will present him with a beak made of gold, wings of pearls and legs of silver, and over Brahma we will build a roof," said they.
The Bhúta cried thrice from the palanquin. Then they presented a beak of gold, a feather of pearls, and of silver, and built a roof for Brahın. They cut down trees and made them into logs by measure. They cut off the top of a tree for the most of the ship, and the trunk of a tree for the ship. They made holes in the trees and tied ropes and strong creepers to them, and drew forth the trees. They dragged them from the forest. They passed by a stone of Kalkuda and a place called Pallita Palko. They came to the ferry of Palli. They passed by Sûle, Kamble, the ferry at Matta, the ferry at Pañjimâr, the deep pond at Madumale Gundi, the ferry at Bolle, the pond at Tambada Gundi and the village of Taradi, and came to the ferry of Madum Baiļ. Then they reached the ferry of Udyûr, and came to Ponpedongadi and Povullanad. They dragged the trees to the higher ground at the junction of the rivers. They sent for Malenddechcheva, and made him build a ship. They made seven decks in the ship, an office for business, holds for keru and haruve planks, a well, a COW-stall, a room for children and women, boxes for pearls, gems, diamonds and carbuncles, and also for rice and paddy. In this way they built the ship and finished the whole work.
"Now the necessary things of a ship are required. The old fisherman Anatanna Marakala, Bobbarys Kunniyali and Kendi Devu must come too, and the fishermen must be told what we want for the ship," said they.

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“Do you buy for five thousand Pagodas a silken sail, a mast of coral, an anchor of pearls, nails of wax, fish-oil, iron nails, goats, sheep, toddy and other liquors," said the fishermen. They drew ap the ship on the sea-shore. They filled it with rice and paddy from all the villages. They fastened the ropes and made straight a small mast. They said the wind was coming and raised the silken sail. They sailed straight to the Southern Countries, and the wind blew and the sea was high. They anchored the ship at Mukka and dwelt at Maka, and then anchored at an island and dwelt at Cochin. A year and six months passed since their departure, and they procured gold, pearls, rubies, diamonds and carbuncles.
"It is a year and six months since we left home; therefore let us retorn," said they.
On their return a stone ship came across theirs from the Northern Countries, when the Byåris' ship came sailing from the Southern side. The sailors of the stone ship and wooden ship spoke together and then they fought together. They fought a battle in the sea with weapons for seven nights and eight days. They hammered at each other with logs of wood, with balls, with guns and arrows. The sailors of the stone ship fired & cannon against the Byåris and then the Byaris' ship broke up, the ropes were cat tlirough, the mast was broken, the sail was torn, and the ship was entirely wrecked. The water came in and the Byaris were drowned in the water, and went to the bottom; but the fishermen who could swim came to shore. Only one Byfri came to shore. He came to the land near Yerikal and Dondikal.
There was an ancient Brahmat called Podikalaya. The Byari camo on his right side and there he died. A man became possessed of the Byari (Bobbarye). He took a shield, & fly-brush, and a ringing bell in his left hand, and a lump of bell-metal in his right hand. He left that place and went to a large sanam dedicated to Mayilapůjari at Mungladotti. Then Bobbarye thought of going to a large sdnam at Malar, and went there, and there he informed some people in a dream that he wanted another sduam there and a well dug by a thousand coolies. He collected a thousand people, and began to dig the well called Miyadauga and then disappeared. But a Pongada went to draw toddy, and saw him as he was finishing his work in the morning.
"O Pongada, do not tell of this, if anybody secs or asks you," said Bobbarye. ..
But the Pongada told it to whomsoever he saw and to whomsoever that asked. Having henrd of it, Bobbarye sunk him in a lotus tank for seven nights and eight days. Then the family of the Pongada searched for him, and called aloud, and collected a hundred people of Mülür. All of them together prayed for him. Then his bat of areca leaf was found in a lotng tank, and they saw the marks of his feet descending into it but not ascending. The Poigada could not be found. But because the Pongada's hať was found in the tank, it was kept as a pledge for the Bhůta, and the people prayed that if the Pongada, who was drowned, should come up again, they would appoint him and his family for ever sweepers of the sanam at Malar.
Before they could stop their tongues in their months, the Pongada came up! Then the hundred people of Mûlûr built for Bobbarye a matan with a tiled roof and a spire. They performed a feast once in two years and a sacrifice once a year.
The Bhata then went to tho Mallar Sanam, where he made the people sick, and informed them in their dreams of what he wanted. A sínam was built and a feast was performed. Then Bobbarye went to Woïyar, and made acquaintance with a thonsand people there and asked them for a sánam. A sanam was built there and a feast was performed. Then he went to Kapi, where he visited the god Janardhan, and on to the palace at Sarangulliya and spoke to the King at the northern door, who gave him the Parndani (Minister) of the Northern Door. He went then to Ajjal, where he got a piece of land and made the people build a sdnan and perform a feast. He had a sacrifice and feast at Yelledari Pari, He went to Bawa, where a sanam was built, and crossed the ferry at Pangala, where he visited two women. He made acquaintance with the god Janardhan, and with Mahalingébwar at Madot. He entered the

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palace of Saraigullâya at Kattipadi, where he asked the Balle! for a new snam. He passed by Posar and Kure Kuõja. Ke visited the Vishnu Marti at Matti. He appeared from the ground on the right side of Brahmî at Kodidal, and went to the door trembling. Seven Brahmaņas at Ajapakke built a sánam and performed a feast for him. Then he passed by the ferry of Udyâr and visited the god Vinayaka. Three hundred fishermen of Udyâr built for him a matam with a pillar in front. They performed a feast once in two years, and a sacrifice once a year. He bathed in the tank at Kedåragirta looking like a red lotus, and went to the right side of the ancient god Anantesvara at Udapi. He made acquaintance with eight Swamis (Sanny asis) and collected all the musicians of the god, and told them that he wanted a stone building with a roof of bell-metal for the god. The Swamis of the eight mathas built the stone temple known as To!a!a Sana on the West. He induced the Swamis of the eight mathas to voluntarily perform a feast once in two years and a sacrifice once in a year. Then he went to Chittupadi and visited Sáranguļâya and entered in a sáram at Birotti. A feast was performed for him under a shed on the right side of Pilichavandi Bhata. He left that place and went to Kudar where he visited the god Sankråna. He visited the god Balarama at Wadapandêswar. He visited the gods Yetrála and Nandêswar at Billagaddi, and made friends with them, and then went to Kalmadi, where a building was made for him and a feast once in two years and a sacrifice once a year. He put one foot on a rock at Kalmádi and the other one on a stone at Túna, for which he was reckoned very powerful and able. From the Ghâts on the East to the ocean on the West, and from Ankols on the North to Kapi on the South, Bobbarye was celebrated with feasts and sacrifices in every habitation of Någas and in every tomple of Brahmâ, and in every temple.
(To be continued.)
NOTES ON THE SPIRIT BASIS OF BELIEF AND CUSTOM.
BY J. M. CAMPBELL, C.I.E., I.C.S.
(Continued from p. 140.) Salutations. Of the ideas that have prompted the salutation, three layers are preserved. The top layer is simple inquiry, as in the English, "How do you do?" : in the French, "How do you bear yourself?": in the German, "How do you go or fare?" The question need not be accompanied by any marked motion of the body. This form of salute, though commouest among the nations of Europe, is not unknown among peoples who preserve earlier ways. The Egyptian says: "How do you sweat?"46: the Shonas near lake Chad stretch out their palms with the words, "Are you well and happy ?" 17: the Abyssinian kettle-drums repeat the sound of the Ambaric "How do you do?!!
In Mr. Herbert Spencer's Ceremonial Institutions certain forms of salutation are grouped so as to slew that their sense is the self-surrender of the inferior who salutes to the superior who is saluted. Submission seems to explain the standing, kneeling and prostrate attitudes of Musalman prayer. These attitudes may imply an underlayer of spirit action, with the object of getting rid of evil influences. Still, to a Muslim, the merit of the postures of prayer is that they are signs of Islâm or submission. In the self-surrender view of the salate, the raising of the hands before the eyes, the stretching of the arms by the sides with out-turned palms, the bowing of the body, the bowing of the head, have all their origin in the inferior who salutes placing himself in the power of the superior who is salated. The desire of the superior who is saluted to prevent an undue surrender on the part of the saluter leads to a compromise. Among Indian Musalmâns, women guests, when they arrive, try to touch the hostess's feet. The hostess draws in her feet and touches the guest's head with her hands. So the salute of bowing till the fingers touch the ground, when the saluter is completely defenceless, is prevented by the person' salated, and, under the law of compromise, the ground-touching salute passes into the * Hone's Table Book, p. 187.
#7 Denham and Clapperton, VOL II. p. 163, 13 English Illustrated Magazine, May 1884, p. 191.
4Herklot's Qanun-i-Lalam, p. 116.

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wide-spread shake of the hand. Self-surrender modified by compromise may be accepted as explaining certain forms of salutation. At the same time, of the forms that open to the surrender key several yield only to pressure and seem to shew that the surrender meaning has been imposed on an earlier practice which has its basis in a different class of ideas. The Chinese salutation, chinchin, where the body is bent forward nearly to the ground with the clenched fists set together and raised two or three times, seems at first an ideal case of subinission. But the clenching of the saluter's fist suggests influence-holding or other mystic virtue. In any case the clenched fist seems hardly a sign of submission. Again, surrender fails to explain many forms of salutation. Finally, it is to be noted that the entire vocabulary of salute, the words salute, salutation, salve, bail, health, peace, farewell, good-bye, God keep you, have no connection with surrender. This consideration leads to the third or lowest layer. The sense that lies in the salute, whether the salute is the raising of the open right hand, the kiss, or the discharge of cannon, is that the person honoured by the salute may be well, that is, that he may be freed from the annoyance of evil influences. How far does the wish to scare spirits explain not only the different classes of salutes which are unconnected with surrender, but also the bulk of the other salutes which the surrender theory at first sight seems sufficiently to explain ?
Salutes which have for their object the scaring of evil spirits belong to two main classes : salutes of honour and salutes of dishonour. Salates of honour vary from the short informal greeting of friends to the most primitive, and also to the most refined ceremonial. The spirit basis of honour-salutes is the universal experience that all in a position of special respect, - the king, the conqueror, the bride, the babe, the priest, the god, the dead, - are specially open to spirit attacks. To the wandering unhoused shoals of spirits the honoured living and the dead, whether honoured or neglected, form tempting lodgings because in the case of the honoured living the lodger will share, perhaps cuckoo-like he will succeed in monopolising, the respect shewn to the original tenant. And because in the case of the dead the spirit requires no placard to shew that there are lodgings to let. The saluting of the dead hardly fits with the surrender-with-compromise theory. At the same time, the different forms of saluting the dead find suitable explanation in the desire of the salater to take into himself spirits that might otherwise pass into the tenantless spirit-house, and prove either & pollution or a vampire. The object of funeral rites is to scare or to tempt spirits, mainly the accursed blue-bottle north-fly of corruptions, from settling on the dead. The flowers, the pall, the plumes, the cakes, the moarning, the bell, the gan, the soldier's volley, the sailor's ensign, have all their origin in the struggle to guard the dead from the trespass of evil influences. It follows that all salutes to the dead, kissing the hand or the pall, bowing to the passing funeral, uncapping at the grave, are part of the great funeral ritual which has for its object to draw into tho saluter spirits that might corrupt or annoy the dead.
The second great branch of salutation is the salutation of dishonour. A large class of forms of abuse, whether by sign or by word, bave their root in the suggestion that the person abused is either a devil or is devil-possessed. Christ's remark,50 "Ye are of your father the Devil," and the Jews' reply, "Thou art a Samaritan nnd hast a devil," explain the bulk of abuse both by word and by salute. Pointing the finger of scorn, spitting at, cursing, making a devil's nose, a fig, or other phallic sign, uncovering the private parts, are all an avaunt -“Get thee behind me, Satan." The spittle is lucky and full of healing virtue; but the spittle beals because it scares evil influences. In their yearly devil-driving the Wotyak Fins of East Russia, as they onst the evil influences from each house, spit at them. They spit again when they have crowded the whole array of spirits on the border.51 It follows that to be spat at is the same as to be told, “You are a devil or devil-possessed." So in spitting on Christ the soldiers put into action what the Jews had already said: - "Thou art a Samaritan St. John's Gospel, viii. 48.
61 Frazer's The Golden Bough, Vol. II. p. 180.

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and hast a devil." So the salate "Damn" or "Damn to hell" implies that the person saluted is a devil and ought to return to his own place. Taking a sight, cocking snooks, and other names for what is known as a devil's nose, and consists of putting the right hand to the end of the nose, either open or with the middle finger stiff and the other fingers bent back, seems to get its name because of its value in any meeting with the devil. Like the spittle or the curse, the use of the devil's nose in ordinary life implies that the person saluted is a devil or is devil. possessed. So the Neapolitan fig, the right thumb between the first and middle fingers, has the same evil-scaring sense.52 Finally, the seuse of a liss is to scare fiends. Both the Greeks and the Romans hissed when they saw lightning, and both hissed because they believed lightning was a devil; Satan falling as lightning from heaven,53 So like other abuse-salutes the hiss means, “You are a devil or devil-possessed,"
Besides individual salutes, special forms of salutations both in honour and in dishonour, belong to bodies rather than to individuals. Such are the signs of approval or of disapproval with performers at theatres and other public places; the clapping of hands, the cheers, the vivas, or clapping of tongues, the throwing of flowers, have the same object as the individual salute of honour, namely, to guard from evil the person who is held in honour. Similarly, the signs of disapproval, the hissing and whistling, the shouts and outcry have, like private abuse-salutes, the sting that the person salated is & devil or is devil-possessed.
It has been stated that the root of the care shewn to free the person salated from evil influences is the experience that any person in honour is specially open to spirit-attacks. The air swarms with given-up ghosts or unloused spirits who roam in search of lodgings. No lodging is so tempting as the honoured man or the worshipped god. Further, men may have within them as lodgers, or as permanent occupants, envious spirits which looking out through the human eye waste and wither anything or any person that strikes the envious spirit as unduly prosperous. It follows that all persons in special honour require peculiar guarding. The babe, the bride, the conqueror, the orator, the performer, the priest, the king, the god, the dead, all need protection from the Evil Eyo and from other hurtful influences. The need for saluting, that is, for saving or guarding those in honour, spreads into the not less pressing need of protecting one's friends, and, from a different view-point, of guarding one's-self and one's country from the evil influences with which strangers are haunted. The forms of greeting, both in word and in action, which have been adopted to secure safety for the great, happiness for friends, and protection against strangers, group themselves under the leading classes of device which experience has proved to have power either to scare or house evil spirits, or to secure & sacramental sameness of spirit between the person who makes and the person who receives the salute. The leading principles of protection are :
A. To name a guardian influence at whose name evil influences flee; B. To raise a noise ; c. To perform some act which can clear evil from (i) the saluter, (ii) the surround
ings, (iii) the saluted; D. To make the saluter the saluted's sacrifice or scape; E. To enforce some sacrament by which saluter and saluted may have in them the
same spirit.
82 The fig is not unknown in England :
"Witchy, Witchy, I defy thee,
Four fingers round my thumb Let me go quietly by thee."
The Denham Tracts, Vol. II. p. 82. # St. Luke'. Gospel, x, 18; Potter's Antiquities, Vol. I. p. 884. Compare the Arabian saying (Job, xxvii. 28) : "Men shall alap their bands at the rich hypocrite and shall hiss him out of his place."

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"
uses.
Under A, Guardian naming, come :
(a) The naming of God. (6) The naming of Hail or Health.. (c) The naming of Peace. (d) Goodbyes, farewells. (e) Curses.
(S) Coarsenesses. Under B, Spirit-soaring noises, come: -
(a) Singing and other music with national anthems and hymns of praise. (6) Hand-clapping, joint-crackling, thigh-slapping. (©) Gun-firing.
(et) Cheering, shouting, yelling, hissing. Under C, Actions to scare evil spirits, come :(i) From the Saluter -
(a) Throwing and rubbing dast. (6) Month-covering. (6) Ground-touching. (d) Eye-hiding. (c) Tongue-lolling. () Racing
(9) Alms-giving. (ii) From the surroundings -
(a) Spitting. (6) Health-drinking. (c) Kerchief-throwing.
Bough and grass-carrying. @ Lifting.
) Dancing (9) Finger-pointing.
(k) Offering: (iii) From the Saluted
(a) To pull his nose or twist his ears. (6) To slap him on the back. (©) To encircle him.
To carry fire or iron round him. @ To rub him. () To scratch him. (9) To lift him.
(h) To wave an offering round him. Under D, the Sacrificial Salute, come :
(a) Evil-taking. (6) Kissing and inhaling. (0) Hat and robe-removing. (d) Holding out the palm.
Health-drinking.
Tongue-lolling. (9) Finger-pointing. (h) Circling.
Feet-washing and rubbing. 6) Bowing

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Under E, the Sacramental Salute, come: -
a) Hand-shaking. (6) Kissing and inhaling. () Spitting. (d) Embracing. (e) Health-drinking. () Body-rabbing. (g) Head-knocking. (h) Bowing.
(1) Robe-sharing. A (a), the guardian as a salute: When Dakhan Marathâs meet each says, "Râma, Râma," and when Gujaratis meet their salute is "Jai Gopal, Victory to Gôpál." In carrying the dead, in the west of India, most Hindus, admittedly with the object of keeping evil spirits from drawing near the corpse, keep ap the cry “Rám bóló bhái, Rámá, Say Rám, brothers, say Râm." A widespread use of God's name as a salute is in salating the sneezer. In Tahiti, those near a sneezer say, “God be kind;" in Samoa, the salate is "May you live." The Tahitans say, “God be kind," because the cause of a sneeze is the sudden departure of an outside spirit from the sneezer.54 The sneezing Kafir says, “May god look on me with favour." The Amazulas of South-East Africa thought a sneeze was caused by a spirit being near, and said, "Spirits, grant long life. The Damaras of South-West Africa are fond of sneezing and of saying "Lord."66 Parsis think & sneeze is a sign of the victory of the vital fire over a bad spirit, and thank the guardian Hormazd for his aid,56 When an Arab sneezes those round him say, "God bless you."57 The Egyptians blessed God when a person sneezed, because, say the Jews, death came in a snooze till the patriarch Jacob bogged that death might be less sudden. The Greeks blessed the sneezer, of which Aristotle (B. C. 330) gives the false and philosophic explana. tion, that a sneeze shews the brain is in health. Pliny (A. D. 70) explained the Roman sneezesalute by the tale that when his nostrils were touched with fire Prometheus sneezed.59 Among modern European nations the Italians salute the sneezer, the Germans wish him health, the English say, "God bless you." The holiness of the sneeze is an example of the law, the un-willed is the spirit-caused. The sneeze marks the struggle between the trespassing spirit and the occupying spirit. Tho Tahitans and the Pârsis have kept admirably near the true explanation. The common seventeenth century English greeting was: “How dost thou do," with a thump on the shoulder. The parting was "God keep you," "God be with you." Coleridge's Wedding Guest gives the Ancient Marinera full greeting :-"God save thee, ancient mariner, from the fiends that plague thee so."00
A (6), the naming of Hail or Health : In India, after a mind or death-feast, the host says to the Bråh maņ guests, "Have you eaten well P" The Brahmans, into whom, along with the food, the dead and other spirits have passed, say, "May there be Health." In all ceremonies to the dead the word Hail or Health is the best blessing.01 In North Africa, in salating a stranger, a chief kisses the stranger's hand and says, "My men are come to wish you health."63 The early Hebrew salute was "In the name of God." Then shalom, which strictly means welfare, not peace, came into fashion. The Muslim greeting is "Peace be on you," and the reply is “On you be peace and the mercy of God." The pathetic salute of the doomed gladiators, “Morituri salutant," was to save the god-emperor from the Evil Eye of the crowd
A Revillo Les Religions des Peuples Non Civiliada, Vol. II. p. 112. .
Notes and Queries, Fifth Series, Vol. VIII. p. 284.. Op.cit. Vol. VIII. p. 284. 57 Op. cit. Vol. VIII. p. 223.
Op.cit. Vol. VIII. p. 223. " Aubrey in Hone's Table Book, Vol. L p. 890; Pepy's Diary in Hone's Tablo Book, Vol. II- 880. . Moxon's Coleridge (1870), p. 96.
14 Burnell's Mans, p. 74 62 Denham and Clapperton's North Africa, Vol. I. p. 29. & Smith's Dictionary of the Bible, Vol. III. p. 1093. Lane's Modern Egyptians, p. 198.

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and from the haunting of any gladiator spirit that might die unavenged. The greeting in Germany, Belgiam and France is “Good Health." Hail and health are the same; the Swedish for both is helsa. So in Macbeth the witches salute is "All Hail," and Westmoreland's in Henry IV.is, “Health to my lord and gentle cousin Mowbray."07
The guardian power of & salute of curses and coarsenesses, A (e) and (), is shewn by the women of the Mandan Indians salating the devil with hisses and gibes ; 69 by the Australian saluto of whirling a lighted fire brand round their heads and muttering imprecations to drive out the night-mare, and greeting a new moon with corses and coarse abuse,70 the curses and coarseness being not for the moon but to scare the evil spirits that might harm the baby moon.
Instances of B (a), that is, of the playing of music, national anthems, and hymns of praise As a salate, are numerous and universal. The great Abyssinian kettle.drums beats welcome whose pulsings form sounds equivalent to the Amharic words of greeting.71 Polynesians, who have not met for long, salate by a sad song or wail over those who have died since they met, apparently with the object of clearing the air of their spirits. In North Africa; when high travellers visit a tribe, the tribesmen go out to meet the travellers, fall on their knees, beat a dram, and sing.73 In Rajputânâ villages, early in the present century, women used to come out singing and dancing to meet travellers.76
In support of B (b), that the salute of hand-clapping scares evil, according to Brahmanic Hindus,75 on the great night of 'Siva (February 27th), all beings are purified, that is, are cleansed from evil spirits, by thrice Elapping the hands. When the Kochs of Assam offer the first fruits, they call to their ancestors and clap their hands,76 the clapping being to clear the air of evil influences which might deter the ancestors from coming. In West Africa, north of the Congo, when the chief drinks, & man strikes together two iron bars. All who hear bury their faces in the sand, and, when the sound ceases, clap their hands.77 When a South African Balonda salutes, he drops on his knees, rabs dust on his arms and chest, and keeps on clapping his hands.78 In Central South Africa, the salute of several tribes is by clapping hands.70 Certain Africans consider the lion to be a chief. When they see a lion they give him the chief's salutation by clapping their hands.80 The Shonas of Lake Chad, in North Africa, salute by closing the hands geveral times gently, as Europeans applaud.81 In Japan, when a sun-worshipper enters a temple, he twice claps his hands.8 At Nagasaki, in Japan, after the October festival, when the god is bronght back to his temple, as he passes, the people bow and clap hands.83 Pliny (A. D. 77) remarks: "All nations agree in clapping their hands when it lightens." The other Roman mode of saluting lightning, namely, by a hiss, proves that to the Roman, as to the Jew "I have seen Lucifer as lightning full," lightning was a fiend. It follows that in this case the object of the Roman hand-clapping was to scare a fiend; it further follows that the root of hand-clapping as a salute or as a means of honour is to keep evil from the person honoured. A form of handclapping is to clap the thigh instead of the other hand. The Andamanese, when they meet, raise one log and clap the hand on the lower part of the thigh.85 A traco of this
48 Notes and Queries, Fifth Series, VoL VIII. p. 108. 6 Skeat in Piers the Ploughman, p. 108. 67 Henry IV., Part II. Act IV. So. 2.
Frazer's The Golden Bough, Vol. II. p. 184. Featherman's Bocial History, Vol. II. p. 176. 40 Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 175. The reason why the coarse is lacky is explained in the note on "Indecency," in a former number of the Indian Antiquary. Compare the strangely coarse abase and jokes called stonia among Greek women at the Theamophoria in honour of Demeter. Smith's Greek and Roman Antiquities, Vol. II. p. 831.
11 English Illustrated Magazine, 1881, p. 191. 11 Reville Les Religion des Peuples non Civiliaés, Vol. II. p. 186. (80 do the Andamanese. -Ed.) 75 Denham and Clapperton, Vol. I. p. 143.
T4 Tod's Rajasthan. [They do 80 still. -ED.) 75 Wilson's Works, Vol. II. p. 214.
T6 Frozer's The Golden Bough, Vol. II. p. 874. 19 Burton's Mission to Dahomey, VoL I. p. 245.
# Dr. Livingstone's Travole in South Africa, p. 293. "Op. cit. p. 567.
# Spencer's Principles of Sociology, Vok I. p. 350. Denham and Clapperton, Vol. II. p. 63.
& Ranjit Singh's Japan, p. 48. St. James'. Budget, 10th December 1887, p. 11. N Pliny's Natural History, Book xxvii, Chap. 5. » Featherman's Social History, Vol. II. p. 231.

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practice perhaps remains in the outlying English slapping of the thigh under the influence of a joke, originally apparently with the object of guarding the honoured jester. Of fingersnapping and joint-cracking as salates to scare evil, is the case of the Hindu snapping fingers in front of a gaping mouth to prevent evil spirits entering, or perhaps to prevent the yawner's spirit leaving his body. On the Guinea coast, after grasping hands as & salute, the thumb and mid-finger are three or four times sharply withdrawn on both sides with a snap.86 When Negroes meet they pull their fingers till the joints crack, and when Negro chiefs meet they thrice snap the third finger,37 Gun-firing as a salute, or guardian of the honoured, is a commonplace among European nations. Some Musalmans of North-East Africa compliment a stranger by firing a gun close to his head.88 In 1824, the traveller, Denham, and the local ruler were met outside of Sohna, in North Africa, by dancing and singing men and by shouts and gun-firing.*
Of noise as a salate B (d): In the Middle Ages, the people of Turin salated an eclipse with a shout. Both Greeks and Romans salated the fiend lightning with a hiss and Romans with a whistle. A form of noise much in use to scare fiends is cheering - cheers when a health is proposed, cheers in the battle-field, cheers at a ship-launching or a stone-laying. In the old North-East Scotland fisher's rite of carrying a burning barrel, called a clavie, round the fishing boats at the end of the year, tire clavie was saluted with cheers when it was begun, when it was complete, and when it was burnt,
To prevent the risk of injuring the person saluted the saluter must be careful that none of the spirits with which he is haunted pass to the saluted. The earth is the great mother and home of spirits. By touching the earth the dangerous spirit-force, that is, the evil spirits who make their abode in men, can be discharged. The larger or the more important part of a man that touches Mother Earth, the easier the channel for the discharge of these evil trespassers; the finger tip, the knee, the brow, the prostrate body. In the sixteenth century, the Yukatan or Central American salute was to touch the ground with the finger tips and kiss the fingers. In A. D. 1520, when they came into the presence of Cortez, the Mexican ambassadors touched the ground with their finger tips, kissed the fingers, bowed three times, and perfumed their bodies with copal.” That, in kneeling, the knee is a channel of special efficacy is shewn by the practice in the Greek Church of anointing the knees of those who partake of the Sacrament. In the holy island, in Loch Finn, in Ireland (A.D. 1760), the penitent hobbled on his bare knees over sharp stones. By this means his sins, or haunting spirits, passed out through his knees.95 The Balondah of South Africa salates by dropping on his knees and rubbing dust on his arms and chest. Valuable as kneeling may be as as a means of passing baunting influences from the salater into the earth the knee cannot compete as a discharge channel with the whole of the body. Like the Hebrew reverence, the Hindu eight-limbed earth-touching, 7 or sdshtanga namaskára, the Chinese cowtow, the Muslim sijdah, the chief salute in South-East and in equatorial Africa is prostration. At Dahomey, in West Central Africa, when presented to the king, people lie prostrate and shuffle bandfals of dust over their head and arms. In South-West Africa, in the Congo regions, before every village chief the saluter prostrates, kisses the earth, and scatters dust. To the merit of discharging haunting influences, prostration adds the merit of mouth and eye-covering, and so of
* Burton's Minion to Dahomey. Vol. I. p. 86. The sense seems to be the griep is sacramental, that is, the grasp secures communion of spirit. The groep is of the nature of an oath or bargain. The snapping is to prevent evil spirits gathering and spoiling the agreement. 87 Reference Mislaid.
* Hay's Western Barbary, p. 58. Denham and Clapporton, Vol. I. p. 28.
90 Lecky's European Morale, Vol. I. p. 390. 1 Potter's Antiquities, Vol. I. p. 884.
92 Mitchell's The Past in the Present, pp. 257-359. * Spencer's Descriptive Bociology, Vol. II. "Central America." # Op. cit. Yol. II. p. 32. # Gentleman's Magazine Library, "Popular Superstitions," pp. 111, 112 # Dr. Livingstone's Travels in South Africa, p. 298. Hitopadesh, Wilkin's Translation, p. 117.
Burton's Mission to Dahomey, Vol. I. p. 250.

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closing the two great openings for the passage of impure influence from the saluter to the saluted. To prevent evil influences issuing from his mouth the Dahomey saluter rubs his face, especially his mouth, with earth or sand till a coating of earth gathers on his lips.99 In Egyptian pictures the hand is placed over the mouth.100 In coming into the presence of the Lord of Hosts the prophet Isaian has his unclean lips purified by the touch of a live coal from the altar. So in India, the Sravak or Jain priest, when engaged in temple service, wears a cloth tied over his mouth; the Pârsi priest adopts the same precaution in worshipping fire. The prevention of the issue of evil-laden glances from the eye of the saluter is a still greater merit in prostration than the closing of the saluter's mouth. In China, in A, D, 1583, when the king passed, all people knelt with their faces to the ground, holding their hands over their heads, forbidden to look up till the king was gone.2 In Siam, in A. D. 1660, every one had to lie flat at the king's coming. To look on the king was death. So, about the same time, in Central Asia, ruled the mighty Prester John, whose person none dared look upon. In Loango, in West Africa, north of the Congo, when the chief drank, a man struck together two iron bars. All who heard the noise buried their faces in the sand. Other salutes find their sense in this same need for guarding against the Evil Eye, the most dangerous of influences. In Western India, the women of many hill and forest tribes turn their back when they meet an European. This back-turning is due neither to want of manners nor to excess of timidity. The sense is to prevent a glance harming the superior. In Dahomey and in other parts of West Africa, when the royal charmers or fetish women come to draw water, all men must run off and turn their backs. The spirit-origin of the bow, as in the case of the Parsi three separate bows to the dead, may be partly to guard the person saluted by exposing the top of the head through which, even without the laying on of hands, spirit influences enter. But the main spirit-sense of the low ceremonial bow is to save the saluted from the saluter's evil-laden eye. In Japan at Nagasaki, after the October festival, when the Shinto god o-Sawa is brought back to his temple, as the god passes, the people bow and clap their hands. When the Amir of Bokhara passed through the city, the people saluted by extending their palms and bowing low their heads. The horror of the mischief of the Evil Eye enforces the stricter precaution of holding the hand in front of the eyes. When the people of Sikhim, in the Himalayas, lay gifts on the altar, they lift both hands to the forehead, fall on their knees, and touch the ground three times with head and hands. The Bhots of the Western Himalayas salute by raising the backs of both hands level with the forehead, repeatedly describing circles in the air, and ending by drooping the fingers down and turning the palm in.10 The German, and now the British, right-palm salute is like the first part of the Bhot salute. The position suggests the open right palm of the sati, or of the baronet, guarding the saluted from evil-laden glances. When a Bombay Beni-Isra'il repeats the verse:11" The Lord our God is one Lord," he puts his right thumb in his right eye, his little finger in his left eye, and rests the three remaining fingers on his brow.12 The closing of the eyes by the finger tips forms part of the prayer gesture in the regular Jewish and Musalman service. In Christian prayer, the eyes are closed, either with or without the aid of hand-pressure.
Besides the evil influences that come out of a man, he goes pestered with spirits as if with a gwarm of flies. Unless the saluter clears his fly-swarm, they may annoy and injure the saluted. Earth and sand are among the chief scarers and cleansers. In Cheshire, white sand, called greet, is strewn in front of the bride.13 Burial scares corruption : the scanty present of a little
* Burton's Mission to Dahomey, Vol. I. p. 261. 500 Wilkinson's Ancient Egyptians, Vol. II, p. 378. 1 Isaiah, vi. 5-8.
. Kerr's Voyages, Vol. VII. p. 500. Mr. Pepy's Diary, August 17th, 1656.
• Hudibras, Book iii, Section 8. 6 Burton's Mission to Dahomey, Vol. I. p. 245.
• Op. cit. Vol. I. pp. 191, 192. St. James's Budget, 10th December 1887, p. 11. • Op. cit. 24th November 1888, p. 5.
Hooker's Himalayan Journals, Vol. I. p. 312. 10 Balfour's Encyclopedia, Vol. V. p. 34. 11 Deuteronomy, vi. 4.
13 Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XVIII. p. 512. 15 Dyer's Folk-Lore, p. 198.

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dust lays the vagrant sonl of the ship-wrecked Archytas.14 To the Muslim the dusty forehead is lacky or mubiruk: where water is scarce, & sand-bath makes the Muslim ceremonially clean. No evil can assail the Shi'a Muhammadan who rests his brow on a cake of earth from holy Karbala. The Muslims of Senegal in Upper-West Africa throw sand or earth over their heads. Ibn Batuts, the great Arab traveller (A. D. 1342), has described the wallowing and dusting of the old Negrotic courts. Johnson remarked the same at Zenda, Clapperton at Oyo, and Denham among the Musgows.15 Among the Waguhàs of South-Central Africa the saluter takes a handful of sand or earth with his right hand, throws a little into his left hand, and rubs the rest over his elbow and stomach.16 When the South African Balonda salutes, he drops on his knees, rubs dust on his arms and chest, and keeps on clapping his hands,17 The Negro keeper at Whydah, in West Africa, before lifting daughue, the sacred python, rubbed his right hand on the ground and dusted his forehead, as if grovelling before a king,18 In this West African case, the keeper's object in tonching the ground was apparently to discharge his haunting evils, as his object in dusting his brow was to scare his swarm of fly-spirits which, if not scattered, might annoy the holy python. The well-made gigantic Patagonian (A. D. 1520), who ran capering and singing to the beach to meet the Spaniards, kept throwing dust on his head in token of friendship.10 Here, as in the Christian burial service, the dust thrown on the Patagonian's head lays the spirits which swarm round him, and which, if not laid, might harm or annoy the strangers to whom the Patagonian was anxious to be civil. The horror of the fly-swarm, shewn in the proverb, "Scabies supremum capiet, Plague take the hindmost," seens to explain the "Onrush" as a salute. In North Africa, before coming to a town, the horsemen skirmish in front of the caravan, and gallop by pairs to the Governor's door, firing muskets.20 At Mandara, in Central Africa, in A. D. 1824, on visiting a great man, the rule was to gallop to him at full speed.21 The old faith, in leaving evil behind, is perhaps at the root of the English canter for the avenue.
At first thought, submission seems rightly to claim the salute of standing on one foot. Still the details are difficult, and seem to point to an underlying spirit basis. When Philippine Islanders meet, they bend low, place their hands on their cheeks, and raise one foot in the air with the knee bent, 22 apparently shewing that standing on one foot is lucky. Meadows Taylor describes the fear-struck Hindu broker standing on his left leg, with the sole of the right leg pressed against the left calf, his hands joined, his turban awry 23 Submission seems sufficiently to explain this action. At the same time the standing of a Hindu ascetic on one foot "like a crane" is among the most merit-giving of positions. So, in Siam, the temporary or hop king, who stands three hours on one foot, by so standing, gains a victory over evil influences.24 The Catholic Church recognises the fly-swarm and the in-dwelling evils. The holy water at the Church porch scatters the fly-swarm; the Sign of the Cross made in front of the face prevents the in-dwelling evil in the worshipper annoying the Crucifix or the High Altar.
Of the salate as a clearer of the surroundings rather than of the spirit-swarms that fly-like go with the saluter, spitting is an instance. In Europe, spitting is an abusive salute. To spit in a man's face means: "You are a devil or devil-ridden and must be scared." So to keep off evil influences, when a Sunni talks with a Shi'a, he spits secretly. Similarly, some natives of India keep secretly spitting when they talk to an European, or when they talk on some ill-omened topic. The root of this practice is the belief in the healing, and therefore spirit-scaring, virtue of spittle. If the spittle is a guardian, to spit on a person may be a gracious as well as an abusive salate.
14 Horace, Odes, I. xxviii.
18 Burton'a Mission to Dahomey, Vol. I. p. 259. 10 Stanley's Dark Continent, Vol. I. p. 54. 17 Dr. Livingstone's Travels in South Africa, p. 296. 18 Burton's Mission to Dahomey, Vol. I. p. 95. 19 Drake's Cavendish and Dampier, p. 37. 30 Denham and Clapperton, Vol. II. p. 229. 21 Op.cit. Vol. I. p. 284. 33 Hone's Table Book, p. 187.
23 Confessions of a Thug, p. 147. # Frazor's The Golden Bough, Vol. I. Pp. 230, 231, 233.

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When they meet, the Masais of East Africa spit on each other.25 In North-East Africa, the traveller Johnson was much sought after as a medicine-man. His salute was so highly valued that he had to keep his mouth full of water.38 In Scotland, at the beginning of this century, it was usual to spit in the hand, before clenching a bargain by grasping the hand of the person with whom you were dealing.27 The apparent sense of the spit before the grip is to prevent any devil of crookedness finding his way into the grip, and so into the bargain. A Peruvian salute was to approach the superior, carrying green boughs and palm-leaves; 29 and a New Guinea custom is that the saluters lay leaves on the heads of those they salute.20 In A. D. 1519, the people of Kohat, in despair, came to meet Baber with grass between their teeth.30 In India, the mouthing of grass is generally accompanied by standing on one foot. The practice has been explained as an example of abject submission, as if with the sense, "We are your oxen."31 That surrender explains the mouthing of grass seems doubtful, and the ox idea is a natural case of meaning-raising. The grass seems to be taken into the mouth with the object of turning aside wrath. The root of the practice may therefore be the belief that grass scares evil, as, in the North-West Provinces, a blade of grass is stuck in a heap of corn to keep off the Evil Eye.33 Another salute, whose apparent sense is to keep the honoured safe from spirit-attacks, is lifting or raising shoulder-high. Grimm quotes a German song which moans the flight of merriment:"If we could only get her back, we would bear her on our hands as a king or a bride is raised and carried."33 Dancing, another admirable scarer, is also a salute. In India, the religiousness or luckiness of the trained dance or nách is that like the priest, the dancinggirl is the scape, and draws ill-luck into herself. In the early years of the present century, in Rajputânâ, when the chief or an honoured guest arrived, women at a country town went out to welcome them, dancing and singing. And still occasionally, in Gujarat Native States, at the entrance of a town, a dancing-girl stands and salutes a stranger. A common Roman salute was to point with one of the right fingers: to point the first or index finger was complimentary; to point the middle finger was an insult. The middle finger was known as the impudicus, that is, immodest, or the infamis, that is, disreputable. The finger was immodest because, if held out with the other fingers doubled back, its likeness to a phallus made it a valuable guard against the Evil Eye. In its case, as in other cases, the indecent was the lucky. Its tip applied the evilscaring spittle to the temples, the brow, and the lips of the infant. Still, in spite of its lackiness, to be saluted by this middle finger was an insult. The gesture meant "You are a devil, or you have a devil." On the other hand, it was an honour to be pointed at by the first finger. The Romans saluted their gods from a distance by kissing the first finger tip, and holding out the finger to the god. Certain tourists came to see Demosthenes. As they drew near, they failed to salute him by pointing to him the finger of honour or by blowing him a kiss from its tip. In return, the sage saluted the tourists by holding out his horn or priapus middle finger, apparently signifying "Ye mannerless Devils,"35
251
The object of the next class of salutes, C (iii.), is, by pinching, slapping or circling, to drive evil out of the person saluted. When a Bombay Beni-Isra'il bridegroom reaches the bride's house, her brother meets him and squeezes his car, puts sugar in his mouth, and gives him a cocoanut.36 Among the Pâtâne Prabhus of Poona, a new-born babe has its head squeezed, its nose pulled, and its ears pinched.37 Among the Marwâr Vanis of Poona, a custom observed by most Gujarat castes, when the bridegroom
25 Elworthy's The Evil Eye, p. 422.
28 MS. note from Dr. Graham, 5th April, 1835.
27 Napier's Folk- Lore, p. 100.
28 Descriptive Sociology, Vol. II., "Ancient Peruvians." ro Caldecott's Baber, p. 90.
20 Hone's Table Book, p. 187.
31 Op. cit. p. 90; Elliot's Races, North-West Provinces,
Vol. I. p. 240; Asiatic Researches, Vol. VII. p. 180.
32 Elliot's Races, North-West Provinces, Vol. I. p. 239. 5 Grimm's Teutonic Mythology, Vol. II. p. 891.
This practice seems to have remained in force till the seventeenth century, as Prætorius (Elworthy's The Evi Eye, p. 413) writes in A. D. 1677: Even now-a-days we teach our boys that the right index is to be kissed as a salutation to persons worthy of honour."
35 Laertius in Elworthy's The Evil Eye, p. 414.
36 MS. note. ST Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XVIII. p. 220.

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reaches the bride's marriage porch, he is met by the bride's mother, who four times pulls his nose.39 These nose and ear wringings are performed neither to cause laughter, nor to beguile spirits to believe that the babe and the bridegroom are not held in honour. The great care taken, in the Musalman ceremonial bath at the close of a period of impurity, to prevent any spirit lurking in the car or up the nostril saggests that both in the case of the babe and of the bridegroom the object of the nose and ear pulling is to expell trespassers. Among English men, boys or intimates are saluted by a slap on the back. Aubrey (A. D. 1650) says: - "The common old English salutation was, 'How dost thou do,' with a thump on the shoulder."39 The king of Dahomey used to affect familiarity with the English and slap them on the back with his open hand. This apparently was a copied salute.40 To attach a spirit-meaning to the slap on the back as a salute or evil-scarer might seem more than farfetched, but for this passage in Plato's Timæus: 41 "The most painfol attacks of air are caused when the wind gets about the sinews, and especially when the pressure is in the great sinews of the shoulder. These are termed tetanus." Furious dancing is another salute to scare evil out of the stranger. In A. D. 575, Zemarchus, the emperor Jastin's ambassador to the Great Turk, Dizaba los, on reaching the encampment, was met by raging men who shewed him iron, carried fire round him, and danced furiously, as if driving away evil spirits. It was apparently to scare spirits out of the stranger, that, in 1836, the herald of the South African chief, Moselekatse, a naked man, foaming and glaring with excitement, appeared before Capt. Harris. When he entered, the herald roared like a lion, moved his arm like an elephant's trunk, tip-toed like an ostrich, and humbled himself in the dust like an infant and wept. The object of these, as of other animal dances, apparently, was to house the spirits which had come with the stranger. In Malacca and Singapor, the saluter lifts the left leg of the person saluted first over the saluter's right leg, and then over the saluter's face. This, at first, seems & case of submission. Consideration shews that the action is inconsistent with submission, as submission could hardly have devised a form of salute which gives the submitter so excellent a chance of laying his lord and master on the broad of his back. The lifting of the leg seems to stand for a lifting of the whole body with the object of helping the saluted to shake off evil inflacnces. Offerings are another salute whose object is to relieve the saluted from haunting influences. When & pregnant Pârsi girl goes to her parents' house, as she enters the house, an elderly woman passes round the girl's head a copper or brass platter with rice and water in it, throws the contents of the platter and also & broken egg and a cocoanut at the girl's feet, and welcomes her. The Bijapur Raddis, at the first ploughing of the season, rub the oxen's heads with cow-dung ashes, and bow before them.45 When a Brâhman bids neighbours to a thread-girding or to a wedding, the bidder drops red coloured rice into the hands of the chief person asked, and touches, with red powder and turmeric, the neck, hands and brows of the women of the house. In return, the women place in the bidder's lap, rice, a cocoanut and betel nuts and leaves. 46 The turning, which means the offering, of silver coins to the new moon is to scare fiends from the baby-moon. And Job's kissing of hands to the moon is the same as the Roman practice of blowing a kiss from the first finger tip.67
Of the great class of sacrificial salutes, which have for their object to secure the safety of the saluted by the saluter taking into himself the ill-lack of the saluted, the clearest example is the Rajput and other high class Hinda and Musalman women's salute in Gujarat. In Kacch, in 1819, when a distinguished visitor came to a village, the women of the half-priestly tribe of Chậrans formed a ring round him, and each woman joined the backs of her two hands, and
» Op. cit. Vol. XVIII. p. 279. 9 Burton's Mission to Dahomey, Vol. I. p. 149. 19 Yule's Cathay, p. clxiii. 4 Hone's Table Book, p. 187. 46 Op. cit. Vol. XV. pp. 152, 153,
$ Hone's Table Book, Vol. I. p. 890. 41 Jowett's Dialogues, Vol. II. p. 498. 43 Harris' Africa, p. 101. 48 Bombay Gaxetteer, Vol. XXIII. p. 147. #7 Napier's Folk-Lore, p. 98; Job, xxxi, 26.

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cracked the knuckles over her own head. The sense of this salute is clear. The saluter gathers into her fingers all the evil swarms that buzz about or have entered into the strangers. Once in her hands the cracking of her joints drives the spirits into the woman's head. The salute is interesting, because not only does its Gujarâti name, ovarna, that is, removing, and its Hindustâni name, balaiya léna, that is, evil-taking, shew the object of the rite, but the practice is still continued in the belief that it passes ill-luck from the saluted to the saluter. When a Hindu by mistake jostles a neighbour in a crowd, he touches the place on his neighbour's body which he struck against, and then touches his own body with his hand. The pain returns with the touch. It is a case of evil-taking. One of the Dahomey salutes was to move the body so as to touch the saluted, apparently with the object of taking his ill-luck. That kissing is a salute, as the firing of guns is a salute or health, shews that one object of the kiss is to take evil from the person saluted. In kissing, the object is either sacrificial, that is, the kisser, by taking or sucking the ill-lack of the saluter, becomes his scape or sacrifice, or kissing is sacramental, that is, it secures communion of soul between the kisser and the kissed. That, in its sacrificial aspect, kissing is sucking, is shewn in Marathi where chumbané means both to kiss and to suck. The same object, namely, to take in the ill-luck of the person saluted, is the explanation of the Indo-Chinese salute of inhaling.50 50 The Slav kissing of the hand of the aged, the Roman kissing of the foot of the god, the English kissing of their sovereign, the Prophet Job kissing his hand to the moon walking in brightness, are all apparently sacrificial, that is, done with the object of taking into the salater evils that might annoy the saluted. That the kiss was a formal and religious salute is shewn by its history in England, where up to Charles II.'s time (A. D. 1660) the kiss was the usual salute and shaking hands was a mark either of close intimacy or of high favour.52 In Banffshire (A. D. 1800), a newly-married couple were wished happy feet. As a preventive of misfortune, if they chanced to meet on the road to or from church, they saluted each other by kissing.53 The kiss in the ring and the kiss in the Russian and Kamschatkan dance, seems indirectly to be a sacrificial salute. As the object of the dance is to house spirits, the kiss element in the dance seems to find its sense in providing specially tempting quarters for the guests who have to be housed. The Laplander's salute is to rub the person salated with his nose, 55 apparently, like the Indo-Chinese, with the object of helping the saluted by sniffing into himself the saluted person's ill-luck.
253
Capping, that is, uncovering the head is a widespread salute. At first sight it appears to have its origin in submission. As a sign of submission, the uncovering may either be placing the unguarded head at the mercy of the person saluted, or, according to Mr. Baring Gould,5% since the Roman slave wore no hat, the uncovering may mean "I am your slave." But uncovering the head is a salute in many countries, where all wear head-dresses and where Roman slave practices have never been heard of. Uncapping is also a salute in many circumstances, into which no trace of submission enters. Further, the sacredness of the head-dress as the protector of those in honour, or in other form of danger, the christening cap, the Jewish, Greek and Hindu bridal crown, the noble's coronet, the royal diadem, the Bishop's mitre, and the Pope's tiara, shews that a special guardian-importance attaches to the hat, and makes it probable that the root of uncapping as a salute is the fact that the hatless saluter makes himself a home or scape for the ill-luck or worries of the saluted. In the south of Scotland, when a man meets a funeral, he takes off his hat.57 Capping on meeting a funeral is also the rule in the west of Scotland, where the (modern) explanation is given that lifting the hat is a sign of respect and sympathy
48 Macmurdo in Trans. Bom. Lit. Soc. Vol. I. p. 307. Meadows Taylor (Confessions of a Thug, p. 132) describes the practice somewhat more clearly: "The old lady approached Mir Ali. She passed her hands over his face, oracked her knuckles and every joint of her fingers by pressing the backs of her hands against her temples.". 50 Jour. Roy. As. Soc. Vol. III. p. 269.
49 Burton's Mission to Dahomey, Vol. I. p. 260.
51 Victor Tissot's Unknown Hungary, Vol. I. p. 216. 53 Guthrie's Old Scottish Customs, p. 125.
62 Notes and Queries, Fifth Series, Vol. V. p. 15. St. James's Budget, 8th January 1887, p. 16. Baring Gould's Strange Survivals, pp. 282-287.
55 Hone's Table Book, p. 187.
BT Henderson's Folk-Lore, p. 42.

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with the mourners. Uncovering on meeting a funeral is usual in most Catholic countries in Europe. And that the origin of the ancovering is sacrificial or religious is supported by the salute being accompanied by a prayer for the soul of the dead. A note from Lincoln (A. D. 1833) throws light on the practice: "It is unlucky to meet a funeral. But if yon take off your hat the evil spirits which hover about the corpse will take it as a compliment and do no harm."5 This is old. But it is warped by the Protestant prejudice that man can do nothing to aid his dead brother; and it misjudges the character of corpse-haunting spirits who seek not honour but a lodging. It seems to follow that in uncovering to a corpse, as in uncovering to any one else in a position of honour, the saluter's object is sacrificial, that is, to temptinto himself some of the spiritgwarm that buzz round the saluted. In Yorkshire, if you see an ominous, that is spirit-haunted, magpie, you should lift your hat and make the sign of cross-thumbs : 58 the lifting the lat seems an offer to take a share of the ill-luck that dogs the magpie; the cross-thumbs, like signing the cross in front of one's face in a Catholic Church, is to prevent the saluter's Evil Eye annoying the saluted. In Tibet, both Chinese and Tibetans take off the hat as a salute. That the Tibetan un-hatting is sacrificial, that is, that its object is to take the ill-luck of the saluted, is in agreement with the Tibet practice of preserving the skull-top entrance from fiend-trespass by wearing abarms between the outer and the inner hat. In crossing the log that marked the entrance to Kana town in Dabomey, the people took off their caps.62 The Mingrelians of the Western Caucasus go bare hended on Saturdays (the Sabbath) in honour of the day 63 When Fiji sailors pass certain parts of the ocean, they quiet their fear by uncovering their head. These places are probably haunted, and the spirits, being offered lodgings in the uncovered heads, let the boat pass in poace. So in Sweden, at the stone where Gunnar's boat sank, fishermen salute by raising their hats; if they failed to salute, they would catch no fish. Though it is specially notable in the case of the hat, the chief guardian and protector, the sacrificial or ceremonial removing of other articles of dress is also a widespread form of salute. Examples of the rule of ceremonial or sacrificial uncovering seem to occur in the African chiefs who are waited on by naked women: in the scanty trace of clothing among the attendants of the chiefs in Indian cave-paintings and sculptures : in the queen of Attengo punishing any of her women who came before her with the upper part of the body covered : and in the bare shoulders of European evening full dress. At Dahomey, the male ministers, in saluting the king, bowed, bared their bodies to the waist, knelt, and made obeisance.
The salute of salutes, whose special virtue secures to it the early and honourable name of Health is the drinking of wine in honour of the saluted. Wine-drinking, as a salute, contains two main luck-elements : one sacrificial, that is, the saluter takes into his wine, and so into himself, the hovering ill-luck of the person salnted; the other sacramental, that is, by drinking the same wine a communion of spirit is secured to the salater and the saluted. This second element is what gives its name to the Loving Cup, that is, to the cup passed round from hand to hand, all present drinking the same wine and through the wine gaining a communion of spirit. Of the scape or sacrificial element, that is, when the drinker takes into himself hovering ill-spirits and ill-lack, Coleridge gives the following example from Cotton's Ode on Winter :
"Men that remote in sorrows live
Shall by our lusty brimmers thrive: We'll drink the wanting into wealth And those that languish into health, The afflicted into joy, th' oppressed
Into security and rest." # Gentleman's Magazine Library, "Popular Superstitions," p. 118.4 Dyer's Polk-Lore, p. 82 69 Schlagintweit's Tibet, p. 171.
61 Op. cit. p. 169. 62 Burton's Mission to Dahomey, Vol. I. p. 281.
es St. James's Budget, 16th June 1888, p. 13. 64 Featherman's Social History, Vol. II. p. 221.
Bassett's Sea Legends, p. 174. " Burton's Mission to Dahomey, Vol. I. p. 260, and Vol. II. p. 43. 61 Table Talk, p. 244.

