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NOTES AND QUERIES. COBILY-MASH.-With regard to the origin of this word (see ante p. 201), there is no need to go to old Singhalese for it: it is found in modern Singhalese under the form Kabali-mas. The learned Mudaliyar L. De Zoysa, to whom I referred the question, writes me as follows:-"I think the true derivation of Cobolly mass' is kabali-mas 'piece-fish,' from kæbella, piece, and mus, fish or flesh. Kabalikaranavá is to cut or break into pieces. There are similar compound words in Singhalese, e.g., hun or hunu-sal, 'powder,' 'broken into pieces, rice." The word Kabella is of course the Pâli kabala, Sans. kavala. I may mention that Mr. A. Gray, in his paper on the Maldive Islands (Journal, R. A. S. N. S., vol. X.) follows Pyrard de la V. in the mistake of referring the word to the Sin. Kalu-mas, black fish, a derivation which is manifestly untenable. DONALD FERGUSON.
par ABEL BERGAIGNE, Maitre de Conferences à la Faculté des lettres de Paris, &c. (Paris: F. Viegweg : 1878.)
This god, called Indra, is the one who, if the number of hymns addressed to him, and the part there ascribed to him are considered, occupies decidedly the first place in the mythology of the Rig Veda. Not that he, too, does not derive his attributes from the elements at his command... The character of Indra is, above all, that of a warrior-deity: Agni and So in a, when they are manifested as lightning or the sun, are also
All these divinities belong to an unitarian conception of the order of the world in which good and evil, that is to say, the day and the night, the rain and the drought, are referred to one and the same personage, or to one and the same category of celestial personages. It results thence that these deities have a double aspect, propitious and severe: an equivocal character which, in opposition to the exclusively benevolent character of Indra, may be interpreted in a malevolent sense, so as to assimilate them, in a certain measure, to the demons of the dualistic conception (p. xix.)
But the Rig-Veda, while failing to disclose the particular forms of moral life manifested by the ancestors of the Indian race, reveals at least the intensity of that life, the sentiment, at once lively and deep, which they had of a purity to be preserved, or restored, of taints to be avoided or purged by expiation. The Vedic poets had, in the simple prayers addressed to their gods, no opportunity, as Homer had, to show us the morality of their time in action; but the moral conscience utters in these prayers the only language it was then called to hold: the religious language, the moral sentiment, take in them the only form they could there naturally assume-that of an appeal to the divine justice, and above all to the divine mercy (p. xx. f.)
studies, in regard to the light in which M. Ber- volume, as given at the commencement. After gaigne looks upon the Vedic ceremonies as imita- an introduction and preliminary remarks, the tions of celestial phenomena, and as intended to author treats of the following topics: 1, The be reproductions on earth of acts performed in Veda, its component parts: 2, origin of the heaven, and so forth, little doubt can be enter- Veda, of its separate hymns; its collections ; tained of the ingenuity which his theory manifests. revelation, the seeing of the hymns; the authorHis view, also, of the different characters of the ship of the Rishis; and, 3, its metrical form; 4, Vedic deities, of the distinction to be drawn be- the text and its fortunes; 5, the Vedic poets, tween Indra as an altogether benevolent being, authors of the several Mandalas; 6, persons other and Varuna and the other "sovereign gods" as than the authors of the hymns, named in the the authors of physical evil as well as physical Beveral Mandalas ; 7, period and antiquity of the good, as combining the two qualities of severity Veda; 8, the country and people; mountains, and benevolence, and as possessing a moral nature, | rivers, towns, castles ; tribes, the Aryas and may be noted as interesting.
Dåsas, the invaders, and aborigines, the Paņis: The following are the contents of the first 9, the Aryas, their different classes; the position of volume as tabulated at its close. Introduction, the priests and their sub-divisions; the population Part I. The elements of the Vedic mythology in not included in the four castes ; 10, the Aryan natural phenomena and in worship. Chap. i. The state ; the army, the king, and the assemblies of the worlds ; Chap. ii. The male elements. Sections Aryas; 11, their religion, and its commands and
-yi. the heaven: the sun: lightning: Agni ; fundamental conceptions; the religious assemblies; his different forms: celestial origin of terres- faith, zoal, liberality; resistance to these requiretrial fire, and of the human race; return of ments and its punishment; the fundamental conthe fire to heaven; myths of the other life; the ceptions of religion, rita (truth, right, good, law) celestial sacrifice; action of the terrestrial sacri- dharma(order), satya, brahma, tapas, yajña, dikshd; fice on the celestial phenomena; representations 12, the gods, their relation to men. M&ya, Deva, of Agni and the sacrificers: Soma; his different Dyaus, Varuna, Indra, Rudra and Prisni, Agni, forms; celestial origin of the terrestrial Soma; Vivasvat, Trashtri; 13, demons and enchantments, his return to heaven; myths of the other life; the superstition and its effects on life; 14, worship; celestial sacrifice; action of the terrestrial sacrifice general stand-point; forms and instruments of on the celestial phenomena; representations of sacrifice. Soms and the sacrificers: the mythical personage These chapters are followed by translations of a of the male. Chap. iii. The femalo elements. number of hymns. The earth; heaven and earth; the dawn; the To chapter ist on the Vedas are prefixed (pp. dawn and night; the water of the cloud; the 1-14) some introductory remarks on the country in waters in general; the offerings; the prayurs; the which the Vedio hymns were produced ; on the mythical personage of the female.
Rig Veda übersetst und mit kritischen und erläuternden aminerkungen versehen von Hermann Grasmann. 9 Th. (Leipzig: Brockhaus: 1876 and 1877.)
"Thus arose the movement which introduced the appearance of Buddha, who proposed the happiness, the redemption, of all from evil, as the object of his efforts, his teaching, bis practice; and declared this goal to be attainable by all men. The power which Buddhism exercised upon the oppressed, and in no small measure upon the oppressors likewise, might, even if we had no direct and trustworthy evidence to the same effect, be recognized by the principles which Brahmanism has borrowed from it, in order to assert itself, and to regain its ancient predominance. The principle of tenderness to all living creatures, of liberation from evil, the theory of the transmigration of souls, &c., theorems which were altogether calculated to make a people like the Indians regard the oppressive caste system as endurable, - were derived from Buddhism. These theorems stood, no doubt, in irreconcilable opposition to the supposed origin of castes, and many of the grounds on which the caste system is combated in the more recent Buddhist writings are borrowed from the Buddhistic elements of the later Brahmanism. But the older Bråhmanism, too, in its complete transformation (uebergang) into pantheism, offered to the innovators sufficient points of connection in the view, which not rarely comes out in the Veda itself, of an unity in the nature of the godhead (R-V. x. 121; 82, 5-7). The progress in this direction may be traced from the the Veda through the Brahmanas and their branches the Aranyakas and Upanishads, in the philosophy of the Mimamså, the Sankhya, and the Yoga; it ends in Buddhism; for if, as the Rigveda already says, all the gods have sprung from one primeval germ, the game is true of things moving and stationary in general. (R.-V. x. 90.) If the castes, altogether and separately, have sprung from Purusha, an absolute distinctness of the three higher from the fourth is no longer tenable, as the Buddhists themselves intimate: (see Brih. Ar. Up. i. 4, 15; iv. 3, 22). The theory of the four ages (yugas)- which in a certain way existed already in the Vedio age, in its further extension gave the last impulse to the overthrow of the views regard
"And if, in the following period, the caste-system became more close, and the Pali dialect was set aside, and the sacred language was made the exclusive vehicle of literature, still during the reign of Buddhism the population must have been violently shaken together, (durcheinander geriirt) and have become quite changed; we see that while theory sought to realize the absurdest dreams, the actually existing circumstances practically decided matters, and were able to elevate even a sad ra to the throne. A powerful impression must also have been made upon men's views by the fact that alongside of Brahmanism there existed an independent ground, the occupation of which could enable men to defy the narrow prejudices of caste: besides, there now existed philosophical or philosophizing sects and schools which took their place beside Brahmanism, for the most part, no doubt, without claiming more than a theoretical significance, yet without giving up their own claim to be considered orthodox, however little their theorems might be really reconcilable with the scriptural belief of the Bråhmang.
Compare R-V. viii. 90, 14: -"Three races have passed away; others have been gathered around the sun and 1. 97, 1, "before the three ages of men," and so evidently
Über die MAGAVYAKTI des Krishnadása Miçra. Von A. Weber. (Berlin: 1879.)
11. Tapo cha brahmachariyâ cha ariyasachchâna' With regard to the names Mengala Thok and dassanath Nibbanasachchhikiriya cha etam manMengla Thut: these are the same words, as I will galam uttamam. proceed to show. The word in Sanskrit is Mangala- 12. Phutthassa lokadhammehi chittam yassa sútra, which speaks for itself, and in PAli is Mangala- na kampati Asokam virajam khemat etam sutta. In Burmese it is written Mangalasutt or mangalam uttamar. Mangalasut in accordance with the usual law of 13. Etådisani katvana sabbattha-m-aparajita that language, which cuts off the last short terminal Sabbattha sotthim gachchhanti tam tesam man. syllable of imported Pali words. By the laws galam uttaman. of Burmese phonetics this word Mangalasut is Mangalaguttam nitthitam. pronounced Mengala Thók; e as in met, th as in Professor Childers has translated this very thing.
the expression by which the natives designate the The author of the Periplás is not a professed southern part of the peninsula among themselves: scholar. But his chief concern being with com- this is the word Dakhinabad, which means in mercial matters, he speaks as an intelligent man Sansksit, the coast of the right hand. Finally, possessed of a clear judgment. Ho treats as they at the end of his narrative, making only one deserved certain absurd geographical theories of nation of the Sêres and Sines or Thines, Ptolemy's. According to one of these theories the which Ptolemy by mistake had made two different
• This latter rendering is a little abridged. I think it is more powerful if given in full: " Approached the Blessed One, and approaching saluted the Blessed One, and stood mide, and standing aside the angel spake to the Blessed One in verse."-R.O.T.
Salmasius, Dr. Vincent and Mannert have referred the Periplús to the time of Nero, or even of Claudius. Dodwell placed it under the reigns of Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus about 162 A.D., and cited in support of his opinion the word autokpárop (emperor), which is employed in the plural. It was under these two princes, indeed, that Rome for the first time was under two emperors at once. This circumstance has led some scholars to attribute the work to Arrian, the author of the Periplus Ponti Euxini. But the most competent have recognised no affinity of style between the Periplus of the Erythræan Sea and that of the Pontus-Euxinus. The illustrious Letronne, a good judge in such matters, brings down the composition of the former to the early part of the 3rd century, under the reigns of Septimus, Severus and Caracalla. He says: "its diction certainly belongs to a later epoch, and every one with any experience in distinguishing styles will allow that that epoch cannot be previous to the time of Septimus Severus." Finally, the celebrated Fréret, struck by the discordances already referred to, thought that the compilation of the Periplus belonged to the first century of our era, but that it had been retouched at a later date so as to bring it into accord with later occurrences.
Fréret expresses himself thus: "Le Périple de la mer Erythrée est un compilation où l'on trouve des choses re
This state of things rose from the dangers presented by the navigation of the sea towards the north, which has only been changed in these latter times from the application of steam to navigation. An Arab writer in the first half of the tenth century of our era says: "Vessels from the Persian Gulf which enter the Red Sea stop at Jedda. They dare not advance beyond that, because of the difficulties of the navigation and the great number of rocks which rise from the water. Add to this,
decessor, profited by his position to supply so far what was still wanting: thus the reputations of both are saved (see below, p. 377).
The ship after sailing as far as Zanzibar returns to the head of the Red Sea, and stops on the Arabian coast at Leukê Kômê or the white village.' The text states that from Leukê Kômê a road led directly to the city of Petra.20 The vast commerce of Petra was mostly carried by camels, but it also received by sea and exported by the same some of its traffic, and Leukê Kômê served it as an entrepôt in its relations with: Arabia Felix, Abyssinia, India, &c. M. Müller thinks, with reason I believe, that Le u kê Kômê corresponds with the place called A 1-Hauara. But I may not stop at this; my attention is specially directed to two circumstances mentioned in the text, viz., that the city of Petra was then subject to Malik ha, king of the Nabat hæans, and that the Roman Government maintained an agent at Leukê Kômê charged with superintending the customs on the merchandise, as well as a centurion and company of soldiers."1
time of the author of the Periplus the town had recently been destroyed by a Roman emperor which he simply designates as Caesar.as We know that the title of Caesar was applied in a special way to the first twelve emperors, some because they belonged to the family of Julius Caesar, and others because their family was originally of Rome. Scholars who refer the composition of the Periplús to the first century have found a confirmation of their opinion in this. But after the first twelve emperors, the Romans continued to give their princes the title of Caesar: frequently they were called by no other name. It is by this word only that the younger Pliny designates Trajan in his Panegyric. The title of Caesar to designate the Roman and Byzantine emperors was spread to the remotest east, and is found in Syriac, Arab, Persian, Turkish, and even Chinese writers. As to the destruction of Arabia Felix by the Romans the matter is very simple. The Romans had a lucrative commerce in the eastern seas, and it led from time to time to conflicts; perhaps Arabia Felix had given refuge to pirates. The prince who destroyed Arabia Felix was probably Septimus Severus."0
able river for so arid a country falls into the bay: it is the Bhegvor or Bhug wur, on the left bank of which stands Kej.
Be this as it may, the existence of Bahmanå båd as a city and even as a special seat of government is indisputable. It was found exist- ing by the Arabs in 706 A.D. when they first arrived in the Indus Valley: it was there the king of the country resided. It continued to be the seat even of the government established by the Arabs.60
pp. 272 seqq. Léon de Rosny, Essai sur la langue chinoise. On the Mongol alphabetical writing called passt pa from ita inventor: Jour. As. avr. 1860, p. 321 and Jan. 1862, p. 5, and the identification of certain places in the author's Mém. sur l'Inde.-ED.
But to return to the Periplus: the author says that as the Indus up to Minnagara had not sufficient depth, vessels anchored at a port near the mouth, and that goods were transported to Minnagara on barges. Ptolemy had given to the Indus Valley the name of Ind o-Skuthia, and the author of the Periplús makes use of that term, but adds that it was then under the rule of Parthian chiefs, continually at war with one another."
The chapter on India in Strabo is very defective. This he felt himself, for be complains of the want of trustworthy information." In Pliny's time there were more sources; he had also collected a large number of names of people and places. Proudly he exclaims: "Quæ omnia gentium portuumve aut oppidorum nomina apud neminem priorum reperiuntur." But most of his names are altered, and the place assigned to them is so vague that it is impossible to recognise it. Pliny is said to have used the map of Agrippa which had been prepared in the portico of that name; but for countries beyond the empire what value could a map have, prepared from the statements of men unverged in geography, and without the aid of geometry and astronomy P
They burn men's vitals, bones, and hearts: Mahdbharata, xiii. 9787f. = v. 1172f.
* Jour. Ger. Or. 8oc: "1861, p. 696. Conf. Barneo's Mr. McCrindle's version of the Periphs, ante, pp.1078.D. account and Pottinger's vol. II. p. 189.
HINDUISM; by MONIER WILLIAMS, M.A., D.C.L. London, Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge: 1877.
This is certainly a remarkable statement, and the learned professor would seem to have forgotten that the causal body', of the Vedanta, is placed inside the subtile body, and is, as it were, the casket of the individual self. In fact, the existence of a subtile frame untenanted by a causal one, would be impossible. The causal frame forms the innermost of the five sheaths supposed to envelope every sentient being "like the coats of an onion," and is named the anandamaya. It is not clear why, on page 206 (note), the professor speake so doubtfully of this sheath. In enumerating the sheaths, he says: "These are called Vijnanamaya, Mano-maya, Prána-maya, Anna-maya, and a fifth is sometimes named Anandamaya." Why "sometimes"? Bombay, 7th November 1879.
Abbreviations: Early Chal.-Early Chalukya. 1. m.-land-measure. g.-god, or goddess. Mt.-mountain. mot.-motto. Nik.-Nikumbha. o.-official. Pall.-Pallava. q.-queen. r.-river.
Svayambhu-Siva, 8. ..... Siva, g. ............. 14, 16, 20, 22, 41 stibium........................ 116, 147 Śrêtaketu Åruneys ............ 327 Sivaji's plunder of Surat...... 256f. orig..................... 116, 143, 147 évedtapatra ......................... 11 Sivalik Mts. ....................... 59n, Stonehenge ............................ 167 Syênê ............... 119, 332 Siwi, co. ........................... 8 Stone-tablet inscriptions: Siyalkot ................................. 177
p. 2516, 1. 33, after benevolence; add saying. p. 2525, 1. 14, for 7: , read 7.

Page #1

THE
INDIAN ANTIQUARY
A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH
IN
ARCHAEOLOGY, EPIGRAPHY, ETHNOLOGY, GEOGRAPHY, HISTORY, FOLKLORE, LANGUAGES, LITERATURE, NUMISMATICS, PHILOSOPHY, RELIGION, &C., &C.
EDITED BY
JAS. BURGESS, LL.D., F.R.G.S., M.R.A.S.
VOL. VIII-1879
Swati Publications
Delhi 1984

Page #2

Published by Swati Publications, 34, Central Market, Ashok Vihar, Delhi-110052 Ph. 7113395
and Printed by S.K. Mehra at Mehra Offset Press, Delhi.

Page #3

CONTENTS.
:.
... 196
Authors' names arranged alphabetically. PAGE 1
PAGE REV. B. BEAL, Falstone, Northumberland
DR. A. F. BUDOLF HOERNLE, C. M. College, The STORY of the FAITHFUL DEER ... ... ... 958 Calcatta :G. BÜHLER, Ph.D., C.I.E., Educational Inspector,
MONOGRAMS of the BAKTRO-GREEK KING EUTHYGujaratAn INSCRIPTION of GOVANA III. of the NIKUMBHA
Prov. H. JACOBI, Münster, Westphalia -
On Talaprahari ... ... ... VANSA
... ...
... .. ...
... 201 ..
. ...
... 89
NILKANTHA JANÅRDAN KIRTANE, Indor :A. O. BURNELL, Ph.D., M.0.8., Tanjore
The HAMMİRA MAHAKAVYA of Nayachandra Suri ... 55 ON BOME EARLY REFERENCES to the Vedas by
Rev. F. KITTEL :EUROPEAN WRITERS ... ... . .. ... 96
Some Remarks on Dr. Pope's " Notes on the South (See also under Col. H. Yulo, C.B.)
Indian or Dravidian Family of Languages" ... Rev. J. CAIN, Dummagadem
W. LOGAN, M.C.s., Collector, Malabar : The BHADRACHELLAX and REKAPALLI TALUQAS 88, 815 FIND of ANCIENT POTTERY in MALABAR... ... 309 H. BIVETT-CARNAC, B.O.S., O.I.E., GbAsipur
J. W. MCCRINDLE, M.A., Patna College :ARCHEOLOGICAL NOTES on a March between Cawn.
THE PERIPLUS of the ERYTHREAN SEA ... ... 107 pore and Nagapuli .. ... .. **
MAJOR J. S. F. MACKENZIE, late Maisur Com
*** Bev. F. T. COLE, Taljbari
mission :List of WORDS and PHRASES with their SANTALI
CUSTOMS of the KOMTI CASTE ... ... .. . 86 EQUIVALENTS ... ... ... ... ... ... 194 J. MUIR, O.I.E., D.C.L., LL.D., &c. Edinburgh - MAJOR GENERAL A. CUNNINGHAM, 0.8.I., &o.
METRICAL VERSIONS from the Mahabharata : Director Archæological Survey, Simla :
Praise of Riches (xii. 218ff.) ... .... BhAh Danlah's Chuha ... "
... **
Folly of premature Asceticism (xü. 298ff.)... THE EDITOR:
True Piety and Righteousness and their fruita (xiii.
7594f.) ... ... ...
... ... Protection of Antiquarian Remains
.. ... ... ...
Fearlessness (v. 1518f.) ... ... ... ... Translation of M. Reinaad's remarks on the
Faith and Unbelief (iii. 184616-18468) ... .. plus of the Erythrean Sea ...
The Genesis of Rudra the Destroyer (xii. 2791) ... 204 J. F. FLEET, Bo. 0.8., M.R.A.B.
Moral Goodness essential (xiv. 2885, xiii. 554) .. , SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANABESE INSCRIPTIONS :
A King's best Treasure and the best Castles (xü. No. L.-YEWUR INSCRIPTION of Vikram Aditya VI.
20206. f.) ... ... ...
... ... 205 8.999... ... . ... ... LI.-ALUR
The Watoh-Tower of Wisdom (xi: 530-xii. 5628).. » .. >> , 8.1018... 21 The Artfal Character of Women
. ... 821 LII.-NEROR PLATES of PulikłÁ IL ... .. 48
Lasting pain of harsh words (xü. 9787f.; and xiii. LIII.-KÔCHRB PLATES OF VIJAYAMAHADEV
4896)
.. ... ... .. .... .. 388 LIV.-GARGA GRANT of ARIVARMA, 8. 169 ... 212
Praise of a dutiful wife (i. 8027f., and xii. 5508ft). 888 LV.-Arroçt INSCRIPTION on Mégati temple of
Sacrifice in everything (xii. 2320)
** 889 Pulekel II., 8. 556 ... ... ... ..
Results of foresight and courage (1. 84044.) ... 889 LVI-And INSCRIPTION on Mégati temple at
Book Notices ... ... ... 294, 828, 326 Aihoje... ... ...
Rev. G. U. POPE, D.D., Warden of Bishop Cotton's LVII.-INSCRIPTION of VIJAY DITYA BATYÁBAYA
School and College, Bangalorat Aihole ... ... ... ... ... 284
NOTE8 on the DRAVIDIAN OF SOUTH INDIAN Family LVIII.-INSCRIPTION on Darga temple at Alhore... 286
of LANGUAGES ... ... ... ... ... ... 80 LLX.-INSCRIPTION in Lad Khan's temple at
Notes on the KURRA of the Tamil Poet Tiru. AIRÓLE ... ... ... .. ... 987
VALGUVAR. (cont. from vol. VII. p. 224) ... .... 806 LX-VALABAT COPPER-PLATE Grant of Dhar
K. BAGHUNATHJI, Bombay seena II., 8. 262 .
MARATHI SCHOOLS and SCHOOLMASTERS Kich
... On Mr. Rico's Western Chalukys Grant of Kirtti.
... 246
NASARVÅNJI J. RATNAGAR, Bombay: vhrm& II.
... .
... ... ... ... ... 106 Parsl sagris, Nasasaldrs, &c. .. A Particular Use of the word SAMVAT ... ... 151
...."
LEWIS RIOE, Director of Pablic Instruction, Maisar The CRALUXYA VIERAMA-VARSHA or Era of the
and Kurg - Western Chalukya king Vikram Aditya VI. ... 18V
The OHALUKYAS and PALLAVAS .. .. ... 28 Rev. T. FOULKES, F.L.8., M.R.A.S., Bengalur :
TWO NEW CHALUKTA GRANTS ... ... ... 89 The CIVILIZATION of the DAKHAN down to the sixth R. SEWELL, M.C:8., M.R.A.S., Bējw&d&:
century B.C. ... ... ... ... ... ... 1 Two EASTERN CHALUKYA COPPERPLATE GRANTS ... GRANT of the PALLAVA KING NANDI VARKA . 107 PROZESSOR C. H. TAWNEY, M.A., Calcutta :
GRANT of NANDI VARMA PALLAVA MALLA ... ... 278 A FOLKLORE PARALLEL... .... .. " ** GEORGE A. GRIERSON, B.0.8., Darbhanga
Another FOLKLORE PARALLEL... ... ... A Farther FOLKLORE PARALLEL ... ... ... 988 LIEUT. B.O. TEMPLE, B.8.0., F.R.G.S., &o. Proper Namos ... ... ... ... ...
... ... 891
... 881 Note on the Mengala Thok . ... ...

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CONTENTS.
PAGE EDWARD THOMAS, F.k.s., Mém. de l'Inst. de
France: Jainism ... .. ..
... ... On some BILINGUAL Cons of BOKHARå struck in
the 2nd century of the Hijrah ... ... ... 269 M. J. WALHOUSE, late M.O.S., London -
Indian and African Native Forges ... ... .. 51 ARCHÆOLOGICAL NOTES: (continued from vol. VII.) . XXII.-The Westward spread of some
Indian Metaphors and Myths ... ... 182 XXIII.-Some Non-Sepulohral Rude Stone Monuments in India, Persia, and Western Asia ... ... ... ..
.. 164
PAGE MAJOR J. W. WATSON, President, Rajasthanik
Court, Káhikwap :The FALL of PÅTAN SOMANATE... ... ... ... 158 NOTES on the SEACOAST of SAURASHTRA, with
fow Remarks on the EXTENT of the CHUQASAMA RULE ... .. ... ..
... .. .. 181 MONIER WILLIAMS, D.O.L., Boden Prof. of Sans
krit, Oxford: Notes on INDIAN FOLKLORE ... ... ... ... 209 COL. H. YULE, C.B., and DR. A. C. BURNELL:Specimens of a Discursive Glossary of Anglo-Indian
Terme .... . .. .. 52, 88, 178, 201, 281
***
*
.. 256
SELECTIONS AND MISCELLANEA. A Big Gun...
... 54 The Idols of Bamian ... .. .. ... ... 254 Bauddha Caves in Kabul ...
82 Dard Clans ... ... ... ....... ... 256 The Mengala Thut ...
Vestages of Buddhism in Micronesis ... ... Ancient Remains in Afghanistan, by Rev. 0. Swinnerton 198 The Plunder of Surat by Sivaji in 1664, from a letter Prof. Harlez's Manuel de la Langue de l'Avesta 207
to Sir Thomas Browne ... ... .. Report on the Inscriptions in the Hambantota District Islamic Doctrine of Woman's Soul ... ... of Ceylon, by Dr. E. Müller, Archeological Surveyor. 281
The Bundshish ... ... .. ... ... ... 262 Buddhist Remains in the JelAlabad District, by William The WAlis of Persia...
Simpson ... ... ... ... ... ... ..227 Jagjivandas the Hindu Reformer, by Rev. B.H. Badley. 389 Hindu and Russian Peasant Life ... ... ... 233
Educated Hindus and Scientific Research ... The Northern Buddhist Legend of Avalokiteswara's The Six Tirtakas ... ... ... .. .. .. 811 Descent into the Hell Avichi, hy Prof. E. B. Cowell,
The Weddsa, by B. F. Hartshorne ... ... ... 814 M.A., Cambridge ... "
... 32
.. 299
176,284
Axe; Fire belles Nephrite,
NOTES AND QUERIES. 1. Pigmies ... .. .. ... ... ... 87, 88 12. Cretins, Chdha Shah Daulah 2. Cannibalism ... ... ... ... 87, 88 18. Elongated skulls; imbeciles; Nephrite; the Ham. 3. Intermarriage of Hindus and Muhammadang 87, 88 mer or Axo; Fire by friction of Wood ... 177, 206 4. Admission to Caste Privileges ... .. 87, 88, 207 14. Succession of Sister's Song ... 5. Polyandry ..
87, 88 15. Bangalow ... 6. Couvade ... ... ... .. . ... 87, 106 16. Oromlechs ... 7. NAyar Customs ... ... ... ... ... 87, 88 17. Mangrol, Manglur ... ... ... ... 8. Naga Customs ... ..
88, 206 18. Sasamine logs .. 9. Ghost Worship ... ...
... 106 19. The Hammtra Mahak dvya ... 10. Cessation of Caste at certain places... ... ... 106 20. Cobily-Maah .. ... . 11. Abhorrence of the Cow
176, 206 31. Proper Names ... ... ... ...
BOOK NOTICES. 1. Prof. E. H. PALMER's Poetical Works of Behd-ed. 11. REGNAUD's Chariot de Terre Cuite ... ... ... 266
din Zobeir of Egypt-by W. S. ... ... ... 81 18. BEAL's Texts from the Buddhist Canon commonly 2. Govor's Papers relating to the Collection of an
known as Dhammapada... ... ... ... 267 cient Sanskrit Literature in India ... ... 106 18. Prof. PALMER's Song of the Reed, &c. ... ... 298 8. Rev. T. P. Huones's Notes on Muhammadanism. 106 14. MAX MÖLLER's Sacred Books of the East, vol. I. 4. Prof. R. T. H. GRIFFITH'S Birth of the War-God... 106 The Upanishads-by J. Muir, C.I.E., D.C.L. 5. T. W. RHYS-DAVIDS's Buddhism-by G. A. J.... 178 LL.D., &o. ... ... ... ... ... ..294 6. Dr. and Mme. HELPER'S Travels in Syria, Meso
16. HULTZSCH's Prolegomena zu dea Vasantardjs C. potamia, Burma, &c.--by W.F.S. ... ... 207
kuns-by R. R. ... ... ... ... ... 298 7. Capt. F. M. HUNTER'S Account of the British 16. S. GOLDSCHMIDI'S PrAkritica-by R. R. ... ... 299
Settlement of Aden-by W.F. 9. ... ... 234 17. EDWIN ARNOLD'S Light of Asia ... ... ... 299 8. MARKHAM's Voyages of Sir J. Lancaster, and 18. BERGAIGNE'S LA Religion Védique--by J. Muir, Voyage of Capt. John Knight: MARKRAN'S
C.I.E., D.O.L., LL.D., &o. ... ... ... 823 Hawkins Voyages-by W. F. 8. ... ... ... 235 19. A. LUDWIG's Der Rig Veda--by J. Muir, C.I.E. 9. Sir L. PELLY's Miracle Play of Hasan and Husein. 263 D.C.L., LL.D., &c. ... ... ... ... 826 10. DURTNALL's Chronological and Historical Chart of 20. Prof. A. Wober-Über die Magavyakti der Krish.
India ... ... .. ... .. . ... 266 padden Mini-by R. Rost, LL.D. ... ... 828

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ILLUSTRATIONS. PAGE
PAGE 1. Western Chalakya Grant of Kirttivarma II. $. 679, 14. Grant of Pallavamalla Nandi Varm, II10.-Va. 276, 277 I. and IIa. to face pages 24-25 15. Ditto
ditto V.. ... ... 277 2-4. Ditto ditto IIb.-V. and Seal ...26-27 16. Inscription on the temple called Huchchimalli-gudi 5. Inscription from Patna of Govana III. of the Ni
at Aihole; and Inscription on the Gateway of the kumbhavamsa
.. ... 40
Durga temple at Aihole 6. Western Chalukya Grant of Pulikesi II. ... ... 44 Inscription on the temple of Lad Khan at Atholê... 287 7. Western Cbalukya Grant of Vijayamahadevi 17. Valabhi Grant of Dharasena II. dated 252 (2 pages) 46, 47
(2 sides) 802, 809 8. A Grant purporting to be a Western Chalukys of 18. Rook Cells at Challil Kurinyoli ... ... ... 810
one Vira-Nonamba, and dated S. 866 (2 pages) 84, 95 19. Pottery found at Challil Kurinyoli ... ... ... 311 9, 10. Pallava Grant of Nandi VarmA (8 pages) ... 168 20, 21. Eastern Chalukya Grant of the second year of 11. Plates purporting to be a Grant of the Konga king
Vishnuvardhana II.... ... ... (3 pages) 820 Arivarm& dated $. 169 ... (2 pages) 212, 218 - 22, 28. British Museum plates,-Spurious Chalukya 19. Stone Tablet at the temple called Méguti at Aihole. 241
Grant of Palikesi I. $. 411 ... (4 pages) 340 13. Grant of Pallavamalla Nandi Varma, I.-IIIa. 274, 275

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY,
A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH.
THE CIVILIZATION OF THE DAKHAN DOWN TO THE SIXTH CENTURY B.C.
BY THOMAS FOULKES, F.L.S., M.R.A.S., CHAPLAIN OF SAINT JOHN'S, BANGALORE. TN the first article of the last volume I sub- main lines at least of the history of those times
mitted an interpretation of Fa Hian's deg- are not quite hopelessly irrecoverable. Some cription of the kingdom of the Dakshina" of the materials for the investigation of that contained in the thirty-fifth chapter of his travels, history are already before the world, and they which gives ample proof, if my interpretation is tell us plainly where we should seek for more; correct, of the existence of a high state of ma- and from these materials I hope to be able to terial and intellectual civilization in Southern show in this paper that the material and India in, and for some time before, the fourth intellectual progress of the Dak han for centary of the Christian era. The monuments of some centuries before the appearance of Gautama architecture and sculpture at Amaravati Buddha is spoken of by the most ancient on the Kộishộa, and at Mahamallapuram, anthorities accessible to us as on a level with a little to the south of Madras, afford very the condition of those better known parts of remarkable evidence to the same effect; and the India whose civilization in those early times copper-plate grants of the Palla va kings has long been well established. of Conjeveram, and of the kings of the neigh- In using these books as authorities for hisbouring countries,. confirm and extend that torical facts, it will, of course, be necessary to evidence, and bring it within the circle of bear in mind that they are merely the best authentic history.
sources of original information on this subject The outline of the history of the Da khan at present available to us. Much criticism infrom that time down to modern days is clearly evitably awaits them, both as regards their date set down in these interesting ancient docu- and their relation to previous records, and the ments; and other external testimony, as it gra- authenticity of some portions of their matter. dually increases, adds new confidence to the They are used here simply as ancient records of trust which these old deeds have won for them. still more ancient traditions which were current selves as faithful historical guides.
at the time when they received their present But the condition of the Dakhan in the form; in the belief that "they were not likely times before the Christian era remains still in to violate all probability of the past history of great obscurity. Stray facts do exist which the Dakhan in the eyes of those who first heard imply the existence of a well-organized state these epics and legends in the times when their of things throughout the Peninsula for many | authors lived," as I am reminded by the Editor in Ages ap into that obscure time; and there is some suggestive remarks on this paper. Unless in those facts good ground for trusting that the they are to be regarded as pure inventions, and

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JANUARY, 1879.
this it is impossible to suppose them to be, followers, by sea from Bengal in the fifth or they contain a certain amount of historical truth the sixth century before the Christian era, acavailable for purposes like that to which they cording to the date to be assigned to the death are put by me here : and I hope I have not of Buddha: and in the chapter which describes pressed them beyond the limit of trust which is this event there is the following reference to at present due to them.
the kingdom of Kalinga :-"In the land of The historical books of Ceylon show that Wango, in the capital of Wango, there was from the earliest times to which they refer, down formerly a certain Wango king. The daughter to a modern period, a continuous and, for the of the king of Kalinga was the principal queen most part, a friendly and intimate intercourse was of that monarch." This verse occurs at the kept up between that island and Kalinga, or head of the pedigree of Vijaya, which then prothe upper parts of the eastern coast of the ceeds through the following steps :continent of India. A somewhat similar, but
Kalinga Raja. for the most part hostileintercourse was also kept up with the Chola and Pandya kingdoms,
Wango Rája.=Daughter. which possessed the rest of the eastern coast to the southwards. The Great Dynasty' of The lion, or Siha.=Daughter-Suppadewi. Ceylon originally sprang on the female side from the royal line of Kalinga;' and in more recent times, as Dr. Goldschmidt has shown,' the
Sihabahu.=Sihasiwali. Sinhalese were admonished in the royal inscriptions to choose their kings, on the failure of direct heirs to the throne, from the regal line of KÄlinga, on the traditionary grounds that the
Wijayo, Sumitto, 15 other pairs of twins. island of Ceylon belonged in some way to that Vijaya landed in Ceylon " on the day that the dynasty, and that the national religion would successor of former Buddhas reclined in the be safe in their hands. And besides this, these arbour of the two delightful sal trees, to attain books are, in the main, records of the religion nibbanam," namely, according to this authority, of Gautama Buddha, and they therefore in 543 B.C.; and therefore the Kalinga Raja to deal, throughout those portions which treat of whom this verse refers is to be placed some time the establishment of Buddhism, with the localities abont the seventh century before Christ. which witnessed the acts of Buddha, and with Upham's versions of the sacred books of the scenes on which the earliest events of his | Ceylon, much condemned as translations, but religion were transacted. It is quite natural, of great value, in the absence of translations, therefore, to turn to these books with the ex- as abstracts of the text and commentaries of pectation of finding in them some allusions those books, uphold the above extract from the to the early condition of the Dakha; and Mahávanso in the material points both of the the allusions which they do contain, some- event and the pedigree. times directly and sometimes incidentally and At that time, then, -namely, some time about obscurely, to this part of India, show with un- the sixth or soventh century before the Christian wavering uniformity, the common belief that era, ---this authority presents to us a king, and monarchical government, and with it all that of therefore a kingdom, in Kalinga; and this necessity is implied in those words, was already king of Kalinga occupied a position among the in existence there in and before the seventh contemporary kings of India of sufficient rank century before Christ.
and dignity to warrant, or to induce the king of The earliest historical political event connect- Bengal to seek the hand of his daughter in ed with Ceylon which these books record is the marriage, and to give her the position of bis arrival of prince Vijaya, the founder of the principal queen. Great Dynasty,' and his seven hundred | The additions to the text of the Mahavainsa
1 See Turnour's Mahdwanso, p. 43.
Ind. Antiq. vol. VI. p. 828. • Turn. Mahav, chap. VI. p. 43.
• Tarn. Mahdv. p. 47.
. See Upham's Mahavarso, I. 68; Rajaratndcari, II. 27; and Rājávali, II. 163.

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EARLY CIVILIZATION OF THE DAKHAN.
JANUARY, 1879.]
in Upham's version, which are apparently taken from the commentary, imply that this king of Kalinga was the successor of a line of kings who had reigned in that country before him:-"In the old time a certain princess, the daughter of the king Calingoo, one of the royal blood of the king Calingoo-Sakritty, of the country of Calingo in Dambe-dwipa, who was queen to the king Wangoo, of the country called Wangoo, brought forth a daughter to this king."
The Reverend R. S. Hardy, in his Manual of Budhism, has translated a large number of Buddhist legends; and throughout such of these legends as relate to India there are very clear indications of a generally prevailing belief, at the time when these legends were, written, that a succession of kings ruled in Kaling a long before the time of Gautama Buddha; and they also contain numerous incidental proofs of the civilization of the Dakhan long before his appearance.
The following legend in Mr. Hardy's collection belongs to the second generation before Buddha, and if he was born about 560 B.C.' the famine in Kåling a to which it refers may be placed about 620 B.C." In the Jambu-dwipa of a former age, the principal city of Siwi was called Jay aturâ, in which reigned the king Sanda or Sanja; and his principal consort was Phusati, who was previously one of the queens of the Dewa Sekra, and during four asankyas and a kaplaksha had exercised the wish to become the mother of a Budha. In due time they had a son, who was called Wessantara, from the street in which his mother was passing at the time of his birth. This son was the Bodhisat who in the next birth but one became Gotama Budha. From the moment he was born, for he could speak thus early, he gave proof that his disposition was most charitable. When arrived at the proper age, he received in marriage Madridewi, the beautiful daughter of the king of Chetiya; and Sanda delivered to them the kingdom... At this time there was a famine in Kåling a for want of rain; but the king thereof having heard that Wessantara had a white elephant that had the power to cause rain, sent eight of his brahmans to request it. When the
Upham's Mahav. I. 68.
Buddha died about B.C. 480; see Ind. Ant. vol. VI. pp. 149, 154.
3
messengers arrived at Jaya turâ, it was the poya day, when the prince, mounted on his white elephant, went to the public alms-hall to distribute the royal bounty. The brahmans were seen by the prince, who asked them why they had come: and when they told him their errand, he expressed his regret that they had not asked his eyes, or his flesh, as he would have been equally ready to give them, and at once delivered to them the elephant, though its trappings alone were worth twenty-four lacs of treasure, saying at the same time, May I by this become Buddha!"""
In the sequel of this legend, which is called the Wessantara Játaka, the gift of the elephant was resented by the people of Chedi, and prince Wessantara was, in consequence of it, driven into exile; from which, after several exhibitions of his unexampled charitable spirit, he was ultimately restored to his kingdom: the white elephant also was restored to Chedi by the people of Kalinga, for the rains had fallen again, and "there was now plenty in the land;" and all the principal personages of the story were in due time born again, "and Wessantara became Gotama Buddha."
The following legend of the vengeance of the gods upon Kalinga for the misconduct of its king, belongs to some undefined time, apparently much earlier than the time of the preceding story:-"At the time that Sarabhanga Bodhisat was the chief of a company of ascetics, one of his followers, Kisawacha, left the Giwulu forest, near the river Godavari, where the fraternity resided, and took up his abode in a grove belonging to Dandaki, who reigned in the city of Khumbavati in Kalinga. It happened in the course of time that five hundred courtezans passed through the city in gay procession; and the people flocked in such numbers to see them that the street of the city was completely filled. The crowd was observed by the king from the upper story of his palace, and when he learnt that it was caused by the beauties of the city, he was offended that they should thus seek to captivate the people, and commanded that they should be dismissed from their office. One day, when the courtezans were walking in the royal garden, they saw the ascetic Kisawacha, Ib. 124.
Hardy's Man. Budh. 116.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JANUARY, 1879.
his face covered with hair, and his beard flow- had and go to some place at the distance of ing over his breast; and, as if they had been seven days' journey from the city, as it would polluted by the sight of this miserable object, most assuredly be destroyed. The king fought they called for water to wash their eyes, and his enemies, and conquered them; and on the spat upon the ascetic's body. Soon afterwards day on which he returned to the city it began they were restored to their office, and con- to rain so that the people were led to remark cluded that this good fortune had happened to that he had been fortunate from the time he spat them in consequence of their having spat upon upon the ascetic. The devas then rained Kisawacha. About the same time the purohita flowers, money, and golden ornaments, at which or vizier lost his office; but he went to the the people were still more pleased; but this was courtezans and asked them by what means they suoceeded by a shower of weapons that out their had regained the king's favour; and when they flesh; then by showers of white burning charcoal, told him that it was through nothing else but that emitted neither smoke nor flame, which was their having spat upon a miserable ascetic, he succeeded by a fall of stones, and then by sand went to the garden and did the same. The so fine that it could not be taken up in the hand, king then remembered that he had dismissed which continued to fall until it covered the the Brâhman without having properly inquired whole country to the depth of eighty-seven into his case, and commanded him to be re- cubits. The ascetio, the noble, and a certain stored; so he concluded that he also had been merchant who received merit through the assisted through the insult he had shown to assistance he rendered to his mother, were the the ascetic. By and bye some of the provinces only persons saved." rebelled against the king, who collected an Of a similar character, referring to a similar army to quell them. The Brahmaņ went to undefined early time, is the following legend :him and said that if he wished to conquer his "In a former age, Nâlikera reigned in enemies he must spit upon an ascetio who was Kalinga, and at the same time five hundred in his garden, as it was by this means he Brahmanical ascetios took up their abode in the and the courtezans had been restored to favour. forest of Himála, where they lived upon fruits and
The king took his advice, and went to the dressed themselves in the bark of trees; but they garden accompanied by his courtesans, all had occasionally to visit the villages, in order to of whom spat upon the ascetic; and an order was i procure salt and condiments, and in the course given to the warders that no one should be ad of their wanderings they came to Kalinga, mitted to the palace who had not previously done The people of the city gave them what they rethe same. A noble who heard of the indignityquired, in return for which they said bana; and went to Kisawacha, oleansed his body from the the citizens were so much captivated with filth, and gave him other garments ; after which what they heard that they requested them to he inquired what would be the punishment of the remain and say bana in the royal garden. The king in consequence of the crime that had been king, observing a great crowd, inquired if they committed. To this inquiry he replied that the were going to some theatrical exhibition; but devas were divided in opinion upon the subject: he was informed that they were going to hear some were determined that the king alone should bana, upon which he resolved that he also suffer: others that the king and the people would be present. When the Brahmans heard should be punished in common; whilst others that the king had arrived, they appointed one were resolved upon the entire destruction of the of their cleverest speakers to officiate. The country. But he also informed the noble that bana was on the subject of the five sins, and if the king would come and ask his forgiveness, the consequences of committing them were set the threatened calamities would be averted. forth, such as birth in the form of worms,
The noble therefore went to the king and made beasts or asuras, or in hell, where the misery known to him what was taking place; but will have to be endured during many hundreds as he refused to listen to his advice he resigned of thousands of years. These things were like his office; after which he again went to the an iron piercing the ears of the king, and he Ascetic, who recommended him to take all he resolved that he would have his revenge. At
10 Hardy, Man. Budh. p. 58.

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JANUARY, 1879.]
the conclusion he invited the Brahmans to a repast at the palace; but before their arrival he commanded his servants to fill a number of vessels with filth, and cover them with plantain leaves. The Brahmans, on their way to the place of refection, said among themselves that, as they were about to receive food at the palace, it would be necessary for them to be very circumspect in their behaviour. When all were ready, the leaves were taken from the vessels, at the king's command, and the stench was most offensive; but he further insulted the Brâhmans by saying, 'As much as you please yon may eat, and as much as you like you can take home, as it is all provided for you alone. You derided me before the people, and this is your reward.' So saying, he ordered his ruffians to take them by the shoulders, and hurl them down the stairs, that had previously been smeared with honey and the gum of the kumbuck tree, so that they speedily slid to the bottom, where they were attacked by fierce dogs. A few attempted to make their escape, but they fell into pits that had been dug to entrap them, or were devoured by the dogs. Thus perished the whole of the five hundred Brâhmans; but for this crime the devas destroyed the country by causing the nine kinds of showers to fall, until a space of sixty yojanas was covered with sand to the depth of eighty-seven cubits."11
EARLY CIVILIZATION OF THE DAKHAN.
The prevailing belief that the Dakhan was civilized in very early times, which the foregoing extracts have been brought forward to illustrate, was shared by ancient Hindu authors as distinctly as by the Buddhists.
The Puranas and the great epics speak of the Dak han quite as familiarly as of the rest of India throughout the whole of the mythological as well as historical ages; and all these references to Southern India imply or assert that it was ruled by kings and organized into nations. The only exception to this is the Dandakâranya.
The Mahabharata has comparatively little about the Dakhan; but even here the kingdom of Vidarbha is quite conspicuous among the nations of ancient India for the splendour of its court, and other marks of civilized pro
11 Hardy, Man. Budh. p. 55.
5
gress to be found in it. The following description of the scene of Damayanti's svayamvara and its circumstances may suffice to illustrate this:
"Came the day of happy omen, moonday meet, and moment apt;
Bhima to the svayamvara summoned all the lords of earth.
One and all upon the instant rose the enamoured lords of earth,
Suitors all to Damayanti, in their loving haste they came.
They the conrt with golden columns rich, and glittering portal arch,
Like the lions on the mountains entered they the hall of state.
There the lords of earth were seated, each upon his several throne;
All their fragrant garlands wearing, all with pendant ear-gems rich.
Arms were seen robust and vigorous as the ponderous battle-mace,
Some like the five-headed serpents, delicate in shape and hue:
With bright locks profuse and flowing, fineformed nose, and eye, and brow,
Shone the faces of the Râjas like the radiant stars in heaven.
As with serpents, Bhogavati, the wide hall was full of kings;.
As the mountain-caves with tigers, with the tiger-warriors full.
Damayanti in her beauty entered on that stately
scene,
With her dazzling light entrancing every eye and every soul.
O'er her lovely person gliding all the eyes of those proud kings
There were fixed, there moveless rested, as they
gazed upon the maid."
A large portion of the Rámáyana is occupied with transactions whose scenes were in the Dakhan. For the purposes of this paper the forty-first chapter of the fourth book may be referred to, which describes the dismissal of the army of the South' from the banks of the Tungabhadrâ to scour the whole of the Peninsula and Ceylon in search of Sîtâ. Here we find already organized into nationalities the
1 Dean Milman's translation in Prof. Williams' Nale pakhyanam, p. 14.

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6
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
Mekhalas, the Utkalas, the Dasarnas, the Vidarbhas, the Rishikas, the Mahisakas, the Mâtsyas, the Kâlingas, the Kasikas, the Andhras, the Pundras, the Cholas, the Pandyas, and the Keralas. As a specimen of the cities of the south of those days, the following description of Bhogavati, which probably lay in the heart of the Dakhan, may be here quoted:
"Near, Bhogavati stands, the place
9318
Where dwell the hosts of serpent race: A broad-wayed city, walled and barred, Which watchful legions keep and guard, The fiercest of the serpent youth, Each awful for his venomed tooth: And throned in his imperial hall Is Vasuki who rules them all. Explore the serpent city well, Search town and tower and citadel, And scan each field and wood that lies Around it, with your watchful eyes." The Puranas mention the peoples named in the above list in the Ramayana, as well as several others which they place with them amongst the southern nations. As an instance of the great antiquity attached to their conception of the time of the settlement of these peoples in the Dakhan, the Kalingas are said to be the descendants of Kalinga, one of the five putative sons of Bali,, the nineteenth in descent from Soma, the founder of the Lunar Dynasty.
14
Kalidasa's Raghuvashéa has a description in its fourth book of a tour of conquest made by Raghu, the great grandfather of B&ma, through the whole of the border-nations of India; and it incidentally describes some of the prominent features of the kingdoms through which he passed.15
Starting from Ayodhya at the head of an army of veteran troops, his route lay first eastwards towards the ocean; and when he had conquered those parts he proceeded to the south along the whole of the eastern coast, through the kingdoms of Orissa, Kalinga, Chôla, and Pandya. Then turning northwards he conquered the kingdoms lying along the western coast, passing through Kêr a la and the
13 Griffith's Ramayana, IV. 205. 1 See Wilson's Vishnu Purdna, 4to ed. p. 444.
[JANUARY, 1879.
mountainous regions from Coorg northwards to Trik û ta, and then, through a kingdom of the Pârasika's and Yava nas, to the banks of the Indus and a district in its neighbourhood occupied by the Huns. Crossing the Indus he entered the kingdom of K & m boja, and when he had conquered it he passed on to the Himâlaya mountains, and subdued the Kirâ tasand the Utsavasanketas. He then descended into the valley of the Brahmaputra, and conquered the kingdom of the Prâgjyotishas; and he finally returned to his capital through the kingdom of K â marupa. In the absence of an English translation of this part of the Raghuvansa, the passages which refer to the Dakhan may be quoted here from the Rev. J. Long's Analysis of the poem in the twenty-first volume of the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, page 454:-" Having conquered the Bangalis who trusted in their ships, he erected pillars of victory on the islands of the Ganges. Having passed the Kapis & river by elephants, under theguidance of the people of Utkal (Orissa), Raghu arrived at K Aliiga. Mount Mahendra received from him a shock, as from the mahut's goad the stubborn elephant's head. Kalinga's monarch, mighty in elephants, in vain attacked Raghu, like Indra attempting to cut his wings. The soldiers, decorating the place with betel leaves, toasted their success in wine of Nalikera; but Raghu, desiring victory only for the sake of justice, took possession of no land. Then to Agastya's land he marched, skirting the shore fringed with fruitful betel palms. The soldiers occupied the plain to the foot of the Malay a hills, where doves flit in spicy groves.. The elephants had their temples fragrant from the dust of sandalwood which they had raised in their march. The Pandya kings rendered homage to Raghu by gems collected from the ocean's bed where Tamrapariâ rolls its waves. Having refreshed himself near the shore on the Malaya and Dardura sandal-covered hills, the paps of earth, he lined with troops the Sahy a hills, from which ocean had retired far and left earth's bosom bare; the soldiers then marched on to subdue the western people. The dust from the ketaka tree raised by the winds from the Mural river served to polish the soldiers"
See Stenzler's edition, p. 30 of text, p. 25 of Latin translation; or Bombay Sanskrit Series, No. V. p. 111; or Calcutta edition of 1871, p. 159.

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JANUARY, 1879.]
EARLY CIVILIZATION OF THE DAKHAN.
armour; the tinkling coats of mail drowned the sound of the betel trees, agitated by the wind. Old ocean retired at Rama's request, but to Raghu she gave, as her tribute, dominion over western kings. The Trik uta mount, cut by the tusks of maddened elephants, afforded victory pillars. In his battlo with the western people he could only recognize the enemy by the twang of the horny bow, so dense the dust lay round. The bearded heads strewed thick the ground. In vineyards fair the soldiers, wearied with warfare, refreshed themselves with wine."
Another passage, occurring in the sixth chapter of the same poem, bears similar testimony to the general belief in the early civilization of the Dakhan. It forms part of the description of the svayanivara of Indumati, the daughter of the king of Vidarbha, and the grandmother of Råm&: and it therefore belongs to the generation succeeding that which witnessed the triumphs of Raghu. The kings of Magadha, Anga, Málava, A n û pa, and Sarase na were successively presented to Indumati for her choice, and rejected by her: and then Mr. Long's summary" proceeds thus :-“ Him fol- lowed Kåling a's monarch, lord of Mahen- dra, whose arms retain the traces of the twanging bow, a dweller on the ocean where the dashing waves, louder than the trumpet sounding the hours, gleaming through the windows, awake from sleep; the shore resounds with the rustle of palm leaves, while from other isles the winds waft the fragrance of the groves of clove. He was rejected. Next came PÅndu's king with garlands decked of yellow sandal leaves, as Himalaya, king of mountains, tinged with the rays of the rising sun; but he made no more impression on the maid than the lunar ray on lotus leaves, unclosed savewhen the sun appears. When the torch of the maid's presence was held ap to a suitor, he was cheered, but on her passing by, he sunk again into the darkness of despair. As she came to Ragha's son, he stood in suspense, which was soon removed by the agitation of her right hand." .. And Aja the son of Raghu became the chosen husband of Indumati... “The royal pair entered the streets of Vidar. bha, which were strewed with branches of trees, and shaded from the heat by martial banners. The women, having left their other occupations,
10 Stensler's Raghuvansa, p. 58 of text, p. 48 of transl.; or Bomb. Sanska. Ser. V. p. 181; or Calcutta ed. of 1871, p. 127.
crowded to the windows to gaze; all their senses were concentrated in the eye. Bhoja Raja of Vidarbha having handed down Aja from an elephant, conducted him into the house, and seated him on a throne, loaded him with diamonds, the Argha and Madhuparka, a pair of silken garments, which, having put on, Aja went to Indumati, drawn as is the ocean's wave to shore by the influence of the lunar orb. Then the priest of Bhoja,' having offered ghi and other things to Agni, which he made a witness, united the pair in wedlock. The bride of partridge eyes cast grains into the flames, from which & wreath of smoke arose encircling her ears as with a garland fair. The royal pair mounted on a golden seat were sprinkled with moistened grains by heads of families and aged matrons. The rejected kings, hiding their wrath under the guise of joy, resembled a tranquil lake beneath whose surface alligators lurk. Bhoja RÂj & accompanied Aja for three days and then returned." .... His departure was the signal for the rejected kings to throw off their "guiso of joy;" and, with true Kshatriya instinct, their pent-ap feelings found vent in a free fight in order to capture the bride. Aja slew foe after foe in the battle, and spared the rest; and "with arrows dipped in royal blood he wrote on the banners of the conquered foe,-To-day by Raghu's son ye are bereft of glory, but throngh his clemency not of life." And so he carried his bride in safety to Kosala, to receive the paternal blessing of Raghu.
It may be asked here, how can this view of the early civilization of the Dakhan consist with the fact that the Dakhan was the site of the Dandakâranya? There can of course be no real contradiction of truth here if both these facts are true; and the solution of the apparent contradiction will be found in a revision of the popular idea that the Danda kâranya extended over the whole area of the Dakshina. The passage in the Rámáyana referred to above shows clearly enough that notwithstanding the poetical mould in which Válmiki has cast his conception of the state of the Dakhaṇ, for the special purposes of his poem, he also had clearly before his mind a more real prosaic picture of its W Jour. Beng. As. Soc. vol. XXI. p. 456.
On this subject I have a separate paper in preparation.

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condition, which was ready to be produced when the practical side of his events required it to be done; he has shown as as distinctly as possible that at the very time when Rama was wandering in exile through the wilds of the Danda kârany a, the Dakhan in which that aranya was situated, was occupied by the Vidarbhas and the other nations named above, to all of which emissaries were sent to search for the lost Sità. Moreover, the collocation of the Dandakâranya with the abovenamed nations in this forty-first chapter of the fourth book of the Ramayana shows that Valmiki regarded it as occupying a limited portion only of the Dakhan, in the midst of these nations, but yet quite distinct from them. After grouping together in the first ten verses several rivers and countries of the south under the grammatical government of the expression sarvamevánupashyata he proceeds to deal with another separate group thus - “ Vidarbhân rishikamschaiva Ramyanmahishakânapi tathamatsyakalingâmscha Kasikamschasamantataḥ Anvishyadardakâranyam Saparvatanadiguham Nadimgodâ varîmchaiva Sarvamevânupaśyata tathaivandhrâmśchapaņdramscha Choļanpandyansakeralån. Thus the Dandakâranya is as clearly separated from the countries with which it is here grouped as those countries are from each other, and still more so from the other countries of the Dakhan which are included in the other gronps.
It is so also in the Raghuvansa. Kálida sa, notwithstanding his extensive and minute knowledge of Indian geography, found no difficulty in describing the exile of Raghu's great-grandchildren to the Danda kâranyà, although he had been vividly describing the powerful kingdoms of the Dakhan a little while before in his account of the triumphal route of Raghu and of the marriage of Indumati; he tells of their wanderings there for thirteen of their fourteen years' exile, without bringing them once over the boundaries of the kingdoms which surrounded it.
The natural inference from all this is that the Danda karanya-whatever its actual limits may have been, and whether it did or did not cover a larger area in any earlier age-is not spoken of as extending over the whole of the Dakhan in the age of Raghu and Aja and
Dabaratha and Rama; and that its existence, from that time forward as well as previously, was quite compatible with the contemporaneous existence of several strong kingdoms, and of much civilization, in the regions around it.
We may now sum up the several items of evidence contained in the above quotations in support of the position advocated in this paper. They show that there has been a prevailing belief from very early times, which runs continuously through the most ancient historical or quasi-historical writings of both the Hindus and the Buddhists, that the Lakhan was the seat of well-ordered monarchical governments as far back, and therefore some time before, the time of Raghu, the great-grandfather of Rama the hero of the Ramayana ;-that the monarchy was hereditary and absolute; that the purity of the royal blood was maintained by intermarriages in the royal houses; and that the princesses obtained their husbands, in some instances at least, by their own choice from among several rival royal candidates for their hand ;--that the Da khan of those days contained the kingdoms of Orissa, Kalinga, Chô la, and Pandya on its eastern side, and, to the west of these, the kingdoms of Vidarbha, Rishika, Mâtsya, Kasika, Andhra, Pundra, Mahishaka, Korala, and some others ;--that the kingdom of Kalinga was divided into provinces of sufficient extent to admit of a treasonable combination being formed by some of them against their sovereign; and that the king had sufficient means to raise an army large enough to quell the rebellion ;-that these kingdoms contained cities, towns, villages, towers, and citadels ;that some of the cities had wide streets, and some were fortified with walls and gateways ;that the royal cities had palaces of considerable size, having an upper storey approached by an external flight of steps, containing dininghalls sufficiently large to entertain five hundred guests at a banquet, and wide stato-rooms supported by pillars of gold, and entered through doorways glittering with jewels, besides their private apartments ;-that both the royal palaces and the citizens' houses had windows opening upon the public streets ;--that there were noble families in those kingdoms; and that some of the nobles held office at court which they could resign at pleasure;-that among the court

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EARLY CIVILIZATION OF THE DAKHAN.
officers was a court chaplain, who was a Brahman, whom the king could dismiss and reappoint at his pleasure, who performed the royal marriages, and who was entitled to give counsel to the king; and that Brahmans were employed as the king's state emissaries;-that the palaces contained large numbers of dancing girls holding an official position, and an extensive establishment of servants; and that they were guarded by wardera, ruffians, and watchdogs :--that the kings had large armies at their disposal using various kinds of weapons; and that the king of Kalinga in particular was mighty in elephants trained to war; and that the cities were protected by garrisons of soldiers ;-that the people cultivated fields and gardens, betel-vines, cocoanut topes, plantain gardens, vineyards, and spice groves; and they suffered from famines and droughts caused by the failure of the rains ;-that some of the people were occupied with merchandize and commerce; that salt and condiments, and such like things, were sold in the village shops; and that they used money in their transactions ;- that their cooked food was served in vessels, and eaten off' plantain leaves; and that they used condiments in their cookery, and drank wine both of the grape and of the cocoanut palm-that they cultivated the arts of house- building and house-decoration, the art of the jeweller, and of coining money, and of working in metais, and other similar arts ;-that they had learnt to train elephants for both domestic and martial uses ;—that they employed their leisure in attending religious preachings and theatrical performances in large numbers, in which their kings sometimes joined them; and that the ornamental grounds of the palace were available to them for their recreations ;-that they were accustomed to invite each other to repasts, and had street-processions at their weddings; and that on great occasions they decorated the public streets, strewing the ways with branches of trees, and suspending martial banners above them both for ornament and for protection from the sun ;--that they decorated their persons with garlands, pendent earrings, and jewels of gold; and their kings' ornaments contained a profusion of pearls and diamonds, and their festive dress included silken garments ;-that in their marriages a religions service was performed by the family
priest, which was followed by a domestic ceremony conducted by the assembled guests ;that, side by side with acts of gross rudeness towards unpopular persons, and of insulting practical jokes played even upon Bråhmans, the intellectual progress of those days was marked by penalties inflicted on persons who attempted to corrupt the morals of the people; by the courtesies of personal intercourse and the amenities of hospitality ; by more circumspect behaviour than usual in the presence of superiors; by self-sacrificing interpositions on the behalf of injured persons; by a sense of moral pollution from contact with objects which disgusted the religious feelings; by the composition, and the exhibition, and the appreciation of dramatical works; by public displays of religious oratory, and an extensive popular interest in listening to them ;-that the religion of those days included, or consisted in, the worship of the devas, with Indra at their head, to whom a control over human affairs was attributed; in ceremonial sacrifices offered to Agni; in a regard for omens; in a belief in the present favour of the gods shown towards such virtues as filial piety, and their present vengeance upon notorious sins; and in a belief in future divine retribution for sin, in punitive transmigrations of souls, and in a purgatorial hell ;-and, finally, that there were Brâhmans in the Dakhan in those early times ; some of whom, dwelling in the midst of the busy world, were employed in state affairs as well as in religions offices; while others devoted themselves to an ascetic life, some of whom dwelt in solitary hermitages in the forests which skirted the limits of civilized life, and some formed themBelves into extensive monastic communities, which were connected with similar religious bodies in North India, and from which they proceeded on preaching itinerations throughout the country, receiving alms from the people of such things as they needed.
Such is the picture of the civilization of the Dakha ņ in ancient times, as it has been painted by both Hindu and Buddhist old writers, and as it has been received through them by the Hindus and the Buddhists for many centuries past. It only remains here to mark the probable time to which this picture applies. Terminating in the reign of the king of Kalinga from whom the Great Dynasty' of Ceylon

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traced its descent by the marriage of one of its princesses with the king of Bengal, which event has been placed above in the sixth or seventh century before Christ, the above quotations run upwards from that time to the reign of Raghu, king of Kosala. Ragha's date might be ascertained from that of his great grandson Rama: but the date of Rama has been variously placed from 2029 B.C. downwards. Bentley, in his Historical View of Hindu Astronomy, p. 13, from astronomical data, has placed the birth of Râms on the 6th of April 961 B.C.; and no later date than this is likely to be thought of: Taking the usual average of twenty-five years for a generation, Raghu must be placed about a centary earlier than Râm'a; and in this way we arrive at about 1035 B. C. for the latest date likely to be claimed for Raghu's invasion of the Dakhan. Some considerable time must
then be allowed for the growth of the state of things which he found there. So we are brought at last to this conclusion,That the Dakhan has been in possession of civilized institutions and manners for thirty centuries and more from the present time. And if this conclusion should surprise anybody, it is nevertheless in perfect accordance with the fact, now scarcely to be doubted, that the rich Oriental merchandize of the days of king Hiram and king Solomon had its starting-place in the seaports of the Dakhan; and that, with a very high degree of probability, some of the most esteemed of the spices which were carried into Egypt by the Midianitish merchants of Genesis xxxvii. 25, 28, and by the sons of the patriarch Jacob (Gen. xliii. 11), had been cultivated in the spice gardens of the Dakhan."
SANSKRIT AND OLD CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
BY J. F. FLEET, Bo.C.S., M.R.A.S.
(Continued from Vol. VII., p. 808.) No. L.
however, I have found the version thus obtained The most complete account, in a connected to be a very useful guide to the correct reading. form, of the Western Chalukya and Ch &- Meanwhile, in No. 2 of Mr. Wathen's Ancient luk ya genealogy, is to be found in a stone- Inscriptions on stone and copper, at Jour. R. As. tablet inscription at a shrine of the god Basa- Soc., Vol. II., p. 378, and Vol. III. p. 258. I vaņņa at the temple of the god Sô mês varafound an account, transcription, and abstract on the north side of the village of Yêwur or translation, of a copper-plate grant, in the De. Yêhûr, in the Sôrâpûr or Surapur Tlakha, which vanagari characters and the Sanskrit language, is on the eastern frontier of the Kalådgi Dis- on three plates found at Miraj in the Southtrict. An abstract translation of part of this ern Maratha Country. It records & grant by inscription is annexed to Sir Walter Elliot's Jayasimha III., or Jagadé kamalla, paper On Hindu Inscriptions at Madr. Jour. of dated Saka 946 (A.D. 1024-5), the Rak ta kshi Lit. and Sc., Vol. VIII., p. 193; and a transanvatsara. scription of the whole of it is given at Vol. I., The genealogical portion of the Yewûr tablet p. 258, of his MS. Collection. It records a is in Sansksit; and, down to and including the grant by Vikramaditya VI., or Tri. mention of Ja yasimha III., it agrees almost bhuvana malla, in the second year of his word for word with the corresponding portion reign, the Pingala samvatsara, i.o. Saka 999 of the Miraj plates. These plates, in fact, must (A.D. 1077-8). To enable me to edit the text, be one of the identical grants on which, as the I applied to Major Euan-Smith, First Assistant Yêwûr inscription itself says, the genealogy Resident at Haidarkbåd, to obtain for me a given in it is based. By collating these three tracing or a rubbing of the original stone. He versions, the copy of the Yewûr tablet in Sir was kind enough to give the requisite instruc- Walter Elliot's MS. Collection; the second tions to the local authorities; but the result was copy of the same, obtained through Major Euannot a tracing or a rubbing, but partly a transcrip- Smith; and Mr. Wathen's reading of the Miraj tion and partly a hand-copy. In many respects, plates,- I have succeeded in establishing the
10 See Heeren's Hist. Res., Asiat. Nations (Bohn's ed. vol. II. p. 325; art. 'Cinnamon,'Encycl. Brit. (now ed.), 1846), vol. I. pp. 43, 350, 443; Rawlinson's Herodotus) vol. V. p. 785; kloo Tennent's Ceylon (1860 ed.), vol. I. (1862 ed.), vol. II. p. 414; Yule's Marco Polo (1871 ed., p. 600.

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SANSKRIT AND OLD CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
text without any material doubt, down to the tablet, the name is that of Tribhuvananotice of Jayasimha III. In respect of malla; in the plates, it is that of Jagadorthography, I follow the reading of the Yêwür e ka malla - tablet, as far as I can determine it: in the Miraj
Text. plates, as published by Mr. Wathen, the letter!
Kari - makara - makarik - Ankita -jalanidhi - is not used, and consonants are not doubled
rasa(sa)nam vasikarôtv-avani-vadhům ! after r; and the letters r and are not used in
Tribhuvanamalla-kshmApatir (or, Jagadékaany of the three versions. From S mêsvara
malla-bbûpatir) = akaļanka-yaso -burasi(si)I., or Åhavamalla, the son of Jayasinha
valayita-bhuvanah 11 III., down to Vikramaditya VI., the correct reading is often very doubtful, and some
Translation. passages are entirely beyond my powers of con
"May the king Tribhuvanamalla, (or, jecture. My version, however, will suffice Jaga dê ka malla), by the ocean of whose for the present, for genealogical purposes; and spotless fame the world is encircled, render I shall supplement the present paper with one
subject to his control the bride which is the that will detail all the generations of this earth, girt about, as if by & zone, with the branch of the dynasty, as they are now known.
ocean which is marked with sea-monsters, both But of course it is desirable that, at the first male and female, resembling elephants !" opportunity, both the Miraj grant and the Then follows in each & description of the Yêwûr inscription should, for the sake of the Chaluky a family :other matters of interest contained in them, be
Teat. edited in fall from the originals.
Gadyam' || Svasti SamastaThe Yêwûr tablet commences with the usual
bhuvana-sangtůyamana-Mânavya-sagðtrânâm Saiva invocation ;-Namas=tunga-siras-chunbi
Håriti-putrânám Kausik i vara-prasada-labdha&c. This is followed by the Vaishnava inyoca
svētâtapatr-adi-rajya-chihnanam sapta-matrikation, with which the Miraj plates commence:-Jayaty=ávishkritai Vishnôr=váráhari
parirakshịtâná K árttik@ya-vara-prasada
labdha - mayura - pichchha - kumta* -dhvajânâm &c. Both the tablet and the plates then continue
bhagavan-Narayana-prasad-Asâdita-vara-vara ha with another Vaishnava invocation :
-lâmchhan - ekshana - kshana-vasikrit-ârâti-raja. Text.
mamdalênám samastabhuvanasraya-sarvvalókaSriyam=upaharat&d=vah Sri-patih kroda-rûpo śraya-Vishnuvarddhana- Vijayadity-â di-viseshavikata-visada-damshtrå-prâmta-vibrâmti-bhajam -nâmnâm râja-ratnanÂm=udbhava-bhůmih 1 Avahad-adaya-dasht-akrishta-vispashta-karda- Vrittam | Kabalita-Nala-lakshmir-ddurjjaypratanu-visa-jat-âgra-gramthivad=yô dharitrim aurijitya-hårt vihata-prithu-Kadamb-adambarê Translation.
Mauryya-nirijit Nija-bhuja-bala-bhûmn= May the lord of Sri, who assumed the
ôtpâtayan Rashtrakatan khi(gi)ļita-Kalachari
srir=asti Châļukya -vamsah || form of a boar, oonfer prosperity upon you; he, - who carried the earth resting on the tip of his
Translation. formidable white task, just like the bunch on 1 “Hail! There is the Chåluk ya family, the fore-part of a slender water-lily, the plainly. which devours in a mouthful the glory of the seen stem of which has been mercilessly com- Nalas; which appropriates the power of those pressed and pulled up!"
who are hard to be conquered; which destroys the Both the tablet and the plates then give & arrogance of the mighty Kadambas; which verse in praise of the reigning monarch at the uproots the Rashtraka tas with the abundtime of the grants to be recorded. In the ance of its strength of arm; and which swallows
1 Vishnu.
Various Readings. This word is not in the plates.- M . Collection, and Second Copy obtained through Major Euan-Smith, Hariti; Mr. Wathen's reading of the Plates, Hartti. - * MS. Coll., pirhchha-kurhta; S.C., piha-kanhta; W. P.
pichha-kunta --MS. Coll. and 8. o., &hilita; W. P., gilita._• Mr. Wathen'e reading of the name in the plates
is always Chamushya, which, he suggests, may be a I mistake for Chahumans' or 'Chohan." On & subsequent
occasion the mistake is explained to be that of his Pandit, in reading Chamushyd where he ought to have read Chahikya or Chalukya.

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up the glory of the Kalachuris;-the birthplace of jewels of kings, who were of the lineage of M â na vya, which is praised over the whole world; who were the descendants of Hâriti; who acquired the white umbrella, and other signs of sovereignty, through the excellent favour of Kausiki; who were preserved by the seven mothers (of mankind); who acquired the banners of the peacock's tail and the spear through the excellent favour of K ârttikêya; who had the territories of hostile kings made subject to them on the instant at the sight of the excellent sign of the boar, which they acquired through the favour of the holy Nârâyana; and who possessed the distinguishing names of asylum of the universe', 'refuge of all people, Vishnuvardhana', 'Vijayk ditya', and other (titles)."
Then a reference is made to the early traditions of the family. In rájyam ayodhyam, 'a kingdom not to be (successfully).warred against', which seems to be the correct reading, a punning allusion is probably made to Ayodhya, which, it is said, was the capital of the Chalukyas in early times; see, for instance, No. IX. of this Series, Vol. V., p. 15, transer. 1. 8. The mention in this verse of "the country that includes the region of the south" does not necessarily imply that the Chalukyas crossed the Narmada southwards at this early time. As I have stated at Vol. VII., p. 247, I am strongly inclined to think that this did not happen till the time of Pulikês i I. And, if the suggested identification of the Jayasimha I. of the southern grants with the Jayasimha of the Kaira grants be accepted, Kaira is quite far enough to the south from Ayodhya for the settlement of the Chalukyas there, when they left Ayodhya, to be spoken of in the terms of this verse :
Various Readings.
MS. Coll. and S. C., kahta; W. P., as in my text.MS. Coll., puradayodhyaḥ; S. C., pradayadyam; W. P., puravyaybyam.
This word is not in the MS. Coll. and S. C.-10 This word, also, is not in the MS. Coll. and S. C.- This word is omitted in the MS. Coll. and S. C.- M. S. Coll.,
[JANUARY, 1879.
Translation.
"Sixty kings, less by one, born in that (family), having from their city governed their kingdom which was not to be (successfully) warred against, and having passed away,-after that, sixteen kings, born in that lineage, ruled the country that includes the region of the south."
Then allusion is made to a temporary loss of their power by the Chalukyas, and to the restoration of it in the person of JayasimhaVallabha, with whom the genealogical portion of the two inscriptions commences:
Text.
Dasht-irashtabdhiyiṁ purush-âmtar-âmtaritâyâm
cha
katipaya. Chalukya-kalasampadi bhayas-Chalukya-váyn êva || Vrittam Kamdaḥ" kirtti-lat-âmkurasya kamalam Lakshmi-vils-kapada Tajm Tairi-mahibhriti pratinidhir-divasya daityadruhah | Raj-Astj-Jayasimha-Vallabha iti khyâtas-charitrair-nnijair-yyô rêjê chiram= âdi-raja-charit-ôtkamtha-prajân-âharan | Yo Rashtrakuta-kalam-Indra iti prasiddham Krishn-âhvayasya1 sutam-ashta-sat-êbhasainyam Nirjjitya dagdha-nripa-pamchasatô babhara bhûyaś-Chalukya-kula-vallabharâja-lakshmîm ||
Translation.
"The fortunes of the Chalukya family having been impeded by wicked people, and having been interrupted by several other men (of hostile races), then, again, there was a king, belonging indeed to the Chaluky a lineage, renowned under the name of JayasimhaVallabha, the bulbous root of the tendril of the creeper of fame; the water-lily which was the place of the sportive play of the goddess of fortune; a very thunderbolt to hostile kings; the counterpart of the gods who destroyed the demons,-who shone for a long time, capti
Text.
Taj-jêshu rajyam anupalya gatêshu râjasv-êk-vating his subjects, who longed for the deeds of ôna'-shashti-gananêshu purâd-ayodhyam | Tad- kings of early times, with his achievements. vamsa-jas-tad-anu shôḍaśa bhûmipâlâḥ kshmâm Having vanquished him, who was the son of dakshinâ patha-jusham bibharâm-babhuvuḥ || Krishna, and belonged to the Rashtra
bhavitôtkamthaprajanamhrutub; S. C., charitôtkar@prajanamharata; W. P., charitatkamthaḥprajânâmharan.-13 MS. Coll., Rattakatakulachandra; 8. C. and W. P., as in my text. The MS. Coll. reads throughout Rattakata for Rashtrakuta.- MS. Coll., Krush tnamhvayasya; S. C., Krishtnashtayasya; W. P., Krishnajhyasya. is Vishnu.

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SANSKRIT AND OLD CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
13
kût a family, and was renowned under the name of Indra, and possessed an army of eight hundred elephants, -and having completely destroyed five hundred kings,-he again nourished the regal fortunes of the kingly) favourites of the Chalu ky a family."
Text. Chatula-ripu-turaga-patu-bhata-karati-ghatáköţi-ghatita-rana-rågaḥ| Su-krita-Hara-charanarågas = tanayô=bhût=tasya Ranarågaḥ ||
Translation. "His son was Raņa râga, whose love for war was produced by the handsome horses of the enemy and their skilful warriors and their troops of elephants, and who delighted in (worshipping) the auspicious feet of Hara."
Text. Tat-tanayah Pulakési Kési-nisûdana-samô= bhavad=râjâ | Våtâpi"-pari-vara-patir-akaļitakhala-kali-kalamka-kalah Vayam-api Pulakési-kshmâpatim varnnayamtah pulakakaļita-dêhâḥ paśyat=&dyåpi samtah | Sa hi turaga-gajêmdrô's grâma-sâram sahasradvaya . parimitam = șitviksâch - chakár1'Asvamêdhê ||
Translation. "His son was king Pula kesi,-equal to the destroyer of the demon) K & 61"; the lord of Vâtà pi, the best of cities; who acquired not the faults and deceits of the wicked Kali age. See now !, even today, we, while describing king Pulaké si, have our bodies experiencing the sensation of the hair standing erect through pleasure; for he, who was possessed of horses and noble elephants, bestowed two thousand most excellent villages upon the priests at the celebration of the horse-sacrifice."
Text. Tat-tanayah | Nala-nilaya-vilôpi Mauryyaniryyåņa-hêtuh prathita-prithu-Kadambastambha-bhôdi kuthârah | Bhuvana-bhavana
bhåg - âpûran - árambha - bhåra - vyavasita sita-kirttih Kirttivarmmâ nripô=bhût ||
Translation His son was king Kirttivarma, who destroyed the habitations of the Nalas; who was the cause of the exile of the Mauryas; who was the axe to sever the column which was the famous and mighty Kadambas; and whose white fame busied itself with the burden of the undertaking of filling (all) the divisions of the palace which was the world.
Text. Tad=anu tasy-înajah | Sarvva-dvip2". Akramana-mahaso yasya nau-sêtubamdhair= ullamghyabdhim vyadita pritana® Róvati. dvipa-lôpam RÂja-strinâm" hatha-patirabhůd=yaś=cha Kalachchuriņam babhre bhůmim saba sa sakaļair=mmamgalairMmamgalisah 1
Translation. “After him, his younger brother, Mangalisa, governed the earth with complete pros. perity,--whose army, he being powerful enough to invade all islands, crossed the ocean by bridges of boats, and effected the plundering of the island of Rêvati; and who became the husband, by ravishment, of the queens of the Kalachchuris.27
Text. Jyêshtha-bhratus=sati suta-vare=py= arbbhakatvad=aśaktê yasminn=&tmany-ak rita hi dhuram Mangaliśaḥ prithivykh Tasmin= pratyarppayad"=atha mahîm yüni Saty Aśrayê= sau Chalukyanam ka iva hi pathô dharmmyatal prachyavêta" || Jötur=ddiśâm vijitaHarsha-maha-n ripasya daturummanôratha-satadhikam = artthayôd=yah | Satyadi-sarvvaguna-ratna-gan-akarasya saty-asrayatvam= upalakshanam-êva yasya ||
Translation. "Since Mangalis a took upon himself the
Various Readings. 16 MS. Coll. and S.C., as in my text; W. P., ripururaga.
11 MS. Coll, and s. C., as in my text; W. P., Dhitapi.18 MS. Coll., as in my text; S. C. and W. P., gajêrivdra.20 MS. Coll., parikhatavrittisyamchakdra; 8. c., puri. khataurittisyarchchakard; W. P., As in my text.
20 Krishna, i.e. Vishnu.
31 There is a fanciful attempt to allot meaning to his name in these two verses.
* Or," the revenues of a village, calculated at twothousand (of the standard coins then current)."
Various Readings. 13 MS. Coll., sarvörvipa; S.C., sarvôdvipa; W. P., as
in my text. - 2 MS. Coll., vyalhitapratand; S. C., vyaditapritana; W. P., vyathitapritana.-* MS. Coll. and S. O., as in my text; W. P., rajyakrinan.-20 MS. Coll., Kánschurina ; s. C., Kalashtarindri ; W. P., Kalachhurinn.
37 The vowel of the first syllable is lengthened, and the cha is doubled, only for the sake of the metre; coní. transcr. 1. 6 of No. XIII, at Vol. V., p. 67.
Various Readings. 28 MS. Coll., pratydsvipad; S.C., pratyddvipaul; W. P., as in my text- MS. Coll., prabhuvetu; 3. C. prabhuveta; W. P., as in my text. -0 MS. Coll., arth! yadbhah ; S.C., artyayaduth; W. P., as in my text.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JANUARY, 1879.
Teat. Tat-suto Vikramadityo vikram-akrâmtabhů-talah | Tatô=pi Yuddhamall-akhyô yuddhê Yama-samô nripaḥ ||
Translation. "His son was Vikramaditya, who pervaded the earth with his prowess; and from him (was born) king Yuddhamalla, who was equal to Yama (in dealing out death) in battle."
Text.
burden of (the government of the earth while the best of the sons of his elder brother was incompetent (to rule) on account of his child- hood, he then restored the earth to him, Satyasraya, when he became a young man--to him, who conquered the regions, and who vanquished the great king Harsha, and who gave more than a hundred-fold of what was desired to any one who made requests to him, and whose condition of being the asylum of truth became indeed his designation because he was the mine of all the jewels of truth and all other virtuous qualities; for who of the Cháluk yas, being of a religious disposition, would deviate from this path (of propriety and family custom)?"
Text. A damarikrita-dig-valayo - rddita-dvid-amari- parigita-maha-yaśâh Mridam-arishta-kritat manas=ôdvahan=Nadamari-kshitip-jani tatsutah |
Translation “King Nadamari was born as his son,- who made the circuit of the regions free from tumult; who caused distress to his enemies; whose great fame was sung by the lovely women of the gods; and who carried the beneficent Mșida" in his heart."
Text. Sutas-tadiyê guņa-ratna-maļibhu-vallabhô= bhůd=bhuja-viryya-sâļi | Adityavarmm=ôrjjitapunya-karmma tôjóbhir-aditya-samânadharmma |
Translation. “His son was Aditya varma-garlanded with the jewels of his virtuous qualities; the favourite of the world ; possessed of prowess of arm; of very holy deeds ; equal to the sun in splendour."
Taj-janma Vijayadityð vir-ânêk-mga-sagarð | Chaturnnam = mamdalânâm=apy = ajayad=Vijay-Ôpamahi
Translation. "From him was born Vijayaditya, who, resembling Vijaya" (in courage and strength), conquered even four dominions in many personal conflicts of brave men."
Teat. Tad-bhavô Vikramadityaḥ Kirttivarmmatad-âtmajal Yena Châļakya-raja-śriramtarậyiny-abhůd"=bhuvi ||
Translation. “From him was born Vikramaditya. His son was Kirttivarma, through whom the regal fortune of the Chaluky as became impeded on the earth."
Text. Vikramaditya-bhủpâla-bhrâtâ Bhimaparakramah | Tat-suuh Kirttivarmm=abhat mrityu-sâdhita's durijanah |
Translation. "The brother of king Vikram Adity a was he who possessed the prowess of Bhima." His son was Kirttivar mâ, who killed wicked people."
Various Readings. 31 S. C. and W. P. agree in this verse, except that the former reads arishtatidar and Oddahantada mari. MS. Coll. rends Atkamar kritadigvalayOshtitadvidhamariparigitamahaya dah | Mrudamarishtatidan manasddva hanistada. marakshitipjanitastatah II whence it is clear how Sir Walter Elliot obtained the name of Amara. The alliteration requires that, in the first word of the fourth line of the verse, the second syllable should be Ja, and the fourth ri. The first syllable may be ta, according to MS. Coll. and S.C.orna, according to W. P.; I cannot say for certain without seeing the originals. But I incline in favour of Naamari as the correct form of the name; because, if it were Tadamari, W. P. would have read Odvahans-Tadamari.
Sie ba A name of Arjuas, and of others.
Various Readings. * MS. Coll., antaraiyyanabhad, corrected in pencil into a tardyadabhdd; S.C., as in my text; W. P., utta. rdyinyabha.
35 MS. Coll., mrutyusádhita; S.C., mrittyusůddhita; W.P., msitprdsardita.
* From this it may be inferred that his name was Bhims. The verse might be translated "His son was Kirttivarma, the brother of king Vikram Aditya, -who possessed the prowess of Bhima, and who killed wicked peoplo",--thus introducing another Vikram Aditya into the genealogy, and making him and the Kirttivarma of this verno the sons of the Kirttivarma of the preceding verse. Sir Walter Elliot and Mr. Wathen substantially agree with me in their translations; but.tbey have got rather mixed up over this with the preceding and following verses.

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JANUARY, 1879.]
SANSKRIT AND OLD CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
Text.
Taila-bhûpas=tatô jâtô Vikramaditya-bhûpatih | Tat-sûnur-abhavat-tasmad-Bhima-râjô ri-bhikaraḥ ||
Translation.
"From him was born king Taila. His son was king Vikram âdity a. From him (was born) king Bhima, who was terrible to his enemies."
Text.
Ayyan-aryyas-tató jajñê yad-vahasya ári yam sukham | Prâpayamt-iva vainśasya sambabhre Krishna-namdanâ ||
Translation.
"From him was born the noble Ayyana, the glory of whose lineage the daughter of Krishna nourished, causing it to attain, as it were, the happiness of (her own) lineage." Text.
Abhavat-tayôh tanûjô vibhava-vibhâsî virôdhi-vidhvamsi | Têjô-vijit-adityaḥ satyadhanô Vikramadityaḥ | Chêd-isa-vamsa1tilakâm Lakshmana-rajasya namdanâm nutasilâm Bomthâdêvîm vidhivat paripiny** Vikramadityaḥ ||
Translation.
"Their son was Vikramaditya, who shone brightly through his power; who destroyed his enemics; who surpassed the sun in lustre; and who abounded in truth. Vikramâditya married according to rite Bonthâdêvî, the glory of the family of the lords
Various Readings.
37 MS. Coll., as in my text; S. C., sukam; W. P., svakans. MS. Coll., prapayamtiravamsosyosambôjrekrishtanamdand, with some corrections, introducing the word vajra, which I cannot quite make out; S. C., pra. payamtivadas sashchisambabhrékrishnanandanan; W. P., prapayayannivavahamsa vavrite kashnanandanam.
3 Probably the Rashtrakuta king Krishna-Akalavarshadêva of the Salotgi inscription at Vol. I, page 205, dated when Saka 867 had expired", but "in the Plavamga samvatsara", which was Saka 869.
Various Readings.
10 MS. Coll., and S. C., as in my text; W. P., vijayavihast. MS. Coll., Bhedirvana; 8. C. and W. P., as in my text. MS. Coll. and S. C., as in my text; W. P., Voithadevis.3 MS. Coll. and S. C., parinitai; W. P., as in my text.
The name of a people who lived in Bandelkhand. Mr. Garrett, in his Classical Dictionary, sub voce Chedyas', speaks of the country of Chêdi," which is usually considered as Chandail, on the west of the Jungle mahåls, towards Nagpur. It is known in times subsequent to the Puranas as Ranastambha." But he does not give his authority for the latter statement.
of Chêdi, the daughter of king Laks hma na, possessed of (good) character that was commended."
Text. Sutam-iva Vasudêvâd-Dêvaki Vasudevam Guham-iva Girij=âpi dêvam*= Ardahêmdumaulêḥ Ajanayad-atha Bomthâdêvy-atal Taila-bhupam vibhavavijita-Sakram" Vikramaditya-namnaḥ || Arikumbhi-kumbha- bhêdana- ripu- durgga- kavâțabhamjana-prabhṛitiḥ | Sahaja-balasya Harêr= bala-krid-abhavad-yasya || Kim
15
I
52
iva
I
cha Rashtrakuta-kula-rajya-sambaddhâv= ubhau Urjjityâch charanâv iva 50 prachalitau sâkshât-Kalêḥ krâmataḥ krûrau baddha-sarirakau guru-jana-drôha-prarôhâv= iva raj- âkhamḍita- Râshtrakûṭaka-kula-śrîvalli-jät-âmkurau lûnau yêna sukbêna Karkararana-stambhau rana-prâmganê || Ittham purâ Diti-sutair-iva bhûta-dhâtrim yo Rashtrakuta-kutilair-ggamitâm-adhastât Uddhṛitya Madhava iv-âdi-varâha-rûpô babhre Chalukya-kula-vallabha-raja-lakshmim || Hûna 33priṇahara-pratipa-dahand yâtrâ-trasan jaya-naya-vyutpanna-vir-Otkalab" | Yênityugra-ran-âgra-darśita-bala-prâchuryya - śauryyidayah kirigira-nivôáitaḥ kavi-vṛisha yash" varnṇayan-ghûrṇnatê || Brahma-Har-âbhâd"= abharad-bhôpilâd-Rashtrakuta-kuļa-tiļakit | Lakshmir-iva salila-nidhêh Sri-Jakabb-ahvayâ kanya Chalukya-vams-âmbara-bhânumali Sri-Taila-bhapala upayat-aini Tayincha lôk-âbhyudayâya yogaḥ sach-chandrikachamdramasôr-iv=âsît. ||
=
maraval Chaidya-chchhêdy-akhila-kshamâ
Various Readings.
5 MS. Coll., Girijâmidevan; S. C., Girijamirdavam; W. P., as in my text.- MS. Coll. and S. C., as in my text; W. P., Vomthadevi.- MS. Coll. and S. C., as in my text; W. P., satrum.- MS. Coll., kimchidrattakula; S. C. and W. P., as in my text. MS. Coll, sambaddhavyabhau; S. C., sambuddhavuche; W. P., saibhavau, with nothing after it.-50 MS. Coll., arjityscharanidiva; S. C., jjjityachcharmain; W. P., as in my text.- MS. Coll. and S. C., as in my text; W. P, kalatkhandita.- MS. Coll. and W. P., as in my text; S. C., Karkachar mastailbha.- MS. Coll., dyna; S. C., dyana; W. P., as in my text.MS. Coll., yatrátra; S. C., yautratra; W. P., as in my text. S. Coll., bhedyaschalukyakhila; S. C., bhedyabhedyakhija; W. P., as in my text.-50 MS. Coll., viritpala; 8. C., viritpalah; W. P., dhirutpannah.57 MS. Coll, niveita kapidhapayais; S. C., side italkaviaripayan; W. P., as in my text.- MS. Coll., Bhashmahararbhed; S. C., Bhamma haraṭṭad; W. P., Bhambhabharabhád. MS. Coll., Jakabhyavaya; S. C., Jakabjávh-ya; W. P., Jakadhvidvaya. The ter mination of the name is undoubtedly abbd, the Sanskritized form of the Canarese avva, avve, mother', which, like the Sanskrit amba, ambika, 'mother', is affixed to proper names for the sake of respect.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
Translation.
"Then, as Devaki brought forth a son, Vasudeva, from Vasudeva, and even as the Daughter of the mountain brought forth a son, the god Guha, from him who wears a portion of the moon on his tiara,-so B onthâdêvi brought forth, from Vikramâditya, a son, king Taila, who surpassed Sakra in power;-whose childhood's play, he being innately strong as Hari was, consisted of cleaving open the frontal projections on the foreheads of the elephants which were his enemies, and of breaking through the doors of the forts of his foes;-And, moreover, by whom were easily cut asunder in the field of battle the two pillars of wars of Karkara", which belonged to the kingdom of the Râshtrakuta family, and which, from their great strength, were manifestly the two feet of Kali stretched out in the act of striding, and which were cruel and firmly knit, and which were the branches of enmity against spiritual preceptors, and which were the young shoots of the creeper of the fortunes of the Rashtrakutaka family, (hitherto) unbroken by (any other) kings;-Who lifted up the royal fortunes of the kingly favourites of the Chalukya family, which had been made to sink down by the deceitful practices of the Rashtrakutas, as formerly Madhava, in the form of the first boar, rescued the earth which had been caused to sink down by the sons of Ditis;-Who destroyed the life-destroying power of the Hûnas; who caused the inhabitants of the deserts" to tremble at his journeying forth; who eradicated the Chaidyas"; who subjugated the brave Utkalas" by all his patience and victory and administrative talent; by whom any one who possessed an abundance of strength and increase and courage, manifested in the 61 Pârvati. o Karttikeya. Indra.
60 Krishna. 63 Śiva.
65 Sir Walter Elliot takes ranastambha as the name of a place, and does not translate Karkara at all. Mr. Wathen takes Ranastambha, as well as Karkara, as the name of a king. A rana-stambha, pillar of war', is the same as a kirtti-stambha, pillar of fame', viz., a column set up to celebrate a victory. Rana-stambha might be the name of a place, but not of a person; and the sense is entirely opposed to its being used here as a proper name at all.
The Kakkarija, or Kakkaladevaraja, of the Karda plates at Jour. R. As. Soc., Vol. III., p. 94, dated Saka 894;
and the Kakkala of the Khårêpâtan plates at Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc., Vol. I., p. 209, dated Saka 930, subsequently to him, in which it is expressly said that he was conquered by the Chalukya king Tailapa.
67 Vishnu.
as The mother of the Daityas, or demons.
[JANUARY, 1879.
exceedingly fierce van of battle, was cast into prison; and in describing whom (even) the best of poets is driven to his wit's end." As Lakshmi was (born) from the ocean, so from that king, the glory of the Rashtrakuta family, who resembled Brahmâ and Hara, (there was born) a daughter named Sri-Jakab bâ. The king Sri-Taila, the sun of the sky which was the family of the Chalukyas, married her; and their union, like that of the excellent moonlight and the moon, was for the happiness of mankind."
Text.
Śri-Taila-bhûmipâlât. Śrî-JâkabbâTM* samajijanat Srimat-Satyâśrayam Skamdam= Ambika Tryambakâd=iva || Vi''dvishad-gôtravitrâsî dêvô vibudha-samṁmataḥ | Div-iva bhuvi yô dhattê sarvva-varnna-dharam dhanuḥ || Api cha Yasya pratapa-jvalanêna dagdhaḥ pearlhat-iv-Ari-ganasya varhiah Binaib vijetuḥ prarûdh-âm kura-jala-kalpair-ddisâm pathi samnivishṭaiḥ ||
Translation.
"From the king Śri-Taila, Sri-Jakabbâ gave birth to the glorious Satyâéraya;-as Ambika 10 (gave birth to) Skanda" from Tryambaka";-Who, causing trouble to the families of his enemies, and being godlike, and being honoured by learned people, carried on the earth a bow that supported all castes, just as (Indra), who causes trouble to the cowpens of his foes, and who is a god, and who is honoured by gods, carries in the sky a bow that contains all colours;-And, moreover, by the flame of whose prowess the family of his enemies was, as it were, burnt up, as he conquered the regions with arrows which were like a cluster of young sprouts grown forth, and were gathered together (in dense numbers) on his path."
69 A people living in Bharatavarsha.
10 The sandy plains of central and northern India
71 The people of Chêdi; see note 44 above. 12 The people of Orissa.
13 This verse is not altogether satisfactory; but there is no full translation of it by which I might approach more closely to the original text. Mr. Wathen translates, "Who destroyed the Rajas of Hûna-Désa. In whose praise priests are constantly employed." While Sir Walter Elliot gives, "He likewise humbled Chôla, and many other princes."
Various Readings.
MS. Coll., Jakaby; S. C., Jákabja; W. P., Jaka dhvi. This verse and the following are not in the MS. Coll. and S. C.
10 Parvati. 78 Siva.
"7 Kårttikêya. 79 The rainbow.

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JANUARY, 1879.]
SANSKRIT AND OLD CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
Text.
Tasy-ânujah Sri-Daśavarmma-nâmâ tadvallabh Bhagyavatuiti devi | Taylr-bhūdvikrama-sila-sâlî Sri-Vikramaditya-nṛipas= tanújaḥ | Asau nija-jyêshtha-pituḥ parôksham babhara varrási-vritâm dharitrim | Bhujêna kêyûra latâm iv=ôchchair = vvidârit - ârâtikadambakêna || Jyôstn-êv=âchchha-sunirmmalâ nisi saras-tirêshu hams-âkritih kasastôma-sama saritsu gaganê gaur-âbhra-vṛimdadyutih Kirttir=yyasya tad-udyam-ôchitaarach-chihnayamini ripân-nityam bhivayat
ittham-anya-samayê-py-â-mâsa-vidvêshini Varnn-âśramânâm sthitayê sthitô-pi yaś=ch= âkarôd-varnṇa-viśêsha-hânim | Sva-kirttibhir= vyipta-dig-aaribhis-tathipi 18k mahaniya êva Tyag-âdayô yasya gunâḥ prasiddhâh samkhyâm-atikramya sada pravṛittah | Yah saj-janânâm hridayâni badhvâ samâchakarsha Sva-ampa-dia ||
Translation.
"His younger brother was he whose name was Sri-Da sa varma, and whose wife was the queen named Bhagyavati. Their son was the king Sri-Vikramaditya, who was endowed with the character of heroism. Beyond the sight of his most noble father, he, with his arm which dispersed the assemblage of his foes, lifted up on high the earth, encircled by the ocean, as if it were the thread of a bracelet. His fame, as if it were the moonlight in the night which is as pure as crystal; or resembling a swan on the banks of a river; or like a branch of káéa-grass beside the streams; or radiant as a mass of white clouds,becoming the mark of an autumn season suitable for his efforts, and continuing its hostility up to the end of a (whole) month, always caused his enemies to be thus (in difficulties), even at
Various Readings.
so This verse, as also the two that follow, is not in the MS. Coll. and S. C.
1 As this epithet might also be translated "which dis persed the hostile Kadambakas", there may possibly be a punning reference to the Kadambas.
83 Mr. Wathen translates, "This Vikramadityaraja, of his own prowess, succeeded his uncle in the government"; and adds, in a note, "Daáavarma, therefore, was not king." But I do not think that jyështha-pitri can mean uncle. The meanings of jyeshtha are elder, senior', 'an elder brother', 'chief, greatest', and, as I take it here, most excellent, most noble, preeminent.' The sense of the verse obviously is that the kingdom was threatened by some hostile power; that, Vikramaditya was deputed to resist the invasion; and that he gained a victory at some distant part of the territories, and therefore beyond the range of sight of his father. Sir Walter Elliot only gives, "And
17
any other time. Though he stood out for the maintenance of the castes and stages of life, he destroyed all distinctions of colour** by his (white) fame which pervaded all the regions; nevertheless, he was verily worthy to be honoured in the world. His celebrated qualities of liberality, &c., always surpassed enumeration; and, having taken captive the hearts of good people, he attracted to himself the country lying near to him."
Text.
Tad-anu tasy-ânujah Yasy-âkhila-vyâpi ya-vadátam-ak&mda-dugdh-Ambadhi-vriddhi
samkâm Karôti mugdh-âmara-sumdariņâm= abhût-sa bhûyôs Jagadôkamallaḥ || Sad=âvana. patu-vikram-adhyô"" mad-âmdhasthab gandbobha-ghata-vip | Dhar-ôrjjitapraspharita-prabhavo rarkja yö-sau Jayasimharajah Yatra prasidati samasta-jagach= chharanyo nyakchakrur-Amtakam=api kshitipâḥ sakôpam | Yasmân-manôratha-pathAtigam-arttham-artthisampripya sathsmaratina sma sura-drumiņâm Agamad-akhila-dhâtri yêna rajanvatîtvam nivasati nṛipa-lakshmîr= yyasya subhr-âtapatrê| Sa sakala-namit-ârikshônibhrin-mauli - ratna-dyuti - sulalita - pâdô gadhḍarol-gamda"-bhupaḥ A-dôshâkarabhûti-bhushano yaś=cha samprapa jagadsang-pi vin-kpi sakha-ddahanath Sadisatâm | Vikhyâta-Krishnavernnâ (?)-Tailaenh-Opalabdha-samalatval," Kumtala-vishayo nitarâm es virajatê mallik-âmôdaḥ ||
||
Translation.
"After that, again, there was his younger brother, Jagadêkamalla; whose white fame, pervading everything, makes the lovely women of the gods to be apprehensive of an unseasonable increase of the full-swollen ocean. He is that same king Jayasimha, who is
to them was born Vikramaditya, who broke the strength of the Kadambas."
83 Because the rains would then have ceased, and the country would have become passable again. This verse, however, is rather obscure.
The play on words is in varna, 'colour', and 'caste.' Various Readings.
es MS. Coll. and S. C., as in my text; W. P., bhapo. 66 MS. Coll., vikramadyé; 8. C., vikramâdy8; W. P., vikramadms. This verse is not in the MS. Coll. and 8.0.- MS. Coll. and S. C., salalita, W. P., samvalita. 59 MS. Coll. and S. C., as in my text; W. P., garhdaroganda; gamdarol is the Canarese loc. plur. of gamda. This verse is not in W. P. MS. Coll., krishnavarna; 8.C., krishnavarna MS. Coll., sara. latai; S. C., sarala tve. MS. Coll., vishaydnvitaram; S. C., vishayanitatam.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JANUARY, 1879.
glorious, always continuing in protection, and Komkan-adhisvarâņam sarvvasvam gribitva abounding in skilful valour, and tearing open uttara - dig - vijay - arttham Kölha(llâ ?)purathe frontal globes of the rutting elephants who samipa - samâvâsita - nija - vijaya - skamdhávård are those that are blind with passion, and Pagalaţi-vishay - arintahpåti - Mudunira - grâma - possessed of great glory which gleams over the játâya Kansika-gôtrậya Bahvpicha-sâkhảya world. While he is the protector, the world brahmachariņê Sridharabhatta-pautráya is calm, and kings treat with contempt even Rêvaņkryyabhatta-putrầya Vasudêvâryyaangry Death; and the beggar, having obtained sarmmanê yajana-yâjan-di-shat-karmmafrom him wealth that surpasses his wish, re- nirataya vêda-vôdâmga-påragya. Padadoremembers not the (plenty-giving) trees of the | dvi - sahasr-antahpâti - Karaţikannu-trisata - gods. Through him the whole world has madhyê Madabhûrûra-gråmah sa-dhanyaattained the condition of being possessed of a hirany-adêyaḥ n idhi-nidhana-samêtah good king; the goddess of royalty dwells in råjakiyânâm=an-anguli-prêkshaniyaḥ sa-sulkaḥ his white umbrella; having his feet made sarvva-kara-bådhå-paritaḥ sarvvanamasy8= beautiful with the lustre of the jewels in the grahârð dattah diadems of all the hostile kings who have been
Translation. bowed down by him, he is a very king of heroes "He, the glorious Jagad & ka mallad dva, among heroes. Abstaining, even without ob- the glorious Vallabhanarendradova, structing their happiness, from the society of the favourite of the world, the great king, the faulty people, and being decorated with good
supreme king, the supreme lord, the most worfeeling, he attained the lordship of the world.
shipful one, the glory of the family of Satya. The district of Kuntala, fragrant with its | sraya, the asylum of the universe, the ornajasmines, is very glorions, having attained fer
ment of the Chalukyas being in good health, tility through the moisture of the celebrated thus informs all those who are concerned, (vis.) (river) Krishnavernâ, and honesty" (on the
the lords of countries, the lords of districts, the part of its inhabitants) through the affection"
heads of villages, the Ayuktakas, the Niyuktakas, of the celebrated (and former king) Taila." the Adhikarikas, the Mahattaras", and others :
Be it known to you that,-in nine centuries The identity of the two inscriptions cesses of years, increased by forty-six, (or) in figures, at this point. The Miraj plates continue :- the year 946, in the years which had exText.
pired in the era of the Saka kings, on the day Sa tu sri-prithvivallabha-maharaj-adhiraja- of the full moon of the month) Vaisakha paramêsvara-paramabhattáraka - Satyasrayaku- in the Raktákshi sanvatsara", on Sunday, latilaka - samastabhavanåsraya - Chalukyabhara- -at Our victorious camp which, after warring naśrimaj-Jagadêkamalladêvah srimad- against the mighty Chôla, the supreme lord Vallabhanarendradêvah kusali sarvvân=éva of the city of) Chandramila, and after yatha - sambadhyamânakân = râshtrapati - taking the property of the lords of the vishayapati-gråmakutak - ayuktaka - niyuktak- Seven Konkaņas", is located near the city adhikarika-mahattar & din=samadišaty=asta vah of) Kolhapura for the purpose of conquer. samviditam yath=asmábhih Saka-ntipa-kál. ing the northern country,--the village of Mâd &atita. samvatsara - satêshu navasu shat- bhûrûru, in the Karaţikannu Threechatvarimsad-adhikoshv=amkataḥ samvat 946 hundred which lies in the Padad ore Two-thonRaktákshi - samvatsar - amtarggata - Vaisakha- sand, has been given by Us, with its grain and gold paarnnamäsyâm=Adityavârê ya Chamdramil. and adêyal, and with its deposit of treasure, and adhipatim balavamtam Cholam nirgghâtya sapta- not to be pointed at with the finger (of confiscaSaralata. es Sneha.
Gramakatakas are evidently referred to here as distinct • This verse is rather obscure, and it is not easy to see from the Mahattaras. why it is introduced. The Kpishaverna, or Krishnavenna, By the Tables in Brown's Carnatic Chronology, Saks iss river somewhere in the Kuntala district, mentioned 946 was the Raktákshi samvatsara. in several other inscriptions; and taila cannot well apply "Or, "of the seven lords of the Konkanas." to anything but the king of that name.
100 This is the modern form of the name. The original 1 These are four classes of officials, the nature of probably has 'Kollapur', which is the ancient form, and whose functions is not apparent. Professor Monier is used in inscriptions of even later date than this. Williams explains Mahattara as the same as Grdmakita, 101 A technical term, the proper moaning of which is not the head-man, or the oldest man, of village. But the clear. Professor Monier Williams explains it, from da,

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tion) by the king's people, and with its customsduties, and attended by (exemption from) all taxes and opposing claims 103, and as an entirely rent-free agrahara-grant, has been given by Usto Vasudevarya sarm â, who was born at the village of Mudunira in the district of Pagalati; who is of the Kausika götra; who is of the Bahvricha sákhá; who is a religious student; who is the son's son of Sridharabhatta and the son of Revapár yabhaṭṭa; who is intent upon the six rites of sacrificing, and causing sacrifices to be performed, &c.; and who is well versed in the Védas and the Védángas.'"
The rest of the inscription consists of a description of the boundaries of the village, and of the usual benedictive and imprecatory verses. At the end come the words:Text.
Śrimad rajadhiraja-rajachûḍâmanêḥ śrimajJayasimhadêvasya dattiḥ || Sâsan-âdhikâri-mahâprachamda-damḍanayaka -śrîmat -Prônâryyapratibaddha-lékhaka-Mäisyyêns likhitam Mangalam maha-sri-śri-śri || Translation.
"The gift of the glorious supreme king of kings, the most excellent of kings, the glorious Jay a simhadêva. Written by Mâïay y a, the writer attached to (the office of) the most impetuous Leader of the forces, the glorious Prônârya, who is entrusted with the authority of (issuing) charters. (May there be) prosperity and great good fortune!"
SANSKRIT AND OLD CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
Tataḥ pratap-ôjjvalana-prabhâva-nirmmûlanirddagdha-virôdhi-vamśaḥ | Tasy-âtmajah playitá dharkykh śrîmân-abhudAhavamalladevaḥ | Mamgalam | Atmavasthana-hôtôr abhilashati sada mamḍalam Malav-êśô dôlam tâlîvan-âmtâny-anusaratios sarinnâtha-kûlâni Chôlah Kanyakubjadhirajô bhajati cha tarasâ kamdara-sthanam 10
'give', as 'an object which, in law, it is either not right, or not necessary, to give or surrender.' It may be connected with do, cat, and may mean wood, the felling of which 103 Badha. is prohibited.'" fos Sarvanamasya; equivalent to sarvamanya; see Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc., Vol. XII., p. 378, note 42. Various Readings.
10 MS. Coll., dolamtallvanamtatyanusarati; S. C., dolamtalivanamtatyanyasarati.-10s MS. Coll, kamda. rastayam; S. C., ramdarastahim.-100 MS. Coll., as in
19
âdêr-uddâmô yat-pratâ pa-prasara-bhara-bhayôdbhûti-vibhrâmta-chittaḥ | Âmnâna Tailaguna - samgrahana - pravriddha - têjô - viśêsha - dalita-dvishad-andhakaraḥ | Amdh-ârttatâm samanusrityal07 kavi-pradhanair-yyah prôchyatê nanu Chalukya-kula-pradipaḥ || Nâmn-êv-âti-chalam 108 dvishan-mriga-kulam vibhramsya10 têjô-dhikai ratnair-a-sphuritam110 purâ Gajapatês-tan-nâsayitvâ madam Tuginâm-aranibhṛītām-anudinamh ... prâpa Śri
Jayasimha.namdana iti khyâtim cha yaḥ prastutâm Jatv-aty-ayakt-Aitakaja
119
||
prabhava-nirmmúlan-ôddâma-balasya yasya | Virâjatê nirjjita-Minakêtôr-ddêvasya Chalukyamahêśvaratvam ||
Translation.
"Then the protector of the earth was his son, the glorious  h a v am alla dê va, who entirely destroyed the family of his enemies by the power of the radiance of his splendour. (May it be) auspicious! Having his thoughts distracted by excess of fear arising from the burden of the putting forth of his prowess, the lord of Mâļava is ever in quest of a territory in which to establish himself; and Ch ô la, in a state of doubt, betakes himself to the banks of the ocean, edged with groves of palm-trees; and the king of Kanyakubja, who was uncontrolled from the beginning, quickly experiences an abode among the caves. Having destroyed the darkness which was his enemies by the excess of his brilliance which was increased by his acquiring through tradition the
At the same point, the Yêwûr tablet con- virtuous qualities of (the former king) Taila, tinues with the genealogy:
Text.
he is properly called 'the torch of the family of the Chalukyas' by eminent poets, who had fallen into the condition of being distressed by the darkness. Having caused to disappear, as if by (the mere mention of his) name, the herd of the deer which were his enemies, very swift (in the act of fleeing),-and having, with jewels abounding in brilliance, destroyed the fury of Gajapati, which had not been manifested before, and having...
my text; S. C., amana.-107 MS. Coll., adamt@tammanyasputya; 8. C., amdatvatasamanyaśrutyd.10 MS. Coll., balamh; 8. C., as in my text.-10 MS. Coll., vibhraja; S. C., vibhrasya.10 MS. Coll., as in my text; 8. C., astvalitar.- MS. Coll., tatpapadarmyddasaupraptasrijayasih ha; 8. C., datvdpadammudvôsyapraptajayasimha. MS. Coll., jatvatyayuk tanakaja; S. C., 6dvrity@yuktamtakaja.
113 The lord of elephants'; the title of some southern dynasty.

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Text.
11 of eminent kings,-he acquired the re- the water-lily that grows in the navel of the nowned appellation of the son of Sri-Jaya- god Vishnu, it states that, among the Chasimha.' He, the godlike one, whose strength !uk yas, who were born in his family, there was irresistible in subverting the power of the was king Taila, whose son, (omitting Satyaexcessively ill-behaved son of Antakall, śraya) was Daśa varma. His son was having conquered him '16 who bears (the em- Vikrama, to whose younger brother, Jayablem of) a fish upon his banner, -his condition simhavallabha, king Aha va malla was of being the great lord of the Châļu kyas born. His sons were Sômês vara and is glorious."
Kali-Vikrama, or the brave Vikrama.' Teat.
There is then given, at some length, the geneaTasmid=ajáyata jagaj-janita-pramôdah logy of Ravidê va, or Raviya na bhatt a Grimgåra-vira-rasikah kavi-loka-kâmtâh as he is also called, by birth a Brahman of the Kâmtâ -vilôļa-nayan -otpala -châru-chandras- Kâsya pa gôtra; and it is recorded that he Chalukya-vamsa-tilako Bhuvanaikamallah | cansed a certain Någa varma to build a Translation.
temple of the god Svayambh -Siva at the "From him was born Bhuvanaika
village of Eh û r.118 Then come the grants to malla, the ornament of the Chalu kya this temple :lineage-who produced the happiness of the world; who was characterized by love and
Svasti Samasta-bhuvan-asrayat śrlbravery; who was dear to poots; and who was prithvivallabha-maharaj-ådhirâja-paramośvaraas a beautiful moon to cause to open into paramabhattarakam. Satyaśraya-kuļa-tiļakar blossom) the water-lilies which were the tremu- Châļuky-abharanam śrimat-Tribhuvanalous eyes of his mistresses."
malladôvara vijaya-rajyam=uttar-ôttar-abhiAfter this the copy in the MS. Collection vriddhi - pravarddhamanam = a-chamdr-arkkaand the Second Copy differ so hopelessly, and tårar baram salattam = ire Kalyanada neleeach is so unpresentable by itself, that I vidino!=sukha-samkatha-vinodadi rajyamcannot any further reconstruct the text in a geyyuttam=ire Rashtrapati-vishayapatireadable form. There is one more verse in praise
grâmakutak - Ayaktaka - niyuktak - adhikarika - of Bhuvanaikamalla, and then four
mahattar-di-sammatadim Svasti śrimachin praise of his younger brother Vikram &- Chalukya-Vikrarna-varshada 2neya Pimgaļaditya, also called Tribhuvanamalla; they samvatsarada Sråvaņa-paurņnamasi Adityavåra do not seem to contain any historical allusions. sôma-grahaņa-mabâ-parv va-nimittadim palavu † The Sanskrit portion of the inscription termi- mahâ-dânamgalam kottu dâna-kalado! srimannates here, and is followed by the words :
mahậpradhanam heri-là !a") samdhi-vigrahi Idu támra-sdsanado! = irdda Chalukya-chakra- dandanayakam Raviyaṇabhattara binnapadim varttigaļa valsada rajyani-goyd-arasugala ráj-avar=mmadisida haral*0 SriSvayambhaávaļi; i.e. "This (is) the royal genealogy, which dêvargge gandhadhûpa-dipa-naivedy-adywas in a copper-plate charter, of the kings, who archchanakkam khamda sphuţita - jírnn. exercised dominion, of the lineage of the Cha. oddhara-nava-sadhakarmmakkam pâyola". ļuky a emperors.
varggakkam vô(8)duva kêļva vidyartthiThen commences the Canarese portion. After tapôdhanara ohhâttrara " asana verse invoking a blessing on a Leader of the achchhadanakkam avargge va(o)khkhanisuva forces, named Ravidêva, it reverts to, and bhattarggam Chaitra-pavitr-abhyagat-adirecapitulates part of the genealogy. Starting pûjegalgam sankranti-grahan-âdi-parvvawith the god Brahmâ, who was born from hôma-bali-kriy-adigalgam Brâhman-âdi-din1. Some words in the text are unintelligible here; see
111 Mah-esuara. There is also an allusion to the de. note 111 sbove.
straction of Kámaders by Maheárara, or Siva. 115 Some southern king named Kams must be alluded
115 This is the form of the name here in both copies. to here. The god Kamadeva, who is certainly referred to
The metro shows that the first syllable is long. in the last part of the verse, and probably here also, is some
Various Readings. times said to be the son of Dharma, i.e. Yama, or Antaka. 110 MS. Coll., hirelala; 8. C., as in my text. -130 MS. 116 The Pandya king. Mina-ketu, 'fish-bannered', is
Coll.Yavana; S. C., Endra.--191 MS. Coll., as in my also an epithet of Kámadêrs.
text; S.C., paval.-120 MS. Coll., sastrara; S.C., chha.

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the Acharya of that place, the disciple of Maliyâļa panditadêva of Elemêla
Anitha-atarppanakkam-kgi alliya âchâryyar1-Elemêlasimhapadô 125 nmamḍaliya Maliyklapaitadevara áishyar-Mmirimjiyasi hapadonmandali, ancl the disciple's Chikkadevara prasishyar-appa śrîmat(j)- disciple of Chikkade va of Mirinji, two Jinarasipanditangge dhari-půrvvakah madi hundred and fifty mattars of black-soil land, kotta Nariyumboley-erppattara12" baliya measured by the gaḍimba's of the sacred place Kiriya-Bellumbatteya polad-olag-Elar veya of Ela râve, in the field of Rattara-Malla tirtthada gadimbadal Raṭṭara-Mallana in the lands of (the village of) Kiriyapoladol1aledu bitta kariya nelam mattar= Bellumbatte which is near to the Nariinnur-syvattu|| yum bole136 Seventy (?),-for the incense and the lamp and the perpetual oblation and the other forms of worship, and to, repair whatever may become broken or torn or worn-out through age, and for renewing the wlaitewash, and for 17, and to provide food and clothing for the student-ascetics and the pupils who read and listen. (to that which is read to them), and for the B'haṭṭas who preach to them, and for the Chaitra and the Pavitra and the entertainment of guests and the other rites, and for the horna and the bali and other offerings at the time of the passage of the sun and at eclipses and at other festivals."
The rest of the inscription is taken up with the other details of the grants, and with the usual benedictive and imprecatory verses.
No. LI.
After writing the above paper, I found in the Elliot MS. Collection, at Vol. I., p. 325, another inscription which, though it does not make the same acknowledgment as the Yêwûr tablet, must have been founded in the same way on the Miraj plates and some other copper-plate grant. It is on a stone-tablet on the right side of the image in the temple of the god Virabhadra at Alûr in the Gadag Taluk of the Dharwad District. It is another inscription of the Western Chalukya king Vikramâditya VI., and is dated in the sixteenth year of his reign, the Prajapati samvatsara, i.e.
Translation.
"Hail! While the victorious reign of the glorious Tribhuvanamalladê va,-the asylum of the universe, the favourite of the world, the great king, the supreme king, the supreme lord, the most worshipful one, the glory of the family of Satyasraya, the ornament of the Chalukyas,was flourishing with perpetual increase, (so as to endure) as long as the moon and sun and stars (might last), and while he was ruling, with the delight of pleasing conversations, at the capital of Kalyana, -with the consent of the lords of countries180, the lords of districts, the heads of villages, the Ayuktakas, the Niyuktakas, the Adhikarikas, the Mahattaras, and others,-Hail!,-at the time of making gifts, after the bestowal of certain great gifts on account of the great festival of an eclipse of the moon on Sunday, the day of the full-moon of (the month) Sravana of the Pingala samvatsara, which was the second of the years of the glorious Chalukya Vikrama131,at the request of the glorious Great Minister, 13, the officer for peace and war, the Leader of the forces, Raviyanabhatta,-there were given, with libations of water, for the god Śri-Svayambhû of Êhûr, whose temple he had caused to be built, to the holy Jñánarasipandita,
trara. 123 MS. Coll. omits from samkrati down to alliya, inclusive.-13 MS. Coll., brahmacharyyar; S. C., as in my text.-125 MS. Coll., simhvapads; MS., simhapapo-128 MS. Coll., sishyamirimiya; S. C., sishyarihjaya.-17 MS. Coll., aruvattara; 8. C., orpattara. Iss MS. Coll., as in my text; S. C., puleyol. MS. Coll., mattarinndraivattu; S. C., mattarand
21
rayvattu. Lao These names of officials, so unusual in an Old Canarese inscription, are in themselves strong proof that the Miraj plates are the principal source from which the Yewûr inscription was drawn up.
151 By the Tables in Brown's Carnatic Chronology, the Pingala samvatsara was Saka 999.
13 Heri-lala, or hire-lala; meaning not known. The
first part of the word is probably heri, as in 11. 12-13 of the Kadaroli inscription at Vol. I., p. 141; and it may be the same word as ereya, husband, master."
133 The modern Miraj.
13 This must be some standard measure; but I cannot obtain any clue to the explanation of it. On examining a clearer photograph of Major Dixon's No. 105, published at Vol. IV., p. 278, I find that the reading in 11. 15-16 should be Sri-Pranamesvara-dévara gadimbada galeya; the text and translation should be corrected accordingly, and note t. p. 279a, should be cancelled. 135 Baliya.
138 sc. (the village of) the stream of the jackal.' Pavula-varggakkam, or påvala-varggak kam; meaning not known.

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Saka 1013 (A.D. 1091-2), and also in the forty- ninth year ofhis reign, the Krôdhi sanvatsara, i.e. Saka 1046 (A.D. 1124-5). The MS. Collection copy of this inscription does not enable me to improve any further on my version of the Miraj plates and the Yewür tablet. It will, however, be useful and convenient to give here an abstract ofits contents.
The opening verses are arranged rather dif- ferently. First comes the verse Jayaty=dvishkritari Vishnor, &c.; then the verse Sriyam= upaharatád=vah, &c.; then the verse Karimakara-makarik-Ankita, &c., in praise of Tribhuvana malla; and then the verse Namaszturngasiras-chunbi, &c, followed by the words HariHara Hiranya garbbháya namah.
It then continues, in just the same way as the Yêwûr tablet, with but few verbal differences, and repeating most of its mistakes, from Svasti Samasta-bhuvana-samstúyamána-Mánavya - sagô. tranári, down to vidárit-dráti-kadambakéna in the description of Vikramaditya V.; except that it omits the verse Edna-pranahara-pratápadahano, &c. in the description of Taila II. The verses concerning Nadamari and Adi. tya varm & occur with precisely the same mistakes as in the MS. Collection copy of the Yêwûr tablet.
In the description of Jayasinha III., it gives only Tadmanu tasy=dnujah, followed by the verse Sadravana-sthah, &c. The other verses are omitted.
In the description of Ahavamalla or Sô mè e vara I., it gives only the verse Tatah pratáp-ójjvalana, &c.
The only verse descriptive of Bhuvanaikamalla or Sô mê svara II., is Tasmád=ajáyata jagaj-janita, &c.
In the description of Vikramaditya VI., there are the same four verses as in the Yêwûr tablet ; but even this fresh version of them does not enable me to make out the text with any approach to accuracy.
Then, omitting the words Idu támra-edsanadol= irdda, &c., it winds up the genealogy with the statement, partly in the Canarese and partly in the Sanskrit idiom, and altogether very much mixed up, Sri-prithvivallabha-maháráj-adhiraja
paramésvaran paramabhattárakari Satydórayakula-tilakam Chá!uky-ábharanann frímat-Tribhrvanamalladevah kusali saruván=éva yathá-sarnbadhyamdnakan rashtrapati-vishayapati-grámakú
ak-ayuktaka-niyuktak-adhikarika-mahattar-ddin samádibaty=astu vah sainviditar yath=ásmábhik raj-dvali samápta, i.e. "The glorious Tribhuvanamallad ê va,--the favourite of the world, the great king, the supreme king, the supreme lord, the most worshipful one, the glory of the family of Satya éraya, the ornament of the Chalukyas,-being in good health, thus informs all those who are concerned, (viz.) the lords of countries, the lords of districts, the heads of villages, the Ayuktakas, the Niyuktakas, the Adhikarikas, the Mahattaras, and others, that, The royal genealogy has been finished by Us."
The rest of the inscription is in Old Canarese, with the occasional use of Sanskrit inflections in the first record of grants, as if the writer of the inscription had by him for reference some dánapatra, ordeed of gift,' drawn up in the Sanskrit language. The first record of grants is dated at the time of the sun's commencing his progress to the north, on Thursday, the twelfth day of the bright fortnight of the month Pushya of the Prajapati saivatsara, which was the sixteenth of the years of the glorious Chluk ya king Vikrama, while the victorious camp was located at the rájasraya, or capital',-1.6., probably, at the city of Kalyana in the Dekkan. It states that two hundred nivartanas on the north of the village, and other portions of land, at the agrahdra-village of M&!a d-Alûr in the MAsa va di One-hundred-and-forty, were given to Maha dê vay yana yaka, a Bhatta of the Vasishtha gôtra, for the rites of the temple of the god Traiparusha'"during the government of Raviyanabhatta, the glorious High Minister, ............. ..... 10, the officer for peace and war, the Leader of the forces; and that the two-hundred Mahajanas, headed by the Urodel, of the village of Malad-Alûr, gave certain grants of gadydnas of gold and certain lands into the trusteeship of Suragiya - Maha d d va y.
136 1. ., Brahma, Vishộa, and Siva, conjointly,
15° Alkeyal.
proprietor. Orode is perhaps another douignation of the Garda, or village-headman.'
1Kayyal; lit., ' into the band.'
140 Hiri-lala-kannada; meaning not known. 16 From dr, village', and ode, 'king, master, governor,

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THE CHALUKYAS AND PALLAVAS.
JANUARY, 1879.]
yanayaka, for the purposes of the gráma kárya or 'village-rites.'
The second record of grants is dated at the time of the maha-samkramana, or the sun's commencing his progress to the south, on Sunday, the day of the full-moon of the month Sravana of the Krôdhi samvatsara, which was the forty-sixth of the years of the glorious Chalukya king Vikrama. It states that while the Leader of the forces,
THE CHALUKYAS AND PALLAVAS. BY LEWIS RICE, BANGALORE.
The long-continued animosity and contests between the kings of these two dynasties are matters of history. It would almost seem as if there were something in their origin, as implied in an expression to be noticed further on, which rendered them mutually inimical. Indeed Chalukya' has a suggestive resemblance to the Greek name Seleukeia,' while the Pallavas have been described' as Pahlavas, denoting a Persian origin, and as Skythians. It is true the Chalukyas claim a very circumstantial Hindu descent; but, from inscriptions recently published, the question arises whether it may not have been adopted from the Kadambas, whose dominion was probably the wealthiest and most extensive which the Chalukyas 'supplanted. Of the Pallavas, sufficient is not known. But, apart from any such hypothesis, there were abundant reasons to account for a state of continual hostility between the two powers. The following inscription contains so many new and interesting details in regard to the subject, that the above seemed an appropriate heading under which to publish it.
The object of the inscription is a grant by the Chalukya king Kirtti-varmm a II., and it is dated not only in the Saka era, but in the year of the king's reign, thus fixing the date of his accession, and, by consequence, the termination of his predecessor's reign:-points, as far as my information goes, not before known. It also clears up the doubt as to whether Vikramaditya's successor was his son Kirtti
143 Chakravarttiya prasad-6palabdhiyim agraharanis Malad-Alara mel-alkeyam sukhadimd=aluttam-irddu. Kayyal.
H. H. Wilson's Vishnu Purdna (Fits Edward Hall's edition), vol. II. p. 187; vol. III. p. 292, &c.
23
Suragiya-Permâ diyarasa, was governing at Malad-Alûr, the two hundred Mahajanas, headed by the Urode, of the agrahdra-village of M à la d-Alûr, which was a grant of the glorious Janamêjaya, built a mantapa for the god Traipurusha-Sarasvat, and gave certain grants of gadyanas of gold and certain lands into the trusteeship1** of Suragiya-Permà diyarasa, for the purpose of the grama-kárya or 'village-rites.'
varm ma, or his nephew of the same name. These bits of information alone would give the inscription value. But it is in connection with the yet little known Pallavas, that it supplies details which seem to me of chief interest.
The grant is engraved in Hale Kannada characters on five copper plates (9 in. by 5 in.), secured in the usual way by a metal ring, bearing a vardha or boar (1 in. by 1 in.) on the seal. The language throughout may be described as high Sanskrit, and it is generally free from inaccuracies. The date is Saka 680 (A.D. 758), the 11th year of the king's reign, thus giving us A.D. 747 for the end of the reign of Vikramaditya II., and the beginning of that of Kirtti-varmma II., who makes the grant. This consists of a gift of certain villages in the Pânungal district (the modern Hângal, in Dharwad) to a Brahman named M â dha va-sarm ma, on the application of Sri-Dosiraja, apparently the local chief or ruler.
The origin of the Chalukya (here Chauluky a) family being described in the usual manner of their early inscriptions, the first king mentioned is Paulakesi, who is stated to have performed the horse-sacrifice. His son Kirtti-varmma was the subduer of the kings of Vanavasi, i. e. the Kadambas. Next comes Satyasraya, who gained victories on simply riding forth alone on his horse Chitrakantha, and who defeating Harsha-varddhana, the king of all the north, thence took the title of Paramesvara, which,
• General Cunningham, Archæol. Rep. vol. III. p. 4.
It was shown to me in Vokkalêri, about thirty miles north-east of Bangalore, by a man who had bought it for four annas of a riyat who found it while digging,-where, I could not ascertain.

Page #30

24
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JANUARY, 1879.
as well as the surname Satyasraya, is adopt- If it be the name of the language above meni. ed by all the succeeding kings.
tioned, we may suppose that the banner, from its Vikramadity a follows, who smites down designation, bore some legend or motto in Pali the kings of Pandya, Chola, Kerala, and - perhaps the Buddhist formula of faith. Kalabhra. With him commences the first In the next reign, that of Vijay aditya, notice of the Palla vas,-according to the were apparently completed the conquests his inscription, till then unconquered. For he is grandfather had made in the south, and those said to have forced the king of Kanchi," who his father had made in the north. By the latter had never bowed to any man", to lay his crown victories were obtained the following regal troat his feet. This must have been at the end of phies :-the Ganga, Yamuna, and Palithe 6th century.
dhvajapata, the great dhakka drum, rubies, and Vinayaditya, his bon, succeeded. He, lasty elephants. Further on the Pali-dhvaja is it is said, captured the whole army of Trai. again mentioned as one of the chief insignia of rajya (Pallava), the king of Kanchi; levied this king. With it are now associated, as it tribute from the rulers of Kavera, Parasika, appears, the Ganga and Yamun å flags, Simhala, and other islands; and by churning which are quite as difficult to account for. all the kings of the north acquired the Papi- With Vikramaditya II. we are brought to dhvaja, and immense wealth. The island of cloge quarters with the Palla vas. Soon after Sinhala must be Ceylon, while Kavera, his coronation (A. D. 735) he resolved to use the if meant to be described as an island, I can whole powers of the kingdom, now at his disonly guess may be some island on the K&- posal, to root out the Pallav as, the obscurers veri (a derivative from Kavera), such as of the splendour of the former kings of his line, Srirangam, Sivasamudram, Seringapatam, or and praksity-amitrasya, 'by nature hostile, an some other; but the intervention of Para- expression to which I have referred at the sika, a well-known name for Persia, between beginning of this paper. Vikramaditya, by the two, makes it doubtful whether the term a rapid movement, got into the U d & ka district, ‘island' is to be applied to more than Sinhala. which, it seems, must have been in the Pallava The geography here seems rather uncertain, territories, though whether it is a name or a but it is strange to find a Parasika in this descriptive term is not clear. Here he encounconnection, unless indeed the Palla vas, re- tered the enemy, and in the battle which took taining the tradition of a supposed Persian place slew the Palla va king, whose name was origin, should have given the name to some Nandi Pota-varmma," and captured the island in the south. The churning of all the following trophies :-his lotus-mouthed trumpet, kings of the north implies a large range of con his dram called 'Roar of the Sea,' his chariot, quests. But among the trophies of these victories standard, immense and celebrated elephants, is the Pali-dhvaja, or flag, which is several together with his collection of rubies which by times mentioned in the succeeding parts of the their own radiance dispelled all darkness. The inscription. This term is quite new to me, and victorious Chalukya next made a triumphal I have met with no explanation of it, unless entry into Kanchi, the Palla va capital, which Pali is the well-known name of the sacred he refrained from plundering. Here he was language of the Buddhists, and is equivalent struck with admiration at the sculptures of the to Buddhist. The word is spelt here with city. These, we are told, consisted of statues in the heavy la of Kannada, a letter which, it stone of Raja-siṁheśvara and other devaappears,' occurs in Sanskrit only in the Vedas. kula which had been made (nimm ápita) by
• I may mention here that I have since met with a grant by Ambers, the son of Saty Aśraya, which I am inclined to think is unique.
. Perhaps the Kala bhariyas or Kalaohuriyse. • See Ind. Ant. vol. VII. p. lll, note 25.-ED.
Mar Müller, Sans. Gram. • Pota resembles some forms of Buddha. As a Sanskrit word it has the meaning the young of any animal.' Bat there is a local god of this name. C. P. Brown says (Tel. Drict.) "he is & rustic god, like Pan, worshipped (chiefly by herdemen) throughout the Telugu, Kannada, and Marktha
countries : after him many men are named. His wives, after whom some women are named, are called Gangamms and Polakamma or Poleramma. Thesto answer to Punch and Judy." In Mysore, Potappa is represented as a man with a sword in one hand, and a buffalo's head in the other. His figure is invariably placed in the temples of Dharma Ráye, the chief object of worship among the Tigalar, a class of cultivators from the Tamil country.
The temple at Pattad kal, in Kalldgi, was erected to celebrate this victory, by Lokamahadevi, the queen of Vikram Aditys: Ind. Ant. vol. VI. p. 85.

Page #31

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WESTERN CHALUKYA GRANT OF KIRTTIVARMA II. - SAKA 679.

Page #32

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Page #33

JANUARY, 1879.]
THE CHALUKYAS AND PALLAVAS.
25
Narasimha Pota-varmma, who must have ocean, -of which a graphic description is given been a former Palla va king, though at what in truly oriental style, --where he dwelt in distance of time is not known, but he is expressly peace after withering up Påndy, Chola, stated to have been a friend of the twice-born, | Kerala, Kalabhra, and other kings. 1.e. the Brahmans. These statues the con- We now arrive at the reign of Kirtti. queror caused to be overlaid with gold.
varmma, the donor of the grant. On attainof the magnificent works of sculpture exe- ing the proper age he was made Yuvardja, and, cuted under the Pallavas we have sufficient in order to distinguish himself by some warlike evidence in the Amaravati stû pa, and in exploit, requested permission to march against the remains of Mahabalipûr, or the Seven the king of Kanchi, the enemy of his race. Pagodas. But the subject of these statnes is The victorious expedition of the preceding not clear. Deva kala would seem to imply that reign had therefore reduced, but not crushed, the they were images of gods, but there is no such Pallava power. The young prince obtained god as R & j a-simha that I am aware of. It his father's permission, and marched against seems allowable to suppose that they were statues the weakened Palla va, who, being unable to of deified members of the royal family. It is a withstand him in the field, took refuge in a common practice to erect a linga in the name of hill-fort. There Kirtti-varmma seems to 3 deceased king. Thus the celebrated temple have left him, but scattered his forces and at Halebid is dedicated to Hoysaleśvara, and plundered his treasures, carrying off elephants, the late Mahârâja of Maisûr founded the temple rubies, and gold, which he delivered to his of Chamarajeśvara in honour of his father. Thus in due time he became a Sdruvafather Chama Raje. Now the account bharma, or universal emperor. which Sir Walter Elliot has given of the Such are some of the details furnished by this first encounter of the Chalukyas and the interesting inscription, a transcript and translaPalla vas rons to the following effect :- In the tion of which here follow. The gradual acreign of Trilochana-Palla va the Cha- camulation of the titles invariably applied to the luky a king Jaya simha invaded the king- later Chalu kya kinge will be noticed. Pandom. He was, however, slain. But his wife, lake-si is simply' vallabha-mahárája.' Kirttithen pregnant, fled and took refuge with a varmma prefixes prithivi to vallabha. SatBrâhman named Vishnu-Somayaji, in y å śray a further prefixes éri, and assumes the whose house she gave birth to a son named | title 'paramešvara,' which he had won. VikraR&j a-si mhe. On attaining to man's estate he mådity a extends the list with bhatdraka; renewed the contest with the Pallavas, in which while in the description of Vijayaditya is he was finally successful, cementing his power first used the phrase samasta-bhwan-dsraya, by & marriage with a princess of that race. which afterwards became a title.
If the Rajasiṁhes vara statue in It was only thirty years later than the date question was that of a former prince of his own of this grant that, according to Wilson, the race, the first who had been victorious over the Buddhists were expelled from the neighbourPalla vas, and whose memory, from the fact hood of K A nchi to Ceylon. In 788 A.D., he of his having married into their family, Vikr&- says, A kalan ka, a Jain teacher from Sravana midity a now found to be thus reverently che- Belgola, who had been partly educated in rished, it would account, perhaps, for his modera- the Bauddha college at Ponataga (near Trivation towards the city, and for his commemorat- tur, south of Káñchi), disputed with them in ing his entry by causing the statues to be gilded. the presence of the last Bauddha prince, Hem
Wo are next introduced to him in a seaside. Bitala, and having confuted them, the prince residence at 8 place called Jayamam- became a Jain, and the Bauddhas were banished bha, situated on the shore of the southern I to Kandy."
Vokkaléri Plates. Transcript. 1. Svasti Jayaty Avishkṣitam-Vishñor-vârâham kshobhitârnavam dakshinonnata-damsb
tragra-vibranta-bhuvanam 10 Onlled Charnamenárna no doubt a descriptive might suggest another derivation, besides the many already epithet, and not a name. If the latter, the first part of it given, for Coromandel. HMK. Coll. vol. I. p. lav.

Page #34

26
vapuś Śrimatâm
nâm
pta-kalyana-paramparânâm
chane-kshana - kshana - vasîkritâśesha - mahîbbritâm
shnor
II.a. llabha-mahârâjâdhiraja-parameśvarasya
sya
khadga-mâtra-sahâyasya
ri
O
si
vallabha-maharajasya sunuh paråkramâkranta-Vanavâsy-âdi-para-nṛipati-mandala - pranibaddha - viśuddha-kirtti - śri - Kirtti - Varmma - prithivi - vallabha - mahârâjas tasyatmajas samara-samsakta-sakalottara-patheś vara-sri-Harsha-Varddhana-parajatasya Satyasraya-sri-prithivi-vaprajnâ[vinaya
yopâtta-Paramesvara-sabdas
11.b. sya
sapta-loka-mâtṛibhis-sapta-mâtṛibhir-abhivarddhitânâm Kârttikeya-parirakshana-prâ
kulam - alanka
éri-Paulake
mbhujasya rajadhiraja-parameśvara-bhaṭṭârakasya
tsâditâsesha-vijagishor-avanipati-tritayântaritâm-sva-guro-śriyam-atma
stra-sâstro ka-samhatir
O
dharas tru-mandalo
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
sakala-bhuvana-samstayamâna-Mânavyasa-gotrânâm
såtkritya prabha va-kulisa-dalita-Pandya-Chola-Kerala-Kalabhra-prabhṛiti-bhupad-abhra-vibhramasyananyâvanata-Kanchipati-makuta-chumbita-på
bhri[d]
O
dâ
pâramaiśvaryya-chinhasya jadhiraja-paramesvara-bhaṭṭârakasya.
d
dhya/
va
rasya-Tarakârâtir-iva Daitya-balam-atisamuddhatam-Trairajya-Kanchipatibalam-avashtabhya
8
aśvamedhâvabhritha-snâna-pavitrikrita-gâtrasya
yas
bhagavan-Narayana-prasâda-samâsâdita-varaha-lânChaulukyânâm
ra-samupajâta-mahotsahah
pahârinah
III.b. nâya-kṛitamatir
m-âvaran-narâti-gaja-ghata-pâtana-viéiryyamâna-kripâna
samagra-vigrahâgresaras
nikya-matangajâdîn-pitrisât-kurvvan-paraih-palayamâner-âsâdya
vidhi-vasad
rṇave
m
IV.a. bhriti-rajanyakah
priya-tanayasya
Chitrakaṇṭhabhidhana-pravara-turangamenaikenaivo
Vikramaditya-Satyâśraya-sri-prithivi-vallabha-maha
atishthipad
priya-sûnor
karadikṛita-Kavera-Pârasika-Simhaladi-dvipâdhipa
sakalottara-patha-n&tha-mathanopârjjitorjjita-pali-dhvajadi-samastaVinayaditya-Satyaáraya-éri-prithivi-vallabha-mahârâ
dakshinesa-vijayini-pitâmahe-samunmalita-akhila-kantauttarâpatha-vijigishor-guror-agrata-evâhava-vyâpâra
katham-api
III.a. ya-prakopam
yakas tadavagrahân-nirggatya-sva-bhujâvashṭambha-prasâdhitâsesha-viśvambharah prabhur-Akhandiva sakti-trayatvât chhatru-mada-bhanjanatvâd udâratvân niravadyatvasakala-pâramaiśvaryya-vyakti-hetu-pali
jady-ujvala-prajya-rajya Vijayâditya-Satyâéraya-sri-prithivi
[JANUARY, 1879.
priyâtmajaś
apanto
samasta-bhuvanâśrayas
llabha-maharajadhiraja-parameśvara-bhaṭṭârakasya
Kanchim-avinâéya-pravisya
prakṛity-amitrasya(h)
Hâriti-putra
Ganga-Yamuna-pâli-dhvajapata-dhakka-mahâéabda-chinh-mâ
pratapâd arajakam-utsarayan-Vatsa-Raja-ivânapekshita-parasahâ
Bâlendu-Sekha
sa-sauhâsar-asikah-parânmukhikṛita-sa
saisava-varadhigatasesha
hasti-varân
n-cha
mâna
dinânâtha-jano Narasimha-Pota-Varmma-nimmâpita-silâmaya-RajaSimheśvarâdi-deva-kula-suvarna-rasi-pratyarppanopârjitojita-punyah
nivârita-pratâpa-prasara-pratapita-Pandya-Chola-Kerala-Kalabhra-pra
prakara-maridhi-jala-vilasita-velâkula-Gharṇamânârnâbhidhâne
rmmåbhidhanam-Pallavam-rana-mukhe-samprahritya prapalasya-kankamukha-vâditra-samudraghoshâbhidhâna-vâdya-viseshân
hastekṛitya
eva
sakala-bhuvana-samrajya-lakshmi-svayamvaråbhisheka-samayânanta
Pallavasya
visha.
samalottala
ati-tvárayât-udaka-vishayam-prâpyâbhimu[kh]âgatan Nandi-Pota-Va
âtma-vamsaja-parvva-nripati-chchhâyâ
éarad-amala-sasadhara-visada-yaso-râsimayam
priya-putra
khatvânga-dhvaja-prabhata-prakhyâta
sva-kirana-nikara-vikâsa-nirâkrita-timiram-mânikya-raiKalasabhava-nilaya-harid-angan-ânchita-kânchiya
santata-pravṛitta-dânâ-nândita-dvijja
kshubhita-kari-makara-kara-hata-dalita-sukti-mukta-muktâphala
dakshinaJayamambha
Vikramaditya-Satyaáraya-éri-prithivf-vallabha-mahârâjâdhira

Page #35

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Page #41

JANUARY, 1879.]
THE CHALUKAYAS AND PALLAVAS.
priya-sunuh
bâlye-suśikshita-bastra-sêstras
satru.
ja-parameśvara-bhattarakasya sha t-vargga-nigraha-paras
va-guna-kalad(b)-Anandita-hridayena-pitr&-sama
ropita-yauva-rajyah sva-kula-vairiņam-Kanchipate[r]-nnigrahaya mâm-preshaya ity &desam-prarthya-labdhvå tadanantaram eva krita-pray&nas-sann abhimukham-agatya prakasa-yuddham-kartum-asamartha-pravishtha-durggam-Pallavam-bhagna-saktim-kritvå matta-matangaja-måņikya-suvarna-koţir-&daya
pitre
samarpitavaIV.b. n e vam-kramena-prâpta-Sárvvabhauma-padah pratâpânuragarana[mya]mâna-maku. ta-máld-rajah-punja-pinjarita-charana-sarasi[ru]hah
Kirtti-Varmma-Satyasraya-sriprithivi-vallabha-maharajadhiraja-paramekvara-bhattarakas
sarvvân-evam-ajnápayati viditam-astu-vosmåbhir nava-saptaty-uttara-shat-chhateshu Saka-varsheshva t iteshu
pravardhamana-vijaya-rajya-samvatsare ekadaše varttamål ne.
Bhimarathi-nady-uttara-taţastha-bhandara-Gavittago-nama-gråmam-adhivasati-vijaya-skandhavare
Bhadrapada-paurņamäsyâm
s rfDosi-Rajavijn& panayå K&makâyana-gotrêya
Rig-Yajur-yveda-påraga-ári-VishnuSarmmanah-pautrîya Krishna-Sarmmanah-putraya
Madhava-Sarmmane [PA]nungal-vishaye
Aradore-nadi-dakshina-tate .. Tâmaramuge-Panungal-Kiruvalli-Bâlavara-ity etevo-grâmân-madhye Nengiyar-Nandiva sahitas Sulliyar-nnama-gramo dattas tadågåmibbir asmad-vamsyair anyais-cha-råjabhi[r] yur-aišvaryyadinam-vilasitam-achirimsu-chanchalam-avagachchhadbhirachandrårka-dharårnna Va-stithi-samakalam-yasas-vivirshubhis evadatti-nirvvisesham-paripâlaniyam uktañ-cha bhagavath-vedavyåsena-Vyåsena bahabhir vvasudha-bhukta-rajabhis Sagarddi bhih yasya yasya yadê bhumis tasya tasya tadh phalam svandátum
samahachchhakyam duhkham anyasya pålanam dânam và pålanam vetti dân-chchreyonup&lanam evadattam paradattâm và yo hareta vasundharam shashtim varsha sahasrani vishtayam jayate krimir iti mahå-sandhivigrabika srimad-Anivârita-Dhananjaya-punya-vallabhasya
likhitam
idam
sâsanam. . Translation.
His son, who encountering in battle Sri. May it be well! Supreme is the Boar-form of Harshvardhana the lord of all the the resplendent Vishnu, which dispersed the north, by defeating him acquired the title of waters of the ocean and bore up the peaceful Paramešvara (supreme lord), was Satyaearth on the tip of his strong right tusk. śra ya, favourite of earth and fortune, great
Of the Mânavya gotra praised in all the king of kings, supreme lord. world, sons of Hariti, nourished by the seven His dear son, perfect in wisdom and revermothers the mothers of the seven worlds, ence, his sword his only aid ; making his own through the protection of Karttikeya hay- the wealth which his father, alone, mounted ing acquired a succession of good fortune, simply on his splendid horse named Chitra(or the succession to Kalyana), having in a kan tha, and desiring to conquer all regions, moment brought all kings into their subjection had won, together with that inherited for three at one glimpse of the boar-ensign obtained from
generations; rejoicing in splitting with the the favour of the adorable Nåråyaņa, were the thunderbolt of his valour the mountains the kings of the auspicious Chaulu kya race. Pandya, Chola, Kerala, Kaļa bhra,
To which (race) being an ornament, his body and other kings, from the sky to their base ; purified by the final ablutions of the horse- whose lotus-feet were kissed by the crown of the sacrifice, was Śrl-Paula kesi-Vallabha- king of Kanchi who had never bowed to any Ma ha råja.
other man, was Vikramaditya-SatyaWhose son, with unsullied fame gained by the s raya, favourite of earth and fortune, great conquest of the groups of the Vana vasi king of kings, supreme lord and sovereign. and other hostile kings, was Sri-Kirtti. His dear son, who as Târak â rati (Kuvarmma, favourite of the earth, great king. märasvâmi) the son of Bå lenduse khara

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JANUARY, 1879.
dispelled all darkness; and entering without destruction K â ñchi, the zone (káñchi) as it were of the lady the region of Agastya's abode (i.e. the south), acquired the great merit of covering with gold Raja-sim heśvara and other gods sculptured in stone, which Narasimha Pota-varmma-the protector of poor and indigent Brahmans rejoiced by the bestowal of continual gifts-had made (or created); the sovereign who by his invincible valour having withered up Pânḍya, Chola, Kerala, Kalabhra, and other kings, was residing in Jaya mambha, the embodiment of a fame as brilliant as the pure light of the autumn moon, situated on the shore of the southern ocean called the 'Rolling Ocean,' whose beach was strewn over and glittering with marine heaps formed of clusters of pearls scattered from their shells by the blows of the snouts of crocodiles resembling mighty elephants, was Vikramaditya-Satyasraya, favourite of earth and fortune, great king of kings, supreme lord and sovereign.
His dear son, in youth well instructed in the use of arms, perfect in subduing the six kinds of passions, who through the joy which his father felt on account of his good qualities had obtained the rank of Yuvaraja, praying for an order saying, "Send me to subdue the king of Kâñchi, the enemy of our race," immediately on obtaining it marched forth and going against him broke the power of Pallava, who unable to make war on a large scale took refuge in a
(Siva) to the forces of the Daityas, so captured the proud army of Trairajya, the king of Kanchi; levier of tribute from the rulers of Kavera, Parasika, Sim hala, and other islands; possessed of the Pali-dhvaja and all other marks of supreme wealth which by churning all the kings of the north he had won and increased, was Vinayâditya-Satyasraya, favourite of earth and fortune, great king of kings, supreme lord and sovereign.
His dear son, having in youth acquired the use of all the weapons and accomplishments of a great king; uprooter of the clumps of thorns (springing up) among the kings of the south of whom his grandfather was the conqueror; exceeding in valour in the business of war his father who desired to conquer the north, he surrounded his enemies, and with his arrows destroyed their elephant forces; war his chief policy; with his glad sword causing the hosts of his enemies to turn their backs; in the same manner as his father, capturing from the hostile kings he had put to flight, the Gangâ, Yamunâ, and Páli flags, the emblems of the great dhakká drum, rubies, and lusty elephants; with difficulty stopped by destiny; by his valour exciting the country; in removing kings who cherished evil designs, like Vatsaraja; desiring not the assistance of another; in setting out and with his own arm conquering and subjecting the whole world, a lord like Indra; by the three modes of policy, by breaking the pride of his enemies, by generosity, and by his invincibility, having become the refuge of the world; having acquir-hill-fort, and capturing his lusty elephants, ed a kingdom resplendent with the Pali-dhvaja rubies, and treasury of gold, delivered them to his and other tokens of all supreme wealth, was own father: thus in due time obtaining the title Vijayaditya-Satyas raya, favourite of of Súrvvabhauma, the lotus of his feet covered earth and fortune, great king of kings, supreme with the pollen the gold dust from the crowns lord and sovereign. of lines of kings prostrate before him through reverence or fear, Kirtti-varmma, favourite of earth and fortune, great king of kings, supreme lord and sovereign, thus commands all people:
His dear son, who upon being anointed as the self-chosen of the Lakshmi of the dominion of the whole world, obtained great energy; who, determined to root out the Pallavas, the obscurers of the splendour of the former kings of his line and by nature hostile, going with great speed into the Udâka province, slew in battle the Pallava named Nandi Potavarm ma who came against him, captured his defiant lotus-mouthed trumpet, his drum called
Roar of the Sea,' his chariot, his standard, immense and celebrated elephants, clusters of rabies (manikya) which by their own radiance
Be it known to you from us, that, the 679th Saka year having passed and the 11th year of the increase of our victorious reign being current, from our victorious camp stationed at the village of Gaviṭṭage, on the northern bank of the Bhimarathi river, on the full-moon day of Bhadrapada, on the application of Sri-Dosi raja, is given to Madha va-sarmma, the son of Krishna

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JANUARY, 1879.)
CORRESPONDENCE AND MISCELLANEA.
29
é armma, and grandson of Śr 1-Vishn - And by the adorable V yâsa, arranger of the sarmma, of the Kumakayana gotra, versed in Vedas, hath it been said : The earth has been the Rig and Yajur Vedas, together with enjoyed by Sagara and other kings; accordNeigiyûr and Nandi, the village named ing to their [gifts of] land, so was their reward. Sulliy û r, situated in the Pånungal dis- To make a gift oneself is easy ; to maintain trict, on the southern bank of the Aradore another's, that is the difficulty: but of making river, in the midst of the villages of Tâ ma- a gift or maintaining one, the maintaining & ramuge, Panungal, Kiruvalli, and gift is the best. Whoso resumes a gift made Bala vůru.
by himself or by another shall assuredly be This let future kings, whether of our own or born a worm in ordure for sixty thousand of any other race, reflecting that life and wealthyears. are fleeting, preserve as long as sun, moon, By the great minister for peace and war, earth, and ocean endure, as if a gift made by $rimad-Anivårita - Dhananjaya puthemselves, and thus perpetuate their glory. In ya-valla bha was this sásana written.
CORRESPONDENCE AND MISCELLANEA. PÅRST SAGRIS, NASASÅLÅRS, &c.1 oil lamp should pass into the inner part of the To the Editor of the "Indian Antiquary." tower, in the manner described. Attention is SIR, -With reference to the letters of Mr. paid by the officers in charge of the compounds Sorabji Kâvasji Khamb&t& and Professor Monier or enclosures of the Towers of Silence to cutting Williams which appeared in the Indian Antiquary, and pruning the shrubs and the leaves of trees ante, pp. 179 and 227, I beg to communicate to intercepting the passage of light from the Sagri you the result of my personal observation and to the tower. the information obtained from authentic sources. 2. Corpse bearers as a body are divided into
In Bombay, Strat, Naosâri, Puņa, and several two classes, namely, Nasasdldrs and Khandhide. other places inhabited by Parsis, Sagrts are indis- Nasasdldrs are those privileged persons who can pensable adjuncts to the Towers of Silence, and enter the Towers of Silence, but they are as much the objects for which they are constructed are as corpse-bearers as the Khåndhids are. In addition follows :-First, for keeping an oil lamp intended to to their duties as described by Mr. Khambata, they throw its light during the night-time into the inner
relieve the Khandhids at certain intervals on the part of the several Towers of Silence. The Sagris road, and carry the corpse themselves by turns. have holes or apertures so arranged that the light They also carry the dead bodies of infants, and of the lamp goes directly into the inner part of the
little children, independent of the Khåndhids. But tower through a large hole made in the wall of the the Nasasdldrs are better paid than the Khandhids, tower for this special purpose. All the towers,
on account of certain social disadvantages under without a single exception, are provided with such
which they labour. Those disadvantages are holes corresponding to the holes or apertures of
correctly described by the learned Professor in his the Sagris. Secondly, for keeping up the sacred
letter to the London Times. His remarks are fire, which is fed with sandalwood by a priest or a
evidently applicable to the Nasasaldrs, whom he layman, according as the circumstances of the rightly calls bearers, and who are the only different towers allow. In Bombay, for instance, privileged few who can go inside the Towers. where the Parsi inhabitants are comparatively
Notwithstanding the advanced views of some of richer than in the Mufassal, their funds permit them our young men, the Nasasdlárs generally are not to engage the services of a priest who officiates allowed to mix with the rest of the community in in the Sagri, and takes the necessary care of the social gatherings. At public and private dinner sacred fire. In this Sagri, which was constructed parties they are kept aside and served separately. some three or four years ago, the brass vessel In Sarat, Naosári, and other Mufassal towns they (afargán) containing the sacred fire is so ar- are strictly prohibited, according to the tenets of ranged that the light from it passes through the the Zoroastrian religion, from coming in contact apertures of the Sagrt into the inner part of with the rest of the community. the towers, which are provided with large holes, Why the dog is fed with bread is an open as I have stated above. It is not absolutely ne- question, and I am unable to give my opinion on cessary that the light from the fire should way or the other. So far as my information goes, fall on the dead body; but it is desirable, accord- it is a mere custom of long standing, and has ing to the oldest usage, that the light from the no religious significance. The dog is never fod

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
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at the time of the funeral, as has been stated, but have been unable to concur in the determination the bread is handed to the keeper, who feeds him of this epocho further than to suspect, as we are at his leisure. It is a barmless practice, and can taught by the Chinese, that the period was antebe dispensed with.
dated from time to time, with the direct purpose In justice to the learned Oxford Professor, I of arrogating priority over other saints. must say that his papers on the Towers of Silence Now, if the ascertained Jain date will serve to and on Pärsi funeral rites and ceremonies show a determine the era of Buddha, under the theory remarkable fulness of information, and a complete that Buddha himself was a disciple of Mahavira, mastery over the subject which he has handled. it will, in the fact, go far to establish the priority With trifling inaccuracies, which are hardly worth of the latter, and the pre-existence of the creed of noticing, his information upon the whole appears which he was the twenty-fourth or last prophet. to be very correct.
N. J. RATNAGAR.
The date of Buddha most largely accepted has
been adopted from the Ceylon annals, which supply JAINISM
the figures 543 B.c. But, as was remarked by Among other questions put down for considera- Mr. Turnour, who first investigated the local tion and discussion at the Congrès des Oriental
traditions, the acceptance of such date inistes at Lyons, on the 31st of August last, there volved an error, in default of the required period was formulated a subdivision devoted to "Les of sixty years (sixty-six); or, to use his own words, Djainas sont-ils d'anciens Bouddhistes antérieurs "the discrepancy can only proceed from one of à Sakia Mouni, ou des Bouddhistes modifiés depuis these two sources: viz. either it is an intentional les persécutions brahmaniques ?"
perversion, adopted to answer some national or As I have paid some attention to this subject, religious object, which is not readily discoverable; though unable to attend the Congress, and there- or Chandragupta is not identical with Sandra fore unaware of the course taken in the discus. cottus." A partial reconciliation of the error sion, you will perhaps allow me to advert in was proposed by the method of restoring to the your columns' to a very important item, bearing dynasty of tho Nandas the full hondred years upon the relative priority of the creeds of Jainisin assigned to them by some Paurhnik authorities, and Buddhism, which has not hitherto been in lieu of the forty-four allowed for in the Ceylon noticed: that is to say, how their reputed dates lists; but if the local annals were so dependent balance and adjust themselves inter se within the for their accuracy upon extra-national correction bounds of reasonable probability.
their intrinsic merits could have stood but little The Jains have a fixed and definite date for the above zero; and any such summary introduction Nirvana of "Mahavira," their great saint, which of sixty-six years from outside sources could is established by the concurrent testimony of their scarcely have been held to be satisfactory, unless two sects, whose method of reckoning varies in the assumerl total of 543 years B.C. were proved itself, thereby securing, as it were, a double entry. to be a fixed quantity by better external testimony The Svetambaras date in the era of Vikramaditya, tban hitherto has been adduced. 57 B.C.; the Digambaras reckon by the Saka | To General Canningham belongs the merit of sanipat, 78 A.D., and both arrive at the same having first proposed, in 1854, the fixing of figures of B.C. 526-7 for the death of Mahatira. Buddha's Nirudna in " 477 B.C." ?-a result which This calculation is equally supported by the he obtained from original figure calculations, while dynastic lists, which satisfactorily fill in the period Max Müller, in 1859, independently arrived at the from the accession of "Palaka, the lord of Avanti,
same conclusion, from a more extended critical [who] was anointed in that night in which .... review of the extant literary evidence. Mahavfra entered Nirvana," "to the four years of
General Cunningham has lately enlarged the Saka," who immediately preceded Vikramaditya."
sphere of his observations, and in adopting ColeOn the other hand, Buddha's date varies accord
brooke's view in regard to the fact that Gautama ing to different authorities from the extreme points Buddha was "the disciple of Mahavira" hae of B.C. 2420 to 453, and even is reduced so low as
materially fortified his early arguments-in re370 B.C. : so that up to this time modern inquirers
asserting that the Nirvana of Buddha must be Jainism ; or, the Early Faith of Asoka' (Trübner, 1877),
Lassen; St. Hilaire ; M. Barth, Revue Critique, 13th Jour. R. As. Soc., vol. IX. p. 155.
June 1874; Prof. Weber, History of Indian Literature • This appeared in the Athenarm of Nov. 2, 1878.
(London, Trübner, 1878), p. 287 ; Childers, Pali Dictionary. * Bühler, Ind. Ant. vol. II. p. 303 ; Jour. R. As. Soc. I myself am only recent convert, Jour. R.As. Soc. vol. IX. p. 15, note 2
vol. I. p. 463. • Prof. Wilson, Jour. R. As. Soc. vol. XVI. p. 247; see also vol. IX. N. S. p. 170; Beal, Travels of Tal-Hian,
• The Mahawanso, Ceylon, 1837, pp. xlviii., 1-lii., &c. pp. xxvi. 22; and Hiwen-Thsang (Paris, 1857), vol. 1.
Jour. Beng. As. Soc. 1854, p. 704. p. 163.
• Ancient Sanskrit Literature, London, 1859, p. 298.

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JANUARY, 1879.]
BOOK NOTICES.
31
placed in " 478 B.C.," or "forty-nine years" after forming these (salutations] he praises him and the release of Mahåvira, the last of the Jinas. bows to him. After so doing, not too close, not General Cunningham does not concern himself too distant, listening to him, bowing to him, with with the larger question of ancient religions, but his face towards him, humbly waiting on him with confines himself to his favourite métier of working folded hands, he thus spoke...."
at sums with equal elaboration, but with less In conclusion, I may recapitulate certain deducfanciful details than of old.
tions, which I have suggested elsewhere. The The passages relied upon by Colebrooke in juxtaposition of the last representative of the one 182610 have since been confirmed by important faith with the first exponent of the other, which contributions from other sources. None, however, took over so many traditions that it retained in bring the question home so distinctly, and in common with the parent creed, is a point of 80 quaintly graphic & way, as Prof. Weber's marked importance. Eclipsed for a time by the translation of a passage from the Bhagavat6,11 energy of the reformers, whose missionaries carried wherein the Chela," the holy Mahavira's eldest the Buddhist doctrines over so large a section of pupil, Indrabhati"-" houseless of Gautama's the globe, non-proselytizing Jainism has survived Gotra,"-begins to distrust the negative perfec- in its simplicity-as the natural outcome of the tion of Jainism, in the terms of the text, -" There. ideas and aspirations of a primitive race-still unupon that holy Gautama, in whom-faith, doubt, and disturbed in the land of their common birth; curiosity arose, grew and increased, rose up. while Buddhism, with its fantastic elaborations, Having arisen, he went to the place where the retains scant honour, and no place within the sacred Gramana Mah&vira was. . . . . . After per. | limits of its nidus in India proper.-EDWARD THOMAS.
BOOK NOTICES. The POETICAL WORKS of BEHA-ED-DİN ZORRIR, of EGYPT, « The intercourse between Eastern and West
with a metrical English Translation, Notes, and Intro. duction, by E. H. Palmer, M.A, Lord Almoner's ern nations," says Professor Palmer, "had become Reader and Professor of Arabic in the University of greater than at any previous period of modern Cambridge. Vols. I. and II. Cambridge University Press, 1877.
history . . # # # # # In poetry Alexandria
seems to have been, what it certainly was in phiAbu'l Fadhi Zoheir ibn Muhammad el Mohal-lebi el'Atakt, surnamed Behf-ed-Din, was secretary to
losophy and theology, the meeting-place of East
and West. These causes, more exhaustively disthe Sultan El Malik es Sâlih, Nejm-ed-din, greatgrand-nephew of the Sultan Saladin. The adven
cussed in the translator's Preface, acted so strongly tures of this prince in search of a throne, and his
upon our author that his poetry reminds Professor rule in that of Egypt, which he ultimately got
Palmer of the English lyrists of the 17th century, possession of, filled up some ten years of the middle
and particularly of Herrick. For our own part,
whether Beha-ed-Din or the Professor be responof the 13th century A.D. and 7th of the Hijra, and
sible, we find in many pieces a strong resemblance during the whole of them our author was his faith ful and efficient servant in good and evil fortune.
to the thought and manner of the late Mr. Praed.
The apt wit and polished diction which produce After the death of his master, in A... 647 (A.D.
this effect are combined with modesty and clear1249), Beh-ed-Din lived in retirement at Cairo, where he died of the plague in A.D. 1258, teste
ness of thought and expression. Zoheir's mounEbn Khallikin, who knew him well, and to whose
tains do not invade the sky; nor do the sun and memoir of him, embodied in Professor Palmer's
moon run to earth when his lady unveils. When work, we are indebted for the above.
he has to describe a garden, instead of a lot of
nonsense about Paradise and Peristån, we have Beh-ed-Din was a remarkable man; and his
the following verses, deservedly singled out for character, or rather that of his poetry, was the
especial praise by his translator :result of strange circumstances of time and place. The Crusades were over, and the spirit which
"I took my pleasure in a garden brightprompted them had ceased to show itself but in
Ah, that our happiest hours so quickly pass! desultory and abortive adventures. The instinct
That time should be so rapid in its flight.of Jehad was as decrepit among the Arab races,
Therein my soul accomplished its delight, and though the wave of Ottoman conquest was
And life was fresher than the green young grass. yet to rise over Eastern Europe, its true character There rain-drops tricklo through the warm still air was little more religious than that of any other The cloud-born firstlings of the summer skies; migration of warlike Tatars.
Full oft I stroll in early morning there,
Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, Calcutta, 1877, p. V. 10 Prof. Cowell's edition of Colebrooke's Besavs. vol. .
I
p. 278; Trans. R. 48. Soc. vol. I. p. 520.
u Fragment der Bhagavati. Borlin. 1867.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JANUARY, 1879.
When, like a pearl upon a bosom fair,
"My wrath is kindled for the sake The glistening dewdrop on the sapling lies.
Of Courtesy, whose lord thou art : There the young flowerets with sweet perfume
For thee, I take it so to heart, blow;
No umbrage for myself I take. There feathery palms their pendent clusters hold, But be thy treatment what it will, Like foxes' brushes waving to and fro;
I cannot this affront forget; There every evening comes the after-glow,
I am not used to insult yet, Tipping the leaflets with its liquid gold.”
And blush at its remembrance still." Another piece is a farewell, full of quiet pathos He is lese merciful to a ridiculous old coquette, and truth; some of our readers must have often
to whom he says :witnessed the groves without the gate used as "I see you walking in the street in veils of the halting and starting points of caravans, amid muslin dressed, the bustle of men and beasts :
Like an old and worthless volume with a new
and handsome back; Good-bye.
When I ask what is beneath them, people set “The camelmen were on the move;
my mind at rest, The fatal hour was drawing nigh;
For they say it is a lot of bones put in a leathern But ere we went away my love
sack." Came up to bid a last good-bye.'
And scorn and courage are both well shown in She dared not breathe the word 'farewell,'
the vigorous lines which one would willingly supLest spiteful folk should overhear.
pose to have been written while his master was When lovers have a tale to tell,
captive in Kerek to a treacherous kingman, his There always is a listener near.
adherents fled or rebellious, and the faithful I wept, and watched her as she took
poet struggling to maintain the cause that seemed Some paces onward weeping sore,
hopeless :Then turned to give one longing look
"Shall I linger any longer where at merit men And whisper a 'good-bye' once more."
demur, Many of the pieces in this volumo are mere frag- Where they deem a cur a lion, where a lion's like ments, apparently impromptu, or at least compos- & corp ed on slight occasions, such as answers to letters,
Many a precious pearl of poetry in their honour invitations to dinner, and the like. The thought, bad I strung; though not very deep, is almost always happy, as By my life, the gems were wasted which before in the following acknowledgment of a note :
such swine I flung. "Your letter came, and I declare
Well I the world is not so narrow bat a man bis My longing it expresses quite;
way may win, Methinks my heart was standing there,
And the doors are open widely, if he choose to Dictating to you what to write."
enter in. The volume, however, is not entirely filled I have that within my bosom tells me that with these graceful trifles. Sympathy and manly success is near, consolation find fit expression in the short poem And Ambition gives me earnest of a glorious addressed to his friend Sherif-ed-din upon the career." death of a younger brother. We regret, however, The extracts given above are all taken, almost that Professor Palmer should have headed it "In at hazard, from the few first pages of Professor Memoriam," and adopted in his translation the Palmer's translation, which contains about 350 metres of Tennyson's famous poem. The compari- pieces. Our readers can judge from this of the Bon provoked is, if not odious, at least unnecessary; amount and value of his labours. If one may though the Arab poet has no cause to fear it, the draw any augury from the extraordinary though less that his grief is expressed within the moderate tardy success of a much less important work limit of seven stanzas. Zoheir could write sharply, (Mr. Fitzgerald's translation of 'Umar Khayyam's too, when he pleased, though his stern moods are Rubaiyyat), they onght to meet with some recogfew, and his wrath tempered by the dignified self- nition from the general public; and to the restraint of an Eastern gentleman, as in the Orientalist, and especially the student of Arabic, remonstrance addressed to a minister at whose these two volumes, the one containing the Arabic house he had been rudely repulsed, and to whom text, and the other the English version, will provo he says, in conclusion :
| as useful as interesting.
S. The allusion is to pendent fox-tails used to decorate onparisons of chargers,

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FEBRUARY, 1879.] THE BHADRACHELLAM AND REKAPALLI TALUQAS.
THE BHADRACHELLAM AND REKAPALLI TALUQAS. BY REV. JOHN CAIN, DUMMAGUDEM. (Continued from Vol. IV. p. 198.)
The Kois.
IN some notes of a missionary tour in this part of the country written by a friend of mine, the Rev. F. W. N. Alexander, and published in the Madras Church Missionary Record for 1861, there are several mistakes which a tourist was quite liable to make, but which have been copied into other periodicals, and therefore I think it advisable to notice them in this paper.
A Koi, whom Mr. Alexander met in a.village about two miles from Dummagudem, caused him to infer that the Ko is think heaven to be "a great fort, and in it plenty of rice to eat for those who enter it: that hell is a dismal place where a crow, made of iron, continually gnaws off the flesh of the wicked," &c. &c. This must have been that particular Koi's own peculiar belief, for it certainly is not that of any of the Kois with whom I so frequently come in contact; and a native friend of mine, whom they all most highly respect, and who knows more of their customs and beliefs than any one else here, has inquired of them several times, and each time they have replied that they had never heard of such an idea before. As I wrote in a former paper, they either believe that the spirits of the departed wander in the jungle in the form of pisáchas, or they believe that at death they entirely cease to exist. A few who have mixed with Hindus have some faint belief in a kind of transmigration.
The mention of the iron crow reminds me that about two years ago a rumour rapidly spread in some of the Koi villages south of Dummagudem that an iron cock was abroad very early in the morning, and upon the first village in which it heard one or more cocks begin to crow it would send a grievous pestilence and at least decimate the village. In one instance at least this led to the immediate extermination of all the unfortunate cocks in that village. How the rumour arose no one could tell, and when I asked the chief executioner what ground he had for believing such a tale he only replied, "I do not know; they told me."
Last year the inhabitants of a village on
33
the left bank of the Godavari, about a mile to the north of Dummagudem, were startled by the Talláris (village peons) of the neighbouring village bringing about twenty fowls and ordering them to be sent on to the next village south of Dummagudem. On being asked the reason of this order, they replied that the cholera goddess was selecting her victims in the villages further north, and that to induce her to leave their parts some of those villages had sent these fowls as offerings to her, but they were to be passed on as far as possible before they were slain, for then she would follow them in anticipation of the feast, and so might be tempted quite out of these regions. The police however interfered, and they were passed back into the Upper Godavari District, C. P., but I could not find out what eventually was the fate of the fowls. I ought to add that the villages on the banks of the Godavari are chiefly inhabited by Hindus, and they were the people who were passing on these offerings.
There is generally one vélpu for each gens, and in a certain village, whose name I cannot get hold of, there is the chief vélpu for the whole tribe of Kois. When any of the inferior velpus are carried about, contributions (in kind or in cash) are collected by its guardians almost exclusively from the members of the gens to which the velpu belongs. When the superior vélpu is taken to any village, all the inferior vélpus are brought, and with the exception of two are planted some little distance in front of their lord. There are two, however, which are regarded as lieutenants of the paramount power, and these are planted one on each side of their superior. As it was expressed to me, the chief vélpu is like the Raja of Bastar, these two are like his ministers of state, and the rest are like the petty zamindars under him. The largest share of the offerings goes to the chief, the two supporters then claim a fair amount, and the remainder is equally divided amongst those of the third rank.. No Kois from this part ever go on any sort of pilgrimage, &c., to the village where this highest vélpu is kept.'
The people who carry this velpu about are not called Marmivandlu, but Oddílu or Oddělu. I hope to say something about this name in a future paper.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
At the present time Koi bridegrooms and brides are not "distinguished" from the rest of the wedding guests" by a piece of cardboard on the forehead of each, marked with a triangle."
It is scarcely correct to say that the Kois worship the "spirits of the mountains;" they acknowledge that they worship the dévatalu or the dayyamulu (demons) of the mountains, and those who "know well that the great God is the creator, preserver, and punisher of the human race" are very few and far between.
The Korra Râzu is supposed to be the deity who has supreme control over tigers, and the above-mentioned friend of mine once saw a small temple devoted to his worship, a few miles from the large village of Gollapalli, Bâstar, but it did not seem to be held in very great respect.
The names most revered are those of the
Pandava family, and the name Bhima is generally pronounced at the commencement of all marriage ceremonies. They say their dance is copied from Bhima's march after a certain enemy.
There is no Koi temple in any village near Lere, and the Kois are seldom if ever to be found near a Hindu temple. Some time ago there was a small mud temple to the goddesses Sårlammâ and Kommalammâ at Pedda Nallapalli, and the head Koi of the village was the pújári, but he became a Christian nine years ago, and took to cultivation immediately, and the temple fell into ruins and soon melted away.
In every Koi samatu there are two leading men who fill the posts of advisers and helpers to the samatu dora; they are called Petṭanadârulu, and in every village there are one or more Peṭṭanandarulu who assist in like manner the head man of each village.
The custom of calling the Kois doralu (dora= lord. Tel.) has been traced by some (Central Provinces Gazetteer, p. 500) to the ending tor in the word Koitor. This has always seemed to me to be rather doubtful, as this honorific affix is not only conceded to the Kois, but also to several other castes, e.g. the (true) Vellamma caste, and to all the most influential natives in the independent or semi-independent neighbouring states. All the petty zamindars in Bastar are thus honoured, whatever may be their caste. As the Kois live so much apart,
[FEBRUARY, 1879.
and as the only other people who usually reside in their villages are their Mala and Madiga servants, to whom the Kois are really doralu (lords), it seems to me more probable that these servants conceded to them the same title as the lower Hindus concede to their Vellamma masters. Whether the derivation from -tor would account for the Koi women being honoured with the full title dora sanulu (ladies) seems to be me to be a little doubtful. Many of the Kois on the Bastar plateau, and more particularly those who are Saivites, call themselves the Bhumi Razulu, i. e. the kings of the earth.
The maternal uncle of any Koi girl has the right to bestow her hand on any one of his sons, or any other suitable candidate who meets with his approval. The father and the mother of the girl have no acknowledged voice in the matter. A similar custom prevails amongst some of the Kom âți (Vaisya) caste.
At present the Kois around here have very few festivals except one at the harvest of the zonna (sorghum vulgare). Formerly they had one not only for every grain crop, but one when the ippa flowers (Bassia latifolia) were ready to be gathered, another when the pumpkins were ripe, and so on with reference to all their vegetable produce. Now at the time the zonna crop is ripe and ready to be cut they take a fowl into the field, kill it, and sprinkle its blood on any ordinary stone put up for the occasion, after which they are at liberty to partake of the new crop. In many villages they would refuse to eat with any Koi who has neglected this ceremony, to which they give the name Kottalu, which word is evidently the plural of the Telugu adjective kotta = new. The Hindus seldom put the sickle to any field without similar but rather more elaborate ceremonies. VOCABULARY OF Koi WORDS.
I have several vocabularies which I hope to complete and send to the Indian Antiquary some time during the next few months, but thinking that some Tamil scholars will be glad to see at once a short vocabulary I have sent the following. The Ku language mentioned by Bishop Caldwell in his Grammar of the Dravidian Languages seems to be the language of the people whom we here designate Kois; whatever may be the name they give to themselves in Orissa, they all call themselves Kois here.

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FEBRUARY, 1879.] THE BHADRACHELLAM AND REKAPALLI TALUQAS.
As, with the exception of a very few words, Tamil is an unknown tongue to me, I have refrained from attempting to show the similarity of some of the Koi words to Tamil words. In these parts the Kois use a great many Telugu words, and cannot always clearly understand the Kois who come from the plateau in Bastar; and a few years ago when Colonel Haig travelled as far as Jagdalpuram the Kois from the neighbourhood of Dummagudem who accompanied him were frequently unable to carry on any conversation with many of the Kois on this plateau. There are often slight differences in the phraseology of the inhabitants of two villages within a mile of each other, as last year when two of my teachers living not more than a mile apart were collecting vocabularies in the villages in which they lived they complained that their. Vocabularies often differed in points where they expected to find no variety whatever. Until my vocabularies are a little more complete I must refrain from noticing the sounds of the Koi alphabet. It will be noticed how all the words borrowed from the Telugu take the purely Nose Koi terminations in the plural.
Hand
Ear
ENGLISH.
Father Mother
KOI. Singular.
Elder brother
Younger brother Tammudu (Tel.)
Elder sister
Younger sister Grandfather
Grandmother
Father's younger brother
Tappe Avva (grandmother, Tel.) Anna (Tel.).
Son Daughter
Fire
Water
Earth
Cow
Bullock
Dog
Cat
Akka (Tel.) Alâdi
Tâta (Tel.) Kârô
Mother's young-Chinni
er sister
Father's sister
Plural.
Tappêru
Avvânku
Maternal uncle {(Mênamâmâ, Tel.) lôru
Sadayya
Annalôru
Tammanku Akkânku
Ålásku
Tâtalôru
Kârônku Menamâma
Sûdayyalôru
Chinnînki
Mênapôyênku
5 Mênapôru (Mênatta, Tel.) Marri Mayyadi
Kissu
Éru (river, Tel.)
Nêla (Tel.)
Nêlku Godḍu (cattle,Tel.) Godku
Konda
Nai Verkádi
Marku Maiyasku
Konângu
Naiku
Verkanku
ENGLISH.
Chatty
Tree
Man Woman
Husband
Wife
Buffalo
Fowl
Cock Tiger Elephant
Daytime
Night
River
Well
Cloth
Tongue
Head
Eye
Foot
Belly
Loin
Hair
Knee
Back
Day
Year
Month
Moon
Sun
Kor.
Singular. Kundâ (Tel.)
Mâra Manusundu
Nâṭuva
Mutupal
Mutte
Pôku
House
Hut
Star
Leaf Flower
Stick
Axe
'Bandy'
Road
Field
Crop
Korru
Goggôḍi Duvvu
Enuga
-To-morrow
Day after to-Mannêtika
morrow
Payyelu (Pagalu, wanting.
Tel.) Sarka
Boṭṭumenda
Medilu
Nêndu
Rôzu (Hind.) Nâdi
S Vângu (Vagu-a Vânku nallá, Tel.) Nuyyi (Tel.)
Chile
Plural. Kunângu
Maringu
Manusku
Nâṭuvaku
Mutupalôru
Muttênku
Pônku
Korku
Nela (Tel.)
Nela (Tel.) Poḍudu
Lônu
Kêtul
Ukka
Aki (Aku, Tel.)
Nâlik (Naluka, Tel.) Nâlikêngu
Netti (Tel.)
Tala (Tel.) Purre
Kai
Mosôru
Kevvu
Kandu
Kalu (Tel.)
Dokka
Muḍuslu
Kelu
Pungâri
Duddi
Goddeli
(Goddâli, Tel.) Bandi
Arri
35
Goggôḍingu Duvvungu Enagêngu
Chênu (Tel.)
Panţa (Tel.)
Nuyyinku Chilêagu
Nirudan (Nira- Nirudanku
du-last year Tel.) Endu
Nettingu
Talangu
Purrengu
Kaikku
Mosônku
Kevvuku
Kanku
Kalku
Dokkângu Muḍustlingu
Kelku Boṭṭumena
Mêdûlingu
Rôzku
Endku Nelangu
Lônku Kêtulingu Ukkângu
Akingu
Pungaku
Duddingu Goddelingu
Baningu Arrangu Chênku
Panţangu

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36
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY,
(FEBRUARY, 1879.
ENGLISH.
Koi.
Plural. Potkengu
Koi. Singular. Potke Vēku Vanusu Lonka
Bush Root Finger Low ground
Edki
Ş Bôru
Elevated ground Mitta (Tel.) Sleep Dust
Vanusku Lonkângu Bôrka Mittangu no plural.
ENGLISH.
Singular. Plural. Fever
Edkingu Flesh Avungu
no plural. Name Peddêru
Peddéku Mouth Pavaru
Panku Skin
Tölu (Tel.) Tólku Tail Tôka (Tel.)
Tókângu Tooth
Pallu (Tel.) Palku Bone Tsula
Tealângu Knife Kaseru
Kaseku Forehead Nudaru (Tel) Nuduringu
In February I bope to take a tour in the Bästar country, when my vocabularies can be enlarged and compared with the words used in the very heart of the tract inhabited by the Kois.
Food
Cup
Unzôru Dummaramu Döda Ginne (Tel.) Kussiri Pitta (Tel.) Kil Kalla (Tel.) Ollu (Tel.) Gunde (Tel.)
Vegetable Bird
Fish Stone Body Heart
Ginnengu Kussirangu Pittångu Kilêngu. Kalku Olku
Gane
CUSTOMS OF THE KOMTI CASTE.
BY MAJOR J. S. F. MACKENZIE, MAISUR COMMISSION. It is generally believed by other castes that figure of a cow is made of flour, and into its when a marriage takes place in the family of a stomach they put a mixture of turmeric, lime, Komti some member of this family is obliged and water, called wokale. This is evidently to go through the form of inviting the Madi- meant to represent blood. After the cow has gas of the place. If the Madiga s were to been worshipped in due form, it is cut up, and hear the invitation the Komti would certainly to each different family is secretly sent that be assaulted and treated roughly; for the portion of the cow which according to custom Madigas look on the invitation as an insult they are entitled to receive. For example, the and unlucky. In order to prevent the Mâdigas family called Komarla varu receive the hcaring the invitation, the Kom ti takes care horns, the Guntla the neck, &c. I need hardly to go to the back of a Madiga's house at say that the Komtis stoutly deny having any a time when he is not likely to be seen, and such customs, which they say they have, through whispers, into an iron vessel commonly used the ill-will of other castes, been credited with. for measuring out grain, an invitation in the I cannot discover the connection between two following words :-"In the house of the small such different castes as the Komtis and ones (ie. Komtis) a marriage is going to take Madigas, who belong to different divisions. place; the members of the big house (i.e. Madi- The Komtis belong to the 18 pana division, gas) are to come."
while the Madigas are members of the 9 pana. The light to kindle the fire used during the One reason has been suggested. The caste Komti's marriage ceremony must be obtained goddess of the Komtis is the virgin Karfrom a Madiga's house; but, since the nika Amma, who destroyed herself rather Madiga s object to giving it, some artifice has than marry a prince because he was of another to be used in getting this fire.
caste. She is usually represented by a vessel I also find that it is the custom to obtain the full of water, and before the marriage cerefire for barning Kå may - the Indian Cupid, -at monies are commenced she is brought in state the end of the Holi feast, from a Madiga's from her temple and placed in the seat of honour house. The Madigas do not object to giving in the house. the fire-in fact they are paid for it.
The Madiga s claim Karnikâ as their There is said to be another queer custom goddess; worship her under the name of M & haamong the Komtis, and one from which some tangiz, and object to the Komtis taking of the families deriye their distinguishing name. their goddess. After the marriage has been completed, the Bangalore, October 1878.

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FEBRUARY, 1879.]
A FOLKLORE PARALLEL.
A FOLKLORE PARALLEL.
BY PROFESSOR C. H. TAWNEY, M.A., CALCUTTA. In the story of the Widow's Son, a Norwegian few drops caused the horse to stand far out in tale, found in Thorpe's Yuletide Stories, the fol- the water; nevertheless he at last swam to the lowing incident occurs :-"A youth found him- shore. When the Trolls came to the water, they self in the house of a Troll, and entered a room lay down to drink it all up, and they gulped which he had expressly been forbidden to enter. and gulped it down till they burst. "Now we In it he found a horse, who warned him that are quit of them,' said the horse." if the Troll returned he would certainly kill A very similar incident occurs in the story of him. The horse then gives him the following Prince Sringa bhuja in the Katha Sarit directions :-Now lay the saddle on me, put Sagara, lambaka vii. taranga 39. The prince on the armour, and take the whip of thorn, the is to marry the daughter of a Rakshasa named stone, and the water-flask, and the pot with Agniśikha, on condition that he performs ointment, and then we will set out.'” The various tasks. All these he executes successyouth does so, and the story continues :
fully by the help of his intended, Rû.pa“When the youth had mounted the horse it śikha. At last the Rakshasa A gniśikha set off at a rapid rate. After some time the said to him, “Go hence to the south only two horse said, 'I think I hear a noise ; look round, yojanas' distance, and you will find an empty can you see anything ?' 'A great many are temple of Siva in a wood. In it lives my dear after us, certainly a score at least,' answered brother Dhûmaśikha. Go there now, and the youth. Ah ! that is the Troll,' answered say this in front of the temple :-Dhû mathe horse, he is coming with all his com- śikha, I am sent by Agniśikha to invite panions. They travelled for a long time, until you and your retinue; come quickly, for totheir pursuers were gaining on them. Throw morrow the ceremony of Rupaśikh â's marriage now the thorn whip over your shoulder,' said is to take place. Having said this, come back the horse, but throw it far away from me.' The here with speed, and to-morrow marry my youth did so, and at the same moment there danghter Rû pasikha.” When the treasprang up a large thick wood of briars.
cherous Rakshasa said this to sringa“The yonth now rode on a long way, while bhuja, he consented, and went and told the the Troll was obliged to go home for something whole to Rûpaśikha. The good girl gave him wherewith to hew a passage through the wood. some earth, some water, and some thorns and After some time the horse said, Look back, can some fire, and her own fleet horse, and said you see anything now?' 'Yes, a whole multitude to him, “ Mount this horse and go to the of people,' said the youth, like a church con- temple, and quickly repeat that invitation gregation. That is the Troll; now he has got to Dhû masikha, and then return on this more with him ; throw ont now the large stone, horse at full gallop, and you must often turn but throw it far from me.' When the youth your head and look round. And if you see had done what the horse desired, a large stone Dhû maśikha coming after you, you must mountain arose behind them. So the Troll was throw the earth behind you in his way. If, in obliged to go home after something with which spite of that, Dh umasikh a still pursues you, to bore through the mountain ; and while he you must in the same way fling the water behind was thus employed the youth rode a consider you in his path. If in spite of this he comes, you able way. But now the horse again bade him must in like manner throw these thorns behind look back; he then saw a multitude like a whole you in his way; and if in spite of that he still army; they were so bright that they glittered pursues, throw this fire in his way. And if you in the sun. 'Ah! that is the Troll with all his do this, you will return here without the Daitya : friends,' said the horse. Now throw the water- so do not hesitate, go; you shall to-day behold bottle behind you, but take care to spill nothing the power of my magic." When she said this to on me!' The youth did as he was directed, him, Sring a bhuja took the earth and the but, notwithstanding his caution, he happened other things, and said, " I will do so," and mountto spill a drop on the horse's loins. Immediately ing the horse went to the t.mple in the wood. there rose a vast lake, and the spilling of the There he saw that Siva had a figure of Parvati

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38
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
on his left, and of Gaṇeśa on his right, and after bowing before the lord of the universe he quickly addressed to D h û masikha the form of invitation told him by Agnisik ha, and fled from the place at full speed, urging on his horse. And he soon turned his head and looked round, and he beheld Dhûmasikha coming after him, and he quickly threw the earth behind him in his way, and the earth so flung immediately produced a great mountain. When he saw that the Rakshasa had, though with difficulty, climbed over the mcuntain and was coming on, the prince in the same way threw the water behind him. That became a great river in the Rakshasa's path with rolling waves; the Rakhshasa with difficulty got across it, and was coming on, when the prince quickly strewed those thorns behind him. They produced a dense thorny wood in his path. When the Rakshasa emerged from it, the prince threw the fire behind him, which set on fire the path, the herbs and the trees. When Dhimasikha saw that the fire was hard to cross like Khândava,' he returned home tired and terrified. For on that occasion the Rakshasa was so bewildered by the magic of R ûpasikha that he went and returned on his feet -he did not think of flying through the air."
While I am dealing with the story of R û pasikha and her lover Sringa bhuja, it seems worth while to mention a Scandinavian parallel to another incident in the same story.
One of the tests which the father of the Râkshasa set the young prince was to pile up in a heap some sesame seeds which he had already sown. Rupasikh â got this done for him in the following way. She created innumerable ants, and by her magic power made them gather together the sesame seeds. When Sring a bhuja saw that, he went and told the Rakshasa that the task had been accomplished.
Now in a Danish tale called "Svend's exploits," also found in Thorpe's Yuletide Stories, there is a very similar incident. Svend is in love with a princess whose father requires him to separate seven barrels of wheat and seven barrels of rye which had been mixed together in one heap. This was to be done in the course
A forest in Kurukshetra burnt by Agni, the god of fire, with the help of Arjuna and Krishna.
Professor DeGubernatis, in his Comparative Mythology, vol. II. p. 13, states that it is not an uncommon incident in Russian stories for the hero and heroine to receive from a good magician or fairy the gift of a comb, of such a nature that, when thrown on the ground, it makes
[FEBRUARY, 1879.
of one night. "Just as Svend was most sorrowful he heard a rustling in the heap of grain. The moon was shining in the granary, and by its light he saw that the wheat and rye were gently separating each into its own heap. Here were all the ants for whom he once crumbled his bread when he first set out on his wanderings, and which had promised that they would return his kindness when the time came. They had all now crept up into the granary, and each, taking a grain on his back, went from heap to heap. Some stood and loaded the others, while others received the grains. And thus they continued working all the night long, until in the morning the wheat lay in one heap, and the rye in another. When they had finished their task, the little ant-king placed himself on the top of the heap of wheat, and asked Svend in a small voice if he were content now.""
I may mention that I have seen a tale taken down from the lips of an Indian servant in which there was an incident much more nearly resembling the Danish version than that in the Katha Sarit Sagara. In this latter the ants work because they are compelled, not out of gratitude, as in the tale to which I refer.
To the classical scholar these stories recall the tale of Psyche in the Golden Ass of Apuleius. Venus gave her some wheat, barley, millet, poppy, vetches, lentils, and beans, and told her to sort them. Psyche sat bewildered in front of the promiscuous heap, when a tiny ant ran busily about and summoned all the ants in the neighbourhood, crying out to them, "Take pity, ye active children of the all-producing earth. Take pity, and make haste to help the wife of Love, a pretty damsel, who is now in a perilous situation." Immediately the six-footed people 'came running in whole waves, one upon "another, and with the greatest diligence separat"ed the whole heap, grain by grain." The resemblance between the second set of incidents may be accidental, being based upon the real or supposed habits of the ant, but the first parallel is of a far more striking character. It is impossible to doubt that here we have various forms of the same old-world fable.
66
an impenetrable forest arise, which stops the pursuer's progress.
3 This is substantially identical with an incident in the story of "the white snake," the seventeenth in Grimm's Kinder-und Hausmärchen. See also Professor De Gubernatis' Comparative Mythology, vol. II. p. 45, for the Tuscan version of the same incident."

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FEBRUARY, 1879.]
AN INSCRIPTION OF GOVANA III.
AN INSCRIPTION OF GOVANA III. OF THE NIKUMBHAVAMSA.
BY G. BÜHLER. A facsimile and analysis of the inscription four generations further than in Dr. Bhåll transcribed and translated below have been Daji's inscription. As our inscription is dated published in Messrs. Fleet and Burgess's Páli, Saka 1075, or 1153-54 A.D., and as IndreSanskrit, and Old Canarese Inscriptions, No. 283. râja, Govana's father, and sixth ruler of the To the details mentioned there it may be added dynasty, must have died shortly after that that the characters are ancient Devanagari, time, the commencement of the reign of the closely agreeing in form with those used in the first prince, Krishnaraja I., probably falls documents of the Yada vas of Devagiri. in the beginning of the eleventh century A.D. The only noteworthy peculiarity occurs in the The description of the seven chiefs is made up case of the initial in which in our inscription of the platitudes usually found in such prasasconsists of three dots joined by a horizontal line tis, and contains hardly any historical facts. and a slanting one, and of a curved line below. From the expression in v. 6, svámidevaguru
It must also be noted that lines 10-23 are bhaktih"(his) devotion to his master, to the gods, slightly mutilated on the left-hand side, and have and to his Gurus", which applies to Krishnalost one or two letters each. Most of these râja II., and from the epithet parivridhalaoune, as well as those in the middle of 11. 3, 17, dridhabhaktih, " strongly devoted to his suzeand 22, can be easily filled in conjecturally. rain," which occurs (v. 8) in the description of
As Mr. Fleet has already stated (loc. cit.), Indrar å ja, I, however, conclude that these the inscription belongs to a chieftain of Khân- two, at least, like their successors Sonhadades, named Govana, an ancestor of the ruler deva and Hem â dideva were feudatories, of 1600 villages, Sonha da deva, who, ac- either of the Yadavas of Devagiri, or of some cording to Dr. Bhââ Daji's Pâtņa inscription other dynasty which at that time held the of Saka samvat 1128,' made a grant of land and north-western Dekhan. money to the college established for the study The pedigree of the Nikumbhavansa of the astronomer Bhaskaracharya's works. stands, according to our and Dr. Bhall Daji's It records the consecration of a temple of Siva. | inscriptions, as follows: which had been begun by Indraraja, the
Nikumbhavanía. father of Govana, and had been finished 1. Kțishnaraja I. (about 1000 A.D.) after his death, as well as the grant of a village, called Devasa mga ma, made by
2. Govana I. Govana on that occasion.
3. Govindaraja. From the wording of v. 19, which states that Govana gave the village with the permission of his mother Sridevi, and from the 5. Krishnaraja II. fact that v. 11 contains a eulogy of that
6. Indraraja, md. Śridevi, of the Sagara princess, it may be inferred that Govana was
race, regent after his death. (Saks a minor at the time when the grant was made.
1075, 1153-4 A.D.] sridevi seems to have carried on the government of the province with the assistance
7. Govana III. of the Pradhana Changa deva, to whose praise vv. 13-15 are devoted.
| 8. Sonhadadeva. 9. Hem&dideva [Saka 1128, The genealogy of the family is carried back
1216-7 A.D.) Transcription. 377 44: Part 11
4. Govana II.
- आधारो धरणी सुधांशुतरणी हादप्रकाशप्रदावाकाशस्ववकाशदोया जगतः पा796: 969731 ATT Tycan-1.
1 Jour. R. As. Soc., N. 8., vol. I. p. 414, and Foot and Bargom, loc. cit. No. 284.
Ling 1, read
T4
:.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[FEBRUARY, 1879.
युरंतु हविषामाप्यायको दायको यन्मूर्यष्टकभावितं जगदिदं पायात्स वः शंकरः ।। * ॥ [२] अस्तु स्वस्ति समस्तभास्करमहावंशाय-2.
___ यवाभवभृच्छ्रेष्ठनिकुंभनामनृपतिर्यस्यान्वये विश्रुतः । [मांधाता रागरो भगीरथमुखाः किं वर्ण्यमस्मात्परं यत्र वातुमिदं जगज्ज-3
गदिनो रामोवतीर्णः स्वयं ॥ [२] वंशे तत्र निकुंभनामनृपतेः, श्रीकृष्णराजोभवद्विख्यातक्षितिपालमौक्तिकमणिश्रेण्यां श्रितः श्रेष्ठतां । जातस्तत्त-4
नयोवनेरवनतो यो गोवनः कीर्यते तत्पुत्रो नृपदर्पसर्पगरुडो गोविंदराजोजनि॥ [३] गोविंदादपि गोवनः पुनरभूपालचूडामणिः पुत्रस्तस्य निकुं-5
भवंशतिलकः श्रीकृष्णराजोभवत् । यत्सत्कीर्तिसुधां विधूतशिरसः साकूणिताक्षा रसादद्यापीह पिबंति कर्णपुटकैर्दिक्षु क्षितीक्ष्माभृतः [॥४॥]-8 -
पूर्व योवततार भारमवनेर्ह तुं सुरारातिजं श्रीवासो वसुदेवदेवकसुताहर्ये सुरम्ये हरिः । भूयो गोवनभूपभव्यभवने भूत्वाथ जिला रि-7
पुन्कृत्वा पालकमिंदराजमवनेः स्वर्ग जगाम स्वयं ॥[५] उत्कीर्णचंद्रफलकस्वगुणप्रशस्तेः किं वर्ण्यतेत्र भुवि कृष्णनृपस्य तस्य । किं-8 -
स्वामिदेवगुरुभक्तिरुदारकीतिरत्यंतसत्यमुत शौर्यमथार्यता वा ॥[६]| कृष्ण ब्रूहि यम बया यदनिशं दत्तं द्विजेभ्यो धनं गृहीष्व बमि-9.
दं] न देवकिमिति प्रत्तं कथं गृह्यते । क्रीडायामपि यत्तु दत्तमहरन्नाहं न मद्वंशजा इत्यार्यत्वसुतोषितो दिवि [चकारा] स्मै स तुंगं पदं ॥ * [७||] - 10 - [अ]हितविहित[घा]त: कृष्णराजात्प्रजातः प्रचुरसुकृतभाजः कीर्तिमानिंदराजः । परिवृढदृढभक्तिः संगरे
चियशक्तिः सुज-11
[न] कमलभानुर्दुष्टकक्षे कृशानुः ॥[८]। दोर्दर्पोदुरकधरारि ममहासामंतसीमंतिनीनेत्रप्रच्युतवारिपुरविलसद्वंसायते यद्यशः। नासीद-12
__ [नोत] भविष्यति क्षितिपतिर्दृष्टः श्रुतो वा क्वचित्त्यागे सत्यगुणे रणे सुचरणे यः श्रींद्रराजोपमः ॥[९]। शत्रुमित्रायते कल्पवृक्षायंते-13 - - च दुर्जनाः । राज्ये यस्पेंद्रराजस्य कलिः कृतयुगायते ।। [१०]। श्रीदेवी सगरान्वयातिदयिता यत्पराज्ञी सती या राज्ञी वनिताजनस्य नि-14 -
[धिना मौदार्यदीक्षागुरुः । किं कीर्तिः किमु सुंदरत्वमथ किं सौभाग्यभाग्योदयः किं दानं प्रतिपन्नपालनगुणस्तस्यास्तु किं वर्ण्यते ॥ [११]-15]
--कृष्णसमो रणेर्जुनसमस्त्यागे स नागार्जुनो देवब्राह्मणसाधुवृंदकुमुदाहादाय चंद्रोदयः । यत्सूनुर्ननु गोवनो रणपटुः- 18 -
Line 2, रंबु. Line 3, read सगरो. Line 8, कृत्वा indistinct in the facsimile. Line 9, read ब्रूहि ; possibly यम; read कृष्ण. Line 10, the visarga of is visible.
Line 12, read शायते; नासीद.
Line 14, the "*° in the beginning doubtful; laat syllable राज्ञी doubtful. _Line 16, rend ब्राह्मण

Page #55

YADAVA INSCRIPTION FROM PATNA SAKA 1075.
नमः शिवाय याने मनपादप्रकाश प्रकाशन व कारादोसा मत याक प्रदानको गारवा खरं द्विषामा प्यायको दाय को न येक नादितंज ठग दिये पाया सरीका सुख सिमसार महावंशाजा संग के छतिनामनृपतिस्थावदवियुतः नारा लगी मुखाः दिगोपनमा पाउ मिठा दिनानामतः॥ वशेन इतिकता नृपतेः श्री कृलयात वहिरंगात कि निपालमो कि कम गतिः। जात नवनवतोयोगीता गोविंद गोविंदा दपिलो वनः पुनुर पाल डामणिः पुत्रस्पतिक नवंश निलकी कलर कोतवादास की निशु विभूतयः साकरिता रसादया पीह पिबति पुटाके दिॐ दिनो आत वनयावनतारमा पावन हा गति श्रीदास वसुदेवदेवक सुतार हार गया जिवाि पूचा पालक मिं गजमदानः स्वगैर्जगाम ।। उक्की एवं फलकस्व गुणासः विपत सा स्टमिदेवादा कीर्तियत्यंत सत्य मुनशी मार्य नाग | कृष लिया महादनिश डिझेल व गृह्णी निदेव किमिति प्रकर्ष हाने । की डासामपि दन्नमस्ता हनमहत्या व मुताषिते दिवे लाव ॥ हितविहितत: दुरसुतः कीर्तिचंद्र राज परिवहन निःसगड वितारः हमल नानुकले कृशानु || दर्द हु के मंत्री नेता विससायते यद्यशः। नासीर प्रविष्यतितितिनिर्ह प्रोवाक्कासामु श्री रापमः। (शकर्म नायकत्व काय अदापक लिहत युगायते ।।। श्रीदेवी राठी हिरानी सतीजा राज्ञा निताजनसा नि गोरा टीका गुवादिकीर्भिः किमु सुंदर मच किसी लापता किंदा नै प्रतिपन्नपालन गुस्पा किं वरणीते ॥ कृषम मारो दुस्सा नवाह्म (लसा खुद कुमुदा काटायचं डोसास सर्न नुविनापदः स्याम र प्राविद्विपकुं नयी ब्लु नपा के उकंठी रदः।। टीवी नृपनीभिर्विततलखलखलता कंदकः तारारोहिन विद्वान् ततचतुः श्रीवं गदे हंजोय नवा पागा काता. होता ।। इष्टः सुतस्पर्द्ध मे वृद्विः सकलाई सिहि नितिन सर्व तिलाः श्रीमंगटे वेसनित्तम। वाचस मुशनान वेज किंवा नितिर्नृपतिराना मार्विनाम हिम मुह नादवतीले अत्र त्रिसुनाउनु र नगदे ।। वर्ष 100 विकेम (कपाल कालो मुखसरे ॥ म साना सारसंसार गति फलमा पुष पंत मदनदहन मायामा समान मानून विता विन दयावे किंचिदन जल्लो लेलो लगत है। तत्र लिनीदलले मात्र सन विदयाता॥ ॥व नामानं या देशी देवानुमतेपात्पतिष्य मकरायदा ॥॥॥
W.GRIGGS PHOTO-LITH, PECKHAM,
ORIGINAL INCHES..

