Epigraphia Indica Vol 25

Author(s): Sten Konow, F W Thomas
Publisher: Archaeological Survey of India
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/032579/1

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
Volume XXV (1939-40)
(၉ဝ
.96
प्रत्नकीर्तिमपावण
PUBLISHED BY THE DIRECTOR GENERAL ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA JANPATH, NEW DELHI-110001
1985

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
Volume XXV.
TWI
प्रत्नगतिमनादृश
PUBLISHED BY THE DIRECTOR GENERAL
ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA
NEW DELHI
1985

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Reprinted 1985
ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA
GOVERNMENT OF INDIA
Price: Rs. 80.00
Printed at Pearl Offset Press Private Limited 5/33, Kirti Nagar Indl. Area,
New Delhi-110015

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ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
VOL. XXY
1889-40
EDITED BY
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI
Pablished by the Manager of Publigations, Delhi Printed by the Government of India Produ, Calcutts, Ladia
1940-1945

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CONTENTS
The names of the contributors are arranged alphabetically.
PAGE.
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00. May pe image Inscripwon trom Silao
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194 281
CHAKRAVARTI, N. P., M.A., PH.D.
No. 1. Rowah Plates of the time of Trailokyamalladeva: [Kalachuri] Year 963 . .
18. A note on the Halayudha Stotra in the Amaresvara Temple . . . . . CHHABBA, B. CH., M.A., M.O.L., PH.D.
No. 24. A note on the Chronology of the Gangas of Svetaka . . . . . .
35. Kasyapa Image Inscription from Silao DIKSHIT, M. G., B.A.
See under Mirashi, V. V., M.A., Prof., and M. G. Dikshit, B.A. . . . . DIKSHIT, S. K., M.A.
No. 4. Ellora Plates of Dantidurga : Saka 663 . i . . . . DISKALKAR, D. B., M.A.
See under Madho Sarup Vata, M.A., and D. B. Diskalkar, M.A. . . . . . GHOSH, A., M.A.
No. 9. Nalanda Plate of Samudragupta : The Year 5 . .
26. Date of the Pandava Kings of Southern Kosals . . .
, 36. A Bronze image Inscription from Nalanda . . . . . . . GHOSHAL, R. K., M.A.
No. 20. Santa-Bommali Plates of Indravarman : [Gangs ] Year 87. .
29. Jirjingl Plates of Ganga Indravarman: The Year 39 . . . . . . KRISHNAMACHABLU, C. R., B.A., RAO BAHADUR
No. 8. Epigraphical Notes . . . . , 28. A note on the Ragola Plates of. Saktiverman and the Chalukyan Conquest of
Kalinga . . . . . . . . . . KULKARNI, M.A.
See under Mirashi, V. V., M.A., Prof., and L. B. Kulkarni, M.A. . . . . LAKSHMINARAYAX Rao, N., M.A.
No. 19. Two Insoriptions on Copper Plates from Nutimadugu. . . LAW, BIMAL CHURN, M.A., B.L., PH.D.
No. 5. Bikshunis in Indian Inscriptions . . . . . . . MIBASHI, V. V., M.A., PROF.
No. 21. Purshottampuri Plates of Ramachandra : Saka 1232 . . , 28Bargaon Temple Inscription of Sabara .
. 33. Matthulpore Stone Inscription of Vimalasiva: The Kalachuri ] Year 920 . . MIRASHI, V. V., M.A., PROF. and M. G. DIKSHIT, B.A.
No. 15. An Incomplete Grant of Sinda Adityavarman : Saka 887 . . . . . MAASHI, M.A., PROF.-- and L. R. KULKARNI, M.A.
No. 2. Ramtek Stone Inscription of the time of Ramachandra . . . . MAJUMDAR, R. C., M.A., PH.D.
No. 14. Three Copper-plate Grants from Mayurbhanj . . . . . . . XABARIMEASWAM, H. K., B.Sc.
No. 12. Koduru Grant of Ana-Vota Reddi : Saka 1280 . . . . . . .
164

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(Vol. XXV
PAGE
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297
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270)
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172
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NILAKANTA SASTRI, K. A., M.A., PROP.
No. 32. The Punjai Inscription of Krishnadevaraya . . . . . PANCHAMUKET, R. S., M.A.
No. 7. Kanteru Plates of Salankayana Vijaya-Skandavarman . . . .
27. Nilagangavaram Inscription of Ambudeva-Maharaja : Saka 1212 . . PANIGRAH, KEISHNA CHANDRA, M.A.
No. 16. Adipur Copper-plato, of Durjayabhanja . . . . . . RAMANATHA AYYAR, A. S., B.A.
No. 6. Ambasamudram Inscription of Solanralaikonda Vira-Pandya . .
34. Conjoovaram Inscription of Brahma-Tantra-Svatantra-Jiyar: Saka 1282 RAMANATHA AYYAR, A. S., B.A., and V. VENKATASUBBA AYYAR, B.A.
No. 25. Charala Plates of Chola Virarajendra: Saka 991. . . . . SOMASEKHARA SARMA, M.
No. 37. A Note on the Panchadharla Pillar Inscription of King Visvesvara . SUBRAHMANYA ATYER, K. V., B.A.
No. 11. Tiruppuvanam Plates of Jatavarman Kulasekhara I . . . .
12. Tiruppuvanam Supplementary Plate . . . . . . SUBRAHMANYA SASTRI, P. P., B.A. (Oxon.), M.A., Pror,
No. 17. Halayudhastotra from the Amaresvara 'Temple . . . . . UPADHYAYA, S. C., M.A., LL.B.
No. 3. A Grant of the Western Chalukya Vijayaditya : Saka 653 . . .
..10. A Copper-Plate Grant of Mummuniraja : Saka 971 . . . . VATS, MADHO SABUP, M.A.
No. 30. Poopa Platos of Chalukya Vinayaditya : Saka 612 . . . . VATS, MADHO SARUP, M.A., and D. B., DISKALKAR, M.A.
No. 22. Two Grants of Prith vichandra Bhogasakti . . . . . .
31. Anjaperi Platew of Gurjara Jayabbata III: K. 461 . . . . VENKATASUBBA AYYAR, V., B.A.
Soo under Ramanatha Ayyar, A. S., B.A., and V. Venkatasubba Ayyar, B.A. . INDEX-BY H. K. NARAS MASWAMI, B.Sc. . . . . . . . Title Page, Contenta, Last of Plate and Additions and Corrections . . . . .
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289
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337

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LIST OF PLATES
22 & 23
.
No. 1. Rewah Plates of the time of Trailokyamalladeva : Kalachuri Year ] 968
2. A Grant of the Western Chalukya Vijayaditya : Saka 653. . 3. Ellora Klates of Dantidurga: Saka 663 . . . . . . 4. Ambasamudram Insoription of Solanralaikonda Vira-Pandya 5. Kanteru Plates of Salankayana Vijaya-Skandavarman
6. Nalanda Plate of Samudragupta : the year 5 . . .. 7. A Copper-Plate Grant of Mummuniraja : Saka 971 . . 8. Tiruppuvanam Plates of Jatavarman Kulasekhara I (I)
to face page between pages to face page to face page between pages to face page between pages
40 46 & +7
52 56 & 57
►
108 & 109
Do.
do.
►
10.
112 & 113 116 & 117 120 & 121
156
do.
. to face page
160
163
between pages 170 & 171
Do.
do. Do.
(IV) . . . . 12. A. Adipur Copper-plate of Narendrabhanjadeva
. . . . . 13. B. Adipur Copper-plate of Narendrabhanjadeva 14. C. Kenari Copper-plate of Satrubhanjadeva with seals of A, B and C. . . 16. An Incompleto Grant of Sinda Aditya-varman: Saka 887 and Adipur
Copper-plate of Durjayabhanja . . . . . . . 16. Two Inscriptions on Copper-plates from Nutimadugu. A.-Incomplete
grant of the Eastern Chalukya Vikramaditya (IT) . 17. Purshottampuri Plates of Ramachandra : Saka 1232 (I)
... 18. Do
do.
. . . . . . Two Grants of Prithivichandra Bhogasakti (I). Do.
do. Charala Plates of Virarajendradeva. Saka 991 and 7th year (I). Do. do.
do.
(II) . 23. Do.
do. 24. Palaeographical Chart relating to the date of the Pandava Kings of
Southern Konala . . . . . . . . 25. Jirjingi Plates of Ganga Indravarman : the year 39 . . 26. Poon Plates of Chalukya Vinayaditya : Saka 612 . . . . . 27. Anjaneri Plates of Gurjara Jayabhata III : K. 461 . . . 28. Seal of thn Anjaneri Plates of Gurjarn Jayabbata 1II: K. 461 . . . 29. Kasyapu Image Inscriptiou from Silao . . . . . . .
to face page
191 between pages 210 & 211
> 216 & 217
230 & 231 , 236 & 237
256 & 257
260 & 261 to face page
284
,
268
286 between pages 290 & 291
294 & 295
296 > >>
383

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ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS Page 6, text I, 14-for Alira read Alira. ► ,, text I. 15-for yavadkiranasya read yavadhiranyasya. * 20, f. n. 5-for Māidēva read Maidāva. » 32, f. n. 13--insert 12 for 13.
„ „--for Devabhāgā read Devabhāgā. , 40, f. n. 5--for Madakkulakkil read Madakkulakkil.
52, text I. 2--for Antaka read Anta[ka*). » „text 1. 4-for-uptannah= road -utpannah=, , 59, text l. 40 --for nicht read scrà , 61, text 1. 64-for सूदय read सूदनेय „ ,text l. 68 and f-for her read the » 70—for Dēda va)kottai read Dēda(va)koçtai. , ,--for Idaikkāttir read Idaikkāttir. , 98--for Rajendrasingankulakkil read Rājēndrasingankulakkil. , 99-for Poyyamolidēvar read Poyyamolidēvar. , 123, 1. 2-insert comma after Karumäkulam.
for puravuvarikankani read puravuvarikankani. 155, text I. 11--for Yudhisthira read Yudhishthira. 160, f. n. l-for Allavadraha- read Alavadraha-. 162, text 1.3-for gaņa-dando oread Gaņa-dandoo. 164, text I. 21--for bhavisya(sya) read bhavisya(shya). 166, last line but one--for Bāgadage road Bāgadage. 172, f. n. 5--for Majumder read Majumdar. 177, text l. 18-for तार्गदिश्य read तारेदिव्य 185, text I. 55--for etat(ch)- read ētat(ch;-. 191, text l. 8---f for chatuschatvārim-ad read chatuschätvärimsad.. N.L. R.
193, text l. 25 - {for Triyambaka[8*)- read Triyambaka[s* )- N. L. R.) .. . text I. 50-take the syllable ran at the end of the line to the beginning of the next
line. (N. L. R.) 216, text I. 93--for 'THEHET read WTHHETAT , 217, text I. 112-for mta read ta
text l. 113--for Wiato read wiat 221, f. n. 6, last line--for-etad- read -ētad-. 225, f. n. 2 last line--for Three read There.
238, 7th line from the bottom--for kudubika read kudubiku. , 252, f. n. 1-for Chola-gonda- read Cholat-ponda-.
--fur 8.1.1., Vol. XII read s. I. I., Vol. II. XVI-I-1

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXV
Page 256, text I. 36---for Täsmin= read Tasmin=. , 265, text l. 175--for Chēram read Chērām. , 266, end of the page-( for Kuvallaam in Kuvalāa-nādu read Kuvalāļam'in Kuvalā!a-nadu
N. L. R.). 271, para. 3.-The term Kumārakshitibhrit in the verse under reference has been misconstrued
to refer to Kumüra Pratiparudra. As a matter of fact it stands for the hill Kumiridri or Kumāragiri on which the temple of Tripuräntakēšvara is bailt (vide Nos. 223, 268 and 273 of 1905 ; South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. X, Nos. 340, 465 and 241 respectively). As regards Dóchaya, after whom the steps referred to in the verse were named, attention may be drawn to an inscription from Kalahasti (No. 201 of 1892; S.I.I. Vol. IV, No. 649) wherein is mentioned a minister named Dochi, the father of Samanta Bhoja who was the minister of Kakatiya Ganaptai, and to another inscription from Conjeeveram which again refers to Samanta Bhoja as belonging to the
family of Dochi (Ind. Ant. Vol. XXI, p. 197)]. The following corrections may be made in the verse : text I. 61--for (svakiyam) read (svakiyām).
II. 62-63—for ddha) . . taram= read [sphu]tataram .
1. 66---for pratijñam read pratijñam(jñām).--N. L. R.] 276, 7th line from the bottom--for Kanāla read Kanala. , 308, f. n. 14—for rijyan= read rājyama. , 311, f. n. 4-for Samudrapataka read Samudrapāta.
335, f. n. 2 --for samrat 19 read samvut 9. [A. Ghosh] . , last line--for sasi read Sasi.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
VOLUME XXV.
No. 1.-REWAH PLATES OF THE TIME OF TRAILOKYAMALLADEVA: [KALACHURI] YEAR 963.
BY N. P. CHAKRAVARTI, M.A., PH.D., OOTACAMUND.
This set of two copper-plates was found in 1929 at Dhureti, a village about 7 miles from the Rewah town, by a cultivator while ploughing his field, and is now preserved in the Treasury at Rewah. During my visit to Rewah early in 1936, I came to know of this find and later in the same year the Political Minister of the State very kindly sent me the plates for examination and taking impressions. The record has already been noticed by me in the Annual Report, Archaeological Survey of India, 1935-36, pp. 90-91 and I am now editing it in the Epigraphia Indica with the kind permission of the Rewah Darbar.
The plates measure 158"x10" each and are strung together by means of a ring, passing through a hole pierced about the middle of each plate. They are inscribed on one side only, the obverse of the first and the reverse of the second plate being left blank. They have highly raised rims which have protected the writing beautifully. There is a seal attached to the ring, bearing at the top the figure of Gaja-Lakshmi in relief, rather crudely executed. Below the figure is a legend in one line which reads Srimat-Trailõkyamalla. When the plates were received by me the ring was found already cut but there can be no doubt that both the ring and the seal belong to the plates under discussion. The seal measures 63" x41" and the plates including the ring and the seal weigh 419 tolas.
Each plate has 11 lines of writing, the letters being approximately" in height. The en graver appears to have left too much margin between the lines in the second plate and had to engrave the last two lines in slightly smaller characters so that the record could be completed in this face of the plate. The engraving was done rather carelessly. Some of the letters are ill formed and while syllables have been dropped in many places, only in two cases the missing letters have been supplied at the top of the line concerned. The characters are Nagari, the language being Sanskrit. The whole record with the exception of three verses in 11. 1-5 is in prose. Several mistakes in grammar and syntax show that though the record was composed by two Pandits, neither of them was a proficient scholar in Sanskrit. The script does not call for any special remarks but attention may be drawn to the following minor points. The anusvāra has sometimes been represented by a circle above the syllable to which it belongs, e.g., simha (1. 8), Srichamda (1. 9), pamḍita (1. 11), etc., and sometimes it has been written in an ornamental way, e.g., om (1. 1), mamti, mamḍalaka (1. 8), samdhi (1. 8), etc. In writing & sometimes a cross bar has been used joining the two limbs of the letter thus making it look like 8, cf. Sivaya (1. 1), saranyaḥ (1. 4), éri-Malayasimha (1. 8), Saiv-achary (1. 11), etc. Due to shabbiness in writing it is sometimes hard to distinguish between and ch. For the same reason pra in pravarddhamana and tha in Jyeshtha (1. 7, look like vra and va respectively. As

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XXV.
regards orthography the following points may be noted : (1) The same sign has been used for writing v and b, e.g., Kanyakuvjo (1. 6). (2) While consonants in conjunction with a subscript
have never been doubled, those joined with a superscript have sometimes been doubled and sometimes left single, e.g., sarva- (11. 4, 5, etc.), pravarddhamana (1. 7), chakravartti- (1. 11), Duru. vāsā (1. 12), etc., as against samartho (1. 3), Chaturmukha (1. 4), dharmão (1. 9), kārya (1. 19), etc. (3) Anusvāra has invariably been used in place of the nasal of the same class, e.g., namdano (1.1), komal-amao (1.2). Nilakamtha (11. 2-3), -āṁbhõja (1.4), etc. (4) Répha has been wrongly dropped in Tipura (1. 3) and visarga in Nilakantha (11. 2-3), tapa, ku sala (1. 11), Sevarāja (1. 14), etc. (5) While $ and s cannot always be distinguished for reasons stated above, $ has been definitely used for 8 in hamsa (1. 4), samdhi" (1.8), =āsvāśa (1. 17) and vice versd in Sēvarāja (l. 14) if it stands for Sivarāja. (6) Sandhi has not been observed in many places, sometimes not even between members forming a compound, e.g., ra-asvapali (1. 5), Vāhada-arthalëkhi- (11. 8-9) and wrong sandhi is found in-suto Sārtao (1. 13). In 1. 13 though honorific plural has been used in Samtasiva-charanah, all the qualifying epithets have been left in singular. The genitive in Dharēkasya (1. 14), however, has been correctly used, as this person was not the recipient of a permanent gift. The term vittava(ba)mdha (11. 13, 19) which I have taken in the sense of mortgage, or pledge for money received' is of lexicographic interest. All the errors occurring in the record have been corrected either in the body of the text or in the footnotes accompanying it.
The inscription opens with the sacred syllable on and obeisance to Siva and Ganapati which are followed by three invocatory verses. The first two of these verses are in praise of Krishna and Siva respectively and the third is a quotation of the verse found at the commencement of Dandin's Kāvyādarsa. A similar instance is found in the Rewah Plates of the Mahārāņaka Kumāra pāla (V. S. 1297) and the Mahārānaka Harirājadēva (V. S. 1298) where the last of the three introductory verses is taken from the introduction to Bāņa's Kādambari.
The record (11. 5-7) refers itself to the prosperous, auspicious and victorious reign of the illustrious Trailokyamalladēva, who was endowed with all the royal titles commencing with Paramabhattāraka (i.e., Paramabhattāraka-Mahārājādhirāja-Paramësvara), who was a devout worshipper of Mahēsvara (Siva), who was the lord over three räjas (viz.), the lord of horses, the lord of elephants and the lord of men, who was a veritable Váchaspati in the investigation of the various (branches of knowledge, who meditated on the feet of the illustrious Vámadēva, (and) who was the lord of Kanyakubja': In 1. 12 he is also called trisati-rājy-ādhipati, an epithet not met with elsewhere.
The date of the record is given in l. 7 as Samma(va)t 963 Jyōshtha-budi 7 Somē dinarhVnā), i.e., on Monday the 7th day of the light half of the month of Jyështha in the year 963, which must be referred to the Kalachuri era. The date is, however, irregular, unless Somē is an error for Saumyē in which case it would regularly correspond to Wednesday, the 9th May A.D. 1212.
Lines 7-9 mention some of the officers of the king and the offices they held. Malayasimha who bears the titles Mahāmahattaka and Mandalika was the minister (mantrin) of the king. The other officers mentioned are: Thakkura Haripāla, the Sandhivigrahika or the minister of Foreign Affairs, Vāhada, the city-prefect (Kottapāla) and Srichamda, who was a merchant (sreshthin), the writer of deeds (arthalekhin). The last three among others appear to have been the members of the panchakula and the dharmādhikarana.
1 Cf. Tattvabodhini on the rule Karmana yam=abhipraiti sa sampradanam (Panini, 1-4-32): donar chadpunar. grahapaya sa-svalva-nivritti-pārvalar para evalo-otpadancin.
Ind. Ant., Vol. XVII, pp. 231 ff. and 236 ff. For another inscription where the benedictory stanza of KALdica's Sakuntala is cited as an introductory verse, see above, Vol. XI, p. 65.

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No. 1.) REWAH PLATES OF TRAILOKYAMALLADEVA: [KALACHURI] YEAR 963.
3
The record is interesting in that it is not the usual land-grant but is a vitta-bandha or deed of mortgage'i for the village Alirā, situated in the Dhövabasta pattana of the Dhanavähipattala. The village was pledged by the Saiva teacher śāntasiva, son of the royal preceptor (rājaguru) Vimalasiva, to the Rāņaka Dharēka, but no mention is made of the actual amount of money that was taken as loan. The mortgagee, who belonged to the Vatsa-gotra, was a son of Sēvarāja (Sivarāja) and grandson of Rāsala. The document is said to have been issued from A camp in a certain auspicious place, apparently in the city of Dhövahatta (11. 10-14). The deed was executed by Nādaśiva, another son of Vimalasiva, on the authorisation of his elder brother Sāntasiva (11. 15-18). The mortgagee was given all the rights of collecting taxes. As far as it can be made out from 1. 19, the meaning of which is not quite clear, he also appears to have been given the right of holding the village in pledge as long as he wished, probably meaning thereby till all the dues were cleared. There were seven witnesses to the deed, viz., the Pattakila Madanē, Silē, Thakur Süpata, Thakur Gāmgē, Ramadhavala, Gargadēva and Kavita (? 11. 19-20). It appears from the use of punctuation marks in lines 20-21 that Thakur Göllana, probably an additional witness, was also authorised to take possession, evidently on behalf of the mortgagee. The document was drawn up by the Pandits Visvēsvara and Gamgādhara and engraved by Sīruka. As it is not a land-grant, it naturally does not contain any imprecatory and benedictory verses at the end.
In connection with the identification of Trailokyamalla mentioned in the present record we may observe that most of the birudas used by this ruler were used by the Kalachuri rulers of Tripuri and also by the Gāhadavāla rulers of Kanauj. But though places in the neighbourhood of Rewah were within the Kalachuri territory we do not know of any Kalachuri ruler of this name. I would therefore identify this Trailokyamalla with the homonymous ruler mentioned in the Rewah Plates of Harirāja of V. S. 1298. Cunningham and Kielhorn have already suggested that he is no other than the Chandēlla ruler Trailökyavarman for whom we have records dating from V. S. 1261 to 1298 (A.D. 1205-1241). But while Trailökyavarman, like his predecessors, calls himself Kalanjarādhi pati in both the sets of Garrah plates of V. S. 1261' and Trikalingadhipati in the Rewah plates of the Mahārāņaka Kumāra pāla dated V. S. 1297,. he is called Kanyakubjadhipati in the present inscription, a title used by the Gahadavāla rulers of Kanauj. Though this last-mentioned title is not found in any other Chandēlla record, it is not unlikely that with the decline of the Gāhadavāla power, Trailökyamalla assumed this title, as he did also the title of Trikalingādhipati borne by the Kalachuris of Dāhala. Many years ago a hoard of 48 silver coins of the Chandēlla Madanavarman was found at Panwar in the Teonthar Tahsil of the Rewah State. This find tends to show, as has been already suggested by Dr. H. C. Ray, that even in the time of this ruler the Chandēlla power penetrated into Bāghelkhand, north of the Kaimur range. But that the country around Rewah still continued to be under the Kalachuris for several decades is certain. We have two inscriptions of the Kalachuri Vijayasimha's time to support this view. The first is the Rewah plate of Salakshanavarman, the chief of Kakarēdi (modern Kakreri on the border of Rewah and Panna States) and still a feudatory of
For a deed of mortgage engraved on brick which was found in a village near Jaunpur, 30 J. A. 8. B., Vol. XIX, PP. 464-66. It is dated Samval 1273 Ashadha-budi 6 Ravau (=Sunday, 11th June, A.D. 1217) and records the loan of 2,250 drammas on the pledge of certain fields.
• Ind. Ant., Vol. XVII, pp. 235 f. . Above, Vol. XVI, pp. 274 ff. . Ind. Ant., Vol. XVII, pp. 231 ff.
sco J. P. 4. 8. B., Vol. X (1914), PP. 199 f. Sve bis Dynastic History of Northern India, Vol. I, pp. 727 f.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XXV.
Vijayasinha in V. S. 1253 (A.D. 1195), the date of the record, and the second, the Rewah inscription of Malayasimha' dated K. 944 (A.D. 1192-93). Verse 24 of the latter record seems to show that already before K. 944, Salakshana had tried to throw off the yoke of subordination of these rulers, probably by joining hands with the Chandēllas, an attempt in which he was not appa. rently successful. I have noticed elsewhere a damaged inscription of the reign of Vijayasimha, the date on which seems to read (Chēdi year) 962. Unfortunately the provenance of this record, which was issued from Tripuri, is not known. But as it is now deposited in the Rewah Treasury, it is likely that it did not come from a place far from the Rewah town. If that is so, it is clear that the Kalachuris were still holding sway in this part of Bāghelkhand in K. 962. The record under consideration, however, shows that in K. 963, i.e., only & year later, their territory contiguous to the Rewah town had passed under the Chandēllas.
In the inscription of Vijayasimha of K. 962 referred to above, we find the name of one Mandalika Malayasimha mentioned among the officers of this ruler. The Rewah inscription of K. 944 also mentions a Samanta Malayasimha who was responsible for the excavation of a tank and also for the setting up of the record in the reign of the very same Kalachuri ruler. Now there is nothing against our taking Malayasimha mentioned in these two records as identical. It is quite likely that Malayasimha, whose ancestors were connected with the Kalacburi rulers as officers for several generations, was himself appointed an officer by Vijayasimha sometime between K. 944 and K. 962. But what is surprising is that the record under consideration also not only mentions Malayasir ha bearing the titles Mahāmahattaka and Mandalika but in addition calls him a mantrin or minister of the ruling king, viz., Trailökyamalla. As this inscription is later than the inscription of K. 962 by one year only, there is little doubt that Malayasimha mentioned in all the three inscriptions is one and the same person. If this view is correct, then we have to admit that one of the chief officers of Vijayasimha not only transferred his allegiance to the conquering ruler but was also appointed a minister under him. It is reasonable to assume that he had to accept the Chandēlla suzerainty to save himself and his estate. We have a parallel instance in the history of the chiefs of Karkarēời. We know from his Rewah plate that in V. S. 1253 Salakshanavarman was still a feudatory of the Kalachuri Vijayasimha. But in the Rewah plates of Harirāja (V. S. 1298) and his son Kumāra pāla (V. S. 1297) we find these chiefs owing allegiance to the Chandēlla ruler Trailökyavarman. But what is puzzling in the present record is the appointment of Malayasimha as a minister by the Chandēlla ruler. It may be that he helped the latter in his cause in some way or other or it may be that on account of his experience in local administration his services were utilized in the newly conquered territory on his accepting the Chandēlla supremacy.
In conclusion it would not be out of place to say a few words about the Saiva teachers mentioned in the record. As I have already pointed out. Vimalasiva mentioned in the record is no other than the Räjaguru Vimalasiva of the Jubbulpore Kotwali Plates of Jayasimhadēva of K. 918. Though the name is not found elsewhere it is probable that he belonged to the line of the ascetics of the Mattamayūra clan who were held in great reverence by the Kalachuri rulers of Tripuri. We know from the present record that Vimalasiva had two sons, the elder being Santasiva and the younger Nādasiva. The epithets applied to the latter two teachers show that they, like their father, were also held in high estimation. Säntabiva is said to be the incarnation of the
1 Ind. Ant., Vol. XVII, pp. 228 ff. • See An. Rep. A. 8. 1., 1935-36, pp. 84-90. . Above, Vol. XXI, pp. 93 f.
* Above, Vol. XIX, pp. 296 ft. • An. Rep. A. 8. I., 1935-36, p. 9).

Page #16


Page #17

REWAH PLATES OF THE TIME OF TRAILOKYAMALLADEVA: [KALACHURI YEAR] 963.
नमः- पायजायत उचादवो वकनिदिनोयी उपत्य कालात नित नवदीपलाई 2 जयामलको मलामोडे पारडयार वामपना शाम दवाइवलसकललोकानी ।
कर रस मिनट सन्यमन्निहिती व कसा करावाहनगिनिस्तागवलत सलपा( 4 किलङलानएप सब लोककला व देने का वादातूनहरावधानमा पजतान।
का सस्वती माता का यादि अमन नीका लागि गाइमामपनगमोह अवपरिषद पता नरपति राज यातितिदिति विद्यानिवारवावस्या तिचीचा मन्वयादा जुधातावान्यकुतालयात
व प्रानव ल्यापतिक याउपेचोमोल्पाक्यमल्ललेवार बीमारत होवसति सोमदिन मना 8 पहनाक मतिमंडलकसी मलयभि या पिटामारपेशवया है ताकि की सापालनपालवाहा
ले यो जोविंद के पियवाचन एनसनस्च (विजन वाहियमागितालवालिका वादा 10 जनातनत्तवाहिएतनाटा यस्ता वनसतपदेशयमावासितक कायमनियम वा यात्रा 10
पाला समाएका माडिवचललाममा विगति धातदशरलका
। लोदशावता विशतिपाऽपातिपतिस्तोता तिला काम पाट नपालथाने कबीले ।
पावित्रतयातहासकसी मदायत विमलशिवम सीतावितरणच्या नववेक्तिवर 14 चतपतलाठरासलास्तरी वराड तारस्तरागकसी मदरेका उनी राजामस्वतागतोगत्वणि 14
पारस दायसहितयाववियपदनामिति मारामइसापाटनदिमागपतजनता 16 कियाचितविकालमानदेवानरत जानवजारतरवसस्तनदयापर सर्वेमावदिङना। 16
नामावर जाऊतनाम स्वायत्तमिस सकलावलासरावासारदस्तरकलाम 18 दाऊज विमलस्विस्तात शिवान्कोनादसिवनपड्याविपरमायावदीयवाददया 18
समितिविनयवतया विविकार्यवाणि तापिता गारासीमापासापादिकापतिपद्यतामा 20 सागि पटकिलमदानतलासीले तयाण्सएमगोगविनगमलविणा यादवादतिकविताहगीर 20
दिन तापविशतिशीत सतत वाहाश्दकपाल कटावास्तवामद मति हयाददास्यानि 22 ली तिसहमाइदै तार रिस्त त्राव निरिक्तमिति पंग गातगततारितसा का 22
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. Rea.No. 1911 E'98-295.
SCALE: TWO-FIFTHS.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA,

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No. 1.) REWAH PLATES OF TRAILOKYAMALLADEVA: [KALACHURIJ YEAR 963.0
sage Durvāsas in the Kali age. The interpretation of another phrase used in connection with him is rather puzzling. It is trisati-rājy-adhipati-srimat-Trailökyamalla-päd-archchana-ratah 41. 12). Probably this has to be translated as 'whose feet were devotedly worshipped by the illustrious Trailokyamalla, the lord of the kingdom (consisting) of three hundred.' If that is so, it is reasonable to conclude that this teacher was getting some patronage from the new ruler as well, who also calls himself a Paramamāhësvara. It is not clear under the circumstances why he should have to alienate what was apparently one of the gifts these teachers received from the Kalachuri rulers. Probably the Chandēlla conquest was very recent and as such these teachers did not get the same patronage as was hitherto extended to them by their former patrons and as a result they had to mortgage one of their gift villages to raise funds. A somewhat similar instance is provided by the Bengal Asiatic Society's Platest of the Gāhadavāla Govindachandra which record that in V. S. 1177 (A.D. 1120), in presence of this ruler, the village of Karanda in the Antarala-pattalā which was originally given to the Rajaguru-Saivācbarya-Bhattāraka Rud. rasiva by (the Kalachuri ruler) Yabahkarna was transferred to Thakkura Vasishthabarman. Dr. F. W. Hall, who edited this record, suggested that the village which changed hands lay in the country conquered by Govindachandra from Yasahkarna.
Of the localities mentioned in the record Dhovahatta which was a pattana at the time is identical with the village of Dhureti where the plates were found. The other localities mentioned in the record, viz., Dhanavähi-pattalā and the village Alira, I am unable to identify.
TEXT.
First Plate. 1 Om namah Sivāya || Ganapats yē namaḥ || Jayatu jayatu dēvo Dēvaki-nandano=
yam jayatu jayatu Kpishiņo Vpishội-vamba-pradipaḥ || (1) ja2 yatu jayatu mēgha-byāmala[h*] kõmal-amgo jayatu jayatu prithvi-[bhā]ra-nāso(si) Mu
kumda) || (111*]* Avatu sakala-lõkān=Ni3 lakamtha[h*] Smarāris-Ti( Tri)pura-dabana-samartho mūrhni(rddhni) bhāsva
[ch]-chhaśārkaḥ | Tuhinagiri-sutāyā vallabhaḥ Sulapāṇiḥ | 4 sakala-jana-saranyaḥ sarvva-lõk-aika-nāthaḥ |(211*] Chaturmukha-mukh-ambhõja-vana
hamba(sa)-vadhūr=mama (I*] mānasē rainatam ni5 tyar sarvva-sukla Sa[ra*]svati || [311*7* Paramabhattāraka(k-ē)ty-ādi-samasta-rājávali?
virajamāna-Paramamāhēsáva*]ra-asvapati -gajapati-6 narapati-rājatray-adhipati-vividha-vidyā-vichára- Váchaspati-bri - Vămadēva-pād-anudhyātā.
(ta)-Kanyakuvj(bj)-adhipati-mahi1 (pra)varddhamana-kalyāņa-vijaya-rājyẽ brimat-Traily(10)kyamalladiva-räjyē Samh
ma(va)t 963 Jyoshtha fudi 7 Somā dinam(nő) mahā. 8 mahanna(tta)ka-mamti(mantri)-mamdala(li)ka-sri-Malayasim ha-vyāpriyamānē sam(sam)
dhi[vi]grahīka-thakkura-Haripäla-kottapāla-VähadaiJ. . 8. B., Vol. XXXI (1862), pp. 123 f.
Prom impressions and the original plates. • Dando unnecessary.
Motre: Malink. . There is an oxom of mind in the socond pdda. Read dahan-bakus wordimi, oto. • Metro: Anushubh.
The latter us whioh w at first omitted is written above the Hno between id soda • Rendapati.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XXV.
9 arthalēkhi-Śrī[che]mda-brēthie-yathāvarttamāna-samasta-vanig-jana-vyavsihi(vyavahri)
yaman'a pamchakula-dharmadhikarana-chintayath 10 Dhövahatta-pattanë Dhanav hi-pattalayam yatra kva[cha]na-subha-pradēša-sama
väsita-kata kāta(t) yama-niyazna-svadhyāya11 dhyān-ānushthana-tapa[8*)-chakravartti-pamạita-chakra-chūļānani-saiv-ā[ch]āry-adhipatisarv va-vidya-kusala[h*] Ka
Second Plate. 12 lau Durvvāsāsā)-vatāraḥ(ras)=trisatisi)-rājy-ādhipati-srimat-Trailõkymalla-pad-a(ā)rchchana
rataḥ dhyānam kurvvāņā(pa) 13 ēk-ägra-chittatayā bhattāvuka-Srimad-rājaguru-Vimalasive-sutõstas=) Samtasiva-charaņā
Vatsa-gotr-anvayē vitatts)-vam(bam)dha14 [sva]rūpatayā ba Rasale-suta-Sē(Bi)varāja[s*]-tat-sute-Rāņaka-brimad-[Dha]rēkasya
Aliragrāmasya bhāga-bböga-pravapi15 kara-sarvv-ådāya-sahitam yāvadhiraṇasya' dattam=iti | güruņāmanujñyam(jšām)
präpya yam-ādi-gun-õpēta[s*)-samasta16 prakriy-invita[8*]-tri-kāls-snāna-dev-archchana-rataḥ agni-pāja-ratas-[cha) sarvve
bhūta-day-paraḥ sarvvēsham vamdi-jana17 nām=ādhārabhūtaḥ jathtûnâm=Asväsa(sa)-bhūmi[h*) sarvvāsu alásu chaturaḥ |
sastra-sästra-vibāradaḥ bhatta(ttā)rska-Srima18 d-rājaguru-Vimalasiva-sutaḥ Samtasiv-ānujo Nādasiva[s=tē*]na pattasya [ha]rsha
rüpatayāyāva[d*]-diyatē tävad-avā19 pitamiti (II*] Vitta-vath(bath)dhataya kimchist*)-kärya-karanitäpi vä. Rāņa-srimad-[Dha)
rēkasya yāvade=i[ch*]chhā pratipadyatě || Atr-a20 r[th]ē sākshiņaḥ || Patatta)kila-Madaně tatha Sile tathā tha Süpata tha Gamge
vi Ranadhaula" vill Gamgadēva pa[tta) vi Ka[vi]ta ! The Golla21 na iti kritvā pravi[shtë] sati gri(gra)hitavyam || Subhanh bhavatu lēkhaka-päthakayoh ||
Svalpa-vudhya manda-matirahan ya[t]-tu välyäti22 mudefritar 14 (1*buddham abuddha va parh[dita-Visvēsvarēna likhitam-iti ||15
Pam Gamgadharēna cha [1] utabiritam(utkirnam) Sīrukena (pa) || || 1 Read Vahad-anthalakh. There is soporfluous medial sign at the top of a fn artha'. • Read Srichandra-frcanthi. • The anuadra meant for pa has been wrongly placed on ya. . It seems that law was first engraved which was then corrected into ls. . Read yāpaddhiranyar? • Read que
Dandas unnecessary. Read avaplan. Road - karapato-pi ud.
• Va is writtou at the top of the line, above yd. It w rood yad-ichak, Shen Vita etc. will torm stanza in the Antiek bh metre.
11 I am unable to state what the abbreviation ci stands for. In the grant of Maharanaka Harijadors it stands for visud. But in the latter record m this term is always followed by certain Agures, it apparody indiosten shares in the donated property. See Ind. Ant., Vol. XVII, p. 231 and n. 62.
11.c., Raradhavala. 1. Road-buddhyl or bumi.
The intended reading may be balydt-binh-udgiritam. 1. This portion sponse to bot Artyn though the metro autty. 1. There is an ornamental mark between these two sets of dandas.

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No. 2.) RAMTEK STONE INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF RAMACHANDRA.
No. 2.-RAMTEK STONE INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF RAMACHANDRA.
By Prof. V. V. MIRASHI, M.A., AND L. R. KULKARNI, M.A., NAGPUR. Rämtök is the head-quarters of a tahsil of the same name in the Nägpur District of tbe Central Provinces. It is situated 28 miles North by East of Nagpur and derives its name from the temple of Rāma on a hill close to the town. The place is regarded as very holy on account of a number of temples and tirthas on the hill and in its vicinity. A fair is held in the month of Kärttika, which attracts thousands of people from even far-off places. The sanctity of the place can be traced back to the fourth century A.D. at least ; for the Riddhapur plates, which were issued from the foot-prints of the Lord of Ramagiri (modern Rämtēk), record & grant of the Vākāțaka dowager queen Prabhāvatiguptă on the twelfth tithi of the bright fortnight of Kārttika. Kalidasa also mentions in his Mēghaduta that the hill was marked with the foot prints of Rāmal. These references indicate that the shrine at Rämagiri at first contained only the foot-prints of Rama. Later on the images of Rāma and Sītā appear to have been installed there and another temple dedicated to Lakshmana was built. This is probably the reason why the temple of Lakshmaņa is at present situated in front of that of Rama and Sitä. The present images of these deities are said to have been found in the Dudhālā tank at Rämtëk and were substituted some years ago for the earlier ones which had been mutilated. These temples are surrounded by a number of smaller shrines. They are situated in the innermost of three enclosures on the hill and none but caste Hindus get acoess to them.
The present inscription is incised on a large slab let into the wall on the right hand side of the door of the garbhagriha in the temple of Lakshmana. It was first referred to by General Cunningham's Assistant Beglar, who visited Rāmtēk in 1873-74. He was not admitted to the innermost court-yard of the temple, but he got the inscription copied by his Hindu servant and noticed in it the name of Ramadēva. He could not, however, offer any conjecture about the identification of this Rāmadēva. Subsequently from a faint rubbing of it supplied by Dr. Fleet, Prof. Kielhorn first noticed in it the names of Simhana and Ramachandra whom he identified with the homonymous princes of the Raipur branch of the Haihaya dynasty mentioned in the Khalāri and Raipur stone inscriptions. In 1904-05 Mr. Cousens visited the place, but he too was not admitted inside and was therefore unable to give any account of the contents of the inscription. Finally Rai Bahadur Hiralal briefly noticed the inscription in his Inscriptions in the C. P. and Berars and identified many of the tirthas mentioned in it in an informative article en titled 'A visit to Rāmţek', published in the Indian Antiquary, Vol. XXXVII, PP. 292-08. Though referred to or noticed several times the inscription has remained unedited so far. In the absence of a reliable edition it has given rise to some misconceptions about its historical contenta. We have, therefore, edited it here from the original stone which we could examine several times during our visits to Rämtēk:
. I trufafrentaraxaraqur J.P. A. 8. B., Vol. XX, p. 58.
i pa: get tyafetue feat Heat (Verse 12.) . Ind. Ant., Vol. XXXVII (1908), pp. 207 ff. • Cunningham's 4. 8. R., Vol. VII, p. 112. . This cours in lines 54 and 61 but there it denotes the deity Räms. . Above, Vol. II. p. 230. * P. R. A. 8., Western Circle, for 1904-05, p. 41, para. 125. • Mirt Edition (1918), pp. 3. f.; Second Edition (1989), p. 3

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(Vol. XXV.
As stated above, the record is inscribed on a stone fixed in the front wall of the garbhagriha in the temple of Lakshmana. It now contains 75 lines of writing covering a space 2' 9" broad and 3' 3" high, but a few lines may have been lost at the top. The extant portion falls into two parts, separated by some ornamental figures in lines 31 and 32, the first part comprising 11. 1-31 and the second ll. 31-75. As the surface of the stone has flaked off in several places the record has suffered very much, especially in its upper and lower portions and on the left hand side. The loss of the upper portion is very much to be regretted; since, judging from the fragments still extant, it seems to have contained a description of the exploits of the reigning king and bis ancestors.
The characters belong to the Nagari alphabet of about the thirteenth century A.D. The language is Sanskrit. As regards orthography, we find that the vowel ri is in some places wrongly written for ri, see tribhuvana 1. 31; v is throughout used for b, see vāla for bāla l. 26; sh is employed for kh and vice versá, see e.g., vishandita 1. 13 and namaskarikhye 1. 54; the visarga before k and p is changed to sh, see tushtuvush-kalp-ante 1. 47 and nipash-Parktiratho 1. 48, etc. The sign of avagraha is also noticed in some places.
The first four lines of the inscription are too much mutilated to yield any coherent sense. The fifth line contains the words Yādavo vamśaḥ and Yadu-vamsajah evidently indicating that the reigning king called himself Yādava and traced his descent from the legendary hero Yadu. The exploits of some king of this family are next described, but the only names of his adversaries that can be made out are Rudra in l. 7, the lord of the Andhras and Choda in 1.8 and pos. sibly the lord of the Gurjaras in 1. 9. The syllables Jaitra which occur at the end of l. 9 probably denote some name like Jaitrapāla. The name of the king Simhana occurs in l. 15 in the course of the description of bis successor, wbo is said to have made the Earth forget her grief on account of separation from the illustrious king Simhaņa. This name seems to have occurred at the beginning of l. 13 also, but the first two aksharas of it have now been broken away. Line 16 mentions the genealogy of a person named Sri-Rāghava. He was a descendant of one Väyinäyaka. From 1. 17 we learn that the king, the illustrious Ramachandra, bestowed on him (i.e., Rāghava) fortune which appeared lovely owing to the prosperity of his empire and bimself enjoyed the company of ladies skilled in all arts. This means that the king entrusted the government of his kingdom to him and being free from care gave himself up to the enjoyment of pleasures. This Rügbava is probably referred to again in 11. 18 and 21 as Sayyāpāla (guardian of the royal bed-chamber). His wife Räjāyi is mentioneu in l. 19. Once upon a time Rāghava asked his preceptor how he could cross the ocean of worldly existence. In answer to this the latter seems to have given a description of the hill as well as of the temples and tirthas situated on it and in its vicinity. The first part of the record seems to have described the hill and the temples on the four sides of it, viz., Ghaņtēšvara, Sudhēsvara, Kēdāra and Añjanēya. The second part, which is better preserved, names and describes the temples and tirthas on the hill and in the town of Ranıtēk after the manner of the tirtha-mahatmyas. As a matter of fact many of them find mention in two Sinduragiri-māhātmyas, one of sixteen and the other of forty-five adhyāyas. The description and topography of these temples and tirthas given in the present inscription agree with those in the māhātmyns. Some of them are agaia mentioned in a work of the Mahānubhāva sect in connection with the itinerary of Chakradhara, the founder of the sect, who lived in the
1 Probe bly this sh is intended to represent the sign for both jihramūliya and upadhmānīya.-Ed.]
+ Of these the former was published together with a Marathi translation some years ago at Nagpur, but the latter is still unpublished.
* An extract from this work called Sthanapöthi was kindly supplied to us by our friend Mr. H. N. Nene.

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No. 2.1 RAMTEK STONE INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF RAMACHANDRA.
time of the Yādava king Ramachandra (13th century A.D.). Most of these temples and tirthas can even now be identified at Rämtēk. The traditions about them are thus at least seven centuries old.
As stated above, Prof. Kielhorn, in his article on the Khalari stone inscription, expressed the opinion that the kings Simhaņa and Ramachandra mentioned in the present inscription were identical with the princes of the same names who were respectively the grandfather and father of Haribrahmadēva, a Haihaya or Kalachuri prince who ruled in Chhattisgarh in the beginning of the fifteenth century A.D. From this he concluded that the rule of the Kalachuris extended in the west as far as Nāgpur. An examination of several Kalachuri dates had led him to the conclusion that the Kalachuri year commenced on the first tithi of the bright fortnight of Āśvina, but he had no evidence of the actual use of the Asvinādi year in any territory under the rule of the Kalachuzis. This was subsequently furnished by the remark of Colebrooke in his Journal of Occurrences at Nagpur that the year at Nāgpur commenced on the first of the bright half of Āévina. Kielhorn thought that this usage was reminiscent of the use of the Kalachuri era in the territory round Nagpur, which on the evidence of the Rāmtēk inscription he believed to have once been under the rule of the Haibayas or Kalachuris of Raipur. The identification of the family to which the princes Simhaņa and Ramachandra mentioned in the present inscription belonged is, therefore, important not only for the interpretation of the record, but also for the determination of the beginning of the Kalachuri year.
Kielhorn had no opportunity to examine the inscription in situ. He had before him only a faint rubbing of it. The characters of the inscription have become very shallow, being choked up with oily dust and white-wash. It is therefore extremely difficult to decipher the record from rubbings or inked estampages. Rai Bahadur Hiralal, who personally examined it, read the words Yadaro ramsah (1.5), but he chose to stick to Kielhorn's view that the kings Sinhaņa and Rāmachandra mentioned therein belonged to the Haihaya dynasty, because he thought that the Hai. hayas being descended from Yadu could be called Yadavast. It is no doubt true that the Haihayas were descendants of Yadu: for their ancestor Haihaya was, according to the Purānas, a grandson of Sahasrajit who was himself a son of Yadu. But the name Yadava was by usage restricted to the descendants of Kröshtri, another son of Yadu Nowhere in their numerous inscriptions have the Haihavas or Kalachuris called themselves Yadavas. Besides, in the genealogy of the Haibayas there occurs nowhere any name like Jaitrapāla, which, as shown above, appears at the end of line 9 of the present inscription. But the most important objection to the identification of the kings Simhana and Ramachandra with their namesakes who ruled in Chhattisgarh is that neither these latter kings nor any of their immediate ancestors achieved any victories over Rudra, the lord of the Andhras, the Chola and the lord of the Gurjaras; for they were petty princes, whose rule did not extend much beyond the modern district of Raipur. Besides, there is no king of the name Rudra known from history as ruling in the fourteenth or fifteenth century
His Khalari stone inscription is dated Vikrama Samvat 1470 (for 1471), corresponding to A.D. 1415.
The new year begins here with the light fortnight of Asvina, but opening in the midst of Durga's festival, the New Year's day is only celebrated on the 10th lunar day. Life of H. T. Colebrooke by Sir T. E. Colebrooke, p. 163 * See his article entitled Die Epoche der Cēdi-Aera' in the Festgruss an Roth (1893), pp. 53 ff.
In the second edition of his Inscriptions in O. P. and Berar (p. 3) he has admitted the possibility of Binh bapa being king of the Yadava dynasty.
See Harivasha (Bombay Ed.), adhyaya 33, vv. 1-2. Compare also the Pithapuram pillar inscription of Mallidēva and Manma-Satya II, above, Vol. IV, p. 89.
• See Pargiter, Ancient Indian Historical Tradition, p. 87.

Page #23

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XXV.
A. D., who may bave been defeated by these kings. It is therefore difficult to uphold the identification first proposed by Kielhorn.
We find, on the other hand, the names Jaitrapāla, Simbaņa and Ramachandra in the genealogical list of the Later Yādavas of Dēvagiri, who flourished in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries A.D. Jaitrapala, whose name seems to have occurred at tbe end of line 9, is probably identical with the homonymous king who was the father of Simbana. The names of Rudra, the kings of Andhra and Cbāla in 11. 7-8, seem to have occurred in the course of the description of Jaitra pāla's victories : for we know from the introduction to Hēmadri's Vratakhandal as well as from the Paithan plates and other Yadava grants that Jaitrapāla killed the Kakatiya king Rudra. This latter king is in some places called the king of Andhra. We can therefore unhesitatingly identify the kings mentioned here with the Yādava kings of Dēvagiri. That the kingdom of the Yādavas extended in the East as far as Lānji in the Bālāghāt District is known from a stone inscription of the dynasty found at Lanji' which mentions the Yadava king Ramachandra.
We know from other records that Simhaņa was succeeded by his grandson Krishna, but his name does not occur in the extant portion. We can, however, conjecture that he must have been described in line 15, which speaks of a king having made the earth forget its grief due to separation from Simhana. The names of Kţishộa's brother Mahādēva and his short-lived son Amana may have been omitted in the present record. As no successor of Ramachandra has been mentioned here, it seems that the inscription was put up during his reign. It may, therefore, be referred to the last quarter of the thirteenth century A. D.
As the kings mentioned in the present inscription are thus proved to be of the Yādava dyTasty of Dēvagiri and no inscriptions of the Kalachuris are found in the Marathi-speaking districts of the Central Provinces, Kielhorn's view that the Kalachuri year commenced in the month of Āśvina cannot be supported by any usage current in the territory round Nagpurt.
The mutilated condition of the inscription makes it difficult to say what it was intended to record. But the fact that the genealogy of a personage named Rāghava is given in lines 16 and 17 where he is also said to bave been entrusted by Ramachandra with the government of his whole empire combined with the statement in l. 63 that this Rāghava felt gratified on doing something seems to show that the object of the inscription was to record some service rendered by Rāghava to the deities at Rämtēk-perhaps some repairs done to the temple of Lakshmana where the inscription is put up. M ueve, who is mentioned in 11. 70-71, seems to have been a local official in charge of the work. : The hill on which the main temples of Rama and Lakshmana are situated is called Sindūragiri and Tapamgiri (for Tapõgiri) in the present inscription. The tradition about the former Cf. for fuga: fane te rena:
mat qu ofafu afrettu: 8 See R. G. Bhandarkar's Early History of the Deccan, Appendix C. * Ind. Ant., Vol. XIV, p. 316.
See Hiralal-Inscriptions, etc. (Second Ed.), p. 20. LAnji is about 100 miles north by Best of Nagpur. Hiralal remarks that some passages of this record correspond exactly to those given in the Ramtök Lakshmana temple inscription'. We have examined the Lanji inscription in the Nagpur Museum, but have failed to notice any such passages.
• As a matter of fact Colebrooke was mistaken in supposing that the year commenced in Nagpur in the month of Avina. As shown elsewhere (above, Vol. XXIV, p. 122), the ers current at Nagpur in Colebrooke's days was the so-called Salivá hana or Saks era, its months were amania and the year commenced in Chaitra and not in Alyins. For the commencement of the Kalachuri year, see above, Vol. XXIV. pp. 116 ff.
In the larger Sinddragiri-mähätmya the name occurs in the correct form Tapogiri,

Page #24

No. 2.1 RAMTEK STONE INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF RAMACHANDRA.
11
name was apparently given in line 23 which is partly mutilated. What remains of it is, however, sufficient to show that the hill was called Sindūragiri, because it was reddened by the blood flow ing from the breast of Hiranyakasipu which was torn by Narasimha with his sharp claws. There are two temples on the hill containing huge images of the man-lion incarnation of Vishņu. As conjectured by Cousenst the name Sindūragiri may have been originally given to the hill because of its red stones which when broken or newly dressed appear blood-red. The second name of the hill Tapamgiri (for Tapõgiri, penance-hill) which occurs in this very form in one of the Sin. dūraqiri-māhātmyas owes its origin to the tradition that Sambūka, a Sūdra ascetic, practised penance here. He was afterwards killed by Rama with his sword called Chandrahāsa. But, the Māhātmya says, he asked for three boons from Rāma, viz., that his mortal remains should be transformed into a linga in situ, that Rāma should live on the hill for ever and that he himself should be worshipped before Rāma. In accordance with this, pilgrims first worship the linga, now called Dhūmrēśvara, situated on the southern plateau of the hill outside the citadel, before they proceed to the temples of Rāma and Lakshmana. The story of Sambūka is given in line 45 of the present record, which mentions the linga Dhūmrāksha.
The story of Sambūka occurs also in the Rāmāyana of Vālmīki. It would, therefore, be interesting to see how far the topography of the place where Sambūka was practising penance suits Rämtēk. According to the Epic the Sūdra ascetic was engaged in austerities on the bank of s large lake to the north of the mountain Saivala. This mountain is not mentioned anywhere else. But from the Rāmāyana itself we learn that a king named Danda was ruling over the territory between the Vindhya and Saivala mountains. His rape of a Brāhmaṇa girl led to the devastation of the country measuring a hundred yojanas round the Saivala mountain and this country came consequently to be known by the name of the Dandaka forest. This Danda or Dāndakya is called Bhöja elsewhere and it is well known that the Bhõjas were ruling over Vidarbha. So the site of Sambūka's penance must have been situated in Vidarbha to the south of the Vindhya mountain. The Rāmāyana tells us that after killing Sambūka, Rāma went in his aerial car to the hermitage of Agastya which was situated not very far from the Godavari, but it gives us no idea of the distance between the site of Sambūka's penance and the hermitage of Agastya. Still the description in the epic shows clearly that the former lay somewhere in ancient Vidarbha between the Vindhya mountain and the Gödāvari. The description in the Rāmāyana of the site of Sambūka's penance suits Rämtēk where there is a large tank at the foot of the hill. As there is no hill in Vidarbha where there is such a tradition connecting it with Sambūka's penance, it would not be wrong to identify Rāmtēk with the Saivala mountain.?
1 P. R. A. S., W. C. for 1904-05, p. 41, para. 127.
Ramayana, Uttarakānda, adhyāya 75, verses 13-14. . Ibid., adhyaya 79, verse 16. • Ibid., adhyāya 81, verse 8.
See Kautilya's Arthasāstra, adhyaya 1, prakarana 3. • Ramayana, Uttara kända, adhyaya 76, verses 16-20.
* The larger Sinduragiri mahatmya mentions Mahāsaivala as a name of the hill at Rämtek in addition to the two names noticed above, and explains it as being due to Siva bringing the Saivas to the hill. According to the colophon the Mahatmya has been taken from the Kaumarakhanda of the Padmapurina; but the portion dealing with Sambuka's story seems to have been copied terbatim from the Ramayana of Valmiki. We have not been able to trace the Kaumarakhanda in the printed edition of the Purana. Still this description corroborates our inference that Saivala was one of the old names of the hill at Rämtēk. For the identifications of the tirthas mentioned here see Ind. Ant., Vol. XXXVII, pp. 202 ft.

Page #25

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
| VoL.. XXV.
TEXT.1
. . . . . . . . . . णु . . . . . . . मवान . . . . . . . . . .. 2 . . . . . . . . . . पूजित . . . . . . . स्तत्वे(चे)न . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . देवासुरोर[ग] . . . . . . वचरितो . . .
4 . . . . . . . 'क: सुकविसार्थपथे प्र[विष्टः ] . . . . . . . . . 'ज्यो
लाप्र- . . . . . . . . . 5 . . . . . . . युग्मः ॥ ततोभूधादवो वंशः . . . . . . . . . ॥ कि
वयतेऽ[यं य*]दुवंशजः . . . . . . . 6 . . . . . . . . क्षोणिपालष्कालः" प्रोद्यरिवौरव . . . . . . . . .. जंभ
शत्रुः ॥ नश्यत्कलंकविधुम' . . . . . . . . . . 7 . . . . . . . यस्यातिभौषणरणांगण . . . . . . . "मंडलमिदं स्मरति स्म
रुद्रको . . . . . . . . . . 8 . . . . . . . . लौवनालीतलगभुजगा . . . . . . त्वमेधाधिप त्वं रे चोड
विमुंच द[]- . . . . . . . धरानाथप्रबोध . . . ." 9 . . . . . . . . . ऽषि(खि)लभूपतीना' मिर[स्सु ?] . . . . . . . .
[गुर्ज*१]रेन्द्रः परामुखो यस्य पुरो रणेऽभूत् . . . . . . हेषु महामहौन्द्र जैन- . . . . .
From the original stone.
From 15 to 18 akaharas are lost in the beginning of II. 1-3. • About 25 aksharas are broken off here and in the corresponding portion of IL.1-3. • About 45 akakaras are gone at the end of 11. 1-3.
About 13 aksharas are gone in the beginning of 11. 4-6. .Metre: Vasantatilaka.
From 23 to 27 akaharas are lost here and in the corresponding portion of 11. 5-6. . From 35 to 45 aksharas are lost at the end of 1. 4-7. •Metre: Anushtubh.. 10 Metre : Indravajra. 1 Rond चोणिपाल: काख:. [See above, p. 8,n.l-Ed.] 11 Metre : Salini. 11 About 18 akaharas are lost in the beginning of 11. 7-14. 14 From 18 to 22 akaharas are broken off here and in the corresponding portion of II. 8-14. "Metre: Malini. "Metre: Sardilaerkritika. 17 About 6 aksharas are lost at the end of II. 8.14. "Metre: Upendravajra.

Page #26

No. 2.] RAMTEK STONE INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF RAMACHANDRA.
10 . . . . . . . . . . यंदनप्रभिवप्रतिभटविक' . . . . . . . . . [मौक्ति*]. · कौधगगनमिव सतार संध्यया स . . . . . . [क]रोस्कराला सौंदर्य • •
ll . . . . . . . . . . [चोणिपतरस्य' भूमिपालोऽ . . . . . . . . . हासि
निहतोकटप्रतिभटेभकभयो पटुयु(?) . . . . . . . . . . कमुक्ताच्छलात् ।
प्रमुथ] . . . . . 12 . . . . . . . . . . महौरहस्य यशसा चं[द] . • • • • • • • • •
वाचस्पतेः । तेजोभिर्दिनक्कद्गुचामपि हठादा[धि]क्य • • • • • • • द्रालय
भोगभूमिरभवत्काल . . . . . 13 . . . . . . . . . . . [५]णदेवनामा' गुणामि . . . . [*] ~-~
- - -- चंडकोदंडमुक्तः शितकांड.विष(ख)ण्डितारक्त --- देहर्ष (ख)डैरमंडि क्षितिराहवस्य ॥ . . . . .
. . . . [मासाद्य शान्तिं परमामवाप । . . . . . . . . . . . जगतीं क्षितौशः । शशाश(स) विचामतरुस्ततो यष्फलेग्रहिर्याचक
पचिपंक्तोः ॥ "धराचवं धावा ब(चि)दश . . . . . 15 . . . . . . . . . . . "धिष्ठाय रचयत्यहो नृत्यका बंध*] . . . . . . .
[*] अपारसंसारसमुद्रसारैर्यश:सुधौधैर्वसुधा यदीयैः श्रीसिंहणक्षोणिपतेवियोगता
जहौ3 [1] . . . . .14 16 . . . . . . . . . . . [म*]हौतले । वायिनायक इति क्षमातले नि -~
~ यशोभरैः । ततः सकललोकविश्रुतो न वृतः क्वचिदपौह . यत्समः ॥ तस्याप्ययं राघवदेव[नामा]" . . . . . .
14 • • • • •
IMetre: Malini.
2 Metre: Malini. IMetre: Vasantatilaka.
Metre: Anushtubh. • Metre: Prithvi. • Metre : Sārdülavikridita.
Metre: Upendravajra. • Read शितकांडदंडः । विखण्डि. •Metre : Upajati. 10 Read यः फलति11 Metre: Sikharini. 11 From 20 to 24 akaharas are lost in the beginning of 11. 15-20. 18 The metre of this verse is irregular. The first hemistich is in Upendravajra. 14 From 5 to 8 aksharas are lost at the end of ll. 15-20. 16 Metre: Rathôddhatā. 16 Metre : Indravajra.

Page #27

14
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
•
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[गुणगौरवप्रचयिनं श्रीरामचंद्रः प्रभुर्य साम्राज्यसमृषि
सुंदररुचः पाच विधाय श्रियः । कोडोयानतलेऽवि (खि) नोबल कला लीलाग्टहखोजनालाप'
श्रीरामभूपत्वधरस्य शय्यापालीकृतात्मानममानसत्वं(चम् ) ॥ श्रीवैद्यनाथशिवपादपयोजभक्ति संपादिता षि (खि) लमहत्व (त्त्व) पदाय तस्मै ।
के के नृपा ज
.
.
(च) (क) लद्दषयति का
प्रया गुणगणाधारं धरा'
तिरं चांतिरपि प्रधानकुलजं श्रद्दा यथा सात्वि ४(प्रियतमा सौभाग्यसौंदर्यभू राजायीति गुणा
दिनकहिनक्कद्युतिं (तिम्) | गुरुमात्मीयमित्येष पप्रच्छ तदनु डिजम्' जानासि सब्र्व्वं भगवंस्तव पृच्छामि पर्युत्सुकतामुपेतः । अगाध संसारपयोधि'
॥
(ख) लपारा वचो मम । | संसारसागरोत्तारकारणं न परे: रामस्ते [षां ?]
[1] Metre: Sardūlavikridita.
• Metre : Vasantatilaka.
[ VoL. XXV.
8
वायुपुत्रयुक्तो वसत्युत्तमयोगिचिन्त्यः । महोधरस्यास्य तर्पगिरिस्तं प्रभावमा किसुदाहरामि विहाय मे
5 ॥
.
गव्यापातकुलाधीश निबोधेदं परं (रम्) ' अवतारा दशाप्यथ
॥
साद्य रघु ॥ प्रागण देवी नृहरिः हरि सुरार्धि (बि)मेद वचः करणे शितार्थ: । तद्रपूराकणितस्ततोऽयं
[[]]] सौंदर्यसारे पुनस्तम (तिसमोऽप्यन्धो हि जानाति कः ॥ पपौ समुद्र चुलुकेन यस्तं सुनी ?]*
• Metre: Indravajra.
• Metre : Anushtubh.
• Metre : Upajati.
• From 29 to 34 aksharas are gone in the beginning of II. 21 25.
' Metre of this and the next verse : Anushtubh.
• From 9 to 11 aksharas are lost at the end of II. 21 25.
• Metre : Upēndravajra.
9
·

Page #28

No. 2.) RAMTEK STONE INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF RAMACHANDRA.
15
25 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . मनो मृदु . . . [रा*]मेश्वर इतौह
कीर्त्यते ॥ श्रीरामाय मुनीश्वरः कलगभूमध्येसों व(ब)अणः श्रुत्वैतस्य
गिरः प्र[भाव*] . . . . . . . . . 26 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . "विलोक्य सादरं जन्तुर्मचते व्र
(ब)महत्यया' ॥ गोविप्रवा(बा)लप्रमदावधादिपापौघपूर्णा ' . . . . . . . . .' 27 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . लयपव्वतेंद्रे । क्वतोपवासा हरिवासरे
ये कुर्वन्ति रानो रघुनन्दनाये । तपंगिरौ' जागरण"] • • • • • •
. . . . . . . मराधिकाभैः ॥ घंटेश्वरं चैव सुधेश्वर च केदारमीशं च तथांजनेयं(यम्) । हारश्वर' . . . . . 29 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . [म ]जनेन दुरितं निर्धूय (ब)धच्छिदा
स्वाच्छंद्यं मनुजा भजति भवने भर्गस्थ यत्तत्पर(रम्) । म . . . . .
30 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . प्रभावं शतोतिवां न गुरुः सुराणाम
न्यस्य' तत्कास्य . . . . . . . . . . . । 31 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . श्रोशष(ख)नानि
(त्रि). भुवनजनतापूज्यपादारविंद सात्वा श्री.' 32 . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
लत्यनला समयम[प*]भयः शंखपाण्यंतिकस्थः ॥ तामम्नितीर्थप्रभवां विभूति
33 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . [*]म्ब(म्ब)तीर्थे नरः सात्वा पूजयित्वां
वि(बि)कापति(तिम्) । वि(बि)कानाथसदने याति भोगेकभूमिता(ताम्) ॥ पधिगम्य वरुणतीर्थ
1 Metre : Sardūlavikridita. • About 45 letters are gone at the beginning of 1. 28-31. • Metre: Anushfubh.
• Metre: Indravajra. . About 9 letters are broken off at the end of 11. 26-29. • Read तपोगिरी• Metre : Upajatia - Read मुराचाम् । चन्यस्य. • About 20 aksharas are gone here.
.Metre: Sragdhard. 16 From 50 to 60 aksharas have been lost in the beginning of 11. 32-33.

Page #29

16 .
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VoL. Xxv.
34 . . . . . . . . . . .1 2
वरुणादिलोकपाल बदितचर[f] . . . . रिशरण (चम्) । यत्यनतो ऽप्यभिषेकभाजां जायेत पुन्य (ण्य) नरपंगवाना(नाम) । सदश्वमेधादिमहामषा(खा)नामोधर्म लभ्यं न तपोभि
36
रुः॥ तौ[थं] नृसिंहस्य कथंचि*]दायोः पुण्य :*] समासाद्य विशुद्धमूर्तेः । नरस्य लोक(पितये करस्थं किमौप्सितं नास्ति दुरापमन्यः ॥ अष्टम च कुरुक्षेचनानि तीर्थवर नरः । निमच्य(ज्य) (ब)महत्यादिमजा शुद्धी दिवं व्र
36 जत् । तीर्थपंचकमिहाचलराज यचिलोकविदिते विदिता]ख्य (ख्यम्) । तबभाव
कथने न समर्थो देवसार्थगुरस्ति न सोऽपि ॥ लक्ष्मीतीर्थ तेषु मुख्यं दुरापा लक्ष्मीन स्यामजता यत्र तूष्ण (वर्णम्) । यावजीवं पातकोतिहेतुप्रोद्य[दुष्यो(खो)ट्रेकदारिद्यभाजा(जाम् ॥
37 किं सतीर्थस्य तथा प्रभावः प्रभूतपुण्योज्व(ज्व)लकेतनस्य । व्याख्यायते यज
लपानतोऽपि हंसो दिस्थी विमलत्वमेति ॥ श्रीचक्रतीर्थमहिमानममानमा गुर्वी प्रवक्तमपि कस्व नरस्य शक्तिः । यस्य स्वयं भगवता हरिणा वचक्र
रक्षार्थमुद्यतमकल्पि 38 सुदर्शनाख्यं (ख्यम) ॥ सात्वा धनुस्तीर्थजले धनुश्च प्रदाय हेमादिक्कतं वशक्त्या। नरो
विदरीकतपापराधिः श्रीशाप्रपाणः सदन प्रयाति ॥ तौर्थे पितणां पिलतीर्थनानि सात्वा च कृत्वा पिटतर्पणादि । कोटिं पितृणां नियत:(त) पवि
चौकत्ये (त्य)ति दिव्यं हि पदपित39 गां(णाम्)" ॥ गिररपायां दिशि वाजिमेधतीर्थे समर्थेऽखिलतीर्थसार्थात् । नरो
निमन्जयागमया समतस्तमभवानाशु लभत धन्यान् ॥ या ररक्ष कलिकालतो बलाधर्ममूर्मिकरपंकजैनदी । सा तथास्य कलिपति विश्रुता संनिधी कलिमल हरत्यलं (लम्)1 ॥ सुरनदी च सुरोध
1 About a dozen aksharas may have been lost here. • Metre: Giti.
• Read यच्छुक्कतीर्थे• Metre of this and the next verse: Upajati.
Metre: Anushrubih. • Metre : Svagala. Metre : Salini.
•Metre: Upajati. •Motre: Vaantatilabar 10 Metro: Indravajra. 11 Metre : Rathoddhala.

Page #30

No. 2.]
RAMTEK STONE INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF RAMACHANDRA.
संग न
40 समाश्रिता निकटतोऽस्य वहत्यचलस्य सा । सुरनिकेतनभोगसमृद्धिदा सऊदिवाचमनादिक्कतां नृणां (णाम् ) ' ॥ कलिपासुरनद्यंवु (बु) संगादंगा जांबु (बु) नो: । गणयत्युच्चैर्मनुख्य(ष्य) मुनिदेवताः ॥ नामस्मिन्म का कुंडं तौर्थोत्तमे प्राप्य समस्त सिद्धीः ।
17
41 प्राप्नोति मत्यैः खलु मुक्तिरस्य प्रसादतः साऽपि न दूरसंस्था' ॥ [ मां] चकुंड समासाद्य दक्ष(क्षिणस्यां महीभृतः । दुर्लभाऽपि भवेन्मोच: सुलभः प्राणिनां क्षणात् ॥ श्रीरामतीर्थं यदिहास्ति तोथ' साक्षात्सदर्य प्रथितप्रभावं ( वम्) । तस्याप्रुतिप्रोद्भव पुन्य (स्य) राशेष्फलप्रदाता' दशकंधरा
42 रिः ॥ एकादशोवासरवास भाजां तीर्थे शुभार्थे दशकंठशत्रोः । मुक्तिवैराकी करपंजरस्था करोति सेवां ग्टहसारिकेव । यत्कार्त्तिके मासि नरो निमज्य (ज्जा) श्रीरामतीर्थे दशकंधरात्रिं (रिम्) । भक्त्य ( प्रपश्यव शरीरकोशे कोटत्वमायाति तदन्तरामा ॥ सक्कद्रामगया श्राहं गिराविह क
43 रोति यः । लभन्ते पितरस्तस्य मुक्तिमत्यन्तदुर्लभां (भाम्) * ॥ श्रीरामचंद्रस्य समौपतोऽस्ति सिंदूरवापी सुकृतप्रपा सा यस्या विशुहेन विलोकनेन विजित्य नाकं समुपैति मुक्ति (क्तिम् ) ॥ कर्पूरवापौ सुकृतप्रवाहपूरण पूर्णा किमु वर्णनीया । देवस्य सीतादयितस्य पार्श्वे दास्यं हि यस्याः कुरुतेऽपि
44 मुक्ति: ॥ काशो नोज्जयिनी न चापि मथुरा नो हारका नो पुरौ तद्दत्पुण्यभरं प्रयच्छति नृणां वासेन नित्यायुषा । यद्दद्दा सरमेकमष्टिति (?) कृतां सिंदूर11 जगन्मंगलमाधत्ते भूमीधरः श्रीरामस्य पदारविंदयुगल स्पर्शेन यस्य कुंभद्दयो स्मृता | गजेन्द्रवदनः
सर्वोत्तमः
45 साक्षादत्रास्ते रामकांचया ॥ आस्ते धर्मेश्वरो
नित्यं स रामस्य गिराविह । पोडितं कलिना धर्मं यः कपालुरपालयत् ॥ श्रीरामचंद्रस्य करेण चंद्रहा साहतः प्राप्य पदं पुरारः । स शम्बु (म्बु)क: शूद्रमुनिर्म होध राजेऽत्र धूम्राच
इति प्रसिद्ध: ॥ पश्यन्ति मुक्तौश्वरनामधेयं शिवं शिवा
1 Metre : Drutavilambita.
* Metre : Awushtubh.
s Metre Upajati.
4 Read राशेः फलप्रदाता
• Metre of this and the next verse Upajati.
• Metre : Indravajra.
● Metre of this and next verse Anushtulih.
Metre: Sardalavikridita.
• Metre of this and the next thren verses [pajati.

Page #31

18
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VoL. Xxv.
46 नाथमिहाचलेंद्रे । शिवव्रतस्थाः शिववासर ये शिवत्वमायोति शिवालये ते ॥
गोपीजनानंदसमुद्रपूर्णचंद्रो विनिद्रोज्व(ज्व)लपद्मनेत्रः । गोपालमूर्तिर्जगदेकमूतिर्वसत्यसावत्र धराधरेंद्रे । अतीव तेजःपसरप्रतप्तं जगत्ममग्रं कृपया ररक्ष ।
योऽयं चतुर्थोऽवतरोऽच्युतस्य श्री47 मावृसिंहोपि वसत्यमुमिन् ॥ सप्तांभोनिधिपूरदूरपिहितां वि(बिभ्रदरां दंष्ट्रया
योऽयं भाति सरोजिनौदलनिभी दन्तेन यहन्मयन् । यं रोमान्तरगुप्तवाससुखिनो देवर्षयस्तुष्टुवुष्कल्पान्ते दशकंधरारिसदने सोऽत्रादिकोलः प्रभुः ॥ अन
न्यलभ्यामतुला सपर्या नित्यं 48 परित्यज्य महेन्द्रदत्ता(ताम्) । श्रीमानृपष्यक्तिरथोपि* पुत्रप्रीत्या वसत्यच गिरीन्द्रसानी ॥
सुतौ श्रीरामचंद्रस्य गिरी कुशलवाविह । दधाते कल्पवृक्षत्वं भक्तिभाजां जगनभू ॥ मातरोऽष्टौ महासिद्धिनामधेयोपलक्षिताः । पत्र तिष्ठति भक्तानामणि
माद्यष्टकप्रदाः ॥ कल्पान्ते कवली49 करोति सकलं पैलोक्यमल्पेतरज्वालाजालकरालकालवदनी यष्कालिकाकैलिभूः ।
सिन्दूराचलमीक्षणं क्षणमपि क्षीणान्यवासस्पृहः श्रीरामस्पृहया करोति भगवाकि वा महाभैरवः ॥ पंचास्यं चंद्रमौलिं दशभुजमुदयत्कोटिभानूप्रभास यक्ष
वृक्षा - 50 - सिवरशरधनुःशूलष(ख)बांगहस्तं(स्तम्) । हृत्पद्मे भक्तलोकाभयवरदकरं चिन्तयन्यं नरः
स्यात्रैलोक्ये सिद्धिसमाइसति पवनजः सोऽत्र रामकभृत्य: ॥ माला पुष्पमयोमिव क्षितिमिमां वि(बि)वच्छिरोभिर्विभुः श्रीरामावतर हरः सहचरः शंखोऽ
प्यशंखामक: । प्रास्ते सोऽ[त्र] स51 मस्तभक्तजनतातत्तन्मनोवांच्छि(छि)तं संयच्छन्ज(ज)नकाधिराजतनयानाथांतिके लक्ष्मण: ॥
. यबामस्मरणाबयाति निषि(खि)ल: पापाट्रिरुच्चैः क्षयं या विश्वकपतिव्रताध्वनि
गुरुर्देवो दयेकापगा । या शापेन निनाय भस्मकणिकाभूयं न लंकापति कर्ता मे दयिता[स्य]
1 Perhaps H y is intended here. This reading would involve a sandhi with the preceding word which would spoil the metre. I would suggest -dalam-ibho dantena yadvan=nuyan as the intended reading. Ed.1 *Read स्तुष्टुवुः कल्पान्त.
___+Metre: Sardalavikridita. 'Read श्रीमापः पंक्तिरथी-- • Motre: Upajati.
• Metre of this and the following verso: Anushfubh. - Read यः कालिका.. • Metre : Sragdhara. • Metre of this and the next verse: Sardalavikridito.

Page #32

No. 2.) RAMTEK STONE INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF RAMACHANDRA.
52 नाशमिति साप्यत्रास्ति गमान्तिके ॥ रहाचलेंद्र दशकंठशोर्विलोक्य मूर्तीः खलु
- मर्त्यः । परत्र काले न करोति भौति कातास्तम(१)संहतिघोरमूतः1 ॥ भक्त्या महत्या प्रभुमादिरामं जगत्सषा(खारामतनं निरीक्ष्य । नर सुरेंद्रादिकरोपनौतपूजाग्रापात्रत्वमुपैति] नि
53 त्यं(त्यम् ॥ श्री भो]गराममभिरामतनं निरीक्ष्य क्षोणाषि(खि)न्नाघसरणि: शरण मुरारीः ।
भोगा[नभंगुररसान्मुचिरं विचित्रान्प्राप्नोति कल्पशतमल्पितदेवराजः ॥ दृष्ट्वा प्रवष्टमहिमानमनन्तभक्त्या तं गुप्तराममतिगुप्तपदं च किंचित् । प्राप्नोति यत्तदिह किं ननु देवरा जो] - --
54 सहुरुरथांगिरसोऽपि सोऽपि ॥ श्रीशंखराम प्रणिपत्य मर्त्यः पदं समभ्येति हि शंख
पाणः । विशुद्धभावेन हदा महेंद्रमुख्यादिदेवैरभिवंद्यमान: ॥ जगन्महानंदनिदानमौशं श्रीमैथिलौलक्ष्मणदेवयुक्त (क्तम्) । श्रीरामदेवं प्रणिपत्य मूर्छा नमस्करिख्ये(थे)ल्पतरैव[चोभिः*] ॥
55 देव श्रीरघुनंदन (त्रि)जगतामहैतवादप्रभो भास्वदशमहाविभूषणमणे कारुण्यरत्नाकर ।
त्रैलोक्याग्दिशास्यकंठदशकच्छेदोजसत्याणये पा -- - - ते चैलोक्यगोप्चे नम: ॥ देव क्षौरसमुद्रसादलहरौ[नि]र्मथ्य हत्कीर्तये तत्ताट्टम्गुण -~
56
- विश्वकभत्रे नमः । श्रीरामाय हनूमदादिवदनांभोजन्मषंडप्रभाभः श्रीजनकक्षितींद्रतनयानंदैक[क]दाय च ॥ देव त्वां स्फुरदुग्रशोषण ----
-- --- दारचटुसुतिप्रशमितक्रोधं नमस्कुर्महे । तत्का[ला]पचितिक्रियार्थमिलिताशेषाम्स --
57 - धत्ता(?)त्यत्तसुजात्यरत्नचयभामाजिष्णुपादावु(बु)जं(जम्) ॥ देव त्वां गिरिपादपषि(खि)
लभुजामुष्टिप्रहारो ---- -- - ----- --। - - -- - - निषि (खि)लं त्रैलोक्यनाशचम धावा - सहसपूर्णरुचिम -- - म नुमः ॥ ---
1 Metre of this and the following verse: Upajäti. 1 Metre of this and the next verse: Vasantutilaka. .Metre of this and the next verse: Upajati. • Metre of this and the next seven verses : Sardilavikridita.

Page #33

EPICRAPHIA INDICA.
[VoL. Xxv.
58 विसर्परोगजगतीनाथारिदारिद्यभूर्भीतर्भक्तजनस्य संमदपदं रामति नामस्मृतः । गव्यू.
fauv-u-uuu-.-- - - -- - - - -- ---- - -॥ देव त्वां करुणा
U-UUU - HARTA co to SMARTTA UUU -- 59 क्षोभुजा तेजसा(साम्) । कुर्बाणे जगदिष्टष्टिममृतासारां भवोन्माथिनी --प्रार्थितट
THT UU---H--U-[no]---uu-u-uu
--- ------ ~-र्णिकासन -
-- - सिंदूराचलमौलिकल्पि ---- 60 प्रतिष्ठं विभं कुभोद्भुतलनावरण भगवबंदे मुदे नित्यशः ॥ देव त्वां पुरुष yaraqaf --u----UU-U-UUU--
८-0"] - - vu-u-uuu --- - ---------- भगवते भक्त्या नमोऽस्तु प्रभो ॥
|
(
61 रामदेवं य स्तोति मयः पवित्रधौः । सिंदूराचलमौलिस्थं भजते तस्य य . ॥ काशीप्रभू ---~
~-~ ~ [*] ~ ~~ --Uvuvuu-uu [*] ---UU-u-u --------- कल्पांतावधिनिर्मलाषि(खिलजला वृक्षा
62 लः । आस्ते वा(बा)लसमुद्र एष विलमद्देवालयालौमिल -- - - - जलो जले
क्षणकृतां देवा --- -[*] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
धन्यः ॥ समभ्यर्य नरो भक्त्या न yyy63 । दुर्लभां लभते कां कां न हि सिद्धिं विशुद्धधीः ॥ --
- वराणि तानि देवांशु -- - -- [*] - - - - -
----------- ----[॥"] --~-- vu-u----u--
- - [0] -- भ गरौय: श्रीराघवोऽमस्त कृतार्थमुच्चैः ॥
(
(
1 Metre: Anushfubh. * Metre : Sardalavikridita. . About 40 aksharas are gone here. • Metre : Indravajra.
Lines 64-75 are too much mutilated to be transcribed here. Lines 69 and 71 mention one Maidēva and line TO has पाडय सत्वरमुवाच वाः स . . . . . . मैथिलीनाथस्तष्थति येन मे कुन . . which shows that the inscription was intended to record something done by Maidēva by the order of Raghava-perhaps some repairs to the temple of Lakshmana.

Page #34

No. 3.] A GRANT OF THE WESTERN CHALUKYA VIJAYADITYA: SAKA 653.
21
No. 3.-A GRANT OF THE WESTERN CHALUKYA VIJAYADITYA: SAKA 653. By S. C. UPADHYAYA, M.A., LL.B., BOMBAY..
This set of three copper-plates was presented by the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society to the Archaeological Section of the Prince of Wales Museum, Bombay, and is now exhibited in the Epigraphical Gallery.
These plates have not been published so far nor have they been noticed anywhere. Their authenticity is, however, unquestionable and therefore they are taken up for publication in this journal.
Each plate is 10"x5" in size. The whole grant runs into 45 lines. A circular hole with a diameter of about " is found in all the three plates. There is neither any ring nor any Royal seal attached to the set at present. The first and third plates are written on one side only while the second plate is inscribed on both the sides. As regards orthography the record has no peculiarity worth mentioning.
Vijayaditya, the donor of the present grant, seems to have ascended the throne in 618-619 Saka as the Badami Sanskrit and Kanarese inscription is dated Saka 621, in his third regnal year.1 The present grant was made in his 36th regnal year when 653 Saka had passed. His reign seems to have ended in 654-655 Saka as his son Vikramaditya II issued from Raktapura a grant in his 2nd regnal year in 656 Saka expired.2
The donation was made on the full-moon day of Vaisakha to Bhavasvami-Bhatta of the Visvamitra-gōtra, who was well versed in the Vaidika literature and who was the son of Pasupatiśarman and grandson of Yajñaśarman. The donation was of a village (?) in a certain vishaya3. The grant was issued from the victorious camp at Raktapura.
The writer was Niravadya-Punyavallabha. We know that in the reign of Vinayaditya the Mahāsāmdhivigrahika was one Rama-Punyavallabba. But in the reign of Vijayaditya there was one Niravadya-Pandita alias Udayadeva-Pandita, a Jaina to whom Vijayaditya granted a village. Niravadya-Pandita who was of the Mula-Sangha was the spiritual guide of Vinayaditya."
The inscription opens with Srasti followed by a verse in praise of the Boar incarnation of Vishņu. Then it successively refers to the famous Manavya-gōtra, the descent from Hariti of the Chalikyas who were guarded by the Seven Mothers, the receipt of a banner bearing the figure
1 Ind. Ant., Vol. X, p. 60.
Ibid., Vol. VII, p. 104.
[According to my reading of lines 35-37 the name of the village granted would be Tärävadra which was situated in Telläd-ähāra, a district in Navasari-vishaya. I read the portion as follows:
35 भवस्वामिभट्टाय नवसारिविषये तेनादाहार
36 कोच त्यातलादपढमत्याणवेसीमा ग्रामाणां मधे
तारा[[व]द्रमा
37 मग्राम (मी) वाप्युद्यमने विजयादित्येन दत्त: etc.-N. L. R.]
This Raktapura was a famous place in the times of the Western Chalukya kings. Vinayaditya issued a grant from this place. Cf. Ind. Ant., Vol. VII, p. 112. Vikramaditya II issued one more grant in 656 Saka, cf. ibid., p. 104.
Ind. Ant., Vol. VI, p. 85.
Ibid., Vol. VII, p. 112.
[The late Prof. Pathak has suggested (above, Vol. X, p. 15) that the name Niravadya, which seems to have been a biruda, originally of Vijayaditya, was assumed by the writer of his grants.-N. I. R.]

Page #35

22
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXV.
of a Boar on it through the favour of Vishņu, etc., as found in most of the other grants of this dynasty.
The genealogy begins with Pulakābi-Vallabha (1) who had purified his limbs with the holy waters at the time of the horse sacrifice performed by him. Then his son, the famous Kirttivarman(I) who had defeated the kings of Vanavāsi, is referred to. Then we find mentioned his son Satyāśraya otherwise famous as Pulakēśin (II) who bore the additional titles Mahārājā. dhirāja and Paramēsvara ; the last-mentioned title he obtained by defeating Harshavardhana. Then comes his favourite' ton Vikramaditya (D. Mounted on the back of his favourite steed Chitrakantha and with only a sword in hand be is said to have retrieved the fortune of his father which had been taken away by the alliance of three kings. He also broke down the power of the Pāņdyas, Chöļas, Kēraļas and Kaļabhras, and made the king of Kanchi bow down in reverence to him. Then is mentioner Vinayāditya, who is also stated to have subdued the triple alliance. He subdued the kings of Kavēra, Pārasika and Simhaļa and by defeating the king of the north acquired the embleans of greatness such as the Pālidhraja, etc.
His favourite son was Vijayaditya-Samastabhuvanā sraya, the donor of the present grant. He secured peace at home while his grandfather carried on wars with the southern kings and he assisted his father in a campaign in the north and going further to the north (more than what bis father had done) he acquired for himself the emblems of Ganga, Yamunā, the Pālidhvaja banner and the Dhadrum. He was once caught by the enemies but he skilfully contrived to escape and brough peace and order unaided by others in the provinces where disorder reigned supreme for a while.
TEXT.
First Plate.
1 स्वस्ति [[*] जयत्याविष्कृतं विष्णोर्बाराहं क्षोभितागणव(वम्) [*] दक्षिणोबत
दंष्ट्राग्रविश्रान्तभुवन' वपुः [*] श्री2 मतां सकलभुवनसंस्तूयमानमानव्यसगोत्राणां सप्तलोकमातृ3 भिस्मप्तमातृभिरभिवड़ितानां कार्तिकेयपरिरक्षणप्राप्तकल्याणपरंपराणां भगव4 बारायणप्रसादसमासादितवराहलाञ्छनेक्षणक्षणवशौकताशेषमहीभृतां 5 चलिक्यानां कुलमलंकरिष्णोरश्वमेधावभृथसानपवित्रीकृतगात्रस्य थोपुलकेशि6 वल्लभमहाराजस्य सूनु पराक्रमाक्रान्तवनवास्यादिपरनृपतिमण्डलप्रणिब7 इविशुद्धकोतिः. शोकीर्तिवर्मापृथिवीवल्लभमहाराजस्तस्यात्मजस्ममर8 संसक्तसकलोत्तरापथेश्वरश्रीहर्षवईना पराजयोपात्तपरमेश्वरशब्दा.
1 Hin title Satyadraya is not given here, unlike in Ind. Ant., Vol. VI, P. 73. . From the original plates.
Read -bhuvanatin.
• Read Raya sa mara.. [This emendation is unnecessary as the reading of the text in 11. 8-9 is correctly -paramčkvara-labdas-tasya.-Ed.]
Read &ri-Harshavarddhana..

Page #36

No. 3.) A GRANT OF THE WESTERN CHALUKYA VIJAYADITYA: SAKA 653.
23
9 []स्य सत्यायधीपृथिवीवल्लभमहाराजाधिराजपरमेश्वरस्य प्रियतनय10 स्य प्रज्ञा[त]नयस्य खड्गमात्रसहायस्य चित्रकण्ठाभिधानप्रवरतुरङ्गमेणll केनैवोत्सारिताशेषविजिगीषोरवनिपतित्रितयान्तरितां स्वगुरो' श्रियमात्मसा12 कृत्य(त्वा) प्रभावकुलिशदलितपाण्यचोळकेरळकरप्रभृतिभूभृददनवि13 भ्रमस्यानन्यावनतकाञ्चीपतिमुकुटचंबितपादांबुजस्य विक्रमादित्य
Second Plate ; First Side. 14 सत्याश्रयश्रीपृथिवीवल्लभमहाराजाधिराजपरमेश्वरभट्टारकस्य प्रियसूनो पि15 तुराजया बालेन्दुशेखरस्य तारकारातिरिव दैत्यबलमतिसमुदतं चैराज्यका16 चौपतिबलमवष्टभ्य करदौलतकम(व)रपारसौकसिंहकादिद्दीपाधिपस्य सक17 लोत्तरापथनाथमथनोपार्जितोर्जितपाळिध्वजादिसमस्तपारमैश्वर्यचिङ्गस्य । 18 विनयादित्यसत्याचयत्रीपृथिवीवल्लभमहाराजाधिराजपरमेश्वरभट्टारकस्य 19 प्रियात्मजोशव एवाधिगताशेषास्त्रशास्त्रो दक्षिणाशाविजयिनि पितामहे 20 समुन्मूलितनिखिलकण्टक सह[ति*]रुत्तरापथवि[जि*]गोषोर्गुरोरग्रत एवाहव21 व्यापारमाचरवरातिगजघटापाटनविशौर्यमाणकृपाणधारस्सम ग्रविग्रहा22 प्रेसरस्मत्मा] इसरसिक पराङ्गु( )खोकतशत्रुमण्डलो गंगायमुनापानिध्वज23 पट[*]ढक महाशब्दचित्रमाणिक्यमतंगजादौन्पित्रु(ट)सात्कुव॑न्प[२] पलायमान24 रासाद्य कथमपि विधिवशादपनौतोपि प्रतापादेद' विषय प्रकोपमराजक
25 मुत्सारयन्वत्सराज इवानपेक्षितापरसहायकस्तदवग्रहानिर्गत्य स्व
Second Plate ; Second Side. - 28 भुजावष्टंभप्रसाधिताशेषविश्वंभर प्रभुरखण्डितशक्तित्रय
27 वाच्छत्रुमदभंजनत्वादुदारत्वाविरवद्यत्वाद्यस्ममस्तभुवना
1 Road °guros.
Read dhakld* Read vishaya.
• Read aambatire. • Read da-diva.

Page #37

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXV
28 अयस्मकलपारमैश्वर्यव्यक्तिहेतुपालिध्वजाधुज्व(ज्ज्व)लप्राज्य. 29 राज्यो विजयादित्यसत्यात्रयौपथिवीवनभमहाराजाधिरा30 जपरमेश्वरभट्टारकस्माबे(ने)वमाज्ञापयति विदितमस्तु वोस्मा31 भित्रिपञ्चाशदुत्तरषटुट्शि)नेषु शकवर्षेष्वतोतेषु प्रवर्धमानविजय32 राज्यसंवत्सर षट्विंश वत्तेमाने रक्तपुरमधिवसति विजयस्कन्धावार 33 वैशाखपोर्णमास्यां विश्वामित्रगात्राय --- वे[द*]वेदांगपारगाय 34 शर्मपोचाय 'पटुपतिशर्मपुत्राय सकल विदितशास्त्रा35 य भवस्वामिभट्टाय ----विषये --- हारो
Third Plate.
लु'
- पथिम ---
सौमा
-
-
-
-
-
-------- विजयादित्येन दत्तः तदागामिभिरस्माई38 श्यैरन्यैश्च राजभिरायुरैश्वर्यादीनां विलसितमचिरांशचच्च39 लमव[ग]च्छजिराचन्द्रार्कधराकवस्थितिसमकालयशस्विभि[:*] स्वदत्ति40 निर्वि]शेषं परिपालनीयमुक्तच्च भगवता वेदव्यासेन व्यासेन [॥"] 41 बहुभिर्वसुधा भुक्ता राजभिस्मगरादिभिर्य(भिः । यस्य यस्य य42 दा भूमिस्तस्य तस्य तदा फल(लम्) [*] स्वन्दातुं सुमहच्छक्यं दुःखम43 न्यस्य पालन(नम्) [*] दानं वा पालनं चेति दानाच्छयोनुपालन(नम्) [*] 44 स्वदत्ता परदत्तां वा यो हरत वसुन्धरा (राम) [*] षष्टिवर्षसहस्राणि विष्ठा
45 यां जायते कमिः [*] बौनिरवद्ययोपुण्य वामन लिखितमिदं शासनं [*]
IRead °bhis=trio. • Reading doubtful. [It is विदित'--N. L. R.]
Read Pabupatii. • Tho order of the words in the compound is incorrect. "[See note 3 on p. 21,-Ed.] • Road yam/uktai-cha.

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No. 4.]
ELLORA PLATES OF DANTIDURGA: SAKA 663.
No. 4.-ELLORA PLATES OF DANTIDURGA : SAKA 663.
By S. K. DIKSHIT, M.A., NEW DELHI. The copper-plates which bear the subjoined inscription of the earliest Rashtrakūta emperor Dantidurga were discovered at Ellora (ancient Elāpura) in Aurangabad District of H. E. H. the Nizam's Dominions. They were handed over to Sir John Marshall by Major Garforth, Under Secretary, Public Works Department, in the year 1921, but originally belonged to a widow lady, by name Mrs. Plunkett, from whom they were subsequently purchased by the Archaeological Department. Unfortunately they have somebow remained in oblivion for more than 17 years, until Rao Bahadur K. N. Diksbit happened to come across them. He has kindly lent them to me for editing, which I am doing under bis guidance.
The plates are two in number, each measuring in the middle rougbly 6 inches in length and 41 inches in breadth. They are joined together by a copper ring which is oval in shape, being roughly 1} inches in length and 14 inches in breadth. The letters, whicb are engraved with fair accuracy, vary in size from 4th to frd of an inch. The plates are inscribed on one side only, and the engraving is fairly deep, though the letters do not appear on the other side except in a few cases. The edges of the plates are thickened only very slightly, so that the first plate is worn out in the middle of the upper edge though no damage is thereby caused to any letters. The copper ring which joins the two plates together has a seal attached to it, on which appears a winged figure sitting cross-legged. The figure must be of Garuda who usually appears on the Rashtrakūta. seals. The language is Sanskrit and the inscription is throughout written in prose, except for the imprecatory and benedictory verses (lines 23 to 28) which are usually found near the end. As regards orthography, it may be noted that the consonant following r is generally duplicated (cf. Dantidurgga, 1. 8; antarggata and vinirggata, ll. 13 and 14 ; Adhuaryyu, 1. 14 ; utsarppaņārttham. 1. 17). A certain amount of laxity in rules relating to sandhi, etc., is also observable.
The palaeographical peculiarities found in this inscription mark it out from the Rashtrakūta inscriptions like the Multāi and Tiwarkhēd plates of Nannaräja Yuddhăsura, the Bhandak plates of Krishnarāja I", which, according to Dr. V. S. Sukthankar, have characters belonging to the Northern class of alphabets". On the other hand, a comparative study of this record with some of the Valabhi and Southern Gujarāt plates betrays their closest affinity in palaeographical details. Thus the Ilão (Broach District) plates of Dadda II-Praśāntarāga, Prince of Wales Museum plates of Jayabhata, Antrõli-Chhäröli plates of Karka II (dated Saka 679) and Baroda plates of Suvarnavarsha (dated Saka 734) bear a much closer resemblance with the present record than the first-mentioned three grants from the Bētül and Chända Districts. Special attention may be drawn to the form of the letter ē (1. 10), which could easily be mistaken for gu' or 'T', but is obviously meant to be of the same type as is found in Elāpur-āchala, etc., of the Baroda plates?
The object of this inscription is to record the grant of a village called Pippaläla in the district of Chandanapuri-eighty-four, to certain Brāhmaṇas originating from Navasärikā, by the Rashtrakūta prince Dantidurga, son of Indrarāja and grandson of Karkkarāja. The grant was issued
1 Ind. Ant., Vol. XVIII, pp. 230 ff.; above, Vol. XI, pp. 276 ff. * Above, Vol. XIV, Pp. 121 ff.
Ind. Ant., Vol. XIII, pp. 115 ff. . Above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 147 ff.
J. B. B. R. A.S., Vol. XVI, pp. 106 ff.
• Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, pp. 156 ff. Also of the Valabhi plates illustrated in Ind. Ant., Vol. XIV, facing p. 328 : abovo, Vols. XI, XIII and XXII, facing pp. 106, 339 and 118 respectively, eto.
* Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, plate facing p. 158, text I. 14.

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26
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXV.
from, and probably recorded at, Badarika-vasaka, though it was originally made at Elapura (Elāpura) by the donor after bathing in the Guhesvara tirtha. Its chief importance, however, lies in the fact that it is the earliest dated record of the Imperial Rashtrakuta dynasty so far known. The inscription is dated in the (Saka) Samvat 663, Aévina Suddha trayōdaśī, Sōma-vāra. According to S. K. Pillai's Indian Ephemeris the date is not regular either for Saka 663 current or for 663 expired. The details cited, however, regularly correspond to Monday, the 17th September 742 A.D., in the Saka year 664 expired. The present inscription, whose authenticity can be borne out by the palaeographical test, is thus dated 12 years earlier than the Samangaḍ plates of Dantidurga, which are dated in the Saka year 675. The genuineness of the latter has been called in question by scholars like Dr. Sukthankar and Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar, who base their arguments mainly on palaeographical grounds, which are, however, hardly convincing' to Dr. A. S. Altekar, when the difference is only of a few decades. One may not perhaps fully agree with Dr. Altekar in his doubts as regards the validity of the palaeographical test, which has always to reckon the district in which the inscription is found, the district in which the grant is given and the personality of the writer; but one cannot set aside the Samangaḍ inscription altogether, especially in view of the possibility that it might have been copied from an earlier and authentic inscription which really gave the correct date of Dantidurga (viz., S. 675). The present record also bears out Dr. Altekar's suggestion that at any rate "there is nothing impossible in Dantidurga being a ruling prince in 753-4 A. D."
Another point to be considered is regarding the titles that were borne according to this inscription by Dantidurga and his predecessors, Karka and Indra. All the three bear only feudatory titles, such as Samadhigata-pamcha-mahāśabda and Mahāsāmantādhipati. Thus Dantidurga had not as yet assumed the imperialistic titles which appear in the Samangaḍ plates. No doubt, he bears in this record the title of Prithivivallabha, but that may signify at best his increased importance. It is true that the title Prithvivallabha was often borne, along with Srivallabha, by kings of the Imperial lines of the Chalukyas and the Rashtrakutas; but while the latter title, like the simpler Vallabha, was exclusively a suzerain's title, the former, viz., Prithvivallabha, was borne also by important feudatories. Thus in circa 645 A. D. Chandraditya, the eldest son of Pulakesin II, is styled Prithivivallabha and Mahārāja. About a century later, i.e., in or before 739 A. D., the same title Prithivivallabha was conferred upon Pulakesin (the repeller of the Tajikas) along with other titles, viz., Avanijanāśraya, Dakshinapathasādhāra-Chalukyakulālaṁkāra, etc., by Sri-Vallabhanarendra who evidently was his suzerain. Dantidurga also seems to have defeated certain enemies, before 742 A. D., since he is said in this inscription to have obtained victory in many battles. One may therefore suggest that he too was honoured by Sri-Vallabhanarendra with the title Prithivivallabha in recognition of his service in some battles, possibly fought in collaboration with Pulakesi-Avanijanasraya. The date of the present record is only three years later than the date of Pulakesin's record. The connection of the Rashtrakuța predecessors of Dantidurga with Gujarat is borne out by the fact recorded in the Sanjan and other inscriptions that the mother of Dantidurga (called Bhavagana in the Bhandak plates of Krishnaraja)' was a Chalukya princess who was carried away by Indraraja from Khetaka-mandapa in accordance with the Rakshasa form
1 Ind. Ant., Vol. XI, pp. 110 ff.
Above, Vol. XIV, p. 121, n. 5.
* Above, Vol. XVIII, p. 238.
• Rashtrakutas and Their Times, pp. 33-34, footnote 11.
Ibid.
• Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. I, Pt. 1, p. 109, n. 2. Also of. Ind. Ant., Vol. XVIII, p. 265, where Nikumbhalla akti Sendraka assumes the title Prithivivallabha.
Above, Vol. XIV, p. 124, text I. 19.

Page #40

No. 4.]
ELLORA PLATES OF DANTIDURGA : SAKA 663.
of marriage. Further, the connection of Dantidurga with Southern Gujarăt is perhaps betrayed by the fact that one or probably all of the donees of the present grant hailed from Navasărika. Lastly, as shown above, close, palaeographical examination of this inscription confirms this connection, for the inscription was probably engraved somewhere in South Gujarat. Thus, there is nothing impossible in Dantidurga helping Pulakēbi-Avanijanäsraya, when the Tājikas were penetrating into Dakshiņāpatha at Navasārikā, though it has to be admitted that this is nothing more than a supposition.
When did this scuffle between the Gujarat Chalukyas and the Tajikas take place ? Several scholars have averred that it must have taken place soon after 724 A.D., when Junayd under Caliph Hisham carried raids into the dominions of the Hindu kings. But it seems to me that the Chalukyan skirmishes with the Tājikas did not take place before 731 A.D., since Pulakësi-Avanijanāśraya who claims for himself the credit for repulsing the Tajikas, did not come to the throne till after A.D. 731, for an inscription of Vijayaditya Janaśraya Yuddhamalla Mangalarāja, the elder brother of Pulakēsin, is dated in that year. Pulakësin must have, therefore, encountered the Arabs sometime between 731 A.D. and 739 A.D., i.e., probably in the reign of Vikramaditya II who ruled from 733 A.D. to 746 A.D. Thus Vikramaditya was probably the Sri-Vallabhanarendra who conferred titles on both Pulakēģin and Dantidurga. The assumption of the title Prithivivallabha and the biruda Khadgāraloka on the part of Dantidurga shows, at any rate, that he had materially added to the dignity and prestige of the Rashtrakūtas before this grant was issued; while the issue of a land grant itself shows a certain amount of independence enjoyed by Dantidurga.
Dantidurga must have required some time to achieve victory in many battles as is claimed by him in the present record, or at least to add to the dignity and prestige of the family, as is indicated by the assumption of additional, if not higher, titles. Hence, Dantidurga's career probably began some time before 742 A. D. This would probably invalidate Dr. Altekar's supposition that Indra I married the Chalukya princess Bhavagaņā in or after 725, when he " very probably served in this campaign (against the Valabhi king) as one of the feudatories of the Chalukya king (Mangalarasa)". Another statement of Dr. Altekar that "Nanna Gunävaloka, a younger brother of Indra I, was still alive in 792 A.D., as the Daulatabad plates show", also needs correction, since it is nowhere told in the original record that Nanna was still alive at that date, though his son who issued the grant was then certainly living. Hence, the dates suggested for Dantidurga and his ancestors by Dr. Altekar have to be revised in the light of this record and the suggestions made above and we have perhaps to assign the following approximate dates to Dantidurga and his ancestors -
Dantivarman (A.D. 615-40).
Indra-Prichchhakarāja (640-65).
Govindarāja (665-90). Karka 1 (690-715)
Indra I (715-35). Dantidurga (A.D. 735-57); known dates, A.D. 742 and 754. 1 Elliot : History of India, Vol. I, pp. 125-26. * See J. B. B. R. A.S., Vol. XVI, p. 5. : Altekar, Rashfrakūtas and Their Times, p. 32.
Ibid., p. 10. See above, VoL IX, pp. 195 ff.

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28
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXV.
Consideration of the above facts would make it clear that the suggestion of Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji about the identity of Karka I of Antrõli-Chhärõli plates with the grandfather of Dantidurga is more probable than Dr. Altekar is disposed to agree. According to him," the drawback in this theory is the necessity of assuming that Dhruva, Govinda and Karka II were, all of them, the eldest sons of their parents." This is because he would assign later dates to the predecessors of Karka I, and would place Nannaraja in 793 A.D., when he probably did not exist. Thus the various branches of the Rashtrakūta family emanating from Karka I may be shown with their known dates as follows:
Karka I.
Dhruva.
Indra I.
Nannarāja.
Kțishna I. 758, 768 and 772 A.D.
Govinda.
Dantidurga. 742 and 754 A.D.
Sankaragana. 793 A.D.
Karka II.
757 A.D. As stated already, the palaeography shows a close similarity between the letters of this record and those of the Antröli-Chhäröli record of Karka II, which favours Dr. Bhagwanlal's hypothesis. Dr. Altekar, however, tries to connect the line of Dantidurga with Nannarāja Yuddhăsura of Multāi and Tiwarkhed plates, which palaeographically differ from the present grant.
A verse in the Sämangad plates possibly connects early activities of Dantidurga with the Mahi and the Rēvā as also with the Mahanadi. But this does not necessarily show that he was connected with the Rashtrakūtas of Berar. He might have led an expedition and gained a victory on the bank of the Mahanadi. As regards Dantidurga's revolt against the Vallabha it is possible to hold that it did not take place till the death of Vikramāditya II who had bestowed on him the title Prithivivallabha, while the accession of Kirtivarman II in circa 747 A.D. probably gave an impetus to his desire to catch hold of the royal sceptre, which he did, according to the Dasavatāra cave, Sāmangad and many other inscriptions, by means of danda or dandabala. In view of this definite statement of the use of force, it is difficult to agree with Dr. Altekar's suggestion that the overthrow of the Chalukya emperor was brought about by strategem or treachery." The very fact that Kirtivarman II was alive at least upto 757 A.D. shows that very probably there was no intrigue against him, but that he was defeated in a regular battle by Dantidurga, who had raised the standard of rebellion in consequence of the weakness of the central authority. Another fact that I should mention here is about the reading Sandhubhupa found in 1. 10 of the Dasavatara record, which Dr. Bhagwanlal reads as : danden=aiva jigāya Vallabha-balań yah Sandhubhüp-ādhipam. According to Dr. Altekar, Sandhubhūpa " is obviously a mistake for Sindhubhüpa " But
1 Altekar, op. cit., p. 13. • Ibid., p. 30. Ibid., p. 30.

Page #42


Page #43

ELLORA PLATES OF DANTIDURGA: SAKA 663.
i
Xi
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. Rro. No. 1931 E-39-275.
SCALE : ABOUT ACTUAL SIZE,

Page #44

No. 4.]
ELLORA PLATES OF DANTIDURGA : SAKA 663.
then, it would mean that Dantidurga conquered “ the overlord of the kings of Sind". The correct reading, so far as I can see from ink-estampages of the Dasavatāra inscription, kindly supplied by Dr. N. P. Chakravarti, is : dandên=aiva jigaya Vallabha-npipar (?) yaḥ sarva-bhūpadhipam, etc., that is: "He conquered Vallabha, the king of all kings by means of force". We may here note that Ballara “ signifies king of kings ”, according to Ibn Khurdabd, Al-Idrisi, etc., There is thus no question of Dantidurga conquering Sind according to this reading.
of the localities mentioned in this inscription, Badarikā whence this record was issued probably lies as indicated by the palaeography of the record, somewhere in southern Gujarāt, though an alternative that the writer who inscribed the record might have bailed from that region is not altogether barred out. Navasärikā is the famous Nausāri (Baroda), while Elāpura' is the famous Ellora, where Dantidurga built the Daśavatāra cave temple as can be inferred from his inscription found in that cave, and where his successor Kțishna built the Kailāsa temple. As regards the Guhēsvara-tirtha, which, according to this inscription, seems to be in Eläpura, one may suggest that this Isvara of the cave (guha) is none else but Gbrisbņēsvara of Ellora, one of the twelve Jyotir-lingas. Chandanapuri is the same as the mordern Chandanpuri a small town on the Girns river, three miles to the south-west of Malegaum, and about forty-five miles to the north-west of Ellora while Pippalāla is the same as the mordern Pimpral 12 miles south-east of Chandanpuri, and about 33 miles from Ellora. Since Puppala changes into Pimpal in Marātbi, there is little phonetic difficulty with regard to the equation Pippaläla=Pimpral. This geographical consideration therefore suggests that the Rashtrakūta territory included at least the Aurangābād District and parts of Nāsik and Khandesh Districts as early as 742 A. D.
TEXT.
First Plate. i o afer [1*] aefatarefa ETA2 हासामन्ताधिपतिराष्ट्रकूटान्वयगोत्रालंकारीकर्क3 राज[*]तत्पादानुझ्यातपरममाहेश्वरसमधिगतपंचम4 हाशब्दमहासामन्ताधिपतिश्रीमदिन्द्रराजसुत(राजस्तत्मतो) मेरुमहौधर5 fore(? facra)ferefter fa#federf hefa # (T)
1 Elliot's History of India, Vol. I, pp. 13, 75, 86, 88, etc. (To me the reading appears to be Vallabha[rajaan. Is arasa here to be taken as the Kanarese form of raja as in Vittarssa ( Vishnurija)? -Ed.]
For the history of its name and the traditions connected with it vide A. S.W. I., Vol. V, p. 26, footnote. I may point out another tradition narrated in the Brahmapurana, Ch. 108 (Gautami. Mahatmya), according to which Ilapura owes its name to king Ils. The story says that Ils changed his sex on entering the forest called Umivana due to a curse of Siva and came to be known as Il. Wishing to regain her former sex Ila worshipped Siva on the banks of the river Gautami (Gödávarl) in the forests of Dandaka. She succeeded and hence the
town established there come to be known as llapura. The tirtha, according to Dr. Burgess,"was originally . at the caves" (A. 8. W. I., Vol. V, p. 4). "I owe this suggestion to R. B. K. N. Dikshit, as also the reading Eläpura.
Vide: हिमालये तु केदारं वृणेयं तु शिवालये ।
इसापुरोरग्यशिवालयऽचिन् समुशासनं च जगराम् । वन्दे महीदारतरखभावं पृणेशराख्यं शरणं प्रपये ।
E . B. B. R. 4. 8., Vol. X, PP. 4-6. - Expressed by a symbul.

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30
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
6 भ्वये अनेकचातुर्हन्त गजघटाटोपसमर संघट्टल
7 ब्धविजयी (यः) 1 समधिगतपञ्चमहाशब्दमहासामन्ताधिपति
प्रो (प्र) थियोवज्ञभखावला (लो) कचोदन्तिदु राजः कुशली
9 सर्वानेव राजसामन्तभोगिक विषयपतिराष्ट्रकूटमहत्तरा
10 धिकारिकादो[न् *] समाज्ञापयत्यस्तु वो विदितं यथा मया एल (ला) पुर
11 व्यवस्थितेन अश्वयुजशद्दत्रयोदश्यां स्वहस्तेन पादां (दो) प्रक्षा
12 ल्य परलोकमपेक्षत्व मंगौक्कत्य (लोकमपेच्य ) महत्फलं च श्रुत्वा चन्दनपुरि13 चतुराशित्या ( रशीत्य) न्तर्गतपिप्पलालं नाम ग्राम [: * ] नवसारि
14 काविनिमांतभरडा[ज]सगोत्र तथाध्वर्युरवादित्य
15 भट्टाय
तथा माडल तथा [मो] विसरभ्य (भ्यो ) गुडेवरती
Second Plate.
16 र्त्यस्रातेन बलिचरुवैश्वदेवाग्निहोत्रादिक (क्रि) यो
[VoL. XXV:
17 सर्पणात्यं मातापित्रोरात्मनश्च पुण्ययशोभि
18 त्रि ( a ) ये पिप्पलाल ग्राम [: *] प्रतिपादितः यत[: *] अचाटभटप्रवेश्य [: * ] अ19 भ्यन्तरसिद्धिक[:"] सर्व्वादानसंग्राह्य [: * ] यतोस्म [दु*]वंशै ( श्ये) रन्यैव भोगनृ
20 पतिभिः (भाविन्नृपतिभोगपतिभिः ) ' नलवेणकदलोसार संसारजलबुहुदोपमं जीवित21 मवधा अस्मद्दायोनुमन्तव्य [: *] प्रतिपालयितव्यश्च यो वाज्ञा
1 The epithet anēka-chaturddanta-gaja-ghat-atāpa-samara-samghatta-labdha-vijayah' is also found in the Khámkhod plates of the time of Pratapaáila, edited by Prof. V. V. Mirashi (Supra, Vol. XXII, p. 95 ). The letters being partly illegible, the editor has read them as: aneka-cha[tu]rddanta-[gaja-ghata] [prapta* ]vijayah' [In the Khāmkhed plates there is no room for so many syllables after ghata. Ed.] But the present record has a greater similarity with the Bagumra grant of Nikumbhallaśakti Sendraka (Prithivivallabha) than with the Khāmkhed plates. Cf. Ind. Ant., Vol. XVIII, p. 267 :- Merumahidhara-vijara-sthiraruchira-samunnatë vikasita-mahati yasasi (vikasita-ya basi mahati) Semdraka-räjiäm anvaye naika-chanu(tu)rddantagaja-gha[1-a]pāpa-sama[ra] sanghatta-labdha-vijayö, etc. (The reading cited here will be found slightly different from the one given by Bühler.) The writer of our inscription thus seems to have before him a Sendraka record, which he blindly copied till he inscribed the words "vikasita-yasasi mahati sa ", as if he had to write Sendrakarajam anvaye.' Immediately after he wrote 'sa', however, it seems to have dawned upon him that this deed belonged to the Rashtrakutse and not to the Sendrakas. So he inserted an obviously unnecessary word "Indrarajia(juo)=nvaye." After stating that Dantidurga belonged to the Rashtrakuta family and that he was a son of Indraraja it was certainly not necessary to add that he was a member of Indraraja's family.
• Bhāgapati is the same as Bhāgika, a governor of a bhukti.
3
•
The letter la is incised below the line. It was evidently omitted at first by mistake and was supplied later on. The kakapada sign over the foregoing la indicates the omission.