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In Peru, an invitation to drink was a form of salute. The Abyssinians open an interview by drinking tedge, that is, mead or honey beer. Among the classic Greeks, health-drinking was a favourite salute, each guest specially drinking to the health of the guest to whom he handed the cup.70 A Tartar salutes by putting the tongue in the cheek, and scratching the right ear.71 In Sikhim, in the Himalayas,73 the Tibetan salutation is to hold out the tongue, grin, nod and scratch the ear. The general meaning of the lolling or out-thrust tongue in gods, in Medusas, in horned guardian faces, and in other masks is that the tongue drives away evil. The outstretched or lolling tongue, if directed against a man, is an abusive gesture, with the sense of avaunting the person saluted. At the same time the lolling tongue is a great spirit home, and the sense of the kindly Tibetan out-thrust tongue as a salute seems to be that the saluter becomes the scape and takes into his tongue the ill-luck of the saluted. The earscratching is not easy to explain. The sight of the scratching may re-call to some of the swarm of the buzzing unhoused spirits past pleasurable feelings, and may tempt some of them to abandon the saluted for the saluter's well-scratched ear.
A widespread salute is to walk round the person saluted. The Ramayana has many examples of saluting by circling. Râma (Vol. VI. page 35)73 touches his father's feet and goes round him with circling steps; Râma (Vol. VI. p. 38) goes round the coronation vases in the same way; he also (Vol. VI. p. 51) circles Queen Kausalya. Again (Vol. VI. p. 72) Queen Kausalys fondly paces round Râma; Ráma (Vol. VI. p. 186) goes round the king sadly with slow steps. reverent. Bharat (Vol. VI. p. 454) in humble reverence paces round Rima. These steppings and circlings must be pradakshinás, that is, with the right in front or next the object saluted. So one of the leading Hindu temple rites is to pace the pradakshina path that circles the god. In the Scottish Highlands, the old salute in receiving a stranger was to pace round him deas-il, that is, right next.74 The reverse of this was called widder-shins, that is, against the shine or sun. That the object of saluting the king, the stranger and the god by walking round him is to draw troublesome evils from him into the saluter agrees with the tale of the Mngha! Emperor Babar (A. D. 1530). Babar's eldest son, Humâyûn, was sick to death with fever. The physicians offered no hope. Babar stood at the head of his son's bed. He prayed that, if it pleased God, Hamâyûn's fever might come to him. He walked thrice round the bed with his right hand next it. He said: "My prayer is granted." Babar lay down and never rose : the fever left Humayun and he was well.
The last class of salute is the sacramental salute, that is, salutes whose object is to secure communion of spirit between the salater and the saluted. When he salutes an elder the Coorg boy puts off his shoes, and with folded hands raised to his brow, bows till he touches his senior's feet. In return, the senior lays his hands on the boy's head and blesses him, so securing a sameness of spirit in himself and the lad.75 Hand-shaking has been explained as the result of a compromise between two persons, each of whom is anxious to shew his respect for the other by touching the ground with his fingers. It may be possible that certain hand-shakings can be traced to the supposed law of submission tempered by compromise. Still other instances, notably the hand-grasping at oath-taking and in solemn agreements, seem unconnected with submission or compromise. Further, many hand-shaking salutes bear traces of, or are still explained by, the belief that a grasp of the hand secures communion of spirit. In the Peninsular War, a favourite officer of the Duke, chosen for some service of special danger, before starting, craved a grasp of the Duke's conquering right hand.76 Among the English, till the time of Charles II. (A. D. 1660), the kiss was the formal salute, the shake or grasp of the right hand, presumably from its sacramental virtue, was confined to close friends or was
es Descriptive Sociology, Vol. II.
70 Smith's Greek and Roman Antiquities, Vol. II. p. 741.
12 Hooker's Himalayan Journal, Vol. I. p. 203, and Vol. II. p. 22.
es English Illustrated Magazine, December 1884, p. 191. 71 Huc's Travels, Vol. II. p. 68.
13 These references are to Griffith's Translation. 75 Rice's Mysore, Vol. III. p. 225.
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74 Walter Scott's Two Drivers. Te Napier's Peninsular War.

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a sign of very high honour. This, like other English customs, may have come from the Romans to whom a grasp of the right hand was a form of oath, a strong union of souls.77 In Scotland, a bargain is cleached by a shake of the hand.Te Among the Greeks, palm-tickling was a sign of fellowship in the Eleusinian mysteries. And the modern mystics, the Freemasons, mark with a special grip the communion of spirit among the initiated.80 Freemasons also practice a form of funeral hand-shaking. In this, which is known as the chaine d'union, the brethren form a circle round the grave, each with his arms crossed over his chest, his right hand holding his left neighbour's left and his left hand holding his right neighbour's right.81 The Coorgs of Southern India shake hands when they meet. They also shake hands over an agreement.62 In Nubia, when men have been some time separate, on meeting, they kiss and shake bands :83 the apparent object of the grip as well as of the kiss is to restore their former sameness of spirit. As a rule, the sense of the kiss-salute is to suck evil into the saluter. A few cases, like the Nubian case, seem rather to have their explanation in the attempt to secure sameness of spirit. Among Egyptian Musalmans, the son kisses the father's hand, the wife the husband's, the slave or servant the master's. If the master is a great man the servant kisses his sleeve or the hem of his garment.84 Even in this instance it seems probable that the kiss is to suck evil ont of the person salated. Still the Christian kiss of peace and kiss of charity, which all members of the early congregations interchanged, shew a wide belief that a spirit passes in a kiss. This seems to have been a Greek belief, since in the Greek salute the kiss was accompanied with an embrace,86 whose object can scarcely have been other than to secure sameness of spirit. Rubbing, like embracing, would secure sameness of spirit. When the balf-Papuan-half-Malay people of Micronesia meet, they smell each other and rub noses.86 The Black-fect North American Indians, in saluting, rub their nose on a friend's back.97 In Canada, when Red Skins meet, they rub each other's stomach, arm and head.99 In 1800, in North Scotland, when the friends of the bride and bridegroom met between Banns' Sunday and the marriage day, they rabbed shoulders. To get the infection of marriage, suggests Mr. Gregor,89 perhaps rather to secure sameness of spirit and so prevent disputes arising till the wedding was over. In Normandy and Brittany, the peasants keep up the salute of striking head against head on the two sides of the brow. Among the Dhangars of Poona, when a widow marries, a chief rite is to knock together the heads of the widow and of the bridegroom. When two people are needlessly quarrelsome, a common advice is to knock their heads together. The object in this and other head-knocking salutes may be to obtain sameness of spirit in the persons whose heads are knocked together. Still it seems more natural to suppose that the head-knocking of the quarrellers will drive out of both of them the devil of contention, and that, in the case of the Dhangar second marriage, the main object is to knock out the troublesome ghost of the deceased husband. The people of Camene salute their friends by cutting themselves and giving their friends blood to drink.02 An Ethiopian, in salating, takes the robe of the person saluted, and ties it about himself, leaving the person saluted almost naked.93 This may be a symbolic binding of the saluter, as if under the orders of the saluted. It is perhaps more probable that the root idea is to secure a sameness of spirit by binding both the saluter and the saluted with the same cloth. The sacramental forms of salute, that is, those salutes whose object is either to become possessed by the spirit saluted or to bring
TT Potter's Antiquities, Vol. I. p. 295.
18 Napier's Folk-Lore, p. 100. T9 King's Gnostics and their Remains, p. 121.
* Op. cit. p. 121. Compare Mackay'a Freemasonry, p. 351 : "Freemasons make a (special) grip of the right hand the token of a covenant of friendship. 81 Mackay's Freemasonry, p. 50.
82 Rice's Mysore, Vol. III. pp. 219, 233. 33 Burkhardt's Nubia, p. 225.
** Lane's Modern Egyptians, p. 200. # Potter's Antiquities, Vol. II. p. 370.
Reville les Religions des Peuples non Civilises, Vol. II. p. 136. 67 Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 204.
88 Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 203. 89 An Echo of the Olden Time from the North of Scotland. 9 Reville les Religions des Peuples non Civilisés, Vol. I. p. 208. 91 Bombay Gaxetteer, Vol. XVIII. p. 885. 9 Hone's Table Book, p. 187. » Op. cit. p. 187.

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257
the same spirit into different people, are illustrated by the Hindu mystic or magic Ajapa Gayatri. The virtao of this charm is that its repetition secures thnt the saluter shall be possessed by the Paramahansa or Supreme Sonl. To bring into his body the Supreme Soul the saluter should repeat the word hansa, while he presses his heart with his right fingers : he should repeat the word hansi, while he squeezes his skull with lis right fingers: he should repeat the word haist, while he touches his top-knot with his right hand: he should repeat the word house, while his crossed hands are spread on his shoulders : he should repent the word hanso, while his right fingers close his eyes : he should repeat the word kansaha, while le strikes the right fore and middle fingers on the left palm. A snap of his finger, a wave of his hand round his head and the salater's possession by the Supreme Soul is complete,
(To be continued.)
MISCELLANEA. SEBUNDY.
| Political Surury of the Northern Circars, in I Have lately hnd reason to dive into the word Mackenzie, Kistna District, 1883, p. 67. sobundy, and give here a list of the quotations 1790. -"The enemy's (Maratha) force consist: regarding it which I have come across. It would
ed of ... Rajopoot Sybundees with eight appear that the word is really of South Indian
pieces of cannon." - Extract of a letter from usage, as it is not to be found in Elliot's Memoirs
Major de Boigne, dated Camp at Patan, June by Beames, Carnegy's Kachakri Technicalities,
24th, 1790, in Seton-Karr, Selections, Vol. iii., Crooke's Rural Glossary, Grierson's Bihar
p. 269. Peasant Life, and similar works relating to Northern India.-R. C. TEMPLE.
1790. -" Calcourchy, which place fell to the
enemy on the 17th instant, after the Amuldar, c. 1778. "At Dacca I made aoquaintance
with a few sibundies, making some resistance with my venerable friend Jolin Cowe.... against a detachment from Cumaruddeen's I found him in 'coinmand of a regiment of (Tippoo's Lieutenant) camp with two guns." - Sebundeos or native militia." - Hon. R. Lindsay
Extract of a letter from Tiagar, 19th December in Lives of the Lindsays, Vol. iii., p. 161, in Yule,
1790, in Seton-Karr, Selections, p. 283. Hobson-Jobson, 8. v.
1796. "The Collector at Midnapoor having was - 2.588 Sibbandy and Pike (pdik] reported the gebundy Corps attached to that peong for the forts and hilly countries." - Report Collectorship Sufficiently Trained in the Exercise, of the Circuit Committee, in Carmichael'. Viza
the Regular Sepoys who have been Employed on gupatam, p. 209.
that Duty are to be withdrawn." - G. O. 23 Feb. 1785.-" The Board were pleased to direct that in Supplt. to Code of Bengal Military Regulations, in order to supply the place of the Sebundy Corps, 1799, p. 145, in Yule, Hobson-Jobson. four regiments of Sepoys be employed in the 1 1803. - "The employment of their people necessary collection of revenue." -In Seton- therefore... As sobundy is a vantageous Karr, Selections, Vol. 1., p. 92, in Yule, Hobson. .... it lessens the number of idle and Jobson, s. u.
discontented at a time of general invasion and 1785.-"Ono considerable charge upon the
confusion." - Wellington, Despaches, eil. 1837, Nabob's country was for extraordinary Sib
Vol. i., p. 170, in Yule, Hobson-Jobson, s. v. bendios, sepoys and horsemen, who appear to us 1803. "Ali Behandar [Nawab of Banda) thie to be an unnecessary encumbrance upon the Mahratta Chief who is in possession of the open revenues." - Appendix to Speech on Nabob of country as likewise of the strongholds in BoonArcot's Debts in Burke's Works, Vol. iv., p. 18, ed. declcund has four battalions .. .. The 1852, in Yule, Hobson-Jobson, 6. v.
battalions, each about 500 strong, are withont disc. 1786.-" The zamindars were borad [in
cipline or military regulation of any kind and may 1751-9) to .... keep on foot u Sibbundy
be considered as it rabble. The infantry consists corps of 12,000 infantry which, over and above the
of Robillas, Boondeelahs and Malwa Sebundys ordinary services of preserving the three yearly
who aare rmed with match-locks." -- Truncklin, crops or enforcing the equal division between
George Thomas, p. 268 f. Government and the tenants, were liable to be 1804. - "The Kot Raja has in his service a called on to repel any invading foe." - Grant's force of 2,000 seebundees (or irregular infin.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[SEPTEMBER, 1896.
try)." - Col. Walker's Report, in Forbes, Rds c. 1821. - "The Mewatties & well known MaMald, p. 585 ed. 1878.
homedan trile in Hindustan bave long reborted
to Central India. They were entertained as 1812. -"Sebundy or provincial corps of native
Sebuzdies or militia by the renters and managers troops." - Fifth Report. House of Commons Com mittee on E. I. Company, p. 38, in Yule, Hobson
of the country and were deemed faithful to those Jobsot, s.v.
they served; but great numbers of them who
settled in the villages became professed depreda1817. - "The Maharaja will thenceforward tors . . . . They were in fact in general have no further emern with the Seburdies of both the police soldiers and principal robbers, and the garrisons, but His Higiiness's other tr xops the wealth and influence many of this tribe including the Pagoh, etc., shall encamp at such acquired enabled them often to escape dieteetion places as may be prescribed by the British and almost always to evade punishment." officers." Treat, with Doulet Row Sindia, in Malcolm, Central India, Vol. ii., ed. 1880, P. 144 Malcolm, Centrul India, Vol. ii., p. 330, ed. 1877. 1821. - "The Raja of Kot, who, at the time of
c. 1821. - "None of these however include Colonel Waller's report in 1804, maintained & Buldiers receiving regular pay, garrisons or local body of 150 horse and 2,000 Boebundees." - militia (sebundies)." -Malcolm, Central India, Selections, East India House, 1826, Vol. iii., Vol. ii., ed. 1880, p. 185. pp. 677-697, in Forbes, Rus Mald, p. 583, al. 1879.
C. 1821. - "(In 1817) this petty State (Dhar] 1821. -"The Raja of Kuwlo at tie time of hud a predatory army of 8,000 men; it bas now a Colonel Walker's report in 1804 maintained a
well paid body of 300 horse and 80) irregulare body of 180 horse and 200 seebundees was sent and Sebundies." - Malcolm, Central India, to prison for s eting a summons from a magis- Vol. ii., ed. 1880, p. 198. trate." - Elhinstone in Ras Mala, ed. 1878,
c. 1821. - "In all the Rajpoot principalities p. 583.
West and East of the Chumbul...the c. 1821. -"Allya Pace (1765-1795 A. D.)
foreign mercenaries have been disbanded and no after paying the civil and militia charges sent the
troops are employed beyond a few adherents of balance that remained in the public treasury to
tle fanily and some natives of the country as Buvply the exigency of the army omployed abroad
Sebundies. - Malcolm, Central India, Vol. ii., . . . . the term Sebundy which means a
ed. 1880, p. 202. local military employed for the preserving of internal peace and to aid in reven'e collections
c. 1821. - "Substance of the Treaty with the anay bo literally interpreted militia."- Malcoln, State of Dewass [1810) .... to keep in Central India, Vol. i., ed. 1889, p. 136 and n. service a contingent of 50 good horse and 50 in.
fantry to be at the disposal of the British Govern. c. 1821. - [Before 1808] in all these services
ment. The remaining troops, Bebundios, etc., Ameer Khan (the Pindarry] and his followers
to be at command when required." - Malcolm. were employed as Sebundy or local militia with
Central India, Vol. i., ed. 1880, p. 341. an average monthly pay of three or four rupees a man, and from ten to fifteen to him as their
c. 1821. -"Kishen Row Madhoo Boscottah with commander." - Maicom, Central India, Vol. i., the British Government . . . . paying for cd. 1880, p. 263 f.
four successive years 500 rupees annually as bis c. 1821. - The Dewan (under Mabratta Gov.
share of Sebundy expenses, July 1819." -
Malcolm, Central India, Vol. ú., ed. 1880, p. 351. oxument) has independent of this pay from the prince . . in some places an anna oi c. 1824. -- " Military Establishments of the sistenth puri of a rupee - in others balf that Princes and Chiefs of Malwa. Sindia .... aniount - from the pay of the Bebundies or subundies and garrisons of forts ...: militia of the country." - Malcolm, Central India, Holkar.... sebundies, garrisons, etc., Vol , ed. 1880, p. 441.
etc.,. .. Dhar.... Foot, irre- "The only grants in this village
gulars, sebuudies ....Kotah ....
Hindus, Rajpoots, Sebundies, irregulars...." [ B
e ar Dhar] that appear excessive are those to Brahmins of 17 begals, and 150 begahs
- Appa. xii. to Malcolm, Central India, Vol. ii., to wo Jemadars anu ve Choukeedars, but the latter is the pay of these men who use a part the 1 c. 1825. – Since Sarivat 1886 [A. D. 1779] the hereditary Sebundien solders of t) village." fort of Verával had belonged to the Divan Malcolin, Coural Indili, ol. ii., ed. 1880, p. 24 n. Raghunathji [of Junagadhl, but three confiden

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SEPTEMBER, 1896.1
MISCELLANEA.
259
tial leaders of sibandi, namely the Jamadars Bissye." - Letter in Macpherson's Memorials Rabya, Rakbyah and Nebhor and Taj Muhammad p. 201. Qamar were decoyed by the Navab to his own
1852. - "81h-bandt. A soldier employed in side from motives of gain, and they forgetting the
collecting revenue. An establishment of peons, obligations under which they were to the Divan
etc." - Johnson, Persian Dictionary. saheb Raghunathji expelled biin from the fort.' - Tarikh-i-Sorath, Burgess, ed. 1882, p. 177.
1852.- "Sibbandi. Hind. Sibandi Rangers,
militia. Armed peons. Irregular Infantry. An c. 1825.-"In this year 1779 A.D.] .. .
establishment of clerks, peons, etc." - Brown, it happened that Mehta Parbhashankar - Bans
Dictionary of Mixed Telugu. våd Nagar who had been a confidential servan of Divan Dulabhji [of Junagadh) and had been
1855. -" (In 1835-38] the capture and impri. employed by him for years.... swerved Bonment
sonment of the Zamindar, a more direct manage. from his loyalty in consequence of the events of ment of the Goomsoor tracts under British the times and instigated the Jamadars of the officers and the establiment of a Corps Jill Sirbandi namely Bayah (Rabi) and Panah and Sebundees, closed the a ir." - Gazetteer of Jess and Rahim and Arad 'Ali to expel Dulabhj
Surthern India, Pharoah & Co., Madras. which they did at the beginning of the rainy 1 1857.-"[8. v., Sih] Si-bundi, a militia soldier season." --Tarikh-i-Sorath, Burgess, ed. 1882 employed in collecting revenue. Forbes, Hinp. 179.
dustani Dictionary. c. 1825. - In Samvat 1814 [A. D. 1787) - !
(To be continued.) Divan Raghunathji and Govindji managed the army whilst Dulabhji who suffered much from
KIJAKEE. dropey remained in Junagadh and sent to them This Anglo-Indinn word has a far more interthe war material they required, and took care esting history than one would expect, and that the Sibandis were paid." - Tarikh-i.
quotations regarding it may be souglt with good Sorath, Burgess, ed. 1882, p. 183.
results. It is usually, I think, sur pored by C. 1825.-"[In 1815) Vithal Rao began by 1 military men of the existing generation that introducing several Arab regiments into Nagar it came into gercral use in the Afghan War of under the command of Bodar Kbntir and others
1879-81, but this idea is apparently a mistake. whilst Sundarji Khatir the Náyib of Ballantine With reference to what follows, the word Saheb on the other band as well as the new is not, in the sense of inilitary clothing att dibandis, who had always been desirous of any inte, in Brown, Dict. of Jixed Telug", employment, all contributed to drain the 1852, in Forbes, Hirdustani Dict. 1957, the Treasury of the Jam Saheb and succeeded on
Panjabi Dict. of 185 l, or in Bate, Hindi Dict., 1875 account of the misunderstanding between
When I joined the First Goorkha Light Infantry Jagjiwan and Motiram in emptying it." -
(now the First Gorkha Rifle Regiment dressed in Tarikh-i-Sorath, Burgess, ed. 1882, p. 293.
green) in 1878 the uniform was red and 'khukee.'
The Panjab Frontier Force, the first British Army 1828. - "Sobundee, irregular infantry and in
to generally adopt the dress, was mostly raised in assisting in the police and other civil duties
1846 and the following years, aud bence kluikt als of the province." - Grant-Duff, History of the
a dress may dato from then, unless that Force Mahrattas, Index and Glossary.
borrowed it from some previous organization. c. 1832. - "We subjoin a rough estimate of
1859. "The arms and accoutrements (of the the household establishments, etc., of this desert
Andaman Sebundy Corps) were directed to be the king (Jeasalmer) .... Sebundies or mer.
sume as those in use with the Ganjam Sil,bundies, cenaries . . Sebundies are mercenary
and it has been decided that the full dress will be soldiers in the forts ...."- Tod, Rajasthan,
of dark blue cloth mude up, not like the tunic, but Vol. i., p. 246 f. and n.
as the native ungreelal, and set off with red 1841.-"A share of the Sebundies (the local piping. The undress clothing will be entirely of force commanded by Gopee Sing, brothur of khakea." - Letter from Madras Gioterament to Soondera Sing) should be made available for the Government of India, 18th February, 1859. execution of my decrees above the Ghauce." -
1878. -"The Amir, we may mention, wore a Report in Macpherson's Memorials, p. 180.
khaki suit edged with gold, and the well-known 1844. -. "Gopee Singh, the Sirdar of tbe Herati cap." - Saturday Revier, 30th Noveinber, Sebundies, proceeded to the village of Samp. 683, in Yule, Hobson-Jolson, 8. v.
293

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
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1879.--"Khaki .... the uniform of of Dehli, and became very popular in the army Panjabi soldiers, hence Sikh Infantry." - Fallon, generally during the campaigns of 1857-58.; New Hindustani Dict., 8. v. khak.
being adopted as a convenient material by many
other corps. The original khakee way a stout 1886. - "Khakee from Hindustani khåki,
cotton cloth, but the colour was also used in dusty or dust-coloured from Persian khik. broadcloth. It is said that it is about to be Applied to a kind of light drab or chocolate
introduced into the army generally." -- Yule, culoured cloth. This was the colour of the uniform Iobson-Jobson, 8. v. worn by some of the Punjab Regiments at the seige
R. O. TEMPLE.
ron.
NOTES AND QUERIES. SOME MODERN FORMS OF BHAIRAVA. and Bhairon were connected. How far is Bhai. The name means the terrible ono (Sansksit, rön an object of worship in Panjab villages P Bhairava). His worship is connected with that on the outside of the temple of Siva, in of Siva, and he is regarded as Kali's attendant Thân@sar, already alluded to, there is on one side or servant. He is worshipped under many forins, a picture of Bhairun, and on the other side one of but I have only ascertained the names of five of Hanuman with a mountain in one hand and a club these, which I note below:
(gadhu) in the other. (1) Kal Bhairon - i. e., he who frightens
J. M. Doure, in P. N. and Q. 1883. death.
A SURVIVAL OF MARRIAGE BY CAPTURE (2) Bhat Bhairon - i. e., the driver away of
In Bhiwani, Hissar Distriet, and the neighbour, evil spirite.
hood, there exist a curious custom which I have (3) Bhattuk Bhairon - i. e., the child Bhai. not noticed elsewhere. In anticipation of the
arrival of the bridegroom, here called nudushih, or (4) Lath Bhairon - i.e., Bhairon with the in common parlance nausho, or wh6, literally club.
the "new king" (for the bridegroom is looked (5) Nand Bhairon.
upon as king of the occasion for 2 days, the Outside a temple of Siva at Thanosar, Ambala
term being borrowed by the Hindus of these parts District, there is a picture of Kal Bhairon. He
from the Mysalmans), a short stick, bearing a
cross arm, with five or seven uprights on it, each is black, and holds a decapitated head in one hand. To the east of the river Jamnå he is wor.
a few inches high and rudely cut to imitate the shipped to a considerable extent, offerings of
human figure, the whole thing thus resembling intoxicating liquor being made at his shrine.
the end of a clumsy wooden rake with long teeth, His worshippers drink spirits. Some Vaishnavas
is stuck into the wall above or to one side of the
outer doorway. It is called tauran or tóran.! worship him, they do not, however, offer intoxicat.
When the bridegroom arrives he strikes at the ing liquor, but molasses and milk.
tauran with a stick, and if he smashes the whole Bhairůn is also called Khetrpal (i. e., the
thing to bits, it is considered an excellent omen protector of the fields), under which name he is
Should he not succeed in doing so, it is consider, worshipped with sweets, milk, etc. When a maned that his advent brings but scant luck to the has built house and begins to occupy it, he bouse. Is this a relie of marriage by capture should worship Khetrpal, who is considered to be when the bridegroom had to fight with foes, the the owner of the soil, and who drives away the bride's relatives, before he could win her? It evil spirits (bhúts) that live in the ground. 'He is
looks very like it. I could get no intelligent also worshipped at marriages.
explanation of it on the spot. I noticed two of I found some time ago two shrinelets, one these taurans at the doors of houses on one visit of Hanuman and one of Bhairun on one side of to the city. The bridegroom in Bagar or Bhf. Gaga Pir's mari (shrine), and one of Gorak nâth kaner is called bin and the bride bendri. on the other side. The shrinelets of Hanuman
W. COLDSTREAM in P. N. and Q. 1883. [Bhairon appears to be a favourite godling, and as Kill, or Bhairavt, was of Devf. His many forms suggest wuch is even much venerated by the ignorant Musal
noh venerated by the inorant Mun. I his being a survival of various aboriginal deities whose mins - e. g., he is the chief minister or agent of the personalites and attributes are now confused together. great Musalmin saint Sakhi Sarwar of Nigiha, in the -Ed.) Dera Ghazi Khan District. He generally goes by the It is to be noted that tran is the technical name for namo of Bhairon Jatt, or Bhair a tho chaste, which the huge gateways to Buddhist topes or afpus. See sufficiently shews the estimation he is held in. His pro- Fergusson's History of Indian Architecture, pp. 87, 95, totype, Bhairava, was the terrible form of Biva, just as etc.- ED.

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THE SOHGAURA COPPER PLATE.
261
THE SOHGAURA COPPER PLATE.
BY GEORGE BÜHLER, P.D., LL.D., C.I.E. THE important Sohgaurd copper plate, which was discovered by Dr. Hoey in 1894, and
1 published in a full size facsimile together with notes by the discoverer, by Mr. V. A. Smith and Dr. Hörnle in the May-Jone number of the Bengal As, Society's Proceedings of 1894, p. 84 ff., has not yet received its due share of attention on the part of the epigraphists, and only a small portion of its ancient and corious inscription has as yet been explained.
What has been made out regarding the character, purpose and contents of the Sohgaura plate by the distinguished scholars mentioned, may be briefly stated as follows. Mr. V. A. Smith has recognised that it is a cast plate, differing in this particular from all other Tamraśksanas, and Dr. Hörnle has correctly inferred from the unevenness of its surface that “it was cast in a sand-moald of imperfect smoothness," in consequence of which circumstance various meaningless dots stand between the letters, that may be easily mistaken for Anusviras. Moreover, Mr. V. A. Smith has seen that the four holes in the corners indicate that it “was intended to attach by rivets to some other object," and his statement that the characters of the document are those of the Brahmi of the Maurya period is incontestable, as every one of them is traceable in the Edicts. His description of the illustrations above the inscription - A tree, a double-roofed pavilion with four pillars, an object like a long-handled spoon, the so-called Chaitya symbol, a disc with a crescent above, a second tree and a second pavilion -- is in general correct, and so is the greater portion of his transcript of the characters. But unfortunately the transcript admits, as he himself states, of no translation, and the meaning of the pictorial representations has not been stated.
Dr. Hörple who differs as to the reading of several letters, has begun the explanation of the inscription and has made some very important discoveries. First, he has recognised in line 1 the word sasane and has remarked that this may be equivalent to the Sanskrit kasane, as in this document "the length of the vowels does not seem to be always indicated." Secondly, he has recognised in the second half of line 2 the words ete duve Lothagalani and has proposed to explain the last either by the Sanskrit koshthárgaláni " (these two) bolts of storehouses" or by koshfhágárám" (these two storehouses," adding that these words "would seem to refer to the two houses, depicted above the writing." These remarks really give the key to the general interpretation of the whole document. Taken together with the fact that the plate "was intended to attach to some other object," they raise a strong presumption that we have here an official placard, giving some order or other about two royal storehonses. Dr. Hörnle's remark about the omission of the long vowels is equally valuable. If it is followed up, it will enable us to attempt a verbal interpretation of the whole inscription.
Before I try to substantiate these assertions and to give, with the help of an electrotype of the plate kindly presented to me by Dr. Grierson, my version of document, I have to offer some remarks on the figures above the inscriptions. Sculptured or engraved representations in connexion with inscriptions on stone or copper are of three kinds. We find (1) symbols of auspicious meaning, which take the place of the verbal Maigalas, like siddham, svasti and so forth, required according to Hindu notions in order to secure the completion and long duration of compositions, (2) illustrations allnding to the contents of the inscriptions, such as a lotus above an inscription recording the presentation of a silver lotus - or alluding to wishes or imprecations occurring iu the text, e.g. sun and moon, meaning that the donation is to have force kchan.trárkam, as long as sun and moon exist, (3) royal crests which take the place of the seal, such as the Garuda in the left hand lower corner of the grants of the Paramaras of Dhår. The Sohgaura plate tears five figures which undoubtedly are Mangala symbols, viz., (1-2) two trees
1 From the Vienna Oriental Journal. * See the Grundriss der Indo-Ar. Phil. und Alterthumsk. Vol. I. part 11, p. 85,

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
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recognisable by the railing which surrounds them as Chaitya trees such as are often mentioned in the Buddhist Canon, the Brahmanical law books and elsewhere, the second of them withont leaves being probably one of the so-called "shameless" trees which shed their leaves in winter,
(4) the object which Mr. Smith describes as a long-handled spoon, but which is probably meant for a toilet mirror, as the mirror is one of the auspicions objects (Vishnusmriti, 63, 29) and is depicted as such, together with other symbols, above the entrance of the Jaina cave at Junagadh, called Båwå Pyâri's Mačb,3 - (5) the so-called Chaitya symbol, which however in reality may be meant for a rude representation of Monnt Meru, -- () the symbol to the right of the preceding, which Mr. Smith takes to represent the sun and the moon, but which I call with Dr. Bhagvanlal' & nandipada, the foot-mark of Siva's ball Nandin. The two double. roofed ** pavilions," which I would rather describe as sheds on four posts with a double "chapper" or straw roof, can of course not have any auspicious meaning, but unquestionably are intended to illustrate the inscription, as Dr. Hörnle has suggested.
Tarning now to the inscription, I must state that, though in general agreeing with the readings of my predecessors, especially with Dr. Hörnle, I differ from them regarding the value of six signs. The seventh sign of line 1 is neither dha (Smith) nor gha (Hörnle), but ha. On the facsimile the little horizontal stroke to the right of the top of the curve is rather difficult to recognise, but on the electrotype it is plainly visible and it may be felt with the finger, The interior of the curve, which is too narrow for a gha, is half filled in owing to the unevenness of the mould. The first sign of the line 2 may no doubt be read as ri, as Mr. Smith and Dr. Hörnle do, but it may also be read as da. The game da occurs in the word uibavadileya of the Allahabad Queen's Edict and similar forms with rounded backs are found in the Kalsi version of the Rock-Edicts. The reading da is necessary, because this alone makes sense and because the dialect of the inscription, which is the old Magadhi of the 3rd century B. C., found also in Asoka's Pillar Edicts, his Bairat Edict No. 1, his Bara bar and Sahasram inscriptions and his Rock Edicts of Dhauli and Jaugada has no ra, invariably substituting la for it. The sixth sign of the same line is not dhe (Smith) or dha (Hörnle), but & cursive va, which resembles a cha turned round. The character is not at all uncommon in Asoka's Edicts. The fourteenth sign of line 3 is in my opinion neither le (Smith) nor nara (Hörnle), bat simply a slightly disfigured la. The electrotype does not shew the straight line of the facsimile across the curve, but two shapeless excrescences, a larger one on the outside and a smaller one on the inside of the curve, which no doubt have been caused by the unevenness of the mould. In line 4 the first sign is la both according to the facsimile and the electrotype and the fifteenth is a stunted ta of the type, common in Kålsi, not a ga. This appears plain on the electrotype. Regarding two other signs, the ninth and tenth of line 3, I feel very doubtful, though I give Dr. Hörnle's transcription. The ninth may be intended for cha, tu or lu and the tenth may be either me or mo. In accordance with these remarks, my transcript of the inscription is as follows:--
1. सवतियनमहमगनससनेमनवासतिक
2. 'डसिलिमतेवसगमेवएतेदुवेकोउगननि - 3: तिघवनिमथुनचचमोदमभलकनछ
4. जकयियतिअतियायिकयनोगहितवय The new readings alone will, however, not do much for the explanation of the text. It is absolutely necessary to accept Dr. Hörnle's suggestion regarding the omission of the long vowels and to claim the liberty of adding a-strokes, where they are required, as well as some Annsvåras, and to convert short i, when necessary, into long 1. And it seems to me that this is not asking
* Burgess, Arch. Surv. Rep. West. Ind. Vol. III. Pl. xviii, No. 3; compate Dr. Bhagvanlal's remarks in the paper quoted in note 2.
Acter ilu Viemo Congres Int. Or. Vol. III. 2, p. 130. See Tafel II 20, III, of the Grundries, Vol. I. part 11. . See Tafel II, 36, VIIL of the Grurulriss.

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too much. For a Prakrit inscription of 72 syllables with various inflected forms of a-stems must have more than a single long a, and the omission of á-strokes and Anusvaras, as well as the total neglect of the distinction between i and i, occurs very frequently in the ancient inscriptions, written by badly educated office clerks and monks. The Kalsi version of Asoka's Edicts has no i or ú and there are numerous cases in the Edicts, where the omission of 4-strokes and Anusvaras is probable or certain.
THE SOHGAURA COPPER PLATE.
In the introduction to my first article on the votive inscriptions of the Sanchi Stúpas (Epigraphia Indica, Vol. II. p. 90 f.) I have shewn how matters stand there in this respect, and I may point in further confirmation of what I have said, to such inscriptions as No. 257 (op. cit. p. 384) where fara undoubtedly is meant for farfarar and three d-strokes have been omitted in seven syllables.
263
If it is therefore permissible to supply the long vowels and Anusviras, the text may be restored as follows:
सावतीयान महामगान सासने मानवासेतिक [1] डा। सिलिमाते? वंसगामेव एते दुवे को गालानि [2] तिघावानि मथुराज चाचमोदमभाजकान छ [3] लं कययति अतियायिकाय । नो गहितवयं [ ॥ ]
and it then admits of a complete explanation.
The chief word of the first sentence is s'asane, which Dr. Hörnle has recognised. It ought, however, to be taken as a Magadhi nominative singular and as equivalent to Sanskrit sasanam the order, the edict.' The two preceding words are of course plural genitives in úna for anom. Mahamag ana" of the great Magas" gives no good sense, as it is more than doubtful whether the Magas, now found in the North-Western Provinces, had immigrated into India before the beginning of our era, and as it is not intelligible how Magas could issue a Sisana. It is, therefore, advisable to add another á-stroke and to write ta (A) instead of ga (A). We thus obtain the common word mak''m'@'t'a'na "of the great officials," by which name Aśoka commonly designates the governors of his provinces and the councillors, assisting the royal princes who served as viceroys in Ujjain, Taxila and in Mysore, and other servants of high rank. The first words s'a'cat'Py'a'na is, as the termination ya shows, an adjective in the genitive plural, and may be taken as equivalent to the Pali Sávatthiyanah and to the Sanskrit Srávast!yanam" of those belonging to," or "residing in, Srivasti." The want of the aspiration in S'a'vat'iya need not cause uneasiness, as the literary Pali and the dialects of the Asoka inscriptions offer other instances, in which sta becomes (t)ta instead of (t)tha. The distance of the find-spot of the plate from the site of Srâvasti, the modern Sahet Mahet, is about eighty miles and hence not too great for the assumption that Sohgaurâ belonged to the Commissionership or Province of Srâvasti, which in very early times was not only a very large town but the capital of a kingdom. Ma'navasitikad a' the next word after sásane is no doubt the ablative singular of the name of a place. Names of towns ending in kata, or with the softening of the tenuis in kada, are not uncommon in modern and ancient India. In the Sânchi votive inscriptions we find Bhasikada, Madalachhikata, Morasihikata, Sidakada and Virohakata and in other inscriptions as well as in literary works there are more. In all such names kata-kada appears to have the same meaning as the Sanskrit katuka, "camp, royal camp." With respect to the first part of the coupound Ma'navusiti it is not possible to suggest any certain explanation. It may, however, represent a Sanskrit compound mánaváśriti or mánavasati. With these emendations and explanations the translation of the first sentence would be: "The order of the great officials residing at Sravasti, (issued) from M'a'navasitikada," with which the opening sentence of the Siddapar Edicts, Suvanagirite ayaputasa mahámátánami cha vachanena Isilasi mahámáta árogiyas wataviya heram cha vataviya, as well as the beginnings of the later landgrants may be appropriately compared.
Or सिलिमंते.
See the Index of names, Epigraphia Indica, Vol. II. 1
See E. Müller, Simpl. Pali Grammar, p. 57. P. 407 f.

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Among the words in line 2 silim a telo is the locative of the Magadhi representative of the southern sirimáto, found in the Nânâghât inscription" below the portrait of Simuka Såtavibana, and the equivalent of Sanskrit Srimati. The second part of the next word Vasag 'me is of course the Sanskrit gráme, and the whole name would correspond to Sanskrit Variagrama "the village of the bamboos." Geographical names with bans or láns, the modern form of varsa, are very common on the map of modern India, and a town called Bansgâm (Bansgaon), i. e. Vamśagrama, is found about six miles west of Soghoura13 (Sohgaura), the find-spot of the plate. The immediately following syllable ua no doubt represents here the word eva just as in Pali and in the Asoka Edicts. The next three words ete duve leoth a'g & t&'ni have been explained by Dr. Hörnle. I have only to add that his second explanation, which takes them as equivalent to ete dve loshthágáre seems to me the correct one, as ete no doubt points to the two "pavilions" at the top of the plate which may be representations of storehouses but not of "bolts of storehouses." A further qualification of kotha g'ara'ni is contained, as the termination ini shews, in the first word of line 3, tigh a'uld'ni, or possibly tighav &'ni. Its first part ti is certainly the nameral tri and refers to the three sections into which each of the two koshtházáras is divided. The second part ghăva must therefore mean "a division," "a room," "a chamber" or the like. The Western Cave-inscriptions offer not rarely a somewhat similar term gábla or gabha, equivalent to Sanskrit garbha. Thus we read13 in BhAjà No. 1 of a gábho "a cell" or "room," the gift of Nadasava, in Junnar No. 9 of a satagabhas "a (dwelling) with seven cells or rooms," the gift of the guild of the grain-dealers, in Jannar No. 16 of a gabhadára the door of a cell,' the meritorious gift of the Yavana Chanda, in Junnar No. 19 of a bigabhair "a double-roomed (dwelling)," in Junnar No. 31 of a pachagabhani "a (dwelling) with five rooms or cells" and in Kanheril4 No. 16 of a bagubhai "a (dwelling) with two rooms.” As the transposition of the aspiration which is frequent in the modern Prakrits15 occurs occasionally already in Palio I would propose to take gha'ra or ghara as a representative of gábha or gabha of the Western Cave-inscriptions and to render the compound tighăv'á'na17 in Sanskrit by trigarbhán, or as properly, the dual is required, by trigarbhe.
The words kohag'd'la'ni tighăva'ni of course contain the subject of the chief sentence. Its verb can only be kayfiyati in line 4, which must be corrected to, or considered to stand for, 18 kayiya(n)ti, as a third person plural is required. Rayiyati, or with the full spelling kuyyyati, is clearly a denominative in fya from kayya, Sanskrit karya, “that which is to be done, dnty, business." In the Asoka Edicts the afts iya is sometimes used with the sense of aya as in lukhiyati he makes uuhappy,' and in the verbal nouns dukhiyana afflicting,' suchiyana
making happy. On the analogy of these two verbs kayiyati may mean makes it a duty, the business, something to be done' or briefly "requires," all of which renderings would be appropriate. The object of the verb has to be looked for in the preceding word chhala, which
10 Silima(vi)te, which is equally possible, would be the representative of the ordinary Pali sirimate. 11 Burgese, Arch. Sury. Rep. West. Ind. Vol. V. Pl. li. 12 Indian Allas, Sheet 102, N. Lat. 26° 32' and E. long. 83° 31'. 18 Burgeon, Arch. Sure, Rep. West. Isid. Vol. IV. p. 82 ff. .
Op. cit. Vol. V. p. 80. 18 Compare e. g. Marathi gabhava for Sanskrit gardabha, and the instances in Hörnle's Grammar of the Ganian Languages, p. 170, $ 130, 182.
16 Comparo o. 9. mittaddhwilt for mitralruhain and ghara for "garha.
11 Professor Pinchel kindly points out to me that the Marathi has a word for "baving three rooms or divisions along its longth, building," which no doubt is intimately connected with the word of the plate, and that tighai may be derived from thigara and may stand for Irighraba.
15 Instances of all for anti occur both in Vodie Sanskrit (Mahabhdahya, III. 256), chashlari ye afrayriye takshati, and in Pali, ubho ahallasis na passati (Ját. II. 23, 1. 20), sta mahidyo.... maigalai karote, atra tu balika janika.... mayalan] karoti (Asoka, R. Eil, IX, Girnar and Mansehra).

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may stand for chhala(si) or for chha la(sit). As the Pali chha commonly represents an older ksha, its Sanskrit form would be *ksălam or kshăraxis. Though *kshăla is.not mentioned in our Dictionaries, the Dhậtapâtha gives the root kshal chayeand hence ®kshālam may be formed and be translate by "the collection, the accumulation," which suits very well. As the last part of the word, preceding chkala, ends in the termination ''na, it must be a plural genitive and describe the things, the accumulation of which the two storehouses required. And, as the dialect of the inscription requires la for ra, bhalalana, or with the full spelling on d'alt & na, may correspond to Sanskrit bharakánám of loads.' The bhara or bhároku is a weight equal to 20 Tulås or 2,000 Palas and nearly equal to the weight of an ox,"10 The term is still commonly used in India for loads of grass, wood, leaves and the like, with very different values, and from Prinsep's Useful Tables, p. 115 ff., it appears that the Bahar (Bhør) occurs in Java, Sumatra and other parts of the Indian Archipelago as a measure for dry goods with a value from abont 400-600 pounds. Various passages20 in literary works shew also that the Bhara was in ancient India one of the larger weights.
The eight syllables between tigh dudni and bh'alak a na may be expected to give a detailed specification of the goods to be stored. A storehouse, the filling of which was the object of an official order, can hardly have been anything else than a granary. And this conjecture is confirmed by the word atiyáyik'á'ya, which in line #follows after kay 'yati and is clearly the dative of atiyáyika21 "an urgent (matter)," found in Kalsi Ed. VI. If the storehouse is to be filled for "an argent occasion," that can only mean that it is to serve for the, in India, 80 common times of distress, when a drought causes a bad harvest. Under these circumstances the syllables mathulách a chamodarima must contain the names of various kinds of grain, fit for storage. This will actually be the case if we may transcribe them in Sanskrit by madhukolc, jájamudumba, which proceeding is not quite unwarranted as the hardening of dha and ja and the substitution of mma for mba occasionally occur in other Pali words.22 Madhuka is According to Hemachandra and the Vaijayanti, Black Panicum, lája is any kind of parched grain, ajamoda cummin or aniseed, and ámbáh, which occurs only in Vedic works, means according to Sayana on Taitt. Sari hita, I. 8, 10, 1, dlányaviseshah "some kind of grain." It in of course undeniable that an explanation, which assumes for each word a not very common phonetic change is merely tentative. I must, therefore, acknowledge that it is open to doubt, especially as the value of two signs is not certain. But I am unable to find any thing better.
The last two words of the inscription, which form a separate sentence, hardly require any remark, as no is very common in the Asoka Edicts and in Pali, and as galvituraya(si) is clearly the representative of Sanskrit grahitaryam, compare lákhápetavaya for likhápetaraya in the Rūpnâth Edict, 23
In accordance with these remarks the Sanskrit translation of the inscription is :reaffarat aeri i Hafta tra i stafa are getting 19 FYRIARRATसाम्बभारका सलं कायर्यायत पास्ययिकावामी महीतब्बम् ।। and the English: -
"The order of the great officials of Srivasti, (issued) from their camp at) Mänavani tikața :-These two storehouses with three partitions, (which are situated) even in famous Vamsagrâma require the storage of loads (bharaka) of Black Panicum, parched grain,24 carruinseeds and Amba for times of) urgent (need). One should not take any thing from the grain stored).'
10 Bérant, India, I. p. 165 (Sachau). 20 See the larger Petersburg Dict. sub voce bhdra, ". 31 In Sanskrit atyayika, urgent.
72 E. g. in upatheyya for upadheya, pithfyare for pidhlyante, suithamar for sandhamam; pacheti for prajayali, pachana for prijana, váchapeyya for rdjapeya; ammd for ambu and drammana for árambana.
26 Ind. Antiquary, Vol. XXII. p. 300. 26 Or possibly " parched Black Panioum.". #0 Or "aniseed"

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As the number of Bhâras is not stated, the people had possibly to furnish one of, say, 400-600 pounds for each of the six divisions or chambers of the two storehouses, which would give about a ton or a ton and a half of grain for both. Such a hoard would be safticient for about 2,400 to 3,600 rations of one Ser each. The order evidently was issued during a progress of Mahâmâtras through their province and was nailed to one of the storehouses at Vamśagrama, which I would idertify with the modern Bansgaon, mentioned above. Dr. Hoey states, op. cit. p. 85, that he has reason to think that another plate may have been found in this locality." If a second plate existed, it no doubt belonged to the second storehouse.
As regards the construction of the storehouses and the actual storage of the grain, I believe it probable that cemented vaults or, as is still done in India, large amphorae or Kumbhas were inserted in the ground under each section of the sheds and that the "chupper" roofs, which were merely supported by wooden posts, as the representations indicate, were intended to keep off the rain from the carefully closed tops of the vaults or vessels.
As the letters of the inscription certainly point to the times of the Mauryas, most Sanskritists will probably agree with me that this inscription furnishes & valuable confirmation of the also otherwise probable assumption that already in the third century B. C. the use of writing was common in the royal offices and that the knowledge of written characters was widely spread among the people.
April 25th, 1896.
ON THE DATES OF THE SAKA ERA IN INSCRIPTIONS. BY PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, C.L.E.: GÖTTINGEN.
(Continued from Vol. XXIV. p. 211.) I now proceed to submit to the reader such general remarks as have suggested themselves to me by the study of the dates which I have given in the preceding volumes. Since the time when I compiled my lists of dates, many other Saka dates have been published, but an examination of the more important of these dates has shewn me that this new material in all probability will not oblige us to modify materially any conclusions that may be drawn from the limited number of dates in my own published lists.
Current and Expired Years. Sometimes the years of the dates, by words like atita, atileránta or gata, apparently are intended to be described as expired years; and the word vartamána, which is used in one or two dates, would naturally be taken to indicate that the year so qualified is quoted as current. But the majority of the dates tells us nothing about the nature of the years quoted in them. And since atita and gata are used also with corrent years, while vartamkna undoubtedly qualifies expired years, the fact whether the year of a data is current or expired must everywhere be ascertained from the particulars which may be given together with the year, especially from such details of the date as enable us to calculate its exact European equivalent.
Now it is clear that, to arrive at some definite notion regarding the relative frequency of the use of current and expired years, we must, in the first instance, consider those dates with full details for verification which work out regularly. In Vol. XXIII. p. 113 ff., I have given 122 such dates, and the result of my calcnlations shews that, out of this number, the years of 95 dates are expired, and the years of 23 dates current years, while the years of four dates (Nos. 106-109) may prima facie be taken as either current or expired. Of the 400 dates of the
On the exact phrases, employed by the writers of the dates, see below. Sometimes, as in the date No. 38 in Vol. XXIII. p. 118, it is stated that the Jovian year which is quoted along with the Saka year, followed upon that year, and the Saka year thereby is distinctly described as expired.
See e. g. Vol. XXIII. p. 127, No. 86, and p. 128, Nos. 88 and 93. See e. 9. Vol. XXIV. p. 16, No. 194.