Page #56


Page #57

FEBRUARY, 1879.]
AN INSCRIPTION OF GOVANA III.
तलसलक्ष्मीलता कंदकः
[ख]स्तु यस्यासकृदृमारिद्विपकुंभपीठलुठनप्रोत्कंठकंठीरवः ।। [१२] | यन्मंत्री नृपनीतिवित्त
--17
-रा सुभासुररणे निर्व्याज द्विजः । विद्वान्सज्जनरंजनोविचतुरः श्रीचंगदेवादयो येन सीपवेिंद्रराजचरणाक्रांता कृता:- 18
[a]नः ।। [१३] | राष्ट्रस्य पुष्टिः सुजनस्य तुष्टिर्मस्प वृद्धिः सकलार्थसिद्धिः । नंदेति संतः प्रसरति लक्ष्म्यः श्रीचंगदेवे सति सत्प्रधाने । [२४] वाचस्प- 19[व] किमुशना नरवेषप [ [] किंवा निधिर्नृपतिराद्यानि पद्मनामा चितामणिर्नु सुकृतादवतीर्ण इयं तर्कयति सुजनाः प्रचुरप्रभावं ।। [१५] । वर्षा- 20
[] पंचमया सहस्रे स्पनि गते । १०७५ | शकभूपालकालस्य तथा श्रीमुखवत्सरे ।। [१६] अतिसुरसमसारासारसंसार तुंगक्षिति-श
41
[ - ] फलमातुं पुण्यरूपं तदेदं । मदनदहनहर्म्य कारयाम[स] [स] गुणगणनिधानर्थीद्वराजाभिधानः ।। [१७] हे भूपा भुवि भाविनोज [[]पुढं ववेंद्ररातो भृशं याचे किंचिदहं नृजीवितमरे कलाललोलं यतः । राज्यं समालिनीदलांबुतरले तस्मात्सधर्मे धुवं सत्यं न सज-10
Translation. Om. Adoration to Śiva!
1. May that Samkara protect you, whose eight forms'—the supporting earth, sun and moon, the givers of joy and light, ether which produces space, fire that gives ripeness on earth, wind (which in the body acts as) vital air, water, (the principle of) life, and the giver (and) increaser of sacrificial oblations-have created this world.
[व] [स्वदनमपरैर्दतं च तत्याम्यतां ।। [१८] | देवसंगमनामानं ग्रामं देवाय गोवन श्रीदेव्यनुमते प्रादात्प्रतिष्ठामकरोदद्यदा ।। [१९] |
2. Hail to the entire great Solar race, from which king Nikumbha, best of princes, sprang, in whose line Mândhâtâ was famous, as well as Sagara, Bhagiratha, and others. What greater theme can I choose for my song (than these descendants of the Sun), among whom the Lord of the world himself became incarnate as R â 11 a, to save the world?
-
3. In that race of king Nikumbh a the illustrious Krishnaraja was born, who
Line 17, read 'हुप्ता'; — वित्तविलस.
Line 18, read रंजनेति'.
Line 20, TE: doubtful. In the facsimile T is distinct, and a sign like 2 stands ander the line read इथं.
Line 21, road साधिके...
Line 23, read बर्जे.
reached preeminence in the pearl-garland of famed kings. To him was born a son, who is celebrated (under the name) Govana, on account of his protecting (avana) the earth (go). His son was Govindar àja, a Garuda (in rending) that serpent, the pride of (hostile) kings.
4. From Govind a again sprang Govana, best of rulers. His son was the illustrious Krishna râj &, the chief ornament of Nikumbha's race. In every region of the earth kings drink even to-day with their ears the nectar of his fame, nodding their heads and closing their eyes (with ecstasy) on account of its flavour.
5. Hari, who formerly descended, to remove the load of the earth, the son of the enemy of the gods, in the lovely palace of Vasudeva and of Devaka's daughter, a dwelling of Fortune, was born again in the beautiful mansion of king
For the eight martis or forms of Siva compare st. kuntala I. 1. The epithet 'that gives ripeness, pakapradak, is intended to convey more than one meaning. It indicates, I think, that fire causes all the fruits of the earth to ripen, is the principle of digestion, and finally will consume the world. Regarding the form of Siva named last see Böhtlingk, note on sak. I. 1.

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42
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(FEBRYARY, 1879.
Govana, conquered the foes, made Indrâ râja a Nagarjuna in liberality, whose prosperity protector of the earth, and returned to heaven. gladdens the crowds of gods, Brahmans, and
6. Why shall I praise this king Krishna saints, just as the moon makes the night-lotuses here on earth, as the eulogy of his virtues is rejoice, and whose sword, experienced in battle, engraved on the tablet of the moon-disc ? (Shall (resembles) a lion who again and again eagerly I speal of) his devotion to his lord paramount, desires to roll on the broad frontal globes of to the gods and his gurus, of his high fame, the elephants of his proud enemies. of his exceeding truthfulness, or of his bravery 13. His minister, a root of the creeper or his nobleness ?
Fortune that delights in (his) wealth, the science 7. “O Yama, say to Krishna, Take thou of government ........, a true hero in this wealth (for thyself) which thou daily didst very dreadful battles, a learned Brahman, exgive to Brahmans!' 'No, O lord'! Why?' ceedingly skilful in pleasing good men, is the * How can I take what (once) has been given ? illustrious Changadeva, who, by his wisdom, Neither I nor my kinsmen (ever) took that prostrated (all) enemies at Indraraja's feet. which in jest even had been given.'" Exceed- 14. The kingdom prospers, good men are ingly rejoicing at this honourable feeling, he as- pleased, spiritual merit grows, all aims are atsigned to him a high place in heaven.
tained, the saints rejoice, prosperity grows, 8. From Krishnaraja, endowed with while the illustrious Chang adeva is the great spiritual merit, was born famous Indra- good minister. råja, who slew his enemies, who was firmly 15. Regarding him who possesses great devoted to his suzerain, who possessed un- power good men put these questions : "Is he thinkable strength in battle, and who (glad- Vachaspati or Uśanas wearing the garb of man, dened) good men as the sun (causes) the lotuses
or is he the treasure called Padma (dwelling) (to open), and (destroyed) the wicked ones as in the king's hall, or is he the philosopher's the wild-fire (burns) a forest.
stone descended in consequence of his master's) 9. His fame resembles a reed that sportively merit? sways in the streams of tears breaking from 16. When one thousand years of the Saka the eyes of the wives of very great chieftains, king had passed and seventy-five besides, and his foes, who, (confident of the strength of their the year of the cycle of Jupiter was) Srimukha, arms, carried their heads high. Nowhere has 17. Then that store of all virtues, the a king been seen or heard of, nor will one ever illustrious Indra råja, ordered to be built appear, who can be compared to illustrious this lofty temple of the Destroyer of Cupid, in Indrarâja for liberality, truthfulness, for order to gain spiritual merit, the exceedingly (bravery in battle, or virtuous conduct.
sweet reward for gifts of land, which is superior 10. In Indrarå ja's kingdom foes be- to the utterly worthless (happiness of the) come friends, misers fulfil wishes like the Tree world. of Paradise; the Iron age resembles the Golden 18. O ye kings who will rule on earth, I, age.
Indrarâ j a, address to you, with folded hands, 11. Faithful sridevi, sprung from Sagara's a fervent prayer :-"As the life of man is race, is his crowned consort, who, peerless transient like a wave, as royalty is unstable like among women, teaches (the king's) treasures a a water-drop on a lotus-leaf, therefore do not lesson in liberality. Shall I sing of her fame, forsake your duty, firmly to keep faith, and or of her beauty, or of her great good fortune, protect what you, what others gave." or of her liberality, or of her virtue in keeping 19. With the permission of Sridevi her promises ?
Govana gave to the god the village called 12. Her son, forsooth, is Govana, equal | Deva sa mga ma, (on the day) when he celeto Krishna in ..., equal to Arjuna in battle, brated the consecration (of the temple).
I do not feel certain that I have rightly understood this verse. But it seems to me that it contains an imakinary conversation between Krishnaraja and Yama, which is intended to place the satya of the former in a better light. When Krishna appears before Yama, the god, in order to try him, exhorta bim to resume the grants made
to Brahmane by appropriating the punya or spiritual merit, into which they had been converted. The king refuses to
do this, it is against his duty to take back gifta; and | Yami, pleased by this aryatua, or honourable disposition,
sllota to him a high place in heaven.

Page #59

FEBRUARY, 1879.]
SANSKRIT AND OLD CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
SANSKRIT AND OLD CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
BY J. F. FLEET, Bo. C.S., M.R.A.S.
(Continued from vol. VII. p. 308.) No. LII.
1 In the word vinsati, 1. 10, the orthography is The sixth set of the Nerûr copper-plates, peculiar, in the employment of the guttural spoken of at p. 161 above, is described by nasal, n, instead of the Anusvára. With this General Jacob as having "two leaves, almost instance, we have to compare, sagôtránán= eaten away; the middle one wanting. The few Hárill, 1. 1 of the Badami Cave-inscription, words decipherable convey no meaning." Vol. VI., p. 363;-Jayasinha, 1. 3 of the Aihole
The plates are very thin through corrosion, stone-tablet, Vol. V., p. 67;-vanía, II. 14 and 22 the second one being almost broken in half; and of No. LIII. below ;-trinsan, 1. 3 of No. XXI. the end part of each plate has been entirely of this Series, Vol. VI., p. 24;-Sinha, 1. 8 of broken off and lost. The remnant of the first No. XXV., Vol. VI., p. 39;--and vanéa, 1. 3, plate measures 61 by 21%''; and the remnant of vinsatimai, 1. 18, and tri(tri) nisani, 1. 19, of a the second plate, 7}" by 2". The edges of the (?) Chalukya grant at Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. plates are not raised into rims. The ring con- Soc., Vol. X., p. 348. necting them is uncut; it is about " thick and I find this to be another grant of the Western 21 in diameter. The seal on it, circular, and Chalu k y a king Pulik és i II., who is here about 1" in diameter, has the representation of a called Satyaśraya and Polek ési-Valboar, facing to the proper left, in relief on a labha. The genealogy commences in l. 4, the countergunk surface. The context appears to first name mentioned, somewhere in the brokenme to run on from the first to the second plate, off parts, being probably that of Pulikasi I.; and so to indicate that there never was any there is no space for the mention of any name middle plate at all. There are no traces of antecedent to his. His son, Kirttivarma I., writing on the outer side of either plate. is here called Kirttiraja. His son, Satya
The characters are neatly formed, of the same éra y a-Polek ési-Vallabha, is the donor. standard as those of the grant of Mangala, In 1. 3 he is called simply Vallabh a'; for, No. XL. of this series. The distinguishing forms in accordance with what was occasionally the of ta and na are that the former is almost invari- custom in early inscriptions and became the ably written in this grant with a loop, and the almost invariable custom in later times, the latter without a loop. In Polekési(si), 1.8, and kálé, name given there is that of the reigning monarch 1. 9, the voweld is attached to the la in rather an at the time of the grant, specified by name unusual way, and in a similar way to that in which before the introduction of his genealogy. The it is attached to other consonants; it is usually name of the village bestowed, at the end of 1. 8, made by a continuation of the upward stroke of is partly broken away; it might perhaps be the la, brought round in a loop to the left so as completed by local inquiry and identification. to join the la again at the point at which it starts The grant is not dated. Vâtâpi, or Bâdami, from it, and it is hardly to be distinguished from though far away from Nerur, seems to be spoken the vowel i as attached to the same letter of in the last line.
Transcription.
First plate. ['] Svasti | Sr[i] [119] Jayati vimala-damshtrå-rajitam lôka-bharttuh || prasamita
ripu-.......--[su]lr-frøh a vani-tala-vighA()t-Abhinna-Pâtâla-mulam l sva-bhuja-...........[°] darddhvam=ûrvvi(rvvi)n=dadhanam 1 Tad=anu jayati nityam Vallabhasy=&pi
bâhu[r]-* .............. [ ] harshsha-vichchhôda-hêtuḥ dvija-vara-krita-sântiḥ sarvva-lokasya pâlah
Anê.............Seven letters are broken away here; the last must be su. Eight letters are broken away here. . In the original, this mark of punctuation is wrongly
• This verse is one of only three padas. placed between the re and the h.
• About nine letters are broken away here. The read. Five letters are broken away here.
ing probably was Antka-raja-pardjay-Opárjjita.

Page #60

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[FEBRUARY, 1879.
[] kirttinâm dêva-dvija-(guru].........................(Hâ]riti-putrâņām
Mânavya-sa[gôtråņân)............
Second plate. [] ....sham bahu-(s]u[varn]n[a]“... ... ... .dakshiņ.0pôta-gu(?)"......... ['] Ga[n]g-avabhțitha-snin-odaka-pavitrikri[ta-sa]rirah DI*] Tasya putrah Sri-Kirtti
râjaḥ [*] [Tasy=âtmajaḥ Sri-Sa"][] tyásrayah Polekesi(si)-Vallabha-mahârâjah Kuva!(?)la(?) hasu".............. [") mahi-danam viprebhyah dattavan || Tadâ kâle idam-api sâsanan Varchcha(P)
sagðtra- ........ . [*] r-acharyyasya pañcha-vinsa 'ti-nivarttanâm(nam) raja-manêna kshetram dattar 01*]
Tatra pa......... ["] "...... VA(P)t()pi-grâmê............... maha-patha--...,.... Translation.
His son, Śr-Satyasraya, the Great Hail! (May there be) good fortune! Vic-King Polek ési-Vallabha, gave to the torious is the form, which was that of a boar,] Brahmaņs a great gift, [the village named] of the lord of the world, who allayed...... (Kuvalâla hasu........ At that ... the hostile ............ enemies same time, also, this charter was given). of the gods, - which was adorned by spotless A field, (of the measure of) twenty-five nivartusks; which had the unbroken foundations of tanas by the royal measure, was given to.... hell ........... the surface of the earth; .. racharya of the (?) Varcha gôtra. which ................. by its own There ................... at the arms; and which lifted up the world on high! village of (?) Vâtapi.............
After that, victorious for ever is also the arm ...... the high-road........ of Vallabha, -which is the cause of the
No. LIII. interruption of the joy ............. | General Jacob's paper on the Nerûr plates is ......, and which effects the tranquillity supplemented, at Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc., Vol. of the best of the twice-born, and which is the III., Part II, p. 211, by a transcription, translaprotector of all mankind !
tion, and hand-copy, of a copper-plate grant In the lineage of the Chalu k yas),-who from Kochre or Kôchrêm. This place is someare possessed of fame (acquired by defeating] where in the VeigarỊA Peta of the Ratnagiri many [kings] : [who meditate on the feet of] the District; but I cannot find it on the map. The gods and the twice-born and spiritual preceptors; ancient spelling of the name was 'Kochchu. who are the descendants of Hariti; who are of raka', as shown by the grant itself. Nerur the lineage of Måna vya;[who sacrifice).... is in Long. 73° 42' E., and Lat. 16°1 N. The ..............; and who ....... ancient name is given in just the same form in
.......... which cost much gold another of the grants to be published hereafter; ............... endowed with dona- there is nothing to indicate whether the vowel tions ............,-(there was).... of the first syllable is long or short, but it has ........, whose body was purified by the appearance and sound of a Dravidian word, the water of the river) Gang â which was with the short vowel e. used for his purificatory bathing. His son was The plates, which have been obtained through Śrf-Kirttirkja.
the Political Superintendent of S&wantwadi About nine letters are broken away here. There can 13 About six letters are broken away here. Part of the be no doubt that the last was hd, and that the first two first is visible, and the consonant must be ch, d, d, P, ph, were guru; in fact, the tops of the 9 and rare visible. m, sh, or h. The remaining syllables were possibly ndma. The remaining syllables were probably pad-Andhyatanan. dhéya-gramari.
• About nine letters are broken away here. There can Six or seven letters are broken away here. be no doubt that the first three were g6trand, and part
* See para. 4 of the introductory remarks. of the g is visible. Four or five letters are broken away here. The last
16 One letter is illegible here, and about six others are
broken away. two were probably yaju of yajushani.
11 One letter is broken away here, and one is illegible. 10 Three or four letters are broken away here. 11 About twelve letters are broken away here.
16 About twenty letters are broken away here. 1 About six letters are broken away. There can be.no • About six letters are broken away here. doubt that they were as proposed by me, or to the same 10 There is evidently a panning allusion here to the coneffect.
I guest of Harshs or Harshvardhana.

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WESTERN CHALUKYA GRANT OF PULIKESI II.
SHREE
MAM: శర్మ నే కదా
3
J పరంధ డిసెశ్రీ): 277
సాగిస్తున్నది రాజా నన్ను ఒంటి
WGrigga Phototrickham Loween

Page #62


Page #63

FEBRUARY, 1879.)
SANSKRIT AND OLD CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
45
for me to reëdit the inscription from them, tya. No date is given, beyond the twelfth day belong to Wasudeva Ramkrishna Tengsê of of the bright fortnight of Vaisakha. Kôchre. They are three in number, each In my remarks on No. XLI., I hazarded the about 7" long by 31" broad. The edges of the conjecture, equally applicable here, that the wordplates are not raised into rims. The ring con- ing of the grant indicated that Vijay a bhatnecting them is uncut; it is about thick, tarik & continued to reign after her husband's and 3" in diameter. The seal on it is circular, decease, probably as regent during the childabout 1% in diameter; it has, raised in relief hood of a son, whose subsequent death led to on a countersunk surface,-at the top, the the accession of Vikramaditya I. I did not sun and moon; in the middle, the words Sri- know then of the seal of the present grant, which Chandráditya; and at the bottom, a lotus. fully justifies my conjecture. If Chandra
Except that the letter tha is not so clearly dit ya had been still alive at the time of these formed with a loop on the bottom stroke, and two grants, he would hardly have been described except in the form of the na, the characters are merely as the elder brother of Vikram - the same as those of No. XLI. of this series at ditya I. And, on the other hand, if Vikravol. VII. p. 163. They are early Western Chalu-maditya I. was on the throne at the time of kya characters, but somewhat influenced by these two grants, then his name, and not that the northern forms; this is observable in,-1, of Chandråditya, would certainly have the vowel X, which, -whether by itself, or as been engraved on the seal of the present part of ai or 0,- is usually written above the grant. linc;—2, the vowel ai, which is expressed by The name of Vijayama hade vi is followtwo strokes above the line ;-3, the triangular ed, in 1. 18, by rather a curious word, for which shape of the va ;-and 4, the form of the na, I cannot offer any very satisfactory explanation. which is exactly the same as, for instance, in the It is evidently a Dravidian word, and may be Valabh i grant of Dhruvasê na II., at perhaps some title, or the household-name, of Vol. VI., p. 12. Except in the form of the na, Vijay a ma ha dê vi. I can find no word the characters are also the same as those of in the Dictionaries approaching to pôdhi or another (?) Chaluky a copper-plate grant pothi. But, as regards the first two syllables, from the Konkan, at Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc., we have in Canarese, boddi, the name of a Vol. X., p. 348. Contrary to the practice of certain shrub'; and boddi, 'a harlot', which the preceding grant, No. LII., and of No. occurs, in the form poddi, in the names GôXL.,-the ta is written without, and the nayinda pod di', and 'Badipod di' or with, a loop.
Bå lipodai', in the First Archæological It is a Western Chaluky a grant. The Report, Pl. XLIII., No. 25, 11. 4-5. And I have genealogy commences with Pulak & si-Val- an Old Canarese inscription, from a pillar in the la b h a, or Pulike si I., and reaches down porch of the temple of the god Ma hâk û tê sto Chandråditya, the son of Satya-vara at Badâmi, which records a grant by & śraya, or Pulik esi II., and the elder súle, or "harlot', named Vin & poti, who was brother of Vikramaditya I. In No. XLI. the daughter of Kuchipoti and the grandof this series, this king's name reads at first sight daughter of Rě vamañcha!, and was the as 'Indraditya'; but I gave reasons there prána-vallabhe, or heart's darling', of the for correcting it into Chandrådity a', and Western Chaluky a king Vija y adityathe reading is undoubtedly Chandra ditya' | Satyasraya. But Vijay a ma ha de vi in the present grant, both in l. 15, and on the is called mahishi, the queen-consort, the first seal.
or properly consecrated wife of the king', in As in the case of No. XLI., the grant is made both of her grants; and it is hardly possible by Vijay a ma ha d è vi, or Vijayabhat-that a queen-consort should be selected from tarik , the queen-consort of Chandra di-the harlot class.
Transcription.
First plate. ['] Svasti Srimatâm
sakala-bhavana-samstůyamåna-Månavya['] sagôtråņam Hâritî-putrânâm
sapta-loka-matri(tri)bhis=sapta

Page #64

46
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[FEBRUARY, 1879.
[] matri(tri)bhir=abhivarddhitanam
Kârttikêya-parirakshana-prapta-kalya[ ] ņa-paramparânâm
bhagavan-Narayana-prasada-samas&[] dita-varaha-lañchhan-êkshana kshana-vasikrit-aśêsha-mahibhritán [°] Chalukyânâm
kulam-alankarishnôr=asvamêdh-avabhritha-snâna-pavitri[') k[r]i(kri)ta-gâtrasya
Sri-Pulakési-Vallabha-maha[raja-"
Second plate ; first side. [] sya prapeutrah
paråkram-akranta-Vanavasy-adi-para-nrun
paråkram-akrânta-Vanavâsy-di-para-nții(nri)pati-manda[°] la-praņibaddha-visuddha-kirtti-Śri-Kirttivarmma-pri(pri)thivivallabha-maha[no] râjasya
pantras=samara-samsakta-sakal-ottarâ path-eśvara-Sri-Harshsha[") varddhana-parajay-Opalabdha-paramosvar-Apara-námadhe. ["] yasya
Satyasraya-sri-pri(pri)thivivallabha-maharaj-adhiraja[") paramêśvarasya priya-tanaya(y) raņa-sirasi ripu-narendrân=[a]i
Second ptate ; second side. [*] si disi jitvå sva-vansa-" jam lakshmim prâpya cha paramêśvaratâm=a["] nivârita-Vikramadityas-tasya jyêghthô bhrâtâ Sri-Chandraditya[") pri(pri)thivivallabha-mahârâj-adhirajas-tasya
pra(pri)ya-mahi["] shi Kali-kala-pratipaksha-bhûtâ
Sri-Vijayamaha(ha)de["] vi boddi(? ddi)podhi(? thi) sarvvân=&jāâpâyati [1] . Viditam=astu v8 Vaisakha[] sukla-dvâdaśyam spavasa (Pa)sya Vatsa-ssa (sa)gôtrảya Kékha["]".... va?)gôla-svâmine -
Kochchuraka-grame
VakulakaThird ptate. ["] chha(chchha)-kshetra-nâma-khajjana-samhitam udaka-purvvan=dattam" apara-pů. [] rvvênô(rvvatah) sêtuna niväryyatê (I*] Yô=smad-vansa-jô=nyô v=ånupala[] yati sa punya-bhag=bhavati y as-ch=&paharttâ sa pañcha-mahậpå[] taka-sa (sam)yuktô bhavati [lo] Shashtim varsha-sahasråņi svarggê [19] môdati bhůmi-da(dah) achchhêttâ ch=anumanta cha tany=éva naraka(kê) va[") se[t] (II) Sva-dattam para-dattâttâm) và yê harêta Vasundharam shashti-varsha["") sahasråņi vishthâyâr jậyatê kri(kri)mi(mih) || Pagðlihikbandikâdró(?)sa(?) [ll-1 Translation.
the supreme lord, Satyasraya, who was Hail! The great-grandson of the Great possessed of the second name of 'Supreme King Śr 1-Pula ke si-Vallabha, whose Lord' (&c., as in No, XLI.) ;-(was) Vikrabody was purified by ablutions performed after maditya, the unrepulsed, who, having celebrating horse-sacrifices, and who adorned the conquered the hostile kings in country after family of the Chalukyas, who are glorious, country in the van of war, and having acquired and who are of the lineage of Mâna vya the (regal) fortunes of his family, (attained)" which is praised over the whole world, and the position of a supreme lord. who are the descendants of Hârîtî, and who His elder brother (was) rl-Chandra have been preserved (&c., as in No. XLI.) ;- ditya, the favourite of the world, the Great the grandson of the Great King Sri-Kirtti. King, the supreme king. varma, the favourite of the world, whose His dear queen, Sri-Vijayama hadê vi, pure fame (&c., as in No. XLI.):--the dear son ..............", who was opposed of the favourite of the world, the Great King, to (the vices of the Kali age, commands all
* These four letters are very faint, the rá being almost entirely effaced, and they are spaced out so wide as to oocupy nearly a third of the whole line in the original.
* See para. 4 of the introductory remarks to No. LII.
* One letter is barely discernible herb, and is altogether uncertain
# The finalm is very faint. It must have been much
more distinct when the plates were examined by General Jacob's Pandit; for it is shown in the hand-copy annexed to his paper.
95 In the original text there is no verb to complete this sentence and to govern puramesuaratam. We have to supply prapa, from prdpya.
18 Boddi ? adip&dni (the), 1.18; meaning unknown. See the introductory remarks. General Jacob's Pandit offers no explanation of this word.

Page #65

1.
|} a
ស
n.
១តម វត្តសសចចាំសកល 26 275 បូសិន ជា ម លោក ជីវ មានកកាត់ក្នុងកាមាយណ បុរីជីបសកជន៍ការង ទុមណាម ឬអាចនឹងមឬទ មាន គោលន Aងចាកងបាត
ភ័យJQ8
(បវាម44 ចារ្យជួយ បន្ទ សមកទ័ពនគូបនិងសង្គមមបដិបទកម្ពុជា មយកអស់ស សតបឹងអ្វីហឬ រូបរៀមវាយសដបខគួយន
ឬសត្វពីបង់ 3g¥EPEE បទគួសបបផុយណនុស
WESTERN CHALUKYA GRANT OF VIJAYAMAHADEVI.
ند
W.GRIGGS PHOTO-LITH, PRCKHAM.

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WESTERN CHALUKYA GRANT OF VIJAYAMAHADEVI.
ਸਾਰਣੁ ਨ ਬ , ਸੁਨਿ ਸਾਨੂੰ ਉਸ ਦਾ ਨਾਂਧੀ
ਨੂੰ ਮੁੱਖ ਰਾਜ ਖਰ) ਨ ਨ + ਡੇ ਨਾ ਪਰਾਈ ਹਮ ਲਾਧੋ ਝੂਲਾ ॥ ਸੋ

Page #67

FEBRUARY, 1879.]
MISCELLANEA.
people :-"Be it known to you! On the twelfth day of the bright fortnight of the month) Vais â kha, at the time of a fast ..........", the aggregate of khajjanas's named Vakulakachchha-kshetra", at the village of Kochchuraka, has been given, with libations of water, to (?) Kék ha... va g ôlas vâ mi of the Vatsa gôtra. On the west and the east it is protected by an embankment. He, who preserves this, whether of Our lineage, or another, enjoys (the
reward of) religious merit; he, who confiscates it, incurs the guilt of the five great sins."
The giver of land dwells happily in heaven for the duration of sixty thousand years; the confiscator (of a grant of land), or one who connives (at such confiscation), shall dwell for the same number of years in hell! He is born as a worm in ordure for the duration of sixty thousand years, who confiscates land that has been given, whether by himself, or by another!
MISCELLANEA. SOME REMARKS ON DR. POPE'S NOTES with Sk. bhaj, bhaga (p. 459; conf. 473,494); pôgu
ON THE SOUTH INDIAN OR DRÅVIDIAN with Baw and vddo (p. 487); pala with Sk. pulu, FAMILY OF LANGUAGES." (Ind. Ant. vol. puru (p. 472), phal (p. 494), and pars, portio, plus, V. pp. 157, 158.)
modú, Gothic and Old German filu (p. 484; p. 485 BY THE REV. F. KITTEL.
also piri with Sk. phal, Trópw, portio, pars, and p. 486 Dr. Caldwell in p. 452 (conf. Preface, p. vii.) also adjective pěr u with Sk.pulu, puru; barh, varh); of the second edition of his Grammar (of A.D. 1875) pd with Sk. phulla (p. 474); poru(the porru of Dr. states as the result of his valuable researches Pope) with Sk, bhri, pépw, firo, Gothic bairam, odr, "that the Dravidian idioms exhibit traces of an béram, Old High German béran, pêrax, Old English ancient, deep-seated connection with Præ-Sang- bearn,' a child' (pp. 473, 486); and pěru (Dr. Pope's crit, the assumed archaic mother-tongue of the perrw).with părio, frut (p. 486). Nos. 3, 5, 6, and 12 in Indo-European family, whilst at the same time Dr. Pope's list he has associated also with Skythian the traces they exhibit of relationship to the and partly Semitic terms, so that for this reason languages of the Scythian group, especially the they are somewhat out of place in the “ Notes." Ugrian tongues, are, on the whole, closer, more Dr. Pope's words that I have not observed in distinctive, and more essential" ;-whereas Dr. the lists from Dr. Caldwell's Grammar are five in Pope's contention, in his "Notes" (p. 158), 18 number, viz. pullu (or pril), pul, pethai " that the doctrine that the place of the Dravidian (or pédas), pallam, and pula i. dialects is rather with the Aryan than with the Is it a fact that the nine words of Dr. Caldwell, Turânian family of languages is still capable of and others introduced by him with the same defence." My intention is not to write in favour view, are ultimately related to the terms of the of either of the opinions, but to recommend the Indo-European family, with which he has comuse of additional and at the same time plain and pared them P He rightly cautions his readers convincing arguments. Let me add that a quite against such a supposition (p. 509), and himself astonishing number of Dravida roots (or stems) argues cautiously. It is worth while to examine the and nouns has been incorporated into Sanskrit- said nine words and the rest in Dr. Pope's list, and circumstance which, to my knowledge, only too to see whether their relation to the Indo-European little notice has hitherto been taken of. Such roots languages is real or not, or at least doubtful. generally terminate in a cerebral .
1. Påd, 'to sing', is not connected with SansOf the fourteen words adduced by Dr. Pope to krit vad, but, as Dr. Caldwell has stated, with Sk. point out the relationship of the so-called Dra- path, 'to recite' (in a singing way), Path does vida languages to those of the Arya group, not appear to be Vedic; it seems to be another nine have already been used by Dr. Caldwell for form of Sanskrit pat, bhat, 'to speak (bhashd). the very same purpose. In his Grammar Dr. The three roots are apparently borrowed from Caldwell compares på with Sanskrit path (p. Dravida, wherein, e.g., pad (pat), pag, pay, pan, pal, 472); palli. with Sk. palli (p. 459) and Tods bag, val, val, mean'to sound, to speak, to sing.' I (p. 485); pěn with femina (p: 486); pagai may remark that the change of constants in this » Asya, or asya, 1. 19; meaning not apparent.
** 8c. the field of the marshy ground where there are » General Jacob's Pandit translates khajjana by 'salt! akula-trees. marsh.' The only approach I can find to it is, in the 30 The final nine letters are quite unintelligible. Per Compendium of Molesworth's Marathi-English Dic. hape they contain the name of the engraver, or the protionary, khajan, culturable land, lying along the const mulgator, of the grant. or along inlets, and liable to be overflowed by the tide.'

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48
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[FEBRUARY, 1879.
Dravida line offers no difficulty whatever. Dravida Bopp, for the sake of comparison, thought of a od, 'to read, to recite,' as to form could be derived Sk. root with final iy, viz. of Vedic Vpiy, 'confrom Sansksit vad or vach, but there is no necessity vitiari', 'to abuse', 'to scoff. Vedic piydru, for doing so.
plyaka, piyatnu, piyu, mean'a scoffer. Ply curi2. Palli, the palli of Sk. dictionaries, is & ously reminds one of Dravida pey,' a demon', conf. Dravida term of Vpad, pay, pav, pal, 'to lie Sk. phi, 'a rascal.' Prof. Benfey ccnfers pējór down', 'to settle', 'to go down' (conf. No. 13). (referred by Prof. Bopp to ply) with pápa. It Padli, i.e. palli, means 'a house; a settlement or seems unnecessary to remark that 'to hate' does village. From the same root pad, amongst not coincide with pag (hag), but with Sk. Vsad. others, Sk. patta, hatta, hatti, pattana, are derived. 5. Pog,'to go away', or to go. Baivw and vento Pattana has also the form of pattana, but it are generally compared with Sk. Vgam or gd. would not be advisable on account of this curiosity The archaio form of pogor hog is pog (hoy), to identify Sk. pat in the meaning of to descend" which presupposes a form pod or hod. This with Dravida pad, as their meaning does not quite form, viz. hod, 'to go', occurs in Sk. dictionaries, coincide. For my own part I suppose that villa into which it has been transplanted from Dravida. or vella belongs to Sk. Vvri, 'to surround, to 6. Pala, 'several, many.' As the root of this enclose.
the pag of No. 4 may be taken ; or one may think 3. Pěn. This belongs to Vpid, 'to come in- of the Dravida pal (pod), pal, pag, pay, pal, pan, to close contact; to seize. A secondary root is ban, val, 'to increase', bal, bal, to grow, to pěn, pon, pol, to unite. The female elephant is thrive'; par, 'to grow extensive, to spread.' With pidi. Pods, potta, pon, pon, pěnti, pěnda, pendu, pedu, regard to form and meaning there exists a noticepedě, pěyya, 'female'; pendli, pèlļi (i.e. pēd?i), '& able connection between Nos. 4 and 6; conf. also match or marriage. Regarding the meaning conf. No. 7, Sk. phal, 'to burst; to expand, to bloom Sk. panigrahana, 'marriage'; pdnigrdha, 'a hus- (p.p. phulla); sphat, sphant, to burst; to open, band.' The beginning of a popular song of the to expand' (p.p. sphutita); further compare Sk. Badagas on the Nilagiri is:"Totadamma of twelve sphar, 'to spring up, to swell, to spread' (p.p. years, timely married, and quickly seized (Vpid) sphurita)' Conf. Sk. patala, ' a heap, a multitude'; the hand" (of the great king Liñga). If this pid pallava, "extension, a sprout, a shoot. I cannot cannot be shown to be an original household but believe that the three Sk. roots adduced word of the Aryas, either pěn has been borrowed under this head are of Dravida origin; but fail by them, or 'hen', 'bean', belong to a different to see that Dravida pal bears a direct affinity root. For the present I recognize pid only into molý, A. . fela, German voel, voel (plús = prdyas ; the obscure Sk. roots pis, pinj, 'to seize' (Adana), pars = prithak). These are related to Sk. roots pri, whịch are regular modifications of it. Pen, 'to pri, and púr, 'to be full or filled', which complex unite', occurs as pen (blesha) in Sk. dictionaries. of bases might rather be connected with the Fémina has been connected with Sk. bha (Ohd- Draviđa themes pul, põl, 'to increase' (see No. vaya). I think I am not mistaken in doubting 7); but the root of these is pud. even the radical nature of the initial in pěn.
7. Pa, povuor puvvu,'a bloom or blos4. Pagai, ha gě, or pagě,"variance', dis- som.' Shall it at once be said that pú and ploos cord', 'enmity' ; an opponent', belongs to Vpag, fos, a blossom', belong to the same root? I think 'to be severed by an intervening space'; 'to we have at least to seek for a medium. The ancient separate or divide'; the root appears also as pañg, Dravida vpud or pod that concerns us here, and pad, pa!, pas, pan, par, bag, pag, and vañg. Its initial that bears also, e.g., the forms put, pul, pug, pred, letter is not exactly radical. Sk. pat, 'to divide, put, pul, pur, pur, pol, pol, pog, pos, pol, pon, põr, pú; to split, to break'; vat, vant, vand, 'to divide'; sphat, pod, pol, pog, pot, pod, por, pos, has among others sphant, to burst, to break,'; phal,' to burst'; hal, the following meanings :-to burst, to open, to
to divide, to dig, to plough', are more than pro expand, to come or break forth, to rise, to increase, bably borrowed from Dravida pag (conf. No. 6). to swell; to flash, to glitter, to burn. Sk. Vedic Sk. bhaj, 'to divide;' bhanj. (bhang), to split', sphut, sphunt, sphund, to burst, to open, to exthough related as to sound, may or may not be pand; to become manifest, to appear'; spkur, radically connected with it; with bhauj, Lat. 'to break forth, to swell; to glitter'; sphul, 'to frango, Coth. brikan, &c., have been compared. collect; to appear'; put, punt,'to shire', accordWhether A.S. feogean, fian,'to hate': fák, a foe'; ing to my opinion are Sansksitized forms of Gothic fiatha, 'feud', German fehde, are connect- pul. These so-called Sk. themes in a slightly ed with pag, is more than doubtful. Prof. Fr. different form have appeared already under Nos.
More assonances are sometimes of a striking nature, viz. a tadbhava of Sk. patni, 'a wife', is panni, and this for which I adduce another instance with regard to per certainly reminds the ear of pén, or pénu, a female.'

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FEBRUARY, 1879.]
MISCELLANEA.
49
4 and 6. Phulla, 'blown; an expanded flower' (=phalya), is taken as the past participle of phal. Another spurious Sk, root that is to be mentioned here is pul, to be or become great or large'; compare also the similar pål, 'to accumulate'; and pola, a 'heap'; pulina, an alluvial formation'; &c., &c. Phull, 'to blossom,' also an obscure root, is still to be adduced.
As pud means to expand, to increase', &c., and to shine', the question arises, to which of the meanings pa is to be referred. I leave the question undecided. Here follow a few of the many derivations from pud :-pu, 'to bloom'; pával, blooming', or reddish colour'; pul,
grass' or 'a tiger'; pun, pờn, 'any metal', or 'gold'; pulari,' the dawn'; prill8,' yellowish colour', or
a doe'; pugar, pogar, 'a tawny colour', or 'lustre'; pugal, poga!, 'to extol'; pudal, 'grass'; pudu, *conspicuous, remarkable, new'; prila, pola, gold' (conf. spurious Sk.purata, puruda, gold'), 'beauty', or 'a cornfield'; põli (also pol), 'to shine'; póli, bloom', or 'freshness'; pol, pol, to shine'; pěsa = pudu; popu, grass. Sk. pushpa (which occurs in the Atharva, Vajasaneya, and Taittiriya Samhita),
blossoming' (vikasa); a flower; the menses; a topaz', etc., used to be written purpa in Dravida (in Tamil pulpa); both forms can easily be derived from pulvu, i.e. purvu, a flower. Of course flos, &c. are rightly compared with phulla, &c.; but how is it that old Sanskrit, at least to my present knowledge, offers no indisputably genuine root wherewith flos and its sisters are plainly connected, whereas Dravida is so rich in pertinent terms P Is the beautiful flower' primarily a Sodra word ?
Under such circumstances it may not be rash if I offer the conjecture that Sk. push, 'to thrive' (from which pushpa is generally derived); pushkala, 'much'; pusha, púshan, the sun,' may belong to Drav. pud; Drav. pol means 'sun, time. As very interesting, I adduce still Drav. pūmpuli, a reduplicated form of pu, 'to extend, to rise', as it exactly coincides in meaning with the simple form pula in Sk., both being rendered by * extension, greatness'; 'erection of the hairs of the body.' Sk. spulinga or phuliñga, '& spark of fire', is also here in its proper place.
8. Pul (prallu), 'grass ; straw. For this word see No. 7.
9. Pul, smallness, a trifle, a defect' (particularly also in gems), may be the pul, grass', of Nos, 7 and 8, used, like Sk. trina, to show the insignificance of something or somebody. Conf. Sk. pulaka, 'a defect in a gem'; and Sk. puldka, 'abridge ment, taking away' (conf. No. 13). If one aggumes a probably radical connection between flos, &c. and pul, he does not appear to be entitled at the
same time to compare oflis, païkos with the metaphorical (P) signification of pul. Regarding this pul I have to remark that it most probably is a form of Drav. put (pod, por), 'to be small', that with exactly the same meaning has been inserted in Sk. dictionaries.
10. Pedai, pede, 'a timid, simple, poor, or ignorant person; an hermaphrodite.' The root of this appears to be pid, pir, pey, pol, pe!, beg, běch, běd, bod, běm, běr, bei, bel, vid, vir, ved, věr, věl, to tremble, to be agitated, to fear, to be amazed, bewildered, or confused.' Pedu, .confusion, bewilderment'; pem, 'fear'; bela, simple, ignorant.' The spurious Sk. pinja, agitated, disturbed' (vydkula); bhesh, bhresh, bhlesh, to fear'; bhela, 'timid, ignorant'; bhíru, bhílu, timid,' probably have been taken from Dravida, in spite of Vedic Sk. bhí, to fear' (conf. A.S. bifian, &c. &c.). That fātīus, silly, foolish', is related to this Vpid, &c. is more than doubtful to me.
11. Por, to sustain, to tolerate; to carry.' The original meaning of this verb seems to be somewhat dubious; in Kannada about seven hundred years ago it was explained by sirodhdrana,
to hold, sustain, or bear on the head.' In Telugu and Taļu the verb does not seem to be used in this form. In Tuļu pude (conf., e.g., bero of other dialects with Tulu betš), 'a pack or burden', is in use; this and Telugu potla (conf., e.g., puttu or putta of other dialects with Tělugu putta), pólake, pota, pottard,' a packet or bundle', may belong to păr. Its , bears a rather indistinct and changeable character, which is also observed in the Kannada past participle, this being põttu. Chiefly on account of such an r and the uncertainty as to its original meaning, I refrain from strictly comparing it with bhar, pép and fér. At the same time I have to hint at a doubt that in this instance I entertain about the radical nature of the initial p. Conf. also per 2 under No. 12.
12. Por, péd, bě s, 'to bring forth.' Its final t exhibits the same nature as that of pũr. The intransitive is pir, 'to be born.' Besides the forms of the root already given, there exist, e.g., the following :-pid, pod, věd, ply, pěy, pur, pů?, por, all of which are connected with 'forth, over, out' (conf. No. 7). The obscure Sk. pras, 'to bring forth', has been formed from this complex root. Dr. Caldwell compares Sk. pra, before; forward ; away: excessive', with pår; but as por does belong to the themes of No. 7 his comparison cannot well be right; and I for my part see no radical connection between bear, beir, bairn, părio, and per. In Tamil, MalěyAļa, and Kannada por means also to obtain, to get, to gain'; I consider this to be a form connected with Drav. pad, pat, pay, par, the meaning and use of which

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are the same; it is not impossible that also the por of No. 11 is a modification of this per, &c.; conf. No. 3.
13. Palla, low land, a hole, a ditch, a nullah:" The root of this is pad, 'to go down, to sink', and its original form is padla (conf. palli, No. 2; and pelli, No. 3). Conf. Sk. pallala, palvala, 'a small pond', which, though reminding one of Latin pălus, 'a pool', may have been borrowed from palla.
Põllu (hollu), pottu, potě, potrě, pol, por, pulal, a hole, what is hollow', belong to a different root. Pottu, pollu, pollu, 'empty grain, husk', may be compared with Sk. puláka, pálya, ' empty grain', and also Sk. puta, putaka, a concavity, a hollow', are to be taken notice of here. English 'hollow, hole', probably is related to Sk. vi, 'to swell'; conf. súnya, 'a vacuum." 14. Pulai, pulě, polě. In looking at No.7 it will be observed that theme pul, &c., to which these words belong, does not convey the meaning of 'lowness' or 'defilement', but of 'brightness' and 'freshness.' The instances adduced there are clear; polati, polti, 'the fair she, a woman', is another one. Nevertheless, pulě or polě signifies a low condition or manner, defilement'; and its masculine form pulěya or polěy a denotes a vile man, an outcast, and its feminine pălati commonly a woman of the outcasts; in the same manner pola is beauty, gold', and 'evil.' Some may endeavour to remove this seeming incongruity all at once by having recourse to pul in its metaphorical sense (No. 9). Others might refer to pula (pulavu, pulál, pulá, Tamil) and polasu (Telugu), 'flesh' (conf. spurious Sk. pala, palala, flesh'), and explain polěya by a flesh-he, an eater of flesh', and thus for his well-known flesh-eating habits make an outcast of him; but as polěya (pulěya) is a term common to all the Dravida tribes known to me, whereas pulě (polasu), 'flesh' is not; on account of this circumstance I cannot agree to such an opinion. Pule has apparently got the meaning of flesh simply from the colour of this (conf. pushpa, the menses', &c.), and flesh was not originally something unclean either with the Aryas or Anâryas; and also many Śûdras eat flesh. If where pulě, flesh', is used, we could explain puleya to denote an eater of raw flesh," they, in their case and place, of course would not be wrong in calling him an outcast.
2 Vallum in Dr. Pope's list I consider to be a slip of the pen for villes or vallis, 'a valley', poetically a hollow.' Tuda, that appears thrice with the lingual instead of the dental d with Dr. Pope (pp. 157, 158), is a puzzle to me (conf. Dr. Caldwell's Grammar, Introd. p. 37).
3 Raw flesh is erchi in Kodagu; conf. Tamil iraichchi (conf. n), Malayala irachchi, Telugu érachi, ère, ère, flesh'; re, in Kannada, Tam., Malay., and Tel., 'a bait; a worm. Ere (or ère), in Telugu also redness'; in Kannada also 'black (or brown) soil.'
[FEBRUARY, 1879.
"
However the meaning 'lowness', vileness', &c., appears radically to belong to theme pul or pol, a curious and most interesting theme indeed, as it further means also 'to die' and 'to join' (conf. Nos. 3,7,and 9). These different meanings at least partly rest on the change in the final letter of the root. In the instance that concerns us here, we have Drav. puk, puch, to decay, to rot'; púk, 'to become mouldy'; púch, punch, 'to become nauseous, or mouldy'; púch or pús, 'to fart, to stink'; pustû, foul, stinking'; búgara, búju, búsi, 'mould, dirt.' All these themes seem to presuppose a root put or pud, 'to decay', etc., that up to this day I have not yet met with; but pud, or pod (the put of Sk. dictionaries), ' to be powdered; to be destroyed', may be connected. At all events Sk. púy, 'to become putrid, to stink'; púti, 'stink'; pus, ' matter' (conf. A.S. fül; Goth. fúls, &c.), that occur in the Atharvaveda and Brahmanas, come before the mind; are these terms Dravida, or Arya? Or is there here also simply a case of accident? If puk, &c. and púy are essentially related to one another, púy, like púk, &c., is a derivative..
At present I conjecture that pulě, polě, polasu, when conveying the meaning of 'defilement', are radically connected with theme puk, &c., but that polěya (also polěyava, polěva, pollaha) on account of some unknown historical events, has got the meaning of 'an outcast'-pole, defilement', being maliciously used for the purpose. Pulaha and Pulastya are mentioned as great Rishis in the Manavadharmasastra. In these two names the meaning of pul, to shine' (or 'to be great"), appears to be preserved. The Puleya, however, as the Pulkasa, or Paulkasa in the White Yajurveda, appears as a person of low position, but is still different from the Chânḍâla. The Pulka sa, Purkasa (Pushkasa or Pukkasa) of the dharmasdstras is a mixed caste, but not yet identified with the Chandala. According to the Aitareya Brahmana, the Pulindas, together with the Andhras, or Telugus, form a barbarian tribe descended from Visvamitra. The Amarakosha identifies Chandala, Pukka sa, and Plava, which three terms the oldest Kannada commentary on that work explains by Polo ya. That Põlĕy a (Polěra) and Plava (Plavaka with Halayudha) are the same words I hardly need to say. The Pallava (of the Trikánḍaśesha and Hemachandra) and
Compare further the names of Pulina, Puloma (Maha. bharata), Pulimant (Puranas), and Pulusha (satapatha Br.), all of which seem to bear, in their first part, the term of Dravida pul. Eight years ago Dr. H. Gundert, in the Journal of the German Oriental Society, pointed out that there might be a connection between Pulěya and Sk. Pulinds, Pulkasa, and Puloman. Prof. Benfey, who in his SanseritEnglish Dictionary (1866) gives all the above proper names with the exception of Pulimant and Pulusha, has tried to explain only Pulastya, viz. by "puras + tya."

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MISCELLANEA.
one for the pure Dravida, and the other for the (by the by almost unlimited) Samskrita, Tadbhava, &c. In Kannada and Telugu the ancient form of words also as to letters should be carefully attended to and restored.
Esslingen (Württemberg), 13th November 1878.
the Pallavaka (of Halayudha), a libertine, a gallant, I do not hesitate also to connect with Polěya ; and who knows whether the ancient Palla va dynasty was not a dynasty of certain Polěy as when still a powerful tribe P Rottler's Tamil Dictionary has "Pullar (the plural of Pulla), a low tribe : probable aborigines of the Peninsula of India; Pulliyar (the pl. of Pulliya), a tribe of low people."
The first part of Dr. Pope's rule, "Initial P of the Tamil and Telugu is often H in Kanarese", is a well-known fact. Butin what Canarese P Canarese has its own established H period, in which it often uses h instead of p, a circumstance to which I have already alluded in the preface to Någavarma's Prosody (p. xxv. note 1), and which appears already pretty clearly in the writings of the 14th Christian century. In the Merkara plates of A.D. 466,9 where, in plain Canarese prose, the boundaries of the land grant are stated, no Canarese words with h occur; but we have there the terms of púnddu, pali, piri, panti, and pår, in which nowadays either p or his employed. It will be very interesting indeed if Dr. Pope can prove the second portion of his rule.
Dr. Caldwell, in the Preface to his Grammar (p. vii.) says: “One desideratum at present seems to be a Comparative Vocabulary of the Dravidian Languages, distinguishing the roots found, say, in the four most distinctive languages-Tamil, Telugu, Canarese and Malayalam-from those found only in three, only in two, or only in one. An excellent illustration of what may be done in this direction has been furnished by Dr. Gundert whose truly scientific Dictionary of Malayalam has given a fresh stimulus to Dravidian philology." I believe that such a desideratum cannot be satisfactorily accomplished before in each of
the four most distinctive languages" an Ety. mological Dictionary has been prepared. The writer has been requested to compile a Kannada one; for Tamil and Telugu also similar works must soon be commenced.
With Dr. Gundert's Dictionary I find one fault, and this only a formal one, namely, that it (probably against the author's own wishes) is on the old plan of mingling Dravida, Samskrita, Tadbhava, and foreign words, which of course in some measure is desirable for beginners, but is likely to lead them to a merely mechanical study, and to hide the truth from them with regard to the language they may happen to learn. To more advanced students such a mingling is, to say the least, unpleasant. There ought to be two parts,
INDIAN AND AFRICAN NATIVE FORGES, &c.
With respect to the native processes of fusing and smelting iron ore, as detailed at page 196 of the Indian Antiquary, supra, there is a very remarkable similarity to the modes found practised in Central Africa by Mr. Stanley. In his work, Through the Dark Continent, vol. II, p. 141, he writes :-"At Wane-Kirumbu, in Uregga, on the Lualaba, we found a large native forge and smithy, where there were about a dozen smiths busily at work. The iron ore is very pure. Here were the broadbladed spears of Southern Uregga, and the equally broad knives of all sizes. The bellows for the smelting furnace are four in number, double-handled, and manned by four men, who by a quick up-anddown motion supply a powerful blast, the noise of which is heard half a mile from the scene. The furnace consists of tamped.clay raised into a mound about four feet high. A hollow is then excavated in it two feet in diameter and two feet deep. From the middle of the slope four apertures are excavated into the base of the furnace, into which are fitted funnel-shaped earthenware pipes to convey the blast to the fire. At the base of the mound a wide aperture is excavatud penetrating below the furnace. The hearth receives the dross and slag." This might very well stand for a description of a Hindu forge, and is a curious instance of two primitive races employing the same modes.
It may be added that the use of old European sword-blades, as described in the same article in the Antiquary, is not limited to India : for Captain Burton in his recent work, The Gold Mines of Midian, mentions, at page 150, that among the Huway-tât at Wady Aymunah, on the Red Sea, "even the boys are armed with swords, often longer than themselves, and on a good old blade I read the legend Pro Deo et Patria.'" Also with regard to ancient arrow-heads, Sir W. Ouseley, in his Travels in Persia, &c., vol. II., gives a plate of a number of arrow-heads, chiefly dug up near Persepolis, which exactly correspond in shape with the more ordinary South Indian forms.
W.
5 Ind. Ant. vol. I. pp. 360 seq. • Compare Dr. Barnell's Note 1 in p. viii. of the Introduction to his South Indian Palæography,

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(FEBRUARY, 1879.
SPECIMEN OF A DISCURSIVE GLOSSARY recent times and to such an extent, that it was OF ANGLO-INDIAN TERMS.
necessary to pass special laws to repress it. The BY H. Y. AND A. C. B.
murder of Mr. Conolly (Collector of Malabar) is a AMUCE, To run, v.
well-known instanoe. There is no doubt, we believe, that, to us at
In the Malayalam language amarkan (from amar, least, this expression came from the Malay
'fight, war') signifies a warrior, and some of the countries, where both the phrase and the practice
extracts given below will show both forms and are still familiar. The word is by Crawfurd applications of this word so near to its Malay use ascribed to the Javanese, and this is his ex- that we can hardly doubt the latter to have been planation:
derived from India. De Gubernatis suggests that "Amuk (J.). An a-muck; to run a-muck; to
the word is derived from the Sanskrit amokshya, tilt; to run furiously and desperately at any one;
that cannot be loosed,' and in confirmation of this to make a furious opset or charge in combat." it will be seen that, in several of our quotations, the (Malay Dict.)
idea of being bound by a vow underlies the conMarsden says that the word rarely occurs in duct to which the term was applied both in any other than the verbal form meng-amuk, 'to Malabar and in the Archipelago. But amokshya make a furious attack.' (Mem. of a Malayan is a word unknown to Malayalam, in such a Family, p. 66.)
sense at least. We have seen a-muck derived from A curious monograph on the phenomenon, as the Arabic ahmaq, mad;' but this is etymology of prevalent amoug thé Malays, was contributed the kind which scorns history. The phrase has by Dr. Oxley to the Journal of the Indian Archi- been thoroughly naturalized in England since the pelago.
days of Dryden and Pope. There is reason, however, to ascribe an Indian Circa 1440, Nicolo Conti, speaking of the islands origin both to the practice and to the term which of the Indian Archipelago, under the name of the describes it.
Two Javns, does not use the term, but describes Thus, as regards the practice, Tod (though not & peculiar form of the practice:" Homicide using the expression in question) records some is here a jest, and goes without punishment. notable instances in Rajput history. In one of Debtors are made over to their creditors as slaves; these (1634) the eldest son of the Raja of Mårvad and some of these, preferring death to slavery, will ran & Diuck' at the Court of Shah Jahan, failing in with drawn swords rush on, stabbing all whom they his blow at the Emperor, but killing five courtiers fall in with of less strength than themselves, until of eminence before he fell himself. Again, in the they meet death at the hand of some one more last century, Bijai Singh, also of Mårvåd, bore than a match for them. This man the creditors strong resentment against the Talpara prince of then sue in court for the dead man's debt." (p. 45.) Haidarâbâd, Bijar Khan, who had sent to demand Circa 1516 :-" There are some of them (the from the Rajput tribute and a bride. A Bhatti Javanese) who if they fall ill of any severe illness ana a Unondavao ouered their services for ven- vow to God that if they remain in health they will geance, and set out for Sind ag envoys. Whilst of their own accord seek another more honourable Bijar Khân read their credentials, muttering, "No death for his service, and as soon as they get mention of the bride !" the Chondâvat buried &
well they take a dagger in their hands, and go out dagger in his heart, exclaiming, "This for the into the streets, and kill as many persons as they bride!" "And this for the tribute !" cried the other meet, both men, women, and children, in such envoy, repeating the blow. The pair then plied wise that they go like mad dogs, killing until they their daggers right and left, and twenty-six per- are killed. These are called Amuco. And as soon Bons were slain before the envoys were hacked in as they see them begin this work, they cry out pieces. (Tod, vol. II. pp. 45 and 315.)
saying Amuco, Amuco, in order that people may A strange custom once usual in Malabar may be take care of themselves, and they kill them with also mentioned here. After twelve years a great dagger and spear thrusts." (Stanley's Barbora, assembly was held at Tirunâvâyi, when the Zamorin p. 194.) . sat surrounded by his dependants, who were fully This passage seems to show that the word must armed. Any one might then attack him, and have been in common use in the Malay countries often the Zamorin was killed in this way, and his before the arrival of the Portuguese in 1511. assailant got the throne. In 1600, thirty such were 1586:-" Their forces (at Cochin) consist in a killed.
kind of soldiers whom they call amoochi, who are The Muhammadan M&pillas of Malabar con under obligation to die at their king's pleasure, tinued the practice of fanatical murders down to land all soldiers who in a war lose their king or
In preparation for publication by John Murray, London.

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their general lie under this obligation. And of such the King makes use in urgent cases, sending them to die fighting."-Letter of F. Sassetti to Francesco I., Grand Duke of Tuscany, in De Gubernatis, Viaggiatori Italiani, p. 154.
hath
1566"The king of Cochin.. a great number of gentlemen which he calleth Amocchi, and some are called Nairi: these two sorts of men esteeme not their lives any thing, so that it may be for the honour of their king."Master Cæsar Frederike in Purchas, vol. II. p. 1708.
De Barros, speaking of the capture of the isle of Beth by Nuno da Cunha (1531), says: "But the natives of Guzarat stood in such fear of Sultan Badur that they would not consent to the terms. And so, like people determined on death, all that night they shaved their heads (this is a superstitious practice of those who despise life, people whom they call in India Amaucos), and betook themselves to their mosque, and there devoted their persons to death.... and as an earnest of this vow, and an example of this resolution, the Captain ordered a great fire to be made, and cast into it his wife, and a little son that he had, and all his household and his goods, in fear lest anything of his should fall into our possession." Others did the like, and then they fell upon the Portuguese.-Dec. IV. liv. IV. cap. xiii..
1602-De Couto, speaking of the Javanese:"They are chivalrous men, and of such determina-tion that for whatever offence may be offered them they make themselves amoucos in order to get satisfaction thereof. And were a spear run into the stomach of such an one he would still press forward without fear till he got at his foe."Dec. IV. liv. III. cap. i.
In another passage (ib. liv. VII. cap. xiv.) he speaks of the amoucos of Malabar, just as P. della Valle does in the quotation below. In Dec. VI. (liv. VIII. cap. viii.) he describes how, on the death of the king of Pimenta, in action with the Portuguese, nearly four thousand Nayrs made themselves amoucos with the usual ceremonies, shaving their beards on one side, and swearing by their pagods to avenge the king's death.
1624"Though two kings may be at war, either army takes great heed not to kill the king of the opposite faction, nor yet to strike his umbrella, wherever it may go...... for the whole kingdom of the slain or wounded king would be bound to avenge him with the complete destruction of the enemy, or all, if needful, to perish in the attempt. The greater the king's dignity among these people, the longer period lasts this obligation to furious revenge.. this period or method of revenge is termed Amoco, and so they
53
say that the Amoco of the Samori lasts one day; the Amoco of the king of Cochin lasts a lifetime; and so of others."-P. della Valle, vol. II. p. 745.
1672-Padre Vincenzo Maria says of the Malabar Christians: "Every community, every church has its own Amouchi, which are people who take an oath to protect with their own lives the persons and places put under their safeguard, from all and every harm." (p. 145.)
And again of the Malabar people in general: "If the prince is slain, the Amouchi, who are numerous, would avenge him desperately. These are soldiers who swear to defend the king's life with their own. If he be injured, they put on festive raiment, take leave of their parents, and with fire and sword in hand invade the hostile territory, burning every habitation, and slaying man, woman and child, sparing none until they themselves fall." (pp. 237-8.)
"Derrière ces palissades s'estoit caché un coquin de Bantamois qui estoit revenu de la Mecque et jouoit à Moqua... il court par les rues et tue tous ceux qu'il rencontre".....-Tavernier, V. des Indes, liv. iii. ch. 24.)
1698"And (the Mohammedans) are hardly restrained from running a muck (which is to kill whoever they meet, till they be slain themselves), especially if they have been at Hodge, a Pilgrimage to Mecca."-Fryer, p. 91.
1687-Dryden assailing Burnet :"Prompt to assault, and careless of defence, Invulnerable in his impudence,
He dares the world, and, eager of a name, He thrusts about and justles into fame. Frontless, and satire-proof, he scours the
streets,
And runs an Indian muck at all he meets." The Hind and the Panther, 1. 2477. 1727" I answered him that I could no longer bear their Insults, and, if I had not permission in three Days, I would run a Muck (which is a mad Custom among the Mallayas when they become desperate)."-A. Hamilton, vol. II. p. 231. 1737
"Satire's my weapon, but I am too discreet To run a muck. and tilt at all I meet."
Pope, Im. of Horace, bk. II. Sat. i. 69. Circa 1750-60:-"Running what they call a-muck, furiously killing every one they meet..... But by all accounts this practice is much rarer in India than it formerly was."-Grove, vol. I. p. 123.
1792: "When Comte d'Estaing took Bencoolen in 1760," Forrest says:.... "the Count, afraid of an insurrection among the Buggesses..... invited several to the fort, and when these had entered the

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wicket was shut upon them; in attempting to disarm them, they mangamoed, that is, ran a muck; they drew their cresses, killed one or two Frenchmen, wounded others, and at last suffered themselves, for supporting this point of honour."Voyage to Mergui, p. 77.
"These acts of indiscriminate murder are called by us mucks, because the perpetrators of them during their frenzy continually cry out amok, umok, which signifies kill, kill."-Stavorinus, Voyages, transl. by Wilcocke, vol. I. p. 291.
P. Paolino (Voyage, p. 407) says that the Amouchi' took opium dissolved in lemon-juice or other acid solvent.
1873"They (the English).
. crave
governors who, not having bound themselves before-hand to run amuck,' may give the land some chance of repose."-Blackwood's Magazine, June 1873, p. 759.
1875"On being struck, the Malay at once stabbed Arshad with a kriss; the blood of the people who had witnessed the deed was aroused, they ran amok, attacked Mr. Birch, who was bathing in a floating bath close to the shore, stabbed and killed him."-Letter from Sir W. D. Jervois to the Earl of Carnarvon, Nov. 16, 1875.
1876-"Twice over, while we were wending our weary way up the steep hill in Galata, it was our luck to see a Turk 'run a-muck'.... Nine times out of ten this frenzy is feigned, but not always, as for instance in the case where a priest took to running a-muck on an Austrian Lloyds' boat on the Black Sea, and, after killing one or twe passengers and wounding others, was only stopped by repeated shots from the captain's pistol". ..-Barkley, Five Years in Bulgaria, pp. 240-241.
1877. (Here follows a passage from the Times of February 1877 describing running a muck in London, also an extract from the Overland Times of India describing a similar scene at Meerut, dated August 31st, 1877.)
(To be continued.)
A BIG GUN.
The great gun at Lahor, called Zamzamah or the Bhangianwati top, was cast A.D. 1761 by Shah Wali Khân, Vazir of Ahmad Shah Diviâni. After the departure of Ahmad Shâh the gun was left in the possession of the Sikh sardârs of the Bhangi misi (whence its name, Bhangianwati top). It came to be regarded as a talisman of supremacy among the Sikhs. Eventually Ranjit Sing possessed himself of it, and it was used by him at the siege of
[FEBRUARY, 1879.
Multân in A.D. 1818. From that date it used to stand at the Delhi Gate of Lahor, until removed in 1860. The gun now stands near the Central Museum, facing the Sadr Bâzâr, in which position it was placed on the occasion of the Duke of Edinburgh's visit to Lahor, in February 1870. The inscription on the gun is as follows:
By order of the Emperor (Ahmad Shah) Dur-iDuran
Shah Wali Khân, the Wazir, made this gun, named
Zamzamah, the taker of strongholds. The work of Shah Nazir.
In the reign of the Emperor possessing dignity like Feridun,
Dispenser of Justice robed in Equity
(In the reign of) his present Majesty Ahmad Shah Dur-i-Duran.
A Prince occupying a throne mighty as Jamshid's
There was issued unto the Chief Vazir, From the threshold of His Highness,
An order to have cast, with every possible skill A gun terrible as a dragon and huge as a
mountain.
[Yea, the order was given] to his heavenenthroned Majesty's devoted servant, Shah Wali Khân Vazir.
So in order to effect this great achievement The Master-workman called up his endeavours, Till with consummate toil was cast This wondrous gun Zamzamah,
A destroyer even of the strongholds of heaven, Under the auspices of His Majesty.
I inquired of Reason for the date of this gun; Reason angrily replied,
"If thou wilt give thy life in payment,
I will repeat to thee the date."
I did so, and he replied,-" What a gun is this? The form of a fire-raining dragon."
The last lines give the chronogram of the date of the gun-1174 A. H. or 1761 A.D. The letters in the words have a numerical value according to the "Abjad" system.-Correspondent of States
man.
Ganesa Venkatesa Joshi, of Nasik, appeals to our contributors, especially in southern India, for materials for the history of Hinduism. "If access could be secured to the archives at Śringiri (on the Tungâbhadra)," he is informed, "ample information might be obtained on the subject."
1 See passage from Marsden above.

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THE HAMMİRA MAHAKAVYA OF NAYACHANDRA SORI.
BY NILKANTHA JANÅRDAN KIRTANE. Dr. Bühler, in his Introduction to the Vi- made for the purpose of reading by Nayahamsa, kramánka Charitra (p. 2), mentions the Ham- & pupil of Jayasimha Sûri, at Firuzpur, in the miramardana or "The destruction of Hammîra," month of Sråvaņa of the Samvat year 1542" as an historical Sanskrit poem that was extant (a.c. 1496). Possibly this was made from the some ninety years ago in the Jain library at poet's original copy, and, as such, possesses an Jêsalmir. I have recently obtained & work, interest of its own. written in the Jain character, styled The Ham- Nayachandra Sari's work, as a poetmira Mahákávya, which, notwithstanding the ical composition, has considerable merits, and difference of the title, I presume is a copy of deserves publication as a specimen of the histothe same work as that which was once in the rical poems so rarely met with in the range of Jêsalmir Sarasvati Bhändår, since it ends with Sanskrit literature. Though the author did the death of Hammira and a lamentation over not live, like B âņa and Bilhana, in the reign the event. Colonel Tod, indeed, mentions in his of the hero whose history he celebrates, yet his Rajasthan * Hammira Kávya and a Hammira work is not of less historical importance than Rasd, both composed, he says, by Saranga- theirs. The information that the poems of dhara, whom he makes the bard of Hammira Bâņa and Bilhaņa contain has been made Chohâ n of Ranathambhôr. We have the accessible to English readers through the authority of Sarangadhara himself for stating labours of two eminent European Sanskritists. that he was not contemporary with H ammira The present attempt to place the English reader Choh â n of Ranathambhôr, and that his grand- in possession of the historical information confather, Raghunatha, was that prince's Guru
tained in the Hammira Kávya will, I presume, be or spiritual teacher. Sarangadhara in his acceptable to those who are interested in the adPaddhati and Gadadhara in his Rasika Jivan, vancement of our knowledge of Indian history. under the head of "anonymous," quote some | Following the custom of other writers in verses relating to Hammira that have no place Sanskrit, who have attempted historical com.. in the present Kavya. Appayya Dikshita, positions, our author devotes the greater pari also, in his Kuvalayananda, cites a verse as an of one entire chapter, the fourteenth and last, to instance of the Akramátisayokti Alarikára of an account of his lineage, and the reasons that which the subject is Hammira, and which is led to the production of his work. Part of this not to be found in the work of our author. This will bear reproduction here in an English shows that there must be some other poem in dress : Sanskrit bearing the name of Hammíra Ka vya; "Hail, Krishga Gachha, who gladdened the but it may be doubted whether it has any re- whole earth, the beauty of whose person was ference to the history of the hero of our poem. like that of a blooming bunch of the Navajati Colonel Tod does not inform us in what flower, and whose praises were celebrated by language the Hammíra Kávya and the Hammira crowds of learned men, who might well be oumRásd were written, though he says he possessed pared to so many black humming-bees ;-he both, and mostly translated with the assist- whose feet were ever borne on the crowns of ance of his Jain Guru. He does not attempt any the followers of the Jain religion ! thing like a connected narrative of Hammira. "In the circle of the Súris, whose actions are Indeed, what he says incidentally of Hammira the homes of wonders, in time, Jayasinha does not at all relate to any one individual of that Sûri was born, who was the crowning orna name, but is a jumble of anecdotes relating to ment of the wise; who easily vanquished in several distinct personages bearing the same disputation Saranga, who was the leading name.
poet among those who were able to write poetical I obtained the Hammira Mahdkdvya through compositions in six languages, and who was Mr. Govinda Sastri Nirantar of Násik, who got honest among the most honest; who wrote three it from a friend of his.
works, ---(1) Nyaya Sáratiká, (2) A New Grammar, The colophon reads—“ The present oopy was (3) a poem on Kumâra Nripati, -and who hence

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became known as the chief of those who knew the three sciences of logic, grammar, and poesy.
"To the lotus-like Gâdi of Ja y asimha, Nayachandra is like the life-giving sun; who is the essence of the knowledge of the sciences, who is the exciting moon to the sea of the races of the poets. This poet, his spirits raised to the height of the subject by a revelation imparted to him in a dream by the king Hammîra himself, has composed this poem," which is gratifying to the assembly of the kings, and in which the heroic (rasa) is developed.
"The author in lineal descent is the grandson of Jayasimha Sûri, the great poet, but in that of poesy his son.
"Let not good readers take into much account the faults of expression that I may have fallen into. How can I, who am of mean capacity, escape stepping into that path which even poets like Kalidasa were not able to avoid? But a poem that is replete with good matter loses none of its value for a few commonplaces of expression."
The poem begins, as is usual with Sanskrit authors, with invocations addressed to several deities, and the author has been at the pains of making the invocations seem applicable to both the Hindu gods and some of the Tirthankaras of the Jainas. This procedure calls for remark. Nayachandra Sûri, as his name implies, is a Jain by persuasion, and his seeming to invoke blessings at the hands of the most prominent members of the orthodox Hindu pantheon is to be explained either by the freedom of thought so characteristic of the age in which the author lived, when the narrow and bigoted intolerance even of the Muslim had begun to appreciate the beauties of the allegorical language of the Hindu popular
Our poet also says that he was incited to the composition of this poem by a rash assertion, which some courtiers of king Tomara Virama had the presumption to make in the presence of our poet, that there existed no one now who could compose a poem that would come up to the excellence of the works of old Sanskrit poets. King Tomara. Virama, whoever he was, appears to have lived seventy years before Akbar.
Perhaps our author had in view the following lines of Dhanan-Jaya -
अपशब्दशतं माघे भारवौ तु शतत्रयम्
कालिदासे न गण्यते कविरेको धनंजयः
Probably everybody has heard of the Raghava Pandaviya Kavya, every line of which can be so construed as to apply to either Rama or the Pandavas, at the option of the reader. I have recently been shown a Kavya called the Sapta Sandhan Mahakavya, by Megha Vijaya Gani, a
[FEBRUARY, 1879.
religion, or by the strong desire of writing dvayartha ('having two meanings') verses, with which the author seems possessed."
The hero of the poem is Hammira Chohån of Ranasthambhapura (Ranathambhor), a name celebrated in Hindi song. Hammira is one of those later heroes of India who measured their swords with the Muhammadan conquerors and fell in the defence of their independence. Even the history of the conquered is not without interest. The man who fights against hope,-fights because he thinks it his duty to do so, who scorns to bow his neck before the oppressor, because he thinks such a course opposed to the ways of his ancient house, deserves our sympathy and our admiration. Hammira is such a character. The poet places him on a par with Mândhâtâ, Yudhishthira, and R àma. This is poetical exaggeration, but we have no mean measure of praise in the following verses; and the grounds of eminence mentioned are some of the proudest that a Rajput can cherish, and a rigid maintenance of which singles out the race of the Sisodyàs of Udayapur and the Hârâs of Kot and Bundi as the noblest among the chivalry of Rajasthân:
"सत्वैकवृत्तेः किल यस्य राज्यश्रियो विलासा अपि जीवितं च । शकाय पुत्र शरणागतया प्रयच्छतः किं तृणमप्यऽभूवन् ॥ Born in the noble house of the Chohans, to whom, as Tod observes, "the palm of bravery amongst the Rajput races must be assigned," Hammira tried to uphold the independence of his race and to make its usages respected, and was for a time preeminently successful in his wars against his enemies. Some of these were undertaken to protect those who had sought refuge with him (saraná), and so far were disinterested. Indeed, he fell in a war undertaken
learned Jain of recent times, every verse of which can be made to apply alike to Rama, Krishna, and Jinendra.
In the present Kavya the first loka of the Nandi is addressed to the Paranjyotis-the divine flame,'-a manifestation of the divine being in whom both Hindus and Jainas, especially the Kevali Jainas, believe. The second sloka is addressed to Nabhibht, which may mean the Bramha of the Hindus, or the son of Nábhi (Rishabha Deva), the first Tirthankara of the Jainas. The third is addressed to Sri Pariva, whom the Hindus may take for Vishnu,the Jainas for Sri Parsvanatha, the 23rd Tirthankara. The 4th sloka is addressed to Sankara Viravibhu, which may mean either Mahadeva or Mahavira, the 24th Jain Tirthankara. The fifth verse is addressed to Bhavan Sasanti, who may either stand for the Sun, or Santi, the 16th Jain Tirthankara The sixth is addressed to Samudra Janman, which may be either the Moon, or Neminath, son of Samudra, the 22nd Jain Tirthankara.

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to protect a Mongol nobleman who had fled of Hammira the narrative is fairly historic; to him from the tyranny of 'Al & u'd-din. but the author now and then, even here, relapses " In the third year of the reign of 'Alau'd-dîn, into rhapsody which amounts to a confession a nobleman whom he had disgraced took refuge of his ignorance of the historical facts of the with Hammira, the Chohận prince of Ranatham- reign in hand. bhôr, one of the strongest forts in India. Cantos V.-VII. of the poem are taken up, 'Alå u'd-d in demanded the delinquent of the according to the rules of Sanskrit epic poetry, Hindu monarch, who nobly replied that the sun | with descriptions of the seasons, and the sports would sooner rise in the west, and Sumera be and festivities in which Hammira engaged. levelled with the earth, than he would break his These cantos, as not possessing any historical plighted faith to the unfortunate refugee. The value, may be ignored in this précis of the siege of Ranatha bhôr was immediately poem. I pass over a long lecture also on Niti. commenced, and the fort was at length cap- sástra which Jaitrasingh, the father of Hammira, tured, but the heroic Hammîra fell in its defence; is made to deliver to Hammira. Chand gives a and the females of his family, determining not similar dissertation on grammar in his Prithto survive him, perished on the funeral pile.” | viraja Råsau. This history of Hammira supplies some informa- With these introductory remarks, I come to tion which the sentimental and enthusiastic the Púrvaja Varanınan, i. e., the account of the annalist of Rajasthân would have gladly inter- ancestry of Hammira; and, in order to give woven into the pages of his work, and which some faint idea of the author's style of writing, sheds fresh light on the eventful period in which I shall, in the following, attempt some sort of the hero lived.
translation of the first few reigns. The style The Hammira Mahakávya is divided into throughoat is so ornate, inflated, and redundant, fourteen canton, of which the first four are con- and the tendency of the author to punning is so corned with the hero's ancestors,-the Chohans, persistent, that a longer translation is as diffimany of whom were paramount lords of India. cult as the task would be tedious :
The empire belongs to the Chohân' is án "Once upon a time, Brahma wandered in admitted Indian historical fiction, and the mere search of a holy place where to hold a sacrifice. mention of the names of the old kings, many of The lotus which he held in his hand fell on the whom were the lords paramount of India, ground, as if unable to bear the superior beauty accompanied as it is with much poetical non- of the lotus-like palm of the god. The god from sense, carries our knowledge of them a step this circumstance regarded the spot where the farther than the researches of Colonels Wilford lotus fell as an auspicious one, and there, freed and Tod.
from anxiety, commenced the sacrifice. AnticiThe narrative is, all through, very uneven. pating persecution from the Dâna vâs, the god The genealogy of the Chohans, as given in remembered the thousand-rayed one (the Sun), the first three chapters, though with some more when a being, his face surrounded by a halo of names than are to be found in Tod's list, cannot radiance, came down from the orb of the sun. be regarded as satisfactory. The author really Him, the destroyer, Brahm & appointed to the knew nothing about the more ancient kings of work of protecting the sacrifice. the race; the names are simply brought in to I. "From that day the place where the lotus give him opportunities of displaying his power fell has been called Pushkara, and he who for poetical conceits, and thus the accounts of came down from the sun the Chohan.. Havthe princes about whom he had no historical ing obtained the paramount power from the information are filled with fanciful conceptions, four-faced Creator, he ruled over the heads of the in which some of the natural phenomena are kings, as his ancestor the sun rules over the heads explained with admirable contempt of the of the mountains. Bali, mortified at seeing the teachings of the "prond philosophy" of Nature. glory of his charity eclipsed by the greater
From Prithvirkja Choban to the death charity of this king, has hidden himself in the
• The "Chaturbbajs" Chohan, as described by Tod, insged, like the other three progenitors of the AgnikulasParmars, Parih fra, ChAlakys -- from the Agni Kunds, the
Macrificial fire fountain. But the generis is described differently in different books. Perhaps where there is no truth we must not uspeot to find concord.

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radeva, fit to be praised by Brahmâ himself; the delight of the eyes of women-his body.surpassing in beauty that of Cupid himself. When the king went out into the world, the other chiefs, to protect their possessions, did not take the sword out of its sheath, but only took wealth from their coffers. In the battle-field his arms, bearing the brilliant white sword, bore the beauties of the Eastern Mountain, destroying the freshness of the lotuses of the faces of his enemies. It is but natural that the fire of the king's valour should have burnt down the forests of iniquity, but it is strange that the same fire should have filled his enemies with cold shakings. Methinks the sun, with his progeny, in token of submission, had fixed his abode in the toe-nails of this prince.
IV. "Chandrarâja by his fame and the beauty of his countenance, achieving a double conquest over the moon, vindicated the appropriate significance of his name, which means Lord of the moon.' Strange was the power of the fire of his valour, for it burnt bright in the enemy in whom the stream of bravery flowed, while it was extinguished in that enemy who was destitute of this stream," &c.
nether world; for what else could a man afflicted with shame do? The moon, taken to task by this prince for attempting to rival his glory, every month hides himself, through fear, in the sun's disk, and comes out as if desirous of propitiating the offended king by presenting him with the brilliant orb. The fire of the king's valour has so burnt the gardens of the fame of his enemies, that the smoke issuing from the conflagration, ascending into the atmosphere, has to this day left its mark in the blue sky. The Sesha na ga, when he heard of the fame of this prince, was tempted to nod approval, but, fearing that the earth resting on his hoods might be thereby convulsed with pain, refrained from giving way to the generous impulse. Angry that his son should rival him in glory, the king deprived the ocean of his wealth of gravity. Are not sometimes fathers made to suffer for the faults of their sons? By the name of Choh ân, this prince became the shoot of the family tree, served by the poets; famous in the three worlds; the bearer in abundance of human pearls. In this family rose many a monarch surrounded by a halo of glory, whose lives, beautified with the triple acquisition, are able to destroy mountains of sins.
II. Vasudeva.-"In process of time Dikshita Vasudeva was born, who conquered the world by his valour; who seemed the very incarnation of Vasudeva come down to this earth for the destruction of the demon Sa kâ s. He whetted his sword, blunt with striking down the heads of his enemies, in the fire of his valour, and then cooled the steel in the water of the tears gushing from the eyes of the wives of his enemies. The goddess of victory, as if enamoured of this prince, shone in his hand in the battle-field in the disguise of his sword red with the blood of the necks of his enemies that he had severed. In the field of battle, while the martial bands were playing, and the gods in the heavens viewing the performance, the king caused the goddess of victory to dance in the guise of his quivering sword. Does not the sun, surpassed by this prince in brilliancy, drown himself in the deep, and-alas! for the pain of dying-come every day above the waters in his struggles ?"
III. Naradeva.-"Vasudeva begat Na
The above paragraphs may suffice to show the style of fulsome eulogy used by the poet in disposing of those princes of whom he had no historical information to give. The same similes occur again and again, and often the language is stiff and artificial.
I subjoin a list of the Chohân princes up to Hammira as given by our author, and below that given by Tod in his Rajasthan.
(1) Châhaman (Canto I. 11. 14-25). (2) Vasudeva (ib. 26-30).
(3) Naradeva (ib. 31-36). (4) Chandrarâja (ib. 37-40). (5) Jayapala Chakri (ib. 41-52). (6) Jayaraja (ib. 53-57).
(7) Samanta Simha (ib. 58-62). (8) Guyaka (ib. 63-68).
(9) Nandan (ib. 67-71). (10) Vapra Raja (ib. 72-81). (11) Hari Raja (ib. 82-87).
(12) Simha Raja (ib. 88-102)-killed Hetim, the Muhammadan general, and captured four elephants in the battle).
(13) Bhima (nephew of Simha, adopted by him) (Canto I. 11. 1-6).
Acquisition of artha (wealth), kama (love), and moksha (salvation).

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(14) Vigraha Rája (killed Mola Raja of Gujarat,
e and conquered the country) (ib. 7-9).
(15) Gangadeva (ib. 10-15). (16) Vallabha Raja ( 16-18). (17) Råma (19-21).
(18) Châmunda Raja (killed Hejama'd-din (ib. 22-24).
(19) Durlabha Raja (conquered Shahâbu'd-din (ib. 26-28).
(20) Dusala (killed Karnadeva') (ib. 99-82).
(21) Visvala (Visaldeva), killed Shahâbu'd-din (ib. 33-37).
(22) Prithvi Raja I. (ib. 38-40). (23) Alhana (ib. 41-44). (24) Anala dug a tank at Ajmer (ib. 45-51). (25) Jagadeva (it. 52-55). (26) Višala (ib. 56-59). (27) Jayapåla (ib. 60-62). (28) Gangapala (ib. 63-66).
(29) Someśvara (married Karpuri Devi, or, according to Tod, Rukadevi, daughter of Anangpål Tunar of Dehli) (ib. 67-74).
(30) Prithvi Raja II. (Canto III. 11. 75-90). (31) Hari Raja. (32) Govinda of Ranathambhôr, father of -
(33) Bålhana-had two sons-Prahlada and Vågbhata, or Våkbhata.
(34) Prahlada, son of Bålhana. (35) Viranârayana, son of Prahlada. (36) Vågbhata, son of Bâlhana. (37) Jaitrasingh, son of Vågbbata.
(38) Hammira, son of Jaitrasingh. Genealogy of the Choháns as given by Tod :
Anhala or Agnipala (the first Chohân; probable period 650 before Vikrama, when an invasion of the Turushkâs took place; established Makevati Nagri (Garha Mandla); conquered the Kon. kaņa, Aser, Golkondå.
Suvåcha. Mallana. Galan Sür.
Ajip&la Chakravartti (universal potentate; founder of Ajmer -some authorities say in 202 of Vikrama; others of the Viratah Samvat; the latter is the most probable).
Dola Raya (slain, and lost Ajmer, on the first irruption of the Muhammadans, S. 741, A.D. 685).
Manikya Raya (founded Sambhar; hence the title
of Sambhari Râo borne by the Chohan princes his issue: slain by the Mosque invaders under Abu'l Aas).
Harshardja or Harihara Rai (defeated Naziru'ddin (qu. Subaktegin P], thence styled 'Sultângråha').
Bir Billandeva (Balianga Râi or Dharmagachha; slain defending Ajmer against Mahmud of Ghazni).
Bisaldeva (classically Visaladeva); his period, from various inscriptions, S. 1066 to S. 1130..
Sarangadêva, his son, (died in nonage).
Åna Deva (constructed the Ana Sagar at Ajmer, which still bears his name), his sons
Hursapál (Hispâl of Ferishtah), father of - Jayapa la or Jayasimha (A.D. 977).
Ajayapâla or Anandeva, son of Jayapala (A.D. 1000); Bijyadeva and Udayadeva were his brothers.
Someśvara, son of Ajayapåla, married Rukåbåi, the daughter of Anangapal of Dehli. His brothers were Kanharai and Jaitraşinha. Kanhardi's son Isvaradås turned Muhammadan.
Prithvi Raja (A D. 1176), son of Someśvara, obtain ed Dehlí; slain by Shahâbu'd-din, s. 1249, A.D. 1193.
Renasi (A.D. 1192), son of Přithviraja, slain in the sack of Dehli.
Vijayaraja, son of Chahadadeva, She second son of Someśvara (adopted successor to Prithviraja; his name is on the pillar at Dehli).
Låkhansi, son of Vijayaraja, had twenty-one sons; seven of whom were legitimate, the others illegitimate, and founders of mixed tribes. From Lakhanst there were twenty-six generations to Nonad Sinha, the chief of Nimrâna (in Col. Tod's time), the nearest lineal descendant of Ajayapala and Prithviraja).
As observed before, up to the time of Prithvi. råja, the last great Chobân, the poem is made up mostly of poetical bombast, in which, at intervals, a grain of historical matter may be found concealed under bushels of poetical chaff. It is therefore useless to give a further analysis of this part of the poem. I begin with Somesvara, the father of Prithvi Raja.
After the death of Gangadeva, who was brave like Bhishma of old, Somes vara be
. According to the Gujarati chroniclers, Múla Raja reigned from 998-1053 A.V., i. e. 55 years. Soon after his succession to the throne he was assailed by two armies-- that of the Sapadalakshiya, Raja of Sakambhari (S&mbhar), and that of Barapa, the general of Tailapa of Kaliyan : see Ind. Ant. vol. VI. p. 184. Sapadalakshiya might be a biruda of Vigraha Raja. (Bhagav&nlal Indraji points out to me that Sapädalakes or SavAlakha is the name of the Sivalik hills, and that the early r&jag of Kamaun called themselves Sapadalakshansipatis; and that the Sakambhart rejas may have originally come from that country.-ED.)
Is this Karpadeva the same with the Karnadeva of Gujarat, the fifth in descent from Mula Rija I. His date, As given by Dr. Bühler, is 1063-1093 A.D. Dusala is sixth in descent from Vigraba, the enemy of Mala Raja : see Ind. Ant. vol. VI. p. 186.
Wilford inserts here Samanta Deva, MahAdeva, Ajaya. simha, Virasimha, Vindisura, and Vairi Vihanta-ED.
Tod, Raj. vol. II. p. 444. Ten more names are given in Bombay Government Selections, vol. III. p. 193; and Prinsep's Antiquities by Thomas, vol. II. Us. Tab. p. 247. -ED.

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came king. He was married to Karpurâ he heard this account of the misdeeds of Dê vi, who gave birth to a son as the east gives Shahâbu'd-din, his hand was raised to his birth to the cold-rayed beautiful disk of the moustache by the vehemence of his feelings, moon. This son was named Prithviraja and he declared to the assembled princes by the king his father. Day by day the child that he would force this Shahabu'd-dîn to beg throve, and grew up a strong and healthy boy. their pardon on his knees with his hands and After he had acquired proficiency in letters and feet heavily manacled and fettered, else he were arms, Some svara installed him on the gadi, no true Chohân. and himself retiring into the woods died in the After some days, Prithvirkja, with an practice of the yoga. As the eastern mountain efficient army, set out for Multán, and after shines beautiful by the rays that it receives several marches entered into the enemy's from the author of day, so did Prithviraja country. Shahâbu'd-din, when he heard of the shine in the royal insignia obtained from his king's approach, also advanced to encounter him. father.
In the battle which ensued, Prithviraja While Prithviraj a. was ruling over took Shahâbu'd-din captive, and was thus enhis subjects with justice, and keeping his ene- abled to fulfil his vow: for he obliged the mies in terror, Shahâbu'd-din was vigorously haughty Muhammadan on his knees to ask fortrying to subjugate the earth. The kings of the giveness of the princes whom he had despoiled. West, suffering greatly at his hands, chose Sri His vow now fulfilled, Prithviraja gave Chandra raja, son of Govindaraja, as rich presents and gifts to the suppliant princes, their spokesman, and in a body came to Prithvi. and sent them to their respective homes. He râja. After the customary presents had been also allowed Shah â bu'd-din to go to Mul. offered, the suppliant kings seated themselves in tân, bestowing on him like gifts. the presence of Prithviraja, who, seeing Shah â bu'd-d in, though thus well treated, the settled gloom of their countopances, asked the
felt bitterly mortified at the defeat he had susreason of their sorrow. Chandraraja replied tained. Seven times after this did he advance on to him that a Muhammadan named Shahâbu'd- Prithviraja to avenge his defeat, each time din had arisen for the destruction of kings, and with greater preparations than before, but each that he had pillaged and burnt most of their time was signally defeated by the Hindu monarch. cities, defiled their women, and reduced them | When Shah & b n'd-din saw that he could altogether to a miserable plight. "Sire," said not conquer Pșithviraja either by the he, “there is scarcely a mountain-pent valley force of his arms or by the ingenuity of his in the country but is filled to suffocation with stratagems and tactics, he communicated an acRajputs who have fled thither for protection count of his successive defeats to the king of from hís tyranny. A Rajput has but to appear the Ghataik a country and solicited his aid, before him in arms, when at once he is trans- This he obtained in the form of many horses and ferred to Yama's gloomy realm. Methinks men from the king's army. Thus reinforced, Shah & bu'd-din is Parasurama come Shaha bu'd-din rapidly advanced upon down to this earth again for the extirpation of Dehli, which he at once captured. The in. the warrior caste. The people are so panic- habitants were panic-stricken, and fled from the stricken that they abstain from rest, and, not city in every direction. Pșithviraja was knowing from what quarter he may appear, greatly surprised at this, and said that this circumspectly raise their eyes in every direc- Shahâbu'd-din was acting like a naughty child, tion. The noblest of the Rajput families have for he had already been defeated several times disappeared before him, and he has now estab- by him, and as often allowed to go unmolested lished his capital at Multâ n. The Rajas to his capital. Prithviraja, elated with now come to seek the protection of your his former victories over the enemy, gathered Majesty against this unrelenting enemy and the small force that was about him, and with his causeless persecution."
this handful of men advanced to meet the in, Prithviraja was filled with anger when vader.
10 Might not this be a name for the modern Kumbheri?

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Slightly attended as the king was, Shahâb- the time when the Muhammadans had suou'd-din was greatly terrified at the news of the ceeded in taking Prithviraja captive. But approach of the king, for he remembered too Shahâbu'd-din, fearing the consequences of well the former defeats and humiliations sus- further fighting with Udayarâja, retired tained at his hands. In the night, therefore, into the city, taking with him the captive he sent some of his confidential servants into monarch. the king's camp, and through them, with pro- When U da yarâ ja heard of the captivity mises of large sums of money, he seduced from of Prithviraja his heart throbbed heavily their allegiance the king's master of the horse with pain. He wished himself in the place of and the royal musicians. He then sent a large Prithviraja. He was unwilling to turn number of his Muhammadans secretly to the back leaving the king to his fate. Such a course, enemy's camp, who entered it early in the he said, would be detrimental to his fair name, in morning, when the moon in the west had his own country of Gauradesa. He therescarcely reached the horizon, and the sun was fore laid siege to the city of the enemy (YObut beginning to illuminate the east.
ginipura or Dehli, which ShahabudAll was now uproar and confusion in the king's din had taken possession of before this battle), camp. Some cried out, "Oh, brave comrades ! and sat before the gates for a whole month, up and to your arms! Haste, haste! the enemy fighting day and night. has approached and taken us by surprise. Let One day during the siege, one of Shahâbu'dus fight and return conquerors to our homes or din's people went up to him and remarked that to heaven!" While the king's followers were it would be becoming on his part for once to rethus preparing to meet their assailants, the dis- lease Prithviraj a, who had several times loyal master of the king's horse, as advised by taken him captive and then dismissed him with his seducers, saddled and brought forth as the honours. Shahâbu'd-din was not pleased with king's charger that day a horse styled Naty - this noble speaker, to whom he replied sharply rambha ("leader of the dance'); and the musi- that councillors like him were the sure decians, who were waiting their opportunity, stroyers of kingdoms. The angry ShahAbwhen the king had mounted, began to play a'd-din the ordered that Prithviraja upon their instruments tunes that were the should be taken into the fortress. When this king's favourites. At this the royal steed order was given, all the brave people hung began to dance proudly, keeping time with the their necks with shame, and the righteous, musicians. The king was diverted with this unable to suppress the tears gathering in their performance for a time, and forgot the all- eyes, lifted them towards heaven. Prithvi. important business of the moment.
râja a few days after this breathed his last The Muhammadans took advantage of the and went to heaven. king's indolence and made a vigorous attack. When U day a'r å ja learnt of the death of The Rajputs, under the circumstances, could do his friend, he thought that the best place of little. Seeing this, Prithviraja alighted abode for him now was that only whither his from his horse and sat on the ground. With late friend had sped. He therefore gathered the sword in his hand he cut down many Muham. together all his followers and led them into the madans. Meanwhile, a Muhammadan taking thickest of the battle, and there 'fell with his the king unawares from behind, threw his bow whole army, seduring for himself and them round his neck and drew the king prostrate to eternal happiness in heaven. the ground, while other Muhammadans bound | When Hariraja learnt the sad news him captive. From this time the royal captive of the death of Pșithviraja, his sorrow refused all food and rest.
knew no bounds. With tears gushing from Prithviraja, before he set out to en- his eyes, he performed the funeral ceremonies counter Shahâbu'd-din, had commanded Ud &- for the deceased monarch and then ascended yaraja to follow him to attack the enemy. the throne. He had not ruled long when the U da yaraja' reached the battle-field just about king of Gujarat, in order to secure his
1 This must be the famous Udayaditya Punar of MalwA, mentioned by Chanda as the great friend and ally of Prithviraja.

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favour, sent to him some dancing women from The followers of Harirâja were well his country as presents." These girls were received by Govindaraja, and appointed exceedingly beautiful and highly accomplished, to suitable offices in the kingdom. Govindar and they drew to themselves the king's heart so râja was paralyzed at the sad news of the fall much that all his time was usually spent in their of Ajmer, and the death of Hariraja, to company, in listening to their music and seeing whom he paid the last rites. For some years their dancing. At last matters came to such a after this Govindaraja ruled well and justly. pass that most of his revenues were squandered At last he died and went to heaven. on musicians and dancers, and nothing was left After Govindaraja, Balhas succeeded to with which to pay the salaries of the servants of the throne. Bálha na had two sons-Prahthe state, who naturally were disgusted with lâ da, the elder, and Vâgbhata, the younger. the king and his manners. His subjects also Being brought up and educated together, there were dissatisfied.
was between them very great brotherly affection. Apprised of these circumstances, Shah & b. When they came of age, their father, who had u'd-d in thought this a favourable opportunity grown old and feeble, placed his elder son for destroying Hariraja and his power. He | Prahlada, upon the gadi, and appointed the therefore marched his army into the country of younger, Vågbhat a, to the post of prime mi Hariråja. Ever since the death of Prithvi- nister. The old king did not long survive this råja, Hariraja had vowed not to see even arrangement. Prahla da was a just king, the face of the hated Muslim, and he passed his and, as he ruled mildly, his subjects were time, as described, in the company of women. contented. He was therefore ill prepared to meet Shahâb- One day, however, as fate would have it, he a'd-din in the battle-field. As a last resource, went out to the forest to hunt. The hunting Harir ája determined to perform the sak.' party was a grand one. There were many dogs Ho gathered together all the members of his with them, and the party was dressed in blue family, and ascended the funeral pile along with clothes. Merrily they went that day over hill them, and so went to the other world.
and dale, and the prey was unusually heavy. Hariraja had no son, and Shahâbu'd-din Many a mighty lion was made to bite the dust. pressed his followers hard. In the utmost con- While the party was thus engaged, the king fusion and misery, therefore, they assembled in saw a big lion lying at his ease in a patch of council to deliberate on the course they had tall reed grass, and, being dexterous with his best adopt. They were now, they said, without bow, aimed an arrow at the lion and killed him. a leader, while their army was so disorganized The attendants of the king raised a shout of that it could not look the enemy in the face. joy at this feat of royal archery, which had the Shahâbu'd-din was a great warrior and they effect of rousing from his slumbers another were weak. It was impossible that they should lion that was hard by, but of whose presence be able to protect themselves and their capital. they were not aware. In an instant the brute They therefore resolved to abandon the country rushed on the king with the swiftness of to its fate, and go and live under the protection lightning, and seizing one of the king's arms of Govindaraja, the grandson of Prithvi. in his mouth tore it from the body. This sad raja, who, having been banished the kingdom accident pat a stop to the sport, and the party by his father, had by his bravery acquired & bore the wounded monarch home, where the new kingdom and established his capital at l effects of the poison of the animal's bite termiRanathambhôr. They accordingly gather- nated his life. ed in all the remnants of Hariraja's power The death-bed of the king was an affecting and wealth and started for Ranathambhôr. scene. He placed on the gádi his son ViraAjmer, vacated by Harirâja's party, was now nå råyaņa, and called to his presence V å gpillaged and burnt by Shahâbu'd-din, who took bhata, his brother and minister, and said to possession of the city.
him that the three qualities of bravery, pene1 Gujarat in ancient times was famous for the number dancing girls. The professional dancing, girls of Persia and beauty of its dancing girls. One of its kings was are said have been the descendants of this stock! Vide forced to give his daughter in marriage to an ancient As. Res. val. IX., "Bickram and Salibahan.' Persian king, who took with him from the country 1200

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tration, and circumspection were the main stays of a monarch; but that these were acquisitions to which people attained in their majority. Rarely were they possessed by inexperienced youths. "My son," said he, "is yet a child, and he knows only how to sleep and rise again to play. Be thou, therefore, such a guide to him that he may not come to ruin."
Viranarayana from his very childhood was a naughty and unmanageable boy, and Vagbhata, convinced of this, could not find it in his heart to hold out the language of decided hope to his dying and beloved brother. "My dear brother," said he, as the tears rushed down his cheeks, "you know that no one is able to avert what is to happen. As for myself, I will serve the prince as faithfully and as diligently as ever I have served you." Scarcely had Vagbhata finished his speech when the king breathed his last.
When Viranarayana came of age, a marriage was arranged between him and the daughter of the Kachhavâha prince of Jayapur, and he set out for Amarapur (Amber), the capital ofthe Kachhavâha. On the way Viranarayana and his party were pursued by Jelâlu' d-din, and had to turn back to Ra nathambhor without being able to marry the Jayapurani. Here a great battle ensued, but neither party obtained the advantage. Jelâlu'd-din saw that it would be difficult to conquer Viranarayana in the field, and therefore determined to entrap him into his power by stratagem. For the present, therefore, he returned to his country; but after some days he sent a very flattering message to Viranarayana through one of his most trusted servants. The messenger represented to Viranarayana that he and Jelala'd-din were the sun and moon in the surrounding starry heaven of kings, and that his master, extremely pleased with the gallantry displayed by the prince in the late war, sought his friendship. He also represented how good it would be if they both lived in harmony and saw each. other frequently; how strong they both would be by this alliance, which would be like the union of wind with fire, and which would enable them to bear down all their many enemies. Jelâl u'ddin, said the envoy, now looked upon Viranarayana as his brother, and called upon the Almighty to witness if there was aught of deceit in his heart. The envoy concluded by inviting
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the prince, in the name of his master, to be the guest of the latter in his capital. "Should your Majesty have any objection," added the wily man, "to accept of Jelâlu'd-din's hospitality, Jelâla'd-din himself will come to Rana thambhor and pass a few days with you."
At this time there was pending some feud between Viranarayana and Vigraha, king of Vakshasthalapura. Bent upon chastising Vigraha, Viranarayana gave a willing ear to the ambassador, and resolved upon an alliance with Jelâlu'd-din. Vâgbhata disapproved of this alliance with the wicked Muhammadans, sought an interview with Viranârâ yana and spoke against it. "An enemy," said he, "is never changed to a friend, do what service you may to him; and if you have any wish to live and govern the kingdom, you must listen to the advice of your teachers and elders, and avoid having aught to do with Jelala'd-din and the Muslims."
Viranarayana was incensed at his uncle's advice, and contemptuously asked him not to think of the cares of the state, as they were now ill-suited to his old and weak mind; that he himself was equal to the task of government, and henceforth would do and act as best pleased him.
Vågbhata, stung to the quick by this answer, left the palace and departed for Malwa. Other courtiers, too, after Vågbhata had left, tried to dissuade the king from going to his enemy, but all failed. Viranarayana at length went to Yoginipura. The wily Muslim came out to receive him, and treated his guest apparently with the greatest respect. The prince was delighted with his reception. and became much attached to Jelâla'd-din. After a few days' hospitality, however, the prince was poisoned and died.
The joy of the Muhammadans at this event was excessive. They exclaimed that now the whole tree was prostrate at their feet, and they could help themselves to any part of it.
As the king was no more, and Vågbhata had left for Målwâ, Ranathambhor was without defenders, and easily fell into the hands of the enemy. Once in possession of Ranathambhôr, Jelâla'd-din sent a message to the king of Malwâ to say that Vâ gbhata should be put to death.
The king of M & 1 w â, it appears, lent a willing ear to this nefarious proposal, but Vagbhata

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discovered the secret. He murdered the king matter with Hammira, and, after giving him of Malwa, and possessing himself of his throne, excellent advice as to how he was to behave, soon gathered round him many of the distressed he gave over the charge of the state to him, and Rajputa. Possessed thus at once of a country and himself went to live in the forest. This hapan army, he made a league with the Kharpened in Samvat 1330 (A.D. 1283).* purås, who were already in arms against the Being endowed with the six gunas and the Muhammadans. Vågbhata conducted the three saktis, Hammir & now resolved to set combined army to Ranathambhôr and reduced out on a series of warlike expeditions. The its Muslim garrison to such a plight that they first place which he visited was Sarasa para, vacated the fort. Thus Vågbhata and the the capital of Raja Arjuna. Here a battle was Rajputs once more became masters of fought, in which Arjuna was defeated and Rana thambhor.
reduced to submission. Next the prince marchIt was Vågbhata's policy to station large ed on Gadhamandala, which saved itself forces at different posts along the frontier and by paying tribute. From Gadhamandala thus to keep off his enemies. He died after a Hammira advanced upon Dhara. Here was happy reign of twelve years.
reigning a Raja Bhoja, who, like his famous Vågbhata was succeeded by his son Jai- namesake, was the friend of poets. After trasingh. His queen was named Hira Dê vi, defeating Bhoja, the army arrived at Ujjain, who was very beautiful, and in every way quali- where the elephants, horses, and men bathed in fied for her high position. In course of time, the clear waters of the Kshipra. The prince Hiri Devi was found to be with child. Her also performed his ablutions in the river and cravings in this condition presaged the pro- paid his devotions at the shrine of Mah å kåla. clivities and greatness of the burden she bore. In a grand procession he then passed through At times she was possessed with a desire to the principal streets of the old city. From Ujbathe herself in the blood of the Muslims. jain, Hammira marched to Chitrakota Her husband satisfied her wishes, and at last, (Chitod), and ravaging Medapata (Mewad), in an auspicious hour, she was delivered of a went on to Mount A bû. son. The four quarters of the earth assumed Though a follower of the Vedas, Hammira a beautiful appearance; balmy winds began to here worshipped at the temple of Rishabha blow; the sky became clear; the sun shone | Déva,-for the great do not make invidious disgraciously; the king testified his joy by shower- tinctions. The king was also present at a reing'gold on the Brâhmans, and by making thank- citation in honour of Vastu pâla. He stayed offerings. The astrologers predicted, from the for some days at the hermitage of Vasightha, very favourable conjunction of the stars that and, bathing in the Mandakini, paid his presided over the child's nativity, that the prince devotions to A chalds vara. Here he was would make the whole earth wet with the blood much astonished at seeing the works which of the enemies of his country, the Muhammadans. Arjun a bad executed.
Hammira (for that was the name bestowed The king of A bû was a famous warrior, but on the child) throve and grew up a strong and his prowess little availed him at this juncture, handsome boy. He easily mastered the sciences, and he was obliged to submit to Hammira. and soon grew an expert in the art of war. Leaving Abû, the king arrived at Var. When he attained a proper age, his father bad ddhanapura, which city he plundered and dehim married to seven beautiful wives.
spoiled. Changå met with the same fate. Hence, Jaitrasingh had two other sons also, by way of Ajmer, Hammira went to PushSurattråņa and Virama, who were great kara, where he paid his devotions to Adiwarriors. Finding that his sons were now able var å ha (the primeval boar). From Pushto relieve him of the burden of government, kara the prince repaired to sakam bhari. Jaitrasingh one day talked over the On the way the towns of Mända t A
19 Ferishta says "Xhakars," a Mongol tribe, who also parte acell seem to have invaded India at this time.
15. There is no town of this name that Hammirs could 1. The text runs as follows:- 447 91 691 have ravaged on his way to Sakambhari. There is such भूहायने माधवलक्षपक्षे । पौष्यां तिथौ हेलिदिने सपुष्ये ज्योतिर्विदा- |

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Khanḍilla, Champå, and Kankroli were plundered. Tribhuvanêndra came to see him at Kankroli, and presented to him many rich gifts.
After having accomplished these brilliant exploits, Hammira returned to his capital. The advent of the king caused a great commotion there. All the great officers of state, headed by Dharmasin g h, came out in procession to receive their victorious monarch. The streets were lined by loving subjects eager to get a glimpse of their king.
Some days after this, Hammira inquired of his spiritual guide, Visvara pa, as to the efficacy of the merits arising from the performance of a sacrifice called the Koti-yajña, and being answered by the high priest that admit tance into Svarga-loka was secured by the performance of the sacrifice, the king ordered that preparations should be made for the Kotiyajña. Accordingly, learned Brahmans from all parts of the country were convened, and the sacrifice was completed according to the ordinances laid down for its performance in the holy Sástras. The Brahmans were sumptuously feasted, and handsome dakshinas were given to them. To crown all, the king now entered on the Munivrata, which he was to observe for an entire month.
While these things were taking place at Ranathambhôr, many changes had occurred at Dehli, where 'Alâu'd-din was now reigning. Apprised of what was passing at Ranathambhô r, he commanded his younger brother Ulugh Khân to take an army with him into the Cho hân country and to lay it waste. "Jaitrasingh," he said, "paid us tribute; but this son of his not only does not pay the tribute, but takes every opportunity of showing the contempt in which he holds us. Here is an opportunity to annihilate his power." Thus commanded, Uingh Khan invaded the R a nathambhor country with an army of 80,000 horse. When this army reached the Varnan âé à river, it was found that the roads which led into the enemy's country were not practicable for cavalry. Ulugh Khân, therefore, encamped here for some days, burning and destroying the villages in the neighbourhood.
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yet completed the Munivrata, was unable to take the field in person. He therefore despatched his generals, Bhimasingh and Dharmasingh, to drive away the invaders. The king's army came upon the invaders at a place on the Varnanâsâ, and gained a decisive advantage over the enemy, great numbers of whom were killed. Contenting himself with the advantage thus gained, Bhimasingh began to retrace his steps towards R ana thambhor, Ulugh Khân secretly following him with the main body of his army. Now it so happened that the soldiers of Bhi ma singh, who had obtained immense booty, were anxious to carry it home safely, and, in their anxiety to do this, had outstripped their chief, who had around him only a small band of his personal followers. When Bhimasingh had thus gained the middle of the Hindavât pass, in the pride of victory he ordered the kettledrums and other musical instruments he had captured from the enemy to be vigorously sounded. This act had an unforeseen and disastrous consequence. Ulugh Khân had ordered his army to follow Bhimasingh in small detachments, and had commanded them to fall on him wherever he should sound his martial instruments, which they were to understand as the signal of some great advantage gained over the enemy. When the detached parties, therefore, of the Muhammadans heard the sound of the nagáras, they poured into the pass from all sides, and Ulugh Khân also coming up began to fight with Bhinasingh. The Hindu general for a time nobly sustained the unequal combat, but was at last wounded and killed. After gaining this signal advantage over the enemy, Ulugh Khân returned to Dehli.
Hammira, after the completion of the sacrifice, learnt the details of the battle and of the death of his general Bhima singh. He upbraided Dharmasingh for deserting Bhimasingh, and called him blind, as he could not see that Ulugh Khan was on the track of the army. He also called him impotent as he did not rush to the rescue of Bhima singh. Not content with thus upbraiding Dharmasingh, the king ordered the offending general to be blinded and castrated. Dharmasingh was also superseded in the command of the army by Bhoja Deva, a natural brother of the
The king at Ra nathambhôr, not having
Malik Muizzu'd-din Ulugh Khân, called " Alaf Khan" by Briggs in his translation of Firishtah.-ED.

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Raja, and a sentence of banishment was passed Dharmasingh. As in daty bound, howupon him, bat, at Bhoja's intercession, it was over, he still followed his chief wherever he not carried out.
went. One day, the king went to pay his Dharmasingh, thus mutilated and dis- devotions at the temple of Vaidyanath, and graced, was bitterly mortified at the treatment seeing Bhoja in his train, scornfully remarked he had received at the king's hands, and resolved to a courtier, who stood by, that the earth was to be avenged. In parsuance of his determina- full of vile beings; but the vilest creature on tion, he contracted an intimate friendship with earth was the crow, who, though deprived of his one Rådhå Dêvî, a courtesan, who was a last feather by the angry owl, still clung to his great favourite at court. Radha Dévi kept habitation on the old tree. Bhoja understood her blind friend well acquainted every day as the intent of the remark, and that it was to what was passing at court. One day it so levelled at him. Deeply mortified, he returned happened that Radha Dévi returned home quite home and communicated his disgrace to his cross and dejected, and when her blind friend younger brother Pitama. The two brothers asked her the cause of her low spirits, she now resolved to leave the country, and the answered that the king had lost that day many next day Bhoja went to Hammira horses of the vedha disease, and consequently and humbly prayed to be allowed leave to paid little attention to her dancing and singing, andertake a pilgrimage to Banaras. The king and that this state of things, in all probability, granted his request, adding that he might go to was likely to continue long. The blind man Banaras or further if he chose, -that there was bade her be of good cheer, as he would see ere no danger of the town being deserted on his long that all was right again. She was only to account. To this insolent speech Bhoja made take the opportunity of insinuating to the king no reply. He bowed and withdrew, and soon that Dharmasingh, if restored to his former after started for Banaras. The king was dopost, would present the king with twice the lighted at Bhoja Deva's departure, and he number of horses that had lately died. RA- conferred the Kotwalship vacated by him on dhA Dêvi played her part well, and the king, Ratipala. yielding to avarice, restored Dharmasingh 1 Whea Bhoja reached Sirsa, he reflected to his former post.
on the sad turn his affairs had taken, and reDharmasingh thus restored, only thought solved that the wanton insults heaped upon of revenge. He pandered to the king's avarice, him should not go unavenged. In this mind, and by his oppression and exactions reduoed the with his brother Pitama, he went to rayats to a miserable condition and made them Yogin ipura, and there waited upon 'Alau'ddetest their monarch. He spared no one from din. The Muhammadan chief was much whom anything could be got-horses, money, pleased with Bhoja's arrival at his court. He anything worth having. The king, whose treated him with distinguished honour, and treasury he thus replenished, was much pleased bestowed upon him the town and territory of with his blind minister, who, flushed with suc- Jagará as a jahậgir. Henceforth Pitama oess, now called on Bhoja to render an account lived here, and the other members of Bhoja's of his department. Bhoja knew the blind family, while he himself stayed at court. man grudged him his office, and going to the king 'Alå u'd-d in's object was to leam Hamhe informed him of all Dharmasingh's mira's affairs, and he therefore lavished schemes, and applied to him for protection from presents and honours on Bhoja, who gradually the minister's tyranny. Bat Hammir a paid became entirely devoted to the interests of his no attention to the representations of Bhoja, new master. telling him that as Dharmasingh was en- Convinced of Bhoja's devotion to his cause, trusted with full powers, and could do whatever 'Alân'd-din one day asked him, in private, if he thought proper, it was necessary others there were any easy and practicable means of should obey his orders. Bhoja, when he saw subduing Hammira. Bhoj a answered that that the king's mind was turned from him, sub- it was no easy matter to conquer Hammira, mitted to his property being confiscated and a king who was the terror of the kings of Kunbrought into the king's coffers, as ordered by tala, Madhyadeba (Central India). A -

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MARCH, 1879.] gadesa and the far Kâñchi-a king who was master of the six gunds and the three saktis, and who commanded a vast and powerful army-a king whom all other kings feared and obeyed, and who had a most valiant brother in Virama, the conqueror of many princes-a king who was served by the fearless Mongol chiefs Mahimâ áâ hi and others, who, after defeating his brother, had defied 'A lâu'd-din himself. Not only had Ham mira able generals, said Bhoja, but they were all attached to him. Seduction was impossible save in one quarter. One man only had his price in the court of Ham mira. What a blast of wind was to a lamp, what the cloud was to the lotuses, what night was to the sun, what the company of women was to an ascetic, what avarice was to all other qualities, that was this one man to Hammira-the sure cause of disgrace and destruction. The present time, too, said Bhoja, was not ill suited for an expedition against Ham mira. There was a bumper harvest this year in the Cho hân country and if 'Alâu'd-din could but snatch it from the peasantry before it could be stored away he would induce them, as they already suffered from the blind man's tyranny, to forsake the cause of Ham mira.
'Alâu'd-din liked Bhoja's idea, and forthwith commanded Ulugh Khân to invade Hammira's country with an army of 100,000 horse. Ulugh Khân's army now poured over the land like an irresistible torrent, the chiefs through whose territories it passed bending like reeds before it. The army thus reached Hinda vât, when the news of its approach and intention was carried to Hammira. Thereupon the Hindu king convened a council, and deliberated on the course they had best adopt. It was resolved that Virama and the rest of the eight great officers of state should go and do battle with the enemy. Accordingly, the king's generals divided the army into eight divisions, and fell on the Muhammadans from all the eight points of the compass at once. Virama came from the east, and Mahimâsâhi from the west. From the south advanced Jâjadêva, while Garbharuka advanced from the north. From the south-east came Ratipála, while Tichar Mongol directed the attack from the north-west. Ranamalla came from the
67
north-east, while Vaichara chose the southwest for his direction of attack. The Rajputs set to their work with vigour. Some of them filled the enemy's entrenchments with earth and rubbish, while others set on fire the wooden fortification raised by the Muhammadans. Others, again, cut the ropes of their tents. The Muhammadans stood to their arms and vauntingly said they would mow down the Rajputs like grass. Both sides fought with desperate courage; but the Muhammadans at last gave way before the repeated attacks, of the Rajputs. Many of them, therefore, left the field and fled for their lives. After a time their example was followed by the whole of the Muhammadan army, which fled ignominiously from the battlefield, leaving the Rajputs complete masters of it.
When the battle was over, the modest Râj: puts went over the field to gather their dead and wounded. In this search they obtained much booty and arms, elephants and horses. Some of the enemy's women also fell into their hands. Ratipala forced them to sell buttermilk in every town they passed through.
Hammira was exceedingly delighted at the signal victory over the enemy gained by his generals. He held a grand darbår in honour of the event. In the darbâr the king invested Ratipala with a golden chain-comparing him, in his speech, to the war elephant who had richly deserved the golden band. All the other nobles and soldiers were also rewarded according to their deserts, and graciously ordered back to their respective homes.
All but the Mongol chiefs left the presence. Hammira observed this, and kindly asked them the reason of their lagging behind. They answered that they were loth to sheathe their swords and retire to their houses before they had chastised the ungrateful B hoja, who was enjoying himself in his jahâgir at Jagara. On account of the relation in which he stood to the king, said they, they had up to this time allowed Bhoja to live; but he now no longer deserved this forbearance, as it was at his instigation that the enemy had invaded the Ranathambhor territory. They therefore asked permission of the king to march on Jagara and attack Bhoja. The king granted the request, and at once the Mongols left the palace for Jagarà. They took the town by storm,

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and taking Pitams captive, with many others, summons, brought their respective quotas to bronght him back to Raņa thambhô r. swell the invading army. Amongst this mis
Ulugh Khân after his discomfiture has- cellaneous host there were some who came tily retired to Dehli and apprised his brother of on account of the love they bore to the god. what had happened. His brother taxed him dess of war, while others were there who had with cowardico; but Ulugh Kh & n excused boen drawn into the ranks of the invaders his flight by representing that it was the only by the love of plunder. Others, again, only course open to him, under the circumstances, came to be spectators of the desperate fighting which could enable him to have the pleasure of that was expected to take place. There was onco more seeing his brother in this world, and such a thronging of elephants, horses, chariots, have another opportunity of fighting with and men that there was scarcely room for the Choh â n. Scarcely had Ulugh Khân one to thrust a grain of tila amidst the crowd. done with his excuses, when in came Bhoja, With this mighty concourse, the two brothers, red with anger. He spread the cloth which Nusrat Khan and Ulugh Khân, started he had worn as an upper garment on the for the Ranathambhôr country. ground, and began to roll upon it as one pos. 'Alau'd-din with a small retinue stayed sessed with an evil spirit, muttering inco- behind with the object of inspiring the Rajputs herently all the while. 'Alau'd-din was not with a dread of the reserves that must have a little annoyed at this strange conduct, and necessarily remained with him, their king. inquired the reason of it. Bhoja replied that The numbers in the army were so great that it would be difficult for him ever to forget the they drank up all the water of the rivers on the misfortune that had overtaken him that day : line of march. It was therefore found necesfor Mahima hi having paid & visit to bary not to halt the army longer than a few Jagará, had carried it by assault and dragged hours in any one place. By forced marches, his brother Pitama into captivity before the two generals soon reached the borders of Hammira. Well might people now, said the Ranathambhôr territory- an event Bhoje, point the finger of scorn at him, and which gave rise to conflicting sentiments in the Bay, Here is the man who has lost his all in the minds of the invaders. Those that had taken hope of getting more. Helpless and forlorn, no part in the late war said victory was now he could not now trust himself to 'lie on the certain, as it was impossible the Rajputs should earth, as it all belonged now to H&mmira; be able to withstand such troops as they and he had therefore spread his garment, on were. The veterans of the last campaign, which to roll in grief which had deprived him however, took a different view of the matter, of the power of standing.
and asked their more hopeful comrades to Already the fire of anger was kindled in the remember that they were about to encounter breast of 'Alau'd-din at the tale of the defeat Hammira's army, and that, therefore, they his brother had sustained, and Bhoja's speech should reserve their Faunting until the end of added fuel to the fire. Throwing to the the campaign. ground, in the vehemence of his feelings, the When the pass was gained which was the tarban he had on, he said Hammira's folly scene of Ulugh Khân's discomfiture and diswas like that of one who thought he could grace, he advised his brother not to place too tread upon the lion's mane with impunity, and much confidence in their power alone, but, as vowed he would exterminate the whole race the place was a difficult one, and Hammîra's of the Chohans. Then at once he despatched army both strong and efficient, to try stratagem letters to the kings of various countries, call. by sending some one on to the court of Haming upon them to join him in & war against mira, there to try to while away some days in Hammira. The kings of Anga, Telanga, negotiations about peace, while the army should Magadha, Maisûr, Kalinga, Banga, safely cross the mountains and take up a strateBhot, Meda pât, Panchal, Bå nga 1, " gical position. Nusrat Khân yielded to the Thamim, Bhilla, Nepal, Dhal, and superior experience of his brother, and Sri some Himalayan chiefs, who also obeyed the Molhaņa Deva was sent to propose the terms
W I apoll these names they are in the original.

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on which the Muhammadans would conclude a numerous impregnable forts, like Dêvagadha, peace with Hammira. Pending negotiations, whereas the fame of the god rests on the H&mmira's people allowed the invading army successful capture of the fort of Tripura alone. to cross the dangerous pass unmolested. The Hammira, who had listened with impaKhân now posted his brother on one side of the tience to the ambassador's speech, was incensed road known as the Man di Road, and he him- at the insulting message delivered to him, and self occupied the fort of Sri Mandapa. The said to Sri Molhana Deva that if he had forces of the allied princes were stationed all not been there in the capacity of an accredited round the tank of Jaitra S&gara.
envoy, the tongue with which he uttered those Neither party was sincere. The Muham- vannting insults should ere this have been cat madans thought they had artfully secured an out. Not only did Hammirà refuse to advantageous position from whence to com- entertain either of the conditions submitted mence their operations; whilst the Rajputs were
by the envoy, but on his part he proposed of opinion that the enemy had so far advanced the acceptance by 'Alau'd-din of as many into the interior that he could not now possibly sword-cuts as the number of the gold mohors, escape them.
elephants, and horses he had the impudence The Khan's ambassador at Ranathan- to ask for, and told the envoy he would look bhôr, admitted into the fort by the king's upon the refusal of this martial offer by the order, from what he saw there, was inspired Muhammadan chief as tantamount to his ('Alauwith a dread of Hammîra's power. However, 'd-din's) feasting on pork. Without any further he attended the darbâr held to receive him, and, ceremony, the envoy was driven from the after the exchange of the usual courtesies, presence. boldly delivered himself of the message with The garrison of Ranatha bhôr now which he was charged. He said that he was prepared for resistance. Officers of approved deputed to the king's court as the envoy of ability and bravery were told off to defend Ulugh Khan and Nusrat Khân, the two various poste. Tents were pitched here and brothers of the celebrated 'Al&u'd-din; that there on the ramparts to protect the defenders he had come there to impress on the king's mind, from the rays of the sun. Oil and resin were if possible, the futility of any resistance that kept boiling in many places, ready to be poured he could offer to so mighty a conqueror as on the bodies of any of the assailants to scald 'Alau'd-din, and to advise him to conclade a them if they dared come too near, and guns were peace with his chief. He offered to Ham. mounted on suitable places. The Muhammad. mira, as the conditions of peace, the choice an army, too, at last appeared before Raņabetween paying down to his chief a contribu- thambhôr. A desperate struggle was carried tion of one hundred thousand gold mohors, on for some days. Nusrat Khan was presenting him with four elephants and three killed by a random shot in one of the engagehundred horses, and giving his daughter in ments, and, the monsoon having set in, Ulugh marriage to 'Alau'd-din; or the giving up to him Khan was obliged to stop all further operathe four insubordinate Mongol chiefs, who, tions. He retired to some distance from the having excited the displeasure of his master, fort, and sent a despatch to 'Alau'd-din, were now living under the protection of the informing him of the critical situation he was in. king. The envoy added that if the king desired He also sent him in a box Nusrat Khan's the enjoyment of his power and kingdom in body for burial. Upon this intelligence reachpence, he had the opportunity at hand of securing ing 'Alau'd-din, he started at once for Raņahis object by the adoption of either of these than bhôr. Arrived there, he immediately conditions, which would equally secure to him marched his army to the gates of the fort and the good graces and assistance of 'A 18 u'd-din, invested it.
invested it. a monarch who had destroyed all his enemies, Hammira, to mark his contempt of these who possessed numerous strong forts and well proceedings, had caused to be raised, on many furnished arsenals and magazines, who had put places over the walls, flags of light wickerto shame Mahadeva himself by capturing work. This was as much as to say that 'A14
2. Elliot and Dowson's History, vol. III. p. 172.-ED.

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u'd-din's advent before the fort was not felt to be a burden to, or an aggravation of, the sufferings of the Rajputs. The Muhammadan chief at once saw that he had to deal with men of no ordinary resolution and courage, and he sent a message to Hammira saying he was greatly pleased with his bravery, and would be glad to grant any request such a gallant enemy might wish to make. Of course this was bidding in some way for peace. Ham mira, how ever, replied that as 'Alâu'd-din was pleased to grant anything he might set his heart upon, nothing would gratify him so much as fighting with him for two days, and this request he hoped would be complied with. The Muhammadan chief praised very much this demand, saying it did justice to his adversary's courage, and agreed to give him battle the next day. The contest that ensued was furious and desperate in the last degree. During these two days the Muhammadans lost no less than 85,000 men. A truce of some few days being now agreed upon by both the belligerents, fighting ceased for a time.
On one of these days the king had. Rådha Dêvi dancing before him on the wall of the fort, while there was much company round him. This woman, at stated and regular intervals, well understood by those who understand music, purposely turned her back towards 'Alâu'd din, who was sitting below in his tent not far from the fort, and who could well see what was passing on the fort wall. No wonder that he was incensed at this conduct, and indignantly asked those who were about him if there was any among his numerous followers who could, from that distance, kill that woman with one arrow. One of the chiefs present answered that he knew one man only. who could do this, and that man was Uddân a singh, whom the king had in captivity. The captive was at once released and brought before 'A lâu'd-din, who commanded him to show his skill in archery against the fair target. Uddânasingh did as he was bid, and in an instant the fair form of the courtesan, being struck, fell down headlong from the fort wall.
This incident roused the ire of Mahimâsahi, who requested permission of the king to be allowed to do the same service to 'Alâ u'd-din that he had done to poor Rádha Devi. The king replied that he well
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
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knew the extraordinary skill in archery possessed by his friend, but that he was loth 'Alâu'd-din should be so killed, as his death would deprive him of a valiant enemy with whom he could at pleasure hold passages of arms. Mahim à é & hi then dropped the arrow he had adjusted on his bowstring on Udd âna singh, and killed him. This feat of Mahimâsâhi so intimidated 'Alâa'd-din that he at once removed his camp from the eastern side of the lake to its western side, where there was greater protection from such attacks. When the camp was removed, the Rajputs were able to perceive that the enemy, by working underground, had prepared mines, and had attempted to throw over a part of the ditch a temporary bridge of wood and grass carefully covered over with earth. The Rajputs destroyed this bridge with their cannon, and, pouring burning oil into the mines, destroyed those that were working underground. In this manner all 'A lâu'd-din's efforts to take the fort were frustrated. At the same time he was greatly harassed by the rain, which now fell in torrents. He therefore sent a message to H a ma mira, asking him kindly to send over to his camp R a tipâ la, as he desired very much to speak with him, with a view to an amicable settlement of the differences subsisting between them.
The king ordered Ratipâ la to go and hear what 'Alâu'd-din had to say. Ranamalla was jealous of R&tipâla's influence, and did not at all like that he should have been chosen for this service.
'Alâu'd-din received Rati pâ la with extraordinary marks of honour. Upon his entering the darbâr tent, the Muhammadan chief rose from his seat, and, embracing him, made him sit on his own gadi, while he himself sat by his side. He caused valuable presents to be placed before Rati påla, and also made promises of further rewards. Ratipâla was delighted with such kind treatment. The wily Muhammadan, observing it, ordered the rest of the company to leave them alone. When they had all left, he began to address Ratipâla. "I am," said he, "'Alâ u'd-din, the king of the Muhammadans, and I have up to this time stormed and carried hundreds of fortresses. But it is impossible for me to carry Ranathambhor by force of arms.

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My object in investing this fort is simply to get greatly prejudiced against him, and he advised the fame of its capture. I hope now (as you him to go over to the enemy on the first alarm; have condescended to see me) I shall gain my for he said Hammira had resolved to make object, and I may trust you for a little help in the him a prisoner that very night. He also told fulfilment of my desire. I do not wish for any him the hour at which he might expect to be more kingdoms and forts for myself. When I visited by the king for this purpose. Having take this fort, what better can I do than bestow done this, Ratip â la quietly waited to see the it on a friend like you? My only happiness issue of the mischief he had no industriously will be the fame of its capture." With blan- sown. dishments such as these, Ratip a la was won Virama, the brother of Hammira, was over, and he gave 'Alau'd-d in to understand with him when Ratipala paid him the visit, 80. Thereapon 'Alau'd-dîn, to make his game and he expressed his belief to his brother that donbly, sure, took Ratipal a into his harem, and Ratipala had not spoken the truth, but had there left him to eat and drink in private with been seduced from his allegiance by the enemy. his youngest sister. This done, Ratipala left | He said he could smell liquor when Ratipala the Muhammadan camp and came back into the was speaking, and a drunken man was not to be fort.
believed. Pride of birth, generosity, discernRatipa la wasthus gained over by 'Alau'd- ment, shame, loyalty, love of truth and cleanlidin. Therefore, when he saw the king, he did ness, were qualities, said Virama, that were not give him a true account of what he had seen not to be expected to be the possessions of in the Muhammadan camp, and of what 'Alau'd- those that drink. In order to stop the further din had said to him. Instead of representing progress of sedition among his people, he 'Alau'd-dîn's power as fairly broken by the advised his brother to put Ratipala to death. repeated and vigorous attacks of the Rajputs, But the king objected to this proposal, saying and he himself as willing to retire upon a that his fort was strong enough to resist the nominal surrender of the fort, he represented enemy under any circumstances; and if by him as not only bent upon exacting the most any unforeseen accident, it should fall into the humiliating marks of submission on the part of hands of the enemy after he had killed Ratithe king, but as having it in his power to make pâla, people would moralize on the event, good his threats. 'Alau'd-din confessed, and attribute their fall to their wickedness in said Ra tipala, that the Rajputs had succeeded putting to death an innocent man. in killing some of his soldiers; but that mattered In the mean time, Ratipala caused a rumour little, for no one could look upon the centipede to be spread in the king's Ranawâs that 'Alau'das lame for the loss of a foot or two. Under din only asked for the hand of the king's these circumstances he advised Hammirato daughter, and that he was ready to conclude a call upon Ranamalla in person that night, and peace if his desires in this respect were granted. persuade him to do his best in repelling the as he wanted nothing else. Hereupon the assailants; for Raņa malla, said the traitor king's wives induced his daughter to go to her Ratipala, was an uncommon warrior, but that father and express her willingness to bestow hedid not, it appeared, use his atmost endeavours
her hand on 'Alau'd-din. The girl went where in chastising the enemy, as he was offended her father was sitting, and implored him to give with the king for something or other. The her to the Muhammadan, to save himself king's visit, alleged Ratipala, would make and his kingdom. She said she was as a piece matters all right again.
of worthless glass, whilst her father's life and After this interview with the king, Ratipala kingdom were like the chintamani, or the wishhastened to see Ranamalla, and there, as if granting philosopher's stone; and she solicited to oblige and save from utter destruction an old him to cast her away to retain them. comrade and associate, informed him that, for The king's feelings quite overcame him as some unknown reason, the king's mind was the innocent girl, with clasped hands, thus
"At first sight this statement might seem to be slipper at the door of his wife's room is a sign well underfancy of the author, intended to blacken the character of stood by a husband in this tribe, at sight of which he imthe victor. But we read that such things were quite mediately takes care to retire from the house. See Tod, possible in the tribe to which the conqueror belonged. A vol. I. p. 56.

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spoke to him. He told her she was a mere child, and was not to be blamed for what she had been taught to speak. But he knew not what punishment they deserved who had the imprudence to put such ideas into her innocent head. It did not, said he, become a Rajput to mutilate females; else he should have cut out the tongues of those that uttered such blasphemy in his fair daughter's ears. "Child," said Hammira, "you are yet too young to understand these matters, and there is not much use in my explaining them to you. But to give you away to the unclean Muhammadan, to enjoy life, is to me as loathsome as prolong ing existence by living on my own flesh. Such a connection would bring disgrace on the fair name of our house, would destroy all hopes of salvation, and embitter our last days in this world. I will rather die ten thousand deaths than live a life of such infamy." He ceased, and ordered his daughter, kindly but firmly, to her chamber.
The unsuspecting king then prepared to go, in the dusk of the evening, to Ranamalla's quarters, in order to remove his doubts, as advised by Rati pâla. The king was but slightly attended. When, however, he approached Ran a malla's quarters, the latter remembered what Ratipâla had said to him, and, thinking his imprisonment was inevitable if he stopped there any longer, precipitately left the fort with his party and went over to 'Alâu'd din. Seeing this, Ratipala also did the
same.
The king, thus deceived and bewildered, came back to the palace, and sending for the Kothari (the officer in charge of the royal granaries) inquired of him as to the state of the stores, and how long they would hold out. The Kothari, fearing the loss of his influence, if he were to tell the truth to the king at that time, falsely answered that the stores would suffice to hold out for a considerable time. But scarcely had this officer turned his back when it became generally known that there was no more corn in the state granaries. Upon the news reaching the king's ears, he ordered Virama to put the false Kothâri to death, and to throw all the wealth he possessed into the lake of Padma Sagar.
Harassed with the numerous trials of that day, the king in utter exhaustion threw
[MARCH, 1879.
himself on his bed. But his eyes were strangers to sleep that dreadful night. It was too much for him to bear the sight of those whom he had treated with more than a brother's affection, one by one, abjure themselves and leave him alone to his fate. When the morning came, he performed his devotions, and came and sat in the darbâr hall, sadly musing on the critical situation. He thought that, as his own Rajputs had left him, no faith could be placed in Mahi maśâhi, at once a Muhammadan and an alien. While in this mood, he sent for Mahima s & hi and said to him that, as a true Rajput, it was his duty to die in the defence of his kingdom; but he was of opinion it was improper that people who were not of his race should also lose their lives for him in this struggle, and therefore now it was his wish that Mahima śâhi should name to him some place of safety where he could retire with his family, and thither he would see him escorted safely.
Struck by the king's generosity, Mahima& hi, without giving any reply, went back to his house, and there put to the sword all the inmates of his zanâna, and returning to Hammira said that his wife and children were ready to start off, but that the former insisted on once more looking upon the face of the king, to whose favour and kindness the family had owed so long their protection and happiness. The king acceded to this request, and, accompanied by his brother Virama, went to Mahimasâhi's house. But what was his sorrow and surprise when he saw the slaughter in the house! The king embraced Mahima sahi and began to weep like a child. He blamed himself for having asked him to go away, and knew not how to repay such extraordinary devotion. Slowly, therefore, he came back to the palace, and, giving up everything for lost, told his people that they were free to act as they should think proper. As for himself, he was prepared to die charging the enemy. In preparation for this, the females of his family, headed by Ranga Devi, perished on the funeral pile. When the king's daughter prepared to ascend the pile, her father was overcome with grief. He embraced her and refused to separate. She, however, extricated herself from the paternal embrace, and passed through the fiery ordeal. When there remained no

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ing but a heap of ashes, the sole remains and Kshetrasingh Para má ra followed of the fair and faithful Chohậnis, Hammira them. Lastly fell the mighty Hammira, performed the funeral ceremonies for the dead, pierced with a h'nndred shafts. Disdaining to and cooled their manes with a last ovation fall with anything like life into the enemy's of the tilänjali. He then, with the remains hands, he severed, with one last effort, his head of his faithful army, sallied out of the fort and from his body with his own hands, and so fell upon the enemy. A deadly hand-to-hand terminated his existence. Thus fell Hammira, struggle ensued. Viram a fell first in the thick- the last of the Chohans! This sad event est of the battle; then Mahimas âhi was shot happened in the 18th year of his reign, in the through the heart. Jaja, Gangadhar Ták, month of Sråvaņa.
TWO EASTERN CHALUKYA COPPERPLATE GRANTS.
BY R. SEWELL, M.C.S., M.R.A.S. The two plates of which I give the tran- | It carrios the list of kings from Kubjascripts below were lately found in the vernacular Vis hņu vardhana, the first sovereign, record room of the Collector's office in Masu- down to Ammarâja II., and is almost identilipatam. As system is everything in these cal in style and expression with the grant pub. matters, I have adopted Mr. Fleet's system of lished by Mr. Fleet, Vol. VII. pp. 15ff. That transliteration; and, in places where passages grant is dated A. D. 945-6, Saka 867, and in his públished grants and in these new ones is given by one Vijay aditya, whose relaare identical, I have adopted the very words tionship to Ammaraja II. is not noted. of his translation, -believing that by so doing Now the present grant also is apparently given I am assisting best the work now being carried by this same Vijay aditya, and, as in out. This will serve to show how very simi- Mr. Fleet's No. XXXIV., his relationship to lar to one another are these Châluk ya? Ammar & ja II. is not mentioned, though grants.
kingly titles are awarded to him. This may, Both the grants now published belong to the as suggested by Mr. Fleet, be Ammaraja's eastern coast of the peninsula near the Krishna grandfather, Kollabiganda.Vijayadi. river, and date from the period when the tya. It is also possible that he may be the Eastern branch of the Chalu ky a kings were Vijay aditya mentioned as the son of ruling over the country they had conquered Ammar & ja I., who was expelled from from the sala n ka yan & sovereigns of
the throne when an infant by Târa pa, and Vengidesa.
who was cousin to Amma râja II., and Bornell, in the 1st edition of his South- probably about the same age as that sovereign. Indian Palæography, had to be content with But I think it is more probably a title of five inscriptions which gave the consecutive Ammarája himself (vide my remarks on order and relationship of these kings and the inscription No. II.). lengths of their reigns,' but we have now more The grant consists of some fields and lands than double that number to go by, and there is in the eastern delta of the Krishna. It is reason to hope that dates and other particulars interesting to notice that one of the boundaries will soon be as accurately determined as those mentioned is the large road," showing that of the Kalyâņa branch.
communications were cared for in that part of And although there is nothing important in the country at that period. The boundaries these two plates, I think those interested in the are noted in Telugu, the words chénu, a field, subject will agree that the more the published éru, a river,' cheruvi, a tank,' being mixed insoriptions are multiplied the better.
up with the Sanskrit kshetra, &c. I shall be No. I.
very glad to receive information on the meanThis inscription is, unfortunately, undated. ings of the words pannasa and paru, which 10 The Tarikh-i'Aut of Amir Khusr å gives the date as though it seems doubtfal whether it ought not to be writArd 21-1 Ka'da A.. 700 (July 1801 A.D.), the siege began
ten with the short -Chalukya. in Rajab, four months previously.-Elliot and Dowson's Some, of course, more, some less, according to their History, vol. III. PP. 75, 179, 549.-ED.
respective dates. "I wo the name so spelt that in use in several plates,

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I cannot interpret; pátu I could understand, the moon over the animal's head, in front of but the word is clearly patu.
the boar a sankha, behind him an elephantThe original consists of three plates, each goad. Underneath the boar are the words measuring 8" long by 3}" broad, the writing Sri-Tribhuvandikusa, but they are much worn being on the insides of both the outer plates, away. At the base is some ornamental design, and both sides of the inner one. The seal probably a lotus, but on this seal it is imposof the ring on which they are strung is 2" insible to define it. It will thus be seen that diameter. It bears the usual Chalukya de- the seal is one of those ordinarily in use among vices, the boar facing left, the sun above it, the Chaluky a kings of this period.
Transcription. 1. (1) Svasti Srimatâm sakala-bhuvana-saṁstûyamâna-Mânavya-sagôtrâņam Hâriti-putra(2) nam Kó(kau)śiki-vara-prasada-labdha-rajyânâ mâtri-gana-paripálitânâm Svâmi
Mahâsêna-på(3) d-Anudhyâ tânâ mi bhagavan-Narayana-prasada-samâsâdita-vara-vara ha-lAñchhan
Oksbana-ksha-]" (4) ņa-vasikrit-ârâti-mandalânâm=asvamêdh-avabhrita-snâna-pavitrikrita-vapusha m (Cha
la]kyå(5) når kulam-alatókarishạôh Satyáśraya-Vallabhêndrasya bhrátâ Kubja-Vishņuvard
dhanô=shtadaśa (varshâņi) (6) Vemgi-desam-apalayat tad-atmajô Jayasimhas=trayas-trimsatan | tad-anuj.Êndra
raja-nandano Vi. (7) shnuvarddhanð nava | tat-sûnur=Mmangi-yuvarajah pamcha-vimbatim tat-patro
Jayasimbas trayô(8) daśa | tad-avarajah Kokkilih shaņ=mâsân | tasya jyêshthô bhrâtå Vishộuvardhanas=
tam=uchchatya sapta-tri satam] IL a. (9) tat-patrở Vijayaditya-bhattarakð=shtadasa | tat-sutô Vishņuvarddhanash=shat
trimsatam tat-sutô (10) Vijayâditya-narendra-msigarajas-ch-ishta-chatvarimsatam tat-sutaḥ Kali-Vishnu
varddhanô=dhy-a(11) rddha-varsham tat-putrở Ganagâmka-Vijayadityas-chatas-chatvarimsataṁ tad
bhràto(12) fr] Vvikramaditya-bhpatës sūnusChalukya [Bhima-bhpalastrimsatam tat-sutaḥ (13) Kollabiganda-Vijayadityash=shaņ=måsân tat-sanur=Ammara [ja]s=sapta-varshâņi tat
-80(14) tar Vijayadityam balam=uchchitya lilayâ Tal-adhipatir=åkramya misam=êkam-apa(15) d-bhuvam tam jitya Chalukya-Bhima-tanay Vikramaditya êkâdaśa mâsân tatas=
Tal-adhipasti)(16) sûnu[ro] Yyuddhamalla (llah) sapta varshåņi Nirjjity=Arjuna-sannibhô janapadât=ta
n=nirggamayy=8ddhatan-dâyâII.6. (17) dânzina-bhânu-lina-bhagan-akârân=vidhåy=étarân=Vajr=iv=örjjita-nakam=Amma-ntipa
têr-bhràta kaniyan-bha(18) vaṁ Bhimo Bhima-parâ kramas=samabhunak-samvatsarân=dvadasa | tasya Maheśvara
mürttêr-Uma-saman akritêb (19) Kumár-ábhaḥ Lôkamahâdêvyâh khalı yas=samabhavad=Amma-raj-Akhyah Kavi
gâyaka-kalpataru[r*) ddvija-muni(20) din-&ndha-bandhajana-surabhihi yachaka-jana-chintamanir=avaniša-maņir-mmahögra
mahaså dyumanih (ll*] (21) Sa samastabhuvana(a)śraya-Sri-Vijayaditya-mahârâjê râjâdhiraja-parama(m@)svarah
parama-bha
The letters within
) are illegible in the plates,

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(22) ttdrakah Gudråvara-vishaya-nivåsinô råshtrakůta-pramukhan-kutumbinasusarvvin=
S ittham=ajnapayati Asya(?) (23) tasyâḥ patta-varddhinyah Pammav-akhyâyaḥ sutaya. Yuvaraja-Ballaladeva
Vélábhataya (24) Bôddiya-nâmnê Pań? dam) barru-nâma-grâmasya dakshiņasyân=diới nêm&s=
• ksué(?)trapû[ ..........]* III. (25) kshetra Amma-rajô raja-Mahendrð dattavan [ll] Asya ksh@[tra)-dvayasy=
Avadhayaḥ pûrvvatal [........ ]' (26) cheruva | Dakshiņataḥ Rattêdi-chêna | paschimataḥ Sagamma-chênu-garasa 1
Uttaratah Vélpür.jenn'(27) turpuna-pannasa | Purvvataḥ Dámadiya-pannasa | Dakshinatah Pedda-trova
Paśchimatah yê (28) ru Uttarataḥ Ganthabalaya[ . . . . . 'lypari-pannasa griha-kshetram cha
Pârvvatah Badira(29) la-majjaya-patu Dakshiņatah Têņ[ ....., 10]tama patu | Paschimatah
Jimvarakshapata (30) Uttarataḥ rachcha Asy=ôpari na kênachid=bådla karttavyâ yah karôti salı
pamcha-mahå påtaka-yu(31) kt8 bhavati tatha ch=ôktam Vyâsêng | Bahubhir=vvasudhå dattâ bahubhis-ch=
å nupalitâ yasya ya(32) sya yada bhůmisetasya tasya tadà pa(pha)lam Translation.
His elder brother, Vishnuvardhana, Hail! Kubja-Vis houvardhana, having expelled him, 37. brother of Satya śray a Vallabhôndra, His son, Vijayaditya-Bhattâ raka, who adorned the family of the Chalu k yas; 18. the glorious; of the lineage of Månav ya, His son, Vishņu vardhana, 36. praised by all the world; descendants of His son, Vijayaditya-NarendraHâriti; they who acquired sovereigntymriga råja, 48. through the holy favour of Kausiki; cherished His son, Kali-Vishnuvardha na, 11 by the assembly of Mothers; meditating on the years. feet of Sv å mi-Ma ha sê na; who have the His son, Guņaga n k a-Vijay aditya, territories of their enemies made subject to them 44. on the instant at the sight of the excellent sign His brother, the lord Vikramaditya's of the Boar' which they acquired through the son, king Châlu ky a-Bhima, 30. favour of the holy Narayaņa; whose bodies His son, Kolla bigan da-Vijayâ diare purified by ablutions performed after cele- tya, 6 months. brating horse-sacrifices ;-he (Kubja.Vishnuvar- His son, Amma råja, 7 years. dhana) ruled over the country of Vengi for Having expelled his son Vijaya ditya eighteen years.
(while) an infant, (and) having easily usurped His son, Jayasimha, for 33 (years). (the throne), the sovereign lord Tåla ruled the His younger brother Indraraja's son, earth for one month. Vishnuvardhana, 9.
Having conquered him, Chalukya-BhiHis son, the Yuvaraja Mangi, 25.
ma's son, Vikramaditya, 11 months. His son, Jayasimha, 13.
Then the sovereign lord Tala's son, Yud. His younger brother, Kokkili. 6 months. dhamalla, 7 years.
• Several letters undecipherable. • Plate injured. Two or three letters illegible.
• The plate is here injured, and the syllable gu is doubtfal.
jénu probably written for chenu, a field? I shall be glad of a translation for this word. The
letter pa may be sa, but where the word ooours again it is
clearly pa. | Two or three letters defaced. It looks like yappandy. yari.
10 Two or three letters defaced. . "The 'Ratsa is the general village meeting place and kacheri.

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Having conquered him and having driven him “No molestation is to be offered to this. He out from the country, and having made the who offers it becomes guilty of the five great other claimants to assume the appearance of sins. And so it has been said by V yâs ,stars absorbed in the rays of the sun, the Land has been given by many, and has been younger brother of king Amma, (viz.) Bhima, preserved by many; he, who for the time being who was like Arjuna and who was possessed possesses land, enjoys the benefit of it.'” of terrible prowess, ruled the earth for 12 years,
No. II. just as the Wielder of the thunderbolts (rules) This, also, is, unfortunately, undated; but a the mighty (expanse of the sky.
comparison between it and Mr. Fleet's No. To him, who was like Maheśvara, from
XXXIV. shows that it must have been inscribLokama hâdê vi, who was like U mi, there
ed a few years earlier than the latter. It was born king Amma, who was like Ku- carries the genealogy down to Ammaraja I., mára. He was a very tree of plenty to poets and then narrates that Sri Vishnuvarand minstrels : he was a very cow of plenty to dhana gave certain land in grant. But the the twice-born and holy men and the poor and
context, very similar to Mr. Floet's, seems to blind and his relations; he was a very philoso
show that Sri Vishnuvardhans is pher's stone to those who begged of him; he intended to be an epithet or title of the sowas a very jewel of a king; and a very sun by
vereign Amma, just as, in Mr. Fleet's, Amma reason of his fierce brilliance.
II. is called (?) " Śr i-Vijayaditya." At He, Sr 1-Vijay aditya, the asylum of the
any rate, there is no Vishņu vardhana universe, the great king, the supreme king,
known from the lists already published bethe supreme lord, the most venerable, thus longing to this family within 75 years of this addresses all the housebolders, headed by the king Amma's reign, which began in Saka chiefs of countries, who inhabit the district of
867. Gudrâ vâra" :
It will be noticed that the donor of this, "King Amma the great lord. gave the field whoever he may have been, was in the same of ................ which adjoins district when he gave this grant that the donor the south side of the village named PÁmbar- of Mr. Fleet's grant No. XXXIV. was in, ra", to one named Yuvara ja-Ballala- Pennåta vådi, wherever that may have de va-V él å bha ta-Boddiy a', the son of been. The grant is of the village of Drujjur, (the lady) Pamma v á who is improving this the boundaries of which are declared to be the town (?). The boundaries of these two fields lands of the villages of-E., Tarugumi; S., are ;-East, .......... Tank; South, the Gottibrôlu; W., Malka bôramu; and field (called) Rattêdi; West, the ....25 of N., Adapu. I think that this granted village the field called Sugumma; North, the eastern is that now known as Dzuzzûr, a village lying ...." of the field of Velp û r. (Also), East north of the Krishņâ, about nine miles from the ...............""; South, the great river, and nineteen north-west of Bezwada. road; West, the river; North, the ...... But, if so, the writer of the grant has made the ......of Gantha sala." And the field mistake of putting west for east, and east for with the house, (whose boundaries are) ;-East, west. West of Drajjúr is the village of the ........." of Badirâlas; South, Tadigummi; east of it, on the east side of the ..............."; West, the .. & range of forest-covered hills, which would
.....”; North, the village have tbus been included in the grant", is the place of assembly.
village of Malkåporam. On the south is a 11 This name is unknown to me, but there is a village
delta. It possesses a Buddhist stApa in fair preservation called Rodravaram in the eastern delta of the Kishn. by all reports, but as yet unexplored. 15 Modern name P&marru.
12 mjaya-patu ? 1. Velábhatdya ?
Badirala. This village I have found no trace of. 15 garusu?
• tên (-:-?-?) ta mat phu ? 10 turpina. Telugu, tūrpu, 'east.'
* jinuraksha-patu? 11 pannasa?
30 On these hills in subsequent years was erected Vélpür, village close to Påmarra, Krinhnd eastern handsome palace and fort, built for defence and safety dalta.
by the Reddi (? Ratta) chiefs, and subsequently seized by 1 Damadiya-ponnasa ?
the Musalmans. The fort and village go by the namo Ya (?-?)yyari pannasa?
of Kondapalli, and the hills are now called the Konde. u Ganthasila is also village in the Krishn& eastern palli Hills. The rains are very picturesque.

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village now called Gottimukkula, which may the writing being on the insides of both onter be the Gottibrôlu of the inscription. Brólu plates, and both sides of the inner one. The is a common termination of villages in the seal of the ring on which they are strong is eastern delta of the Krishna. A dupu I 31 in diameter. It bears for device the Chacannot identify.
luky a Boar, above which is the elephant-goad, With regard to the subscription, common and above that the crescent-moon. Under the both to Mr. Fleet's and this grant, “djñāptik Boar are the words "Sri-Tribhuwandinkousa." Kataka-rájah", see Mr. Fleet's note to Ind. The ring on which the plates are strung is 5" Ant., Vol. VII., p. 19.
in diameter. The original of this grant consists of three It will be noticed that this grant gives forty plates, each measuring 88" long by 4 broad, years to Vijayaditya-Bhattâ raka.
Transcription. I. (1) Śivamusstu sarvya-ja[ga]taḥ[11*]Svasti Srimatâm sakala-bhuvana-sažinstûyamâna-Ma(2) navya-sagôtrâņâm Hâriti-putrâņâm Kó(kau)śikhi(kî)-vara-prasada-labdha
râjyânâm-(ņår) Ma(3) tri-gana-paripálitânam Svâmi-Mahâsêna-pâd-anudhyâtânâm b hagavan-Nara(4) yana-prasada-samâsâdita-vara-varába-lâmchhan-6kshana kshana-vasikri(5) t-Aráti-mandalánam-asvamodh-ôvabhritha-nina-pavitrikrita-vapusham (6) Chalukyanam k ulam-alamkarishộ ôh. Satyasraya-Vallabhasya-bhratê Kubja
Vishnuvarddhano (7) shtâ dasa-varshâņi | tat-putrô Jayasińhs-Vallabhô(bha)-strayas-trimsad=varshani
. tad-bhrâtu(8) r-Indra-râjasya satah Vishộu-râjâ nava 1 tat-putrô Manggi-yava-rajah
pamchcha (cha)-vimsatim (9) tat-putro Jayasimhah trayôdaśal tad-[d*]vaimâtur-anzjah Kokkiliḥ shaņ=
ma sân II.a. (10) tasya jyêshthô bhrâtâ tameuchchâtya Vishņuvarddhanas=sapta-trimbatam tat-patrở
Vijaya(11) ditya-bhattarakaḥ ashtådaśa tat-sutô Vishộuvarddhanah shat-trinbatam
tat-sunur-ashtôtta(12) ra-narồndreśvar-ayatananâm kartta | Vijậyadityas-chatvarimsatam' tad
âtmajah Kali(13) Vishnuvarddhanô=shtadaśa mâsân tat-putrô Vijayaditya-mahârâjas-cha-tad. (14) tus chatvárimsatam
angja-yuvarâjâd=Vikramaditya-namnah (15) prabhur-abhavad=arâti-vrâta-tal-anil-6(an)ghaḥ
nirupama-ntipa-Bhi(16) mas-trimsatan vatsarânâminni(ni)ja-guna-gaņa-kirtti-vyâpta-dik-chakravalah[io]
Tat-sung(17) [ro] Vvijayadityaḥ ghaņ=mâsân=Venggi-mandalam Trikalingg-atavi-yuktam
paripálya ["di-] (18) va yayê (yau) | Ajáyata sutas-tasya bhd-bhâr-Odvahana kshama Amma-raII.6. (19) ja-mahîpå lah palit-aśôgha-bhûtalah [ll*] Yasya pad-abaja-chchâyâm=&(20) sritam raja-mandalam dandit-ârâti-kôdandam manditan mandala-trayê.
kund-éndu-dha (21) valam yasya Faso ramjita-bhatalam 1 gåyanti galit-ârâtė[ro] 1".
vvidyadharyyô= (22) pi viņayâ Sa sarvvalókåśraya-Śri-Vishņuvarddhana-mahârâjah Pennata(23) vádi-Vishaya-niyasino râshtrakata-pramukhân kutim(tum)binas=saryvân-AhQ(24) y=êttham-Ajmapayati II. Viditam asta vah no] Chalukya-Bhima-bhûpâla-dh(25) ttri(tri) dhâtr=iva ch=&parâ kshamayâ Kshatriya-pråyå Nägipotir=iti śruta || Å
* divan. Space is left at the end of line 8 for the di, but it is omitted.
This mark of punctuation is unnecessary.

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(26) sit-tasyag=gatâ Gamakamba nim=Ambika-sama mata[bo] stanyam samiksitya Bhi
(27) ma-rajêna ya papan || S-Ajj anat-kumaram sakti yuktan Kumara-vt || Bhima-rajaIII. (28) sya sênânyam | Mahakalam=maha-matin Yaś=ch=ânekaśah anyony-a(@)stra
samkyô. (29) a-samjậtago" mabAhavo svâmino-grasarð dhîro ripe-sainyamanino(na)śat || (30) Kimchcha(cha) rûpêņa Manasijaḥ kôpêna Yamaḥ sanryyêņa Dhanamjayah sâhasai
[h*1 (31) Sudrakah Tasmai Drujjáru-nama-gråmô=smabhissarvva-kara-pariha(32) rena mânyikritya dattah [l*) Asy-kvadhayah Parvvatah-Tarugummi-ei. (33) m-aiva sima Dakshinatah Gottibrôla-sim=aiva sima | Paschimatah Malkabôrama
sim=aiva (34) sîmâ Uttarataḥ Adupu-sim=aiva sîmê [ll] Asy=pari bådhå na karttavyâ tatha cha
Vyâsên=éktaṁ | Bahubhir-yvasu(35) dhê dattâ bahubhis-ch=anupálitâ yasya yasya yadà bhúmis-tasya tasya tada
pa(pha)laṁ Svadattám=paradattâm (36) Vå yô harta(t=tu) vasundharam shashtim varsha-sahasråņi vishţâyâm jáyatê krimih
Ajņâpti(ptih) kataka-rajah ! Translation.
His son, Vishạp vardhana, thirty-six. (May there be) prosperity of the whole world! His son, Vijayaditya, who became the Hail! Kabja-Vishnuvardhana, the chief of eight royal dynasties, forty. brother of Satyasraya-Vallabha, who His son, Kali-Vishnuvardhan ay adorned the family of the Chalukyas, who eighteen months. are glorious ; who are of the lineage of Måna- His son, Vijayaditya, the great king, vya, which is praised over the whole world; forty-four years. who are the descendants of Hâriti; who have His brother the Ywardja Vikramadiacquired sovereignty through the excellent
ty a's son, the unparalleled Bhima, who befavour of Katsikt'; who have been cherished came king, being as wind to the cotton of the by the assemblage of (divine) Mothers; who crowd of (his) enemies, thirty. His general good meditate on the feet of S vâ mi-Mah â sena; qualities and fame extended on all sides. who have the territories of their enemies made | His son, Vijayaditya, having roled over subject to them on the instant at the sight of Vengi and Trikalinga for six months, the excellent sign of the Boar, which they ao died. quired through the favour of the holy NA- To him was born a son, king Amma; able raysņa; and whose bodies are purified by to take upon himself the burden of the earth; ablutions performed after celebrating horse- protector of the world ; governor of the entire sacrifices, -ruled over the country of Vengt) for i globe; the shade of whose lotus-feet is courted eighteen years.
by & crowd of kings; whose enemies have disHis son, J ay a sin ha-Vallabha, thirty- appeared; whose fame heavenly songstresses three years.
sing to the lute, because he broke the arrows of His brother king Indra's son, king Vish. his enemies. It (his fame) is glorified in the ņu, nine.
three worlds, and is white like the jessamineHis son, Maigi, the Yuvardja, twenty-five. flower or the moon, while it causes him to be His son, Jayasimha, thirteen.
beloved in the world. His younger half-brother, Kokkili, six He, the refuge of the whole world, sri. months.
Vishịuvardhana, having called together Having expelled him. his elder brother, the householders, headed by the chiefs of Vishnuvardhana, thirty-seven.
countries, who inhabit the district of PennaHis son, Vijayaditya-Bhattâ rakan ta va di, thus issues his commands ;eighteen.
I "Be it known to you! The wet-nurse of
** For sarijátasro ?

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the king Chåluk ya-Bhima was Nagi- from the characters themselves, gave rise to the poti,so who was, as it were, a second earth in notion that they represented the short vowel arespect of her power of giving nourishment), and are more decided and developed than in No. II. who was almost like a Kshatriya woman in In No. II., the earlier, the anusvára is placed, respect of her endurance. Her daughter, equal as in Sanskrit, above the line. In No. I., the to Amb'ik & (in affection), was Gâmakâm bà, later, it appears in the place it occupies in more who drank her mother's milk at the same time modern Telugu, on the level of the top of the with king Bhima. She bore & son, like letters and between them. There is a form of Kumara for power, who was king Bhima's the anusvára which is worth noticing, seen general, Maha kala, a man of great wisdom. principally in No. II., where, when it occurs at He used to go in front of his master in the great the close of a sentence, it seems to have been war, brave, the destroyer of the armies of the considered more of the nature of an ordinary enemy, bloody by reason of the striking of hostile consonant requiring a viráma to mark the arrows. Moreover he was in beauty Love, in wrath absence of any following vowel, as in No. II. Yama, in valour Arjuna, in courage su- ii. (a), 1, the last character of the word trimsatam. draka. To him, as a rent-free grant, is given In another plate noted by Dr. Burnell of the by as the village of Drajjūru, free of all same dynasty, but date cir. 680 A.D., the same taxes. The boundaries of it are :
peculiarity is observable." East, the boundary of Târugummi*; In modern Telugu, the vowel sound 8 is someSouth, the boundary of Gottib rolu; times expressed by a combination of the forms West, the boundary of Malka bôramus; of & and á, sometimes by a form of its own. North, the boundary of Adu pa.
In No. II. of the present inscriptions the single No molestation is to be offered to this. And form is never used, the 8 being always repreit has been said by Vyås & Land has been sented by the é and á marks. In No. I. both given by many, and has been preserved by forms are used. It may be assumed that the many; he, who for the time being possesses period of these inscriptions was the period when land, enjoys the benefit of it! He is born for the modern 8 forms were coming into fashion sixty thousand years as a worm in ordure, who in the Telugu country. appropriates land that has been given, whether The & form in No. II. is often remarkable by himself or by another!'
from its extreme freedom and dash, contrasting “The specification is Kataka raja.87
strongly with the primitive stiffness of No. 1.
No. II., however, employs also the stiff form in It remains to notice these grants from a places. In No. I. the á form is never cursive. paleographic point of view. A comparison There is another form of a found in No. II., between the two becomes interesting from the mostly towards the end of the inscription, fact that though No. 1 was granted at least consisting of an upright stroke above the twenty-five or thirty years subsequently to No. consonant to which it is attached. It may be 2, the general forms of the letters of the former th: space had to be economized. I do not are more upright, stiffer, and, it would be find the form in Burnell's plates, nor do I thought, more archaic, than those of the latter. remember having seen it in other published This may of course be due to rough and faulty inscriptions. execution, but the fact remains that the cha- I observe that the vowel form for ri in No. racters of the earlier grant are far more cursive | I., and in all instances except one in No. II., than those of the later.
is written with a curve to the left, which appears In No. I. the blunt heads of the letters- to have been in all centuries the most usual which afterwards, becoming in a sense disunited form (see Burnell's plates). But in Barnell's
30 Cont. the names of Vinapoți and Kuchipőți, given 36 Not now in existence. Adivi in Telugu is 'jungle.' by Mr. Fleet, ante, p. 458. Sie, who was the foster-sister of king Bhima."
31 This is probably of the same purport as the state. 31 Now Dzuzzûr.
ment regarding the dutaka in the Chalukya grant of * This village, under the same name, lies to the west of
Vijayaraja (Vol. VII., p. 241) and in Dr. Bühler's Cha. Dzuszur.
luk ya grants.-J. F. F. ** Now called Gottimukkula.
** See note to plate 4, Burnell's Elements of 8. Ind. 35 Malkápuram lies to the east of Dzussur.
Palæography, date circa 680 A.D.
ebolator

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plate No. HII. of Western Chalukya characters dated A. D. 608, one instance is given of the ri attached to a l being written with a sweep to
NOTES ON THE DRAVIDIAN OR SOUTH INDIAN FAMILY OF LANGUAGES.
BY THE REV. G. U. POPE, D.D., Warden of Bishop Cotton Schools and College, Bangalor. (Continued from Vol. V. p. 361.)
No. IV.
I have made a selection of words I have met with in reading Dravidian authors, which have a resemblance to known Indo-Germanic stems. I dare say the identity is accidental in many cases; in others there seem to be traces of a law. In some words the similarity is not great; but let anyone compare the lists, in Klaproth's Sprach-atlas, of North-Asian dialects, and he will perceive no resemblance whatever between those words and any Dravidian forms, while here each word seems an echo of some Aryan
form.
1. tâl [Ta. Tel. Kan. Mal.], endure; bear; a foot, stalk; bolt.-thôl, [4.8.] duld-en, thowel, thowl (of a boat). L. tul-i, Gr. Tλn.
2. pôr; 1, put on, wear; 2, join battle; as a noun, battle. [4.S.] wêr-ian-1, wear; 2, defend;
war.
3. kal, kali, joy, enjoyment, stimulus.-gle, 'glee,' [4.8.] gil-ian, rejoice; gallant; S. hlâd, glad. 4. vil', a bow.-bill, any instrument.
5. tuy-ar,tuy-ar-am, sorrow.—tre, trega [4.S.], L. trist-is, G. trau-er, S. dur.
6. ven, vel, white.-A.S. wonn, 'pale;' Gaelic and Erse, ban.
7. vêl, vend, Kan. bê, want.-A.S. won = desire; 'want.'
8. vir, hir, hil, fall, fell.-A.S. feall-an, fail. L. fallere. L. fer-ire.
9. pan, make, do.-A.S. fond-en, do. 10. tf, ti-mai, evil.-A.S. teona, evil.
11. vin-u, ask; vin-ai, question; vin-appam, petition.-4.8. bene, prayer.
12. mid, mil, ransom, return.-A.S. bote, ransom. 13. ori, cease, rest; urra, sleep.-A.S. row, 'rest." 14. eikilu [Anc. Kan.].-ice,' 'icicle.' 15. kâ, kâr, guard.-A.S. waerd-ian.
16. ur, plough.-A.S. eri-an, L. ar-are, Gr. apoτρον.
[MARCH, 1879.
the right; and in No. II. of the present inscriptions there is one instance also combined with a k (in II. i. 4).
ss It is particularly noticeable that Burnell's Plate No. III. is taken from an inscription which Mr. Fleet has since declared to be a forgery of the 9th or 10th century, and that both the present plates belong to the 10th
17. kurri-chi, hill-village.-craig, crag. Gadhelic, carraig.
18. komb-u, anything rounded; komb-ê, a valley running up into the hills.-combe, a valley. 19. bêne [Kan.], pain.-pin, pain. L. pan-a. 20. bêd [comp. 7], pray, want.-bid-dan. 21. vêr, bêr, K. her, other, various.-L. vari-us, 'various.'
23.
24.
22. puruthi, mire.-Gael. plod, plodach, puddle. vatha, fade, wither.-fade, Dutch vadd-en. onor-u (Tel.), elegance.-L. honor, orno. olupu (Tel.), peel; oli (Tam., &c.), hide, cover.hull, 'peel-from Goth. hul-ian, 'cover.' 26. ollu (Tel.), will.-L. vol-o, will.
25.
27. 28.
remma (Tel.), a sprig.-L. ram-us. rêpu (Tel.), a bank.-L. ripa.
29. maga, child; magan, son; magal, max (Tud.), daughter.-A.S. maga, son.
30. tak-, impinge upon.-attack. [C.N. tak.] 31. tari, put on.-O.E. tir; attire.
32. pâḍi, bar.-bar, barrier.
33. marri, a foal.-O.H.G. marah, horse. kulir, cold.-L. gelid-, gel-u, cold.
34.
35.
36.
37. verri, rabies.-L. furo, Gr. Oúa-.
38. kira-1, old; 2, peculiar to.-Gr. yep-, 'age;'
têri, a sand-plain.-W. tra-eth.
tel, têr, clear.-A.S. têr.
mp", 'reward.'
39.
40.
41.
kid, lie. Ind. Ger. ki, S. si.
hettu (Kan.), hit.-hit.
hecche (Kan.), pacchai (Tam.), badge.-badge.
42. hejje (Kan.), trace.-vestigium.
43. heņa (Kan.), pina (Tam.), corpse.-L. fun-us.
44. er-u, êrru, rise.-L. or-ior, ord-ior. Gr. dsp-, áip-, el- in elementum. Ger. ur.
K. hêr, êl.-Gr.ype-.
45. tarei, earth.-L. terra.
46. talam, ground.-L. tell-us, S. stal.
47. tuvai, soak, steep.-dip, steep.
48. karuttu, neck.-S. grîva.
gala, throat.-G. hals.
S
century.
Val in all Dráv. languages has the idea of bending.
'Cerebrals' are interchangeable in Dráv. dialects.

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NOTES ON DRAVIDIAN LANGUAGES.
81
-ugu, S
49. nad, middle.-L. med-, S. madhya, A.S.midd, 85. nin-u, swim.-S. sna, L. no, nâto, Gr. veGr. pe(8)s.
VET, VIB- (Bopp, I. p. 136). 50. pêsu, speak. S. bhâsh.
86. pâl (Ta. K. Tel. Tud.=pa-g-al), Kan. hâl-u, - 51. tir-i, wander.-S. V tar, tark.
1, a portion; 2, milk.-S. bh&j= divide, bhaga, a -umbu, return.
division.-S. på, drink. -uppu, twist.
Tel. pålu-, turn pale.-pale, L. pallidus.
87. pir-ai --1, live; 2, fault; 3, escape. ---Gr. Bu-os 52. mayir, hair; misai, moustache.-S. sma | L; vit-a, vito. śru.
| 88. maru, marriage.-marry. 53. gaļi (Kan.) gale.-gale.
89. vangu, bend.-S. vaka, s. bug, E. bow, W. 54. muti (Tel.), manji (Tam. vulgar), face, mouth. bag-u. -mouth, A.S. muth, Goth, munth.
90. varai, limit.-öpos, opos, sors. 55. chekku (Tel.), cheel.--cheek.
91. viļi (Co. arai), hail,call.-hail, L. ap-pell-o. 56. kol, kill.- kill. .
92. vê, roast, bake.-bake. 57. alam, salt.-Gr. Als, L. sal.
93. purul, roll on, as a volume of water.-purl. 58. perru-1, obtain ; 2, bring forth; porra, bear, 94. kadir, ray.-Gael. gath. endure; pêrru, K. her, what is gained, borne.-bear, 95. erudu, Tel. vra, Tam. vari, vorite.-Sax. L. fers, Gr. pep.-S. bhar, bairn.
writ an. 59. in-u, yean.--yean.
96. el, all.-all. 60. vathuvai, a wedding.- A.S.wed, pledge; wed- 97. 0-8-u, blow.-S. vå, vâti, vata, váyu. dian, marry.
90. apu, alarru, weep.--comp. S. asra = tear. 61. payan, boy.--Gr. mais, L. pus-us, pusio, 99 År, river.-ar in L. arar." pusillus.
100. senni, head-Gadhelic, kenn. pasukkal, children.
101. Arra, spring forth-ura, water." 62. palagai, plank.-Gr. dak-, Fr. planche. Attu, fountain. Comp. bole.
102. malai, mountain.-Welsh moel, Gadh. maol. 63. vethir, fear.--fear.
mulai, breast.-mull. 64. tag, tak, fit, right.-Gr. 8.k-.
103. kulam, tribe.-clan. 65. vid, leave.-L. vit-o, avoid.
104. taggu (Comp. 30), declivity.-dyke, ditch. 66. vid-u, house.-L. æd-es, Cornish, bod, A.S.
105. tagu! (Kan.), touch.-L. tang-o. bid-an.-bide, abide.
106. tanaka, until.-L. donec, donicum. (tanai, 67. ney, weave-Gr. verb-, S. nah.
L. dum.] . 68. nak, lick.-Gr. Leyx-, S. lih.
107. karai (Ta.). Comp. arai, aru, Tel. aruchu, Kan. nåkku, tongue.-L. lingua.
kare, alu-call.-Gr. Vyap-, garrire. yipus. cry. 69. vilai, price.-val-ue.
108. manai, house.-man-eo, Gr. v pev, mansion. 70. vila, shine, appear.-L. fulg-, Gr. prey.
The list could be extended almost indefinitely -kku 3 campo
By tracing these roots through the cognate 71. visa, a fair or festival.-feri-æ.
dialects the resemblance-or identity-will ap72. pai, bag.-bag.
pear more striking; but the limits of this paper vayirru, stomach.-balga. 73. padi, foot, bottom.-foot, bott-om.
will not permit this. I may add one or two 74. dwani (Kan.), toni (Tam.), sound.tone.
remarks in conclusion. 75. ir, Tuda ersh, be.-are, er-am, S. Va s.
1. These resemblances appear most fre76. idu, give.-8. dA, L. do.
quently in the more uncultivated dialects. In 77. ir, rand, two.-L. re-, red..
the more refined Tamil they are not seen so 78. ammân, mother's brother.-eame, oheim.
frequently or so clearly as in the Old Kana79. kasu, vulture ; karu-gu, eagle.-D. geir, 8. |
rese. garuda.
2. The identity is most striking in names of 80. kanai, neigh.-neigh.
instruments, places, and acts oonnected with a 81. kanru, calf.-Mana, ganin, gounagh.
simple life. In a future paper I hope to consi82. kur, point.-L. acer, Mana gearr. 83. susalu, v su, curl.-curl.
der derivative words in the Dravidian dialects, 84. nagar, Ta. Tel. creep.-Dan. sniger, Sax.
and to show that the prefixes and suffixes are enfo-an, E. sneak, Oo. snake, S. någa.
Aryan.
* See I. Taylor's Words and Places, p. 144.
• 1. Taylor, u.s. p. 160.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
MISCELLANEA.
BAUDDHA CAVES IN KABUL. Mr. Simpson, the special artist of the Illustrated London News, claims to have discovered on the Besuit bank of the Kâbul river a regular vihdra cave, which he describes as having a central chamber about fifteen feet square, with several cells opening from it, and two windows on one side. Another cave, or rather series of caves, which he explored, consisted of a long corridor or passage, from which a large number of caves, varying in size from a small cell to a large chamber, are entered. The Rev. Mr. Swinnerton has been making similar discoveries over at Hadah, where he has examined and excavated a number of caves which contain remnants of coloured plaster on the walls. One of these has a design executed in red upon a green base, within a circle. The upper part has been wholly disfigured, but the lower part is decipherable, and represents a pair of legs seated on a throne or stool with the knees apart, and the feet crossed. Surrounding the circle there are a number of circles enclosing cinque-foils marked in red on a white ground. Major Tanner, of the Survey, has been busy in the same direction, and found some sculptured slabs, one of which appears to represent a portion of a large lotus-flower. There is no reason to doubt that all these caves are either of Buddhist origin or have been used by the Buddhists, but as yet they are only partially explored, and it is premature to attempt to decide exactly their nature until the complete series can be viewed as a whole, or definitely divided into correct groups.-Times of India.
THE MENGLA THUT.
Many who have been in Burma in the time of any epidemic may have witnessed a number of elderly men and women clothed in white, gathered in the evenings on a cross-road enclosed in on three sides by kulakas; one or two idols of Gaudama with offerings of flowers, flags, fruits, &c., on a table, or a raised platform, occupying one side of the screened space. Here the assembled devotees, in solemn chants, repeat certain religious formulas in Pâli which are believed to have the efficacy of driving away the evil one.
For those who may be curious to know what these chanted formulas are, we give an abridg. ment of one of them, called
"THE MENGLA-THUT," OR THE BLESSED INSTRUCTIONS OF GAUDAMA. 1. Blessed are they who shun the company of
[MARCH, 1879.
the foolish; who ever seek counsel of the wise and who are worthy of receiving it.
2. Blessed are they who know their own place allotted by their condition in life; who possess the influence of good works in their previous existence; and who stedfastly maintain the performance of good deeds.
3. Blessed are they who have heard and seen much; who are learned in arts and sciences; who constantly maintain good behaviour, guarding their thoughts, words, and deeds; and who give utterance to good and holy words.
4. Blessed are they who minister to the wants of their father and mother; who instruct and support their wives and children; and who are free from the influence of evil temptation.
5. Blessed are they who bestow alms; who observe the ten precepts of the law of merit; who render assistance to their relatives and friends; and who perform no actions that are not exempt
from sin.
6. Blessed are they who persevere to avoid committing an evil deed; who strictly abstain from intoxicating drinks; and who are not remiss in the performance of meritorious works.
7. Blessed are they who show respect to whom it is due; who are humble; who have contentment; who show gratitude for favours received; and who listen to the preaching of the law at proper times.
8. Blessed are they who are forbearing; who take delight in the conversation of good and holy men; who visit Rahans; and who discourse on religious subjects on all occasions.
9. Blessed are they who practise mortification; who cultivate virtues; who ever keep the four great laws of truth in sight; and who always fix their mind on the attainment of Neibban (Nirvana).
10. Blessed are they who, like a Rahandah in the midst of his contemplation of the eight afflictions of this world, are firm in mind; are exempt from fear; are in amity with all; and are without danger.
11. Blessed are they who observe the thirtyeight blessed instructions, for they shall never be overcome by enemies, and, wherever they abide, peace and happiness shall dwell with them.
This Mengla-Thut in Pâli is the first book of reading a child is taught to repeat in Kyoungs and in lay schools, after he has mastered the Than-Bon-Gyee, or the spelling-book.-Arakan News.

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MISCELLANEA.
SPECIMEN OF A DISCURSIVE GLOSSARY OF ANGLO-INDIAN TERMS. BY H. Y. AND A. C. B. (Continued from p. 54.)
ANANAS, S. The Pineapple (Ananassa sativa). This name has, we believe, accompanied the fruit whithersoever, except in London, it has travelled from its home in South America. Its diffusion in the East was early and rapid. To one who has seen the hundreds of acres covered with pineapples on islands adjoining Singapore, or their profusion in a seemingly wild state in the valleys of the Khasi Hills in Eastern Bengal, it is hard to conceive of this fruit as introduced in modern times from another hemisphere. But, as in the case of tobacco, the name bewrayeth its true origin. They used to cost a pardao (say 68. or 78.) when first introduced in Malabar, says Linschoten, but "now there are so many growen in the country, that they are very good cheape" (p. 91). Athanasius Kircher, in the middle of the 17th century, speaks of the ananas as produced in great abundance in the Chinese provinces of Canton, Kiangsi, and Fokien. In Ibn Muhammad Wali's History of the Conquest of Assam, written in 1662, the pine-apples of that region are commended for size and flavour. In the last years of the preceding century, Carletti (1599) already commends the excellent ananas of Malacca. But even some twenty or thirty years earlier the fruit was profusely grown in Western India, as we learn from Chr. d'Acosta (wrote 1578). And we know from the Ain that about 1590 the ananas was habitually served at the table of Akbar, the price of one being reckoned at only four dams, or one-tenth of a rupee; whilst Akbar's son Jahângir states that the fruit came from the seaports in possession of the Portuguese.-Blochmann, Ain-iAkbari, vol. I. pp. 66, 68.
In Africa, too, this royal fruit spread, and carried the American name with it: "the Manánázi or pine apple," says Burton, "grows luxuriantly as far as three marches from the coast (of Zanzibar). It is never cultivated, nor have its qualities as a fibrons plant been discovered." (Jour. R. Geog. Soc. vol. XXIX. p. 35.)
It is remarkable that the Tamil people do not relish this fruit, and think it to have a bad odour and to be unwholesome; the people of Malabar are, however, fond of it.
Abul Fazl, in the Ain, mentions that the fruit was also called Kathal-i Safari,' or 'the jack-fruits for travels,' because young plants put into a vessel may be taken on travels, and will yield fruits.
1 Acosta (1578) says that the plant was introduced from Brazil into India (p. 350), and that the first cost ten ducats apiece.
83
This seems a strange pretext for the name, especially as another American fruit, the Guava, is sometimes known in Bengal by the name of Safari am, or 'travel-mango.' It has been suggested that these cases may present an uncommon use of the word Safari in the sense of 'foreign,' outlandish,' just as Clusius says of the pine-apple in India, "peregrinus est hic fructus." Professor Blochmann in a note to one of the present authors, does not admit the possibility of such a use of the word. He calls attention to the possible analogy of
the Arabic Safar-jal for a quince.' In Macassar, according to Crawfurd, the ananas is called Pandang, from its strong external resemblance, as regards fruit and leaves, to the Pandanus. This last we, conversely, have called Screw-pine, from its resemblance to the ananas. Acosta (1578) terms it the wild ananas, and in Malayalam the pine-apple is termed Pandanus Jack-fruit. The term 'pineapple' was good English long before the discovery of America, its true meaning being what we now call pine cone; and that is the only meaning attached to the term in Minsheu's Guide into Tongues (2nd ed. 1627).
1565" To all such as die so, the people erecteth a chappell, and to each of them a pillar and a pole made of Pine-apple for a perpetuall monument."Reports of Japan, in Hakluyt, vol. II. p. 567.
1577: In these ilandes they found no trees knowen vnto them, but Pine apple trees, and Date trees, and those of marueylous heyght, and exceedyng harde.". -Peter Martyr in Eden's History of Trauayle, fol. 11.
"The greater part of the quadrangle set with savage trees, as Okes, Chesnuts, Cypresses, Pineapples, Cedars."-Certaine Reports of China, transl. by R. Willes, Hakluyt, vol. II. p. 559.
Oviedo, in his History of the (Western) Indies, fills two and a half folio pages with an enthusiastic description of the pine-apple as first found in Hispaniola, and of the reason why it got this name (pigna in Ramusio's Italian, from which we quote). We may extract a few fragments :
1556-"There are in this island of Spagnuola certain thistles, each of which bears a Pine-apple, and this is one of the most beautiful fruits that I have seen.... It has all these qualities in combination, viz. beauty of aspect, fragrance of odour, and exquisite flavour. The Christians gave it the name it bears (Pine-apple) because it is, in a manner, like those. But the pine-apples of the Indies of which we are speaking are much more beautiful than the pine-apples, i.e. pine cones, of
Mis here a Suaheli (African) prefix: see Bleek's Comp. Gr. p. 189.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
Europe, and have none of that hardness which is seen in those of Castille, which are in fact nothing but wood," &c. (Ramusio, vol. III. p. 135 v.).
1564"Their pines be of the bignes of two fists, the outside whereof is of the making of a pine-apple, but it is softe like the rinde of a cucomber, and the inside eateth like an apple, but it is more delicious than any sweet apple sugared."-Master John Haukins, Hakl. vol. III. p. 602.
"The Ananas or Pine, which seems to the taste to be a pleasing compound, made of strawberries, claret-wine, rose-water, and sugar, well tempered together."-Terry in Purchas, vol. II. p. 1469.
1615-"The fruits of this Country are excellent, and farre differing from ours: among the rest there is one not vnlike a Mellon,. . . . and this is called Ananas, very hot of qualitie, but of taste above all things so sweete, that after having eaten of it, water will seeme to you as bitter as gall."De Montfart's Exact Survey, pp. 19, 20.
1615:"Ananats, et plusieurs autres fruicts."Pyrard de la Val, tom. I. p. 236.
"The Ananas is esteemed, and with reason, for it is of excellent flavour, though very peculiar, and rather acid than otherwise, but having an indescribable dash of sweetness that renders it agreeable; and as even those books (Clusius, &c.) don't mention it, if I remember rightly, I will say in brief that when you regard the entire fruit externally, it looks just like one of our pine-cones, with just such scales, and of that very colour".. -P. della Valle, vol. II. p. 582.
1698"The Fruit the English call Pine-Apple (the Moors Ananas) because of the Resemblance."Fryer, p. 182.
A curious question arose some time ago as to the supposed existence of the Pine-apple in the Old World, before the days of Columbus.
In Professor Rawlinson's Ancient Monarchies (vol. I. p. 578) it is stated, in reference to ancient Assyria:"Fruits. . . . were highly prized; amongst those of most repute were pomegranates, grapes, citrons, and apparently pine-apples." A
foot-note adds: "The representation is so exact that I can scarcely doubt the pine-apple being intended. Mr. Layard expresses himself on the point with some hesitation (Nineveh and Babylon, p. 338)." The cut given is something like the conventional figure of a pine-apple, though it seems to us by no means so exact as Professor Rawlinson thinks it. Again, in Winter-Jones's translation of Conti, circa 1430, the traveller, speaking of a place there called 'Panconia' (read Pauconia, apparently Pegu), is made to say: "they have pine-apples, oranges, chestnuts, melons, but small and green, white sandal-wood, and
[MARCH, 1879.
camphor."-India in the XVth Cent. We cannot believe that in either place the object intended was the Ananas, which has carried that American name with it round the world. Whatever the Assyrian representation was intended for, Conti meant by his "pinus habent," as it runs in Poggio's Latin, pine-cones, if he did not mean simply that they had pine-trees. If a fruit was meant, it may have been the screw-pine, the fruit of which is not eaten, but is used for certain purposes. ARYAN, adj., Sanskrit Arya, 'noble.'
A term now used to include all the races (Roman, Greek, German, Celtic, Sclavonic, Indo-Persic, &c.) which speak languages belonging to the same family as Sanskrit. Much vogue was given to the term by Pictet, in his publication of Les Origines IndoEuropéennes, ou les Aryas Primitifs (Paris, 1859), and he seems (see quotation below) almost to claim the introduction of the name in this sense as his own, but it was certainly in use before that time. It has in great measure superseded the older term Indo-Germanic, proposed by F. Schlegel at the beginning of this century. The latter is, however, still sometimes used, and M. Hovelacque, especially, prefers it. The connexion which evidently exists among the several languages thus classed together is often, but erroneously, supposed to warrant a conclusion of identity of race as regards the people who speak them. See Poesche Die Arier, 1878.
It may be noted as curious that among the Javanese (a people so remote in blood from what we understand by Aryan) Arya is commonly used as an honorary prefix to the names of men of rank -a result of the ancient Hindu influence on the civilization of the island.
1851" We must request the patience of our readers whilst we give a short outline of the component members of the great Arian family. The first is the Sanskrit. . . . The second branch of the Arian family is the Persian.... There are other scions of the Arian stock which struck root in the soil of Asia before the Arians reached the shores of Europe"...... Edin. Review, Oct. 1851, pp. 312, 313.
1853:-"Sur les sept premières civilizations, que sont celles de l'ancien monde, six appartiennent, en partie au moins, à la race ariane."-Gobineau, De l'Inégalité des Races Humaines, tom. I. p. 364. 1855-"The second family of languages is the Arian, or, as it used to be called, Indo-European"
..-Prof. Max Müller, Languages of the Seat of War, p. 27.
1855-"I believe all who have lived in India will bear testimony that to natives of India, of whatever class or caste, Mussulman, Hindoo, or Parsee, Aryan or Tamulian, unless they

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MISCELLANEA.
85
have had a special training, our European paintings, prints, drawings, and photographs, plain or coloured, if they are landscapes, are absolutely unintelligible."-Yulés Mission to Ada, p. 89.
1858 -"The Aryan tribes--for that is the name they gave themselves, both in their old and new homes-brought with them institutions of a simplicity almost primitive."-Whitney, Oriental Studies, vol. II. p. 5.
1859:-"Quoiqu'il en soit, ce qui précède me semble justifier suffisamment l'emploi du nom de Arya pour désigner, dans son unité, le peuple père de la grande famille appelée jusqu'à présent indoeuropéenne."-Pictet, I. 34.
1861 :-" Latin, again, with Greek, and the Celtic, the Teutonic, and Slavonic languages, together with likewise the ancient dialects of India and Persia, must have sprung from an earlier language, the mother of the whole IndoEuropean or Aryan family of speech."-Max Müller, Lectures, Ist Series, p. 32.
The verb ARYANIZE has also been formed from this word :
1858:-" Thus all India was brought under the sway, physical or intellectual and moral, of the alien race; it was thoroughly Aryanized."-Whitney, as above, p. 7.
BOBBERY-BOB ! interj. The Anglo-Indian colloquial representation of an exclamation common among Hindus, when in surprise or grief-Bap-re! or, redoubled, Bdpre-bdp! O father!' (We have known a friend from the north of the Tweed whose ordinary interjection was my great grandmother !"):
Hence :
BOBBERY, 8. A noise, a disturbanoe, a row; and further
BOBBERY PACK, B. A pack of hounds of different breeds, or (oftener) of no breed at all, wherewith young officers hunt jackals or the like; presum. ably so called from the noise and disturbance that such a pack are apt to raise. See a quotation under Випар..
1878:- ... "on the mornings when the babbera' pack went out, of which Macpherson was master and I'whip,' we used to be up by 4 A.M." -Life in the Mofussil, vol. I. p. 142.
BRINJAUL, 8. The name of a vegetable, more commonly called by the English in Bengal bangun. It is the egg-plant or Solanum melongena, very common in India, as it is on the shores of the Mediterranean. The word in this form is from the Portuguese (see further on). Probably one original word has seldom undergone such an extraordinary variety of modifications, whilst re- taining the same meaning, as this. Sansk. bhan-
tákt; Pers. badingan; Arab. badinjan ; Hind. bhanta, baigan, baingan; Sp. alberengena, berengena; Port. beringela, bringiela, bringella; Low Lat. melangolus, merangolus ; Ital. melangola melanzana, mela insana (see P. della Valle below); Fr. aubergine, melongène, merangène, and provin. cially belingene, albergaine, albergine, albergame.
Melongena is no real word, but a factitious Latinizing of melanzana, or, as Devic says, "Latin du botaniste."
It looks as if the Sanskrit word were the original of all. The Hind. baingan, again, which gives the common Bengal form, seems to be 'identical with the Arabic word, and the latter to be the direct original of the Spanish, and so of all the other European names. The Italian mela insana is the most curious of these corruptions, framed by the usual "strung-after meaning," and connects itself with the somewhat indigestible character of the vegetable as it is eaten in Italy, which is a fact. When cholera is about, it is considered an act of insanity to eat the melanzana. There is, however, also in Egypt a notion connecting the badinjan with madness (see Lane, quoted below). It would seem that old Arabic medical writers also give it a bad character as an article of diet.
The word has been carried, with the vegetable, to the Archipelago, probably by the Portuguese, for the Malays call it berinjala.
1611 :-"We had a market there, kept upon the strand, of diuers sorts of prouisions, to wit...... Pallingenies, cucumbers". ....-N. Dounton in Purchas, vol. I. p. 298.
1616 :-" It seems to me to be one of those fruits which are called in good Tuscan petronciani, but which by the Lombards are called melanzane, and by the vulgar at Rome marignani ; and, if my memory does not deceive me, by the Neapolitans in their patois molegnano."-P. della Valle, vol. I. p. 197.
1698:-" The Garden ... planted with Potatoes, Yawms, Berenjaws, both hot plants." ...-Fryer, p. 104.
1792:-Forrest spells brinjalles.--Voyage to Mergui, &c. p. 40.
1810 :-Williamson has bringal.-Vade Mecum, vol. I. p. 133.
1812 :-"I saw last night at least two acres covered with brinjaal, a species of Solanum."Maria Graham, p. 24.
1885:-" The neighbours unanimously declared that the husband was mad...One exclaimed: * There is no strength nor power but in God! God restore thee!' Another said: 'How sad! He was really a worthy man.' A third remarked : Badingans are very abundant just now.'"-Lane's Modern Egyptians, ed. 1860, p. 299.

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1860 :-"Amongst other triumphs of the native cuisine were some singular but by no means inelegant chefs d'oeuvre, brinjale boiled and stuffed with savoury meats, but exhibiting ripe and undressed fruit growing on the same branch."-Tennent's Ceylon, vol. II. p. 161.
This dish is mentioned in the Sanskrit Cookery Book which passes as by king Nala; it is managed by wrapping part of the fruit in wet cloths while the rest is being cooked.
BUDGEROW, s. A keel-less barge formerly much used by Europeans travelling on the Ganges. Two-thirds of the barge's length was occupied by cabins with venetian windows. Wilson gives the word as Hind. and Bengali bajra; Shakspear gives bajrd and bajra, with a hypothetical derivation from bajar, 'hard or heavy. Among Mr. Blochmann's extracts from Muhammadan books regard.ing the oonquest of Assam, we find a detail of Mir Jumlah's fleet on his expedition of 1662, in which we have mention of " 4 bajrahs" (Jour. As. Soc. Beng., vol. XLI. pt. I. p. 73). In the same extracts we have several times mention of large Assamese vessels called bachhdris (pp. 57, 75, 81); but this can hardly be the same word. Bajra is most probably applied in the sense of 'thunderbolts,' however inappropriate to the modern budgerow.
1583 :-"The barkes be light and armed with Oares, like to Foists .... and they call these barkes Bazaras and Paluas."-Cæsar Frederike in Hakluyt, vol. II. p. 358.
1727:-"In the Evening to recreate themselves in Chaises or Palankins .... or by water in their .... Budgeroes, which is, a convenient Boat." -A. Hamilton, vol. II. p. 12.
1794:-" By order of the Governor General in Council'.... will be sold the Honble. Company's Budgerow, named the Sonamokhee.... The Budgerow lays in the nullah opposite to Chitpore." - Notification, in Seton-Karr, vol. II. p. 114.
tended (Mahabharata xii. 14.),' and expresses an intention to retire from the world, and lead the life of an ascetic (195ff.). His brother Arjuna remonstrates with him (203ff.), and in the course of his address pronounces an eulogium on wealth, in verses of which the following is a very free translation:
PRAISE OF RICHES. M.Bh. xii. 2134. Amassing wealth with care and pains, A man the means of action gains. From wealth a stream of virtuous deeds, - As copious rills from hills, proceeds. But action halts when affluence fails, As brooks dry up when drought prevails. Wealth every earthly good procures, And heavenly bliss itself ensures. For rich men gold, with hand profuse, Can spend for every pious use. The wealthy man has troops of friends ; A flattering crowd before him bends; With ardour men his kinship claim; With honour all pronounce his name; They call him noble, learned, wine, And all his words as maxims prize. Men in the lap of affluence nurst Look down apon the poor as curst. The world deems want a crime; like bad And guilty men, the poor are sad. A needy man is viewed with scorn, As base and vile, though nobly born; On earth his lot is joyless, hard, To him the gates of heaven are barred : The rites which open wide that gate, The needy cannot celebrate. He merits most the name of Jean Who cattle lacks, whose garb is mean, Whose nod no crowd of servants waits, Whose food no hungry strangers sates. That hapless man is truly lean, - Not he whose frame is spare and thin. At the end of Arjuna's speech, however, Yudhishthira repeats the expression of his intention to retire to the forest, and describes his proposed tranquil and dispassionate life there (246ff.). His brother Bhima then (277ff.) blames his determination, and compares such conduct to that of a man who should dig a well,
METRICAL VERSIONS FROM THE
MAHABHARATA. BY JOHN MUIR, LL.D., &c.
(Continued from p. 308, vol. VII.) After the Påndavas had been victorious in their war with the Kurus, Yudhishthira, instead of taking pleasure in the result, was over. whelmed with grief at the slaughter of his kinsmen with which their conflict had been at
Soo Profonor Monier Williams's Indian Epic Poetry, p. 184.
Many of the lines occur in the Ramayana VI. 83, 32ff., Bomb. ed.; VI. 62, 29ff., Gorresio's ed.
There is nothing in the original corresponding to these two lines: but I assume that their substance is intimated
in what precedes; and this is confirmed by what is after wards said of the poor man.
Conf. Juvenal, Sat. I. 5, 152. - A better doctrine than this is elsewhere taught. See the Indian Antiquary, vol. III, p. 170. para. 9;p. 488 ; and vol. IV., p. 271, the verses numbered 38 and 39.