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No. 5.]
BHIKSHUNIS IN INDIAN INSCRIPTIONS.
22 नतिमिरान्धाष्टतमति राशि (च्छिन्द्या दाछि (च्छि ) द्यमानं वानुमोदेत स
23 पंचभिर्महापातके[:] संयुक्त (संयुक्त) [1] उ च भगवतो (ता) वेदव्यासेन [*] षष्टिं
24 वर्षururu (माँ) तिष्ठति भूमिदः [1"] चाच्छेता (त्ता) चानुमन्ता च
25 तान्येव नरके वसे [त्*] [1*] विन्ध्याटवीष्वतीयासु शुष्ककोठ(ट) रवासिन [: । *] 28 क्रिया हि जायंत भूमिदायं हरन्ति ये [n] बहुभिर्वसु
27 धा भुक्ता राजभि[:*] सगरादिभिः [*] यस्य यस्य यदा भूमिम् *] तस्य तस्य तदा फ
28 लं (लम्) [॥*] सं ६००
29 लिखितमिदं कुकुरेन (ग)
६० ३ अश्वयुज शुद्ध त्रयोदश्यां सोमवार [*] गर्वग[ वाल्या ]भिहितेन (?)
31
No. 5. – BHIKSHUNIS IN INDIAN INSCRIPTIONS.
BY BIMALA CHURN LAW, M.A., B.L., PH.D.
Here I am concerned to put together the evidences which Indian inscriptions bear to the existence of the Buddhist Bhikshuni order in India, and to examine how far they tally with the facts that may be gathered from literature and foreign travels.
It may be observed at the outset that the epithet bhikshuni1 (bhikhuni, bhichhuni") is nowhere employed in Indian inscriptions to denote a religious woman other than a Buddhist female mendicant, sister or nun as she is usually represented. In rare instances samanikä or pavajitikā is used as the epithet of a Buddhist nun. This is, however, not to deny that Indian inscriptions are wanting in references to the female members of the Jaina Order, although they are not called bhikshunis."
The Bhābru and Schism Pillar Edicts of Asōka go to prove that the Buddhist community was constituted in the 3rd century B.C., precisely as in the Buddha's time, of bhikshus, bhikshunis, upāsakas, and upāsikās. The text of Aśoka's ordinance provides against schisms in the Sangha fomented by bhikshus as well as bhikshunis (e chum kho bhikhu vā bhikhuni vā saṁgham bhākhati). Thus the bhikshunis had at that time to be reckoned with as equally powerful factors in the matter of unity or division in the Buddhist Fraternity.
The information about the bhikshunis which may be gathered from Asōka's edicts may be supplemented by the account of Sanghamitra's mission to Ceylon as met with in the Dipavamsa
1 Lüders' List, No. 38 (above, Vol. X, appendix).
2 Asoka's Bhabra and Schism Pilar Edicts; Luders' List, Nos. 175, 292, 341, 344, etc.
Lüders' List, Nos. 163, 168, 183, 187, etc.
• Lüders' List, Nos. 1240, 1242, 1315.
Lüders' List, Nos. 16, 18, 21, 23a, 24, 32, 39, 39a, 45a, 48, 50, 59a, 67, 70, 75, 86, 99, 199, 121.
• Sārnath Pillar Edict. Cf. also Ssicht and Kausambt Pillar Ediota.

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32
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. xxv.
and the Mahavamsa. The Dipapamsa informs us that Asoka's son and daughter, Mahēndra and Sanghamitrā, received the ordination as Buddhist monk and nun in the sixth year of his reign. The renowned Dharmapālā was, according to the Mahāvaṁsa, Sanghamitrā's preceptress (upajjhāyā), and Ayupāla her teacher (achariya). The brother and the sister, Bhikshu Mahendra and Bhikshuni Sanghamitrā, both of whom belonged to the Theravāda school of Buddhism, were destined to illumine the doctrine of the Buddha even like the sun and the moon. In about the 19th or 20th year of Asoka's reign after his coronation, the wise Sanghamitrā with ten other capable bhikshunis went from India to Ceylon during the reign of King Devānampiya Tissa and taught the three Pițakas in Anuradhapura. They succeeded in founding the Bhikshuni Order in the island of Lankā, Princess Anulā with her following having received the ordination from Sanghamitrā. The Dipavaṁsa immortalises the names of a few other bhikshunis who had then received the Upasampadā Ordination in Ceylon. The nunnery (bhikshuni-upassaya) in which Sanghamitrā dwelt with her company of bhikshunis was known as the Upasikā-vihāra consisting of twelve buildings. King Devānampiya Tissa caused to be erected a suitable nunnery for Sanghamitrā and other bhikshunis round about the Thūpārăma, which came to be known by the name of Hatthälhaka-vihāra.?
The state of things which prevailed in India regarding the bhikshunis after the reign of Asöka, both before and during the Sunga-Mitra period, may be easily inferred from some of the donative inscriptions on the Sanchi Stūpa, the Bharhut Stūpa, and the Bodh-Gayā railings. These epigraphic records reveal the following facts concerning the Buddhist nuns, each of importance - (1) That the nuns are mentioned generally as bhikhunis or bhichhunis, while the monks are
honoured with such epithets as bhadamta, bhayamta, aya (ärya) and bhadamtaya, a fact which may not be unreasonably taken to indicate the inferior position accorded
to the nuns as compared with the monks ; (2) that there are instances where a senior nun had junior nuns as female pupils under her
or a nun was a female pupil of a monk, but none where a monk was a pupil under
& nun; (3) that the nuns, precisely as the monks, either received Buddhistic names at the time of
initiation and ordination'l or were allowed to retain their quondam names, the names
given by their parents or guardians ; * (4) that the following localities are the various places or centres with which the nuns are
associated : Ujeni (Ujjayini), Kakandi, Kächupatha (Kañchupatha, Kañchipatha ?),
1 Dipavarsa (ed. Oldenberg), VII, 22; Mahavamsa (ed. P. T. 8.), V, 209. • Mahavamsa, V, 208.
Ibid., v, 211. • Depavamaa, XVIII, 11-13, also XV, 79-80; Mahavamaa, XIX, 64-66 ; Samantapåsädika, pt. I, p. 101. .Dipavamaa, XVIII, 14-16.
Mahavamsa, XIX, 68-71. Ibid., XIX, 82-83. . Barua, Barhut, Bk. I, p. 45. • Lüders' List, No. 673 (Dhamadova, antëväsini of Mitasiri), 589 (Mula, antivasini of Gadā). 1. Ibid., No. 38.
11 Such names sa Arabadaal (Arhaddasi), Arabadina (Arhaddatta), Isidati, Isidina (Rishidatta), Isidäst, Gotami, Jitamita (Jilanitra), Digamaga, (Dirndga), Dhamarakhita, Dhamasirl, Budharakhita, Sagharskhita, Sanghapalita,
** Such name is Dovabhäga, Chanda, Kädi, Chiritt (Kirasi), Yakhi, Sagarini, Giriguta, Pusa (Pushya), Asabhi (Rishabha), Gada (Ganda), Visavá, Ratint, Sirt, Sihi, Suriya.

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No. 5.)
BHIKSHUNIS IN INDIAN INSCRIPTIONS.
Kāpāsigāma, Kurama, Kurara, Kuraraghara, Chudathila, Tumbavana, Nandinagara, Pemuta, Bhojakața, Madalachhikata (Mandalākshikața), Mähimsati (Māhish
mati), Moragiri, Väghumata, Vadivahana, and Vidisā. In the two surviving inscriptions on the coping of the Bodh-Gayā railing Kurangi is introduced as the elderly wife of King Indrägnimitra,' while in all the fifteen shorter inscriptions on the uprights of the same railing she is honoured as Ayā Kurargi (Arya Kurangi). Having regard to the fact that in both Buddhist literature and inscriptions the epithet ayya or ayira (ārya) is applied to the name of a person who has attained Arhatship, it may be presumed that Kurangi passed a retired life as a bhikshuni in her old age and that she was found to be in an advanced state of spirituality.
Coming to such later period of Indian history as the Kushāna we shall expect in vain to come across many references to the bhikshunis in inscriptions. There is definitely one inscription only at Junnar Buddhist cave which records the erection of a nunnery (bhikhuni-upasaya) in the town for the residence of the bhikshunis of the Dharmõttariya sect. So far as Mathurā is concerned, we know of one inscription only, assigned to the reign of Huvishka, in which the Bhikshuņi Dhanavati, the sister's daughter of the Bhikshuni Buddhamitrā, is said to have set up a Bodhisattva image at Madhuravanaka (Mathuravana). This bhikshuni is praised as one who knew the Tripitaka (Trepitika) and introduced as the female pupil (antēväsini) of the Bhikshu Bala who himself was a master of the three Pitakas (Trepitaka).• It needs no mention that the sphere of influence of the Bhiksbu Bala was not confined to Mathurā but extended to Srävasti and Sārnāth. At Amarāvati, however, one may obtain as many as eight inscriptions which, too, go to prove that the Buddhist community continued to be constituted of bhikshus, bhikshunis, upăsakas and upāsi. kās. In all of them the bhikshunis, otherwise called samanikā and pavajitikā, figure as female donors." In one instance a bhikshuni, called Budhā, is described as the sister of the Thera Chetiyavandaka Bhadanta Budhi, and in two records the bhikshunis are introduced as the resident female pupils of two saintly theras, Budharakhita of the Thera Bhadanta Budharakhita', and Nandā of the Arahata Ayira Budharakhita.10 One inscription speaks of Vasā (Vaśyā) as a pavajitikā (pravrajitā) resident in Kevurura. 11
The continuance of the Bhiksbuni Order at Mathurā up till the 5th and 6th centuries of the Christian era is clearly attested by the testimony of Fa-Hien and that of a Sanskrit inscription. In speaking of Mo-tu-lo (Mathura) Fa-Hien observes : “The bhikshunis principally honour the tower of Ananda, because it was Ananda who requested the lord of the world to let women take orders; frāmaneras mostly offer to Rähula."12
1 Almost all the places were situated near about Sánch and Bharhut. * Lüders' List, Nos. 943, 944. • Ibid., Nos. 939-42.
Barua, Gaya and Buddha-Gaya, Vol. II, p. 67. .Lüders' List, No. 1152. • Ibid., No. 38.
Ibid., Nos. 1223, 1240, 1242, 1252, 1257, 1264, 1280, 1315. • Thid., No. 1223.
Ibid., No. 1250. * Ibid., No. 1284. 1 Ibid., No. 1240. ** Beal, Buddhist Records of the Western World, Vol. I, p. xxxix.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XXV.
A Sanskrit inscription, dated in the (Gupta) year 230 (=A.D. 549-50), records the religious gift of the Sākya-bhiksbuni (Buddhist nun) Jayabbattā at a monastery called Yasovihāra.
So far as our present knowledge goes, this is the latest epigraphic record having either mention of or any reference to the bhikshunis.
Hiuen Tsang who visited India during the reign of Harshavardhana has nothing whatever to say about the bhikshunis in his Si-yü-ki. But Bāna in his Harshacharita puts the following words in the mouth of Rajyasri and Harshavardhana, which may be taken to testify to the existence of the Bhikshuni Order, however lingering it might be :
Rajyasri : "Let me therefore in my misfortunes be allowed to assume the red robe":
Harshavardhana : “At the end, when I have accomplished my design, she and I will assume the red garments (kāshāyāni) together."
Even apart from the evidence of Bāņa's Harshacharita it cannot be doubted that the Bhikshuņi Order continued to exist, in some form or another, in India, though not among all Buddhist sects. The continuance of this order is unmistakably proved by the following observation of I-tsing whose visit may be assigned to the last quarter of the 7th century A.D.:
“Nuns in India are very different from those of China. They support themselves by begging food, and live a poor and simple life."
At about this time, or a little later, flourished Bhavabhūti who included the Saugata-Parivrăjikā Kāmandaki among the female characters in his famous drama Mālati-Madhava, together with her three female pupils, Avalokitā, Buddharakshită, and Saudāmini, and Subandhu who, in his Vāsavadattă, spoke of a bhikshuki as devoted to Tără and as wearing red garments (bhikshukiva Tār-ānurāga-rakt-āmbara-dhāriņi). Bhavabhūti, be it noted, associates these Buddhist nuns with the Sriparvata in South India, and describes them as female ascetics who put on yellow robes (chira-chivara-parichchhadā) and lived on pindapāta only.
Tatakaragupta of unknown but late date is the Buddhist author, who, while speaking of Vajra yāna or Agranaya Mahāyāna, observes that this school of Buddhism provided religious training for the bhikshus, the bhikshunīs, the śrāmaņēras, the srāmaņēris, tbe upāsakas and the upāsikās. I do not know of any Indian work, Brahmanical or Buddhist, containing references to the bhikshunis in the 9th or 10th century A.D. It would seem that by that time the Bhikshuņi Order became defunct in India, or that even if it had continued, it was just dragging its existence here and there among certain sects of the Buddbists. Eventually it ceased to be in India proper even prior to the Muslim conquest.
1 Fleet, C.I.I., Vol. III, pp. 273-74.
* Harshacharita (ed. 8. D. Gajendragadkar), p. 247 : atah kashaya-grahan-abhyanujñay=ănugrikyatām. Translation by Cowell and Thomas, p. 254.
• Ibid. (translation), p. 258. • Takukusu, A Record of the Buddhist Practices, p. 80.
. Quoted by Haraprasad Sastrf in the Vangiya Sahitya Parishat.Patrika, 1331 B.S., p. 62, from Tatakaragupta's Adikarma-rachana : latra u pasaka-upåsika-Srimanera-bhikshu-framandri-fikshamana-bhikshuni-tri-soplandh atri. puruah-afraya-bhedatsapla-sarvanih.
This surmise is well borne out by the evidence of the Muhavamsa and the Chalava med. Those two Pali chronicles (Mahavamaa, Ch.18, v. 12; Ch. 19, v. 68; Ch. 20, vv. 21, 22, 49; Ch. 34, v. 36; Ch. 37, v. 43; Ohilanamea. Ch. 39, v. 43; Ch. 46, v. 27; Ch. 48, vv. 36, 139, Ch. 49, v. 28; Ch. 54, v. 47) mention the pious work of orection of punneries (Bhikkhuni-upassaya) in Ceylon from the time of Devanampiya Tissa to that of King Bhüzniehanda (7th century A.D.), an nothing of the kind after that.

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No. 6.) AMBASAMUDRAM INSCRIPTION OF SOLANRALAIKONDA VIRA-PANDYA. 35
No. 6.-AMBASAMUDRAM INSCRIPTION OF SOLANRALAIKONDA VIRA-PANDYA.
A. S. RAMANATHA AYYAR, B.A., MADRAS. The subjoined inscription is engraved on the south wall of the Erichchāvudaiyār shrine in the Siva temple, situated on the northern bank of the Tamraparni at Ambāsamudram, the headquarters of the taluk of the same name in the Tinnevelly District. This god who is called Tirupottudaiya-Bhatāra (the god of the bull-vehicle) in early inscriptions, must have been the principal deity of the temple in the olden days, because several endowments of the Pāņdya kings MārañJadaiyan and Sadaiya-Mārap are found recorded on the walls of this shrine only. But when the adjacent and more imposing Kāsi-Visvanātha temple came into existence, apparently in the later Pandya times, this shrine appears to have shrunk into an insignificant auxiliary structure isolated in the north prākāra of the bigger temple. Further, during some extensive repairs carried out some fifty years ago, some of the engraved stones belonging to the present record have become disarranged, with the result that one piece containing the ends of lines 9 to 16 is now found embedded in the inner wall of the shrine, while another important slab which must have contained the ends of lines 1 to 8 cannot be traced at all.
The inscription is engraved in clean-cut Vatteluttu characters attributable to the 10th century A. D. Grantha letters have been used in the words Svasti Sri (1.1), Sürya-grahana (1. 11), and Brahmao (1. 12). The letters ta and ra and consequently tu and ru are written alike, without much differentiation. There are no special orthographic peculiarities noticeable in this record, except that some old forms of words occurring in other early Chola and Pandya records of this period are also found here, such as, i-fiñādu (1.2) for i-nnādu; padirru vēli (1. 3) for pattu-vēli and nāļi-üm (1. 15) for näliyum. The Sanskrit words ācharya and frikärya are transformed into ächārchchiya (1. 19) and frikārchchiya (1. 22); the colloquial form seysa for seyda is also used (1. 24).
The record is dated in the 15+5th year of the Pandya king Solap-ralai-konda ViraPāndya, when an order issued in the 12th year of his reign was engraved on stone on the wall of the temple by his officer Chölāntaka-Brahmamārāya. It is important in that it mentions the occurrence of a solar eclipse in the month of Mithuna in the 12th year of the Pandya king's reign, and enables us to fix that date.
From the inscriptions copied hitherto, it has not been possible to determine the exact years between which Vira-Pāņdya reigned. All that we know is that the Chola king Parakēsarivarman Aditya-Karikāla II claims to have cut off the head of a Vira-Pandya, in the title ViraPandyan-ralai-kondu assumed by hini froni the 2nd year of his reign®, and that the highest regnal year so far found for Vira-Pāņdya is 15+5 or 20.
The predecessor of Rājarāja I (A.D. 985-1013) on the Chola throne was Parakësarivarman Uttama-Chöļa, whose date of accession was A.D. 969-70, and as he had a reign of about 16 years, he must have ruled from A.D. 969-970 to 985-986. As both Aditya II and Uttama-Chöla had the same title of Parakësarivarman, it had been inferred that they had ruled jointly in the interval
1 No. 101 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1905. * Nos. 105 of 1905 and 86 of 1907. No. 472 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1908 (S.I.I., Vol. III, No. 199).
No. 474 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 809 is dated in the 15+ 4th year, while the present record quotes the 15+5th year.
.8.1.1., Vol. III, p. 284 (No. 456 of 1908). • No. 357 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1907 (8. 1. I., Vol. III, No. 144)

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36
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
between Rajakesari Sundara-Chōla and Rajakesari Rajaraja I. The Udaiyarguḍi record1 dated in the 2nd year of Rajakesarivarman (Rajaraja I) states that the lands belonging to some persons who were implicated in the death of Aditya-Karikala were confiscated by the king; and it is reasonable to consider, from the trend of political events that attended the succession of UttamaChōla, that he had himself countenanced this act of treachery, which led him a step nearer to the Chōla throne. The Tiruvalangaḍu' plates while slurring over the actual facts that culminated in Aditya's death make, however, the significant remark that Rajaraja did not wish to succeed to the Chōla territory, so long as his uncle Uttama-Chōla coveted it'. These facts suggest that Aditya must have been killed before Uttama-Chōla's actual succession, and so Aditya II must have lived and ruled before A.D. 969-70.
[VOL. XXV.
The Leiden plates of Rajaraja I mention that while yet a boy, he (Aditya) ' played sportively in battle with Vira-Pandya, just as a lion's cub (does) with a rutting mad elephant, proud of (its) strength' while the Tiruvalangaḍu plates are more explicit in stating that he killed the Pandya king (who must have been the same Vira-Pandya) in battle,' and having deposited in bis (capital) town the lofty pillar of victory, (viz.), the head of the Pandya king, Aditya disappeared (from this world) with a desire to see heaven'. From these statements, we can infer that Aditya II had won his military spurs even during the reign of his father and that he did not live for a long time after his own independent victory over his Pandya adversary. Though the title talai-konda as sumed by kings, has, in some rare instances, been interpreted to connote a simple capture of the crown of their opponents, this specific statement in the Tiruvalangaḍu plates warrants the conclusion that Vira-Pandya literally lost his head, i.e., met his death, in his encounter with Aditya. The highest regnal year found for Vira-Pandya in the records so far copied is only 15+5, i.e., 20, and it was probably the last year of his reign. As the earliest year in which the title Vira-Pandiyan-ralai-konda is applied to Aditya is 2, we may assume that the 20th year of Vira-Pandya coincided with the 2nd year of Aditya's reign.
Of Aditya's father Rajakesarivarman Sundara-Chōla, it is stated in the Leiden plates that he fought a fierce battle with his enemies at Sevvür (Chevura), while the Kanyakumari record mentions that the Pandya opponent of this king fled from the field of battle and hid himself in a forest. The earliest record' of Sundara-Chōla crediting him with this achievement in the title Pandiyanai-chchuram-irakkina is dated in his 7th year; and as he is considered to have reigned from about A.D. 956 to 973, this conflict with the Pandya king, who must have been Vira-Pandys himself, could have taken place only in about A.D. 964. It seems probable therefore that the Pandya king was then simply defeated and routed, that he actually lost his life in another subsequent near engagement in which Aditya distinguished himself, and that this signal victory gave Aditya the title of Vira-Pandiyan-ralai-konda, in common with the two feudatories Parthivendravarman and Bhuti-Vikramakēsarin1o, who must have both helped him in this exploit.
1 No. 577 of 1920 and ante, Vol. XXI, p. 165.
2 S. I. I., Vol. III, p. 420.
Ante, Vol. XXII, p. 256.
Prof. K. A. Nilakanta Sastri: The Colas, Vol. I, p. 169. This is not convincing.
No. 256 of 1907 from Tiruvidaimarudur, dated in the 4th year of Aditya, states that he destroyed ViraPandya and took his head' (Vira-Pandiyanai erindu talai konda).
Trav. Archl. Series, Vol. III, p. 156.
doubtful.
No. 291 of 1908; ante, Vol. XII, p. 126.
The Colas, Vol. I, p. 180. No. 123 of 1895 is attributable to him and the astronomical details-17th year, Kumbha, Sunday, Revati-give the equivalent A.D. 973, February 9, Sunday.
No. 223 of 1915. Parthivēndravarman's identity with Aditya II himself or with Prithvipati II seems
10 No. 129 of 1907.

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No. 6.) AMBASAMUDRAM INSCRIPTION OF SOLANRALAIKONDA VIRA-PANDYA. 37
As stated already, a solar eclipse occurred in the month of Mithuna in the 12th year of Vira-Pandya. In the period from A.D. 930 to 970, the only three years in which a solar eclipse occurred in Mithuna were
(1) A.D. 950, June 18 (Mithuna 26), Tuesday, (2) A.D. 959, June 9 (Mithuna 17), Thursday, and
(3) A.D. 960, May 28 (Mithuna 5), Monday. If the week-day on which the eclipse occurred or the nakshatra which was current on that day had been specified in the present record, it would have been possible to verify the exact date referred to; but in their absence we shall bave to select a plausible equivalent, only by a process of elimination.
If we suppose that A.D. 950 was the 12th year of Vira-Pandya's reign, it would give A.D. 957 as his final year, and as this will have corresponded to the 2nd year of Aditya, the Cbõla king's date of accession would be A.D. 956. This would yield the inconsistent results that Aditya killed him in A.D. 957, and that his predecessor Sundara-Chöļa defeated him in A.D. 963; so this date of accession for Aditya is not possible. Similarly, A.D. 960 which would yield A.D. 967 as the 20th year of Vira-Pāndya and the 2nd year of Aditya and A.D. 966 as Aditya's date of accession, may have also to be discarded, because in that case Aditya's reign which extended to the 5th year would overlap into the reign of his successor Uttama-Chöļa (accession A.D. 969-70), which is not possible, since, as stated already, Aditya II should have passed away before Uttama Chola could have succeeded him. On the other hand, if we take A.D. 959 as the 12th year of Vira-Pāņdya, his 20th year and Aditya's 2nd year would have corresponded to A.D. 966, giving A.D. 964-59 as Aditya's initial year. This date would satisfy the presumption that his fight with ViraPandya could have happened in about A.D. 966, which would be only a year later than the defeat of the Pandya ruler at Sundara-Chola's hands in about A.D. 964 before the 7th year of the latter's reign, and that a five-year rule for Aditya II could also be accounted for between A.D. 965 and 969. These results may be tabulated thus :Vira-Pāņdya's Vira-Pandya's 20th year Aditya's
Vira-Pandya's 12th year. = Aditya's 2nd year. accession.
accession.
966
950
957 956
938 959 966 965
947 960 967
948 Of these three dates, No. 2 may therefore be considered as the best suited for the record under review, and it would yield A. D. 947 to 966 as the period of reign of Vira-Pāņdya. His position in the Pandyan genealogy may be taken to be between Räjasimha', wbo was defeated by Parantaka I before A.D. 922, and Amarabhujanga', whom Rājarāja claims to have conquered.
The Pandya king himself claims to have taken the head of a Cboļa, as evidenced by the title Solan-ralai-konda assumed by him from the 6th year onwards (i.e., fron. A.D. 953-54). Who
1 As there is only one record of the 15+5th year, it has been inferred that he died in the beginning of that regnal year.
* Three records of Aditya II from Udaiyārgudi in the South Arcot District furnish astronomical details which would approximately take the date of his accession to the end of A.D. 963. This point requires further examinstion in the light of future discoveries.
Udsyêndiram plates of Prithivipati II (8. I.I., Vol. II, p. 387).
*8.1.1., Vol. III, p. 387, where he is taken to be a Pandya king. We have no means of determining this at present.
No. 163 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1894.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXV.
this Chõla king was, who was killed by Vira-Pāņdy: the Chöjantaka, has not been specified by name in any of his records. Sundara-Chõļa was called Ponmāļigait-tuñjina-dēva' (the king who died at the golden palace or at Chidambaram known as the Kanakasabhā ?)', but he could not have been the victim, because records going up to the 17th year (A.D. 973) are found for bim Ariñjaya, the predecessor of Sundara-Chõļa, was called Aprūr-tuñjina-dēva' (he who died at Artūr); but the circumstances that led to his death at that place are not known. As a pallippadai was erected for him at Mélpádia in the Chittoor District, it may be inferred that he fell fighting in one of the skirmishes with the army of the Rashtrakūta king Krishna III in that locality. There is reason to believe that he lived a few years later than A.D. 953. Gandarāditya was called Mērkclundarulina-deva' (he who proceeded west), but he could not have been Vira-Pandya's adversary, because, having probably succeeded as yuvarāja-coregent soon after the death of prince Räjāditya in A.D. 949-50 and with records of the 8th year definitely assignable to him, he would have lived up to A.D. 957-8 at least. In addition to all these, there was another Choļa prince of this time called Uttamasili, who is mentioned in two records dated in the 24th and 26th years of his father Parantaka's reign ; but we know next to nothing about him and his career, except that a village and a cbannel in the Trichinopoly District were named after him.
According to the calculation arrived at above, Vira-Pandya must have assumed the title of Solan-ralai-konda from about A.D. 953-54 ; and this date coincides with the 46th or 47th year of the reign of Parantaka I. Parantaka's records of the 46th year are only two in number and none of his 47th year has been discovered yet. It is therefore tempting to conclude that it was the last year of the Chõļa king's reign and that it was Parāntaka bimself who had lost his life at the hands of Vira-Pandya,' thus giving the latter an opportunity to avenge the defeat and possibly the death of his father (?) Rājasimha at the Chola king's hands, some years earlier. It was left to Aditya II to follow up the family vendetta by killing Vira-Pāndya in his turn in about A.D. 966. These conclusions appear to be warranted by the sequence of events that happened in the eventful half-a-century preceding the accession of Rājarāja I in A.D. 985.
There is, however, one solitary Kannada record at Vanamaladinne in the Punganur taluk of the Chittoor District, situated in the northern-most border of the Chõļa dominion of the time, wbich quotes the 48th year of Parantaka's reign; and this bas perhaps to be explained by sup. posing that the recent news of the death of the Chola king had not percolated so far north, at the time that record was incised. This need not surprise ns, as such instances are not unknown in the history of this period.
As regards the subject-matter of the record, it is stated that in the 15+5th year of SolanFalai-konda Vira-Pandya, Choļāntaka-Brahmamārāyar, the officer of the king (adikāramšeykinra) receiving the royal order relating to a gift of 10 vēli of land as kudininga-dēvadānam
1 That tribute ' he who died in the Ponmäligai' has no point, unless it be that some important fact connected with Sundara-Chola's death was sought to be expressed by it. Could Uttama Chola have had any hand in his removal as certainly he must have had in Aditya Il's death?
28. 1. I., Vc!. III, No. 17.
No. 540 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1920. • Nos. 570 and 574 of 1908. The dates suggested in The Colas, Vol. I, have been followed.
Nos. 446 of 1917 and 19 of 1895. • Uttamablli-chaturvedimangalam (No. 359 of 1924) and Uttamastli-väykkal (No. 169 of 1907).
* Vira-Pandya must have encountered the Chola king in some southern campaign only. It may also have to be noted that Vira-Pandya's records are not found very much to the north of Madura.
. In No. 122 of 1905 from Tiruppudaimarudúr in the Tinnevelly District dated in the 2+18th year of a Sadaiya-Måran (Rajasimba), a servant of a Vira-Pandya is mentioned.
This record (No. 200 of 1931-32) reads thus in its date portion-Madura-gonda Go-Parakesari nälvattentage

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No. 6.) AMBASAMUDRAM INSCRIPTION OF SOLANRALAIKONDA VIRA-PANDYA. 39
made by the king earlier in his 12th regnal year to the temple of Tiruppõttudaiya-Bhatāra, had it engraved on stone in that temple. This officer figures in an inscription of the king dated in the 15+4th year at Suchindram in the Travancore State, where his name has been incorrectly read as Chērāntaka-Brahmārāyar. Chölāntaka (Death to the Chõļa) was evidently the title assumed by Vira-Pāndya to commemorate the act of his having cut off the head of the Chola king (Solanralai-konda), and this may have been adopted by the officer Chölantaka-Brahmamäräyar, either because he had also taken part in the encounter himself or simply after the title of his master. A liquid-measure called 'Chõļāntakap-nāļi' was also current in this period in the Påndya country. Vira-Pāņdya is said to have had also the title of Pandimarttānda, the Sun of the Pandya family'; but this title was in vogue even earlier in the time of Sadaiya-Miran' (Rajasimha).
The names of the several revenue officials who were cognisant of the endowment made to the temple of Tiruppõttudaiya-Bhatāra are enumerated :
1. The officer who was supervising the king's secretariat duties in the 12th year (ex-karmama ärāchchi mėl-eluttu feykinra) was Tamilavēlān. belonging to Kindlaadai community (P);
2. the evi-mudal was Araiyan Mäņabharanan; 3. tbe vlas-eluttu was an officer, whose name is lost; 4. the väykēļvi was (Chă]ļāmaņi-kilavan of Mēgür alias Kuvalaiyasinganallur in Anda-nadu;
and
5. the bandāra-ppottagam was Vikramapāņdya-Mūvēndavēlān alias Kattinakkan Trapery of Veliyārrur in Kil-Kundāju in Koluvür-kurrar.
6. The original document was attested and engraved by Pullan-Korran; and
7. the engraving of the record in the 15+5th year of the king was done under the supervision of Dēvan-Kiriman, the frikäryam of the temple.
From the surnames of two of these officers (Nos. 2 and 5), we can infer that there were Pandya princes having the names of Mānābharaga and Vikrama-Pandya even before ViraPandya's time. Another records of this king testifies to the existence before this period of another prince Sundara-Pandya, in whose name a shrine called Sundarapand yēsvaram was erected at Pallimadam in the Ramnad District.
The details of the scale of offerings, etc., that had to be provided for from the endowment registered in this document are given at some length:
For one day
to god Tiruppottudaiya-Dēvar . . . . . 32 näfi of rice (for four offeringe), for anna-bali. . . . .
. . . 8 nafs for kari-amudu . . .
. . I nali, to god Tiruvēnkatanilai-Devar . .
. . 4 nalt, to god Tirumalattånattu. Dēvar
. : 4 nafi, and
1 Travancore Archaeological Series, Vol. III, p. 71. An officer called Cholántaka-Pallavaraiyan alias MáranAchchan of Poliyür is mentioned in another record from the same place (ibid., p. 72).
. An. Rep. on South Indian Epigraphy for 1932-3, para. 30; and No. 122 of 1905. * The functions of the several officials are not clearly definable.
• An officer of the name of Tennavan Tamilavő figures in records of this king from Kilmättür, Madura Distriot (Nos. 624 and 628 of 1988), and he was probably identical with this offfoer.
No. 28 of 1898 from Tillaisthānam (Tanjore District) mentions & Manabharana in the 8th your of Parakoonriverman. It may be noted that there were also later members of the Pandya family with the same Bet of names of Manabharana, Vikrama-Pandya and Sundara-Pandya, who were contemporaries of Rajadhiraja I in A.D. 1046.
No. 421 of 1914 of the Madras Epigraphical collection.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXV.
. 1 véli,
to yod Ganapatiyar . . . . . . . . 2 nafs :
i.e., in all . . . . 49 nafi of rice or (its equivalent of) . . . . . . . 1 kalam, 9 kuruni and 2 nafi of paddy. For one year-it will be
680 and odd kalam of paddy. The land set apart for the several requirements of the temple werefor the stipulated quantity of paddy. .
. **+ + vēli, for the acharya Munnurruvan-Sēndan. . . . vēli, for the kanakka-bandaram Solai-Viru....
. . veli, for eight men-servants (man) . . . . . . . 11+ vēli, for ten men (uvaichchar) . . . . . . 17 vēli, for the brikäryam (for 4 näļi of rice per day) . . . to veli, for the potter (kusavan) . . . . . . . veli, for the firewood supplier (virakiduvan) . . . . io vēli, for sweeping (firumefukkuppuram) . . . . .y véli, for the washermap (irangolli)' . .
. . veli, for festivals (tiruvi lappuram). . . and for the architeot Mäņābharaṇan-Sēndan who erected (?)
the temple, as pudukkuppuram . . . . . t veli: in all-the extent of the land endowed was . . . 10 vtli. At the end it is stated that this arrangement was made by Cholantakadēvar.
Among the place-namos mentioned in the record, Ilangöykkudi was the ancient name of Ambasamudram. It was a brahmadėya in Mulli-nādu. Ranasinga-mangalam, & village perhaps founded by or named after an unidentified Pandya king having the title of Ranasimha, was situated in the sub-division called Maņalūr-kkulakkils, which was probably irrigated by the tank at Manalür. Kuvalayasinganallur was in the sub-division called Anda-nadu which is represented by Periyaköttai and its vicinity in the Madura District. The temple of Tirumā. lanāthar referred to in this record is situated to the west of the Erichchāvudaiyar temple at Ambāsamudram.
TEXT. 1 Svasti Sri [ll] Śölan-[ra]lai-konda Ko-Vira-Pāņdi[yadēvarku) yāņņu papņirandu
ivv-āņdu Mithuna-[ñā]yirru Sürya..... 2 Mulļināțţu brahmadēyam langöykkuļi Tiruppóttudaiya-Bhatāra[r*]kku i-ññāttu
Valudi-ūr. ..... 3 áru-pächchal nilan padirru vēli pa[di]rru vēliüm kudigaļidu kārāsn*]mai=āgavum Dēvaridu
1 Tirumețukkuppuram-this duty included sweeping, as well as smearing the temple premises with the purifi. catory cowdung.
: Irangolli is an interesting name for a washerman, 'be who takes off the wet from clothes'. • Tiruvilappuram is the provision made for the conduct of festivals in the temple.
• Pudukku means renovation'; but the architect is stated to have seyda or erected (?) the shrine. As earlier records are found in the shrine, the shrine was perhaps begun earlier and completed only at the time of the record.
The expression Madakkulakkil Madurai' occurring elsewhere has been taken as Madurai to the east of Madakkulam'. But from similar expressions--Vēlür-kulakkil Srikundadovi.chaturvēdimangalam (No. 740 of 1919), Madakkulakkr) Ködimangalam, and Viranārāyana-kulakkil Puțingunrur (No. 49 of 1890), we have to infer that no directional significance is indicated, but that the particular villages were included in the ayacul of the respective irrigation sources, which gave their name to the sub-divisions. In the Sinnamapur plates also Rajasith ha-kulakki] is mentioned as the name of a territorial sub-division (Rajasinhakkulakkif ityukta rashprd)—8. 1 I., Vol. III, P. 453.
Probably grahanatti nänru. ? Probably miyatchiyagavum dēva -.

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No. 6.) AMBASAMUDRAM INSCRIPTION OF SOLANRALAIKONDA VIBA-PANDYA. 41
4 tāpamāga urubu[po]g mangavāri utpada ex-karmam ārāchchi möl-eluttu-cbcheykinga
Ma[ha]. .... 5 frattu Kädandaikudippadi=tTamilavējāp-uyi[na] .. ... . 6 nādum Maņalūr-kkulakki] Iranasinga-mangalattu-p...... 7 Araiyan Māņābharaṇan avi-[mu]dal=āgavum Idaiyārru-dāttu ........ 8 m (Blai-eļu]tt=āgavum Anda-nāțţu Kuvalaiyasinganallür āyiņa Mēyur Tiruppattar .. 9 lamaņi-kilavan vā[y*]kā vi-āgavum Koluvūr-kkūrrattu Kil-Kuņdārru Veliyārrur Vik[kira)
mapāņdiya-Mūvēnda10 (vē]lān-āyiņa Kațținakkan Ira[ņa]n bapdāra-ppottagam=āgavum Ilangöykkuļi Tiruppo
ttudaiya (Pa]ramēsu[ra]-Padārar köyilil irundu 11 [pajnộiraņdām=āņu Mithuna-bāyirru Sürya-grahaņatti[nanra]ivv=āņdin edir
āņdu-mudal kudiningā-ttē[va]tāna[m*-aga kuduttom []*] tānga12 flum) idu kandu pārpaduttu-kkuļukka [l*] Pullan-Korran eluttu [l*] enra i-ttirumugappați
koņdu adikārañ-soykinra Chöļāntaka-[Bra]hmamārāyar i-ppadir13 ru vēliyaiy nivandam adaichchapadi kalmēl eluttu vettuga epru padin-afijām yandin
edir ahjām yāṇdu srīkārya[m*) perra Ba14. mānanukku amachchu i-t Tiruppottudaiya-Dēvarkku śrīkārya[m*] seykinga Dēvan.
Kiriman bolla kalmé[l*] eluttu vettinapadi [*] Tiru15 ppõttudaiya-Dēvarkku nāngu-põdaikku ari[si*] muppattiru-nāliüm anna-balikku arisi apu
nāliüm kari-amidukku ari16 foi näliüm Tiruvēnkațanilai-t Tēvarkku nisadi arisi nä-näliüm Tirumulattånattu
tTēvarkku nisadi ariši nā-na17 slijüm Gaṇavatiyārkku arisi iru-nāļiüm ē[r]ri nisadi ari[£i*] nāfpatt-onpadi-nāļiüm age
18. .... kku nel=kkalanēy onbadin-kuruņi iru-nāļiy-uri õr=āțțaikku nel a[runū]rru
enbat-te..... 19 yetu mā-kkāņiyum achārchchiyan Munnurruvan-Šēndanukku nilan araiyum [l*] kapakka
bandāram seykinra Sālai-Viru..... periyānukku nilan araiyu [m I*] (mā). 20 p ettinukku nilan oņg-araiyē yiraņdu-mā [l*) ivargu Munnārruvan-Sēndan-udaiya māp
mūnrum Munnurruvan-Periyān māņ=onrum Kašanāk.. 21 kalan-udaiya mā=ņālum [*] Dēvar paduvāram ējill-opru uvaichchagalukkum pudavai
mudal=āgavum [l*] aru-kūrum etřu-māņukkum pudavai-mudal=āgavum [/*] uvaich[cha)
1 This expression is not understood. Can it be trilu pon * The full name probably is Chalamani. . An alternative reading is atti[n põdu). * This was read on the stone.
The missing letters are probably oru nafllevai. . There is some discrepancy in the calculation of the annual requirements.
• Between lines 18 and 19 are visible the syllables Svasti eri apparently belonging to another rooord, whiah apparently had been erased so as to make room for the present inscription.
. This word is written over an erasure.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XXV.
22 n Ganapati Kumāraời mudal pattāļukku nilam onre-käl [ *) érikā[T* ]chchiyam ārāivāṇukku
niyadam arisi nä-näliyināl nilam ēju-mă [*] kusavanukku ni. 23 lam irandu-mā [*] virakiduvāņukku nilam=iraņdu-mă [*] tirumelukkuppura[m*) nilam=
irandu-mă [l*) iran[ko]llikku nilam=ira[n]du-mā [l*] tiruviļāppuram ni. 24 lan vēli [ *) pudukkuppira[m*) i-ttirukkarralai seysa achariyan Mānābharaṇaḥ- Sēndanukku
nilan kālum aga nilan padiru-vē. 25 liyum chandir-ādittavalas chelvadāga vaittĀr Chöļāntakadēvar [11*] Idu pan-Mābēsvarar
rakshai (ll*]
No. 7.-KANTERU PLATES OF SALANKAYANA VIJAYA-SKANDAVARMAN.
By R. S. PANCHAMUKHI, M.A., MADRAS. In 1924-25, the Assistant Archæological Superintendent for Epigraphy, Madras, secured three sets of copper-plates belonging to the family of Salankäyana-Mahārājas, of which two were received from Mr. Challa Jagannatha Pantulu, Assistant Editor, Andhra-Patrikā, Madras and the third from Mr. M. Somasekhara Sarma of the Telugu Encyclopedia office. The first two are stated to have been found buried underground in the village called Kantöru in the Guntur taluk, Guntur District, while the third was discovered underground at Pedda-Vēgi near Ellore in the Kistna (now West Godavari) District. Of the two records discovered at Kantēru, one is a charter of Mahārāja Vijaya-Skandavarman and the other of Mahārāja Nandivarman. The Pedda-Végi copper-plates belong to the Sälarkāyana Maharaja Nandivarman and give the genealogy of the king for three generations before him. This last-mentioned charter has been published with plates in the Journal of the Andhra Historical Research Society as well as in the Telugu monthly Bhārati for Raktākshin, Srāvana (1924) in which the genealogy of the Sālankāyanas is discussed at some length. The two Kantēru plates have been published by the late Mr. K. V. Lakshmana Rao in the Journal of the Andhra Historical Research Society but without facsimiles of plates and seal. None of the seals of this family known so far contains a clear relief figure of the emblem, and the quadruped faintly seen on the seal of the Ellore Prakrit Plates of VijayaDévavarman has been surmised to be a tiger. But the seal of the present grant is fairly wellpreserved and shows distinctly the figure of the animal on it as a couchant bull. As the genealogical arrangement and to a certain extent also the text of the inscription given by Mr. Rao require revision, I re-edit the Kantēru plates of Vijaya-Skandavarman with the kind permission of the Superintendent for Epigraphy.
While editing the two sets of Kantēru plates in the Journal of the Andhra Historical Research Society Mr. Lakshmana Rao who was the first to examine the plates, with seal, assigned the seal of the present grant to the set of king Vijaya-Nandivarman instead of to that of Vijaya-Skandavarman as noticed in the Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy for 1924-25. This raised a doubt about the correctness of the description given in the Annual Report and to clear it and make a comparative study of the known seals of the family, I obtained on loan, through the kind
But see foot-note
Nos. 1-3 of Appendix A of the Madras Epigraphical Report for 1924-25.
• Vol. I, pp. 92 ff. An indistinct plate of the seal of the present record is published here. 1, p. 43, below.
• Vol. V, pp. 21 ff.

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No. 7.)
KANTERU PLATES OF SALANKAYANA VIJAYA-SKANDAVARMAN.
43
offices of the Superintendent for. Epigraphy, the original plates with seal of the two Kantēru sets as well as the Ellore Präkrit Plates of Vijaya-Dévavarman from the Superintendent, Government Museum, Madras. On examination I found that the seal attached to the plates of VijayaSkandavarman bore the distinct figure of a couchant bull with a partially indistinct legend which, as stated below, indisputably mentions Mahārāja Skandas varman). Hence the description given by Mr. Lakshmana Rao has to be revised since the legend conclusively proves that the seal belonged to Vijaya-Skandavarman and not to Vijaya-Nandivarman. It may be observed here that the seal of Nandivarman of the Kantēru plates though badly worn out can be made out to represent a couchant bull with a seated figure at the top which looks like Siva wearing a crown and with four (?) arms, while the figure on the seal of the Ellore Prākrit plates looks like a tiger or lion. The wavy line representing the clouds which is prominently visible in the present grant is partially seen below the bull in the seal of the Kantēru plates of Nandivarman described above.
The subjoined grant consists of four thin copper-plates strung together on a ring of the same metal passing through a narrow hole at the proper right margin of the plates. To the ring is firmly attached a circular copper seal with the figure of a couchant bull facing the proper right cut in relief on its slightly concave face. At the top of the bull is seen what looks like a linga sheltered by a triple-hooded serpent, with an anku sa-like object to the proper left and a lamp-stand and a fly.whisk (?) to the proper right. Below the bull is a wavy line which may be taken to represent a cloud line as is conventionally done in sculptures and paintings. In the right portion of the seal along the fringe are some worn-out letters in relief of which the syllables Mahā rā]ja [S]kanda can be made out. The plates are damaged on account of age and the first line at the top of the second plate has broken away. Also some small holes are found on the plates owing to the corrosion of the metal. The plates measure 54 inches long and 14 inches broad. The hole through which the ring passes has a diameter of 1 inch and the diameter of the ring holding the plates is 2 inches. The diameter of the seal is also 2 inches. The plates with ring and seal together weigh 36 tolas. They are now purchased and deposited in the Government Museum, Madras.
The alphabhet belongs to an archaic variety of the Kanarese and Telugu script prevalent in the east between 3rd and 6th centuries A.D. In general appearance, it resembles the one found in the Ellore Prākrit plates and the Omgõdu grant of Skandavarman II and is more archaic than the writing of the three grants of Simhavarman. The following are a few noteworthy points in the palæography of the record : (1) there is no loop to distinguish t from n which is generally found in the three grants of Simhavarman, the Pedda-Vēgi plates of Nandivarman II and the Vishnukundin charters. As in the Hirahadagalli and Ellore Präkrit plates the t is distinguished from n by a slight curve at the right; cf. pādānudhyātasya (1.2), "nupālitā (1. 15), tāny=ēva (11. 18 f.), etc. The Kantēru plates of Nandivarman, however, mark the loop both fort and n without distinction. As first members of a consonant group, both t and n of the present grant look the same as in the Hirahadagalli and Ellore plates, see for instance, dattă (1. 15) and Omantā (1.18). (2) The exceptionally looped archaic y from which the one with a small circle or curve at
1 Mr. R. Subba Rao who has published an indistinot print of this seal along with his article on the PeddaVégi plates of Nandivarman in the Journal of the Andhra Historial Research Society, Vol. I, pp. 92 ff., follows Mr. Rao and wrongly considers the seal as that of Nandivarman of the Kantēru platos.
[Except the syllables maha and the bull and the line beneath it nothing else, including the name of the king, is visible in the photograph of the seal.--Ed.]
* Above, Vol. IX, pp. 56 ff. * Above, Vol. XV, pp. 249 ff. . Pikira (above, VOL. VIII, p. 159), Uruvupalli (Ind. Ant., Vol. V, p. 50) and Mangalur (ibid., p. 164) grants. . Above, Vol. I, pp. 2 ff.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(Vol. XXV.
the left is apparently derived is found here alongside the unlooped linear y as in the plate of Vijaya-Dévavarman; of. Salarikāyana (1. 3), Siväryyāya (1. 8), maryyadaya (1. 10), vishaya (1. 12) and sagårāya (1.7), vistavyäya (1. 8), niyukt-ayuktaka (1. 11). The plates are numbered like the pages of a modern book with the numerical symbols for 2 to 6 on the left margin, the first side of the first plate being marked with the symbol for or as in the Ellore plates of Vijaya-Dāvavarman. The numerals 1, 2 and 3 appear also in the three grants of Simbavarman where they indicate a definitely later development in their shape. In the present set, each engraved side contains three lines of writing except that the first and the last plates are engraved on one side only, the latter having four lines.
The record is written in Sanskrit prose with two of the usual imprecatory verses at the end. The language is simple and business-like and the formula or the draft of the preamble, eg., the passage Mahārāja-sri-Vijaya-Skandavarmmano vachanena Kudrākāra-Chintapurē grāmēyakāk vaktavyāb (11. 3-5), resembles closely that employed in the Ellore Prākrit plates of Dévavarman and the Mattēpād plates of Damodaravarman belonging to the period of transitional Präkrit, as well as the one found in the Omgõdu grant of Vijaya-Skandavarman II. and the Uruvupalli grant of Yuva-Mahārāja Vishnugopavarman. which are assigned to the time of the earliest Sanskrit charters of the Pallavas. The inscription is dated on the full-moon day of Vai Alcha in the first year in words, II. 13 f.) of the Mahārāja Vijaya-Skandavarman (11. 3 f.) who issued this grant from Văng' (1.1) and addressed it to the villagers of Chintapura in the district of Kudrāhāra (11. 4-5). The donee was one Siväryya of the Maudgalya-götra, a resident of the village Lākumāri (11. 7-8), who received the village (.e., Chintapura) exempt from all imposts (11. 8-9). The king is described as the Salańkāyana, the meditator on the feet of the holy Chitrarathasvāmin and one devoted to the feet of Bappabhattāraks. He does not bear the epithet either Parama-Māhēsvara borne by Dēvavarman or Parama-Bhagavata assumed by Nandivarman of the Kantëru', Kollēru and Pedda-Végi plates.
of the five copper-plate records of the Salarkāyana family known so far, the Pedda-Vögi olates of Nandiwarman alone give the genealogy for four generations as follows --Hastivarman-Maharäja, his son Nandivarman-Maharaja, his son Chandavarman-Maharaja and his eldest son Mahiraja Nandivarman II, Parama-Bhagavata. Since the ajfapti in these as well as in the Kollēru plates is the same person Mülakura-bhojaka, the two Nandivarmans might be identical with each other. Now, Nandivarman of the Kantēru plates (Set II) may, from the likeness of names, be identified with either Nandivarman I or Nandivarman II of the above genealogy, preferably with the former, since the script employed in his charter is more angular and antique than the one found in the Pedda-Vēgi and Kollēru plates, which is rounded and more developed. Vaingěyaka Hastivarman mentioned in the Allahābād pillar inscription as the contemporary of Samudragupta (middle of the 4th century A.D.) might be Hastivarman, the great-grandfather of Nandivarman II mentioned above. He must have been preceded by Vijaya-Dēvavarman
1 Other instances bearing numerical symbols on the margin of plates are: (1) The British Museum plates of Chirudovi (above, Vol. VIII, p. 149) of which iin and lib are marked by 2 and 3 like the pages of book, (3) The Ellore Prikrit plates (ibid., Vol. IX, p. 56), and (3) the Mattēpåd plates of Damodaravarman (ibid., vel. XVII, p. 327).
• Text, lines 6-8. • Text, lines 3 and 4.
Test, linee 8-10. Text, lines 16-17. [800 1. n. 5 on p. 46. -Ed.]
Journal of the Andhra Historical Remarch Society, VoL V, pp. 27 ft. • tml. Ant., Vol. V, p. 174.

Page #60

No. 7.)
KANTERU PLATES OF SALANKAYANA VIJAYA-SKANDAVARMAN.
45
whose grant is worded in Prākrit since the inscription of Samudragupta whose contemporary Hastivarman was, is couched in chaste classical Sanskrit. From the similarity of script and phraseology adopted in the present grant with those found in the Präkrit plates of Vijaya-Dēvavarman and the Omgõdu grant of Vijaya-Skandavarman II as well as the Uruvupalli grant of Simhavarman II, it may safely be said that Vijaya-Skandavarman of the present record flourished close after Vijaya-Dēvavarman and some time during the period of the above-mentioned Pallava Sanskrit charters, and was evidently a predecessor or an elder contemporary of Hastivarman. The arrangement of the Sālankāyana genealogy given in the Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy for 1924-25 which follows the one worked out by the late Mr. K. V. Lakshmana Rao is not tenable since VijayaNandivarman (correctly Vijaya-Skandavarman) and Yuva-mahārāja Buddhavarman of the socalled Elliot's unpublished grant accommodated in it, do not belong to the Salankäyana family.
The territory of the Sālaňkāyanas consisted of Kudrāhāra-vishaya and Vēngi which lay to the north of the Kțishņā river. We know from the Mayidavõlu plates that Dhaññakada was included in the kingdom of Pallava Sivaskandavarman. The two Omgõdu grants of Skandavarman II and Simhavarman respectively and the Chendalūr plates of Kumāra-Vishņu mention Kammarāshtra in which some lands were granted, while according to the Māngadur grant of Simhavarman, the Pallava territory contained a division called Vērgārāshtra. It is quite likely that during the time of Sivaskandavarman of the Mayidavõlu plates also, the Andhrā-patha comprised the two divisions Vēngārāshtra and Kammarāshtra. If Vēngārāshțra is identical with the Vēngi-vishaya of later inscriptions, the Pallava territory would, then, include the modern districts of Kistna, Guntur and Nellore, while the country to the north of the Krishņā was for some time at least ruled by the Sālaňkāyanas. The fact that Vijaya-Dévavarman calls himself the performer of a horse-sacrifice points to his having raised himself to the status of an independent monarch after overcoming all his enemies among whom the Pallava must have been included. The rebellion of the Sālankāyana king against the Pallava overlord appears to have synchronised with the rise of Kadamba Mayūraśarman in the vicinity of Srisailam and his carving out a semiindependent kingdom at Vaijayanti in the beginning of the 4th century A.D.
Among the places mentioned in the record, Võngi is generally identified with Pedda-Vēgi: near Ellore ; Kudrāhāra which is probably the same as Kudūrahāra of the Kondamudi plates
1[As the palæography of the present plates of Skandavarman closely resembles that of the Pedda-Vögi plates of Nandivarman II, Mr. Panchamukhi's arguments, mainly based on palæography, for placing Skandavarman long before Nandivarman cannot be accepted as certain. Until more reliable evidence can be found, it will not be possible to determine the position of Skandavarman in the genealogy of the Sālańkāyana family. (See also Mr. D. C. Sircar's 'Successors of the Sātavābanas, pp. 59-60, in the Journal of the Department of Letters of the University of Calcutta, Vol. XXVI.)-Ed.)
While editing the Kollēru plates (Ind. Ant., Vol. V, p. 175), Fleet considered it as a Sālankāyana grant. But subsequently he edited it in Ind. Ant., Vol. IX, p. 100, where he corrected his first mistake by stating that Vijaya-Buddhavarman was a Pallava king and had, therefore, 'no genealogical connection with Vijaya-Nandivarman of the Vēngi grant (Ibid., Vol. V, p. 175) who was of the Salankāyana gotra'. The grant has since been published in this Journal (above, Vol. VIII, p. 143) by Dr. Hultzsch under the caption " the British Museum Plates of Chărudēvi". Dr. Dubrieul and the late Mr. K. V. Lakshmana Rao have, without noticing the subsequent corrections, followed Fleet's original suggestion (Ancient History of the Deccan, p. 89; J. A. H. R. S.. Vol. V, p. 27) and this mistake has crept into the writings of Mr. M. S. Sarma (Bharati for Raktākabin, Sravana), Mr. R. Gopalan (Pallavas of Kanchi, p. 74) and Mr. K. R. Subrahmaniam (Buddhist Remains of Andhradéka and Andhra History, p. 89, f. n. 4 and p. 91). Mr. Sarma's placing Hastivarman before Vijays-Dāvavarman, it may be observed, cannot be accepted since the latter, as stated above, lived during the period when Prakrit was the documentary language before Sanskrit began to be used in inscriptions
. Above, Vol. IX, p. 58.

Page #61

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXV.
of Jayavarmant was the name of the district with its headquarters at Kudūra mentioned in the same plates and in the Amarāvati Buddhist sculpture inscription. The district was apparently named after Kudūra the modern Kūdūru in the Bandar taluk of the Kistna District; Chintapura may be identified with Chinnapuram in the Bandar taluk and Lökumārl with Lõkamudi in the Kaikalūr taluk of the same district.
TEXT..
First Plate. 1 खस्थि(खस्ति) [*] विजयवेड्याः [*] भगवञ्चित्ररथस्वामि2 पादानुध्यातस्य बप्पभट्टारकपादभ. 3 तस्य शालाङ्कायनस्य महाराजश्रीविजय
Second Plate ; First Side. 4 स्कन्दवर्मणो [वचनेन कुद्राहा] रचिन्तपुर 5 ग्रामेयकाः वक्तव्याः अस्त्यस्माभि[रस्म8 कुलगोत्र श्रीयशोभिवइये [एतस्मै]
Second Plate ; Second Side. 7 मौहल्यसगोत्राय [ले]कुमारोग्रामवा8 स्तव्याय शिवार्याय सर्वपरिहारेण सा पक्षिका दत्ता [*] [तविदित्वा भवशि]: पूर्व
Third Plate; First Side. 10 मर्यादया साधु प्रेमणा(प्रेम्णा) कर्तव्यमिति [*] 11 अपि च स[व]नियोगनियुक्तायुक्तक12 विषयपतिमित्रैः सा पक्षिका परिहा(हर्त्तव्या [1]
Third Plate ; Second Side. 13 प्रवाई[मान] बौविजय[राज्यसंवत्म[२] प्र14 थमे वैशाखपौर्णमास्यां दत्ता पट्टिका [u.]
1Above, Vol. VI, pp. 315ff. * Lüders' List of Brahmi Inscriptions, No. 1295. . An. Rep. on South Indian Epigraphy for 1924-25, p. 73. . From ink-impressions.
• The letters enclosed within the brackets are partly preserved but they can be made out with cortainty on the original. [I am not able to read the syllables Kudrd in the impression. -Ed.)
• The letter ra is very much worn out.

Page #62

KANTERU PLATES OF SALANKAYANA VIJAYA-SKANDAVARMAN.
2 2 15 ਤ 1935
ਓ 250
ਤੋਂ 80
77,
.
n
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. Raak Nav 1921 E39 -295,
SCALE: ACTUAL SIZE
SUBVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

Page #63

14
16
18
iii,b.
iv.
EUTS
AANINE
Dyk gay man ang juba.
작·지게
327
140
Seal.
(From a photograph).
14
16
18

Page #64

No. 8.)
EPIGRAPHICAL NOTES.
15 affitigat al affaranguiferat [1*]
Fourth Plate. 16 tete [zęt A] [ET] 17 F[n*] cafe atashifa raqani its 18 [fx max:] [*] AT CH 7 araw 19 [a ara] #1
TRANSLATION. (Lines 1-5) Hail! From the victorious (city of) Võngi by the word (of command) of the illustrious Mahārāja Vijaya-Skandavarman, a Salankāyana, a meditator on the feet of god Chitrarathasvāmin and one devoted to the feet of Bappa-Bhattāraka (i.e., father), the villagers of Chintapura in Kudrāhāra should be informed thus :
(LI. 5-9) That small village (pallikā, i.e., Chintapura) has been granted by Us to this! (Brāhman) Śiväryya of the Maudgalya-gotra, a resident of the village Lēkumāri, free from all imposts, for the increase of the prosperity and fame of our family (kula) and clan (gotra).
(Ll. 9-12) Knowing this, you should behave well with the donee) with affection as hitherto (puruva-maryyādayā). Further, that village should be exempted from imposts) by all the presiding officers appointed to carry out (Our) command, agents (āyuktaka) and heads of districts.
(Ll. 13-14) The (copper-plate) charter was issued on the full-moon day of Vaisakha in the first year of Our ever-increasing, illustrious and victorious reign.
(LI. 15-19) [Two imprecatory verses are cited here.)
No. 8.-EPIGRAPHICAL NOTES.
BY RAO BAHADUR C. R. KRISHMACHARLU, B.A., MADRAS.
NIBINNA AND NIVINA. In the Nibinnā charter of Mahā-Sivagupta edited by Mr. B. C. Mazumdar, the name of the gift village is given in two different forms, i.e. (1) Nibiņdā in l. 5 and (ii) Nibinnä in 1. 17 of the text. It is thus evident that even at the time of the charter the name of the village was spelt in two different ways. Though there is no special necessity for it, Mr. Mazumdar reads bi where the original contained only vi, both r and 6 being indicated in this record only by the sign for v. Consequently the place might also be called Nivindā or Nivinnā. It was attached to the Ganutapāta-mandala of the Kobala-deśa (text, 11. 4 f.). We are now confronted with a possibility of this village being identical with the village Nivinä the gift of which is recorded in the Nivinā grant of the Sailodbhava king Dharmarājadēva published by Dr. N. P.
1 The donee had evidently been introduced to the royal presence at the time of the grant. Cf. etassa.... Ganasammassa (11. 8-9) of the Ellore Prakrit plates.
• The word partiká is used in this sense in other copper-plate grants of this early period, viz., the Hirahadegalli dates (text, l. 51), Mayidavölu plates (text, 1. 28), Kondamudi plates (text, 1. 40), Mattēpád plates (text, 1 14), und Kodagere plates of Kadamba Siva-Mändbätsivarman (text, 1. 18, above, Vol. VI, p. 14).
. Above, Vol. XI, p. 95.
Toid., p. 96.

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48
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXV.
Chakravarti. In the latter record Nivina is stated to be attached to the Khiḍingahara-vishaya. But it is likely that this village which was originally attached to this vishaya in Dharmaraja's reign was later on included in the Kōsala-desa. Khiḍingahara has been identified by Dr. Chakravarti with Khidingi and Nivina with Nimmina in the Kudala taluk of the Ganjam District. I think that Ganuṭapaṭa-mandala or Ganuḍapați-mandala in which Nibiņḍā or Nibinna of the other charter was situated is identical with Gupthapada, a Zamindari village of the same taluk. Moreover, since the Sonepur Feudatory State attached to the district of Sambalpur is a part of the Chhatisgarh division which roughly corresponds to the ancient (Southern) Kōsala-desa in which Nibiṇḍā or Niviņḍā (with its variant names) lay and the Ganjam District in which the Nivina grant of Dharmaraja was found is adjacent to that tract, the possibility of the identity of both the villages is strengthened. This is also confirmed by the form of the name Nivina in which it occurs in the latter grant.
If the suggested identity could be granted it follows that the gift village Nivina changed ownership in the interval between the reigns of Dharmaraja and Maha-Sivagupta and that the latter monarch granted it afresh to a Brahman of a different family from the original donee's.
Dr. Bahadur Chand Chhabra suggests the identification of the village Nibinna with Nimna about 15 miles south-east of Binka, a town in the Sonepur State. This is not altogether impossible though we can take it only as an alternative. In this case the headquarters of the Ganutapaṭa-mandala in which the village was located must be identified with the modern Ganṭapara on the right bank of the river Tel one of the tributaries of the Mahanadi in the Baud State. (Vide Imp. Gaz. Atlas, 1909, Plate 29, A 4.)
URUVUPALLI.
In the Uruvupalli grant of Pallava Yuvamahārāja Vishnugopa issued in the reign of Simhavarman (Ind. Ant., Vol. V, pp. 50 f.) the boundaries of the 200 nivartanas of land actually given are enumerated in detail very much in the style of the Reddi copper-plates of a later period. Among these boundaries occur the names of the villages Kandukura, Kurupura, and Kondamuruvudu and the river Suprayoga. The grant was intended for the benefit of the Vishnu-hara temple founded by the Senapati Vishnuvarman at Kaṇḍukura. So it is evident that we have to look for the villages mentioned in the grant in the vicinity of modern Kandukuru in the Nellore District. A reference to the taluk map shows that Uruvupalli must be identical with Ulavapāḍu which lies east-south-east of Kandukuru. Of the other villages, Kurupura would correspond to modern Kared alias Kurvade in the eastern direction of Kandukuru, and Kondamuruvudu would be the modern Kondamuḍusupalem due south of Kandukuru. Since the lands are stated to lie adjacent to those of Kandukura, the river Suprayoga which lay to the south of the giftlands would be identical with the modern Mannēru flowing in a north-easterly direction between Kandukuru and Ulavapadu. Ulavapadu is a station on the Madras-Calcutta line of the M. & S. M. Railway.
VIRIPARA.
This village in Andhrapatha (i.e. the Telugu country) the grant of which is recorded in the Prakrit Mayidavōlu plates of Sivaskandavarman could not be identified by Dr. Hultzsch. He, however, rightly suggests that it must have been situated near Amaravati, (formerly Kistna now)
Above, Vol. XXI, p. 34.
The List of Villages gives the name as Nimina. There are two villages of this name one in the Khallikota and the other in the Athagada Zamindari of the Ganjam District. The district Map shows also a third Nimina village on the bank of the Mahanadi canal in the Aska taluk.

Page #66

No. 8.)
EPIGRAPHICAL NOTES.
9
Guntur District. The plates were found in a pădu (old village site) near Mayidavõlu, a village in the Narasaraopet taluk. There can be the least doubt that the gift village Viripara is identical with the modern Vipparla in the same taluk situated at about 8 miles west-north-west of Narasaraopet. It is to be noticed that the village possesses not only some pre-historic remains like dolmens, etc., which prove its great antiquity but also that an inscription of the early Eastern Chalukya king Sakalalõkāsraya Jayasimgha-Vallabha and another of Vishņuvardhana Vijayaditya dated in $. 996 (A.D. 1074) have been found here. In the former the village is called Vitparti and in the latter Virpparu. In still later times it was called Vipparu. These facts go to prove definitely that the village mentioned in the copper-plates must be identical with Vipparla.
Dattanuyoga and the village Kojala. In his article on Two Kadamba Grants' (above, Vol. VI, p. 15, n. 6) the expression Dattanuyoga is rendered by Prof. Kielhorn in the sense of an ācharya (anuyoga-krit). From the context we must expect the term to refer to a concrete or proper attribute of the donee Dēvasarman and not to a general attribute, viz., an achārya, especially as the expression occurs between his gotra and his sākha. We should therefore naturally expect in the middle of these two epithets & reference to the donee's school of philosophy. We know that Datta is the name of an Upanishad, and the donee must have been a student or professor of that Upanishad. Dattakasūtras are mentioned in Western Ganga copper-plates.
The land gifted was in the village of Koļāla as read by Kielhorn. It might be read as Kölāla also in which case there can be no objection to our identifying it with Köļāla, the Köjālapura or Kuvaļālapura of the Ganga inscriptions and identified with the modern Kolar.
Semponmāri. In his article on the Sendalai pillar inscriptions (above, Vol. XIII, pp. 134 ff.) Mr. K. V. S. Aiver notices the mention of Sempoņmāri as one of the places where king Perumbidugu Mutta raiyan gained his victories. Regarding the identification of the village Mr. Aiyer suggested that it was probably situated in the Pudukkottai State. I would identify it with the village Sembonmari of the Tiruvadanai taluk of the Ramnad District. The present village is divided into two units one called Kil-Semboņmāri and the other Mēl-Sembonmäri.
Tambrāpa-sthāna. This is the place from which the Pallava king Vijaya-Skandavarman issued the Omgödu grant (above, Vol. XV, pp. 250, 251, etc.). This can very well be Dāmaramadugu in the Kovur taluk, Nellore District. Madugu represents a pond and Tambrāpa might be the modern corrupt Damaramadugu. This lies in the ancient Pallava country and is not very far from Vavvēru where the Vilavatti grant of Simbavarman of this family was recently discovered.
1 Above, Vol. VI, p. 85. • Ibid., p. 84. • Sewell, List of Antiquities, Vol. I, p. 73. .8.1. ., Vol. VI, Nos. 584 to 586. Ibid., No. 588.
This argument is not convincing to me. The full name of the Upanishad is Dattatreya. Moreover, Datta or Dattatreya being a minor Upanishad it is doubtful if proficiency in it should be regarded as a high distino. tion. I also do not know of any other inscriptions where a donee is mentioned as a student or a professor of a particular Upanishad alone. After gotras usually comes the pravara of the donee which is not specified in the present record. Can the expression under consideration not simply mean who is given to meditation anwyoga)? It may also be pointed out that the Dattaka-sutra occurring in the Western Ganga copper-plater has been taken to be a work on eroticasee J. R. A. 8., 1911, pp. 183 ff.-Ed.)
* See above, Vol. XXIV, pp. 298 ff.

Page #67

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXV.
No. 9.-NALANDA PLATE OF SAMUDRAGUPTA : THE YEAR 5.
BY A. GHOSH, PATNA.
This copper-plate, edited here for the first time, was unearthed at Nālandā in 1927-28 in Monastery Site No. 1, near the copper-plate of Dēvapāla. In 1935 it was transferred to the Archæological Section, Indian Museum, Calcutta, where it is at present housed. A preliminary note on it was published by Dr. Hirananda Sastri and it is also summarized by Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar in his List of Inscriptions of Northern India.
The copper-plate measures 101" x 9" and weighs 45 tolas. No seal was found along with the plate, but it is not unlikely that one was originally attached to it in that portion of the proper right side of the plate which is now broken. The inscription is neatly engraved and runs to 12 lines, but owing to the much damaged condition of the plate large portions, including nearly the whole of 1.7, have either broken away or are utterly obliterated. The whole of the text, however, can be restored by a reference to the spurious Gayā plate of Samudragupta except the place-names and the adjectives of the donee.
The palæography of the inscription shows Gupta forms throughout and has the same features as the early Gupta records, with the exception of y, which is bipartite in the present Tecord. S is of the looped or so-called eastern variety, but sh is unlooped. His of the same type as appears on the Allahābād pillar inscription of Samudragupta, and presents a contrast to the form that we come across in the central and western records of the age. The average length of letters is inch. As regards orthography, mention may be made of the use of the upadhmāniya in such cases as utpannah-paramao (1. 4) and ch=ētah=prabhsiti (1. 8), the doubling of consonants in saruva (1. 1, etc.), Omëdh-aharttur=mmahārāja (1. 3), dauhittrasya (1. 4), ttraividya (11. 8 and 9), etc. Another feature, remarkable for the Gupta period, is the indiscriminate use of b and v, as exemplified in viditam bo for viditam vo (1. 6), sambat for sarvat (1. 10) and manavalādhikrita for mahābalādhikrita (1. 11).
The inscription records the grant of two villages to a Brähmana Jayabhatti by name, who is called traividya in the subsequent lines, by the mahārājādhirāja Samudragupta, whose usual adjectives are given, from the victorious camp at Anandapura in the year 5. The grant was written at the orders of Gopasvāmin, the akshapatalādhikrita, mahāpīlūpati and mahābalādhikrita. At the end the name of the prince Chandragupta occurs, possibly as the Dutaka.
I am not sure of one of the names of the villages that were granted: the first is Bhadrapushkaraka in the Vaiva(?)- y.-vishaya, while the second is Pa[rpna(?)-nā()]ga in the Krimila-vishaya. Krimila as the name of a vishaya also appears in the Monghyr grant of Dévapāla, where it is stated to have been situated in the bhukti of Srinagara or Patna. The same place-name occurs as Krimilā on a Nalandă sealing (Site No. 1, Reg. No. 824), reading Krimila
1 Above, Vol. XVII, pp. 318 ff. *An. Rep. A. S.I., 1927-28, p. 138. List of Inscriptions of Northern India, p. 290, No. 2075. Fleet, C.I.I., Vol. III, pp. 254 ff.
Ibid., pp. 1 ff. • Of. Mathuri and Sanchi Inscriptions of Chandragupta II, ibid., pl. ii. * Among the adjectives occurs parama-bhagavata, which is absent in the Allahabad pillar inscription. • Above, Vol. XVIII, pp. 304 ff.

Page #68

No. 9.]
NALANDA PLATE OF SAMUDRAGUPTA: THE YEAR 5.
51
vishaya-Kāchāla -grāmē mahattama-Narasvāminah in 8th century characters. I cannot propose any identification of this place.
The only other copper-plate purporting to belong to Samudragupta is the Gayā copperplate, but as Fleet pointed out the plate cannot be regarded as genuine on the following grounds : (1) in the genealogical portion of the inscription the adjectives of the king are in the genitive, while the name of the king is in the nominative-which shows that the drafter of the inscription was copying this portion from some grant of one of the successors of Samudragupta, and (2) while some of the letters are antique others are more modern. This shows that there was a deliberate attempt on the part of the scribe to imitate the old script, which also explains the halting nature of the writing; when the difference between the earlier and later forms of a particular letter is only slight, the scribe has betrayed himself, cf. s, in which the right vertical member invariably projects above the upper horizontal member of the letter--a feature which is definitely later than the early Gupta times.
If the present document can be proved to be genuine, it would rank as the earliest record of the Guptas and also the earliest copper-plate grant in Northern India. This fact makes the task of determining the genuineness or otherwise of the grant all the more difficult, as we have no means to ascertain whether it conforms to the genuine records of the age. The two scholars who have previously noticed the record bave opined differently, Dr. Sastri rejecting it as spurious and Dr. Bhandarkar leaving the matter open. The question has, therefore, to be considered afresh.
A perusal of the text given below will show that the present record is similar to the Gaya plate in that it has the same ungrammatical construction of the genealogical portion (...uchchhattuh...apratirathasya...prapauttrasya...puttrasya ... dauhittrasya ... utpannah Samudraguptah). If the plate be regarded as genuine, it is puzzling why the secretariate of Samudragupta should have committed such a silly error in giving the genealogy of its master. I find it difficult to explain away this error as accidental and am, on the whole, inclined to think that the genuineness of the present plate is not above suspicion. This will also explain why the inscription is full of mistakes, e. 9., the dropping of pta in Gupta (1. 3), ēshau for ētau (1. 6), śrottavyam for śrotaryam (1.8), grāpratyā for grāma-pratyayā (1. 8) and the lengthening of the vowel in ma in niyatam=ūgrahār-ākshēpah (1. 9). One can legitimately expect greater care in a real state document of the mighty Samudragupta. It cannot be denied, bowever, that the document was forged in early Gupta times, as there is no trace of any late forms in the morphology of the letters. And as the texts of the Nālandā and Gayā plates are mutatis mutandis identical, it is very likely that both of them were copied from some genuine Gupta grant.
1 Or vishyak-Achala.
2 In Cunningham's A. S. R., Vol. XIX, p. 60, Garrick speaks of a copper-plate of Samudragupta, said to bo in the possession of a Pandit of Benares. “The inscription ", he adds, "had been sent to Bengal, and there fore I was unable even to get a look at it".
*R. D. Banerji, on the other hand, says: "The Gayā copper plate of Samudragupta, issued in the 9th year of his reign, was regarded as spurious by the late Dr. J. F. Fleet. When his work was published our knowledge of Indian Epigraphy was not so extensive as it is now. Our knowledge of the form of Imperial Gupta land-grants was limited to the Indor-khera inscribed copper plate of the time of the emperor Skandagupta in 1833. The Natore or Dhanaidaha plate of Kumiragupta I, the six Damodarpur plates of the emperors Kumäragupta I, Budhegupta and Bhanugupta and finally the three Faridpur plates of the kings Dharmaditya and Gopachandra have thrown a flopd of light on the procedure of issuing grants of land or deeds recording transfers of the same. In the face of this mass of new evidence it is impossible to believe at the present day that the Gayā copper plate grant of the 9th year of Samudragupta is forged. It cannot be regarded as spurious in the same light as the Sudi plates and in the writer's opinion it is genuine." (Age of the Imperial Guptas, pp. 7-8.)

Page #69

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
| VOL. XXV.
The inscription is dated in the year 5, 2nd day of Māgha, followed by the word nita(ba)ddha[m*). So far as I am aware, this word does not appear with a date in any other Gupta record, but is found in some Pratihāra grants. The date of the Gayā plate, year 9, was referred to the Gupta era by Fleet, which would mean that Chandragupta I had died by A. D. 328. If the date of the present record too be referred to the Gupta era, his life is further shortened by 4 years, leaving him a reign of only 4 or 5 years, assuming that the year 5 of the Gupta era was the first regnal year of Samudragupta. It is unlikely that he could have created an empire within such a short time, so that we are forced to meet another alternative that the years are in reality the regnal years of Samudragupta himself. But as the Gupta era is universally regarded as having been established by Chandragupta I, it is difficult to understand why Samudragupta should have reverted to the practice of using regual years in state documents. Was Samudragupta himself then the author of the Gupta era ? It must be admitted that this conjecture is not primú facie impossible, as the ascription of the era to the first mahārājādhiraja of the dynasty is only a plausible conjecture which does not conflict with any known facts. But if Samudragupta really founded the era, we bave to distribute 136 years (A.D. 319 to 455)- an abnormally long periodamong three generations, viz., Samudragupta, Chandragupta II and Kumāragupta I. We are therefore inclined to think that both being spurious documents, the dates on the Nālandā and Gayā plates need not be taken seriously for historical purposes.
The text given below is transcribed from a set of photographs of the copper-plate kindly supplied to me by the Superintendent, Archæological Section, Indian Museum. I found that some portions were more legible on another photograph of the plate before it was chemically treated, belonging to the office of the Superintendent, Archäological Survey of India, Central Circle. In deciphering the text I have received much valuable help from Dr. N. P. Chakravarti, Government Epigraphist for India.
TEXT.
1 Om svasti [*1 mahā-nau-hasty-aśva-jaya-skandbāvär- Anandapura -väsakāt=[sal
ryva-rā[j-ochchhētt]u[b]=prithivyām=apratirathasya chatur-udadhi-salis 1-āsvā}. 2 dita-yasaso Dhanada-Varun-E[ndr-A]ntaka-samasya Kritānta-paraśõr=nyāy-agat-ānēka
go-hiranya-kõți-pradasya chirotsa[ nn-ā)3 svamēdh-abaörttur=mmah[ārāj]a-sri-Gu[pta* -prapauttrasya mahārāja-sri-Ghatotkacha
pauttrasya mahārāsjadhi]rāja-sri-Chan[drag]up[ta)-puttra4 sya Lichchhavi-dau[hi]ttrasya mahādēvyān-Kumāradēvyām=uptannah=para ma-bhāga
vato (mahārājādhiraja-sri-Samudragu]ptaḥ Vai(?)va(?)- y.5 vaisshayika)-Bhadrapushkaraka - gräma Krimilā - vaishayika - Pū[rņņa(4)na(Olga - grā [mayoh brāhmaṇa-puroga)-grāma-vallaltkausabhyä(?)
m aha [1*1
*Cf. Dighwa-Dubauli plate of Mahendrapala and A. S. B. plate of Vinayakapăla, Ind. Ant., Vol. xv, Pp. 112 and 140.
C1. Banerji, loc. cit., p. 8: "According to the established custom to be found in Gupta inscriptions, we should regard the date of the inscription as one expressed in the Gupta era ; i.e., it was issued in 328-29 A. D."
* Read as Nripura by Sastri, who evidently reads the portion as skandhavarana(n=)Nripura. • At first me was written which was then changed into me.
• The left extremity of the subscript of the following letter appears after ha and looks like a separato botter.
• Restored from the Gaya plate. 1 The word is spelt with sha in the Gayi plate. The letter bhyd is doubtful both hore and in the Gaya plate.

Page #70

NALANDA PLATE OF SAMUDRAGUPTA: THE YEAR 5.
ក
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N. P. CHAKRAVARTI, REa. No. 1946 E'39 -255,
SCALE: TWO-THIRD8.
SURVEY ON INDIA, CALCUTTA.

Page #71


Page #72

No. 10.
A COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF MUMMUNIRAJA: SAKA 971.
6 Eva ch-a[rttham] viditam =bö(vo) bhavatv=ēshau(tau) grā[m]au (mayi maltā-pittröreä
[tmanas-cha) pu[ny-abhivriddha]yē Jayabhatti-yväminē 7 ...... ............ (s-õpari]kar-o[ddēšēn=āgra]hä[rat]v[ën=ātisșish]taḥ tad=yushma
bhir=a[s]ya 8 ttraividyasya śrótta(ta)vyam=ājñā cha kartta[v]yā [sa]rvvē [cha sa]muchitā grā[ ma*)-pratya
(pratyayā) mēya-hirany-ādayo dēyā na ch=ētah-pra. 9 bhțity=anëna ttrai[vi]dyēn=ünya-grām-ādi-karada-kuțumbi-[kāruk]-ādayah=pravēša[yita)
vyā [a]nyath[a] niyatam=ā(a)grahār-āk[sh]ēpaḥ 10 syād=iti samba(samva)t 5 Māgha di 2 niva(ba)ddha[m*] [*] 11 [Anya] -grām-ākshapatalādhi[kři]ta-mahāpīlūpati - mahāva(ba)lādhi[kțista - Göpasvām[y*]
ādēša-likhita[m*] [l*} 12 [Kumā]ra-sri-Chandraguptaḥ [1*]
No. 10.-A COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF MUMMUNIRAJA; SAKA 971.
By S. C. UPADHYAYA, M.A., LL.B., BOMBAY. This set of three plates was first handed over to the Curator, Archaeological Section, Prince of Wales Museum, for decipherment by one Hasan Razak, a Muhammadan water-diviner. The Curator after carefully examining these plates kindly passed them on to me for decipherment in details. I am highly obliged to him for the kind permission to edit the same in this journal.
The grant consists of three plates. Each plate is 11" x 9" x 1" in size. The written space in each plate measures 7}" x 10". The first and last plates bear writing on one side only while the second has writing on both the sides. A circular hole of about fin diameter runs through them. The circular ring which holds the plates together, has got a seal (at present with the owner) with the figure of Garuda. The whole grant runs into 94 lines.
The characters are similar to those found in the other Silāhāra copper-plates of the same period. However, they differ to some extent from those in the Ambar Nätha temple stone inscription of the time of Māmvāņi dated Saka 982, the chief reason of the difference being either the roughness of the material or possibly the inefficiency of the engraver.
The language of the grant is Sanskrit. As regards orthography, a consonant following r is sometimes doubled and sometimes left single, e.g., Kaparddi (1.8), svargga, mārgga (1. 13), karmmani (1. 15), samvarddhanād (1. 29) as against dör-danda (1. 17), yathartha (1. 20), Nāgārjuna (1. 31), etc. The dental sibilant is often used for the palatal one (11. 8, 9, etc.), but in certain cases wbat has been read as s may be a badly written s.
In the benedictory verses Gaņēsa and Siva are invoked. The genealogy begins with the well known mythical story of Jimütavahana, the son of Jimütakētu, who offered himself as & prey to Garuda in place of the serpent Samkhachūda.
1 There is a hole due to damage over ta which in the photograph looks like an anusvåra.
* The portion that is lost here no doubt contained adjectives of the donee, of which one must have been traividya, as he is referred to in the following lines.
* The Gayā plate reads na ch=etat-prabhrity= etc. After this follow four short horizontal strokes.
Restored from the Gaya plate. D. R. Bhaudarkar conjecturally roads Nalanda. [In the present record the second syllable seems to be w.-Ed.]
"J. B. B. R. A. 8., Vol. XII, PP. 329 1.

Page #73

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XXV.
In his family was born Kapardin (I) who was adventurous like Sähasankal and was the forehead-mark (tilaka) of the Silāra line. His son Pulasakti who was well versed in politics and who conquered his enemies is then mentioned.
Next comes his son Laghu-Kaparddi. He is described in the usual poetical and vague manner. His son Vappuvanna is next mentioned in the usual way. His son Jhanjha is then mentioned. That he erected twelve Siva temples is particularly mentioned here as in the Kharepātan plates.
Nothing particular is said of his brother Göggirāja and his son Vajjada, except that the former was valorous like Bhishma, Dröna and Arjuna. Vajjada's son Aparajita who was benevolent, truthful and brave is then mentioned. He is given the title Saranāgata-vajrapaħjara and the record particularly mentions the facts that he helped a king named Gömma, and made firm the rule of Aiyapadēva. He is also said to have protected Bhillama and two other kings whose names seem to be Amma and Manamvuva. His son Vajjadadēva (II) and his younger brother Arikësarin are then mentioned. The latter had been on a pilgrimage to the temple of Somēśvara.
Then his nephew Chhittarāja (son of Vajjada II) is mentioned as in other inscriptions. Next comes his younger brother Nāgārjuna.' His younger brother Mummuni is then mentioned.. He vanquished bis foes and ruled over 1,400 villages the chief of which was Puri. At the time of this grant bis Mahāmātya was sri-Daddapaiya and the Mahāsāndhivigrahika sri-Vittha. paiya, who along with other officers were in charge of the Srikarana. The writer of the document was Nāgalaiya.
The grant was given on Friday, Suddha 15, Bhadrapada in the year 971 of the Saka era, corresponding to Tuesday the 20th August 1049 A.D.10 There was a lunar eclipse at that time.
The Khårepätan plates, Saka 1016 (Ind. Ant., Vol. IX, p. 33) also do not give any further information about this prince. His adventurous nature might have enabled him to be a valuable lieutenant of the Rashtrakuta Emperor Govinda III and hence he might have been his foudatory ruling over North Konkan (Altekar. Indian Culture, Vol. II, p. 403).
* The Kaphēri inscriptions of Amöghavarsha, Saka 765, describes Pullasakti as a Rashtrakata feudatory and lord of the Konkan, ruling in Purf (Ind. Ant., Vol. XIII, pp. 134-36).
• The Kaphēri inscriptions of Amõghavarsha, Saka 775 and 799 (Ind. Ant., Vol. XIII, pp. 134 ff.), der oribe Kapardin (II) as the Rashtrakūta feudatory and master of Konkan.
The Bhandup plates (Ind. Ant., Vol. V, p. 277, 11. 7, 8) describe him as bhuvanaikavira and name him Ghayuvants but on comparing the reading (in facsimile, Asiatic Researches, Vol. I, p. 313) Vappuvanna seems to be the right name as has already been suggested by Bühler.
These names are also found in the Khārepatan plates. Nowhere else do we meet with the verse containing theme names. This Bhillams might be the same as Bhillama II of whom we know from his Sangamner plates, Baka 922 (above, Vol. II, p. 272). The Bhädäna plates of Aparajita, Saka 919 (above, Vol. III, p. 272), give him the title of Mrigamka.
• According to Bhandup plates, the word agruja would go with Arikësarin. But on the evidence of other documents Vajjada was the elder brother of Arikësarin. The Vadavalli plates of Aparaditya, Saka 1049 (J. B. B. R. A. 8., Vol. XXI, p. 508), confirm this.
He is mentioned in the Khårepätan and Vadavalli plates. Altekar's suggestion (Indian Culture, Vol. IL p. 410) that he died before Chhittarāja seems to be baseless.
For another spelling, Mámväņi, cf. J. B. B. R. A. 8., Vol. XII, p. 329.
. According to the Ambar Nätha temple inscription (ibid., pp. 329-30) these officers in Saka 982 were different persons.
10 Indian Ephemeris, Vol. III, p. 101. [The corresponding date in Christian era is Tuesday the 15th August (not the 20th which was a Sunday and when there was no lunar eclipse), A.D. 1049, when there was a lunar eclipse. The week day seems to read Sutt and not Sukri as Mr. Upadhyaya reads. Probably Suta here stands for Mahionta (Tuesday).-Ed.)

Page #74

No. 10.]
A COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF MUMMUNIRAJA : SAKA 971.
55
The village granted was Kilchchhita. It was in the Mandaraja district. To the east there was the gri-Enaral hill and rivulets running from it. To the north was the Nimvā village, to the west the Matara village and to the south the Sāmvina river. None of these places can be identified at present.
The grant was made to twelve Brahmins (a list of whom is given below) to enable them to carry on their religious duties. Among the donees there were Brahmins who had emigrated from Gauda, Madhyadēsa and Lata. They belonged to various götras and sākhas. Some of these names are given in the vernacular ending in aiya. The grant contains towards the end the approval of Mummuņirāja, son of Vajjadadēva.
List of the Brahmin donees.
Name.
Father's name.
Country of origin.
Götra.
Säkhk.
.
.
Sandilya
Koko Pandita. Dövadhara Dikshita .
Pitämaha . Yajña Dikshita
. .
Gauda . . Mumjasthana
Madhyadéka.
Kanthuma. Bahvpicha.
in
Vates
Dämðdara
Kësaiya Dikshita . . Sõmēsvara Upadhyaya. Sūdana Dikshita
Südansiya Damodara
Bhäradvāja Bhargava Upamanyu
Madhyandina Babvpicha.
in
Bhrigukachoha
Látadesa.
.
. . .
Rāņāyant. Bahvricha.
Nārāyana Scipati . . Sripati . . Kanakosvara . Vēlaiya . . Sarvvadēvaiya . Vitthapaiya .
. . . .
Damodara Upadhyāya . Kēkava Dagaiya . . Vēlāditya Dighaiya . . Isvara . . Södhalaiya. .
Ātrēya. Kubiks. Ātrēya. Jamadagni Ātrêya . Lökāksha Atrēya .
.
Yajtia. Bahtioha.
.
TEXT.
[Metres Anushubh, vv. 1, 2, 11, 12, 19, 24, 25, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38; Vasantatilaka, 3, 4, 5, 15, 18, 39; Prithvi, 6; Sardulavikridita, 7, 9, 10, 14, 16, 20; Sragdhara, 8; Giti, 13 ; Indravajra, 17, 26, 33; Malini, 21, 22; Vambasthavila, 23; Salini, 32.]
First Plate. 1 ॐ जयश्चाभ्युदयश्च ॥ लभते सर्वकार्येषु पूजया गणना यकः । विघ्नं निन्नन्म वः 2 पायादपायाङ्गणनायकः [१॥*] स वः पातु शिवो नित्यं यमौलौ भाति
जाह्नवी । सुमेरुसिख
1 [800 p. 62 n. 3 below.-Ed.] * Denoted by a symbol. * Road bikhardo

Page #75

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VoL. XXV.
3 रोगच्छदच्छचद्रकलोपमा' [२] जौमूतकेतुतनयो नियता दयालुर्जीमूतवाहन
इति विजगप्रसिद्धः ॥) 4 देहविज' तृणमिवाकलयन्य गर्थे यो रक्षति स्म गरुडात्खलु सं(ग)खचडम् ॥[३॥"]
तस्यान्वये निखिलभूप5 सिमौलिभूतरबद्युतिकुरितनिर्मलपादपीठः । श्रीसाहसांक इव साहसिकः कपर्दी
सोलारवंस(श)- । 6 तिलको नृपतिर्व(ब)भूव [४] तस्मादभूच तनयः पुलस(श)क्तिनामा सोमा
समः सुरगुरूदितराजनीतः । 7 निजित्य' संगरमुखेखिलवैरिवर्गविकंटक जगति राज्यमकारि येन [५॥*]
ततोपि ममभूमती नृप-॥ 8 सि(शि)रोविभूषामणिः ।' सितः सपिरिवापरोरिकरिणां कपी लघुः । यदीययस(श)
सा जगत्वतिश9 येन सु(स)लोकते न भाति मुरवारणो न च ससौ(शशी) न दुग्धाम्बु(म्बु)धिः
[१६॥*] तस्मादप्यभवहिभूतिपदवीपाट' पावनी ।' 10 छाताशेषमावलयो महीपतिलकः श्रीवप्युवनः सुतः । संग्रामांगणरंगिणासिलतया
लक"दन्ता ll हठामद्धे येन विनायका विरचिता विहेषिणां दन्तिनः [*] तस्माज्जात
स्तानूजो" र[ज*]निकर इवानंदिताशे12 षलोकनाध्यः श्रीझंझराजो दिवसकर इव ध्वस्त निःस (गे)षदोषः ॥(1) सं(श)भोर्यो
हादसा(शा)पि व्यरच
1 Read chandra..
Read niyatarin. . Read dihan-nijan. • Read pario • Hero a stroke has been used to show that the word is continued in the next lino.) • Dauda or dandas unnecessary.
Read airijitya. Read nisMantakan
Read pátran. 1. Read pavitri 1 Head lin-aita 11 Reed slanajo.

Page #76

A COPPER PLATE GRANT OF MUMMUNIRAJA; SAKA 971.
4
weddi
n distiations RAMECIRLA काय.राजामामाकमानला नाद या सामानात तासालोमातिझाड़ताल मानदालाAURTH नालायातम्या जात नातावासदरा AERESTHAनालयमवयात पागदाजायरान पारसमक्षामतापा HEREजाननान-लाजी मारमा उनल्यादायक मालसा Mamat रनबरसानयजमानता नाममा म दिरा HTTER.26 मायमानसनम
राहामृतावसातारा समानाना
Shatadanातानल मास मारामारामनादासतात HERE 10
सालनपोनयन TRAIमाराया गगनगनासमाजाTERENT
मांगोयनानि नामानि तिने तानियादा काममा मानसालाना 12 AMRATRISRAEरित सन 1312/दाAMSARAN
SanANEFITH THEसामानामाना गया नामावलीमा ANTAREERHI:गकामातासनतासानलातत्सम नाकालाEिTRESS Aarchi AG7017नायगाAEIRL सामवासनामाबENAKS
माथी पनि नियम 1897यसन नपानासन कालHIN पिकनिहारुया.१८ास 2071यमतमामानाATEEM RTISHTHALAL
कासवतानापमानराशाया 118 यस्यानिपतावास मनाला उशया दारासमोर 20BRESTMISSIAHIT.LTDAIमहानाबानागनतम तलाव
मायान दिलातानिनानिनियमस्तनातिनातिनाशERNET
कतिस्तार नटानासयूमनातसुदामा परमाता-यातलाउमा REKउदलामा उपHिARकललताटामासम्झाात्यानजाम बतानमारसा नुतना समापुतानातदातानतानात ( 224
ii,a.
MATH
कसलमान
समालिनी सादर कम 26- JATA नसालयतमाम
समानारतका बता21(GBPालमुतावान रामायु नातिन सय ५९ रानातान ननिमाम्यात नानाविप
21376tRAATRNEजास्मसन्मापकमादितपदाकायरान 4IRatanARI NAPATRAPHERोतरानासायानास्वाधार 1. nidinITIN/
साविमा का सालाना MATलसायद मानत ना मगतिकमामलानिलयुयानामत यादिक NEERNनियादाराला PM TOनरालमत्तानाति मातहत जमा MEnanthARATलागि समानामान्जस्नान CREATEL नायनाAAMSमालयायतलालगन्मदाशन संद Fatनारामार का यातनावमा सरकारमा Senायात
रामनाथानकापुराममायकालाविनाम
नसताना माइतमामा समान RECEM4म मत 713MBामामाराधनासनताकTRE प्रामा-
भीम का रियदि मनुशावलाधिमाNिEPAL
मालियानातालतमसमानEYA A
MERIना हातातायातमालयाशाखा पEिTHEATRat अपनशानुपानी तिकीम S18 मानायनानियधारतातिसमसिहायत44
मादि तिaasqाना सानामा सादात मायका सारा ASRAHASA02005211ोमायबापE मिलमक-40 SEARसतावालाका यागनिदानापमानसमरसताना
MEDIA
nikanand:
PARAMETER
RAPE
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. Rea. No. 1922 E'39-275.
SCALE : ONE-HALF.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

Page #77

48
ભાધાનની સ્થિતિમા પ્રજ્ડામેન્ટલા િતલા નાગીન તતા નાના સ્તી નાટક તાનની
વર્તમ
સહતા.
બચત બની ગામમટીનેશન મેરિનને તાળવામાં પક્ષને વિજ્ઞાાતિલાન વિદ્યુતીને નાથવા પોષણ
52
RE
હવામાનની વિગ નાવલાયતી યુનિટો વાળલેક ટન છો આ 4
56
સુલતાને તે માન” તને પણ તભાની નાથા લાલ છૂટીનલ ટોડીય કોટને તગર તુરાને સંસ્કૃતિના નામ તો તને નાનો ને તે માળિયાથી તેમને 19 39 હીતનીયડને 11 મતો તો ના ના નોનનાના ોનોતીયન તમને શિવાની સોનું તેલ વિનાનીની ઉના પતિનું એ ટાળતા ના વિપત નાના સાટ આજરો વટામાં હીટ દ્વાર તોતિંત વસ્તુતાયો તમો પોલોનિ લિપતિની યોજાયાનું યા તિરુ તરત લા ગોવાલમ જ્ઞાનનિયનમુદ્રિત ક જી જિતાત તો લાઇટિસમાંથી બોલરોટોિ T બાલનનો વિલયાથોન દત્તા વિના તાત ની પાલિતાણા તાપતિનાળા ગામથી SHTGET લીલેનોનાશીલકુમ
સટ્ટાકો
2018
Fil
arat વારમાં અધીપતિ ૯ હાલો નલીન T મિા તપની સ્થાન પર તનલિયા ભાયુનેનની અફવાનને A 14 zama સિવિલના કોરાની સોયોટાવરનો વાલા ન હાલ ના દેવપાટી
નાક લાવવી
બાબા હિત श्रानयोगाने काय નિલાનાં
For
50
52
56
58
60
62
64
66
68
70
72
74
76
78
84
ii.b.
86
88
90
92
કાવ વાઘનો મે શિવા રવાના તાકાનો મ
94
ચા
સોટ વિધ વાતા
સાત તાલુ
નળ રહ્યાછે વસિયત નીતીમાતાજી નીક વાડીની ાયિવિધતામિલન સ્વપનાહાલાત ને તયાણાન
48
50
58
74
ટોનીનતના પાટનશિ
માય નમૂનો તાગ 76
ગીર
78
80
નાટક સેનાના શ વિટની સરલતાલને બળાતીને પારડીવાલ તો તે ટોજોલા વાત પણ માબાપ તોરીનાનીવાતતોોિલિયનના બાપા ની ENGIE સાતડાતડાવીનાનના ય વટીનાનામ મીનાવાળા ભારત 157 2 મિલો તેમાં ય પો કલાપી ના માનાિયુતત્વના M 2 ભાષાની બનશો નીલા તારા દેશના વકિલોના (વાતવિશારાથી છાની ક્રેટાને તોને વળાતિનિયુકિત નનનનના બંનેનીયલ હતી તોય ગળ વારસાનાવિધ વિનાશાય છે ચાલુ ન કરો આ નો એકશન સા Gam ચાવલાની 1 NR ગાય 1 નાનાલા બટાવ, એની તો સિલિયા પાયાની 18 ના ન ભારતનું એ વરા યાયીઓ 13T CELET ટાટાનીના 12 TEA લતા મા શીવ ઈટાલિનન લત્રીનેતાભના જળતિત સુનાવાવા લ 1 વિમાનના નવાવાળા બળવાન વોલોટમા Lena PIGIE Alaston જાણીન 3736
34142011
CHIE વિભાતિયતાથી
60
62
64
66
68
70
72
ૐ ૐ ૐ
84
86
88
92

Page #78

No. 10.]
13 यदचिराकीर्त्तनानि खनाया सोपानानीय मन्ये प्रणततनुभृतां (नाम्) । [८ ॥ *] भ्राता तत्र' ।"
A COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF MUMMUNIRAJA: SAKA 971.
14 ततस्ततोव (च) लजसो (यशो) रासि: (शि:) (a) लवतां योगोगिराजोऽभवत् ।
15
16 तस्माद्दिस्मयकारिहारिचरितपचात 'कीर्त्तिः
मणिः । दी
व (ब) लो
चपा'कर्वणकर्माणि प्रवणतां यस्मिन्गत भूपतो भीमद्रोणप्रधासुतप्रभृतयचित्ते चमकारिता: [21]
18 तडव हमारे
प्रकासी (गो) कता षमावलयो
पुराखि पुरावि स्थान
सुतः
57
स्वर्णमागतानां
17 कव (ब) लेन यस्य सहसा संग्रामरंगांगणे राज्यश्रीः स्वयमेत्य वचसि राति
चक्रे मुरारेखि ॥ [ १० ॥ * ]
जयं । '
पथमुखः 1 ततः श्रीमानभूत्पुत्रः सचरित्रोपराजितः
श्रीमान्लडदेवभूपतिरभूचक्रचूडा
[११]
19
यः साचासत्येन च युधिष्ठिरः । प्रतापाहीतिमार्त्तण्डः कालदण्डच यो दिषां धाम् ) ॥ [ १२ ॥ * ] स ( शरणागतसा
20 मताऽपराऽपि " जगति रचिता येन स जयति यथार्थनामा संस्था" गतवच्चपंजरा
देव: । [१३ * ] ये
21 न स्वागतमागताय विहितं गोम्प्राय नानाविधं येनैवेयपदेवनात्रि चलितं राज्यं स्थिरं कारितं (तम् ) ॥ (i) भि-1'
1 Read tasya.
Danda or dandas unnecessary.
• Read chapa..
Some Silähära records have sarvve tiraskaritäh.
• Read prakhyata..
• Read ratim.
? Here a stroke has been used to show that the word is continued in the next line.
Read Purarer-iva.
22 लम्माम्ममणबुवचितिभृतां दत्तं च येनाभयं तस्य श्रीवि (बि) रुदंकरामनृपतेरन्या (न्यत) किमा[ व * ] ( ) ते ॥ [ १४ ॥ * ] श्री23 मानभूत्तदनु वज्जडदेवनामा भूपालमस्तकमणिस्तनयो नयज्ञः [*] अद्यापि यस्य च ।'
24 रितानि जनाः समस्ता
रोमांचक चुकिनगावलता[]
स्तुवन्ति ॥ १५१*] तताय
ततोरिकेसरि
• Read simanta.
10 Read apare api, the absence of sandhi being in favour of the metre.
11 Read baranão.

Page #79

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VoL. XXV.
Second Plate ; First Side. 25 नृपो जातः सतां सम्मतो दृप्तारातिकुलाचलैकदलने दंभोलिलीला दधत् । गत्वा
सैव'एव 'सै- ।
सव
26 न्यसहितो दृष्ट्वा च सोमेस्त्र (ख)रं तस्याग्रे पितुरानया जगदलं यः कौलायित्वा।'
गतः ॥[१६॥*] तनाटजो 27 वज्जडदेवसूनुः श्रोच्छित्तराजो नृपतिर्व(ब)भूव ॥i) सौलारवंस:(शः) सिसु (शिशु)
नापि येन नौत: परामुबतिमुवतन [१७॥*] लं28 वा(बा)लकानि कुचकभतटोपकंठप्रभ्रष्टहारलतिकानि निरंजनानि ॥() उत्खाततीक्ष्य
क(क)रवालविदारितस्य 29 योऽन्तःपराणि परिपंथिजनस्य चक्र [१८॥"] हतारिनारीनेत्रांभः सेकसम्बईनादिव ।
व(ब्रह्माण्डमण्डपं यः । 30 स्य कीर्त्तिवल्य(य)धिरोहति ॥[१८॥*] दृप्तारातिषु कोपकालदहन: सौभाग्यनारायणो
वारसौ(स्त्री)षु ततोनुज: सम31 भवनागार्जुनः मापतिः । यस्यामानुषमूजितं भुजव(ब)लं दूरान्निसत्या हिषां
निद्रातीव रणांगणव्यसनि32 नी दोईण्डकटूलता' [२०॥*] यदसमसि(शि)बिरान्तमत्तगंधभदानप्रसरदनिलसु(शु)ष्यमो
तसो दिग्गजेन्द्राः । 33 अरिनगरनिदाहोद्दामदिग्व्यापिधूमप्रसरभयनिमौलल्लोचना नोन्मिषन्ति ।[२१॥] तदनु
तदनुजन्मा मू34 र्तिमान्मोनकेतुः क्षतरेपुविभवोभून्मुम्मुणिक्षोणिपाल: । विवृत धनुषि यस्मिन्वाजिनौरा
जनांत व(ब) ल.
1 Read taicara. • Here a stroke has been used to show that the word is continued in the next line. * Read kilayite. • The syllable ri in nari should oridinarily be short.
Read °matirijitarite • Read °n=nisanya. - Read -kandalata. . Read -ripu.. • Read -ridhrila..

Page #80

No. 10.]
A COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF MUMMUNIRAJA : SAKA 971.
59
36 भिदपि व ब)लोयान्वार्षिक चापमोफत् [२२॥*] अय स्वकायपुण्योपचया 'समधि
गतासे (शे)षपंचमहाशब्द(ब्द)महा- ॥ 36 सामन्ताधि'तगरपुरपरमेस्त्र(अ)रबासोलाहारनरेन्द्र जीमूतवाहनान्वयप्रसूतसुवरण गरुडध्वजाभि
मान
7 महोदधित्यागजगकंपझंपडाचायस (श)रणागतवचजरप्रभृतिसमस्तराजावलोविराजितम38 हामण्डलेख (श्व)राधिपतिश्योममुम्मुणिराजदेव(वा) निजभुजोपार्जित(ता)नकमण्डलसहि
तपुरी- ॥ 39 प्रमुखचतुर्दम(श)ग्रामस(श)तोसमन्वितकोंकणमण्डलयनुशासति । तथैतदोयराज्यचिन्ता
भर(भार) नि40 - - - महामात्य थोदपैय(य)महासांधिविग्रहिक श्राविठ्ठयेत्यादिश्रीकरणे स च
महा- । 41 मगह लव (ख)राधिपतियोमम्मम्मुणिराजदेवः सनिव स्वसम्व (म्ब)ध्यमनि कान न्यान
पि समागा42 मिराजपुत्र मंत्रिपुरोहितामात्य प्रधानाप्रधाना(न)नियोगिकानियोगिकांस्तथा राष्ट्रपतिविष43 यपतिनगरपतितगरपतींश्च । तथा हजमननगरपोरत्रिवर्गप्रभृतींश्च प्रणतिपूजास- ।' 44 त्कारादेस(श)पूर्वक संवो(बो)धयत्यस्तु वः । सम्विदितं यथा ॥ चला विभूतिः
क्षणभंगि यौवनं क- । 46 तान्तदन्तांतरवति जीवितं(तम्) । तया व्यवज्ञा परलोकसाधने नृणामहो विस्मयकारि चे।' 46 ष्टितं(तम्) ॥२३॥*] तथा चान्तनिजराराक्षसोप्रारब्ध(ब्ध)ग्रासं यौवनं । स्वर्गा
वासावरकपातसममिष्टस- ।' 47 मागमवियोगमवियोगदुःखं । कदलीकाण्डगर्भवदसारः संसारः । सहजजरामरण
1 Read °yal-samadhio. Here two strokes have been used to show that the word is continued in the next lige.
Read dhipati. • Mark of punctuation unnecessary. There is inscribed a chha before this which is redundant.
Read °meanu°. • These three letters cannot be read definitely.
Here a stroke has been used to show that the word is continued in the next line. • Read °manakans, • Read nagara- and correct it into grama.. 10 Danda unnecessary.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VoL. Xxv.
Second Plate; Second Side. 48 व्याधिसाधारणकं सशरीरं । पवनचलितकमलिनौदलगतजललवतरले धनायुषोति
(षो इति) मत्वा दृढतरविर49 क्तिवुध्या(बुच्या) संग्टह्यतेच्छदानफलं । कतत्रेताहापरसु(षु) तपोन्यर्थं प्रस(श) स्यते ।
मुनयोऽत्र प्रसं(शं)सन्ति दानम- ।' 50 के कलौ युगे' [॥२४॥*] न तथा सफला विद्या न तथा सफलं तपः ।
यथाऽष मुनयः प्राहुदोनमेकं कलौ युगे [२] bl तथा चोक्त भगवता व्यासेन । अग्नेरपत्वं प्रथमं सुवर्ण भूइँणवी सूर्यसूताश्च
गावः । लोकत्रयं तेन म52 वैछि दत्तं यः कांचनं गां च महीं च दद्यात् ।[१२६॥] आस्फोटन्ति पितर
प्रवलान्ति पितामहाः । भूमिदोष स्कुले जा53 त: स नस्ता(नः संता)रयिष्यति ॥२७॥"] भूमिदान सुपाचेषु सुतीर्थेषु सुपश्वसु ।
अगाधारा पारसंसारसागरोतार। णं भवेत् [२८] धवलान्यातपचाणि दन्तिन मदोचताः [*] भूमिदानस्य
पुषाणि फलं स्वर्गे सुरदतः [२९॥*] इति 56 धर्माधर्मविचारचतुरचिरंतनसुनिवचनान्यवधार्य मातापित्रोरात्मनश्च श्रेयोर्थिना मया
स()कनृप66 कालातीतसम्वत्सरस(श)तेषु नवसु एकसप्तत्यधिकेषु विरोधी(धि)सम्बस(म)रान्ति*]र्गत
भाद्रपदस(श)पंचदस्यां(श्यां) यां57 कतोपि सम्वत् ८७१ भाद्रपदमु(श) १५ "सके संजान(त)सोमग्रहणपब्र्वणि
सुतीर्थे सात्वा गगनैक
Danda unnecessary. • Hore a stroke has been used to show that the word is continued in the next line. • The first pdda of this bloka does not conform to the ordinary rules of Anushfubh. • This letter is redundant. .
Read mal-bule. . This letter ni is redundant.' * Read Haranan.
Read pushpdai. • Road amarpab Purandara. 10 Mark the way of writing in the plate. 11 Read Sukrt. [8ee p. 54 n. 10 above.--Ed.]

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No. 10.]
A COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF MUMMUNIRAJA : SAKA 971.
61
58 चमचूडामणये कमलिनीकामुकाय भगवते भास्कराय न(ना)नाविधरननाध्यमध्ये
दत्वा(त्त्वा) भगवंतं सु59 रासुरगुरुं त्रिलोकोपतिमुमापतिमभ्यर्च यजनयाजनादिषदर्मनिरतभ्यः क्रतक्रियाकाण्ड60 शोण्डेभ्यः महामात्यवीदहपैयविरचितब (ब्रह्मपुरीविग्रेभ्यः । यत्रप्रत्येकं नामगोत्रा
दीनि ॥ 61 गोडदेस(श)विनिर्गतसा(शा)ण्डिल्यगोत्रकोथुमसाखा(शाखा) कोकोपण्डितः पितामह
पण्डितमत: मध्यदे62 सा(शा)न्तष्याति' मुंजस्थानविनिग्गेतवत्सगोत्रव(ब)हचसाखा(शाखः) देवधरदीक्षित[:] यच्च
दीक्षितमुत: तथा 63 भरहाजगोत्रमाध्यंदिनसाखा(शाखः) दामोद[:*] केसैयादीक्षितसुतः तथा भार्गवगोत्र
व(ब) हृचसा64 खा(शाखः) सूदवैय सोमेस्व(ख)रेयोपाध्यायसुत: लाटदेसान्तष्पाति'भृगुकच्छविनिर्गतउप
मन्युगो
65 नव(ब) दृचसाखा(शाखः) दामोदर[:] सूदनदीक्षितसुतः तथा आत्रेयगोत्रराणायनोसा
खा(शाखः) नारायणोपासनी दा66 मोदरीपाध्यायसुतः तथा कुसि(शि)कगोत्रव(ब) दृचसाखा(शाख:) श्रीपति[:*] अग्निहोत्री
केस(श)वोपाध्यायसुत: त67 था पात्रेयगोत्रव(ब)वृचसाखा(शाखः) श्रीपतिभ[*] दुगैयाउपासनीसुतः तथा य(ज)
मदग्निगोत्रव(ब) दृचसाखा68 (शाखः) कनकेस्व(व)[*] वेलादित्योपाध्यायसुतः तथा आत्रेयगोत्रव(ब)हचसाखा
__(शाख:) वेलैयाउपासनी दो69 म्वैयाअग्निहोत्रोत: तया लोकाक्षगोवयज्ञसाखा(शाखः) सर्वदेवय ईस(खा)रोपाध्याय
सुतः तथा 70 प्रात्रेयगोत्रव(ब)चसाखा(शाखः) विद्रुपैयोपाध्याय[:*] सोढलैयोपाध्यायमुतः एवमा71 दिभ्यः यजनयाजनादिषधर्मकरणाय व(बोलिचरुकत्र(का)ग्निहोत्रक्रतुक्रियायुप
* Read Ontahpati.
What has been read as sh may be the wpadhmaniya sign.-Ed.]

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VoL. Xxv.
Third Plate. 72 समर्पणाय च मंदरजविषयांत:पाति कि]इच्छिताग्रामः ममस्तपलिकासहितः आराम73 कप्तगीसणिका समन्वितश्च [1"] यस्य चाघाटनानि ॥ पूर्वतः श्रौएनर पर्वतीय
पाणौवाडसीमा ॥ 74 उत्तरतो नौम्वाग्रामसीमा ॥ पश्चिमतो मातरग्राममोमा ॥ दक्षिणत: साम्बिनन- ॥ 75 दौ सौमा । एवं चतुराघाटनोपलक्षितः स्वमीमापर्यन्त: मटणकाष्ठोदकोपेतः पूर्व
दत्तदेवदायव(ब)झदा76 यवनः अनादेस्यः (श्यः) अनासध्यः समुत्पद्यमानद्रम्मपंचदशस(श)ता(ता)यस्थान[:*]
यत्रांकतो- ॥ 77 पि द्रम्माः १५०० पर्चतक्षितिसमकालीनं आचंद्राकै यावदुदकातिसर्गेण परमया
भत्या 78 सा(शा)सन[न*] प्रतिपादितः । तदयं देषां) भंजतां भोजयतां कषतां कर्षयताम्बा
न केनापि परिपंथना करणी79 या । यदुक्तं पुरातनमहामुनिभिः । व(ब)हुभिर्वसुधा भुक्ता राजभिः सगरादिभिः ।
यस्य यस्य यदा भूमि- ।'
सायस' दीर्घपाल
80 स्तस्य तस्य तदा फलं(लम्। [१३०॥*] मद्यो दानं निराया
नं(नम्) । अत एव मुनयः प्रहुर्दानाच्छयोनुपा
81 लन(नम्) [३१॥*] दत्वा(त्त्वा) भूमि भाविन: पार्थिवेन्द्रान्भूयो भूयो याचते रामभद्रः ।
सामान्योयं धर्मसेतुर्नराणां का
82 ले काका)ले माननीयो भव[शिः] [३२॥*] यानीह दत्तानि पुरा नरेंद्रनानि
धम्मथै यस(श)स्कराणि । निर्माल्यवान्तप्र
I Read °dy-at sarppandya. • Reading is doubtful. [Reading appears to be arāmaka-piigi-khanini)ka.-Ed.]
[Reading seems to be fri-Nera.-Ed.) ""Here two stroken have been used to show that the word is continued in the next line. • Here stroke has been used to show that the word is continued in the next line. • Read a-ayasant.
Rend ala eva= rahayad or evash tu munayah prahure as in other inscriptions. . Read dharmm-artha..