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chronological list in Vol. XXIV. p. 181 ff., 16 are from inscriptions marked as spurious, and 116 dates contain no details for exact verification ; 78 other datest would seem to be altogether irregalar; and the remaining 190 dates (which include the 122 dates already mentioned) are either quite regular or contain only slight errors which do not prevent our ascertaining their exact European equivalents. And here, again, I find that, of the years of these 190 dates, 141 undoubtedly are expired and 38 current. The result of our examination, therefore, 60 far shews that, for about every four Saka dates with expired yoars, wo have one date the year of which is a current one.
But this very general conclusion is liable to considerable modifications, when we take into account the different periods to which the dates belong.
Of 30 regular dates of the classified list from S. 534 (the year of the earliest genuine Saka date which contains details for verification) to S. 1000, the years of 29 dates were expired years, and the year of only one date was a current year; of 48 dates from 'S. 1001 to S. 1200, 30 quote expired and 18 current years; of 15 dates from S. 1201 to S. 1400, 12 quote expired and 3 current years; and of 25 dates from S. 1401 to the most recent times, 24 quote expired years, and the year of only one date is a current one. Or, taking the dates of the chronologionl list, of 41 dates from 'S. 534 to S. 1000, 40 dates quote expired years, and the year of only one date is a carrent one; of 71 dates from S. 1001 to S. 1200, 41 quote expired and 30 current years; of 31 dates from S. 1201 to S. 1400, 26 quote expired and 5 current years; and of 36 dates from S. 1401 to the most recent times, 34 quote expired and only 2 current years.
From these details it appears that, down to 3. 1000, the rule was to quote the Saka years as expired years, and that current years, till then, were quoted very exceptionally indeed. Afterwards we see a remarkable change. In the 11th and 12th centuries tho proportion of current to expired years is as 3 to 5, or even as 3 to 4. During the two next centuries current years again are quoted much less frequently; and during the four last oenturies the earlier practice of quoting expired years only has been re-established to such an extent that my list of quite regular dates contains only a single date with a current year, which is later than 8. 1400. Had we only the Saka dates before S. 1000 and after s. 1400, the practice of the Saka era, so far as can be judged by the dates collected, might be said to entirely agree with the general practice of the Vikrama era. The difference between the two eras in the relative frequency of expired and current years is due to the Saka dates between S. 1000 and S. 1400, more especially to those between S. 1000 and S. 1200.
The result arrived at regarding the nature of the earlier years of the Saka era, in my opinion, must lead us to consider as expired the years of the four dates (of S. 534, 716, 730 and 789) also, the calculation of which, owing to the fact that no weekdays are given by the dates, has left us the choice between current and expired years. And it will be seen below that, in respect of at least two of these dates (those of S. 716 and 730), this view is supported by the fact that the solar eclipses mentioned in them were visible in India in the expired, and not visible in the current years.
• It should not be forgotten that of many of the inscriptions from which these dates are taken we do not, as yet, possess critical editions.
Down to 8. 1000, the only genuine and correct date in my published lists, with details for exact verification, which quotes a current year, is that of the Kala-Budrůkh plates of the Y Adava Bhillama III. of $. 918, Vol. XXII. p. 129, No. 98. An earlier correct date, of 8. 943 current, I have given in Ep. Ind. Vol. IV. p. 68. The dates Nos. 16, 19 and 86 of the chronological list, of 8. 730, 735 and 896, which would seem to quote current years, are irregulur, The dato No. 79 of the same list of 8. 872, contains no details for exact verification ; and the date No. 80, also of S. 872, is called by Dr. Fleet, on historical grounds, & quite impossible date. -Perhaps it may be noted bore, what will be more fully shown hereafter, that of three of the principal technical expressions by which the Sakn era in donoted in the dates-Saka-varahdahv-atitishu, Sakuripr-kalat ita-jawatara, and Saka varsha-50 far as rokarda the dates collected, the two first are used comparatively rarely after 8. 1000, wbile the last is used more frequout! botween 8. 1060 and 8. 1200 thar in all the other centuries together,
• Yol. XXIII. pp. 130, 131, Nos. 106-109.

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In Vol. XXIV. pp. 4 and 5, I have given three dates? (Nos. 140-142) which are quite regular, except that the given year in each case folle short by 1 of the expired year to which the date really belongs. Thus the year of the date No. 140 is put down as Saka-sasivat 1063, but as the European equivalent of the date falls in May A. D. 1142, the year undoubtedly was 'S. 1064 expired. To account for this, it may be supposed that the writer of the date erroneonsly regarded the (expired) Saka years as current ones, and that then, intending to give the number of expired years, he quoted the year which preceded the actually expired year. This class of dates - my chronological list contains about 20 of them -- clearly differs from dates like No. 139, ibid. p. 4, where wrong years have been quoted in consequence of mistakes of which it seems impossible to snggest a general explanation. - On the whole, my experience is that such error of the writers rarely cause as any great difficulty, because the Saka years of the dates may nearly always be checked at once by the Jovian years quoted along with them, which to the Hindus appear to be much more familiar than the numbers of the Saka years, and which they generally quote in a remarkably accurate manner.
Jupiter Years. Commencing with the date No. 44 of the chronological list of 'S. 726 (Vol. XXIV. p. 185), as inany as 822 out of 357 dates quote the years of the sixty-years' cycle of Jupiter to which the dates belong The 35 dates, which fail to do so, are mostly from Java, Bengal, Northern India, Gujarat and Kathiâvâd, or taken from Eastern Chalukya and Eastern Ganga inscriptions. Although, in itself, as independent of the Saka era as of any other era, to the sixty-years? cycle, in practice, is closely connected with the era with which we are dealing here, because, from abont the beginning of the 9th century A. D., it is principally used in the very parts of India where the Saka era also is chiefly employed. And the use of it would seem to be even more common in those parts than that of the Saka era itself, because we hitherto have found there more dates recorded in Jovian years, withont the corresponding Saka years, than we have Saka dates that do not quote the corresponding Jovian years.
The regular dates which admit of exact verification sbew that, excepting a date of S. 867 of which I shall speak below, beginning with 8. 855 (Vol. XXIII. p. 114, No. 8), the system of the sixty-years' cycle followed in these dates can only be the southern luni-soler system by which, irrespectively of Jupiter's position, the name of the Jovian year is merely a name for a certain solar or luni-solar year. The case is different with the dates before 'S. 855, which require a more detailed examination.
The date No. 55 (ibid. p. 122), of S. 726 expired and the year Subhana, corresponds to the 4th April A. D. 804. Here Subbanu, by the southern luni-solar system, cannot be connected with S. 726 expired at all, but by the mean-sign system Subbanu was current both at the
* The year of the date No. 143, ibid. p. 5, which at the time I had to take from a translation, is in the original inscription 1646. See Ep. Carn. Part I. p. 59, No. 100.
This explanation was first given by Dr. Bhandarkar, Early History, 1st ed., p. 107. - On the other hand, in the date No. 184 (Vol. XXIV. p. 14), the year of which appears to be really 8. 1056 current, the writer has given us 9. 1056, probably because he considered 1055 as an expired year and wished to quote the current year.
Years of the sixty-years' cycle are also quoted in six earlier Saks dates of the list (from S. 169 to $. 411), but these are all from spurious records. The date of 8. 726, therefore, is so far the earliest genuine date, with details for verification, that quotes a year of the sixty-years' cycle. And the only earlier instance of the oceurrence in Jate of year of the same cycle we seem to have in the Mahakata (Badami) pillar inscription of the Early Chaluky Habgalba, wbich thereby would be referred to A. D. 602. See ante, Vol. XIX. p. 18.
* In dates of the Vikrama era the years of the sixty-years' eyels are quoted rarely, in those of the Chedi, Gupta and some other eras not at all.
13 Dates like No. 64 in Vol. XXIII. p. 124, and Non, 53 and 54, ibid. Pp. 121 and 122, show that, where the year is luni-solar, the Jovian year coincides with the luni-solar year, while the date No. 188 in Vo). XXIV. p. 4, bews that, where the year is solar, the Jovian year coincides with the solar year. To determine, therefore, what dan pare contained in Articular Jovind year, one must know what kind of calenda war bred.

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commencement of S. 726 expired and on the actual day of the date. The date No. 108 (ibid. p. 131) of 8. 730 expired and the year Sarvajit, corresponds to the 27th July A. D. 308. Here also the year Sarvajit, by the southern luni-solar system, cannot be connected with S. 730 expired; and by the mean-sign system Sarvajit was current at the commencemeat of S. 733 expired, but was no longer so on the day of the date. The date No 59 (ibid. p. 123), of S. 788 expired and the year Vyaya, corresponds to the 16th Jane A. D. 866. Here Vyaya, by the southern luni-solar system, would be S. 788 expired; and by the mean-sign system also Vyaya was current both at the commencement of S. 788 expired and on the actual day of the date. The date No. 7 (ibid. p. 114), of 8. 851 expired and the year Vikita, corresponds to the 17th January A. D. 930. And here, again, the year Vikrita, by the southern lani-solar system, cannot be combined with S. 851 expired at all, while by the mean-sign system Vikrita was current at the commencement of 9. 851 expired, bat was no longer so on the day of the date. These four regular dates, then, (the only regular dates with Jovian years before 8. 855, with details for verification,) have this in common that the given Jovian year, by the mean-sign system, was current at the commencement of the given Saka year. And taking this to be the characteristic feature of these dates, and regarding as accidental the facts that in one easer the southern lani-solar system would suit equally well, and that in two dates the given Jovian year by the mean-sign system was current also on the actual day of the date, I conclude that the system which was followed here is the so-called northera luni-solar system. And I am the more inclined to regard this conclusion as correct because I find that, with perhaps one exception, the same system is equally applicable to the other dates of my chronological list, before S. 851. The exception alluded to is that of the date No. 70 of S. 838 (Vol. XXIV. p. 187), in the ease of which the given year S. 838, as an expired year, ean be connected with the given Jovian year Dhâtri only by the southern luni-solar system,14
69
Of the dates subsequent to S. 851, the date No. 61 of 8. 867 expired (Vol. XXIII. p. 123) causes some difficulty. The inseription from which that date is taken,15 first, in lines 3 and 4, has the words 'the years passed from the time of the Saka (or Sakas) being eight hundred and sixty-seven, in the current year Plavanga'; and then, in line 45, it gives a specific date which commences with the words 'in the aforesaid current year,' and which corresponds to the 9th September A. D. 945 (in S. 867 expired). Here the connection of the year Plavanga with E. 867 expired would seem really to be owing to some mistake. By the southern luni-solar system S. 867 expired would be Viśvâvasu (nut Plavanga), while by the northern luni-solar system as well as by the strict mean-sign system the Jovian year that should have been quoted is Parabhava, which was current both at the commencement of S. 867 expired and on the 9th September A. D. 915, the day of the date. Now, as the year Plavanga, by the mean-sign system, commenced on the 17th October A. D. 945, in S. 867 expired, I formerly have assumed that the first statement of the inscription, in lines 3 and 4, refers to the time when the inscription was put up, in S. 867 expired, on or after the 17th October A. D. 945 when the year Plavaiga was really current, and that the donation, to which the second part of the date in line 45 ff. more immediately relates, was made some time before the inseription was put up, in the given year S. 867 expired, but before the commencement of the Jovian year Plavanga. But this explanation does not satisfy me because the use of the strict mean-sign system, the only
12 Here and in the following dates it makes no difference whether we take the Saka year to commence with the Mêsha-samkrinti or with Chaitra-sudi 1.
15 See the remarks on this date above.
14 If we were to take 838 as a current year, the northern luni-solar system would here also apply; but it seems to me more probable that, in accordance with the general rule, the year of the date is an expired year. This date would thus, in my opinion, furnish the earliest certain instance for the use of the southern luni-solar system. The date deserves notice also for the peculiar manner in which the Jovian year is described in it. In the two dates of F. 833 and S. 810, which immediately surround the date of S. 938, the system followed cannot be the southern lunisolar system.
15 See Ep. Ind. Vol. IV. p. 60 ff.

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one by which the year Plavaiga could be connected with (part of) S. 867 expired, bas not been proved for the part of India where the date comes from. And another suggestion, which would make the words in the current year Playanga' equivalent to when Jupiter stood in the sign Mithuna, '18 appears to me equally liable to objection.
As regards Jupiter's place, I may state here that, besides being given in several Saka dates of inscriptions from Cambodia, it is recorded also in two South-Indian dates7 of my chronological list, the years of which are regularly named in accordance with the southern luni-solar system. In No. 297 (Vol. XXIV. p. 203) of S. 1309 current and the year Kshaya, it is stated that on the given date, which corresponds to the 10th January A. D. 1387, Jupiter stood in the sign Simha. And the same position is assigned to him in the date No. 322 (ibid. p. 205) of S. 1403 expired and the year Plava, which corresponds to the 3rd February A. D. 1482. These statements, as I now see, most probably be taken to refer to Japiter's true (or apparent) place; but it so happens that both Jupiter's mean place and his true place were in the sign of Simha on either date. For (calculated by Warren's rules) on the 10th January A. D. 1387 Jupiter's mean longitude was 4* 11° 48', and his true longitude 4. 21° 45'; and on the 3rd February A. D. 3482 his mean longitude was 4. 17° 9, and his true longitude 4* 23° 5.
Solar Months Beginning with the date No. 104 of S. 944 expired, my chronological list contains 29 dates19 the months of which are given as solar months (and the years of which therefore mast be solar). Of the inscriptions which contain these dates, two are Eastern Chalukya and three Eastern Ganga inscriptions, one is from Bengal, and the rest are from the south of India, In the date from Bengal (No. 227 of S. 1141), the month is described as Phålgunn by the sun's motion' (rúryya-gatyá20 Phálguna-diné 26). In three dates, which are in verse, no word for month is employed, but the sun is said to have stood in a particular sign of the zodiac. In 14 dates, the earliest of which is No. 135 of S. 1003 expired, the months by such expressions as Mésha-mása, the month of M&sha,' are called after the sign of the zodiac in which the sun happened to be ; and the remaining 11 dates, the earliest of which is No. 241 of S. 1160, ase the Tamil names from Sittiraia1 (=the solar Vaisakha) to Panguni (=the solar Chaitra).
Now, although the months of these dates are solar, of 24 dates which give details no less than 17 quote tithis and pakshas, just as is done in dates with lunar months, and do not give us the civil day of the recorded solar month; 5 dates, in addition to the titki and paksha, also give the day of the solar month; and in only two dates (one of which is the date from Bengal) has the writer confined himself to giving the day of the solar month. As most of the religions ceremonies are connected with certain titkis, not with civil days, this is perhaps only natural ; and it would seem to shew that, at least in Southern India where most of the dates come
16 See Dr, Fleet's Dynasties, 2nd ed., p. 421, note 1. By the mean-sign system the year Plavanga the 15th year of the cycle, counted from Vijaya) lasts as long as Jupiter's mean place is in Mithuna (the 3rd sign). Now, vince on the day of the date, the 9th September A. D. 945, Jupiter's true place was in Mithune - Jupiter's true longitude on that day, calculated by Warren's rules from his mean longitude 56° 50', was 73° 14 - it is suggested that there may have been a year Plavanga which lasted as long as Jupiter's true place was in the sign Mithuna. But there is nothing to prove the existence of such a year; and if the writor had intended to give us Jupiter's true place on the day of the date, he in all probability would have employed some phrase like Mithuna-sthe gurau, which we meet with in other dates.
17 Jupiter's place is often given in dates of the Kollam era.
18 In the case of the date No. 58 of 8. 589 expired (Vol. XXIII. P. 122), from Cambodia, I find that on the 15th April A. D. 607 Jupiter's mean longitude was 87° 1', and his true longitude 8' 10° 28, i, e., Jupiter in either Cabe was in the sign Dhanus,
19 A few other dates, with lunar months, incidentally record that on the day of the date the fun stood in a particular sign of the zodiac. Of the sankrantir, which mark the commencement of the solar months, I shall trent below
20 The same expression is used in line 53 of the Kamauli plates of Vaidyadeve; Ep. Ind. Vol. II. p. 353. 21 These dames of course are really the names of the lunar months in which the solar months commence.

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from, the solar reckoning, notwithstanding the nominal use of solar months, is of little practical importance.23
271
As regards the civil beginning of the solar month, attention may perhaps be drawn to the date No. 392 of S. 1714 (Vol. XXIV. p. 4, No. 138), from which it appears that a day on which the samkranti took place, by the Arya-siddhânta, as late as 11 h. 54 m. after mean sunrise, was counted the first day of the solar month.23
Lunar Months.
Intercalary months. Intercalary months are distinctly quoted only in the regular dates Nos. 27, 28 and 96 of S. 1121 expired, 1145 expired, and 1355 current (Vol. XXIII. p. 117 ff.), and in the irregular date No. 188 of S. 1091 expired (Vol. XXIV. p. 15). In three of these four dates the name of the month (Âshâḍha, Sravana, and Bhadrapada) is qualified by the word dvitiya, and in one by prathama (pratham-Ashadha). But the months were intercalary also in other dates where this is not actually stated. Thus the month Sravana of the date No. 8 of S. 855 expired (Vol. XXII. p. 114) was the second Sravana; the month Jyaishtha of the date No. 71 of S. 1113 expired (ibid. p. 125) was the second Jyaishtha; the same month of the date No. 74 of S. 1189 expired (ibid. p. 125) was the first Jyaishtha; and the month Bhadrapada of the date No. 41 of S. 1332 expired (ibid. p. 119) was the first Bhadrapada. The true and intercalated months are nowhere distinguished by the terms nija and adhika.
The purnimanta and amanta schemes. With the exception of apparently four dates, the dates in dark fortnights of which we are able to give the exact European equivalents all work out satisfactorily with the amanta scheme of the lunar months. Omitting the dates from Cambodia,25 the earliest amánta date is that of the Paithan plates of the Rashtrakuta Govinda III. of S. 716 (Vol. XXIII. p. 131, No. 107), and the next that of the Radhanpur plates of the same king of S. 730 (ibid. No. 108). After that, the amúnta scheme is used throughout, except as it would seem, in a Balagâive inscription of the Western Chalukya Sômêsvara I. of S. 976 expired (ibid. p. 122, No. 56), and in a copper-plate inscription of Harihara II. of Vijayanagara of S. 1313 expired (ibid. No. 57). But there can hardly be any doubt that the wording of these two dates of S. 976 and S. 1313 is incorrect. With the universal agreement of all the other dates after S. 730, it would be impossible to admit that at the time of these two dates the purnimanta scheme could have been used in the localities where these dates come from; and we possess other dates both of Sômesvara 1.20 and of Harihara II. of Sômêsvara I. one other date of nominally the very same tithi29- which shew that the scheme of the months during their reigns was the amanta scheme. The probabilities, therefore, in my opinion, are that in the date of S. 976, as in another date of Sômêsvara I.,29 the day Sunday has been wrongly put down instead of Tuesday (which would make the date fall in the amanta Vaisakha), and that in the date of S. 1313 the month Vaisakha has been quoted erroneously instead of (the amúnta) Chaitra.
-
The number of purnimanta dates is thus reduced to two only, one of which, of S. 534 (Vol. XXIII. p. 130, No. 106), is from a copper-plate inscription of the Western Chalukya Pulikêsin II., while the other, of E. 726 expired (ibid. p. 122, No. 55), is from a copper-plate inscription of the Rashtrakuta Govinda III. The first of these two dates we need not
26 Vol. XXIV. p. 7, Nos. 150 and 151. 28 Vol. XXIV. p. 7, No. 150.
22 The same conclusion may be drawn from the practice observed in dates of the Kollam era.
23 The date also shews that the beginning of the month was calculated by the Arya-siddhanta, not by the Sú rya-siddhanta.
24 This date shews that the system of intercalation followed in 3. 855 expired was the true system; for by the mean system of intercalation the day of the date, the 8th August A. D. 933, would have been the full-moon day of the first Bhadrapada (not of the second Srivana).
25 In Cambodia the aminta scheme was used in Ś, 589 (Vol. XXII. p. 122, No. 58), and, before that, in §. 548 (ante, Vol. XXI. p. 47).
27 Vol XXIII. p. 126, No. 77, and Vol. XXIV. p 203, No. 297. 29 Ib.d. No. 151.

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hesitate to accept as correct, because in an inscription of a later Western Chalu kya king we have another date30 (corresponding to the 25th Jane A. D. 754 in S. 676 expired) which also can be accounted for only by the púrni mánta scheme. The date of S. 726 expired, on the other hand, I cannot help regarding with some suspicion, because it falls between the two anánta dates, already mentioned, of Sh 716 and S. 730 of the same king Govinda III., which tend to prove that the scheme of the months, need daring that king's reign, was the amunta scheme. With the two other dates to guide us we might well suppose that the mistake; which undoubtedly was committed in the date of S. 1313 of Harihara II., was made also in the date of S. 726. The result I consider to be that, among all the dates collected, there is only the single date of 534 which may confidently be taken to prove the use of the purnimante scheme of the lunar months in connect with the Saka era.31
(To be continued.)
THE DEVIL WORSHIP OF THE TULIUVAS. FROM THE PAPERS OF THE LATE A. O. BURNELL.
(Continued from . 242.) BURNELL M88. No. 27.
THE STORY OF PANJURLI. Original in the Kanarese character: translation according to Burnell MSS. Original, text and translation occupies leaves: 272 to 277 in Barnell. MSS.
Translation Pañjurli was cursed by Narayana and was blessed by Ievara. Isvara made a nice garden which he called Nandanavana, and as the pigs destroyed it entirely, he went out to kill them ; but Parvati, his wife, prevented him, and so he cursed them.
“Do not live near me! Be called pigs in the forest, and Pañjupli in the villages ! Let a feast aud & sacrifice be performed for you," said lóvara.
There was a woman called Gollaramma Deyar, and a man called Guru Sarapoli. They lived at Ejanagar on the Ghâts, and bad four sons, whose names were Kantu Setti, Kadamana Setti, Uttoms Setti, and Mattu Marbala Setti
The sons considered together: - “What occupation shall we follow? What shall
we do?
Then one of them said :-“Let us go and trade by sea."
"Goods which are cheap in this country and dear in another country are those which we must procure for our commerce," said another.
" What are those things which we must procure ?" asked his brother.
"A mast of coral, a sail of silk, and an anchor of pearl: sailors, a master, and goods to fill the ship, - pearls, rubies, and diamonde," said le.
"Can we go to Mecca, or to Macao, or to the Island, or to Cochin, or to Cannanore P" asked they of the sailors.
30 Vix., in the Pattadakal inscription of the time of the Western Chalukya Kirtivarman II., Ep. Ind. Vol. III. p. 3. An earlier pirniminta dato, corresponding to the 17th February A. D. 668 (in 8. 589 expired), we have in the Mattewada (?) plates of the Eastern Chalukya Vishnuvardhana II., ante, Vol. XX. p. 9.
11 So far as I know, up to the present the earliest indication, in an inecription, of the tune of the prigimonta schnew. har inte date of the Majhgawin plates of the Parivr jakn Maharija Hastin, of Gupta-Farivat 191 =
D 10.1 G aler. p. 107): and the earliest proof for the use of the amanta schemo is furnished by a insert frem tamoudia of $. 548 = A. D. 626-27, referred to above.

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“There is no difficulty at all in going where you like," said the sailors. Then they traded by the sea for two years.
"However much we try we cannot even gain three pagodas, and there has been no profit by our trade. What shall we do now?" said they.
"Let us trade in bullocks," said one. So they traded in bullocks. “Where do bullocks come from ? And whence do cocks come?" asked they.
“Cocks come from Kokada, the cluphant from Anegundi (Vijayanagar), and bullocks from the Ghâts," they were told, and so they went to buy bullocks.
They kept three hundred rupees in a bag and tied up three hundred rupees in thcir upper garments. They went to the herd of cows. There were three thousand bullocks, but they found only two good ones amongst them. They asked the price.
“A thousand rupees for the front leg, and a thousand rupees for the hind leg. Altogether two thousand rupees," said the Ganda.
"What is there important about them ?" asked they.
“There are certain points in oxen, vis., & white tail, a white spot on the forehead, and points in the four legs, a white tongue, a bent horn and a certain colour in the belly. These &re the points in these oxen," said the Ganda.
"We want to buy such," said they. So the Ganda sold the oxen to them. "Though you have boaght the oxen, I do not give you the rope," said he. “Let that be: there is our master, one Karenki BallaỊ of Kukyali," said they.
They went there, and the Balla! said to them : - "You had better cut in pieces very long cloth and tie the oxen together with it and bring them."
They did so, and descended the Ghâts. There was one Pergadi (Vokketinar) of Kallabotti, and they went to his village. There was a jack-tree in front of the house, a widespreading tree, giving good shade. So they stood under the tree in the shade, but the herdsmen said: "You cannot let your oxen lie under that tree, nor can you stand there."
"Why not?" asked they.
“There are three hundred unripe fruit on the branches and a thousand fruit below, which belong to our master. If you steal them, you will incur the curse of Pañjurli."
" It is said that unripe fruit bears a curse but not ripe fruit," replied they, and tied their oxen to the trunk of the tree, cut off the fruit, ate the inner part, and gave the oxen the skin. Then they took their oxen and went to the lidu at Kukyaļi Karange, where they gave their oxen both rice water and ordinary water, and tied them up. But the oxen disappeared from that place. They had been tied up at night, but could not be found in the morning. As they could not find the oxen, they referred to the prasna book, from which they found that as they had disregarded what the herdsmen of the bidu had said and had mocked them and had stolen the jack-fruit and eaten them, the Bhůta of the place had followed them and caused the bullocks to disappear, Bat if they prayed and worshipped the Bhůta, they would find their oxen.
“How are we to worship the Bhata ?" asked they of the astrologer.
“There is one Kantu, a Pombada by caste; call him and give him betel-nat for the sake of the Bhůta. If you do this, you will find your oxen. Also, if you give him rico on Tuesday so that he may perform a feast on the following Tuesday, you will find your oxen," said the astrologer. Next day they called Kanțu the Pombada, and gave him rice on that very Tuesday,

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Next day the oxen were found tied up in the same place as before. The villagers and the Balla! met together, and Kanto the Pombada said: “I can dress and personate the Bhúta and take the rice, but as no feast has ever been performed for that Bhůta, how am I to tell you his origin and his history ?"
"If you do not know, we will tell you," said Karenki the Ballâl of Kukyâli.
So Kântu dressed and personated the Bhůta, but said he did not know how to make up the Bhúta's face."
"If you do not know how to make up the Bhůta's face, you had better take a look at my pig's face and make yours up like that," said the Balla!.
So Kaņķu looked at the pig's face and made himself up like that.
"If you do not know the history of the Bhůta, there is my squirrel, ask it, and him," said the Balla!.
The squirrel sung and Kanta learnt its song and sang like it. Thus was the feast and sacrifice performed, and the Bhata possessed Kantu.
"There are many great people in the Eastern Countries. I will go to them and get a feast and sacrifice," said the Bhúta.
"You get only a vow from the poor, but a feast and sacrifice from the rich," said the Balla!. "If you go to a forest you will be called a pig, but be a Bhuta, that is, the master of a thousand people. Isvara has given you authority to kill a man, who was to have lived twelve years more, if he had not disregarded you ! So great a Bhůta are you."
"I go to the Eastern countries," said the Bhůta.
He went to the temple of Venketa Ramana at Tirupati, where he did not cease to canse the Garada Váhaņa to turn round.
"What is the matter?" asked the god.
Then & man became possessed, and said "I am a servant of Narayana, and I came here to get a feast and a sacrifice."
Then Venkata Rånaņa saw the Bhúta, and came to know that he was a servant of Nárayaņa.
"You shall be called Kala Bhairava or Nija Kanta, and sit on my right in the middle of the hill, so take & vow before me," said the god.
A building was made there, and the Bhúta was called Kala Bhairava or Nija Kâņķa, and got a feast and sacrifice,
"I want to go to the superior gods, and get blessings from them," said the Bhúta. "I go to Darmasthala."
He went there and blinded the Bhatta who carried about the god, and so a panchayat was called by the villagers and Hobalis, and a man became possessed.
"What is it?" asked they of him.
He said :-“This Bhůta is a servant of Narayana. He stood at the right side of Venkata Råmaņa at Tirupati, took vows before the god, and was called Kala Bhairava, and he asked the god what he would give him, and the god asked him what he wanted. And so he replied: a place on his right side from the upper part of the Ghâts to the lower countries, so that he might make the people fill bis treasury.'
"How are a feast and sacrifice to be performed for you ?" asked the god.
“My name shall be Annappe, and a feast and sacrifice shall be performed for me after your feast," said he.

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Thus was a gudi built for the Bhůta on the right side of the god, and there he stayed and got a sacrifice and a feast.
He took vows before the god, and said he would go to otber temples and villages. He came to a temple at Kopadi.
He made the god's elephant sick, and would not let the god's image be mounted upon the elephant to go in procession. When all the villagers were called together and made an inquiry, a certain man became possessed.
"I was called Kala Bhairava in Tirupati, and Annappa at Dharmasthala. I stood on the right side of the god, and made the people give me vows first. I want to have the same rights in this place also," said he.
Then the villagers built a gudi on the right side of the god and a feast and a sacrifice were performed, and he was called Panjurli. Then he came to the bidu at Kalle, and made a cow and a calf sick. When this was referred to in the praina-book, it was found to be the work of this Bhůta, and that a sacrifice and a feast were to be performed to avert the evil. The people made offerings to him, and the sickness was cured
There were Ait Ullaya, Chikkaraya Ullaye, Banaraya Ullaye, and they had two sisters, Padupala and Jakama Deyar. Their husband's name was Hebbiri Ballal, who presented the younger wife with a jewel for her neck, and a quarrel arose between the women. Then the elder made an oath :-"O Pañjurli, if you will kill my sister, I will build for you a gunda, and present you an image of a pig made of bell-metal and of silver too. I will perform a feast with one hundred and twenty cocoanut leaves, and with tender cocoanuts, and with one hundred and twenty cocks." Next day Pañjurli made the younger wife sick; he broke her legs and hands, and was about to cause her death, when an outcry of men and women arose. The younger called to the elder sister: "Will you see me die P"
"I asked you, O Pañjurli, to kill her when I was angry. You made her sick, but I do not want you to kill her. Release her thiş once, and let her live. Do not kill her," prayod the elder sister.
Then her brother Ait Ballal became possessed.
“ You prayed one way before, and now you pray another way. I will kill you both," said the Bhůta, and he killed the two women in one night. They were burnt together in a large paddy field called Janananda Bakyâr. The funeral ceremony was performed, and then Hobbiri Balla! came and said : “Although you quarrelled and are dead, you two women, the feast which was promised must be performed."
So he built a gunda, made a car, and performed a feast with one hundred and twenty cocoanut leaves, one hundred and twenty tender cocoanuts and with one hundred and twenty seers of rice flour. Then the Bhůta was call Panjurli of Kalya.
He left that place, went to Chembukal, and reached the temple of Vinayaka, when the feast was about to be finished. A man became possessed of the Bhúta and said that he wanted a feast and sacrifice.
"If you are a Bhůta, you must give a proof," said the villagers. “It will suffice if you inquire of Mahankali,” said he.
When they asked Mahankaļi, she said that he had been to many places, had given many many proofs, had stood at the right side of the god, and had got feasts." So have I heard. Therefore, it is not necessary to shew a sign here as well," said she.
"If you will make this place a celebrated one, we will build you a sánam on the right side of the god, and perform a feast and sacrifice," said the people. He made this place known to the four countries, and got many vows.

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"I shall make the people bring vows both for you and me," said he.
A temple was built, and a car was made at the right side of the temple. A feast and a sacrifice were performed, and he was called Pañjurli of Chembukal. After that be used to get feasts and sacrifices from every house, following the ropes of the bullocks and the relations of women.
BURNELL MSS. - No, 28.
THE STORY OF VODILUTAYA. Original in the Kanarese character; translation according to Burnell MSS. Original, text and translation, occupies leaves 278 to 280.
There was a woman named Gollaramma Deyar, and a man named Eka Salyar, who had a son called Balu Sénava. When he was a pretty little child, and suckling, his mother died, and when he was old enough to eat rice, his father, too, died. Seven years passed over him, and when ten or twelve years had passed, he put his mother's ashes on a golden plate and his father's on a silver plate, and said he wanted to go to the Ganges to throw them into it. He heard that the Ganges lay to the north, and said : -"No one has seen it as yet." But Narayana Sénava, his brother-in-law, bad seen the Ganges, and so he called Narayana Sênava to his house, and said :
"I have heard that you have been to the Ganges. How far is it and what is it like
"I will tell you. There is the Maha Gange and the Mani Gange, the beautiful Ganges in the north for sin and RåmêŚwar for crime. When I went to the Ganges, I had an iron stick as long as a man, and when I returned back and reached home it was decreased by half a cubit. I crept on my belly for a month, on my knees for two months, and on my haunches for three months. It was a gloomy road with pits in it and deserted as well. For four months' journey, there was a tiger waiting to seize any one who tried to pass. For five months' journey, there were the black serpents called Sankapkla. I went on enduring all these difficulties, and have returned back; you will have to go through the same."
Knowing that he would have to suffer all these dangers, he started for the Ganges with ten or twelve persons, and reached it after passing all the dangers. There was a temple called Jagamantami in the Ganges, and there he offered a vow. He bathed there at the tirtha, and he cast the ashes into the water, and he took sandal.
There was a Bhůta, called the Great Vodilutaya. "I shall go along with you," said the Bhůta.
"I will not tell a Bhůta, who wishes to come with me, not to follow me, and I will not tell a Bhůta, not willing to come with me, to follow me. If you are willing to come, you may come along with me," said Bålu Sênava. "But, if you come with me, how can a feast be performed for you?"
"As I follow you, a frame of bamboos of the height of the sky and another of the breadth of the world must be made. Sheep must be killed and put in a pan, a thousand torches made of sticks of the areca palms, balls of rice heaped on bamboo mats, fowls must be killed and heaped on a pan, tender cocoanuts cut and a pot of toddy presented," said the Bhita.
"I will give you what you ask : do you follow me," said Balu Sénava, (and in due course) he returned home from the Ganges.
He came to the bidu of Idakaja Margal. He built & sánam like a palace. "And now a feast must be performed,' said Bala Sênava..
He dug twelve rows of cucumber beds for the feast of the Bhuta. He planted cucumber seeds. Cucumbers of the colour of squirrels were produced. He counted them daily.

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Balu Sénava had three daughters called Vopotti, Kinnante, and Saraswati. He set them to watch the cucambers, and once, during their daily counting, one cucumber was not to be found.
“What is the cause of my not finding the cucumber?” asked he of his daughter Vopotti.
"I do not know," said she. He asked Saraswati. "I do not know," said she. And he asked Kinnantê. “I do not know," said she.
“Don't you know, any of you ?” asked he. "If none of you know, let it be discovered by the Great Vodilataya," said he.
Next day Vodilatâya killed Kinnantê and Vopotti, and then Saraswati grieved very much.
"Even if the cucumber was stolen, do not kill this daughtor also: she is as a medicine for the whole family. I shall do as I have promised," prayed BAlu Sénava.
He built a sánam like a palace. He sprinkled about a thousand sêrs of rice-flour. He planted a plantain-tree to the south of the sanam. He gave food to a thousand people. He planted an areca-tree to the north, and he performed a feast with a thousand torches of the areca-tree; he killed sheep and put them in a pan; he cut open tender cocoanuts, killed fowls and heaped them ap; he made a round frame as broad as the world, and another as high as the sky. Thus did he perform the feast for the Bhúta. This was the feast performed for the Bhúta at Ida kaje Margal.
"O BhQta, protect the men and the women of the world! Accept your festival and stay in this world!" prayed Bala Sênava. Judge between the false and the true with justice. Take only a vow from the poor and a festival from the rich, from the southern to the northern countries."
(To be continued.)
NARSINH MEHETANUN MAMERUN.
A POEM BY PREMANAND. TRANSLATED FROM THE GUJARATI WITH NOTES BY MRS. J. K. KABRAJI.
(Concluded from p. 21.)
Oanto XIII. 440 With haste the Lord of Vaikuņķh started ap, crying, “Where is my eagle, where is my
eagle P" And said Chaturbhujas to his wife, " Come Chatara 28 the wicked Någars have discovered
my plans.27 Be quick; fill up his basket: Narsinh, the Nagar, is my worshipper. The mob is very obstinate and there is no help (for us) but to go, so you go first with all
the necessary articles. 445 Go and adorn her persons with goodly ornaments: for her hands, golden bracelets and
faultless gems. Do not forget to take with you all the requisites (for a môsálun) in kind and in cash, for
my servant is very importanate. Take a good many clothes made by clever hands, each more valuable than the other;
56 The four-handed.
26 I. e., clever one, used here for alliteration. * It is not clear what the god exactly moans by saying Team and Teu wrot, but this is the literal translation.
» It may be your person" just as well as her person," but the meaning is the adornment of Kusvarbat.

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Such as have never been dreamt of, whose names are not even known: bring such with
you, shaking off sloth. Let them be beyond the conception of Brahma himself ... ...20" 450 Saying this, the Lord of Lakshmi proceeded on his way and arrived hither, bringing with
him numberless bundles. Seeing the distress of his worshipper Narsinh, the Ancient One started up and rushed
(to his help). The Lord of the strong bow was dressed as a merchant and Lakshmi as a merchant's wife. The son of Nand had his eagle with him, who carried the bundles on his head. Sri Gopal was seated in a chariot, and the air resounded with the tread of the bullocks
and the jingling of their bells. 455 The people did not recognise the Lord of the Universe' as he went on with some ten or
twenty servants. Every one wondered who he was, as the god entered the maydap. When the mace-bearers cried," Make way," the Nagar community came forth to see (And said): "This is some rich merchant that has come, bringing a great many bundles."
But nobody knew the Lord of the Three Worlds, since he was dressed as a vanil.31 460 Alighting from his chariot, Hari walked amongst the assembled guests. The god whom all the six orders of devotees cannot even discover, and whom the hus.
band of Umiya (himself) adores; Whom no amount of knowledge or meditation or devotion could reveal: such a god went
barefooted (through the assemblage). The great King of the Fourteen Worlds is turned into a draper for the Mehta's sake. His coat is sprinkled over with saffron water, and his turban wrapped with oblique folds
(like a Vâņia's). 465 He wears ear-ornaments studded with diamonds, and the lines at his eyes reach his very
ears.32 He has thrust a pen at the back of his ear, and has taken the name of Dâmðdar the
draper. His robe is of fine and yet rich cloth, and Hart walks slowly along. On his shonlders the god has a plaid, the two ends of which he holds in his hands.
All the ten fingers are full of rings, and his feet are entirely covered with socks. 470 He has a number of servants with him, some of whom carry pouches. Many servants are round him to do his bidding, Odhav33 carrying his goj-measures for
him. Kamali Rant walks behind the god, and all eyes are fixed on the béthúm.36 The pride of the Nagar women is humbled, for the lady's appearance is like that of the
moon and the sun, The bright head-ornament greatly becoming the beautiful forehead,
And a diamond bracelet glistening on her wrist. 475 Her large eyes beam with intelligence, sparkling like a number of khanjan birds canght in
a net. The crescent of her (upper) lip is coral-red, and the braided hair on her head abundant. She has on armlets and necklets, and strings (of pearls) and a most glistening nose-ring. Her waist is jingling with small bells, worn over her many coloured säri.
The anklets on her fair feet look resplendent, while the bells on her toes jingle as she goes. 480 The arms are covered with bangles : Mercy herself has come in the guise of a merchant's
wife.
» Half line seems to be missing here.
* A different epithet of the god is used in each line. 31 Tira, a member of the trading class.
» The black lines of beauty drawn with kijal. - Odhaya was a friend and constant companion of Krishna 4 The gaj-measure is about t of a yard.
* Fem. of seth, a rich man.

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The assemblage feel enamoured of Lakshmi and of her two servant-maids, Lalita and
Visakha, As the god of gods approached with his wife the Mâhta at once recognized him. And went up to meet him, saying, “You are welcome Seth Samilia."38
As they met, said the beauteous Sim :-"Do not mention my name openly. 485 Beware, lest you proclaim the fact of my being here ; you may spend whatever you like
(and) Gratify the wishes of Kuivarbit." Saying so, Ranchhod took his seat. Then, in the hearing of the whole assernblage, Hari said these words:"Go, Sethâņi, and mitigate her sufferings, by pressing Kurverbâi to your heart."
As he said this, Kamalâ walked forth and pressed Kunvarvahû to her heart, 490 “My sweet, do not shed tears; call your mother-in-law : where is she?"
Two or four Någar women, who were near, felt their pride humbled to see her beauty. The vohván qaestioned Kamala thus:-- "What relative are you to the Mêhtå p" Then in lucid accents spoke the Séthani these sweet words smilingly :
"Vehvan, did you not know us? You are Brahmans, so are we Vaniis. 495 We trade in clothes, and have stores of our own; we get much help from Narsinh.
We take gold from the Mêhtaji, and with it carry on trade in clothes. We are come to provide the maternity gifts and to fill the empty basket with gold. We have brought every article that the Mêhtâ sent for."
So saying sat down the Sethâņi, while the Någar women were breathless with expectation. 500 Sending for the Vêhvâi, Srirang Mêhêtâ, Sri Jadůrai met him with affection.
While all the Nâgars felt astonished, the Ocean of Mercy filled up the empty basket, And said to the Mehta:-" Distribute the gifts with due care."
Refrain. «Distribute the gifts with due care," saith the beauteous Sam, "And if anything is wanting, bid us, your servants, (bring it)." कडवू १३ मुं. राग प्रभाती.
___ राग मारु. 410 धडकी उठियो वेगे वैकुंठपति, गरुड, क्यां, गरुड भक नरसैयानुं दुःख जानीरे, उठी धाया पुरूष क्यां वरत वाणी,
पूराणीरे. चाल्य, चतुरा, चतुरभुज भणे भामनी, नष्ट नागरे थया शेठ ते सारंग पाणी रे, साये लक्षमी थयां मारी गत्य जाणी.
बोठाणी रे. नरसैयो नागरो भक्त ते मारो, छाब भरी तेनी शीघ्र नंद सुनद गरुड साये रे, अगणीत गांठडीओ तेने थाओ.
माये रे. जन घणा हठ करे, ज्यावन नव सरे, रिद्धि सिद्धि लई रये बेठा श्री गोपाळ रे, धमके धोरी ने घुघरमाळरे. सखी अप जावो.
455 लोके ओळख्या नहीं जगदीश रे, साये वाणोतर दस 445 हाथ हेम सांकळां, नंग बहु नीरमळा सुभ शणगार
वीस रे. जई अंग सारो.
सर्व जोई जोर विसमय थाय रे, प्रभु आव्या मंडप रीत ने भात्य रोकड रखे वीसरो, दीन यई करगरे दास | माहे रे. मारो.
छडीदारेवाट मुकावीरे.नागरी नात्य जोवाने आवीरे चीर चरणां होय चतुरे बण्यां, अधीक एक एकथी आ वेहेवारीभी कोईक आव्योरेअगणीत गांउडीओ अमूल्य जाणो.
. साये लाब्योरे. स्वपने को नव पडे, नाम को नव जडे, अंग आळस कोई नव जाणे त्रीभुवन भूप रे, व्हाले लीधुं वणीकर्नु
तजी ते आणी. उपेंद्र ब्रह्म जेनो पार पामे नहीं 37. ...
1460 रथ उपरथी उतारेहरी सभा मांही संचरीभारे. 450 मार्गे मुख बोलतां वदत वाणी. नाथ लक्षमी तणो । खटवरणे खोल्यो नव लाधे रे, जेने उमीयांवर एणीपेरे आव्यो; अग्णीत गांठडी संग आणी.
आराधे रे.
* Samaļia is a name of Krishna, but is in common use among V&p14e. 37 Something has been left out here.
# The metre changes here.

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न जडे ज्ञाने ध्याने बहु गाये रे, ते हरी अडवाणे मळतां बोल्या सुंदर शाम रे, मारुं प्रगट न लेडी पाये रे.
नाम रे. जे चउद लोकनो महाराज रे, मेहता माटे थया| 485 रखे वात अमारी चरचोरे, तमारे ने जोइए ते बेजाजरे.
खरचो रे. वागो सोभे केसर छांटे रे, पाघडी बांधी अवले कुंवरबाईना पुरो कोड रे; एम कही बेठा रणछोड रे भांटे रे.
पछे सभा सहु सांभळतां रे, हरी वचन बोल्या छे 465 काने कुंडल हीरे जडीभां रे, नेत्र प्रलंब श्रवणे वळतारे. अडीआरे.
जाभो शेठाणी दुःख कापो रे, कुंवरबाईने रुवीभांस एक लेखा काने खोसी रे नाम धर्यु दामोदर चांपोरे. डोसीरे.
एवं केहेतामां कमळा उठयां रे, कुंवरबाईने रुतीभावं झीणा जामा ने पटका भारे हरी हळवे हळवे भीडीयां रे. सधारे रे.
490 मारी मीठी न भरीए आंसुरे, तेडो क्यां छे तमारी खांधे पछेडी भोडी नाये रे, बेऊ छेडा प्रह्या छ
सासरे. हायेरे.
मळी नागरीभो छे बेचार है, जोई रूप मेल्यो विटी वेढ इसे आंगळीए रे, सादां मोजां पहयां
भहंकार रे. सामळीए रे.
घेवाण कमळाने एम पुछे रे, महता साये सगपण 470 पणा वाणोतर छे साये ३, कोणे झोळो प्रह्यो छ हायेरे.
कोकिला स्वरे अमृत वाणी रे, त्यारे हसीने बोल्यां घणा सेवक सेवामां सज रे, भोधवना हाथमा गजरे
शेठाणी रे. प्रभु पुढे कमळा राणी रे, सड सभाए जोयां
वेहवाण तमोए शुं न जाणीभां रे, तमे ब्राह्मण अमे शेठाणी रे,
वाणीआरे. उतर्या नागरीभोना अभिमान रे, जाणे उग्या शशि ने 495 पार दोशोनी घरे कोठी रे, अमारे ओठ नरसैमानी भानु रे.
मोटी रे. भलु भाल भमर रुडी राजे रे, रत्न जडीत राखडी
अमो धन मेहताजीनें लीजीए रे, तेणे वेपार कापडनी छाजे रे.
कीनीए रे. 475 विशाळ लोचन चंचल चाले रे, केशुं खंजन पउपां
अमो आध्यां मोसालु करवा रे, गली छाब मुनये जाले रे.
भरवा. छे अधर बींब परवाळी रे, मस्तक उपर देण
मेहेते जे जे वस्तु मंगाध्या रे, अमो लख्या प्रमाणे विशाळी रे.
लाव्या. बाजुबंध गळंबंध माळ रे, नाक वेसर झाकसमालरे
एवं कहीने घेठां शेडाणी रे, सह नागरी सास कटी धमके भुद्रघंटाळी रेपहरणछे पंचरंगी साडीरे
भराणी रे. झमके झांझर उजवळ पागेरे, वीछुवा अणवस बहु | 500 तेज्या श्रीरंग मेहेतो वेवाई २ भावे भेटपा श्री वागेरे.
जदुराई रे. 480 जडाव चुडो हाथमां कहावेरे, माया मेहेती रुपे भावरे
त्यारे वीस्मय थया सहु नागर रे, छावभरी से करुणा मोही सभा लक्षमी निरखी रे, ललीता विसाखा बे
सागर रे. खवासी रे.
मेहताने कहे वनमाली रे, पेहरामणी करो संभाळी रे. भाव्या सजोडे देवाधि देव रे, मेहते हरी ओळख्या, तरखेव रे.
वलण. भले भाव्या शेठ सामळीभारे, मेहतो माधवजीने संभाळी करो पेहरापणी एवु कहे सुंदर सामरे. मळीया रे..
बळी घटे ते मांगजो, अमो वाणोतर सरखं काम रे.
Canto XIV. 505 The Meheta sent for his daughter and said:- "See here, the basket is filled with gold.
Give gifts to all the Nagar community : such an opportunity will not occur again." With kunkávatro in hand, the daughter went up to the mother-in-law, And laughing, said proudly :- "Madam, distribute the gifts.
You were abusing the Vaishnav and saying "What gifts will he, the pauper, give? 510 You were ridiculing the tulasi and the tal, but see they have won (the love of) Sri
Gopal. See the earnings of the poor, where the heart is given to the praise of Hari.
19 Cap of kunkun.

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If you desire more things than you have laid down, you may ask for them." Hearing this speech of Kunvarvahů, the mother-in-law called forth the priest and the
priestess.. Worshipping at their feet with pigdni in hand, Kunvarbai brought forth eight articles of
____clothing for them. 515 Then seeing a crowd of Nagars (approaching), Vapmilf folded up his plaid; He went up to where the basket was, and began selecting the clothes, after undoing the
bundles. Mêhêtajt said :-"Here, daughter, give your father-in-law (this) pámri. Folding up these gold-embroidered clothes, place the golden armlets upon them.
Go and hold them before your husband, and return with your eyes cast down. 520 Give away whatever your mind wishes, do not take a step backwards."
Then the jeth and jelháníto were invited, and all the eight clothes brought to them. And as she (Kunvarbai) bowed with affection before the diyar and dérúni," the busafiy 841 ____said these words: "All the nine treasures must be (ready) where Narsinh is concerned," and sat obsti
nately refusing what was offered, It was when they gave him five gold môhór that he allowed the distribution to proceed. 525 Next the nandi stopped the proceedings, and Kurvarbai went ap to her father, with the
two-tólá bracelets, and appeased her with ten-tblá ones. Then she gave all the sixteen articlests to her mother-in-law, and bowed down to her: At which the grand-mother-in-law was highly angered, and censured the whole family.
Refrain. The old woman censured the whole family, "Now I won't accept any gifts" (said she). 530 Should my daughter-in-law supersede me, the oldest relative P" कडवू १४ मुं. राग मारु.
1515 पछे नागरनी भीड णी भाळी, पछेडीनी
पळवट वाळी. 505 मेहेते तेडावी दीकरी, आ जुओ छाब सोनइए भरी,
आव्या छाब पासे वनमाळी, छोडे गांठ वस्त्र आपे पेहरावो सउ नात नागरी, भावो अवसर नहीं भावे
टाळी. फरी. .
मेहताजी कहे ल्या दीकरी, ससराने आपो पामरी. कंकावटी करमा धरी सास पासे व सांचरी. हास करी गर्ने भोचरी, बाईजी वस्त्रे आपो हेची
घडी जरकशी वागाना करी हेम सांकळां उपर
धरी. करी. वैष्णव कहीने देतांगाळ, ए गुंमोसाळु करशे कंगाल
वरना मुख आगळ धरो, नीचुं जोइने पाछा फरी. 510 तमे निदतां तुलसीने ताल, तेने बस कीधा गोपाळ. |
1520 पेहेरामणी मनगमती करो, रखे पगलुं पार्छ भये. जुभी कमाल तणी, जीव छे हरीना गण भणी
सजोडे तेज्यां जेठ जेडाणी, भाठे वस्त्र त्यां आप्यां जो लख्याथी भासा होय घणी तो मांगी लेगो
आणी. पेहेरामणी.
प्रिते पुज्यां दीएर देराणी, सुसटीओ तव बोल्यो सांभळी कुंवर बहुनी वाणी सासए तेडी गोर
वाणी. गोराणी.
ज्यां नरसईयो त्यां नवनीध, दीयरियो बेठो हठ कीध पुज्या पाग करमा पीगाणी आठवस्त्र आप्यां तेने पांच मोहोर सोनानी लीधी, पछी पेहेरामणी चालती आणी.
कीधी.
. The eldest brother of Kaivarbat's husband and his wife.. 1 The youngest brother of Kaivarbat's husband and his wife. Busa/fyd is the pet name for diyar. He, being youngest brother, and a mere boy, the girl-wife is on terms of friendship with him, whereas she has to observo certain decorum towards the whole family from their being her husband's elders. He carries ber mesrages to her parenta-in-law and even to her husband, and is allowed to be ber companion and playmate. Hence his claim for .better gift.
11 Eldest sister of Kurvarbal's husbaud. Nandi is poetical for 4017. It appears that she was presented Grat with a pair of bracelets of gold weighing two tolls, but she refused to accept them, and was given another pair weighing ten tbls.
" See note 81, p. 105.