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MARCH, 1879.]
MISCELLANEA.
87
should find no water, and only get covered with mud; to that of another who should climb a tree to obtain honey, and should die without eating it; to that of a third who should perform a long journey, and return without attaining the object for which it was undertaken; to that of a fourth who should conquer his enemies, and then kill himself; and to that of a hungry man who should obtain food buj not eat it, &c. He then goes on (in verses 293ff.) to argue against an early ascetic life in terms of which the following is a very free translation:
FOLLY OF PREMATURE ASCETICISM. When old and grey, when strength decays, By foes when crushed, in evil days From fortune's heights when downward
hurled, - Yes, then let men renounce the world; But not in time of youth and health, When crowned with glory, lords of wealth. Those scripture texts which praise as best A life ascetic, lone, unblest, Dragged sadly on in gloomy woods, In dreary, doleful solitudes, Are fictions hatched in squalid schools By needy unbelieving fools; Which look like truth, but, proved, are found To rest on no substantial ground.
To savage beasts it is not given By forest-life to merit heaven: Yet this same life, by hermits led, Their future bliss ensures, 'tis said ! When men por pleasure feel, nor pain, A state of stupid torpor gain, They then have reached perfection, rise To heaven, --so say the would-be-wise. But should not trees, --if this be true, And boulders, gain perfection too? For they are calm and torpid, feel Nor pain nor pleasure, woe nor weal. They dread no want, they seek no ease, Like self-denying devotees :
Abandon, then, thy vain design: By kingly virtues seek to shine. See how by acts all mortals strive Their ends to gain, through effort thrive. Inaction ne'er perfection brings; From strenuous deeds alone it springs.
(To be continued.)
NOTES AND QUERIES. Mr. R. Cust, Hon. Secretary of the Royal Asiatic Society, calls attention to the following subjects :
1. Piomies.- Are there any in India P The time is come when this ought to be cleared up. In the Jour. As. Soc. Beng. vol. XXIV. 1855, p. 207, we have allusion to a monkey race of men ; and again to wild jungle folk, the men 4ft. 6in. high, in Ind. Ant. vol. V. p. 60; and again dwarfs-vol. VI. (August 1877), p. 230. They are mentioned in Borneo.
2. CANNIBALISM.-Does it still continue in India? In the Bengal Census Report, p. 196, it is stated that the Birhors approaching death invite their relations to come and feast on their bodies.
In Sumatra the Battas eat their aged relations when too old to work. The same tribe sentence desperate offenders to be killed and eaten judicially. Can any traces of such customs be found elsewhere?
3. INTER MARRIAGE OF HINDUS AND MUHAMMADANS.-In two localities I have come across instances of this prevailing, and it would be interesting to know of other cases, and whether the giving and receiving of brides is reciprocal.
4. ADMISSION TO CASTE PRIVILEGES.-In the Panjab the Sarasvati Brahmans and the Kbatris eat together, and I havo known individuals of a lower caste admitted from childhood, as a favour, to similar privileges. Is this a common feature
5. POLYANDRY.-This subject should be thoroughly worked out as regards India. We have instances of Aryan families in the SimlA hills hav. ing the custom. We ought to know where the custom exists, why it exists, and what effect it has on the population. It is asserted that in Ladakh the woman has a right to one extra husband, beside the family of brothers to whom she belongs, and that she is as jealous of her husbands as # polygamous Muhammadan is of his wives.
6. COUVADE.-Tyler, in his Researches into the Early History of Mankind, p. 301, says that this ex. traordinary custom of the husband being put to bed, and taking physic, when a baby is born, while the wife has to work as usual, prevails among people of the higher caste about Madras, Seringapatam, and the Malabar Coast. Can this be authenticated? The custom is notorious in the Basque country, and is mentioned by Marco Polo in Asia. Tyler, in his Primitive Culture, p. 84, says that the Hozawal (a well-known gipsy tribe in the Telugu country) have this practice.
7. NAYAR CUSTOMS. Pietro Pellerino (vol. II. letter vii.) mentions, from his own proper know
This literally rendered runs: "The doctrine of the Vedic texts (veda-vudasya vündnam) promulgated by
needy infidels (nastikail), destitute of prosperity, has merely a show of truth, and is false."

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ledge, the following extraordinary custom as existing two hundred years ago, which, for obvious reasons, I can only quote in Italian :
"De Malavari poi solo sentii de notabile, che le loro donne negle atti venerei per usanza far loro ricevuta, ed universale, non vogliono mai soggiacere agli uomini." Can this be the case P
8. NAGA CUSTOMS.-Still more astounding is a Någa custom quoted by General Fitche, vol. I. p. 350, which can only be described in Latin :
"Annulum, a quartâ ad octavam partem unciæ latum, et ex cornu cervi factum, glandem penis et præputium arctè comprimentem, mares inducere solent: propositum est erectionem penis impedire, opinantibus iis privata membra conspiciende præbere, nisi in tali conditione, rem non indecoram esse; annulus a pubertates ævo assumitur, et ad mortem geritur."
(To be continued).
NOTES ON THE ABOVE. 1. PIGMIES.--Amongst the Vizianagram Mahdraja's attendants are two dwarfs, stated to pertain to the race so graphically described by Herodotus. One is said to be eighteen years old and forty inches high, and the other is sixteen and only thirty inches in height. They are also represented to us as pot-bellied, thin-limbed, knock-kneed, spherically-headed, copper-coloured, and tow. haired.-Newspaper cutting.
2. CANNIBALISM.-There is much reason to believe that cannibalism has always existed among some tribes in India, and some reason to believe that it yet exists. Bardesanes (ed. Hilgenfeld, pp. 94-97) expressly mentions it; this is perhaps the earliest historical notice strictly speaking; it is of about 200 A.D.
Frequent but trustworthy mention of cannibal. ism in India occurs in the works of the early travellers, though mostly they are in times of famine, as, e.g., in the great famine in Gujarat in 1630 (Van Twist, Gen. Beschrijvinge van Indien, pp. 8-9, 1648). Thevenot appears to mention the use of human flesh as food as common not far from Bhroch, but I cannot now refer to his book.
In 1812 Maria Graham (Journal, p. 15) writes of Bombay Pariahs : "They are filthy in all their habits, and do not scruple to use as food any dead animal they find; it is even said that, in some places, they do not reject human bodies." The Madras Pariahs, are, certainly, no better.
In Life in the Mofussil, by an ea-Civilian, pub. lished last year, there is a full account of a case of cannibalism by a low-caste man in Bengal which is beyond doubt. Want in this case could not be the cause.
Some sixteen years ago a Nair was murdered in Malabar by some people of very low caste called there 'Cherumar'. The body was mutilated, and on my asking the accused (who freely confessed their crime) why this had been done P they answered: "Tinnál pápam tirum"-"If one eats, the sin will cease." This is the only unquestionable case that has come under my notice.
Do not some of the wild and disgusting fanatics in the Bombay Presidency also practise cannibalism?
A. B. 30th January, 1879.
3. Vibháji, the present Jám of Navanagar, in Kathiavad, married a Muhammadan wife by whom he has a son Kalubha, whom he has got declared his successor on the gadi. His father, Ranamalla, had also a Muhammadan wife. The Jadej& chiefs marry Musalman wives.
4. Among the Môrs (or Meberas) and Rabåris the wife is regarded as the head of the house; she only can pay accounts, and transacts business with Baniyas, &c.
The Ramanujyas, or Sri Vaishnavas, in religious festivals, eat with people of any caste.
In the Dakhan and southern India children are admitted from infancy into higher castes.
The Sarasvati Brahmans also eat with Lohånds, Khatris, and Bansalis.
5 POLYANDRY.-In Kamaun between the Tons and Jamuna, about Kalsi, the Rajputs, Brâhmans, and Sadras all practise polyandry, the brothers of a family all marrying one wife, like the Pandavas. The children are all attributed to the eldest brother alive. None of the younger brothers are allowed to marry a separate or additional wife for themselves. When there is only one or two sons in a family it is difficult to procure a wife, lest she should become a widow.
BHAGVANLAL INDRAJI PANDIT.
6. NÅTAR CUSTOMS.-This vicious practice is fully admitted in Malabar to be one of the andchdra or perverse customs peculiar to that part of India. Graul mentions it (I believe) as such on Gundert's authority. It is sometimes called upakrida; a meaning of this kind is not given to this word in any Sanskpit Dictionary ; uparikradd and uparisambhoga are commonly used in this sense: see Gundert, Malaydlam Dictionary, p. 135, col.a. From the Någars other castes have adopted it.
There are allusions to such habits (though not as of universal prevalence) in Sanskrit books, but it is not possible to collect them here.
A. B. (To be continued).

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APRIL, 1879.]
TWO NEW CHALUKYA GRANTS.
TWO NEW CHALUKYA GRANTS.
WITH COMPARISON OF THE PROFESSED GRANTS BY JANAMEJAYA OF THE SARPA YAGA.
BY LEWIS RICE, BANGALOR.
THE HESE two grants belong to the earliest period of the Chaluky a dynasty. One professes to be of the date S. S. 366 (A. D. 444), and of the time of Vira Nonam ba, a name which is new to the existing list of these kings. The other is without the date of the year, but is a grant by Ambera, the son of Satyaáraya, and therefore belongs to the early part of the 7th century. His name appears as Amara in the original list published by Sir Walter Elliot, but no direct evidence has, so far as I am aware, been hitherto found of his reign.
Vira Nonam ba's grant consists of three copper plates, 10 inches by 6 inches, strung on a metal ring secured with a seal bearing the figure, in relief, one inch long, of what appears something like an elephant, though probably meant for a boar, with the sun and moon above. It was found in the Chief Commissioner's office at Bangalor, and has been there at least since 1859. It is inscribed in Nandi Nagari characters' identical with those used in the Gauj agra håra inscription claiming to be a grant by the emperor Janamejaya, which has been the subject of much controversy. Two other inscriptions similar to that of the Gauj agra hâra are in existence in the same neighbourhood, and the present grant not only resembles all three in the characters in which it is written, but corresponds in many of the details, using the same obscure terms in describing the gift, introducing the same strange mixture of Hale Kannada and Sanskrit, and containing the same spelling of Sanskrit words which disgusted Colebrooke in the Gauj inscription. The present grant, whether it be genuine or not, is thus of value for purposes of comparison, besides the fact of its being dated. The remarks on this inscription will be continued further
on.
Ambera's grant is briefly expressed in pure and accurate Sanskrit, well and very distinctly
See accompanying facsimile of two sides. As. Res. vol. IX. p. 448.
These terse and unambiguous statements seem as if expressly designed to clear up some of the existing doubts
89
engraved in Hale Kannada characters. It is on three stout plates, 9 inches by 33, strung on a ring secured with a lump of metal on which is a small stamp of a boar. I met with this interesting inscription at Hosur, about fifty miles north of Bangalor, and there is every reason, I think, to regard it as genuine. After giving the descent of the Chalukya dynasty as usual in the early grants (except that we have Shâriti instead of Hâriti), it commences with Paula kesi, whose second name it informs us was Rana Vikrama. After him it merely mentions "Satya é raya, the conqueror of Harsha Vardhana," and then records the decree as that of "his dear son, called in his own language (sva bhashaya) Ambera." It is not clear what language is meant. Ambera does not appear to be Sanskrit, and the same expression further on undoubtedly refers to Hale Kannada. If formed of the Hale Kannada Ambe and era, the name would signify 'lover of Pârvati.' The gift he made consisted of the grant to thirty-one Brahmans of a village called Periyâli in its (or ? his) own language (sva bhashayd again, and here clearly Hale Kannada), situated in the Konikal district. The only name resembling this known to me is Kunigal, a tâlukâ some thirty miles to the west of Bangalor.
To return to the other grant. The fact of its being in Nagari characters is not in favour of its pretensions, for they were not in use till much later, though an exception is mentioned in an inscription at Seven Pagodas.* The letter J has a second form, T, which I have not noticed before, and which from the places where it is used, is, I think, intended to represent the now obsolete Hale Kannadar, e. It occurs also in the Kuppagade grant.
No mention is made of any former kings of the line-indeed, if the date be accepted,
as to the identity of certain of the early kings. See Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. vol. X. pp. 355, 358.
So. Ind. Pal. p. 43; Trans. R. As. Soc. vol. II. pl. 18.

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Vira Noņa mba must have been almost conjectured to have been its subjects, and this next to the founder in descent. He is de- opinion is satisfactorily borne ont by the title of scribed as the sun of the Chalu kya kula, "chief (or original) Gang avâ dikara" the conqueror of the elephant-riding Bhaga assumed by Maro Setti, as this form of the datta kings, the terror of Kalinga and name supplies the necessary link connecting Konkaņa, "the thruster out of Agva pati Gaiga và di with Ga nga dikâra. Raya, the slayer of Gajapati Raya, and As regards Kilva R â ya I find an inscripthe smiter on the head of Nara pati Raya", tion of the 12th century at Davangere speaks whoever these three sovereigns, to whom one so of the haleya bidu, or old ruins, of the royal often hears allusions, may have been,-and as city Hiriya Betaru, in the kingdom of the ruling in peace and security at Kalyanapura. warrior Kilvog-odeyarasa Deva. Betur is close In the course of a victorious expedition to the to DÂvangere, a little to the west of Harihara on south he encamped at the village of Henjara, and the Tungabhadra. there in the Saka year 366, the year Târana, The name Vira No namba calls for some made the gifts recorded in the grant. The re- remarks. The whole of the north of Maisûr, cipient was Mâro Setti, múlika Gangarádikára, now the Chitaldrug District, formed from an and radda byavahári of the Châluky a s, early period, as we know from numerous ina native of Haluhảdi in Kundunad, situated in scriptions, a province called the Noņa mbathe Ganga v â di Ninety-six Thousand. In a vadi or Nolam ba và di Thirty-two Thoubattle which took place at Henjara he distinguish sand. The considerable body of Noņamba or ed himself by cutting through the horse and Nonaba raiyats I suppose to have been its bringing down Kilva Raya. For this exploit he subjects, just as the Gangadikara raiyats were was rewarded with various honours and a landed of Gangav å di. Acknowledged descendants estate near his native place, which, from the of the hereditary chief of the Noņaba Wokligas mention of Kadabada lola, I conjecture was on are still to be found near Gubbi, which is close the river Shimsha,' in the neighbourhood of to Kadaba, and claims to have been founded by Kadaba. The grant is attested by four witnesses, their ancestor. The name also occurs in other one from Talakadu, the others from the boundary connections. An inscription at Nandi of perhaps villages, and is approved by the king, who the 8th century gives us Nolam badhiraja signs himself Ari-raya-mastaka-tala-prahári as the name of a Pallava king; while, coming (smiter on the head of hostile kings').
still nearer, an inscription at Anantapur of A.D. The title vadda byavahari occurs in several of 1079 gives the titles of Jaya Simba, the younger the Maisûr inscriptions as that of an important brother of the Châluky a king Vikraofficer. Byavahári means "merchant, but of mâ ik a, who was appointed Governor of the radda no explanation is forthcoming. It is often Bana vase Twelve Thousand, and who remet with in the phrase vadda rúvula, which was belled against him, as Trayalokya Malla Vira the name of some main head of the public taxes, Noļamba Pallava Permmånadi Jaya Singha and is generally mentioned along with the hej- Deva. junka, the principal customs dues. An inscription In order to exhibit the correspondence of at Sampige, near Kadaba, of the 13th century, the present grant with those of the Begur, records a gift made there by a vadda Kuppagade, and Gauj agraharas, their byavahari.
respective contents are here given in parallel The Ninety-six Thousand province of Gan- columns. Those parts which are identical in ga và di I have identified, on abundant all are carried across the columns, only those evidence, as the southern half of Maisar. The parts in which they differ being shown sepalarge body of Ganga dikara raiyats I have rately.
* The Ganga kings of Southern Maisar had the ele. phant as their crest, and the Merkara plates (Ind. Ant. vol. I. p. 363) describe Avinita as a Bhadatta. The Mah. blirata 'mentions Bhagadatta as a Yavana king: Bee Wilson's Works, vol. X. p. 51.
• The expression used in this place is obscure, but the
meaning mast be equivalent to this.
A tributary of the Kaveri. It is also called the Kadaba, the Kadamba, and the Shimshupa. • Vsk. Dev. Char. Introd. pp. 38, 43.
Of the Begur grant I have only a copy, given to me at the place. Of the other two I have photographs.

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APRIL, 1879.]
TWO NEW CHALUKA GRANTS.
91
Begur. Kupplagade.
Ganj.
Nonamba.
Namah 'sasi-kali-kotiJayaty &vishkritam Vishnor våráham kshobhitârņņavam dakshinonnata- kalpamânânkura ...... damshtrâgra-vibranta-bhuvanam vapuh |
kalpa-vrikshaya Sam
bhavel Svasti samasta-bhuvangsraya sri-prithvi-vallabham maharajadhiraja paramesvara paramabhattaraka HastinA-pura-varadhisvara Arohaka
Kalyana pura-varadhi
svara gajarohakaBhagadatta-ripu-raya-kanta-datta-vairi-vaidhavvya Påndavs-
Påndava I Pândava
Chalukyakula-kamala-marttanda kadana-prachanda Kalinga-kodanda ganda-marttaņda ekanga-vira rana-rangadhira Asvapati-Raya-dispatta Gajapati-Raya-sambaraka Narapati-Raya-mastaka-tala-prahâri ......
hayarudha-praudha
rekha-revanta sâmmanta-mriga-chamara Konkana-châtur-disa-bhayankara- ... chachcha-pata-châcha-puta. Isvara-mukha-ka-1
mala-vinirgata-sudhas&langa-brahma vinidibharata-sêstra-prasidham aneka-s&stra-pravinam Korantaka-Byali-Någårjunadi-mantrajaya-siddha-prasidha samudaya-namita-padara
vrinda ari-raya-kula-vilaya-k&lânalanityakara parängand-putra suvarạna-varâha-lânchhana-dhvaja samasta-raja vali-virajita-samålankrita
sri-Soma-vamsodbhava sri-Parokshiti-chakravrartti tasya putra Janamejaya-chakravrartti ari-Vira-Nonamba-chakHastinapura
ravrartti Kalyana-pura sukha-sankathå-vinodena rajyam karoti dakshina-diskvare digvijaya-yatram bijayam-karomi Tungabhadra-Haridra-sangame sri-Harihara-Deva-sannidhau katakam- Henjara-gråmatu katautkalita Chaitra-måse
kam utulitam sakakrishna-pakshe Bhauma-krishna-pakshe Soma-krishna...... .karaná varusha 366 Tarana
dine tritiyâyam Indra- dine Bharani-mah&- uttarayana sa...vyatt- samyachhare Phålbha-nakshatre san- nakshatre sankranti påta-nimitte suryya- guna-mêse krishnakranta vyati-pâta tan vyati-pâta-nimittel parbaņi ardhdha-grâsa. pakshe Bihavåra-amanimitta
grabita-samae
väsyayêm tithau sarppa-yagan
karomi Banavese-panichchhahasra-madhye Gangavadi-chbannavatipravishta badagana-Ede-khampaņa-Ede-nadu-ep-khampana-Santalige s&- sahasra-madhya khamnâdu-eppatara tan- patara tatu madhya hasra-madhye Gauta- pana - Kundu - nadu madhye anady-agra- Puspageddeya-gråma-ma-gråmåtu Brahmana eppattara tatu-madhye hâra sri-Beguru. Brahmana
Halubadi-grama grâmatu Brahmanatul (Here come the names, &c. of four chief Brahmans.)
(Description of Maro Šatti chaüghe-mukhya nin-chaüghamaksha nina- chatur-mukha nând- and his exploit.)
gotrada sahasra-mun. gotrada sahasra- gotrebhyo dv&trimsatu núra-vara-Brahmanatu dvaya-Brahmana sarp-sahasra Brahmana sarppa-yåga Arambha- pa-yaga - purnnåhuti sarppa-yaga-purnnasamae âsirvada-pur- samae Asirvada-pur- huti tad-anga-samae vakam chakravartti bakam chakravartti mantrånga pranaman mechchi mechchi
karoti chakravratti
mechchi panchanga-pasaya chhatra sukhisana balada-gaddige anku-danda-khandane .
nådu-bittig-aliya-sunka
ashţa-bhoga-teja-sâmya
.
10 Part of this verse is broken off in G. 11 No corresponding passage here. 19 Sammálankrita in N. 13 Tat-putra in B and K.
1. Yatreyam in G. This and two or three preceding words broken off in K.
15 Bala gaddi in N.

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Begar. sarba-namaskritanagi
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
Kuppagade. sarba-namasyavågi (Names of the villages.) evam dasa grâmâtu dhâra-purvakam datta
I
1
The foregoing comparison will show that these four grants were all inscribed after one model, though the present one is referred to the Chaluky a dynasty, and the three others to the Pandava dynasty. The characters in which they are engraved, as before stated, are identical. It seems impossible, therefore, to avoid the conclusion that they belong to the same period. What that period was it is not so easy to determine. The present grant very positively declares it to be S. Saka 366. How far this can be received as a genuine date the learned will be able to decide. Regarding the dates of the three other grants, proceeding upon the well-known rule which gives a certain numerical value to the several letters of the alphabet, the owners have attempted to find a date from the letters ka ta kam in the phrase katakam utkalitam, and have thus arrived at 111 of the Kali yuga, or 2991 B.C. But it is very doubtful whether the phrase in question, which may be translated "having halted the army," was meant to embody any date. Another theory is that it refers to Kataka or Cuttack in Utkala or Orissa, which is stated to have been founded by Janameja ya at the time of the sarpa yaga, for officiating at which these grants were made to the Brahmans of the three agraharas. Now Kataka Chaudwara, as it was called, appears to have been a flourishing capital city before the end of the 5th century.16 According to local tradition the sarpa yúga was performed at the village of Hiremagalur, at the south-eastern base of the Baba Budan or Chandra Drona mountains in the west of Maisûr. A curious stone pillar with a spear-shaped head is still shown there as the yúpa stambha or sacrificial post used on the occasion. It is said to be efficacious in curing from the bite of a serpent any one who circumambulates it. In
18 Ind. Ant. vol. V. p. 60.
Gauj.
[APRIL, 1879.
Nonamba.
sarba-namasya bhumi
Jevam dvâdasa grâmâtu (Description and area of sarba namasya dhârâ- the land.) parbakam datta isanya simântarâņi ka
tham
tasya gråmasya simântarâni katham (Then follow the boundaries, which are described in all in a similar manner. The imprecatory verses vary in each.) (Conclusion broken off.)
datta
scriptions at the place agrahara in the time of (? 1150-82).
Witnessed and signed (see transcript). show that it was an Trailo kya Malla
The Gauj agrahara grant was certainly in existence before 1807, when Col. Mackenzie, who brought it to light, finished the Maisûr Survey. It is further said to be mentioned in a sannad by Chinna m mâji, queen of Bednur, given in A. D. 1746. The grant calls the village the Gautama agrahara. Gautama was the name of one of the distinguished line of munis who were ácháryds of the celebrated Kedaresvara temple at Balligrâme. Inscriptions show that Gautama was officiating from A.D. 1130-50. As regards Kuppageḍe I find mention of the "mahajanangalu of Kuppageḍe" in an inscription at Balligrâme, also about A.D. 1150, recording, it may be incidentally noticed, the foundation of a temple a hundred years before by a vadda byavahári. Kuppageḍe was therefore an agrahára at the former time.
Calculations are stated to have been made by the Astronomer Royal, Sir George Airy, from the astronomical data in the Gauj inscription, resulting in the discovery that Sunday the 7th of April 1521 was the date on which the solar eclipse mentioned in it took place." That this cannot be the correct date is at once evident from the fact that the eclipse is stated in the grant to have happened on Monday, and not on Sunday. It is easy to show how the mistake has arisen. Colebrooke, in commenting on the grant, attributed it to "the time of a partial eclipse of the sun which fell on a Sunday in the month of Chaitra, when the sun was entering the northern hemisphere, the moon being in the nakshatra Aśvini." A note adds, "Such is the deduction from the text, which states a halfeclipse of the sun in Chaitra, on the sun's entrance into the uttarayana, or northern path,
17 Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. vol. X. p. 81.

Page #113

TWO NEW CHALUKYA GRANTS.
APRIL, 1879.]
18
at the moment of vyatipáta (which imports new moon on a Sunday in any one of the undermentioned nakshatras, viz. Aśvini, Śrâvana, Dhanishtha, Ardrâ, Aslesha, and Mrigasiras, the first of which is the only one compatible with the month). The words of the text are Chaitramáse krishnapakshe so. . . . . . &c." Now this so (which, together with the preceding pakshe, being at the edge of the plate, has since got broken off) was the commencement of the words Soma-dine, or Monday, as clearly appears from the Kuppagade inscription. It is, of course, no impeachment of the sagacity of Colebrooke that he could not guess this, but pronounced that the astronomical data, "however consistent with Indian notions of astronomy, would hardly bear the test of a critical examination." Sir George B. Airy, very naturally, calculated from the date as interpreted by Colebrooke.
The date arrived at by Sir George B. Airy, together with those of the three agrahára inscriptions as stated in the originals, were given by me for examination to a well-known local astronomer, Siddhânti Subrahmanya Sâstri, and the following is a summary of the result of his calculations. He first shows that Monday, 7th April 1521, being equivalent to Salivahana Saka 1444, Sukla-samvatsara Mina-mása, 27 tedi, cannot be the right date, for the reason that Chaitra in that year was an adhika-mása, or intercalary month, during which there was no surya-rasi-sankramana; and not only so, but the performance then of such a rite as the sarpa yaga is forbidden, the month being a mala-mása.
It is no matter for surprise that the Brahmans or others who prepared the inscriptions, supposing them to be forgeries, should have had the same ability that the pandit has to make the astronomical calculations necessary to support their pretended date.
He then proves that the astronomical conjunctions stated in the inscriptions accord with no other year than 36 of the Kali yuga, or B.C. 3066. Only on Somavara, or Monday, of the month Chaitra krishna amâvâsya of that year is there a conjunction of surya-grahana, or eclipse of the sun, with Bharani nakshatra and mahá vyatipata.10
The dates found he next shows to be consistent with the received accounts regarding Parikshit, Janamejaya, and the sarpa yaga,"
18 As. Res. vol. IX. p. 447.
19 It is necessary for the calculations that the vyatipata of the inscriptions should be understood as meaning mahapata.
93
20 These calculations being made by the Tables of the Siddhantas, must give the same result. as they did when the plates were forged; but as the tables themselves are inaccurate, the results are utterly worthless, and afford no
According to the Mahabharata. (Adiparva 42-124), the Pândavas ruled for thirty-six years, and that was the age of Parikshit at the commencement of the Kali yuga. He reigned for twenty-four years, and at the age of sixty died from the bite of a serpent. Jana meja y a, then a minor, was crowned by the ministers, and when he grew up performed the sarpa yaga. It follows that Janamejaya was crowned at the age of twelve, and that he performed the serpent sacrifice when he was twenty-four, which accord very well with the statements of the Bharata.
There appears to me much reason to regard the inscriptions as connected with the Chalukyas. The present one not only directly claims to be a Chalukya grant, but in all of them the five introductory titles of the king are distinctively Chalukyan. But it is not, I think, till after the revival of the dynasty under Tailapa, in the 10th century, that this succession of titles is uniformly applied to the Chalukya kings, and at the close of the 12th century the dynasty came to an end.
The history of the line in A.D. 444, the alleged date of the present grant, is somewhat uncertain. The latest attempt to clear up the matter" gives us the following succession:
1. Jaya Simha.
2. Buddha Varmma or Rana Råga. 3. Vijaya Raja or VijayAditya, A.D. 472. 489. 4. Pulakesi Vira Nonamba's date would make him Vijaya Raja's predecessor, who, according to the above list, was Rana Riga, the son of Jaya Simha. Sir Walter Elliot's stateinent is that Jaya Simha was slain in attempting to subdue the Pallavas, but that this Rana Raga, his posthumous son, renewed
proof that an eclipse did occur in B.c. 3066 under the given conditions, unless these tables could be shown to be of equal accuracy with the best European Tables, which they are not.-ED.
21 Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. vol. X. p. 354. This was the latest at the time I wrote, but Mr. Fleet has since. published some remarks on the subject in Ind. Ant. vol. VII. p. 247.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[APRIL, 1879.
the contest, in which he was successful, and extinction of the dynasty; while the supremacy married a Pallava princess. Now the Pallavas of the Brahmans was threatened by the reforms down to a certain period were Buddhists, and of Basa va and the rise of the Lingayets. this would account for the prince's other name of There was thus every motive to put back the Buddha Varmma." But his name Rana dates of grants made by the Chalukya king at Råga also bears & resemblance to Rapa this time to the period of the early triumphs Jaya, the name of a Pallava king mentioned and glory of his ancestors, as in the case of the in one of their inscriptions on a temple at grant to the merchant, or, as perhaps seemed Seven Pagodas." We have further seen that the safer to the Brahmans in the case of those name Noļamba or Noņámba (? and ? made to the agrahdras, to a remote and vague being interchangeable) appears as that of a antiquity. In the former the merchant had Pallava king, and also among the designations no objection to ascribe his grant to a prince of of a Chalukya prince in immediate connection Buddhist associations. But this would not with the name Pallava. These coincidences suit the Brahmans in the agrahara grants ; do not perhaps amount to very much, but they therefore went back to an orthodox looking to the common practice of perpetuating prince as the donor in their case. names in a house, they may perhaps suffice to Moreover, it may be observed that even if raise a conjecture whether Vira Noņamba neither of the grants was actually made by may not have been an offspring of the Cha- Vira Noņamba, and in the Saka year 366, lukys and Pallava matrimonial alliance. yet this name and date are not therefore neces
If, on the other hand, it is considered that sarily fictitious. They may nevertheless have the grants, from the characters in which they been real historical facts preserved in the are engraved, may with greater probability be annals of the house, and be thus of value for assigned to the 12th century, we have the coin- chronological purposes. A. very simple mecidences previously mentioned in names and | thod, if admissible, of accounting for the apallusions at about that period in support of the parently modern characters in which the grants view. Moreover, there were not wanting special are inscribed, although the terms and details reasons for then falsifying the dates. It was a are decidedly more antique, is to suppose that time of commotion in both the political and the they are copies, on perhaps a more durable religious worlds. The Chalukya throne had substance, in a current character, or one better been usurped by Bijjala the Kalachurya, and understood or more highly esteemed, of gendthe Chalukya king, retiring to the south of his ine ancient grants, no longer in existence, dominions, was maintaining a doubtful authority written or engraved in an obsolete character in the Banayage country, shortly to end in the known only to antiqnorians.
I.
Transcript. 1. Namah
sasi-kala-koti-kalpamânankura . 1pa-kalpa-vrikshâys Sambhave | Svasti samasta-bhuvanâsraya sri-prithvi ... bham maharajadhiraja paramiesvara parama-bhattâraka Kalyans-pura-varidhisvara g ajarohaka-Bhagadatta-ripu-raya-kanta-datta-vairi-vaid havvya Cha= lukya-kula-kamala-mårttanda kadana-prachanda Kalinga-kodanda ganda-ma= rttanda ekânga-vira rana-ranga-dhira Asvapati-Raya-dis&patta Gajapati-Raya-Bâmháraks
Narapati-R&ya-mastaka-tals-prahari sammanta-mriga-chamara
Konkana-châtru-disa-bhayankara-nityakara paranguna-putra
suvarnna-varha-lânchhana-dhvaja samasta-r&jáva= li-virajita-samamalankrita Bri-Soma-vamsodbhava Sri Vira Noņamba chakravrartti Kalyana-pura susha dukha)-sankatha-vinodena rajyam karoti dakshinadisAvare-digvijaya-yatram-bijaya-karemi
Henjara-gråmátu
kata
* Compare Pota Varmma of the inscription published by me in Ind. Ant. vol. VIII. p. 23.
Major Carr's Seven Pagodas, p. 224.

Page #115

A GRANT,PURPORTING TO BE W. CHALUKYA, OF ONE VIRA - NONAMBA, ŠAKA 366. - PLATE 1.
नारिकलाकारिकलाजानाकार
DERILIPPE BEPLEIE TELEPOLSER WPIDUL-HUBELIDIBBIDILPITBHE. ELE PRIJEE BILURIDIJE ILSETPPIPURI DFILEHELPERDEUFELLBEPEL DISEDILEBELLYDELIRLLILLIPILSLAAS IDEE VEELZUVDIPYIBERUNKO NAPETYPE PEP 1991BL SEGLID PEWTELEBEOLUTPHELEDETTD PELTTIPJEZJD ELRESILDIKEHBLLUIPE TILSELLE LEIPALELEED EI DILEPLJEF 24EIBIS ILYLEYEBALPERDELE
W.GRIGGS PHOTO-LITH. PECKHAM
SCALE & OF THE ORIGINAL.

Page #116

A GRANT, PURPORTING TO BE W. CHALUKYA, OF ONE VIRA NONAMBA, SAKA 366. PLATE II.
कम तुला उसका सकिल दिवा अमावास्याना न वति सद्‌समवाखक नाइCOLAT हलदाडगामा मन काग गवा डिकार तलुकिटात बा द्वारा माग राहि हैजा व कवि दकि दामन उन नाग तसा सुखासन हत्ता दि अकद डख अवृतागात जसा म्हास बनमस्टाद 1388005 देस ल5156] ददत्र 100 मुलस्थानाद वात ५००ग्राइस लाश लाए मगर्द ै कामी २० ब्रिड 209दल के विमान १००६JCHA 200 अन जका नाम १०ई साना मात्र माणक घाबलुदग्ददलदा
SCALE OF THE ORIGINAL.
पालनमा वाडिका
W.GRIGGS PHOTO-LITH. PECKHAM

Page #117

APRIL, 1879.]
II. a.
kam utulitam
se
krishna-pakshe
hâri
II. b. diya-dve-sandhi-simâtu
Haluhâḍiya-dve-sime gila-Haluhâḍiya.
ji diya
nnavati-sahasra-madhya Haluhâḍi-grâmâ
о
Râya manna
1va ddi
panchânga-pasaya chhatra sukhasana bbala ga= anka-danda-khandane ashta-bhoga-teja-skmyn sarba-namasya datta bhumi 4[0]00 gadde salage 'griha hasta 100 Múlasthâna-deva-bhumi 500 gadde salage 2 Bhalâri-bhumi gadde 500 suvarnnaka-bhumi 200 ksha= badagi-bhumi 200 disâkirtti bhumi 100 dvârapâli-bhumi 100 ana= 100 isânya-simântarâni katham Beluhurada-Haluhâ= BbeluhuradaBbeluhurada-Kadilavâ=
kâ-bhumi
о
TWO NEW CHALUKYA GRANTS.
Saka-varusha 366 Tarana-samvachhare Phâlguna-mâ Gangavaḍi-chhâ= tatu-madhye
grâmȧ
Mâro
Bihavara-amavasyayâm-tithau khampana-Kundu-nâdu-eppattara
una
tatha
malika-Gangavaḍikâra
Saṭṭi
Kembbareya-srota tatha vata-vriksha tatha evam-ti-grâmâ-tri-sandhi-simâțu
Kadilavågila-Haluhâḍiya
Henjara-bbavaradalu
thâ
dakshina
dve-sime
la tatha dakshina dve-sime Chanchari-srota ta thân gila-Haluhâḍiya dve-sime Parala-dinne pråpya
âgneya
tatha evam-ti-grâmâ-tri-sandhi-simâtu Hanamevaḍiya-Haluhâḍiya
grâmâ
о
ya
evam-tri-grâmâ-tri-sandhi-sîmâtu
Svayambhu-vritta-pâsâṇa ta thân
paschima Karavadiya-Haluhâḍiya dve-sime Chanchari-srota-prâpya ta= thâ paschima dve-sime navanita-pâsâņa tatha paschima-grâmâ nairitya Koravadiya-Mangalura-Haluhâdiya eva-ti-grâmâ-tri-sandhi-simâ= tu Parala kere ta thân uttara Mangalura-Haluhâdiya dve-sime Chancha= Mangalura-Hanemavâḍiya-Haluhâ= ta thân misra-påsâna-pun=
III. 3 ri
prâpya
diya
ttara
uttara
dakshina
Translation. Adored be Sambhu, adorned with the points of the rays of the moon, a tree of bounty!
May it be well! The protector of all lands, favourite of earth and fortune, great king of kings, supreme ruler, first of monarchs, lord of the city of Kalyana, bestower of widowhood on the hostile elephant-riding Bhagadatta
Chalukiyara-vadda-byava=
dakshina
95
turakav-iridu
kshira-kola
Maduka-ko= dakshina Kadilavâ= tathatu
dakshina
Ki=
Kadabada-kola dve-sime
ta=
Kadivâgila-Karavaḍiya-Haluhâḍi=
uttara
vâyâbya Hanemavâḍiya-Bbellura-Haluhaevam-ti-grâmâ-tri-sandhi-simâtu vata-vriksha-kola tatha purba Bbe=
u=
llura-Haluhaḍiya dve-sime dine prâpya tatha purbba dve-si= me sveta taṭâka tathân purbba Bbellura-Haluhâḍiya dve-sima khi lu prapya ta thân purba Bbellura-Bbeluhura-Haluhâḍiya evam-ti-grâmâ-tri-san= dhi-simâtu Kembaraya dine tatha purbba Beluhura-Haluhâḍiya dve-sime ka= lpa vriksha tathâ purba isânya samâptah || Sri sâkshinâm Talakaḍu Hanuvanu Mangalura Negavanu Bbellura Kachchuvara, Kadilavâgila Vasyara atikusala Odvâchâri likhita || gâ= m ekâm ratnikâm ekâm bhumer appy ekam angulam haran narakam âpnoti yâvad âbhuta samplavam || 0= ppa Ari-Raya-Mastaka-Tala-Prahari.
kings, sun to the lotus of the Chalukya race, terrible in war, a bow to Kalinga, a sun among males, unsurpassed hero, invincible champion in the field of battle, thruster out of As va pati Râya, slayer of Gajapati Râ y a, smiter on the head of Narapati Râ y a, tanner of the deer of the tributary kings, the daily terror of the four quarters of Konka na, a son to the wives of others, having

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[APRIL, 1879..
a flag with the device of a golden boar, adorn- Thence the southern villages South-east, ed with the glory of all lines of kings, born the rocks in the land of the god Svayambhu, in the auspicious Soma vamsa, the emperor Sri at the common boundary of Kadila và gila, Vira Noņamba, while ruling the kingdom Kara vadi, and Halo ha di; thence west, in Kalyana pura in the enjoyment of peace as far as the Chanchari stream at the comand wisdom, making a victorious expedition to mon boundary of Kara vadi and Haluthe south, having encamped his army at the hå di; thence west, the Na vanita rocks village of Henjara ; in the Saka year 366, the at the joint boundary. Thence the western year Târana, the month Phålguna, the dark villages : -South-west, the Parala tank at fortnight, Thursday, at the time of new-moon: the common boundary of Kara vadi, Man
The chief (or original) Gangav å di kâra, galûr, and Halu hâdi; thence north, as the vaddu byavahári of the Châlukyas, Maro far as the Chanchari at the joint boundary Setti, of the village of Haluhâdi, situated in of Mangalûr and Halu hadi; thence the district of the Kundu-nâd Seventy, within north, the Kadaba kola at the common the Gangavadi Ninety-six Thousand, having boundary of Mangalûr, Hanema vadi, in the battle of Henjara pierced the horse and and Halu hadi; thence north, the group brought down Kilva Raya ;
of mixed rocks at the common boundary of Gave (to that Maro Setti) five manner of Hanema và di and Halu hadi. Thence gifts--an umbrella, a palanquin, an escort, a the northern villages :-North-west, the banyan throne, and with the faults, fines, and divisions, tree and pond at the common boundary of with the eight rights of full possession, (pre- Hanema vâ di, Bellûr, and Haluh â di; sented) with every ceremony the following thence east, as far as the mound at the comland :-4,000 of rice land [? at the rate of 100 mon boundary of Bellûr and Haluh â di; cubits,.....), land of the Múlasthana thence cast, the white pond at the joint god 500 of rice land . . . . , Bhalari land 500 boundary; thence east, as far as the ford at the of rice land, the goldsmith's land 200 ..., common boundary of Bellar and Haluthe carpenter's land 200, the barber's land 100, hadi; thence east, the Kembare hill at the doorkeeper's land 100, the .... land 100. the common boundary of Bellar, Beluh ûr,
The boundaries from the north-east are as and Halu hadi; thence east, the wishingfollows :-The Kembbare stream at the tree at the common boundary of Beluhûr common boundary of Beluh ùr and Halo. and Halu hâdi; thence east it ends at the hadi; thence sonth, the banyan tree at the north-east. common boundary of Beluh ûr and Halu- Witnesses :- Talakadu Hanuvanu. hadi; thence south, the Kshira pond at the
Mangalûr Negavanu. common boundary of Beluhur, Kadila
Bellûr Kachchuvara. và gila, and Haluh adi; thence south, the
Kadilavägila Vasyara. Maduku pond at the joint boundary of Ka- Written by the accomplished Odváchâri. dila vågila and Haluh â di; thence south, Whoso seizes upon a span-breadth of land, or the Chanchari stream at the common boun- so much as a finger's breadth, shall linger in dary; thence south, as far as the Parala hell till the deluge. hill at the common boundary of Kadila v &- Approved, Ari-Ráya-Mastaka-Tala-Prahári gila and Haluh â di.
smiter on the heads of hostile kings'). * II.
Transcript. 1. Svasti śri-Mânavya-sa-gotrânâm Shariti-putrânâm mâtri-ganasamvarddhitânâm Sv&mi-Mahasena-pâdânudhyâtânâm
iva
Chalu
kyênằm
samriddhimad-rajya-paramparâyâta-vamsa
tilakosvamedhavabhřithn-snana-pavitrikritottamkngah Paulikesity
abhikhyâta-nåmadheyo
Rana-Vikrama-dvitiya

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APRIL, 1879.]
TWO NEW CHALUKYA GRANTS.
II. a. nåmadheyah
tadanántaram
Harsha-Varddhana-jita-Satyaérayam sVa-priya-suta Bva-bhashaya Amberety &vijfâpita san maha Magha-paurnnamäsyâya sanngama-tirthe Soma-grahane sa-hiranya-sodakam Atreya-gotrebhyo trayodasebhyah Kausika
gotrebhyo pañchebhyah Kasyapa-gotrebhyas tribhyah Kaundinya-gotre třih II. b. Kausika-gotrebhyas tribhyah Sâvannika-gotrabhyâ dvåbhyam Bhåra
dvaja-gotrah e ka Saunaka-gotra ekah etebhyo mahd-Brahmaņe
bhyah vidita-vedavidbhyah shat-karmma-niratebhyah eka-trim sadbhyo Brühmaņebhyah Koņikal-vishayi s va-bhâshaya Periya!a-nama-gråmman dattam Manu-gita-blokam
ud&haranti bahubhir vyasudhå-bhuktâm-rajabhis
Sagarådibhih yasya yasya yada bhumih tasya tasya tada phalam
III.
sva
d attam
paradattám
vâyo
haretavasundharam
shashțir vvarsha sahasråņi
Translation. May it be well! Of the auspicious Mâ- navya gotra, sons of Shâriti, nursed by the group of mothers, worshippers of the feet of Svâmi Mahasena, were the Chalukyas; an ornament to which race the regular successors of a prosperous kingdom, purified by the final ablutions on the completion of the asvamedha, was the renowned Paula kesi, whose second name was Raņa Vikrama. After him was the conqueror of Harsha Varddhana, Satyasraya. By his dear son, called in his own language, Ambera, it is thus commanded :
On the full-moon day of Maha Mágba, at the time of the sun's passage, during an eclipse of the moon, with (presentation of) a coin and (pouring of water, to thirteen of the Atreya gotra, five of the Kausika gotra, three of the Kâśyapa gotra, three of the Kaundinya gotra, three of the Kausika gotra, two of the SÂvannika gotra, one of the Bharadvaja gotra, one of the Saunaka gotra,--to these thirty-one Brah- mang, versed in the Vedas, daily performers of the six rites, has been given the village called in its own language Periyali, situated in the Konikal district.
Let the verses spoken by Manu be an example :-The earth has been enjoyed by Sagara and many kings: according to their (gifts of) land so was their reward. Whoso usurps a gift made by himself or by another shall be born a worm in ordure for sixty thousand years.
vishthâyê jâyate krimih.
Postscript.--Since the above was written I have found a reference to the unusual title of Tala Prahári, which makes it probable that it was first granted after the middle of the 11th century to a Nolamba. It occurs in a Châlukya and Hoysala inscription at Heggere, a village between Budihal and Huliyara, in the south of the Chitaldrug District, around which are numerous Jain ruins. In describing Sri Bhatta Deva Samanta, lord of the city of Huliyara, &c., a dependent of the Hoysala king Narasimha (1142 to 1191), it begins his genealogy as follows, in Hale Kannada :
Int enisi nega!da Bitti Dev-ánay ad ent endode || Sthira Gambhira Nolamban agra mahishi Sri Deviyam tad vishotkaramam tágade bandu bandi vidiyalu tad vairi sanghátamam bara dir eydita prahárado!é kondand ittan a thúpan-adaradi Vira-Tala-Prahári vesaran dhátri talam bannisalu || Chaluky- Ahava Malla nripalana katakado! dodd ankamumam Kleyo! padedan adatam pálisi Dodd anka badivan emb i birudam II which may be translated
To describe the descent of Bitti Deva thus glorious :-The chief queen of Sthira Gambhira Noļamba was Sri Devi, whom when, unable to endure the alliance, laying an ambush they came to make prisoner, from his destroying at one blow the confederation of his enemies, so that they should not unite together, he obtained from the king for his boldness the title of Vira Tala Prahâri; and while thus

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praised in the world, displaying in the army of the Châlokya king Ahava Malla the valour of the great, he received thence the title of Great.
Now Ahava Malla's reign was from 1040 to 1069, and the title of Vira-Tala-Prahâri given to Sthira Gambhîra Nolamba is evidently related to the Ari-Raya-Mastaka-Tala-Prahâri of Vira Noņamba. Moreover, Jaya Simha, the son of Ahava Malla and younger brother of Vikrama, who, as we have seen, in 1079 had the name Vira Noļamba, describes himself both as "prince of the world-renowned Pallava race" and "head jewel of the Chalukyas." It seems clear, there fore. that his mother, Ahava Malla's queen, must have been a Pallava princess. And from other evidence I conjecture that the alliance thus entered into between the Châlukya and Pallava families may have been coincident with the formation of the Nolambavadi or Nonambavadi province as a barrier against the encroachments of the Cholas; who, I take it, had overrun that part of the country, then in possession of the Pallavas, but which the Western Châlukyas recovered, and while retaining it gave it a name of distinctively Pallava connection,
These considerations seem to support the view that the grants are not older than the end of the 19th century. But reasons have been
given for assigning them to the 12th century. Falling back upon ka ta ka m as containing the date, and taking the letters in the direct order, though this is not the role, we have (Saka) 1115, or, as usual, reckoning that year as completed, A.D. 1194. This would apply to each of the three agrahâra grants. But Vira Noņamba's, in addi. tion to ka ta ka m, has Šaka 366, which might be reconciled by taking the sum of these figures, 15, as the year expressed without the centuries, a mode of dating of which there are examples. Of course this is a violation of ordinary rules, but the inscriptions being confessedly irregular may perhaps be dealt with accordingly, provided that probability is not violated. From Struyk's Catalogue of Eclipses there appears to haye been a partial solar eclipse on the 22nd April 1194
Should A.D. 1194 be admitted as the probable date of these grants I conceive they were made by a common descendant of the Chalukya and Pallava families, so long rivals in power, but now both alike bereft of sovereignty and kingdom. Furthermore, as previously sug. gested, the date 366, or A.D. 444, may have been a true one preserved in the annals of the two houses as that when the first matrimonial alliance had been entered into between them, and which period of their early glory they thus regretfully recalled.
ON SOME EARLY REFERENCES TO THE VEDAS BY EUROPEAN WRITERS.
BY A. C. BURNELL, Ph. D. During the Middle Ages there existed a reasons I shall now give; what the real date belief in a mythical, blasphemous treatise termed of the book is, must be settled by bibliographers De tribus impostoribus, which, (if I recollect on other grounds. correctly,) was supposed to have been written The Vedas are referred to more than once in by Averroes, the typical misbeliever. In the this book, and this name appears as Veda' seventeenth century, a Latin treatise of this and Vedae' (plural). It is important to note name again came to notice; a few copies that the writer knew the correct form of the printed (according to the title page) in 1598 word according to the Benares (or received) have attracted much attention from biblio- pronunciation of Sanskrit. graphers, and the book has been, twice at least, The first explicit account of the Vedas is in reprinted in modern times. It has been assumed the valuable work of A. Rogerius, De Open Deure, to be a fabrication of the seventeenth cen- which is still, perhaps, the most complete actury--after about 1651-because it refers to count of S. Indian Hinduism, though by far the the Vedas, and this information (it has been earliest. The author was a native of Holland, wrongly assumed) could only have been taken and went to India as a chaplain in the service from the well-known work of Rogerius, De of the Dutch East India Company. He was at Open Deure, which was printed in that year. Pulicat in this capacity from 1631 to near the This assumption is, however, impossible for end of 1641, and while there made the acquaint
11. Moses, Christ, and Muhammad.

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ON SOME EARLY REFERENCES TO THE VEDAS.
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ance of a Brahman named Padmanabhan, who the information from this source. Though had some knowledge of Portuguese. By his Rogerius could not get a satisfactory and aid, Rogerius made the earliest complete trans- complete account of the Vedas, what he says lation from Sanskrit into a European tongue, is sufficiently striking to attract much notice, in the shape of a Dutch version of the Sataka and the author of the De tribus impostoribus attributed to Bhartrihari. The learned author merely refers to the Veda' and 'Vedas'. went to Batavia on leaving Pulicat, returned to | Some Christian poems in Sanskrit verse were his native country in 1647, and died at Gouda written by a European Missionary in Bengal in 1649; his widow brought out his book at early in the XVIIth century, which he termed Leyden in 1651.'
* Veda': but these, again, cannot be the source This account of the Vedas is as follows from which the anonymous author got the word, (p. 26): "The third privilege of the Brahmans for the Bengali pronunciation is bedo,' as we is that they can read the Vedam. The Vedam find in these poems which were written in Roman is the law-book of the heathen, which contains characters, e.g. Chama-Bedo' for Sámaveda." all they must believe and all the ceremonies As then, neither the South Indian nor they must do. This book is in verse in Sans- Bengali forms of the word, which are the earliest krit. In this language are written all the secrets that we now find, can have been in the source of heathendom, and it is studied by thic Brah- of information followed, it is necessary to mans, who do not intend to busy themselves assume that the writer in question had access to with trade. This Vedam is divided into four some other source of information not yet come parts: the first part is called Roggowedam; to light. The correct form of the word that the second Issourewedam; the third Sama- he uses— Veda'—would point to North West or wedam ; the fourth Adderawanawedam. The Central India, probably to Goa, as the great first part treats of the first cause, of the first resort of Europeans in the XVIth century: in matter, of the angels, of souls, of the reward of Marathi and Konkani the form Veda' or the good and punishment of the bad, of the Ved' is actually the only one used. generation of creatures and their corruption, I have not, as yet, found the word 'Veda' in what are sins, those that may be forgiven, and any printed Portuguese book of the XVIth cenwho can do it, and wherefor. The second part | tury, but I have collected much information treats of the Regents to which they ascribe lord to show that the Jesuits must have had full inship over all things. The third part is entirely formation about the Vedas long before the end of moral, which exhorts to virtue and obliges to that century. For example: Couto (Dec. v. 6, the hatred of the contrary. The fourth part 3, printed in 1602 in Europe, but written some treats of the ceremonies of the temple, of offer- years before) mentions the Vedaos' as conings and of festivals : but this fourth part sisting of four parts. Couto was long at Goa. cannot be any longer found as it has long been The Portuguese bibliographer Barbosa Machalost. The Brâhman Padmanaba said that if do mentions (in his voluminous compilation, the this part existed, the Brâhmans would be higher Bibliotheca Lusitana) several treatises on Hinduthan kings in power and consideration, and that ism written before theend of the XVIth century, by the loss of this Adderawanawedam they had and some of these were by converted natives, or lost much of their power and position."
written with their help. Sassetti, an Italian It will be remarked that Rogerius always traveller, who was at Goa in 1586, was able to writes Vedam,' and this is the Tamil-Malaya- gain a very fair notion of the Sanskrit language ļam form of the word; in Telugu it is 'Vedamu.' and literature.' Again, in a constitutio of Pope For this reason it is impossible to suppose Gregory XV. (Romanae Sedis Antistes, 1623), that the author of De tribus impostoribus got which forbids to Indian Christians the use of
I give these details because the notice of the author in the Biographie Universelle (vol. XXXVIII.) is full of errors. My authorities are the preface to the Open Deure, and Harart's Open Ondergang (p. 132).
Cfr. pp. 8, 84, 47, 51, 52, 70, 88, 87, 105 and 209, where this word occurs.
• This account is, in reality, based on the contents of the
Tami! Vaishnava hymns which profess to give the contents of the Vedas!
Asiatic Researches, vol. XIV. p. 13. . See (e.g.) Antonio de S. Bernardino (vol. I. p. 219); Francisen de S. Antonio (vol. II. p. 107); Manoel Barradas (vol. III. p. 193).
De Gubernatis has printed his letters in his Storia dei Viaggiatori Italiani. See especially pages 220.1.

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some Hindu rites and customs, the following words occur:-ritus omnes et ceremoniae ac preces quæ, ut fertur, Haiteres et Tandice vocantur." It is hardly possible to doubt that Aitareya and Tandya are the words here intended, and that, therefore, a considerable knowledge of the Vedic literature must have been current at Rome in ecclesiastical circles, for some time before the XVIIth century, for ecclesiastical processes took a long time in those days, especially when they related to so distant a country as India.
There is, then, no reason to suppose that the author of the De tribus impostoribus antedated his book; and there is every reason to suppose that information regarding the Vedas was available before 1598. He alone, however, saw what use could be made of it.
A carious notice of the Vedas, but in com
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paratively recent times, occurs in the Encyclopédie of Diderot and Dalembert, vol. XXX. p. 32 of the Swiss edition of 1781 (Berne). As it has not, I believe, been noticed, I may say that it states that the Vedas are written in a language more ancient than Sanskrit, and that the first copy received in Europe was sent by a missionary who got it from a convert. The earlier missionaries did not, however, disdain to abet theft in order to get Hindu books, as the curious story of such a deed in 1559, told by Sousa (Oriente Conquistado, 1. pp. 151-2) proves; but the converts furnished many such (San Roman, Historia de la India Oriental, p. 47, 1603).
What the earlier missionaries really knew of Hinduism it would be hard now to discover, for the libraries of the great religious houses have been broken up and lost, but their knowledge must have been very.considerable.
ARCHEOLOGICAL NOTES ON A MARCH BETWEEN CAWNPORE AND MAINPURI, N. W. PROVINCES, DURING THE CAMPING SEASON OF 1879. BY H. RIVETT-CARNAC, Esq., B.C.S., C.I.E., F.S.A., M.R.A.S., &c. This year my tour has taken me through the Doab, and the inspection of opium cultivation has afforded some opportunities for antiquarian enquiry. My rough notes are now sent in the hope that they may be of some use to those who have to travel over the same ground, and who may be glad of some hints of what to look for.
Kanauj was the first place of any considerable interest that we passed on our journey north. It is just within the limits of the Fatehgarh district, at 50 miles from Cawnpore, and about a mile and a-half from the camping ground of Mira-ka-Serai, a good-sized bazaar with a large serai of the Muhammadan Emperors, and a tehsil, munsifi, and other institutions of British rule.
The line of country on either side of the grand trunk road lying between Cawnpore and Fatehgarh is perhaps one of the best known in India, and has doubtless been described by many writers. For many years before the opening of the railway, and even since the completion of the line from Calcutta to Lahor, thousands of European travellers have made the journey along the high road which passes within a mile and a-half of the once celebrated city of Kanauj. Since Conolly delighted James Prinsep with the result of his finds there, not only coin hunting, but I fear also coin manufacturing, has become a trade with the inhabitants of the old city, and many a traveller, who might have passed by in ignorance of the existence of the ruins, has had his attention called to them by the brokers who besiege dak gharis and camps, with collections of coins, genuine and spurious, which are still found or fabricated at Kanauj.
As all of our party were more or less interested in Kanauj and its remains, we had purposed camping at Kanauj itself, knowing from experience that to see a place really well, and to collect and purchase what really is to be found. there, one must be actually on the spot. But we found that at Kananj itself there was no shade and no camping ground, and we were reluctantly obliged to make the journey backwards and forwards along the track which leads from Mira-ka-Serai to the old city. What yet remains of old Kanauj will not take the visitor long to see. From the camping ground to the bazaar, the route passes between ranges of mounds of brick and fragments of pottery, marking old building sites long deserted. Numerous narrow deep wells still remain, and these are fully utilised by the cultivators for the rich crops of potatoes and tobacco which
This information was, probably, copied from a letter by P. Calmette (1737), "Lettres E'difiantes," XIV. p. 6.

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now cover the ancient sites. One of the chief points of interest in the city is the ruins of the palace, or Rang Mahal, supposed to have been built by Ajaya Pål, in whom General Cunningham recognises the Tomar Prince Jaya Pâl, conquered by Mahmud of Ghazni. The palace is placed on the kankar bed, here almost deserving of the name of a hill, and which as the only rising ground to be met with for a great distance in the flat plain of the Ganges, evidently suggested Kanauj as a site for a citadel and a city. The blocks of kankar quarried for the construction of the town and the improvement of the defences of the fort are to be found all over Kanauj and its neighbourhood, where they were apparently freely used in earlier times in the absence of finer stone, not only for foundations but also for the superstructures of the temples and buildings. Many pillars and capitals and panels of block kankar are to be seen, on which figures have been carved, and considering the roughness of material, the execution of some of these was fairly good. These seem to have been used at an early period before sandstone, which had to be brought from a great distance, was available. Later on, kankar blocks appear to have been used for foundations and walls; whilst for the finer carvings, of which numerous fragments are to be seen, sandstone was employed. The other buildings, the Jâma Masjid and the Makhdûm Jahaniya, are Muhammadan structures raised with the masonry of the Jain, Buddhist, and Hindu buildings which the Muhammadans found ready to hand, and of which they readily availed themselves.
ARCHEOLOGICAL NOTES.
Not only has Kanauj itself been stripped of nearly every vestige of the splendour of its former temples, but the whole of the country for many miles round would seem to have been denuded of the sandstone blocks imported by the Buddhists and Hindus, and laid under contribution for the Muhammadan masjids and serais.
It is not my intention to attempt a description of these Muhammadan buildings which are noticed by General Cunningham in his account of Kanauj, published in Vol. I. Archeological Survey Reports, already mentioned, and with which every visitor to the old city should provide himself, and to which reference is also made
101
by Mr. Fergusson in his Indian and Eastern Architecture, p. 525. Those, however, who have seen the same re-arrangement of Buddhist and Jaina remains which the Sharki kings made at Jaunpur will be disappointed with the Muhammadan buildings atKanauj which certainly cannot approach those of Jaunpur in size and grandeur. This is doubtless to be accounted for by the fact that at Kanauj, situated at a much greater distance from stone quarries than Jaunpur, the material to hand was comparatively scanty.
What interested us most were the mounds covered with fragments of pottery and brick with which the city is surrounded, and on which at the time of our arrival considerable activity was to be noticed. It at first suggested itself that the Archæological Survey were at work here, and that the excavations were being conducted under the orders of some one of General Cunningham's staff. This view, however, turned out to be incorrect, and we ascertained that the large mound to the south of the Serai on which the labourers were at work, was being opened by the Pathân proprietor for the supply of stone ballast to the state railway which is now under course of construction between Cawnpore and Fatehgarh.
Sandstone broken into pieces of about 2 inches long makes the very best ballast for railway purposes. In this vast alluvial tract no stone save kankar is to be met with, save at the distant and well known points which for centuries have provided the quarries for all creeds in the erection of their temples and other buildings. But the khéras or mounds, the ruined sites of villages and temples, and pits common throughout the country side are known to contain blocks of stone and fragments of stone as well as brick. Save to those who lived in the immediate neighbourhood, and who required building materials, these mounds were of little use, and have for centuries remained undisturbed. The contracts for ballasting the railway, however, have given these khéras a new importance, and they are now being opened out in all directions. In some places blocks of stone which either escaped the attention or were hardly worth notice of the Muhammadan builders, have been unearthed, with them too
1 See Cunningham's Archaeological Reports vol. I., p. 286.

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have been found in enormous quantities fragments of sandstone. For these it is not easy to account save under the supposition that they have been chipped off from carved blocks, and that the Muhammadans, on destroying a temple to utilize the masonry for their own buildings, commenced by stripping off the blocks of carved figures and other ornamentations with which, as the remains show, the Hindu temples were richly adorned. This work of destruction could most conveniently be performed on the spot. The block to be carried from the temple to the Muhammadan masjid or serai in course of construction would be the lighter when stripped of its ornamentation, and it was thus desirable to perform the process on the spot. And the religious duty of smashing the images and that of adapting the stones to the stern simplicity of the Muhammadan buildings went hand in hand. This is the only way that the enormous number of sandstone chips,-enor mous in comparison with the blocks and figures found in the same quarter, is to be accounted for. These chips make excellent ballast, and there can be no sort of objection to their being utilised for this purpose. But unfortunately in these khéras, and amongst the dêbris, figures, more or less complete, which have escaped the Muhammadan iconoclasts, are to be found. The zeal of the Hindu residents of the locality have, in days gone by, preserved many of these, and they are to be seen piled up and daubed with red paint under neighbouring trees. Unfortunately, how. ever, in the eyes of a Muhammadan contractor, and even of Hindu subordinates, a sandstone figure makes as good ballast as anything else, and hundreds of figures and fragments of figures dug out of the khéras of Kanauj and the neighbourhood have been broken up for ballast, which, inasmuch as the dimensions of ballast metal are strictly limited to two inches, ensures the utter destruction of any carving that might be utilised for this purpose. Some damage had been done, for although the Muhammadans had smashed more or less completely all carvings found on the spot, still some had escaped, and even some of the fragments possessed considerable merit as indicating the state of art, the costumes, and even the habits of the people in whose time they were made. Harm too has been done by the opening out of these old remains without care and system, and it is
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obviously desirable that some effort should be made to prevent the destruction of any carvings of merit that may be unearthed. The Collector of the District, Mr. C. P. Watts, C.S., on the subject being brought to his notice, was good enough to take a warm interest in the preservation of these relics, and now contemplates the establishment of a local museum at Kanauj. In this he has received valuable support from Mr. Laing, the contractor for the ballast, who has now given strict orders to the workmen to put aside for inspection every piece of sculptured stone that may be dag up. Before leaving the spot I had the satisfaction during a forty mile drive with Mr. Laing of visiting the chief points where his ballast sub-contractors were at work, and of seeing that his orders were being carefully attended to.
It is hoped that in this manner the excavation of these khéras will be as valuable to the antiquarian interests as they are likely to prove remunerative to contractors. But the opening out of these ancient sites, and the destruction which, unless some measures are taken to prevent it, may result, has suggested the absolute necessity of some simple administrative rules being framed by which such operations will be conducted with due regard to the protection of any antiquarian treasures that may be unearthed. As already noticed, the prompt action of the Collector, and the interest taken in the subject by Mr. Laing, the contractor, has ensured the ballast operations of the future in the Fatehgarh district being conducted to the benefit of those who are interested in the remains of former dynasties. But similar action cannot always be depended on in other parts of India, and it seems most desirable that some action should be taken by Government to impress upon the local officers, engineers and others the necessity of excavations being carried on under some sort of intelligent supervision. A representation to this effect, with a statement of the circumstances above noticed, has therefore been made by me to the Asiatic Society of Bengal, and it is hoped that the Government of India may be willing to adopt some simple measures which, I am sure, would have the support of all intelligent persons, European and native, whether directly interested in Antiquarian research or not.
Having thus noticed what we found going on at the Kanauj mounts at the date of our visit

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in February last, I now give a short list of some which may possibly have surmounted a stone of the fragments of more or less interest found pillar such as both Chinese pilgrims mention as on the spot, and which we had little difficulty having existed at Sankissa. The style and in saving from the ballast hammers.
treatment of both of these lions resemble those Perhaps the most interesting of all the frag- of the Bakhra and Lauraya pillars in Tirhût, ments was indeed a mere fragment, part of the save that the Kananj lions appear to have had body of a woman carved in red sandstone. The their tails well curled over their backs, instead lower part of the body and left hand remained. of placed in an undignified manner between The hand itself was most delicately chiselled, their legs as in Cunningham's plates. and the fingers and proportions of what remained It was suggested at Kanauj that these lions of the body were excellent. The drapery was were Jaina emblems, the lion being a symbol of graceful and elaborate, the idea of the trans- one of the Tirthankars. But later on at Behar parency of the garments being admirably (Fatehgarh District) I found a seated statue rendered. The bracelets on the wrist and the of Buddha, the base supported by two lions, jewelled girdle around the waist are minutely each of which again was crouched on the head carved, all indicating not only a high state of of an elephant after the manner of the first of art, but also great taste and progress in manu- the two lions above mentioned. factures of garments and jewellery at the period Our search for fragments of images took us prior to the Muhammadan iconoclasts, to which to the temple of Ajaya Pål. There we noticed age the statue may be attributed. I mention all the fragments of two female figures; in each this in order to insist on the importance of case the woman was carrying a child in the wellpreserving even fragments of sculptures, for so known position in which the Virgin and infant much does even this very fragment of a statue Jesus are generally represented. Here we again reveal to us of the condition of the people of the came upon the remains of lions of different period to which it belongs.
sizes. Their heads and tails had been easily A slab of lightish coloured sandstone, quite broken, but the thick trunks seem to have different in its texture, was lying close to the red defied Muhammadan destruction. The Hindus sandstone fragment above described. It con- had therefore utilised them, and we found two tained the head of a Buddha, with the well-known doing duty outside the shrine as Siva's Nandis crisp negro-like curls. On either side is an atten- in front of a cylindrical Mahadeva. dant figure of the conventional type in Buddhist The Yoni, or what did duty for the Yoni, sculptures. The carving possesses considerable
had evidently formed part of the capital of a merit, and has been handed over by me to the Buddhist pillar, being of the same type as the Collector for the local museum. I also rescued capitals of the well known pillars found in and carried off a lion in red sandstone, about 3 many parts of India. It was of light-coloured feet in length, and which looked as if it had form- sandstone and 22 inches in diameter. In the ed one of a pair flanking the steps of some old circular hole where the shaft had once fitted the building. The tail and head had been smashed, linga had been placed. So that the Buddhist but the curls of the mane were carefully and ela- | lion and the capital of the pillar had both been borately rendered, something after the manner of utilised in the later worship of Siva. an Assyrian bull. The front paws of the lion were
Just as we were leaving, the light falling on placed on the head of an elephant, the trunk of the base of the Yoni revealed the traces of an which had been broken. This also was made inscription, and a copy of this was obtained over to the Collector, for although the sculpturing after some little difficulty. It has been sent cannot be considered to possess any great merit, to Dr. Rajendra Lala Mittra, C. I. E., Calit may be so far useful as assisting to indicate cutta, and if it contains anything of interest, the style of the buildings and ornamentation of will, I hope, be made public by that learned which Kananj at one time could boast.
authority. Near the Kâlâ Nadi on the road leading down Further on, to the left hand side of the road to the southern ghat is a still larger lion, leading to the Raj ghat, and not far from the
* See Cunningham, Reports vol. I. plate xxii.

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tomb of Haji Harmayan, is a well executed figure of the boar incarnation of Vishnu. The carving is in sandstone, and is in excellent preservation. We were told that, like the figures in Singh Bhawani, a suburb of Kanauj, to be noticed later; it had been found by some pious Hindus buried many feet below the ground whilst they were digging a well. The figure appeared to be very old, and it seems probable that like those found in the neighbouring village it formed a principal feature in some Hindu temple before the invasion of Muhammadans, and had been carefully hidden away to escape their iconoclastic fury. The mali and his brethren, who were fortunate enough to discover the sacred image, have built for it a little shrine close to their homestead, and within a few yards of the mound in which it was found. Besides the merit of the execution the figure will, I am sanguine, be considered of interest from other points of view. Mr. Laing, the Railway contractor already referred to, has been good enough to promise to photograph it. The group is carved on a slab of close grey sandstone 34 inches in height by 20 inches in breadth. The principal figure itself is 29 inches high, and represents Varaha-a man's figure with the head of a boar. The dress and drapery and ornaments are elaborate and handsome, and the hair or mane, or whatever it is, falls in masses of curls which have been arranged with great care and nicety. On his left knee Vishnu supports a small female figure, and another similar figure stands in an attitude of adoration at the base. What is the most peculiar part of the group are two other figures, the one with the head and body of a man, the other with that of a woman, which from the waist downwards are scaled and coiled like snakes. The male head is surmounted by a canopy of seven hooded snakes, the female by three such cobra heads. The male figure supports the left foot of the boar incarnation. The female figure has its hands folded in the attitude of adoration or supplication. There is something particularly striking in the chief figure, with all its incongruity of a man's body with a boar's head. The attitude, the set of the head, and even the expression are full of dig. nity, and the whole effect instead of being ludicrous is really fine. After looking for a while at
See his History, p. 158, and Journal of Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1835.
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what, from my imperfect description, may appear to be an incongruous and grotesque representation, but which in reality has little of the ludicrous about it, one begins to realize how, in the old story, Beauty fell really in love with the Beast. And for the first time an excuse was advanced for Walter Crane, who, without license, has substituted, in his otherwise admirable illustrations of the old legend, a boar's head for the bear's head, as it certainly stood in the nursery tradition of thirty years ago. The above is the ordinary form in which the boar incarnation of Vishnu is represented at Bâdâmi, Elurâ, and elsewhere. The attitude of the figure is very like that on the silver coins, which James Prinsep and Thomas have figured and described, and which may be found in Vol. I. pl. xxiv. of Thomas's edition of Prinsep's Indian Antiquities. I have several of these coins in different states of preservation. In one of them the boar supports on his left knee a female figure, perhaps Prithvi, as represented in the carving above noticed. In others the head has got blurred from constant use during the many years that the coin has been in circulation, and my dignified boar might not unfairly be pronounced to be a donkey. I took these at first to be the Gadhia-ka-paisa of Elphinstone," but a reference to Thomas's Prinsep will show that the Ghadia-ka-paisa is of quite a different character. The boar-headed coins are found in some numbers in Kanauj, and I believe also in Malwa. I should be interested to know if there is any reason to suppose that this boar avatára of Vishnu was particularly adopted by any King or race of early tradition, and whether this figure and the coins can in any way be connected with any of the early rulers of Kanauj. And what do the Nâga figures represent at the bottom? They are common to this avatára (though I cannot find them in Moor's Pantheon); do they represent some people or some religion subdued by the deity or his representative? And is not the boar incarna tion a prominent one in ruins of Bhopal and the Malwa country, and would the prominence of a similar avatára at Kanauj assist in any way to link the history of the old City with the western kingdom, of whose wars and alliance we have some little information ?
(To be continued.)
The boar was the crest of the Chalukyas of the Dek han, and Varáha their favourite or patron divinity.-ED.

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CORRESPONDENCE AND MISCELLANEA.
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CORRESPONDENCE AND MISCELLANEA. MR. RICE'S WESTERN CHALUKYA GRANT OF that I have obtained, is in a stone-tablet inscription KIRTTIVARMÅ II.
of the Western Chalukya king Trailôk yaTo the Editor of the "Indian Antiquary." molla, or Somês vara I., at Kembhavi in Sir.-In Mr. Rice's treatment of the interesting the Suråpúr or Sorapur Ilåkha, (Elliot, MS. Western Chaluky a grant of Kirttivarma Collection, Vol. I. p. 117); it is dated Saka II., which he has published at p. 23 above, there 975 (A.D. 1053-4), the Vijaya sanatsara, and are a few points, of an important nature, which the preamble of it is Srímat-Trailókyamallacall for remark.
dóvar=Kkalyanada nele-vidinolu sukha-sankatha1.-In line 5 of his transcription, he gives the vinodadir rdjyam-geyyuttam-ire. Other inscripname of the dynasty as Chaulukya; and he endorses tions show that it was about the beginning of the this reading in his translation, and even em- eleventh century A.D. that the Western Châluphasizes it in his introductory remarks. But, on kyas were gradually extending their power referring to the original plates, which are now in northwards, or, rather, were reconquering the London, for the purpose of preparing a facsimile early Chaluky a dominions towards the north; to accompany his paper, -I find that here, as and it was probably not long, if at all, before everywhere else in the early grants of this dynasty, Saka 975, that Kalyan a fell into their hands. the vowel of the first syllable is a, not au. His This point, as to the exact date, depends chiefly transcription is mahibhritári Chaulukyandm, but upon whether the Canarese nele-vidu corresponds the original has mahibhritan-Chalukyandh. There to the Sanskpit rdjadhání, capital,' or to vijayais no anusvára over the ta; much less any final skandhaudra, 'victorious camp. Moreover, m after it, which would be entirely opposed to parampard does mean 'succession' in the sense of rule in such a place. And, what he has taken 'a row of things which follow one after another; for the vowel au, is really the nasal ñ. Exactly a continuous arangement; an uninterrupted the same compound letter, richa, occurs again in series. But, to translate it, even secondarily, by muktañ=cha at the end of 1. 71, and is there succession in the sense of the act of coming to transcribed by him correctly.
the inheritance of ancestors,' is entirely opposed 2.-In l. 6 of his transcription, he gives the to the etymological meaning of the word, and to name of the first king mentioned in this grant as its use. If Kalyana had but existed as an Paulakési; and he repeats this in his translation, carly Chalukya capital, we might possibly and in his introductory remarks. But, in the interpret kalyana-parampara as containing a original, the vowel of the first syllable is 0, not hidden allusion to the fact, by translating it by an au, (compare the pů of pota, 11. 39 and 45, and uninterrupted continuity of kalydna, or progcontrast the kpart of h=pautrdya, l. 66); and the perity, of various kinds, including Kalyand as the second syllable is le, not la, (compare the ld of proper name of a city,'-or by the line (of kings) Balêndusekharasya, 1. 17, and contrast the la of at (the city of) Kalyana." But Mr. Rice's
ulam=, 1. 5. and everywhere else throughout the translation of succession to Kalyana' could be inscription). The correct transcription, in short, be justified only if, instead of kalyana-parampard, is Polekesi.
we had in the text kalyana-siviihdsan-ardhana, or 3.-In his translation, he intimates, in brackets, some such expression. that the epithet Kárttikéya-parirakshana-prdpta
J. F. FLEET. kalyana-paramparanám= (transcr. l. 3) is to be London, 27th February 1879. understood as applying, secondarily, to the succession to the throne of the city of) Kaly&ņa. How the mistake first arose, I do not know; but
PROTECTION OF ANTIQUARIAN REMAINS. it is not an uncommon thing to find the early
Mr. H. Rivett-Carnac, C. I. E., has submitted Chalu ky as called the Chalukyas of two memoranda to the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Kalyanapura.' This is nothing but a mistake. urging that Society to appeal to the Government Kalyana is nowhere mentioned in the early of India with a view to the issue of some simple Chalukya inscriptions; and, even if it existed administrative rules for the better protection of as a city at that time, it certainly was not a Antiquarian Remains in the various provinces Chaluky a capital. The earliest mention of it of the country, from destruction by tourists and
1 These two possible translations were suggested to me by Dr. Bühler. He, however, adds "But I should not care to assume that the Pandit, who wrote the inscription, intended a pun, if I were not quite certain that Kalyana
actually was, in his time, the capital of the Chalukyas. That is really the point on which the explanation depends. So doubtful & compound by itself cannot be used as an argument."

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the still more dangerous class of philistine guides which the tourist creates, as well as from railway ballast contractors. He instances the excavations for ballast for the Fathegarh and Kanhpur railway. "Miles of sandstone clips," he says, "have been stacked along the roadside, and it is not too much to say that perhaps a good mile of this excellent ballast has been supplied by figures and carvings, some of which, had they been preserved, might have proved of interest.” Mr. Rivett-Carnac rescued some pieces of undoubted merit on the spot, and Bent them to Calcutta. Another of the evils he complains of is the dilettante excavator for coins and relics, who, if he find anything, is almost certain to keep it to himself and never publish it, at least satisfactorily: and when he dies it is lost. The philistine class of guides is well illustrated by the Peskar of Ajanta, who for years past has been cutting pieces out of the wonderful wallpaintings in the Bauddha Caves there, and present- ing them to visitors in hopes of a larger inám. We do trust Government will take up the whole matter, and try to devise some means of stopping the vandalism that is daily going on both in our own and Native States.
NOTES AND QUERIES. COUVADE, ante p. 87.-In vol. III. p. 151 of the Indian Antiquary will be found an account of the Couvade as practised round about Dummagudem. That account was given by a woman of the Erakalavandhu caste, and when a by-stander rather incredulously laughed, she pointed to her two boys who were standing, by, and exclaimed
Well, when these two boys were born, I and my husband followed that custom, and so also after the birth of all my other children.'
On p. 188 vol. V. is another allusion to these people. I ought to have added there that the women are called 'hens' by their husbands, and the male and female children cock children,' and hen children respectively.-JOHN CAIN.
GHOST-WORSHIP.-A collection of facts regarding the remnant of Nature-worship underlying Brahmanism and Muhammadanism would be most interesting. How far is this connected with Shamanism
CESSATION OY CASTE AT CERTAIN PLACES.-In the temple of Jagannath all caste ceases : is this the case in any other place of sanctity P-R. Cust, Lib. R. As. Soc.
BOOK NOTICES. PAPERS relating to the Collection and Preservation of the • Dictionary of Islâm' which he has in course of
Records of ANCIENT SANSKRIT LITERATURE in INDIA. Edited by order of the Government of India by A. E.
compilation. This second edition has undergone GOUGR, B.A., Professor in the Presidency College and most careful revision and important additions. Principal of the Madrasa, Calcutta. (Calcatta : Office of the Superintendent of Govt. Printing, 1878).
It contains fifty-five notes or chapters on such In this handsome volume of 234 pages Mr.
subjects as Islâm, the Quran, Allah, Prayer, Gough has collected the principal records relating
Zakat, Nikah Janaza, the Wahhabis, Sufism, to the search for, and cataloguing of, Sanskrit
Zikr, Tahrif, &c. &c., all treated in a brief, clear, Manuscripts, so wisely and liberally undertaken
popular style, and yet with a comprehensive by the Government of India on the basis of the
scholarship that omits little of importance. The Note prepared on the subject in 1868 by Mr.
book (282 pp. 12mo) may be confidently recomWhitley Stokes. This search has been most suc
mended to all who wish for accurate information cessful in the discovery of new and important
on & most interesting subject. codices, and it is to be hoped it will still be continued, and that the further object originally The BIRTH OF THE WAR GOD. A poem by Kalidus, aimed at, of publishing the rarer works discovered
translated from the Sanskrit into English Verse. By
Ralph T.H. Griffith, M.A., Principal of Benares College. will now be also steadily carried out. To all in
(London: Trübner & Co., 1879). terested in the work and its results Mr. Gough's Mr. Griffith's very spirited rendering of the compilation will be found of value and interest.
Kumdrasambhava, first published twenty-six years
ago, is well known to most who are at all interNotes on MURAMMADANISM, being OUTLINES of the RE
ested in Indian literature, or enjoy the tenderness LIGIOUS SYSTEM of ISLAM By the Rev. T. P. HUGHES, of feeling and rich creative imagination of its M.R.A.S., C.M.S., Missionary to the Afghans, Peshawar. -Second edition, revised and enlarged. (London:
author. The first edition having for long been W. 1. Allen & Co., 1877.]
out of print, Messrs. Trübner & Co. have done The first edition of this very interesting and well in presenting it again to the English reader really scholarly accurate work appeared in 1875, as a volume of their very handy and nicely got and was intended by the author as the notes of a' up. Oriental Series.'

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ANONYMI [ARRIANI UT FERTUR] PERIPLUS MARIS ERYTHRAI. Translated from the text as given in the Geographi Græci Minores, edited by C. Müller, Paris, 1865.
With Introduction and Commentary." BY J. W. MOCRINDLE, M.A., PRINCIPAL OF THE PÅTNA COLLEGE. INTRODUCTION.
for most of our knowledge of the remote shores of The Periplús of the Erythrean Sea is the title Eastern Africa, and the marts of India, and the prefixed to a work which contains the best account condition of ancient commerce in these parts of of the commerce carried on from the Red Sea and the world. the coast of Africa to the East Indies during the The name of the author is unknown. In the Heitime that Egypt was a province of the Roman em- delberg MS., which alone has preserved the little pire. The Erythræan Sea was an appellation work, and contains it after the Periplús of Arrian, given in those days to the whole expanse of ocean the title given is 'Applavoù trepitous ris' Epv@pas reaching from the coast of Africa to the utmost Dalaoons. Trusting to the correctness of this boundary of ancient knowiedge on the East--an title, Stuckius attributed the work to Arrian of appellation in all appearance deduced from the Nikomedia, and Fabricius to another Arrian who entrance into it by the Straits of the Red Sea, belonged to Alexandria. No one, however, who styled Erythra by the Greeks, and not exclud- knows how ancient books are usually treated can ing the Gulf of Persia.
fail to see what the real fact here is, viz. that The author was a Greek merchant, who in the since not only the Periplás Maris Erythrai, but first century of the Christian era had, it would also the Anonyini Periplus Ponti Eurini (whereof appear, settled at Berenike, a great seaport the latter part occurs in the Heidelberg MS. before situated in the southern extremity of Egypt, Arrian's Ponti Periplús) are attributed to Arrian, whence he made commercial voyages which carried and the different Arrians are not distinguished him to the seaports of Eastern Africa as far as by any indications afforded by the titles, there can Azania, and to those of Arabia as far as Kanê, be no doubt that the well-known name of the whence, by taking advantage of the south-west Nikomedian writer was transferred to the books monsoon, he crossed over to the ports lying on placed in juxtaposition to his proper works, by the western shores of India. Having made careful the arbitrary judgment of the librarians. In fact observations and inquiries regarding the naviga- it very often happens that short works written by tion and commerce of these countries, he commit- different authors are all referred to one and the ted to writing, for the benefit of other merchants, same author, especially if they treat of the same the knowledge which he had thus acquired. Much subject and are published conjointly in the same cannot be said in praise of the style in which he volume. But in the case of the work before us, writes. It is marked by a rude simplicity, which any one would have all the more readily ascribed shows that he was not a man of literary culture, it to Arrian who had heard by report anything but in fact a mere man of business, who in com- of the Paraplús of the Erythræan Sea described posing restricts himself to a narrow round of set in that author's Indika. On this point there phrases, and is indifferent alike to grace, freedom, is the utmost unanimity of opinion among or variety of expression. It shows further that writers. he was a Greek settled in Egypt, and that he must That the author, whatever may have been his have belonged to an isolated community of his name, lived in Egypt, is manifest. Thus he says countrymen, whose speech had become corrupt by in 29: “Several of the trees with us in Egypt much intercourse with foreigners. It presents a weep gum," and he joins the names of the very striking contrast to the rhetorical diction Egyptian months with the Roman, as may be which Agatharkhidês, a great master of all seen by referring to $$ 6, 39, 49, and 56. The place the tricks of speech, employs in his description of in which he was settled was probably Betenike, the Erythræan. For all shortcomings, however, since it was from that port he embarked on his in the style of the work, there is ample compensa- voyages to Africa and Arabia, and since he speaks tion in the fulness, variety, accuracy, and utility of the one coast as on the right from Berenike, of the information which it conveys. Such indeed and the other on the left. The whole tenor of the is its superiority on these points that it must be work proclaims that he must have been a merchant. reckoned as a most precious treasure : for to it That the entire work is not a mere compilation we are indebted far more than to any other work from the narratives or journals of other merchants
The Introduction and Commentary embody the main substance of Müller's Prolegomena and Notes to the Periplas, and of Vincent's Commerce and Navigation of
the Ancients so far as it relates specially to that work. The most recent authorities accessible have, however, been also consulted, and the result of their inquiries noted.

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and navigators, but that the author had himself Periplis was written a little after the death of visited some of the seats of trade which he do- Pliny, between the years A.D. 80-89. scribes, is in itself probable, and is indicated in 8 20, Opinions on this point, however, have varied where, contrary to the custom of the ancient considerably. Salmasius thought that Pliny and writers, he speaks in his own person :-" In sailing our author wrote at the same time, though their acBouth, therefore, we stand off from the shore and counts of the same things are often contradictory. keep our course down the middle of the gulf." In support of this view he adduces the statement Compare with this what is said in g 48: à pos of the Periplús (854), "Muziris, a place in India, την εμπορίαν την ημετέραν.
is in the kingdom of Keprobotres;" when comAs regards the age to which the writer belong. pared with the statement of Pliny (VI. xxvi. 104), ed: it is first of all evident that he wrote after the "Colobothras was reigning there when I times of Augustus, since in § 23 mention is made committed this to writing;" and argues that since of the Roman Emperors. That he was older, Kép robotras and Celobothras are bat however, than Ptolemy the Geographer, is different forms of the same name, the two authors proved by his geography, which knows nothing of must have been contemporary. The inference is, Iudia beyond the Ganges except the traditional however, unwarrantable, since the name in ques. account current from the days of Eratosthenes to tion, like that of Pandiôn, was a common appellathose of Pliny, while it is evident that Ptolemy tion of the kings who ruled over that part of India. possessed much more accurate information re- Dodwell, again, was of opinion that the Periplas garding these parts. It confirms this view that was written after the year A. 1. 161. when Marens while our author calls the island of Ceylon Palai- Aurelius and Luciu's Verus were joint emperors. simoundou, Ptolemy calls it by the name He bases, in the first place, his defence of this view subsequently given to it-Salikê. Again, from on the statement in § 26: "Not long before our $ 19, it is evident that he wrote before the own times the Emperor (Kaitap) destroyed the kingdom of the Nabathæans was abolished by place," viz. Eudaim ô n-Arabia, now Aden. the Romans. Moreover Pliny (VI. xxvi. 104), in This emperor he supposes must have been Trajan, proceeding to describe the navigation to the who, according to Eutropius (VIII. 3), reduced marts of India by the direct route across the Arabia to the form of a province. Eutropius, howocean with the wind called Hippalos, writes to ever, meant by Arabia only that small part of it this effect :-"And for a long time this was the which adjoins Syria. This Dodwell not only denies, mode of navigation, until a merchant discovered but also asserts that the conquest of Trajan ema compendious route whereby India was brought braced the whole of the Peninsula-a sweeping 80 near that to trade thither became very lucra- inference, which he bases on a single passage tive. For, every year & fleet is despatched, car- in the Periplás (816) where the south part rying on board companies of archers, since the of Arabia is called η πρώτη Αραβία, «the First Indian seas are much infested by pirates. Nor Arabia." From this expression he gathers that will a description of the whole voyage from Egypt Trajan, after his conquest of the country, had tire the reader, since now for the first time correct divided it into several provinces, designated acinformation regarding it has been made public." cording to the order in which they were consti. Compare with this the statement of the Periplás tuted. The language of the Periplús, however, in $ 57, and it will be apparent that while this forbids us to suppose that there is here any referroute to India had only just come into use in the ence to a Roman province. What the passage time of Pliny, it had been for some time in use in states is that Azania (in Africa) was by the days of our author. Now, as Pliny died in ancient right subject to the kingdom, this morns 79 A.D., and had completed his work two years yuropawns (Neyouévs according to Dodwell) 'ApaSias, previously, it may be inferred that he had written and was ruled by the despot of Mapharitis. the 6th book of his Natural History before our Dodwell next defends the date he has fixed on author wrote his work. A still more definite in by the passage in 23, where it is said that Khadication of his date is furnished in § 5, where ribaël gought by frequent gifts and embassies Zoskalês is mentioned as reigning in his to gain the friendship of the emperors (TÔ times over the Auxumita. Now in a list of the aúrokparópuv). He thinks that the time is here early kings of Abyssinia the name of Za- indicated when M. Aurelius and L. Verus were Hakalo occurs, who must have reigned from reigning conjointly, A.D. 161-181. There is no 77 to 89 A.D. This Z a-Hakale is doubtless need, however, to put this construction on the the Zoskalês of the Periplús, and was the words, which may without any impropriety be contemporary of the emperors Vespasian, Titus, taken to mean the emperors for the time being,' and Domitian. We conclude, therefore, that the viz. Vespasian, Titus, and Domitian.

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Vincent adopted the opinion of Salmasius regarding the date of the work, but thinks that the Kaisar mentioned in § 26 was Claudius. "The Romans," he says, "from the time they first entered Arabia under Ælius Gallus, had always main- tained a footing on the coast of the Red Sea. They had a garrison at Leukô Kôme, in Nabathæa, where they collected the customs; and it is apparent that they extended their power down the gulf and to the ports of the ocean in the reign of Claudius, as the freedman of Annius Plocamus was in the act of collecting the tributes there when he was carried out to sea and over to Ta probanê. If we add to this the discovery of Hippalus in the same reign, we find a better reason for the destruction of Aden at this time than at any other." The assertion in this extract that the garrison and custom-house at Leuké Kôm ê belonged to the Romans is not warranted by the language of the Periplus, which in fact shows that they belonged to Malikhos the king of the Nabathæanis. Again, it is a mere conjecture that the voyage which the freedman of Plocamus (who, according to Pling farmed the revenues of the Red Sea) was making along the coast of Arabia, when he was carried away by the monsoon to Taprobanê, was a voyage undertaken to collect the revenues due to the Roman treasury. With regard to the word Kaioap, which has occasioned so much perplexity, it is most probably a corrupt reading in a text notorious for its corruptness. The proper reading may perhaps be EAIZAP. At any rate, had one of the emperors in reality destroyed Aden, it is unlikely that their historians would have failed to mention such an important fact.
Schwanbeck, although he saw the weakness of the arguments with which Salmasius and Vincent endeavoured to establish their position, nevertheless thought that our author lived in the age of Pliny and wrote a little before him, because those particulars regarding the Indian navigation which Pliny says became known in his age agree, on the whole, so well with the statement in the Periplus that they must have been extracted therefrom. No doubt there are, he allows, some discrepancies; but those, he thinks, may be ascribed to the haste or negligence of the copyist. A careful examination, however, of parallel passages in Pliny and the Periplts show this assertion to be untenable. Vincent himself speaks with caution on this point:--"There is," he says, "no absolute proof that either copied from the other. But those who are acquainted with Pliny's methods of abbreviation would much rather conclude, if one
must be a copyist, that his title to this office is the clearest."
From these preliminary points we pass on to consider the contents of the work, and these may be conveniently reviewed under the three heads Geography, Navigation, Commerce. In the commentary, which is to accompany the translation, the Geography will be examined in detail. Meanwhile we shall enumerate the voyages which are distinguishable in the Periplús, and the articles of commerce which it specifies.
I. VOYAGES MENTIONED IN THE PERIPLUS. I. A voyage from Berenike, in the south of Egypt, down the western coast of the Red Sea through the Straits, along the coast of Africa, round Cape Guardafui, and then southward along the eastern coast of Africa as far as Rhapta, a place about six degrees south of the equator.
II. We are informed of two distinct courses confined to the Red Sea : one from Myos Hormos, in the south of Egypt, across the northern end of the sea to Leuké Kômê, on the opposite coast of Arabia, near the mouth of the Elanitic Gulf, whence it was continued to Mouza, an Arabian port lying not far westward from the Straits; the other from Berenikê directly down the gulf to this same port.
III. There is described next to this a voyage from the mouth of the Straits along the southern coast of Arabia round the promontory now called Ras-el-Had, whence it was continued along the eastern coast of Arabia as far as Apologos (now Oboleh), an important emporium at the head of the Persian Gulf, near the mouth of the river Euphrates.
IV. Then follows a passage from the Straits to India by three different routes: the first by adhering to the coasts of Arabia, Karmania, Gedrosia, and Indo-Skythia, which terminated at Barugaza (Bharôch), a great emporium on the river Nammadios (the Narmada), at a distance of thirty miles from its mouth; the second from Kane, a port to the west of Su agros, a great projection on the south coast of Arabia, now Cape Fartaque; and the third from Cape Guardafui, on the African side-both across the ocean by the monsoon to Mouziris and Nelkunda, great commercial cities on the coast of Malabar.
V. After this we must allow a similar voyage performed by the Indians to Arabia, or by the Arabians to India, previous to the performance of it by the Greeks, because the Greeks as late as the reign of Philomêtor met this commerce in Sabæa.
VI. We obtain an incidental knowledge of a voyage conducted from ports on the east coast of
• The enumeration is Vincent's altered and abridged.

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Africa over to India by the monsoon long before Hippalos introduced the knowledge of that wind to the Roman world. This voyage was connected, no doubt, with the commerce of Arabia, since the Arabians were the great traffickers of antiquity, and held in subjection part of the sea-board of Eastern Africa. The Indian commodities imported into Africa were rice, ghee, oil of sesamum, sugar, cotton, muslins, and sashes. These commodities, the Periplús informs us, were brought sometimes in vessels destined expressly for the coast of Africa, while at others they were only part of the cargo, out of vessels which were proceeding to another port. Thus we have two methods of conducting this commerce perfectly direct; and another by touching on this coast with a final destination to Arabia. This is the reason that the Greeks found cinnamon and the produce of India on this coast, when they first ventured to pass the Straits in order to seek a cheaper market than Sabæa. II. ARTICLES OF COMMERCE MENTIONED
IN THE PERIPLUS. I. Animals :
1. Ilapbévot eveideis após mallariar-Handsome girls for the haram, imported into Barugaza for the king (49).
2. Aoúluka kpelosova-Tall slaves, procured at Opônê, imported into Egypt (1.4).
3. Súpara Onluka-Female slaves, procured from Arabia and India, imported into the island of Dioskoridês (31).
4. Sutra.-Slaves imported from Omana and Apologos into Barugaza (36), and from Moundou and Malað (8,9).
5. "IT70-Horses imported into Kand for the king, and into Mouza for the despot (23, 24).
6. 'Hulovai vorryol-Sumpter mules imported into Mouza for the despot (24).
II. Animal Products :
1. Boúrupor-Butter, or the Indian preparation therefrom called ghi, a product of Ariakê (41); exported from Barugaza to the Barbarine markets beyond the Straits (14). The word, according to Pliny (xxviii. 9), is of Skythian origin, though apparently connected with Bous, rupds. The reading is, however, suspected by Lassen, who would substitute Bóo popov or Bootropov, a kind of grain.
2. Appara Enpika-Chinese hides or furs. Ex- ported from Barbarikon, a mart on the Indus (39). Vincent suspected the reading dépuara, but ground. lessly, for Pliny mentions the Sêres sending their 3 The numerals indicate the sections of the Periplus in
erals indicate the sections of the Peripus i which the articles are mentioned.
Bhayvanlal Indraji Pandit points out that the colour is nalled alaktaka, Prakrit alito: it is used by women for dying the nails and feet,--alao as a dye. The gulalt or
iron along with Fertments and hides (vestibus pellibusque), and among the presents sent to Yudhishthira by the Saka, Tushåra and Kanka skins are enumerated.-Mahábh. ii. 50, quoted by Lassen.
3. 'Elépas-Ivory. Exported from Adouli (6), Aualitês (8), Ptolemaïs (3), Mossulon (10), and the ports of Azania (16, 17). Also from Baragaza (49). Mouziris and Nelkunda (56); a species of ivory called Borup) is produced in Desarênő (62).
4. "Epcov Enpikor--Chinese cotton. Imported from the country of the Thinai through Baktria to Barugaza, and by the Ganges to Bengal, and thence to Dimurikê (64). By Eprov Vincent seems to understand silk in the raw state.
5. Képara-Horns. Exported from Barugaza to the marts of Omana and Apologos (36). Müller suspects this reading, thinking it strange that such an article as horns should be mentioned between wooden beams and logs. He thinks, therefore, that kipara is either used in some peculiar sense, or that the reading Κορμών or Κορμίων should be substituted-adding that Kopuous iBivou, planks of ebony, are at all events mentioned by Athênaios (p. 201a) where he is quoting Kallixenos of Rhodes.
6. Kopálov--Coral. (Sans. pravdla, Hindi múngd.) Imported into Kanê (28), Barbarikon on the Indus (39), Barugaza (49), and Naoura, Tundis, Mouziris, and Nelkunda (56).
7. Aákros XPopútuvos---Coloured lac. Exported to Adouli from Ariakê (6). The Sanskrit word is ldkshd, which is probably a later form of raksha, connected, as Lassen thinks, with rdge, from the root ranj, to dye. The vulgar form is lakkha. Gum-lac is a substance produced on the leaves and branches of certain trees by an insect, both as a covering for its ess and food for its young. It yields a fine red dye.* Salmasius thinks that by Nákros Xppátuvos must be understood not lac itself, but vestments dyed therewith.
8. Mapyapírns-Pearl. (Sans. mukta, Hindi, moti.) Exported in considerable quantity and of superior quality from Mouziris and Nelkunda (56). CE. TILVIKÓV.
9. Nijua npekov-Silk thread. From the country of the Thinai: imported into Barugaza and the marts of Dimurikê (61). Exported from Barugaza (49), and also from Barbarikon on the Indus (39). "It is called uéraga by Procopius and all the later writers, as well as by the Digest, and was known without either name to Pliny - Vincent. pill-like balls used by women are made with arrowroot coloured with alito, and cottohi, and used for the same bazars under the name of pothi, and used for the same purposes. He has also contributed many of the Sanskrit names, and other notes.-ED.

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10. Luikios kóyxos--the Pearl-oyster. (Sans. Sokotra he says nothing of the aloe, and mentions bukti.) Fished for at the entrance to the Persian only Indian cinnabar as a gum or resin distilling Gulf (35). Pearl (wivikov) inferior to the Indian from a tree: but the confounding of cinnabar with Bort exported in great quantity from the marts of dragon's-blood was a mistake of ancient date and Apologos and Omana (36). A pearl fishery (ILVIOÙ a great absurdity" (II. p. 689). kolúpBnois) in the neighbourhood of Kolkhoi, in 2. 'Appara-aromatics (euwdía, Supapara.) the kingdom of Pandiôn, near the island of Epio- Exported from Aualitês (7), Mossulon (10). Among dôros; the produce transported to Argalou, in the the spices of Tabai (12) are enumerated doun kai interior of the country, where muslip robes with apwa kai páyla, and similarly among the compearl inwoven (uapyapirides ouvdoves) were fabri- modities of Opône kapoia kal apapa kal pów; and cated (59). The reading of the MS. is ouvoves, in these passages perhaps a particular kind of Bapyapeitides leyóuevas, for which Salmasius pro- aromatic (cinnamon P) may by preëminence be posed to read mapyapítides. Müller suggests called apuna. The occurrence, however, in two instead ai 'Apyapítides, as if the muslin boro the
instances of such a familiar word as apoue between name of the place Argarou or Argulou, where it was two outlandish words is suspicious, and this has made.
led Müller to conjecture that the proper reading Pearl is also obtained in Taprobanê (61); is may be apns, which Salmasius, citing Galen, imported into the emporium on the Ganges called notes to be a kind of cassia. Gangê (63).
3. Arußn--Asuphê, a kind of cassia. Exported 11. Toppúpa-Purple. Of a common as well as from Tabai (12). "This term," says Vincent, "if of a superior quality, imported from Egypt into not Oriental, is from the Greek dobonos, signiMouza (24) and Kanê (28), and from the marts of fiying cheap or ordinary; but we do not find doon Apologos and Omana into Barugaza (36).
used in this manner by other authors: it may be an 12. "Pevókepas-Rhinoceros (Sans. khadgad)- Alexandrian corruption of the language, or it may the horn or the teeth, and probably the skin. be the abbreviation of a merchant in his invoice." Exported from Adouli (16), and the marts of (Asafetida, Sans. hingu or báhlika, Mar, king.) Azania (7). Bruce found the hunting of the 4. Bax, (common form Bedcov). Bdella, rhinoceros still a trade in Abyssinia.
Bdellium, produced on the sea-coast of Gedrosia 13. Xelám-Tortoise (Sans. kachchhapa) or (37); exported from Barbarikon on the Indus tortoise-shell. Exported from Adouli (6) and (39); brought from the interior of India to BaruAualitês (7); a small quantity of the genuine and gaza (48) for foreign export (49). Bdella is the gum land tortoise, and a white sort with a small shell, ex- of the Balsamodendron Mukul, a tree growing in Sind, ported from Ptolemais (3); smallshells (Xevápen) Kåthiâ våd, and the Disa district. It is used both exported from Mossulon (10); a superior sort as an incense and as a cordial medicine. The in great quantity from Opône (13); the mountain | bdellium of Scripture is a crystal, and has nothing tortoise from the island of Menouthias (15); & in common with the bdellium of the Periplds but kind next in quality to the Indian from the marts its transparency. Conf. Dioskorid. i. 80; Plin. xii. of Azania (16, 17); the genuine, land, white, and 9; Galen, Therapeut, ad Glauc. II. p. 106; Lassen, mountain sort with shells of extraordinary size Ind. Alt. vol. I. p. 290; Vincent, vol. II. p. 690; from the island of Dioskoridês (30, 31); a good Yule's Marco Polo, vol. II. p. 387. The etymology quantity from the island of Serapis (33); the best of the word is uncertain. Lassen suspects it to be kind in all the Erythræan--that of the Golden Indian. Khersonesos (63), sent to Mouziris and Nelkunda, 5. riceip-Gizeir, a kind of cassia exported from whence it is exported along with that of the Tabai (12). This sort is noticed and described by islands off the coast of Dimarike (probably the Dioskoridês. Lacoadive islands) (56); tortoise is also procured 6. Aókos-Beams of wood. Exported from in Taprobanê (61).
Barugaza to the marts of Omana and Apologos III.-Plants and their products :
(36). (P Blackwood.) 1. Alon-the aloe (Sans, agaru). Exported from 7. Aobaka-Douaka, a kind of cassia.-Exported Kanê (28). The sort referred to is probably the from Malao and Moundou (8,9). It was probably bitter cathartic, not the aromatic sort supposed that inferior species which in Dioskorid. i. 12, is by some to be the sandalwood. It grows abund- called 8ákap or dakáp or Bápra. antly in Sokotra, and it was no doàbt exported 8. 'EBéveva paayyes--Logs of ebony (Diospyros thence to Kanê. "It is remarkable," says Vincent, melanorylon.) Exported from Barugaza to the "that when the author of the Periplús arrives at I marts of Omana and Apologos (36).
Sans. Guggula, Guj. Gdgal, woda tonic and for skin and urinary diseases.-B. I. P.

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9. Exator-Oil (tila). Exported from Egypt to Adouli (6); atov enoáμvov, oil of sêsamê, a product of Ariakê (41). Exported from Barugaza to the Barbarine markets (14), and to 'Moskha in Arabia (32)..
10. 'Ivoiкó péλav-Indigo. (Sans. ntli, Guj. guli.) Exported from Skythic Barbarikon (39). It appears pretty certain that the culture of the indigo plant and the preparation of the drug have been practised in India from a very remote epoch. It has been questioned, indeed, whether the Indicum mentioned by Pliny (xxxv. 6) was indigo, but, as it would seem, without any good reason. He states that it was brought from India, and that when diluted it produced an admirable mixture of blue and purple colours. Vide McCulloch's Commer. Dict. s. v. Indigo. Cf. Salmas. in Exerc. Plin. p. 181. The dye was introduced into Rome only a little before Pliny's time.
11. Káyкaμov-Kankamon. Exported from Malao and Moundou (8, 10). According to Dioskoridês i. 23, it is the exudation of a wood, like myrrh, and used for fumigation. Cf. Plin. xii. 44. According to Scaliger it was gum-lac used as a dye. It is the "dekamalli" gum of the bazars.
12. Káрravos-Karpasus (Sans. kárpása; Heb. karpas,) Gossypium arboreum, fine muslin-a product of Ariakê (41). "How this word found its way into Italy, and became the Latin carbasus, fine linen, is surprising, when it is not found in the Greek language. The Kapráσtov λívov of Pausanias (in Atticis), of which the wick was formed for the lamp of Pallas, is asbestos, so called from Karpasos, a city of Crete-Salmas. Plin. Exercit. p. 178. Conf. Q. Curtius viii. 9:- Carbaso Indi corpora usque ad pedes velant, eorumque rex lecticâ margaritis circumpendentibus recumbit distinctis auro et purpurâ carbasis quâ indutus est.'" Vincent II. 699.
13. Kaoría or Karía (Sans. kuta, Heb.kiddah and keziah). Exported from Tabai (12); a coarse kind exported from Malao and Moundou (8, 9); a vast quantity exported from Mossulon and Opûnê (10, 13).
"This spice," says Vincent, "is mentioned frequently in the Periplús, and with various additions, intended to specify the different sorts properties, or appearances of the commodity. It is a species of cinnamon, and manifestly the same as what we call cinnamon at this day; but different from that of the Greeks and Romans, which was not a bark, nor rolled up into pipes, like ours. Theirs was the tender shoot of the same plant, and of much higher value." "If our cinnamon," he adds, "is the ancient casia, our casia
Mahawa oil (Guj. doliun, Sans. madhuka) is much exported from Bharoch.-B. I. P.
May not some of these be the fragrant root of the kusd
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again is an inferior sort of cinnamon." Pliny (xii. 19) states that the cassia is of a larger size than the cinnamon, and has a thin rind rather than a bark, and that its value consists in being hollowed out. Dioskoridês mentions cassia as a product of Arabia, but this is a mistake, Arabian cassia having been an import from India. Herodotos (iii.) had made the same mistake, saying that cassia grew in Arabia, but that cinnamon was brought thither by birds from the country where Bacchus was born (India). The cassia shrub is a sort of laurel. There are ten kinds of cassia specified in the Periplús. Cf. Lassen, Ind. Alt. I. 279, 283; Salmas. Plin. Exercit. p. 1304; Galen, de Antidotis, bk. i.
14. Kivváßapi Ivdikov-Dragon's-blood, damu'l akhawein of the Arabs, a gum distilled from Pterocarpus Draco, a leguminous tree in the island of Dioskoridês or Sokotra (30). Cinnabar, with which this was confounded, is the red sulphuret of mercury. Pliny (lib. xxix. c. 8) distinguishes it as 'Indian cinnabar.' Dragon'sblood is one of the concrete balsams, the produce of Calamus Draco, a species of rattan palm of the Eastern Archipelago, of Pterocarpus Draco, allied to the Indian Kino tree or Pt. marsupium of South India, and of Dracena Draco, a liliaceous tree of Madeira and the Canary Islands.
15. Kóσros (Sansk. kushta, Mar. choka, Guj. katha and pushkara múla,)-Kostus. Exported from Barbarikon, a mart on the Indus (39), and from Barugaza, which procured it from Kâbul through Proklaïs, &c. This was considered the best of aromatic roots, as nard or spikenard was the best of aromatic plants. Pliny (xii. 25) describes this root as hot to the taste and of consummate fragrance, noting that it was found at the head of Patalênê, where the Indus bifurcates to form the Delta, and that it was of two sorts) black and white, black being of an inferior quality. Lassen states that two kinds are found in India-one in Multân, and the other in Kâbul and Kâśmir. "The Costus of the ancients is still exported from Western India, as well as from Calcutta to China, under the name of Putchok, to be burnt as an incense in Chinese temples. It's identity has been ascertained in our own days by Drs. Royle and Falconer as the root of a plant which they called Aucklandia Costus...... Alexander Hamilton, at the beginning of last century, calls it ligha dulcis (sic), and speaks of it as an export from Sind, as did the author of the Periplás 1600 years earlier." Yule's Marco Polo, vol. II. p. 388.
grass, Andropogon calamus-aromaticus?-ED. A similar gum is obtained from the Pálása (Gaj. khakhara), the Dhaka of Rajputana.-B. I. P.

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16. Kpókos-Crocus, Saffron. (Sans. kasmiraja, dying yellow, and a liquor drawn from it was Guj. Mesir, Pers. zafran.) Exported from Egypt to | used as a medicine (Celsus v. 26, 30, and vi. 7) Mouza (24) and to Kanê (28).
It was held in great esteem by the ancients. Pliny 17. Kúrepos-Cyprus. Exported from Egypt to (xxiv. 77) says that a superior kind of Lycium Mouza (24). It is an aromatic rush used in medi- produced in India was made from a thorn called cine (Pliny xxi. 18). Herodotos (iv. 71) describes also Pyracanthus (box-thorn) Chironia. It is knom it as an aromatic plant used by the Skythians in India as Ruzot, an extract of the Berberis for embalming. Kúrepos is probably Ionic for lycium and B. aristata, both grown on the HimaKúrepos-Kúmerpos lv kòs of Dioskoridês, and layas. Conf. the Aúkrov ivockòv of Dioskor. i. 133. Oypria herba indica of Pliny.-Perhaps Turmeric, (? Gamboge.) Curcuma longa, or Galingal possibly.
21. Máyla-Magla- & kind of cassia mentioned 18. Aévria, (Lat. lintea)--Linen. Exported from only in the Periplás. Exported from Tabai (12). Egypt to Adouli (6).
22. Makeup-Macer. Exported from Malað and 19. Aißavos (Heb. lebonah, Arab. luban, Sans. Moundou (8,9). According to Pliny, Dioskoridês, srlvása) - Frankincense. Peratic or Libyan frank- and others, it is an Indian bark-perhaps a kind of incense exported from the Barbarine markets, cassia. The bark is red and the root large. The Tabai(12), Mossulon (10), Malao and Moundou, in
bark was used as a medicine in dysenteries. Pliny small quantities (8,9); produced in great abun. xii. 8; Salmasius, 1302. (? The Karachdid of the dance and of the best quality at Akannai (11); bâzârs, Kutajatvak). Arabian frankincense exported from Kanê (28). A 23. Maláßalpov (Sans. tamdlapattra, the leaf magazine for frankincense on the Sakhalitic Gulf of the Laurus Cassia), Malabathrum, Betel. Obtainnear Cape Suagros (30). Moskha, the port whence ed by the Thinai from the Sesatai and uxported to it was shipped for Kanê and India (32) and Indo- India (65); conveyed down the Ganges to Gangê Skythia (39).
near its mouth (63); conveyed from the interior Regarding this important product Yule thus of India to Mouziris and Nelkunda for export (56). writes :-"The coast of Hadhramaut is the trae That Malabathrum was not only a masticatory, but and ancient Xópa .Bavobopos or Außavuropópos, also an unguent or perfume, may be inferred from indicated or described under those names by The- Horace (Odes, II. vii. 89) :ophrastus, Ptolemy, Pliny, Pseudo-Arrian, and
... "coronatus nitentes other classical writers, i.e. the country producing
Malabathro Syrio capillos", the fragrant gum-resin called by the Hebrews Lebo- and from Pliny (xii. 59): "Dat et Malabathrum nah, by the Arabs Tuban and Kundur, by the Greeks
Syria, arborum folio convoluto, arido colore, ex Libanos, by the Romans Thus, in mediæval Latin quo exprimitur oleum ad unguenta: fertiliore Olibanum (probably the Arabic al-luban, but popu- ejusdem Egypto: laudatius tamen ex India venit." larly interpreted as oleum Libani), and in English From Ptolemy (VII. ii. 16) we learn that the best frankincense, i.e. I apprehend, 'genuine incense' Malabathrum was produced in Kirrhadia--that is, or 'incense proper. It is still produced in this Rangpur. Dioskoridês speaks of it as a mastiregion and exported from it, but the larger part of catory, and was aware of the confusion caused by that which enters the markets of the world is
mistaking the riard for the betel. exported from the roadsteads of the opposite
24. Μέλι το καλάμινον, το λεγόμενον σάκχαρ Sumalf coast. Frankincense when it first exudes
(Sans. sarkará, Prakrit sakara, Arab. sukkar, is milky white; whence the name white incense by Latin saccharum)-Honey from canes, called which Polo speaks of it, and the Arabic name
Sugar. Exported from Barugaza to the marts Zuban apparently refers to milk. The elder Niebuhr,
of Barbaria (14). The first Western writer who travelled in Arabia, depreciated the Libanos
who mentions this article was Theophrastos, who of Arabia, representing it as greatly inferior to that
continued the labours of Aristotle in natural hisbrought from India, called Benzoin. He adds that
tory. He called it a sort of honey extracted from the plant which produces it is not native, but
reeds. Strabo states, on theauthority of Nearkhos, originally from Abyssinia."- Marco Polo, vol. II.
that reeds in India yield honey without bees. p. 443, &c.
Ælian (Hist. Anim.) speaks of a kind of honey 20. AÚklov-Lycium. Exported from Barbari
pressed from reeds which grew among the Prasii. kon in Indo-Skythia (39), and from Barugaza (49).
| Seneca (Epist. 84) speaks of sugar as a kind of honey Lycium is a thorny plant, so called from being found in India on the leaves of reeds, which had found in Lykia principally. Its juice was used for
either been dropped on them from the sky as dew,
• What the BrAhmans call kuendaru is the gum of a tree Igundar.-B. I. P. called the Dhapa-salai; another sort of it, from Arabia, 10 More likely from Nepal, where it is called tejapát.they call Isesa, and in Kathi&ved it is known as Sesa- B. I. P.

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or had exuded from the reeds themselves. was a prevalent error in ancient times, e.g. Dioskoridês says that sugar is a sort of concreted honey found upon canes in India and Arabia Felix, and Pliny that it is collected from canes like a gum, He describes it as white and brittle between the teeth, of the size of a hazel-nut at most, and used in medicine only. So also Lucan, alluding to the Indians near the Ganges, says that they quaff sweet juices from tender reeds. Sugar, however, as is well known, must be extracted by art from the plant. It has been conjectured that the sugar described by Pliny and Dioskoridês was sugar candy obtained from China.
25. Meλiworov-Melilot, Honey-lotus. Exported from. Egypt to Barugaza (49). Melilot is the Egyptian or Nymphæa Lotus, or Lily of the Nile, the stalk of which contained a sweet nutritive substance which was made into bread. So Vincent; but Melilot is a kind of clover, so called from the quantity of honey it contains. The nymphæs lotus, or what was called the Lily of the Nile, is not a true lotus, and contains no edible substance.
26. Mokρóтov. Exported from Moundou (9) and Mossulon (10). It is a sort of incense, mentioned only in the Periplús.
28. Múpov-Myrrh. (Sans. bola.) Exported from Egypt to Barugaza as a present for the king (49). It is a gum or resin issuing from a thorn found in Arabia Felix, Abyssinia, &c., vide ouúpvn inf.
27. Móra-Moto-a sort of cassia exported from Indian muslins exported from the markets of Tabai and Opônê (13).
Dimurikê to Egypt (56). Muslins of every description, Seric and dyed of a mallow colour, exported from Barugaza to Egypt (49); Indian muslin taken to the island of Dioskoridês (31); wide Indian muslins called μovax, mondkhé, i. e. of the best and finest sort; and another sort called raypa. roynn, sagmatogéné, i. e. coarse cotton unfit for spinning, and used for stuffing beds, cushions, &c., exported from Barugaza to the Barbarine markets (14), and to Arabia, whence it was exported to Adouli (6). The meanings given to monákhé and sagmatogéné (for which other readings have been suggested) are conjectural. Vincent defends the meaning assigned to sugmatogéné by a quotation from a passage in Strabo citing Nearkhos" Fine muslins are made of cotton, but the Makedonians use cotton for flocks, and stuffing of couches."
29. Nápoos (Sans. nalada, kaskas,' Heb. nerd) Nard, Spikenard." Gangetic spikenard brought down the Ganges to Gangê, near its mouth (63), and forwarded thence to Mouziris and Nelkunda (56). Spikenard produced in the regions of the Upper Indus and in Indo-Skythia forwarded through Ozênê to Barugaza (48). Imported by the Egyptians from Barugaza and Barbarikon in IndoSkythia (49, 39).
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bathrum or Betel, as will appear from his usage of Hadrosphærum, Mesosphorum, and Microsphorum, terms peculiar to the Betel"-II. 743-4. See Sir W. Jones on the spikenard of the ancients in As. Res. vol. II. pp. 416 et seq., and Roxburgh's additional remarks on the spikenard of the ancients, vol. IV. pp. 97 et seq., and botanical observations on the spikenard, pp. 433. See also Lassen, Ind. Alt. vol. I. pp. 288 et seq.
30. Naúλos-Nauplius. Exported in small quantity from the marts of Azania (17). The signification of the word is obscure, and the reading suspected. For NaYIAos Müller suggests NaPTIcos, the Indian cocoanut, which the Arabians call Nargil (Sansk. nárikéla or nalikéra, Guj. náliyér, Hindi náliyar). It favours this suggestion that cocoanut oil is a product of Zangibar, and that in four different passages of Kosmas Indikopleustês nuts are called dpyéλλca, which is either a corrupt reading for vapyêλia, or Kosmas may not have known the name accurately enough.
The Nardos is a plant called (from its root being shaped like an ear of corn) νάρδου στάχυς, also vapoóoraxus, Latin Spica nardi, whence 'spikenard.' It belongs to the species Valeriana. "No Oriental aromatic," says Vinçent, "has caused greater disputes among the critics or writers on natural history, and it is only within these few years that we have arrived at the true knowledge of this curious odour by means of the inquiries of Sir W. Jones and Dr. Roxburgh. Pliny describes the nard with its spica, mentioning also that both the leaves and the spica are of high value, and that the odour is the prime in all unguents; the price 100 denarii for a pound. But he afterwards visibly confounds it with the Mala
31. '06óvtov Muslin. Sêric muslin sent from the Thinai to Barugaza and Dimurikê (64). Coarse cottons produced in great quantity in Ariakê, carried down from Ozênê to Barugaza (48); large supplies sent thither from Tagara also (51);
32. 'Oivos-Wine. Laodikean and Italian wine exported in small quantity to Adouli (6); to Aualitês (7), Malaô (8), Mouza (24), Kanê (28), Barbarikon in Indo-Skythia (39); the same sorts, together with Arabian wine, to Barugaza (19); sent in small quantity to Mouziris and Nelkunda (56); the region inland from Oraia bears the vine (37), which is found also in the district of Mouza (24), whence wine is exported to the marts of Azania, not for sale, but to gain the good will of the natives (17). Wine is exported also from
11 Obtained from the root of Nardostachys jatamansi, a native of the eastern Himalayas.-ED.

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the marts of Apologos and Omana to Barugaza 1 (36). By Arabian wine may perhaps be meant palm or toddy wine, a great article of commerce.
33. Opakos ALOOTTONTIKTS Xulós--the juice of the sour grape of Diospolis. Exported from Egypt to Aualitês (7). This, says Vincent, was the dipse of the Orientals, and still used as a relish all over the East. Dipse is the rob of grapes in their unripe state, and a pleasant acid. II. 751. This juice is called by Dioskoridés (iv. 7) in one word Ompákuov, and also (v. 12) 'oivos "Ouparíms. Cf. Plin. xii. 27.
34 Opuša (Sansk. ortha)-Rice. Produced in Oraia and Ariakê (37, 41), exported from Barugaza to the Barbarine markets (14), and to the island of Dioskoridês (31).
35. létrepe (Sansk. pippalt) long pepper-Pep- per. Kottonarik pepper exported in large quantities from Mouziris and Nelkunda (56); long pepper from Barugaza (49). Kottonara was the name of the district, and Kottonariton the name of the pepper for which the district was famous. Dr. Buchanan identifies Kottonara with Kadattanádu, a district in the Calicut country celebrated for its pepper. Dr. Burnell, however, identifies it with Kolatta-Nadu, the district about Tellicherry, which, he says, is the pepper district.
36. Ilupos-Wheat. Exported in small quantity from Egypt to Kanê (28), some grown in the district around Mouza (24).
37. Zákxap-Sugar: see under M .
38. Savðapann-Sandarakê (chandrasa of the bazars) ; & resin from the Thuja articulata or Callitris quadrivalvis, & small coniferous tree of North Africa; it is of a faint aromatic smell and is used as intense. Exported from Egypt to Barugaza (49); conveyed to Mouziris and Nelkunda (56)."
Sandarako also is a red pigment-red sulphuret of arsenic, as orpiment is the yellow sulphuret. Cf. Plin. xxxv. 22, Hard. “Juba informs us that sandarace and ochre are found in an island of the Red Sea, Topazas, whence they are brought to
40. Enerápivov Tatov. See "Eacov.
41. E.vdoves & apopáratai ai rayyntikal. The finest Bengal muslins exported from the Ganges (63); other muslins in Taprobanê (61); Mapyapírides (®), made at Argalou and thence exported (59); muslins of all sorts and mallow-tinted (uolóxiva:) sent from Ozône to Barugaza (48), exported thence to Arabia for the supply of the market at Adouli (6).
42. Eiros---Corn. Exported from Egypt to Adouli (7), Malaô (8); a little to Mouza (24), and to Kanê (28), and to Muziris and Nelkunda for ships' stores (56); exported from Dimuriko and Ariake into the Barbarine markets (14), into Moskha (32) and the island of Dioskoridês (81); exported also from Mouza to the ports of Azania for presents (17).
43. Enúpvn-Myrrh (vide púpov). Exported from Malaô, Moundou, Mossulon (8, 9, 10); from Aualités A small quantity of the best quality (7); a choice sort that trickles in drops, called Abeirminaia (ÖRNEKTKAT OTakri áBeppevala), exported from Mouza (24). For 'ABetpevala of the MS. Müller suggests to read γαβειρμιναία, inclining to think that two kinds of myrrh are indicated, the names of which have been erroneously combined into one, viz. the Gabiræan and Minwan, which are mentioned by Dioskoridês, Hippokrates, and Galen. There is a Wadi Gabir in Omân.
44. Erúpaf-Storax (Sans. turuska, selarasa of the baxars),-one of the balsams. Exported from Egypt to Kanê (28), Barbarikon on the Indus (39), Barugaza (40). Storax is the produce of the tree Liquidambar orientale, which grows in the south of Europe and the Levant. The purest kind is storax in grains. Another kind is called styrax calamita, from being brought in masses wrapped up in the leaves of a certain reed. Another kind, that sold in shops, is semi-fluid.
45. Doine-the Palm or Dates. Exported from the marts of Apologos and Omana to Barugaza (36, 37). IV.-Metals and Metallic Articles :
1. Apyupa keun, åpyupásuara-Vessels of silver. Exported from Egypt to Mossulon (10), to Barbarikon on the Indus (39). Silver plate chased or polished (Topveurà or netopveupeva) sent as presents to the despot of Mouza (24), to Kanê for the king (28). Costly (Bapúripia) plate to Barugaza for the king (49). Plate made according to the Egyptian fashion to Adouli for the king (6).
2. 'Apo CVIKÓN— Arsenic (somal). Exported from Egypt to Mouziris and Nelkunda (56).
3. Anváp.op-Denary. Exported in small quantity from Egypt to Adouli (6). Gold and silver denarii sent in small quantity to the marts of
13 In early times it was obtained chiefly from Styran officinalis, native of the same region.-ED.
us."
39. Savrdua and sasápuva Eva-Logs of San dal and Sagame (santalum album). Exported from Barugaza to the marts of Omana and Apologos (36). Savráva is a correction of the MS. reading Fayáva proposed by Salmasius. Kosmas Indiko- pleustes calls sandalwood (adáva. For sacapupa of the MS. Stackius proposed omorapava-a futile emendation, since sesame is known only as a leguminous plant from which an oil is expressed, and not as a tree. But possibly Red Saunders wood' (Pterocarpus Santalinus) may be meant.
19 It is brought now from the Eastern Archipelago. B. I. P.

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Barbaria (8, 13); exchanges with advantage for native money at Barugaza (49).
The denary was a Roman coin equal to about 8 d., and a little inferior in value to the Greek drachma
4. Káris-Kaltis. A gold coin (voulouà) current in the district of the Lower Ganges (63); Benfey thinks the word is connected with the Sansksit kalita, i.e. numeratum.
5. Kacoirepos (Sans. banga, kathila)-Tin. Exported from Egypt to Aualitês (7), Malaô (8), Kanê (28), Barugaza (49), Mouziris and Nelkunda (56). India produced this metal, but not in those parts to which the Egyptian trade carried it.
6. MóAußdos-Lead (Sansk. nága, Gaj. sisuri). Exported from Egypt to Barugaza, Muziris, and Nelkunda (49, 56).
7. 'Opeixalkos---Orichalcum (Sans. trips, Prak. pitala)-Brass. Used for ornaments and cut into small pieces by way of coin. Exported from Egypt to Adouli (6).
The word means 'mountain copper.' Ramusio calis it white copper from which the gold and silver have not been well separated in extracting it from the ore. Gold, it may be remarked, does not occur as an export from any of the African marts, throughout the Periplus.
8. Stenpos, orionpa keun-Iron, iron utensils. Exported from Egypt to Malaô, Moundou, Tabai, Opône (8, 9, 12, 13). Iron spears, swords and adzes exported to Adouli (6). Indian iron and sword-btades (orówpa) exported to Adouli from Arabia (Ariakê P). Spears (byxau) manufactured at Mouza, hatchets (TENúria), swords (máxaipat), awls (oméria) exported from Mouza to Azania (17).
On the Indian sword see Ktêsias, p. 80, 4. The Arabian poets celebrate swords made of Indian ateel. Cf. Plin. xxxiv. 41:-"Ex omnibus autem generibus palma Serico ferro est." This iron, as has already been stated. was sent to India along with skins and cloth. Cf. also Edrisi, vol. I. p. 65, ed. Joubert. Indian iron is mentioned in the Pandects as an article of commerce.
9. Srium-Stibium (Sans. satidiranjana, Prák. surmd). Exported from Egypt to Barugaza (49), to Mouziris and Nelkunda (56).
Stibium is a sulphuret of antimony, a dark pigment, called kohol, much used in the East for dyeing the eyelids.
10. Xalds-Copper (Sans. tdmra) or Brass. Exported from Egypt to Kanê (28), to Barugaza (49), Mouziris and Nelkunda (56). Vessels made thereof (Xalkoupyhuara) sent to Mouza as presents to the despot (24). Drinking-vessels (Forupa) exported to the marts of Barbaria (8, 13). Big and round drinking-cups to Adouli (6). A few (uchiepla öniya) to Malað (8); Mehiepa xarxa for cooking with,
and being cut into bracelets and anklets for women to Adouli (6).
Regarding uchiepda Vincent says: "No usage of the word occurs elsewhere; but metals were prepared with several materials to give them colour, or to make them tractable, or malleable. Thus xolópapa in Hesychius was brass prepared with ox's gall to give it the colour of gold, and used, like our tinsel ornaments or foil, for stage dresses and decorations. Thus common brass was neither ductile nor malleable, but the Cyprian brass was both. And thus perhaps brass, pelepa was formed with some preparation of honey." Müller cannot accept this view. "It is evident," he says, "that the reference is to ductile copper from which, as Pliny saye, all impurity has been carefully removed by smelting, so that pots, bracelets, and articles of that sort could be fabricated from it. One might therefore think that the reading should be περίεφθα ο πυρίεφθα, but in such και case the writer would have said tepledov xalkov. In vulgar speech ueliepa is used as
substantive noun, and I am therefore almost persuaded that, just as molten copper, 6 xalos
xurds, cuprum caldarium, was called Tpóxtos, from the likeness in shape of its round 'masses to hoops, so laminæ of ductile copper (plaques de cuivre) might have been called Mediepa, because shaped like thin honey-cakes, émata uchlega."
11. Xpuoros-Gold. Exported from the marts of Apologos and Omana to Barugaza (36). Gold pláte-xpuobuara-exported from Egypt to Mouza for the despot (24), and to Adouli for the king (6).
V. Stones :
1. Aldía dapavis-Gems (carbuncles ) found in Taprobanê (63); exported in every variety from Mouziris and Nelkunda (56).
2. Adáuas-Diamonds. (Sans. vajra, piraka). Exported from Mouziris and Nelkunda (56).
3. Kallcards aidos-Gold-stone, yellow crystal, chrysolith P Exported from Barbarikon in IndoSkythis (39).
It is not a settled point what stone is meant. Lassen says that the Sansksit word kalyana means gold, and would therefore identify it with the chrysolith or gold-stone. If this view be correct, the reading of the MS. need not be altered into kallaivos, as Salmasius, whom the editors of the Periplús generally follow, enjoins. In support of the alteration Salmasius adduces Pliny, xxxvii. 56 :-“Callais sapphirum imitatur, candidior et litoroso mari similis. Callainas vocant e turbido Callaino", and other passages. Schwanbeck, how ever, maintaining the correctness of the MS. reading, says that the Sanskrit word kalydna generally signifies money, but in a more general sense anything beautiful, and might therefore have

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been applied to this gem. Kalydna, he adds, would appear in Greek 88 καλλιανός Οr καλλεανός rather than kallaïvòs. In like manner kalyani of the Indians appears in our author not as kalláïva, but, as it ought to be, kallieva.
4. Aúydos-Alabaster. Exported from Mouza (24). Salmasius says that an imitation of this alabaster was formed of Parian marble, but that the best and original lygdus was brought from Arabia, that is, Mouza, as noted in the Periplus. Cf. Pliny (xxxvi. 8):- "Lygdinos in Tauro repertos ... antea ex Arabia tantum advehi solitog candoris eximii."
5. 'OvuxLvn) Miba-Onyx (akika-agate). Sent in vast quantities (welotn) from Ozênê and Paithana to Barugaza (48, 51), and thence exported to Egypt (49). Regarding the onyx mines of Gujarat vide Ritter, vol. VI. p. 603.
6. Mouppivn, sup. Audia-Fluor-spath. Sent from Ozêng to Barugaza, and exported to Egypt (49). Porcelain made at Diospolis (μουρρίνη λιθία ή yevouém év AlocTÓL) exported from Egypt to Adouli (6).
The reading of the MS. is uoppims. By this is to be understood vitrum murrhinum, a sort of china or porcelain made in imitation of cups or vases of martha, a precious fossil-stone resembling, if not identical with, fluor-spath, such as is found in Derbyshire. Vessels of this stone were exported from India, and also, as we learn from Pliny, from Karmania, to the Roman market, where they fetched extravagant prices. The "cups baked in Parthian fires" (pocula Parthis focis cocta) mentioned by Propertius (IV. v. 26) must be referred to the former class. The whole subject is one which has much exercised the pens of the learned. "Six hundred writers," says Müller, "emulously apply- ing themselves to explain what had the best claim to be considered the murrha of the ancients, have advanced the most conflicting opinions. Now it is pretty well settled that the murrhine vases were made of that stone which is called in German flusspath (spato-fluore)". He then refers to the following as the principal authorities on the subject :-Pliny-xxxiii. 7 et seq. , xxxiii. procem. Suetonius-Oct. c. 71; Seneca-Epist. 123; Martial-iv. 86; xiv. 43; Digest-xxxiii. 10, 3; xxxiv. 2. 19; Rozière-Mémoire sur les Vases murThins, &c.; in Description de l'Egypt, vol. VI. pp. 277 et seq. ; Corsi - Delle Pietre antiche, p. 106; Thiersch-Ueber die Vasa Murrhina der Alten, in Abhandl. d. Munchn. Akad. 1835, vol. I. pp. 443-509; A learned Englishman in the Classical Journal for 1810, p. 472; Witzsch in Pauly's Real
Encycl. vol. V. p. 253; See also Vincent, vol. II, pp. 723-7.
7. 'Omavos Nidos--the Opsian or Obsidian stone, found in the Bay of Hanfelah (5). Pliny says,"The opsians or obsidians are also reckoned as a sort of glass bearing the likeness of the stone which Obsius (or Obsidius) found in Ethiopia, of a very black colour, sometimes even translucent, hazier than ordinary glass to look through, and when used for mirrors on the walls reflecting but shadows instead of distinct images." (Bk. xxxvi. 37). The only Obsias mentioned in history is a M. Obsius who had been Prætor, a friend of Germanicus, referred to by Tacitus (Ann. IV. 68, 71). He had perhaps been for a time prefect of Egypt, and had coasted the shore of Ethiopia at the time when Germanicus traversed Egypt till he came to the confines of Ethiopia. Perhaps, however, the name of the substance is of Greek origin-'opravos, from its reflecting power.
8. Sampelpos—the Sapphire. Exported from Barbarikon in Indo-Skythia (39). "The ancients distinguished two sorts of dark blue or purple, one of which was spotted with gold. Pliny says it. is never pellucid, which seems to make it a different stone from what is now called sapphire."Vincent (vol. II. p. 757), who adds in a note, “ Dr. Burgess has specimens of both sorts, the one with gold spots like lapis lazuli, and not trans
parent."25
9. 'Yakubos-Hyacinth or Jacinth. Exported from Mouziris and Nelkunda (56). According to Salmasius this is the Ruby. In Solinus xxx. it would seem to be the Amethyst (Sansk. pushkardja.)
10. 'Yalos 'apyn-Glass of a coarse kind. Exported from Egypt to Baragaza (49), to Mouziris and Nelkunda (56). Vessels of glass (úalà okeun) exported from Egypt to Barbarikon in Indo-Skythia (39). Crystal of many sorts (Acdias valis ciora yern) exported from Egypt to Adouli, Aualitês, Mossulon (6, 7, 10); from Mouza to Azania (17).
11. Xpuorodos—Chrysolite. Exported from Egypt to Barbarikon in Indo-Skythia (39), to Barugaza (43), to Mouziris and Nelkunda (56). Some take this to be the topaz (Hind. pirojd).
VI. Wearing Apparel :
1. 'Inária ãyvapa-Cloths undressed. Manu, factured in Egypt and thence exported to Adouli (6). These were disposed of to the tribes of Barbaria -the Troglodyte shepherds of Upper Egypt, Nubia and Ethiopia.
2. Ιμάτια βαρβαρικά σύμμικτα γεγναμμέναCloths for the Barbarine markets, dressed and
"Nero gave for one 300 talenta £58,125. They were first seen at Rome in the triumphal procession of Pompey,
[May these not have been of emerald, or even ruby P-BD.]
15 Posibly the Lapis Lazuli is meant.-ED.

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dyed of various colours. Exported to Malað and Aualitês (8, 7).
3. "Iuario pós 'ApaBikòs-Cloth or coating for the Arabian markets. Exported from Egypt (24). Different kinds are enumerated :-Xenpowrds, with sleeves reaching to the wrist; “Οτε απλούς και ο KOLVÒS, with single texture and of the common sort; TKOTOUNáros, wrought with figures, checkered; the word is a transliteration of the Latin scutulatus, from scutum, the checks being lozenge-shaped, like a shield: see Juvenal, Sat. ii. 79; Dáxpuros, shot with gold; m ures, a kind of great price sent to the despot of Mouza; Kolvòs kal dolls kal o vótos, cloth of a common sort, and cloth of simple texture, and cloth in imitation of a better com- modity, sent to Kanê (28); Auádopos ándows, of superior quality and single texture, for the king (28); 'Arlous, of single texture, in great quantity, and vódos, an inferior sort imitating a better, in small quantity, sent to Barbarikon in Indo-Skythia (39), 'alous kal vódos mavroios, and for the king amous TOUTEs, sent to Barugaza (49); 'Iuariouds où Trolús-cloth in small quantity sent to Muziris and Nelkunda (56); evrómos, of native manufacture, exported from the marts of Apologos and Omana to Barugaza (36).
4. 'Abonda-Riding or watch cloaks. Exported from Egypt to Mouza (34), to Kanê (28). This word is a transliteration of the Latin Abolla. It is supposed, however, to be derived from Greek : Bon, i. e. kupuol). It was a woollen cloak of close texture-often mentioned in the Roman writers : e.g. Juven. Sat. iii. 115 and iv. 76; Sueton. Calig. c. 35. Where the word occurs in sec. 6 the reading of the MS. is άβολοι, which Miller has corrected to αβόλλαι, though Salmasius had defended the original reading.
5. Aukpooola (Lat. Mantilia utrinque fimbriata) -Cloths with a double fringe. Exported from Egypt to Adouli (6). This word occurs only in the Periplús. The simple Kportlov, however, is met with in Herodian, Epim. p. 72. An adjective
Bikporoos is found in Pollux vii. 72. "We cannot err much," says Vincent, "in rendering the Pukpórola of the Periplús either cloth fringed, with Salmasius, or striped, with Apollonius. Meursius says Nevrla axporta are plain linens not striped.
6. Záva molútot xuaio-Flowered or embroidered girdles, a cubit broad. Exported from Egypt to Barugaza (49). Ekiwrai-girdles (kacha) shaded of different colours, exported to Mouza (24). This word occurs only in the Periplús.
7. Kauráka.--Garments of frieze. Exported from Arabia to Adouli (6); a pure sort-moiexported to the same mart from Egypt (6). In the latter of these two passages the MS. reading is yauvákat. Both forms are in use : conf. Latin gaunace-Varro, de L. L. 4, 35. It means also a fur garment or blanket-Destis stragula.
8. Addikes-Quilts or coverlids. Exported in small quantity from Egypt to Mouza (24) and Kanê (28)
9. IIepucópara-Sashes, girdles, or aprons. Exported from Barugaza to Adouli (6), and into Barbaria (14)
10. Lo úuera-Stuffs in which several threads were taken for the woof in order to weave flowers or other objects: Latin polymita and plumatica. Exported from Egypt to Barbarikon in Indo-Skythia (39), to Mouziris and Nelkunda (56).
11, Σάγοι 'Αρσινοητικοί γεγναμμένοι και βεβαμμένοι -Coarse cloaks made at Arsinoê, dressed and dyed. Exported from Egypt to Barbaria (8, 13).
12. Erodal 'Apouvontià - Women's robes made at Arsinoé. Exported from Egypt to Adouli (6).
13. Xir@ves-Tunics. Exported from Egypt to Malao, Moundou, Mossulon (8, 9, 10).
VII. In addition to the above, works of art are mentioned.
"Avoplávtes-Images, sent as presents to Kharibaël (48). Cf. Strabo (p. 714), who among the articles sent to Arabia enumerates tóperua, ypadriu, Tháopa, pieces of sculpture, painting, statues.
Moveika-Instruments of music, for presents to the king of Ariakê (49).
ANONYMI CARRIANI UT FERTUR] PERIPLUS MARIS ERYTHRÆI.
1. The first of the important roadsteads at a distance of 1800 stadia is Berenikê, which established on the Red Sea, and the first also is to your right if you approach it by sea. of the great trading marts upon its coast, is the These roadsteads are both situate at the farthest port of My os-hormos in Egypt. Beyond it end of Egypt, and are bays of the Red Sea.
Commentary. (1) Myos Hormos.-Its situation is deter- of the coast of Egypt on the curve of which its mined by the cluster of islands now called harbour was situated [near Ras Abu Somer, a Jifatin (lat. 27° 12 N., long. 33* 55 E.] of little north of Safajah Island). It was founded by which the three largest lie opposite an indenture Ptolemy Philadelphos b. c. 274, who selected it as

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2. The country which adjoins them on the right below Berenîkê is Barbaria. Here the sea-board is peopled by the Ik hthyophagoi, who live in scattered huts built in the narrow gorges of the hills, and further inland are the Berbers, and beyond them the Agriopha
the principal port of the Egyptian trade with India in preference to Arsinoe, 16 N. N. E. of Suez, on account of the difficulty and tediousness of the navigation down the Heroöpolite Gulf. The vessels bound for Africa and the south of Arabia left its harbour about the time of the autumnal equinox, when the North West wind which then prevailed carried them quickly down the Gulf. Those bound for the Malabar Coast or Ceylon left in July, and if they cleared the Red Sea before the 1st of September, they had the monsoon to assist their passage across the ocean. Myos Hormos was distant from Koptos [lat. 26° N.], the station on the Nile through which it communicated with Alexandria, a journey of seven or eight days along a road opened through the desert by Philadelphos. The name Myos Hormos is of Greek origin, and may signify either the Harbour of the Mouse, or, more probably, of the Mussel, since the pearl mussel abounded in its neighbourhood. Agatharkhidês calls it Aphrodites Hormos, and Pliny Veneris Portus. [Veneris Portus however was probably at Sherm Sheikh, lat. 24° 36′ N. Off the coast is Wade Jemâl Island, lat. 24° 39' N., long. 35° 8' E., called Lambe by Pliny, and perhaps the Aphroditês Island of Ptolemy IV. v. 77.] Referring to this name Vincent says: "Here if the reader will advert to Aphroditê, the Greek title of Venus, as springing from the foam of the ocean, it will immediately appear that the Greeks were translating here, for the native term to this day is Suffange-el-Bahri, sponge of the sea'; and the vulgar error of the sponge being the foam of the sea, will immediately account for Aphrodite."
The rival of Myos-Hormos was Berenikê, a city built by Ptolemy Philadelphos, who so named it in honour of his mother, who was the daughter of Ptolemy Lagos and Antigonê. It was in the same parallel with Syênê and therefore not far from the Tropic [lat. 23° 55′ N.]. It stood nearly at the bottom of Foul Bay (ἐν βάθει τοῦ ̓Ακαθάρτου Koλrou), so called from the coast being foul with shoals and breakers, and not from the impurity of its water, as its Latin name, Sinus Immundus, would lead us to suppose. Its ruins are still perceptible even to the arrangement of the streets, and in the centre is a small Egyptian temple
16 There was another Arsinoe between Ras Dh'ib and Bas Shukhair, lat. 28° 3 N. The few geographical
119
goi and Moskhophagoi, tribes under regular government by kings. Beyond these again, and still further inland towards the west [is situated the metropolis called Meroê].
3. Below the Moskhophagoi, near the sea, lies a little trading town distant from Bere
adorned with hieroglyphics and bas-reliefs of Greek workmanship. Opposite to the town is a very fine natural harbour, the entrance of which has been deep enough for small vessels, though the bar is now impassable at low water. Its prosperity under the Ptolemies and afterwards under the Romans was owing to its safe anchorage and its being, like Myos-Hormos, the terminus of a great road from Koptos along which the traffic of Alexandria with Ethiopia, Arabia, and India passed to and fro. Its distance from Keptos was 258 Roman miles or 11 days' journey. The distance between Myos-Hormos and Berenikê is given in the Periplús at 225 miles, but this is considerably above the mark. The difficulty of the navigation may probably have made the distance seem greater than it was in reality.
(2) Adjoining Berenikê was Barbaria (Bapßapik xópa)-the land about Ras Aba Fatima [lat. 22° 26' N.-Ptol. IV. vii. 28]. The reading of the MS. is Tonßapin which Müller rejects because the name nowhere occurs in any work, and because if Barbaria is not mentioned here, our author could not afterwards (Section 5) say aλn Bapßapia. The Agriophagoi who lived in the interior are mentioned by Pliny (vi. 35), who says that they lived principally on the flesh of panthers and lions. Vincent writes as if instead of Aypropάyou the reading should be Axpidopáуov locust-eaters, who are mentioned by Agatharkhidês in his De Mari Erythraeo, Section 58. Another inland tribe is mentioned in connection with them-the Mos
khophagoi, who may be identified with the Rizophagoi or Spermatophagoi of the same writer, who were so named because they lived on roots or the tender suckers and buds of trees, called in Greek póoxo. This being a term applied also to the young of animals, Vincent was led to think that this tribe fed on the brinde or flesh cut out of the living animal as described by Bruce.
(3) To the south of the Moskhophagoi lies Ptolemais Therôn, or, as it is called by Pliny, Ptolemais Epitheras. [On Er-rih island, lat. 18° 9' N., long 38° 27′ E., are the ruins of an ancient town-probably Ptolemaïs Therôn,Müller however places Suche here.-Ptol. I. indications I have added to these comments as they passed through the press are enclosed in brackets. []-ED.

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nîkê about 4000 stadia, called Ptolemais Thêrôn, from which, in the days of the Ptolemies, the hunters employed by them used to go up into the interior to catch elephants. In this mart is procured the true (or marine) tortoise-shell, and the land kind also, which, however, is scarce, of a white colour, and smaller size. A little ivory is also sometimes obtain able, resembling that of A douli. This place has no port, and is approachable only by boats.
viii. 1.; IV. vii. 7; VIII. xvi. 10]. It was originally an Ethiopian village, but was extended and fortified by Ptolemy Philadelphos, who made it the depôt of the elephant trade, for which its situation on the skirts of the great Nubian forest, where these animals abounded, rendered it peculiarly suitable. The Egyptians before this had imported their elephants from Asia, but as the supply was precarious, and the cost of importation very great, Philadelphos made the most tempting offers to the Ethiopian elephant-hunters (Elephantophagoi) to induce them to abstain from eating the animal, or to reserve at least a portion of them for the royal stables. They rejected however all his solicitations, declaring that even for all Egypt they would not forego the luxury of their repast. The king resolved thereupon to procure his supplies by employing hunters of
his own.
(4) Beyond Ptolemais Theron occur Adoule, at a distance, according to the Periplus, of 3000 stadia-a somewhat excessive estimate. The place is called also Ado ulei and more commonly Adoulis by ancient writers (Ptol. IV. vii. 8; VIII. xvi. 11). It is represented by the modern Thulla or Zula [pronounced Azule,-lat. 15° 12-15° 15' N., long. 39° 36′ E.] To the West of this, according to Lord Valentia and Mr. Salt, there are to be found the remains of an ancient city. It was situated on the Adoulikos Kolpos (Ptol. I. xv. 11.; IV. vii. 8), now called Annesley Bay, the best entrance into Abyssinia. It was erroneously placed by D'Anville at Dokhnau or Harkiko, close to Musawwa [lat. 15° 35' N.] There is much probability in the supposition that it was founded by a party of those Egyptians who, as we learn from Herodotos (II. 30), to the number of 240,000 fled from their country in the days of Psammetikhos (B. c. 671-617) and went to as great a distance beyond Meroë, the capital of Ethiopia, as Meroë is beyond Elephantinê. This is the account which Pliny (VI. 3-4) gives of its foundation, adding that it was the greatest emporium of the Troglodytes, and distant from Ptolemaïs a five days' voyage, which by the ordinary reck
[APRIL, 1879.
4. Leaving Ptolemaïs Thêrôn we are conducted, at the distance of about 3000 stadia, to Adouli, a regular and established port of trade situated on a deep bay the direction of which is due south. Facing this, at a distance seaward of about 200 stadia from the inmost recess of the bay, lies an island called Oreinê (or' the mountainous'), which runs on either side parallel with the mainland. Ships, that come to trade with Adouli, now-a-days anchor here, to avoid
ing is 2,500 stadia. It was an emporium for rhinoceros' hides, ivory and tortoise-shell. It had not only a large sea-borne traffic, but was also a caravan station for the traffic of the interior of Africa. Under the Romans it was the haven of Auxumê (Ptol. IV. vii. 25,-written also Auxumis, Axumis), now Axum, the capital of the kingdom of Tigre in Abyssinia. Auxumê was the chief centre of the trade with the interior of Africa in gold-dust, ivory, leather, hides and aromatics. It was rising to great prosperity and power about the time the Periplus was written, which is the earliest work extant in which it is mentioned. It was probably founded by the Egyptian exiles already referred to. Its remaining monuments are perfectly Egyptian and not pastoral, Troglodytik, Greek, or Arabian in their character. Its name at the same time retains traces of the term Asmak, by which, as we learn from Herodotos, those exiles were designated, and Heeren considers it to have been one of the numerous priest-colonies which were sent out from Meroë.
At. Adouli was a celebrated monument, a throne of white marble with a slab of basanite stone behind it, both covered with Greek characters, which in the sixth century of our era were copied by Kosmas Indikople ustês. The passage in Kosmos relating to this begins thus: "Adulê is a city of Ethiopia and the port of communication with A xiômis, and the whole nation of which that city is the capital. In this port we carry on our trade from Alexandria and the Elanitik Gulf. The town itself is about a mile from the shore, and as you enter it on the Western side which leads from Axiômis, there is still remaining a chair or throne which appertained to one of the Ptolemeys who had subjected this country to his authority." The first portion of the inscription records that Ptolemy Euergetês (247-222 B.C.) received from the Troglodyte Arabs and Ethiopians certain elephants which his father, the second king of the Makedonian dynasty, and himself had taken in hunting in the region of Adulê and trained to

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being attacked from the shore; for in former times when they used to anchor at the very head of the bay, beside an island called Diodoros, which was so close to land that the sea was fordable, the neighbouring barbarians, taking advantage of this, would run across to attack the ships at their moorings. At the distance of 20 stadia from the sea, opposite Oreinê, is the village of Adouli, which is not of any great size, and inland from this a three days' journey is a city, Kolöê, the first market where ivory can be procured. From Kolöê it takes a journey of five days to reach the metropolis of the people called the Auxumitai, whereto is brought, through the province called Kyê neion, all the ivory obtained on the other side of the Nile, before it is sent on to Adouli. The whole mass, I may say, of the elephants and rhinoceroses which are killed to supply the trade frequent the uplands of the interior, though at rare times they are seen near the coast, even in the neighbourhood of Adouli. Besides the islands already mentioned, a cluster consisting of many small ones lies out in the sea to the
war in their own kingdom. The second portion of the inscription commemorates the conquests of an anonymous Ethiopian king in Arabia and Ethiopia ás far as the frontier of Egypt. Adouli, it is known for certain, received its name from a tribe so designated which formed a part of the Danakil shepherds who are still found in the neighbourhood of Annesley Bay, in the island of Diset [lat. 15° 28', long. 39° 45', the Diodôros perhaps of the Periplus] opposite which is the town or station of Masawa (anc. Saba) [lat. 15° 37' N.. long. 39° 28' E.], and also in the archipelago of Dhalak, called in the Periplus, the islands of Alalaiou. The merchants of Egypt, we learn from the work, first traded at Masawwå but afterwards removed to Oreine for security. This is an islet in the south of the Bay of Masawwâ, lying 20 miles from the coast; it is a rock as its name imports, and is of considerable elevation.
Aduli being the best entrance into Abyssinia, came prominently into notice during the late Abyssinian war. Beke thus speaks of it, "In our recent visit to Abyssinia I saw quite enough to confirm the opinion I have so long entertained, that when the ancient Greeks founded Adule or Adulis at the mouth of the river Hadâs, now only a river bed except during the rains, though a short way above there is rain all the year round, they knew that they possessed one of the keys of Abyssinia."
121
right of this port. They bear the name of Alalaion, and yield the tortoises with which the Ikhthyophagoi supply the market.
5. Below Adouli, about 800 stadia, occurs another very deep bay, at the entrance of which on the right are vast accumulations of sand, wherein is found deeply embedded the Opsian stone, which is not obtainable anywhere else. The king of all this country, from the Moskhophagoi to the other end of Barbaria, is Zôskalês, a man at once of penurious habits and of a grasping disposition, but otherwise honourable in his dealings and instructed in the Greek language.
6. The articles which these places import are the following:
Ιμάτια βαρβαρικὰ, ἄγναφα τὰ ἐν ̓Αιγύπτῳ γινόμενα -Cloth undressed, of Egyptian manufacture, for the Barbarian market.
Στολὰι ̓Αρσινοητικὰι—Robes manufactured at Ar
sino.
̓Αβόλλαι νόθοι χρωμάτινπι--Cloaks, made of a poor cloth imitating a better quality, and dyed. Aévria-Linens.
(5) At a distance of about 100 miles beyond A douli the coast is indented by another bay now known as Hanfelah bay [near Rås Hanfelah in lat. 14° 44', long. 40° 49′ E.] about 100 miles from Annesley Bay and opposite an island called Daramsas or Hanfelah. It has wells of good water and a small lake of fresh water after the rains; the coast is inhabited by the Dummoeta, a tribe of the Danakil]. This is the locality where, and where only, the Opsian or Obsidian stone was to be found. Pliny calls it an unknown bay, because traders making for the ports of Arabia passed it by without deviating from their course to enter it. He was aware, as well as our author, that it contained the Opsian stone, of which he gives an account, already produced in the introduction.
(6, 7) From this bay the coast of the gulf, according to our author, has a more easterly direction to the Straits, the distance to which from Adouli is stated at 4,000 stadia, an estimate much too liberal. In all this extent of coast the Periplús mentions only the bay of the Opsian. stones and conducts us at once from thence to Aualites at the straits. Strabo however, and Juba, and Pliny, and Ptolemy mention several places in this tract, such as Arsinoë, Berenikê, Epideires, the Grove of Eumenês, the Chase of Puthangelos, the Territory of the Elephantophagoi, &c. The straits are called by Ptolemy Deirê or Dêrê (i. e. the neck), a word

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
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Aurpórola-(Striped cloths and fringed.) Mantles These articles are imported from the interior with a double fringe.
parts of Ariako :Λιθίας υαλής πλείονα γένη και άλλης μορρίνης, της Sionpos 'Lvôkòs - Indian iron. guropéens é Acostrohe-Many sorts of glass or
Erówua-Sharp blades. crystal, and of that other transparent stone
Οθόνιον Ινδικόν το πλατύτερον, η λεγομένη μοναχή. called Myrrhina, made at Diospolis.
- Monakhê, Indian cotton cloth of great width. Opeixalkos-Yellow copper, for ornaments and
E-ryuaroyival-Cotton for stuffing. cut into pieces to pass for money.
Trepucópara-Sashes or girdles. Mediepa xalka-Copper fused with honey : for
Kavvákai-Drosses of skin with the hair or fur culinary Vessels and cutting into bracelets and
on. anklets worn by certain classes of women.
Molóxiva-Webs of cloth mallow-tinted. Elonpos-Iron. Consumed in making spear
Suvdoves 'oliyat--Fine muslins in small quantity. heads for hunting the elephant and other animals
Aakkos xp pártvos-Gum-lac : yielding Lake. and in making weapons of war.
The articles locally produced for export are llelúria-Hatchets. EKérapva--Adzes.
ivory, tortoise-shell, and rhinoceros. Most of Máyaipa-Swords.
the goods which supply the market arrive any Ποτήρια χαλκά στρογγύλα μεγάλα-Drinking
time from January to September—that, is from vessels of brass, large and round.
Tybi to Thôth. The best season, however, for Anváploy oliyor-A small quantity of denarii : ships from Egypt to put in heru is about the for the use of merchants resident in the country. month of September.
Oivos AaoðunuÒS ka! 'Iralıkds Où trolüs-Wine, 7. From this bay the Arabian Gulf trends Laodikean, i.e Syrian, from Laodike, (now Latakia) eastward, and at Aualités is contracted to and Italian, but not much.
its narrowest. At a distance of about 4000 "ELOV où tolú-Oil, but not much.
stadia (from Adouli), if you still sail along the 'Αργυρώματα και χρυσώματατοπικό κατεσκευασμέναι --Gold and silver plate made according to the
same coast, you reach other marts of Barbaria, fashion of the country for the king.
called the marts beyond the Straits), which occur 'ABar-Cloaks for riding or for the camp.
in successive order, and which, though harbourΚαννάκαι απλοϊ–Dresses simply made of sking less, afford at certain seasons of the year good with the hair or far on. These two articles of dress and safe anchorage. The first district you come are not of much value.
to is that called A ualitês, where the passage which from its resemblance in sound to the Latin nor any of the names which occur in the Periplus Dirae has sometimes been explained to mean except the haven of Daphnous. [Bandar Mariyah, "the terrible." (I. xv. 11; IV. vii. 9; VIII. lat. 11° 46' N., long. 50° 38E.] He supplies xvi. 12). "The Periplús," Vincent remarks, however many particulars regarding the region "makes no mention of Deire, but observes that which are left unnoticed by our author as having the point of contraction is close to Abalités no reference to commerce-particulars, however, or the Abalitik mart; it is from this mart that which prove that these parts which were resorted the coast of Africa falling down first to the South ! to in the times of the Ptolemies for elephant-huntand curving afterwards towards the East is styleding were much better known to the ancients than the Bay of Aualitês by Ptolemy, (IV. vii. they were till quite recently known to ourselves. 10, 20, 27, 30, 39,) but in the Periplds this name Ptolemy gives nearly the same series of names is confined to a bay immediately beyond the (IV. vii. 9, 10) as the Periplus, but with some disstraits which D'Anville has likewise inserted increpancies in the matter of their distances which his map, but which I did not fully understand he does not so accurately state. His list is: Dêre, till I obtained Captain Cook's chart and found it a city; A balitês or Aualitês, a mart; Mala ô, perfectly consistent with the Periplus." It is the a mart; Moundou or Mondon, & mart; gulf of Tejureh or Zeyla.
Mondou, an island; Mosulon, a cape and a mart; The tract of country extending from the Straits Kobe, a mart; Elephas, a mountain; Akto Cape Arômata (now Guardafui) is called kansi or Akannai, a mart; Aromata, a cape at the present day Adel. It is described by and a mart. Strabo (XVI. iv. 14), who copies his account of it! The mart of Abalitês is represented by the from Artemidoros. He mentions no emporium, modern Zeyla (lat. 11° 22 N., long. 43° 29' E.,
Bruce, Travels, vol. III., p. 62.-ED.

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across the strait to the opposite point of Arabia is shortest. Here is a small port of trade, called, like the district, Aualitês, which can be approached only by little boats and rafts. The imports of this place are
'Yali Nida o'ÚM pektos-Flint glass of various sorts.
[Xvós] Atostolerukis Oupakos-Juice of the sour grape of Diospolis.
Ιμάτια βαρβαρικά σύμμικτα γεγναμμένα-Cloths of different kinds worn in Barbaria dressed by the fuller.
Xitos-Corn. Olvos-Wine. Κασσίτερος ολίγος-A little tin.
The exports, which are sometimes conveyed on rafts across the straits by the Berbers themselves to Okelis and Mouza on the opposite coast, are
Apópara-Odoriferous gums. 'Eléças 'oliyos--Ivory in small quantity. Xelávn-Tortoise-shell. Σμύρνα ελαχίστη διαφέρουσα δε της άλλης-Myrrh in very small quantity, but of the finest sort. Mákeup-Macer.
The barbarians forming the population of the place are rude and lawless men.
8. Beyond Aualitês there is another mart, superior to it, called Mala 0, at a distance by sea of 800 stadia. The anchorage is an open road, sheltered, however, by a cape protruding eastward. The people are of a more peaceable disposition than their neighbours. The imports are such as have been already specified, with the addition of - Mcloves xerūves—Tunics in great quantity.
Sáyou 'AprivONTIKO yeyvapuévoi kal BeBapuévoCoarse cloaks (or blankets) manufactured at Arsinoe, prepared by the fuller and dyed.
Mediepla óliya. - A few utensils made of copper fused with honey. Síðnpos-Iron.
Ayváplov où ou xpuooute kal åpyupowr-Specie, -gold and silver, but not much.
The exports from this locality areSjúpva—Myrrh. AlBayos ó mepatikÒS Oliyos-Frankincense which toe call peratic, i.e. from beyond the straits, a little only.
Karola ckanporépa--Cinnamon of a hard grain. Aouaka-Douaka (an inferior kind of cinnamon).
Kdykapor-The gum (for fumigation) kangkaman. Dekamalli,' gum. | Máreip-The spice macer, which is carried to Arabia.
Sópara otraviws-Slaves, a few.
9. Distant from Malañ a two days' sail is the trading port of Moundou, where ships find a safer anchorage by mooring at an island which lies very close to shore. The exports and imports are similar to those of the preceding marts, with the addition of the fragrant gum called Mokrrotou, a peculiar product of the place. The native traders here are uncivilized in their manners.
10. After Moundou, if you sail eastward as before for two or three days, there comes next Mosyllon, where it is difficult to anohor. It imports the same sorts of commodities as have been already mentioned, and also utensils of silver and others of iron but not so many, and glass-ware. It exports a vast amount
79 miles from the straits.] On the N. shore of the gulf are Abalit and Tejureh. Abalit is 43 miles from the straits, and Tejureh 27 miles from Abalit. This is the Zouileh of Ebn Haukal and the Zalegh of Idrisi. According to the Periplús it was near the straits, but Ptolemy has fixed it more correctly at the distance from them of 50 or 60 miles.
(8) Mala ô as a mart was much superior to Abalitês, from which our author estimates its distance to be 800 stadia, though it is in reality greater. From the description he gives of its situation it must be identified with Berbereh [lat. 10° 25' N., long. 45° 1' E.] now the most considerable mart on this part of the coast. Vincent erroneously places it between Zeyla and the straits.
(9) The next mart after Malaô is Moundou,
which, as we learn from Ptolemy, was also the name of an adjacent island-that which is now called Meyet or Burnt-island [lat. 11° 12' N., long. 47° 17' E., 10 miles east of Bandar Jedid).
(10) At a distance beyond it of two or three days' sail occurs Mosylon, which is the name both of a mart and of a promontory. It is mentioned by Pliny (VI. 34), who says: "Further on is the bay of Abalitês, the island of Diodorus and other islands which are desert. On the mainland, which has also deserts, occur a town Gaza (Bandar Gazim, long. 49° 13' E.), the promontory and port of Mosylon, whence cinnamon is exported. Sesostris led his army to this point and no further. Some writers place one town of Ethiopia beyond it, Baricaza, which lies on the coast. According to Jubs the Atlantic Sea begins at the promontory of Mossylon." Juba

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of cinnamon (whence it is a port requiring peratic frankincense. The supply is most abunships of heavy burden) and other fragrant dant, and it is of the very finest quality. and aromatic products, besides tortoise shell, 12. After this, the coast now inclining to the but in no great quantity, and the incense south, succeeds the mart of Arômata, and a called mokrotou inferior to that of Moundon, and bluff headland running out eastward which frankincense brought from parts further dis- forms the termination of the Barbarine coast. tant, and ivory and myrrh though in small The roadstead is an open one, and at certain quantity.
seasons dangerous, as the place lies exposed to 11. After leaving Mosyllon, and sailing the north wind. A coming storm gives warning past a place called Neiloptolemaios, and of its approach by a peculiar prognostic, for the past Ta patêgê and the Little Laurel-grove, sea turns turbid at the bottom and changes its you are conducted in two days to Cape Ele. colour. When this occurs, all hasten for refuge phant. Here is a stream called Elephant to the great promontory called Tabái, which River, and the Great Laurel-grove called Akan- affords a secure shelter. The imports into this nai, where, and where only, is produced the mart are such as have been already mentioned ; evidently confounded this promontory with Cape there which he represents as having a safe Aromata, and Ptolemy, perhaps in consequence, entrance for three ships abreast : he adds also that makes its projection more considerable than it is. several sorts of gams very sweet in burning were D'Anville and Gosselin thought Mossylon still purchased by the Indian ships from Cambay was situated near the promontory Mete, where which touched here for that purpose in their is a river, called the Soal, which they supposed passage to Mocha." The passage in the Periplus proserved traces of the name of Mossylon. This where these places are mentioned is very corrupt. position however cannot be reconciled with the Vincent, who regards the greater Daphnôn distances given in the Periplus, which would lead (Laurel-grove) as a river called Akannai, says, us to look for it where Guesele is placed in the "Neither place or distance is assigned to any latest description given of this coast. Vincent on of these names, but we may well allot the rivers very inadequate grounds would identify it with Daphnôn and Elephant to the synonymous town Barbara or Berbera. [Müller places it at Bandar and cape; and these may be represented by the Barthe and Ras Antarah, long. 49° 35' E.] modern Mete and Santa Pedro." [Müller places
(11) After Mosulon occurs Cape Elephant, Elephas at Ras el Fil, long. 50° 37' E., and Akanat some distance beyond Neiloptolemaios, nai at Uldlah Bandar, long. 50° 56' E., but they Tapategê, and the Little Laurel-grove. At the may be represented by Ras Ahileh, where a river Cape is a river and the Great Laurel-grove called enters through a lagoon in 11° 46', and Bonah
A ka nnai. Strabo in his account of this coast a town with wells of good water in lat. 11° 58' N., mentions & Neilospotamia which however can long. 50° 51' E.] hardly be referred to this particular locality (12) We come now to the great projection which pertains to the region through which the Cape Aromata, which is a continuation of Mount Khori or San Pedro flows, of which Idrisi (I. 45) Elephant. It is called in Arabic Jerd Hafan thus writes: "At two journeys' distance from or Ras Asir; in Idrisi, Carfou na, whence the Markah in the desert is a river which is subject name by which it is generally known. [The South to risings like the Nile and on the banks of which point 11° 40 is Râs Shenarif or Jerd Hafûn : they bow dhorra." Regarding Cape Elephant the N. point 11° 51' is Râs 'Asir.] It formed Vincent says, "it is formed by a mountain conspi- the limit of the knowledge of this coast in the cuous in the Portuguese charts under the name time of Strabo, by whom it is called Notou of Mount Felix or Felles from the native term Keras or South Horn. It is described as a Jibel Fil, literally, Mount Elephant: The cape very high bluff point and as perpendicular as if Ras Filik, 800 ft. high, lat. 11' 57' N., long. 50o it were scarped. (Jerd Hafan is 2500 feet high.] 37' E.] is formed by the land jutting up to the The current comes round it out of the gulf with North from the direction of the coast which is such violence that it is not to be stemmed withnearly East and West, and from its northern- out a brisk wind, and during the South-West most point the land falls off again South-East to Monsoon, the moment you are past the Cape to RAs 'Asir-Cape Guardafun, the Aromata of the the North there is a stark calm with insufferable ancients. We learn from Captain Saris, an Eng- heat. The current below Jerd Hafan is noticed by lish navigator, that there is a river at Jibel Fil. the Periplus as setting to the South, and is there In the year 1611 he stood into a bay or harbour perhaps equally subject to the change of the

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while its products are cinnamon, gizeir (a finer sort of cinnamon), asuphê (an ordinary sort), fragrant gams, magla, moto (an inferior cinka- mon), and frankincense.
13. If, on sailing from Tabai, you follow the coast of the peninsula formed by the promontory, you are carried by the force of a strong current to another mart 400 stadia distant, called
monsoon. With this account of the coast from tinguishes them differently, defining the former as the straits to the great Cape may be compared the interior and the latter as the sea-board of the that which has been given by Strabo, XVI. iv. 14: region to which these names were applied.
“From Deire the next country is that which The description of the Eastern Coast of Africa bears aromatic plants. The first produces myrrh which now follows is carried, as has been already and belongs to the Ikhthuophagoi and noticed, as far as Rhapta, a place about 6 degrees Kreophagoi. It bears also the persea, peach or South of the Equator, but which Vincent places Egyptian almond, and the Egyptian fig. Beyond is much farther South, identifying it with Kilwa. Licha, a hunting ground for elephants. There The places named on this line of coast are: are also in many places standing pools of rain- & promontory called Taba i, a Khersonesos water. When these are dried up, the elephants 1 Opône, a mart; the Little and the Great Apowith their trunks and tusks dig holes and find kopa; the Little and the Great Coast; the water. On this coast there are two very large Dromoi or courses of Azania (first that of lakes extending as far as the promontory Pytho- Serapiôn, then that of Nikon); a number of laus. One of them contains salt water and is rivers ; & succession of anchorages, seven in numcalled a sea; the other fresh water and is the ber; the Paralao i islands; a strait or canal; haunt of hippopotami and crocodiles. On the the island of Menouthias; and then Rhapta, margin grows the papyrus. The ibis is seen in beyond which, as the author conceived, the ocean the neighbourhood of this place. Next is the curved round Africa until it met and amalgamater country which produces frankincense; it has a with the Hesperian or Western Ocean. promontory and a temple with a grove of poplars. (13) Tabai, to which the inhabitants of the Great In the inland parts is a tract along the banks of Cape fled for refuge on the approach of a storm, river bearing the name of Isis, and another that cannot, as Vincent and others have supposed, be of Nilus, both of which produce myrrh and frank
Cape Orfui, for it lay at too great a distance for incense. Also a lagoon filled with waters from the the purpose. The projection is meant which the mountains. Next the watch-port of the Lion and Arabs call Banna. [Or, Tabai may be identified the port of Puthangelus. The next tract
with Ras Shenarif, lat. 11° 40' N.) Tabai, Müller bears the false cassia. There are many tracts suggests, may be a corruption for Tabannai. in succession on the sides of rivers on which
"From the foreign term Banna," says Müller, frankincense grows, and rivers extending to the
"certain Greeks in the manner of their countrymen cinnamon country. The river which bounds this invented Panos or Panôn or Panó or Panons tract produces rushes (phous) in great abundance. Kômê. Thus in Ptolemy (I. 17 and IV. 7) after Then follows another river and the port of Aromata follows Panôn Kôm ê, which Mannert Daphnous, and a valley called A pollo's which has identified with Benna. [Khor Banneh is a salt bears besides frankincense, myrrh and cinnamon.
lake, with a village, inside Ras Ali Beshgel, lat. 11° The latter is more abundant in places far in the N., long. 51. 9 E.] Stephen of Byzantium may be nterior Next in the mountain Elephas, a compared, who speaks of Panos as a village on mountain projecting into the sea and a creek; then the Red Ses which is also called Panôn." The followe the large harbour of Peugmus, & water- conjecture, therefore, of Letronnius that Panôn ing place called that of Kunocephali and the Kômé derived its name from the large apes last promontory of this coast Nota-keras (or the found there, called Pånes, falls to the ground. Southern Horn). After doubling this cape towards Oponê was situated on the Southern shores the south we have no more descriptions of harbours of what the Peripltis calls a Khersonese, which, or places because nothing is known of the sea coast can only be the projection now called Ras beyond this point." (Bohn's Transl.] According Hafan or Cape D'Orfui (lat. 10° 25 N.). to Gosselin, the Southern Horn corresponds with Ptolemy (I. 17) gives the distance of O pône the Southern Cape of Bandel-caus, where com
from Panên Kêmê at a 6 days' journey, from monces the desert coast of Ajan, the ancient
which according to the Periplus it was only Azania.
400 stadia distant. That the text of Ptolemy is According to the Periplús Cape Aromata here corrupt cannot be doubted, for in his tables marked the termination of Barbaria and the the distance between the two places is not far from beginning of Azania. Ptolemy however dis- that which is given in the Periplde. Probably.

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Op ô nê, which imports the commodities already 'Οθόνιον ή τε μοναχή και η σαγματογήνη-Fine mentioned, but produces most abundantly cin- cotton called Monakhs, and a coarse kind for namon spice, moto, slaves of a very superior stuffing called Sagmatogene. sort, chiefly for the Egyptian market, and tor
Tepuccuara--Sashes or girdles. toise-shell of small size but in large quantity
Μέλι το καλάμινον το λεγόμενον σάκχαρι.-The and of the finest quality known.
honey of a reed, called sugar. 14. Ships set sail from Egypt for all these Some traders undertake voyages for this ports beyond the straits about the month of
commerce expressly, while others, as they sail July-that is, Epiphi. The same markets are
along the coast we are describing, exchange also regularly supplied with the products of
their cargoes for such others as they can proplaces far beyond them-Ariak ê and Baru
cure. There is no king who reigns paramount gazaThese products are
over all this region, but each separate seat of Siros-Corn.
trade is ruled by an independent despot of its *Opusa-Rice.
own. Boúrupov-Butter, i. e. ghi.
15. After Op ô nê; the coast now trending "Elulov ona á voy-Oil of sesamum.
more to the south, you come first to what are as Müller conjectures, he wrote ódóv ňuépas (a day's They are & mild people of pastoral habits and journey) which was converted into ódov ruep. ś (a confined entirely to the coast; the whole of the six-days' journey).
interior being occupied by an untameable tribe of (14) At this harbour is introduced the mention savages called Galla." of the voyage which was annually made between The coast which follows the A pokopa, called the coast of India and Africa in days previous to the Little and the Great Aigialos or Coast, the appearance of the Greeks on the Indian Ocean, is so desolate that, as Vincent remarks, not a which has already been referred to.
name occurs on it, neither is there an anchorage (15) After leaving Op ôn the coast first runs noticed, nor the least trace of commerce to be due south, then bends to the south-west, and here found. Yet it is of great extent- six days' begins the coast which is called the Little and the voyage according to the Periplús, but, according Great Apokopa or Bluffs of Azania, the to Ptolemy, who is here more correct, a voyage of voyage along which occupies six days. This rocky leight days,for, as we have seen the P.
eight days, for, as we have seen, the Periplús has coast, as we learn from recent explorations, begins | unduly extended the A pokopa to the South. at Ras Mabber [about lat. 9° 25' N.], which is Next follow the Dromoi or Courses of between 70 and 80 miles distant from Ras Hafan and Azania, the first called that of Serapion extends only to Râs-ul-Kheil [about lat. 7° 45' and the other that of Nikon. Ptolemy interN.), which is distant from Rås Mabber about 140 poses a bay between the Great Coast and the port miles or a voyage of three or four days only. The of Serapion, on which he states there was length of this rocky coast (called Hazine by the an emporium called Essin-a day's sail disArabs) is therefore much exaggerated in the Peri. tant from that port. Essina, it would therefore plús. From this error we may infer that our author, appear, must have been somewhere near where who was a very careful observer, had not personally Makdash (Magadoxo, lat. 23 N.) was built visited this coast. Ptolemy, in opposition to Mari. by the Arabs somewhere in the eighth century A.D. nos as well as the Periplus, recognizes but one The station called that of Nikon in the Periplus A pokopa, which he speaks of as a bay. Müller appears in Ptolemy as the mart of Tonikê. concludes an elaborate note regarding the Apo- These names are not, as some have supposed, of kopa by the following quotation from the work of Greek origin, but distortions of the native appelOwen, who made the exploration already referred to, lations of the places into names familiar to Greek "It is strange that the descriptive term Hazine ears. That the Greeks had founded any settle. should have produced the names Ajan, Azan ments here is altogether improbable. At the and Azania in many maps and charts, as the time when the Periplus was written all the trade country never had any other appellation than
of these parts was in the hands of the Arabs of Barra Somali or the land of the Somali, Mouza. The port of Serapion may be a people who have never yet been collected under
placed at a promontory which occurs in 1' 40 one government, and whose limits of subjection |
of N. lat. From this, Tonik ê, according to are only within bow-shot of individual chiefs. the tables of Ptolemy, was distant 45', and its The coast of Africa from the Red Sea to the river position must therefore have agreed with that of Juba is in nabited by the tribe called Somali. | Torre or Torra of our modern maps.

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called the little and the great A pokopa (or Bluffs) of Azania, where there are no harbours, but only roads in which ships can conveniently anchor. The navigation of this coast, the direction of which is now to the south- west, occupies six days. Then follow the Little Coast and the Great Coast, occupying other six days, when in due order succeed the Dromoi (or Courses) of A zania, the one going by the name of Sarapiôn, and the other
by that of Nikon. Proceeding thence, you pass the mouths of numerous rivers, and a succession of other roadsteads lying apart one from another a day's distance either by sea or by land. There are seven of them altogether, and they reach on to the Pyrala o i islands and the narrow strait called the Canal, beyond which, where the const changes its direction from southwest slightly more to south, you are conducted by a voyage of two days and two nights to Me
Next occurs a succession of rivers and road steads, seven in number, which being passed we are conducted to the Purala än Islands, and what is called a canal or channel (déput). These islands are not mentioned elsewhere. They can readily be identified with the two called Manda and Lamou, which are situate at the mouths of large rivers, and are separated from the mainland and from each other by a narrow channel. Vincent would assign a Greek origin to the name of these islands. “With a very slight alteration," he says, "of the reading, the Paralian Islands (Ilūp &lov, marine fire,) are the islands of the Fiery Ocean, and nothing seems more consonant to reason than for a Greek to apply the name of the Fiery Ocean to a spot which was the centre of the Torrid Zone and subject to the perpendicular rays of an equinoctial sun." [The Juba islands run along the coast from Juba to about Lat. 1° 50 S., and Manda bay and island is in Lat. 2° 12 S.)
Beyond these islands occurs, after a voyage of two days and two nights, the island of Menouthias or Menout hesias, which it has been found difficult to identify with any certainty. " It is," says Vincent," the Eitenediommenout hesias of the Periplás, a term egregiously strange and corrupted, but out of which the commentators unanimously collect Menoothias, whatever may be the fate of the remaining syllables. That this Menoothias," he continues, "must have been one of the Zangibar islands is indubitable; for the distance from the coast of all three, Pemba, Zangibar, and Momfia, affords a character which is indelible; a character applicable to no other island from Guardafui to Madagascar." He then identifies it with the island of Zangibar, lat. 6° 5' S., in preference to Pemba, 50 6 S., which lay too far out of the course, and in preference to Momfia, 70 50 S. (though more doubtfully), because of its being by no means conspicuous, whereas Zangibar was 'so prominent and obvious above the other two, that it might well attract the particular attention of navigators, and its distance from the mainland is at the same time so nearly in accordance with
that given in the Peripliis as to counterbalance all other objections. A writer in Smith's Classical Geography, who seems to have overlooked the indications of the distances both of Ptolemy and the Periplus, assigns it a position much further to the north than is reconcilable with these distances. He places it about a degree south from the mouth of the River Juba or Govind, just where an opening in the coral reefs is now found. "The coasting voyage," he says, "steering S. W., reached the island on the east side--a proof that it was close to the main.... It is true the navigator says it was 300 stadia from the mainland ; but as there is no reason to suppose that he surveyed the island, this distance must be taken to signify the estimated width of the northern inlet separating the island from the main, and this estimate is probably much exaggerated. The mode of fishing with baskets is still practised in the Juba islands and along this coast. The formation of the coast of E. Africa in these latitudes-where the hills or downs upon the coast are all formed of a coral conglomerate comprising fragments of madreporo, shell and sand, ronders it likely that the island which was close to the main 16 or 17 centuries ago, should now be united to it. Granting this theory of gradual transformation of the coast-line, the Menouthias of the Peripliis may be supposed to have stood in what is now the rich garden-land of Shamba, where the rivers carrying down mud to mingle with the marine deposit of coral drift covered the chokelup estuary with a rich soil."
The island is said in the Periplíis to extend towards the West, but this does not hold good either in the case of Zangibar or any other island in this part of the coast. Indeed thoro is no one of them in which at the present day all the characteristics of Menou thias are found combined. Mom fia, for instance, which resembles it somewhat in name, and which, as modern travellers tell us, is almost entirely occupied with birds and covered with their dung, does not possess any streams of water. These are found in Zangibar. The author may perhaps have con

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nouthias, an island stretching towards sunset, and distant from the mainland about 300 stadia. It is low-lying and woody, has rivers, and a vast variety of birds, and yields the mountain tortoise, but it has no wild beasts at all, except only crocodiles, which, however, are quite harmless. The boats are here made of planks sewn together attached to a keel formed of a single log of wood, and these are used for fishing and for catching turtle. This is also caught in another mode, peculiar to the island, by lower ing wicker baskets instead of nets, and fixing them against the mouths of the cavernous rocks which lie out in the sea confronting the beach.
16. At the distance of a two days' sail from this island lies the last of the marts of Azania, called Rhapta, & name which it derives from the sewn boats just mentioned. Ivory is procured here in the greatest abundance, and also turtle. The indigenous inhabitants are men of huge stature, who live apart from each other, every man ruling like a lord his own domain. The whole territory is governed by
the despot of Mopharitis, because the sovereignty over it, by some right of old standing, is vested in the kingdom of what is called the First Arabia. The merchants of Mouza farm its revenues from the king, and employ in trading with it a great many ships of heavy burden, on board of which they have Arabian commanders and factors who are intimately acquainted with the natives and have contracted marriage with them, and know their language and tho navigation of the coast.
17. The articles imported into these marts are principally javelins manufactured at Mouza, hatchets, knives, awls, and crown glass of various sorts, to which must be added corn and wine in no small quantity landed at particular ports, not for sale, but to entertain and thereby conciliate the barbarians. The articles which these places export are ivory, in great abundance but of in. ferior quality to that obtained at Adouli, rhinoceros, and tortoise-shell of fine quality, second only to the Indian, and a little nauplius.
18. These marts, we may say, are about the last on the coast of Azania--the coast, that is,
fusedly blended together the accounts he had received from his Arab informants.
(16) We arrive next and finally at Rhapta, the last emporium on the coast known to the author. Ptolemy mentions not only a city of this name, but also a river and a promontory. The name is Greek (from PárteLv, to sew), and was applied to the place because the vessels there in use were raised from bottoms consisting of single trunks of trees by the addition of planks which were sewn together with the fibres of the cocoa. "It is a singular fact," as Vincent remarks, "that this peculiarity should be one of the first objects which attracted the attention of the Portuguese upon their reaching this coast. They saw them first at Mozambique, where they were called Almeidas, but the principal notice of them in most of their writers is generally stated at Kilwa, the very spot which we have supposed to receive its name from vessels of the same construction." Vincent has been led from this coincidence to identify Rhapta with Kilwa (lat. 8* 50 S.). Müller however would place it not so far south, but somewhere in the Bay of Zangibar. The promontory of Rh&ptum, he judges from the indications of the Periplús to be the projection which closes the bay in which lies the island of Zangibar, and which is now known as Moina no. kald or Point Pouna, lat. 7o8. The parts beyond
this were unknown, and the southern coast of Africa, it was accordingly thought by the ancient geographers, began here. Another cape however is mentioned by Ptolemy remoter than Rhaptum and called Prasum (that is the Green Cape) which may perhaps be Cape Delgado, which is noted for its luxuriant vegetation. The same author calls the people of Rhapta, the Rhapsioi Aithiopes. They are described in the Periplas as men of lofty stature, and this is still a characteristic of the Africans of this coast. The Rhapsii were, in the days of our author, subject to the people of Mouza in Arabia just as their descendants are at the present day subject to the Sultan of Maskat. Their commerce moreover still maintains its ancient characteristics. It is the African who still builds and mans the ships while the Arab is the navigator and supercargo. The ivory is still of inferior quality, and the turtle is still captured at certain parts of the coast.
(18, 19) Our author having thus described the African coast as far southward as it was known on its Eastern side, reverts to Berenike and enters at once on a narrative of the second voyage that which was made thence across the Northern head of the gulf and along the coast of Arabia to the emporium of Mouza near the Straits. The course is first northward, and the parts about Berenikê as you bear away lie

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value, and also a centurion who commands the garrison by which the place is protected.
20. Beyond this mart, and quite contiguous to it, is the realm of Arabia, which stretches to a
which is on your right as you sail south from Berenike. For beyond these parts an ocean, hitherto unexplored, curves round towards sunset, and, stretching along the southern extremities of Ethiopia, Libya, and Africa, amalga-great distance along the coast of the Red Sea. mates with the Western Sea. It is inhabited by various tribes, some speaking the same language with a certain degree of uniformity, and others a language totally different. Here also, as on the opposite continent, the sea-board is occupied by Ikhthyophagoi, who live in dispersed huts; while the men of the interior live either in villages, or where pasture can be found, and are an evil race of men, speaking two different languages. If a vessel is driven from her course upon this shore she is plundered, and if wrecked the crew on escaping to land are reduced to slavery. For this reason they are treated as enemies and cap
PERIPLUS OF THE ERYTHREAN SEA.
19. To the left, again, of Berenike, if you sail eastward from Myos-Hormos across the adjacent gulf for two days, or perhaps three, you arrive at a place having a port and a fortress which is called Leukê Kômê, and forming the point of communication with Petra, the residence of Malik has, the king of the Nabateans. It ranks as an emporium of trade, since small vessels come to it laden with merchandize from Arabia; and hence an officer is deputed to collect the duties which are levied on imports at the rate of twenty-five per cent. of their
therefore now on your left hand. Having touched at Myos Hormos the course on leaving it is shaped eastward across the gulf by the promontory Pharan, and Leukê Kôme is reached after three or four days' sailing. This was a port in the kingdom of the Nabathæans (the Nebaioth of Scripture), situated somewhere near the mouth of the Elanitic Gulf or eastern arm of the Red Sea, now called the Gulf of Akabah. Much difference of opinion has prevailed as to its exact position, since the encroachment of the land upon the sea has much altered the line of coast here. Mannert identified it with the modern Yenbo [lat. 24° 5' N., long. 38° 3' E., the port of Medina], Gosselin with Mowilah [lat. 27. 38 N., long. 35° 28' E.,] Vincent with Eynounah [lat. 28° 3' N., long. 35° 13' E.-the Onne of Ptolemy], Reichhard with Istabel Antai, and Rüppel with Wejh [lat. 26' 13' N., long. 36° 27' E]. Müller prefers the opinion held by Bochart, D'Anville, Quatremêre, Noel des Vergers, and Ritter, who agree in placing it at the port called Hanara [lat. 24° 59′ N., long. 37° 16' E.) mentioned by Idrisi (I. p. 332), who describes it as a village inhabited by merchants carrying on a considerable trade in earthen vases manufactured at a clay-pit in their neighbourhood. Near it lies the island of Hassani [lat. 24° 59' N., long. 37° 3 E.], which, as Wellsted reports, is conspicuous from its white appearance. Le u kê Kômê is mentioned by various ancient authors, as for instance Strabo, who, in a passage wherein he recounts the misfortunes which befel the expedition which Aelius led into Nabathaea, speaks of the place as a large mart to which and from which the camel traders travel with ease and in safety from Petra and back to Petra
129
with so large a body of men and camels as to differ in no respect from an army.
The merchandize thus conveyed from Leukê Komê to Petra was passed on to Rhinokoloura in Palestine near Egypt, and thence to other nations, but in his own time the greater part was transported by the Nile to Alexandria. It was brought down from India and Arabia to Myos Hormos, whence it was first conveyed on camels to Koptos and thence by the Nile to Alexandria. The Nabathaean king, at the time when our author visited Leukê Kô mê, was, as he tells us, Malik has, a name which means 'king.' Two Petraean sovereigns so called are mentioned by Josephos, of whom the latter was contemporary with Herod. The Malikhas of the Periplús is however not mentioned in any other work. The Nabathaean kingdom was subverted in the time of Trajan, A.D. 105, as we learn from Dio Cassius (cap. lxviii. 14), and from Entropius (viii. 2, 9), and from Ammianus Marcellinus (xiv. 8).
(20) At no great distance from Leukê Kômê the Nabathaean realm terminates and Arabia begins. The coast is here described as most dismal, and as in every way dangerous to navigation.. The inhabitants at the same time are barbarians destitute of all humanity, who scruple not to attack and plunder wrecked ships and to make slaves of their crews if they escaped to land. The mariner therefore, shunned these inhospitable shores, and standing well out to sea, sailed down the middle of the gulf. The tribe here spoken of was that perhaps which is represented by the Hutemi of the present day, and the coast belonged to the part of Arabia now called Hejid. A more civilized region begins at an island

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tured by the chiefs and kings of Arabia. They lished and notable mart of trade, at a distance are called Kanraitai. Altogether, therefore, south from Berenikê of not more than 12,000 the navigation of this part of the Arabian coast stadia. The whole place is full of Arabian shipis very dangerous : for, apart from the barbarity masters and common sailors, and is absorbed of its people, it has neither harbours nor good in the pursuits of commerce, for with ships of its roadsteads, and it is foul with breakers, and own fitting out, it trades with the marts beyond girdled with rocks which render it inaccessible. the Straits on the opposite coast, and also with For this reason when sailing south we stand off Barug az a. from a shore in every way so dreadfal, and 22. Above this a three days' journey off lies the keep our course down the middle of the gulf, city of Saue, in the district called Mophastraining our utmost to reach the more civilized ritis. It is the residence of Kholaibos, the part of Arabia, which begins at Burnt Island. despot of that country. From this onward the people are under a regu- 23. A journey of nine days more conducts us lar government, and, as their country is pastoral, to Sa phar, the metropolis of Khariba él, the they keep herds of cattle and camels.
rightful sovereign of two contiguous tribes, the 21. Beyond this tract, and on the shore of a Homerites and the Sa baitai, and, by bay which occurs at the termination of the left means of frequent embassies and presents, the (or east) side of the gulf, is Mouza, an estab.friend of the Emperors.
called Burnt island, which answers to the modern district called Ma pharitisor Mophareitês, Zebêyir (about lat. 15° 5 N., long. 42° 12 E.), & name which appears to survive in the modern an island which was till recently volcanic.
Mbarras, which designates a mountain lying (21) Beyond this is the great emporium called N. E. from Taa es. It was ruled by Kholaibos Mouza, [lat. 13° 43' N.,long. 43°5 14' E.] situated (Arabice-Khaleb), whom our author calls a tyrant, in a bay near the termination of the Gulf, and at a and who was therefore probably a Sheikh who had distance from Berenike of 12,000 stadia. Here revolted from his lawful chief, and established the population consists almost entirely of merchants himself as an independent ruler. and mariners, and the place is in the highest degree (23) The other city was Sapbar, the metrocommercial. The commodities of the country are polis of the Homeritai, i.e. the Himaryirich and numerous (though this is denied by the Arabs of Yemen, whose power was widely Pliny), and there is a great traffic in Indian extended, not only in Yemen but in distant articles brought from Barugaza (Bharoch). countries both to the East and West. Saphar is This port, once the most celebrated and most fre- called Sapphar by Ptolemy (VI. vii.), who places quented in Yemen, is now the village Musa about it in 14°N. lat. Philostorgios calls it Tapharon, twenty-five miles north from Mokha, which has and Stephen of Byzantium Tarphara. It is now replaced it as a port, the foundation of which dates Dhafar or Dsoffar or Zaphar. In Edrisi (I. p. back no more than 400 years ago. "Twenty miles 148) it appears as Dhofar, and he thus writes of inland from Mokha," says Vincent, "Niebuhr disit:-" It is the capital of the district Jaheseb. It covered a Musa still'existing, which he with great was formerly one of the greatest and most famous probability supposes to be the ancient mart now of cities. The kings of Yemen made it their carried inland to this distance by the recession of residence, and there was to be seen the palace of the coast." (He must have confounded it with Zeidan. These structures are now in ruins, and Jebel Musa, due east of Mokhå, at the com- the population has been much decreased, nevermencement of the mountain country.]' It is a theless the inhabitants have preserved some mere village badly built. Its water is good, and remnants of their ancient riches." The ruins is said to be drunk by the wealthier inhabitants of the city and palace still exist in the neighof Mokh. Bochart identified Mouza with the bourbood of Jerim, which Niebuhr places Mesha mentioned by Moses.
in 14' 30 N. lat. The distance from Saue to (22) The Periplús notices two cities that lay Sapbar in the Periplús is a nine days' journey. inland from Mou 28-the 1st Saue, the Save Niebuhr accomplished it however in six. Perhaps, of Pliny (VI. xxvi., 104), and also of Ptolemy as Müller suggests, the nine days' journey is from (VI. vii., p. 411), who places it at a distance of Mouza to Sapher. The sovereign of Saphar 500 stadia S. E. of Monza. The position and is called by our author Kharibael, a name distance direct us to the city of Taa es, which lies which is not found among the Himyaritic kings neara mountain called Saber. Sauê belonged to a known from other sources. In Ptolemy the

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24. The mart of Mou z a has no harbour, but own local products-myrrh of the finest quality its sea is smooth, and the anchorage good, owing that has oozed in drops from the trees, both the to the sandy nature of the bottom. The com- Gabiræan and Mincean kinds; white marble (or modities which it imports are
alabaster), in addition to commodities brought Toppúpa, drápopos kai xvdala-Purple cloth, fine
from the other side of the Gulf, all such as were and ordinary.
enumerated at A douli. The most favourable Ιματισμιός 'Αραβικός χειριδωτός, ότε απλούς και ο season for making a voyage to Mouza is the month κοινός και σκοτουλάτος και διάχρυσος-Garments of September,--that is Thoth, but there is made up in the Arabian fashion, some plain and
nothing to prevent it being made earlier. common, and others wrought in needlework and
25. If on proceeding from Mouza you sail inwoven with gold.
by the coast for about a distance of 300 stadia, Kpókos-Saffron.
there occurs, where the Arabian mainland and Kúrepos-The aromatic rush Kyperos. (Tur. meric?)
the opposite coast of Barbaria at A u a'OBártov-Musling.
litês now approach each other, a channel of no 'Abondai-Cloaks.
great length which contracts the sea and encloses Adukes où modal, doi te kal evróm -Quilts, in
it within narrow bounds. This is 60 stadia wide, small quantity, some plain, others adapted to the and in crossing it you come midway upon the fashion of the country.
island of Diodôros, to which it is owing that Zwvat okaral-Sashes of various shades of colour. the passage of the straits is in its neighbourhood Múpov pérprov-Perfumes, a moderate quantity. exposed to violent winds which blow down Xpñua ikavor--Specie as much as is required. from the adjacent mountains. There is situate Oivos-Wine.
upon the shore of the straits an Arabian village Siros où tolús-Corn, but not much.
subject to the same ruler (as Mouza), Okelis The country produces a little wheat and a by name, which is not so much a mart of comgreat abundance of wine. Both the king and merce as a place for anchorage and supplying the despot above mentioned receive presents water, and where those who are bound for the consisting of horses, pack-saddle mules, gold interior first land and halt to refresh themselves. plate, silver plate, embossed robes of great value, 26. Beyond O kelis, the sea again widening and utensils of brass. Mouza exports its out towards the east, and gradually expanding region is called Elisar o a, from a king bearing Sijan. The larger of the two entrances is 11 miles that name.
wide, and the other only 11. Strabo, Agathêmeros, (24) Adjacent to the Homeritai, and subject and Pliny all agree with the Periplús in giving 60 to them when the Periplus was written, were the stadia as the breadth of the straits. The first Sabaeans, so famous in antiquity for their wealth, passage of those dreaded straits was regarded as luxury and magnificence. Their country, the a great achievement, and was naturally ascribed Sheba of Scripture, was noted as the land of to Sesostris as the voyage though the straits of frankincense. Their power at one time extended Kalpê was ascribed to Heraklês. far and wide, but in the days of our author they Situated on the shores of the straits was were subject to the Homerites ruled over by a place called Ok@lis. This was not a Kharibael, who was assiduous in courting the mart of commerce, but merely a bay with friendship of Rome.
good anchorage and well supplied with water. (25) At a distance of 300 stadia beyond Mouza It is identical with the modern Ghalla or we reach the straits where the shores of Arabia Cella, which has a bay immediately within the and Africa advance so near to each other that the straits. Strabo following Artemidoros notes here passage between them has only, according to the promontory called Akila. Pliny (VI. xxxii. 157) Periplús, a width of 60 stadia, or 7 miles. In the mentions an emporium of the same name "ex midst of the passage lies the island of Dio- quo in Indiam navigatur." In xxvi., 104 of the doros (now Perim), which is about 4 miles longsame Book he says: "Indos petentibus utilisby 2 broad, and rises 230 feet above the level of the simum est ab Oceli egredi.” Ptolemy mentions sea. The straits, according to Moresby, are 14} & Pseudokelis, which he places at the disgeographical miles wide at the entrance between tance of half a degree from the emporium of Bab-el-Mandab Cape (near which is Perim) and Okelis.. the opposite point or volcanic peak called Jibell (26) At a distance beyond Okêlis of 1,200

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into the open main, there lies, at about the dis- mon centre of their commerce, as Alexandria tance of 1,200 stadia, Eudaimôn Arabia, receives the wares which pass to and fro a maritime village subject to that kingdom of between Egypt and the ports of the Mediterwhich Kharibaêl is sovereign-a place with good ranean. Now, however, it lies in ruing, the anchorage, and supplied with sweeter and better Emperor having destroyed it not long before water than that of Okėlis, and standing at our own times. the entrance of a bay where the land begins to 27. To Eudaimôn Arabia at once sucretire inwards. It was called Eudaimon rich ceeds a great length of coast and a bay extendand prosperous'), because in bygone days, when ing 2,000 stadia or more, inhabited by nomadic the merchants from India did not proceed tribes and Ikhthyophagoi settled in villages, to Egypt, and those from Egypt did not venture On doubling a cape which projects from it you to cross over to the marts further east, but both come to another trading seaport, Kane, which came only as far as this city, it formed the com. I is subject to Elea zos, king of the incense
stadia is the port of Eudaimôn Arabia, which mention the place by name, but it was probably boyond doubt corresponds to 'Aden, [lat. 12° the city wbich he describes without naming it as 45 N., long. 45° 21' E.] now 80 well-known as lying on the White Sea without the straits, whence, the great packet station between Suez and India. he says, the Sabæans sent out colonies or factories The opinion held by some that Aden is the Eden into India, and where the fleets from Persis, mentioned by the Prophet Ezekiel (xxvii. 23) is Karmania and the Indus arrived. The name of opposed by Ritter and Winer. It is not mention- Aden is supposed 'to be a corruption from ed by Pliny, though it has been erroneously | Eudai môn. held that the Attanae, which he mentions (27) The coast beyond Aden is possessed partly in the following passage, was Aden. "Homnae by wandering tribes, and partly by tribes settled et Attanae (v. 1. Athanae) que nunc oppida in villages which subsist on fish. Here occurs a maxime celebrari a Persico mari negotiatores bay-that now called Ghubhet-u-Kamar, which dicunt." (vi. 32.) Ptolemy, who calls it simply extends upwards of 2,000 stadia, and ends in a Arabia, speaks of it as an emporium, and places promontory-that now called Râs-al-Asidah or after it at the distance of a degree and a half BA-l-háf (lat. 13° 58' N., long 48° 9 8.-a cape Melan Horos, or Black Hill, 17 miles from with a hill near the fishing village of Gillah). the coast, which is in long. 46° 59' E. The place, Beyond this lies another great mart called Kanê. as the Periplús informs us, received tbe namo It is mentioned by Pliny, and also by Ptolemy, of Eudai môn from the great prosperity and who assigns it a position in agreement with the wealth which it derived from being the great indications given in the Periplus. It has been entrepôt of the trade between India and Egypt. identified with the port now called Hisn Ghorab It was in decay when that work was written, but (lat. 14° 0 N. long. 48° 19' E.]. Not far from this even in the time of Ptolemy had begun to show is an island called Halani, which answers to the symptoms of returning prosperity, and in the time Troullas of our author. Further south is anof Constantine it was known as the Roman Em- other island, which is called by the natives of the poriuin,' and had almost regained its former con- adjacent coast Sikka h, but by sailors Jibas. sequence, as is gathered from a passage in the This is covered with the dung of birds which in works of the ecclesiastical historian Philostorgios. countless multitudes have always frequented it, It is thus spoken of by Edrisi (I. p. 51): "'den and may be therefore identified with the Or neon is a small town, but renowned for its seaport of the Periplús. Kanê was subject to Eleazos, the whence ships depart that are destined for Sind, king of the Frankincense Country, who resided at India, and China." In the middle ages it became Sabbatha, or as it is called by Pliny (VI. xxxii. again the centre of the trade between India and 155) Sabota, the capital of the Atramitae or the Red Sea, and thus regained that wonderful Adramitae, a tribe of Sabæans from whom the prosperity which in the outset bad given it its division of Arabia now known as Hadhramaut name. In this flourishing condition it was found takes its name. The position of this city cannot by Marco Polo, whose account of its wealth, be determined with certainty. Wellsted, who propower and influence is, as Vincent remarks, ceeded into the interior from the coast near Hisn almost as magnificent as that which Agatharkhidês Ghorab through Wadi Meifah, came after a day's attributed to the Sabæans in the time of the journey and a half to a place called Nakb-elPtolemies, when the trade was carried on in the Hajar, situated in a highly cultivated district, same manner. Agatharkhidês does not however where he found ruins of an ancient city of the

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country. Two barren islands lie opposite to it, 120 stadia off-one called Orneôn, and the other Troullas. At some distance inland from Kanê is Sabbatha, the principal city of the district, where the king resides. At Kanê is collected all the incense that is produced in the country, this being conveyed to' it partly on camels, and partly by sea on floats supported on inflated skins, a local invention, and also in boats. Kanê carries on trade with ports across the ocean-Barugaza, Skythia, and Omana, and the adjacent coast of Persis.
28. From Egypt it imports, like Mouza, corn and a little wheat, cloths for the Arabian market, both of the common sort and the plain, and large quantities of a sort that is adulterated; also copper, tin, coral, styrax, and all the other articles enumerated at Mouza. Besides these there are brought also, principally for the king, wrought silver plate, and specie as well as horses and carved images, and plain cloth of a superior quality. Its exports are its indigenous products, frankincense and aloes, and such
Himyarites crowning an eminence that rose gently with a double summit from the fertile plain. The city appeared to have been built in the most solid style of architecture, and to have been protected by a very lofty wall formed of square blocks of black marble, while the inscriptions plainly betokened that it was an old seat of the Himyarites. A close similarity could be traced between its ruins and those of Kanê, to which there was an easy communication by the valley of Meifah. This place, however, can hardly be regarded as Sa bbatha without setting aside the distances given by Ptolemy, and Wellsted moreover learned from the natives that other ruins of a city of not less size were to be met with near a village called Esan, which could be reached by a three days' journey. (See Haines, Mem. of the S. Coast of Arab.)
(28) With regard to the staple product of this region-frankincense, the Periplús informs us that it was brought for exportation to Kanê. It was however in the first place, if we may credit Pliny, conveyed to the Metropolis. He says (xv. 32) that when gathered it was carried into Sabota on camels which could enter the city only by one particular gate, and that to take it by any other route was a crime punished by death. The priests, he adds, take a tithe for a deity named Sabis, and that until this impost is paid, the article cannot be sold.
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commodities as it shares in common with other marts on the same coast. Ships sail for this port at the same season of the year as those bound for Mouza, but earlier.
29. As you proceed from Kanê the land retires more and more, and there succeeds another very deep and far-stretching gulf, Sakhalitês by name, and also the frankincense country, which is mountainous and difficult of access, having a dense air loaded with vapours [and] the frankincense exhaled from the trees. These trees, which are not of any great size or height, yield their incense in the form of a concretion on the bark, just as several of our trees in Egypt exude gum. The incense is collected by the hand of the king's slaves, and malefactors condemned to this service as a
punishment. The country is unhealthy in the extreme-pestilential even to those who sail along the coast, and mortal to the poor wretches who gather the incense, who also suffer from lack of food, which readily cuts them off.
30. Now at this gulf is a promontory, the greatest in the world, looking towards the east,
Some writers would identify Sabbatha with Mariabo (Marab), but on insufficient grounds. It has also been conjectured that the name may be a lengthened form of Saba (Sheba), a common appellation for cities in Arabia Felix. [Müller places Sabbatha at Sawa, lat. 16° 13′ N., long. 48° 9 E.]
(29) The next place mentioned by our author after Kane is a Bay called Sakhalites, which terminates at Suagros, & promontory which looks eastward, and is the greatest cape in the whole world. There was much difference of opinion among the ancient geographers regarding the position of this Bay, and consequently regarding that of Cape Suagros.
(30) Some would identify the latter with Râsel-Had, and others on account of the similarity of the name with Cape Saugra or Saukirah [lat. 18° 8' N., long. 56° 35 E.], where Ptolemy places a city Suagros at a distance of 6 degrees from Kanê. But Suagros is undoubtedly Ras Fartak [lat. 15° 39′ N., long. 52° 15′ E.], which is at a distance of 4 degrees from Hisn Ghora b, or Kanê, and which, rising to the height of 2500 feet on a coast which is all low-lying, is a very conspicuous object, said to be discernible from a distance of 60 miles out at sea. Eighteen miles west from this promontory is a village called Saghar, a name which might probably have suggested to the Greeks that of Suagros.