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No. 10.)
A COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF MUMMUNIRAJA: SAKA 971.
83 तिमानि तानि को नाम साधुः पुनराददोत ॥[३३॥*] इत्यवधार्य समागामिभिर्नु
पतिरन्यैर्वा धर्मपालनफललो84 भ एव करणीयः । न पुनस्तल्लोपनपापकलंकाग्रेसरण केनापि भवितव्यं ॥ एवम.
भ(भ्यर्थितोपि लोभादज्ञान85 तिमिरपटलाब()तमतिराच्छिंद्यादाच्छिद्यमानादनुमोदयति । स्वयं च महापातकैरुप
पातकैर्वा लिप्यते । 86 रौरवमहारोरवांधतमिस्रादिनरकांश्चिरमनुभविष्यति । उक्तं च भगवता व्यासेन ॥
स्वदत्तां परदत्ताम्वा यो 87 हरेह (हरत व)संधरां । स विष्ठायां कमिभूत्वा कमिभिः सह पच्यते ॥[३४॥*]
विन्धमाटवीष्वतोयासु सु(शुष्क कोटरवासिनः । 88 [म]हाहयो हि जायन्ते भूमिदायं हरन्ति ये [३५॥*] गामकां स्वर्णमेक
वा भूमरप्येकमंगुलं हरबरकमा-॥ 89 प्रोति यावदाहूतमप्लव (वम्) [१३६॥*! पारामाणां सहस्रेण तडागानां स(श)तेन
च [*] गवां कोटिप्रदानेन भूमि90 हर्ता न सु(शु)यति ॥३७॥*] षष्ठिवर्षसहस्राणि स्वर्गे तिष्ठति मानवः ।
आच्छेत्ता चानुमन्ता च तान्येव नरके । 91 विशत् [३८] -- ----- ॥ मईस(श)जा[: पर*]महीपतिवंस(श)
जा वा पापाद पतमनसो भुवि भाविभूपाः । 92 ये पालयन्ति मम धमिम(में) समस्तं तेषां मया निरतों जलिरीष मूर्धा Marn*]
यथाचैतदेवं दाप- । 93 को लेखकहस्तेन स्वकीयमतमारोपयति । मतं मम महामण्डलख(श्व)राधि
[पति*] श्रीमन्मुम्मणिरा-1 94 जदेवस्य महामण्डले स्व(श्व)राधिपति श्रीमहज्जडदेवसूनोः । लिखितं चैतन्त्रागलैयेति ॥ छ ।
1 Read -nripatibhir=anuairava. * Read månam=anu. • Here two strokes have been used to show that the word is continued in the next line.
Here stroke has been used to show that the word is continued in the next line. • Read shashtin tarsha.. . Danda unnecessary.
About seven letters are indistinct here. • Read virachito=zinijalira.

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64
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXV.
No. 11.-TIRUPPUVANAM PLATES OF JATAVARMAN KULASEKHARA I. By K. V. SUBRAHMANYA AIYER, B.A., COIMBATORE.
Tiruppuvaņam, a village in the Sivaganga Zamindari of the Ramnad District and a station on the Madura-Ramnad section of the South-Indian Railway, is situated on the south bank of the river Vaigai, called Vegavati in Sanskrit. It is 12 miles south-east of Madura and 16 miles. west of Sivaganga. The Pushpavanesvara temple of the village is an ancient one: it is celebrated in the hymns of the three Tamil Saiva saints Tirujñanasambandha, Appar and. SundaramürttiNāyaṇar. Invited by Kulachchirai-Nāyaṇar, the Pandya minister, and Mangaiyarkkarasi, a Chola princess and queen of the Pandya king known in Tamil literature as Nelveli-põrvenraninrasir-Nedumaran, saint Tirujñānasambandha is said to have gone to Madura, and to have overcome the Jainas under whose influence the king had become a staunch supporter of their cause. He brought the king back to the Saiva faith, and on this occasion, after accomplishing the mission for which he was sent, the saint, accompanied by Neḍumaran, his queen and minis-ter, visited thirteen other places in the Pandya country which were held sacred by the Saivas and sang hymns on them. From the hymns on Tiruppuvaņam, it is gathered that it was, in those days, a flourishing city with palatial buildings, fine gardens and broad streets and contained residences of wealthy families of weavers. The Siva temple of the place is stated in the hymns to have been worshipped by the three kings of the South', i.e., the Chera, Chōla and Pandya. Sundaramurti-Nayanar is also stated to have visited the place in company with the three contemporary sovereigns of the same three families. The Pandya king of his time, we are told, was a son-in-law of the Chola. It was at a spot near the city of Tiruppuvaņam that the Jainas had been impaled in the days of Maṛavarman, the victor of the Nelvēli."
The Tiruppuvanam temple is in possession of twelve copper-plate leaves. Having learnt through the kind offices of the Brahmin lady trustee of the Tiruppuvanam temple residing in Madura, that the plates in question are safely preserved in the karivelam of the temple, I went to the place and made a fruitless attempt to get the plates for comparing the published text and correcting it in situ. Frustrated in my endeavour I wrote to the Government Epigraphist for India to obtain the plates on loan and take their impressions and supply me with one set of them for editing the inscription in the Epigraphia Indica. He took prompt action on my
1 Sewell's List of Antiquities, Vol. I, p. 298.
Tirujñānasambandha has contributed' Araiyar punalum' 11 verses and Madamar mēniyanagi' 11 verses, while Appar has sung Vadiveru tiriéülam' 11 verses. Of Sundaramürtti's decade of verses, two are lost; the first verse of his padigam commences with 'Tiruvudaiyar'.
These fourteen places are Tiruvalavay, Tirupparankuṇram, Tiru-Appanar, Tiruvēḍagam, Tirupputtür, Tirukkodunkunram, Tirukkäṇapper, Tiruppavanam, Tiruchchuliyal, Tirukkurrālam, Tiru-Nelveli, Tiruvirăměévaram, Tiruvaḍāṇai and Tiruppuṇavāśal.
Terar vidi mada-nidu ten-Ṛiruppuvanamē".
Muraiyan mudi-ser Tennar Serar Solarga-dam vanangum tiraiyar-oli-ser semmaiy-öngu ten-Riruppuva. nam'; Mārav-anbir-Rennar Serar Solargal porrisaippa'.
P. 1123 of Periyapuranam, 1934 edition.
Busurargal panind-ettum Pavana-nannagar-marungir-kabiniměl vilangiyadu kaluvar-padaivideņave'. (Tiruvalavayudaiyar-Tiruvilaiyadarpuranam, 38, v. 50).
About them Sewell wrote as follows in his List of Antiquities, Vol. I, p. 298 :--
"A copper-plate grant of ten leaves belonging to the temple has been published by Bishop Caldwell in the Indian Antiquary, Vol. VI, p. 142, together with a supplementary plate of two leaves." The writer must have meant sides' by 'leaves', for Burgess and Natesa Sastri correctly note "Five plates only of the sasanam are there (i.e., in the Indian Antiquary) given in fac-simile from Sir Walter Elliot's impressions. The whole is here given translated from new impressions obtained with considerable difficulty owing to the ignorant stupidity of the Temple guardians" (4.8.8.I., Vol. IV, p. 21).

Page #86

No. 11.]
TIRUPPUVANAM PLATES OF JATAVARMAN KULASEKHARA I.
65
suggestion and on 31st January 1939 placed at my disposal two excellent sets of impressions from which I now edit the plates. Dr. Chakravarti took the measurements of the plates and found that what was given in the Archaeological Survey of South India, Vol. IV, was incorrect. His note is given below:--
"Of the first set, the first ten plates measure approximately 167" in length (the plates are not of exactly equal size) while their breadth is roughly 57" except of the 4th and 10th which are 6" and 6" respectively. The eleventh plate is 17" long and 63" broad. The plate of Kōnērinmaikonḍān (supplementary plate) is 173" long and 6" broad."
All the plates bear writing on both sides and the lines run from edge to edge in some of them without leaving any vacant margin. There are 15 lines on each of the plates I, II, III, IVa, VIb, VIIb, VIIIb, and Xb; 16 lines on IVb, V, VIa, VIIa, VIIIa, IXa, Xa, and XLa; and 17 lines on IX and XIb. On the whole there are 343 lines of writing in the first set of eleven plates. A ring-hole is bored in the centre of the left side about an inch and a half from the left edge. Though the plates have not got raised rims to protect the writing, the inscription is fairly well preserved excepting some portions of the last four lines of the first face of the sixth plate. A few letters on Va, IVa and b and Xa are also damaged. The existence of the hole is an indication that the plates must have been strung on a ring bearing perhaps a seal also, though there is none at present. In all probability it must have been lost years ago.
The text and translation given in volume IV of the Archaeological Survey of South India require revision. There are serious misreadings especially in proper names. To point only a few, the volume gives punarato for 's-tata ime (1. 3), grāmasy-avadhik-aptim for grāmasy-aghāṭakliptim (1. 4), Kakaneri for Nakkaneri (1. 33), pāśakappadi for padagappadi (1. 38), janamika! (jananka!?) for janmigal (1. 44), Kakekuḍi for Kadukkudi (1. 47), Sembāņēri for Settaleri (1. 48), Tiruppu for tirappu (1. 49), ivvür-parttannan for ivvurpāṛ-Chundan (1. 60), NarimanṛamanumKandanallurm for Narimanram-ana Varaganda-Nallurum (11. 60f.), ivvür Maḍār-Silaiyan for ivvurppar-Chilaiyan (1. 61), pasalaiyur for Palaiyur (1. 90), tolarum for devarum (11. 91f.), Mahavidhinallur for Kävidinallür (1. 112), Pulisani for Pullani (11. 1191.), Kesavanum for Kōvanum (1. 128), Kesavan for Aduvan (11. 130f.), Sidayil-araya-Baṭṭan for Si-Kayilaya-Baṭṭan (1. 135), Valliyan pidittalai for Villiy-ana Muḍittalai (1. 137), maruvāy-ikkaṛrūdē for maruvay-Iḍukkārṛ-ūdē (1. 191), vadakku varayum for vaḍavayum (11. 195f.), Palandiyai for palan-kōyiladiyai (11. 197f.), i-n for te (1. 200), maralāra for Mälar (1. 219), Seyyai for sevvai (1. 235), kkāra for kār (1. 242), and kavayil for agavayil (1. 243).
As only the first five plates are numbered, it is not possible to say definitely whether the numbering was done when the plates were engraved or at a subsequent date. The caligraphy of the numerals seems to indicate that the numbers must have been incised at a somewhat later date. It behoves us therefore to see if the rest of the plates are in order and whether the set is complete. On examination, we find that the face commencing with the line nokki of the seventh plate is the second, for it reads well with the syllables at the end of the other face karaiye-te which must therefore be the first face of that plate. And the first line of the first face has the syllables l-karaiye which reads in continuation of the last syllables of the sixth plate, viz., ikkalin-me. In volume IV of the Archaeological Survey of South India, by reading the second face of the seventh
[Like Leiden Plates the writing on these plates also seems to have been done by the process known as à cire perdue. (See above, Vol. XXII, p. 213).-Ed.]
This is easily done by reading through the first and last lines of each face of the plates and marking out the second face by the fact of the first line reading in continuation of the syllables at the end of the other face. This done, we know the first face of each plate. Then we have only to see where the syllables at the end of the second face of one plate run on with the first syllable of the first face of another.

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plate after the end of the sixth plate and then reading the first face after the second, a mistake has been committed. The order of the rest of the plates as given there is correct and none of the plates is missing. Another defect in the published text is that it has omitted to give one full line found on the second side of the ninth plate. This mistake has occurred as two consecutive lines (11. 272-3) commence with the same syllables ku nökki-chchenru Milagapur-ku. There are many instances where final consonants have been treated as the first combined consonant and vice versa. These defects and the summary treatment of the contents in the Archaeological Survey of South India, Vol. IV, make the re-publication of the inscription a great desideratum.
Excepting the first five lines of the first plate, first side, which are in Sanskrit verse written in Grantha characters, the rest of the inscription is in Tamil language and alphabet. Though the orthographical peculiarities found in the record are common to the epigraphs of this period, a few of them deserve to be noted here. There are numerous instances where the sandhi rules are not observed. In the Tamil portion Grantha letters are used in many places where Sanskrit words occur. For instances see Veda, Sastra (1. 16) and brahmadeya (1. 19). The superscript r is marked by a short slanting stroke engraved on the top of the letter, e.g., rbu (1. 2), rmma (1. 13). Punctuation is denoted by what is called single or double pillaiyar-suli and visargalike mark; see, for example, lines 3 and 5. Medial long i is well distinguished from the short by being given a closed loop on the right of the concave curve on the top of the letters (11. 5, 6, 9, 12, 39, 40, 42). Rk and rt are often used for rkk and rtt: see, for example, Milaganurku (11. 272-3), Marankirti (1. 270) and Karpakirti (1. 269). The words mulaiyir-tiru (1. 288), ellaiyirtiru (1. 284) and embarten (1. 309) ought to be mulaiyir-riru, ellaiyir-riru and embarren. There are instances of doubling of consonants where unnecessary and of omission to double them when necessary; e.g., chenru-kKatti (1. 281). Another noteworthy feature is the use of the accusative for the locative in words like väykkälaiy-irandu and kalaiy-irangi. In these cases, Tamil would require "kalil. Influence of Sanskrit has perhaps to account for the departure in these
cases.
The inscription is in two parts of which the first, which is very brief, is in Sanskrit and covers only five lines. It gives the mythical genealogy of the Pandyas traced from Hari (Vishnu) through Atri, Moon, Budha and Pururavas, and states that Rajagambhiradēva, in the 25th year of his reign, on the day of Svati, corresponding to a Sunday and the eleventh tithi of the dark fortnight of the month in which the Sun was in Dhanush, ordered the determination of the boundaries of the village which was called after his name, by circumambulating it with a female elephant. It is to be noted that not even the king's immediate ancestors are mentioned in the record. The king is said to have been apprised of the formation of the new village by Sundaresa. Who this person is it is not possible to say definitely, as the corresponding Tamil portion omits this fact altogether. Since the formation of the kind is generally conveyed to kings by officials such as Secretaries and Ministers and sometimes even by princes who were in attendance on them, we may not be wrong in thinking that Sundaresa was one such person of distinction. We know from a record of Jațavarman Kulasekhara I (with Püvinkilatti introduction) found at Chaturvēdimangalam that the king had a brother-in-law by name Alagapperumal, and our plates also enable us to gather that Pillaiyar Alagapperumal held a high position, for a person under him bearing the official designation adigaram acted as kankani in the settlement of boundaries
This defect was noticed by me when I arranged the plates in order and got them strung on a wire. It was independently noticed by Dr. Chakravarti also when he had the impressions taken of the inscription on the plates. No. 298 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1927-28.

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of the new village. It is not unlikely that machchunanar Alagapperumal and Pillaiyar Ajagapperumal indicate two different persons. Sundaresa being a good Sanskrit rendering of the name Alagapperumal, there is a possibility of one of the two persons of that name being referred to. But of this we cannot be certain. If a prince is meant, can it refer to Maravarman SundaraPandya I who, at the time of the record, might be supposed to have been serving the king? The second part which is in Tamil, opens with the usual eulogy of king Jaṭāvarman Kulasekhara commencing with the words Puvinkilatti and runs to the end of the eleventh plate. It consists of two principal sentences, the first beginning from the end of line 5 (plate Ia) and ending with the beginning of line 139 (plate Vb) with savadu, and the second commencing with the words padin-munr-āvadin-edir in line 139 (plate V6) and ending with the word ninradu in line 338 (plate XIb). These two sentences are followed by the names of the writer of the document and the signatories who attested it and these cover up lines 338 to 343 in the last plate. The composing of this Tamil part of the inscription consisting of 338 lines of writing and covering nearly all the 22 sides of the plates, obscures the clear understanding of the various transactions involved and detailed in it. The main sentence, which gives the principal and immediate object of the inscription is Kulasekaradevarkku yandu 13-vadu nal nal-ayirattu munnurru arupadinal (11. 14f.) pidi-nadanda ellaikku or padikku arav-olai seydu kudutta parisävadu (1. 73 and 1. 138) meaning" this is the deed drawn up and given in the thirteenth year and four thousand and three-hundred and sixtieth day of the reign of Kulasekharadeva (embodying) the boundaries as circumambulated by the female elephant". The noting down of the boundaries of the entire village from point to point is thus the main object of this set of eleven copper-plates; and it may be said that it is the last of a series of actions involved in the constitution and grant of the new village of Rajagambhira-chaturvedimangalam as brahmadeya. The document was drawn up by the persons authorised in the royal order issued on the day specified in the Sanskrit portion as nije vatsare pamcha-vimse Chandamṣāv-atta-chāpē Kanakapati-tithau krishna-paksh- ArkivaraSvati-yōge and repeated in the Tamil portion in the words padin-munrävadin-edir pannirandamandu Dhanu-nayarru nälän-tiyadiyum apara-pakshattu ēkādasiyum Sani-kkilamaiyum perra Sõdinal (11. 139ff.). This earlier date had been calculated by the late Professor Kielhorn and found to agree with Saturday, 29th November A. D. 1214. As such, the 13th year and 4360th day of the king's reign (=the 26th year, or more correctly 25 years and 40 days) which relates to the drawing up of the boundary deed, must be later than A. D. 1214, November 29, by such number of unexpired months and days as remained in the 25th year (i.e., 12th current year after the 13th) of the king's reign plus 40 days of the 26th year (i.e., 13th year opposite the 13th). The formation of the brahmadeya and the grant of it had already been effected when the order for the kariņi-bhramana was given on the 29th November A.D. 1214. This is plain by the statement nikki ulla nilam munnudaiyarum palam perum vellan-vagaiyum mudalun-taviṛtu oru-nāḍum or-urum oru puravum äkki Rajagambhira-valanaṭṭu Rajagambhira-chaturvvedimangalam-ennun tirunamattal brahmadeyan-cheydaruli (11. 70-72) meaning the remaining lands had been constituted as the brahmadeya village of Rajagambhira-chaturvedimangalam so called after the sacred name (of the king) and included in Rajagambhira-valanāḍu: the previous owners, old names, the classification as vellan-vagai, cultivating ryots and mudal of the lands removed and classed under one nādu, one puravu and one village'. We shall refer to the significance of this in the sequel. With regard to the royal order issued on the 29th November A.D. 1214, it must be said that while the Sanskrit portion stops with mentioning the immediate circumambulation of the village which was called after the king's name (sv-abhidānasya grāmasy-aghata-kliptim-prati sapadi karēņum gamayitum avadat Rajagambhiradevaḥ), the Tamil portion is more explicit and states what ought to be done further. It tells us that the circumambulation of the four boundaries of the said village must be effected in the presence of the superintendents (appointed for the purpose), and,
TIRUPPUVANAM PLATES OF JATAVARMAN KULASEKHARA I.
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for the boundaries thus gone round, a deed also must be drawn up and given. This is clear from the passage ivvür nāng-ellaiyun=kaņkānigaļodun=kuda=ppidi-sülndu pidi nadanda ellaikku aratOlai seydu kudukkav-enru tirurāy-molindarulinamaiyil (11. 72-74).
We have referred above to three dates that occur in the inscription and have shown that two of them are identical and relate to the day on wbich the boundaries of the new village were ordered to be determined by the king and that the third, which is expressed in years and days, and which is later than the other two was the day on which the document was drawn up. The identical nature of two of the dates being assured by the details, the mention of the year in two ways, viz., pañcha-vimse (the 25th) and patin-mūnrāvadin edir pannirandu (the 12th year opposite the 13th) shows that the number of years given after the word edir must be added to the number expressed before it. Two other dates occur in the inscription, viz., padin-mũnrāvadin-edir pattām-andu-varai (up to the 10th year opposite the 13th) and palin-mūnrāvadin edir padin-onrām-andu-mudal (from the 11th year opposite the 13th), in connection with the clubbing together of the villages and lands in the new village and the grant of it as a brahmadēya. The first refers to the state of the items of lands as they stood up to the 23rd year and the second refers to the fact that the brahmadėya had to take effect from the next year, i.e., the 24th year. Evidently the omission to recognise this particular fact, riz., that the 25th year of the king's reign is expressed by padin-munrāvadin-edir pamirandu, though recognising the identical nature of the astronomical details given both in the Sanskrit and Tamil portions, has led the late Pandit Natesa Sastri, who seems to have taken all the years to be one and the same, to postulate the following theory -
"Nothing definite can be made out of this phrase (padin-munracadin edir padin-onrāmandu) for the present. Some are of opinion that one of them refers to the age of the king and the other to the number of years he had reigned, but this Sāsanam contradicts that theory; for in IIa, 1. 10, we have the 10th year opposite the 13th year, and in Vb, l. 2, the 12th year opposite the 13th year. The following theory may be suggested :-The description of the day of letting loose of the elephant in Ia and of the day in Va (correctly Vb) exactly coincides; and fortunately in Va (Vb) instead of merely stating in the 13th year, it is said in the 12th year opposite the 13th year; from these and bearing in mind that at the commencement of the Sasanam it is stated in the 13th year, 4364th day", and that according to the rough Hindu calculation of
43641 360 days for every year, 4364 days come to an 12 years and 44 days, I think that " in the 12th year opposite the 13th year", may mean, after the completion of the 12th year in the 13th year of the reign. Similarly "11th year opposite the 13th year" may inean after the completion of the 11th year, i.e., in the 12th year of the reign. Similarly 10th, in each case the present year of the reign is also added ".1
Against this, Burgess noted : " This theory of the Pandit's is ingeneous, but will not do: the 13th year cannot coincide with parts of three years. Can it be 1310, 1311, and 1312 Saka that is meant by the dates? If so, the number of days may refer to the reign",
Except in showing the difficulties felt in explaining the double dates, these theories have no value whatsoever to us now, and we pass on with the remark that the singling out of a particular year-in this case the 13th year---still remains to be definitely and satisfactorily made out.
That the determination of the boundaries commenced on the very day the order was given might be inferred from line 140. I would consider that there is an omission of the words pidi nadappittu' after füļndu' in the extract given above for the reason that the document, while repeating the same in another place, has the phrase 'pidi wadattaeppidi nadanda padikku' (1. 138). There are still other defects in this part of the document. It omits to state to whom the order 14. 8. 8. I., Vol. IV, p. 30, n. 4.
* Ibid.

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was issued and what formalities were observed by the recipients. Judging from other copper-plates it may be said that the order must have been addressed to the assembly of the district of Rājagambhira-valanādu. It could not have been issued to the assembly of any of the sub-divisions in it, for the villages and lands that had been clubbed to form the new village of Rājagambhira-chaturvēdimangalam, belonged to more than one sub-division. Then again, the inscription does not state to whom this document of boundaries was ordered to be given or was granted. The verb kudukka (shall be given in the passage extracted above, has no object. But it may be reasonably presumed that it should have been directed to be given to the donees and must have been left in the possession of the sabhā of Rājagambhira-chaturvēdimangalam representing the vast number of one thousand and eighty donees. If this was the case, there arise the questions as to how the Tiruppūvanam temple has come to be in possession of it, whether it is the original document that was granted, or only a copy, and if a copy, whether such a copy could not be found elsewhere. The answer to these questions is given below in the introduction to the article on the supplementary plate.
The inscription tells us that eleven persons were appointed to superintend the settlement of boundaries. Their names (1l. 74-93) are given in Appendix A, I. Of these eleven persons, one (No. 4) was the agent of the Tiruvāykkelvi officer Ponnan Suriyadēvan alias JayadharaPallavaraiyan, another (No. 5) was the kankāxi of Poyyāmolidevar, a third (No. 6) was the kankāni of Sriraman Tiruvudaiyān alias Pottappichcholar, the fourth (No. 7) was the kankūni of the analigaittanam officer Sivalavan Alagivamaņavāļan alias Kālingarāvan, the fifth (No. 8) was the kapkāni of Malavarāyar, the sixth (No. 9) was the adigâram of Pillaiyar Alagapperuma! and the seventh (No. 11) was one of the agukkay of Alagiyapandiyanar, who was scrutinising the affairs of the District of Solapāņdiya-valanādu. Along with the Il kankinis, 65 others representing the villages adjacent to Räjagambhira-chaturvēdimangalam, most of them being connected with the formation of the new village, went with the elephant and fixed the boundaries. Their names and their native villages and nādu (Appendix A, II to XVI) are given in plates IV (1.93) to V6 (1. 138). The details of the boundaries from point to point commencing with a spot on the north-eastern corner and ending with the same spot are set forth in plates Vb (1. 140) to XIb (1. 338). This document mentioning the details of boundary of the village, i.e., this inscription, was drawn up by one of the officials (No. 1 of App. A, I) and was attested by three others (Nos. 2 to 4 of the same Appendix) (11. 338-343).
The duty of the eleven superintendents, who were mostly officials drawn from various parts of the country and were unconnected with the villages that were combined together to form the brahmadeya, must have been to see that the procedure was correctly observed. The actual work was left to be done by the local people. Of the sixty-five others, seven including one who was a resident of Tiruppuvanam, led the elephant, while the others showed the boundaries of their respective villages. The ceremony of circumambulation with seventy-six responsible persons going with an elephant and covering a large area, must have been an imposing one: and by the very nature of the troubles involved in the execution of the task, it must have been done in several stages and taken a long time to tinish. The wide extent which was covered by the newly constituted village may. to some measure, be conceived by the fact that it included in it as many as one hundred and forty old villages and lands which lay not in one sub-division but in five separate livisions, ris., Kiranur-nadu, Panangalur-nādu, Tiyandaikkudinadu, Merkudi-nadu and Purapparalai-nidu (Appendix B). The party for the settlement of boundaries had to pass through a number of roads, rivers, and canals on their way. From Sey. yakulattur there passed three roads, one to Vombangudi (II. 333f.), another to Kadambangudi

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(1. 142), and the third to Mūvaraiyarkottai (1. 145). From Mānaviramadurai there were roads running to Vēmbangudi (11. 143f.), Mūvaraiyarkottai (1. 147), Nettür (1. 154), and Pidāvūr (11. 149f.). Between Kannanūr and Dēda(va)kottai (1. 225), there was another road. From the village of Milaganūr there were roads leading to Iruñchirai (1. 258) and Kottakirti in KañarIrukkai (1l. 244f.). Two other roads connected Vēlāņēri and Aravankudi (11. 205f.), and Idaikkättür and Vēmbangudi (11. 319 & 330).
The inscription may be said to express in action the abstract lawy laid down by the ancient law-givers in the determination of boundaries of villages and lands. The number of villages that were directly concerned in this matter were as many as sixteen. As I have already discussed the laws to be observed in such cases it is needless to reiterate them here.
The early part of this inscription, which forms as it were the preamble of this document of boundaries, informs us how the new village of Rājagambhira-chaturvēdimangalam came to be formed and what old villages and lands were taken up to constitute it. On a date, which is not specified, while the king was sitting on the seat called Malavarājan in the hall of the bed-chamber of his palace at Madurai, situated in the sub-division of Madakkuļam, he ordered that a village called Rājagambhira-chaturvēdimangalam after his name, should be formed consisting of one thousand and two hundred shares and be given as a brahmadēya, with effect from the eleventh year opposite the thirteenth of his reign, to one thousand and eighty Brāhmaṇas, who were versed in the Vēdas and Šāstras and were capable of expounding them, each being given one share, and the remaining one hundred and twenty shares being set apart for the temple and for those that had to do service. The date that is not specified here may be taken to be the tenth year opposite to the thirteenth of the king's reign, since it is stated that the grant had to take effect from the eleventh year opposite the thirteenth. The names of the lands and villages that had been taken up and included in Rājagambhira-chaturvēdimangalam as given in lines 19 to 69 are noticed in a separate appendix (B). This list of villages ends with the remark āga ivvürgalira palan-dēvadānam pallichchandam karānmaiy-āna nilam nikki, i.e., excluding from these villages such lands as are old dēvadānas, pallichchandas and kārāņmai'. This general remark applies to all villages other than the ones which, though being dēvadānas, etc., had been specifically stated in the body of the list as having been taken up for inclusion in the new village. Such are the three dēvadāna villages, Vāgaikudi (1. 20), Muttūranārottai (11. 59f.), and Sirukiļāňkättür (1. 68) which belonged to the temple of Tiruppūvaņamudaiyār. Some of the villages and lands of this list find mention in the description of boundaries, being situated on the boundary line. We learn from the description of boundaries that Marudur lay just to the west, and Sankaramangalam just to the south of Mānavira madurai, that Nirambaiyūr was to the east of Somāttür, that Vēļānēri was to the south of Karunguļam, that Milagapūr was to the north of both Kottakirti and KāñaiIrukkai, that Karpakirti in Kāñai-Irukkai was situated just to the west of Mēr-Cheļi, and to the south of Puvaninallür, that Nerkunram was immediately to the east of Kuvaļaivēli, that Vāgaikudi was to the north of both Tirumāliruñjõlainallūr and Sirukudi alias Virakāmug. amangalam, and to the east of Velļūrkuruchchi and to the south of Mānābharana-chaturvēdimangalam which lay to the north of Tiruvāvanam situated just to the east of Vellürkuruchchi, and lastly, that Kudañjādi was to the south of Sundankuruchchi. From the boundaries given, we also learn that Räjagambhira-chaturvēdimangalam had on its west Kiranür-nādu,
1 Mánaviremadurai, 2. Marudur, 3. Mēr-Pabalai, 4. Kit-Pasalai, 5. Poliyür, 6. Kallikudi, 7. Iruñohirsi in Kibai-Irukkai, 8. Milagan ür, 9. Mälangudi, 10. Sirukulattur, 11. Surakudi, 12. Vidattal, 13. Velúrkuruchchi, 14. Perumpuliyür, 15. Vēļfir and 16. Tiruppuvapan.
Above, Vol. XXIV, pp. 30ff.

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on the north Panangalur-nāļu, on the east Tiyandaikuļi-nādu, and on the south Purapparaļainādu. The inscription mentions the rivers Vaigai alias Srivallabhappērāru (1. 161), Paraļaiyāru (1. 198), Kalavalinadanāru of Panangalur (1. 318) and Paralaikkal (1. 193) and states that three of the devadāna lands of the temple of Tiruppūvanamudaiyar, named Muttūranārottai, Vāgaikudi and Sirukiļānkāţtür, had been added on to the new village of Rājagambhirachaturvēdimangalam as well as certain specified lands which formed the dēvadāna of the temples of Pagalaināthar and Sri-Vaikunda-Vinnagar-Alvar of Mër-Pabalai alias Srivallabha-chaturvē. dimangalam (1l. 48-51).
Like the three dēvadana villages of Vägaikudi, Muttüranärottai and Sirukiļāňkättür, the whole village of Milagaņür had been taken up and included in Räjagambhira-chaturvēdiman. galam. In exchange for the last, the following other villages were given, viz., Kuvaļaivēli, Pudukkulam, Mārankisti, Kāvidinallūr, Kadambamangalam, Sättiyar-ēmbal in Achcharkāțţirukkai, and that part of Araiyakulam in Kāñai-Irukkai which remained after removing the holding (kāni) of Mandari Rāman alias Pallavaraiyar (11. 110–114). Care was taken to have the previous owners of these villages removed, their old names changed and the original constitution altered and the whole, like the lands and villages that were included in Rājagambhirachaturvēdimangalam, grouped together and the newly formed village of Milagañür was given the name Rājēndrasinganallur. It was placed under the division Achchankāțțirukkai and entered as such in State accounts (11. 114-116). The persons that were entrusted with the formation of this new village are given in group IX of Appendix A: they were among the party that accompanied the female elephant. It is worthy of note that in the constitution of this village also, which was not a Chaturvēdimangalam, the same precaution was taken, as in the other, to bring the different units under one control and to make it homogeneous. The words used, viz., oru-nādum or-úrum oru-puravum äkki, clearly indicate that it became a distinct constituency with single class of interest as Chaturvēdimangalam was.
With the aid of this and a few other allied records, we propose to consider here firstly the constitution of the Chaturvēdimangalam referred to in the preamble and what it implies, se condly whether the king represented in the plates had any other introduction than the one beginning with Püvipkilatti and thirdly the geography of the districts and divisions of the Pāņdya country mentioned in the plates. On all these matters the existing notions seem to need correction.
Like the founding of temples, construction of tanks, provisions made for the requirements of various shrines, the opening of educational institutions with competent teachers in various branches, erection of feeding houses for the poor and the learned, and provisions made for doctors and hospitals to minister to the needs of the sick,-furthering the cause of the study of the Vēdas and Sāstras was considered a meritorious act by South Indian kings and chiefs and it found a tangible expression in the form of Chaturvēdimangalams, brahmadēyas, agaras or agrahāras and the like. One can easily pick out the names of hundreds of Chaturvēdimangalams by running through the inscriptions contained in the volumes of South Indian Inscriptions ranging from the seventh century A.D. to the time of the Vijayanagara kings. If it is remembered that each one of this class of villages had been originally granted to a very large collection of eminent men who had studied the Vedas and Sāstras and that each one of the villages had an administrative body called the sabhā, as we know from numerous instances, consisting of several committees and a general body of representative members, whose number in some cases was very large and who, by the qualifications insisted on, always kept up a high standard of Vedic learning, there could be no denying the fact that in South India, at any rate, there was a regular and systematic study of the Vēdas and the branches of subjects connected with them, and there were

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hundreds of thousands of persons who carried the torch of Vedic learning in the way it used to be handed down. We would like to point out that the donees of the newly constituted branmadiya village of Rājagambhira-chaturvēdimangalam numbered as many as one thousand and eighty and that they bad not only studied the Vēdas and Sāstras but were capable of expounding them. The cumulative conjunction um in the phrase Vēdamum sāstramum poy and the use of the adjectival phrase vyākhyātákkalāy irukkum qualifying Chaturvēdi-Bhattargal leave no doubt that the subjects of the Vedas and Šāstras were studied not only with a view to grasping their meaning but in such a thorough manner as to entitle the votaries to be styled vyākhyātās, i.e., exegetes. Though these phrases are sufficient in themselves, we would point out some further instances from inscriptions which more clearly explain that these subjects were thoroughly studied in those days. These inscriptions use the additional word 'porutpada', i.e.,' with meaning' before the verb põy had gone througb'. One of the inscriptions of Tiruttangal, dated in the 9th year and 216th day of the reign of Jaţăvarman Kulasēkhara with Püviykilatti introduction (the same king that figures in the large Tiruppuvaņam plates), registers a royal order issued on the representation of the king's officer Kälingaráyar for creating a brahmadėya village called Kulasekhara-chaturvēdimangalam by joining together four dévadāna villages about Tiruttangal with lands and house-sites allotted to 54 Brāhmaṇas who were versed in the Vēdas and Sāstras and were capable of expounding them. The village-site where the Brāhmaṇas had to reside was named 'Pugalögagandanallür'. We may refer to another inscription dated in the 8th year and 215th day of the reign of Märavarman Sundara-Pandya II with the introduction Pimalar-tiruvum which tells us that the great-grandfather of Sri-Raman Alagan alias AlagiyapāņdiyaBrahmadhirajan had originally established, in the name of Venädudaiyar, a village called Ravivarma-chaturvēdimangalam and settled in it forty-eight Chaturvēdi-Bhattas who had learnt with meaning (porutpada) the Vedas and Sāstras and were capable of expounding them (vyakhyātākkalāy-irukkum), and twelve Bhattas who had to recite the Vēdas in the temple of Udaiyár Tirunelvēli-Udaiyār, thus making in all sixty persons. On the representation of these sixty persons and on the recommendation of the officer Ayyan Malavarāyar, the king granted all the lands situated in Kannanür alias Mänäbharaṇappādi, within certain specified boundaries, excluding from them the old dēvadānas and pallichchandas, to be included in Ravivarma-chaturvēdimangalam in order that the sixty persons settled in the village may get sixty shares, the temple of Sri-Rāma-Viņnagar-Alvār may have two shares, Pandimādēvīśvaramudaiyār may have two shares and Tondaiman-Vinnagar-Alvār may have one share. It is expressly stated that in this case, as indeed in others, the prior owners of lands as well as the classification under other heads had been removed and the whole constituted as one village with one puravu, one classification, etc. The point for note is that the Chaturvēdimangalam was entirely a Brahmanical village. And as we know that the sabhā was the functioning body in such a village, there is no room for thinking that the members in it could be of any other class. The inscription clearly tells us that the interest in the constituency vested with one class of people, all others being expressly stated to have been removed and changed. One of the inscriptions of the time of the Chēļa king Rājarāja I gives the names of as many as 144 Brāhmanical Villages (brahmadēyas), which had to supply persons for the post of treasurers, temple-servants and accountants to the Rājarājēsvara temple at Tanjore. Without even a single exception, each one of these villages is stated to have had a sabha. Numerous transactions of the sabhā are
1 No. 543 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1922. * No. 446 of 8. I. I., Vol. V. .8.1. I., Vol. II, No. 69

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recorded in inscriptions giving the names of the members present in the meetings, numbering in some cases thirty and forty, and all of them are Brahmaṇast as the titles and the gotras show.
Still another medieval Pandya inscription dated in the 13th year of the reign of Jaţāvarman Sundara-Pandya I, with the characteristic title Ellántalaiyāna-Perumā], gives very interesting details regarding the formation of another similar village called Vikramapandya-chaturvēdimangalam to settle down 109 Brāhmaṇas, many of whom were well-versed in the Vedas and Sāstras and were capable of expounding them. For the housing accommodation of these and their families, 88 well as the men who were in charge of the village library and the village servants, four vēlis of land were purchased and set apart as village-site and it included in it the temple premises also. In purchasing the lands, the rights and privileges of the old tenants and title holders were completely bought up. Land for grazing the cattle was also provided for. For the maintenance of the 108 Brāhmaṇa families and others, 1474 vēlis of land in the village of Rajasikhamaninallur alias Puliyangudi were acquired. The following usittis were also provided for :-three for teachers of the Vedas, one for teachers of the Sutras, one and three-fourths for two doctors, half for ambadiyas, half for the village accountant, one-fourth for a drummer, onefourth for a blacksmith, half for carpenter, one-fourth for goldsmith, three-eighths for irankolli, three-eighths for barber, one-fourth for a washerman, three-fourths for a village watchman, and one-eighth for vettiyān. Further, it is said that three-fourths of the nattam land outside the Brahman quarter, was set apart for Vellän-kanryalar and the remainder for other professional people. All taxes were remitted and it was stipulated that from the 14th year of the king's reign, i.e., from the first year of the constitution of the new agrahāra village of Vikramapāndya. chaturvēdimangalam, 500 kalam of superior paddy had to be measured out every year to the temple at Chidambaram.
The contents of this inscription, as well as those of others of this class, some of which we have noticed above, show clearly that the constituency of Chaturvēdimangalam was purely one of Brāhmaṇas, self-sufficient in every way; and other classes of people were given separate accommodation in the nattam lands and were there for performing specific acts. In this limited constituency having a fixed extent of land, be it great or small, which had been completely bought up with all rights, and with their old names, prior holdings and different heads of classification entirely removed, and vested with and owned by one class of people as one unit under the different and distinguishing name Chaturvēdimangalam, there is absolutely no room for thinking that in the sabhā which, as we know from numerous inscriptions, was the administrative body functioning in such a village, there could have been any member that belonged to any other class of people. Though from the qualifications laid down in the two Uttaramallūr inscriptions for membership in committees and from the actual names of persons that are mentioned as members of sabhās in numerous other epigraphs, we could gather that the sabhā was the administrative body functioning in Brāhmanical villages and that it had only Brahman members, more direct evidence is afforded in No. 3 of South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. VIII. This inscription states that & royal order having been issued by the Chola king Räjädbirāja I to the officer Sola-PandyeMūvēndavēlar to the effect that from the interest to be given in paddy by Brāhmaṇa-urga! (Brāhmanical villages) on sums received by them on loan from the treasury of the temple at Conjeevaram provision may be made for two Sivabrāhmaṇas performing worship and four Sivabrāhmaṇas performing parichāraka work, he directed the person that was looking after the
Nos. 986 of 8. I. I., Vol. V; No. 133 of Vol. 1V ; and 231 of Vol. VIII.
* Nos. 277 of the Madrus Epigraphioal Collection for 1913, and the review in part II of the Madras Epigra. phical Report, 1914, p. 92.

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temple affairs (Koyil-Srikäryam) to make the nimandas. In the nimanda that was actually made in pursuance of this order, instead of Brahmana-ūrgal'as at first mentioned, we find the
sabhäs' of the five villages Sirukachchippēdu, Uttamasõla-chaturvēdimangalam, Parāntakachaturvēdimangalam, Milalaimangalam and Aparāyita (Aparājita)-chaturvēdimangalam. The substitution of the 'sabhās' of these five villages for Brāhmaṇa-ūrgal' makes it plain that the sabha was the functioning body in Brāhmanical villages. This class of constituency, as indeed any other such as ür, nagara, etc., was not a promiscuous jumbling of varied interests as one finds at present. Unless one confounds ancient institutions with modern ones, no different and contrary view could be validly put forth. The different appellations such as úr, nagara, sabha, etc., by which the administrative bodies of villages were called, show the different nature of their constitution. If the village was one of Vellän landlords with the necessary families of farmers, artisans, barbers, potters, washermen, doctors, etc., it had the assembly of the ür, the members of which body were Vellan landlords. If the village was one of merchantmen, traders and men engaged in manufacture and industry, it was subject to the assembly of the nagara. And if it was a Brāhmanical village having in it mostly Brāhman landlords with such families of farmers, etc., 88 were necessary for the well-being of the village and the cultivation of the lands in it, it had the sabhā for its management. The very formation of the different kinds of villages and the different appellations by which the functioning bodies, viz., ür, nagara and sabha, were chosen to be so termed sufficiently indicate that there was no admixture of all classes of men in any one of them. Some of the functions discharged by the various assemblies might be similar and even identical; but it cannot account for a medley of members in any one of them. To judge from the transactions that have come down to us it seems that each one of the functioning bodies known by the different names which they bore, was a pure and unadulterated assembly functioning for a particular group or constituency. It will be unreasonable to think that in the council of the ur or the sabha, the landlords were represented by the potter, barber, washerman and the ryots who cultivated their lands and did some kind of work or other receiving the voitti assigned therefor. Though in the generality of cases, a village is described as being situated in a sub-division of a district there were some which were directly under a district. These villages appear to have been considerably big towns having in them Beveral large quarters and hamlets subject to the control of various constitutional bodies; they may be likened to Presidency towns like Madras, Bombay, etc. Even here, the different bodies functioned for different classes.
Though the inscription under publication does not throw light on the political history of the time to which it relates, the information which this and the allied records cited above furnish, viz., that the class of villages going by the name-ending Chaturvēdimangalam consisted exclusively of Brāhman land-owners and had an administrative body known by the special term sabha, has been shown above to be of great value. The further information contained in the inscription that the donees who numbered one thousand and eighty were reputed for knowing * with meaning the Vēdas and Šāstras and were capable of expounding them, and this especially in the century that preceded the advent of Sāyana, is sure to be welcomed by scholars. We need hardly say that by Sāstras are meant the subjects forming the Vēdāngas. Had the inscriptions cited above not stopped with mentioning the fact that the Chaturvēdimangalams referred to therein were divided into shares and given to the number of Brahmans specified, viz., 1080, 108 and 60 who had studied the Vedas and Sastras and were vyūkhyätäs of them, but had fur. nished also their names, we would be in a position to know their attainments. The Taņdantot
The author of the Amarakba (3, 8, 179) defines Sastras as Nidela and granthas, and the commentary of Mahodyars adds that by granthas are meant Vyakararādayal (Nirnayasagar Edition, 1907, p. 327).

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tam plates, though incomplete, besides saying that the chief Dayāmukha after duly informing the Pallava king Nandivarman Pallavamalla got the village which acquired the name Dayamukhamangalam granted to no less than 308 Brāhmaṇa scholars of Vēdas and Smritis, give us the names of the donees. The list of persons, though only partially preserved, gives the names of 108 Chaturvēdins, 28 Trivedins, 24 Shadangavids and about ten Kramavids, all of whom must have known the meaning of the hymns. It will be strange if a Shadangavid did not know the import of the mantras for the very object of the Niruktabhäshya, one of the Shadangas, was to fit a student to easily grasp the sense of the hymns. As the first part of the name of each one of the villages of this class is a sure indicator of the name of the king or chief that founded the village and thus points also to the time when it came into being, and as the second part testifies to the attainment in the Vedic lore of the donees of the village, we are enabled to say from the names of Chaturvēdimangalams preserved in inscriptions that in different parts of South India there were large numbers of Vedic scholars from the 7th century down to the 13th. The names Simhavishnu-chaturvēdimangalam, Mahendravarma-chaturvēdimangalam, Narasinga-chaturvēdimangalam. Paramēsvara-chaturvēdimangalam, Sivachūlāmaņi-mangalam, Vijayārkurachaturvēdimangalam,1o Avaninäräyana-chaturvēdimangalam," Ekadhira-chaturvēdimangalam, Vayiramēga-chaturvēdimangalam, Mārapidugudēvi-chaturvēdimangalam, Vidyāvinita-chaturvedimangalam,15 Pallavanmahādēvi-chaturvēdimangalam," Aparajita-chaturvēdimangalam." and others establish the patronage extended by the Pallava kings to men of Vedic learning from the 7th to the 9th century A.D. That the same spirit animated the Chöļas who were the political successors of the Pallavas, accounts for the foundation and grant of villages and cities going by the names Vibiyalaya-chaturvēdimangalam," Ködandarama-chaturvēdimangalam, Parantaka-chaturvedimangalam, 0 Jananātha-chaturvēdimangalam," Gandariditya-chaturvēdimangalam, au Ariñjigai-chaturvēdimangalam, Solamārttända-chaturvēdimangalam, Räjābrayachaturvēdimangalam and those that were called after the Chālukya-Cholas that followed Adhirājēndra, and for the continuance of the study of the Vēdas and Vēdāngas from the eighth century to the thirteenth, patronised as it was by the kings and chiefs who had higb regard for it.
18.1. 1., Vol. II, pp. 517 f.
a These plates were at first relegated to Nandivarman III (8. 1. 1., Vol. II, pp. 517 1.), but while editing the Pattattálamangalam grant, I pointed out that they must correctly be assigned to Nandivarman Pallavamalla (above, Vol. XVIII, p. 117).
. 8.1.1., Vol. II, pp. 531-535.
• The selection of riks for comment is supposed to have been made with such care that with a perfect understanding of their significance and with a thorough grasp of the lucid etymologioal explanation of the words ooour. ring in them as furnished by the author of the Ninukta, it was believed that the student of the Vedas would be able to know the meaning of other mantras without difficulty. The hymns and words treated in the Ninulta and the comment offered on them were considered sufficient to form a ready reference for other mantras. Elahu parijatiahne Sakyatt mantarthad parijatur te eva jäpaka bhavanti. (Durga's commentary on the Nirulda: Introduction).
.No. 265 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1907. • No. 9 of the same collection for 1930-31. 18.1.1., Vol. II, pp. 402, 404, 405. . lbid., p. 229. Ibid., p. [28]. 10 Ibid., P. [23].
11 Ibid., p. 325. 11 Ibid., p. 529n. 11 Ibid., p. [27).
14 Ibid., p. 337. 18 Ibid., p. [28]. . ** Ibid., PP. [22], 321. 17 8. 1. 1., Vol. VIII, No. 3. 18 8.1.1., Vol. II, p. 327. 16 Ibid., p. 321.
20 Ibid., p. 76. a1 Ibid., p. 74.
1 lbid. 21 Ibid., p. 103. M Ibid., p. [23]n. and No. 20 of 1928-29. 1 8. 1. 1., Vol. II, p. 228.

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In some cases, the term Chaturvēdimangalam seems to have been contracted into Mangalam and such are those that bad for their functioning body the sabha. As instances may be cited Varaguņamangalam, Triyambakamangalam, Kaţtāraimangalam, Paraisumangalam, Māramangalam, Avanipasēkaramangalam and Kadungomangalam mentioned in a Pandya grant of the time of Varaguna II. All these places were in the Tinnevelly District and their foundation by Pāņdya kings takes us from the sixth to the ninth century A.D., when Kadungo, Märavarman, Varaguna and Srimāra flourished. The Pandya king Parantaka Neduñjadaiyan (A.D. 770) is said in the Vēļvikudi plates to have founded Srivaramangalam, so termed after one of his sur. names. Mangalam was further contracted into Mangai as in Varagaunamangai and Srivaraman. gai.
If we carefully study the constitution of Dayāmukhamangalam as detailed in the Tapdantöttam plates of Nandivarman Pallavamalla of the 8th century A.D. and compare it with what is said about the constitution of the villages as described in the medieval Pandya inscriptions cited above, we can clearly see that the principles followed were the same both in the 7th and 13th centuries A.D.
i. The newly constituted village was, in each case, divided into a number of shares, the number being some more than the number of donees intended to be provided for. In the Tiruppuvaņam plates, the principal donees numbered 1,080 and the shares made were 1,200. In the grant of Ravivarma-chaturvēdimangalam, the principal donees numbered 48 while the actual number of shares made were 65. In the case of Vikramapāndya-chaturvēdimangalam, the prin. cipal donees numbered 108 and the actual number of shares made were 147. In the earlier Tandantöttam plates it was intended to provide chiefly for 308 persons but extra sbares are actually mentioned.
i. The donees in all the grants of Chaturvēdimangalams (or simply Mangalams in the earlier grants) were Brāhmans well versed in the Vēdas and Sāstras. While some of the medieval Pandya records speak of the donees as Vēdamum Sāstramum poy vyākhyātākkaļāy irukkum, others add the word porutpada before poy. In place of this description, we have in the earlier Tandantöttam plates: Vēda-traya-smriti-jushāṁ vidushām dvijānām. In the list of onees, we notice there were more persons styled Chaturvēdī than Trivēdi or Shadangavid.
iii. All the records state that the villages had temples in them, or contemplate the construction of temples in them, meant for the use of the donees and make provision for them.
iv. In the Tiruppūvaņam plates, the extra shares, numbering 120, are stated to be for dēvadāna-pani sey-virutti-pangu. Here dēvadāna may either be taken independently or as qualifying the next pani sey. The phrase may be construed in two ways, viz., (i) shares meant for the dēvadāna and shares for the maintenance of those who had to render service or (ii) shares for the maintenance of those that had to render service pertaining to the dëvadāna'. The former meaning is obtained by taking dēvadāna and pani sey-virutti as separately qualifying pangu, and the latter is obtained by considering dēvadāna as qualifying pani sey-virutti which qualifies pangu. As it is seen from the other records cited above that the extra shares were meant both for the temple and for the various kinds of servants, we think it better to adopt the former view. The grant of Ravivarma-chaturvēdimangalam provides 12 shares for 12 Bhattas who had to recite the Vedas in the temple of Udaiyar Tirunelvēli-udaiyar and two shares each for the
1 Above, Vol. XXI, p. 114. *K. V. Subrahmanya Aiyer's Historical Sketches of Ancient Dekhan, p. 132. *S. 1. I., Vol. II, pp. 517 ff. .8. 1. I., Vol. II, p. 520, V. 9.

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temples of Sri-Rāma-Viņņagar-Aļvār and Pandimadeviávaramudaiyār and one share for Tondaimân-Viņpagar-Alvār. The earlier Dayāmukhamangalam grant provides five shares for Tiruvadigal, i.e., Vishņu, and two shares for Mahādēva.
v. The grant of Vikramapāndya-chaturvēdimangalam provides three yrittis for the teachers of the Vedas, one for the teachers of the Sūtras, one and three-fourths for two doctors, half for ambadiyas, half for village accountants, one-fourth each for drummer, potter, blacksmith, goldsmith and washerman, half for carpenter, three-eighths each for irankolli and barber, threefourths for village watchman and one-eighth for vettiyān. The earlier Tandantottam plates provide one share each for the reader of the Mahābhārata and the drummer, one share for each of the three madhyasthas, two shares for a doctor, three shares for the maintenance of the head-sluice and the village reservoir, besides some shares allotted to a number of persons who appear to be servants and performers of worship in temples.
vi. Other vrittis such as those for doctors, watchmen (or police), library, etc., provided for in the constitution are of wider interest meeting as they do the requirements of health, education, police, etc.
To an earlier date belong the Küram plates of the Pallava king Paramēávaravarman 1. The village of Küram in the Chingalpet District bore the surname Vidyāvinita-chaturvēdimangalam evidently so named after the donor Vidyāvinīta, a Pallava chief and subordinate of Paramēsvaravarman I. The same chief built the Siva temple of Vidyāvinīta-Pallava-Paramēsvara in the centre of the village of Kūram and requested the king to make a grant to it. In compliance with this request, Paramēśvara I made the gift of the village of Paramēśvaramangalam divided into 25 shares of which 20 shares were given to 20 Brāhmaṇas versed in the four Vēdas, 3 shares to two persons who had to perform the divine rights and look after the temple repairs, one share was set apart for supplying fire and water to a mandapa and one share for the reading of the Bhārata in that manda pa. Though the grant relating to the constitution and gift of the village of Vidyāvinīta-chaturvēdimangalam has not come down to us, yet a reference found in the Paramēśvaramangalam grant, which was issued in the reign of the same king, i.e., Paramēsvaravarman I, indicates that it was bestowed on 108 families of Brāhmaṇas that were studying the four Vēdas. The Udayēndiram plates of Nandivarman register the grant of the village of Udayachandramangalam to 108 Brāhmaṇas : In it provision is made for a physician and for one that had to perform worship (in temple).
The foundation of the numerous Chaturvēdimangalams and the grant of them as brahmadeyas, or agrahuras by successive generations of kings of various dynasties that held sway in South India, as evidenced by the names of villages noticed above, though the grants relating to them have not yet come to light, are sure indications of the progress of the Vedic culture and testify to the increase in the numerical strength of the Vedic exegetes from the end of the sixth century to the end of the thirteenth,--the three Pandya grants of the reign of Jatavarman Kulasokhara I (A.D. 1190-1215), Māravarman Sundara-Pāņdya II (A.D. 1235-1251) and Jatavarman Sundara-Pāņdya I (A.D. 1251-1271) taking us almost to the time of the advent of Sāyaṇāchārya, the prodigious commentator on all the Vēdas, and reflect on the mass of material that must have been available in his day and the number of scholars that must have existed then.
hot and cold
18. I. I., Vol. VII, Nos. 32 and 33-A.
2 S. 1. 1., Vol. T, p. 147 and text-lines 51-2. Provision for fire and water corresponde to weather charges'.
Ibid., p. 150, text-line 49 f. * S. I. I., Vol. I, pp. 372-3.

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[Vol. XXV.
Besides the grant of brahmadēya villages of the description given above, the kings and chiefs also provided richly for colleges wherein the Vedas were taught. Rural administrative assemblies and even private individuals were not wanting in making contributions, according to their might, to the cause of Vedic learning. The charities of the Vaisya Dāmayan Mädhavan recorded in the Tirumukkūdal inscription of Virarājēndra included provision for the teaching of the Vēdas. One of the early epigraphs of Uttaramallür, which is partially built in, makes provision for a Bhatta-vritti by a lady named Sannaichchāni also called Uttaramallūr-Nangai, stipulating that the holder of the voitti must be one that has no share in the village but is well versed in at least one of the Vedas, in the Vyakarana and the two darsanas of the Mimāṁsā as well as the Nritta (Nirukta)-bhāshya and is capable of expounding the Vyakarana, Nyāya-bhāshya with vārttikas, and Vaibeshika with sikā, and that he must remain in the matha erected by that lady on the bank of a tank which she had caused to be dug. The inscription also speaks of an examination to be held at the end of a course of three years. There is thus room for thinking that all through the Hindu period of Indian history, the study of the Vēdas and Vēdārgas and their exposition must have been pursued zealously.
We have now to consider how many of the medieval Pandya kings bore the name Jațāvar. man Kulabēkhara and settle also which one among them is the king represented in the larger Tiruppūvanam plates. During the past several years, a large number of inscriptions belonging to this period have been collected and noticed in the Annual Reports on South Indian Epigraphy. None of them gives any genealogy: most of them give only the regnal years and not the corresponding years of any known era. It is mainly due to the efforts of the late Professor Kielhorn, Swamikkannu Pillai and Sewell in verifying the astronomical details found in some of them that epigraphists have been able to register the important facts and events revealed in inscriptions about these kings in some chronological order. The fact that several members of the family had been ruling at one and the same time and over the same tract, besides gwelling the number of kings that could possibly cover a given period of years, has made it difficult to attribute particular achievements to particular kings. If we leave out the mere texts of some of the inscriptions of these medieval Pandya kings published in the volumes of the South Indian Inscriptions (Texts), the records of almost all of them remain still to be critically edited. The notices made in the Annual Reports on the Madras collections are our only guide. But these reports, however valuable they are, cannot be substitutes for full texts of inscriptions, as they could not fur. nish all the information the inscriptions contain. At present, two kings of the name Jaţăvarman Kulasēkhara are taken cognisance of and they are assigned the accession dates A.D. 1190 and A.D. 1237. To the first king of that name all records commencing with the introductions Püvinkilatti, Putalamadandai and Pütalavanitai are being assigned. The second rests purely on the results of the astronomical calculations. The reasons for the assignment of the three different introductions to Jaţăvarman Kulasēkhara I are not known. We need not concern ourselves with ascertaining as to when this idea started and why all the three introductions were
1 See above, Vol. XXI, pp. 222-3. The Bahür plates (8.1. 1., Vol. II, pp. 513ff.) provide for a Vidydathana. See also An. Rep. on Epigraphy, Madras, for 1918, part II, pp. 145 ff.
* See Nos. 312 and 316 of 8. 1. 1., Vol. VI. • Ibid., No. 322.
• It was the late Mr. Swamikannu Pillai that took up all the dates and made a serious attempt at fixing the initial years of reign of several kings, of course having before him the results of the labours of Kielhorn.
For instance it is beyond the scope of the reports to give the names with other details of the numerous officials and chiefs figuring in the inscriptions and it is needless to say how such information would be of immense help in the critical publication of any single inscription of a particular king. The geographical items occurring in inscriptions are also too numerous to mention in such a publication.

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No. 11.]
attributed to the same sovereign. It is proposed first to examine the correctness or otherwise of such an assignment. For this purpose, it is highly necessary to have separate lists of inscriptions of the three different introductions, and we present underneath such lists. They are not exhaustive but are sufficient to serve our need. If the result of our examination prove that the introductions belong to more kings than one, a fresh endeavour will have to be made to separate the facts known about each king from the Annual Reports on South Indian Epigraphy which have been putting them under the single head of Jaṭavarman Kulasekhara I.
No.
296/8. I. I., V
437/29-30
464/16
707/16
614/26
449/16
450/16
534/16
297/27-28
293/8. I. I., V
438/29-30
459/09
660/16
327/08
333/16
No.
720/16
301/8. I. I., V
428/8. I. I., V
TIRUPPUVANAM PLATES OF JATAVARMAN KULASEKHARA I.
664-666/16
370/16
A. Pütalamadandai.
Date.
2+1st year.
3+1+1st year.
4th year and 50 days.
4+1st year.
4+1st year.
4+1+1st year.
4+1+1st year.
4+4th year.
4th year+1,745 days.
9th year.
9th year and 44 days.
9+1st year.
14th year.
14th year and 345 days.
15th year.
B. Putalavanitai.
Date.
2nd year.
2nd year and 35 days.
3rd year+504 days. (3+7th year.
3rd year and 2,638 days. 3+7th year.
3+7th year (2,690 days)
507/16
No.
No. 506 is connected with this.
672/16
673/16
674/16
349-350/16
607/26
290/23
540/16
No.
B. Patalavanitai-contd.
31-32/24
33-34/34
27-28/24
435/29-30
368/29-30
302/8. I. I., V.
337/16
29/28-29
484/16
436/29-30
543/22
302/29-30
Date.
3rd year and 2,766 days. 3+7th year
3+7th year.
3rd year and 2,593 days. 3rd year+2,594 days. 3+7th year.
C. Püvinkilatti.
Date.
2nd year.
3rd year.
3rd year and 291 days.
3+1st year.
3+2nd year.
3+3rd year.
3+3rd year.
3+3rd year.
3rd year+1,002nd day.
3+4th year.
3+4th year.
3+4th year.
79
9th year.
9th year.
9th year and 216 days.
9th year+925 days.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXV.
C. Piciglesiatti contd.
C. Püvinkifatticonold.
No.
Data.
No.
Date.
885/16
887/16
13th year +2,230 days. 13th year+2,313 days. 13th+6th year (13th+2,140
78/28-29
35/27 613/26 502/16
year.
18+ Ist year.
37/24
303/20-36
9+1+1st year. 619/11
9+1+1st year. 813/23
9+3rd year. 664/16
•+3rd year. 855/16
• +3ad your 80/28-29
13th year. 546, 149, 150/16 13th year and 148 days. 18+let 412/8. 1. J., V. 31/27
13+1st year. 260/29-30
18+ hot year. 295/29-30
13th year +100 days. 275/29-30
13th year+902 days. 431/29-30
13+3rd year. 20/27
18+ 3rd year. 681/16
13+4th year. 378/20-30
13+5th year. 884/16 This is oonnoot 13+0th year.
ed with No. 688/16 845/22
13+5th year. 877/167 There are cott 18+ year.
noond with 679/16) No. 678/16. 13+5th year. 609-610/16
19th yoor+1,448 days. 678/16
18th year+2,230 days. 680/18 and 882/16 18th year+8th (13th+3,230
days). 883/16
13th your+2,312 days.
40/24 375/29-30 319/23 123/08 616/26
13th+7th year. 13th +8th year. 13th +8th year (13th+3,090
days). 13th + Sth year. 13th +8th year. 13+ 10th year. 13+10th year. 13+11th year 13+12th year. 13+12th year. 13+13th year. 13+ L3th year. 13+ 18th year. 13+14th year. 13+14th year. 13+15th year. 13+47** days.
29/07
416/9. 1. 1., V. 322/23 54/27 298/27-28 69/28-29 10/28-29 279/29-30 466/16 04/07, 555/16, 26/24,
29/28-29 and 268/ 27-28.
• lat year.
By a glance at list A, it will be observed that six of the inscriptions, which are dated after the 4th year and perhaps also another, single out the 4th year of reign and count fresh regnal years or days from that dete. And in going through list B, it will be seen that the year 3 is singled out in almost all the inscriptions. Similarly a glance at the dates of the inscriptions in list C will show that the years 3, 9 and 13 are marked years. In the last list, all the inscriptions after the 3rd year up to the 9th year are marked as 3 plus, those after the 9th up to the 13th year are marked 9 plus, and the rest dated later than the 13th are marked as 13 plus. The special treatment, which these years get in the respective introductions, seems strongly to point out that the kings represented in them might be different. Secondly, there is not much in common in the three introductions. In fact, nothing of importance is recorded in any of them. It is further worthy of note that the latest regnal years in the three introductions are different. The first, i.e., Pütala

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No. 11.) TIRUPPUVANAM PLATES OF JATAVARMAN KULASEKHARA I.
madandai extends to 15 years, the second, i.e., Pütalavanitai to 11 years, and the third, i.e., Pūvipkifatti to 28 years. Again, these lists show that there is no room for considering that a single king employed one of the introductions up to a certain year of his reign, then adopted the second and lastly the third. Neither could it be said that in a particular locality preference was given to one or the other of the introductions, for we find that in the same place more than one of the introductions are used. All the reasons recorded above indicate clearly that the kings who used them must be different. Can palaeography be adduced as a ground for ascribing the three introductions to one sovereign ? That ground is of little value in a case where there were more kings than one ruling at the same time and over the same tract: and after all it can at best show only A period of time and no fixed years. As far as I am able to judge, there is a gradual development in characters from the inscriptions with Pütalamadandai introduction through Pūvinkilatti to Putalavanitai. The difference between the first and the last only is somewhat marked, but may be due to the skill of the scribes or other causes.
We shall now see whether the evidence of the astronomical details furnished in the above collection and their verification support or controvert the finding we have arrived at above or remain neutral. In the collection of 16 epigraphs with Putalamadandai introduction there is but a single one that supplies us with details of date fit for calculation, while there are at least three in the Pūtalavapitai group and 6 in the Püvinkilatti epigraphs. All of them except one of the Pütalavapitai group have been examined and their equivalents determined as noted under:
No. 297/27-28 Pūtalamadandai. 9th year, Mina, ....... dvitiyā, Saturday, Rõhiņi. This date was calculated for Jaţāvarman I of Pūvinkilatti introduction with A.D. 1190 as the date of accession and equated to A.D. 1199, February, 27, Saturday, with the remark that Rõhiņi was not current on the day. The date is irregular.
No. 370/16 Pütalavapitai. 3+7th year, Märgali 20 tēdi, Sunday, saptami, Uttara-Bhadrapadá. 7th Year is given in the inscription as 2,690 days. This date correctly works out to Sunday, 16th December, A.D. 1246 and it was 20 Mārgali. The note of the late Mr. Swamikannu Pillai against this is "The Epigraphist says that the introduction is that of Jatavarman Kulasē. khara I, but the day of solar month which is a characteristic indication points only to the later reign, that of Jaţăvarman Kulasēkhara II of A. D. 1237”.
No. 720/16 Pūtalavanitai. 2nd year, Mina 22, su. 10, Wednesday, Pushya. "On Wednesday, 16th March A.D. 1239 (=22 Mēsba), śu. daśami ended at .53 and Pushya at .19 of day. This was the 2nd year of the same Jatavarman Kulasēkbara as the above."
No. 301 of 8.1.1., Vol. V (Pütalavanitai)—2nd year, Tula, ba. 6, Thursday, Mpigaśīrshā. Not calculated. See below, p. 82 for equivalent.
No. 80/28-29. Püvinkilalti. 13th year, Ani 19, su trayödasi, Tuesday, Mūlam. "Probably A.D. 1250, June 14, Tuesday; f.d.n..39. The tithi was, however, chaturdasi which was current till .85 of the day."
No. 337/16. Do. 3+4th year, Karkataka, 13 tēdi, su. 12, Monday, Jyështhā=A.D. 1196 (which was the 7th year of the reign of Jaţăvarman Kulasēkbara who ascended the throne in A.D. 1190), Monday, 8th July (-13 Karkataka) on which day bu. 12 ended at .89 and Nakshatra Jye. shthå at .44 of day.
No. 545/22. Do. 13+5th year, Kanni 9, šu. 14, Thursday, Satabbishaj -A.D. 1207, September 6, Thursday ;.97; .44.
No. 313/23. Pūvinkilatti. 9+3rd year, Vrischika 27, Friday, dvadasi, Sodi =Friday, 23rd November, A.D. 1201. As pointed out by Swamikannu Pillai (An. Rep. on S. I. Epigraphy for 1924, p. 88), the solar month-date is Vrischika 27 according to the Sürya-Siddhānta. The framer of the inscription must have obtained it from a Panchanga calculated according to that system. There are instances of this kind.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XXV.
No. 322/23. Püvinkilatti. 13+13th year, Karkataka 25, ba. 10, Tuesday, Kārttigais A.D. 1215, July 21, Tuesday. The tithi ba. 10 commenced at :97 of the day and the Nakshatra Kärttigai ended at 86 of day.
The Large Tiruppūvaņam plates. Pūvinkilatti. 13+12th year, Dhanus 4, ba. 11, Saturday, Svāti. Saturday, 29th November, A.D. 1214. (Kielhorn's Southern List, No. 890.)
In the above, it will be noted (i) that the particulars of date furnished in the Palalamadandai collection do not work out correctly for Jaţăvarman Kulasēkhara I whose reign commenced in A.D. 1190, (ii) that the two dated inscriptions of Pütalaranitai group examined so far work out correctly for Jatīvarman Kulasēkhara II who began his reign in A.D. 1237, and are incorrect for Kulasēkhara I whose accession fell in A.D. 1190, and (ii) that all the dated inscriptions in the Püvinkilatti group have correct equivalents for the king with the initial year 1190. Apparently under the belief that the three different introductions belonged to one king, i.e., Jatāvarman Kulasēkhara I, the Epigraphist informed the calculator that the introduction of No. 370 (Pütalavanitai) is that of Jatavarman Kulasēkhara I. Having considered this information also, the late Swamikannu Pillai noted that the day of the solar month-which is a characteristic indicationpoints only to the later reign, i.e., Jațăvarman Kulasēkhara II of A.D. 1237. Thus, the evidence of the astronomical details leaves no doubt as to the introduction Pütalavanitai being one of Jatavarman Kulasēkhara II, and is positively against the earlier king whose accession fell in A.D. 1190 and who had the introduction Püvinkilatti. The late Swamikannu Pillai's calculations and our finding that the records of Jaţăvarman Kulasekhara with the introduction Pütalavanitai belong to a later reign is still further supported by two other inscriptions as we shall presently show. In the latter part of a Putalavanitai record of Tenkarai whose text is given in the SouthIndian Inscriptions, Volume V, No. 301, are given the details 2nd year, Tula, ba. 6, Thursday, Mrigaśīrshā. For Jaţăvarman Kulasēkhara I, whose accession took place between 8th April and 29th November, A.D. 1190, we cannot find a suitable date answering to these details in A.D. 1191 or 1192 which were respectively the current and expired 2nd year of his reign. But for Jațāvarman Kulaśēkhara II, whose reign commenced between 24th July and 16th December, A.D. 1237, and whose 2nd year fell in A.D. 1238, the details work out correctly. In A.D. 1238, Tulā, ba. 6 ended at .90 and Nakshatra Mpigaśīrshā at,35 of day on Thursday, September 30. Like the two records calculated by Swamikannu Pillai, this one also proves that the introduction Pūtalavanitai belongs to Jatāvarman Kulasēkhara II and not to the first of that name. The other inscription which supports our finding is part of a triple record with Pütalavanitai introduction and is dated in the 3+7th year of reign and mentions Vikrama-Choļa. VikramaChõļa figuring herein could be no other than the Kongu Chola prince, who, a few years later, ascended the throne in A.D. 1255. That princes of other dynasties who were related to the Pandyas were staying with and serving the Pandya kings before the time of their own accession is amply borne out by some of the inscriptions noticed in this paper.
It remains now to determine to which other Jațāvarman Kulasēkhara the introduction Pütalamadandai belonged. An inscription from Tirupputtür in the Ramnad District of Tribhuvanachakravartin Kulaśēkharadeva without the title Māravarman or Jaţăvarman, is dated in the year opposite the fourth and furnishes astronomical details-Karkataka 27, Rõhiņi, Satur. day. This date was calculated by the late Swamikannu Pillai and found to agree correctly with A.D. 1166, 23rd July, Saturday. From the method of dating of the record alone, it may be said that it is one belonging to the reign of Jaţăvarman Kulasekhara with Putalamadandai introduction for, as had been observed by me already, the inscriptions of his reign had that characteristic
Nos. 672 to 674 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1916. * Indian Ephemeris, Part II of Vol. I, pp. 87-88.

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No. 11.)
TIRUPPUVANAM PLATES OF JATAVARMAN KULASEKHARA I.
89
feature, viz., of counting fresh regnal years after the 4th. Thus, it is now clear that the three different introductions belong to three different kings who bore in common the title Jatāvarman and the name Kulasēkhara. The earliest of these kings was the one that had the Pütalamadandai introduction, the middle one adopted the Pūvinkilatti introduction, while the last used the Petalavanitai introduction. The first counted his regnal years from A.D. 1162 and had a reign of at least 15 years as at present known extending up to A.D. 1176-77, a special event in his carreer marking out the end of the fourth year of his reign (=A.D. 1166-7). This year the students of Pandya history know to be the year of commencement of the civil war in the Pandya country. There is thus no doubt that this must have been the Kulasēkhara who killed Parākrama-Pāņdya and waged a prolonged war against his son Vira-Pandya and the allied forces of the Sinhalese generals sent by Parākrama-Bāhu of Ceylon. The importance of the year is brought out by the fact that the members of the assembly (Mülaparishad) of Tirupputtür in the Ramnad District wished to pay their respects to His Majesty the Pāņdya sovereign and utilised the amount realised in making tax-free, a land given to the temple in order to meet the expenses of their journey to Madura, the capital of the empire. It is not unlikely that other villages also sent in their representatives to the capital for the same purpose. Perhaps it was then that Kulasēkhara launched on the momentous programme of war against Parākrama, laid siege to the city of Madura with a view to capture it, and forced Parākrama to sue for help to the king of Ceylon. We learn from the Mahāvaṁsa that the first event in this war was the siege of Madura by Kulabēkhara-Pandya. There is an echo of the fact in a lithic record of the South Kongu king Rājakēsarivarman Kulõttunga (A.D. 1149-83) who, it may be said, was interested in the welfare and success of Kulasēkhara, that young king being bis sister's son. This lithic record which comes from Neruvür states that the Kongu king, set out on an expedition against Madura with the express object of capturibg it for his nephew (marumagan) Kulasēkhara-Pāņdya, and that on the said occasion directed the sabhā of the place to make a brahmadēya gift of some lands in Manimangalam, which had been bis camping ground, as a yātrādāna to his purohita Alvār Sribalidēva. The year of this important record is specially worthy of note. It is dated in the 17th year of the reign of Rajakēsarivarman Kulõttungadēva corresponding to A.D. 1166-7, the very year of commencement of the Pandyan civil war and one that was marked 4+1st year of the reign of Kulasēkhara. Thus, the evidence of all sources, viz., those furnished by the Mahāvamsa, the Neruvir and Tirupputtūr inscriptions and the computation of astronomical details with the solar day, which the calculator regards as & characteristic indication, occurring in an epigraph dated in the 4+ 1st year, which kind of dating, we note, is a characteristic feature of the inscriptions with Putalamadandai introduction, bear out the particular importance of that year and single out the Kulasēkhara of the Pandyan civil war. If more evidence is needed to further corroborate the identity of Jațāvarman Kulasēkhara of Putalamadandai introduction with Kulasēkhara of the civil war, it is supplied by a Tenkarai inscription with that identical introduction, dated in the 3rd year of reign, telling us that the chief Solan Silamban alias Virachõla-Lankēsvaradēva, a samanta of prince (Perumal) Vīrachõladēva of Ten-Kongu was already in the vicinity of Madura. Kongu-Chõļa inscriptions leave no doubt as to Virachõļa being a prince of that dynasty that eventually succeeded Rājakēsarivarman Kulottunga noticed above. And the year of the inscription, which is A.D. 1164, shows that the chief was there immediately prior to the commencement of the war and the purpose is evident : and the Neruvür inscription explains it by telling us as to what followed. It speaks of the premeditated action of Kulasēkhara.
1 No. 101 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1908. * No. 336 of the same collection for 1927-28. :8. 1. 1., Vol. V, No. 296.

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84
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
Before proceeding further, it may be advantageous to consider here the relationship of some of the mediaeval Pandya kings found in inscriptions. Tamil epigraphs, when they intend to convey definite relationship, use appropriate and unambiguous terms to denote them. We meet with terms like tiruttagappanar1 or ayyar for father, annalvi or annar for elder brother, akkans for elder sister, deviyār for queen, maganar' or pillaiyar' for son, magalar or pen-pillai for daughter, marumaganario for nephew or sister's son, maittunanar11 for brother-in-law, amman1s for uncle, appaṭṭaris for great grandfather, etc. To denote simply a predecessor, be he distant or near, or any elder or senior member, deceased or living, the terms periyavar, periyadevar or periyanāyaṇār are employed. In dealing with the Tinnevelly inscription of Maravarman Sundara-Pandya II, I pointed out, by two telling instances, that periyadevar or periyanayanar cannot definitely indicate a father. One of the inscriptions found at Puravari near Nagercoil, dated in the 16th year of the reign of the Pandya Maravarman Srivallabhadeva speaks of a son of the king by name Kulasē. kharadeva1 and another inscription found at Kōṭṭaikkarungulam in the Tinnevelly District, dated in the 2nd year and 600th day of the same king's reign, states that the Virešvaramuḍaiyar was re-named Kulasekhara-Isvaramuḍaiyar after the name of the king's father, thus letting us know that Maravarman Srivallabha's father was also called Kulasekhara. Here, therefore, there are two Kulasekharas, one being the grandfather of the other. Both of them may be tentatively assumed to have borne the title Jaṭavarman from the fact that the middle member Śrivallabha was styled Maravarman. One other fact that is known is that Maravarman Srivallabha flourished about the middle of the 12th century A.D. being a contemporary of Viraravivarman-Tiruvaḍi, in all probability a ruler of Venäḍu, for whom a date Kollam 336 (A.D. 1161) has been discovered." There is thus every possibility of Maravarman Srivallabha's son being that Kulasekhara in whose reign, in about A.D. 1166-7, the civil war in the Pandya country commenced. As we have already shown that the war must have been started in the reign of Jațävarman Kulasekhara who had the introduction Putalamaḍandai, our assumption that Maravarman Śrīvallabha's son Kulasekhara might be a Jaṭavarman becomes strengthened and his ancestry also settled. With this information before us, we cannot but assign the Kalladakurichi inscription,18 dated in the 2nd year of the reign of Jaṭavarman Tribhuvanchakravartin Kulasekharadeva, which mentions periyanāyaṇār Srivallabhadēva, to Jaṭavarman Kulasekharadeva with Pulalamaḍandai introduction, and regard the Srivallabha referred to therein as being identical with Märavarman Srivallabha of A.D. 1161, the father and predecessor of king Jaṭavarman Kulasekhara with Putalamadandai introduction.
[VOL. XXV.
With the materials available to us from inscriptions and other sources we have shown the significance of the end of the 4th year of the reign of Jaṭavarman Kulasekhara that started the civil war and noted that it marks the day of triumph of Kulasekhara over his adversary ParakramaPandya, who, it is said, had been put to death even before the arrival of the forces from Ceylon.
1 No. 271 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1927-28.
Above, Vol. XXIV, p. 159.
Nos. 425, 426 and 448 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1913, and S. I. I., Vol. IV, No. 529. Above, Vol. XXIV, p. 159.
Nos. 314 and 315 of 1923. "Ibid.
8. I. I., Vol. III, p. 296.
No. 31 of S. 1. I., Vol. VI.
S. I. I., Vol. VIII, No. 234.
10 No. 336 of the Madras Epigraphical
11 S. I. I., Vol. V, Nbs. 293 and 421.
13 S. I. I., Vol. V, No. 446.
14 Above, Vol. XXIV, p. 159.
15 No. 50 of 1896.
Collection for 1927-28.
12 No. 327 of 1916.
1 No. 271 of 1927-28.
1 No. 110 of Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1907.
17 An. Rep. on Epigraphy, Madras, for 1896, p. 5, paragraph 15.

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No. 11.)
TIRUPPUVANAM PLATES OF JATAVARMAN KULASEKHARA I.
The year under consideration is thus the last year of the reign of Parākrama-Pāņdya. While Kulasēkhara is represented by inscriptions, there is every reason to expect the records of his adversary also. And I think there could not be any possible objection to say that the ill-fated Parikrama-Pandya is the Märavarman Parākrama-Pandya with the introduction Tirumagalpunara. In this connection, it may be noted that no other Paräkrama-Pandya with a different indroduction assignable to this period has at all come to light. So far as is known at present, his reign extends to 12 years, and if the year A.D. 1166 marks the end of his rule, his accession must be placed in A.D. 1154. The late Rao Bahadur Krishna Sastri expressed the view that Māravarman Parikrama-Pandya must have been a predecessor of or co-regent with either of the two Srivallabhas, and, judging from the position which the introduction of Märavarman Srivallabha occupied in a record belonging to the time of Māpavarman Parakrama-Pandya found at Kuruvitturai," he said it was evident that the latter was a predecessor of the former. The conclusion we have arrived at above, viz., that Māravarman Parikrama-Pandya reigned from A.D. 1154 to 1166 well establishes this inference. The Mahāvansa tells us that Parikrama had a son named Vira-Pandya who was set up on the Pandya throne by the Sinhalese generals according to the instructions given to them by their king Parākrama-Bāhu. Inscriptions of the reign of Kulõttunga III refer to an unnamed son of this Vira-Pandya and say that he fought along with his father against the Chöļas and shared his defeat more than once. It is a question if the setting up of Vira-Pāņdya on the Pandya throne by the Sinhalese generals could be taken seriously, and whether it was at all recognised by the people, even if it were a fact. For all that we see ViraPandya had not the usual coronation ceremony. Neither are there any inscriptions attributable to his reign. From the moment of his father's death he had been contesting with Kulasēkhara for kingdom and crown. And so long as the reign of Kulasēkhara lasted, Vira-Pāņdya's rule may be said not to have commenced. Since we know from the records with the introduction Pütalamadandai that Kulaśēkhara held the reins of government till at least A.D. 1176, it may be said that Vira-Pandya commenced his rule in this year. To this end, the information furnished in two inscriptions of Rājādhiraja II, both dated in the 12th year and 157th day, i.e., the 13th year also leads us. The records under reference come from Tiruvälangadu in the North Arcot District and Tirumayānam in the Pudukkottai State and are almost exact copies. Though the latter record is fragmentary, Mr. Venkatasubba Aiyar has, by carefully comparing it with the damaged portions of the former inscription, been able to fill in certain lacunae in it. He tells us that the Pandya king Kulasēkhara, ignoring the good deeds done to him, proved a traitor, made an alliance with the king of Ilam and conspired with him against the Chölas. And some letters and presents despatched to the officers of Kulasēkhara, hinting that the Sinhalese king was an ally of their master, were intercepted by the Chõļa king who directed the chief Pallavarāyan to reinstate on the Pandya throne Vira-Pāņdya, the son of Parākrama-Pāņdya, the former protégé of Ceylon. Vira-Pandya's reign which thus commenced in and synchronised with the fall of Kulasēkhara in A.D. 1176, did not last long, for we know from the Tirukko!!ambūdür inscription that by A.D. 1182 he drove Märavarman Vikrama-Pandya to the necessity of suing for help to the Chõla king Kulõttunga and this cost him his own crown and kingdom. We have no direct information as to who this Māravarman Vikrama-Pāņdya was, but, as had been assumed, he might be the son of Kulasēkhara.
We now pass on to notice another clear relationship mentioned in the inscriptions of the mediaeval Pandya kings. Numerous epigraphs of Jaţăvarman Srivallabha with the introduction 1 No. 328 of the Mad. Ep. Colln, for 1908. An. Rep. on Epigraphy, Madras, for 1909, p. 84, paragraph 29. Above, Vol. XXI, pp. 187-8.
.8.1. 1., Vol. VI, No. 436.

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[VOL. XXV.
Tirumadandaiyum are registered in the Annual Reports on South Indian Epigraphy. Four of these mention Sundara-Pändya as the king's son, and the fifth states that a royal order was issued by Sundara-Pandya without specifying his relationship to the king. They are dated in the 4th, 17th and 19th years, the last being of the 9th year of reign. Knowing the fact that Jaţăvarmad Srivallabha had a son named Sundara-Pandya, there is a possibility of taking Māravarman Sun. dara-Pinlya I, in whose 9th year record, a copy of a grant made in the 3rd year of the reign of Jaţāve-man Srivallabha is registered, to be this prince. If this were the case, Jaţāvarman Srivallabha would have to be assigned to the period A.D. 1193 to 1216, as the highest regnal year furnished for him in inscriptions is 23. This is very unlikely to judge from the contents of some of the inscriptions of Jatăvarman Srivallabha. That he was not far removed from the time of the Choļa king Kulõttunga I can be inferred from the fact that a chief of Adalaiyūr-nädut by name Mummudibolan Virasēkharar figures both in a 4th year inscription of his and in & 49th year record of Kulottunga. That he must have been quite near in point of time to Märavarman Paråkrama. Påndya is made evident from the fact that a certain chief named Sēraman Tolan figures in the epigraphs of both these sovereigns. It is said that at the instance of this chief Parikrama-Pandya made a gift of the village of Sengulam alias Viraiyavitankanallur to the Mülasthanam-udai. yar temple at Kațţikka]ļūr: and he figures as a signatory in a grant of Jaţăvarman Srivallabhe. It is further worthy of note that a grant made by the same chief is mentioned as a past transaction in a record of the 9th year of Jatavarman Kulabēkhara with Pütalamadandai introduction. Thus, Jatavarman Srivallabha appears to have ruled not long after Kulõttunga I, and immodiately following Māravarman Parākrama, either as co-regent with or slightly before Kulasēkhara of the civil war. Further, it is found that the chief Kalingarāyan was one of his principal advisers as well as of Jatavarman Kulasekhara I (Püvinkilatti).
From what we have discussed above it will be clear that there were the following lines of Pandya kinge in the mediaeval period - (i) the line of Māravarman Srivallabha headed by Kulasēkhara-Pāndya. To it belonged
Jațăvarman Kulasēkhara whose inscriptions have the Pütalamadandai introduction, the king that was principally concerned in the civil war. His accession took place in A.D. 1162. On his side were the kings of the two Kongus and the Chöļas. Maravarman Vikrama-Pandya was probably his son and successor. The termination of Kulasekhara's rule was brought about by the Chola Rajadhiraja II in A.D. 1176. on his proving a traitor to the cause of his benefactor, and in the short period from tbis date and A.D. 1183, the date of accession of Māravarman Vikrama-Pandya, Vira
Pāndya, the son of Parikrama-Pandya, ruled. (ii) The line of Parakrama-Pandya which counted himself, his son Vira-Pāndya and
the latter's son whose name is not revealed in Chöļa inscriptions. There are strong grounds for supposing that this unnamed son must be Märavarman Sundara-Pandya I.
1 Madras Epigraphical Collection, No. 498 of 1909, Nos. 266 and 277 of 1927-28, No. 371 of 1929-30 and No. 326 of 1908.
* No. 883 of the same collection for 1905. The gift was made to the temple of Tiruvodagamudaiya-Naya. når at Tiruvēdagam in Påganür.kurram.
• No. 555 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1922.
No. 30 of the same collection for 1909. .No. 32 or the same collection. • No. 130 of the same collection for 1910. 18.1. 1., Vol. V, Nos. 294 and 295.

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No. 11.) TIRUPPUVANAM PLATES OF JATAVARMAN KULASEKHARA I.
The attitude of this king, even at the very first year of bis accession to throne, not only towards the Chõļas but also towards the kings of the two Kongu countries, who had all along been the allies of Kulasēkhara and Vikrama and formed formidable obstacles in the way of Vira-Pāndya and his supporters, presupposes a chapter of enmity between them; and his deeds are a rehearsal in the reverse order of wbat had passed in the past. He kept both the kings of Kongu in prison and in chains and led them on to his capital to do honour to his triumphant return to the city.
The humiliation which he caused to the Cholas was no less. (iii) In the line of Jaţävarman Srivallabha, there was his son Sundara-Pandya who was
old enough to be associated with him in the government of the country. This prince perhaps never succeeded to the throne, and if he did, he must have had a very brief reign in which he did not leave any inscriptions. Who his successor was, it is not possible to determine at present. But it appears certain that there was another
Jaţāvarman Srivallabha. We cannot be sure if Jatävarman Kulasēkbara with Püvinkilatti introduction belonged to any one of the three lines noticed above or came of a different line. In dealing with the Tinnevelly inscription of Māravarman Sundara-Pāndya II, I pointed out that it is not absolutely certain that Jatavarman Kulasēkhara I and Māravarman Sundara-Pandya I had a common father in Märavarman Vikrama-Pandya.
The simultaneous existence of more than one king reigning over the Pāņdya country leads as to think that one among them must have held the chief power and that the rest were subordinate to him, though independent in their own spheres. What determined the claim for the prime position in the kingdom, we are yet to learn. All that we could gather from the account of the civil war is that there was some fixed principle followed in the choice of or claim for the position of honour. It has been shown above that when the civil war commenced, i.e., in A.D. 1167, Kulabēkhara, one of the claimants to the throne at Madura, had completed four years of his reign and Parákrama-Pandya, the other claimant, had reigned for 12 years. The Sinhalese chronicle and the Chola and Kongu inscriptions lead us to think that the throne of the premier ruler at Madura fell vacant in A.D. 1167 and the succession to it was disputed by the rivals. For aught we see, most of the kings of the mainland supported the cause of Kulasēkhara while the other received succour from the neighbouring island. It still remains to be known who it was that ruled in Madura till A.D. 1167. If seniority among the rulers determined the succession to the throne, there could not have been rival claims. Though Parākrama had reigned for 12 years on the date in question, it was Kulasēkhara that was supported by most of the kings in the south. This suggests that the principle was different. Future researches alone can enlighten us on the issue.
Now about the length of the reign of Jațăvarman Kulasēkhara I and about his successor. The highest regnal year. furnished for Jaţāvarman Kulasekhara I in inscriptions is 30 which takes us to A.D. 1219-20. In about A.D. 1218-19, as will be shown presently, he seems to have fallen seriously ill and much concern was felt about his recovery. An inscription discovered at Kannanûr (in the Tirumeyyam Taluk of the Pudukkottai State) states that, on the representation of Pillaiyar Alagapperumal, king Māravarman Sundara-Pāndya I issued an order in the 3rd year of his reign reducing the royal share of taxes due from two villages in
1 Above, Vol. XXIV, p. 169. * No. 248 of the Pudukkottai Stato collection

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Turumā-nādu in Kāna nādu for the welfare and recovery from illness of Ulagudaiya-Nayanār. The question is who are meant by Alagapperumā! and Ulagudaiya-Nāyaṇār. At first sight it might appear that Alagapperumāļ must have been the son of Märavarman Sundara-Pāņdya I and that by the term Ulagudaiya-Näyaņār, Māravarman Sundara-Pāņdya bimself mu be meant. This is wrong. Since Alagapperumā! figures in the large Tiruppūvanam plates with the prefix Pillaiyar, there is reason to take him to be the son of Jaţāvarman Kulasekhara I. He might have been continued to be called Pillaiyār in later days also. In the plates, his high status is indicated by his having had under him an official bearing the designation * adigāram.' As Jațăvarman Kulasēkhara I was living at the time of the Kannanür inscription, we think the term Ulagudaiya-Nāyaṇār must refer to him and not to Māravarman Sundara-Pandya I. The concern of the prince about the father is natural. Another important fact that the inscription under reference reveals is that Māravarman Sundara-Pandya I, whose accession took place in A. D. 1216 and who appears to have been issuing records in his own name only from the 3rd year of his reign had been nominated already during the time of Kulasēkhara I and he might be said to have had a share in the government of the country even before his nomination. As we have no inscription dated later than the 29th year for Jațāvarman Kulasēkhara I which, by the way, is the same as the third year of the reign of Māravarman Sundara-Pāndya I, he must have succumbed to the disease referred to in the Kan. nanur record. The Sanskrit verse at the beginning of the plates under publication tells us that the king was apprised of the fact of completion of the formation of the village of Rājagambhirachaturvēdimangalam by Sundarēsa (Sundarēšād-avagata). From the facts just noticed, it seems likely that by Sundarēša is meant here Māravarman Sundara-Pāņdya I. Sundara's war against Kulõttunga III must have been conducted under the standard of Jaţăvarman Kulasēkhara I or at least it must have been countenanced by him. In this connection, it may be noted that some of the persons that held offices under Kulasēkhara figure also in the records of Sundara. On the whole the reign of Jaţāvarman Kulasēkhara I appears to have been a prosperous one, undisturbed by any wars except in the closing years. The king seems to have had good regard for Vedic learning and patronised the scholars proficient in it by founding big villages and granting them as brahmadėyas provided with all facilities for good living. Rājagambhīra-chaturvēdimangalam is one of the biggest villages that was ever founded. To some extent the peace in the reign of Jațāvarman Kulasēkhara I must be attributed to the decline of the Chola power which may be said to have commenced in the last decade of the 12th century A. D. not long after the interference of Kulõttunga III in Pāņdyan affairs ending in the accession of Vikrama-Pandya Māravarman, when the Chöļas lost their hold on Conjeeveram, the second great city of the empire. In the latter part of the reign of Kulottunga III there were several factions in the Chõļa country and though the heads of these factions recognised in a way the supreme authority of the Chola emperor there is not much doubt that the peace of the country was greatly disturbed by the part played by the parties. The differences among them, which remained unremoved for a long time, contributed largely to the rapid weakening of the empire and gave the enemies of the Cholas, who had suffered seriously before, an opportunity to wreak their vengeance. The time was favourable for the Pandyas to muster their strength and resources to try final issues with the Chõļas in order to wipe out their disgrace. Just three years before the
1 No. 250 of the same collection. In another inscription of Maravarman Sundara-Pandya I (date lost), Pillaiyar Alagapperumāļ figures as consecrating a God in the temple of Tiruvengaivāsal in Pudukkotte state and inaking a gift of land to it. It is added that the prince was in possession of the District at the time (No. 327).

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No. 11.)
TIRUPPUVANAM PLATES OF JATAVARMAN KULASEKHARA I.
end of the reign of Jațāvarman Kulasēkhara I, the Pāņdyas under the lead of Māravarman Sundara-Pandya I, won laurels in the field against the Cholas and the kings of the two Kongu countries, and this practically brought the civil war to a culmination. That this war was directed against the Chola and Kongu kings prevents any possibility of taking Jaţāvarman Kulasēkhara I and Märavarman Sundara-Pāņdya I to be the descendants of Kulabēkhara of the civil war with Putalamadandai introduction
Now we come to the consideration of the geographical names. The inscription under edition mentions a good number of districts and sub-divisions. They are: (1) Milalai-kūrram, (2) Muttūrru-kurram, (3) Keralabinga-valanādu, (4) Madurodaya-valanādu and (5) Sõjapandiyavalanādu among Districts; and (6) Madakkulam, (7) Alagiyapandiyakkulam, (8) Rājasingankuļam, (9) Vadatalai-Sembi-nädu, (10) Poliyür-nādu, (11) Karungudi-nädu, (12) Purapparalainadu, (13) Tiyandaikkudi-nadu, (14) Kit-Sembi-nadu, (15) Panangalur-nādu, (16) Kañai-Irukkai, (17) Kiranür-nādu, (18) Tiruvavanam, (19) Mērkudi-nadu and (20) Kalavali-nadu among sub-divisions. The villages under No. 1 are Parāntakanallur and Tandalai. No. 2 had Kappalür, No. 3 Veļiyaprūr, No. 4 Madurai, No. 5 Sisu-Pasalai, No. 6 Madurai, No. 7 Māranür, Sirukulattūr, Vellūrkuruchchi and Vellür, No. 8 Rājēndiram and Tiruppūvanam, No. 9 Aykkudi, No. 10 Arunguļam and Poliyūr, No. 11 Kil-Nettür alias Kirtivisālaiyanallur, No. 12 Puttūr, Ka]|ikkudi and Milaganür, No. 13 Kit-Pasalai alias Dāņaviņādanallur, Mēr. Pasalai alias Srivallabha-chaturvēdimangalam and Manaviramangalam, No. 14 Mālangudi, No. 15 Aờikarai, No. 16 Iruñchirai and Mittiravēli, No. 17 Vidattal alias Mānābharana-chaturvēdimangalam, Vēlür, Nakkamangalam, Vägaikudi, Tiruvāvanam, Tuttiyur and Kirungakkottai, No. 18 Marudur and No. 19 Mērkuļi and Annalvāy.
Of the Districts, Milalai-kurram and Muttürru-kurram have a separate history which is worth noting and which, owing to the formation of modern districts, has been badly miscon. ceived. As regards the position of these two ancient territorial divisions, whether they were in the Chõla country or not, we have to know the southern limit of the Chõļa country which would determine at once the northern boundary of the Pandyan kingdom. It is stated in the Tamil Solamandalasatakame that the boundaries of the Chöļa country were the river Veļļāru in the north and south, Kottaikkarai in the west and the sea in the east. A verse attributed to the Tamil poet Kamber calls the northern boundary Eņāţtu-Veļlāru and thus distinguishes it from the
1 A later record of the time of Maravarman Sundara-Pandys I dated in the 21st year of his reign (-A.D. 1237) tells us that owing to the imposition of taxes on dévadāna lands during the time of the Kannadiyar there was no money in the treasury of the temple at Kottaiyar in Kana-nadu and that the temple authorities had to sell away some of the temple lands (No. 310 of the Pudukkottai State collection). About the same time, we have an inscription at Tirugõkarnam, dated in the 20th year of Rajaraja III which registers gifts made for the merit of the sons of Sõmaladeviyar the queen of Narasimha and the mother of Sõmēsvars of Dorasamudram (No. 183 of the Pudukkottai State collection). These two inscriptions testify to the fact that the Hoysalas aided the Cholas against the Pandyas.
* For the present we leave out of consideration the minor principalities : they will be dealt with separately. The verse runs as follows: it is given here for easy reference :
Sellun-kunapär-rirai-vēlai tenpår-chelitta Vellaru Vellun-Kottaikkarai vilangu mēlpäl vadapal Vellare Ellaiy-oru-nangipun=kādam=irupä-nängum=idam perida
Mallal valvu talaitt-öngum valaxi-cher Sola-mandalamë ! • The following is the stanza :
Kadal kilakkuutterku-kkarai-pural-Vellaru Kuda-tibaiyir-Kottaikkaraiyam vada-tibaiyil Eņáttu Vellar-irupattu-när-kadam Söpattukk-ellaiyena-chcholl

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other Vellāru which formed the southern boundary of the country. Students unacquainted with the ancient Indian morality of warfare, which in most cases left the territories unaffected by the results of war, might think that the boundaries given above only represent what they were at the time when the author of the Solamandalasatakam and Kambar flourished, and as such, cannot be taken as true for earlier times. This notion is not correct. One can indeed see positive proof afforded by the statements of the two authorities, who were removed from each other in point of time and yet described in identical terms the boundaries, thus showing that the limits given were those in the past ages, not of their own. Annexation of territories did occur but they were rare. Whether rare or frequent, it must be further noted that such instances did not affect the geography of the place; and this will be made clear as we proceed. Another fact that is likely to mislead the student is the ancient practice of naming conquered territories after the names or surnames of the victor. It might be said that the fresh names given to places did not wipe out the older ones but were added on to them as later surnames to indicate, by the mere mention of the name with its surname, to whom or to which country the places originally belonged and who acquired it or re-named it in later times. Thus, in the double names such as Kong-ana Virasola-mandalam, Ganga-mandalam-āna Nigarilisõla-mandalam, Tondai-nad-āņa Jayangondasõla-mandalam, Rājaräja-Pandinādu, etc., one is clearly enabled to know what the ancient name of the district or province was in spite of its passing into other hands in later days. Here it might be added that it is the original name that survives in each case at the present day and not the later ones. For example, though the Pallavas ceased to be a ruling power after the Chõļa Aditya I conquered their country in the 9th century A.D. and Rājarāja I gave that country the new name Jayangondasola-maņdalam, it is the ancient name Tondai-nādu or Tondaimandalam that persists. Similarly, in the case of the Pāņdya country, which was first conquered by Parāntaka I in the 10th century A.D. and was re-named Rājarāja-Pāņdinādu in the 11th century, the name Pāņdi-nādu or Pāņdi-mandalam exists even today. The conquerors themselves carefully minded preserving the original names. Thus in the stamp of double names impressed on the places in inscriptions, there is sure indication as to what ancient dominion the places at first belonged.
Vellāru being the southern limit of the ancient Chöļa dominions, the territory lying to the south of it must have belonged to any other kingdom than Sõņādu or Sola-mandalam. That it was actually so is proved both by inscriptions and by the Tamil literature as will be seen in the sequel. Now we shall take up that portion of the Arantāngi Taluk which lies to the south of the Vellāru river, and therefore clearly outside the Chola dominion, and see to what country it belonged. Roughly, this tract is something like a triangle with one of its points turned southwards ending in Tiruppunavāśal and having its base in the north running from west to east along the course of the river Velļāļu as it flows into the sea just at the north of Maņamēlkuļi and east of Tandalai. Out of this triangle, a portion on the north-western side falls in the Pudukkottai State. It will be observed that the line 79° 5' cuts this triangle almost into two halves, one in the east and the other in the west. The portion on the eastern side forms the seaboard and extends from the mouth of the Vellāru in the north to the mouth of the Pāmbāru in the south. The western portion adjoins the Pudukkottai State and the Rämnad and Sivaganga Zamindaries and in this region the river Pämbāru is seen to mark the western boundary of a portion of the southern part of the modern Arantangi Taluk. Almost the whole of this tract of land was included in Milalaikūrram. This Milalai-kūrram is a natural division, an island formed by the rivers Vellāru and Pāmbāsu and the sea. Over it there reigned in early times a chieftain named Vēl-Evvi, of ancient

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stock, and famous for the munificence of gifts which he made. He was the immediate ancestor or a near relation of Vēl. Pāri who, like him, had earned a similar renown which made the Saiva saint Sundara mūrti Näyanār celebrate him in one of the Tēvāram hymns. Vēl-Evvi is said to have been defeated by the Pāņdya king Talaiyalangāṇattu-seruvenra-Neduñjeliyan. Vēl. Påri's liberality was such that he is said to have presented away all the 300 villages over which he was lord.“ If there is truth in these statements, the family of Evvi and Pari should have ceased to exist as a ruling power in or immediately after the time of the Pandya Neduñjeliyan and the tract of country formerly subject to them, of which the principal one was Milalai-kūrram, should have passed into the hands of the Pāņdyas and included in their dominion, i.e., Pāņdimaņdalam. It is quite in agreement with this that the inscriptions refer to Milalai-kurram as a district of the Pandya country. This ancient district of Pāndimandalam had three divisions named after the directions in which they lay, viz., Kil-kūrru, the eastern division which adjoined the sea, Mēlkūrru. the western division which included in it the villages adjoining the river Pambaşu, and Naduvir-kürru, which lay between these two. There are enough geographical references to the various divisions of this ancient district and the villages situated in them; but they lie scattered and unrecognised in the vast number of South Indian epigraphs. A mere collection of the references found in lithic records of past ages, arranged and classified under the three divisions named above, followed by the identification of the places mentioned therein and spotting them in a map is sure to remove much of our ignorance and misconception relating to this district and prove to be of value in locating easily fresh places that future discoveries might bring to light. The popular idea that all places included in the modern District of Tanjore must have belonged to the Choļas or, in other words, that the Tanjore District represents the ancient Chõļa dominion is wrong and must account for the misconception that Milalai-kūrram with its sister district of Muttūrrukurram should have been in the possession of the ancient Cholas and included in their dominion. From what has been said above, it will be clear that excepting perhaps a small portion to the north of the Veļāru river, the rest of the Arantangi Taluk lay outside the Chola dominion and that this tract was first subject to the rule of Vēl-Evvi and subsequently passed into the hands of the Pāņdyas and was ever afterwards geographically included in Pāņdimandalam and formed a major portion of two of the divisions of the ancient district of Milalai-kūrram. The following is almost an exhaustive list of the villages in Milalai-kūrram found in the inscriptions of the South Indian epigraphical collection. They are noted under the respective divisions to which they belonged and in such an order as would admit of easy identification.
1" Ombav-igai ma-vel-Evvi" and "Ton-mudir Vefir "are the expressions used in describing him in Puyam 24. * Verse 2 of Sundaramürtti-Nāyaṇār's hymn on Tiruppugalor.
• Puram 24. The words used are “Mifalaiyodu.... Muttúru tanda korra-nil-kudai-kkodi-uer. chCheliyan." Puram 110. The relevant portion runs thus -
Kadand-adu-täņai mūvirun-kūdiy. udanrapirāyiņum Parambu kolark-arida Munnur-urttē tan-Parambu-nan-nadu
Munnar-Urum parikilar per anar. In an inscription, Tiruvidavür is said to have been situated in Ten-Parambu-nadu, & subdivision of Pandi. mandalam. (No. 423 of 8. 1. 1., Vol. VIII.)
There is a valuable contribution in the Kongumalar (Vol. IV, pp. 80f.) by Mr. K. S. Vaidyanathan on 'Vél. Evvi and his country' where he has collected together most of the references to Milalai-kärram and Mutturru. kurram found in inscriptions and Tamil classical works and has successfully established that these two Districts originally belonged only to Vél-Evvi.

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Millalal-kurram. KI]-korru.
Naduvis-korru.
Mel-kürru (Vada-Pâmbărru-nada) Tandslai."
Avudaiyarköyil13 or Tirapperundu. Asvatavattur.11 Manamélkudi alias
rai alias Pavitramāņikka-chatur- Alappirandān-Bumiyor. Kulottungasőlapattinam.
vôdimangalam.
Málavar-måņikkam." Mañjakkudi.
Tachohanenmali.13
Sēndamangalam." Embal alias Kaliyugarāmanallür. Tuñjalür.14
Enāngaļür. Ponparri.
Amaradi (or dakki) mangalam.15 Mammor. Vanganagar." Paravilimangalam.16
Taņnir-Andakkudi alias Darani. Seyyānam alias Parikramapandiya Viļankattar alias Vikramafolanal. vichohadiranallür.** nallur."
lür .17
Sundarapandiya nallür.** Koluvanur.'
Pullarkkuļi. Vetchiyar alias Mummadiáðlanal. Parantakanallur alias Kulot- Vaikundanallar." lor.10
tungabólanallür.
Nulambūr. Vilattor alias Jayangondakoanal. Pudukkudi.40 lar.
The villages are arranged from north to south in the above list to dispense with the necessity of a map.
If the southern portion of the modern Arantangi Taluk is divided into two halves by drawing & vertical line north-south one can find without any exception all the places of the Kil-kürru in the eastern half which adjoins the Bay of Bengal, and all the places of the Naduvir kurru on the western half, with the exception of Parantakanallur alias Kulottungasolanallür. The last men
1 This District was sometimes called Göyavinoda-valanādu (No. 112 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1929-30), which was one of its Divisions (561 of 1926). Besides the villages noted under each of the three Divisions, a few more are mentioned as being in Milalai-korram without specifying the Division to which they belonged. These are Munpalai (No. 230 of 1926), Karuvili (No. 125 of 1912), Okkur (No. 247 of 8. 1. I., Vol. VIII), Vellar (No. 393 of 8. I. I., Vol. VIII), Vittarparru and Adani (No. 211 of the same Volume), Parur (No. 67 of Mad. Ep. Colln. for 1910), Tiruvindalur (No. 547 of 1916), Perunávaldr (No. 406 of 8. I. I., Vol. V), Irumbali (No. 265 of 1928-29), and Adumbar (No. 66 of 1927). * Below, text-line 76.
.No. 448 of 8. I. I., Vol. VIII. • Ibid., No. 210.
Ibid.
No. 372 of 8. I.I., Vol. IV. No. 380 of the Mad. Ep. Colln. for 1929-30. .No. 462 of the same collection and No. 301 of 8. I. I., Vol. V.
No. 460 of the Mad. Ep. Colln. for 1909. 10 8. 1. I., Vol. IV, No. 372; Vol. V, Nos. 301, 146 ; and A. 8. 8. I., PP. 48 and 52.
18. I. I., Vol. IV, No. 372; 4. 8. 8. I., PP. 48, 52; and Madras Epigraphioal Colleotion for 1909, No. 461.
11 Nos. 502 and 503 of the same colln. for 1925. 13 No. 372 of 8. I. I., Vol. IV. 14 8. I. I., Vol. V, No. 301 and No. 425 of Mad. Ep. Colln. for 1911. 16 Mad. Ep. Colln. No. 15 of 1924 and No. 694 of 1916. 18 8. I.I., Vol. V, No. 301.
17 Ibid., No. 432. 1. Mad. Ep. Colin. No. 270 of 1929-30, No. 30 of 1908, No. 2 of 1931-32 and 8. 1. I., Vol. IV, No. 372 and Vol. V, No. 301.
108. I. I., Vol. V, Nos. 301 and 987 and Pudukkottai Stato collection, Nos. 126 and 376. Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1929-30, No. 457. Mad. Ep. Colln. for 1926, No. 551. Same oollection for 1929-30, No. 240. Nos. 324, 492 and 591 of Pudukkottai State collection. No. 411 of the same collection.
No. 372 of the same collection. 18. I. I., Vol. V, No. 301. 1 Ibid., No. 987. S.I.I., Vol. V, No. 301.
* No. 610 of 1925 and Pudukkottai Stato collection No. 124.

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tioned place is now changed in name and is called Irumbānādu. It is in the Pudukkottai State and the inscriptions of the place show that it bore the name Parāntakanallur. The places noted above under Mēl-kūrru, also called Vada-Pämbāru-nadu, do not fall in the Arantangi Taluk. Three of them, viz., Māļavarmāņikkam, Sēndamangalam and Enāngaļūr are in the Pudukkottai State. The finding of so many of the villages of Milalai-kūrram in South Arantangi Taluk and the adjacent part of Pudukkottai State convincingly proves that this was the region subject to the rule of the Vēl chieftain Evvi in the first instance. That this Kurram is invariably stated in inscriptions from the time of Parāntaka I, i.e., from the beginning of the tenth century downwards as being situated in Pandimandalam shows that it was acquired by the Pandyas from Vēl-Eyvi and included in that territory. It is particularly worthy of note that even though the Cholas obtained possession of the Pāndya territory later in the days of Parāntaka I as is clearly indicated by the existence of the Chõļa inscriptions, traces of the inclusion of the Kūrram originally in the Pāņdya country did not disappear but were on the other hand preserved and there is every reason to hold that the Vēl chieftain must have been subordinate to the Pāņdya king Else the district would not have been termed as one in Pändimandalam. It would simply have been called Milalai-kūrram just like Urattūr-kūrram. All that the Chola conquest meant was that the Chola suzerainty was acknowledged by the Pāndya king and his subjects. Some of the places of Milalai-kūrram have a history of their own which every student of Tamil literature must be aware of even though he may not know where the place themselves are. This history affords another strong proof that the region comprising the SouthArantangi Taluk was in early days included in the Pandya country. Maņamēlkudi is the place of nativity of Kulachchirai-Nāyaṇār, the prime minister of the Pandya king Nelvēli-põr-venraninraśir-Nedumaran (i. e., Nedumāran who acquired lasting fame by the conquest in the battle of Nelvēli), the king that was converted to the Saiva faith by the efforts of Saint Jñānasambandha, the contemporary of Siruttonda who was the general of the Pallava king that conquered Vätäpi which event we know as having taken place in the first half of the 7th century A.D. There is no room for thinking that the minister might have come from any other country than the Pandya. Speaking of him, Sēkkilār, the author of the Tamil Periyapurānam and the minister of the Chõļa king of his day, distinctly states that Maņamēlkudi was in the Pandya country and the minister hailed from there. Inscriptions testify to the correctness of his geographical description. Similarly, Āvudaiyārköyil is connected with the history of Manikkavichaka, another Pandya minister.
Now about Muttūrru-kurram, which like Milalai-kūrram was subject to the rule of the Vēļ chief Evvi and was included in the Pandya country. The very fact that the two districts were subject to the sway of one ruler suggests at once that Muttūrru-kurram must lie adjacent to Miļalai-kūrram, which, as shown above, occupied South-Arantangi Taluk and parts of Pudukkottai State and Rämnad District. In determining the region in which this district lay and for knowing to which kingdom it belonged in early days, nothing will be so valuable as a collection of the epigraphs which refer to this district and identifying the places mentioned therein. The inscriptions which mention Muttărru-kurram are not many, but even the few that we have, are sufficient for
1 No. 230 of 1926 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection, dated 37th year of Parantaka I mentions Muppālai in Milalai-kurram in Pandi-nadu.
· Periyapuranam (Kulachchirai-Nayanar, vv. 1 and 8). The following are the verses --Pannu tol-pugal. pPándi-nay-nättidai-chchen-nelår-vayal=tin-karumpin-ayal-punnu pūga-ppurambanaisülndadu mannu vanmaiyain-ar Manamērkudi. Inna nall-olukkattiņál irila-t Tennavan Nedumararku sir-tigal magnu mandirikatku měl-agiyar onnalar-chcherr-urudikkan ninrular.il
. See foot-note 5, page 91 above.

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locating it, since we know that it was contiguous to Milalai-kūrram. The earliest inscription which mentions the district as being in the Pandya country is a record of the Chöļa king Parantaka 1.1 A few others call the province, in which Muttūrru-kūrram was situated, by the names Pāndi-mandalam and Rājarāja-Pāņdi-nādu. The villages mentioned in the inscriptions as being in Mu'ttūrru-kurram are Kattivayal,- Añjukottai, Kappalūra alias Ulagalandabojanallar, Adangirimangalam. Muttür alias Uyyakkondasolanallūr, Araiyattūr, Sundarapandiyachaturvēdimangalam, Māvalur," Kuruvadimidi" alias Jinēndramangalam, Tittäņam, Tenralai, 14 'Tiruppunavāyil,15 and Andanūr-Sirukambūr.The Taluk that adjoins the southern portion of Arantangi, in which we have traced most of the places of the various divisions of Milalai-kürram, is Tiruvādāņai of the Rämnad District. On the north-eastern side of the Tiruvādāņai Taluk runs the river Pāmbāru which separates Rämnad District from Arantangi Taluk of the Tanore District. Just as expected, we actually find almost on the western bank of this river, the villages Kattivayal, Añjukottai, Kappalūr, Muttūr, Adangari and Andanūr-Sirukambūr." Tiruppupavāyil (Tiruppuņavāśal) is in the extreme south of Arantangi Taluk itself and adjoins the sea.18 We have also the testimony of the Chola minister Sēkkilar to the fact that Tiruppunavāsal was included in the Pāņdya country. If there was room for misconception in the case of Milalai-kūgram on account of its inclusion in the Tanjore District, there is none in the case of Muttūrru-kurram. Tiruvādāņai Taluk of the Rämnād District could never have come under the early Chola dominion. It is in this Taluk and in the Tiruppattür Taluk that the river Pambaru flows, on whose banks we have traced most of the places included in Muttūrru-kurram.
Muttūrfu-kurram is believed by some to have been taken by the Pāņdya king Neduñjeliyan from Irungovēl. We shall now consider the question if this District could ever have been included in the territory of Irungovēl, who, like Vēl-Evvi and Pāri flourished in early days and was one among the chieftains defeated by the said Pāndya. Tamil literature and inscriptions both bear
1 No. 266 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1907. - Nos. 425 and 429 of the same collection for 1913. * No. 46 of the same for 1930-31. • Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1907, No. 266.
Ibid., No. 408. The same collection for 1913, Nos. 425 and 429, 8. 1. 1., Vol. IV, No. 373 and 8. 1. 1., Vol. VIII, No. 313. Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1918, No. 78. .8. 1. I., Vol. IV, No. 426.
8.1. I., Vol. VIII, No. 212. 10 Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1916, Nos. 17 and 33. 11 No. 60 of the Pudukkottai State Collection. # Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1907, No. 408. 10 Madras Epigraphion Collection for 1926, No. 599. 14 Same collection for 1930-31, No. 46. 15 8. 1. I., Vol. VIII, No. 213. 14 Ibid., No. 436, and Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1929-30, No. 295.
11 Asjukottai is to the north-east of Tiruvádánai, Kattivayal is east by north of Agjukottai and about three miles to the west of the Păm biru river and Sirukambur is to the west of the Påmbara river and north of Kattiyayal. Kappalür lies to the west of the Påmbara river and in the centre of the northern part of Tiruvädäpai Taluk. 18 Jnanasambandha and Sundaramürtti-Nāyanår describe it in these words -
"Perun-kadar-kanalväy=ppundarigam malar-ppoygai 40ļnda Punaviyil"
"Kadar-kanalvãy-ppurkenru töpridum=emperumin Punaviyile." 1. Verses 984 to 893 mention the places in the Pandya country visited by JAnasambandha before retuming to his place. Among these Punavāyil is one (v. 891).