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525 पेहरामणी नणदीए अटकावी, कुंवरबाई पीता कने तव कोप्यां वडसास अपार, सर्व कुटुंबनो कीधी ft.
PacerT. बेतोलानी राखडी लावी, दस तोला आपी समजावी.
TOUT. आप्या सासुने सोळ सणगार, पेहरावीने कीधी तिरस्कार कीधो डोसीए, हवे पेहरामणी पेहेरुं नहीं. TETT.
530 t TETT HIT , * t teftat.
Canto XV. Knowing of the anger of the elder véhvan Lakshmijt went up to her, And, placing a precious plaid on her shoulders, appeased her wrath : At which there were cries of acclamation in the mandap and women began to sing,
(Saying), “Call this (real) môsáļus that the Mêhêtaji gives, all others are but trash." 535 Each one called forth her relatives as best suited her:
To see such wished for things, they called each other actively. And women flocked up, each thinking she would take the best cloth she liked.
All the four communities walked up and went into the mandap. 540 And Sri Vanmáli, folding up his plaid, went up to them.
The Möhtå stood performing on the tál, while the vérågís stood singing, And the grand-mother-in-law stood instructing Kuivarbât how to distribute the
presents. Sri Rang's priest Sámal got white a&ldn.
Hêmjt and Khêmji, two other priests, got some ten things placed on their shoulders. 545 Kabhá" to some, and pamri and patká,and names I cannot enumerate.
Some get mugtait some pítámbér," some get cotton sélás only. Magián dôridi and asduļi are given to some, to some sélán and patú and sál:44 While the gold fringed turbans that are given glisten brightly.
Páyajáma, nimd and pachhédits and robes with tassels. 550 A shower of clothes appeared to come down, since the Ocean of Mercy himself had
turned draper. Beautiful ornaments for the arms and wrists, and rings for the fingers. Necklaces dangling with innumerable pearls, and pendants. Some get waist-bands, some bracelets, some are adorned with chains.
Some get golden wristlets, and earrings such as fascinate the mind. 555 After the gifts of the men were disbursed, the women-folk were called forth, Their fore-heads being marked with ku iku, 45 various kinds of clothes were placed on
each one's shoulder. Gangavahn is given a gajiáni 46 Sundarvahugets a sáľúri, 46 The black colour of which well becomes their fair skins.
Chhabilivahu gets a heavy chhaya!, in colour red and white. 560 Koduvahu is given a kalgher, and Prêmvahu a pato!6.40
Ram-kuuvar and Kpishņa-kunvar receive precious ghat. Chhêlvaht is given only some chhing, and Nanivahu some nág. Pånvahu wears pilámbar46 ........4
Rûpkunvar gets a red sári, and Devkanvar is in a pet. 565 Sâmkunvar receives a gold-bordered sapun, Sankarvahu a bodice for homo-wear.
Lakshmivaha and Lachhavahu and Lâlvahu - each receives a patoldi. Jasmoda, Jasõda, Jivi, Jamuna and Janki and many other vahusta
# All names of clothes. Kuku paste is applied as a sign of good luck, see noto 69, page 101. 46 All names of clothes, for explanation, see notes to Canto VI. *T It may be noticed that the poet enters fully into alliteration here (Gangavahu gets a gofani and Rundarvahu 114, and so forth), which I have tried to show by giving the original names of the clothes, for explanation of each article of clothing, see notes to Canto VI. 18 The text is unintelligible here.
49 For the termination vahu, see note 43, Part I

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Stand dressed either in a new sárt or a bodice.
Mân bâi and Velvahu and Rambhåvatt and Raiya - 570 All take off their old and put on new clothes, placing their babies down.
While Chbabilâ sits at the chhab (basket), giving away whatever is required, Measuring out gajian and gajiania with his gaj, he sits cutting them out, Giving away for bodices and for sárís, pát and pitambar and uttas and anibar.1
* *50 575 Saris and plaids, both being gold-embroidered, glisten together.
White sálún studded with spots of saffron have gold borders all around. Chandrakald looks well in a môrvi and Diyar (?) in a daridi, Utlas five-striped, 61 and gold and silver coins for ornaments.
Some get ak611,62 others 1852 and necklaces of great value. 580 Some are given bhamri,ss some sentass and some little golden flowersis for the head.
Some women fold their palms and ask the Mebêtå for a necklace, While others hold their little ones before the Mehta.
Refrain. Before the Mehtå some hold their little ones, thinking he wonld give them something, after
every one has received her wished-for gift. Thus the reproach of the sásariy do64 is removed, Kanvarbál is considered) lucky in her
parent. __ कडवू १५ मुं. राग मेवाडो.
कोने कंदोरा ने कंठी पाँची काने सांकळी सेभिजी. बडीवेवाण रीसायां जाणी, लक्षमीजीपासे भाव्यांजी 555 पेहेरामणी पुरुषोंने पोहोचा तेडपो अबला साथ जी.
कनक कडां ने काने कुंडले देखीने मन मोहे जी. सारु खीरोदक खांधे मुकी, डोसीने समजाव्यांजी. |
पीयळ काढीने खांधे मुक्यां, पटकुळ नानां भात जी. जेजेकार थयो मंडपमा गीत गाय छे रामाजी.
गंगा वहुने गजीआणी साडी, सुंदर वहुने साळु जी. मोसालुले मेहेताजीन, बीजा सर्व भामाजी.
गोरे अंगे सुंदर सोभ, माहे कापडु कालु जी. 535 पोते पोतानां सगां तेडपां जेनी ज्या सगवडजी.
छबीली वहुने छायळ भारे भात राती घोळी जी. मन वांछीत पेहरामणी देखी, मांडी तेडातेडीजी. 560 कोड वहने कलपेरापी, प्रेम वहुने पटोळी जी. घेर घेर वात थईनागरमां, मेहेसो करे मामेरुं जी.
राम कुंवरने कृष्ण कुंवरने आप्या उत्तम घाट बी. विचार करती अबळा दोडी, मन मानवी साडी
छेल वहुने छींटज आपी, नानी बहुने नाट जी. पेरुं जी. चार वरण सउ चरणे चाली भावी मंडप माजी
पान वह तो पीतांबर पेहेरे ताके बची बाई जी.
रूपकुंवरने रातो सालु, देवकुंवर रीसाई जी. 540 पलवट वाळी श्री वनमाळी ततक्षणी भाव्या 565सामवरने सोनरी साळ, संखरवह घरचोळु जी.
त्यांय जी. मेहताजी उभा ताल वजाडे गाय वेरागी गीत जी.
लक्षमीवहुने लाछा बहुने लाल बहने पटोळं जी.
जसमादे जसोदा जिवी जमुना जानकी वहए जी. वडसास कुंवरवहुने कहे पेहेरामणीनी रीत जी.
चरण चोलीने घर साडी पेहेरी उभां सहए जी. श्रीरंगनो सामळ मेहतो पाम्यो धोळां सेला जी.
मानबाईने वेलवर ने रंभावता ने रह जी. हेमजी खेमजी मेहेताने इसेक खांधे मेळयां जी. 545 कभा कोने पामरी पटका, नाम न जाय गण्या जी. 1570 जुना काढीने नया पेहेराव्या, हेठां मुकी छईभा जी कोने मुगटां कोने पीतांबर कोने घेला सण्यां जी. ।
छावनी पासे छबीला बेठा, जे जोईये ते आपे जी. मगी दोरीमा असावळी कोणे, शेलां पतु शाल जी।
मशरुगजीओ ने गजीभाणी गजभरीने कापे जी. गछ पेच पाघडीभो तोरा दीसे झाक झमाल जी. पाट पीतांबर भतलस अंबर चोलरा ने चीर जी. पायजामा नीमाने जामा पछेडी बाळा बंधजी.
शोभे सुंदर भात नवरंगी पुतळीभो ने कीर जी. 550 वन तणो तो वरसाद वरश्यो क्यां दोशी करुणा | 575 साडी जरकशीनी ओढणी झलके सुंदर जोर जी. सीधु जी.
केसर छांटया धोळा साल फरती कसबी कोर जी. बेरखा बाजुबंध अति सुंदर वेट वीटीओ छाप जी. चंद्रकळाने मोरवी सोने, दरीआईमां देर जी. दुगदुगी माळाने मांदळीभां भाम्यां मोती अमाप जी.] असलस पांच पटा भाभूषण सोना रुपांनी मोहर जी.
isa See note:45, p. 282. 61 Here again the text is not clear, 65 Head ornaments.
09 The tert is more or loss unintelligible.
Neck ornamenta. The husband's relatives.

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कोने अकोटी कोने टोटी गलुंबंध बहु मुल जी.
1. 580 ma la streeri aita sa at. - ओडे बाळक जाणे काई आपे, मनवांच्छीस पाम्बा
को मेहेता पासे माळा मांगे उभी रही कर जोडे जी , सहु. कैटलीएक पोतानां बाळक मेहता आगळ ओडे जी.। सासरीयान मेपुं टल्यं पीभर पनौती कुंवर वह.
Canto XVI. 585 Kuivarbdi's wishes are gratified, the reproach of the adsariy dn is lifted.
Every one has got gifts to please his or her mind, according to his or her claims. All the family, the Någar community, and also their servants of the Kit and Mali casto Have been given gifts : Prabhu has really kept his word.
Giving all the fourteen articles of decoration to Kunvarbâi, they honoured her. 590 And lastly placing two golden stone555 into the basket, Hari became invisible.
All the assemblage was astonished at the unearthly seth and séthami, And everybody began to fall at the Mêhêtâ's feet, knowing his devotion to be (80) true. (Just then) Kuivarbâi's nanadi came up grumbling loudly,
Abusing the véhvái because somebody had been left out without a gift. 595 "Even people of other castes were remembered, and members of the family forgotten!
My little flower-like daughter has not received so much as a piece of cloth! Here, sister-in-law, take back what you have given me" (said she). "The Mehêta is only a Nagar in name, but is a mendicant in reality.
At this Kunvarbai went to the Mêhêta (and said): -"Father, how will it fare with me now? 600 In spite of all this exponso, there is still cause left for reproach, and how shall I live?
I forgot to mention my nanadi's daughter, by namo Nanbai. She is a baby of six months, and just one piece of cloth is required." The MêhêtAji replied: - "Daughter mine, call upon Sri Gôpaļ.
I cannot give a single thread, I do but sit and play on my tal." 605 Again Madhav was invoked: - “Trikum, preserve our prestige."
And from the skies down fell a beautiful five-coloured cloth. Kudvarbai's nanadi satisfied (thus), the Mêhêtâji asked for leave to go, Placing in lieu of the one thousand möhô7958 those two golden stones in the basket.
All the Nagar people bow at his feet and praise him saying): 610 “Narsiúh is the greatest man in the Nagar community, he has the patronage of the Lord
of the strong bow. Praise be to you, Méhêtāji, none can be like you in this wicked age. You have added to the pomp of the Någar community by putting everyone in new clothes. We had no hopes that you could supply the maternity gifts :
But Prabhu has saved the honour of all, and removed the reproach." 615 Now the Mehêtâji folds his palms and asks leave to go.
"Pray send Kurvarbai with me, the carriage has been brought." Then Kunvarbâi sits in the carriage and goes to Junagadh.67 Every one goes to see her off, crying - "Praise be to Vaikunthrai."
In the town of Virakshetra Varôdará situated in Gujarat, 620 Bhật Prêmânand, Chaturvansi Brâhman by birth,
Finished this work according to his lights, On Sunday the ninth of the month Asô, in Samvat 1719. He who sings it and hears it with devotion will be freed from his difficulties. Vaikoạthrái will remain before him who knows this and offers his devotion.
These golden stones seem to have been placed in the basket to humiliate Kunverbli's sister-in-law, who had remarked with a sneer when the old woman was dictating the list, "Our purpose is surely gained: why not write for a couple of large black stones, the Méhétå will be better able to provide them :" see ante, Vol. XXIV., p. 105, line 240.
* The gold nohars that the old woman bad declared to be the husband's doo 67 It is customary for the young wife to remain with her parents during her confinement.

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Refrain. 625 The Lord of Vaikupth will come to him who hears with a guiltless mind, The tale Bhat Prêminand has to tell; he is sure to get Madhav. कंडवु १६ म. राग धनाश्री.
605 फरीप्यान धयु माधवर्नु, पीकम राखजो टेक जी.
पंचरंगी त्या कापडं सुंदर आकाशथी पडद्यं एकजी. 585 कोड पोत्या कुंवरवहना, भाग्यं भव, मे जी. ।
नपदी संतोखी कुंवरबाईनी,मेहेताजी मागेवीदाय जी. ममवांच्छीत पेहरामणी पाम्यां जेतुं जेवू लेहे जी.
सहन मोहोर सोनाना पाहाणामुक्या ते छाब मांहे जी. नागरी नात कुटुंष पडोसी'चाकर कोळी, माळीजी.
मगर लोक सट पाये लागे, प्रजा करे वखाण जी. पेहरामणी सउकोने पॉहोती, वाचा प्रभुए पाळी जी.610 नागरी माते मोटो नरसई साथे सारंग-पाणी जी. सोळ सपगार कुंवरबाईने भापी दी) मान जी..
धन्य मेहता सम समोबडा कलयुगमां नोय जी. 390 कनक पाहाण छाबमा मुक्या, हरी थवा अंतर
नागरी मातनो महीमा राख्यो, ऊजळु कीधं सर ध्यान जी.
। कोय जी. . सभा सऊको विसम्ब पामीभलोकीकठाणी श्री.
अमने तो विश्वाश नोतो, जे मेहतो करे मामलं जी. मेहसाने सर पाए लागे, भक्ति साची जाणी श्री.
1615 पछे मेहेताजी विदाय मांगे बोले बेड कर जोडी जी. कुवराना नणदी भावी. बडबडती मुख मोटे जी. पेहेरामजी काईने नव पाहांती वेवाईने वखोडे जी.
कुंवरबाईने हो बळावी, वेल्ब भाणी छ जोडी जी.
पछे कुंवरबाई वेले बेसी अमेगढते जाय जी. 595 पेहेरामणी परसाती पाम्बा, घरनां माणस गया।
सर्वबळाबी पाछां फों, धन्य धन्य वैकुंठराय जी. अली जी. एक कटको कापडं नव पामी पुत्री मारी फुलफुली जी.
वीरक्षेत्र वडोवरा नामे गुजरात मध्ये गाम जी. मने भाव होबसे ल्यो भाभी पाछुराखडी बधा
620 चतुरवंसी ज्ञाती प्रामण भट प्रेमानंद नाम जी. मन जी.
संवत सतर भोगणचाळो आसो सुदी नवमी रवीवार
जी. नाम मेहेतो पण नोहे नागर, दीसे दुर्घल बामणजी. |
पुरण मंथ थयो ते दीवसे यथा युद्धी वीस्तार जी. कुंघरवाई पीता की भावी, नात हवे शु थाशे जी. ।
प्रीत करी जे गाय सांभळे हली तेनु जाय जी. 600 भाटलं खरचसे मेणुं राहवे केम जीवाशेजी. वीसरी दिकरी मपही केरी, नानबाई तेनुं नाम जी.
एq जाणी भक्ति करे तेनी सममुख बैकुंठराय जी
पर छ महीमानी छेते छोकरी, एक कपडानु काम जी.
वलण. मेहेताजी कहे, दीकरी मारी समरी श्री गोपाळ जी. 625 वैकुंठनाथ सममुख होव, जो नीरमळ मने सांभळे. एक सांसलो मुजधीन पामो, बेठो वगाडू साल जी. । भट प्रेमानंद कहे कथा माधव तेने नीचे मळे.
MISCELLANEA. THE MEANING OF SRAHI.
| quoted instead of 1317. For Saka-Samvat 1816 THE second of the two important copper-plate expired the date would correspond to Wednesday.. inseriptions of the Gangavathiaking Narasimha- the 4th November A. D. 1394%3, but for Bakadéva IV., discovered by Babu Man Mohan Samvat 1317 expired it corresponds to the 23rd Chakravarti at Puri (Jagannath) and published by November A. D. 1395, which was a Tuesday, and him in the Journal Beng. As. Boc. Vol. LXIV. which did fall in the 22nd anka (year) of the P. I. p. 128 ff., contains the following dates: king's reign, because the 6th March A. D. 1884, 1.- Page 161, inscription B., plate vi.a, 1. 19 :
the equivalent of another date (p. 149, 1. 9) of his Saka-nripaterattteshu shodash(6)-Adhikeshu
reign, tell in the 8th aika (year). trayodasa-sata-Banvatsareshu. . . . art-Vira
2.- Ibid. plate vi.b, 1.1: usmin rijyê trayó. Nrisimhadeva-nripatth(teh) ava-rijyasya dvivith- vimsaty-arike Vichhadvitiya-krishna-saptami saty-anke abhilikhyamané Vichh& bukla ekada. Paņdita-vårê; i.e., in the same reign, in the anka Byarh Marthgala-vire; te, Saka-Samvat 1816 (year) 23, on Wednesday, the 7th tithi of the expired, in the anila (year) 22 of the king's reign,
second dark half of the month of Vichh on Tuesday, the 11th tithi of the bright half of (Vrischika). the month of Vichha (Prischika).
This date regularly corresponds to Wednesday, Here theSaka year 1316 has been erroneously | the 22nd November A. D. 1396, when the 7th 1 Incounting the.aika years (which commence in the
arika year must have corresponded to A. D. 1395.90, month Bhadrapada) the numbers ending with 6 or 0, because in counting the years the numbers 16 and 20 excepting 10, are dropped. If, therefore, the 8th caka would be omitted. year corresponded, as it did, to A. D. 1888-84, the 22nd

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tithi of the dark half ended 13h. 53m. after Saturday, the 24th February A. D. 1397, and mean sunrise. It fell in the second krishna. on the same day the 11th tithi of the dark half paksha of the solar month of Vfischika, because ended 2h. 54m. after mean sunrise. another kyish xa-paksha had already ended in the
This result, in my opinion, clearly shows that same month on the 1st November, the solar
the phrase & ardhi, in this srdhi,' with which month having commeneed on the 29th October
the date opene, takes the place of, and is synony3.- Ibid. p. 152, plate vi.b, 1. 5: è erdhi Mine mous with, the expressions asminnréta samvatsankranti krishna ekadasi Sani-váre; .e., sard end tasnianreva sake of other inscriptions ; emitting the first two words--on the Mina- and I do not consider it doubtful that the sam kranti, on Saturday, the 11th titki of the mysterious word sráhi is used here in the sense dark half.
of year. This meaning would also suit the This date falls in the same year as the
use of frdhs in the dates to which I have drawn immediately preceding date No.2; for the Mina
attention ante, Vol. XXIII. p. 224. samkranti then took place (by the Arya.
F. KIELHORN. siddhanta) lh. 24m. after mean sunrise of! Göttingen.
NOTES AND QUERIES. A CHARM FOR THE WHISTLING SPIRIT Dressed food of all sorts, wine, meat, fish, OF KANGRA.
tobacco, sweet-smelling flowers and sweetmeats, Tre following is a mantra (charm) which will
etc., - abeo a navél (coeoanut pipe) should be summon Senda Bir :
taken to the spot every day during the ceremony. Parbat gp4 a base bay trái
The spirit, it is said, will come on the 21st day. Sende Bér tún hain bhái mera!
and ask why he is called. He should then be told Ugarbir ka potra, Chhetrpal ka potrú, Lokpal
to come when sent for, and do whatever is bidden.
His appearance is that of a gaddi (bill shepherd), ká potra, Agnipal kd potra, Sangulpal ka potra, Thikarpal ka potrd; Bhdinpal ka dohtrd; Matá
and before his arrival be will be hearl whistling
as he comes, and sometimes with a whistling Kunthardi kd jaya; Puniya ka bkdi; Guran ka sikh : hamard saddid dve: hamárd bhija dve :
sound through his limbs. On the 22nd day a ram hamdrá kám shitáb kar áve: Guri ki shalt hamar
should be taken to the place of his appearance, bhagat. Phwre mantar : chale bachd : Mahdndeo
and presented to him to ride on. This ram is ká bdchá phure.
called his ghork.
SARDARU BALHARI in P. N. and Q. 1883. Thy father dwells in the shade of the mountain valley: Senda Bir, thou art my brother.
NOTES ON HIGH CLASS MARRIAGES AMONG Grandson of Ugarbir, grandson of Chhetrpal,
THE MARATHA SUDRAS. grandson of Lohpal, grandson of Agnipal, grand- AMONG high class Maratha Sadras the men son of Sangulpål, grandson of Thikarpál;
marry at all periods of life, except extreme old grandson (danghter's son) of Bholppal; son of age, or when there are cogent physical reasons Mother Kunthardi; brother of Puniya ; disciple against it. The marriage does not depend on of the Gurd: come at my call: come for my send- the pleasure of the parties concerned, or rarely ing: come quickly and do my bidding : I worship
and but too little. Most marriages among the the power of the Garu. Work charm: go voice: upper classes take place when the parties are very let the voice of MuhAdeo (Siva) work.
young, on the choice of their elders. If the brideThe above mantra should be repeated 101 times groom be an adult he exercises some discretions at night for 21 days by the river side, at the spot though his freedom of choice is considerably where the dead are burnt, or under a pípal tree limited by caste, by usage, by the customs of (fious religiosa), or chambd (michelia champaca). a community in which social regulations have or chambelt (jasminum grandiflorum), or at the become religious institutions, and by the great pond, tank, or well whence the women fetch water. reepect paid in a patriarchal society to parents
This abows that the word dvitiya of the date cannot (This mantra probably gives a list of godlings refer to the tithi ; and it cannot refer to the month which it would be worth while following ap. Compare because there are no intercalary solar months.
with it the mantra for the cure of scorpion-bito wed * See, 6.9., Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 169, lines 5 and 11. by the Saúsis. Ante, Vol. XI. p. 32. The Gurd is
• Seo ante, Vol. IX. p. 193, 4, 5 from the bottom, | Nanak. -ED.) and p. 194, 1. 6.

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BOOK NOTICE.
287
and elders. Under any circumstances the bride, the same manner to his forehead. This correwho indeed is always young, never makes choicesponds to the plighting of troth, first engagement, of a husband, nor has any voice in the manner of or betrothal amongst nations of European origin her wedding.
or following European customs, and is called After investigation of the claims of each side
kuikatild. as to purity of descent, etc., a party of the bride
The late B. V. SHASTRI in P. N. and Q. 1883. groom's relations and friends of both sexes take duriki(turmeric powder moistened with lemon juice
A TELUGU SUPERSTITION. to give it a bright red colour) to the bride's house, 1
It is very unlucky for a dog to rub its buttocks where the ladies accompanying the procession along the ground in a house. It portends ruin apply it to the bride's forehead. On the same, or
to the inhabitants. any other convenient day, the bride's party in The belief in this omen is in no way affected by return take saffron-powder, slightly liquefied with its necessarily frequent falsification. water, to the bridegroom's house, and apply it in
M. N. VENKETSWAMI.
BOOK-NOTICE. THE INDIAN CAT.XNDAR, By ROBERT SEWELL AND For the first, the approximate calculation, two
BANKARA BALKRISHNA Dixsurt. London: 1898. methods are given; the one the system introSwan Sonneschein & Co. (xii. 106, CXLIV. 6% pages).
duced by Mr. W. S. Krishnavimi Naidu of This book is designed, as Mr. Sewell says in Madras into his South Indian Chronological the preface, not only for the use of those engaged
Tables) necessitates only a simple addition with in the decipherment of Indian inscriptions and
the aid of Tables III. and IX., whilst the other the compilation of Indian history, but also for
method avoids even this and permits the finding Judicial Courts and Government Offices in India."
of any solar or luni-solar date by simple inspec The authors have, therefore, tried to render the tion of an eye-table (Table XIV. and Y. conversion of Hindu dates into dates of our era
invented and prepared by Mr. Laksbmia Naidu and vice versd as easy as possible, and have in
of Madras) combined with the data of Table I. their Table I. calculated for every year between 300 A. D. and 1900 A. D. the exact beginninge
Of course, the results of such an eye-table can. of the solar and luni-solar years. For the solar not give absolute accuracy, but as the fault never year they give the instant of the Mesha sankranti exceeds two days, the result so found can be in ghatikus and palas as well as in hours and easily corrected when the week-day is known. It minutes, calculated both by the Arya Siddhanta is, therefore, to be presumed that this method, and by the Sürya Siddhanta, whilst for the luni- which is indeed a very simple and easy one, will solar year the Table contains the moment of the | much be used in common practice. first tithi of the year or Chaitra sukla pratipadd,
The exact calculation of the end of the tithis together with the indication if the year has an
with the aid of Tables III. to XIII., in combinaadded or expunged month, and in the latter case
tion with the arguments a, b, c given by Table I., the name of this month and the time of the preced
is entirely based on Prof. Jacobi's Tables in ing and the succeeding sankrantis both by true!
the Indian Antiquary, Vol. XVII. pp. 147-181. and mean intercalation. There are, moreover,
The calculation seems, perhaps, a little compli. three arguments a, b, c, which serve for the exact
cated, when absolute accuracy is wished for. calculation of tithis and which represent the mean
But as the method itself is an indirect one which longitudinal distance of sun and moon, the
necessitates repeated approximations, this could moon's mean anomaly, and the sun's mean
not easily be avoided. anomaly, all calculated for the beginning of the luni-solar year. Finally, the table contains the
Table VIII. serves for finding the beginning or number and name of the concurrent samvatsara
end of nakshatras and yogas. The rule for find. of the sixty-year cycle both by southern and
ing the nakshatra index (n) and the yoga index northern reckoning, as well as the concurrent years
(y), given on pages 97 and 98 could, perhaps, be in six principal eras. It must be remarked and
somewhat abridged and the calculation simpliborne in mind that the years given in this table
fied by the addition of a Table VII.A, giving the
value of () with the argument (c), the only one are always to be taken as current years. Table I. which occupies a hundred pages, forms
on which (8) depends. the principal part of the book, and the data given The (n) would be equal to (0) + (®), and (y) by it can be utilized both for approximate and would be equal to (t) + 2(a) or to (n) + (). for exact calculation of dates.
Such a Table would run thus: - [See Mookerjee's Magazine, November 1872. Orientalist, July, 1883.- ED.)

Page #296

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(OCTOBER, 1896.
TABLE
VII.A.
Arg.
Arg.
Arg.
Arg.
Diff.
Dift.
Diff.
Diff.
500
103
100
96 96
100 101
100
7147 7250 7354 7458 7562 7666 7769 7873 7976 8079 8182 8285 8388
101
104 103 104
510 520 530 540 550 560 570
101
250 260 270 280 290 300 310 320 330 840 850 360 370 380 390 400
102
580
102
590 600 610
4586 4686 4787 4887 4988 5089 5190 5292 5394 5495 5598 5700 5802 5905 6008 6111 6214
620
9707 9807 9907
6 105 204 308 401 500 599 696 793 891
988 1085 1182 1279 1376 1473 1569 1666 1762 1858 1954 2050 2147
90 100 110 120 130 140 150 160 170 180 190 200
103 103 103 102 103 102
8491
2147 2243 2339 2435 2531 2628 2724 2821 2917 3014 3111 3208 3305 3402 3500 3598 3695 3794 3892 3990 4089 4188 4287 4387 4486 4586
750 *760 770 ! 780 790 800 810 * 820 830 840 850 860 870 880 890 900 910 920 930 940 950 960 970 980 990 1000
101 103 102 102 103 103 103 103
630 640
650
102
410
6317
103 104
8593 8696 8798 8900 9001 9108 9204 9305 9406 9507 9607 9707
660 670 680 690 700
103 104 103
210
420 480 440 450 460 470 480 490 500
710
6421 6524 6628 6731 6836 6939 7043 7147
104
100
104
220 230 240 250
96
720 730 740
99
104
100
97
100
104
750
AUXILIARY TABLE.
Last Agure of Argument c. 112B 4 5 6 7 8 9
Ada.
104
103
29
97 1019
49 58 6878 87 96 1019
48 58 67 77 The last Table (XVI.) gives the initial days of 62) gives a thorough description of the Tables, the Muhammadan years of the Hijra and serves whilst Part IV. (pp. 62 to 101) explains their use for the conversion of dates pf the Hijra era into in a very detailed and clear munner which is Christian dates and vice versa.
illustrated by many examples, so as to make the The Tables, which occupy together ciXXVI use of the tables easy to anyone. Part Y. pages, are preceded by a text, containing as (pp. 101 to 106) treats of the Muhammadan Part I. (pp. 1-39) a treatise on the Hindu Calendar
Calendar. fully explaining all particulars of the Hindu Taken all together, we must say, that the work time-reckoning, the different siddhantas, the of Messrs. Sewell and Mr. Dikshit is a very good contents of the Panchanga, the details concerning cne, and that it will certainly be of great value the nakshatras, the cycle of Jupiter, etc. Part II. for all who have to do with the conversion of (pp. 39 to 47) treats on the various eras in ose | Indian dates. in different narts of Tndia Part III. (pp. 47 to Vienna, August, 1896. ROBERT SCHRAN.

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289
ON THE DATES OF THE SAKA ERA IN INSCRIPTIONS. BY PROPRESOR F. KIELHORN, C. I. E.; GÖTTINGEN.
(Continued from p. 272.)
Tithis. Current tithis. - Commencing with the date No. 123 (Vol. XXIV. p. 1) I have given a series of dates in which the tithi of the date is shewn to be joined, not with the day on which it ended, but with the day on which it commenced. Of these, the dates which mention the Uttarayana-saṁkranti will more conveniently be considered below. The date No. 126 of S. 1452 expired furnishes a very instructive instance of a current tithi, because the tithi, the 8th of the dark half of the amanta Sråvaņa, is joined with a day on which it commenced as late as about 12 h. 45 m. after mean sunrise (while it ended about 10 h. 12 m. after mean sunrise of the following day). But the date is quite according to rule. For the tithi is distinctly connected in the date with Krishna's birth, and since that event took place both during the 8th tithi of the dark half of the amanta Sråvaņa (or parnimánta Bhad rapada) and also at midnight, the 8th tithi or Janmashtami, as it is called, had necessarily to be combined here with the day on which it commenced, and could not have been joined with the day on which it ended, because midnight of that day already belonged to the 9th tithi. In the same way, in a date of Prof. Eggeling's Catalogue, p. 96, the Janmashtami is joined with a day on which it commenced 1 h. 38 m. after mean sunrise. And, more similarly still, in one of the Kamanli plates82 of Jayachchandra of Kananj the 8th tithi of the dark half of the pirnimánta Bhadrapada (the Janmáshtami) is joined with a day on which it commenced 11 h. 58 m. after mean sunrise. - In the twelve dates from No. 127 to No. 138 the tithi generally commences from two to four hours, once 1 h. 16 m. only and once as much as 6 h, 52 m., after sunrise of the day with which it is joined. Here it is no doubt possible that in one or other of these dates either the tithi or the weekday has been given incorrectly, but this cannot be the case in the majority of the dates. And we, therefore, may assume, either that it was desired to specify not so much the weekday as the particular tithi during which a donation was made or some ceremony performed, or that the donation to which the date refers was made on account of some festival33 the rules for which required the tithi to be connected with the first of the two days of which it occupied part. If, e. g., the 13th tithi of the bright half of Magha of the date No. 129 of S. 1084 expired was taken as a Kalpadi, it was quite necessary to join it with the day on which it commenced. In a Bombay calendar for S. 1814 expired I similarly find the same Kalpádi joined with Sunday, the 29th January A. D. 1893, although in every day life that day was the 12th of the bright half, because the 12th, tithi ended (and the 13th tithi commenced) on the Sunday, about 5 h. after sunrise.
Repeated tithis. - A repeated tithi, i.e., a tithi the number of which is given to two consecutive days, is not distinctly mentioned in any of the dates of the published lists, but instances of it are furnished by the regular dates No. 13 of S. 950 expired (Vol. XXIII. p. 115) and No. 77 of S. 1307 expired (ibid. p. 126). In the former date a fifth tithi is connected with a Monday and in the latter a second tithi with a Friday, and in either case the tithi, by my calculations, commenced before the commencement of the given weekday and ended after the end of it, and the two tithis therefore would be more accurately described by the terms prathama-panchami and prathama-dvitiya.
Special names and opithets of particular tithis. - The 3rd tithi of the bright half of Vaisakha is termed akshaya-tritiya yugádi-parvan in the date No. 22 of S. 1078 (Vol. XXIII.
- See Ep. Ind. Vol. IV. p. 127.
» Such festivals (or suspicious occasions for making donations, etc.) need not necessarily be actually men. tioned in the dates or inscriptions.
* An instance of a repeated tithi in a date of the Baka era is distinctly furnished by the Nafjangad plates of Krishnarkya of Vijayanagara (Ep. Carn. Part I. p. 186, No. 16) where we have pratham-ai ka dasi-tithau in a date of the bright half of Ásbadhs of 3. 1435 expired, which correctly corresponds to the 13th June A. D. 1518.

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p. 117); and the full-moon tithi of the same month36 is called mahd.Vaisakhi in the dates Nos. 48, 51 and 67' of S. 734, 749 and 832 of the chronological list, and described as mahá-titha in the date No. 400 of S. 1556 of the same list. The same epithet mahd-tithi is applied to the 12th tithi of the bright half of Åshadha36 in the date No. 368 of S. 1558 of the same list. The full-moon tithi of Sravana37 is called yajñópavíta-parvan in the date No. 93 of S. 1199 (Vol. XXIII. p. 128). The 13th tithi of the dark half of the amanta Bhadrapada is described as mahátithi-yugádi in the date No. 67 of S. 1047 (ibid. p. 124). The 12th tithi of the bright half of Karttika39 is called the punya utthana-dvádasi-tithi in the date No. 342 of S. 1462 of the chronological list; and the full-moon tithi of the same month 39 is termed maha-Karttikapaurnamási and maha-Kárttiki-parvan in the dates Nos. 13 and 52 of S. 500 and 757 of the same list, and described as punya mahá-tithi in the date No. 48 of S. 1506 (ibid. p. 121). The 7th tithi of the bright half of Pausha is called vijaya-saptami in connection with the date No. 50 of S. 735 of the chronological list; and the ardhôdaya40 on the new-moon tithi of the amanta Pausha is mentioned in the date No. 321 of S. 1392 of the same list. The 7th tithi of the bright half of Magha is called ratha-saptamí in the dates Nos. 37 and 330 of S. 675 and 1442, and described as maha-purvan in the date No. 300 of S. 1317 of the same list. The full-moon tithi of Mâgha is called mahá-tithi in the date No. 149 of S. 1317 (for 1318, Vol. XXIV. p. 7); and the Mahamagam (Mahâmågha) festival on that tithi is mentioned in the date No. 322 of S. 1403 of the chronological list. The 14th tithi of the dark half of the amanta Magha is called Siva-tithi in the date No. 292 of S. 1300 (for 1301), and Siva-ratri mahá-tithi in the date No. 325 of $. 1434 (for 1435) of the same list. The 5th tithi (apparently of the bright half) of Phalguna is termed sri-panchamil in the date No. 62 of S. 809; and the 12th tithi of the bright half of the same month is called mahá-tithi in the date No. 371 of S. 1566 of the same list.
In verse, the 3rd lithi is described as the tithi of Gauri in the date No. 234 of S. 1153 of the chronological list; the 11th tithi as the day of Hari in the date No. 104 of S. 1172 (Vol. XXIII. p. 130) and in the date No. 1432 of S. 1646 (Vol. XXIV. p. 5); the 13th tithi as the tithi of Madana in the date No. 44 of S. 1450 (Vol. XXIII. p. 120); and the new-moon tithi as pitsi-parvan in the date No. 61 of S. 867 (ibid. p. 123). - In prose, we find the term Nandisvara for the 8th tithi (of the bright half of Kärttika and Phålguna) in the dates Nos. 75 and 87 of S. 860 and 899 of the chronological list."
36 This is the birma-jayanti.
> On this tithi the cháturmasya-vrata commences, 9 The wpdkarman or renewal of the sacred thread takes place in the bright half of this month. - On the 8th tithi of the dark half of the amanta Bråvaņa 100 above under current tithis.'
* On this tithi, which elsewhere (ante, Vol. VII. p. 161) is called samvatsara-puyatamd, Vishnu awakes from his sleep.
* On this tithi the chdturmasya-vrata ends. It also is one of the Manuddis. Ante, Vol. XI. p. 67, 1. 10, it is described as Paitamahl-Hiranyagarbha-mahotsavd-samaya.
4. The ardhådaya takes place on the new-moon tithi of the amanta Pausha, provided this tithi falls on a Sanday when daring day-time the nakshatra is Sravana and the yoga Vyatip&ta. This most auspicious conjunction for making donations did take place on the equivalent of the date, Sunday, the 20th January A. D. 1471, and the date furnishes another correct instance of a current tithi.
41 Anto, Vol. IX. p. 192, fri-panichamt is taken to denote the 5th day of the bright hall of Magha. 41 For the wording of the original date see Ep. Carn. Part I. Pp. 63 and 64.
In Ep. Carn. Part I. p. 214, No. 193, we have Magha-mdsa Peretalo-. e., Isvara-)divasat in date of apparently 8. 890 current.
" It may be stated here that, besides some religious festivals, etc., mentioned in the preceding, and besides eclipses and sankråntis which will be treated of below, the only occasion for making donations, specially referred to in the dates collected, is the coronation festival of kings. It is mentioned in the terms sripatfabandhóteava, pattabhisheka-samaya, and pattabhish kotsava) in three dates of the chronological list, vix. in the date No. 69 of B. 836 of the Nausari plates of the R&shtrakuta Nityavarsha Indra III., in the date No. 304 of 8. 1828 of the Hasan plates of Dêvarîya I. of Vijayanagara, and in the date No. 323 of 8. 1430 (for 1431) of a Hampe inscription of Krishnarfys of Vijayanagara. In an inscription of Chikkadevarja of Maisor (Ep. Corn. Part I. p. 58, No. 94) donations are stated to have been made when, at a recitation of the Mahabbfrata, the king heard the deecription of Yudhishthira's coronation (Iudhishthirábhisheka-fra vona-koladalli).

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Nakshatras, Yogas, Karanas, and Lagnas.
Of these, nakshatras by themselves are quoted in 39 dates. The earliest correct mention of one in an Indian Saka date occurs in the date No. 7 of S. 851 expired (Vol. XXIII. p. 114). Before that year we find nakshatras quoted incorrectly in the two Indian dates45 Nos. 160 and 161 of S. 614 and 735 (Vol. XXIV. p. 9); and nakshatras are also quoted in three earlier dates from Cambodia, in one from Java, and in four dates from spurious Indian inscriptions. Beginning with the date of S. 851 expired, the nakshatras are correctly quoted in 23 dates, while six other dates which mention them either are irregular or do not admit of exact verification.46 Yogas by themselves are quoted in the two dates Nos. 27 and 50 of S. 1121 and 1556 (Vol. XXIII. pp. 117 and 121), and in two other quite incorrect dates. In three out of the four dates the yoga quoted is Vyatipata. Nakshatras and yogas together we have in six dates; nakshatras, yogas and karanas in ten. In the latter, the earliest of which is the date from Java No. 5 of S. 782 expired (Vol. XXIII. p. 114), nearly all the items given by the dates are correct. In the former, which give the nakshatra and yoga only, the items quoted are correct in four dates, the earliest of which is No. 140 of S. 1063 (for 1064 expired, Vol. XXIV. p. 4); in one date, No. 162 of S. 822 (for 824 expired, ibid. p. 9), they are incorrect; and one (quite incorrect) date, No. 166 of S. 169 (ibid. p. 10), is from a spurious inscription.
As regards nakshatras, it may be noticed that dates with solar months from South-Indian inscriptions generally contain some such phrase as on the day of (the nakshatra) Punarvasu,' on the day of (the nakshatra) Krittikâ,' etc. The calculations shew that in these cases, as might be expected, that nakshatra is quoted in which the moon happened to be at sunrise and during a considerable portion of the day, or which she entered shortly after sunrise. It may also be mentioned that in the date No. 51 of S. 1644 (Vol. XXIII. p. 121) the nakshatra Ardra is described as the constellation under which the great reformer Ramanuja was born.47
Among the yogas, Vyatipata and Vaidhriti are generally described as most auspicious occasions for making donations, etc. This is distinctly indicated in the date No. 27 of S. 1121 (Vol. XXIII. p. 117) by the words Brihaspativára-vyatipáta-punya-dinado!-á vyatipáta-nimittam, and in No. 32 of S. 1171 (ibid. p. 118) by Vaidhriti-yogé itthambhúta-punyakálé.
Another item, mentioned in ten of the dates here collected, is the lagna which, denoting the rising on the horizon of a sign of the zodiac, gives us the time of day when the action to which the date refers was performed. The earliest Saka date from a genuine Indian inscription in which the term occurs is No. 62 of S. 867 expired (ibid. p. 123), from an Eastern Chalukya inscription. Before that year, we find it in inscriptions from Cambodia and in the spurious Indian date of S. 169, above referred to.
Eclipses.
The number of eclipses mentioned in the 400 dates here collected is 69. Of these, 34 are solar and 35 lunar eclipses.
Solar eclipses. Of the 34 dates with solar eclipses, one, No. 179 of S. 948 (Vol. XXIV. p. 13), is a date on which a solar eclipse could not take place, and which is
45 The three dates Nos, 160-162 in Vol. XXIV. p. 9 are the earliest Indian Saka dates that quote nakshatras, from inscriptions which are not obviously spurious, and it is a curious fact that in all three the nakshatra, which according to the ordinary rules we should expect to be quoted, is the 5th or 6th after the nakshatra that is actually mentioned.
46 A nakshatra by itself only rarely enables us to verify a date, for the same tithis of the same months ver frequently have the same nakshatras.
47 See Ep. Ind. Vol. IV. p. 6, note 1. Like the tithis, the nakshatras also have their deities. Thus, Anuradha is called the Maitra-nakshatra in the date No. 62 (Vol. XXIII. p. 123), Uttara-phalguni the Aryamarksha in No. 44 (ibid. p. 120), and Magha the nakshatra pitri-daivatya in No. 149 (Vol. XXIV. p. 7).
48 On a peculiar use of the word vyatipáta in Kanarese inscriptions see below.
In the two dates Nos. 65 and 102 of S. 972 and 1136 (Vol. XXIII. pp. 124 and 130) and in two other dates of my lists, not published here, the solar eclipse is denoted by the term surya-parvani.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[NOVEMBER, 1896.
altogether incorrect; and seven others mention eclipses which did not take place on the days of the dates. Three of these seven dates, No. 170 of S. 415 (ibid. p. 11), No. 15 of S. 532 (?) of the chronological list, and No. 144 of S. 87250 (ibid. p. 5), are from undoubtedly spurious records; the other dates are No. 176 of S. 922,51 No. 193 of S. 1174, No. 199 of S. 1478 (ibid. pp. 12, 16 and 17), and the date No. 198 of S. 1106 of the chronological list.52
Of the remaining 26 dates, 20 mention eclipses which were visible in India, 4 apparently quote eclipses which were not visible there, and the eclipses of two dates (Nos. 107 and 108 of S. 716 and 730, Vol. XXIII. p. 131) were visible in India if the years of the dates are expired years, but not visible if those years are carrent years. But one at least of the four dates with eclipses that were not visible in Indir, No. 165 of S. 417 (Vol. XXIV. p. 10), is from a spurious inscription; and in two others (Nos. 123 and 187 of S. 988 and 1095 of the chronological list) the weekdays of the dates are wrong. On the other hand, the weekdays are incorrect also in two of the dates that quote visible eclipses, viz., in the dates No. 150 of 9. 976 expired and No. 155 of S. 1096 expired 63 (Vol. XXIV. pp. 7 and 8).
Setting aside, then, all spurious and suspicious cases, we find that of 21 solar eclipses, mentioned in correct and apparently genuine dates, 18 were visible in India, 54 wbile only one eclipse (the eclipse of the date No. 106 of S. 534,56 Vol. XXIII. p. 130) could not have boon visible there. And this result, in my opinion, makes it highly probable that the eclipses quoted in the two dates Nos. 107 and 108 of S. 716 and 730 also were visible ones, and that the years of those two dates, therefore, must be taken to be expired years, a conclu. sion which has already been arrived at above, on different grounds.
Lunar eolipses. - Of the 35 dates with lunar eclipses, one (No. 100 of S. 930, for 931, of the chronological list) contains no details for accurate verification; and nine others (the dates Nos. 171, 172, 173, 187, 197 and 198 of S. 684, 730, 872, 1084 for 1085, 1276 and 1377 in Vol. XXIV. pp. 11-17, and the dates Nos. 177, 193 and 256 of S. 1080, 1103 and 1185 of the chronological list) quote lunar eclipses that did not take place on the days of the dates. Of these nine dates, two at least (those of S. 684 and S. 872) are from spurious inscriptions, and
* On this date see now Dr. Fleet's Dynasties, 2nd ed., p. 575, note 3. * This date gives no weekday; in the two following dates the given weekdays are incorrect.
51 This date, Monday, the new-moon day of AshAdhs of $. 1103 expired, sdryyagrahana-sarakristi-vyatfpátad. awadu,' corresponds to Monday, the 9th July A. D. 1184, & day on which there was neither ar eclipse nor a samkrinti. The date is similar to the date No. 177 of the chronological list, Monday, the full-moon day of Pausha of 8. 1080 expired, 'starayana-sankranti-ryatipata-83magrahanad-ashdu.' which corresponds to Monday, the 5th January A. D. 1159, a day on which also there was neither & sankranti nor an eclipse.-I shall have occasion to mention nine other Saka dates, and I possess six more dates with years of the Chilukya-Vikrams ers or regnal years, which contain the word uyatipats, used as in the above dates. With the single exception of the date No. 101 of S.1110 current (Vol. XXIII. p. 180), all these dates are eithor entirely or partly incorrect. They are all found in inscriptions the language of which is Kanarese, and fall all in the two hundred years between 8. 944 expired and 8. 1145 current. In nine of them the weekday is Sunday, and in six Monday, but in 12 out of these 15 dates the given weekday is incorroot. Eight dates have uttarayanasariskrants-vyatfpdta or a synonymous expression, one has dakshindyanasanlıkranti-vyatfpdta, one sakramana-vyatípáta, one saryagrahara-vyatfpáta, ono smagrahanavyatipáta, one uttardyanasamkramana-vyatípáta-suryagrahana, one uttarayanasankranti vyatfpáta a magrahana, oue suryagrahana-sarikrinti-vyatfpata, one magraha 1a-uyatépata-ahramana, and one grahuna-vyatfpatasarhakramana. Of the sathkrantis so mentioned, only five took place on the given datos ; of the eclipses, only two.
This date has Adityavára stiryyagrahana-vyatípatadandu, but the eclipse took place on a Saturday.
4 The earliest of these in the polipse of the 16th June A. D. 866, date No. 89 of 8. 788 expired, Vol. XXIII. p. 123. - I have ascertained that, with a single exception, the eclipses which above are spoken of as visible in India, were visible also at the particular places where the inscriptions which mention them may be supposed to come from. The exception is formed by the eclipse of the date No. 72 of 8. 1118 expired (Vol. XXIII. p. 125) which was visible south of, and not very far from, Chaudadkmpur, but not at that place itself.
16 This eclipse which, for 8. 584 expired, was the total eclipse of the 2nd August A, D. 612, is the earliest eclipse mentioned in a date of a genuine inscription that admits of verification. The only other solar eclipses that were not visible in India, which hitherto have been found quoted in genuine inscriptions, are those of the 17th February A. D. 638 and the 2nd January A. D. 987 (ante, Vol. XX. p. 9, and Vol. XIX. p. 166).

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three (the date of S. 872 and the dates of S. 1080 and 1084) wrongly quote, not merely eclipses, but also saṁkrântis. Moreover, what may be noted as suspicious, is, that in seven of these dates that give a weekday the day with a single exception is Monday.57
Of the lunar eclipses quoted in the remaining 25 dates all were visible in India,58 excepting the eclipse of the date No. 164 of S. 411 current (Vol. XXIV. p. 10), which is from a spurious copper-plate. But of the dates with visible eclipses the weekday again is wrongly given as Monday in the three dates Nos. 157-159 of S. 1145,60 1148 and 1483 (ibid. pp. 8 and 9) The result is, that all lunar eclipses which are correctly quoted in genuine dates were visible in India.
Samkrântis.
Samkrântis are mentioned in 47 dates: the Uttarayana-samkrânti in 38 dates, the Dakshinâyana-samkranti in 5 dates, a Vishuva-samkrânti in two dates, and unspecified samkrântis in two other dates.
The Uttarayana-samkranti. Of the 38 dates which mention the Uttarayana or Makarasamkranti, 6 give no details for verification, and in 11 other dates the samkrânti is quoted quite incorrectly. Two of these 11 dates (Nos. 168 and 173 of S. 251 and 872, Vol. XXIV. pp. 11 and 12) are from undoubtedly spurious inscriptions. The date of S. 872 and the date No. 177 of S. 108000 of the chronological list also mention, together with the sam krânti, a lunar eclipse, equally wrongly. In the date No. 355 of S. 1483 of the chronological list the Makara-samkrânt is joined with Chaitra-sudi 5, on which no samkrânti of any sort took place during the giveni year. The other quite incorrect dates are Nos. 177, 178 and 185 of S. 941, 94460 and 1060 (Vol. XXIV. pp. 13 and 14), and the dates of the chronological list No. 111 of S. 957, No. 122 of S. 984,00 No. 130 of S. 997, and No. 175 of S. 1079. It may be noted that the weekday of 10 out of these 11 incorrect dates is again either Sunday or Monday.
Of the remaining 21 dates six contain errors which may be corrected with some confidence. Two dates (Nos. 147 and 148 of S. 902 and 966, Vol. XXIV. p. 6) apparently quote wrong tithis, and three (Nos. 151-153 of S. 984, 993 and 997,01 ibid. p. 7) wrong weekdays.03 And in the date No. 156 of S. 1141 currents (ibid. p. 8), in which the Uttarayana-samkrânti is connected with Magha-sudi 7, either the month and the weekday are incorrect, or, and this now appears to me more probable, the Uttarayana-samkrânti has been wrongly quoted instead of the Kumbha-samkrânti.
There remain thus only 15 dates (out of 32), in which the Uttarayana-samkrânti apparently has been quoted with quite correct details. And here we find that in no less than 13 cases the samkranti took place during the tithi quoted by the date, viz., six times (in the dates Nos. 13, 14, 23, 70 and 9065 in Vol. XXIII. pp. 115-128, and in the date No. 212 of the chronological list) on the given weekday on which the tithi also ended or which was wholely occupied by the tithi; once (in the date No. 6, ibid. p. 114), where no weekday is given, on the day on which the tithi ended; four times (in the dates Nos. 123-125, Vol. XXIV. p. 1, and in the date
56 These two dates contain the term vyattpåta, spoken of above.
57 The taking place of a lunar eclipse on a Monday is called chudamani, crest-jewel,' and donations on such an occasion are highly meritorious.
se They were visible also at the particular places where the inscriptions which mention them come from. The eclipse of the date No. 3 of 3. 765 expired (Vol. XXIII. p. 113) was visible in Java and in India.
69 This date also contains the term vyatipata.
eo These dates contain the term vyatipata.
61 This date, again, contains the term vyatipata.
63 The days, given by the dates, here also are Sunday and Monday.
es This date, also, contains the term vyatipata.
64 In S. 1141 current the Kumbha-samkranti took place 5 h. 86 m. after mean sunrise of Thursday, the 24th January A. D. 1219, during the 7th tithi of the bright half of MAgha which ended 7 h, 56 m, after mean sunrise of the same day.
es On Saturday, the 25th December A. D. 1201, the Uttarayana-samkranti took place, by the Surya-siddhanta, 3 h, 54 m. (not 4 h. 59 m.) after mean sunrise.