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and called Sangros, at which is a fortress the white sort: the latter very abandant, and which protects the country, and a harbour, and distinguished for the largeness of its shell; also a magazine to which the frankincense which is the mountain sort which is of extraordinary size collected is brought. Out in the open sea, and has a very thick shell, whereof the underfacing this promontory, and lying between it part cannot be used, being too hard to cut, and the promontory of A rô mata, which pro- while the serviceable part is made into money. jects from the opposite coast, though nearer to boxes, tablets, escritoires, and ornamental articles Suagros, is the island going by the name of of that description. It yields also the vegetable Dios korides, which is of great extent, but dye (kuvváßap.) called Indicum (or Dragon's. desert and very moist, having rivers and cro- blood), which is gathered as it distils from codiles and a great many vipers, and lizards of trees. enormous size, of which the flesh serves for food, 31. The island is subject to the king of the while the grease is melted down and used as a frankincense country, in the same way as substitute for oil. This island does not, how | Azania is subject to Kharibaël and the despot ever, produce either the grape or corn. The of Mopharitis. It used to be visited by population, which is but scanty, inhabite the some (merchants) from Mouza, and others on north side of the island-that part of it which the homeward voyage from Limyrik8 and looks towards the mainland (of Arabia). It Baragaza would occasionally touch at it, importconsists of an intermixture of foreigners, Arabs, ing rice, corn, Indian cotton and female-slaves, Indians, and even Greeks, who resort hither for who, being rare, always commanded a ready the purposes of commerce. The island pro- market. In exchange for these commodities duces the tortoise,-the genuine, the land, and they would receive as fresh cargo great quan
Consistent with this identification is the passage tance from the former is nearly double the distance of Pliny (VI. 32) where he speaks of the island from the latter. The name, though in appearance Dioscoridis (Sokotra) as distant from a Greek ono, is in reality of Sanskrit origin; from Suagros, which he calls the utmost projection Dolpa Sukhdddra, i.e.insula fortunata, Island abode of the coast, 2240 stadia or 280 miles, which is of Bliss.' The accuracy of the statements made only about 30 miles in excess of the real distance, regarding it in the Periplás is fully confirmed by 2000 stadia.
the accounts given of it by subsequent writers. With regard to the position of the Bay of Kosmas, who wrote in the 6th century, says that Sakhalitês, Ptolemy, followed by Marcianus, the inhabitants spoke Greek, and that he met with places it to the East of Suagros. Marinos on the people from it who were on their way to Ethiopia, other hand, like the Periplus, places it to the west and that they spoke Greek. "The ecclesiastical of it. Müller agrees with Fresnel in regarding historian Nikephoros Kailistos," says Yule," seems Sakh18, mentioned by Ptolemy (VI. vii. 41) as to allude to the people of Sokotra when he says 14 degree East of Makalleh (lat. 14° 31' N., long that among the nations visited by the Missionary 49° 7' W.] as the same with Shehr-which is now Theophilus in the time of Constantius, were the the name of all that mountainous region extending Assyrians on the verge of the outer Ocean, from the seaport of Makalleh to the bay in which towards the East ... whom Alexander the lie the islands of Kurya Marya. He therefore Great, after driving them from Syria, sent thither takes this to be in the Regio Sakhalitês, and to settle, and to this day they keep their rejects the opinion of Ptolemy as inconsistent mother tongue, though all of the blackest, through with this determination. With regard to Shehr the power of the sun's rays. The Arab voyagers or Shehar (lat. 14° 38' N., long. 49° 22' E.) Yule of the 9th century say that the island was (M. Polo, II. vol. p. 440, note) says: "Shihr or Shehr colonized with Greeks by Alexander the Great, still exists on the Arabian Coast as a town and in order to promote the calture of the Sokotrine district about 330 miles east of Adon." The name aloes; when the other Greeks adopted Christianity Shehr in some of the oriental geographies in these did likewise, and they had continued to aludes the whole Coast up to Oman. The hills of retain their profession of it. The colonizing by the Shehr and Dhafar districts were the great Alexander is probably a fable, but invented to Bouros of produce of the Arabian frankincense. account for facts." (Marco Polo II. 401.) The aloe,
The island of Dioskorid ê 8 (now Sokotra) it may be noted, is not mentioned in the Periplús as is placed by the Periple nearer to Cape Su & one of the products of the island. The islanders, gros than to Cape Aromata-although its dis- I though at one time Christians, are now Muham

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tities of tortoise-shell. The revenues of the of ships from Kanê; and such ships as come island are at the present day farmed out by its from Limyrikê and Barugaza too late in the sovereigns, who, however, maintain a garrison season put into harbour here for the winter, in it for the protection of their interests. where they dispose of their muslins, corn, and
32. Immediately after Suagros follows a oil to the king's officers, receiving in exchange gulf deeply indenting the mainland of Omana, frankincense, which lies in piles throughout the and having & width of 600 stadia. Beyond it whole of Sakhalitis without a guard to are high mountains, rocky and precipitous, and protect it, as if the locality were indebted to inhabited by men who live in caves. The some divine power for its security. Indeed, it range extends onward for 500 stadia, and be- is impossible to procure a cargo, either publicly or yond where it terminates lies an important by connivance, without the king's permission. harbour called Moskha, the appointed port to Should one take furtively on board were it but which the Sakhalitik frankincense is forward a single grain, his vessel can by no possibility ed. It is regularly frequented by a number escape from harbour. madans, and subject as of yore to Arabia. The was also a port. It lay to the west of Suagros, people of the interior are still of distinct and has been identified with Keshin [lat. 15° 21' race with curly hair, Indian complexion, and N. long. 51° 39' E.]. Our author, though correct in regular features. The coast people are mongrels his description of the coast, may perhaps have erred of Arab and mixed descent. Probably in old times in his nomenclature; and this is the more likely civilization and Greek may have been confined to have happened as it scarcely admits of doubt to the littoral foreigners. Marco Polo notes that that he had no personal knowledge of South Bo far back as the 10th century it was one of the Arabia beyond Kanê and Cape Suagros. stations frequented by the Indian corsairs called Besides no other author speaks of an Omana Bawârij, belonging to Kachh and Gujarat. so far to westward as the position assigned to
(32) Returning to the mainland the narrative the Bay of that name. The tract immediately conducts us next to Moskba, a seaport trading beyond Moskha or Ausera is low and fertile, with Kanê, and a wintering place for vessels and is called D.ofar or Zhafår, after a famous arriving late in the season from Malabar and the city now destroyed, but whose ruins are still to be Gulf of Khambat. The distance of this place from traced between Al-háfåh and Addahariz. "This Suagros is set down at upwards of 1100 stadia, Dhafår," says Yule (Marco Polo II. p. 442 note) 600 of which represent the breadth of a bay which "or the bold mountain above it, is supposed to begins at the Cape, and is called Omana be the Sephar of Genesis X. 30." It is certain Al-Kamar. The occurrence of the two names that the Himyarites had spread their dominion as Omana and Moskha in such close connexion led far eastward as this place. Marco Polo thus doD'Anville to suppose that Moskha is identical scribes Dhafår :-"It stands upon the sea, and has with Maskat, the capital of Oman, the country a very good haven, so that there is a great traffic lying at the south-east extremity of Arabia, and of shipping between this and India, and the merhence that Ras-el-Had, beyond which Maskat lies chants take hence great numbers of Arab horses must be Cape Suagros. This supposition is, how- to that market, making great profits thereby.... ever, untenable, since the identification of Moskha ! Much white incense is produced here, and I will with the modern Ausera is complete. For, tell you how it grows. The trees are like small in the first place, the Bay of Seger, which begins fir-trees; those are notched with a knife in several at Cape Fartak, is of exactly the same measure- places, and from these notches the incense is ment across to Cape Thurbot Ali as the Bay of exuded. Sometimes, also, it flows from the tree Omana, and again the distance from Cape Thur without any notch, this is by reason of the great bot Ali [lat. 16° 38' N., long. 53' 3' E.] to Ras-al- heat of the sun there." Müller would identify Sair, the Ausara of Ptolemy, corresponds almost Moskha with Zhafår, and accounts for the discreas exactly to the distance assigned by our author panoy of designation by supposing that our author from the same Cape to Moskha. Moreover had confounded the name Mask at, which was Pliny (XII. 35) notices that one particular kind the great sent of the traffic in frankincenso with of incense bore the name of Ausaritis, and, as the the name of the greatest city in the district which Periplus states that Moskhe was the great actually produced it. A similar confusion he emporium of the incense trade, the identification thinks transferred the name of Oman to the is satisfactory.
samo part of the country. The climate of the inThere was another Moskha on this const which cerise country is described as being extremely un

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33. From the port of Moskha onward to Asik h, a distance of about 1500 stadia, runs a range of hills pretty close to the shore, and at its termination there are seven islands bearing the name of Zenobios, beyond which again we come to another barbarous district not subject to any power in Arabia, but to Persis. If when sailing by this coast you stand well out to ses so as to keep a direct course, then at about a distance from the island of Zenobios of 2000 stadia you arrive at another island, called that of Sarapis, lying off shore, say, 120 stadia. It is about 200 stadia broad and 600
long, possessing three villages inhabited by a savage tribe of Ikhthyophagoi, who speak the Arabic language, and whose clothing consists of a girdle made from the leaves of the cocoa-palm. The island produces in great plenty tortoise of excellent quality, and the merchants of Kand accordingly fit out little boats and cargo-ships to trade with it.
34. If sailing onward you wind round with the adjacent coast to the north, then as you approach the entrance of the Persian Gulf you fall in with a group of islands which lie in a range along the coast for 2000 stadia, and are
healthy, but its unhealthiness seems to have been distance from the continent. It was still indesignedly exaggerated.
habited by a tribe of fish-eaters in the time of (33) Beyond Moskha the coast is mountain Ebn Batuta, by whom it was visited. ous as far as Asikh and the islands of Zeno. On proceeding from Sarapis the adjacent biog-a distance excessively estimated at 1500 coast bends round, and the direction of the voyage stadia. The mountains referred to are 5000 feet in changes to north. The great cape which forms height, and are those now called Subaha. Asikh is the south-eastern extremity of Arabia called R&sreadily to be identified with the Hasek of Arabian el-Had flat. 22° 33' N. long. 59° 48' .l in here geographers. Edrisi (I. p. 54) says: "Thence indicated, but without being named; Ptolemy (from Marbat) to the town of Håsek is a four calls it Koroda mo'n (VI. vii. 11.) days' journey and a two days' sail. Before Hasok (34) Beyond it, and near the entrance to the are the two islands of Khartan and Martan Persian Gulf, occurs, according to the Periplus, a Above H & sek is a high mountain named Bous, group of many islands, which lie in a range along which commands the sea. It is an inconsiderable the coast over a space of 2000 stadia, and are town but populous." This place is now in ruins, called the islands of Kalaiou. Here our author but has left its name to the promontory on which is obviously in error, for there are but three groups it stood (Ras Hasek, lat. 17° 23 N. long. 55° 20 of islands on this coast, which are not by any E. opposite the island of Hasiki]. The islands of means near the entrance of the Gulf. They lie Zenobios are mentioned by Ptolemy as seven in beyond Maskat (lat. 23° 38' N. long. 58° 36' E.) and number, and are those called by Edrisi Khartan extend for a considerable distance along the and Martan, now known as the Kuriyan Batinah coast. The central group is that of the Muriyâ n islands. The inhabitants belonged to Deymaniyeh islands (probably the Damnia of an Arab tribe which was spread from Hasek to Pliny) which are seven in number, and lie nearly R&s-el-Ħad, and was called Beit or Beni Jenabi, opposite Birkeh slat 23° 42 N. long. 57° 55 E.]. whence the Greek name. M. Polo in the 31st The error, as Müller suggests, may be accounted chapter of his travels "discourseth of the two! for by supposing that the tract of country called islands called Male and Female," the position of El Batinah was mistaken for islands. This tract, which he vaguely indicates by saying that "when which is very low and extremely fertile, stretches you leave the kingdom of Kesmacoran (Mek- from Birkeh [lat. 23 42 N. long. 67° 55' E.] ran) which is on the mainland, you go by sea onward to Jibba, where high mountains approach some 500 miles towards the south, and then you the very shore, and run on in an unbroken chain find the 2 islands Male and Female lying about to the mouth of the Persian Gulf. The islands 30 miles distant from one another." (See also are not mentioned by any other author. for the Marco Polo, vol. II. p. 396 note).
Cala e ou insula e of Pliny (VI. xxxii. 150) Beyond Asikh is a district inhabited by must, to avoid utter confusion, be referred to the barbarians, and subject not to Arabia but to Persis. coast of the Arabian Gulf. There is a place called Then succeeds at a distance of 200 stadia beyond the El Kilhat, the Akilla of Pliny (lat. 22° 40 N. islands of Zenobio s the island of Sarapis, long. 59° 24' E.)-but whether this is connected with (the Ogyris of Pliny) now called Masira [lat. 20° the Kalaiou islands of the Periplus is uncertain 10 to 20° 42' N., long. 58° 37' to 58° 59' E.] opposite [Conf. Ind. Ant. vol. IV. p. 48. El Kilhát, south that part of the coast where Oman now begins. of Masket and close to şar, was once a great The Periplas exaggerates both its breadth and its port.]

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called the islands of Kalaios. The inhabit- round, called the hill of Semiramis. The ants of the adjacent coast are cruel and strait which separates them has a width of treacherous, and see imperfectly in the day- 600 stadia, and through this opening the Persian time.
Gulf pours its vast expanse of waters far up 35. Near the last headland of the islands of into the interior. At the very head of this gulf Kalaios is the mountain called Kalon there is a regular mart of commerce, called the (Pulcher), to which succeeds, at no great city of Apologos, situate near Pasinoudistance, the mouth of the Persian Gulf, Kharax and the river Euphrates. where there are very many pearl fisheries. 36. If you coast along the mouth of the On the left of the entrance, towering to a gulf you are conducted by a six days' voyage to vast height, are the mountains which bear another seat of trade belonging to Persis, called the name of A saboi, and directly opposite Omana. Barugaza maintains a regular on the right you see another mountain high and commercial intercourse with both these Persian
(35) Before the mouth of the Persian Gulf is 1 We enter now the Gulf itself, and here the Perireached occurs a height called Kalon (Fair Mount) plús mentions only two particulars: the famous at the last head of the islands of Papias-Tây Pearl Fisheries which begin at the straits and Ilamlov výowy. This reading has been altered by
extend to Bahrein, and the situation of a regular Fabricius and Schwanbeck to Tây Kalálov
trading mart called Apologos, which lies at vhowi. The Fair Mount, according to Vincent, the very head of the Gulf on the Euphrates, and in would answer sufficiently to Cape Fillam, if the vicinity of Spasinou Kharax. This that be high land, and not far from Fillam are place does not appear to be referred to in any the straits. The great cape which Arabia other classical work, but it is frequently protrudes at these straits towards Karmania is mentioned by Arabian writers under the name of now called Ras Mussendom. It was seen from the Oboleh or Obolegh. As an emporium it took opposite coast by the expedition under Nearkhos, the place of Tered ôn or Diridotis, just as to whom it appeared to be a day's sail distant. Basra (below which it was situated) under the The height on that coast is called Semiramis, and second Khaliphate took the place of Oboleh also Strongyle from its round shape. Mussen- itself. According to Vincent, Oboleh, or a village dom, the Asabon akron' of Ptolemy, Vincent says, that represents it, still exists between Basra and the " is a sort of Lizard Point to the Gulf; for all the Euphrates. The canal also is called the canal of Arabian ships take their departure from it with Oboleh. Kharax Pasinou was situated where some ceremonies of superstition, imploring a bless
the Karum (the Eula é us of the ancients) ing on their voyage, and setting afloat a toy
flows into the Pasitigris, and is represented like a vessel rigged and decorated, which if it is by the modern trading town Muhammarah. dashed to pieces by the rocks is to be accepted by It was founded by Alexander the Great, and after its the ocean as an offering for the escape of the vessel." destruction, was rebuilt by Antiokhos Epiphanes, [The straits between the island of Mussendom who changed its name from Alexandreia to Antioand the mainland are called El Bab, and this is kheia. It was afterwards occupied by an Arab the origin of the name of the Papiæ islands.- Chief called Pasines, or rather Spasines, who Miles' Jour. R. A. Soc. N. S. vol. x. p. 168.] gave it the name by which it is best known. Pliny
The actual width of the straits is 40 miles. states that the original town was only 10 miles Pliny gives it at 50, and the Periplús at 75. Cape from the sea, but that in his time the existing Mussendom is represented in the Periplas as in place was so much as 120 miles from it. It was Ptolemy by the Mountains of the Asabi which the birth-place of two eminent geographersare described as tremendous heights, black, grim, Dionysius Periegetes and Isidôros. and abrupt. They are named from the tribe of (36) After this cursory glance at the great Beni Asab.
gulf, our author returns to the straits, and at once
18 "This" (Mons Pulcher) says Major-General Miles, "is Jebel Lahrim or Shaam, the loftiest and most conspicuous peak on the whole cape (Mussendom), being nearly 7000 feet high."-Jour. R. As. Soc. (N.S.) vol. X. p. 168.-ED.
19 « The city of Omana is Sohar, the ancient capital of Omana, which name, as is well known, it then bore, and Pliny is quite right in correcting former writers who had placed it in Caramanis, on which coast there is no good evidence that there was a place of this name. Nearchis does not mention it, and though the author of the Periplas
of the Erythrman Sea does locate it in Persis, it is pretty evident be never visited the place himself, and he must have mistaken the information he obtained from others. It was this city of Sohar most probably that bore the ap. pellation of Emporium Persarum, in which, as Philosturgius relates, permission was given to Theophilus, the ambassador of Constantine, to erect a Christian church." The Homna of Pliny may be a repetition of Omans or Sohar, which he had already mentioned.-Miles in Jour. R. As. Soc. (N. 8.) vol. X. pp. 164-5.-ED.

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ports, despatching thither large vessels freighted near the sea, only the fragrant gum called with copper, sandalwood, beams for rafters, bdellium. horn, and logs of sasamina and ebony. Omana 38. After this region, where the coast is imports also frankincense from Kanê, while it already deeply indented by galfs caused by the exports to Arabia a particular species of vessels land advancing with a vast curve from the east, called madara, which have their planks sewn succeeds the seaboard of Skythia, a region together. But both from Apologos and which extends to northward. It is very Omana there are exported to Barugaza and low and flat, and contains the mouths of the to Arabia great quantities of pearl, of mean Sinthos (Indus), the largest of all the rivers quality however compared with the Indian sort, which fall into the Erythræan Sea, and which, together with purple, cloth for the natives, indeed, pours into it such a vast body of water wine, dates in great quantity, and gold and that while you are yet far off from the land at slaves.
its mouth you find the sea turned of a white 37. After leaving the district of Omana colour by its waters. the country of the Parsida i succeeds, which the sign by which voyagers before sigbting belongs to another government, and the bay land know that it is near is their meeting with which bears the name of Terabdoi, from the serpents floating on the water; but higher up midst of which a cape projects. Here also is and on the coasts of Persia the first sign of land a river large enough to permit the entrance of is seeing them of a different kind, called graai. ships, with a small mart at its mouth called [Sansk.graha—an alligator.] The river has seven Oraia. Behind it in the interior, at the mouths, all shallow, marshy and unfit for navidistance of a seven days' journey from the coast, gation except only the middle stream, on which is the city where the king resides, called Rham- is Barbarikon, a trading seaport. Before bakia. This district, in addition to corn, pro- this town lies a small islet, and behind it in the duces wine, rice, and dates, though in the tract 1 interior is Minnagar, the metropolis of conducts us to the Eastern shores of the Ery. name which is found only in our author. thraean, where occurs another emporium belonging Vincent erroneously identifies this with the Parato Persis, at a distance from the straits of 6 g Ôn of Ptolemy. It is no doubt the Bay which courses or 3,000 stadia. This is Omana. It is extends from Cape Guadel to Cape Monze. The mentioned by Pliny (VI. xxxii. 149) who makes it river which enters this Bay, at the mouth of which belong to Arabia, and accuses preceding writers stood the small mart called O raia, was probably for placing it in Karmania.
that which is now called the Akbor. The royal city The name of Omana has been corrapted in which lay inland from the sea a seven days' journey the MSS. of Ptolemy into Nommaria, Nombana, was perhaps, as Mannert has conjectured, Kommand, Kombana, but Marcian has pre- Ramba kia, mentioned by Arrian (Anab. vi. 21) served the correct speiling. From Omana as from as the capital of the Oreitai or Horitai. Apologos great quantities of pearl of an inferior (38) We now approach the mouths of the sort were exported to Arabia and Barugaza. No Indus which our author calls the Sinthog, transpart however of the produce of India is mentioned literating the native name of it--Sindhu. In as among its exports, although it was the centre his time the wide tract which was watered by this of commerce between that country and Arabia river in the lower part of its course was called
(37) The district which succeeds Omana belongs Indo's kuthia. It derived its name from the to the Parsidai, a tribe in Gedrosia next neigh. Skuthian tribes (the & ka of Sansk.) who after bours to the Arbitae on the East. They are the overthrow of the Graeco-Baktrian empire mentioned by Ptolemy (VI. xx., p. 439) and by gradually passed southward to the coast, where Arrian (Indika xxvi.) who calls them Pasi- they established themselves about the year 120 rees, and notes that they had a small town B. C., occupying all the region between the Indus called Pasira, distant about 60 stadia from the and the Narmad. They are called by Dionysios sea, and a harbour with good anchorage called Periegetes Notioi Skuthai, the Southern Ba gisa ra. The Promontory of the Periplus is Skuthians. Our author mentions two cities which also noted and described as projecting for into the belonged to them-Barbarikon and Minnarea, and being high and precipitous. It is the Cape gar; the former of which was an emporium now called Araba h or Urmarah. The Bay situated near the sea on the middle and only naviinto which it projects is called Terabdôn, a gable branch of the Indus. Ptolemy has a Bar

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Skythia, which is governed, however, by Parthian princes, who are perpetually at strife among themselves, expelling each the other.
39. Ships accordingly anchor near Barbarike, but all their cargoes are conveyed by the river up to the king, who resides in the metropolis. The articles imported into this emporium are
'Iuatuouos famous travès-Clothing, plain and in considerable quantity.
"Imariuos vódos molus-Clothing, mixed, not much.
Holúpra-Flowered cottons. Xpuoledor-Yellow-stone, topazes. Kopacoy-Coral. Srúpa-Storax. Aißavos-Frankincense (Liban). "Yalá keun-Glass vessels. Αργυρώματα-Silver plate. Xpqua-Specie. Oivos oỦ Tolús-Wine, but not much. The exports are :Kóotos-Costus, a spice. Bda-Bdellium, a gum. Aúkor A yellow dye (Ruzót). Nápdos-Spikenard. Aldos kaklaïvos-Emeralds or green-stones. Sanrepos-Sapphires. Enpurà dépara-Furs from China, 'Olóvrov-Cottons. Nñua Enperdr--Silk thread. 'Ivoiko pehar-Indigo.
Ships destined for this port put out to sea when the Indian monsoon prevails-that is, about the month of July or Epipbi. The voyage at this season is attended with danger, bat being shorter is more expeditious.
40. After the river Sinthos is passed we reach another gulf, which cannot be easily seen. It has two divisions,-the Great and the Little by name,-both shoal with violent and continuous eddies extending far out from the shore, so that before ever land is in sight ships are often grounded on the shoals, or being caught within the eddies are lost. Over this gulf hangs a promontory which, curving from Eirinon first to the east, then to the south, and finally to the west, encompasses the gulf called Barake, in the bosom of which lie seven islands. Should a vessel approach the entrance of this gulf, the only chance of escape for those on board is at once to alter their course and stand ont to sea, for it is all over with them if they are once fairly within the womb of Barak 8, which surges with vast and mighty billows, and where the sea, tossing in violent commotion, forms eddies and impetuous whirlpools in every direction. The bottom varies, presenting in places sudden shoals, in others being scabrous with jagged rocks, so that when an anchor grounds its cable is either at once cut through, or soon broken by friction at the bottom. The
barei in the Delta, but the position he assigns to it, does not correspond with that of Barbari- kon. Minnagar was the Skuthian metropolis. It lay inland, on or near the banks of the Indus.
(39) Ships did not go up to it but remained at Barbarik on, their cargoes being conveyed up the river in small boats. In Ptolemy (VII. i. 61) the form of the name is Binagara, which is less correct since the word is composed of Min, the Indian name for the Skuthians, and nagar, a city. Ritter considers that hatha is its modern ropresentative, since it is called Saminagar by the Jadeja Rajputs who, though settled in Kachh, derive their origin from that city. To this view it is objected that shatha is not near the position which Ptolemy assigns to his Binagara. Mannert places it at Bakkar, D'Anville at Man sare, and Vincent at Men habery mentioned by Edrisi (I. p. 164) as distant two stations or 60 miles from Dabil, which again was three stations or 90 miles from the mouth of the Indus, that is it lay at the head of the Delta. Our author informs us that in his time Minagar was ruled by
Parthian princes. The Parthians (the Parada of Sanskrit writers) must therefore have subverted a Skuthian dynasty which must have been that which (as Benfey has shown) was founded by Yeukaotschin between the years 30 and 20 B.c., or about 30 years only after the famous Indian Æra called Śdkabda (the year of the Saka) being that in which Vikramaditya expelled the Skuthians from Indian soil. The statement of the Periplas that Parthian rulers succeeded the Skuthian is confirmed by Parthian coins found everywhere in this part of the country. These sovereigns must have been of consequence, or the trade of their country very lucrative to the merchant as appears by the presents necessary to ensure his protection--plate, musical instruments, handsome girls for the Harem, the best wine, plain cloth of high price, and the finest perfumes. The profits of the trade must therefore have been great, but if Pliny's account be true, that every pound laid out in India produced a hundred at Rome, greater exactions than these might easily have been supported.

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sign by which voyager's know they are approaching this bay is their seeing serpents floating about on the water, of extraordinary size and of a black colour, for those met with lower down and in the neighbourhood of Baragaza are of less size, and in colour green and golden.
41. To the gulf of Bara kê succeeds that of Barugaza and the mainland of Ariake, a district which forms the frontier of the kingdom of Mombaros and of all India. The
(40) The first place mentioned after the Indus is the Gulf of Eirinon, a name of which traces remain in the modern appellation the Rana of Kachh. This is no longer covered with water except during the monsoon, when it is flooded by sea water or by rains and inundated rivers. At other seasons it is not even a marsh, for its bed is hard, dry and sandy; a mere saline waste almost entirely devoid of herbage, and frequented but by one quadruped-the wild ass. Burnes conjectured that its desiccation resulted from an upheaval of the earth caused by one of those earthquakes which are so common in that part of India. The Ran is connected with the Gulf of Kachh, which our author calls the Gulf of Barakê. His account of it is far from clear. Perhaps, as Müller suggests, he comprehended under Eirinon the interior portion of the Gulf of Kachh, limiting the Gulf of Bara kê to the exterior portion or entrance to it. This gulf is called that of Kanthi by Ptolemy, who mentions Barakê only as an island, [and the south coast of Kachh is still known by the name of Kantha]. The islands of the Periplús extend westward from the neighbourhood of Navanagar to the very entrance of the Gulf.
(41) To Bara kê succeeds the Gulf of Barugaza (Gulf of Khambhât) and the sea-board of the region called Aria kê. The reading of the MS. here ἡ πρὸς 'Αραβικῆς χώρας is considered corrupt. Müller substitutes ἡ ἤπειρος τῆς ̓Αριακῆς χώρας, though Mannert and others prefer Λαρικῆς xápas, relying on Ptolemy, who places Aria kê to the south of Larikê, and says that Larikê comprehends the peninsula (of Gujarat) Barugaza and the parts adjacent. As Ariake was however previously mentioned in the Periplús (sec. 14) in connexion with Barugaza, and is afterwards mentioned (sec. 54) as trading with Muziris, it must no doubt have been mentioned by the author in its proper place, which is here. [Bhagvanlal Indraji Pandit has shewn reasons however for correcting the readings into Aßaparikη, the Prakrit form of A par&ntikâ, an old name of the western sea board of India.-Ind. Ant. vol. VII., pp. 259,
[MAY, 1879.
interior part of it which borders on Skythia is called Abêria, and its sea-board Sura strênê. It is a region which produces abundantly corn and rice and the oil of sesamum, butter, muslins and the coarser fabrics which are manufactured from Indian cotton. It has also numerous herds of cattle. The natives are men of large stature and coloured black. The metropolis of the district is Minnagar, from which cotton cloth is exported in great quantity to
263.] Regarding the name Larikê, Yule has the following note (Travels of M. Polo vol. II. p. 353):-"L&r-D es a, the country of Lar," properly Lât-desa, was an early name for the territory of Gujrat and the northern Konkan, embracing Saimur (the modern Chaul as I believe) Thana, and Bharoch. It appears in Ptolemy in the form Larikê. The sea to the west of that coast was in the early Muhammadan times called the sea of Lår, and the language spoken on its shores is called by Mas'udi Lâri. Abulfeda's authority Ibn Said, speaks of Lâr and Gujarât as identical."
Ariake (Aparântika), our author informs us, was the beginning or frontier of India. That part of the interior of Ariakê which bordered on Skuthia was called Aberia or Abiria (in the MS. erroneously Ibêria). The corresponding Indian word is Abhira, which designated the district near the mouths of the river. Having been even in very early times a great seat of commerce, some (as Lassen) have been led to think from a certain similarity of the names that this was the Ophir of scripture, a view opposed by Ritter. Abiria is mentioned by Ptolemy, who took it to be not a part of India but of Indoskuthis. The sea-board of Ariake was called Suras trênê, and is mentioned by Ptolemy, who says (VII. i. 55) it was the region about the mouths of the Indus and the Gulf of Kanthi. It answers to the Sanskrit Surâ shtra. Its capital was Minnagar,-a city which, as its name shows, had once belonged to the Min or Skuthians. It was different of course from the Minnagar already mentioned as the capital of IndoSkuthia. It was situated to the south of O zê nê (Ujjayini, or Ujjain), and on the road which led from that city to the River Narmada, probably near where Indôr now stands. It must have been the capital only for a short time, as Ptolemy informs us (II. i. 63) that Ozênê was in his time the capital of Tias hanes [probably the Chashtana of Coins and the Cave Temple inscriptions]. From both places a great variety of merchandise was sent down the Narmada to Barugaza.
The next place our author mentions is a promontory called Papik & projecting into the Gulf

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Barugaza. In this part of the country there. are preserved even to this very day memorials of the expedition of Alexander, old temples, foundations of camps, and large wells. The extent of this coast, reckoned from Barbarikon to the promontory called Papikê, near Astakapra, which is opposite Barugaza, is 3,000 stadia.
42. After Papike there is another gulf, exposed to the violence of the waves and running up to the north. Near its mouth is an island called Baiônês, and at its very head it receives a vast river called the Mais. Those bound for Baruga za sail up this gulf (which has a breadth of about 300 stadia), leaving the island on the left till it is scarcely visible in the horizon, when they shape their course east for the mouth of the river that leads to Barugaza. This is called the Namna dios.
43. The passage into the gulf of Barugaza is narrow and difficult of access to those approaching it from the sea, for they are carried either to the right or to the left, the left being the better passage of the two. On the right, at the very entrance of the gulf, lies a narrow stripe of shoal, rough and beset with rocks. It
of Khambât from that part of the peninsula of Gujarat which lies opposite to the Barugaza coast. Its distance from Barbarikon on the middle mouth of the Indus is correctly given at 3,000 stadia. This promontory is said to be near Asta kapra, a place which is mentioned also by Ptolemy, and which (Ind. Ant. vol. V. p. 314) has been identified by Colonel Yule with Hastakavapra (now Hâthab near Bhaunagar), a name which occurs in a copper-plate grant of Dhruvasena I of Valabhi. With regard to the Greek form of this name Dr. Bühler thinks it is not derived immediately from the Sanskrit, but from an intermediate old Prakrit word Hastakampra, which had been formed by the contraction of the syllables ava to 4, and the insertion of a nasal, according to the habits of the Gujaratis. The loss of the initial, he adds, may be explained by the difficulty which Gujaratis have now and probably had 1600 years ago in pronouncing the spirans in its proper place. The modern name Hâthab or Hathap may be a corruption of the shorter Sanskrit form Hastavapra.
(42) Beyond Papikê, we are next informed, there is another gulf running northward into the interior of the country. This is not really another Gulf but only the northern portion of the Gulf
141
is called Hêrôn ê, and lies opposite the village of Kammôni. On the left side right against this is the promontory of Papikê, which lies in front of A s ta ka pra, where it is difficult to anchor, from the strength of the current and because the cables are cut through by the sharp rocks at the bottom. But even if the passage into the gulf is secured the mouth of the Barugaza river is not easy to hit, since the coast is low and there are no certain marks to be seen until you are close upon them. Neither, if it is discovered, is it easy to enter, from the presence of shoals at the mouth of the river.
44. For this reason native fishermen appointed by Government are stationed with wellmanned long boats called trappaga and kotumba at the entrance of the river, whence they go out as far as Suras trênê to meet ships, and pilot them up to Barugaza. At the head of the gulf the pilot, immediately on taking charge of a ship, with the help of his own boat's crew, shifts her head to keep her clear of the shoals, and tows her from one fixed station to another, moving with the beginning of the tide, and dropping anchor at certain roadsteads and basins when it ebbs. These basins occur at points where the
of Khambat, which the Periplús calls the Gulf of Barugaza. It receives a great river, the Mais, which is easily identified with the Mahi, and contains an island called Baiônês [the modern Peram], which you leave on the left hand as you cross over from Astakapra to Barugaza.
We are now conducted to Barugaza, the greatest seat of commerce in Western India, situated on a river called in the MS. of the Periplús the Lamnaios, which is no doubt an erroneous reading for Na mados, or Namnados or Namnadios. This river is the Narmád &. It is called by Ptolemy the Namadês.
(43) Barugaza (Bharoch) which was 30 miles distant from its mouth, was both difficult and dangerous of access; for the entrance to the Gulf itself was, on the right, beset with a perilous stripe (tainia) of rocky shoal called Herônê, and on the left, (which was the safer course,) the violent currents which swept round the promontory of Papikê rendered it unsafe to approach the shore or to cast anchor. The shoal of Herônê was opposite a village on the mainland called Kam môni, the Kamanê of Ptolemy (VII. i.), who however places it to the north of the river's mouth. Again, it was not only difficult to hit the mouth of the river, but its navigation was endangered by

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river is deeper than usual, all the way up to moreover, if caught in it are driven athwart from Barugaz a, which is 300 stadia distant from their course by the rapidity of the corrent till the mouth of the river if you sail up the they are stranded on shoals and wrecked, while stream to reach it.
the smaller craft are capsized, and many that 45. India has everywhere a great abundance have taken refuge in the side channels, being of rivers, and her seas ebb and flow with tides left dry by the receding tide, turn over on of extraordinary strength, which increase with one side, and, if not set erect on props, are the moon, both when new and when fall, and filled upon the return of the tide with the very for three days after each, but fall off in the first head of the flood, and sunk. But at new intermediate space. About Barugaza they moons, especially when they occur in conjunction are more violent than elsewhere, so that all of with a night tide, the flood sets in with such a sudden you see the depths laid bare, and extraordinary violence that on its beginning to portions of the land turned into sea, and the advance, even though the sea be calm, its roar is sea, where ships were sailing but just before, heard by those living near the river's mouth, turned withont warning into dry land. The sounding like the tumult of battle heard far off, rivers, again, on the access of flood tide rushing and soon after the sea with its hissing waves into their channels with the whole body of the bursts over the bare shoals. sea, are driven upwards against their natural 47. Inland from Barugaz a the country is course for a great number of miles with a force inhabited by numerous races--the Aratrioi, that is irresistible.
and the A ra khô sioi, and the Gandaraioi, 46. This is the reason why ships frequent, and the people of Proklais, in which is ing this emporium are exposed, both in coming Boukephalos Alexandreia. Beyond and going, to great risk, if handled by those who these are the Baktrianoi, a most warlike are unacquainted with the navigation of the race, governed by their own independent sover gulf or visit it for the first time, since the impe- eign. It was from these parts Alexander issued tuosity of the tide when it becomes full, having to invade India when he marched as far as the nothing to stem or slacken it, is such that Ganges, without, however, attacking Limurike anchors cannot hold against it. Large vessels, and the southern parts of the country. Hence
sandbanks and the violence of the tides, especially whence the Greeks, having no Ch, wrote it Baruthe high tide called the Bore,' of which our author
Humor gaza." gives a description so particular and so vivid as (47) The account of the bore' is followed by an suffices to show that he was describing what he enumeration of the countries around and beyond had seen with his own eyes, and seen moreover Barugaza with which it had commercial relations. for the first time. With regard to the name Inland are the Aratrioi, Arakhosioi, Barugaza the following passage, which I quote Gandarioi and the people of Proklais, a from Dr. Wilson's Indian Castes (vol. II. p. 113) will province wherein is Boukephalos Alexandreia, elucidate its etymology -" The Bhargavas beyond which is the Baktrian nation. It has derive their designation from Bhargava, the been thought by some that by the Aratrioi are adjective form of Bhrigu, the name of one of meant the Arii, by others that they were the the ancient Rishis. Their chief habitat is the dis- Arastrâs of Sanskrit called Aratti in the trict of Bharoch, which must have got its name from Prakrit, so that the Aratrio i of the Periplús a colony of the school of Bhrigu having been early hold an intermediate place between the Sanskrit and established in this Kshetra, probably granted to Prakrit form of the name. Müller however says them by some conqueror of the district. In the "if you want a people known to the Greeks and name Baruga za given to it by Ptolemy, we have Romans as familiarly as the well-known names a Greek corruption of Bhrigukshetra (the territory of the Arakhosii, Gandarii, Peukelitae, you may of Bhrigu) or Bhrigukachha (the tongueland of conjecture that the proper reading is APARTAN inBhrigu)." Speaking of the Bhargavas Dr. Drum- stead of APATPIQN. It is an error of course on the mond, in his Grammatical Illustrations, says :- | part of our author when he places Boukephalos "These Brahmans are indeed poor and ignorant. (a city built by Alexander on the banks of the Many of them, and other illiterate Gujaratis, Hydaspôs, where he defeated Pôros), in the neighwould, in attempting to articulate Bhộigushetra, bourhood of Proklais, that is Pekhely in the neighlose the half in coalesence, and call it Bargacha, bourhood of Peshawar. He makes & still more

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up to the present day old drachmai bearing the Greek inscriptions of Apollodotos and Menander are current in Barugaza.
48. In the same region eastward is a city called Ozone, formerly the capital wherein the king resided. From it there is brought down to Barugaza every commodity for the supply of the country and for export to our own markets--onyx-stones, porcelain, fine muslins, mallow-coloured muslins, and no small quantity of ordinary cottons. At the same time there is brought down to it from the upper country by way of Proklais, for transmission to the coast, Kattybourine, Patropapigic, and Kabalitic spikenard, and another kind which reaches it by way of the adjacent province of Skythin; also kostus and bdellium.
49. The imports of Baruga za are
Olvos oponyovuévas 'Iralunds-Wine, principally Italian.
Kal AaouKnuds kal 'Apaßids--Laodikean wine and Arabian.
Χαλκός και κασσίτερος και μόλυβδος--Brass or Copper and Tin and Lead.
Kopácov kai xpvoólidov-Coral and Gold-stone or Yellow-stone.
Iuariouds amous kai vódos Tarraios-Cloth, plain and mixed, of all sorts.
Ilohúrat sova mxvaiai-Variegated sashes half a yard wide.
Srúpaf-Storax. Meliuwtor-Sweet clover, melilot. 'Yalos apyi-White glass. Savdapákn-Gum Sandarach. Eripp (Stibium) Tincture for the eyes,-Sarmd. Ayvápov xpvooû kal åpyupowr-Gold and Silver
specie, yielding a profit when exchanged for native money.
Múpor où Bapúripov ovde moly-Perfumes or unguents, neither costly nor in great quantity.
In these times, moreover, there were imported, as presents to the king, costly silver vases, instruments of music, handsome young women for concubinage, superior wine, apparel, plain but costly, and the choicest unguents. The exports from this part of the country are
Nápdos, kóotos, Benda, chégas-Spikenard, costus, bdellium, ivory.
'Ovuxívn Nubia kal pouppiv-Onyx-stones and porcelain.
AÚktov-Ruzot, Box-thorn. 'OBórlov marroior-Cottons of all sorts. Enpuòr-Silk. Molóxivov-Mallow-coloured cottons. Niua-Silk thread.
Πέπερι μακρόν-Long pepper and other articles supplied from the neighbouring ports.
The proper season to set sail for Barugaza from Egypt is the month of July, or Epiphi.
50. From Barugaza the coast immediately adjoining stretches from the north directly to the south, and the country is therefore called Dakhina bades, because Dakhan in the language of the natives signifies south. Of this country that part which lies inland towards the east comprises a great space' of desert country, and large mountains abounding with all kinds of wild animals, leopards, tigers, elephants, huge snakes, hyenas, and baboons of many different sorts, and is inhabited right across to the Ganges by many and extremely populous nations.
51. Among the marts in this South Country
surprising error when he states that Alexander penetrated to the Ganges.
(48) The next place mentioned in the enu- meration is Ozê nê (Ujjain), which, receiving nard through Proklais from the distant regions where it was produced, passed it on to the coast for export to the Western World. This aromatic was a product of three districts, whence its varieties were called respectively the Kattybourine, the Patropapigic and the Kabolitic. What places were indicated by the first two names cannot be ascertained, but the last points undoubtedly to the region round Kabul, since its inhabitants are called by Ptolemy Kabolitai, and Edrisi uses the term Myrobalanos Kabolinos for the myrobolans of Kabul.' Nard, as Edrisi also observes, has its proper soil in Thibet.
(50) Barngaza had at the same time commercial relations with the Dekhan also. This part of India our author calls Dakhina badês, transliterating the word Dakshina patha-(the Dakshina, or the South Country). “Here," says Vincent, "the author of the Periplás gives the true direction of this western coast of the Peninsula, and states in direct terms its tendency to the South, while Ptolemy stretches out the whole angle to a straight line, and places the Gulf of Cambay almost in the same latitudo as Cape Comorin."
(51) In the interior of the Dekhan, the Periplus places two great seats of commerce, Paithana. 20 days' journey to the south of Barugaza, and Tagara, 10 days' journey eastward from Paithana. Paithana, which appears in Ptolomy 18

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there are two of more particular importance- entire voyage as far as Limurike is 700 Paithana, which lies south from Barugaza stadia, and to reach Aigialos you must sail a distance of twenty days, and Tagara, ten very many stadia further. days east of Paithana, the greatest city in the 52. The local marts which occur in order country. Their commodities are carried down along the coast after Baruga za are Akaon wagons to Barugaza along roads of extreme barou, Souppara, Kalliena, a city which difficulty,--that is, from Paithana a great was raised to the rank of a regular mart in the quantity of onyx-stone, and from Tagara times of the elder Saraganes, but after ordinary cottons in abundance, many sorts of Sandanes becatne its master its trade was muslins, mallow-coloured cottons, and other put under the severest restrictions; for if Greek articles of local production brought into it from vessels, even by accident, enter its ports, a guard the parts along the coast. The length of the lis put on board and they are taken to Baragaza.
Baithana, may be identified with Paithana. He shows also that the Tamil country must Tagara is more puzzling. Wilford, Vincent, have been meant by the name by mentioning Mannert, Ritter and others identify it with Dêve. Modura as one of the cities it contained. girior Deogarh, near Elurá, about 8 miles from (52) Reverting to Barugaza our author next Aurangabad. The name of a place called Tagara- enumerates the less important emporis having pura occurs in a copper grant of land which was merely a local trade which intervenes between it found in the island of Salsette. There is however and Dimurikê. These are first A ka baron, nothing to show that this was a namo of Đêvagiri. Souppera, and Kalliena-followed by Besides, if Paithana be correctly identified, Tagara Semulla, Mandagora, Palaipat mai, cannot be Dêragiri unless the distances and direc- Meligeizara, Buzantion, Toperon, and tions are very erroneously given in the Periplas. | Turanos boas,-beyond which occurs a succesThis is not improbable, and Tagara may therefore sion of islands, some of which give shelter to be Junnari.e. Jana-nagar = the old city), which pirates, and of which the last is called Leuk e or from its position must always have been an em- White Island. The actual distance from Barngaza porium, and its Buddha caves belong to about to Naoura, the first port of Dimurikê, is 4,500 B. C. 100 to A.D. 150 (see Archæolog. Suru. of West. stadia. India, vol. III., and Elphinstone's History of To take these emporia in detail. Aka barou India, p. 223).
cannot be identified. The reading is probably cor. Our author introduces us next to another divi. | rupt. Between the mouths of the Namados and sion of India, that called Limurikê, which those of the Goaris, Ptolemy interposes Nousaripa, begins, as he informs us, at a distance of 7,000 stadia Poulipoula, Ariakê Sadinôn, and Soupara. Nau(or nearly 900 miles) beyond Barugaza. This saripa is Nausari, about 18 miles to the estimate is wide of the mark, being in fact about south of Surat, and Soupara is Sapår å near the distance between Barugaza and the southern Vaski. Benfey, who takes it to be the name of a or remote extremity of Limurikê. In the Indian region and not of a city, regards it as the Ophir segment of the Roman maps called from their dis! of the Bible-called in the Septuagint Ewinpá. coverer, the Peutinger Tables, the portion of India Sôphir, it may be added, is the Coptic name for to which this name is applied is called Dami- India. Kalliena is now Kalyans near rikê. We can scarcely err, says Dr. Caldwell Bombay (which must have been an important (Dravid. Gram. Intr. Page 14), in identifying this place at an early date. It is named in the name with the Tami) country. If so, the earliest Kanhöri Bauddhá Cave Inscriptions]. It is appearance of the name Tamil in any foreign mentioned by Kosmas (p. 337), who states that documents will be found also to be most perfectly it produced copper and sesamum and other in accordance with the native Tamil mode of kinds of logs, and cloth for wearing apparel. spelling the name. Damirike evidently means The name Sundanes, that of the Prince who Damir-ike ... In another place in the same map sent Greek ships which happened to put into its a district is called Scytia Dymirice; and it port under guard to Baragaza, is thought by appears to have been this word which by a mig- Benfey to be a territorial title which indicated take of A for A Ptolemy wrote Aumepun). The D that he ruled over Ariak ê of the Sandineis. retains its place however in the Cosmography of [But the elder“ Saraganes" probably indicates the anonymous geographer of Ravenna, who re- one of the great Satakarņi or Andhrabhsitya peatedly mentions Dimirica as one of the three dynasty.) Ptolemy does not mention Kalliena, divisions of India and the one furthest to the East. though he supplies the name of a place omitted

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53. After Kallie na other local marts occur-Sê mulla, Mandagora, Palaipat mai, Melize igara, Buzantion, Toparon, and Turannos boas. You come next to the islands called Sê se kreienai and the island of the Aigidioi and that of the Kaineitai, near what is called the Khersonêsos, places
(53) Semulla (in Ptolemy Timoula and Simulla) is identified by Yule with Chênval or Chaui, a seaport 23 miles south of Bombay; [but Bhagvanlâl Indraji suggests Chimala in Trombay island at the head of the Bombay harbour; and this is curiously supported by one of the Kanhêri inscriptions in which Chemû la is mentioned, apparently as a large city, like Supârâ and Kalyana, in the neighbourhoood]. After Simulla Ptolemy mentions Hippokoura [possibly, as suggested by the same, a partial translation of Ghodabandar on the Choda nadi in the Thana strait] and Baltipatna as places still in Ariakê, but Mandagara Buzanteion, Khersonêsos, Armagara, the mouths of the river Nanagouna, and an emporium called Nitra, as belonging to the Pirate Coast which extended to Dimurikê, of which Tundis, he says, is the first city. Ptolemy therefore agrees with our author in assigning the Pirate Coast to the tract of country between Bombay and Goa. This coast continued to be infested with pirate's till so late a period as the year 1765, when they were finally exterminated by the British arms. Mandagara and Palaipat ma may have corresponded pretty nearly in situa tion with the towns of Rajapur and Bankut. Yule places them respectively at Bankut and Debal. Melizeigara (Milizêguris or Milizigêris of Ptolemy, VII.i. 95), Vincent identifies with Jaygadh or Sidê Jaygaḍh. The same place appears in Pliny as Sigerus (VI. xxvi. 100). Buzantium may be referred to about Vijayadrug or Esvantgadh, Toparon may be a corrupt reading for Togaron. and may perhaps therefore be Devagadh which lies a little beyond Vijayadrug. Turannosboas is not mentioned elsewhere, but it may have been, as Yule suggests, the Band or Tirakal river. Müller placed it at Acharê. The first island on this part of the coast is Sindhudrug near Malwan, to which succeeds a group called the Burnt Islands, among which the Vingorla rocks are conspicuous. These are no doubt the Heptanêsia of Ptolemy (VII. i. 95), and probably the Sêsi
-145
in which are pirates, and after this the island Leakê (or the White'). Then follow Naoura and Tundis, the first marts of Limurikê, and after these Mouziris and Nelkunda, the seats of Government.
54. To the kingdom under the sway of Kêprobotras Tundis is subject, a village
in the Periplús, namely Dounga (VII. i. 6) | krienai of the Periplús. The island Aigidion near the mouth of the river Bên da.
called that of the Aigidii may be placed at Goa, [but Yule suggests Angediva south of Sadasiva. gadh, in lat. 14° 45′ N., which is better]. Kaineiton may be the island of St. George.
We come next to Naoura in Dimurikê. This is now Honâvar, written otherwise Onore, situated on the estuary of a broad river, the Saravati, on which are the falls of Gêrsappa, one of the most magnificent and stupendous cataracts in the world. If the Nitra of Ptolemy (VII.i. 7) and the Nitria of Pliny be the same as Naoura, then these authors extend the pirate coast a little further south than the Periplús does. But if they do not, and therefore agree in their views as to where Dimurikê begins, the Nitra may be placed, Müller thinks, at Mirjan or Komta, which is not far north from Honavar. [Yule places it at Mangalur.] Müller regards the first supposition however as the more probable, and quotes at length a passage from Pliny (VI. xxvi. 104) referring thereto, which must have been excerpted from some Periplús like our author's, but not from it as some have thought. "To those bound for India it is most convenient to depart from Okelis. They sail thence with the wind Hipalus in 40 days to the first emporium of India, Muziris, which is not a desirable place to arrive at on account of pirates infesting the neighbourhood, who hold a place called Nitrias, while it is not well supplied with merchandize. Besides, the station for ships is at a great distance from the shore, and cargoes have both to be landed and to be shipped by means of little boats. There reigned there when I wrote this Caelobothras. Another port belonging to the nation is more convenient, Neacyndon, which is called Becare (sic. codd., Barace, Harduin and Sillig). There reigned Pandion in an inland town far distant from the emporium called M odura. The region, however, from which they convey pepper to Becare in boats formed from single logs is Cottonara."
(54) With regard to the names in this extract which occur also in the Periplus the following passages quoted from Dr. Caldwell's Dravidian
20 Ind. Ant. vol. I. pp. 309-310.

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of great note situate near the sea. Mouziris, which pertains to the same realm, is a city at the height of prosperity, frequented as it is by ships from Aria k ê and Greek ships from Egypt. It lies near a river at a distance from Tundis of 500 stadia, whether this is measured Grammar will throw much light. He says (Introd. p. 97):-"Muziris appears to be the Muyiri of Muyiri-kotta. Tyndis is Tundi, and the Kynda, of Nelkynda, or as Ptolemy has it, Mel kynda, i. e. probably Western kingdom, seems to be Kannettri, the southern boundary of Kerala proper. One MS. of Pliny writes the second part of this word not Cyndon but Canidon. The first of these places was identified by Dr. Gundert, for the remaining two we are indebted to Dr. Burnell.
"Cottonara, Pliny: Kottonarike, Periplus, the district where the best pepper was produced. It is singular that this district was not mentioned by Ptolemy. Cottonara was evidently the name of the district. KOTTOVapukoy the name of the pepper for which the district was famous. Dr. Buchanan identifies Cottonara with Kadattanadu, the name of a district in the Calicut country celebrated for its pepper. Dr. Burnell identifies it with Kolatta-nadu, the district about Tellicherry which he says is the pepper district. Kadatta in Malayalam means transport, convey. ance,' Nádú, Tam.-Mal., means a district."
"The prince called Kêrobothros by Ptolemy (VII. i. 86) is called Képrobotros by the author of the Periplús. The insertion of is clearly an error, but more likely to be the error of a copyist than that of the author, who himself had visited the territories of the prince in question. He is called Caëlobothras in Pliny's text, but one of the MSS. gives it more correctly as Celobotras. The name in Sanskrit, and in fall is 'Keralaputra,' but both kira and kéla are Dravidian abbreviations of kérald. They are Malay&ļam bowever, not Tamil abbreviations, and the district over which Keralaputra ruled is that in which the Malayalam language is now spoken" (p. 95). From Ptolemy we learn that the capital of this prince was Karoura, which has been" identified with Karar, an important town in the Koimbatur district originally included in the Chêra kingdom. Kardr means the black town .. Ptolemy's word Karoura represents the Tamil name of the place with perfect accuracy." Nelkunda, our author informs us, was not subject to this prince but to another called Pandion. This name, says Dr. Caldwell, "is of Sanskrit origin, and Pandæ, the form which Pliny, after Megas- thenes, gives in his list of the Indian nations, comes very near the Sanskrit. The more recent
from river to river or by the length of the sea voyage, and it is 20 stadia distant from the mouth of its own river. The distance of Nel. kunda from Mouziris is also nearly 500 stadia, whether measured from river to river or by the sea voyage, but it belongs to a different local information of Pliny himself, as well as the notices of Ptolemy and the Periplús, supply us with the Dravidian form of the word. The Tami, sign of the masc. sing. is an, and Tamil inserts i euphonically after nd, consequently Pandion, and still better the plural form of the word Pandiones, faithfully represents the Tamil masc. sing. Pandiyan." In another passage the same scholar says: “The Sanskrit Pandya is written in Tamil Pandiya, but the more completely tamilized form Pandi is still more commonly used all over southern India. I derive Pandi, as native scholars always derive the word, from the Sanskrit Papu, the name of the father of the Påndava brothers." The capital of this prince, as Pliny has stated, was Modura, which is the Sanskrit Mathura pronounced in the Tamil manner. The corresponding city in Northern India, Mathurd, is written by the Greeks Methora.
Nolkunda is mentioned by various authors onder varying forms of the name. As has been already stated, it is Melkunda in Ptolemy, who places it in the country of the Aii. In the Peut ingerian Table it is Nincylda, and in the Geographer of Ravenna, Niloinna. At the mouth of the river on which it stands was its shipping port Bakare or Becare, according to Müller now represented by Markari (lat. 12 N.) Yule conjectures that it must have been between Kanetti and Kolum in Travancoro. Regarding the trade of this place we may quote a remark from Vincent. "We find," he says, "that throughout the whole which the Periplús mentions of India we have a catalogue of the exports and imports only at the two ports of Barugaza and Neloynda, and there seems to be a distinction fixed between the articles appropriate to each. Fine muslins and ordinary cottons are the principal commodities of the first; tortoise shell, precious stones, silk, and above all pepper, seem to have been procurable only at the latter. This pepper is said to be brought to this port from Cottonara, famous to this hour for producing the best pepper in the world except that of Sumatra. The 'pre-eminence of these two ports will account for the little that is said of the others by the author, and why he has left us so few characters by which we may distinguish one from another."
Our author on concluding his account of Nelkunda interrupts his narrative to relate the incidents of the important discovery of the monsoon

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kingdom, that of Pandiôn. It likewise is situate near a river and at about a distance from the sea of 120 stadia.
PERIPLUS OF THE ERYTHREAN SEA.
|
55. At the very mouth of this river lies another village, Bakarê, to which the ships despatched from Nelkunda come down empty and ride at anchor off shore while taking in cargo: for the river, it may be noted, has sunken reefs and shallows which make its navigation difficult. The sign by which those who come hither by sea know they are nearing land is their meeting with snakes, which are here of a black colour, not so long as those already mentioned, like serpents about the head, and with eyes the colour of blood.
56. The ships which frequent these ports
are of a large size, on account of the great
|
amount and bulkiness of the pepper and betel of which their lading consists. The imports here are principally
Χρήματα πλεῖστα—Great quantities of specie. Xpuoroda (Topaz P) Gold-stone, Chrysolite. 'Ipariopos ánλous ou moλus-A small assortment of plain cloth.
Пloλúra-Flowered robes.
Eripu, kopácov-Stibium, a pigment for the
eyes, coral.
"valos apyn xaλeds-White glass, copper or
brass.
Κασσίτερος, μόλυβδος--Tin, lead. Οἶνος οὐ πολύς, ὡσεὶ δὲ τοσοῦτον ὅσον ἐν Βαρυγάζοις -Wine but not much, but about as much as at Barugaza.
Savdapáky-Sandarach (Sindúrd). 'Apored-Arsenic (Orpiment), yellow sulphuret
of arsenic.
Σίτος ὅσος ἀρκέσει τοῖς περὶ το ναυκλήριον, διὰ τὸ μὴ
τοὺς ἐμπόρους αὐτῷ χρῆσθαι—Corn, only for the use of the ship's company, as the merchants do not sell it.
made by that Columbus of antiquity Hippalus. This account, Vincent remarks, naturally excites a curiosity in the mind to enquire how it should happen that the monsoon should have been noticed by Nearkhos, and that from the time of his voyage for 300 years no one should have attempted a direct course till Hippalus ventured to commit himself to the ocean. He is of opinion that there was a direct passage by the monsoons both in going to and coming from India in use among the Arabians before the Greeks adopted it, and that Hippalus frequenting these seas as a pilot or merchant, had met with Indian or Arabian traders who made their voyages in a more compendious
147
The following commodities are brought to it for export:
Πέπερι μονογενῶς ἐν ἑνὶ τόπῳ τούτων τῶν ἐμπορίων γεννώμενον πολύ τῇ λεγομένῃ Κοττοναρικῇ-Pepper in great quantity, produced in only one of these marts, and called the pepper of Kottonara.
Μαργαρίτης ἱκανὸς καὶ διάφορος—Pearls in great quantity and of superior quality. Ελέφας—Ivory·
*Οθόνια Σηρικὰ-Fine silks.
Νάρδος ἡ Γαγγητικὴ—Spikenard from the Ganges. Μαλάβαθρον-Betel-all brought from countries further east.
Λιθία διαφανὴς παντοία-Transparent or precious stones of all sorts.
Adápas Diamonds.
'Yáxiveos-Jacinths.
Χελώνη ἥτε Χρυσονησιωτικὴ καὶ ἡ περὶ τὰς νήσους
θηρευομένη τὰς προκειμένας αὐτῆς τῆς Λιμυρικῆς-Tor
toise-shell from the Golden Island, and another sort which is taken in the islands which lie off the
coast of Limurikê.
The proper season to set sail from Egypt for this part of India is about the month of Julythat is, Epiphi.
57. The whole round of the voyage from Kanê and Eudaimon Arabia, which we have just described, used to be performed in small vessels which kept close to shore and followed its windings, but Hippalos was the pilot who first, by observing the bearings of the ports and the configuration of the sea, discovered the direct course across the ocean; whence as, at the season when our own Etesians are blowing, a periodical wind from the ocean likewise blows in the Indian Sea, this wind, which
is
the south-west, is, it seems, called in these seas Hippalos [after the name of the pilot who. first discovered the passage by means of it]. From the time of this discovery to the present
manner than the Greeks, and that he collected information from them which he had both the prudence and courage to adopt, just as Columbus, while owing much to his own nautical experience and fortitude was still under obligations to the Portuguese, who had been resolving the great problems in the art of navigation for almost a century previous to his expedition.
(55) Nelkunda appears to have been the limit of our author's voyage along the coast of India, for in the sequel of his narrative he defines but vaguely the situation of the places which he notices, while his details are scanty, and sometimes grossly inaccurate. Thus he makes the Malabar

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day, merchants who sail for India either from Kanê, or, as others do, from Arômata, if Limurikê be their destination, must often change their tack, but if they are bound for Barugaza and Skythia, they are not retarded for more than three days, after which, committing themselves to the monsoon which blows right in the direction of their course, they stand far out to sea, leaving all the gulfs we have mentioned in the distance.
58. After Bakare occurs the mountain called Pyrrhos (or the Red) towards the south, near another district of the country called Paralia (where the pearl-fisheries are which belong to king Pandion), and a city of the name of Kolkhoi. In this tract the first place met with is called Balita, which has a good harbour and a village on its shore. Next to this is another place called Komar, where is the oape of the same name and a haven. Those who wish to consecrate the closing part of their lives to religion come hither and bathe and engage themselves to celibacy. This is also
done by women; since it is related that the goddess (Kumári) once on a time resided at the place and bathed. From Komarei (towards the south) the country extends as far as Kolkhoi, where the fishing for pearls is carried on. Condemned criminals are employed in this service. King Pandion is the owner of the fishery. To Kolkhoi succeeds another coast lying along a galf having a district in the interior bearing the name of Argalou. In this single place are obtained the pearls collected near the island of Epio dôros. From it are exported the muslins called ebargareitides.
60. Among the marts and anchorages along this shore to which merchants from Limurikê and the north resort, the most conspicuous are Kamara and Podou kê and Sopatma, which occur in the order in which we have named them. In these marts are found those native vessels for coasting voyages which trade as far as Limurike, and another kind called sangara, inade by fastening together large vessels formed each of a single timber, and also
Coast extend sonthwards beyond Cape Comorin as far at least as Kolkhoi (near Tatikorin) on the Coromandel coast, and like many ancient writers, represents Ceylon as stretching westward almost 28 far as Africa.
(58) The first place mentioned after Bakare is Purrhos, or the Red Mountain, which extends along a district called Paralia. "There are," says Dr. Caldwell (Introd. p. 99)," three Paralias mentioned by the Greeks, two by Ptolemy... one by the author of the Peripide. The Paralia mentioned by the latter corresponded to Ptolemy's country of the 'Aiot, and that of the Kaprot, that is, to South Travancore and South Tinnevelly. It commenced at the Red Cliffs south of Quilon, and included not only Cape Comorin but also Koyou, where the pearl fishing was car- ried on, which belonged to King Pandion. Dr. Burnell identifies. Paralis with Parali, which he states is an old name for Travancore, but I am not quite able to adopt this view." "Paralia," he adds afterwards," may possibly have corresponded in meaning, if not in sound, to some native word meaning coast,-viz., Karei." On this coast is a place called Balita, which is perhaps the Bammals of Ptolemy (VII. i. 9), which Mannert identifies with Manpalli, a little north of Anjenga.
(60) We now reach the great promontory called in the Periplds Komar and Komarei, Cape Kumari. "It has derived its name," says Cald- Well," from the Sans. Kumdrt, a virgin, one of the
names of the goddess Darga, the presiding divi. nity of the place, but the shape which this word has taken is, especially in komar, distinctively Tamilian." In ordinary Tamil Kumar becomes Kumări; and in the vulgar dialect of the people residing in the neighbourhood of the Cape a virgin is neither Kumâri nor Kumări but Kūmăr pronounced Komár. It is remarkable that this vulgar corruption of the Sanskrit is identical with the name given to the plade by the author of the Periplus ... The monthly bathing in honor of the goddess Durgå is still continued at Cape Comorin, but is not practised to the same extent as in ancient times ... Through the continued encroachments of the sea, the harbour the Greek mariners found at Cape Comorin and the fort (if ppovprov is the correct reading for Bpıáploy of the MS.) have completely disappeared; but a fresh water well remains in the centre of a rock, a little way out at sea. Regarding Kolkhoi, the next place mentioned after Komari, the same authority as we have seen places it (Ind. Ant. vol. VI. p. 80) near Tuticorin. It is mentioned by Ptolemy and in the Peutinger Tables, where it is called 'Colcis Indorum'. The Gulf of Manaar was called by the Greeks the Colchic Gulf. The Tamil name of the place Kolkei is almost identical with the Greek. "The place, according to Caldwell, "is now about three miles inland, but there are abundant traces of its having once stood on the coast, and I have found the tradition that it was once the seat

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others called kolandiophônta, which are of great bulk and employed for voyages to Khruse and the Ganges. These marts import all the commodities which reach Limuriko for commercial purposes, absorbing likewise nearly every species of goods brought from Egypt, and most descriptions of all the goods exported from Limurike and disposed of on this coast of India.
61. Near the region which succeeds, where the course of the voyage now bends to the east, there lies ont in the open sea stretching towards the west the island now called Palaisi- moundou, but by the ancients Tapro
banê. To cross over to the northern side of it takes a day. In the south part it gradually stretches towards the west till it nearly reaches the opposite coast of Azania. It produces pearl, precious (transparent) stones, muslins, and tortoise-shell.
62. (Returning to the coast,) not far from the three marts we have mentioned lies Masalia, the seaboard of a country extending far inland. Here immense quantities of fine maslins are manufactured. From Masalia the course of the voyage lies eastward across a neighbouring bay to Dês arên 8, which has the breed of elephants called Bösarê, Leaving Dês arên
of the pearl fishery, still surviving amongst its in- Eastern trade were called Kolandiophonta, a name habitants. After the sea had retired from Kolxou... which Caldwell confesses his inability to explain. a new emporium arore on the coast. This was | Three cities and ports are named in the order of KA yal, the Cael of Marco Polo. Kayal in turn their occurrence which were of great commercial became in time too far from the sea .. and Tuti- importance, Kamara, Podou ke, and Sopatcorin (Tattruk udi) was raised instead by the ma. Ka mara may perhaps be, as Müller thinks, Portuguese from the position of a fishing village the emporium which Ptolemy calls Kha beris, to that of the most important port on the southern situated at the mouth of the River Khaberos Coromandel coast. The identification of Kolkoi (now, the Kavery), perhaps, as Dr. Burnell sug. with Kolkei is one of much importance. Being gests, the modern Kaveripattam. (Ind. Ant. vol. perfectly certain it helps forward other identifica- VII. p. 40). Pôdou kê appears in Ptolemy as tions. Kol. in Tamil means 'to slay.' Kei is Podouke. It is Puduchcheri, i.e. new hand. It was the first capital of Pandion. town,' now well known as Pondicherry; so Bohlen.
The coast beyond Kolkboi, which has an in- Ritter, and Benfey. [Yule and Lassen place it at land district belonging to it called Argalou, is Pulikåt]. Sopatma is not mentioned in indented by a gulf called by Ptolemy the Argarik- Ptolemy, nor can it now be traced. In Sanskrit now Palk Bay. Ptolemy mentions also a promontory it transliterates into Su-patna., i. e., fair town. called Kôru and beyond it a city called Argeirou (61) The next place noticed is the Island of and an emporium called Salour. This Köru Ceylon, which is designated Palaisimoun. of Ptolemy, Caldwell thinks, represents the dou, with the remark that its former name was Kolis of the geographers who preceded him, Taprobanê. This is the Greek transliteration of and the Koţi of Tamil, and identifies it with Támraparni, the name given by a band of colonists "the island promontory of Rames varam, the from Magadha to the place where they first point of land from which there was always the Tanded in Ceylon, and which was afterwards exnearest access from Southern India to Ceylon." tended to the whole island. It is singular, Dr. An island occurs in these parte, called that of Caldwell remarks, that this is also the name of Epio dôros, noted for its pearl fishery, on the principal river in Tinnevelly on the opposito which account Ritter would identify it with coast of India, and he infers that the colony the island of Manaar, which Ptolemy, as Mannert referred to might previously have formed a settlethinks, speaks of as Návypís (VII. i. 95). Müller ment in Tinnevelly at the mouth of the Tamrathinks, however, it may be compared with Ptole- parni river-perhaps at Kolkei, the earliest resimy's Kôru, and so be Râmêsvaram
dence of the Påndya kings. The passage in the This coast has commercial intercourse not only Periplus which refers to the island is very corrupt. with the Malabar ports, but also with the Ganges (62) Recurring to the mainland. the narraand the Golden Khersonese. For the trade with tive notices a district called Masalia, where the former a species of canoes was used called great quantities of cotton were manufactured. Sangara. The MalayAlam name of these, Caldwell This is the Mais ôlia of Ptolemy, the region in says, is Changádam, in Tuļa Jangdia, compare which he places the mouths of a river the Mais Sanskrit Samghadam á raft (Ind. Ant. vol. I. 10s, which Benfey identifies with the Godávart, p. 309). The large vessels employed for the l in opposition to others who would make it the

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the course is northerly, passing a variety of barbarous tribes, among which are the Kirrhadai, sayages whose noses are flattened to the face, and another tribe, that of the Bargusoi, as well as the Hippiopros 8 poi or Makroprosopoi (the horse faced or long faced men), who are reported to be cannibals.
63. After passing these the course turns again to the east, and if you sail with the ocean to your right and the coast far to your left, you reach the Ganges and the extremity of the continent towards the east called Khruse (the Golden Khersonese). The river of this region called the Ganges is the largest in India ; it has an annual increase and decrease like the Nile, and there is on it a mart called after it, Gange, through which passes a considerable traffic consisting of betel, the Gangetic spike- nard, pearl, and the finest of all muslins--those called the Gangetio. In this locality also there is said to be a gold mine and a gold coin called 1 Kaltis. Near this river there is an island of the ocean called Khruse (or the Golden), which lies directly under the rising sun and at
the extremity of the world towards the east. It produces the finest tortoise-shell that is found throughout the whole of the Erythræan Sea.
64. Beyond this region, immediately under the north, where the sea terminates outwards, there lies somewhere in Thina a very great city, -not on the coast, but in the interior of the country, called Thina,-- from which silk, whether in the raw state or spun into thread and woven into cloth, is brought by land to Barugaza throngh Baktria, or by the Ganges to Limurikê. To penetrate into Thina is not an easy undertaking, and but few merchants come from it, and that rarely. Its situation is under the Lesser Bear, and it is said to be conterminous with the remotest, end of Pontos, and that part of the Kaspian Sea which adjoins the Maiðtic Lake, along with which it issues by one and the same mouth into the ocean.
65. On the confines, however, of Thinai an annual fair is held, attended by a race of men of squat figure, with their face very broad, but mild in disposition, called the Sêgatai, who in
Krishni, which is perhaps Ptolemy's Tuna. The name Maisolia is taken from the Sanskrit Mausala, preserved in Machhlipatana, now Masalipatam, Beyond this, after an intervening gulf running eastward is crossed, another district occurs, Des. arênê noted for its elephants. This is not mentioned by Ptolemy, but a river with a similar name, the Dôsa rôn, is found in his enumeration of the rivers which occur between the Maisôlos and the Ganges. As it is the last in the list it may probably be, as Lassen supposes, the Brahmini. Our author however places Desarênê at a much greater distance from the Ganges, for he peoples the intermediate space with a variety of tribes which Ptolemy relegates to the East of the river. The first of these tribes is that of the Kirrådai. (Sanskrit, Kirátas), whose features are of the Mongolian type. Next are the Bargusoi, not mentioned by Ptolemy, but perhaps to be identified with the cannibal race he speaks of, the Barousa i thought by Yule to be perhaps the inhabitants of the Nikobar islands, and lastly the tribe of the long or horse-faced men who were also cannibals.
(63) When this coast of savages and monsters is left behind, the course lies eastward, and leads to the Ganges, which is the greatest river of India, and adjoins the extremity of the Eastern continent called Khrusê, or the Golden. Near the river, or, according to Ptolemy, on the third of
its mouths.stands & great emporium of trade called Gange, exporting Malabathrum and cottons and other commodities. Its exact position there are not sufficient data to determine. Khrusên is not only the name of the last part of the continent, but also of an island lying out in the ocean to eastward, not far from the Ganges. It is the last part of the world which is said to be inhabited. The situation of Khrush is differently defined by different ancient authors. It was not known to the Alexandrine geographers. Pliny seems to have preserved the most ancient report circulated regarding it. He says (VI. xxiii. 80): "Beyond the mouth of the Indus are Cbry sê and Argyre abounding in metals as I believe, for I can hardlv believe what some have related that the soil consists of gold and silver." Mela (III. 7) assigns to it a very different position, asserting it to be near Tabis, the last spur of the range of Taurus. He therefore places it where Eratosthenes places Thinai, to the north of the Ganges on the confines of the Indian and Skythian oceans. Ptolemy, in whose time the Transgangetic world was better known, refers it to the peninsula of Malacca, the Golden Khersonese.
(64) The last place which the Periplus mentions is Thinai, an inland city of the Thinai or Sinai, having a large commerce in silk and woollen stuffs. The ancient writers are not at all agreed as to its position, Colonel Yule thinks it

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and roll them up into slender balls, through which they pass the fibres extracted from the reeds. Three kinds of Malabathrum are thus made--that of the large ball, that of the middle, and that of the small, according to the size of the leaf of which the balls are formed. Hence there are three kinds of Malabathrum, which after being made up are forwarded to India by
appearance resemble wild animals. They come with their wives and children to this fair, bring ing heavy loads of goods wrapped up in mats resembling in outward appearance the early leaves of the vine. Their place of assembly is where their own territory borders with that of Thinai; and here, squatted on the mats on which they exhibit their wares, they feast for several days, after which they return to their homes in the interior. On observing their retreat the people of Thinai, repairing to the spot, collect the mats on which they had been sitting, and taking out the fibres, which are called petroi, from the reeds, they put the leaves two and two together, was probably the city described by Marco Polo under the name of Kenjan-fu (that is Si- ngan-fu or Chauggan,) the most celebrated city in Chinese history, and the capital of several of the most potent dynasties. It was the metro-
66. All the regions beyond this are unexplored, being difficult of access by reason of the extreme rigour of the climate and the severe frosts, or perhaps because such is the will of the divine power. polis of Shi Hwengti of the T'Sin dynasty, properly the first emperor, and whose conquests almost intersected those of his contemporary Ptolemy Euergetés---(vide Yule's Travels of Marco Polo, vol. II. p. 21).
A PARTICULAR USE OF THE WORD SAMVAT.
BY J. F. FLEET, BO. C.S., M.R.A.S. Saravat is an abbreviation of saivatsaránám, ) Sastri has misinterpreted Sir Walter Elliot, the genitive plural of the Sanskpit word sain- who makes no allusion at all to the Vikramavatsara, 'a year', and when used without any Samvat, but only speaks of grants which are qualificatory term, is generally understood to dated in the Saka era, coupled with the name indicate what is popularly and conveniently of the saivatsara, or year of the sixty-year called the Vikrama-Samvat, or era of Vikra- cycle of Vrihaspati, which corresponded ma', the initial date of which is the new-moon to the Saka date given. of March, B.c. 57. It was probably this custom | I have the Såmangad or Sômångad plates which led the late Bål Gangadhar Sastri - 1 now before me.' In respect of the figures when, in editing the Sâmangad or Sômångad following the word Saiwat, the Sastri's faccopper-plate grant of the Rashtra kûta king simile is faulty, as well as his transcription and Dan tidurga-Khadgåva lô ka', he found translation. The first two figures are approxithe date to be expressed in words meaning mately of correct form, and mean, not 8 and 1, "when the Saka year 675 had expired", fol. as read by him, but 6 and 7. But, whereas lowed by the word Sarvat, with three figures in his facsimile the third figure is represented after it-to conclude that the date was given as identical in form with the second, and, like in the Vikrama-Samvat, as well as in the Saka the second, is taken by him to mean 1,-- in the era, and to read those figures as 811. And, original there is a very important difference, in support of this reading, he quotes Sir consisting of a prolongation of the left downWalter Elliot as an authority for the statement stroke and then a curve up to the left, which that "the mention of these two dates" (80. eras) makes it 5, not 7 as it is as it stands. The whole "is not uncommon in the grants of Southern passage containing the date is in ll. 30 to 31, India." This is not at all according to my and runs - Paricha-saptaty-adhikz-Sala-kalaexperience, and, on turning to the remarks re- samvatsara-sata-shatké vyatité saivata(t) 675 pai ferred to in paras. 5 and 6 of Sir Walter Elliot's (? pô or pau) hachchhikaya (yári ?) Mágha-másupaper on Hindu Inscriptions', I find that the ratha-saptamyd(myam) Tuld-Purusha-sthité. Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc., vol. II, p. 37!..
I shall hereafter publish this grant in full, with me Jour. R. As. Soc., 0. 8., vol. 1V. p. 1; and Madras simile, in this journal. Jour. of Lit. and Science, vol. VII, p. 193.

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It is thus seen that the date is given in the Sakame at p. 10 above. The passage containing era only, first in words, and then in figures, and the date runs:-Saka-nripa-kál átita-saivatsarathat the word Savat here means simply of satéshu navasu shat-chatvárisad-adhikeshw= years (of the Saka era).' What the word follow- anikataḥ sarvat 946 Raktákshi-samvatsar-anitaring the figures means, I cannot say ; unless it is ggata-Vaisakha-paurn noz másyám= Aditya-váré. some old Prakrit form from the same root as | 3, The Sila hâra grant of Chhitta râja, the Marathî verb põhamchanen, to arrive,' and published by Dr. Bühler at Ind. Ant, vol. V., is used in place of the vartamdne, being cor- p. 276; No. 3 of Mr. Wathen's inscriptions, at rent,' of other inscriptions. The Sastri reads Jour. R. As. Soc., 0. S., vol. II. p. 383, and põharikáyáin, and translates "In the Saka year vol. IV., p. 109. The passage containing the 675, corresponding to Samvat 811, on the seventh date, 11. 32 to 35, runs:-Sa(sa)ka-noripa-kál. of Magha, called Ratha-saptami." The third atita-sarivatsara-sa(sa)téshu navasu ashtasyllable, however, is certainly chchhi, not ri. I chatvárishsad-adhikeshu Kshava-mavatxarantar.
The following are a few other instances in ggata-Karttika-su (su)ddha-panchadasyarn (Gyárin) which the word Sahvat is used in precisely the yutr=unkatô=pi sahvat 948 Karttika-su(su)ddha same way, and means simply of years of the 15 Ravau samjátó(të) aditya-grahana-paruvani. Saka era).-1, A Râshtrak û ta grant of And in one instance,-a Rashtra kû ta Kakkala-A môghavarsha; No. 1 of Mr. grant of Govinda-Suvarna varsha, pubWathen's Inscriptions, at Jour. R. As. Soc., lished by Major-General Sir G. Le Grand Jacob 0. S., vol. II., p. 379, and vol. III, p. 94. at Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc., vol. IV., p. 97,Two of the original plates are now before we have, instead of the abbreviation Samvat, the me. The passage containing the date, 11. 47 to full word samvatsaránám, which it represents. 49, runs : -Saka-nripa-kál-dtita-samvatsara- I have the original plates now before me. The satéshwashtasu chatur-nna(nna)vaty-adhikeshur passage containing the date, 1. 44 to 46, anlatah samvat* 894 Angird-samvatsar- runs:-Saka-nripa-kál-atta-samvatsara-sateshu antarggata A (sc.t-A)svayuja-paurnnamdsydyári ashtasu parncha-panchasad-adhikeshv=ahkatsapi Vu(bu)dha-dinê sóma-grakana-mahá-parvvani. sahvatsaranáin 855 pravarttımdna-Vijaya2, The Western Châluk ya grant of Ja y a- salavatsar-ámtarggata - Śrávana-paurnnamásyarin simh a-Jagad & kamalla, published by Purevá(rvva)-Bhadrapadá-nakshattré(trê).
MISCELLANEA. METRICAL VERSIONS FROM THE
FEARLESSNESS. MAHABHARATA.
M.Bh. v. 1513f. BY JOHN MUIR, LL.D., &c.
The truly brave, however tried,
In all events the test abide, (Continued from p. 87.)
The gloom of woods, the wild beasts' haunt, TRUE PIETY AND RIGHTEOUSNESS AND
Their manly spirits cannot daunt. THEIR FRUITS.
Amid alarms, distress and woe
They ne'er lose heart, no fear they know : M.Bh. xii. 7594 (compare St. Matthew vi.
When swords are swung, or, thick as hail 19f., xix. 21).
The arrows fly, they never quail. With awe sincere the gods adore;
FAITH AND UNBELIEF. All honour to thy tutor show;
M.Bh. iii. 134616,-13463. With gifts enrich the good, and so
Profane, unhappy, doubters miss In heaven enduring treasure store,
Both present joy and future bliss. Thy pious acts perform apart;
Faith is that sign by which the wise A love for goodness scorn to feign;
A man's redemption recognize. And never, as a means of gain,
All baseless, fruitless, reasonings leave; Parade it with self-seeking art.
With faith to holy scripture cleave. . Mr. Wathen omits the word samvat in his transcription.
11.e. tho Sruti and the Smriti.

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THE FALL OF PATAN SOMANATH.
THE FALL OF PATAN SOMANATH. Ballad of the fall of Patan.
BY MAJOR J. W. WATSON, PRESIDENT RAJASTHANIK COURT, KATHIAWAR.
JUNE, 1879.]
Α'
LL readers of Colonel Tod's interesting Travels in Western India must recollect his account of the fall of Pâtan, and his description of the discovery of a fragment of a poem describing the siege, obtained "from the ignorant scion of an ancient Câzi," which poem he subsequently paraphrases for the benefit of his readers. In a recent visit to Patan, I made inquiry for this fragment,' and eventually obtained the loan of it. I say this "fragment," because it so closely coincides with the account given by Colonel Tod; but if it really be the same, there are the following important points of difference between it and the account given by Tod: (1) the dialect is a mixture of Hindustani and Gujarâti with frequent Hindi, Arabic, and Persian words; (2) the poem is complete and no fragment; (3) not only does the style show that the author was a Muhammadan, but one of the final stanzas bears his name in full, together with the date of the composition; (4) no one who had read the poem through could ever think it was written by a bard; (5) the Kunwar Pål, who is described as Raja of P â tan, has nothing to do with Kunwar Pål of Anhilwârâ, so far from that, the ballad says plainly that his caste was Wagher. Jayapal of Mangrol is his brother-in-law, not his brother. (6) There are numerous minor discrepancies, such as the relative position of the armies, &c. &c., which would seem to point to this being a different ballad to Colonel Tod's, but if Tod made his version from a condensed rendering of the original made by some native, it is quite possible that certain errors may have crept in.
The errors and discrepancies noted, however, entirely alter the sense of the poem, which, as will be seen, does give the name "of the prince ly defender," and as the errors of Colonel Tod's version seem to be those of some one not well acquainted with the locality, I incline to think that this is the same ballad to which he refers. For instance, his version says: "The king took post at the great tank, and the Râjâ of Pâtan at the Bhälkâ-kund." Now this is a manifest absurdity, as we should have Mahmud
153
between the Raja's camp and the city, and the ballad says nothing of the kind, but on the contrary exactly reverses their relative positions. The whole version given by Colonel Tod appears to me to be one made on a hasty rendering of the original by some native. Most, if not all, of Colonel Tod's doubts and difficulties may be easily got over. Thus he wonders who could have overturned the temple prior to Mahmud, because there are reversed sculptures in the lower courses of masonry, and because there is "no record of a second visitation of Islâm." But, on the contrary, there is record not only of one but three distinct visitations, and the temple was cast down no less than thrice, subsequent to Mahmud's invasion, viz., once by Alagh Khân in the reign of Sulţân Alau'd-din of Dehli, and again by Sulțân Muzaffar I., and also by Sultan Aḥmad I. of Gujarat. And as Tod says, there can be no doubt of its having been cast down; for not only one, but fifty stones may be found reversed or displaced. Now as to the credibility of the ballad. It is, I think, though a very modern production dating only from A. H. 1216, founded to a certain extent on fact. The Puri. dome and the mosque of Jâfar and Muzaffar are still standing. And though probably the Rajâ was by caste a Châva dâ, and not a Wâgher, still in many points the local ballad seems reliable. One word more: the very interesting inscriptions at and near Pâtan discovered by Colonel Tod, appear to have been most erroneously translated; at least so I am informed by my learned friend Mr. Walabhji Acharya, who is a good Sanskrit scholar, and who has at my request recently copied these and other inscriptions, and translated them for me into Gujarâti. The following is a rough and condensed rendering of the ballad :---
In ancient times many Brahmans and idolworshippers resided at the town of Prabhas Pâ tan in Nâg her, and but few Musalmâns lived there, and they were sorely oppressed by the Rajâ, who had a large army of horse and foot. He was by caste a Wagher, and his name was Kunwar Pål, and his daily custom was to slay

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a Musalman in front of his idol Somanath, to stay without anchor immoveable on the shore and to make a tila on his forehead with the of Mangalûr, and it remained so, and though blood. When the outcry against the oppression the sailors made every effort to move it, it would of the RAJA had much increased, the Prophet not budge. After 2 months had elapsed, the appeared in a vision to one Haji Mahmûd, a Haji was moved at the loss they were susresident of Makka, and desired him to go to taining by this delay, and gave a signal perPatan, and cause this oppression to cease. He mitting the vessel to depart. The boatmen then further told him to go to the port of Hodeidah, sailed for Surat, and arrived there in saluty. where he would find a vessel ready to sail for After this the prophet again appeared in a vision Patan. On this he was to embark, and proceed to the Haji, and said "All the people here adore to that town, and invite Sultan Mahmud Ghaz- you, assume then the title of Saint of Mangrol navi by letter to come thither, and destroy (Mangaluri Shah), and then you will please me infidelity, and introduce Islám. Agreeably to the by visiting Påtan and destroying the infidelity prophet's order the Haji went to Hodeidah, thereof." The Haji at once left Mangalûr, and and saw a boat there ready to sail, and asked the came to Påtan, and alighted at the sbrine which boatmen to permit him to embark. They re- Dow bears his name, where many camel-drivers plied, however, that they had no room, and that had encamped. The Hâji said to them :-“O he had better sit on the shore and wait for brethren! go and deliver to the Rájâ the message another boat. They then sailed off, but though with which I am charged, viz., Believe in the they sailed all day, at night, owing to the Haji's faith and repeat the treed of the prophet,' and curse, they returned to the spot whence they had ye also hearing my advice, come and listen to my started. On discovering this the boatmen were words." All the camel-drivers however said, - much alarmed, and said amongst themselves "Stay where you are, O Haji! the Raja is a "Is there magic on board, or has one of us left a very bad man, who constantly puts Musalmans vow unfulfilled, or what is it which prevents us to death, and loves gazing on newly-spilled progressing." At last one of them said " It is blood." The Haji replied :-""Fear not, make the curse of the Darwesh whom we refused to no excuses, but deliver my message, go and tell allow to embark, let us seek him out quickly, the Rajâ not to be angry, for this message is and put him on board." They then brought one of great excellence, and will prove most him on board with much rejoicing, and weighed beneficial, tell him therefore not to oppose it." anchor, and in one night through the Saint's The camel-men laughed, and said :-"What blessing they reached the port of Mangalûr folly is this, were we to say thus to the Raja, all (Mangrol), when all the sailors were delighted of us would lose our lives. The Rajâ would first at the good fortune which the Háji had brought slay us, and then come and visit you with his them, and commenced to kiss his feet. He told anger." The Haji on their refusal cast his eyes them to put him on shore, as by the Prophet's on their camels, and forbade them moving, and orders he had a mission to perform there. The accordingly, when the drivers wished to take bontmen however said that the port was a bad them to graze, not one of them would stir. one, and that owing to the rocks it would be The camel-drivers therefore collected, and said impossible to land him without wrecking the among themselves :-"Brethren, the Háji has boat, and they implored him to accompany them done this, let us go and complain to the Raja." to Surat, whither they were bound. Then the They went therefore, and told him all the story Haji lifted his hands to God in prayer, and of the Haji. The Râjâ was much enraged, and spread a deer skin on the water, and sat thereon, forswore food until he should have killed the and God brought him safely to shore at the port! Hiji. He rose therefore early next day, and of Mangalar, where he landed, and all the caused his chobdårs to assemble his army, and infidels who saw him trembled for fear of him. set out to slay the Haji. Some of the soldiers The Haji then by way of punishing the sailors had arms, some staves, and some stones in their for their refusal to land him, ordered the boat hands, and the Raja himself mounted in great
Tild, or the custo mark made by Hindus on their fore- the Persian writore Mangalûr, now locally corrupted to beads.
Mangrol, as PAlitana is often called locally Pánitall. The ancient name of Mangrol is Mangalpur, called by

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wrath. When, however, the Haji cast an angry and see it, and how it has since ages been susglance at them, they became unable to move pended in the air without support. The lip either hand or foot. The Råjå alone retained acquires sweetness by merely uttering the name the power of motion, and the proud idolater of Somanath." The Haji however rejoined : being humbled, fell at the Haji's feet, and pro- "Trust in the faith, and put off your infidelity, fessed himself his servant, and begged for the and utter the creed of firmness with your release of his men, who, he said, had all re- mouth." Then the Râjâ said :-“O Háji, if you nounced any hope of life. The Haji then glanced have any skill, show it, read or sing something, at the men, and their power of motion was re- or perform some marvel with the idol of the stored to them, and they drew near, and began temple. Do something so that we may witness to converse with him. Suddenly all the temple your performance." The Haji replied :-“Come bells began to sound, and the Hâji asked what with me, and let us see the temple, and I will disturbance there was in the city. The Râjâ then display my art." Then the Râjâ said :answered :-"Those are the bells of my temple "O Haji, come with me, and I will take you of Somanáth, come and let me show you the and show you all the temple, and you shall use place." The Râjâ then took the Haji with him all the ceremony and shall hear all the singing into the city, and caused him to alight at an and music now going on." The Râjâ then excellent lodging, and placed before him deli- took the Hâji with him, and showed him all the cious food, and invited him to eat. The Hâji temple of Somanath, and caused him to listen to however refused to eat food cooked by a Hindu, the music and singing with which the temple and said he would go and alight with any resounded. Many Brahmans and Brâhmanis Musalman who might live in the city. This were singing and dancing, and musical instrumuch offended the Raja, who treasured upments were being played upon, and many malice in his heart. Einally, the Háji found an infidels were adoring there. The Rájà also old Ghånchan (oil-presser's wife) weeping, be- showed the Haji a wonderful lamp of lovely cause it was the turn of her son to be executed colours which was in the temple, and which had before the idol in the morning. The Haji com- cost two lakhs. The temple was beautifully paintforted her, and told her that he would go in ed, and had jewels set m it, and was adorned on all place of her son, and she then gladly served sides with idols. Fruits were lying before the him. When the Raja's men came to take away image of Somanåth, but were rotting as none of the Ghånchan's son, the Háji offered himself as them were eaten by him. As the Brahmans sung a substitute, and they took him away. But a hymn, the Haji fell into deep thought, and when the Râjâ saw him, he said to the men :- prayed fervently to God, and thus pondering fell “Why did you release the Ghanchan's son, and into a religious ecstasy. Seeing this, the Raja bring this ascetic ?" The men replied, that he said:-“Now, friends, is your time, drag him forth had willingly offered himself in the youth's from the temple, and put him to death." Then place. The Raja then said to the Haji:-"Re- those persons treacherously came to seize him, turn to your place, we never sent for you, and but were unable to put forth hand or foot. The here only the Gbånchi is wanted, return then, Hâji now awoke from his trance, and the infidels and send him." The Haji replied :-"Do you said to him :-" Who has aroused you ?" The Haji not fear God that you seek to slay the beloved replied :-* O faithless and unbelieving ones, son of this poor old woman, who is both poor who have listened to what the Raja has said, and helpless. I warn you that you will reap you plot treachery, consider now all of you the punishment for this." The Rajâ being incensed, excellenceof Islam, and repeat the creed with your said :-"Take this fellow in front of the idol, and tongues." Now, there was a stone bull in front slay him, and let his blood flow, and then I will of the temple with fruits and sweetmeats strewn come and make a till of his blood, and wor. in front of him, and with eyes made of brilliant ship." The Haji fearlessly replied: "O sapphires. The Haji said :-"There are delicious tyrant, why do you seek to oppress any one. foods in front of the ball, feed him, so that he Your idol is false, consider then what great may eat sweetmeats, wherefore does he not eat, advantages God has bestowed on the faithful." is he whole or broken ?" Then the Rajâ reThen the Rajâ said :-"My idol is true, come all, plied :-"Haji, are you mad, the bull is of stone,

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he will not eat food, all our idol-worship is but a dumb show, and if he will eat, then give you him this fruit, grain, and grass to eat.” On this the Haji struck the bull with a whip, and said :"By our Lord's order arise, and eat this fruit, and these sweetmeats, thus will the infidelity of their hearts be removed, go you there, and make no excuse, but sit in the temple with joyful heart." Then the bull moved his tongue, and commenced to eat both the fruit and the sweetmeats, and the infidels were stricken with fear, and said :-"He has indeed wrought a wondrous miracle." The ball now spoke and said :-"Give me food to eat, I have been hungry for an age, bring me food, bring the cooked food of all this city, together with the people and their RÂjà, and I will eat them all if you will but give the order, O HAji." But the Haji said :“Wait, o bull, and restrain your hunger, this cannot be done except by God's order." The bull then went back to the temple, and stood in his place, and the HÂji gave him some grass, which he ate patiently, and he spoke no more throughout the day, and the Hâji told him that he would inform him as to what should happen. In spite, however, of seeing these miracles, the idolators were not converted, but scoffed at the Haji, who reproved them, and said they were all foolish to reject Islâm, which would remove their sorrows and gladden their hearts. The Râjâ said to the Haji :--"I believe in Sománåth, but you do not understand the benefit of his worship, he is a true god who removes all our sorrow, and none is equal to him." The Haji replied: --" Raja, Somanath does not belong to you, do not you be so proud on his account, I will separate him from you. He, poor fellow, is also a slave of God's order, standing with folded hands. Now, see how he will come when I call him." Then the Haji called out, -"Soma- nåth, come forth, do not delay, but assume the appearance of a Sidi, I have a duty for you to perform." The infidels all looked on rubbing their hands in astonishment. Then the idol replied from within the temple :-"I am at your service, O Pir Haji! I am coming out to you, you are my spiritual preceptor, and I will do any service which you may command, and am very willing to remain in attendance on you, let those be ashamed who disbelieve." The ling now suddenly cracked, and there issued from it a human shape of brown colour
like a Sidi. He came and adored the Haji, and said:"You are very powerful, give me now any command you please, and I will do it." The Haji placed his trust in God, at whose order the idol had issued forth, and said :-"Take this leathern bucket (dolcha), and bring it quickly filled with water, while I tell my beads and perform my ablutions." Then the idol gladly took the bucket and dipped it in the tank, on which all the water in the tank entered the bucket, and he thus filling it brimful, brought it, and placed it before the Haji. The unbelieving infidels now saw the tank dry, with both the rain and spring water exhausted, and went to the Rajá to complain, saying that the town was ruined, and that the Haji's servant had dried up the tank. Thus all the infidels cried out for water, and complained to the Raja, and said:-"All the alligators are gasping on the shore, if you will go thither and see for yourself you will agree to what we say." The Raja now said :-"O HÂji, your Sidi has gone and filled his dolchd with all the water of the tank, he has exhausted the water, and we are all oomplaining." The Haji, after keeping a little of the water for his ablutions, said to the idol :"Run quickly, and refill the tank, and leave it no longer dry, and then leave the dolchá (bucket) here, and go to your piace." The idol then quickly lifted the bucket, and emptying it in the tank, refilled that reservoir, then he replaced the bucket at the Haji's house, and then ran and leaped into the sea. The infidels though they saw all these miracles so truly wrought, yet would not believe in the Háji. Haji Mahmud then entered the temple threshold, and gave the call to prayer, whereat the temple shook and all the idols feared and trembled, and the infidels said :-“What shall we do now?" Then they all quiokly agreed to drive him away, and hurled stones and bricks at him, and struck at him with the arms in their hands, but nothing hurt him though his face became pink with anger. He now descended from the temple into the plain, and at first desired to fight, but afterwards controlled himself and remained patient. As the Hâji approached, the Râjâ called all the townspeople, and they hurled stones and brickbats at him, but though they fell all round him, not one of them touched him. The Haji then glanced angrily at the temple, and many of the famous idols

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were broken by the fire of his glance. God strength for travel, how then shall I bring you has forbidden idol-worship, hence they suffered an answer; except you aid me I cannot take injury. The infidels gazed at them in wonder. your letter." Then the Hâji said :-"O old The HÂji now saw that it would be better for woman, do what I tell you. Place one foot him to leave the city, and return to his former over the other, and close your eyes, and open dwelling, and he also resolved to write to the them when your feet next touch the ground, Ghaznavide Sultan, and to invite him to come, and give the note to the Sultân; and when he and by God's grace abolish this infidelity. He shall give you a reply, and when you shall have therefore quitted the city, and as he found the told him all that he may ask, and he shall shrine of Masam Shah a pleasant place, he grant you permission to depart; then go to took up his residence there, and considered the place where you alighted, and close your how to destroy the Râjâ. After the departure eyes, and you will again rejoin me." Then of the Haji, the Råjå hardened his heart, and quickly causing the old woman to sit down, again sent for the Ghånchan's son, and causing he made her take his note in her hand, and him to be laid in front of the temple like a close her eyes. He then asked a blessing goat, he cut his throat, and made a tilá with his from God, and thus caused her to fly like lightblood. In the city, however, a rumour arose, ning through the air and alight at Ghazni. The that by this act the Rajâ would lose his king- old woman now went in front of the Sultan's dom, that his fate had changed, and that he palace, and cried for justice, saying that she would be utterly destroyed. The Ghanchan's had been oppressed by infidels. The attendants relations now met, and bewailed the antimely told the Sultan, who was then suffering from end of her son. The Haji said that the Raja painful opthalmia. The old woman now said had by acting thus sown the seeds of the that she had a letter for the Sultan, but refuses bábúl.* The Ghånchan became distracted by to give it to the attendants, as she said she had grief at her loss, and saying that she had no instructions to give it into the Sultan's own helper but God, betook herself to the Haji for hand. Eventually the Sultan sent for her, and consolation, and amid floods of tears, confided took the letter from her, and placed it on his to him all her grief, and how the Rajâ had so eyes, and was at once miraculously cured of his wickedly slain her son. The Hâji however ophthalmia. He then asked the old woman what said :-“O mother, be patient, for this has hap- sort of a place Pâtan was, and she told him pened through God's permission, your son has that the strong fort of Patan was a kos in cirbeen slain without fault, but he will attain a cumference, and that it was situated in the lofty rank at the resurrection, and though the province of Sorath in the empire of Dehli, that tyrant has escaped punishment, and is careless, the gates were of iron, and riveted with iron I will now contrive that you shall obtain your rivets, and that a deep ditch built up with stone, revenge, and with that view will write a note and well filled with water, in which the Raja tomorrow morning." Accordingly he wrote kept a boat, surrounded the fort. She further next morning a letter to Sultan Mahmud Ghaz- told him that the fort was situated on the shore navi describing the oppression which prevailed of the ocean, and that the infidel army was very at Patan, and concluded by saying :-"Directly | numerous, while the Raja was a hard-hearted, you read the contents of this letter, assemble pitiless man, who daily slew some one before sour troops, and come hither in person, for thus his idol. She then concluded by saying that is the prophet's order." Then addressing the she had given him all the information she knew Ghånchan, he said :-"Old woman, you must about Patan, and adjured him to uproot the take this note quickly to Ghazni, and give it rule of the infidels, and establish there the into the Sultan's own hand, and deliver my religion of Islâm. The Sultân at once sounded message, and whatever comes into your mind his drums for a march, and ordered his at the moment, that say." She replied :-"How army to be assembled. The old woman on this can I go, Haji, I have never even heard of asked for permission to depart, and the Sultan Ghazni, how then shall I find it, I have no wrote the following reply to the HÂji :-"I
A very thorny tree-Acacia Arabica.

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have read your note, and have thereby attained my desire, and my disease has been cured by looking at your note. I will assuredly come and prostrate myself at your feet." The old woman took his reply, and came to the place where she had alighted, and closed her eyes, and was in a moment transported through the air to the Hâji, to whom she gave the Sultan's letter.
Meantime, Sultan Mahmud enters India, and marches by way of Jesalmer. The Râni of Jesalmer submits, and purchases safety, and Mahmud advances into Sorath, and approaches Påtan Somanath, where Raja Kunwar Pâl was ready to oppose him with a large army. The local landholders however advised Mahmud to first attack Mangalûr (Mangrol), which city is ruled by Jayapâl, who has married Kunwar Pal's sister. The Sultân accordingly marches thither by way of K âmeshwar Kotdi. On seeing the enormous array of Mah- mud's troops, Jayapal's ministers counsel him to purchase safety by ransom and submission, and the Rájâ agrees, saying-"Why should I bring upon myself the fate of Patan?" His ransom and submission are accepted, and Mahmud again marches for Patan, and encamps on the plain called Mâi H&jat' on the Verâ wal side of Patan, and Kunwar Pål encamps at the Bhalka Tala o. Several battles are fought, but owing to the superior strength of Mahmud's force, the Patan Râjâ is worsted and forced to fall back He now retires to the Mota Talâo, and Mahmud advances, and occupies the position of the Bhalka Talao. Up to this date, 24,000 men of the Patan Raja's army had fallen and 10,000 of the Muhammadans. The Pâtan Rajà now, at the advice of his ministers, offers submission and ran- som, and sends chârans and bards to the Sultan to negotiate peace, but the Sultan refuses, saying that he will only condone their offences on their adopting Islâm. He adds that he does not wish for a single rupee, but to break down the fort of Patan with cannon balls, to cast down their temples, and root out their infidelity. On receiving Mahmud's answer, the Râjâ resolved to fight to the last. The van of the Raja's army was commanded by two gallant Bhills named Hamir and Vegad, who commenced to fight bravely. The Râjâ was camped at the Mota
Talâo, and the Sultan at the Bhalka Talâo, and every day engagements took place between some of their army. Both sides fought well, and Hamir and Vegad especially distinguished themselves. The Sultân now assembled bis army, and ordered strong detachments to be posted on the road to Patan, so that the enemy might not be able to retire to the town, or receive reinforcements from thence, while he would attack them in force in front. This was accordingly done, and 10,000 men were placed so as to intercept all communication between the Raja's camp and the city. When the Râjâ heard of this he sent for Hamir and Vegad, "both fatherin-law and son-in-law," and said to them:-"You must attack the post placed to intercept our communications." Accordingly the Bhills went with all their forces, and lying in ambush all day, attacked the post at night. They attacked bravely, and were firmly received, but finally Hamir and Vegad were compelled to retreat unsuccessful though they made great slaughter. The Muhammadans who were slain were all buried near the battlefield, and their place of burial is called the Ganj Shahid unto this day. The Amirs and Vazirs now advised the Sultan to strengthen the optposts as so many men had fallen, and he accordingly withdrew three of the five posts, and placed instead two very strong ones, viz., one at the Gul Guwaran, and one at the Taluni-barah, so that no one might have access to Patan from the country, and that thus the place might be deprived of fresh reinforcements from without. Five months elapsed in continual fighting, and the Raja left his entrenched position and came down into the plain. While these conflicts were going on Haji Mahmud went to Ganga's shrine (Ganga Thinak), and took up his residence there, expelling the image of Gangå, which said to him:"O Pir Haji! whither shall I go ?" The Haji answered:-"Go where you choose, but return not here again, go and sit among the rocks, but cense to annoy me." Gangů replied :-"I am going with pleasure to the place where you send me."
After this the Hâji fell ill and died, and was buried, and a fine tomb was erected there over him. Thus died the Haji who invited Mah
. This is the temple of Kameshwar or Kampathi, about three kos from Mangrol in the direction of Patan.
This plain is close to the Devkå river and near Veriwal on the N. W. side.
See Ras Mala p. 275, &c., edition of 1878.

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mud Ghaznavi to attack Pâtan, but Mahmud "I will not leave this spot until I die, unless never visited him as he lay on his death-bed. you tell me to go and be victorious." The On the third day after the Haji's death, the Haji thus answered him from his grave :-"O Padshah made a general attack, and surround- King! I sent for you, and you were wrong to ing the army of the Raja, drove them from forget me, but God has now granted yon the their position by the tank, and the Rajâ fled. victory. Trust in my word, and go forth on 9,000 Muhammadans and 16,000 of the Raja's Friday, and conquer the fort." troops fell in this battle, and the Sultan The Sultan then said :-"I am your servant, advanced to the Mota Talâo, while the Raja and all my army are yours and not mine. entered the fort. A sharp fire was now kept I have sinned, and am now helpless, but now up on both sides. The Sultan now remembered bless us in such a manner that our sorrow may the Haji, and desired to see and confer with be removed from our hearts." The Haji then him, but was told that he had died three days gave the following instructions, and said :previously. On hearing this he was much "On Thursday there will be a storm of wind grieved, as he had not met him, and he now and rain which will overthrow all your tents. wept, and said :-" It was on his invitation Seek out at this time two friends in your that I brought this great army and went to all army to command your van. You shall know this expense, and yet now I have never met them by these signs, that their tents shall him." He sorrowed so much that for three stand when all the others fall, and you will find days he would not touch food. For when the them reading the Kurán by lamplight. Their Sultan set out, he said in his pride, that he names are Jáfar and Muzafar, and througir would destroy the infidelity of Patan, and that them shall you gain the victory. Attack then he would not suffer the idol worship of the on Friday, and the Râjâ shall not be able to Brahmans to pass unpunished, and that he withstand you. Now go and rest, and act as I would crush the heads of such as refused to have told you, Strike up joyful music and disaccept Islâm, and that after doing this he would tribute sweetmeats. Give up all sorrow, and go and visit the Haji.
be glad in your hearts." The Sultan then He now redoubled his efforts against Patan, returned joyfully to his army, and after distribut without avail; twelve years elapsed, and buting sweetmeats sounded his drums by the mango stones planted by the soldiers had way of rejoicing. When Thursday came grown into trees, and borne fruit, and the tent there arose a great storm of wind, which pegs had grown into Thûr bushes, but still blew down all the tents except those of Jafar victory had not as yet crowned his arros, which and Muzafar, whom the Sultan found reading sorely grieved the Padshah. All this time the Kurán by lamplight. They at once stood fresh reinforcements poured into Patan, which in front of their tents, and joyfully saluted was fall both of stores and provisions. The the king. Then the two brethren said to the Padshah now consulted his Vazirs, saying: - Sultan :-"Why have you thus honoured us? “How much longer shall we stay here fighting, order now what you wish. Why have you and when shall we conquer this Prabhas Patan? come hither instead of sending for us?” The Half of our lives have been spent here, and Sultan replied that he had come at the order though it would be shameful now to retreat, of the Haji, and that victory would be obtainwe shall finally have to die fighting here." ed through them. Then he directed them to
The Vazirs said :-"O King! you were puffed mount their elephants and lie in ambush, and up and arrogant, and would not go and first afterwards make a sudden attack upon the see the Haji. Go now and seek counsel from enemy. The brothers replied :-“ May God give him, and then unfold the green banner.” you the victory, we are ready to engage when
Agreeably to this advice the Sultan went on ever you give the signal." foot with all his ministers to the Hâji's tomb, | The Sultan then adopted this artifice. After and fasted there, taking no other sustenance placing the brothers in ambush, he struck his except dates, and humbling himself, he said :- I tents and withdrew his army, and encamped
Both these names come from the roots
and mean victorious.

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at a distance of five kos. The Rajâ seeing this seeing the idol hanging without any support, was overjoyed, and said:-"May the army never the Sultan was much astonished, but his vazirs return hither with the desire of conquering told him that there was iron in the head of the Patan, if he be now severely chastised, he idol, and a powerful magnet suspended above. will never again seek to enter the strong for- The Sultan ordered the magnet to be removed, tress of Patan." The idolaters of Patan and the image fell down. were delighted also, and said :-“The enemy The Râjâ now recollected that he had left have abandoned their batteries, and their Somanâth unprotected, and went thither hastily, hearths are cold," and accordingly they opened and tried to persuade the Sultan to spare the their gates and remained careless. While the image, saying that he would pay a heavy ranRaja was thus thrown off his guard, the Sultan som if the Sultan would not break it, but the mounted at night with all his army, and made Sultan vowed that he would not leave it unan attack on the gate of Patan. The two broken. His vazirs now advised him to take brothers Jafar and Muzafar were clothed in steel the Raja's money, and play a trick on him, and armour, and mounted on the foremost elephant to reduce the idol to lime, and then give it called Mithâ, which carried a yellow howdah. him to eat with his pán supéri.. The Sultan First they defeated the force encamped without assented to their advice, and sent to the Raja, the gate, and drove them into the city, and then and agreed to take ten lakhs as the ransom of brought their elephant Mitha to burst open the Somnanath. He then reduced the idol to powder, gate, but he recoiled from the spikes. Finally, and gave the Rájâ an entertainment, after the brethren placed a camel in front of his which he gave him the powder of the idol as head, and at the third charge he broke down | lime to eat with his pán supári. The Raja the gate. Then all Mahmud's army entered, paid the ten lakhs, and after the entertainment shouting "Din ! Din !" and the sword began to asked for permission to depart, and that Somaplay, and a terrible conflict ensued. God thus nâth might be handed over to him agreeably to guve the Sultan the victory through Jáfar and the compact. The Sultan then said: "I have Muzafar, one of whom however was slain. The already given Somanath to you, and you have cup of the Raja's iniquity was now full. The received him. I reduced him to powder, and orders of the Sultan were to slay and take no then burned him into lime, and you took that ransom, but to put all the infidels to the sword, line with your pân supári, and have therefore except those who repeated the Muhammadan not only taken him but also eaten him." creed. The soldiery now plundered the whole On hearing that they had eaten Sonjanath, the city, and slew all who would not repeat the Râjâ and his men prepared for death : some creed of Islam, and thus in the midst of the applied daggers to their own throats and some fortress fell Hamir and Vegad fighting vali- cut off their tongues with knives. While some antly; the courage of the RAJA on their fall thus died by their own hands, others seized their began to fail him, and he left his palace, and swords and attacked the Sultan, who put some came below, accompanied by 700 men, all kins- to the sword, and bound others. In this way men of his or chosen adherents. The Sultan the Sultan slew all the enemy who remained, now examined all the fort, and placing guards and expelled the Râjâ, and appeased the fears of over it, proceeded to surround and attack the | the faithful. Temple enclosure. The Rájâ, now seeing that The Sultân now built a handsome shrine to the all was lost, sent to ask quarter of the Sultan, Saint Mangaluri Shah, and also constructed and he agreed to spare their lives on receiving a mosque in memory of the brothers Jâ far and forty lakhs. The Râjâ gave security for the Muzafar, and he also built the Puri dome. It payment of this sum, and departed on his ele- is clear, then, that if the Rajå had not rejected phant, and the Sultan entered the temple, and the proposal of the Haji to adopt Islâm, his role saw the image of Soman åt h suspended in the would have remained, and he would not have air without being attached to anything. On thus lost his country.
• The poem does not say of what coin.
All the coast abounds in limestone, lime is eaten by natives with pán supáns.
10 Supart is the areca nut, and pan the leaf of the betel, & pepper vine.

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Then the Sultan made the following arrange The author then concludes with these words: ments. He entrusted the government (Fouj- "I have now finished the story of Patan, dari) of Patan to Mitha Khân, and left a which was completed on Friday the 24th of detachment of his army under his orders. In Shâbân ; the entire story is true, do not think this way Mitha Khân became governor of Påtan, otherwise. It was in A. H. 470 that the Sultan and the Sultan also presented him with a shield. marched against Påtan, and the Mangaluri The Sultân kindly bestowed the Kaziship of Shâh performed so many miracles. This poem Påtan on two Sheikhs, descendants of the was written in Pâtan by Sheikh Din in A. H. Khalifah Abu-Bakar, who had accompanied him. 1216, it was commenced on the 7th of Safar, They were brothers of the whole blood, and and was completed in Shâban. The name of their names were Jalâlu'd-din and Lukmân. All the penman who wrote it was Dadabhai, a most the new Musalmans were entrusted to them. excellent scribe."
Leaving thus Patan in their spiritual charge, It will be seen that the above account of the the Sultan sounded his drums for a march, and destruction of Somanath is different from any mustered both his cavalry and infantry, and in- given in the Persian histories of the siege, though quired from the paymaster (bakshi) how many the author has evidently studied them, and had died in all since he set out from Ghazni, borrowed his account of the jewelled lamp from and found the total amounted to 125,000. He one author, and the suspended image from then set ont gladly towards Ghazni, and after another. The shrine of the Mangalori Shah & year's journey reached that city, and sat on is still in excellent preservation, it is situated to his throne amid strains of joyful musio and the the right-hand side of the road which leads from greetings of all his kinsmen and friends. Then Verwal to PAtan. Sultan Mahmud Shah thanked God for his Påtan seems never to have been a dependency goodness, and bestowed lakhs of rupees in of the Chudásamas of Junagadh, but to have charity, and granted jagirs and ready money been first held by the Chà va das and then by to the relatives of those who had fallen in the W Aj As, who afterwards owned the whole battle.
sea coast from Pâtan to Alang Manâr. But they In the meantime, Mitha Khân, governor of were first conquered by Alagh Khân during the Påtan, resolved to visit the temple of Somanåth, reign of Alau'd-din Khilji, and then reduced and when he came there he found that it was to a subordinate position by the Toghlak Salall built of stone. Now it seems that when the tâns of Dehli, and subsequently further humbled temple was founded, the astrologers prophesied by the Sultans of Gujarat, and of this there that it would be destroyed by Mith," and the can be no doubt, but that long ere the conquest Rajâ thinking this referred to the sea, had of Junagadh by Mahmud Begarha, and long ere strengthened the sea wall, and anointed it with the rule of the Chudasamas was subverted, the ghi to prevent any injury from the sea water, Muhammadan rule was supreme throughout nevertheless he left a record of the prophecy in Nâgher, that is to say from at least Somanath the daftar. Mitha Khân, after examining the Patan to Unâ Delwârâ. The history of the temple, bethonght him of the prophecy, and sea coast of Saurashtra from Juriâ to Bhâvperceived that the temple was destined to be nagar was in early times entirely distinct from destroyed by him, and he accordingly ordered that of the rest of the peninsula, which was stone masons to level it to the ground. On ruled by the Chudasamâs. The extent and seeing this the hearts of the idolaters were in- power of these last chieftains has been much flamed with rage, and they attacked Mitha overrated, and this is clearly shown by inscripKhân, and fought with him, but their efforts tions dated during their role, which, while menwere unavailing, and they were all pat to tioning the paramount Râjâs of Anbilwârâ the sword, and their houses were plundered, and local chieftains of the sea coast, omit in and thereby the Muhammadans derived much many cases (in most indeed) all mention of the wealth.
1. Chudasama. 11 This is a play on the Gujarati word ni'Mithu, meaning salt.

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ARCHÆOLOGICAL NOTES. BY M. J. WALHOUSE, LATE M.C.S.
(Continued from p. 196, vol. VII.) No. XXII.-The Westward Spread of some mans, and the sick, and must not be used unless Indian Metaphors and Myths.
the loss of the accuser amounts to one thousand When Belshazzar the king made a great pieces of silver.” The procedure somewhat feast to a thousand of his lords, and with all his differs from that provided in the comment, the company drank from the golden vessels taken out accused being directed to adjure the balance of the house of God at Jerusalern, a hand came solemuly, thus:-"Thou, O Balance, art the manforth and wrote mystic words upon the palace- sion of truth; thou wast anciently contrived by wall, and he was greatly troubled, his counten- the gods. Declare the truth, therefore, 0 giver ance changed, and his knees smote one against of success, and clear me from all suspicion. the other. The interpretation of one of those If I am guilty, O venerable ! as my own mother, words of doom was, “Thou art weighed in then sink me down, but if innocent raise me the balances, and art found wanting." That aloft"-recalling almost the words of Job, "Let intimation referred to a custom of extreme me be weighed in an even balance, that God antiquity in the East. In the Asiat. Researches, may know mine integrity” (Job xxx. 6). Other vol. I. there is an account of trials by ordeals, comments specify of what woods the scales by the native chief magistrate of Banaras, should be made and .where placed "in a hall communicated by Warren Hastings, taken from specially constructed for them, in the gateway the Mitakshara, or comment on the Dharma of the king's palace, or by a crossing, and always Sastra, in which it is laid down that trial be made to turn to the east." by ordeal may be conducted in nine dif- From this idea of weighing the bodies of ferent ways, the first being by the balances, accused persons came the analogous idea of which is performed thus. The beam having weighing souls after death,-though it may well been adjusted, the cord fixed, and both scales be that the latter was the original idea, which made perfectly even, the person accused and a appears in almost every Eastern form of faith, pandit fast a whole day; then, after the accused and spread into every region of the West. In has been bathed in sacred water, the homa or the Zend-Avesta Mithra and Rashne-Rast oblation presented to Fire, and the deities wor- weigh the actions of men on the bridge Chinshipped, he is carefully weighed, and when he vat, which separates earth and heaven. In is taken out of the scale the pandits prostrate Proverbs xv. 2, "The Lord weigheth the themselves before it, pronounce a certain man- spirits;" and 1 Samuel i. 3, "By Him tra (from the Rig Veda, whereby the Spirit of actions are weighed.” In the Buddhist system Justice enters into the scales), and having Yama, the king of justice, has souls weighed written the substance of the accusation on a before him, while their good and evil deeds are slip of paper bind it on his forehead. Six produced by good and evil spirits. In the minutes after they place him again in the scale, Korán the Balance in whicb all things shall be and if he weigh more than before he is held weighed is frequently alluded to. It will be guilty; if less, innocent (a criterion, it would held by Gabriel, one scale will hang over seem, the reverse of that obtaining in Babylon); Paradise the other over Hell. But the most if exactly the snme, he must be weighed a third ancient traces are in the mythology of Egypt. time, when, as it is written in the Mitákshara, In the enlarged delineations from the Ritual there will certainly be a difference in his weight. of the Dead on the walls of the staircase in Should the balance, though well fixed, break the British Museum are several examples of down, this would be considered a proof of guilt. soul-weighing.' Osiris, the judge, seated,
Yajnavalkya in the Dharma Sastra, on holds the mystic cross; before him stands which the foregoing is a comment, is next in Thoth with roll and pen to record the judgment, authority to Manu, and in the passages relat- and behind him are the scales in which the ing to ordeals declares that "the balance is for good and bad deeds of the departed are being women, children, the blind, the lame, Brâh- weighed. On a sarcophagas in the Soane

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Museum Osiris is shown seated, and the balance when aisles were added to the church. The paintis held by Horus; this sarcophagus is referred ing, which is 17 feet long by 11, is divided into by Dr. Birch to Sethos I.-B. C. 1489. In the four compartments, two above and two below, the earliest Greek legends, which so often show an upper representing the salvation, the lower the Asiatic tinge, Homer makes Zeus the Father damnation, of souls,--that on the left above, and weigh the fates of the Greeks and Trojans, and that on the right below, exhibiting ideas essenti. again of Achilles and Hector, in golden ba ally Oriental. In the former St. Michael stands lances; and so Jupiter in the Æneid decides the | in the centre holding out the scales, and a fates of Turnus and Æneas. The primitive demon on the opposite side, dragging a number Eastern myth found its way into Christian of souls behind with a rope, tries to touch and antiquity at a very early date, and the arch- depress one ; on the other side an angel is conangel Michael, the conqueror of Satan, assumed ducting three female souls to heaven. The the place of Horus and Mithra as soul-weigher. same subject has been found in other ancient In Raphael's picture of his triumph over Satan village churches, and was doubtless of common the balance lies behind ; and St. Gregory, about occurrence. In one instance an unfortunate A.D. 600, in his sermon De Sancto Michaele, soul, whose bad deeds are outweighing his says that "on the point of separation of the good, is saved by the Virgin Mary throwing soul from the body the good and bad angels her rosary into the scale. Metrical legends of come, and the merits and demerits of the man still earlier date contain the same ideas, and are weighed : if the bad preponderate over the represent St. Michael weighing souls at the . good the soul is thrust down to hell." Few entrance of Paradise, -80 far and wide had the who have stood before Notre Dame in Paris myth spread in early medieval days. Perhaps will fail to remember the grim scene of the Last the latest serious use of the metaphor is in Judgment, sculptured in the 13th century over Paradise Lost, where, when all the elements the great central entrance, and the expression were threatened with destruction in the impendof fiendish glee on the visage of the demon as ing struggle between the angels and Satan, he tries to depress the scale filled with souls, of "The Eternal, to prevent such horrid fray, the balance held by the archangel. The same Hung forth in heaven his golden scales, yet conception is repeated over the porch of Fri
seenburg Cathedral in Switzerland, which was
Betwixt Astrea and the Scorpion sign." erected in 1452, and where two imps are slyly
The lower right-hand compartment of the trying to pull down the scale. In pictures on the Chaldon church painting also represents a very walls of the oldest Russian churches a favourite ancient Eastern fable, namely, the ordeal of the subject is "the Serpent of Sins," winding up bridge a myth found, in one form or another, from Hell, and opening its jaws near the terrible in almost all religious systems. It is sufficient Balances where souls are weighed.
here to adduce the bridge Al-Sirat, narrow and In the most secluded part of the labyrinth sharp as a razor, stretching across Gehenna, of chalk downs in Surrey is situated the small over which the Kurán records that souls must parish of Chaldon. It is so retired that till with- pass into Paradise. The bridge Chinevat, span. in the last twenty years only tracks led to it ning the fiery gulph of Ahriman, in the ancient across the downs; how remote must it then Persian mythology, has already been mentioned. have been in the twelfth century! But Eastern It is striking to find this myth in the creeds of ideas and myths penetrated there, even at that the rudest savages, even in America, the Happy early date. On the west wall of the small Country of the Dakotah Indians is crossed antique church a large painting in red, yellow, by a very high rock, the edge of which is as and white tempera was discovered under the sharp as the sharpest knife, the good cross whitewash a few years ago, and has been safely, but the wicked fall into the clutch s of successfully restored and preserved. It was the Evil Spirit below. Colonel Godwin Austen probably executed between 1170 and 1190, reports that the Khasiâs of north-eastern Bengal
It is noticeable that whilst Homer follows the Indian law in making the light or ascending scale the demonstra- tion of innocence and success, Milton and the Church re
presentations adopt the Biblical rule of regarding it as the sign of guilt and defeat.

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believe that the souls of the dead cannot cross over water, unless a thread of cotton be stretched from one bank to the other. If very wide, the thread is kept clear of the water by sticks planted in the river-bed. This is called the "string-bridge." In the South of India the Baḍagas of the Nilgiri Hills, according to Mr. Metz, have a like idea, holding that a "thread-bridge" separates the valley of death from the invisible world. He quotes this passage from the Badaga funeral chant, "Though his own sins, and those of his parents amount to 1300, let them all go to Basava's feet. The chamber of death shall be opened; the thread-like bridge shall remain firm, the door of hell shall be shut; he may go safely." In the Chaldon painting two gigantic demons hold up the bridge between them, like a beam studded with sharp points-a bridge of spikes over which several souls are seen attempting to pass. This bridge of spikes, less than a hand's breadth, over an infernal lake, thronged with hideous monsters watching for souls to fall amongst them, is alluded to in more than one popular legend of the first half of the 12th century, and has often been symbolically used by moral writers: it is enough to name Addison's 'Vision of Mirza.'
As a last instance of a far-travelled Indian story, it will be remembered how the youthful Buddha, as his mind was beginning to awaken, and his destiny pressing upon him, but before he had abandoned the luxuries of royal life in his father's palace, when one day driving in his splendid carriage, was struck by the sight of a loathsome, putrefying corpse. This shocking spectacle determined him to quit a world all whose pleasures had such an end. This story is reproduced in the medieval legend of "Les trois Vifs et les trois Morts," which I lately saw depicted, and rescued from whitewash, on the wall of Belton Church, near Yarmouth-a church of the 11th century. Three gallant youths, magnificently arrayed, and mounted on horses gaily caparisoned, suddenly find their course stopped by the sight of three decaying human bodies, and each utters a sentence expressive of his feelings. The same idea appears in several compositions of the Dance of Death, and indeed speaks from thousands of tombs and epitaphs of our own, no less than of bygone, days.
[JUNE, 1879.
Professor Max Müller in the 7th of his Hibbert Lectures remarks, "Whether the extraordinary similarities which exist between the Buddhist customs and ceremonial and the customs and ceremonial of the Roman Catholic Church, tonsures, rosaries, cloisters, nunneries, confession, and celibacy" [he might add myths and legends]" could have arisen at the same time-these are questions which cannot as yet be answered satisfactorily." I venture to think there is much material for an opinion. The Essenes were Buddhist monks in every essential, and as Pliny (V. 15) affirms, had been established for ages before his time on the shores of the Dead Sea. Prinsep has shown from the Aśoka inscriptions at Girnar that Buddhism had been planted in the dominions of the Seleucida and Ptolemies, to whom Palestine belonged, before the beginning of the third century B. C., and there is a consensus of evidence for direct intercourse between India and the foci of early Christianity, Alexandria and Ephesus. Professor C. W. King, of Trinity College, Cambridge, author of The Gnostics, &c., who has gone deeply into this obscure subject, affirms that all the heresies of the first four centuries of the Church may be traced to Indian fountain-heads. Imitating Max Müller's reserve, he adds, "how much that passed current for orthodox, had really flowed from the same sources, it is neither expedient nor decorous now to inquire." When masters who know most decide to say least, disciples may be wise to follow their example.
No. XXIII.-Some Non-Sepulchral Rude Stone Monuments in India, Persia, and Western Asia.
Though the vast majority of rude-stone monuments in India, as well as throughout Asia and Europe, are certainly sepulchral, there are a few which seem to have been constructed for other purposes. Such must be the trilithon mentioned at p. 192 of Dr. Hunter's Annals of Rural Bengal, and described as "three huge monoliths of gneiss of great beauty, two upright, the third laid across them. The stones are upwards of 12 feet in length, each weighing upwards of 7 tons, quadrilateral, 10 feet round, the horizontal stone kept in its place by a mortise and tenon. Origin unknown: worshipped by the Sântals at the west gate of their Holy City in Bhirbhum." This megalith seems to be

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ARCHEOLOGICAL NOTES.
JUNE, 1879.]
unquestionably devotional, and so, I think, is the remarkable cromlech at Pallikonda, 12 miles from Vellur, in the Madras Presidency, which I examined many years ago, and which is the only true cromlech or free-standing dolmen with no subterranean or kistvaen character about it, that I have seen or heard of, on the plains. A figure inadequately representing its massiveness and actual appearance will be found at p. 491 of Mr. Fergusson's Rude Stone Monuments, taken from a notice of it by Captain Congreve in No. 31 of the Madr. Jour. of Lit. & Science, Old Series. The capstone of this cromlech is 12 feet long by 8 wide and about 2 thick, supported not by slabs, but by six large round boulder-like masses of granite, two at the north end, two at the south, two smallernot touching the capstone-on the west side, and the east side open. The capstone is elevated about 8 feet from the ground, and on its upper centre are four round depressions, placed thus,
that to the right being smallest. These cavities seem to me to be analogous to the "cupmarks" so often found on megaliths and stones in the north of England, and occurring, as Mr. Rivett-Carnac has informed us, on prehistoric monuments in Nâgpur. Mr. Fergusson terms this megalith "a sepulchral mound," but it gave me no such idea, for it stands upon a bare granite platform with no soil or means for interment beneath; its purpose rather seemed that of a temple or altar. I have met with no similar monument in Madras, unless it be in Kurg, where, on the summit of a hill near Somavârpeta, there are four large cromlechs, not closed, but consisting of huge overlying slabs supported on masses of stone. The largest slab is 11 feet long by 8 wide. Each cromlech is surrounded by a circle of stones, had never been covered with earth, and nothing connected with interments could be found in or about them. Standing out in high relief on the hill-top, their appearance is certainly suggestive of altars.
Belonging to a different but also non-sepulchral class of rude stone monuments must be the Máni, or long heaps of stones,-like lengthened
It may not be out of place to annex Sir H. Pottinger's account of some other remarkable antiquities, probably. never before or since seen by an European, observed by him in the same region. Several miles beyond Nushki, on the west bank of the river Bale, he passed the remains of
165
cairns, that excite the surprise of travellers in Tibet and Tatary. The late Mr. C. Horne, of the Bengal C.S., who several years ago travelled over some of the highest Himalayan passes, wrote me respecting them:-"The Lama Tatârs build long walls of loose stones, usually about 6 feet thick and 8 high; sometimes, as at Nako, half a mile long. Every native passes them to his right: none seem to know why: hence there is a path worn on that side, and every one adds a stone; they must be the growth of centuries, every generation adding some yards. A great mystery attaches to them: none can explain their intention certainly: some say they are devotional, others that they were built on return from long journeys. The furthest object I saw in Tatary was a long double range of these walls." Mr. Andrew Wilson lately, in his Abode of Snow, mentions having passed hundreds of these Máni on his journey, sometimes in the most desolate situations, and remarks that the prodigious number of them in so thinly peopled a country indicates an extraordinary waste of human energy. It may be added, too, that Major Godwin Austen has shown that the multitudinous groups of upright stones that so remarkably characterize the Khâsiâ Hills have no connection with burials, but are memorials raised to propitiate the spirits of the deceased.
Passing from India westward, Mr. Masson relates that in the temple at the foot of the Koh Assa Mahi (Hill of the Great Mother) near Kabul "a huge stone is the object of adoration," and again he affirms that the mysterious Siaposh worship "an erect black or dark-coloured stone the size of a man." The late Sir Henry Pottinger in his Travels in Beloochistan and Sinde, published in 1816, observed near Nushki on the Beluchistan border, west of Kelat, some very large stones by the wayside, and was told they had been placed there by Rustam to commemorate the strides of his favourite horse; their transport from the nearest mountains must have been very laborious and costly, many of them being several tons weight, and 6 or 7 yards high." (p. 123.)" Little appears to be known of megalithic
"C
some very extraordinary tombs, of quadrangular shape, each surrounded by a low wall of curious open freestone work, like the meshes of a net stretched into a conical shape. These walls enclosed an area of 4 or 5 square yards, the entrances fronting due east, and inside each a

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(June, 1879.
monuments in Persia, but doubtless many exist, and elder travellers have noticed some which do not appear to have been examined again. In his Travels in Persia, &c. vol. II.p. 123, Sir W. Ouseley mentions having been shown in the neighbourhood of Darab an extensive piece of ground enclosed within a ditch and a bank or rampart of earth proportionably high, the Persians called it Kaldi Deháyeh or Deh-i-aih = *a fortress. Within the enclosure was "an extraordinary upright stone, single, and at least 20 feet high. Concerning this stone many wonder- ful stories are related : one that a woman in the time of king Darab, having been guilty of treachery towards him, was saddenly petrified, and bas continued to exist, but in the form of this stone." In another part of the enclosure, on & rising ground, were "several large and rude stones forming a cluster irregularly circular,--almost Druidical, as the word is commonly nsed now. Some are from 20 to 25 feet high. One, very tall, stands nearly in the middle; an- other, toward the west, resembles a table or altar; and under two or three are recesses or small caverns." These and the first described single stone are figured in the Miscellaneous Plate at the end of the volume, and are evidently a vast circle of prehistoric stones, enclosed, as Abury and some other great circles were, by a trench and embankment,-in that, as in general appearance, closely resembling European exam. ples. I know not whether this remarkable spot has since been visited and described. In another place, at p. 80 of the same volume, Sir William describes what he calls "a fire-altar, now called the Stone of the Fire-temple, a single upright stone between 10 and 11 feet high, each of its four sides 3 feet 6 or 7 inches broad at the lower part, not quite so much above." On the southern and western sides are circles one foot in diameter, and sunk an inch in the stone, the western containing a nearly obliterated inscription, apparently Pahlavi, the other circle blank. The top of the stone was hollowed out into a bowl 10 or 11 inches deep, which Sir William supposes to have been intended to contain the
materials for the sacred fire. "A rude low fence or wall of large stones encloses the stone, having a narrow entrance on the south formed of two or three stones of very considerable dimensions." From this account, as well as from the figure of the stone (given in his plate 32), I should rather consider it to be a menhir, or simple standingstone. The circles, with the inscription, may have been graven in after-days, and the hollow on the top, instead of being a receptacle for the sacred fire, seems rather analogous to the "rock-basins" often found on or near prehistoricstones and rocks in Europe-for example, on the tops of KesTor and the Puggie stone' near Chagford, on the border of the Dartmoor in Devonshire; large symmetrical basins are hollowed out in the rock, which were certainly never intended for sacred fires. It may be noted, in passing, that with reference to the strange custom of interring bodies piecemeal in earthen vessels, touched upon in Ind. Ant. rol. VII. p. 177, Sir W. Ouseley found an instance of it on the plain of Bushehr, where urns of a peculiar shape and buried in & peculiar way abounded about two feet below the surface. The arns were cylindrical with pointed ends, and at the mouth a bowl or basin, circumference 2, thickness one-third of an inch, made of clay, without any ornamentation, and closely filled with sand and human bones. The urns lay horizontally in a straight line from east to west, the extremity of one nearly touching the head of the next. Sir William himself disinterred three or four, and found them full of skulls and bones, which must have been put in piecemeal; they were said to exist in hundreda, but he could not hear of them being found anywhere but at Bushehr. No such custom ever existed amongst Musalmâns or Parsis: Travels, vol. I. p. 218, urns figured in plate 22.
Sir John Chardin, in his Travels into Persia through the Black Sea and the country of Colchis, in 1671, reports that a few leagues from Tauris "they passed large circles of hewn stone, which the Persians affirm to be a great sign that the Caous making war in Media held a council
raised mound covered with stone, like a grave, but also possibly an altar for the sacred fire. All were evidently very old, mouldering and dilapidated, and no stone of tho kind was said to be found in any part of the country. There was nothing Mahometan or Finde in their style; the people ascribed them to the Guebres, to whom everything uncommon or inexplicable is popularly referred. Largo mounds of earth and stone were scattered over the neighbour.
ing desert for considerable distances. Travels, pp. 126-7.
Still Sir William's supposition may probably be right. Joseph's Tomb, close to Jacob's Well, is described as having two short pillars, one st the head, and one at the foot, with shallow cap-shaped hollows at their tops, blackened by fire, the Jews burning small articles, bandkerchiefs, gold lace, &c. in them. Conder's Tent work in Palestine, vol. I. p. 74.

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JUNE, 1879.)
GRANT OF THE PALLAVA KING NANDI VARMÅ.
167
in that place, it being the custom of those people The pre-Mahometan Arabians were especithat every officer that came to the council ally stone-worshippers. Maximus Tyrins says brought with him a stone to serve him instead he saw their idol, and it was only a huge of a chair. Now these Caous were a sort of square stone. Throughout Asia Minor in many giants. But that which is most to be admired famous temples the gods were represented by after observation of these stones is this, that rough stones, and Tacitus reports that the image they are so big that eight men can hardly move of the Paphian Venus herself was a tall black one; and yet there is no place whence they shapeless stone; as at present throughout India can be imagined to be brought bat from the the primitive castes represent their deities by next mountains, that are six leagues off." It rough stones. Dr. Hunter (Orissa, vol. I. would be interesting could any archæologist rep. 95) observes—" At the present hour in every discover and describe these circles, which seem hamlet of Orissa the common people have their analogous to Stonehenge in the peculiarity of shapeless stone or block, which they adore being of hewn stones, and also, as is so frequently
with simple rites in the open air." Something the case, in having been brought from a distance. similar probably were the "images of stone" Here too we find an instance of the wide-spread which the Israelites were forbidden to set up or popular belief that such huge stones were allow in their fields. Other instances of the use transported by giants. Geoffrey of Monmouth of non-sepulchral rude stone monuments in antells a legend that when Aurelius consulted cient Palestine are the memorial-pillar strangely Merlin as to what monument should be raised set up by Absalom " in his life-time in the to the Britons treacherously massacred by king's dale," (II. Samuel xviii. 18) the “Great Hengist, the enchanter replied, “You would Stone" set up by Joshua under an oak, that set have the Giants' Dance brought from Ireland! up by Samuel between Mizpeh and Shen, and Do not, lord king, vainly excite laughter; those the 12 stones set up in the Jordan, and again stones are magical, and giants brought them at Gilgal, which possibly " are there unto this of old from furthest Africa." Probably not day." Should Persia and the adjacent countries unlike the circles seen by Chardin was "the ever be archeologically explored, the foregoing gigantic circle with huge upright stones, 15 feet extracts are some earnest of what might be the high, and some with long blocks laid across," en results, not only with respect to non-sepulchral countered by Mr. Palgrave in the previously remains, amongst which the above megaliths unknown wastes of Central Arabia, of which are doubtless to be ranked, but in sepulchral, it is to be hoped more may be heard some day. and all classes of prehistoric antiquities.
GRANT OF THE PALLAVA KING NANDI VARMA. BY THOMAS FOULKES, F.L.S., CHAPLAIN OF SAINT JOHN'S, BANGALORE. Description.- A land-grant on three thin | The ring has been cut, apparently some time ago : plates of copper, 84 in. long, 2 in. wide, and and it is therefore probable that an impression about to inch thick. They are united by a seal of the plates has already been taken or attempted. ring 3 in, in diameter, and made of in. It is a grant of four pieces of waste or forestcopper-rod. The seal is 3 in. in diameter; and land attached to the village of Kanchi-vå yil, has a standing bull in relief, surrounded by an to Kula Sarma, a Brâhman resident of obliterated inscription. The inscription of the that village, by Nandi Varma, king of the grant occupies the inner side of the two outer Palla vas, in the first year of his reign. plates, and both sides of the middle plate. It | The endorsement records the mutual decision is written in bold well-formed letters of the of the villagers of Kanchi-v âyil, (which had Pallava character, as it may now fairly claim by this time come to be called Ikanmaraimto be called : it is in the Sanskrit language; and angalam) and Udayachandraman. all but the concluding verses, is in prose form. galam, formally assembled in council, to unite The first plate has an endorsement in five lines, together to form a single village-unity. It is of more recent date, in archaic Tamil charac. dated in the twenty-sixth year of the reign of the ters, and in the Tamil language in prose form.Chola king Koppara Kesari Varma.

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168
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JUNE, 1879.
Transliteration. I ['] Svasti. Jita(tam]bhagavatâ rajņâ. Sri vijaya Kanchipurât parama brahmanyasya sva
I bâhu va[ba]la[') rijanorijita vidhi vihita sarvva mariyâ(ryâ ]daśya[sya] Rajna[b] Sri Sri] 'Skanda
Varmmaņa [h] prapautra[h] abhyarchchi[°] ta sakti sidhifadhi] sampannasya pratapo[@]vanata rajamandalasya vašu[su]dhâ
talaikavi[vi]ra[sya Mahârâja Šri Singh a [m ha] Varmmañ a[h] pantra[u] deva dvija garu
virdha(vriddho]pa châyinovirdha(vriddha) ve[vi][°] neyasya san[su]go hiraṇya bhůmyâdhi[di] pradhanai[dânaih] pravir[vrijddha
dharmma saņchayasya prajaIIa. [ ] pâlana dakshasya satyâtmano Mahârâja Sri Sri] Skanda Varmmaņa [h] patro
bhagavata vad]bakti bhakti) sampa ['] dita sarvva kalyâņa praja[ja] samranjana paripälano nyaye nyâyo]pagata sa[sa]tata
satribra(travra]ta ['] dikshita naika samara sahasávamardda lavda[labdha) vijeya [jaya) prakása [ba]na
kaliyuga do[') sha(shâ]vasak[sakta] dharmâttha[mmoddha]rana, nitya sannadho[adho] bhagavaka
[vatkri] pânudhya (ya]to Vappa(Bappa] Bhatta(ttâ ]rago[kalpâda bha[*] kta parama bhagavato Bharadvaja sagotra Pallavaná vânâm] Dharmma[ma]haraja[h]
Sri Sri] Nandi Varmmaņa (rma] IIb. ("] Adeyâra râshtira tra] Kâạchival[vâyil]grâma araṇya kshetra chatushtayancha
pûrvopabhukta mariya. [") deyâ[maryâdaya] Kâạchivậyil vas[vâs]tavyâya brahmâņa[brâhmaņaya] Kosi[Kausiska
sagotra[trâ]ya Daitriya(Taittiriya] charaņas ņâ]ya sůtrata[h] ["] Pravachankya Kula Charm [Sarm]maņebrahmade[ya] mariyâ[marya]daya
sarvva parihåropata(petam] devabhe[bho)["] gahalavarijamasmad kya[âyur] vala[bala] vejeyaaisvariyabhavirdhae[vijayaishvarya
bhivriddhaye) dattava[n]. Tad avagamya sa["] ruva parihara. Kaạchivậyilgrâmavâ[mâ]ranya kshetra c hataşhtayancha
pariharai[h] pariha[ha]rata YoIII. [*] sma svå[chchhâ]sana matikrâmeśastsa]påpa shårirammaruhat[sariramarhat]
yapichâtra Brahma gitasaloka [gîtâsh shloka] bhavanti. ["] Bhúmidânam parandânań Nabhûtamnab hatishyatiseva[bhavishyati Tasyaiva]hara
ņåtsa[tpâ ]pan Nabhůtamnabhavishyati. [*] Sva[Sva)-dattam[ttâm]paradattam[ttâm]va[va] [Yo]hareti[ta]vasundarâsata[dharâm
Gavâmsata sahasrasya Hantu[b]piva[ba]tikilvisam bisham)-i["] ti Pravardhamâna veje[vija]ya râjya prata satsare[thama saṁvatsare) Va[i]ádk[h]a
måse shukukshe[suk lapakshe] panchamya[m] dattattá] pattika.
Tamil endorsement. Koppara Kesari Varmmarku
yântirupattårå vata ['] Kanchivậyil akiya
Ikanmaraimaņkalattu
sa[] bhaiyōrum[rum] 'Udaiyachantiramankalattu
sabhai[ ] yorum[rum]
ivvirantůrorum
kúti
onruyinmaiyil [] itan merpattatu Ordrây vârvômânôm. Some of the errata of the plates are mere Sanskrit words. Those forms, which are thus clerical errors of the artizan engraver: but some shadowed here, are interesting in so far as they of them show that the composer was most familiar indicate to us, that the genius of Tamil orthowith the Dravidian Prakrit form of some of his graphy was, at the date of this endorsement,
Perhaps I ought to correct 'Udaiya' to 'Udaya': but I leave it so, since this corruption may have been the usual
way of spelling the name of the village in Tamil.

Page #191

GRANT OF NANDI
గ
అయేదేముందే రివ 290 VIనం), 30 roy y 3 13 (ర్శణ సిక్స్ట్ దేశ పేరు చక్కెర కట్ట మెద నమసేవాహిని శత్రది దశకు తీసు ట్రేడి
20
దతూ
శ్రీ శ్రీ శ్రీ రా౯వంది.
PALLAVA
Ila
VARMA.
విశadjud విని శ్రీ మెడ నగర ప్రిని క్షణం దిన మనము లెమ్మండ
52
శ్రీ
22
JudgmUENT దీనిని 2. శ్రీశ్రీని దన 19
టె దిశాండిలొ |ుగొనడంతో దరబాద్ 2తద

Page #192

Mare/peprzļ wie sobie kort ehf | To set:$P?]]
peugpie furniturperpfzbirglofs plaze srepeabFRB LLIP EEPERB SUPERIEPPER Cerersey BerrfurllllursaLageret
plurielzerit retelepereel Lv?!? mieupper & rygprlkerzeupra&rppu 2pzerlirizpirar!PaabuspyTPP UPM GEFT DITETQ&The Librererrelrz TIRE PrskerŘEPRODPODOZORTZE
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(34N09) YW YA IONWN 10 INVAS VAvitud

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JUNE, 1879.)
GRANT OF THE PALLAVA KING NANDI VARMA.
169
thus far at least, thu same as it is now : for instance, (1) ita intolerance of compound con- sonants, as shown by the forms 'mariyada' for
maryada', twice over, aruhatya' for 'arhatya,' saloka' for sloka,' 'virdh' for 'vriddh,' four times, "aisvariya' for 'aišvarya'; (2) its confused use of the three Sanskrit sibilants, since the Tamil alphabet bas but one form to represent them, viz., the palatal surd 'ch'; which ch', again, the plate substitutes for ' in the word 'chartma' for 'sarmma'; (3) in the substitution of current Tamil consonants for some Sanskrit consonants which the Tamil alphabet does not contain, as shown in the words 'Vappa' for 'Bappa', 'lavda' for 'labdha',
vals' for 'bala', 'pivati' for pibati', 'kilrisha' for kilbişha'; (4) and similarly perhaps with the vowels, as shown by the substitution of the vowel 'o' for 'an', which is not in the Tamil alphabet, in the word 'Kosika' for Kansika'; (5) its employment of Singha' for Simha'.
There is an instance in line 3 of this grant of the mode of correcting errors, which is perhaps worth noting. For the words vasudhdtalaikavirasya, the plate had originally vasudhalaivikarasya. To correct these mistakes, a small ta has been written at the right foot of the dha, a small ka under the vi, and a short stroke, as a mark of erasure, has been drawn above the ka of vika; but the short vi remains ancorrected.
In the Tamil endorsement, the word 'sabhai' (Modern Tamil chapai', Sanskrit sabh&',) occurs twice, and is both times spelt with an *s' and a 'bh'; Sanskrit consonants which have no place in the Tamil alphabet. The word *Kesari' is also spelt with the palatal 's' of the Grantha alphabet. This is worth noting, inasmuch as it shows, in common with other instances occurring elsewhere in other grants of this period, that letters of the Grantha alphabet were sometimes introduced into Tamil writing to spell Sanskrit words, when the Tamil alpha- bet has no equivalent letters.
Translation. Health. The worshipful king is pre-eminent. From the rich and victorious Kanchipura, Sri Nandi Varma, the Dharma-mahârâja of the Pallaves, who are of the ancestral family of Bharadvaja; who, by his piety towards God, has secured every kind of prosperity for himself and
of happiness for his subjects; who is always ready to perform his vows, to offer sacrifices, righteously undertaken; who is radiant with victory obtained by the daring punishment of his enemies in many battles; who is always ready to uphold righteousness marred by the corruptions of the Kaliyuga; who constantly meditates on the mercy of God; who is a disciple of Bappa Bhattaraka, and an eminently religious man ;--the son of the Maharaja Sri Skanda Varma, who reverenced the gods, the brahmans, the religious superiors, and aged men; who was willing to be directed by his elders; whose abundant righteousness was increased by his gifts of good kine, gold, land, and other gifts; who was skilled in the protection of his subjects, and was himself very truth ;--the grandson of the Maharaja Sri Simha Varma, who obtained success by his celebrated might; before whose majesty the assembly of kings bowed down; the unrivalled hero of this earth ;-the great grandson of the Raja Sri Skanda Varna, the great patron of the Brahmaņs; by whom all the divinely appointed rules of right conduct were collected and confirmed by the might of his own arm ;-have given four pieces of forest land in the village of Kanchi-vậyil, in the district of Adeyår, to be enjoyed in the same manner as heretofore, to Kula Sarma, a Brahman residing in Kanohi-váyil, belonging to the ancestral family of Kausika, to the Taittiriya division of the Veda, and to the Pravachana school, together with all immunities, except the temple plough-land, in accordAnce with the usual custom of gifts made to the Brahmans, for the prolongation of our lifetime, and the increase of our power, glory, and riches. Knowing this, yield ye up the four pieces of forest land in the tax-free village of Kânchi-váyil, together with the tax-immunities. He who shall disregard our royal grant, is fit for a sin-born body. Moreover, there are verses to that effect uttered by Brahma : The gift of land is the best of gifts: there has neither been any greater in times past, nor shall there be hereafter. Neither has there ever been a greater sin than the resumption of that gift, nor shall there be hereafter. Whoever shall resume land, whether given by himself or by others, partakes of the sin of the slayer of a hundred thousand cows.
This grant was delivered on the 6fth day of the bright half of the month of Vaisakha,

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JUNE, 1879.
in the first year of our advancing victorious does not occur in the grant itself, nor is it once reign.
mentioned by Sir W. Elliot, Dr. Barnell, or Mr. Tamil endorsement.
Fleet, in their descriptions of it. It is also to In the twenty-sixth year of the reign of the be observed, that Nandi Varm A, the grantor, worshipful Koppara Kesari Varma, is described in it as belonging to the gotra of the village councillors of the two villages of salan k & yana: whereas the kings of the Ikanmarai-mangalam, which is Kanchi-vayil, Palla vas, in the other inscriptions, are deand Udayachandra-mangalam having assembled scribed as of the gotra of Bhârad vaja There together, this agreement was unanimously is another feature in this grant which so far dismade-We have become one village and will go tinguishes it from the other Pallava grants, live and prosper.
though it resembles them in ita general com. It is to Sir Walter Elliot, as is now well position ;-it gives the descent of the grantor known, that we owe the rescue of the kings of only from his father, and simply describes the the Pallaves from the oblivion into which father as a Maharaja : whereas the other grants they had fallen, and the consequent possibility trace the pedigree of the donor up to his greatof the recovery of some knowledge of an im- grandfather, and describe the Pallav a family portant portion of the early history of the from which he was descended. This greater Da khan. And it is gradually becoming in- simplicity of form may be nothing more than creasingly evident that these kings were at an indication of its earlier age : and in that the head of an extensive and highly prosperous case the more primitive general appearance of state, or of a confederation of kingdoms, from at the inscription, and the greater rudeness of the least the commencement of the Christian era character, point in the same direction. Meandownwards.
while the Nandi Varm â of this grant was Sir Walter's invaluable collection of ancient the son of Chanda Varma, and is therefore inscriptions, now being published by Mr. Fleet a different person from the Nandi Varma in this Journal, includes four grants of this of the present grant, who was the son of dynasty (808 Dr. Eggeling's letter in vol. iii. Skanda Varma; unless it should hereafter of this Journal, p. 152): and there is appa-l prove that Chanda Varma and this Skanrently a fifth, namely, the "rude and indistinct" da Varma are the same person. For the second grant of Nandi Varmâ referred to by present also, the unpublished second inscription Mr. Fleet in Indian Antiquary vol. V. p. 175, of Nandi Varma, Professor Eggeling's 5th, which is probably the "almost entirely illegible" must be left at its side. second grant in the Vengi character which Dr. The 3rd Pallava inscription of the Elliot Burnell had already mentioned in his South collection in Professor Eggeling's list contains Indian Palæography, p. 14.
the names of Devendra Varman and his One of these documents, Professor Eggeling's father Rajendra Varman, names not elsefourth, was published with a fac-simile and notes, where appearing as yet amongst the kings of as far back as 1840, by Sir Walter Elliot in the the Palla vas. This grant has not yet been Madras Journal of Literature and Science, vol. XI. published. p. 302: but at that time it had been but imper- Besides these, there remain the 1st and 2nd fectly deciphered. It was subsequently re- grants of Dr. Eggeling's list; the 1st of which published in 1874, with a fac-simile of a printed has been published by Mr. Fleet as No. XII. of impression of the plates, by Dr. Burnell (see pp. his Series in Indian Antiquary vol. V. p. 50, 14, 86, and plates xx. xxi. S. I. Palæog.) : and and the 2nd as No. XV. in vol. V. p. 154. it also forms No. xviii. of Mr. Fleet's Series of With these the present grant of Nandi Inscriptions in vol. V. p. 175 of this Journal. Varma must now be associated : for, although
This grant has always been regarded as one his name does not appear in the Elliot grants, of the Palla v& dynasty, and there are circum- the general character of this grant is precisely stances which warrant this classification. Still similar to them, and the language also is almost it may be well to note that the name " Pallava" identically the same; so closely identical are
The fac-simile is in my copy of the Mad. Jour.
!
Pp. 16 and 186, and plate xxiv. of the second edition.

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GRANT OF THE PALLAVA KING NANDI VARMÅ.
171
they in the pedigree as to suggest at first sight II. The grandfather ;-. that the succession of princes in our prosent 1. In the present grant ; grant is the same as in Mr. Fleet's No. XII. i. abhyarchitashaktisiddhisampannasya ;
There are, however, two apparent difficulties in i. pratâpå vanatarajamandalasya; the way of the complete identification; the first iii. vasudhậtalaikavirasya ; of which is, that it requires both Nandi iv. Maharaja ; Sri Simha Varmaņah : Varma and his grandfather Sinha Varma 2. In Mr. Fleet's No. XII.; to have been known by two different names ; j. archchitaśaktisiddhisampannasya ; for Sinha Varma I. of the Elliot grants had i. pratâtopanatarajamandalasya ; Vira Varmâ for his grandfather. The ii. Mahârâjasya; father and the great-grandfather of the donor iv. vasudhâtalaikavirasya ; Sri Vira Varhave the same names in both of these grants. manah : This difficulty is, in reality, not a great one; III. The father ;for it was a common enough circumstance for 1. In the present grant; old Indian kings to bear different names and i. devad vijaguruvșiddhopacháyinovriddha vithere is less than the ordinary amount of diffi. neyasya ; culty in this particular instance, since this ii. sugohiranyâdipradanaih pravriddhadha name of " Vira," "the champion," may well rmasanchayasya ; have been a mere title, of which there are ex- iii. prajâpâlanadakshasya ; amples in other old dynasties also; and more iv. satyâtmano; particularly so as regards this present prince, v. Mahârâja ; Śrî Skanda Varmaņah : since this title of “ Vira" is found in the 2. In Mr. Fleet's No. XII. ;description of Sinha Varm in the words | i. devadvijaguravșiddhopachâyinovivsiddhavasudhátalaika Virasya, which same words vinayasya; occur also in the description of Vira Varma ü. anekagohiranyabhůmyâdipradanaih prain Mr. Fleet's No. XII., and the equivalent vriddhadharmasanchayasya ; words, prithivitalaika Virasya, in his No. XV. iii. prajâ pålanadakshasya; To this may be added the circumstance that the iv. lokapálânâmpaņchamasya ; common practice, even at the present day, is to 7. lokapalasya; vi. satyâtmano; give the grandfather's name to the grandson ; vii. Mahâtmano; a practice founded upon Sûtra authority and viii. Maharajasya ; Sri Skanda Varmanah : since our present grantor's grandfather bore IV. The grantor, the name of Simha Varmá, it is almost certain 1. In the present grunt:- . that he himself bore it also. At any rate this i. bhagavadbhaktisamranjanaparipälanonyadifficulty, thus modified, seems to me to be yopagatasatatasatravratadikshita; much less than to account in any other way ii. naikasamarasa hasávamarddalabdhavijayafor the almost verbally identical description of prakábana ; the succession of four several kings in these iii. kaliyugadoşhâvasanna dharmoddhara two inscriptions. These descriptions are as manityasannaddho; follows:
iv. bhagavatpádánuddbyâto; I. The great-grandfather ;
v. Bappa Bhattarakapadabhakta; 1. In the present grant;
vi. paramabhagavato; i. paramabrahmanyasya ;
vii. Bhâradvajasagotra; ii. sva bâhubalorjenárjjitavidhivihita sarva- viii. Pallavânâm Dharmamahârâja; Sri Nandi maryâ dasya; maradesys
Varma: iii. Rájnah ; Śri Skanda Varmanah :
2. In Mr. Fleat's No. XII.; 2. In Mr. Fleet's No. XII. ;
i. bhagavadbhaktisad bhậvasambhävitasarva. i. paramabrahmanyasya ;
kalyanasya; ii. svabâhubalârjitorjitakshatrataponidheb ii. prajâsamranjanaparipálanód yogasatatasaVihitasarvamaryâdasya;
travratadikshitasya; iii. sthitisthitasya; iv. amitâtmano; iii. anekasamaraskhaskvamardalabdha vijayayav. Mahirajasya; Sri Skanda Varmanah: sahprakåsasya;

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iv. Kaliyugadoshảvasannadharmoddharaṇanit- mangalam, the jackal's den'; but this name yasannaddhasya;
also has now disappeared. v. râjarghiganasarvasandobavijigishordhar- This circumstance, combined with the fact mavijigishor;
that the present grant was issued at Conjeveram vi. bhagavatpådânuddhyâtasya ;
(K & nchipurat), affords direct evidence vii. Bappa Bhattarakamahârâjapádabhaktas- that in the reign of Nandi Varma, and ya;
therefore in the fourth or fifth century A.D., As vii. paramabhagavatasya ;
we are at present advised, this portion of the ix. Bhårad våjasagotrasya ;
basin of the Palar, and we naturally conclude I. svavikramákrântânyanripaźrinilayan ám ! the whole of it, was included in the dominions yathavadAhritâshvamedhånåm Palla vånam of the kings of the Palla vas. The recovery Dharmayuvamahârâjasya ; Sri Vishņu-gopa of this fact is an important acquisition in our Varmaşo.
searches for the history of this grand old kingThe second difficulty is more formidable : dom of the South. for, whereas Nandi Varma, the donor of It confirms, and I think stamps with certhe present grant, is described as the reigning tainty, the argument of my paper in Ind. Ant. monarch, (Pallavanám Dharma-mahárája), the vol. VII. p. 1, maintaining the identity of Fa donor of Mr. Fleet's No. XII. is only the Hian's kingdom of the Dakshiņa,' with the heir apparent of his king (Pallavánám Dharma- dominions of the Pallavas of Conjeveram, and ynoamahdrájs); and, as he is still so described I may add here, to the grounds set forth in that in his son's grant, Mr. Fleet's No. XV., it paper, that Fa Hian's distance of 200 yojanas would appear that he never came to the throne, is the precise distance of Conjeveram from the having probably died during the life-time of Ganges as set down in a verse of the Kanchithe reigning king. On the whole, perhaps the pura Mahatmya. (See Captain Carr's Seven discussion of this difficulty had better be laid Pagodas, p. 220.) aside until the pedigree and alternative names The Tamil endorsement upon the grant is of these princes are better ascertained.
dated in the twenty-sixth year of the reign of With regard to the probable age of this in- Koppara Kesari Varma. With this scription, I need only say here, that Mr. Fleet endorsement may now be coupled the inscriphas assigned his No. XII. to the fifth century tion near the Varahasyami temple at the Seven A.D., (Indian Antiquary vol. V. p. 50), upon Pagodas, first made known by Mr. F. W. Ellis palæographical grounds : and the present grant in 1816 in his paper on Miragi Right (p. 291 of must follow it. Dr. Burnell also, upon the 1862 Edition), and given in full in 1844 by Sir same grounds, has assigned the earlier Nandi Walter Elliot in the Madras Journal of Literature Varm å inscription to the fourth century A.D. and Science, vol. XIII. (i.) p. 36. The opening (8. Ind. Palæog. p. 15).
words of Sir Walter's revised translation run I have not succeeded in finding the precise thus :-"In the ninth andu of Kopparaposition of the village of K âạchivậyil, kesari-varma, also called Udaiyar Sri *the gate of Conjeveram,' or Kanchid vâra, Rajendra Devar" ... Mr. Ellis (p. 292) as its equivalent Sanskrit name is given in identified this prince with Rajendra Chola, another new grant in my possession: but its the patron of the Tamil poet Kamban, and neighbourhood is fixed by a more recent in- placed him, in accordance with a verse of that scription, in which it is named amongst the poet's Ramayanam in SS. 808 or A.D. 886. Sir boundaries of the village of U day a chan- Walter Elliot (p. 89) similarly identifies Koppara dramangalam, mentioned in the endorse-Kesari with Rajendra Chola; bat (p. 40) ment upon the present grant. From the de- he places his accession in S$. 986, or A.D. scription there given, it is clear that Kanchi- | 1064. vayil lay, either wholly or in principal part, The re-adjustment of the dates of the Chola on the right bank of the Pålår in the upper, kings, which are at present in an exceedingly
r upper-middle, part of its course, somewhere confused condition, cannot here be entered into : above Vellore. In later times, as is seen from but, in connexion with the history of the Chola the endorsement, it was called Ikanmarai conquest of the Top damandalam, (the basin

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MISCELLANEA.
178
of the Palar and its neighbourhood,) from the Palla vas, we learn from the Varáha vámi inscription, that the lower basin of the Palar, including Mah åmalla puram, or the Seven Pagodas, was in the possession of Koppara
Kesari Varm in the ninth year of his reign; and from the endorsement upon the present grant, that its middle and upper basin formed part of his dominions in the twenty-sixth year of his reign.
MISCELLANEA. SPECIMEN OF A DISCURSIVE GLOSSARY terraced roof. A bungalow may also be a small OF ANGLO-INDIAN TERMS.
building, of the type we have described but of
temporary material, in a garden, on a terraced BY H. Y. AND A. C. B.
roof for sleeping, &c. &c. (Continued from p. 86.)
The word has been naturalized by the French BuNow, S. and v. Hind. banā'o, preparation, fa- in the East, and by Europeans generally in Ceylon, brication, &c., from v. baina, 'to make, prepare, China, and Japan. fabricate,' &c. The Anglo-Indian word is applied Wilson writes the word bangld, giving it as a to anything fictitious or factitious, '& cram,' Bengali word, and as probably derived from 'a shave,' a sham; or, as a verb, to the manufacture Banga = Bengal. This is fundamentally, though of the like. The following lines, which have been not formally, the etymology mentioned by Bishop found among old papers of an officer who was at Heber in his Journal (see below), and that etymothe Court of Sa'dat 'Ali at Lucknow, at the logs is corroborated by our first quotation, beginning of the present century, illustrate the from a native historian, as well as by that from way in which the word is used in the Hindustani F. Buchanan. It is to be remembered that in of English officers :
Hindustan proper the adjective of or belonging
to Bengal' is constantly. pronounced as bangld. “Young Grant and Ford the other day
The probability is that, when Europeans began to Would fain have had some sport,
build houses of this character in Behår and Upper But hound or beagle none had they,
India, these were called Bangla, or Bengal-fashion Nor aught of canine sort. A luckless Parry came most pat,
houses; the name was adopted by the Europeans When Ford-'We've dogs enow!
themselves and their followers, and so brought Here, Maitre-Kawn aur Doom ko kaut,
back into Bengal itself, as well as carried to other Juld! terrier bun now !
parts of India. "So Suadut, with the like design,
A. H. 1041, A.D. 1631 :-"Under the rule of
the Bengalis (dar ahd-i-Bengdltydn) a party of (I mean, to form a pack),
Frank merchants, who are inbabitants of Sundip, To T....8 gave a feather fine,
came trading to Satgâm. One kos above that And red coat to his back, A Persian sword to clog his side,
place they occapied some ground on the banks And boots hussar bra nyah,
of the estuary. Under the pretence that a building Then eyed his handiwork with pride,
was necessary for their transactions in buying and
selling, they erected several houses in the Bengali Crying Meejir myn bunnayah!!!
style."-Budshdhndma in Elliot, vol. VII. p. 31. " Appointed to be said or sung in all mosques, 1781-83 :-"Bungalows are buildings in India mutts, Tackeabs, or Eedgahs within the Reserved generally raised on a base of brick, one, two, or Dominions."
three feet from the ground, and consist of only BUNGALOW, . Hind. and Mar. bangld. The one story: the plan of them usually is, a large most usual class of house occupied by Europeans room in the center for an eating and sitting room, in the interior of India, being of one story, and and rooms at each corner for sleeping; the whole covered with a pyramidal roof, which in the normal
is covered with one general thatch, which comes bungalow is of thatoh, but may be of tiles without low to each side; the space between the angle impairing its title to the name. Most of the rooms are viranders or open porticoes ..... houses of officers in Indian cantonments are of sometimes the center viranders, at each end, are this character, and, in reference to the style of a converted into rooms."-Hodges, Travels, &c. house, bungalow is sometimes employed in con- p. 146. tradiction to the (usually more pretentious) pucka 1781 :-"To be let at Chinsurah ..... That house, by which is implied a masonry house with large and commodious House ..... The out-buildPariah dog.
"Mehtar (sweeper), orop his car and tail manufactare a terrier of him!"

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ings are .... a warehouse and two large bottle- a bedstead and table, a bathroom and water, and connahs, 6 store-rooms, a cook-room and a garden, on frequented roads a servant, who supplied food with & Bungalow near the house."--Cal. Gazette, at very moderato charges. On principal lines of April 15th, in Seton-Karr, vol. I. p. 40.
thoroughfare, such as the so-called Grand Trunk 1787 :-"At Barrackpore many of the Bungalows Road from Calcutta to the N.W., these bungalows much damaged, though none entirely destroyed." were at intervals of ten to fifteen miles, so that it -Ibid., Nov. 8th, vol. I. p. 213.
was possible on such a road for & traveller to 1807:- In the centre of the garden is a small break his journey by daily marches without but neat cottage (Bungalo) from which grass walks carrying a tent. On some other roads they were diverge in all directions."-Buchanan's Mysore, forty to fifty miles apart, adapted to a night's run vol. III. p. 423.
in a palankeen. Circa 1810:-" The style of private edifices CARNATIC, np. Karnataka and Karnataka (adj. that is proper and peculiar to Bengal consists of a formed from Karnata or Karnata-Sansk.). In hut with a pent roof constructed of two sloping native use, according to Bishop Caldwell, this sides which meet in a ridge forming the segment word denoted the Telugu and Canarese people of a circle .... This kind of hut, it is said, from and their language, but in process of time became being peculiar to Bengal, is called by the natives specially the appellation of the people speaking Banggolo, a name which has been somewhat altered Canarese, and of their language. But no authoby Europeans, and applied by them to all their build- rity is given for this statement. The Muhammaings in the cottage style, although none of them dans, on their arrival in Southern India, found have the proper shape, and many of them are that region, including Maistrand part of Telingana, excellent brick houses."-Buchanan's 'Dinagepoor" called the Karnataka country (i.e. the Vijayanagara (in Eastern India, vol. II. p. 922).
kingdom), and this was identical with the Canara 1809 :-"We came to a small bungalo, or garden- country of the older Portuguese writers (see under house, at the point of the hill, from which there that word). The name Karnataka became exis, I think, the finest view I ever saw."-Maria tended, especially in connexion with the rule of Graham, p. 10.
the Nabobs of Arcot who partially occupied the Circa 1818:—"As soon as the sun is down we Vijayanagara territory, and were known as Nawabs will go over to the Captain's bungalow."-Mrs. of the Karnataka, to the country below the Ghats Sherwood, Stories, &c., ed. 1873, p. 1.
| on the eastern side of the Peninsula, just as the The original edition of this book contains an other form Kanara had become extended to the engraving of "The Captain's bungalow at Cawn- country below the Western Ghats; and eventually pore," circa 1810-12, which shows that no material with the English the term Karndtaka came to be change has taken place in the character of such understood in a sense more or less restricted to dwellings down to the present time.
the eastern low country, though never so absolute1824:-" The house itself of Barrackpoor.... ly as Canara has become restricted to the western barely accommodates Lord Amherst's own family, low country. The term Karnataka is now out of use. and his aides-de-camp and visitors sleep in bunga- Its derivation is generally supposed to be from lows built at some little distance from it in the kara-ndlu, black country,' in allusion to the black Park. Bungalow,' & corruption of Bengalee, cotton soil which characterizes much of the region is the general name in this country for any originally so styled. structure in the cottage style and only of one floor. Circa A.D. 550 :- In the Brihat-Sanhita of VariSome of these are spacious and comfortable dwell. hamihira, in the enumeration of peoples and ings."--Heber's Journal, Oct. 11th (vol. I. p. 33, regions of the south, appears Karnatic in Kern's ed. of 18+4).
translation; the original form is not given, but is 1872:-"L'emplacement du bungalow avait Karnata.-Jour. R. As. Soc. N.S. vol. V. p. 83. été choisi avec un soin tout particulier."-Revue In the later Sanskpit literature this name often des Deux Mondes, tom. xcviii. p. 93n.
occurs, e.g. in the Kathasaritsdgara, or Ocean for 1875:-" The little groups of officers dispersed rivers of stories,' a collection of tales (in verse) of to their respective bungalows, to dress and break- the beginning of the 19th century A.D., by Somafast." -The Dilemma, ch. i.
deva of Kasmir; but it is not possible to attach BUNGALOW, DÅK, s. A rest-house for the accom- any very precise meaning to the word as there modation of travellers, especially travellers by palan used. keen dak or post, provided by the paternal care of The word also occurs in the inscriptions of the the Government in India. The matériel of the ac- Vijayanagara dynasty, e.g. in one of 1400 A.D.commodation was humble enough, but comprised Elem. of So.-Ind. Paleogr. 2nd ed. pl. xxx. the things essential for a weary traveller-shelter, 1608:-"In the Land of Karnata and Vidyana

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gara was the king Mahendra."--Taranátha's Hist. | to be of European origin. The name was properly of Buddhism, by Schiefner, p. 267.
synonymous with the Karndtaka (see Carnatic), and Circa 1610 :-"The Zamindars of Singaldip apparently a corruption of that word. Our quota(Ceylon) and Karnatak came up with their forces tions show that throughout the 16th century the and expelled Sheo Rai, the ruler of the Dakhin." term was applied to the.country above the Gbats, -Firishta in Elliot, vol. VI. p. 549.
sometimes to the whole kingdom of Narsinga Circa 1660 :-"The Ráis of the Karndtik, Mah- or Vijayanagar. Gradually, and probably owing rattá (country), and Telingana, were subject to the to local application at Goa, the name became Rai of Bidar."-'Amal-i-Salih, in Elliot, vol. VII. appropriated to the low country on the coast p. 126.
between Goa and Malabar, which was subject to 1698:-"I received this information from the that kingdom, much as the name Karnataka came Natives, that the Canatick Country reaches from at a later date to be misapplied on the other Gongola to the Zamerhin's Country of the Mala- coast. bars along the sea, and inland up to the Pepper The Canara or Canarese language is spoken Mountains of Sunda. . . . . . Bedmure, four Days' over a large tract above the Ghats, and as far Journy hence is the Capital City."-Fryer, p. 162 north as Bidar (see Caldwell's Gram. p. 33). It (A Relation of the Canatick Country).
is only one of several languages spoken in the Here Fryer identifies the “Canatick" with Ca- British district of Kanara, and in only a small nara below the Ghâţs.
part, viz. near Kundapur. Tuļu is the chief lanSo also the coast of Kanara seems meart in guage in the southern district. the following:
1516 :-"Beyond this river commences the Circa 1750-60 :-" Though the navigation from kingdom of Narsinga, which contains five very the Carnatic coast to Bombay is of a very short large provinces, with each a language of its own. run, of not above six or seven degrees."--Grose, The first, which stretches along the coast to Malabar, vol. I. p. 232.
is called Talinate (i. e. Tuļu-nadu, or the modern "The Carnatic, or province of Arcot....its province of South Canara); another lies in the intelimits now are greatly inferior to those which rior....; another has the name of Telingu, which bounded the ancient Carnatio: for the Nabobs of confines with the kingdom of Origa; another is Arcot have never extended their authority beyond Canari, in which is the great city of Bisnaga; and the river Gondegama to the north; the great then the kingdom of Charamendel, the language of chain of mountains to the west, and the branches which is Tamal."-Barbosa. . of the kingdom of Trichinopoli, Tanjore, and 1520 :-" The last kingdom of the First India Maissore to the south; the sea bounds it to the is called the Province Canarin; it is bordered on east."-Ibid. II. p. vii.
one side by the kingdom of Goa and by Anjadiva, 1792:-" I hope that our acquisitions by this and on the other side by Middle India, or Malabar. peace will give so much additional strength and In the interior is the king of Narsings, who is compactness to the frontier of our possessions, chief of this country. The speech of those of both in the Carnatic, and on the coast of Malabar Canarim is different from that of the kingdom of as to render it extremely difficult for any power the Decan and of Goa."-Portuguese Summary of above the Ghauts to invade us."-Lord Cornwallis's Eastern Kingdoms, in Ramusio, vol. I. f. 330. Despatch from Seringopatam, in Seton-Karr, vol. 1552:-"The third province is called Ganará, also II. p. 96.
in the interior (Castanheda, vol. II. p. 50), and as 1826 :-" Camp near Chillumbrum (Carnatic), applied to the language." March 21st, 1826." This date of a letter of He- 1552:-"Tho language of the Gentoos. (or ber's is probably one of the latest instances of the pagans) is Canard." --Ibid. p. 78. use of the term in a natural way.
1552:-"The whole coast that we speak of, back In South India, especially among natives, to the Ghat (Gate) mountain range . . . . . they call Karnataka fashion' is in common colloquial use Concan, and the people properly Concanese (Conto signify a rude or boorish way of doing things. quewijs), though our people call them Cararese
CANARA, np. Properly Kannada. This name (Canarija)" ...-De Barros, Dec. I. liv. ix. cap. i. has long been given to that part of the west coast 1552:-"And as from the Ghats to the sea on the which lies below the Ghats, from Mouat Dely west of the Decan all that strip is called Concan, north to the Goa territory, and now to the two Bo from the Ghats to the sea on the west of Canará, British provinces or districts which that tract con- always excepting that stretch of 46 leagues of titutes. This appropriation of the name seems which we have spokon (north of Mount Deli)
The passage is exceedingly corrupt. This version, English (p. 79); the Portuguese of the Lisbon Academy imperfect as it is, is made up from three, vix. Stanley's p. 291; and Ramasio's Italian (vol. I. S. , V.).

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which belongs to the same Canard, the strip which of India, does not exist in Ceylon."-Tennent's stretches to Cape Comorin..... is called Mala- Ceylon, vol. I. p. 140. bar."-Ibid.
It has been ingeniously suggested by Mr. 1512-".... the kingdom of Canará, which ex. Aldis Wright that the word cheater, as used by tends from the river called Gate, north of Chaul, to Shakspere in the following passage, refers to this Cape Comorin (so far as concerns the interior re- animal : gion east of the Ghats) .. ,. and which in the "Falstaff. He's no Swaggerer, Hostess; a tame east marches with the kingdom of Orisa; and the Cheater i' faith; you may stroke him gently as a Gentoo kings of this great Province of Canará were puppy Greyhound; he'll not swagger."-2nd. Pt. those from whom sprung the present kings of King Henry IV., Act II. Sc. 4. Bisnaga."-Id., Dec. II. liv. v. cap. ii.
The interpretation would rather perhaps derive 1598:-" The land itselfe is called Decam, and corroboration from a parallel passage in Beaumont also Canara."-Linschoten, p. 49.
and Fletcher :1614___"Its proper name is Charnathacà, which
"if von give any credit to this inclin from corruption to corruption has come to be rascal, you are worse than simple widgeons, and called Canara."-Couto, Dec. VI. liv. v. ch. v. will be drawn into the net by this decoy-duck,
In the following quotations the name is applied this tame Cheater."--The Fair Maid of the I, Act either inclusively or exclusively to the territory | IV. Sc. 2. which we now call Canara :
But we have not been able to trace any source 1615 :-"Canara. Thence to the Kingdome of from which there is the least probability that the Canarrins, which is but a little one, and 5 dayes Shakspere could have derived the name of the iourney from Damans. They are tall of stature, animal, to say nothing of the familiar use of it in idle, for the most part, and therefore the greater Falstaff's mouth. theeues." -De Monfart, p. 23.
(To be continued.) 1623 :-"Having found a good opportunity such as I desired of getting out of Goa, and penetrating further in India, that is more to the South, to
NOTES AND QUERIES. Canara."-P. della Valle, vol. II. p. 601.
ABHORRENCE OF THE Cow.-In the Asam Hills 1672 :-"The strip of land Canara, the inhabit
and in Dardistân we come upon tribes who posiants of which are called Canarins, is fruitful in tively abhor the cow: it would be interesting to rice and other foodstuffs." -Baldæus, p. 98.
trace how far this prevails, and the causes. There is a good map in this work which shows
CRETINS.-In the neighbourhood of Lahor, at a Canara' in the modern acceptation of the term.
place called Pul Shah Daulah, over the Deg 1672:-"Description of Canara, and Journey to Nadi, are collected a number of idiots, deposited Goa.-This kingdon is one of the finest in India, i by their parents, and carried about by Muhammadall plain country near the sea, and even among the ans as a means of collecting alms: their facial mountains all peopled."-P. Vincenzo Maria,
appearance is that of a rat, and they are called p. 420.
Chuhar Shah Daulah. An audacious Frenchman Here 'the title seems to be applied in the modern
exhibited two in Paris in 1856, and called them manner, but the same author (p. 221) applies
Azteks of Central America. Can we get further Canara to the whole kingdom of Bisnagar.
information of this particular colony, and similar 1727:-"This Country of Canara is generally
colonies in other parts of India P-R. Cust, Lib. governed by a Lady, who keeps her Court at a
R. A8. Soc. Town called Baydour, two Days Journey from the Sea."-A. Hamilton, vol. I. p. 280.
AN ACCOUNT OF SHAH DAWLA'S CHUHÅS. CHEETA, 8., Hind, Chitd. The Felis jubata, or Abstracted from the Vernacular Settlement Report of Hunting Leopard, so called from its being com
Gujardt by Mirsa Asam Beg. monly trained to use in the chase. From Sansk. The shrine of Shah Dawlat is one of the most chitra, spotted.'
famous of the Panjab. This saint lived in Gujarat, 1563 :-"...... Chita, or, as we should say, which is called after his name Gujrat-i-Shah Ounce."-Garcia de Orta, Colloq. f. 36.
Dawlat. His tout, built of masonry, lies 50 1625 :-Hawkins in Purchas (vol. I. p. 218) at yarda ona of the town. Round it is an enclosure Akbar's Court calls the Cheetas "ounces for called Garhi Shah Dawlat, in which the attendants
of the shrine live. The man was an Afghan by 1862:-"The true Cheetah, the hunting leopard I descent, though the Gujars claim him as of their
game."
* Communiçated by direction of His Honour the Governor of the Panjab.

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kin. He is said to have belonged to the Lodi family of Dehli. Of his own free will he turned an ascetic, and became a saint. He was fond of building useful works, especially bridges, wells and tanks. Bridges called by his name exist still on the Lahor road, and a large one is in front of the eastern gate of the city. The ruins of a mosque and tank built by him lie on the same side, and the shrine of Imam Ali Hak at Syalkot is also said to be his work. A special miracle is ascribed to him. It is said that the first child of any woman who asks him to pray for a child for her is born an idiot with a small head and long ears. Such children are offered to the shrine by their parents. They can only eat and lie: they are complete idiots. The custom of offering these children still prevails. They are called "Shah Dawlat's rats," and one or two are presented every year. A return of those presented between 1857 and 1866 shews that 14 boys and 3 girls were brought to the shrine in that period. The Faqirs of the shrine trade on them, taking them to different towns, and collecting alms by exhibiting them. The ignorant people of the country consider them supernatural beings. In 1866 there were nine of these unhappy beings at the shrine. The Shah died in 1074 Hijri, having lived in the reigns of Akbar and Jehangir. The shrine was built by his son. On every Thursday are gatherings there, and a fair takes place annually. W. O. FANSHAWE.
MISCELLANEA.
Professor Dr. H. Schaaffhausen, President of the Anthropological Society, Bonn, Rhennish Prussia, has recently sent me the following questions, in answering which I would ask the aid of contributors who may possess information on the subjects in which Dr. Schaaffhausen is interested :
I. Do any of the Indian tribes contract, elongate, or otherwise deform the heads of their children ?
II. Have any elongated or small skulls (Mikrocephalen) been found in India as in the tumuli of the Crimea, Peru, Germany, France, &c. P
III. Are imbecile persons, or those with small heads (Mikrocephalen) regarded as holy in any part of India ?
IV. Is any green-stone, Nephrite, (Fadeit brile) met with in India, and for what purpose is it used ?
V. Is the Hammer (Thorhammer) or Axe venerated anywhere in India ?
VI. Have any representations been found on any of the old sculptures of fire being obtained by wood-friction, and do any of the wild tribes in India employ this means in the present day ?
I have attempted to answer these questions
177
as far as my information will permit me as follows:
Taking Queries I., II. and III. together
An Officer who had been in the Panjab, informed me that he had seen there a half-witted creature, with an extraordinarily small head, who went about as a Faqir, and was treated as a privileged person. My informant heard a legend that the heads of children were sometimes purposely deformed in this manner, the growth of the skull being restricted in infancy by a clay covering. I have been unable as yet to obtain any confirmation of the statement.
If the skull is deformed by the parents during the infancy of the child, the intention would seem to be to render it an object of superstitious wonder !
As regards imbeciles being venerated, afflicted persons in India are invariably treated with great consideration, and I have been astonished sometimes to notice the patience with which villagers will tolerate a troublesome beggar, if he is blind or half-witted.
IV. Nephrite is, I believe, a species of Jade, and is sometimes called Serpentine. In India it is used freely in ornamentation. Dr. G. Birdwood, C.S.I., in his interesting volume on the Paris Exhibition, thus refers to its use in India :
"The old Delhi work in cut and gem-encrusted Jade is priceless. The Chinese had cut Jade for ages, but never ornamented it, except by sculpture; but when it was introduced into India the native jewellers, with their quick eye for colour, at once saw what a perfect ground it afforded for mounting precious stones, and they were the first to
encrust them on Jade. The Indian Museum possesses the choicest, grandest specimens of this work known, of the best Mogol period. They were exhibited at the Paris Exhibition of 1867."
If I am correct in the view that Nephrite and Jade are the same, then recently at Fatehgarh I came upon an instance of this stone being sold as a medicine. The jeweller from whom I bought a small quantity of jade as a specimen, told me it was very efficacious for those who suffered from pain in the head, and whose intellect was out of order! I have heard the word Nephrite explained as indicating the cure affected by this stone in disease of the kidneys. And others have explained the derivation by saying that the stone is sometimes found in nodules in the shape of kidneys. This latter view is, however, I believe incorrect.
As regards the use of the stone as medicine, Mr. Cockburn, of the Calcutta Museum, informed me that, when in Asam, he had seen a Jade axe, shaped

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as the stone celts of Europe, which had been scraped, and the powder thus obtained used as medicine. I believe that some similar superstition regarding the efficacy of Jade stone or serpentine as a cure for impotency is supposed to have once existed in Europe.
Jade "celt" or stone axes are found in the old tumuli, and at the village of Carnac in Brittany (celebrated for its "stone-henge")," I saw some such stone axes which had been dug out of the so-called Celtic remains there, and which were held by the local savants to indicate the eastern origin of the bodies buried there.
V. Stone celts which are found in the Banda districts, in Jabalpur and in other parts of India are often worshipped, as Lingas (Siva's emblem), and perhaps this accounts for the stone being called serpentine-the serpent and Ling being synonymous? Mr. H. P. LeMessurier, C.S.I., Mr. J. J. Carey, C.E., and many others have found these celts set upright under trees. They are generally daubed with red paint, and thus deified, and worshipped as the Linga. I made over a considerable collection of Indian celts to Mr. Franks, F.R.S., of the British Museum.
These Celts resemble somewhat in shape the
BOOK
BUDDHISM: being a Sketoh of the LIFE and TEACHINGS of GAUTAMA, the BUDDHA. By T. W. Rhys Davids, of the Middle Temple, Barrister-at-law, and late of the Ceylon Civil Service. London, 1878.
"Knowledge shall be increased" wrote one, who, living in the time of Gautama's boyhood, looked onward through a vista of many centuries to the "time of the end." The last few years have witnessed a wondrous fulfilment of the prediction; and we venture to affirm that at no previous time in our era was there such a thirst for knowledge, or did such facilities exist for acquiring it. Subjects which until now were deemed too deep or too uninteresting for any but the scholar or the specialist, find eager readers amongst all classes; and stranger still, we find some of the best scholars of the day engaged in writing popular treatises on every branch of science, in order to satisfy this demand. The volume before us is one of a series published by the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge under the title of "Non-Christian Religious Systems."
The subject, deeply interesting, but by no means easy, has been very judiciously handled by its able expositor. The chapter on the ontology of Buddhism is especially good, and includes a lucid statement of the doctrine of Nirwana. Mr. Rhys Davids defines it, not as the extinction of existence, but as "the
[JUNE, 1879.
Linga stone found piled up as offerings at Siva shrines, and so far as I can make out an oval stone equally with the "column" is considered to represent the "Mahadeva."
Raja Siva Prasad, C.S.I., of Banaras, told me recently that meteoric stones are worshipped as the Linga. It is readily to be understood that the people would regard such a stone with superstitious awe, and that the same feeling would lead them to set up as a Mahadeva, under a tree, the queer-looking, polished 'celts' which the plough sometimes turns up in their fields.
VI. All the carvings found in India are of a comparatively late date. And where stone was carved the use of the flint and steel would be known. At Bhilsa the "Dasyus" are shown using the axe bound on to the handle, and a superior tribe might, in their sculpturings, show the wild habits of the aborigines. But, I imagine, the use of flint and steel must have been known in India long prior to any date of which we have a record. It may be noted that the lucifer match has found its way now into even very remote villages. H. RIVETT-CARNAC.
17th March 1879.
NOTICE.
extinction of that sinful, grasping condition of mind and heart, which would otherwise, according to the great mystery of Karma, be the cause of renewed individual existence." In other words, it is the state attained to in this life by the Arbat, and results, at death, in Parinirwana or complete annihilation of existence.
The late Professor Childers maintained that the word Nirwana was itself used in both these senses. He says, "a great number of expressions are used with reference to Nirwana, which leave no room to doubt that it is the absolute extinction of being, the annihilation of the individual"; but his verdict was that "the word is used to designate two different things; the state of blissful sanctification called Arhatship, and the annihilation of existence in which Arhatship ends." So, too, Professor Max Müller. When that scholar wrote his review of M. Barthélemy Saint-Hilaire's Le Bouddha et sa Religion, he understood Nirwana to mean " a total extinction of being, personality, and consciousness"; but he afterwards acknowledged that in the various passages of the Dhammapada where the word occurs, "there is not one which would require that its meaning should be annihilation, while most, if not all, would become perfectly unintelligible" if that

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signification were assigned. As a means, however, of avoiding ambiguity, Mr. Rhys Davids' method of using the two words to express the two distinct things is commendable: and the Pitakas, so far as they have been explored, warrant such usage.
It is interesting to note how exactly the Buddhist Arhat corresponds with the Jivanmukta of the Vedanta'; and his must be an extraordinarily subtle intellect that can discern any appreciable difference between the final goal of the two, 'etween the Buddhistic parinirwana and the Brahmanic mukti. To him who sees a superiority in the latter state we commend the following words of an eminent scholar:-"The absolute state of the soul thus liberated is nowhere clearly defined; it ceases to transmigrate; it loses all bodily individuality; it loses all spiritual individuality; as whether, with the Vedanta, we consider it to be reunited with, or absorbed into, the Supreme Spirit, or whether, with the Sankhyas, we hold it to be commingled with the spiritual element of the universe, individual spirit ceases to exist. Annihilation, then, as regards individuals, is as much the destiny of the soul as it is of the body, and Not to be' is the melancholy result of the religion and philosophy of the Hindus."
Before leaving this part of the subject it may be well to notice a curious statement at the foot of page 31, to the effect that the Påli word Nibbuta (Sk. nirvṛita) " is derived from the same word as Nibbdna, in Sanskrit Nirvana"! In the Pâli Dictionary, s. v. parinibbuto we read: "This word is regularly used as the p. p. p. of parinibbáyati, partly from a confusion between the roots T and T, and partly no doubt to reserve the form parinibbana exclusively for the noun." That is, the past participle of nirwd having been appropriated to another purpose, the corresponding participle of another verb has to be used to express the participial meaning; but to assert calmly that nibbuta or parinibbuta is actually "derived from the same word" as nibbána or parinibbana is as ridiculous as it is unscholarly.
Buddhist chronology has hitherto been almost entirely drawn from three sources, namely, from Greek authors, from data furnished by the recorded travels of Buddhist pilgrims from China, and from the Ceylon Chronicle entitled Mahawanso, which was compiled in the fifth century of our The date assigned by the Chronicle to Buddha's death is B.C. 543, but this is accepted by very few scholars. It has been recently shown however by Dr. Bühler that some at any rate of its most important dates are trust
era.
H. H. Wilson's Works, ii. 118. Vide Ind. Antiq. vol. VI. p. 149 vol. VII. p. 141, and Max Müller's Lectures on the Origin and Growth of
179
worthy. Many years ago, Professor Max Müller and General Cunningham, working independently and from different data, proposed the year B.C. 477-78 as the more probable date of the nirwana; and the discovery by the latter in 1876, of three new edicts of Asoka's, has wonderfully confirmed their view."
Professor Kern, on the other hand, assigns that event to the year B.C. 380; whilst Mr. Rhys Davids, for reasons not given in the work under review, differing from all the above, prefers the year 412 B.C. Unfortunately he is not quite consistent; for on page 86, he tells us that the Council of Asoka was held at Patna "about 250 B.C., that is to say at least 130 years after the death of the teacher," which would bring the latter event down to Professor Kern's date; and then, on page 234, we read that the Pitakas were first reduced to writing "about 160 years after the council of Patna, and 330 years after the death of Gautama," instead of 290 according to his former computation.
At the end of the third chapter of the book which finishes the sketch of the Buddha's life, Mr. Rhys Davids denounces the not uncommon view that that reformer's system was opposed to Brahmanism. He declares that Gautama was quite unconscious of any such opposition, and "lived and died a Hindu"; nay, that " he was the greatest, wisest, and best of the Hindus," and that the growth of Buddhism, "so far from showing how depraved and oppressive Hinduism was, shows precisely the contrary; for none will deny that there is much that is beautiful and noble in Buddhism, and Buddhism was the child, the product of Hinduism."
But let us hear another well-known scholar as to the condition of Hinduism in Buddha's time. He writes: "The system of the Brahmans had run its course. The ascendancy, at first purely intellectual and religious, had gradually assumed a political character. By means of the system of caste this influence pervaded the whole social fabric, not as a vivifying leaven, but as a deadly poison... .... It was impossible for anybody to move or to assert his freedom of thought and action without finding himself impeded on all sides by the web of the Brahmanic law; nor was there anything in their religion to satisfy the natural yearnings of the human heart after spiritual comfort." Again,-"It was impossible to avoid sin without the help of the Brahmans. They alone knew the food that might properly be eaten, the air which might properly be breathed, the dress which might properly be worn. They
Religion, p. 134.
Ind. Antiq. vol. III. p. 79.
Chips from a German Workshop, vol. I. p. 224.