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evidence to the fact that the territory over which Irungovēl-chiefs ruled was called Könädul and that its capital was Kodumbäļür. The question reduces itself to this Could Muttūrru-kurram have been included in or was even adjacent to Könādu?'. Köņādu is situated in the modern Pudukkottai State. A geographical analysis of the inscriptions of that State will show that Könādu and its several divisions and sub-divisions occupied the whole of the Kuļattur Taluk and the northern portion of the Tirumeyyam Taluk. The southern part of the Tirumeyyam Taluk which is the southernmost part of the Pudukkottai State, had in it another ancient district called Käna-nādu and this Käna-nadu is stated to be a division of Pāņdimandalam. It was contiguous to Keralasinga-valanādu. So tben, between Könadu which is reputed to be the territory of Irungovēl chiefs and Muttūrru-kurram, there lay the two ancient districts of Keralasinga-valanādu and Käna-nadu, both belonging to Pandimandalam. This analysis will convincingly establish that the distant Muttūrru-kūfram which we have located in the north-eastern part of the Tiruvādāņai Taluk of the Rämnad District could never have been included in or was contiguous to Köņādu, the territory over which Irungovēl held sway, intercepted as it was by two other districts of the Pandya country.
Geographical analysis of the inscriptions of the Pudukkottai State.. KONAPU(a) Aņņalvāyil-kūgram :- Irumbāļi, Madinūr, Telingakulakālapuram (in Ten-Köņādu) alias
Kulöttungabőlapattiņam and Visalūr,--all in Kulattür Taluk. (6) Kūdalür-nādu :-Panaiyurkulam, Sēvalūr, Sirraiyur,--all in Tirumeyyam Taluk. (c) Kunriyūr or Kunrisül-nadu-Kalanivāśal, Mēl-Manalür, Parambaiyür, Punnangudi,
Sikhānallür, Tirunalakkunram,-all in the Kulattür Taluk. (d) Ollaiyūr-kūrram :-Ankudi alias Amanallür, Idaiyārtür, Karaiyür, Kija-Taniyal,
Korrayür, alias Uttamasőlapuram, Neriñjikkudi, Ollaiyür alias Madurai, Ollaiyūrmangalam (Oliyamangalam), Rājēndrasolapuram, Sättanür, Sundarabölapuram alias Dēsiyuga dapattinam (Sundaram), and Vintükki alias Räjāndrabőlapuram,
all in Tirumeyyam Taluk. (e) Urattūr-kurram (Vada-Könādu) :- Alattūr, Kodumbälür, Kulai-kulattür, Mēnelvēli,
Nirpalani, Payyūr, Pudukkudi, Särapattanam alias Vikramasőlapperunderu and
Tiruviraiyankudi (Tiruviļānguļi),- all in the Kulattür Taluk. (1) Vada Siruvāyil-nādu in (e) : Ilañjāvur, Kiranūr, Kumāramangalam-all in the
Kulattur Taluk. (g) Vayalaga-nādu :-Pulvayal and Vayalagam. Both are in Kulattur Taluk. KINANĀDU(a) Kana-nadu:- Ādanür, Andanúr, Kottaiyūr, Malayaköyil, Mélür, Muniyandai, Pēraiyur,
Perundurai, Peruńkaraikkudi, alias Tiruvaranguļanallür, Pulivalam, Solapandiyapuram, Ten-Kättür, Tirumeyyam, Tulaiyānilai, Viraiyachchilai. These villages
are in Tirumeyyam Taluk. 1 One of the earliest sovereigns of Könādu celebrated in Tamil literature is the renowned Saiva devotee Idangali-Nayanár, of whom it is said that he was the head of the Vēļir family, ruled from Kodumbafür and was a lineal descendant of Aditys (v. 2 of Idangali-Nayanar Puranam). The Müvarköyil inscription of Kodumbālor, besides testifying to the antiquity of this Vēl family, records the part played by some of the members in the history of South India (Annual Report on Epigraphy, Madras, for 1908, p. 87).
Kodumbai (Kodum bālür) lay on the way to the Pandya country from the Chola territory (Silappadiledram, Kadukankadai, 1. 71).
Tirumeyyam in Käņa-nādu has one of the eighteen famous Vaishnave temples of the Pandya country. This also shows that Käņa nādu was in the Pandya territory.

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(6) Sengunra-nādu :- Alangudi, Angudi, and Mêlanilai. (c) Turumā-nādu :-Anamandai, Kannanūr, Tirunāvalur and Turumā, -all in
Tirumeyyam Taluk. Kēraļaśinga-valanādu' and Madurodaya-vaļanādu? mentioned in the plates are two other districts of the Pāndya country. The former covered a very large portion of the Tiruppattur Taluk of the Rämnad District, a part of the Pudukkottai State and seems to have extended also into the Sivaganga Zamindari. It had several sub-divisions of which six are known, viz., (1) Kalvāyil-nādu, (2) Sõlapāņdya-vaļanādu" (3) Kil-Kundāru, (4) Tēnārruppökku, (5) Tiruttiyur-Muttam, and (6) Adalaiyūr-nādu. Of the villages of (1) Kalvāyil-nādu, viz., Nelvāyil, Pullamangalam', Kulasēkharapuram, and Sundarapāņdiyapuram,' are in the Pudukkottai State while Ilaiyattakuļi alias(or near) Kulasēkharapuram, Iraniyūr," Korramangalam and Kunrattūri are in the Tiruppattur Taluk. The villages in (2) are Kāraiyūr, Tirukkottiyūr, 18 Solamärttānda-chaturvēdimangalam, i.e., Sivapuri, Kannamangalam, Karunguļattūr,16 Mēlūr," Püdikkudi 18 Sirudaiūrio and Sirudai.20 The village Alagāpuri, al was situated in (3). In the sub-division of Tēnārruppõkku was the village Niyam.ama (Nēmam). Tiruttiyūr-Muttam had two divisions; in the eastern division (Kilai-Tiruttiyur-Muttam) were the villages Siruvayal, Anniyür, Desangulam, Kodunguļam. Vēppanguļam, and Verriyür," while Melai-TiruttiyūrMuttam had Paganēri" in it. The village of Tirukkunrakkudia (Kunnakkudi) was in Adalaiyūrnādu in which passed the river Tēnāru27: The villages of Ilai-Kadambanguļam” (modern Sannavaram), Pilar and Korramangalam were in Tiruttiyūr-Muttam : but it is not known whether they belonged to the eastern or western division.
No. 617 of 1905 states that this is a district of Pandimandalam. 2 No. 319 of Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1927-28.
* Though the term valanddu is usually employed to denote a district, it indicates a sub-division here. Owing to the large size of Keralasinga-vaļanādu, it seems to have been split up into two parts in later days. • Nos. 252 and 258 of the Pudukkottai State Collection.
No. 267 of the same collection. • No. 491 of the same collection.
No. 346 of the same. • No. 38 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1926 and No. 182 of 8. I. I., Vol. VIII.
No. 4 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1926. 10 No. 80 of 1916 of the same collection. 11 No. 85 of 1916. 12 No. 133 of the same for 1907. 13 No. 284 of the same for 1923, Nos. 291-2 for 1929-30 and 8. I. 1., Vol. IV, p. 529. 14 Nos. 16 and 20 of Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1928-29. 15 No. 36 of the same collection for 1916. 16 No. 64 of the same for 1928-29. 17 No. 201 of the same for 1924. 18 No. 200 of the same for 1924. 19 No. 304 of the same for 1929-30. 20 No. 224 of the same for 1924. 11 No. 101 of the same for 1924. 32 Nos. 1, 77 and 83 of the same for 1924. 18 No. 55 of the same for 1924. * 8. I. I., Vol. VIII, No. 180. 35 No. 58 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1924. * No. 25 of the same for 1909. » No. 263 of Pudukkottai State Collection. 1 No. 14 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1916. ** No. 12 of the same. 30 No. 50 of the same collection for 1924.

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No. 11.] TIRUPPUVANAM PLATES OF JATAVARMAN KULASEKHARA I.
The sub-divisions of Madurōdaya-valanäḍu and the villages situated in them are noted below:(1) Kañai-Irukkai which had in it Ulakkudi, Iruñchirai, Koṭṭakirti, Vēlāṇēri, Karpakirti and Irasinganallur.'
(2) Māḍakkuļakki! which had in it Koḍimangalam, Madurai, Siruvenkunram®.
(3) Vēlurkulakki), with Kundadevi-chaturvedimangalam."
(4) Rājasingankuļakki) which had in it Rājēndiram, Tiruppuvaņam, Ambalattāḍi-chaturvēdimangalam.10
(5) Karunīlakkuḍi-nāḍu which had in it Tiruttangal."
(6) Iḍaikkuḍi-nāḍu which had in it Melai-Seluvanur1 alias Satrubhayankaranallur.
(7) Venbula or Venbil-naḍu which had in it Kumārapavitra-chaturvedimangalam1 and Senkittirukkai-Idattuvali
(8) Purapparaļai-nāḍu which had in it Puttur,15 Kallikudi, Milaganur1 and Nirmaḍaiyur."" (9) Kallaga-nāḍu which must have had at least two sub-divisions as the name Ten Kallaganaḍu is applied to one of them which contained the villages Desipaṭṭaņam alias Vikramasolapuram (Vikramangalam), Sendanĕri-Kaṭṭikallür (Tenkarai) and Parakramapandiyapuram."
97
It will be noted that four of the sub-divisions given in the Tiruppuvaṇam plates without mentioning the district to which they belonged were actually in Madurōdaya-valanādu. These are Maḍakkulakkil, Rajasingankulakkil, Purapparalai-näḍu and Kañai-Irukkai.
A word of explanation is necessary for treating as sub-divisions geographical terms ending in 'kulakkil', of which we have as many as four instances. In mentioning villages, inscriptions usually give first the district, then the sub-division and lastly the village. Districts generally have the suffix valanādu and the sub-divisions end in nadu. Sometimes in place of valanādu, the term kurram is employed; and if it had not any sub-divisions with distinct and different names, it is itself divided into two or more divisions according to the directions in which they lay, such as east, middle and west, north and south, etc. This is also the case even with regard to some
1 8. I. I., Vol. IV, No. 372.
Below, text-lines 108, 245, 246 and 250.
8. I. I., Vol. V, No. 446.
8. I. I., Vol. IV, No. 370.
Below, text-line 16.
No. 66 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1916.
"No. 447 of the same collection for 1906.
Below, text-line, 92.
Below, text-line, 133.
10 8. I. I., Vol. VIII, No. 423.
11 No.574 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1922.
12 No. 317 of the same for 1927-28. Tangal occurs as a village in the Pandya country in the Silappadigāram Canto XXIII, 1. 75.
13 No. 331 of the same collection for 1918.
14 Nos. 403 and 414 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1914.
15 8. I. I., Vol. V, No. 302 and Vol. IV, No. 372.
1 Below, text-lines 106 and 111.
17 8. I. I., Vol. V, Nos. 302 and 431.
1 Nos. 613, 614 and 616 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1926.
1 8. I. I., Vol. V, Nos. 294 and 298.
30 Ibid., No. 295.

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sub-divisions which are large enough to be so apportioned. For instance the district of Milalaikurram had no separate sub-divisions : in the place of the latter, we have Kil-kurru, Naduvirkūrru and Mēl-kürru, i.e., the eastern, middle and western portiona. Similarly, the sub-division Sembi-nadu had Vadatalai-Sømbi-nadu, Kil-Sembi-nadu, etc., ie, the northern and eastern portions of Sembinādu. Districts are sometimes omitted in insoriptions and villages are mentioned with the sub-divisions to which they belonged. From the fact that the geographical items Mādakkuļakkil, Rajendrasingankulakkil, etc., immediately follow a valanādu or district and are followed in turn by villages, they have to be treated as sub-divisions. It will not be right to take the terms ending in " kulakki!" to mean "to the east of any particular tank". In these items the particle bil does not mean east' as opposed to mel ''west' but stands for under or in ". Hence we have inserted the four items ending in kulakkil as sub-divisions and assigned them their places under the districts to which they belonged. In this connection, it is worthy of note that we have not come across even a single instance where a village is stated to be situated to the west, north or south of Madakkulam, Rājēndrasingankulam, eto.
Of the other sub-divisions mentioned in the plates, Vadatalai-Sombi-nidu in which Aykkudi alicu Alagiyapāndiyanallür was situated, is seen from other inscriptions to have had the villages Iyamanisvaram. Mēlai-Kodumaļūre or Kodumaļür alias Uttamapandiyanallur, KilaiKodumaļūr8 alias Madurõdayanallur, Māvilangai, Nallūrkuruchchi, Perungirinallur and Deyvachchilainallur otherwise called Pannankulam. Except Iyamanisvaram (Emanīśvaram) which is in the Paramakudi Taluk, the rest are found in the Mudukuļattür Taluk of the Râmnād District. The name of the division shows that Sembi-nadu had other divisions. In fact, inscriptions refer to Kil-Sembi-nadu in which were the villages Anaikudi, Kalari alias Kaidavanallur?. Kadambangudi," Nallankudi, Maruvay aliat Srivallabhanaltür, Pavittiramäņikkapattinam. Nallirukkai alias Virapandiyanallür,' Tiruppallani and Sembiyan-Pērämbür ; ' Sridēkam which had in it Tiru-Uttarakösamangai, as other divisions of Sembi-nädu. Most of these villages are in the Rämnad Taluk.
Kalayali-aadu was divided into two parts North and South. In Vada-Kalavali-nadu were Alagaimanagar, Ködaipirātřinallūr, 10 Kunrattūril and Purkuli. Ten-Kalavali-nade had in it Mudikondapāndiyapuram and Pullūrria alias Srivallabbanallür. That Kadamban. gudi was a village in Kaļavali-nadu and bore the name Matayarāyanköttai is learnt from two inscriptions. Ārālaiyūr was another village in the same division.
18.1.1., Vol. VIII, No. 395. * Madras Epigraphical Collection, Nos. 999 of 1907 and 531 of 1826. * 8.1. 1., Vol. v, Nos. 440 and 441 ; and Nos. 460 of Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1909 and 304 of 1929. • No. 392 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1914. 68. I. I., Vol. V, No. 301, • Ibid., Vol. VIII, No. 399.
Toid., No. 398. # Ibid., No. 402. . Madras Epigraphioal Collection, No. 283 of 1923, No. 5 of 1924 and No. 276 of 1929-80. 1. No, 316 of the same collection for 1923. 11 Nos. 11, 23, 27 of the same for 1924. 19 No. 291 of the same for 1923 and No. 18 of 1924. 1 No. 47 of the same for 1926. u No. 229 of the same for 1924. 16 Nos. 1 and 3 of the same for 1924. 10 No. 306 of the sanie colloction for 1922,

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No. 11.)
TIRUPPUVANAM PLATES OF JATAVARMAN KULASEKHARA I.
APPENDIX A. Names of persons that conducted the settlement of boundaries.
Serial No.
Names of persons.
Village.
Sub-division.
District or Province.
1. Karkānis (11. 74-93). Araiyan Nārāyapan of Kattikuru. Parantakanallar
Naduvir-kūrxu
. Miļalai-kürçam.
chobi.
2
Parantakan
Tiruppūvanamudaiyan
Tandalai
.
Kil-kurru
.
:
Ditto.
Karunakaradēvan
daiyan.
Purpavanamu-Mäsapür alias
Palsmandalädittanallfir.
Alagiyapandiyakku lakki].
6
Pillai Aįvan alias Ponnambalak. Karuppur
Tirumunaippādi-nidu sõlamandalam. küttan who was the kankans of Tiruvaykkelui Ponnan Sariya- Puttür .
Purapparalai-nādu. dēvan alias Jayadhara-Pallava
raiyar. Velän sattan, the kankani of Poyyä. Kil-Nettür alias Karungudi-nödu . molidevar.
Kirtivisālai
yanallur. Nārāyanan Sattan who was the Veļiyarrr
Kēralasingkankani of Samudāyam Siraman Kappalûra alias
valanadu Tiruvudaiyan alias Pottappich- Ulagalandabo
Muttūrru-kurram. cholar.
lanallür. Arayan Tirumalai-udaiyan who was Arunkalam
Poliyür-nadu thekankans of Maligaittanam Aykkudi alias Vadatalai-SembiSivalavan Alagiyamanavalan Alagiyapān.
nadu. alias Kālingarāyar. .
diyanallur. Arayan Karumāņikkam who was Kit-Pasalai alias Tiyandaikudi-nadu. the karkani of Malavariyar.
Dānevinodanallür. Uyyavandăn Ponnan alias Mānā. Kappalūr a lias
Muttörru-küfram. bharana-Mūvēndavélar who was Ulagalanthe adigaram of Pillaiyar Alagap- dalolanallär.
perumal. Nambi Ponnambalakküttan alias Sirupālaiyar alias
Solapāndiya-valaVirasingadēvar. Kāvērival.
nādu. lavanallar.
10
11
Malaikiniyaniņran Alagan alias
Vijaiya-Vichchadiradēvar who was
one of the anukkar of śőlapandiyavalanáttu-kuriyam
beygira Alagiyapandiyanır.
Rājēndiram
.
Irakingankulakki]
1 Netfür is in the Sivaganga Taluk. * This is in the Tiruppattur Taluk. . This is a (Z) village in Tiruvadinai Talok. • Paramakudi Taluk,

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100
Serial No.
II (11. 93-96).
Madavan Diväkara-Bhattan
13 Nārāyaṇan Nārāyaṇa-Bhattan
14
12
15
16
17
18
19
=
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
Note.-Inclusive of the five persons of Mapaviramadurai named above (in Section II), the following others that are mentioned in the next six sections (III to VIII) who were concerned in the formation of the new brahma deya also went with the elephant.
27
Names of persons.
29
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
30
Si-(Sri) Madaran Narasimha-Bhat
tan.
Govindan Tirunilakantha-Bhatin
Jätavēdan Subrahmanya-Bhattan
Village.
Sri-Krishnan Alagiyaraghava. Bhattan.
Kaliyāyaṇ Vennaikkütta-Bhattan
Māpaviramadurai
Ditto
Ditto
Ditto
Ditto
III (11. 96-98).
Adityan Sendapirän-Bhattan of Marudur alias MaduTirukkuḍandai.
rōdaya-chatur. vēdimangalam.
Ditto
Nārāyaṇan Narayana-Bhatṭan
Sri-Vasudevan Nagnapiran-Bhattan
Śri-Raman Paramātma-Bhattan
Ditto
IV (11. 98-100).
Ahitägni Sriranganatha-Bhatta- Mer-Pasalai alias
Soma-Kathakayajiyär.
Brivallabha. chaturvedimangalam.
Ditto
Ditto
Ditto
V (11. 100-103).
Arayan Uyyaninräduvän alias Kit-Pasalai1 Sembiyadaraiyan.
Kesavan Narayanan
Karumāņikkam-Korran
Kalvayil Kesavan
alias
Sub-division.
Danavinödanallar.
Ditto
Ditto
Ditto
Ditto
Ditto
Ditto
Tiyandaikudi-nādu
Ditto
Ditto
Ditto
Ditto
28 Periyan Perran
Nangan Alagan
Vasudevan Sûriyadevan
1 Melappaéalai and Kilappasalai are (I) villages in the Sivaganga Taluk.
[VOL. XXV.
District or Province.

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101
Names of persons.
Village.
Sub-division.
Serial No.
District or Province.
VI (11. 103-106). Appan Suriyadēvan .
.
.
Poliyür alias
Parthivskēsari. nallar.
Ditto
Udayan Varagunadēvan alias
Alagiyapandiya-Vilupparaiyan. Sūriyan Varantaruvan alias
Sangiramasinga-Pallavaraiyan. Suadarattāļudaiyan Somadevan
Ditto
Ditto
VII (U. 106-108). Dayānilai Uyyavandan alias Kallikkudit alias Pusapparaļai-nadu Chēdirāyan.
Puravuvarinallür. Aņukkan Ariyan
Ditto
Ditto Appan Arumolidēvan alias Sembiyan. Ditto
Ditto Viluppaгaiyan. Puttūr-kilavan Battan alias Purap- Ditto
Ditto paraļainādu-kilavan.
39
VIII (11. 108-110). Paliyânilai Suriyadevan
Tamiņādukisavan.
alias | Iruohirai alias | Kassi-Irukkai
Indirasamănanallür.
40
Vēlān Irattai alias Rājakuñjara
Pallavaraiyan.
Ditto
Ditto
Milaganor
IX (11. 110-120). Sadiran Selvan Rāman Alagan Söran Mükkan Nägadēvan Räman alias Rājanära
yaņa-Mūvēndavēlān. Arasariyān
Ditto Ditto
Ditto
Ditto
1 This is a (2) village in the Sivaganga Taluk.
* Tradition has it that an early Pandys king bound with chains and imprisoned the clouds at this place which is on that account also known as Kattunallur-Iruñcbirai. See V. 38 of Tiruvālaváyudaiyar Tiruvilaiyadal 44, p. 162. "Tudippara vilangu püffittunind-iruichirai taittag=avv-idappeyarakKaffunallur-Iruáchiraiynebar inrum". The place is near Mänämadurai. A later inscription (No. 399 of 8.1.1., Vol. VIII) montions Irufiohirsivalanadu and locates Mannaiyurkottai in it.
* This is an (I) village in Sivaganga.

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102
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXV.
Serial No.
Names of persons.
Village.
Sub-division.
District or Province.
46
Araiyan Pullapi who had the
karipparru of Pullāņi Mädėvan alias Nulambadarayar.
Achchankatti
rukkai Tirumaliruñjölai Mälangudi.
KISembi-akda.
Note.-The persons mentioned in this group were concerned in the formation of the new village of Milsgandr surnamed Rajendranallar by clubbing together the villages and lands given in exchange for the old village of Milaganir that was taken up and included in Rajagambhira-chaturvédimangalam.
X (11. 120-123). Sattan Kanavadi
47
Sirukuļattur alias Alagiya-påpdiya
Parākramapandiyanallar.
Ditto
Ditto
Ditto
Ditto
Sundarattāludaiyan Devap Satta Kaņdan alias Tirumalirus
jolai Dasan. Vēlāp Sundarattõludaiyan Sivallavan Pēráyiramudaiyan alias
Maranürnāttu-Vēļān. Devan Sivallavan Arattamikkidisan
Ditto
Ditto
Ditto
Ditto
Ditto
Ditto
XI (11. 123-124). Udaiyadivákaran Sri-Karimara-
Bhattan of Iļavimangalam.
Strakudi alias
Virakāmogamangalam.
Ditto
Nārāyanap Subrahmanya-Bhattap
XII (11. 125-127). Uyyaninrādi Periyilván
55
Sēndapirān Karumimagil-Bhattan Govindan Mänēndukaiyan Aditya Bhaskara-Bhattan
Vidattal aliae Mån - Kirantir-nadu
bharana-chaturvēdimangalam. Ditto
Ditto Ditto
Ditto Ditto
Ditto
XIII (11. 127-128) 69 | THÂn Kõvan
Velforkaruchchis
Alagiyapandiya
kulakki]
80
Adi Perrig
Ditto
Ditto
1 Most of the places in Kil-Sembi-nadu sro, liko Mälangudi, situated in the Ramnad Taluk of the Ramnad Distriot.
There is village called Sirakulam in the Sivaganga Taluk. . This place is in Sivaganga. .There is a Vidattakulam in the Sivaganga Taluk.
This porbape Vellikuruchchi in the Sivaganga Taluk.

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No. 11.)
TIRUPPUVANAM PLATES OF JATAVARMAN KULASEKHARA I.
103
Serial
No.
Names of persons.
Village.
Sub-division.
District or Province.
61
Alagiyapandiya-ku!a
Vēļān Alagan alias Sundarapandiya- Veļfürkorachchi
Müvēndavēlan. Vēļā Sirilauko
Ditto
62
Ditto
Tiruvāvanam
63 64
XIV (11. 129-131). Alvāp Upadhyāyar
Marudôr Karumāņikkam Ulagamundāp Perumpuliyor
Bhattan, Mayüravahanan Aļuvāp-Bhattan Marudur
66
XV (1. 131-132). Rāma Uyyavandan
Vēlür alias Alagi. Kirapür-nadu
yapāņdiyanallür.
Ditto
Perrān Pattan Dēvan Nambi Sorap Nāttāp
Ditto Ditto
68 69
Ditto Ditto
Ditto
Note. The persons mentioned in sections X to XV were all concerned in clubbing the villages in the brahmadeya of Rājagambhira-chaturvedimangalam.
70
Tiruppavanam
Irākingankulakkil
XVI (11. 133-138). Anaittanam Pamman Adiyarkunal-
laperumān alias Pallavadaraiyan. Meyppu Malaiyan Soran alias
Viñjattaraiyan. Dēvan Tillai alias Madurðdaya
Pallavaraiyan. Sikayilāya-Bhattan alias Sivallava
Pallavaraiyan. Kanavadi Sirāman alias Sundara
pāndiya-Pallavaraiyan. Eran Periyān alias Pāņdiyan Palla
varaiyan. Põrru Aravamudaiyan Villi alias
Mudittalaikonda-Pallavaraiyan.
Note. -The seven persons of group XVI conducted the female elephant.

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104
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXV.
APPENDIX B.
List of villages and lands included in Rājagambhira-chaturvēdimangalam in Rājagambhira
valanādu. (Lines 19 to 69.)
Kiranür-nádu. Nakkamangalam.--The village of Kiranûr in the Sivaganga Taluk was perhaps the chief place in the divi
sion. Vägaikudi.-This was a dēvadana of Tiruppuvanamudaiyar. Tiruvāvanam. Tuttiyūr.-There is a village called Tuttikulam in the Sivaganga Taluk. Kirungakkottai.-This village is in the Sivaganga Taluk. Kāduvetti, Muttam, Korraņēri, Tadaiyili-Tiyāgi-embal, Veljattaivenrān-embal, Naduvirkottai and Kādan. Etti-kuruchchi are landa in Kirungākkottai.
Papangalûr-nādu. Adikarai.- A village in the Sivaganga Taluk. Mittiravāli. Volangulam.-A village in the Sivaganga Taluk. Omalagiyān-imbal.-A land in Vēlanguļam. Solaiyēri.-Now called Solaisēri in Sivaganga Taluk. Kudañjādi.-This village is in the Sivaganga Taluk. Aruvarai-Pudukkulam. Kit-Chūrai. Mer-Chūrai. Pidärikulam. Panangalûr alias Panditapafjaranallür. Seyyakuļattur.-Its prosent name is Seykuļattur (in Sivaganga). Singanēriyudaiyan-kanipparru.-A land in Seyyakulattar. Vañjiyūr. Karkurichchi.--This village in Sivaganga is now spelt Kalkuruohohi. Ariyankuruchchi.—This is also in the Sivaganga Taluk. Araikkuļam. Arugasādi. Viragangappërayan-embal, Virapāndiyappērayan-embal, Moliyag-embal, Ambalak kütten-êmbal,
Sittanémbal and Pannirāyira-Ppērayan-embal, are lands in Araikkulam. Uvaniyamangalam. Pudaichchänkuļi. - This is a land in Uvaniyamangalam.
Tiyandaikkudi-nadu. t'garay. Kottai. Sivigaiyāṇkuli, and Udumbandai are lands in the above village. Ulagarani.-Still bears the same nane. It is in the Sivaganga Taluk, karaiyūr. Kunneli. Mattadlakkigēri. Sangapperayan-embal. Puttimbal.-This may be Puttēndal in Sivaganga Taluk. Kalniyaņēri.-This may be Kaliyanēndal in Sivaganga Talok. Scukuli.
rukkorranëri. Kalvavilmangalam. Jullanēri. Sendanēri.

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No. 11.) TIRUPPUVANAM PLATES OF JATAVARMAN KULASEKHARA I.
105
Nakkanëri. Paskulam.-This is a (2) village in Sivaganga Taluk. Uyyan-Sūriyan-ēmbal. Marudankudi-This is in the sivaganga Taluk. Navarkudi. Kandiyürnādālván-embal. Siru-Nakkanēri. Salámani.—Now called Sadāmaņi in the sivaganga Taluk. Purrukkulam.-Now called Puttukkulam in the Sivaganga Taluk. Siruvayal. Konraikkuļam.-Now called Kognakulam in the sivaganga Taluk. Pullamangalam. Karkuļam.--Now called Kalkulam (in sivaganga). Karumäkulam.-There is one Karungula in sivaganga Taluk. Eyili. Padaichchankulam. Puliyankulam.-Still so called. In Sivaganga Taluk, Padikulam. Vēlarkuruchchi. Väyttalainallür. Kaduvetti.- This is the name of a land in VRyttalainallor. Mänavíramadurai.This is Månånadurai. Marudur. Sangan-embal. Sankaramangalam.--Now called Sangamangalam in Sivaganga. Tiyanür-Solaiyöri.-There is a Tiyanür in Sivaganga Taluk. Kilankattur alias Puravari-chaturvēdimangalam.-In Sivaganga Taluk. MērPabalai alias Srivallabha-chaturvēdimangalam.-In Sivaganga Taluk. Pirândiyéri.-There is a Pirandaikulam in Sivaganga Taluk. Kadukkudi.-There is a Kakudi in Sivaganga Taluk. Settaléri.-A divadama of Tiruppasalainādar of Mēr-Pasali alias Srivallabha-chaturvedimangalam. Tirapp-Sondan-ēmbal.-This may be Sundan-embal in Paramakudi Taluk. Tattan-embal. --Now called Tattanõndal in Paramakudi Taluk. Vēmbod-ēmbal. Pappån-embal.-There are villages called Pappanēndal in Paramakudi Taluk as well as in Sivaganga Teluk. Edirilisolappērayan-Embal. Velankäl.-A dévadána of Sri-Vaikunda-Vinnagar-Aįvår of Mer-Pašalai alias Srivallabha-chaturvedimas
galam. Kanichchi-embal. Tirappu Pagaiyanori. -There is a Paraiyanindal in Sivaganga. Kil-Veliyārrür. Möl Veliyarrür. Mandaiyurkulam. Nelvēli.—This may be Nemmēli in Paramakudi Taluk. Tanpilattaraiyan-êmbal. Sömättür.–This is in Paramakudi Taluk. Aravankudi. Karunguļam.-This is in Paramakudi Taluk. Epättar. Tadappirai. Kažchirankuļam.-This is in Sivaganga Taluk.
Mörkudi-nadu. Mērkudi alias Kalijayamangalam. Men-Merkuļi. -Kija-Melkudi and Mola-Malkudi are villages in the Sivaganga taluk. Mafijalar.
.

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106
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXV.
Korranëri.There is a village named Kottankulam in Sivaganga and Paramakudi Taluks. Muttūranarottai.-A dēvadana of Tiruppavanamudaiyår. Annalväy.--Now called Annayasal in Sivaganga Taluk. Bundan-mbal.--Now called Sundanēndal in Sivaganga Tuluk. Narimanram alias Varagandanallür.-There is a village named Nariyëndal in Sivaganga Taluk. Bilaiyanëri.-Silaiyan is a village in Sivaganga Taluk. Uriyappi, Tali-ombal, Korraņēri, Suriyan-embal and Somaņēri are lands and tanks in Varagandanallar.
Purapparalai-nādu, Pallanēri. Kannanur, Lands in-Kannanür is a village in Sivaganga Taluk. Madalaikuruchchi. Kit-Seli: Puskarai in it. Achchankattirukkni-Milaganär alias Rajendrasinganallar.-Milaganor is a village in Sivaganga Taluk, Minnari, Kaņņikudi, Araiyaņēri, and Naduvir-Selikulattu-usväy.-Those are near Milagaŋür. Mēr-Seli. Kuruchchätti. Sirukkiļātti. Puvaninallur, Arikudi. Somapēri. Tayan-Pūdi-embal. Sirukilāökāttūr, a dēvadana of Tiruppuvanamudaiyar. There is a village called Kiļāngattar in Sivaganga
Taluk. Sirumilagi. Nerkunram (tirappu). Kattikkulam.There is an (I) and (7) village of this name in Sivaganga.
Porrin-embal.-There is a village called Pettäņöndal in Paramakudi Taluk.
In the lists given above, some official designations are prefixed to a few names of persons. These are: Tiruvāykkelvi, Sämudāyam, Māļigaittanam, Adigāram, Valanattu-kāriyambeygira, Anaitianam-and Meyppu. Their connotation may easily be determined from the terms themselves. The compound word Tiruväykkēlvi consists of tiru sacred', vāymouth' and kelvi
hearing and means. what is heard from the sacred mouth (of the king)', i.e., any royal oral order'. As an official designation applied to persons it means one who hears the royal oral order'. In ancient times, among the king's retinue there were some who bore this designation. And it seems that the duty of this class of officials was to put in writing the oral orders of the king and communicate the same to the Department of the State concerned for being given effect to. In the case of almost all royal orders this becomes the first original document; and on this are based the subsequent orders issued in pursuance of it. Very often we meet with the statement nam këlui tara-chchopnom' meaning we directed the issue of our kēļvi (oral order put in writing). The word "kēlvi' is seen sometimes substituted by Wolai' (written palm leaf). The receiving officers out of regard for the king termed it tirumandiravolai where tiru (Skt. Sri) denotes' His Majesty's', mandira "council' and olai document or order'. Thus, its equivalent is the order of His Majesty in Council'. It is exactly the same as tiruvāykkelvi. The word samudāya means 'gathering, crowd or a body of people'. From it comes Sūmudāya 'one of the members of the samudāya'. This body may consist of one class of people or be of different classes. In temples also there existed such a body. Probably it was composed of different kinds of servants employed in it. The term Māligaittanam may have been used to denote the official in charge of the management of the king's household. It may be rendered into Palace-Manager'. Adigaram may be taken to mean one who exerciscs power, a maintainer of law'. Prakriya tv-adhikārak' and the explanation ! vyavasthā-sthāranīyasya' well bring out the sense, Valanātu-kārgam-seygira means the administrative head of a district'. The sense of the term Anaittanam is well brought

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No. 11.]
TIRUPPUVANAM PLATES OF JATAVARMAN KULASEKHARA I.
107
out in lines 207-210 of the larger Leiden plates. It denotes the person who, when the boundaries of a village or villages are being circumambulated by the assemblies of the nadu (district or subdivision) in company with the kankani (Superintendents), had to go with them mounted on the elephant (anai) and to point out the boundaries. Meyppu is somewhat difficult to explain definitely. It is not known whether the first letter me is long or short. If long it may indicate that the person who bore this designation was in charge of the feeding of the elephant; and if short, it may denote a police officer. In the name Põrru Aravamuḍaiyan Villi (No. 76 of Appendix A), the word Porru may denote some duty or office which is not possible to be definitely defined
now.
3
TEXT.
First Plate; First Side.
1 Svasti śrī 81 Ambhaḥ purvvam-abhud-idan-tad-udarē sētē sma Seshe Haris-tan-nābher= ajanishța patmam-abhavat
2 tasmat svayam Viśvasrit [1] tasmād-Atrir-amushya-lochana-putad-Indur-Budhas-tatsutas-tasmad-asa Pururavā
s-tata ime' Pandyesvarā jajñire a Svasti sri- Sundarēsād-avagata-samaya[s*]-sv-abhidhan-asrayasya grāma
4 sy aghața-kliptim prati sapadi nije vatsarē pañcha-virée [*] Chanḍāméāv=atta10-Chapë Kanaka-pati-tithau
5 krishna-paksh-Arkivāra-Sväti-yōgē karēņum gamayitum avadad-Rājagambhiradēvaḥ Püvin-kilatti mē
6 vi vitrirappa Mediņi-mádu aldiyir-papara vaya-pPor-madandai jaya-ppuyatt-iruppa ma-kKalai-maḍandai
7 väkkinil vilanga-ttisaiy-iru-nangum"-isai-nilav-erippa Marai-neri valara Manu-neri tigala
ara-ne
8 ri-chchamaiyangal-gun-talaippa-kkina-vingalyai villudan turandu minan-Kanaka
chalattu
9 virriruppa en-giri sülnda elu-kaḍal-elu polil ven-kudai-nilar13-chenkō=ṇadappa=12 kkoḍun
1 This sign is used here for punctuation mark. See also line 316. The Archaeological Survey of South India, Volume IV, which will hereafter be indicated by A. 8. S. I., actually takes it for visarga from which it is hardly distinguishable.
* Read ambhab.
In this inscription, wherever rua occurs, is doubled. The letter da of dare seems to have been inserted in the space between du and re. It looks like the length sign of i.
Read padmam=
There is a marked preference for the final consonant in this inscription. See also abhavat (1. 1), tat-suta (1.2) and vatsare (1.4).
In place of stata ime, A. S. 8. I. reads punarato (?).
The syllables sy-aghata-kliptim have been read as sya(vadhi)kāptim in A. 8. 8 I. There is no doubt about the reading given in our text. The letter kli is rare and looks like kara as it must; but it cannot be taken for kā, for the length sign is clearly distinguished in this inscription from ra by the latter being given a tube at the bottom. The letter di is corrected from ti..
10 Vanta is the reading in A. S. 8. I. The bottom letter t is slightly damaged.
11 Misai is the reading in most inscriptions, but in No. 417 of S. I. I. (Texts), Vol. V, it is replaced by migai.
12 The reading in S. I. I., Vol. V, Nos. 412 and 417 is . In this inscription, the letter Ju is clear.
13 Though nilarra is the reading found in Nos. 412 and 417 of here and in line 12: the short and long i are clearly distinguished. by irunko instead of benko.
8. I. I., Vol. V, our inscription uses nilar both In No. 302 of 8. I. I., Vol. V, nilarra is followed

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108
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XXV.
10 Kali nadungi nedum-pilattolippa Villavari Sembiyar Virāțar Varātart Pallavar
tiraiyudan murai murai 11 paniya iru-nēmiy-aļavum=oru-nēmiy=onga inn-amud=āgiya iyal-isai-nädaga[m] manni
Valara maņi-mudi 12 sūdi verpenav=ongiya virasimhāsaņattu-kkappaga-nilar-kalai-valor pugala mannavar
dēviyar vana13 ngi-ninr-éttum=anna-men-nadaiy=Avanimujududaiyārodum virgirund-aruliya Sri-ko
ch Chadaivarmma14 r-āņa Tribhuvanachchakravarttigal eri-Kulabākaradēvarku yāndu 13-vadu nāļ näl
Āyirattu munnur15 rarupadişal Madurodaya-vaļanāțfu Māļakkula-kkil Madurai-kköyir-palliy-asaikküdat
First Plate; Second Side. 16 tu=ppalli-ppidam Malavarājapil=elundaruliy-irundu (Vēdamu]m Sāstramu[m] põy
vyākhyātākkaļāyri17 rukkuñ=chaturvvēdi-Bhattargal pēr=ãyiratt-enpadiņmarku Eppangu āyiratt-enpadum
dēvadāņa-p18 paņi-bey-virutti pangu nürr-irupadum aga=ppangu iyiratt-iru-nurrukku=ppadin
müprávadi. 19 n-edir padin-onrām-ându-mudal brahmadēyam-aga=kKirapur-năţtu "Nakkamangala
mum Udaiya-8 20 : Tiruppūvanam-udaiyar dēvadānam Vāgaikudiyum utpadu brahmadēyam-āga=kkūțțiņa
Tiruvāva21 namun-Tuttiyūrum 10Kirungākkottaiyum=ivv-ūr=!1 Käduvettiyum Muttamun= Korra
nēriyu. 22 n-Tadaiyili-Tiyagiy-embalum Vellattaivenran-ēmbalum Pagavadiy embalum Na23 duvir-köţtaiyun-Kādan-Etti-kupuchchiyum Papangalürli.nātu Adikaraiyum Mitti. 24 raväliyum Vēlanguļamum Omalagiyāp-ēmbaluñ=Chõlaiyēriyun=Kudaiñjādiyum=Aru25 yarai-Pudukkulamun-Kit-Chūraiyum Mēr-Chūraiyum Pidärikulamum Panangalur-āņa
Paņdita26 pañjaranallurum Seyyakuļattūrum Singaņēriyudaiyān kāņipparrum Vañjiyūruñ=Kasku27 richchiyum'=Ariyāṇkuruchchiyum=Araikkulamum=Arugaśādiyum Viraganga- uppērayan.
ēmbalum Vi. 1 Maräfar is a variant found in No. 302 of 8. I. I., Vol. V.
Instead of this phrase, vi fangiya kadir-ofi occurs in No. 302 and vifangiya alone in Nos. 412 and 417 of 8.1. 1., Vol. V.
• The sa of sanattu is an interlineation. It is entered below the line. • The reading nalu in A. 8. 8. I., is wrong. The mistake increases the number of days by four. . Read Orkku.
The e sign of ne is engraved at the end of the previous line. * Over the letter Na, the i sigu is entered and erased.
The length of yù is entered at the beginning of the next lino. • Bead upada. 10 The reading Sirungao given in A. 8. 8. I. is wrong. u Read - r. u The length of la ia bere separated from the letter, whereas it is connected with it in line 26. » Read Kil. 14 The word kuruchchi is in some cases spelt kurichchi. See lines 77, 166, 236.
1. This word may also be read ppoyap. As there is no i sign over the letter , the reading periyar givo in A. 8.8. 1. must be considered wrong.

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ia,
கமெடுதலு நெதெரிநாஜெர்
ரஜ்ர-கிரீஸ்ஒரென{வுறதஸ்யேபாதிபாகாய்
உதகவபபாயியல்த தீர், வெர் வநவதாதிர்வுயலுகத்திர-27. 2 2♥5ற்சவாடும 4ரரசருதியதிநடுஐயாவரெதவி...[wJa•J« உரவெத்தாரதிடுய பீசர்-சமரதியரரடிர்தீயெர்மொரெணமஜயித82 தர்ஜமாதிரி3ெ2: பூவினதி+த்திமெ பிவி ருப்பமெதினிமரசுநீதியிரபுன உயப்பொர்மடநதை ஜயப்புய ததிலைடந்தை
நீ
பரகதி நிலவிளங்தத்திசையிரு நரனரு மிசை நிலர் வெதிப்பபற ந்ெதி வாம்மத்திதிகம் அறடுந 8 ஆலம் யங்கள் அருகமைப்பத்தான் உெங்கையைவில்டை இன் தரக்காயினில் திருப்பரனதிரிசூமந்தனம் ஈட்டுவர்பொழில்வெருடை நீட செங்கன் 10 தலீககெதிருத்டுமயில்கடுகா ப்ரவில்லல டூர்ம்பியரவிரடாவாடர்பல்லவா)
யெெநபியவுமொருநெபிமொஙடு அமுதாதியடுமலிசைநாடி நமாவிகள் 1220271 272 273 274 27 202 TH 7
ந்திதிாடுதங்மனைமெனஎடையவனிழுப் படையாளமெரருந்தருளியன்பொது 14 7:உசசருவல்களுகுல பிச்சங் கும்பய்வது நாளநாமாக அட்கின. நாட்ாேடக்குக "டிமதுரை தெரயிக்டாளி.
30
TIRUPPUVANAM PLATES OF JATAVARMAN KULASEKHARA I.
ருக்மகு
ப
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. Rea. No. 1943 E'39. 275.
ஆத.
16. சூப்ப்பனளிப்பஜனி லெழுநதிரு எயி
12+pl41287 16
ருக்ருருசகபெறட்டர்கள பொாயிர்ததெணபதினாரும் காப்பம் கெவகானப 18 பேணிசெயவிருத்தியங்குங்த்திருபாடிரு படங்க பிரததிருநாவவத்த பபதின் சிற்பி பதிெ னதிரபதினொன் மாண்டுமுதல யெம்ா ததிர்வரநாட்டுத்தரமங்தலமும் உடை 20 திருப்பூவணமுடையார்தெவதாநம் வரதை பியும்உடம்குளு ஜெயம் தக்ககூட்டின திரு வரம் 20 ஷமுந் துத்தியூருமதிஅங்களககொட்டையுமி-பூத்தாடுவெ பியும்முட்டமுங்கொ உளறியு நதடை லிதியாதியெட்டலும்வெள்ளத்தைவென்றடுன். வம்பதபதியம்பலுட்டு 22 ©வி© தூாட்டையுங்கட்டுடைடிருவரசியுமபன் ஙதவரரநரட்டுஅதிகரையும் மிகதி
24 7 வாலியுமவெலங்களம்மாட்ழதியாமுமைபலகுசொலையெரியுங்குடைஞ்சாபியுட்டு 24 வரைபுக்ககு மு ஙதி சூரையும்டும் சூரையும்பிடாரிகுளமும்பனஙதலூரான்பணத் 128 பஞ்சா நல்லாரும் செய்யகள்த்வ ருமசிங்கனெரியுடையானதரண். வஞ்சியூ திரசியுமரியாதை பாதியுமாரைத்தமுமதசாமியும் விரத்ங்கப்பெரயமனம்பல 28 பாணடியட்டுபயடுன மயலம குமரமிடும். பலத்துததனே. மபம் கட்டலமபளையி மடலருவனியகலமுமபுகைச்சரனகுமி
மதிபா இந்ட்ரா-Q2கயொடுஇதுடம்
சூமியும்டுமபர்
34
SCALE: ONE-THIRD.
8
10
12
14
ii,a.
12
36
சலானியுஙரைடுல்யப்பட்ட்டாதுபொயுருப்ப படுபப்மெட் 82 நொம்புக்கெமபலம லயனொயும் ரெவகுமியுமொநத்தொகதனெரியுங்தலவாயில் ல முப்புலல னெரியுஞ்செந்களெரியுநாகமுறறியும்பு தளமும் உயயான சூரியனெம்பது 84 மூடிருகன்குடியுமநார் குட்யும்தண்டயநாடாடிவாடுறமபவஞரிந்துளெரியுச்சூலாஜ் 34 எயும்புவஈதளமுமசிவவயலுங்கொன்றைககு முமபுலலமங்கலமுங்காகுளமுங்கருமாகுள் மாய்லியும் படைசானகுளமும் புலியங்குள்முழ்கிநாமும் வெளரு வசியும்வாயக உலகல) 36 வெட்டியுமமானவிரமது. கசுருளத்துளவாயில்மருதூரதாவாகு நதிமாததி நிலழன்வெலியு:2-படு முதியமா11fட்பின்மருத][ன்மதுதெயாய் வெதிமங்கலமுஞசங்கனெம்பல்ஞாந்தமங்கலமும் தியவர்சொலபெரியுங்தினாங்க 40 12 ரிசசங்ஜெரிமங்தலம்பதின்முன் யகனைதிரடத்தரமாண இவரைப்பஓய்வருநிதி தஞ்செயபுன செயுமந்ததமுந்தொட்டமுமதி-ல முரணியுங்கொயிலபியுமதிருந்த ஜன்ம 42 எம்பலும் 2டபட்ட -நிலம்புட்டெ ஆவமானெனில்ம்ட்டு-ஆண்மாயும் விரபாணடயன்கேர் 42 வலந்ததிந்ததிப்ப தததத]]யுள்ள நிலமும்ைெத பரலேயரன் றி ல்ல்குசரதுவெ திமிங்கல 4 டிபதினமுறை தினதிரத்தாண அவரை மயிருநதஜன் மிதிப் திருைரிலமு# இந்தந்த செபுன்செயுந்ந்தகமுத்தொட்டமந்திடலடி கொயிலகரூ ருதன் கவன மும்
38
4. 40
சிதத 21
30
38
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA,

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1,5 1/2-படப் பாளயகோவால்நOURUGA
N - TAFUU THAாகமமானாலயாரககயெ யுக 48 பாலயான வெல்லதேககெகல் கருப்பதாலகாக
O4ம் புரொபெபேக்கப்பாடபோய 50 னெமபம எலிசொமபபொயவனலபாலேயான
CRSHI கலகங்ாடைகநகவினை கடிவாதககான பகதெயகாரைடு டிக கலவெலங்காலங்களியெமன் E கானகக்கடைா-மகபடm 52
யனெயங்கிவெளியாகாம்ப்லவெளியாவாருமமணடையாகா கேல 54 வலியுக்கானலககரையனெம்ம சொமக்கரும்பனகயவாகளமாக
கககக்க்டாப்பிரையங்காகசிங்கள மடுமாதகருட மேகமியாதையை 56 ப ட
னெகாபககாமாண்டு வலாக டயருககாலாக (நகசெடாசொககபடடபடபாடானயேண்டுகாலால லானடோல பான் 68 கலம் வடமாககபபகககாாORGான்மைGD658 யம 3145 1ெ1226ாடநாக்கால் பம்மகமங்கன் பயம் உடைக பட்டால் காண்க
கண்டநல்லுருட்டுவபாரதசாெபாடியமதரசிபெம்பரம்கெ 02 தேனெர் யமகரியனெம்பலம் சொம்யுெததபபுபபதாக யுேல
மரியம்கணன் வாதாக ரெயப்பத்திபனத 9மமதாதாக்கா65 44 பழக்க செழிப்புத்துரையும் வு சாங்காத தம் வாரனமா ETTPH 64
வழுதப்பால்மின்ன்ர்மகலைனாயகவிதா 68 கேகவிகல்பம்மெசெயமாசாத
கயம் உகல்வாடி 68 படியும் சொட்னொபமகாயல் டக்டெம்பவமயைாதிக்வன்ச -- 68 கெயத் ான சிகிவாககாடநெமசிமின் மருத புகந்தன் கத்டமிதாள
பென பலம் ககாகவி 2 முநதே தானம்பள்ளிகந்தமகான்மை 70 போநிைலம் திகதி திகதியுன் நிலம்ம்ன்வ டையாடுமட்டிாபெரும் உள்ளன வதைம் 70
மடி கந்தவிரதது நெமெகரு ஒருபாகமாகதிராSDSBNாந-வராஜா 72 - வெமங்கலமென வந்திரு தமக்கால் தெயடு செய்தHICATHON 72
கண்கானகளெவெட்ட கேடந்து பயிருடந்த எல்லாம் வரலைடு 74 ககெகவென்பதிக்பாட் மோட்நாகௗன்மையலபுராதகனகா டி 2Ura 22கது நடுவிடம் போக்தகநல விகார உடையான அரையகரா
iii,b.
78 எலுமம்மலைத்துகமதுகடைலே 2 டையாபைாகதாகைyaதை 76
மஅம்தியபாமிைய்ககளாபலமாத்தததலலமரல 78 கடையாக கொடுதவனபர்பவனம் ைSTOாகடிப்பது 78
HTT-பெபுத்துடையாெைபான்னவசாயவலைசெயகப்பலல்வரையாக 80 எகான்சொம்மண்டலதங்கிக் கன்ப்பாட்காட்டுத்தருபடை யாரையின்ம யா 90
யோவன்மபல்காக்க 20 மபொயயாமெட்டுதயாகதண் கருங்கடிநாட்டுகடாக 92 TT TT காயகல்லாடுவனார்க்காதோயமாதாந்தத்தா 82 வானஉலகளந்தசொதவாகபலாருடைய மனகாடையா 44 பொக்கப்பிர செடி TOானதொளசிங்ககால பாவடையான்நாயராகாத
படமாளிகைக்கல்மாட்கலோசெம்பிநாட்டுஆமாதவியால் அடிதியபாண்ட்யாலயா 98 லயன் -மதியமனயாளனைகாகாயாக கைரண்டுபாம்பாநாட்டுங்களமடையான் 96
சாயல்கம் உடையான்மமம்பாயாகன்காண்கயகதைகநாட்டுகடER பாதை - 88 ரன்விசெகதலவாகடையாலயாக பாவித்தழமமாயா- படும்
28 மாகாA 23ங்காபாவ2ல்களEGUPதல்லாத பலடையான்யம் 100 கானபொன்னனைமாபைான், பெருவெனா வாயவனங்ட்ரெD00

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No. 11.] TIRUPPUVANAM PLATES OF JATAVARMAN KULASEKHARA I.
Sitta
28 rapānḍiyappērayan1-embalum Moliyan-embalum Ambalakkuttan-embalum 29 n-embalum *Pannirayirapparayan-ambalam-Uvaniyamangalamum "Pudaichchan
kulily-ēm]ba
30 lum Tiyandaikuḍi'-nāṭṭu Ugaray-5du Köttaiyuñ-Chivigsiyāṇ-kaliyum-Uḍum[ba]ndai."
Second Plate; First Side.
31 yum-Ulagaraṇiyan-Karaiyaruń-Kunnaliyam Maṭṭaḍakkiyēriyu Changappérayag.
ĕmba
32 lum Puttēmbalum Kalaiyaṇēriyum Senkuliyum-Orukkorranĕriyun-Kalvayilman33 galanium Pullanĕriyuñ-Chendaṇeriyu[m] 10Nakkaneriyum Parkuļamum Uyyan Süriyan-embalu
34 m Marudankudiyum Navarkuḍiyum Kandiyür-näḍālvān-embaluñ-Chiru-Nakkan- eriyuñ=
Chūlāma
35 [pi]yum Purrukkulamum Siruvayalun-Konraikkulamum Pullamangalamun-Karkulamun=
109
Karumākuļa
36 mum Eyiliyum Padaichchankulamum Puliyankulamum Pūdikuļamum Vēļārkuṛuch. chiyum Väy[t*]talainallu
37 rum ivv-u Kaduveṭṭiyum Manaviramaduraikkulatt-ulvayil Marudur"-kālukku- kkilak[ku-pp]ā
38 dagappadi nila[m*] munru-vēliyum uṭpadu brahmadeyam-aga-kkūṭṭina Marudur- āņa Madurōdaya-chchatu
39 rvvēdimangalamuñ-Changan-embaluñ-Chankaramangalam.um
Tiyaṇur- Sōlaiyeriyun=
Kiļānkāṭṭū[r-ā]na
40 Puravari-chchaturvvēdimangalam
padin-munrāvadin-edir pattam-koduvari kulip
parray vanda nir-nilamun-ka
41 ruñchey punseyum nattamun-tōṭṭamum tiḍalum-uraniyun-kōyil-adiyum tiru[na*]ndavana[mu]m
42 embalum utpaṭṭa nilam ette äru-ma i-nnilam ette aru-māvum Virapandiyan- kō43 lal nikki nikki-ppakkattar parray-ulla nilamun. Mer-Pasalaiy-ana Sivallabha-chchaturvvědimangala
44 m padin-münrävadin edir pattam-anḍuvarai kudiy-irunda janmigal parray vanda nir
punéeyun-nattamun-toṭṭamun-tiḍalum Śrīkōyilgaļum
tirunandava
nilamu
45 n-karuñche[y]
namum
1 This word may also be read ppoyan. must be considered wrong.
In nira, there is a correction. The afterwards between ni and rā.
Kuda, the reading in A. S. S. I., is not right. The word occurs again with the spelling kudi.
Here and in many more places the letter fu is shaped exactly as the e sign. It is due to the indifference of the scribe.
yu.
As there is no i sign over r the reading pperiyan given in A. S. S. I. The è sign of ne is entered at the end of the previous line. engraver seems to have at first written ra and inserted the length mark Pukai given in A. S. 8. I. is incorrect.
This word has been read Udumavandai in A. 8. 8. I.
At the beginning of this line, the A. S. S. I. has kudi of which there are no traces. The first letter is certainly
The reading periyan given in A. S. 8. I. is inadmissible. There is no i sign over r. An alternative reading would be pōyan which does not give good sense.
10 By mistaking na for i, Kakaneri has been made out in .4. 8. 9. 1.
11 Read ur. Perhaps the writer uses r in place of rk.
12 There is nothing to suspect the letter to be sa as has been done in. 4 8. 8. I.
13 Read utpada.

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110
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXV.
Second Plate; Second Side.
46 utpaḍa Virapandiyan-kōlal nilan-nal-araiye mukkāņi i-nnila[m*] nāl-araiyē mu-kkāņiyun=
47 nikki nikki-ppakkattārum Maravarum parrāy=uļļa nilamum Pirāndıyēriyun-Kaḍukkudiyum1
49 Mer-Pasalaiy-ana Śrīvallabha-cbaturvvedimangalattu-tTiruppa[sa]iainadar devada[na]ñ=
Cheṭṭā-3
49 lēriyun-tirappu-chChondan-embalun-Tattan-embalum Vembōd-e[mbalum] Pappa5) n-embalum Edirilisõlapperayan-embalum-Mer-Pasalaiy-ana Sriva[1*]labha-[chaturvvē]
diman
51 galattu Sri-Vaikunda-Vinnagar-Alvārku-kkārāņmaiy-uṭpada-ddevadāņa irai[yili vēlru
muda
52 1 Velankalun-Kanichchiy-embalun-kudikkāņikku-ttalaimaru vitta nilamum tira[p]pu Panai
53 yaṇēriyun-Kil'-Veliyārrārum
[Mell-Veliyārrürum
Mandaiyar-kulamun-Nel
54 vēliyun-Tannilattaraiyan-embalum Sōmatturum Aravankudiyun-Karu[*]kuļamum E55 nättürun-Taḍāppiraiyun-Käñchirankulamum Merkuḍi-naṭṭu Merkuḍiy-ana Kalijaya56 mangalam padin-munrävadin-edir pattam-anduvarai kuḍipparray vanda nir-nilamun-ka57 ruñche[y] punseyu[m*] nattamum-utpaḍa Virapandiyan-kōlal nilam-irandē nālu
mă i
58 nnilam-iranḍē nālu-māvu[m*] nīkki nikki-ppakkattar parray-ulla nilamum Men-Mērkuḍi59 yum Mañjaļūrus-Korraṇēriyum Uḍaiyar Tiruppuvanam-udaiyar dēvadāna[m*] Mut60 türanaroṭṭaiyum Anpalva[yu]m-ivv-ur[p*]par10-Chundan-embalum Narimanramāņa Va[ra]-11
Third Plate; First Side.
61 gandanallurum
ivv-urppar1-Chilaiyanêriyum-Uriyappiyum Taliy-embalum Ko
62 rranĕriyum Suriyan-embalum Sōmaneriyum tirappu Purapparaļai-nāṭṭu-pPulla-13 63 14neriyum Kannanur-karuñcheypparrir-küṭṭina nilamum Madalaikurichchi-kkaruñchey64 yum Kit-Cheli-ppurkaraiyum Achchankaṭṭirukkai Milaganur-āṇa Irāśēndirasingana65 lūrum ivv-urppal Minneriyum Kannikudiyum Araiyanêriyum Naduvir-Cheli
1 Kakekudi is the reading in A. 8. S. I. The è sign of Me is entered at the end
This is due to the resemblance of du to e sign. of the previous line.
The reading nam Sembānēri given in A. S. 8. I. is hardly possible. At the end of the line, the letter ță is very clear. Owing to scratches over the penultimate f, it seems to have been mistaken for m. As the loops of n are fully developed in this inscription, there is no doubt about the first letter of the next line being le and not ne. I have accordingly taken the word to be Settäleri.
This word has been wrongly read as tiru in 4. S. S. I. Tirappu occurs again in lines 52 and 68 where it has been correctly read.
Here again, we have perayan-e. The engraver appears to have incised the i sign over and erased it.
The last syllable is nai and not nai as given in A. S. 8. 1.
Here the loop for long i is wanting.
For Me the engraver has written pè.
The letter yu of väyum resembles pa. The middle vertical stroke does not seem to have been cut.
10 The reading parttannan-e of A. S. S. I. is not admissible.
11 The last letter ra is missing, the plate being broken at the corner.
13 In place of ppar, the A. S. 8. I. has Madar.
13 Instead of paralai and Pulla, we have Pirasa and Yulla in A. S. 8. I.
group and the group symbol actually resembles yu.
14 The è sign of ne is at the end of the previous line.
The engraver has written ppu as a

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No. 11.) TIRUPPUVANAM PLATES OF JATAVARMAN KULASEKHARA I.
111
66 kku!att-uļvāyum Mēr-Cheliyum Kuruchchattiyum Sirukkiļāttiyum Puvaņinallūrum A. 67 rikudiyum Sömanēriyum Tayan-Pūdi-embalum Udaiyar Tiruppūvanam-udaiyar 68 dēvadānañ-Chirukilänkäţtūrum Siru-Miļagiyum tirappu Nerkunramum Kațţikkuļa69 mum Perrán-ēmbalum aga ivv-ūrgalir=palan-dévadänam paljichchandam karāņmai70 yāna nilam nikki nikkiy-ulla nilam munnudaiyarum palam-pērum Veļlān-vagaiy[u]71 m mudalun=tavirttu oru-nādum or-ūrum oru-puravum=ākki Rājagambhira-vaļanāţtu
Rājagmbhira72 chaturvvedimangalam=ennun=tirunāmattāl brahmadēyan-cheydaruļi ivy-ür nān[gl-el73 laiyun-kankānigalodun-kuda-ppidi sūļndu pidi nadanda ellaikku arav-olai seydu 74 kudukkavenru tiruvāymolindarulinanaiyil Puravu[va]rie-kkaņkāņi Milalai-kkū. 75 Irattu Naduvir-kūrru Sri-Parantakanallūr-Kațţikurichchi-udaiyan Araiya[n*] Nārāya-3
Third Plate ; Second Side. 76 nanum Milalai-kkürrattu K[i*]-kūrru Tandalaiudaiyán Pirantakan Tiruppuvanamudai. 77 yanum Alagiyapandiyakkuļakki! Māranūr-āņa Palamandalādittanallur Māraṇā. 78 r-udaiyan Karunākaradēvan Purpavanamudaiyāņum Tiruvāykkēlvi-pPurappara79 lai-nāttu=pPuttūr-udaiyān Ponnan Sūriyadēvan-āņa Jeyadara-pPallavaraiyar ka80 nkāni Söla-mandalattu Tirumunaippāļi-nättu=kKaruppūr-udaiyān Pillai-Alván-āna 81 Ponnambalakkūttanum Poyyāmolidēvar kaņkāņi Karungudi-nātņu Kil-Ne82 ttür-āna Kirtivisālaiyanallür Vēļām Sāttanum samudayam Muttürru-kūsrattu-kKa83 ppalūr?-āņa Ulagalandasolanallur Kappalūr-udaiyān "Sirāman Tiruvudaiyān-āņa 84 Pottappichchõlar kankani Kēralasinga-vaļanāttu Veliyārrü[r-u*]daiyan Narayanan Sätta85 num Māļigaittaṇam Vadatalai-chChembi-nāttu Āykkudiy-āņa Alagiyapāndiyanallupeo Siva86 llavan Alagiyamanavāļan-äna Kalingarāyar kaņkāņi Poliyūr-nātu Arunkaļam-udaiyan 87 Arayan Tirumalai-udaiyānum Malavarayar kaņkāņi 11 Tiyandaikudi-nātņu Kit-Pasalaiy.
ana Dā.12 88 navinodanallūr-udaiyān Arayan Karumāņikkamum Pillaiyar Alagapperumā]=adikāra89 m-Muttūrru-kkūrfattu=kKappalūr-āņa Ulagalandasõ]anallür0. Kappalūr-udaiyan Uyyava90 ndan Ponnan-āņa Mēnābarana-Mūvēndavēļārum Solapandiya-valanāțţu-chChirupa
1 Read kuranmai, . The damage in the syllables vuna seems to have led to the wrong reading Scha in A. 8. 9. 1.
. A bit of the plate at the right bottom corner, enough to cover a letter is broken off. Still no letter is actually missing as is clear from the fact that Naraya at the end of this face of the plate reads without break with nanam at the beginning of the next face. But at the end of that line where the bit is lost, the letter seems to have been written and lost and had to be crammed in just to the right of, but below, the ai sign. Had the bit been broken before, I would have found place at the beginning of the second line.
The i sign of ki has not been engraved and the A. S. 8. 1. has the letter la correctly.
There is an extra length sign in la.
• The passage after Karuppurudai seems to have been written over an erasure. The letters at the end clearly retain traces of the prior writing. In the previous line also the damaged condition and the size of the letters from Suriya to the end suggest the same fact though traces of the old letters are not seen.
" What looks like ya at the commencement of this line is the group symbol for ppa. * Read Si. • The last letter na is a correction. 10 Read lür. 11 This word has been wrongly read in 4. 8. 8. I. as Tiyanakai. 11 The length of Da is engraved at the beginning of the next line.

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112
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XXV.
Fourth Plate; First Side. 91 laiyūrl-ana Kūvērivallavanallūr-udaiyan Nambi Ponnambalakküttan-ana Virasingadeva92 rum innáttukku kkāri ya*)n=cheygira Irāśingankulakki] Iräsēndirattu Alagiyapāndi. 93 yan anukkaril Malaikiniyaninrān Alagan-ana Visaiya-Vichchadiradēvarum kankāniyāga
Ti94 yandaikudi-náttu Mānaviramadurai Mādavan Diväkara-Battaņun? Nārāyanan Nārāyana
Batta95 num si(śri)-Madavan Narasimha-Bhattanum Govindan Tirunilakanda-Battanum Jātavēdan 96 Subrahmanya-Bhattanum utpadu brahmaděyamāga=kkūțțina Marudur-aņa Madurõdaya
chchatu97 Srvvēdimangalattu=t Tirukkudandai Adityan Sēnda pirān-Battanum sri-Kộishnan-Alagi98 ya-Rāghava-Bhattanum Kāliyāyan Vennaikkütta-Bhattanum Mēr-Pašalaiy-āna Šrivallabha
chaturvvēdi99 mangalattu āhitāgni sri-Ramganātha-Bhatta-Soma-Kathaka-yājiyārum Nārāyaṇan Nārāya100 na-Bhattanum fri-Vasudevan Nagna pirān-Bhattanum Sri-Rāman Paramātma-Bhattanum
Kit-Pašalai101 y-ina Dānavinödanallur Ayan Uyyaninrāduvân-ana Sembiyadaraiyanum Kēšavan Näräya102 nanum Karumāņikkan-Korranum Kalvāyil Kēšavanum Periyān Perránum Nanga103 n Alaganum Visudovan Suriyadēvanum Poliyür-nättu=pPoliyūr-ana Pätti(rthi)vakēsa104 rinallur-Appan Sūriyadēvaņum Udayan Varaguņadēvan-āņa Alagiyapāņdiya-Vilupparai105 yanum Sūriyan Varantaruvān-āņa Sangirămasinga-pPallavaraiyanum Sundarattoļudaiya
Fourth Plate ; Second Side. 106 n Sõmadēvannm Purapparaļai-nāttu=kKa]/ikkuļiy-āņa Puravuvarinallür?-Dayānilai Uyya107 vandan-ana Chodarayanum Aņukkan-Ariyanum Appan-Arumolidēvan-ana Sembiyan-Vilu108 pparaiyanum Puttūr'-kilavan Battan-āņa Purapparaļai-nadu-kisavanum Kāñaiy-Irukkaiy=
Irunchi 109 raiy-āņa Indirasa mananallūg?-Paliyānilai Sūriyadēvan-āņa Tamiņādu-kilavaṇum Vēļāņ=
Ira110 ttaiy-ina Irāsnkunjara-pPallavaraiyanum Rājagambhira-chaturvvēdimangalattudan kūțți111 na Milaganūšku-ttalaimāru kudutta Achchaikāţtirukkai 10kKuvalaivēliyum Puduk.
kulamum Ma. 112 saņkirtiyum Kividinallūrum" Kadambamangalamum Sättiyâr-embalum Kanaiy-Irukkaiy=
Arai 113 yarkulattil Mandari Iraman-ina Palla varāyar käniyāna sempadi nikki nikkiy-ulla nila114 mum-aga ivv-ūrga! munn-udaiyarum palam-peyarum mudalun=tavirtu oru-nādum or-urum
0
1 The commencement of this line has been read dalai in A. 8. 8. I. Of this the first letter ba is really the Tamil numeral 'four' which is the number of the plate and which is out at the left top corner away from laiyar and slightly below the first line.
* The syllables dere have been read as Tola in A. S. 8. I.
The letters n.Va are expressed by a group. • Read utpada. 6 The é sign of ruve is at the end of the previous line. • This word may also be read Arayap. 7 Read ir.
Read Chedi. The letters ppa are expressed by a group. 10 Valaivli is taken as the name of the village in 4. 8. 8. I.
This has been incorrectly read as Mahavidhio in A. 8. 8. I.

Page #136

TIRUPPUVANAM PLATES OF JATAVARMAN KULASEKHARA I. (II).
ir,a. ஓலேUTSAGயரி வல்ல வாடை நம் பொன்னம்பலதா தன் பாசிங்க தெரு
-கருங்காTSC2போங்கன்னOUசொதரதகதியப் 2 உடன் - வக்காலம் லேகியே நின்ை பகலை பசைவ சாகாடுகாருகண்தன் யாத்தி 94 படருகைகடிகாட்டுமான பிரம்பரையாதவன் கரகாட்டடவகார்பனனநாயன்பட 4
மைமாத வன்நாகரக்டடவடிதொன திரு நீலகணபட்ட்டமைஜாத்டுவான் 90 மே பதட்ட பேமடப்வே 6மாககர்-மின்மடு கராமதுரைத்ய சாதன 96
ஆதிமங்கலதகத் திருக்கடநகை - தென்செருதபிரான் பட்டணமாக 18 போட்டமைகாலியாயன் வெனேராகக் கட்டப்படும் பசலையான வல்லராத்தெ 98
மங்கலகக் கவிதா திசாநநாம் பாரதயா இயரரும்நராமணன் நாம் 100 101 பட்ட மேஸ்டாடும் வனகபபிான பாடன்டாமாசதட்டபடி டடாக பல
பயான்தான் விலததலலாப்பயய நின் வரண்டு பேய் கரைய உடடுககவாதார் 102 | மகருமாணிக்கங்கொத்தமே கலியாயிட்டுகமைபெரியானபேரமைந்து
caitகம்மா உனக்ரிட்டுத வமடுடா TUT-பெடுபாமிடானடாக்க வருக 104 ரிருவாபு பனசுரிய கெஉம் உதயன் உகண்தெடனை அகிடபாண்டயாழக
அமேசுரியன் பாங்கானாங்கிரமசிங்கப்பலலரையபைசாகாககொர்கடா
is,0. GUTACதவவமயனோடகைகௗன்காம்யான்புரவு பரிகலவரத்தம்ல யோ 108
கோவைதிசதாடமைக்கன் ரியாவும் பயன் மொழிதெவனைசெம்ப்யன்பிட 108 இப்பாகப் பழக்கம் கிழவனபட்டனைடயுரமாகிடிவமைதாதையருகைபுருடு ros இ
த்திரமான நலவார்டமியாநிலை சூரியதேவனான கமிடுகிறவரை தாடை
ஜாப்பல்லவரைய மாத்திரரத மங்கலதகட்ட பட 110 கருக்கலைமாதகெக்கச்சங்காட்மருந்தைத்தவனைவெலியும் புங்க களம்
காதி கலவாருமக பழங்கள் சம்சாத்தியாரம்ம காதையிருக்கையன 12 ப வத்தில் நகரிமனை பல மர்யாதானபான்ரெம்பாதிங்க
யனைதில படிக்க போக முன்ைைடயாடும் போரு பேகலந்த விதுரு நாடும் கரும்பை
பா -சசங்காடமிகக்கைமின்கான் ஓர்செநதிரசிங்கநலவாளன் படுப் பாபா பரியிலிட்டமையில் மிளகாருச்சமைகாகிரன்செலங்மை மனமதமை 16
பெர்னபாகமை நாததெவன்ராமனை அரரநராயன வெந்தவணவமரியாமைக் பம்பிங் மால் வாமகின் புல்லானாடுதான் நாம்புதுாயாகபைப் பதித்தமால், 118 190 சேரியும் தியடாம் பாகம் இந்த DES)STRAINIகொகம் க ருத்தை திருமால் சொல நல் வாடரையன் புல
காதுவாககம்
aa. 122 தொடைபாவமவேலலயன்பெராட்டிடையாஜனம் வராபொரம்
உமதிர்தாடவிடத்தலான் மாயைாசதுமங்கலத்து டயாக்கம் பெரியாம் பழம்செருகபிரான்கடுமாகிலட்டமைகொவிந்தன்மானத்துரையயதும் 222மடமை மதியபாண்டியர்களதட்டுவள்ளூாக பரவெளா நட்ட ஜவகத்தா வெக்க பதுமைவொரனாரின் தொன்
G.கம், புலி பாதர் மரணிழல்த் டைட்டன்மமா காமயூரவாடிகள் - 130 படுமாஇயல்வந்தரையம் மெய்ப்பு மாலயனனெனவிருசதித்தாயாம். 134 லெதர் காத்த வராங்ககைள டாவடி யெயகோபருத் தான் 105 வாலே தயாரமதுவராதப்பல் வரையத மாத்மலப் பட்டனை காலம் பதை மேமத வேதிசிரமனசுக்காபாரை வியப்பல்லவரையம் பெரியர் 136 பாடேயன்பல்லவரையறும் பொ சிவாவழடையான் வில்லியாட்டத்த வேத
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. Rea: Na. 1943 E'39.275.
SCALE: Che-THIRD,
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA,

Page #137

கும்
யழியைப்,
ஆண்ட பல்லி வரையனு மபிட்டதிதப்படிகடந்தபடவெராலசெயது. ரிதும்தானம் எய்திஇனதி பன்னாடைாமன்பெவநாயதாளத்திமதி. 140உ ஊதல்வியும் களத்திமையும் பெறச் சொதி தர-நீரெல்லைகுட்g]வடகிமி ெெயா பொாடப்பட்டட உ டைகளகது கிழக்டைத்டுதும்பிதுடஙதிறுத் 5.கொததிச்செனசெம யதளதமாரிலதனவம் தடம்பங்குடித்துப்பொதி தெற்கிய+ததொததியுநதெருவொதியுநதெனகிழாத்தொத்தியுஞ்சென்று மாள யிலதிரம் மூடுவம்தகுமத்த-பொவமிலியயூடவத்துததியதக நெIFFIசெ த்தூரில்நிலைமழவனாயர்தொட்டைதப்பொகிறபெருவமியைகு. தச்சன் தடியையல்லத்துவைத் தருவவழியிற கூ பின் வெட தரோகசசெனழவரையா கொட்டையிலநிலைமமானடரமதுரைக்குப்பொதிற் பெரு 11 வழியையூம் வருதுமோதினனம வழியிலதின ம்தென்நியக்கநெர்த்திச்சொப்டுமா 148 *நொதிப்பொண்பெருவாயையூடவந்த்ததென்தியத்தகொத்திச்சென் ப்பிடர்சூரிலந் அம்மரபுபிரமங்ரைத்து படுபாதிவெடியையூடவததுததெனதிழத்ததெ நிசசென்றுத கரையாகுளத்துகதீபக்டை நடுதரம்பையு வடுத்தரையிலதின் த ரதிமாக-தொக 152 சதி சசென மொதினமருனடுறலித்தளததுகடுதி]பர-சித்தநில டுமத்தின்னம் 132 தோலில்கன்ததன கிழக்கு தொடுபாய்ன எம்ப்த்திடும்
பய
டலி
பெருவமின
திம் 146
130
150
138
14%
144
162 ப
161
vi.a.
154வீடு தென் கருநொாதியுஞ்செநெட்டுரலதிய அமைச பிற்ற்ப்பொதி 154 >வழியையூடங்கதுச்ச திரநலவர்குளத்துநீர்து கெ: கொத்திசசெருசத்தி ா வாகெளதடைன வமெக்தியும் கென் ம25 நொததி வைாைதயர் வீசவுரிவல்லவப்பெ குப்பொதிவெழியெய தொண்டும>5 நெரததிச்சென்ல் டுமத்தின் மருவவழியில்தி குசெங்கு மிசதிமெல்லை பெத்தசெ வயெயடுத்தநொதிச 158 இச்செங்கமித தெனமுல்லேடுயய மெற்கு தெரததி3செ* @AOA1229 தகுமலலையானகதளவாயூடெயதெற்குரெரததிச் சென்ப் மெததின்னம்ரு24 நரன. ரிகதெண்டு லை யெய தென்மெற்நொசரிசசெனல்வையை த்திலிரங்கிமெத்தினை மருச்சீவல்லவபபெர்ரினடெவ-மெ க 'மொகுதெரத்தியுஞசெனவ மெத்தின்னம இவவரத்திலதின் வடுதல் தன 28 நொத்திச்சென்றுதிடபசலையானதன தால்அத்தை திக்தமமெற்ப வதசங் ஓெமங்கலத்துரருளதஉத்தம பயதி கலையூடவத்து O ooல் வெறறகு ரசிப்பதில் சிப ரம்பெயடுத>ருநொததி(செனக
ந்தடி
160
166
16 னைமஈைரையொடும்>த நொத்த எழுத்துதாயசாலுாகதிர்
டாண்டு. னக்கள்தது) விலம் 168
170
vi,b.
180
பெயதெதததி
138
G
140
திங்கு: 142
එක
156
162
கவி கரலேதது தப்புட்ட டன நிலம் மு நரத்திசசெனவரைதாக்க ரெதுகரைவலை மா
176
172 ஆம9 கினைம் முத்தாலின் முதறிைமயாகளகடிாததெதாக ருவருக்கருத இபாதைங்கபபரையுன்கடியிஒட்பிலாதனனா சபதழதல் பரிபாபையத மா 171 பெயர்ப்பெயதிழத்தநொத்திசசெனவழ்ந்த பழங்கு த்தவாயுலன்ன மாமதுை ஆனஐவேதிவயலில்தௌவரம்பெயகிழதத நொததியும் வடகிழக்குநொத்தியுஞ்சென் தூப படிஙகுளத்துத்தீமாடைத்தொமபலெரிமெத்திறனம்டுச்சரையெமெற. OT திசசெனபமந்துரசச்மெல்லேயும் மாளவரமதுரைமெலெல்உலயும் 178வராவர்தூலூடைதெருகொசெனவரியவாயசாலமுட்ந்து வாசசவயாக்178 மல்வரமபெதெ ருநொச்சிச்சைனவருசசெயத தெனவாம் பெயதிறதரு நெரத்திசசெ தந்காவயசசலகுமலவரம்புபெற? செவவையெயதெ த்நொதFசரெனவதங்காமங்கள் 180 த்து வடவெல்லையும் மானவிாமதுரைததெனனெல்லையுமானஎலலைபெயகிறாதரெ 182 தியும்வடதிடிததநொருதியுஞ்செனவசந்தாம௩சலத்துவட்சடைத்தொமபிலைமை 182 நம்சாலயானதுபலல அதசெருமங்கலத்துக்குத்துதரும் திடபரலையானதா 184 சேண் யில் கந் தானதங்கபாயசாலையு2.மெதன்னமடுத்தால் எம்184
164
170
172
174
176

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No. 11.) TIRUPPUVANAM PLATES OF JATAVARMAN KULASEKHARA I.
113
115 ru-puravum-äkki Achchankattirukkai-Milaganūr-āņa Irāsēndirsinganallur-ennum pe116 yaral variyil-ittamaiyil i=mMilaganūrkul-chchamainda Sadiran Selvanum Irāman-Alaganum 117 Soran Mükkanum Nägadēvan-Iraman-ana Irāšanārāyaṇa-Művēndavēļāņum Araçariyanum
Ki. 118 t-Chembi-nāțțu Mālaiguļi-kilavan Pullāņi Mädēvan-āņa Nuļambādarāyar kāņipparru
tTirumali119 riéncholai-Alvar dēvadanam Achchankāttirukkai-t Tirumā liriñcholainallur Araiyan Pullaa 120 niyum Alagiyapandiyakkulakkit-Chirukuļattūr-āņa Paräkramapandiyanallur-Sättan Ka
navadiyum Sun121 darattāludaiyān Dēvaņum Sáttan Kandan-āņa Tirumāliriñchõlai -Dasanum Vēlān Sunda
Fifth Plate ; First Side. 122 rattāļudaiyāņum Sivallavan Pērāyiramudaiyāṇ-āņa Māraṇūr-nāțţu Vēļāņu123 m Dēvan Sivallavan-ana Arattamikkidāsanum Sürakudiy-ana Virakāmugamangalattu
Iļavima124 ngalattu Udayadivākaran sri-Kārimāra-Bhattanum i-kkuļi Nārāyaṇan Subrahmanya
Bhatta125 num Kiranūr-nāttu Vidattal-āna Māņābaraņa-chaturvvēdimangalattu Uyyaninrādi Periyal126 vänum Sēndapiran Karumāmugil-Bhattanum Govindan Mänēndukaiyyanum A127 dityan Bhāskara-Bhattaņum Alagiyapāņdiyakkulakki) Veļļūrkuruchchi Vēļān 128 Kõvanum Adi Perräņum Vēlān Alagan-ana Sundarapāndiya-Mūvēndavēlāņum Vēļā
Sirilankös vu). 129 m utpadu? brahmadēyamāga=kkūţtina Tiruvāvanattu Marudūr-Alvān Upāddhyâyarum 130 Perumpuliyur Karumāpikkam-Ulagamundān-Bhattanum Marudūr Mayūravāhanan
Aduvā. 131 n-Bhattanum Kirapūr-năţtu Vēļūr-āņa Alagiyapāņdiyanallūr Irāmaņ=Uyyavandānum 132 Perrän Pättanum Dēvan Nambiyum Soran Nățţănum =āga ivv-anaivarun-tanga! e133 llaigal kätta Anaittanam Irābingankulakkit- Tiruppuvanattu PammanAdiyarkunal134 laperumān-ana Pallavadaraiyanum Meyppu Malaiyan Soran-ana Viñjattaraiyanum 135 Dēvan Tillaiy-āna Madurõdaya-pPallavaraiyanum Sikayilāya-Battan-āna [Si]vallava-p136 Pallavaraiyanum Kaņavadi Sīrāman-āņa Sundarapāņdiya-pPallavaraiyanum 0 [E]ran
Periya137 n-āna Pandiyan Pallavaraiyanum Porru Aravamudaiyan Villiy-Inai Mudittalaliko-19
1 Read Orklu. * Read liruaicholai. • The length stroke of la is written at the commencement of the next line and is damaged.
The number of the plate is engraved on the margin of the left top corner. • The left band portion of the medial o sign of Ko is written at the end of the previous line. • After Perränu the letters are smaller in size up to Sirilao.
Read upada. The letter du resembles the secondary e symbol.
• The last three letters are Aduud. The length sign of ed, which is written at the beginning of the next line, in damaged and looks like da. The reading Kabava given in A. 8. 8. I. is inadmissible, for d and va are clear.
Instead of Sikayilaya, the A. 8. 8. I. has Sidayil- Araya.
10 After yanu, there is only one m and the trace of the vowel following it. As such, the reading m Marag of A. 8. 8. I. is inadmissible. Against the reading it has also to be noted that there is too much space for the length sign of Ma.
Valliyan is the reading in 4. 8. 8. 1. It is inadmissible as it disregards the i sign over and the length symbol after y.
1. The syllables mudi are re-placed by pidi in A. 8. 8. 1.

Page #139

114
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XXV.
Fifth Plate; Second Side. 138 pda-pPallavaraiyapum pidi nadatta =ppiļi nadandapadikku agav-õlai beydu-kudutta pari139 sāvadu [11*] Padin-mūnrāvadin-edir pannirandām-andu Dhanu-nāyarrunālän-tiyadiyum
apara-pakshat140 tu ēkādasiyum Sani-kkilamaiyum perra Södi-nāt-Kil-ellai ivv.ür vada-kilakku-kit-Chů. 141 raiy-enru pēr kūvappatta Udaikulattu kil-kadai-kkombir-rudangi idaninrun=ter142 ku nõkki=chchenru Seyyakulattūril-ninrum Kadambangudikku=ppögira valiyaiy=ūda
ruttu=t143 ten-kilakku nõkkiyun-terku nõkkiyun=ten-kilakku nõkkiyuñ=chenru Māņaviramadurai144 yil-ninrum Vēmbangudikku=ppõgisa valiyaiy=ūdafuttu=kkilakku nõkki=chchenru Se145 yya[ku]lattūril-ninrum Müvaraiyarkõttaikku=ppõgira peru-valiyaiy=ūdaputtu Pu146 'daichchan-kuliyaiye valattu vaittu i-vvaliyir=kūdiņa vetti-pperu-valiyaiye ten-kilak147 kų nõkki=chchenru Müvaraiyarkottaiyil-ninrum Māņavīramaduraikku=ppõgira peru148 valiyaiymüdafuttu mērk-innam (l)i-vvaliyil ninrum ten-kilakku nõkki-chchepru mērku 149 põkki=ppõņa pery-valiyaiyudaruttu=tten-kilakku nõkki-chehepru Pidāvüril-nin150 rum Māņaviramaduraikku=ppõgira valiyaiy=ūdasuttu=ttep-kilakku nökki-chchepru Ka151 raiyūr-kulattu-kkil-kadai-kkombaiy=urrni-kkaraiyil-ninrun=ten-kilakku nõk. 152 ki=chchenru mērk-innam [i*] Kunnēli-kkuļattukku nir pāygira kālaiy=ūďaruttu mērka
innam [*] 153 i-kkālil-nippun=tep-kilakku nõkki=chChangappērayan ēmbar=kil-ellaiyey terku
Sixth Plate ; First Side, 154 nökkiyun=ten-kilakku nõkkiyuñ=chenru Nettūril-niprum Mänaviramaduraikku-ppõgi. 155 ta valiyaiy=üdafuttu=ch Chandiranallūr-kulattu nir-nakkale terku nökki=chchenru i-ch,
Chandi156 ranallur ten-kadaiyaiy=uru mēļk-innam (1*] ida-pinruneten-mērku nokki-Vaigaiy-ā. 157 na Srivallavappērārrukku=ppögira valiyey ten-mērku nökki=chchenru mērk-in158 nam 1*1 i-vvaliyil-ninruñ=Cherkuli=kkil-ellai perra bevvaiyĒy terku nokki=ch159 chenru i-chCherkuli=ttenn-ellaiyĒy mēşku nõkki=ehchepru Orukkorraplē]ri-[kkī]160 l-ellaiy-ina Karkulavāy-ūdēy tepku nõkki=chchenru mērk=inpam [l*] iv[v-Orukko)161 Franëri-ttenn-ellaiyzy ten mērku nõkki-chchepru Vaigaly-a[na Sivallava]. 162 ppērärril-irangi mērk-innam (I*] i-ch Chivallavappērärrin=ūdē vada-měrku n[ökkiyum 163 mērku nõkkiyuñ=chenru mērk=innam[i*] ivv-ārgil-ninfu ten-karaiyil=ēr[1-ttel164 ku nökki=chchenru Kīt-Pašalaiy-āņa Dāņavinodanallur kuļattukkum Mēr-Pasa[laiy-ana) 165 Srivallabha-chaturvvēdimangalattu-kkusattukkum dir pāygira kälaiy-ūdaputtu i-kkal
[il-ninru] 166 karaiyil=ēri Vēļārkufichchipparril Arasipant[ilē)... lal nilam=a[raiyėy-) irandu...... 167 varamböy tepku nõkki-chchenru (Mapavisamaduraij-kkulattu vada-kadaiyil-eri mér.
+ The latters wälting are written over an erasure. * The ai sign of fai is at the end of the previous line. • The ai sign of dai is at the end of the previous line.

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No. 11.)
TIRUPPUVANAM PLATES OF JATAVARMAN KULASEKHARA I.
115
168 k-innam [l*] i-kkaraiyĒy mēşku nðkki=[chchenru i-m]Māņaviramadurai-kkuļatt=uļvāyil
Ma169 [rudūr)-kuļattukku nir påygira kälukku=k[kilakku)-ppāțţamây-ppayir ēri va[ru]gira nilattil Rajagam
Sixth Plate; Second Side. 170 [bhira)-chaturvvēdimangalattukku=ppattakkõlal küttina nilam mūnru vēslikku=kkil-e).
llaisyē te]171 pku nõkki=chohenru i-kkulattutten-karaiyilzēri Maru[dūr-kulattukku nir pāygira) kālaiya
[urru]" 172 mērk-inpam (1) i-kkālin kil-karaiyėy tep-kilakku n[ökkiyun]-terku nõkkiyuñ=[cheņru] 173 Vāņagangappēraiyan kudiyiruppál tenn-āśarudi 'mudunila-pperippaiy=urru mērk=i[nnam)
174 i-pparippey kilakku nökki-ohchepru Marudūr=palan-kulatt-agayayil Mänaviramadurai-ft1175 tenn-āśarudi vayalil tep-varambey kilakku nökkiyum vada-kilakku nõkkiyuñache[nru
Ma]176 rudūr=ppalan-kujattu-kki]-kadai-kkombil=ēri mērk-innam[10] i-kkaraiyē mērkul 177 nõkki-chchenru Marudugakkil-ellaiyum Māņaviramadurai mél-ellaiyum=[āna) 178 Diväkara-väykkäl-ūda terku nõkki-chchepru i-vväykkäl mudindu Diväkara-vayakka[!] 179 m[@]l-varambo terku nökki-chchenzu i-chcheyettep-varambēy kilakku nõkki-chchenr[u] 180 Sundara-yayakkal mēl-varambu perra sevvaiyėy tepku nõkki-chchepru Sankaraman gala)181 ttu vadav-ellaiyum Mänaviramaduraiattenn-ellaiyum-ána ellaiyey kilakku nõkki182 kiyum yada-kilakku nākkiyaž=chenru Sankaramangalattu vada-kadai-kkom bil=ēri
Mē183 r.Pasalaiy-āņa Srivallabha-chaturvvēdimangalattu-kkulattukkum Kit-Pasalaiy-āņa Da184 naviņādanallürəkkulattukku nir pāygira kālaly-urru mörk-innam [l*) i-kkalin-me
Seventh Plate; First Side. 185 l-karaiyo ton-kilaleku nokki-hohenru i-kkālil-ninjum Mér Pahalaiy.ipa Srivallabha186 chaturvvēdimangalattu=kkuļattukku nir pāya=ppirinda kālaiy=ūdaruttu-k Kit-Pasalaiy
Ina D&187 naviņādanallüs=kuļattukku nir påygirs kālin mēl-karai[vāy) ten-[ki]lakku nākkiyu:=ki 188 kku nõkkiyunterku nokkiyuñ-chenru i-dDanavinodanallur-kulattu mõl-kadai189 yaiy-urru i-kkuļattu=ppuzkaraiyil-irangi Mer-Paalaiy-āņa Srivallabha-chaturvvēdinan:
galat
190 tukkuļattukku nir påygira kālin, ki]-karaiyë terku nökki ohohenru i-ch Chivallabha
chaturvvě. 191 dimangalattu-kkulattu vada-kadaiyaiy=uptu i-kkulattu mapuväy-Idukkari-ūdē terku no192 kkiyun-ten-kilakku nokkiyun-chenru Nelvēli nattattukku-ppögira valiyaiy=u. 193 Iru mork-innam[l*] i-nNelveli-kkulattu-kkil-kadai-kkombaiyeri-pParalai-kkälai194 y-urru i-kkälin mēl-karaiye terku nokki-obchenru Nakkanēriyil-ninru märku nökki-p
1 The letters at the right end of lines 170 to 180 are damaged.
* The traces at the end of this line and the space available admit only the reading Wru and not idapultu as in A. 8. 8. I.
The letter du of mudu is an interlineation. It is entered below the line .The e sign of te is entered at the end of the previous line.
The é sign of md is at the end of the previous line. • Delete the first letter ki.

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116
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXV.
195 põgira valiyaiy=udaruttu=ttenn-ellai Nelvēli=ttenn-ellaiyum Ettiyēri nattattu vada196 vāyum-āna valiyēy mērku nõkki=chchenru Ettiyēri natta[t]tu mēl-āśarudiyaiy=urru i197 Ida-pinrum mērku nõkki=chchenru ivy-Ettiyērikkun=Nelvēlikkun=naduvāņa palan-[köyila)198 diyaiy=urru ida-ninrun=ten-mērku nõkki=chchenru Paraļaiy-ārraiy= udaruttu vadakk
in[nam [1*] [i-) 199 vv-arrin mēl-karaiyē terku nõkkiyun=ten-mērku nõkki[yun]-chenru Sömättūr=ki[l-el]200 laiy-āņa Nirambaiyür-kuļattukku nir pāygira kālaiy=ūdaputtu i-[kkālin] mēl-karaiye te.
Seventh Plate; Second Side. 201 rku n[Okki-ch]ch[e]nru i-chChômättūrkuň=Kaļļikkudippăr-Chiruvāgai[k]kun= 202 naduv-ána ellaiyaiy=urru vadakk-innam[l*] ivv-ellaikku na[du]v-āņa varambē [m]e203 tku nõkkiyun-ten-mērku nõkkiyuñ=che[n]ru i-chChiruvägai=kku[la]t(tu] [vada)-ka204 daiyaiy=irangi Aravankudi-ttenn-ellaiyē senru [Kallikkuļi-kkuļa). 205 ttukku nir pāygira kālaiy=ūdasuttu mērku nõkki-chchenru Arasvapku)206 diyil-ninrum Vēļānērikku=ppõgira valiyē ten-mērku (nökki]= 207 chchenru Vēļānēri=kkil-ellaiyaiy=urru vadakk-innam [ ) iv[v-el]208 laiyĒy Puttūr-kulattukku nir pāygira kälin kil-karaiyėy (vaļa). 209 kilakku nokki=chchenru i-kkālaiy=udaruttu mēl-karaiyil ēri vadakkein. 210 nam [l*] Vēlāņēri vadav-ellaiyun=Karunkuļattu=ttenn-ellaiyum-āņa [e]. 211 llaiya mērku nõkki-chchenru Vēlānēri=ch Chürri-vasakkal=ūraņi vada-karai212 yēy mērku nõkki=ohchenru vadakk-innam [l*) ellai naduv-āna varambē se213 nru Vēlāņēri Adichcha-vabakkar-kil-varambē vadakku nõkki-chchenru i-ch214 chey vada-vara[m*]běy më[rku) nõkki=chchenru vadakk-innam [I*] Vēļānēri-kKarunda215 di-kkil-varam bēy (vadakku) nökki-chchenru i-chcheykkum Adichcha-vasakkal
Eighth Plate ; First Side. 216 nārrankālukkum Perrán-vayakkalukkum vada-varambēy mērku nõkki-chchey217 ru Kalsikkudippär-Châņēri-dDayaniti-vayakkar-kil-varambaiy=urru vadakk-innam [[*] i218 vvarambey vadakku nõkki-chchenru ellai-väykkālaiy-urru i-vväykkäl-ūdēy va219 dakku nõkkiyum vada mērku nõkkiyum vadakku nökkiyuñ=chenru Sēņēri Mälaro-mukkāņi
vada-varam220 tēt mērku nökki-chchenru Dayānītiy=Ariyān-āņa Arundavan-Vilupparaiyan Somadēvi-va221 yakkar-kil-varambey vada-mērku nõkki=chchenru Dayānīti Mānaviran-parru=ttadi palavi222 kil-varambēy vadakku nõkki=chchenru Uyyakkondal-vayakkar-kil-varambēy 223 vadakku nõkki-chchenru ichchey vada-varambēy mērku nökki-chchenru sēnēri=k224 kulattu vada-karaiyaiy-urru vadakk-innam [1*] i-kkuļattu=ppurkaraiyėy vada-mērku 225 nõkki=chchenru Kannanūril-ninrum=?Dēdakottaikku=ppögira peruvalisyai]y=u226 r i-pperu-valiyėy mērku nõkki=chchenru vadakk-innam [[*] Pūdanēri-[na]ttattu (va)227 da-vāyil ninra puļiyaiy=idattu vaittu mērku nokki=chchenru Tadāppiraiy-āņa 228 kulattu=tten-kadaiyaiy=irangi vadakk-innam []*] i-kkulattu nir-nakkalē vada-mēr229 ku nõkki-chchenru Kāñchirankulattu nir-nakkalėy vada-mērku nõkki=chchenru i-kku230 lattu vada-kadaiyaiy=ufru i-kkuļattukku nir pāygira kāliņ tenkaraiyėy mērku nõk231 ki-chchenru Pullanëri-kkuļattu=tten-kadaiyil=eri vadakk-innam [l*] i-kkulattu nir.
1 The letter da is a correction. * This letter has been wrongly read in 4. 8. 8. 1. • After nökkiyu, the letters are written over an erasure and in smaller characters. The reading in A. S. s. I. is Maralára.
The letter be is entered on the margin in smaller character. • The left hand portion of the sign of the medial o in no is engraved at the end of the previous line. Read Deva

Page #142

TIRUPPUVANAM PLATES OF JATAVARMAN KULASEKHARA I. (III).
vii,a.
டெககைபைடுகசாம்ப ர லகான்வலல. 186)
05Gsu:போகாததாக்காடாயப்பிசகால கக பரலUT "கலதாகக்ககம் பாடக்காயனமெலகEைNT பந்தடுகாத்தாக 14OFT+++கொகநாதகயு சென்படுத்தான்வாாதது மெல்க
188 பைடயகைக தகப்பு கரையில் மெர்பரலயான பலமாக3ங்காதது பக்கத்துக்காேபாடாசாலாகடிகரையெகோவநாசாசனசை கலதத 100 போல்
கரு வட்டெயையும் அசைத்துபாயGEETடகெ க
தாையுரசெனகலவெலகககக பொ:22யை 192
மொமலை வெலாக 55T PLகொமபையெபபாக கால படுக்கால்னமெரை கொககொTOTH பலகமொதகாசப் 194 பொக படைகங்கெல்னலகலாவலதகனலயுமாட்யொதததுவர் - பாடம்பைடியெய மெகொசேன --மாத்த மெதயைபMAGE 108 -
பொசவராதாசையைபெடடோகாக கெப்பபெலகானபடிங் - DAD வேககொமொககொசraasayam பைத்தவட்கதனர் | 23 -பகெ25 கொதியகொதSTRT-
ரொமாத்தூர் 200 யோ -ட-- தாதுகாபரயா 211 பட் வத.க.
G
ம கனயெ
vii,.
PETA
|
Dr 202 நெய"லெr1 டட கனமSைAUNA LATEGய | 202
* உதவநாக்கி செல்வதாககியாக 204 டையை நக 2வலகங்கடுகள்ANNEL/தனமாக
இது போயாகாலயுடகக்மா GTN 206 டயலம வெளவெர்பொதெகடு
Toa பெளாகொகக் பெல்லேயையாகதகனான 208 இல பெயபுத்தூகககககரபரயாகடிகாையெய 208 | PEநொககா.செல்வக்காலேட்டங்ததுமேலாயலாவேடதது
ம'வளானர் வடவெல்லங்கங்தளததுததன்னெலலயும் 210 ல்லையெமெகநT +2DDவளானாரகதகதான் பெயமொக வஙTIOas படாதினனம் லைல நடுவனவாமபரை 212
வானொ- 31 சக்டிவாம்படTE நொககாரன் டொபெயானவடகனரம்வெள்னாக காந்த 214 சாடிபாடும். - நாகர் வரலST தம் கால
AEபரனைத் தலைவரவடையனாம்தொம்
216 - 22காகமபெயலுமவடமருமகANTHHs
உகளளகாப்பாதசெவனாகத்பாதிதயத்தாகாமபையு டாகனன்ன 218 - உம்பெய வடாகநோககவான்டஎல்லேவியாதாலயாயக்கா தடய 218 டக்கொகக்பும்வடமேகங்க்கியம்படாத நாத்தப்ன
னெர் மாலாமுகாRE 1.0) 20 பேமெர்ககததிபெதியாக்கியாயாஜனநந்தவன்பிழப்பரையன்சொம்தெட்ட 220
- காமபெய்ட்டுமககாக சென்ங்கயான்கமானவரனபர்வத்தட்டலம் 294ரம்பெபபடக்கொத்திச் சென்று உயுயககொண்டாள் பயக்கமுவாம்பெய 222 - பட நாகரெனப்டுசெயபட் பாம்பொடுமருந்தாசெனங்ெெனா
துட்டான்னாபபு24 படக்கினனம்டுக்கள்ளத்துப்புரையெய வடமெ 5 24 காக பகண்ணைப்ரிலானநதெடகொட்டைக் பொகபெருவழின்பு 226 -வப்பொவப்பெப்டும் கடுங்ககச்சென வடக்கன்னம்புதகொத்தா . வாயிலயாயையிடத்து வைத்து மெதநாத்திரதெ கடாட்ட
220 28 களததுககெனக்டையைரங்க வடகதின்னமடுக்களத்துநாதக GCSE-1
வாக்கினவகாசிரங்காத்துங்ககாலொமோதொகை 200 வது படாடையையுக்கள்குதக்காரபயகாரதரையெயம்UCHUN 2010 * கப்பலனாக்களக்க தென்கடையலெடககானக்காகக்
SCALE: ONE-THIRD.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA,
K.P. CHAKRAVARTI. Ray, No. 1943E'39,275.

Page #143

viii,. தகவெOSTE செனவடுதகாசங்க நடையைாதாருகாய்ந்த ஈரதென்கரையெமொதநோக்கம் செனதுகண்ணனாப்பொங்ாவமன்யு 2. 234 கேட்ககன்னமடுவழியெங்டாகங்கAaoனங்கணனனத்தவடகெலாமன்றகது 234 தென்னெல்லபுமாகைணைவடோரியொமுத்தரையகைாசெட்ட பாம்புபெராரெட்டை இய்மொகநொக்கிச்செனவமகபாக்ச்சிக்காட்டபபைடுத்தாதுவைரயெவடகா 238 ககபபிததுககொல்ள-செனவடக்கினைமடுகளத்தாடெமெநாநொககிச்செனவானை | அகாதவராங்பாபதிகாலகட பசங்மொதவநாதசனடககககப்பொதாதா 238 | வைா வக்கக்கிழக்காக்கின புன்யையலகதுபை.தெகொதாவானவடசெப்புடை அளகக ையலெகரையொபக்கு நோக்சரெனவயினனாததெனவன்லலபையு பட 240 கனமைடுமமினனோத்தெனஜெலலோகம் இடசெமாக ததயெலலாமாபாத்ட்செடிக்கள், சவாகபயந்தந்தபரிப்பெமொதநாககனடுப்பா பையரெம்தானத்தும் 242 லேயறுடைப்பலெடுத்தாக்கரையெடும் தாக்காஎனதெதாகத்தாவிலராளோ அப்பனபுெைகாடைல லேபெயதெகாய கொமொகஞாத்த கரெனவமிளகனாய 244 கவைமாரகையிரத்தைககட்டதிக்கக்கப்பொதி வழியையும் வடக்கனைம்தெடுகாட்ட்தி இப்பெலகாயுங்காதையாதைபெளானாவட்பெல்லாமமினான தெவைனலலத 246
an,.. 248 தேபைராதம் காவ உமாவாபாகாட்ட வடமராதரமரனது
TNDI , செபமாNைO20டித்தென்கடைககொ
பெல்லேயுமானகரைப்பாப்பெவடமொகநக்க சென்னேனாசோனககன் புரைசெய 200 கததெனெல்ல்யெமெதநொதிசெனபகரதைபதைக பாதகமெலாலயமம்
கனூாபாலமே செமிமேலெல்லேக்காவைரனல் பப்பாப்பெப்படக்கநாதா" 252 சசெனப்ம் வானூ சுருகமைவானபுன்செயததென்பெல்லையைபு படத்தின்னம் ப்ெபு
செயததெனனெல்லைத்தாயகி தவடவெல்லைக்குருடுவாகமொகநொத 254 கனெகபதி தப்பு
மெல்ல,பொதுவடத்தனனமகப்புன்செ 254 யாக மமிளககைடனசெப்ப்படக்க நான்வெஜப்பாப்பெட்டாககொதது 256 -யும் வட்மேககககிப்தவொப்திதாதராய மமாகனூரவரமனம்க 256
மனுதயனசெயமெலாம் கிபெல்லைக்கங்கபொதட்டத்தவங்கக்கம் வடமெகநாத் 258 பேரனவடுகரையில்நிலவமமிர்தனந்தப்பொக படிமைபடததகமாகன 258
பாவகளாத்திக்கெனகடைகடிகாபைட்காந்தகரைப்பாப்பெய பட்டும் 260 25வநாகிசென்பக்திக்களத்து வடகரைபைப் படத்தினைமடுத்தன 260
பத்துபபுகலப்படமேத நொககானதுவனநல்லாபுன்செய்ததென் 202 P.யும் கபக் காகரைக்கநடொக. சிவனாக்கா கதாபயக்ககா 202
ia,d.
டெவதெGHTOURIANபாதாதகாட்கொடை 204 டின்கலவாப்பாத்தகெகலவய்னாணக்கதைகலாபபைலைத்துவைத்தமே) 24
காகன பதிவங்களாக்காதளததுக்கப்பரு தானகதைதவடக்கயுடன நலலூயா 266 மடையனாகக்கொண்டிதானசெகதென்ப்பால் லைபெயமோகநாதகரைதை கற்பக 200
கனைத்துக்கமெலாடையாலயாடக்கலமேலெலலாகாலனடிகரைபெயம் 268 டகாகாகக் செனாபதபோலதண்டடடனமாகனாததால் டிரவடுத்த 288|
காதலெ லோபாகக்கதிரபாபாடிகரையாதகார வரவை 270 பம் வந்தது அமர்த்த
ர்-காமாலை பாதகாகாகவந்த ரபாட் காலி 270 -
கனாயடைத்தநாககமாடடி நோக கோகேயம் 272 -05
மாதாகமெலாடை-4 உதககககககததகவலை பாபர் 272 -கொக:saaாவமாகலாந்தக்கலமாதாதெக வெல்வ ததகடில்லயான்மானை கரைபொடக்க சொல்கததைங்கதைைைனயல்பைபுவாத முகானைமாைதய 271 - வெல்கமெல்லபுகருெகை ததுமபேபுமானகரைப்பாபபயவா-5TH - 270 செனவடுகநாதருகந்தத்க்கதென்னைவத்பைபு வாகடிக்கன்ன் மிருநதததககாரைவு | 276
கல்ப-மொகநொதசுவனப்டுருகாகதைங்க்களத்து மேலாடையையு தெகளத்துார்ருக 278 பகல்வெலி கலாசபதியெடக்கநொக்கமெலாைததனடையமலசொக்களப்பு 278 *படங்களுக்TOTRA-CAசதுககொடையலொக்தகவலைதந்தக்காலமாக

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Eighth Plate ; Second Side 232 nakkalē vadakku nõkki=chchenru i-kkuļattu va[da]-kadaiyaiy=urgu i-kkuļattukku nir
pāygira 233 kālin ten-karaiyē mērku nõkki-chchenru Kannanūrku-Ppõgira peru-valiyaiy=urru 234 [valdakk-innam (1*] i-vvaliyə vadakku nõkki=chchenru Kaņņaņārku vadav-ellaiyu[m*]
Narimanrattu=t235 tenn-ellaiyum-āņa Kaņņaņūr-Pidāriyēri Muttaraiyan karuñche[y*] vada-varambu perra
bevvai 236 yē mērku nõkki=chchenru Madaļaikušichchi-kkula-pparippaiy-urru i-kkuļatt=uļvāy?
vadakku no 237 kki=ppattu-kköl-aļavu senru vadakk-innam [l*] i-kkulatt-ūdē mērku nõkki-chchenru Kanna238 nür-kulattukku nir pāygira kälaiy=ūdasuttu mörku nökki-chchenru vadakku nõkki=
Ppõgira Ki. 239 navārrukku=kkilakkāga ninra puliyai valattu vaittu mērku nokki-chchenru Kit-Cheliy
Udai240 kuļa=kkaraiyil-ēri i-kkaraiye vadakku nõkki=chchenru Minnēri=ttenn-ellaiyaiy=urru vada241 kk-innam (1) i-m Minneri-ttenn-ellaikkum Kit-Cheli-kkulattu vadav.eliniyumay-kKit
Cheli=kkuļa242 ttukku nir pāynda kār'-parippē mērku nõkki=chchenru i-pparippaiy=irangi Naduvir
Cheli=kkulattu Ma243 laiyan-udaippil=ēri i-kkuļa-kkaraiyē mērku nõkki=chchenru i-kkuļatt-agavāyil-irangi
Milaga244 nür-parrāna punse[y*]=kkil-ellaiyēy terku nõkkiyun-ten-mērku nõkkiyuñ=chenru Milaga
nüril. 245 ninrum Kāñaiy-Irukkai=kKottakirtikku=ppõgira valiyaiy-urru vadakk-innam [*] i-kKott
akir. 246 ti vadav-ellaiyui=Kāñaiy-Iru[k*]kai Vēļāņēri vadav-ellaikkum Milagañūg=tenn-ellaik
Ninth Plate ; First Side. 247 kun=naduv-āņa Kadambanguļi=kkuļattukku nīr pāygira kālūdēy vaďa-mērku nokkie
chchenru 248 i-kkālaiy-irangi vadakku nõkki Mēr-Cheli=tten-kadai-kkombum Veläņēri=ppunsel y*) vada249 v-ellaiyum-āņa karai-pparippe vada-mērku nõkki-chchenru Miļa[ga*]nür Soran Mükkan
punsey= 250 ttenn-ellaiyē mērku nõkki-chchenru Kāñaiy-Irukkai Kaspakirti-kkil-ellaiyum Mi. 261 Jaganūr-pal Mēr-Cheli mēl-ellaikkun=naduvana ellai-pparippěy vadakku nõkki252 chchenru Milagañür=Chundan=Ā]vän puñšey=ttenn-ellaiyaiy=urru vadakk-innam [l*) i.
ppu253 ņģey=ttenn-ellaikkun=Karpakirti vadav-ellaikkun-naduväga mērku nok254 ki=chchenru Kaspakirti=ppunsey=kkil-ellaiyaiyuurru vadakk-innam [*] i-ppunse255 ykkum Milaganür-punsey-pparrukkun=naduvāņa vēli-pparippe vadakku nõkki256 yum vada-mērku nökkiyun-chenru Kappakirti=kkil-asasudiyum Milaganür Irāman=Alaga257 n-uluda punkey mël-asarudiy ellaikkun=naduväga vadakku nőkkiyum vada-mērku nök258 kiyuñ=chenru Iruñchiraiyil ninrum Milaganūrku=ppögirra valiyaiy-ūdajuttu Milaganū259 E-pas-Chirukijätti-tten-kadai-kkombaiy=urru i-kkuļa-kkarai-pparippey vada-me260 pku nõkki=chchenru Karpakirti=kkuļattų vada-karaiyaiy-urru vadakk-innam [i*] 1.
kkula1 The reading in A. 8. 8. 1. is Klara.
Karayil is the reading ja A. S.S.I.

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261 ttu=ppurkaraiyē vada-mērku nõkki-chchenru Puvapinallur punsey=tten262 n-āšapudiyum Karpakigti-kkaraikkun=naduvāga-chChirukkiļātti-kkuļattukku nir pāynda
Ninth Plate ; Second Side. 263 lūdē vada-mērku nõkki-chchenru Kappakirti=kkuļattu-kkadai-kkombaiy=ūdaputtu
vadakk-inna264 m [l*) Puvaņinallür vayalukku=tterkil Valaiyan-ūraņikku-tterkil kaļar-pparippai valattu
vaittu mēr. 265 ku nõkki-chchenru Sirukkiļātti=kkuļattukku nir pāynda Kāṇakaraikku vadakku=pPuva
finallur irukku 266 m idaiyan-Irāśingakkon=uļuda punse[y*]ttenn-ellaiyey vada-mērku nõkki-chchenru
Karpaki267 fti-kkuļattukku mēl-kadaiyal nir pāygira kālaiy-urru 8 Mēl-ellaiy=i-kkāliņ kil-karaiyēy
va268 dakku nõkki-chchenru Rājagambhira-chaturvvedimangalattudan kūţtina Milagapūr
[k*]ku-ttalaimägu kudutta 269 Pudukkulattu=kkil-ellai Karpakirti=kkuļattukku nir pāygira kālin kil-karaiye vadakku
nökki-chchenru 270 i-mMisagaņārkuttalaimāļu kudutta Mārankišti-kkil-ellai Karpakisti=kkuļattukku nir
pāygira kali 271 n kil-karaiyềy vadakku nõkkiyum vada-kilakku nõkkiyuñ=chenru i kkālaiy-irandu
kilakk-innam (1*] vadak272 ku nökki-chchenru Milaganūr-kulattu mēl-kadaiyaiy-urru-kkilakk-innam [15] i-kkusatt
agaväyil irangi vadak273 ku nõkki-chchenru Milaganūsku=ttalaimāru kudutta Kuvaļaivēli-pparrukku=kki-ellaiy.
ūna Māranëri274 kkaraiye vadakku nõkki-chchenru Neskunrattu=ttenn-ellaiyaiy-urru-kkilakk-innam [i*]
i-kKuva 275 Jaivēli-kkil-ellaiyun-Nerkunrattu mēl-ellaiyum-āņa karai-pparippey vada-mērku nõkki276 chchenru i.nNerkunrattu natta[t*]tu=ttenn-āśarudiyaiy=urrukkilakk-innam[I*) innatta
[t*]tu=ttenn-āšapu277 diyē vada-mērku nökki-chchenru i-nNeskunrattu=kkuļattu mēl-kadaiyaiy=urru i-kkuļattu
nir-nak 278 kalė Kuvaļaivēli=kkil-āsasudiye vadakku nõkki=chchenru Mēlsēri=kkaraiyaiy-urru
Mēlsēri=kkula-ppa279 rippe vadakku nõkki-chchenru Kattikkuļattu=tten-kadaiyil=ēri i-kkulatt-agavāyil-irangi Milaganūrku=ttalaimāru ku
Tenth Plate ; First Side. 280 dutta Kadambamangalattu="kukil-ellaiye vadakku nõkki=chchenru Perran-ēmbar.
karaiyaiy-urrurkkila 281 kk-innam [*] vadakku nõkki-chchenru Kațţikkuļattukku nir pāygira kālaiy=ūdafuttu
Mālanguļi- kilavan Pullāņi282 Mädēvan-āņa Nuļambädarāyar kāņiyāy=tTirumāliruncholaiy-Alvārdāvadāņa iraiyiliy
Achchankäțţiruk-3 Read kki. * Read kilavan.
Read Achohumo.