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294 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (NOVEMBER, 1896. No. 184 of the chronological list) on the given weekday, on which the tithi commenced; and twice (in the dates No. 101,66 Vol. XXIII. p. 130, and No. 143,67 Vol. XXIV. p. 5) from A to 6 hoars before sanrise of the given weekday, on which the tithi ended. Differently from what is the case in the preceding dates, the samkranti took place before the commencement of the tithi, and on the day preceding the given weekday on which the tithi ended, in the date No. 15, Vol. XXIII. p. 115; and the case may be said to be similar in the date No. 142, Vol. XXIV. p. 5, although no tithi is actually quoted in that date. As shewn by these dates, the rule for the Uttarayana-sankranti no doubt was, to quote that tithi during which the samkranti actually took place.68 The Dakshinayana-sankranti. - Of the five dates which mention the Dakshinayana- or Karkata-samkranti, not always in these terms, 69 only one, No. 16 of S. 999 expired (Vol. XXIII. p. 116), is regular;70 and in this case the samkranti took place 15 h. 2 m. after mean sunrise of the weekday of the date, after the given tithi which ended 3 h. 37 m. after sunrise of the same day. In the date No. 160 of S. 614 expired (Vol. XXIV. p. 9), which gives no tithi, the samkranti took place on the weekday of the date, but the nakshatra which is quoted by the date is apparently incorrect.71 In the date No. 175 of S. 919 expired (ibid. p. 12), which quotes no weekday, the given tithi is wrong. In the date No. 154 of S. 1080 expired (ibid. p. 8) where the sam kranti took place before the commencement of the given tithi, the given weekday is incorrect.72 And the date No. 174 of S. 896 (ibid. p. 12), which gives no tithi, is suspicious, both because the year of the date apparently is quoted as a corrent year and because the samkranti did not take place on the given weekday.73 Vishuva-samkrantis. - Vishuva-sankrantis are mentioned only in the two dates No. 2 of S. 679 expired (Vol. XXIII. p. 113), and No. 184 of S. 105674 (Vol. XXIV. p. 14). The samkranti of the first date, which gives no weekday, is the Tula-samkranti (or autumnal equinox), which took place 18 h. 53 m. after mean sunrise, before the commencement of the tithi of the date which ended on the following day. The samkranti of the second date, which gives neither a tithi nor & weekday, but only a nakshatra, may be the Mesha-samkranti (or vernal equinox), but the year of the date is wrong. Unspecified sankrantis. -- Samkrantis are also mentioned, apparently wrongly, in the date No. 187 of S. 1084 (for 1085, Vol. XXIV. p. 15) and in the date No. 198 of S. 1106 of the chronological list, both times together with eclipses. These dates contain the term vyatipata, and have been mentioned before. A sakramana in the bright balf of Magba is quoted in the date No. 162 of the chronological list which does not admit of verification. In concluding these remarks on sankrantis, I may state that, so far as I am aware, the dates collected furnish no instance of a tropical sankranti. (To be continued.) 66 This is the only correct date with the term vyattpata, 67 The original text of this date shows that the tithi of the date is the 11th, not the 12th 68 The same rule is furnished by the dates of the Vikrama era ; see ante, Vol. XX. p. 413, 69 The date No. 16 of $. 999 has sankranti-pavitrarohanad-ardu, but the sankranti must be the DakshiniyanaBarnkranti, because it fell in the bright half of AshAdha. So far as I can make out, the pavitrarohana (or investiture of the image of some god with the sacred thread) must take place on certain days of the months Asbadha or Bravan, but I am not aware that it is specially connected with the Dakshinyana sankranti, - The date No. 160 of 8.614 has dakshindyan-abhimukha bhagavati bhaskare. 70 The S&tara plates of the Bil Ahara Bhoja II. of 8. 1113 expired (Transactions, Lit. Soc. of Bombay, Vol. III. P. 393) quote & Dakshinayana-rankranti whieh took place on Thursday, the 27th June A.D. 1191, 1 h. 10 m. after mean junrise, during the tithi of the date, which ended 14 h. 24 m, after mean sunrise of the same day. 11 See above, note 45. 79 The given weekday, here again, is Monday; and this date also contains the term vyatipata." 11 Here the given weekday is Sunday. 14 The date has vishuvati sutitha(tau). - A Vishuva-sakr&nti may possibly be quoted in the date No. 209 of the. chronological list of which I do not possess the original text.

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NOVEMBER, 1896.] THE DEVIL WORSHIP OF THE TULUVAS.
THE DEVIL WORSHIP OF THE TULUVAS. FROM THE PAPERS OF THE LATE A. C. BURNELL. (Continued from p. 277.)
VIII.
295
Mr. MÄNNER'S VARIANTS.
No. 1. THE ORIGIN OF THE BEIDERLU.39
THERE was a Ballâl in the kingdom of Parmale. He was happy in his palace, surrounded by his children and other relatives and all the necessaries and comforts of life. He had a friend, a pujari, named Sama Alwa. He was a bosom friend, from whom he hid no secrets. Sama Alwa was a brave man, and was the only man who had the privilege of extracting juice from the palm-trees in the forest belonging to the Ballal of Parmalê. He used to come thrice a day to the budu to speak with the Ballal, and was very faithful to him. The Ballâl had a very extensive forest in which were countless palm-trees of various kinds. No one but Sama Alwa was able to climb those trees and extract their juice. This great forest was inhabited by great numbers of tigers, chitas, elephants, antelopes, boars, foxes, wolves and bears. Daily, when Sama Alwa went to the forest, he took a camel with him. Early in the morning he would go and return at noon.
On a certain day he went to the forest as usual, and tied the camel to a tree; and with his knife and dry gourd he climbed a palm-tree and took the pot containing the juice and poured it into his gourd. As he was thus occupied he heard the sound of weeping. He quietly listened and came to know that it was the sound of some human being. At this he was astonished, and, intending to go and see whence the sound proceeded, he got down from the tree and placed the gourd near the camel and went to the eastward. Then he listened, but heard only a faint cry. He could not distinguish from what quarter the weeping proceeded. But as he went further and further he distinguished the voice of a girl. Then he said to himself :"Alas! what monster of a man is he who has forsaken a girl in this frightful forest!"
Thinking and speaking thus within himself, he went further and further, until he heard more distinctly. Still proceeding and listening carefully, he saw a large clump of thorn-bushes, in the midst of which was a young and beautiful girl. She was blind-folded and her hands were tied behind her. Seeing a girl in such a state in the forest he was moved with compassion, and spoke to her thus:-"O child, who are you? Why do you weep? How did you come here ? Tell me, child."
At this, the girl cried more and more. Then he said:"Tell me, child, and be not afraid. I have female children like yourself, my child. I have many children like yourself, my child."
At this, she said to him:-"Who are you? You must tell me who you are."
Then he said: "I am Sama Alwa Beidya of Parmale. Now tell me who you are, my child. Where is your native place? Whose daughter are you? What are the names of your parents ? "
At this, she said:"First of all loosen the bandages over my eyes, and set my hands at liberty; then I will tell you. I am in great pain from these bandages."
Then he said: "I feel a doubt about you. It seems that you are a Brahman maid. How can I touch a Brâhman maid? I do not know what to do. I am a Billavar, and may I touch a Brahman maid ?"
32 This is a variant of the stories of Kôti and Channaya already given in this series. It is quite as quaint as those that have gone before. Mr. Männer, in writing to me under date, Mangalore, 7th June 1886, says: "The other version of the Beiderlu (Koți and Channaya] Story. I think it rather a fiction, but if you wish to have it, too, I will get you a copy of it." B. C. T..

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At this, she replied :-"In extreme cases you may touch. In cases where you can prevent death, you may touch. In this fearful forest, full of tigers and bears, the wild beasts did not eat me! Even the wild beasts bate me! Please give me liberty. These wild beasts would not eat me, and thus set me at liberty."
At this, he looked to his right and to his left, and thinking there was no help for it, he exclaimed :- Alas! to-day I am touching a Brahman maid. And he said to her :-"My child, I touch you, calling on the name of the Lord God; there is no help for it, my child."
In this manner, with much fear, he touched her, and set her hands at liberty, and loosened and took off the bandages over her eyes. When he saw her after the bandages were taken off, she looked very beautiful. Then he said to her :-" Now, at least, tell me, my child, who you are."
At this, she said :-"I am the daughter of a Brahman."
Then he asked her :-"Why did they leave a Brahman maid in the forest in this manner ? Who are your parents? Of what town are they? Tell me without any fear or bashfulness. You are as my sister. Tell me the name of your native town. Tell me the reason why you were left here in this condition."
At this, she said :-"You have touched me and loosened my bandages. Now, therefore, take me to your house, making me one of your own."
Then he said :-"Yes, as I have loosened your bandages I will take you home."
At this, she said :-" In that case I will tell you; hear me. If you ask me where I come from - I come from Parmale. A Brahman maid is like an earthen pot. A copper pot may be touched by any one, but an earthen one must not be touched by outsiders. When A dog touches an earthen pot, it is thrown away. This the custom among the Brâhmans. If you ask my parents' names, I will not tell you. I am not married. I am a virgin maid. I am thirteen years of age. Nobody came to ask me in marriage, and as I reached puberty before marriage, they tied my hands and eyes and left me in the forest. If a girl attains puberty before her marriage, they do not allow her to remain in the town, but send her to the forest. This is the custom among the Brahmans."
At this, he said :-"O maid, your custom is not among other castes. Is it a sin in a girl to attain puberty before marriage ? In our caste we have no such custom. We alway marry after a girl attains puberty. It is very rarely that we marry before that."
Then she said further :-" There is another custom among Brahmans. If a little girl, stils a child, should lose her husband and become a widow, she is not allowed to marry again. God has created different customs for different castes."
Then he said :-"O maid, hear me, if they leave a girl in the forest, blind-folding her and tying her hands behind her, how can she live "
She replied :-"She must starve in the forest till some wild beast devonra her."
Then he said :-"These Brahmaņs are very hard-hearted men. They do not shew any mercy to their own offspring. It would be better for them to kill her at once than to bring her and leave her in the forest in this manner. No other castes are so hard-hearted as the Brahmaņs. It seems to me that this custom is not given to you by God, but it is instituted by men themselves. God will never ordain that they should sacrifice young women to tigers and bears, to be devoured by them."
Then the girl asked him :-"Why did you come to this forest ? ”
He replied :-"I came to take palm-juice from the palm-trees which are in this forest, This forest belongs to the Ballal of Parmale, and I am the palm-climber of this forest. When I was on the top of a palm-tree, I heard the sound of weeping and came down to discover who was weeping; and so I found you. I have tied my camel to'a palm-tree."

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Then she asked him :-"Why do you want a camel ? "
He replied :-"I take the palm-juice on the back of the camel. I take thirty maands of palm-juice every day. I cannot carry it on my head. Therefore the Balla! has given me a camel. He is very kind to me. I go to his budu thrice a day. If I do not go, the Ballal sends for me."
Then she said:-"Hear me, Sama Aļwa Beidya; you have loosened the bandages which were over my eyes. Therefore you must be my husband."
Then he said :-"O my child, I already told you, you are as my sister. I will call you Deyi Beidyadi. There is my sister's son, Sayana Baidya. He has three younger brothers. So I have four nephews. I will marry you to my oldest nephew, Sayana Beidya."
At this, she said :-" Beidya, you may do with me just as you please; I am at your mercy. When Brahma has written this on my forehead, what is the use of rcpining? If one's face is ugly, why blame the looking-glass?"
As they were thus speaking the sun rose to the meridian, and Sama Alwa, looking at the sun, said :-"It is getting late, my child; now come with me."
At this she said :-“Where else shall I go? I will follow you."
Then he slowly extricated her from the midst of the thorn-bushes, and they came to the place where the camel was. And he said to her :-"Child, stop here ncar the camel ; I will go and climb these palm-trees and take their juice."
So saying he went and climbed the trees and took their juice and poured it into his gourd, and then came down and poured it into the pots slung over the camels. Afterwards lie went with her and the camel to his house. While they were trudging on their way liome, the inmates of Sama Alwa's house became anxious.on account of bim. Said they :-“What has become of our uncle? He used to come early every day. To-day it is very late, and yet he is not returned."
Then the nephews called their mother and said :-“Mother, uncle has not yet come. What is the cause of this ?"
She replied :-“I do not know, my children." Then they said :-“We will go to the forest in search of him." "Wait a little," said she, "and he will soon return."
Then they came and stood in the open space before the house, and looking towards the east they saw the camel at a distance. Then they called their mother and said to her :"O mother, uncle is coming; we see his camel."
Sama Alwa's wife hearing this came out, and looking to the cast sho saw a woman coming behind the camel, and was as if thanderstruck and said :-" O Rama, O Brâhmâ, O my illfortune! What! Has my husband become a fool ?"
She thought that he had become enamoured of the girl on account of her beauty; and said moreover:-“She has deprived me of my bread. Why did not some plague take her ? My husband, looking at her beauty, has become mad on her account and has brought her here. How can I look at her face now? I do not know from what town she comes."
As she was thus bewailing her lot, speaking to herself, they appronched the house, and Sama Alwa's wife and his sister and her sons stood there before the house waiting for them. Then he said, pointing out his sister to the girl :-"See, my girl, that is my sister. She is to be your mother-in-law. Her eldest son, my nephew sayana Beidya, is to be your husband."
Then they came to the open space before the house where Sama Alwa's sister and nephews were. The nephews at once attended to the camel and unloaded it, and took the palm-juice and kept it on a raised platform in vessels. Then Sama Aļwa called his sister and said to

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her:-"My sister, I have brought a daughter-in-law to you. Come and look at her well. Have you ever seen such a girl in our caste? God has graciously given us this girl. Any man who sees her beauty will never go away from her. Look at her face. How beautiful! Look at her eyes, her eyebrows, and her waist. How beautiful! Her hair is sweeping the ground. Her hair is as black as the black-bee. We shall never find another to match her. See how noble she looks. Are our girls like her?"
Then he told his sister to give her water and have her face washed, and give her milk that she might be refreshed. His sister went in and brought a pot of water and gave it to the girl; and then she brought a bowl of milk and gave it to her. The girl washed her face and hands and feet and then drank the milk. And being refreshed she sat in a reclining posture against a wall. After some time his sister came to Sama Alwa and said :-"Brother, get up, the dinner is ready, wash your face."
So saying, she gave him water. But he said:"Sister, I will go and bathe first; meanwhile go and prepare warm water and give the girl a warm bath."
So saying, he went to the side of the well and drew up water and bathed ; and having finished his bath he came into the house and there he saw that his wife had served up rice for him and also for the girl in a new plate. Then Sama Alwa called to the girl, saying:"Daughter, come and dine."
Then he said :-" Why After you have joined my You are now like one of us. Be quite at home here."
But she was slow in answering his summons out of bashfulness. are you slow, my child? You have joined the Billavar caste. caste, what have you to fear? At this she got up and went in and sat down to take her food. She quickly finished her meal and came out. She did it so quickly that no one knew how she went, or how she took her meal, or how she came back. Then Sama Alwa finished his meal and came out and sat in the verandah. His wife brought him a bag of betel-leaves. He opened the bag and took the betel-leaves, and ate betel-leaves and betel-nut. While eating betel-leaves he called his sister and thus spoke to her:-"My sister, hear me. I was always grieving that I had no female children. Now that grief is over. God has given me a daughter. I was very desirous, if a daughter should be born to me, to give her to your son. Now God has given me this daughter instead of one of my own. So I will give this my daughter to your son. We must celebrate a marriage. We must not do everything according to our own will. We must first tell the Ballal of Parmale. After informing him we must inform all the leaders of our caste. We must prepare all things necessary for the marriage. We must get half a corjee33 of rice prepared. We shall require oil, jaggery, cocoanuts, salt, tamarind, coriander seed and saffron, etc."
While they were thus speaking, Koragars and Holeyas and other low caste people, who were their usual customers, came to the house to drink palm-juice. Sama Alwa told the Holeyas to bring him one mura of salt, and told the Koragars to get baskets, etc., prepared for him. When the fishermen came to his house to drink, he told them to supply him with enough fish for a marriage feast. And when Bants came to his house, he said to them :"O ye sons of 'Sêttis, there is to be a marriage in my house; you must do me a favor."
In this manner he told his friends, one thing to one man and another thing to another. man, and so on. In the meantime the Ballâl of Parmale sent a man for Sama Alwa, and the man said to Sama Alwa :-"The Ballâl has ordered you to come immediately with me."
Sama Alwa consented and started, and went to the Ballâl and bowed to him. Then the Ballal said to Sama Alwa:-"O Sama Alwa, you are seldom seen. Why did you not come to me yesterday ?"
35 [Corge is Anglo-Indian for 'score': see Yule, Hobson-Jobson, B. v. Corge. In the text is a new and very odern form of the word which may help to the tracing of its obscure origin. - ED.]

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He replied :-"Yesterday I could not come for something has happened. I hope you have already heard of it."
Then the Ballal said :-"If something has happened, why did you not tell me?"
"As I was starting to come here in order to tell you," said Sama Alwa," your servant came to call me, and I have accompanied him."
On this the Ballal said "O Sama Aļwa, tell me what has happened in your house."
Then Sama Alwa began from the beginning and related to him the whole story, and the Ballal of Parmale said to him :-"You have no daughters. Therefore, God has given you this daughter. Marry her to your nephew."
To this he replied :-"So think I, and I do according to your commands."
Then the Balla] asked him :-"When are you going to give her in marriage ? Ask me for whatever you want. Do not be afraid."
Then he said :-" Everything requires your help." Then the Balla] said again:-“Ask me whatever you may want."
Then he said :-“Up to this day I have never once given a big feast. Therefore, this time I must give a feast to all my castemen in this town. If I do not, they will excommunicate me."
Then the Balla! asked him :-"O Aļwa, tell me how much you will require."
He replied :—“Sir, I shall require half a corjee of rice. I want your help in this. This is the chief item."
Then the Ballâļ said :-" O Sama Aļwa, why are you afraid? I will help you. I will give you whatever you require."
Then Sama Alwa replied :-"It is true that you will give me this now. But must I not return it afterwards ? What shall I say of a feast which is to be given by contracting debts ? Many have come to poverty and sold their lands and houses by contracting debts during marriages. If one becomes poor, the rich look down upon him. The poor man is lighter than cotton."
At this the Ballal said :-"Do not talk too much, but go home and make everything ready. Whatever is wanting I will supply."
At this, Sama Aļwa said to the Ballá!:— Sir, please give me permission to go now." " When will you come again ? " asked the Ballal. “To-morrow I will come again, Sir," replied he, and went home.
When he reached home he called his sister and said to her :-"O sister, I went to the Balla! of Parmale and saw him and spoke to him, and have come back. He told me to make everything ready for the marriage-feast, and promised to give me whatever was wanting. I told him that I was glad of the opportunity of patting some grains of rice upon my nephew's head."
Afterwards he called his nephew Sayana Beidya and said to him :-"Now we must make everything ready for the marriage. Therefore, go and take paddy from the store and get it boiled and dried, and get rice prepared at the rate of one mura a day. Get half a corjee of rice (twenty-one muras) prepared."
So he went and did as his uncle had ordered him. Afterwards Sama Alwa sent for the devil-priests of the stana of Parmale. He sent also for his neighbours and others of his castepeople. He got a pandal raised in front of his house, and got the floor made smooth and even, and made everything beautiful. And when the devil-priests and others, who were his neighbours, came to him, he went to meet them and brought them to his house, and gave them mats,

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and made them sit down, and gave them betel-leaves and betel nuts, etc., and in this manner showed them respect. Afterwards he told them :-"Sirs, I have intended to celebrate the marriage of my nephew Sayana Beidya. You must help me that it may be done decently.
I have made everything ready according to my poor circumstances. You must help that all may be decently done."
Then they asked him :-"When have you fixed the day for the marriage ?" " How can I fix the day without consulting you P"
Then they asked him :-"Do you wish to fix the day soon ? Have you made everything rendy?"
He replied :-"I have made some things ready. The Ballal of Parmale has promised to supply whatever is wanting Fix the day first, and afterwards we shall speak of other things."
Then the devil-prists consulted among themselves, and said to Sama Alwa:-“You must have the marriage celebrated on the ninth day of next month. It is an auspicious day."
Sama Aļwa consented and said "By that day I will have everything ready." Then the priests asked him :-"For what number of persons are you preparing the feast ?" “For eight hundred persons," replied he ; and asked them :-“Will that be enough ?” They replied :-" It is according to your ability. We will not constrain you." So saying, they dispersed and returned to their homes.
Then Sama Alwa said to his nephew, Sayana : -" Sayana, the day for the marriage is postponed. What can we do? Everything takes place according to fate. Nothing occurs till the time for it arrives.”
Then Sayana said to his uncle: - "The bride is already found. It is not necessary to go in search of a bride. Therefore, we can well afford to wait. But when I think of the expense, I feel very anxious. It will be necessary to invite a man from every house in the town."
At this, the uncle said :- "Be not anxious about expense. If the things which we have prepared do not suffice, the Balla! will supply us whatever we want, as he has promised to do."
"It is true he will supply us now," said the nephew, "but we will have to return it to him afterwards. We are happy when we borrow, but it is very difficult to return what is borrowed afterwards."
As they were thus sponking, Sama Aļwa's sister came and said: "What is this? Yon, uncle and nephew, are talking idly. Are all the necessary things ready ?"
They answered :-"Yes, everything is ready."
So days went on, and the day appointed for the marriage came near. Then Sama Alwa one day went to the devil-priests of the town, and said to them: "O Beidyas, the day appointed for the marriage is come near."
“How many days hence will it take place ?” asked they "After three days," said he. “How many persons are you going to invite to the marriage-feast ?” asked they. “One person from each house," said he.
Yes, that is right," said they : "if you invite one person from each house, you will get one load from every house, and it will not be necessary for you to buy vegetables, etc."
When he had finished talking with them he said :-"Now, it is getting late, therefore, I will go."

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Then they said: - "Yes, yon may go now. We will come to you to-morrow evening."
So he returned to his bonse, and the next evening the priests came as they had promised. When they were yet at a distance from the house, Sayana Beidya saw them and said: “O uncle, the priests are coming."
At this, he took his kerchief and put it on his shoulder and ran out to meet them. Having met them at a short distance from the house, he brought them to it, and made them sit on a mat, and gave them betel-leaves and betel-nuts, and thus honoured them. They remained at his house that night. When the time for supper drew nigh, Sama Al-wa gave them water to wash their feet and hands. And they washed their hands and feet and prepared to take their meals. Rice and curry were served, and they took their meals. Afterwards they went to sleep. Early in the morning they got up, and called Sama Aļwa to sbew them the necessary things that had been prepared.
"If we do not see the things that have been prepared," said they, "to-morrow we will be put to shame if anything be wanting."
Then Sama Alwa took them to the godown and shewed them the things which had been prepared. Then they came out and sat down, and asked Sama Aļwa whether he had sent invitations to all the people of the town or not.
"I have invited all in this town," said he; "they will all come this evening. We shonld prepare one meal for them to-night."
Accordingly, in the evening, men, women and children came to his house. The sister of Sama Alwa received them, and spread mats for them, and made them sit down, and gave them betel-leaves and nuts, and thus shewed them respect. Sama Aļwa's wife brought lamps and kept them in the rooms and lighted them. All theneighbours who came to the marriage helped them in preparing for the feast. Vegetables of various kinds were brought and cut into small pieces and made into curry, fowls were killed and prepared in curries of various kinds, sweetmeats were made, rice was boiled, and everything was made ready for the marriage day. Guests began to come in, relatives and friends came, and all were made to sit in the marriagepandal. Then the devil-priests of the stána came and sat in the place of honour. They called Sama A!wa and asked him if the bridegroom was ready. So the bridegroom and the bride adorned themselves, and were brought and made to sit in the raised spot reserved for them. Then the women of the town who had come to the marriage sat in & semi-circle before them. The men sat on one side, the chief men of the caste in the front row. They called Sama Alwa and told him to perform the marriage ceremony. He called his sister to him to join him in pouring out water. She said: "O brother, do it yourself with your wife. Pour water, you and your wife, and give Dayi Beidyadi in marriage to my son."
Then he asked the priests of the stána whether they consented to what his sister had said. They replied: "If you agree to it, we also agree."
He asked his relatives and friends, and they also consented. Then he stood up and called Sayana Beidya to him and told him to stand with his face to the east; and next he called Deyi his own daughter and told her to stand with her face to the west, and made them give to each other their right hands, and took & water-pot and poured out water, and gave the bride to the bridegroom. Then asked the priests what he should do next.
“Now let the bridegroom and the bride sit down," said they, "and let the relatives and friends sprinkle rice upon them."
Then, one by one, they went and gave money into the hands of the bride and bridegroom and sprinkled rice upon their heads. Afterwards, when the shesa (the sprinkling of rice) ceremony was over, all the men and women stood up, and taking rice in their hands, threw it simultaneously upon the bride and the bridegroom, blessing them at the same time, saying:

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"May you live till the sun and the moon cease to shine. May you live till your hair becomes white. May you get children and grandchildren, and may you increase abundantly." Then the priests told Sama Alwa to present a new dhotra to the bridegroom and a new shire to the bride. Then the bride and bridegroom put on the new clothes and came and prostrated themselves before their relatives and friends, who blessed them and said: "May God bless you with long life and save you."
Then the priests said:--"Now, make haste; it is getting late ; the rice and curry is getting cold ; let the guests sit down to dinner." Then all the guests went out of the pandal, and servants came with brooms to sweep the place. Afterwards, the chief men of the caste came and made all the people sit in rows, and pieces of plantain-leaves were placed before each person. The relatives and friends were made to sit in the front rows; and all were made to sit down according to rank. Those who had come uninvited were made to sit in the hindmost row. Then rice was brought and served, and curry was brought and served. Then they were told to begin to eat. Then they began to eat. Afterwards payasa34 was served, and over the payasa sugar was served plentifully. All the people partook of as much as they liked, and were satisfied, and said that they had never tasted such a good dinner. So they arose from their dinner, and the plantain-leaves on which they had eaten were all removed and given to the Koragars. The Koragars found on the plantain-leaves quantities of rice, which had been left by the eaters; and they ate it and were glad. So the pandal was swept and cleansed, and again a second party35 sat down to dinner; and after they finished their dinner, a third party 38 sat down to dinner. After all had thus finished their dinner, all the guests sat down; and the chief men of the caste and the priests of the stána called Sama Alwa and said to him: - "O Sama Alwa, none have ever prepared so well for a marriage-feast as you have. God's blessing is npon you. You are a fortunate man."
Some indeed said: - "He would not have found a girl in the forest, if he were not a fortunate man."
Then they said to Sama Aļwa: - "Now, we will go."
Then he said, clasping his hands: -"You helped me in celebrating the marriage of my nephew. As you have been so kind, this marriage has been celebrated with much success."
At this, they said : -"Do not compliment us; all has gone off so well on account of your good fortune; we have done nothing. Now we are going."
Then he gave them betel-leaves and nuts, etc., and shewed them respect. So they went away gladly. Then his relatives also prepared to go. But he prevented them, and said: "You must stay here four days more.” So they stayed.
On the next day Sayana Beidya said to Sama Aļwa:-"0 uncle, to-day I will go to the forest to bring palm-juice."
When he said this in the presence of the relatives and friends, Sama Aļwa said to him :"O nephew, hear me, you cannot go to the forest. It is infested by numerous wild beasts, such as tigers and bears; therefore, you cannot go."
At this, he said to his uncle: - "If you say this, when shall I be able to go to the forest ? You are getting old now; and you will not be able to work always; therefore I must begin to do this soon. Therefore, in future, when you are going to the forest, you must take me with
you."
Then he said to his nephew :-"So be it, accompany me to the forest from I will take you to the forest for some days."
to-morrow.
M A thick gruel-like preparation made of cocoanut juice, jaggery, rice and pulse. 86 1. e. those who had not taken their meal at the first time. * I. 6., those who were employed in serving their guests, etc.

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So, from the next day, Sama Aļwa took his nephew with him to the forest, and taught him everything. Afterwards, Sayana Beidya continued to go to the forest to draw toddy from the palm-trees of the forest of Parmale. After some days the relatives of Sama Alwa who had come for the marriage returned to their homes.
So, as days went on, Deyi Beidyadi proved to be a very wise and carefal housewife. She also knew many medicines, and by her prescriptions she cured many diseases. Her fame spread in all directions, and many who had diseases consulted her, and took her medicines, and were cured. In course of time she conceived, and became pregnant within a year after her marriage. When her mother-in-law came to know it, she informed her brother, and said: "O brother, our Deyi Beidyadi has become pregnant."
To this, he replied: - "God has been gracious to her, and He will be with her and bless her. We need not have any anxiety on account of her."
In this manner he encouraged her. While they were thus talking, a man came from the Ballal to call Sama Alwa. So Sama Aļwa at once accompanied him to the Ballal's budu.. The Balla! was sitting on the throne. Sama Aļwa went and prostrated himself before him Then the BallAļ told Sama Aļwa to rise. A stool was brought and given to Sama Aļwa and he sat upon it. Then the Ballkļ inquired of Sama Aļwa about his welfare, and of his family. He replied that he and his family were very well and happy. The Balláļ thereupon said that he had intended to give him a present after the marriage of his nephew. Sama Aļwa said: "O Sir, everything we enjoy is on account of your bounty. Then why should you give us a present ?"
At this, the Ballâļ said: "As you are my friend, the palm-climber of my forest ; therefore I ought to give you a good present."
At this. Sama Alwa said: “The rice and the salt we eat is yours. What need is there that you should give us any present "
Bat the Ballkļ, not minding these words, called his accountant and told him to go and bring twelve pagodas. He brought them and gave them to the Balláļ. The BallAl called Sama A]wa, and gave him the twelve pagodas. Sama Aļwa stretched forth his hands, bowed his head, and took the pagodas, and thanked the Balla[ for his present. The Balla! said to him :
O Sama Aļws, you must take these twelve pagodas, and get a golden bangle prepared out of them, and wear it upon your wrist. This is my present to you. Next year I will give you besides a golden chain to put on your wrist."
Ho replied :-"O Sir, by your kindness alone I am living comfortably."
At this the Balla] said: -"You get me fifty pagodas every year for the toddy you draw out of the palm-trees of the forest of Parmale. If it were not for you, I would not get so much. There is none so bold as to go to the forest. A stupid fellow will not be able to supply your place. If my tenants are rich and able to pay, I shall not become poor."
Then Sama Aļws said: “May I speak one word to my master? If you will not be displeased with me, I will say it."
Then the Ballal ordered him to say on. Then he said: "O Sir, I wish to give & small present to you. I wish to give you a pair of racing-buffaloes."
Then the Ballal said: "What! A pair of racing-buffaloes P Why do you wish to give me such a big present ? I think that the present which I have given you is a very small one. A land-lord may give presents to his tenants. But a tenant will be rained if he thinks of giving presents to the land-lord."
At this, Sama Alwa bowed to the Ballal and humbly besought him to receive his present of a pair of racing-buffaloes, and not to be displeased with him. At this the Balla! at last

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consented. Then Sama Alwa took leave of the Ballal and returned home. As soon as he reached home, he called his nephew Sayana Beidya to him and shewed him the twelve pagodas which the Ballal had presented to him. The nephew seeing the gold was delighted and said :"The Ballal gave us such a present. What have we given to him?"
At this the uncle said: "I intend to give him a pair of racing-buffaloes as a present. What do you say to that?"
To this the nephew said: "I agree to whatever you do."
Then he called a servant and told him to bring the pair of racing-buffaloes. When they were brought, he told the servant to give them food and drink. So they ate their food and drank as much as they wanted; and afterwards Sama Alwa and his nephew Sayana Beidya and a servant took the pair of racing-buffaloes to the palace of the Balla of Parmale. The ornaments of the buffaloes were tied in a cloth and given to the servant, and he carried them on his head. The buffaloes went first, and the servant with the ornaments followed. Then Sama Alwa and Sayana Beidya went behind. So they reached the palace of the Ballal. The Balla was in the verandah. They went with the buffaloes and stood in the open space before the verandah; and when the Ballâl came towards them, they prostrated themselves before him and said:"My lord, we have brought the racing-buffaloes."
Then he came down from the verandah and saw the buffaloes, and was very much pleased, and said:"O Sama Alwa, how did you make up your mind to part with such a fine pair of racing-buffaloes ?"
At this, he replied: "When I once make up my mind, I stick to my resolution. We are eating your salt, and to whom else should we bring presents but to you?"
At this the Ballâl said: "I am very much pleased with you. These buffaloes must be sent to the first race that takes place." And then he asked a question:-"O Sama Alwa, have you any more pairs of racing-buffaloes ?"
He said: "Yes, Sir."
Afterwards the Ballal said to Sama Alwa:-"O Sama Alwa, in a few days, during the month of Kanya, I wish to go on a hunt,"
Sama Alwa said: "O Sir, before you go, please inform me; we37 will accompany you." He said: "Yes, I will inform you."
Afterwards the uncle and nephew asked permission to return home. "No, you must not go away on an empty stomach. It is now late. meals here in my budu and then go."
But the Ball said :You must take your
But they said:"O Sir, we are eating your salt, whether we eat here or at home." But he said:"Never mind; come into the verandah."
When they went to the verandah and sat down, plantain-leaves were placed before them, and food was served upon the leaves. So they took their meals, and came out and sat down. Betel-leaves and nuts were given to them. So they ate betel-leaves and nuts, and afterwards took permission of the Ballal, and returned home. Some time afterwards the day appointed for the hunt approached. Then the Ballâl called his clerk and told him to notify to all his tenants his intention of going on a hunt, that they might be present at his buḍa on such and such a day. All were ordered to bring their weapons and come prepared for the hunt. So they came on the appointed day. The Ballâ saw them. They were about two hundred able-bodied men that assembled before the budu. When the Ballal came out to see them, they all prostrated themselves before him. He was pleased with them and said :-"This evening you will take your meal in my budu."
57 I, e., many of my relations and friends.

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So, food was prepared for all of them, and they sat down in rows according to their caste, and food was served to them. And they took their meal and slept there. The next day the Balla called them all and examined their weapons and instruments, their bows, arrows, and snares; and called Malla, the keeper of the dogs, to bring the dogs. When the dogs were brought, he was pleased with them and told tire keeper to give them rice mixed with milk. So rice mixed with milk was brought and given to the dogs, but the dogs only mifred at it and would not eat. Then the Ballab said :-" Malla, why is it that the dogs will not ent this rice mixed with milk P"
He replied - They will never eat just before going on - hunt, even if you give them the most dainty food."
Afterwards he called Golla, and examined the gans and ballets and ammunition, and saw that everything was in the best possible condition. Then he called Paddyala, and told him to shew the bows and arrows, and was pleased with Paddyala, the keeper of the bows and arrows, because they were in a very efficient condition. And, in this manner, he examined everything himself, the snares, the darts and many other instruments of linnting. The men, every one of them, praised the superiority of lvis own instrument and boasted of his former exploita. In this manner time passed, and as it had become late, the hwnt was postponed for the next day. The Balla! said :-"To-morrow, very early in the morning, before the crow alight on the ground, we must start for the hunt. To-day all of you must take your meals in my budu. In the meantime you mast all sharpen your weapons. Your darts, arrows and all sorts of weapons must be in the best condition possible."
At this all were very glad, and every one went to mind his own business. So, on the next day, very early in the morning, they all started for the hunt with bows and arrows, darts and guns and various other instruments of destruction, and took many dogs with them. Thus tbey went out to hunt. The Balla) also went with them. When they reached the great forest of Parmale the day began to dawn. The Balla) gave them ordere. He stationed half of them in soch places that the wild beasts must pass them. He sent the other half with the dogs into the forest, telling them to make as much noise as possible and frighten the wild benets and drive them before them. They took great sticks and struck at thickets and beshes, and made a great noise. Thongli they were quise tired they did not find any wild beasts. So they returned quite tired and without finding a single will benst; and maid to the Brutal :-" It seems that the moment of our starting was not auspicious. Otherwise in this great forest, where tigers, bears and wolves and suck wild beants abound, we must have found some wild beasts."
Then the Balla! made a vow and said: "If I get at least one wild beast, I will give e Tambila to the Bhůta in our house."
After the Balla! had said this, they agnin started and began to beat at the thickets and bushes and halloed, and yelled and made as much noise as possible. Then a big boar came in sight, and the dogs at once gave chase and overtook it ; and as it came to the place where t! hunters were stationed, Golla the hunter fired at it and the bullet touk effect and the boar fell down and rolled about and writher in agony. Then they speared it and killed it. The BallaỊ was told of this, and was very glad, and came mgerly to see. As he was coining a kind of poisonous thorn pierced his leg below the knee. Blood began to flow from the wound, and lie fell down insensible. When Sama Awa came near he saw the Ballal in so state of insensibility. At once he tore off a big piece of cloth from his lhotra and tied it to the Ballal's leg and tried to stop the bleeding. He called to the Ballal, but the Balla! could not speak. His face became pale. Then a young coconut was brought, and a little of its water was put into his mouth and some was sprinkled on his face. After some time he became conscious. Then he was blowly lifted up and carefnlly laid in the palanquin and brought back to the bud. After a time bis leg became swollen, and a great burning

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sensation set in. As soon as he reached the budu physicians were called in. The most celebrated physicians brought drugs and prepared medicines, and applied them to the wound. But the burning sensation increased. Then the Ballal said to the physicians :-"Your medicine is useless. It has increased my pain. If I use it, I shall die." Then another medicine-man was called in. His medicine was also given a fair trial and proved a failure. So one medicine-man after another was called in, and yet the swelling increased and the burning also became unbearable. He did not find any relief. No one dared to go to give any medicine to the Ballal. Whilst he was in this miserable condition, one " his friends said:"I have heard that Deyi Beidyadi, the wife of Sayana Beidza, nephew of Sama Alwa, is a very wise woman. She knows many medicines, and has cured many diseases."
A man was at once sent to Sama Alwa's house to fetch Deyi Beidyadi. He went to Sama Alwa's house and gave his message. Then Sayana Beidya said to his uncle" O uncle, the Ballil has sent for my wife that she may go and give him medicine for his swollen leg. He has been treated by many able physicians, and yet is not cured. How will my wife succeed in curing him? Besides, she is pregnant and about to be delivered."
Then Sama Alwa told his nephew to call his wife. So he called her, and she came before him, and he told her the Balla's message. To this she said:"I have not learned many medicines. After he has been treated by so many able physicians without any success, what can I do? Besides, I am not able to walk as far as the Ball's budu. It is true the Balla is a great man, and I am worth only three cash. But yet what can I do? If I do not go, it will highly displease him. Still I cannot go, for my time to be delivered is very near."
Then Sayana Beidya told the man who had come from the Balla! what his wife's state was, and that she could not go to the budu. The man returned to the Ballil and told him these things. The Ballal at once ordered his bearers to take his own palanquín to Sayana Beidya's house, and bring the woman in the palanquin to his palace. So the bearers took the palanquin and went to Sama Alwa's house. Sama Alwa, seeing the bearers and the palanquin, asked them:-"Whence are you come?"
"The Ballal of Parmale has sent us," replied they, "to take Deyi Beidyadi to the palace, The Ballal is suffering extremely, and therefore there must be no delay. Let Deyi Beidyadi come and sit in the palanquin. We will take her to the palace."
To this, Sama Alwa replied:-" She is in pain herself; she is moaning. I do not know how she can go to the budu."
The bearers replied:-" We will not stir from this place unless she comes and sits in the palanquin. Our orders are striet. We must take her, and we cannot go without her.'
Deyi Beidyadi came out, and seeing the beautiful palanquin, she said :-"O Râma, what can I do now? I am a poor Billavar woman. How can I sit in the Ballal's palanquin? He is equal to a god. How can I sit in the palanquin? And yet there is no help for it."
Then she told her husband to bring a young red cocoannt, and the roots and leaves of a plant called nekki, and also the tendrils and roots of sixty-four kinds of medicinal herbs. He went and brought them. She gave some presents to the bearers, and having taken her meal she put on her sári and said:"O God, I am not much learned in medicines. I am a very ignorant woman. O God, prosper me, that I may not be put to shame!"
So saying, she started. Then the bearers brought the palanquin before her and requested her to sit in it. But she declined, saying: "I will never sit in the Ballal's palanquin. I am a poor Billavar woman. The Ballil's palanquin is not meant for such as I am."
Though the bearers constrained her, she repeatedly refused to sit in the palanquin; but determined to walk as far as the Ballal's buḍu. So she kept the necessary medicines in the palanquin, and walked behind the palanquin, her husband Sayana Beidya accompanying her.

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Thus she reached the budu and was at once brought before the BallaỊ. Deyi Beidyadi saw the Ballal's swollen leg and said :-"O my lord, you tell me to give you medicines; yet I am not a very clever woman in medicines. You have been treated by many wise medicine-men without 8ccess. Will you 'be cured by the medicine of an iguorant Billavar woman? You must anyhow first make vows to some gods before I give you my medicine."
So he made vows, and she also made vows, and prepared her medicine and applied it to his leg, and also gave him three doses of some medicine to drink. Before he had finished drinking the three doses of medicine which she had given to him, she began to be in travail. The Ballal at once ordered her to be taken to a comfortable place and sent for midwives. The midwives came and helped her; and she brought forth twin-boys. The midwives went and told this to the Balla! with joy. The Balla] also was very glad, and ordered them to take great care of her and supply 'her with all her wants. He commended her very much and said :-"She 'in'a very good woman. Yesterday she applied 'her medicines to my swollen leg, and to-day my pain is much lessened."
Then the Balla! sent for Sayana Beidya and said to him:- 0 Sagana Beidys, your wife, who was pregnant and ready to be delivered, came to me and gave me medicine, and I am much relieved. She also was delivered here last night, and has brought forth twin-boys. They are very beautiful. Go and see them and come."
So he went to the room where his wife was lying. The midwives, as soon as they saw him, told his wife that her husband was come. They came out and congratulated him on the birth of the win-boys. So he went in and saw his wife and children and was very glaul. He told the midwives to take care of his wife. He saw the infants and kissed them. Afterwards he told his wife that he would go and take leave of the Ballal and return home, and tell the glad news to his mother and uncle and other relations. At this his wife said to him : " When you come to me again, please bring four loads of young bamboo shoots and a load of large lemons, as a present to the Ballal that they may prepare pickle. He supplies all my necessaries and is very kind to me. We cannot be sufficiently grateful to him."
So he took 'leave of his wife, and went to the Balla] and said to him :-“Sir, I went to my wife's room and saw her and the children; I must now go to my house and tell my relatives of this glad news. Therefore, please give me leave. I will corne again the day after to-morrow with my uncle."
Then the Ballal said to him :-"Your wife has done me a great favor. Many physicians came to me and prescribed their medicines and tried to cure me; but I became worse and worse. If it were not for your wife I should never have recovered. She has saved my lifo. I am very much pleased with her."
Having said this, he gave him permission to go home. So he returned home and told the glad news to his mother and brothers and uncle and everybody. All were very glad at the news. Said his mother :-"I must go and see the infants." Said his uncle :-" I must go and see the infants." His brothers also shewed much eagerness to go and see the infants. So great was their joy that every one was eager to go and see the babes. But Sayana Beidya said: "I must go in any case. I cannot help it. Remain at home, all of you, at present. I will go with my uncle first, and after we return you can go."
So saying he silenced them. Afterwards he called some of the wild people who live in jungles, and told them to bring to him four loads of young bamboo shoots and a load of lemons. They brought these things to him. So he got men to carry the loads and went to the BallAl's budu with his uncle. They laid down the loads before the verandah of the budu, and went and saluted the Ballaļ. The Balla! was very glad to see them, and made them to sit down before him, and said:"Now, what names will you give to the iufunts?"

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At this the nephew said to the uncle :-"What shall we say, uncle? By what names shall we call them ?"
His uncle said :-"Whatever names the Ballal will be pleased to suggest, we will give them."
308
Then the Ballal said:" In this town, if any Billavar woman brings forth twin-boys, they are called Koti Beidya and Channaya. Beidya. Therefore,. let us call these children by these
Hames."
So the parents called them Koți Beidya and Channaya Beidya. The grand-parents also ealled them by these names, and so did all their relatives and friends. Thus passed the ceremony of giving names. After sixteen days Deyi Beidyadi. was strong enough to be able to get up from her bed and walk about a little. In this manner she slowly recovered. One day the Ballal called his nephew and said:" Child, that Billavar maid, Deyi. Beidyadi, gave me medicine and cured me of my pain. She has saved my life. I am very grateful to her. She was pregnant and about to be delivered, and yet she came as far as my budu and gave me medicine. I wish to give her some present. What shall it be,. child ?"
He replied:"Give her whatever you wish. I shall raise no objection."
"I wish to give her a few acres of land and a house," said the Ballal. "She has saved: my life, therefore whatever I may give her will not be equivalent to what I owe her."
The nephew consented and said:-"I am glad of it. I have no objection to offer."
After some days Sayana. Beidya came to the Ballâl and said:"O Ballal, you have been very kind to us. My wife has been under your roof many days and has been well tended and nourished by your kindness. Now, please be kind enough to send her and the children with the cradle to my house."
At this, the Ballâl said: "It is not yet two months since she has been confined. She will be very weak and unable to walk."
"Bat," said Sayana Beidya, "I will make her walk slowly, and I will carefully take her kome."
Then," said the Balla, "you may go to-morrow. Remain here to-night and go. to-morrow early in the morning."
Afterwards, in the evening, the Ballal went to Deyi Beidyadi's room, and saw her and said:"O Deyi Beidyadi, your husband has come to take you home. You are going away to-morrow morning. As you have given me medicine and cured me; I wish to give you a present. I will give you laud enough to sow four muras of paddy, and a house. It will produce one corjee of rice for you annually."
At this she said:"Sir, you have been very kind' to me and supported me in my confinement. Why should you give me land and a house? I shall be eating your salt all my life. Why then should you give me a present of land? God has been gracious to me and given me twin-boys. It is enough if you kindly send me back to my home with the cradle and the children."
So on the next day, in the morning, the Ballal ordered his servants to prepare a feast of fine things for Deyi Beidyadi and her husband. He also ordered his steward to get ready a new cradle and new strings and a fine milch-cow yielding plenty of milk, in order to present them to Deyi Beidyadi when returning to her home. So the feast was prepared and Deyi Beidyadi and her husband took their meals and went to the Ballal to ask the permission to return home. The Ballal gladly gave them permission and sent them home together with a cradle and a cow and her calf. So they joyfully returned to their home. While they were yet afar off Sama Alwa's sister recognised her son and daughter-in-law, and called her sons and said:"Look

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at Deyi Beidyadi, when she went from among us, she went alone. Now, when returning, any bearers with infants, cradlo and cow and call, are accompanying her!”
"Yes," said they, "fortune is smiling upon us."
So saying they came to meet Deyi Beidyadi and received her gladly and took up the infants and kissed them and took them in. Afterwards Deyi Beidyadi told her husband to go to the garden and fetch large young cocoanuts to distribute them among the coolies who had brought the cradle, and when he brought them she gave two to each cooly, and said :"You must be tired with bringing my loads in this hot sun. You must be very thirsty: therefore, drink of these tender coconuts. I am poor : I cannot give you much. You know my poverty: therefore, I need not tell you."
In this manner she spoke and they were pleased, and took the young cocoanuts and drank their water and were refreshed! Afterwards she brought rice and gave them rice at the rate of half a seer to each man, and gave them curry-stuff and everything necessary to prepare their food. So they took these things and went to the side of the well, and there they prepared their food, and having eaten it and being refreshed, they took leave of Sama Alwa and his nephew, and went their way.
So as days went on these twins grew and became two very fine looking lads. One day they asked permission of their mother to go to the hills, togetber with the cowherd boys who tended their cattle. But she said:
"Don't you go to the hills, my children: many big lads come there and they will quarrel with you and beat you. Don't you go there."
* O mother," said they, "we will not quarrel with others. We will play quietly between ourselves. Why should they beat as ? And if they beat us, we will also beat them."
At this she said :-"O my children, if you do so, you will lose your heads. The Bant boys who come there are very proud ; and if they hate any one, they will not hesitate to shed blood. Hearken to my advice."
"O mother," said they, “we will go to-day and return. We will not do any wrong to any one."
So saying, they went to the bills to play with the cowherd boys who tended the cows belonging to themselves and their neighbours. On that day, it so happened, that the two grandsons of Buddhivanta, who was the minister of the Ballâl of Parmale, had come to the hills to play with the cowherd boys who tended their grand-father's cattle. They began to play at yettu.38 In the game the cowherd boys, who were on the side of the grandsons of Buddhivante, won all the pichis from these cowherd boys. Then these boys mortgaged their palles, and borrowed some nuts from them, and began to play again. Seeing this Koti Beidya said to Channaya Beidya :-"Brother, let us also play with them at yettu."
But Channaya said :-"Don't you remember how our mother warned us not to have anything to do with the Bant boys ? Let us only look on at their play from a distance."
« Why are you go afraid of those boys " said Koti; "are we not men like themselves ? Those Bagt boys : have they four eyes ? They are also born of woman. We need not be afraid of them."
This game is played a follows -A small cirole is described on the ground and cashew nuts are put down by the boys, each putting down & certain number. The players strike at the nata from a certain distance with a flat piece of stone. When a player succeeds in driving the nuts out of the oirolo ho wins them. It one fails to hit the nuta, the next boy strikes, and if he hita, he is allowed to strike till he fails in hitting one. Every player has the right of striking at the nuts till he fails in hitting. So one by one strike at them, and when all are driven out and the circle is cleared, the players pat down the pats apain. # The nuts which are placed within the circle are culled pichis.
The fat piece of stone is called palle.

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At this, Channaya said:"It is true, we could have played with them, but we have neither pichis nor palles. How can we play without them?"
310
"There is a way of doing that," said Koți. "Now I will borrow one hundred pichis, promising to return them with interest."
"How will you pay them back?" said Channaya.
"Oh! do you ask me how?" said Koți. "I am not like them. They only hit once or twice out of ten tries. I shall not be like them; I shall hit every time I strike, and I shall win all their pichis in no time. You just stand by and see the fun."
"Then do as you say," said Channaya.
One of the boys who overheard this conversation between the brothers went to the grandsons of Buddhivanta and repeated it to them. When they heard this they became angry, and said:"Who are these that speak so proudly? Let us see them. When Billavar boys have become so proud, what is the use of our being here?"
So saying, they went towards the group with their informer. When they went there, they saw the brothers sitting in a reclining posture, stretching out their legs before them, the one across the other. Seeing the boys in this posture, the grandsons of Buddhivanta said to them:"You, Billavar boys! You do not rise up when you see us. You are reclining with your legs before you. What do you mean? It seems that the time of your destruction is nigh." Are you not also Bant boys? We never called you. We
At this, they replied:-"It is true, we are Billavar boys. When you come to us, we have no need to rise up before you. never came to the place where you were. We are by ourselves alone."
At this, the grandsons of Buddhivanta became very angry, and said to the boys who had come with them:-"What do you see? Give them two knocks to each on their temples. Do you feel a pleasure in hearing their arrogant' words ?"
At this, all the boys pacified them, and said :-"Don't be so angry. This is the first time that they have come to this place. We shall meet again to-morrow, and then we can see Let us go home to-day. Let them also return to their home to-day."
After they were pacified, all of them returned to their respective homes. The boys on both sides did not say a word of what had occurred on the cattle-grazing-hill. At night when they were going to sleep, Deyi Beidyadi asked her sons:-"How did you play to-day, my children ?"
They told her how they had played at many games and enjoyed the day. But they whis pered not a word about the quarrel. So she told them to go to sleep. Early in the morning on the next day they got up and provided themselves with pichis and palles, and taking their breakfast went with the cowherd boys to the hills. After reaching the hills they began to play at yettu with their companions. As they were playing, the grandsons of Buddhivanta came up, putting on their best suit of clothes and ornaments. They came with many cowherd boys who formed their retinue. Proudly they came to the place where the boys were playing with their companions, and stood looking at their play. But the boys did not speak a word to them. Then they were very angry, and not knowing how to contain their anger, said to the cowherd boys:-"What is this, ye boys? Why are you playing with these toddydrawer's boys? Do you not find more respectable companions to play with ?"
At this Channaya Beidys said :-"Why do you abuse us? It is true we are the children of toddy-drawers, and yet if we did not draw toddy, your fathers and mothers and wives and other relations will die of indigestion or diarrhoea. Therefore, we save you from dying of such diseases. We are your saviours in that sense. So do not abuse us."
1 (To be continued.)
41 The allusion is that arrack distilled from teddy is said to cure people of indigestion and many other diseases. Arrack is drunk by Banta and other Sûdras.