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alone could tell what god should be invoked, what 1. do not disparage the authority of the Vedas, they do sacrifice be offered ; and the slightest mistake not dissuade the celebration of the acts of formal of pronunciation, the slightest neglect about devotion..... Again, the writings of the orthodox clarified butter, or the length of the ladle in philosophers meddle not with existing institutions ; which it was to be offered, might bring destruc- and least of all do they urge or insinuate any contion upon the head of the unassisted worshipper. sideration to detract from the veneration, or tresNo nation was ever so completely priestridden as pass upon the privileges, of the Brahmans." Now, the Hindus under the sway of the Brahmanio from its very earliest institution by Gautama himlaw."
self, Buddhism, in entirely ignoring the Vedas, caste, Now to speak of Buddhism as "the product" sacrifices, priests, rites, ceremonies, and gods, must of such a system as this is absurd. Brahmanism have been most obnoxious to the Brahmans, and gave rise indeed to Buddhism, as Romanism did | have been more and more dreaded by them as the to Protestantism; but it arose as a reaction from number of its adherents increased; and this, and "a degrading thraldom and from priestly tyranny." this alone, brought about its final overthrow in
And what was the attitude of "the greatest, India. wisest, and best of the Hindus" towards the creed Mr. Rhys Davids depicts very clearly the abhorof his ancestors P The scholar already quotedrence felt by Gautama of a belief in anything like tells us that" he throw away the whole ceremonial soul. Indeed the very first sin to be got rid of by with its sacrifices, superstitions, penances, and & Sotâpanna was that denominated "sakk&yacastes, as worthless !"
diţthi," or "the delusion of self"-and the docAnd what is Mr. Rhys Davids' own acconnt of trine of the transmigration of soul was changed Gautama's system! He describes it as a system of by him to that of the transmigration of karma "salvation merely by self-control and love, without (i. e. of the aggregate of a man's merit and any of the rites, any of the ceremonies, any of the demerit). In view of this fact, it is curious that charms, any of the priestly powers, any of the gode the author of the Vedantasdra should have brought in which men love to trust" (p. 41),-28 "& religion two Buddhists forward for censure for believing which ignores the existence of God, and denies 'intelligence' (buddhi) and nihility' (súnya) to be the existence of the soul" (p. 150); and tells us soul. In his short description of their tenets, that "it struck of the manacles of casto" (p. 151). Colebrooke too says-"the Bauddhas do not recogWill anybody who knows India venture to deny nize a fifth element, dkdka, nor any substance so that this was a complete revolution ? And to designated; nor soul (jiva or dtman) distinct from assert that the prime mover in it "lived and died intelligence (chitta)." Now chitta is said to be a Hindu" is as contrary to fact and common sense identical with the fifth skandha; and it is "reas it would be to allege that Luther lived and peatedly and distinctly laid down in the Pitakas died a Romanist.
that none of these skandhas or divisions of the Mr. Rhys Davids remarks (on page 151) that qualities of sentient beings is soul" (p. 93); 80 "beliefs very inconsistent with the practical creed that not only did the Buddhists not recognize of the masses met with little opposition if they were a soul distinct from intelligence, but they equally taught only in schools of philosophy," and adds denied that there was one identical with intellithat it was Gautama's "society rather than his genoe. In discourse addressed to a person doctrine-the Sangha rather than the Dharma.... named Sona, Buddha spoke on this point as which excited the hostility of the Brahmans," and follows:-"If there be any organized form, sensa80 led to its ultimate expulsion from the country. tion, perception, thought or consciousness, past, Bat we demur to this. Remarking on the Hindu future or present, internal or external, great or schools of philosophy, Professor Wilson wrote: small, remote or proximate, of it all it should "These, although some of them offer irreconcilable be clearly and distinctly known, This is not mine, contradiction to essential doctrines of their re- I am not it, it is not to me & soul." ligious belief, are recognized by the Brahmans as But here we must stop. To those whose lot is orthodox ... There are other schools, as those cast in India--a country which has been and is of the Chårvåkas, Buddhists, and Jaing, which profoundly influenced by the results of the rise although in some respects not more at variance and fall within it of the Buddhist Church"-we with received opinion than the preceding, are commend this work, which, in spite of some stigmatised with the reproach of infidelity and blemishes, is really valuable, and is probably the atheism. The cause of this difference is sufficiently best manual now available for the general reader. obvious .... The orthodox schools of philosophy
G. A. J. Chips from a German Workshop, vol. I. p. 246.
Works, II. 86. • Ibid. p. 247.
• Hardy'. Legends and Theorier of the Buddhists, p. 340.

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NOTES ON THE SEACOAST OF SAURASHTRÅ.
181
NOTES ON THE SEACOAST OF SAURASHTRA, WITH A FEW REMARKS ON
THE EXTENT OF THE CHUDASAMĂ RULE. BY MAJOR J. W. WATSON, PRESIDENT OF THE KAJASTHÅNIK COURT, KÅTHIÀWÅR. TT is usually considored that Saurashtrabably independent of their control, and the
was conquered by Mahmûd Begadha; Gohels shortly afterwards entered the eastern although other Gujarat Sultáns, notably Ahmad and south-eastern divisions of the peninsula. Shâh and Mazafar Shah I., bad made incursions When therefore we deduct from the Chudátherein, and though it is admitted that Ulugh sama rule these large portions of the proKhân, in the reign of Sultan Alau'd-din Khilji, vince, we find their domain considerably conquered Gujarât; it is usually assumed that curtailed, and allowance being made for the his conquest was by no means a thorough one, forest, utterly insignificant. Still this dense and that it did not extend to Saurashtrá. forest, and the entire absence of roads, together And that though Sultan Muhammad Taghlik! with the natural advantages of Girnar and the made an expedition to Gujarat, and also visited Uparkot, made the fortress formidable even to the peninsula, that he departed without effect powerful sovereigns. ing any permanent conquest. During all this With regard to the races who have ruled in period, it is assumed that the Chu dâ sa mas the civilized belt above mentioned, they are as of Junagadh ruled over the whole peninsula; follows. In ancient times, Chavadas, Waand that it was only on the conquest of Junagadh
1 às, Jeth was, and W âjâs. Next, the Muby Mahmûd Begadhà, that the Muhammadan hammadans; and in modern times, Gohels power was first established therein. But this and J å dejas. The Châ va das certainly view will, I think, appear untenable, when the ruled the southern shore of the gulf of Kachh, following facts and inscriptions are considered. including Dwarka; Bet, then called Sa n k hodThe entire coast of Sau râsht r & appears to
wara, being one of their chief seats. And we have been populous and cultivated from the find traces of them both at Miâni (now under earliest times, but this belt of civilization ex. Porbandar); and at Somanåth, which was tended but a few miles inland, and the whole no doubt ruled by them, and also Div. centre of the peninsula appears to have been
The Cháva dâs were dispossessed of their covered with the densest forest. All history country by the Rathods, in about the latter end and tradition now procurable are unanimous
of the 12th or early in the 13th century A.D. on this point. In fact, the only towns in the
These last splitting up into the Dwarka branch central portion appear to have been Junagadh,
or Wad hels, and the Pâtan-Somanath, Wanthali, Valabhi, Wadhwan, and perhaps Thân
Vejalkot, and other branches, known as Wâjâs. and Jasdan, and of these, Wadhwan and
Of these we have somewhat fuller accounts than Valabhi would come within the civilization
of the Chavadis, and they appear to have ruled belt, for as in those days the Gulfs of Kachh and also at Unâ, at Unchå Kotda, andat Jhanjhmer; Kambay were probably more or less united,
and to have been, like their predecessors, much both these towns would come within the eastern
addicted to piracy border.
The W Alas ruled the south-east portion of In later times there is no doubt whatever, the coast belt, from a point north of Walk to as but that all of Jhâlâwâd and part of the Panchal, far as Jafar Abad on the south-west. All was under the direct control of the Anhilwada this strip was called Wâlâk, though now but kings; and it will also, I think, be found, that an insignificant portion is known by that name. during these times the whole of the sea coast was The invasion of Sultan Mahmud Ghaznavi governed by chiefs other than the Chad a doubtless fell upon the Chavadas, and it is prosa mâs; and probably owing them no al bable that they were still ruling at Somanath legiance, afterwards, in the latter end of the Pâtan, at Ulugh Khan's conquest. But, shortly. twelfth, and certainly in the thirteenth century after this, they were superseded by the WA(Saṁvat) a wave of Kathis appears to have jâs; who were speedily reduced to a subordi. occupied the Gir Forest; probably in subordi- nate position by the Muhammadan governors, nation to the Chudá sa mås, but just as pro- who appear to have permanently occupied the

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strip of country called Någ hor, stretching, roughly speaking, from Chorwad, to the vicinity of Jafarâbâd.
My own impression is, that Sultan Mahmud Ghaznavi, besides converting a number of Hindus, left a governor and force of Musalmans, in Patan Somanath, on his departure to Ghazni, and that though, in progress of time, this element was reduced to insignificance, it was never completely effaced. If this were not so, what is the meaning of the celebrated inscription at Verwal, dated Samvat 1320, in which Mubammadans are distinctly mentioned, together with the local Châvadâ rulers, as great authorities at that place. For this is previous to Ulagh Khan's conquest. Ulugh Khan's expedition appears to have been directed against this belt (Nagher), and not against Junagadh ; probably
because the one was rich and populous; while the other presented numerous difficulties with no corresponding advantages. I hold this conquest to have been much more thorough than is usually supposed; though even after this, the Hindu element again seems to have got the upper hand at Somanath Patan, but not I think in the remaining portion of the Nagher belt, where Muhammadan' rule was now becoming more or less settled. This is, I think, clear from the inscription below, which occurs in the shrine of Hazrat Sayyi Shah Kadari at Una, and which is dated so far back as A. H. 760 (A.D. 1358) during the reign of Firuz Tughlik. The shrine occupies a prominent place in the citadel of Una, which was clearly at that time in the possession of the Muhammadans. The inscription is as follows:
منزلت سليمان جار
جلا ء كان فلى فرخند و شهيد عصر دولت بعهد
ظل الر
بارگاه
جهان پناة دخل ابوالمظفر فیروز شاي جملہ مکین
دین بدو راه تا غیر اہل
ملک بهلک او ديش بعافيت خیر شد مامور بجهاد زمری روز سال هفت صد و شصت بدان بهشت زیارت کے بند و در کا
خطاب بند ظفر خان ظفر حضرت شاه محمد اسم لقب تا مثبت آن عهد
مهد شاه
این کرد بتوفیق
بنا مدام درگاه
بند 4 امیدوارم
امین رب العالمین
Kazi Ahmad of Delwara considers that there are mistakes in this inscription, though he admits that it is thus in the original, and has given me a copy corrected according to his views. But though he may very possibly be correct, I have preferred the original, which may be roughly rendered thus :
He is all-knowing. In the happy time of the martyr of the age, who made the heaven resplendent and was of rank as exalted as Solomon.
Aba'i Muzaffar Firoz Shậh being firmly established everywhere (as king).
A protector of the world and admitted to the court of the shadow of God.
His country was always prosperously ruled and populous.
His mode of rnle lasted till other times, and religious people followed in his path.
(One of the band who fell in the religions war on the date A. H. 760.
* A.D. 1868.
With those (martyrs), this slave of God also accomplished the pilgrimage to Paradise.
Muhammad was his name and his appellation, while his time lasted.
Zafar Khân gave him the title of Zafar Hazrat Shih.
I am always expecting a blessing as a servant of this shrine.
This shrine of the Shah, he built by the grace of God in this time.
Amen oh Lord of the Worlds ! This inscription shows clearly that in A. D. 1358, not only was the Muhammadan power established in Unî, but that this belt of country was subject to the Emperor Firoz Taghlik The Zafar Khân mentioned in the inscription, was the viceroy of that name, specially appointed by this emperor.'
The next inscription is perhaps even more interesting, as being bilingual, though the dates are very pazzling. It seems to have had originally
See Elliot and Dowson'. Hist. of India, vol. iii. pp. 808, 810, 829.-ED.

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NOTES ON THE SEACOAST OF SAURÅSHTRÅ.
183
words inscribed round the border, for I can date is evidently Sur-San and not A. H., though make out Malik Sri Asad in the Devanagari even then it is difficult to make the dates in the letters at the top. The singular thing is that Persian and Gujarati respectively correspond the Persian inscription says that Malik Muham- within a year or two. mad was the builder of the mosque or fort, Push n â varâ is situated in NÁgher, about 8 while the Devanagari says that his son Malikmiles E.S.E. of Patan Somanath, and this inscripAsad built it. The inscription is now on the tion clearly shows that a Muhammadan governor left-hand side on entering the Darbârgadh of resided at Patan, and that Pashnavara was subPashnâ varả. The Persian would lead one to ject to him, and that the sovereign of this belt think that a mosque or musaffar khanah had of country was Sultan Kutbu'd-din of Gujarat; been built, while the Gujarati rather points to though previous to the conquest of Junagadh repairs of the fort. Some words of the Gujarati by his successor Sultan Mahmud Begadba. are doubtful, but the Persian is very clear. The The inscription runs thus:--
بسم الله الرحمن الرحيم :
عزت عالي نمود خانه ملک محمد ولد مبارک بنا کرد این
قطب الدین بن محمد شاه السلطان در عهد السلطان بتاریخ یازدهم ماه ربیع الاول ثمان مأین و ستين فلله الكريم
بان انا عالم العام
संवत १५१४ वर्षे श्रावणदि २ रवौ सुलतान श्रीकतबदीन विजिराजे श्रीदेवपतना सुलतान' पव्हीमलिक श्रीःमुबारक पूत्र मलिक श्रीमहंमदपुत मलिक श्रीअसदः॥ किरियाति' बजेपनावद्धकोटनह पन्यात । अमारतिसाहाण्डसरखीलकबीराशिला सूत्र घीष्णापूत्र सूरापूत्र फुलापूत्र वस्तापूत्र सूयमहंपूत्र सलकायकासुत सारंगदेलख्यति ।। सवत १५१४ वर्षे माहवदि ९ रिवी लिख्यतः ।।
It may be roughly translated as follows:- been engraved in Mâha, a month which pre
In the name of God, the compassionate, the cedes Sråvaņa in the ordinary Gujarati commerciful.
putation, hence I am inclined to think that This building was erected by Malik Muhamh- either the Hilari Samvat is here intended, mad, son of Malik Mubarak, - who thereby which commences in Ashadha; or the year acquired great fame, in the reign of Sultan usually used in inscriptions and the calculations Kûtba'd-dîn, son of Sultan Muhammad Shah, of Såstris, which commences in Chaitra ; either on the eleventh day of the month of Rabiu'l. of these Samvats would fulfil the required conAwwal of the year 860 for the sake of God the dition, viz., " that Sråvaņa should precede dispenser of favours. He the all-knowing, the Mâha." all-wise, impelled me to do this.
The omission of Malik Asad's name from the
Persian may possibly have been explained in Sarvat 1514 Śråvaņ vadi, 2nd, Sunday. In the border, of which the words Malik Sri Asad, the victorious reign of Sultan Sri Katbu'd-din. in Devanagari characters, are plainly legible in Malik Sri Asad, son of Malik Sri Muhammad, the left-hand corner over the Persian. son of Malik Sri Mubarak of Deva Patan, con- In later times, i.e. after Sultan Mahmad structed anew? the fort of Pasnâ wadar, a Begadha's conquest of Junagadh, Muhammabuilding of great strength. This was inscribed dan thdnahs spread throughout the seacoast on Sunday Maha vadi, 8th, Samvat 1514, by belt in all directions, as well as elsewhere in Sárang De, son of Salkäika, son of Suya Mahan, the interior. Una-Delwårå are full of memories son of Wasta, son of Prulå, son of Sura, son of of the great noble Malik Ei&z, governor of Ghishma, son of Lakbir the stonemason. the peninsula, in the latter part of the reign of The Gujarati inscription purports to have Sultan Mahmud Begadha, and throughout the Doubtful.
Literally," like a bull," local idiom for large or strong bailding.

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reign of his successor Sultan Muzaffar Halim. The pomp and state of this noble during his expedition, in the latter sovereign's reign, against the Rânâ of Udayapur, are described in glowing terms in the Mirat-i-Sikandri. His grave is pointed out at Ûnâ in the enclosure of Sayyid Shah's mausoleum; and as he died in disgrace, there seems no reason to doubt that this humble tomb, not even surmounted by a dome, may cover the remains of one of the most celebrated of the local governors of the peninsula. Though the chief seat of Malik Eiâz's rule was at Div, where he commanded the navy of Gujarât, Únâ appears to have been a favourite residence of his, and his name is
این نقاره بتحفہ روضہ متبرکہ حضرت شاہ شمس الدين بن سید احمد نواب ميران سيد علي ولد نواب سیادت پناه سید قاسم گذرانید و تحرير في التاريخ 6 ذ العدة سفر ۱۰۰۰ مقام قصبه دیواره واقع است
1000
"Nawab Mirân Sayyid 'Ali, son of Nawab Syâdat Panah Sayyid Kâsim, presented this kettledrum as a gift to the blessed shrine of Hazrat Shah Shamsu'd-din bin Sayyid Ahmad. This inscription was engraved on the 6th of the month of Zilkâd A. H. 1005. It is situated in the town of Delwârâ."
[JULY, 1879. mentioned in the Sanskrit inscription at the Unâ tank. In this inscription, Unâ is described as Unat dûrg (the lofty fortress).
I am myself of opinion that the modern town of Unâ is really the ancient Delwârâ; and that the old Unâ was on a neighbouring eminence, and is now waste. This appears from the fact that the modern Delwârâ is called Nawânagar or the new city, in the Mirat-iAhmadi; and from an inscription on one of the kettledrums of the shrine of Hazrat Shah at Uni. The inscription says that the kettledrum was presented to the shrine of Hazrat Shah, (but it is now in the shrine of Sayyid Shâh). The inscription runs thus:
This kettledram, as above mentioned, is now
in the shrine of Sayyid Shâh, just outside the present town of Unâ, while the shrine of Hazrat Shâh is in the very citadel of Unâ. This inclines me to think that the present town of Unâ was, even so late as Akbar's time, called Delwårå; and that the ancient Unâ or Unat dûrg close by, is now waste. It was probably abandoned after the slaughter and expulsion of the Brahman Kings of Unâ, by the Wâj â Chieftain of Vejalkot, (now a ruined fort in the Gir forest) in about the 13th century A.D. The Nawab Sayyid 'Ali appears to have been a son of the Sayyid Kasim, who in A. D. 1591 with Gujar Khân and the Khân A'zam upheld the honour of the imperial arms on the bloody field of Bhuchar Mori.
After the expulsion of the Unewâl Brahmans from Unâ, the Wâjâ chieftains governed that town and district, and extended their rule along
the southern coast as far as the Manâri river at
Alang-Manâr. Their great strongholds were Uncha Kotḍâ and Jhanjhmêr; whence they
practised piracy, until humbled by the Muham. madans in the reign of Sultan Mahmud Begaḍhâ. After this, the Wâjâs do not seem to have again asserted themselves, and the Muhammadan power henceforward was supreme throughout the entire coast belt from Somanâth to Goghâ. The portion of the coast belt between Miyâni and Navi seems, at an early period, to have fallen into the possession of the Jeth wâs, who, though they in their turn were deprived of the coast line by the Muhammadans, were yet able to reconquer their ancient possessions in the declining days of the Moghul Empire. North of Miyâni came the Wâd hels, whose rule extended as far as and east of Dwarka, up to at least Khambhâliâ. But they also were subdued by the Muhammadans, and had their possessions further curtailed by the J â dejâs, the latest invaders from the north. In point of fact, (with the exception of the belt from Jodiâ to Miyâni, which also has always been less of a separate country except in the times of the Chavadas, when civilization had not yet penetrated far inland) the coast belt is separated from the interior of the province by physical obstacles. The Gir Hills and Forest isolate the whole of Nagher and Bâbriâwâd, from Chorwâd to almost the gates of Mahuwâ. Then commences another hilly range, which carries on the barrier, until it joins, or nearly joins, the Khokhra Hills near
⚫ Sometimes called the lesser Gir.

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NOTES ON THE SEACOAST OF SAURASHTRÅ.
185
Gogha, and to this day, with the exception of Verâwal, the remainder of Nâgher is isolated from the rest of the province, by the Gir Forest. From the above, it is sought to be shown
1. That in extremely ancient times, only the seacoast belt, a few towns excepted, was inhabited, and that of this belt the most important and populous portion was Nagher.
2. That in the entire belt, the Chå vad ås first ruled. That then the Rathods dispossessed them of Dwarkâ, and the coast as far east as Khambhâliâ, and as far south possibly as the north bank of the Miyâni Creek. The Jeth was previous to this had established themselves not only at Någnah bandar, but from Miyani to Navi on the west coast. During all this period, the const belt was directly subject to the para- mount power of the Anbilwâdå sovereigns, and owed no allegiance to the Chudasa más of Junagadh.
3. But subsequent to Ulugh Khan's conquest, the Muhammadan power was firmly established throughout Någher, at all events, and probably further. And the authority both of the Tughlik House of Debli, and of their viceroys, as well as of the earlier Sultans of Gujarât, was unqaestioned in Någher, if not through other portions of the coast belt.
4. That the Chudasama power was confined to Junagadh and the interior, and that these chieftains never ruled in the seacoast belt.
If this view be accepted, as well as the theory of the greater part of the interior having been occupied by dense forest; the following facts, can be accounted for: 1; The invariable occurrence of the names of the Anhilwaạå sove- reigns, or their Muhammadan successors in the paramount power, in all inscriptions in the coast belt; and the almost invariable omission of all mention of the Chudasamås. 2, The contemp- tuous mention of the Junagadh chieftains in the Prabandh Chintamani, and other Gujarat histories. 3, The almost entire absence of inscriptions of any date between Sam. 800 and Sam. 1300 in the interior of the province, and excepting at Junagadh and its immediate vicinity, of all mention of the Chudasamâs in inscriptions.
It may be said, when the Gohels entered the
Nagnah is near Naw&nagar on the southern shore of the Gulf of Kachh.
province at the end of the 13th century A.D., that the Chudasamâs were paramount at all events in the interior. Possibly at that time, certain clearances had in places been made in the forest, but the grant of districts, etc. in those days probably meant that the RA was willing to have at Sejakpur on the Jhâlâwâd border, a vassal who could protect him from invasion, and the grants of Arthila and Gariadhar, doubtless were intended, in like manner, as checks on the W Alås and perhaps even Wajâs.
Objection may be made that we find, even now, Chudásamas as far east as Dholera, etc. But theso, it must be remembered, obtained their holdings in comparatively modern times, and indeed, roughly speaking, the Chudåsamas appear to have only founded three or four subordinate bhayádi holdings of any importance, in all the interior, viz. (1) Wâns & war, (2) Láth, (3) Sarwa, whence the Sarvaiyâs, and (4) Bhadli. From this latter holding sprung all, or almost all, the Chudá samas of the Bhål, or of the Dholera, Dhandhuka, etc. districts under Ahmadabad. Almost every Chudasamâ in Gujaråt traces his descent from one or other of these subordinate branches, and in the peninsula we have only to add the Kesod and Chorwad stocks. Chorwâd, it is remarkable, is the only instance of a Chudasama holding on the coast, unless Dath be so considered. And I am disposed to think that it does not date further back than the collapse of Moghul rule. Dåthå notoriously has no more ancient origin, it having been conquered from the Muhammadan thânahdar by the Sarvaiyas of Hathasni in Und. Before, therefore, the conquest of the interior of the province, and the reduction of Junagadh, we find the Râo of Junagadh, besides possessing the capital, Wanthali, Dhoraji, and a few other towns and villages as crown domains, -had- offshoots only at Wånså war, Låth, Sarwâ, Bhadli, and Kesôd. Possibly Anandpur and one or two other minor holdings may be added to these. These considerations show, I think, that the Chudasama power has been much exaggerated.
The accompanying inscription, found at Dhå mlaj, will illustrate the position of the W å jâs as local rulers at. Påtan Somanath, in succession to the Chåvadás :
They are, I think, only mentioned, and that caually, in the Chorwad inscription.

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[JULY, 1879. .iHTHR..HTRO TRODARENERLOCTOL
---..-........ SATTATRE t ernit धामलजमा लाखzoritin zabeitthus in yoti Hanum
a anadamsaritaitheist Lhosaritainment Me
J उनम श्रीगणशायणपातु यौतुकुलारातिविश्व विश्वभरी हरि जमान पनात सतीर्थ vie viprit stryof parosant iful Loyiiist: जिष्णुविष्णुगयाख्यया । १ आसीद गुर्जरराज"मुख्यसचिव ("श्रीतेजसूमु पुरा श्रीराणः सुजमाद्विजावनधनो म्लेच्छाकुले मातले । तत्पुत्रः सचिवायRUMENTREAT
H Eldstory pashurt to exis thjinnerfaroofीर्जयति सत्कर्माहAnsfviod biwittail. 310 Thaipatnovoti.iri armKRISHWot_yaateiasistan व्या प्रजया राजद्वाजकराजकाचार्यचतुरः प्रास्वाटवाकुर: स्वस्ति श्रीमत्प्रभासाधिपतिशिवसदारा. yobtdb ) ban
godt bris
gan धत्तावाप्सलक्ष्मी स्तुल: "श्रीभमभूपों जयति जनमन श्रतिद्वकल्पवृक्षः । तन्मंत्री कर्मसिंह सचिवसुरंगिरिःक्ष्मासुराधार उज्वैभा
श्रीभम्मभूपा जयात जनुनाASTHATManaameennershottsRASAINirem. । तिनं माधुमार्माचरणविनयतः सेवमानोसमानः। ३ यत्राम पामरमपीह पुनाति यत्र श्राद्ध प्रयोति पितरी
titolomiT HAR JHy) of a sinutribuil 11 sanydieodiwoe क्षयनषिमततलीथमतदis hotada saloKLAINM
E TAमर्मसातपंपरिकमलापलबद्ध मूलसोपानमुच्छ्रितानपानमकारयः। ४ उद्दर
ibu da vso borot voll arond Tahad darga A समंतात् । नव्यं सुभव्यमिह कारपतिस्म पूजा माध्याम्हिकीमनुदिन्नं ननु मोमनाथे । स्वधातृमेघनृपतेः परलोकपात्रासौख्याय नियजलधान्यनिधि द्विजेभ्यः ।। 'श्रीभमभूपतिरदात्तचियेम येन विज्ञापितो बिनधर्म
त्रासौख्याय नित्यजलधान्यनिधि द्विजस्यः mankaTONE: पराग्रहार। ६ आद्या बंद्याः सुरांशा प्रथितयशसस्तेऽजनानंदनाद्या एकः श्रीकर्मसिंहः स्फुरति कलियुगे सेवकः सन्परोक्षे। यामं यः स्वामिनाम प्रथितमतनुत स्वास्थितौ मेघराज्ञो विप्राणां स्थाष्णुवृत्तिं श्रुतिचयमिह च स्थापयामास
साक्षात् । ७ अमृतं पाययन गा यः सुरपत्तनगोपुरे । आहावे कीर्तिसद्धर्मा वा कौमारममेलयन् (त् ) । ८ वंशवृद्धिकराः संतु रामा
द्यास्तस्य नंदनाः । सुरवृक्षोपमाः श्रीमत्स्वपूर्ववयरा (सः) समाः । ९ किं दुर्लभं महदुपासनया यंदश्माकाठिन्यगेहमपि विष्णुगयातटस्थः ।।
लब्ध्वा सुदर्शनतनुं सुजनाय दत्ते स्नाने गदाधरनतौ च मतिः सुदृष्टः । १० ज्ञानं ददिर्भाति जनेषु भानुः सानंदामनंदपुरद्विजाय्यः । श्रितः श्रुति
तत्सुतवासुदेवः सांगस्मृतीचक्र इप्रा(मां) प्रशस्ति । ११ लिखितेयं पंडितसर्वादित्येन ॥ सुत्रमधुसुदनेनोत्कीर्णा । संवत १४३७ वर्षे आषाढवाद
६ शनी ।। ७ ।। श्रीः ॥ शुभंभवतु । विष्णुः प्रीयतां The inscription is in praise of Karamsi, a Brahmans, to ensure the salvation of his dePorvil Winia, minister of the Waja Raja | ceased brother Meghraj, etc. etc. The inscripBharma, and relates how he has repaired the | tion is dated Sam. 1437, corresponding to about kunda or reservoir at Mal Gaya (near Dhamlej), A.D. 1381, a most interesting period of the and how he had also erected a trough for cattle provincial history. And the inscription is most to drink from, at the gate of Patan. It cele- | instructive. It no longer bears the names of brates the ancestry of Karamsi, also saying the paramount râjâs of Anhilwada, nor that formerly Riņo, son of Tej, chief minister of of their Muhammadan successors, but merely the Gujarat rajas, had done many excellent of the local Waja ruler. We know from the works, and had protected Brahmans at a time | history of Gujarat, that A.D. 1881 was when the world was filled with Mlechhas (here a period of great confusion in the affairs of the Musalmans), but that now Karamsi, son of province generally. Zafar Khân, the viceroy Rino, was the shelter of the religious classes, appointed by the Emperor Firoz Tighluk, (and etc. It relates also how the minister induced who is mentioned in the Unå inscription above, the Raja to give a village named Meghpur to I died in 1371; and the great Zafar Khan, who I t Zafar Khan, founder of the Gujarat Sultanat, came to that province in about A.D. 1391.

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JULY, 1879." THE C#ÄLUKYK VIKRAMA!VARSHA. was to touha 'he dynasty of the aparat's utáris, 1 patán somekaukana Suttapadá, *18" perhaps? hadi wapi vet artifea. We know from the unique of its kida, and it doubtless far more a Persian historians what great disorder now preci cient than its more famous Heighbour'anid the vafled i Gujarat and doubtless in the peninsula, numerous object of interest'at Somáñáth? Patati? also mna thiszék, while fully cddfarting this, itself, are' hithertonnnoticed,' dve casually built shows us the w akaja 8fPatan, etc. and it corner Tod i mat ilmsT win minister Babaly robtitaing places of Wor'shibandy Thietband subisktrit fisctiptione predmet doubtidss Worát a teadiin namancipation fromat tetett, Mitherto T bekeve uhdescribed, cut Kahtela the yoke loftReadcutse teclina. It seems (Porbandar), Kođínar (Amteli): Chorwa (Jand just possible that this Raamid kamay have been t kah),ana thany other places the Chorwad grandsotiiof the celebrated rejalipala, mihister i nscmption alone; and a few others, Have been the Waghelas 68 Akiwaan, ada'the wording translated by Cotondi Tod, Travel Western of the commencérhenti be the "indemption would Indta,) but with thany inaccuracies and importseert to point to this stalar.bra".
antomissions. ** careful account of the coast
Anti In conclusion; let we attract the ntfde or belt containing at the inscriptions, would antiquaries 46 this most interesting country throwtonsiderable light on the ancient history abou ridingin inscriptions and ancient teriplés,' of 'burastita; And also of Gujarati and more particutetly the comitteltilstritekto trust that their rekabrogiolo Department will from Jodided Gogh, and especia114 helaietricht not consider this interestingwegion ofarlworthy of Nagher: The temple of Kadwar tear to both of scrutiny. Rod o del saldi
igro V toy lied mo od . Nou i beni unbe) 930 20+ to we ou 96...V Varga Pro Lotto foc wobei soil
stew Hi-THE CHALUKYA VIKRAMA-VARSHAFIORI ERAL OF THE WESTERNO od od wiCHÂLUKYA KING VIKRAMADITYA VI.
too doilweise 9 | Hind | THIR?-
காட om
malign wLvailசாய inid over ori. IT
BY J. F. FLEET, Bo. c.8., M.R.A.S at setaim of world in te 100 000 latum 10,6 a 14 ott 130 od In Sit Walter Elliot'paper on Hindu l-14 a barebavitig said, 15 Wilayn should the glory scriptions in the laccount of the Westernpfstlankings Vit kwaribaldintotandi Mand Chalaikymelking kitarti a dita VI., benua hindtarikerranytaronger, 76.okte with a Trabhavana maldage om Per
loadly uttered sommand, abolished that ferr). we are told that, “having set aside the anglenkes which has the name af skandi made, that Saika he established the Wikramandakerin,his (eta) wlaich hås the Chalu kyla figures. . ovo namo giapid, further en helt again on An inscription on the roof of room, at the! tioned as a rybbing out the Salte, in institutit temple for the gods / $ + AL-N
r
a tu ing the Vikrambene, in its stead. 01 moto: Gedag án the-Gadag Talaka of the Diwad
Three inscriptions ante quoted in supportvoft District, MS. Collyok, 870.vdIn the slekeripru this ti, A stone tabletilying by the stream at tion- of Mikramadityat WI.V it contacte Yedarêve in the Søråpfur au furâpter lakha in thesd twojevae8 :+Banditanallira nip ipar. the Nizam's Dominions. M8.Collectior, Vol. ellaran-ehringrskininduwe anagini hawapuullut I.. .1350. It oontains this verse i gindi bhandari Tribuwanamalla . MyA-K. Alamannaladewantailmagani Bonésporraraviávei krantaditya apparito neva Sahavarwehaver rangranujanocorikrama-chakrusi Chakradharau mcmibisitVikratnaonaruluncevoitamy rúa I lyamagityp-Napdainarenidoyerbaka pesarul nasumutigei wawalchidu l usigaw tējamruddihadas innuálaudiai turinting bjagalléka-da mi bururawinda Having gusqney Figal jelennemgmasin kaledia Philaky slain all the hostile, kings, by his, amplitude :) aitkainari imárbina Hi- Ne son of this date and alone if ribh, vimalla, the kingev vamalladeya was king sômes vara, Chluk y -Vikram Aditya, became the whose younger brother was the competent favourite of the World." Having rabbed oating krma, possessed of the bestáty of Ohakra the brilliant Skla-varsha, the, the ithpetuous Tu X147 tu distrof tani 4, Sek
situs T-1 TOST ents to thin T
T . Mapdros daus Liana scelled to
ophel Saligets his called in the end like to grip kinh The original probably has add which L.Adopt for $abantikant,
8 X Ala, Anda b
r my translation.
Vishnu.
paratively recent timetStVANILINKS bouill e t

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one, the most liberal man in the world', who Vol. V., p. 110), which certainly seems to be delighted in religion, published his name dated in that era;-2, the Pathan inscripthroughout the world under the form of the tions of Samvat 802, recording the accession Vikrama-varsha."-And 3, A stone-tablet on of Vanaraj, (mentioned by Dr. Bühler the north side of the temple of Kaļinga at at Vol. V., p. 112), which can be referred to Kalige in the Tengali Taluka in the Nizam's no other era ;"--and 3, the grants of the Dominions; MS. Coll. I, 415. In the description Chauluk yas of Ana hila pataka, of Vikram å ditya VI., it contains these two ranging from Vikrama-Samvat 1043 to 1317, verses :-Balláļtąnado! ripu-nripar-ellaran= (published by Dr. Bühler at Vol. VI., p. 180), fkárngadinidam-oragisi dharani-vallabhanrádam which are specifically dated in that era. Dr. Tribhuvanamallash Chalukya-Vikramaditya- Burnell (So.-Ind. Palæo., 2nd Ed., p. 73) nripam | Eseva Śaka-varshavam márisi Vikrama- says that the Vikrama-Samvat "is all but unvarusham=orusham=eridun tarind pesararis known in Southern India, except in the varumatiyo!u parayisidah jhasa k=enalu daydlu Dekkan." And, as far as my own experience Permadi nesadanie 11.-The transcription of the goes, it was never used, either before or after second verse is obviously faulty, and I cannot the time of Vikramaditya VI., by the emend it from conjecture to my satisfaction; what Western Chalukyas and Châluk yas; orushavn means, I do not know, unless it is for nor by the Rashtrak û tas, who temporaprasen, 'I do not rub out', or oreven, 'I will tell, rily supplanted them in Western India; nor i.e. publish.' But the purport of these two verses by the feudatories of those dynasties; nor by is the same as of those of the Gadag inscription. the Eastern Chalukyas of Vengi. Dr.
Sir Walter Elliot himself does not seem to Bühler, it is true, speaks, at Vol. V., p. 112, take these passages as referring to the Vikrama- of a Rashtra kata grant of the eighth Samvat, which commences,-in Northern India, century as being dated in both the Saka era on the new-moon which immediately precedes and the Vikrama-Samvat; but, as I have the sun's entrance into Mesh &, or originally on pointed out at p. 151 above, the mistake is that Sunday the new-moon of the 14th March, B.C. of BAI Gangadhar Sastri, who published this 57,9—and, in Southern India, on the new-moon grant, at Jour. B. Br. R. As. Soo, Vol. II., of Karttika, or, originally on Wednesday the p. 371. It is really dated, in words and figures, 22nd September, B.c. 57.' Bat, elsewhere, the "when Saka 675 had expired;" and no refermistake has been made of understanding them ence is made to any other era. to mean that Vikramaditya VI. abolished The mention of Vikramaditya and the use of the Saka era, commencing with the Nanda, in the Yedarave inscription, in the sun's entrance into Méshe, or originally on same verse with the institution of a new era, Saturday the 14th March A.D. 78',-which had indicates pretty plainly that the Vikramabeen adhered to by his predecessors, and in Sarivat was kenown at that time, though it troduced the Vikrama-Samvat instead of it, - certainly was not officially used, in that part or, at least, to indicate that it was about his of the country. But the object that Vi. time that a change of this kind was made. kram Aditya VI. had in view was, -not to
So far from any such change of era having introduce that era into his dominions, ---but to been made at all, -ont of the large number of in- eclipse the fame of it, by establishing a new era scriptions from Western and Southern India that | under a similar title in his own name. have come under my notice, the only instances in Mr. S. P. Pandit (Vol. I, p. 83), evidently which the Vikrama-Samvat is used are,-1, the & good deal influenced by the coincidence of Gûrjara grant of Jayabhata of "the the initial date of the years of the Vikramayear 486," (published by Dr. Bühler at Samvat in Southern India, interprets the date
Jagadékaddni. A correction, in accordance with my or, the epoch given above may be regarded as the com. present translation, should be made in my translation at mencement of the year 0.-ED. Vol. IV., p. 181 a, 1. 6, and in my remarks at Vol. VII., Corresponding to Wednesday, the first day of the P. 246 b, 11. 14-17, and Third Archaeol. Report, p. 105, bright fortnight of Karttika of Kaliyuga 8044.-ED. 11. 18-20.
Corresponding to Saturday, the first day of the bright Corresponding to Sunday, the first day of the bright fortnight of Chaitra of Kaliyuga 3179.-ED. fortnight of Chaitra of Kaliyuga 8044. It must be observed The Editor, however, questions the authenticity of the that the Hindu dates always indicate the years completed; passage containing the date.

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of the Tidgandi grant (Example No. 1 below) rather than by pattabandh-otsava-nimittadini, on as indicating that the initial date of his era account of the festival of his coronation. Now, was the first day of the bright fortnight of the Araldswar inscription records grants that Karttika, and, -partly on the authority were made at the time of the sun's entrance of Sir Walter Elliot that his reign began in into Mêsha, on Tuesday, the fifth day of the Saka 998; partly on the computation that the dark fortnight of Chaitra of the Nala details of the date of this particular grant are smvatsara, which was the first year) of the not correct for Saka 1004, the Dundu bhi glorious Chalukya Vikrama-Kala." This sarvatsara, but are correct for Saka 1005, the was the very first day of Saka 998, the Nala Radhirôdgâri smivatsara, -fixes the com- sarvatsara."1 Consequently, Vikram â dimencement of it in Saka 998. It might betya VI. had been reigning for at least eleven inferred from the wording of the date of this and a half months before the pattabandh-otsava grant that the first day of the bright fortnight of the Wadagðri inscription in Phålguna of of Kârttika was the initial date of each the same Saka year and sarwatsara. It follows year of his era. But it does not of necessity | conclusively from this, that that pattaband! - follow. And it is, on the contrary, entirely ôtsava was merely the first anniversary celebranegatived by the dates of his very numerous tion of his coronation, which, accordingly, acinscriptions, which, with one or two exceptions, tually took place on Monday, the fifth day of of a purely special character, make the years of the bright fortnight of Phålguņa of Saka his era correspond almost exactly with the 997, the Rakshasa sasivatsara." This is the years of the Saka era, and point to some date initial date of the years of his era, and, as some very late in Saka 997, or very early in Saka of the instances which I shall give below will 998, for the commencement of his era and his point out, the result of its being so close to the reign. Fortunately the very day itself is fixed initial date of the years of the Saka era was for us by the Wadagðri and Araļêswar stone- tbut the sariwatsaras of the sixty-year cycle tablets (Nos. 5 and 4 below), the earliest two
were made to commence and end with the years inscriptions of his time. The Wadagêri inscrip- of his era, instead of with the years of the Saka tion records grants that were made by him "on era as had been the case up to then. account of the festival of his patta-bandha, or I have found only three grants dated in his
coronation', on Thursday, the fifth day of the era, in which, but for the general tenour of the bright fortnight of Phálguna of the Nala
inscription, we might be in doubt as to the year sasivatsara, which was the first (year) of the from which the date recorded in it is to be calglorious Chalu kya Vikrama-Varsha." By culated.-1, The Tidgundi grant, published the Tables in Brown's Carnatic Chronology, the by Mr. S. P. Pandit at Vol. I. p. 80. The date, Nala sasivatsara was Saka 998; and it was 1.12, is expressed by Srí Vikrama-kála-sarvatsuprobably this fact, coupled with the specific state- réshu shatsu atitéshu saptamê Duridubhi-sarvatsare ment of the Wada gêri inscription, which led pravarttamine tasya Karttila-su (buddha-pratic Sir Walter Elliot to select Saka 998 for the com- pad-Adivaré, which, from the preamble of the mencement of his reign. If his actual coronation inscription referring itself to the reign of took place on the fifth day of the bright fort Tribhavana malla, we know to indicate night of Phålguņa of Saka 998, the Nala Śaka 1004, which was the Dundubhi sartsarhvatsara, we should expect the date of the vatsara. 18—2, No. II. of my Ratta inscriptions ; Wadagêri inscription to be expressed by patta. No. 88 of Páli, Sanskrit and old.Canarese, Inbandha-kdlado!, at the time of his coronation,' scriptions." The second date, 1.30, (Jour. Bo.Br.
10 Lit., binding (the head) with the fillet (of sovereign- Mr. S. P. Pandit, as the result of calculation. In No. 9 ty).' A very similar expression, paffabhishek-6tsova- below, the Dandabhi samvatsara is again said to be the punya kaladalu, occurs in No. 14 of my Sanskrit and seventh year of the era. old. Canarese Inscriptions in this Journal, 1. 80 (Vol. V. ** PAL, Sanskrit, and Ola-Canarese Inscriptions from
p. 74). I am not yet able to decide whether it refers to the Bombay Presidency and parts of the Madras Presidency , the actual coronation of Krishnarêya of Vijayanagara, or and Maisúr, arranged and explained by J. F. Fleet, only to an anniversary celebration of the ceremony.
M.R.A.S., H. M.'s Bombay Covenanted Civil Service. 11 Corresponding to Tuesday, the 29th March, A.D.
Prepared ander the direction of James Burgess, F.R.G.S., 1076.-ED.
M.R.A.S., &c., Archeological Surveyor and Reporter
to Government, Western India. London, 1878.This 1 Corresponding to the 14th February, A.D. 1076.-ED.
Collection embraces all of Col. Dixon's and Mr. Hope's 13 Subject, however, to the correction pointed out by inscriptions, and many others.

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R. 48. Soc... Vol. X. p. 196), is expressed by gala-umvatsarada Mághada purname Sama Vira-Vikrama-kalar namadhéya, samvatsara rika- várad andina sóma-grahaga parya-nimit-tadi; vunsati-pramitéshuratitéshu wartlamána-Dhátur i.e. again, Saka 999.8, Austone-tablet ati saravatsare. Pushya-bahula-truyodaśyám=Adiwán the temple of the god, Garg & svara at óttaráya na-aankranto (ntau), which similarlysta Galagnáth Án the Kôd Taluka, of the Dharwad indicates Saka 1018, which was the Dhâta District, MS. Coll., I., 289,1. The date is samvatsara.tr And 3, 4, stone-tablet at the temple. Sri-Chi-Virkutlada meya Raudra-sanjuat.. of the god Bapa vanna at Balagámve in sarada Jyéshthadeamavasye. Adityavára sam. Maisûr ; No. 172 of P, S and,0.-0., Inscrip- kránti täryyargrakana dinad-andut i e. Saka tions. The date, 1. 58, is expressed by Giri 1002.469, A stone-tablet-in front of the temple Bhavatóchana - 27. primita - Yikirama-varskaja- of Keri-Basappe at Kartaköţi in the Gadagi Nandan - dlya vatsara. bhava - Paushya(sha) Taluka: MS. Coll., I. 294. The date, is Sri másg-sita-paksha-chaturthi Mahijavára dos Ebe- Cha-Vi varska[da] Zneya Dundubhi- A ras-iralauttaráyanadol, which, similarly, innovatsarada Pushya-muddha tadigd' Adityas ciramsy dicates Saka 1034, which was the Nandana uttarayana-sanitleranti vya tápátad-agindu; i.e. Saka savipatsargi
e ron al 1004.-10. A stone tablet at the temple called In all the remaining instances, this erali Sadi-gudi at Arasihide in the Hungand Taluka specifically called the Chalukya Vikramar of the Kaladgi, District MS. Coll. I., 71, and Kala,' or the Chalukya Vikrama:Vareha my own transcription from the original. The It is nowhere called Vikrama-Samyat, which second date, 11. 29, ris, Chá. Vi külada 10., is the name allotted to it by Mr. S. P. Pandit. neya Krôdhann-samvatsarada Asha daldha)-su(su); But, in one solitary instance, No. 40, below, it.ddle 1 :Bredhavdram dakshinayana-mikrántiis called the Chalu kya Vikrama Saka,' if nüritaria, i e. Saka 1007.-11, A stone-tablet the MS. Collection is correct. 4, Ap ingeribed lying on the embankment of the tank at pillar in the temple of the god kada mbê Arasibidis MS. Coll, I., 127, and my own śvara at Arale 6wan in the Hangal, Tálak& transcription from the original. The first date, i of the Dharwad District MS. Coll, I. 255. 1..22, ig Ari.Ch.-V-varshada 12neya PraThe date is expressed by Srimach Chalukya- bhava-sarivatsarada Sráva nad-ama(md) vásye Vikramarkülada ineya Nala-saniratsurada Adityavana suryya-grahanad arduz ie. Saka Chastra bahula-panchami_Mangalavára. Méska- 1009-12, No VIII of my Ratta inscriptions ; ! sankranti-wyatápátad-andus b. Saka 1998-25, No 93 of P: 8. und 0-0. Inscriptions. The A stone-tablet at the temple of the god-B first date, Lu56, (Jour.Bo, Br . 48. Soc. vệ vana at Wadagéri in the Sorâpûr ! or, VoLX, p. 290), is Sri.-Chá-Vi.kalada 12npy: Surapur Ilâkha: MS. Coll. L., 256. The date Prabhapa-samvatsarada, Pausha-krishna-chaturis Srímach-Chawly-Vikrama-warsha.prathamaddasi-Vaddaugrad#uttardyapa-samurantiy-andw; Nala-sauvatsarada Phalguna suddha-panchami.. .By Agnit, Saka -1099.-13, A stone tablet atau Bricom)haspativárad ardu, pattabaidhôtsave the gateway of the temple of the god Visha nimittadia palavunmahd-daugangalan mádi pani Hap aran at Balambid in the dáng kidlado!; be agaip Saka ,998.7.
6 4 Ko Talukas MS Coll..., 308... The date stope-tablet; at Balagà nive: No, 163 of R, S, is, Sr&-Cha. Vi-verkkado a 12neya Prabhara.. and O y, Inscriptions. The date, 1. 39.8. saunategrada, Phaguna bahala yékádasi Aditya. Srímach-Chalukya:Vikrama-varsba[dot] neyev vdramus matépátamua kudidu punya linada, Pingala-samvatsarada Pushya-s4(áuddha a hdu. Amen again, Saka 1009.414, A stones Adityavárad - andin = uttarayana - samkrantiya tablet at the Jain temple at Inga!gi in the partogfripah-rimitfah, Saka 999: A Chittapir Talaka, in the Nizam's Dominjons ; ,, stone-tablet at Balagâmye i Nor 164 of
P M S,"Call: K3, 844. The date' is expressed by and Inesriptions. The date 1208 Sri-Chá. Vieleda 18neyd Srimukha saivat Śrt-Cher - Vi varis Nations yeralfpic daneya Pirit saradd Palguna-Suddha dasamtSomavárad2. Laulural wow Ly'! trag , Tav i ran
. . . 15 The breviations are, of course, my own to wwe "Sc., tritiya. BPCA nota in the original 10 in das
1. SAKA 1000, the Prabhava sarwatedra, commenced on 10 This is the Galagnáth insoription spoken of by Mr. Thoriday, the Medond any of the dark fortnight of Chaitra; P. Pandit at Vol. I. p. 83.
corresponding to Thursday, the 25th March, A.D. 1087.-ED.

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undu : i. e. Saka 1015.10-15, A stone-tablet f Pramddi-samvatsarada Phálgunad-amdvásye at a temple at Balagânve; No. 19 of my Series Bribri)haspativárad -uttarayana-sakramana - in this Journal; "No. 165 of P., 3., and 0.-C., vydtpdtad-dídu; i. e, again, Saka 1021.”— Inscriptions. The date, 1. 27, (V. v., p. 349), 79, A stone-tabletreat a Well at Narayal in the is Sri.-Cha.-Vi-varshade(da) 18neya Srimukha. Gadag plukk ; M$. Con., T., 987. The date is sarvitsarada pa(phd)lgu nad=ama(ma) būsye SW-Cha.-Vi. darshadla 25 toya VikramtAdivára súryya-graha nad-andu ise, again, schvatsarada warggadirada punnamer AdityaSaka 1015.-16, The above-mentioned stone varam sömt-grahanas višesha-punya-dinad"tablet lying by the 'stream at Yedardye in the aritdu'; ! Saka 1022.1 29, Alstone tablet in Sorapor or Surapar IkWA :MS.C11.,1.5 p. 350. the temple of Basuppu at Abbalar in the Kod The date is Sr. Cha. Vi varshada 19 hoya Taluka MS. Coll., T., 389. The first date is Bhäva-saavatsaradd Phálguinada pautinnime $4.0Ha. Vi.-varshavn 26neya Vight
Adityavárad-andu . Saka 1016.45-17, A divatsarada Vaisakhád=amárásye" Adityavára "stone-tablet at Balagámve; No. 166 67 P., 9., Wyatapata suryya-grunanid-aihdu; 2. Saka and 0.-O., Inscriptions. The dáte, 1947, is 1023. -_24, A stone-tablet on the bank of the Sri..cha. vi. kalada 21 noya' Dhabu-sabdt- l tank'at Hire Korite in the Kod Taluka: MS. sarada Pushya-sultú) [daha* 5 Adiváradita). Coil., 1., 407. The dateis Sri.-Cha-Virarshaaihdinuttarayana-sankranti-vyatépatád-aidu; [da] 26reya Vishu-sarhvatsdrada Chaitra
e. Saka "1018.-18,' An inscribed stone at sudaha-panchami. Brilbrilhaspativara".......... Kattagðri in the Badami Taluki of the Kalådgi ............... . , again, Saka' T023.* 25, District; No. 32 of my Series in this Journal; | A stone-tablet at the temple of the god Triku. No. 71 of P., 8., and 0.-C., Inscriptions. The te svara at Gadag; MS. Coll., I., 410. The date, 1. 1., (Vol. VI., p. 138), is Sri-Chá.- Vi.. date is Śrí.-Cha.-Vi-kálada 27neya Chitravarshada 21neya Dhátu-sasivatsarada Chaitra- bhanu-samvatsarada Chaitra-buddha-dvádasi 8u(su)ddha 5 Adityavárad-andu; i. e., again, Adityavdrad-andu mahu-pujeya kaladala : Saka 1018.
9 19, A stone-tablet in a temple at i. e. Saka 1024.95–26, A stone-tablet at Balagamve; No. 167 of P., S., and 0.-C., Balagånve; No. 170 of P., S., and 0.-C., Inscriptions. The date, 1. 39, is Sri-Cha-Vi.. Inscriptions. The date, l. 41, is Sri.-Chá-Vi.. kálada 22neya Bahudhánya-sasivatsarada varshada 27neya Chitrabhanu-samvatsarada Pushyad-ama(má)vásyey=Adityavdram = uttara- Phálgunad-amdvdsye Adityavára szikramanayana-sankranti-vyatípátad-ardu; i. e. Sakavyatipátad-andu; i. e., again, Saka 1024.-27, 1020."-20, A stone-tablet at Kiruvatti in A stone-tablet at the temple of the god sômaNorth Canara ; No. 113 of P., S., and 0.-C., linga at Kammarawâdi in the Chittâpûr Inscriptions. The date, I. 34, is Chá-Vi. Tâlukâ; MS. Coll., I., 438. The date is, varishada 24neya Pramathi-sariwatsarada Jyé. Sri.-Chá.- Vi.-varshada 29neya Tárum-sarivatshtha-uddha paurnnarnna) mási Adityavára sarada Bhadrapadı-buddha punname Sómarára sôma-grahanad-ardu; i. e. Saka 1021.-21, sóma-grahanad-andu; i. e. Saka 1026-28, A An inscribed pillar in the temple of the god stone-tablet at the temple of the god MalBenak â dê va at Chikka-Muddanûr in the likarjuna at Tengali in the Nizâm's DomiŚôrâpûr or Surâpûr Ilâkhê ; MS. Coll., I., 382. nions; MS. Coll., I., 454. The date is Sri.. The date is Sri.-Cha.-Vi.-kálada 24neya Cha.- Vi varsha[da] 3lneya Vyaya-sariwut
19 Saks 1015, the Srinakha sarvatsara, commenced on inscription at the temple of Vira-Nårkyana (para. 2 above), Thursday, the seventh day of the dark fortnight of Chaitra ; the date is given u sr.-Cha..Vi..warshada 23neya corresponding to Thursday, the 24th March, A.D. 1093.
Bahudhanya-samvatsarada Jyesthada punname Aditya. ED.
vdra soma-grahanad-ashdu. 90 Saka 1016, the Bhiva sarivatsara, commenced on the 93 Saka 1091, the Pramidi san vatsara, commenced on fourth day of the bright fortnight of Chaitra ; correspond Thursday, the eighth day of the dark fortnight of Chaitra: ing to Friday, the 34th March, A.D. 1094.-ED.
corresponding to Thursday, the 19th March, A.D. 1097.-ED. 31 Saka 1018, the Dhata salvatsara, commenced on ** The remaining details are illegible. Saturday, the ninth day of the dark fortoight of Chaitra;
Saka 1023, the Vishu sarisvatsara, commenced on corresponding to Saturday, the 22nd March, A.D. 1096. ED.
Sunday, the sixth day of the dark fortnight of Chaitra; " This date would point to Saka 998, for the commence
corresponding to Sunday, the 24th March, A.D. 1101.
-ED. ment of the era. Bat, either 22neya must be a mistake
26 Saks 1024, the Chitrabhanu sarhvatsara, commenced for 28neya, or Bahudhanya must be a mistake for Isvara,
on Monday, the second day of the bright fortnight of Le. Saka 1019. In the MS. Collection copy of this inscrip- Chaitra corresponding to Monday, the 24th March, A.D. tion, Vol. I. p. 879, the reading is 23neya. In the Gadag
the Geda 1102.-ED.

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sarada Chaitra-buddha-Trayodasi-Bri(bsi) haspati- MS. Coll., I., 617. The date is Sri.-Cha-Vi.. váradala ; i. e. Saka 1028."-29, A stone-tablet varshad=aivattaneya Visváoasa-savivatsaradz at Tálgund in Maisûr; No. 218 of P., 8., and Chaitra-buddha-trayodasi - Brisbri)haspativárad 0.-C., Inscriptions. The date, 1. 20, is Cha. ardu; i.e. Śaka 1047." Vi.-kálada múvatt-erade(da)neya Sarvvajit- I can find no evidence of such a practice 8nhuatsırada Chaitra-su(su)ddha tadige Brisbri). before the time of Vikramaditya VI. hispativáradıla; i e. Saka 1029."-30, A But, after his time, it became the custom for his memorial tablet at Balagâmve; No. 173 of Successors, as a rule, - and for the kings of P., S., and 0.-0., Inscriptions. The date, 1. 4, the Kalacharya, Hoysala, and Y âda ya is Srimatu-Chá.-Vi.-varshada 38neya Nandana- dynasties, very frequently,--to date their insarivatsarada; i. e. Saka 1034."—31, A memo- scriptions, not in the Saka era, but in the rial tablet at Hangal; No. 103 of P., S., and years of their reigns, coupled with the name of 0.-C., Inscriptions. The date, 1. 1, is [Sri]mat- the samvatsara of the particular year under Chá. Vi -varshada 38neya Vijaya-strivatsarada reference. It is foreign to the scope of this Chaitra-buddha páding. Buddhavárad-aidu;' paper, to give instances of this here. But i. e. Saka 1035.2 -32, A stone-tablet at Bala- there is one special case, No. 185 of P., 8., and gâmve; No. 175 of P., S., and 0.-C., Inscrip- 0.-C., Inscriptions, which is worth noticing. tions. The date, l. 49, is Sri.-Cha-Vi.-kálada It is an inscription of the Kalachurya king 39neya Jaya-saratsarada Chatrada punnave Bijjaņa, and of his son, Sô vidê va or Alivára grohana-vyatipáta-sainkramanıd-andu; Sôm svara. The date, 1. 37, is expressed i. e. Saka 1036.42-33, A stone-tablet at the by Srimat-Kalachurya-varshada 16neya Sarvatemple of Râmêśvara at Balambid : MS. Coll, dhári-suhvatsarada Vaisakha-paurnnami AdittyaI., 548. The date is Sri.-Chá.-Vi-varshada (tya)vára sóma-grahana-sarikramana-vyatipátad42neya Hevilambi-samvatsarada Phálguna- andy; i. e. Saka 1090, which points to Saka fuddha-panchami Adivára vytipátad-aridu; 1074, the Angirasa sainvatsara, for the comise. Saka 1039.43_34, A stone-tablet at mencement of this Kalachurya-Varsha. Whereas Davangere in Maisûr; No, 138 of P., S., and according to Sir Walter Elliot and inscrip0.-C., Inscriptions. The date, 1. 37, is Chá- tions,-Bijjana commenced to reign in Vi.-varshada 46neya Plava-szivatsarad-Atvija
Saka 1078, the Dhâtu sainvatsara, and was bihula-parichani Adirárad-ardu; i. e. Saka succeeded by Sô vid ê va in Saka 1087, the 1043-35, No. III. of my Sind a inscriptions. Parthiva sarnvatsara. Therefore, if the The date, 1. 16, Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc., details of the date are correct, this era does not Vol. XI., p. 248), is Srimatu-Chá.-Vi.-kálada
date from the accession of Bijjan'a, or of 45neya Subhikrikri)t-sariwachchha(tsa rada Sô vid ê va; and I cannot say what it does Chaitra-su(su)ddha 8 Sómavara uttarayana- date from. sanhkrántiy-anhdu; i. e. Saka 1044.0-And, But the era of Vikramaditya VI., unlike 36, A stone-tablet at the temple of the god the others that were thus set up, had a longer Ramalinga at Bâlûr in the Hangal Taluka; duration than that of his reign. According
" Saka 1028, the Vyaya samvatsara, commenced on Chaitra; corresponding to Tuesday, the 24th March, Saturday, the first day of the dark fortnight of Chaitra; A.D. 1114.-ED. correspopling to Saturday, the 24th March, A.D. 1106.---
33 Saka 1039, the Hevilambi or Hêmalamba sana watsara, ED.
commenced on Saturday, the fourth day of the dark 3. Saka 1020, the Sarvajit sans vatsara, commenced on
fortnight of Chaitra ; corresponding to Saturday, the 34th Sunday, the thirteenth day of the dark fortnight of March, A.D. 1117.-ED. Chaitra; corresponding to Sunday, the 24th March, A.D. 34 At Vol. IV. p. 205, I have noticed another inscription, 1107-ED.
(No.7 at Bank&pur), which also makes the Subhakrit * This would point to saka 996, for the commencement gatvatsara the forty-fifth of the era. These two would of the era. But no further details of the date are given, point to Saka 999 or 1000 for the commencement of the and 88neya must be only a mistake for 87 neya. In No. 3
era. But in both of them, either 4óneya must be a above, and in other inscriptions in the MS. Collection, the
mistake for 47neya, or Subhakpit must be a mistake for Nandana sarvatsara is rightly called the thirty-seventh
saruari, 1. e. Saka 1012.--Saka 1044, the Subhakrit sami. of the ers
vatsara, commenced on Friday, the fourteenth day of the 90 Sc., pratipadd.
bright fortnight of Chaitra corresponding to Friday, 31 Saka 1085, the Vijaya samvatsara, commenced on the 24th March, A.D. 1122.-ED. Monday, the fourth day of the bright fortnight of Chaitra, u Saka 1047, the Visvarasu samvatsara, commenced corresponding to Monday, the 24th March, A.D. 1118.-ED. on Tuesday, the second day of the dark fortnight of
» Saka 1086, the Jaya sohvatsara, commenced on Chaitrs; corresponding to Tuesday, the 24th March, A.D. Tuesday, the fourteenth day of the bright fortnight of 1125.--ED.

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THE CHÅLUKYA VIKRAMA-VARSHA.
193
to Sir Walter Elliot, his reign terminated in Sômavára sóna-grahanain kudi banda punyaŚaka 1049. But, on examining the inscriptions tithi[yo!]; i.e., Saka 1053.91–39, A stone-tablet of his son and successor Sô mês vara III., or in the garden-land of Kalappa Kuļkarņi at Hire. Bhûlokamalla, I find that the latter un Kerár in the Kôd Tálukâ ; MS. Coll., I., 706. doubtedly came to the throne in Saka 1048, The preamble refers itself to the reign of the Parâ bhava saivatsara. Whether Vi-BhQ10 ka malla. The date is Sri-Chá. Vi.. kramaditya VI. died in Saka 1048, kálada 56neya Virôdhikrit-sarivatsarada uttaor whether he lived and reigned conjointly rüyana-sankramana-vyatipátar kildid-andu; with Sômês vara III. for a few years longer, .., again, Saka 1053.-40, A stone-tablet lying as would seem possible from No. 40 below on the road at Kya sanûr in the Hângal Taluka; if the MS. collection is correct, -I am unable MS. Coll., I., 636. The preamble, for some to say. But, the Bankåpür inscription, which reason or other, refers itself to the reign of I have noticed at Vol. IV., p. 203, shows Tribhu vana malla. The date is Sri.that, in Saka 977, he was old enough to be Cha.-Vi.-sakh (ka) 57neya Paridhávi-sarivatsaentrusted with the subordinate government of rada Chaitra-Suddha 5 Brihaspativárad-amdu; two large provinces before his actual accession i. e. Saka 1054.-41, An inscribed pillar in to the throne twenty years later. By Saka the temple of the god i śvara near the Brah1048, therefore, he must have been at least maņical Cave at Aiholo in the Hungand Taluka ; eighty years of age, and accordingly the pro- MS. Coll., I., 640, and my own transcription from bability is that, as his son succeeded in that the original. It does not refer itself to any year, his death occurred then also. I give particular reign. The date, I. 1, is Sri.-Chaall the instances I can find of the endurance Vi.-vurshada 6 lneya Nala-sarivatsarada of his era after the termination of his reign; they Srávana-su(su)ddhr 12 Su(su) kravára sankraare not many; but, whatever doubt may attend mana-vyatîpatadalu; i. e. Saka 1057.9°–42, A the rest, Nos. 42 and 43 amply suffice to prove the stone-tablet at the temple of the god Sa mfact.-37, A stone-tablet at the temple of the god games vara at Samgam in the Hungund Râmas vámi at Hire-Muddanûr in the Sörå - Taloka; MS. Coll., II., 455, and my own pûr or Surâpûr Ilâkhâ; MS. Coll., I., 700. The transcription from the original. It does not preamble of the inscription refers itself to the refer itself to any particular reign, The date, reign of B h û lô ka malla. The date is Sri. 1. I, is Sri.-Chá!(!u)lya-Vi.-varishada 84neya Cha.-Vi.-kalada 54neya Saumya-sarvatsarada Pra[mádi-suvatsa]rada Karttika-buddha 5 Pushya-suddha 12 Sómavárad-and-uttardyana- Adityavárad-ardu; i. e. Saka 1081.0-And, sarikramanı-paruva-nimittam; i.e., Saka 1051." finally, 43, No. VI. of my Sinda inscriptions,
-38, A stone-tablet at the temple of the god noticed at Vol. V., p. 175. It does not refer Râmê svara at Håvanigi in the Hângal itself to any particular reign ; but it belongs to Taluka; MS. Coll., I., 703. The preamble the time of Tailapa III., or Trailoky arefers itself to the reign of Bhalo ka malla. malla. The date, 1. 23, is Srímach-ChalukyaThe date is Sri.-Cha.-Vi.-kálada 56neya (Vikramavarshada] 94neya VirodhisarvatsaVirðdhikerit-savivatsarada Bhadrapada purname rada"........... ......; i.e. Saka 1091.**
36 Sake 1051, the Saumya sariz vatsara, commenced on Sunday, the second day of the bright fortnight of Chaitra; corresponding to Sunday, the 24th March, A.D. 1129.-ED.
97 Saka 1053, the Virdhikrit samvatsara, commenced on Tuesday, the eighth day of the dark fortnight of Chaitra; corresponding to Tuesday, the 24th March, A. D. 1131.- ED.
35 Saka 1054, the Paridh&vi samvatsara, commenced on Thursday, the sixth day of the bright fortnight of Chaitra ; corresponding to Thursday, the 24th March, A.D. 1132.ED.
» Saka 1057, the Nala samvatsara, commenced on
Sunday, the seventh day of the bright fortnight of Chaitra; corresponding to Sunday, the 34th March, A. D. 1135.-ED.
o Saka 1081, the Pram&di sarvaterra, commenced on Wednesday, the fourth day of the bright fortnight of Chaitra ; corresponding to Wednesday, the 25th March A. D. 1159.-ED.
" The remaining details of the date are effaced and quite illegible.
*Saka 1091, the Virôdhi salvatsara, commenced on Monday, the sixth day of the dark fortnight of Chaitra; corresponding to Monday, the 24th March, A. D. 1109.-ED.

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194
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JULY, 1879.
Stur
ora'
LIST OF WORDS AND PHRASES WITH THEIR SÂNTÂLI EQUIVALENTS.
BY Rev. F. T. COLE, TALJHARI, RAJMAUAL. The following is a list of the Sântâli equi- Mother engat, ayo Sister ajit ralents of the words and phrases submitted Brother (elder) dadat Man herel, hor "as test words for the discovery of the radical (younger) bokot Woman maejin, aimai affinities of languages and for easy comparison" Wife rini: from genitive ren, "of"; hence rini: in the Jour. Beng. R. As. Soc., vol. XXXV. the one of Appendix A.
Child gidra Slave? Numerals.
Son hopon Servant (m.) guti. 1 mit' 9 are
Daughter hoponera
(f.) kami 2 barea 10 gel
Shepherd gupi Cultivator chasi pea 20 isi
God? Chando; Go sen, chal ponea 21 mit' isi mit'
Thakur; Eat jom more 22 mit' isi barea
Isor Sit durap' 6 turui 30 mit' isi gel
Devil ? maran buru, Come hiju', he: in eyae 31 mit' isi gel mit'
lit."the great
past tenses iral 50 bar isi gel
mountain.' Beat dal 100 more isi or mit' sae
Sun siñchando Stand tengo Pronouns.
Moon ñindachando Die goja'; goi: Animate. Inanimate.
ipil Give em I iñ i ñren my; iñrea', iñrean, iña', my Fire sengel Run ñir, dar We two alai, (includes the one spoken to) Water dal Up chetan We tro aliñ (does not include the one spoken to) House
Down latar Thou am you two aben
Horse sadom Before samaire He uni those two unkin
Cow gae
Near sor TV abo (includes those spoken to)
Dog seta
Far
sangin ale (does not include those spoken to)
pusi Behind tayom You ape
Cock sim sandi Who okoe they onko
Duck gede What chet' There is no form equivalent to 'mine,' as
Ass gadha
Why cha', cheda' mera in Hindi.
Camelut iiren sadom my horse
Bird chero But menkhan iña' ora' my horse
Yes hê Alas! ohae, haehae! uniren merom his goat
No ban unia' thenga his staf Hund Head boho
If khan (nt the end of the word), as amem he:Foot janga Tongue
lenkhan, 'if you come.' Nose mu Belly lai:
Singular. Dual. Plur. Eye Back dea
Father apat a patkin a patko Mouth mocha Iron mērhet' Of a father apatren apatkinren apatkoren Tooth data Gold
sona
To a father apat, the same as nominative; the Earlutur Silver
rupa
dative is expressed by a change Hair up Father apat, baba
in the verb. Dual.
Plur. A daughter hoponera
hoponerakin
hoponerako Of a daughter hoponeraren
-kinren
- koren To a daughter hoponera
-kin
-ko From a daughter hoponerakhon
-kinkhon
-kokhon Nom. A good man bhage hor,
bhage horkin
bhage horko Gen. Of a good man
-ren & rea' -kinren, &c.
- koren Dat. To a good man same as nom. From a good man bhage horkhon
-kinkhon
-kokhon A good woman bhage maejin bhage maejiukin bhage maejinko
Cat
And
ar
alan
Sing.

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195
July, 1879.)
WORDS AND PHRASES WITH SÅNTÅLI EQUIVALENTS.
dal
Horses, A mare,
A bad boy bari: kora A bad girl bari: kuri Good bhage, bes Better uni khon beshetter than he
ona khon bes=better than that Best sanam khon bes = better than all,
hence best. High, usul Higher onko khon usul = higher than those Highest sanam khon usul = higher than all. A horse sadom
sadomko
enga sadom Nares, enga sadomko A bull, dangra Bulls daigrako A cow Cows
gaeko andia seta
andia setako A bitch enga seta Bitches enga setako A he-goa! boda A she-goat pathi A male deer, jhankar jel A female deer posta jel I am
minaña Thou art menama He is
menaea We two are mena'liña, does not include the
one spoken to »
mena'lana, includes the one spoken
gae
A dog Dogs
a servant, guti' kanae, he is becoming a servant; without the rokh, guti kanae would mean, He is a servant. Beat
dal To beat Beating
dálet' Having beaten dålkate I beat
Iñ iñ daleda, lit. I I beat: the
pronoun is repeated at the
beginning of a sentence. I beat
Iñ iñ dâleda Thou beatest Amem dåleda He beats
Unie daleda We beat Alele dâleda
Abobo dâleda You beat A pepe då leda They beat Onkoko daleda thou, am, em; he, uni, e; we, ale, le; we, abo, bo; you, ape, pe; they, onko, ko: the latter forms are merely syncopated. I am beating Iñiñ dalet'kana I am beating him
(the same verb with an animate accusative) Iñ iñ dalekana
The shorter form of the pronoun is inserted between the root and the tense termination of the verb. I was beating Iñ iñ dálet' tahēkana I was beating them Iñiñ dalet' kokan tahēkana I did beat
Iñ in dAlleda. I may beat him Uniñ dâle. I shall beat Iñ iñ dala I shall beat you In in dAlpes I am beaten. The Sântals have no passive
voice, speaking correctly. It is sometimes expressed by the causative particle
ocho. Iñiñ dâl-ocho-akana, I have been beaten, they would say, Onkoko dalAkadiña, i.e. They have beaten me.
The other tenses are formed from the neuter verb with the addition of the particle ocho.
Very often the context has to tell us whether the neuter or passive sense is meant, as
Kombroko sabo's-may either mean the thieves will hold on (as to a branch), or the thieves will be caught. I go
Iñ iñ seno'kana Thou goest
Amem He goes
Unie 12
to
We are mena'lea, does not include the one
spoken to mena boa, includes the one spoken
to You are mena'pea They are
mena'koa I was tahēkanañ Thou wast tahēkanam He was tahēkanae We were
tahēkanale, or bo You were tabēkanape They were tahēkanako
The verb to be does not really exist in Santali. Hoyo' is to become; it is not, however, much used, the termination (o') generally is sufficient to express the idea.
As usul, high, usulo'kanae, he is becoming tall. Sometimes only a rokh is sufficient, as gati,

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da?
We are going
Alele seno'kana My father lives in that Apuñ do ona hudiñ You are going Аререя
small house
ora' reye tahenkana They are going Onkoko »
Give this rupee to him Noa taka uni emaeme I went Iñ in senlena
Take those rupees from Onako taka uni then Thou wentest Amem
him
hataome » He went Unie »
Beat him well and bind Khub leka daleme ar Go (thou), Imperative seno me
him with ropes baberte toleme
Draw water from the well Kui khon da' loeme Go (you) senope
Walk before me In laha lahate chala'me Gone, participle senakan
Whose boy comes behind Okoe hopon am tayom What is your name ? Chele ama ?
you?
tayomteye hiju' kana ? How old is this horse ? Nui sadom do tina'
From whoin did you buy Okoethenem kiriñkeserma ren kanae ?
that ? How far it is from here Nonde khon Kasmir
From a shopkeeper of Ato ren modi then to Kasmír ? tina' sangiña?
the village How many sons are there Apum ora' re tina' kora in your father's house? hopon mena'koa ?
There are four signs that we have used that I have walked a long Aļi saugiñ in he:akana
may be not well understood without a little way to-day teheñ do
explanation: () (:) t' p' The last two are In the house is the saddle Ora're pond sadom rea'
clearly half consonants formed by pronouncing of the white horse palan mena'a.
the letters t and p but without allowing the Put the saddle on his
breath to escape ihe lips. The former may be back (Sânt. Put the
sounds that are the bases of k and ch respecsaddle on) Palan lademe
tively. I have beaten his son Uniren hopontet' be- (') ra', to cry, becomes in the future raga
with many stripes bari: iñ dalakadea and therefore is a guttural. He is grazing cattle on Baru chotre mihů me. (:) de: to mount, dejo'a, will mount, is
the top of the hill rome atiñet'koa therefore a palatal. He is sitting on a horse Ona dare buta latarret'-mit', one, mido'a, will become one, is therefore
under that tree s adom re de:akanae a dental. His brother is taller than Uni bokot do uni mi p -sap', to lay hold of, sabo'a, will lay hold of, his sister
serat khone usulgia is therefore a labial. The price of that is two Ona rea' dam do barn is the Sanskrit 4.
rupees and a half t aka bar sika T ä, e, i, o, ü, are nasalized vowels.
MONOGRAMS OF THE BAKTRO-GREEK KING EUTHYDEMOS. BY DR. A. F. RUDOLF HERNLE, OFFICIATING PRINCIPAL, C. M. COLLEGE, CALCUTTA. The monograms which are seen on the coins into a monogram, but detached, are found; and of the Baktro-Greek kings have by some been it has been shown with much probability that surmised to contain dates. Others have doubted they represent figures and express dynastic it. I have lately had occasion to examine some dates. It seems probable, therefore, that when Baktrian coins, and it has led me to some combined into monograms they subserve the very curious results, confirming the opinion that same purpose. the monograms express dates. They appear to 1. On some coins of Euthydemos there apconsist of more or less intricate combinations pears a letter which may be either Nor z. of Greek (capital) letters. These, as is well The former is equal to 50. This might signify known, were used by the Greeks and Greek the 50th year of his own reign, counting from speaking people to express numbers. On a the date when he, as satrap of Sogdiana, refew Baktrian coins Greek letters, not combined volted from the Seleukidian empire, about the
See E. Thomas' Bactrian Coins and Indian Dates, or in J. R. As. Soc. vol. IX. p.5.

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JULY, 1879.) MONOGRAMS OF THE BAKTRO-GREEK KING EUTHYDEMOS
197
ne time that Diodotus, the satrap of Baktria, made himself independent. At that date Euthydemos may be supposed to have been about 30 years old. This would make him at the date of the coin abont 80 years old. There are reasons which show that he must have had a long reign and become an old man;" still 80 years is a long time, and, though not impossible, is not 1 very probable. Or, again, 50 might signify the 50th year of the Seleukidianæra; the æra most in vogue at that time. This would give the year 262 B.c. as the date of the coin (i.e. 312—50). It is known that Euthydemos was still reigning between 213-205 B.C.* His reign, therefore, would include 57 years; and his age in 205 B.C. would have been about 87 even thea, supposing that the year 262 s.c. was the first of his reign. This interpretation, therefore, may at once be set aside. But 50 might also signify the 150th year of the Seleukidian era. For, as will be shown presently, the figure for 100 appears to have been often omitted. This would give the year 162 B.C. as the date of the coin: a date, which, if again tested by the date 213-205 B.C., is too late ; for it would make the king about 85 years of age in 162 B.C., as his reign commenced some years earlier than 213 B.C. This interpretation, then, also must be discounted. There remains that the letter is not N, but 2. The latter is equal to 7, and it might mean the 7th year of the reign of the king. In itself, there can be no objection to this. But there is a difficulty in the fact, that, on some of the coins, the monogram contains the figure for 100. This shows that the date monograms cannot refer to the years of the reign, but to those of an era; and that is true equally, if the letter be taken to be N=50. Neither N nor z, neither 50 nor 7, can refer to the years of the reign of Euthydemos. Now 7, if tested by 1 the Seleukidian era, gives the year 305 B.C. as the date of the coin, which, of course, is out of the question as being much too early. But as already observed, the 100 is often omitted. 7 must evidently stand for 107, which, according to the Seleukidian era, gives the very convenient date 205 B.C. It seems, then, to me hardly doubtful, that this is really the true interpretation of the monogram.
There has been supposed to be also a Baktrian æra, commencing with the Baktrian revolt. But tested by it, neither 7 nor 107 would give a possible date. Not the former, because in that year Diodotos I. was king of Baktria; nor the latter, because it would bring Euthydemos down to a too late date.
2. Another of the monograms of Euthydemos is R. It is evidently a combination of p for 100 and K for 20; the whole meaning 120. This, tested by the Seleukidian æra, gives us the year 192 B.c. (or 312-120), which is just within the time to which the long reign of Euthydemos may have extended. The monogram might be taken as a compound of p = 100 and A = 30, or 130; but this would give 182 B.C.. which is too late.
3. A third of his monograms is K. This very closely resembles the preceding monogram. It only omits the loop at the top of the upright stroke, or the sign for 100. This instance clearly shows, that the figure for 100 was sometimes omitted; for K, which is equal to 20, if taken by itself, would, by the Seleukidian wra, give 292 B.C. (312-20), which is much too early. The monogram therefore must be identical with the preceding one, and mean '20 for 120, and express, as before, the year 192 B.C.
4. A fourth is or rather K. I take it to be B equal to 2. As explained before, 2 stands for 102. According to the Seleukidian æra it is 210 B.C. (or 312--102).
5. A fifth is W, which seems to be the same as the preceding one, only adding Hor 8. The whole would be 108 +2 or 110, and give the year 202 s.c. (or 312-110).
6. A sixth is , which appears to be a combination of p= 100, H = 8, A = 1, that is, 109. It would, therefore, ropresent 203 B.C.
7. A seventh is , probably a combination of 0 = 9 and 1= 10. The whole being 19 for 119, and equal to 193 B.C.
8. An eighth is A or A; apparently a combination of II = 80, A-4 and I = 10. It would be equivalent to 94 or the year 218 B.C.
9. A ninth is or . This seems to be merely another way of representing the preceding monogram, and to consist of 11 -80, A (for A) - 1 and I= 10; that is 91. It would give 221 B.C.
* See Lassen Ind. Alt. (2e Auf.) Bd. II. s. 296, 306.
See Lassen Ind. Alt. (2 Auf.) Bd. II. .. 313.
• See Lessen Ind. Alt. (2te Auf.) Bd. II. s. 311.
See also E. Thomas, ut. sup. p. 5.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
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All the above monograms are taken from 203, 202, 193, 192. This result very curiously Prinsep's Indian Antiquities (ed. Thomas) confirms Wilson's conjecture (A. A. p. 220), who vol. II., p. 180. In Wilson's Ariana Antiqua gives to Eathydemos the years 220–190 B.C. Pl. I, 5, there occars the following monogram - It assigns to him a period during which, it is
10. A tenth is I, which is the sign for 10, known from other considerations, he must have that is, equivalent to 110, and representing the been reigning. The length of the period makes year 202 B.C.
it very probable that the coins of the years 221 These ten monograms, thus, include a period 1 and 192 are from the very beginning and close of 29 years, from 221-192 B.C.; the several of his reiga, if not actually of its tiest and last years, represented, being 221, 218, 210, 205, years.
ANCIENT REMAINS IN AFGHANISTAN. BY REV. C. SWINNERTON, CHAPLAIN TO THE AFGHAN EXPEDITION. In marching from Dáků to Jellâlâbâd we Buddhist. This conviction was strengthened on passed the little village of Basawal, about ten my visiting Åda, or Hadah, a village five miles miles from the former place. Within a mile of south of Jellâlâbâd and pecaliarly rich in Buddhis. Basawal there is a remarkable three-peaked hill of tic remains. I here lighted on a scrap of wall schist lying in the midst of the valley south of the peeping out of ruined débris, the exact counterKabul river. Its peaks are in a line north and part in style of the walls just described. But all south, and these are all about 100 ft. in height from
doubt in the matter has since been removed. Dr. the plain. This hill is one mass of almost indis- Creagh, of I Battery, C Brigade, Royal Horse tinguishable ruins. One piece of the old masonry, Artillery, and myself rode over to the neighbourhowever, stands exposed, and as it is curious I ing tope for the purpose of examining it more venture to describe it. The builders evidently particularly. It was evident that a large slice had built in regular and carefully measured layers. been cut off the top of the original monument and They appear first to have laid down blocks of thrown over the sides, thus hiding and burying white water-worn quartz about eight inches square, the exterior. At the same time it seemed prowith divisions between them also measuring about bable that in more recent Muhammadan times & eight inches. These intervening spaces were then burj, or tower of large waterworn stones and carefully built up with small slabs or bricks of earth, had been crected, probably for purposes schist measuring about six inches in length, two of warfare, on the original tope. We were forinches in breadth, and about half an inch in tunate enough to detect, about 40 ft. or 50 ft. up thickness. The next layer consisted of similar the side of the rain, a thin broken line of chunam slabs of dark schist, laid one on the other, for or white plaster. As some Sappers were working about three inches in thickness. The third layer
near at hand, we called for a pickaxe and a spade, consisted of small blocks of a light gray sandstone
and carefully removed some of the debris from or grit dressed with the chisel, each block three or the top of this plaster, when we had the unspeak. four inches thick and six square, and the layer it- able satisfaction of finding that we had discovered self in thickness a single block. After this the the ancient cornice of the tope whence sprang the various layers were repeated in order once more, dome-shaped dagoba. Twelve inches in from the and so repeated again and again. The effect of outer broken edge of the plaster we came on the this arrangement, both as to form and colour, was solid masonry itself. It was still covered with beaumost pleasing.
tiful white plaster an inch thick, and six or eight On our arrival at Jellalábåd we became aware inches up from the top of the cornice there was a that there was a ruined Buddhist tope on the round moulding, which indicated the spring of the brow of one of the low hills about 2,000 yards now, I fear, destroyed dome. We cleared away south of the city. I took an early opportunity of with our own hands 10 or 12 yards of the cornice, examining it. It was a shapeless mass of ruins, no and we particularly remarked that the plaster was part of the exterior of the ancient tope apparently covered with a wash of rosy pink. The colour remaining. Among the ruined buildings round had penetrated the lime a sixteenth of an inch, it, however, I discovered part of an ancient wall and it was not the result of percolations through exposed, and the style of masonry was precisely the soil, because it was regularly and uniformly similar to that of the masonry referred to above. laid on, and invariably of the same tint. Here I had therefore no hesitation in arriving at al and there the plaster of the masonry itself bad conviction that the masonry in both cases was given way, when we observed that the style of

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ANCIENT REMAINS IN AFGHANISTAN.
199
building was precisely that of the masonry in the outer walls of the masonry at Hadah and at Basawal.
But now I may say a few words about the remarkable village of Hadah. Hadah stands on some low hills entirely composed of conglomerate, and the conglomerate itself stands on beds of sandstone or grit, as I found on an examination of certain deep torrent beds near at hand. The village of Hadah occupies but a small portion of an ancient city of Buddhist temples and monasteries. The name is said to be derived from a certain King Hodah, but as I have no books of reference in camp I am unable to give you the opinion of the learned. The chief interest about the low hills about. Hadah lies in the numerous ruined topes, of which I counted upwards of 100, and in the numerous caves, some of them of vast extent, which have been scooped out of the conglomerate. The whole of these caves are beautifully arched or vaulted and plastered. The plaster is now black with smoke, but in one cave, where the plaster was but slightly blackened, there appeared a fresco, consisting of broad, right lines of black crossing each other at right angles. Most of these caves extend into the hills about 40 ft. But a few have just been discovered of infinitely grander proportions. Let me describe to you one of the largest, the entrance to which was pointed out by a native, and which had never before been visited by Europeans. We entered this remarkable cave on our hands and knees, and after proseeding some 12 ft. in a nortberly direction found ourselves in an immense hall, lying east and west, 70 ft. long and 12 ft. broad. From each end of this hall, as well as from a point somewhat west of the centre, there ran a hall at right angles for 51 ft., which opened into a separate hall, similar in length and breadth to the first and parallel with it. From this latter hall low passages, two in number, proceeded further into the hill, but these were so blocked up with soil that we could not penetrate them. Now, contrary to the opinion of severa! others in the camp, who called the cave the palace of King Hodah, I venture to think it is not a palace but a temple; and I may state my reasons for this conclusion.
1. The isolated hill which contained this remarkable cave was crowned with the ruins of two Buddhistic topes.
2. The whole interior had been filled up almost to the spring of the roof with alluvial soil and large water-worn riverstones. The entrance, too, had been almost completely effaced with similar conveyed soil and stones. This soil and these stones are altogether foreign to the geological formation, which, as I said before, consists of
conglomerate, resting immediately on sandstone. Such soil, however, exists in the adjoining fertile little valleys. Now, the Muhammadans, on cou. quering this lond, were most careful, as we know. to break down all the images of Baal," and to destroy all the temples of the heathen. These stupendous caverns, however, it was not possible for them to destroy. But they most diligently broke up all the carved work, as they did elsewhere, and at Hadah simply buried it within the temple-caves under heaps of earth and stones carried in for the purpose. By this means both idols and temples were alike consigned to oblivion.
This cavern, then, is, I believe, a temple which once contained gigantic Buddhas and carved lotos flowers, and other emblems in stone, wood, or metal of the Buddhist faith. Its true floor is probably six or eight feet below its present one of alluvial soil, and it probably consists of the lower sandstone rock. I shall feel greatly surprised if sculpture is not found in considerable quantities in these caverns.
The whole of this country is almost virgin soil to the archæologist, and it is strongly hoped that one of our learned societies may be induced to make grants of money for the purpose of exploring its many historical and antiquarian treasures.
I have here described to you the singularly interesting style of masonry which seems to be characteristic of Buddhist work, and of Buddhist work only, in this part of Afghanistan. I have seen similar masonry in the structure of some beautiful topes eight miles west of Jellalábad, on either bank of the Kabul river; but I wish now, with your permission, to describe a later visit I paid to Hadah, five miles to the south of Jellâlâbåd. As I remarked before, this village occupies a small part of the site of an ancient Buddhist sacred city, the hills on which it stood being entirely undermined with caves, most of which appear to have been filled up by the hand of man. On Saturday, January 18, I was so fortunate as to discover a set of caves, all of which have domed roofs. Most of these caves are about 14 ft. square, but they are choked with earth to within 3 ft. of the ceiling, while the entrances are so nearly obliterated with accumulated rubbish that I had to crawl in, not on my hands and knees, but literally on my stomach. Archæo. logists will be able to say whether domed caves are a discovery or not in the history of Buddhist architecture. All I can say is that these particular caves differ from the rest of the Hadah caves, which are merely vaulted or arched. The diameter of the dome is, as a rule, 12 ft.; but there is one small cave where the diameter is not more than 3ft. These domes are well moulded in plaster at the edges, and they are beautifully proportioned.

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In one of the domed caves I was fortunate enough these at regular intervals are blocks of quartz. to find unmistakable traces of fresco painting. The lower as well as the upper part of the sides The dome was surrounded with two rows of Bud- of the square base were ornamented with numerdhas, bust-size, enclosed in borders, the whole ous mouldings, bold and deep, and the sides of being imitations of panelling. The roof, as in other this base were further ornamented with pilasters cases, was dreadfully obscured with the effects of a foot wide, divided from each other by spaces in smoke, and the plaster had evidently been wilfully width 5 ft. 9 in. The upper half of the circular broken; but enough remained to show that there base was likewise richly ornamented with mould. were twelve Buddhas in each row; that round the ings and shallow pilasters, with round arches head of each Buddha was the nimbus, giving the between and a cornice of Grecian type. These whole representation greatly the character of pilasters were very narrow, and the spaces between pictures of the saints; and that some of the colours them only 3 ft. They were all built with thin used by the old artists were certainly blue, yellow, pieces of well-dressed schist. It is curious that all and black. Thus the ground of the dome was blue, the other topes here still exhibit traces of the and on this blue ground were painted the Buddhas, plaster which once covered them, giving smooth apparently in black with yellow outlines. In an- ness and polish to their exteriors and completeother cave of the ordinary kind I found the archedness to their mouldings. From the entire absence ceiling had been painted in a similar manner; but of any trace of plaster on the Khaista tope, and in this case black only had been used. What were from the existence in every alternate panel on the these small, black, domed caves! Were they round base of small square holes, which I imagine separate shrines P And why were the domes in to be scaffolding holes," I suppose that this beautheir roofs painted blue? Were they typical of tiful tope was never completely finished. But, the vanlt of Heaven P
finished or not, it still forms one of the most The immense tope called Khaista, or the imposing and graceful objects the mind can con"Beautiful," deserves a few words of description. peive, and its commanding position, in the midst I visited it in company with two other officers, of so much beautiful scenery of mountain, plain, Dr. Creagh, of I Battery, 0 Brigade, Royal Horse and river, is striking and picturesque to the last Artillery, and Captain Bax, of the 11th Bengal degree. Lancers. After passing through Jellåldbad we At the foot of the conical hill on which this tope rode along the right or southern bank of the Kabul stands there is an old Muhammadan graveyard, until we reached its tributary, the Rud-i-Bals and within the precincts of one of the tombs which Bagh, a mile beyond which there rises a precipi- this graveyard contains lives an ancient, gray tous ridge of rocky mountains with an eastern bearded Faqir. This old man remembers perfectly aspect. The triangular piece of ground at the foot well the former Afghan war and our occupation of this ridge contains, probably, three or four of the country. With reference to the tope, he square miles of the richest land, and is enclosed informed us that the English employed a gang of by the ridge on the west, the river Kabal on the coolies to drive a gallery to the centre of the tope, north-east, and the Rud-i-Bala Bagh on the south- and then to sink a shaft, and that they discovered east. Scattered over this magnificent estate there #small stone chamber, in which were several are the ruins of no fewer than twelve topes. They brazen vessels. In one of these vessels there are all extremely ruinous, but some of them are less were ashes, in another a string of pearls, and in ruinous than others. Of these latter, the Khaista another records in manuscript. It is well known tope is by far the most perfect and the most that all our documents, both official and private, beautiful. It is situated on the apex of a conical were lost in the disastrous retreat from Kabul. hill at the very foot of the mountains. Much It may be, however, that some reference to the of the square base is still entire, as well as most opening of this tope and to that of the other topes of the round base which stands upon the square in the neighbourhood is preserved in the corresbase, and about half of the dome-shaped top. pondence, either published or not, of some who Each side of the square base measures 115 ft. in took part in the events of the occupation of Aflength, and the diameter of the round base is ghanistan. The publication of any such reference about 60 ft. The height of the entire tope cannot just now, when the archæological treasures of the be less than 100 ft. The exterior masonry consists country are once more undergoing examination, of slabs of dark blue schist, most carefully cut would be exceedingly interesting.--Jellaldbad, to size, measuring about a foot square, and not | Feb. 3. more than an inch in thickness. Built in with' -The Times, 12th April 1879.
Possibly holes for a wooden covering.-En.

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CORRESPONDENCE AND MISCELLANEA.
CORRESPONDENCE AND MISCELLANEA.
ON TALAPRAHARI.
(By Professor H. JACOBI, Münster, Westphalia). Treating of the forged Chalukya inscription, published in the Ind. Ant. vol. VIII. p. 94 sqq., Mr. Lewis Rice happily identifies its author Vira Nopamba, surnamed Ari-Râya-Mastaka Talaprahari, with the Sthira Gambhira Nolamba, who was named Vira Talapra hâri for the valour he displayed in defending his chief queen Sri Devi, as is mentioned in the Chalukya and Koysala inscription at Heggere.
Now in the Viracharitra, an epic poem of Ananta, treating of the wars between Sâlivahana and Vikrama, and between their sons Saktikumâra and Bemba1-Talapra hâri is one of the most famous of Salivahana's fifty champions. He was the son of the Sun and the Moon, and killed the 300,000 sons of Svarbhânu (Rahu) to revenge his parents, but was, in return, swallowed by Sinhika, Rahu's mother, from whose belly he was extracted, by Salivahana. Thenceforth he serves Salivahana and Saktikumâra.
It is interesting to learn from the abovementioned inscriptions that the name of this Indian Hercules was turned into an honorary title for valiant warriors, and that, consequently, the epic cycle of Vikrama, Salivahana and their sons, etc. was generally known in the 11th and 12th centuries of our era. Another proof of the correctness of the latter assertion is the fact that two knights of Vikrama, Chandraketu and Vyâghrabala, who play a part in the epic poem of Ananta, are also mentioned by Bâna and Somadeva respectively (Ind. Stud. XIV. 121, 130). The popularity which the epic cycle in question seems to have enjoyed in old times, would make it worth while to search for earlier mention of it than Ananta's modern work.
Münster, 7th June 1879.
SPECIMEN OF A DISCURSIVE GLOSSARY OF ANGLO-INDIAN TERMS. BY H. Y. AND A. C. B. (Continued from p. 176.)
COBILY-MASH, 8. This is the dried bonito (q. v.) which has for ages been a staple export of the Maldive Islands. It is now especially esteemed in Acheen, and other Malay countries.
Circa 1345:-"Its flesh is red, and without fat; but it smells like mutton. When caught each fish is cut in four, slightly boiled, and then placed in baskets of palm-leaf and hung in the smoke. When perfectly dry it is eaten. From this country it is exported to India, China, and Yemen. It is
201
called Kolb-al-más."-Ibn Batuta, vol. IV. p. 112; see also p. 311.
1615" Ce poisson qui se prend ainsi, 'appelle generalement en leur langue cobolly mass c'est à dire du poisson noir.... Ils le font cuire en l'eau de la mer, et puis le font secher au feu sur des clayes, en sorte qu'estant sec il se garde fort long temps."-Pyrard de la Val, vol. I. p. 138..
1727: The Bonetta is caught with Hook and Line, or with Nets. . . . . They cut the fish from the Back-bone on each Side, and lay them in a Shade to dry, sprinkling them sometimes with Sea Water. When they are dry enough...... they wrap them up in Leaves of Cocoa-nut Trees, and put them a foot or two under the Surface of the Sand, and with the Heat of the Sun they become baked as hard as Stock-fish, and Ships come from Atcheen, and purchase them with Golddust. I have seen Comela mash (for that is their name after they are dried) sell at Atcheen for 8L. Sterl. per 1000."-A. Hamilton, vol. I. p. 347.
1813"The fish called Commelmutch, so much esteemed in Malabar, is caught at Minicoy."Milburne, vol. I. p. 321 (see also p. 336).
1841: The sultan of the Maldiva Islands sends an agent or minister every year to the government of Ceylon with presents consisting of.... a considerable quantity of dried fish, consisting of bonitos, albicores, and a fish called by the inhabitants of the Maldivas the black fish, or comboli mas."-Jour. R. As. Soc. vol. VI. p. 75.
The same article contains a Maldivian vocabulary in which we have: "Bonito, or goomulmutch.... Kannelimas" (p. 49). Thus we find three different presentments of the word in one paper. As the foundation of the Maldivian language is old Singhalese, the meaning of the word must be sought there. Mutch' or 'mas' is, however, clearly the common corrupt form of the Sanskrit 'matsya' fish.
COMPETITION-WALLA, 8. A hybrid name (EnglishHindustani) applied in modern Anglo-Indian colloquial to members of the Indian Civil Service who have entered it by the competitive system introduced in 1855. The phrase was probably an invention of some member of the same service belonging to the elder, or Haileybury section thereof, whose nominations were due to interest, and who being bound together by the intimacies and esprit de corps of a common college, looked with more or less disfavour upon the children of modern innovation. The name was readily taken to in India, but its familiarity in England is
* A detailed abstract of this poem I have given in the Indische Studien, XIV. 97 sqq.

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probably in great part due to the Letters of 2. From the Malay kampong. This is alleged a Competition-walla (1864), written by one who | by John Crawfurd. had himself no claim to the title,- Mr.G.O. Trevel. 3. From the French campagne. yan, now M.P. for the Border burghs, and author The authors of this glossary have been as yet or the excellent life of his uncle, Lord Macaulay. unable to reconcile their differences in regard
The second portion of the word, wdla, is pro- to this word, so they will state their views perly a Hindi adjectival affix, corresponding in a separately. general way to the Latin-arius. Its usual em (a.) The general use of the term in India ployment, as affixed to a substantive, makes it would be almost inexplicable, if Crawfurd's de frequently denote agent, doer, keeper, man, rivation from the Malay were allowed. Favre inhabitant, master, lord, possessor, owner,' as indeed (p. 166) explains the Javanese kampuni Shakespear explains it, and as in Anglo-Indian or kempuñ by "Maison avec un terrain qui usage is commonly assumed. But this kind of l'entoure," but I could not trace this meaning in denotation is an accident; there is no real limita- Java. Kampun is a native village,' and is not at tion to such meaning, and the very multiplicity all used in the sense of compound.' Douwesof Shakespear's explanations shows that the root of Dekker doubts if the latter is a Malay or Javanese the meaning is missed. What the syllables truly word (Max Haveldar, pp. 360-361). imply is evident from such common phrases as Neither can it be Portuguese. In books of the Kdbul-wodid ghord, the Kabulian horse,' and from 16th century, so far as I have seen, campo is the common form of village nomenclature in nearly always 'a camp.' It may also have had the Panjab, Mir-Khan-udla, Ganda-Singh-wdld and the meaning of a plain,' but that would not so forth, implying the village established by Mir answer better. I find only one instance of campo Khân, by Ganda Singh, &c.
with a meaning approaching that of compound,' 1864 :-"The stories against the Competition- and there it means 'site': "queymon a cidade wallahs which are told and fondly believed by the toda ate não ficar mais que ho campo em que Haileybury men, are all more or less founded estevera." (Castanheda, vol. VI. p. 130.) . on the want of savoir faire. A collection of these | In the early Portuguese histories of India (e.g. stories would be a curious proof of the credulity Castanheda, vol. IIL. pp. 436, 442 ; vol. VI. p. 3) of the human mind on a question of class against jardim, patio, horta, are used for what we term class."-Trevelyan, p. 9.
*compound.' I have looked in all the passages 1867 :-"From a deficiency of Civil Servants.. of the Indo-Portuguese Bible where the word it became necessary to seek reinforcements, not might be expected, but have found only horta, alone from Haileybury ... but from new recruit- and I am told that 'compound' is not an Indoing fields whence volunteers might be obtained ... Portuguese term, nor is there any one like it. under the pressure of necessity such an exceptional The Portuguese origin is alleged by Sir Emermeasure was sanctioned by Parliament. Mr. son Tennent (Ceylon vol. II. p. 70), who suggests Elliot, having been nominated as candidate by campinho; but this does not suit, for it means Campbell Marjoribanks, was the first of the since only a small plain.' Bishop Heber, again, calls celebrated list of Competition-Wallaks."-Notice the word "an easy corruption from the Portuof Sir H. M. Elliot, prefixed to vol. I. of Dowson's guese word campaña" (sic. vol. I. p. 22), whilst in ed. of the History of India, &c., p. xxviii.
another place he derives it from campao (sic. vol. 1878.—"The Competition Wallah, at home on III. p. 539). Campanha is used only for a leave or retirement, dins perpetually into our ears campaign,' or applied to the Roman Campagna. the greatness of India . . . . We are asked to feel Campao is no word at all. awe-struck and humbled at the fact that Bengal The word does not occur in the earlier books, alone has sixty-six millions of inhabitants. We are and is probably comparatively modern. The invited to experience an awful thrill of sublimity important part taken by the French every where when we learn that the area of Madras far exceeds in South India during the last century would that of the United Kingdom."-Sat. Review, June account for a French derivation, and I have little 15th, p. 750.
donbt that it is a corruption of campagne for maison COMPOUND, S. The enclosed ground, whether it de campagne. (A. B.) be a garden or a waste, which surrounds an (6.) I still on the other hand, incline to regard Anglo-Indian house. Various derivations have | Mr. Crawford's Malay derivation as the most been suggested for this word, but its history is probable yet suggested. Present usage in Java very obscure. The following are the principal sug. is not sufficient proof of Malay usage elsewhero gestions that have been made as to its origin
or in time past. 1. From some supposed Portuguese term.
old Dict. Malaico-Latin of David Haer,

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Romae, 1631, gives: "Campon coniunctio, vel 1785:-"To be sold by Private Sale............. conuentus. Hinc viciniae, et parua loca, campon A very large Upper-roomed House, with extenetiam appellantur." And in Marsden's Malaysive godowns and outhouses, with a large com. Dictionary we have: "Kampong, an enclosure, a pound."-Seton-Karr, vol. I. p. 109. place surrounded with a paling; a fenced or "To be let......a handsome roomy house near fortified village; a quarter, district, or suburb the Esplanade, enclosed by a spacious uniform of a city; a collection of buildings. Mem-búat | Compound."-Ibid, p. 113. [to make) rumah (house] serta dañgan [together 1788 :-"Compound -The court-yard belonging with] Kampong-nia Kampong thereof), to erect to a house. A corrupt word." The Indian Vocaa house with its endosure......... Ber-kampong, to bulary, London, Stockdale. assemble, come together; mengampong to collect, 1810 :-" The houses (at Madras) are usually to bring together," p. 267. The Reverse Dic- surrounded by a field or compound, with a few tionary gives: " YARD, alaman, Kampong," p. 588. trees and shrubs, but it is with incredible pains
In Crawfurd's : " Kampung ......an enclosure, & that flowers or fruit are raised." -Maria Graham, space fenced in; a villago; a quarter or subdivision p. 124. of a town."
"When I entered the great gates, and looked In Pijnappel (Maleisch-Hollandisch Woordenboek, around from my palankeen......... and when I 1875): "Kampoeng-Omheind in Erf, Wijk, Buurt, bebeld the beauty and extent of the compound...... Kamp," i. e. "Ground hedged round, village, I thought that I was no longer in the world that hamlet, camp."
I had left in the East."-An account of Bengal, In P. Jansz (Javaansch-Nederlandsch Woorden- and of a visit to the Government House, by Ibrahim boek, Samarang, 1876): “Kampoeng- omheind erf the son of Candu the Merchant" (in the above, van woningen; wijk die onder één hoofd staat,"| p. 198). This is a Malay narrative translated by i.e. "enclosed ground of dwellings; village which Dr. Leyden. Very probably the word rendered is under one head man."
compound was kampung, but that cannot be asThese definitions confirm my own impressions, certained. received in the Straits and in Java, that the essen- Circa 1817:4" When they got into the comtial idea of the word kampung is enclosure;' and pound, they saw all the ladies and gentlemen in that even in its application to a village the proper the verandah, waiting." -Mrs. Sherwood's Stories, sense is a group of houses in one ward or enclosure, forming perhaps a portion of a village. A 1824 :-" He then proceeded to the rear com. friend who held office in the Straits for twenty pound of the house, returned, and said It is a years assures me that the word kampung is habi- tiger, Sir.'"-Seely, Wonders of Ellora, ch. I. tually used, in the Malay there spoken, as the 1860:- Villas, each in its compound of flowers." equivalent of the Anglo-Indian compound.' -Tennent, vol. II. p. 146.
It is not, I think, difficult to suppose that the We have lately found this word singularly word, if its use originated in our Malay settle- transformed, in a passage extracted from a recent ments, should have spread to the continental novel :presidencies, and so over India. Our factories 1977 :-"When the Rebellion broke out at other in the Archipelago were older than any of our stations in India, I left our own compost"-Satursettlements in India Proper. The factors and day Review, Feb. 3, 1877, p. 148. "A little learn. writers were frequently moved about, and it is ing is a dangerous thing." conceivable that a word so much wanted (for no Doar, interj.-properly (Hindi) dúhd a word English word does express the idea satisfactorily) of obscure etymology, which is shouted aloud by a should have found ready acceptance. Perhaps it petitioner for redress (something like the Haro ! of is not impossible that kampung was itself a cor- the Channel Islanders), as the great man passes ruption of the Portuguese campo, a camp'; and who is supposed to have it in his power to render thence an enclosed area. The Chinese quarter at the justice sought. Every Englishman in Northern Batavia-kampong Tzina-is commonly called in India has been saluted by the calls of Dind'! Dutch "het Chinesche Kamp" or "het Kamp Khuda wand! ("Justice, my lord I") Daha'( Mahdder Chinezen." Campagne seems hardly appli.
raj! Dahdi Company Bab&dur! "Justice, O King! cable; at least, nothing like this sense is found Justice, O Company!" perhaps in consequence of among the seven or eight classes of meaning some oppression of his followers, perhaps in reassigned to the word in Littré. (H. Y.)
ference to some grievance which he has no power 1772 :-" Yard (before or behind a house), to redress. Ibn Batuta relates (vol. III. p. 412) Aungaun. Commonly called a Compound."-Voca- that it was the custom in India for a creditor of a bulary in Hadley's Grammar, p. 129.
courtier who would not pay his debts to watch at
p. 6.

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the palace-gate for his debtor, and there assail him with-cries of Darúhai-us-Sultán! ("O enemy of the Sultan!) Thou shalt not enter till thou hast paid." But it seems probable that the exclamation really was this of which we speak, "Daha'i Maharaj! Dúhd's Sultan!" Such, too, doubtless was the cry heard by Hawkins at Agra in
1608-9:
"He is severe enough, but all helpeth not; for his poore Riats or clownes complaine of Iniustice done them, and cry for justice at the King's hands."-In Purchas, vol. I. p. 223.
1878:-"As I was walking down to my boat to my dinner, I met a villager in the company of a constable, who shouted 'Duhai, justice, my lord; I have been arrested by warrant, though I came in obedience to a summons.""-Life in the Mofussil, vol. II. p. 154.
(To be continued.)
METRICAL VERSIONS FROM THE MAHABHARATA.
BY J, MUIR, D.C.L., LL.D., &c. (Continued from p. 152.)
The Genesis if Rudra the destroyer.
M. Bh. xii. 2791. Whence springs the god whom mortals fear, The god with awful form severe ? From sin, destroying Rudra springs, On this our world who ruin brings. He is that self who dwells within In men, the source and seat of sin, Which plunges both in woe, the good, As well as all the guilty brood.
I do not recollect to have before met in any Indian author a passage like this, in which the destroying god Rudra (or Mahadeva) is rationalistically represented as being apparently nothing else than the Nemesis or natural and inevitable
retribution following upon sin. I translate literally some of the lines, Kasyapa is the speaker:
2791. "When sin is committed by sinners O Aila, then this god Rudra is born. The wicked by their sins generate Rudra; and then he destroys all, both good and bad." 2792. Aila asks: "Whence comes Rudra? Or of what nature is
1 Another apparent instance of rationalizing, which may not, however, be seriously meant, occurs in Manu ix. 301f., and Mahabharata xii. 2674ff., 2693, and 3408, where it is stated that the four Yugas or great mundane periods (which are represented as differing in regard to the physical and moral condition of the men who lived in each of them,-the first being the most highly blest in these respects, while the others undergo a gradual declension), are really only names for the better or worse character of the king, on which the welfare of his subjects depends. I translate the essential verses of the Mahabharata, xii. 2674: "Either the king causes the time, or the time causes the king. Doubt not as to this alternative; the king causes the time. When the king completely fulfils the duties of criminal justice, then
[JULY, 1879.
Rudra? An existence (or creature, sattva) is seen to be destroyed by creatures. Declare to me all this, O Kasyapa, from what this god Rudra is born." 2793. Kasyapa replies: "The self in the heart of man is Rudra; it slays each its own and others' bodies. They tell us that Rudra is like the hurricane; his form is like the celestial clouds (devair jimataiḥ)."
The commentator remarks as follows on these lines:-" Rudra' means 'himsra,' 'destructive'; 'god' means 'king'; Rudra' (further on in the accusative) means the Kali' age. To the question whence arises the King's destructive character (Rudratva), he replies in the words, "The self,' &c. It is the self (or soul, dtmd"), the living principle (jiva), in the heart of men, which is (or becomes) Rudra, the destroyer. And just as the body of a person possessed by an evil spirit is not the property of the (proper) owner (or master) of that body, but at the time of the possession is the property of the being so possessed, just so at the time of his being possessed by Rudra, the King's body belongs to, or takes the character of, Rudra (Raudram bhavati). Then in reply to the inquiry whence is it that the tranquil self (or soul) takes the character of Rudra ? he answers in the words
The hurricane,' &c. As the hurricane in the air drives hither and thither the cloud-goddess residing in the air, makes her thunder, and causes lightnings, thunderbolts, and rain-falls to be mani. fested from her, just so the passions of desire anger, &c., which have sprung from the self (or soul) impel the principle of life (jiva), which has sprung from the self, to perpetrate all destructive acts."
Moral Goodness essential.
Mahábh. xiv. 2835 (compare xiii. 5544). The knaves, untrained in wisdom's schools, Who, never vexed with scruples, long Who smile at honest men as fools, Have wealth amassed by fraud and wrong, And then their gains, with hearts elate, To pious uses dedicate,
On costly sacrifices spend,
Or ample gifts to Brahmans send,
the Krita Age, a product of time, exists." This principle is then applied to the other three Yugas (or ages). It is then said, v. 2693: "The king is the creator of the Krita,. Trets, and Dvâpara ages, and the cause of the fourth (the Kali)." The same idea is afterwards repeated in v. 3408 (= Manu ix. 301): "The Krita, the Tretâ, the Dråpara, and the Kali Yugas (ages) are modes of a king's action; for it is the king who is denoted by the word Yugs." The commentator on Manu ix. 302 says, however, that that verse (which declares that the king is one or other of the Yugas, according to the character of his action) is merely designed to intimate that a king ought to be intent upon the performance of his duties, and not to deny the real existence of the four Yugas (ages).

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Such knaves can never gain the meeds Ordained for truly righteous deeds : Their riches, sprung from poisoned roots, Can bear none else than deadly fruits.
Bad men, who goodness only feign, In hope the world's esteem to gain, With lavish gifts and dainty feasts In vain delight a host of priests.
Esteem that Brahman's doom assured, Whoe'er, by lust of gold allured, From virtue's hallowed path departs, And heaps up wealth by wicked arts.
But those who others' wants relieve, By giving what they have to give, The scantiest barvest-gleanings, roots, A draught of water, herbs, or fruits, These righteous, self-denying men At length the bliss of heaven attain."
The good forsake, the bad embrace, The substance flee, and shadows chase. But none who have not gained that height
Can good and ill discern aright. There is a certain similarity between this passage and Lucretius ii. 10ff. :
Sed nil dulcius est bene quam munita tenere Edita doctrinâ sapientum templa serena, Despicere unde queas alios, passimque videre Errare atque viam palantes quærere vitæ," etc.
"But nothing is more welcome than to hold the lofty and serene positions well fortified by the learning of the wise, from which you may look down upon others, and see them wandering all abroad and going astray in their search for the path of life," &c.-Munro's Translation.
NOTES AND QUERIES. SUCCESSION OP SISTERS' Sons.-The existence of this custom should be chronicled where it occurs. I bave found it prevailing in the Asam Hills, as well as in Travankor. Do any families in India count their pedigrees by their mothers P-R. Cust, Lib. R. 18. Soc.
A king's best treasure, and the best castles.
Mahábh. xii. 20200 f. Though other treasures kings may boast, Of gold and gems a glittering hoard, - The richest far is he, the lord Of stalwart men, a numerous host. Amid impending war's alarms, Though round us lofty castles rise, The fort that best assault defies Is formed by manly warriors' arms."
The Watch-tower of Wisdom.
Mahábh. xii. 530 (= xii. 5623). As men who climb a hill behold The plain beneath them all unrolled, And thence with searching eye survey The crowds that pass along the way, So those on wisdom's mount who stand A lofty vantage-ground command. They thence can scan the world below, Immersed in error, sin and woe; Can mark how mortals vainly grieve, The true reject, the false receive,
SUCCESSION OP SISTERS' Sons.-Amongst the Gåros and Khasiâs this custom is in full force, and all inheritance is regulated in accordance with it. Among the Khasis the succession of the chiefs or Seims as they are called descends entirely in the female line. Among the Gâros, too, descent is regulated in the same way. They have what they call "Maharis" or claus: every person belongs to his mother's Ma hâri, the consequence is that husband and wife belong to different Maharis, in fact marriage between persons of the same Mahari is prohibited. A strong bond of union exists between members of the same Mahâri, and should any member incur any penalty for misconduct or otherwise, the whole Mahari subscribes the amount of the fine or damages in equal shares. All land too is held in common by the Mahari, and they divide it among themselves by mutaal agreement; but it cannot be sold or alienated without the con
Literally: "The unlearned man who, without firm faith in righteousness (dharmabhisankf), sacrifices with wealth Kuined by wrong, shall not obtain the reward of righteous ness. That sinner, the lowest of men, who gives gifta to Brahmans in order to gain the confidence of the world, is a mere feigner of righteousness. A lax Brahman, who, governed by passion and illusion, acquires riches by sinful practices, comes to a miserable end. 2439. He who, having thus gained riches by fraud, bestows gifts or sacrifices, obtains no reward in the next world, because his wealth comes from an unholy source. Righteous men, rich in austerities, who give-recording to their power, gleanings of grain,
roots, fruits, vegetables, & vessel of water, -go to heaven."
Literally: "Kings have no treasury superior to an assemblage of men and among the six (kinds o) forta which are defined in the Sastras, -of all forta,--the fort of men (or the man-fort) is the most impregnable."
• More literally: "The wise nar), ascending the palace of intelligence, [beholds) men lamenting for those who are no fit objects of lamentation, just as a man standing on a mountain perceives) those standing on the plaid ; but the man dull of understanding does not behold them." The rendings in the parallel passage xii. 5628 are in some respecta different.

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sent of the Mabari, who are the owners,-indivi- duals having merely a usufruct. The reason given for this mode of succession is that it preserves the purity of descent.
ABHORRENCE OF THE Cow (ante,p. 176).--I have not found that any abhorrence of the cow exists among any of the Hill tribes which inhabit the mountain ranges of Asam; they nearly all keep cattle and eat the flesh, and I feel confident that no abhorrence of the animal is to be found among them. But these tribes do, with hardly any exception, abhor cows' milk, which they look upon as an unclean thing, and will neither drink nor touch it, nor will they allow their cattle to be milked. To my own knowledge this dislike exists among the Gâros, Khasias, Någås, Lushais, Kukis, Mikirs, and some of the Hill Kachåris, and it is the more extraordinary when we remember that these people are almost omnivorous. They will eat rats, snakes, elephants, and carrion of every description; in fact, it may be said that milk is the only thing they will not eat. I have quite failed to discover any reason for this dislike; a Någå whom I once asked for milk answered me-"You have drunk your mother's milk, why should you want more now P" and it may be that there is some superstition of that kind.
NAGA Customs (ante, p. 88).-I have myself on several occasions seen Någås wearing the ring in the manner described. It is universally B0 worn by the Tangkhol and Luhupa Någâ s, who consider themselves clothed in a perfectly decent manner as long as they wear the ring. In the cold weather they throw a cloth over their shoulders, but dispense with this covering when at work or in warm weather. The ring is made of deer's horn or a dark wood resembling ebony. These two tribes inhabit a tract of country lying to the north-east of Manipur between that country and Burma. There is very little difference between them except in name, the portion lying nearest Manipur being called Tangkhol, and the more distant Luhupa (Manipuri-luhup=a helmet) from the cane helmet which they wear in battle. They are a large and powerful tribe, numbering not less, and probably considerably more, than 20,000 souls. The greater part of them are entirely independent, and their country un. explored; they are a fine warlike set of men, and have hitherto resisted all attempts of the Burmese and Manipuris to subdue them. They are armed only with a long heavy spear, the shaft of which is about ten feet, and the blade from two feet to two foet six inches in length. The northern members of this tribe practise tattooing, and the men of the whole tribe shave their heads on both sides, leaving a ridge of hair in the middle resembling a cock's
comb; their reason for this they say is to distinguish them from the women. The women are well and decently clothed contrary to the custom of a neighbouring tribe, in which the men are decently clothed, while the women are entirely naked.-G. H. DAMANT.
BUNGALOW (ante, p. 173).- In the song of Mánik Chandra, a Rangpuri poem published by me in the Bengal Asiatic Society's Journal for 1878, the first half of verse 244 runs as follows :
वान्दिलाम बडुला घर नाईपाड़ काली। Translated
"I built a humble dwelling, nor yet is it sullied by old age."
In Northern Bengal there are two kinds of houses, the TFT bangald, and it chaudri. The first means "Bangull," or "after the Bangal fashion," and is a style of architecture imported from the south. The people of Dinajpur and Rangpur (i.e. Northern Bengal) do not consider themselves Bang&lis.
The second word means “four-sided," and the difference between the two kinds of houses is as follows :-- Bangald has two sloping roofs, with their top edges meeting on a central beam,--and is, in fact, the style of bungalow in ordinary use throughout the country. A chaudri has four triangular sloping sides to its roof, which meet in the centre in a point, resting on a central pillar.
In Rangpur, the poorer classes live in houses of the bangald style, and hence the word comes to mean generally, "a small house." The chaudri style is adopted by the upper classes.-Geo. A. GRIERSON.
FIRE CAUSED BY FRICTION OF STICKS. --Some eight or nine years ago, while shooting in the Hills between Vizagapatam and Jeypur, I took refuge from a storm in the hut of a hillman just under Endrika mountain.
I asked the owner of the hut if he could make fire by rubbing two sticks together, and to show me how he did it.
He took a piece of dry bamboo, split it lengthways, and cut a notch on the convex side. He then tore a bit of rag from his cloth and placed it on the ground, under the notched bamboo, which he held tightly between his toes. He then got à bit of dry tamarind-tree wood (as far as I can recollect), and cutting a knife-like edge to it, shaped it to fit into the notch. He then rubbed this stick violently to and fro in the notch until dust began to drop on to the cloth. By and by the dust-laden cloth commenced to smoke; and after perhaps two minutes, he took it up and blew the cloth into a flame.

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CROMLECHS.-There are several well preserved Cromlechs on the Southern slopes of the Aneimallies, on the ledges of rock overlooking the cardamom gardens, at an elevation of from 4000 to 5000 feet.
BOOK NOTICE.
I saw quite twenty there a month or two ago. They consist of a huge cap-stone 10 or 15 feet by 5 to 8 feet, supported on upright slabs of rock. They are about 4 feet high, and 10 feet by 4 feet inside.
The hillmen say that they were built by people who lived in days when fire rains were common. There are also many groups of upright stonesmenhirs-all over the Cardamom Hills.-H. G. TURNER, C.S.
MANGROL. With reference to Note 2 on p. 154 ante, it may be worth noting that two villages near Sholapur, situated politically the one in the British district and tâluka of Sholapur, the other in the Akalkot state, are both called by the Hindus Mangrul, and by Musalmans Manglur. It is well known that Lakhnau (Lucknow) is locally called Nakhlau.-C. E. G. C.
RAMANUJAS-Mr. V. N. Narasimmiyengar points out with reference to Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji's statement (p. 88), that no caste in Southern India is 'more exclusive or punctilious in the matter of eating,' than the Râmânujas or Sri Vaishnavas,
TRAVELS of Dr. and Madame HELPER in SYRIA, MESOPOTAMIA, BURMA, &c. By Pauline Countess Nostitz (late Madame Helfer). Translated by Mrs. George Sturge. London: Richard Bentley and Son: 1878.
BOOK NOTICE.
A few Anglo-Indians still survive who remember Dr. Helfer; while to others his name is familiar from his association with General Chesney's explorations of the Euphrates, and his reports upon British Burma probably still moulder in the local records and those of the Government of India. The details, however, of his short und adventurous career have hitherto been known to few, and it was not till 1872, that his widow found herself able to publish the present 2 volumes in German. The translator has rendered good service in presenting to the English public a work which may fairly rank with those of Jacquemont and von Orlich as a sketch of Eastern society and politics from the point of view of an observant and cultivated foreigner. Its value in this respect is perhaps enhanced by the fact that Dr. Helfer, though he ultimately accepted service under the
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and there they would not eat with people of other castes even in religious festivals.
SASAMINE LOGS, (ante, pp. 115, 138, and 144). Ag the σαντάλινα ξύλα, σάνταλον, and τζανδάνα of the Periplús, Solinus, and Kosmas Indikopleustes doubtless indicate Sandalwood,-Sanskrit Chandana (Santalum album), 80. oaσáuiva must be Blackwood (Dalbergia latifolia), the Sisam or sisam of the Western Coast of India, the Virugudu-chava of Machhlipatam; Tamil Viti; and the Eruvadi of Arkat.-EDITOR.
Prof. de Harlez, of Louvain, has issued his Manuel de la Langue de l'Avesta (Paris: Maisonneuve). It consists of a Zend grammar, a good anthology-printed half in Zend type, and half (according to the advice of Dr. Weber) in Roman type, and a vocabulary. The work will be a great boon to the Iranian student. M. de Harlez announces also the speedy issue of a companion volume, Manuel de la Langue Pehlevie, arranged in the same manner. Lastly, he has sent to the press a second edition of his translation of the Avesta, the first edition being already out of print. The new edition will be entirely revised, with a new Introduction, "purement scientifique."-The Academy.
Company, started on his own account; and not, like the other writers mentioned, upon deputation from a Continental Government..
Johann William Helfer was born at Prague in 1810, and after studying there and at Pavia graduated as M.D. of the latter University in 1832. He had already developed a taste for natural history, especially entomology, much superior to his inclination for the practice of medicine, and, instead of setting up in practice, employed the first year of his liberty in a scientific tour on the shores of the Mediterranean; returning through France. In 1834 he married the Countess Pauline Degranges, a lady of a French family long settled at Zinnitz in Lusatia, to whom we are indebted not only for the present memoir, but for the assistance without which Helfer's labours could not have been so valuable. Her brief and modest account of their courtship is a little German novel in itself, and though it concerns the subjects of this journal chiefly on account of the services which the lady has since rendered to Oriental research,
The sisu, the wood of an allied species (Dalbergia sissoo ) may have been included under the general name of Sasamina.

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it adds much to the interest of her work for the an intimacy with two Afghan princes, nephews of general reader.
Dost Muhammad Khân, who had been travelling Dr. Helfer soon found that even domestic felicity in Europe incognito, and were on their way back could not reconcile him to passing his life in the "enthusiastically intent on introducing European routine of medical practice at Prague, and in 1835 culture and manners into their own country." he and his wife started from Trieste for Smyrna, With these gentlemen they travelled to Beirut, on board an Austrian brig. Troubles between the Latakia and Aleppo, at which last place they made captain and crew induced the former to run into
acquaintances with Thahim Pasha, and what is more Syra, which was the scene of a scientific idyll so
important, with some members of the Euphrates amusing that we must give it in Madame Helfer's
expedition, which they eventually joined, riding own words.
over the mountains to Port William on the The beach of Syra, abounding in insects, and
Euphrates where the steamers were being put toespecially in staphylinidæ, was a happy hunting
gether. The Afghan princes proceeded by another ground for entomologists who had for a fortnight
route to Baghdad, and eventually to India, where been chiefly familiar with the cockroaches of a
(the reader will not so much be surprised as Madame coaster'a cabin. "Helfer left it to me and Lotty to
Helfer was to learn) they were promptly reduced catch the staphylinida in butterfly nets, while
to the rank of half-caste swindlers, and appear he sought out the almost invisible but interesting
again in this narrative, once in the prisoners' beetles in sand and moss. In spite of the glowing
dock at Calcutta, and again in a chain-gang at. noonday sun we diligently pursued our fugitive
Tenasserim. The Helfers accompanied General prey, and did not observe at first that we were
Chesney and his comrades to Baghdad, and their being attentively watched. Among the many
narrative of the expedition forms an interesting vessels lying near the shore was an English war
complement to that published by its distinguishschooner, on the deck of which a telescope was
ed chief in 1868. They went on to Bushire, directed to us. The unusual spectacle of ladies at
intending to settle in Persia for a time, but not midday on the beach, running and jumping in the pursuit of insects invisible from the vessel, had
liking the sample of Iran and its inhabitants, which excited the captain's curiosity. We could not be
they got at that port, changed their course to natives, as a matter of course no Greek lady would
Calcutta, calling at Maskat, where Madame Helfer's ever think of walking at this time of day, even if
experiences in the zenana were even more than she ever wandered as far as the shore ; nor would
usually amusing. After some time in Calcutta she over depart from her slow, shuflling gait, least
Dr. Helfer accepted a commission from the Goof all to catch insects on the wing. The young
vernment of India to explore the forests of British seaman who took an interest in other things be
Burma, landed at Maulmain early in 1836, and sides his profession-(not often the case with Eng
was employed on this duty, with head-quarters lishmen, who mostly pursue one thing only, and
latterly at Mergui, until the end of 1838, when he that thoroughly)-soon discovered the motive of
transferred his operations to the islands of tho our singular movements, and was curious to get Bay of Bengal. On the 30th April 1839, he was a nearer view of the ladies collecting insects in this killed by an arrow wound received during an untemperature. He landed, and walked up and
provoked attack made upon his boat's crew by clown, but at a respectful distance. What else the inhabitants of the great Andaman Island. His. could he do, there was no one to introduce us, and
widow returned to Calcutta, and after a short without this indispensable ceremony no English- stay at Darjiling sailed in company with Mr. and man can bring himself to begin an acquaintance." Mrs. Prinsep, landed at Koseir, and crossed the Nadame Helfer's Englishman, however, was equal desert on donkey back to Kenneh on the Nile, so to the occasion, for he guessed that any traveller that she was one of the pioneers of the present of sufficient culture to hunt staphylinidae would overland route as well as of that still in the clouds be certain to visit the school of the ubiquitous of the future. In London she spent some time as American Missionaries, to which accordingly he guest of the Bunsens, which she devoted to obwalked off, and was there introduced to our taining from the Court of Directors a grant of land anthoress as Captain Owen Stanley, (clarum ac at Mergui, and a widow's pension, to which, as venerabile ! women among hydrographers !), and Dr. Helfer had been only in temporary employ, they afterwards became great friends.
she had no regular claim. The Court, however, Our travellers experienced considerable difficul. allowed her £100 a year, which, she was told, she ties in settling at Smyrna, seeing that every house owed to a personal expression of opinion on the had put "the people next door" in quarantine part of Her Majesty the Queen. Be this so or no, for the plague. One of their adventures, which the reader of her spirited and interesting narrative sounds curiously modern, was the formation of will probably think that it was well-spent money.

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NOTES ON INDIAN FOLK-LORE, &c.
NOTES ON INDIAN FOLK-LORE, &c.
BY MONIER WILLIAMS, D.C.L., &c. BODEN PROFESSOR OF SANSKRIT, OXFORD.
HA
AVING been long engaged in researches into the religious customs, superstitions and usages of India, I have sometimes applied for information to friends stationed in those outlying parts of the country which I was unable to visit during my travels, but, I regret to say, have seldom received satisfactory replies. It is very true that the stress of official business makes it difficult for civilians to turn their attention to subjects which take them out of the sphere of their regular work. Yet I cannot help wishing that those who have to make annual tours in remote districts far removed from European influences, could be brought to feel the importance of gathering up the fragments of their time, and utilizing occasional spare moments in looking out for and noting down any peculiarities of native life, or any primitive practices that may come under their observation. The establishment of an Indian Folk-lore Society, in connexion with the Indian Antiquary, wonid, I think, be highly desirable. It might lead to a more systematic collection of popular traditions and legends, folk-tales and ballads, local proverbs and sayings, idiomatic words and phrases, current among the peasantry. Such a Society would, of course, make it its business to urge upon all educated persons laboring officially in country districts the importance of folk-lore investigations, as well as of searching for and preserving old inscriptions and antiquities. It would take care to impress upon civilians and Government officers of all kinds in all parts of India, that by employing their leisure in such work, they would assist in throwing light on the physical, moral, and religious condition of the people, and so add to the merit of their public services.
Examples in point might be adduced. Mr. Beames, of the Civil Service, cannot be accused of neglecting a single official duty, and yet he has found time to produce a highly commendable and useful Comparative Grammar of the Aryan Dialects. Again, every scholar knows what Dr. Burnell, the Judge of Tanjore, has done for the better knowledge of Indian religions, while the columns of the Indian Antiquary can testify to the value of what Mr. Fleet has effected in another field of research. It is unnecessary for
209
me to allude to the labours of many eminent men who have left India.
Other names might easily be singled out from the catalogue of junior members of the civil and military services; and I may be permitted here to make special mention of one of my most distinguished Sanskrit Scholars in this University, Mr. James Wilson, who is now a rising civilian in the Panjab. He has not yet come before the public as an author, but I venture to predict that an honorable career is. before him, and he is not the man to neglect his opportunities. He has recently sent me a few folk-lore notes jotted down in the midst of arduous work while camping out or travelling officially in, his own district south-west of Dehli. I feel sure that they will interest the readers of the Indian Antiquary as they have interested me, and I therefore give them almost in his own words, interspersing a few remarks, and concluding with some observations of my
own :
There is a large tribe of people called Meos, who give their name to the country of Mê wat (to the south-west of Dehli), and. who also inhabit Alwar. They call themselves descendants of the Rajputs; but are believed by some authorities to be a portion of the aboriginal tribe of Minas who have become Musalmâns. I have several times in the Meo villages come upon the standard of Sâlâr (properly a Persian word meaning General) their patron saint, who is said to have been the nephew of Muhammad Ghorî, and the conqueror of 989 forts in Hindustan. He is buried at Bharech in Oudh. It was in his time the Meos were converted to Islâm. The standard is generally about 25 or 30 feet high, and is adorned with a fine large flag of brilliant colours ornamented with numerous representations in needle-work of men on horseback, &c. There are many of these standards in the Meo country. The erection of them is supposed to be the special privilege of the members of a family of Shaikhs who call themselves Majâ wir (Mosque attendants), and have divided the Meo villages among them. Each man annually sets up a standard in each village of his own circle, receiving one rupee from the village for so doing,

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and appropriating all offerings made by the villagers. The usual offering is a kind of sweetmeat made of bread crumbs, ghi, and sugar called Málida, which is brought by the worshippers, and put into the hands of the attendant Majâwir, who places it at the foot of the standard, reciting the Al hamdu l'illah, while the worshipper makes obeisance (salám) to the standard. The attendant then appropriates the sweetmeats, and in return for the offering deposits in a dish brought by the worshipper some parched rice or millet (khil), which is taken away, and eaten as sacred food sanctified by its connexion with Sâlâr. These offerings are made by men, women, and children, and sometimes even by Hindu Baniyas. The standard is also set up and worshipped in villages of the Khânzâdas, a tribe having a close connexion with the Meos. Recently, however, an interesting religious revival has taken place among the Meos. Till within a few years ago they used to worship the Hindu deities and keep Hindu festivals. Formerly, too, there were very few Masjids to be seen, and few Meos performed namaz. Now there is a mosque of some kind in every small village, and every Meo goes through his appointed prayers at least occasionally. Moreover, the worship of Sâlâr's standard is gradually falling into disuse as the Maulavis tell the people it is idolatrous. The Meos themselves ascribe this reformation to the influence of the Maulavis, who visit them regularly from Dehli, Mirat and other centres of Muhammadanism, and also to the fact that they are gradually becoming more civilized and better able to understand the advantage of religion. Along with this religious revival, there is a great change in the habits of the Meos, and a general marked advance in prosperity. When we took the country 75 years ago, it was a great waste inhabited by turbulent savages, who mounted on little ponies used to make distant raids on quietly-disposed villages, and sometimes when the central power was weak, rob travellers almost under the walls of Dehli. They were wretchedly and scantily clad, and lived on poor food. Now, though by no means highly civilized, they clothe themselves decently and live better. They have altogether given up their wandering habits, and cultivate their fields quietly though lazily. The temptation of the mutiny was too much for them. The old Adam broke out, and the whole of British Mêwât
[AUGUST, 1879.
rose to plunder. They have however borne the severe scarcity of the past year with wonderful patience. Unfortunately, as they advance in civilization, they fall more into the power of the moneylenders, and their land is slowly passing out of their hands.
To pass on to another subject:
The people in the south of Gurgaon firmly believe in the existence of demons, which inhabit their Black Mountains (Kâlâ Pahar), a continuation of the Arâvali range. There are several kinds of demons. One is the Jinn (Arabic plural jinnát), generally handsome and not maliciously disposed. Another is the Paret (Sanskrit Preta), a filthy ugly goblin with feet turned backwards instead of forwards. When a man dies unpurified (nápák), or has suffered a violent death-as, for instance, when he is hanged or drowned-so that his funeral ceremonies (kriyd karm) cannot be properly per formed, he becomes a Paret. Similarly, when a woman dies unpurified within the 15 days after childbirth, she becomes a churél () or female goblin, and is always ready to attack a woman after childbirth, before purification; so that it is necessary to have some one always at hand, with a weapon, to defend a woman in that condition from the assaults of churel, which take the form of beating, and sometimes cause the death of the victim.
The caste system prevails very strongly among the Chamârs in the south of the Gurgaon district. The four headmen (called Mihtar) of the tribe at Firozpur have under their control the Chamars of 84 villages, and within this circle their word on caste matters is law. If any one disobeys their mandate, they order him to be excluded from caste, and forthwith no one will eat, drink or smoke with him. He is thus soon reduced to sue for readmission, which is granted on his obeying orders, and giving a general feast to the headmen and the brotherhood. There are two sub-tribes of the Chamârs which do not drink together or intermarry. One of these is the Chân daur, which does not make though it mends shoes, and which sews canvas and coarse cloth. The other is the Jatiya, which makes but does not mend shoes. Chamârs consider the flesh and skins of cattle, buffaloes, goats and sheep as their right, but will not touch those of the camel, horse, donkey and pig, which are left

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to the Chûhrâs (a sweeper caste called also Bhang). The Chamârs regularly buy their wives, sometimes paying as much as Rs. 100 for one.
NOTES ON INDIAN FOLK-LORE, &c.
There is in the Gurgaon district a famous shrine (called Ma sâ ni), of one of the Mâtâs called Sita lâ, goddess of small-pox. It is a small sanctuary enclosed within a domed structure, surrounded by open arches. Inside is a wootlen seat (Singhâsan) covered with a dirty cloth, on which is placed a little ugly gilt doll six inches high, clad in red cloth embroidered with gold. This is the goddess Sitala.
Beside her there sits a shapeless image in green stone, and a curious point to be noted is that this represents another female deity called Sed hâlâlâ, inferior to Sitalâ, and yet often worshipped before Sitalâ, because she is regarded as her servant and intercessor. Of worship, however, there is really none. All the so-called worshippers ever do is to throw down offerings. The coppers are thrown into a little recess behind the shrine (called the malkhana), while the rupees are dropped into an earthen pot through a slit in its leather lid. The rice and other articles of food offered are poured into a hole in front of the shrine, and afterwards distributed to Chamârs and dogs. The offerings are appropriated by the Jât landowners of the village, who sell the contract for them by auction in a shrewd, business-like way. The value of the contract last year was Rs. 12,000. It has sold for as much as Rs. 17,000. People of all classes come very long distances to this shrine. The offerings are generally made by mothers or other relatives in payment of vows made for the recovery of children attacked by small-pox.
The Jât proprietors do not employ a Brâhman or priest of any kind to attend the shrine. They are evidently no believers in sacerdotal mediation, and think only of the rupees. The shrine has been famous for some time, but the attendance has increased greatly within the last few years.
In connection with Mr. James Wilson's description of Sitalâ, goddess of small-pox, I may state that any similar notes on the worship of divine mothers (mâtâs) would be full of
211
interest. I have myself elsewhere described the homage paid to some of the 120 different Mothers of Gujarât, but I have not been able to succeed in obtaining accurate information about the distinctive attributes of some of them. For example, many interesting particulars have yet to be collected with reference to the worship of some of the most popular mothers, such as Becharaji and  â-puri.
There are others also about whom I could learn very little, such as Unta-i, Berâ-î, Ha da ka-i, Hingrâj (Hinglaj), Kalka, Tulja.
These Mothers are the real Grâma-deva tas of India. They probably belong to a time antecedent to the advent of the Aryans, as does also in my opinion the Male Village Deity (afterwards connected with the worship of Śiva) called Ganesa or Ganapati.
Another merely local male god, very popular in some parts of the Dekhan, is Khandoba, specially worshipped at Jijuri. He is regarded as a form of Siva, and represented as riding on horseback and accompanied by a dog. Another local deity is Vitthoba (worshipped particularly at Pandharpur). He is held to be a form of Krishna, and has his arms a-kimbo.
In the south of India the Village Mothers are called Ammans. For example there is Mâri-a m man, who corresponds to the goddess of small-pox. Other Ammans are Ella-a boundary goddess, Draupadi, Kâli, Pidârî, Kateri, Marudâyî and Kulumândî.
There is also the singular male village deity A y enâr (said to be the son of Hari and Hara,) who is supposed to ride about the fields by night, and is propitiated by offerings of huge clay horses, tigers, &c. which are placed round his shrine in the precincts of villages.
Very little has yet been written about this remarkable village god, and I conclude my present paper by expressing a hope that any one resident in Southern India, who may be interested in Indian Folk-lore, and who is able to collect particulars about A y en år, or throw any light on the nature of his worship, will send the result of his investigations to the Indian Antiquary. Oxford, June 1879.

Page #236
212 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [August, 1879. SANSKRIT AND OLD CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. BY J. F. FLEET, Bo. C. S., M.R.A.S. (Continued from p. 47.) No. LIV. | a piece knocked out of it, and is also almost Of the Gang & or Konga dynasty, six broken in half. The writing on the inside of it copper-plate grants have been published in this ic very clear. The writing on the outside is Journal by Mr. Rice, at Vol. I., p. 360, Vol. II., somewhat defaced, but, with the exception of p. 155, Vol. V., p. 133, and Vol. VII., p. 168; the first two letters of the first two lines, is still --three stone-tablet inscriptions have been perfectly legible. It would not appear so from published by. Mr. Kittel, at Vol. VI., p. 99:- the facsimile, but this is only owing to the plate and one stone-tablet inscription has been pub- not having been cleaned before the facsimile lished, and another noticed, by myself, at Vol. was taken. The language is Sanskrit, down VII., pp. 101 and 112. to 1. 10; after that, it is a mixture of Sanskrit Sir Walter Elliot's collection of original and Old Canarose. I shall notice the characters copper-plates includes two more grants of the further on. same dynasty.-One of them, without date, The inscription purports to record that in carries the genealogy down to Nava kama,- Saka 169 (A.D. 247-8), the Prabha va sarithe younger brother of Srivallabha, who vatsara, king Arivarma bestowed a title of is either identical with, or the successor of, honour and the village of Oreko da, in the Bhuvikrama-Kongaaima hadhiraja, circle of villages called the Mais una du - and then records a grant made by a certain Seventy, upon Madha vabbatta, the son of Erega nga, who was governing the Toro- Govinda bhatta of the Bhrigu gotra, in na du Five-hundred, the Koigal na du recognition of his defeating in public disputation Two-thousand, and the Male Thousand. Who an opponent who maintained the BauddhadocErega ng a was, is not made clear. I bave trine of the non-existence of the living soul. not as yet succeeded in deciphering the whole If this grant were genuine, it would be the of this grant to my satisfaction; but I shall earliest yet known. But, as has already been publish it before long.-The other is the grant pointed out by Dr. Burnell?, the characters in of Arivarma, dated Saka 169, spoken of which it is engraved shew conclusively that it by Prof. Eggeling in his paper on the Inscrip- is a forgery of not earlier than the tenth century tions of Southern India, of which an abstract A. D. In addition to palmographical grounds, is given at p. 38 of the Report of the Second there are other substantial reasons for stamping International Congress of Orientalists. I now as forged, not only this, but also the other publish this grant from the original plates. published copper-plate grants of the same The plates were obtained by Sir Walter Elliot dynasty; such, for instance, as that the dates from Tanjavur, through Mr. W. H. Bayley. contradict each other, and that this grant of Sake They are three in number, about 8" long by 169, and the Merkara grant of the year 388, 33" broad, and, with the seal, they weigh fifty- and the Nagamangala grant of Saka 698, were nine tolas. They have no rims. The ring all engraved by the same Vis vakarmaconnecting them has been cut; it is about charya. These reasons I shall discuss in thick, and 2% in diameter. The seal is detail, when I publish the remaining grant in circular, about ze in diameter; it has the Sir Walter Elliot's collection. In the present representation of a standing elephant, facing to case, even the name of the king who is said to the proper left, in relief on a countersunk make the grant is a mistake ; for in all the other surface. The first and second plates are in inscriptions of this dynasty in which he is mena state of perfect preservation, and the writing tioned, he is called 'Harivarma,' and that on them is very clear. The third plate has had is, undoubtedly, the correct form of his name. Transcription. First plate. . ['] Svasti Jitam=bhagavata gata(ta)-ghana-gagan-abhena Padmanabhena [ll* ] Srimaj-Jahnave(vi)ya-kul-a(a)maSouth-Indian Paleography, 2nd edition, p. 34. * Vol. I., p. 360. 3 Vol. II., p. 155.

Page #237

Inatan #rotiquary, COPPER-PLATE PURPORTING TO BE A GRANT OF THE KONGU KING ARIVARMA,
DATED ŠAKA 169
تا حالا ندید و او
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ها 1
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، و لم ا ا ا ا ( تم ک ہہ رتی
- را در آب ب رج را از یہ تمام ا ا ا ا
ا ا ا ا ا م م م ا نجاتم بده " -
اردو دی کارت
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سایت
به نام حوا
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المحرر في فواح د ، نے اس ک ے
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کس طرح اس بل
ر د م م ه ه تو وہ ریت امیررده" ن تامل تیران و کی [ 1 )
.
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أ حمر المم
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Page #238

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COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTION OF THE KONGU KING ARIVARMA,
स्ट्रपती
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मदुना ढीठ हट
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Page #239

AUGUST, 1879.]
SANSKRIT AND OLD CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
[] la-vyôm-âvabhasana-bhâsura-bhaskara (rah) sva-khadg-ê(ai)ka-praha (hâ)ra-khanḍita-mahâsilâ stambha[] labdha-bala-parâkramo
dara (ru)n-ô(A)ri-gana-vidaran-ôpalabdha-vrana-vibhúsha[*] na-vibhushi taḥ Ki(ka)pi(pv)yana-grasya(tral)
dharmmamahirij-n(a)dhirk
vidya-vine(na)ya-vihita
[*]jab I Tat-putrab I Pitr-anrigata-gaṇa-yuktô vritta (ttah) samyak-pra
[*] jajA)-plans-måtr-idbigsta-rijya-tpra(prn)yjana(n) vidvat-kavi-kâñchana-nikâ(ka)['] shôpala-bhûtô ni(ni)ti-sâstrasya vaktri(ktri)-prayôktri(ktri)-kusalô dattaka-sutra-vṛiśrimân-Madhava-maharaj-âdhirajaḥ 11 Tat-putraḥ ||
[*] (b) pranêtâm (tâ)
Pitri-pitâmaha
[*] guna-yuktô(ktô=) anê(=nê) ka-châ (cha)turddanta-yuddh-a(â) vâpti(pta)-chatur-udadhi-salil
âsvâdita-ya
érimân-Konga nivarmma
[20] sâ(sah) śrimad-Arivarmma-mahârâj-ádhirajaḥ || Arivarmma-namadhêya-datta || Sa (sa)[] ka(ka)-kalê nav-ôttara-shashtirêka-sata-gatêshu Prabhava-samvatsar-abhyantarê TalaSecond plate; first side.
[1] vana-purada rija-gra(gr)hada dvár-agradal-Vadimadagajadran-emba
(sc. bau)ddha-và
213
["] di
tarkka-vyakarap-âdi-ankaļa-vijāîa (jñ')nagalind-ne piriyen-endu tanna
["] vidy-garvadith
Bhrigu-gôtrada
Govinda
mådi
patraman=ere [1] bhardda (ṭṭa)ra maga Madhava-bhatta tat-patr-artthamam sa-vistaram vakkha (kkha)nise [1]. tat-para-vâdi jiva-śûnyam måde jlva-pratipte(shte)y-antă ["] Vadimadagnjendranan-tanna vachan-âmkucha (sa)dim [] r=mmechchi Madhava-bhattamge våd-ibha-simhan=endu paṭṭamam katti Shâ(Phâ)lguRêvati (ti)-nakshatrê Maisunda-nptati madhye
kusiyise
arasa
[1]-mv(syk)-Bhriga-[vi]
[*] Vrishabha-lagné [] chamdr-arkka-târam bara(ram) salv-antu sarvva-bâdhâ (dha)-parihâram
Vriddhi-yôgê Orekodu-nama-grāma kottar=ttasya
Second plate; second side.
Da
["] grâmasya fi(i)mântara [*] Pârvvasyân-disi pashana-pumjame dakshinam nô[*]di (ni)mba-vrikshame vata-vrikshame kar-galla-moradië(ye) Adukungalle [*] kôḍina Komaramaṁgalada Ugurevidiya tri-sandhi [1] [*] kshinasyâm disi paśchimam nôdi Gurdda(tta ?)da-pallame Mutterie (ye) Handiva(vâ?) di[**] ë(ye) Ni(ni ?)rumgalle Ayamgereya uttara-śrimgha (ga)mam ["] lamghisi Chamchari-vallada ti(tî)rame sandâ bel-galla-sarade Ana["] vaṁgereya pishina-prakriti (ye) Oreka["] dina
uttara-éringhaga)da Ugurevâḍiya Hânarada tri-sandhi [*] Paschimasyân-disi viyi(ya)[30] vyam nôḍi bel-galla-sarade Perolbee (ye) Erepaḍie (ye) Perolbee (ye) Kada[*] vegumḍië (ye) uttaram nôḍi Perojboë(yo) pashana-prakritie (ye) vata[] vrikshame Chamchari-vallamam balad-ikki vâyâ(ya)vyâm(vyam) nôḍi chimcha (châ).
vrikshame Ko
Pero]bee(ye) tri-piahios-pajada
The na is imperfect here. Contrast the perfect na in vijñānangalinda, 1. 18.
Third plate; first side.
[*] kath(?)gereyn dakshina-érimgha(ga)mo Orekôḍina Hacheyada
Huttû"
[] ra tri-andhi [1] Uttarayah disi půrvva(rvvah) nodi Chachohari-vallada dakshinati(ti)rame samvata-vrikshame
[**] dâ [*]jadina-mondië(yo)
Here, and in 11. 7, 28, and 81, the sha is formed differently, by the centre stroke running quite across, to what it is in 1. 3 and throughout the rest of the grant.
Sc., nar-Ottara-shashty-adhik-aika-satéshu varsheshu gateshu.
Bavu
Mutterly-la-gereyano mavya(dhya)de
Parojbe (ye) pishina
There is a faint scratch, as if the 4 had been commenced and left unfinished.
sandâ sandâ
* Compare bharddara, by mistake for bhattara, 1. 15. I can find no such word as gurdd in the dictionary; but Sanderson gives gutta as another form of gudda, 'a hill."
The distinctive mark of the 4,-see pareva, 1. 22, and kadi, 1. 41,-is distinct in the original; but it does not appear in the facsimile, where it reads as u.

Page #240

214
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
AUGUST, 1879.
[") pumjame Clonta-tata(tk)kame vata-vrikshame kar-ggalla-sarade Mudugereya [°] pûrvva-sringha(ga)da pullattië(ye) Orekodina Hâdarivagila Kuppeya tri-sa[] ndhi dakshinam nódi vata-vrikshame Molapadië(ye) vata-vrikshame kadisige-moradiya so mêle sandA Pulpadie (ye) Bhagavatti(ti)-galle honneya-moradiya bennane sanda [9] pûrvvade kud-ittu pola T Tasya sâkshi Gamga-raja-kula-sakal-Asthayikka(ka)[") purushah Torenâ du-sa ............ yah [*] Dese-såkshi Perbakkavaṇamaruga
Third plate ; second side. [*] (reya") Sêmdrikagamje-nâņa [Nirgg]u[n]d[a]?[ll Sva]-dattam(ttâm) para-dattam(ttâm)
va yô barêti(ta) vasum["] [dharim shashti]-rvva(va)rsha-sahasrani vishtayam jayatêh(tê) krimiḥ || Kere kavile Vâra[*') ņâsiya sarvva-lingaman=aļida chitraka-Viśvakarmm-achariya(achåryyêņa) sâsanafnam) likhi[*] tam=idal* Translation.
| in many battles in which use was made) of Hail! Victory has been achieved by the elephants. holy one, Padmanabha, who resembles (in The gift of him whose name was Arivarma. the colour of his body) the sky when the clouds -When one hundred and sixty-nine years] have left it!
had expired in the Saka era, in the Prabhava A resplendent sun to irradiate the clear sky salavatsara,-& Bauddha disputant, named which is the glorious family of JAh nava; Vå dimada gajendral, in the pride of his possessed of (a reputation for strength and learning published a paper in the doorway of prowess acquired by cleaving asunder a great the palace of the city of) Talavana pura pillar of stone by a single stroke of his sword; to the effect that he was preeminent in logic decorated with ornaments which were the and grammar and all other kinds of knowledge. wounds sustained in massacring the forces of And when Madhavabhatta, the son of his pitiless enemies; belonging to the lineage Gô vindabhatta, of the Bhrigu gôtra, of the Kan vay anas;-(such was) the glori- having declared the meaning of that raper ous Koigan i varmà, the pious Great in detail, established the existence of the King, the supreme king.
living soul-while his opponent maintained His son (was) the glorious Madhava, the the non-existence of the living soul, and Great King, the supreme king, who was vanquished Vadimada gajendra with possessed of virtuous qualities that imitated the elephant-goad which was his theory,--the (those of his father, whose conduct was regu- king was pleased, and conferred on Madhelated by knowledge and modesty; who attained vabhatta the patta of a lion to the elephants the objects of sovereignty only by properly which are disputants,' and, -on Friday, the governing his subjects; who was a very touch- day of the new-moon of the month) Ph & lstono for testing) the gold which was learned guņa, under the Rêvati nakshatra, and in men and poets; who was skilled among those the Vriddhi yôgu, and (while the sun was) who pronounce and those who apply the in conjunction with the Bull,-gave him, free science of polity; and who was the promulgator from all opposing claims, and to continue as of a treatise on the law of adoption.
long as the moon and sun might last, the village His son' (was) the glorious Arivarmas, of Orekod u in the Maisa nad u Seventy. the Great King, the supreme king, --who was The boundaries of that village are :-On the possessed of the virtuous qualities of his father east, there is a heap of stones; looking towards and his father's father; and whose fame was the sonth (from which), there is a nimba-tree; flavopred with the waters of the four oceans, and a fig-tree; and the hill of the black stones; (the sovereignty of) which he had acquired and the village of) A dukungal; and the
10 Part of one letter, -da, tha, da, dha, pu, pha, ma, 13 Here, again, I supply the broken away letters from 1, or ha,-and three or four entire letters, are lost here, 1. 88 of the Merk Ars plates. the plate being broken away.
1. This is a mistake for Harivarma.' 1. This letter may be read as either vd, or ma; but it is
Sc.,' very elephant, infuriated with rut, of a dis
putant. plainly vd in 1. 82 of the Merkers plates,
10 This village probably took its name from being at the 11 These two letters are obliterated. I supply them foot of a hill, the summit (kød) of which was crooked of from 1. 32 of the Merk Arsa plates.
out of course (ore).

Page #241

August. 1879.7 THE BHADRACHELLAM AND BEKAPALLI TALUQ.A.S.
215
junction of the villages of) Orekôdu and (again, the village of) Perol'be, where it Komaramangala and Ugurevadi. joins the tank in the village of) Mutteri; and
- On the south, looking towards the west, there the hill of the red soil; and a heap of stones is the stream called (?) Gurdada-pal!a"; and standing in the middle of three heaps of stones;
the village of) Mutteri; and (the village of) and the tank called Chonta-ta taka; and a (?) Handiva di; and (the village of) (?) fig-tree; and the ..... 10 of the black stones ; Nirumgal; and, having crossed the north- and the ........" of the eastern highest ern highest part of the village of) Aya - part of the village of Mudugere; and the gere, the ......." of the white stones, junction of the villages of) Orekod u and where it joins the bank of the stream called Hådarivàgil and Kuppe; and (thence) Chañ cha ri-valla; and the natural rock looking towards the south, a fig-tree; and (the of the northern highest part of the village of) | village of) Mola padi; and a fig-tree; and (the Anava mgere; and the junction of the vil- village of) Pulpadi, where it joins the hill lages of) Orekô du and Ugurevadi and called Kadisige-moradi ; and (the village of)BhaHânar a.-On the west, looking towards the gavatigal; and (in this way) the land unites north-west, there is the ...." of the white again (at the point from which the boundaries stones; and the village of) Perol be; and started) to the east and behind the hill of the (the village of) Erepadi; and (the village of) honne-tree. Perolbe; and (the village of) Kadave. The witness of this is ......... of gundi; and, (thence) looking towards the Torenâ du, the general manager (?) of the north, (the village of) Porolbe; and a natural family of the Ganga kings. The country witrock; and a fig-tree; and, keeping the stream ness is Perbakka viņamaruga reyacalled Chai chari-valla on the right hand, Nirgunda, of the district of Sandrikaand looking towards the north-west, a tamarind gañije. tree; and the southern highest point of the He is born as a worm in ordure for the duration village of) (P) Kokkamgere; and the junction of sixty-thousand years, who confiscates land that of (the villages of) Orekôdu and Han- has been given, whether by himself, or by another! cheya and Huttur.-On the north, look- This charter has been written by the chiing towards the east, there is a fig-tree on the trakrVis vakarmách â ry a, who measured south bank of the stream called Chaichari. out tanks and tawny-coloured cows and all the valla; and (the village of) Perolbe; andlingas of Varanasi.
THE BHADRACHELLAM AND REKAPALLI TALUQAS.
BY Rev. JOHN CAEN, DUMMAGUDEM.
(Continued from p. 36.) CASTES.
ed as the most venerable of the Brahmans, and Many of the castes which are mentioned be- are looked up to as the chief spiritual preceptors low are to be found in other parts of the Telugu- by nearly all the Hindus here who are Vaishnavas. speaking districts of the Madras Presidency, 2. Vaikhân&sulu. These are the pujaris and have been noticed in other books, so I shall in the different Vaishnava temples here, and are only mention special points of interest which I not esteemed as the most holy and moral of men. have not yet come across in any articles on the 3. Vaidika Brahmanulu. These are castes of S. India. The list on p. 500 of the chiefly purðhitalu, but many of them also engage Central Provinces Gazetteer is inaccurate and in cultivation and trade. most defective, and seems to have been drawn 4. Niyôgalu-Secular Brahmans, said up by some one unacquainted with Telugu. by some Brahmans to be descended from a I. Bråbmans.
Brahman father and a Vaisya mother. 1. SriVaishnuvulu. These are regard 5. V y Aparulu-Secular Brahmans.
» See note 8, above. 18 Sarade; meaning not known.
1. This seems to be the meaning of pashana-prakriti; but it is rather doubtful what is intended.
10 Sarade. » Pullatti; meaning not Imown.
* Chitraka, lit.'s painter'; but the Ohitrakas combine other arts with their profession of painting.

Page #242

216
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
II. Kshatriyalu.
6. Sûyravamsapu Razulu.-Most of these are immigrants from the Godâvarî Delta. I have only met with one Razu who professed to be a Chandravamsapu Razu, and he came from the neighbourhood of N. Arkâdu (Arcot). In the Godavari Delta there are several families of the Sûryavam sa pa Razulu, who are called Basava Razulu, in consequence, it is said, of one of their ancestors having accidentally killed a basava or sacred bull. As a penalty for this crime before any marriage takes place in any of these families they are bound to select a young bull and a young cow, and cause these two to be duly married first, and then they are at liberty to proceed with their own ceremony.
7. Velivêyabaḍina Razulu. These are descendants of excommunicated Sûryavamsapu Razulu, as the prefix Velivéyabaḍina signifies, and have come from the Godavari Delta. There they live chiefly in a group of six villages.
8. Razulu. These are reckoned, and most probably rightly so reckoned, an impure caste. They seem to have come originally from the Vijagapatam district, and they mostly live in a village three miles from Dummagudem. Strange to say, they had forgotten their family names some few years ago, but they have adopted a family name suggested to them by a great friend of theirs.
[AUGUST, 1879.
tapur, Nuzaviḍu, the Aramgir Sarkar, and the late Bhadrachellam Zamindar. The members of this caste are honoured by the affix doralu (see p. 34). In one of the verses of Vemana, the exact words of which I cannot now recollect, it is said that the scorpion has poison in his tail, the serpent in his head, but the whole body of the Vellama is full of poison.
13. Vella malu are another caste who claim to be Vellamala doralu, but the Raça Vellamalu disclaim all connection with them. They are chiefly cultivators.
IV. Vellamalu or Yella malu. 12. Raça Vella malu are a most highly respected caste, and several of the leading zamindârs in the Telugu districts are members of this caste, e.g. Venkatagiri, Bobbili, Pit
14. Gûna Vella malu or Gûna Tsâkalilu (washermen). Formerly this was regarded as quite an inferior Sûdra caste, but as many members of it have been educated in the different Anglo-vernacular schools, and are not troubled very much by caste scruples, they have found their way into almost every department, and have consequently greatly risen in the social scale. A large proportion of the girls in the caste girls' schools are of this caste. The caste occupation of the Gûna Vellamalu is that of dyeing cloth, which they dip into large pots called gúnas, hence their name. The term Gûna Tsakalalu is one of reproach, and they much prefer being called Vellamalu to the great disgust of the Raca Vellamalu. Many of them call themselves Naiḍus, but this honorific title is generally exclusively claimed by the Telagalu.
III. Vaisyalu or Komatlu.
In years gone by, members of this caste who
9. Gaura Kom a tlu.-These are reckon- were desirous of getting married had to arrange ed as the most honourable of all.
10. Komatlu.-The Gaura Komatlu and Komatlu may eat with one another but may not intermarry.
11. Bêri Komatlu.-The lowest in the scale: they have but little social intercourse with the above two sections of the Komathi caste. Formerly, before a marriage took place between any two Vaisyalu they had to arrange for and pay all the expenses of the marriage of two Madigas (shoemakers), but this custom has been abandoned, and they content themselves by giving an invitation as described ante, p. 36.
and pay the expenses of the marriage of two of the Palli (fisherman) caste, but now it is regarded as sufficient to hang up a net in the house during the time of the marriage ceremony. It is said that generations ago, when all the members of this caste were in danger of being swept off the face of the earth by some of their enemies, the Pallilu came to the rescue with their boats, and carried off all the Gûna Vellamalu to a place of safety, and that out of gratitude the latter pledged themselves never to marry without having first borne all the expenses of a marriage amongst their
rescuers.
15. Koppu Vella malu.-In these two taluqas the members of this caste are simply coolies, but probably they pursue more respected occupations in the Vijagapatam district from which they emigrated to these parts.

Page #243

August, 1879.)
THE BHADRACHELLAM AND REKAPALLI TALUQAS.
217
V. Gollalu.-The herdsmen caste. but municipal law has proved stronger in this
16. Gollalu.-These form the highest sec- | respect than Brâ hmaņical prejudice. tion.
VIII. Tailors. 17. Pûja Gollalu.
31. Jangamvandlu; 32. Mêrilu. 18. Erra Gollalu, ie. Red Gollalu. IX. Fishermen. These are chiefly cultivators, and some few are 33. Vajralu.-These will not carry a palki. peons.
34. Jalarlu.- Do. 19. Basava Gollalu. See Vol. V. p. 35. Palliln.- Do. 359.
36. Bestavandln-Fishermen and bearers. VI. Various other Sûdra castes.
X. Cultivators purely. 20. Vantaralu; 21. Nagarilu; 22. 37. Kamma vandlu. As a rule, these are Telagalu. --These are often called simply a fine well-built class of cultivators, very proud Telagalu. They are a most respectable and exclusive, and have a great aversion to class of Sûdras, and follow a variety of opcupa- town life. Many of them never allow their tions.
wives to leave their compounds, and it is said 23. Bondilu. These often arrogate to that many never do any field work on Sundays, themselves the title of Rajputs, and say they but confine themselves on that day to their came originally from Bundelkaņd.
house work. 24. Mutarasulu.-Cultivators and peons. 38. Motadu Reddivandlu. 25. Sutarlu.-Bricklayers and masons.
39. Panta Red divandlu. 26. Gavaralu.-Cultivators.
40. Konda Reddivandlu, i.e. the hill VII. Kamsalilu or goldsmith caste.
Reddis. These live on the Eastern Ghâts on 27. Kamsililu.-Goldsmiths and jewel. the banks of the Godavari. They have lers.
been compelled to leave off their former warlike 28. Kammar & vandlu.-Blacksmiths. habits, and they now confine themselves to cul. 29. Vadlavand! 1.-Carpenters.
tivation and trade in timber. 30. Kansara vandlu.-Workers in brass,
XI. Artisans and labourers. tin, and other metals.
41. Oddila.-These are principally raftsAll the above eat with one another, and inter- men, and the village marked Woddegudem marry. Some years ago two or three members of (i. e. Oddigudem) on most maps of this district this caste married women of the Idige caste, is so called from the number of Oddilu who live and were accordingly excommunicated, and there. Some who have raised themselves in life for some time their descendants had to be con
call themselves Sishti Karanamalu. . tent to intermarry amongst themselves. Last 42. Sunkara vândlu.--Cultivators and year, however, they were all received back into raftsmen. They came from some part of the the Kamsali caste after paying Rs. 3,000 to Central Provinces, and their language and the leading Kamsalilu at Dhavaleśvaram, and
customs seem to shew that they are one of the distributing Rs. 2,000 amongst those resident original races. They are not regarded as outin Dummagudem. To strengthen the reunion castes as stated in the C. P. Gazetteer p. 500. intermarriages immediately took place. The 43. Arilu.-Shoemakers who confine them80-called right-hand castes object most strongly selves to the manufacture of the ornamental to the Kamsalilu being carried in a palki, and kinds of shoes, and are consequently regarded three years ago 'some of them threatened to get as Sudras. up a little riot on the occasion of a marriage in 1 44. Gaandla vandlu; 45. Idige van. the Kamsali caste. They were deprived of this du-Toddy drawers and bearers. opportunity, for the palki was a borrowed one, 46. Salilu.-Weavers. and its owner more anxious for the safety of 47. Devangulu.-Weavers. These are his property than the dignity of the Kamsali lingam worshippers. caste recalled the loan on the third day. A 48. Te11& kalavandlu.-These are ring leader of the discontented was a Madras really washermen who in consequence of having Pariah. The Kamsalilu were formerly for obtained employment as peons in Government bidden to whitewash the outside of their houses, offices feel themselves to be superior to their

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218
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
old caste people. In their own town or village they acknowledge themselves to be washermen, but in other places they disclaim all such connection.
49. Tsakalilu.-Washermen. Sometimes called Bâna Tsakalilu in contradistinction to the Gûna Vellamalu. Bána is the Telugu name for the large pot which the washermen use for boiling their clothes.
50. Nayakala. Evidently one of the aboriginal races. They are cultivators, coolies and raftsmen. Cf. vol. V. p. 303.
51. Redḍikilu -These are chiefly coolies from the Vijagapatam district.
52. Bukkavandlu.-These travel about selling turmeric, opium, &c.
53. Baljilu; 54. Linga Baljila.Makers and sellers of glass and other bracelets. 55. Mangala-Barbers. XII.
Bards.
56. Batra zulu.-These are to be found chiefly at Zamindar's courts, but it is a mistake to suppose that there is any connection between them and any of the Kshattrya caste.
[AUGUST, 1879.
68. Mâstilu.-These beg from Gollalu, Malalu, and Mâdigalu only, and are regarded as low in the scale as the Mâdigalu.
XVII. Outcastes. This is rather an ambiguous term, but I have chosen it for want of a better. Low castes is perhaps more suitable.
69. Malalu. The Pariahs of the Telugu districts. They have as strong caste feelings as the purest of the Brahmans. The Mâlalu of these parts were called Man nepuvaṇḍlu, from Mannemu, a high land, but this term is gradually being disused. I believe this term highlanders is applied to many of the hill settlers farther south, but cannot say whether it is restricted to persons of a very low caste. The Pariahs from Madras, the Mâlalu from the lower districts, and the Mannepuvandlu of these taluqas freely intermix and will eat with one another but not intermarry. The Måla Vaishpava priests regard themselves as decidedly superior to the rest of the Mâlalu. The Netkanivaṇḍlu (C. P. Gaz. p. 500) are Mâlalu who weave as well as follow other employments. Neyyuta to weave.
70. Madigalu.-The shoemaker caste. 71. Dekkalavânḍla.-Beggars who ask alms of the Mâdigalu only.
72. The Uppara vandlu and the V a d
57. Sâtanivan dlu.-These are Vaishnava beggar minstrels. The term is one of reproach amongst the higher castes.
XIII. Conjurors, jugglers, &c.
58. Dasarivandlu.-These are chiefly devandlu.-Tank-diggers. The former are
actors.
59. Katikåpårla.-Conjurors.
60. Dommarivandlu.-Jugglers.
61. Kâsâlu; 62. Dasilu.-The members of these castes are chiefly to be found in attendance on the zemindârs and other rich people, and report says they are not unfrequently their illegitimate children. They are not always proud of their caste, and sometimes endeavour to pass off themselves as Telagala. 63. Bogavanḍlu (dancing girl). This caste chiefly live at Bhadrâchellam.
supposed to be slightly higher in the social scale. A disturbance in a little camp of tank-diggers in a village three miles away lately brought to my remembrance, and confirmed a statement which I heard some six years at Masulipatam as to the manner in which the tank-diggers divide their wages. They had been repairing the bank of a tank, and been paid for their work, and in apportioning the shares of each labourer a bitter dispute arose because one of the women had not received what she deemed her fair amount. On enquiry it turned out that she
XIV. Beggars who beg from the higher was in an interesting condition, and therefore classes.
64. Runzavanḍlu; 65. Panasavandlu.-These ask alms from the Kamsalilu only.
could claim not only her own but also a share for the expected child. This had been overlooked, and when she asserted her right to a double portion those who had already received their money objected to part with any although they acknowledged that the claim was fair and just.
XV. Beggars who ask from all classes. 66. Buḍaluḍḍakhulava ṇḍlu. 67. Kommulavandlu.-So called because they blow a horn when on their begging Caterprises. Kommu=a horn.
73. The Vadde vandlu are not regarded as the most satisfactory workmen, and I well remember when travelling in the Nizam's dominions near Kammanunett, and staying in
XVI. Other beggars.

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August, 1879.)
THE BHADRACHELLAM AND REKAPALLI TALUQAS.
219
99
a village where there were a few native Chris- child, and bary it in the ground up to its shonl. tians whom my fellow traveller was urging ders, and then drive their loaded bullocks over to deepen their well, and so render themselves the unfortunate victim, and in proportion to independent of the filthy water of the tank, the bullocks thoroughly trampling the child to a bystander suggested that' the Vaddovaņdlu death, so their belief in a successful journey might be employed, when a Muhammadan oried increased. Probably very little credence can out, Oh do not employ them, if you do, they be given to their assertions that they have will dig up the very roots of your house, the completely left off such cruelties. Is it not a lazy fellows.
great mistake to call these people wandering 74. The Paki or sweeper caste is the lowest gypsies?' The gypsies of England at least caste of all. All these have come from the are not travelling traders. The people in this neighbourhood of Vijagapatam, and are great country who seem to me most to resenable the sticklers for their caste rules.
gypsies are the Erakalavandla. There are the various sects of Muhammadans, 76. Sukalila. - These may be regarded but as there is nothing connected with them as a class of Banjârilu, as their occupadeserving of special notice, I have refrained tion is the same as that of the latter. They do from enumerating them.
not however travel in such large companies, The Erakala vandlu have already been nor are their women dressed so gaudily as the spoken of (p. 106. Cf. also Vol. III. p. 151, Banjari women. There is but little friendship Vol. V. p. 188). The habitat of these people is between these two classes, and the Sukali would not so confined as Mr. Cust suppose., (Languages regard it as anything but an honour to be called of the East Indies, p. 78), but must extend at a Banjari, and the Banjari is not flattered when least to the Nellur district.
called a Sukali. XVIII. 75. Banjarilu, also called Lamba- XIX.-77. Kois-See Vol. V. p. 357, divandlu.---These are the great travelling traders Vol. VIII. p. 33. who bring in produce from the Bastar country, 78. Linga Kois. There are a number of where a number of them have settled down and Kois who have become Saivites on the Bastar cultivate the soil in addition to trading. On the plateau in the neighbourhood of Lingagiri. side of one of their roads from Bastar are several 79. Gutta Kois-See Vol. V. p. 357. large heaps of stones which they have piled up These call the Kois who live near the Godåvari in honour of the goddess Guttalamma. Gommu Kois and Mayalotilu.-The Every Banjäri who passes the heaps is bound word gommu is used in these taluqas to denote to place one stone on the heap, and to make the banks and neighbourhood of the Godavari. & salaam to it. In other parts they fasten Thas for instance all the villages on the banks small rags torn from some old garment to a of the Godavari are called gommu úllu. I bush in honour of Kampalamma. Kampa= never heard the word gommu thus used in any a thicket. Not very long ago a Banjarî was of the lower districts. Mayalotilu means seen repeating a number of mantrams over his rascal.' The Gatta Kois say the lowland Kois patients, and touching their heads at the same formerly dwelt on the plateau, but on one time with a book, which was a small edition of occasion some of them started out on a journey the Telugu translation of S. John's Gospel. to see a Zamindâr in the plains, promising to Neither the physician nor the patients could retorn before very long. They did not fulfil read or had any idea of the contents of the their promise, but settled in the plains, and book. They treat their sick and old people i gradually persuaded others to join them, and at very cruelly, and frequently leave them to die times have secretly visited the plateau on in the jungles. Several thus left have been marauding expeditions. brought into Dammagadem and well cared for, 80. Oddilu.-These Kois are regarded as but they have always declined staying here on rather more honourable than any of the others, recovery, and have rejoined their heartless and have charge of the principal vélpu. See friends. Many of them confess that in former p. 33. These only pay visits few and far beyears it was the custom amongst them before tween to these talaqas. starting out on a journey to procure a little 81. Koi Naya kalu-Very few of these

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220
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[Avgust, 1879.
are to be found outside the Bastar territory of the village the sick man died. Fifteen days There is no connection between there and the afterwards the friends of the dead man assemKois.
bled, according to their custom, to slay and eat 82. Koi Kammaravandlu-i.e. Koi an ox belonging to the dead man's estate. But blacksmiths. These live in the Koi villages, and they were in great distress, as they feared that will eat in Koi houses, but the Kois will not eat the man had died in consequence of the want in their houses nor allow of any intermarriage. of care and skill on the part of the physician,
83. Dolivandlu or D 01011u. These and that therefore the spirit of the dead man are the chief guardians of the inferior vélpu could not approach the spirits of those who had (p. 33; cf. Vol. V. p. $59): attend the marriage died before, but must remain alone and desolate. feasts, recite old stories, &c. They live by The only remedy in such a case is to call the physialms from the Kois, as many Brahmans live by cian, and to persuade him to remove the impurity alms from Hindus. The Kois however regard attached to the departed spirit, and so enable it to them as an inferior class, and will neither eat be welcomed by the spirits of those who had before with them nor allow of any intermarriage. died. The man was sent for and came, but as The Dôlivandlu obtain their presents chiefly by the people of the village had formerly been threatening evils upon those whom they regard votaries of the goddess Ma mili, he feared lest as close fisted.
he should become a victim, and fled, but was 84. Pat tidivandlu.-These are Koi soon brought back. However, the man's friends cultivators and beggars; whenever they see a had taken alarm, and had complained to the stranger Koi or a wealthy Koi they go and fall police in Dummagudem, who soon sent and at his feet, and beg of him. Probably their brought the accused would-be sacrificers into name is derived from the Telugu pattuta, to seize Dammagadem. These then explained the whole hold of
circumstance, and assured the police that they A few weeks ago there was an outcry raised in had no intention of sacrificing any human a Koi village not very far from my bangalâ, as it being, and that when a human sacrifice had to was reported that one of its inhabitants had | be offered to Mamili, only a few of the leading been seized, and was about to be offered up to men of the village would know of it, since they the goddess Mamili (cf. vol. V. p. 359). It only would secretly seize a stranger, kill him in appears that this man, a Koi, professed to be the night, sprinkle the blood on the image, and a physician, and had been called some fortnight bury the corpse before any one knew anything previous to attend to a patient living in a village of the sacrifice. The native clergy man here six miles away, where there is a stamp supposed pointed out to them that as long as they kept to represent the goddess Mamili. After a the image in their village, such suspicions were careful examination of the sick man the doctor likely to arise, and, strange to say, they offered pronounced the disease to have arisen through to destroy it in his presence if he would go to the evil influence of some enemy, and that in their village. As a rule, the Kois, when they consequence the patient's stomach was full of are not satisfied as to the cause of the death of tin which it was impossible to remove, and that one of their friends, continue to meet at intervals there were no hopes whatever of his recovery. for a whole year, sacrifice and eat one or more The friends of the sick man, however, placed oxen, and enquire diligently of the reputed physifull faith in the physician's powers, and begged cians in their midst whether the spirit of their him to use his healing powers to the utmost lost friend has joined the spirits of his predeFowls, sara (strong liquor), benzoin, turmeric, cessors. When they obtain a satisfactory assuretc. were brought; the fowls slain, and the ance of the spirit's happiness, then they disconblood smeared over the sick man's face. Then tinue these sacrificial feasts. all present (except the invalid) set to work to A fortnight ago, when in the Rekapalli feast upon the fowls and the liquor, after which talaqa I saw some of the tombstones which the turmeric was made into small balls and well many Kois' erect, but which the Kois rubbed over the face and body of the patient, around Dummagudem have left off using. and then the medicine man departed. Un. After the corpse is burnt, the ashes are fortunately, before he had crossed the boundary wetted and rolled up into small balls, and

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August, 1879.] INSCRIPTIONS IN THE HAMBANTOTA DISTRICT, CEYLON
221
deposited in a small hole about two feet deep close to the side of a road. Over the hole is placed a small slab, and close to the slab a perpendicular stone like the head-stone of a tomb. Whenever the friends of the deceased pass by, and have any tobacco with them, they place a few leaves on the stone, frequently remarking how fond the deceased was of tobacco during his life-time, and that as he cannot now obtain any, they have deposited a few leaves for his use. The horizontal stones which I saw were about 18 inches square, and the perpendicular ones about three feet high. In some parts of Bastar these stones are said to be much larger.
On a number of tamarind trees ontside the villages in the Rekapalli. taluqa I noticed a number of small cords made of rice stalks hanging to the branches, and on enquiry the Kois said that when they offered the Kottalu (p. 54) at the foot of a tree they tied these cords to it, and that when accompanying a vélpu after its visit to their village they marked the distance they accompanied it by fastening such cords to the nearest tree.
It must not be supposed that the Koi customs are uniform wherever the Kois are to be found, for I have noticed varieties even in the same samutu (vol. V. p. 303).
Dummagudem, 27th March 1879.
REPORT ON THE INSCRIPTIONS IN THE HAMBANTOTA DISTRICT, CEYLON.
BY DR. E. MÜLLER, ARCHÆOLOGICAL SURVEYOR. The only two parts of the Southern Province 1. At the bottom of the rock just behind the which show traces of ancient civilization are priest's house, the village of Dondrs near Matara, and the ..................... Bati Chadatisaha lene. district that extends about 70 miles to the east Cave of Chadatisa, brother of................' of Tangalla. There are rains scattered all over 2. In the jungle on the left side from the this district, but we have no great centre here steps that lead to the temple, like Anuradhapura and Pollonaruwa,
[Paru] makaha Banaka bati upasakaha lene and often it is very difficult to find the inscrip
agata an [agata cha] tudisa sagasa dine. tions, especially at the present moment, when
The cave of the lay-devotee, the brother of all is overgrown with jungle owing to the con
the Brahman Banaka, is given to the priesttinual rain during the last year.
hood in the four quarters, present and absent.' By far the greater part of the inscriptions
3. At Bisogala near Gowagala, half a mile
from the temple, are flat on the rock, so that it is impossible
Parumaka Sumana puta Parumakaba Tisa leņe to take photographs of them, and the only way.
Mahadasaka nima agata anagata chatudisa sagasa left is a paper impression, which of course can
padi (ne). only be done in day weather. Most of these
The cave of the Brahman Tisa, son of the inscriptions which are flat on the rock are very
Brahman Sumana called Mahadašaka, is given much effaced by their being exposed to the
to the priesthood of the four quarters present rain, so that it is sometimes impossible to make
and absent.' out the sense with anything like certainty.
It is interesting in these inscriptions to obThe first temple which I reached in coming serve the old form of the Gen. Sing., in sa from Tangalla is the Mulgirigala temple, corresponding to the PAli 88a, Sanskrit sya) celebrated by its collection of ancient manu
used contemporaneously with the more modern seripts (Upham, Sacred and Historical Books of
one in ha, for instance sigaša compared with Ceylon, vol. III. p. 33). It is situated on the
parumakaha in No. 3. This modern form is top of a steep roek 4 miles from Udukiriwila
universally used as early as the time of king tank. There are some so-called cave-inscriptions Gajabhu Gamini (A.D. 113–125) as we at this temple similar to those at Wessagiri
see from the very first words of his inscription Anuradhapura (Goldschmidt's Report") and in at the Ruwanwaeli dågoba, Anuradhapura :almost perfect preservation. The following are Wahaba räjaha manumaraka Tisa maharajaha the transcripts :
puti maharaja Gajabâhu Gåmiņi Abaya : Ind. Ant. vol. VI. p. 319.

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222
King Gajabahu Gâmiņi Abhaya, son of King Tisa, grandson of King Wahaba.'
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
There are two more inscriptions, one on the steps that lead to the temple about half way up, the other one at the bottom of a small tank close to the Wihâra; but they are so much efaced that I cannot attempt a translation. Close to the jungle-road that leads from Udukiriwila to Ranna, I found two wihâras containing fragments of old rock inscriptions. The first, in coming from Udukiriwila, is called Naygalwihara, and is situated on the left side on a hill. The inscription, although in square characters, shows a first step of transition to the round" form, inasmuch as the vowel is represented by a curve over the consonant; unfortunately this, as well as the inscription at Kahagalwihara on the right side of the road, is so much weather-worn that I gave up the hope of deciphering it.
A little off the same road at Attanayâlawihara there is a pillar inscription of more modern date, of which one side is tolerably well preserved. It bears the name of a king Siri Sang Bo, but as there are so many of this name (cf. Goldschmidt's Report") it is difficult to find the exact date of the inscription. At any rate it must belong to the tenth or eleventh century. I give the transcript as far as it could be made out:
1 Siriwat "apiriya
nau
• rahi tâ (P) k [aeta] kula pâmil [i] kala O[ká]7 was
parapure8 n bat rad puru⚫ muwanat ag me 10 [hesu] wa 1 raha-ma [Si]r[i] sa19 nga bo maharad hu
n
18 urehi da kaeta [ku]
[AUGUST, 1879.
the King, son of king Siri Sanga Bo, the pinnacle of the Kshatriya caste, the sage who learned the doctrine...
1 la kot w [i] yat da15 ham niyae kala
Nearly the same words, only connected with' other names, occur in the inscription of A e pâ Mahinda at Mayilagastota, eight miles from Tissamahârâma, which is now in the Colombo Museum, and of which a part has been published in Dr. Goldschmidt's Report (Ind. Ant. vol. VI. p. 324, No. iv.) I give here one of the following parts, as unfortunately some portions of the rock are too much effaced as to allow a translation of the whole inscription :A. 39 d[u] [u] 33 [malul]u melâ[?]
************
3 [64] rad kol [kae]m [i]
1 yan
B.
* wadna 3 så
.no
i
gam rada
bili
"The glorious endless
... who was an object of respect to the Kshatriya tribe, being descended from the unbroken line of Ikshwâku, being born in the womb of the chief queen to his Majesty Ind. Ant. vol. VI.
pp.
gon 5 hara
• bun
7 miwun 8 riyan gannâ 10 is
mangi piyagi
11 W&
19 wa no wad13 nå isâ.
gael wae
no
'The officers of the royal family shall not enter the place belonging to the priesthood, enemies shall not take away the villages, the cattle, the royal taxes, the revenue
the cart buffaloes, travellers, and pilgrims (?) shall not enter.'
The same contents are to be found in the inscription at Mahakalatte wa now in the Colombo Museum (Goldschmidt's Report, Ind. Ant. vol. VI. p. 323, No. i.), and in a short inscription found at Kuda waewa near Ralapanna (N. W. Prov.), which runs as follows:Śrirad kol kaemiyan duņumaṇḍalan no wadnâ
isâ.
The term dunumandala, a very common term for priest, is probably the same as the modern tunmaḍulla, the robe of a priest which covers and ornaments three parts of the body.
For the sake of comparison I give here the transcripts of two other hitherto unpublished inscriptions of the same time, which do not belong to the Southern Province.
One of them is now in the Colombo Museum,
323.

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AUGUST, 1879.) INSCRIPTIONS IN THE HAMBANTOȚA DISTRICT, CEYLON
223
16 g
and was taken from Abhayawaewa (now called by its Tamil name Bassawa Kulam) near Anuradhapura. It runs as follows: A. Siri
sang boy ma purmu. : [ka
dasana* wanne Maendi di
nae pura teles6 wak dawas Ba
yaê waew mawa! 8 karwanukot wat
himiyan wahan10 se
wadáleyi. in waewae satar ka18 nae satar. pabanak 13 hinwê me waew14 hi mas maerů 15 kenekun raekae 18 genae no pae17twu wa nuwar 19 laddA atin da10 sa hanak ran ma90 [haweher piri]91 wahana midae. bi21 ya tama newe
*9 he [r] awu [d] miyan B. 1 wâ........................
................. lawå ges nae me waew• hi mehe [ka]s rawå re (P) kas wa * me waewhi mas
marana ta......... raekae & hat
o usu I give a literal translation, although I am aware that it will be very deficient, especially as the inscription seems to have occupied more than one pillar originally :
His Majesty Sri Sang Boy in the 19th year (of his reign) on the 13th day in the bright half of Maendindina (March-April) at the Abhaya-tank having made ......... the lord having ordered to put at the four corners of the tank four pillars, that whoever might kill fishes in this tank may be taken into custody, not to be concealed, but to be taken to the town........... by the overseer of the Mahawihara, may be made to work at this tank' .............................
Kana is Sanskrit kona 'corner,' not as Goldschmidt believed = skanda embankment, pahın is = páshána, kewu! = kaiwarta.
This inscription belongs most probably to Kassapo V. (A.D. 937—954 according to Turnour; 914–931 according to the editors of
the 2nd Part of the Mahawanso), although he is said to have reigned in his 19th year, as such inaccuracies occur frequently enough. The following one belongs to his son-in-law and successor, Kassapo VI., and is to be found on a pillar in the jungle near Mihintale. I give the transcript from a photograph and squeeze:
A. : Swast [i bri]
Abhay Sisri sa[ng]boyi
ma Purmuk& na• wawanne Hio mate mashi
dasa wak da8 was
Sae. giri weheri10 n pere dunumand11 lan ganna k[o]19t isa manga 18 mahawaris[a] 16 melåt 15 wadnå
i
mang17 diwa pediwa
No wadná • is&............ .......... r[a]d ko. 1 kaemiyaon no wadna . ist
Sad'girigal 8 wadatalan
pulapan mi10 wan
sini. 11 balân 18 no kapanu i 18 så
kaepu 1 ......... kamtaen
genae da10 t (P)
ganna 17 isa
pawu 18 sangwael. 18 la piriwen
10 sangwaelc. La kuli mahawar
sad akkalam * aeti no kiyal * weherat ga* nn iså me 6 tuwak ayat
rad kolat ga8 nmin sitiya . weherat me 10 wad & la mhayi 11 Arogya 11 sidhi
.
kewu!

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224
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[AUGUST, 1879.
Translation.
princes of the royal family which is the lustre Hail! [We] king Abhaya Siri Sang of this Island.' Boy in the 9th year of Cour] reign on the 10th On the same road about two miles from Ranne day of Himanta (November) order that the former there is a wihara called Wigamu wa conpriests shall be removed from the Chaity&- taining two ancient rock inscriptions, of which giri wihara, that roads and high-roads (shall photographs were taken by me. Both of them be made)........................ that travellers and seem to be hopelessly defaced. In much better pilgrims shall not enter, that the officers of the preservation I found an inscription at W& diroyal family shall not enter, that palmyras and gala, one mile and a half from Ranne on the cocoanuts and ferns and tamarinds shall not road to Tangalla, although it is like the others flat be cut, and, if cat, they shall be given to the on the rock. The following is the transcript:owners, that the priest from the mountain and Hamaraketahi pahanakubare me weherahi saga the priest from the temple if judging half a asati. kalanda not sufficient as wages for the [main- In the plain of Hamara(?) the.........paddy. tenance of the high road, shall take the rest field [is given to the priesthood in this from the temple and unto that from the taxes wihara.' of the royal family () ........................good Asati is, according to Dr. Goldschmidt's prosperity!'
explanation, a subjunctive of the root as "to be," The Chait yagiri wihara is the same later changed into ist, which occurs frequently mentioned in the long inscription of Mahindo in inscriptions of the 10th and 11th centuries III. at Ambasthala, Mihintale, of which and later still into nied by a mistake of the the beginning has been published in Gold- pandits, who thought it to be derived from the schmidt's Report (1. A. u. 8. p. 325). There, Pâli nissáya. however, it is called Seygiri according to the There are two more partly-effaced inscriptendency noticeable in this inscription to spell tions on the same rock and two at Kahandathe words after the old fashion. Mangdiwagala, in the jungle half a mile off the high and piyadiwa must be according to the context the same as manggiya and piyagiya in the | In proceeding further towards the east we inscription at Mahakalattaewa C., and diwa find two inscriptions of King Nissanka therefore be derived from dhaw 'to run' of. Malla, of which one, a pillar from Kaeli. Sidd. Sang. I., 41. The expression also occurs gatta, has been removed to the Colombo in the inscription of Komgollaewa (Colombo Museum. The other one is at Wandar pa Museum), where we find pe instead of piya = wihåre, on the border of the Walawe river pada: m [ang] diro pediw rad kol samadaru- one mile and a half from the Ambalantota wan, wrongly translated by Goldschmidt: The resthouse. The following is the transcript :
.............. Kalinga chakrawarttin wahanse raja............ . siri paemiņi dewana hawurddehi patan Lamk&wa sis&rá gam niyam ga$ [m] adi wa no ek prasiddha sthåna hi jala durgga pamka durgga wanadurgg • Samanola Adiw giridurgga at ambulu pakak sê balê wadara dasa digantarayehi • tan rajayehi no ek satra namwk aneka yachakayanţa ran walan ridt walan din ...... honda nada!i wadåra bisowarun wahansê aetaļu wa pas dena wahansê tulábhara naengi
hawurudu pata pas tuld bharayak baegin di dukpatun suwapat kotae suwapatun............ 8 kotae tun rajayehi noek be............ ya namwå tun nak samanga kotae tawa da sa.........ya
kotae liyawe sa ..... antahpurastrin Ruwanmaeli wahasae wahansê d& wandana karan kaemae 10 ta baegae kiyaê ga[n]it ne sêmae raja darukenakan kaeraewd yê wehe dayi wadára 11 ananta wasa daewiya ......... dura kotae mehe karuwan Ananda karawa Pihitirajayaţa pi 1 yumak sê wa Ruwanmaeli dahagab wahangê karawå antahparastrin de wandawe pe18 ra ...... aya genge dustha kala Lamkawasînga ran waļan ridi walan Adf wa boho saepa*t dew& wadárd uttê am[u]nakata aya kamuņu tun paêlak ha mandaran sakak ha 15 maendê amanakata ekamanu depåelak ha mandaran hatara aka há paessê amunakata 16 ......... ekamuņu ......... hå [manda) ran tunaka baegin aya gannå niy¥wyawastha kota wadárd

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August. 1879.) INSCRIPTIONS IN THE HAMBANTOTA DISTRICT, CEYLON.
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Translation. ...... The king born from the Kalinga race, who went since two years round Ceylon, who saw towns and villages and several fortresses, strongholds in water, in marsh, and in forest, Adam's Peak and other fortified mountains like a ripe neli-fruit in his hand, in ten directions, who established different white canopies in the three kingdoms, who gave gold and silver ornaments to many poor people......... together with his queen's 5 people raising the balance, giving yearly 5 times his own weight, making, unhappy people happy, happy people ......raising..... in the three kingdoms, uniting the tree nikâyas into one and made still more ...... made the women of the harem salute the Ruwanwaeli Dagoba ............ Having pleased the working people, having made the kingdom of Pihiţi like a lotus, having built the Ruwanwaeli Då goba, having made the women of the harem salute the relic, having given to the people of Lapkâ that were unhappy through the taxes of former kings, gold and silver ornaments and much wealth, he gave orders to fix the tax for the first amunam at 1 amunam 3 paelas 6 mandaras, for the middle one at 1 amunam 2 paelas 4 mandaras, for the last at 1 amunam.........paelas 3 mandaras.'
The same passage concerning the tax occurs also in the inscription at Dambulla, 1. 2, and in the so-called Galpota at Polonnaruwa A 17. The derivation of utta is not clear; maenda is Sanskrit madhya, Pali majjha; paessa is = pascima.
There is another inscription of the same king at Rambha Wihara twelve miles from the Ambalantota rest-house; it consists of seven fragments, of which only two are tolerably well preserved. The content is almost to the word the same as in his other numerous inscriptions that are scattered all over the Island, and of which three have been published in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society N. S., vol. VII. pp. 152 ff.
The last inscription before we reach Hambantota is one of king Någa Ma h â sen & (A.D. 275-302, Mah. chap. xxxvii.) at Karambagala, nine miles to the north of Ambalantota rest-house, not far from the Walawe river,
where there is hardly anything legible except the name of the king. This, however, is interesting as he is only called Mahasena in the Mahawanso, whereas we find his other name besides in an inscription of his son and successor Még ha warna, at the Ruwanwaeli Dagoba, Anuradhapura. I may mention here also the rock inscription at Badagiriya, nine miles from Hambantota, two miles off the old road to Badulla, which belongs to the same king M&h & sen &, and of which I took a photograph.
Unfortunately many letters are either missing or partly effaced, so that I cannot attempt a translation. There are however some interesting words which I may mention. In the fourth line we find a word nayariyanagarika (modern nuwaru), in the same line the form wajeriyi 'he declared' derived from PAli avadháreti. The modern verb is a corrupted tatsama wadaranawa, the noun waedaêruma (Sid. Sang.) In this old form wajeriyi the e seems to represent the sound , which at that time (2nd or 3rd century) had not yet its proper character. In the same fourth line we find apayaha' batiya our brother and in the fifth apayaha pute our son,' with which may be compared apayahu pali'our sire' (Goldschmidt's Report, I. A. 4.8. p. 322) in the Tissama hârâm a inscription.
There was another very much effaced inscription on a pillar about half a mile north from the rock, which has been removed to the Colombo Museum.
We now go on at once to Tissamaharama. Although I had heard that there were extensive ruins at this place, I only succeeded in finding two ootagonal inscribed pillars, of which one was photographed. It is called Aetaba en. duwa, the pillar to which the king's elephant was tied. The inscription, belonging to the sixth or seventh century, is almost totally effaced. The other pillar at Sandagiri wihara bears the name of Rohiņika Gåmiņi, son of king Gaja bahu, grandson of king (Wankanâsika) Tisa. There is also mentioned a queen Sila. devi, which I was not able to identify; and the tanks of Dûra and Tissa, which according to the 35th chapter of the Mahawanso were enlarged by king Ila någa.
Mr. Childers in his Notes on the Simhalese Lan. guage, Jour. R. As. Soc. N.S. vol. VIII. p. 136, gave up the attempt to explain this word. I believe that it can easily
be derived from the pronomical stem asma, like bhappa= bhasnan, bhippa for bhishma in Maharashtri (Hemac. II. 51, 54).

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By far the most interesting inscription at (I. A. u. 8.p. 321), is not given there in its Tissamahârâma is that inside the Dagobe, which whole extent. I therefore reproduce it here :was visible at the time when Dr. Goldschmidt Siddham! Aparimite lokehi Buddhasame nati visited the place. I give the transcript accord- athêne parimandale be ............. ing to his notes :
• savanyatopete anutare sathe mahesarane Siddham! Mahanaka rajaha pute Alunaks raja lakicake Budha nimi Nakamahawihera kara [hi] Golagamavila ca Gola- Sayambhu me galahi wihera nira ............... gamaketa waga............ gama ca nama.
nama Budha saranagate miciya ditika bindiya ... Hail! king Aluna k a, son of king Maha- ...... niyate. naga, built (or enlarged ?) the N & gama há
Translation. wih â ra, the tank, and the field of Golagama Hail! in the boundless universe there is no ............'
equal to Buddha, not bound by space, all coterThe fact alluded to in this inscription con- ing, endowed with omniscience, unrivalled, the cerning the Nâgama h â wihara is also Teacher, the great Refuge, the wheel of prosrelated in the 35th chapter of the Mahawanso,
perity is Buddha, the self-existent. The wihara (p. 217 of Turnour's edition). It was built on this rock ........ called ............ is granted according to the Mahawanso, p. 130, by king to .................. who has put his trust into M&h â någa, the second brother of Dewa- Buddha, having reduced the heretics.' nampiya Tissa. It is not the same wihara There are some more inscriptions near which is called Mahagama raja Maha Kirinde; two cave inscriptions which offer no wih ara, after king Kå kavanna Tissa, particular interest at a place called Galgedara the father of Dutthagamini, in the inscrip- (stone-house) in the jungle four miles off, and one tion from Tissa Mahârâma that is now in the rock inscription at Angunu kola wihara. Colombo Musuem (Goldschmidt's Report I. A. The latter, although comparatively well preu. 8. p. 321). The statement made here that served, has until now resisted my efforts to Ila nâga was the son of Mah â datika decipher it. Another one completely effaced is Ma hân â ga does not agree with the Mahá- at Dur á wa, one mile and a half on the road waiso, according to which he was his grand- to Hambantota. son.
The places beyond Kirinde I was unfortuGrammatically interesting is the change from nately not able to visit owing to the continuous g to k, which seems to have been frequent in rain, but I give here from Dr. Goldschmidt's ancient Siņhalese, e.g. baka = bhága, yáku= notes the transcript of a rather interesting yavagu, etc.
inscription at Situlpa wihara (ChittalaThe inscription at Kirinde, although dealt pabbato in the Maháwariso) 22 miles from with at some length in Dr. Goldschmidt's Report Kirinde:
1 Siddham Nakamaharajaha puta Batiya Tisa maharajahs maļu Ti ........ • maharaja atasa ... ta Tisa Kvahawana [tab] iya Chitalapawata atiņa samaya dakini Ti $ sa aleya wawi, akala kotu kana waya Nakamaharajaha [ce] taha ... ta mudawatiyata chi • hatakaradorahi tumaha akala [ko] tu karitakojarahala ca ...... dasapahata tayi jina (pali) satari. ... ... ... kotu dini dakapata sakalasamata dini. Translation.
The king mentioned here is Kanittha Hail! The son of king [Mallaka] Naga, Tissa (155--173 A.D.), whose reign is dealt the brother of king Batiya Tisa, king (Kanittha] with in the 36th chapter of the Maháwarnso, Tisa........ repaired the Chitalapаbbata p. 225 of Turnour's edition. The Chittalapabestablished by Kåka vanna Tisa and the bato was founded together with the Mahagama tanks of Dakhiņa and Tisa....... and the Mahê wihara (see above) by king Kåkawanna chaitya of king Någa (i... Tissamaharama) Tissa according to Maháwariso, chapter xxii. having remitted the taxes. . . . . . and having p. 131. performed deeds not (formerly) done (even) by I here subjoin a list of all the kings, which himself ...... having repaired the decayed are mentioned in inscriptions in the Sonthern buildings. ....... after having seen, he Province, in their chronological order between gave it over altogether.
the first and fourth centuries A.D. -

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Wahaba (A.D. 66-110) Wankan sika Tissa (110—113) Gajabâhu (113—125) Rohinika Gâmiņi Teta Tissa
Siri Någa Mahasena (275-302) Meghawarna (302—330)
Karambagala
and Badagiriya
Tissamaharima.
Abhaya
Mallaka Någa (125—131) Batiya Tissa (131–155) Situlpawihara. Kanittha Tissa (155—173)
Besides this there is an inscription of Parakramabahu I. at Galândawala, four miles from Yala, and some fragments at Ut. tarawihara six miles from Yâla, of which I could not make out the date
Colombo, 17th October, 1878.
Mahânåga Aļunaka
Nagamahawihara.
BUDDHIST REMAINS IN THE JALALABAD VALLEY.
BY WILLIAM SIMPSON. As some exaggerations and misconceptions The Ahin Posh tope which we first attacked seem to exist respecting the late explorations of stands on a rising ground on the south of Buddhist remains in the Jalalabad Valley, it is Jalalabad. One party was started to make a here proposed to give a short account of them, tunnel into its centre, and while this was going so that those in India, interested in such matters, on, the exploration of the exterior of the tope may know the main facts regarding what has was proceeded with. Unfortunately there was been done. I hope to give a fuller form to the only a portion of the square base found remaindescription of them, but that cannot be attempteding, but after more than a month's constant till I return to England. During the length- work this was cleared out all round, and its ened lull of operations while at Jalalabad, details were laid bare. These are valuable I felt a strong desire to get something done in so far as bearing on the Greek influence which the way of excavating among the numerous is known to have pervaded the Buddhist archiremains in the locality. General Sir Sam Browne tecture of the Peshawar Valley and the Panjâb. was anxious to assist, and so was General In the Manikyala tope the base is round, Maunsell of the Engineers, but although it was bat in the Afghanistan examples this part of known that the Viceroy desired that every effort the structure is square. The Ahin Posh base should be made to carry on such exploration, the was very nearly 100 feet on each of its sides, works connected with the camp, and the making and it had pilasters of the “Indo-Corinthian" of roads, required such a number of men at the style: the arrangement being that of fourtime that neither an engineer officer nor a teen pilasters on each side. Originally, there working party could be spared. This being were two stairs, on the north and south by the case, Major Cavagnari came forward in a which the square platform was reached, but at manner most creditable to himself, and offered a later date similar stairs had been added on to provide a working party from the villages east and west. Only a part of the first course round, if I would undertake to look after the of masonry of the round portion of the tope operations-the conditions being that all coins was left, but this was sufficient to indicate that and sculptures found were to be the property the diameter had been about 80 feet; thus showof Government. Kalah Khân, a havildar of the ing that it had been one of the second class topes Guides, who had been engaged in the Yugufzai in this district. The large tope at Umar Khel is district, took charge of the work under my the largest, being about 100 feet in diameter. directions, and I must speak highly of the I also managed to clear out some of the mound manner in which he performed his duty. forming the square enclosure round the tope,
The dates are added from Turnour's Mahdvanliso, Ap. Ixii. -Ed.