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283 kai=tTirumāliruncholainallur=tten-ellaiye kilakku nokki-chchenru i-tfirumaliruñeholainal284 lūr-ttenn-ellaiyir-tiruvāli-kkallaiy=idattu v aitturkkilakku nõkkiyun-ten-kilakku
nokkiyun-chen285 u Tirumāliruñcholainallūg=ten-kil-mūlaiyir=ttiruvāļi-kkallaiy-urru ivv-Irájagambbira.
chaturvvē. 286 dimangalattudan kūţtina Miļaganūr=kuļattukku nir pāygira kalin mêl-karaiye vadakku
nökki-chchenru 287 Tirumāliruñchõlainallur kil-ellaiyir-tiruvāļi-kkallaiy=urtu i-kkalin mēl-karaiyē vadak288 ku nokkiechohenru i-t Tirumāliruficholainallari vada-kil-malaiyir-tiruväli-kkallaiy=
urrurkki289 lakk-innam [*] Vāgaikuļi=ttenn-ellaiyun=Tirumalirufichõlainallūri vadav-ellalyum-āņa
i-m Milaga290 mür=kuļattukku nir pāygira kāliņ ten-karaiyē mērku nõkkiyum vaļa-mēšku nõkkiyun
chenru i-t Tirumā291 liruñchõlainallur=kuļattukku nir pāygira kālaiy=ūļafuttu i-tTirumaliruñchõlainallūr
vada-me292 n-mūlaiyir=tiruväļi-kkallaiy=ufru Alagiyapāņờiyakkulakki] Sūrakudiy-āņa Vīrakāmuga
mangalattu vadav-e293 llaiyum Vāgaikydi=ttepp-ellaiyum-āņa Milagañarar kālin ten-karaiyē vada-mērku
nõkki-chchenru 294 Umaiyār Tiruppuvaņam-udaiyār dēvadåņam Alagiyapāņdiyakkuļakkil Vellūškuruchchi
kkil-ellaiyum 296 Vāgaikuļi mēl-ellaiyum-ana i-m Milagapūrajkāliņ mēl-karaiyē vadakku nõkki=chchenru
Tenth Plate ; Second Side, 296 l-kkālaiy=udaruttu=kKirandr-națgu Vidattal-aņá Manabhatana-chaturvvēdimangalattu
ttenn-ellaiyai297 y=urfu-kkiļakk=iņņam [1*] [[vv-e]lláiya kilakku nõkki=kkalar-patippë senru Vágaikudis
kkujattu vada-kadaiyaiy=ur298 fuěkkilakk-indam [l*) i-kkataiyê kilakku nõkki=chchenru i-kkaraiyaiy=ígangi Vāgaikudi
vadav-ellaiyum Māņābharana299 chaturvvēdimangalattu=ttenn-ellaiyum-ana ellai-varambě kilakku nõkki=chchenru Vágai
kudi Māņābhara800 na-Isvaram-udaiyār koyilai valattu vaittu ellai-varambe kilakku nõkkl-chchenru Vāgai
kuļi=kkula301 Etil-ninrun-kilakku nõkkleppogita ellai-vā[y*]kkalaiy=urru i-vväčý*]kkāliņ vada-varamba
kilakku nõkki-chche802 ntu i-yvä[y*]kkālaiy-irándu Vāgaikudi=pparril Ariyal-vayakkal vada-varambum Mäņa
bharaṇa-chaturvvēdimanga 803 lattu=ppafrāna Uyyavandāl-vayakkal ten-varambum-āņa varamba kilakku nõkki-chch
enru NakkamangalaB04 ttu-kkulattukku nir pāygira kālaisy=urru) i-kkalin mēl-karaiye vadakku nökkiyum vada
mērku nõkkiyum va1 Read Onallür. Real "wirur.

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305 da-kilakku nõkkiyuñ=chenru Tuttiyūr=kulattu mēl-kadaiyaiy=aduttu i-kkāliņ mēl
karaiyē vadakku 306 nõkkiyum vada-kilakku nõkkiyum vada-mērku nõkkiyuñ=chenru Tiruvāvanattu Arai
mākkārruettenn-e307 llaiyum Māņābhara[ņa*)-chaturvvēdimangalattu vadav-ellaiyum-āņa ellai-varambē mērku
nökki-chchenru Mā308 nābharana-chaturvvēdimangalattu=kkuļa-kkaraiyaiy=ufru=kkilakk-innam [l*] i-kkuļattu=
ppurkaraiyē vadakku nõkki309 chchenru Araimākkārtu=chChirrēmbar-karaiyaiy=urtu ivv-êm bar=ten-karaiyē mērku
nökki-chche310 nru Milagaņār kulattukku nir pāygira kālaiy=ūdafuttu i-kkālin mēl-karaiyē vadakku nõkkiyum vada-mēr
Eleventh Plate; First Side. 311 ku nõkkiyuñ=chenru i-kkālaiy=irangi i-kkālip kil-karaiyil=eri Araimāk[kū]rru ēmbalil
nir-nakkalē 312 vadakku nõkki=chchenru Tuttiyūg-kuļattukku nir pāygira kālaiy=ūdaruttu Udaiyār
Tiruppuvaņam-udaiyar 313 dēvadānam=Alagiyapāņdiyakkuļakkil Velļūçkaruchchi=kkil-ellaiyun=Tiruvāvaņattu mēl
ellaiyum-āna Ka314 navadi-vayakkal mēl-varambē vadakku nõkki-chchenru i-kKaņavadi-vayakkalil vada
mēlai-mulaiyil Vāykatta315 tturavai valattu vaittu Tiruvāvaņattu=kkālaiy=ūdasuttu Veļļūškuruchchi=kkil-ellaiyun=
Tiruvāvanattu 316 mēl-ellaiyum-āņa ellaiye vadakku nõkki=chchenru Vaigaiy-āņa Srivallabhappērārțil=
irangi : Vadav-e317 llai i-Vaigaiy-āņa Sivallavappērāfr-ūļē kilakku nõkki=chchenru ivv-ārril-niprum Panan
galūs=kuļa318 ttukku ni[r*] pāygira kālin vada-karaiyil=ēri i-kkaraiyē kilakku nõkki-chchenru Kala
vaļinādan-arril-iran319 gi ivv-ārrin-ūdey vadakku nõkki-chchenru Idaikkāţtūril-ninrum Vembangudikku=ppo
gira va320 liyaiy=urru kil-karaiyil=ēriettešk=innam [l*) i-vvaļiyē vada-kilakku nõkki=chchenru i
k Kalavalinādan-arril321 ninrñ=Cheyyakuļattūr=kuļattukku nir pāygira kālaiy=ūdaguttu i-vvaliyėy vada-kilakku
nökki-chchenru Adika322 rai=kkuļan-karaiyil=ēri i-kkaraiyē vada-mērku nõkki-chchenru i-kkulattu vada-kadaiyum
Aykudi=ttenn-e323 llaiyaiyum=urpu=tterk=innam [l*] ivv-ellaiyey kilakku nõkki-chchenru Vēlangudi nattattu
vadavāyzy 324 senru i-v[Vēlanguļi]=kkuļattu mēl-kadaiyaiy=urrutterk=innam (1*] ida-pinrum vada-kilakku
nokki-chchen325 ru Kudañjāļi mēl-ellaiyaiy-urru ivv-ellaiyē, vadakku nõkkiyum vada-[kilakku] nok
[kiyuñ]=chenru 326 Kudañjādi-kkuļattu mēl-kadai-kkombaiy=uffu=ttepk-innam [*] ida-nip[rum] vadakilakku nõkki=chchenru
* The left hand portion of the medial o sign is entered in the previous lino,

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292
30,0. * 'ெெகாடம் பம்பாலத்திOolsபொடாகரோலGானைரபாகரைரைப்-22.கக்டி 280 பாகனம் படாதRே81கடக்கன்கலக்கபோடாதகம்"
வடைவலான் -வலைககாயாயததாமாலி TSOETRULINாதொகமுறையிலாங்காடY 292 'சைக்காலிசொலலாதனெல்லையெழுத்ததோகா கைருமாலிருஞான உமகனெல்ல2 கபாழிக்கல் கலடைத்துவைத்து மோருகோதய தெனடிகநொதகவு 3 284 IALIS GETலலவாகெனடிலையத்தா வாடிக்கல்லை42 பெப்ரநாபக
மாபால்துடனடட்மைனாரைக்காத்துக்காபாய காலினமெலகனயொடத்தொக, Tp12/ 286 'இரும்பாலிந்தவனல் கல்வா மெல்லையாகவாடிகதலாவத்தாலினமயகரைக்ப்பட ககககாசெவை தெகியமாலிகரொலைகலன வட்டி முலையாக வாழ்த்தலலோகத்சி) 288 Nாகியானமபாகைதட்தகைனலைகாமாLISசாலருலயாட்டயெல்லையாமமி. - 257 வாககபடாதொகரையெமகரந்தமட்டுமாதகாக்க செனடுத்தாமா 2000 1 சொல்வ தளக் காகாபதிகாலடங்கதுடுகாமலிரு GRநல்லாட் 202 "சலையாக வடிக்கல்ல வடிக் பாணட்பக்களத்தாக்டயரணமாகாமகம் நகலத்து பட ை292
- வலயம் கைது ததெனனெல்லேடிமானமிலவாகாலின தென்கரைபொட் மொகநாதகாதெனவ 104 கடையாக்குப்பு பணமுடையாதொகானம் அழகயாண்டயக்களாக வெனராகவராத்தமல்ல | 294 * கைகட்மெலெலகயுமானாம் மிளகனாகான்னகடைகாகாக்காவானது
206
3,6. 296 - கொலையுட்துத்துக்க 20 நாட்டு கடத்தலா 873 ரனவதனது லத்துககொனெல்லமை
40க்கதிமாக மாக வலலபெககககக்ககள பிடபெபாைத தாதது. கடையைபு. 208 - போகமாம் மாமகோனளுன கேகாையையிரங்காலக்கட்ட லொலய பானை பதபோங்கலங்க வல்லமானவயே மாதகாதாரனவபாகைதடமாருதா
வர்ம-ைபாரம்பக்கவைத்துலலையாபொழாநாகரசென கைதட்ககம் 100 திக்கலனவங்கடிக்கவா பொக்லைல பாக்காக படுபாதகாலபைட பாம்பொமாருவரதா | 0 பெபககாலதாகைகட்ப்பாலோரியன யபதால் மயானதாக 302
லகததுனடயப்ப நிதாபகதலதொடாமடிமாடாயமாகாதவராயந்தமருதில 304 . துக்கள்குது கதநீர்பாயக்
சால்னமெலகரைபொடாககாயமடைமொருகோத்தமம் 304 * ட மக்களாக செனவங்கக்க த் மெலாடையையதைத்தாலின்மேல்கரைபெவடத்தவ 300 - கார் கடமபடகிழக்ககாாயும பட மொகனகதியுணபாலா பணதகமைக்க 7 வதசொ) 306
பொலையுமமாமைாங்கு காலத்து படடெல்லையுமானால்லே ரமபெடுமாகஞராத்ாெபமா 308) நான் கதியத்துக்காக்கரையை தாழாமைகெகாததும்பு கனயொடக்கநாதர் 2006
-aமெனவரைமாககrahmமயகரையைபு பபெபெம்பாகெனானDatகொசு 03 310) | னமி.கறைகாகதாதகாபாபத்தகாலடததுககாமகரையொடக்கங்காப்டட டொ 310
314
Wi,a.
கவனOG)ததாலநங்கைகாலாவை மயVATHS 812/ ப்கேகாக்க செனவதுக்க ளத்து சுகபோயகரலது- பதட்டைடாகப் பாழடையார் 312
தெயகால மமகப்பாணமியாகாதடிவொத்த வாகமெல்லைத் தான் வனத்து மெலெலலயுமானது
பதியயக்கலமெலபாமயெ படக்ககாக்கிச்சென கெகண வகாய தாலலவடமெலேழலேபகட்டா 34 கோடைவலகம் வைத்தியமாக்க்தகாலை டததவொரு வாரமூலலயுக்தாய உணதக மெலெலலையுமான லைலேயெ -க்ககாகச்செவவைகைமனநோபொத்தில் பெட்யே 316
வால்வெவைகையானர்வயப்பொவோடெகிழாதவாங்காரென பொந்திலான தம்பனமாவார்கள் 818 தங்க கங்டாயதில் காலிடைகணமேலதிக்கரைபொடித்தவாகான வாழநாடன் - திலது 118
வாரினபெயபடாக் தென்தடைக்காடாலாமயெமயங்குடத்தபபொக்ய 320 தேயிபைபு உமோரை லெகதை மடுபபழியோபடமாதGETARIGாவடுக்களவழிநாட்டுத்தில், 120
நகைசெயயகளககற்களககாகப்படத்தால்பூட் உதகா வழல் படகழத்தநொதரசென கருது 32 கைகங்களை லெதிதேக்கர - மெகநாகாரரேமைக்க தகபடக்டையும் பகட்த்தொமாட 12
வலயைத்தொகாமைபேயெலலேயொரக்கர்கரோ லெங்க்ருதத்த பட பாயொ தேவரிப்பதாக மெலாடையையும் தடுத்ததனமைகெனை மையமுத்தநாத சலன 324 Baa- IT_மாலேகாயையும் பெவெஎஸ்டுபய படத்தநொததியும்
பாராவேனம் 326
லா மெபைபுத்தாசலமீத-படித்த நாககாசை 120
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. Raa. No. 1943 E'39-275.
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330
332
8,5. சுயகனாகவாததெனனெலாகா SETS பெல்லையுமானவககளத்திங்காதலை பதியாக கொகபதென்கிழக்காகோ-தெலதளக் காத்தககமுதடையாலாபா 328 பதிகாப்டத்துககெனகககளுக்கிசைனாவதமடைக்காட்டுரலானவம் பெம்பங்காகப்பொன்பமயைபவத்துக்கிடக்கஞகனேவநாட்டுத்தெயங்மெனமடோ 330 கல்மென் உம்பொ பட்ட்டடைகளத்தகபாபெட்ரூரகதி என் காத்தாடி கடையில தென்கிழகககாகதிரென்வகாணநாபன்னாடகட்டடக்கத்தானசெம் பொடி 332
2 தான் செயயைபலத்துபைத் போகிழக்ககொகதியாதெனகமாகநொதாபுரெமைசெய்க 334 பத்தாரிடி ரின்பமபெமபங்குமக்கப்பொதி பழியைப் பத்துத் திருத்தநாகதாரெனசெயயகள் 334
பத்து கோத்திரபாயமுத்த மையானைகந்தரபாணயமாராகைல்லத்தகாலையூடாகக. 336 " கிர்கலநாத கடம் படகியத்தநாகம் பகவானமொடைடைகளக்கக பெயகியாக்கொத்தி 336
* கிடகரைககளத்க்க பாபொதிமாக்கொக. ரெனவடுக்களத்துக்க மாடைத்ததாமபல 338 படை துடங்கினவடத்துபமிடடுனது பொலனென்பாபுபாத்தண்காணமடிலO, 338
2வெதப்பாகக் கலகடமிக-37 உடையானவுரையன் நாட்னெட்ததுப்பு 310 பாபரி காணகாணிமிழலைாக் தத்தககடிகம்பக்கண்டல்புடையானபரருததனகாப்பு பண்புடையான் 340
மக்காட்டாகபாகாணகான அழகியபாணம் பக்களத்திடிபொமவாரனபலமடைலாகிலவற்க பாகை தெயடைபாமைடையர்லெழததுரோபகாபாகெடிவாதப்பல்லபாயாதரைதானத் 342 காட்டுகாப்பாடை யான பிளான்படியான பொன்னம்பலகதகனென பார்வைழைத்து
TIRUPPUVANAM SUPPLEMENTARY PLATE.
First Side.
En : இசங்கக
கொன்மை கொண்டYE28நாநாடOure 2320 "நெகலதங்கெயாக 2 டொர் காப்பு பணடிடையாதொகானமானதேங்காடனாட
டனவகைகட்டழத்காரக்ட டையுமாக காடடுமபத்தாவது வரைப்பிரபாத்தும் 4 -கடமைத்து வரதமையில் தெருவிதப்பதனை வதமுதல்வாகைகு வித்தாகாசுபத்து மடித்து படடைநத்தகாகபத்தும் சவாளாங்காடம் பாருக்காசு ஐதம் துரைடொன்பாதாதாசு
பெபகை கம் ஓட்டாகாயத்துக்காகபுதிய கருதபாகயுமாாகெபாகப்போவெனுமொமா. - கணைமகபபொம்மகல் சொனைமைவிலதபாராடலாகடமன்பதைதடயழத்துாருட் இடைக் காக்-ரேமபத்தாபங்காபட் பாத்துக்கட மைாவத்த பாதமையலாதுதவில் பாகி மனை பகழதல் வானக்கடக்கக்காசுபத்து மழத்துகாடடைாதாதாசபத்தக
காட்டுக்காகாதகம் கண்டொன் பாக்காதரெயத்தை தட்டகன்யத்து 10 காசுபத்ய கபரகயுமாகவேய்காககேடிவிதாசன்ைெமயொ-3 தங்கரெல்பதாக (பலிலுதரமயிலம் வெட்ட்பித்தாகொக்ரெவிருதைநாட்டு வதக்கயலரையனகா 12 தனையாகவாயன்மைத் தியானயோபது நாளாக சொநாட்டு பெண்கரைய பாங்கர்யமால்ரக்கைமான தத் பாப்பண்டநாட்டுபடொவாத்தாவாமனைபலபபாயா வெடித்து கால் போக்-TIRTIST'
STUருமால்கUைG பருவரோ காட்ரோபாதகதபாத்தம்மகா 18 ராதமான்ஊர்காத்தா பாடங்கடலாகா பயிரையமகாவாடையும்
Second Side.
SPITENEG.ம aru90UENDSyாபேடா கடத்தபத்தம்பில் கருநாகத்தம்ப இ ந்த முகவதைநடாத்தம் நான-டை
லைப்டாரும். ரத்தப்
பக்கம் கொ8 வருத்துவகபாவி கெ தேவைக்காக முக்காக 150 * வாமபா கொடுத யதில்
E
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No. 11.]
TIRUPPUVANAM PLATES OF JATAVARMAN KULASEKHARA I.
Eleventh Plate; Second Side.
327 Sundankuruchchi-ttenn-ellaiyum-i-kKuḍañjāḍi vaḍav-ellaiyum-ana i-kkulattu nir-nakkale328 y kilakku nõkkiyum ten-kilakku nõkkiyuñ-chenru i-kkulattukku-kkil-kaḍaiyal nir på329 ygira kalaiy-daruttu-tton-kilakku nõkki-chehenru Vajür-Sirukudi Idaikkäṭṭüril-ninrum 330 Vembanguḍikku-ppōna valiyaiy-uḍaruttu-kkilakku nõkki-chchenru Käṭṭu-tteyvamenrum Piḍā
331 rikulam-enrum pēr kuva[ppa]ṭṭa1 Udaikulatt-agavāyāy kilakku nōkki-chchenru i-kkulattu= kkil
121
332 kadaiyil-eri-tten-kilakku nõkki-chcheṇru Kiraṇürnāḍālvänkōṭṭai-ppakkattāna Sem[be]rum333 än uluda punseyyai valattu vaittu-kkilakku nõkkiyun-ten-kilakku nōkkiyuñ-chenru Seyyakula
Vêmbanguḍikku-ppgira valiyaiy-üdaṛuttu-kkijakku nökkischchenra
335 ttür-kulangalukku nir pāya Muttan-Alvan-ana Sundarapandiya-Mārāyaṇ kalluvitta külaiy-Bḍaruttu
334 ttäril-ningum
Seyyakula
336 kkilakku nokkiyum vada-kilakku nökkiyull-chenga Mir-Chūrai Udaikulatt-agavāyey kilakku nokki-ch
337 chenru Kit-Chūrai-kkulatt-agavāyāy kilakku nōkki-chchenru i-kkulattu-kkil-kadai-kkombil ēri
338 munbu tuḍanginav-iḍattu -ppidi ninradu [*] Ivv-arav-ōlai eludinen vai Puravuvarikkaņkāni Milalai-kkür
339 rattu Naḍuvir-kürru śri-Parantakanallur Kaṭṭikuruchchi-udaiyan Araiyan Nārāyaṇaneluttu [*] Ivai Pu
340 ravuvari-kkaņkāņi Mijalai-kkürṛattu=kKij-kürru-tTandalaiy-udaiya Pirintakan Tiru ppävaṇam-udaiya-e
341 luttu [*] Ivai Puravuvari-kkaņkāņi Alagiyapandiyakkulakkil Perumāraṇur-āņa Palamaṇḍaladichchanallur-Ka
342 rupikaradavan Purpavanam-udaiyan-elattu [] Ivai Tiruväykkölvi Jayadara-pPalla varayar kaņkāni Tirumu
343 naippadi-nattu Karappar-udaiyin Pillaiy-Alvin Ponnambalakküttapin ivai ene-eluttu [1]
TRANSLATION.
(Verse 1)-Hail! Prosperity! There was at first this water. In its centre (lit. inside), there lay, on the serpent (Sesha)-couch, Hari. From his navel came forth a lotus; and from it, by himself, the creator of the universe (Viśvasrit) came; from him Atri; and from the cavity of his eyes, the Moon; his son was Budha; from him was born Pururavas; and thence came these Pandya lords.
(Verse 2)-Hail! Prosperity! Having ascertained the (proper) time from Sundaresa, (king) Rajagambhiradeva, in the twenty-fifth year of his reign, on the day of Sväti combined with Saturday (Arkki-vära) in the dark fortnight, and on the tithi of Kanakapati (i.e., ēkādasi), when the hot-rayed (Sun) was in the sign Dhanus, ordered to conduct immediately the female elephant to fix the boundaries of the village called after his own name.
(Line 5) The goddess of the flower (i.e., Lakshmi) lovingly taking her seat and the goddess of the earth lawfully uniting with bim; the goddess of war resting on his victorious shoulders; the goddess of the great arts shining on his tongue; the moon-light of his fame shedding its lustre in the The syllables ivai are written as a group.
1 The letters ppa look like ya. Read r-Kaffi.

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twice-four quarters; the path of the Vēdas (marai) expanding; the path of Manu clarifying the six righteous doctrinal ways and spreading out; the fish (emblem of the Pandyas) securely seated on the golden mountain, driving off the forest tiger (emblem of the Chéra); the white parasol (of his) affording shade to the seven seas and the seven sporting gardens surrounded by the eight hills; his righteous sceptre swaying; the fierce Kali (age) concealing itself with tremour in long caverns; the Villavar (i.e., the Chēra), Sembiyar (i.e., the Chola), Virāțar, Varāțar and the Pallayar, paying due obeisance in regular succession with (their) tributes; his single wheel rising aloft over the two globes ; the sweet and nector-like iyal, idai and nāfakam (.e., prose, poetry and drama) steadily increasing ; Wearing the crown and sitting on the mountain-like high lion throne,bis eulogy being sung by able masters of arts, along with his queen Avanimulududaiya], who resembled the swan in gentle gait and who was praised and bowed to by queens of kings; the glorious king Jaţăvarman alias the Emperor of the three worlds, the illustrious Kulasēkhara. dēva reigned.
Whereas, while the king was pleased to be seated on the reclining couch called Malavarajan in the hall of his palace at Madurai situated in the sub-division) Madakkulakkil of Madu. rödaya-valanādu, he had ordered that a village consisting of one thousand and two hundred shares should be formed and given as brahmadeya, with effect from the eleventh year opposite the thirteentb,--pne thousand and eighty shares to one thousand and eighty Brāhmaṇas learned in the Vedas and Sāstras and capable of expounding them, and ope hundred and twenty shares as dévadāna and for those who had to do service;
(Ll. 69-72) and whereas the village of Rājagambhira-chaturvēdimangalam, called (as swch) after the sacred name of the king and included in Rajagambhira-yalanādu, was formed in pursuance of this said order by taking up the undermentioned villages, excluding from them the lands which formed old dēvadānas, pallichchandam and kārārmai, and including the rest, and removing their previous owners, old names and the classification under vellāp-vagai, as well as the prior holdings, and bringing them all under one village with one puravu and one nadu,
(Ll. 72-74) and whereas the king had been pleased to say that the four boundaries of this (new) village may be circumambulated with the female elephant in the presence of the superin, tendents appointed for the purpose, and, for the boundaries thus passed through, a deed may be drawn up and given,
the following is recorded on the thirteenth year and four thousand and three hundred and sixtieth day.
(LI. 19 to 19) The villages and lands taken up are
(1) In Kirapup-nadu,--the villages of Nakkamangalam and Vägaikudi, (the latter) a dēva. dāna of Udaiyiz Tiruppūvanamudaiyar ; (2) including the above (two villages), the villages of Tiruvāvanam, Tuttiyur, and Kirungākkottai (with its lands called) Kāduvetti, Muttam, Korra. nëri, Tadaiyili-Tiyāgi-ēmbal, Vellattaivenrān-ambal, Pagavadi-ēmbal, Naduviškottai and Kādan, Etti-kupuotchi; (3) in Papangalar-nādu,—the villages of Adikarai, Mittiravāli, Vēlanguļam with its land Omalagiyāp-embal, Solaiyēri, Kudañjādi, Aruvarai-Pudukkulam, Kit-Chūrai, Mēr-Chūrai, Pidärikulam, Panangalūs alias Panditapañjaranallür, Seyyakulattūr with its land Singapēriyudaiyan-kānippatry, Vaõjiyūr, Kafkuruchchi, Ariyāṇkuruchchi, Āraikkulam with its lands Arugaśādi, Viragangappõrayan-embal, Virapāņdiyappērayan-embal, Moliyan-ēmbal, Ambalakkūttan-ēmbal Sittan-ēmbal and Pannirayirappērayan-ēmbal, Uvaniyamangalam and its land Pudaichchänkuliy-Embal; (4) in Tiyandaikudi-nādu,--the villages of Ugaray and Kottai with the lande Sivigaiyankuli and Udumbandai, Ulagarapi, Karaiyūr, Kunnēli, Mattadakkiyēri with its lands Sangappērayan-ēmbal, Puttēmbal, Kalaiyaņēri, Serkuli and Orukkorrapēri, Kalvā. yilmangalam, Pullaņēri, Sēndaņēri, Nakkaņēri, Pārkulam with its land Uyyāp-Sūriyan-embal,

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Marudankuļi, Nāvafkudi with its land Kandiyür-nādālvān-ēmbal, Siru-Nakkaņēri, Sūlāmaņi, Purrukkulam, Siruvayal, Konraikkulam, Pullamangalam, Karkulam, Karumäkulam Eyili, Padaichchankulam, Puliyankulam, Püdikulam, Vēlärkufuchchi, Väyttalainallur and the land Käduvetti of this (last mentioned) village; (5) inclusive of three vēl of land, according to pādagam, situated to the east of the channel passing to Marudūr and lying within the tank of Māņaviramadurai, the following being added to the brahmad@ya, viz., Marudur alias Madurödaya-chaturvēdimangalam with the land Sangan-ēmbal, Sankaramangalam and Tiyanūr-Solaiyēri; (6) in Kilānkātpūr alias Puravari. chaturvēdimangalam, excluding eight (vēli) and six mă of land, as measured by the rod Virapāndi. yankõl, consisting of nir-nilam, karunchey, punsey, nattam, tottam, tidal, urani, koyiladi, tirunandatanam and embal, which had been the kudipparru, up to the tenth year opposite the thirteenth, all the rest of the lands which had been owned by the adjacent people ; (7) in Mēr-Pašalai alias Srīvallabha-chaturvēdimangalam, excluding four and a half (vēli) and three kāni, as measured by the rod Virapāņdiyankol, consisting of nir-nilam, nattam, karunchey, pupsey, tottam, tidal, Sriköyil, tirunandavapam, etc., which, up to the tenth year opposite the thirteenth, had been the holding of the janmis that were residing there, the rest of the lands which were held by the adjacent people and the Maravas, as well as Pirāndiyeri and Kadukkudi ; and also the dēvadāna lands of the temple of Tiruppasalaināthar at Mer-Pasalai alias Srivallabha-chaturvēdimangalam, viz., Šēgtāļēri, tirappu Sondan-ēmbal, Tattan-ēnbal, Vēmböd-ēmbal, Päppän-ēmbal, Edirilisõlapperayan-ēmbal; also the lands called Vēlankāl, Kaņichchiy-ambal and the land given in exchange for kudikkāni which had been classed under the different head of dēvadāpa-iraiyili and whose kārānmai belonged to the temple of Sri-Vaikunda-Viņpagar-Āļvār of Mēr-Pasalai alias Srivallabha-chaturvēdiman. galam; as also tirappu Panaiyaņēri, Kil.Veliyārsūr, Mēl-Veliyārrür, Mandaiyarkulam, Nelvēli with its land Tanpilattaraiyan-ēmbal, Sõmättūr, Aravankudi, Karunkuļam, Eņāttūr, Taďāppisai and Kāñchirankuļam; (8) in Mērkuļi alias Kalijayamangalam in Mörkudi-nādu, excluding two (vēla) and four ma of land, as measured by the rod Vira pandiyanköl, which up to the tenth year opposite the thirteenth, were held by ryote and consisted of nir-nilam, karunchey, pundey, nattam, etc., the rest of the lands owned by the adjacent people, as also the villages Mēn-Mērkudi, Mañjalur and Korraņēri; also Muttūranārottai which was the dëvadāna of the temple of Udaiyar Tiruppūvanamudaiyar; as well as Annalvāy with Sundan-ēmbal near that village, Narimanram alias Varagandanallur together with the lands near that village, viz., Silaiyapēri, Usiyappi, Tāli. yēmbal, Korranëri, Sariyap-ēmbal and Sõmaņēri; (9) in tirappu Purapparalai-nādu, -Pullaņēri, the lands that were added to the karufcheyparru of Kaņņaņūr, the karuñchey of Madalaikuruchchi, the purkarai (i.e., the grassy bank) of Kil-Seli, Achcbankāttirukkai-Milaganar alias Rājēndrasinganallur together with Minnēri near that village, Kaņnikudi, Araiyaņēri, the lands within the tank of Naduvir-Cheli, Mēr-Cheli, Kuruchchatti, Sirukkilätti, Puvaninallür, Arikudi, Somaņēri and Tāyay-Pūdi-ēmbal; also Sirukilänkattūr which (last) was a dēvadāna of Udaiyar Tiruppuvanamudaiyar; as well as Siru-Milagi, tirappu Negkungam, Kattikkulam and Perrän-ēmbal.
(LL. 74-139) The puravuvari-karkāni officers Araiyan Nārāyanan of Kattikuruchchi residing in Sri-Parantakanallūr in Naduvir-küfrü (a sub-division) of Miļalai-kärram, Parantakan TiruppuVanamudaiyan of Tandalai in Kil-kurru (a sub-division) of Milalai-küffam, Mäfaņurudaiyan Karunäkaradēvan Purpavanamudaiyan of Māraṇūr alias Palamandaládittanallur in Alagiyapandiya. kkulakkil. Pillai Alvān alias Popnambalakkūttan of Karuppur in Tirumunaippādi-nädu (a subdivision of Solamandalam, who was the kankāni of the viruvaykkelvi Ponnan Süryadēvan alias Jayadhara-Pallavaraiyar of Puttür in Purapparalai-nädu, Velän Sättan of Kil-Nettür alias Kirtivisālaiyanallur in Karungudi-nādu who was the kankāni of Poyyamolidēvær, Nārāyanan Sättan of Veliyārrur in Keralasinga-vaļanādu who was the karkāni of the smudāyam Kappalūrudaiyan Sriraman Tiruvudaiyān alias Pottappichcholar of Kappalūr alias Ulagalandasolanallur in

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Muttūrru-kurram, Arayan Tirumalai-udaiyān of Arunkaļam in Poliyūr-nādu who was the kankāņi of the māligaittanam Sivallavan Alagiyamanavālan alias Kālingarāyar of Aykkudi alias Alagiyapāņdiyanallur in Vadatalai-Sembi-nādu, Arayan Karumāņikkam of Kit-Pabalai alias Dānaviņādanallür in Tiyandaikudi-nādu who was the kankāņi of Malavarayar, Kappalūrudaiyan Uyyavandän Ponnan alias Māņābharaṇa-Mūvēndavēlār of Kappalūr alias Ulagalandasõ]anallur in Muttūrru-kurram who was the adigāram of Pillaiyār Alagapperumāļ, Udaiyān Nambi Ponnambalakküttan alias Virasingadēvar of Sirupālaiyur alias Kävērivallavanallür in Solapāņdiya-valanādu, Malaikiniyaninran Alagan alias Vijaya-Vichchădiradēvar who was one of the anukkar of Alagiyapāņdiyan of Rājēndiram in Irābingankuļakkil that was in charge of the business of this (ie., the said) nādu, all these being the kankāni, the undermentioned persons of Māņaviramadurai in Tiyandaikudi-nādu, viz., Madavan Divākara-Battan, Nārāyaṇan Nārāyana-Battan, Si(fri)-Mädavan Nārasimha-Bhattan, Govindan Tirunilakanta-Battan and Jätavēdan Subrahmanya-Bhattan; together with the following others of Marudur alias Madurodaya-chaturvēdimangalam who were concerned in the formation of the brahmadēya, viz., Tirukkudandai Adityan Sēndapirān-Battan, Sri Krishnan Alagiyarāghava-Bhattan and Kaliyāyan Venņaikkütta-Bhattan; as also the undermentioned residents of Mēr-Pasalai alias Srivallabha-chaturvēdimangalam, viz., Ahitägni Sriranganātha-Bhatta-Söma-Kathaka-yajiyar, Nārāyaṇan Nārāyana-Bhattan, srl Vāgudēvan Nagnapirän-Bhattan and Sri-Raman Paramātma-Bhattan; as well as the residents of Kit-Pasalai alias Dāņavinodanallür, viz., Arayan Uyyaninrăduvăn alias Sembiyadaraiyan Kesavan Nārāyanan, Karumāņikkam Korran, Kalvāyil Kēšavan, Periyān Perran, Nangan Alagan and Väsudēvan Suriyadēvan; the following residents of Poliyur alias Pārthivakësarinallür in Pollyür-nădu, viz., Appan Suriyadëvan, Udayan Varaguņadēvan alias Alagiyapāņdiya-Vilupparaiyan, Suriyan Varantaruvān alias Sangirämasinga-Pallavaraiyan and Sundarattöludaiyan Sõmadēvan; the undermentioned residents of Kallikkuļi alias Puravuvarinallur in Purapparalai-nädu, viz., Dayanilai Uyyavandān alias Chēdirāyan, Aņukkan Ariyān and Appan Arumoļidēvan alias Sembiyan. Vilupparaiyan and the headman of Puttür named Battan alias Purapparasainādu-kilavan; also Paliyānilai Suriyadēvan alias Tamiņādu-kilavan of Iruñchirai alias Indirasamāṇanallur in KāñaiIrukkai and Vēļā Irattai alias Rājakuñjara-Pallavaraiyan; also the persons hereunder mentioned who belonged to Milaganūr, to wit, Sadiran Selvan, Raman Alagan, Söran Mükkan, Nägadēvan Rāman alias Rājanārāyana-Mūvēndavēļān and Arasariyan, who were concerned in effecting the entry in accounts under the name of Achchankattirukkai-Milaganûr alias Rājēndrasinganallur, after removing the previous owners, old names and prior holdings (mudal) and bringing also under one nādu, one village and one puravu the undermentioned villages and lands, viz., AchchankāttirukkaiKuvalaivēli, Pudukkulam, Märankirti, Kävidinallür, Kadambamangalam, Sättiyar-ēmbal and the lands that remained in Araiyarkulam of Kāñai-Irukkai after deducting from it the portion (dempādi) which formed the kāni of Mandari Rāman alias Pallavarāyar and which had been given in exchange for the old) Milaganūr that had been added to Rājagambhira-chaturvēdimangalam; Araiyan Pullāņi of Achchankāttirukkai-Tirumāliruñjõlainallur a dévadāna of TirumaliruñjõlaiĀļvār that had the kānipparru of Pullāņi Mādēvan alias Nuļambadarāyar the headman of Mālangudi in Kit-Sembi-nadu; also the undermentioned persons of Sirukusattur alias Parākramapāņdiyanallūr in Alagiyapāņdiyakkuļakkil, viz., sāttan Kaņavadi, Sundarattāludaiyān Dēvan, Sättan Kandan alias Tirumäliruñjölai Dasan, Vēlān Sundarattöludaiyán, Sivallavan Pēräyiramudaiyan alias Märanürnättu-Vēlān and Dēvan Sivallavan Arattamikki-Däsan : also Udayadivākaran Sri-Karimāra-Bhattan of Iļavimangalam, the resident of Surakuqi alias Virakāmugamangalam, and Näräyanan Subrahmanya-Bhattan of this same) kudi; also the undermentioned persons of Vidattal alias Mäņābharana-chaturvēdimangalam in Kiranür-nādu, viz., Uyyaninrādi Periyālvāŋ, Sēndapirāņ Karumāmugil-Bhattan, Govindan Māņēndukaiyyan and Adityan Bhaskara,

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Bhattan; also the undermentioned persons of Veļļūrkufuchchi in Alagiyapāņdiyakkulakkil, viz., Vēlän Kovan, Adi Perrān, Vēļān Alagan alias Sundarapandiya-Müvēndavölän and Vēlān Sirilanko; (inclusive of the last mentioned four) the following (three) persons, viz., A van Upadhyāyar of Marudür in Tiruvāvanam, Karumāņikkam Ulagamundan-Bhattan of Perumpuliyür and Mayüravahanan Aduvan.Bhattan of Marudūr who were concerned in the formation of the brahmadeya ; (also the undermentioned persons) of Vēļūr alias Alagiyapandiyanallur in Kiranür-nādu, viz., Răman Uyyavandan, Perrän Pättan, Dēvan Nambi and Soran Nättän; all these pointing out their respective boundaries, the following persons of Tiruppuvanam in Irasingankuļakkil, viz., Anaittanam Pamman Adiyarkkunalla-Peruman alias Pallavadaraiyan, meyppu Malaiyan Söran alias Viñjattaraiyan, Dēvan Tillai alias Madurõdaya-Pallavaraiyan, Sikayilāya-Bhattan alias Sivallava-Pallavaraiyan, Kanavadi Siraman alias Sundatapāņdiya-Pallavaraiyan, Eran Periyan alias Pandiyan-Pallavaraiyan and Porru Aravamudaiyan Villi alias Mudittalaikonda-Pallavaraiyan, conducting the female elephant, the folowing is the document of the boundaries drawn up exactly as the elephant passed
(Ll. 139-195) The eastern boundary (as it came to be determined) on the day of Svāti corresponding to Saturday and the eleventh tithi of the second fortnight and the fourth (solar) day of the month of Dhanus in the twelfth year opposite the thirteenth of the king's) reign, lies to the west of the line commencing from the eastern extremity of Udaikulam, also called Kit-Chūrai. which lies to the north-east of this village (of Rājagambhira-chaturvēdimangalam), passes southwards and crosses the road going to Kadambangudi from Seyyakulattür, runs in a south-easterly direction, then southwards and then in south-easterly direction and crosses the road leading to Vēmbangudi from Månaviramadurai, and then passes eastwards and crosses the high road leading to Müvaraiyarkottai from Seyyakulattūr, and then keeping to the right (the pit called) Pudai. chchänkuli, passes south-east along the vettipperuvali (the big path of the vetfis) which meets the said road (at the said pit) and crosses the road leading to Māņavīramadurai from Müvaraiyarkottai ; further, proceeding from this road in a south-easterly direction and crossing the high road which runs westwards, and then going in a south-easterly direction crossing the road leading to Mänaviramadurai from Pidávür and then passing in a south-easterly direction and reaching the eastern extremity of the tank of Karaiyur and from its Henk passing in a south-easterly direction, it lies to the west. And crossing the channel which carries water to the tank at Kunnēli, it lies to the west. Proceeding from the channel in a south-easterly direction on the eastern boundary of Sangappērayan-ēmbal, then going southwards and then in & south-westerly direction and crossing the road leading from Nettür to Mānaviramadurai and then going southwards along the nirnakkal of the tank at Chandranallur and reaching the southern extremity of Chandranallur, it lies to the west. Further, proceeding from here in a south-westerly direction along the way leading to Vaigai alias Srivallabhappērāru, it lies to the west. Then going southwards from this way along the sevvai on the eastern boundary of Serkuli, then proceeding westwards on the southern boundary of the said Senkuļi and afterwards going southwards along Kaskulam which forms the eastern boundary of Orukkorraņēri, it lies to the west. Then proceeding in a south-westerly direction on the southern boundary of the said Orukkorraņēri and getting into the Vaigai alias Srivallabhapperāru it lies to the west. Then going along this Srivallabhappērāru (first) in & northwesterly direction and then in a westerly direction, it lies to the west. Then getting up the southern bank of this river and proceeding in a southerly direction and crossing the channel which carries water to the tank of Kit-Pasalai alias Dānavinodanallur and the tank of Mēr-Pasalai alias Srivallabha-chaturvēdimangalam and getting up the bank of this channel and proceeding southwards along the......ridge of the half veli and two md of land in Arabipparru and going up the northern extremity of the tank of Månaviremadurai, it lies to the west. Then, proceedling

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Westwards on this bank and then going southwards on the eastern boundary of the three vēli of land, as measured by the pāłtakköl,---which had been added to Rājagambhira-chaturvēdimangalam out of the lands that were being cultivated as pätfam on the eastern side of the channel which carries water to the tank at Marudür and which lay within the abovesaid tank of Mānaviramadurai,--and getting up the south bank of this tank and (then) reaching the channel which carries water to the tank at Marudur, it lies to the west. Further, proceeding along the east bank of this channel in a south-easterly direction and then in southerly direction and reaching the old excavation in the south extremity of the kudiyiruppu of Vanagangappēraiyan, it lies to the West. Proceeding again eastwards along this excavation, and going on the ridge (first) in an easterly direction and then in & north-easterly direction along the southern ridge of the field in the south extremity of Manavitamadurai in the agavāy of the old tank of Marudūr, and getting up the eastern extremity of the said old tank of Marudur, it lies to the west. Then, proceeding westwards along this bank, and then going southwards along (the channel called) Diväkaravāykkäl which forms the eastern boundary of Marudür and the western boundary of Māņaviramadurai, till where this channel ends, then passing by this western ridge of the land called) Divakaravayakkal, and then proceeding eastwards along the southern ridge of the field and then passing south along the sevvai which has the western ridge of Sundaravayakkal and then going along the line which forms the northern boundary of Sankaramangalam and the southern boundary of Māņaviramadurai, (first) in an easterly direction and then in a north-easterly direction and getting up the northern extremity of Sankaramangalam and reaching the channel which carries water to the tank of Mēr-Pašali alias Srivallabha-chaturvēdimangalam and to the tank of Kit-Pasalai alias Dānavinodanallür, it lies to the west. Then, proceeding in a south-easterly direction on the western bank of this channel, and crossing the other) channel wbich, branching off from this channel, carries water to the tank of Mer-Pasalai alias Srivallabhachaturvēdimangalam, and then going (successively) in south-easterly, easterly and southetly directions on the western bank of the channel which carries water to the tank of Kit-Pašalai alias Danaviņödanallur and reaching the Western embankment of the tank of the said Dänavinödanallür, and then getting down the grasey bank of that tank and proceeding southwards on the eastern bank of the channel which carries water to the tank of Mēr-Pagalai alias Srivallabhachaturvēdimangalam and reaching the northern extremity of the tank of the said Srivallabhachaturvēdimangalam, then proceeding (successively) in south and south-east directions along the Idukkāru (flowing) from the maruvāy of this tank, and reaching the path leading to the nattam of Nelvēli, it lies to the west. Then, getting up at the eastern extremity of the tank of the said Nelvēli and reaching the channel called) Papalaikkal, and proceeding southwards on the western bank of that channel and crossing the path leading west from Nakkaņēri, (il lies to the west).
(LI. 195-267) The southern boundary : Going westwards along the road forming the southern boundary of Nelvēli and the northern entrance to the nattam of Ettiyēri and reaching the western end of the said nattam of Ettiyēri, thence proceeding westwards and reaching the old templesite in the middle of this Ettiyēri and Nelvēli, then going south-west and crossing (the river) ParaJaiyaçu, it lies to the north. Proceeding (successively) in south and south-west directions on the western bank of this river, and then erossing the channel which earries water to the tank of Niranbaiyür and (also) forms the eastern boundary of Sõmättür, and proceeding southwards on the western bank of this channel and reaching the middle boundary between Sõmātter and Sisuvāgai in the vicinity of Kallikkudi, it lies to the north. Further, passing west and south-west along the ridge which commences at the middle of this boundary, and getting into the tank at Siruvägai at the north end of it, then passing on the southern boundary, of Aravankuļi and crossing the channel which carries water to the tank of Kallikkudi, then going westwards and then in a south-westerly

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direction along the road leading to Vēļānēri from Aravankudi and reaching the eastern boundary of Vēļānēri, it lies to the north. Again proceeding in a north-easterly direction along the eastern bank of the channel, which runs along the said village of Vēlāņēri and carries water to Puttūr, and crossing this channel and getting up the western bank, it lies to the north. Further, going westwards along the boundary which forms the northern boundary of Vēläņēri and the southern boundary of Karunkulam, and then going westwards along the north bank of Sürrivasakkal-ūrani of Vēļānēri, it lies to the north. Then going along the ridge in the middle of the boundary and proceeding north along the eastern ridge of Adichchavasakkal of Vēlāņēri, and then going north along the northern ridge of this land, it lies to the north. Further, going north on the eastern ridge of Karundadi of Velänöri, and then westwards on the ridge which is to the north of this land and the narrankāl of Ādichchavasakkal and of Perrānvasakkal and reaching the eastern ridge of Dayāniti-vayakkal in Sēnēri which adjoins Kaļļikkudi, it lies to the north. Again, proceeding northwards on this ridge and reaching the ellai-vāykkāl (i.e., the boundary channel), and then going (successively) in north, north-west and north directions along the said channel, and afterwards going in a westerly direction on the northern ridge of Mālär-mukkāņi of Sēņēri, and then again going in a north-western direction on the eastern ridge of Sõmidēvi-vayakkal belonging to Dayānīti Ariyān alias Arundavan-Vilupparaiyan, then going northwards along the eastern ridge of the land of Dayāniti Mānaviran consisting of several tadis (in extent), and then proceeding northwards on the eastern ridge of the vayakkal of Uyyakkondal and then westwards of the northern ridge of this field and reaching the northern bank of the tank of sēņēri, it lies to the north. Then going in a north-westerly direction along the grassy bank of this tank and reaching the big road leading to Dēvakõttai from Kannanūr, and going westwards along this big road, it lies to the north. Then, leaving to the left the tamarind tree standing at the northern entrance of Pūdanēri-nattam, and passing westwards and getting into the tank called Tadāppirai at its southern extremity, it lies to the north. Then passing in a north-westerly direction in the nir-nakkal of this tank, and then going in a north-westerly direction in the nir-nakkal of the tank called) Kāñchirankulam and reaching the northern extremity of this tank, and then passing westwards on the south bank of the channel which carries water to this tank and getting up the (bank of the tank called) Pullanērikulam at its southern end, it lies to the north. Then going northwards in the nirnakkal of this tank and reaching the northern extremity of this tank, then going westwards on the south bank of the channel which carries water to this tank and reaching the big road leading to Kannanūs, it lies to the north. Then going northwards along this road, and then going westwards of the sevvai having the northern ridge of Muttaraiyan-karunchey of Kannanūr-Piļāri-ēri which forms the northern boundary of Kannanūr and the southern boundary of Narimanram and reaching the kulapparippu of Madalaikuruchchi, and going northwards within this tank to the extent of ten kol, it lies to the north. Proceeding westwards along this tank and crossing the channel which carries water to the tank at Kannanür and passing northwards, leaving to the right the tamarind tree standing to the east of Kāpavāru which flows northwards, and going westwards and getting up the bank of the tank called) Udaikulam in Kit-Seli, and going northwards on this bank and Teaching the southern boundary of Minnēri, it lies to the north. Further, going westwards along the channel which had been dug to carry water to the tank at Kit-Seli and which forms the northern boundary of the said tank of Kit-Seli and the southern boundary of this Miŋnēri, then getting into the channel and getting up at the breach (lenown as) Malaiyanudaippu, proceeding then on the bund of this tank and getting down the agavāy of this tank, then going (successively) in southerly and south-westerly directions on the eastern boundary of the dry land belonging to Milaganūr and reaching the road leading to Kottakirti in Kañai-Irukkai from Milagañūr, it lies to the north. Then going north-west along the channel which carries water to the tank of

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Kadambanguļi, which channel formed the northern boundary of the said Kottakipti and passed in the middle of the northern boundary of Vēļānēri in Kanai-Irukkai and the southern boundary of Milaganür, then getting into this (i.e., the said) channel and going north to the karai-parippu, which is at the southern extremity of Mēr-Seli and forms the northern boundary of the dry land attached to Veláneri, then going in a north-westerly direction, and then again in a westerly direction along the southern boundary of the dry land belonging to Sõran Mükkan of Milaganür, then going in a northerly direction along the ellai-parippu in the middle of the eastern boundary of Karpakirti in Käñai-Irukkai and the western boundary of Mēr-Seli adjoining Milaganūr and reaching the southern boundary of the dry land of Sundan-Alvāŋ of Milagaŋür, it lies to the north. Further, going in a westerly direction midway between the southern boundary of this dry land and the northern boundary of Karpakirti and reaching the eastern boundary of the dry land of Kappakirti, it lies to the north. Then going (first) in a northerly direction and then in northwesterly direction, along the vēli-pparippu in the middle of this dry land and the dry lands belonging to Milaganūr, and afterwards going in north and north-westerly directions midway between the eastern limit of Karpakisti and the boundary at the western limit of the dry land that was being cultivated by Raman Alagan of Milaganūr, and then crossing the road leading to Milaganūr from Iruñchirai and reaching the end of the southern extremity of Sirukilätti adjoining Milaganür, and going in a north-westerly direction along the karai-parippu of this tank and reaching the northern bank of the tank of Karpakirti, it lies to the north. Then going north-west along the grassy bank of this tank and then in a north-westerly direction along the channel, which carries water to the tank of Sirukilātti and passes midway between the southern limit of the dry lands of Puvaninallür and the bank of Karpakirti, and crossing the kadai-kombu of the tank of Karpakirti, it lies to the north. Then, leaving to the right the kaļar-parippu, which lies to the south of Valaiyan-ürani (and also) to the south of the fields of Puvaninallür, and going in a westerly direction, and then again in a north-westerly direction along the southern boundary of the dry lands cultivated by the shepherd Irāśinga-kon, the resident of Puvaninallür, which lands are situated to the north of Kāņakarai which carries water to the tank of Sirukiļātti and reaching the channel which carries water at the western end of the tank of Karpakirti, (it lies to the west).
(Ll. 267-316) The western boundary : Proceeding northwards along the eastern bank of this tank, and then going northwards along the eastern bank of the channel, which carried water to the tank of Karpakirti and formed the eastern boundary of Pudukkuļam, that was given in exchange for Milagaņūr which was included in Rājagambhira-chaturvēdimangalam, then going in northerly and north-easterly directions along the eastern bank of the channel, which carried water to the tank of Karpakirti and formed the eastern boundary of Mārankirti which was also given in exchange for the said Milaganūr, and then passing this channel, it lies to the east. Further, proceeding northwards and reaching the western end of the tank of Milaganūr, it lies to the east. Then getting into the agavāy of this tank and going northwards, then again going north along the bank of (the tank called) Minnēri which forms the eastern boundary of Kuvalaivēlipparru given in exchange for Milaganūr and reaching the southern boundary of Nerkunram, it lies to the east. Then going in a north-westerly direction along the karai-parippu, which forms the eastern boundary of this Kuvalaivēli and the western boundary of Nepkuoram, and reaching the southern end of the nattam of this Nerkunram, it lies to the east. Then going in a north-westerly direction along the southern āsarudi of this nattam and reaching the western extremity of the tank of the said Nerkunram, then going northwards along the eastern end of Kuvalaivēli through the nir-nakkal of this tank and reaching the bank of Melbēri, then going northwards along the kulapparippu of Mēlbëri and getting up at the southern end of Kațţikulam and descending into the agaväy of this tauk and then going northwards on the eastern boundary of Kadambamangalam which was given in

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exchange for Milaganūr and reaching the bank of Perrân-ēm bal, it lies to the east. Then going northwards and crossing the channel which carries water to Kattikulam, and going eastwards along the southern boundary of Tirumaliruñjõlai ir Achchankāțţirukkai which is a tax-free dēvadāna of Tirumāliruñjölai-Alvår and the holding (kāni) of Pullāņi Mādēvan alias Nulambādarāyar, the headman of Mālangudi, and then leaving to the left the tiruvälikkal (i.e., disc-bearing stone) planted on the southern boundary of this Tirumāliruñjõlainallur and going in east and south-east directions and reaching the tiruvālikkal planted at the south-east corner of Tirumāliruñjõlainallur, and then going northwards on the western bank of the channel which carries water to the tank at Milaganūr which was added to Rājagambhira-chaturvēdimangalam and reaching the tiruvālikkal planted on the eastern boundary of Tirumāliruñjõlainallur, and then going northwards on the western bank of this channel and reaching the tiruvälikkal planted at the north-eastern corner of this Tirumāliruñjölainallur, it lies to the east. Then going in westerly and north-westerly directions on the south bank of the channel, which carries water to the tank of this Milagañūr and forms the southern boundary of Vāgaikudi and the northern boundary of Tirumāliruñjõlainallūr, and crossing the channel which carries water to the tank of this Tirumāliruñjölainallūr and reaching the tirwālikkal planted at the north-west corner of this Tirumāliruñjõlainallūr, and then going north-west along the south bank of the channel of Milaganūr, which forms the northern boundary of Sirukudi alias Virakāmugamangalam in Alagiyapandiyakkulakkil and the southern boundary of Vāgaikudi, and then going northwards on the west bank of the channel of Milaganūr which forms the eastern boundary of Vellürkuruchchi in Alagiyapandiyakkulakkil, the dēvadāna of Udaiyār Tiruppūvaņamudaiyār and the western boundary of Vāgaikudi, and crossing this channel and reaching the southern boundary of Vidattal alias Mäņābbaranachaturvēdimangalam in Kiranūr-nādu, it lies to the east. Then going eastwards on this boundary along the kalar-parippu and reaching the northern extremity of the tank of Vāgaikudi,
it lies to the east. Then going eastwards along this bank and descending this bank and going eastwards on the boundary ridge, which forms the northern boundary of Vägaikudi and the southern boundary of Māņābharana-chaturvēdimangalam, and leaving to the right the temple of Māņābharana-Isvaramudaiyar at Vāgaikudi and going eastwards on the boundary ridge and reaching the boundary channel flowing eastwards from the tank at Vāgaikudi, then going eastwards along the northern ridge of this channel, and passing this channel and going eastwards on the ridge, which is to the north of Ariyal-vayakkal in Vāgaikudi-parru and to the south of Uyyavandal-vayakkal in Mānābharna-chaturvēdimangalapparru, and reaching the channel which carries water to the tank of Nakkamangalam, and then going (successively) in north, northwest and north-east directions on the western bank of this channel and approacbing the western extremity of the tank of Tuttiyūr and going on the western bank of this channel (successively) in north, north-east and north-west directions, and then going westwards on the boundary ridge, which forms the southern boundary of the land called Araimākkārru in Tiruvāvanam and the northern boundary of Māņābharana-chaturvēdimangalam, and reaching the bank of the tank of Mänābharana-chaturvēdimangalam, it lies to the east. Then going northwards along the grassy bank of this tank and reaching the bank of Sirrēmbal of Araimākkārru, then going westwards on the southern bank of this embal and crossing the channel which carries water to the tank of Milaganūr, and going (successively) in north and north-west directions on the western bank of this channel and getting into this channel and then getting up the eastern bank of this channel and then going northwards along the nir-nakkal in the embal of Araimākkārru and crossing the channel which was carrying water to the tank of Tuttiyur, and going northwards on the western ridge of Kanavadi-vayakkal, which forms the eastern boundary of Vellürkuruchchi in Alagiyapāņdiyakkulakkil, a dēvadāna of Udaiyār Tiruppūvanamudaiyar, and the western boundary of Tiruvāvaņam, and leaving to the right Väykatgātturavu in the north-western corner of this

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Kanavadivayakkal and crossing the channel of Tiruvävaņam, and going northwards on the boundary, which is to the east of Velluṛkuruchchi and to the west of Tiruvavaņam, and descending into the Vaigai alias Śrīvallabhappērāru, (it lies to the east).
(Ll. 317-338) The northern boundary: Going eastwards along this Vaigai alias Srivallabhappērāru and getting up the northern bank of the channel carrying water to the tank of Paṇan. galur, then going eastwards along this bank and descending into (the river called) Kalavaļinā. dan-aru and going northwards along this river and reaching the road leading to Vembanguḍi from Iḍaikkaṭṭür and getting up the eastern bank, it lies to the south. Then going in a north. easterly direction along this road and crossing the channel which carries water from this Kalavalinaḍan-aru to the tank of Seyyakulattur, then going in a north-easterly direction along this road and getting up the bank of the tank of Adikarai, and then going in a north-westerly direction along this bank and reaching what forms the northern extremity of this tank and the southern boundary of Aykuḍi, it lies to the south. Then going eastwards along this boundary and reach. ing the northern entrance of the nattam of Velanguḍi and further on reaching the western extremity of the tank of this Velanguḍi, it lies to the south. Going from this in a north-easterly direction and reaching the western boundary of Kudañjadi, and then going in north and north-easterly directions along this boundary and reaching the kombu on the western extremity of the tank of Kuḍañjaḍi, it lies to the south. Going from this in a north-easterly direction and then in east and south-east directions on the nir-nakkal of the tank which forms the southern boundary of Sundankuruchchi and the northern boundary of this Kudañjadi, and crossing the channel which flows from the eastern extremity of this tank, and then going in a south-easterly direction and crossing the big road leading from Iḍaikkaṭṭur of Vēlür-Sirukudi to Vembangudi and then going eastwards, then going again eastwards on the agavay of Uḍaikulam, which is called by the names Käṭṭutteyvam and Piḍārikulam, and getting up the eastern extremity of this tank and going south-east, and then leaving to the right the dry lands ploughed by Semberuman, a neighbouring resident of Kiraṇurnāḍāļvāṇkōṭṭai, and going in east and south directions and crossing the road leading from Seyyakulattur to Vembanguḍi, then going eastwards and crossing the channel that was caused to be dug by Muttan Alvan alias Sundarapandiya-Mārāyaṇ for feeding the tanks of Seyyakulattur, then going east and north-east, and (afterwards) passing eastwards along the agavay of the Uḍaikulam of Mer-Chūrai and then going eastwards along the agavay of the tank of Kit-Chūrai and getting up the eastern extremity of this tank, the she-elephant stopped (having come to the place) where she originally started.
(Ll. 338-9) I wrote this charitable edict: this is the signature of puravuvari-kaņkāņi Araiyan Narayanan of Kaṭṭikuruchchi, (a resident) of the glorious Parantakanallur in Naduvirkürru, (a sub-division) of Milalai-kurram.
(L. 340) This is the signature of the puravuvari-kaņkāni Parantakan Tiruppuvaṇamuḍaiyan of Tandalai in Kil-kūrṛu, (a sub-division) of Milalai-kürram.
(L. 341) This is the signature of puravuvari-kaņkāni Karuṇākaradevan Purpavanamudai. yan of Perumaraṇur alias Palamandaladichchanallur in Alagiyapāṇḍiyakkuļakki].
(L. 342) This is the signature of Pillai Alvan Ponnambalakkuttan of Karuppur in Tirumapaippadi-nadu, the kapkapi of the tiredykkei Jayadhara-Pallavaraiyar.
No. 12.-TIRUPPUVANAM SUPPLEMENTARY PLATE.
By K. V. SUBRAHMANYA AIYER, B.A., COIMBATORE.
This is a single plate which bears writing on both the sides, the first having 17 lines and the second, 15 lines,

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Excepting the last two and a half lines, the writing on both the sides bears close resemblance to that on the Tiruppuvapam plates of Jatavarman Kulasēkhara I edited above. The sign of visarga is tised as a punctuation mark in lines 1 and 15. This and the employment of the symbol resembling ya to denote ppa (1.11), the preferential use of r before hard consonants, t in urgalir(11. 2 and 17), tavirtu (1. 4 and 19) and pārtu (11. 3 and 8), ch in arulärucho (1. 27), and k in sabhaiyārku (11. 2 and 16), as well as the general shape of all the letters point to the fact that the writer of this plate must be identical with the one that incised the previous set of eleven plates. In the above examples, sabhaiyārku, tavistu and pārtu are instances of wrong spelling.
There are, strictly speaking, two inscriptions on this plate. Lines 1 to 15 register an order issued by king Tribhuvanachakravartin Kopēriņmaikonday to the assembly of Rajagambhirachaturvvēdimangalam, while lines 15 to 32 purport to emanate from the temple of Tiruppūvanam to the same assembly. The subject in both is practically the same as will be seen in the sequel. The first contains the date "11th year (of reign) and 108th day" but mentions the king only by the general title Tribhuvanachakravartin Kõnērinmaikondān. The second states the name of the king to be Sundara-Pāņdya 'who presented the Chola country'; eleventh year (of reign) occurs in the body of the record.
In the Tiruppūvanam plates of Jaţăvarman Kulasēkhara I, we are informed that in constituting the new village of Rājagambbira-chaturvēdimangalam, three of the dēvadāna properties of the temple of Tiruppūvanamudaiyar, viz., Vägaikudi in Kiranür-nädu (1. 20), Muttūranārottai in Mērkuļi-nāļu (11. 59f.) and Sirukiļārkāţtūr in Purapparaļai-nādu (1.68), were taken up and included in it. It is usual in such cases to give other lands in exchange. The Tiruvālangādu plates evidence such a practice. And even in the large Tiruppūvanam plates we find it stated that in place of Milaganür which, like the dēvadāna lands of the Tiruppuvanam temple, had been taken up and included in Räjagambhira-chaturvēdimangalam, a number of lands were given and they were formed into a fresh village called Rājēndrasinganallur which was placed in the Division of Acbcbankāțtirukkai (11. 111f.). But it is not stated in those plates what was done to compensate the Tiruppūvanam temple for the loss it sustained in being deprived of certain properties. What is not stated there forms the subject of this supplementary plate.
The first inscription on this plate states (1) that the villages of Vägaikudi, Muttūranarottai and Sisukiļārkāttür, which were among the dēvadāna properties of the temple of Tiruppūvanamudaiyār, had been taken away and added to Rājagambhira-chaturvvēdimangalam ; (2) that up to the tenth year of the reign of Sundara-Pāņdya I), after annual crop examination, the lands of the said three villages had been regularly paying kadamai to the temple of Tiruppuvaņam; (3) that this payment was then put a stop to and in its place, it was settled that an amount of twenty-five käsu in all, ten käsu for Vägaikudi, ten käsu for Muttüranārotai and five käsu for Sirukilārkāttur,--had to be paid every year from the eleventh year onwards to the temple of Tiruppuvaņam and that in paying this, half must be given in kāśu and the other half in paddy, on the basis of a never diminishing (i.e., permanent) investment; (4) and that on this settlement being recommended to the king by bis brother-in-law Alagapperuma], he ordered the issue of kēļvi to that effect, and directed also the engraving of the same on stone and capper. It bears the date 11th year and 108th day' and is signed by three officials.
The second inscription calls the first document a pidipādu issued by Sundara-Pāņdya' who presented the Chola country to the assembly of Rājagambhira-chaturvvēdimangalam, recites its contents and lays down the procedure to be adopted in making the payment, settled therein. It says that the agreed amount of money (kāśu) must be paid and the quantity of paddy measured out, every year, in the premises of the temple kitchen, and for the payment thus made, receipts

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must be obtained from the temple signed by the accountant and the kanmi. The signatories to this inscription are a Saivāchārya, two Sivabrāhmaṇas and Mudal-Kanakku (the treasury accountant). At the end, it is said that the document was caused to be made by Sastra-Bhattāraka, son of Jaţādhara the ornament of the village of Angārakamangalam. It must have been on this occasion that the large Tiruppūvaņam plates, wherein the inclusion of the three dēvadāna villages in Rājagambbīra-chaturvvēdimangalam is specified, must have been engraved and kept along with the supplementary plate as its mülasāsana, Henoe, it is that we find that all the plates are written in the same hand and are in the possession of the Tiruppūvanam temple.
Ordinarily the State did not interfere with temple properties. This is made plain by such statements as "ivv-ūrgalir=palan-divadānam palsichchandam...... nikki” found in the large Tiruppuvanam plates. It is also clear from the fact that the Tiruppuvanam temple, in spite of the inclusion of three of its devadāna lands in the newly formed brahmadēya, had been regularly getting the kadamai from them fron, the date of the grant of the brahmadeya, which, as we know from the large set, was the eleventh year opposite to the thirteenth year of the reign of Jațāvarman Kulasēkbara I (A.D. 1204) till the tenth year of the reign of Märavarman Sundara-Pāndya I (A.D. 1226). When, owing to any special reasons, dēvadānas had to be taken away and turned to other purposes—here for forming the brahmadēya—the original incumbents were not deprived of their income but were adequately compensated. The king's brother-in-law Alagapperumal ni ust have been appointed to hold an enquiry and settle the compensation to be awarded to the dispossessed owner of the resumed dēvadāna. The result of his enquiry is embodied in this inscrip. tion.
The first inscription being a State document is signed by State officials, and the second, being one issued by the temple, bears the signatures of temple officials. The temples in those days bad regularly constituted bodies of their own to see to their management. These bodies were known as unnāfigaiyar or unnäligai-sabhaiyar. I have referred to the constitutional character of the bodies known as Pan-Māhēsvaras in the case of Siva temples and Sri-Vaishnavas in the case of Vishņu temples elsewhere. Here we may note some of the numerous officers that were employed in temple bodies. They are (1) Kanakku-Mudal or Mudal-Kanakku, (2) Kanakku, or Karanattan, (3) Dëvakanmi, (4) Stänächārya or Saivācharya, (5) Pújikkum-Nambi and other Nambis, (6) Koyil-Nāyakam, (7) Tiruvilaichchinai-kankäni, (8) Por-Pandāri, (9) Sādana (Sabana). Pandāri, (10) Sri-Māhēgvara-Kankāni, (11) Srikäryam-Seyvār, (12) Śrīkoyil. Väriyam-seyvār or Vāriya-Perumakkal, eto.
In transactions in which the temple is concerned, some of these officials affix their signatures. In a record of the time of Kulottunga I five temple officials, viz., Māhē svara-Kapkāni, Sivabrāh. mana, Pujikkum-Nambi, Karanattān and a Pan-Māhēsvara have attested. Another record gives ten of the different officials noticed above. A third document is addressed to Sriköyil-vāriyamSeyvār, Dēvarkanmis, Pandāris and Karanattāp.It is consistent with this custom that the second document issued by the temple of Tiruppuvaņam to the assembly of
1 See above, p. 111, text-lines 69 f. .8.1. 1., Vol. VII, Nos. 91, 168 & 835,
Above, Vol. XXII, p. 275. .8, 1. I., Vol. IV, No. 427; also Nos. 293, 296 & 986 of Vol. V and No. 33 & 38 of Vol. VI .8.1. 1., Vol. V, No. 473. .8. 1. 1., Vol. IV, No. 427. * No. 33 of 8.1.1., Vol. VI.

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Rajagambhira- chaturyvēdimangalam in pursuance of the royal order, was signed by the Saivācharya, Sivabrāhmaṇas and the Mudal-Kanakku, besides Sastra-Bhattaraka, son of Jaţādhara.
A few terms that occur in this plate deserve to be noted. These are kēlvi, pidipādu, adukkalaippuram, kadamai and vādā-kkadamai. Kēļvi is the noun derived from the root, 'kel' to
hear'. It is used in inscriptions to denote both an office' and ' a royal order'. Among the official attendants on the king, some were called 'kēļvi 1 and the duty of the kēļvi officers seems to be to communicate to the Department corncerned any order of the king just as they heard it said by him. In communicating such oral orders, they stated the occasion when, and the attendant circumstances under which the king gave them. Besides meaning the class of officials, the term kēlvi came to be applied to the document containing the royal oral order put in proper form and signed by the State officials. This term is sometimes re-placed by (nam-olai) 'Royal order'. It is worthy of note that in this plate kelvi and pidipādu are made to refer to the same thing. In the Vē vikudi plates we meet with the expression kēlvi-andaņālars which conveys the same sense as frotriya-Brāhmana. The term pidipādu consists of the roots pidi 'hold or bind' and padu terms or sources and means 'a deed of support, a letter of authority embodying the conditions to be fulfilled and authorising the possession of a thing or property', ora title-deed'. It is of such a general nature that it could be applied to any kind of document. The following extracts will make its application clear :"tiriya itfa padikku enrum idu pidipādāga" meaning " for having given it back, this
Bhall be the deed of support"; "ivu-andu kär-mudal kadamai irukkumidattu mattāl nellu padin-kalamāga pů onrukku nellu... kuduttu ivar kaiyal taravu kolvõmāgavum ippadi sammadittu pidipādu kuduttom" meaning "agreeing to pay ten kalam of paddy on each ma of land at each harvest and to obtain receipt therefor we gave this pidipādu (i.e., deed evidencing the terms of holding)". It will be seen that this passage is almost similar to the one in the Tiruppūvanam supplementary plate, and
that the record belongs to the time of Jațăvarman Kulasekhara I. Another inscription wbich registers a tax-free gift of land, with its previous owners removed, as a nandavanappuram, i.e., for the maintenance of a flower garden, uses the words "ippadi nam slai pidipädäga kondu chandrādityarar belvadāga ".. Here the word pidi pādu means 'a deed embodying the terms and authorising the holding of the land as a tax-free gift'. As in the present plate, the royal order (nam olai) is termed a pidipādu.
Kadamai means 'assessment on land'. The fact that the temple of Tiruppūvaṇam was getting from the three dēvadāna properties kadamai annually, after crop examination, shows that they must have been assigned by the State and the temple was entitled to all the dues which it was previously entitled to. The fresh settlement by which the sabhā of Rajagambhira-chaturyvēdimangalam was made to pay annually twenty-five kātu, half in money and the other half in paddy, must be equal to the value of the kadamai which the temple was receiving. The word kadan being not much different from kadamai, vāda-kadamai may be equated with vādā-kadan. This is quite appropriate in this case where the temple had been realising kadamai on lands and the
1 See above, note on tiruvdykāfri, p. 106. * No. 293 of 8. I. I., Vol. V. • Above, Yol. XVII, p. 300, text-line 36, • Above, Vol. XXII, p. 67.
8. I. I., Vol. IV, No. 416, • Ibid., No. 419.

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lands had been given over to the brahmadėya. The term vādā-kadamaiis used in other inscriptions also in the sense of permanent Assessment on lands'. As applied to debts, tādā-kadan means a loan in which fixed interest bad to be paid, the capital remaining unchanged or undini. nished. This is the case in all permanent endowments. Sometimes it is even stated that the debtor should not at any time offer to pay up the capital and free himself from the binding to pay interest. Fuller expression for such debts is mudal-vādā-kadan. Adukkalaippuram: means ' for the requirements of the kitchen, i.e., for offerings'. All gifts to temples are dēvadānas. According to the purpose for which the gifts are made, they fall under different beads such as tirunandaranappuram, tirumālaippuram, adukkalaippuram, tiruvilakkuppuram, etc.
TEXT.
First Side. 1 Svasti eri : Tribhuvanachchakrava[r*]tti Köņēr[*]gmaikopdap Rājagambhira-vaļanāțţu
| Räjagambhire-chatu2 ryvēdimangalattu=ssa bhaiyājku [l*] Udaiyār Tiruppūvaṇam-udaiyār dévadāņamāņa ūrgalir
tangaļ=ūrudap kūt3 țina Vägaikudiyu[m*] Muttūranārottaiyum Sirukiļārkāțţūrum pattāvaduvarai payir pārtu=
4 kadamaiy-iruttu vandamaiyil idu tavirtu=ppadin oprávadu-mvdal Vāgaikudikku=kkābu pat
tum Muttū[ra*) o nārottaikku=kkādu pattum Sisukilānkāțţūrukku=kkāšu aiñjum āga and=onrukku=kkāšu 6 irubatt-aiñjum oțțāga nischayittu=kkābu pādiyun=ner-pādiyum-aga irukka-pperavēņum
ерхи пивоh7 chuņaņār=Alagapperuma! namakku-chobonnamaiyil tangal-ūrudan küttiņa Vāgaikudiyu[m*)
Muttūranārot8 taiyuñ=Chipukilankatturum pattāvaduverai payir pārtu=kkadamaiy-iruttu-vandamaiyil idu
tavirtus 9 ppadin-onrāvadu-mudal Vāgaikudikku-kkālu pattum Muttúranār[o*] taikku=kkäsu pattuna
Cbiru10 kiļānkāţtūrukku=kkāšu aiñjum āga āņd-onrukku=kkāšu irubatt-aiñjum ottāga nischayittu11 kkāku padiyun=ner-padiyum-āga iruppadāga kēļvi tara=chchonnām (I*] ippadi Chandr
Adityavat selvadāga ka12 lliluñ=chembilum vețțivittu=kkolga [*] Ivai. Sevvirukkai-nāțțu Achcbutavayal Araiyan
Adichoha13 dēvan-āna Yadavarāyann=eJutty [l*] Yandu 11-vadu nā] 108 [1*] Ivai Vadatalai-chChembi
Dāttu Veņkāpār Araya
18. I. I., Vol. IV, 373 and Vol. V, No. 416. * No. 345 of 8. 1. 1., Vol. VIII. * See Nos. 416 and 450 of 8. I. I., Vol. V. • The right hand portion of the medial o sign of ro has been omitted to be engraved.
The letters ppa are written as a group whose symbol resembles ya. . The word ivai is expressed by a single symbol combining the two letters i and us. ? The sign of de is at the end of the previous line.

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No. 12.]
TIRUPPUVANAM SUPPLEMENTARY PLATE.
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14 . Kariyamal-āņa Adigaimān=eluttu [lo] Ivaiy=Anda-nāțţu=pPerumanalūr Mandariy-Irāman
ana Pallavariyan 15 n=eļuttu. Svasti sri: Sarvva-loka-samutpatti-sti(athi)ti-samhāra-kāraṇam [l*] Sāsanam
śāśvatam Sambhő[h*] Sri-Pu16 gbpavana-vāsinah ID Rajagambhira-valanāta Rajagambhira-chaturovedimangalattus
ssabbaiyārku namm-adukka17 laippuram-āņa ūrgalir-tangal=ūrudan küttina ürgațil Vāgaikudiyum Muttūranārottaiyuñ
Chiru
Second Side. 18 kiļārkāţtūrum nam pillai Sāņādu valangina Sundara-Pāņdiyadēvarku yāņdu pattāvadu
varai payir pa19 ftu=kkadamai kondu-vandamaiyil idu tavistu padin-onrāvadu-'mudal Vägaikudikku=kkāšu
pattum Muttūranārottai20 kku=kkāšu pattum Siruki[ļārkāțţūru]kku=kkāšu aiñjum äga and-onrukkurkkāśu irubatt
aiñjum vādā-ka21 dan-äga ottāga=kkäsu (pādiyun=ner]-pādiyum-aga iruppadāga-chchonno[m] [1*] ippadikku
nam pillai Sundara-Pa22 ndiyadēvar tangaļukku=k[kudutta) piļipāttinpadiyêy i-kkāsāl vanda nel[lum kājgum 23 nan=kaņakkar kaņmigal va[4]m namm=adukkalaippurattēy-alandum odukki[yu]n=taravu
kolga [*] 24 Aruļāl 'Savyāchāryyan Bhāradvāji Pālapāvā[ya)n Visvēsvaran-āņa (Alagiya]dēva-Bhattan 25 eluttu [l*] Aruļāl Tiruppuvaņamudaiyan Vighnēsvaran-ana Vipāyaka-Bhattan eļuttu (i*]
I-nNā26 yaşar Sivabrāhmaṇaril dēvakanmi Pālapāvāyan Ammaiddēvan-āņa Alagiyanāyaka27 Bhattan eluttv [l*] Arular-Chattargaļil Enādimangalattu Käsyapan Kēšavan 28 Kshētrajñan-āņa Brahma-pPallavaraiyann-eluttu [l*] Aruļāl mudar-karaṇattān Dăņavi. 29 nöda-Müvēndavēlān-eluttu [10 Vidya-praudha-vilasini-paribridha-sri-Šāstra30 Bhattāraka[h*] khyāt-Omgårakamamgal-aika-tilaka[6*]=sri-Rājagambhirakē [i*] grā. 31 minām pravarë. Jadā(ta)dhara-suto vidvat(d)-vadány-agranī[h*patram karayati sma sa32 [ta]tam=ita(da)m simnas=su-ninārņā)yukamill
TRANSLATION. (Lines 1 to 10) Hail! Prosperity! From the Emperor of the three worlds Köņəriņmai. Izondâp to the assembly of Rājagambhira-chaturyvēdimangalam in Räjagambbira-valanādu.
1 The word ivai is exprewed by a singlo symbol containing the two lettorn i and vai. . This line is written over an erasure from the beginning to ogradu. • Read Saida. • The X sign of Keht is engraved at the end of the previous line. . Read ouridha. • Va looks exactly like pa.
The Banskrit vere at the end oovering the latter part of line 29 and the subsequent two and a half liges i engraved in a different hand. Perhaps Biatra-Bhattáraks himself wrote it and the engraver inoised it.

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As Vägaikudi, Muttūranarottai and Sirukiļārkāttür which were among the devadāna villages of (the god) Udaiyar Tiruppūvaņam-udaiyar and which, up to the tenth year (of Our reign), bad been subject to (annual) crop examination and payment of kadamai (to the temple of Tiruppuvanam), had been included in your village, this (payment of kadamai) had been made to cease, and as Our brother-in-law Alagapperumā! bad told Us that (an amount of twenty-five kasu, ten kāśu for Vägaikudi, ten kātu for Muttūranārottai and five kāśu for Sirukiļānkātūr,-had been determined to be paid as offu, for every year from the eleventh year (onwards), and that out of this amount, (one) half had to be paid in kāśu and the other) half in paddy, We have ordered the issue of kēlvi to the same effect. You may have this engraved or stone and copper so as to last till the Moon and the Sun (endure). This is the signature of Araiyan Adichchadēvan alias Yadavarāyan of Achchutavayal in Sevvirukkai-nādu. The year 11 and days 108. This is the signature of Araiyan Kariyamal alias Adigaiman of Venkāņūr in Vadatalai-Sembi-nādu. This is the signature of Mandari. Rāman alias Pallavarāyan of Perumaņalūr in Anda-nādu.
(Ll. 15ff.) Hail! Prosperity! This is the permanent edict, which was the cause of creation, protection and destruction of all the worlds, of (the god) Sambhu residing in the glorious Pushpavana. To the assembly of Rājagambhira-chaturvvēdimangalam in Rājagambhira-vaļanādu.
Whereas, after (annual) crop examination, We have been receiving, up to the tenth year of (the reign of) Our son Sundara-Pāņdyadēva who had presented the Chola country, kadamai from Vāgaikudi, Muttūranārottai and Sisukiļārkāțţür which were among the villages attached to Our kitchen and which had been included in your village, and whereas this (payment of kadamai) had been made to cease and (in its place) We had declared that an amount of twenty-five kāśu in all-ten käsu for Vägaikudi, ten kādu for Muttūranāroţtai and five kādu for Sirukiļānkättūrshould be paid to Us as ottu on the basis of a permanent investment, every year from the eleventh year (onwards), (therefore), in accordance with the pidipādu issued to you in this wise by Our gone Sundara-Pāņdyadēva, (the amount of) paddy and kāśu should be measured out and given to Our accountants and kanmis (servants) at the premises of Our kitchen and receipt taken. By order, 5 this is the signature of the Saivācharya Pāla pāvāyan alias Alagiyadēva-Bhattan of the Bhāradvājagotra. By order, this is the signature of Tiruppuvanamudaiyán Vighnēsvaran alias Vināyaka. Bhattan. By order, this is the signature of Pālapāvāyan Ammaidēvan alias AlagiyanāyakaBhattan, a dëvakanmi among the Sivabrāhmanas of this god. By order, this is the signature of Kēšavan Kshëtrajñan alias Brahma-Pallavaraiyan, a Kasyapa and one of the chattar (students). By order, this is the signature of the treasury accountantDanavinoda-Mūvēndavēlān.
(LI. 29ff.) The illustrious Sastra-Bhattāraka, who was the lord of the lady Learning, who was famous as the sole forehead-mark of Angārakamangala, who was the son of Jatādhara and who was foremost among scholars, had this permanent grant, properly fixing the boundaries, written at Rājagambhiraka, the best of villages.
1 The whole of what has been said above is repeated here.
. This word may stand for mantrinminister'. But as in all places where it occurs, both here and in the previous inscription, it is consistently spelt Mandari, there is strong suspicion that it may form part of the proper name of the individual
3. We here refers to god. • The king is called the son of the god.
• The term arulal which literally means by the grace' seems to be employed in the sense of by command or order to denote the fact that the individual signs on behalf of the temple.
• Tbo term mudal may also be taken as 'chief, head or first

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No. 13.]
KODURU GRANT OF ANA-VOTA-REDDI: SAKA 1280.
137
No. 13.-KODURU GRANT OF ANA-VOTA-REDDI: SAKA 1280.
By H. K. NARASIMHASWAMI, B.Sc., MADRAS. The set of plates containing the inscription edited below was discovered in the village of Kodůru in the Gudivāda taluk of the Kistna District by the villagers while ploughing a field. The plates are now in the possession of Vidvān Pūrņakutumba Rao of Gudļavallēru, from whom I secured them during my tour in the district in November 1936. The inscription has been reviewed in the Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy for that year (Appendix A, No. 4) and I now publish it with the kind permission of the Superintendent for Epigraphy.
The set consists of five plates strung on to an oval ring 3)" by 41" and weighs together with the ring 287 tolas. The ring does not bear any seal. The plates measure 10" by 47" each and are inscribed on both the sides including the first and the last. The writing is ir an excellent state of preservation. The inscription is in the Telugu script of the medieval period. The alphabet does not call for any special comment except that the letter bha is written with or without the mark of aspiration at the bottom, as in-nābher= in 1. 6, gagan-êbha in l. 28, etc., but it invariably occurs without it when the vowel signs à or ū are attached to it or when it occurs in a conjunct consonant, e.g., bhāga (1. 2), bhu-dāna (1. 9), bhūpah (1. 18), etc., and od=bhayarasi (1. 21), viprēbhyah (1. 32), etc. The letter si is written like the modern bhu without its lower stroke of aspiration but with an additional kommu or u sign attached to it (11. 36, 39, 41, etc.). The whole record is written in Sanskrit verse and prose, except the portion specifying the boundaries of the village granted, which is in Telugu (11. 57 to 72). Lines 1 to 32 consist of fourteen verses in different metres while lines 33 to 56, in which the donees with their respective shares are specified, are in prose. The inscription ends with the usual imprecatory verses and a verse which gives the name of the poet who composed the grant (11. 72 to 77). In respect of orthography the following points may be noted : a) The use of the anusvāra instead of the class nasal and the unnecessary doubling of the following consonant as in jagamtti for jaganti (1. 1), "varttau for rantau and rathāngga for rathānga (1. 4), etc. ; (6) doubling of the consonant after the repha as in kartti (1. 12), or=vvibhinnā (1. 15), Yajur-vvēdi (1. 42), etc. ; (c) incorrect omission of the aspirate as in Pārtta for Pārtha (1. 15), and the sonant for the surd as in tidhau for tithau (1. 29), Radhitara for Rathitara (1. 50). In rya the r is always written in full and the secondary form of ya attached to it as at present.
The grant belongs to the time of king Ana-Võta of the Reddi dynasty of Kondavidu. The inscription opens with a verse in praise of the Boar incarnation of Vishnu. The subsequent nine verses which are identical with those of the Pachchani-Tandiparru grant of Ana-Vēma recount, in order, the praise of the Sun and the Moon (v. 2), the birth of the fourth caste, i.e. that of the Sūdras from the lotus-feet of Vishnu and the birth in it of Prõlaya-Vēma who constructed the flight of steps leading to Srisaila, made all the gifts enumerated by Hēmādri, performed various meritorious deeds and who defeated several hostile kings (vv. 3-7). To him were born Ana-Võta and Ana-Vēma who were in splendour, like the Sun and the Moon (v. 8). The next three verses are devoted to the description of the might and valour of Ana-Võta, the donor of the grant, who instilled fear into the hearts of his enemies by the very sound of his wardrums (vv. 9-12). In the Saka year 1280 (expressed by the chronogram gagana 0, ibha 8, and sürya 12) in the month of Pausha, on darsa, Tuesday, during the solar eclipse, king Ana-Võta granted to sixty-one Brāhmans of different götras and sākhās, the village of Kodůru renamed Annavõtapuram, on the bank of the Malāpahā, along with the eight kinds of
1 Above, Vol. XXI, p. 269.

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ai tvarya and bhöga. The English equivalent of the date according to the Indian Ephemeris of L. D. S. Pillai is A.D. 1358, January 9, Tuesday, on which day amāvāsyä сom menced at -51 of the day. The solar eclipse, however, is shown to have occurred on the next day, i.e., Wednesday, on which day amāvāsyä lasted till 43 of the day.
The composer of the grant is Balasarasvati, & name which sounds very much like a title probably acquired by the person on account of his profound scholarship. Besides the PachchaniTändiparru grant already referred to, he is the composer of two other inscriptions of Ana-Vēma, of which one is a copper-plate record, and the other a stone inscription at Srisailamo. In all these records Balasarasvati calls himself the Vidvān of the king's court and he seems to have held this position up to faka 1209, in which year he composed the Srisailam inscription mentioned above ; for, in the next year, i.e., Saka 1300, we find Trilochanacharya figuring as the court-poet of Ana-Vēma and composing a copper-plate grant of the king.
Attention may be drawn here to an unpublished fragmentary copper-plate inscription of Ana V&ta recorded in the Elliot Collection of Telugu Inscriptions", which furnishes us with some important facts. One of the donees figuring in it is a certain Mallu-bhatta who is called a Vidyādhikarin. We know that the famous poet Grinātha was the Vidyādhikārin in the court of Kömati. Vama 6 Probably he succeeded Mallu-bhatta in this office. Of the duties of a Vidyadhikarin nothing is known from inscriptions, but that it must have been a responsible and high office is evident from the fact that so eminent a poet as Srinātha held it. Unfortunately nothing is known of his predecessor Mallu-bhatta. Another donee figuring in the Elliot Collection record is a certain Erraya-pregada. His götra, however, is not mentioned as in the case of the other donees, but he is introduced in respectful terms and is stated to be a recipient of an exclusively large share of land. It is therefore likely that this person is identical with the famous poet Erra-pregada, who belonged to the Srivatsa-gotra and who is reputed to have completed the Andhra Mahābharatamu which was left unfinished by the previous authors, and who dedicated his work Harivaṁsamu to his patron Prölaya-Vema. A certain Reddi-Vēma is known to have granted several agrahāras to Vennalaganti Süranna,' The late Rao Bahadur Viresalingam Pantulu who identifies this Reddi-Vēma with Prolaya-Vēma believes that Süranna could not have had a place in Vēma's court as long as Errā-pregada held his position there, and therefore, in as much as Süranna was patronised by Reddi-Vēma, Ersă-pregada must have died during the time of Prõlaya himself. This supposition of the author is untenable, as instances of more than one poet patronised by kings in their courts are not uncommon. The present reference to the poet is therefore important in establishing that he lived in the court of Ana-Vöta also. Besides the Mahabharatamu and the Harivamsamu, Errā-pregada is the author of two other works, the Ramayanamu and the Nrisimhapurānamu, of which he dedicated the former to Malla, a brother of Prolaya-Vēma and the latter, known also as the Ahobalamāhātmyamu, to the
14. R. on S. I. Epigraphy for 1922-23, App. A, No. 9, * Ibid. for 1915, App. C, No. 20. * Above, Vol. III, p. 59.
• Vol. I, p. 206, kindly brought to my notice by Dr. N. Venkataramanayya, M.A., Ph.D., of the Madras University
5 Mr. V. Prabhakara Šāstri writes, in his Spingāraárināthamu (p. 52), that Balasarasvati held the position of the Vidyadhikarin in the courts of Ana-Võta and Ana-Vēma. But in no inscription of his composition does the poet call himself a Vidyadhikarin like his other contemporary Mallu-bhatta or the famous Srinātha.
. Above, Vol. XI. p 315, fn. 2.
Jakkana's Vikramarkucharitramu, 1, 62. • Conplete Works of Rao Babadur K, Viresalingam Pantulu, Telugu Poota, Vol. X, part 1, p. 173.

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No. 13.)
KODURU GRANT OF ANA-VOTA-REDDI: SAKA 1280.
139
god Narasimha, the presiding deity of Ahõbalam, the well-known place of pilgrimage in the Kushool District.
The chief interest of the present grant lies in the fact that it is the only copper-plate inscription of the king so far discovered. Stone inscriptions of Ana-Võta known till now number only five and range in date from Saka 1275 to 1283. The earliest date known for his father Prõlaya-Vēma is Saka 1254, and an inscription from Mallavaram in the Ongole taluk of the Guntur (formerly Nellore) District gives for him the Saka year 12[717, which, if correct, would be his latest date. But the reading of the latter date appears to be wrong for reasons cited in the foot-note below and may have to be equated with Saka 1267. An inscription of this king from Tripurantakam is dated in Saka 1268® and this is the latest date so far known for him. His son Ana-Võta algo figures in this record, probably as the crown-prince. That he was a yuvarāja in his father's reign is referred to in a verse in Harivamsamu also.? He may therefore be presumed to have succeeded his father some time betweer Saka 1268 and Saka 1275. The record bearing the Saka date 1283 quoted above refers to the reconstruction of the Amarēsvara temple at Dharanikota by Vēma-Chamūpati, the son of Mallinatha who was the minister of Ana-Võta. As the renovation was made for the increase of the life, health and prosperity of Ana-Vöta, it may be reasonably presumed that he was ruling in Saka 1283. His defeat at the hands of Māda and Ana-Võta, sons of Singa, a general, probably, of the Käkatiya king Prataparudra, is referred to in the Velugofivāri-Vandārali, and this incident has been assigned to Saka 1283. Ana-Vēma is said to have succeeded his brother Ana-Võta after the latter's death. We do not know of any record of Ang Vēma earlier than Saka 1293,10
The only other copper-plate grant of this king known to us is that given in the Elliot Collection mentioned already, but its whereabouts are not now known.
* The five records referred to above are (1) Nellore Inscriptions, Part III, p. 1037. This record, dated in Saka 1275, is included in Rangacharya's Topographical List of Ines. (Guntur No. 405) and it refers to Ana-Vota's minister Mallinátha on whose death his brother made some grants. (2) No. 185 of 1905 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection, dated in Saka 1278. (3 and 4) Nos. 601 and 602 of 1909, both dated in Saka 1280 and (0) No. 258 of 1897. Another record (No. 250 of 9905) dated in Saka 1269 belongs to the reign of Annama Reddi. This has been assigned to Ana-Võta by Sewell and Krishnaswami Ayyangar (Historical Inscriptions of Southern India, p. 191). But it is reasonable to ascribe it to Anna, a younger brother of Prölaya-Vēma, since the date falls within the period of the latter's rule.
No. 340 of 1915 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection. Nellore Inscriptions, Part III, Ongole 73.
The eclipse is stated to have occurred at the end of the month) Asvina. It must therefore have been an eclipse of the Sun (ahimambu, not hima nisu, i.e., Moon, as understood by Butterworth and Venugopala Chetty, ibid. p. 1025). According to the Indian Ephemeris the details given in the inscription, viz., Advinasyivasane rahtsgraste-himāmáau sura-guru-divant; i.e., the ending of Asvina, solar eclipse, Thursday, agree regularly for the saka year 1267 (current) – A. D. 1344, October 7, Thursday, on which day there was a solar eclipse. In calculating the above date, the months have to be counted as amanta ones as it is the wytom adopted in South India. The word värddhi in the chronogram baila-värddhi-dyumani as read by the authors mentioned above has therefore to be altered suitably by some such word as tarkka to give as the numeral 6 in place of 7, and the chronogram equated with 1267.
No. 191 of 1905. Ka | Vitata-yuvarāja-vibhav-on
nata Potaya-sainyanātha naya-märgga samlhita-santata-seva-vilasita-putra brisamriddha sivaguna-siddha ||
(Harivandamu, Part II, Canto 9, v. 260.) . Above, Vol. VIII, p. 12. . Above, Vol. XXI, p. 270. 10 A. R. on 8. 1. Epigraphy for 1922-23, App. A, No. 9.

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which date is nearly a decade later than Ana-Võta's supposed defeat in Saka 1283. Whether Ana-Võta's reign ceased with his defeat at the hands of Singa's sons, and his brother succeeded to the throne forthwith, we must leave for future discovery of fresh records to decide.
A few details about this king gathered from the Elliot Collection record referred to already1 may be added here. The inscription begins, as usual, with the genealogy of the Reddi chiefs commencing with Prōla and his sons Macha, Vēma, Dodda, Anna and Malla by his wife Annamamba. Here Vema's two sons Ana-Võta and Ana-Vēma are mentioned and the former's exploits recounted. His conquests are said to have extended as far as the banks of the rivers Krishna and Gautami, a fact which is corroborated by a verse in the Vishnupuranamu which refers to the defeat by AnaVõta of a certain Rävutu-Keša on the banks of the Krishna before the very eyes of god Amaresvara. Ana-Vēma associates himself in this inscription with his brother Ana-Võta in endowing lands to more than 180 Brahmans, amongst whom, besides the Vidyadhikarin Mallu-bhatta already mentioned, the mention of Erraya-pregada is of particular interest. Ana-Vēma, it must be noted, is here called Ana-Vēma-Bhupati Mahārāju (the wording in the inscription is: yī rāju tammundu Ana-Vema-Bhupati Maharaju). The date of this inscription is unfortunately lost; but it must have been executed some time prior to Saka 1293, which is the earliest year known for Ana-Vēma, the successor of Ana-Võta.
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
Of the place-names mentioned in the inscription under publication the following, viz., Sankanipalli, Vinnakota, Kanumerla, Poṭṭipāḍu and Kalavapurdi, may be identified respectively with the modern Sankarshanapuram, Vinnakōṭa, Kanumerla, Poṭṭipaḍu and Kaluvapūḍi -all in the Gudivada taluk of the Kistna District. Gurumjaköḍu may possibly be identical with Gupta-Kōḍūru. The other villages, viz., Rājināyini Palaparti, Krinkulamirtți or Krinku. lamirru, Palakōḍu, and Pulipadu, I am unable to identify. Alligunta may be a pond and Aluka-pannāsa, probably a field. Damkēru and Vannēru must be two local streams. The village Kōdūru is said to be situated on the banks of the Malapaha; but there is no stream of this name anywhere in this locality now. The Drujjavaram grant of Ana-Vēma (Saka 1293) refers to this river as situated in Kurtti-deśa and the grant village Drujjavaram alias AnnaVēmapuram as situated on the banks of this stream. Drujjavaram is evidently the modern Jujhavaram, which is 12 miles south west of Köḍūru. Both these villages are situated close to the present Pullēru canal, which appears to be the present representative of the river Malapaha referred to in the above copper-plate records.
No.
A list of the donees is appended bereto in a tabular form specifying in each case the götra and the sākha to which they belonged, as well as the shares of land which they received.
Name of the donee.
1 Vissayārya
2 Simggayārya
3 Sürayārya
4
Devayarya
.
Harita
Do.
Do.
Do.
Götra.
•
•
1 See fn. 4, p. 138.
Andhra Vishnupuranamu by Sarana, Aévása I, v. 22,
4. R. on S. I. Epigraphy for 1922-23, App. A, No. 18,
.
Vēda or Säkha.
Yajus.
Do.
Do.
Do.
•
[VOL. XXV.
No. of shares.
2
2
2
2
Remarks.

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No. 13.)
KODURU GRANT OF ANA-VOTA-REDDI: SAKA 1280.
141
No.
Name of the donee.
Götra.
Vēda or Sakha.
Reniarks.
shares.
.
.
. .
. .
. .
Harita .
Do. . Do. . Do.. Bhāradvăj8
Yajus.
Do.. Do...
. .
.
Rig
Yajus
Srivatsa
Yajus
Gamggayārya . Madhava-dvivēdi . Annayarya . . Annayarya . . Madhavirya Simggayārya Lakhkhayarya . Appayārya . . Tallaya-daivajia. Allāda-bhatta . Allādanātha Vallabharys Erapõta-bhatta . Chamudayārya . Ramayarya . . Appale-bhatta Chamchayarys . Appaykrya . . Errayārya . . Prolayārya Nārāyana-bhatta. Māchayırya Bhāskararya Madhavárya Gamgadharărys. Brahmadēvs Simggayirys Appayårya, Sarasvati-bhatta. Marchchenarys. Dēvayārye . . Ayyalu-bhatta .
Rig
.
Yajus
Do. Kaundinya
Do.
4
.
.
. . .
Do. Rig
Kabyapa
Do.
Do. .
.

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[VOL. XXV.
No.
Name of the donee.
Götra.
Vēda or Sakha.
No.
of shares.
Remarks.
Кабувре
.
.
Rig
.
.
Do.
Do.
Yajus
.
Do.
Do.
1
Kanva-sakhadhyayi.
Sandilya
Somaya-bhatta Nilakamthārya , Peddanarya . . . Annamärya . . . Visvēsvara-bhatta Appayārya. Nägayarya . . Singgayārya Madhavarya Appayarya . . Nārāyaṇārya Narahari-bhatta . Narasimha-jyautishika . Sürayārya, . Vallabhārya . Simgayarya . . Māchayárya Jiyyanārya . . Perumāndi-bhatta Mārayārya. . . Mamehenarya . . Tippayarya . . Gopāla-bhatta . Vāmaya-bhatta . . Mallayarya . .
. .
Vasishtha
Do. Rathitara
Do.
Yajus
Do.
Do.
Gautama
Do.
Rig
Kausiks
Yajus Do.
. .
.
Do. Maitreya . Bhargava , Vishnuvardhana Kā va. . Gárgya . .
.
. .
.
Yajus
TEXT.1
[Metres :-Vv. 1, 7 and 9, Vasantatilakā; v. 2, 5, 6 and 8, Upajāti; v. 3 and 4, Indravajrā;
vv. 10-13, Sārdülavikridita; vv. 14-18, Anushfubh.]
First Plate ; First Side. 1 Pāyād=Varāha-vapushah paramasya puso damshträ jagamttisti) ei2 kharē dharanin dadhână [l*) (ári]mg-agrabhāga-parichumbita-mēgha-bi
From original plates.

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No. 13.]
KODURU GRANT OF ANA-VOTA-REDDI: SAKA 1280.
3 mbā saṁlakshyamāņa-susham-ēva śaśāmka-rēkhā || [1*] Tamo ha
4 rētām tava pushpavamttau(vantau) rākāsu purvv-apara-saila-bhajau [*] rath
amgga(ga)-lila
5 m-iva darsayaṁttau(tau) pura Purareḥ pridhi(thi)vi-radha(tha)sya || [2*] Pad-aravim6 dad-Aravimdanābhër-gGamg-ēva punya ghana-jivana-śrīḥ jāt-abbijātā satadhā
7 vibhinnä jätis-chaturtthi jagatam hitaya || [3] Tasyam-abhūt-Prōlaya-Vēma8 nāmā Srisaila-sōpana-vida (dha)na-sali | Hemadri-kalp-ōdita-dana-dakshō nis-si
First Plate; Second Side.
9 ma-bhū-dāna-nirūḍha-kirtiḥ || [4*] Vēma-kshitisō vṛisham-ēka-pādaṁ khamja-prachāram 10 Kali-kala-dōshāt | datt-agrahara-dvija-vēda-saktyā pada-kramair-askhalitam chakāra || [5*] 11 Dharmatmajō Dāśarathiḥ Prithus-chatyudiryya'maṇāni yugamtta(ta)rēshu | vitarka
12 yē Vēma-naresvarasya punyani nāmāni puratanani || [6*] Yat-kirtti-gana-sa
143
13 maye phani-sundarīņām-alōkitum cha mukha-ragam-anamga
14 mūlam | śrōtum cha gita-rachanam yugapan-na dakshō nag-adhipō na saha
15 te nayana-śrutitvam (tvam) | [7] Samgrama-Partta(ttha)sya sarair-vvibhinna yasy=
āri-chu
16 Jamarayo vichēlub ()ükrāmatas-sathyati rja vathän pratapa-vahne
Second Plate; First Side.
17 riva visphulimgah || [8*] Tasmach-cha Vēma-nṛipater-udayād-iv-ādrēr-jātau pratāpavara-ka
18 mtti(ti)-nidhi kumārau
sūry-emdu-tulya-mahasav-Ana-Võta-bhūpa[*] śrīy-Anna-Vē
19 ma-nṛipatir jaga-raksha-palaḥ || [9] Vira-śrīy-Ana-Võta-bhūtala-patēr-ggambhira-bhēri. ravaiḥ sa
20 trūņām ḥridayeshu samgga(ga) ra-mukhe bhinnēshu pūrvam rasam(sam) | yad-vi
21 ram nirakasayat(d)-bhaya-raso vēgāt kutō-py-agato yuktam prākta
22 nam-ambu nirggamayati pratyagram-aty-urjitam(tam) | [10] Yadhthāṭīshu3 virōdhi-rā23 ja-nilaye yōdh-alaye yōjitō vaḥnih kalpita-hema-kuṭṭima-ghana-syam24 da-sphulimg-ōjva(jjva)laḥ
Hēmādrer-iva bbūmikām kalayati prauḍbaḥ pratāp-ō
Second Plate; Second Side.
25 shmaņa sa-pratyamtta(ta)gireḥ sa-hēmasaritaḥ samvyāpta-tar-avaleḥ [11*] Yasy-arin kulisa
26 dhvanim kalayato dhätishu bhērī-ravaṁ nāmāni drutam-Arjunassa japatas-saṁgrama27 Gamḍīvinaḥ samgram-ōpapadani tāni bhavatām raksha-kritē sarvvadā varnyamttām (tām)=i28 ti bōdhayamty-adhipatin dhi-yamtrino mamtrinaḥ || [12] Śāk-abde gagan-ēbha-su29 rya-ganite Paushasya darse tidhau(thau) Bhüsünōr-divase him-ētara-ruchaḥ puny-opa
30 rag-amtta(ta)rē grāmaṁ pradiśad-Anna-Võta-nripatiḥ Köḍüru-nam-amkki(ki)tam 31 s-asht-aiśvaryakam-ashta-bhoga-sahitam bhudevatābhyō muda | [13] Malāpah[a]32 nadi-tire viprēbhyaḥ pratipaditam(tam) | Annavõtapuram nämna jayaty-a-chandratä
Read -ch-ity-udiryya".
2 Read -ramsyan.
3 Read yul-dhatishu.
Read Arjunasya.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
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Third Plate; First Side. 33 rakam(kam) || [14*] Asya grāmasya pratigrabitāraḥ || Haritagötrāḥ / Vissayāryaḥ
Simggayā34 ryaḥ | Sūrayāryaḥ | Dēvayāryah | Gamggayāryaḥ | ētē pamcba pratyēkam dvi
bhāginah 35 Mädbava-dvivēdi Annayāryaḥētē dvādasa Yajuh-sākh-adhyāyinah | Annayāryaḥ 36 dvi-bhagi Rig-vēdi | Bhāradvāja-gotrāḥ Mädhavāryaḥ dvi-bhagi | Simggayáryaḥ 37 Lakhkhayāryah Appayāryah | Tallaya-daivajñaḥ Allāda-bhattah Alladanāthah 38 Vallabhāryaḥ| Erapõta-bhattaḥ | ētē daśa Yajuh-sākh-adhyāyinaḥ| Chamudaya. 39 ryaḥ | dvi-bhāgi | Ķig.vēdi | Srīvatsa-gotrāḥ Rāmayāryaḥ dvi-bhāgi | Appale
bhattaḥ 1 40 dvi-bhāgi | Chamchayāryaḥ 1 Appayāryaḥ | Errayāryaḥ | Prõlayāryaḥ étē ashta
Third Plate ; Second Side. 41 Yajuh-sākh-adhyāyinah | Nārāyana-bhattah Rig-vēdi | Mâchayāryaḥ pād-o42 na-bhāgi ! Yajur-vvēdi Kaumdinya-gotrāḥ | Bhāskarāryaḥ s-ardhdha(ārddha)-bhāgi!
Madhavāryah | Gamgādhah(dha)43 rāryaḥ | Brahmadēvaḥ 1 Simgayāryaḥ | Appayāryaḥ | Sarasvati-bhattaḥ 1
Mamchchenāryaḥētē 44 Yajuh-sākh-adhyāyinaḥ 1. Kāśyapa-gotrāḥ! Dēvayāryaḥ S-ārdhdha(ārddha)-dvi
bhāgi ! 45 Ayyalu-bhattaḥ dvi-bhāgi Sõmaya-bhattah Nilakamthāryaḥ | ētē Bhurag(Rig).
vēdi46 nah Peddanāryah Annamáryaḥ păd-ona-bbagi tau Yajur-vvēdinau | Visvēsvara
bhattaḥ 47 Kāņva-sākh-ādhyāyi Sāmạilya-gotrāḥ i Appayāryaḥ | Nāgayāryaḥ | Simgga48 yāryaḥ | Mādhavāryaḥ i Appayāryaḥ Nārāyaṇa(ņā)ryaḥ ardhdba arddha)-bhāgi
ētē Ya
Fourth Plate; First Side. 49 juh-sākh-ādhyāyinaḥ | Vasishtha-gotrau II(I) Narahari-bhattaḥ s-ārddha-dvi-bhāgi Narasim50 ha-jyautishikaḥ dvi-bhāgi ētau Rig-vēdinau | Radhi (tbi)tara-gotrau Surayāryaḥ dvi-bha51 gi | Vallabhāryaḥ [*] ētau Yajur-vvēdinau | Gautama-gotrau Simggayāryaḥ | Machay.
āryah 52 ētau Yajur-vvēdinau Jiyyanaryah Rig-vēdi Kausika-götrau | Perumām53 di-bhattah Marayaryah tau Yajur-vvēdinau | Maitriya-götraḥ Mam54 chenāryah dvi-bhägi | Yajur-vvēdi | Bhārggava-gotraḥ Tippayaryaḥ Yajur-vvēdi Vi. 55 sbņuvardhdhana(varddhapa)-gotrah Gopāļa-bhattaḥ Rig-vēdi | Kanva-gotraḥ Vāmaya
bhattaḥ 56 Rig-vēdi [i] Gärgya-gotraḥ Mallayāryaḥ păd-ona-bhāgi Yajur-vvēdi | Srishl/*]
Fourth Plate ; Second Side. 57 Atha grāmasya sīmā-cbihnāni i tūrpunaku Mrānikonda-gumta padumaţi gaţtu58 nnu á kumta daksbiņapu madi tūrpu-gattunnu dakshiņa-mukhamai Dámkēru sabi

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No. 13.)
KODURU GRANT OF ANA-VOTA-REDDI: SAKA 1280.
145
59 tamai à ēru dāmți Samkka (ka)nipalli kõļu simagānu vachchi a(ā)gnēyam mūla Sa60 mkanipallipolamēra-gattu möchenu dakshinamunaku Vinnakota polamu vāya61 vyam mūla magidi dakshiņam-mukhamai põyi Alligumta mochi attē pa62 dumasa-mukhamai põyi nairfiti-müla Kanumallapūmdi polamu möchenu[*] 63 padumaţi sima Vațlūri Akka-domka padumați kara pattikoni vachcbi Vannēru
sabita64 mu-gānu Prattipäţi polamu ägnēyam mūla mochi uttaram-mukhamai
Fifth Plate; First Side. 65 Namdi-vamppu sabitamugā vachchi Rājināyini-Palaparti vellaời polamu mo66 chi mēditāpai Ksimkulamisti polamu padumați kara-vattukoni uttarar-mukhamai 67 põyi Pālakādu dāmți uttara-mukhamai põyi vāyavyam müla Kalu68 vapūmdi kara möchenu uttaram sima a karē simagānu tūrpu mukhamai 69 sāgi vachchi aluka-pannāsa dakshiņapum-gara simagā vachchi Vannēru möchi
dakshiņam 70 mukhamai Vannējë simagānu Kļimkulamirru Pulipādu sahitamgā. vachchi 71 Gurumjakõdu väsina chótunu Vannēsu dāmți tūrpu-mukhamai ibānyam 72 mūla Mrānikonda polamu möchenu | Sva-dattā[d*]=dviguņam punya para-datt-ā
Fifth Plate ; Second Side. 73 nupālanaṁ(nē) para-datt-āpahārēņa sva-dattam nishphalam bhavēt [! 15*] Sva
dattāṁ para-dattām 74 vā yo harēta vasumddharām(rām) shashtim varsha-sahasrāņi vishthāyām jāyatē
krimiḥ [1 16*1 75 Ek=aiva bhagini lõkē sarvvēshām=api bhūbhujām(jām) na bhögya na kara-grähyä
vipra-dattā vasum76 ddha(dha)rā || [17*] Ana-Võta-narēmdrasya vidvan Balasarasvati | akaröd=akaro
vācham ni77 rmmalam dharma-sāsanaṁ(nam) || [18*] Sivam=astu | Srish *]
TRANSLATION (Verse 1) May the tusk of the Boar-incarnation of the Supreme Being, bearing the earth on its extremity and looking most beautiful like the crescent which is kissed at its cusp by the clouds, protect the worlds.
(Verse 2) May the Sun and the Moon resting (respectively) on the western and eastern mountains during the full-moon evenings and displaying, as it were, (their) former act of being the wheels to the chariot, the earth, of Purări (i.e., Siva), dispel your darkness.
(Verse 3) From the lotus feet of the lotus-navelled god (i.e. Vishnu) was born, for the good of the world, the noble fourth caste, virtuous, illustrious with rich life and divided hundredfold like the sacred Ganges rich with profuse water and split into a hundred branches.
1 Tho anusvåra is written in the next line.

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(Verse 4) In that (caste) was born (a king) named Prölaya-Voma who constructed steps to Srisaila (mountain), who was expert in making gifts mentioned in the work on rituals (Kalpa) by Hemadri and whose fame was established by his gifts of limitless lands.
(Verse 5) King Vēma made the Vrisha (lit. bull, ie., Dharma) which was one-legged on account of the evil of the Kali age and (so) was limping in his walk, steady in its course by the power of the Vedas (being chanted with pada and krama) by the Brahmans to whom agrahāra (villages) had been given.
(Verse 6) I fancy that the names spoken of in other yugas such as Dharmatmaja, Dāśarathi and Prithu are the sacred old names of king Vēma (himself).
(Verse 7) When the Naga women were chanting his (i.e., Prōlaya-Vema's) glory, the serpent king, being unable to see the beauty of their faces, which was the root of love, and at the same time listen to the musical composition (sung by them), could not bear (the reputation of) hearing through the eyes.
(Verse 8) When he attacked (the enemy) kings in fight, the crest-jewels of his foes, split by the arrows of him who was (like) Partha in battle, scattered about as though they were the sparks of the fire of his valour.
(Verse 9) From this king Vêma were born as from the eastern mountain, two sons (viz.), prince Ana-Vota and prince ért-Anna-Vema, the protector of the world-who were the receptacles of valour and great splendour, who were equal to the Sun and the Moon in lustre.
(Verse 10) When the hearts of the enemies were broken by the deep sounds of the war-drums of king Ana-Võta, the sentiment of fear coming from some unknown quarter drove away the spirit of heroism which was there already. It is meet that a powerful (current) of new water drives away the old water.
(Verse 11) The fire lit to the military barracks during the attacks on the palace of the enemy kings, shining with sparks that are the thick drops flowing from the pavement made of gold, looks, by the heat of its great glow, like (lit. puts on the garb of) the golden mountain (i.e., Hemädri) which is combined with its hill ranges and the golden streams and is covered with rows of stars.
(Verse 12) The shrewd (lit. who had wisdom as their support) ministers (of the enemy kings) advise their masters, who were repeating the names of Arjuna immediately after hearing the sound of his (i.e., Ana-Võta's) war-drums which resembled the sound of thunder, that those military titles of him who was the Arjuna on the battle-field (i.e., Ana-Võta) should (instead) be repeated always for their protection.
(Verse 13) In the Saka year counted by gagana (0), ibha (8), and surya (12), (i.e., 1280), in the month of Pausha, on a Tuesday which had the darka (tuhi)-during the solar eclipse, king Ana-Võta gladly gave to the Brahmans the village Ködüru along with the eight aiśvaryas and eight bhogas.
(Verse 14) May the village by name Annavötapuram situated on the banks of the river Malapaha and given to the Brahmans shine (supreme) as long as the Sun and the Moon (last).
(Lines 33 to 56) The names of the 61 donees with their gotras and shares are enumerated (see list on pp. 140 ff.).
(Lines 57 to 72) The boundaries of the gift village are specified in Telugu.
(Lines 72 to 77) Three imprecatory verses and a verse stating that the composer of the grant was Balasarasvati, the vidvan of king Ana-Võta, are given here.