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NOVEMBER, 1896.] A NEW INSCRIBED GRÆCO-BUDDHIST PEDESTAL.
311
A NEW INSCRIBED GRÆCO-BUDDHIST PEDESTAL.
BY G. BÜHLER, PH.D., LL.D., C.I.E. SOME weeks ago Dr. M. A. Stein kindly sent me two photographs of a lately found GræcoBuddhist pedestal, which is now in the Lahore Museum, and bears the number 1194. According to his remarks it was discovered in the Charsada mound, belonging to the ruins of Hashtnagar, which mark the site of the ancient town of Pashkalâvati, the Peukelaotis or Peukelaitis of the Greeks, and once the capital of Western Gandhira.
The front of the apparently hexagonal stone shews in a niche, which occupies nearly its whole breadth, in high relievo, five male figures, a seated one in the centre and two standing ones on either side. The standing figures are easily recognised as Buddhist monks by their shaven heads and arrangement of the dress, which leaves the right arm free. The pair of them on the proper left and the one on the proper right, who stands nearest to the central figure, join their hands (leritrinjali) in adoration, and the second holds, it would seem, a garland. All four turn their faces towards the seated person. The latter, who sits cross-legged on a square stone slab, apparontly covered with a cushion, raises the right hand in the manner usual with teaching or speaking persons. This posture as well as bis ushnisha and the rather full dress characterise him as a teaching Buddba. Two feet, which belonged apparently to a statue of very large size, are attached to the top slab of the pedestal. What makes the sculpture particularly valuable is an inscription in Karoshtht characters, engraved below the fire figures. In the centre and on the proper left there appears to be one line only, while on the proper right two lines are visible. With the help of some very good paper-impressions, which I owe likewise to Dr. Stein, I read it is follows:
(1) on the proper left, --- Arog.... (2) in the centre, - Sanghamitrasa Sham (P) ... sa danamuelche Bu (3) on the proper right, I. 2, dho tu . sa ..
1. 1, drog..me ... The line in the centre and the first letter of line 2 on the proper right no doubt belong together and form one sentence which means: "A Buddha, the excellent gift of Sanghamitra Sham..." The explanation of the remainder of the letters on the proper right is more difficult. Possibly it began with the wish, frequently expressed in votive inscriptions : Arog[iyan]me (bhava]"may I obtain health." But in order to make the reading certain, a larger photograph is required. The mutilated signs on the proper left-arog ... indicate that the same formula wis repeated there. The portion of the inscription which can be explained with certainty, shews first, that the pedestal bore a statue of Buddha. Secondly, the type of the characters leaves no doubt that the inscription belongs to the time of one of the three wellknown Kushana kinga, Kanishka, Huvishka, VÅsushka or Vasudeva. For the palæographically characteristic signs da, bu and mu exhibit the strangely cursive forms of the Kharoshtht of the Manikyala, Zeda and Sue Bihår inscriptions as well as of that of the Wardak Vase.
The antiquity of the so-called Græco-Buddbist sculptures bas been for many years a matter of dispute. Of late Mr. V. A. Smith and Prof. Grünwedel have expressed the opinion that they belong, one and all, to the first three centuries of our era, and they have sup
Thio noto appeared first in German, in the Anweiger der philosophisch-historischen Classe der Wiener Akademie der Wien. 1896, No. xiv. The date of the Hashnagar Pedestal inscription has been given there by laprus calani, as 276 or 286.
Above the middle of the central line the photograph and the impressions show a number of strokes, which appear to me to be merely ornamental lines, not letters or numeral figures.
The word danamukha has first been explained by M. Senart. Ita Pali equivalent danaowkha ooonrs in Jätaks No. 524, Vol. V. p. 168, 11. 8 and 25.
"Groo-Roman Influence on the Civilisation of Ancient India," Jour. 4. Soc. Bengal, Vol. 58, p. 108 8. Buddhistische Kunst in India, Berlin, 1898, p. 79 f.

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ported this view with very strong and convincing arguments drawn from the style which these sculptures exhibit. The only other known inscribed piece, the Hashtnagar Pedestal, of which Mr. Smith has published an excellent photo-etching in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal (loc. cit. Plate x.), furnishes no clear and certain indications as to its age. Its inscription, a revised reading of which was first given by M. Senart and later by myself," is dated in the year 274 or 2849 of an unnamed era, and its letters are, as it happens, such as possess no characteristic paleographic peculiarities. The new inscription makes it certain, that the Charsada pedestal belongs to the second century A. D. Hence the determination of the age of the sculptures from Gandhara, made in accordance with the principles of archeology, is supported, in this case, by palæographical considerations.
FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA.
BY PANDIT S. M. NATESA SASTRI, B.A., M.F.L.S.
No. 42. A Knock on the Head of Akiri.
In the town of Tanjore there once lived a famous musician named Mahasena. He was a great specialist in singing the great tune known as Akiri. But it vexed him very much that this tune which he so greatly admired and which he had so carefully cultivated should be thought so inauspicious in the morning. He had a great desire to prove to the world that the idea entertained by it towards Akiri was wrong. But, of course, he must first prove it to himself before his taking up the task of doing so to the public at large. But how to do it?
Mahâsêna argued thus with himself: "They say that if Akiri is sung in the morning, we cannot get any food during the whole day. All right. If I start with food in my hand, sing Akiri first and then eat that food, will it not amount to a proof that the belief held by the people about Akiri is wrong ?"
Thus thought he, and resolved to put the idea into execution. But he could not sing as he proposed in the town, for his brother musicians and others who would recognize the tune would not permit it. So he resolved to go outside the town to some respectable distance and away from the public notice, and there put his resolution to the test. He started with food tied up in his upper cloth, and left home very early in the morning, five ghatikás before sunrise. Just at dawn he reached the banks of the river Vettar, whose bed was dry, as the summer season had almost set in. He walked up the bed a little distance, and chose a fine, sandy and secluded spot to sit down on and sing Akiri. The place itself, the fresh morning, the luxuriant bamboo groves on either sido the river, the thousand and one birds which had already commenced their songs to greet the rising lord of the day all these fired the ambition of Mahâsêna to begin the Ahiri at once, and do fall justice in the clear morning to the tune he had so specially cultivated. He sat down. Near him a bamboo was hanging down, and not to spoil the food by placing it on the bare sand he tied the bundle to the tip of a branch of the hanging bamboo and commenced his favourite Akiri. A person who has specially cultivated a certain tune generally takes ten or twelve ghatikas' time to do full justice to it,3 and our hero, shaded by the extensive shadow of the bamboos behind, did not perceive the heat of
Notes d'Epigraphie Indienne, III. p. 16 f.
1 Indian Antiquary, Vol. XX. p. 894. I regret that, when writing this note, I had overlooked M. Senart's remarks on this inscription. He certainly first recognised that Sir A. Cunningham's emborasmasa masasa is erroneous and that the month is the Indian Praushthapada.
With Sir A. Cunningham and Mr. Smith I read the figure for 200 with certainty on the photo-etching, and I think that 70 is more probably 80.
1 This is the name of a tune in South-Indian music. The time for singing it is generally between 8 p. m. and 4 s. m., and it is the tune most adapted for giving vent to mournful feelings. It is moet melodious, but it ia considered very inauspicious to sing it after six in the morning, for there is also a belief among the musicians of Southern India that he who sings Akiri at six will go without food during the day.
[Have we not here a key to the endlessness of native musical performances ?-ED.]

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the ascending san, and went on singing and singing till it was midday. And why should be not ? For, as soon as he finished singing, he had only to bathe in the crystal water that was running in a small part of the river and eat the food he had with him. So, without any anxiety about his going without food in consequence of singing his favourite tune, Mahasena went on exhausting all the several minute departments of the Åkiri. . The more he sang the more he enjoyed his music, and above all the means devised by him to upset a prejudice. At last the song was finished, and our hero looked for his bundle of food.
Alas! Prejudice had won the day. His bandle was no more within his reach, but was hanging high above him just as he had tied it on the tip of the bamboo. Now the bamboo -reed has the peculiarity of bending down low at night. As the sun advances in the morning the bamboo too advances from its pendent posture, and stands almost erect during midday. This Mahasena did not know, nor had he brains enough to suspect it.
"So, after all, what they say about Akiri is too true," thought he. And as the bamboo is not a plant which one can easily climb up, Mahasena had to give up his bandle of food. His upper cloth too was lost. So, with only a single cloth remaining with him, he proceeded to the waterside, bathed, finished his ablutions, and proceeded to the nearest village to beg a meal from some charitable person.
Fortunately for him he had not far to go. At a ghatiká's distance there was a Brâhman village, where a rich Mirasadêr' was celebrating the birth-day of his first-born child. On such occasions every Brålman is freely fed, provided he is present at the time of eating. Our hero thought that an opportunity of proving to the public that by singing Akiri a person does not go without food for the rest of the day was not yet lost. So be at once approached the host and requested to be fed. The Mirásadár in reply explained to him that all the available space in the house was taken up by the Brahmans who had already commenced to eat, but said that if he would wait for half a ghafiked he could join in the second batch for meals. "As you please, Sir," said Mahasena, inwardly delighted, as so short a time did not make much difference, and that he would soon have his food. And was he not right? Who would refuse him food on the occasion of public feeding?
Soon the first batch of meals were over and the guests left the house after receiving betelleaves and areca-nuts. Only a select few, about a dozen, remained for the second batch : and all these, with the exception of Mahasena, were the inmates of the house. Ten or twelve leaves were spread now in the hall of the Mirâsadâr's honse, and all the remaining diners sat down. before them. Mabâsêna occupied one corner. The moment the food was served in his leaf his. heart leapt with joy, not at the sight of the food itself, but at the idea that he had secured food to eat, notwithstanding that he had sung Åkiri that morningNow after serving food to all, the lady of the house pours apochana-water into each diner's hand as a sign to commence, and according to this custom the Mirâsadâr's wife poured a spoonful of water in the up-raised palm of Mahâsêna, with whom she commenced the apôchana-ceremony that day. As soon as Mahîsêna received the ápôchana, he attered aloud and in joy, even before drinking it," A knock on the head of Akiri.” But, alas! before he finished the words and before he had lifted up his right palm to drink the kpôchana, he received several blows on his back from one or two servants of the house, who lifted him up from 'his seat, notwithstanding his cries and lamentations, and pushed him out, bolting the door behind. Mahasena cried out from the street to be allowed to explain : he wept : he begged. But no one would pity him. No one would open the gate for him.
What a world of misery! He had sat before his leaf, he had witnessed the serving of the food, he had received even the ápôchana, and yet he had not tasted one grain of food. “JB this all for having sung Akiri? Why shonld I have been thus thrashed and pushed out ?" Thus argued our hero.
• A landed proprietor.

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By this time the second batch of diners had finished, the door was cpened, and the master of the house came out. "Get away, Sir. Do not stand before me," were the first words he uttered on seeing Mahasena. "You are a beggar. You came to me begging for meals. What have I done to you that you should insult my wife tbus? Is this your return for her having given you the ápôchana first?'
Our musician stood bewildered. Where and how had he abused the wife of the Mirâsadar? He ransacked his brains. He found no clue. He pleaded innocence. And again roared the master, "A knock on the head of Akiri' did you not say? And why should you, a beggar, say such a thing of the wife of a respectable Mirâsadar? Is it for her having given you the ápôchana first?"
Now unfortunately for our hero, the name of the Mirásadar's wife was Åkiri Ammal or Ákiri. And as soon as he had spoken, every one took his words to be aimed at the good woman. However, when the whole thing was explained and the real state of affairs understood, Mahasena was excused and was given his food.
Bat it was then very late in the day. So he made up his mind never more to sing Akiri in the mornings, and returned home a wiser man.
MISCELLANEA. SEBUNDY.
| Blair, to Government of India, December 3rd, (Concluded from p. 259.).
1860. 1858.-"The Government of India request that 1881. "She left for Rangoon on 4th Septemmeasures may be taken for raising in the Madras ber with the Sebundy Corps." --Letter, SuperPresidency a Company of Sibbundies for service
intendent, Port Blair, to Government of India, in the Andaman Islands ... The pay of October 2nd, 1861. all ranks is to be the same as that of the Sibbundy 1861. "A guard of Sebundies has conseCorps in Ganjam." -Madras Consultations, quently been re-posted at Ryabjee and another at August 23rd, 1858.
Mahasinghee of Chinna Kimedy." - Report of 1858.-" He could find no recruits owing to the Captain McNeill, Agent to the Governor-General rates of pay offered, men refusing to serve in the in the Hill Tracts of Orissa, 11th June 1861, in Andamans on the scale of pay of the Ganjam Carmichael, Vizagapatam, p. 344. Bibbundi Corps." - Letter, Madras Government 1861. - "Sliding down Mount Tendong, the to Government of India, September 13th, 1858.
summit of which, with snow lying there, we 1850.-" Make arrangements for hutting the crossed; the Sebundy Sappers were employed Andaman Sibundy Corps." - Letter, Government cutting a passage for the mules." - Report of of India to Superintendent, Port Blair, April 29th, Captain Impey, R. E., in Gawler's Sikhim, in 1859.
Yule, Hobson-Jobson, 8. . 1859. - "On the afternoon of the 27th June the 1884. -"A Khond, whom I had induced to join Andaman Seebundy Corps arrived in the trans- my Corps of Sebundies, joined in repelling an port Malacca." - Letter, Superintendent, Port attack."-Campbell, Personal Narrative, p. 242,
Blair, to Government of India, 1st July, 1859. in Macpherson's Memorials, p. 376. " 1860.-"John Jones Sebundy Corps" on a 1865.-"The best arrangement he could make wooden cross in the cemetery on Ross Island, [in 1846) for defence by sending up a guard of Port Blair.
Bebundies to repel the attacks upon Leinpurra." 1860.-" — Jones age — Andaman Se.
- Macpherson's Memorials, p. 264. bundy Corps | diarrhea | admitted 14th Novem- 1869.-"[c. 1855, the road] twelve miles short ber 1860 | died 14th November 1860 Sergeant- of the town of Jeypore (in Vizagapatam] was Major." - Register of Europeans buried on Ross first traced by the old Bibbundy Corps." Car. Island in 1860.
michael, Visagapatam, p. 19. 1860.-" The convicts here utterly despise the 1860. -"[Viziaram Raz in 1794 wrote a Sebundy Guard." - Letter, Superintendent, Port letter) in which he attributed his disobedience

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MISCELLANEA.
315
of the Company's orders to the restraint laid 1879.-"[ 8. v. sih, three] si-bandi (1) upon him by the rabble of Sebundies and others quarterly payment - kaho unke huis ki sehbandi that had gathered round him.” - Carmichael, bat gaf; (2) a tribute, a contingent ; (3) a militia Vizagapatam, p. 47.
soldier employed in collecting rerenuo or in 1869. - "An attack in open day was made on
police duties, etc.; (4) charges in the revenue the party of Sibbandis posted at Boorjah."
accounts for the maintenance of such troops. Carmichael, Vizagapatam, p. 233.
Bibandi nghand, to levy or collect quarterly
payments."- Fallon, New Hindustani Dict. 1869. "The Sibbundies under Captain
1880.-" The police) establishment consisted Owen, assisted by some of the Sirdars in the hills, promptly put it (insurrection in 1857-8) down." -
[in 1877] of.... an Arab militia, Carmichael, Vizagapatan, p. 237.
sibandi, 500 strong." - Bombay Gazetteer, Vol.
0., Cutch, p. 183. 1869. - "The Sibbandi Corps which replaced
1883.-"(Before 1860] offences committed at the detachments of the regular Army was incorporated with the constabulary, and a considerable
night were under the cognizance of the killeder,
whose sibandis were in charge of the city at number of the old police establishment joined the new force [in 1881).” - Carmichael,
night .... (Up to 1870) the kille sibardi
was amalgamated with the fauzdari sepoys and a Vizagapatam, p. 257.
police battalion was formed .... [After 1809. - "Comparative Glossary of the Wild
1876) The difference between the past and the Tribes of the District . . English,
present is this, that up till now there was no grantor .... Highland Khond,
clear line of demarcation between the army and sibondi | Saura, sdvukért (soucar')." -
the police. The tainati sibandi was essentinlly Carmichael, Vizagapatam, p. 363.
a military and an offence against the public c. 1875. -"Sebundi see Sibundi.... peace was in no vague sense treated as an act Sibandi, Hill, militin, police." - Bombay Places ! of rebellion against the Sovereign." - Bombay and Common Official Words, p. 65.
Gazetteer, Vol. vii., Baroda, pp. 466-8. 1876. - "Sibbandi, an establishment." 1884. -["8. ., sih] Si-bandı, a three monthly Rice, Mysore and Coorg, Vol. i., Appendix ii., or quarterly pnyment. Sibandi ughúnci, to levy Glossary, p. 25.
or collect three-monthly payments." -- Plalta 1878. - "A Sibbundi or Revenue Corps, 800 Urdu Dict. strong, was ordered to be raised at once [in 1885. -"Sibandi. Irregular soldiery, a sort 1795-8]."- Morris, Godavery District, p. 265. of militia or imperfectly disciplined troops main
1878. -"[In 1857] the campaign was conti- tained for the garrisons of forts and guards in nued by a Sibbandi or Revenue Corps." -
towns and villages and for the collection of Morris, Godavery District, p. 301. .
revenue." - Whitworth, Anglo-Indian Dict., 8. v. 1878. -"The Sibbandi Corps which was raised 1888. -"In 1844-45] Independent of the at the time of Subareddi's disturbance was rural police each peta or sub-division was furnished reduced in and amalgamated with the Police (in with a body of shibandi.... They were 1861-62)." - Morris, Godavery District, p. 309. armed with swords and shields and generally
1878. "In 1775) the Police of the Trivandi. stationed at hond-quarters of each sub-division." - puram farm consisted of a Poligar and four Bombay Gazetteer, Vol.azio., Kolhapur, p. 274. watchers.... but he had in addition to 1 c. 1888. - "Captain Gilmore of the (Bengal) provide a force of Sibbandi peons in time of Engineers was appointed to open the settlement war for the protection of the farm."- Garstin, of Darjeeling and to raise two companies of South Arcot, p. 226.
Sebundy Sappers in order to provide the neces. 1879. - "When (1853) His Highness Sindia
sary labour ... Gilmore got sick ; and in handed over the Panch Mahals to British manage.
1838 I was suddenly ordered from the extreme ment, the greatest disorder prevailed. For years
border of Bengal - Nyacollee - to relieve him the district had been in the hands of revenne
.... The Sebundios were a local corps contractors, who so long as they paid the amount
designed to furnish a body of labourers fit for they had bid, were allowed to manage the district
mountain-work. They were armed and expected as they chose. Under them was a military force,
to fight if necessary." - Letter from Lord Napier Bibandi, distributed through the district in out.
of Magdala, in Yule, Hobson-Jobson, p. 609. posts, thånds: - Bombay Gazetteer, Vol.iii., Panch 1888. -"Sobundy from the Pers. sihbandi, Mahalo, p. 261.
(sih, three). The rationale of the word is obscure

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to us. It is applied to irregular native soldiery, apparently familiar enough in the Madras Presi. a sort of militia or imperfectly disciplined troops dency, has never, I fancy, been known out of it. for revenue or police duties, etc. Certain local
1808. -" The Sindias, as Sovereigns of Broach, infantry regiments were formerly officially termed
I used to take the revenues of Moojmooadars and Sebundy. The last official appearance that we
Desoys of that district every third year : . .. can find is in application to the Sebundy Corps
and called the periodical confiscation juptee. of Sappers and Miners employed at Darjeeling. R. Drummond, Illustrations, in Yule, HobsonThis is in the East India Register down to July
Jobson, 8. v. 1889, after which the title does not appear in any official list. Of this corps if we are not mistaken
1852.-"Zabti. Sequestration, attachment, the present Field Marshal Lord Napier of Mugdala seizure of goods." -Brown, Dict. of Mixed was in charge as Lieutenant Robert Napier about Telugu, 8. 1. 1840." - Yule, Ilobson-Jobson, 8. v.
1869.-" [In 1849) Mr. Smollett took the step 1688. - "Name of Prisoner, Juma caste, of safting the four tulugs on the eastern side of Sindhi | Village, Naniâni | Taluka, Chotila | Dis. the ghants .... It was urged upon the trict, Jhala wad ... Previous history
regent on some sides to saft the entire estate of the prisoner, Juma Nathu was a sepoy in the
.... At the conclusion of his arrangeSibandi of Vicbhiâ under Jasdan[in Kathikwad), ments for this zaft the regent returned to Head. He was convicted on the 7th July 1884 by the
Quarters." - Carmichael, Vizagapatan, p. 238. Sar Nya yadhish of Jasdan of causing grievous c. 1875. - "Japti (Marathi and Gujarati), hurt by a sword in some dispute about the exac- attachment; seizing: settled landholders. Zapti, tion of forced labour." - Extracts from the Hill, see Japti. Zuptee, Hill, see Japti."Nominal Roll of a Prisoner at Port Blair, dated Bombay Place Names and Common Oficial Words. 6th Sept. 1886.
Glossary. 1893. -"[8.., sipah] Sibbundy (sibbandi). 1879.-"Zabt, Rustic japat, zabti ..., Hind. From above (sipah] + bandi, Pers. recruit seizure, confiscation, resumption, sequestration." ment (a slip and false derivation - R. C. T.]. - Fallon, New Hind. Dict., 8. v. Militia for garrison of forts, guard in towns and
1886.- "Jubtee, Juptee, etc. Guzarati japti, villages and collection of revenue. So an establish
etc., corrupt forms of jabti, see zubt [but there ment of clerks and peons, etc." - Madras Manual
is no entry subt in the book.-R.C.T.]." - of Administration, Vol. iii., Glossary.
Yule, Hobson-Jobson, 6. 1. R. C. TEMPLE.
1893. "Zuft bo-zabt, Hind. from (xabata,
Ar. to keep) (zaubitah). Attachment, distraint. ZUFT.
Zufty is sequestrated." - Madras Manual of Tuis curions Anglo-Indian word is not to
Administration, Vol. III., Glossary, 8. v. be found in Yule's Hobson-Jobson, and, though
R. C. TEMPLE
NOTES AND QUERIES. A MEANS OF KEEPING OFF RAIN. | deep under-current of animosity all along Of THE Baniyâs of a village will, if the villagers this an instance is found in a ceremony among take means to propitiate the gods who may bring the Sarâögi Baniyas of apparently ancient insti. them rain, use chapatis for a very unworthy pur. tution. At a marriage, and in a private apartpose, and then expose them outside the village toment to which only the relatives of the parties shew the deity that there is no scarcity of food, affianced meet, the figure of a Brahman in dough, and that lie need not trouble to bring rain. The with a stock of honey inside, is set up. The use of ght in the lamp instead of oil may have the father of the bridegroom, armed with a miniatura same object.
bow and arrow, topples over the effigy, which is DENZIL IBBETSON in P. N. and Q. 1983.
then disemboweled, so to speak, of its honey, into
which all present dip a finger und suck it. MODERN JAIN ANTIPATHY TO BRAHMANS. If the embodied Bråbman were as deliciously
PIONOUNCED outcastes in the social scale by an tasted, the figurative, r'xecution might long cre intolerant and powerful priesthood, the large this have been preluded by a substantial mas. section of Sadras scarcely dared to manifest sacre and a social regeneration. resentment openly. But there inust save been a
A. P. W. in P. N. and Q. 1883.

Page #325

DECEMBER, 1896.]
MISCELLANEOUS SOUTH-INDIAN COINS. BY E. HULTZSCH, PH.D.
HIS paper has been drawn up at the instance of the Rev. J. E. Tracy, M.A., who was good
send me a number of unpublished cabinet,
these I have added some inscribed South-Indian coins in my own collection. To Mr. E. Thurston, Superintendent of the Madras Museum, I am indebted for the loan of some interesting gold and copper coins which were lately discovered in the Anantapur, Kistua and Vizagapatam districts. The following abbreviations are used:T. Mr. Tracy's cabinet; M. Madras Museum; H. = my own cabinet.
As on previous occasions, Mr. B. Santappah has again obliged me by preparing the plaster casts, from which the two accompanying Autotype Plates were copied.
MISCELLANEOUS SOUTH-INDIAN COINS..
No. 1. T. Impure silver. 51 grains.
Obe.
The typical squatting figure, as on Sir W. Elliot's Nos. 165 and 166. Under its left arm, the emblem of the Chola king- a tiger, seated, facing the proper right, flanked by two lamps, and surmounted by a parasol.
Rev. Same as Sir W. Elliot's No. 152 (ante, Vol. XXI. p. 323, No. 7) and No. 153, but the legend
श्रीराजरा जदेव :
Obv.
This unique coin, as well as the gold coin with the legend Rajaraja and the first issue of the copper coins with the same legend (Sir W. Elliot's Nos. 165 and 166), may be attributed with great probability to the great Chola king Rajarajadeva, who ascended the throne in A.D. 984-85; see ante, Vol. XXIII. p. 297, and Ep. Ind. Vol. IV. p. 68.
The obverse and reverse are No. 1, but the legend -
• राजेन्द्र चोल:
Rev.
-
317
Sri-Rajara[jadėrali],1
No. 2. T. Impure silver. 30 grains.
identical.
(000
This unique coin may be attributed to Rajendra-Choladeva I., the son and immediate successor of Rajarajadêva. Another coin of his, which bears his surname Gangaikonda-Chili, was published ante, Vol. XXI. p. 323, No. 7.
RajendraChôlah.
No. 3. -M. Gold pagoda. 51 grains. A rude figure of Garuda, kneeling towards the proper left. 3D
S
Both bear the same devices as the reverse of
Sri-Vira-Harihara.
Sixteen specimens of this hitherto unknown coin were recently discovered in the Anantapur district, and sent to me by Mr. Thurston. The coin belongs to Harihara II. of the first Vijayanagara dynasty, the son and successor of Bukka I., whose pagoda shews the same obverse (ante, Vol. XX. p. 302, No. 1).
Obv.
No. 4. T. Copper. Hanumat, advancing towards the proper left. हरि Hariहर hara.
Rev.
1 The reading of the second line of the legend is conjectural; only the tops of the syllables d and va are see on the coin.

Page #326

318
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECEMBER, 1896.
No, 6. - T. Silver. Obv. - An elephant, facing the proper left. Rev. - A sword and, to the right of it, the legend -
Déva
raya. This specimen is the only silver coin of the Vijayanagara kings that has hitherto como to light; compare ante, Vol. XX. p. 301. The elephant appears also on the quarter pagodas and on part of the copper issues of Devardya ; see ibid. p. 303.
No. 6. - H. 3 specimens. 'Copper. Obv. - Hanumat, advancing towards the proper left. frett
Sri-ViraRes. - at
Bhupati." राय
raya. This coin was first published ante, Vol. XXIV. p. 26, No. 9, where the legend is, however, misread. The figure of Hanumat on the obverse connects it with Harihara's coin No. 4. Vira-Bhupati was the son of Bukka II. and a grandson of Harihara II. ; see Dr. Aufrecht's Oxford Catalogue, p. 371b, Dr. Burnell's Tanjore Catalogue, p. 16a, and my First Report on Sanskrit Manuscripts, p. iii, f.
No. 7. -T. Silver. 31 grains. Obv. - A male figure, squatting, wearing ear-rings, and holding a bow in the right hand. Rev. - Depo Sri-Vira.
Copper coins with the same legend are found in endless numbers and varieties in Madhara. But no second specimen in silver is known, Sir W. Elliot attributed two copper coins of this series (Nos. 94 and 95 ) to the Kakatiyas or the Reddis. But, though the legend of these coins is engraved in Telugu characters, their finding-place, Madhura, forces us to connect them - as was first done by the Rev. E. Loventhal in his Coins of Tinnerelly, Madras, 1880. D. 20 - with the only Telugu dynasty which is known to have resided there, ris. the Nayakas. The legend Sri-Vira may refer to, and may have been started by, one of the four different Nâyakas who bore the surname Virepps ; see Mr. Sewell's Lists of Antiquities, Vol. II. p. 200.
No. 8. – H. G specimens. Copper. Obv. - A standing figure,
Sri-MiConcave rev. *88.
nakshi.3. As remarked before (Vol. XXI. p. 326, No. 21), Minakshi is the name of the goddess of Madhurâ and of a queen of the Nayaka dynasty.
No. o. - H. 2 specimens. Copper.
(Ma]a[i]Obv. (Tamil) - {! Rev. (Grantha) - Tanchai(?).*
Madirai or Madurai and Tanjai are Tamil names of the two towns Madhura and Tanjavur (Tanjore). The word Madurai occurs also on two other coins which I have published before (Vol. XXI. p. 326, Nos. 22 and 23).
S fH
* Read Bhupati.
* Read Minakshi. . Read Tañjai. The vowel ai, which ought to stand before the group fich, seems to be written below the line.

Page #327

MISCELLANEOUS SOUTH INDIAN COINS.
FULL-SIZE.
From Casts maile by Mr. B. S.ANTAPPAH, Curator, Bangalore Museum.

Page #328


Page #329

DECEMBER, 1896.]
MISCELLANEOUS SOUTH INDIAN COINS.
319
060.-{
m
Rev.
Rev. —
SOT
qfa
(
Rev. -
5T
No. 10. - H. Copper. 06. - A plant. Rev. - Same as No. 9.
No. 11.-H. Copper. Obo. - A star or flower, Rev. - Same as No. 9.
No. 12. - H. Copper, Obu. -The sun within a crescent. Rev.-Same as No. 9.
No. 18.-H. Gold fanam. 5grains.
Sri.
Rájá Chhetra
pati. This coin was first noticed in Captain Tufnell's Hints to Coin-Collectors in Southern India, p. 79, from information supplied by myself.
No. 14.-H. Copper.
Sr. 06. NT
Raja (For
SivaChhatra
pati. This very common coin was already published by Marsden, Numismata Orientalia, Plato xlvii. No. 1068. It is here figured again in order to shew its connection with the fanam No. 13. The title Chhattrapati, lord of the parasol,' was borne by the Mahratta kings of Satara ; sec Dr. Codrington's paper on the Seals of the late Satara Kingdom;' Journ. Bombay Br. R. d. 8. Vol. XVI. p. 126 ff. Hence the coins No. 13 and No. 14 may be ascribed to the first Mahratta king, Sivaji (A, D, 1674 to 1680).
No: 15.- T., H. Copper. Obo. - God and goddess, seated.
Raghuनाथ This coin may be attributed to Raghunaths, the third of the Nayakas of Tanjavar (Manual of the Tanjore District, p. 750 ff.). The Dame Raghunatha occurs also among the Setupatis of Râmnad and the Tondaimâns of Pudukkottai; see Mr. Sewell's Lists of Antiquities, Vol. II. pp. 228 and 225 f.
No. 16. - T., H. Copper. Obo. - AT
Mudra.
Måhåरज
raja. This piece professes to be a coin (mudré)" of a Mahárdja who does not condescend to acquaint us with his name. . Read Chhattra. • Another specimen reads patt insthad of pati.
Read Mahardja. . The same term is used on a rapoo of Jeswant Rao Holkar; soo Prinsop's Unful Tables, edited by Thomas, . 00, note 1, and Cunningham's Coins of Kodiaval India, Plate , No. 19.
Rev. -
natha,
Rec. - STET

Page #330

320
Obr. Rev.
-
Goddess, seated. Same as No. 16.
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
No. 17. H. Copper.
Obe. God and goddess, seated.
माह
Rev.-{
ET ST
No. 18.
Obv. Rev.
-
Mâbâraja.s
H. Copper.
No. 18. H. Copper. 11 and 12 grains.
The Teugalai Vaishnava mark and, below it, the Tamil figures 917, followed by the abbreviation for varusham (varsha), 'year.'
Obv. A five-headed cobra and, below it, the Tamil legend kasu 1 (i. e. 1 cash). Rev.
No. 20. T. H. Copper. 16 and 17 grains.
Obs. Same as No. 19, but the Tamil legend kasu 2 (i. e. 2 cash).
Rev.
Same as No. 19.
The date on the reverse of Nos. 19 and 20, if referred to the Kollam era, would correspond to A.D. 1741-42.10 These coins were struck by the Travancore State; see the remarks on No. 23 below.
No. 21. H. 2 specimens. Copper.
Obv. Hanumat, advancing towards the proper left.
Concave rev.
A double, linked C, the monogram of Charles II.
[DECEMBER, 1896.
The same monogram occurs on the silver fanams of Charles II., on which see, e. g., ante, Vol. XI. p. 315, and Mr. Thurston's History of the Coinage of the East India Company, p. 20. The figure of Hanumat on the obverse of No. 21 may have been copied from Vijayanagara coins like Nos. 4 and 6.
No. 22. H. Copper.
An elephant, facing the proper left. 1808.
This is a new variety of another, common coin, which bears on the obverse the bale mark of the U. E. I. C. The figure of an elephant on the obverse has been evidently copied from Vijayanagara coins, just as the Hanumat of No. 21 and as the image of Vishnu on the Madras pagodas of the Company.
No. 23. - Copper. 36 grains.
This coin belongs to Mr. G. A. Hawks, 1st Madras Pioneers.
Obv.
A five-headed cobra and, below it, the Tamil legend kasu 4 (i. e. 4 cash).
Rev. The Tengalai Vaishnava mark and, below it, the Tamil figures 911, followed by the abbreviation for varusham (varsha), 'year.'
The date on the reverse has to be referred to the Kollam era and corresponds to A. D. 1735-36. According to the Rev. S. Mateer (Madras Journal of Literature and Science for 1989-94, pp. 64 and 66), this coin and Nos. 19 and 20 above were struck by the Travancore State and are known as Anantan kasu. This name suggests that the figure of a cobra on the obverse is meant for the serpent-king Ananta, with whom the name of the capital of Travancore, Tiruvanantapuram (Trivandrum), is popularly connected."1
Read Maharaja.
10 See ante, p. 54.
11 In inscriptions, however, the forms TiravAnandapuram and Syânandura, i. e. Sry-Anand-ûr, occur; see Er. Ind. Vol. IV. p. 202, note 5.

Page #331

DECEMBER, 1896.)
MISCELLANEOUS SOUTH INDIAN COINS.
321
No. 24. - M. 661 grains. Centre. - A boar, facing the proper left and surrounded by two lamps, an elephant-goad, a parasol, and two indistinct symbols which may be either the sun and the moon or two chaurís. Below the boar's head, the Telugu letter ja (?). Margin. - 20% qy .
'Sri-Rå jarâja. Sa[mvat*] 34. The central device and each of the six portions of the marginal legend of Nog. 24 and 25 were strack by a separato punch. The punches shew through on the plain reverse. The irregular concave shape of the obverse was evidently caused by the gradual bending of the thin metal during the application of the six punches.12
The coins described under Nos. 24 to 29 form a recent find of sixteen gold coins, which the Collector of the Kistna district sent to Mr. Thurston, who has kindly forwarded them to the author of this paper. They were discovered by coolies in a metal box buried in a mound at the village of Güdûr near Masulipatam.
No. 25.- M.2 specimens. 663 grains. Centre. - Similar to No. 24, Below the boar's head, the Telugu letter ka. Margin. - Decoautas de
Sri-Rajaraja. Samvat*] 37. The boar was the crest of the Chalakya family. Hence Nos. 24 and 25 must be assigned to the 34tb and 37th years of the Eastern Chalukya king Rajaraja, who reigned from A. D. 1022 to 1063.13 Dr. Fleet's three coins (ante, Vol. XIX. p. 78, Plate) bear the dates Sa[rivat*] 3, 4 and 35.14
No. 28.-M. 611 grains. Centre. - A tiger, facing the proper left and surmounted by the sun, the figure of a chauri. bearer (P), and a crescent. Below the tiger's head, the Telugu numeral 6.' Margin - ಕ್ರೀಡೆಆನಾರಾಯಣ
Sri-Ch[6]lanarayana.15 No. 27.-M. 614 grains. Centre. – A tiger (), facing the proper right and surmounted by the sun and a crescent. Margin. - Same as No. 26.
The tiger was the crest of the Chola dynasty. Nos. 26 and 27 were perhaps issued by Kulottunga-Chola I.,16 who bore the surname Rájanáráyana, 17 which resembles the legend of the two coins. The numeral on No. 26 refers to the 6th year of the king's reign.
No. 28.- M. 3 specimens. 58 grains. Nine punch-marks, of which five represent a lion, two the syllable se éri, one s a tré!, 18 and one womalla.19
12 Sir Walter Elliot (Coins of Southern India, p. 55) aptly suggests that the cup-shaped Ramatan kas are later imitations of punch-marked coins, the concave surface of which was due to accident.
19 Ante, Vol. XX. p. 273.
16 Instead of these three dates, Dr. Fleet read the syllable sya. The three coins of Chalukyachandra, which are figured on the same Piate, bear the dates Sa[risoat) 9,4 and 13, which have also been read as sya.
15 The syllable šti is clear on No. 27, but looks like la on No. 26. This may be due to a mistake of the mintofficer, who used twice the punch bearing the letter la, once before and once after the syllable chó. Compare notes 19 and 22 below.
16 He ascended the throne in A. D. 1070: see Ep. Ind. Vol. IV. p. 72. 11 South Indian Iacription, Vol. I. p. 59, verse 12. 18 Read trailb[kya].
19 A similar coin has twioe milla and omits trey. This is probably due to a mistake of the officer who handled the punches.

Page #332

322
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(DECEMBER, 1898.
The lion appears on the coins of the Hoysalas 20 and of the Kadambas of Goa. Bat the legend of No. 28 suggests that this coin was struck by one of the Western Chalukya kings who bore the surnamo Trailokyamalla.
No. 20.- M. 6 specimens. 571 to 59 grains. Ninc punch-marks, of which five represent a lion, two the syllable be dri, one woda jaya, and one des déva.
This coin I attribute with some hesitation to one of the Western Chalukya kings named Jayasinha. The blank reverse of most specimens of Nos. 28 and 29 shews an irregular network of raised straight lines. Mr. Santappah suggests that these are due to scratches which were purposely made on the anvil, - & simple device which the Indian goldsmiths are practising to the present time in order to prevent the slipping of the beaten metal.
No. 30.-H, Gold fanam. 6 grains. Obv. - A recumbent ball, facing the proper left, with a conch in front and a crescent above. Rev. (in two lines) - Samvat*] 3.
No. 31. - H. Gold fanam. 6 grains. Obr. - A recumbent ball, facing the proper left and sarmounted by a crescent. Rev. - Sa[ivat] 4.
No. 32.-H. Gold fanam. 61 grains. Obv. - A recumbent ball, facing the proper left, with a linga in front and a crescent above. Rev.- 2 Samvat*) 7.
No. 38.-H. Gold fanam. 61 grains. Obv. - A recumbent bull, facing the proper right with the sun (?) in front and a crescent above.
Rev. - * Sa[invat*] 5.
Nos. 30 to 33 were obtained by Mr. F. Fawcett, when Superintendent of Police in the Gañjám district.23 These coins have to be assigned to the Ganga dynasty of Kalinganagara, the modern Mukhalingam in the Gañjam district, whose crest was a bull.25 Perhaps they belong to the 3rd, 4th, 5th and 7th years of Ananta varman, surnamed Chodaganga, who ascended the throne in A. D. 1078,30 and whose numerous inscriptions at Mukhalingam are dated both in regnal years and in years of the Saka era.37
No. 84. - M. Copper. Obv.-Within a dotted border, a lion, facing the proper left. Above the lion is punched on the legend - ವಿದಸಿದ್ಧಿ
Vishamasiddhi. Rev.-Within a border of rays, a double trident, surmounted by a crescent and flanked by two lamps.
20 Ante, Vol. XX. p. 804, note 8.
31 Sir W. Elliot's Coins of Southern India, p. 152c. 22 A similar coin has twice dra and omits jaya. A mistake of the same kind was referred to in note 19.
» Sir W. Elliot's No. 83, a gold fanam of 6) grains, seems to belong to the same series; but the date on its obverse is indistinct. *4 Ep. Ind. Vol. IV. p. 188.
# Dr. Fleet's Kanarere Dynasties, second edition, p. 299, note 8. » Ante, Vol. XVIII. p. 162.
* See my Annual Report for 1895-96, p. 6.

Page #333

MISCELLANEOUS SOUTH INDIAN COINS.
20
22
23
FULL-SIZE
firsts made by Jr US7U7://
i
nco, malore Juserem

Page #334


Page #335

DECEMBER, 1896.]
APASTAMBA'S QUOTATIONS FROM THE PURANAS. 323
After I had passed the two accompanying Plates for printing, Mr. Thurston sent me, for examination, seventy-one specimens of this coin, which had been discovered near Yellamanchili in the Vizagapatam district. Vishamasiddhi was a surname of the first Eastern Chalukya king, Kubja-Vishnuvardhana (A. D. 615-33) and occurs on the seals of the copper-plate grants of his grandson.29 Consequently No. 34 has to be assigned to the Eastern Chalukya dynasty.
APASTAMBA'S QUOTATIONS FROM THE PURANAS.
BY GEORGE BÜHLER, PH.D., LL.D., C.I.E.
Is the introduction to the first edition of my translation of Apastamba's. Dharmasûtra,1 I stated my belief that Apastamba's quotation from the Bhavishyat purana, Dh. Sû. II. 24, 6, had been taken from the original on which the existing Bhavishyat-Upapurána is based, and I added in a note that in my opinion our Puranas are, though not identical with, yet not altogether independent of, the Puranas which are not rarely mentioned in Vedic works. I also protested against the estimate of the antiquity of our Puranas by Prof. H. H. Wilson and others,3 who hold that, one and all, they have been composed or brought into their present shape within the last thousand years, and I adduced in support of this protest the well-known mention of the Pavana or Váyu-Purána in Bana's Harshacharita (circa A. D. 625). The progress of Sanskrit scholarship during the last seventeen years has enabled me to adduce in the second edition of the introduction, just printed, some facts for the greater part of my views, which formerly I put forward as mere guesses, and particularly to point out that two of Apastamba's quotations from the Puranas are traceable. As the question regarding the antiquity and authenticity of the Puráņas possesses considerable importance for the history of Indian religion and literature, I venture to expand here the brief notes inserted in the introduction.
The two passages of the Dharmasútra, to which I refer, are the two verses, quoted in II. 23, 3-5 from "a Purána," or possibly from "the Puranas" (see below), and the already mentioned quotation from the Bhavishyatpurana.
The text of the former passage runs as follows:
अथ पुराणे श्रीकावुदाहरन्ति । अष्टाशीतिसहस्राणि ये प्रजामीभिरर्षयः ।
दक्षिणेनार्यः पन्थानं से श्मशानानि भेजिरे ॥ ४ अष्टाशीतिसहस्राणि ये प्रजां नेषिरर्षयः ।
उत्तरेणार्वणः पन्थानं तेमृतत्वं हि कल्पते ॥ ५
The quotation contains two mistakes, the unmetrical for the metrically correct Vedic form पन्थाम् and the obviously corrupt and senseless कल्पते for भेजिरे. I attribute both to Apastamba, who, being a Yâjnik, probably cared little for grammatical and metrical correctness. The irregular Sandhis fra: and fada: are admissible in the ancient language, where words already modified according to the euphonic rules occasionally undergo a second change. Thus we have, Dh. Sû. I. 19, 8 sarvatopetam for sarvataḥ upetam. If we turn to the Jyotishprachâra section of the Puranas, the disjecta membra of the two slokas are traceable in several of the most important works of this class. Thus the Vayupurana says, I. 50, 213 ff.,
28 South-Indian Inscriptions, Vol. I. p. 32, note 2, and ante, Vol. XX. pp. 95 and 98.
1 Sacred Books of the East, Vol. II. p. xxvii. f.
2 The Vishnupurana, p. xvi., ed. F. E. Hall; A. Weber, Hist. Sansk. Lit. p. 190, where Prof. Weber, however, admits that our Purinas contain much of the matter of the older homonymous works which they replaced.

Page #336

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
after giving in verse 208 the definition of the Path of the Fathers or Manes and describing it as the abode of the Sages who assist in the successive creations:
भ्रष्टाशीतिसहस्राणि मुनीनां गृहमेधिनाम्। सवितुर्दक्षिणं मार्गे श्रिता ह्याचन्द्रतारकम् ।
क्रियावतां प्रसंख्येया (ric) ये श्मशानानि भेजिरे ॥ २१३ लोकसंव्यवहारेण भूतारम्भकृतेन च ।
छाया (ric) मैथुनोपगमेन च ॥ २९४ तथा कायकृतेनेह (sic) सेवनाद्विषयस्य च । एस्तैः कारणः सिद्धाः श्मशानानि हि भेजिरे । प्रजैषिणस्ते मुनयो द्वापरेष्विह जज्ञिरे ।। २१५ ।। नागवीथ्युत्तरे यच्च सप्तर्षिभ्यश्च दक्षिणम् । उत्तरः सवितुः पन्था देवयानस्तु स स्मृतः ।। २१६ यत्र ते वासिनः (sic) सिद्धा विमला ब्रह्मचारिणः । सततं (iii) ते जुगुप्सते अष्टाशीतिसहस्राणि तेषामप्यूर्ध्वरेतसाम् ।
324
तेः ।। २९०
उदक पन्थानमर्यम्णः श्रिता ह्याभूतसंवप्रवात् ।। २१८ ।। इत्येतैः कारणैः शुद्धैस्तेमृतत्वं हि भेजिरे ।
भूसंशवस्थानाम (०) विभाव्यते ।। २९९ ।।
In the Matsyapurana the definition of the Path of the Fathers is found exactly in the same words as in the Váyup. at I. 123, 96, and at 1016 follows an only slightly differing version of the passage quoted :
भष्टाशीतिसहस्राणि ऋषीणां गृहमेधिनाम्।। १०१ ।। ईक्षिणं मार्गमा भयाभूत
क्रियावतां प्रसंख्यैषा ये मशानानि भेजिरे ।। १०२ ।। लोकसंयवहारापै भूतारम्भकृतेन च । इच्छापरताय मेनोपगमाथवे ।। १०३ ।।
तथा कामकृतेनेह सेवनाद्विषयस्य च ।
इन्देः कारणैः सिद्धाः श्मशानानीह भेजिरे ॥ १०४ ॥ प्रजैषिणः सप्त ऋषयो द्वापरेष्विह जज्ञिरे । संतति । जुगुप्सते तु ते ।। १०५ ।। अष्टाशीतिसहस्राणि तेषामरेसा।
पन्धानपर्यन्त (sic) माविश्यापदम् । १०६ ।। से संप्रयोगाचोकर (c) मैथुनस्य च वर्जनात् ।
पनिया (c) च भूतारम्नविवर्जनात् ॥ १०७ ॥ इत्येतैः कारणैः शुद्धैस्तेमृतत्वं हि भेजिरे ।
भूतसंचस्थानाम (ric) विनाव्यते ।। १०८ ।।
[DECEMBER, 1896.
A third much more mutilated, but in some points correcter, version stands in the Vishnupurána, II. 8, 90, where the preceding definition of the Path of the Fathers (verse 85) and some more verses again agree with the words of the other two Puranas ;
सवितुर्दक्षिणं मार्गे श्रिता ह्याचन्द्रतारकम् ॥ ९० ॥ नागवीथ्युत्तरं यच सप्तर्षिभ्यश्च दक्षिणम् ।
I give the text exactly as it stands in the late Dr. Rajendralâl Mitra's incorrect edition.
• The text is from the edition by JanardanAcharya Vale and Anantacharya Ashtaputre, Pagi Sakasarvat 1792.

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उत्तरः सवितुः पन्था देवयानस्तु स स्मृतः ॥ ९१ ॥ तत्र ते वशिनः सिद्धा विमला ब्रह्मचारिणः । संतति ते जुगुप्सन्ति सा ।। १२ ।। अष्टाशीतिसहस्राणि यतीनाम् । उद पन्थानमर्यम्णः स्थिता ह्याभूतसंयात् ॥ ९३ ॥ मैथुनस्य च वर्जना
इच्छाद्वेषाप्रदृश्या च भूतारम्भविवर्जनाम् ॥ ९४ ॥ पुनध कामासंयोगाच्छनापदर्शनात् ।
इत्येभिः कारणैः शुद्धास्तेमृतत्वं हि भेजिरे ॥ ९५ ॥
आभूतसंप्लवस्थानममृतत्वं विभाव्यते ।
त्रैलोक्यस्थितिकाला यमपुनमीर उच्यते ॥ ९६ ॥
These three passages appear to go back to one and the same enlarged version of the two lokas quoted by Apastamba. Their order has not been changed, but several pádas, partly changed in form, are either embedded in a mass of explanatory statements or hidden under paraphrases. The second slota has been best preserved. Its first and last pidas appear unaltered in the Váyap. vv. 218 and 219, Matsyap. vv. 106 and 108, Vishnup. 93 and 95. The third pada has received in the Fdynp. and Vishnup. a correct metrical form and has been. remodelled on the basis of the reading panthanam by the substitution of udak for the trisyllabic uttarena. The reading of the Matsyap. dal parthánaparyantam is, of course, merely due to & copyist's blunder. The second pada of the ancient sloka, ye prajim neskirarshayaḥ has been lost in all the three Puranas. But its former existence is indicated by the paraphrase, sanitatim te jugupsante, which in all the three works (Vayup. v. 217, Matsyap. v. 105, Vishsup. v. 92 ) precedes the first pada, ashtaritisahasráņi.
As regards the first stoku of Apastamba's quotation, its first pada occurs only in the Vayup. v. 213a and in the Matsyap. v. 101. In the Vishnup. it has been lost and verse 90, where it ought to occur, consists only of two púdas. The mutilation is ancient, as it is found not only in all the MSS., examined hitherto, but also in the version known to the commentator Ratna. garbha, who, according to his own statement, consulted earlier commentaries. The Vishnup has also lost the fourth pada of the first verse, which, slightly modified, occurs twice in Vayup. v. 213c and 2156 as well as in Matsyap. v. 1026 and 1045. The sêcond páda of the ancient sloka ye prajam neshirarshayaḥ has again been torn out of its connexion and is represented in the Väyup. v. 215, merely by the word prajaishinah. In the Matsyap. v. 105a we have the same expression and the word rishinám, found in v. 101, is probably another remnant. The third pāda has undergone & very considerable change and, though the beginning of Fáyup. v. 2180, Matsyap. v. 102a and Vishnup. v. 90 agrees in sense, only the single word dakshina has been retained. But in a somewhat different version of the slokas in the Vayup. I. 61, 996-102, the form of this pala comes closer to Apastamba's text. We read there:
अशीतिसहस्राणि कानि गृहमेधिना ॥९९ ।। अर्यम्णो दक्षिणा ये तु पितृयानं समाश्रिताः । दाराभिहोत्रियस्ते वै ये प्रजाहेतवः स्मृताः ॥ १०० ॥ गृहमेधिनां च संख्यैया' श्मशानान्याश्रयन्ति ते ।
Read and dele cha.