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and on the south side I came upon what I take to have been the grand approach to the shrine. The remains of this extend to some distance beyond the outer enclosure, and at the entrance to the quadrangular court the remains of colossal figures were come upon. Their size may be estimated from the feet of one which were in good preservation, each foot measured about 23 inches in length. I regret that time. did not permit of a more extended examination of this part of the remains. Neither was I able to explore the mounds on the west which I supposed to have been the monastery attached to the tope.
This tope, like all those in Afghanistan, had a thick coating of plaster all over it. The Corinthian capital, fragments only of which were found in the earth where they had fallen, had been all moulded in plaster, and the probability is that the whole had been decorated with colour.
[AUGUST, 1879.
perfect condition. Some of the Indo-Skythian coins bore the name of Ooerki. So far as these coins go to prove a date, they show that the tope could not be older than the second century. My own impression would be that it is some centuries later.
The dust I very carefully collected, and it was placed in a bottle, which, with the Reliquary and coins, were all sent to Lord Lytton. They have since been handed over to General Cunningham, whose knowledge connected with these subjects will enable him to determine their ultimate destination. Carefully measured plans and sections were made of the explorations for the Archeological Survey Department by Lientenant Mayne, R.E.
The tunnel was at last driven into the centre. It was about 45 feet long and about 6 or 7 feet high. The mass of the building was composed of large water worn boulders embedded in mud, and it was hard work to dig them out. Fortunately the tunnel came direct upon the central cell, the inner shrine, over which the whole of this vast mass of building had been constructed. Its form was a cube, about 16 inches on each side, and formed by layers of slate about half an inch thick, two larger and thinner slates with mud between formed the covering.
This cell contained about a couple of handfuls of dust, perhaps ashes, but I noticed no bones. Prominent on the top of the dust was an object which turned out to be a Tuwis, or Reliquary, about four inches long, of gold, and set with stones. In this were two gold coins, and a small dark object, which I naturally presumed to be a relic. Among the ashes were eighteen more gold coins, making twenty altogether. Most of these coins were Baktrian or Indo-Skythian, but there were two or three belonging to the Roman Emperors. One belonged to the reign of Domitian, with the words Domitianvs Avgvstvs, and on the reverse Germanicus Cos xv. Another had a very perfect portrait of Trajan, and bore the words Imp.Caesar. Traianoptim. Avg. Germ.D.ac. And on the reverse, Regna Adsignata. Another seemed to belong to the wife of Hadrian, for it had on it the words Sabina Avgvsta. These coins were all in very
At the village of Gunda Chismeh, about a mile to the west of Ahin Posh, there was a mound which had not been touched. It seemed a tempting object to attack, and I got a small working party detached, who commenced operations. The tunnel into the centre in this case came upon no deposit, thus confirming Masson's experience, but the outside explorations gave some important details as to Archi. tecture. The square base was about 65 feet on the side, each divided by 10 pilasters. This being a much smaller tope than the other, it had only one stair of approach on the north side. A terrace was brought. to light which went round the whole of the square base, and each side of the stair. This terrace is 3 feet 6 inches high, and 4 feet wide, and is ornamented with small pilasters over its whole extent. On finding this peculiar feature in the Gunda Chismeh tope, I caused excavations to be made at Ahin Posh to see if it existed there, and although two trenches were made at different places, I was not fortunate; no trace could be found. Luckily Dr. Amesbury, attached to the Sappers and Miners, inade some excavations after I went on with the advance to Gandamak, and he came upon the terrace, hence I presume that this was one of the characteristics of the Afghanistan topes. In the case of Ahin Posh it was 6 feet wide, and 6 feet 6 inches high. None of the masonry of the circular part of the tope was come upon, but I should guess that the diameter may have been about 50 feet. On the south of this tope is a quadrangular mound which is no doubt the remains of the Vihâra, which was connected

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with it, and I can only express my regret that what I have supposed to be built Viharas are I had no time to excavate the spot. Let me very plentiful in the Jalâlâbâd groups, but these here say, that after peace, and a satisfactory I take to have been all later than the more alliance has been established with the ruler of primitive rock-cut cell, which may have existed this country, that a systematic exploration will before a more organised monastic system came be made of the Buddhist remains, not only in into existence. A number of these caves are of the Jalâlâbâd valley, but all over Afghanistan. greater extent, but they do not differ in the It was supposed by those acquainted with the form of the round, plastered, roof-and the matter, that Masson had left no tope unopened. reason for their extension is, I confess, not He certainly opened the most of them, but he quite clear. The largest of these was one has left some untouched. There is one known shown first to Major Tanner, and which has as the Nagara Gundi, about two or three miles the tradition attached to it of being the west of Jalálábad, where Colonel Jenkins of Palace of the Rajah Hoda, from which Hoda is the Guides made some excavations, and from also supposed to derive its name. This is no what was laid bare I believe it is a tope of the doubt the same person as the Raja Hudi, whose largest size, and it does not seem to have been name is connected with Khairâbâd, opposite ever opened. Again, I have seen the excava- Atak, and so many other places, and regarding tions made by Masson, and Honigberger, and whom the stories told are as mythical as those it is apparent they only explored for coins. of Prince Arthur. Neither of these men seem ever to have re- Major Tanner made some excavations in this moved a stone on account of the architecture, cave, but the only results were two pieces of and here in this direction the field is almost sculpture, one a fragment of a lotus base, and quite new. The Vihåras have not yet been the other was the lower part of a Hindu touched, and there are plentiful remains of them at Corinthian capital, of very good work; but its Hada, Dåranta, Char Bagh, and other places, size was too great to admit of the supposition the details of which might be of the highest that it belonged to any structure which could importance. Some slight experiences at Hada have existed in the cave. They were both convinced me that sculptures to any amount found at the entrance, and the remains of buildwill be found when proper excavations are made. ings over the cave would suggest that they had
The great number of caves in Afghanistan originally belonged to them. The low hill in forms an interesting part of the subject of which this cave is excavated is called in MagBuddhist remains; and there is yet much that son's account Tappa Zurgaran, or "The Goldis wanted in the way of exploration before
smith's Mound." Not far from this are some attempting to speak with certainty about them. other caves of a different character. They are They are usually simple arched recesses into described in the Ariana Antiqua, p. 112. They the rock, and they bear so much resemblance are square and small, the roofs very flat, with to the group of caves near Gaya, that I cannot the exception of the dome in the centre. Magavoid thinking there is some connection between son mentions the remains of fresco paintings on them. An inscription in the Milkmaid's cave" these, which are still visible. The Rev. Mr. states that it was made by Dasartha as a hermit- Swinnerton made some excavations in these age for Buddhist ascetics. If this simple form Caves,' and I asked him to clear out the accaof cave was brought from Gaya to Afghanistan, mulated earth under the dome of one of we may naturally suppose that the object for them; this brought to light a base ornamented which they wera constructed was the same in with Buddhist figures in plasters, from which both cases. The Gayâ caves are about 200 B.C., I conclude that under these domes stood either and I am inclined to think that the Afghanis- small topes, or, perhaps, Buddhist figures, and tan caves are all older than the topes, which that they were devotional shrines. Along with are so frequently found in connection with them. these domed caves are the ordinary arched I only found one cave, at Darantâ, with the caves, in which it would be natural to suppose Vihåra arrangement, similar to the rock-cut the Sramanas dwelt who had charge of these Vihåras of Western India. The remains of Buddhist places of Worship.
See Rev. O. Swinnerton's paper, Ante, p. 198.

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The site of the old Buddhist city of Nagara- to the Bârâbât tope, a distance of about two hara," which is known to have existed in the miles, there can be traced the whole way Jalalabad Valley, would be an important point remains of Buddhist monastic establishments, to make out with certainty. I can only pretend | which must have had a very fine appearance, as to a suggestion that it stood a few miles to they would form a suburb, which overlooked the the west of the present Jalálâbâd, on the right city. Along the base of the Siah Koh range, bank of Surkhâb where the red waters of that and extending even over a greater distance, are stream mixed with the grey of the Kabul River. numerous remains of a similar kind, and all The natives call the spot "Begram," Masson's near enough to have been considered as outmap is a very rough one, and he places Begram skirts. On the south again is the Chår Bågh to the south-east of the spot I mean. There is group, these are more distant, still they were yet a rock standing out of the alluvial plain near enough to add to the beauty of the situation. covered with the debris of old buildings, amongst The wealth of a great city may perhaps help to which can be seen, in more than one place, the explain the existence of such a mass of large remains of Buddhist masonry. This the natives and important establishments, the remains of yet point to as the “Bala Hissar" of an old
which at the present day are enough to excite Kaffir city.
the astonishment of any one who visits the I have already mentioned an old tope of the locality. largest size, the mound of which yet remaining | This slight notice of the Buddhist remains in is close to this rock, and its name of Nagara Afghanistan ought not to close without mention Gundi or the “Nagara Tope," may be derived of Mr. Beglar's work at Ali Masjid. I have from the name of the ancient town. The position not yet had the satisfaction of seeing the results, was a good one for a site. It had the Kabul
but judging from photographs which that gentleriver on the north, and the Surkhåb on the west, man kindly sent me, I believe that the remains and there is a small stream on its eastern side. he brought to light will be of the utmost value On the south are lines of mounds, evidently the as bearing not only on the Greek influence but remains of walls, which formed its defences on on the Assyrian style, which is very distinct at that quarter. Across the Kabul river, extending Ali Masjid, and also in the topes of the Jalalabad from the Phil Khâna group of caves, and topes, valley.
CORRESPONDENCE AND MISCELLANEA. A FOLKLORE PARALLEL.
|escape ? Come and help me to pursue him, I have stumbled upon the Sicilian version | Then the lions spring up, and set out in pursuit of the principal incident in the story of Spinga- of the prince. (The prince was mounted upon bhuja in the Katha Sarit Sdgara, vii., 39 (see the horse as in the Norwegian story.) 'Look Indian Antiquary, vol. VIII. p. 37).
round,' said the horse, and see what there is It is to be found in Sicilianische Märchen aus behind you. Ah ! dear horse,' said the prince, dem Volksmund gesammelt von Loura Gonzenbach 'the lovely one is pursuing us with two lions. (Leipzig: 1870) zweiter Theil, p. 55. Die Geschichte Do not be afraid,' said the horse,' throw a pomevon der Pata Morgana.
granate behind you.' Then the prince threw a "A prince carries off successfully a bottle full pomegranate behind him, and immediately a of the schweisz' of Fata Morgana. He has broad river was produced, flowing with pure been enabled to perform this exploit by the help blood. Fata Morgana and the two lions fonnd of a horse, who is really the brother of Fata Mor- great difficulty in crossing it, and when they had gana transformed by enchantment. But before reached the other side, the prince had got a good leaving the castle, where he obtained this precious start of them. But Fata Morgana was swifter than liquid, he is imprudent enough to strip off Fata the horse, and soon gained on the prince. Look Morgana's seven veils and give her a kiss.
round again,' said the horse, and see what you "Fata Morgana was awaked by the kiss, and can see.' 'Ah, dear horse, Fata Morgana is close when she saw that her veils had been taken off, behind us. Never mind, throw the second pomeshe sprang up in order to pursue the prince. granate behind you. Then the prince threw the "O lions, said she, why did you let this youth second pomegranate behind him, and immediately
• Vie de Hiouen Theang, pp. 76, 294; Mém. sur les Cont. Occid. tom. I. p. 96, tom. II. p. 302.-ED.

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there arose a mountain densely wooded, with used by native travellers of respectable position. nothing but thorns. While Fata Morgana and Such also appears by the passage from Tennent to the lions were trying to get over the mountain, be the use in Ceylon. And in Broughton's Letters they got terribly scratched with the thorns. from a Mahratta Camp (p. 156) the word 'hackery' However, they at last got over with much trouble, is used for what is usually in Upper India called and pursued the fugitive. Look behind you,' an ekka, i.e., a light carrige drawn by one pony." said the horse, and see what you can see.' Ah! 1698:-"The coach wherein I was breaking, we dear horse, Fata Morgana is close behind us.' were forced to mount the Indian Hackery, a TwoNever mind, fling the last pomegranate behind wheeled Chariot, drawn by swift little Oxen."you. Then the prince flung the last pomegranate Fryer, p. 83. behind him, and immediately a volcano arose be- 1742:-" The bridges are much worn and out hind him, and when the lions tried to cross it, of repair by the number of Hackaries and other they fell into the flames and were burned. There- carriages which are continually passing over upon Fata Morgana gave up the pursuit, and re- them."-Madras Board, in Wheeler vol. III. p. turned to her castle."
262. In the story of Sțingabhuja, before the Rak- Circa 1750-60:-"The Hackrees are a consbasa father imposes the various tasks on the veyance drawn by oxen, which would at first give prince, he requires him to choose his lady-love one an idea of slowness that they do not deserve out from among a hundred sisters similar in ap- .... they are open on three sides, covered a-top, pearance and similarly dressed. The prince is and made to hold two people sitting cross-legged. aided by the lady, who places her necklace on her ...... Each Hackrey has a driver who sits on head to help him to recognize her. In the same the shaft, and is called the hackrey-wallah."way in the story of the Golden Lion, second part Grose, vol. I. pp. 155-56, and p. 56. of Fräulein Gonzenbach's collection, page 76, the 1798:-"At half-past six o'clock we each got princess puts a white cloth round her waist to into a hackeray."-Stavorinus, by Wilcocks, vol. enable her lover to recognize her. Dr. Reinhold III. p. 298. Köhler in his note on this story gives parallels to 1810:-"A common cart usually called..... this incident from the Folklore of Greece and the a hackery."-Williamson, V. M. vol. I. p. 330. Upper Palatinate.
1860 :--"Native gentlemen driving fast-trotting CHARLES H. TAWNEY. oxon in little hackery carts." -Tennent's Ceylon, Caloutta, 17th May 1879.
vol. II. p. 140.
HOBSON-JOBSON, S. A native festive excitement;
a tamdsha (q. v.); a commotion. SPECIMEN OF A DISCURSIVE GLOSSARY
This phrase, which may perhaps now be obsoOF ANGLO-INDIAN TERMS.
lete, is a capital type of the lower stratum of BY H. Y. AND A. C. B.
Anglo-Indian argot. It is, or was, a part of the (Continued from p. 204.)
dialect of the British soldier, especially in South HACKERY, B. Used by Anglo-Indians, all over India, and is in fact an Anglo-Saxon version of the Bengal Presidency, and formerly in Bombay the wailings of the Muhammadans in the proalso, for a bullock-cart; yet the word is unknown cessions of the Moharram-“Y& Husain! Y4 to the natives, or, if known, is regarded as an Eng- Hassan!" lish word.
We find no literary quotation to illustrate this H. H. Wilson, remarking that the word is phrase fully developed, but we have the embryo neither Hindi nor Bengali, suggests a Portuguese in several stages :original. And the Portuguese acarreto,carriage,'' 1698 :-"About this time the Moors solemnize acarretador, 'carter,' may have furnished this the Exequies of Hosseen Gosseen."-Fryer, p. 108. original, possibly in some confusion or combination "On the Days of their Feasts and Jubilees with a native word to drive (Hind. hank-nd, Gladiators were approved and licensed, but feeling Dakhani hak-nd, Mar. hdkarnên).
afterwards the Evils that attended that Liberty, The quotation from Fryer below shows that the which was chiefly used in their Hossy Gossy, any word was in his time used by the English at private Grudge being then openly revenged." Surat, where the incident occurred. It must have ..... Id. p. 357. been carried thence to Bengal. But in this 1721 :—"Under these promising circumstances quotation and in that from Grose the vehicle in- the time came round for the Mussulman feast tended is not the lumbering cart that is now com- called Hossein Jossen..... better known 48 monly called by this name, but the light carriage the Mohurrum."-Wheeler, vol. II. p. 347.
1 And so it is used still in Bombay.-ED.

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[AUGUST, 1879.
1803 :-" It was the 14th of November, and the ing by Bacçin, Tarapore, Valentine's Peak, St. festival which commemorates the murder of the John's, and Daman, the last city northward on brothers Hassein and Jassein happened to fall out the Continent, belonging to the Portugueze."-- at this time."--Orme, Bk. III. (p. 193 of reprint). Fryer, p. 82.
KITTYSOL, KITSOL, 8. This word still survives in | 1810 :- After attempting to settle in various the Indian Tariff, but otherwise it is obsolete. It places, they at length reached Sunjum in Guzerat." was formerly in common use for an umbrella, and Maria Graham, p. 40. especially for the kind imported from China, 1874 :-The first port they landed at was Diu.... made of bamboo and paper, such as recent English Thence they removed......to Sanjan, 51' south of fashion has adopted to screen fireplaces in sum- Damnaun ...... and were permitted to reside." mer. The word is Portuguese, quita sol, i.e. take -Markham, History of Persia, p. 98. away sun.'
TYPHOON, B. A tofnado or cyclone-wind; a 1588:-The present was fortie peeces of silke sudden storm, a 'norwester' (q. v.) .......& litter chaire and quilt, and two Sir John Barrow ridicules "learned antiquaquita soles of silke."-Parke's Mendoza, vol. II. p. rians" for fancying that the Chinese took typhoon 105.
from the Egyptian Typhon, the word being, Cir. 1609 :-"Of Kittasoles of state for to shad- according to him, simply the Chinese syllables dow him, there bee twentie" (in the Treasury of Ta fung-great wind' (see his Autobiography, p. Akbar)-Hawkins, in Purchas vol. I. p. 217. 57). His ridicule is misplaced. There is no reason
1687 :-" They (the Aldermen of Madras) may to suppose that "the Chinese" took the word be allowed to have Kettysols over them."-Letter typhoon from anybody. of Court of Directors in Wheeler, vol. I. p. 200. Did Sir John suppose that the Arab or Perso
1698:-"Little but rich Kitsolls (which are the Arab marinery, from whom the early Portuguese names of several Count(r)ies for Umbrelloes)."- Foyagers got their tufão (which our own sailors Fryer, p. 160.
have made into typhoon, as they got their monção 0. 1754 :-"He carries & Roundel or Quit de which our sailors have made into monsoon), could Soleil over your head. "-Ives, p. 50.
not give a name to a circular storm without 1875:- Umbrellas : Chinese of paper, or Ket- going to China for it P With a monosyllabic tysols." - Indian Tariff.
language like the Chinese you may construct See also Milburne, vol. I. pp. 268, 464; and see a plausible etymology for anything. We might Chatta, Roundel, Umbrella.
as well ridicule Barrow's derivation from the In Parke's Mendozs (vol. II. p. 58) we have Chinese, alleging that the word is so obviously also “a great tira sol made of silke, that did a corruption of the English 'a tough one!' The shadowe him all over."
word is Persian Tufan, a storm, and is almost KITTYSOL Boy, s. A servant who carried an um- certainly from rupów, which had that application brella over his master's head.-Milburne, vol. II. among others. p. 62; and see Roundel-Boy.
Cir. 1583 :-"I went aboord a shippe of Bengala, St. John's, n. p. An English sailor's corruption, at which time it was the yeere of Touffon; conwhich for a long time maintained its place in our cerning which Touffon ye are to vnderstand that maps. The proper name of the place, which is on in the East Indies often times, there are not the coast of Gujaråt, is apparently Sanja n (see stormes as in other countreys; but every 10 or 12 Hist. of Cambay in Bombay Government Selections, yeeres there are such tempests and stormes that p. 52). It is the Sind & n of the old Arabian it is a thing incredible......... neither do they geographers, and was the earliest landing-place of know certainly what yeere they wil come." the Pârst refugees on their emigration to India in Caesar Frederike, transl. in Hukluyt, vol. II. the 8th century.
p. 370. 1623:"The next morning we sighted land from The preceding quotation is a notable anticipaa distance. . . . . in a place not far from Bassain, tion of the views often put forth recently as to which the English call St. John's (Terra di San the periodical recurrence of great cyclones in the Giovanni); but in the navigating chart I saw that Indian Sea. it was marked in the Portuguese tongue with the 1614 :-"News from Yedo, a city in Japan as name Ilhas das vacas."-P. della Valle, vol. II., big as London, where the chief of the nobility
have beautiful houses, of an exceeding Tuffon 1630 :-"It happened that in safety they made or Tempest'......... The King's Palaces lately built to the land of St. Johns on the shoares of India."- in a new fortress, the tiles being all covered Lord, The Religion of the Persees, p. 3.
over with gold on the outside, were all carried 1698:-In a Week's Time we turned it up, sail away by a whirlwind, so that none of them are
p. 500.

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CORRESPONDENCE AND MISCELLANEA.
233
p. 89.
to be found.' "-Sainsbury, Colonial Papers, E. I. life of the Russian peasant woman is in many re. vol. I., p. 352.
spects akin to that led by her Hindu sister, some 1697 :-"Tuffoons."-Dampier, vol. II, p. 36. of the anomalies in the position of a wife being
1727 :-"By the beginning of September they the same whether she lives near the Volga or the reacht the Coast of China, where meeting with a Ganges. As a general rule, for instance, she is Tuffoon or a North-east storm, that often blows treated by men with the contempt due to an violently about that Season, they were forced to inferior being. And yet she may be the acknowbear away for Johore."-A. Hamilton, vol. II. ledged chief of a great family community which
numbers among its members many beings of the lordly sex. Old Russian marriage customs were
singularly like those prevalent in India, and oven HINDU AND RUSSIAN PEASANT HOME LIFE. in those of the present day a considerable family (Mr. W. R. S. Ralston in The Academy,
likeness exists between the two groups, the Rus
sian svakha exactly answering to the Hindu Feb. 15th, 1879.)
matrimonial broker. The child marriages of Prof. Monier Williams delivered on 10th Fe
India, also, were known to the Russia of former bruary at the London Institution, a locture on " In- days, but the practice has now fallen into disuse. dian Home Life." Interesting it must have been The nuptial triple walk round the Indian sacred to all who heard it; but it was likely to prove of fire finds its counterpart in the thrice-repeated special interest to any one who was acquainted walk of the Russian wedded pair around a part of with the home life of a Russian village. For, in the church. This is a true survival; whereas the the earlier parts of his lecture, when the professor similarity between the never-parted with triple was describing a Hindu peasant's homestead, and thread of the twice-born Hinda, and the pectoral giving a sketch of the manner in which that pea- cross, never removed from the neck of the bapsant and his family are accustomed to spend each tised moujik, may be an accidental likeness. The day of their lives, it might almost have been sup- utter illiterateness of the Hindu woman finds its posed that he had passed from Asia to Europe, exact parallel in Russian life; just as the kindly and was bringing before the mental eyes of his feeling which exists between the various members hearers a picture of a Rassian moujik's home life. of an Indian family is by no means without its Widely different, of course, in many respects, must Slav counterpart. Such are a few of the points of be the portraits of Slav and Hindu men, and the similarity between the home life of Russian vilaccounts of their respective manners. But if the lager and that Indian life which Prof. Monier direct effects of climate and religion are set aside, Williams brought so vividly before the eyes of his there will still remain a great amount of similarity hearers. If space would permit it, there would between the contrasted remainders. For as be no difficulty in making the likeness much more everything continues in an Indian village almost complete. exactly as it was a thousand years ago, so the old | A correspondent in The Academy, Feb. 22, adds:Aryan form of village life has been preserved in | "Mr. Ralston in his interesting article on Indian Russia, but little altered from what it was long Home Life' has pointed out some curious rebefore Rurik was heard of. It is true that the semblances between the Russiun and Hindu nature-worship of the ancient Slavs has been re- homesteads. It is true,' he says, 'that the terem placed by Christianity. But in the minds of or upper chamber for the women lives now only Russian peasants in remote districts there re- in Russian song, while its Indian counterpart mains a considerable residuum of such supersti- still exists and is as secluded as ever.' But the tions as are closely akin to the beliefs attributed Russian peasant's Icon-corner,' in which the by Prof. Monier Williams to their far away Hindu holy pictures stand, corresponds closely with the cousins. Much more complete, however, is the Hindu rustic's 'God's room.' 'No "anger room," resemblance between the Russian and the Hindu however, has been retained in Slav dwellings homesteads. It is true that the teren or upper for the benefit of inmates affected by a fit of the chamber for the women lives now only in Russian sulks.' It may be doubtful whether the suitors song, while its Indian counterpart still exists and in the Odyssey would have considered the 'umepwov, is as secluded as ever. But the Russian peasant's into which Penelope withdrew from their impor"Icon-corner," in which the holy pictures stand, tunities, as a counterpart of the Indian teren corresponds closely with the Hindu rustic's rather than of the sulk-room. But it can hardly "God's room." No "anger room," however, has admit of a doubt-can it ? that the French been retained in Slav dwellings for the benefit of boudoir is a true survival of the original Aryan inmates affected by a fit of sulks. The ordinary pouting room."

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NOTES AND QUERIES.
CHCHA SHAH DAULAH.-With reference to the query (ante p. 176) General A. Cunningham, C.S.I., writes:
Pul Shah Daulah is described as being on the Deg River, in the neighbourhood of Lahor. As I have lately visited the shrine of Shah Daulah, the following notes, which were written on the spot, may perhaps be of use.
The shrine of Chah& Shah Daulah is situated a little way outside the east gate of the city of Gujarât, to the west of the Chênâb River. There may be another shrine, of the same saint on the Deg River (Devaka Nadi), but I have never heard of it. Shah Daulah is said to have been a descendant of the famous Bah&wal Hak of Multan, and to have come from Multan direct to Gujarât on the second Jumarât of Ashadh (called Ahadh in the Panjâb, and Hadh in the Gazetteer of Gujarat). On the anniversary of that day great numbers of Fakirs visit the shrine, which is also frequented on every Friday by the people of the country about the Chênâb. Shah Daulah is said to have died in the year 1085 of the Hijra, during the reign of Aurangzeb; and the following verses are cited from the Mukhbar-ulWasilin in proof of this date:
Dil ba-târikh ân hamidah sarisht Gupt az Shah Daulah zeb bahisht. Batar hil an 'aârif hak gazidah Bago Shah Daulah ba-janat rasidah.
As each of these verses gives the same date of 1085, according to the powers of the letters in the abjad notation, I think that the date may be accepted as strictly correct.
The tomb is a simple sarcophagus of brick, covered with broken pieces of glazed tiles of different colours and patterns. It stands in a small open court 20 feet square, and 13 feet above the ground, which would appear to have been the site of a Hindu temple, or of some other large building.
The fame of the saint rests on his reputed power of granting offspring to barren women.
[AUGUST, 1879.
By making a proper offering at his shrine every childless couple obtain offspring, but with the condition attached that the first born shall be presented to the Saint. All agree that every one of these first born children comes into the world with an extremely small head, with an expression like that of a rat (Chúhd), and with a panja marked on the forehead. Hence all these children are called Chúhd Shah, and the Saint himself Chah& Shah Daulah. Sometimes the parents do not bring their first born, who then becomes an idiot, and deserts his home, and comes to the shrine of the Saint of his own free will. At the time of my visit in January last there were fourteen of these children. I saw one grown up young man and several children, all of whom had unnaturally small heads. Three of the boys also had a squint in one eye. They seemed shy and rather frightened, and their lips moved restlessly like those of a rat.
An ACCOUNT of the BRITISH SETTLEMENT of ADEN in ARABIA. Compiled by Captain F. M. Hunter, Bombay Staff Corps, F.R.G.S., &c. Assistant Political Resident, Aden. London: Trübner and Co. 1877.
The work under review is one of a good many treatises upon Indian towns or districts which have been published in anticipation of the yet unborn
The Fakirs attached to the shrine take the children on tours through the neighbouring country for the purpose of collecting alms. Each Fakir is attended by one of the children, and at the time of my visit several of the Chúhás were. absent. The shrine is well known all over the country, and is much frequented by Hindus as well as by Musalmâns.
BOOK NOTICES.
THE HAMMIRA MAHAKAVYA.-I do not know if it is superfluous to point out, that an account of the death of Hammîra (ante pp. 59, 73) is given in Sanskrit in the Purusha Pariksha of Vidyapati Thakur. It is called The tale of a Compassionate Hero (Dayá Vira), and is the second in the work. He is called Hambira Deva, king of Ranasthambana. The casus belli, which resulted in his death, was protection given by him to a dismissed general (called in the original Mahimâ Shah, P) who had fled from 'Alâu'd-din. The city was betrayed by two treacherous servants of Hambîra Deva, named R&ya-Malla and R&ya P&la..
G. A. GRIERSON.
Gazetteer of India by officers employed in collecting materials for it. It is favourably distinguished from some other works of the same class by modesty in tone and appearance, brevity, good maps and index; and a very full list of authorities to whom the student requiring information in detail is referred. The publication of large and

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BOOK NOTICES.
235
costly English editions of these local monographs is generally to be deprecated, as the very few English readers of such works are almost all able to procure them in India or through the India Office. The case of an important ocean port like Aden is exceptional. Upon the modern condition of the Peninsula Captain Hunter himself will long remain the standard authority. His readers will be surprised to learn that the flora of this apparently barren rock includes 94 species, of a very retiring disposition certainly; less 80 to find him enumerating seven European and seven oriental tongues as in daily use, and then not considering himself safe without an "etcetera."
THE VOYAGES OF Sir JAMES LANCASTER, Knight, to the
East Indies, with Abstracts of Journals of Voyages to the East Indies, during the 17th century, preserved in the India Office, and the VOYAGE OF CAPTAIN JOHN KNIGHT, (1606), to seek the North-West Passage. Edited by Clements R. Markham, C. B., &c. London: Printed for the Hakluyt Society: 1877. THE HAWKINS VOYAGES, DURING THE REIGNS OP HENRY VIII, QUEEN ELIZABETA, and JAMES I. Edited with an Introduction by Clements R. Markham, Esq., &c., and printed for the same. London: 1878.
The first of the two volumes under review deals chiefly with the earlier voyages of the East India Company. The first voyage from England to the far East was made by Captain Raimond, with three ships, the Penelope, Marchant Royall, and Edward Bonaventure. They sailed from Plymouth the 10th April, 1591, doubled the Cape, touched at "Quitangore, near Mosambique, the Iles of Comoro and Zanzibar on the backeside of Africa, the Iles of Nicubar and Gomes Pulo, within 2 leagues of Sumatra, the Ilands of Pulo Pinaom, the Maine land of Malacca." The Marchant Royal returned from " Agoada de Saldanha, 15 leagues northward on the hither side of the Cape," and the Penelope was lost sight of, for
ver, near Cape Corrientes. Captain James Lancaster, in the remaining ship, accomplished rest of the voyage as extracted above from the heading of the account of his lieutenant, Edward Barker, touched on his return at Point de Galle, and eventually lost his ship in the West Indies, and returned in & ship of Dieppe, landing finally at Rige, on the 24th of May, 1594. In September of the same year Lancaster was again afloat in a successful cruise
ainet. Pernamhnen in Brazil. from which he re- turned in July of the following year; with wealth and reputation which probably had a good deal to say to the organization of his most important voyage, wherewith begins the history of the East India Company.
"The merchants of London, in the year of our Lord 1600, joyned together and made a stock o'
seventie two thousand pounds, to bee imployed in ships and merchantdizes, for the discovery of a trade in the East India, to bring into this realme spices and other commodities. They bought foure great ships to be imployed in this voyage; the Dragon of the burthen of six hundred tunnes; the Hector of the burthen of three hundred tunnes, the Ascontion of the burthen of two hundred and three score tunnes," and the Susan, 240 tons, to which was added the Guest, 130 tons, as victualler. Lancaster commanded the squadron, his captains being John Middleton, William Brand, and John Heyward, and the total number of men 480. These ships, memorable as Argo, sailed from Woolwich on the 13th of February, 1600. After various adventures they arrived at "Saldania," not the modern Saldanha Bay, says Mr. Markham; but Table Bay; where, amongst other observations, they remarked that the south African "speech is wholly uttered through the throate, and they clocke with their tongues in such gort that in seven weekes which we remained heere in this place the sharpest wit among us could not learn one word of their language," the earliest notice of the famous African "click-sounds."
Lancaster, as most of our readers know, established in this voyage diplomatic and commer. cial relations with Achin, but did not see Peninsular India. That honour was reserved for Hector, Captain Hawkins, in the third voyage of the Company (the second of cupid the years 1604-6). She sailed from Tilbury Hope on the 12th March, 1607, with the Consent and Dragon. It does not appear what became of the former vessel, but the Dragon and Hector parted off Socotra, (where they "deemed the people to bee a kynde of Christians') in May 1608, made the coast of the Konkan on the 17th August, and Surat Bar on the 24th, and sent up to Surat Francis Buck, merchant, who is therefore entitled to the honour of being the Company's first representative on Indian land. Hawkins himself followed on the 28th, and from this on we shall follow his fortunes as detailed in the second volume under review.
He found that "the Government of Surat belonged unto two great noblemen, the one being Viceroy of Decan named Chanchana, the other Viceroy of Cambaya and Surat, named Mocrobkhan, but in Surat hee had no command, gave onely over the King's Customes, who was the onely man I was to deale with all." "Mocrebchan" and the "Portugalls" gave Hawkins a good deal of trouble, the latter capturing some of his men and goods; but the Governor, who was the deputy of Khan Khånån, gave him support and assistance, and on one occasion, when the "Portugalls"

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fastened a quarrel upon him in the tents of a merchant named "Hogio Nazam," a "Captaine Mogol" from Ahmadabad, with his men, drew their swords in his defence. Before this, he had sent off the Hector, under his second in command Marlow, to rejoin the Admiral (Keelinge) at Bantam, and on the 1st February 1609 he left Surat committing affairs there to William Finch. "The Portugalls had wrought with an ancient friend of theirs a Raga, who was absolute lord of a Province between Daman, Guzarat and Decan, called Cruly," (and which I cannot identify, but it must have been in the Surat Dangs or the modern Nawapur Peta of Khandesh,) to waylay him with 200 horse, but an officer of Khân Khânân's gave him "valient Horsemen, Pattens (Pathâns) a people very much feared in these parts," who brought him two days beyond "Dayta, another province or Princedome," very likely Jaitana or Nizampur, in Khandesh. He was next taken in hand by one Sher Khan, "another Patten Captaine, Governour of that lordship, who went two dayes journey with mee, till he had freed mee from the dangerous places, at which time he met with a troupe of outlaws, and took some four alive, and slew and hurt eight, the rest escaped." The 4 days' journey from Dayta through dangerous, i.e. probably hilly places, agrees with the identification hazarded above, and if it be correct, Hawkins must have come up the Kondai Bari pass, which the Imperial serai still standing marks as a favourite Mogul route. Hawkins got to " Bramport" (Burhanpur) on the 18th, and was well received by Khân Khânân. He left on the 2nd of March, and got to Agra on the 16th April, where the Emperor Jehangir immediately had him brought to Court. He derived great advantage from the Emperor's "perceiving that he had the Turkish tongue, which himself well understood" (His Majesty, we presume, using the Chagatai dialect), and received a mansale of 400, with the promise of promotion to 1000. "Then, because my name was something hard for his pronuntiation, hee called mee English Chan, that is to say English Lord, but in Persia it is the title for a Duke. The Emperor's next whim was to wive his new favourite who endeavoured to escape on the score of religion. So the king, called to mind one Mubarique Sha his daughter, who was a Christian Armenian, and of the race of the most ancient Christians, who was a captain, and in great favor with Ekbar Padasha, this king's father." The lady proved an excellent bargain to her unwilling bridegroom," she being willing to goe where I went, and live as I lived." Shortly after, the Emperor granted the Company's first firman "most effectually written, so firmely for our good and so free as heart can wish, and
[AUGUST, 1879.
Hawkins sent it to William Finch." All this time his enemies, "Mocrebkhan" and the Portuguese had not been idle; and the Imperial favour oscillated from one party to the other, while his "living" (jaghir) was "given him still in places where outlawes raigned." Eventually he seems to have fallen into disfavour, but regained it for a time by bribing Nur Mahal, her father and brother. Eventually, the Emperor told him "that for my nation hee would not grant trade at the sea ports," assigning as a reason the trouble given by the Portuguese upon any favour shown to the English; but offered him personally employment and favour, which Hawkins refused, with spirit, and after some trouble left Agra on the second November 1611. He got to Cambay on the 30th December; and to Sir Henry Middleton's ships, then at "Swally" on the Company's 6th voyage on the 26th January. They were refused all permission to trade, and went to Dabul, where they took a Portugal ship and frigate, "and from thence we departed the fift of March 1611 for the Red sea with an intent to revenge us of the wrongs offered us both by Turks and Mogols." (The Turks at Mocha had treated Middleton very badly.) This they did effectually by taking and holding to ransom the Mogul pilgrim ships, and then proceeded the archipelago. Hawkins died on the voyage home. He adds to his narrative many valuable observations, including a list of Jehangir's Munsabdars.
The Hawkins' voyages do not contain much of special interest to the Orientalist besides his travels, but the first volume under review, which we left to trace his footsteps, gives accounts of Keelinge's voyage, continued after parting from Hawkins at Socotra; Sharpeigh's, who got from Surat to some place beyond Burhanpur, Middleton's great voyage (the Company's sixth) in which he rescued Hawkins, and proved more than a match for Turks, Moguls, and Portuguese, a journal of the 10th voyage of the Company, a calendar of the ship's journals in the India Office, (written in the 17th century), the journal of Knight's search for a North-West passage in 1606, and a list of the Company's ships employed during the seventeenth century, altogether a mass of curious information not easily matched in so small a volume, and from which we would willingly, did space permit, give many more extracts. Both volumes have good indices; and the second contains the report of the Hakluyt Society, with its prospectus and rules, which we recommend to the attention of our readers, as its publications form the only means of obtaining a great deal of original information of the sort dealt with in this notice.
W. F. S.

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SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
237
SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
BY J. F. FLEET, Bo. C.S., M.R.A.S.
(Continued from p. 215.) No. LV.
| under my direct supervision, and is published AIHOLE, the ancient Ayyâ vole, is in Lat. herewith, with a revised translation and adA 16° 1' N. and Longit. 75° 57' E, on the ditional remarks, right bank of the Malå pahâri or Malaprabhê river, The inscription is one of the Western Cha. in the Hungund Talukâ of the Kalådgi District. luky a dynasty. It mentions the following It probably took its name from ayya, 'a Lingayat kings:priest', and pole, 'a river, a road, lustre'; and
Jayasimhavallabha, the Sanskrit form is Aryapura, where arya,
(Jayasimha I.) an honourable man, excellent, wise,' - which is sometimes used as a termination in the names
Raņaråga. of Brahmans, just as ayya is used as a termination in the names of Lingayats of the Jangama
Polekesi, class,-clearly represents the Canarese ayya,
(Pulikesi I.) and pura, a city,' is probably intended to take the place of the Canarese pole, used in the sense Kirttivarma I.
Mangalisa. of 'a road'. In the seventh and eighth centuries A.D., it was a Western Chaluky a Palikėsi II, or
(4 son not capital, and consequently is full of antiquarian Satyåśraya I.
named.) remains of interest. An account of some of The object of it is to record the erection of the architectural remains has been published & stone temple of the god Jinêndra by a by Mr. Burgess in his First Archeological Report. certain Ravikirtti, in Saka 556 (A.D. The inscriptions, however, still remain to be 634-5), during the reign of Pulik oś 1 II. noticed in detail.
When I first published this inscription, I read The earliest and most important of them is the the name of the third king, in l. 3, as Puli Sanskrit inscription at the temple called Mégati. kesi'. There is no doubt, however, that the This temple stands on the highest part of a rocky vowel of the first syllable is o here. As to the hill, west-south-west from the village, on the second syllable,--the characters li and le, as top of which are many dolmens or cromlechs, usually written at this time, are so much alike and in the south face of which, towards the that they may easily be confused. From a east end, is the Jain Cave described by Mr. comparison of all the instances in which there Burgess. Its name, Mêguți' or Myaguti, can be no doubt as to whether li is intended, is the rustic pronunciation of me-gudi, 8c. mél. or le, including those in which lê is the basis gudi, or mélu-gudi, 'the upper temple,' or the of lai, 18, or lau,--the only difference between temple which is up above (on the high place).' | them is that, in lē, the vowel-mark commences in The inscription tells us that the bailding was direct continuation of the upward stroke of the originally a Jain temple; but, as has been the 1, and is then brought round in a loop to the case with most of the Jain temples of these left to join the upward stroke again at the parts, it seems to have been afterwards adapted point at which it starts from it; whereas, in li, to the purposes of Linga worship. It is now the vowel-mark is more like a circle set on the disused, and has begun to fall in.
top of the opward stroke of the l, so that part The tablet containing the inscription is 4 feet of it lies to the right, and part to the left, of 114 inches broad by 2 feet 2 inches high, and the upward stroke : contrast, for instance, kálé, is let into the outside of the east side-wall of the in l. 16, and malinas, in 1. 8. The vowel i is temple. It has been edited by me, with attached to l in a similar way; see, for instance, lithograph from the estampage taken by myself, mauli, in l. 1. The second syllable, therefore, at Vol. V., p. 67. An improved facsimile has is certainly le here. In l. 7, on the other hand, now been prepared from the same estampage the name is undoubtedly 'Pulikes i'; the
* No. 73 of Pali, Sanskrit, and Old Canarese, Inscriptions; and Third Archological Report, Plate LXVI.

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vowel of the first syllable is the subscriptu, This inscription abounds in historical alluand the i is attached to the l in rather a differ- sions. As affecting the history of these parts, ent way, analogous instances to which may be the most important are the mention of the found in anupalitá, in l. 20 of the Badami Cave. Kada mbas, the Katachchuris, and the inscription, PL. XXXII. of the First Archeologi- Gangas, and the reference to Vana vási, cal Report, and in Chalikyanán, in l. 4 of No. or the modern Banawasi, to the Mauryas in XXVII. of my inscriptions in this Journal, the Konkanas, who were ejected by CharVol. VI., p. 72. In 1.7 of the present inscrip- dadanda under the orders of Pulikê bi II., tion, it is true, the name is that of (Satya- and to App & yika-Govinda, who was fra ya I. or) Pulike si II., the grandson of probably of the Rashtrak û ta family. In the Polekê bi whom I have termed in the 1. 12 we have almost the earliest mention of genealogy Pulike si I.' But these are this part of the country under its name only varying forms of one and the same name; of Maharashtra; the only earlier instance for, in l. 8 of No. LII. of my inscriptions in this of which I am aware, is a passage in the MakaJournal, (page 44 above), Pulike si II. varis (Chap. xii., p. 71), brought to my notice is called Satyasraya-Polekê śivalla- by Professor Weber. As to the city of bha, in which the vowels of both syllables are Våtâ pipuri or V &tâ pinagari, which quite certain, the e being marked by a stroke was made the capital of the dynasty by attached in a different way, as it is attached to Pulike II, probably by conquest from some other consonants, quite to the left of the l; and family of kings already settled there, there can in l. 6 of No. XXVII., (Vol. VI., p. 73) men- be no doubt that it is the modern Bâdami, the tioned above, I think that the name, here of well-known remains at which show that it was Pulike si L. should be read Polek és i. in former times a place of much importance. vallabha,' not 'Polikêśivallabha' Taking the old form of the name, 'Bå då vi, as it is published. Taking together all the which we meet with as far back as in an inscriptions in which this name occurs, the rule inscription dated when Saka 621 (A.D. seems to be that, when the vowel of the first 699-700) had expired,” the interchange of syllable is o, then the vowel of the second is e, letters, -vá with ba; tá with dd ; and pi with and when the vowel of the first syllable is u, then | vi,- is natural enough, whether we take 'B &the vowel of the second is i, or, sometimes, a. davi' as the Prakrit corruption of a Sanskrit
The same remarks concerning the similarity Vatâpi,' or whether we take Vâta pi' of li and lẽ should be borne in mind in respect as the Sanskritized version of a Dravidian name, of the name of Manga lisa, the second son or as a name which, being already known in of Pulikêśi I. The third syllable, 11. 5 and Sanskrit literature, was selected to represent a 7, is undoubtedly li, by mistake for U. We Dravidian name resembling it so closely in sound. might expect Mangaléśa', rather than But further confirmation of my proposition is Mangalisa'; especially as in l. 11 of No. XL. forthcoming. There are two local Náhátonyas; (Vol. VII., p. 161) he is called Mangala- one connected with the temple of the goddess raja.' But Mangalisand, for Margalisaná, Ban 8-6 amkari, about three miles to the is distinctly the reading in l. 1 of Pl. XXXIV., south-east of Badami, and the other connected No. 11, of the First Archeological Report; and with the temple of the god Mah â kata or
Maṁ galis a' is the form of the name in the Mahak at de vara, about three miles away Miraj copper-plate and the Yêwûr stone-tablet in the hills to the east of Badêmi. I bave (No. L., at page 10 above); and on examina- examined them both. The Banaskari-Md. tion of the estampage from which the litho hátnya contains nothing of importance, beyond graph was made, I consider Mangali- mentioning the name of Bådå vi.' But the śvara,' for 'Maigaliśvara'-rather than Mahákúla-Mahátmya transfers to this locality
Mangal & svara,' as published, -to be the the destruction of the demon brothers V atâ pi form intended in l. 5 of Pl. XXXII. of the and Ilvala by Agastya, which myth is First Archeological Report.
allotted in the Puranas to some unspecified See note 13 below.
* To be published in a subsequent paper on the Bidámi inscriptions.

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SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS
239
place in the Vindhya mountains. When I The name "Vâtà pi' occurs also in a rockvisited this temple, which is at the least of inscription, of uncertain but early date, recently the age of the Western Chaluky a king discovered by me at Badami. It is, unfortuVijay aditya-Satyasraya, since there nately, very fragmentary. But the Palla vas is an inscription of his on a pillar in the porch also are mentioned in it. It is probable, thereof the principal shrine,- I found two large stone fore, that it was from them that Pulike si I. images of the demon brothers standing one on wrested the city with its territories. each side of the principal gateway of the court- Tradition tells us that the Chalu kyas of yard. The worthlessness of Mahatmyas as Vå tapipuri came originally from the north. historical records is proverbiul; but," in a matter Neither in this, nor in any of her inscription, is of this kind, they involuntarily furnish valuable there any distinct assertion that Jayasimha I. testimony. At whatever time the Mahák úta- and Raņa râga exercised dominion in the Máhútmya, necessarily a somewhat modern south. And from the epithet sriténdulántik, production, may have been written, the writer of applied in l. 3 to Puli kêś i I., and contrasted it was manifestly well aware that in some way by the word api with the statement aydsid= or other the name of 'V åt & pi' was connected Vátapipuri-vadhu varatám, I am now strongly with the locality, and that, in writing such inclined to think that, before he conquered a record as he was desirous of producing, it Vatapipuri, he had a capital named Induwas incumbent on him to explain the fact. He kânti, which may be looked for somewhere has given the only explanation that suggested in the north, and that he was the first to itself to him, or that it suited his purpose to establish the family in the south. give; and, as usual, the explanation is in. This inscription is also of importance from a complete, and at first sight worthless. But the literary point of view, as showing, by mentioning true inference to be drawn is clear; viz., that the poets Kaļid îs a and Bhåravi, that, by the name of Vât âpi,' however derived, is this time, their names were already well-known, really and historically connected with the and their fame established. Ravikir tti himneighbourhood of Ma há k û ta, and in fact, self also, the composer of the inscription, must that Và tâpi and Bad à vi are one and the have been a poet of some talent, to judge from same name and place. Further, in the inscrip- the style of his present production. tion spoken of ahove, which is dated " when "When I first published this inscription, my Saka 621 had expired," and is at Badami itself, interpretation of the date of it was "when the in an old temple now called the Kalla-Matha and Saka year 506, or the Kaliyuga year 3550, or used as a dwelling-house, the two forms of the the year 3730 of the war of the Mahabhaname are still more closely connected. For we are rata, had expired." It had also been noticed, first told, in Sanskrit, that the Western Cha- from a photograph, by the late Dr. Bhau Daji, luky a king Vijay aditya-Satyasraya in Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc., Vol. IX.; bat established the gods Brahma and Vishņu it had not been previously published in detail. and Maheśvara at the town of V å tå pi; He varied in his interpretation of the date, and then follows a passage, prefaced by the taking it, at p. 315, as Saka 506, the 3855th words“ After that, these verses were given in year of the Kaliyuga, and the 3730th-year the Prakrit language", in which the name of the war of the Mahabharata, and at Bå då vi' occurs. This may point top. cxcix., as Saka 506, the 3506th year of the Bå dá vi,' and thence Bâdami,' being the Kaliyuga, and the 3855th year of the war corruption of a Sanskrit V â tâpi,' rather of the Mahabharata. Every letter of the than to Vât å pi' being the Sanskritized passage containing the date is perfectly legible, version of a Dravidian name. But it should be and is quite certain. The only question is as remarked that Professor Monier Williams sag- to the way in which it should be translated. gests only a doubtful etymology for V Atâpi, Dr. Bhau Daji's varying interpretations must and none at all for 'Il vala'; which induces be due to careless reading of the passage, as the inforence that both may be Dravidian names. well as to a mistaken method of dealing with it. • vatdpy-adhishthans.
Ath. parave Prekrita-bhashayd (or bhashdydis) padyanyetini dattani.

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[SEPTEMBER, 1879.
I arrived at my interpretation of the date synchronous with the termination of the close through following too readily his method of of the war of the Mahabharata; he has handling the words recording, it. But, as I spoken of it as the era of the Bharata war, pointed out at the time, it did not agree with instead of as the era of the Kaliyuga; and the usual relative computation of the Saka era he has inserted the words Kalau kálė, 'in Kali and the Kaliyuga, by which Saka 506 should time,' in the second verse, either because there be Kaliyuga 3685. And, as I subsequently had was no room for them in the first verse, or, as a occasion to remark, it did not agree with the simple pleonasm, because he had not enough date of No. XXVIL of my inscriptions in this words to fill up the second verse. Dr. Eggeling's Journal, (Vol. VI., p. 72), which is dated in the translation of the passage is :-"Three thousand third year of the reign of Pulikasi II.," when seven bundred and thirty-five years having Saka 534 had expired."
passed from the Bharata war (i.e., from the At Vol. V., p. 152, Dr. Bühler has suggested beginning of the Kaliyuga) up to this time; that the writer of this inscription undoubtedly and, of Saka rulers, five hundred and fifty-six intended to give the date of it in the Saka era, years having likewise expired in Kali time." according to the custom of the Western Cha- This is, of course, rather an awkward way of luk yas, but, in computing the corresponding expressing a date. But it is intelligible; and, year of the Kaliyuga, inadvertently con- if we assume for the nonce that the kings of founded the Saka year 506 with the year 506 England established an era dating from the of the Vikrama era, -for the year 506 of the Norman Conquest in A. D. 1066, it is just Vikrama era would certainly correspond with the same as if we were to say that such and the year 3550 of the Kaliyuga. It is, how- such a building; finished in A. D. '1878, was ever, unnecessary, to have recourse to this so- completed “when 1878 years had expired lution of the difficulty.
from the birth of Christ, and when 812 years The matter stands thus :-If the Saka year of the English kings had expired in the 506 is really intended, we ought to have, as era A. D." corresponding to it, Kaliyuga 3685, which can- That Saka 556 (A. D. 634-5) is the date not be made out from the text. If, on the intended in the present inscription there can be other hand, Kaliyuga 3550 is correctly deduced no doubt. -1, By his copper-plate grant, No. from the text, we ought to have, as correspond- XXVII. of my inscriptions in this Journal, the ing to it, Saka 371, which, again, cannot be accession of Palik esi II. was in Saka 531.made out from the text,--to say nothing of its 2, His conquest of Harsha or Harshavarentire discrepancy from the dates of all the dhana, which is spoken of in all subsequent other early Western Chaluky a inscriptions.. copper-plate grants and in the present stoneNow Dr. Bhau Daji's method of handling the tablet inscription, is not alluded to in that passage, followed by myself, was uncouth, grant. Consequently it had not then taken inasmuch as it necessitated an ellipsis of the | place, and the date of the present inscription words "three thousand years" in the expression recording it, must be later than Saka 534, of the Kaliyuga date, and also made the the date of that grant.-And 3, As is seen passage containing the Kaliyuga date run on from the important extracts given by Mr. from one verse, complete in itself, into another. Burgess in his account of the Chalu kyas at
I have discussed this passage with Dr. Third Archaeological Report, p. 26, the Chinese Eggeling, and we are entirely at one as to the pilgrim Hiwen Thsang, who sojourned in India proper translation.
from A. D. 629 to 645, or Saka 551 to 567, Take each of the two verses by itself, and visited the court of Ho-li-sha-fa-t'an-na or what is the result? The numerical words Harsha vardhana, otherwise called Shiin the first give 3735, and the numerical words lo-o'-t'ie-to or Siladitya, and describes, and in the second give 556. Now, Saka 556 was apparently visited the capital of the kingdom of Kaliyaga 3735. What, then, has the writer of Mo-ho-la-ch'a or Maha râshtra, the king of this inscription done ? Out of several methods which was named Pu-lo-ki-she or, undoubtedly, of computing the Kaliyuga, he has followed Palikesi II. that by which the commencement of it is made! In fine, two eras only are referred to, not

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Page #268

STONE-TABLET AT THE TEMPLE CALLED MEGUTI AT AIHOLE
ပု
Ech as fcJJu ne ( 162aပျိုဗaga32845-383Jaa -တ္ထုများ 1 merr Baad/
s3 | 33၅ တွင်ဖ3u5fe ၊ မိရွgsI5]23
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F3112 (39\
n ge3eAynaminationE+ B 3 gadguyu 561 ဖြင့် regard* 633212cussy+၂-၂၀e Ah5oej uania){3၃၂နှမ်း ၂၅၀၀ 3jwn994 နိုင်ပြီး အ34 55 654s; EasualBoyy ညီအ" adb3w သိ မည် ဖြစ်ပျက်တစ်ဘက်တစ် ညွှန်းနှင့်ရှင်
/can Rinsey - 1350 ပန်း"(မန် ဆand payroonanjထမကမ္ဘာ့ဒ်ဒီးကဒ်မပါ) ၁၄ပစ်သမျှ
ခြင်းမျိုး အဖြစ် 29
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9 ) ( များ ပါရှိခဲ့သလိပ် )န္ဒam | 3 AT 31 1 2
ရင် ခွဲ {{{7 175 36 9 5 5 1/2
) 315 )
•
Ae + J2A, R/

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SEPTEMBER, 1879.] SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
three as I at first thought; and the date given is "when Saka 556, corresponding to Kaliyuga 3735, had expired."
I may also mention that, long after the above remarks were first written by me, it became known to me that, at much about the same time,
[*] Jayati bhagavin()-Jinndré
Transcription.
chiram=
...ja......ra(? ksha)na-janmanô yasya jñâna-samudr-ântarggatam-akhilan-jagad-antarîpam-iva (II) Tad-anu a-parim ya Chalukya-kula-vipula-jalanidhir-jjayati (1) prithiv-mauli(i)-lalimnāṁ yah-prabhavah-purusha-ratnânâm | Sûrê vidushi cha vibhajan-dânam-mânan-cha yugapad-êkatra || (1)
[2] a-vihita-yâthâsam(?)dhyo(?) jayati cha Satyâśrayas-su-chiram | Prithivi-vallabha-sabdô yêshâm-anvartthatâñ-chirañ(m)-ja (ya) tah tad-vamśêsha jigîshushu têshu bahushy= apy titsha Nünd-bêti-fat-bhighâta-patita-bhrint-déva-patti-dviplarityad-bhimakavandha-kha(kha?)dga-kirana-jvåll-sahasra(srë) rapo
241
Professor R. G. Bhandarkar had, by a very similar process of reasoning, independently arrived at the same result. His remarks will be found in a paper on a Western Chalukya copper-plate grant, published by him at Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc., Vol. XIV., p. 16.
[*] Lakshmi(kahml)r-bhivita-chipal-apichakriti auryylon yên-itmaakt rj-sij-Jayasiûha"vallabha iti khyâtas-Chaluky-anvayah (1) Tad-âtmajô-bhûd-Rara paraga-nâmâ divy-ânubhavô jagad-êka-nâthaḥ amânushatvaṁ kila yasya lokal ssu(su)ptasya jânâti vapuh-prakarshat [*] Tasy-abhavat-tanûjah-Polekêsi(st) ya(yah) 10 śritEndakinti api [*]Sri-vallabhô-py-aylald-Vitkpipari-vadhi-varatim | Yet-trivargga-padavim-alah kahitau n-ânugantam-adhan-kpi rajakam bhûl-cha yina hayamêdha-yajina pripit-ivabhrithamajjanâ babhau [*] Nala-Mauryya-Kadamba-kâla-ratriḥ (tri)s=tanayas-tasya babhûma (va) Kirttivarmmâ para-dâra-nivṛitta-chitta-vritter-api dhir-yasya ripu-śri["]y-knukrisht || Rapa-parikkra (kra)ma-labdha-jaya-áriyk sapadi yêna viragua(gpa)maishataḥ nripati-gandha-gajêna mah-aujasâ prithu-Kadamba-kadamba-kadambakam1 [*] Tasmin-Surêsvara-vibhûti-gat-âbhilashê raj-ábhavat-tad-anujali-kila Mangali(li)śaḥ yah-parvva-palchima-aamudra-tat-dshit-déva(ávab)
Two letters are illegible here.
Two letters are illegible here.
With this instance of the substitution of the guttural nasal n for the Anusvåra, compare sagôtrânân-Hariti, in the Badami Cave-inscription, Pl. XXXII. of the First Report, 1.1; trinsan, in No. XXI. of my inscriptions in this Journal, Vol. VI., p. 24, L. 8; Sinha, in id. No. XXV., Vol. VI, p. 30, 1. 8; vansa, in id., No. XLI., Vol. VII., p. 164, 11. 12 and 20; vinsati, in id., No. LII., 1. 10, p. 44 above; vansa, in id., No. LIII., IL. 14 and 22, p. 46 above; and vansa, 1. 3, vin satimam, 1. 18, and dvd-tritrijnsani, 1. 19, of a (P) Chalukya grant at Jo. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc., Vol. X. p. 348.
sena-rajah-pata-viziramita-dig
vitânaḥ [] Sphuran-mayûkhair-asi-dipika-sataiḥ
[] vyudasya Matanga-tamisen-salchayam sviptavin-yo rapa-ranga-mandir Ka(ke)tachchuri śri-lalanâ-parigrahâm || Punar-api cha jighrikshôs-sainyam-âkkrâ (krâ)nta-salam ruchira-bahu-patakam Rêvati-dvîpam-âśu sapadi mahad-udanvat-toya-samkkrâ (krâ)ntabimbam Vara (ru)na-balam-iv-âbhûd-âgatam yasya vâchâ| Tasy-âgrajasya tanayê Nahush-ânubhagê(vê) Lakshmyâ kil-âbhi
[] lashite Pulikêsi-nâmni såsûyam-âtmani bhavantam-atah-pitrivyam jñâtv-âparuddha-charitavyavasaya-buddhau [*] Sa yad-upachita-mantr-ôtsâha-sakti-prayoga-kshapita-balaviśêsho Mangali(li) sas-samantât sva-tanaya-gata-râjy-ârambha-yatnêna sârddham nijam atanu cha rajyañ-jivitañ-ch-ôjjhati sma | Tâvat-tach-chhatra-bhangê jagad= akhilam-arâty-andhakâr-ôparuddham
This second ra is superfluous.
10 This letter, ya, was at first omitted, and then inserted above the line.
11 The original has chitte in the line, and vṛitta inserted below it, for ttavri, which is the proper order of the omitted syllables.
12 The Visarga was commenced here, but was a mistake. The lower part of it is covered by the m; the upper part remains uncancelled.
13 It is doubtful whether the first syllable is ka or ke; the second is distinctly ta. In all probability the Kalachurie are referred to; and Katachchuri' may be a mistake of the engraver for Kalachchuri,' or it may be a varying form of the name. In some other instances I have found Kalachuri' spelt Kalachchuri,' and also 'Kachchuri,' for metrical reasons, which would apply here; but in prose passages it is always Kalachuri, or Kalachurya'.

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[*] yasy=&sahya-pratâ pa-dynti-tatibhir=iv=kkkrå (krá)ntam-asitprabhatam nțityad-vidyat.
pata kail-prajavini maruti kshunna-payya(ryya)nta-bhagair=ggarijadbhiruvvarivîsai(hai)r-aļi-kula-malinam vyôma yatam kada va | Labdhå (bdhvá) kalam bhuvame upagatê jótum=Appâyik-akhyê Govinde cha dvirada-nikarair=uttar-Ambhômadhi)rathyâh(thyah) yasywanikair-yudhi bhaya-rasa-jñatvamwekah-prayâtas-tatr=vâptam=
phalam=upaksitasyP') parêņ=api sadyah 1 (11) Varada-tunga-taranga-ranga-vilasad-Dhamsa-nadi(di)-mékhalam
Vanavâsim=avamridnatas=sura-pura-prasparddharddhi)nim sampadá mahata yasya balârnavena paritas-sanchhâdit-ôrvvi-talam sthala-darggan-jala-durggatâm=iva gataṁ tat-tat-pa(ksha)nê paśyatâm [1 ] Gang-Alup-êndrà vyasanâni sapta hitvi
pur-Ôpårijita-sampadô=pi yasy=knubhav-Ôpanatas-sad-âsanna[] sanna-sêv-amrita-pâna-saundaḥ(ndih) [l*] Konkaņêshu yad-adishta-Chandadand-ambu
vichibhiḥ udastastarasà Mauryya-palval-îmbu-samriddhayah (ID) Apara-jaladhêr= Llakshmim yasmin=purim=Parabhit-prabhô mada-gaja-ghat-akârair=nnâvâm satair= avamridnati jalada-patal-anik-aki(ki)rņņan=nav-ôtpala-mêchakañ-jalanidhir=iva vyôma
vyômnas=sa["7 mô=bhavad=ambabhiḥ(dhih) [ll"] Pratáp-ôpanatâ yasya Låta-Mâļava-Gürjjarah dand
@panata-sâ manta-charyyâ varyyå iv=abhavan || Aparimita-vibhati-sphita-samanta-sêni. makuta-maņi-mayükh-akkra(kra)nta-pâd-åra vindah yudhi patita-gaja(8)ndr-Anika-vi(bi)
bhatsa-bhûtô bhaya-vigaļita-harshô yêna ch=&kåri Harshah || Bhuvam=urubhir=anikaiś=śå["] satô yasya Rêvô(vâ) vividha-puļina-śôbhê vandhya(ndya)-Vindhy-Ôpakantha adhikataram=
arâjat=syêna tējô-mahimna śikharibhir-ibha-varjyå varpma(rshma)ņa (nam) sparddhayêvail* Vidhivad-upachital bis-saktibhis-Sakkra(kra)-kalpastisribhirwapi gun-aughaissvaiś=cha mâhâkul-adyaih agamad-adhipatitvam yô Maharashtrakanam nava-navati
sahasra-gråma-bhâjânn trayâņam [II] Grihiņam sva. ["] sva "gañaistri-vargga-tungâ vihit-anya-kshitipåla-mâna-bhanga(ngah) abhavann=upajâta
bhíti-lingâ yad-anîkêna sa-K0 [sa]là k=Kalinga(ngâh) (II*] Pishtar Pishtapuram gêna jậtam durggam-a-durggamañ=chitram yasya kalêr=vpittam játam darggama-durggamam (ID) Sannaddha-vårana-ghatâ-sthagit-antaraļam n ân-âyodha-kshata-nara-kshataj
Angaragam &sij=jalam yad-avamardditam=abhra-garbham kaunâļama"] mbaram=iv=ôji (riji)ta-sândhya-ragam | Uddhat-amala-chava(ma)ra.dhvaja-sata-chchhatr
Andhakarair=vvalaiḥ sauryy.Ôtså ha-ras-ôddhat-ari-mathanair=mmaul-a (â)dibhish=shadvidhaih akkrå (krâ)nt-atma-bal-Ônnatim-bala-rajas-sañichhanna-Kanchipurah(ra)-pråkårântarita-pratâ pam=akarôd=yah=Pallavânâm=patim | Kavêrî drita-saphari-vilôlâ-nêtrå
Chôânâm sapadi jay-ôdyatasya yasya praschyotan-mada-gaja-sê["'] tu-ruddha-nira samsparsam pariharati sma ratna-raśêh (ID Chola-Kerala-Påņdyânâm yê=
bhût=tatra mah-arddhayê Pallav-Ânika-nihậra-tuhinêtaradidhitih Utså ha-prabhu-mantrasakti-sahitê yasmin=samastå dißo jitvå bhůmi-patin-visrijya mshitinraraddhya(dhya) dêva-dvijân Vâtîpin-nagarîm=praviấya nagarimekâm=iv=ôvvi(rvvi)m=imam chañchan
ni(ni)radhi(dhi)-nila-nira-parikhâm ] Satyaśrayê sisati | Trimsatsu tri-sahasrêshu Bharatâd-ahavad-itab sapt-abda-sata-yukteshu
sa(ga)tôshv=abdôshu pañchasu (1) Panchaçatsu Kalau kalê shatsu pancha-satasu cha
samasu samatîtásu Sakânâm=api bhůbhajâm | Tasy=îmbudbi-traya-nivårita-śâsanasya [^] Satyasrayasya param=Aptavata prasadam śailañ=Jinêndra-bhavanam-bhavanam=mahimnân=
nirmma pitam=matimata Ravikirttin=edam || Prasastêr=vvasatês=ch=isyah(eya) Jinasya trijagad-gurôl=karttâ kârayitâ chrapi Ravikirttihkriti svayam | Yên=âyojita-vêsma sthiram arttha-vidhau vivêkin Jina-vêśma sa vijayatârn Ravikirttik=kavit-A
1 Between durgga and tamniva, the original has tami. vagn, engraved by mistake, and then partially eased.
Is This second ava is redundant, to both metre and sense.
16 In the original ja was at first engraved, then the was partially erased, and i was inserted above the line and u below it.

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5157 srita-Kalidasa-Bharavi-kirttih (I) Mala(?)valli-Velmaltikavada-Pachcha(?vva)nûr-Gganga
vůr-Puligere-Gandavagráma(ma) iti asya bhukti(ktih) [ll*] Giri(re)s=tatât=paschimAbhigata(tam) Nimûvårir-yyâva(vat) Mahapathậntapurasya si(si)må uttaratah (tô)
dakshinato [19] 19 ...... ga ... na l* Translation.
he possessed" (the city of) Induk anti, and Victorious is the holy one, Jinend ra; the though he was the favourite of the goddess of whole world is, as it were, an island in the fortune, became the bridegroom of the bride centre of the sea which is the knowledge of him, which was the city of Vât apipur 1. Even who was born from .........! now no kings upon the earth can imitate his
After that, victorious for a long time is the practice of the three pursuits of life"; and th mighty ocean of the Chalukya family, which earth became radiant in being endowed by him, is immeasurable, and which is the origin of who celebrated horse-sacrifices, with the purifijewels of men, who are the ornaments of the catory ablutions that are performed after sacridiadem of the earth!
fices. Victorious for a very long time is Satya- His son was Kirttivarma, the night of ś ra y a*, who adheres to his promises even death to the Na!as and the Mauryas and though they are not actually enforced by pre- the Kadambas; though he withheld his cept, bestowing charity and honour upon the thoughts from the wives of other men, yet his brave and the learned at the same time and at mind was attracted by the goddess of the the same place.
fortunes of his enemies. Straightway the Many members of that race, desirous of con- Kadamba-tree, which was the confederacy of quest, whose title of favourite of the world the mighty Kadambas, was broken to enjoyed for a long time the condition of being a pieces by him, the mighty one, a very choice title the meaning of which was obvious and elephant of a king, who had acquired the goddess suitable, having passed away :
of victory by his prowess in war. When he There was the famous king Jayasimha- had concentrated his desires on the dominion valla bha of the Chalu ky a lineage, who, of powerand dignity of the lord of the gods :with his bravery, won for himself the goddess His younger brother Mangal'i ba-whose of fortune, fickle though she is, in warfare in horses were picketed on the shores of the oceans which the bewildered horses and foot-soldiers of the east and the west, and who covered all and elephants were felled by the blows of many the points of the compass with a canopy through hundreds of weapons, and in which there flashed the dust of his armies,-became king. Having thousands of the rays of the rhinoceros-hide with hundreds of scintillating torches, which armour" of dancing and fear-inspiring headless were swords, dispelled the darkness, which was trunks.
the race of the Matangas,-in the bridal His son was he who bore the name of pavilion of the field of battle he obtained as his Raņa råga, of god-like dignity, the sole lord wife the lovely woman who was the goddess of of the world; verily, through the excellence the fortunes of the Katachchurie." And of his body, mankind recognised, even while he again, when he wished quickly to capture the was asleep, that he was of more than human islınd of) Rêvatid vipa, straightway his essence.
mighty army-which abounded in splendid His son was Polekê śi, who, even though banners, and which had beset the ramparts,
11 The characters here differ somewhat from those of the body of the inscription, as if this part was added later, or by a different hand.
15 One letter is illegible here, or perhaps two. 19 One letter is illegible here.
20 Palika II.; first mentioned under his proper name in 1. 7 of the text. According to a frequent custom, he being the reigning monarch at the time of this inscription, his game is given here before the introduction of his genealogy
* Khadga, belonging to a rhinoceros' (khadga), e.g. armour made of rhinoceros-hide. The reading, however, may be a mistake for khadga, 'sword.'
* Srita, 'gone to, approached, obtained, possessed.'
23 Ayasit varatam; lit., went to, or arrived at the condition of being the bridegroom. From this expression it is to be inferred that it waa Polekést, or Pulikest I., who first made V At.&pipuri the capital of the family, and that he came from a previously held capital named Indokanti, which is probably to be looked for somewhere in the north.
** The trivarga is twofold ;-1, the three pursuits of life, vis, religion, pleasure, and wealth ; and 2, the three conditions of a king or kingdom, vie., progress, remaining stationary, and decline.
* i.e., 'when he died. * See note 13 above,
36 Indra.

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being reflected in the water of the ocean, was if it were the army of Varuna, that had come at his command. When his elder brother's son named Pulikê sî, of dignity like that of Nahusha, was desired by the goddess of fortunes, and had his actions and his determination and his intelligence perverted by the knowledge that his uncle was enviously disposed towards him,-he, Mangalisa, whose advantage of power was completely destroyed by the use of the faculties of counsel and energy that were accumulated by him, lost his notslender kingdom and life in the attempt to secure the sovereignty for his own son.
The whole world, which then, in this interregnum, was enveloped by the darkness of enemies, was lit up by the masses of the lustre of his unendurable splendour; otherwise, when was it that the dawn (again) bespread the sky, which was of a dark colour, like a swarm of bees, by reason of the thunderclouds which had the glancing lightning for their banners, and the edges of which were bruised (by striking against each other) in the rushing wind? And when, having obtained an opportunity, Govinda", who bore the title of Appâyika, came to conquer the earth with his troops of elephants, then at the hands of the armies of him who was straightway assisted even by the western (ocean), he, whose path was the ocean of the north, acquired in war a knowledge of the emotion of fear, the reward which he there obtained." When he was laying siege to Van â vasi, girt about by (the river) Ham sâna di which disports itself in the theatre which is the high waves of the Varada, and surpassing with its prosperity the city of the gods, the fortress which was on the dry land, having the surface of the earth all round it covered by the great ocean which was his army, became, as it were, in the very sight of those that looked on, a fortress in
6
25 i.e., was preferred by the people to Mangalia and his son."
39 i.e., Pulikêst.'
30 Lit., at this breaking of the umbrella (of sovereignty)."
si i.e., Palikê's.'
33 Probably one of the Rashtrakutas, several of whom bore this name, and who were always renowned for their elephants.
33 i.e., Palikes.'
3.e., Govinda.'
[SEPTEMBER, 1879.
the middle of the sea. Even the princes of the Gangas and the Alupa s", though they had already acquired prosperity, were always eager in drinking the nectar of close attendance upon him, being attracted by his dignity, and having abandoned the seven sins. In the Ko ǹkanas, the watery stores of the pools which were the Maury as were quickly ejected by the great wave which was Chandad anda, who acted at his command. When he, who resembled the destroyer of cities, was besieging that city, which was the goddess of the fortunes of the western ocean, with hundreds of ships that had the resemblance of elephants mad with passion,-the sky, which was as blue as a newly opened lotus, and which was covered with masses of clouds, became like the ocean, and the ocean was like the sky. Being subdued by his prowess, the Lâtas and the Mâļavas and the Gurjar as became, as it were, worthy people, behaving like chieftains brought under subjection by punishment. Envious because his troops of mighty elephants were slain in war, Harsha,-whose lotuses, which were his feet, were covered with the rays of the jewels of the chiefs that were nourished by his immeasurable power, was caused by him to have his joy melted away by fear. While he was governing the earth with his great armies, the Rê vào, which is near to the venerable (mountain of) Vindhya, and which is beauteous with its varied sandy stretches, shone the more by virtue of his own glory, though it was deserted by its elephants from envy of the mountains in the matter of their size. Being almost equal to Sakra" by the three constituents of kingly power that were properly acquired by him, and by his own virtues which were his high lineage and others, he attained the sovereignty of the three (countries called) Maharashtraka, which contained ninety-nine thousand villages. The
35 The meaning would seem to be that Govinda came in ships by way of the sea from the north, and that Pulikest was assisted to defeat him by some seafaring allies dwelling on the western coast.
36 The Varada, modern Wardâ, flows close under the walls of the present town of Banawasi. Hamsanadi' is probably the old name of a tributary stream of some size that flows into the Wards about seven miles higher up.
37 The Alupas, or perhaps Alupas, are mentioned again, as the foes of the Chalukyas in later times, in No. 2 of my second series of Kadamba inscriptions, at Jo. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc., Vol. IX., p. 278, 1. 12.
38 Siva; or Indra.
39 Compared with the sails of the ships.
The Narmada, modern Nerbudda. 41 Indra.
Viz., prabhutva, the majesty or preeminence of the king himself'; mantra, the power of good counsel'; and utsäha, the force of energy.""

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Kô sales and the Kaling 88,-who, by possessing the good qualities of householders, had become eminent in the three parguits of life, and who had effected the humbling of the prido of other kings, manifested signs of fear at the appearance of) his army. Being reduced by him, the fortress of Pishtapura became not difficult of access; the actions of this hero were the most difficult of all things that are difficult of attainment. The water which was stirred up by him, having its inter- stices filled by his dense troops of elephants, and being coloured with the blood of the men who were slain in his many battles, surpassed the hues of evening, and was like the sky when it is full of clouds and of swarms of cuckoos." With his armies, which were darkened by the spotless chowris and hundreds of banners and umbrellas that were waved over them, and which annoyed his enemies who were inflated with valour and energy, and which consisted of the six constituents of hereditary followers &o., he caused the leader of the Palla vas, who aimed at the eminence of his own power, to
ver. to hido his prowess behind the ramparts of the city of) Kanchipura, which was concealed under the dust of his army. When he prepared himself speedily for the conquest of the Chôļas, the (river) Kâ vêri, which abounds in the rolling eyes of the carp, abandoned its contact with the ocean, having the onward flow of) its waters obstructed by the bridge formed by his elephants from whom rut was flowing. There he caused the great prosperity of the Cholas and the Keralas and the Pân. dyas, but became a very sun to (melt) the hoar. frost which was the army of the Palla vas.
While he, Satyasraya, possessed of energy and regal power and good counsel, - having conquered all the regions, and having dismissed with honour the (subjugated) kings, and having propitiated the gods and the Brahmans, and having entered the city of Vatapi, ---was governing the whole world, which is girt about by a moat which is the dark blue water of the dancing ocean, as if it were one city
Thirty, (and) three thousand, joined with seven centuries of years, (and) five years, having gone
by from the war of the Bharatas up to now ;
And fifty (and) six (and) five hundred years of the saka kings having elapsed-in-(thein subdivision of) Kali time;
This stone-temple of Jinêndra, which is the abode of glory, was caused to be constructed by the learned Ravikirtti, who had acquired the greatest favour of that same Satyasraya, whose commands were restrained (only) by the (limits of) the three oceans." The accomplished Ravikirtti himself is the composer of this eulogy, and the person who caused to be bau this abode of Jina, the father of the three worlds. Victorious be Ravikirtti, who has attained the fame of KAļida sa and of Bhâravi by his poetry, and by whom, possessed of discrimination as to that which is useful in life, the firm abode of Jina has been invested with & dwelling place!
This is the possession of this (god) ;--(The hamlet of) (?) Mûlaval!i; (the town of) Veļmaltika våda; (the village of) (?) Pachchan ùr; (the village of Gangavar; (the village of) Puligere; (and the village of) Garda vagrama. To the west of the slope of the mountain, (there is) (?) (the field called) Nimů v ári, extending up to the boundary of (the city of Mahapath â ntapura"; and on the north and on the south.......
No. LVI. In the courtyard of the Môguti temple at Aihoļe there stands a monumental stone", with & short Old-Canarese inscription on it, in OldCanarese characters of the twelfth or thirteenth century.
The tablet is in three compartments. The apper compartment contains :- In the centre, a figure of Jinên dra, with two Yakshas above it, and on the right and left, a kneeling figure, apparently of a woman, facing towards the image. The centre compartment containg the writing. The lower compartment contains - In the centre, a linga ; and on its right, one kneeling figure, and on its left two kneeling figures, apparently of women, facing towards the linga.
1
- The clouds are compared with the elephants, and the caokoos with the blood.
** .e.,' who was the king of the whole oountry bounded by the eastern, the western, and the southern Oceano. .
*** Or,' of the city which is at the edge of the main road.'
The last word of the inscription is only partly legible, and the effaced letters cannot be supplied. It is probably the name of some place,
* No. 74 of Pal, Sanskrit, and ou Canarese, Inscrip tions.

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Nisidi is given by Sanderson as 'a bill of acquittance;' Dr. Bhau Dâjis translates it by 'house of rest,' on the analogy of an inscription in the Udayagiri caves in Orissa; this is probably its meaning as used here. The Mûlasa mgha, or original assembly,' is frequently referred to in inscriptions, and seems to be some ancient Jain sect. Seṭṭi-gutti seems to be a corruption of setti-gupta, and to mean 'a protected, or privileged, merchant'. Ramba rage, or Rambirage, was a Sindavamsa capital; I have not been able to identify it, but it must have been somewhere within, or
[SEPTEMBER, 1879.
close to, the limits of the present Kalâdgi District.
A Hindu boy is first taken to school when he attains his fifth year, and for the occasion a lucky day is selected. On this day a feast is held at the house of his father, when the boy is richly dressed and decorated with jewels, and seated either on horseback or in an open palanquin, preceded by music and a party of friends and relations. In the school a carpet is spread for him to sit upon, and a wooden board, páti, dusted over with red powder, is placed in front of the seat with the image of Sarasvati, the goddess of learning, drawn on it. When the procession arrives at the school, the master receives the guests, and places the boy on the seat prepared for him. Then sitting beside him, and worshipping Ganesa and Sarasvati, he prays to them to give him wisdom, and that his course of study may be successful; he makes him repeat the first seven letters which constitute the name of Ganesa! For his services the school-master is presented with a shawl, a turban or a waistcloth, and money averaging from one to five rupees; and among his pupils are distributed solid wooden pens, inkstands, or slates and sweetmeats varying from eight annas to twenty rupees' worth according to the means and wishes of the parent, and the school is granted a holiday either on that or the next day. On the following day the boy rises rather
Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc., Vol. IX., p. 315, inscription No. 4.
Conf., Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc., Vol. IX., p. 298, transcription 1. 42, and p. 299, transcr. 11. 44 and 54.
50 See the inscriptions published at Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc., Vol. XI., pp. 219 et seqq.
The board, pati, is made of wood, a foot long, nine inches broad, and an inch thick, with a handle on the left side.
Transcription. [] Śrî-Mûlasamgha-Balôtkara-ganada kumudaṁ Dugalagadda Aibha-setti
[] yara magaye Rambarage-naḍa seṭṭi-gutta Râmi-seṭṭiyara nisidhi(di) | Translation.
MARATHI SCHOOLS AND SCHOOL-MASTERS. BY K. RAGHUNATHJI, BOMBAY.
The Nisidi of Râ misetti, the lotus of the (sect called) Balôtkâragana of the SriMula sa mgha,-the son of Aib hasetti, of (the village of Duga lagu d, the protected merchant of the district of Ra m barage.
early to await a call from his school-master, whom he has learnt to fear from his mother's lips, for a Hindu mother's awe-inspiring threat is-Call the pantoji.' When this object of his terror comes, the boy either accompanies him, or goes to the school with his father's servant. The hours of attendance at school are from six to ten in the morning, and again from twelve to six in the evening, and the school-master both times goes round collecting his pupils.
In the school date mats are usually spread, on which the children sit cross-legged. Before each a board' is placed, spread over with fine tile dust," one-eighth of an inch in depth. On the board the pantoji generally draws from six to seven letters of the alphabet at a time. Sitting by turns behind each pupil, he takes hold tightly of the boy's hand, and pressing the first or index finger on the solid pen, draws the letters, repeating them at the same time and making the boy, very often with tears, repeat them after him. He then goes to the next boy, and so on, till he has set them all particular lessons." This he goes on doing till the boys are able to write after a fashion. But before he begins their regular lessons, he teaches them to form the name of the god Ganesa, then vowels, then consonants, then the several series of twelve letters, bárákhadi, into which the Marathi alphabet is
The tile or brick dust the boy taxes with him to school in a wooden or glass pot, and when about to return, he collects it from the board, and brings it home again.
The method of teaching in writing was introduced into India more than 2100 years ago according to the testimony of Megasthenes, and still continues to be practised. No people perhaps on earth have adhered so much to their ancient usages as the Hindus.-Bartolomeo's Voy., p. 262.

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arranged, then arithmetic, that is numeration with till he is quite fatigued, and can no longer the fractional parts of a unit, and after arithmetic repeat the operation-this punishment is called the boy is taught to read at sight. The pupils in Marathi kanghodi; to stand for a long time are not divided into classes, but are all jumbled in a bent position, holding the right great toe together, and all simultaneonsly vociferate their with the left hand, and the left with the right, various tasks. In the evening, an hour before which is called angthe; or should the boy have closing. they are all made to stand up in rows committed some grave fault, in addition a stone facing each other, at such a distance as to is placed on his neck, and a number of writing enable the pantoji to pass between the lines, boards or pátis placed on his back; and should and with their hands joined and held near the he let either of these fall, he is beaten with a heart, they repeat the letters, multiplication table cane, or condemned to stand for a certain and a few hymns, and the master concludes with time on one foot, the other being bent across instructions regarding household duties, attend the thigh; and should he let down the uplifted ance at school, and reminding them always to leg, he is beaten. Sometimes a boy's feet are keep the pantoji in mind. After this they are tightly tied with a hemp or coir rope, and susdismissed, each with a stroke on the palm of pended from a hook with his head hanging their hands, from the pantoji's cane, the pantoji down, and chillies kept burning on the ground taking such boys to their respective houses as underneath the head. A lighter punishment is have no servants, or whose servants have not to apply molasses to his body, and let ants get come for them. The following are specimens of at it, so that the insects keep biting the body. the hymns the boys are taught by the pantoji :- Another is to hang & rope from a beam, and १. सकाळी उठोनी शाळेस या,
lifting the boy to make him catch bold of it, नाही याल तर मार खाल;
inserting the fingers of his hands between घोडीवर बसुनी स्वार व्हाल,
each other, he is then kept suspended, either घोडी घेतां रहूय.
with molasses and ants applied to his body, or
caned all over; or two erring boys are made to घरी जातां हसू ये.
knock their heads against each other, for ust ,
a number of times; or the master catching hold विद्या यहे घम घम:
of their top knots (sendis) knooks their heads verte T erre
against each other, or against the wooden writing आमची विद्या हरवली.
boards. Two boys are made to pull an erring In the schools kindness is unknown. Fear boy's ears with as much force as they can, each is the first, the last, and the only feeling brought on his own side, but should the pullers be into play; punishment that partakes of the lenient towards the boy, then others are made nature of torture, the only stimulant; with the to pull their ears, and thus knowing what they cane and a wooden flat round-headed rod or are about, they usually pull with vigour. If a pánmutri the master is always armed, and the boy wants to go out, he points out the little open palm and clenched fist are always vigor-| finger, or the first two fingers near the thumb, ously applied to the back, the cheeks, and the closing all the other fingers, and the master, if head. Of the other varieties of punishment willing, allows him to go quietly, but if not, and constantly employed, the following may be taken the boy entreats to be allowed, the master will as those of most ordinary occurrence. To say tell him to spit on the floor, and to return nothing of the cane which the master renews before it dries up; if it should dry before at least once a month, the boys are beaten on he returns, he is severely punished. These the palm of the hand with the pánmutri, the punishments will scarcely sound credible to the head of which is bored all over with holes; the ear of a European, especially when a Hindu boy is made to hold his right ear with the left father attaches so much importance to a son, hand, and the left with the right, and quiokly whose birth saves him from the torments of a to sit down and stand up a number of times particular hell called put, but they are too well
• In Madras, says Gover, they are compelled to sit or ataud in cruel posture, their lego fettered, hands, feet, and neck bent together, and held fast by iron ties. A log
fastened to a chain hange from the waist, or is slowly dragged behind.-Ind. Ant. Vol. II. pp. 52, 58.

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[SEPTEMBER, 1879.
L
ennt
known. The effect of all this, says a writer in ing first to school, Re. 1; on commencing to the Bombay Quarterly Review (vol. VII. p. 170) learn to write, Re. 1 ; for the several Ekadashis is most mournful.
and festivals, Rs. 2; for festivals in the boy's The children look on the pantoji with fear and family, such as birth, thread ceremony, marhatred. To their imaginations he is more ghast- riage, &c., Rs. 5; school fee for 12 months, say ly than a demon, and their dreams are haunted 4 as, monthly (but it is often 6 as. and 8 as.), by the workings of the iron fingers at their Rs. 3; weekly holidays, mentioned above, at throats. They wish they could put an end to the rate of 5 as. per month, for 12 months, those they hate. One recommends that a pit Rs. 3-12 as. : making a total for the year of should be sunk beneath the spot where the Rs. 15-12 as. pantoji usually sits, that brambles be placed | The total cost of the boy's education, inclusive in it, and a carpet spread over it, and then to of the occasional presents if he remain at school his astonishment he would find what it is to suffer for five years, would thus be about Rs. 80, and cruelty! Another suggests, that while thus the whole of the emoluments of the pantoji, entrapped, the boards should be heaped on him, supposing him to have a school of 25 boys, and the young conspirators roar with laughter. would be Rs. 400 per annum. This is, bowever,
The cruelty of the pantoji has given rise to rather a favourable view of the condition of & amusing proverbs, and as they all do not admit Hinda teacher. Where the parents of the of publication we give here only a few :- pupils are generally well-to-do, the amount of
the presents will often far exceed even this; but, ओनामासी, पंतोजीने पील्ली भंग,
on the contrary, where they are poor, it will be पंतोजी मातला खोड्यांत घातला
very much less, and sometimes even the monthly खोडा फुटला पंतोजी सुटला.
fees are not paid, so that many masters do not शिरी घिरी अंबा चिरी
realize annually a half, or sometimes even a
third, of this amount. पंतोजीची बायको लोणचे भरी.
To propitiate the teacher the boys are glad to The education of the Hindu youth is much prepare his hukah, to bring fire to light it, to simpler and not so expensive as in Europe. prepare flowers for the worship of his houseThe master is allowed to exact fees from his hold gods, to sweep and cowdung the school scholars which, with the presents that custom floor and his lodging, to wash his pots; and has established as due to him from the parents boys even steal rice, salt, split peas, money, on particular occasions, form the source of his &c. from their houses, seeing that those who emoluments.
succeed in so doing escape punishment, and are The fee is sometimes rebelled against, for it praised for cleverness though the greatest dunces is the custom of the master to give & sort of in the school. Or the master filches their pocket holiday to the whole school on the occasion, money on the flimsiest pretexts. But if a boy and if the present be not given, the holiday is should fail to give him anything, he is cruelly withheld, and thus the lads bring pressure on flogged, --for the hymn he has committed to their parents to ensure the necessary gift. On memory at school says :the full and new moon, and the eighth day of each half month, a holiday is allowed. The
पंतोजीची याद राखी monthly rate of fees for each boy may be esti
शाळेस येतां खिसे भरी mated as follows:
खिसे भरतां सुख होई Rice. Cash.
वेताची छडी पळून जाई. A. A.P.
which means:-Remember the pantoji, and fill Purnima ... 8. 1 & 0 37
your pockets while going to school; for when Amavasya... s 1 0 3 Total...5 ans. filling your pockets how joyous you feel, for 2 Astamis... 1 s. 2 0 6
the cane is out of the way. The following are the presents which custom The master is cruel as we have seen, his has established as due to the master :-On com- conversation revolting, every wicked expression
. K. Raghunathji's Marathi Schools and School Masters, in Marathi. Bombay: Gunpat Krishnaji's Press. 1860.

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SEPTEMBER, 1879.) AVALOKITESWARA'S DESCENT INTO AVICHI.
249
degrades his lips, and he is slothful and fond of sloep by day. But Hindus will on no account inquire after their children's tuition, it is en trusted to the pantuji, who, being a Brahman, is far too good to practise deception. He is ignorant of the higher branches of education : all he knows being picked up in a school similar to the one he now conducts. He knows to read plain manuscripts, repeat by rote the multiplica-
tion table, with a few hymns to serve his own purpose, and to write a neat hand.
Recreation is denied to the boys, as the pantoji thinks it the road to beggary. The parents agree with him, and instead of allowing their boys to play, they are pleased to see them squatted on the veranda or lying on the floor brooding over the all-absorbing topic--the pantoji, and the beatings they receive at school.
THE NORTHERN BUDDHIST LEGEND OF AVALOKITESWARA'S DESCENT
INTO THE HELL AVICHI.
BY PROF. EDWARD B. COWELL, M.A., CAMBRIDGE. One of the most remarkable features of the premier rang dans notre Lotus de la bonne loi" Northern Buddhism, corrent in Nepal, Tibet, (Introd. p. 115). Tartary, and China, as distinguished from the Fa Hian, the Chinese traveller, who travelled Southern, current in Ceylon, Burma, and Siam, in India from 399 to 414 A.D., expressly says is the worship paid to the Bodhisattwa (ch. xvi.) "men who belong to the Great Avalokiteswara.
Translation worship the Prajnai Paramita, ManThis Bodhisattwa' is supposed to be the son juári and Avalokiteswara ;" and in a subsequent of Buddha Amitabha, who reigns in the chapter he describes himself as invoking AvaloWestern heaven, called Sakh å vati; to him is kiteswara when exposed to a storm during his attributed the famous formula Om maņi padme homeward voyage from Ceylon to China. Hiwen húm, and he is looked upon as the tutelary saint Tbsang also (who travelled in India in the of Tibet. In China he is worshipped under a seventh century) is well acquainted with this female form (corresponding apparently to the saint, and mentions him in several places. He Hindu notion of a deity's sakti, or personified finds his statue in Kapisa, south of the Hindu power), as Kwa n-y in, or the Goddess of Mercy; Kush, and in a monastery in U dy Ana, and and the Rev. S. Beal has translated the Con. in Kashmir, and he also mentions a celebrated fessional Service addressed to her, in the second statue on the bank of the Ganges, famed for its volume (new series) of the Journal of the R. A. power of working miracles. Society (pp. 403-425).
The two best known Northern works which The name and attributes of Avalokiteswara | contain details respecting Avalokiteswara are are entirely unknown to the Southern Buddhists; the Karanda-vyúha and the Sudilharma-Panand his worship is one of the later additions daríka; the latter belongs to the collection of which have attached themselves to the simpler nine books which, under the name the nine original system, as it spread through India, and dharmas,' is regarded with such veneration in ultimately made its way to China and Japan. Nepal. The latter was translated by Burcouf
We cannot tell when this new deity first rose as Le lotus de la bonne loi; the text of the on the popular horizon; but there are some former has been recently published at Calcutta, indications which may help us to approximate in a native series of Sanskrit books. The editor in fixing the date. Burnouf has remarked that does not mention where he found the original the earlier and simpler Northern books contain MS. from which he has printed his text; but no allusion to this object of worship. "Ce nom it was probably one of the many MSS. presented n'est pas cité, une seule fois dans les Sutras, ni by Mr. B. H. Hodgson to the Bengal Asiatic dans les légendes de l'Acadána Sataka, ni dans Society, between 1824 and 1839. celles du Divya-Avaddna, tandis qu'il figure au The twenty-fourth chapter of the Lotus is
IA Bodhisattwa is a potential Buddha, one who has only one more birth before he attains nirvina. Burnouf explains Avalokiteswara as a barbarous Sanskrit compound, moaning
| 'le seigneur qui a regardé en bas' (Introd. p. 226).
Cf. also the Patent of Buddhist Scriptures from the Chinese, pp. 338-100.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
devoted to the praises of Avalokiteswara. To pronounce his name once is said to be equal in merit to the continual worship of as many Buddhas as there are sands in the sixty-two Ganges; and to invoke his aid in any difficulty or sorrow brings certain deliverance. He is also represented as assuming various forms in different worlds to proclaim the law of Buddha to different creatures; to some he appears under the form of a Buddha; to others of a Bodhisattwa, to others of Brahmâ Indra, Maheswara or even of a universal monarch, a Brahman nor & Piśâcha, "in order to teach the law to those beings made to be converted by these respective teachers." The Lotus is mentioned by Hiwen Thsang; and when he visits the mountain Gridhrakûta in South Bihar, he expressly adds that at the bottom of the southern edge of the mountain there was a stúpa, and "here in olden time Buddha explained the book of the lotus-flower of the law."
The Karanda-vyúha has as its principal topic throughout the glory of Avalokiteś wara; and towards the end of the book we have glowing accounts of the efficacy of the celebrated formula attributed to him. The work is found in two different recensions, the one in prose, the other in verse. The latter has been partly analysed by Burnouf (Introd. pp. 220-231), but it is evidently the more modern version; the MS. of the prose version at Paris, however, was too incorrect for him to attempt to translate it. This defect has now been supplied by the Calcutta text.
The peculiar characteristic of Avalokiteś wara, as worshipped by all the Northern Buddhists, is that he has declared his purpose, under the most solemn oath, to manifest himself to every creature in the universe, in order to deliver all beings from the consequences of sin."
The first few chapters of the Karanda-vyúha are occupied with a description of Avalokiteswara's descent into the hell A vichi to deliver the souls there held captive by Yama, the lord of the lower world. As these seem to me to bear a curious resemblance to the apocryphal Gospel of Nicodemus, I subjoin a translation from the Calcutta text, only occasionally condensing the narrative where we have the usual repetition of the northern Buddhist writings.
[SEPTEMBER, 1879.
The Karanda-vy úha (or 'arrangement of the basket of Avalokiteswara's excellences') professes to be a narrative by the disciple Âna nda, who was present at the original discourse as uttered by Buddha, and it therefore commences with the usual formula evam maya śrutam, "thus was it heard by me."
Beal, Buddhist Catena, p. 383.
This water has a curious epithet ashtangopeta-vari; does this mean water flowing downwards,' .e. prostrate, or endowed with the eight qualities ?
The work opens with the description of an assembly held in the Jetavaña garden at Srivasti, where Buddha is attended by a vast throng of mendicant followers as well as a still more numerous audience from the spiritual world, thousands of Bodhisattwas, and sons of the devas, with Indra, Brahmâsahâmpati, the Sun, the Moon, the Wind, Varuna, &c., at their head, with countless Nâgas, Gandharvas and Kinnaras, with their daughters, and Apsarasas, besides hundreds of thousands of lay devotees of both sexes.
"When the vast assembly was met together, suddenly beams of light issued forth in the hell Avichi; and having issued forth they reached to the monastery of Jetavana, and decorated the whole place. The pillars appeared to be inlaid with heavenly gems, the upper chambers to be covered with gold, the doors, staircases, &c., to be all of gold, and the grounds outside to be filled with heavenly trees, with golden trunks and silver leaves, and hung with costly garments, pearl wreaths, and all kinds of ornaments, while the eye wandered over lakes filled with water and various kinds of flowers.
Chapter II." Then in the midst of that assembly a noble Bodhisattwa named Sarvanivaraṇavishka mbhin, having risen from his seat, and thrown his upper garment over one shoulder and bent his right knee to the ground, putting his hands to his forehead, and turning reverentially towards Buddha, thus addressed him, 'I am filled with excessive wonder, O holy one; whence come these rays? of what Tathagata are they the visible majesty ?'
"Buddha replied, 'This is not the majesty of a Tathagata; O noble youth, the glorious Bodhisattwa Avalokiteswara has entered into the great hell A vichi; and, having delivered the beings there, is entering the city of the pretas; hence is it that these my rays have been emitted.'
A title of a Buddha.
The pretas are beings in a state of punishment, and are described as always emaciated and hunger-stricken.

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"Then the Bodhisattwa Sarvapivaranavishkambhin addressed Buddha, 'O holy one, what beings are found in Avichi ? there where no joy (vichi) is known, does he preach the law? in Avichi, whose iron realm surrounded by walls and ramparts is as it were one uninterrupted flame, like a casket of flashing jewels. In that hell is a great wailing cauldron, wherein myriads of beings are thrown; just as kidney beans or pulse sweat rising and sinking in a pot full of boiling water, so do these beings endure corporeal pain in Avichi. How then, O holy one, does the Bodhisattwa Avalokiteswara enter there ?'
"Buddha answered, 'O noble youth, just as an emperor enters into a garden fall of all precious things, attended with all his royal pomp, so Avalokiteswara-enters into the hell Avichi. But his body undergoes no change. When he approaches the hell, it becomes cool. Then the guards of Yama, bewildered and alarmed, begin to think, 'what is this inauspicious sign which has appeared in Avichi ?" When Avalokiteswara enters, then there appear there lotuses as large as chariot wheels, and the cauldron bursts open, and within that bed of fire a lake of honey is manifested.
"Then Yama's guards, seizing all manner of weapons, swords, clubs, javelins, &c. and allthe defensive armour of hell, repaired to Yama, the lord of justice, and addressed him: Let our king know that our field of action' is destroyed, and is become a place of pleasure and filled with all joy.'
"Yama replied, 'What is the reason that your field of action is destroyed ?'
"The guards answered, 'Let our lord also know that an inauspicious sign has appeared in Avichi, all has become quiet and cool, and a man assuming all shapes at will has entered there, wearing matted locks and a diadem, and decked with divine ornaments, with his mind excessively benevolent, and like an orb of gold. Such is the man who has entered, and immediately on his entrance lotuses have appeared as large as chariot wheels, and the cauldron has burst open, and within that bed of fire a lake of honey is manifested.' Then Yama reflected, 'Of what god is this the majesty? Of Maheswara,
"Asmakam karmabhamik.
In p. 10, 1. 20, I read balam for varam; the best Cambridge MS. has tachcha dévanikaye na pasyati sma
251
great in power, or Nârâyana worshipped by the five oceans, or have any of the other sons of the gods obtained by boon such preeminent reward, and descended to this place, or has some Rakshasa arisen, some rival of Ravana ?' Thus he stood and pondered, and beholding with his divine eye he saw no such power, in the world of the gods, and who else can have such power.
"Then again he looked back to the hell Avichi, and therein he beheld the Bodhisattwa Avalokiteswara. Then Yama, the lord of justice, went where he was, and having saluted his feet with his head began to utter his praise. 'Glory to thee Avalokiteswara Mahêéwara, Padmasri, the giver of boons, the subduer, best overlooker of the earth, &c. Thus having uttered his special praise, Yama thrice circumambulated round the Bodhisattwa and went out.'
Chapter III." Then Sarvanivaranavishkambhin thus addressed Buddha, 'When does the glorious Bodhisattwa Avalokiteswara come back?' Buddha answered, 'Noble son, he has gone out of hell, and has entered the city of the pretas. There hundreds of thousand of pretas run before him, with forms like burned pillars, tall like skeletons, with bellies like mountains, and mouths like needles' eyes. When Avalôkiteswara comes to the preta city, the city becomes cold, the thunderbolt ceases, and the doorkeeper, with uplifted javelin, his hand busy with poison, and his eyes red with anger, suddenly by his power begins to feel the influence of benevolence; I must not have to do with such a field of labour.'
"Then the Bodhisattwa Avalokiteswara having beheld that abode of beings, being filled with compassion, caused ten Vaitarani rivers to issue from his ten fingers, and ten more from his toes; and likewise in his great compassion rivers of water poured from all his pores down to those afflicted beings. And when the pretas tasted that water, their throats became expanded and their limbs filled, and they were satiated with food of a heavenly flavour. Then, regaining human consciousness, they begin to think of worldly things. Alas, happy are the men of Jambudwipa who can seek cool shade, who can always live near their parents and wives; who can cut the sacred staves, and repair the broken
idrasah balam.
I omit the remainder of this address, which extends to a page.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[SEPTEMBER, 1879.
and crumbling monasteries and shattered we were all lighted and saw one another." topes; who can always wait on those who recite, Satan then goes to Hades and tells him of write, or read the sacred books, and behold Jesus, his crucifixion and death, and tells him the miracles and various wonderworks of the to hold him firmly when he comes. Hades Tathagatas, Pratyeka-buddhas, Arhats, and replies that Christ had lately rescued Lazarus, Bodhisattwas.'
"I conjure thee both for thy benefit and mine, “Thus meditating, they abandoned their preta not to bring him hither; for I think that he is bodies of punishment, and became capable of coming here in order to raise up all the dead. attaining their desire. Then from Avalokites- And this I say to thee, by the darkness which wara there issued the precious rogal sutra of the we keep, if thou dost bring him hither, none of
great translation, the karanda vytha. Then! the dead will be left to me." having split with the thunderbolt of knowledge While Satan and Hades were thus talking the twenty-peaked mountain of the delusion together, there came a great voice like thunder, which teaches that the body exists, they were i quoting Psalm xxiv. 7: “And when Hades all born in the Sukhavati world as Bodhi- heard, he said to Satan, Go forth if thou art sattwas named Akankshita-mukh â
h able and resist him.' Therefore Satan went Then. Avalokiteswara, when these beings were forth. Then said Hades to his demons, secure released and born in the land of the Bodhisattwas, well and firmly the brazen gates and the iron went out again from the city of the pretus. bars, and hold down my bolts, and stand Chapter IV.-" Then Sarvanivaranavish
upright and watch everything; for if he should kambhin said to Buddha, Does Avalokiteswara enter here, woe will seize us.' On hearing still delay to come ?'
these things, the forefathers all began to re"Buddha answered, “Noble son, he is maturing proach him, saying, All-devouring and inthe experience of many thousands of myriads of satiate, open that the King of Glory may come beings; day by day he comes and matures them, in'...... The voice therefore came again, Lift there never was such a manifestation of the up the gates.' Hades hearing the voice a Tathagatas as there is of the glorious Bodhi- second time, answered as forsooth not knowing satt wa Avalokiteswara.'"
and said, "Who is this King of Glory?' The Buddha then describes an assembly held in a angels of the Lord said, 'The Lord strong and former æon by a Buddha named Sikhin, who mighty, the Lord mighty in battle.' And imsees Avalokiteswara coming to him with a mediately at that word the brazen gates were present of heavenly flowers from Amit a broken and the iron bars were crashed, and all bha. The Buddha Sikhin asks where he is the dead that were bound were loosed from performing his works of merit. Avalokites. their bonds and we with them. And the King Wara réplies that he is visiting the innumerable of Glory entered as a man, and all the dark hells in the universe, and that he has resolved places of Hades were lighted up. Hades that he himself shall not grasp the perfect straightway cried, "We are conquered, woe knowledge of a Buddha until all beings have unto ns.' ..... Then the King of Glory seized been not only delivered from punishment, but the chief ruler Satan by the head, and delivered are settled in the world of Nirvana.
him to the angels, and said, Bind with irons If we now turn to the second part of the his hands and feet and neck and mouth.' Then Apocryphal Gospel of Nicodemus, we find a he delivered him to Hades, and said " Take him curious parallel to this legend.
and keep him safely until my second coming.' The two sons of Simeon, who are described Then Hades took Satan and said to him, as having been raised from their graves at Beelzebub, inheritor of fire and punishment, Christ's death, are brought before the chief enemy of the saints, by what necessity hast thou priests, They then call for ink, pens, and contrived that the King of Glory should be crucipaper, and relate how they were in Hades with fied, that he should come hither and spoil us ? the fathers, when suddenly "at the hour of Turn and see that none of the dead is left in midnight, apon those dark places, there arose, me, but all that thon didst gain by the tree of as it were, the light of the sun, and shone, and knowledge, thou hast lost it all by the cross.'"
10 For this curious phrase conf. Barnouf, Introd. p. 263, and Childer's Pal Dict. 8. v. sakkaya.

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THE STORY OF THE FAITHFUL DEER.
253
Christ then blesses all the fathers, beginning with Adam, and rises with them in triumphal procession to paradise, where he delivers them to the archangel Michael.
Is the resemblance of the two legends accidental, or is it possible that in the Buddhist account, we have one of those faint reflections of Christian influence (derived perhaps from Persian Christians settled in western and southern India) which Professor Weber has endeavoured to trace in the doctrine of faith as taught in the Bhagavad Gita, and some of the medieval schools of the Vedanta ? Much must depend on the date of the Apocryphal Gospel of Nicodemus. Maury and Cowper would place it as low as
the fifth century, but Tischendorf with greater probability would refer it to the second.11 Even if the present form in which we have the legend is interpolated, much of it must surely be of an earlier date, and we find direct allusion to events described there, in the pseudo-Epiphanius' homily in Sepulchrum Christi, and in the fifteenth sermon of Eusebius of Alexandria."? At the same time wo have no reason to suppose that the Buddhist legend was connected with the earliest worship of Avalokiteswara. It is not alluded to by the Chinese travellers in India, and the date of the Karanda-vyúha can only be 80 far fixed, that it seems to have been translated into Tibetan in the ninth century.-From The Journal of Philology, vol. VI. (1876), pp. 222-231.
THE STORY OF THE FAITHFUL DEER.
BY Rev. S. BEAL. There is, perhaps, no fable so frequently met snare of the huntsman, stopped in the neighwith in Buddhist books, and also depicted on bourhood, and would not leave the spot where coins and in sculptures, as the story of Buddha he was. Meantime, all the other deer having when he was the king of the Deer. It is fled from the spot, the Deer-mother spake as possible that this very story is that called the follows in Gáthás which she addressed to Miga-Jataka at Bharhut, at any rate it is one the king :that carries interest with it, both as it exempli. "Deer-king! exert your strength, fies the daty of wife-life devotion, and also ex- Push with your head and your heel, hibits in the simplest way the mode of instruc- Break to pieces the trap which man tion adopted by the founder of the Buddhist Has set to catch you, and escape." religion, to impress on the minds of his fol. Then the Deer-king answered in the followlowers the moral lessons it was his aim to ing Gathas, and said inculcate.
" Although I used all my strength, ! The Story of the Deer-king.
Yet I could not escape from this trap, I remember, in years gone by, there was in
Made as it is with thongs of skin, sewed the neighbourhood of Banaras a certain en
with silk, closure (district : aránya), in which a Deer
In vain should I struggle to get away from king with his herd had found a place of pasture,
such a snare. and lived in contentment. At this time a
Oh! ye mountain dells and sweetest foun"hunter, having discovered the spot where these
tains ! deer congregated, set a snare to entrap one or
May none of your occupants henceforth, more of them, and as it happened he caught
Meet with such a misfortune as this !" the king of the herd himself. At this time a And the Gáthas continue as follows: certain hind, the wife of the Deer-king, big
“At this time those two deer, with young, seeing the Deer-king thus in the
Filled with alarm, and shedding bitter tears,
11 Quæ omnia conjuncta ejusmodi sunt ut libellum nostrum ex antiquissimo scripto apocrypho secundi seculi haustum vel transcriptum putem. Evang. Apoor.
11 The phrase in Athanasius' tņird sermon in Arios re. minds one of the legend, though it may be only rhetorical phrase,- X' oude Déuts aliyelmeix de la Toy
p. 78.
Κύριον, δν οι πυλωροί του “Αδου πτήξαντες εξαφηκαν TÒY Aðny.
13 In Csomo Körösi's paper (Asiat. Res. vol XX. P 530) it is said to have been translated by Sakya-prabha and Katparakshita; the former is associated in p. 516 and p. 580 with Bande-ye-shade, one of the well known Tibetan translators of the 9th century (p. 527).

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[SEPTEMBER, 1879.
Beheld the wicked hanter approaching the
spot. With his knife and club in his band (ready
to slay)." Then the Deer-king, seeing the hunter thus armed approaching the place, said to the mother-deer :
This is the hunter, coming here, His face dark and forbidding, his doublet
of skin. He will come and strip off my hide, Cut up my flesh in joints, and depart."
Then the female deer, gradually approaching the hunter, addressed him and said :"Most illustrious hunter ! listen! You may arrange your seat of grass and
prepare First of all to kill me, and skin my hide
from my body. Then go and kill your prisoner-the Deer
king." At this time the huntsman addressed the bind as follows: "Is this Deer-king related to you?” Then the hind answered and said, "He is my husband. I love and revere him with all my heart, and therefore I am deter- mined to share his fate; kill me first, then, hunter! and afterwards do as you list to him!”
Then the huntsman 'reflected and said :
“What a faithful and exemplary wife is this ! seldom indeed is such a one to be found !" Then he addressed the hind and said, "Most respectable one! your conduct is very commendable; I will let your lord go !"
Then there was great joy, and the huntsman said: "Seldom have I seen such faithiulness. Go, then! Oh, Deer-king! And as you owe your life to your mate, Cherish and nourish her as you ought." Then the huntsman loosed the snare, and let the Deer-king go, on which the hind overjoyed, addressed the huntsinan, and said :" Most virtuons and illustrions huntsman ! May all your friends and relations, As you have caused me to rejoice, Seeing my husband escape, likewise so rejoice.
Then Buddha said, “This Deer-king was myself, and the hind was Yasodhara, who, on my account, experienced much sorrow, 80 much indeed, that for six years she carried Rahula in her womb, till at last hearing that I was about to return and assume the dignity of a universal monarch (whereas my kingdom is of a spiritual character), overcome with joy she brought forth her son, Rahdla, and clothed and adorned him as became the child of a queen."
MISCELLANEA. THE IDOLS OF BAMIAN.
ascended the pass. It was not one continuous Lieut.-General E. Kaye, C.B., read a paper to the pass, but a succession of several short but steep Royal Geographical Society, on 24th Feb. last, on escents and descents, the general features of the "The Mountain Passes leading to the valley of summit of the Paghman Chain being that of a Bå miên," from which we make the following broken, rugged table-land, riven by several deep extracts :
chasms, and the breadth of the plateau from 4 to "In direction W.N.W. from the city of Kabul, 5 miles. We encamped on the height at an elevaand distant from it about one degree and twenty tion of 11,400 feet; the Koh-i-B&b mountain minutes of longitude, in a straight line, bat some (18,000 feet) being visible, the centre peak bearing 112 miles by the mountain road connecting the W.N.W. from our camp. ... Not a tree or a bush two places, lies the valley of Bamian. Nearly forty was visible to break the desolate monotony of the years ago I traversed this route, with troops ... scene. In the distance ahead, a little west of and now, aided by such imperfect notes as I made north, the lofty range, in which are the passes of at the time, I will endeavour to describe the Kala, Hajikak, and Irak, bounds the view. country between the capital of the Amir and the "Clearing the Unah, we passed over four spurs idols of Bamiân..."
branching from the mountain on our left, and "It was on the 19th Sept. that we reached the emorged into the valley of the river Helmund at Unah pass. Winter had commenced though the Gardan-i-Diwar. This river rising some 20 miles crops had not yet been cut. At this point the to the north-east, here divides the Hindu Kush elevation above sea level was estimated at nearly and Paghman ranges..." 10,000 feet. The valley now terminated, and we Fording the river we "entered the glen of the
From The Oriental, Nov. 6, 1875.

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MISCELLANEA.
255
Siah Sung ("black rock')," and "at about 6 miles from the Helmund, a wall of black rock (giving its name to the glen and to the stream) stretches across the defile, leaving but a narrow passage for the brook; and half a mile beyond it, on a small plateau above the channel, there stands (or stood at that time) the small mud fort called Siah Kila ..."
"Six miles higher up the valley of the Siah Sung stands the fort of Kharzar.. and "The foot of the Irak Kotul (pass) is 57 miles north of Kharzar; the slopes of the mountains on either hand now unbroken by plateaux"...." The summit of the pass was estimated at 13,000 feet above the sea" ... "The small valley of Min-i. Irák is about 10 miles distant from the pass ... There were several small forts to be seen in the Valley, and some caves in the hill-sides, forming dwelling-places for some of the inbabitants." From Man-i-Iråk into the valley of Bamian is six miles. "At night, on the 5th October, our camp was formed on the left bank of the Kalu stream, and on the right of that flowing from Bamian, at the junction of the two waters. The gorge of the defile leading from the Kalu Pass was on our left as we looked to the west, and at its entrance on the summit of a lofty insulated rock, with perpendicular faces, frowned down the ruined fortress of the Emperor Zo håk, whence the place takes its name. At this extremity the valley is about a quarter of a mile in breadth, and well cultivated."
"The great image cut in the face of the cliff bounding the valley on the north is 9 miles from Zohák. The valley winds much, varyingin width, generally not more than a quarter of a mile broad, until Bamian is reached, where it opens out considerably." ..."Several narrow glens, the channels of streams flowing from the Koh, on the south, fall into the valley... the largest, which is indeed a valley itself, having numerous terraces of fields on either side of the rivulet, joins that of Bamiến nearly opposite the images : this is the Fouladi Vale."
"Higher up, near the idols (of which I have little to say except that they are very large and very ugly), there are, or more correctly, there stood at the time whereof I write, three forts, forming together a triangle: two of these, having four towers ..were assigned to the infantry, and the third, a double fort, with six towers and a dividing wall in the middle, to the artillery..."
"Near the foot of the great image, on some rising ground, there were the ruins of a fort, which must have been of considerable magnitude.
. Between the images and at their sides, peeping over their shoulders, and some even above their heads, were many caves in the cliff side, having intricate connecting approaches, and gal. leries cut within the rock. These formed dwellings for many Bamia nchis and also for some camp followers of the British.
"On the opposite side of the valley, about a mile to the west, a stony gully leads into the hills; & short way up this, there is a nearly insulated rock, on the flat summit of which there is in relief a recumbent figure bearing a rude resemblance to a huge lizard, and near the neck of the reptile there is a red splash as of blood. This is called the A z daha, or dragon, said to have been slain by
Alf or some Muhammadan saint of bygone days, and an indentation in the rock close by is held to be the gigantic foot-print of the slayer."
In December Dr. Lord; our political agent, "caused Saighan to be occupied ; and in the early summer, Bajgah (eagle's resting-place'), in the Kamard valley, became our most advanced post."
Col. H. Yule, C.B., referring to the preceding, writes as follows :
"Now let us go back 1200 years, and take up the narrative of the Chinese pilgrim Hiwen Thsang, who entered India by Bamian in A.D. 630.
"Twelve or thirteen li (say 2 or 3 miles) east of the city (of Bamiân) there is to be seen in a convent the recumbent figure of the Buddha in the act of entering nirvana (i. e. dying); the figure is about 1000 feet long."
"For years I have been looking out for the rediscovery of this figure. And when my friend W. Simpson, starting to join the force of Sir S. Browne as artist and archæologist, asked me for any suggestions as to points for inquiry in northern Afghanistan, among other things I begged him, if he had a chance, to look out at Bamian for the Nirivaņa Buddha of Hiwen Thsang.
"But now we learn for the first time that it was seen forty years ago by General Kaye and his comrades. Better late than never. It is true the General does not say anything of dimensions, and in any case I dare say Hiwen Thsang's are exaggerated. Nor can we identify position very accurately. But Hiwen Thoang describes the grent standing image as "on the flank of a mountain north-east of the city," and the recumbent image as "east of the city," therefore further south than the standing image. And this corresponds generally with General Kaye's indications.
"Before concluding, let me venture & doubt whether the name Bajgah (p. 252) has anything to do with eagles. It is a name which often
e
Proceedings of the Royal Geograph. Soc. vol. I. pp.
Stan. Julien, Mém. sur les Cont. Occid. tom. I. p. 38, and Vie de Hiouen Thsang, pp. 69, 70.

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recurs when one is studying itineraries in those with the priest. The temple is called věre regions, an occupation in which I have formerly | yaris, or spirit-house." spent a good deal of time. And I believe it means | There is evidently in this statement an allusion simply place of toll,' and marks where bdj or to Buddhism, although the author seems not to duty' has been at one time or other exacted." have been aware of it, and although the facts
themselves are greatly corrupted. DÅRD CLANS.
Pita-kåt, instead of being the name of a The following is the list of castes among the missionary, is the name of the sacred books of the Dards of the districts of Gilgit, Astor, and Bal- Buddhists, which are called Tri-pittaka or Bedagat tistân :-Ron, Shin, Yaskun, Kremin, [in Burma]. The věre yaris are the viháras or Dam. Setting aside the Rond, which seems to cloisters of the Buddhist monks." be local only, it is necessary to account for tho This vestige of Buddhism in Micronesia is the other four, The Dams are the same as the more important, as this portion of the Pacific Doms and other non-Aryan tribes of India, and, Ocean is now visited by missionaries and intellidoubtless, these non-Aryans or pre-Aryans exist- gent navigators.-J. W. G. in Jour. Amer. Orient. ed right in the heart of the Himalayas at the Soc. vol. V. p. 194.. . time of the invasion of the Aryan race. In support of this view, I may mention the lowest THE PLUNDER OF SURAT BY SIVAJI IN 1684. castes in the various neighbouring nations, be- Part of a Letter from M. Escaliot to Dr. Browne. ginning with the Dogrås, who are next to Thuss farr deare Browne, I had wrote on Tuesday the Panjab, and going through the intermediate the fifth of January about ten in the morning, mountain region to Kashmir, to Ladakh, and ulti- when on a sudden a strong alarme was brought mately to the Dard country. Thus the lowest to our house from the towne with news that class in each have similar occupations, and may Seua-Gee Raya, or principall governor, (for such be presumably of one origin. The Kremin caste assume not the name of kings to them selues, among the Dårds is a mixed one, and analogous to but yet endeuor to bee as absolute each in his the sadras of India. The Yashkun and prouince as his sword can make him,) was coming Shin evidently constituted the Dård nation at downe with an army of an vncertaine number upon the time of its coming to those parts. The only Surat, to pillage the citty, which newes strook no distinction between these two to be observed, is small consternation into the mindes of a weake and a certain very peculiar custom of the Shin, con- effeminate people, in soe much that on all hands sisting in their treatment of the cow. Lastly, there was nothing to be seene but people flying while most of the Dards in these parts are Mubam- for their lives and lamenting the loss of their madans, some few villages of them have adopted estates, the richer sort whose stocke of money was the Buddhist faith from the Tibetans whom they large enough to purchase that favor at the hands came in contact with. These seem to have been of the gouernor of the castle, made that their Shin, of an early Dárd migration.-F. Drew. sanctuary and abandoned their dwellings to a
merciless foe, wich they might well enough haue VESTIGES OF BUDDHISM IN MICRONESTA. defended with the rest of the towne had thay had
In Horatio Hale's Ethnography and Philology the heartes of men. The same day a post coms (Philad. 1846) p. 78, is the following notice of Tobi in and tells them that the army was come within or Lord North's Island, which forms the south- tenne course or English miles, and made all hast western extremity of the Micronesian range:- forward, wich put the cowardly and vnfaithful
"According to the native traditions, a person. govenor of the towne to send a seruant to Sevagee to age, by name Pita ka t, of copper colour likę treat of some conditions of ransome. But Sevagee themselves, came many years ago from the island retaines the messenger and marches forwards with of Ternate (one of the Molaccas), and gave them all speed, and that night lodged his camp about their religion, and such simple arts as they pos- 5 miles English from the city, and the governor sessed. It is probably to him that we are to perceueing well that this messenger returned not attribute some peculiarities in their mode of againe, and that Sevagee did not intend to treat worship, such as their temple with rude images at that distance, he cranes admission into the castle to represent the divinity. In the centre, sus- and obtaineth it, and soe deserted his towne. pended from the roof, is a sort of altar, into which The city of Surat is the only port on this side they suppose their deity comes to hold converse India, wich belongs to the Mogol, and stands upon
From a paper read at the Oriental Congress in 1874; 1 This interesting extract forms the greater part of Trübner's Report, p. 53..
a letter in Sir Thomas Browne's Works, edited by 8. Conf. Lassen, Ind. Alterth, IV. 535-6.
Wilkin, F.L.S. (London, Pickering : 1836), vol. I. p. 426437. M. L'Escaillot was a clergyman.

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a river commodious enough to admitt vessells of donable sin to throw watter upon it, soe that if a 1000 tun, seven milles up, at wich distance from house bee fired or their clothes upon their backs the sea, there stands a reasonable strong castle well burning thay will if thay can hinder any man from manned, and hausing great store of good guns quenching it. The Moores ar troubled with none mounted for the securing of the river at a con- of these superstitions but yet through the unuenient distance, on the north east and south sides worthy couetuousness of the gouernour of the of this castle is the citty of Surrat built of a large towne thay had noe body to head them, nor none extent and very popelus. Rich in marchandise, as vnto whome to joyne themselves, and soe fled being the mart for the great empire of the Mogol, away for company, whereas if there had beene 500 but ill contriued into narrow lanes and without men trayned, and in a readyness, as by order from any forme. And for buildings consists partly of the king there ever should, whose pay the gouer. brick, soe the houses of the richer sort partly of nour puts into his own pocket, the number to wood, the maine posts of wich sort only are timber, defend the citty would haue amounted to some the rest is built of bambooes (as they call them) thousands. This was the condition of the citty or caines, such as those youe make your angles at at the tyme of its inuasion. Norwich, but very large, and these being tyed The inuader Seva Gee is as I haue said by together with the cords made of coconutt rinde, extraction a Rayar or a gouernour of a small and being dawbed ouer with dirt, are the walls of country on the coast southward of Basiue, and the whole house and floors of the upper story of was formerly a tributary to the King of Vijapore, their houses. Now the number of the poore but being of an aspiring and ambitious minde, exceedingly surmounting the number of those of subtile and withall a soldier, hee rebells against some quality, these bamboo houses are increased the king, and partly by fraude, partly by force. vnmeasurably, soe that in the greater part of the partly by corruption of the kings gouernours of towne scarce tow or three brick houses are to bee the kings castles, seaseth many of them into his seen in a street, and in some part of the towne not hands. And withall parte of a country for wich one for many streets togather; those houses wichthe King of Vijapore paid tribute to the Mogul. are built of bricke are vsually built strong, their His insolencys were soe many, and his success soe walls of tow or tow and a half feet thicke, and the great, that the King of Vijapore thought it high roofes of them flat and couered with a plaster like tyme to endeavor his suppression, or els all would plaster of Paris, wich makes most comodous places be lost. Hee raises his armies, but is worsted to take the euening aire in the hotter seasons; the soe ouery where by the rebbell, that he is forced whole town is unfortified ether by art or nature, to conditions to release homage to Sevagee of its situation is upon a larg plaine of many miles those lands which hee held of him, and for the extent and their care hath been so little to secure rest Sevagee was to make good his possession it by art, that they have only made against the against the Mogol as well as he could, after some cheefe auenues of the towne, some weake and illtymeof forbearance. The Mogol demands his tribute built gntts and for the rest in some parts a dry from him of Vijapore, whoe returns answer that ditch, easely passable by a footman, wanting & wall hee had not possession of the tributary lands, or other defence on the innerside, the rest is left but that they were detayned from him by his soe open that scarce any signe of a ditch is rebbell who was grown too strong for him. Upon perceivable; the people of the towne are either the this the Mogol makes warr both vpon the marchants, and those of all nations almost, as King of Vijapore and Seuagee, but as yet without English, Dutch, Portugalls, Turkes, Arabs, Arme- any considerable success: many attempts have nians, Persians, Jews, Indiang, of seueral sorts, been made, but still frusterated either by the but principally Banians, or els Moores the con- cuning, or vallor, or money of Seuagee: but now querors of the country Hindues, or the ancient of late Kuttup Chawn, an Umbraw,' who passed by inhabitants or Persees, whoe are people fled out of Surrat since I arriued with 5000 men, and 14 Persia ages agoe, and here and some miles up the elephants, and had 9000 men more marched another country settled in great numbers. The Banian is way towards their randevouz, as wee hear hath one who thinks it the greatest wickedness to kill taken from him a strong castle, and some impres. any creature whatsoever that hath lifo, least sion into his country, to deuest wich, ware it is possibly they might bee the death of their father probable he took this resoluetion for inuation of or relation, and the Persee doth supperstitiously this country of Guzarat. His person is described adore the fire as his God, and thinks it an vnpor- by them whoe have seen him to bee of meane
* The walls of Surat up to this period were of mud; they were now ordered to be built of brick. Thevenot. who was at Surat in the early part of 1666, mentions that they were then in Pro Zress-Grant Duff's History of the
Mahrattas, chap vi. vol. I. p. 199n; conf. Elliot and Dow. son's Hist. of India, vol. VII. p. 287.
• ShQyista Khan, Amiru'l-umari-See Elliot and Dowson's Hist. vol. VII. pp. 269, 270.

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stature, lower somewhat then I am erect, and of people to make what shift we could to secure an excellent proportion. Actual in exercise, and ourselves from the enemys: this might the English wben euer hoe speaks seemes to smile a quioke and and Duch have done, leaving the towne and gooing peercing eye, and whiter then any of his people. over the river to Swalley to our shipps, which Hee is distrustfull, seacret, subtile, cruell, perfi- were then riding in Swalley hole, but it was dious, insulting over whomsoever he getts into thought more like Englishmen to make ourselves his power. Absolute in his commands, and in his ready to defend our liues and goods to the utterpunisbments more then severe, death or dismem most than by a flight to leaue mony, goods, house, bering being the punishment of every offence, if to merciless people, and were confirmd in a necessity require, venterous and desperate in resolution that the Dach alsoe determined the execution of his resolues as may appeare by this same, though there was no possibility of relieuing following instance. The King Vijapore sends one another, the Dach house beeing on the other downe his vnckell a most accomplished soldier, side of towne almost an English mile asunder. with 14000 men into Sevagee's country: the In order therfore to our better defence, the knowne vallor and experience of the man made president St. George Oxinden, a most worthy Seuagee conclude that his best way was to assasi- discreet courageous person, sent advice to our nate him in his owne armye by a sudden surprise. ships at Swalley of our condition, with his desires This conduct of this attempt, how dangerous to the Captains to spare him out of their ships soever, would haue been vndertaken by many of what men they could, and wee in the meane tyme his men of whose conduct hee might haue assured
endeavoured to fitt our house soe well as wee himselfe, but it seemes he would haue the action could, sending out for what quantity of pronision wholly his own, hee therefore with 400 as desperate of victualls, watter and pouder we could gett, of as himselfe enters the army vndiscovered, comes wich wee gott a competent store. Tow brass guns to the generalls tent, falls in upon them, kills the we procured that day from a marchant in towne, of guard, the generalls sonne, wounds the father, about three hundred weight A niece. And with whoe hardly escaped, seiseth on his daughter and old ship carriages mounted them, and made ports carries her away prisoner, and foroeth his way in our great gate for them to play out of to backe through the whole army, and returnes safe scoure a shorte passage to our house; that afterwithout any considerable loss, and afterward in noone we sent aboard a ship in the riuer for dispight of all the King of Vijapore could do, hee guns and had tow of about six hundred a piece tooke Rajapore, a great port, plundered it, and sent up in next morning with shott conuenient; seised our English marchants, Mr. Rivington, Mr.
some are sett to melt lead and make bullets, others Taylor, and digged vp the English house for with cheels to cutt lead into slugs, no hand idle treasure, and kept the marchants in prison about but all imployed to strengthen every place as tyme 8 months.
would give leaue to the best advantage. On Wednesday the 6th Janu: about eleven in the Weddensday men arrived to the number of forty morning, Sevagee arriued neere a great garden, odd, and bring with them tow brass guns more, our without the towne about a quarter of a mile, and
four smaller guns are then carried vp to the tope whilst hee was busied in pitching his tents, sent of the house and three of them planted to scoure his horsmen into the outward streets of the towne two greet streets, the four was bent vpon a rich to fire 'the houses, soe that in less than halfe
churles house (Hogee Said Beeg of whom more by an houer wee might behold from the tops of our and by) because it was equally of hight and being house two great pilliers of smoke, the certaine
posesed by the enemy might have beene dangerous signes of a great dissolation, and soe they continued
to our house ; Captaines are appointed and every burning that day and night, Thursday, Friday and
man quartered and order taken for relieuing one Saturday, still new fires raised, and every day
another vpon necessity; a fresh recrute of men noerer and neerer approaching our quarter of the coming of about twenty more, wee than began to towne, that the terror was great, I know youe will consider what houses nelere vs might bee most enssly belieue, and upon his first begining of his prejudiciall, and on one side wee tooke possession firing, the remainder of the people fled as thicke as of pagod, or Banian idol temple, which was just possible, so that on Thursday the streets were vnder our house, wich bauing taken wee were almost empty, wich at other tymes are exceeding much more secured on that quarter ; on the other thicke with people, and we the English in our Morish Mesecte where seuerall people were house, the Duch in theirs and some few marchants harboured, and had windowes into our outward of Turkey and Armenia, neighbours to our English yard, was thought good to bee cleared and shutt house, possessed of a Seraw or place of reception vpp, wich accordingly done by a party, all the for strangers, were left by the gouernor and his people sent to seeke some other place to harbour

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in. Things being thus reasonably well prepared, about twenty-five horsmen well mounted, they Dowes is brought vs that Mr. Anthony Smith, a discharged at them and wounded one man and servant of the companyes, one whoe hath been one horse, the rest fac'd about and fled but made cheife in severall factoryes, was taken prisoner by & shift to carry off their wounded man, but the Seuagee soulderiers as he came ashore neere the horse fell, haueing gone a little way; what became Dach house, and was comeing to the English,-an of the wounded man we cannot tell, but Mr. Smith vnfortunate accedent wich made vs all much con. saw him brought into the armey upon mens cerned, knowing Seuagee cruelty, and indeed gade shoulders and shewed there to Sevagee; tow of him ouer as quite lost: hee obtains leaue some few our men were hurt, one shott slightly into the houers after to send a note to the president, legg with an arrow, the other rasbly parting from wherin hee aquants him with his condittion, that the rest and raning on before was cutt deep ouer hee being brought before Senagee hee was asked the shoulder, but thanks to God in a faire way of what hee was and such like questions, and att last recovery. by Sevagee told that hee was not come to doe any On Wedensday afternoone a party of the enemy personall hurte to the English or other marchants, came down to Hogee Said Bege house, hee then but only to revenge him selfe of Oroin Zeb, (the in the castle, one of a prodigous estate, and brake great Mogol) because hee had invaded his counttry, open the vndefended doores, and ther continued had killd some of his relations, and that hee all that night long and till next day, that we would only have the English and Duch give him sallyed out vpon their men on the other quarter of some treasure and hee would not medle with their
our house, they appeared by tow or three at a houses, else hee would doe them all mischeefetyme vpon the tope of his house, to spye what possible. Mr. Smith desired him to send a guard preparations wee made, but as yet had no order with him to the English house least hee should to fier vpon them, we heard them all night long finde any mollestation from his men, but hee beating and breaking open chests and doores, with answers as yet hee must not goe away, but comande great maules, but were not much concerned for him to bee carried to the rest of the marchants, him, for had the wretch haid soe mnch heart as to where, when hee came, hee found the embassador have stood vpon his guard, the 20 part of what from the great king of Ethiopia vnto Oram Zeb they tooke from him, would have hiered soo many prisoner, and pinioned with a great number men as would have secured all the rest; when Banians, and others in the same condition : hauing they heard that wee wear abroad in the streets set there some tyme, about halfe 'an hower, hee thay imediatly in hast deserted the house, and is seised vpon by & cupple of black rogges, and that as it afterwards appeared, in sạch bast as to pinioned in that extremety that he hath brought leave tow baggs of mong dropt downe behịnd them, sway the marke in his armes with him ; this what yet with intention as they told the people they hoe writt and part of what he related when wee mett (such poore wretches as had nothing to loose gott him againe. The president by the messenger and knew not whether to flye) to returne next day one of Sevagee men, as we imagined, returned [to] fier the house, but that was prevented. On answer that hee wounderd at him, that professing Friday morning, the president sent unto the castle peace hee should detaine an English man prissoner, to Hogee Said Beg to know whether he would and that if he would send him home, and not to permitt him to take possession of and secure a Buffer his people to come so neere his house as to grent company of warehouses of his adjoyneing to give cause of suspition, hee would hurt none of our house, and wich would bee of great consequence his men, other wayes hee was vpon his owne to preserve both his goods and our house, hoo defence upon these tearmes; wee were all Wedeng. testified his willingness, and immediately from the day and vntil Thursday about tow at afternoon, tope of our house by help of a ladder we entred when perceiueing tops of lances on the other side it, and haveing found the enemie, haueing beene of a neighbour house, and haueing called to the all Wedensday afternoon and night till past men to depart and not come so neere ve, but they Thursday noone plundering the great house, bad not stirring and intending as we concluded to likewise entered and begun to plunder his first sett fier to the house, on the quarter whereby our warehouse, but were scard and that little hurt was house would have been in most eminent danger done, they had time to carry nothing that is yet of being fiered alsoe, the president comanded knowne of, and unly broken open certaine vessells twenty men vnder the comand of Mr. Garrard of quickesilver, which there lay spilt about the Aungier, brother to my lord Aungier, to sally warehouse in great quantetye; wee locked it vp forth vpon them, and another party of about soe and put a guard in the roome next the street, wich many more to make good their retreate, they did through help of a belcoone secured by thicke soe, and when thay faod them, judgd them to bee planks tyed to the belcoone pillers, soe close on to

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coast; as one whoe come to our house for cure, hee went forth to meete him and told him he was come from about Agra with cloth, and had brought 40 oxen loaded with it, and that hee came to present him with it all, or elss what part hee should please to command. Sevagee asked him if he had no mony, hee answered that he had not as yet sold any cloth since hee came to towne, and that he had no mony: the villaine made his right hand to bee cutt of imediately, and than bid him begone, he had noe need of his cloth; the poore old man returns, finds his cloth burnt, and himselfe destetute of other harbor, comes to the English house where hee is dresed and fed.
another as no more space was left but for a muskett to play out, was so secured as no approach could bee made againe to the doore of his great house or any passage to the warehouse, but what must come vnder dainger of our shott. In the afternoone on Friday, Sevagee sends Mr. Smith as his messenger to our house with propositions and threats, haueing first made him oblige himselfe to returne, and with all obliging himselfe when he did returne, that hee would doe him noe hurt, what soeuer mesage he should bring, his message was to send him 3 lacks of rupees; (every lack is 100,000, and every rupee is worth 28. 3d.) or elss let his men freely to doe their pleasure to Hogee Said Begs house, if not threatening to come and force vs, and vowed to kill euery person in the house, and to dig vp the houses foundation. To this it was answered by the messenger that came with Mr. Smith, that as for his tow propositions he desired tyme to mak answer to them till the morrow, they being of soe great moment, and as for Mr. Smith that hee would and did keep him by force, and hee should not returne till than, when if hee could consent to either proposition hee would send him. Mr. Smith being thus returned to vs, youe may bee sure each man was inquisitive to know news; whoe told vs for their number, they did giue themselues out to bee 10,000, and they were now at least a very considerable armey, since the coming of tow rayers with their men whose names hee knew not: that their horse were very good, and soe indeed, those wich we saw were that when hee came away, hee could not guess by the mony heaped vp in tow great heapes before Sevagee his tent, than that he had plundered 20 or 25 lack of rup. that the day when hee came away in the morning, there was brought in neere vpon 300 porters laden each with tow baggs of rupees, and some hee guessed to bee gold, that thay brought in 28 sere of large pearle, with many other jewels, great diamonds, rubies, and emeralds, (40 sere make 37 pound weight) and these with an increedable quantety of mony, they found at the house of the reputed richest marchant in the world, his name is Verge Vora, his estate haueing beene esteemed to bee 80 lack of rup.
That they were still every hower, while hoe was there, bringing in loods of mony from his house; his desire of mony is soe great, that he spares noe barbours cruelty to extort confessions from his prisoners, whip them most cruely, threatens death, and often executeth it, [f] thay doe not produce soe much as hee thinks they may, or desires they should, at least cutts of one hand, some tymes both; a very great many there were, who hearing of his coming went forth to him, thinking to fare the better, but found there fault to there
But to proceed, Mr. Smith farther tells vs, that on Thursday their came a young fellow with some condition from the govenor, wich pleased Sevagee not at all, soe that hee asked the fellow whether his marster, being now by him cooped up in his chamber, thought him a woman to accept such conditions. The fellow imediately returns, "and we are not women; I have somewhat more to say to youe;" drawes his dagger, and runs full at Sevagee breast; a fellow that stood by with a sword redy drawne, strikes between him and Sevagee, and strikes his hand almost of, soe that [it] hung but by a pece of flesh; the fellow haueing made his thrust at Sevagee with all his might, did not stop, but ran his bloody stumpp against Sevagee breast, and with force both Sevagee and hee fell together, the blood being seen upon Sevagee the noise run through the camp that hee was killed, and the crye went, kill the prisoners, where upon some were miserably hacked; but Sevagee haueing quitted himselfe, and hee that stood by haueing clouen the fellows scull, comand was given to stay the execution, and to bring the prisoners before him, wich was imediately done, and Sevagee according as it came in his minde caused them to cutt of this mans head, that mans right hand, both the hands of a third. It comes to Mr. Smith turne, and his right hand being comanded to bee cutt of, hee cryed out in Indostan to Sevagee, rather to cutt of his head, vnto wioh end his hatt was taken of, but Sevagee stopt execution and soe praised be God hee escaped.
There were than about four heads and 24 hands cutt of after that Mr. Smith was come away, and retayned by the president, and they heard the answer hee sends the embassador of Ethiopea, whome hee had sett free upon delivery of 12 horses and some other things, sent by his king to Oron Zeb, to tell the English that hee did intend to visitt vs, and to raise the house and kill every man of vs.
The president resolutly answers that we were redy for him and resolued not to stire, but let

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him come when hee pleased, and since hee had as hee saide resolued to come, hee bid him come one pore, that is about the tyme of a watch, sooner than hee intended. With this answer the ambassador went his way, and wee heard no farther from him any more but in the terrible noise of the fier and the hideous smoke wich wee saw, but by Gods mercy came not soe neere vs as to take hold of vs, ever blessed be his name. Thursday and Friday nights were the most terrible nights for fier: on Friday after hee had ransaked and dug vp Vege Voras house, hee fiered it and a great vast number more towards the Dutch house, a fier soe great as turnd the night into day; as before the smoke in the day tyme had almost turnd day into night; rising soe thicke as it darkened the sun like a great cloud. On Sunday morning about 10 a clocke as thay tell vs hee went his way. And that night lay six course of, and next day at noone was passed over Brooch river, there is a credable information that he hath shipt his treasure to carry into his own country, and Sr George Oxenden hath sent a fregate to see if hee can light of them, wich God grant. Wee kept our watch still till Tuesday.
I had forgote to writte you the manner of their cutting of mens hands, which was thuss; the person to suffer is pinioned as streight as possibly they can, and then when the nod is giuen, a soldier come with a whitle or blunt knife and throws the poore patient downe vpon his face, than draws his hand backwards and setts his knee upon the prisoners backe, and begins to hacke and cutt on one side and other about the wrest, in the meane time the poore man roareth exceedingly, kicking and bitting the ground for very anguish, when the villiane perceieues the bone to bee laid bare on all sides, hee setteth the wrest to his knee and giues it a snap and procoeds till he hath hacked the hand quite of, which done thay force him to rise, and make him run soe long till through paine and loss of blood he falls downe, they then vnpinion him and the blood stops.....
Surat, Jan. 26th 1663.
original Turkish, and as paraphrased in English verse, some short, others of considerable length, One of the former, a tetrastich elegy on a lady, by Fazil, must here suffice as an example of the Turkish idea, and the English paraphrase : "Alas! thou'st laid her low, malicious Death, en
joyment's cup yet half unquatrd! The hourglass out, thou'st cut her off, disporting
still in life's young spring! O Earth ! all-fondly cradle her. Thou, Trusty
Seraph! welcome her with smiles, For she, fair pearl, the soul's love was of one who
is a wide world's king." In commenting on the third line of this gem of tender pathos, Mr. Redhouse took occasion to show how erroneous is the notion that the faith of Islâm denies the possession of a soul by woman. This erroneous idea has not first arisen in these latter times; though when it first arose may be a question. Sale, in the Preliminary Discourge to his English translation of the Qur'an (Alcoran, Koran, etc.), published in 1734, mentions the notion, to refute it from that book. Now the facts of the case were partly made known to English readers by Sale and by the late eminent Orientalist, E. W. Lane, in his Modern Egyptians. The Qur'an has various passages that explicitly promise or threaten the joys of heaven or the torments of hell to women, "therein to dwell for ever." Such are, especially, Surås ix. 69, 73; xiii. 23 ; xxxiii. 35; Xxxvi. 56; xliii. 70; xlviii. 5 and 6; lvii. 12; lxvi. 9, 10, 11; cxi. 4. That in su. xlviii. 5 and 6, must suffice here :-"That He may cause the believers and the believeresges to enter into paradises through which rivers flow, to dwell therein for ever. And that He may punish the hypocrites and the hypocritesses, and the polytheists and the polytheistesses, who imagine an evil conceit against God." Noah and Abraham are also said in the Qur'an, xiv. 42; 1xxii 29, to have prayed for "both my parents." The immortality of woman's soul was therefore taught to the Pagan Arabians, not as a new doctrine, but as an article of the faith of the patriarchs, of which Islâm was bat the renewal and completion. Lane says (5th ed. Murray, London : 1860, p. 88, 1. 37,) in his account of the public address from the pulpit delivered every Friday, after the noontide service of worship (praise, not prayer): "And be Thou well pleased, O God, with their mother . . . . and their grandmother .... and with the rest of the pure wives . . . . pardon the believing men and the believing women, and the Muslim men and the Muslim women .... living and dead. ...." The burial service of Islam is the same, word for word, in the case of men and women; as also is that for infants, grammatical variants alone except.
ISLAMIC DOCTRINE OF WOMAN'S SOUL. On Wednesday, the 12th of February, 1879, a paper was read, before the Royal Society of Litera. ture, by J. W. Redhouse, Esq., M.R.A.S., on Turkish Poetry, with a notice of the Islamic doctrine of woman's soul. The lecturer gave a description of the nature and varieties of Turkish poetry, citing Von Hammer's published works, one of which gives & specimen from each of more than two thousand Turkish poets, and states that above nine thousand were noticed in collected biographies. He then gave fifteen specimens, Ancient (sixteenth century) and recent, in the

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ed. The adult service says: "Cause thou this regarding the missing text. The Dasturs appeardeparted one to possess the solace and the ease, ed to know nothing about it; but Mr. Khurshedji and the mercy and the grace. O God, if she have Rustamji Cama kindly sent me a description of a been a worker of good works, then do Thou add manuscript of the Bundahish, which its owner (a unto her good works. And if she have been an young priest named Tebmuras Dinshahji Ankleyevil doer, do Thou pass it over. And may security aria) had prepared at his request, and Mr. Tehand glad tidings surround her, with honour and muras subsequently sent me a copy of five chapters privilege. And free Thou her from the torment of of his MS. with further information about it. the grave and of hell fires, causing her to dwell in | This MS. was brought from Persia a few years the abode of the paradises, with her children. O ago, and contains not only fifteen more chapters God, make Thou her tomb a garden of the gardens than the MSS. hitherto known, but also much of heaven; and let not her grave be a pit of the additional matter in several other chapters, so pits of perdition. For Thy mercy's sake, O Thou that the text is more than doubled in extent. most Compassionate of the Merciful." Every From a notice of the writer and his contemporMuslim woman's tombstone, like those of the aries contained in the penultimate chapter, it men, ends the inscription with an address to the appears that this version of the Bundahish was pious passer-by to recite a certain passage of the written about the same time as the Dddistan-iQur'an, as an act of charity for the benefit of her Dini-that is about A.D. 880. So far as I can soul. Every Muslim, man and woman, five times judge from the portion of the text (about onea day, after the prescribed service of worship, tenth of the whole) which was kindly placed at offers, as an apostolic custom, a voluntary prayer my disposal, it is hardly possible to distinguish for the forgiveness of his or her sins, of those of the style of the additional matter from that of the their "two parents," and of all "believers and received text; so that there is every probability believeresses." Sa'di, the great Persian poet, has that the MSS. hitherto known consist merely of said in his well-known Bustan, respecting the Last extracts from this longer text. I am however Judgment :
inclined to suspect that this longer text was only "Devout women, the Lord God who've faithfully. a revision of an older work, as there is reason to serv'd,
suppose that the original Bundahish terminated Shall high precedence hold over men that have with the account of the resurrection. swerv'd."
The manuscript belonging to Mr. Tehmuras is, To judge from these specimens, Turkish poetry of course, a comparatively recent copy of the may repay the research of the curious; and from ninth-century recension; it is not dated, but it these arguments, the question of woman's soul, as was written by the granduncle of a writer who viewed in Islam, must be considered as definitely copied another MS. in A.D. 1572. set at rest. THE BUNDAHISH.
THE WÅLIS OF PERSIA, &c. (Letter from Dr. Ed. W. West to the Academy, General A. H. Schindler writes to The 28th April 1879.)
Academy :It may interest Oriental scholars to learn that Muhammad, who commanded part of the Persian a manuscript exists which contains a much more troops at the battle of Gulnabad [March 8, 1723] complete and extensive text of the Bundahish or was Walt of Howeizah or Hawizah, a town and cosmogony of the Pârsis, than that hitberto district at the lower end of the Kerkheh or Kerah known. The most complete MS. of the received river, which flows into the Tigris. The chiefs of text is contained in an old codex now at Copen- the Hawizah Arabs have the hereditary title of hagen, a copy of which was brought from India to Wali; and at times, when they were also GoverParis by Anquetil Duperron more than half a nors of Arabistan, they were called Wali of Arabiscentury before the original found its way to tan, not Viceroy of Arabia (as Malleson writes it] Europe. Unfortunately the old MS. at Copen- but Governor of Arabistan. Arabistan was always hagen has lost one folio of the Bundahish, the and is the Persian province bounded on the north contents of which are not to be found in any other by Little Luristan, on the east by Great Luristan copy known to Europeans.
(the Bakhtiari country) and Fârs; extends in the While recently engaged in translating the south to the Persian Gulf, and joins on the west Bundahish, I made several enquiries in Bombay Turkish territory
The Academy, May 3, 1879, pp. 891, 892. . May 3, 1879, p. 392. * M. Sanson was a French missionary from Louis XIV.
to the Persian court, and as quoted below he speaks of "A viza" as the government of one of the ten Wilis acknowledged in Persia when he wrote in 1688.-ED.

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The hereditary Wâlis at present in Persia are :1, Walf of Hawizah residing at Hawizah ; 2, Wali of Pusht-i Kuh Luristân (a descendant of Kelb Ali Khan, the murderer of Captains Grant and Fotheringham, over seventy years ago), residing at Mandelf in Pusht-i Kuh Luristan, a district or province joining the Baghdad Pashalik on the east. In these two cases Wali would mean #chief." Then there is Muhammad Khan who has the title of Wali like his father Qasim Khân, a surname given him by the Shah. The governors of provinces are sometimes addressed as W&li. There was also till lately a Wali of Kurdistân.
The Muhammad of Gulnabad would thus be "Chief of the Hawizah Arabs and Governor of Arabistan."
On this Sir F. J. Goldsmid remarks ;
General Schindler's definition of " Walf of Ara. bistân" in doubtless correct, and the meaning of " Arabistân," both for Turks and Persians, must be restricted to those tracts of country peopled by Arabs which have been annexed to their respective dominions by Sulţån and Shân. "Viceroy of Arabia" is clearly a misnomer in this instance, it is as if the title " Viceroy of America" were applied to a Governor-General of Canada. Muhammed Walf is styled by Krusinski "Prince of Hacvuza, a part of Arabia dependent upon Persia." But the same author has much to say about this personago; nor is there, perhaps, any contemporary writer from whom so full an account of the Afghan invasion of Persia in 1723 can be obtained. In addition to the Wali of Kurdistan and others, mentioned by General Schindler, there is, or was until very recently, a Wali of Kesht. As regards the “Walis" of former days, the following extract from M. Sanson's writings may be read with interest. The actual volume quoted is a translation by John Savage published in 1695:
"There are six sorts of governors in Persia, viz. : 1. The Valis. 2. The Begueler Beguis. 3. The Col Beguis. 4. The Viziers. 5. The Sultans. 6. The Derogats.
"The Valis are descendants from such princes as have been conquered by the king of Persiar, and whose kingdoms he leaves to their sole government. There are ten of this kind, viz:-(1) Georgia; (2) Lauristan; (3) Aviza ; (4) Bactiaris; (6) Zeitoun Ardelan; (6) Mazandran; (7) Teharkez; (8) Herat; (9) Kandahar; and (10) Karamania or Kerman. These Valis have their places at the Council-board, and at feasts and public audiences, immediately after the six Rokna Dolvets. They are considered of as Princes, and have those priviledges as the king's guests have, which is to be Pensioners and Tablers during their stay at Court. The king has lately seized upon the government of the Vali of Kerman as also of the other Begueler-beguis. I know not whether because their race failed, or that he had a jealousie they had a mind to rebell. Also there is a great likelihood he will do the same in Lauristan, where he has already placed a Governour. The Vali of Georgia also has some reason to fear the like fate, if the endeavours he seems to be making to recover his ancestor's right, should not succeed."
The question of Orthography, if not identity in Oriental names, seems to have been as unsettled some two centuries ago as it is at present. In the translator's preface we read :-"Our author was one of the latest travellers into those parts, and perhaps made the longest residence there. I know that others do differ from him in proper names of places and persons; but I thought it not safe to follow'em."
BOOK NOTICES. THE MIRACLE PLAY OR HASAN AND HUSAIN. Collected Resident in the Persian Gulf (1862-1873) he befrom oral tradition by Colonel Sir Lewis Pelly, K.C.B., K.O.S.I. Revised, with explanatory notes, by Arthur N.
came interested in the great "Passion Play," and Wollaston. In Two Yols. rl. 8vo. (London; W. H.
becoming acquainted with a Persian who had long Allen & Co. 1879.)
been engaged as a teacher and prompter of actors, The soenes of the Muharram are well known in he arranged with him to collect and dictate all the India and the indoor ceremonies of the Shia'hs scenes of the very tragic drama of Hasan and have been described in our pages. In these two Husain. These scenes, fifty-two in number, two volumes Sir Lewis Pelly has supplied to our of his assistants-Messrs. J. Edwards and G. literature, for the first time, the substance of the Lucas-turned into English, and from among these long and often impromptu drama annually per-| thirty-seven are now published. In 1878 he beformed on the occasion in Persia. While Political thought him of the MS., and asked Mr. Wollaston
• The Academy, May 10, 1879, p. 414.
1 See a well written paper by tbe late Charles Gover, M.R.A.S., vol. I. p. 165 ff. and conf. Gobineau's Religions
et Philosophies dans l'Asie, 2nd ed. 1866, where & very good account is given of the Persian theatre.

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of the India Office, to pass it through the press, to the wrongs and sufferings of his Highness the with summaries and notes. The book is thus the Imam 'Alt, the vicegerent of the Prophet, and let translation or adaptation of a Persian impressário's your eyes flow with tears, as a river, for the woes rendering of the famous "Mystery" by Messrs. that befel their Highnesses the beloved Imams Edwards and Lucas, illustrated with notes chiefly | Hasan and Husain, the foremost of the bright from Muir's Life of Mahomet, Sale's Koran, Mer- youths of Paradise.' For a while he proceeds rick's Life of Mohammed (1850), Price's Retrospect | amid the deep silence of the eager audience, but of Mahommedan History, and Hughes's Notes on as he goes on they will be observed to be swaying Muhammadaniem; but he urges " that in absence of to and fro, and altogether; at first almost imthe Persian text, it has been difficult to avoid mis- perceptibly, but gradually with a motion that takes which might not otherwise have occurred." becomes more and more marked. Suddenly a
This, we suppose, accounts for such expressions stifled sob is heard, or a cry, followed by more and as "fear not this venerable person ('Izrail—the more sobbing and crying, and rapidly the swaying angel of death) at all" (vol. I. p. 26), and where to and fro becomes a violent agitation of the whole Zainab is addressed (p. 239) as " Venus of the assembly, which rises in a mass, every one smiting station of uncertainty," and the like. From a his breast with open hand, and raising the wild scholarly point of view this is not satisfactory, rhythmical wail of Ya A'li! Ai Hasan, di and we are not told where the Persian text is. Husain, Ai Hasan, Ai Husain, Husain Shah! As Surely Sir Lewis Pelly took it home along with the wailing gathers force, and threatens to become the English adaptation; or did he not think it ungovernable, a choras of mourners, which has worth the carriage ?
formed almost without observation on the arena, An account of the historical basis of the drama begins chanting, in regular Gregorian music, a and of its annual celebration in Bombay by Dr. G. metrical version of the story, which calls back the Birdwood, C.S.I., adds to the value and interest of audience from themselves, and imperceptibly at the work. This the reader should not overlook last soothes and quiets them again. At the same though it is stowed away in the Preface. If to time the celebrants come forward, and take up the this Sir Lewis Pelly had added chromo repro- 'properties' before the tabut, and one represents ductions of the six oil illustrations of the scenes, Husain, another al'Abbas, his brother and stanpainted for him by a Persian artist at Shiraz, it dard-bearer, another Harro, and another Shamer, would bave been well.
all going through their parts (which it seems to As is well known the Shia'ha celebrate in sorrow be the duty of the chorus every now and then the expedition of Husain to Kuf& and the disaster more fully to explain), not after the manner of that befel him on the plain of Karbald, Muharramlet actors, but of earnest men absorbed in some high -10th A.H, 61 (A.D. 680). On each of the ten days sacrament, without consciousness of themselves a new scene of woe is represented on the Plain of An- or their audience." guish (karb) and Vexation (bald) ever sinee famous This mystery begins with the story of " Joseph in the Shia'h and Sunni division of Islam. All over and his Brethren," after the Old Testament, Persia, and wherever, as in India, the Shia'hs are in order to excite pity in the audience, and ends to be found, the martyrdom of Hasan and Husain with the "Resurrection," in which all sinners is observed in the first ten days of the month of are represented as ascribing their new life to Muharram, which, as a lunar feast, changes every the intercession of the martyrs, Hasan and Husain. year. Every great Shia'h has an Imambära hall In the second scene Ibrahim dies-the prophet's or enclosure, built for the spectacle. Against the son by Mariam, his Coptic wife. In the third side which looks to Makka is placed the model Wasain procures the deliverance of a disobedient of the tomb at Karbald, called tabut or tazia. All son from one of the seven storeys of the place of but the poorest have a wickerwork tabut for them. torment. In the fourth 'Ali offers his own life as selves, and the very poorest light a fire in a pot & sacrifice for another's. The fifth scene describes gunk in the ground. The play takes place before Muhammad's death; then, sixth, the seizure of the the richly decorated tomb twice daily. All save Khalffate by Aba Bakr; and the seventh, the their Sunni rivals and co-religionists, even English death of Fatima, 'Ali's wife. The martyrdom of and Hindus, may visit the tomb enclosures. At 'Ali himself is the subject of the eighth. Dying he the signal of a muffled drum silence falls on the thus speaks to the surgeon :crowd, a mulla enters the pulpit extemporised for "'AU.-- What shall I say, O Na'mån P Alas, the occasion, and this is the procedure, as de- when I went to the mosque, and stood up there for scribed by Dr. Birdwood :
prayer, toward the niche of faith, as soon as I fell "O ye Faithful, give ear! and open your hearts prostrate on the ground the cruel sword of the
Ind, Ant. vol. VII. p. 97.

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traitor alighted on my head whilst thus bowing myself, and cut down as far as my forehead.
"Na'mán, probing the wound-Alas! let me see what heaven, the supporter of the faithful, has done to the noble cousin of the Prophet? Alas! alas! mayest thou be subverted, O heaven! Mayest thou be plunged in the ocean of blood like the head of the Lion of God! For the pate of 'Ali, the equal of Aaron, the son of Imrân," is cloven asunder, and the unjust blow has reached down to the forehead.
"Hasan. I adjure thee by the living God, O Na'mân, to cure the wound of our father the priest of the age. Let not the two tender plants of 'Ali be rooted up by overwhelming sorrow, but deliver them from the bonds of desolation, if thou
canst.
"Na'man (to the family).-Wash your hands at once of Haidar's life; have no more hope of his recovery. 'Ali will be but for one hour more with you, his dear ones. O children of the Lion of God, you will ere long become fatherless. Read the Kur'an over your father, for he is gone. Prepare for him winding-sheets, and do not leave him alone. Tell Zainab to put on black, and mourn for her father.
"All's Family, crying and lamenting.-Make us not fatherless, O Lord, O God! Shall we be orphans and sorrowful ones, O Lord, O God? Take our souls instead of his, O Lord, O God! Make us not tearful-eyed, O Lord, O God!
"All (to his family).-O my poor, sad family, gather ye yourselves together around me, like the constellation of Pleiades about the moon; and you, O brightness of my eyes, Hasan and Husain, come near me for awhile, dear sons; and come thou, Zainab my daughter, see thy father's face, for the time has arrived that thou shouldst put on black on account of my death.
"Hasan.-May I be offered unto thee, O thou glory of the people of the age! I am Hasan, thy poor orphan son. Thou art greatly desirous to go to Paradise, the abode of the just, and hast, therefore, forgotten us altogether.
"All-O thou tender plant of the garden of Time's glory, thou brightness of my tearful eyes, Hasan, come to me, that I may commit unto thee the secret knowledge of the Imâmat, or priesthood. Come let me put my lips to thy delicate lips, and deliver the mystery of religion in this way to thy heart. Thou art the guide of men after me, O my successor! Perform the rites of Imâmat for the people after my departure. "Hasan.-What shall I, thy oppressed son, do
Sale's Koran (ed. 1734) chap. iii. p. 88. Muir's Life of Mahomet, vol. III. p. 172. Sale's Koran n. s. chap. ii. p. 50.
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when thou art taken away from us? To whom shall I look hereafter for comfort and solace? May Hasan be offered for thy parched throat, O father? Come, let me put my lips to thine as thou didst order me to do.
"Al-Oh my poor helpless, weeping family, leave me alone in the room for awhile; for I have to speak my secrets to my Creator, and make supplication to Him, before I leave this world:
"Hasan.-O ye, my brothers and sisters, go out all of you from this room, with tearful eyes, and let everyone put a copy of the Kur'an on his head, and pray earnestly to the holy Creator for the recovery of our father and protector.
"All-O thou beneficent Creator, the sole, the almighty God, I adjure Thee by Thine own glory, O Thou who art without any equal, and by that pearl-like tooth of Thy chosen and glorious Prophet, which was knocked out with a stone in the battle of Ohod; and by the disappointment of his child Fatima, and by the fracture which she suffered in her side; and by the tearful eyes of his distressed family; and, lastly, by this blood-stained beard of mine, to forgive, O eternal, ineffable Maker, the sins of 'Alf's followers in the Day of Judgment. Now I depart this life with the desire of meeting the Messenger of God in the, next world. I do therefore, bear witness that there is no God except God. (Dies.)
"Zainab, perceiving that 'Ali is dead.-Why has thy mouth ceased from speaking, dear father P Has heaven thrown black dust on our head to make us miserable? Alas! his honour, the Lion of God, has departed this life! He is gone to the garden of Paradise to visit Zahrah! Dear ones, inform 'Alf's afflicted servant of his master's death, that he may cover Haidar's mule 'Duldul's with
black.
"Hasan and Husain together.-Come let us put shawls of mourning round our necks. Come let us groan and make a sad noise. Come, dear sisters, dutifully close our father's eyes.
"Zainab and Kulsum together.-Alas! our father is, after all, gone! Alas! he is gone' as an arrow out of our hand! Come, let us put on black; let us dishevel our hair over his corpse.
"Al's Servant, leading the mule 'Duldul' draped in black.-Oh! they have killed the owner of 'Duldul,' 'Ali, the prince of believers! Alas! they have slain the chief, the Lion of the Lord of all creatures! The master of the crown and standard has suffered martyrdom by the sword of Muljam the traitor! They have destroyed the all-wise successor of the chosen of God.
"Duldul," one of Muhammad's mules, was given to Alt by the Prophet while the latter was alive, that no one might quarrel about it after his death.-Meyrick's Life of Mohammed, p. 870.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
"Hasan and Husain-O'Duldul' of our lord, where is our father and thy master? Where is our chief and our prince? Where is our dear supporter and protector? Where is the lustre of the Prophet's religion? Where the husband of Zahrah the virgin pa O poor creature, thy master has been killed by the insensate populace."" (Vol. I. pp. 149-153.)
This is a fair specimen of the literary character of the great Tragedy-but the original must be far more impressive when it is acted, and it finds a ready response in the hearts of an excited multitude.
A CHRONOLOGICAL and HISTORICAL CHART of INDIA, showing at one view all the principal Nations, Governments, and Empires which have existed in that Country from the earliest period to the Suppression of the Great Mutiny A.D. 1857-8, compiled and drawn by A. A. DURTNALL, of the High Court of Justice. (London: W. H. Allen & Co.)
The idea of such a wall chart as this, which measures about 3 ft. 3 in. by 4 ft., is excellent. The columns on each side are reserved for the dates-those on the left being for the Kaliyug, Brihaspati Cycle, Samvat Hijrah, and Christian reckoning; those on the left, for the last two again with the Saka Cycle of 60 in the Dekhan, and Yezdegird eras. On the right are four columns for "Contemporaneous History," chiefly European, and on the left three, occasionally broken, for Herat, Kandahar and Kabul. The space, 2 feet wide, that remains in the centre of the sheet, is divided into seventeen principal columns-some subdivided and others combined at different places-but representing generally the events in the histories of the Panjab, Sindh, Rajputana, Ajmer, Dehli, Kanauj, Magadha (Banâras), Behår, Bengal, Malwa, Gujarât, Khândesh and Berar, Maharashtra, Telangana, Karnata, the Tamil country, and Orissa. When we mention that "the principal works referred to are the Ata-i Akbart, Elphinstone's History of India, Gleig's, Thornton's, and Murray's Histories of the British Empire in India, The English Cyclopædia, Brown's Carnatic Chronology, Wilson's Glossary of Indian Terms, and Tytler's Elements of History," it will be understood at once that the work has not been executed with any pretensions to research or authority. Prinsep's Useful Tables alone afford the student much more information, and would supply materials for a most useful chart on a similar plan, or for recasting and greatly improv
Burton's El Medinah and Meccah, vol. I. p. 815,
1 Les Stances érotiques de Bhartrihari in Ind. Ant. vol. V. p. 81; Iter Persicum, vol. VII, p. 30.
Wilson's Theatre of the Hindus, vol. I. p. 6. Archaeological Survey of Western India, vol. III. p. 56. Jour. B.B.R. As. Soc. vol. XIII. p. 812. According to Lassen Alterthums. II. (2nd ed.) p. 965, (1st p. 945),
[SEPTEMBER, 1879.
ing this one. Still as a popular representation to the eye of the revolutions, conquests, &c. in the history of India, from the time of the Muhammadan invasion, it will be interesting and instructive, especially for Indian schools and colleges: the small space devoted to the period from B.C. 550 to A.D. 1100 is not so satisfactory, but neither are our histories of it.
Le CHARIOT de TERRE CUITE (Mrichchhakatika) Drame Sanscrit attribué au roi Sûdraka, traduit et annoté des scolies inédites de Lalla Dikshita. Par PAUL REGNAUD. 4 tom. 18mo elzevir. (Paris: E. Leroux, 1876-77). We have already noticed some of the neat and beautifully printed volumes of Leroux's Bibliothèque Orientale Elzévirienne.1
By its antiquity, literary merits, and extent, The Toy-Cart is one of the most important-if not the most important-of the Hindu dramas. Who its reputed author, Raja Sadra ka, was, it is difficult to fix the Kumáriká-Khanda of the Skanda Purdna appears to place a king of this name in A.D. 190; a local Mahatmya of Paithana says he founded a dynasty there in A.D. 372; and other accounts make him the first of the Andhra kings, one of whose successors-Satakarni-has left a long inscription at Nânâghât, and others were the excavators of Bauddha caves at Nasik, but it is
doubtful whether the first. Åndhrabhṛitya's name was Sudraka, and not rather Sisuka, Šuru ká, or Sipraka, and his era is not fixed,-being placed as late as A.D. 192 by Wilson," by others in B.C. 21, or 31,7' and between the first and third centuries B.C. by Wilford, which is just as probable as any of the other assigned dates. From the poem itself, when we try to determine its date the indications are vague enough; the Bauddha religion was prevalent and prosperous at the time to which the characters of the play belonged, but it does not necessarily follow that it was written then, any more than that Shakespeare's Julius Cæsar or King John were written at the times of the events they represent. Still the purity of the language and its freedom from grammatical pedantries and studied rhetorical flourishes, indicate that the Myichchhakatiká belongs to the age before the early decline of Sanskrit literary taste, and M. Regnaud attributes it on such grounds to the period between A.D. 250 and 600, and rather nearer the first of these dates than the second.
Wilson translated the play into English verse and published it at Calcutta in 1827; the Sans
also pp. 1209, 1211,-he was king of Vidis. Theatre of the Hindus, vol. I. pp. 6, 9.
Prinsep's Useful Tables (in Thomas' ed., Essays vol. II.) p. 241; conf. Archaeol. Sur. of W. Ind. vol. II. p. 132. Fergusson, Ind. and East. Architect. p. 717; Jour. R. As. Soc. (N.S.) vol. IV. p. 122.
Asiat. Res. vol. IX. p. 101.

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BOOK NOTICES.
267
krit text was also printed at Calcutta in 1829; in "Gam.-The fellow is taken. 1817 Stenzler published a better one with various "Máth.-(seizing the shampooer) Ah! jail-bird readings, philological notes, and extracts from a | you are taken ! pay the ten suvarnas! native commentary; and a third edition of the "San.-Lord, I will pay them. text with commentary appeared at Caloutta in "Math.-Pay them now. 1870. Langlois, before he knew much of Sanskrit, "Sar.-I will pay, but don't be in such a hurry. rendered Wilson's version into French, and MM. "Math.Come, come ! it must be done at once. Mery and Gérard de Nerval arranged an imitation "Sam.-Oh! my head swims (He swoons; they of it in five acts which was brought on the stage strike him with their feet and fists). at the Odeon under the title of the Chariot "Mathura, tracing a circle round him, Well! you d'enfant on 13th May 1850, and had a favourable are now fast in the gaming ring (jadiaramandalile reception for twenty consecutive nights.
baddho si)." Hippolyte Fauche, in 1861, published a new
This mandalf was a puzzle to M. Regnaud, as it version from the Sansksit, but it was anything
had been to Wilson, but we observe in the Repue but a satisfactory rendering, not even represent
Critique of 28 Juin, that he has remarked an exing the original so accurately as Wilson's versified planation given in Lud. di Varthema's Itinerary translation. In the Rivista Europea for April (1503-1508) as quoted in the new work of M. de 1872, Michele Kerbaker published an Italian ver- Gubernatis on the Mythology of Plants. The sion in blank verse of the first act; and in the custom on the Malabar coast, when summary paysame year 0. Kellner published his Einleitende ment was demanded of a debtor, was to draw a Bemerkungen zu dem indischen Drama 'Mricchaka- circle round him with a green branch, and impretika.' M. Paul Regnaud undertakes, in the pre- cate on him the name of a particular divinity sent version, more especially addressed to French
whose curse was to fall upon him if he left the readers, to render the drama more completely and circle before satisfying the claim of his creditor. more in keeping with the requirements of science Marco Polo (1293) witnessed an instance of this in than that of Wilson, and on the other hand, more
which the king was so arrested (Yule's Marco faithfully to the original and with more regard to
Polo, vol. II. p. 327). The Arabo-Persian Zakariah style than that of Fauche.
Kazwini ascribes the custom to Ceylon (GildeFrom the Bodleian library M. Regnaud was
meister, p. 197). El-Edrisi, Varthema (Travels, able to obtain a MS. commentary, which was
Hakluyt Soo. p. 147) and Hamilton (vol. I. p. 318, found valuable in interproting the Prakrit and
and Pinkerton, Voyages, vol. VIII. p. 377) all explaining difficult passages and obscure words,
describe it; 'Abd er-Razzak (India is the XVth and the author has used it judiciously throughout
Century, p. 14) and Père Bouchet (Lettres Edif. and cites it very largely in his notes, which must
t. XIV. p. 370) also refer to the strictness of the render his edition most valuable to any one study.
arrest. The custom, however, seems to have dising the original. The commentator, however,
appeared now. does not always explain allusions that puzzle
The literary excellence and accuracy of M. Paul scholars: thus, in the second act, when the San
Regnaud's translation of the Myichchhakatikitvihaka or shampooer, having lost 10 suvarnas,
itself one of the most perfect pictures of Hindu runs away and hides in a temple, Mathura and
social manners in the whole circle of Sanskrit the gambler follow him and sit down in the temple
literature-will commend it to the general reader, to play out their game. The Sasiudhaka sees
as well as the student of Indian history, while the them from the shrine, where he is personifying
scholis will add to its importance in the eyes of the idol, and remarks to himself
scholars, and its commodious form renders it "The man who listens to the sound of the dice
easily portable. without money in his pocket is as excited as the king deprived of his throne is at the sound of the TEXTS FROM THE BUDDHIST CANON, commonly known
DHAMMAPADA, with accompanying Narratives. Transdrum. No, I am decided to play no more, for one lated from the Chinese by SAMUEL BEAL, B.A., Prohad as well throw himself from the top of Meru as fessor of Chinese, University College, London. (Lon
don : Trübner. & Co. 1878.) take up the dice... and yet the sound they make is
Dhammapada is a work of much importance in as bewitching as the song of the Kokila. "The Gambler.-The throw is mine, the throw is
the study of Buddhism, containing a series of
moral precepts selected from the ancient canonimine!
cal books of the sect, and presenting a more "Mathura.--No, no; it is mine!
favourable idea of the morality of Buddhism than "Sam.-(leaving his position and coming hastily perhaps any other work yet analysed. It has forward)--Mine,-it is!
accordingly attracted the attention of European

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[SEPTEMBER, 1879.
scholars. The Rev. D. J. Gogerly translated about 350 of the 423 verses of which the Singhalese PAli edition consists, and published them in the Ceylon Friend (vol. IV. Aug. 1810, &c.); V. Fausböll published the Pâli text with a Latin translation in 1855; A. Weber a German version in 1860; and Prof. Max Müller an English one, as an introduction to Capt. Rogers's version of Buddhaghosha's Parables, in 1870.1 In Mr. Seal's examination of the valuable library of books forming the Chinese Buddhist Canon, procured from Japan for the India Office through His Excellency Iwakura Tomomi, he found four recensions of a work bearing the title of "Law Verses" or "Scriptural Texts," which proved to be very analogous to the Pali work. Of the simplest of these he has produced a translation--not literal he allows--but such a full abstract of it as will convey a very faithful idea of the original.
The earliest version of the Dhammapada in Chinese is called Fă-khcu-king or "The Sutra of Law Verses," and Tan-po-kët or Dhammapada gåthås, of which the Chinese preface informs us there are various editions, --one with 900 gåthås, another with 700, and another with 500. It was from the Canonical Scriptures "that the Shamans, in after years, copied out the various cithâs, some of four lines, some of six lines, and nttached to each set a title according to the subject therein explained. But all these verses, without exception, are taken from some one or other of the accepted Scriptures, and therefore they are called Law-verses, because they are found in the Canon. ... ... The present work, the original of which consisted of 500 gåthås, was brought from India in the 3rd year of the reign of Hwang-wu (A.D. 223), by Wai-chi-lan, and, with the help of another Indian called Tsiang-im, was first explained and then translated into Chinese"......" Finally, the work of translation was finished, and afterwards 13 additional sections were added, making up the whole to 752 Verses, 14,580 words, and headings of chapters 39."
The Chinese copies ascribe, the first arrangement of the book to Dharmatråta, who according to Taranatha was contemporary with the Brahman Rahula ; and he with Ghoshaka, (Udgrantha or Girisena), Vasumitra, and Buddhadeva, were the four great Acharyas of the Vaibhashikas. He is spoken of as Tsun-che-fa-k'ieou, that is, Arya Dharmatrata, and is said to have been the uncle of Po-su-meh, i.e. Vasumitra, and if the latter is the same as the president of the Synod under Kanishka, we may then place Dharmatrata
1 The late Mr. Childers has some Notes' on the Dhammupada in Jo. R. As. Soc. N. 8. vol. V. pp. 219 ff.
Vassilief, Le Bouddisme, p. 50 and conf.pp. 49, 270; or Schiefner's Taranatha p. 68. He distinguisbes this
with Mr. Beal some thirty years earlier. But Kanishka's date, assumed about 40 B.C., may still be subject to revisal.
On comparing the contents of this Chinese book with the Southern version, it is found that the first eight sections of the Chinese and the last four with No. 33, are wanting in the Southern copy. But from No. 9 to 32 with 34 and 35 the order and contents of the two works are the same. The first eight chapters in the Chinese version are named as follows: 1. Impermanency (Anity); 2. The doctrine of the enlightened ; 3. The Srivaka ; 4. Sincere Faith; 5. Observance of Duty; 6. Consi deration or reflection; 7. Lovingkindness (Metla); 8. Conversation, l'ho 33rd section is on Generosity; the 36th on Nirvana; the 37th on Birth and Death; the 38th on the Profit of Religion; and the 39th on Good Fortune (Mahdmdngala),this last agreeing with the Mahdmdngala Sutta of the Sutta Nipata. Then there are seventy-nine more stanzas in the Chinese than in the Påli chapters common to each. Hence it may be inferred that Dharmatrata's Dhammapada, brought to China by Wei-chi-lan, was itself a recension of an earlier Indian work, and that this revised work was accepted by the Council held under the presidency of his nephew Vasumitra, in the time of Kanishka, and thus acquired the reputation of being a portion of the canonical Tripitaka. This must depend, however, on whether the additions were not made by the editors of the Chinese text. Of the fidelity of the version into Chinese there can be no doubt.
There is another Chinese version, however, called the Tă-kheu-pi-i---parables connected with the book of scripture texts, or tales connected with the verses, which follow them, and which prompted their delivery. It was translated by two Shamans under the Western Tsin dynasty (A.D. 265 to 313). The chapters are the same as in the Fă-khau-king, only it gives one or two tales and a verse or two from the latter work as a moral. "As to the character of these stories," says Mr. Benl,"some of them are puterile and uninteresting." This is the version here given in English, but Mr. Beal has not attempted to give a literal trans. lation of his Chinese text, but only such an abstract of it as seemed necessary to explain its character and contents, whilst in the introduction he gives notices of the other editions. The work forms the second volume of Trübner & Co.'s
Oriental Series,' and may be confidently recommended to students of Buddhism as & valuable addition to our previous knowledge. Bhadanta Dharmatrata from another Dharmatrata, who collected the Udanavarga. See also St. Julien aub voce FAK'icou, tom III. p. 441; Burnouf, Introd. pp. 566, 567; Eitel sub. Voce Vasumitra.

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ON SOME BILINGUAL COINS OF BOKHÅRÅ.
269
ON SOME BILINGUAL COINS OF BOKHÂRÂ, STRUCK IN THE IIND CENTURY
OF THE HIJRAHCONTINUATIVE OF SASSANIAN TYPES AND DEVICES. BY EDWARD THOMAS, F.R.S., CORRESPONDANT DE L'INSTITUT DE FRANCE. T PROVED my devotion to the cause of Indian to interpret. In the present case this task is
Antiquities in undertaking to bring out a easy, and the result assuring. The practice collected edition of Prinsep's Essays in 1858. obtaining among the Sassanian kings which led In tracing the sequence of his discoveries, I had them to select, on their accession, the typical very early to admit, that however original, and form of Crown and its accessories by which relatively independent Indian progress might their conventional portraits and the impress on have been in its primitive stages, the one hun- their money might be distinctly recognised, dred and odd nations adverted to by the Greek enables us to pronounce, at once, and without writers represented a considerable advance upon reference to the formal legend, from whose any such delusion as universal Indian homo- mints any given specimen was issued. The geneity. As new discoveries of the condition of leading original from which the Bokhara coins, the "old world” in the valley of the Euphrates now under review, were copied, reveals itself and elsewhere grows upon us, so we become obviously in the mintages of Varah rân V., more and more prepared to admit interchanges an example of which may be described as follows: of ideas and relative obligations, in matters Coin of Varahran V. Gor. (4. D. 417–438.) which have hitherto been claimed as the exclu- 1 No. 1.-Silver. Size 9 of Mionnet's scale. sive property of the dark land of the Hindûs. Obverse.--Head of the king, to the right, with
The present paper will, I trust, interest our his conventional castellated Crown, the centralone Parsi friends and ethnical fellow Aryans in
of the usual three points having been recalling the legends of Bahram Gor, whose reputed visit to Indian soil may, perhaps, after
removed in order to admit of the compact ingerall, prove to have been something more than an
tion of a dot, or small ball, above which is placed ancient myth : as well as in placing before them
the distinguishing half-moon, surmounted by fresh numismatic records of the revolt of
the dynastic globe, or balloon of ether Bahram Chobin, minted on the northern Pehlwi legend.-af ff wada ., slopes of the Hindu Khûsh,-whose name has
Transcript secured as prominent a place in the annals of in modern es wirely we yo uljo obey the West in Gibbon's eloquent words as has Persian. been accorded to it in the national traditions of Reverse. -The national fire-altar with attenthe East.
dant supporters, armed with spears and wearOur Muslim fellow subjects in India will
ing crowns similar to that of the king, figured equally appreciate the numismatic evidence of a
on the obverse, but the surmounting globe is now closely determined date, bearing upon the omitted. The altar presents this peculiarity that schisms and contests of their leading sects in the Ormazd's head, usually represented as rising Khorasan during the second century of the
out of the flames, is, in this case, superseded by Hijrah, as well as the secondary testimony to the head of the king himself with his identical the progress of the arms of the Faithful in Cen
crown; while the head itself is placed in a new tral Asia.
position in the body of the upper part of the I need scarcely appeal to English antiqua
altar, below the flames, and the legend on the rians to listen with patience to the discussion of
margin in like manner seems to indicate a perquestions of high paleographic importance, or to sonal connexion with the monarch in its termsfollow me in tracing the historical and geogra: "Varahran's Fire." phical developments these coins suggest as pre
Pehlei p liminary to more extended investigation.
., The first duty of a Numismatist is to en
Persian pl uly deavour to trace the prototype of the coins he has' These altars were made portable, and are so
Bee under No. 8.

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represented on the coins, often with the distinct adjunct of handles. The "argenteis altaribus" of Q. Curtius (iii. 3) testify to ancient custom, and the "pyrées ambulants" of Sépêos exemplify the continuity of the practice. Yezdegird is likewise represented in his flight as "ayant toujours avec lui le feu (sacré)."
As for the insertion of the king's head on the side of the altar, this may be taken merely to confirm the purport of the legend. The king's crest figured on its side of itself made the sacred er blem personal property.
Our next step in the descending identification of types supplies us with a link in the consecutive order of time and place, in the form of a lately identified coin of Varah rân Chobin, five of whose pieces of a like character, but from different dies, were found by Major Hay in a hoorl at Kûlû, in company with the bulk of the Bokhârâ coins about to be noticed.
Coin of Bahrám Chobin (before A.D. 578). No. 2.-Silver. Size 9 Mionnet's scale.
Obverse.—Head of Varah rân Chobin, similar in its typical details to the portrait of Varah rân the Vth above described. The execution of the die is, however, very inferior, and the ornamentation of the dress, &c. far less rich than that appertaining to his royal namesake.
Legend, in very imperfect letters, reversed, and reading from the outside, commencing from the front of the crown.
Airán, and the dot, the Sanskrit anuswara, is certainly somewhat out of place, and an anomalous addition to a Pehlvi word, but the dot looks so definite and purpose-like on the surface of the coin, that it would not do to ignore it altogether. The Sin for China is more probable, in respect to the coincident scene of Bahram's conquests, but like all brief and unconnected Pehlvi records it is fully open to criticism.
A curious illustration has been preserved by Persian annalists of the importance attached among Oriental nations to the right to coin money," and the incidental effect upon public opinion of its unauthorized exercise. It is related that Bah râm Chobin, in his distant command in the East, sought to sow dissension between the reigning king Hormazd IV. and his submissive heir-apparent, Khusru Parviz, by striking money in the name of the latter, which was forwarded ostentatiously and in fabulous amounts to the capital where father and son were then residing in domestic amity. We have no means of determining that such an unusual and indirect course was not adopted and pursued to its end; as the extant numismatic types do not enable us to discriminate the contrasted examples of this informal coinage, among the multifarious mintages, Persian and adoptive Arabian, bearing the name of Khusra II. But the accepted legend savours of extreme Orientalism, and it seems more probable that Bahram Chobin's treason took the more subdued though not less effective form testified to in the pieces now under review; and that he utilized the plunder of Sia bah's treasury, by converting its metallic constituents into camp issues crudely emblazoned with his own name.
I now come to the special object of this communication. Our Indian numismatists have, for long past, been acquainted with a coinage reaching us from the north of the Himalayan range, and of which specimens cropped up occasionally in Russian and other Continental collections. These coins are bilingual; the Kufic legends though of rude execution, and involved in the ornamentation of the device, were readily discovered to represent variously the names of
رنداس چورن Pellet
Persirn W wlyje · Varahrân of the mace."
Reverse. -Device closely following the design of Varabran the Vth's Reverses, but of coarser execution. The head below the fire on the side of the altar is unusually prominent, and closely follows the outline of the profile on the obverse.
Legend to the right - vil An Irán? To the left 13 with China ?
The proposed transliteration of these two subordinate records on the reverse, is, I need not say, purely speculative. The Ani may perchance only stand for the very frequent -
Tabari. tom. III., p. 503. Gibbon observes that the Tätnr chief who was converted by the Nestorians," was indulged in the use of a portable altar." Cap. xlvii.; Journal Asiatique, 1966, p. 113. See also Indian Antiquary, vol. I. p. 213.
3 Plate VII, fig. 10. My Sassanians in Persia-Numis. matic Chronicle XIII. N. S. page 239.
Shah Namah. Mohl's edition, tom. V., p. 688; Masaudi tom. II, p. 214. Tabari. tom. II., p. 268. Malcolm's Persia vol. I. p. 154. De Tacy, p. 894. Gibbon, writing from western documents, does not admit this incident, chapter xlvi.
Masaudi, tom. II., p. 213. This "loot was said to have embraced the earliest ancestral hoards of the ancient Persian patriarchs.

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ON SOME BILINGUAL COINS OF BOKHÂRÂ.
271
Muhammad and the authorized title of and Varah rân Chobin-(Nos. 1, 2 supra). the son of the Khalif Al Mansûr, viz. S*41
The execution of the die is coarse, but the outAl Mahdi. The third alternating word I have
line is free and bold. There are two varieties only lately been able to decipher, and it proves
of the crown as shown in the accompanying
cuts. No. 1 is usually associated with the coins to be in " orthodox" (tradition), which, it
of Muhammad and Al-Mahdi, while will be seen, accords well with the position of No. 2 is more frequently, but not exclusively, Muhammad Al Mahdi in Khorasan.
combined with the aim Sunniy variety. The unknown characters forming the combined legend, bat reading in the opposite direc- Legend)(94)14(H)2 reading tior-which had hitherto defied interpretationwere deciphered and explained at the St. Peters
downwards from the top of the crown.
Transcript burg Congress of Orientalists by Dr. Lerch. His
in modern sty les for las ll! own account of this discovery is reproduced in
Persian. J the Note below, and though many modern
Legend, in Kufic, reading to the left, from the scholars still with hold their adhesion to this read
other side of the top of the crown. Variously ing, I am myself quite prepared to accept it, as
1st 2nd I, 3rd de the genuine rendering of the original words. Dr.
Reverse. --Fire-altar in outline, with the king's Lerch has not yet published anything further
head below the flame, filling in the upper part than this note, and the Report of the St. Petersburg
of the Altar, as in the prototypes (Nos. 1, 2). Congress is still in the printers' hands, so that
The supporters hold the conventional spears! I am not able to say how far he may have
No legends. progressed in the assignment of these pieces-or
The reverse devices of this triple series or how far he may have anticipated many of the
group of coins vary both in artistic execution points I now put forth as independent discoveries.
and the degrees of successful imitation of the Bokhará Coins.
originals, to a far greater extent than is the No. 3.-Impure silver, varying from 44 to
case with the obverse design-which seems to 50 grains. Size 6 of Mionnet's scale.'
indicate either a very extended fabrication of
these pieces, or perhaps a prolonged adherNo. 1
ence to a popular device, which was supposed
to carry with it a commercial value." Obrerse-King's head, in ontline, following Those who remember that the ancient kings the old forms on the coins of Varah rán v. of Persia were entitled Uldis Khudalan, will
No. 2
o Writing to the Academy, he says:
"In Xos. 227–229 of the Academy you have printed three notices of the Petersburg Congress of Orientalists, in the last of which, at p. 315, the author of those notices, Mr. Braudreth, gives a kind account of my statement regarding the coins of the rulers of Bokhårå, struck before the Aribian invasion, and imitated, with some modifications, by the magistrate of the city under the government of the Khaliphs, Samanides and Khariukh Turks. Besides a fragment of the Pehlevi inscription which was in use on the obverse of the Sassanian coins of the first half of the fifth century, the early section of the said coins of Bokhara, being an initation of the former coins, bore on the obverse an inscription consisting of eleven characters which I assigned to the Sogndian alphabet mentioned by the Araben-Nedim, author of the Fikrist. These eleven letters were deci phered by me, and represent the words Bukhar-Khulath, or, 'Lord of Bokhara.' These words, and not 'Kudan, Bukhar,' as given by my friend Mr. Brandreth, are the title of the princes of Bokhard before the Arabian conquests in Transoriana. Mr. Brandreth also ascribes to me a statement that a similar title is applied by contemporary Chinese authors to the princes in question. I fear I must have been misunderstood by my honourable colleague at the meeting, since I do not remember having said any. thing of the kind; on the contrary I have stated that tho
tle of Lord of Bokhard' is often quoted, besides Nam shakhi (not 'Xarslaki"), my principal authority in this
matter, by other Arabian historians and geographers, 13 Ibn-el-Athir, Kbordadbeh, Istakhri, Ibn-Hauqal, Mokul. desi, who render this title Buckhar Khwah or BuklurKludhah. The History of the Chinese Thang dynasty gives to the ruler of Bokhårå the title Maowa,' the same which other Chinese sources give aleo to other princes of Transoziada, and does not know the title cited by the Arabian authors.
P. LERCH. "St. Petersburg: Nov. 1, 1876."
References.-Frahn Die Munzen. Pl. xvi. figs. Nand Major Hay, Journal Asiatic Society of Bengal, vol. IX. (1810) p. 539, figs. 6, 7, Plate iii ; Prinsep's Essays, vol. II. p. 117; Stickel, Orientalische Miinacabinet zu Jena (1970) p. 121 and Plato No. 90.
I prefer the P. to B. both for derivation reasons and fur the Chinese pronunciation of the same, see lionen Th-an, Mém. 'sur les Cont. Occid. tom. II. p. 22. Balkh, in like manncr is Po-hu or Po-ho-lo, p. 29. D'Ohsson, tom. I. p. 5.
The maintenance of the current values and incidental forms of the local money constituted a very important iten, not only to the populace, but in the estimate of Revenues die front each province. See my Satnicit Coins, p. 90). Num. Chronicle, vol. XIII. p. 217. Ouseley's Oriental Gen. graphy, p. 258; Istaklari, text, 1970, pp. 314, 323; Journal Astique, 1902, p. 179, and 1505 p. 248.
10 Moll Shuk Nimol, Preface p. x., Hamza Isfahani pp. 1 1, 16, 47; Masudi, tom. II. 77, 228, 237. Ibn Khordalbab. Journal Asiatique, 1903 p. 40. Tabari. tom. IV., p. 161.

Page #300

272
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[OCTOBER, 1879.
be fully prepared to trace the survival of this designation among the later sovereigns of the far East. The earliest counterpart of the title appears in the Sassanian Series, under the form of us Kadi in connexion with the name of Varahran II." It occurs frequently on the coins of Yezdegird I. and is constant on those of Firuz; and Khusrû Parviz had a special Royal seal for the province of Khorasân engraved with the words sa ... las Khorásán Khudah. So that, whether ethno. logically or geographically, we arrive naturally at the continued use of the term on the local money of Bokhårå under the Khalif Mansur.
One of the most interesting questions connected with these coins, is the palæographic associations of their legends which may be formulated thus, do these strange characters, which embody the sounds of Bokhara Khudaldo, represent the original letters of the ancient Soghdian alphabet, or are they the outcome of a hybrid collection of symbols from current and more recent systems of writing? My own impressions are still in favour of the latter theory. On my first examination of this class of coin in 1858, I remarked that their "alphabetical devices" seemed "to pertain to inore westerly nations, though the sites of discovery connect (the coins) with the Central Asian types," enumerated in the conjoint classification, and I further remarked upon the fact, that "the forms of the letters" gave "it (the alphabet) a decidedly Phoenician aspect." This verdict must remain unimpaired with regard to the 1st, 2nd, 5th, 7th, 8th, 9th, and 11th letters of the legend, consisting of eleven letters in all, the two compound letters doing duty for the Pehlvi equivalent of; khu have the second conjunct letter ider.tical in form with the other , 's or Waw's. So that we have virtually only two characters remaining to account for, i.e. the triangular letter which constitutes the in ge and the reversed form of 20 which represents the l = 4. Whatever may have boen the derivation of this letter
? its combination with, to form the equivalent of the later Arabic ¿ points to Pehlvi teaching and acknowledged conventional practice; and its appearance on these pieces indicates the mere imitation of the system of Pehlvi orthography in use upon their prototypes.
There is a letter very similar to this triangular $ = h, which stands for an Hebrew = i in Aramean in Gesenius' Table No. IV." and a nearly similar form is given to the same letter in the Duc de Laynes' Alphabets Pl. xi, a; Prinsep's Essays. The kh may, after all, have been represented, in the anomalous conversion of sounds, by an initial iu or eu. It will be remembered that the has always been a Turkish difficulty, which survives to this day in Tophana and Hiva. The peculiar shape of the a, in its backward curve, reminds us of the Syriac definition of that letter, but the earliest type of that character on the stèle of Mesha (the Moabite Stone) with the omission of its downstroke might well have formed the model upon which many early varieties were designed and improved upon. There are other coincidences to be detected in this system of writing, which seem to connect it with Syrian (Nestorian) teachings," the fuller examination of which may be reserved for a future opportunity.
Albîr ûn i tells us, that the whole stock of the primitive literature of Kharizm was utterly destroyed, root and branch, by Kotaibah bin Musliin-even as the Khalif O'mar, on the other extremity of the Arab conquests, sanctioned the conflagration of the Library of Alexandria. If this eradication of all ancient records, and the coincident extermination of the living exponents of traditional lore, was practically carried out, to the extent the Kharizmian author would imply-we can well understand and account for the necessity of a reconstruction of alphabetspartaking alike of what had been preserved and recovered from local sources, readjusted to the advanced spread of independent forms of writing and intermixture of speech. Albîrûni's invaluable
"Wardán Khodsal" roi de Bokhåra 535, and Albirdnt Åsar 'ul Bákya, Sachau's text, p. 102. 8155 uljes kustu
| بخارا خدا خوارزم شاہ and ملوک مرر ما هو يه
19 Masaudi, tom. II. p. 228-9. J.R.A.S. N. S. vol. III, p. 319.
Prinsep's Essays, vol. II. p. 116. 1. Carpentras Insc. Ist Cent. A.D. See also F. Lenormant (Paris, 1872). Alphabet Aranéen des Papyrue, tom. I, Plate xi. and Pls. xii. to xiii, xv.. xvi.; as well as Dr. J. Euting's Tables, Strasbourg, 1877.
* Gibbon, Cap. xlvii. vol. V. p. 259, edition of 1867.
10 Ockley, History of the Saracens, A.H. 21 = A.D. 611, under Omar. Gibbon.
J. R. Asiatic Society N. 8. vol. III. p. 284.
19 Num. Chron. vol. XII, p. 110, coin No. 29; sce also pp. 283 287.

Page #301

OCTOBER, 1879.)
GRANT OF NANDIVARMA-PALLAVAMALLA.
273
records of local traditions, with his personal confirmation of their credibility and virtual authenticity, are here reproduced from the new English version of the Arabic text.
“Kutaiba bin Muslim had extinguished and " ruined in every possible way all those who "knew how to write and to read the Khwa. "rizmt writing," who knew the history of the "country, and who had studied their sciences. “In consequence these things are involved in " so much obscurity, that it is impossible to " obtain an accurate knowledge of the history " of the country since the time of Islâm (not "to speak of pre-Muhammadan times)." Albirůni Sachau's Translation p. 42. And again at p. 58 we are told—" For after Kutaiba bin " Muslim Albá hili had killed their learned men "and priests, and had burned their books and "writings, they became entirely illiterate (forgot "writing and reading), and relied in every "knowledge or science which they required " solely upon memory."
The determination of the circumstances under which the several names of Muhammad, Al Mah di and the word or orthodox" appear in the order stated on these coins, is sufficiently illustrated and explained in the following extracts from the Chronicle of the historian Tabari:--
"Aprùs l'affaire des Ráwendiens, Mançour (envoya dans le Khorásán) son fils Mo’hammed, à qui il donna le-surnom de Mahdí, en le désignant comme son successeur au trône ....
“Mo'hammed, fils d' 'Abdallah, avait pris le surnom de Mahdi; il disait à ses adhérents qu'il était le Mahdi de la famille de Mohammed, et que son frère Ibrábím était le Hádí. Or, lorsque Mançour fit reconnaitre son fils comme son successeur au trône, il lui donna
également le surnom do Mahdi, disant: C'est mon fils et non le fils d' 'Abdallah bin Hassan, [fils d''Alí, Sls d'Abu Tálib), qui est le Mahdi de la famille de Mohammed. Tabari, Orient. Transl. Fund Zotenberg IV. 378. Depuis que Mançour était monté sur le trône, il cherchait à découvrir le séjour de Mo'hammed et d'Ibrahim fils d' 'Abdallah, fils de 'Hasan." .....
“Or ceux-ci se cachaient tantôt à la Mecque, tantôt en Egypte ou dans l'Iraq, en faisant de la propagande en vue des droits de leur famille, et its avaient des missionnaires dans le Khorásán". . . . . p. 382.
"Abû-'Aoun, governeur du Khorásán, annonça à Mançour que les partisans de Mo'hammed fils d' 'Abdallah, devenaient de plus en plus nombreux dans sa province et qu'un soulèvement était à craindre," p. 392. [Muhammad was killed in 145 A.H., and Ibrahim fell in action shortly afterwards.]
See also Masandi (French Edition vi., 209 and viii. 293.)
I conclude the references to Mahdi's Bokhårå coins by appending a specimen of his earliest Kufic coins, struck in that locality, on which will be found a full enumeration of his names and titles.
No. 4. Coin of Muhammad, Al Mahdi. Struck at Bokhará 4.H. 143 (4.D. 760-1).
Obverse. Area. Bua, ali i all y
بسم الله ضرب ببغارا سنة ثلث و اربعین Margin
ومية
Reverse. Area. all! Jyong des
امر به الأشعث في ولية المهدي الأمير Margin
محمد بن امیر المومنین
(Frohn. Recensio p.21, No. 22; Tiesenhausen, Monnais des Khalifs Orient. (in Russian), St. Peterburgh, 1873, p. 71, No. 724.)
GRANT OF NANDIVARMÂ-PALLAVAMALLA. BY RE. THOMAS FOULKES, F.L:S., CHAPLAIN OF SAINT JOHN'S, BANGALORE. Description. This is an inscription on five rod. The seal is 2 inches in diameter, and has thin plates of copper, 9 inches long, 34 inches an almost entirely obliterated recumbent bull, wide, and Yo to to inch thick. The plates are facing to the proper right. The inscription on numbered with old Grantha or antique Tamil the seal is completely effaced by rust. numerals on the margin of the second side of the inscription is written on the inner side each plate. They are united by a seal-ring about of the first plate, and on both sides of the four four inches in diameter, made of inch copper- following plates. The language is Sanskrit :
" At p. 57 Albirdni describes the Khwarizmians as "a branch of the great tree of tho Persian nation."