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No. 14.]
THREE COPPER-PLATE GRANTS FROM MAYURBHANJ.
147
No. 14. THREE COPPER-PLATE GRANTS FROM MAYURBHANJ.
BY B. C. MAJUMDAR, M.A., Ph.D., VICE-CHANCELLOR, DACCA UNIVERSITY. A.-Adipur Copper-plate of Narendrabhañjadēva.
This is a single plate measuring about 11" by 84". It contains 41 lines of writing engraved on both sides. A circular seal, representing a full-blown lotus, is attached to the middle of the top of the plate. The seal has a diameter of 34", and on its surface is engraved, in relief, inside a raised circular rim, the figure of a humped bull with that of a small crescent above it, and the legend Sri-Narendrabhañjadevasya' below. There is a floral design underneath the legend. The seal bears a very close resemblance to that of Tribhuvana Mahadevi of the Kara dynasty.
The plate was discovered in 1927 by a Kōl peasant in course of digging a field near the village of Adipur in the Pañchpir Sub-division of Mayurbhanj State, and is now preserved in the Mayurbhanj State Museum at Baripada. Mr. K. C. Neogy, the Dewan of the Mayurbhanj State, kindly sent the plate to me for decipherment, and I am editing it from the original.
The plate is in a fair state of preservation, except a small part of the reverse which is badly corroded, with the result that a few letters in the formal portion of the grant are not legible.
The alphabet belongs to the Northern type and resembles that used in the Pala records of the tenth century A.D. It contains numerical symbols for 200, 90, 3 and 1.
The language is Sanskrit. With the exception of eleven verses, including the usual imprecatory verses, the inscription is written in prose. Some of these verses are, however, very faulty, and require addition or omission of letters to suit the requirements of the metre. The author's knowledge of Sanskrit was rather poor and there are many mistakes both in spelling and in grammar.
As regards orthography, b and v are not distinguished; the anusvara is represented in some cases by guttural n (vanse in line 6), while the final dental n is represented by anusvära (satrum in line 11, bhupālām in line 15). Consonants are usually doubled after r, but there are exceptions (krimir-bhütva in line 29). Some other peculiarities seem to have been due to the ignorance of the author. Mention may be made of the use of & for s (asit in line 3, Smara in line 10, prasaktaḥ in line 13, salila in line 20); of ri for ri (kriyate in line 32, ériyam in line 34); of i for (Bhavanisaḥ in line 2, asit in line 3, sariram- in line 31, kirttayo in line 35); and of u for u (purvva in line 17).
As examples of the faulty knowledge of grammar may be mentioned manis-tyägir in line 6, uktañ-cha ddharmma-sastrē in line 24, cheta in line 32, and vindu-llölām in line 33.
The author's scanty knowledge of Sanskrit literature is best exemplified by the way in which the names of gōtras and pravaras are given in lines 17-18.
The inscription records the grant of the village Vri(Bri) hat-Sārai in Urtti-vishaya in Khijjinga by king Narendrabhanja, son of king Vibhramatunga, and grandson of Kōṭṭabhanja. At the end of the record proper, there is a sort of postscript written in smaller characters, referring to a Grant in the same district by Mahārāja Ranabhañjadēva, son of Vibhramatunga, and, therefore, a brother of Narendrabhañja. The date, sarvat 293, at the end of the record, evidently refers to this latter Grant. It appears at first sight that after the inscription recording the grant of Narendrabhañja was engraved on the copper-plate, a small space remained vacant,
1 For the sake of convenience the historical materials in all the three Grants have been discussed together in the Introduction to A.
Cf. e.g., the plate facing p. 425, J. B. O. R. S., Vol II.

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and it was subsequently utilised for making a brief record of the other Grant, leading to the natural presumption, that Ranabhañja was the younger brother of Narēndrabhañja and ruled after him. But some peculiarities in Inscription B, edited below, seem to point to the opposite conclusion.
The donee in the first Grant was Bhattaputra Sitaladēva-sarman belonging to Bahy. sicha-charana, Āsvalāyana-sākha, and Vatsa-götra. The donee in the other case was Bhattaputra Trivikrama.
The inscription is of great historical importance as it furnishes new materials for the reconstruction of the history of the Bhanja dynasty. The kings mentioned in it, viz., Kottabhañja, bis son Vibhramatunga, and the two sons of the latter, viz., Narēndrabbañja and Ranabhañja, belong to what has been called the second group of Bhañja kings by Mr. R. D. Banerji. This group is now known to us from the following eight copper-plate grants, though Mr. Banerji knew only the first three of them.
1. Bāmangbāți plate of Ranabhañja. 2. Khandadēuli plate of Ranabhanja." 3. Bāmanghāti plate of Rajabhañja. 4. Ukhunda plate of Prithvibhanja. 5. Kēšari plate of Satrubhañja (re-edited below, C). 6-7. Two Ādipur copper-plates of Narēndrabhañjadēva (edited below, A and B).
8. Adipur copper-plate of Durjayabhañjadēva.?
The first two Grants now edited (Nos. 6-7) closely resemble Nos. 1-4 and possess all the special characteristics which distinguish them from those of the other Bhañja kings. As a matter of fact the texts of the bistorical portion of all these Grants (except Nos. 5 and 8) seem to have been derived from a common draft, though slight modifications have been introduced here and there. No. 5 contains some important additions which are not to be found in others, while No. 8 Omits altogether the traditional account of the origin of the family.
All these records (except No. 8) begin with a reference to Virabhadra, the Adi-Bhanja or the First Bhañja, also called Ganadanda. He is said to have come out of an egg of pea-hen in the bermitage called Kotyāśrama and was brought up by the sage Vaśishtha. Only No. 5 adds a few more details, particularly that he was the lord of 85,000 villages. 10 All the records (except No. 8) refer next to Kottabhañja who must be regarded as the first historical king of the
1 R. D. Banerji, History of Orissa, Vol. I, p. 178. 2 The Grant is also known as Jamdapir plate from its findspot (above, Vol. XVIII, pp. 300-1).
* Nos. 1 and 3 were originally edited by Babu Pratāpa Chandra Ghosha in J. A. S. B., Vol. XL, pp. 161ff., and subsequently re-edited by Babu Nagendranath Vasu in the Archaeological Survey of Mayurbhanja, Vol. I, pp. 14111. A stanza engraved on the pedestal of an image, now in the Khiching Museum, refers to a king called Rayabhanja who may be the same as this king Rajabhañja (Ann. Rep. Arch. Survey, 1922-3, p. 128). But it contains no historical information. According to Mr. R. D. Banerji this Rayabhanja was a different king (Orissa, p. 183).
Edited by MM. H. P. Sastri in J. B.O.R.S., Vol. IV. p. 172, 6 Indian Historical Quarterly, Vol. XIII, pp. 427 ff. • Ibid., pp. 429 f.
Below, pp. 172 f.
* For these characteristics of. Banerji, op. cit., p. 180. Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Vol. XII, pp. 231 ff.
Ins. No. 8 applies some of these epithets to Ranabhanja. lu Mr. Misra, who edits the plate, translates the passage as follows: "...... Virabhadra who formerly was busily engaged by 88,000 sages, and in view of their request Ramadēva served him and then made him the lord of 88,000 villages". This meaning is very doubtful. The word read as muni' is probably 'sūnu. Cl. C, edited below.

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family known to us. The names of the successors of Kottabhañja are, however, given differently in the different plates (Nos. 1-8). In No. 1 the genealogy is given as follows
Köttabhañja
Digbhañja
Raņabhañja. In No. 4 Raņabhañja is said to have been born in the family of Kottabbañja, and no mention is made of Digbhañja. The son of Raņabhañja is Prithvibhañja. The genealogy may therefore be described as follows:
Kottabhañja
Raṇabhañja
Pțithvibhañja. No. 5 gives the following genealogy
Kottabhañja Durjayabhañja Ranabhañja Satrubhañja
(yuvarāja) Narēndrabhañja. In No. 6 the genealogy is given as follows:
Kottabhañja
Vibhramatunga
Raņabhaõja.
Narēndrabhañja. In No. 7 we find the same genealogy, though the relationship of Ranabhañja with the other kings is not clearly stated. No. 8 gives us the following genealogy -
Mahārājādhiraja Raņabhañja
Vibhramatunga
(yuvarāja) Kõttabhañja. The genealogies given in Nos. 2 and 3 have been interpreted differently and a short discussion is necessary to explain the different points of view.
No. 2 mentions Köttabhañja, his son Digbhañja, and the latter's son Ranabhañja, and so far it agrees with No. 1. But after Ranabhañja it adds two more names in the following passage: tasya ch=0(au)payi(i)k-ātmajah Sri-Prithvībhanja-suta-sri-Narēndrabhañjadevo bhütah. In addition to the two emendations noted within brackets, MM. H. P. Sāstri, who edited the record, made a further emendation by omitting the visarga in ātmajah'. He, therefore, translated the passage as follows:
His reputed son Prithvībhañja, whose son Narendrabhañja was born."

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Mr. C. C. Das Gupta differed from this view and offered the following translation:"And his (Ranabhañja's) ' aupayika', i.e., adopted son is Narendrabhañja, the son of Prithvibhañja, i.e., Ranabbañja adopted as his son Narendrabhañja, the son of Prithvibhañja ".1 In view of the two new Grants, Nos. 4 and 5, the interpretation of MM. H. P. Sastri appears to be preferable. Apart from this there is a further difficulty; for the exact connection of Narendrabhañja with the record is not quite clear. MM. H. P. Sastri says that Prithvibhañja was not a son born in lawful wedlock', but may have been one of the twelve classes of sons allowed by Hindu law', and he suggests that Ranabhañja made the grant on the occasion of the birth of a grandson named Narendrabhañja'. On the other hand Rai Bahadur Hiralal is of opinion that the Khanḍadeuli plate really records a grant of Narendrabhañja and not of his grandfather Ranabhañja. Mr. R. D. Banerji differs from this view and accepts that of MM. H. P. Šāstri. But the fact that the seal of the plate contains the name Narendrabhañja supports the view of Rai Bahadur Hiralal. A further argument may be cited in support of this view. The donee of this grant is the great-grandson of Bhaṭṭaputra Trivikrama. No. 6 records a grant by king Ranabhañja to Bhaṭṭaputra Trivikrama. If these two identical names refer to the same person it is more likely that the donor of No. 2 is a grandson of Rapabbañja rather than Ranabhanja himself.
In No. 3 the name of the successor of Kōṭṭabbañja and the father of Rajabhañja who issued the Grant has been read as Ranabhanja both by Mr. Pratapa Chandra Ghosh and by Mr. Nagendra Nath Vasu who edited the plate. This reading has been generally accepted, and it gives us the following genealogy :
[VOL. XXV.
Kōṭṭabhanja Ranabhanja
Rajabbañja
This genealogy has been reconciled with that given in Nos. 1 and 2 by supposing that the name of Digbhañja, son of Kōṭṭabhañja and father of Ranabhañja, has been omitted through oversight.
Mr. C. C. Das Gupta has justly drawn our attention to the fact that the word 'Ranabhañja' cannot be read on the published facsimile. The first letter is undoubtedly 'ra' but the other letters cannot be clearly read, and in any case there is no na' following ra'. He suggests that this word was misengraved for Digbhañja and constructs the following genealogy from Nos. 1
and 3.5
Kōṭṭabhañja
Digbbañja T
Ranabhañja
1 Annals, Bh. Or. Res. Ins., Vol. XII, p. 235.
Above, Vol. XVIII, p. 293.
Op. cit., p. 183. Curiously enough, on the preceding page Mr. Banerji says: "The actual grant was made by Narendrabhañja".
Above, Vol. XVIII, p. 293, f. n. 1.
Annals, Bh. Or. Res. Ins., Vol. XII, pp. 234-5.
Rajabhatja

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At first sight the different genealogical accounts seem to be hopelessly conflicting and any attempt to reconcile then may justly be regarded as a vain and fruitless task. But there are some points of agreement in the majority of records which might give us a clue to the ultimate solution of the problem.
All the records are unanimous, firstly, in their accounts of the origin of the founder of the family, Virabhadra, from the egg of a pea-hen in the hermitage of Vašishtha known as Kötyásrama; and secondly, in regarding Köttabhañja as the first historical ruler. Here the unanimity ends. But with the exception of Nos. 3 and 4 all the other records represent Raņabhañja as the grandson of Kõttabbañja, and as the statement in No. 4 is not in conflict with this view, we may accept it as an established fact. The name of the father of Raṇabhañja is given as Digbhañja in Nos. 1 and 2, Durjayabhañja in No. 5, and Vibhramatunga in No. 6. There would thus appear to be three different kings bearing the same name Raņabhañja. But on the other hand we should remember that all of them ruled in Khijjinga, and all of them evidently were contemporaries, being grandsons of the same king. This is specifically proved in respect of two of them as they issued Grants in the years 288 (No. 1) and 293 (No. 6). Three grandsons of the same king, bearing the same name, and ruling in the same locality at the same time (or at least within a few years of each other), may not be theoretically impossible, but must be regarded as very unusual indeed. We may, therefore, reasonably infer the identity of the three kings bearing the name Raņabhañja. This would imply also the identity of Digbhañja, Durjayabhañja and Vibhramatunga, though it must be regarded as very unusual that the same king should have been referred to by three different names in the official records of the family.
Then, again, according to MM. Šāstri's interpretation of No. 2, Ranabhañja had a son (aupayika or reputed) named Prithvibhañja and the latter's son was Narēndrabhañja. Now No. 4 confirms the first part of the statement, viz., that Ranabhañja had a son called Prithvibhañja, and No. 5, the second part of the statement, viz., that he had a grandson called Narēndrabhañja. No. 5, bowever, gives Satrubhañja as the name of the father of Narēndrabhañja, and the only way of reconciling Nos. 2, 4, and 5 is to identify Satrubhañja with Prithvibhañja.
On the basis of the above hypotheses we may draw up the genealogy of the family tentatively as follows:
Virabhadra, the Adi-Bhañja (produced from the egg of
a pea-ben in Kötyäśrama and brought
up by sage Vasishtha).
Kottabháñja Digbbañja alias Durjayabhañja alias Vibhramatunga
Raņabhañja (No. 1)
Narendrabhañja I (Nos. 6-7)
. ? Rājabhäñja (No. 3)
Vibbramatunga (No. 8)
Satrubbañja (No. 5) alias Prithvibhañja
(No. 4) Narēndrabhanja II (No. 2)
Durjayabhañja (No. 8)
(yuvarāja) Kõttabbañja

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Although this genealogy of the family cannot be regarded as finally settled, the above repre. Bents, I believe, the most reasonable inference that can be drawn from the data at present available to us.
If we reject the proposed identifications, and treat the kings with different names as so many different persons, the resulting genealogy would be as follows :
Virabhadra
Köttabhañja
Digbbañja
Vibhramatunga
Durjayabhañja
Raņabbañja (No. 1)
Narendrabhañja
(No. 5)
Ranabhanja
(No. 5)
Raņabhañja
Rājabhañja
(No. 3)
Prithvibhañja
(Nos. 2, 4)
Vibhramatunga
Satrubhanja
Narendrabhañja
(No. 2)
(yuvarāja) Narendrabhañja
Durjayabbañja
It is unnecessary to discuss here the history of the other Bhañja kings known from copperplate grants; no connection or relationship between them and the Bhañja kings discussed above has yet been established. The late Rai Bahadur Hiralal upheld the view that all the known Bhañia kings belonged to one single family, but this theory has been shown to be untenable by Mr. R. D. Banerjie and Mr. C. C. Das Gupta.
As to the status of these kings, the late Mr. R. D. Banerji laid much stress on the fact that the kings of this group bore no royal titles." The absence of any title ", says Mr. Banerji, "at a time when even petty kings had assumed the imperial titles of the Gupta period, is extremely significant. It proves that the second group of Bhañja kings were subordinates to some higher power". The title Mahārāja applied to Raņabhañja in the two Grants (Nos. 6, 7) edited below, and the title Mahārājādhirāja applied to the same king (or another king of the same name) in Ins. No. 8, prove the erroneous character of Mr. Banerji's assumption. For he himself concluded, from the assumption of the title Mahārāja by Raņabhañja of the first group, that he was an independent king. And we may equally presume that Raņabhañja of the second group
1 Above, Vol. XVIII, p. 286. * History of Orissa, Vol. I, p. 179. * Annals, Bh. Or. Res. Ins., Vol. XII, pp. 231 ff.
• History of Orissa, Vol. I, p. 181. Dr. H. C. Ray also holds the same view, cf. Dynastic History of Northern India, Vol. I, p. 423.
• History of Orissa, Vol. I, p. 166.

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was also an independent king. Indeed in this respect the fact that a ruler issues land grants with a distinctive royal seal of his own is a far stronger evidence in support of his status as a de facto independent ruler than mere assumption of royal or imperial titles. It would be more reasonable, therefore, to regard the Bhañja kings, who issued royal charters with their own seals, as independent rulers, at least for all practical purposes, irrespective of the question whether they assumed royal and imperial titles or not.
The Grant No. 5 refers to Virabhadra as Chakravarti-samaḥ or like an emperor', gives the titles 'Mahamandal-adhipati-Mahārājādhirāja-Paramësvara' to Satrubhañjadēva, and calls him the lord of eighty-eight thousand (villages). This is also an indication of the power and independence of the Bhañja kings of this group.
As to the period when these kings flourished we have two specific dates of Raņabhaõja, viz.. Samvat 288 (No. 1) and Samvat 2931 (No. 6). The era to which these dates are to be referred is not easy to determine. Mr. B. C. Mazumdar held that the alphabets of the records could not be earlier than the tenth century A.D., and referred the year 288 to the Gānga Era, which began according to him in 778 A.D. This view was accepted by Mr. R. D. Banerji and Mr. C. C. Das Gupta. Many scholars, however, now hold that the epoch of the Ganga Era is to be placed in the sixth century A.D. or at the close of the fifth century A.D. Accordingly, king Ranabhañja has to be placed towards the close of the eighth or in the ninth century A.D. Mr. Binayak Misra refers the date to the Harsha Era. That would place Ranabhanja towards the close of the ninth century A.D. The palaeographic evidence, as noted above, does not militate against this view.?
Assuming that the Harsha era was used, the date of the present Grant would be A.D. 899, and Ranabhañja must have been on the throne during the years 894-899 A.D. The rule of the Bhañja dynasty of Mayūrbhanj from Kottabhañja to Narēndrabhañja Il may thus be placed between 850 and 950 A.D.
Utkala or Orissa was conquered by Dēvapāla in the first half of the ninth century A.D. This must have brought about the political disintegration of the kingdom, and as soon as the Pala power was weakened by the middle of the ninth century A.D., local feudal chiefs found a good opportunity to carve out independent kingdoms for themselves. The rise of the Bhañja family to power may be explained in this way.
The Capital of these kings was undoubtedly Khijjinga, modern Khiching (situated about ninety miles to the west of Bāripada the present Capital of Mayürbhanj) which contains exten. sive ruins and has yielded a large number of fine medieval sculptures. All the Grants, except Nos, 5 and 8, refer to Khijjinga as the place of residence of the king. The village granted in No. 5 is situated in Urtti-vishaya, and this district, according to the present Grant, was included in
1 The numerical symbol used to denote 200 is 'lu'. Kielhorn, in his List of Northern Inscriptions, expressed a doubt about the correctness of this interpretation (Above, Vol. V, App. p. 88, n. 6). Bühler's chart, however, gives the value 200 for the symbol (PI. IX, Col. XVIII). Subsequently, Kielhorn also changed his view and took the symbol as denoting 200 (Above, Vol. VI, p. 134). This is now generally accepted (History of Orissa, Vol. I, p. 181).
* J. B.O.R. 8., Vol. II, p. 361. • Op. cit., p. 181.
Annals, Bh. Or. Res. Ins., "Vol. XII, p. 245. * Indian Culture, Vol. IV, pp. 171 ff.; J. A. H. R. 8., Vol. V, pp. 272-4; Ind. Ant., Vol. LXI (1932), p. 237.
. 1. H. Q., Vol. XIII, p. 427. Mr. Misra says that this was also the view of Kielhorn. He does not, how ever, give any reference, and I cannot find any in support of this statement.
Bühler in his Palaeographic Chart places the alphabet of the Bämanghấti Ins, of Rapabhanja in the 9th century A.D. (Plate IX, Col. XVIII.)

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[VOL. xxv.
Khijjinga (Khijjinga-pratibaddha). The villages granted by the records seem to indicate that the kingdom of this group of Bhañja kings corresponded roughly to the present states of Mayür. bbanj and Keonjhar which are still ruled by chiefs bearing names ending in Bhanja. The name Mayūrabhañja undoubtedly preserves the tradition that the Bhañja family originated from the egg of a mayuri (pea-hen), and the legends that the ancestor was born out of an egg of peahen and nursed by the sage Vašishtha are to be found in the records of the present ruling family.! It is, therefore, very probable that the present Bhanja chiefs are descended from the group of Phañja kings referred to above.
An attempt has been made to connect this Bbañja family with the famous Maurya clan, and even to identify Virabhadra, the traditional founder of the family, with the Maurya emperor Chandragupta. The suggestion which rests mainly on the following grounds was first made by Mr B. Misra while editing No. 5° (re-edited below as C.).
1. The Mayura-origin of the family really indicates an association with the Moriya clan, Moriya being the Präkrit form of Mayura.
2. According to the Pali Mahāvagga, the dominion of Bimbisära embraced 80,000 townships. It is needless to say that the same dominion was included in the empire of Chandragupta. Evidently the lordship of Virabhadra over 88,000 villages (as recorded in No. 5) has some similarity with that of Chandragupta.
3. Ganadanda, the epithet of Virabhadra, means Republican Chief and signifies one whose army consisted of individuals combined for a definite object. If taken in this sense, Virabhadra may be supposed to have raised an army as Chandragupta did to overthrow the Nanda dynasty.
The arguments are wholly unconvincing. As regards the first, it refers merely to a totemic conception, and we need not necessarily find any historical allusion in it unless there are other valid grounds for doing so. As regards the second, the inference resta palpably on a very weak foundation. As to the third, Ganadanda has been interpreted by Rai Bahadur Hiralal as an officer of some Gana or Hindu Republic. He takes it to be an abbreviated form of Ganadandanāyaka or Gana-dandapāla, i.e., either a minister or a commander of army. There is no justi. fication for going further beyond this.
Of the localities mentioned in the inscription other than Khijjinga, Köțyāśrama, the reputed hermitage of Vasishtha where Virabhadra was born, has been identified with Kuting, thirty-two miles from Bäripadā. Urtti-vishaya may be identified with a village called Urti in the Keonjhar State, about twelve miles to the north-west of Khiching, on the right bank of the river Vaitarani. There is a village called Sorai near Urti, and this may represent either of the two villages, Bșihat-Sārāi and Svalpa-Sarayi mentioned in the Grant. It is not also impossible that both the names referred to two parts of the same village distinguished by the prefixes brihat and svalpa (i.e., big and small) and that this entire village is now represented by Sorai.
1 While recently visiting the Museum at Baripada, I noticed the following documents: (1) Copy of a Sanad granted by Maharija Viravikramaditya Bhanja in 1121 Amli (i.e., 1713-14 A.D.) in which the ancestor of the royal family is said to have been born of an egg of pea-hen and nursed by the sage Valishtha. (2) A letter from the ruler of Talcher addressed to Lakshmi Narayana Bhanja, ruler of Mayurbhanj (1660 A.D.) containing reference to the same legends. Upendra Bhaja, the famous poet of Orissa, who flourished about the end of the seventeenth century A.D., refers to these legends in respect of the kings of Mayurbhanj. : 1. H.Q., Vol. XIII, pp. 420 ff.
It may be pointed out that mora is the Pkt, form of mayira and Moriya that of Maurya.-Ed.1 . Above, Vol. XVIII, p. 289.
Above, Vol. XVIII, p. 300. But Mr. P. Acharya, the archaeologist of the Mayurbhanj State, rejects this identification on the ground that there are no remains of antiquities in the place.
I am indebted to Mr. P. Acharya, the State Archaeologist of Mayarbhanj, for the information about the discovery of Platos A and B and for the identification of villages mentioned in them.

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The fact that the villages are situated on the right bank of the Vaitarani river, in the State of Keonjhar, is of great importance, as it proves that at least a part, if not the whole of this state was included within the dominions of the Bhañjas of Mayürbhanj in the nintb or tenth oentury A.D. This in a way lends some support to the local tradition recorded by Hunter that Keonjhar originally formed part of Mayürbhanj and was formed into a separate state about two oenturies ago. 1
The two copper-plates (Nos. 6 and 7) now edited being clearly engraved, enable us to correct some mistakes and remove some doubts about the reading and interpretation of the records of this group of Bhañja kings. MM. H. P. Šāstri, while editing the Khandadēuli plate claimed to bave corrected some mistakes. “For instance,” observed he,"my predecessors read Kotyäsrama, but my plate distinctly says Kautsäsrama. They read the same word Suladanda in one plate and Svarnadanda in another, but it is really Galad-unda, the breaking egg". The present records confirm the reading Kötyäsrama and show beyond doubt that the other word is really Gana-danda, which also seems to be quite clear on the estampage of the Khandadöult Inscription. In the three published records the adjective 'Khijjinga-Koffavāsi' is applied to Ranabhañja and it has been taken to mean that the king was usually resident in Khijjinga. The corresponding expression in the present records is Khijjinga-kött-ādhivāsāt meaning that the Grant was issued from Khijjinga. This is the more usual expression used in land-grants, and there is hardly any doubt that it was the original form which was misconstrued in others.
TEXT.
[Metres : vv. 1-4, 6, Aryā; v. 5, Vasantatilakā; vv. 7-9, Anushțubh ; v. 10, Drutavilambita ; v. 11,
Pushpitāgrā.]
Obverse. 1 Omogvasti [*] Sakala-bhuvan-aika-nātho 2 bhava-bhaya-bhiduro Bhavo Bhavāni(nī)śaḥ | vividha-samādhi-vi3 dhijñaḥ sarvvajño vaḥ śivāy=āstu || [11] Āsi(si)t=Kötyäsrama-ma4 hā-tapovanāt māyür-āņdam bhit[t*]vā Gana-danda-Virabhadr-akhyaḥ [1*] 5 pratipaksha-nidhana-dakshö Vaśishtha-muni-pālito npipa6 tiḥ || [2016] Tasy-Adi-Bhaõja-van(vam)śē mānise-tyāgiro-adandakaḥ khya7 taḥ [*] śūraḥ śuchir=vvinito jāta[b*) sri-Kot(tt)abhanj=ēti || [3 II] Pu8 tras-tad-anurūpa? | brēshthaḥ śrimān=masaksha-samanta) [1*] nfi. 9 pati-sat-archchita-charaņo sri - Vibhramatungo jagat-prathi. 10 tah || [4||") Tasyatmajaḥ Sma(Sma)ra-samo va(ba)lavån varishthah surah 11 [samunajnta10.yabāḥ pravijitya satrum(n) räjä Yudhisthira
Hunter's Orissa, Vol. II, App. III, p. 86. * Expressed by a symbol.
• In this verse the words Kolyasrama-maha-tapovanät must be left out in order to suit the metre. Read Asin=mayür-andar etc.
. Read mani.
Read tyagi. • Danda unnecessary.
Read =tad-anurūpah. * This is probably a mistake for asankhya. . Omit eri as in B for the sake of the metre. 10 Read samunnata as in B below.

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[VOL. XXV.
12 riv=ivani-påland cha nityam rataḥ kusala-karmma-vidhau 13 prasa(sa)ktah [115Khijjinga-kött-adhivāsät Hara-charan-214 rādhana-kshapita-påpah srimăn=Naröndrabbañja-dēvaḥ 3-215 nunayam präha bhūpåläm(lán) 1 [16][*] Khijjinga-prativaddhö(baddha) Urtti-vish16 Ya-sammandha-Vri(Brihat-Sārāi-grām-ābhidhảno grāmő-yam 17 pu(pū)rvva . vidita-simänta| Vävbhio-charaṇāya | Aslaya18 na-sakhāya | Vachchha -gotrāya 1 pañchă-rirshaya-pravara19 ya Tilapudraka-vinigrata 10. | bhattaputra-Si(si)tala[dēva)20 [sa]rmmaņāya!! Salsa)lila-dhārā[m*) puraskfity=ākaratvē[na vā]
Reverse. 21 ..mättä(tā))-pitrör=&tmana .... 22 ...ndato=smābhiḥ punyasētun=dadāya" [*] yavat-pri23 (thvi]dharmma-dākshinya(nya)to vā tāvat-kālam=pāla[niyo) 24 bhavadbhiḥ [ll] uktan-cha ddharmma13-6āstrē Va(Ba)hubhir=vvasudhā dattā 25 rajabhis=Sagar-ādibhiḥ yasya yasya yadā bhūmi[s*]=ta26 sya tasya tada phalam(lam) || [711] Má bhūya phala-barkā vaḥ para97 dat-êti pårthivam svadatta phalam-antam para28 datt-ånupälanan || (811) Sva-datta para-dattām-vä | yö harēti 29 vasundharam' i 88 vishthāyām krimir-bhūtvä pitpibhiḥ sa30 ha pachyatė || (911*) api cha[i*) Kshitir-iyam kulat=ēva va(ba)hu31 priya lo hata-sari(ri)ram=idan-cha vini(na)ema(sva)ram(ram) su-kristar] 32 adya na chēta kri(kri)yatë dhruvam la vipadi dhakshyati võ= 33 nusay-analaḥ || [1011*) Iti kamala-dal-āmvu-vindu-llo34 läm b ri(eri)yam-anuchintya manushya-jivitañ=cba sakala35 m-idam-uddhritadbhi vudhvām" | na hi purushai[h*) para-ki(ki)rtta36 yö vilõpyām(pyah) lo ll [111*] Likhitam Rājakula-Hēra37 mvõ(mbö)prēti lo|| Sri-Vibhramatunga-sutēna Mahārāja-bri-Rana
1 Read itävani..
Danda unnecessary.
The danda is unnecessary; to suit the metre we have to read kotta-vāsād=Dhara-, or Khijjinga-kõttava si as in other inscriptions.
• Omit déve for the sake of the metre. .Read mambaddha-. . Read Bahuricha..
Read Adalāyana-. . Read Vated.
Read Pascharshi.. 1. Read vinirgala.. 11 Read -sarmmane.
1. Perhaps the correct reading is datto-emäbhih punya-sēt-üdayaya. (The text from måla to bhavadbhik rooms to form a verse in Salini metre.-Ed.]
1) Read dharmma.
* Read ma bhüd-aphala-lanka nad para-datl=tli parthiudo lsa-dattat-phalamanantyan para-hattanuper land |
1 Road Sva-dattah para-dattări ul y harlla vasundharam. 1 Road nukritam=adya na chel. 11 Read Iti kamala-dal-ambu-bindu-lodni. 1. Read udahsitai=cha. * Read buddhua.

Page #186

A-ADIPUR COPPER-PLATE OF NARENDRABHANJADEVA.
Obverse.
Reverse.
=
•
যুগ
।
“ফরেনি। নোবেল কমব্রাবের হন এবঃ&Aানুন + আ]।
সুতরাসবাসের পর ।
t
&
9
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তা। বাবু ইনক্রিমেরো। ৩ অনুবই সুন্দর,
পেল পানির আs | ঘায়েল
10 আলোক নিয়ে ফ্রালজীল সেমিনার করে ঠকাবোৰ সল এসআশীসাবেকুন নয়। বাবা মনে করে। গ্রামীণ সংঘমিত্র। (বই মাস র ব বলেই আজ
খাবার হোক
14
34।
৯৫e] ১০১ $ tee/i styN 9292)ls। IBE
Atika
) ০৫
te
36
ii)।
)।
A
|
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. Rea. No. 1966 E39-218,
SCALE: ONE-HALF.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

Page #187


Page #188

No. 14]
THREE COPPER-PLATE GRANTS FROM MAYURBHANJ.
157
38 bhañja-dēvēna Uratti-vishay-antahpāti. Svalpa-Sarāyi-grāmaḥ sali39 la-dhārās mi*] puraskritya tāmra-śāsanēna bhattaputra-Trivikramāya pra40 dattah atol bhavishyad-räjabhih pälaniya iti [1] 41 Samvat 200 90 3 Phālguņa va đi 1 likhitam kulaputraka-[Yaksha......]
TRANSLATION. Om svasti. (Verse 1) May the omniscient Bhava (Siva), who is the sole protector of all the worlds, the destroyer of the fear of re-birth, the lord of Bhavani, and conversant with the rules of the various modes of meditation, bring you prosperity.
(V. 2) There was a king called Ganadanda (an officer in a republic ?) Virabhadra, skilful in killing enemies, who burst out of an egg of a pea-hen in the great hermitage, called Kötyāsrama, and was brought up by the sage Vasishtha.
(V. 3) In the family of this first Bhañja (king) was born sri-Köțţabhañja, who was highly honoured, liberal, famous, brave, pure, and modest, and was averse to inflicting punishment (adandaka).
(V. 4) Then there was his worthy son éri-Vibhramatunga, who was famous in the world, most excellent, and endowed with beauty; who had numerous feudatories, and whose feet were wor. shipped by hundreds of kings.
(Vv. 5-6) His son frimān Narēndrabhañjadēva-who was like cupid (in appearance), strong, weighty, and brave; who had acquired fame by defeating enemies; who, like king Yudhi. shthira, was constantly engaged in protecting the earth, and was extremely fond of performing good deeds; and whose sins were expiated by the worship of the feet of Hara ;- from his residence at the fort of Khijjinga says respectfully to the kings:
(Ll. 15-21) (There is) a village called Bșihat-Sārãi, in the district (vishaya) of Urtti, situated close to the city of Khijjinga. This village, the boundaries of which are already known, is granted by me, free of rent, for the sake of the religious merits of) my mother, father, and myself, with libations of water, to Bhattaputra Sitaladēvasarman an emigrant from Tilapudraka and belonging to Bahvpicha-charana, Āévalāyana-sakha, Vatsa-gotra, and having the five rishis as his pranaras (or the noble ancestors).
(Ll. 22-35 contain the usual imprecations.) (L. 36) Written by the Rājakula Hēramba.
(Ll. 37-40) By Mahārāja-sri-Raņabhañjadēva, son of sri-Vibhramatunga , the village of Svalpa-Sarāyi in the district (vishaya) of Uratti has been granted to Bhattaputra Trivikrama, after sprinkling water and by a copper-plate deed. So this should be upheld by the future kings.
(L. 41) The year 200 (and) 90 (and) 3; (the month) Pbālguņa ; the dark fortnight; (the lunar) day 1. Written by Kulaputraka Yaksha.
B.-Adipur Copper-plate of Narēndrabhañjadēva. This is a single plate measuring about 10-6" by 8.8". It contains 38 lines of writing engraved on both sides. The engraver at first deliberately left a margin of about 3 inches at the top on the reverse side, but later, as the inscription could not be contained in the remaining part, he engraved the concluding portion in this space with the letters written in an opposite direction. This is a very natural and common method in letter writing of the present day, bnt seems to be
Read ato. [There seem to be only two letters at the end; the reading may, therefore, be Yakaherati.--Ed.]

Page #189

158
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. xxv.
rather unusual in respect of engraving copper-plates. The original plate contained a circular projection at the middle of the top, and to this was later soldered a circular seal with a diameter of about 3". It bears the legend " Sriman=Nari(rē)ndrabhasjadenasya" in a singie line. Above the legend are the figures of a crescent with a conch below, and underneath it is the figure of a humped bull above a floral design, resembling those in the Plate A noticed above. The edge of the seal is turned up so as to form a raised rim all round. A portion of the back of the seal bad to be cut away, as otherwise some letters, already engraved on the reverse of the plate, would have been bidden by it. This is an inportant and interesting point. For, as in Plate A, this portion of the plate contains, like a post-script, a short record about the donation of king Ranabhanja. It is obvious that it was not a later addition, but was already engraved before the royal seal was attached.
The plate was found in the possession of one Sira Däs of the Adipur village, the same person from whom Plate A was obtained. According to the statement of Sira Das it was found some eighty years ago, and kept concealed in a house which was washed away by the flood of 1927 and hence abandoned. It was again brought to light some six years ago wbile digging the earth in that deserted plot. The plate is now in the Museun, at Bāripadā. The Curator of the Museum, Mr. P. Acharya, who supplied me with the above acoount, kindly gave me the plate on loan, and I an editing it froni tbe original.
The plate is in a fair state of preservation, except that a small portior of the edge, on both sides, along the length of the plate has been corroded, with the result tbat some letters at the beginring and the end of a number of lines have been rendered indistinct or altogether effaced.
The language is Sanskrit and the alphabhet closely resembles that used in Inscription A. As a matter of fact the record is a close copy of that record with a few modifications. The only im portant additions are: (1) some additional conventional concessions in the formal portion of the grant (ll. 16-17), and (2) one additional imprecatbry verse (1l. 29-30). These are, however, well. known phrases and occur in other Orissa records and the verse occurs in another grant of this family (cf. C below).
The author's knowledge of Sanskrit was rather poor, though he has avoided some of the glaring niistakes of A. As the errors and orthographic peculiarities in the two records are very sin.ilar, these need not be noticed in detail.
The inscription records the grant of the village Sarapadraka in the Kērakēra-vishaya by king Narēndrabhañja whose genealogy is given in the same words as in A. The donee, whose name I doubtfully read as Bhatta Dēvadēvadáma, migrated from Odra-viehaya and was evidently associated (in a n.anner which is not quite clear) with the village Rāmaparkati in the Khijjinga.mandala. The grant was made on the day on whicb the summer solstice began (Ravisamkramana-viläyām). The second record, at the end, refers to the grant of a village by Ranubhañja. The name of the village may be doubtfully read as Pādēvă, but there may be another letter at the beginning
Of these localities Kērakēra is still the name of a village in Ghoshdapir in Adipur Pargana, situated about twelve miles to the South-South-East of Khicbing. It is shown as Kerkers in the Indian Sheet Atlas (Scale l'=4 miles, sheet 73 G). Near by is a village called Soras in the same sheet and this may be the same as Sarapadraka. The village called Saradaha in Karanjia Pargana may also be the n.odern representative of Sarapadraka. Rāmaparkați may be identified with the village called Ramasahi in Kiapir in Joshipur Pargana. I am unable to identify Paļēvă. The
[See p. 160, n. 10 below.-Ed.]
*[To me it appears that the donee was a resident of the village Rāmaparkati in Khijjinga mandala and that he originally hailed from AMĀvadrahs, a Brahmin village (? Bhatta-grāma) in the Odra-vishaya.-Ed.]

Page #190

No. 14.]
THREE COPPER-PLATE GRANTS FROM MAYURBHANJ.
mention of Oḍra-vishaya is very interesting, showing that the name which was afterwards applied to the whole province was as yet confined only to a small region and originally denoted only a small district.
159
The history of Narendrabhañja and his predecessors has already been discussed. As noted above, the inscription also records, at the end, the grant of a village by Bhanja Mahārāja-Raṇabhañja. The word immediately preceding this seems to be clearly napta or grandson. Unfor tunately, the word of three letters before napta, although very clearly engraved, cannot be read with certainty. The first and third letters are 'a' and 'va', but the letter in the middle is a peculiar one, and looks like sai or stai, none of which, however, gives any sense. In any case, for the present, Raṇabhañja of this short record must be identified with king Raṇabhañja, a similar short record of whom is engraved at the end of Plate A. It is very curious that a short record of this king was in both these instances added as a sort of post-script to the record of Narendrabhañja. In the present case, at any rate, we are tolerably certain, by the position of the last few letters of the plate in respect of the back part of the seal, that the whole record was engraved before the seal was attached, i.e., during the reign of king Narendrabhañja. The only reasonable conclusion seems to be that Raṇabhañja was a predecessor of Narendrabhañja, and an earlier grant made by him, perhaps to the same donee or to his family, was repeated in brief at the end at the latter's request, so that the same plate might serve him as a charter for both the grants.1
One peculiarity in the text of this grant requires special mention. In all the copper-plate grants of this family of kings, the word kusali or kusalinaḥ, generally added as an adjective of the king in the prose portion, immediately after his proper name, is omitted, and in most of them the words s-anunayam praha bhūpālān take the place of the usual verbs mānayati bōdhayati samādiśati. In the present grant we have all these three combined, with the exception only of samādisati.
Attention may be drawn to the expression Siva-charana-saroja-shaṭpada' (1. 13) used with reference to Narendrabhañja. The corresponding expression in A is Hara-charan-ārādhanakshapita-papaḥ' (l. 13-14). These prove that king Narendrabhañja was a devoted worshipper of Siva. The invocation to Siva at the beginning also shows that the family was Šaiva. The discoveries at Khiching fully corroborate this. The finest image unearthed from the ruins at Khiching is that of a standing Siva which was no doubt installed in the main temple whose magnificent ruins have been laid bare by recent excavations.
TEXT.
[The metres are noted above in connection with A, but the verses 2 and 3 are defective as some words have been left out as pointed out in the footnotes.]
Obverse.
1 Svasti [*] 2 O
3 thō bhava-bhaya-bhidurō Bhavō Bhavani(ni)śaḥ [*] vividha-samādhi-vi
namo Avighnesvarayaḥs || Sakala-bhuvan-aika-nā
1 [It is difficult to believe that Rauabhanja of the postscript grants in A and B was a predecessor of Narindrabhañja. It is not impossible that a portion of the back of the seal of B had to be cut away to make room for the last line of the subsidiary record for which no other space was available. In 11. 36-37 B clearly states that the subsidiary grant was inserted in the original grant (élasminn-eva sasane prakshipya). The duct of writing in these additional grants is quite different from that of the original grants. The writer in the two additional grants appears to be the same person, riz., Yakshadatta and the donor is also the same Ranabhanja in both. The reading in 1. 35 of B is asaiva napträ. If asaiva stands for asy-aiva, the person referred to must be the first ruler mentioned in the original grant, i.e., Köttabhañja whose grandson Ranabhanja was. Ed.] Read namo vighnesvaraya.
2 There is a symbol preceding Ori.

Page #191

160
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXV.
4 dhijñoljñaḥ) sarvajño vaḥ śivāy=āstu || [111*] Āsi(si)t-Kötyäérama5 mahātapovanāniemāyūr-andain bhitvā? Gana-danda-Virabhadr-akhyash*] [*] 6 ksbal -nidhana-dakshö Vasishtha-muni-pālito nļipati[h*) ! [12||*] Tasy-Adi-Bham7 ja-vansē(vamśē) māni(ni) tyāgi(si) adandaka[h*] khāta(khyātaḥ) [l*] jātö(tah)" sri-Kotta
bhamjõ=pi [l 3*] 8 Putras-tad=ānurūpah śrēshthah srimăneasanksha(samkhya)-sämantah Inpipati-sa9 t-archchita-charaņo Vibhramatungo jagat-prathitah || [4 II*1 Tasy=ātmajaḥ 10 Smara-samo va(ba)lavān=vari(ri)shthaḥ śūraḥ samunnata-yaśā yudhi ni11 rjjit ärih räjä Yudhisthira iv =āvani-pålanē cha nityam rataḥ 12 kušala-karmma-vidhau prasa(sa)ktaḥ [l 5*] Khijjinga-kött-adbivāsakāt [*] 13 Asi(si)-dhär ärjjita-kirttiḥ Siva-charana-saröja-shatpadaḥ Srisma. 14 n] ripu-vanitā-vaidhavya-da-Narēndrabhañja-kusali(li) jagata(t)-khyā[taḥ I*] 15 sānunayan präsha*] bhūpālān yath-ārbam mānayati võ(bő)dha[ya]ti Kērako, 16 ra-vishaya-prativa(ba)[ddha)-Sarapadraka-grāmaś=chatuh-simā-paryantaḥ s-617 pari(ri)kara-s-od(dd)ęśa-sa-tantravāya-go-kūţa-saundi(ndi)k-adi(di)kam prā. 18 [kļi]tika-sarvva-pīdā-varjjit-ālēkhani(nī)-pravēšatayā bbūnī(mi)chcbhi(chchhi)dr-.
Reverse. 19 pi(bhi)dh ana-nyayên=achandr-arkka-kshiti-sama-ka(ka)la m*] mātā-pitrörätmanah (yal20 sah-puny-abhivriddhafyē] | Odra-vishayē Bhattagrāma Allavida...? 21 pirggataḥ Khijjinga-mandalasya Rāmaparkați-grāma-sāsa.... 22 Vyavbhpicha-charaṇāya. Vatsa-gotra-pañchārabaya - Ya(Ja)madagni(gni)-pravara(rāya)
bhatta
23 D[*]vadēvadāma(h) bhatta-[Vaddha]kādāma-suta(sutāya) Ravisankramaņa
vēlāyām 24 hast-ödakēna tāmra-śāsanikrity=ākshaya-ni(ni)vi-dharmmēn-akaratvē25 na pratipădito='smābhih tad=ēk(sh)=āsmad-[d*]attiraddharmma-gauravād=bha26 vadbhih paripālani(ni)ya uktañ=cha dharmma-sä(63)strē [ll] Va(Ba)hubhir=vasudbā da27 ttä rajabhih Sugar-adibhih yasya yasya yadā bhūmi[s*]-tasya tasya tada 28 phalam(lam) [l 6 *] Mā bhuh(bhūd=a)phala-sankā va[h*) para-datt=ēti pārthivāḥ 1
sva-dattāt phalam =ā. 29 nantyam para-datt-ānupālanē 1 [1 7 ||*] Sva-dattā[m] para-dattām=vā(ttām vā) | yo harēta
vasundharām(rām) [*]
1 To suit the metre omit Kötyäsrama-mahalapovanan= as in A. * Read bhittva. There is a sign after this which is redundant.
* Read pratipaksha as in A, the first three syllables of which have obviously been dropped through mistake in this record.
* The words sūrah tuchir=vinilo occurring in A have been left out before jātõ(tah) through inadvertence. SA las pravijitya satrūn(n). . This seems to be a verse in Giti metre. ? To me the reading appears to be All Tvadraha-vinirggatah(taya).-Ed.)
# Read Bahuricha. [Reading after gräma seems to be sasasla-vdslavya-Va(Ba)huricha.. Såsasta may be # mistake for Ssana in which case Ramaparkati, the residence of the donoe, would be an agrahara or a gift village.--Ed.)
Read pancharshi or panch-ärsheya. 10[ I think the name of the donee is Dévadāman. The syllables Dava at the beginning of the line seem to have been wrongly written and may be considered superfluous. Read Devadamné.-Ed.]
11 The reading of this name is very doubtful. 12 Danda unnecessary.

Page #192

B
ADIPUR COPPER-PLATE OF NARENDRABHANJADEVA.
Obverse.
Reverse.
+
| ২০০বু সুযোজকনলে?
- )Besne-hitab=age কারখsঠলি মওত আদএএজবাবীবাঢ়িখঃবিকিমার । ১৫ পuple Sc৫a] তoিla5D ১৫ বিবেকেরোববােয়াশামাখ্যাখা ।
| ০১৭১১-S)- ১৯৮৫ মাজাঘাত্তেফা এনএইমসূ9 9 %Bable& seibad • giজএমুর সৈলি/লিনা মনিপুথির বিনোজ
বাবাকে ৪ বস্তুবন্ত মমিৗলবালা বা
বললাহাজাল্লাহ। প্রণব শালিস (
জিসেখাঁয়া © স্বরবনে লাল রাঃ দেলয়নবির
. এ রাযলুবাইযঃষযসব
| ঘিরেই ঘরের বিমাঘবoCHNOঃ
মাদারবেবসর। ৪ | জয়যাত্রাবােসন | instalাহিনি ।
এ রেবাংলাSS (ঃ | 24 14বিয়গিলাবুবলী ।
শানচিব্যোম্বাবসুভির ৫ জানুনএন-এ সুমলিসবনকে
| গ্রাফিaraqাইয়াদলি । 10 বয়রিরএশীলতঃসত্রঃ ৪ নবম প্রেমণাত্র ৪ নাবেল তারকা।
» সিপটমব্যসাগ 1s দিলবাহেরিনববরখাও ।
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI Ree. No. 1956 E.3g-275.
SCALE: ONE-HALF
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALOUTTA.

Page #193


Page #194

No. 14. )
THREE COPPER-PLATE GRANTS FROM MAYURBHANJ.
161
ka
30 sa vishthāyām křimi[r*]=bhūtvā pitsibhiḥ saha pachyatē 1 [1 8 1*] Haratë hāratē(yēd)
bhūmim [manda)31 [buddhi][*]=tamā(mo)vritöstaḥ) [*] sa vaba)ddho vāruņi-[pā*]sā=ēva trigayyoni
shul jäyatē [19 II*] Iti ka32 mala-dal-āmvu(mbu)-vi(bi)ndu-lõlām sri(éri)yam=anuchintya manushya-ljivitañ=cha] [18] 33 [saka]lam=idam=udāhsitañ=cha | vuddhā(buddhvā) na hi purushaiḥ para-kirttayo
vilo34 pyāḥ || [10 |*] Itīsti) tāmbra-sāsana-vitāņi-bhāņda kāryyah || 35 Om svasti [[*] āsaiva? [na]ptă Bhañja-mahārāja-sri-Rapabhañjadēvēna 36 Pādēvā grāmag-chatuh-simā-paryantaḥ ētasma(smi)nn=ēva tāmra-sāsa37 në prakshipya salila-dhārā-puraḥsarēna pratipädito bhavadbhiḥ 38 paripälaniyah | khanitam Yakshadattēn=ēti ||
C.-Kēgari Copper-plate of Satrubhañjadēva. This is a single plate measuring 81" by 6". It contains twenty-four lines of writing engraved on both sides. A circular seal, a little more than 21 in diameter, is attached to the middle of the top of the plate on its longer side. It contains one line of legend with the figure of a couchant bull below, and there are figures of a trident and a crescent respectively on the upper right and upper left of the bull. The edge of the seal is turned up so as to form a raised rim all round.
The record was first published with a text and English translation by Mr. Binayak Misra in Indian Historical Quarterly, Vol. XIII, pp. 429 f. and 431. According to hin, it was discovered by a Ho servant of Arjun Giri at Kēsari, 10 miles north-west of Khiching. The plate is now in the Bāripadă Museum. I am indebted to Mr. P. Acharya for having kindly lent the original plate for re-editing it.
The plate is in a good state of preservation. The alphabet belongs to the Northern type and resembles that used in Plates A and B edited above. The language is Sanskrit. As regards metre, orthography, and the author's knowledge of Sanskrit, the remarks made in connection with Plate A apply equally well in tbis case, and detailed notices are unnecessary.
The inscription records the grant of the village of Syallāmāyi in the Urtti district by Mahamandaladhipati-Mahārājādhiraja-Paramēśvara Satrubhañjadēva, lord of eighty-eigbt thousand (villages). He was the son of Ranabhanja, grandson of Durjayabhañja, and great-grandson of Köttabhanja. Reference is made to Virabhadra's birth, as in Plates A and B. Some additional information is, however, given about this Virabhadra in II. 3-5 which is not to be found in the other records of the family. The exact meaning of tbe passage is obscure, as the grammatical construction seems to be faulty. It begins with a reference to Virabbadra's eighty-eight thousand sons (and not sages as interpreted by Mr. Misra). What follows seems to indicate that on account of the prayer of these sons Virabhadra was protected (sēvitah) by Rāmadēva and made lord of eighty-eight thousand villages. Rāmadēva is no doubt the god Rāma. The phrase Rämadēvēng 1 Read värunaih på laistiryyag-yönishu. Danda unnecessary. There is a superfluous na after yo. * Read tamra.
The reading of the word is very doubtful. The word vită ni-bhanda can be clearly read but offers no meaning. There is a letter ka written just below the space between the last two letters.
6 Expressed by a symbol. * The second letter looks like sai but the word offers no meaning. (See above, p. 159, n. 1.-Ed.] # A letter may have been effaced at the beginning of this line.
According to my reading only one son, who was protected by Rāmadeva, seems to have been favoured with this gift. See p. 162 n. 13 below.-Ed.]

Page #195

162
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXV.
Sēvitah 'can therefore be bardly interpreted as served by Ramadēva 'as translated by Mr. Misra. According to the dictionary, the root sēv ' also means to protect,' and I have taken that interpretation. The word 'vyopita)' is also a difficolt one. I think is a mistake for dh (which resembles it very closely) and the word 'dhyāpitaḥ' has been used to indicate that the eighty-eight thousand sons were made to perform meditations (dhyāna) in order to please Ramadēva and obtain the boon from him.
The very important and far-reaching conclusions of Mr. Misra based on the above data bave already been discussed above. The only other information of historical character supplied by the record is the mention of two members of the royal family viz., Anakaḥdēvi (perhaps a mistake for Anakadēvi), the chief queen, and Narendrabha jai, the Yuvarāja (u. 12-13), and of a number of officers (11. 13-14).
Attention may be drawn to the expression Bhagavad-bhattāraku-Sarikaran samuddisya occur. ring in ll. 14-15. The reference may be to the great Samkarāchārya in whose honour the gift was made, though it is possible to take it in the ordinary sense to refer to God Siva. In the latter case, however, the form ordinarily met with, is 'Bhagavat-Siva [Nārāyana or Buddha)-bhattāraka.
As to the localities mentioned, Urtti-Vishaya has been discussed above. I am unable to identify the village Syallāmāyi. Mr. Misra reads the name of the village as Llāmāyi' remarking in a footnote that'sya' is unnecessary. I do not see any reason to uphold this view.
техТ.
Obverse. 1 Omgvasti”. [11*] Sakala-bhuvan-aika-nātho bhava-bhaya-vi(bbi)duro Bhavo Bhavāni
(D7)ba[b*] vivi2 dha-samādhi--samadhi-vi[dbi*]jñaḥ sarvva'jfið vaḥ si(fi)vāy=āstu || [*] Asita(sit) Kötta
srama(md) nä[ma] 3 tapo-dhishthānam=uttamam* [*] mayūr-&nd-odbhave[*]=tasmātafd=) gana-dando VI°(VI).
rabhadr-akhyah [ll 2 1*] Ashtabi4 ti-sahasrai[b] sūnubhi[b ju vyäpitaḥ pură [l*) tëshānætu prā[r]thanām dfishţvă Răma
dēvēna sēvitas(tah) [13 Tato." 5 sbţāálti-sahasra.grämasy-ädbipatiḥ kritaḥ [1*] chakravi(va)[r]tti18-sama(mah) sarvvapādő
nañcha vasthiti [l| 14 ||*] See p. 154' above.
Expressed by a symbol. • Resd svasti. • The second samadhi is redundant.
M. reads sarva (M. denates Mr. Binayak Misra). . M. reads asit, but the word actually engraved is afila. * M. reads Kofyasrama-maha-. .M. reads uttama[m]. . There is no sign of medial i on vas M. reads.
10 This pada conforms to the fourth pada of an Aryd metre. This is apparently due to its being copied verba tim from the other records.
11 M. reads sahasrais-tu mu[ni*]bkib. (I would read-sahasrais-tu (sū*]nubhi[r=).--Ed.] 13 M. reads vyāpis. 10[ To me the reading appears to be evitata) [1] Sutoa , Ed.] 14[ Read - dhasra as the sixth syllable in this påda should be long.--Ed.) 15 M. reads "varli.
10 M. reads sartu padonauchanasthitah. Perhaps the word intended is saruw-padandkach=avasthitih [ But this would make the pada short by one syllable. -Ed.]

Page #196


Page #197

C.-KESARI COPPER-PLATE OF SATRUBHANJADEVA.
Obverse.
SEALS. (From Photographs).
A
आलोचना व योवाना
रवाना (हरतिपावसाबाजार भयो वागाया जाना हाहाता या यमालावका माटा रही दबल्लामा यातायात कामाता र हामाहवाय र यशानघावयालवादबावालयातदारय तहमा
8
टायामाबरगदानधारक Hध्यता पचा वटा राशनाला जन्म विवियन वाला शहादातारा
नरसनतकात हयगयतकात 10
(RLAरावतावासावर
मामामार
128
B.
14 (মলেমিঠানাঘাষারত57থে রাজনৈঋই।এখয়াল
एसजी र जन्तु धनरायनवरयाला वा मशालीलिबलसंगावध" 18 নেমে সিএজবাজgযুদ্ৰনুযাযcভর্তিযেss is मारा
यायल 18सखानाला
घवन 18 यसमा प्रयत्न असलवालsaaमोतोटा सोस
.
मारने वाला रामाना गया सन लामा (वा माया नया नया अप 10
Reverse.
20
205 चिरावतीमारदा हमेशाताकालाकलाविना
सावयाचातरालसरतावरवातचितामा 22मत्तागलारायला
विसरावास 427
(641
N. P. CHAKRAVARTL. Rre. No. 1956 E'39-275.
SCALE: TWO-THIRDS.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CUM

Page #198

No. 14. ]
THREE COPPER-PLATE GRANTS FROM MAYURBHANJ.
6 pratipaksha-nidhana-dakshō Vasi(si)shtha-mu[ni*]-palitō
ripu-dahana3-da
nripatiḥ 1. A(A)dibhañjaḥ
7 vanalaḥ śarasvatirvvinitto jātaḥ | Sri-Köṭṭabhañja-suta-māṇḍalika-sa(sa)t-archchitachara
8 pa-kamalaḥ śri-Da(Durjayabhañjadëvő-bhüta(t) [] tasy-ätmajah su(sulchiḥ pratāpi(pi) k[ri]tajñaḥ satya
Hara-charan-[radhana-tatparah guru-déva-pujakaḥ
9 vādī
163
'bhūta(t) tasy-ā
10 tmajah surah prātāpi(pi) nirjita-satruh satya-dharm-[n]vitaḥ Yudhishthira-samaḥ prajapalana-ta
11 tpara[*] Mahāmaṇḍaladhipati-Mā(Ma)hārājādhirāja-Paramēśvara[*] ashṭāśīti-sahasraa(sr-a)dhipa
12 ti[*]| śri-Satrubhañjadēva-pādaiḥ | mā(ma) hādēvı(vi)-śrī-Anakaḥdēvi(vi) || ju(yu)varājā(ja)-śrī.
13 Narindrabhañja | sandhivigrahi-śri-Prajapati[b] | mudrabasta-sri-Bhi(i)ma[h*]| pratihara'-sri-Manōratha[*] | pura
14 śrēshtbi-śrī-Vishnudattaḥ mata-pitaro r-atma[na*]-cha 10 dharmma-yashō(śō)-vṛi[d*]. Bhagavata(d)-bhaṭṭāraka-Sanka
dhaye
15 ra[m]1 samu[d*]dis[ya] Urtti-visa (sha)ya-prativa (ba)ddha-Syallāmāyi13-grāma(maḥ) sa. jala-sthala(lab) chatu[h*Jsimävatsina14
16 sa-viṭapa-lata 10 Madhya15dēsa (sa)-vina(ni)rgata-bhaṭṭaputra-Nārāyaṇasya pautrāya bhaṭṭaputra-Cha
17 krapāņisya1e putrāya Bhaṭṭaputra-Dandapāņi1 | Kaüsi(Kauśi)ka-sagōtrāya triyāri
sri-Ranabhanjadбvő
abaya-pravariya" "
18 Vasishtha-gōtrāya Vasishtha-pra[va*]riya tambraa1-sã(áñ)aani(n5)krita(tya) pradat[t]-smābhiḥ [1] Bhumi[m] yab pratigrihnă
1 This forms half of a verse in Arya metre. See A, v. 2.
The initial vowel is a and not à as M. reads.
19 ti 10 yas-cha bhumi[m*] prayachcbbati ubhau ttau22 punya(nya)-karmmāņau niyatau** svargga-gaminau || [5 ||*]
• Read -pitror.
10 Danda unnecessary.
3 M. reads dalana.
*M. reads barasvatinnimitto and emends it as Sarasvati-nimitto. There is no doubt that the phrase intended
is sūraḥ suchir-vvinito as in A, 1. 7.
5 M. reads sarvapāpa, but the word satyavadi is quite clear.
M. reads pädeh. The correct form should be pādāḥ.
7 M. reads Pratihārī.
M. reads pitararālmasya.
11 M. reads dharmayaso(so)bhibridh(ddh)aye.
12 M. reads Bhagavantam bhaṭṭärakam Sankaram.
13 M. reads "yi.
14 Read -sim-avachchhinnah.
15 M. reads madha..
16 Read paņēḥ.
17 Read panaye.
18 Read tryārsheya..
19 M. reads écha after it, but I find no trace of it. [As there seems to be only one donee the götra and pravaras mentioned first were probably engraved by mistake and later corrected as found in 1. 18.-Ed.]
21 Read tämra..
20 Dandas unnecessary. 22 Read tau.
23 Read niyatam.

Page #199

164
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XXV.
Reverse. 20 Anandanti pitara[h*! prava[lga]ntia pitāmahā[h*] [*] bhūmi-dātā kulē jātā ssami
trātā bhavisya(sya). 21 ti | [16]*] Haratē hārayatēlyēd=)yas=tu manda-vudbis-tamā(mő)vpitaḥ sa
va(ba)ddho Vāruņē pāśē triyaga yo22 nisu(shu)? jāyētēs | [1 7||*] Sva-dattā[**) para-dattām=vā yo harēta® vasundharā[m 1*]
sa vishthāyā[m*] krimiralo bhütvāli 23 pitribhi2 saha pachyatē ! [19 11*1 Sva-dānātala phalam=āņantam para-dat[t*]-ānu.
pālanē[l*] sashțhi-varisha-15 24 sahasrā(srā)ņi svarggē mödati bhūmidaḥ || [10*] ||
No. 15.-AN INCOMPLETE GRANT OF SINDA ADITYAVARMAN : SAKA 887.
By Prof. V. V. MIRASHI, M.A. AND M. G. DIKSHIT, B.A. Of the two leaves of a set of copper-plates, which are edited here for the first time, the first is from the collection of the late Mr. G. K. Chandorkar, a well-known researcher of Khandesh. It is now deposited in the Rājwāde Samsodhana Mandala, Dhūlia. The second plate was found in the collection of the Bhārata Itihäsa Samsodhaka Mandala, Poona. No definite information is available regarding the original findspot of these plates, but they were probably discovered somewhere in the Poona District of the Bombay Presidency.17 They are edited bere with the kind permission of the authorities of the two Institutions in which they are now preserved.
They are the last two plates of a set which must have originally consisted of three or four copper-plates. The initial one or two plates, which probably contained a glorification of some ancestors of the donor, are not now forthcoming. The present plates contain a hole }" in diameter at the top, which indicates that the plates were held together by a ring. But the ring together with the seal, if it had any, is now lost. The plates measure from 9:5" to 9.7" broad and from 7.5" to 8.2" high. The first plate weighs 66 tolas and the second 444 tolas.
1 M. reads asphalayanti. The usual expression is asphofayanti.
M. reads pragalbhanti.
M. reads the passage as follows: bhūmi-data kule jäta(h*) sa na[6]=trata bhavishyati. This is undoubtedly the correct form, (cf. Manhali Copper-plate line 53, J. A.8. B., 1900, pp. 65 ff) but not the correct reading of the text.
• Read -buddhisă.
M. reads tamõusitah which is undoubtedly the more usual form. • Read tiryag7 M. reads tiryag-yönau [sa] jayate. * Read jāyatē.
M. reads io harat. 10 Read krimira 11 M. reads krimirbbhūtva. 13 Road pitribhih. This is M's reading. 13 Read -danat. 14 Read =anantyan. M. reads anantan. 16 Read shashfi-varsha.. 14 There is one ornamental mark between the two sets of dandas.
17 As shown below, the donated village is in the Poona District. Another Sinda copper-plate, dated Saka 133. has been recently discovered at Nārāyangaon near Junnar in the same district.

Page #200

No. 15. ] AN INCOMPLETE GRANT OF SINDA ADITYAVARMAN : SAKA 887.
165
The extant portion of the inscription, which is in a state of excellent preservation, contains fifty-two lines of writing, of which sixteen are engraved on the first and seventeen on the second side of the first plate. The second plate bas nineteen lines inscribed on one side only. The characters are of the Nägari alpbabet. Several letters appear in a transitional stage and exhibit more than one form each. Besides, the record was written in a cursive hand and engraved in a careless manner, several strokes being left out. The reading of a few aksharas, especially in lines 32-33 and 51-52, is consequently not free from doubt. As regards individual letters, attention may be drawn to the forms of kh in Bhim-ākhyā, 1. 1 and sākhā, l. 28, the former of which has a loop in the left Jimb, while the latter is without it. Similarly the letters g, m, n and r present looped and unlooped forms, see, e.g., g in garubhastho, 1. 5 and nagara, I. 10; m in chimtāmani, 1. 3 and vismaya, 1. 18; n in janānām, 1. 4 and sēnāpati, 1. 9 and r in jarad, 1. 12 and guna-rāśi-, 11. 1-2. The several forms of the palatal & seen in sri., l. 2, guna-rūši-, II. 1-2 and ässita, ll. 3-4 and of v in vilolāḥ, 1. 19 and ēv=aikah, 1. 21, are also noteworthy. The left limb of dh is undeveloped, bh and h are almost identical in shape, and ph is drawo cursively, see samadhigal-, l. 6, Bhim-ākhyā, l. 1, mahodachi, II. 4-5 and phanindra 1. 7. Finally, the record exhibits here and there the use of the prishtha-mātrās to denote medial diphthongs.
The language is Sanskrit. The inscription is composed in a good style, but contains several mistakes due to careless writing. The extant portion contains one incomplete and ten complete verses' in 11. 1-5, 17-21, 40-45, and 48-51, the rest being in prose. As regards orthography, the only points that call for notice are the use of the vowel si for ri in äsrita, 11. 3-4 and that of
for b as in mahāśavda, 1. 6 and the reduplication of a consonant following r as in kuhara-vartti, 1. 14 and gandharvva-, l. 16.
The inscription is one of the Sinda king, the Mahāsāmanta Adityavarman, who had obtained all mahāśabdas and was born in the lineage of DỊishtivisha, the lord of Nāgas.? The object of it is to record the grant, by Adityavarman, of a village named Kiņihikā which was included in the larger) village Pangarikā and was situated in the Rāmatirthikā-Eighty. four. Among the boundaries of the village, which are specified in II. 33-35, are mentioned a layana-giri (hill containing cells) which bounded it on the west and a river named Indra which flowed on its north. The donee was the Brāhmaṇa Navasiva, son of Chandrabhatta, who be. longed to the Kaundinya-gotra and was a student of the Bahvpicha-śākha (of the Rigvēda). He had emigrated from the Madhyadēša. The grant was made by Adityavarman, while residing at Junninagara, on the occasion of a solar eclipse which occurred on the new-moon day of Chaitra in the expired Saka samvat 887, the cyclic year being Krödhana. The date is regular. The expired Saka 887 (corresponding to A.D. 965-66) was Krödhana according to the southern luni-solar system and there was a solar eclipse on the amavasyā of the paurņimanta Chaitra. The corresponding Christian date is Monday, the 6th March A.D. 965.
The genealogy of Ādityavarman which was given in the initial portion of the record is now almost wholly lost. The extant portion of the record contains only two names, viz., Bhima and his son Muñja, the grandfather and the father respectively of Adityavarman. About Muñja we are told that he was superior to another) Muñja in merits. It is not clear who this latter personage was. The reference can scarcely be to the homonymous king of the Paramāra dynasty, the celebrated poet and patron of Sanskrit learning; for he was not a contemporary of
1 The verse in II. 17-19 ocurs also in the Bhadana grant of Aparajita, Saka 919, above, Vol. III, pp. 273-74.
J. A. H. R. S., Vol. XII, pp. 141f.

Page #201

166
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
Adityavarman's father and had not in fact ascended the throne even at the time when the present record was incised. His father Siyaka was ruling in V. S. 10291 (i.e., A.D. 972-73) and was, therefore, on the throne for at least seven years after the issue of the present charter. It is not, therefore, likely that Muñja was already so famous in A.D. 965 as to induce the author of the present record to institute a comparison between him and the father of Adityavarman. The name of one other Muñja, who also belonged to the Sinda family, is known from his Tiḍgundi plates, but he belongs to a much later age, as he was a feudatory of Vikramaditya VI of the Later Chalukya dynasty.
As said above, Adityavarman belonged to the Sinda family and claimed descent from the Nāga lineage. He had on his banner the figure of a golden lion. As he does not claim a higher title than Mahāsāmanta, be was plainly subordinate to some paramount power. His suzerain was probably the powerful Rashtrakuta king Krishna III, for whom, it is interesting to mention, we have a record bearing the same date as the present record, viz., 6th March A.D. 965.3
The Sindas, Chhindas or Chhindakas of the Nagavamsa are known from several earlier and later records. Most of these come from the Kanarese districts of the Bombay Presidency and Mysore and Hyderabad states, while some are found in the Bastar state of the Central Provinces. Legendary accounts of the origin of the family are furnished by some later inscriptions. Thus, according to the Bhairanmațți stone inscription the eponymous founder of the family was a certain long-armed Sinda, who was born from the serpent king Dharanendra at Ahichchhatra in the region of the river Sindhu and reared by a tiger. According to another account Sinda was born from the union of the god Śiva and the river Sindhu and was brought up by the king of serpents on tiger's milk. It seems, therefore, that the original habitat of the family was somewhere in North India, probably in the valley of the Indus. Many of these Sinda or Chhinda kings call themselves Bhogavati-pura-var-adhiśvara the lord of Bhōgavati, the best of towns'. The exact location of Bhōgavati is not settled, but according to the Navasahasānkacharita of Padmagupta it was situated to the south of the Narmada, perhaps in the Bastar state."
From their original home in North India several branches of the family migrated to the South and established themselves in different parts of the peninsula. According to one account the aforementioned Sinda married the daughter of a Kadamba king and had by her three sons who established the family of Sinda kings. This Sinda was probably a feudatory of the contemporary Kadamba king and seems to have been ruling somewhere in the Kuntala kingdom. The Javali plates of the Western Ganga prince Śrīpurusha-Prithivi-Kōnguni speaks of a Sindavishaya which, according to Mr. Rice, extended over parts of the Dharwar, Bijapur and Bellary Districts. Another account states that the long-armed Sinda, the founder of the family, settled in the Karahaṭa-Four-thousand province, which evidently comprised the territory round Karhad in the Satara District of the Bombay Presidency. Later on we find several branches of the family established at Bagaḍage (Bagalkōṭ in the Bombay Presidency), Erambarage1 (Yelburga in the Nizam's Dominions) and Chakrakōtya" (in the Bastar state).
1 Dee Chanapala's Paialachchhimälä, verse 198.
* Above, Vol. III, pp. 306 ff.
Ibid., Vol. XXI, p. 262.
Ibid., Vol. III, p. 231.
5 Op. cit., P. 232.
[VOL. XXV.
7 Ep. Carn., Vol. VI, p. 151.
Ibid., Vol. VI, Introd., pp. 7 ff.
Above, Vol. III, pp. 230 ff.
10 J. B. Br. R. A. S., Vol. XI, pp. 219 ff.
11 Above, Vol. IX, pp. 174 ff.
See Ind. Ant., Vol. LXII, pp. 103 ff.

Page #202

No. 15.] AN INCOMPLETE GRANT OF SINDA ADITYAVARMAN: SAKA 887. 167
Most of these Sinda or Chhinda families distinguished themselves from the 10th to the 12th centuries A.D. as feudatories of the Later Chalukyas. But some we can trace to earlier times. The Nesari plates1 of the Rashtrakuta Gōvinda III, dated Śaka 727, mention a prince named Nagahastin who was an ornament of the great. Chhinda family and belonged to the lineage of the lord of serpents. The family of Adityavarman also was, as we have seen, a feudatory family which probably owed allegiance to the Rashtrakutas.
We have not so far come across records of the Sindas or Chhindas earlier than the age of the Rashtrakutas. But that does not mean that these families rose into prominence for the first time in the ninth century A.D. As we have already seen, the founder of the family was a contemporary and probably a feudatory of the Kadambas. He must, therefore, have lived in the fifth or sixth century A.D. when the Kadambas were powerful in the South. As a matter of fact we find in that age a family with the analogous name Sendraka which was subordinate to the Kadambas. The territory under its rule was called Sendraka-vishaya. From the statement in the Bennur grant that the Kadamba king Krishnavarman II made the gift of a village in the Sendraka-vishaya while on a victorious march to Vaijayanti (modern Banavasi in North Kanara), it is conjectured that the Sendraka-vishaya lay not far from the Banavasi kingdom. It is generally identified with the Nagarakhanda division of the Banavasi-Twelve-thousand which from another inscription is known to have been under the rule of the Sendrakas. It was thus contiguous to, if not identical with, the Sinda-vishaya mentioned above. The Sendrakas appear first as feudatories of the Kadambas, but on the downfall of the latter they transferred their allegiance to the Early Chalukyas of Badami, with whom some of them had become matrimonially connected." When Pulakesin II conquered Maharashtra and Lata from the Kalachuris, he placed a trusted Sendraka chief named Bhanusaktis in charge of part of the conquered territory, viz., Southern Gujarat and Khandesh. Grants of land' made by Bhanusakti's grandson Allasakti have been discovered in those parts of the country. Later on he was ousted from Southern Gujarat, but he and his son continued to rule in Khandesh. The latest record of the Sendrakas found in Khandesh is the Mundkhede copper-plate inscription of Allaśakti's son Jayasakti, which is dated Saka 602 (A.D. 680).
The inscriptions of the Sendrakas do not generally connect their family with any eponymous hero, but the Lakshmesvara stone inscription states that they were of the bhujagendr-anvaya or lineage of the king of serpents'. It seems, therefore, that the Sendrakas came in course of time to be called Sindas or Chhindas; for, besides similarity in their names, the two families claimed descent from the same race and in some cases ruled over the same territory.
1 G. H. Khare, Sources of the Mediaeval History of the Deccan (Marathi), Vol. I, pp. 15 ff.
2 Ep. Curn., Vol. V, pp. 594 ff.
* See the Balagāmve inscription of the time of Vinayaditya, Ind. Ant., Vol. XIX, pp. 142 ff.
• See Hälsi grant of Harivarman, Ind. Ant., Vol. VI, p. 31.
The Sendraka prince Śrivallabha Sēnānandaraja was a maternal uncle of Pulakesin II, above, Vol. III, pp. 50 ff.
No records of this chief have so far come to light, but as his grandson Allagakti was ruling in A.D. 653 and 657, Bhanusakti has to be placed in the first quarter of the seventh century A.D. He was thus a contemporary of Pulakesin II.
One of these was discovered at Bagumra in South Gujarat and two in Khandesh. See New Ind. Ant., Vol. I, p. 747. Bühler gives this chief's name as Nikumbhallaáakti, but Nikumbha was only a biruda. It is used as such with the name of Allagakti's. son Jayasakti also. The recently discovered Sendraka plates spell the chief's name as Nikumbh-allasakti. See New Ind. Ant., Vol. I, p. 747.
This record was first published in the first volume of the Marathi magazine Prabhata of Dhulia. See also the An. Rep. of the Bharata Itihasa Samshödhaka Mandala, for Saka 1834, pp. 169 ff.
Ind. Ant., Vol. VII, p. 106. This record is, however, held to be spurious.

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168
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
After Jayasakti we have no records of the Sendrakas from Maharashtra. After the lapse of nearly three centuries we get the present grant of the Sinda family. It is not known if the family of Adityavarman was connected with any other Sinda families. But we may note that the names Bhima and Muñja, which occur in the present record, figure again as names of Sinda feudatories in the Tidgundi plates of the time of Vikramaditya VI. The similarity of names suggests some sort of connection between the two families. The present plates state that the banner of Adityavarman had the figure of lion on it and it is noteworthy that the seal of the aforementioned Tiḍgundi plates also contains a figure which Kielhorn took to be that of a tiger or a lion.1.
[VOL. XXV.
As the provenance of the plates is not known, it would have been difficult to identify the localities mentioned in them, but the mention of the Indra river and a layana-giri among the boundaries of the donated village affords an important clue. The former is evidently identical with the Indrāyaṇi river which forms the northern boundary of the Poona taluka. The donated village Kinihika is probably identical with Kinhai situated on the south bank of the Indrāyaṇī near Shelarwaḍi, about 16 miles North by West of Poona. There are some caves to the west of it. Its situation therefore exactly answers to the description in the present plates. Pangarika cannot, however, be traced in its vicinity. Ramatirthika, the headquarters of the subdivision in which Kinihika was included, is probably identical with Rämatirtha where Ushavadāta made certain gifts to Brahmanas as recorded in a Nasik cave inscription. The latter is taken by some to be a holy kunda situated in or near Surpäraka with which it is mentioned in the aforementioned inscription. But the description in the present plates shows that it was the headquarters of a small subdivision of eighty-four villages and must have been situated not very far from Kinhai. No place of that name can, however, be traced now in its neighbourhood. Junninagara, where the king's camp was pitched, is probably identical with Junnar," a well-known place about 55 miles north of Poona.
TEXT."
First Plate; First Side.
1 पू(पू) णामतिदुर्जयः ॥ [* [ तत[व] नूजय भोमाख्यो गु
2
शिरभू (पः । उदपादि
ततः श्रीमानुंजो मुं
1 Above, Vol. III, pp. 307.
There are about twenty caves at or near Shelarwadi, all of about the first or second century after Christ. Bom. Gaz., Vol. XVIII, p. 212; Cave Temples of India, p. 246.
Inscription No. 10, above, Vol. VIII, p. 78.
As the inscription reads Sorparage cha Ramatirthe, Bhagwanlal and following him Senart take Ramatirtha to be the modern Rämakunda reservoir in Söpärä (see Bomb. Gaz., Vol. XVI, p. 572, n. 3 and above, Vol. VIII, p. 79). But the draftsman of the record has offended against Sanskrit grammar in other places also. Dr. R. G Bhandarkar translates the above expression as in Sōrpäraga and Rämatirtha' (see his Collected Works, Vol. III, p. 24) and Bühler as at Ramatirtha near Sörpäraga' (see Arch. Surv. West. Ind., Vol. IV, p. 100).
R. G. Bhandarkar suggested that Junnar was derived from Jirṇanagara (i.e., old town'). See Collected Works, Vol. III, p. 60.
From the original plates.
As stated above, this plate was originally the second or third plate of its set. It is now preserved in the Rajwade Samsodhana Mandala, Dhulia.
Read satrunam-ati-durjayah. Metre of this and the next verse: Anushfubh. Read tatas tanújo.

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No. 16.) AN INCOMPLETE GRANT OF SINDA ADITYAVARMAN : AAKA W.
169
3 जगुणा[धि]कः ॥२॥*] अहितकुलकालकेतुः चिंतामणिरा4 (वि)तजनाना(नाम्) [*] आदित्यवर्मतनयोभूत्ततो धैर्यमहो5 दधिः ॥[*] 'यश्च गर्भस्थोरात्राम[युवतिगर्भ[हना[बा] [प]रे6 ण प्रख्यातः । तदसौ समधिगताशेषमहा[शब्द(ब्दो) महाषा(सा) 7 मंत(तो) दृष्टी(ष्टि)विषफणीन्द्रवंशोद्भवा :*] सिन्दान्वयप्रसूता:*] [स्वाम8 यमृगेन्द्रध्वज[:] कुशलो जुवित(न)गरावस्थितयोमदादित्यवर्माः 9 सर्वान्वसंव(ब)ध्यमानकान् महामात्यसै[ना]पतिमहासाहसि 10 कराज[पु]वनगरपामस्थान(न्) पौरविखिल्लक ग्राम[कोटनि11 युक्तानियतप्रधानाप्रधानन । समनुवो(बो)धयत्यस्त वो वि12 दितं यथा वाताहतजलतरंगवीचीभंगुरा विभवाः । जरद्रा13 चसीग्रस्यमान(न) पत्रटिन' विकारभागस्थिरं यौवन(न) । सन्ता(ता)न्ता14 स्यकुहरवर्तिजलवुडुदवत्क्षणदृष्टनष्टमायुः [२]भास्तव 15 सारवदसारं शारीरकं । स्वप्नोपालंभमृगणिकाभासम(म) 16 वा[पि] गन्धर्वनगराष(प)मम[स]त्क[प]प्रायं च चा[6]क(त्वं)
___First Plate; Second Side. 17 चला विभूतिः क्षणभंगि यौवनं ।' क्वतान्तदंतांतरिवर्ति 18 यौवनं(नम्)10 [*] तथाप्यवज्ञा परलोकसास(ध)ने अहो नृणां विस्मयका
1 Metre Upagiti. The last pada of this verse is faulty. * Read garbbhastho=radi-yuvati-garbbhaha-nämndparēna. . Read Srimad-Adityavarmma.
I have not come across the name of this official elsewhere. Perhaps he is identical with the Purapali -(Mayor of a town) mentioned in the Bhadina grant of Aparajita, above, VoL IIL, p. 273.
. Read pradhan-apradhanan. The following danda is superfluous. • This danda is unnecessary.
Read pratidinaris. • Read jala-budbudavat=. . This mark of punctuation is superfluous.
16 As yauvanam is already mentioned, some word like jivanath is required here. The aforementioned Bhädäna grant has jivitar in this vorso.

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170
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XXV.
19 रिचेष्टितं(तम)
[४॥*] तथा च । संपदो जलतरंगविलोला: यौवनं पिचतु
20 राणि [दिनानि । शारदामचलचंचलमायुः किं धनिः] कुरत धर्मम- निंद्य(द्यम्) [[u*] सर्वमेवासत्वल्पमेवमवगत्य धर्म एवैकः सा(शा)[][स](स)22 :*] सखा व(ब)न्धुरमुत्रा परच] च नान्योतीत्यवधार्य मकवृपकालाती23 तसंवत्सरशतेष्वष्टषु(स) सप्तायीत्यधिकषु क्रीधनसंव[स]रान्तर्ग24 तचैत्रामावास्या]मादित्ययाणपर्वणि मी(मा)तापिचोरहिका25 मुभिकफलावाप्तये पात्मनश्च पुण्ययशोभिवषये पूर्व 26 जैरमहारस्थित्या एतदीयातीतपुरषाचा प्रतिपालिसीवि. 27 [रुध] रि[दानी सर्वपरिहारान्विधाय मया मध्यवे(द)अविनिर्गतको 28 खि(ण्डि)न्धसगोचव(ब)चामा शासन()प्रचारिणे महाविजाय श्री20 नवशिवाय चौचन्द्रमासुताय परमया भत्या पांदो प्रक्षाा ह. 30 स्तोदकप्रदानपूर्वकं रामतोर्थि[वाचतुरमोति[कान्तः]पातिकि31 णिहिकानामः पं[ग]रिवाग्राम एवाभ्यन्तर पूर्वदत्तदेवदायब(ब)32 अदा]यवा(बा)या व्र(ब्र) प्राधामदे(?)विज्ञकथाम विहो(?)सासमेतः प्रद. 33 त्त: [*] यस्याघटनानि [पूर्ध्वत: सीमा [१]मगणपतिः
Second Plate? 34 दक्षिणतः सौमा च चेरी डोरिका । पश्चिमतः सौमा लय35 णगिरिः । उत्तरतः सौमा इन्द्रनदौ । एवं चतुराघाटसमे38 सः साभ्यन्तरसिधिः सदडदशापराधोपि भवि[य] दागामिभोक्त
1 Metre : Vamostha * Metre : Svägata. •Aparatra seems to have been used here in the sense of atra, • Perhaps gratipadit-aviruddhamaidanim is the intended reading, . Read padau.
• Compare with thin the expression mlahu (?) vallika-prdstituibah in 1. 41-42 of the Torkheda platen (abore, Vol. III, P.56).
This plato was originally the third or fourth plate of its set. It is now preserved in the Bharata Itihasa Sathisdhaka Mandala, Poona.
This word, which means the same as agami, is superfluous.

Page #206

6
8
10
12
14
16
20
22
24
26
AN INCOMPLETE GRANT OF SINDA ADITYAVARMAN: SAKA 887.
First Plate: First Side.
28
32
नित
प्रमो.. कृषः। पां हिनीमा जानु मुदितः॥श्रदि काल : रितामलिंग नादियाला वयोमदा
'रामयति
त
प्रशाद मि मतदृताधिक लीक का सिद्धान समुरम बजज बली दिन म পররমাन का कम समयमा परी महापाि কखास दान सिद्ध কथाम हुन विना नवा सम बाद यह श्रुं ह यथा गলरंग तो ही शुरु का वडा श्री सामान म. कुटिन दिना रसाय छत्र ॐ हरदा वुद्वयमा दु:रा 714 आता खरी पायलट का सन हम गया व बाजयाय
वि'
First Plate: Second Side.
मुनि दोष से नियो
नाद
18 त्याच्यासल बसाने गोहणादिसाय गाव संपदजचिलो एवं एकदा यल ये यलमा सुंठ निंद बिही ॥ मई एमएननत्य । বকঃ 'द्रवावरायल গ१७) कृती संत्रा बील शिकवु का न जेव
मायाका दिला. पिकले 24 ज्ञान कि दफ्त सदर विभाष तरी ती शुरु प्रति को जिला वि जनभावनारि मसान से विदिर्गतৗ
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI.
Rea. No. 1969 E39-291.
2
6
SCALE: ONE-HALF.
8
10
12
16
18
( 28 बाकि भी ब 30 ला वृक्ष रामती के नाम श्रीनिव जातितिः 30 कामःগमिलना बाঃबदन दরराय
यह माना कि विवेक सा-या विद्वाला मनतुः प्रद घ एस इ वा कि ततः श्रीरामनव
20
22
26
32
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

Page #207

Second Plate.
আ ল ম ও মননে পা সভা - 14 ঠিত কচলৰ কাৰ sepজী কামাল
কই এডিবিভাতা নাকি se ||ffঃ লিলিশের তরফে
|| ss | দােস্তঃ অদৈীমােহনা ও জানতেন বলেন Lর সব সূত্রগুলো জার্ট প্রকার জন্য । 40ঞ্জনের মতাে না ধোয়ক | হনহন পুলক অনুকরণে হাইতিপূহ । 42 | সিজন মালজ্জেতের কোন সীমা । | লাফাইল খাদ্য সাপ্তবদল প্রস্ত্র । 4}কলেইৰwহবেঃষ্টিপল বাতেখেই অর্থে | ‘ বস - সজাদ বৰ্ত্তৰ ললো স্থগীর 46 "
তুন বাসায়ুবি হস্তু কলেহেন | 46। ৪ ? জানলে হাসানাক মনে। ৪ লাখ নাযাঞ্জনাকে চুমনস্তনব। ৪।
হারবহন বলেরে (বগজনবসে বঙ্গক। 60ংলার
মেলাস্থ্যবসা লাটে য so ই ও ওঞ্জে কোস্তায় সওদাগ (407). এহেবঙ্গrof5e9e8 69
-
এ
SCALE: ONE-HALF.
ADIPUR COPPER-PLATE OF DURJAYABHANJA.
(378সুনীলের স৯ে ছিঃ3°ল ক্লিসান্তাহাকে
সূত্ৰীসহ হাত মেলা 25|gয়ীভীরগঞ্জ। {}{ (তা(সমাধানৰীয়া
জোময়ে স্ত্রীভোণ, এসবজী।qমা(স্বাধীনম্বন্ধে
*
•.
SCALE: FOUR FIFTHS.

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No. 15.) AN INCOMPLETE GRANT OF SINDA ADITYAVARMAN: SAKA 887.
171
37 पतिभिः सर्वैरपि प्रमहंशजेरपरवंशजाऽनुमोदयितव्यः 38 सत्कर्तव्यः प्रतिपालयितव्यचास्य पुत्रपौत्रान्तिकमपि भुंजतः भोज39 यतश्च कषतः कर्षयतश्च केनापि परिपंथना न विधातव्या ॥ यतः 40 अग्नेरपत्यं प्रथमं सुवर्ण भूइँणवी सूर्यसुताश्च गावः [*] लोकत्रयं तेन 41 भ[व]हि दत्तं ययः) कांचनं गां च महोच्च दद्यात् [1६॥*] आस्फोटयन्ति
पितरः 42 प्रव[ला]न्ति पितामहाः [*] भूमिदोस्ाकले जातः स नः संतारयिष्यति ॥[७॥*] 43 सितान्यातपत्राणि दन्तिनश्च मदोदताः [*] भूमिदानस्य पुष्पिा]णि फलं [व]44 द्य(गः) पुरंदरः ॥[८॥*] अपरं च [*] व(ब)हुभिर्वसुधा भुक्ता राजभिः सगरा
दिभिः [*] यस्य यस्य य45 दा भूमिस्तस्य तस्य तदा फल(लम्) [*] एवं मुनिवचनान्यवगत्य [स]ङ्घर
प्ययं भूध48 []दाय[*] प्रतिपाल्योनुमोदयितव्यच [*] यस्वज्ञानतिमिरपटलाहृतमतिग. 47 छिन्द्यिादाच्छिद्यमान[म]नुमोदयेहा स पञ्चभिर्महापातकैरुपपातकी च] 48 मयुक्तो भवेत् । तथा चोत (तम्) । गामेकां स्वर्णमेकं [च*] भूमेरप्येक
मंगुल(लम्) । हरबर49 कमा[प्रो]ति यावदाइतसंभव(वम्) [१०॥*] तथा च ॥ स्ववंशजान(न्) परभू
पतिवंशजान्या 50 समि(न)तान्याचते रामभद्रः [*] सामान्योयं धर्मसेतुः मृपाणां' काले काले ॥ 51 लनीयो भवद्भिः ॥[११॥*] साक्षिणी चात्र कोण्डगू(?)ल मौख[र हेहोः । पा(ठभाम52 तिलो(?) लिखितमिदं रेवदासानुमतं गोगमाउरैवेन वुद्दयाष्टमनि ?] [*]
1 Read pratipälayitavyas-cha Asya.
Read bhariddhi. • Metre: Indravajra. • Metre of verses 7-10: Anushfubh. * This pada has one akshara wanting. Read Susitany. The usual reading is dhavalanya • This visarga is superfluous.
Read atturanripanars. • Metre : Salini. The first pada is irregolar. • We are not sure about the reading of the last thirteen akaharas in lines 51 and 52 each.

Page #209

172
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXV.
No. 16.-ADIPUR COPPER-PLATE OF DURJAYABHANJA.
BY KRISHNA CHANDRA PANIGRAHI, M.A. This copper-plate was in possession of one Rajakisore Pattanayak of Adipur, a village about three miles to the north-west of Khiching, the ancient capital of the rulers of Mayūrbhanj. The owner at first brought it to the notice of Mr. Sailendra Prasad Bose of the Khiching Museum and then of Mr. K. C. Neogi, the Dewan of the Mayurbhanj State, who acquired it for the Archaeological Museum at Bāripada. Mr. P. Acharya, the State-Archaeologist, handed it over to Pandit Binayak Misra of the Calcutta University for publication. I am indebted to Pandit Migra for the kind permission he has given me for editing the plate.
The plate measures about 8" X 6" and contains an inscription of only seven lines on its obverse. A seal surmounted by an amalaka is attached to the top, which contains in relief the figure of a couchant humped bull but no legend. The engraving has been neatly and carefully done and the inscription is in perfect preservation. The characters used in this grant point to an age when the Oriya characters were in the process of assuming their present forms. This is evident from the forms of shth (1.1), pt (1.2), p (1.3), th (1.4), th (1.5), and ! (1.6) which distinctly look like the modern Oriya characters.
The letters of this plate especially the letters t, th, p, r, 6, and closely resemble those used in the Mahada Plates of Yögēsvaradēvavarmand and the Patna Museum Plate of Sõmēsvaradēva. On palaeographical grounds the latter grant has been assigned to the fourteentb or fifteenth century A. D. though the late Rao Bahadur Krishna Sastri was not inclined to assign such a late date to it. The orthography of the plate deserves more than a passing notice. Though an attempt has been made to compose the text in Sanskrit as is evident from the use of several visargas, the composer of the inscription seems to have no knowledge in Sanskrit at all. The text makes no distinction between the long and short vowels, nor does it often use the three sibi. lants-dental, palatal and lingual-correctly, a fact which has been illustrated throughout the inscription. It also presents a number of phonetic peculiarities of colloquial Oriya language, e.g., Hermva (1.1), lladdha (1.1), uptana (1.2), tikla (1.2), māhārājāddhiraja (1.2), vibhama (1.3). Dulava (1.3), sāsana-dina (1.4), sa-jala-thala (1.4), sandagrihi (1.6), mudrahartha (1.7), Narindā (1.7) and pura-sēļhi (1.7) which are the corrupt forms of Sanskrit Hēramba, labdha, utpanna, tilaka, mahā. rajadhirāja, vibhrama, Durjaya, sāsan-adhina, sa-jala-sthala, sandhivigrahin, mudrā-hasta, Narendra and pura-śrēshthin respectively. Another peculiarity of the text is that it contains no verb at all, and its sense can be made out only by adding certain verbs in their proper places. I have deemed it better to publish the text as it is, for, an attempt to correct it will result in its wholesale change.
The introductory passages common to the Bhañja records of Mayurbhanj, are conspicuous in this grant by their absence. The inscription abruptly begins with certain epithets of Raņabhañjadēva, surnamed Vibhramatunga, representing him as having been nurtured by the sage Vasishtha, as a receiver of boon from Hēramba, as born in the Mivara family and as the frontal mark of the Bhañja lineage. He has further been given the title of Mahārājādhirāja. Then it gives out that his son Durjayabhañjadēva, who has been given no title at all, granted the village Ollānga along with Panchapāli and Trisamāpada (probably two other villages)
1 Above, Vol. XII, pp. 218 ff. Above, Vol. XIX, pp. 97 ff. P. R. 4. 8., E.C., 1916-17, p. 4, para. 5.
The text does contain verb and that twice, which Mr. Panigrahi seems to have overlooked. In 1.4 disana dina and again in l. 5 sasana dinah mean grant has been given, the form dina 'given being derivablo from the Prākrit dinna.--B.C.C.]
[Dr. Majumder assigns this surname to Durjayabhañja; see above, p. 151. -Ed.]

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No. 16.)
HALAYUDHASTOTRA FROM THE AMARESVARA TEMPLE.
173
to Thākura Sri-Gomata for unimpeded enjoyment. At the time the grant was made, Chhipa the chief queen, Kötabhanja the heir-apparent, Atahi the Minister for war and peace, Kundabāthi the custodian of the Royal Seal, Narinda the chief feudatory and Ddhuvaha the town. banker were present.
Durjayabhañjadēva, the donor, has been represented in this record as the son of Raṇabhanjadēva and the father of Kõțabhañja. In the Keshari plate of Satrubbañjadēva, however, Durjayabhañja figures as the son of Kottabhañja and the father of Ranabhañja. Evidently the donor of the present grant is not identical with Durjayabhañja of the Keshari plate. Until further discoveries are made, it is not possible to assign a place to Durjayabhañja of this record in the Bhañja genealogical table.
The plate does not mention the traditional account relating to the origin of the Bhañjas as other Bhañja grants of Mayūrbhanj do. It, however, refers to a Mivara family (11. 1-2) to which Ranabhañjadēva is said to have belonged. Judging from the numerous mistakes of the text, it may at once be conceded that Mivara is a mistake for Mivāra (Mewar in Rajputānā). The author of the inscription, therefore, seems to refer the original home of the Bhañjas to Mewar. But the tradition ascribes the connection of the Mayūrbhanj family with Jaipur which was never & part of Mewar. Moreover, the name Mewār itself is not to be found in early inscriptions. This, together with the unorthodox style in which the plate has been written, points to the fact that the document was drawn up by a person sometime about the fifteenth century A. D., who not only did not know much about the copper-plate grants, but also did not know the origin, either real or traditional, of the family he was describing."
The villages Pāñchapāli and Ollānga may conveniently be identified with Pañchupāli and Dēlāng, both situated in the Anandpur Sub-division of the Keonjhar State. As to the village Trisamăpadă, I cannot suggest any identification.
TEXT.
i Siddham" [1*] 0m Vasīshtha-muni-pālītaḥ Hērmva-vara-lladdhaḥ Mi2 vara-vamsa-uptanaḥ Bhañja-kūla-tīklah māhārājāddhīrājaḥ sri-Raņa3 bhañjadēva-sūta Vībbamatunga-sūta sri-Dujayabhañjadēvaḥ Ollānga-grāma Pa4 chapali Trisamāpadā sahīta sāsanadina 88-jala-thala sarva-vāddhā 5 vivarjita Thakura Sri-Gömata sāsanadinah Sri-Chihipa-māhādē6 vi sri-Kotabhañja-jūvarājadēva sri-Atahi-sandagrihi bri-Kundabā7 thi-mudrahartha sri-Narindă-mähäsämanta sri-Ddhuvaha-purasēthi [l*]
No. 17.-HALAYUDHASTOTRA FROM THE AMARESVARA TEMPLE.
By PROF. P. P. SUBRAHMANYA SASTRI, B.A. (Oxon.), M.A. (MADRAS). Halāyudha (one who wields the hala or plough as a weapon) is a well known name in Sanskrit literature. Dr. Aufrecht has listed more than sixteen works under Halāyudha. On the inner
* Ind. Hisl. Quart., Vol. XIII, p. 429.
Above, Vol. XVIII, p. 290. •[All these combined with the fact that the language of the record is full of errors seem to show that tho grant never passed through the secretariate and thus makes one doubtful about its genuinenews.-Ed.] . From ink-impressions and the original.
Expressed by a symbol.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXV.
side of the southern wall in the mandapa of the Amarēsvara Temple at Māndhātā on the left bank of the river Narmadā in the Nimar District of the Central Provinces is carved a stotra called the Halāyudha-stötra (vide Hiralal, Inscriptions in the C. P. and Berar (2nd ed.), p. 84, No. 151). Dr. N. P. Chakravarti, the Government Epigraphist for India, has been good enough to send me an impression of this stötra. There are several manuscripts of the Halāyudha-stötra in the Madras Government Oriental Manuscripts Library (D. Nos. 11271 to 11278). A critical edition of the Halāyudha-stötra, using the text as appearing on the Amarēsvara temple wall as the basic text ( * ) and giving variant readings from three other manuscripts of the Government Oriental Manuscripts Library is appended to this note. The record at the Amarēsvara temple is dated Samvat 1120, Kārttika-vadi 13 or A. D. 1063.
From the stötra above referred to, we are sure that its author Halayudha must have been & staunch devotee of Siva.' We agree with Dr. Chakravarti that as the stötra-record is dated 1063 A.D., the author of the stötra must have lived prior to the 11th century and could not therefore be identical with the famous Halayudha who adorned the court of King Lakshmanasēna of Bengal and who is the author of several sarvasvas like Brāhmaṇasarvasva, Panditasarvasva, Mimarsāsarvasva, etc.
The Telugu poet Pālkuriki Sōmanātha who lived about 1190 A.D., refers in his Dvipada Basava purāna to a Halāyudha, a follower of the Saiva cult, and who was a native of Navagrāma. The last verse of the stötra in the Amarēsvara temple distinctly refers to its author as a native of the village Navagrāma. We are therefore on sure ground if we identify the author of the stötra with the Halayudha referred to by Sömanātha as an ardent devotee of Siva. The last stanza above referred to reads as follows:
Dvijo dakshiņa-Rādbiyo Navagrāma-vinirggatah
Halāyudha-vu(bu)dhas-Sambhõr=imāṁ stutim=arirachat || (v. 64) Of the works listed under the name Halayudha by Aufrecht, the Abhidhānaratnamālā deserves our attention. In stanza 25, p. 4, of the work edited by Aufrecht in 1861 we find that among the several names of Vishnu, Sambhu' also is given as one. This is rather interesting as it reveals the mentality of the author. No other lexicographer has given the name Sambhu as synonymous with Vishnu. And only & staunch Virasaiva, who believes that every word should ultimately denote only Siva' as Siva is all-pervasive, could have allowed himself to use Sambhu' as a synonym of Vishnu. Thus, it is not too much to assume the identity of authorship between the author of the Abhidhānaratnamālā and the Halāyudha-stötra.
In his instructive introduction, Dr. Aufrecht bas argued that Halayudha the lexicographer should be assigned to a date earlier than the eleventh century A.D. And we find that the author of the Abhidhānaratnamālā should be identical with the author of the Kavirahasya as the last stanza of the last mentioned work reads as follows:
Iti samāptam=avāpta-gun-odayam Kavirahasyam-idam rasika-priyam
sad-abhidhāna-nidhāna-Halāyudha-dvija-varasya kritiḥ suksit-ātmanaḥ || The third quarter is indeed an indirect reference, in accepted poetic style, to the author's other work, his lexicon, Abhidhänaratnamäla. Dr. Keith has fixed the date of Haläyudha, the author of Kavirahasya as contemporaneous with his patron the Rashtrakūta King Krishna III.
We therefore conclude that the author of the Halāyudha-stötra should be identical with Halayadha, the author of the Kavirahasya and the Abhidhänaratnamālā and should have flourished in the latter half of the tenth century A.D.