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According to the testimony of Samkaracharya's commentary on the Chhinoyya Upanishat III. 1, p.336(Bibl. Ind.) the Pauranikas, it, some unnarued Purina or Purdnas, hut alsonu abbreviated version of the two slokas :
ये प्रजामीबिरे धीरास्ते श्मशानानि भेजिरे।
ये प्रजा नेपिरे धीरास्तेमृतत्वं हि भेजिरे ॥ where the second and fourth pádas alone have been preserved. Among the other Purinas at my disposal the Markandeya, 49-79, and the Padmapurana, v. 3,150, offer an identical verse, which is remotely connected with Apastamba's.
अष्टाशीतिसहस्राणां यसीनामूवरेतसाम् ।
स्मृतं येषां तु तत्स्थानं सदेव गुरुवासिनाम् ॥ The mention of the eighty thousand shaste ascetics no doubt points to an acquaintance of the authors with Å pastamba's second verse. It is thus evident that the two ancient blokas possessed a wide popularity and either formed part of one of the most important Puriņus or occurred in more than one. which latter sapposition is not excluded by the singular purune prefixed to the quotation. For as purána is a generic term, it may be used in a collective sense according to the maxim játáv ekavachanam. The existence of several Purúnas in Apastambu's times becomes probable by the use of the specific title in the second quotation which we have uow to discuss. This quotation extends to the two Sutras, Dh. Su. II. 24, 5, 6: -
मा भूतसंप्टवाने स्वर्गजितः । पुनः सर्गे बीजार्था भवन्तीति भविष्यपुराणे । as without Sútra 5 the sentence in Sátra 6 would be incomplete. A passage which reads like a metrical paraphrase of the second Sitra occurs in the Tagrpurana, I.8,210: -
कल्पस्यादी कृतयुगे प्रथमे सोसजत्प्रजाः ॥२१॥ मागुक्ता या मया तुभ्यं पूर्वकालं प्रमास्तु ताः । सस्मिन्संवर्तमाने मु कल्पे दग्धास्ताग्निना ॥ २२॥ अप्राप्ता यास्तपोलोकं जनलोकं समाश्रिताः। प्रवन्ति पुनः सर्गे बीजार्थ ता भवन्ति हि।। २३ ॥ बीजार्थेन स्थितास्तत्र पुनः सर्गस्य कारणात्।
ततस्ताः सृज्यमानास्तु संतानार्थं भवन्ति हि ।। २४॥ In verse 23 even the order of the words has been carefully kept and the only change introduced is the substitution of bijártham for the, in the later language, unnsnal bijártháh. On the other hand, the Váyup. eontains not a single word from Sutra 3, though the general sense of verse 23a agrees with it. For, according to the peculiar doctrine of the l'uyup., “Janaloka is the residence of the Rishis and demigods during the night of Brahma, and is termed Jana, because the patriarchs are the progenitors of mankind."7 But at least one of its remarkable expressions i bhutasmiplaveit re-appears in the three Puránas, mentioned above, in a verse which ininediately precedes that regarding the eighty thousand sages who had offspring and obtained burial-grounds. Thus the Váyup. I. 50, 2126 says regarding these beings :
एवमार्वतमानास्ते तिष्ठन्त्या भूतसंप्लवात् ।। २१२।। and the identical words occur in the Matsyap. and the Vishnup. exactly in the same position. It would seem that in this case too the ancient materials bave been used twice over by the author of the Viyupurana,
• The saine verse is also found in the Viyup. I. 8,185 and 61, 122 ; Vishnup. I. 6, 3G. 1 H. H. Wilson, Vishnupurana, ed. F. E. Hall, Vol. II. p. 228.

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Apastamba's quotations thus leave no doubt the Purá nas of his time treated of the two topics sargaḥ pratirargas cha" the primary creation and the reproduction of the universe," with which the well-known definition of the scope of the Puranas begins. From the same section of the Puranas come in all probability the statements, Ap. Dk. Si. II. 24, 13-14, according to which the creation is the work of Prajapati and the Sages and the bodies of the pious Sager, i.e., as Haradatta suggests, of Marichi, Vasishtha, and so forth, are visible in the sky "most excellent and brilliant." Both agree in substance with the two passages, marked as quotations, and may be considered as condensed renderings of the teaching of the ancient Puráņas. They show that the outlines of the doctrina regarding the successive creations of the universe, as taught in our Puranas, had been settled.
Both the quotations indicate tlint the language of the ancient Paränas was closely allied to that of the Vedic texts, and, if a pastamba is exact, they prove too that these works contained a mixture of prose and verse. This second point is confirmed by the character of two other Puranic quotations in the Dharmasitra, I. 19, 13 and I. 297. The former contains two epic élokas from a Purana, enjoining the acceptance of an unsolicited gift of food, spontaneously offered by a sinner, and the latter contains a prose passage, declaring the killing of an assailant to be no murder. I have not been able to trace them in the existing Purán is accessible to me. But I must acknowledge that my exploration of these works is far from complete.
While the identification of Apastambu's first mentioned two quotations is sufficient to substantiate the proposition that existing Puranas are connected with the lonionymous worke, mentioned in Vedic literature, various publications, which have appeared of late, permit us to assert with even greater confidence thau formerly that Prof. Wilson's estimate of the Antiquity of our Puraņas is very much too low. Numerons quotations from these works aro found already in the eldest known Dharmanibandhas, such as Vijnanesvara's Mitakshard (ca A. D. 1100), Apararki's Yojaucalliyudharmaśástraniban.th it (ca A. D. 1140). Halayudha's Brálmanasarvasta (not long after ca d. D. 1118/19), where the Puranas are reckoned anong the sources of the sacred law and considered to embody the traditions of the Rishis, ranking either on a par with, or just after, the lawbooks proper. Börünt's India, I. 130 f., written in A.D. 1630 contains an enumeration of their names and sufficient quotations from the Aditya Váyu, Matsya, Vishnu and Vishnudharmottara in order to establish the identity of his texts with those known to ns. In his notes Prof. Sachau has shown this with respect to the Váyup. and the Vishnup. and I have proved it in in detail for tlie Vishnudhar mottara and the Vishnulharmáh, ante, Vol. XIX. p. 381. A Hindu writer of the eleventh century, the Kaśmîrian poet Kshemendra, likewise may be cited as a witness for the existence of our Puráņas, from which he has extracted his Dasavataracharita. Two hundred years before. Bérůni and Kshemendra Samkaracharya quotes, as Prof. Deussen has found, the Markandayapurdņu and calls it simply smriti the tradition of of the sages and repeatedly adduces passages from "& Purana." A further exploration of his numerous works and of the Puranas will permit us to make considerable additions to Prof. Deussen's list of quotations and will lead to further identifications. His immediate predecessor Kamârila (ca 750 A, D.) also mentions the Puranas as sources of the sacred law.
Though the published portions of his Tantravarttiku do not contain any of their names nor any direct quotations, they yet describe their contents with an exactness sufficient to show that he knew works similar to the Vaynp., Alatsyap. and Vishnup. In one place he states that they contain prithivicibhága, the description of the earth, varráánukramana, the genealogies, deszkáluparimún, the measures of space and time, and bhávikathara, predictions of the future events, all of which correspond to sections of our larger Puranas. Among the writers of the seventh century it is particularly Bâņa (ca 625 A. D.), who frequently mentions the Puránas. He has also worked up the story of the Deviinahatmya of the Márkandeya purind, into his
• Kashmir Report, p. 47.
. Das System des Verlanta, p. 36. 10 Tuntravirttika, p. 79 (Bon, Ed.). Othor roforences to particular Pauripio doctrines are found pp. 245 vad 235.

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Chandik ásataka, has extracted numerous other legende, and states in the Harshacharita that the Pavanaprokta Purana, which no doubt is identical with the Váyup., was read out to him by his pustakaváchaka.11 His and his son's (Bhushanabhatta's) references to the Puráņas are well worth a special monograph, which might also be extended to an enquiry regarding the relation of Mayara's contero poraneous Suryakataka to the Saurapurúna and include an examination of the question, whether the Brabina Siddhanta, remodelled by Brabmagupta in A. D. 628/9, in his time already belonged to the Vishnudharmottarh.12 For the present, I fear, it is not possible to trace the history of our Purinas beyond A. D. 600 or to advance anything, that will carry conviction, regarding the upper limit for their composition. It may, however, be pointed out the account of the future kings in the Váyup., Vishnup., Jalsyap, and Dralmendap. seems to stop with the imperial Gaptas and their contemporaries.
THE DEVIL WORSHIP OF THE TULUVAS. FROM THE PAPERS OF THE LATE A. C. BURNELL.
(Continued from page 310.) At this, the grandsons of Buddhivants became exceedingly angry and bit their lips and changed colonr. Their eyes became red. Full of anger they went near Koți and Chennaya, and stood near them and said :-"What did you say? You sons of a widow ! If we do not make you bleed from your noses and months we are not born of Bant mothers."
Hearing this Koţi and Chennaya said :-"We are not born of a widow. We are born of our father. All know that you are born of a Billavar father. As for making tus bleed from our mouths and noses, you cannot do it. If you dare to do so, come now, and we are ready. We shall see what we can do.".
At this bold challenge the grandsons of Buddhivanta went upon them, and patting their hands on their necks, pushed them and took out of their hands by force their bag of pichis and their palles, and said :-"Go now and call your fathers." At this both the brothers tried to regain possession of their bag of pichis. Then the grandsons of Buddhivanta beat the brothers with their fists. They returned their blows. Then they fell upon one another and wrestled. In the meantime all the cowherd boys came and stood around to see them wrestling. After wrestling for some time Koţi and Chesnaya prevailed and put down their antagonists and sat upon their prostrate bodies. Then the cowherd boys interfered and separated the combatants and pacifiod them, and told the grandsons of Buddhivanta to return the bag of pichis to the brothers. They refused to return them; but went home and reported against their antagonists to their grandfather. At this he was highly incensed and sent his servants to Sama Afwa's house, ordering them to bring the two lads, Koți and Chennaya, to his house. So they went to Sama Alwa's house and said to Sama Alwa:-"O Sama Alwa, Buddhivanta, the minister of the Ballar of Parmale, sent us to you, ordering us to take your two grandsons before him. Your grandsons have abused his grandsons, and beat them and felled them to the ground and sat upon their chests, and thus injured them very much. Therefore, he wants to inquire into the matter, and has sent us to take your grandsons before him. So send them with us soon."
Hearing this, Sama Alwa was thunderstruck. He said :-" you servants of Buddhivanta, our boys are not such wicked boys. They could never do such things. Some one out of spite towards us must have made a false complaint against them to Baddhivanta. Oar boys could never do such things. Go now and tell Buddhivanta as I told you."
At this, they said "Aba! your grandsons are very good lads! But you alone praise them. We know everything. So send them at once. It is getting late for as."
11 Ante, Vol. I. p. 111; Harshacharita, p. 05 (Nirpayasigan Ed.), and especially the verse in l. 18-14, 33 See ante, Yol, XIX. p. 383.

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In the meantime Deyi Beidyadi, the mother of the lads, happened to come out and seeing a crowd asked what was the matter. They told her that they had come to take her sons to Buddhivanta's house. Full of fear she went in and called her sons to her and asked them :
"What have you done, my children? Tell me the truth, my children."
Then the boys, Koți and Chennaya, told their mother how the grandsons of Baddhivanta came and abused them, and forcibly took from them their bag of pichis, and thus began the quarrel; and how they tried to regain their own bag, and, in trying to do so, how the grandsons of Buddhivanta beat them with their fists, and how they returned their blows, and so on. So they told everything to their mother. Afterwards Koți and Chennaya came out and stood in the verandah. Then the messengers of Buddhivanta said: "Well, now, come along with us, lads!"
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"Where?" replied they.
"Before Buddhivanta : you are to appear," replied the men. "He has sent us to take you before him."
"We will not go to Buddhivanta's house. Go and tell him so," said the brothers.
Then the messengers said :-"You see, in this matter you will be ruined. We tell you plainly if you are obstinate and refuse to come, you will be rained. Do not blame us afterwards that we did not warn you."
They still refused to go with them. Then the messengers returned to their master.
The brothers now said to one another :-" You see brother, they will now go and complain of us, and Buddhivanta will be still more incensed at us. So we must not sit idle here. We must take some present to the royal Ballal, and represent the truth of our cause before him. Otherwise we shall be proved to be the transgressers "
"Yes," said the other, " let us go at once. Before they reach Buddhivanta's house, we must reach the budu and represent our cause before the king."
Their father, Sayana Beidya, hearing this conversation of the brothers, approved of it and wont at once to the garden of plantain-trees, and finding a very large bunch of excellent plantains, he cut it and brought it hanging on a pole carried by two men. He then said to his sons :-"Now, children, go to the Ballal with this present. He will be very much pleased with this large bunch; it is so large and excellent. Represent your case to him, and he will do justice to you."
So saying he sent his sons with two men carrying the bunch of plantains hanging on a stout pole. So they went quickly and reached the Ballal's budu. They found the Balla! sitting on his throne. They went and prostrated themselves before the Ballal. He told them to rise up, and then they brought the bunch of plantains and placed it before him. Then the Ballal asked them: "O ye Beidyas, have you brought this bunch of plantains as a present to me? Where did you get such a large and fine bunch ?"
They said: "O Ballal, this is a small present. We came to tell you a secret. You must listen to us. Buddhivanta, your minister, hates us very much. We have done him no wrong. Therefore, you must be pleased to inquire into the matter."
At this, the Ballâl said:-"Well, I will inquire into the matter afterwards. But, first of all, you must pay your respects to Buddhivants, who is my right-hand man, and you must give him a present."
At this, the Beidyas said :-"O king, in this kingdom you alone are king. Only one is entitled to receive homage. One present, one palace, one regal umbrella, one thione, one

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court; one of each, not two. Therefore, there is no present for Baddhivanta. Never should there be a present for him. Then, why do you command us to give him a present ?"
At this, the Ballal said :-"Why are you so angry with Buddhiranta ? Tell me everything."
Then they said :-"O king, hear us. Four days ago, when we went to the cattlegizing hill and were playing at yett, the grandsons of Buddhivanta came there. At first, when they saw us, they began to abuse ns; and when we kept quiet they abused us more and more. When at last, we could not bear it, we also retorted with abuse upon themselves, Not seeing their own fault, they came upon as and beat us and felled us to the ground and 81t upon our breasts and put us in great distress. In the meantime, all the cowherd boys came and surrounded us, and, seeing our great distress, told them to allow us to rise. But they would not rise, and gave us more distress. Then we skillfully tried to slip from between their legs and succeeded in escaping. Afterwards they went and complained of us to their grandfather, Buddhivanta. And he sent men to take us to his house. But we refused to go to him and came straightway to the palace; because, if we should go to Buddhivanta we are afraid we will not have justice done to us."'304
“We must go to see the Ballal in whose face shines the goddess Laksbmi, whereas in our face sits Kaļi. We must get rid of Kaļi, and try to gain over Lakshmi."
So said the children to each other, and one of them advised the other to ask the opinion of Sayana Baidya, and he gave there his advice, and told them that he must first consult the Ballil about it. Accordingly, he went to the Ballal. The Ballal was sitting in his hall with great pomp. He had on a hat of areca-nut spathe,37 which was ornamented with peacock-plumes. He had likewise adorned himself with garlands of jasmine and kétaki flowers. To the Ballil thus seated, Sayana humbly made obeisance.
"Come, Sagana, take a seat," said the BallA!. “What is the object of your coming here!”
He replied “KAļi that sits in the face of the children whom you had nourished should be driven away, and Lakshmi be invited to sit there."
To this the Ballal said : -" Have the ceremony performed according to our caste. Fell plantain trees, hang up festoons of cocoanat leaves, set up four posts of plantain trees, ceil the inner roof, and carpet the ground; rain coral on the bends of the boys and wave lamps before their faces in a plate filled with pearls. Perform the ceremony just in the same way as a Ballal would have it done."
On hearing this, Sayana Baidya returned home, and inquired of the elders who the man was that had been serving his house as a barber from the time of his ancestors. He was told that it was one Isara Kambi, the son of a barber, and that he was at that time living on the land of one Kunda Bollori Svami of Karmi Sale in the city of Ijjya on the Ghats.
He thea intended to write letters on palm leaves and send for him. So he enquired of his friends who it was that had been writing such letters from the time of his ancestors. He was told that the writer was a clerk named Narayan Bangoji. So Rangoji was sent for. He came and asked Sayana Baidya why he had been sent for. The latter then gave him a palm-leaf which had been dried and prepared so as to be used for writing, and asked him to write the following letter. The clerk took it and bent it and rubbed oil and turmeric on it, and asked Sayana Bajdya what he should write on it. The latter dictated thus:
"O you that have been serving as a barber from the time of my ancestors, from Sayana Baidya's house Kali is to be driven out and Lakshmi is to be invited. Therefore, you must bring
364 [There is a biatus in the story here, and it seems to have been taken up from this point from another bard. -ED.)
T The aroca-nut apathe is used for making various sorts of hats or coverings for the lead, which are worn by All classes of Sudras,

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with you for that purpose all the instruments connected with your profession. Kaļl is to be driven out from the faces of the children whom the Balla has caused to be brought up. Immediately on seeing this letter, in whatever dress you may be at the time, and even though you may be taking your food, you must start, taking your box with you, with the man I have sent you."
Sayana Baidya sent this letter by Vanappa Bhandari, the son of his mother's sister. The latter then started and went to the Ghâts to the house of Isara Kambi, and delivered him the letter. He opened the letter and read it. Immediately on reading it he set out, taking all his instraments with him, and came to Sayana Baidya's house.
He was asked to name all the things required for the performance of the ceremony of driving out Kaļl and inviting Lakshmi, He gave the following list of things needed :-Five bundles of betel-leaves, five areca-nats, a cocoanut, a seer of raw rice, and a seer of cow's milk. He was supplied with all the things required for his part of his business, and all the friends of Sayana Baidya assembled. A small bower of plantain trees was formed ; festoon: of cocoanat leaves were hung up, and the inner part of the roof was ceiled, and the ground was carpetted. The children of Sayana Baidya, together with friends who had assembled, walked round the bower. Afterwards the boys were seated within the bower, and those who Assembled there sprinkled rice on their heads. First the barber sprinkled rice on their heads, afterwards Sayana Baidya and others, last of all Sayana Baid yati.
Then the barber, holding the left cheek of Koti in his hand, began his work on his right cheek. He shaved the front part of his head, and made figures of the san and the moon, and on the back of the head he made figures of Bhima and Arjuna. Thus the tonsure of Koti Baidya was finished. In the same manner the barber performed the tonsure of Chanuaya. Afterwards lamps were waved before their faces in a plate filled with pearls, coral was thrown on their heads, and they went to bathe and washed away all the pollation of Kili. Then they came in and fully besmeared their bodies down to their waists with sandal-wood paste and sat down to take their food. Having finished their meals they got into a palanquin of the colour of parrots. They had each of them tied to his waist a dagger like that of Rama. Thus they went to the Ballal's house.
The Ballal was sitting on his throne with great pomp. To him thus soated, they humbly made obeisance. "Come children, sit down," said the Ballal, and he ordered flowers to be brought and spread out for them. They sat down on the ground and placed their daggers down. Then the Balla! asked them the object of their coming. "You nourished us with great love," replied they, "and treated us with great respect; now, therefore, we beg of you to provide for our future livelihood."
Then the Balla! said :-"Buddyanta owns the upper part of the paddy fields named Anilaja. I assigned to you the lower part of that field." And he accordingly marked its boundaries. When he gave them the field he likewise advised them to give presents to Buddyanta whenever they went to sow it.
In course of time, when the season for gowing the suggi seed came near, the brothers gathered all the refuse in the field and set fire to it. In this way they manured the field.
Meanwhile, in order to choose a day for celebrating a kanbala in his field, Baddyanta was going to ask the opinion of one Mutti Bira Ballaya. On his way he met Koți and Channaya. These brothers asked him where he was going. . "I am going to ask the opinion of a fortune-teller for fixing a day for the celebration of a kambala," replied Buddyanta.
"When you are asking about your kambala, please ask also about ours," said the young men. And they gave him a cocoanut to preseat to the fortune-teller on their behalf. He

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consented to do as they desired him, and took the cocoanut from them and went on his way. As soon as he got out of their sight, he strack the cocoanut against a rock and broke it into pieces, and putting them into the skirts of his garments he continued to eat them all the way. The younger brother saw this act and told his elder brother about it.
Buddyanta went to Mutti Bira Ballaya and asked him to name a day for the celebration of a kambala to his field. And, accordingly, he told him that Tuesday would be auspicious for the intended kambala. Hearing this answer Buddyanta returned home.
"Now, Buddyanta, what day has been found to be auspicious for us? And what day for you ?" asked the elder brother.
"This Tuesday has been chosen for me, and the next for you," replied Buddyanta.
"We must celebrate the kambala on the very day that Buddyanta does, and we must Bow our field at the same time as he does," said the brothers to each other.
So the young men went to order he-baffaloes and coolies for the lambala. One went to the north and the other went to the south.
In the meantime Buddyanta also went to order he-baffaloes and coolies. Meeting Koți on the way he asked him where he was going? "I am going to order he-buffaloes and coolies," was the reply.
“Next Tuesday has been chosen for you, and this Tuesday for me ; why do you act in this manner ?" asked Buddyanta,
"Acting upon your advice, my brother has pat the seed into water," replied Koti.
When he proceeded further he met Channaya and asked him where he was going. “I am going to order he-buffaloes and coolies, my lord," replied Channaye.
"If so, when do you mean to celebrate your kambala ?" asked Buddyanta.
"We mean to celebrate it to-morrow. Listening to your advice, my brother has pat the seed into water," replied Channaya,
“What do you mean by this, Channaya ? Why are you playing tricks P" said Buddyanta, and went his way in anger.
So the men who were to drive the he-buffaloes were ordered by the brothers to appear along with the animals very early next morning. Accordingly, they came with the animals to the fields belonging to the brothers. It was only after their fields had been twice ploughed that the buffaloes and coolies came to Buddyanta's fields; and by the time that the fields of the latter had been ploughed but once, Koţi and Channaya had entirely finished their kambala. So they sent four he-buffaloes and four coolies to Buddyanta's fields. Seeing them, he got enraged, rooted ont a plant from the ground and severely beat the buffaloes and coolies. At this, the two brothers said :-"Why do you beat the buffaloes and coolies belonging to others ? If you bear hatred against us, revenge yourself on our own persons." And to the coolies they said :-" Although you have been beaten, we shall consider ourselves aggrieved by it."
They then caused the buffaloes to be washed, and boiled rice to be given to them. They likewise caused food to be served to those who were willing to eat it, and supplied young cocoanuts to those who would not take food. All were dissmissed happily. They then brought seed in baskets and sowed it in their fields. Baddyanta also finished his kambala. aud had his seed carried to his fields in a palanqain and a plantain-tree on the shoulders of coolies. So he caused his seed to be sowed in his field with much pomp, and had the plantaintree planted in the midst of his fields. The brothers also planted a plantain-tree in the midst of their fields and went home. Six days afterwards, Koti told bis younger brother that he would go to the fields to let out the muddy water and let in clear water. So, taking his

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hartow, he set out from his house. On his way he passed by Buddyanta's fields, and saw that they were dry and that Baddyanta was engaged in scaring away birds from his fields. Koti came to his own fields and rejoiced to see that they presented the appearance of a green lake.
Then he went to the edge of his field and made a wide opening in one of its banks; thus the water flowed out very rapidly. Seeing this, Baddyanta called out his servants and ordered them to shut up the opening (made by Koçi) by means of grass. Koţi then said :-"Take care, Buddyanta, the suggi crop is the only means of food for the rains for us as well as for you. If you have emmity against us, revenge yonrself on our persons aud not on the crop that we have cultivated. Let, therefore, the water which has been flowing out according to custom flow on its proper course."
Dare you to speak of right and custom, you Billavar lad P said Buddyanta.
"It is fortunate for yon that I came alone," replied Kosi; "if my brother had come matters would have borne a serious aspect.”
“Did your brother descend from heaven P Or did he spring ont from the earth? Was he born in peacock's plames ? Was he suckled by the wild buffalo? Will he ride to this place on & noseless horse! Ah! if your brother had come, I would have got a bandle of thorny plants ready and struck bim on his face with them," said Buddyanta.
In the meantime the younger brother came to Uddanda Botta, And, looking around him, said to himself :- What could possibly have delayed my brother so long ? He is not yet to be seen."
Thus the quarrel between Buddyanta and Koti continued. Words on both sides rose to guch a high pitch that the younger brother heard them. Immediately he returned to his house, unsheathed his dagger, proceeded to the place where they were quarrelling, and remonstrated with Buddyanta, and warned him not to interrupt the course of the water which Bowed out according to the custom. At this, Buddyanta got enraged and said :- Dars you speak of the castom, yon Billavar lad ?" At this, Channaya fell apon Buddyanta, and holding him by the head, broke his neck and hurled him to the ground, so that he fell prostrate on his back Then he stabbed him on his throat and breast, and thus killed Mim.
The two brothers held the corpse by the hands and feet and bore it to the channel they had dag and placed it there and covered it ap with earth. On their way home they went to Buddyauta's house and culled out to his wife, and said to her :-"Oar lord, your husband, is very thirsty, his body is full of sweat, and his throat is dry; therefore he has ordered that you should take him a cap of milk and a goglet of water, and betel-leaves in a metal plate."
"Who effected this union between you and my husband P" asked the woman.
"All the people of the upper and lower countries joined and reconciled us to one another," replied the brothers.
If you have become friends, I shall still have the good fortuno of enjoying married life," said the woman, and requested them to take their food in her house, but they declined it. She then offered betel-leaf to them and asked them to chew. They took up some of the leaves in their hands and bid her farewell and returned.
In the meantime Buddyanta's wife did as she was told, and went with a maid-servant to the place were Buddyanta had been sitting, soaring away the birds. Instead of seeing him, she saw a harrow, decorated so as to assume the appearance of Buddyante, placed on his soat. At the same time she saw blood slowly flowing through a narrow channel. Immediately she oried out :-" Alas! the brothers have committed murder !" So saying, she threw away ber nose ornament, and her neck ornament and earings and bracelets, and began to mourn for the loss of her husband. The brothers standing at a distance rejoiced to see her in this distracted con

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dition; and then they returned home. On account of this wicked deed of theirs, every man in their country became their enemy; so they resolved to go to some foreign land.
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So they first went to their uncle's house to pay him their last visit. Their aunt saw them coming from afar, and told her husband that his nephews were coming. He went ont to meet them and brought them into his house. As soon as they came in, their aunt spread. out a bed of flowers on a swinging-cot and asked them to sit down. So they sat down, and their uncle also sat there with them. "Children," said their uncle, "you have not been here for a long time, and now with what object have you visited us to-day? And what are those stains on your faces? And why does your dagger shine so brightly ?"
"Our mother has not been able to wash away those stains, and our dagger having been whetted, the polish on it still continues," replied the brothers.
"Tell me the story as it is, will you, my children ?" asked their uncle.
The younger brother said:"The tone of Buddyanta's words rose to a high pitch and so he met his death at my hands."
"Now you will be hated by one and all of the people of this country," said their uncle.
"We will leave our country and go to a foreign one. with a handful of food, after our death you would have ashes," said one of the brothers.
Up to this time you have supplied as reduced our bodies into two seers of
"When you were seven years old, land was given to you by the Parmale Ball]. Do not go away when you possess land and the love of woman. Make the throne (i. e., the Ballal) the cause of your departure. Consider this well," said the uncle.
They then asked him to tell them the means by which they were to carry his advice.
into execution.
"O you children, listen to me. The pancholi betel creeper that has climbed up the areca-nut tree and mundoli betel creeper that has climbed up the mango tree. Fetch some leaves of both the creepers, tie them in bundles, put them into the skirts of your garments, and beg of the Ballal to give you food and clothing according to the promise which he had made to your mother. Then he will become terribly angry. At that time catch him at his very word, put the blame upon him, and go away." Thus did he advise the two brothers.
Afterwards they took their meals, and chewed betel-nut and departed. And then did according to their uncle's advice and went to the Ballil's hall, and found him seated on his throne in great pomp. To him thus seated they humbly bowed. "Come, children, take your seats," said he, and ordered seats to be given to them. So they sat down, and the Ballâ asked them to tell him the object of their visit.
"We have become tired of living by cultivation, and our purses have become empty; therefore, give us something substantial that will always bring us an income sufficient to meet all our expenses," said the brothers.
"What do you want, my children? Tell me and I will give it yon," said the Ballil.
"In front of the bidu, there is a field called Bakimar, sowing five seers of seed and producing five hundred mudis; give us that," asked the brothers.
"That field meets all the expenses of the bidu; leave that alone and ask something else," said the Ballal.
"There is a field named Bertali below your bidu, sowing three seers of seed and producing three hundred mudis; give us that," asked the brothers.
"Let that alone and ask me something else," said the Balla].

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"In your spacious cow-pen there are two she-buffalous; give us one of them," asked the brothers.
“They are for supplying milk to the children of my bidu; let them alone and ask something else," said the Ballal.
"In the yard of your house there is a jack tree of a superior quality, bringing forth on one of its branches fruits of soft rind, on another of its branches those with liard rind, on a third unripe fruits, and on a fourth very tender ones; give us that," asked the brothers.
"I cannot gire you that," said the Balla].
"Your grandmother has got two pleasure gardens; favour us with one of them," said the brothers.
“ You, who, to-day, have asked for a flower garden, will to-morrow ask me to give you my grandmother," said the Ballal in anger.
"Ho! You have conceived the strange idea of marrying us to your grandmother!" said the brothers; and bowing low, rushed out from the hall, and proceeded on their way to a foreign country. While they wure going, the Balla!'s nephew met them, and asked them, why they were going with such angry looks from the Ball I's hall.
The Ballal hit on the idea of marrying us to his grandmother; we therefore ran out of his hall," said the brothers.
Then he went to this uncle the Ball], and asked him why those young men ran out of his hall.
“They asked me to give them very unusual gifts, at which I became very angry. So they saluted me and went away," said the Ballal.
“We must pursue them," said the nephew. So the royal elephant was sent out after them.
"If you have come on behalf of justice, on our very breasts we will let you tread; but if on behalf of injustice, we will cut you to piecos," said the brothers to the elephant.
On this the elephant returned to its stable, and the royal horse was sent after them. They said the same words to the horse as they had said to the elephant. And the horso went back to its stable. So the brothers proceeded on their way, and resolved to get back (from a plow-wright to whom they liad given them to get them repaired) some of the implements of husbandry. So they went to the plow-wright and asked of him the things that they had entrosted to him.
"The plow-tail and the plow-share have been injured by white-ants. The plow-shoe has been injured by rust," said the plow-wright.
"You had better give us our implements; it not, we will reduce you to Buddyanth's condition," said the brothers.
Hearing this he went in, and stretched his hands to the rafters of his roof, took from thence the broken plow-share, the decayed plow-tail and the injured plow-foot and threw them towards the brothers, saying :-"Let those implements which were used to farrow the eartlı, henceforwards furrow your breasts."
"Ho! thou paltry whoreson! Shall the implements used to farrow the earth furrow our breasts P" asked the brothers. So saying, Channayya Baidya held him by the head and broke his neck; hurling him to to the ground, so that he fell down on his back. He looked on his neck and on his breast, and with his silver-hilted dagger stabbed him in the breast. He vomited all his food. The wound streamed forth blood. He fled from his body to Kailầja.

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They said to the corpse :-" Drink a bellyful of rain-water. Repair old plows and make new ones."
[DECEMBER, 1896.
So saying, they went on. On the way, a washerman asked them :-"What are those cries of men and groans of women in that plow-wright's house?"
"We kindled a fire, a spark flew from it and burnt a shed; therefore, the inmates of the house are crying out," said the brothers,
"Wherever you go, there ruin will never be wanting; for wherever the crab goes, there dirt will never be wanting," said the washerman.
"Do you compare us to a crab that lives in the water? Thou whoroson, that live by washing dirt from other men's clothes!" said the brothers. And holding him by the head they broke his neck, and hurled him down to the ground, so that he fell on his back. They then stabbed him three times.
They then said to the corpse :-" Bring dirty clothes, cleanse them, and eat your bellyful."
Saying thus, they proceeded on their way, and came to a small river, in which they washed themselves. Afterwards they sat down by the foot of an asvatha tree, and chewed betel-leaves and areca-nut. Thus, being refreshed, they went on and approached a toll-gate on the way. The toll-man, Dêre, saw them coming, and asked them who they were, They said that they were travellers.
"Look, there is the toll-gate, pay me the toll before you go away," said Dêre.
"Toll! What is it on? Do we carry any packs on our heads? our backs? Is it on any cattle that we have brought with us? family with us?" asked the brothers.
Do you see any loads on Have we brought a whole
To this, the toll-man, Dêre, answered: "The toll on the steel-dagger of the length of five feet that you carry with you amounts to a cash; pay that to me and then go away." The brothers said:"No man has set so low a price on our dagger; and now you have
been born."
"Is it any wonder that you should pay the toll? If the son of a Bant should pass this way he would pay toll on the slippers on his feet. Should the son of a merchant pass the toll-gate, he would pay toll on the white umbrella that he holds. If a king's son should pass this way, he would pay toll on his palankin," said the toll-man.
"You may proceed; I will pay the toll to Dêre and follow yon," said the younger to his elder brother.
So the elder brother went on. Then the younger brother took a cash from his purse and said:" Here, Dêre, receive the toll!"
Stretch your hand to the pial and pay it to me," said Dêre.
"Come down from the pial and receive it," said the younger brother,
"I will not descend from the pial," said the toll-man.
The younger brother then stood a while, gazing on him with fiery eyes; and twisting his red mustaches, got up upon the pial, and made Dêre to run round it three times. Then he held him by the head and broke his neck; and then he held him by the back, and broke the hack-bone, stabbing his breast and neck three times with his silver-hilted dagger. Dêre vomited all his food. His soul fled from his body to Kailasa,
The younger brother then said to the corpse:-"Eat your bellyful and thus feed your belly. Receive toll from Banga, Mûllys and Chanta."

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So saying, he placed a cash on the breast of the corpse and went on. He overtook his brother and both proceeded on their journey. When the day began to wane they became tired. The younger brother became very thirsty and said :-"O brother, my throat is dry. I am almost dying with thirst: what shall I do ?"
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"Look yonder, brother, there is the spot named Dharma Katte. Look, there it is in sight; it is very near. A poor Brahman keeps holy water there," said his elder brother.
So they proceeded and reached Dharma Katte. "Give us a little water, O Brahman, to quench our thirst," said they.
"What is your caste ?" asked the Brahman.
"We are Billavars by caste," replied the brothers.
"Come to the southern side where I have a tube of bell-metal. Through it I will pour water into your hands, and thus allay your thirst," said the Brahmap.
"We will not drink out of the vessel that has been used by people of a hundred and twenty different castes. We will hold our dagger to our mouths, and you may pour water into our mouths through it," said the brothers.
The elder brother then placed the point of the dagger in his mouth and stretched the hilt towards the Brahman, and the Brahman slowly poured water on the hilt; thus he quenched his thirst. Next Channayya did the same, and the Brahman poured water as before. While poaring water upon the dagger the Brahman saw the red mustaches, fiery eyes and broad face of Channayya and his hand trembled. He poured a large quantity of water all at once so that it ran down on to Channayya's body. The latter then said:"O Brahman! Do you give water for the sake of charity, or for the purpose of committing sin ?"
Saying this, Channayya suddenly stood up. Seeing this, the Brahman began to run and Channayya followed him.
"Wait a little, brother! Wait a little! Do not murder the Brahman. If you disobey me, your crime will be equal to that of murdering me, or to that of killing a cow in Banaras, or to that of destroying the stána of the Bhúta Brahmâ of Kemmule." Thus did Koți solemnly forbid his brother to hurt the Brahman.
Hearing this, the latter drew back, and said :-"The cow that you speak of is in Banâras, the stana is in the forests of Kemmule; and where can I wash away the sin of murdering you ?" So saying he returned to where his brother was standing.
Then the Brahman said :-" Wait here a little while, O brothers. I will just go home and return."
So saying he quickly went home and brought two seers of milk in two cups, and gave it to the brothers to drink. They accordingly drank the milk, and said to each other that they would not murder the Brahman that had given them milk.
"Sit down both of you, and I will predict future events." said the Brahman.
So he prophesied and said:"Oh you heroes, in the village named Adakkanellyine, the Koragars living in their huts, the Mugers in their street, and Bakders of the plain are eagerly waiting to meet you. Kemer Ballal, of the village named Pañje, keeps a watchful guard; therefore, be very cautious on your way. If you think that what I say is false, on your way to Nellijine, you will see white stone-berries and Koti Baidya's palankin, and hear the sound of the war-drum. If you think this also to be false, you will meet a female arecanut seller called Kantakke; she will verify my statement. And if this too shall prove false, when you return, you may put me to death."
Hearing this, Koți and Channayya walked on. On the way, they met the female areca-nut seller, Kantakke.

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She cried out :-"O children, why are you going? Where did you come from P Where do you go to P Wood, stone, and earth-work is being busily carried on there. O children, wby are you going?"
“She, who has given us such good advice, shall not henceforwards carry the basket of areca-nuts on her head," said the brothers to each other, and gave her their blessing by lightly touching her hand with their dagger; and said to her :-"Put out rice to interest in kind and money to interest in coin and thus live happily."
So saying, they went on their way to Nellijine. While they were walking on their way they saw a bunch of stone-berries from which Channayya took one and threw it up. He held his dagger directly under it and made it to pass through the berry, which was reduced to fine powder. The men who waited for them in ambush saw this wonderful feat and said :-* If the younger brother can shew so much dexterity, how much more will the elder? All ou ability and skill would be nothing in comparison to theirs. If we obey our master's orders and attack them we shall loose our lives."
So saying, the Bakders and the Koragars and the Mugers filed away. And the brothers proceeded on their journey, and went throngh the plain of Panje. On that plain there were some cow herds grazing cows. Channayya proposed a riddle to them and said: "Look, there in your herd of cattle, a bull has brought forth a call and is licking it."
To this the cowherds answered :-"Look to the west, O you beroes, and see the fire!" " It is the sun setting, boys!" said the brothers,
To this, the cowherds answered:-" It is not that the ball has brought forth a calf and is licking it, but the bull is smelling its dung."
"Oh! they have solved our riddle, brother," said Koti.
“We must get every information about the way from these boys," said the brothers to each other. And asked of the boys the way to the house of a rich man in Palli called Payys Baidya. Thus, getting every information about the way, they proceeded and reached the house of Payya Baidya. They called out his name three times, but he was not at home, and his wife came out and asked who they were. They said that they were travellers, and asked whether Payya, the rich man of Palli, was present or not.
"He is not present; he has gone to draw toddy from the palm-trees in the forest called Sanka," replied his wife.
"At what time does he go out, and when does he return P" asked the brothers.
"He goes out in the morning and returns at noon. If you are Brahmans wearing the thread, sit down on the round pial of the cocoanut-tree bearing red fruits. If you belong to the Vakkater Tribe, sit down in the shed, built by the poor man. If you belong to our caste, sit down on the swinging-cot within the house," said the woman.
Hearing this, they approached the house and said :-"We will not enter into a house in which there are no males."
So they spread out their blanket within the shed and sat on it, and chewed betel-nut with great delight. Then Channayya became thirsty. "You, who are a member of Payya's family, please give us a cup of water," asked the brothers.
To this the woman answered :-"I will not go out of my house to a place where there are no males (belonging to my family)."
She said this merely in jest she did not mean it in earnest. So she took off her dirty dress and put on a clean one, and, taking a copper.pot in her hands, drew pure water from the

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deep well. She poured the water into # goglet and came into the house. When she was coming, the younger brother looked at the elder's face, and the elder looked at the younger's face. They indulged in suppressed laugliter.
“You males, are you laughing at my beauty, or at my foolishness P" asked the woman.
“We did not laugh at your foolishness, but we laughed at your beauty," answered the brothers. They further said :-"Before we could drink the water given by you, you must tell as the place you were born in, the tribe you belong to the names of your parents, and the Bhůta you worship."
"(As for my native place) in its eastern part, it is named Setti Bannala; in its western part, it is called Uppi Bannala; in its sonthern part, it bears the name of Kirodi Bannala; and in the northern, it is known by the name of Becchi Bannala. My father is sayina Baidya, my nother Sayina Baidetti, and my uncle Kantanna Baidya. As for the Bhata worshipped by my family, I have merely heard it said, that it is the Bhúta Brahmara of Kemmule.' I have not personally seen it. It is said that, after my birth, my mother gave birth to two children in Parimble's house; that they are burning city after city without even fire; and that my hands were joined to those of a stranger at the age of seven. My name is Kinni Daru." Thus did the woman answer.
“We are the persons that committed depredation in the kingdom of Parimale," said the brothers.
Hearing this, she held Channayya by her left hand and Koţi by her right, and brought them into the house, and seated them on the swinging.cot. And brought milk in two cups, and asked them to drink. In the meantime, Payya Baidya came home carrying a pot of toddy. Seeing the brothers, he inquired of her who they were, and rejoiced to hear that they were his brothers-in-law. Hot water was prepared, and they all bathed. Afterwards they sat down to take their food. They were served witla boiled rice, ghi, and various kinds of curry and picklos. Thus, after finishing their meal, they sat down on the swinging cot and chewed betel-leaves and nut. In conversation they asked Payya Baidya :-"Who are the most intimate friends and the most faithful servants of Komór Balla) of Panje po
“I was the dearest friend of the former Balla], but those of the present Balla! are Chamundu Burney®, and Chandagidi Baidya," said Payya.
“Can you introdace us to one of them ?" asked the brothers.
441 an." said Payya. And so the three went to visit him. They found him engaged in teaching a number of boys to play on the flate. As soon as they arrived, he oruered the boys to be silent. So they went in and were introduced to him by Payya Baidya. In conversation they requested Chandagidi to introduce them to the Balla!. He consented, and took them to the Balla!'s hall, and introduced them to him. The brothers then saluted him. and the Balla received them with honor and offered them seats. Just at this time a messenger from the Ballâl of Parimâle brought a letter to this Ballal. It was to the following effect:
" Koti and Channayya, two brothers, have committed murder in the kingdom of Parimale ; they have murdered one Buddyanta. Therefore, if they come to you, you should confine them in a narrow room, and put them in heavy chains."
The Balla quietly read this letter, and, after some time in conversation, he said to them :« I have erected a bid ut, and I have named it Elade; I would like you should examine it and point out to me its several beauties and defects."
So saying, he conducted them to his bids. They examined all the apartments and said: "O Lord, there is no creeper without a curve, there is no thorn without a point."

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Then the Balla led them to the upper story which was very strongly built, and shewed it to them. While going out the Balla! came ont first, and suddenly the porter shut the doors, and the man that had the charge of the key locked tbem. Their legs were heavily chained.
The elder brother then cried out-"Oh God! Oh my hard fate! Oh woeful dny! What shall we do now? Now we must die in this dungeon. Oh Brahma of Kemmhule, we consecrate to you the silver hilt of our daggers as our offering to you. If you are tho Brahma that relieves men from their difficulties, relieve us now. We are heroes, who, while living, deserve a place in the king's conncil, and, after death, deserve to be taken to the henven of Brahma. We are persons that would not, under any circumstances, fail to fall our promise."
At these words, Brahmi sent them extraordinary strength in their shoulders. Then the heavy chains broke. The upper story gave way. They crashed it like elephants. They stamped on it like tigers. They shewed their ferocity like wild boars. In this manner they destroyed the bidu, and levelled it to the groand. Then they escaped from Panje, and proceeded on their journey towards Edambor. On their way they rested under a banyan-tree, and opening their bags began to chew betel-leaves and nat. While they were thus sitting, they saw a man coming from the Edambur side. They asked his name, and where he was going. He said that he was Channayya of Edambar, and that he was going to Pañje.
"Why are you going to Pañje ?” asked the brothers.
"My master, the BullAl of Edambar has heard that two heroes had come from Parimale to Pañje, that they had been imprisoned by the Ballâl of Paõje, and that they had destroy. ed the upper story in which they had been imprisoned, and levelled the whole bidu to the ground. Therefore I am going to Pañje to ascertain the truth about this news," replied Channayya of Edambůr.
"You need not go so far to ascertain the trath of it. We ourselves are the heroes whom the Balla! of Pañje treacherously imprisoned. We have broken open the door of the upper story where we were confined and destroyed his bidu, and levelled it to the ground," replied the brothers.
Then Channayya of Edambar was surprised and glad to see them, and said :-"My master, the Balla] of Edambůr, is the enemy of the Balla] of Pañje. Therefore he will be very glad to see you, and receive yon with great honour."
So saying, he proposed to them that they should go to the Ballap of Edambar. The brothers consented, and the three proceeded on their journey to Edambar. On the first day they remained at Channayya's house, and took their meals and rested. On the following morning they went to see the Ballal. He was sitting on his throne with great delight. Channayya first entered and made obeisance to the Balla.
" What are the news about the heroes, Channayya P" said the Ballkļ.
“My lord," replied be, "I have brought them with me, and they are waiting outside the hall."
"Let them come in," said the BallA!, and ordered a bed of flowers to be spread out before them. When they came in, he asked them to sit down apon it. They sat down on the bed and placed their daggers on the ground. The Balla! then said to them :-"I know by hearsay that you have been imprisoned in Pañje. Is it true"
"We were, my lord," said the heroes.
"Oh heroes, now it behoves a to you to remain in my kingdom. Do you want the field called Berampolli cultivated by the Brahmans, or that called Guttuberke cultivated by the Banks, or that called Natsil Nalaja cultivated by the Billavars P" asked the Ballaj.

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The brothers replied: "If you give us the field Natti Nalaja, cultivated by the Billavars, our very caste people will become our enemies. If you give us that field Guttuberke, cultivated by the Bangs, it will be like setting a dog against a dog. If you give us the field Beranpolli, cultivated by the Brâlimans, you will be only setting the cobra against the serpent. Therefore, if there is any waste land or any land overgrown with the plants tumbe and wekki, give that to us. If there is any laud such as is named by us, favour us with that."
"O heroes! there is the land called Ekkadka Erryangada," said the Balla!." “Then give us that, and mark out its boundaries," said tie brothors.
Accordingly the Ballal marked out its boundaries. When he had done so, they went and inhabited that desolate laud. They engaged a woman to cook for them, and began to cultivate the waste land. They ploughed the fields and manured it, awl sowed scoil in it. In course of time it came up and flourished. While the fields were waving and there was a prospect of a fine crop, on a certain night, wild hogs came and destroyed all. Next morniny, when they went ! Ece their field, they found that all had been destroyed by will logs. At this they became very angry and said to one another:-"This Bullil of Edambûr is it very poor king, and hunting in not practised in his kingdom; the food of this place is very course, evet the water that we drink is bad."
When they spoke thus to each other, some one overheard the remarks, went in, audi reported it to the Bala. The Ballal, hearing this, appointed a day for a hunt, and causoul a proclamation to be made by beating of tom-toms that there should assemble in the town. 01 the appointed day, every man who had a tuft upon his head. Accordingly all the people assembled with their arms, swords, bows and arrows, etc., on the appointeil dny. Hunting dogs also were ready. So they started early in the morning, on the appointed day, and went to the forests called Sanka towards the east. They blew the horns, bent the bush, and yelled and made a great noise, in order to frighten the beasts so that they might shew themselves. At last a very big boar was discovered in a large pit. When it heard the great grunting and noise matle by the men, dogs, etc., it started and began to ran. It came near Koti, roaring as if to tear him to pieces. Koți was now in & strait. He could not fly from the boast without bringing a stain on his heroism, and could not fight with it without risking his life. In this strait he prayed to the Bhůta, Brahmara of Kemmule, craving his help; and, setting an arrow to his bow, discharged it with such dexterity, that it entered the body through the mouth and came out through the anus. The boar cried out with a loud noise, and ran towards Parije und fell down dead on the borders between Pañje and Edambůr. The hunters went searching after the boar, looking along the traces of blood on the ground.
In the meantime one of the tenants of the Balla! of Panje saw the dead body of the boar on the borders of the land between Pañje and Edambûr, and went to his neighbours, brought them to the place and shewed it to them. They all examined it and fonnd that it bad bech killed by hunters, and had not died of any disease. Assuring themselves of this fact, they began to carry it to their quarters. The hunters reached the spot immediately after the boar was carried away, and looking towards Pañje they saw at a distance a great number of men carrying the boar. They pursued them, overtook, and compelled them to lay down their burden. One of them immediately ran to the Ballal of Pañje and informed him. In the meantime a regular hand-to-hand fight took place. The Pañje Balla! sent one hundred men with bows and arrow to fight with the hunters. When these men appeared on the scene, the hunters of Edambúr were frightened and retreated. But Koti and Channayya, stood firm facing the enemy. Koti alone took hold of the tusks of the boar and dragged it to Edambůr, and Channayya slew one hundred men with his dagger.
So the hunters returned to Edambúr with joy. The flesh of the boar being distributed between them, they cooked it and feasted upon it. On the other hand, the Ballal of Panje

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heard of the slaughter of his men with sorrow, and determined to destroy the kingdom of the Balla! of Edambûr, especially the heroes, Koți and Channayya. So he allied himself with the Ballal of Parimale, and declared war against the Ballal of Edambur. At this, the latter being filled with fear sonrched for the heroes, Koti and Channayya, and told them that on account of his giving them shelter, two powerful Ballâls had become his enemies and declared war against him. Then the heroes told him to take courage, and not in the least to be afraid of his enemies. Then the Balli asked them to shew him their skill and bravery.
At this Koti said :-"Bring me a mura of gingelly seed, and I will shew my skill."
So the seed was bronght, and Koți shewed all the dexterity of his hands and caused the seed to fly in the air.
Then the Balla! said: "I have seen your skill; now I want to see the skill of your brother Channayya."
"O my lord," said Channayya," your swinging-cot has four iron chains, please order one of such chains to be brought to me.”
So a very heavy iron chain was brought and given to Channayya. He took it in his hand and broke it into pieces.
So the Ballal, sceing this skill, and the strength and bravery of these heroes, was highly pleased with them, and prepared for battle. Eight hundred men with bows and arrows were ready for battle. Each of the brothers commanded four hundred men, and went to face the enemy. The Ballals of Parimile and Pañje each sent one thousand men with bows and arrows. Both these armies met in a plain, and the fight began in earnest. At first the men commanded by the brothers began to give way, but were encouraged again (by the brothers) to stand firm After some time the men of Pažje and Parimale felt the battle to be hot against them. The Inothers shewed so much courage and skill that the enemy could not long stand against them ; so they fled for their lives, and were pursued by the men of Edambûr, and a great number of them were killed. When the battle was the hottest an arrow hit Koti in the lower part of his leg. As it was a poisoned arrow, it slowly took effect and Koţi fell down while pursuing the enemy. At once he was carried in a palanquin to the Balla!'s hall, and there he expired. Channayya slaughtered the whole army of the enemy, and while returning to the Balla!'s hall he heard of the death of his brother. As he had been elated with pride and joy oa account of the victory against the enemy, this shock was too much for him to bear. So, seeing & rock in the way he struck his head against it and killed himself. The Balla!, instead of rejoicing at the victory gained by the brothers against the enemy, was filled with grief on hearing the news of their death. So he caused their bodies to be washed and annointed ; mango and jack fruits were ent down and firewood was prepared, and a large funeral pile was made, and the bodies were placed upon the pilo and burnt with all the usual ceremonies. So the brothers who were together in life were together in death also.
Therefore the people, and especially the Billavars, believe that these heroes are still powerful in the other world, and worship them.
(To be continued.)
NOTES AND QUERIES. THE SIGNS OF A SACRED BULLOCK. excommunicated by his brethren. An animal HINDU Rajputs in Gurgaon shew me a bullock with such a mark is called nddiya (=nandi: see with a small fleshy growth in the corner of his Fallon, New Hind. Dict., . v.), which is the name eye, which they call a "tongue" (jibh), and tell of the ball that carries Siva, and must be given me that a bullock with such a growth in his eye to a Jôgi, who puts trappings and strings of or elsewhere -- €9, on his head or his back kaurfs (shell money, Cypræa moneta) on him, and must not be yoked by any Hinda, or he will be takes him about on his begging expeditions to

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343
excite the reverence and generosity of good some selected spot. The animals must be deca. Hinds by showing them the sacred mark.
pitated at one blow with a sharp sword before the J. Wilson in P. N. and Q. 1883. goddess is appeased. If more than one blow is
necessary the goddess is not propitiated, and the A RELIC OF HUMAN SACRIFICE.
ceremony fails. The Satbals ceremony is not MART MAI, the goddess of cholera, is propi.
now in use, for it consisted of the above with a tiated in the Kangra district by the Pachbala man and a woman added, being in fact human and Satbald ceremonies. At the Pachbala cere sacrifice; bald (?) sacrifice, of, bal jánd, to mony a pumpkin (péthd), a male buffalo, a cock, a sacrifice one's self. ram, and a he-goat are offered to the goddess at
R. C. TEMPLE in P. N. and Q. 1883.
BOOK-NOTICE. PROFESSOR WEBER'S ANNIVERSARY, been succeeded very quickly by Dr. Dahlmann's Professor A. WEBER,of Berlin, the distinguish book on the Mahabharata viewed as an epic ed Sanskritist, was in a position to celebrate last and as a lawbook.' This is a very remarkable year, in good health, the fiftieth anniversary of work, and the author, an industrious and the day on which he took his degree of Ph.D. clever pupil of Prof. Bühler's, has worked out in the University of Breslau. In commemoration his new theory regarding the rise and origin of of the day, a Festgabe has been published, the great epic with great care and skill. under the editorship of Prof. Kuhn, which con- Starting upon the hints thrown out by Prof. tains learned papers by thirty friends and pupils Bühler, in his well-known Contributions to the of Prof. Weber. We subjoin a list of the History of the Mahdbharata, to the effect that several heads under which it will perhaps be per- the Mahabharata certainly was a smriti or committed to arrange the subjects treated in the pendium of the sacred law from A. D. 300, and thirty papers, with the names of the authore similar in contents to the now extant works about added in brackets; dir., Vedic Studies (Delbrück, 500 A. D., Dr. Dahlmann has examined the Garbe, Geldner, Leumann, R. von Roth, L. von references to the Mahabharata, and the legends Schröder, Sieg), Tales and Folklore (Eggeling. related in it, in the Jitakns, the Dharmkatlil of Kern, Kuhn, E. Müller, Windisch), Biography of the Jains, Asvaghosha's Buddhacharita, Asvalê. Sanskrit Writers (Clenm, Pischel). Dramatic yana's Grihyasátra, Påņini and Patañjali. He Literature (Cappeller, Zachariä), Geography thus arrives at the result thnt an epic little (Huth, Stein), History of Writing (Ludwig, differing in size and character from the present Pertach), Metrics (Jacobi, Oldenberg), Sanskrit work must have existed as early as the fifth Grammar (Heller, Kielhorn), Comparative Philo- century B. C. This is a somewhat startling prology (Schmidt, Zimmer Pali Lexicography position, and it may be questioned whether (Franke ), Siamese (Frankfurter), Singhalese Dr. Dahlmann has not overrated the value of Geiger ), Sanskrit Law (the present writer). some of the evidence collected by himself. He The variety of the topics discussed in the papers is quite right, no doubt, in assuming that Asvaghois even greater than what might be inferred from sha was acquainted with the Malibhirata, and his the foregoing enumeration, and corresponds to lucid discussion of the difficult texts in question, the wide range of Prof. Weber's own investiga- in collecting which he has received much valuable tions. The universality of his studies and the | assistance from Prof. Bühler, is among the most importance of his distinguished achievements remarkable parts of his work. in the entire field of Indo-Aryan Philology has
The early date which Dr. Dahlmann has thus been well brought in a Dedicatory Preface to the
endeavoured to make out for the great epic present volume by Prof. Bühler. We join heartily
concerns the whole of it, the theory of a gradual in the wish that Prof. Weber may be spared
rise of the Mahabharata in successive ages being for many years to come to enjoy his eminent
vigorously contested by him. Indeed, it is his position in the learned world and to add to the
principal aim to prove that the Mahitblirata is lustre of Sanskrit Philology by his scientifo work.
and has always been a moral tale, and that it is Würzburg
J. JOLLY.
impossible to separate the didactic portion from SOME RECENT RESEARCHES CONCERNING the narrative without destroying the latter. The THE MAHABHARATA.
main plot of the poem, Dr. Dahlmann argues, is PROFESSOR HOLTZMANN's four volumes on intended to illustrate the persecution of the just the Mahabhirata in the East and West have by the unjust and the final triumph of innocence.
1 Das Muhabharata ala Epos strul Rechtsbuch. Von Joseph Dahlmann, S. J. Berlin : 1895.