Page #302

274
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
and, with the exception of the three opening verses, three laudatory verses descriptive of the grantor in the genealogical portion, and two verses at the end,-it is in prose form. The original inscription is followed by an almost verbatim copy of the Tamil endorsement upon the grant of Nandivarmâ published in Indian Antiquary, Vol. VIII, page 167 ff.
The character used in the original inscription is antique Grantha. This is a fact worth noting; forasmuch as it shows that the Grantha character, whatever its birth-place may have been, was used by the Pallava rulers of the basin of the Pâlàr previous to its conquest by the Chola princes of Tâñjâvûr. If the date of this grant is the 9th century A.D., as I now think, we have here a specimen of a completely developed Grantha alphabet in existence, and nsed by the Pallavas at that time.
The Tamil character used in the endorsement is the same as in the previous copy of this endorsement, referred to above.
[OCTOBER, 1879.
which at present there are no means of ascertaining-and the date of the endorsement which is approximately known, cannot be further apart than the two extremes of the adult life of a single generation. It would thus give us a rough clue to the date of the grant; which would then belong to the last days of the Pallava rule in the basin of the Pâlâr, a little while before its conquest by the Chôļas. However this may be, the general resemblance of the two parts of the inscription on this last page of the plates is so great, that at a first glance few persons would notice any difference between them.
[1] Śri
[] m
This document is a grant by Nandi varmaPallava malla of two villages called Kumaramangalam and Vennattûrakkotta, situated on the river Pålår, which were now united to form a single Brahman settlement, to which the new name of Udayachandramangalam was given, to one hundred and eight Brahmaus, to commemorate the victories of his general Udayachandra over the armies of his enemies. It is dated in the twenty-first year of his reign, without any reference to an era.
The Tamil addition to the grant records, as already mentioned in the description of its counterpart in Inl. Antiq., Vol. VIII., p. 168, the mutual agreement of the village-communities of the above-named Udayachandramangalam and of the adjoining village of Ikanmaraimangalam, which had also the name of Kanchivayil, to unite together to form a single village-community. It is dated the 26th year of the reign of the Chola king KopparaKesarivarma, but without any indication of
This Tamil addition to the original grant commences close to the final marks at the end of the grant, and on the same line, namely, the sixth line of the outer side of the last plate: and it occupies three whole lines besides, and part of a fourth line. The size of the Tami! letters is the same as the preceding Grantha letters on this plate: and those letters which are common to both alphabets are exactly alike in form. This general resemblance is close enough to suggest, not merely that the engraver of the Tamil purposely copied the Grantha letters, but that the same hand may have engraved both the grant and the endorsement.
If this was the case, it would follow that the distance of time between the date of the grant, Transliteration. Plate I.
Sumerugi[ri] mûrddhani
an era.
Svasti
pravarayogabaddhâsanaraviśaśâmkanetradvayamumasa hitamâdarâ
jagat]trayavibhutage
sirasâ
jatâdhâ
[] dudayachandralatshmi[kshmi]pradam Sadasivamahannamâmi [] ripam
Śrîmânanekaraṇabhuvi[bhumi]şhu Pallavaya rajyapradaḥ para[] hita[b] parachakradandi Pâchânkulasya tilakaḥ prathitaḥ pra[pri]thivyâm sthe [*] yâtsa bhipilavanditapadad vayapallavini
Vilvalapuridhipathinlys
samyagganochehayanirastavipalla
['] [san]ma[]juhkravinamanka[tka]rapallavināṁ [*] vânấm amishirajagati tishthatu Pallavânâm AvyaktieBradBm]hmājāya[] ta Brahman Odgir Amgiraso Brihaspatih Bra Brihaspate([6] Samyub Sa
[10] yor Bharadvajaḥ Bharadvajad Dronaḥ Dropidaparimitateja[jo]dhâm
["] Asvatthâmâ
Tato
nirâ kritâkulavipallaval
Pallavah
Evamanu

Page #303

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Page #304

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Page #305

OCTOBER, 1879.]
GRANT OF NANDIVARMA-PALLAVAMALLA.
275
!
Plate II; side 1. ["] kramena santatiparampa aya hi varddhamane Pallavakule bhaktyârâdhi ["] ta Vishnul Simhavishṇaḥ Sinhavishộurapi Mahendrasadsisavikramo [*] Mahendravarmmå Tasmật Agastya iva vinathita Vatapih Pariya[Bhû]maņima["] mgalasûramâraprabhsitişhu j etá bahuśo Vallabharajasya Narasim[1] havarmmå Tasya putrah punareva Mahendravarmmå Tatah Peruvalanalkuyyuddhe vi["] jitah[ta] Vallabhabalah Parameśvaravarmmå Tasmåtparamamaheśvaral paramabrahma('s) nyo Narasimbavarmmî Tasya Paramesva[ra] ivadhikadarśanah paramadhârmmikah [""] Parameśvaravarmma Tasya Parameśvaravarmmanah putro Bharata iva sarvvadama[0]no , Merurivachalah Divasakara i va svakaraireva riputamasanniro["] dhabhedakah sasadhara iva sakalakalâ pariņataḥ nya[k]k rita NrigaNala NishadhaNa["] husbaNábhaga Bhagirathầyamanaparanarapatigandasthalavigaļitama[*] dajala[la]dhárâdurddinakalmashik pitavametarabhuda
Plate II; side 2. [] rdah digarantavijrimbhamaņakumudavanavipulakirttiḥ pranatávanipatima[] kutamâlikálidbacharanâravindah Kusumachâpa iva vapushi Vatsara["] ja iva kuñjareşhu Nakula iva turangameshu Arjjuna iva karmmukesha Droņa i[^/] va dhanurvvede kâvyanatakákhyâyikasu p raviņah bindumatishu chatu["] rtthapraņairttaraksharachyuta kamâtrachyutakadishu nipunah dayanidhirddharmma["] bbâjanah kalamkarahitah kalibalamarddanaḥ kalpakavratah Kritanto ripůņâm Ana[9] ngo vadhùnam alamghyo balânâmanûno gunanam Sarangal prâjânâm [] satâm kalpavrikshaḥ kṣiti Nandivarmma patih Pallavanam[vânâm] Tíkşhņairba nairyyo na1897 ranathah) karisainya Bhindannkjau rajati raja ranasûrah Mandam bhindandhvân[*] tasamhan k arajâlair Udyannadrau pamkajabandhusSaviteva Jaitra[") ndhanahkaravibhushaṇamamgarågasSenâmakheshu r ipuváranada navari
A. (S] kalpamatra parametadudáraki[ki]rttery Yasya prabhorbhavati palla
Plate III; side 1. [8] vaketanasya Narapatiradhipatiravanernnayabharah
Pallavamallo-Na(] ndivarmmå tasya putro babhůva Tasminmahîr såsati. Narapatau tasyaiva Na
387 ndivarinmaņo[na] ekaviméatisamkhyamapurayati samvatsare kramukana[*] likerasa hakiratâlahintâlatamâlanagapunnagaraktáśokakura["] vakamadhavikarņņikâraprabhsititarubhavanopasobbitatirayah
mada[") vighûrņņitamanasama[mâ]nini[ni]kuchamukhoddha(ddhû]takumkamagandha[dhâ]y& Vega
vatya [") nadyah
patirjjaladagamajalamerarasa[maireya)rasâsitajaladopamapa["] ravåraṇakulapushkaravivarantaraparinirggatasalilotva(tkva]ņakanika["] chitavipani[ni]pathasya sakalabhuvanatalalalåmabhůtasya
Vilvald("] bhidhậnasya n agarasyâdhipatiḥ Pallavakulah paramparågate Påchå[*] nkule prasůto Dramilanåpatibhiraparuddham Pallavamalanna (Mallam A]napore drishtvå tada["] kshamaya kuvalayadaladyutina nisitena kripaņena Pallavamallasatrubrinda
Plate III; side 2. [**] sya kritânta iva vij rimbhamåņaśChitramâya Pallavarajamukhânnihatya sakala["] meva rajya[m] prayacha[chchha]n Nimba(vana]ChůtavanaSarkaragrâma Vanalûra Nelveli
Sadravara[SO] ntyåraprabhsitisha-ranabhuvi[bhůmi]şhu Pallavaya bahuśaḥ parabalam vijeta ["} prá[pra]kritajanadurvvigáhye bhairanena[ve] Nelvelisamgråme Samkha[ka]rasena[na]pa ["'] tisama[va]ruthadantidantayugalasamghattanaksharitamadajálasamalam[") kritabahudaņdaḥ Pratipaksham Udayanabhidhanam Sabararajan hi("] två mayûrakalâ pavirachitam darppanadhvaja
n g rihitavận U[t]tarasyê1 Here the plate has the following redundant words, with marks of obliteration before and after them, and also between the letters ni and bhi :-tabåbudaņdah pratipakahamıdayanábhidánan Shabarardjam hi.. They occur in their right place in line 53 below.

Page #306

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[] mapi disi Pra [Pr]thivivyaghrabhidhâ[dha]m Nishada[dha]patim prabalâ yamânamaśvanie[] dhaturamgama[mâ]nusaranama[sârenâ]pata [nta] manusṛitya vijitya Vishnurâ javishayât Pa[] llavam va]satkrityâdiśanniravadyapramukhâmśuhârânaparimitasuva[] rṇnasañche[cha]yam
kunjarinspi
276
["pilitaKalidurggath [0] vijitavân
[...] vẫn
yo jagräba Kali Bhagavatiti]pari Plate IV; side 1. vipinayitvi Magpaku[at]grime Pandyanath Udayachandrakhyadhiravaral parachakradaṇḍisvâmine vijñâptaTadvija panay sakalarkiyapraditurnsidhaninishkrayúrtha.
[**]mpaichimlárayanadivishaye
Kumaramangala Vennaṭṭurakkoṭṭagrâ
[] me[man] jalayantradvayancha Udayachandramamgalamiti nama kritvâ ashtottarasatebhyo [*] brahmaṇebhyo Tasya purastâtsîmâ StokanadidakshiSamudradatta Chaturvvedimamgalasyottaratas ChakratîrtthâKoṭṭagramadevagrihadattaratastatal paichi
[**] natassîmâ
[] duttaratastataḥ
[""] me pûrvvavatSamudradatta Chcha[Cha]turvvedimamgalasya paschimottaratassimâ [] Duraga[rga]hradâduttarastasmåtpaśchime [*] asya pratich [y]asîmâ
Lohitagiristasmâduttarato
[] Jasikharitparastat Krishnasilasilochehayâtpalchime ["] Rauhinaguhâ
dadau
paśchime
[OCTOBER, 1879.
paschimottaratassîmâ
Plate IV; side 2.
Anadhatpálachala[lo]dakahiyapiréva
gatvá
Ve
Madhavaśarmmane Plate V; Side 1.
Sinduvârahra
[''] daḥ
uttaratassîmâ Kâñchîdvâranâmagrâmasya dakshinataasima [a]ddakahi[13] nataḥ pragudi deb yasim Kshîranadi Evañchatussîmântarânadikulyâjalabbo[] gyâmstasarvvaparihâramanyânadharmmakrityân vinâsya bhûmindattavan Kaunḍinya[] gotrys Prevajanashtriya Ratra[dra)farmmane bhagadvayam Tatgoldgo]trastriya
Gaṇadinda
[] farmmane Tatgo[dgo]trasûtrâya Ganamâtasarmmane Tatgo[dgo]trasûtrâya Dâmasarmma ["] ne Tatgodgo)trastriya Agnisarmmane Tatgo[dgo]trasûtrâya Manṭaśarmmane Tatgoldgo]tra Apa
[1] stambha[ba]sûtrâya Madhavaśarmmane Tatgo[dgo]trasûtrâya Maṇṭasarmmane Tat go[dgo] trasutrâya Nâng
[7] yanaśârmmane Pârvvava[d] Dronaśarmmane Pûrvvavat Agniśârmmane Kasyapagotrâya Â[*] pastambasûtrâya Bhavamâtabhaṭṭaya bhagatrayantadvanMaisarmmage bhagadva
yantadvat Kalasarmma
[] ne Tadva[t] Tintasarmmane Tadvad Viramanțâya Tadvat Külaya Bharadvajagotra Apastambha[ba]sûtra Ru
[**] drakumârâya TadvatSundaya TadvanNariyasiya Tadvat Tarifarmmage Tadvachche[Chandraśarmmane Tatgoldgo]
[] traPravachanasûtraya Sulamantaya Tadvat Kâtâya Tadvad Dâna Rudraya Jâtugaṇagotra Pravaja
[**] nasûtraya Porakshakeyaya Vatsagotrâya Apastambha[ba]sutraya Bhundi-GovindaPârvvavat Gandakâdâya
[] sarmmane
Pûrvvavat
[] Pârvvavat Târisarmmane Pûrvva[va]n Nilakanta[ntha]śarmmane Pûrvvavat Râmasarmmane Agni[] vai[velyngotres[tra&]pastambha[ba]etelya Dropalarmmage Vidhalagotra Apastambha[ba]. satriya Narlyasiya Atreyagotriya Apastampabha[ba]shtriya Chattiparanandi[ne] [] Visha[po]vriddhagotriya Bahavrihvpijeha Nimbadásiéarmmano PürrvaranNi[Nilaka [] nthaya Pârvvavat Piṭṭaśarmmane Pârvvavan Nilakanthaya Le[Lo]hitagotrâya Apa[] stambha[ba]sûtrâya Kârâmpinantiśarmmane Vasishthagotrâya Pravachanasûtrâya Kâva[] nyåramastatasarmmane Pârvvavat Dronaśarmmane Gotamagotra Apastambha[ba]sûtrâ[*] ya Nimbasarmmane Pûrvvavat Agnisarmmane Tatgo[dgo]tra Pravachanasûtrâya Rudramantaya bhâ

Page #307

GRANT OF PALLAVA MALLA NANDI VARMA
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Page #309

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Page #310


Page #311

OCTOBER, 1879.]
GRANT OF NANDIVARMÅ-PALLAVAMALLA,
277
["] gadvayam Parásaragotra Pravachanasůtrậya Gaņâmâtaśarmmaņe Pärvvavan Madha
vasarmmaņe [°] Tatgo[dgo]tra Âpastambha[ba]sütrâya Nakaśarmmane Haritagotrây Apastambha[ba]s
trâya Vink[*] yakasarmmane Tadva[t]Sundâya Tadvat Kontaya Tadvat Tamasarmmaņe Tadvat
Tevasarmmaņe Mu["] tga[dgallagotrậypastambha[ba]sutraya Channakaļine Purvvavad Droņaya Kaushikago[] trpastambha[ba]sútraya Kumâramantâya Tadvach Chachumaraya Tatgo[dgo]tra Pravachanasâ trậya
Plate V; side 2 [""] Tintadronase[ba]rmmane bhagadvayam TadgotrÅpastambha[ba]adtraya Kaļasarmmaņe [100] Katukuchattipälapochana Teddiyyå[ddiyâ]ranaprashattikartre Paramégvaraya Uttarakâkolo(101] tbhasabha]vậyaikobhagah vaijya[dya]bhagascha Gangapuravåsina[5] Droņasreshthirana
patrasya Re1037 vatinâmnah Paramamahesvarasya dvan bhågan Yåvachcharati khe bhinuryyavattishtha[m][108] ti parvvatâh Pachånkulañcha vaitava[t] stheyâdâchandratârakam Patra[1] SriChandra.
Devasya kavi [104] tvaparameśvara[h] Prasasteḥ kavitáñchakre Sa Medhåvikulotbha[abha]vaḥ Tamil endorsement.
Matin konta [108] Koppara Kesari varmakku yântu iruppatáro[ra]vatu Utasya]chantiramankala[100] ttu sabhaiyorum[rum] Kañchivåyilâkiya Ikanmaraiman kalattu sabhaiyorum[rum] [107] ivvirantūrorum [rum] kadi' yonrunmaiyil itan mel pattatu örurây và. [108] rvômânômo Translation.
From the Invisible, Brahmå was born : Wealth and health.-I bow my head to from Brahma, Aigiras: from Angiras, BriSad å siva, who wears the matted hair; who has pati: from Brihaspati, Samyu: from Bits immoveably in silent meditation on the sum- Samya, Bharad vaja: from Bharadvája, mit of Mount Meru for the good of the three Drona: from Droņa, Asvatthâ mâ, worlds with U mâ reverently by his side; who covered with unmeasured glory: afterwards has the sun and moon for his two eyes; while the Palla va, from whom perplexing instability rising moon sheds its rich glory upon him. was far removed.
May the lord of Vilvalapura live for In the course of the lineal succession of the over, the wealthy, who gave a kingdom to augmenting race of Pallava, Sinha Palla va from many a battlefield, the bene- vishņu was born, an enthusiastic worshipper volent, the punisher of foreign armies, the orna- of Vishņu: from Simha vis hņu came mental forehead-spot of the Pooh&m race, Mahendra varma, a hero equal to Maand famous throughout the world.
hendra: from him Narasiha varma, May (some member) of the Palla vas the equal of A gasty a the crusher of V & tapi, flourish on the earth for ever, whose feet, who frequently conquered Vallabharaja tender as young leaflets, are worshipped by at Pariya-B h û manimangala, Sharakings; whose hands, tender as young leaflets, mà ra, and other places : his son was another are hung with beautiful garlands; whose Mahendra varmà: then came Parameslightest misfortune is thrust aside by the mul- svara varma, who conquered the army of titude of their excellent qualities.
Valla bha in the battle of Peruvu! alka:
In the counterpart this word is written Keshari.
Varmarku in the counterpart. • Yantiru in the counterpart.
Utie in the counterpart. • The order in which these two villages are named here is reversed in the counterpart: the first place is given in each to the village to which each grant belongs.
The counterpart has the Tamil tri instead of the Grantha ti which is used here.
Onruyinmaiyil in the counterpart. • There are some other minor differences between the two copies, such as an interchange of the two Tamil ns, and the use or omission of Sandhi; and therefore I con clude that the two endorsements were not engraved by the same person.

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278
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
from him, Narasimhavarmâ, the devotee of Mahesvara, and a great patron of the Brahmans his son was Paramesvara varma, of beautiful appearance just like Paramesvara, and a very great donor of charities.
The son of this Parameévaravarmâ was a universal conqueror like Bharata; immoveable as Mount Meru; a rebuker and divider of the opposing darkness of his enemies with his own hands, like the sun; skilled in all the arts, as the moon is complete in all its phases; whose right hand was blackened by the cloudlike dark stain produced by the stream of rutting elephants' juice which gushed out of the temples of the kings who opposed him in battle, mighty kings the equals of Nriga, Nala, Nishadha, Nahusha, Nâ bhaga, and Bhagiratha, whom he thrust aside with contempt; of far spreading praise, like a bed of water-lilies expanding in all directions; whose lotus feet were swept by the garlands upon the diadems of the kings who bowed down before him; the equal of Kusumachapa in beauty; the equal of Vatsaraja in the management of elephants; the equal of Na kula in the management of horses; the equal of Arjuna in the use of the bow; the equal of Drona in his knowledge of the art of war; well-versed in the epic poems, dramatical works, and historical compositions; ; the abode of justice; the treasure-house of charity; of spotless purity; the destroyer of the power of Kali; reliable as the wishing-tree; the Kritânta of his enemies; the Ananga of woman-kind; unsurpassed in bodily strength; perfect in all his virtues; the protector of his subjects; the wishing tree of the good; the skilful and wise and accomplished Nandivarmâ lord of the Pallavas.
[OCTOBER, 1879.
-Nandivar m â, lord of men, chief lord of the earth, the upholder of righteousness, Pallavamallah.
While this king was ruling the earth, and while the twenty-first year of the reign of this same Nandivarm & was still unexpired, the lord of the river Vegavati, on whose banks grow groves of areca-nut trees, the cocoanut, the graft mango, the palmyra, the marshy date-palm, the tamala, the naga, the punnaga, the red asoka, the kuravaka, the madhavi, the karikára, and other trees; and which emits the odour of the perfumes washed off the necks and faces of the women who bathe in it with their minds tossed with passion; the lord of the city of Vilvala, whose market-places are met with the noisy drops of water which fall from the orifice at the end of the trunks of the herd of elephants which formerly belonged to his royal enemies, dark as clouds, black with the wine-like waters of the winter rain; and which is the forehead spot of all worlds;-of the Pallava race, born in the Puchâm family of ancient lineage ;-who, when he saw Pallava malla besieged in the town of Anupura by the kings of the Dramila country, swelled with rage 'like Kritânta, set out to destroy the multitude of Pallava malla's enemies; and when he had slain Chitra mâya-Pallavaraja, and the other kings with his keen-edged sword, which glittered with the blue bloom of the leaf of the water-lily, he gave all their kingdoms to the Pallava, conquering their hostile armies for him at different times on the battlefields of Nimbavana, Châtavana, Samkaragrama, Van alûr, Nelveli, Śûdravarun ty â r a, and other places;-whose arm was decorated with the plentiful temple-jnice which gushed out upon the collision of the tusks of the mailed elephants of Sam kara-Senapati in the terrible battle of Nelveli into which no ordinary mortal dared to venture;-who released the hostile king of the Sabaras, Udayana by name, and captured his mirror-banner made of peacocks' feathers;-who followed up the king of Nis badha Prithivi vya ghra, who had grown powerful in the north also, and was marching in the track of the horse devoted to his horse-sacrifice, and conquered him, and sent him prisoner from the territory of Vishnu raja, and delivered him into the hands of the Pallava, having taken as spoil
The king who now rules as lord of men, was the son of that warlike hero who with sharp arrows divided the hosts of elephants in battle; like the sun, the friend of the lotus, rising over the crest of the hills and gently dividing the ranks of darkness with his innumerable beams; that lord whose victorious bow was the ornament of his hand; whose body-unguent was the temple-juice of his enemies' elephants occupying the front rank of their battle array; whose fearless valour formed his characteristic praise here upon earth for ever; the war-standard of the Pallavas;

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OCTOBER, 1879.)
GRANT OF NANDIVARMÅ-PALLAVAMALLA.
279
faultless highly-glittering necklaces of precious the same tribe and school; to Agnisarma of stones, a countless heap of gold, and elephants; the same tribe and school; to Mantasarma of -who turned the fort of Kalidurga into a the same tribe and school; to Madhavasarmi desert, thongh it was under the protection of of the same tribe and the Åpastambha school ; the goddess Kaļi, and defeated the Pând ya to Mantaśarma of the same tribe and school : army in the battle of Man paiku.
to Narayanaśarma of the same tribe and school; The brave Udayachandra reported to Droņaśarma of the same; to Agnisarmå of these victories to his lord the punisher of the same; to Bhavamâtabhatta of the Kasyapa hostile beings.
tribe and Åpastambha school, three shares; to In consequence of this communication, and Maņisarma of the same, two shares; to Kalaas the reward of the keen edge of the sword sarma of the same; to Tiņdaśarmâ of the of him who gave him all these kingdoms, he same; to Viramanda of the same ; to Kuļa of gave the two villages of Kumaramangala the same; to Rudrakumara of the tribe of Bháand Vennatturak kot ta, changing their radvaja and the school of Apastambha; to Sunda names to Udayachandramangala, of the same; to Nârâyaņa of the same; to Tåritogether with their two water-sluices, situated śarma of the same; to Chandraśarma of the in the district of the western river Aśraya, to same; to Sûlamanda of the same tribe and the one hundred and eight Brahmans.
Pravachana school; to Kåta of the same; Its eastern boundary is the small river. to Dânarudra of the same; to Porakshakeya
Its southern boundary runs along the north of the Jåtagana tribe and Pravajana school; to side of the tank called Chakratirtha, Hundi-Govindaśarma of the tribe of Vatsa and which lies to the north of the village of Sathe school of Åpastambha; to Madhavasarma mudradatta chaturvedimangalam: of the same; to Gandakâda of the same; to Tâțifrom thence węstwards it runs on the north sarma of the same; to Nilakantbaśarma of the side of the Kottagrâma temple : from thence same; to Ramaśarma of the same; to Dronawestwards the boundary is the north-western sarma of the Agniveśya tribe and A pastambha boundary of the above Samudradatta- school; to Narayana of the Vâdhâla tribe and chaturvedimangalam: from thence Åpastambha school; to Chattipura-Nandi of the westwards the southern boundary is the hill Åtrêya tribeand Apastambha school; to NimbadaAnadh utpåla lying to the north of the sisarmå of the Vishnuvriddha tribe, and Båhpond called Durga hrada.
vpicha; to Nilakantha of the same; to Pittaśarma Its western boundary is the hill Lohita- of the same; to Nilakantha of the same; to giri: proceeding northwards from thence the Karamapinantisarma of the Lohita tribe and boundary is the cave Rauhinaga hû, which Âpastambha school; to Kavanyâramastatasarma lies to the west of the hill Krishna sila si. of the Vasishtha tribe and Pravachana school; lochcbaye beyond the hill Veļalasi. to Dronaśarma of the same; to Nimbaśarma khara.
of the Gautama tribe and Åpastambha school ; The north-western boundary is the pond to Agnisarmâ of the same; to Rudramaşta of Sindu vårahrada.
the same tribe and the Pravachana school, two Its northern bonndary is the southern boun- shares; to Ganamâ taśarma of the Parásara dary of the village of Kanchid våra
tribe and the Pravachana school; to MadhavaTo the southwards of this the river Kshi. sarma of the same; to Nakasarma of the same ranadi is the north-eastern boundary. tribe and the Åpastambha school; to Vinayaka
He gave the land contained within these four śarm of the Harita tribe and Åpastambha school; boundaries, together with the rivers and all water- to Sanda of the same; to Konta of the same; to courses, to be enjoyed free of all taxes, having Tâmasarma of the same; to Taivasarmâ of
rst of all removed from it all those whose the same; to Chennakaļi of the Mudgala tribe deeds are offensive to religion,--to Rudra- and Åpastambha school; to Drona of the same: karmâ, of the Kauņdinya tribe and Pravajana to Kumâramanta of the Kausika tribe and school, two shares; to Gañadiņdaśarma of the Åpastambha school; to Chenchamâra of the same; same tribe and school; to Ganamâtaśarma of to Tintadronaśarma of the same tribe and the the same tribe and school; to Damasarma of Pravachana school, two shares; to Kûlabarma

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
280
of the same tribe and the Apastambha school; to Paramesvara of the Uttarakâ family, the maker of [apparently some kind of medicine], one share, and also the village doctor's share; and to Rêvati, the son of Drona-Chetti, of the town of Gangapura, the zealous worshipper of Maheśvara, two shares.
May the Puch âm race continue to flourish as long as the sun circles in the heavens, as long as the mountains continue to stand fast, and as long as the moon and the stars exist.
The poet Paramesvara, the son of SriChandradeva, composed this eulogistic grant. He was born in the family of Med hâvi.
Tamil endorsement.
In the twenty-sixth year of the reign of the honourable Koppara-Kesarivarmâ, the village-councils of these two villages, namely, Udayachandramangalam and Ikanmaraimangalam, which is Kanchivayil, having assembled together this agreement was unanimously made:-We have become one village, and will so live and prosper.
[OCTOBER, 1879.
from it, that a combination of learning, and warlike skill, and personal valour, was sufficiently conspicuous in the Pallava kings to suggest to the flattering genealogist the embodiment in them of the old spirit of Drona and Asvatthâma when once the gotra of Bharadvaja had been assigned to them.
The mythological or earlier portion of the pedigree of the Pallavas given in this grant assigns to the origin of this ancient line of kings a highly spiritual character. Their previously-published inscriptions describe them. simply as belonging to the gotra of Bharadv âja, with one exception (Ind. Antiq. Vol. V. p. 177), which assigns to them the gotra of Salakayana. Here their pedigree starts immediately from the divinity: and it is carried down in detail through a succession of Rishis, including Bharadvaja, thus:-The invisible deity, Brahmâ, Angiras, Brihaspati, Samyu, Bharadvaja, Drona, Asvatthâm â, and then, after a long vacant interval, Pallava, the name-giver of their line. All this is, of course, a mere pretty tale of flattery: its remotest possibility is contradicted by the circumstance that this line of Angiras came to a natural end in Asvatthâm â, whose history, though told with abundant detail, contains no record of a son being born to him, and makes it virtually impossible that he should have had one. Perhaps, however, while rejecting this earlier portion of the pedigree, it may be justifiable to gather this much
Pallava himself also must for the present remain doubtful, until he shall appear again with better authenticated credentials;-appearing as he does here for the first time in the fag end of the history of the race, floating loosely at a distance from both Rishis and ordinary
men.
The later portion of the pedigree may be accepted without hesitation as strictly historical:
Simhavishnu;
Mahendravar mâ I. his son; Narasimha varma I. his son; Mahendra varm â II. his son; Paramesvara varm â I. his son; Narasimha varm â II. his son; Paramêsvara varmâ II. his son ; Nandivarmâ his son; and Pallavamalla-Nandivarmâ his son. We have thus the names of nine Pallava kings hitherto unknown, whose collective reigns are almost sufficient to cover a period of nearly two centuries and if the date of this grant is rightly placed in the 9th century A. D., these reigns run up into the 7th century. This circumstance is thus far interesting, that it brings us near the time of Hiwen Thsang's visit to Kanchipuram, and makes it certain that the king whom he found reigning there was of the Pallava race. It is further interesting inasmuch as the earliest of the reigns of this new series of kings is, on the above supposition of date, only separated by about two centuries from the last reign of the earlier series of the five kings whose names have been recovered from the inscriptions which have been already published in this Journal, and who belong to the fourth and fifth centuries A.D. Then we have the two kings of a still earlier date in Sir Walter Elliot's earliest Palla va inscription, for whose reigns,-after making a reasonable allowance for some interval between them and those five,-place must probably be given in the early part of the fourth century A.D., and possibly in the later years of

Page #315

OCTOBER, 1979.)
GRANT OF NANDIVARMA-PALLAVAMALLA.
281
the third century. So far up into the past these another of the Vallabh a kings by that king's grants have traced back the Palla va kings. grandson Para més vara varm & I. Who
This grant affords some information respect- were these Vallabha râjas? The name is ing the religion of these later Palla va kings. evidently a dynastic title. This title was borne Simha vishnu, who belongs by the calcu. by the Western Chaluk ya king Pulikesil. lation to the seventh century, was an enthu- and also by his son Kirtti varmma, and in siastic worshipper of Vishnu"; and so we may its faller form of Prithivi vallab ha by regard the Vaishnava cult, whatever its form other kings of that line: and when the Ratta may then have been, as having obtained a con- kings supplanted these Chalukyas, they spicuous and influential position in these parts adopted it among their other titlos probably as a at that time. Four generations later Nara- memento of their conquest. From these and other sinha varm & II., who belongs to the end of similar circumstances, and considering what is the 8th century, was a “devotee of Mahêśvara known of the political distribution of Southern and a great patron of the Brâhmaņs." The India at that time, I think we may safely con. earlier Pallava grants have taught us that sider the Vallabha rå jas of this grant to be the Brâhmans in these parts were already in the Western Chalukya contemporaries of the the fourth and fifth centuries sufficiently in the Pallava râjas Narasimha I. and Paraenjoyment of court favour to receive land-grants mês vara I. It is now well known from the from the kings of the Pallavas: this great Chaluky a inscriptions that warlike operations patronage of Narasimha II. towards them were not infrequent between these two powers, points to a considerable extension of Brahmani- with results alternately in favour of each of eal influence in his reign; and the revival at them. Thus, for one instance out of others, we this time was evidently on the Saiva side, since have (see Ind. Antiq. vol. V. p. 51) an invasion this king, their patron, was devoted to the of the Chaluky a dominions by the Palla va worship of Siva in the form of Mahôśvara. king in the reign of Puli kê sill, and a counter The religion of the donor of the grant is invasion of the Palla va dominions by the probably indicated by the devotional verse at Chalukya: and, as the dates of Pulikesi II. the head of the inscription : he was a worshipper range from A. D, 585 to 628, those events were of Sadasiva.
sufficiently near the time of the frequent victories At the close of the description of the boun. of Narasimha I. to afford some confirmation daries of the present donation there is an of the statements of this present grant, since allusion to the former Jaina proprietors, or at they afford evidence of such a relationship least co-inhabitants, of one or both of the between those kingdoms about that time as villages here united, who are described as "those would naturally lead to these results. whose deeds are offensive to religion": and their I will digress for a moment to draw an inference expulsion at the time of the formation of this from these circumstances respecting the great endowment, is a little black mark of the reli- political and military power of the Pallava gious intolerance of Palla vamalla, which kings in the sixth and seventh centuries A.D. was however in close accordance with the spirit For it was this same Pulike bi II. who of his age. We shall see these offenders again successfully resisted the formidable invasion and more distinctly in another inscription be- of the Dakhan by Harsha vardhana, backed longing to this interesting group of grants. by the resources of the great empire which he
The political events brought to light by this had established to the north of the Vindhyas grant belong partly to the times of the ancestors (Ind. Antiq. vol. VI. p. 78): and yet we find of the donor, and partly and more fully to his the Palla va kings capable of maintaining a own reign.
long-continued oontest with these same Cha. The former group consists of the frequent luk yas about the time when they were in the victories of Narasimha I. over Valla- zenith of their power, and powerful enough to bharaja, and of the defeat of the army of inflict frequent defeats upon their armies. And
10 It will be remembered that when Hiwen Theang visited Klöchipuram about this time, he found there a very mixed state of religion, which was represented by 100
Buddhist conventa, 80 Hindu temples, and numerous Jains "beretice."

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282
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
lest it should be supposed that this was a mere exaggerated boast of the Pallava genealogists, we have a confirmation of its historical accuracy in the admission of the Chalukyas themselves, that when Vikramaditya I. obtained his victory over the Pallava king, and captured his capital, about the middle of the 7th century, the lord of K â ñchi had never before bowed down to any king (Ind. Antiq. vol. VI. p. 87). We have also the Chalukya admission that the power of the Pallavas was "extremely exalted" at that time, and that they "had been the cause of the humiliation and destruction" of the Chalukya family (Ind. Antiq. vol. VI. pp. 78, 85, 87).
The second series of political events recorded in this grant belongs to the reign of the grantor, and therefore, by the present supposition, to the 9th century A. D. It consists partly of internal commotions, and partly of external
wars.
An alliance of the kings of Dr a mila had been formed against Pallava malla, with a prince of the Pallava line, here called Chitramaya-Pallava, at their head. The allies had defeated Pallavamalla in the field; and they were closely besieging the town of Anupura, in which he had taken refuge. Hereupon, seeing the straits to which the king was reduced, another subordinate prince of the Pallavaline, Udayachandra, lord of the district lying on the river Vegavati of which the city of Vilvalapura was the capital, proceeded to attempt his rescue. He succeeded in reversing Pallavamalla's previous misfortunes; for he slew the chief of the insurgent confederates, and defeated their armies
in a succession of terrible battles after he had raised the siege of Anupura. Some of the other rebellious chiefs were also slain in the course of this war; and the whole of their little kingdoms were confiscated to the crown.
The river Vegavati is the stream on which Kanchipura is built it falls into the Pâlâr a little way below Kâñchi. Vilvalapura is perhaps an eponym of Kâ ñchipura: for it is dignified with the title of nagara, "the capital," and is called "the
11 The name Chitramaya is apparently a nickname, and is suggestive of imposture of some kind.
13 This is evidently the Chittur ("Adeyarenâda Chittura") of Mr. Lewis Rice's Jain Inscriptions at Sravana-Belgola, No. II. (See Ind. Antiq. vol. II. p. 323): for it was situated
[OCTOBER, 1879.
forehead beauty-spot of all worlds;" and no place but Kâ ñ chî deserved this description in this neighbourhood at any time. Anupura is also probably an eponym or a translated name: the meaning of the word contains the idea of relative inferiority, and perhaps it was a kind of secondary capital. It may therefore be regarded as the Sanskrit equivalent of the Tamil name Chittûr:1 and we have accordingly an important town of this latter name in the north-western portion of the present district of North Arcot. It has always been a place of some importance: and its situation is particularly suitable to the part played by Anupura in the commotions between Pallava malla and his rebellious chieftains. The names of the battlefields of the war are all Tamil or Tamil Prâkrit; and, from the circumstances, they were no doubt all situated within the limits of the Dramila kingdom. This word Dramila is one of the equivalents of the better known name Drávida: and, as one of the fifty-six countries of India recognized by the lexicographers, &c.; its limits corresponded with the basin of the Pâlâr and its immediate neighbourhood.
The prosperous condition of this part of Southern India at this time is to be gathered from several little indications in the description of the garden culture, timber trees, &c. on the banks of the Vegavati. The short description of the city of Vilvala pura is similarly sug gestive: and it tells us also of the turbulent times in which Pallavam alla's lot was cast.
The foreign wars of Pallavamalla here mentioned are these three; first, the war with Udaya na king of the Sabaras; secondly, the war with Prithivivyâghra king of Nishad ha; and thirdly, the war with the Pândya king.
The Sabaras are always connected with the Eastern Ghats: but of the precise position and extent of the Sabara kingdom here referred to there is nothing at present to show. These uncivilized mountaineers, the Suari of Pliny, the Sabar of Ptolemy," and the Sabaras or Savaras of the Puranas,-are now represented by the Savaralu, or Sauras
in the Adeyarênâda, the Adeyârarashtra of Nandivarma's grant in Ind. Antiq. (ante, p. 163), and the Ashrayanadi. vishaya of the present grant, which lay on the PAIår.
13 Geog. VII. i. 80; conf. also Ind. Ant. vol. VI. p. 127; vol. VII. p. 290; Lassen Alterth. B. III. S. 159.

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GRANT OF NANDIVARMÅ-PALLAVAMALLA
283
of the Vizagapatam hills, and apparently by the The field of Pallavamalla's third foreign Chenchu vandlu of the Karnul, Nelar, war was in the south; and, in the course of it, and Krishņa districts. (See Wilson's Mack. MSS. Udaychandra took and razed the fort of Introd. p. lxi; Joum. Mad. Lit. &. Sc. Soc. vol. Kápidurga, and defeated the army of the XV. pp. 181, 182, Mr. Carmichael's Manual of king of Pând ya in the field. If Kaļidurga the Vizag. Distr. p. 86; and Gen. Cunningham's is merely the Sanskrit form of the equivalent Anc. Geog. pp. 506, 509.)
Tamil and Malayalam names, Kaļikottai and The name U day ana may be either the pro- Kalikotta, this place is Calicut on the western per name of their king; or it may be like some coast. Of Kalidurga it is here said that it of the other names of this grant, an eponym |" was under the protection of the goddess Kaļi," expressive of his habit as a mountain chief; forand, similarly, in the Keralolpatti, Parasuthe word means an ascender. He was appar- rà ma is said to have selected the goddess ently a personage of no great importance : for Durga (Kaļi) to be the guardian divinity when he was taken prisoner by Udaya- of the sea-shore of Kerala upon which Calicut chandra, he was contemptuously set at liberty is sitnated. From the connection of the senagain; his barbarous . war-standard made of tence it seems that KÅlidurga at this time peacocks' feathers and mirrors, being the only belonged to the king of Pân d y a, whose army, trophy which his conqueror thought worthy of perhaps sent to the relief of Calicut, was debeing carried into the presence of Pallava- feated by U dayachandra. But for what malla.
reason was Calicut obnoxious to the Palla vas? The war with Prithivivy a ghra was a Had this commercial emporium of the western more formidable affair. This prince had grown coast interfered in any way with the interests powerful, seemingly by conquests in Northern of these grand old lords of the commerce of the India : and he was now challenging to himself eastern coast? It is singular that the Cholas the right of universal sovereignty by means of are not mentioned in this inscription, nor the an Aévamedha sacrifice. He had advanced kings of Kongu, the two next neighbours of the into the Dakhan, at the head of an army which Palla vas to the south and south-west, down included elephants, in the track of the horse to the 9th centary A.D., through whose territory destined for that sacrifice; and Uda ya chan- Udayachandra must necessarily pass on dra followed him up through territory beyond his route to Calicut. The reason of this may be the limits of his own sovereign's dominions, that the lowland portions of the old Kongu captured him in the kingdom of Vishņ a. kingdom had by this time been annexed to the rája, and sent him prisoner to Pallava- Chôļa and Pandya dominions, and that the malla, together with much rich spoil. The Chô la power was now temporarily united to name here given to the captured king is pro- that of Pandya, as it sometimes was during bably only a title, "The tiger of the earth." the alternating supremacy of the Cholas His country was that of Nala, the husband of and Pandyas about this period of their Damayan tì; and it was situated on the slopes history. of the Vindhyas between Mâlwâ and Kôšala. Ve may now turn to the object of the grant Vishnoraja, in whose territory Pșithivi. and its situation. The two villages of Kumivyaghra was taken prisoner, was possibly ramangalam and Vennatūrakotta one of the Chalu kya kings: and this name, were now united to form this present donation : like the others, was probably a descriptive rather and the name of the donor's victorious general than a proper name. The political geography was given to the united property in commemoof the period supports, and perhaps requires, ration of his triumphs. In the description of this identification: and the fact that Vishņu, the boundaries of this united village it is placed in the boar incarnation, was the kula-devatás of in a general way upon the Kshiranadi, the the Chalu k yas, makes this title specially milk-river,' which is the Sanskrit equivalent of appropriate to them. But how came Udaya- the Tamil name of this river,-the Palar. It is chandra to be pursuing the enemy on foreign also described as lying in the district of the territory? Was he on Chalukya ground as western Aéra yanadi, which is the Sanskrit a friend or a foe?
equivalent of the mixed Tamil-and-Sanskrit

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284
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[OCTOBER, 1879.
name A deyarar å shtra occurring in the grant of the older Nandivarma in Ind. Antiq. Vol. VIII., p. 168: and this name again takes us in a similar general way into the western and inland districts of the Pålår. And here Mr. Rice's Sravaņa-Belgoļa inscriptions come to our help: for there we learn that Chittur was in the Ade yaranattu (Tam, and Can. nadu = Sansk. ráshtra and vishaya); and we are thus led to look for Uday a chandramangalam somewhere on the banks of the Palar within a reasonable distance from Chittûr. The vil
lage of Kåñchid vâ ra, mentioned in the description of the boundaries of this donation, has already appeared in the body of the grant of the older Nandi varm å referred to above, and also in its endorsement: and that endorsement contains also the name of our present grant village of Udayachandramangalam, and so links these two inscriptions together. The position of this village in a general way is therefore pretty clearly defined : nearer than this we cannot yet oome to its actual situation; for all these old names have now passed away,
SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
BY J. F. FLEET, Bo. C.S., M.R.A.S.
(Continued from p. 246.) No. LVII.
king Vijayaditya, and records a grant of After the inscription of the Mégati temple, the oil to one who was evidently the priest of this next of the Aihole inscriptions in point of age is temple. It is dated, in rather an unusual way, in that at the temple called Huchchîmalli-gudi. the thirteenth year and the third month of his
This temple is in Survey No. 276, on the reign, and on the day of the full-moon of the month north-west of the village, and near the Brah- A va yaja. At Vol. VII., p. 112, I have maņical cave. Inside the temple there is a notioed another of his insoriptions, which is large memorial tablet, without any writing on dated in the thirty-fourth year of his reign, on it; but I could not find any trace of the sildsd- the full-moon of Phålguna of Saka 651. And sana, or inscription-tablet, spoken of by Mr. I have two more of his inscriptions, in which Burgess in his First Archaeological Report, p. 40, the dates are given in full; one is dated in the There is a figure of Garuda over the door of third year of his reign, on the full-moon of the shrine, which shews, as Mr. Burgess re- Jyaish tha of Saka 621,--and the other, in marks, that this was a Vaishnava temple. the fourth year of his reign, on the full-moon of
The inscription consists of five lines of writ. Asha dha of Saka 622. From a comparison ing on the outside of two of the stones of the of these dates it will be seen, that he commenced front wall, on the north side of the door. to reign during the dark fortnight of Ash âd ha, A photograph from the estampage made by or the bright fortnight of Sri vaņa, of myself has been published', and a lithograph Saka 618 (A. D. 696-7), and that the present facsimile is now given from the same estam- inscription is one of Saka 630. page. The stone containing the greater part of the earlier Old-Canarese inscriptions,--and the inscription, the whole of it except the ends these at Aihole, and the subsequent inscriptions of 11: 4 and 5,-is 4'111' long by l' 10" high. at Badâmi, Mahakata, and Pattadakal are some The language is Old-Canarese, but with the of the very earliest, of certain date.--contain peculiarity that the ending of the locative cases here and there words of which no explanation is used is u!, which Dr. Caldwell, in his Com to be had, either from dictionaries or from parative Grammar of the Dravidian Languages, Pandits, and for the explanation of which we p. 199, gives as the Tamil locative suffix. I must wait until a larger number of such in have met with no other instance of its use in an soriptions have beon collected and published, so Old-Canarese inscription; but it corresponds to, as to be available for collation. My translaand probably is etymologically identical with, tions, therefore, will stand open to amendment. the Old-Canarese locative suffix o!.
But, with the assistance of Mr. Venkat Rango The inscription, which is now published for 1 Katti of the Educational Department, whom the first time, is one of the Western Chalukya 'I have always found a most willing and able
No. 76 of Pali, Sanskrit, and Old-Canarese, Inscriptions,

Page #319

OCTOBER, 1879.]
SANSKĶIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
285
coadjutor in deciphering these ancient records, this Journal on words which Mr. V. R. Katti I hope, now that I have returned to India, to be and myself are still unable to explain, or in the able to determine the meaning of words and explanation of which we may be in error,-it passages that would otherwise have remained would be a favour to all who are interested in unintelligible to me. And if Mr. Kittel would elucidating the development of the modern further assist, -by giving separate notes in dialect of the Canarese language.
Transcription. [*] Svasti Sri-Vijayaditya-Saty[a]íraya-śrsprithu(thi)vivallabha-mah[A]r[âj-adhira ja-para][] mêsvara-bhatarara(r) trayôdaśa-varshamum mo(mů)ru-timgaļal" kottare - [1*]
Åsvayuja-pû[r]ņņami[°] sadu! vishupada! Eltugolagasaniya ittodu půravalagosåsigara maru [*] dharmma-tusavanin-paded=eppattâdu omdu gånaduļeonda sortige tê(tai)lam=åge
kott[&]ra(r) bhatârargge [ll*] [°] Ya(?) dattiyân=kidipon=Vâran[á]siyuļ s[A]sirvvar-parvvaru[m] kaviley[u][mâ*]n-ko'nda lökakke sando'n=akkum [ll*] Translation.
the temple from the north-east-ofan elaborately Hail! Sr -Vijayâditya-Satyasraya, carved pillar in the inner porch, -and of three -the favourite of the world, the great king, fine and boldly worked sculptured slabs lying the supreme king, the venerable one,- in the at the south-east corner. Mr. Burgess says of it, thirteenth year and the third month of his " as the only known example of its class as a reign) gave (sanction to a grant, which was as structural building, it is, to the Indian antiquary, follows): -
one of the most interesting temples in the south On the day of the full-moon of the month) of India." And, on account of the close simiA śva yuja, at the time of the autumnal) equi- larity of the style of the interiors, he places the nox, the gift of Eltu goluga saņi was one date of its construction within a century after that sontige of oil on (each) one oil-mill, wherever it of Badâmi Cave III., which was excavated, or at might be, allotted on account of religion, ... least was finished, in the reign of the Chalu.............'; (this much) he gave to the kya king Manga liśvara, and contains on venerable one.
one of its columns an inscription of his dated May he, who injures this grant, be on an Saka 500 (A.D. 578-9). He also considers that equality with people who kill a thousand Brâh. "the temple was neither Jain nor Saiva, but a mans, or (a thousand) tawny-coloured cows, genuine Chalukya temple of Vishnu." I at Våran à bi!
would, however, point out that one of the stones No. LVIII.
in the base of the temple has on it, as may be The next of the Aibole inscriptions, in chrono- seen in the photograph, Pl. LIV. of the First logical order, is that at the Durga temple. Archoeological Report, the word Sri-Jin-dlayan,
This temple is on the north-east outskirts of i.e. the holy temple of Jina', in characters the village, and derives its name from being the which may be somewhat earlier, but which principal shrine of the durga, or 'fort.' It has seem to me to have been cut by the hand of been described by Mr. Fergusson in his History the very same man who engraved the inscription of Indian and Eastern Architecture, pp. 218 of Vijayaditya on a pillar in the porch of et seqq.; and also, more in detail, by Mr. Burgess the temple of Mah åk û tê śvara at Badami." in his First Archeological Report, pp. 40 et On a pillar in the temple is another short seqq., where, in addition to the woodcut-view Old-Canarese inscription, in characters of the of the apse from the south-west originally given eighth or ninth century A. D., of which a facby Mr. Fergusson, there are given three beautiful simile is given in Pl. LV., No. 32, of the First photographs, of the front and north side of Archæological Report. The transcription is :• The upper part of the is effaced here.
Tusavanin is probably of the same purport as the : Part of the o is effaced in each instance.
Canarese tusuka, on account of; but it may be connected • 8c., 'a ladleful', a derivative from the old form of the with tusa, tusu, little, few, small.' Canarege stu, sautu, a spoon, or ladle.'
Para &c., to maru; meaning not known. Eppa gadu is probably connected with the Telugu No. 50 of Pau, Sanskrit, and Old-Canarese, Inscrip. eppattu, 'in what way, in any way.'
tions.

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286
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[OCTOBER, 1879.
[1]Šrí-Basam-ayyan (2]Kisuvolala bhatta[n]; Vikramaditya I. did not extend over i e. 'ßri.Basa may y a, the bhatta of the this part of the country ;-and partly on the city of) Kisu volal.'
fact that all the Western Chaluky a inscripThese two seem to be all the inscriptions tions at the neighbouring village and former on the temple itself. The inscription given capital of Pattadakal are of the time either of below is on the outside of portions of four | Vija y aditya or of Vikramaditya II., stones of the north wall of the southern gate- -is, that it is of the time of Vikramaditya way, which is to be seen on the extreme left of II., who commenced to reign in Saka 654 the photograph, Pl. LI., of the First Archeolo- (A. D. 732-3) or 655. gical Report. The writing covers a space
The grant is to Aditya, a priest of the about 4' 3" long by 12% high. A photograph temple. Ata da Aļekomara-Singa, or of it has been published 10; and a lithograph Alekomara-Singa of the games,' must facsimile is now given from the estampage made be the founder of the temple. by Mr. Burgess. It is an undated Western On another stone a few feet lower down on Chaluky a inscription, in the Old-Canarese the same wall, there is a short Old-Canarese language. It is a matter for argument whether inscription in characters of the same period, of it is of the time of Vikramaditya I., the which a facsimile is given in Pl. LV., No. 31, of son of Pulikasi II., or of the time of Vi-the First Archeological Report, and which kramadity. a II., the son of Vijayaditya. appears in the same photograph. The transcripMy own opinion-based, partly on the form of tion is :-[1]Sri Savitaran [2]Pirireyya" prethe characters ; partly on the fact that, as I have tran, i. e., Sri-Sa vitara, the son of Piri. indicated at Vol. VII., p. 219, the authority of rey ya.'
Transcription. [] Svasti Vikkra(kra)maditya-Satyasraya Sripri(pri)thivivallabha maharaj-adhiraja [] paramèsvara bhatára[r*) pri(pri)thivira jyan-geye Pesadorâ magan Revadibaddar=Â tada[*] Aļekomara-Singana dêgulada Aditya-bhatarage kottudu [1] Tamage
sunkkam(kam) bildalli [*] ondo pêrige oom)-mânam bhanda-vêrige aydu visavam ele-vêrige ayvatta [ll*] Initum
râja (ja)-śrå vitam [") mahajana-mum-naka(ga)ra-śrâvitam [ll] Idân=salisuge avon-ânum kidipon=ullode Våraña
si[ya"] [m]d[u][°] såsira kavileyum sâsirba (rbar)-parvarumân=konda lökakke sandon-akku 1* Translation.
mánat on each peru's, and five visas on each Hail! While Vikramaditya-Satya- bhanda-péru", and fifty (betel-leaves) on each peru sraya, -the favourite of the world, the great of betel-leaves, whenever the customs duty king, the supreme king, the supreme lord, should come in to him. This much was prothe worshipful one-was ruling the world, the claimed by the king, and by the people of) the gift of Reva dibad da, the son of Pesada, city, headed by the Mahajanas. to the venerable Aditya of the temple | Whosoever injures the continuance of this of Å ta d a-A le'ko mara-Singa, (was) one (grant), may he be on an equality with people
i. e., Pattadakal.
is circular, and weighs exactly 3 lbs. 1 oz. 4 drs. It has, on 10 No. 77 of Pali, Sanskrit, and Old-Canarese, Inscrip- the front, the figure of & boar (the Chalukya emblem), tions. 11 The lower y is imperfect.
and above it a sword with the sun and moon; and, on the u The turn-up stroke of the da is exaggerated in the back, the words Pranddich-sah vi l, i.e., "one visa, original and still more so in the facsimile, so as to look (stamped in the Pramadicha sathutsara." The other like da. But a separate and distinct form is used for da in is octagonal, and weighs 12 oz. 9 drs. It has, on the front this inscription, as may be seen in kidipon and ullode, only, sword, with the sun and moon, and, below them, 1. 5.
the words Pramddicha-sahi , i.e. "a quarter visa, 13 Over the go there is a mark which looks like Anus. (stamped in) the Pramadicha salvatsara." In the udra: but it is probably only a fault in the stone.
modern dinlect, Sanderson gives visa, one sixteenth,' and 1. Mana; the modern maand.
also vise, 'five seers, or the weight of 120 rupees, (3 lbs. 1 15 Peru, heru, & sack of corn, a mesure equivalent to oz. 5-94 drs.) In some others of the early inscriptions, the sixty-four seers.
word occurs again with the vowel of the first syllable short, 10 Visa. In the Madras Journal of Literature and As here,visa. But in the later Old-Canarese inscriptione, Science, New Series, Vol. XX., p. 56, Plate II., Sir Walter the vowel is long,-usa. . Elliot gives representations of two old iron weights. One! 11 The meaning of bhanda is not apparent.

Page #321

ON THE FRONT FACE OF THE TEMPLE CALLED RUCHCHIMALLI-GUDI, AT ATHOLE
ವಿಜ್ಞಾನಿ
- farya +6892
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೩೧ಮತಿ ಕ? 103&
ON THE WALL OF THE GATEWAS OF THE DURCA TEMPLE, AT ATHOLE.
ಕ
ಶಶಿ .
* ಪ್ರತಿ
ಡಿಡಿಟಿ87ಗರಡೆನಿಗೆ ಸರ್ಜರದರ್ಶಿ ಸರFಳುಕಿಕ್ಕವನುಸ್ಥಿತ್ಯಂತ
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Page #322

ON THE FRONT TACE OF THE TEMPLE OP LAD KHAN, AT AIHOLE.
fm 1,C (082ca d) ; '. ១៧-~ 30 | 'p Soម «១១ យបាង រឺ
adejá c ) 1 , (៨.
ទំហំ 1Gg teung ។ ១) សុំថិ ១៨៣)។
dj°na&a 2://Gx{{៩៣35.jp8ឱរា ។
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JaGរឿង។
5
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Page #323

OCTOBER, 1879.] SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
who kill a thousand tawny-coloured cows and a thousand Brahmans of Varanasi! No. LIX.
Inside the village of Aihole, there is an old Hindu temple, whether originally Jain, Saiva, or Vaishnava, I cannot say,-which has for a long time past been used as a residence by a Musalmân family, and is now known as 'the temple of Låd-Khân.'
The accompanying two inscriptions are on the outside of the front or east wall, on the south of the door. The characters are of the eighth or ninth century A.D., but are not very well executed; and the language is Old-Canarese. The writing covers an extreme breadth and height of 4' 7" and 2' 8" respectively. A facsimile, from the estampage made by myself, is given herewith.
With the exception of mentioning the town
['] Sva[st]i
[*] shṭhânadâ
[Beppamma-simaykjigaļa
[] pû-savanakkam
[] varttanakkam gadyapa
Transcription.
First Inscription.
koṭṭa
chaulakkam
[*]
dânam An[n]a-prâsanakkam dharaṇam upanaya[nakka]m sama21 maduvegar âdhânakkam pala.[vi]dhiga" mûru ga[d]yanamh
agni
[*] m=eraḍu gadyanam châturmmisyakke ['] shtômakke" che(a ?)ydu gadyanam [*] Achaliyam-ippavargge koṭṭudu [*]
Second Inscription.
[*] Svasti
Aryyn-jana-samuday-bdita-var-Aryyapar-Adhishthinad
[] árî-mahâ-châturvvidya-samû (mu) dayam-ai-nûrvvara nitya(?)da di... la...... pa (?). ripavi(?).
[10] di(?)... sa(?) pegi krumanlarn [] dhishâpâ(?).
287
under its Sanskrit name of Aryapura, these inscriptions furnish no historical information. But they are of interest as containing probably the earliest reference to a guild, called The Five-hundred of Ayy â vole', which is frequently mentioned in later inscriptions, and seems to have been one of considerable importance. The members of this guild are, for instance, spoken of as Srimad-Ayyavoley-aynúrvvar-svámiga!, i.e. the five hundred Svamis of the glorious (city of) Ayyavole', in ll. 44, 54, and 55 of a Western Châluky a stone-tablet inscription of the time of Sômôśvara I., dated Saka 976 (A.D. 1054-5), at Balagamve in Maisûr; aud among the numerous epithets applied to them there, is that of Vira-Banaijudharmma-pratipala, or protectors of the ViraBananju religion', which suggests the inference that they were a Śaiva guild.
Aryya-jana-samuday-bditavar-Aryyapar-idhiári-mahi-chaturvvidya-samudayam-ai-narvverkah
Translation.
The grant that was given by BennammaSomayaji to the Five-hundred, (who constituted) the great body of Chaturvedis of the excellent capital of Aryapura which arose. from a collection of worthy people (was) :-A dharana" at the ceremony of feeding a child with boiled rice, and at the festival held when
18 No. 78 of Pali, Sanskrit and Old-Canarese, Inscriptions.
19 No. 158 of Pali, Sanskrit, and Old-Canarese, Inscriptions.
20 Here, and in two instances in 11. 5 and 7 below, there are marks which look like the Anusedra, but which are faults in the stone.
Part of the m is effaced, so that in the facsimile this letter looks like ha, instead of må.
23 See note 20. 23 About fifteen letters are effaced here. Four or five letters are illegible here and the rest of the inscription is etfaced.
25
i.e., was founded by."
the first signs of life are perceived in the foetus", and at the ceremony of tonsure; a gadyana" at the ceremony of investiture with the sacred thread, and at the rites performed when the religious student returns home after completing his studies; two gadyanas at marriage, and at the ceremony performed on the first sign of conception, and at the celebration
so Dharana, a cuin equal to one quarter of a honnu, or pagoda; V. R. K.-C. P. Brown, and Sanderson, say that it is an imaginary coin of the value of eight dubs'; and Monier Williams says it is 'a weight variously reckoned.' 27 Púsavma is a corruption of pushsavana.
2 The later form is gadyana. Sanderson gives it as 'a weight used in weighing silver.' Monier Williams gives it as a weight equal to thirty-two guñjas, or, among physicians, sixty-four gunjas. In the inscription published by me at Vol. I. p. 141, we have mention made of five gadyanas of gold, of the kind called ' of Ganga', which seems to be some particular standard gadydna devised or adopted by the Western Chalukyas.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[OCTOBER, 1879.
of an animal sacrifice; three gadyaņas at the celebration of the cháturmásya sacrifices ; and five gadyanas at the celebration of the agnisht ma sucrifice. Such was the grant (to them and) to those who shall be ..........
Hail!....... of the perpetual ....... of the Five-hundred, (who constituted) the great body of Chaturvedis of the excellent capital of Aryapura which arose, from a collection of worthy people ..
A FURTHER FOLKLORE PARALLEL.
BY GEORGE A. GRIERSON, C.S., MADHUBANI, DARBHANGA. Professor Tawney (ante pp. 37, 38) has given man's head. When Jack saw this agreeable sight, an interesting parallel between three legends, - his dinner began to quake within him, but he Norse, Sanskrit, and Danish, respectively.' Il felt himself still worse, when his master pointed am able to give another parallel-an Irish one to the empty hook, saying, "Now, Jack, your It is to be found in Carleton's Traits of the Irish business to-morrow is to elane out a stable that Peasantry, Vol. I., p. 23. The story briefly is wasn't claned for the last seven years, and if as follows:
you don't have it finished before dusk-do you "Jack Magennis was crossing the bog near see that hook P'" his house one fine, frosty, moonlight night, when Being thus duly impressed, Jack begins to he saw a dark-looking man leaning against a clean out the stable in the morning, but for clump of tarf, and a black dog, with a pipe of every shovel-full he throws out, three more come tobacky' in his mouth, sitting at his ease
in. He is half dead with vexation, when a beside him. By the side of the dark-looking beautiful lady, who lives in the castle, comes man was a bag full of sovereigns, and, after some to call him to breakfast. Jack takes the opporconversation with Jack, he offered to play him tanity of "blarneying" her as only an Irishman a game of 'five and ten' (a game of cards).
can, and after breakfast resumes his work. At The conditions of the game were-that if Jack dinner time the beautiful lady comes again, and won he was to have the contents of the bag. being quite won over by Jack's flattery, charms while if he lost, he was to serve the black-favoured his shovel; so that now, instead of three shovelman a year and a day. Jack agreed to these fulls coming in, with every shovel-full he terms, and began to play. He was deceived by a sends out, nine more go along with it. He stratagem of the dog's, and of course lost. Jack thus, much to the disgust of the dark gentleasked as a favour to be allowed a year's grace man, accomplishes his task before dusk. before commencing his service, promising to | The next day's order, with a like terrible keep his bond faithfully at the end of the term. sanction, was to catch & wild filly that had To this the dark man assented, and Jack went never been caught. He was unable to do so home. At the end of the year Jack is summoned, till the beautiful lady came to bis assistance by the dog, and bidding farewell to his mother, again, by blowing three times on a magic sets out. No one knows how far he and the dog whistle, which caused the filly to come up, and travel till they reached the dark gentleman's allow berself quietly to be bridled. castle, who appears very glad to see Jaok, and The third day's task was to rob a crane's gives him a hearty welcome.
nest, on the top of a beech tree, which grew "The next day, in consequence of his long in the middle of a little island in a lake in the journey, he was ax'd to do nothing ; but in the demesne. He was to have neither boat, nor course of the evening, the dark chap brought oar, nor any kind of conveyance, and if he him into a long, frightful room, where there failed to bring the eggs, or if he broke one of were three hundred and sixty-five hooks sticking
them, his head was to occupy the vacant hook. out of the wall, and on every hook but one, & Jack walked round and round the lake, in vain,
* Pafuvidhi seems to be used hero o equivalent to pafu. kriya,.. the act of animal sacrifice; acting like cattle, copulation
10 Mr. V. R. Katti vuggests that achaliyam should be corrected into aveluyim, or dvasiyim, which is equivalent to paraparoyith, 'in mecension'. The objection to this is that the final, or rather th, of avalyish must become
before following vowel. I am more inclined to connect the word with the Canarese achchala, 'pare, excellent'; achchak, or achchhu, one who lives a single life, an unmarried person', seems inapplicable, because of the occasions on which some of the grants berein recorded were to be made.
See also p. 230 ante.

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JAGJIVANDÅS THE HINDU REFORMER.
289
to find a crossing; and was much disgusted to BO close to one another, that a dandy could find, on this occasion, the dog, and not the scarcely get his arm betwixt them. This made beautiful lady calling him to breakfast. In the them safe for a day, but as they rode on, the evening, however, she came, and pulling a white dark-faced man collected all the hatchets and wand out of her pocket, struck the lake, "and band-saws in the country, and soon cleared there was the prettiest green ridge across it to a way for himself and his men. the foot of the tree that ever eye beheld. Now, Next day, Jack and the beantiful lady says she, turning her back to Jack, and stoop- again heard them coming, and again she told ing down to do something that he could not bim to search in the filly's right ear. He see, take these,' giving him her ten toes, put found a three-cornered pebble, which he threw them against the tree, and you will have steps over his left shoulder like the stick; and it to carry you to the top, but be sure, for your became a great chain of high sharp rocks in the life and mine, not to forget any of them. If way of “divel-face and all his clan." That you do, my life will be taken to-morrow morning, saved them for another day, but the dark man for your master puts on my slippers with his collected all the gunpowder, crow-bars, spades, own hands."
and pick-axes that he could find, and soon cleared Jack followed her directions, except that he & passage sufficient for them to pass over. Next forgot the little toe of the left foot. It was day, again, the lady heard them coming, and impossible to return for it, as the causeway had "quick as lightening, Jack," said she," or we're melted away. The dark gentleman counted lost--the right ear and the left shoulder as before." her toes, she said, every evening, and would He found a little drop of green water in the filly's be sure to miss it. The only remedy was for ear, which he threw over his shoulder, and in them both to ride away on the wild filly he had an instant there was a deep, dark gulf filled with caught yesterday
black filthy-looking water between them. Into They had not gone far when they heard the this "divel-face" plunged in desperation, and was tramping of horses behind them. “Put your never seen again. Shortly after this Jack found hand," said she, " in the filly's right ear, and himself and thelady on the banks of the Shannon. tell me what you find in it." "Only a piece of The rest of the legend need not be repeated dried stick," said Jack. "Throw it over your here. What has been already given presents shoulder," said she. Jack did so at once, and an almost exact parallel to the story of the there was a great grove of thick trees growing | Widow's Son, as given by Mr. Tawney.
JAGJIVANDÅS THE HINDU REFORMER.
BY THE REV. B. H. BADLEY, LAKINAU. This illustrious Hindu was the founder of the perhaps five hundred inhabitants. The Bábs was Satnam sect, the members of which are a Thakur by caste. His father Ganga Râm was a counted by the ten thousand, and are to be found Chandel (the family came originally from Rájin all parts of North India from Banaras to putAnA) and a landholder, living at Sardaha. Amritsar. For the following partioulars we are When six months old his father's guru, Bisheśvar indebted in part to an article in the Oudh Gazetteer, Pari, threw his mantle over him, and instantly the statements of which we verified in our recent & saffron-colored tilak appeared on the babe's visit.
forehead. Jagjivandas was born at Sardaha in the Bara- The reformer was not a peripatetic; he spent banki district, forty miles east of Lakhnau, in the greater part of his life at Sardaha, doing many Samvat 1738 (A.D. 1682). The village was then wonderful works, as is stated, and gaining folprobably on the bank of the Ghogra (Sarju), which, lowers. His four chief disciples were: shifting its channel from year to year, now flows 1. Gosain Dås, an Upadhya Brahman; 2. Debi a mile away. The house in which he was born Das, Châmar Gaud 'Thakor ; 3. Dalam Das, Somhas long since fallen into decay, and at present vansi Thákur; 4. Kheni Das, Teivari Bråhman nothing but the site is to be seen. The village | Besides these there were itself is a smali, quiet, oat-of-the-way place, with 5. Sanwal D&s, Brahman; 6. Ude R&m, Urya
From the Ind. Evangelical Review, Vol. VI. 1879, pp. 800 f.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
Brahman; 7. Śiva Dâs, Gauḍ Brahman; 8. Râm Dâs and Baddri Dâs Kurn; 9. Mansa Dâs, Mochi (shoemaker); 10. Bhowani Dâs, Bahrelia Thakur. 11. Ahlad Dâs, Chandel; 12. Sundar Dâs, Bråhman; 13. Tunur Dâs, Somvansi; 14. Kara Dâs, Brahman.
With but two or three exceptions these disciples located themselves in villages near Sardaha, all in the same district. One went to Ambala and another to Amritsar, where they took up their abodes and gained followers.
The Sardaha reformer resembled Nanak (A.D. 1469-1538) in several respects. "Although a thorough Hindu, he was able to establish some communion of thought between himself and Muhammadans." Two at least of his disciples were Muhammadans. He adapted himself to all classes, and among his disciples was one of the low caste of Kori who converted Chamars and other low-caste Hindus to the faith. He founded a kind of church universal, taking in all kinds and classes of people, high and low, rich and poor.
The Satnamis profess (as their name signifies) "to adore the true name alone, the one God, the cause and creator of all things, the Nirguna, or void of sensible qualities, without beginning or end. They borrow however their notions of creation from the Vedanta philosophy, or rather from the modified forms in which it is adapted to vulgar apprehension; worldly existence is illusion, or the work of Maya, the primitive character of Bhavânî, the wife of Siva. They recognize accordingly the whole Hindu Pantheon, and although they profess to worship but one God, pay reverence to what they consider manifestations of his nature visible in the avataras, particularly Rama and Krishna. Their moral code is much the same as that of all Hindu ascetics, and enjoins indifference to the world, its pleasures or its pains; devotion to the spiritual guide; clemency and gentleness; rigid adherence to truth; the discharge of all ordinary social or religious obligations; and the hope of final absorption into the one spirit with all things."
It will be seen from the foregoing that there is but little difference between the Satnamis and some of the Vaishnava sectaries. As has been said of the Sikhs, so we may say of the Satnâmis:
"The conception of God and of his creation is pantheistic; the whole universe and all things therein being identified with the supreme. Finite beings have therefore no separate existence apart from the Absolute; and it is merely owing to the Maya or deception which the Absolute has spread
[OCTOBER, 1879.
over the universe, that creatures are led to consider themselves individual beings distinct from God. By Himself the vessels are formed, and he Himself fills them.' The world is therefore nothing but a mere farce in which the Absolute Being plays and sports, and no reason can be given for the production or destruction of created beings, which are regarded but as cosmogonic revolutions, to be accounted for only by the sporting propensity of the great Supreme. The human soul is represented as being light which has emanated from the Absolute, and is by itself immortal, and it must be the great aim and object of this divine spark, to be re-united with the fountain of light from which it has emanated, and to be re-absorbed in it.""
Oudh Gazetteer, vol. I., p. 862.
3 Indian Christian Intelligencer, vol. II., No. 6, pp.
166-7.
As of Nanak so of Jagjivandas it may be said: "It does not appear that he actually forbade the worship of other gods than the great Supreme, but he certainly did much to lower their position and to place them in absolute subordination to the one God"
The Satnamis ought to discard idolatry, and professedly do; but the manner in which they heap sweatmeats, flowers and coins upon the tombs of their departed leaders at the time of their semi-annual festivals does not speak well for their consistency. When questioned regarding this reprehensible proceeding they answer with more readiness than conscientiousness:-"It is the custom of the world, hence we do it." The offerings made at the tombs go to support the priests and attendants.
Jagjivandas composed the sacred book of his sect, which is called Agh Binsh (aghavinsa, sin-remover"). It is in verse, and believed to be inspired; it however contains stories from the Purdnas, as also lessons on morals; it prescribes certain rules of piety and contains lessons on ethics and divinity, being all extracts from Sanskrit works on the Hindu religion. It is in Hindi, but as it has never yet been printed, it is difficult for the missionary to obtain a copy. It is said that numerous commentaries have been written upon it; and being in couplets it is easily memorized by the rhyme-loving people."
The Agh-Biush is a thick quarto volumé, written by hand in red and black ink. It is of various metres, the language being a compound of Sanskrit and Hindi. The following quotations will be sufficient to indicate its general character:Chhand Aghbinas. Iswara Agyå påwåun, gun dâs hoke gåwåun, Man pratitam janke main charan te chitt lawâun.
Id. p. 166.
We have just been shown a copy by the chief mahant of Lakhnau.

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Kahata hun kara jora, suniye mora tumahi sund! The works (that have) a superior aim, (like the) w&un,
saints have been manifested. Sada råkhâun chitt tuma se kabahun nå bisr&w&un, Hear and obey (with) faith ; whose worship Gyên tumahin dhiyan tumahin tumabin man (Siva's) is hope. auradhaun,
The commands of God perform, do worship Satta-rup surrup tumhara sof man men sadhaun. having joined (hands). Agh-binasang karahu jab tum gyån tattang awaf, There will be farour on (thy) servant: thy praise Ho dayalang dâs par tab gyên se gan gåwal,
will I sing. Jagjiwan Dasang binai kar kahe saran apni Anahu,
The reformer also wrote several tracts, as the Ai gunang anek Karmang met das ke janahu. Jhyán Prakás, Mahd-Pralaya, and Pratham Gran[Translation.)
tha: they are in Hindi couplets. The first is I have received the command of God, having dated Samvat 1817 (A D. 1761); the last is in the become (his) servant, I would sing (bis) praise. form of a dialogue between Siva and Parbati.
Having known mind (God) to be true, I to his About ten years before his death Jagjivandas feet have brought (my) heart.
left Sardaha, and took up his abode at Kotwa, a I am saying with hands) joined, You listen to small village five miles distant. The reputed me (what) I have caused to be heard.
cause of his removal was family disputes concernAlways have I kept (my) heart for thee, never ing land. The village of Kotw& was given to the have I forgotten (thee).
sect by one of the kings of Oudh a hundred Knowledge (is) thine, reflection (is) thine, thine years ago, and is thus held at present. Here the (is) the mind (in which) I have lived.
B&ba died in Samvat 1817 (A.D. 1761); and here The true figure, the good form thou art, that in his successors have lived and died. A large (my) mind have I made pure.
shrine was erected in honor of the departed worthy Sin (is) annihilated when to you a knowledge by Rai Nihal Chand in the reign of Agufa'd-daulah of divine truth shall come.
(1775—98). Two large fairs are held at Kotwa on Be merciful on (thy) servant, then from know- the last days of Karttika and Vaisakha (April ledge he will sing (thy) praise.
and November), and a smaller one on the last day (I), the servant of the Life of the world, having of every month. Certain miraculous cures are worshipped, into his asylum am coming.
recorded of Jagjivandås, and the waters of the O, virtue, multiform works having been atoned Abhiram t&lo (tank) near his shrine are for, (I thy) servant am knowing (thee).
still believed to retain miraculous healing powers. Doha.
The grove at Kotw& contains some fine old Aghbinas hargun kahun, johto upje gy&n
tamarind trees. It is infested with monkeys and Jagjiwan Das dhiyan dhar, kare tumb&r bakhân Brahmani bulls; the former are a source of no Iswara Siva se kahata hai, hain sune jo kou little annoyance to the tented sojourner; the chit lie,
latter cause a great deal of mischief. The tombs Neg janam ke karma agh, sunata khand hoe jde. of the Baba and his successors in office are situ. Siva sun satt man bås kar, katha karun prakAs, ated in separate enclosures a few hundred yards Sun biswas karihe, jo kare satt mån båb.
from each other; they are temples in outward Parmarth karaj kå, santan kin prakas,
appearance. Sun pratit jo mâniye, tin ki puji &sh.
Jagjivandås had five sons, and the office of IŚwar ágyâ kâriye, minti karon kar jor,
mahant (leader or ohief priest) has been confined Ho hu day&l das par, astul gaun tor.
to his own family. There are but two members . [Translation.]
of the family now living, and as they both are Sin annihilated (of the) virtue of Hari (Sri old and childless, it is probable that on their death Krisbra) will I speak, in his life may knowledge the office will pass to some distant relative. (of him) increase !
As to the habits and customs of the Satnamis Servant of the Life of the world, meditate (on the following brief statements may suffice :him), that (he) your praise may sound.
"Meat, masúr (a kind of pulse) and intoxicating God to Siva says, Whoever hears (he) the heart liquors are prohibited, as also is the baingan (ogg. should bring (to hear).
plant), at least locally. Smoking, on the contrary, Of the wickedness of works having been born seems to be allowed. Caste distinctions are not (he) hearing may become as sugar.
lost on a profession of Satnâmi-ism. On the (You) having heard (him) dwell in a true contrary, its professors seem careful not to intercharacter, this story I will manifest.
fere with caste prejudices and family customs. Hear (and) believe; whatever you do (let it be) Fasts are kept, at least to a partial extent, on truth in the character dwelling.
Tuesday-the day of Hanuman, and on Sunday, the

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day of the sun. A good deal of liberality is shown towards local superstitions. Incense is weekly burnt to Hanuman under the title of Mahabir, whilst Rim Chandra seems to come in for & share of adoration. The water in which the Guru's feet have been washed, is drunk only when the Guru is of equal or higher caste than the disciple. Satnâmis seem steadily to observe the festivals of their Hindu brethren. Their distinctive mark is the indu, or black and white twisted thread, generally of silk, worn on the right wrist. The full-blown mahant wears an Indu on each wrist and each ankle. The tilak is one black perpendicular streak. The bodies of the dead are buried, not burned."
The use of the egg-plant is forbidden for this reason -
"Raja Debi Baksh, late taluqddr of Gonda, married in the family of Jagjivandås, and on the occasion of his marriage he was entertained as a guest, together with his whole suite. But he
declined their hospitality unless served with flesh. The Satnamis at last prepared a curry of baingan, pronounced a prayer upon it, and when served out it was found to be flesh; from thenceforth the Satnamis renounced the eating of baingan as & thing convertible into meat."
We append a genealogical chart of the family. Baba Indradawan D&s being the older of the two surviving members occupies the gadi, or seat of honor, at Kotwa:
JAGJIYAN Dis
Anant Dás Bala Das Path DÅs Sabha Das JalAli Das
Dhokal Das Girwar Das
Sadban Das
Jawahir Das
Ajndhiya Das Guruprasdd Dda Aman Das
INDBADAWAN Dis Jaskaran Dle
Banomen Das
MISCELLANEA. EDUCATED HINDUS AND SCIENTIFIC
Popular legends and poetical myths, by whatever RESEARCH.
name they are dignified, may be discarded, not From an Address to Graduates of the Madras
only without loss, but with positive advantage. University, by the Right Rev. Bishop No guide but our own intelligence is better than a R. Caldwell, D.D., LL.D.
faithless guide. Something has already been Educated Natives may fairly be expected both done in the direction of the search for and decito contribute to the enlargement of the bounds of pherment of inscriptions by Europeans, though less human knowledge in everything that pertains to systematically in Madras, than in Calcutta and their own country, and also to endeavour to exem- Bombay, but much remains to be done and will plify in their intercourse with society and their always remain, till educated Natives enter upon public duties the benefits of the education they this branch of study with the zeal with which so have received.
many people in Europe have devoted themselves The study of the history, ancient literature, and to it. Natives possess various facilities for this archæology of the country will never reach any. study which are denied to Europeans living in thing like completeness of development or realise India. They have no reason to fear the sun. results of national importance, till it is systemati- They can generally stop in their journeye without cally undertaken by educated Natives. Learned inconvenience, and examine any antiquity they Natives of Calcutta and Bombay, trained in see ; and whilst Europeans must be content with European modes of thought, and vieing with Euro- examining only the inscriptions on the outer peans in zeal for historical accuracy, have already walls of temples, inscriptions in the interior also made a promising beginning in this department can be examined by Natives. They will also be of research. I trust that the Native scholars of allowed to examine inscriptions on copper plates the South will resolve that they will not be in the possession of respectable Native families, left behind in the race. The most important aid which would not readily be allowed to pass into educated Natives can render to the study of the the hands of Europeans. history of their country is by means of a search A humbler, but still very important, branch of after inscriptions, many of which, hitherto unno- archeological work lies open to every educated ticed and unknown, they will find inviting their Hinda in the Tamil districts in this Presidency. attention on the walls of the temples in almost Let him set himself, before it is too late, to search every village in the interior. The only ancient out and discover the vernacular works that are Indian history worthy of the name is that which commonly supposed to be lost. The names only has been spelled out from inscriptions and coins. of many Tamil works of the earlier period survive, • Oudh Gazetteer, vol. I., pp. 868-4.
"Oudh Garetteer, vol. I., p. 862.

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293
and many works must have been composed at a other peoples, ancient or modern, in the earneststill earlier period of which even the names have ness and assiduity with which they have studied been forgotten. Temil literature seems to have the grammars of their various tongues, and to known no youth. Like Minerva, the goddess of this must be attributed the wonderful perfection learning amongst the Greeks, it seems to have several of those languages have reached as organs sprung, full-grown and fully armed, from the of thought, and much of the acuteness for which head of Jupiter. The explanation of this is that the Indian mind is famed. But the study of the every work pertaining to, or illustrative of, the languages of their country by Indian scholars youth of the language appears to have perished. has never become comparative, and, therefore, has Probably, however, & careful search made by never become scientific. It has fallen behind the educated Natives in houses and mathas would be scholarship of Europe in grasp and breadth, and rewarded by some valuable discoveries.
consequently in fruitfulness in results. If, howWhat an extensive and interesting field India ever, educated Natives resolved to apply thempresents for the comparative study of languages, selves to a study so peculiarly suited to them, I and nowhere will ampler scope be found for this consider it certain that excellent results would study than in the districts, directly or indirectly, soon be realised. If they began to compare their under the Madras Government. The Dravidian vernaculars one with another, ancient forms with family, which has its chief home in this Presi- modern, and both with Sansksit, they would soon dency, includes, according to the most recent find that Language had a history of its own, enumeration, 14 languages and 30 dialects; in throwing light on all other histories, and that addition to which, Sanskrit, Hindustani, and instead of being the driest of subjects, it was one English claim attention. The comparative study of the richest in matters of wide human interest. of the languages of India has remained up to this A further advantage of priceless value might also, time in the hands of Europeans, but it is a it is to be hoped, be realised in time in the coinbranch of study to which educated Natives might | mencement and development of a good modern be expected to apply themselves with special zeal, Vernacular Literature-a literature equal-if that and in which, if they applied themselves to it, I were possible to the ancient literature in beauty feel sure that they would attain to special excel- of form, and superior to it-which would be poslence. The people of India have surpassed all sible enough-in the value of its subject matter.
BOOK NOTICES. THE SONG OF THE REED and other Pieces, by E.H. PALMER, And Love behind the lover's self doth hide. Lord Almoner's Professor of Arabic, Cambridge. (London: Trübner & Co.)
Shall Love's great kindness prove of none avail ? "The Song of the Reed" from the Masnavi is one
When will ye cast the veil of sense aside, of the shortest of the twenty-six pieces in this
Content in finding Love to lose all else beside P volume, of which twenty-one, occupying, with the "Love's radiance shineth round about our heads notes on them, about two-thirds of the 200 pages of As sportive sunbeams on the waters play; type in it, are from the Persian and Arabic. Alas! we revel in the light He sheds Among the poets from whom translations are made
Without reflecting back a single ray. are JelAlu'd-din Rami, Hafiz, Aghadu'd-din Anvari,
The human soul, as reverend preachers say, Omar el Kheiyam, 'Amak, Hussein Våiz Kashifi,
Is as a mirror to reflect God's grace'; author of the Persian version of the Fables of Keep, then, its surface bright while yet ye may, Pilpai, Firdausi, 'Antărăh ibn Moawiyeh ibn For on a mirror with a dusty face Sheddad--a pre-Musalmanik poet, and others. Pro- The brightest object showeth not the faintest trace." fessor Palmer is a master of Arabic and Persian, And here is his version of Taza batdza nau and has a most thorongh command of English ver- banau, generally attributed, though wrongly, to sification, so that, whether strictly literal or not, he
Håfiz, and so often translated :seizes the spirit of his original, and gives his readers
"O minstrel ! sing thy lay divine, a version that is racy and poetical. Here, for ex
Freshly fresh and newly new! ample, are the last two stanzas of the first poem :
Bring me the heart-expanding wine, "Nature's great secret let me now rehearse
Freshly fresh and newly new! Long have I pondered o'er the wondrous tale, “Seated beside & maiden fair, How Love immortal fills the universe,
I gaze with a loving and raptured view, Tarrying till mortals shall His presence hail;
And I sip her lip and caress her hair, But man, alas ! hath interposed a veil,
Fresbly fresh and newly new! 1 See Ind. Ant. vol. VI. p. 228, for Bicknell's version,

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[OCTOBER, 1879.
" Who of the fruit of life can share,
Yet scorn to drink of the grape's sweet dew? Then drain a cup to thy mistress fair,
Freshly fresh and newly new ! She who has stolen my heart away
Heightens her beauty's rosy hue, Decketh herself in rich array,
Freshly fresh and newly new! "Balmy breath of the Western gale,
Waft to her ears my love-song true; Tell her poor love-lorn Hafiz' tale,
Freshly fresh and newly new !" The Original pieces' hardly lie in our line; they sparkle with wit and fun, and with all classes of readers will only add to the relish with which Professor Palmer's spirited little volume will be read and enjoyed by all who can obtain it.
THE SACRED BOOKS OF THE EAST, Vol. I.: The UPANISHADS translated by F. MAX MÜLLER. Part i.--The Khåndogya Upanishad, the Talavakira-Upanishad, the Aitareya Aranyaka, the Kaushitaki-BrAhmana-Upani. shad, and the VAgasaneyi-SamhitA-Upanishad. (Oxford : Clarendon Press, 1879.)
We have now at length in three volumes (of which the first is that named above, and the others are on Indian laws by Dr. Bühler, and on Confucianism by Dr. Legge), the first instalment of a series of translations of Oriental works of which Prof. Max Müller announced the intended pub. lication, under his own Editorship, in October 1876. The following are the names of the Indian books (excepting the Buddhistic ones) which are now mentioned in the general Preface. (pp. xlv, xlvi) as selected for translation and publication. These are the Hymns of the Rig-veda, the Sata. patha-brahmana, the Upanishads, the Grihya. stras of Hiranyákesin and others, the Sútras of Åpastamba, Gautama, Baudhayana, Vasishtha, Vishnu, &c. the Laws of Manu, Yajñavalkya, &c. the Bhagavad-gitá, the Vayu-purdna.
The translation of the Hymns of the Rig-veda is to be undertaken by the editor himself, who in his original program writes as follows (Pref. p. xliv):-"From among the Sacred Books of the Brahmans I hope to give a translation of the Hynins of the Rig-veda. While I shall continue my translation of selected hymns of that Veda, a traduction raisonnée which is intended for Sans. krit scholars only, on the same principles which I have followed in the first volume', explaining every word and sentence that seems to require elucidation, and carefully examining the opinions of previous commentators, both Native and European, I intend to contribute a freer translation
of the hymns to this Series, with a few explanatory notes only, such as are absolutely necessary to enable readers who are unacquainted with Sanskrit to understand the thoughts of the Vedic poets."
This announcement is highly satisfactory. For, although all who read German can already refer to the two recent translations of Ludwig and Grassmann,-not to speak of the smaller collection of Geldner and Kaegi,--yet all these scholars differ in many renderings. Such as they are, Prof. Müller will have the benefit of their views on the sense of different passages, and we may hope that by the labours of so able and experienced & scholar as he is, the interpretation of the hymns will make a further step in advance.
The greater part of Prof. Max Müller's "Preface to the Sacred Books of the East," contained in this volume, is occupied with remarks upon three points; the first warns his readers that those who have been led to believe that the Vedas of the ancient Brahmans, the Avesta of the Zoroastrians, the Tripitaka of the Buddhists, the Kings of Confucius, or the Koran of Mohammed are books full of primeval wisdom and religious enthusiasm, or at least of sound and simple moral teaching, will be disappointed on consulting these volumes," p. ix. "Scholars also who have devoted their life either to the editing of the original texts or to the careful interpretation of some of the sacred books, are more inclined, after they have disinterred from a heap of rubbish some soli. tary fragments of pure gold, to exhibit these treasures only than to display all the refuse from which they had to extract them." (p. x.) He afterwards goes on to say :-"The time has come when the study of the ancient religions of man. kind must be approached in a different, in a less enthusiastic, and more discriminating, in fact, in a more scholarlike spirit." For although the religions of antiquity must always be approached in a loving spirit," "true love does not ignore all faults and failings: on the contrary, it scans them keenly, though only in order to be able to understand, to explain, and thus to excuse them."
As these ancient sacred books have, besides what deserves our admiration, much that is of a different character, we must not, in order to form a just conception of their contents, be satisfied with extracts, but have before us complete and faithful translations of these books. "No one," the writer proceeds to say, "who collects and publishes such extracts can resist, no one at all events, so far as I know, has ever resisted, the temptation of giving what is beautiful, or it may Hymns to the Maruts or the Storm-Gods. London, 1869.
Rig-veda-sanhita, The Sacred Hymns of the Brah. mans, translated and explained by F. Max Müller. Vol. i.:

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be what is strange and startling, and leaving out come down to us, completely lost it." After what is commonplace, tedious, or it may be re- making every allowance for the different light in pulsive, or, lastly, what is difficult to construe and which things and thoughts appear to Eastern and to understand. We must face the problem in its Western eyes, Prof. Müller appeals to the completeness,.....how the Sacred Books best Oriental scholars " whether they think that" of the East should, by the side of so much that is his "condemnation is too severe, or that Eastern fresh, natural, simple, beautiful, and true, contain nations themselves would tolerate, in any of their 80 much that is not only unmeaning, artificial, classical literary compositions, such violations of and silly, but even hideous and repellent." The the simplest rules of taste as they have accus. program in p. xliii: contains remarks to the tomed themselves to tolerate, if not to admire, in same effect.
their sacred books." How is the presence of this worthless matter in
Prof. Max Müller's second caution to the these Sacred Books to be explained P Prof. Möller readers of these translations is that they are not can account for it to a certain extent, though not to suppose that they have only to peruse them "in entirely to his own satisfaction. His explanation order to gain an insight into the nature and is to the following effect :-In the early ages to character of the religions of mankind." "Translawhich these Sacred Books belong, whatever was tions can do much, but they can never take the handed down from father to son soon received a place of the originals, and if the originals require sacred character. Some of these ancient sayings not only to be read, but to be read again and again, were preserved for their inherent value. Others translations of sacred books require to be studied might have derived their importance from the with much greater care, before we can hope to circumstances to which they owed their origin. gain a real understanding of the intentions of their Thus verses sung before a battle which issued in authors or venture on general assertions." After victory might often be invested with a charm giving some instances of the danger of generalising independent of their poetic merit, would be re- even where we have complete translations of sacred peated in memory of the victory, and when the books, he adds:-"It is far easier to misapprehend, event was forgotten, would survive as relics of or even totally to misunderstand, a translation the past: or words connected with a ceremonial, than the original; and it should not be supposed, performed on the occasion of some calamity, which because a sentence or a whole chapter seems at was attended by remarkable success, might often first sight unintelligible in a translation, that therebe preserved with superstitious awe, repeated fore they are devoid of all meaning." The writer on similar emergencies, and even if they had illustrates this by a reference to the mystic mono. failed, still survive in recollection. Then the syllable Om, introduced at the beginning of the utterances of men who had attained a certain pres. Chhandogya (which he spells Khandogya) Upani. tige, would often be valued beyond their merits, shad. He says :-"Meditation on the syllable or and the worthless handed down along with the consisted in a long continued repetition of that valuable. Further, many words handed down syllable with a view of drawing the thonghts away may have been misunderstood, many sentences from all other subjects, and thus concentrating corrupted before they became fixed in tradition, them on some higher object of thought of which and had assumed a form which could no longer that syllable was to be made the symbol. This be changed. Lastly, those who transmitted the concentration of thought.... is something to 113 treasures of ancient wisdom would often feel almost unknown..... With the life we are lcad. inclined to add what seemed likely to benefit ing now..... it has become impossible, or themselves, and could only be preserved by being almost impossible, ever to arrive at that intensity made to form part of a hallowed tradition. “The of thought which the Hindus meant by ekágrati, priestly influence was at work, even before there and the attainment of which was to them the were priests by profession, and when the priest- indispensable condition of all philosophical and hood had oncu become professional, its influence religious speculation. The loss may not be altogether may account for much that would otherwise seem on our side, yet a loss it is, and if we see the inexplicable in the sacred codes of the ancient Hindus, even in their comparatively monotonous world."
life, adopting all kinds of contrivances ... to “These are some of the considerations which assist them in drawing away their thoughts from all may help to explain how, mixed up with real disturbing impressions and to fix them on one obtreasures of thought, we meet in the sacred booksject only, we must not be satisfied with smiling with so many passages and whole chapters which at their simplicity, but try to appreciate the either never had any life or meaning at all, or if object they had in view." When by repetition of they had, have, in the form in which they have Om a certain degree of mental tranquillity had

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been attained," the question arose what was meant by this Om, and to this ... the most various answers were given, according as the mind was to be led up to higher and higher objects." In one place Om is said to be the beginning of the Veda, or of the Sama-veda, so that he who meditates on Om may be supposed to meditate on the whole of the Sama-veda. Then Om is said to be the essence of the Sama-veda, which again may be called the essence of the Rig-veda. As the Rig-veda stands for all speech and the Sama-veda for all breath of life, Om may be conceived as the symbol of these. "Om thus becomes the name not only of all our physical and mental powers, but especially of the living principle, the Prána or spirit." "He there. fore who meditates on Om, meditates on the spirit in man as identical with the spirit in nature, or in the sun, and thus the lesson that is meant to be taught in the beginning of the Khandogya (Chhandogya) Upanishad is really this, that none of the Vedas with their sacrifices and ceremonies could ever secure the salvation of the worshipper, i.e. that sacred works, performed according to the rules of the Vedas, are of no avail in the end, but that meditation on Om alone, or that knowledge of what is meant by Om alone, can procure true salvation, or true immortality. Thus the pupil is led on step by step to what is the highest object of the Upanishade, viz. the recognition of the self in man as identical with the Highest Self or Brahman. The lessons which are to lead up to that highest conception of the universe, both subjective and objective, are no doubt mixed up with much that is superstitious and absurd; still the main object is never lost sight of," "This," the writer concludes his second caution by saying, "is but one instance to show that even behind the fantastio and whimsical phraseology of the sacred writings of the Hindus and other Eastern nations, there may be sometimes aspirations after truth which deserve careful consideration from thestudent of the psychological development and the histori- cal growth of early religious thought, and that after careful sifting, treasures may be found in what at first we may feel inclined to throw away as utterly worthless." Pro. Max Müller's third cantion is that we must not expect "that a translation of the sacred books of the ancients can ever be more than an approximation of our language to theirs, of our thoughts to theirs." "Those," he says, "who know French and German well enough, know how difficult, nay, how impossible it is, to render justice to certain touches of genius which the true artist knows how to give to a sentence. Many poets have translated Heine into English, or Tennyson into German .... But the greater the excellence of these translators, the
more frank has been their avowal, that the original is beyond their reach. And what is a translation of modern German into modern English compared with a translation of ancient Sanskrit or Zend or Chinese into any modern language P"
“The translator, however," Prof. Müller proceeds, "if he has once gained the conviction that it is impossible to translate old thought into modern speech, without doing some violence either to the one or to the other, will.... prefer to do some violence to language rather than to misrepresent old thoughts by clothing them in words which do not fit them. If therefore the reader finds some of these translations rather rugged, if he meets with expressions which sound foreign...... let him feel sure that the translator has had to deal with a choice of evils, and that when the choice lay between sacrificing idiom and truth, he has chosen the smaller evil of the two." The writer then instances the word dtman in his own translation of the Upanishads. This word, when it occurs in philosophical treatises, has generally been rendered by "soul, mind, or spirit." He tried to use one or other of these words, "but the oftener" he "employed them, the more" he "felt their inadequacy, and was driven at last to adopt selfand Self as the least liable to misunderstanding." Further on he explains this: "If we translate åt man by soul, mind, or spirit, we commit, first of all, that fundamental mistake of using words which may be predicated, in place of a word which is a subject only, aud can never become a predicate. We may say in English that a man possesses a soul,... is out of his mind, ... has or even is.... a spirit, but we could never predicate atman, or self, of anything else." Spirit, mind, and soul, in certain of their meanings, "may be predicated of the dtman, as it is manifested in the phenomenal world. But they are never subjects in the sense in which the átman is; they have no independent being, apart from atman." Prof. Max Müller then gives a specimen (fuller than where it appears in its place in p. 101) of his own mode of translating the Chhandogya-Upanishad vi, 8, 7: That which is the subtile essence (the Sat, the root of every thing), in it all that exists has its self, or more literally, its self-bood. It is the True (not the Truth in the abstract, but that which truly and really exists). It is the Self, i.e. the Sat is what is called the Self of everything:' and then remarks: "No doubt this translation sounds strange to English ears, but as the thoughts contained in the Upanishads are strange, it would be wrong to smooth down their strangeness by clothing them in language familiar to us, which, because, it is familiar, will fail to startle us," and Bo "will

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fail also to set us thinking." The Preface to the Sacred Books is followed (pp. lvii ff) by an Introduction to the Upanishads, which first relates the translation into Persian of the Upanishads by, or under the orders of, Dârâ Shukoh, eldest son of Shah Jehan; the translation of that version into Latin by Anquetil du Perron; and the careful study of this Latin translation by the German philosopher Schopenhauer, who, we are told, made no secret of the fact that "his own philosophy is powerfully impregnated by the fundamental doctrines of the Upanishads." Translated extracts from the works of that writer are given to show his appreciation of the Upanishads. An account is then given of the work of Rammohun Roy," the reformer and reviver of the ancient religion of the Brahmans. A man who in his youth could write a book 'Against the Idolatry of all Religions,' and who afterwards expressed in so many exact words his 'belief in the divine authority of Christ," was not likely to retain anything of the sacred literature of his own religion, unless he had perceived in it the same divine authority which he recognised in the teaching of Christ. He rejected the Purdnas, he would not have been swayed in his convictions by the authority of the Laws of Manu, or even by the sacredness of the Vedas.... But he discovered in the Upanishads and in the so-called Vedanta something different from all the rest, something that ought not to be thrown away, something that, if rightly understood, might supply the right native soil in which alone the seeds of true religion, aye of true Christianity, might spring up again, and prosper in India, as they had once sprung up and prospered from out the philosophies of Origen or Synesius." "The death of that really great and good man," Prof. Max Müller adds, in page lxiv, during his stay in England in 1833, was one of the severest blows that have fallen on the prospects of India. But his work has not been in vain." The religious movements which have followed his death are then adverted to. After sections on the "Position of the Upanishads in Vedic Literature" (where Prof. Max Müller tells us that, his own "real love for Sanskrit literature was first kindled by the Upanishade;") on the "Different Classes of Upanishads," on the "Critical treatment" of their text, and "Works on the Upanishads"-the titles of which I need not enumerate, the author furnishes us with introductory remarks on the Chhandogya and Talavakara Upanishads, the Aitareya Aranyaka, the Kaushitaki
BOOK NOTICES.
2 Born 1774, died at 2-30 A.M., on Friday, 28th Septem
ber 1833.
3 Last Days of Bammohun Roy, by Mary Carpenter, 1866, p. 135,
297
Brahmana-Upanishad, and the Vdjasaneyi-Samhit Upanishad, the translations of which, with notes, fill the rest of his volume. Of the Upanishads translated by Dr. Roer in the Bibliotheca Indica Vol. XV. (Nos. 41 and 50) (1853) the Taittiriya, Svetasvatara, Katha, Prasna, Mundakya, and Mandukya are absent from this volume. Translations of these will, no doubt, sooner or later, be issued by Prof. Max Müller as part of his series. The Brihad-aranyaka Upanishad, also translated by Dr. Roer in the Bibliotheca Indicu, (1856) forms part of the Satapatha-Brahmana, a translation of which forms part of Prof. Max Müller's program.
The well known ability and scholarship of the translator, as well his careful study of the subject, as evinced by the tenor of his remarks, which have been quoted in this paper, afford a sufficient guarantee for the general accuracy of his renderings, though in the case of such occasionally obscure and difficult works as the Upanishads, the opinions even of competent scholars cannot always be expected to coincide. That such diversity of opinion is to be looked for is remarked by Prof. Max Müller himself in his Introduction to the Kaushitaki Upanishad, where he says of Prof. Cowell's translation of that tract; "I have had the great advantage of being able to consult for the Kaushitaki Upanishad, not only the text and commentary as edited by Prof. Cowell, but also his excellent translation."
If I differ from him in some points, this is but natural, considering the character of the text and the many difficulties that have still to be solved, before we can hope to arrive at a full understanding of these ancient philosophical treaties.
I do not pretend to have examined Prof. Max Müller's translations; but I give a specimen from Chhandogya Upanishad iii. 14, followed by the translation of the same passage by Dr. Rajendralâl Mittra in the Bibliotheca Indica for comparison: Prof. Müller's version:
"1. All this is Brahman (n). Let a man meditate on that (visible world) as beginning, ending, and breathing in it (the Brahman).
"Now man is a creature of will. According to what his will is in this world, so will he be when he has departed this life. Let him therefore have this will and belief:
2. "The intelligent, whose body is spirit, whose form is light, whose thoughts are true, whose nature is like ether (omnipresent and invisible), from whom all works, all desires, all sweet odours
Prof. Müller says in a note; "jalan" [the word rendered beginning, ending, and breathing is explained by ja, boru, la, absorbed, and an breathing. It is an artificial term, but fully recognized by the Vedanta School, and always explained in this manner.

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and tastes proceed; he who embraces all this, who tate." The one version renders leratumaya by never speaks and is never surprised.
"a creature of will," the other by " a creature of 3."He is myself within the heart, smaller reflection," and kratum kurvita, immediately after, than a corn of rice, smaller than a corn of barley, is translated by Max Müller "let him therefore smaller than a mustard seed, smaller than a have this will and belief"; " by Rajendralála by canary seed, or the kernel of a canary seed. He "therefore should he reflect (upon Brahma)." also is myself within the heart, greater than the Sankalpa is rendered by the one, "thoughts," by earth, greater than the sky, greater than heaven, the other, "will;" anddara by the one, "never greater than all these worlds.
surprised," by the other, "nor respects anybody." +. "He from whom all works, all desires, all I need not try to settle which of the two translasweet odours and tastes proceed, who embraces tors is right in each case. It may be worth while all this, who never speaks and is nerer surprised to mention that this passage occurs in a modified he, myself within the heart, is that Brahman (n), form in the Satapatha-Brahmana, x. 6, 3ff. which when I shall have departed from hence, I shall I translate: obtain him that self). He who has this faith 1. "Let a man meditate on the true Brahma. has no doubt; thus said Sandilya, yea, thus he Now this man is full of insight (keratumaya). said."
Whatever amount of insight he possesses when Dr. Rajendralkla's translation:
he departs from this world, with the same he is 1. "All this rerily is Brahma, for therefrom born after death in the next world. 2. Let him doth it proceed, therein doth it merge, and thereby, meditate on the soul (or self), which is instinct is it maintained, with a quiet and controuled with mind, has breath for its body, has a laminmind should it be adored. Man is a creature of ous form, has the nature of the ether, changes reflection, whatever he reflects upon in this life, its form at will, has the fleetness of thought, he becomes the same hereafter; therefore should forms true designs, has true determination, poshe reflect (upon Brahma).
sesses all odours and all flavours, extends in all (Saying] " that which is nothing but mind, directions, pervades this universe, is speechless, whose body is its life, whose figure is a mere indifferent. Like a grain of rice, or barley, or glory, whose will is truth, whose soul is like space tydndka, or its seed, so in the inner soul (or rell) (ākāća), which performeth all things and willeth is this golden man,-like a smokeless light, and all things, to whom belong all sweet odours and greater than the heaven, greater than the ether, all grateful juices; which envelopes the whole of greater than the earth, greater than all being. this [world), which neither speaketh nor respects This is the soul (or self) of life (breath), this is anybody.
my soul (or self). After death I shall enter into 3. "Is the soul within me; it is lighter than a this soul (or self). He who so believes is freed corn, or a barley, or a mustard, or a canary seed, from doubt."
J. MUIR. or the substance within it. Such a soul is within me, as is greater than this earth, and greater than the sky and greater than the heaven, and
PROLEGOMENA zu des VASANTARĀJA CAKUNA nebet Text
proben, von Eagen Hultasch, Dr. Phil. Leipzig: Breitgreater than all these regions [put together).
kopfund Kärtel, 1879 (88 pp. 8vo.) 4. "That which perfometh all things, and Though omens and auguries have from time imwilleth all things, to which belong all sweet memorial played a conspicuous part in Indian folkodours and all grateful juices, which enve- lore, a comprehensive treatise on the subject, based lopes the whole of this world), which neither on & carefal collection of the attainable facts in all speaketh nor respecteth anybody, is the soul parts of India and in all strata of the population, within me; it is Brahma; I shall obtain it
is still a desideratum. Incidertal notices of parti. after my transition from this world." He who cular superstitions connected with omens are believeth this and hath no hesitation will verily indeed scattered in a great number of books, but obtain the fruit of his reflection : 80 said Sandilya they have never yet been brought under one focus. -[the sage] Sandilya.
Valuable materials, from older Sanskrit sources, It will be seen that, though differently worded, toward a scientific treatment of the question, are and with occasional differences of rendering, supplied by Dr. Hultzsch in his Prolegomena to these versions essentially agree. At the very Vasantaraja's Cakuna. In the introductory chapbeginning Professor Max Müller seems inadver- ters the author gives an account of the earlier tently to have left the word bdnta ("calm or
Sansksit literature bearing on omens and auguries, tranquil in mind") untranslated before "medi- from the respective passages in the Adbhuta bral
"Or he who has faith and no doubt, will obtain this." kratu in what precedes, was it necessary to add to it " and . If "will" was a proper and adequate translation of belief," when it next occurs ?

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BOOK NOTICES.
299
mana and Kaubikasitra (edited and translated by Weber) down to the 12th or 13th century, to which he assigns Vasantaraja : and the last fifty pages he devotes to a conspection of the work, with copious extracts and critical and explanatory notes. At pp. 22 to 25 he dwells in great detail and with much emphasis on the high degree of indebtedness of his author to the Gargasanhita, and expresses a hope that Prof. Kern or some other competent Sanskrit scholar may be induced to make that important work generally accessible. As MS. copies of it are very rare, both in India and Europe, we take this opportunity to invite the attention of our readers to any aid which they may be able to give, and to mention that, in addition to the “three MSS. known to exist in European libraries," there is a portion of the Sahitd in the Whish col. lection of the Royal Asiatic Society. E. R.
PRAKRTICA von Siegfried Goldschmidt, (Strassburg, K. T.
Trübner, 1879. (32 pp. 8vo).
Professor S. Goldschmidt of Strasburg has for some years been engaged upon an edition and translation, with criticalapparatus and indices of the Prekrit epic Setubandha. On the eve of its publication, he discusses in two successive papers-the first in the Zeitschrift of the German As. Soc., vol. XXXII. p. 99 ff., and the second in a separate pamphlet entitled Prakritica,-a number of difficult Prakrit words, such as vahutta, parinta, thakkač, khuppai, choha occurring in that work. Judging by the philological acumen which he has displayed in these and in previous essays, we may look forward to a carefully constituted text at his hands. Those who resort to Prakpit for aid in tracing the origin of words and forms in the North-Indian vernaculars should well study the recent contributions to Prakrit philology by Professors Goldschmidt and Pischel, not only with a view to their main results, but more especially as to the strictly scientific method by which those results have been arrived at.
R.R.
Measuring with little wit thy lofty Love. Ah! Lover! Brother! Guide! Lamp of the Law ! I take my refuge in thy name and thee!. I take my refuge in thy Law of Good! I take my refuge in thy Order! OM! The Dew is on the lotus ! Rise, Great Sun! And lift my leaf and mix me with the wave. Om mani padme hum, the Sunrise comes ! The Dewdrop slips into the shining Sea!"
Elsewhere (p. 209) he again apologises for his deficiencies in these lines :
"I cannot tell A small part of the splendid loro which broke From Buddha's lips: I am a late-come scribe Who love the Master and his love of men, And tell this legend, knowing he was wise, But have not wit to speak beyond the books! And time hath blurred their script and ancient
Bense, Which once was new and mighty, moving all."
And we think it would have been well had Mr. Arnold stuck a little more closely to "the books," for wherever he has ventured to depart from them, he has erred: thus, even in describing the palace of Prince Siddartha (pp. 43, 44), ho says, "Its beams were carved with stories of old time
Radha and Krishna and the sylvan girlsSita and Hanuman and Draupadi; And on the middle porch God Ganesha, With discand hook-to bring wisdomand wealthPropitious sate, wreathing his sidelong trunk."
This is a gross anachronism,-none of these mythological personages figure in the early Bauddha literature, nor had the cry of “Rama, Rama" (p. 76) then come into use at funerals.
The author exhibits an extravagant admiration for the founder of Buddhism, and has traced with no small degree of literary, skill, in a poem of much grace and beauty, the legend of his earlier history, asceticism, attainment of Buddhahood, teaching and return to Kapilavastu, with the conversion of his wife Yasodhari. - The other wives, Gôtamt and Manôdara or Utpalavafns, are not alluded to. But Mr. Arnold is not particular in colouring his story according to the purely oriental and original pictures : he passes it through the filter of his own taste, and tints it with tones borrowed both from Christian teaching and mysticism: and the reader is struck with this even in verbal expressions, such as :
" he told the things which make For peace and pureness" (p. 204; conf. James iii.
18,1 Tim. ii. 22, Heb, xii. 14.) "-While our Lord taught, and, while he taught,
who heardThough he were stranger in the land, or slavo,
THE LIGHT of Asia, or the Great Renunciation (Mahabhi
nish ramana), being the Life and Teaching of Gautama, Prince of India and Fonader of Buddhism (as told in verse by an Indian Buddhist). By EDWIN ARNOLD, M.A., F.R.G.S., &c. (12mo, pp. 288). London: Trübner & Co. 1879.
Except for a line on the title page, and an ex. pression to the like effect in the preface, one might be led to conclude from this long poem in eightbooks and of over 4,000 lines, that the author's own creed was summed up in its concluding verses printed in capitals :"Ah! Blessed Lord! Oh, High Deliverer!
Forgive this feeble script, which doth thee wrong,

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High caste or low, come of the Aryan blood, Or Mlech or Jungle-dweller-seemed to hear What tongue his fellows taught." (p. 210; conf. Acts ii. 8). And
"More is the treasure of the Law than gems; Sweeter than comb its sweetness;"-(p. 232; Psalm xix. 10: cxix. 103.)
And look at this mercantile calculation of ultimate profits, based on self-sufficiency and pride of birth, put into the mouth of Buddha before he leaves his palace: for the "stupendous conquest of humanity," which is ascribed to him, had really, in his own view, no higher object than the cowardly one of escaping old age, sickness, and death, by escaping that future existence which he believed in as an evil, and taught men was the chief evil to be delivered from by passing "Unto Nirvana where the Silence lives.""If one not worn and wrinkled, sadly sage,
But joyous in the glory and the grace That mix with evils here, and free to choose Earth's loveliest at his will: one even as I, Who ache not, lack not, grieve not, save with griefs Which are not mine, except as I am man;If such a one, having so much to give, Gave all, laying it down for love of men, "Surely at last, far off, sometime, somewhere, The veil would lift for his deep-searching eyes, The road would open for his painful feet, That should be won for which he lost the world And Death might find him conqueror of death.""" (p. 98.) We have a very fair representation of the Mahábhinishkramana Sútra as Buddhists themselves regard it in Beal's Romantic Legend, and we think Mr. Arnold might have done well to have studied to represent it as they do, and not to trick it out with a few borrowed feathers, and tell us this is how "an Indian Buddhist" represents his religious teacher. Buddha was "certainly one of the heroes of humanity"-perhaps one of its greatest; but he fell far short of perfection, and those who wrote the legends of him had probably a less idea than himself how far short he came: it does not surely serve the interests of truth then to hide out of sight the errors of his system, and to supplement his defects or dress his tenets in Christian forms and nineteenthcentury aspirations. This can only lead to misconception or breed distrust.
Mr. Arnold's oriental acquirements do not seem high, if we may judge from his using chuddah (p. 87) for chadar or chaddar, tilka (p. 27) for
1 With this line conf. 1 Cor. xv. 54 ff; Hosea xiii. 14; Isaiah xxv. 8; Acts ii. 24; Rev. i. 18; 2 Tim. i. 10; &c.
[OCTOBER, 1879.
tilaka, palsal (p. 4) for padéa (Butea frondosa), Swerga (p. 152) for Swarga, Vishramvan (p. 42) for Vaisravana (Kuvera), and Sujata (p. 145), Yasodhara, &c. as feminines,-if diacritical marks are used at all, it would be well to employ them systematically. Then we have Himalay and Himala used as he finds his verse requires-not the verse moulded with master-hand to suit the word.
The book however, if of no scientific value, is pleasant reading, and we may add to the specimens already given the following three:-1st, the well-known utterance of Buddha on rising from under the Bodhi-tree, thus rendered (p. 178):"Many a House of Life
Hath held me-seeking ever Him who wrought These prisons of the senses, sorrow-fraught; Sore was my ceaseless strife!
But now, Thou Builder of this Tabernacle-Thou!
I know Thee! Never shall thou build again These walls of pain,
Nor raise the roof-tree of deceits, nor lay Fresh rafters on the clay;
Broken thy house is, and the ridge-pole split! Delusion fashioned it!
Safe pass I thence-deliverance to obtain." 2nd, The Bauddha creed,
Yé dhamma hétuppabhava Tésan hétun Tathagató Aha têsancha yo niródho
Evan vádi mahd Samand (p. 189),"What life's course and cause sustain These Tathagato made plain; What delivers from life's woe
That our Lord hath made us know." "Evil swells the debts to pay,
Good delivers and acquits;
Shun evil, follow good; hold sway Over thyself. This is the way."
3rd, The Five Rules are thus versified ;"Kill not- for Pity's sake-and lest ye slay The meanest thing upon its upward way. Give freely and receive, but take from none By greed, or force of fraud, what is his own. Bear not false witness, slander not, nor lie; Truth is the speech of inward purity.
Shun drugs and drinks which work the wit abuse; Clear minds, clean bodies, need no Sôma juice. Touch not thy neighbour's wife, neither commit Sins of the flesh unlawful and unfit."
The Romantic Legend of sakya Buddha; from the Chinese-Sanskrit. By Samuel Beal. London: Trübner & Co. 1875.

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NOVEMBER, 1879.) SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
301
SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
BY J. F. FLEET, Bo. C.S., M.R.A.S.
(Continued from p. 288.) No. LX.
graved on the inner sides of the first and last
plates of a grant show through more or less disMONG the copper-plates belonging to the tinctly in reverse on the outer sides of the same
- Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic So- plates. In the present case the plates are of a fair ciety, is a spurious Vala bhingrant of Dhar- average thickness, but the letters are rather a sê na II. dated Saka 400 (A. D. 478-9)',--and unusually deep and show through in such strong also a Vala bh i grant of Dharago na II., relief on the backs of the plates that many of dated in the Valabhi year 252: the latter I them can even be read there in reverse. It will now publish, from the original plates, with a also be seen in the facsimile that the different facsimile.
component parts of one and the same character The grant consists of two plates, each about are frequently far more detached than is 11' long by 7 broad. As will be seen from usually the case. On these grounds, it was the facsimile, they are in a state of very ex- my opinion at first that this grant, instead of cellent preservation. The edges of the plates being engraved by hand with an engraving tool, are raised into rims to protect the writing. The must have been stamped. This opinion was right-hand ring, which was probably only a fully endorsed by the experienced lithographer plain copper ring, has been lost. The left-hand by whom the facsimile was made. But there ring has not been cut; but at some time or other is not a sufficient similarity in the repeated slits have been made in the plates so that it can forms of one and the same letter, for those letters slide out. It is of irregular shape, and about to have been impressed from a raised die cut
" thick. The seal on it is roughly oval, about in reverse, even though two or three different 2 by 1", and has, in relief on a countersunk dies of each letter might have been used. And surface, a seated bull facing to the proper right, a closer inspection made it clear that most of and below it the motto Sri-Bhatakka --for Sri. the curved strokes show distinctly inarks of the Bhatárleka. I have no information as to where working round of a tool worked by hand; this these plates were found.
may be seen, for instance, very clearly in the This inscription gives the usual genealogy facsimile in the r of pra, three times, in l. 5,from Bhatarka down to Dharasên a II., and in the i of śrí, twice, in l. 7,--the result of and then records grants made by him, on the these toolmarks being a succession of blurs on fifteenth day of the dark fortnight of Vai. the outer edges of the curves. Some facsimiles ś å kha of the Valabhi year 252, at the that I shall publish hereafter will illustrate this villages of Madasaras, Viraputra, Pri. point still more markedly. I have therefore thaputra, and I śvarad ê vas na ka. had to abandon my original opinion, which was
Except in respect of the details of the grant, virtually that this was a printed grant. But this inscription is of alınost exactly the same pur- the lithographer still considers that no characport as that published by Dr. Bühler at Vol. VII., ters worked by hand, however hot the plates may p. 68 ; but the tex: is written somewhat more have been made, could show through on the backs carefully. As in the case of that inscription, the of the plates so distinctly as the characters of this officer in whose office it was written is the minister inscription; and, while accepting what I have for peace and war, Skanda bhata,--and the point: 1 out in respect of the curved strokes, he Dútaka is Chirbira. The details of the date still maintains that the heads of the letters, and are precisely the same in both grants.
many other of the straight strokes, were probably It is frequently the case that the letters en stamped with raised dies of different patterns.
Transcription.
First plate. ['] Svasti Valabhi(bhi)taḥ prasabha-pranat-amitrânîm Maitrakâņâm=atula-bala.
sa(sar panna-mandal-Abhôga-samsakta-samprahara-sata-la- Mentioned by Dr. Bhau Dajt at Jour, Bo, Br. R. As. So.. Vol. VIII., p. 244, and by Dr. Bühler at Ind. Ant.. Vol. VII., p. 63.

Page #338

302
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[NOVEMBER, 1879.
['] bdha-pratapah pratâpal' pratâp-panata-dúna-man-arjjav-párjjit-anurag-6(A)nurakta
maula-bhrita-mitra-brêņi-bal-Avâpta-rajya. ['] frih(érih) parama-ma(ma)hêśvarah Sri(sri)-sênâpati-Bhatärkkas-tasya sutas=tat-på da-rajo
run.avanata-pavitri(tri)krita-sirah sirô-vanata[] satru - chûdîmaņi - prabha - vichchhurita - pada-nakha-pańkti-di(di)dhitireddi(dai)n-Anatha
kripaņa-jan-Opaji(ji)vyamana-vibhavaḥ parama-mah@svarali [°] Sri(eri)-sônâpati-Dharasênastasy=a(a)najastat-påd-Abhipraṇama-prasastatara-vimala-mauli
(lib) Many-adi-praņi(ni)ta-vidhi-vidhana-dharmmî [°] Dharmmarája iva vidita-vinaya-vyavasthâ-paddhatir-akhila-bhuvana-maņdül-abhôg-aika
svâmina parama-svâmina svaya[] maupahita-rajy-abhishekah mahî-viśrânan-kvapûta-raja (jya)-brih parama-in â hêsvarah
Sri-mahârâja-Drônasimhaḥ simha iva [*] tasy=înujal sva-bhuja-bala-paråkramêņa para-gaja-ghat-âni(ni)kânâm=éka-vijayi(yi)
saran-aishiņam saraṇam=avaboddhâ ['] sâstr.Arttha-tattvânîxn kalpatarar-iva suhrit-pranayinâm yath-abhilashita-phal-Opabhôga-dah
parama-bhagavataḥ Sri-mahârâja[ ] Dhruvasênas-tasy=inujastach-charan-âravinda-pranati-pravidhaut-assha-kalmashah su
visuddha-sva-charit-ôdaka-ksbalita-sakala["] Kali-kalamkabı prasabha-nirijit-ârâti-paksha-prathita-mahimi(mk) param-adityata (bha)ktah
Sri-mahâraja-Dharapattah tasy=îtmajas-tat-pada-saparyy-levâpta["') puny-dayah saišavât=prabhriti khadga-dviti(ti)ya-bâhur=êva samada-para-gaja-ghat
Asphōtana-prakaśita-satva-nikashaḥ tat-prabhåva-pranat-aráti. [*] chudaratna-prabha-samsakta-sakhya(vya)-pa(på)da-nakha-rasmi-samhatih sakala-smriti
prani(ni)ta-märgga-samyak-paripälana-praja-hřida ya-ramjanåd=anva. [*] rttha-raja-sabdo ru(ru)pa-kânti-sthairyya-gambhi(bhî)ryya-buddhi-sampadbhih Smara
Sašank-Adriraj-odadhi-Tridasaguru-Dhanesan-atibayanah [*] Saran-âgat-abhaya-pradana-parataya
triņa-vad=ap&st-Asopa(sha)-svakäryya-phalah prårtthan-adhik-arttha-pradan-anandita[] vidvat-suhrit-pranayi-hridayah padachár=i(i)va saka (ka)la-bhavana-mah-abhôga-pramôdah
parama-mâhêśvarah Sri(grî)-mahara(raja[^] Guhasênah tasya satah tat-pada-nakha-mayûkha-santa(ntâ)na-nirvřitta -Jahnavi(vi)-jal
augha-vikshalit-aśêsha-kalmashah. [") praņayi-sata-sahasr-Ôpajivya[mâna®]-bhôga-sampato(pad) ru(-rd)pa-lôbhâd=iv=âśritaḥ sarasam-abhigamikair-ggunaih
Second plate. [") sahaja-sakti-siksha-višesha-vismâpit-akbila-dhanurddharalı
spishta (shtit) nám=anupalayili dhammya(Imma)-da[") yânâm-apakartta (rtta) praj.raghâta-kåriņâm=upaplavânâi darśayita Sri(sri)
Sarasvatyörk-adhivâsasya sambat-&râti[] paksha-lakshmi(kshmi)-parikshobha-daksha-vikramal kram-ôpasamprapta-vimala-pârtthiva
srih(srih) parama-mahêávarð mahârâja-Sri-Dharasónak=kusali(lî) [") saruvân = êv - Ayuktaka - viniyaktaka - drångika-mahattara-châta-bhata-saulkika-châta-bhat
adi(di)néanyams=cha yatha-sambadhyamânaka["] n=bamájõâpayaty=astu vah samviditam magâ mâta-pitrôh puạy-apyâyanây=âtmanas-ch=
aihik-Amushmika-yathâbhilashita-phal-âvâptayê MadasaraThis word is repeated unnecessarily.
nistita, by mistake for mihsrita. Dr. Bühler's printed * Hero, and in 11. 13, 16, and 17, the Visarga is represented reading of nirprita must be printer's error, for probably by an upright line, resembling & mark of punctuation, nisrita, as he suggests viarita in the footnotes. instead of by two dots, as throughout the rest of the inscrip- Here, and in II. 24 and 83, we have a final form of t, tion. From its bourring three times, it seems to be really written in rather an unusual way below the preceding a form of the Visarga, and not merely a mistake of the syllable. In l. 16 of the grant at Vol. VII, p. 68, we have engraver. It does not occur in the grant at Vol. VII., p. 69. the more usual final form of t, and it is written in the
In 1. 15 of the grant at Vol. VII., p. 63, the reading is urnal place. either wivrita, by mistake for niruritta, which we have This repetition of chd,a-bhata is apparently doneoshere, and which is undoubtedly the correct reading, -orsary.

Page #339

VALABHI GRANT OF DHARASENA II. -THE VALABHI YEAR 252.
པཀzཉིནcy༠༡པལབ་ན་འབུ༣ ༡༩ ཙ། gozzབྷོར་ལོ༽ ཀ མམ ཙut yཐ ༢༧ ༢p:g7 z-g ༧ད་ནཙ9) འད། ཀཞུjs 27ཀུནཙའུ ཀེ ༡༧༡༣7 ;; | :༧།ས༴ 21 འི ཙེ ནཱ༧7ན3ལྟརྒྱ༤༡༡ ལྷོzjE 3༡༩ེཀྱནསu794121: བbནཙཱ་ འབུལཝཱ?དུན (3%7ycཉ?cg ཙནིgཉ2,༧༩;ན པ : ཝཱན ༧ཀཱ༡༧1ཝཱཙཱ3g5: Iཞཅནz༢༡1མིནམཱམྱནསྡzz/zy༧ ཙ མཱ༢ 17ཝ༧༧ཝན པ༡?5338780
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Page #340

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PLATES FULL-SIZE: SEAL REDUCED ONE HALF

Page #341

NOVEMBER, 1879.] SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
303
[] si dakshina-si (si) mni pâdâvarttâ (rttâl) ppa(pam) châśat tatha Viraputrê uttara-si (sf)mni pâdâvartta (rttal) shashti bahvṛicha-Kairâdi-sagôtra-brâhmaṇa-Ludra tasy-êdam Pritha[2] patra I(i)svaradêvasênakê apara-si (si) mni pâdâvartta (rttáḥ) pañchâsath' bahvrichatathis Traivâlambayana-sagôtra-Dasilâya pâdâvarttâ asi(si)ti êta[t*] [*] abdesign-abparikara-savitabhu(bhů)tadhânyahiranylym samasta-rajakiyânâm-a-hasta-prakshê
adtpadyaminavishţikath
[] pani(n)yam bhu (bhú) mi-chchhidra-nyayên-aisham-êva cha bali-charu vaiśvadêv-agnihotrâtithi-pamchamahâyâjñikânâm kriyânâm samutsa
[] rppan-ârttham-a-chandr-arkk-ârnṇava-sarit-kshiti-sthiti-samakali(li)nam putra-pautr-ânvayabhogyam udaka-sarggêņa brahma-dêyam nisrishtam yats(y)-chitay brahmadlya-athitya bhajati krishata(th) karahayatim pradistâ vâ na kênachit-pratishêdhê varttitavyam=â
[*]gami-bhades-ripatibhischismad-vathia-jair-a-nitylnyaivaryyyy-a-sthirai ma(mk)nush.
yasy (é-ch)-ainam=
yam sâmânyam cha bhûmi-dâna-phalam-avagachchhadbhil [] ayam-asmad-dayô-numatta(nta) vyaḥ
paripilayitavyas-cha°
achchhimdyâd=âchchidyamânam v=ânumôdêta sa pam[] chabhir=mmahâpâtakaiḥ sôpapâtakaiḥ samyuktaḥ10 syâd-ity=uktam cha bhagavata
vêda-vyâsêna Vyâsênaḥ (na) [1] Shashtim varsha-saha
[*] srâni svarggê tishthati bhûmi-daḥ âchchêttâ ch-ânumatta (ntâ) cha | tâny=a(ê) va narakê vasêt | Pûrvva-dattâm dvija(ja) tibbyo yatnâ
[] d=raksha Yudhishṭhira | mahi(him) mahi(hi)matam érêshtha dânâch-chhrêyô-nupâlanam || Bahubhir vvasudha bhukta rajabhi (bhi) Sagar-âdibhiḥ
[] yasya yasya yada bhu(bhû) miḥ tasya tasya tadà phalam-iti || Likhitam sandhi-vigrahAdhikrita-Skandabhatêna || Sam 252 Vaisakha-ba 15" [*]
[d]
Sva-hastô mama mahârâja-Śri-Dharasênasya [11] Da Chirbbiral1 [*]
Translation.
Hail! From (the city of) Valabh :-(In the lineage) of the Maitrakas, who by force compelled their enemies to bow down before them, there was the Senapati Sri-Bhațârka,-who was possessed of glory acquired in a hundred battles fought within the circuit of the territories that he had obtained by means of his unequalled strength; who possessed the glory of sovereignty that had been acquired (for him) by the multitude of his hereditary followers and his friends who had been brought under subjection by his splendour, and were attached to him by affection, induced by the gifts (which he gave them) and the honour (which he conferred on them) and his uprightness; and who was a devout worshipper of (the god) Mahês vara.
(L. 5.)-His son, whose spotless diadem was made more glorious (than before) by the performance of obeisance at his feet, was the Great King Sri-Drô nasimha, like to a lion;who, like Dharmaraja, took as his law the rules and ordinances instituted by Man u and other (sages); who was acquainted with the treatises relating to the condition of goed behaviour; whose installation in the sovereignty
(L. 3.)-His son, whose head was purified by was conferred upon him by the paramount
The Visarga is superfluous.
This word, tatha, ought to have preceded bahuricha, A reference to the facsimile will show that the engraver at first left out either tatha or bahvricha, and then inserted the omitted word in the wrong place.
being made red with the dust of his feet when it was bowed down before him, was the Senapati Śri-Dharasêna;-who had the brilliancy of the nails of his feet inlaid with the lustre of the jewels in the diadems of his enemies who bowed down their heads before him; whose wealth became the sustenance of the indigent and the helpless and the miserable; and who was a devout worshipper of Ma hê svara.
First schai was engraved, and then the ai was sufficiently cancelled not to appear in the facsimile, though it can be seen in the original.
10 This Visarga is imperfect in the original, the lower part being omitted.
11 Vaisakha-ba, and 15, are, in the original, by themselves
at the end of 1. 86; but this is the place that they properly belong to.
1 Sc. datakaḥ.
13 In 1. 86 of the grant at Vol. VII. p. 68, the reading seems to be Chibbira[]; but the second syllable is not very clearly engraved there, and may perhaps be meant for rbbi, which it certainly is in the present grant.
The context is maharaja-sri-Dharasenak-kusalt sarvván-éva (1. 22) samijñápayati (1. 23). All the intervening matter is by way of a parenthesis. 16 Chief of the army; general."

Page #342

804
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[NOVEMBER, 1879.
master in person, the sole lord of the circum- ference of the territory of the whole world ; the glory of whose sovereignty was purified by his great liberality; and who was a devout worshipper of Mahê śvara.
(L. 8.)-His younger brother was the Great King Sri-Dhruvasên a.-who was the sole conqueror of the multitude of the troops of his enemies by means of the prowess of the strength of his own arm; who was the protector of those that sought for protection; who was aware of the real meaning of the sacred writ. ings: who was, as it were, a tree of paradise, in granting the enjoyment of the fruits of all the wishes of his friends and favourites; and who was a devout worshipper of the god) Bh&- garan,
(L. 10.)--His younger brother, whose sin was all removed by the act of performing obeisance to the waterlilies which were his feet, was the Great King Sr 1-Dhara patta;-by the water of whose very pure actions all the stains of the Kali age were washed away; who forcibly conquered the renowned greatness of the ranks of his enemies; and who was a devout worshipper of the sun.
(L. 11.)-His son, who acquired much religions merit by worshipping his feet, was the Great King, Śrf-G uhasena ;-whose sword was second arm to him from his childhood upwards"; the test of whose strength was manifested by slaying the troops of infuriated elephants of his foes; who had the rays of the nails of his left foot interspersed with the lustre of the jewels in the diadems of his enemies who were bowed down before him by his might; whose title of 'king' was one the meaning of which was obvious and suitable, because he pleased the hearts of his subjects by properly adhering to the path prescribed by all the traditional laws; who surpassed Smara in beauty, the moon in lustre, the king of mountains in stability, the ocean in profundity, the preceptor of the gods in intellect,
1. No expression is used here, as it is in the preceding and following cm, to imply that Dhruvuens was subordinate to Dronasitha. This omission, coupled with the expression sua-bhuja-bala-pardkramena &c., looks_some. what as if Dhruvasens rose up in rebellion against Drônesimha, and usurped the kingdom instead of inheriting it.
15 Khadga-dvitiya-bahuh might, I think, also be translated by 'who carried a sword with his second arm', 1.e. who could wield a sword with both arms at the same time.'
4 Padachart. The game passage occurs in the Valabht grants published by Rao Saheb V. N. Mandalik at Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc., Vol. XI., p.881, and is there translated by " who, like the traveller who walks, delights in the expanse
and Dhanê é a in wealth ; who, through being intent upon giving safety to those that came to him for protection, threw away all the results of his own actions as if they were (as worthless as) grass; who delighted the hearts of the learned and of his friends and favourites by giving more than they asked for, who, as if he were the sun', was the delight of the great circumference of the whole world, and who was a devout worshipper of Mahê śvara.
(L. 17.)--His son, whose sins were all washed away by the stream of the waters of (the river) Jahnavi which was made up of the spreading rays of the nails of his feet, the Great King Sri-Dhara sê nan-who is with rapture inhabited by appropriate virtues as if through envy of his possessions and his riches and his beauty, which are the sustenance of a hundred thousnnd favourites; who astonishes all archers by the speciality of his innate strength and of his acquisition of skill by training; who is the preserver of religions grants bestowed with the consent of former kings; who drives away calamities which afflict his subjects; who is the exponent of the condition of being) the sole
(joint) habitation of (the goddesses) srl and | Sarasvati; whose might is skilful in caus
ing annoyance to the goddess of the fortunes of the ranks of the enemies who are slain by him; whose spotless kingly glory was acquired by hereditary succession; and who is a devout worshipper of Mahê é vara,-being in good health, issues his commands to all the Ayuktakas, the Viniyuktakas, the Drangikas, the Mahattaras, the irregular and regular troops, the Saulkikas, the irregular and regular troops, &c., and others who are concerned :
(L. 23.)-"Be it known to you! To increase the religious merit of my parents, and to attain such a reward as I myself desire in this world and in the other world, there is given by me, with libations of water, as a brahmadêya”,
in the village of Mada saras, in the of the whole circle of the universe." Pada-charin, 'going or walking on foot, fighting on foot; & pedestrian, a footsoldier, may be translated by traveller'; but the meaning thus given to the passage is not a very intelligible one. On the other hand, one of the meanings of pádach dra is 'the daily position of the planets'; whence padacharin (padachan + in) would mean planet,' and the sun is the principal planet according to the Hindu astronomy.. And, if we translato pddachart by 'sun,' the passage gives at once a suitable meaning.
19 See note 6 above.
80 Brahmaddya, that which is proper for a gift to a Brâhman'. The more usual word is brahmaddya, the inheritance, or portion, of Brahmap.'

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sonthern boundary, fifty plédúvartas"? (of land), and in the village of) Viraputra, in the horthern boundary, sixty pádávartas (of land) to the Brahman Ludra, of the Kairadi gôtra and the Bah vộicha śákhd; and in (the villages of) Prithaputra and I svaradev a sê naka, in the western boundary, fifty padávartas (of land) (to the same man), and also (in the latter two villages) eighty padarartas (of land) to Dasila, of the Trai valambây an a gôtra and the Bah vộicha ódkha, -with the udranga, the uparikara, the váta, the bháta, the dhanya, the hiranya, and the adéya; with the right to) forced labour, as it arises; and not to be pointed at with the hand (of confiscation) by any of the king's people; and according to the law of bhúmi-chchhidra; and for the purpose of the performance by them of the rites of the bali and the charu and the vaisvadeva and the agnihotra and the atithi and the pañchamah dynjia; and to endure as long as the moon and the sun and the ocean and the rivers and the earth may last; and to be enjoyed by the succession of sons and sons' sons.
(L. 29.)—"Therefore no one is to behave so as to obstruct those who, in accordance with the established conditions of a brahmadéya which are applicable to this (grant), enjoy it, or cultivate it, or cause it to be cultivated, or
assign it to others). This Our gift should be assented to and preserved by future pious kings, born of our lineage, bcaring in mind that riches do not endure for ever, and that the lifo of man is transitory, and that the reward of a gift of land is common to those who continue it). He shall incur the guilt of the five great sins, together with the minor sing, who may confiscate this (grant) or assent to its confiscation !
(L. 32.) --" And it has been said by the holy Vyasa, the arranger of the Vedas :-The giver of land dwells for sixty thousand years in heaven; bat the confiscator (of a grant), and he who assents (to such confiscation), shall dwell for the same time in hell! O Yudhishthira, best of kings, carefully preserve land that has been previously given to the twice-born; the preservation (of a grant) is better than making a grant! Land has been enjoyed by many kings commencing with Sagara; he, who for the time being possesses land, enjoys the benefits of it!"
(This charter) has been written by Skanda. bha ta, the minister for peace and war. (The date of it is) the year 252; the fifteenth day of the dark fortnight of (the month) Vaisakha. This is the autograph of me, the Great King Srl Dharasê na. The Dútaka is Chirbira.
NOTES ON THE KURRAL OF THE TAMIL POET TIRUVALLUVAR. BY G. U. POPE, D.D., M.R.A.S., AND OF THE GERMAN ORIENTAL SOCIETY,
AND FELLOW OF THE MADRAS UNIVERSITY.
(Continued from Vol. Y!I. p. 224.) No. II.
1. Preface. Chap. 1-4. In my last paper I endeavoured to prepare
epare (1) On God. (2) Rain. (3) Ascetics. (4) The the way for the study of this valuable mona. power of virtue. ment of Tamil genius, I will now give an analysis
2. Domestic virtue. Chap. 5—24. of the work, and a translation of its first chapter.
3. Ascetic virtue. Chap. 25-37. The following is the analysis of the whole
4. Destiny. Ch. 38. work:
II. WEALTH. (39-108.) It is divided into three parts (pdl = pagal divi- 1. Of kings. (39-63.) sion.' San. v bhag]. These treat of the three 2. Of Government-accessories. (64—95). great objects of human exertion : virtue, wealth 3. Miscellaneous. (96-108.) and pleasure.
IIT. PLEASURE. I. VIRTUE. (Chap. 1–38.)
I. Clandestine love. (Ch. 109-115.) The Tamil word is arram [co. Sans. Ri=ar; II. Chastity. (Ch. 116-133.) from whence fita and siti.] - S. dharma.
This analysis gives however a very imperfect
11 Pada warta, 's square foot. The text reads us if the had given memared fifty square feet, which would be
rather & small ares. Possibly the meaning intended is ' plot of land, fifty feet aquare.'

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
idea of the contents of the book; for the author, led by the desire of conforming to customary divisions, has brought together under these heads a series of ethical precepts on almost everything relating to human conduct, and forced them into an apparent conformity with his plan. I could almost imagine that having become enamoured of the Kurra! distich, he composed couplets on all the subjects that from time to time presented themselves to his mind, and at last threw them into this conventional form, adding a number of verses as 'padding'; for in almost every chapter there are inferior and superfluous couplets.
As an illustration of the three main divisions of the Kurral, I may add that the nannul ("good treatise": a standard Tamil grammar) has the rule:
arram porul inbam vid 'aḍaidal nul payané: "The benefit to be derived from the study of a treatise must be the obtaining of virtue, wealth, pleasure and heaven."
The poetess Avvai (= "the old woman"), whose real name is not known, and who is traditionally spoken of as a sister of Tiruvalluvar, was once asked for a definition of these four prime objects of human pursuit. Her reply was thrown into four very neat lines, of which the following is a rendering:
"Giving is 'virtue'; gathering together without evil is wealth'; the mutual affection of two consenting minds is 'pleasure;' the forsaking of these three in meditation upon God is the supreme bliss of 'heaven.'"
In the 26th ślôka of the Hitopadesa the same enumeration is given,
Dharmmartha kama mokshanám.
Our author has treated only of three of these: did he leave his work incomplete ? Or, did he resolve to write only of the human side of his subject, leaving Vidu or Moksha as a subject too speculative for his genius ?
Perhaps he was not satisfied with the glimpses he had obtained of man's future, and waited for light.
In chapters 35-37 there is something which seems like an approach to a consideration of the subject.
[NOVEMBER, 1879.
The invocation must begin the book. Here the invocation has expanded into a chapter; being, in fact, not a mere conventional invocation, but a main topic of the work.
A summary of this chapter will give an idea of the method of the book :I. 1. God is first in the world.
II. 2. The end of learning is the worship of the only Wise.
[This also satisfies the condition that an author should state in the beginning the benefit to be gained by its study.]
III. The benefits of true devotion:
3. The devout worshipper shall enjoy prolonged felicity, in some higher sphere;
4. He shall be delivered from all evil;
PART I. CHAPTER I.
It is a fundamental rule of Tamil composition that the "praise of God" should stand first.
5. He shall escape from the influence of human action, good and bad;
6. He shall enjoy prolonged felicity in this world.
IV. The evil results of ungodliness:
7. The undevout man has no relief from heart-sorrow;
8. He has no aid in the midst of the sea of evil;
9. His whole existence is null and void. V. The devout and indevout contrasted : 10. These shall escape from endless transmigrations: those shall not.
11. Agara' mudala erutt 'ellám; ádi
pagavan mudatté ulagu.
Lit. trans. :
All letters have a as their first; the world has as first the Eternal Adorable One.'
For the idea compare the Bhagavadgitá x. 33: aksharanám a-karo 'smi.
'Inter elementa sum littera A.'
Tiruvalluvar needed not, therefore, to go beyond the Bhagavadgitá for this idea; nor is it quite in the style of a philosopher of the Sankhya school.
The very name pagavan (= bhagaván) is suggestive. Adi (S.) is used as an adj.= the eternal and adorable one. Bhagaván occurs in Manu I. 6. with Swayambhu, self-existent,' as its attribute.
Here ádi seems to imply the same.
It is not necessary to suppose any sectarian idea in the poet's use of the term.
Beschi's numen primordiale is Mana's swayambhu-bhagaván: with the difference made by the masculine termination.

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The Personality of God is very distinctly Thus, in this Kurra! we have ăgara in the brought out by the Tamil poet.
first foot, and ddi in the fourth foot. Mudal (S. mukha) - first. The Tamil idiom In the second line p is sufficiently responded here is peculiar. To understand it, let us sap- to by m, both being labials. pose that a noun, say frost, is made into a kind 2. 'Rhyme' is called in Tamil edugai or of participial adjective, frosted, the glass is yethugai (S. yumaka). It is as in English, but frosted'). Suppose then that this word frosted occurs in the beginning of the lines only; as is declined (like a Greek participle) sing. nom. in Keltic poetry. Thus aga, in this couplet, neut. frostedadu; and pl. nom. neut. frosteda. rhymes with paga. Then, remember that Tamil never inserts the The very learned Ellis translated this couplet mere copula: thus we have, the glass is frosted = thus: glass frostedadu; the glasses are frosted glasses As ranked in every alphabet the first, frosteda. Thus a noun is partially conjugated The self-same vowel stands, so in all worlds, as a verb, and at the same time declined as a Th' eternal God is chief.' noun, and used as a finite verb in the predicate. He, following the native commentator, desSo here, erutt 'ellám mudala 'letters all are troys the simplicity of the poet's conception : a is firsted;' ulagu mudattu = 'the world is firsted.' the first letter, the Eternal God is first of Beings. This makes Tamil poetry very terse.
Beschi translates : agara = 'the letter a.' In S. kára (action) Literae omnes principium habent literam A: is added to letters to form their names. In Mundus principiam habet namen primordiale.' Tamil this has been refined upon: a short letter The epithets applied to God in the chapter shortens kára into kăra ; thus ăgăra; but ágára. are various and instructive. These are : The Tamil always changes a single tenuis into I. The eternal (first) adorable one'; its appropriate media in the middle of a word II. "He who hath pure knowledge'; thos, kara becomes gara.
III. He who hath moved (as a bronth of ulagu, 'the world,' is a Tamil form of S. Loka. | air) over the flower (of the expanded soul)';
1. No Tamil word begins with l or r. Thus IV. He to whom is neither desire nor ů is prefixed.
aversion'; [qu. Lucretius : deos secure agere 2. K is changed to its tenuis.
aevom.'] 3. Such nouns are made to end in Tamil in v. "The Lord'; (and X.) am ort, which are neuter nominative case VI. "He who has destroyed the gates of the endings.
five senses'; [?without parts or passions.'] eruttu, 'letter.' Here final u is cut off before VII. He to whom no likeness is'; vowel e of following word; and the singular is [* nec viget quid quam simile aut secundum.'] used for the plural. [Verud - write, paint, draw. VIII. "The ocean of virtue, beautiful and The Telugu root is vrá. Kan. is bare. Tamil gracious one'; has also voare. Comp. A.S. writ.]
IX. "He who possesses eight qualities.' ell-am 'all'. [comp. A. S. eal. whole.] I have It is quite evident that the poet has selected already spoken of alliteration and initial rhyme epithets to be applied to the Supreme which as essentials of Tamil verse.
admit of being explained in various senses. It is curious that these characteristics of There is room for men of many systems to Scandinavian, Anglo-saxon, and even of English import into his verses, under the guise of comverse should be found in Tamil. The hunting mentaries, their own dogmas. Ellis sees in of the letter' as the Elizabetban poet calls it, is them an enlightened and sublime monotheism. the most essential ornament of Tamil verse. To Beschi they serve as exponents of the Chris.
1. Alliteration is called in Tamil mônai, tian Theology. The Jains, delighted with the which is a contraction of muganai (that which appropriation by the poet of one or two beautiful belongs to the beginning).
terms from their writings, claim him as their If a begins the line, a, a, ai or au must begin own. Perhaps it may be allowed me to say that some other foot in the line.
I see in Tiruvalluvar & noble truth-loving If ka begins the line ka, ká, koi, &c. most devout man, feeling in the darkness after God, begin some other foot in the line.
if haply he might find Him.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
The language in which the poet expresses the mental attitude of the worshipper is also worthy of consideration:
In 2, 3, 4, 7, 8, 9, 10, the same idea is expressed, that of drawing near to, or worshipping at the foot of God: the idea being that of profoundest humility.
In 5 the devout are styled: 'those who desire the praise (those who with hearty desire offer praise) which is connected with reality.'
This 'reality' may be true notions of God, or a true and sincere mind. It harmonizes well with the words in Spirit and in Truth' uttered by a greater Master.
I shall simply translate the rest of the chapter, adding a few remarks.
2. "If men worship not the feet of Him who is pure knowledge, what benefit accrues from that which one has learned ?"
There is a difficulty in the expression 'who is pure knowledge.' Ellis adds who is pure intelligence. The phrase is explained (comp. Wilson's Vishnu Purana) by the S. paramárthatas. His knowledge is of the actual truth, not transmitted, and so tinged, by material vehicles of truth.
3. Those who have clung to the august feet of Him who has passed over the flower, shall live long above the earth."
The Jain deity Arugan is represented as standing on a lotus flower. There seems to be a reference to this. I suppose the poet uses it in its poetical meaning: it is the foot-fall of God that makes His creation rejoice and put forth its flowers; as It rests on each Spirit's folded bloom.'
'Above the earth' may be 'on the earth:' the Tamil admits of either. Beschi says: 'in loco terrae superiori diu vivet-id est in caelo aeternum beabitur.'
Graal interprets: 'supra terram diu vivent (antequam novam suscipient migrationem).' Each has read something into the text. The most ancient Tamil commentator says: 'without decay in the world of relinquishment, above all worlds, they shall flourish.'
Ellis translates, or paraphrases and adapts the whole couplet thus:
"They who adore His sacred feet, whose grace Gladdens with sudden thrill the fervent heart, High o'er the earth shall soar to endless joy.' There is, I apprehend, an inconsistency in
[NOVEMBER, 1879.
the Tamil poet's conception of the invisible world, much the same as that which meets us in Virgil's Sixth Aeneid. The Pythagorean philosophy of transmigration is a sublime one, and well adapted for poetry; but it is quite incompatible with the conception that pervades the rest of the description of the lower (upper) world.' See Conington's Introduction.
Nor must we expect consistency and a firm treatment of such subjects in a 'seeker after truth,' a poet too. The poet wanders 'in shadowy thoroughfares of thought': he tells us of his visions as they appear.
There is a mania for classification, as if human souls, and especially the souls of true poets, to whom God has given the vision and the faculty divine,' could all be arranged in genus and species like so many shells!
The poet seizes upon each form and phrase that has anything of truth or beauty, but the life he breathes into it is his own. The harp may be the old one of ten strings': the song is a new song.'
4. "Sorrow assails never those who have clung to the foot of Him who is free from desire and aversion."
He desires not, for there is no want to bo supplied. He has no aversion, for nothing can enter the sphere of his. being that troubles.
If from his Christian friends the sage had obtained any knowledge of the Life of Christ, we might imagine him referring to her who chose the "better part," sitting at her Master's feet; and to that other (if indeed another) who would have touched his fect; and to the many who found help and healing there.
5. "The two kinds of action, to which darkness belongs, approach not him who has with desire shown forth the true praises of the king."
Every form of Hindu faith-orthodox and unorthodox-regards action as evil. The word moksha and its equivalent Tamil Vidu and the specially Buddhist nirvana point to the same thing, though with characteristic differences.
The word irraivan here is, as I have elsewhere shown, a form of the S. rajan.
We too, regarding life as a probation; contemplating the coming judgment to be passed upon all actions, whether they be good, or whether they be evil'; feeling how we see all things, duties among the rest, as 'through a glass darkly'; and anticipating the time when

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FIND OF ANCIENT POTTERY IN MALABAR.
309
we hope we shall see the king in His beauty, The best I can find among the commentators is and behold the land of far-off places'; we, I say, that given by Ellis from the Agamas : can understand that the poet may have risen in (1) Self-existence; (2) Essential purity; (3) thought-I feel sure he did-above the mere Intuitive wisdom ; (4) Infinite intelligence; (5) technicalities of any of the systems, into the Immateriality; (6) Mercy ; (7) Omnipotence; heart of which his poet's eye penetrated.
(8) Happiness. 6. "Those who have stood firmly in the It is significant, as Ellis remarks, that every path of virtue free from falsehood, which is the Hindå enumeration omits justice as one of the path of Him who has extinguished the fire essential attributes of God. whose gates are the organs of sense, shall live | The eight beatitudes must suggest themselves long in prosperity."
to the mind of the Christian student; and in Here, too, is a reference probably to the fair some way or other the Tamil sage has insisted Arugan, one of whose titles is 'lord of the | on them all. senses. His grace extinguishes in others the 10. "They shall swim over the vast sea of fires of sensual passion.
birth, who have clang to the foot of the king : 7. “Hard is it to relieve the heart-felt! no others shall do so." anxieties of any save of those who have clang Here we seem to have the doctrine of the to the feet of Him to whom there is none like."
metem psychosis : The phrase epithet,' to whom there is none
Eternal process moving on, like, relatus as Ellis says, as do all the others in From state to state the spirit walks.' the chapter, to the Adi-pagavan of the first The end is absorption into the Divine Essence. stanza, the Eternal Adorable One, whom no This seems, here at least, to be the poet's further symbol can express and no form design.'
bank, to which he attains after swimming over 8. "Hard is it to swim the other sea (of the sea of birth. Our English poet's instinct this evil world) unless you cling to the foot is truer :of Him Who is the good and gracious Sea "That each, who seems a separate whole, of Virtue."
Should move his rounds, and fusing all The word ári, which is translated sen,' is The skirts of self again, should fall also circle: 'ocean mirrors rounded large. The Remerging in the general soul, iden may be the whole eirele of existence.' Is faith as vague as all unsweet : Poor wanderers of a stormy day,
Eternal form shall still divide From wave to wave we're driven.'
The eternal soul from all beside; Comp. Dante, Paradiso I.:
And I shall know him when we meet.' Per lo gran mar dell'essere."
I think that, among other things, these car9. "The head of the man who bows not sory notes may remind all who seek to influence before the foot of Him Who has the eight quali. the Tamil mind, that there is some common standties, is void of all (good) qualities, like organs ing ground for those who would teach and those of sense devoid of the power of sensation." who are to be taught, that there is a Light
It is impossible to say how the poet defined which lighteneth every one that cometh into his eight qualities or attributes of the Supreme. the world.'
FIND OF ANCIENT POTTERY IN MALABAR.
BY WILLIAM LOGAN, M.C.S., COLLECTOR OF MALABAR. During the last Kaster holidays I spent a tamuri Dosam of the Padinyattamari portion of my leisure in examining some sub- Amsham in the Calicut Taluka. The Paramba terranean cells near Calicut, of the existence of an upland under dry cultivation with some which I was informed by Mr. Kelappen, the scattered fruit trees) in which the cells are Deputy Tehsildar of Taliparamba, who assisted situated is called Challil Kuriny ôli, and me in the search.
belongs to Pokkirätta enna Teranyôli Chekka The group of cells lies at a distance of about Nayar. The occupant of the land, one Challi? 64 miles north of Calieut in the Padinyat | Kurinyoli Chandu Kutti, had some ten years

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previously been engaged in cutting blocks of laterite for building purposes at the western end of his ground, when suddenly the block, which one of the workmen was engaged upon, fell out of sight, disclosing a hollow in the ground. There was a rush of workmen from the spot in terror of the demons who are supposed to haunt such places, but after a time they mustered up courage to examine the place, and found one or two small earthenware pots lying at the bottom of the cell (D) thus disclosed. The pots were duly sent to the Tehsildar, who forwarded them with a report to the Collector; the cell was inspected, the block of stone closing the entrance to it (see the plan) was partially broken, but no further exploration was made, and the superstitious fears of the people had served since then to prevent any further search being made even for buried treasure.
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
On digging into the floor of what turned out to be the first (D in the ground plan) of a group of cells, we came upon a large number of earthenware pots of different shapes and sizes. These pots had evidently been carefully filled with earth before being buried, and their extreme brittleness, owing to damp, coupled with the fact that most of the specimens were found in excellent preservation, made it likewise sufficiently evident that the contents of the cell had not been tampered with. As cell D. was being cleared out, we discovered by means of a break (at A) in the partition wall the existence of a second cell (E). Cell E was opened by cutting down to it through the laterite rock, and similar openings were made into cells F and G, whose existence was similarly ascertained by breaks in the partition walls at B and C. All four cells were found to be about half filled with earth, and on clearing them out a large number of earthenware pots, a bill-hook of iron, a number of small iron chisels, scraps of iron which had formed portions of other bill-hooks or weapons, and a double iron hook for suspending a lamp or for some other purpose were found buried in the earth. A careful outlook was kept for coins and bones, but none were found. A few scraps of charcoal likewise
1 Two of the pots in the second illustration will be seen to be full of a whitish substance. Both of the oil vessels in the topmost tier were also full of apparently the same
[NOVEMBER, 1879.
found are pronounced by Dr. Bidie of the Central Museum at Madras to be wood charcoal, and some of them from the position in which they were found were certainly portions of the wooden handle of one of the iron instruments found. The second illustration, copied from a photograph, kindly taken by the Revd. Mr. Sharp, Chaplain of Calicut, will give a better idea than any detailed description in words could do of the character of the articles found, and the tape line stretched across the picture will give an idea of their size.
When the four cells had been cleared out, it became manifest that the entrances K, K, K, K, closed by means of blocks of laterite, led into a central cell or courtyard, H, and measures were accordingly taken to have this also explored. It was then found that this central space or courtyard was not roofed in like the cells. Nothing was found in it except the remains of the iron sword, about 26 inches in length, which was buried point upwards, and slightly inclined backwards towards the middle front of cells E and F. The section through W X gives an idea of the appearance of the front (facing eastwards) of cells E and F, the entrances to which are recessed in the manner shown by the lines, the depth of each recess being from one inch to one and a-half inches.
The ground plan and sections give only a rough approximation of the dimensions of the originals, for the cells, though exactly uniform in design, are not constructed with much exactness.
The people of the neighbourhood had no tradition respecting these remains, of the existence of which they were entirely ignorant until they were revealed by accident, as related above. The opening up of the cells excited much curiosity among all classes, and the general opinion was that it had been the abode of sages, or rishis, -a riśyásramam a hermitage.
None of the articles found, and nothing about the cells themselves, sufficed to fix the religious belief of the constructors, and I feel inclined to regard them as sepulchral remains. Against this view it may be urged that no bones were found. Still, on the other hand, the bodies may have been burnt and the ashes' only placed in the cells; the pottery found was similar to such
substance. What it was I had no means for determining.
Some of the smaller vessels have the peculiar black polish described by Dr. Caldwell, Ind. Ant. vol. VI., p. 279.

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ROCK-CELLS AT CHÂLLIL KURINYÔLI.
SECTION THROUGH W. X.
SECTION THROUGH Y. 2.
A,B,C, BREAKS IN THE WALLS. D. FIRST CELL DISCOVERED. E,F,C, OTHER THREE CELLS. H, OPEN COURT. 1,1,1,1, STONE BEDS. J.J.J.J, BENCHES. K.K.K.K, ENTRANCES FROM THE COURT TO THE CELLS. L.L,L,L, FIRE PLACES. M.M.M.M, STOOLS OR LOW SEATS. N. RECESS. O. STAIR.
22
GROUND PLAN.
Scale of Preto
m

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POTTERY &c. FOUND IN THE CELLS AT CHÂLLIL KURINYOLI.

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THE SIX TIRTAKA.
311
finds in sepulchral tumuli, &c. existing elsewhere in S. India; the pots themselves were found (with only one or two exceptions) crammed full of earth of a kind which prevented any theory as to this having been the result of infiltration by water; and finally the peculiar holes or en- trances to the cells corresponded to similar entrances to undoubted dolmens elsewhere. The cells, though they each contained what I have taken to be a bed, a bench, a stool and a fireplace cut out of the solid rock, bore no appearance of ever having been inhabited. No doubt the constructors meant to provide for
their deceased relatives dwellings as comfortable as they had been accustomed to in life, and whether such dwellings were tents or not is a matter for conjecture having regard to the form of the cells. I am inclined on the whole to regard the remains as the death-house of a family who burned their dead.
The cells after being opened up were roofed in with thatch, and other measures taken to protect them from the weather, and the articles found were forwarded to the Central Museum at Madras.
July 18, 1879.
THE SIX TİRTAKA. Five centuries before Christ, in the age of God; therefore they differed in this respect Buddha,' various persons in Asia founded reli- from the Brahmans who attributed everything gious associations proclaiming different doc- to the creative hand of Brahmâ or Isvara. One trines for the salvation of man. Some were important point of agreement, however, between Digambar&s: and the morality of the times these sectarians and the Vedic Brahmans was, suffered them to go about naked. Others were that none dared to violate the institution of Svetâmbaras, or those who put on "white castes which all Brahmans regarded as sacred. garments." Some were fire-worshippers, and Yet amongst them there were six arch-heretics,' others adorers of the Sun. Some belonged to who regarded not the distinctions which divided the Sanyasi, and others to the Pancha- men into Brahmans, Kshatriyas, Vaisyas, and t à pa' sects.
Sudras; and for the simplest of all reasons, that Some worshipped Pada rânga; some Ji- they were themselves of mean extraction. vaka; and others Nigantha. The Jainas They preached to the people. They set forth who followed the Lôka yata, or the system their doctrines. They at first resorted to the of atheistical philosophy taught by Chårvaka, most legitimate means of conversion, viz. argualso appear to have flourished at this time. In ment and discussion. But these often were of addition to these Gautama himself enumerates themselves insuficient and availed little. Somesixty-two sects of religious philosophers. thing else was required; and that was super
“The broachers of new theories and the natural powers in those who passed for religious introducers of new rites did not revile the teachers. Well-versed however in deceit, they established religion, and the adherents of the found no difficulty in invention, and in exhiold Vedic system of elemental worship looked biting supernatural powers. In proof of inspiron the new notions as speculations they could ation to which they laid claims, they declared not comprehend, and the new austerities as the doctrines unintelligible to the vulgar, and above exercise of a self-denial they could not reach, the comprehension of the common orders of rather than as the introduction of heresy and society. As possessing the power of iddhi they, schism." But few of these sects believed in a like the teacher of Rasselas, often ascended an first Cause; and none acknowledged a supreme eminence to fly in the air. But unlike the Conf. Groto's Greece, vol. III. p. 114.
• Stevenson, Kalpa sdtra, p. xvii.; Burnouf, Lotus, A sect who practised certain austerities surrounded
p. 356. by four fires whilst the sun was shining, which they regarded
1 "There are reckoned six principal heresiarchs, whose as a fifth fire.
depraved bearta, perverse view, and mistaken judgment, See Buddhist annals in J. A. 8. Ben. (Sept. 1937) vol.
disaffected to the true doctrine, brought forth error. The
commencement of all these heresies is referred to Kis-pi-lo VI. pp. 713, Ind. Ant. vol. I. p. 310; vol. VI. p. 150; vol. VII. pp. 28, 34n, 38.
(the yellow,' in Sanskrit Kapila); bat they are divided
into branches, and their propagation gave rise to six prin. • Aswalayana Suttan in the Majjima Nikdya.
cipal ones."-M. Remusat in Fo. Koue Ki, Laidlay's Ambatta Suttan.
translation, pp. 143, 144.

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Abyssinian teacher, who leaped into the water, upon the strength of his wings which sustained him in the water, the Tirta kas resorted to other frauds, which they easily practised upon & delnded popalation. Thus they soon became established as Arhantas, at the head of dig. tinct fraternities, having numerous congregations consisting of thousands of poor deluded human beings. An account of them may not prove uninteresting, and the following, compiled from several writers, especially from the Saddharmalankara, is a brief outline of the History of the Siz Tirtaka :
1. One was a half caste. He was born in a nobleman's house of a girlthat was a foreigner. He pretended to be a Brâhman, and assumed the name of the twice born.' He called himself Kas y apa, and received the additional ap- pellation of Purņa, because his birth served to complete" the number of one hundred slaves in his master's household. For the same reason he became a favourite of his lord, and enjoyed many privileges which his fellow servants were denied. These acts of kindness, however, had a tendency to make him indolent and lazy; and the consequence was that his master soon put him to work and appointed him his porter. This situation deprived him of the unlimited liberty which he had previously enjoyed; and he therefore quitted the service of his master. In the helpless state in which he roamed about the country after his desertion, he was set upon by thieves, who stripped him of everything he had, including the very clothes on his person. Having, however, escaped death he repaired, in a state of perfect nudity, to the neighbouring villages, where poverty led him to practise many deceptions on the credulous,
redulous, until at last he established himself as an Ascetio, proclaiming his name to be Purņa Kasyapa Buddha. Purna, because (he said) he was full of all arts and sciences, Kafya pa, because he was a Brahman' by birth, and Buddha, because he had overcome all desires and was an Arahat.' He was
offered clothes in abundance, but declined accepting them, thinking that as a Digambara he would be better respected. Clothes,' said he,
are for the concealment of shame, shame is the result of sin, and sin I have not, --since I am a person of sanctity (a rahat) who is free from evil desires. In the then state of society, distracted by religious differences, he gained followers, and they soon exceeded eighty thousand ! 10
"The heresy of this man consisted in the repudiation of all law; he recognised neither prince nor subject, father nor son; honesty of heart nor filial piety. He called it form and void (ether). Form, according to this heretic, breaks down whatever is in the world of desires; void, whatever is in the world of forms. Void is therefore the supreme fact, the being above all things."
2. Makkhaligð sála was another sectarian teacher. He was a slave in a nobleman's house, and was called Makkhali after his mother," and by reason of his having been born in a gôsála or cow-house' he received the additional appellation, gôsála. One day he followed his master with a large pot of oil, and the latter, perceiving his servant was on slippery, muddy ground, desired him to be on his guard, but not listening to his advice, he walked carelessly, and the result was that he stumbled upon a stump and fell down with his heavy load, breaking the pot of oil. Fearing that his master would punish him for his misconduct, Gösâla began to run away. His master goon pursued him, and seized him by his garments; but they loosening Gôsâla effected his escape naked. In this state he entered a city, and passed for a Digambara Jaina or Buddha, and founded the sect which was named after him.
"He falsely inferred that the evil and the good experienced by living beings, arose, not from anterior aots, but of themselves. This opinion of the spontaneity of things is an error which excludes the succession of causes." "His doctrine therefore was that of chance.'18
3. Nigantha Nataputta was the
• See Melindapprasna.
Burnouf, Introd. pp. 162, 163; Lotus p. 450. Fou-lanna was the title of this heresiarch, the translation of which is not given. Kia-she (K Adyap) was the name of his mother and became that of the family.-Remusat, ut sup. p. 144.
10 Ramment ut sw. and Sykes's Essay on the Religious, Moral and Political State of India before the Muhammadan Invasion, in the Jour. R. As. Soc. vol. VI. pp. 266 ff. The quotation Now this paper have been omitted in
the present extract, and their places supplied by others from Remusat from which Sykes has abridged.ED.
11 Mo-kia-li-kin-she-U.Mo-kia-li (in Sanskrit non videns rationem) is the title of this man. Kin-she-u, the meaning of which is not given, is the name of his mother.Remuest. ut sup. One of the disciples of Nigantha Nitaputta bears this name : Jacobi, Kalpa Satra, pp. 1, 2, 6. .]
13 Remusat, ut sup. p. 144. 13 Sykes, ut sup.

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founder of a third sect. He was the son (putra) as a murderer. And he who broke a branch of Natha, a husbandman", and because he boast- was to be regarded as one who deprived another ed of an acquaintance with the entire circle of of his limbs. These doctrines procured for him the arts and sciences, and moreover pretended many followers, and they soon exceeded five to have destroyed the ghanta, the cores' or thousand. 'knots' of keles, he was called Nigantha or "His error consisted in supposing that destiny Nirgrantha. He too laid claim to the high sanc- might be controlled, -that happiness might be tity of an Arbanta, and preached doctrines, obtained, for example, independently of cances which were soon embraced by thousands. He in an anterior existence, that the doctrine conheld that it was sinfulto drink cold water: "cold sisted in wearing coarse garments, tearing ont water,' he said was imbued with a soul. Little the hair, exposing the nostrils to smoke, and drops of water were small souls and large drops the body to heat on five sides (the four sides of were large souls.' He also declared that there the body, and having fire besides on the head), were three dandas, or agents for the commission in submitting in short to all manner of mortificaof sin, and that the acts of the body (kaya), oftions, in the hope that having in the present the speech (vách) and of the mind (mana) were life experienced all sorts of sufferings, eternal three separate causes, each acting independently happiness would be obtained in a future exof the other.
istence." "This heretic asserted that crimes and virtues,! 5. Sanjaya bellante, who had an awkhappiness and misery, were fixed by fate, that ward-looking head, was also aslave by birth." as subject to these we cannot avoid them, and Obtaining his freedom from his master, he applied that the practice of the doctrine can in no wise himself to study; and when he had become a assist us. In this notion his heresy consisted."'10 great proficient in different branches of learning,
4. A fourth was the servant of a noble family. he proclaimed himself a Buddha. He taught, Having run into debt, he fled from his creditors, as a distinguishing feature in his doctrines, and having no means of livelihood at the village that man in an after-birth would be as he is to which he repaired, he became a practiser of now. In the transmigration of the soul,' he austerities after shaving his head, and putting said, 'it assumed the identical bodily form on a mean garment made of hair,' from which which it had retained before death. There circumstance he received the appellation of could be no change of person. Whosoever is Ajita Kesakam bala." Among other doc- now great or mean; a man or a deva, a trines which distinguished him from the rest of biped, a quadruped, or a milleped; without feet the sectarians was that which invested the three or hands or with deficient members of the body, kingdoms of nature with a soul. He held that will be exactly the same in the next birth.' man and beast and every creeping thing, and
"His heresy consisted in thinking that it is fowl of the air, as well as trees and shrubs had not necessary to seek the doctrine (bodhi) in the a jioa or intelligent and sentient soul, endued sacred books, as the same will be obtained of with body, and consequently composed of parts. itself when the number of kalpas of birth and • The person,' said he, who took away the life death have been exhausted. He thought also of a being was equally guilty with the man who that after eighty thousand kalpas the doctrine ate the flesh of a dead body. One who cut would be obtained naturally.10) down a tree, or destroyed a creeper, was as guilty 6. Kakudha Katyayana was a found
1. Ni kian-tho-jo-thi-tseu; Ni-kian-tho signifies exempt also Burnouf, Introd. pp. 162, 568; Lotus, pp. 450, 446, from bonds,' and is a very common title of heretics. He 708, 776ff. derived from his mother the title of jo-ths, the signification 11 A-khi-to-hire-she was the title of this heresiarch, the of which is not known. [Remusat makes him the sixth explanation of which is not given. His surname Khin-phu. in his enumeration. Dr. Bühler regards this as the real lo (kambala) signifies 'ccarse garments.'-Remusat places name of Mahavira, the last Jaina Tirthankars: Ind. Ant.
him fourth. vol. VII. p. 148.- ED.)
is Remusat, ut sup. : Sykes, ut sup. ; see also Burnouf, Also & name of contempt for a heterodox ecclesiastic. [Also for & Jaina ;-Ind. Ant. vol. I, p. 810 note $; vol.
Introd. p. 162; Lotus, p. 450. VII., p. 148 ; Stan. Julien, Mém. Sur les Cont. Occ. t. I.,
19. Shan-che-ye' (Sanjaya) signifies recta victoria, and pp. 41, 354; t. II, pp. 42, 98; and Vie de. H. Thsang,
is the title of this heretic. Pi-lo-chi (Valagi), non ogen, pp. 224, 228.-ED."
is the name of his mother. He is the third in Remusat'a 10. Romuant, ut sup. pp. 144, 145, who quotes Tho-lo-ni.
list, ut sup. p. 14. tty-king, Collection of Dharanis, Fan-y-ming-1 quoted 0 Remusat, ut sup.; and Sykes, ut sup., aloo Burnouf, in the San-sangfa-su, Bk. xxvii. p. 11.; Sykes, ut sup. Soe Introd. p. 162; Lotus, pp. 208, 186

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ling--the offspring of an illicit intercourse His mother, who was a poor low caste person, had no house to live in, and was delivered of him under a Kakú dha (Pentaptera Arjuna Rox.) tree : where she left him. A Brahman who pioked him up from thence, adopted him as his son; and named him Katya yana, with the prefix Kakudha," because he was found under a tree of that name. Upon the death, however, of his adopted father, Katya- yana found himself in difficult circumstances,
and resorted to various means and ways of procuring a livelihood-all of which failing, he became an ascetic, and established himself on a large mound of earth, where he preached his austerities as a teacher of high sanctity. Like Nigantha Nathaputta, Kâtyâyana also declared that cold water was imbued with a soul. His heresy, according to the Chinese legends," consisted in asserting that some of the laws were appreciable by the senses (or understanding) and some not."
THE WEDDAS.
BY BERTRAM F. HARTSHORNE.
The Weddas, or, as they are more commonly but inaccurately called, the Veddas of Ceylon, occupy a portion of the island lying to the east of the hills of the Uva and Medamah anuwara districts, about ninety miles in length and forty in breadth. They have been described by Sir Emerson Tennent in his work on Ceylon, and by Mr. Bailey in a paper printed in the Journal of the Ethnological Societyo ; but, interesting as their accounts are, the latter has suffered griev- ously from misprints, and the value of the former is impaired by the circumstance that its materials were not the fruit of original research. The excellent works of Dr. Davy, Percival, Cordiner, and others, do not give any full information regard ing the Weddas: and the references to them in Knox's history of his captivity, and in the remarkable account of the travels of Ibn Batuta, the Moor, in the early part of the fourteenth century, are curious rather than precise.
The only real division of the Weddas places them in two classes--the Kelê Weddo, or Jungle Wed das; and the Gan Weddo, or semi-civilised Village Weddas; and the attention of the ethnologist should be almost exclusively directed to the former. It may be added that the terms Rock Weddas, Tree Weddas, and Coast Weddas, are unscientific and meaningless, and merely involve a cross division.
The relative numbers of the two classes must be merely a matter of guesswork, for their nomadio
11 Kia-lo-kiero-tho, the title of this heretic, signifies chest of the op.' Kia-chin-yan, shaven hair,' was his family name. Ho stands fifth in Remusat's account, ut sup.
Sykes, ut sup. * This account of The Six Tirtaka is taken from a scarce pamphlet-Buddhism : its Origin; History: and Doctrines : its Scriptures; and their Language the Pali. By James Alwis, Esg. (63 pp. Colombo, 1862). To his text notes and additions have been made principally from a long note by M. Remusat in the Foe-Koue-Ki (Laidlay's translation pp. 143-145). See also paper by Dr. Stevenson, Jour. B. B. R. 48. 8. yol. V. pp. 101-107; and conf. 8.
habits have rendered any enumeration of them impossible. Sir Emerson Tennent states that their entire number was estimated at eight thousand, but that was a mere conjecture, and probably an exaggerated one. Mr. Bailey, on the other hand, reckoned the total number of Jungle Weddas, in 1858, at three hundred and eighty only, and it is probably less than that at the present time.
He discriminates those which are found in the district of Nilgala from those belonging to a tract of country called Bintenna, but the difference is clearly only geographical, the customs, physical appearance and dialect of the two tribes being precisely identical. Tacit agreement and immemorial use have led them to confine themselves exclusively to particular tracts of the vast extent of forest which they regard as their prescriptive and inalienable property, and a member of one division of the tribe very rarely comes in contact with another. A gentleman who once witnessed a meeting between some of the members of the two different clans, observed that they were mutually embarrassed at the unexpected sight of each other. They peered inquisitively with an expression of mingled suspicion and astonishment, and manifested every disinclination to associato together. A somewhat similar effect was produced when a Junglo Wedda was shown a looking-glass. He appeared at first to be terrified and annoyed, but afterwards looked behind it and round about in a puzzled Hardy's Manual of Budhism, pp. 291, 380.-ED.
1 The term signifies "an archer," or "one who shoote," cf. the Sidatsangarawa and the Namavali, wherein the etymology of tho word is fully explained. The correspond. ing Sanskrit term is Vyddha, which Wilson explains to mean "a hunter, or one who lives by killing deer," &c. [The name Bhill applied to the tribes who inhabit the Vindhya Hills, &c. in Central India, has an exactly similar meaning - ED. I. A.] ..
Ceylon, vol. II. p. 437, et seq. Transactions, New Series, vol. II.

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and wondering manner, with his hand upon his inches in length, up to the end; but they invariaaxe, as if preparing to defend himself. Five or bly do this, and then take a careful and steady six others to whom the glass was successively aim before letting it go. The annexed measure. shown displayed similar gestures, and made use ments of two Weddas will perhaps show, with of exactly the same expressions, asking, in a loud more clearness than any general description, the and excited tone, the meaning of the strango relative dimensions of fairly average specimens of phenomenon.
the race. One of them (Latty) was able to hold The Village Weddas may be differentiated from his bow drawn to its full length for upwards of the others rather by their habits of life than by two minutes, without the slightest tremor of the any physical peculiarities. Their occasional con- left arm. They are, as a rule, good shots; and upon tact with more civilised races has insensibly led one occasion (in February, 1872) I saw a Wedda them to cultivate land and to construct houses; bring down a Pariah dog at a distance of thirtyand during late years an attempt has been made five yards when it was running away. He took to introduce Christianity and a system of educa- very deliberate aim, and the arrow passed through tion among them.
nearly the whole length of the animal, entering at The Jungle Weddas, on the other hand, as is the hinder quarter and coming out through the well known, have no sort of dwelling-houses, and fore choulder. pass their lives entirely in the open air. They Sir Emerson Tennent and Mr. Bailey thought take shelter from a storm under a rock or inside them indifferent marksmen; and the former a hollow tree, if one is at hand; and as they are states that they occasionally use their feet for constantly roaming about in their forest country, drawing the bow, but at the present time, at any their manner of life makes it impossible for them rate, this practice is entirely unknown, and it is to attempt any sort of cultivation. Their food, difficult to understand how or why it ever could which they always cook, is very poor. It consists have existed. They have, in fact, no exceptional chiefly of honey, iguanas, and talagoyas, or the prehensile power in their feet, and they are bad flesh of the wandura monkey, the deer, and the climbers. Their bodies are in no way hirsute, wild boar, for the supply of which they depend nor is there any especial tendency to convergence mainly upon their skill with the bow and arrow. of the hair towards the elbows, or to divergence They are, however, assisted in their hunting from the knees, or vice versa. by their dogs, which are called by distinctive With the exception of their bows and arrows, names, and are the only domesticated animals their only weapon is a small axe, but there is no which they possess. They drink nothing but trace of the use of any flint or stone implements water, and, although they habitually chew the at any period of their history, although it is obbark of certain trees, they never smoke or use Bervable that the word which they use for axe tobacco in any way. The tallest Wedda measured implies the notion of something made of stone, by Mr. Bailey was 5 feet 3 inches, and the shortest and in this instance the ethnological value of 4 feet 1 inch. I found one, however, apparently language is probably shown by the survival in an about eighteen years of age, who was 5 feet 44 expression of ap idea which would otherwise have inches. But notwithstanding their small size and long ago been forgotten. their slight physique, the strength which they The arrows are made of the wood of the welan possess in the arms, and especially in the left arm, tree (pterospermum suberifolium), which is also is very remarkable. It is probable that this is due used for the purpose of kindling fire by means of to their constant use of the bow, upon which they friction, a practice which still has existence chiefly depend for their supply of food. It is about amongst them, although they generally hare 6 feet long, and has generally & pull of from 45 or recourse to the flint and steel by striking the head 48 to about 56 lbs. It therefore requires no ordi- of their axe or the point of their arrow with some nary strength to draw the arrow, which is 8 feet 6 | flint substance. They usually obtain their axes
· Latty. Age about 18. Height, 5 feet 41 inches. From top of forehead to bottom of chin, 64 inches. Across face 54 inches. Shoulder to elbow, 11 inches. From elbow to wrist, 10 inches, and on to end of middle finger, 7 inches. Boand biceps of right arm, 101 inches. Round biceps of loft arm, 10 inches. Round muscle of right forearm, & inches. Round muscle of left forearm, 8 inches. Round chest, 81 inches. Length of thigh, 168 inches. From knee to ankle, 16 inches. Calf of leg in girth, 11t inches. Sole of foot, 9 inches. Round head at the middle of the forehead, 20 inches.
Bandiey. Age about 25. Height, 4 feet 114 inches. From top of forehead to bottom of chin, 7 inches. Across
face, 64 inches. Shoulder to elbow 124 inches. From elbow to wrist,_84 inches, and on to end of middle finger, 6! inches. Roand biceps of right arm, 94 inches. Round biceps of loft arm, 9 inches. Round muscle of right forearm, 8 inches. Round muscle of left forearm, 84 inches. Roand cheat, 29% inches. Length of thigh, 16 inches. From knee to ankle, 15t inches. Calf of leg in girth, 114 inches. Solo of foot, 84 inches. Round head at middle of forehead, 201 inches.
Ceylon, vol. I, p. 499; vol. II., p. 439. .Sc. Gulrekki, gala being the Sinhalese word for stone or rock.

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and arrowheads from the Moors who live in the villages adjacent to that part of the country which they inhabit in exchange for hides or beeswax, but the system of secret barter to which Sir Emerson Tennent refers is unknown at the present day. The long iron arrow-heads are similarly obtained from the Moors, and are regarded as heirlooms, descending from father to son, and being regarded as possessions of great value by reason of their scarceness, and indeed the arrow not unfrequently consists of merely a sharply-pointed piece of wood with the usual feathers of the wild pea-fowl attached to it.
The general appearance of the Weddas may be described as distinctly non-Aryan. The comparative shortness of their thumbs and their sharply-pointed elbows are worthy of remark, as well as their flat noses and in some cases thick lips, features which at once distinguish them in a marked degree from the oriental races living in their vicinity. Yet their countenances are not absolutely devoid of intelligence, but their coarse flowing hair, their scanty clothing, and their systematic neglect of any kind of ablution present a picture of extreme barbarism. The women wear necklaces and, in common with the men, ornaments in the ears, for which purpose beads are highly valued as well as empty cartridge cases, with which they appear to be greatly pleased, but they have no fondness for bright colours or appreciation of their differences, and it is to be noticed that there is no word in their language for any one of the colours.
They habitually refrain from the use of water except for drinking purposes, upon the ground that the washing of themselves would make them weak, and whilst they speak in an excessively loud and fierce tone of voice, and wear an expression of great unhappiness, it is a remarkable circumstance that they never laugh. They have, nevertheless, that which Juvenal called the finest element in the human character, for they are tender-hearted and can give way to tears. This absence of any disposition to laughter has not been noticed by any one who has yet written upon the Weddas, and it is odd that such a peculiar characteristic should not have been hitherto recorded, for it is a fact well known to the intelligent Sinhalese in the Kandyan districts, and it is certainly deserving of attention. The causes
Ceylon, vol. I, p. 568; vol. II., p. 440. "Mollissima corda Humano generi dare se natura fatetur
Que lacrymas dedit; hæc nostri pars optima sensus." Sat. xv. 133.
• Διάτι αὐτὸς αὐτὸν οὐδεὶς γαργαλίζει ; Η ὅτι καὶ ὑπ' ἄλλου ἧττον ἐὰν προαίσθηται, μᾶλλον δ ̓ ἂν μὴ ὁρᾷ ;
[NOVEMBER, 1879.
which provoke laughter are doubtless different in different individuals, but every conceivable method for arousing it has been tried upon the Weddas without success, and it was found that the sight of another person laughing produced in them a feeling of unmistakable disgust; upon being asked whether they ever laughed, they replied, "No, why should we? What is there to laugh at P"
There does not seem to be anything in their physical structure or conformation which accounts for this abnormal temperament. It is possible that constant disuse may have caused a certain atrophy and want of power in the muscles of the face which has increased in successive generations, and is analogous to the exceptional development of the strength of the left arm, but from a psychological point of view it may be that their wild habits of life and the total isolation from the rest of the world to which they have been subjected for countless generations have completely deadened in them a susceptibility to external influences, if indeed laughter is exclusively referable to princi. ples of empirical and sensuous nature.
The philosopher Hobbes ascribed it to a feeling of superiority or self-approbation, the result of an act of comparison; and Aristotle seems to have thought that it arose from a sense of something incongruous, unexpected, or sudden. The peculiar test which he mentions was applied to a Wedda, but without success. It may be borne in mind that as a rule all Oriental nations dislike laughter, and that there is no instance of a happy or good-natured laugh recorded in the Bible; and it is noticeable that it is a common practice of the Kandyan Sinhalese to cover their mouth with their hand or to turn away when they laugh, as if they were ashamed. The general subject of laughter has been very fully and ably discussed by Mr. Darwin in his last work, The Expression of the Emotions. "It is," he says, "primarily the expression of mere joy or happiness;" and, although the most prevalent and frequent of all the emotional expressions in idiots, it is never to be observed in those who are morose, passionate, or utterly stolid."10
Instances have been known in which the muscle designated zygomaticus minor, which is one of those which are more especially brought into play by the act of laughing, has been entirely absent from the anatomical structure of the human
ὥσθ' ἥκιστα γαργαλισθήσεται, ὅταν μὴ λανθάνη͵ τοῦτο πάσχων. Ἐστί δὲ ὁ γέλως παρακοπή τις καὶ ἀπάτη δια ὁ καὶ τυπτόμενοι εἰς τὰς φρένας γελῶσιν, οὐ γὰρ ὁ τυχὼν τόπος ἔστιν ᾧ γελῶσιν-τό δε λαθρᾶιον ἀπατητικόν. Διὰ τουτο καὶ γίνεται δ. γέλως καὶ οὐ γίνεται ὑπ ̓ αὐτοῦ— Aristotle, Problems, xxxv. 6.
10 The Expression of the Emotions, p. 198, and cf. also Bain on the Emotions and the Will, 1806, p. 247.

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face; but it is unlikely that a similar formation | testimony to the important fact that the wilder should characterize a whole race of people, and no and less civilised Weddas of the remote parts real Wedda bas over yet been subjected to a of the Bintenno district aro an entirely distinct process of anatomy. An effort was lately made to class, and utterly unable to count. It is unforprovoke laughter from five members of the tribe, tunate that the representatives of the aboriginal who are alleged to have been authentic speci- race should have been selected from that portion mens of the Jungle Weddas, and who were exhibit- of the country where they are really found only in ed to H. R. H. the Prince of Wales on the occa- name, and that they should have been then subsion of his recent visit to Ceylon. They consisted jected to several weeks' training in the art of of two men and three women; two of the women laughter. were very gentle in appearance, and one is report- An instance, adduced by Mr. R. Downall, of a ed to have been decidedly pretty. The two men wedda who was able to laugh remains to be were described as small and rather ape-like, and adverted to, particularly as it has given rise to are said to have shot fairly well at a mark with the somewhat hasty generalisation that all jungle their bows and arrows, but "at the command of Weddas are able to do so heartily. He records the missionary," they grinned horribly.
that when he was on a shooting expedition a few The experiment of attempting to make them years ago, he set up his hat as a mark for the laugh under such conditions as these would have Wedd a who was acting as his Shikdri to aim at been obviously of no value whatever, even if it had with his arrows, one evening after his return from been successful.
the day's shooting. The Wedda at once succeeded But the description given of them in the local in sending an arrow through the hat, and then, newspapers and by various special correspondents it is said, joined in the laugh which was raised with some minuteness and diligence leaves no against its owner. This evidence, coming, as it doubt that they were brought from the district of does, from a gentleman whose statements are Battikalos, where the few remaining Weddas, most thoroughly deserving of attention and repartly owing to the influence of missionaries, and spect, nevertbeless loges much of its value from the Partly to frequent intermarriages with Tamils, absence of any specifio information regarding the have lost many of the distinguishing features of locality to which the Wedda belonged, and the their primitive condition. It may be well to degree of civilisation to which he had attained. It observe that it is entirely erroneous to speak of is, however, clear that he had for some time been any Weddas as belonging to "a very savage hill associated with the Tamils and others who formed tribe," as they were described, probably upon the shooting party; and it is easily conceivable the mistaken idea of an analogy between them that amidst the general laughter he may have been and some of the aboriginal tribes of India. The supposed to have joined, for it was in no way suscountry which they inhabit is low-lying and com- pected that he would not do so by the gentleman, paratively flat forest-land, which in no part rises who naturally kept no record whatever of the onto an elevation of much more than two hundred currence, and wrote from his recollection of the feet above the sea level, and it is characteristic of incident some years after it took place. none but the village Weddas to live in huts. It may also be mentioned that the Wedda
A curious and comprehensive memorandum Latty, who has been previously referred to, dis. upon the weddas of the Battikalos district, for played excessive anger and exhibited a morose nished by one of the chief native officials in 1872, expression when he succeeded in hitting the explains that those which belong to that part of Pariah dog at which he aimed. the country generally construct temporary build- Moroseness may indeed be said to be traceable ings to live in, which are cross-tied with the bark of in many of their countenances, no less than in the the Halmilla tree, and roofed with illuk grass, but tones of their voices, but there is no ground for that they abandon them from time to time when considering it to be really inherent in their char they have occasion to resort elsewhere for food or acter, which is remarkable for kindliness of diswater. They are designated by Tamil names of position, and elevated by a universal sentiment of Manalkadu, or Sandy-jungle Weddas, and satisfaction with their condition, and a consciousCholaikkadu Wedda 8 respectively; theness of superiority to their more civilised neighformer term applying to those who inhabit the bours. They would exchange their wild forest country near to the seacoast, cultivating chena life for none other, and it was with the utmost lands and speaking the Tamil language, and the difficulty that they could be induced to quit even latter to those who are nomads, and still retain for a short time their favourite solitude. some of their pristine barbariem; and he bears! It was an experiment of much interest to observe
1 See Quadn'. Anatomy, vol. I. p. 176 (7th edition).

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[N OVEMBER, 1879.
the effect produced by each successive object as it made its impression for the first time upon their minds, untaught as they were by previous experience of anything besides the mere phenomena of nature. A party of five were upon the first occasion simultaneously brought from their forests. The sight of a brick-built house surprised them, but the first wheeled vehicle they saw filled them with alarm and terror, and as they bent eagerly forward to scrutinize it they instinctively grasped the handles of their axes. The various articles of food which were offered to them were unbesi- tatingly rejected, and they were with difficulty persuaded at length to eat boiled rice, which they at first seemed to foar would make them intoxicated or stupefied. After a time, however, they became fond of it, and ate it in large quantities with a considerable admixture of salt, with which they expressed themselves highly gratified. They declared that the taste of salt was entirely new to them, and upon their return to their forests they expressly asked that they might be allowed to carry with them in preference to anything else as large a supply as they could transport. A similar taste was subsequently shown by other parties of jungle Weddas both in their forests and also when they were brought away for purposes of observation and inquiry.
Tobacco, which the Village Weddas occasionally use, was contemptuously refused by the jungle Weddas, who called it merely "dry leaves," and betel, and other favourite narcotics of the Sinhalese people were persistently declined.
The intellectual capacity of the Weddag is as low as it can possibly be in any persons endowed with reason. They are wholly unable to count or to comprehend the significance of number; they have no words to denote the ideas of one, or two, or three, nor do they even use their fingers for this purpose; and the chief difficulty in obtaining any information from them arose from their inability to form any but the most simple mental Bynthesis, and from their very defective power of memory. One of them, called Kowy, had entirely forgotten the names of his father and of his mother, who were both dead, and only recollected the name of his wife, whom he had seen only three days previously, by a great effort, and after a long interval of consideration.
There is an interesting account given in an ppendix to a report by Mr. Green upon the Welikada convict establishment, of a Wedda who had been tried for murder, and had received a commutation of his capital sentence to imprisonment with hard labour in chains. Mr. Green considered him to be a village Wedda, and it was found, on his admission into the jail, that he was
able to count six. A native newspaper, called the Lanka Nidhana, contained a report of his trial, in which he was described as "a Wedds or wild man," and it appeared that he had killed another Wedda because he believed that he had destroyed two of his dogs by means of witchcraft. He was found guilty of murder, but the jury prayed for mercy towards him, as he was as ignorant as a beast. The force of this reason became apparent when, after regularly attending the prison school for three months, he had only succeeded in learning nine letters of the Sinhalese alphabet, and extending his knowledge of numbers to counting eighteen. He had no idea of a soul, of a Supreme Being, or of a future state. He thought there was no existence after death; he was conscious of no difference between himself and the wild beasts which roamed through the forest; and the only thing which he knew for certain was that the sun rose in the morning, and in the evening the darkness came on. He had, however, heard some one speak of a Superior Being, called Wally. hami, but could not say whether it was a god. or a devil, a good or an evil spirit: he was not afraid of it, nor did he pray to it. It seems probable that he was in this instance alluding to the deity Skanda, the Hindu personification of Ares ("Apne), known in Ceylon as Kha'n da. swami, who, according to the Sinhalese myth, married a Wedda princess named Walli Amme, under whose peculiar care the wedda s were in con sequence assumed to be placed.
It appeared from an ola, or book consisting of palm-leaves, inscribed by a stilus, which was in the possession of one of the Kandyan chiefs, that this personage was the offspring of Vishnu. The ola, which bears no date, nor the name of its author, states that the celebrated temple known as the Kataragama Dewale was built by the famous Sinhalese king, Dutthag&. maņi, the conqueror of the Tamils, who reigned B.C. 160, and who appointed the Weddas as servants of the god on account of the purity of their caste. The princess, having been miraculously born, was discovered by the Weddas in their hunting excursions and grew up under their care. She became remarkable for her beauty and her charms, and captivated the god Skanda, to whom the Kataragama temple was dedicated. He assumed the disguise of a religious Ascetio, and offered her his hand, which she indignantly refused. The god thereapon went to his brother Ganesa, the god of wisdom, and asked for his assistance, which he at once lent by taking the form of a huge elephant and frightening the maiden. she fled for help to her rejected suitor, who after much entreaty consented to protect her on condi

Page #359

NOVEMBER, 1879.]
THE WEDDAS.
819
tion that she became his wife. She agreed and the governor, he was released after a short period wont with him, but the Weddas chased after of incarceration. them and shot at them with their arrows, which The diseases from which all Weddas more fell at their feet without effect. He then discharged particularly suffer are dysentery and fever; and an arrow at the Weddas, and thousands of them it would seem that the effects of the former have fell dead on the spot, but upon the intercession been from time to time exceedingly disastrous. of the damsel, the god, reassuming his proper The remedios which they adopt for it, consist in form, restored them to life, and then married her pounding the astringent bark of certain trees under the name of Walli Amma.
which they generally use for chewing and mixing The merest outlines of this tradition are utterly the juice with water which they then drink. In unknown to the jungle Weddas, and it is doubt- cases of fever they drink warm water, as is the ful whether many of them had ever heard even very general custom of the Sinhalese people, and the name of the tutelary deity, who represented also pour it over the body. Their only surgical to the unfortunate prisoner above referred to little implement is the sharp blade of the long spearmore than the principle and personification of the like arrow-head, and this is used in cases of midunknown..
wifery, wherein the husband is alone the operator. Although it is probable that he belonged to the Far from exhibiting any tendency to Pantheistic class of Village Weddas, it would appear from or the simpler forms of nature worship, as the statements which he made, that he was some writers have supposed, the jungle Wedday thoroughly conversant with the customs and ideas appear to be almost devoid of any sentiment of of the more barbarous Jungle Weddas, and indeed
religion; they are not even acquainted with the it is not unlikely that he was an instance of a name of Buddha, or the theory of metempsymember of the latter class who had by some means
obosis; they have no temples, priests, festivals, become degenerated into the former. His slight
or games, but their belief is limited by the notion knowledge of numbers was evidently due to the
that after death they become yakko, or devils, and efforts of missionaries or other persons who
herein may be traced their unquestioned identity endeavoured shortly before the time of his im
with the autochthones, of whom an account is prisonment to educate his people. It would perhaps given in the ancient chronicles of Ceylon." When be unfair to attribute to a similar influence the
one of them dies, the body is wrapped in the hide commission of the act of violence which resulted of a deer, if such a thing be at the time procurin his trial for murder ; but it is worthy of con
able, and a grave is dug with their hatchets and sideration whether the condition of a race barbar
with pointed sticks. This service is performed ous indeed, but nevertheless rejoicing in &
exclusively by the males, no female being ever complete and long-established immunity from
present on such an occasion; nothing is put into crime, is likely to be enlightened by the benefits of
the grave with the body, and after it has been western morality and civilisation.
covered over, the spot where it lios, apparently Ho seems to have been considerably expert in from mingled motives of fear and sorrow, is the use of the bow and arrows, having frequently never revisited. An offering is then made to the killed as many as half-a-dozen deer in a day, and departed spirit which has become a devil, in order upon two occasions an elephant; but when he
that it may not torment the survivors with fever; made trial of his skill with those weapons in the it consists of the flesh of the wandura, or monkey, prison he was somewhat unsuccessful. Ho ao- and the talagoya, added to a quantity of honey counted for his failure by his want of practice and some esculent roots, which are all roasted with a bow and arrows new and strange to him, together, while the senior member of the family and his extreme weakness consequent upon an of the deceased repeats the simple formula, attack of dysentery; when he was prostrated by "Malagi etto topan me kewili lapaw," or, "Ye this disorder he refused all sort of nourishment, dead persons, take ye these food offerings," and and his recovery was attributed in a great mea- then divides the whole of it amongst himself and sure to his entire abstinence from food. He oon. those who are present, by whom it is eaten. In tinually made piteous appeals to go to his wifo this custom there may possibly be traced the faint and children, and to be taken from the prison germs of a religion; and it is of peculiar ethnolo. where there was so much light and heat and glare gical significance if, as has been maintained, the to some place where he could lie under the shade earliest form which religion took consisted in the of trees and green leaves. It is gratifying to be propitiation of the spirits of deceased ancestors, able to add, that owing to the kind and humane! The moral characteristics of the Weddas consideration of His Excellency Lord Torrington, exhibit, as may be supposed, the simplest work.
1 Cf. Mahiwanso, ch. vii.