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No. 17.]
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The edition of the stötra is based on four texts of which is the record found at the Amarēsvara temple, and is printed as the basic text.
represents the manuscript described in D. No. 11271.
represents the palm-leaf manuscript written in Telugu script described in D. No. 11274. ग represents the paper manuscript in Telugu script described in D. No. 11272.
TEXT. [Metres : v. 1-61, Mandākrāntā; vv. 62, 64, Anushtubh ; v. 63, Sārdūlavikridita.] 1 १ॐ नमः शिवाय ॥ विघ्नं निघ्नन्दिरदवदनः प्रीतये वोस्तु नित्यं वामे कूटः
प्रकटितव(ख)हदक्षिणस्थूलदन्त: । यः श्रीकण्ठं पितरमुमयानिष्टवामाईदेहं दृष्टा नूनं स्वयमपि "दधावईनारीश्वरत्व(त्वम्) ॥१॥ नाघ्यः पुत्रः स भवति किल
स्वस्य वातुः सकाशादत्ते कैश्चित् क्वचिदपि गुणैर्य]2 : समुत्कर्षलेखाम् । इत्यं वांछ(वाञ्छ)न् पितुरधिकतां पंचवक्त्रस्य नूनं षष्ठं वि(बि)चह
दनमपरं पातु विश्वं विशाखः ॥२॥ एको देवः स जयति शिवः केवल ज्ञानमूर्त्तिर्देवी सा च त्रिभुवनमिदं यहिभूतिप्रपंचः । यत्कूटस्थं मिथुनमविनाभावसंबंध(बन्ध)योगामित्री[भूतं तदखिलजगज्ज].
3 बीजं नमामि ॥२॥ एकः स्रष्टा सकलजगतामादिभूतः स्वयंभूस्त्राता तेषां त्रिभुव
नगुरुर्बासुदेवः प्रसिद्धः । यस्तौ हावप्यतु लमहिमा संहरत्यन्तकाले कस्तस्यान्यो भवति सदृशः श्रीमहाकालमूर्तेः ॥४॥ वक्त वाच्छां हर निरवधि त्वमहिम्नः
[खरूपं चेतचैतत्क]4 तिपयपदञानमात्रावसबं(बम्) । जात्वैवेदं त्रिनयन' मया त्वगुणस्तोत्रभक्त्या खात्मन्येव
खयमपि कतो धृष्टतापट्टव(ब)न्धः ॥॥ वागीशस्त्वं युगपदखिलज्ञानसंपत्तियुक्तः का ते तुष्टिः स्तुतिरचनया मादृशस्याल्पशक्तः । एवं ज्ञात्वा हर विर[मति स्तोत्र
हती हठा]6 में भक्त्यावेशाप्रसरति मुखाद्धारतो किं करोमि ॥६॥ यत्ते तत्त्वं निरुपधि परं
वामनःपारभूतं ब्र(ब)मादीनामपि हर गिरस्तत्र भग्नाः प्रवेष्ट(ष्टम्) । अर्काचीनं यदपरमिदं पार्वतीवल्लभन्ते रूपं भक्त्या वरद तदहं वाग्भिरभ्यर्चयामि
॥७॥ अन्यैः स्तो[चं रचितममृतस्य]मोऽस्तु (ग)
'दधात्य (ग) * The portion between square brackets in this and the following verres has been restored from manuscripts in the Government Oriental Manuscripts Library, Madras. कैवलं (क) 'अमल (क)
'ज्ञात्वा (ग) विजयन (च, क) 'कारी (ग)
'यदि परिमितं (क), यदि परमिदं (ब)

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[Vol. XXV.
8 दिभिर्वाग्विलासैः फलाप्रायैः किमिदमियता त्यज्यते महचोभिः । किं वा कैचिकन
ककमलेरर्चितं पादपीठं भक्त्या शंभी न पुनरपरः पूजयत्यर्क पुष्पैः ॥८॥ पथ्याहारौं हर जलमुचा यौ च यौ पन्क(क)जाना मित्रामित्रौ वरद हविषा
दाहकग्राहको] 7 यौ । यो गंधस्य प्रजनवहनौ तानहं तुष्टिहतोरष्टौ वन्दे त्रिभुवनगुरोमतिभेदांस्तवै
तान् ॥ सन्मा(संसा)रेस्मिन्ध्रुवमसुलभं मानुषं जन्म लब्धा(ब्धा) युभानेको भजति सुक्ती कश्चिदन्यं च देवं(वम्) । आरूढोऽपि स्परहर गिरिं रोहणं
भाग्ययो[गा देको रत्वं कलय]8 ति महत्वाचमन्यच फला ॥१॥ ये त्वामहन्मुगत इति वा भक्तियोगाजजन्ते तेभ्यः
शम्भो फलमभिमतं त्वं ददासीति युक्त (क्तम्) । अध्वक्लान्तैः स्वरुचिरुचिरं नाम किञ्चिद्गृहीत्वा शीतं पोतं' जलमिह जनैः किं न दृप्तिं करोति ॥११॥ [पादि
त्यादिग्रहप]9 रिकरी याति चायाति नित्यं कालश्चायं दिवसरजनीपक्षमासर्तुचिङ्गः । एतत्मवं ननु
[न घटते] प्रेरकत्वं विना ते कार्ये चास्मिन्न पुनरपरस्यास्ति सामर्थ्यमेतत् ॥१२॥ तस्यागार गिरिश रमते धेनुवत्कामधेनुः क्रीडावाटे विटपिमहशः
कल्पते क]10 [ल्पवृक्षः । लाक्षारक्षामणिरिव करे तस्य चिन्तामणिः स्याद्यस्मिन् सिहः। सक्कदपि
कपादृष्टिपातप्रसादः ॥१३॥ मौलो लोलत्रिदशतटिनीतोयगौतमृतांशु कण्ठे करं
कवलितविषश्यामले व्यालराज(जम्) । ज्योक्नागौर [वपषि वि] 11 पाई विबिभ्रती भस्परागं ज्ञाता सम्यक्किनयन" मया योगभूषा तवैव ॥१४॥ धत्ते
शोभा घुमृणतिलकस्पर्धि चक्षुर्ललाटे मौलौ लग्ना" त्रिदशतटिनी मालतीमालिकेव ।
वेडं क्रीडामृगमदमयी पत्रलेखेव कहे [नाध्यः शम्भो स्फुरति सहजः को]12 पि भूषाविधिस्ते ॥१५॥ दग्धं येन त्रिभुवनमिदं देव दुर्बारधाम्ना दग्धः सोपि
त्रिनयन" भ[व]दृष्टिपातेन कामः । युक्तं चैतद्भवति पुरुषो यः परस्योपतापी 'पुनरपि परः (ग) 'पन्याहारी (प)
'हरहती: (च, ग), दृष्टिीती: (क) • देहम् (क) 'भव्ययोगात् (म)
फन्लुम् (ग) 'क्रीडावाटौविटपि (क, ग) 10 [To me the reading here seema to be द्यस्था[स्तौड:-Ed.] "दृष्टियात: प्रसादः (च, क) "विश्वयन.(क, ग) "I read समायोगभूषा त्वयैर -Ed.]
"विण्यन (क, ग)
* Four letters seem to have been first engraved after this and then erased. 'काल (क)
"मत्रा (क)

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No. 17.)
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तस्यावश्यं पतति शिरसि क्रोधदण्डः प्रभूणां(णाम्) ॥१६॥ कस्य क्षेमो भवति
बलिना स्पर्धमानस्य साधं] 13 यस्त्वकोपाचिनयन भवचक्षुषा वञ्चि]तोभूत् । प्रेम्णा दष्टेऽधरकिसलये दृष्टवान् यः
स गामो लौलाटत्यच्चतुरवनिताच लताप्रेक्षणानि ॥१७॥ ये दारिद्योपहतवपुषी ये च दौर्भाग्यदग्धा ये वा शत्रुव्यसनविकला ये च मौयोपतप्ताः । ये
वा कैश्चित् विनय']14 न दृढं पीडिता' दुःखशोकैस्तेषामेकस्त्वमसि' शरणं तर्षितानामिवाम्भः ॥१८॥ साध्य
जब श्रुतिपरिणतिः सत्कियायां प्रवृत्तिः प्रौढिः शास्त्रे ललितमधुरा संस्कृता भारती च । स्फीता लक्ष्मीर्वपुरपि दृढं चन्द्रलेखाङ्कमौले "युमत्सेवा[पदविरहितं
सर्वमे]15 तत्पलाल(लम्) ॥१८॥ त्वत्पूजायां कुसुमहरणे धावतः पादयुग्मं "यत्पाषाणजि]परिकरी
कीर्णरेखाङ्कमासीत् । यत्तस्यैव "त्वदनु चरतो रुद्रलोकं गतस्य व्र(ब)ह्मादीनां "मकुट
किरणश्रेणयः शोणयन्ति ॥२०॥ येषां युष्मप्रतिकतिग्रहं लि[म्यतां पाणयो ये त्व]16 ब्रतानां सलिललुलितैर्गोमयैः संप्रलिप्ताः । तेषामोश त्रिदशनगरोनायकत्वं गताना
ते लिप्यन्ते मृगमदरसैः खेचरीणां कुचेषु ॥२१॥ यस्ते कृत्वा सपनममृतैः पञ्च
भिश्चन्द्रमौले पचाल्कैञ्चित्कुसुमनिकरैर्मूर्ध्नि बध्नाति [मालाम् । तस्यावश्यं] 17 सकलभुवनैकाधिपत्याभिषिक्तो" बनन्यन्ये शिरसि परमैश्वर्यसाम्राज्यपट्टम् ॥२२॥ एतचित्र
क्वचिदपि मया नैव दृष्टं श्रुतं वा तहिस्पष्टं कथय किमिदनाथ कौतूहलं में।
यत्ते भक्त्या हर चरणयोरर्पितं पुष्पमेकं सद्यः सूते फल[मभिमतं कोटि]18 शः कामरूप(पम्) ॥२॥ यस्ते भक्त्या वरद चरणइंदमुद्दिश्य दद्यादेकं नीलो
त्पलदलमपि त्वत्प्रसादेन नून(नम्) । तत्प्रत्यंतं निपतति पुनदृष्टिरालील"तारैर्टिव्यस्त्रीणां कुवलयदलश्रेणिदीर्घः कटाक्षः ॥२४॥ कृत्वा मालां घनपरिमला[हारिधाराकदम्बै]
विषयन (क, ग) 'यस गामौ (ग), य: स कामौ (म) [Reading seems to be दृष्टवान्यन्न कामो-Ed.] मौवितताः (ग) *विण्यन (क, म)
दुखिता (ग) 'त्वमपि (क)
'यस्मिन् (ग) • यः पाषाणं व्रजपरिकरोचौथरताक्तमासीत् (ग)
10 त्वदनुभवतां (ग) [Reading is परिकरीशीर्षरतातमासीत्तत्तस्यैव.-Ed.] " मुकुट (क) "शोणयन्ते (ग)
"प्राङ्गणीयं (ग) ॥ भवनकाधिपत्याभिषेक: (ग)
[Reading is वनासिव -Ed.] "ष्टतालीम्ल (ग)

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXV.
19 यस्ते कण्ठाभरणपदवी प्रापयेबीलकण्ठ । दिव्यस्त्रीणां विपुलपुलकै हुभिः कण्ठ
लग्नस्तस्यापि त्वं वितरसि चिरं निर्भ(भ)राश्लेषसौख्य(ख्यम्) ॥२५॥ त्वा पूजा तव चरणयोरादरादष्टमूर्ते यः साष्टाङ्गं प्रणमति महीपष्ट(8)पोटे(8) लुठित्वा ।
प्रत्यास[वं चितिपतिपदं] 20 प्रीतिव(ब)डानुरागा तस्योत्सने लुठति धरणी रेणुचक्रच्छलेन ॥२६॥ त्वामुद्दिश्य चिन
यनजनो यः प्रदीपं ददाति ज्योतिर्ध्वालादलिततिमिरं द्योतितान्तनिकेत(तम) ।
तस्मै मायारजनिविलस हाढमोहान्धकारच्छेदप्रौढं त्वमपि दि[शसि ज्ञानमात्मप्रका]21 सं(शम्) ॥२७॥ चित्रालारचितकुसुमैडूलटे' पूजयित्वा यः स्तौति खां जय जय
महादेव देवेति वाचा । सोप्यारोह-हर तव पुरं मौलिव(ब)चानलीनां शक्रादीनां स्तुतिविषयतां त्वत्प्रसादापयाति ॥२८॥ भस्मसानं वहसि शिरसा खर्धनी
वारिभार शा22 तां मूर्तिः(ति) कलयसि कर कार्मुकं युक्तमेतत् । अप्यन्येषां कतिपयपुरस्वामिना
चित्रभूताश्चेष्टा दृष्टास्त्रिभुवनपत: किं . महेशस्य न स्युः ॥२६॥ त्वामाराध्य
(त्रि)दशपतयो भुनते राज्यलक्ष्मी भिक्षाभुकं तदपि च महादेवशब्दै(ब्दै)क
वाच्यः । [नैराशिष्यं वरद] 23 परमैश्वर्यकोटिप्रतिष्ठं तच्चेदस्ति त्वयि किमपरैः फलाभिः श्रीविलासैः ॥३०॥ अस्थि
ग्रंथिः पिळवनभवं भस्म भूषाङ्गरागः प्रीतिःप्रेतैस्तव सहचराः फेरवाः कोत्र दोषः । यस्यैवयें परमपदवीं प्राप्य विश्वान्तमुच्चैस्तस्य मावा कनकम[वा
सर्वमेतत् समा]24 नम) ॥२१॥ पावासस्ते पितवनमहिः क्रीडनं यानमुक्षा भिक्षापा हर नरशिर:-18
कपरं नैष दोषः । पारातीयस्त्रिनयन" भवत्यल्पसंस्थो हि लोको निस्वैगुण्ये पथि
विचरतां को विधिः को निषेधः ॥३२॥ प्रेतावासः शयनमशनं [भैक्षमाशाच वा]25 सः खटानं च ध्वजमुपह(हि)तं त्वस्थि नेपथ्यमझे । यद्यप्येवं तदपि भगवबौखरत्य
स्य नाम्रो निःसामान्यस्त्वमसि विषयो नापरः कश्चिदस्ति ॥३॥ दारूधाने डिजवरवधपप्लवो रेतसाग्नौ होमः सन्ध्यानटनमिति ते चेष्टितं नैव दृष्ट(ष्टम) ।
[मिथ्याज्ञानीप]विणयन (क, ग) 'दधाति (ग)
'विगलन (ग) धूटिं (ग)
'पुरौं (क) 'स्वर्नदौवारिपूरं (ग) •प्रतिष्ठा (4)
'स्त्रीविलासः (क) • पिलवनभवइस्म (ग)
प्रात: (ग)
" पलालम् (ग) "दुरिणशिरस: (ग) “विणयन (क, ग)
"संस्थोऽपि (1) "पंच रत्यस्य (ग)

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No. 17.]
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26 इतमनसां मार्गमुखंड्थ्य दूरं ये निःका(निष्का)न्तास्त्रिनयन न तां(तान्) लोकवादाः स्पृश
न्ति ॥३४॥ देवाः सर्वे दधति वपुषा भूषणं हेमरत्न गुञ्जामाचं कनकमपि ते नास्ति कहें कर वा । मार्गातीतं स्फरति सहजं यस्य सौन्दर्यमझे
'तस्याहार्येष्वितरजनववा]27 दरः स्याङ्गुणेषु ॥३५॥ त्वं व्र(ब)मादित्रिदशगुरुभिः पूजितः स्वार्थहेतोरित्याम्नायो न
खलु भवता प्रार्थितः कश्चिदन्यः । इच्छामात्रात्स्वयमुपनमन्त्यग्रतो यस्य भावास्तस्यापेक्षा कथमिह भवेदीश्वरस्येतरण ॥३६॥ खण्डश्चन्द्रः शिरसि परशः
खण्डमे]28 वायुधन्ते भिक्षापात्रं द्रुहिणशिरसः खण्डमेकं कपाल(लम्) । खण्डप्रायस्तव परिकरो
यद्यपीस्थन्तथापि त्वं सर्वेषां स्मृतिमुपगतः सर्बपूर्णत्वहेतुः ॥३०॥ पृथ्वीपीठे कतपदमदः स्वच्छमाकास(श)लिङ्ग तारापुष्पैः शिरसि रचिताभ्यर्चनं चन्द्रचूड ।
इत्यं भावाद]29 वहितधियो ये भवन्तं भजन्ते ते लौयंते त्वयि जलनिधी निन्नगानामिवौघाः ॥३८॥
वाराणस्यां स्फुरति यदिदं देवदेवाविमुक्तं सै(0)वं ज्योतिः सकलभुवनालोकनादर्शभूतं(तम्) । कृत्वा तस्मिन्प्रमहसि पदे क्षेत्रसंन्यासयोग [त्वय्ये कत्वं व्रजति
पुरुषस्तेज]30 सौव प्रदीपः ॥३८॥ यत्प्रत्यक्षं सकलभुवनाश्चर्यभूतं विभाति ज्योतिर्लिङ्ग कनककपिर्श
श्रीगिरौ व्योनि दिव्यं (व्यम) । तत्पश्यन्तः शिव मुक्ततिनस्त्यक्तासंसारबन्धास्त्वत्का
रुण्याच्चिरगणपदप्राप्तिभाजी भवन्ति ॥४०॥ 31 वाचाधीश हुतवहतनुं शक्तिपाणिं भवन्तं ये ध्यायन्ति त्रिनयन' मनस्तेजसा निहन्तं
(तम्) । गङ्गास्रोतःसदृश32 विलसद्यपद्यप्रवाई:12 सद्यस्तेषां प्रसरति [मुखाजारती नात्र चिच(त्रम्) ॥४१॥
भाखज्ज्योतिःकिरणमरुणं [दक्षिणेऽक्षिण स्थितं त्वां ये वीक्षन्ते पुरुषमदित" ख्यात मादित्यमूत्ति(तिम्) । ते सर्वत्राप्रतिहतदृशः सूर्यपर्यन्तलोकं पश्यत्यग्रे
करतललुठत्कदुकस्पष्टरूपम्] विषयन (क, ग) कपिश (ग)
तस्याहारविरत (ग) 'विदशपतिभिः (ग)
अवगत: (ग)
* कृतपदमपि स्वस्थमाकाशलिक (ग) 'भुवनादर्शनालोकभूतम् (ग)
[Probably the reading is Tur[G] fer-Ed.] 'वाचातीतं (ग) [Reading seems to be vichy-atinan(tam).-Ed.] "बिषयन (क, ग)
" तमसेवा निर्वहन्तम् () " प्रभावा (क) "दक्षिणाधि (क)
" श्याम (ग)

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180
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXV.
33 ॥४२॥ ये ध्यायन्ति वहदि विमलं चित्त्वमात्मैकरूपं विश्वादर्श प्रसरदभितो भूर्भवः
स्वस्त्रिलोकी(कीम) । इत्थं गत्यागतिपरिचयाते तवैव प्रसादात्सर्वज्ञत्वं हर विकरणी शोलयन्ती लभन्ते ॥४३॥ ये त्वां शंभो हृदयभवनांभोरुहाभ्यन्तरस्थं
'ज्ञान[ज्योतिस्तदुपधिव]34 शादीहिशूकाग्रसूक्ष्म(क्ष्मम्) । उद्दीक्षन्ते दृढतरलयं तेप्युपाधिप्रणाशात्त्वय्येकत्वं नभसि
कलशाकाशवविविशन्ति ॥४४॥ अर्चिबिद्यप्रभृतिभिरल मार्गविश्रामलीके(कै)यें गच्छन्ति विनयन' पथा देवयानन केचित् । भुत्वा भोगाननुपमरसान् खेच्छ[या ब्रह्म
लोके] 5 ते तस्यान्ते पुनरपि शिव त्वन्मयत्वं भजन्ते ॥४५॥ यत्रानन्दः स्फुरति परमज्योति
रालोकजन्मा भुज्यन्ते च स्वयमुपनता' यत्र दिव्याश्च भोगाः [*] यवाहत्ति भवति पुनः पञ्चमाध्वप्रसिद्ध तद्दराज पदमपि शिव प्राप्यते त्वत्प्रसादात् ॥४६॥ त्वय्यात्मानं निहितम]
36 खिलैस्त्वहुणैः संप्रयुक्त स्वच्छादर्श मुखमिव चिरं चेतसा निश्चलेन । ये पश्यन्ति
त्रिनयन' मनोवाञ्छितार्थप्रसूतिस्तेषामाविर्भवति सुधियामेव धर्मः समाधिः ॥४७॥ ज्ञानज्योतिः सकलजगतां स्व"प्रकाशस्वरूपं त्वामात्मानं परिहितगुणस्पर्श मौशान
मौले 37 " यत्रैकस्मिन्नवहितधियां योगदृष्टिस्थितानां स्वच्छादर्श प्रतिफलितवद्दिश्वमेतच्चकास्ति ॥४८॥
भूतं भूतस्मरणविषयं भावि" नान्यत्र काले सूक्ष्मं मध्यं क्षणमि"ह तयोर्वर्तमान
वदन्ति । तस्मिन्मौख्यं कियदमतयो येन मत्ता मनुष्था युभमेवां भव भ]38 वभयध्वन्मि(ध्वंसिनी नाद्रियन्ते ॥४८॥ ज्ञानं न स्यात्वचिदपि किल जेयसम्व(संब)न्धशून्य
ज्ञेयं सत्तामपि न लभते ज्ञानवा(बा)ह्यं कदाचित् । इत्यन्योन्यग्रथितमुभयोUपिकं यमरूपं तत्ते प्राहुः प्रकृतिपुरुषस्याईनारीश्वरत्वं(त्वम्) ॥५०॥ यत्प्रत्यक्ष _ न भवति नृणामि]
• विवाद” (ग)
विलोकान् (ग) 'भजन्ने (क) 'ज्ञानज्योति: (ग)
*विणयन (क, २) ' उपगता: (ग) 'तहैराग्यं (4)
'विणयन (क, ग) "सुधियामेष: (ग) [Reading soems to be मुधियान्धर्ममे(ए)कः समाधिः-Ed.] " सुप्रकाश (ग)
11 There is a sign of visarga before this danda. " धिया (ग)
“भावि नास्ताव काल (ग) "मिता: (ग)
" यनु रूपम (ग)

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No. 17.]
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39 न्द्रियाणामशक्तोर्यत्सम्ब(संबन्धग्रहणविरहाबानुमेयं च किन्चि(किंचित् । शब्दा(ब्दा)दोनामपि
न विषयं यत्परोक्षस्वरूपं ज्ञानज्योतिर्यदिह परमं सत्व(च)मध्यात्ममूर्तिः ॥५१॥ त्वामात्मानं वरद परमानन्दवी(बो)धस्वरूपं ये (बु)ध्यन्ते विगलितजगतेदमायाप्र
प[ञ्चम् । रागत्यागात्] 40 स्तिमितमनसो देव जीवन्त एव [भश्य] माया निबिडनिगडग्रंथयस्ते विमुक्ताः ॥५२॥
'साध्यं यत्तत्कपि(प)णमनसां "सप्तलोकाधिपत्यं या मृग्यंते तरलमतिभिः सिद्धयश्चा
णिमाद्याः । एतत्सर्च मदनदहन त्वत्पदप्राप्तिभाजां तत्व(च)ज्ञानामृत[सजुषां योगि]41 नामन्तरायः ॥५३॥ 1 आशा वासः शयनमवनिर्व(ब्रह्मचर्य च दीर्घ मौनं दण्डग्रहणम
शनं भिक्षया भस्म शौचं(चम्) । वैराग्यश्च त्रिनयन" भवत्तत्ववी(त्त्वबो)धादिहीनं मूलादेवं ध्रुवमलवणं समेतहिभाति ॥५४॥ स्थित्वा कालं चिरतरमपि व्र(ब)
प्रशक्रादि[लोके कर्म]42 छेदात्पुनरपि ततः स्यादवश्यं निपातः । एकं नित्यं पदमुपगतः क्लेशकर्मोर्मिपाक
शैवं ज्योतिर्यदिह सुलभं जानयोगेन पुन्मा(पंसाम्) ॥५५॥ शक्रादीनां क्रतुफलयु(जु)षां यत्सुखं नाकलोके तत्कोटादेवरकनिलयस्यापि तुल्यं विभाति । येन
कान्तं]43 न भवति सुखं कस्यचिवापि दुःखं इंग्रस्तं त्रिभुवनमिदं त्वं तु तस्मादिमुक्तः
॥५६॥ व(ब)न्वच्छदादिह तनुभृतां यत्त्वया साकमैक्यं सा चेन्मुक्तिः शिव किमनया यातु यहान्धकूपं(पम्) । त्वं मे स्वामी भवदनुचरः शर्च यत्सर्वदाई तडि श्लाघ्यं स्वपति[पदवीं काम]
44 यन्ते न भृत्याः ॥५७॥ वातोद्वतस्फुटपुटकिनीपत्रतीयोपमाने को विश्वास व्रजति
चपले जन्मिनो जीवितस्मिन् । कान्तस्त्रीणां प्रियसहचरैर्निभरालिङ्गितं मे चेतः शम्भो स्वपिति न यथा तत्प्रसादं कुरुष्व ॥५८॥ त्ववेत्राग्नि"व्यतिकरमिव प्रा[तनं पुष्यचा
कदाचित् (च, क, ग)
'मूर्ते (ग) 'ग reads ये बध्यन्ते etc., as third quarter and रागचागात etc., 48 second quarter. निगलनिविड (च, क)
ग reads this stanza as Both stanza. •जन्तोः कपणमनसः (ग) सर्व (घ) 'ये (ग) 'भुजा (ग) 19 reads this stanza as 62nd stanza.
"विणयन (क, ग) " उपनतक्लेश (ग, म) "नाकलीक: (ग) .
"नास्ति (च, क, ग) "[Reading seems to be पात(चन्नास्तचाप(भि)यसाचरौ etc.-Ed.] " त्वत्प्रसादं (ब, क) " पुतिशरमयं (ग)

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stanza:
45 पः । मत्वा नूनं व्यवसितमतिरनिर्यातनाय । यसन्स(संस) तव चरणयोर्देव
सेवानुरागात्तन्मे चेतः प्रहरति शरैस्त्यक्ष तद्रक्ष यनात् ॥५६॥ भिक्षापाचं मृगजमजिनं जीर्णकौपीनमेकं कंथा रष्यानिपतितजरचौरलेशैश्च सधौ । एतावा
[मे हर परिक]46 रस्वत्प्रसादेन नित्यं भूयाद्भूयस्तव चरणयोर्भयसो भक्तिरेका ॥६॥ देवस्तावद्भवति
भगवम्भर्ग सर्गस्य सारस्तस्मात्पूर्व महदिति पदं प्रोक्तमुत्कर्षमाह । माहात्म्यं ते सारहर महादेव नाम्चैव लोके दुरारूढं वरद किमहं स्तोत्रमन्यत्करोमि
[६१॥ कालेन] 47 नौतः सोपि पुनरावर्त्तते जनः । महाकालेन नीतस्य नावृत्तिर्विद्यते पुनः ॥६२॥
अव्यक्ताक्षरजल्पितैरपि शिशोः प्रीतिरुणां भवेत्तेनास्पदचनं मलीमसमपि स्यात्त
ष्टिहेतुस्तव । श्रान्तस्त्वगुणकीर्तनाकिमपि यत्पुण्यं मयोपार्जितं तेन] 48 स्याजननान्तरपि महती त्वय्येव भक्तिर्मम ॥३३॥ "हिजो दक्षिणराढीयो नवग्रामविनिर्गत: । हलायुध (बु)धशम्भोरिमा स्तुतिमरीरचत् ॥६॥ 1 Danda unnecessary.
'स्वर्गसर्गस्य (ग) ,, and road the following two stanzas as 62nd and 63rd stanzas and faceto., w 84th
यत्र कचितवतु देव मनुष्यतिर्यग्योनी स्वकर्मपरिपाकवशात् प्रसूतिः । सब स्थितस्य मम बालमगाङमोले त्वत्पादभक्तिरचलास्तु भवत्प्रसादात् ॥ तव चरणसरीजे दत्तमेकं प्रसून फलति अधिखाष्टिता भूतधावीम् ।
प्रतिदिवसमपर्याभलिकीतूहलानां फलमिदमिति शी शक्यते केन बानुम् । • This syllable should ordinarily be short. 'तात (क) . adds the following before frontaf e te
महाकालवन सेवे कदाचिलमिच्या । संसारभ्रमणीपेतश्रमापनयने आमा । । अट्टहासमहाकालसितस्तीवे(?)इये तत: । यत: कारणमुत्पत्तिवपचार, प्रवर्तते । and reads the stanza from for etc., slightly modified : डिजी दक्षिणराधीयो वनग्रामविनिर्मितः ।
इलायुधमिदं अभीरिमा स्तुतिमजयबत् ॥ D.11271 («) adds the following stanza before front for etc:
महाकाल सेभ्यन्तामामोदन विरक्तया । संसारीतर्दहस्य खष्पग्रहणं थमम् ॥ and reads the stanza front for etc., slightly modifieds हिनी दक्षिणदेशीयो नवग्रामविनिर्मितः ।
लायुधबुधः शन्धोरिमा स्तुतिमचीकरन् ।

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No. 18.) A NOTE ON THE HALAYUDHA STOTRA IN THE AMARESVARA TEMPLE. 183
No. 18.-A NOTE ON THE HALAYUDHA STOTRA IN THE AMARESVARA TEMPLE.
BY N. P. CHAKRAVARTI, M.A., Ph.D., OOTACAMUND. There are several Sanskrit stötras engraved on the side walls of the ardhamandapa in the Amarēsvara Temple at Māndhātā, which were copied by me early in 1938. The northern wall contains three of these, viz., (1) a stotra in 8 lines and 9 verses in praise of the river Narmadā, (2) the well known Siva-Mahimna-stõtra in 40 verses taking up 22 lines and (3) a single verse in 3 lines in praise of Siva and Parvati. The main record on the southern wall contains the text of the Halāyudha-stötra. Several manuscripts of this stotra are preserved in the Government Oriental Library at Madras (Nos. 11271-11278), some of which are with commentaries in Sanskrit, Telugu and Kanarese. / I have already noticed these records in the Annual Report, Arch. Survey of India, for the year 1937-38 in the chapter on Epigraphy. Though Hiralalnoticed all these records as unimportant, I found the colophon of the Halāyudha-stötra to be of sufficient interest for the history of Sanskrit literature, and as the stotra has not yet been published, I requested my friend Vidya. sāgara Vidyāvāchaspati P. P. Subrahmanya Sāstri, Professor of Sanskrit in the Madras Presidency College and honorary Curator of the Government Oriental Manuscripts Library at Madras, to undertake to edit the record in the Epigraphia Indica—a request to which he readily responded. This note only supplements the information contained in his introduction to the text edited above. I have also given below the text of Il. 48-56 of the record which Professor Sāstri has omitted as it is not relevant to the Halāyudha-stötra.
The whole record is in 56 lines, and is engraved on four rectangular slabs of stone fixed into the wall on the southern side. The first slab contains 10 lines, the second 21 lines, the third 22 lines and the fourth only 3 lines of writing. The last lines of the 2nd, 3rd and 4th slabs (i.e., 11. 31, 53 and 56) are only half lines. A few letters at the end of each complete line are now missing but wherever possible these have been restored from manuscripts now preserved in the Government Oriental Library. The script is Nāgari and the language Sanskrit throughout. The engraving is rather shallow but on the whole well executed. There are a number of grammatical and other errors, particularly in the portion which is the writer's own composition. All these have been noticed in footnotes or in the body of the text. These mistakes show that the writer, though he calls bimself & Pandit, was not well versed in Sanskrit.
The record opens with the phrase Om namah Sivāya which is immediately followed by the Halāyudha-stötra in praise of Siva. The stötra actually finishes in v. 63, the last verse being a colophon containing an account of the author of the hymn. This is immediately followed by another hymn (11. 48-50) in 5 verses the text of which is identical with that found in the Siva-dvāda sanama-stötra' and gives the 12 principal names of Siva. Then comes a verse enumerating five jyotirlingas, viz., those at Avimukta (Benares) and Kēdāra, besides Omkāra, Amara and Mahākāla (at Ujjayini). It may be noted here that though the names of Omkāra and Amara have been given separately, the eight other great lingas have been omitted in this list.
Lines 51-53 give the names of a few Saiva teachers in the following terms: In the city of Bhoja, living in the Sõmēsvaradēva monastery and hailing from Nandiyada was the Pasupata teacher Bhattāraka sri-Bhāvavālmika whose disciple was Bhattāraka sri-Bhāvasamudra. L. 53 mentions also Pandita Bhāvavirimchi. Apparently the two mentioned last were responsible for setting up the records found on these four slabs. The next two lines contain an account of the
1 List of Inscriptions in the C. P. and Berar (2nd ed.), p. 84, No. 151. Bee Catalogue of Manuscripts in the Government Oriental Manuscripts Library, Madras, Nos. 9269-9261.

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writer, Pandita Gandhadhvaja of the Chapala-gōtra. He was a disciple of Vivekarasi who was again a disciple of the Paramabhaṭṭāraka śrī-Supujitarāśi.
The last line contains the date, undoubtedly of the setting up of the record, which I have read as Samvat 11 120 Kärttika vadi 13. The reading of the second digit is, however, uncertain which may also be read as 2. The same date is given at the end of the Mahimna-stava found engraved on the northern wall which was also written by the same Pandita mentioned there as Gandhadhvaja, and also at the end of the Narmada-stōtra, without giving the month and the tithi in both the places. But in these instances also the second digit is not clear. Unfortunately the date cannot be verified for want of sufficient details. If the year is 1120 the date would ordinarily correspond to Friday, the 21st November, A.D. 1063 and if read as 1220 the corresponding date in Christian era would be Sunday, the 27th October, A.D. 1163, taking the year as Chaitrādi and the month purnimanta in both cases.
I have in the Annual Report referred to above discussed in detail the identity of the poet Halayudha and also of Dechaya who wrote a commentary on this stotra in the sixteenth century A.D. I have shown there that the Halayudha of our record could not be any of the three scholars of the same name mentioned by Mr. J. C. Ghosh, all of whom flourished during the reign of the Sēna kings of Bengal. Prof. Sastri has now adduced an additional proof that undoubtedly the same Halayudha has been referred to in the Telugu Dvipada Basavapurana of Pälkuriki Sōmanatha who lived towards the end of the twelfth century. I have also suggested in the same place that our Halayudha may be identical with the author of the Kavirahasya, the Abhidhānaratnamālā and the Mritasanjivani, the last mentioned being a commentary on Pingala's Chhandaḥsutra. It need not worry us that the first named work was written in the court of the Rashtrakuta king Krishnaraja III (A.D. 939-967) and the last mentioned work in the court of a different ruler, viz., the Paramāra Muñja-Vakpati (A.D. 974-993), as it is quite possible that the poet after the death of his Rashtrakuta patron moved to the Paramara court which was noted for its patronage for learning at that time. Mr. Ghosh has identified Navagrāma in Dakshiṇa-Radha with the village of the same name in the Bhurshut pargana of the Hooghly District in Bengal. We cannot argue that it is not possible for a poet hailing from far off Bengal to be at the courts of two prominent Indian rulers, one having his capital at Malkhed in the Nizam's Dominions and the other at Dhar in Central India, when we know of several other scholars from Bengal who held a similar position.*
L. 51 of the record mentions Bhojanagara and a monastery there known as Sōmēsvaradevamatha. One is tempted to identify Bhojanagara with Dhara, the capital city of the Paramaras and the monastery with an establishment built probably by the Chalukya Sōmesvara I who for a time occupied the Paramāra kingdom. But it is to be remembered that the capital city of the Paramāras is always referred to as Dhara even at the time of Bhoja and his successors also continued to use the same name. It is not also certain whether the matha was built by a ruler called Sōmesvaradeva or was simply attached to a temple of Siva known as Sōmēsvara. I am also not able to identify Nandiyada, the original residence of th Saiva ascetic Bhavavälmika.
Indian Culture, Vol. I, p. 503 ff.
According to this work Halayudha belonged to Navapura which is apparently the same as Navagrama of our record, see Basavapuranamu (Andhra-granthamälä series), p. 127.
* Indian Culture, Vol. I, p. 503. Bhurshut is the ancient Bhüriśreshthi in Dakshina-Radha where Sridhara completed his Nyayakandali, a commentary on the Padarthapravesa in Saka 913 (A.D. 991). It is also the Bhūrisreshthika of the Prabodhachandrödaya of Krishnamiśra (11th century), which is stated to be the birth-place of Ahankara'. This leaves no doubt that the place was well known in the 10th and 11th centuries. See Indian Culture, Vol. I, p. 702 and Vol. II, pp. 360 f. See also the Kollagallu Inscription of the Rashtra. kūta Khōṭṭiga (above, Vol. XXI, pp. 263 ff.) which mentions a Gadadhara of Tada-grama in Bengal.

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No. 18.) A NOTE ON THE HALAYUDHA STOTRA IN THE AMARESVARA TEMPLE. 185
TEXT.
48 Prathamam tul Mabādēvam dvitiya cha Mahesvaram(ram) tri(tri)tiyam Sankaram
jñēyam. chaturtham Vpishabhadhvajam(jam) [11111*] Pamchamam Kți[ttivāsam cha sha*]-* 49 shthar Kämänganasanam(nam) [*] saptamam Dēvadēvēšan. Srikantham ch=āshtamam
smțitam(tam) (11211*) Navamam Isvaramo dēvam da amam Pārvvatipriyam(yam) [*] Rudram=ēkādaśam nāma dvādasar Sivam=uchyatē || (3|*] Dvādag=aitānio nāmāni ubhay! samdhyet yaḥ pathēto [*] göghnaḥ kritaghnag=ch=aiva vra(bra)hmahā guru-talpakah
[11411*] Stri-vā(ba)la-[ghātakas-ch=aiva* 50 surāpayill vộishali-patiḥ1 [l*] muchyatē sarvva-pāpēbhyo Rudra-lõkaņ13 sa gachchhati
1116111 Avimuktas-cha Kēdāra Omkaras-ch=Amarasutathi [*] pamchamam(mas=) tu Mabākālaḥ pamcha-lingāḥ prakirttayee || [611*] Ajñānā[d*]=jñānato vā=pi yad=viruddham=
anushthitam(tam) | tat=sarvvam pagu-bhūpasya kshantavyam kāraṇ-ēśvara || [711*]15 51 Svasti [l*] Sri-Bhõja-nagarē bri-Sõmēsvaradēva-matha-nivāsi Namdiyada-vinirggatam-(tah)
pranama-götra-yama-niyama-samja(ya)ma-svădhyāya - dhyān -ānushthāna - rata-paramsPasupat-acharya-bhattāraka-sri-Bbāvavālmika[h*] Sri-Amarēsvaradēvõ(va)-trailöky
ādhipatiḥ(tēḥ) dhyāna-punya-82-16 52 état(ch)-si(chhi)shya i[sht-adhi]ka-pradāna-rata-trih(tri)kāla-samdhya(dhyā)-samādhi
karana-guru-pāramparya-vidhāna-yukta[h*] Sri-Amarēsvaradēva-päda-paṁkaja-bbramars
ādhvina(adhvanika ?)-pathasra(brā)nta-tapodhan-abhyagat-alaya? .- samtāpaḥ 53 sri-Amarēsvaradēva-vikshaņa-mūrtti-sadā-nivåsi bhattāraka-sri-Bhāvasamudraḥ | pandita
Bhāvavirimchi[h*) praṇamati Sivaḥ(vam ||
54 || Om10 svasti[/*] Sri-Amarēsvara-dēvasy=āyatan[e] trailökya-viśrut[@] sthānē dēva-dänava
dur[jjaya) dēva-guru-na(ta)podhata(na)-su(su)srūshā-rata-paramabhattāraka-sri-Supū55 jitarăsi(sih) [l*) etat(ch)-si(chhi)shya-Vivēkarāsi(sih) [l*) punaḥ tasya sishya(sishyēna)
Chapalagötra-vinirggata-sahaja-bhakti-santa-mūrtti-pandita-Gāndhadhvajēna paramebhaktyā mabimna 80 Ha
56
lāyudha-stutim ātmasy=ārthēr svayam likhitam=iti || Samvat 1[1]20 Kärttika vadi 13[*]
Mangalam mahābrīḥ || || |
1 M. cha (M. denotes Ms. No. 9260 in the Govt. Or. Manuscripts Library, Madras). M. nama. . Restored from M. •M. Dévadēva n cha.
M. Nilakanthan-ath-dahfamam. . Read Navamam-Io.
M. näma. M.=aitati
. Read as in M. tri-sandhyam yah pathen-narah. 10 M. brahmaghno yuru-talpagal.
11 Read surapo. 13 M. sura-pan-adi-patakan.
13 M. Sivalókan. 4 Read prakirttitäh.
16 Metre of verses 1-7 is Anushfubh. 11 These two letters are illegible. A few letters after these also appear to have been missing.
14 There is some space between ta and la but this portion seems to have been left un-ongraved owing to a damage in the stone. 11 Dandas unnecessary.
Expressed by a symbol. 20 Apparently intended for Siva-mahimno. #1 Read atma-freyõrthi,

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No. 19. TWO INSCRIPTIONS ON COPPER-PLATES FROM NUTIMADUGU
BY N. LAKSHMINARAYAN RAO, M.A., OOTACAMUND.
These copper-plates which were in the possession of a peasant of the village Nütimaḍugu in the Anantapur District were shown to Mr. C. N. Jeevanna Rao, B.E., Minor Irrigation Supervisor of the District, when he had gone to the village during one of his periodical official visits. It appears that while the cattle-shed attached to the house of the peasant was being repaired, the plates were found buried under the lower wooden hinge of the door of the shed. Mr. Rao kindly brought them to the notice of Mr. M. Srikanta Srouty, B.E., Local Fund Assistant Engineer, Anantapur, who sent them on to me for examination. As they were somewhat corroded when I got them, they were sent to the Archæological Chemist in India who was good enough to clean them. I edit them below with the kind permission of the Government Epigraphist for India.
The plates are three in number each of which is 5" in breadth and 93" in length from the centre of the arch at the top. They are strung together on a copper ring which did not bear any seal when the plates were received in the office of the Government Epigraphist for India. It was found that the ring had not been soldered. So it is difficult to say definitely whether this is the original ring which held the plates when they were issued; it is not impossible that the original ring to which the royal seal was attached, might have been lost and the present ordinary ring substituted in its place. The rims of the plates are slightly raised in order to preserve the writing. The weight of the plates, with the ring, is 116 tolas,
At the outset it must be observed that the set of plates is a palimpsest containing two records, one, an Eastern Chalukya grant of the 10th century A.D, and the other, which has been engraved over the earlier inscription, of the time of the Vijayanagara prince Triyambaka, I am unable to explain the circumstances under which the original Chalukya document was used by prince Triyambaka of the first or Sangama dynasty of Vijayanagara for writing his own charter more than five centuries after the original was engraved and why it was defaced and a new one incised upon it.
Of the original Eastern Chalukya grant which I shall call A, both the beginning and the end are missing. The extant portion starts on the first side of the second plate of the Vijayanagara grant (hereafter called B) and after being continued on its second side and on the first (outer) side of the first plate ends on the second side of the latter, after giving the name of the king and the geographical division in which the donated village or land was situated. The portion which must have contained the details of the gift such as the name, götra, family, etc., of the donee, the name of the village or land granted and its boundaries, the date of the grant and the imprecatory verses, is lost. This must have been engraved on a separate plate which was probably removed at the time when the Vijayanagara grant was engraved and the third plate of the present set which is altogether a new one inserted in its place. Both the plates of the earlier grant are inscribed lengthwise like all Eastern Chalukya grants. It should be noted that these two plates have been slightly cut out at both the corners on the top (i.e., on the left-hand side when held lengthwise) in order to give them the shape of an arch like all Vijayanagara copper-plate grants. During this prosess some letters in each line have been lost. The later grant was engraved upon three of the four sides of the earlier one, Even on the side that was not defaced by being again written upon (i.e., the first side of the first plate of B) a portion on the right-hand side is damaged by corrosion and some of the letters cannot be read. On the second side of the second plate of B, only half the portion of the original document has been written upon and the letters on the other half, though well beaten, are visible and can be read. Of the remaining portion of the inscription only faint traces are seen but with the help of the other grants of the Eastern Chalukya dynasty I have succeeded in

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No. 19.)
TWO INSCRIPTIONS ON COPPER-PLATES FROM NUTIMADUGU.
187
deciphering to a great extent the preserved portion of the record. The alphabet is ancient Telugu of the 10th century A.D. and the language of the extant portion is Sanskrit.
In spite of the sbortcomings noted above this inscription (A) which refers itself to the reign of Vikramaditya (II) is valuable as it is the first and only record of the king yet discovered. As pointed out above, its beginning, which must have been written on a plate which does not now form part of the set, is missing. The first king mentioned is Jayasimhavallabha (i.e., Jayasimha I) who, as in all other records of the Eastern Chalukya dynasty, is given a reign of thirty years. Then follows the genealogy of the dynasty recording the length of each reign, down to Vikramaditya (II) who is introduced in the usual prose preamble to the grant (II. 25-27) with the birudas of Samastabhuvanäsraya, Mahārājādhiraja, Paramēśvara, Paramabhattāraka and Paramabrahmanya. He issues a command to the Rāshtrakūças and others inhabiting the Kandārvvādi-vishaya. The name of this vishaya occurs in different forms as Gandēruvāti, Kandēruvâţi, Kandéfuvādi and Kaņdravādi in several Eastern Chalukya inscriptions and its chief town Kaņdēru, after which the district was named, has been identified with Kantēru in the Guntur District. The grant portion which was recorded next and the date, if it was given, are lost thus depriving us of some valuable facts.
No information of any historical importance that is not already known can be gathered about the predecessors of the donor, viz., king Vikramaditya II. Attention may, however, be drawn to the length of reign assigned to Vijayaditya II, the builder of 108 teniples of Narēndrēsvara. He is here stated to have reigned only for 40 years as in the majority of the Eastern Chalukya copperplate grants. The verses describing the reign of Vikramaditya (II) are new and not found in any other record of the family so far known. The first of them states that he regained the ancestral throne which had been forcibly seized by Tālapa after killing him. The verses that follow praise his prowess in war in a conventional style, but one interesting fact which one of them (v. 5) discloses is that he fought one hundred battles for eight years and took the kingdom (from his enemies) along with Fame. But it is not possible to say whether this refers to his fight with Tāla or to another war as a result of which he made some conquests and extended his kingdom. If by the expression rājyam kirttyā samam-agrahit, his obtaining the ancestral kingdom is meant we would get an idea of the period of time that was taken by Vikramaditya in regaining the throne from Täla. No doubt the Maliya pūņdi grant of Ammarāja II tells us that Vikramaditya (II) slew " at the head of a rough battle this Tāla-rāja together with crowds of different vassals, who were joined by a superior army (and) had troops of furious elephants". It is, however, not certain whether Vikramaditya was engaged in fighting Täla and his allies after Tāla became king. But all the Eastern Chalukya inscriptions assign to Tāla a reign of only one month. If, however, the rival claimants were engaged in warfare for eight years, it is difficult to guess who ruled the country during this long interval between the period after the ejection of Kanthika-Bēta by Tāla, and the time when the latter succeeded temporarily in seizing the Chalukya throne. No clue to such an interregnum is available from any of the Chalukya records. The question can be solved only by future discoveries.
Of inscription B the second plate is written on both sides, the first and third being written on the inner side only. But the lower half of the second side of the second plate and the upper half of the third plate are left blank. The plates are numbered one, two and three respectively in Kannada numerals. The record, like many other grants of the Vijayanagara kinge, is written in Nandināgari characters except the sign-manual sri-Triyambaka in line 68 which is in
1 Above, Vol. XVIII, p. 56. . Above, Vol. IX, p. 55.

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Kannada-Telugu script. The alphabet employed is regular for the period to which the rccord purports to belong and closely resembles that of the Srirangam plates of Mallikarjuna' dated Saka 1384, and the Srisailam plates of Virūpāksha of Saka 1388. The language is Sanskrit and excepting the words sri-Ganadhipatayi namah in the beginning of l. 1 and bri-Triyambaka in the last line the whole inscription is in verse. Many faults common to Vijayanagara grants such as mistakes of spelling, dropping of anusvāra or visarga, using them in places where they are unnecessary and omissions of letters, are found in this one also. As they have been corrected in the body of the text or in foot-notes it is not necessary to notice them here in detail.
The record is important as it is the second known grant of the Yuvarāja Triyambaka : the only other inscription of this prince is published in the Mysore Archeological Report for 1925, though its importance had not been recognised or discussed. The genealogical portion from Sangama down to Triyambaka is common to both the grants. Opening with invocations to the Boar-incarnation of Vishnu and Gaņēka respectively, the present grant mentions the Moon and bis descendant Yadu who ruled the earth. The following genealogy is then given -
Sangama
Bukkarāya m. Gauri
Harihara (II) m. Mēlāmbika
Dēvarāya (I) m. Dēmāmbika
Vijaya-Bhūpati n. Nārāyaṇidēvi
Dēvarāya (II) m. Lakumādēvi
Triyambaka
The epigraph further proceeds to state that after Triyambaka's father had gone to beaven, Immadi. Praudha-Dāvēndra (ie, Mallikarjuna“) became king. Verses 15 to 17 tell us that he bore the paramount titles of Rājādhirāja and Rajaparamēśvara and give a list of the king's birudas-the usual epithets of the Vijayanagara kings of the first dynasty. He is stated in verse 18 to have anointed his elder brother Triyambaka as Yuvarāja. This prince who was also called Chikkodeya was established (as Governor) at Ghanādri (i.e., Penugonda) by the king (v. 19).
The object of the inscription is to record that while Prince Triyambaka was governing his province (of Ghanādri) he granted the village of Bommehāļu, renaming it as Lakshmipura, after the name of his mother, to the Brăbman Machivokta, son of Vallabhokta of the Suklayajuś. sākhā on Monday, the full-moon day of Kärttika in the cyclic year Yuva, the Saka year being 1377 which is expressed by the numerical words dhātu (1) adri (7) guna (3) and bhū(1). The date is slightly irregular as the full-moon day of Kärttika in the year cited fell on Saturday, the
Above, Vol. XVI, plate between pp. 350 and 361. 1 Above, Vol. XV, plate facing p. 22. . Pp. 98 ff. Boe Ep. Cars, Vol., III, Seringapatam 89 and Kialhora's Routhern List, No. 497,

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25th October A.D. 1455. The discrepancy may be due to the fact that the engraver might have written Sõmavāra by mistake for Saurivāra ; or it is not impossible that, while the grant was actually made on Saturday, it was recorded on Monday and this latter day was cited by mistake. The donee is stated to have been well versed in Vēdas and Sāstras and to have mastered the science of polity (niti-sastra). The Yurarāja made the grant in the presence of god Triyambaka at Bhāskarakshētra (i.e., Hampi). The donated village Bommehāļn was situated in Pandemērusāgani, which was a sub-division of Gutti-rājya in the valita (district) of Penugonda. After the imprecatory verses the record closes with the signature of the Yuvarāja Triyambaka.
The donor Yuvarāja Triyambaka is known, as already stated, only from two records (including the one under publication) and not noticed in any of the genealogies of the first dynasty of Vijayanagara so far publisbed. From vv. 11-12 of the present record we learn that he was the son of Dēvarāya. But the most interesting fact revealed by our inscription is that he was the elder brother of the king Immadi-Praudha-Dēvëndra (.e., Mallikārjuna). If he was actually the elder brother, how could his younger brother Mallikārjuna succeed to the throne ? The question can be answered in two ways; one is to consider that Mallikarjuna, who ascended the throne after the death of Triyambaka's father, was the son of the pattamahishi (senior queen) and Triyambaka, though older in age, was the son of a junior queen and that consequently the throne passed on to Mallikarjuna after his father's death. The second is to regard Mallikarjuna and Triyambaka as sons of brothers, that is to say, Mallikärjuna belonged to the senior line and Triyambaka to the junior line, for it is quite common among Hindus to address and mention cousins as brothers. This raises an important issue, viz., if Mallikarjuna and Triyambaka were actual brothers, were they the children of Dövarāya II or his younger brother Pratapa-Dēvarāya ? From the use of the epithet praudha-pratāpa-ritharah which is applied in the present grant to Dēvarāya, the father of Triyambaka, it would appear that they were the sons of Pratāpa-Dēvarāya, who is considered by some scholars to have had the distinctive title of Praudha-Pratāpa. From the inscription under publication we learn that Immadi-Praudha-Dēvēndra became king after the death of Triyambaka's father who, if Triyambaka and Mallikarjuna were brothers, would also be the father of the latter. This would mean that the father of the brothers i.e., Pratāpa-Devarüya, the younger brother of Devaraya 11, was the predecessor of Mallikarjuna on the throne of Vijayanagara. And in support of this conclusion it may be argued that some inscriptions which refer themselves to the reign of a certain Vijaya and bear dates later than the death of Devaraya II (A.D. 1446)* might have been issued by Pratápa-Dēvarāya, who is known from an inscription to have had the surname of Vijaya. But there is one serious objection to this theory. Abdur Razak, who was an envoy from Persia to the court of Dēvarāya II, and who had an audience with him has recorded that the younger brother (Pratāpa) was killed in A.D. 1443, i.e., 3 years before the death of his elder brother. And there appears to be no reason to doubt the veracity of the statement of this contemporary writer. If, however, Mallikarjuna and Triyambaka were the sons of Dēvarāya II this difficulty would not arise. But in this case we would have to admit that Dēvarāya II, the father and predecessor of Immadi-Praudha-Dēvēndra was also described as praudha-pratāpa-vibhara. This expression, then, is to be regarded as either being used indiscriminately as a biruda both of Devaraya II and his younger brother Pratäpa-Dēvarāya or, that it was not a birudia and had no
1 As it is not known from any source that Mallikarjuna was nominated as the successor to his father in preference to his elder brother, this alternative is not considered here.
* Above, Vol. XVII, p. 195. * An. Rep. A. 8. I. for 1907-08, p. 251. • Wys. Arch. Rep. 1921, p. 30.
• Sewell: A Forgotten Empire, pp. 73 .

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special significance but was merely a descriptive epithet. This view is further strengthened by the fact that while all the known copper-plate grants of Virūpäksha, besides stating that his father was Pratápa, contain a reference to Pratapa's elder brother (i.e., Devaraya II), Mallikarjuna's copper-plate records mention only his father Dēvarāya II. We have also inscriptions of Devaraya II where he is described as praudha-pratāpa-prakaita-mahimā or proudha-pratāpavibhavah. If this surmise is accepted, the inscriptions which refer themselves to the reign of Vijaya, after the date of the death of Dēvarāya II, will have to be attributed, as suggested by the late Rao Bahadur Krishna Sastri,' to Mallikarjuna himself.
Now let us examine the possibility of taking Mallikarjuna and Triyambaka as cousins, the latter being the son of a junior member of the line though older in age than the former. As pointed out above, according to our inscription Inmadi-Praudha-Dēvēndra (i.e., Mallikarjuna) succeeded Triyambaka's father Dēvariya after the latter's death. In other words Mallikarjuna (who belonged to the senior line) succeeded his tincle. Since Dēvarāya II is not known to have had more than one brother who was variously called Pratāpa, Dēvatāya and Srigiri, it follows that Pratäpa did reign at least for sometime after the death of his elder brother. But this surmise again comes into conflict with the definite statement of Abdur Razak who was a contemporary of Dēvarāya.
It, therefore, appears to me that the most satisfactory solution of the problem is to consider both Mallikarjuna and Triyambaka, as the sons of Dēvarāya II from two different queens and that Mallikarjuna, being the son of the patta-mahishi (senior queen) ascended the throne after his father. As a matter of fact, we know that Mallikarjuna's mother was Ponnalādēvi'; and Triyambaka's mother was Lakumādēvi. If this view is correct the order of descent of the princes of this family from Vijaya-Bhūpati downwards would be as shown below:
Vijaya-Bhüpati.
Détataya II m. Lakumādévim . Ponnekādēvs.
Pratápa (Dēvariya).
m. Siddalādēvi.
Virupaksha. Triyambaka.
Mallikarjuna. Attention may be drawn to another interesting fact revealed by the inscription, namely, that Triyambaka bad the surname Chikkodeya. Nuniz mentions after Dēvarāya II a prince named Pinarao who was assasinated. If we could rely upon this writer's account-in many places bis statements ate inaccurate-there would be no impossibility in considering Chikkodeya to be identical with Pinarao, the latter name being but a Telugu variant of the Kannada form Chikkodeya.
Of the geographical places mentioned in the inscription it is well known that Bhaskara. kshötra is Hampi (Bellary District) which was the capital of the Vijayanagara kings. The donated village Bommehāļu may be identified with Bommeparti situated at a distance of seven miles from Anantapur. Gutti, after which the division Gutti-rajya was named, is Gooty, the headquarters of a taluk in the Anantapur District. Ghanädri is the Sanskritized form of Penu. gonda which is also the beadquarters of another taluk in the same district. It was from the
Seu e..., Ep. Carn., Vol. XI, Chitaldroog 29 and ibid., Vol. VIII, Nagar 65. * An. Rep. A. 8.I., 1907-08, p. 246. * Ep. Carn., Vol. VIII, Nagar 65.
• Sewell: A Forgotten Empire, p. 303.

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Two INSCRIPTIONS ON COPPER-PLATES FROM NUTIMADUGU. A.-Incomplete grant of the Eastern Chalukya Vikramaditya (II).
iib.
20SEX
1081706-10
वायमसिंहसनवासातामा सलागाजियामासमाबतलानामा
समतबानयतामणहानाममा मानामाइडतानासाहर दवावधावाधानतालमीन
FES MEEREDEPEPRE BENERALACETORIES
PRASADELIVERY HEREFLEEPTETTES
RIDAYAPLELYSIS
बॉउपाय विकासतापानबाडा सपनेमेचिसयानावासनमा
2009
OMPETEES
14
iiia.
20
122
22
From photographs.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.
CAKRSYARTI.

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No. 19.)
TWO INSCRIPTIONS ON COPPER-PLATES FROM NUTIMADUGU.
191
time of Harihara I and Bukka I the seat of a Viceroyalty and became the capital of the Vijayanagara kingdom after the destruction of Hampi following the Täļiköța disaster. The sub-division Pandemöru-mägani was apparently named after the stream Paņdamēru which feeds the big tank of Bukkarāyasamudram at Anantapur.
TEXT of A.
Second Plate; First Side. 1 ...... Tat-putro Jayasimha-vallabhas=trayastrimsad' -va[rshāņi) | tad-anu2 [j-Endra-rā*] jasya priya-tana[yo] Vishậuvarddhano nava (vatsa]rän | tat-suto Mangi.
yu
3 [varājaḥ pa*Jíchavimsati[m*] | tat-putro Jayasimhas-trayõdaśa vatsaran [1*) tad
dvaimātur-ānujaḥ 4 [Kokki*]liḥ shaņemāsān | tasya Ciyēshtho] bbrāta Vishnuvarddha[naḥ] sv-anujam=
ājā[v=u). 5 [chchatya saptatrimsat* tat-tanujo Vijayaditya-bhattārakah ashtās dasa] 6 [varshāni*] tad-auraső Vishnurājaḥ shattrimsad-abdãn tat-suto Vijayādityas=
chatvarimsata 7 ...... "[a]shtottara-sata-sriman-Narēndrēsvara-kārakaḥ [l*] tad-ātmajaḥ (Ka]Il-Visbņu
varddhanas-8-årddha8 (samām tat-suto*] Vijayaditya[h] chatuschatvārimsado-varshāņi i tad-bbrătura yuvarājasya Vi.
Second Plate; Second Side 9 (kramadityasya*) tanayaḥ Chălukya-Bhimas-trimsade-varshäņi | tat-buto Vijayādi. 10 [tyaḥ shan=māsā*]n 10apta-samvatsarān=ta(rāms=ta)sya sūnur-Amma-mabipatiḥ [1*]
Yātē Gandaraganda-bhū[bhu) 11 Ju- prāpt-abhishēkas-ta[ta]s=sūnum - u vasāt=s& - Vijayādityarh punas
Tālapas) 1*] 12 ---- ru-gatam vidhaya ba - [bhūyal bhumikva[r8] bhumim pälavati 13 u-uuu tań śrutvā vacho - - [l|1*}" Āgatya drutam=ayata-pratimukha
--u-n=uddhatan-hatvā tad-rudhiră bhima-[ba]la - nistrimsa-bhāsvad-bhuja
[h 1 ] tan-dagdhvă 15 vu-u-vuusrimad-Vikramaditya-bhūpālas-Tālapam=ēsba pattam-avahach
chữ
16 - --U-[||2011 Visal-Kvakasam=imam........ksbiti-payöräsi[shu) küla-bali
1 An. Rep. A. 8. 1., 1907-08, pp. 239 and 241. . From the original plates.
The first plate is lost. As the extant portion of the genealogy starts with Jayasinha I, the second ruler of the Eastern Chilukys line, it is not likely that more than one plato is lost.
• Bead satan varahani.
The portions enclosed within square brackets with asterisk have been lost and here supplied with the help of other Eastern Chalukya grants.
• Read atam abdäni.
From here up to karakab the text appears to be half an Anushubh verso. • Read "Satan varshani. • This punctuation mark has been engraved after erasing & superfluous s. 10 From here up to makipatil the text seems to contain a half verse in Anwalpubl. 1 Metre: Sardalavikridita.

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Third Plate ; First Side. ............t-prabhur-adhipatēr-yyasya sarõruhāsanaḥ 1 [3*]: Yad-asi 18 U--tv-āgādham=mabad-ripur=ambugair=vvisati vimukhó vårām rālim sphurad.
raņa-ramgataḥ | ya 19 u vanitā-chaksbur=vvāri-prasikta-tanus=satīn=asakrid-akbilă jajñe - - U - U 20 - 14*Vikram-aika-sahāyā=shtau yu[d*]dhvā yuddha-satam samäsh Il yuddhë
labdha
- rājyar yaḥ kirttyä samam=agrahit || [5*]Yat-känti-vikranti-krit-abhibhūti la -u -vuchitta-vșirti(vřitti) [*] chandro mpig-arāti-ruchāv=ap=imau jātau U--u guhā
Third Plate ; Second Side. --[|| 6*J* [A]panudati parēshām rāga-mõ[hau ya]diyo [di]šati cha karavāla
- --- -- Ichirayati samagram bbūri-sämsära-mohan-Nara iva 25 sbhu ?jvi siddho loka-vikhyāta-kirttih 11 07*Sa samastabhuvanäsraya-sri26 (Vikramāditya-mahārājādhiraja-paramēšvara-paramabbattāra27 [ka-pa]ramabrahmanyah Kandārvvādi-vishaya-niväsino räsběrakūta-pramukha28 (n=kutumbinas-sa]rvvän ittham=ājñāpayati viditam astu 1........ maditya...
TEXT of B.?
[Metres :-Vv. 1, 3-35 Anushțubh, v. 2 Sragdharā, v. 36 Sālini.]
First Plate.. 1 Sri-Gaņādhipatayo namah i Avyād=vaḥ prathamah Pautri(Põtri) sarasā. 2 m=udvahan=rasā[m *] priy-amga-samga-samjāta-śā(sā)ndra-svē(svē)d-5dayām=i3 vah(iva) ili 1*) Ringa[n]n=utsarga-ramgě nija-radana-diya(dhiya) Sam(Sara)karah + s-öttamärigād-a(ā)karshan(nn)=indu-lökhām pitari gata-rada-stēyam,= 5 iropayarns-chah(cha) [1*] mātuḥ protsähayamtyä smita-suchi-vadanam vikshami6 ņa(nah) sa-hāsam bālo văskalya(vātsalya)-bhūmiḥ kalayatu mudito mam7 galānyakadantah(läny-Ekadantah) [1 2*] Asti kaustubha-kalpadru-kämadhēnu sahodara
(rah) [1*] 8 Ramanuja[h*] Sudhānāthaḥ kshira-sägara-sambhavaḥ [1 3*] Udabhud-anvayo ta9 sya Yadu-nāmi mabipatiḥ palitan yat-kulinina(nēna) Vasudēvēna bhū10 talam(lam) 101 4*] Abbūd=asya kulē érimăn=abbam[gura*)-gun-odayah apåsta-durit-s11 samga[s*]-Samgamo nama bbūpatih [ 5*] Dik-karidra (ndra)-du(dhu)r-ūdhära-dakshina12 skandha-bandburah | Bukkarāya[s*]-tataḥ sriman asid=āhava-ka13 rkasah (sah) (1 6*) Ahina-bhöga-sam(sam)saktir-asau rāja-sikhā14 manih gõptā Hariharam Gauryām kumaram=udapā. 15 dayat 10 7*) Sishțăm(Sishtān) sarra[ksba*]to yasya dushţănwapi pi(ni)gri16 hộatah 1 labdh-ärthair=vidushā[m*] sārthai[**]=śläghyām(ghyā) Hä(Ha)ri
1 Metre may be Aryú. 2 Metre : Hariņi. * Metre : Anushtubh. • Metre : Indravajra. * Metre: Malini. • The continuation is missing.
From the original plates and ink-impressions,

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17 Har-ātmată (1 8*) Tasya Mēlāņbikā jānēs=tanayo vina18 y-onnatahi () Pratāpa-Dēvarāy-ākhyalb*l putra s*]=Sutrāma19 vikramah ill 9*] Tasya Dēmāmbikā jānēs=ta[na*]yo (vinay-7*]na(Önnaltah 20 vidyā-vinaya-vijñāna-nidhir=Vijaya-bhüpatish 10*1 21 Tasya [Nā]rāyaṇidēvyāsın*) pradurāsid=[d*Jurāsadalh*] I prau. 22 dha-pratā pa* )-vibhavő Dēvarāya-mabipatih ILI 11*7 Tasya sri23 Lakumādēvi bhāry=ābhūd=bhūpā(pa)tēh priyā [1*] Lakshmir=iva Mura
Second Plate; First Side. 24 rātēlh*] Pārvat=iva Pināki nah] [1 12*] Tayő[h*) prăchina-punyānāri 25 paripāka-viśēsbatah | tasyä[mn*] Triyambaka[s*)-säkshat-kumarah sa26 majāyata il 13*] Bhuvam hitvā divain yatë tätë tasya mahātmani 27 Im(I)mmadi-Praudha-Dēvēmdro rāj=ābhūj-jagatipatih 11 14*1 Rājādhi28 rājas tējasvi yo rājaparamēśvara) [I*] bhash-ollamghi-mahipala29 bhujangama-vihangarāt !!! 15*] Vairi-bhūpati-vētanda-chamda30 khandana-kēsari | gaj-augha-gamdabhērundo gajēdra(ndra)-mți31 yaya-rata[h*1 ILI 16*) Tri-rāja-bhujag-onnaddha-para-rāja-bhavan32 karah | Hi[m*]du-rāya-suratrāņa ity-ādi-bhi(bi)rud-onnataḥ 1 17*] 33 Jyāyā r*]sar bhrataran rājā Triyarbaka-mahipati[m](tim) prada34 rsa(rśa)ya[m*]s=cha saubhrātrarii yauvarājyēzbhisēša(shēcha)yan (1 18*) Srima 35 ch-Chikkodeyakhyam cha Ghanādrau sthapan-ataram(äntaram) | ēvan 36 bhrātri pradattē tu rājyē Chikkodahõ(Chikkodeyo) bali [1 19*) sva-rājya[m*] 37 pälayann-atram(atra) divyati sri-Triyambakaḥ -I (I) Sali38 vāhana-nirnīta-Saska*)-varsha-kram-agatë 20*1 Dhātv-adi(adri)-guna39 bha-yuktē Sak-abdē Yuva-vatsarē Kārttikyām su(su)kla-pa40 kshē cha pürņamyä(nimāyā[m*) mahā-tithau ll 21"] Soma-värēl punya41 kül-odayē tatha | pavitrē Bhāskarakshētrē sri-Tri42 yambaka-sannidhau ILI 22*) Penugomd-akhya-valité Gutti-ra. 43 jyê samanvage(nvitē) || (I) Pamdemērů-maganau cha sthitām(tar) bādha44 vivarjitam(tam) (1 23*] Bommōhāļu-namānam grāmam hi sarva45 masyakan Gururāyasya böbalyā vamcha chäru sväkritam || [24*] Nidhi-ni
Second Plate ; Second Side. 46 kshēpa-vāry-as(á)ma-siddha-sā[dhy-.]kshiņ=iti cha ägām=ity=a47 shta-bhög-adhyan tēja-svāmya-samanvitam(tam) 25*1 Kuly-äräm-ādi48 sayuktan samasta-bali(li)-samyutam(tam) | agrahāram=imam sarvam 49 mânyam=i-chandra-tārakam(kam) il 26*) Sa-hirany-odaka[m*]da50 palm dhārā-pūrvam yatba-vidhi nityam Lakshmipuram 51 ch=ēti mātur=nämnā vidhāya cha 1 [l 27*], 1 - 2 52 Snkla-yajuh-sukha-pärarn-gatas-tatba Vallabhökt-à53 tmajo vidvăn Mächivõktõ dvij-ottamah [128] Vēda-sa64 stra-praviņas-cha niti-sāstra-parāyanah par-o55 pakāra-kusalah Siva-pājā-paras-tathā [1 29*Natvá ta
Four Myllables are missing in the first quarter of this Anushubh verse. * The second half of this verse is corrupt and I cannot suggest any emendation.

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56 smai dvij-edrā(ndra)ya bböktum dātum yath=ēpsaya sa prādādd=yu. 57 varāj-ākhyas=Triyambakā(ka)-mahipatih [1 30*] Brāhmaṇaḥ sa cha sam58 hřishtah putra-pautra-samanvitab räjänamasisham cha59 krē schi(chi)ramjivi bhavatv-iti Hill [31*)
Third Plate. 60 Sva-datta para-dattām vā yo barēta vasumdharam(rām) | shamsbţirl-varsha-sa61 hasrāņi vishțhāyām jāyatë krimih ill 32*] Sva-datvā(dattād=)dviguņam punyam par
(pa) 62 ra-datt-änupälanan(ne) para-datt-āpabärēņa sva-dattar nishphalam bha63 vēt [1 33*] Ek=aiva bhagini lökē sarvēsā(sha)m=ēva bhübbujam (jam)[*] na bhöjyä na ka64 ra-grāhyā vipra-dattă vasundhară ILI 34*] Däna-pälanayor=madhyē dānách=chhrē. 65 yo=nupälanam(nam) 1 dãnāt svargam=avāpnēti pälanād-achyutan padam(dam) [1 35*] 66 Sāmānyo=yam dharma-sētu[r*]=nsipāņām kālē kālē pālaniyo bhavadbhiḥ [*] 67 sarvān=ētān=bhävinah parthiv-ēmdrān=bhūyo bhūyo yāchatē Rāmacham(drah] [ll 36*] 68 srl Triyambaka
No. 20.-SANTA-BOMMALI PLATES OF INDRAVARMAN : [GANGA] YEAR 87.
By R. K. GHOSHAL, M.A., CALCUTTA. The copper-plates, which bear the subjoined inscription, were secured in 1925 from a farmer of the village of Santa-Bömmāli in the Ganjam District by Mr. Lakshminarayan Harichandan Jagadev, M.R.A.S., Rājā Bābādur of Tékkali, in whose ownership they now lie. The inscription seems to have been first published in the Utkala Sahitya Parishad Patrikā of Cuttack, Vol. XXXI, which is not accessible to me. It was next dealt with by its present owner in the Journ. of the Andhra Hist. Res. Society (Vol. IV, pp. 21 ff. and plate). His introduction to and reading of the text of the inscription, however, having contained a number of inaccuracies, I take this opportunity to publish a revised edition. The present treatment is based on s reproduction of the plates accompanying the Rājā Bāhādur's paper referred to above.
The plates are three in number and measure: 64" by 27". The first and the third plates bear writing on their inner faces only, while the second one is inscribed on both sides. The plates are in a perfect state of preservation. Towards the proper right end of each plate there is a hole for a ring of 216' in diameter to connect tbem. The seal, on which the ends of the ring are secured, measures about 41" and on it is said to be engraved the figure of a couchant ?) bull. The weight of the plates together with the ring is 52 tolas.
The characters belong to the southern class of alphabets and are almost of the same type as is found in the Achyutapuram plates (Year 87) and the Parla-Kimēdi (Year 91)
Read shashtim varsha-. .J. A. A. R. 8., Vol. IV, p. 21. I have not had any opportunity to verify this and the following information in this paragraph from the original plates. This record has also been noticed in An, Rep. on South Indian Epigraphy for 1925-26, p. 10, Appendix A, No. 2.
• No shape of the seal is given ; perhaps it is of the usual small oval shape. Above, Vol. III, pp. 127 ff.

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No. 20.]
SANTA-BOMMALI PLATES OF INDRAVARMAN: [GANGA] YEAR 87.
195
plates of Indravarman. They have also a general resemblance to the script of the stray Tirlingi plate (Year 28 ?) as well as to that of the Narasingapalli (Year 79) and Urlam' (Year 80) plates of Hastivarman.
The numerical symbols 80, 7 and 30 occur in line 23.
As in the Parla-Kimēḍi plates, the heads of the letters have in many places an imperfect and disjointed appearance, as if they had been partially worn away by rust. But as observed by Dr. Fleet, this is due, wherever it occurs, to faulty execution on the part of the engraver, in omitting sometimes to complete the matras and sometimes even to commence them at all. Otherwise, the engraving is fairly clearly done. There are six lines inscribed on each plate, the whole inscription containing twenty-four lines in all.
The language is Sanskrit. With the exception of three customary verses (11. 19-23) and one concluding verse (1. 24), the inscription is written in prose throughout.
In respect of orthography, we have to notice (1) the use of the guttural nasal () before h in sinha, line 24, (2) the substitution of anusvära by the class nasal of the following consonant in ayan-dāna, 1. 18, (3) the doubling of dh in conjunction with a following y in -anuddhyataḥ, 1. 7, (4) the frequent doubling of consonants after r, (5) the occasional doubling of consonants before and (6) the use of anusvära in place of the final form of m in phalam (1. 20) and -nupalanam (1. 21). The letters b and are indicated by separate signs, the solitary exception being in parivadha (1. 14). The rules of sandhi are observed throughout except in lines 5 and 17.
The object of the inscription is to record the gift of three halas of land towards meeting the expenses of offering regular worship and repairing the temple of god Rämēsvara-bhaṭṭāraka in Dantayavāgū. Of these two halas lay in the village of Haribhata in the district of Krōshṭukavarttani and the third at Dantayavāgū itself. The gift was made into a permanent free-hold devagrahara by Indravarman, alias Rajasimha, who is described as belonging to the spotless family of the Gängas.
The date of the inscription is given, in figures only, as the years of the prosperous victorious reign (pravarddhamana-vijaya-rajya-sanvatsarah) 80 7; (the month) Jyeshtha: the day 30 (1. 23 ) .
The charter was written by Vinayachandra, the son of Bhanuchandra (1. 24).
We have had as yet three published records of the reign of Indravarman, alias Rajasimha : they are (1) the Achyutapuram plates of the Year 87, (2) the Parla-Kimēdi plates of the Year 91. and (3) the record under discussion.
Another single plate from Tirlingi (in the Ganjam District), apparently the last of a set, bears an inscription which is dated, according to Mr. S. N. Rajaguru", in the year 28 of the Ganga era. The writer (and engraver) of this stray plate describes himself
as
1 Ind. Ant., Vol. XVI, pp. 131 ff. For a lithograph of the plates Dr. Fleet refers us to his Indian Inscriptions, No. 18. The plates are preserved in the Madras Museum. This work of Dr. Fleet does not seem to have been eventually published.
2 J. A. H. R. S., Vol. III, pp. 54 ff. Above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 62 ff. Ibid., Vol. XVII, pp. 332 ff. J. A. H. R. S., Vol. III, p. 54.

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Vinayachandra, the son of Bhānuchandra, who has been taken by Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar! to be the namesake of the writer of the three records of Indravarman-Rajasimba men. tioned above. Proceeding from this conjecture, Dr. Bhandarkar suggests that the word read by Mr. Rajaguru as denoting twenty-eight may actually be read as eighty-eight, thus satisfactorily adjusting the date of the plate within the reign of Indravarman of the present record. The reading of the date on this plate has also been doubted by Dr. R. C. Majumdar.' The reproduction of the plate in question accompanying Mr. Rajaguru's paper is unfortunately too obscure to admit of verification on this point. What little however remains does not seem to support the reading ashhabitas. ..... asya as suggested by Dr. Bhandarkar.
of the localities mentioned, Kalinganagara has been voriously identified with modern Kalinga patams at the mouth of the Vamsadhară river or with Mukhalingam near Chicacole. The Kröshtukavarttani (vishayot) is mentioned in a number of early and later Ganga records. It has been identified by Dr. E. Hultzsch® with modern Chicacole. A district (bhoga) called Dantava rāgu (really vāgū) is mentioned in the Bșihatpröshtha grant of Umavarman (above, Vol. XII. p. 5. 1. 5). But I am unable to identify both this village and that of Haribhata.
Vinayachandra, the writer of the present record, was also responsible for preparing the draft of the two inscriptions of Hastivarman and two of Indravarmano mentioned above.
The biruda Rajasimha applied to Indravarman in the present record, also occurs in the Narasingapalli and Urlam plates of Hastivarman and also in the Achyutapuram and Parlā-Kimēdi plates of Indravarman.
The date of our inscription can be ascertained only very approximately. If, as is held by Prof. R. Subba Rao, the epoch of the Ganga era began from 494 A.D., the date of our record would fall at 494 +-87=581 A.D. Without caring however to arrive at any one particular year, we would not be far wrong if we placed our record in the period 570-625 A.D.
1 A List of Inscriptions of Northern India, p. 288, f. n. 1. ? Ibid., no. 2047.
Above, Vol. XXIII, p. 63, f. n. 1. *J. A. H. R. S., Vol. III, p. 55.
• In any case, it begins with asha-. Of the two letters following, the second appears to be a ligature most probably with a guttural nasal (n); while the preceding one has a clear medial i sign. The arguments advanced by Mr. G. Ramdas (J. 4. H. R. 8., Vol. III, pp. 82-83) for doubting the genuineness of this stray plate do not appear to be conclusive. His reading of the date sitya-ashtha(sic)viti also is not borne out by the plate; for, the conjunct (read by Mr. Rajaguru as sya being a possessive case-ending) coming immediately after samvatsara cannot possibly be broken up into si and tya.
• Ind. 49., Vol XVI, p. 132.
* E.g., Urlam pls. (Yr. $0) of Hastivarman, Above, Vol. XVII, pp. 332 ff.; Chicacole pls. (Yr. 183) of Devendravarman, Above, Vol. III, pp. 131 ff.; Parla-Kimedi pls. (Yr. 204) of Anantavarman, Ind. An.. Vol. XVIII, pp. 144 ff., etc.
. Above, Vol. XVII, pp. 332 ff.
. He was also probably the same as the writer and engraver of the stray Tirlingi grant (J. 4. H. R. 8., Vol. III, pp. 54 ff.) the donor of which must remain, pending the discovery of the remaining plates of the set, a mysterious personality. Prof. R. Subba Rao however suggests (J. A. H. R. S., Vol. VI, p. 71) that the donor may be identified with Mitravarman, father of Indradhiraja, mentioned in the Godavart plates of Prithivimala (J. B. B. R. A. S., Vol. XVI, pp. 116 ff. and pls.). This Indradhiraja bas further been held by Dr. Bhandarkar (List, p. 266, No. 1904 and f. n. 1) to be identical with Indravarma of the Jirjingi pls. of the Ganga Year 39 (J. A. H. R. S., Vol. IST, PP. 51 ff.).
10 J. A. H. R S., Vol. V, pp. 267-76.

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No. 20.)
SANTA-BOMMALI PLATES OF INDRAVARMAN: [GANGA) YEAR 87.
197
TEXT.1
First Plate. 1 Om Svasti [*] Sarvv-artu-sukha-ramaniyad=vijaya-Kalinganagarāt-sakala-bhuvana
nirmma2 n-aika-sutradhārasya bhagavató Gökarņņaevāminas-charana-kamala-yugala-praņā3 mād=apagata-kali-kalamko vinaya-naya-sampadām=ådhāraḥ sv-asi-dhārā4 Parispand-adhigata-sakala-Kaling-adhirajyag-chatur-udadhi-taranga-mēkhal-à5 vani-tala-pravitat-amala-yasah anēka-samara-samkshobha-janita-jaya-ta 6 bdo Gäng-amala-kula-pratishthah pratāp-ātisay-anamita-samanta-sämanta-chuda
Second Plate ; First Side. 7 maņi-prabhā-mañjari-puñja-rañjita-charaṇā mātā-pitsi-pād-anuddhyātaḥ paramama8 bēbvaraḥ śri-Maharaj-Endravarmmā | Kröshtukavarttanyám Haribhața-grämě
sarvva-sa9 mavētān=kutumbinas=samājñāpayati []*] Viditam=astu võ yath=āsmābhir-asmi10 n=grāmē hala-dvayasya bhūs-chhitvā Dantayavēgvām bhagavató Rāmēsvara-bhattārake11 sya bali-cbaru-sattra-pravarttanaya khanda-sphutita-samskāra-karaṇāya cha Dantaya12 vāgviyā cha halasya bhūr=asy=aiva sarvva-karaih parihfity=a-chandr-arkka-pratishtham
Second Plate; Second Side. 13 dēvägrahāran=kritvā mātā-pittrör=ātmanag=cha puny-abhivriddhayē Talavaradēva14 bhogikēna pratibõdhitais=sampradatta [l*] tad=viditvā na kēnachiteparivā(ba)dhā käryye
ēti [l*] 15 Haribhata-kshēttrasya cha sima-lingani uttarēņa Kshatriya-taţāka'-parivāhaḥ 16 pūrvvēnarjuna-vrikshasutato valmika-parktis-tataḥ kritri(tri)mă păshāna-puñja-parkti
[he] 17 tato nimba-vrikshah dakahinēn-ipi tat-tataka-parivaha ēva paschimēna kūpas-tata[h*] 18 'yamalak-arjuna-vriksho tato rằja-märggas-cb=ēti Bhavishyad-rajabhis=chrayan-dana
Third Plate. 19 dharmmājrmmõ=)nupilyasutathi cha Vyāsa-gitām slökän udabaranti [l*) 'Babubhire
vvasudha dattā 20 bahubhis-ch-nupalita (I*) yasya yasya yadā bhūmis-tasya tasya tadi phalam(lam) [ 1*]
Sva-dattani 21 para-dattām vă yatnād=raksha Yudhisbțbira []*) mahi[m*) mahimatan brēshtha dânäche
chhrēyo=nupālanam(nam) [12]
1 From plate opp. p. 23, J. A. H. R. S., Vol. IV. * Expressed by a symbol. * This mark of punctuation is unnecessary. • Cf. Rå jatataka; above, Vol. III, p. 127.
Is this arjuna a cluster of two trees of the same species: Or, is yamalaks to be restored as a malaks? In that case we have to read urikahau in place of vriksho.
• Read gitan. + Metre : Sloka (Anushubh): And in the following two verses.

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22 Shashtim varsha-sahasrāņi mõdatē divi bhūmidaḥ [l*) akshēptā ch=ānumantā cha tâny=eva 23 narakē vasēd=iti pravarddhamāna-vijaya-rajya-samvatsarāḥ 80 7 Jyēshtha-divasa
300 (I*] 24 'Idam Vinayachandrāņa Bhanuchandrasya sūnună [l*) säsanam Rājasinhasya likhi tam sva-mukh=ājñayā [114*]
TRANSLATION (Lines 1-14) Om Hail! From the victorious (city of) Kalinganagara, which is pleasant in all seasons, the glorious Mahārāja Indravarman ........ addresses the following) order to all the householders en masse at the village of Haribhața in the district of) Kröshțukavarttani:
"Be it known to you that we have granted, after portioning it off, and on being informed by Talavaradēva, the Bhögika,' and for increasing the religious merit of (Our) parents and of Ourselves, two halas of land in this village for the sake of performing (rites known as) bali, charu and sattra, and for the repairs of dilapidations (of the temple) of god Rämēsvara-bhattāraka (situated in the village called) Dantayavāgū and (in addition to that) another hala of land in the same) Dantayavāgū, having constituted it as an agrahāra for god (Rāmēsvara-bhattāraka) which is to last as long as the moon and the sun, and having exempted it from all impositions.
Having known this, nobody should cause any hindrance".
(LI. 15-18) The boundary marks of the land (granted) in (the village of) Haribhata are as follows On the north, the storm water channel of the tank (called) Kshatriya-tațāka; on the east, an arjuna tree, after that a row of ant-hills, then up to the artificial line of heaped-up stones, then a nimba tree; on the south, the same channel of that tank (Kshatriya-tatāka): on the west, a well, then the twin arjuna trees, then the royal road.
(Ll. 18-23) The future kings should maintain this religious gift. And likewise the verses sung by Vyāsa are quoted :
(Here come three of the customary verses.) (Ll. 23-24) The year 87 of the prosperous victorious reign; (the month) Jyēshtha, the day 30.
This edict (sāsana) of Rājasimha has been written at the command of his (the king's) own mouth, by Vinayachandra, the son of Bhānuchandra.
1 Read aset (||3*] iti.
* Mr. Jagadev reads the symbol as 10. Metre: Slöka (Anushfubk).
Read sinhasya. . For a translation of the long string of epithets that follows see above, Vol. III, p. 129.
• Taravard as an official title (Mahapratīhāra-Taravara-Vinayaśārasya) occurs on a Basarh seal (An. Rep., A. 8. 1., 1903-4, p. 109, No. 16). Mahatalavara (along with its feminine Mahitalavari) in the sense of a high dignitary with indefinite function is frequently mentioned in inscriptions of Ikshvāku kings from Nagarjunikonda (above, Vol. XX, pp. 6-7 and f. n. 1).
In the present instance also Talavaradeva-Bhögika (or Talavara-dēvabhögika 1) seems to have been used as the title of an officer who did the dual function of a talavara and a bhögika.
For the explanation of the term Bhögika, see above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 59 and 64. Also C. 1. 1., Vol. III, p. 100, n. 1.
In explaining the technical word kula, in Manu, VII, 119, Kulluka observes thus: shadgavath madhyamaria halam=iti tathavidha-haladvayena yavati bhumir dhyatë tatakulam=iti wadati. Here the connotation of hala is mut elear. In any case, hala appears to be a recognised kind of land measure.
I am grateful to my revered teacher Dr. R. G. Basak, M.A., Ph.D., Senior Professor of Sanskrit, Presi. dency College, Calcutta, for kindly suggesting a number of corrections in my interpretation of the text of the inscription.

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No. 21.]
PURSHOTTAMPURI PLATES OF RAMACHANDRA: SAKA 1232.
199
No. 21.-PURSHOTTAMPURI PLATES OF RAMACHANDRA: SAKA 1232.
BY PROF. V. V. MIRASHI, M.A., NAGPUR.
These plates were brought to my notice by Mr. B. M. Bhusari, M.A., Professor of Marathi, in the Osmania College, Hyderabad (Deccan). At my request Dr. N. P. Chakravarti, Government Epigraphist, supplied me with excellent ink-impressions of them. The original plates were kindly procured by Mr. G. Yazdani, M.A., O.B.E., Director of Archeology, Hyderabad State, and their ink-impressions taken by the Superintendent for Epigraphy, Madras. I am indebted to Mr. Yazdani for permission to edit the plates in this Journal.
The copper-plates, which are three in number, were discovered in the possession of a Gōsavi at Purshottampuri on the southern bank of the Godavari, about 40 miles due west of Parbhani, in the Bhir District of H. E. H. the Nizam's Dominions. They are very massive, each measuring 1' 24" broad, 1' 8" high and " thick. Their total weight is 47-25 lbs. The ends of the plates are raised into rims for the protection of the writing. The first and third plates are inscribed on one side only and the second on both the sides. The plates have in the centre at the top a round hole 11" in diameter for the ring which must have originally held them together; but neither the ring nor the seal, which must have been connected with it, is now forthcoming. The writing is in a state of excellent preservation. There are 141 lines in all, of which thirty-four are written on each of the first two inscribed sides, thirty-eight on the second side of the second plate, while the last plate has thirty-five lines. The technical execution is very good, there being few mistakes of writing or engraving. In line 51 two redundant aksharas have been cancelled by incising two vertical strokes on the top.
The characters are Nagari. Except in a few cases they closely resemble the ordinary Nagari characters of the present time. The only peculiarities that call for notice are that the curve for the medial u is in some cases added to the side and not to the bottom of the vertical stroke, see Vishnu-, 1. 81 and -achyutam, l. 137; the medial diphthongs are in many cases denoted by prishthamātrās; the subscript member of the ligature gg like that of nn is denoted only by a horizontal stroke, see svarggam, 1. 136; n appears with a dot in one case and without it in another, see Sarngain 11. 2-3 and 30; the form of the rare jh in Vimjhadeva, 1. 105, is noteworthy; the letters and in approximate to their modern forms, see ramana-, 1. 2 and yajñair-, 1. 124; the letters t and n, th and dh as well as v and ch are in some places written alike; the left member of dh is fully developed except in ligatures like ddh; there was thus no possibility of confusion between dha and vā, still the horizontal line joining the vertical strokes of the former akshara is not discarded, see nidhanam, 1.2; finally, v and b are denoted by their proper signs except in vrahma-sv-, 1. 133.
The language is Sanskrit and the record is written partly in prose and partly in verse. There are 59 verses in all. Of the initial 18 verses which eulogize the reigning king Raniachandra and his ancestors, one completely and another partly occur in the earlier Paithan plates of the same king. It is again noteworthy that in the concluding portion, which contains benedictive and imprecatory verses, there is one verse which is only a hemistich, and another, which is an Anush
1 In their size and weight the present plates resemble the Paithan plates of the same king Ramachandra edited by Dr. Fleet, Ind. Ant., Vol. XIV, pp. 314 ff. Of the three plates here the first weighs 18 lbs., the second 14-25 lbs. and the third 15 lbs.
2 The aforementioned Paithan plates have a Garuda seal.
3 These are verses 4 and 13. The second half of the latter verse occurs as the first half of the corresponding verse in line 46 of the Paithan plates.

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gubh verse of six pādas. The inscription is composed in a good style and contains an interesting use of double entendre in several verses of the eulogistic portion. Of lexicographical interest are the old Marāthi words, phulabadue and joisi (modern Joki). The former which is the title of a royal functionary occurs also in an old Marāțhi work of the same age, viz., the Sisu pālavadha (v. 51) of Bhāskara bhatta. The nasalisation of the final ayllable in the Marathi names of villages is also noteworthy. As regards orthography we may note that kh is used for sh as in paritokhēna, 1. 41 and vice versá as in ratna-shanyah, 1. 48. The dental and palatal sibilants are used each in its proper place except in a few cases such as sprisyatē, l. 25. The letters v and b are almost everywhere clearly distinguished. In one case (namely, in Mahādēópuri, 1. 116), va is changed to o as in old Marathi works. The rules of sandhi are violated in several places, the most common instance being the addition of an anusvāra before final n as in ullāsayamn=, 1. 12, uddharamn=, 1. 18, etc.
The inscription refers itself to the reign of the king Rāmachandra of the Later Yādava dynasty. The object of it is to record the grant, by Rāmachandra, of some villages to his minister Purushottama alias Purushai Näyaka, for the formation of an agrahāra and the donation, by Purushottama, of the agrahāra which he named Purushottamapuri after himself, to certain Brāhmaṇas. The agrahāra consisted of the four villages, Pokhari, Adagau, Vāghaurē and Kurunapăragau, which were situated in the Kanhairi -khampanaka (subdivision) of the Kanhairi-dēša. The first three of these villages had three hamlets (khēļakas) attached to each of them, viz., Sāēgāhvāņa, Pimpalagähvāņa, Pālipokhari, Piripalavādi, Kājalakovi, Sõijanē, Simpivihirē, Gõlēgāhvāna and Dharavāghaurē. The agrahāra was bounded on the east by Dāndigau, and Sadule, on the south by Kēšavapuri, Săvarigavă and Harikinibagau, on the west by Rājagau, Hivarē, Chinchavali and Mahādēvapuri joined to Drugalēgāhvāna and on the north by the Gangai. The land of these villages was divided into 86 parts (vrittiss) of which two were assigned to two gods, whose nanies have not been specified, one was set apart to provide for the annual performance of the agnishtikā rites and the maintenance of a charitable water-shed (prapa)', while the remaining 83 parts were donated to 83 Brāhmaṇas, one being assigued to each. The names of the donees and their fathers together with such details as their säkhās and gotras are given in lines 80-114. Of the eighty-three Brāhmaṇa beneficiaries, fifty-seven belonged to the Rigvēda, twenty-one to the Taittiriya-sākhū of the Black Yajurvēda, one to the Kāņva and one to the Madhyandina-śākhā of the White Yajurvēda and the remaining three to the Samavēda. Among the golras the following are represented :-Kasyapa, Bhāradvāja, Jāmadagnya-Vatsa, Vasishtha, Vishnuvsiddha, Kausika,
* Phulabadut means the Superintendent of the arrangement of flowers. See v. 25.
I have not nasalized the final vowel of this and other place-names,
* That vritti meant an actual plot of land, not a share of the produce, is clear from the Chanje inscription of Sõmēsvaradeva (above, Vol. XXIII, p. 281) where in line 11 some vrittis are mentioned as defining the boundaries of the donated land.
• The agnishtikā rite is performed in the cold seasons of Hệmanta and Sisira. It consists in the kindling of fire with the recitation of appropriate mantras and the feeding of Brāhmaṇas and supplicants every morning and evening, commencing from an auspicious day in the month of Märgastreha. It is believed to yield great religious reward in the next world as the fire is enjoyed by the people who sit round it in the cold seasons and talk on all sorts of matters, political, religious and social. For a description of the rite, see Hēmādri's Danakhanda, pra. karapa xiii (Chaturvargachintamani, ed. by Pandit Sadāśiv Acharya Dikshit, Vol. I, pt. ii, pp. 859 ff.) The Liļā charitra, a Mahānubhāva work of the Yadava period, mentions the agnishfika tire at Pimpalagaon not far from Dévagiri, which was visited by Chakradhara, the founder of the Mahanubhāva sect.
The prapå is a charitable water-shed maintained usually in summer, where thirsty travellers and cattle get free drinking water,

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Agastya, Visvāmitra, Kauņdinya, Harita, First Atrēya, Vishộuvșiddha-Angirasa, Vādhryaśva, Gautama, Naidhruva, Dēvarāta, Ātrēya, Vatsa, Kapi, Gārgya, Pūtināsha, Srivatsa and Lõbita. Unlike some other Yadava inscriptions such as the Chikka-Bāgiwādi plates of the time of Krishna and the Paithan plates of Ramachandra, the present record does not, except in four cases, mention the family names of the Brāhmaṇa donees and it is noteworthy that at least three of these four family names, viz., Miśra, Dubē and Trivēdi, are of North-Indian Brāhmaṇas.
The inscription contains two dates, one in lines 33-34 and the other in lines 72-73. Both of them refer themselves to the Saka era and are expressed in years which are said to have elapsed since the time of a Saka king. It is noteworthy that there is no reference in them to the king Sālivähana as the founder of the era. This manner of mentioning the era confirms Dr. Fleet's suspicion that the date of the Thāņā plates of Ramachandra also, of which the original plates are lost, did not probably contain any reference to this legendary king. The earliest inscriptions which mention this king's name in connection with the dates of the Saka era are those of the king Bukkarāya I of Vijayanagara, as has already been pointed out by Dr. Fleet.
The earlier of the two dates mentioned in the present inscription, which records the grant of the aforementioned four villages by Ramachandra is Saturday, the 11th tithi of the bright fortnight of Bhadrapada of Saka 1232, the cyclic year being Sädhärana. This date regularly corresponds, for the expired Saka year 1232, to the 5th September A. D. 1310, on which day the aforeinentioned tithi ended at 11 h. after mean sunrise. The cyclic year was Sadhāraņa according to the southern luni-solar system. The second date which registers the donation of the agrahāra of the same four villages by the minister Purushottama is mentioned as Kapilashashthi in the month of Bhādrapada in Saka 1232 and the cyclic year Sadhāraņa. The fortnight and the week-day are not expressly stated in this case. They are, however, implied by the mention of the Kapilashashthi ; for it is well known that the latter name is given to the sixth tithi of the dark fortnight of the amānta Bbādrapada when it falls on a Tuesday and is joined with the nakshatra Rõhiņi and the yoga Vyatipāta. It is regarded as particularly auspicious if the sun is besides in the nakshatra Hasta. This date also is quite regular. It corresponds, for the same expired Saka year 1232, to Tuesday, the 15th September A.D. 1310, when the sixth tithi of the dark fortnight of the amanta Bhādrapada ended at 12 h. 15 m. after mean sunrise. This tithi was Kapilashashthi: for on that day the moon was in the constellation Rõhiņi till 3 h. 20 m. and the yoga Vyatipāta ended at 12 h. 45 m. after mean sunrise. The sun also was then in Hasta ; for it had entered that nakshatra only a week before, viz., at 18 h. 8 m. after mean sunrise on the 8th September A.D. 1310. The inscription states that Ramachandra had asked Purushottama several times before to make an agrahāra worthy of himself. The latter was evidently awaiting the tithi Kapilashashthi, a grant made on which is regarded as specially meritorious. He finally made the grant on the aforementioned day when the rare combination of the particular tithi, week-day, nakshatras and yoga necessary for a Kapilashashthi occurred in the early hours of the morning.
1 There are four gawas in the Atri götra which differ from one another only in respect of the third pravara. The pravaras of the first Atrēya götra are Atrēya, Archananasa and Syāvā va.
Ind. Ant., Vol. VII, pp. 303 ff. * The same manner of mentioning the date is met with in the earlier Rashtrakta grants, see above, Vol. XXIII,
p. 16.
. Above, Vol. XIII, p. 199. • Ind. Ant., Vol. XXVI, p. 183.
• For calculations of the yoga I have used the tables for the Sürya Siddhanta in Diwan Bahadur S. K. Pillai's Indian Ephemeris, Vol. I, pt. i.

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Having thus disposed of the formal portion of the grant, we shall now turn to the historical information furnished by it.
The genealogy of the reigning king Ramachandra is here traced from Simha (Simhana). Verse 4 states that Simbaņa defeated Balläla and the lord of Bhambhāgiri, imprisoned the king Bhoja on the crest of a fortress and vanquished Arjuna. These exploits of Simhaņa are enumerated in other records also. In fact the aforementioned verse was already known from the Paithan plates of Ramachandra. Most of the kings mentioned in it have already been identified by Dr. R. G. Bhandarkar and Dr. Fleet in their respective works. Still there are a few more details about them which can now be gathered from records which have recently come to light.
Balläla defeated by Simhana was evidently the Hoysala king Vira-Ballala II, who flourished from circa A.D. 1173 to A.D. 1220The war in which he suffered a defeat seems, therefore, to have been fought in the beginning of Simhana's reign (circa A.D. 1210 to 1247). Hēmādri's Vratakhanda gives credit to Simhaņa for the annexation of the entire kingdom of Ballāla. This is no doubt an exaggeration; but as Fleet has shown, Simhaņa seems to have annexed some territory to the south of the Malaprabhā and the Kţishņā which formed the southern boundary of the Yadava kingdom during the reigns of his predecessors Bhillama and Jaitugi. The Andhra king defeated by Simhana was probably Ganapati of the Kākatiya dynasty who had been released from imprisonment and placed on the throne by Simhana's father Jaitugi®. The battle does not appear to have been decisive; for Ganapati also claimed success over his Yadava antagonist. No definite information about the third king Kakkalla overthrown by Simhana was available until recently. Dr. Bhandarkar suggested that he belonged to the Kalachuri dynasty of Tripuri; for some kings of that dynasty were known to have assumed the analogous name Kokkalla. From a stone inscription recently found at the village Uddari in the Sorab tälukā of the Shimoga District in the Mysore State, it seems however that this Kakkalla (who is called Käkala in that record) was a mighty ruler of Varăța. Varāta is mentioned in several southern inscriptions.? The Hoysala king Vishnuvardhana is said to have dispersed like a gale the clouds which were the Varāta kings. The exact location of the country is not known, but it seems that it was situated somewhere in South India, probably to the north of the Mysore State.
1 See Early History of the Deccan (Bomb. Gaz., Vol. I, pt. ii), pp. 239 ff. and Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts (ibid.), pp. 522 ff.
* See Sewell's Historical Inscriptions of Southern India, p. 135.
Ind. Ant., Vol. XIV, p. 316. Some inscriptions describe Simhana as the uprooter of the water-lily that was the head of the Tēlanga king (Bomb. Gaz., Vol. I, pt. ii, p. 524 and Uysore Arch. Sur. Rep. for 1929, p. 142). But a similar exploit is mentioned in connection with Mahadeva also. See above, Vol. XXIII, p. 194. So it is doubtful if Simhaņa really killed a Kakatiya king. Perhaps he fought in the war in which his father Jaitugi is said to have cut off the head of Ganapati's uncle Rudra (see Hemadri's Vratakhanda, Bomb. Gaz., Vol. I, pt. ii. p. 272). Or he may have killed Ganapati's father Mahadeva, who also is known to have met with death on a battlefield ; see above, Vol. III, p. 97.
Ind. Ant., Vol. XXI, p. 200. . Early History of the Deccan (Bomb. Gaz., Vol. I, pt. ii), p. 24.
• Mysore arch. Sur. Rep. for 1929, pp. 142 ff. and plate XVII. This inscription is fragmentary. It opens with the date, Saka 1198, which would assign it to the reign of Ramachandra, but the extant portion oontains epithets which are usually applied to Simhans. The same draft seems to have been used in the Tilavalli inscription (J. B. B. R. A. S.. Vol. IX, p. 32), but owing to imperfect readings the reference to Kakala, the king of Varkta, seems to have escaped the notice of earlier writers.
Myaore Inscriptions, pp. 14, 20, and 70. • Bomb. Gaz.. Vol. I, pt. ii, p. 496.

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The next king mentioned in the present record as overthrown by Simhana was the lord of Bhambhāgiri. Hēmādri mentions his name as Lakshmidhara. The Ambē inscription No. 2 names him as Laksbmidēva and furnishes the additional information that he belonged to the Abhira dynasty.' Bhambhāgiri has not yet been satisfactorily identified. Mr. G. H. Khare has suggested that it might be either Bhambhori in the Ahnednagar District or Räjächi Bhām near Yeotmal in Berār. But neither of these identifications can be upheld in the absence of a fort near by; for the name Bhambhagiri suggests that it was a fortified place. As Lakshmidēva, the lord of Bhambhāgiri, belonged to the Abhira dynasty, he was probably ruling somewhere in Khandesh, which still has a large population of Abhiras or Ahirs. There is even now a ruined old town called Bhāmēr, four miles south of Nizāmpur in the Pimpalnēr tālu kā of the West Khandesh District. It lies at the foot of a great fortified hill which has many ruined gateways, gates, towers, and also some old caves locally known as Rāja's houses. The hill near Bhāmēr is, therefore, probably Bhambhagiri. The aforementioned Āmbē inscription describes Khölcsvara, a general of Simhana, as a very wild fire which burned the forest of the family of Lakshmidēva, the Abhira king of Bhambhāgiri and a similar statement occurs about Simhana in the Uddari stone inscription. This shows that Simhana probably exterminated the whole family of the Abhira prince.
The king Bhoja, who was confined on a hill, has already been identified with Bhöja II of the Silāhāra dynasty of Kolhapur. Some southern inscriptions describe Simhana as a very lord of birds (Garuda) in routing the serpent, viz., the king Bhoja who resided on Praņāla. Praņāla is plainly Panhāļā, a strong fort 12 miles to the north-west of Kolhapur. After this defeat of Bhoja, the Silāhāra kingdom was annexed by Simhana ; for the inscriptions of his governors are thenceforth found at Kolhapur and the adjoining territory. The earliest of these is dated A.D. 1218 which shows that the defeat of Bhöja must have occurred some time before that date. The Ambe inscriptions Nos. 2 and 3 also mention a king named Bhõja who was defeated by Simhaņa's general Khõlēsvara. But as he is said there to have belonged to the Paramāra dynasty and to have been the lord of Chāhanda, he must be different from the homonymous Silābārå king. Chāhanda where he ruled may be Chandā, the chief town of the Chandā District of the Central Provinces. And it may be noted in this connection that a stone inscription of a Paramāra chief, dated Saka 1308, has been found at Bhāndak," which lies only 16 miles north-west of Chandā.
Arjuna, the lastnamed antagonist of Simhaņa, was identified by Dr. Fleet with ArjunaVurmadēva, king of Anhilwad of the Väghēlā branch of the Chālukya family. Though he did not come to the throne till A.D. 1261-62, Fleet thought that he might have held a command under his father Visaladēva (A D. 1243-44 to 1261-62) and thus might have been a contemporary of Simhana. Dr. Bhandarkar, on the other hand, proposed to identify him with Arjunavarmadēva, king of Mälwa. In several other inscriptions Simhana's victories over both the Gurjara and Mälava
1 M88. of Hēmädri's Vratakhanda give the place name as Rambhagiri (v. 1. Bhangåriga), but the name Bham· bhagiri occurs also in the Paithan plates (11. 26-27) and the Ambē inscription No. 2 (1. 30). The reading Rambla. piri which occurs in line 24 of the latter record is probably & mistake for Bhambhagiri.
*G. H. Khare, Sources of the Mediaeval History of the Deccan (in Marathi), Vol. I, p. 64. • Ibid., p. 60. • Bomb. Gaz., Vol. XII, pp. 434 ff.
Ibid., Vol. I, pt. ii, p. 524, n. 1; Mysore Arch. Sur. Rep. for 1929, p. 142. .G. H. Khare, Sources of the Medieval History of the Deccan, Vol. I, pp. 64 and 74.
Hiralal's Inscriptions in O. P. and Berar (second ed.), pp. 15-16. • Bomb. Gaz., Vol. I, pt. ii, p. 525, n. 4. Ibid., Vol. I, pt. ii, p. 239.

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kings are spoken of, but the name of Arjuna is rarely coupled with either of them. In the stone inscription from Uddari, to which attention has been called above, Simhana is described as a lion who curbed the pride of the rutting elephant, namely, Arjuna, the king of the Mälava country. This corroborates Dr. Bhandarkar's view that the king Arjuna belonged to the Paramāra dynasty.
Our inscription next mentions Jaitrapāla, the son of Simhana. But the praise lavished on him is wholly conventional and affords no proof that he even came to the throne. In fact, epigraphical records make it clear that Simhana was succeeded by his grandson Ksishna, the son of Jajtrapāla."
Of the two verses (7 and 8) which describe the achievements of Krishna, the first refers to his victory over Kämapala. This king, so far as I know, is not named elsewhere and there is no express mention of the dynasty to which he belonged or the country over which he ruled. The Ambē inscriptions Nos. 2 and 3 mention one Ramapāla, the king of Benares, who was routed by Khölēgvara.' The similarity of the names Rāma pala and Kämapåla may be taken to indicate that both of them belonged to the same royal family; but the description in verse 7 that the overthrow of Kämapäla delighted cowherds suggests that he belonged to the Abhira dynasty and he may therefore have been ruling somewhere in Khandesh. This conjecture receives some support from the recently discovered Tisgaon plates which intimate a victory over a chief of cowherds (gpakapālaka) obtained by Kēšava, a feudatory chief of the Yādava Emperor Krishna.
Verse 8 intimates Krishna's victories over the king of Gurjara, Mälava, Chola and Kobala. Some other inscriptions also claim for Krishna successes over most of these princes, but they do not specifically name any of them. Hēmādri, however, mentions Krishna's defeat of the extensive forces of Visaladēva, the king of Gujarāts and the Bēhatti plates describe the fierce fight in a graphic manner. The Muņõli stone inscription dated A. D. 1252-53 eulogizes Krishna as a very Trinētra to Madana in the form of the king of Mälava'. The contemporary king of Malwa was probably Jaitugidēva for whom we have the dates V. S. 1292 and 1300.
The same inscription speaks of Krishna as the sovereign of the king of Chöla. There is, however, no actual proof of Krishna's encounter with the contemporary Chola king who was Rajëndra III (1246-79)... The king of Kõsala was evidently the contemporary Kalachuri ruler of Ratanpur. He was probably the successor of Jājalladēva who was defeated by Simhana'; but we have now no means of ascertaining his name, for the last inscriptional record of the
See HalA)rjuna. Malavi-kshitipati-matta-matanga-mada-dalana-panchanana, Mysore Arch. Sur. Rep. for 1929, p. 143.
* Bomb. Gaz., Vol. I, pt. ii, p. 244.
G. H. Khare, Sources of the Mediæral History of the Deccan, Vol. I, pp. 64 and 74. .Ibid., Vol. III, p. 14. See v. 18 - Tvam ro Komkana-bhupatir-bhava tadahan Chandradevah kshanam
tyam ched-gopaka-palakõsi tadarė jäto=smy=aham Kēšavah 1 raksha tvam vishayam nijam (cha*) tad=srare(arē) dhitya grahishye kshanad=
ithar(ttharn) yar(n)-pripa-mamdirē kalakal-akshēpab sisu-kridane This verse which the editor found difficult to interpret refers to the personation of the ruler of Könkana and the chief of cowherds by some boys and of Chandradēva and Késava (the two brothers who were feudatories of Krishna) by others, while they were playing in the palace of Chandradēva. The description is evidently intended to suggest the victories of the two brothers over the king of Könkana and the chief of cowherds (Abhiras ?).
• Bomb. Gaz., Vol. I, pt. ii, p. 272. .J. B. B. R. A. 8., Vol. XII, p. 42. * Ibid., pp. 38-9. .R. G. Bhandarkar's Report, 1883-84, pp. 105 and 392. • Loc. cit., p. 39. 1. K. Nilakanta Sastri-The Clas, Vol. II, pt. i, pp. 186 ff. 11 Bomb. Gaa., Vol. I, pt. ii, p. 240.

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Kalacburis of Ratanpur which can be referred to that age, viz., the Pēndrābandh plates of Pratāpamalla', is dated K. 965 (A. D. 1214), i.e., more than thirty years before the accession of Kșishna.
The present inscription mentions only one exploit of Mahădēva, the younger brother and successor of Krishna, viz., his destruction of Soma. The latter is evidently Somēśvara of the Silāhāra dynasty, the ruler of North Konkan, two records of whose reign have recently been edited in this journal. Mahādēva seems to have continued the hostilities which were begun by his predecessor Krishna; for the aforementioned Tāsgaon plates intimate a victory over a king of Könkana won by Chandradēva, a feudatory of Kțishna. The description in verse 10 of the present record suggests that Sõmēsvara was killed in a naval engagement with the fleet of Mahādēva.
Mahādēva's son and successor was Amaņa to whose glorification the present inscription devotes two verses. They are, however, altogether devoid of historical interest. Verse 13, of which the latter part was already known from the Paithan plates, states that Rama (i.e., Ramachandra), the son of Kșishņa, having occupied the fort of Dēvagiri, forcibly wrested the kingdom from Amana. The next verse gives an interesting description of the ruse which Ramachandra adopted to obtain possession of the impregnable fort. He entered it with a purty of dancers who were his soldiers in disguise. When admitted inside, he rallied his foot-soldiers and attacked his antagonista apparently while they were engaged in seeing the dance. The dancers also, throwing off their ornaments (i.e., disguise), joined in the fight. Rāmachandra seems to have won an easy victory as his enemy was taken unawares. The Lālācharitra, a work of the Mahanubhāva sect from which some extracts of historical importance have recently been published, gives a graphic account of the confusion caused by this sudden attack. Chakradhara, the founder of the sect, was then Bojourning at the village Sayitā (v. l. Sēvată) near Dēvagiri. Seeing that the people were panicstricken and some carts carrying wounded persons were passing through the village, Chakradhara sent his disciple Indrabhatta to inquire what had happened. He confirmed what Chakradhara had already come to know by intuition that a revolution had taken place at Dēvagiri, that Rāmadēva had deposed Amanadēva and himself occupied his throne, that Narasimhadēva (who seems to be Amaņadēva's general or minister) had fled away and that Ramadēva had put out the eyes of Amaņadēva. As this account occurs in the Lilācharitra, which is a biography of Chakradhara, written by his disciple Mahindrabhatta, we may take it as trustworthy. The Ratnamālāstotra of Kēšava Vyāsa, another disciple of Chakradhara, furnishes the further detail that the aforementioned incident took place in the evening. The Smritisthala of Parasarāma Vyāsa, who
1 Above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 1 ff.
Ibid., pp. 278 ff.
See above, p. 204, n. 4. . He is called Ammana in the present plates and Amana in the Paithan plates.
* These extracts were first published by Mr. Y. K. Deshpande in his Mahanubhaviya Marathi Vanmaya (1926), pp. 16 ff. and their historical importance was brought to the notioe of scholars by Mr. Y. R. Gupte in his article in the Journal of Indian History, Vol. V, pp. 198 ff..
The place-name is given as Sabhichchha in a Sanskrit verse cited below. It is possible to fix the exact location of this place. According to the Lisacharitra, Chakradhara's itinerary was as follows :-Pimpalvādi (about 30 miles south by cast of Devagiri and 5 miles north of Paithan), Bhöganärāyana, Bābhulgion (12 miles south of Devagiri), Savita, and Jõgēsvart (6 miles south of Devagiri). So Savita was situated between Babhulgaon and Jogēsvarl. It seems to have occupied the same position as modern Waluj, about 8 miles south of Dēvagiri. It lies on the Dövagiri-Paithan road. It seems therefore that the wounded persons were being taken to Paithan.
* See Tatah Sabhichchhath samupētya sayan viprah prayuban parigrihya tailam | samägatan granua-janairitän tän paprachchha rajy-antara-jala-variam cited in the Appendix to the Lisacharitra, Part IV, edited by Mr. H. N. Nene.

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flourished in the same period, charges Ramadēva with the murder of his brother, persecution of saints and inefficient administration of his kingdom which culminated in bis capture by Muhammadan invaders.
Verges 16-18 describe the achievements of Rāmachandra. Though several inscriptions of the reign of this king have been discovered till now, few of them refer to any historical events. We have, therefore, here for the first time a contemporary account of some important events in Ramachandra's reign. Verse 16 states that Ramachandra defeated with ease the mighty lord of the extensive Dahala country, subjugated the ruler of Bhāņdāgāra, dethroned the king of Vajrākara and defeated in battle the prince of cowherds. The lord of the Dahala country is evidently the Kalachuri king who was ruling at Tripuri, now a small village, 6 miles from Jubbulpore. The Yadavas were often at war with the Kalachuris. In the Pulunja inscription Simhaņa is called Dähala-hrit-kutūhala, i.e., '& very curiosity of the heart of the people of the Dābala country'. It is not known who was ruling at Tripuri in the time of Ramachandra ; for the last Kalachuri prince known from inscriptional records is the Mahākumăra Ajayasimha mentioned in the Kumbhi platesa (A.D. 1180-81) and the undated Bhera-Ghāt stone inscription of his father Vijayasimha.
It is again not known who is meant by the ruler of Bhāndāgāra but it seems fairly certain that Bhāndāgāra is identical with Bhandārā, 38 miles from Nagpur, which is now the headquarters of & district of the same name in the Central Provinces. We know that Berar was annexed to the Yadava kingdom as early as the reign of Simhana ; for a stone inscription of his reign has been discovered at Amräpur in the Khāmgaon Districts and several villages in Berār were donated as agrahāras to Brāhmaṇas by his general Khõlēsvara. But the eastern districts of Nāgpur and Bhandārā were probably occupied for the first time during the reign of Ramachandra. It is noteworthy that an inscription of his reign has been discovered at Ramtek near Nagpur? and another at Lānji in the Bālāghāt District, about a hundred miles north-east of Nāgpur.
Vajrākara, the ruler of which was deposed by Ramachandra, is probably identical with Vairagarh, 80 miles north-east of Chändå in the Garh-Chiroli tahsil of the Chånda District. Near the village there is still a large stone fortress in a fair state of preservation surrounded by a most. Vairāgarh is named in ancient records as Vajra or Vajragadha on account of its diamond mines which are referred to even in Muhammadan chronicles. It was evidently a place of considerable importance, for it is referred to in several records. Kulottunga Chõļa I, for instance, is said to have captured many elephants at Vayirāgaram.10 The chief of cowherds defeated by Ramachandra may, like Lakshmidēva and Kāmapāla, have been ruling somewhere in Khandesh,
1 Smritisthala (Marathi), ed. by Mr. V. N. Deshpande, p. 26. The editor refers this work to the 14th century A. D.
Fleet says that Krishna destroyed Tripura which seems to be the modern Tewar near Jubbulpore. (Bomb. Gaz., Vol. I, Pt. ii, p. 627). But the expression Yala)ri-balia-Tripura-trinatram in the Munõli inscrip tion (J. B. B. R. A. 8., Vol. XII, p. 35), on which he relies, means only that he was Trinētra (Siva) to Tripura in the form of the enemy's soldiers. There is no reference to Tripuri there.
J.A.S.B., Vol. XXXI, p. 116. • Banorji, The Haihayas of Tripuri and Their Monuments (Mem. A. S. I. No. 23), p. 142. Above, Vol. XXI, pp. 127-28.
See his Ambe inscription No. 2, lines 20 ff. * Above, pp. 7 f. • Hiralal's Inscriptions in C. P., eto., p. 20.
. See Burhan-s-Ma'asir (Ind. Ant., Vol. XXVIII, p. 286) and Ain--Akbari (ed. by Jarrett), pp. 229-30. In the Hathtgumpba inscription of Khiravels this place is mentioned as Vajiraghara. See above, Vol. XX, p. 78..
108. I. I., Vol. III, p. 128. See also the Ratnapur Stone inscription of Jajalladeva, above, Vol. I, p. 36.

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No. 21.]
PURSHOTTAMPURI PLATES OF RAMACHANDRA: SAKA 1232.
207
Verse 17 mentions some more victories of Ramachandra. He subjugated in battle the king of Palli, made the king of Kanyakubja bend low, overran the mountain Kailasa, routed the ruler of Mahima, captured forcibly the lord of Sangama and destroyed the ruler of Khota. The Palliraja may have been the chief of some hill tribe like the Bhills or Gonds in the Vindhya mountain. There is no corroboration of Ramachandra's raids on Kanauj and Kailasa, but his other victories do not seem to be improbable. Mahima is probably identical with the place of the same name near Bombay. According to a tradition preserved in some Marathi records, Kōnkan was conquered by Bhima Raja, the son of Ramadēva Rāja of Devagiri. He is said to have made Mähim his capital and divided the kingdom of Konkan into fifteen mahals or groups containing 444 villages. The lord of Sangama, captured by Ramachandra, was probably ruling at Sangamēsvara, about 20 miles north-east of Ratnagiri. Khēța may be Khed, the chief town of the Khēḍ tālukā in the Ratnagiri District. The place dates from early times; for the Khēṭābāra, which was evidently named after it, is mentioned in the Goa grant of Satyasraya Dhruvarāja, dated Saka 5323. These three victories of Ramachandra were probably attained in the same expedition which was mainly directed against the petty chiefs ruling in Southern Kōnkan.
Verse 18 states that Ramachandra drove out the Muhammadans from Varanasi or Benares and built a golden temple there which he dedicated to Sarigapāņi. This plainly implies that he held that holy city for some time. There is nothing improbable in this claim. It was always the cherished ambition of powerful Hindu rulers to save the holy places of North India from devastation and plunder by Muslim invaders, though express statements to that effect are rarely found in their inscriptions. There is, of course, no reference to this occupation of Benares by Ramachandra in Muslim chronicles as there is no allusion to Muslim invasions of the Yadava kingdom in this or any other record of Ramachandra. The present inscription does not state when this invasion of Benares took place; but it must evidently have occurred before 'Ala-ud-din's invasion crippled the power of Ramachandra in A. D. 1294. It was probably carried out some time during the period from A. D. 1285 to 1290 when there was confusion and disorder in the North after the death of Balban and before the establishment of the power of Jalāl-ud-din.
The present inscription is the last record of Ramachandra. It is not known how long he continued to reign after its issue. According to Muslim chronicles a large army from the North under the command of Malik Kāfür and Khvāja Hāji passed through Devagiri in the course of an expedition against Dvarasamudra and Ma'bar towards the end of A. H. 710 (A.D. 1310-11); but Muhammadan historians are not unanimous as to who was then ruling at Devagiri. Barani and following him, Firishta state that when Malik Käfür and Hāji reached Devagiri they found that Rāmadeva was dead. Firishta tells us further that the young prince Sankaradeva was not well-affected to the Muhammadans. On this evidence Ramadeva is believed to have died in A.D. 1309.7 The present record shows, however, that he was ruling till the end of September A.D. 1310 at least and it is doubtful if he was succeeded by Sankaragana before the end of that year; for Khusrū
1 [There is a Pallidesa mentioned in the Dohad Stone inscription of Mahamuda (Begarha), above, Vol. XXIV, pp. 212 ff. It is also the ancient name of Palniḍ in Guntur District.-Ed.]
Bomb. Gaz., Vol. I, pt. ii, p. 27.
J. B. B. R. A. S., Vol. X, p. 348.
In the inscriptions of the Gahaḍvalas, for instance, Chandradeva is described as the protector of the holy places Käsi, Kusika, Uttarakōsala and Indrasthana. Ind. Ant., Vol. XV, p. 7 and Vol. XVIII, p. 16.
See Ta'rikh-i-Firuz Shahi (Elliot's History of India, Vol. III, p. 203).
See Firishta's History tr. by Briggs, Vol. I, p. 373.
7 Bhandarkar, Early History of the Deccan, Bomb. Gaz., Vol. I, pt. ii p. 51

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208
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XXV.
states in his Tarikh-i Alai that the Muhammadan generals reached Dēvagiri on the 13th of Ramzan, in A. H. 710 (the 3rd February A. D. 1311) where the Rāi Rāyan Ram Deo forwarded with all his heart the preparations necessary for the equipment of the army'. As Khusrü was a contemporary chronicler and gives definite dates to substantiate his narrative, his account may be taken to be correct. Ramachandra seems to have died soon thereafter; for at the end of A.H. 711 (A. D..1312) 'Ala-ud-din received the news that the Räjā of Dēvagiri was withholding the stipulated tribute. This Rāja was Sankaradeva who had in the meanwhile succeeded Ramachandra.
The present inscription gives in verses 19-28 the pedigree of Purushottama, the minister of Ramachandra, who made the grant recorded in it. In the lineage of the sage Vasishtha, there was born a pious man named Bhanusuri who constructed several temples and excavated tanks. His son was Alhadēvas who was renowned for his learning. Alhadēva's son was Vinayaka, the father of Sāṁvaladēva. Ramachandra received Samvela dēva into his favour and made him the superintendent of the arrangement of flowers. Samvaladēva married Akvämbika who was the daughter of Sārangasūri, the son of Madhavasūri of the Jāmadagnya-Vatsa göra. Purushottama was the son of Sārvaladēva and Akvämbikā. Being attracted by his intelligence, learning and courage, Ramachandra made him his minister. Purushottama carried on the affairs of the state very ably. He ruthlessly put down all traitors and made all people conform to the rules of conduct laid down for the varnas (castes) and asramas (orders of life)". Ramachandra was greatly pleased with him for the execution of all his commands and conferred on him the aforementioned villages to enable him to make an agrahāra worthy of himself.
Many of the localities mentioned in this grant can be easily identified. Purushottamapuri, the chief place of the newly formed agrahāra, still retains its old name. As already stated, it lies on the southern bank of the Godāvari in the Bhir District. Kānhairi, the headquarters of the subdivision in which it was situated may be Kanhera, 8 miles south-west of Chālisgaon, in Khāndesh, which has a fort with a strong natural position. Most of the boundary villages of the agrahāra can still be traced in the vicinity of Purshottampuri in their respective directions. Thus Sadulē is plainly Sādõlă about 3 miles south by east; Kēsavapuri, Săvarigavāand Harikinibagau are respectively identical with the modern Kēsapuri, Săvargaon and Harki Nimgaon which lie about 7 or 8 miles to the south; and Hivarē and Rājagau still exist as Rājēgaon and Hivră buzurg 5 and 6 miles respectively to the west. The river Gangā which formed the northern boundary of the agrahāra is of course the Godavari. Of the four villages, which constituted the agrahāra, two, viz., Vāghaure and Adagau, can now be identitied; the former is Waghur 4 miles south by west and the latter Tiki Adgaon about the same distance to the south of Purshottampuri. Only two of the nine hamlets attached to these villages can now be traced, viz.,
1 This is evidently a corrupt form of the title Rāya-Narayana assumed by Yadava Kings. Ind. Ant., Vol. XIV, p. 317.
? See Elliot, History of India, Vol. III, p. 87.
Khusrü closes his narrative with the conquest of Ma'bar at the end of A. H. 710 (A.D. 1311). He died in A.D. 1325. Barani, on the other hand, is, as remarked by Dowson, very sparing and inaccurate in his dates.
• Elliot, History of India, Vol. III, p. 204 ; Firishta's History, tr. by Briggs, Vol. I, pp. 378-79.
[See p. 212, n. 7.-Ed.]
. From the Smritisthala (ed. by V. N. Deshpande). p. 86, it appears that the Mahanubhāvas were subjected to oppression during the rule of Ramachandra, probably because of their non-observance of such rules of conduct.
7 Khandesh District Gazetteer, p. 453.
The endings gaw and gavā, like gårhuu used in 11. 94-95 of the Paithan plates, are derived from the Sanskrit word gräma meaning a village.
• This river is called Gangă in the Paithan plates also. See II. 59 and 94, Ind. Ant., Vol. XIV, pp. 317 18.

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No. 21.1
PURSHOTTAMPURI PLATES OF RAMACHANDRA: SAKA 1232.
209
Pimpalavādi which now appears in the form Phūlpimpalgaon about 2 miles south of Tiki Adgaon, and Golö, ähi āņa which is probably Gohan Thadi, 3 miles north by west of Wäghur. The other villages and hamlets cannot be traced on the maps available to me.
TEXTI.
[Metres : Verses 1 and 32 Malini; vv. 2, 10, 11, 35 and 37-57 Anushtubh; vv.3,5, 15, 17, 19, 21
and 33 Sragdhara ; vv.4,8,9,12, 14, 16, 23, 24, 29, 31 and 34 Sardulavikridita; vv.6,7, 13, 18 and 26 Upajāti ; v. 20 Sikhariņi; vv. 22, 27 and 59 Vasantatilakā; v. 25 Hariņi; v. 29 Praharshini; v. 30 Vainéastha ; v. 36 Indravajra; v. 58 Salini.]
First Plate. 1 ॥ भों श्री आदिवराहाय नमः ॥ निरतिशयनिरंतानदचि[स]खरूपः प्रबलविमलसत्व
(खोखो2 कतव्यक्तशक्तिः । परमरमणमंगं मंगलानां निधान दधद्धरितसेव्यः सेव्यतां शा3 पाणिः [१॥*] लक्ष्मीनारायणक्रीडासर चौरसमुद्रजं(जम्) । लीलांबुज विजयते
विधुस्त्रिभु4 वनत्रियाः [२॥*] नि:सौमः सोमवंशः स जयति जगति प्रोजसत्कीर्त्तिवनिर्मुक्तारबा
नि तचा5 प्युरुरुचिररुची वृष्णयः स्वच्छवृत्ताः । तेष्वप्येकावली सगुणघटिततनुः कंठकांतिः
कवीनां
6 तस्यामप्येष चिंतामणिचितरुचिर्नायकः सिंहभूपः [*] बहाली विजितः परा
भवभुवं सं. 7 भावितीघ्राधिपः कमी दलितः क्षणेन गिलिती भंभागिरीरोखरः । दुर्गाग्रे विनि
8 भोजनृपतिर्यस्तोर्जुनो निर्जितः सिंहनेति निशम्य के भुवि भयं भेजुर्न भूमीभुजः
[४] तत्पुषी जै9 चपालः कुलकुमुदविधर्वीरलक्ष्मीप्रसादप्रासादी (क)पसंपत्सुथमितमुषमाकंदकंदर्पदर्पा: ।
यः क. 10 : किं दधीचिः किमु किमुत शिविः किं नु जीमूतवाहः सत्वो(यो) कैकसीमा
पुनरभवदिति व्यतातर्कर्व्यतः
1 From ink impressions.
* [The intended reading possibly is chat-sal-sarūpah, the expression answering to the well-Inown compound sach-chidananda-svariapa.-B.C.C.
* This visarga was added subsequently. . These dandas are superfluous. * This mark is to show that the word is continued in the next bine.