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The poor orphaned Påndlava brothers are cheated bave overlooked the fact that an analogous table of their hereditary right by the wicked Duryo. based on the statements of fourteen authors has dhana. They are obliged in the end to have been given in Mayne's Hindu Law and Usage. recourse to the sword, and after a long struggle The numerous Sanskrit quotations from the Maha. their just cause proves victorious. The unity bharata are well selected and bave been correctly of the main plot corresponds with the unity of given as a rule. Slight mistakes or misprints style and language which pervades the whole occur in the quotations at pp. 69, 108, 116, 145, work. Nor are the numerons episodes and 148, 159, 169, 183, 203, 255, 256, 258, 274, etc. intermezzos (amounting to three-fourths of the The difficult but important question as to the Mahabharata) a later outgrowth and superfluous commentaries of the Mahabharata bas been left embellishment. Thus the famous history of aside by Dr. Dahlmann. The earliest commentary Nala is quoted by way of analogy, in order to extant, as pointed out by Prof. Bübler, belongs console the principal hero of the epic about his to the fourteenth century A. D., and it is clear hard fate. In the same way, the Runópákhyána is enough that the external evidence bearing on the introduced for the purpose of consoling Yudhish- condition of the Mahabharata is much weaker thira of the forcible abduction of Draupadi. than, e.g., in the case of the Code of Manu, of Many other tales are intended to inculcate special which a continuous series of commentaries exists rules of the sacred law, the Gandharva and Asura from the ninth century downwards. It is no forms of marriage being illustrated by the tales matter of surprise, therefore, that, e. g., the last regarding Sakuntali and Madri, Svayamvara by twenty-three chapters of the Advanédhika Parvan the instance of Ambi, Niyoga by the cases of are deficient in all printed editions of the great Satyavati and Kunti. The philosophical doctrines epic, and have been discovered but recently by scattered throughout the epic, and the sectarian
Pandit Vaman Sistri Islâmparkar in an old worship of Vishnu and Siva, belong likewise to Malayalam copy of the Mahabharata and in the the original elements of the Mahibhurata. 80-called Smriti of Vriddha-Gautama. As to the It is impossible to do full justice to Dr. Dahl.
weakness of the historical element in the great mann's el uborate theories without entering into
epic, Dr. Dahlmann agrees with the views details. Suffice it to mention that they appear to
advanced by Prof. Ludwig in 1884. The latter be well substantiated in the main, and that he has
scholar has published very recently a paper on certainly succeeded in refuting the old theory of
the mythical basis of the Mahabharata, in which several successive layers still discernible in the
the main incidents of the plot are explained allebody of the epic, which were supposed to represent
gorically. The Pandava brothers are the seasons, the social condition of several widely different
and Draupadi, their common wife, is the earth. cpochis. The alleged anti-Kaurava tendency in
Bhima represents the spring season. Duryodhana, particular, which was conjectured to be due to an
the cruel purguer of the Påndavas, is the deity innovation on the part of the adherents of the
of winter. The long and manifold struggles rygning Påndava dynasty, has never existed.
described in the epic correspond to the incessant Indeed that theory, which has again been advo
conflict between the successive seasons of the cated in Prof. Holtzmann's above-mentioned work,
year. The dice are the stars, the winning stars has hardly any other foundation to rest upon than
are those constellations the rise of which marks mistakon derivation of the name of Duryo.
the beginning of winter. dhana which does not denote a bad fighter,' but
The question as to the date of the Mahabharata one who is hard to overcome. On the other has been incidentally treated in Prof. Jacobi's hand, there can be no doubt that Dr. Dahlmann recent paper on the origin of Buddhism. Ho has carried his didactic theory too far, thus, e. g., considers the second or third century B. C. to it is difficult to agree with him that the extraordi. be the very latest date, on the ground that the pary marriage of Draupadi with the five Pandava Sakas and Yavanas are not referred to in the epio brothers is a mere allegorical illustration of the as nations inhabiting the Panjab, and that community of property in an undivided family. neither Buddhism nor the Persian sway over the The tabular synopsis of the sons, natural and Panjab is mentioned in the Mahabharata. adopted, according to eight authorities, is useful
J. JOLLY and instructive, but Dr. Dahlmann seems to Würzburg.
· The Pardiara Dharma Salhita, Vol. I, p. 7 (Bombay Sanskrit Series, 1898). * liber die mythische Grundlage des Mahabharata. Prag. 1895. • Der Uraprung des Buddhismus aus dem Sdn.khya-Yoga.

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MISCELLANEA.
345
MISCELLANEA, MISCELLANEOUS DATES OF INSCRIPTIONS. plates of Allada-Doddaya-Reddi, lately sent to me
1.- A date with a Vijaya-saptami. for calculation by Dr. Hultzsch, which runs thus: The Torkhêlê plates of the reign of the Rashtra- Srt-Sakê kara-båna-visva-ganitê Sådhåranê kata Govinda III., published by Dr. Fleet in Ep. Ind.
vatsaré Paushê=rdhodaya-hâmni punya. Vol. III. p. 54 ff., in lines 1-3, contain the date -
samayê; Sakansipakal-&tita-sain vatsara satéshu sap- | i. e., at the auspicious time of the Ardhodaya, in
tasu patchatšiusaty-adhikeshu' Pausha- (the month) Pausha of the year Sadharaña, which Buddha saptamyam=ankatô=pi sarvat- was the Saka year 1352. sara-sathni 735 Nandana-samvatsare From the given definition it follows that, for Paushah suddba-tithiḥ 7 asyåm saihvat
purposes of calculation, the date is Sunday, the sara-masa-paksha-divasa-purvv&yên; 15th tithi of the dark half of the amanta Pausha and in line 43 we are told, besides, that the grant of Saka-samvat 1352 expired, which by the southwas made 'adya vijaya-saptamyam,' i. e., 'to. ern luni-solar system was the year Sådhårana. day, on the tithi called) vijaya-saptami.' This
And with these data, it regularly corresponds to additional remark enables us to verify the date Sunday, the 14th January A. D. 1431, when the with absolute certainty.
new-moon tithi of Pausha ended 2 h. 20 m., According to a verse from the Bhavishyat- and when the nakshatra was Sravana for 11 h. puruna, quoted in Hêmadri's Chaturvarga-chinta- 10 m., and the yoga Vyatipata for 18 h. 56 m. mani, Vol. III. Part II. p. 625, the seventh tithi after mean sunrise. The Ardhodaya of the of the bright half of a month is termed Vijaya date, therefore, is the time from sunrise to 2 h. (i. e., such a tithi is a vijaya-saptama), when it 20 m. after mean sunrise of Sunday, the 14th falls on a Sunday. Applying this in the present January A. D. 1481. case, the given date practically is Sunday, the 3.- A date with the Kapila-Bhashthi. 7th tithi of the bright half of Pausha of Saka- The 6th tithi of the dark half of the aminta Borivat 735; and it corresponds, for Saka-san- Bh&drapada (or púrnimanta Asvina) is called vat 735 expired, to Sunday, the 4th Decem
Kapila Bhashthi, when it falls on Tuesday, and ber A. D. 818, when the 7th tithi of the bright is joined with the nakshatra Rohiņi and the half ended 2 h. 8 m. after mean sunrise. yoga Vyatipata, and is particularly auspicious
This equivalent of the date shews that the for making donations, when the sun, besides, Jovian year Nandans has been quoted in the is in the nakshatra Hasta. Here an instance is date in accordance with the so-called northern furnished by the date of the Sankalapura inscripluni-solar system. By the southern luui-solar tion of Krishnaraya of Vijayanagara, sent to me system Nandana would have been Saka-samvat for calculation by Dr. Hultzsch, which runs 785 current, not expired. And by the mean-sign thus:system Nandana lasted from the 9th May A. D. Saka-varushangaļu 1435nêya Srimukha-sam812 to the 5th May A. D. 813, i. e., it was current
vatsara nija-Bhadrapada ba 6 Man. at the commencement of Saka-samvat 735 expired,
galavára K&[pille-shashthi-pumnyabut was no longer so on the day of the date, the
kAladalů. 4th December A. D. 813, which by the mean-sign This date. for Saka-sarhvat 1435 expired, which system would have fallen in the Jovian year by the southern luni-solar system was the year Vijaya. This agrees with what I have stated Srimukha, and in which Bhadrapada was interante, Vol. XXV. p. 269.
calary, corresponds to Tuesday, the 20th Sep. 2.- A date with the Ardhodaya-yoga. I tember A. D. 1518, when the 6th tithi of the When during the 15th tithi of the dark half of dark half of the second Bhadrapada ended the amanta Pausha (or púrnimanta Magha), on a 17 h. 88 m. after mean sunrise. On this day the Sunday in day-time, the moon's nakshatra is moon's nakakatra was Rohini for 1 h. 58 m., and Sravana, and the yoga Vyatipata, this coinci- the yoga was Vyatipata for 11 h. 37 m. after dence is called Ardhodaya. It is a most mean sunrsie; besides, the sun's longitude at auspicious occasion for making donations. An mean sunrise was 169° 46', and the sun, therefore, instance is furnished by the date of some copper- was in the nakshatra Hasta (1600-1730 20'). * Read panchatrirhsad..
Benuse this synchronism is rare, the Marathi ? Sukla-pakshasya saptamy Anh Ravi-vird bhavdd-yadi expression Kapilashashthicha yiga, acoording to Moles. saptami Vijyanma talra datta mahd-phalam 11 worth, is used of any astonishing or unloped for
3 For another instance see ante, Vol. XXV. p. 290, combination of favourable circumstances. note 10.

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4.- A date with a Shadasitimukha-sankranti. valour (pratápa) Devaraj, alas, met with death.
Dr. Fleet informs me that the Chaucadâmpur How, O Yama, can fate be averted P7 inscription of the Dêvagiri-Yådava - Mahadera of Here it so happens that Saka-samvat 1368 Saka-sativat 1185 (current) and the year Dunda- expired is the only year Kshaya of the southern bhi (Pali, Skr, and Old-Kan. Inscr. No. 111) con- luni-solar cycle, in which the month Vaisakha tains two other dates, one of which, in lines 92 and was intercalary; and for that year the date is 93, is -
correct. For in Saka-samvat 1368 expired the Rudhirodgari-san vatsa rada Jeshtha-ba- 14th tithi of the dark half of the second Vaisakha
lula 5 (but possibly l) Âdi-våra Shada- ended 14 h. 57 m. after mean sunrise of Tuesday, sitimukha-sankranti tatkaladalli; i.e., the 24th May A. D. 1446, which therefore is
Sundsy, the 5th (but possibly lst) of the the day on which Prat&pa-Dôvaraya died. dark half of Jyaishtha of the year 6.- A date of the year 2493 after VardhaRudhirôdgarin, at the time of a
mana's Nirvana. Shadssitimukha-Bamkranti.
In an inscription, published in Inscr. at SraThe Shadasitimukha-sankrantis are the sam- vana Belgola, p. 111, No. 141, Krishnaraja Vodeyar krântis of the sun into the signs of Mithuna,
of Maisar confirme some grants on a date which Kanya, Dhanuh. and Mina;' and of these, a
is given thus :sainkranti that takes place in the dark half of
Svasti sriVarddhaman-akhye Jiné muk. Jyaishtha can only be the Mithuna-sainkrinti.
tim gatê satil And the year Radhirôdgârin of the date must be
vahni-randhr-&bdhi-notrais=cha vatsarêshu Saka-san vat 1185 expired. In that year the
mitêshu vai II Mithuna-samkranti took place, by the Sarya
Vikramanka-samdevrind -gaja-s & maja. siddhanta, 3 h. 33 m. after mean sunrise of
hastiblih Sunday, the 27th May A. D. 1283, during the
satishu ganuniyåsu ga nita-jűair=bbudhais3rd tithi of the dark balf of the amanta Jyaishtha,
tada 11
Balivahana-varsheshu which ended on the same day, 12 h. 15 m. after
nôtra-bana-nag. mean sunrise. This result shews that the nume
endubhih ral figure for the tithi of the date ought to be 3,
pramiteshu Vikrity-abdê Sravané mási not 5 (nor 1).
mangalê Il
Krishạn-pakshê cha pailchamyari tithau 5. - Date of the death of Pratapa Devaraya
Chandrabya visare ; of Vijayanagara.
i. e., on Monday, the 5th tithi of the dark In the genealogical table of the first Vijaya- balf of Sravana of the year Vikriti, which was na gara dynasty, given by Dr. Hultzsch in Ep. the year 2493 after Vardhamana's Nirvana, Ind. Vol. III. p. 36, Pratapa-Devarays is put the Vikrama year 1889, and the Saka year down as a younger brother of Devaraya 11. The 1752. the numbers of the years being denoted day on which he died is recorded in Inscr. at
by numerical words, which, in the case of the Sravana Belyola, p. 95, No. 125, in the following Vikrama year, are irregularly put in the same verse in the Prithvi metre:
order (1, 8, 8, 8) as the figures are written. Kshaykhvaya-kuvatsarê dvitayayukta- Tbo date, for Saka-samvat 1752 espired, which
Vaisakhake Mahitanaya-varske yuta- was the year Vikriti, regularly corresponds to balaksha-paksh-êtare
Monday, the 9th August A.D. 1830, when the Pratapanidhi-Devarat pralayam=&pa hant= 5th tithi of the dark half ended 3 l. 16 m. after
Asamas=chaturdasa-dinê kathan Pitri- mean sunrise. Sakn-enn vat 1752 expirel is patê niväryå gatih il
equivalent to the Chaitridi Vikraina-saivat 1888 In the evil year Kshaya, in the wretched current ; and this, again, has been commuted into second Vaisakha, on a miserable Tuesday, in the year 2493 after Vardhamana's Nirvana simply the fortnight which was the reverse of bright, on
by the addition of 605. See ante, Vol XII, p. 21. the fourteenth day, the uneqnalled store of Göttingen.
F. KIELHORN.
See ante, Vol. XIX. p. 330.
p. 17, No. 11) are dated in the month of Margasirha . So far as I know, the latest available dato for of Saka-sazhvat 1370 (current) and the year Prabaya, Devaraya II. is the date of the Tanjavur inscription, falling in A. D. 1447. published by Dr. Hultzsch in South-Ind. Inscr. Vol. II. T or similar date. of Vikrama-saravat 1100, Bee p. 339, of Saka-sarb vat 1338 expired and the year Kshaya,
ante, Vol. XIX. p. 181, No. 134. which corresponds to Wednesday, the 29th June A. D. 1419. And the Seringa patam plates of his son and succes. The omission of the word Saka from this phrase ie sor Mallikarjun Immati-Devaraya (Ep. Carn. Part I. l quite unusual.

Page #359

INDEX.
... 124
......
.....
..............
...
14
***
... 111
..............
389
abuse, forms of, as spirit-scarers ............... 243 | Brahma-Bhata, a, noted ..........
21) Adlangal Murai = Devaram ........... ....... 113 Brahmara of Kemmule, a Bhata .............339, 311 Adi - Sultan Malik Nêmi = Malik Naib bride viewing the stars on her wedding day, Kafar
object of ..................... .................. 14+ Aitha Settivál, a hero of the Pôsa Maharaye brotherhood, a mode of swearing ............... 28 Legend ............
............... 64 Buddhism, downfall of, in Southern India, akhilóka = year 1325 (chronogram)............. 187 due to Tiruñánasambandha .......... ...... 116 akiri, a musical air
Buddhism in Translations, noted .............. 232 Aludaiya Pillai, a naine of Tirumanasamban Buddhivanta, a hero of the Beiderlu Legend. 309
dha .................................................... 115 Buddyanta, a hero of the Beiderlu Legend... 331 amanta scheme in Saka Dates................... 271 f. buffaloes, racing........................................... 303 amulets, 134; zodiac ................................... 129 bullock, sacred (sand), the marks of .......... 3+2 f. Anantêśvara, a god ............. ................... 241 Byâri = Bobbarye, the Bhata .................... 241 Andamanese, false ideas as to their canni.
balism, 56 : disposal of the dead among the. 58 Caldwell, Dr., on the age of Sambandha ...... 119 Appar, author of part of the Tamil Védas, Calendar, Indian, notice of Sewell and Dik
113; his date ................... ..................... 154 shit's .........................? ....................... 287 f. Ardhodaya Yoga ................................. 345 calumniated persons in folktales, minister, Aru! Nandi Sivacharya, a Tamil author ...... 114 51 f.: step-daughter ......
........... 49 Ashacha, a name for the 12th tithi in the cannibalism in folktales ....... bright half of .................
......... 290
capping as a spirit-scarer ............................ Ashtungahridaya-Sarichita, date of ............. 145 Chabara, a District .................................. Assam, Literature of, 57 ff.: its extent ......... 57 chains, rattling of, is a spirit-scarer ............ Assamese Language, its affinities, 57: Chamunda Burneye, a hero of the Luiderlu
Catalogue of books in, 57 ff.: amount of Legend ............
historical works in ................................ 59 Chandagidi Baidya, a hero of the Beiderlu Avadánakalpalata, date of ........................ Legend
. ............. 989
Chandracharya = Chandragomin ................ 103 back-turning as a spirit-scarer .................. 249 Chandragomin, his date, 105 : a notice of his Bairana Sada, a hero of the Kalkuda Legend, Grammar, 103 ff. : date of the Tibetan 63 : "King of Karkal” ...
223 translations of .................. ................... 105 bees, unlucky in Burma .....
143 Chandratreya (Chandella) family .............. 205 Beiderlu Bhatas, the = Kõţi and Channaye. 295 Chandra-vydkárara, a notice of the ...... 103 ff. Dell, the passing, is a spirit-scarer, 45: the Channaya Beidya, birth of ........................ 308
soul, is a spirit-scarer ............................ 45 Ohannaya, his death................................. 312 Bengali, progress of its Literature ............. 57 Channaya of Elambar, a hero of the Beiderlu Bhadrapada, a name for the 13th tithi of the Legend ...............................
... ... 340 dark half of............
290 charms concerning rain ......... ............ 316 Bhattuk Bhairon = Bhairava..................... cheering, a form of spirit-scaring ............... 47 Bhairava, some modern forms of .............. Chela = Cheyla ....................................... 199 Bhat Bhairon Bhairava .......................... Chema, a monastery .................................. 174 Bhútas, the three, of Såira ......................... Cheyla, the history and forms of the Bikkuru, brother of Kallurti the Bhuta ...... 220 word .................................... 139 ff., 288 fr. birth-customs, Musulmans .......... ....... 146 Chandratnakara, date of the ...... Biru, brother of Kallurti the Bhúta ............ 220 chimaera, origin of the ................................ black color, i.e., iron-color, as a spirit-scarer.. 72 chrism, the sanctity of the ....................... bloodstone, the ........................................ 130 circling as a spirit-soarer....................... Bubbarye, Legend of, 237: the Bhata, born clapping, a form of spirit-scaring ............
at Goa and bred in Cochin ...................... 239 coins, South Indian ........... Bubbarye Kunniyali = Bobbarye the Bhata. 240 copper as a spirit-scarer ......... bowing as a spirit-scarer .......
.............. 249 corjee, explained = corge, 298 n.: = 42 Brahma of Kemmule, Bhata..................... 310 muras ..........
................ 299
145
Legend
66
.........

Page #360

343
INDEX.
covering the mouth and eyes 88 a spirit-scarer.248 f. foot-standing on one, as a spirit-scarer ... crystal, a fire-home, 127: =fire-stone........ 131
me. 127: =fire-stone ......... 131 fortune, trying in folktales.................... 21 Cuksha, the District of Chach ........... 174 f. friendship, a mode of swearing ........... 28 curiosity in folktales............................... 49 urse, effects of a ............ ....................... 146
Gangas of Kalinganagara, coins of ............ 322 Dakshinîyana Sankranti, the .................. 294 geris, see precious stones: as spirit-scarers, dancing as a spirit-scarer...
251 134 ; brightness and healing properties of, Dariúla = Sendu Bir ............................. 83 make them spirit-bearers, 125 : - as guar. - damun,' object of the expression .............. 244 dians, 192: "the armour of," 128; guarDates in Inscriptions, Miscellaneous ......... 345 f. dians that live in the Eye, Blood, Fire and Date's in the Kollam Era ..................9 ff , 53 f. Light, 128:- their healing virtues, 132 ff. ; Dates in the Kollam Era in sometimer expired, as disease curers, 128 : - connection sometimes current years ......... .............. 10
with planets and seasons, 129:- are lucky, Dates in Saka Era Inscriptions discussed...266 ff. 128 ; magic and talismanic properties of, Days of the week in inscriptions : -
128 ; seasons for their powers, 139 : --enSunday ............................54, 55, 205, 345 f. i graved, were amulets ............................ 138 Monday ...............
................. 55, 56, 346 ghosts, origin of the belief in, lies in dreams. 142 Tuesday ............. ..........55, 285, 345 f. gold as a spirit-scarer .......... ............. 77 f. Wednesday ...............
............... 54, 55, 285 ............. 54, 55, 200
Gollaramma Deyar, a heroine of the Pañjurli Thursday .......................................... 54, 55! Legend ............
.................. 272 Friday ............................................. 55
Gollaramma Dêyar, a heroine of the Vodi. Saturday ...................................54, 55, 256
lataya Legend ..........
.............. 276 "devil-priests" .....
......... 299
Görmatosvara, image of, noted ................ 46, 223 Dieciram, a collection of Tamil Hymns......... 112 Gonds, a custom of the ......................... 112 Devaraya of Vijayanagara, a coin of............ 318 Gorunnasari in Kumaun unidentified ......... 178 Déru Baidya, a hero of the Järantâya Legend. 66 Græco-Buddhist inscription ................... 311 f. Dévu Naika of Arkula Bidlu, a hero of the grass, mouthing, as a spirit-scarer................. 251 Magrandàya Legend ........
... 71
gryll = chimæra ........................ ... Þeyi Beidyadi, the heroine of the Beiderla guardians against spirits, enumerated,
Legend, 297, 301 ; as a "wise-woman "...... 306 244 ff. : - persons of honor require, Dharmasatra of Apastamba, noticed..........323 ff. against spirits, 244: -- the human, the Dormasitra of Hârita, noted ...................147 f. origin of, 139: the human form. en. Dlaruiva, variant to the legend of................. 17 n. graved, as......................
................ 139 dogs, superstitions as to ... .......146. 287 Gummata at Belguļa, the image of, mentioned 62 f. Brávidia Child, the = Sambandha ............ 156 f. Guru Sarapoli, a heroine of the Paüiprli dreams gave rise to the belief in ghosts, 142: Legend
............. 272 i Burma................. **** ............ 142
"alth as a spirit-scarer ......
clipses in Sika Dates .................291 ff. richt quarters, the, of the world.................... 109 Epigraphic discoveries in Mysore................ 271. Era, Kollam, Dates in the, 9 ft., 53 f,
174:- Saka, Dates in, discussed, 266 ff. : Dates in, Jupiter Years in, 268 ff.; Dates in solar months, 270 f.; in lunar months
...............................271 ff. Evil Eye, a form of the; unwished for Treasure ......
**....... 49
hand-shaking as a spirit-scarer .................. 258 hare, the, tabued for food ........................ 28 Harihara II. of Vijayanagara, a coin of ...... 317 Haritiputta Satakanni, an inscription of ...... 28 bead, human, engraved, its guardian power,
139:- human horned, its guardian power. 139 heads together, knocking, as a spirit-scarer... 256 Hitta Adyandár, a hero of the Kalkuda
Legend ......................... human sacrifice, relic of, in Kangrå ............. 343 horse-shoes as spirit-scarere ...................... 76 house-warming custom, Muhammadans ...... 56 hymns, object of, to scare spirits .............. 35
...
63
feeding, separate, of the sexes..........
** .............. 145 fire-crystal the home of, 127:-fire-stone
crystal ............................................ 131 flaw, ulucky ......................................... 112 Folklore in Central Provinces, 48 ff., 104 ff. :
in Southern India, 21 ff. : - in Tibet ... 105 ff.
Ichchhawar is in the Banda District ............ 205 Inscription, a new Kharoshti, from Swat...... 141 Inscriptions in Travancore, their descriptive
effect on the received history ................ 193

Page #361

Inscriptions edited:
Chêramahadevi Pagoda of Chêra-Udayamârtaṇḍavarman a Græco-Buddhist
Kala Bhairava Panjurli
Kala Bairi, mother of Kalkuda the Bhata Kálamma= Kallurti the Bhata...
274 62 220
71
Kalkuda, the song of....... .................................... 61 ff. Kallurti, Legend of ....................................... 216 Kanapaditaya the Bhata== Magrandaya Kandaraditya Chola, an author of the Tiru. Iésippa....... Kannalaye, Legend of............
192
Kannudaiya Vallalar, a Tamil author.......... 187 f. KAntanna Baidya, a hero of the Beiderlu Legend *********** 559 Kântu Pombada, 273:-: - possessed by a Bhata......
Kantunêkri Bhata, Legend of..... Kanya Tirtha on the Kavêri
274 67 225
Kapila-shashṭhi, a tithi ............................................... 345 karanas in Saka Dates........................ 291 Karenki Balla! of Kukyâli, a hero of the Panjurli Legend ............. 273 Karttika, a name for the 12th tithi of the bright half of .............. 290 Karttikêyapura Baijnath in Kumaun 178 Kashmiri Grammar: -
***************
............ 192 ............ 811 f. Ichchhawar Plates of Paramardidêva...205 ff.
Pandakêsvara Plate of Lalitasûradêva... 177 Inscriptions noted:--
Navayakkalam of Sri-Vira-Rama-Martauḍavarman Padmanabhapuram I. of Kerala-Martindavarman Padmanabhapuram II. of Vira KeralaMartandavarman.
************
*************
*********
*******.... ......
Puri of Narasimhadeva IV. Sthana-Kundura of Hâritiputta Sâta
kanni
Sthâna-Kundura of Kakusthavarman
****************
28
and Sântivarman
27
Trivandrum I. of Adityavarman......... 184 ff. Trivandrum II. of Adityavarman ......186.ff. Intercalary months in Saka dates............... 271 Iravadi, mother of Kallurti the Bhata......... 220 iron as a spirit-scarer, 146, 72 ff.: spiritscaring power, 76 f.:-red-hot, as a spirit
scarer *************
INDEX.
73
**********...
Ishtaganadêva, father of Lalitasûradeva...... 178
**********
Jains, some modern sects of the, 147:their antipathy to Brahmans, 316; Hindu antipathy to.........
147
***********
241
****************.***.*
Jakama Deyar, a heroine of the Panjurli ................................... 275 Legend Janardhan, a god Jarantaya, Legend of, 66 f.: his friendship with Magrandaya Jútakamála, Dr. Kern's Ed. of, noted Jaur Singh, a folk etymology jewellers' terminology shews origin of the uses of gems........................................ 123 jewellery, set in guardian substances,
*******************
137 129
137: lucky shapes for, 137:- graven, lucky..... jewels, the twelve apostolic...... Jovian Year, see Jupiter Year..................... 269 Jumadi, the Legend of Jupiter, place, in inscriptions, 270: Rules for
65 f.
************...
233 ff.
*****************
188
235
***********.**
Kadamba kings, an account of the Kaḍvaikal, a god Kailasanatha Temple at Conjeveram Kakusthavarman, the Kadamba, inscription
*********
***********
********
finding...... Jupiter Years in Sâka Dates, 268 ff.: current at the commencement of the given Såka year ................................................. 269
*********...................................................*****
71 232 204
27 227 163
of
27
Kal Bhairon= Bhairava.................... 260
=
*************
**********
349
...
44
********
***********......
***********
************
******************
113 61 f. 114
......
6
***...******* ***********
Personal Pronouns, 5; Nominative, 5; Accusative, 5; Dative, 6; Instrumental paradigms, 165 ff.; conjugation of the verb "diun, to give" ................. .169 ff. the Passive voice......................... .172 ff. Irregular forms of verbs ..................208 ff.
the Listed Verbs
Transitive Verb
194 ...85 ff. 193
***************
***************
*********
******...
the Intransitive Verb the Auxiliary Verba, 29 ff.; "usun, to be," 30 ff.; chha, to be," 29 f.; "gatshun, to go," 34 f.; "yun, to come". 82 ff. Formation of Tenses and Persons, 3 ff.; Simple Tenses, 3; the Im. perative, 1; the Present Definite, 4; Present Indefinite or Future, 3; the Imperfect, 4; Imperfect Imperative, 5; the Aorist, 3; the Perfect, 4; the Pluperfect I., 5; the Periphrastic Future, 5; the Future Perfect and Dubitative, 5; the Optative, 2; Perfect Optative or Conditional, 5; the Precative, 2; the Participles, present, 1; Participles, perfect, 2; the Participles, future active, 2; the Participles, absolute Remarks on the Suffixes, 6 ff.: Simple Tenses, 7; Compound Tenses, 7; Personal Suffixes, 218 ff.; Nominative, 7f.; Accusative, 8; Dative, 9; Double Suffixes...
the
**********
*******************
************
7

Page #362

350
INDEX
53
Periphrastic Tenses, 3; Periphrastic or Mahabharata, recent researches in the, 343:Compound Tenses ............................ 4
date of the ................... ................ 343 Kaveri of Panambar, a heroine of the Kan. Mahalingeswar, a god ............................. 241 tunêkri Bhata ..............
Mahankaļi, a goddess................................ 275 Kávyadarba, date of ............ .............. 145 Malenkdechchêva, & hero of the Bobbarye Kella Puchchye Mantradi, birth-place of
Legend...............
.. .......... 240 Kalkuda the Bhůta ................................ 62 Malik Kafar Malik Näib Kafor ............. 123 f. Kellatta Märmad, the home of Kallurti ... ... 222 Malik Naib KAfûr, date of his taking Madura. 12+ Kemer Balla!, a hero of the Beiderlu Legend. 339 Malik Nêmi= Malik Naib Kafar ............... 124 Kerala, minor kings in ......... .............. 188 Mallanna, brother of Kallurti the Bhůta...... 220 key as a spirit-scarer .........
Mangaiyarkkarasi, daughter of Karikala, 122 ; Kbarůshti, a new inscription in, noted ......... 141 patroness of Sambandha, 121; her support Khakee, history of the term, noted ......... 259 f. of Tiruñanasambandha............................ 115 Khetrpal Bhairava ................................. 260 | Mangalûr, the king of ............................... 71 Kilappêrür, a family name ....................... 190 Mâņikkavasagar, author of Tiruvasagam...... 113 Kinni Dâru, a heroine of the Beiderlu Legend. 339 Maõjunatha, a god...........
***................ 71 Kirowâlâ = Sendu Bir ....... ............. 83 Manjuntaya = Maõjunatha ......... Kiss, ceremonial, as a spirit-scarer ........... 25
Männer, Dr., variant stories of, in Tuluva Kneeling as a spirit-scarer ....................... 248 | Legends............................................295 ff. knife as a spirit-scarer .............................
73 marriage customs in the Madras Presidency. Kochchengannan, his date ........................ 155
144, 286 f. Kölamba = Kollam Era ............................. marriage by capture, a survival of................. 260 Kollam Era, Dates in the, 9 ff., 53 f.; of the... 174 metals as spirit-scarers. ..................72 ff. Koti Beidya, birth of, 308; his death .......... 342 metamorphosis in folktales, serpent into a Kóyil Tiru-Isaippá, the, its date ................ 153 prince ........................ .................... 49 Kubja, a Sniva poet of Mysore ................. 27 Mijar Ködamanatâya, Legend of ............... 67 Kubja-Vishnuvardhana, Eastern Chalukya, Miranbai, first Gujarati poetess ................ 19 n. a coin of ................. *******.............................. 322 f.
Mirror is a spirit-scarer, 78 f.; as a spirit. Kulasekhara Chola.............
.............. 113 1 haunt ........
................ 78 f. Kulasekhara-Peruma!, a title of Chera- Mitta Adyandar, a hero of the Kulkuda Udayamartåndavarman....................... 190 f. Legend......................
*** **... 63 Kulkuda == Kallurti ................................. 216
................. 216 months in inscriptions : - Kulottunga Chóļa I., a coin of .................. 321 Bhadrapada ............................... 345 Kun Påndya, his support of Tiruūgnasam
Dhanus................................................ 55 bandha, 115; his conversion to the Saiva
Jyrishtba ..................................... 346 faith, 115; age of, discussed ....................
Karkataka ...................................... 54, 55 Kundaråditya, his date .....
Kumbha ...........
Maghs ............................................ 178, 345 lagnas in SAka Dates..........
Makara............. ......................... 55 Lalitaśúradêva, Inscription of, edited ......... 177
Mêsba ............
.................... 84, 55 Lalitasaradêva of Nimbara, an inscription
Mina .......... ................54, 55, 286 of ....................................
Mithuna ........... ...........
................... 55, 346 Láth Bhäiron = Bhairava .........................
Puusha.... .............................. letters, mystic, origin of ..........................
Sravana.................
Tai (Makara) ........................... lifting as a spirit-scarer ...........................
Tula light-spirit, the high priest ...........
.............................. ........ Lingayats = Vira Saivas .............................. 113
Vaisakha ..............
346 Lunar months in Saka Dates ................. 271 f.
Vichb4 (Vpischika)
285 Vrischika ...
. Vsishabha .......................................... 56 Madanavarmádéva, father of Naramardidôva. 205 months in inscriptions: Magha, a name for the 7th tithi of the bright
solar, in Saka Dates ......................... 270 f. half of ......................... ................. 290 lunar, in Saka Dates ...
.............. 271 f. magic.kos, calamity in a ............................. 67 months, intercalary, in Saka Datet............... 271 malicion punishment of an unsuccessful ... 112 mudras, a reference to ......... .. .......... 145 Magrandâya, Legend of, 67 f.; his friendship Mukambike, a god ....................................... 223 with J&rantkya ...........
.... 71 | Murava Byari of Sulikal, father of Bobbarye... 239
..
.
345

Page #363

music, the sign of fairyland, 110:- as a spirit-scarer, 35 f.; as an inspiriter, 35:as a spirit-home, 47 f.:- instruments of,
are spirit-homes music, length of time required to perform Indian
******************
********************
******************
*************
************.
Nâḍubalaya, a hero of the Bobbarye Legend. 240 nails as spirit-scarers nakshatras in inscriptions:
74 f.
*****************
Anuradh&........ Hasta..........
Mrigasiraha
Pushya
**************
..54, 55, 56 .55, 345 54, 55 55 ..54, 55 Revati............................................................... 54 Rohint..................................... 55, 345
Sravana ........................................................... 345 nakshatras in Baka Dates. 291, 845f. Nambi Andar Nambi, author of Tirumurai,
113: his date.......................................................... 151 f. namghor, a place for performing plays in Assam Nanasambandha, see Tiruñânasambandha Nand Bhairon Bhairava ..... = Nandini Nandandeo near Ichchhawar.. Nandu, brother of Kallurti the Bhúta
****************
Narayana Sênava, a hero of the Vodilutâya Legend...... 276 Narasimhavarman I., date of ................ 163 f Narsinh the poet, song about......... 11 ff., 277 ff. Nasudevi, mother of Lalitasûradeva............ 178 Nakkirar, a Tamil author. nàts in Burma, development of
114 148
naugaza tombs, a Buddhist origin for, 146:an origin for
***************
Punarvasu.............................................
**********
*************
***********......
...
************** *******************.
INDEX.
36
******************
*********.
312
******
=
204 Nayakas, supposed coins of 818 f. Nelson, Mr., on the age of Sambandha......... 121 Nija Kanta: Kala Bhairava..................... 274 Ninra-Sir-Nedumaran, a title of Kan Påṇḍya. 115 Noise as a spirit-scarer, 35 f.: object of, when made by humanity, is to scare spirits, 35: ceremonial time for .............................. 35
:
Oduvår, a class of Tamil priests....... ..... 113 ogresses, a tale of............................ 109 ff. offerings as spirit-scarers ............................................ 252 oil as a spirit-scarer, 79 f.:- as a healer, 79 ff. its ceremonial value as a light. giver, 80 ff.: sacred, 82; martyr's..... 82 onyx, the, a doubtful guardian 136 orientation, a note on ....................... 176 ornament, origin of, to guard against and scare spirits ................................................. 128
59 116 260 208 220
.......
Legend..................... Phalguna, a name for the 5th tithi of the bright half of .................................... 290 Pilichavandi Bhuta
242 115 251
***************
Pillai, a name of Tirufianasambandha pinching as a spirit-scarer Podikalâya, a Brahma Bhúta ....................................................... 241 pointing with the right finger as a spiritscarer ************* 251 Ponkule, the home of Pôsa Mahârâye the Bhuta
Padupala Deyar, a heroine of the Panjurli Legend.... ........................... 275
28
Pali inscriptions from Mysore noticed. Palibhatika in Kumaun unidentified............ 178 Pandukêévar Plate of Lalitasûradeva edited. 177 Pandukês var is in Garhwal........ .................................................. 177 Pañjapaḍi, the home of Magrandâya....... 67 Pafijurli, story of ..................... 272 ff. Pafijurli the Bhata.................................................. 275 Panjurli of Chembukal = Pañjurli ... 276 Panjurli of Kalya the Bhúta Pañjurli. 275 Paramardidêva of Kalajara, an inscription of, edited........... Parântaka Chola I., his date.................154 Parmale, the home of the Beiderlu Bhútas... 295 f. Pâtuma, the mother of Bobbarye..... 239 Pausha, a name for the 7th tithi of the bright half of......................................... 290 Payya Baidya, a hero of the Beiderlu Legend. 338 pearls from a fish
205 ff.
***********
**************
52 67
Perar Bolandi, Legend of Periyapurdṇam, a Tamil Purdya ............... 114 Pergadi Vokketinar, a hero of the Pañjurli
273
351
*************
..
************..............................
************
64
*****************
346
******************
porte-bonheurs luck-bringers.................. 128 possession by a Bhuta ************* 241, 274 Posa Maharaye, the story of 63 ff. Pratapadêvaraya of Vijayanagara, date of his death prayer, calls to, object of, to scare spirits... 35 Prithvivarmadôva, grandfather of Paramardideva ................... ................................................................... 205 prostration as a spirit-scarer. púrnimanta scheme in Saka Dates, 271 f.; very rare in Saka Dates .......... 272
*******************
248
*********
***************
*****************
316
rain, charms concerning ....... RAjaraja, Eastern Chalukya, a coin of......... 321 Rajaraja Abhaya Kulaéékhara Chola 113 Rajarajadêva Chola, a coin of..................... Rajasimhêsvara Temple Kailasanatha Temple....... ............... 163 ............... 317
817
Rajendra-Chôladêva I., a coin of Râmânuja, Dr. Caldwell on, discussed...... 122 Ramjubula preceded Kanishka 141 riddle in legends ************ 338 Rogues, story of the Tanjore, 21 ff.: of the Trichinopoly. Rudraydmala Tantra, a note on.
--
*****************
****************
- story 22 ff. 148

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352
INDEX.
996
.
.........
.
.......
113
dancing...........
73
Saira, the three Bhatas of = Jârantâya ...... 66 | Sivaji, supposed coin of ........................... 319 Saivism in Southern India, a date for .......... 28 slapping as a spirit-scarer....................... 257 Saka era, Dates in, discussed, 266 :- eneering in superstition ........................... 246 Jupiter Years in, 268 ff.: - Bolar months Sodasa preceded Kanishka
141 in, 270 f. :-lunar months in ................. 271 f. Sohgaura Copper-Plate, notes on the ...... 261. Salagram, a note on the ........................... 146 solar months in Saka Dates ..................... 270 f. salutation as a spirit-scarer, 243: -- ceremo. souls, a superstition about, in Burma ......... 142
nial, = self-surrender, 242: - origin of ... 242 Southern India, folklore in ...................... 312 ff. salutes of honor, origin of, 243: - of dis- spirit of light, the high priest is a ............... 131
honor, 243: - of the dead, 243: - spirit-caused, the unwilled is .......
sacrificial, as spirit-carers ....................... 252 spirit-scarers :Sama, Alwa Beidya, a hero of the Beiderlu
abuse, forms of .......... Legend...................................................
back-turning ................. Samadevi, wife of Lalitaádradeva ............... 178 black, as the color of iron ............. Sambandha = Tirutianasambandha, 116: -
bowing ...................... age of, discussed, 116; his date........... 155 capping .............. ......................... Sambandha, Hymns of, the, are part of the
ceremonial kisses Tamil Vedas ................. ............
ceremonial salutations .......... ...... Sambu Kalkuda Kalkuda the Bhata, 63 :
cheering .............................................. father of Kallurti the Bhata ..................
circling ............... ......................... 257 Saminandêdi .......................
clapping ............................................. 47 Samkara, his allusion to Sambandha, 155 ff.; . covering the mouth and eyes ............ 249 his date ................ ............ ... ........ 161
**** ... 257 Bankhya-pravachana-bhdshya, Prof. Garbe's
earth...
**** .......... 249. ed. of, noted ........................................... 232 gold .............. ..... ....................... 77 f. sankrantis in SA ka Dates, 293f.; unspecified.294f. hand-shaking ................................... 253 sand as a spirit-scarer ....... .................. 249 f. hymns and calls to prayer ................... 35 Sanskrit datos, fixing of, from Tibetan
iron, 72, 76 f., 116: - red hot ............ sources..............
......... 1451 jewellery ....
128 Sanskrit Grammar of the Buddhists ......... 103 keys ...........
.................... 75 f. Santivarman, the Kadamba, inscription of... 27 kneeling ............... ....... ... 248 Sarakullâya, a hero of the Jumadi Legend ... 66 knives ........................................... 73 SArabime, the home of Jumadi the Bhata ... 65 knocking bends together .................... 256 Surváhganatha, the title discussed, 185:
lifting .................................................. 257 = Adityavarman ............... ............... 187 lolling or thrusting out the tongue ..... 255 Sayina Baidetti, mother of the Beiderlu ...... 339
metals ............
*********. .....72 ff. Sayina Baidya, father of the Beiderlu ......... 339 mirrors.........
***...***. *....................... 78 f. Sebundy, history of the term noted... 257 1., 315 f. mouthing grass .................................... 257 self-sacrifice, in folktales, remarkable instance
musical instruments ............................ 36 of .........................................................110 11 nails ................................................. 74 Sender Bendi, the name discussed, 119;
noise and music.............. .......... 85. =Sundar Bandi ............. ............... 120 offerings .......
252 Senda Bir, the whistling spirit ...............83, 286 oil.................
............. 797. serpent in folktales, 49:- flower growing out
ornaments ....... . .... .... .. 123 of a dead .............................................. 49
passing bell ......................................... 45 Berpente, dedication of tenke to ..................... 142 pinching ................ ................ 257 Beven, fairies in folktales, 110:- sons in folk.
pointing with the right finger
257 tales ..............
............. 209. precious stones .................
............. 125 ff. ShadAbitimukka-sankranti. explained
Kranti, explained ......... 346 prostration ............. ..................... 248 shake of the hand, origin of the ................. 243 rattling of chains ............................. 37 shears we spirit-scarers ...............
sacrificial salutes ............................... 252 shoes as spirit-scarers, - horse, aas ...........
Band .................................................. 249 f. Silamati, the Skr. form of the name of the
shears ................ Tibetan author Blo-gros-ta’ul-krims ......... 109 shoes, iron, of horse and ass silver a & spirit-scarer.........
silver and copper .*...**************** singing in church as a spirit-scarer ........... 45 singing in church ................ Siva Kalkula, father of Kalkuda the Bhata .. 62 slapping ...............
..
.......
...
.
.
O
06
.
....
.....
.
..
.
..

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INDEX.
353
spitting ...........***
... 250 Travancore, Early Sovereigns of, 184:standing on one foot ........................ 250 supposed coin of .............
of ................................ 320 1. swords ................................................ 78 1. travel, tabued, in folktales ..................... 109 tools ................................................ 72 wine-drinking .... .. ...... 105 Ubara Tirta, tue, mentioned
... 63 spirits - music as a home of.................... 471. Umapati Sivacharya, a Tamil Saint, 149:spitting as a spirit-goarer........................... 250 his date .... ...........
*** ..... 149 Srahi, the meaning of ........................... 285 f. Uttarayana Sankranti, the .................... 293 . Sravana, a name for the full-noon tithi of ... 290 Sri-Vira-Kerala-Martåndavarma-Tiruvadi of Vaidhfiti Yoga, the ............................... 291
Travancore ........................ ............... 191 Vaisakha, a name for the 3rd tithi in the stars, bride viewing the stars, object of ..... 144 bright half of ........... ............... 289 f. step-mother in folktales ......................... 48 ff. Vardhamana's Nirvana, a date in ............... 346 stones, precious, see gems are spirit. Váriyan, a caste ............
189 scarers .........................................125 ff. Vatapi, importance of the date of the conSundar Bandi, the name discussed ............ 120 quest of .................. Sundara, Hymns of, part of the Tamil Vedas. 113 Vodas, Tami! .............. Sundara Pandya, the name discussed ......... 119 Végadovi, mother of Lalitasgradeva ............ swayamvara, folktale version of the ........... 50 Venkatarima Temple at Tirupati ................ 274 sword as a spirit-scarer ......................... 73 €. Vijayasaptami, a tithi ............................ 3-45 Syananddrapura = Trivandrum, 184; Syd- Virhamasiddhi = Kubja-Vishnuvardhana, nandora .........................
184 Eastern Chalukya ............
.. ....... 323 Vishuva Sankranti ..............
.......... 204 Vira-Bhupati of Vijayanagara, a coin of...... 318
Vira-Saiva Sivaprakasa, a Tamil author ....... 114 taba, in marriage relationships ................... 204 Vira-Saivas = Lingiyats ...................... 11: tainbila................................................... 305 Vinayaka, a gou............ ....................... 273 Tanjore, date of ............... .................... 153 Viņhukndautu, the family Håritiputta Tanjur, the, its value in fixing Sanskrit dates. 145 Satakanni.........
23 Tattuvariyar, a Tamil author................... 114 Vodilataya, story of, 270 f.: - the Bhata ... 27 Tibet, an allegorical folktale from ........... 105 ff. i Vorte = Kallurti
..................... 216 Tiru-Ibaippa, a group of Tamil Sacred Sonya. 113 vows to the Bhatas ..................................... 305 Tirumappa, a god at Tirupati ..................... 225 Vyatipata Yoga, the........................... 291, 315 Tirumôrraļi = Kailasantha Temple............ 163 Tirumular, a group of Tamil Sacred Songs... 114 Wober, Prof., a note on his anniversary ...... 353 Tirumurai=a group of Tamil Sacred Songs, wine drinking as a spirit-scurer .................. 25+
118: a division of the Tamil Vidas .......... 113 "wise-women" ................ ................... 30: Tirussanasambandha, Notes on the age of, women, superiority of, in folktales............... 0
113 ff.:- his place among the Saivas,
113 :- his position as a teacher ............... 114 years, dates in the Kollam Ern sometimes Tirunavukkarasu Appar........................ 119 in expirod, sometimes in current ............. 10 Tirutondar Tiruvandádi, a group of Tamil Years, Current and Expirud, in Saka Inscrip
Sacred Songs ...................................... 114 tions, 266 ff. ' -in expired, Saka Dates Tiruvdéagam is a part of a Tirumurai......... 113 usually ........................ .................... 267 tithis, names for, in Saka Datos, 289 f. Years, Jupiter, in Saka Datos............ 263 ff., 35.
345 f.:-current, in Saka Dates, 289:- Years, Northern luni-solar ................... 259 repeated in Saka Dates
Yellanna, brother of Kallurti the Bhuta..... ! Toipergadethår, a heroine of the Mingrandaya yettu the game explained............................ 30
Legend............................................. yogas, in Såka Dates, 291, 345: -in inscrip tongue, lolling or thrusting out the, as a tions, Ganda ................ spirit-scarer...............................
.......... 255 youngost (fairy), tale of the........................ 110 tools as spirit-bcarers, 72: - as shaped iron... 73 Trailokyamalla, Western Chalukya, a coin of. 322' zuft, the word explained ...........
...........

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