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320
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[NOVEMBER, 1879.
ings of the unreflecting and subjective will, not regulated by law nor conditioned by experi- ence. They think it perfectly inconceivable that any person should ever take that which does not belong to him, or strike his fellow, or say any. thing that is untrue. The practice of polygamy and polyandry which still exists to some extent amongst their neighbourg. the Sinhalese, is to them entirely unknown. Marriage is, nevertheless, allowed with sisters and with daughters, but never with the eldest sister, and in all cases they are remarkable for constancy to their wives and affection for their children. The practice of marrying sisters is not yet extinct, as Mr. Bailey supposed, amongst the Weddas of Bintenna, for in the year 1872 there was a living instance in the person of one named Wanniya, who had married his sister Latti; he was about twenty years of age, and had one child. It appeared that no one but Wanniya himself, and not even his brother, was ever allowed to go near his wife or child, or to supply them with any food.
A marriage is attended with no ceremony beyond the presentation of some food to the parents of the bride, who is not herself allowed the exercise of any choice in the selection of her husband, and in this respect, as in some others, the subjection of women is complete. A woman is never recognised as the head of a family, nor is she admitted to any participation in the ceremony attending the offering made to the spirits of the dead. The eldest male Wedda is regarded with a sort of patriarchal respect when accident or occasion has brought together any others than the members of one family, but all the rest are considered as equals, and the distinctions of caste are not known. The Kandyans universally agree that they all belong to the royal caste, and it is said that they used to address the king by the now obsolete title Hura, or cousin, the term which they applied to myself in conversation.
Their language is a subject which demanded the most particular care and attention, but I reserve for the present any full account of it. It unfortunately possesses no written characters, and, owing to its limited vocabulary, which em- braces merely the most elementary concepts, as well as to the difficulty of communicating with
people so singularly unintelligent as the Weddas, the results which have been obtained may perhaps not be considered thoroughly conclusive or satisfactory. Their charms or folk-lore show & resemblance to Elu, but they are extremely difficult to translate, and their precise object and signification is for the most part undefined. The list of proper names contains, as Mr. Bailey has observed, some which are in use among the Sinhalese, but high caste and low caste names are indiscriminately jumbled together; others are names common to Tamils, while a large number are entirely unknown to Sinhalese or Tamils, and of these a portion are in common use in Bengal, and belong to Hindu deities or personages mentioned in the Purdnas. Besides the words which indicate an affinity with Sinhalese, there are others which are allied with Pali and with Sanskrit, and an important residue of doubtful origin; but it is worthy of remark that from beginning to end the vocabulary is characterized by an absence of any distinctly Dravidian element, and that it appears to bear no resemblance whatever to the language spoken by the Yakkas of East Nepål. A similarity may indeed be traced here and there between a Wedda word and the equivalent for the same idea in modern Tamil, Malayalam, or Telugu, but the cases in which comparison is possible are sq rare that these apparent coincidences may be fairly considered to be merely fortuitous. The signs of a grammatical structure are too faint to justify any inferences of comparative philological value, and upon an examination of those words which may be said to constitate the most fundamental and necessary portion of a language, no special conclusion is to be drawn. But an analysis or consideration of the Wedd a language may be more fitly postponed than dealt with at present, especially as the value of linguistio evidence is but slight in the determination of ethnological questions. Attention may, however, be drawn to the circumstance which has been pointed out by Mr. Taylor, and which invests the subject with peculiar interest, that the Wedd&s are the only savage race in existence speaking an Aryan language, for such it undoubtedly is, although the people can in no sense be classified ethnologically as Aryans themselves."
MISCELLANEA. AN EASTERN CHALUKYA COPPER-PLATE
| Old-Canarese Inscriptions, No. XLII. A transGRANT
cription and translation of the grant, with reThe accompanying plates give a facsimile,from the original, which belongs to Sir Walter
marks, are given at Vol. VII., p. 185. The Elliot, K.C.S.I., -of Mr. Floet's Sanskrit and
date of the grant is about Saka 590 (A.D. 668-9). * Journal of the Ethnological Society, April, 1870.
Reprinted by permission from the Fortnightly Review vol. XIX. (March 1876) pp. 408-417.

Page #361

10
lla.
EASTERN CHALUKYA GRANT OF THE SECOND YEAR OF VISHNUVARDHANA II.
អតៀតបានពីគយាកម្មសរាE TAM ឬបរមរតកង់៣ រួមមg53= វត្ត។ គ បាករសំងាតូមវិញ្ញឩមរោមម 32 Bae ពួយពាក្យថតរឿង គោ ៩០ ថ្ងៃ augបog3Eeយមកាត់បន ធ្នូកន យសស@azzuដំណាំម
2
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IIb.
Iva
*1ដួង ប័៨៣8ញៗគួរខំ ទី*45ំ១៩១១ូ* ខាន៥ខាំជូត៖ 59**ៃទី១g*៨កុំថាខ្ញុំ ieខ្ញុំសុខសន្លឹក៍ឱ្យដឹងតាមដ្ឋ5C
១ ឱពដ្ឋដូងក៏សដ្ឋកឱង ** ១ចំក៍អ្នកទន៍ទដ្ឋតា ចោះ ឱ្យទៅជា
NeayyGA492 ជំងឺខ្ញុំ ដូរី
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23=g58បទដ្ឋបាដូបខ្ញុំ lie៣8យ៍គ្នាបនឱកខ្ញុំខា នាំទ្ធគ១ ៥ ៥២២៩១១ម្បីទទថ្មីនាយ បា* ២២ .. v• ( យៀក ឱ១៣g១៣=ី១://១ ១នជាយ១១៩ ១០ )
& ១៩៣៨័ត;v=ជាយកា១១០៩៩ ៩៩៩: 8១០ យ ថា១ច័ង្ខំ ឱឃើមវខំឲ្យAda | E៣ឧទដ្ឋ៣៩៨៩áជាម្រឡំយករួចខ្ញុំកាÊ
jav jះបាយៗខាងឺកង៥ជាយឲ្យ ២១.៣០anèន ពឱ្យនឪខ្ញុំខាទី១: ចមួយមកថា បទមកខ្ញុំ”afe: ចន្ទថាឲ្យវាយទាបដ្ឋកថ្នាឱ្យតា a វាយប្រថា១បទនិ៩៣ោះជាអ្នន័យដូង |
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Page #363

EASTERN CHALUKYA GRANT OF THE SECOND YEAR OF VISHNUVARDHANA II.
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Page #364


Page #365

NOVEMBER, 1879.]
METRICAL VERSIONS FROM THE MAHABHARATA.
MISCELLANEA.
BY JOHN MUIR, D.C.L., LL.D., &c. (Continued from p. 205.)
THE ARTFUL CHARACTER OF WOMEN. Freely translated from the Mahabharata, xiii. 2236ff.
I have elsewhere quoted from this great poem passages in which the fair sex is cordially eulogized, directly or indirectly. The following picture, though in some respects it is flattering to women, as testifying to their great cleverness and powers of allurement, is otherwise far from laudatory; and luckily applies only to the worst part of female society. As the names of the Indian sophists referred to in these lines are not familiar to the English reader, I have substituted that of Machiavelli.
Deep steeped in Machiavellian wiles,
With those that smile a woman smiles, With those that weep dissolves in tears, The sad with words of comfort cheers, By loving tones the hostile gains, And thus firm hold on men attains,
Her action suiting well to all
Th' occasions that can e'er befall. As words of truth she praises lies, As arrant falsehood truth decries, And, mistress of deceptive sleight, Treats right as wrong, and wrong as right. All powers which wizard demons old, Of whom such wondrous tales are told, Displayed, the gods themselves to cheat, To blind, elude, and so defeat,Such fascinating powers we find In artful women all combined. So skilfully they men deceive, So well their viewless nets can weave, That few whom once these syrens clasp Can soon escape their magic grasp. Yet, once their earlier ardour cooled, They jilt the men they've thus befooled ; And fickly newer objects seek
To suit their changing passion's freak. Such charmers well to guide and guard, For men must prove a task too hard. The following is a nearly literal translation of the greater part of these verses:
"Women know all the wiles of Sambara, of Namuchi, of Bali, of Kambhinasi. They laugh with him who laughs, weep with him that weeps, with sweet words lay hold on him who dislikes them, all according to the requirements of the situation. The doctrines in which Usanas and Brihaspati were skilled are not different from the ideas of women. How then can men watch over them? They call falsehood truth, and truth falsehood. I
consider that the selfish doctrines which have been devised by Brihaspati and others were principally derived from observation of the ingenuity of women. When they receive honour from men females pervert their minds."
NOTES AND QUERIES. COBILY-MASH.-With regard to the origin of this word (see ante p. 201), there is no need to go to old Singhalese for it: it is found in modern Singhalese under the form Kabali-mas. The learned Mudaliyar L. De Zoysa, to whom I referred the question, writes me as follows:-"I think the true derivation of Cobolly mass' is kabali-mas 'piece-fish,' from kæbella, piece, and mus, fish or flesh. Kabalikaranavá is to cut or break into pieces. There are similar compound words in Singhalese, e.g., hun or hunu-sal, 'powder,' 'broken into pieces, rice." The word Kabella is of course the Pâli kabala, Sans. kavala. I may mention that Mr. A. Gray, in his paper on the Maldive Islands (Journal, R. A. S. N. S., vol. X.) follows Pyrard de la V. in the mistake of referring the word to the Sin. Kalu-mas, black fish, a derivation which is manifestly untenable. DONALD FERGUSON.
Colombo, 29th July 1879.
PROPER NAMES. It is the custom in Behår when a man's elder children die, to give any children that may be subsequently born, names signifying an unpleasant or disgusting object, and also to bore their noses. This is supposed to make the children, thus named and with their noses thus bored, live long.
This custom obtains amongst all castes from Brahmans down.
Is there any similar or parallel custom prevalent in Western India, and has the origin of the superstition been explained ?
I append a list of names thus applied to younger children for the sake of comparison :
No.
Name in Någari Character.
1 अकलुआ
2 अन्धरा
3 छा
4 after
5 किरवा
6
321
कुकरा 7 कंटिटरा
8 गिरगिटवा
9 गोनौरा 10 चिलरा
Name in English Character. Akalua
Andhra
Anpuchhân
Kariâ
Kirwa
Kukrå
Kantiṭrå
Girgitw&
Gonaura Chilrå
Meaning.
Famine-stricken
Blind.
One not inquir. ed about.
Black. Worm.
Dog. One-eyed.
Lizard.
Dung-hill. Louse.

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322
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[NOVEMBER, 1879.
Fire-place.
33
GET
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Nanhkirwa Phatingwa Bagraiâ Bath& Banais
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ed. Supna Sieve-shaped. Female Names. Andhri
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BOOK NOTICES. LA RELIGION VEDIQUE d'après les lymnes du Rig Veda, the solar phenomena is the sun itself, and in
par ABEL BERGAIGNE, Maitre de Conferences à la Faculté des lettres de Paris, &c. (Paris: F. Viegweg : 1878.)
the meteorological, the lightning. The corresThe first volume of this work was published last
ponding female elements are the dawn and the year, and the second and third will, it is to be hoped,
cloud, or ..... the dawns and the waters. These appear in a few months. In an Introduction the
different elements admit of different representaauthor gives an account of the plan and contents
tions which constitute the mythological anthropoof the entire work (including the 2nd and 3rd
morphism and zoomorphism. volumes), parts of which I shall translate more or The most frequent figures of animals are for less exactly, or state in abstract:
the males, the bird, the horse, either winged or The mythology of the Vedic Aryans, M. Ber- otherwise, the bull and the calf; for the females, gaigne considers, is closely connected with their the mare, and, above all, the cow. Between these worship, and these two aspects of their religion beings of the two sexes, whether under their ought to be studied together.
human, or their animal, form, there are established The Vedic sacrifice, by the very rites which mythical connections representing the supposed constitute it, or at least by the greater part of the relations of the elements to each other. The formulas in which these rites are described, appears concomitance, priority, posteriority of phenomena at onoe to be an imitation of certain celestial find their expression in the sexual union, or the phenomena. .
collateral kinship, in the paternity, or the mater. The phenomena with which we are concerned nity, in the filiation, of the mythological beings. may be reduced to two groups; those which ac- These relations, too, can be confounded or reversed company the rising of the sun, and which, according to the different or manifold points of the author says, I shall callsolar phenomena, view under which they are regarded. Hence the and those which after a long drought accom- incests of brother and sister, of father and pany the fall of rain, and which I shall call daughter. Hence the paradoxes in which the meteorological phenomena. In both groups, the authors of the hymns take a sort of childish pleaVedic mythology distinguishes between the male sure, the daughter has given birth to her and the female elements. The male element in father, the son has begotten his mothers,

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paradoxes which are explained by the fact that the sun has been considered sometimes as the son, sometimes as the father, of the dawn, or that the celestial waters have passed, sometimes for the mothers of the lightning which is produced in the midst of them, sometimes for the daughters of the same lightning which makes them flow.
All this mythical phraseology is reproduced in the description of the ceremonies of worship. These ceremonies have two principal parts, the pre- paration of the offering and its being sacrificed in the fire. Let us stop first at the second operation. The male element is the firo himself, Agni, whilst the female element is the offering, whatever it be, butter, milk, or the spirituous liquor of the Soma. Now the fire and the offering are often represented under the same forins as the male and female elements of the celestial phenomena, and the relations conceived to exist between the latter are extended to the former . . . . . . (pp. vii-ix.)
There is another order of females which the hymns bring into relation with fire, and still more freqnently with the sacrificial beverage. I mean the prayers, these lowing cows which call their calf, or answer him. But these females also have their celestial prototype in the thunder peals, considered as the lowings of the cows of the storm, or are themselves likened to these cows. The cor. respondence of the rite and the phenomenon is nowhere more evident than in the formulas which consecrate the relation of the prayers to the fire and the consecrated. beverage.
I have as yet spoken of an imitation of the phenomena in the worship. But in order to render the exact thought of the Vedic Aryans, it is necessary to go further. The rites are the real reproduction on earth of the acts which are accomplished in heaven. The elements of worship are not
symbols of the elements of the celestial phenomena ;-they are identical with them in nature, and like them derive their origin from heaven (p. ix. f.)
If now we ask ourselves what could be the import (portée) of a sacrifice conceived as an imitation of the celestial phenomena, we shall doubtless recognize in it, under the particular form of a naturalistic worship, one of those practices which consist in producing in effigy that which it is de sired should take place in reality, -practices which are common to most of the primitive peoples, and which often continuo down to a well advanced state of civilization. . . . . The Vedio sacrifice, which, besides, was regulated according to the hours of the day, and the seasons of the year, had for its object to assure the maintenance of the natural order of the world, whether in the solar phenomena, or especially in those meteorological
phenomena which are less regular, or even to hasten the production of these last in conformity with human wishes....... The efficacy of such an operation was the better assured, because, as the Vedic Aryans believed, it was no mere imitation, but because the sacrifice was accomplished by means of elements borrowed from heaven by men who attributed their own origin to the same quarter (p. xii.)
The resemblance conceived to exist between the sacrifice and the celestial phenomena is more complete than I have as yet pointed out. Not only is the sacrifice an imitation of the phenomena ; but the phenomena themselves are regarded as a sacrifice (p. xiii.)
The particular conception of the relations of earth and heaven, which, alone, has been so far analyzed, is a directly naturalistic conception, in which the elements themselves play the principal part. Here the real gods aro the elements, at least the male elements, the sun, the lightning, or better still, the different forms of the universal element which bears, as fire, the name of Agni, as a beverage, that of Soma, and of which the celestial forms are the sun and the lightning. ... (p. xiv.)
But the Vedic mythology is acquainted with other deities besides those which directly represent the elements, or the worlds in which these elements are produced. We might, it is true, mention several more which may be purely and simply identified with the sun or the lightning, or rather with Agni, or Soma, under one or other of their forms, or under all these forms at once. It is thus that Pasha n combines with the attributes of the sun certain features which recall the sacred beverage. It is thus, again, that Vishņu, taking his three steps, appears to be nothing but a representative of the male, A gni, or Soma, moving about in the three worlds. On the other hand the distinction between the element and the person who presides over it.... is a fact too simple, too necessarily connected with the natural development of myths to need to be here insisted upon... But the god to whom I wish to come appears to be much more widely distinguished from the elements than the different personages who have just been enumerated.
This god, called Indra, is the one who, if the number of hymns addressed to him, and the part there ascribed to him are considered, occupies decidedly the first place in the mythology of the Rig Veda. Not that he, too, does not derive his attributes from the elements at his command... The character of Indra is, above all, that of a warrior-deity: Agni and So in a, when they are manifested as lightning or the sun, are also

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regarded as heroes, conquerors of drought and night, of the waters and the dawns. Between them and Indra the difference appears then to be above all in the point which the personification of the element has reached, or rather in the consistency with which the distinction between the element and the god who presides over it is observed. Whilst, in the cases of Agni, Soma and other gods formerly mentioned, the element and the god, though distinguished,.... are always tending to be confounded anew,-in Indra, who is much more fixed, more thoroughly transformed by anthropomorphism, they remain decidedly and definitively separated. Indra is the god who makes the sun rise after the dawn, and who, armed with the lightning, makes the celestial waters flow (pp. xv. f).
The conception of the order of the world as fixed in the myth of Indra, is dualistic. Good, i.e. in the physical sense-light and rain, and evil, that is to say, darkness and drought, are in it referred to two orders of opposing powers. From Indra, the god, men expect only good. Evil is entirely the work of demons, the Panis, Sushna, Vala, and the most famous of all, Vritra, considered especially as the robber of the waters. Indra combats these demons, smites, kills, or mutilates them; and by his victory, he delivers the dawns and the waters, and restores to men light and rain. To this mythological conception a particular conception of the worship corresponds... The sacrifice retains its action, in a certain way magical, upon the celestial phenomena. But it no longer does so directly, but through the instrumentality of the god whom the consecrated beverage intoxicates, excites, and enables to sustain, and happily terminate, his conflict with the demons (p. xvii.)
An essential opposition of nature and attributes is to be noted between Indra, and such deities as Parjanya, Rudra, Savitri-Tvashtri and the Adityas. To mark that opposition I shall call the latter, for want of another name, the sovereign gods, because they rule unopposed over that world over which Indra can only manifest his power by constantly repeated victories...
All these divinities belong to an unitarian conception of the order of the world in which good and evil, that is to say, the day and the night, the rain and the drought, are referred to one and the same personage, or to one and the same category of celestial personages. It results thence that these deities have a double aspect, propitious and severe : an equivocal character which, in opposition to the exclusively benevolent character of Indra, may be interpreted in a malevolent sense, so as to assimilate them, in a certain measure, to the demons of the dualistic conception (p. xix.)
[NOVEMBER, 1879.
The study of the sovereign gods of the Vedic religion will lead us to treat the relations of that religion with general morality..
The hymns are not the works of moralists. Composed for the most part with a view to the ceremonies of worship, they contain, beyond the description of these ceremonies, and the praises of the gods, little but an expression of the desires of their worshippers, and a constantly reiterated appeal to their liberality, and for their protection. Not only is morality never formulated there in precepts; but even in the way of allusion, all that the authors of the hymns allow us to perceive of their ideas regarding the vices or crimes to be shunned, and the virtues to be practised, is limited to very vague generalities..... Of the two literary monuments, the most ancient which our race possesses, the naturalistic and liturgical poetry of the Rig-Veda, and the Homeric Epic,-the first has over the second an indisputable advantage, that of throwing a much clearer light on the formation of myths 'and ancient religious beliefs. But if we have only to do with determining the moral condition of a primitive society, the advantage is altogether on the side of the Homeric Epic, and it is too great to admit of any comparison between it and the Vedic hymns.
But the Rig-Veda, while failing to disclose the particular forms of moral life manifested by the ancestors of the Indian race, reveals at least the intensity of that life, the sentiment, at once lively and deep, which they had of a purity to be preserved, or restored, of taints to be avoided or purged by expiation. The Vedic poets had, in the simple prayers addressed to their gods, no opportunity, as Homer had, to show us the morality of their time in action; but the moral conscience utters in these prayers the only language it was then called to hold: the religious language, the moral sentiment, take in them the only form they could there naturally assume-that of an appeal to the divine justice, and above all to the divine mercy (p. xx. f.)
The first obligation which the Vedic Aryas owed to their gods, was the observance of their worship with its ceremonies. Every omission and mistake in the fulfilment of these rites was a fault. But the consciousness of that fault, and the terrors it causes, do not necessarily belong to the order of moral sentiments in the sense in which we understand that expression. So long as everything passes between the offender and the person offended, we may believe that we merely witness a quarrel in which, on both sides, personal interests alone are concerned. The mere anxiety of the god to avenge the offence against himself

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has in it nothing very august, and the prayer addressed to him by the offender may only indicate the natural fear of the feebler in presence of the stronger.
But the moral function of the god becomes clearly defined when he takes up not merely his own cause, but the cause of the fellows of the suppliant whom the latter has wronged. The idea that the gods regard and punish offences other than those which are committed directly against themselves, when it finds its way into naturalistic religions, gives them decidedly the moral character which was wanting to them originally. Now, this idea is expressed in passages of the Rig-Veda, which, it is true, are but few in number, but of the sense of which there can be no doubt. By means of these texts, passages much more numerous, in which the confession of the sinner is expressed in more general terms, receive a new light... It is fortunate that by this means the moral character of the Vedic religion, which might otherwise have been disputed, has been placed beyond doubt.
BOOK NOTICES.
But this moral character results from other considerations... It is true that the notion of a bargain between two contracting parties (the god and his worshipper),-'give me, I give thee'continued to be a sufficiently exact formula of the relations established by the Vedic worship between heaven and earth during the long period for which that worship survived the primitive conceptions from which it took its rise. But alongside of this rude idea of the relation between men and the deity, and of other conceptions of worship associated even more closely with the essential principles of the Vedic mythology, there had been formed another notion answering better to the moral requirements of humanity. Confidence in the divine goodness, for example, and repentance founded not only on the fear of punishment, but on regret for having violated a faithful friendship, (for the Rishis give their gods the title of friends,) are indisputable manifestations of moral consciousness.
What frequently still further elevates the conception of worship, and gives a moral tendency to the confession of a fault committed against the gods, is the idea that the latter regard, not merely the outward act of sacrifice, but the intention with which it is offered, and that without sincerity on the part of the sacrificer, the offerings cannot please them. This virtue of sincerity is, upon the whole, the chief Vedic virtue; or, to speak more exactly, the Vedic poets when referring, for the most part, in vague terms, to moral good and evil, most frequently mean to apply them to truth and falsehood. Another idea, the moral import of which could
325
not be denied, is that of "law," as conceived by the Vedic bards. We shall see how the same words denote in turn laws natural, sacrificial, and moral; and the philological discussion of these terms, their primitive and derived significations, will illustrate the origin and development of the ideas themselves. The formation of the idea of law, so far as that idea can be applied to common and social morality, will not be the sole object of enquiry. In showing the resemblance of the laws of sacrifice to those which regulate the order of the world, I shall, says M. Bergaigne, exhibit the conception of the worship under a new aspect, which will result in enhancing its dignity, and will bring out the moral character of repentance testified for an offence against the gods, even if that offence consisted only in an infraction of liturgical prescriptions.
But the Vedic deities do not all interest themselves in the same degree in the distinction between moral good and evil, and are not all equally regarded as governing either the moral or the physical world, by immutable laws. In this double point of view the difference is especially profound between the warrior god Indra and those of the sovereign gods, who are called by the common name of Adityas, of whom the first is Varuna (pp. xxi.-xxiv.)
The author returns again thus in p. xxv. to the distinction in character between Indra and the Sovereign gods:
The essential difference between the deities belonging to these two conceptions, the one dualistic, the other unitarian, of the order of the world, is that the warrior god (Indra) opposed to a demon, is exclusively benevolent, whilst the sovereign gods, the authors of physical evil as well as physical good, have a character alternately benevolent and malevolent, which inspires their suppliants with terror as much as with love. That difference is also, in my opinion, the cause of the inequality in the aptitude of the divine personages to be invested with moral functions. The idea of malevolence became, in proportion as the sentiment of the divine majesty became more elevated, inseparable from the idea of justice. Indra, always beneficent, was not, and could not be, for the Vedic Aryas, anything but a friend. Varuna, alternately propitious and displeased, was their judge. The anger of the god could only be explained by the sin of men. It is thus that the half-demoniacal attributes of the sovereign gods in the order of natural phenomena appear to have been closely connected with their providential attributes in the order of moral ideas.
Whatever opinion may be formed by the scholars who occupy themselves with the same class of

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[NOVEMBER, 1879.
studies, in regard to the light in which M. Ber- volume, as given at the commencement. After gaigne looks upon the Vedic ceremonies as imita- an introduction and preliminary remarks, the tions of celestial phenomena, and as intended to author treats of the following topics : 1, The be reproductions on earth of acts performed in Veda, its component parts: 2, origin of the heaven, and so forth, little doubt can be enter- Veda, of its separate hymns; its collections ; tained of the ingenuity which his theory manifests. revelation, the seeing of the hymns; the authorHis view, also, of the different characters of the ship of the Rishis; and, 3, its metrical form; 4, Vedic deities, of the distinction to be drawn be- the text and its fortunes; 5, the Vedic poets, tween Indra as an altogether benevolent being, authors of the several Mandalas; 6, persons other and Varuna and the other "sovereign gods" as than the authors of the hymns, named in the the authors of physical evil as well as physical Beveral Mandalas ; 7, period and antiquity of the good, as combining the two qualities of severity Veda; 8, the country and people; mountains, and benevolence, and as possessing a moral nature, | rivers, towns, castles ; tribes, the Aryas and may be noted as interesting.
Dåsas, the invaders, and aborigines, the Paņis: The following are the contents of the first 9, the Aryas, their different classes; the position of volume as tabulated at its close. Introduction, the priests and their sub-divisions; the population Part I. The elements of the Vedic mythology in not included in the four castes ; 10, the Aryan natural phenomena and in worship. Chap. i. The state ; the army, the king, and the assemblies of the worlds ; Chap. ii. The male elements. Sections Aryas; 11, their religion, and its commands and
-yi. the heaven: the sun: lightning: Agni ; fundamental conceptions; the religious assemblies; his different forms: celestial origin of terres- faith, zoal, liberality; resistance to these requiretrial fire, and of the human race; return of ments and its punishment; the fundamental conthe fire to heaven; myths of the other life; the ceptions of religion, rita (truth, right, good, law) celestial sacrifice; action of the terrestrial sacri- dharma(order), satya, brahma, tapas, yajña, dikshd; fice on the celestial phenomena; representations 12, the gods, their relation to men. M&ya, Deva, of Agni and the sacrificers: Soma; his different Dyaus, Varuna, Indra, Rudra and Prisni, Agni, forms; celestial origin of the terrestrial Soma; Vivasvat, Trashtri; 13, demons and enchantments, his return to heaven; myths of the other life; the superstition and its effects on life; 14, worship; celestial sacrifice; action of the terrestrial sacrifice general stand-point; forms and instruments of on the celestial phenomena; representations of sacrifice. Soms and the sacrificers: the mythical personage These chapters are followed by translations of a of the male. Chap. iii. The femalo elements. number of hymns. The earth; heaven and earth; the dawn; the To chapter ist on the Vedas are prefixed (pp. dawn and night; the water of the cloud; the 1-14) some introductory remarks on the country in waters in general; the offerings; the prayurs; the which the Vedio hymns were produced ; on the mythical personage of the female.
Åryas, and their enemies the aborigines; on the P. S.-M. Bergaigne's book is noticed in pp. language of the hymns, the modifications which 26-29 of the Rapport Annuel of the Société Asia- it underwent, and their causes, of which Budtique de Paris for this year, by M. Renan.
dhism and the intermixture of the aboriginal J. MUIR.
tribes are mentioned. The opposition of the Brahmans to the natural tendency of the Vaisyas
and Sadras to become blended, their apprehenDER RIGVEDA, oder die heiligen Hymnen der Brahmana, zum ersten male vollständig ins deutsche übersetat mit
sion that by this intermixture the former of these commentar und einleitung von ALFRED LUDWIG (Prag. classes would lose its purity, and that this union F. Tempeky, 1878).
might lead to the subjected aboriginal population It will be known to many of our readers that recovering in a certain degree its power, the two new translations of the hymns of the Rigveda restriction, by the representatives of religion, of into German have been published by Professor the religious prerogatives which alono could keep Ludwig and by Professor Grassmann (in 1876 and together the Åryas as one united body distin1877). The former of these two scholars has guished from the Sadras, to a small portion of since then brought out (in 1878) a third volume of the former, the limited number of the third caste his work, which bears the special title of "The which could receive religious instruction and take Mantra-Literature and ancient India, as an in- part in religious ordinances, and the number of troduction to the translation of the Rigveda." Aryas who, at a comparatively early period, I shall condense the list of contents of this lost their caste and sank into the class of
Rig Veda übersetst und mit kritischen und erläuternden aminerkungen versehen von Hermann Grasmann. 9 Th. (Leipzig : Brockhaus: 1876 and 1877.)

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sadras, are then referred to. The proportion of the population interested in Brahmanism was thus diminished, until a revolution arose, which, indeed, ended in an outward return to the old state of things, although this was not restored without an essential internal modification. I now quote Prof. Ludwig's remarks, which follow in pp. 11-13, in full, as a specimen of his treatment of his subject :
"Thus arose the movement which introduced the appearance of Buddha, who proposed the happiness, the redemption, of all from evil, as the object of his efforts, his teaching, bis practice; and declared this goal to be attainable by all men. The power which Buddhism exercised upon the oppressed, and in no small measure upon the oppressors likewise, might, even if we had no direct and trustworthy evidence to the same effect, be recognized by the principles which Brahmanism has borrowed from it, in order to assert itself, and to regain its ancient predominance. The principle of tenderness to all living creatures, of liberation from evil, the theory of the transmigration of souls, &c., theorems which were altogether calculated to make a people like the Indians regard the oppressive caste system as endurable, - were derived from Buddhism. These theorems stood, no doubt, in irreconcilable opposition to the supposed origin of castes, and many of the grounds on which the caste system is combated in the more recent Buddhist writings are borrowed from the Buddhistic elements of the later Brahmanism. But the older Bråhmanism, too, in its complete transformation (uebergang) into pantheism, offered to the innovators sufficient points of connection in the view, which not rarely comes out in the Veda itself, of an unity in the nature of the godhead (R-V. x. 121; 82, 5-7). The progress in this direction may be traced from the the Veda through the Brahmanas and their branches the Aranyakas and Upanishads, in the philosophy of the Mimamså, the Sankhya, and the Yoga; it ends in Buddhism; for if, as the Rigveda already says, all the gods have sprung from one primeval germ, the game is true of things moving and stationary in general. (R.-V. x. 90.) If the castes, altogether and separately, have sprung from Purusha, an absolute distinctness of the three higher from the fourth is no longer tenable, as the Buddhists themselves intimate: (see Brih. Ar. Up. i. 4, 15; iv. 3, 22). The theory of the four ages (yugas)- which in a certain way existed already in the Vedio age, in its further extension gave the last impulse to the overthrow of the views regard
ing the caste system; so that the Brahmans also, in order to render a reconciliation possible, had to admit that a sodra might be born again as a Kshatriya, &c., and, on the other hand, a Brahman in one of the lower castes, and even as a Sadra.
"As Buddhism occasioned profound and essential alterations in the doctrines of Brahmanism, which could not again be expelled from them, 80 must also the long continued invasion of the lower classes have left traces, which could not be obliterated, in the entire population. The reconstruction of Brahmanism was only rendered possible by the incorporation in it of important materials, derived from the structure of Buddhism, which were but little in harmony with its ancient plan. Much of the earlier holy scriptures and traditions, which were guarded with so great jealousy, must in the interval have come to the knowledge of people who, according to the Brahmanical ideas, had no right to know it, as, at least, the Buddhistic writings assure us.
"And if, in the following period, the caste-system became more close, and the Pali dialect was set aside, and the sacred language was made the exclusive vehicle of literature, still during the reign of Buddhism the population must have been violently shaken together, (durcheinander geriirt) and have become quite changed; we see that while theory sought to realize the absurdest dreams, the actually existing circumstances practically decided matters, and were able to elevate even a sad ra to the throne. A powerful impression must also have been made upon men's views by the fact that alongside of Brahmanism there existed an independent ground, the occupation of which could enable men to defy the narrow prejudices of caste: besides, there now existed philosophical or philosophizing sects and schools which took their place beside Brahmanism, for the most part, no doubt, without claiming more than a theoretical significance, yet without giving up their own claim to be considered orthodox, however little their theorems might be really reconcilable with the scriptural belief of the Bråhmang.
"Buddha was a Kshatriya; but now the Brahmanas and Upanishads adduce examples of Brahmans being instructed by Kshatriyas in the highest truths of religion. Compare the wellknown history of Svetaketu Åruneys who came to Pravdhana Jaivali the king of the Panchalas, Chhandogya Up. vv. 3, 9 and Brih. År. Up. vi. 2), or the conversation between Gargya and Ajat asatru (Brih. Ar. Up. ii. 1). As the
Compare R-V. viii. 90, 14:-"Three races have passed away; others have been gathered around the sun and 1. 97, 1, "before the three ages of men," and so evidently
"in the former age of the gods," . 72, 8-t. the herbe came to the earth; and Atharva Veda viii. , 21.

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Upanishads already know and accept the doctrine of the transmigration of souls, we should perhaps seek in these accounts. for a designed and significant (tendenziöze) allusion to the circumstance that the Brahmans did not absolutely reject and hold for unlawful, instruction even in the highest truths, received from the Kshatriyas. Ajatasatru, as is well known, was king when Buddha was born. There may have prevailed at this very period a general impulse, which was not confined to the Brahmans, and could not be restricted by them, to engage in enquiries of the highest metaphysic, in which King Janaka, for instance, played a great part; and this circumstance might fix with certainty the origin of the Upanishads as belonging to the period of the beginning of Buddhism, and as contemporaneous with the later Brahmana era."
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
The instruction of Brahmans in divine knowledge by Kshatriyas is referred to in Professor Max Müller's Chips from a German Workshop, vol. II. p. 338 (edit. 1867). See also my Original Sanskrit Texts, vol. I. pp. 426-436. The subject has been more recently referred to in M. P. Regnaud's "Matériaux pour servir à l'histoire de la philosophie de l'Inde (Materials for a history of Indian philosophy) Part I. pp. 55 ff., from which I translate the following observations on the " influence exercised by the Kshatriyas on the primitive development of the doctrine of the atman."
"A priori, it is very probable that in India philosophical speculations did not originate in the sacerdotal caste, or, at least, were sure, at first, not to meet with much favour among its members.
"When a religious system is established, as Brahmanism was towards the end of the Vedic period, and especially when that system comprises a multitude of rites, the knowledge and practice of which form the appanage of a class which makes it its hereditary profession and property, the priests of which that class is composed have an interest of the first order in constituting themselves the vigilant and perpetual guardians of orthodoxy. It was thus that in Judea the doctrine of Christ found among the priests and the doctors of the law its fiercest and most persevering adversaries. And without going out of India, we have in Buddhism, the founder of which, S& kya Muni, was sprung from the caste of the Kshatriyas, the example of a new religion or philosophy originating outside of the sacerdotal caste, with which the latter soon entered into open hostility. The
See also the same author's History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature, pp. 80 and 421 ff,
[NOVEMBER, 1879.
doctrine of the Upanishads, from which the orthodox systems of philosophy, and more especially Vedantism, issued, never,-at least if we may judge from the documents which we possess,entered into pronounced hostility with the primitive Brahmanism. But if the latter incorporated it at an early period into its system, and liked better to adopt it than to combat it, it is not the less presumable that it was neither the initiator nor the early promoter of it. And this is not a mere presumption based upon simple analogies. In reference to the preponderating part played by the Kshatriyas in the propagation of the doctrine of the dtman, the ancient Upanishads furnish us with indications too explicit to make it possible for us not to take them into serious consideration. and not readily to see in them a movement of ideas inaugurated without the Brahmans, and perhaps in spite of them.
I may mention that the author of this book on the Upanishads, M. Regnaud, has been appointed Professor or
"I proceed to adduce the different texts which authorize these conjectures, while I draw attention to the circumstance that the proof which they furnish is the stronger, and their authenticity is the less assailable, that the Brâhmans had every interest to suppress them, if the thing had been possible, when they had admitted, and attached to the Vedas, the new philosophy."
The texts referred to are then adduced.* J. MUIR.
Über die MAGAVYAKTI des Krishnadása Miçra. Von A. Weber. (Berlin: 1879.)
By way of relaxation from the drudgery and toil which his forthcoming enlarged edition of Håla entails upon him, Professor A. Weber has been investigating the history of the origin of the Maga or Sakadvipiya Brahmans, on the basis of a Sanskrit tract on the subject, the Magavyakti. After a critical examination of previous notices of the Maga clan of Brahmans to be found in European writers, but more especially in the Bhavishya Purána and in Varåha Mihira's Brihat Samhita, he fully discusses the bearing of those accounts on the history of the Parsi settlements in Western India, as well as various collateral questions connected with the religious and literary history of the Hindus, and gives in conclusion the text of the Magavyakti in Roman characters. The whole essay is so interesting and so suggestive of further research that we venture to express a hope that some competent scholar may be induced to make it accessible to a wider circle of readers by means of an English translation. R. R.
Lecturer (Maitre des Conférences) at the Faculty of Letters in Lyons; and recently opened the work of that chair by an Address on the Sanskrit language and literature.

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NOTE ON THE MENGALA THOK.
329
NOTE ON THE MENGALA THOK.
BY LIEUT. R. O. TEMPLE, B.S.C., F.R.G.S., Erc. W ITH reference to a newspaper slip, a copy of kamitva Bhagavantar abhivadetva ekamantar
which was printed in this Journal (vol. atthåsi. Ekamantam thitå kho s& devata BhagaVIII. p. 82), purporting to give a translation of a vantam gåthâya ajjhabh&si. well-known Burmese text, there called the Mengla 2. Bahu devå manuss& cha mangalani achinThut, taught in the schools in Burmâ, I would re- tayum Akankhamânå sotthânam. Brohi manmark as follows:
galam uttaman. I have by me a text-book in Burmese, printed 3. Asevana cha bâlânam panditanaficha sevanê by the local Government at Rangoon, for the use of Paja cha pujaniyânâm etam mangalam uttaman. schools, in an issue of 10,000 copies, in A. D. 1867 4. Patirapadesav&so cha pubbe cha katapuñ. (Burmese Era 1237). In this book the Mengala Piata Attasammapanidhi cha eta mangalam Thok forms the first of six texts. It is in PAli, with uttamar. & running commentary or rather translation in 1 5. Bahasachchañ cha sippani cha vinayo cha Burmese after the manner of our Greek and Latin susikkhito Subhâsita cha ya vâchâ etam mangalam "cribs" in England. The text is also the 5th in uttamam.. the late Professor Childers' Khuddaka Patha, which 6. Matâpitu-upatthanat puttadarassa sanis again the first of the fifteen divisions of the gabo Ankkula cha kammantâ etam mangalam Khuddaka Nikdya and immediately precedes the Dhammapada." Prof. Childers's text is taken 7. Danas cha dhammachariya cha natakánast from the Singhalese version, and does not mate- cha sangaho Anavajjani kammâni etam mangalam rially differ from the Burmese, and where it does
uttamam. differ, one may be pretty sure that the Singhalese 8. Årati virati p&p& majjapâna cha safifiamo Apversion is the correct one.
pamado cha dhammesu etam mangalam uttamam. I have therefore here taken the liberty of tran. 9. Garavo cha nivåto cha santuţthì cha katanscribing Childers's text and of using his render- fiuta KAlena dhammasavaşam etam mangalam ing of the same. It will be observed to differ uttamam. considerably from that already alluded to (ante, 10. Khanti cha sovachagsata samananañ cha p. 82). That version is in fact the Burmese dassanan Kâlena dhammasákachchha etam man. rendering of the Pâli original, the great power of galam uttamam. which is nearly entirely lost in it.
11. Tapo cha brahmachariyâ cha ariyasachchâna' With regard to the names Mengala Thok and dassanath Nibbanasachchhikiriya cha etam manMengla Thut: these are the same words, as I will galam uttamam. proceed to show. The word in Sanskrit is Mangala- 12. Phutthassa lokadhammehi chittam yassa sútra, which speaks for itself, and in PAli is Mangala- na kampati Asokam virajam khemat etam sutta. In Burmese it is written Mangalasutt or mangalam uttamar. Mangalasut in accordance with the usual law of 13. Etådisani katvana sabbattha-m-aparajita that language, which cuts off the last short terminal Sabbattha sotthim gachchhanti tam tesam man. syllable of imported Pali words. By the laws galam uttaman. of Burmese phonetics this word Mangalasut is Mangalaguttam nitthitam. pronounced Mengala Thók; e as in met, th as in Professor Childers has translated this very thing.
beautiful Satra as follows, and the translation is of The P&litext according to Childers is as follows:
course a good one though somewhat bald. Mangalasutta.
Praise be to the Blessed One, the Holy One, the Namo tassa bhagavato arahato samma sam- Author of all Truth.. buddhassa.
I. Thus I have heard. On a certain day dwelt 1. Evam me sutam. Ekam samayam Bhagava Buddha at Sravasti," at the Jetavana monastery, Så vatthiyam vibarati Jetavane Ankthapiņdikassa in the garden of Anâthapiņdaka. And when the &râme. Atha kho aliñatara devatá abhikkantâya night was far advanced a certain radiant celestial rattiyâ abhikkantavannå kevalakappar Jetavanar being, illuminating the whole of Jetavana, apobh&setva yena Bhagava ten' upasankami upasan- proached the Blessed One and saluted him and
A tradition by the present writer of the 6th of these texta, called the Lokanits, or in Burmese the Lankanfdi, is to be found in the Jour. A. S. Beng. for 1878.
Jour. R. As. Soc. N. S. vol. IV. p. 312. * Childers in his texts always uses c to represent the sound
of our ch. I have however in this transcript reverted to ch to represent it.-R.O.T. • The text has “The Blessed One" (Bhagavd).R.O.T.
Sdvatthi in the text is the Pali pronunciation of the name.-R.O.T.

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stood aside. And standing aside addressed him strong drink, to be diligent in good deeds, this with this verse.
is the greatest blessing. 2. Many gods' and men, yearning after good, 9. Reverence and lowliness and contentment have held divers things to be blessings"; say thou, and gratitude, to receive religious teaching at due what is the greatest blessing.
seasons, this is the greatest blessing. 3. To serve wise men and not serve fools, to 10. To be longsuffering and meek, to associate give honor to whom honor is due, this is the with the priests of Buddha, to hold religious disgreatest blessing.
course at due seasons, this is the greatest blessing. 4. To dwell in a pleasant land, to have done 11. Temperance and chastity, discernment of food deeds in a former existence, to have a soul the four great truths, the prospect of Nirvana, filled with right desires, this is the greatest this is the greatest blessing. blessing
12. The soul of one unshaken by the changes 5. Much knowledge and much science, the dis- of this life, & soul inaccessible to sorrow, passioncipline of a well-trained mind and a word well less, secure, this is the greatest blessing. spoken, this is the greatest blessing.
13. They that do these things are invincible on 6. To sucoour father and mother, to cherish every side, on every side thoy walk in safety, wife and child, to follow a peaceful calling, this is yea theirs is the greatest blessing. the greatest blessing.
The Song of Blessing is finished. 7. To give alms, to live religiously, to give help | A comparison of this powerful text with the to relatives, to do blameless deeds, this is the rendering given it by the Burmese commentators greatest blessing.
as translated ante, p. 82, will show its immense 8. To cease and abstain from sin, to eschew superiority over the latter.20
ON THE PERIPLÚS OF THE ERYTHRAAN SEA.
BY THE LATE M. REINAUD. (Translated from the Mémoires de l'Academie des Inscriptions, tom. XXIV.pt. ii.) The author of the book was a sea captain or com- continent of Africa stretched to the east, and was mercial agent, who is represented to have departed connected with the south-east of Asia, making the from Egypt, and who, after having run along the Erythræan sea a great lake. The author of the western coast of the Red Sea and eastern coast of Periplus arrived at Zanzibar, says distinctly that Africa as far as Zanzibar, the extreme point of from thence the continent bends to the west, and Boman voyages, returns, and coasting the eastern is terminated towards the Atlantic Ocean. Moreside of the Red Sea where the Romans had formed over, as to the unpardonable error of Ptolemy establishments, he passes a second time through who, on leaving the south coast of Persia, seems the Strait of Bab-elmandeb, and coasting the south not to have had a suspicion of the bend which the of Arabia, he enters the Gulf of Persia, and arrives sea makes to the left and then to the right, and at Spasini-Kharax and Obollah. After
who prolongs the Asiatic continent straight to doing business there he sets sail in the direction of the east, the author of the Periplus when he Hormuz; he stops successively at the ports on arrives at Barugaza, does not fail to notify to the the south of Persia; he makes a point in the Valley readers that the coast of the peninsula of India of the Indus, after which, turning southwards, he trends from thence to the south. He even notices visits the ports of Gujarat and Malabar.
the expression by which the natives designate the The author of the Periplás is not a professed southern part of the peninsula among themselves : scholar. But his chief concern being with com- this is the word Dakhinabad, which means in mercial matters, he speaks as an intelligent man Sansksit, the coast of the right hand. Finally, possessed of a clear judgment. Ho treats as they at the end of his narrative, making only one deserved certain absurd geographical theories of nation of the Sêres and Sines or Thines, Ptolemy's. According to one of these theories the which Ptolemy by mistake had made two different
• This latter rendering is a little abridged. I think it is more powerful if given in full :" Approached the Blessed One, and approaching saluted the Blessed One, and stood mide, and standing aside the angel spake to the Blessed One in verse."-R.O.T.
Angela or celestial beings is a better rendering of deva in a Buddhist work.-R.O.T.
Or have devised blessings; achintayuth is a very diffi- L cult word to render.-R.C.T.
• Or tell the greatest blessing.-R.O.T.
10 The rendering referred to seems to be correct enough as applied to the Burmese text or commentary.R.C.T.
i This is an Arab corruption of Apologos custom. house.'-Reinaud, Mém. de l'Acad. des ins., tom. XXIV. pt. ii. p. 213; and see ante p. 187.-ED. $ 18, ante p. 129.
950, ante p. 148. i bid. and Reinaud, Introduction à la gdographie d'A. boulféda, p. 192.

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ON THE PERIPLUS OF THE ERYTHRÆAN SEA.
331
peoples, he states positively that the Erythræan sea ended at the country of the Thinai, and that the country of the Thinai was situated beyond that
sea.
On the other hand, there are two or three places from which the author appears not to have known Ptolemy's work. At the time of the Periplús as in Ptolemy's, the Roman and Persian ships had not yet doubled cape Comorin. Arrived here, the author neglects to mention a point on the Coromandel coast (Acehprov), from which Ptolemy (VII. i. 15) says the native seamen were in the habit of sailing eastwards to reach Malaka. This deserves attention.
Ptolemy says that in his time, when ships had arrived near the mouth of the Mesolus (Krishna), they make sail for the Aurea Chersonesus, i.e. the peninsula of Malaka. Rennel (Desc. Hind) placed the point which Ptolemy indicates at Cape Gordeware, a little north of the mouth of the Godavari.
Be this how it may, we should not forget that from Egypt to the extremity of the Malabar coast, the indications of the Periplus are precise and deserving consideration. In this respect the Periplús is infinitely superior to the Greek poem of Dionysius Periegetes, who, though he asserts it, was never beyond his own country, and in what he states merely echoes what he had read or heard Not only does the Periplas acquaint us with the natural products of each country, but even with the configuration of the coasts, the articles of commerce peculiar to each locality, and the government which prevailed. What a difference between Ptolemy, who with all his knowledge was only a student, and the author of the Periplus, who speaks of what he had seen! The Periplus is a mine of information of all sorts, which it is desirable to elucidate.
Unfortunately the author is nowhere named. Moreover, there is not in the book a date, a name, or an event, that will help us to indicate the man, his name, or country. Mention indeed is made of local kings, and it is of much importance that each individual should be relegated to his proper place. It is equally desirable that the geographical facts should be examined and arranged. But such has hitherto been the poverty of our knowledge for the age and country that all attempts have been unavailing. Contemporary works which might have thrown light on this
matter have not come down to us; add to this, that the author was not a professional writer, and that sometimes his style wants precision. Some passages in the book are susceptible of various interpretations.
Salmasius, Dr. Vincent and Mannert have referred the Periplús to the time of Nero, or even of Claudius. Dodwell placed it under the reigns of Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus about 162 A.D., and cited in support of his opinion the word autokpárop (emperor), which is employed in the plural. It was under these two princes, indeed, that Rome for the first time was under two emperors at once. This circumstance has led some scholars to attribute the work to Arrian, the author of the Periplus Ponti Euxini. But the most competent have recognised no affinity of style between the Periplus of the Erythræan Sea and that of the Pontus-Euxinus. The illustrious Letronne, a good judge in such matters, brings down the composition of the former to the early part of the 3rd century, under the reigns of Septimus, Severus and Caracalla. He says: "its diction certainly belongs to a later epoch, and every one with any experience in distinguishing styles will allow that that epoch cannot be previous to the time of Septimus Severus." Finally, the celebrated Fréret, struck by the discordances already referred to, thought that the compilation of the Periplus belonged to the first century of our era, but that it had been retouched at a later date so as to bring it into accord with later occurrences.
M. Charles Müller, who in 1855 re-examined the question, but does not seem to have known of the memoir of Letronne, or the opinion of Fréret, admits only a compilation at one time, and decides for the reign of Titus about the year 80 A.D. For myself I do not absolutely reject the opinion of Fréret; but I place the final reduction of the Periplús of the Erythroan Sea in the year 246 or 247 of our era under the reign of the emperor Philip and his son. The book appears to me to have been composed by, or at least edited on the account of one Firmus, who at that time held a great place in oriental commerce, and who, a few years later, set up pretensions to the title of emperor. Firmus, born in Syria, had selected Egypt as the centre of his operations, and being the master of considerable fleets, he had relations (as may be seen in my Mémoire sur l'empire romain), with the coasts of the Red Sea, the
964, ante p. 150. • See the remark of Spartianus, notice of Lucius Verus in the Historia Augusta.
Mémoires de l'Academie des inscriptions, tom. IX. p. 174.
Fréret expresses himself thus : "Le Périple de la mer Erythrée est un compilation où l'on trouve des choses re
latives à des temps différents." (See the old collection of Mémoires de l'Académie des inscriptions, t. XXI. p. 62.)
• Möller's Geograph. Graco Minores, vol. I. introd. p. xcvi. seqq. and Ind. Ant. vol. VIII. p. 108.
10 Philip and his son reigned from 244 to 249. For the coins in which their names are joined, see Eckhel, Doctrina mammorum, tom. VII. p. 320 segg.

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Persian Gulf and the peninsula of India." The Periplús could not have been compiled from a single voyage; indeed, at that period, the ships were committed to the monsoon, and did not approach the coast except where they had to receive or deliver goods. Now, here, the narrator proceeds from one port to another without seeming to quit the coast. For this it would be necessary that a ship should be under his orders, as might no doubt be done for a political personage, but this is not natural. In attributing the compilation of the Periplús to the agent of a company, it is clear that this agent might have seen a number of the places himself, and that, for the rest, he was aided by notes supplied by his colleagues. On the whole, I am in accord with Dodwell, in taking the expression emperors in the plural. Doubtless some scholars have remarked that this circumstance is no, a sufficient argument, and that the word emperors might designate emperors in general; the remark is just; but as we shall see this is not the only argument.19
The vessels sailed from Myos Hormos, a port in the same latitude with Koptos and Thebes, and it was from these two cities that the merchandise of eastern Asia descended the Nile to Alexandria, by the same route that the commerce of Europe was conveyed to the shores of the Red Sea. A road, of which traces are still found, led from the Red Sea to the Nile. All that in Egypt related to the navigation of the eastern seas, formed a special administration entrusted to the direction of the functionary charged with the administration of Upper Egypt.18 None but ships of small draught went up as far as the present town of Suez.
This state of things rose from the dangers presented by the navigation of the sea towards the north, which has only been changed in these latter times from the application of steam to navigation. An Arab writer in the first half of the tenth century of our era says: "Vessels from the Persian Gulf which enter the Red Sea stop at Jedda. They dare not advance beyond that, because of the difficulties of the navigation and the great number of rocks which rise from the water. Add to this,
11 Vopiscus, Historia Augusta, on Firmus.
13 M. Vivien de Saint Martin in Le nord de l'Afrique dans l'antiquité grecque et romaine, strongly supports the opinion of M. Ch. Müller, For the western shore of the Red Sea and the coast of Zanzibar, he has compared (pp. 195 ff.), the account of Ptolemy and that of the Periplus, and is taken with the idea that Ptolemy is not only later than the author of the Periplús, but that when writing he had it under his eye. Now the statement of the Periplus is almost from beginning to end a rectification of that of Ptolemy. At least if Ptolemy has jumbled matters we must admit that this illustrious geometer, who appears never to have left his country, had only defective information at command, and that the author of the Periplus, coming after him, in respect to the memoir of his pre
[DECEMBER, 1879.
that on the coasts there is neither government nor inhabited places. A ship that sails in this sea requires to seek every night for a place of refuge for fear of being dashed against the rocks; it proceeds by day but stops by night. This sea indeed is foggy and liable to disagreeable exhalations. Nothing good is found at the bottom of this sea nor at its surface."
In the time of Pliny the naturalist, the Roman vessels did not come even so far as Myos Hormos, but stopped to the south of it at Berenikê under the tropic of Cancer and almost in the latitude of Syene.15 A special road placed this port in communication with the Nile valley. Why this difference? We know that in the third century of our era the barbarous populations called Ble myes pressed Egypt on the south and threatened the security of the caravans.16 This was probably the cause of the change.
The ship took a southern course. Under Augustus, Abyssinia was subject to a queen who lived in the interior, in the district called the Isle of Meroe. In the 3rd century the capital had been removed near the coast to Axum, a few marches from the sea, and having Adulis, a place much frequented, for its port. At the time of the arrival of the ship at A dulis, the country was under a native prince, who is called Zorkáns and who like most barbaric princes of that age was initiated in Greek letters. It is this prince's name which serves as M. Charles Müller's chief argument for placing the Periplús about the year 80 of our era.
The Ethiopien chronicles, properly speaking, do not commence till after the 10th century. For the preceding periods we have only lists of the names of kings, which do not always agree among themselves. These lists were published by Salt in 1816," and reproduced with more exactitude in 1853 by Dillmann, a German orientalist.18 Ordinarily the names of persons are preceded by the letters za, of which the meaning is not known. Now on the authority of Salt, Müller remarks that under a date corresponding to a little before 80 A.D. there was a king called Hêglê, and he does not hesitate to recognize in this the name of
decessor, profited by his position to supply so far what was still wanting: thus the reputations of both are saved (see below, p. 377).
13 Recueil des inscriptions grecques et latines de l'Egypt, par Letronne, t, II. p. 35. He was Στρατηγὸς τῆς ̓ινδικῆς καὶ Ἐρυθρᾶς θαλάσσης,
1 Relations des voyages des Arabes et des Persans dans l'Inde et la Chine, tom. I. p. 142.
15 Plin. Hist. Nat. lib. VI. c. xxvi..
18 See the observations of Letronne, Mém. de l'Acad. des inscr. tom. IX. p. 156; tom. X. pp. 185 seqq.
17 Salt, Abyssinia, pp. 460 ff.; conf. also Ind. Ant. vol. VII. p. 235.
18 Journal of the German Oriental Soc. vol. VII. p. 338.

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Zôskalês. But, for my part, I find in the same lists, under a date corresponding to the years 246 and 247 A.D., a prince of the name of S&gal or As gal-in which the form approaches satisfactorily to the Greek one.
The ship after sailing as far as Zanzibar returns to the head of the Red Sea, and stops on the Arabian coast at Leukê Kômê or the white village.' The text states that from Leukê Kômê a road led directly to the city of Petra.20 The vast commerce of Petra was mostly carried by camels, but it also received by sea and exported by the same some of its traffic, and Leukê Kômê served it as an entrepôt in its relations with: Arabia Felix, Abyssinia, India, &c. M. Müller thinks, with reason I believe, that Le u kê Kômê corresponds with the place called A 1-Hauara. But I may not stop at this; my attention is specially directed to two circumstances mentioned in the text, viz., that the city of Petra was then subject to Malik ha, king of the Nabat hæans, and that the Roman Government maintained an agent at Leukê Kômê charged with superintending the customs on the merchandise, as well as a centurion and company of soldiers."1
In Arabic malek is king,' and serves as a proper name also. Exactly in the 3rd century history presents us with persons of the name of Malek among the Arabs. Is it used here as a name or a title? Unfortunately the Arab genealogies afford us nothing more precise. M. Müller observes, with reason, that in the year 80 the kingdom of Petra still subsisted, but was overthrown some years later by Trajan. However, nothing opposes our believing that under the emperor Philip the Roman Government was confined in these parts, to the possession of the maritime places most accessible and where the Roman vessels put in, and that it had abandoned the interior to an Arab Sheikh. This is what the Arab writers say of the Gassanite" princes of whom some had embraced Christianity, and which agrees with Roman numismatology. Among the Roman medals struck at Petra, we possess pieces of Adrian, Marcus Aurelius, Septimus Severus and his children; but there are none for the epoch now under consideration. Let us hope that the inscriptions in Sinaitic characters which have lately been discovered on the route from Petra
10 This is El-Segel in Salt's list, and who is there placed in A.D. 275 and 276; Dillmann's dates are more exact.-ED. 30 Mém. sur le royaume de la Mésène et de la Kharacène in Mém. de l'Inst. tom. XXIV. pt. ii. p. 189, also Jour. Asiatique, Vième Ser. tom. XVIII. pp. 197, 198, 217.
1 The interpretation of Letronne (Mém. de l'Acad. des inscrip. &c. t. IX, p. 175) is preferable to that of Müller. Letronne's opinion had been already held by Dr. Vincent. sa Caussin de Perceval, Histoire des Arabes, t. II. pp. 199-222.
333
to the Hauran and Palmyra may throw light on this matter.
When the voyage was made along the coast to the cast and south, all Arabia Felix on this side and beyond the Strait of Babelmandeb formed one vast state under the King Kharibaêl. This kingdom appears to have been bordered on the north only by half-savage peoples addicted to violence and piracy; but on the south-east it was limited by the possessions of a prince called Eleazos. The author of the Periplús adds that Kharibaêl took special care to cultivate the friendship of the emperors, and to this end sent them frequent deputations and rich presents. No writer, Greek or Arab, mentions the name of Kharibaê 1, but it is met with in certain inscriptions in the Himyaritic character and language recently discovered. Now we know that in the 3rd, 4th and 5th centuries the Himyarites, called Homêrites by the Greeks, formed a powerful state. Certain of its princes had embraced Judaism; and the Jews were always numerous in the country. Among the inscriptions is one dated 573 and another 640. These dates have proved an enigma to scholars. The facts known and the presence of the Jews in the country indicate that the Seleukidan era only can be used, adopted by all the Jewish communities under the style of the era of the contracts. This gives us for 573 the year 261 A. D., and for 640, 323 A. D., which fall within the limits established for the date of the composition of the Periplús.
Among the towns which Kharibaêl possessed on the southern coast of Arabia the Periplus mentions one called Arabia Felix." Situated at the entry of the Gulf of Arabia it necessarily corresponds to the modern 'Aden (1). The fact is that Aden by its situation and the strength of its position has always been a place of considerable importance. Now the author of the Periplús says that, after the discovery of the monsoons, it was at Arabia Felix that the Arab, Indian and Malay ships bearing the rich products of eastern Asia arrived, and that thither the ships from Egypt came to load. When the fleets from Egypt came to sail directly for the western coast of peninsular India the importance of Arabia Felix diminished; it was however a place of frequent call; but in the
23 See Eckhel, Doctrina, t. III. p. 503; Mionnet Descr. des médailles antiques, t. V. p. 58, and Suppl. t. VIII.p.387.
Bios TWV AUTOкpaтópov.-Perip. § 23, ante p. 130.. 25 Memoir of M. Fresnel in the Jour. Asist. for Sept. 1845 pp. 169 ff. See also the Memoir of M. Osiander in the Journal of the German Oriental Society, 1856, vol. X. pp. 59 ff.
20 M. Reinaud's Mémoire on Mésène and Kharacène, Mém. de l'Inst. tom. XXIV. pt. ii. p. 202.
27 Εὐδαίμων ̓Αραβία. § 26, ante p. 132.

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time of the author of the Periplus the town had recently been destroyed by a Roman emperor which he simply designates as Caesar.as We know that the title of Caesar was applied in a special way to the first twelve emperors, some because they belonged to the family of Julius Caesar, and others because their family was originally of Rome. Scholars who refer the composition of the Periplús to the first century have found a confirmation of their opinion in this. But after the first twelve emperors, the Romans continued to give their princes the title of Caesar: frequently they were called by no other name. It is by this word only that the younger Pliny designates Trajan in his Panegyric. The title of Caesar to designate the Roman and Byzantine emperors was spread to the remotest east, and is found in Syriac, Arab, Persian, Turkish, and even Chinese writers. As to the destruction of Arabia Felix by the Romans the matter is very simple. The Romans had a lucrative commerce in the eastern seas, and it led from time to time to conflicts; perhaps Arabia Felix had given refuge to pirates. The prince who destroyed Arabia Felix was probably Septimus Severus."0
Now we come to a fact decisive for the date I assign to the composition of the Periplds. The ship in pursuing its course to the south of Arabia delays, a little before entering the Persian Gulf, at a port defended by a Persian guard. In 246 Persia was under the rule of Sa por I. The existence of a Persian guard on the south coast of Arabia naturally applies to time when the Persians held Bahrein and all the borders of the Persian Gulf. Till about the year 225 A.D., that is, until the fall of the kingdom of Mosene, the Persian kings had neither maritime commerce nor fleet. Why and how had they established a port in a country so distant ?
Leaving this, the ship, entering the Persian Gulf, sails to Spasini-Kharax and moors at the quay of Obollah." This city which the author takes care to say was a place of Persian commerce, is indicated under the Greek form of Apologos. It is the first occasion on which the name occurs. It is not found in Ptolemy,--a fresh proof that the work of Ptolemy is long anterior to the Peri
3. Kaioap.
* The word Caesar is found in Syrie writers of the age of the Periplas (see Acta Martyr. Pers. by Asseman, t. I., passim). For the Chinese testimonies, see the memoir of M. Pauthier on the authenticity of the inscription of Singan-fa, Paris, 1857, p. 82. The Chinese form is Kai-sa. It may be noted that in Greek the word Kaioap is preoed. od by the article.
30 In fact it is said by Eutropius (lib. viii. c. 18) that Septimus Severus conquered Arabia and reduced it to a Roman province. See also Aurelius Victor, De Caesaribus. Septimus Severus moreover was favoured with special titles from the eastern provinces (see Amédée Thierry, Tableau de l'empire romain, Paris, 1862, p. 170). I
plds. Shall we say that if Ptolemy does not menttion this town, it is from sheer forgetfulness? Ptolemy does not forget things of the kind.
Next the ship sets sail to the south by the coast of Persia, and proceeds towards the mouths of the Indus. After 6 days' sail it anchors at a place called Omana, which was then the rendezvous of traders from India, O bollah, the south coast of Arabia, and the Red Sea. It next reached
place on the coast which was independent of Persia, and was called Oraia. It was situated on abay from the middle of which a promontory ran out, near the mouth of a navigable river; at a distance of seves arches into the interior was a city where the kir.g of the country resided. C. Müller places Oman on the south coast of Persia near the town of Tiz; Oræa he places in the country of the Oritos. O mana, it seems to me, should be placed at the entrance of the Persian Gulf in the neighbourhood of Ormus. The name of Ormus is of great antiquity, and though the city many times changed, its position at the entry of the Persian gull necessarily preserved its importance. A Persian writer mentions that Ardeshir on mounting the throne set himself to restore the town. His successors followed his example. It appears to me then that the ship, needing to revictual, or rather having goods to ship or to discharge, could not help visiting this place. As for the name oman it was applied here to Kerman and to the whole coast of the Persian kingdom washed by the Indian Ocean. Whence came this? Was it from the name of the country forming the south-east of the Arabian peninsula? What is certain is that the author of the Arabic dictionary of Geography called M &rasid, speaking of the town of Tiz, says it was situated in the face of Oman.
The country to which the Periplas given the name of Parsidai, and which formed a separate state, appears to correspond to Makran of the Arabs and the Gedrosia of the ancients. This is now included in Beluchistan. I place the bay of which the author speaks, and which he calls Terabdon at the place now called Guetter. This is not far from the town of Kej, the chief town of the province of Makran. A consider
31 AMX non tîs llepoídos, see $ 83, ante p. 186. 83 & 85, ante p. 137.
33 Mém. de l'Acad. des inscrip. tom. XXIV. pt. ii. pp. 199 ff.
** Quatremère remarks that the name of Obollah is mentioned in the Arabio work on Nabathean Agriculture. This is an additional proof that the composition of that treatiso does not belong to a very early period. Jour. Asiat. févr. 1861, p. 158.
35 $$ 36, 37, ante p. 138. * Silvestre de Sacy. Transl. of Mirkhond, pp. 277, 293. » See Juynboll's ed. tom. I. p. 222; also below, next page.
Horsburg, Sailing Directions.

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335
able river for so arid a country falls into the bay : it is the Bhegvor or Bhug wur, on the left bank of which stands Kej.
It may be objected here that the Periplus asserts that the Parsidai were independent of Persia, and separated Persia from India. Our most trustworthy authorities aver that, if, during the rule of the Arsacidæ, Persia was divided into principalities and fiefs, the policy of Ardeshir was, on the contrary, to re-unite the separate branches into one stock, and restore the glorious times of the Akhæmenian kings. Is it unnatural to refer what is said in the text to what prevailed under the Arsacidan kings, and consequently before the fall of Mêsêne P
The coasts of the country known under the general name of Beluchistan have always been barren and unhealthy. In early times, ships when they were unable to quit the coast nor avoid passing the nights in bays and creeks, the navigation gave a certain activity to these inhospitable parts. But the discovery of the monsoon gave the first blow to this unhappy country. The advance of navigation increased the evil. For the time preceding the use of the monsoon we have the account of Nearkhus; for times a little later we have the relation of the biography of Apollonius of Tyana when he returned from his visit to India.39
Herodotus tells us that Darius Hystas- pes subjugated the whole valley of the Indus; this leads us to believe that he also occupied the coast of Gedrosia. But it is only necessary to read the account of Nearkhus to show that this occupation could not have been complete ; and that it possessed no interest for the Persian government except with a view to maritime commerce more or less active at that date. It was the same at a later date with the Arabs, when they had conquered Persia and the Indus valley. The populations of the interior were cantoned in the mountains, those of the coast were left almost to themselves."
History tells us that the condition of Beluchistan under the rule of the Sassanidæ was almost the same, and that, if, for a time, the country was re-conquered, it was rather as a matter of boast than with a view to actual occupation. It is enough to cite three instances which seem to me decisive.
About 435 A.D. the Sassanian King Bahram 5. Philostrati Opera (ed. Didot, p. 70), Vit. Apoll. Tyan. lib. iii. c. 53 seqq.
0 Pliny says (lib. vi. c. 26) that the rule of Persia under the Akhæmenians did not extend to Gedrosis.
" See the Arabic work of Alestakhry, autograph text by M. Moeller, pp. 71 ff.
Nikbi, Recueil des notices et extraits, t. II. p. 836. - Silvestre de Sacy's text p. 246, and translation p. 872,
Gor, seized with a desire for travel, visited India, and there, say oriental writers, he received from the king of India his daughter in marriage, and the district here under discussion. These districts then did not belong to Persia. A century later, about 560 A.D., the king Khosrd-Nushirwan, who raised the government to great splendour, and who had a complaint of certain acts of piracy committed by Indian shipe, caused these same provinces to be restored to him. Finally, a century after, about 640, the same districts according to the decisive testimony of Hiwen Thsang, were under the rule of an Indian prince.
Mirkhond relates that Nushirwan having despatched an army against the king of India, the Indian Prince sent deputies to him with presents, and that to obtain peace he gave up the countries situated on the borders of Oman, which touch on the frontiers of Persia, that is the modern Beluchistan.
We have less difficulty in understanding the influence exercised by India over the eastern provinces of Persia, when we consider the religions of these countries. When Darius, son of Hystaspes, conquered these provinces, the worship of the inhabitants was probably a mixture of the Zoroastrian and Brahmanical cults, which were not then so settled as they were later. Under Asoka about 210 B.C. Buddhism was introduced into the country by a teacher from Mathur& called Upagupt a* and made great progress. Then came the doctrines of the Indian Saiva s. If we add to this the worship of the Sun and of the goddess Nanea or Anaïtis, which had also penetrated the whole of the Indus Valley, we see that the inhabitants of eastern Persia belonged at the same time to India and Persia. When Hiwen Thsang passed through the Indus Valley about 640 A.D., in the same towns were professors of Zoroastrianism, Brahmanism, Buddhism, &c.
Now the question is to determine what king of India it was who for most of this time made his authority felt even over Beluchistan P India is a vast country, and, parcelled out as it almost always has been, we cannot imagine orders, issuing from the banks of the Ganges, put in execution in Beluchistan. With Sanskrit writers, however, Beluchistan and the valley of the Indus are not regarded as belonging to India properly speaking. It is evident that according to the author of the Periplús, India proper did not extend beyond the Ganges and Gulf of Khambay. The king in ques
where however he has not rendered it with his usual precision, and this has led V. Saint-Martin (Biographie Universelle, t. XXII. p. 382, ler ed.) into serious error. On the use of the term Oman here seo above, p. 384.
" Conf. Burnouf, Introd. pp. 138, 221, 484 ff. and St. Julien's Relat. des voyages de Hiowen Thsang, t. 418, t. II. p. 171.
" See however Pliny, lib. i. c. 28.

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tion can only be sought for in the Indus Valley, This moreover is what Hiwen Thsang affirmg.
Herodotus informs ug that Darius, the son of Hystaspos, conquered the Indus Valley, and his testimony is confirmed by the cuneiform inscriptions engraved in his reign. But Herodotus is careful to state that his conquest did not extend beyond the valley."? Persian and Arab writers who come later do not speak of Darius, and attribute the conquest of India to a king called Gustasp. They add that Gustasp gave the government of the Indus Valley to one of his grandsons named Bahman surnamed Deraz-D est or Longimanus. During his Government Ba h mi a n founded, in the north of the delta of the Indus, a city which he called Bahman å bad, or city of Bahman, After the death of his grandfather, Bahman returned to Persia, and mounted the throne; but at his death he left the crown to his daughter Humai, in preference to his son Sassan, and the latter retired discontented to B ah ma na bâd where he had a family. From one of his children descended Sassan, the father of Ardeshir, founder of the dynasty of the Sassanian kings.'
Be this as it may, the existence of Bahmanå båd as a city and even as a special seat of government is indisputable. It was found exist- ing by the Arabs in 706 A.D. when they first arrived in the Indus Valley: it was there the king of the country resided. It continued to be the seat even of the government established by the Arabs.60
The names of four or five localities in Beluchistan are mentioned by Hiwan Thsang. It is almost impossible that he should not have mentioned Bahman-Abåd. Now there is a city which he calls the capital of the kingdom of Sindh, which he places exactly in the position of Bahman-Abåd, and which exercised supremacy over Beluchistan.
Can the Chinese and Persian names be brought to coincide P The Chinese name was rendered in 1836 by Abel Rimusat, Klaproth and Landresse as Pi-chen-pho-pu-lo." In 1853 M. Stanislas Julien, in his translation of the life of Hiwen-Thsang." wrote the word Vijanva-pura. He transcribed it in 1859 in his translation of the travels of HiwenThsang as Vichava-pura. Finally in his Méthode pour déchiffer et transcrire les noms sanscrits que se rencontrent dans les livres chinois," he writes Vijambha-pura. In 1853 and 1858, M. Julien accompanied his transcriptions with a note of interrogation; in his later publication he gives the new transcription as definitive.
Now to express the word city the Persians say abad, and the Indians sometimes pura (Gr. móds) and sometimes wagara. Thus the last word need not trouble us, and we take up the first. Now Bahman ends in 1, a letter often suppressed in Chinese; thus for avadana they write po-to. Then Bahma may be rendered as Bahma, Bahpa, Bahba, Bahva, Basva, Vasva, Vasma, &c. In facto and b are employed indifferently. We know also that the Hindus employ indifferently h and s; thus in India they say Hind or Sind; so, to express
seren' the Greeks said 'Enta and the Latins septem. Then in Chinese, while the name of Buddha is written fo, Bengal is written mang-ga-la, and mang-ga-ta. Now in Pi-chen-pho, we have a p in place of b and of o, a ch in place of hors, and a ph in place of m--the whole giving Vas ma pura and Bahmapura.
It is also possible that the natives, in place of pura used nagara, if as I am led to believe the city in question is the same as Minnagara of which Ptolemy and the Periplus speak. Be this as it may, by a curious coincidence, Isidor of Kharax places a town named Minpolis in the neighbourhood of the Indus.
** Rawlinson, Jour. R. As. Soc. vol. X. pp. 280, 291; Oppert, Jour. As. févr. 1852, pp. 141 ff.
47 Bk. III. c. 101, and Bk. IV. c. 44.
45 The Persian writers besides the name of Bahman give him also that of Ardeshir, which has led certain authors to confound him with Artaxorxes Longmanus. Moreover the word Bahman itself is susceptible of the sense of Long-Hand, if as often happens we substitute for h and read bazu (Sans. bahu) in place of bah. See Bohlen De Origine Linguee Zendico e Sanscrita repetenda p. 48. The Peblvi form was Vohumano (Spiegel, Die traditionelle Literatur der Parsen, Vienna, 1860, p. 419). Perhaps Vohamano is equivalent to the Sansk. Vasumanas, a word wbich in the Rig Veda designates an indigenous person.
** Mouradgea D'Oheson, Tableau historique de l'Orient, t. I. p. 355 seqq. t. II. p. 156; see also Reinaud, Frag. arabes et persans inédits sur l'Inde, p. 41.
50 For an account of the revolutions through which Bahman-Åbåd passed, see my Mémoire geographique historique et scientifique sur l'Inde, which appeared in tome XVIII. of the Recueil de l'Académie
[Here follows a digression on the difficulties of identifying names written in Chinese, with reference to Sinibaldo de Mas, La Chine et les puissances chrétiennes t. I. p. 14; t. II. p. 250; M. Pauthier in Jour. As. September 1861,
Literatur der was vodice e Sane
pp. 272 seqq. Léon de Rosny, Essai sur la langue chinoise. On the Mongol alphabetical writing called passt pa from ita inventor: Jour. As. avr. 1860, p. 321 and Jan. 1862, p. 5, and the identification of certain places in the author's Mém. sur l'Inde.-ED.
51 Hist. de la vie de H.-T. pp. 207 ff. 465; Rel. du voy. tom. II. pp. 169 ff.
52 Foe-koue-ki, p. 393. 53 P. 444.
5. Tom. II. p. 170. ** Paris, 1861, p. 92.
* Abad ( 1) ig still used in Persia in the sense of 'a place where there is water,''inhabited place, dwelling.' It is found in Pehlvi under the form afat (Spiegel, Dic. traditionelle Litter. p. 355). It is composed of ab or af, water, and the suffix ad indicating possession, and which exists in Sanskrit ander the forms at and ant. For abad, the Persians use also abdan (ul or place containing water.
67 Sansk.–Saptan, Zend-haftan, Greek-hepta, Ltin---septem, German--sieben, Gothic-sibuan, Lithuanianseptyny, Armenian--eutan (Bopp. Vergleich. Gram. II. P. 29 . A
68 Miy mós-Geog. Gr. Min. tom. I. p. 258.

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But to return to the Periplus: the author says that as the Indus up to Minnagara had not sufficient depth, vessels anchored at a port near the mouth, and that goods were transported to Minnagara on barges. Ptolemy had given to the Indus Valley the name of Ind o-Skuthia, and the author of the Periplús makes use of that term, but adds that it was then under the rule of Parthian chiefs, continually at war with one another."
Whence came the name Indo-Skuthia? It is true the Latin authors did not adopt it, and Dionysius Periegetes, who flourished towards the end of the first century, did not know it.
After the time of Asoka, the Greek generals who had raised the standard of independence in B a ktria crossed the Hindu Khush, and established their authority throughout the valley of the Indus; their power extended to the Ganges on the east and to the Gulf of Khambay on the south-east.00
The authority of the Greek kings of Baktria continued for more than a century. We know in a general way that their rule was not without its glory. We know also that while they made the Greek name respected, as is proved by their coins, they made concessions to the prejudices of the natives. For example, I am led to believe that the king Menander, whose beautiful coins the author of the Periplús found still in circulation in the commercial cities of India, had embraced Buddhism. In fact, Plutarch says that this prince made himself so beloved by the natives that at bis death the people disputed among themselves for his ashes, a circumstance which had taken place some centuries before for the body of Buddha, and which could not occur but with relation to a Buddhist and on the part of Buddhists. I suppose also that Menander is the same as king Milinda, who has left a memory well known to the Buddists of Ceylon. Unfortunately these countries were too far off for the Greek historians to know of what passed in them, or what the Greek writers did say has been lost.
About 130 B. c. Phraates, king of the Parthians, meeting with great difficulties in his strife with the kings of Syria, appealed to the populations to whom the Greek writers give the name of Skuthes, and who, driven from their native country on the borders of China, had established themselves on the banks of the Oxus. These barbarians becoming embroiled with the Parthians
Periplus, § 38, ante pp. 138, 139.
eo Strabo, lib. XI. a. xí
§ 47, ante p. 143.
Plut. Præcepta gerendæ republica (ed. Didot, tom. II., p. 1002).
Spence Hardy, Manual of Buddhism, p. 512. Lassen and Weber made the first approaches to these conjectures.
337
turned to the east and seized upon Baktria." Then after a time they left, in their turn, the Hindu Khush, and occupied all the countries that had been conquered by the Greeks from Kashmir to the sea, from Afghanistan to the Ganges and the gulf of Khambay. This is how the Indus Valley received from Ptolemy the name of Indo-Skuthia.
Coins of the Indo-Skuthian kings have come down to us; but we know nothing of their history, and but for the Chinese annals their occupation of the Indus Valley would have been to us a mystery. It is necessary to know that the policy of the Chinese government has always been to keep itself acquainted with the concerns of the various populations that dwell near the frontiers of the Celestial Empire, for the purpose of corrupting and setting the one against the other. It is only in this way that the Chinese empire has been able to maintain itself so long. Scarcely had the populations now in question quitted their country when spies were sent after them to observe their movements. This explains how the Chinese annals are so rich in historical and geographical notices of the countries at all times shut out from European nations. Deguignes, Abel Rémusat, and Klaproth have specially noticed that important chapter of the Chinese Chronicles.
I cannot deal with the rule of the Skuthian kings in the Indus Valley without departing from my plan. I limit myself to a single fact; but that is a capital one, for the question at issue, and it alone is sufficient to prove that the Periplús had no other date than that which I have assigned to it. I have said that the Periplus was written, or at least received its last form, in the year 246 or 247 A.D., and that at the time of the compilation the Skuthians had been driven out by the warlike Parthians. Now the Chinese annals say that the rule of the S kuths in the Indus Valley continued till the time of the Han dynasty, which ruled from 221 to 263 of our era. Could we look for a more perfect agreement? James Prinsep, under the supposition that the occupation of the Indus Valley took place in 26 в.c., concludes that this occupation lasted 248 years, M. Vivien de Saint-Martin, by placing the compilation of the Periplús with Letronne in the last years of the second century, destroys their authority. In his Mémoire (1858) he goes further, and although continuing to insist on the import
66
Strabo, lib. XI. c. viii.
es The most extended notices are by Pauthier in the Jour. As. Soc. Beng. vol. VI. (1837) Jan. and a dissertation published in 1849 by M. Vivien de Saint-Martin in the Annales des voyages, under the title of Les Huns blancs ou Ephthalites.
65 Jour. A. 8. Ben, vol. VI. p. 63.

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ance of the Chinese teatimony, he forgets what he had said, and with M. Charles Müller he places the compilation of the Periplus about the year 80 A.D.
The Greek writer says that in his time the Indus Valley was under the power of the Parthians, continually at war among themselves. In fact he does not refer here to a conquest by the Arsacidan king-a conquest of which there is not a trace anywhere, but to an enterprise on the part of refugees and isolated individuals. The Persian writers affirm that Artaban, the last Arsacidan king, had four sons, and that after his death two of his sons, and especially the eldest, who was also called Bahman, took refuge in the Indus Valley. Could we have a more satis. factory concurrence of testimony P
The Periplús allows a vast area to Indo. Skuthia, and one is tempted to imagine that really the Parthian refugees had subjugated it entirely. Beginning from Kashmir and stopping only at the sea, it embraces not only the provinces conquered by Alexander, and where, he says, traces of the passage of the Macedonians were still seen, but the adjoining coqntries to the Ganges and Gulf of Khambay. Among the populations he names are the Aratri, ArakhoBians, Gandharians, and the province of Peukblaïs, where Alexander founded Bouk - phala. In the time of Ptolemy, the capital of this vast state was the city of Minnagara on the banks of the Indus not far from the sea.
Minnagara is a contracted form of Bahmanagara, which clears away all difficulties,-the Bahmana near Tatta, the latter being locally known as Nagar. The occupation of the Indus Valley by the Parthians does not seem to have lasted long. Be this as it may, it may explain the occurrence of a class of Arsacidan coins with both Persian and Indian characters.no
The chapter on India in Strabo is very defective. This he felt himself, for be complains of the want of trustworthy information." In Pliny's time there were more sources; he had also collected a large number of names of people and places. Proudly he exclaims: "Quæ omnia gentium portuumve aut oppidorum nomina apud neminem priorum reperiuntur." But most of his names are altered, and the place assigned to them is so vague that it is impossible to recognise it. Pliny is said to have used the map of Agrippa which had been prepared in the portico of that name; but for countries beyond the empire what value could a map have, prepared from the statements of men unverged in geography, and without the aid of geometry and astronomy P
The Periplus could not avoid speaking of the monsoon. It mentions the wind of Hippalos, BO called from the name of the Roman who first remarked its periodical recurrence. Pliny the Nturalist speaks of him as having lived shortly before his time. The author of the Periples speaks of him as early
MISCELLANEA. YETRICAL VERSIONS FROM THE
THE SAME. MAHABHARATA.
Mahabharata, xiii. 4896 ; v. 1266. BY JOHN MUIR, D.C.L., LL.D., &c.
The tongue discharges shafts of speech, (Continued from p. 321.)
Which cut and torture those they reach.
Thoy light on none but tender parts, THE LASTING PAIN INFLICTED BY HARSH WORDS.
They burn men's vitals, bones, and hearts : Mahdbharata, xiii. 9787f. = v. 1172f.
Let none shoot forth those cruel darts. The wound a foeman's trenchant steel
PRAISE OP A DUTIPUL WIPE. Inflicts, in time again will heal;
Paraphrased from the Mahabharata, i. 3027ff. The tree a woodman's axe o'erthrows
That dame deserves the name of wife Soon sprouts again, and freshly grows;
Whose husband is her breath of life, But never more those wounds are closed
Who on him ever fondly dotes, Which harsh and cutting words have caused. To him her being all devotes ; The shafts men's flesh which pierce and gall - Who, versed in all indoor affairs, A leech's skill draws out them all;
Her lord relieves of household cares, No power extracts the sharp word-dart,
Who fills his house, a mother proud, Which rankles, bedded in the heart.
With children bright, a merry crowd. o 'Yo llápow, and not as supposed Und Tây Tápan * This paper is somewhat abridged version of the with the article.
second half of s long Essay by M. Reinand, the first draft - Tableau historique de l'Orient, Mouradges d'Ohsson, of which appeared in the Jour. Asiatique, Vième Ser. tom. t. II. p. 158 seqg; Shah Nameh, Calc. ed. vol. III. p. 1884ff. XVIII. (1861), pp. 223--362. It is intended to supplement
* Jour. Ger. Or. 8oc: "1861, p. 696. Conf. Barneo's Mr. McCrindle's version of the Periphs, ante, pp.1078.D. account and Pottinger's vol. II. p. 189.
1 These lines have been partially and differently versi. 10 Prionep's Essays, vol. I. p. 402, Ariana.
fied in Ind. Ant. vol. III. p. 941, and my Religious and +1 Strab. lib. XV. ad init.
Moral Sentiments metrically rendered from Sanskrit Pliny, lib. VI. c. uri.
writers, p. 65.

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MISCELLANEA.
389
Men find their spouses' love and skill . The surest cure for every ill. The luckless wight who lacks a wife, And leads a doleful single life, Should leave his home, and lonely dwell In some secluded forest dell, And there should spend his days and nights In fasting, penance, painful rites, For now, without a helpmate dear, His house is but a desert drear. Who then would live without a wife His house's joy and light and life P With her the poorest hut will please, And want and toil be borne with ease. Without her, spacious gilded halls Possess no charm, -all splendour palls.
SACRIFICE. IS EVERYTHING.
Mahdbharata, xii. 2320. A man of wicked life, a thief, Of sinners, yea, the very chief, - Is reckoned good, if so he bring The gods a fitting offering.
A wife is half the man,--transcends In value far all other friends. She overy earthly blessing bringe, And even redemption from her springs. The men possessed of virtuous wives Can lead at home religious lives. They need not to the woods repair, And merit seek through hardships there." A happy, joyful life they lead ; Their undertakings all succeed.
In lonely hours, companions bright,These charming women give delight; Like fathers wise, in duty tried, To virtuous acts they prompt and guide. Whene'er we suffer pain and grief, Like mothers kind, they bring relief." The weary man whom toils oppress, When travelling through life's wilderness, Finds in his spouse a place of rest, And there abides, refreshed and blest. When men at length this life forsake And other forms of being take, Then, too, do faithful wives purgue Their husbands all their wanderings through, The wife who first departs, awaits Her lord's approach at Hades' gates; When he dies first, the faithful wife, To join her spouse, resigns her life.
THE SAME. Mahabharata, xii. 5503ff. Her husband's chiefest treasure, friend, And comrade to his journey's end, - A wife in duty aids her lord, With gold she helps to swell his hoard; Assists in all his hours of joy, And seeks to spare him all annoy. A spouse devoted, tender, kind, Bears all her husband's wants in mind, Consults his ease, his wishes meets, With smiles his advent ever greets. He knows, when forced abroad to roam, That all is safe, with her at home. In doubt, in fear, in want, in grief, He turns to her, and finds relief. When racked by pain, by sickness worn, By outrage stung, by, anguish torn, Disturbed, perplexed, oppressed, forloru,
THE RESULTS OP YORESIGHT AND COURAGE AND THEIR
CONTRARIES.
Mahdbharata, i. 8404f. The prudent man, alive, awake, To all the turns events may take,The vigorous man, prepared to brave All strokes of fate, however grave, Is never taken by surprise When ills assail and troubles rise. Though laid by rude misfortune low, He does not faint beneath the blow, But, soon recovering strength, is fain To fight life's battle o'er again. His manly spirit nought dismaye, He strives and hopes for better days. But thoughtless men, who never see Th' approach of dire calamityOf yawning ruin never thinkUntil they stand upon its brink, When trouble comes, oppressed and scared For struggling 'gainst it unprepared, Succumb beneath the blows of fate, And rise no more to high estate,
Four stages in the religious life of a BrAhman, viz., those of the student, householder, anchorite, and mendicant, are recognized by Indian writers, and the last are generally regarded as representing an advance in perfec. tion. In one passage, however, at least, of the Mahabhd. rata, rü. 843ff., preference is given to the householder's Life, as more excellent than all the others; and an aban. donment of domestic life is characterized as folly. I have introduced this sentiment here, although it is not expressed in the original of the passage translated. 3"When pain and anguish wring the brow,
A ministering angel thon."-SIR WALTER SCOTT.
A continuation of the verses translated in Religion and Moral Sentiments, No. 64, and Ind. Ant. vol. IV. p. 202, No. 24.
• The word "fate" is used by me here merely in the Sense of calamity.
In these lines the ideas of the original are very much expanded. The following is & Dearly literal translation -
"The wise man is awake before the time of calamity. When it comes upon him he is never distressed. But the thoughtless man, who does not perceive that calamity is near, is distressed when it comes, and does not attain to great prosperity."

Page #384

340
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
BOOK NOTICE.
HINDUISM; by MONIER WILLIAMS, M.A., D.C.L. London, Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge: 1877.
This may be regarded as an abridgment of the author's larger work entitled Indian Wisdom, and is a companion volume to Mr. Rhys Davids' little work on Buddhism, which was reviewed in these pages a few months ago (ante p. 178). There is much in it that is calculated to be useful to the general reader who does not care to take up the translations of the original works on which it is based. Of course the barest outline is presented of the ramifications of the huge system which the author attempts to depict, but the sketch is in the main correct, though not wholly so.
The fourth chapter is devoted to the consideration of the Upanishads and philosophy, and, under six heads, the author gives what he terms the common creed of the schools. He adds:
"From a consideration of the above six essential elements of Brahmanical philosophy, we find that its one great aim is to teach men to abstain from action of every kind, good or bad; as much from liking as from disliking, as much from loving as from hating, and even from indifference. Actions are the fetters of the embodied soul, which when it has shaken off, it will lose all sense of individual personality, and return to the condition of simple soul." This however is not quite correct; for though actions are the cause of the renewed transmigrations which bind the soul to earth, still it is not strictly accurate to say that the "one great aim" of the systems "is to teach men to abstain from action," and that when this has been done, the soul loses "all sense of individual personality." The systematists rather teach that the soul is fettered by ignorance of certain truths which they endeavour to set forth; and they assert that when this ignorance has given place to true knowledge, emancipation is ensured at death.
The "one great aim" of the Vedanta, for example, is to set forth the unity of Brahma and individual souls; and it declares that when, after a course of instruction from a preceptor, and the practise of the prescribed amount of Sravana, manana, nididhyasana, and the two-fold samddhi, the qualified aspirant so cognizes Brahma as to say "I am Brahma," he is practically free. He is charged indeed to live as becomes one who has attained to this high knowledge, but it is emphatically and repeatedly laid down that he is delivered
[DECEMBER, 1879.
from the effects of all actions but those which have already begun to bear fruit (prárabdháni).
It is clear then that no mere abstention from action could effect deliverance; and that after the acquisition of a certain knowledge, actions are no fetter at all. It ought perhaps to be pointed out that what the learned author calls the "common philosophical creed" is more properly a set of axioms acknowledged by all the schools, forming the basis for the systems, but by no means containing their "essential elements."
There is rather an amusing slip on page 59. We read there that, "as unmarried student the young Brahman was to reside with his preceptor until he had gained a thorough knowledge of the three Vedas. He was to go through twelve Sanskaras or purificatory rites,' which purify a man from the taint of sin derived from his parents, and are enjoined with certain variations on all the three first classes alike." As it here stands, this sentence surely teaches that the purificatory rites' are to be performed by the 'unmarried student' himself, yet on referring to the list of them we find that it includes the Garbhadhána, Pumsavana, and such like!
On page 66, we learn that the object of certain funeral rites is "to furnish the preta with an intermediate body, between the linga or 'subtile' and the sthula or gross body,'-with a body, that is to say, which is capable of enjoying or suffering, and which, as leading to another future gross body, is called by philosophers the karana-sartra or causal body!"
This is certainly a remarkable statement, and the learned professor would seem to have forgotten that the causal body', of the Vedanta, is placed inside the subtile body, and is, as it were, the casket of the individual self. In fact, the existence of a subtile frame untenanted by a causal one, would be impossible. The causal frame forms the innermost of the five sheaths supposed to envelope every sentient being "like the coats of an onion," and is named the anandamaya. It is not clear why, on page 206 (note), the professor speake so doubtfully of this sheath. In enumerating the sheaths, he says: "These are called Vijnanamaya, Mano-maya, Prána-maya, Anna-maya, and a fifth is sometimes named Anandamaya." Why "sometimes"? Bombay, 7th November 1879.
G. A. J.
A SPURIOUS EARLY CHALUKYA The accompanying plates give a facsimile,from the original, which is in the British Museum, of Mr. Fleet's Sanskrit and Old-Canarese Inscriptions, No. XLIV. A transcription and
COPPER-PLATE GRANT. translation of the grant, with remarks are given at vol. VII., p.209. The grant purports to have been made in Saka 411(A.D.489-90); but it is in reality a forgery of not earlier than the tenth century A.D.

Page #385

+
Abalitês
abbá
PAGE 122 ..15, 16 Abbalar tablet .................. 191 Abhaya, k....... ................... 227 Abhaya Siri Sang Boy Abhayawaewa inscription...... 223 Abhira, Aberia 140 Abu, Mt.
224
64
Abu Bakr.
161 59
332
64
************
Abu'l A&s........................... Abyssinian kings Achalêéwara áchárya **********... .....21, 44, 214 'Aden....... 108-9, 132, 234, 333 adéya .18, 305 Adêyararashtra, d.......169, 284 Adhikarika, o......18, 20, 21, 22 adhiraja, 18, 20, 22, 26, 27, 46, 74, 91, 94, 213, 285, 286 324, 325 302
******************
************
7,8 106
*************..
211
***************************
amba, ambika.........15n Ambasthala insc. 224 Amber (Amarapur)... 63 Ambêra, q. (doubtful W.Chal.) 24n, 89, 97 "Aiol Ambika, g. 16, 79 Aithiopes Amitabha Buddha...249, 252 Aja Amma I. (E. Chal.). ...........75, 78 Ajanta paintings Ammans, g. Ajàtasatru, k. ..................... 327 Amôghavarsha,-Kakkala, Ajayapala......... (Rash.)........ .................. 101, 103 Ajipala..... 59 Amravati or Amarâvati 312 amuck' Ajita Keśakambala........... Ajmer 59, 62 78 djñápti Akabarou ........................................... 144 Akalanka.......... Akankshita-mukhaḥ Akannai ..................... 113, 124 akika, onyx Akila......... ........................ 131 alabaster ***************** 117 Chal.) 14, 22 Alagh Khân (v. Ulugh) ...153, 161 Adivaraha...... alaktaka 15, 64 ..110n Adouli, Adulis...110-121, 131, 332 Alalaion .... 121 Adrian ............................. 333 Aḍukumgal, v.*. Adupu, V........................... afargán
********************
andchára custom.... Anahilapataka, c... Anaïtis or Nanea, g. Anala, k. ***************
25 252
ananas
Ananda-maya 117
************************
Adityas, g. adityabhakta Adityavarma, k. (spurious W.
*********.....
Alang Manâr............ 161, 184 'Alâu'd-din.57ff, 65-71, 153, 161, 181 Albfrani.....272, 273
129
59
***********
214 79 29 Afghanistan, remains in..198 f., 227f agaru................................ 111 Agastya .....................6, 28, 277 Agatharkhidês.....107, 119, 132 Aghbinas 290, 291 Agni, g............ 7, 9, 323, 324, 326 agnihotra ********* 305 Agnisikha..... *********** 37, 38 agnishṭóma ************* 288 agrahara. 19, 22, 91 Agriophagoi 119 ahastaprakshépaniya ....303, 305 Ahave malla,-Sômêsvara I.
(W. Châl.)......11, 19, 20, 22, 98
C.-cape.
c.-city.
ca-caste.
********
*******...
**************
***************
.........................................................
..........................
*******.......
INDEX..
Chỗ. Chols
co.-country.
d.-district.
E. Chal.-Eastern Chalukya.
***********
Ahin Posh tope Aigialos ********************* 126, 144 Aigidioi, Is. 145 Aihole tablets...193, 237, 245, 281, 285, 287 148
128
**********..................
.......................................
PAGE
227ff.
...........................................
*********** ***************
*****************
*******....
*******.....
************..
****************
**********...............................
Alexandria Alhana, king Al-Hauara or Hauara......129, 333 Ali Masjid
Al Kamar...................... 135 Al Mahdi 271, 273 Al Mansur 271, 272 aloe ............................... 111 Al-Sirât 163 ****************** .226, 227
*****************
***************
*******....
21
Alunaka, k. ....... Alupas, Álupas .................. 244 Alar tablet..... Alwis on the Tirthakas.........311f. Amara, for Nadamari (spurious W. Chal.) 14, 89
*********************
************
Ga.-Ganga.
Abbreviations:Early Chal.-Early Chalukya. 1. m.-land-measure. g.-god, or goddess. Mt.-mountain. mot.-motto. Nik.-Nikumbha. o.-official. Pall.-Pallava. q.-queen. r.-river.
Gür.-Gurjara.
Is.-Island or Islands. k.-king. Kala.-Kalachurya.
************
**********
**************** 83, 84 Ananda.......................... 250
............................................... 340
Ananga, g................ 278 Anangapâla
59 18 .................. 201
...........................
**********........
90
ananguliprékshanlya. Ananta....... Anantpur tablet Anathapindaka .............................................. 329 Anavamgere, v.................... 215 Andhras, Andhrabhṛityas 6, 8, 266 Anglo-Indian terms, Glossary. 52, 83, 173, 201, 231 Anga-desa.7, 66-68 230 Angiras.......................... 277 Angthe ******************** 247 Angunukola wihâra insc. 226 Anhilwara ...153, 161, 181, 186-188 anivárita..................... 26, 27, 46
175 20
**********..
v.-village. Va.-Valabhi.
PAGE
......
...........................********
Anjadiva Antaka, g Antiquarian remains... 105, 198,27 Antipa, co. **************** 7 Anupura c. ...278, 182 Anuradhapura.......... 221, 223 Aparântaká, co................... 140
****************
Rash.-Rashtrakuta.
8.-sect.
Sila. Siladitya.
152
1, 25
53
88
188 335 59
W. Chal.-Western Chalukya.
W. Chal.-Western Chalukya.

Page #386

342
INDEX.
262
.........
21
Aphethêrion ............... 331 asthdyika, o....................... 214 Bajilu ca............................ 218 Aphrodités Hormos ............ 119 Astakapra, V.................... 141 bajrd ................................ 86 A pokopa ..................... 125-127 asuphd .........................111, 125 Bakaré, Becare ............ 145-148 Apollodotos .......
abvamédha 18, 26, 46, 74, 77, 97, 241 Bakhtiari country ............... 262 Apollonius of Tyana ............. 335 Asvapati ...........................91, 95 Bakkar ............
.............. 139 Apologos ... 109-111, 115, 116, 118, Asvatth&m&......................... 277 Baktria, Baktrianoi ...... 142, 337 137. 138. 330. 334 atithi.....
305 Daktro-Greek coins ...... 196, 197 Åppâyika-Govinda (PRÅsh.) 237,244 atman ............................ 296 Balagâm ve tableta 190, 191, 192, 287 Appayya Dikshita ............... 65. Atramitæ ........................ 132 BAļambid tablets ............190, 192 Arabah, C. .......................... 138 Attana.............................. 132 balance ordeal ............... 162 Arabia Felix (Aden).........333, 334 Attanayalawihêra inso. ......... 222 Balavaru ........... ................ 29 Arabistan .........................
Aualitês ... 110, 111, 114, 116-118, Balêndusekhara (Siva) g. ...... 27 Aradore, r. ........................ 29
122, 123, 131 BAlbans, k. ...................... 59, 62 Arakhösioi .................. 142, 338 Aurangzeb ........................ 260 bali ............................. 20, 305 Araļdáwar tablet ............189, 190 Ausara, Ausera ................... 135 Bali............................ 6, 57, 321 Aranyakas .......................... 327 aŭro parap....................331, 333 Balita ...........
............ 148 arasa.......
23 Auxume.................. 120-121, 3321 baliya ......... Arasibidi tablets ............... 190 Avalokiteswara .............. 249 ff. Ballad of the fall of Pâtan ... 153 Aratrioi......................... 142, 338 Avanti ............................... 30 Ballaladeva .......................... 76 Arávali Hills ..................... 210 | Averroes ............................ 98 | Baļotkaragana, S................. 246 Arbitae ............................... 138 Avesta .............................. 294 Baldr tablet ......................... 192 Archæological Notes ......100, 162 Avichi ......................... 250, 251 Bamian idols ............... 254-256 Ardeshir. ................. 334, 336 Aviza
263 Bammala...........
148 Ardhêndumauli, g.... ........... 15 ayva, avve.................... 15n. Bâņa ............................ 55, 201 Argalou.................. 115, 148, 149 Avvai
306 Bana Tsakulilu ca................ 218 argha.................................. 7 Avyakta, g. ........................ 277 Banavase, ....................... Argyre ...... ...................... 150
Axiomis ...........................
120 Banaśamkari ...................... Arhanta, Arhat ......178, 179, 312 Axum ............................... 332
. 332 Bandelkhand .................. Ariakê 110, 112, 115, 118, 122, 126, Ayamgere, v. ...................... 215 bunga, tin......
140, 144, 146 Ayenêr, g. ............................ 211 - Banga, Bangal..................... Arilu caste ......................... 217 Ayodhya, c. ..................... 6, 12 Bangalis ........................... Arivarma, for Harivarma (Ga.) 214 dyuktaka, o. ... 18, 20, 21, 22, 304 Bangalore plates ............. Arjunarája ........................ 64 ayya .........................19, 22, 237 bangan ............... Arjuna ......14, 42, 76, 79, 86, 278 Ayyana I. (W. Chal.............. 15 Banjärilu ca. Arnold's Light of Asia ......... 299 Ayyavole, c. .................. 237, 287 Bappabhattaraka ......... 169, 172 Aromata, c. 122, 124, 125, 134, 148 Azania 107, 108, 110, 111, 114-117, Bap-re' .......................... 85 aromatics ............................ 111
125-128, 134, 149 Bârâbât tope ...................... 230 Arrian ......................... 107, 331 Azdaha
.............. 255 Barakê........................... 139, 140 arsenic ......................... 115, 147
barakhadi........................... 246 Arsinoe................ 118, 119, 121
Barapa......
............ 59n. Artában ..........
Badagfs ............................ 164 Barbarei......................... 138, 139 Arugan, g. ..........
....... 309
Badagiriya insc. ................... 225 Barbaria...... 118. 121-123, 125, 131 drya............... 14, 18, 19, 237, 287
Badami tablets ........... 43, 45 Barbarikon ....... 110-118, 138-141 Åryan, Arya ................ 84, 85 BadAvi .............
Bargusoi ............................ 150 Aryapura, C............. 237, 287, 288 bddha, badhd ............ 18, 78, 213 Barousai ........................... 150 Asaboi Mts., Asabon, C. ...... Badipoddi...............
Barugaza 109-118, 126, 130, 133asafoetida .......... 111 Badir&la, v. ...............
137, 140-144, 148 Asapuri, 8. ...........
211 Bagisara ...*******..
138 Basava, Basavanna, g. ... ... 10, 94 asati ......... ... .. ..
Bahman Deraz-Dest ............ 336 Basava Gollalu ca................ 217 asbestos ......................
112 Bahman, son of Artában ...... 338 Basava Razulu, ca. ................ 216 asceticism ......................
87 Bahmanabad...................336, 338 Basavanna, g....................... 10 Asgal or S&gal, k. ............ 333 Babrâm Chobin, Bahram Gor. 269,
Basra ashtabhogatējahovámya ........ 95
270, 335 Batiya Tissa, k............... 226, 227 ashtamurtti .......................40, 41. Bahrein.............................. 334 Batråzulu ca. ......................... 218 Asikh ............................. 136 bahusuvarna ...................... 46 Bauddha Caves (see Buddhist). 82 Asoka ............ 164, 179, 335, 337 Baionês................ . 141 bauddhauddin ..................... 213 Abrayanadi, r. .............279, 283 Bajgah ........... .......... 255 bdellium.........................111, 143
.... 338
95
***... 197

Page #387

"
Beal's Dhammapada ........... 267 Bhimarathi, r...................... 28 'budgerow' Romantic Legend of
Bhimasingh. Bhirbhum
***********....................................
Sakya Buddha......... 300 Becare (see Bakare).145-148 Bhôgavati ........................ 5, 6 Becharaji, g. ................................ 211 | Bhôja .....................7, 64-68
230
Bhot Bhuchar Mori...........
68 184 Bhalôkamalla,-Sômêévara III.
***********
Begram......... Bêgår plates 90 Bêgaru, v. ..................................................... 91 Behâ-ed-din Zoheir's Poems. 31, 32 Behar proper names ............ 321 Bellumbaṭṭe, v. .................. 21 Bellar, v.................. 96 Beluchistân .............. 165, 334-5 Beluhur, v................................................................. 96 Bemba ....................... 201 Berdi...... ............................................................... 211 Berbers ......................119, 123 Berenike... 107, 109, 118 119, 121, 128-130, 332 Bergaigne-La religion Védique 322 Bêri Komatlu, ca..... 216 Bestavaṇḍlu, ca................... 217 Bhadli..... 185
*********.......
***************
Bhangi Bharadvâja
bhandapêru Bhandaragaviṭṭage, v..........
**********......
******...**
Bhadrachellam and Rekhapalli Talukas.................. .....33ff, 215ff. Bhagadatta.....90 n, 91, 95 Bhagavadgitá ..................... 253 Bhagavan, g. 304 Bhagavatigal, v. 215 Bhagiratha. 41, 278 Bhagyavati, q. (W. Chal.)...... 17 bhaldri........................................................... 96 Bhalk&-kund.....153, 158 286 28
******************
211 277 Bharata..................................................... 278
245 16n. ..239, 245
209 142
99
*******************
**************
Bharata war
Bharata varsha Bharavi......
Bharech
Bhargavas Bhartrihari
Bhaskaracharya
bhata......................
*********************
***********.......
*************..
*******************
*************
39
75
***........................................
bhatára ..285, 286 Bhatárka (Va)........................................ 303 bhaṭṭa. 18, 20, 22, 213, 286 bhaṭṭáraka .... 26, 27, 74, 77, 168 Bhegvor or Bhugwar.......... 335 Bhilla, Bhills............ ..68, 158 Bhils& ....................... 178
Bilton Church 164 Bhima I. (W. Chal.) 14 Bhima II. (W. Chal.).... 15 Bhima I. (E. Chal.)...75, 76, 78, 79
.............................................
*********...
**********
INDEX.
Binagara Bintenna
****........................................................
(W. Ch&l.)
193
Bhumi Razulu, ca...... 34 bhúmichchhidranydya......303, 305 305
bhûta........
Bhuvanaikamalla,-Sômêsvara
II. (W. Châl.) 20, 22 Bhavikrama (Ga.). ................ 212 Bijjana (Kala.) .................. 192 Bilhana.... 55 139 314 221
Bisogala insc.. Biṭṭidêva
*************
**************
***************
********...
*****..
*********..............................**
97 blackwood ...................... 111, 207
85 46 46
bobbery-bob' boddi, poddi boddipodhi (?).... Bodhisattwa .....................3, 249 Bogavaṇḍlu, ca.......... 218 Bokhara coins. *******............ 269 bola, myrrh. ************** 114 Bondilu ca............................................... 217 Bonetta' fish ..................... 201 Bonthâdêvf, q. (W. Châl.)...15, 16 Swσraph 110 Bôsarê elephants ............... 149 Boudoir'... 233 Boukephala... 142, 338 Brahmâ, g....16, 20, 22, 250, 277
***************
brahmacharin
18
Brahmans
brass
*****************
*******************
*********** ..........
**********.............................
**********...
***************
164
262
86 65 Bukkavaṇḍlu ca... 218 Bundahish 'bungalow', bangla...173, 174, 206 'bunow', band'o Buzantion............................ .................
*********........
173 ..144, 145 91
Byli.
******************
Calaeus Is. (see Kalaius) 136 Calicut ******************* 283 Callainas 116 Canara', 'Carnatic'.........174, 175 cannibalism... 87, 88 Caous *************** .166, 167 Carnatic' .174, 175 .111, 112 castes.......................... 215 caste privileges ************.. .....87, 106 caves in Kabul..... .82, 199, 229 celts............... 178 Ceylon inscriptions ............221f. Chadatisa..................... 221
cassia...............
59
58
***********..
328 .116, 143 ****************** 277, 321 304, 305 85
Brihaspati brahmadéya brinjaul'. British Museum Chalukya Copper-plate grant............ 340 Browne, Sir T. *******... 256 Budaluḍdakulavandlu ca....... 218 Buddha...... 2, 3, 103, 164, 200, 255, 299, 300, 327-329 Buddhadêva.......... 268 buddhi..... 180 Buddhism in Micronesia... 256 Buddhism by T. W. Rhys Davids.................. 178, 180 Buddhist legend..249. Buddhist remains in Afghani............198ff., 227ff.
**************
stan
**************
843
****************
********************
******
........................................
Châhadadêva, k........ Châhaman, k. chahumána........................ 11n.
*********************
16 20
Chaidyas chaitrapavitra Chaityagiri wihâra......... * 224 Chakradhara, g. 187
***************
chakravartin ......................................................91, 94 Chaldon church ............. ..163, 164 chalikya ............................................................ 238 Châllil Kurinyôli 309 chalukya...26, 46, 74, 77, 105, 241 chalukya ........................................................... 12, 15, 19 chalukya ..74, 94 chalukya... 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 19, 20 187, 188 chalukydbharana 18, 20, 22 Chalukya-Bhima,-Bhims I.
.......
******
******************
******************
(E. Chal.) ........... 75, 79 Chalukyas, Early 11, 12, 23, 43, 45 Eastern......73, 76, 188 Western 10-13, 16, 19,
23, 43, 45, 89, 188, 281, 284-286 Chalukyas, Western ...16, 21, 89, 98, 188 Chalukya-Vikramakala... 189-193 Chalukya-Vikramasaka... 190, 193 Chalukya-Vikramavarsha ...20, 22
23, 187-189 Ch&mars 210, 211 Châmaraja, Châmarâjêévara... 25 Champa 65 59 .......................................................... 11n Chancharivalla, r. 215
***************
Chamunda Raja
chámushya
******************

Page #388

344
*
15n
237, 244 'cobily-mash' ....... ...201, 321 cocoanut........... 114 Colobothras 108, 145 Competition-Walah,' ......... 201 'compound' 202, 203 Conjevaram, Kâfichi 172 copper........................ 116, 122 Copperplate grants
50 210 170
**********..........................
30
18
Chandadanda, k. Chandail Chandala ...................... Chandaur........... Chandavarma (Pall.) Chandrâditya (W. Chal.)... 45, 46 Chandragupta.. Chandraketu ..................... 201 Chandramila, C... Chandraraja......................................... 58, 60 Chandravamsapu Razu, ca.... 216 Changå... Changadeva..... 39, 42 Char Bagh tope 229, 230 charana, Taittiriya. ....... 169 charu.......... 305 Charvaka........ 180, 311 Chashtana
Chaulukya................. 188
73, 76 212 188
64
***************
140
cháṭabhata, o... 304
288 276
287
chaulukya........................... 105
188
cháturmasya
chaturvédin chaturvidya
***************
*********
**********
****************
Chinvat Chirbira chitraka
********
**************
*************
***************
Chaulukyas. Chavada...153, 161, 181, 182, 185 Chêdi co. ............3, 5, 15, 16n. *cheeta' (chitâ) 176 Chêmtila
145
*************
...
..............................****
**************
chenu............................... 73, 75
**************
*******...
**************************
***************
************...
*********************
****************
************
******
******************
4
8, 229
6
***********....................................****
****************
Darius Hystaspes ............... 335 Dartnell's Chronological and Historical Chart..... ..... 266 Dasaratha..... Dasarnas Daśavarma (W. Châl.) ...... 17, 20 Dasilu ca. 218 Dates, in figures, ...18, 20, 41, 96, 151, 152, 190, 191, 192, 193 in numerical symbols... 305 190 in numerical words. in words... 18, 28, 42, 47, 151, 152, 169, 170, 189, 190, 192, 214, 245, 278, 280, 285 213 dattakasútravṛitti Davangere tablets. 90, 192 Davids's Buddhism.... 178. dégula .............................. 286 Dehli............................... 60, 65 Deirê........................... 121, 125 Dekkalavanḍlu ca................. Delwârâ demons 145, 146 .....87, 106 | δηνάριον. COW.................. 176, 206, 256 dépuara. Desarênê Desarivandlu ca. Devagadha Devagiri Dêvakasuta
218
25n
184
210
176
cretins cromlechs. 165, 207
33
""
33
23
39 33
INDEX.
coral
*********...................
East. Chalukya Ganga or Kongu Gurjara
************
******...
Pallava.............. 167, 273 "Rashtrakuta 151, 152 Silâhâra ...................... 152 Valabhi 301 West. Chalukya 23, 43, 45, 89, 105, 284, 340 West. Chalukya10, 89, 152,189
*********....
Coromandel. Cottonara Couvade
****************** .115, 122, 143 110 110, 149 218 69
39
Dabil......................... 139 73, 75 Dâbul............................. 236
41
3
68
16
*********************
..........16n, 28 'dak'.............................. 174
D&k&
cheruvu Chetiya....... Chhandogya Upanishad...... 294-6 chhatrabhanga....................... 241 Chhittarają (Sila.) ............... 152 Chikka-Muddanûr tablet 191 .162, 163 305 ........................... 215 Chitrakaṇṭha .................. 23, 27 Chitrakut...
******
**********
Dêvaki........................................................... dévakula.......... 25, 26 Devangulu ca............ 217 Devasamgama, v. 39, 42 Dêvêndravarma (Pall.) 170 désa .... 74 Deymaniyeh Is. 136 Dhafar **********.. 130, 185 26 dhakká. 26 ............... 207 Dhâmlêj. ******************** 185, 186 Dâmadiya, v. P................ 76 | Dhammapada 329 Damayanti ........... 5 267 283-4 Damirike........... 144 Dhananjayapunyavallabha 29 Damnia Is. ......................................................... 136 Dhanêéa, g............ 304 Danakil................ 121 dhánya
............................................................ 198 Dakhan Civilization....... 1ff. Dakhinabadês ..................... 143 Dakotah Indians 163 ************ 12 dakshindpatha........ dakshindéd
******** ***************
Dalbergia latifolia
***********.....
64 278 | 180
Chitramaya (Pall.) chitta.....
....................................
by Beal
23
Chittar, v.
chohan
11n.
************************ 18, 305
dánapatra...... ************** 22
Cholaikadu Weddas
............
Chohans... 56-58, 67, 68, 73 Chôlas 2, 6, 8, 18, 19, 24, 25, 27, 28, 98, 245 317 Chorwaḍ....... 182, 185, 187 Chronological and Histor. Chart 266 chrysolite........ 117, 139, 143, 147 Chadâsamas.... 161, 181, 185 Chahris 211 Chaha Shah Daulah ..176, 231 Churel, Chudél, 210 Chatavana, v...................... 278 Civilization of the Dakhan
Dhara 64 287 dharana Dharapaṭṭa (Va.) 304 dhárápárvaka. ................................ 21, 92 Dharasena I. (Va.) 303 Dharasens II. (Va.) ....301, 304 Dharmagachha, k. dharmamahdrdja...... 168, 172, 213 Dharmaraja........................ 303
.... 59
*************** ***********
162
1
******
.........
Dahal Daityas..
**********.............................
110
corn........********* .115, 126
********...
***********************
*************
*************
********************
*******.....
57 62n. 5, 7, 8 3
*******************
Dânavas dancing girls Dandakâranya......... Dandaki dandandyaka, o....... 19, 20, 22, 23 Dantidurga, Khadgåvalóka (Rash.). ........................... 151 Daphnôn, Daphnous 124, 125 Dârantâ cave.......... Dârd clans 256 Dardura, Mts......................
229
6
*********************
33
"3
............
ני
......
***************
........................................
......
******************
******************
*********....
*********************
***************
**********......................
****************
**********
********..........................................
*********
******...
****************
******************
*********
********************
........................*****
Dharma-8dstra Dharmasingh .................. 65, 66 Dharmatråta ........................................ 268

Page #389

Dhruvasêna II. (Va.)....45, 304 Dhamasikha ****................................... 37, 38 diamonds .116, 147 Digambaras ....311, 312 Dimurike............111, 114, 115 Diodoros Is... 121, 123, 131 Diodotos Dionysius Periegetes...... 137, 337 Dioskoridês ...110-112, 115, 134 Diospolis 115, 122, 123 Diridôtis 137 dipa.............................................................. 20
197
*********************
Diti 16 'doai,' dúha'..................... 203 Dodwell, Dr.
108 256
111
***********
Dogrås. δόκος Dolaraya, k. Dôlivandlu ca. Dommarivaṇḍlu ca. Dondra......
*********************
*****.........................
*****************
31
***********
********......
*************
************************
*************
*****************
************.....................
************
dúha's Duldul Dummagudem dunumanḍala Durga temple Durlabha Raja Dasala, k.......... dataka, o.......... Dutthagamini
******************
Doralu Dosarôn
Dosiraja δούλικα Dounga....... dragon's blood
278 282
Dramila, co........................ dramila, dravida...... drángika, o. ................. 304. Draupadi, g. ..................... 211 Dravidian languages..47, 80, 293
Drôna.........
..277, 278
Drônasimha (Va.) 303 Drujjaru, v..................... 79 Dugalagu........................ 246
203
**********..
34 150 28
****************
.................................................... 110
145
112
***************
*******************
*************
265 106
222 285 59
59 305
...226, 318
******************
*********************
************
******************
*************
59
220
***************
218
221
91
Eclipses, lunar......21, 97, 190, 191, 192, 193 solar ...91, 152, 190, 191 unspecified ............ 192 Edenâdu, d............ Edges of plates, raised.... 301 of plates, not raised 43, 45, 212 Ehar, v.................... ...20, 21, 22 .139, 140 Elarave, v....................... 21
99
Eirinon
*********
...............................
|
INDEX.
59
...122, 125 131 211
90 24n.
*********************
Eleazos, k...................... 132, 333 Ganesa, g...................... 211 elephants. ........................... 149 Gang& *********************** 24, 28, 44 Elephant C. 124 Gangådêva, k. Elephantophagoi 120 gangadhvaja...... 26, 28 Elephas, Mt...... Elisarôn Ella-amman. El. Segel, k. ...................333n. Emblems on seals ..74, 77, 167, 212, 273, 301 Epideirês. 121 Epiodôros 111, 148, 149 Equinox, autumnal........ 285 Erakalavaṇḍlu ca. 219 Eratosthenês ..................... 108. Ereganga (Ga.) 212 Erepadi, v... 215 ΐριον. Garbharaka ....................110, 143 Erra Gollalu ca. **** 217 Gargasamhita 73, 75 Gárgya Essenes.............................. 164
************.........
............................................
Ganthasâla, v............
***************
éru
********************
Essina
************
126 Eudaimon Arabia ...108, 132, 333 Eulaeus...... 137 Euthydemos................. 196-198 Eynounah... ..................... 129
***********
***************
......
forges
fox-tails.......... frankincense... Fréret, M.
Friburg Cathedral
Gadadhara Gadag, v.
.............................
************************
Fa-Hian ........................... Faithful Deer
1 .... 253
230, 231
**********
Garuda... Gassanites
90
217
................................
Gaudadêsa Gaudama Gauj-agrahara plates Gaundlavandlu ca. Gaura Komatlu ca. 216 Gautama 82, 178-180 91 Gautamagrâma, v. Gavaralu ca. .................... 217 28 123
Fata Morgana
206
Gaza.........................
fire by friction Firishtah. Gaviṭṭage, v...................... ........................... 65. Firmus ..................... 331 Firuz Tughlak..... fluor-spath
*********..... 182, 186 117
Gedrosia .................. .334, 335 Ghalla ****************
*******......................................
folklore...............37, 209, 230, 288 ghanehan
51
**********...
....... 131 .155, 157 Ghaṭaika 60 110, 126 32 | ghi ..... Ghodabandar, Ghodanadi...... 145 113, 139 Ghoshaka....... 268 ghost-worship... 106 Gir, Girnår ........................ 181 Girija, g. 15 55 | Γίζειρ ..111, 125 21 glass 117, 122, 139 Glossary of Anglo-Indian Terms......52, 83, 173, 201, 231 .181, 185 116 299
***.......................................
Gohels gold Goldschmidt's Prakṛtica Gollalu ca.......................... 217 "goodbye" "goodness". Gommu Koi ca. Gotami
32 204 219 299 ............... 279
gotra, Agnivêsya.......
Atrêya..................97, 279
22
*******************
****************
***************
331 ............ 163
**********************
.........................................
tablets... 187, 191
35
..........................
gaḍimba 21 Gadhamandala..... 64 gadyana ......................................... 287 gadyána ...22, 23, 287n. Gajabâhu Gâmiņi 221, 222, 225, 227 Gajapati.......... 19, 91, 95 Galagnâth tablet... 190 G&mak&mbâ........... 79 Gandaraioi, Gandharians. .142, 339 Gandavagrama, v. 245 gandhadhupa
20
****************
***................................................
.................................*******
***********....
********........................****
***********
59
*******...................................
Gangaḍikara Gangamma, g. Gangapâla, k. Gangapura, c........ 280 gangarájakula ..................................................... 214 Gangê Thânak.... 158 Gangas 90, 212, 237, 244 Gangavadi, d. ...90, 91, 96 Gangavadikâra Gangavar, v. Gangê, Ganges......114, 149, 150 Ganj Shahid.....
96 .......................................... 245
158
76
67
299
........................... 327 Gâros............................................................ 205
.........41, 284
333
************
61
82
345
.................................****
******************
...........................................
******************
**************
********...
************
**************
***********
**********
****************
**********................................... ......
**************
******
**************
*******************

Page #390

346
INDEX.
96
.....
182
305
97
59
dtra, Bhåradvája ......97, 169, 172,
279, 280 Bhrigu .................. Gautama .................. 279 Harita ...................... 279 Játugana ............. Kairadi.............. KÂmukayana ............ Kanvayana ............... Kåśyapa .........20, 97, 279 Kaundinya ...........97, 279 Kausika ... 19, 97, 169, 279 Lohita ..................... 279 Mânevya 12, 22, 27, 44, 46,
75, 78, 97 Mudgala ................... 279 Parásara ................... 279 Balankâyana .........170, 280 Saunaks ................... Såvarnika (P) ............ Traiválambayana ...... 305 VådhAla Varcha (P) ........... Vasishţha ............22, Vatsa ....................47,
Vishnuvsiddha ......... Glottibrôlu, v. ..................... 79 Gôvana I. (Nik........ ........ 41 Gôvana II. (Nik.) ........... Gôvana III. (Nik.) ............... Govinda (Nik.) .................. Govinda, Govindaraja ...39, 41, 59,
60, 62 Govinda (R&sh.) ......152, 237, 214 Gôyindapoddi .................... 45 Gramadêvatâs..................... 211 gramakdrya......................... 23 grdmakutaka, .............18, 20, 22 Grant of Kirttivarma II. 25ff., 105 Grassmann's Rig Veda ......... 326 Guardafui, O. ...............122, 124 Gudrâvâra, d................ guggula .......................... 111 Gujarât, c....... Guha (Šiva) g. Guhasena I. (Va.) ............... Gul Guwaran ..................... 158 gun ................................ 54 Gunagańka,-Vijayaditya III.
(E. Chal.) ...................... 75, 78 Gana Vellamalu ca. ............ 216 Gunda Chismeh ................... 228 Guntla .............................. 36 Gurgaon ............................. 210 Gurjaras..................... 188, 244 Gustasp
836 Gutta Koi ca. .................. 219
20
Henjara, v. ........................ Heptanesia
145 herildla ........................ 20, 21n. Hêrône ............................ 141 Hetim ...........
** **... 68 Himyarites .......... 130, 131, 333 Hindawât. ........................ 67 Hindu and Russian peasant life...............
233 Hindus and scientific research 292 Hingl&j, Hingråj, g. ............ 211 Hippalos ......... 108, 110, 147, 338 Hippioprosôpoi ................. 150 Hippokoura ........................ 145 Hiradevi ........................
64 hiranya ........................ 18, Hiranyagarbha, g.................. Hirê-Kerür tablets ......... 191, 193 Hird-Muddanur tablet ........ 193 Hisn Gborâb ................... 132, 133 Hispala, k. .......................... Hiwen Theang......... 255, 335, 336 hobson-jobson' .................. 231 Hoda râja .................. 199, 229 Hodeidah ........................... 15 Ho-li-sha-fa-tan-na ............ 240 homa ............. Homêrites............... 130, 131, 333 Honawar ........................... 145 Horitai Hormazd IV. ..................... horns.............................. horses ............................ Horar plates Hoysalas ..................97, 192, 201 Hoysaleśvara, g. ............... 25 Hultzsch's VasantardjaŚakuna 298 Humas, princess ............... 336 Huns...........
............... 337n. Hanas ....... Hunter's Aden................... Hutemi........................... Hattar, v. ....................
Guttalamma, g. ............ 219 Guyaka, k.
58 *Hackery ............
231 Hadah, Hada tope, &c. 82, 199, 229 Hadakai .......................... Hådarivågil, v. ................ 215 Hadhramaut ..................... Hafún 0....................... 125, 126 Halêbid, v. ......................... 25 Haluhadi, v. ....................... 96 Hambantota insc. ............... 221 Hamir Bhill ..................158, 160 hammer ............................
................. 177 Hammfra ...............55, 64-73, 234 Hammfra Mahakdvya ...55-73, 234 Hamgånadi, r. ..................... 214 Han dynasty ..................... 337 Hanamevadi, v. ................... 96 Hanara, Y. ....................... 215 Hañicheya, V. ...................... 215 Handivadi, v. ...................... 215 Hanfelah ........................... 121 Hângal, Hangal tablet ...... 23, 192 Hanuman...... ................ 292 Hara, g. ......................13, 16, 22 Hårås ................................. 56 Hari, g. ....................16, 22, 41 Haridra, r. ........................ 91 Harihara, g........................... 91 Hariraja ............... 58, 59, 61, 62 Håriti .............
***........................... 1ln. Håriti ................. 12, 27, 44, 97 Hâriti ..................... 11n, 75, 78 Håritt ............................. 46 Hariyarma (Ga.) ............. 212, 214 Harlez, Manuel de la langue
de l'Avesta ..................... 207 Harsha, Harshavardhana, k. 14, 23,
27, 44, 46, 97, 240, 214, 281 Hasan and Husain, by Sir L. Pelly ............
***....... 263 Håsek ..........
136 Hassani Is.............................. Hastakavapra.................... Hastinapura, c. .................. 91 Hauara or Al-Hauara... 129, 333 Hauran ............. Håvanigi tablet ................ 193 Hawkins' Voyages ............ Hazine ...............
126 Heggere tablet ................ 97, 201 Hegle, k. ............. Hejid............. Helfer's Syria, &o. ........... 207-8 Hemådidêva, k. .................. 39 Hêmasitala ................... 25
...
..............
......
...
42 41
.
..........
16
28
129
18
..........
833
... 217
235
Icon corner' ................... iddhi ........................ Idige, ca...... Ikanmaraimangala, V. ... 170, 280 Ikhthyophagoi. 119,121,125,129,136 Ila-någa ..................... 225, 226, Ilvala ...............
..... ......... 238 Indian mythe ..................... 162 indigo ....................... 112, 139 Indo-Skuthia... 109, 113, 114, 116
118, 138, 140, 337, 338 Indra, g. 9, 16, 28, 249, 250, 323-326
***... 332
****....... 129

Page #391

INDEX
847
110
76
de ......
..........
.
.
..
...
Indra (E. Chal.) .............. Jayaraja ......................... 58 kalachchuri .................. 13, 241n. Indra (Nik.)..................... 89, 42 Jayasimha I, Jayasimhavulla- kálachchuri......................... 241n. Indra (Råsh.) ..................... 13 bha (Early Chul.) ... 12, 237, 248 kalachuri ............... 11, 12, 211n. Indrabhati .......................
31 Jayasinha III., Jayasinha- Kaļachuryas .........21n, 192, 211n. Indr&ditya ........................ 45 Vallabha, Jagadėkamalla Kalachuryavarsha .............. 192 Indukånti, c. .............. 239, 243 (W.Chal.)...10, 11, 17, 19, 20, 22, Kalaios Is....................136, 137 Indumatl ............................. 7,8
25, 90, 152 Kali............... 13, 16, 46, 278, 304 Ingalgi tablet ................. 190 | Jayasinha I., Jayasinha-Val. kali................................. 20, 212 Inscriptions...10, 21, 25, 39, 43, 44, labha (E. Chal.) ............ 75, 78 Kált, g........................ 211, 279
73, 76, 8988., 167, 1827., 212, Jayasimha II. (E. Chal.) ... 75, 78 KA?idAsa.................. 8, 239, 215 221ff., 237, 245, 273, 284, 285, ► Sûri ...55, 56 Kálidurga, v. ................ 279, 283
287, 301 jayasinha ........................... 211 Kaļigo tablet ..................... 188 intermarriage ................... 87, 88 Jayatura, c...................... 3 Kalingas... 2-9, 68, 91, 95, 225, 215 Irish folklore ..................... 288 Jedda ....... ................. 332 Kali-Vikrama,-Vikramaditya iron
***........ 116
JelAlAb&d ............. 198, 199, 227ff. VI. (W. Chål.) ............. Isidôros of Kharas ......... 137, 336 Jelâlu'd-din ......................... 63 Kali-Vishnuvardhana,-VishIsis ............
... 125 Jenabi
.............. 136 nuvardhana V. (E. Chal.)...75, 78 Islam and Woman ................. 261 Jerd-hafdn, Cape Guardafui 122,124 Kaliyuga..................42, 169, 245 Istabel Antai .................... 129 Jerim .............................. 130 - dates.................... 245 Isvara, g...............
91 Jêsalmêr ............................. 158 Kålk .............................. 211 févaradevasênaka, V........... 305 Jeta Yana ............................. 329 kalleavds ....................116, 117 ivory .................................. Jethwas ...................... 181, 181
......................144, 145 'Izr&fl ................................ 264 Jif&tin Is. ......................... 118 Kalon, Mt. ........................ 137
Jimvaraksha, v.P ............... katus .............................. 116 Jacinth........................ 117, 147 Jina, Jinêndra, g. ....... 213, 215 kalyana.........................116, 117 jade ............. 177, 178 jinn .........
210 Kalyana ...............59n, 144, 145 Jadejas....................88, 181, 184 Jivaka
311 kalyanaparampard .........26, 105 JAfarabad..................... 181, 182 jivanmukta ........................
179 Kalyanapura, C....21, 22, 27, 91, 95, Jagaddeva, k. ..................... 59 jtvapratishtha ................ 213
96, 105 jagadékadaní .................. 188n. jivasúnya ..........
213 Kamadeva, g...................20n, 36 Jagadêkamalla I.-Jayasimha III. JHânarasipandita................ 21 Kamars ............................ 148 (W.Chål.) ...... 10, 11, 17, 18, 152 Joséphoe, Fl.
Kámarapa ........................ 6 Jagannatha ...................... 106 júdiaramandali ............. 267 Kamaun .......................59n, 88 Jagara............................. 67, 68 Junagadh............... 161, 182, 185 Kambhinasi....................... 821 Jagjivandas the reformer...... 289. Junnar .............
144 Kamboja ............................. 6 J&hnava ............................ 214
Kámeswar Kotdi ............... 158 Jahnavi,r....... Kabolitai ....................
Kammaravandlu ca. ...... 217, 220 jdhnaviyakula .................... 212 Kabul Caves ................... Kammarawâdi tablet............. 191 Jainism.............................. 30, 31 kachchhapa ....... ..
Kammavandlu ca................. 217 Jaitra Sagara ...................... 69 Kadaba, v. ..............
Kammôni............................ Jaitrasingha............. 57, 59, 64, 65 kadamba .............
Kampalammâ, g. ............. 219 JAjadêva ......................... 67, 73 kadambaka ....................
17
kampana ..........................91, 95 Jákabba, q. (W. Chål.) ........ 16 Kadambas 11, 13, 17n, 23, 238, 213 Kamsalilu ca. ..................... 217 jalan ............................... 297n. Kadavegundi, v.
215 kana-corner ...................... 223 Jalarlu ca. ....................... 217 Kadılavägila, V. .....
Kanauj ...................... 19, 100-104 Janaka .................................... 328 Kadwar .........................
Katchf, C....... 24, 25, 27, 28, 67, Janamêjaya ...............23, 91, 93 tæbælla ......................
169, 245, 280 Jangamvandlu ca. ............... 217 Káykapor ........................ Kanichid rara, V. ... ... ............ 279 Jatiya............................... 210 Kahagalwihåra insc............. KAñchivayil, v. ...... 169, 170, 280 Játs
.............. 211 Kabandagala insc. ............... Kanê 107, 109-111, 113-116, 132-136 Jaunpur ........................... 101 Kaineitai Is.
147, 148 Jayabhata (Gar................. 188 Kaira plates........................ kanghodi ......................... 247 Jayamambha, c. ............... 25, 28 Kairap........................... 109, 334 Kanittha Tissa................226, 227 Jayapala ........................... 101 KAkavanna Tissa, k............. 226 | KAnkroli, v. .................... 65 Jayapala Chakri ................ 58, 59 Kakka, Kakkala (Rash.) ...16, 152 Kannada, Karnataka ......174, Jayapala of Mängrol ...... 153, 158 Kakudha Katyayana ........... 313 Kanettri Jayapur
.......... 68 Kalabhras...............24, 25, 27, 28 Kanraitai .......
129
**... 304
E &
187 321
12
175

Page #392

848
INDEX.
......
.
..
.
65
34
59
........ 6,8
91
110
Kansaravandlu ca................ 217 khadgad
............. 114
Koļatta-nadu ............... 115, 146 KAntêla insc..................... .. 187 Khadgávalóka,-Dantidurga Kolhapura, C. .....
.............. 18 Kanthi ............................. 140
140 (R&sh.) ....................... 151 Kolkhoi.................. 111, 148, 149 Kanyakubja, c. .........19, 100-104 Khairåbåd ........................ 229 Kollabiganda-Vijayaditya IV. Kapisa, T............................ 6 Khaista tope ...................... 200 (E. Chal)........................ kara . ........ 18 khajjana ......
47 Kolla pura, C. ..................... 18n. Karambi ... .................186, 187 | Khân Khánân ...............235, 236 Kolöe
............... 121 karanda-sarira ................ 340 khandasphutitajtrnoddhara ... 20 Komar,-Kumari............148, 149 Kdranda-vyúha ............... 249-253 Khandasvimi .................... 318 Komårlavaru ...................... 36 Karaţikaņņa, d................. 18 Khandava ................... 38 Komaramangala, v. ............ 215 Karavadi, v. ..... 96 Khandhiâs .............
29 Komâți ca. ...................... 34, 36 Karbala ... 261 Khandilla..
Komatlu ca. ..................... 216 Kard& plates ...........
16 Khandob& ...................... 211
..... 211 Komgollaewa insc. ............... 224 Karkara (R&sh.) ..... 16 Khânzadas ...................... 210
.. 210 Kommalammå, g. ............... Karnadeva, k. .................. Kb&rêpatan plates................. 16 Kommulavandlu ca............... 218 Karnataka ................174, 175 Kharibael... 108, 118, 130-134, 333 Konda Reddivandlu ca....... 217 Karniká Amma, g. ............
36 Kharparas ....... .............. 64 Kongalnadu, d. ................ 212 Karoura, Karur ................... 146 Khartan Is.
...... 136 Konganivarma I. (Ga.)........ 214 káptacos .............
112 Khásils ............ 163, 165, 205, 206 Kongu dynasty .................. 212 Karpuri Dêri................. 59, 60 khéras ......................... 101, 102 Koņikal, d...................... 89, 97 Kårttikêya, g. ............ 12, 16n, 27 Khersonesos ..................... 145 Konkaņas....... 18, 91, 95, 237, 244 Karum, r. ...................... 137 Khokhri hills .................... 184 Koppara-Kêsarivarma 170, 172, 280 Kåsålu ca. ........................ 218 Kholaibos, k. .....................
.. 130 Koppa Vellamalu ca............. 216 Kasikas
xolóBapa ............................ 116 Koptog .................. 119, 129, 332 kasmiraga ........................
113 Khruse ......................... 149, 150 Korantaka .......................... Kassapo V......................... 223 Khumbåvati, c. .................. 3 Kordwars............................. Kaśyapa ............................ Khusra Parviz ...............270, 272 Kopuous élévov... ................ Katachchuris ...... 237, 211n, 243
Nushirwan ............ 335 Korodamon ......................... 136 Kataragama Dewale ........... 318 Kilhat .............................. 136 Korra Râzu ..................... 34 Kataka, co....................... 9
Kilwa
128
...........7, 245 katakanutkalita ......91, 92, 94, 98 Kilvarâya ......................
Kosmas Indicopleustes 114, 115, 120 Katakarája .......................... 79 Kirâtâs ....................6, 113, 150 KÓOTOS .............................. 112 Kateri, g. ..................... 211 Kirinde insc. ..................... 226 ķotaibah bin Muslim...... 272, 273 Kathasarit-Sagara ......... 37, 38 Kiriya-Bellumbatte, v. ...... 21 koti-yajña............................ Käthis ......... Kirrhadia ..................... 113, 150
kottalus ........... kathila, tin ......................... 116 Kirttir&ja,-Kirttivarm I. Kottonara.................... Katikaparla ca................ 218 (Early Chal.) .............44 kotumba ..........................
141 Kattagêri tablet ................. 191 krttistambha ..................... 16n. Kotwa, Y. ...........................
291 Kausiki, g. ..................12, 75, 78 Kirttivarma I. (Early Chal.) 13, Kreophagoi .......................... 125 Kavêras ..........................24, 28
23, 25, 27, 43, 46, 237, 243 Křishna, g................... 13, 16, 42 K&vêri, r. .....................24, 245 Kirttivarma II. (W. Chal.) 14, 28, Krishna I. (Nik.) ................ 41 Kayal ....................... .... 149
105
IL-(Nik) ............ 41, 42 Kej................................ 334, 335 KirttivarmA III. (W. Chal.)... 14 Kộishna (R&sh.)................ 12, 15 Kembare, r...................
Kiruvalli, v. ..................... 29 Kfishna, r. .......................... 73 Kembhåvi tablet ............ 105 Kiruvatti tablet .................. 191 Kțishnaverna, r. ................ 18 Ken-jan-fu, c...................... 151
Kisawacha ..................... 3, 4!
3, 4 Ksitânta, g........................... 278 Keprobotras............. 108, 145, 146 Kiguvolal, c. ................
286 | Kșitayuga
A y usu *****................ 42 Kêraļas, 6, 8, 24, 25, 27, 28, 245, 283 kittysal," kiteol'............. 232 κρόκος Kerek
32 Kobê................ ................. 122 Kshatriya ..................... 327, 328 Kerman ............................ 331 | Kochchuraka, v. ................44, 47 Kshatriyalu ca................... 216 Kesarivarme ....................... 170 Kôchrô plates ..................... 44
Kshipri, r. ......................... 64 Kenhin .............
135 oqinar inso. ...............
Kshiranadi, r. ............... 279, 283 Kesi, Kéfinisadana, g. .......... Koh-i-Båbå ................... 254
Kubja-Vishnuvardhana,- VishnuKesmacoran................. Koi Nayakalu ca. ............... 219 vardhana I. (E. Chal........75, 78 ketaka ...................... .. Kois ......................38ff, 219-221 Ku language ..................... 34 kewul, kaiwarta .......... .. Kokkamgere, v. ............... 215 | Kudawaewa ingo................ 222 Khabêris ....
149 Kokkili (E. Chal.) ............. 75, 78 Kuddaka Patha ................... 329
...
.........
Kösalas
*..........
181
*******.........
96
113
.... 187
136
223

Page #393

INDEX.
349
**... 205
...
.....
...
19
.
..
158
Kuêncion ........
121 Lôkamabadêvi (E. Chal.) ...... 76 Mahari ..... Kulumândi, g...........
211
(W. Cbal.)...... 24n. mahásdndhivigrahikd, o. ...... 27 Kumara, g. ...................... 76, 79 10kamdtri ........................ 26, 45M ahasena, g. .............. 75, 78, 97 Kumaramangala, v. ............ 279 Lokantik ............................ 329 Mahasena, k. ............. 225, 227 Kumâra Nripati................... 55 Lokayata ............................ 311 | Mah&tangi, ....................... 36 Kumarasambhava ............. 106 Ludwig-Der Rig Veda ...... 326 mahattara, o. ... ... ... 18, 20-22, 304 Kundunâd, d. ................... 96 vydos ..........
117 Mahavira ................30, 31, 313n. Kunokephaloi ................ 125 Luhupa Någâs.
Mahôndra, Mt. ....................6, 7 kuntadhvaja ....................... 11 AÚKLO ........
Mahendra, g. ........................ 277 Kuntala, co....................... 18, 66
Mahendravarma I. (Pall.)...... 277 Kunwar Pala.................153, 158 | Machado, Barbosa .............
» II. (Pall,)...... 277 KÚTTEpos ........................113, 131 Madabhardru, V.................. Mahêsvara, g. ...20n. 76, 251, 278 Kuppagade plates ............... 90 Madanadahana, g. .............
280, 303, 304 Kuppe, V............................. 215 Madasaras, v. ...................... Mahima Shah, Mahimaśkhi 67-73, Kuran, Qorán ............... 159, 162 Madhava, 8. ....................
16
234 Kuryan Muryan Is.........134, 136 Madhava I. (Ga.) .......... 214 Mâhishakas ......................6, 8 Kurra!, Notes on the .......... 305ff Madhuparka ....................... mahishi.............................. 45 koued..
.................112n. Madhyadêsa .............. 66 Mahmud of Gazni ... 101, 153, 154, kubalin ......................18, 22, 302 M&diga ca. ......... 34, 36, 216, 218
157-162, 181, 182 loushta ................................ 112 Madridevi, q. ....................... 3 Mahmud Bigarah 161, 181, 183, 184 Kusumach&pa, g. ............... 278 maenda, madhya .................... 225 maenda, madhva
Maïayya ............. játa, kutaka ...... 18, 20, 22, 75, 77 Magadha ........................... 7, 68 Mai H&jat .............. Kabu'd-din.......
Magavyakti by Weber ......... 328 Mais, Mahf, r. ............ Kuvaldlahasu. ..., v. .......... 44
áyd.......... ............. 113, 125
Maisolia Maesolus ......... 149, Kuvalay&nanda ................... 55 Mahabalipur ...............1, 25, 172 Maisunadu, d............... Kwan-yin, g. .................
249 Mahabharata, i. 3027 ......... 888 Maisar ............................. Kyasantr tablet ................
i. 8404 ............. 339 Maitrakas......................... iii. 13461 .......... 152 Majáwir ........................
v. 1513 ......... 152 Makhdasha, Mogadoxa ......... lac (Idkshd) ....................
xii. 213, 293...86, 87
μάκειο Lahor gun ..........................
xü. 530, 5623 ... 205 MakkaligôsAla .............. Lakhansi ...........................
xii. 2020 ........ 205 | Makran, oo....... Lakkadiva Is......................
xii. 2320 ......... 839 Makroprosôpoi Lakshmana, k. ................... 15
xii. 2791 .......... 204
Mals ......***...... Lakshmi, g. ................ 12, 16, 28
xii. 5503£. ...... 339 Malabar pottery ................... 309 Lama Tâtars ....................... 165
xiii. 2236.........
321 paláßa poy ..........113, 147, 150 Lambadivandlu ca..........
xii. 4896........
338 Målad-Aldr, v. ............ 22, 23 Lamou ................................
xiii. 7594..... 152 M&lalu ca. .......................... 218 Lancaster's Voyages
xiii. 9787.........
Malao ........... 110, 112-118, 122 Larikê, Lâri..........
xiv. 2835......... 204 Mâļavas ..............7, 19, 191, 244 Latas ......................
Mahâbhârata era ............... 239 Malaya ............ lead......................... 116, 143, 147 | Mahabhimishkoramand-Satra... 800 Maldive Is........................... 201 Tekhaka.............................. 19 Mahadatika Mahanaga ........ 226 Male, d. .......................... 212 Lerch, Dr. .......................... 271 mahddbur ........................46, 74 m alek .............................. 333 L'Escailot, Rev. M. ............. 256 mahdjana ...................22, 23, 286 Malikhas ................ 109, 129, 333 Letronne M. v..v..v...v 331f | Mahakala .............. 64, 79 Malik Eiaz ................... 183, 184 Leuke Is................................ 144 MahAkalattaewa inso.......... 222 Malkabâramu, V................... 79 Leukê Kômê ............. 109, 129, 333 Mahákata tablet' ............45, 285 malla..... 11, 14, 17-19, 22, 74, 278 Aißavos .................113, 123, 139 Mah&mallapurs, c. ......1, 25, 172 Mallaka Någa, k.............. 227 Licha.
............... 125 | Mahanaga, k. ..............226, 227 mallikámóda .................... Light of Asia by E. Arnold ... 299 mahapatha ..................... 44, 243
Mamili, g. Limuriko 134, 135, 144, 145, 147-149 Mah&path&ntapura, .......... 245 mana .............. linga ........................... 178, 215 mahdpradhana, o..............20, 22 Manalkadu Weddas Litiga Bajilu ca............... 218 mahardja, 18, 20, 22, 26, 27, 44, 46, manana ...... . ... Linga Koi, ca.......
... 219 74, 77, 91, 94, 168, 171, 213, 285, Mänavya ........................ linga-larira ............. . 340
286, 302, OVO
286, 302, 303 Manda ............ Lohångs ...............
88 | Maharashtraks, co....... 238, 244 Mandagora ...........144, 145
110
...
...
34
219
17

Page #394

350
INDEX
68, 69
116
.... 140
69
290
207
222
..
.
Mândata or Médata .........66 & n. Matangas ......................... 243 Mandakint, r. ........................ 64 Matarasula ca. ........... .... 217 Mandhata ......................... 41, 56 mdtrigana .................... 74, 77 Mandi
Matsyas ........................... 6,8 Mangala, k.............. 43 mattar, 1. m. ............
21 Mangala ca................. 218 Mauryas ......... 13, 238, 243, 244 Mangala-Satra..................... 329 Max Müller's Sacred Books of Mangalisa (Early Chal.) 13, 237, the East ..........
294 243, 244 Maximus Tyrius.................. 167 Mangaldr, v. ........................ 96 maya ............................... Mangi (E. Chal.) ............. 75, 78 May, 8. ..................... 326 Mångrol, Mangalor, 154, 158, 160, Mayalotilu ca...................... 219
Mayilagastota insc. Månik Chandra ............. mayurapichchhadhvaja ......... Manikya Raya.............. Mêdapata,--Mew&d ......... 64, 68 Manikyala tope ............. Mêghawarna k. ............ 225, 227 Mannaiku, v. ................. méguti, myaguti ................ 237 Mannepuvandlu ca............. Mekhalas .........
6 Manodara ...............
Melan Horos ...................... 132 Mansura ..........
uehiepla ...................... 116, 122 Manu ............................97, melilot ..................... 114, 143 manya ............................ Melizeigara ...................144, 145 Marathi Schools .................. Menander .....................143, 337 M&ravas ............................ Mengala Thut, Meng. Thok 82, 329 Marco Polo .................. 132, Menouthias Is.... 111, 125, 127, 128 Mariabo,-Marab .............
Meos .............................209, 210 Mari-amman, g. ....... ... Mêrs ................................... 88 Marmivandlu .................. Merkara plates
.................. 212 marriage ceremonies ........... Meroe............................ 119, 332 Martan Is. ....................
Mēru, Mt. ...................
278 MarudAyi, g. .................. 211
pétafa ........................... mása, Åshadha .................. 190 Methora, Mathura ...............
.............152, 285 Mêwat ............................. » Aśvija....................... 192 Mharras ...... » Bhadrapada...... 28, 191, 193 Micronesia, Buddhism in,...... Chaitra ...........91, 190-193 Miga Jdtaka ..........
253 Jyaishtha .................. 191 Mihindo III. .................. Karttika.........152, 189, 193 Mihintale, Mt.................. Magha ............97, 151, 190
Milinda...... ....... Margasirsha............. 191
Minas PhAlguna .........96, 190-192 minaketu ..................... Pausha ...................... 190 Minicoy Is................... Pushya ............22, 190-193 Minnagara .........138-140, 336-338 Śrávaņa.21, 23, 152, 190, 193 Minpolis ............................ Vaisakha... 18, 47, 152, 169, Miraj plates ..................... 191, 192, 305 | Miriñiji, v.
21 Masalia ............................ 149 Mitakshara ......................... Mas&ni .............................. Mith& Kh&n................... Masavadi, d. ................ Mithra .......................... 162, 163 Masaww&
Mocrebchan' ..............235, 236 Masira ..............
Modura ..... Maskat ..................
135 | Môghrãi ....................................... Masnavi ..................
Mo-ho-la-ch'a ................... 240 Måstilu ca. ..................... 218 Moinanokalt
128 Masa'di......
140 Mokha ............................... 130 MÁgum Shhh
pokpórov... .....................114, 123 Maths' |
211 Molapadi, V...................... 215
Molhana Deva...............
außdos .............................. Mombaros i......................... Momfis .............................. 127 monakh& ............................ 126 Monograms of Euthydemos ... 196 Mopharitis ...... 108, 128, 180, 184 moradi .......................... 213, 214 Moskha ............113, 115, 135, 136 Moskhophagoi ............... 119, 121 Mosulon............110-118, 123, 124 Motadu Reddivandlu ca....... 217 MÓTW ...........................114, 125 mottoes on seals,45, 74, 77, 278, 301 Moundou ......... 110-118, 122, 123 poupívn........................... 117, 122 Mouzá .. 110-118, 123, 126, 128, 130,
131, 134 Mouziris, Muziris 108-118, 145, 146 Mrichchhakatika by Regnaud 266 Msida, 8. ........................... 14 mudal ............................. 307 Mudugere, v. ...................... Mudunira, Y. ........ Muhammadanism ............... Muhammarah ..................... mukta Molasamgha, 8. ............... Molasthånadeva.............. Mälavalli, ........ ........ mules Mulgirigala......................... Multân...... Munivrata ........................... múrttis................................... 41n. murttyashtaka ............ muslin ...... 114, 115, 131, 139, 149 Mussendom C. ................ 137 Mutteri, V. ........................ 215 Muyiri-kotta ....................... 146 Muzaffar I....................153, 181 Muzaffar Halim ................ 184 Myos Hormos ... 109, 118, 119, 129
332 myrrh .... .......114, 115, 123
96
110
65
256
.
........
40
162
161
146
Nabathæa, Nabathæans... 109, 129,
333 N&bhaga .............................. 278 Nadamari (spur. W. Chal.)...14, 22 Naga .................... 104, 205, 206
custom ..................88, 206 ndga-lead ......................... Naga Mah&sêna, k. ............ 225 Nagamahê wihåra ............... Nagamangala plates ............
116
o
ba .
.............

Page #395

INDEX.
851
| Onne.....
****... 129
117
............
Nagara Gundi tope ........229, 230 Nøyakalu ca. .......... .... 218 omeng .........
298 Nagarahara ......... ................ 230 NÂyar custom.................. 87, 88 Nagarilu ca. ...................... 217 Neakyndon ......................... 145 Onyx
............. 117, 143
*** Nagarjuna..........................42, 91 Nearkhos............................ 335 | Oöerki .............................. 228 Någavarma ........................ 20 Neiloptolemaios ................... 124 Ophir ..........................140, 144 Nagher ................153, 161, 181-7 nelevidu......................... 20, 105 Opiðné 110, 111, 114, 116, 125, 126 Nagipoţi ..........
Nelkunda ......... 109-118, 145-147 opravds ........... Nahusha ....................... 244, 278 Nelveli, v. ........................ 278 Oraia............... 114, 115, 138, 334 naivedya .............................. 20 Nengiyar, v. ..................... 29 ordeals ..............
*************. 162 Nakb el Hajar...................... 132 Nepál ......................
68 ópelyalkos ............................ nakshatra, Bharani ............. 91 nephrite .............. .......
177 Oreino ....................... 120, 121 , Indrabha ............ 91 Neror plates ................ 43 Oreitai ..........
...............138 Parva-Bhådrapada 152 Nicodemus' Gospel ...250, 252, 253 Ofekôdu, . ..................214, 215 » Rêvati ................. 214 nidhinidhana
... ............... 18
Orissa ..........
..............16n. Nakula .......
278 nididhydeana ..................... 340 Orites ............................... 334 Nala ................................. 278 Nigantha ..........................811, 811 Ormus ................................. 334 Naļas.......................11, 13, 243 Nikon ........................ 125-127 Orneôn ................... 132, 133 nalada ...
S... 114
Nikumbha (Nik.) ...... ... orthographical remarks....... 43 Nálikera, k......................... 4, 6 Nikumbhas .............
Ozênê.........114, 115, 117, 140, 143 namaskrita ......................... 92 Nilos .......................... namasya .......................... 92, 95 Nimbavana, V............. 278 Pachchandr, v. .................. 245 names of persons ................ 321 Nimrand ......................
pdd........................
***.......... 47 Namnadios, Narmada 109, 111.145
245 pddabhakta................168, 172 Namuchi .....
ninguna.........
.. 290 pádachdrin ..........................304n. Nanagouna, Nanaguna ....... 145 Nirgunda ......................... 215 Padadore, d........................ 18 Nának ................................ 290 Nirurgal, v. .................... 215 páddnudhyata .............74, 77, 172 Nanda, k..................... 187, 188 nirvana ............30, 179, 255, 300 Padarânga, g. ............... 311 Nandan, k. ........................... 58 Nishadba .................
278 pdddvarta, l. m. ................ 305 Nandi tablet .................. 90 milldi..............
246 Padinyattamari Nandipôtavarmé (Pall.)...... 24, 28 Nissanka Malla, k............... 224 Padmanabha, g. .............. Nandivarmá (Pall.) ............ 169 Nitria ...............................
145 Padmanabhan ...................... 99 Nandivarma-Pallavamalla(Pall)278 nivartana, 1. m. ................ 22, 44 Padmasri .............................. 251 Nandivaļli, v. .................. 29 niyuktaka, o. ......... 18, 20, 21, 22 paessa, paschima............... 225 Nanea or Anaïtis, g. ............ 335 | Nolamba .....................
Vpagai
... 48 Naoura ..................110, 144, 145 Nolambadhiraja (Pall.) ......... 90 Pagalaţi
...... 19 Naradêva, k. ..................... 58 olambavadi....................90.98 pahan, pashana ............ 223 Narapati ............................91, 95 Nonad Simba ....................... 59 pahlava ................... 23 Narasimhapôtavarma (Pall.) 25, 28 Nonamba (doubtful W. Chal.) 90,
Paithana ......... 117, 143, 144, 266 Narasimhavarma I. (Pall.) ... 277
91, 94, 96 Paki caste............................. 219 Narasimhavarma II. (Pall.)... 278 Noņambavadi ..................90, 98 Vpala ................ .............. 48 N&rayaņa, g...........12, 27, 75, 78 Notes and Queries...87, 106, 176, palæographical remarks ...43, 45, nard
............................ 114, 139 .............
205, 234, 321
79, 237, 238 Narêgal tablet .................. 191 Notou Keras.................. 124, 125 Palaisimoundou ............ 108, 149 Narendramrigaråja,-Vijaya. Notre Dame......................... 163 Palaipatmai ..................144, 145 ditya II. (E. Chal.) ........ Nriga.........
............ 278 PÅlaka, k....... ............. 30 ndrikela .........
Nushki ................................ 165 Pâlâr, r. .. .................. 283, 284 Nariyambole, ................... Nusrat Khân..................... 68, 69 paldea ......................... 112n, 300 Narmada, r.......... 12, 109, 111, Nydya Saraţikd ................. 55 pdfidhwaja .................24, 26, 28 nasasdidrs...........................
vpalla ................................. 50 Nátyârambha ....................
Pallava (Pall.) ............50, 51, 277 ναύπλιος
114 Obollah ................... 137, 330, 334 Pallavamalla, Nandivarma Nausaripa ................... 144 obsidian ....................... 117, 121 (Pall.) ............................ 278 Navajati ...
55 Oddila ................. 33n, 217, 219 Pallayas... 1, 23, 28, 90, 98, 167, Navakama (Ga.) ................. Ogyris ............................... 136
245, 273 navasudhdkarman ................ 20 Okelis............... 123, 131, 132, 145 pani ............. ......... 48 Nayachandra Sari ...........55, 56 Omana 110, 111, 115, 116, 118, 133 Palli ca. .........
........... 216 ndyaka .......... ............ 22
135, 137, 138, 334 Pallikonda ..................... 164
21

Page #396

352
INDEX.
.
218
327
305
***...
45
4,
B
OB
.
............
125
125
148
Palmer's Poems of Behd-ed-din Patna tablet ..................... 39 Poleklát --Palikêéí I. (Early Zoheir ...........................31, 32 patta ..............
***............ 214 Chal.) ...............23, 25, 237, 243 Palmer's Song of the Reed...... 293 pattabandhotsava ............189, 190 Polekébivallabha,--Pulikêbi I. Palmyra ............. .....
....... 333
Pattadakal....... .. ............. 24n. (Early Chal.) ...............27, 97 Påmbarru, v. ....................... 76
Polekébivallabha,-Pulikêát II. pdn supdri ........................ 160 paffavardhini ...................... 75 (W. Chal.) .....................13, 44 Panasavandlu ca............... Pattidivandlu ca................ 220 Põlěya ...........................50, 51 Pañch&la.......................... 68, 181 patu ..............................73, 75 Pollonaruwa ........................ 221 Pañcbalas
paulakást ... ........................... 105 polyandry ........................ 87, 88 pañchama hayajña
paulikast (P) ...................... 97 Ponataga, v. ....................... 25 pandanus ...
83 Paulkasa ............................ 50 por ................................. 49 Pandharpur........................ 211 Pauthier, M..................... 337n. pota ..............................24n. 28 Pandiôn,-Pandi 108, 111, 146-148
pavulavarga ......................... 20 Potappa, g. .................. 24n. pandita ......
...... 21
payment of debts ............... 267 poti .......... Pandyas, 2, 6-8, 20n, 24, 25, 27, 28, pearls...............110, 111, 148, 149 pottery, ancient .................. 309
146, 245, 278 peasant life .......................... 233 Prabhas Patan ............... 153-159 Panis, g. *...*** ................. 324
. . SA V Vpedai ................................ Pedai ***
49 pradhdna, o. ..................... 41 pannutri ............................ 247 | Peddatrova, v.P .................. 76 Prågiyotishas ................... 6 pannasa .. ................73, 75 Pehlavi ................................. 207 Prahlada ........................59, 62 Panon, Panos
Pelly's Hasan and Husain... 263 Prajapati Samvatsara .........21, 22 Panta Reddivandlu ca.......... 217
Vpén........ ***********........ 48
Prakritica by S. Goldschmidt. 299 P&nungal, V...................... 23, 29 Pennatavidi, d. .................. 78 Prasum...............
............. 128 Papias Is................................ 137 pepper........................115, 147 Pravábana Jaivali ................ 327 Papikê...........................140, 141
por .................................. 49 pravdla .................................. 110 Parákrama Båhu................. 227 Perbakkavånamarugareya-Nir. préta
............... 210, 340 Paralaoi Is. .........................
gunda ..................... 215 Prisni, g.......................... 326 Paralis ...............
Periplus of the Erythraean Sea Přithaputra, v. ................... 305 paramabhagavata............ 168, 172
1074., 330ff. Prithiviraja .................... 57-60 paramabhattdraka...18, 20, 22, 74, Periyaļi, v. ................... 97 prithivivallabha...26, 27, 46, 91, 94, 91, 94 Permadi, -Vikramaditya VI.
285, 286 paramabrahmanya ... 168, 171, 275
prithivivallabhasabda............ 241 paramddityabhakta ...............
302 Perolbe, v. .......................
215 Prithivivyågbra, k. ...... 278, 283 paramamdhérvara......275, 277, 302 Persian Walis.................. 262 Proklaïs..................112, 142, 143 paramasvdmin ....................... 302 Persis .............
133 Pronfrya ......................... Paramés vara, g. ................... 278 Petra ........................
proper names .................. paramébvara... 18, 20, 22, 26, 27, 46, peru .............
Pseudokêlis ..................... 74, 91, 94, 285, 286 Peruvuļalku, v. .............
Psugmos ...... Paramebyaravarma L. (Pall.)... 277 | Pettanandârulu ............ Paramééváravarma II. (Pall.).. 278 Peukelaïs ............................ 338 Ptolemaïs Epitheras ............ Parasika ....................6, 24, 28 Phusati, q. .....................
| Therốn .........119, 120 Parishs......... ............... 218 Pharan, C. .................... 129 Ptolemy ................. 108, 330-334 Parikshit ....................... 91, Phil Khana caves
230 Vpa, púru ........................ 48 Pariya-Bhamaņimangala, V.... 277 Philomêtôr, k..................
109 Pachamkula ..................277, 278 Parjanya, g.......................... 324 Phraates ................................
337 Puduchchêri ..... Parsidai................. 138, 334, 335 Pidári-amman, g. ............... 211 'Paggie-stone' ................... Pârsts .....
328 pigmies .............................. 87, 88 Paja Gollalu ca.............. 217 Pâraf Sagris, &c.................. 29 Pibiti
.............. 225 Pakkasa ............ map évo..................................
110 pineapple ........................83, 84 V pul ........... Parthians.................... 837, 338 Pishtapura, o.... ......... 245 Pul Shah Daulah.............176, Parvati, g. ......................... Pitama ............................ 66, 68 | Palaha .............................. 50 Pasinou-Kharax, (v. Spasini. Plava................................... 50 Vpulai................................. 50
Kharax) ........................ Pliny .............. 108, 109, 332, 338 Pulakési, Pulkkêśivallabha, Pasirees (Pasira).............. 138 Plutarch........................... 337
... 337 Palikesi I. (Early Chal.)...13, 46. Pasitigris .........
137 podhl, pothi ...................... 45 Pulastya P&tan Somanath ...... 153-161, 182 Pôdouk8.....................148, 149 Pulóya ........ Pathan intcr. .........
pog.................................. 48 Pulicat .............. pati ............
246 Polakamma, g. ............... 24n. Puligere, v. ................. 245
Ptolemaïs..
3
149
166
.
.
...
16
137
50
**
188

Page #397

Pulikêsi I. (Early Chal.) 12, 27, 43, 45, 46, 97, 105, 237, 243 Pulikêsi II. (W. Chal.) 43-45, 238, 244, 281 50
Pulimant
Pulindas
pullatti
**********
Pu-lo-ki-she. Pulpaḍi, v. Pundras
Puralaoi
..........................
Purna Kasyapa
Purusha
Pushan, g.
....................... 215
*****************
6,8 127
312
..........................
***********
*************
******...............................
Pushnâvarâ Pushpagedde, v..
Puthangelos
327
323
Pushkara........................ 57, 64
183
91 125
*********
***********..
***********..
****************
**************
Radha-Devi...................
***********..
66, 70 6-8, 10 .................. 254 .......................... 105
74 213 18, 303
Raghu........
Rahula
rajadhání. rájádhirája
rájagriha rájakiya.......... Raja-Mahendra,-Amma II.
75 (E. Chal.). Rajasimha, k. 25 Rajasimhêsvara, g. 24, 25, 28
22 172 298 170 251 Rakshasa........................... Raktakshi samvatsara... 10, 18,152 6-8, 10, 41
Rama......
59 ...88, 207 138 246 225
149 140 94
....................................................................
*******............................
****************
..............................*****
**********.
rájáéraya.
Rajêndra (Chô.)... Rajendralâla Mitra Rajendravarma (Pall.)
************
*******..
******************
**********
50
214
240
*************
...
**********......................
******************
Rama, k.
Râmânujiyas Rambakia Rambarage, Rambirage, c. Rambha wihåra Rameswaram Ban of Kachh..................... Ranajaya (Pall.) Saba .67, 70-72 Ranamalla ....... Ranaråga (Early Chal.) 13, 237, 243 Ranathambhor55-59, 62-70 Ranastambha, co... .....15n ranastambha 15, 16n Banavikrama,-Pulikêéi I. (Early
..................
Sabæa
Chal.) Ranga Dêvi...... Ras-el-Had........................ 109
97 72
216
*******.............................
33
********
ráshṭrakúṭaka. 15 Rashtrakutas... 11, 12, 16, 188, 238 ráshtrapati, o. 18, 20, 22 rási, Purusha 151 Tula Vrishabha Ratipala................... ..66, 67, 70-72
151
214
******************
.253n 21 76
35
INDEX.
*********************
Ratnarakshita.. Raṭṭara-Malla....
***************
rice
Raṭṭêdi, v. Ravidêva, Raviyanabhaṭṭa...20-22 Ravikirtti
**************
**************
*********
**********............................
************
Bâyamalla Rayapala Razulu, ca..... Reddikilu, ca............................... Regnaud's Chariot de Terre Cuite 266 Reinaud, M......... .................... 330 Rekapalli Taluka.... 33ff., 215 Religion (la) Védique, p. A. Bergaigne
***................
Bakard 322 244 Rêvâ, r. Rêvatidvipa 13, 243 Rhapta ............... 109, 125, 128 rhinoceros....... 111, 243 129 115, 126 86
..............................******
********************
************
***********.....
******************
Rhinocoloura
*********.............
riches-praise of Rig-véda ....... Rishabha Dêva 64 Rishis .................. 325 Rishikas 6,8 rita 326 Rizophagoi 119 Rogerius A. ..................... 98ff. Rohinika Gâmiņi 225, 227 rude stone monuments... 164, 165 Rudra, g. 204, 324, 326 218 Runzavanḍlu, ca. Rupasikha .................... 37, 38 233 Russian peasant life 225 Ruwanwaeli dâgoba ruzot *********.........
*********...
************...
************
..............
******************
***********
************
*********
************
************
***************
SAlankayana........ ..324, 326-28
245
234
234 216 218
133 ..... ............ 109, 110
Sabaïtai..................... 130
..............................
Subaras
Sabbatha, Sabota......... Saber Mt......
Sabis, g.......
278, 282 132, 133 130 133 Sacred Books of the East, by Max Müller Rasa Vellamalu, ca.............. sacrifice.... rashtra.. Sadasiva, g.. rashtrakuta, o.75, 77 S&'di's Bustan
168
*******************
***********
........................................ 294
339 277 262
***********.....
********** ...................................
Saddharma-punḍartka
249
saffron
113, 131 Sâgal or Asgal, k. ..... 333 Sagara. ...29, 41, 97, 305 sagmatogene. 126 sagótra ...11, 22, 26, 44, 45, 74, 77, 168, 172, 213, 303
St. John's
29 6 232 163 335
St. Michael Saivas sakabhupalakala Saka dates...18, 28, 42, 96, 105, 151, 152, 188-193, 214, 245
41
Saka era Sakas...... bakakala.......
188 58 .151, 213 sakalástháyika, o. 214 Sakâmbhari ..59n, 64 bakanṛipakúla .......................................... 18, 152
**************...
113 bakavarsha.......27, 95, 187, 188 bákhd, Bahvṛicha.....19, 279, 305 Sakhalitês, Sakhle .........133-135 Sakra,-Indra, g. 3, 16, 244 Saktikumâra Sakya Muni........... Saladin
201
328 31 73
************
217 .............................................. 201
Salar-general' .209, 210 Salikê-Ceylon .................. 108 Salilu, ca. Śâlivahana Salliyar Salmasius 15 Sâlôtgi tablet samádhi 340 Sâmangad plate .................. 151 samanta 242 Sâmantasimha, k. 58 samatu................ 34 Sambara..........................
321 ................................................... 59n.
sagris Sâhya, Mt.
************
Sâmbhar..... 113, 139, 143 Saminagar
"
***********
33
353
******...
*********
**************
*************
**********
********************
************
************
......................................................................
29 ...... 108f
********........................**
139
samastabhuvanáśraya... 11, 18, 20, 26, 74, 91, 94
************************
Sambhu, g. 91, 95 Samgam tablet ............ 193 41 Samkara, g. Samkaragrama, v...... 278 Samkarasênâpati 278 *******.................... 190 samkramana, Dakshinayana. 23 Maha. ************... Mêsha 190 Uttarayana 22,91, 190-193
***************
..................................................
...

Page #398

354
INDEX.
.......
.
.. 207
311
.. 211
23
137
............
Sampige tablet ...... 90 Sanskrit and Old-Canarese Saulkika, o....
304 Samudradatta-Chaturvôdiman- Inscrips. 10, 43, 212, 237, 284,301 Saundatti tablet................. 189
gala, V. ............................ 279 dnta ........... ............. 298 Saurashtra .................. 181, 187, samvat ..................... 18, 151, 152 Sântalige, d. ..................... 91 sauviranjana ..................... 116 samatsara, Angirasa (6) ...... 152 Gavráva ............................. 115 Savitri-Tvashtri, g..........324, 326 » Bhâva (8)............ 191 právralov .......
Sayyid Kasim ..................... 184 » Bahudhânya (12).. 191 Sântâls ..
164 Schools-Marathi............... 246f. , ,Chitrabhanu (16).. 191 Sântâli words ..................194-196 Schwanbeck, Dr. ... 109, 111, 116
, Dhatu (10) ... 190, 191 Sany&sis ............................... Seals of copper-plates... 43, 45, 74, , Dundubbi (56) 189, 190 Sapädalaksha ..................... 59n
77, 89, 167, 212, 273, 301 , Hêvilambi (31) ... 192 Saphar, Sapphar ............... 180 Sedhadla, g. .................... , Isvara (11).........191n. Sapor I.
334 seloukeia Jaya (28) ............ 192 sapphire
117 Seleukidan era ................. 333 , Krôdhana (59)..... 190 saptakonkana .................. Semiramis Mt. ............. , Krôdhi (38)......... 23 saptalókamdtri ................26, 45 Sêmulla ..................... 144, 145 Kshaya (60) ...... 152 saptamatrikd........................ 11 sándpati ........................278, 302 Nala (50) ...... 190, 193 Sarabhanga ..... ........ 8 Sendrikaga je, d. ............... 215 Nandana (26) 190, 192 sarade ...........................213, 214 Sephar ..... Paridhavi (46)...... 193 Saraganes, k. ................... 144 Serapion .....................125-27 Pingala (51) ... 10, 21, larand ........................... Serapis Is......................... 111
1901 Sarangadhara ............. Sêres ..............................110, 330 Plava (35) ......... 192 Sarapis ....................... Besame ............................11, 126 ,Prabhava (1)... 190, 214 Sarasapura, C. ..............
Sesatai
150 , Prajapati (5)......21, 22 Sarasvatf, g. ................... Sêsekreienai, Is................ 145 , Pramadi (47)...191, 193 Sarasvati Brahmans ...........
Slaghanaga
58 , Pramathi (13)...... 191 Sardaha. .............................. 289 Sesostris ........................... 131 , Raktậkshi (58). . 10, 18, Sarlammi, g. ................... 34 setti ................................... 96
152 barman ............18, 27-29, 169, 279 settigutta ........................... 246 Sarvadh&ri (22) ... 192 sarpaydga ........................91, 92 seven
................336n. Sarvajit (21) ...... 192 Sarwa ................. ........ 185 Seven Pagodas inscription 94, 172 , Sârvari (34) ...... 192n sarvabddhaparihara............. 213 Shahâbu'd-din ................... 60, 61
Saumya (43) ...... 193 adrvabhauma ...................... 25, 27 Shamba ........................... 127 , Srimukha (7)...42, 190, sarvakaraparihara ............... 78 shatkarman .......................... 18
191 sarvalókádraya .................11, 77 Sbâyista Khân .................. 257 , śubhakțit (36) ... 192 sarvaindnya........................ 19n. sheaths of sentient beings...... 340
T&rana (8)...... 96, 191 sarvanamaakrita ................... 92 Sheba ......................... 131, 133 ,Vijaya (27) 105, 152, 192 sarvanamasya .............. 18, 92, 95 Sheikh Din ......................... 161 , Vikrama (14) ...... 191 Sarvanivaranavishkambhin 250-52 Shi-lo-o-t'ie-to...................... 240 , Virôdhi (23) ...... 193 cdoráva, sasamine ..........115, 207 Shin .............
256 , Virôdhikṣit (45) ... 193 edsana ........... 19, 20, 27, 44, 214 Siåbah » Vishu (15) ......... 191 &deanddhikdrin, O.................. 19
Sicilian legend.................... ,, Visvävasu (89) ... 192 Sassan .............................. 336 Sidi
, ,Vysya (20) ......... 191 Sassetti................................ 99 Sigerus ........................ Samyu... 277 sat ..............
296 Sihababu, Sihasiwali........... Sanda, Sanja, k................... Sataka of Bhartsihari.
Sikhin Buddha sandalwood ......................... 207 S&tânivandlu ca................. 218
Sikkah
132 Sandanes, k. ..................... 144 Satnâmis .............................289 Silê dêvt, q. .........................
225 carðapakn............... 115, 143, 147" Saty&sraya I., -Pulike II. (W. bildstambha ..........................
213 sandhivigrahddhikrita, o....... 303 Chal.)... 14, 18, 21, 22, 27, 44, 46, Simeon's sons ......................
Simeon's Bor
252 adndhivigrahika, ................ 27
97, 237, 243, 245 sandhivigrahin, o. ............ 20, 22 Satyasraya II. (W. Chal.) ...16, 20 Simhardjo ............ Sanjan, V........................... 232 satydsrayakulatilaka, ... 18, 20, 22 | Simhavarma (Pall.) ............ Sanjayabellante .................. 313 satydérayatva ................... 18 Sinhavishņu (Pall.) Sankhodwara ................... Satyasrayavallabha, Saty&éraya Simhêsvars, k ................ Sankissa ......................... 103 vallabhôndra,-Pulikebi II. Sindan, Sanjân sanskdras ......................... 340 (W. Chal....................... 75, 78 Sines............ Sanskrit Literature ................ 106 Saue, Save ........................ 130 Sindh.....
.............
............
........
3
99
181

Page #399

INDEX.
355
43
Sirsa.........
207
47
211
3401
Taaes
130
Tabari
****........... 110
.
.......
.......
Sindhudurg.............
145 Śrävasti .........................250, 329 Sushņa, g. ............ 324 sinha
Sri, g. .............................11, 304 Sut&rlu ca. ..................... 217 Sinthos, Indus.............. 138, 139 Śrt-Bhatarka, mot............. 301 sitra, Åpastambha ............... 279 Sipraka, Sisuka, k. .......... 266 Srt-Chandraditya, mot.......... 45 sitra, Pravachana ......... 169, 279 Siri Naga, k..........................227 Sridevi (Nik.) ................... 39, 42 Sutråpåde ......................... 187 Siri Sang Bo, k. ...........222, 223 Sri Mandapa fort...............68, 69 Suvacha, k........................ 59
Śrt-Tribhuvanankuća, mot.... 74, 77 Suvarnavarsha-Govinda (Råsh.) sisam wood ......................... Sriprithvivallabha .........18, 20, 22
152 Sishti Karanamalu ca.......... 217 Sri Vaishnuvalu, ca ............. 215 svahasta............ .............. 303 Sisodys ..........................
Srivailabha (Ga.) ............ 212 Svâmi-Mahasena, g. ... 75, 78, 97 sisters' sons...................
Sșingabhuja (P ).......... 37, 38, 230 svdmin ............ Sisuka, k.......... 266 Sțingiri
Svarbhanu ......
............... 201 Sitalâ, g. ................
brivdsa
113 Svayambha, g. ..................21, 96 Situlpawihåra insc. ............. 226 sthala sarira......................
Svayambhu-Siva, 8. ..... Siva, g. ............. 14, 16, 20, 22, 41 stibium........................ 116, 147 Śrêtaketu Åruneys ............ 327 Sivaji's plunder of Surat...... 256f. orig..................... 116, 143, 147 évedtapatra ......................... 11 Sivalik Mts. ....................... 59n, Stonehenge ............................ 167 Syênê ............... 119, 332 Siwi, co. ........................... 8 Stone-tablet inscriptions :Siyalkot ................................. 177
# Hoysala.......................
97 Skanda, g. .....................16, 318 , Kalachurya ............... 192 Tabai...111, 113, 114, 116, 124, 125 Skandabhata ..................... Nikumbha ................ 39
............... 273 Skandavarma I. (Pall.) .........
Ratta.................. 189, 190 Tabis .............................. 150 . , II. (Pall.) ......... 169 Sinda................... 192, 193 Tagara .................. 114, 143, 144 skandhavára .........18, 22, 27, 105 W. Chalukya..237, 239, 284, Taila, k. ......................... 18, 19 Skuthes, Scyths................
285, 287 Taila I. (W. Chal.) .............. 15 Skuthia Seythia ...........133, 148 W. Chalukya... 10, 214, 105, II. (W. Chai....... 16. 20. 22 slaves
187-193 , III.(W. Chål.) ............ 193 Smara, g..............
storax ......... ............ 115, 143 Tailapa (W. Chal.) .............. 59n. Sogdiana .............................. 196 Suagros............ 109, 113, 133-35 Tala (E. Chal....................... 75 Sohar .............................. 137n Sadras......................... 217, 327 Talakadu, v. .................. 96 Sokotra Is. .......................... 134 Sadraka, Sipraka, k. ...... 79, 266 talaprahdrin......................
97 Solanum melongena ............ 85
Sadravaruntyåra, v. ........... 278 Talaprahari ............... ..............6, 323, 324, 326 suffange-el-bahri .................. 119 Talavanapura, 'C................. Sômadeva
201 sugar.................... 113, 115, 126 Talgund tablet................. Somáli .............................. 126 Sugumma, C)V...................
Taluni-bårah SômanAthA..........153-156, 160, 181 Sakalilu, ca ......................... 219 Tamaramuge, v. Sômavamba...................... 91, 96 sukhasankathavináda ... 20, 91, 94, Tamil literature ............ Sômavârpeta ..................... 185
105 tdmra-copper ............ sómaydjin............................ 287 | Sukhavati .......................249, 252 Tamraparna, r................... Sômésvata, g....................... 10 odle
45 támrafasana .......... Sômêávara, k. .................. 59, 60 Sulka........................
Tangkhol Någås.. Sômêsvara, Sovideva (Kaļa.).. 192 Sulliyar, v. ................. 29 Tañjâvar plates ................ Sômêsvara I. (W. Chål) 20, 22, 105 Sultangrâhs' ............ 59 Tapatêgê ............................. . II. (W. Chal.) ... 22 Sumêru, Mt. .................
Tapbaron, Tarphara ............ . III. (W. Châl.) ... 193 Sumitto
Taprobanê (Ceylon)...109, 111, 115, Song of the Reed................... 293 Sunkaravandlu.ca .........
116, 149 Sonhadadeva ....................... 39 Sunnis .......................... 264 Tarakarati, g. ..................... 27 sontige .............................. 285 búnya................................. Taranatha ..................... 268 Sôpatma ..................... 148, 149 Suppadewi (Supradêvi)......... 2 Tarapa (E. Chal.) ............. Sorath ..............157, 158 Şar
............ 136 Tarplara ............ Sonppara, Sapara .........144, 145 Suragi, v. (P).....................22, 23 Tårugummi, v. ............... Spasines ............................... 137 Suram&ra, v. ......................... 277 Tejahpala ......................... Spasini-Kharax ......137, 330, 334 Śdrasena ............................ 7 Telagalu ca..................... Spermatophagoi..................... 119 Surastrênê........................ 140, 141 | Telanga............................ spikenard ...............114, 143, 147 Surat,--plander of ............ 256f. | TellAkulavandlu ca................ Sravana .............................. 340 Suruk, k. ........................ 266 Tengaļi tablet ..................... Sravana Belgola ................... 25 Suryavamsapu Razalu ca. ... 216 Terabdôn, Terabdoi ...... 138, 334
Soma
....
.
.

Page #400

terem
************* .................................********
Terêdon............. 137 233 Teţa Tissa, k. ..................... 227 Thamim 68 .................................................... ....139, 338
Thatha
Thebes
332
*********
Thinai, Thina, Thines... 110, 114, 150, 151, 330 140 67 189 24n. .112, 155 .144, 145 116, 143, 147 311ff. 305 ..225, 226 ..96, 190, 191 ashtami 192 chaturdasi... 190 chaturthi 190
tithi, amâvâsy.
39
Tiastanes, k. Tichar Mongol... Tidgundi plates Tigalar ca. tilá
39
30
33
Timoula, Sêmulla tin......... với Tirthakas
38
356
"
Tiruvalluvar's Kurral Tissamahârâma
"
13
31
******************
25
31
*********************
23
"
******************
***********...
êkâdasî
pâdiva.
pañchadasi 152, 305 pañchami......... 169, 190-193 paurṇamasi... 18, 20, 23, 27, 191
,, paurṇamasya ....97, 152
" paurņime.....191, 192 31 pratipada 189 parṇamasa.................. 285 punnam............ 190, 191 punnave.......... 192, 193 "rathasaptami. ............... 151
saptami
190 tadige................... 190, 192 trayôdaá............ 190, 192 tritiy&....... ..91, 190n. 334
31
Tiz Tomara Virama, k........... 56n. Tondamandala, d. 172
*************
Tonike 126 Toparon, Tagaron......... .144, 145 Torenâdu, d................... 212, 215 126 111
Torre........
tortoise...........
**********
*************
********************
*********...........................*****
*********.........
dasami........................ 190 dvâdast......22, 47, 191, 193
******.................................****
............................................... 192
******************
***************
.........................................
**********************
...............
.................
**********.......................
Trailôkyamalla,-Sômêsvara I.
(W. Châl) 105 -Taila III. ,, 193
Traipurusha, g. Traipurusha-Sarasvati, g....... Trairajya-Pallava 24, 28
22 23
141
................................................
INDEX.
....................................
Tribhuvanamalla,- Vikramâditya VI. (W. Châl.) 10, 11, 20, 21, 187, 189, 193
65
78 6,7 25
**********.................................**
42 .................................................... 243 vaddardvula. ........................ 90 vadḍavyavahárin........... 90, 92, 96" Vaddevandlu ca.
218
váḍi .............................................22, 213 Vadlavandlu ca. 217
43
Vagbhata, k. .............. ...59, 62-64
*************
69 116 120
Vaibhasikas 268 Vaichara 67 Vaidika Brahmanulu ca. 215 66 ******************* 215
trinéat Tripura.......... tripus,-brass Troglodytes Troullas, Trallas Vaidyanatha......... ..132, 133 Tryambaka, g................ 16 Vaikhanasutu ca. Tsakalilu ca. ................................................. 218 vaisvadeva............................. 305 Tudâka, d.................. . 28 Vaisyulu ca. Tulja. Vaitarani, r........ Tulu-nâdu. vajra,-diamond. Tuna Vajralu ca......................... 217 Vakulakachchha.................. 47
211 175 150
216 251 116
**************........
324
Tundis, Tundi.........110, 145, 146 Tungabhadra, r. ...............5, 91 Turanosboas 144, 145 turuska 115 149 232 115, 207
Tribhuvanêndra Trikalinga Trikuta
*********.........................
**************
*************
Trilochana-Pallava, k.
************
************** *********
Tuticorin, Tâttrukuḍi typhoon
190 | τζαδάνα, τζανδάνα,.......
*************
*****.....
Udaka......... ..24, 28 udakasarga.... 303 Udayachandra............. 279 Udayachandramangala, v. 170, 279, 280
************
278
Udayâditya Punar................ 6ln Udayana ........ Udayapur... 184 Udayaraja 61 Uddânasingh 70 udranga...... ................................................. 305 Ugurêvadi, v.......... 215 Ujjain 64, 114, 117, 140 Ulugh Khan 65, 68, 153, 161,181-185 Uma, g....... ............................... ..76, 277 Umar Khêl tope .................. 227
************
umbrellas
232 182-184
Una.......... Unatdurg Uatal......
**********
184 1................................. 211
***********...
88 294f, 327, 340
Budha...... .152, 192 Mahija 190 Mangala .................. 190 Ravi 152 Sôma...... 91, 190, 191, 193 Sukra Vadda Varada, r. 244 vardhaláñchhana...11, 26, 46, 74, 77,
Upagupta ...................................................... 335 upakriḍd Upanishads. uparikara........ Upparavaṇḍlu ca. úrode, o.............. 22, 23
**********...........................**
193 ................................................ 190
305 218
39
....................................************
Usanas Utkalas.... Utsavasankêtas Uttarakȧkula
91, 94 Var&ha Mihira..... 328 Varahran Chobin............ 270, 271 V. .................. .....269-271 ...26, 46 Varanasi, c....215, 285, 287
42, 321 .6, 16 6 280
23
trappaga treasure, A King's. ................ 205 uttardpatha.........
***********
*************
****************
*********
...
****************
**********
*********
*********************
************
***************
**************
***********...............................
................................................
*********************
**************
..............................
V&chaspati vâḍa
******************
*************
39
33
**********.....
Vala g. Valabhi, c. ****************** 181, 303 301 , kings......... vallabha... 12, 18, 26, 27, 43, 44, 46, 77, 241 277
""
*************
27
******...................................................
39
******
Vallabha, k....................... Pulikêéi II. (W. Chal.)...... 44
"
***************
33
************
Vallabhanarendra,-Jayasimha III. (W. Châl.) 18 Vallabharaja, k..........59, 277, 281 vallabhendra..... ********************** 74 Vanalar, v........................ 278 Vanaraja 188 Vanavasi, c. 23, 27, 46, 244 vanéa *********.... ..43, 46 Vantaralu, ca...................... 217 Vapraraja 58 vára, Adi 190-192
*****************
************
"
91
Aditya... 18, 20, 152, 189-193 Bhauma....... Biha,-Brihaspati 96 Bhrigu .................................................. 214 Brihaspati......190-193
***************
***********....
**************
******
***********

Page #401

Vardhanapura..
64 varman... 13, 14, 17, 20, 26-28, 46, 168, 169, 171, 277, 278
244, 325, 326
298 64 64 ....16, 41,
..16, 58
************
Varuna, g. Vasantaraja Sakuna
Vasishtha
Vastupala... Vasudeva Vasudeva
Vasuki Vasumitra váta
268
305
*********************************
V&tâpi ...................238, 277 P Vatapi, c.... 13, 43, 44, 238, 243, 245,
277 P
**********.
....................... 201 Vikrama.-Vikramaditya V. (W. Châl.) 20 Vikramaditya, k.187, 188 I., Vi.-Satyaśraya (W. Chal.) 14, 27, 45, 46 Vikramaditya II., Vi.-Satyaéraya (W. Chal.) 14, 23-25, 28, 286 III. (W. Chal.)... 15 IV. 15, 16 V.(W.Chal.)17, 20, 22 VI., Vi.-Tribhuvanamalla (W. Châl.) 10, 11, 20-23, 187, 192, 193 I. (E. Chal)... 75, 78 II. vikramakala...... vikramasaka....... 187, 190, 193 vikramasamvat... 151, 188 vikramavarsha...20, 22, 23, 187-193 Vilvalapura, c.......... 277, 278, 282 Vinayâditya, Vi.-Satyasraya
75 189-193
*********.
(W. Chal.)................ 24, 28 Vincent, Dr. ................................................. 108 244 Vindhya Mts. viniyuktaka, o....................... 304 vinéati........ .43, 44 virabaṇañju 287 Virabhadra, g.... 21 Viracharitra..... 201 Virama........... 67, 71-73 Viranarayana, k. ....... 59, 62, 63 Vira-Nonamba (doubtful W.
59
Châl.). 90, 91, 94, 96, 201 Viraputra, v........ 305 Viravarmâ (Pall.) 170 víravikramakála 190 visa, visa. 286 & n Visaladêva, k. vishaya,.....17, 18, 26, 27, 74, 77 vishayapati, o...... 18, 20, 22 Vishnu, g....11-13, 16, 20, 22, 27, raka (E. Chal.)...75, 78 91, 277, 323 II., Vi.-Narendra- Vishnugopavarma (Pall.) 172 278 mrigaraja (E. Chal.) 75, 78 Vishnurâja, k... III., and IV. (E. Vishnuraja, Vishnuvardhana II. (E. Chal.) Vishnu-Sômayaji vishnuvardhana Vishnuvardhana...... I. (E. Chal.) 75, 78 ,, 75, 78, 320 III.-V.,, 75, 78 VI.-Amma I (P) (E. Chal.) 78 ... 212, 215
Chal.) 75, 78 V., (E. Chal.)...... 75 VI.,-Amma II. (E.
78 25 11 12
................................
II.
************
...................
"
*****************
Vatsarija
28, 278
19
*********
Védangas Vêdânta ........................................................ 340 Védas............19, 97, 294, 305, 326 Rich.29, 324, 326-28 , Yajus
29
early references to 98f Vedic mythology 322 Vêgad Bhill158, 160 Vegavati, r........ 278, 282 Velivêyabadina razulu ca. 216 Vellamalu, ca...................... 216 Veļmaltikavada, V. 245
33 76
"3
***********
*******************
vélpu......
Velpûr, v. Veneris Portus Vengi, d. ........ .75, 78, 188
119
******************
*********
Vennaṭṭurakkoṭṭa, v. Verawal......
279 .....158, 161 ..................................................5-8
Vidarbha
Vidyanagara
Vigraha, k. Vijaya
**************
***************
Vijayarkja
vijayarajya
......
....................................................
174 .59, 63 ...................2, 14
*******************
Vijayabhattarika, q.(W. Chal.) 45 vijayaditya 11 Vijayaditya (W. Chal.)... 12, 14, 25, 28, 45, 285 Vijayaditya I., Vi.-Bhaṭṭâ
.
***************
*******.....
*********************
Chal.) .76 Vijayamahadevi,q.(W. Chal.)45,46
59
20
27
*********
vijayarajyasamvatsara vijayashandhdvdra... 18, 22, 27, 105
Vijñána-maya
..................................................
340
***************
*************
Vikrama
ار
"9
33
33
33
INDEX.
33
93
************************ **********************
*********......
******************
******
....................................................
Viśvakarmacharya
***************
******************
Visvamitra Visvarapa.... vishti..... Vitthobâ
***********
50 65 ..302, 305 211 Vocabulary of Koi words......35, 36 Vokkalêri plates ..23ff, 105 Vonthâdêvi, q. (W. Chal)...... 15 324 Vritra, g........ vyddha 314n Vyaghrabala .................... 201 Vyâpârulu, ca....................... 215 Vyasa... ****************** ..29, 76, 79, 305 vyatipata...91, 93, 190-193
***************
************
***************
Wadagêri tablet 189, 190 Wadhels......................... .181, 184
181
..........
224
187
153
.222, 227 161, 181, 184-86
357
*************
*********...
Wadhwan. Wadigala insc. Waghelas Wigher
Wahaba, k. Wâjâs ..... wajeriyi... Wâlâk Wâlâs Walis of Persia Wallyhami............... 318 Wandardpa Wihâra insc. 224 Wango..... Wankanâsika Tissa, k. Wâns&war
225 181 181 262
*********
2 227 185 ......... 205 Weber's Magavyakti ............ 328
************
Watchtower of wisdom
314ff. 129
Weddas........ Wejh Wessantara ***************** wheat....... Wigamurva insc Williams' Hinduism 340 wine..114, 122, 131, 143 woman's soul women, character of 321
115 224
261
...........
***********
*****************
...........................................
********.
***********
Yeukaotschin
*********...
*************
*****************
*******....
......
*************
**********....................................................
....................................................
****************...
Yadavas ...................39, 192 Yakkas 320 Yama, g.....14, 42, 79, 250, 251 Yamuna ..24, 28 yamunádhvaja. 26, 28 Yashkun 256 Yaśôdharân .....................254, 299 yathdsambadhyamánaka 18, 22, 302 yauvarajya
*****************
27 6
Yavanas...........................................................
10
Yenbo..................... 129
139
******************
*********
Yêhar .........................
............................................

Page #402

358
Yêwar tablet 10 Yedarave tablet 187, 191 Yezdegird ......................... 270 yoga, Vriddhi ..................... 214 Yoginipura ..............61, 63, 66 Yuddhamalla (E. Chal.) Yuddhamalla, Vinayaditya (W. Chal.)
75
********************
***********
......
INDEX.
Yudhishthira 86, 110, 305 yuvamahárája ********************* 172 yuvardja...74, 75, 77
Zangibar Zebâyir Is. Zênobios Is. Zeyla..........
*******************
Zafar Khan... 182, 186 Za-Hakale, k... 108 14 Zalegh 123
............................................................................ 127 .................................................. 130 ......................................... ...... 136
122
Zohak.............. 255
34
.......................................
zonna
*******************
.......................
Ζωσκάλης .....108, 121, 332,-333 Zouileh.......................... 123

Page #403

ERRATA IN VOL. VIII.
p. 146, 1. 21, cancel the hyphen after the word Kirttivarmmå.
p. 33, 1.3, for vol. IV. p. 198, read vol. V. p. 359. p. 43a, 1. 6. for p. 161 above, read vol. VII. p. 161. p. 516, 1. 9, for page 196, read vol. VII. p. 196. p. 52a, 1. 4 from bot., after such, read aspirants.
p. 526, 1.. 34, for (p. 45), read (India in the XVth Century, p. 45).
p. 536, 1. 6 from bot. for Grove, read Grose.
p. 59a, 1. 34, for Agnipala (the first, read Agnipâla—the first. p. 59a, note 1. 5, for Kaliyên, read Kalyana.
1. 8, for Sapadalaksa, read SapâdaJaksha.
p. 596, 1. 2, for Mosque, read Muslim.
P. 616, 1. 13, for Gaura desa, read Gandadesa.
p. 64a, 11. 5 and 6. for Kharpårås, read Kharparks.
p. 64a, 1. 21, for Hirâ, read Hira. p. 646, 1. 5, for 1330, read 1339.
► 1. 15, for Dhara, read Dh&re.
► 1. 25, for Chitrakota, read Chitrs- kut.
p. 646, 1. 32, for Vastupala, read Vastup&la. p. 646, 1. 34, for Mandakini, read Mandakini.
.. last line, add a comma after Mandate. p. 83a, 1. 3 from bot. for jack-fruits, read jackfruit.
p. 84a, 1. 3, for p. 135, road f. 135. p. 86a, 1. 4, for Yulés, read Yule's.
p. 856, 1. 14, for the Arabic word, read the Persian and Arabic word.
p. 850, 1. 19, for "strung-after-meaning," read "striving-after-meaning".
p. 876, 1.2, for Secretary, read Librarian. p. 2012, 1. 12, fur Koysala, read Hoysala. p. 2076, 1. 3, for SASAMINE, read SASAMINE. p. 211, 1. 13a, for Sitald, read sitala. » 1. 196, for Ganesa, read Ganesa. . 1. 276, for a-kimbo, read akimbo.
1. 316, for are Ella-a, read are-Ells, a. p. 216a, 1. 13, fr. bot. for Komathi, read Komatlu. p. 225a, 1. 3 from bot. for Mah. read Mah.
p. 226a, 1. 24, for Musuem (Goldschmidt's Report I. A., read Museum, Goldschmidt's Report, I. A.
p. 227, note for Ap. lxii. read App. p. lxii.
p. 229a, 1. 12, fr. bot. for Dasartha, read Dasaratha.
p. 2466, transcription 1. 2, for Rambarage read Rambare(ra)ge. p. 249a, 1. 19, for Bodhisattwâ, read Bodhisattwa
► 1. 44, dele comma after cité. → → for Sutras, read Satras. . note', for the Patena, read Beal's Catena.
p. 876, 1. 4, from bot. for Hozawal, read Koråwar. p. 88a, 1. 15, for conspiciende, read conspicienda.
1. 17, for pubertates, read pubertatis. p. 105a, 1. 19, for mahfbhritam read mahfbhritám.
p. 1056, 1. 34, for Kalyand read Kalydna. p. 1062, 1. 6, for clips, read chips.
p. 1406, 1. 21, for Mas'udi Lari, read Masa'di, Lari.
p. 1406, 1. 7 from bot., for II. i. 63, read VII. i. 63.
p. 1496, 1. 6 from bot.,for Tia shanes, read Ti&stanes.
p. 1442, 1. 27, for Buddha, read Bauddha. p. 1446, 1. 22, for Meligeizara, read Melizeigara.
>> » for Toperou, read Toparon.
. 1. 11 from bot, for sesamum and other kinds of logs, read sisam (or blackwood) and other kinds of logs.
p. 145a, 1. 22, for Choda nadi in the Thana strait, read Gboda-nadi in the Țhåna strait.
p. 145a, 1. 5 from bot. for Sindhudrug, read Sindhudurg.
p. 1466, 1. 15, for Pandya, read Pandya. p. 1526, 1. 15, for yutr= read yatru.
p. 1625, 1. 10, for O venerable! as my own mother, read O venerable as my own mother!
p. 1666, 1. 27, after 2), read feet. p. 188 note for the year 1, read the year 0.
p. 1906, 1. 2, cancel the hyphen in the word nimit-tadin.
p. 1906, 1. 28, cancel the hyphen in the word ama(md)-vdeye.
p. 1920, 1. 19 and 20, read Chaitrada for Chatrada, and Adivdra for Adivdra.
p. 1926, 1. 3, for vdrad read vdradp. 2506, 1. 9, for vasti, read vasti,
» note , add at end Burnouf (Introd. p. 191) translates it'vivifiante. p. 25la, L. 4, for (vichi), read (vichi).
,, 6, 1. 24, for hundreds of thousand of pretas, read hundred thousand pretas.
p. 2516, 1. 33, after benevolence; add saying. p. 2525, 1. 14, for 7:, read 7.
» 1. 27, add a comme after knowing. ► 1. 34, add a comma after bonds.
L. 50, for me, read me; p. 253a, 1.7, add a comma after that.
» 1. 26, for wife-life, read wife-like.
► note“, 1. 3 from bottom, for Katnarakshita, read Ratnarakshita;
p. 2536, 1. 28, for Break to, read Break in p. 2546, 1. 18, insert" after rejoice p. 256, 1. 9a for Yaskun, read Yashku n.
p. 2666, 1. 28, for Andhrabhritya's, read Andhra. bhritya's.
wat

Page #404
p. 250a, 1. 11, for Brahma Indra, read Brahma, Indra. p. 250a, 1. 12, for Brahman nor, read Brab. man, or. p. 2506, 1. 7, add at beginning Chapter I. ' p. 268a, 1. 8'fr. bot. for and he with, read and he, with. p. 3006, 1. 1, for palsal (p. 4) for paaba, read palea (p. 4) for paldea.