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210
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VoL. XXV.
यंन्गाकुलमादार
ll 4 [[[[*] श्रीकृष्णभूपः प्रभविष्णुरस्माइभूव भूयःपरिभूतवीरः [i*] पलायमानान
वलोक्य वीरान्यत्कीर्त्तिदंभन दि12 शो हसतिः' [६.*] यः कामपालप्रसरचरित्रः स्वयंवरायातविशाललक्ष्मोः । उन्नास
यंन्गीकुलमादरेण क्वष्ण13 त्वमुच्चैः प्रकटोचकार ।[19॥*] रे रे गूर्जर जर्जर व्रजरजोराजी' भराजीवन रे रे
मालव मालवं त्यज भज त्वं चोल चो14 लांचल(लम्) । रे रे कोशल कोशलंघनपरी भूयास्वमित्यं जगुर्भूपा यहिजयप्रयाण
समये बंदोजनव्यंजनाः [॥८॥*] 15 कृष्णे राजनि लीलया खनगरी वैकुंठमालीकितुं यातशासदिमां महीमथ महादेवः
स तस्यानुजः । यही:18 स्तंभविजृभमाणवसुधाकस्तूरिकाचित्रकांति बिनव(द)जायत क्षितिभुजां क्षोभाय कौथे
यकः [*] निमज्जय(य)-क17 लाशेषमपि सोमं पयोनिधौ । स्थानाच्चित्र महादेव एव यः कथ्यते जनः [१०॥*]
जज्ञे शक्तिधरस्तस्य सूनुरंमणभूप18 तिः । भूदेवानुदरंनुच्चैः करतारकपीडितान् [११॥*] यत्र क्षत्रपितामहे वितरति
प्रत्यर्थिपृथ्वीश्वराः सर्वे दानम'वा19 []मुत्कमनसी नूनं बभूवुर्भुवि । चंडाशीः किरि(र)णावलोमविरतं संसेव्य लीलावती
वाक्यव्याकुलमानसैः 20 कथमपि व्यालीकि यत्तैः पदं (दम्) [१२॥*] आरुह्य वैरिक्षितिपालमौलिनिवेणिभि
__ देवगिरि गरिष्ठ(ष्ठम्) । प्रसह्य तस्मा- .. 21 दपहत्य भुक्ते कृष्णात्मजः स्वामवनिं स रामः [१३॥*] आदी देवगिरिप्रवेशनमथी
नृत्तप्रकारक्षणं पचाब(ख)22 रपदातिमेलनमथालंकारविक्षेपण(णम्) [[*] अन्विष्टार्थविरोधिदूरकरणं तस्माद्रसासादनं
श्रीरामण कृतं
1 This visarga is superfluous.
Road ullásayan=goleulam=. • Thin mark is to show that the word is continued in the next line.
The sense requires a reading like - nājini. What appears like an anusvira on ta may be due to a fault in the oopper. .Read madharannuchchaib. + The engraver at first incised damam- which he subsequently altered to dánam.

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PURSHOTTAMPURI PLATES OF RAMACHANDRA: SAKA 1232.
10
श्रीयादवराहायनामानिरतिशयनिरतानचिनबरुप प्रबलविमलना इतकातशतिःपरमरममगमगलानौनिधनपदधारतासद्यभमानीगा। पालिनी नारायणकी डासरतीरसमुड्डालीलोनविडयात नाना मप्रियाःनिःसीमासामदंश पड़यतिजगतिपाल्लसका तवलिमकार नानित
रुरुचिरतलोवनयातनायकावली समुपवारततकंटकातिःकवीन नयामायबवितामणिसरितरुविनीयवासिहतपाबल्लाला विहितःपरातवचत
नितांशाधिपःकालादालतदारानामलाता जनागिरिशश्वगायिविदघा 8मान्यतयानाडानानिमिता साहानातानशघातजावतयानजनमानपाव
लाजमुदविधवीरलनी प्रसादप्रासादारुणम्प मुशमित धमकिददायक। 10 दधीसिकिम किमतशिबिकिनकी मूताहासाबाडके कसीमापुनरसवादानधातीतः। 10
ग्रीकलनपतावक रस्माद्ववनयापारसूतवारपलायमानानवालाछवी राज्यकातिदालना। 12 संनियाकामपाल सरचरितास्वयंवराया नविशाललीउल्लासयामाऊलमादारपाना 12
करीनकारगरजर्जरखतरराडाराजीतराजी वनारारमालवमालक याज्ञानकमताल 14 चला ररकाशालाकारलंघनपारामासमवेडगुयायहिन्याप्रमाणसमायबंदीवन्नोज 14
राजनिलीलयानगरी विऊठमालाकि डेमानशासदिमा महामघमहादवसात यावा याद 16WArtीतमागमुक्षकपूर काचिवक नीति बिनवजायतदितिनादि मायाको चियका निवडूय 16
माघमापातापाया नियमानाचिमहादवएलय कशातहन्द्रिीडाज्ञशक्तिवरधाममगाया 18 जावादवानहखावे करतारकपाडताना यंदा त्रपितामाह विनर निवायाधीश्वरासादयाममवा 18
PAUTAनासान नबनविरगनासकारणावलीमावरतसामधलीलावताटाकामालामानासंग 201मपियाला किया:पदारुहादि रिकितिपालामा लानानालालदिवानरिगरिष्ठापसाचारमा। 20
वाहतकामउवामनिसराम यादवामारघावशननाघातकारालपनाम 22 यातिमिलनमघालंकार विकिपणेयविधा वाराधिरकरणतस्मादसासादनश्रीराम पर 22
तमतमामाको याताकारः। श्रीरामःशवानीप्रदघरनलघूपायाग्रहातयारयानाशा बाविकरण विलसना निष्पादितावनीना का कामणगावहरणम पारु यस दर्शिताहाजन
यासतीजातिगुपितदिन यान नाशाहयाना हालविशालडाहलमहीपालाका 28 नानाडागार राक्षापरिजवापानाबालेनितोयाना मूलितराद्यपवर वातावका करदनापति 25
विनिताप्रागापरवतियःसराम:छातल्लीतिःवलराजासारखावहिताऊ (अतःकया 28 1 कप दिलासावालातरम्महिमामा हामंडःपरासागःसगमेशाप्रमतमागाटामारित 128
रनामायावनितमनासकघमवितर्घवयातरामायःलसातलिपियाला पर। 30वहार करायवारयता वाराणसीबिराघामाचयनहरमयशाइधरलयमा
सरवत विधगुणगालालकतनाम, याप्रतापचवत्रीयादव क लकमा 82. लकादिकामताकारादिवगिरिपुर पुरेदारी महाराजाधिराजश्री राम
शक्रपकालातीतसवसाधा विशद चिकहादशशतसंरचानवासाप्ता रासरोतर्गरजवपदा के कादश्यासना काहीरादासबदाकाहारकायका
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. Rae. No.1979E39-275.
SCALE: TWO-FIFTHS.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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ii,a.
सीनानागापरातत्सविष्टारवट का निसाएगातापिपलगाहीमावान पारवरी तविष्टा नगरबाट कापिलवाडी काइलाकाविौइजावाधार तप्रविष्टानिरवटकानिस पविडिगालगाहामारवाधिोगिता 38 पारगाएवाम ताशवारायामात विवरवेटकसहितान्तवयान
निकपद कारणलपाधापदंडशुक्ललकासमतादाययुक्तानवामिष्टामा 40 दशारदाहायानफलबड एसावलनायकसतायमहामंडलीक पुरुघनायका
समन्वनिजाज्ञासपारन निनपरितारवयग्रहारकरणायावादकवक पादा वायातपाताला का विधायक पाराक्षासतज्ञात वदितमधुरामा हिमयःसत्र गावरिष्न:सजयतितपसावासन मिसिष्ठः पातिव्रत्यापादापमान लाउधनीयापका
याहाट का पानिजगदघतमः कामदीकामाधानानाचताहरूसमनितातायाम्।। निरितिकमा पावशःविचवनवनमा प्रवधानातामा माहगाहयकलवितानातवटतापना 40वावसरणिकिरणाम5वातवासी जानतरजिसवहावनिर्गतामाखरापानमा 46
सादयादिशितिशिविरतायनासापानमानी विवाह वकिलाक्षगतिमपिगम 48 कमायोगिनई तरवाताध्यातालमलावधविशदयाशारनषद्यानहायानस्माइहवतापमा
निधारहादस्माकतक्षमसकलार्यकतायुणानी कालाहाररितगतितवदशा विद्याम 80लानिमारकमा सवयवाचा विहान्म लिममिनिनायकतिरातमाताव सतती घी 150
राघमघमबतिदधातयकीर्तिगंगोतामाहराहानमनिशर्यरतसादागतामा 62माग्रयाहयानतिनिगम यारानाघाघमिहोनाधीपमहाशाप्रसवन्न पाउ र्यसारोह
तदातासमपदरूपाऊलपति प्रतिष्ठानका विद्याकाशा चितारसचिव संप सत्तामडया 54वसावलादव यादतवत्सारमनस्यातिमाशाप्रहातोटुल मांशुमानाहरणदमका
मसहशनिश्चिात्यने प्रियःपरेमास्पदानिषाणविषाणारामाका(पीतियोगदाऊमरना 66 नाशकैदकै पूसादपाराकाराबाठालाहिराती मनिसायवाचासवापारातलादवमानादिनाना 30
जवतराज विनिवानि पगालासाहवलदनी।। सारंगास्तिनयामवडामदावलावर 58 माधवतसिपायक्वानिक निविदितायपरनषायाबाममावदवहातिनासाया! | 58
वानंदनायार्नयाघारतायामिक्षविनाबिनामापुरुषातमतमस्तिनामा सम्पन्न 60मिल्या होगापरिगाहनिमातांदाषाशमविवतःलायजामहारय एषवत्रची कार एकादश 60
माहाथाहिराणम तितितकवायादी घीयाहि गमाहाक्रतिस्मृतित्यक्षियमा हिगुपबलतमत। Ge ACTRधयपतिय प्रधान सविधानाताहलयानिकाच्या पदर्थती माया मामही पातःकाश हिमहीयसीसवष्टियतानाधानापमान मिद्रोहदीतीमायालका दकं कावारमनन्तायपहलताघतापशिबिनानीतंडवादाईवी करा सकेटकदमणमा
शनिकृष्टासतारामाका(पानावरीसदशातजा हातापाहमाचकतनिधिकाशा 66 द्वारकाद्यधुतीविष्यवाहतहदिनस्किल्पितानल्यसानासानरचनविचारान्मुक्तिमा उMG
करतिपरमिदानी चक्ति तापवावाचारवामितात दिनयततिपरमधिनाशविर रतन पाउापनहानघतीपा राधाकटा धो मात करताना दाना दिदि

Page #252

No. 21.]
PURSHOTTAMPURI PLATES OF RAMACHANDRA : SAKA 1232.
23 ततस्तत इतः श्लोकीस्य लोकोत्तरः । [ १४ ॥ * ] श्रीरामः शर्ववमा पदघटनलघूपायहन्दु व्याख्याताशेष
24 सूत्रो विकरणविलसचातुनिष्पादितार्थः [*] वर्णानां व्युत्कुमेण व्यवहरणमपाशत्व संदर्शितार्था (र्थो) जेता
25 दिव्याकृतीनां शिशुरपि तदिह स्पृस्य (श्य) ते नापशब्दः । [ १५ ॥ * ] येनोत्तालविशालडा - हलमहीपालः क्षणांच-1
211
26 र्जिती भांडागारधराधवः परिभवं येनोच्चकैर्लभितः । येनोन्मूलितराज्य एव रचितो बच्चाकर आपतियें
27 नाजौ विजितः स गोपनृपतिर्वर्ण्यः स रामः कथं (थम्) । [१६ ॥ * ] ॥ भनोभिः पक्षिराजः समरभुवि जितः कुक्षितः कन्यकुब्ज:
28 चितः कैलासशेलः प्रयुतरमहिमा माहिर्मेंद्र परास्तः । उत्तुंग संगमेश प्रसभमधिगतो मोटितः ।'
29 खेटनाथी येन खेनैव धाम्ना स कथमवितथं वर्ण्यते रामचंद्रः ।[॥१७॥*] यः शुक्ल (ल्क) संकेतलिपिं व्यलोपयत्म
30 र्वाग्रहारेषु करान्य( न्य) वारयत् । वाराणसीं म्लेच्छगणायमोचयत् हिरण्मयं शार्ङ्गधरालयं
व्यधा
31त्॥१८*
खत्वेवंविधगुणगणालंकृतश्रीमन्त्री (श्री) ढप्रतापचक्रवर्ती यादवकुलकमल
32 कलिकाविकासभास्करो देवगिरिपुरपुरंदरी महाराजाधिराजः श्रीरामचंद्रदे
33 वः शकनृपकालातीत संवत्सरेषु द्वात्रिंशदधिकद्वादशशतसंख्याकेषु ।' साधारण
34 संवत्सरांतर्गतभाद्रपद शुक्लेकादश्यां स(म) नौ कान्हेरिदेशसंबद्दान् कान्हेरिखंपणकांत
Second Plate; First Side.
35 तान् पोष (ख) रीतप्रविष्टखेटकानि सारगाडावं । पिंपलगात्राणं । पालिपीखरी ॥ अडग 1
36 पतव्यविष्टानि खेटकानि । पिंपलवाडी । काजलकीवि । सौरज ॥ वाचोरे । ए
1 Read kshanān nirjitō.
What appears like a somewhat displaced anusvära on va is probably due to a fault in the copper.
• Originally Vajradharah, subsequently sltered to Vajralkara-.
This danda is superfluous.
The repha on ga has been cancelled.
• The superscript curve of i in li is very faint. The name ooours again in 1.74 as Palipokhart.

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212
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Voc. XXV.
37 तत्प्रविष्टानि खेटकानि । सीपिविहिरे ॥ गोलेगाहाण । धारवाधौर ॥ कुरु38 पारगों ॥ एवमताचतुरी अामान् स्वप्रविष्टनवखेटकसहितान् तत्रत्यनि39 धिनिक्षेपक्षवि(ट)णजलपाषाणदंडशन(क)कारुकादिसमस्तादाययुक्तान् वासिष्ट(छ)गोवाय 40 ऋग्वेदशाखाध्यायिने फुलबडुएसविलनायकसुताय महामंडलीक पुरुषनायका 41 य समस्तनिजात्रासंपादनजनितपरितीखे(घ)ण अग्रहारकरणाय हस्तीदकपूर्वकं प्रादात् । 42 अस्यैते प्रशस्तिनोकाः । विश्वस्यैकः पुरोधाः मुत इति विदित[:] स्रष्टुरात्मा
हितीयः सप्तर्षी43 णं वरिष्ठः स जयति तपसां वासभूमिर्वसिष्ठः । पातिव्रत्योपदेशप्रथमगुरुगुणारंधती
यस्य पनी 44 बहा यहीठकाणे चिजगदधतमःकौमुदी कामधेनुः [१८॥*] सतीन्यस्ताक्षः सम
जनि ततोन्यो मु।' 45 निरितिं क्रमाांशुवंशः त्रिभुवनवतंसः प्रवकृते । तमोमोहग्राहग्रहकलुषितानां तनुभृतां
प्रबा46 धं तन्वानस्तरणिकिरणानुक्रम इव [२०॥*] तपासीद्धानुसूरिनिजसवहविष निर्गतानां
सुराणां धर्म47 प्रासादभंग्या दिशि दिशि विहिता येन सोपानमाः । कि किलाधी
. गतिमपि गमिता48 कर्मयोगेन जन्तून्खाता ध्यातालमूलावधि विशदयशीरनष(ख)न्यस्तडागाः ॥२१॥*]
तस्माबभूव तपस 40 निधिरल्हदेव मंकेतधाम सकलार्थका गुणाना(नाम्) । कुक्षौ हरेरिव जगंति चतु
दशापि विद्यास्थ-।' 50 लानि मुखमासत यस्य वो [२२॥*] विचौलिमणिविनायक इति ख्यातस्त
तीभू[स]तस्तीर्यान्य
1 The name of this hamlet occurs in lines 75-76 as Simpidihirēm. + This mark is to show that the word is continued in the next line. • The correct form of the title would be Mahamandalika. • The visarga is imperfectly incised here. . This mark is to show that the word is continued in the next line. • Road khatan påtala., unless sh before på is to be taken as an upadhma niya siga. [Reading is or Elhademas -Ed.) .

Page #254

No. 21.)
PURSHOTTAMPURI PLATES OF RAMACHANDRA : SAKA 1232.
213
61 प्यघमर्षण विदधते यत्कीर्तिगंगांभसि । दूराहानगुणं निशम्य रभसादाग[च्छ]ता
मर्थिनां - 52 मने यस्य यह व्यक्ति निगमव्याख्यानधीषी महान् [॥२३॥*] धर्मप्रेममुहद्यशः
प्रसवभूः चातुर्यसारी - 53 तिक्षांतिक्षेमपदं कंपाकुलपतिधैर्यप्रतिष्ठीच्छ]वः । विद्याकोशग्रहं विचारसचिवः संपत्स
भामंडपः . 54 सूनुः सांवलदेव इत्युदभवत्यूरेस्ततः ख्यातिमान् ॥[२४॥*] प्रकृतिमृदुलं मान्यं शुद्धं
मनोहरणक्षमं कु55 सुमसदृशं निश्चित्यैनं त्रियः परमास्पदं(दम्) । निपुणधिषणी रामक्षीणोपतिर्यदुपुंगवः
कुसुमर[च56 नाध्यक्षं दक्ष प्रसादपरीकरोत् [२५॥*] शुचौ हित धीमति सत्यवाक्ये सेवापर
सांवलदेवसूरौ । दिने दि57 नेत राजचित्ते पौति: प्रगल्भा वटहे [च] लक्ष्मीः ॥[२६॥*] सारंगसूरितनयामथ
जामदग्न(ग्न्य)वत्सान्वयप्रभ
58 वमाधवरिपौत्री(चीम्) [*] अक्कांबिकेति विदितां गुणरबभूषां योषामसावुदवहविधिना
स्खयोग्यां(ग्याम्) [१२७॥*]
59 पुत्रीभूदनयोर्नयाइटितयोर्मेधाविना वेधसा बिधाण: पुरुषोत्तमत्वमुचितं नानार्थसं
स्पर्शिना [*] 60 मत्स्याद्यंगपरिग्रहे विमृशतो दोषांशमन्विच्छतः साध्यं जन्म हरेर्य एष वपुषः स्वीकार
एकादशः ॥[२८॥*] 61 सहीष्या(या) हिगुणमति विवेकवत्या दीर्घाभ्यां हिगुणदृशं श्रुतिस्मृतिभ्यां(भ्याम्) ।
धैर्येण हिगुणवलं तमक्ष
1 The two akaharas gha and ma, which were wrongly repeated here, have been cancelled. * This anusuára is superfluous. * This mark is to show that the word is continued in the next line.
This visarga is redundant. • The superscript, ch in chchha is imperfectly incised. Read pratishth-Saaval. • This visarga was added subsequently.

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214
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VoL. xxv.
62 येण खे राज्ये यदुनृपतिर्व्यधाप्रधान(नम) [॥२८॥*] स विद्युतवीज्व(च)लया निजाजया
. प्रदर्श्य वर्णाश्रमयीः पृथक्र(क)63 मान् । महीपतेः कोशगृह महीयसी सुवर्णदृष्टिं व्यतनीहनीपमाः' [॥३०॥*]
खामिद्रीहवतामयोवलय64 वहकं कठोरं मनस्तस्य प्रज्वलता प्रतापशिषि(खि)ना. नीतं जवादार्जव(वम्) ।
क्रूरास्तेषु सकंटकद्रुमनिभा[:] 65 मुष्टा निक्कष्टास्ततो रामक्षोणिपतेः सुवर्णसदृशं तेजः कृतं प्रोन्य(ज्य)ल(लम्) [॥३१॥*]
सुक्तनिधिषु काशी66 हारकायेषु तीर्थेष्ववहितहदि तस्मि कल्पितानल्पसत्रे । मुनिवचनविचारामुक्तिमाचप्र-।' 67 देषु स्फुरति परमिदानी भुक्तिभु(मुक्तिप्रदत्व(त्वम्) [१३२॥*] वाचार स्वामिभाने
विनयवति परस्त्रीधनाशाविदू68 रे तस्मिन् प्रौढप्रतापे वहति पुरुषतां पौरुषेण स्फुटार्थीम् । तत्कीर्ति निर्जिहानां दिशि दिशि
Second Plate ; Second Side. 69 बहुशी [इष्टता सज्जनानामासीकंपी रा(ग)रीयांचिरसि मनसि चाहर्निशं दुर्जना
नां(नाम्) [३३॥*] श्रीमान् रामनृपः प्रसवाद70 यो लोकद्दयश्रेयसे कुर्वात्मी चि] तमग्रहारमिति तं वारान्बहनादिशत् । तस्मै चाय
महाप्रसाद इति तां खो71 कुर्वते सत्क्रियां धारापूर्वमनल्पसारविषयान्यामानदाभानदः [॥३४॥*] सोयमेवंविधगुण
रत्नाकरीमन्महा72 राजाधिराजश्रीरामचंद्रदेवीयमहामंडलीक पुरुषनायकः शकनृपकालातीतसंवत्मरेषु द्वात्रिंशदा' 73 धिकहादशशतसंख्याकेषु साधारणसंवत्सरांतर्गत भाद्रपदमासि कपिलषध्या(ध्या) कान्हेरि
देशसंबद्दान् काहै
Read =ghan-āpamah. * Read tasmin. . This mark is to show that the word is continued in the next line.
The engraver first incised tasmin which he subsequently altered to tasmin. * This unusvára is superfluous. • Read garlyài=chchhirasi. * This anusvára is redundant. . Read Mahamandalika.

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No. 21.]
PURSHOTTAMPURI PLATES OF RAMACHANDRA : SARA 1232.
215
74 रिखंपणकांतर्गतान् ॥ पोष(ख)री ॥ तत्प्रविष्टानि (खे)टकानि । साएगाधाण ।
पालिपोखरी ॥ अडगौ ॥ 75 तबविष्टानि खेटकानि । पिंपलवाडौ । काजलकीवि । सोंडजणें ॥ वाघौरें ।
एतत्प्रविष्टानि खेटकानि । मीपि76 दिहिरें । गोलेगाह्वाण । धारवाधौरें [*] कुरुणपारगौं ॥ एवमेतांश्चतुरी ग्रामान्
स्वप्रविष्टनवखेटकसहि77 तान् तत्रत्यनिधिनिक्षेपटणजलपाषाणदंडशुक्ल(ल्क)कारुकादिसमस्तादाययुक्तान् षडशीतिस
ख्याका वृत्ती[:] 78 परिकल्य(रूप्य) देवद्दयार्थं वृति(त्ति)इयं अग्निष्टिकाप्रपा(र्थ)मेका इति (त्ति) ह्मणार्थ
थशीतिसंख्याका वृत्तयः इत्यनया 79 भागकल्पनया नानागोत्रेभ्यो नानाशाखाध्यायिभ्यः वाशीतिसंख्यविप्रेभ्यो देवहयाम्मिष्टि
काप्रपास80 हितेभ्यः स्वाभिलखि(षि)तफलसिद्धार्थं हिरण्याक्षतोदकपूर्वकं प्रादात् ॥ अथ ब्राह्मण
नामानि । तत्र बहृचाः [*] 81 केशोभट्टसुतमहादेवभट्टः । कोमण्णसुतविष्णुभट्टः । विष्णुमंचिसुतः पेदिभट्टः ।
गोविंदभट्टसुतो 82 लाषणभट्टः । एते काश्यपाः ॥ मल्लिदेवभट्टसुतलक्ष्मीधरभट्टः । पद्मनाभभट्टसुतदामोदर. भट्टः । आ83 पदेवंभट्टसुतमैरालभट्टः । योगिभट्टसुतवासुदेवभट्टः । राधी भट्टसुतः कमलदेवभः ।
देवणभट्ट84 सुती महादेवभट्टः । जोगदेवभट्टसुतः गदोभट्टः । ध्वा(?)मिदेवभट्टसुतः लघुमिदेव भट्टः ।
नागनाथभट्ट85 सुतः कालिदामभट्टः । गंगाधरमित्रसुतः पद्मनाभभः । एते भारद्वाजाः । सूदन. भट्टसुतदामोदरभ
This name occurs above in line 37 as Simpivshirēm. * Read Kedava. Similar corrupt forms of names occur in some placon bolov. • Read Lakshmana-bhattah. . Read Raghava. Road Lakshmidena.

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216
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VoL. XxV.
86 हः । गणपतिभट्टसुतः वीरभद्रभट्टः । योगदेवभसती यज्ञेखरभट्टः । सारंगनायकसुती
गोविंदना87 यकः । दामोदरभहसुतः महादेवभट्टः । महानायकभसुतकणभट्टः । वामनाचार्य
सुतो धनेश्वरभट्टः ।
88 एते जामदग्न (ग्न्य)वत्माः । पद्मनाभभट्टसुती जानुभहः । विनायकभसुतो राघवना
यकः । नागनायक
89 सुतपुरुषोत्तमदेवः । नरसी(सिं)हभट्टसुतचांगदेवभः । महादेवभहसुतः कमलादेवभः ।
परशराम90 भसुतः केशवभट्टः । एते वाशिष्टा:(ठाः) ॥ पुरुषोत्तमभट्टसुतः कृष्णभट्टः । पुरुषो
त्तमभट्ट सुती गोविंदभट्टः [*] 91 महादेवभसुती वासुदेवभट्टः । एते विष्णुबहाः । नागदेवभट्टसुतः खेइदेवभः ।
सुदर्शनभट्टसुतः 92 पुरुषोत्तमभट्टः । विश्वनाथभट्टसुतः कृष्णभट्टः । गोविंदभट्टसुती महादेवभट्टः । एते
कौशिकाः ॥ प93 अनाभभट्टसुता नागदेवभट्टः । देकंभट्टसुतः आदित्यभट्टः । एतावागस्वी' । शारंगपा
णिदेवसुतः - 94 ष्णदेवः । रामदेवभसुतो ब्रह्मदेवभट्टः । एतो विश्वामित्री । सांवलदेवसुतो
जोगदेवभट्टः दादं95 भसुतो दामोदरभट्टः । एतौ कौंडिन्यौ । अनंतभट्टसुती वैजनाथभट्टः । पद्मनाभ
भट्टसुती दा96 मीदरभट्टः । एतौ हरितो । शारंगपाणिभट्टसुतः चक्रपाणिभट्टः । कमलदेवभसुती
दादंभट्टः [*] | 97 एतौ प्रथमायो । भास्करभट्टसुतः कृष्णभट्टः । बापदेवभट्टसुतः सिंहभट्टः । एतौ
विष्णुवृक्षांगिर98 सो । मांडदेवभट्टसुतपंडिकाभट्टः । मांइदेवभट्टसुती रामेश्वरभट्टः । एतौ वाध्यखी ।
पद्मनाभ
Agastych, which was first incised, was subsequently altered to Agawyav.

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PURAHOTTAMPURI PLATES OF RAMACHANDRA: SAKA 1232.-(II).
iii.
-तमादास मानवसमाजागादततलहनतमुताघिटनायक दाताराराम
ENTासनानानास पारारीयोतिरासिमनासचाहानशइजनानाथामाशमयसबा मलाक धिमा तिमन हार मिनितंबाराबहनादिशज्ञातास्मचाघमहाप्रसाद तितास 70 कतात याक्षरावमनलपसारविषयायामानदा मानदमासायमवावक्षस्नाकरग्रीमन्मही 72 श्रीरामवहादवीयमहामंडलीक वाषनायकशकरपकालातीतसवत्सारणहाशा
कालसरमाक साधरण संवत्सरीनगननादवादमासिकपिलषधाकाहिरिदशरबहानका।। 74 म नाया पायरी लिपविशनिबरसानासाएगायापलगाहापापालिपारनसारगान 74
शानावरकानिपल वाडीकालाकामिनासाजागावाधाराएतत्पतिशानारतटकानामा 76हिर गालगाहाणाचाराधारिक सम्पारगा एवामनावतारायामानविष्टनवारवर कामा-176
भारतमानिनिकलपाहादेपलकासकादिसमन्मादाययुकानषडशीतसर साह 78रकारवयातहयटकायाधामकाहाबामाणाधशातिसरया कानयाना 78
कल्यनयानानागानन्यानानाहानाथायन्य:यशीतसरयविषयावहयामा कावास 80लयातलस्वतफलाहाबादरचाहानादकटपादानावबामणनामानातवबजता-780
काशातप्तमहादसनाकामा सुतविलत वल्लमविस्तापदिसागाविदसह संता लापन पतकाशामलादतनहसतलापरतहमपझनातहमतदामादर512 दिवतमामरालतमायागितहप्तवासादत्ताराघातमुताकमलादक्तास्वगतका
तामहादतरहजागरवततःगदानाचा भादवतरसुतलपामादवतानाम्नावत HER'कालिदासानाधसमनापानातत्तद्यापतितारबाजारासदनतहमतदामादरता
मापतितपतवारतडतहाडागारवत्तहस्तायाइवरतासारगनायकमुतागा वदना
कसदामादरमहसुनामहारबामहानायकत्तपतचलतरावामनाचास्ताक्षानपरतह 88 सतनामदावसामानसाताडानुत्तावनायकातहमताराघवनायकानागनायक 88
तप्ररुपातमावानरसाहनहसतचागाराममहादवसाताकमलादवसापासमा नसताकशावतारतवासियामापुरुषातमतहसुताप्लतापुसायातजनहायतामा निदत 0 महादतहखातावासादवतारतविरहानागादवसुतारवादक्तवादशनतसत साषातमतःविचनावरहमताकशनगा विदत्तसातामहावताराताकाशकामाप 2 हानात्ततमातानागादवत्तहादकत्तरखताआदिवासहारतासागसामाशारंगपा पिसावताका सदकारामादक्तसाताबादवातः पतविपासादलदेवसुताजामादक्तहमादा मरसतादामादरताकाथायनततसाताबनाएसमापशनासत्तशाताद मादरापानाहारताशारगपातावकपामत्तहमकमलादकतहातादाद राना प्रघमावायो।ताकरतहमत हलत हावापादक्तहसता सदनारतिविलाहदागिर सामाहारवाहसतरडकातर मादकसतारामश्वरतावातावाखावापानाता 98 हसतानागदत्तRI महादवतहमतसागदपतहमानक्रमादामादरमहसताना बातमत्तहादवरात:ICINपालनसतामहादवतहाथादयम्साकरसहसतमापरवर 100
सागावागायत्री नसतानताकापानानानागाददाजासामुतापरसारामडाजमा शायनाममताकशवदासपातमा विकतामातानरमीहदासान 102
चासघातत्रिरियाना एयपापा (हसतामरालतमावतहमतिता 10 कमतरगंगाधरतहरा माता मा माधवनखाता माहवतः भारवाडा: उल्लरानमादरम्हः
104
नामदेवमातापापातालमादा 10 हाताविरमालामाबामाताजातालावतमापारकर 106
100
SCALE: TWO-FIFTHS.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTAL
N. P. CHAKRAVABTI. RENo1979E99-275.

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iii.
108
नारायनहता महागतानामदनवनागाव 110 सह: तगतिमा विक हाता हाला हितागा लक्ष्मी घर तहसुन 112 मलादवतः प्रभाविया एकूण हा सतना
एनकोडिया:विकतामा : यह नाना वानराशवादार्यमुत पुरुषा77108 तकावर रुपावहत थापाद श्री व सामाना दामोदर राहत: रामशरन हा हरिवन र सहचारी स्वदे का गोना सामना हो, निसुतः
110
112
114
118
नाम होता| का थापा माया दिन अनंत न त सारंग नहः का थप काथा दात काह तहत सवलत है ।ता हरित।। राम पंडित भुवन दतवतार हा जगात सामगान 114 सक्ष्यद्वारशमराघाटाः। प्रर्वत: दो डिगा । सा डाल दिदि लतः किश वा पुरी । सातरिगर्त। हरिकान 116 वागपि यमतः राज [गी ही वारा दिन वली । डगलिगाकाण संबध महादिपुरी उतरता गंग, 110 पवन उराघाट विश्वहः पुरुषात्रम पुरा पर नाम माया ग्रहाकृतः प्रधाह्मण नियमाः स डार्क [म] नाद्याम निशान विक्रयं स दास मार्ग यांगनानांसद 118 नवदद्य तपता रापि निवारणीयः। इ. खादिकं वापि नारलीयस कम्म निष्टि से वित ग्रामलि 120 राजासवका ना वसतिप्रयाण दोड। न त मिदानप्रशंसा सिंहासन तथा वसवादर 120 :: भूमिदानस्य पुष्पाणिक लेवविता त्यतिपितरमभ्य व लीति वपितामहाः। निद 129 कालजातः सोमीदवार विष्यति श्रादित्या इव दीप्य जातजमा दिविमान वा य प्रयतिव मिलाया हिताभयघालिती पाए वैमिदीतारमनु 124 [ष्टामादिनिया। राष्ट्रा विपुलदलिम वाना तय हो पायो हि किं क रा मिता पा. सुदारुणा । घोरा वा रुपापा (नापसर्वानमिदतिपय (तदाता ि 128 सतरा शायरा हत्यायवृत्रिका यी दाता मित्र करी दवात निमान का वर्षसह (सागनिनिमिया वादा नुमंता सतावन राज वासना वारि तिमाप्रातिपुरम 128 यमन तिलप्रदः प्रजामिष्टादी प्रदेश कुरुत मा ईमाप्नातिदीर्घमायु
124
126
[क] मंगु ला हरनाक मानियानंदा
ब्राह्मणन मिटर पे दाषाः।। गाम कारनि कामक 130 व्रत लवादती परतावा या हरित वसुं । षष्टिवर्ष महमा विष्ठायां जायानक [मिः सदा 190 तां परदता बाहार तर विद्यायाः । वृत्तिं सजायात विदुघर्षाणामयुतायुता विश्वताया 132 शु का कार रशानिक प्रजायात ब्रह्म हार का दिन विविधमहारं व किरह्निः यति कुल समूहति ब्रह्मसारणिपात का। ब्रह्म पैडरनुज्ञातं तं इंतिपूरुषाप्रसं 134 बलासी दशर्वादपरा नाटकं तियावतः पासून दतामा विदवः विद्यापी दाल्पानांऊटुंबिनी। राजा नाराज कुल्याश्व तावाता हा निरे ऊ था। ऊंनी पाकि खुप द्यति ब हारिणः ॥ घन्त मिपालन फले॥ दानपालनायाम (घदा नहायानुपालन। दाना सूर्यन वा 196 तिपालनादकत पदांगण्यात पांश वा समयांत दृष्टि दिवः । नगथात विनापि 198 फली बङ्गनिर्वमुधा दत्ता राजनि सगरा दिति । यदामियतस्तद सामान्या पाकाले कालपालनीयात वह्निःसीना दिन:पा विर्विद 140 या या यात नरा में तंत्र : म मेराजा परम ही पतिवंशज पापादापत मनासा जति साविप 140 मधुता मया विरचिता जलिर माले महासन
136
सत्य
122
128
132
134
188

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No. 21.]
PURSHOTTAMPURI PLATES OF RAMACHANDRA: SAKA 1232.
99 महसुती नागदेवभट्टः । गोत्तमः ॥ महादेवमहसुलचांगदेवभट्टः । नैव दामी
॥
दरभट्ट सुतपुरु
100 षोत्तमभट्टः । देवरातः । गोपालभट्टसुतो महादेवभट्टः । आत्रेयः । भास्कर भट्टसुत आपदेवभट्टः ।
101 वत्सगोचः । गायत्री भट्टसुतः कृष्णभट्टः । कपिमो (गो) त्रः ॥ नागदेवजोइसोसुतः परशरामजोइसो ।
102 गार्ग्यः । नागस्य सुतकेशवदासः । पूतिमाषः । विष्णुभहती नरसींहदास भट्ट [] 103 वासिष्ठः । अथ तैत्तिरीयाः । नारायणपेदितो मेरालभट्टः । माधवभत्सुतचिव (वि)104 क्रमभट्टः । गंगाधर भट्टसुतः सोमनाथभट्टः । माधव भट्टसुतो मांइदेवभट्टः । एते 105 भारद्वाजा: | कृष्णभसुती विशदेवभः । ब्रह्मदेवभहस्ती गणपतिभहः । महादे 106 वती विभारभाः 1 नागखा (वा) मिभट्टसुतो रामेश्वरभट्टः । विष्णुभट्टसुत आपदेवभट्टः [*]
217
Third Plate.
107 एते कौडिन्याः ॥ विष्णुभट्टसुतसोमनाथभट्टः । सिंहपेदिसुत आदित्यभहः । विष्णुभट्टसुती ना
108 गदेवभट्टः । एते आत्रेयाः ॥ श्रीधर भट्टसुतो धनेश्वरभट्टः । केशवाचार्य सुतं पुरुषोत्तम109 भट्टः । एतौ जामदग्न (ग्न्य) वल्लौ । नागदेवभट्टसुतकीटेखरन (नं)[दि]: । रु (रू) पदेवमहसृत पापदे
110 वभट्टः । एतौ गौतमौ 1 विष्णुभट्टसुती (तः) शांर्गपाणिभट्टः [*] श्रीवत्सगोचः । दामोदर भट्टसुतः सू
111 र्यभट्टः [*] लोहितगोत्रः । लक्ष्मीधरभट्ट सुतो रामेश्वरभट्टः । हरितः । नरसीं (सिं)त्रिवेदी(दि) सुतक
112 मलदेवभट्ट । प्रथमात्रेयः । एल्हणदूबे सुतनारायणपेदिः
सोमनाथप्रतिसुतः पद्म
113 नामता । काम्यपी माध्यंदिनः
दादंभसुतः काकंभट्टः ॥ ( 1 )
1
काश्यपगोत्रा(च) [T
अनंतभट्ट सुतसारंगभट्ट: 1 काश्यपकावः ।
1 Read Gautamah.
Read Narasimhadása. The visarga which was wrongly incised after sa has been cancelled.

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114 का सांवत्लभ । मौ] हरितो । रामपंडितसुतवसंतपंडितः । भारदाजः
एते सामगाः । अथे
[VOL. XXV.
115 तदग्रहारभूमेशघाटाः । पूर्वतः दांडियों सादुलें । दक्षिणतः केशवापुरी" । सांवरिगवां । हरिकोनि
116 बगी। पश्चिमतः राजनी । होवरें ओपुरी । उत्तरतः गंगा [i*]
1 चिंचवली । दुमलेगाह्राणसंबंध (ड) महादे
117 एवं ( वं) चतुराघाटविशुद्धः पुरुषोत्तमपुरापरनामधेयो ग्रहारः कतः [1*] अथ ब्राह्मणनियमाः । (च)
118 चंद्रार्कमिदं भाव्यमेभिरवां च वंशनेः । नाधेयं न च विक्रेयं सदा सन्मार्गवति - [भिः] [३५॥ * ] पाना सद
119 नं न देयं बु(यू) तप्रचापि निवारणीयः । शस्त्रादिकं वापि न धारणीयं सत्कनिष्टै(ष्ठे)भं(र्भ)वितव्यमेभिः [॥३६॥*]
120 राजसेवकानां वसतिप्रयाणदंडी न स्तः । अथ भूमिदानप्रशंसा । सिंहासनं तथा [च्छ] वराश्वा वरवा[र]
121 णाः । भूमिदानस्य पुष्पाणि फलं स्वर्गस्तथैव च ॥ [ ॥ ३७ ॥ * ] नृत्यंति पितरस्तस्य वति च पितामहाः । भूमिदोषा
122 स्कुले जातः सोख्यांसंतारयिष्यति |[ ३८ ॥ * ] आदित्या इव दीप्यते तेजसा दिवि मानवाः [1*] ये प्रयच्छ (च्छं) ति वसुधां ब्रा
123 णायाहिताग्नये |[ ॥ ३८ ॥ * ] यथा जनित्री पुष्णाति चौरेल स्वसुतं नृपा[*] एवं सर्वगुणैर्भूमिर्दातारमनुपुष्यति ॥[॥४०॥*] अम्मि
1 Read Kesavapuri.
Read aneman aantaragialgati.
• Read Mrityorshi.
124 ष्टोमादिभिर्यत्रैरिष्ट्रा विपुल दक्षिणेः । न तत्प ( ल्फ) लमवाप्नोति यहत्वा (वा) वसुधां नृप ॥ [४] १ ॥ * ] नृत्योर्हि किंकरा दंडा
125 निताषा: सुदारुणाः । घोराश्च वारुणाः पाशाः नोपसर्पति भूमिदं (दम्) |[॥४२॥ *] संतर्पयति दातारं भूमिः प्रभव

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126 तां धराय शशभृत्याय वृत्तिक्षोपाय सोदते १ [१४३॥ * ] भूमिं दृत्तिकरौं दवा (वा) छत्री भवति मानवः । [ 188 ॥ * ] षष्टिं वर्षसहस्रा
219
127 शि स्वर्गे तिष्ठति भूमिदः श्रात्वा (त्ता) चानुमंता च साम्येव नरके वसेत ॥[।४५॥*] वारिदस्तृप्तिमाप्रीति सुखमक्ष
128 वमचदः । तिलप्रदः प्रजामिष्टां दीपदव कुरुत्तमं । भूमिदः सर्वमाप्नोति दीर्घमायुस्तथैव च ॥[ ४६ ॥ * ] अथ
129 ब्राह्मणभूमिहरणे दोषाः ॥ गामेकां रत्निकामेकां भूमेरप्येकमंगुलं (लम्) । नरकमाप्नोति यावदा
130 भूतसँशयं (धम् ) [ 1४७ ॥ * ] खदत्तां परदत्त वा थी हरेत वसुंधरां (राम्) । षष्टिं वर्षाणि विष्ठायां जायते कृमि: । [४८ ॥ *] खद131 तां परदत्तां वा हरे सुरप्रियः । वृत्तिं स जायते विद्रुग्वर्षाणामथुतायुतं (तम्) [४८ ॥ *] बिंध्याटकोष्वतीयासु
132 शुष्ककोटरशायिनः [*] कृष्णसर्पाः प्रजायंते ब्रह्मभूम्यपहारकाः विषमत्तार वह्निरह्निः प्र
हरं (रन्)
।।। ५० ॥ * ] हिनस्ति
183 माम्यति । कुलं समूलं दहति ब्र(च) स्वारणियम्बकः । [ | ५१ ॥ * ] ब्रह्मस्त्रं दुरनुज्ञातं भुक्त हंति त्रिपूरुषं (घम् ) । प्रसय ।
134 तु बलाद्भुक्त दश पूर्वान् दशाघरान् । [ ५२ ॥ * ] ग्टइं ( इं )ति यावतः पा (पां) सून् क्रंदतम्मश्रुबिंदवः । विप्राणां हतवृत्तीनां व
135 दान्यानां कुटुंबिनां (नाम्) । [ ५३॥ *] राजानी राजकुल्याच तावतोब्दाविरंकुशा [: * ] | कुंभीपाकेषु पचते ब्रह्मभूयः । *
11
136 हारिणः ॥[५४ ॥ *] अथ भूमिपालनफलं (लम्) दानपालनयोर्मध्ये दानाच्छ्रेयोनुपालनं (नम्) । दानात्सुर्गमवानी
137 ति पालनादच्युतं पदं (दम् ) [ ५.५ ॥ * ] गण्यते पांशवी भूमेर्गयंते दृष्टिबिंदवः । न गण्यते विधात्रापि भूमिसंर
1 Read either kum-uttamam or Kur-üttama.
Danda unnecessary.
This mark is to show that the word is continued in the next line.
138 क्षणे फलं(लम्) । [५६ ॥ * ] बहुभिर्वसुधा दत्ता राजभि [ : * ] सगरादिभिः । यस्य यस्य यदा भूमिस्तस्य तस्य तदा फ

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139 (TH) [1499*] Amhracitei waqaurant ante amet arratent wafa: [1*]
सर्वानेतान् भाविनः पार्थिवे ()द्रान् भू140 at 11h TW: [145#*] HEWA: uchytufaeien 97 Murcia
___ मनमो भुवि भाविभूपाः । ते 141 grazio HA W ACHHA] Auzit pen facrantonrentia afy:[yen*]
Herit:
TRANSLATION. Om ! Obeisance to the holy primeval Boar !
(Verse 1) May Sarngapāni (Vishnu) be worshipped !-(he) whose proper form consists of unsurpassed and infinite bliss and consciousness; whose manifest power is possessed through mighty and stainless sattva ; who has an extremely attractive body which is an abode of auspicious things (and) wbo is the refuge of those who are worsted by others!
(V. 2) Glorious is the moon, the pleasure-lotus in the hand) of the goddess of fortune of the three worlds, which sprang from the milk-ocean which is the pleasure-lake of Lakshmi and Nārāyaņa !
(V. 3) Glorious is that infinite race of the moon, the creeper of whose fame shines in this world. In that race, again, there were the bright and round pearls possessed of great and attractive lustre, viz., the Vpishộis of unblemished character. Among them, again, there is a one-string necklace formed with a beautiful thread, (viz., the Yādava family of Dēvagiri which is possessed of ercellent merits) which gave lustre to the necks of poets. In it, again, there is this central gem possessing the beautiful lustre of the wish-fulfilling jewel, (namely) the king Simha.
(V. 4) What kings were not terrified to hear that by Simha Ballāla was vanquished, the lord of Andhra was made to suffer a defeat, Kakkalla was overthrown, the lord of Bhambhagiri was devoured in a moment, the king Bhoja was thrown into confinement on the crest of a fortress and Arjuna was subjugated ?
(V. 5) His son was Jaitrapāla, the moon to the kumuda which was (his) family (anl) a very gracious temple of the goddess of heroism; who by his excellent form completely quelled the pride of the god of love, the tap-root of beauty; who was concluded to be the unique limit of the excess of magnanimity by the people who (at first) expressed (their) doubts as to whether he was Karna, or Dadhichi, or Sibi, or Jimõtavähana.
(V. 6) From him was born the lord, the illustrious king Krishna, who frequently vanquished brave men. Seeing warriors fleeing away (before him), the regions laughed at them under the guise of his fame.
· Visarga is superfluous.
. The original has vamsah which means also a bamboo. On this double entendre is based the following metaphor. According to a poetic convention, pearls are produced also from bamboos.
. Because it supplied them with an excellent subject for their poems. • All these were noted for their great liberality.

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(V. 7) He whose activities extended to Kāmapala and to whom extensive fortune resorted of its own accord, clearly manifested himself to be Krishna, delighting zealously a multitude of cowherds.
(V. 8) On the occasion of his march for conquest, princes disguised as bards sang as follows: Collect, О old Gürjara, the mass of dust in the cowpens throughout (thy) life ! Do not, O Malava, stop mowing! Cling, O Chola, to the hem of the lower garment (of ladies)! Be intent, O Kobala, on giving up (thy) treasure !
(V. 9) When the king Krishṇa went sportively to his own city Vaikuntha in order to have a look at it, that younger brother of his (viz.), Mahādēva, ruled over this earth thereafter ;-(he) whose sword, which produced the misapprehension that it was the ornamental mark of musk (on the forehead) of the Earth who was shining on bis arm, caused terror among hostile kings.
(V. 10) Though he plunged the crescent moon into the ocean, removing her from her proper place, he is, strange (to say), still called Mahādēva by the people.
(V. 11) (Then) was born his son the king Ammaņa, who was possessed of great strength and who greatly rescued the Brāhmanas oppressed by taxes, even as Skanda rescued the gods oppressed by the demon) Tăraka.
(V. 12) When the Grandsire of warriors was giving away (in charity), all hostile kings, indeed, became eager to receive the gifts; since having continuously exposed themselves to the rays of the hot-rayed (sun), they whose minds were distressed by the reproachful words of (their) beautiful (wives), regretfully cast a (wistful) glance at their kingdoms.
(V. 13) Climbing the highest Dēvagiri by means of the ladder which were the heads of hostile princes, the famous) Rāma, the son of Krishna, enjoys his kingdom, forcibly wresting it from him (i.e., Aminana).
(V. 14) First entrance into the fort of Dēvagiri, then observation of the manner of dancing, afterwards rallying of self-willed foot-soldiers, then throwing off of ornaments, removal of the opponent who obstructed (his) desired object and wresting of the earth from him-these were successively accomplished by the illustrious Rāma. Hence his glory is extraordinary !
1 Krishna also is known for similar deeds. He gave protection to Kama (i.c., the god of love) who becamo his son Pradyumna. He was chosen by Lakshmi (who had incarnated herself as Rukmint) at her svayanura. Finally, he used to delight herds of cows by his sweet music.
* The astonishment is due to the fact that the god Mahadēva (whose name the king bears) always keeps on his head the crescent moon which had sprung from the ocean. The contradiction in this verse is only apparent, the figure being Virödhabhasa; for Soma means here the Silahāra king Somosvara whom Mahadáva killed in a naval engagement.
Saktidhara (the wielder of a spear) is also a name of Skanda.
• Kahatra-pitamaha Grandaire of kings' was one of the birudas of the Yadavas of Dévagiri. The Thank plates mention in two places (lines 28 and 35-36) a similar title in connection with Ramachandra. . The idea seems to be that these princes were standing in the hot sun the whole day in the hope of receiving back their kingdoms as gifts from Amanadēva. As they went home empty-handed, they were rebuked by their wives. Lilavati is also the name of the first section of Bhaskarichirya's Siddhanta siromani. Is there, then, play on the word chandambu also (meaning Bhaskara)! Bhaskaricharya is not, however, known to have written a work named Kiranavali.
Sloka means also a verse. This verse which describes the successive achievements of Ramachandra i superior to the following traditional verse which describes in a similar manner the successive doings of Rama, an incarnation of Vishnu :-Adau Rama-tapovan-abhiga manam hatva mrigarh kaichanamh Vaidehi-harapan Jatayu. maranam Sugriva-sambhashanam Val-nirdalanamh samudra-taranamh Lanka-part-dahanam padchid=Rāvana Kumbhakarna-hananam=etad=dhi Ramayanam ||

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(V. 15) The illustrious Räma,--who noticed an easy way of seouring his kingdom, whose entire policy is explained by his oocupation of the fort (of Dēvagimi), who obtained his object by his personal energy which shone by the use of various means, who showed the way to acquire wealtla by forbidding actions of the castes in transgression (of the dictates of the Sāstras), who surpassed celestial beings in that though a boy be was not affected by abuse--(verily) Sarvavarman, who noticed an easy way of forming padas, all of whose aphorisms are explained by Durga's commentary, who derived the intended) sense from roots shining with conjugational signs, who showed how to obtain the meaning (of abbreviations) without writing the letters (of the alphabet) In the reverse order, and who has surpassed the printeval grammariang, since not even a boy (noho studies his grammar) is tainted by the use of wrong words.
(V. 16) How can that Rama be described !-(he) who vanquished'in a moment the king of the great and extensive Dābala country; who made the lord of the country of Bändägära suffer a great defeat: who deprived the king of Vajrālora of this kingdom, and who subjugated in battle that (well-known) king of cowherds?
(V. 17) How can that Ramachandra be truly described ?-(he) who only by his prowess defeated with arrows the lord of Palli on a battle-field, made the king of Kamyakrabja bend low, captured by foroe the mighty lord of Sangama and crushed the chief of Khēța ?
(V. 18) He wbrogated the conventional rules about tolls, exempted all agrahāras from taxes, treed Verpast from a 'hoard of Mléchcbhas and constructed (there) a golden temple of Sārugadhara.
Lines 31-42) He, the Praudhapratāpa-Ohakravartin, Mahärājädhiraja, the illustrious king Riemchandra, adorned by a multitude of such excellences, the sun which makes tbe lotus-bud, viz., the Yādava race, bloom, the Purandara of the city of Dāvagiri, granted with joy caused by the execution of all his commands, by pouring water on the hand, on Saturday, the eleventh tithi of the bright fortnight of Bhādrapada in the (cyclic) year Sädhāraṇa when twelve hundred years increased by thirty-two had elapsed since the time of the Saka king, the four villages together with nine hamlets included in them, situated in the Kānhairi khampanaka (sub-division) included in the Kānhairi dēša, together with the treasures, deposits, trees, grass, water, stones, and all dues such as fines, taxes, and cells on artisans,--(the four villages, namely), Pokhari (with) the hamlets included in it, (viz.), Sāēgāhvāņa. Pimpalagāhvāņa (and) Pālipokhari ; Adagau (with) the hamlets included in it, (viz.), Pimpalavādi, Kājalakõvi (and) Sõijaņē; Vāghaure (with) the hamlets included in it, (viz.), Simpivihirē, Gölēgāhyāņa (and) Dhāravāghaurē; (and) Kuruņapăragau
Diry-akriti means a celestial being such as Rama who was an incarnation of Vishņu. He was blamed by the people of Ayodhyā, because he took back his wife Sitā after her stay in Rāvana's house. (See Valmiki's Rāmāyana (Bom. ed.), Uttarakānda, sarga 63.)
* Ar Ramachandra had a long reign of about forty years, he may have been in his teens when he wrested the erown from his cousin.
. Sarvavarman is the reputed author of the Kätantra system of Sanskrit grammar. • A pada is a nominal or a verbal form ending in a case-affix or a termination. . Durga or Durgasimha is a well-known commentator of the Kåtantra sitras.
• In the Mähekvara sutrus, on which the system of Pāņini is based, the natural order of the letters of the Alphabet is reversed for the sake of the pratytiharas. In the stras of Sarvavarman, however, the natural order of the letters is retained.
To the second sense we have to make the pada-chchhēda as jeta adi vya kritinam (who surpassed the primeval grammarinns like Panini).
The Kätantra system is much easier than the Pāņinian, so that even a boy can soon master the Sanskrit language with its aid. For the story of its origin, see the Kathasarità gara, lambaka 1, tarangas 6-7.

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to the Mahāmāndalika Purwabai Nāya ka, the son of the Phulabaduë Sämvala Nāyaka, who belongs to the Väsishtha-gotra and is a student of the Rigvēda-śākkā. The following are the eulogistic verses about him :
(V. 19) Glorious is Vasishtha, the abode of austerities, who is the sole preceptor of the world, the son of the Creator, known as his second self, (and) the foremost of the seven sages; whose wife is Arundhati whose virtue is the foremost teacher for giving) instruction in chastity; and in a corner of whose cowpen there is the celestial cow which is a very moonlight for (dispelling) the darkness, namely, the distress of the three worlds.
(V. 20) From him another son was born like him and then from him another. Thus in course of time there sprang a noble family, an ornament of the three worlds, resembling a sucoession of the sun's rays causing awakening among the embodied beings troubled by the alligator-like dark. ness and infatuation.
(V. 21) In that (family) was born Bhānusuri who constructed in every quarter, staircases in the guise of temples for the sake of gods who had come out (of heaven) to receive offerings in his sacrifices; and who, in order to raise up the creatures who had sunk low by reason of their (bad) deeds, excavated, as deep as the surface of the nether regions, tanks which were the mines of jewels in the form of his bright fame.
(V. 22) From him was born Alhadēva, (who was) a treasure of austerities, and a meeting place of all fruitful excellences; in whose mouth dwelt with ease the fourteen lores even as the fourteen worlds do in the belly of Hari (at the time of world-destruction.)
(V. 23) From him was born a son named Vināyaka, the crest-jewel of (all) learned people In the water of the Ganges, namely, bis fame, even the holy places perform the purificatory rite; (and) the loud noise of the exposition of the Vēdas discloses his house to the supplicants who come in haste, having heard of his virtue of liberality.
(V. 24) From that learned man sprang a famous son named Sārvaladēva, the friend of the love of piety, the source of ylory, the essence of cleverness, the abode of contentment, forgiveness and happiness, the bead of the family of compassion, the festivity of the establishnient of courage, the treasury of learning, the minister of discrimination and the assembly-hall of wealth.
(V. 25) Having ascertained that like a flower be was gentle by nature, venerable, pure, capable of attracting the mind and the best abode of fortune, the king Rāma, the foremost of the Yadus, who has a keen intellect, being intent on showing favour to him, made him, who was) vigilant, the superintendent of the arrangement of flowers..
(V. 26) Day by day there grew in the mind of the king affection for Samvaladēva, who was honest, beneficent, intelligent, truthful and devoted to service even as fortune did in his home.
(V. 27) Then he married, according to the sacred rite, a wife named Akvāmbikā, worthy of himself, who was the daughter of Sārangasūri and the son's daughter of Madhavasūri born in the family of Jāmadagnya-Vatsa, and who was adorned by the jewels of excellences
(V. 28) To these, who were designedly united by the wise Creator, there was born & son, bearing the fitting and significant name of Purushottama. This is the eleventh incarnation of Hari, who reflecting on the slight blemish in incarnating himself as the fish, etc., wus seeking a noble birth.
11.e., he became famous by excavating these tanks. *[See above, p 212, 2. 1.-Ed.)

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(V. 29) The Yadu king made him a minister of his Government-(him) who had double wisdom due to his association with good people marked by discrimination, double vision by his study of the extensive brutis and smsitis, (and) double strength by his inexhaustible courage.
(V. 30) Having shown by his brilliant command separate courses of conduct for the castes and orders of life, even as a cloud shows different paths by its lightning, be poured a large shower of gold into the treasure house of the king.
(V. 31) The crooked and hard mind of treasonous people was quickly made straightforward by his brilliant prowess, even as the hard and curved bracelet of iron is made straight by burning fire. The cruel ones among them were burnt like thorny trees and then taken out. Then the glory of the king Ramachandra was made bright like gold.
(V. 32) When he who had devoted his heart to the holy places like Käsi and Dvärakā which are the treasures of religious merit, established charitable feeding houses (in them) the capacity to yield (both) enjoyment and liberation now shines in thobe (holy places) which, from a consideration of the declaration of sages, were previously) held to confer liberation only.
(V. 33) While he, who is well-conducted, devoted to his lord, modest, extremely averse to others' wives and wealth and possessed of great prowess, was conducting himself as a (noble) man, displaying herosim, there generally followed, day and night, in the wake of his glory which went forth in every direction, joy in good people and great trembling in the head and heart of wicked ones.
(V. 34) The illustrious and gracious-minded king Rāma asked him many times to make an agrahāra worthy of himself for the attainment of) well-being in both the worlds. And when he accepted that honour as a great favour, he (i.e., the king) who humbles the pride (of his foes), conferred on hira villages of great value by pouring water (on the hand).
(LI. 71-80) He, that Purushai Näyaka, the mine of such jewels of excellences, the Mahamāndalika of the illustrious Mahārājādhirāja Rāmachandradēva, has conferred, for the attainment of his desired object, making first the offerings of gold, rice and water on the Kapilashashthi in the month Bhadrapada included in the (cyclic) year Sadhāraṇa when twelve hundred yoars increased by thirty-two had elapsed since the time of the Saka king, the four villages together with nine hamlets included in them, situated in the Kanhairi kham panaka (sub-division) of the Kinhairi desa, together with the treasures, deposits, grass, water, stones and all dues such as fines, taxes (and) cess on artisans, -(the four villages, namely), Pokhari (with) the hamlets included in it, (viz.), Sāëgåhvāna, Pimpalagåhvāņa (and) Pālipokhari, Adagau (with) the hamlets included in it, (viz.), Pimpalavādi, Kajalakovi (and) Sõijaņē; Vägbauro (with) the hamleta included in it, (viz.), Simpidihiré, Gölēgāhvāna (and) Dhåravāghaurē; and Kurunapăragau--after dividing them into vrittie (i.e., parts) numbering eighty-six (and) assigning (then) to the Brāhmaṇas, eighty-three in number, who belong to various gotras and are students of various sākhās, together with two gods, agnishtika and prapā, in this manner, namely, two voittis to the two gods, one vritti for (the performance of the agnishţikā rite and (the maintenance of) a prapa (charitable water-shed) (every year) and the remaining voittis numbering eighty-three to the followingl Brāhmaṇas. Now the names of the Brāhmaṇas :
(Here follow the names of eighty-three Brāhmaṇas together with those of their fathers, götras and sakhas.)
(LL. 114-117) Now the boundaries of this agrahāra land :-To the east Dändigau (and) Sådule ; to the south Kebavapuri, Savarigava (and) Harikinibagau; to the west Rajagau, Hivarë, Chincha

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vali, (and) Mahadevapuri joined to Drugalēgahvana; to the north the Ganga. The agrahāra, which has the other name of Purushottamapuri, has thus been formed with the four boundaries well-determined in this manner.
(Ll. 117-20) Now rules for the conduct of the Brahmanas. This land shall be enjoyed by these (Bramanas) and their descendants, following always the righteous path; it shall not be mortgaged or sold. No quarter shall be given to prostitutes; the custom of gambling also shall be prohibited; (and) weapons and (such) other things shall not be used These Brahmaņas shall (always) be intent on (performing) good deeds. There shall be no forced contribution (for the expenses of) royal officers halting at and departing from (the agrahāra)".
(Ll. 120-41) Now the praise of a gift of land :
(Here follow twenty-three benedictive and imprecatory verses.) (Line 141) May there be bliss and great fortune!
No. 22.-TWO GRANTS OF PRITHIVICHANDRA BIOGASAKTI.
By MADHO SARUP VATS, M.A., AND D. B. DISKALKAR, M.A.
In August 1936 when Mr. Vats was Superintendent, Archæological Survey, Western Circle, Poona, three grants consisting of seven copper plates were sent to him by the Collector of Nasik. They were found with a Marathi Patel family, surnamed Shid, of Anjaneri village in the headquarters Taluka of the Nasik District. Three of the plates were found to make one grant, marked A and two another, marked B, both issued by a king named Prithivichandra Bhōgasakti. Lines 1-25 of the former are identical with lines 1-27 of the latter. The remaining two plates were found to make a third grant of the Gurjara king Jayabhata III. Below are described the first two grants mentioned above as A and B.
Each of these grants was held together by two copper rings. To one of the two rings of the one marked A is affixed a tubular seal containing the figure of a lion in relief. The surface of the seal is circular and 13" in diameter. The three plates of this set along with the rings and the seal weigh 308 tolas. There is also the figure of a boar engraved in the middle of the second half of the second plate of this grant. The plates measure 12 to 123 inches in length and 7 to 8 inches in width. As usual, the first and the third plates are inscribed on the inner faces only. and the middle plate on both the sides. The inscription consists of 55 lines of writing, 14 on each of the first, second and fourth faces and 13 on the third one.
A circumscribed lotus is incised on the uninscribed outer face of the first plate, while a large figure of conch shell appears upside down across the outer face of the third plate which bears a postcript record of king Tejavarman in 9 lines.
The two plates making up the second grant measure 113x73 to 73 inches. One of the two rings of this grant is missing and the remaining one has a tubular seal similar to that found in A. The weight of the two plates forming this grant together with the ring and the seal is
1 Such restrictions date from ancient times. See, for instance, vv. 31 ff. of the Sirpur inscription of the time of Maha-Sivagupta, above, Vol. XI, pp. 192 f.
The same expression occurs also in the Paithan plates. It was first interpreted by Dr. Fleet as referring to the exemption of the king's servants from fines either for staying at or for setting out on journeys from them. (Ind. Ant., Vol. XIV, p. 315). Later on he gave the alternative explanation that "the expression....may refer to fines' i.e., forced contributions of money or supplies obligatory on the holders of villages on such occasions" (C. I. I., Vol. III, p. 98, n. 2). Three is no doubt that the latter is the correct interpretation.

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178 tolas. In this, the inscription consists of 38 lines only, 12 being inscribed on the first plate, 14 and 12 respectively on the inner and outer faces of the second plate.
Both the grants are, on the whole, well preserved, but in some cases owing to portions of the plates being more or less corroded certain letters of grant B are not quite legible.
The characters in the inscriptions belong to the southern variety of the seventh century A.D. and are similar to those of the Valabhi and Gurjara grants of the same period. They are crowned by small circles and are more angular than rounded, mark, for instance, the letters m, 0, and d. Among peculiarities of the inscription in grant 4, it may be pointed out that the sign for the medial long ù is used in two ways, cf. Purrruttrikata, 1. 38 and Puruve satan, 1. 39. The sign for initial e in l. 54 deserves to be noted specially with reference to the same sign in II. 14 and 31 of grant B. Equally remarkable are the forms of letters ph and bhū in lines 52 and 53 respectively. It may also be noted that both the forms of l are found in this inscription. As regards the orthography it may be stated that the sign for upadhmāniya is but once used in l. 44 of A and a consonant is usually doubled both before and after r as in yöttra, puttra, parākkrama, rikkrānta, kkriya, kshobhit-ārunava, nirerisesha, rama, dakshiny-adibhirmggunaih, púruva, devasy=ārchchana, Janārddana, etc. V is used for amustära in varsasy- (1. 6) and Sinhavarmma (1.9). The language of the records is Sanskrit prose with the exception of the invocatory and the inprecatory verses at the beginning and end.
As regards the peculiarities of the inscription in grant B, it may be stated that the signs for the medial and ri and the subscript r are not easily distinguishable from one another. So also is the case with and t. The vëpha is turned round to the left of a letter so much so that it goes above it. In this inscription, too, a consonant is usually doubled before and after r. Grant A seems to contain Sanskrit renderings of certain local words or phrases e.g., karanë kõvēram, 1. 35, ghrita-sētikā, 1. 37. Of the former, the sense is not at all clear, but the latter was possibly a small measure such as a ladle!
In both the grants, the records open with an invocatory verse in praise of the boar incarnation of the god Vishnu as is always the case with the inscriptions of the Western Chalukyas of Bādāmi who were acknowledged as their overlords by the kings of the Harischandra family. Then follows the prose portion describing in usual terms the origin of the Chalukya family in which was ruling the emperor Vikramaditya, who was an ornament of the whole earth. This is followed by the description of a ruler named Svāmichandra wbose sovereign Vikramāditya Chalukya considered him as his son, who was an ornament of the Harischandra family and who enjoyed the possession of the whole of the Puri-konkaņa, consisting of 14,000 villages. Svanichandra's son was Simhavarman and the latter's son way Bhögaśakti, who bore the second name of Přithivichandra'. Much of the further portion of the inscription is devoted to an extravagant praise of this feudatory king Bhögasakti.
The grant marked A was issued by Bhögaśakti after addressing the state officials etc. of Göparashtra, eastern Triküța, Amrarājī, Mairikā, two Mahāgirihāras, and Palla Adhamba[ka] divisions, and its object was to provide for conducting the worship of the god Näräyana and for dance, music, free kitchen, etc., at the temple which had been built at Jayapura by Bhögēsvara who is probably to be identified with Bhögasakti himself. The endowment inade for the above purposes consisted of the revenues of eight villages, viz., Jayagrăma, Ambē-Avangaña, Pälittapātaka, Kokilākshaka, Kalahaka, Mradgāhitaka,
[See below p. 235, n. 3.-Ed.] [He also seems to have had the biruda Tribhuvanankuša (1. 25A, 1. 27B).-Ed.] [See below p. 232, n. 2.--Ed.]

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Kshēmagiraka and Annagrama and the income derived from certain taxes. The taxes consisted of certain levies during the yātrā festival of the god from every shop in the market and every court-yard(?); and on the import and export of every load of caravan; a handful of corn, and a fixed measure of ghee from (every house in the principal village in each of the sub-divisions of Göparāshtra, Amrarāji, and Mairikā; and in like manner from other villages! ; one hundred Krishnarāja rupees from the sub-division of eastern Trikūta ; two hundred Krishnarāja rupees from the western Mahāgirihāra and one hundred from the eastern one; and fifty Krishnarāja rupees from the Palla Adhamba sub-division. But the above eight villages, on which taxes were thus imposed, were exempted from all the usual exactions of forced labour, etc. A committee of five or ten merchants was enjoined, in accordance with the established custom of the town, to arrange for the yātrā festival of the god Vishņu for a whole fortnight in the month of Mārgaśīrsha. The management of the temple was vested in the merchant guild of the town of Jayapura and the local merchants were exempted from all other state) taxes.
This grant is dated in the year 461 of an unspecified era. Its scribe was Bharatasvāmin, an inhabitant of Kallivana.
The grant B refers to the re-colonisation of the formerly deserted Samagiripattana (the township of Samagiri) along with Chandrapuri and four other hamlets called Ambayapallikā, Savāņāyapallikā, Mauröyapallikā and Kamsāripallikā. All these were vested in the town council of Samagiripattana, the merchants whereof were exempted from the payment of custom duties, the a putradhana, etc. The town council was also empowered to impose fines for certain moral delinquencies and other crimes.
The outer face of the third plate of grant A bears another inscription of nine lines in characters larger in size and slightly different in form from those of the main inscription. It records the grant by king Tējavarman of a free pasture land in the village of Pälittapāțaka near Jayapura, already mentioned in the main inscription. In lieu of this land belonging to the god Bhögēsvara-dēva, who is identical with the Bhöge svara-pratishthita-Nārāyana of the main inscription, one hundred rupees were deposited by him with the merchant guild of Jayapura as a perpetual endowment, the interest of which was to be utilised for providing guggula for the daily worship of the god.
It is interesting to note that Tējavarman, who calls himself a rājan, is mentioned also in grant B wherein he is said to have promulgated the orders contained in the grant. As Bhögasakti and his predecessors also bore no more assuming a title than rājan it is possible that Tējavarman belonged to the same family and might even have been a successor of Bhõgasakti, since his record appears as a postscript to grant A.
The great historical importance of the present grants lies in the fact that they bring to light a new feudatory dynasty which ruled in the latter part of the seventh and the beginning of the eighth century A.D. over the vast territory comprising the whole of Puri-könkana consisting of 14,000 villages which apparently included the present Nāsik District under the sovereignty of the Western Chalukyas. The first member of this feudatory family, which was named after Harischandra, was Svāmichandra, who acknowledged the sovereignty of Vikramāditya, the Western Chalukya emperor who, as we know, reigned from 655 to 680 A.D. It is specially noted in the inscriptions that Svāmichandra was loved by his overlord as his own son. The figure of a boar, the emblem of the Chalukya family of Bādāmi, engraved on the reverse of the second plate of Grant A, was probably meant to indicate respect and loyalty to the Imperial dynasty, whereas
[See below p. 235, n. 3.-Ed.]
? [See below p. 237, n. 3,-Ed.]

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the figure of a lion embossed on the seals attached to the plates was presumably the emblem of the Harischandra family. Since nothing is specifically mentioned in the inscriptions to the credit of Svämichandra's two successors, Simhavarmaraja and Bhōgasakti, it may be concluded that they did little in raising the importance of the family.
There is nothing in the inscription to denote the era to which its date should be referred. The Chalukya emperors, to whom Bhōgasakti's family owed allegiance, used no doubt the Saka era in all their grants and ordinarily it might be expected that the same would be used by their feudatories of the Harischandra family as well. But that the date 461 of our record cannot be referred to the Saka era is obvious from the fact that Svämichandra, the grandfather of Bhōgasakti who is the donor of the present grant, was a contemporary of the Chalukya emperor Vikramaditya, who, we know, ruled from A.D. 655 to 680. This is possible only if the date is referred to the Kalachuri era which is found generally used in inscriptions of the period discovered in the Lața country and the Nasik District'. The inscription therefore belongs to the year 709-10 A.D. The Harischandra family, although it owed allegiance to the Chalukyas, seems to have adopted the Kalachuri era in their grants because it was current in the country.
The Aihole inscription of Pulakesin II, dated A.D. 634, tells us that this ruler had defeated the Mauryas of Konkana and had subdued the city called Puri2, which was the glory of the western sea. But we know that in the concluding years of Pulikesin's reign his hold over the northern territories had slackened. Svämichandra of the Harischandra family, who was probably ruling over a small territory round about Jayapura in the Nasik District, seems to have rendered such signal services to the Chalukya emperor Vikramaditya, son of Pulikesin, in consolidating his power over the western and northern parts of the empire that he was not only considered as his son by the emperor but, as may be inferred from our Anjaneri plates, also appears to have obtained from him as a reward the whole of the territory known as Puri-kōnkana.
The Phōndhaka grant of the Chalukya Jayasimhavarman, younger son of Pulikesin, shows that he was ruling over the Nasik territory in about Saka 580 (A.D. 658). Similarly, the Nirpan plates found in the Igatpuri Taluka of the Nasik District record a grant by TribhuvanäsrayaNagavardhana, son of Dharasraya-Jayasimhavarman, one of the younger brothers of the emperor Pulikesin himself, of a village named Balegrama in the Gōparashtra vishaya. Although there are strong reasons to suppose that the Nirpan plates are spurious, yet from both of these this much is clear that a portion of the Nasik District was for some time in the possession of a scion of the Imperial family. Now our Anjaneri plates show that the divisions of Gōparashtra and others were in the possession of Bhōgasakti and probably of his predecessors too. This was possible only if Vikramaditya had taken out the territory from the possession of a scion of his own family and granted it to Svamichandra for his valuable services.
It seems strange, however, that no successor of Vikramaditya has been mentioned in the record, not even the sovereign Vijayaditya (A.D. 697-733) who was reigning at the time of this inscription. It need not be supposed from this that the Chalukya emperors lost hold over the pro
1 Cf. (a) Abhōna (Nasik District) plates of Sankaragana dated in the year 347-A.D. 595. Above, Vol. IX. pp. 297 ff. (b) Vadnēra (Näsik District) plates of Buddharaja dated in the year 360A.D. 608. Above, Vol. XII, PP. 33 ff. (c) Sarsavņi (Baroda State) plates of Buddharaja dated in the year 361-A.D. 609. Above, Vol. VI, pp. 297 r.
Ahove, Vol. VI, pp. 1 ff., verses 20-21.
G. H. Khare, Sources of the Medieval History of the Dekkan (in Marathi), Vol. I, pp. 12 ff. Ind. Ant., Vol. IX, p. 124.

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vince in which Bhögabakti was ruling, since the latter makes a proper mention of the Chalukya family at the beginning of the inscription and engraved the figure of a boar in the middle of it showing thereby that he had full regard for the Imperial family and owed allegiance to it.
Secondly, a copper plate grant referring to the reign of Vijayaditya was found at Balsăr' in Gujarāt which was issued from the town of Mangalapuri by the Rājā Mangalarasa, son of Dharābraya-Jayasinhavarman, the younger brother of Vikramāditya I. Contrary to the usual practice of the Gujarāt grants, this record is dated not in the Kalachuri era but in Saka 653 and this fact suggests that the record really belongs not to the Läta country but to the territory above the Ghats in the direction of Nāsik and Khāndesh. This shows that Vijayāditya's power was acknowledged in the Nāsik District as late as A.D. 731. The failure, therefore, to mention the name of the reigning emperor in the Anjaneri grants indicates not so much the carelessness of the scribe or the draftsman of the record as the troublous times.
We do not know how long after the date of our inscription the Harischandra family continued to rule over Puri-könkana, but it seems certain that with the overthrow of the Western Chalukya power by the Rashtrakūtas the family of Svāmichandra suffered the same fate, for the Kanheri cave inscription of Saka 765 (A.D. 843-44) states that the Silāhāra chief Mahāsāmanta Pullasakti was ruling over the whole of the Puri-konkaņa holding it through the favour of the Rashtrakūta emperor Amõghavarsha. Pulla akti's father, Kapardin I, seems to have founded the Silāhāra family of north Konkaņa at the beginning of the ninth century. This is another reason to suppose that the Hariéchandra family ruled not later than the middle of the 8th century and ended with the fall of the Imperial Chalukyan.
The mention of the Krishnarāja rūpakas in the inscription is important. It shows that at the time of the Anjaneri plates there were in use in the Nāsik District silver coins named after Krishnarāja. There can be no doubt that this Krishnarāja was the famous Kalachuri emperor, whose son Sankaraņa (Sankaragana) issued the Sārkhedā plate of Santilla and whose coins were found not only in Dēvalana in the Nāsik District but also in the islands of Bombay and Salsette. These bear the legend Paramamähēsvara Krishnarāja and the figure of a bull.
The yātrā festival in honour of the god Vishņu mentioned in the inscription A is interesting. That it was held in the month of Mārgaśīrsha is stated in 1. 44 of grant A. Rao Bahadur K. N. Dikshit informs that the occurrence of a special festival in the bright fortnight of Märga sirsha is a peculiar feature in some parts of the Marāthā country. Thus among the Brāhmaṇas of Nāsik and Ahmadnagar there is a regular Navarātra festival in this month just as there is the usual festival in the month of Atvina celebrated all over India. The sixth day of the fortnight is called Champā-shashthi which is particularly observed among the Dēkastha Brāhmaṇas. Most of the people above the Ghāts have as their tutelary deity Khandoba of Jejuri near Poona, to whom Chanıpā-shashthi is sacred. Khandoba is a peculiar deity, perhaps originally equivalent to Skanda, but having quite independent characteristics such as a dog for a vāhana. It is very likely that the fair or festival referred to above dates back to the time of the present inscription.
The following localities are mentioned in grant A: Goparāshtra, Purva-Trikuta. Amrarāji, Mairika, Mahăgiribāra, Palla Adhamba[ka], Jayapura, Jayagrāma, Ambe-Avangaña, Pälittapātaka, Kökilākshaka, Kalahaka, Mradgahitaka",
1 See J. B. B.R.A.S., Vol. XVI, p. 6. 1 Above, Vol. II, pp. 23 f.
[See below p. 232, n. 2.-Ed.]

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Kshēmagiraka, Annagrama and Kallivana. The first six are stated to be vishayas or territorial divisions. The approximate situation of Göparashtra can be known from the mention in the Nirpan plates referred to above, of a village named Balēgrāma as situated in the Göparāshtra-vishaya. Balēgrama is no doubt to be identified with modern Belgaum-Taralha in the Igatpuri Taluka of the Năsik District. Jayapura, where the temple of Nārāyaṇa was situated,
may be Jarvad Budrukh, 10 miles south-west of Anjaneri. Jayagrāma may be Jaikheda in the Dindori Taluka. Ambé-Avangana is Ambegaon, about 23 miles north-west of Nasik; Kalahaka may be Kokangaon, 2 miles south-east of Jaiklieda and Mradgāhitaka, Maganpara, 5_miles north-west of Jaikheda. Kallivana is undoubtedly Kalran in the Nasik District, which is also mentioned in some other grants of the period.
The localities mentioned in grant Bare Samagiripattana, Chandrapuri, Ambayapallikā, Savāņēyapallikā, Maurāyapallikā and Kaṁsāripallikā, Samagiripattana cannot now be traced, but it was probably situated near Chandrapuri with which it is coupled in the present grant, and which is probably identical with Chandrachi Met, 12 miles south-west of Anjaneri. Savāņāyapallikā may be Samundi, 5 miles north-east and Kaṁsāripallikā may be Karholi or Karohavadi, 6 and 7 iniles respectively east of Chandrachi Met. Maurēyapallikā may be Morwadi, 3 miles south-west of Nāsik.
Grant A.
TEXT.
First Plate. 1 ओं' [*] जयत्याविष्कृतं विष्णोर्बाराहं क्षोभितार्मवं(वम्) [*] दक्षिणीव्रतदंष्ट्राग्रवित्रा
न्तभुवनं वपुः [1] [१] 2 श्रीमतां सकलभुवनसंस्तूयमानमानव्यसगोचाणां सप्तलीकमाभिः सप्तमाट3 भिरभिवर्चितानां ।' कार्तिकेयपरिरक्षणप्राप्तकल्याणपरंपराणां भगवनारायण4 प्रसादसमासादितवराहलाञ्छनेक्षणक्षणवशौकताशेषमहीभृतां हारीतीपुत्त्राणां च5 लुक्यानामन्वये सकलमहीमण्डलैकतिलको महाराजाधिराजपरमेश्वरः श्रीविकमादि6 त्यवल्लभस्तत्पादप्रसादीपजीवी खपुचनिर्विशेषी हरिचन्द्रवङ्गस्यालंकारभूतः(त)शर7 दुपगमप्रसत्रमण्डलमचन्द्रमा इव प्रजानामानन्दकारी श्रीखामिचन्द्रो नाम राजा येने8 दं चतुर्दशग्रामसहस्रसंख्यं सकलमपि पुरीकोसणं भुक्तमासीत् [*] तस्य च
राज[*] बौखा
1 We have to thank Prof. V. V. Mirashi of the Nagpur University for suggesting the identification of most of the place names mentioned in the grants and also for making some valuable suggestions in the preparation of this article.
'Expressed by asymbol.
Danda unnecessary.

Page #274

Two GRANTS OF PRITHIVICHANDRA BHOGASAKTI. (I).
Grant A.
V
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SURVEY OY INDIA, CALCUTTA.
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. Reo. No. 1982 E'39-285

Page #275

s,D,
30 م ف ککر نل دزد را در بر م ن
تلاع شما با 30 ه ت ل در 3 ره
ت دمش ، رو به نذر ة 22 زنده شد
م که این رمان و
دعم t
32 اره ما د سترة ستبراء بن ع ازم او هو قية " . و در
اة
يع 34 د عامانه ۲۵ دلال بالسلام ) : دن 36 الحنة (
كان
13 در ) و مه -: ) 36 ع ن خاع می ده ن
د ) را نقره د 38 (4 ل ن م ، - ، دل به :
۲۷ در
به د ن ا : 39 ولا ع ندها
متهموا العالية مو ه م م ع 0 و 1
و 2 * 1)
و " ا ور 40 و ل ا نة ؟ و او نیز از
ا ع
و د
و زخم
کند
* ما نیا ح ولا
بهم
20i, 4.
ا ورموا بها من ل م ن
و ۲۰ ه ن دز :
1 / 2018 م
(
4 ک م ی لانے والی حماة الو: قال ان
الدوح 2 مواد و روند نے لا تع
ل
م ث ج 40 له هم نه و و
نه *** لو ** مو و م م ب م ع م ع . . ماذا
يعن ي امه : ي م . م . م م ة و و و و و و و و و مها :
)
درد و در ۱ ۹۰۰ و بازار
و 650 و ان کا ا ي ة و ا ا 1
از 4
و و رقة الى أن
ما 522 رو به رو می برد و در تار ه ا ا
، و
، شد 6

Page #276

No. 22.]
TWO GRANTS OF PRITHIVICHANDRA BHOGASAKTI.
9 मिचन्द्रस्य पुत्री महाबलपराकुमः श्रीसिङ्ग (सिंह) वर्झराजस्तस्यापि श्रसिङ्ग (सिंह) वर्गराजस्य पुत्र [:]
10 चतुरुदधिजलतरंगालिङ्गितायां पृथिव्यां चन्द्र इव विख्याततेजाः पृथिवोचन्द्रापरना11 मधेयो राजा श्रीभोगशक्तिर्य्योसौ बाल एव पूर्वजन्माभ्यासेन स्वयं समुत्पन्वज्ञानी 12 भगवती वासुदेवस्थानविधिं प्रति सततमभियुक्ती ब्रह्मण्यच युधिष्ठिर इ
13 व नयविनयदयादानदाक्षिण्यादिभिर्गुणैरलंकृतः सत्यवादी च
14 भीमसेन इव प्रकटपराक्कुमाकांताशेषस्वराज्यभूमिमण्डलो महाब[ल] ख
Second Plate; First Side.
15 अर्जुन इव जनार्द्दनज्ञानोपदेशानुवर्त्ती समरविधिविशारदश्च 16 बलदेव इव नृत्तगोतहसितविलसितक्रीडासुखोपभोगतत्परः
17 क्षणं विकांतच प्रद्युम्न इव सकलयुवतिजनमनोहरं वपुर्द्धारयद्यपि पर18 कलत्रनिस्पृहः वनवारणयूथाधिपतिरिव सततमभिप्रवृत्तदानाद्रक्कतकरः पद्मी19 त्पलकुमुदषण्डमण्डितः स्वादूदको जलाशय इव प्राणिनां तृष्णाविच्छेदकारी
20 उदितदिवसकरकिरणप्रबोधितो महापद्माकर इव श्रियी निवासभवनं
21 जलधिरिव रक्षितस्थितिरनेकभूभृत्पालनपरः परमगन्भोरो महासत्व (त्त्व) ख
22 सततमेव देवकुलतटाकसत्त्रप्रपाधर्मक्कियानुष्ठानव्यसनी नारायणानु
23 स्मरणतत्परच ।' कौस्तुभमणिरिव विष्णोः पुरोकोङ्कणविषयस्यालंकारभूतः भारत
231
24 पुराणरामायणराजशास्त्रार्त्यतत्त्वनिपुणः प्रातः पटुः पण्डितो मेधावी अप्रति
25 हतबल पराक्क मोल्लाहमन्त्र प्रभुशक्तिस्त्रिभुवनाडुशी राजा श्रीभोगशक्ति: सर्व्वा
26 नेवात्मीयपुचपोचमपीचादी स्वभुजबलपराक्कुमाधिष्ठितां गोपराष्ट्रपूर्व्व
27. चिकूटाम्बराजोमेरिकामहागिरिहारद्दयपशचाटम्बकविषया
28 मर्य्यादां (दान्) सर्व्वं (र्व्वान्) समाज्ञापयति अस्तु वो विदितं यथा सृष्टिस्थितिसडा(संहारकारणं
1 Danda unnecessary.
Read-prapattradin.
• Road dhishphiaan.
4 [Ronding seems to be Palluadhambala-vishayam (gyan) Pretahrada-maryyadāmi (dan). In 1. 39 the first name is read as Pallidhamba.-Ed.]

Page #277

232
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
Second Plate; Second Side.
29 देवातिदेवं सुरासुरगुरुं भगवंतं वासुदेवं मुक्ता नान्धा विशिष्टदेवतास्ती30 ति मत्वा जयपुरे भोगेश्वरप्रतिष्ठिताय पुराणपुरुषाय परमात्मने भगव 31 ते नारायणाय गन्धपुष्यधूपदीपसमा (म्मा) नोपलेपनक्रियायें नृत्तगीतवाद्यी32 पेतसंगीतका चात्यें खण्ड स्फुटितसंस्कारार्थं च [i] मातापिचारात्मनय पुरख33 ये अष्टौ ग्रामा आदानानि च प्रतिपादितानि [1] तेषान्रामानि जयग्रामः
अम्बे
[VOL. XXV.
34 अवङ्गणं [1] पालित्तपाटक: कोकिलाचकं' कलहकः महाहितकः क्षेम
35 गिरकः चत्रग्रामच [1] भदानानि [1] आपणेषु आवारा: करणे कोवरं [1] सार्त्यवहि
36 प्रवेशे निर्गमे च प्रत्येकं रूपकः 37 रिकाविषयेषु ज्येष्ठिकाग्रामे मुटक: 38 ष्वपि ग्रामेषु [1] पूर्व्वत्रिकूट विषये अपरे
39 कृष्णराजरूपकशतद्दर्य
पञ्चाशत् ५०
40 ये चाष्टौ ग्रामास्ते सर्व्वादानविष्टिप्रातिभेदिकापरिहोणाः अचाटभटप्रवेश्याः
41 अभ्यंतरसिद्धिकाः आचन्द्रार्कार्णवक्षितिस्थितिसमकालीनाः य
२००
देवस्य यात्रोत्सवे दातव्यं [!] गोपराष्ट्राम्बराजीमटतसेतिका च अनेनावतारेण इतरे
कृष्णराजरूपकशतं १०० [1] महागिरिहारे
पूर्व्यं शतं १०० पशूढम्बविषये कृष्णराजरूपका[:]
Third Plate; First Side.
42 तस्तस्मादस्मद्देश्यः प्रबलपवनप्रेरितोदधिजलतरंगचंचलं
43 जीवलोकमवलोक्य त्रयमन्महायोनुमंतव्यः पालयितव्यच []
44 वणिग्भि पंचभिर्द्दशभिरपि नगरधनमवलंब्य मार्गशीर्षमासस्य पचमाचं
45 देवस्य विष्णीर्थ्याचोत्सवस्मारयितव्यः [*] यो वाज्ञानतिमिराकृतमतिराच्छिन्द्यादा
46 च्छिद्यमानं वानुमोदेत स पचभिहापातकैस्संयुक्त[: * ] स्यात् [*] यदेतहे
1 A figure of a boar is engraved here. * [ Reading seems to be Mudga°.Ed.] [Reading is mülakab. See below p. 235, n. 3.-Ed.]

Page #278

No. 22.]
TWO GRANTS OF PRITHIVICHANDRA BHOGASAKTI.
233
47 वसलं तहणिगराय निरूपितं तेच सर्वेर्भगवती देवस्य शुश्रूषा योगक्षेम48 + वाढव्यः [*] नगरस्य च स्थितिलिख्यते ॥] ये स्थानवासिनो वाणिजकास्तेषां
शुकं जेमकी 49 वा कदाचिदपि नास्ति । य एतां स्थितिं भिनत्ति स पञ्चभिर्महापातक[*] संयुक्त[*]
स्यादिति । 50 षष्टिं वर्षसहस्राणि स्वर्गे मोदति भूमिदः [*] पाच्छेत्ता चानुमन्ता च तान्येव
नरके वसेत् ॥ [२*] b1 पूर्वदनां हिजातिभ्यो यत्नाद्रक्ष युधिष्ठिर । महीं मतिमता श्रेष्ठ दानाच्छेयानुपा
लन(नम्) [1] [३*] 52 बहुभिर्वसुधा भुक्ता राजभिस्मगरादिभिः [*] यस्य यस्य यदा भूमिस्तस्य तस्त्र
तदा फलं(लम्) ॥[४] 53 विध्याटवौष्वतीयासु शुष्ककोटरवासिनः [*] कृष्णाहयो हि जायते भूमिदायं
हरंति ये ॥[५*] 54 संवत्सरशतचतुष्टये एकषध्यधिक ४०० ६. १ शासनं लिखितं कलिवन56 वास्तव्येन भरतस्वामिना ।
__Third Plate ; Second Side.
Inscription of Tējavarman. 1 ों स्वस्ति श्रौतेजवर्मराजा(राजन) जयपुरस्य दक्षिणाया(णस्यां) 2 दिशि पालित्तपाटको गोप्रचारी मुक्त: [*] तस्य च प्र3 माणं चतुर्दिक्षु दुर्गादेवि(वी)सहिता[:*| शैलिमा गावी स्थापिताः ।*] सौम4 स्य तदेव प्रमा'णं [*] तस्य गोप्रचारस्थार्थे भोगेश्वरदेवस्य भूमिनि5 कृयात्थं जयपुरवणिड्रागरस्य रूपकशतं दत्तं तस्य च रूपक 6 शतस्य वृद्धिः गुग्गुलमूल्यं भोगेश्वरदेवस्य वर्षप्रतिवर्ष 7 नगरेण यावदाचन्द्रावतारकं दातव्यं यो वास्या8 न्यथा कर्थति स पञ्चभिर्महापातकैसंयुक्ती भ9 विषति ।
1 Dhi which was first omitted is written below the line in smaller character. Expressed by a symbol.
Read sinnal or simdyti. .Ma which was at first omitted, is written below this line. . Tare was at first omitted and then written below the line. • Road barishyati.

Page #279

234
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XXV.
TRANSLATION (Verse 1) Om. Victorious is the form of Vishņu manifesting itself as the boar, which troubled the ocean and which had the earth resting upon the tip of its up-lifted right tusk.
(Ll. 2-6) In the family of the illustrious Chalukyas who belong to the Mānavya gotra praised over the whole world; who have been nourished by the seven mothers, the mothers of the seven worlds; who have attained an uninterrupted continuation of prosperity through tho protection of the god) Kärttikēya; who subjugated all the kings in an instant at their having) & sight of the boar-insignia which was acquired through the favour of the lord Nārāyaṇa; and who are the descendants of Hārīti(was born) the Mahārājādhirāja Paramë dvara, the illustrious Vikramaditya Vallabha, the sole forehead mark (tilaka) of the whole earth.
(LI. 6-28) Living upon the favour of his (Vikramaditya's) feet and being unto him like his own son, was the illustrious king named Svāmichandra, who was an ornament of the Harischandra family, who delighted his subjects like the autumnal bright full moon and who enjoyed the possession of the entire Puri-konkaņa consisting of fourteen thousand villages. The son of this king Svāmichandra was the illustrious king Simhavarman, who was great in strength and prowess. And this illustrious king Simhavarman's son was the illustrious king Bhogabakti also known as Prithivichandra whose glory like that of the moon is resplendent on the earth embraced by the waves of the four oceans; who even as a child, was imbued with inborn knowledge acquired by constant application in his previous births; who is ever engaged in the worship of the god Väsudēva, and is well versed in the sacred lore; who like Yudhishthira is adorned with the virtues such as justice, modesty, compassion, charity, courtesy, etc., and is also truthful; who like Bhimasēna is a great hero and has filled the circle of his entire kingdom by bis manifest prowess; who like Arjuna is adept in the art of war and is a follower of the teachings of Kțishņa; who like Baladēva is given to the enjoyment of dance, music, merrymaking, flirtation and sports and (at the same time) would be heroic in a moment'; who, though endowed like Pradyumns with a physique which attracted the hearts of all damsels, has no desire for the wives of others; whose (right) hand, like the trunk of the leader of wild elephants wet with the incessant flow of ichor, is moistened on account of his being constantly engaged in performing charities; who quenches the thirst of beings like a pond of sweet water adorned by multitudes of lotuses and lilies; who is the abode of splendour like a large tank of lotuses blossomed by the rays of the rising sun; who like the ocean is steadfast, is the protector of numerous kings and is profound and noble as the ocean is used to keep within its boundary, protects numerous mountains (in its depth), is profound in depth and contains large (aquatic) animals; who is ever eager to perform acts of charity such as the construction and endowment of) temples, tanks, free kitchen and water stalls; who is given to the contemplation of Nārāyaṇa ; who is the ornament of the Puri-konkaņa vishaya as the Kaustubha gem is of Vishņu ; who is skilled in (ascertaining) the real import of the Mahābhārata, the Purānas, the Rāmāyana and in king-craft; who is wise, sagacious, learned and intelligent ; who is endowed with irresistible strength, valour and (the attributes of) utsähasakti, prabhu sakti and mantra sakti ; who is the goad of the three worlds (Tribhuvananku sa)-the same illustrious king Bhogabakti commands all his sons, grandsons, great-grandsons, etc., placed in charge of the vishayas of Goparashtra, eastern Trikata, Amrarāji, Mairikā, two Mahāgirihāras and Palla Adhamba[ka) which have been acquired by the prowess of his arms (and all others) :
1 If kshanam is taken in the sense of happiness then this phrase might be translated as " who had conquered (1.c., acquired complete possession of) happiness."
[I would translate 11. 25-28 as follows :- Bhögasakti commands all his sons, etc., and all the districts of Göpardshtra, etc., upto the boundary of Pretohradā, which were conquered by the prowess of his own arms and courage'.-Ed.)

Page #280

No. 22.]
TWO GRANTS OF PRITHIVICHANDRA BHOGASAKTI.
235
(Ll. 28-49) "Be it known to you that having recognised that no other pre-eniment deity excepting the god Väsudēva who is the cause of creation, preservation and destruction, who is the supreme god, and who is the god of gods and demons, I have made to the god Nārāyana, the Primeval Being and the supreme spirit, installed by Bhögāśvara in the town of) Jayapura, in order to augment the merits of my parents and myself, an endowment of eight villages together with the taxes thereof so as to provide (at the temple) for perfume, flowers, incense, light, ablutions and unguents and also for dance, vocal and instrumental music, free kitchen, repairs and upkeep. The names of these (villages) are Jayagrāma, Ambē-Avangaña, Palittapătaka, Kokilākshaka, Kalahaka, Mradgāhitaka, Kshēmagiraka and Annagrāma. As to the taxes, the stall tax is to be levied in the market places, a rupee each is to be paid on the occasion of the god's yätra at the entry and exit of each caravan of merchandise. Mutakas(handfuls) of corn and Sētikāså of ghee are to be levied from every house in the principal village of each of the vishayas of Göparāshtra, Amrarāji and Mairika, and in like manner from other villages too. (Taxes to be collected in cash are) 100 one hundred Krishnarāja rupees from the vishaya of eastern Trikūta ; 200 two hundred Krishnarāja rupees from the western Mahāgirihāra and 100 one hundred from the eastern one; and 50 fifty Krishnarāja rupees from the vishaya of Pallüdhamba. (In consideration of the above) these eight villages have been exempted from all kinds of taxes, forced labour and vexatious interference, they are not to be entered by the regular or irregular troops (and) they are to enjoy rights over wealth underground. This grant shall last as long as the moon, the sun, the oceans and the earth endure. Therefore, viewing the world as unsteady as the waves of the sea ruffled by a strong wind, this grant of ours is to be upheld and maintained by our descendants. The yātrā festival of the god Vishņu should be arranged by (a committee of) five or ten merchants for a whole fortnight in the month of Märgadirsha in accordance with the established custom of the town. Whoever, blinded by the darkness of ignorance, shall confiscate or absent to confiscation of the grant) he shall be guilty of the five great sins. Since this temple has been entrusted to the care of the town merchants, on them shall devolve the proper worship and service of the divine Lord. And the following town convention is laid down. The local merchants shall, for ever, be immune from customs duties and feeding expenses (of officers on duty). Whoever shall violate this convention, shall be guilty of the five great
sins.”
(LI. 50-53) Here are four of the usual imprecatory verses.1
This grant was written by Bharatasvāmin, an inhabitant of Kallivana in the year 461 (expressed both in words and in figures).
Inscription of Tējavarman. (Ll. 1-9) Om hail. The king Tõjavarman has given a free grazing ground (within the limits of the village) Palittapätaka situated to the south of Jayapura. For the demarcation thereof along with the temple of the goddess Durgā stone sculptures of cows have been set up on all four sides. That is the measure of its extent. In order to compens.. le for the land belonging to
1 This term is still used in Mahārāshtra. * Might be a small measure such as a ladle or a derivative from bullied or mother-of-pearl.
I would translate the passage as follows :- One load (of corn) and one sélika of ghee from the principal village of the districts of Göparāshtra, etc., and in the same proportion from the other villages also. I would connect mufaka, which seems to be the reading here, with the word muta or moja (Hindt moth) meaning a hundle' or provision bag'. Setiki is apparently connected with adtaka of the Purpos which is equivalent to 4 palas or Approximately 14 tolas. See Edward Thomas-Ancient Indian Weights, p. 26. I am, however, unable to suggest any meaning for kövéra in 1. 38.-Ed.)

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236
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VoL. Xxv.
Bhögēsvaradēva now converted into a pasture, one hundred rupees have been deposited with the merohant guild of Jayapura. And from the interest of this one hundred rupees should be met, year after year, the cost of guggula for the (worship of the) god Bhögēsvara until the sun, moon and stars endure. Whosoever shall interfere with this shall be possessed with the five great sins.
Grant B.
TEXT.
First Plate. 1 ओं' जयस्वाविष्कृत विष्णोर्बाराहं क्षीभिततार्सव(वम्) [*] दक्षिणीवत[दं]ष्ट्राम2 विवान्तभुवनं वपुः [॥१*] श्रीमतां सकलभुवनसंस्तूयमानमानमान - 3 व्यसगोत्राणां सप्तलीकमाभिमप्तमाभिरभिवहिताना कार्तिके4 यपरिरक्षणप्राप्तकल्याणपरंपराणं भगवनारायणप्रसादस5 मासादितवराहलांछनेक्षणक्षणवशीलताशेषमहीभृतां हारीतीपुत्रा6 णां चलुक्यानामन्वये सकलमहीमहलेकतिलको महाराजाधिराजपर7 मेजरबीविक्रमादित्यवशभस्तत्यादप्रसादीपजीवी स्वपुचनिर्विशेषो 8 हरिचन्द्रवंशस्थालंकारभूतः भरदुपगमप्रसबमडलबन्द्रमा व प्र9 जानामानन्दकारी श्रीस्वामिचन्द्री नाम राजा येनेदं चतुर्दशग्रामसहस्र10 संख्यं सकलमु(म)पि पुरोकोंकणं भुक्तमासीत् [*] तस्य च रानः धोखामि
चंद्रस्य il पुत्री महाबलपराङ्गमाः*] श्रीसिङ्ग(सिंह)वर्मराजस्तस्थापि श्रीसिक(सिंह)वराजम 12 पुचचतुरुदधिजलतरंगालिंगितायां पृथिव्यां चन्द्र इव
Second Plate ; First Side. 13 विख्याततजा[:*] पृथिवीचन्द्रापरनामधयी राजा श्रीभीगशक्तिः यीसौ बाल 14 एव पूर्वजन्माभ्यासेन स्वयं समुत्पबचानी भगवती वासुदेवस्थानवि18 विं प्रति सततमभियुक्ती बनवाब युधिष्ठिर इव नयविनयदयादानदाधि16 स्यादिभिर्गुणैरखंततस्मत्यवादी च भीमसेन इव प्रकटपराकमाणान्ताशेषस्वरा17 ज्यभूमिमंडली महाबलच अर्जुन इव जनाईनज्ञानोपदेशवर्ती समरविधिविधा18 रदय बलदेव व मृत्तगौतहसितविलसितक्रीडासुखीपभोगतत्परः क्षणं वि19 बातम प्रधुन व सकलयुवतिजनमनोहरं वपुरियबपि परकलचनि20 साः बनवारषयूथाधिपतिरिव सततमभिप्रहत्तदानार्दीतकरः पत्पिल)1 Expressed by a symbol.
* One mand is redundant.

Page #282

Two GRANTS OF PRITHIVICHANDRA BROGASAKTI. (II).
Inscription of Tejavarman.
ino.
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Grant B.
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SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. Rea. No.1982 E39-285.

Page #283

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Page #284

No. 22.]
TWO GRANTS OF PRITHIVICHANDRA BHOGASAKTI.
237
A [(क)]मुदषंडमंडितः स्वादूदको जलाशय इव प्राणिनां वृष्णाविशेदकारी उदितदिय22 सकरकिरणप्रबोधितो महापद्माकर व चियी निवासभवनं जलवि(धि)रिव रक्षित23 स्थितिरनकभूभृत्यालनपरः परमगंभौरी महासत्व(ख)च सततमेव देवकुलतटा24 कसनप्रपाधमकियानुष्ठानव्यसनो नारायणानुस्मरणतत्परच कौस्तुभम25 णिरिव विष्णीः पुरीकोकणविषयस्वालंकारभूतः भारतपुराणरामायण26 राजशास्त्रार्थतत्व(त्त्व)निपुणः प्रानः पटुः पण्डिती मेधावी अप्रतिहतबलपरा
Second Plate ; Second Side. 27 [कमोत्साहमन्त्रप्रभुशक्तिस्त्रिभुवन[कुशी] [राजा भोगशक्तिः सर्वानेवात्मी*]-' 28 यपुत्रपौत्रप्रपौवादी(दोन) विषयपतिग्रामभोगिकम[हत्तरा[दी(दोन) समाचापय]-2 29 ति विदितमस्तु वी यथा पूर्वमुमादितं [स]मगिरिपट्टनं चन्द्रपुरोसहित] 30 [*]म्बय पनिकास[वा]णेयपशिकामौरेयपनिकाचयसहितं कंसा31 रिपलिका च मया समावासितं एलवेष्ठिकरपुटवेष्ठिप्रमुख32 समस्तनगरस्य दत्तं समगिरिवास्तव्यानां वणिजा चन्द्राकालिकं शुल्कमादी(द)33 यं समस्तराज्ये नास्ति [*] अपरं च अपुचधनं बा(ना)स्ति उम्बरमदाः]
राजपुरुषा34 णामावासकी जमकच एतबास्ति [*] कुमारीसाहसे रूपकाणामष्टीत्तर35 शतं । संग्रहणे हाविंशतिरूपकाः कर्मचोडणिकायां षोडश रूपकाः शिर36 स्पीटने चत्वारि रूपकाः भारिकायां वणिक्पुषस्वाष्टोत्तरशतं रूपकाणां 37 नो रहीतस्य यच्चाष्टौ षोडश वा नगरमहलका विचार्य वदंते तदे 38 तदेव प्रमाणं [*] श्रौतेजवनराजन एतदनुष्ठितमिति ।
TRANSLATION.
(LI. 1-28) [Common with Grant A.]
(LI. 29-38) "Be it known to you that the deserted lands comprised within the township of Samagiri along with Chandrapuri and the three hamlets of Ambayapallikā,. Savāņöyapallikā and Maurēyapallika as well as Kamsāripallikă have been recolonised by me and vested in the town council headed by the merchants Ela and Karapuţa. The merchants residing in Samagiri (pattana) shall, for ever, be exempt from the payment of custom duties throughout the kingdom; their property shall not escheat to the state in the absence of a male heir; nor (shall they prwy registration fee) owing to partition of joint property and they shall not have to provide
1 This portion within square brackets is completely effaced and the reading is restored from Grant A. * This portion within square brackets is badly corroded and hardly any letter is visible. * [Reading seems to be [A]mmēya.-Ed.]
• Ha is written below the line. • Tadd is redundant.
[See above, n. 3.-Ed.] Rao Bahadur K. N. Dikshit informs me that umbara (derived from Bkt. udumbara) wood is still used for the door will in Mabarashtra and that therefore the sense is partition of the joint family property.

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238
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XXV.
accommodation or provisions to the state officials. (The town council is also empowered to levy the following fines :-) Rupees one hundred and eight for outraging the modesty of a virgin; rupees thrity-two for adultery; rupees sixteen for the mutilation of ear; rupees four for bruising the head; rupees one hundred and eight if a merchant's son is found to have illicit connection with a female porter; and should one be caught in the actual act of adultery whatever eight or sixteen elders of the town council shall determine that shall be final. This has been promulgated by the illustrious king Tējavarman.
No. 23.--A NOTE ON THE RAGOLU PLATES OF SAKTIVARMAN AND THE CHALUKYAN
CONQUEST OF KALINGA.
BY RAO BAHADUR C. R. KRISHNAMACHARLU, B.A., MADRAS. The inscription on these plates has been published by Dr. Hultzsch in Epigraphia Indica, Vol. XII, pages 1 ff. In the spring of 1922, when I happened to visit Jeypore (Vizagapatam, District, Madras Presidency), the owner of the plates, M. R. Ry. G. Ramdas Pantulu, B.A., offered them for sale to the Government. They bave been subsequently bought and deposited in the Government Museum, Madras.
One important point to note in connection with this record is that in line 4 Dr. Hultzsch reads samanvāgatan-tahapatitān. I may suggest that a more correct reading would be samanvāgatān=grihapatikān. This could be read clearly on the original plates and the facsimile plate given also shows the reading. It may be noted that in this inscription the subscript letter ta has the shape of an inverted narrow cup with unequal arms and carries with it a small upward stroke in the centre of the top with which it is joined to the main letter. For example, see the letters sta in the expression parihsitas-tao in 1. 10, tta in pravrittaya in line 11 and nta in the expression ch=ānunantā in 1. 20. On the other hand, the subscript letter ga being of the same shape is broader and has equal arms unlike ta. Moreover, ga generally bears no stroke on the top though in a few cases when it is attacbed to the main letter above, such a stroke is formed by the upward extension of the proper left arm; see Kalingādhipati (1. 1), Kalinga-vishayē (1. 3), and svargge (1. 19). The sign for ri of gri is partly damaged in the facsimile plate. It is likely that being close to the slightly raised margin, it has not come off clearly enough in the ink impression. But it is not totally invisible on the facsimile plate. The existing traces may be compared with that of vri in vsiddhaye in 1. 6 and that of hri in parihrita in 1. 10. As for the letter ka of the expression it is quite clear on the facsimile plate as well as on the original. The suggested reading suits the context much better than the existing one with the proposed emendation.
The word grihapati or grihapatika a householder ') occurs in many Prākțit inscriptions as the attribute of a donor or a relative of a donor under the Präksit form gahapati or gahapatika. In one or two cases kudubika (Sanskrit kutumbika) i.e. householder and kutumbini (wife of a householder) are also mentioned. In the Eastern Chāļukya copper-plates the royal order of gift is invariably addressed to the kutumbins of the granted village, to whom the grihapatikas of the Rāgõlu plates correspond.
It is interesting to note that the grant was issued by the early king Saktivarman of the Kaliūga country from Pishtapura which was also famous as the capital of king Mahendra whom Samudragupta conquered with many other kings of the Dakshiņāpatha. Barring this, the men
1 Lüders' List of Brahmi Inscriptions (above , Vol. X, Appendix) and above, Vol. XIV, pp. 154 and 155. * Lüders' List, Nos. 1121 and 1127.

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No. 23.JRAGOLU PLATES OF SAKTIVARMAN & CHALUKYAN CONQUEST OF KALINGA. 239
tion of the place in the Rāgölu plates would be the earliest and the first in a copper-plate record in point of time which, judging from the characters of the plates, inay be said to be about the 4th century A.D. The late Rao Bahadur Krishna Sastri was of the opinion that it was even earlier--some time even prior to Samudragupta. The subsequent mention of the place is in the Aihole inscription of the early Chāļukya king, Pulikēsin II,' which refers to the Chāļuky& capture of Pishtapura, i.e., the Chalukya conquest of the Kalinga country. These events must have happened before Saka 556 (A.D. 634-35) which is the date of the last mentioned inscription. It is therefore reasonable to infer that the Chāļukya conquest of Kalinga by the capture of Pishţapura, must have happened in or before the year A.D. 634. Pishtapura subsequently became the provincial or independent seot (vāsaka) of Vishnuvardhana who, with the title Mahārāja, issued the Timmäpuram plates from this city. This record with the Chipurupalle plates of this same king issued in his 18th regnal year' would tend to show that the Kalinga country was under the Eastern Chalukyas from this period.
The discovery of the copper-plate inscriptions of the later kings of the Eastern Chāļukya dynasty, viz., Kokkilivarma-Mahārāja (A.D. 709) so far north as the village Muñjēru in the Bimlipatam Taluk of the Vizagapatam District, the mention therein of the Madhyama-Kalinga country in which the village granted by the king was situated, together with the mention of Elamañchili (the modern Yellamañchili in the Sarvasiddhi Taluk of the same District) as the vūsaka (residence) of the kings show that the Chalukya dominion in the Kalinga country continued to last even up to the beginning of the eighth century A.D. In the same tract of country has been found a copper-plate grant of his son Mangi Ilo. A grant of the later Chālukya king Bhima I (A.D. 888-918) also records the gift of a village in the Elamañchili-Kalingadēka and Devarashtra. These records yo to prove that the Chalukya kingdom in the Kalinga country lasted even down to the beginning of the 10th century A.D. The Chalukyan authority here seems to have been opposed for a time after the close of the first quarter of the 10th century A.D., since we are told in an unpublished copper-plate grant of Amma II' that after the short reign of Vikramaditya II (A.D. 925-926) who was killed and succeeded by Yuddhamalla II whose reign lasted for seven years (i.e., A.D. 927-93-), the feudatory Sabara chiefs, the commanders of the Vallabha (i.e. Răshtrakūta) forces and others rebelled and apportioned among themselves the northern Chāļukyan territory for seven years. We may here infer that the revolution and usurpation in the Kalinga country occurred in and lasted throughout the seven years' rule of Yuddhamalla II. The recalcitrant feudatories and their allies who had usurped authority were driven away by Chāļukya-Bhima II who recovered the Kalinga country and ruled over the entire Chalukya kingdom for 12 years. The troubles in the Kalinga country did not end here but again recurred in the time of Amma II (the son of Chāļukyà-Bhima II), who after reigning for 11 years had to proceed to the Kalinga country in wrath against Krishna (probably Räsbţrakūta Krishna III) who was evidently interested in fomenting trouble against the Chalukyas in the Kalinga country. We may conclude that the Chāļukya dominion in the Kalinga country practically came to an end or at least grew very weak about or after A.D. 950. Taking A.D. 633 as the probable year of the Chalukya conquest of Kalinga as stated at first we may say that the Chalukyan dominion in the Kalinga country lasted roughly for three centuries.
* Ibid., Vol. IX, p. 317.
1 Above, Vol. VI, p. 11. • Ind. Ant., Vol. XX, p. 16. • Madras Epigraphical Report for 1909, p. 105.
Ibid. Ibid., 1917, p. 117.
• Ibid., p. 100. • Ibid.

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240
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
No. 24. A NOTE ON THE CHRONOLOGY OF THE GANGAS OF SVETAKA.
BY B. CH. CHHABRA, M.A., M.O.L., PH.D. (LUGD), OOTACAMUND.
It has already been pointed out1 that the Ganga rulers who issued their charters from Svētaka most probably consitute a separate branch of the Eastern Gangas, but that sufficient data are not yet available for determining the chronology of these kings. In this note an attempt is made to fix the chronological position of at least three of the so far known kings of this branch.
It may readily be recognised that Bhattaputra Durgakhandin, son of Bhatta Bōdhana, of the Vatsa gōtra and the Chhandōga charana, the donee in the Badakhimedi copper-plates of Indravarman, is identical with Bhatta Durgakhandika, the donee of Dānārṇava's grant, coming likewise from the Badakhimedi Estate, as the name of the donee's father, götra and charana in the latter record are the same as in the former. However, the grantor in the first instance is Indravarman, while in the second it is Dānārņava. Next, it may be observed that both of them are stated to be sons of Prithivivarman. Since both the records are issued from Svētaka and in both of them one and the same person figures as the donee, the natural conclusion is that the donors Indravarman and Dānārṇava are not far removed from each other in point of time. And when we further know that the name of the donor's father in each case is the same we can safely infer that both Indravarman and Dānārṇava were brothers and that both of them ruled in succession. However, the question remains as to who was the elder or who preceded on the throne. Luckily we possess a piece of evidence to decide this issue as well.
[VOL. XXV.
The names of the writer and the engraver of Indravarman's charter are given respectively as Samdhivigrahin Śrīsāmanta and kaṁsāra-kulaputraka śrëshṭhin Srisamanta Svayambhu. Both these persons figure likewise as the writer and the engraver respectively in the Ganjam plates of Prithivivarman. This Prithivivarman must, therefore, be identical with Indravarman's father, as has been indicated by Mr. P. N. Bhattacharya. The presumption here is naturally this that the persons employed by the father as writer and engraver continued to function as such in the son's regime after the father's death. From this we may also infer that Indravarman was the immediate successor of Prithivivarman. This inference is confirmed by the fact that the writer and the engraver of Danarṇava's grant are different persons and not those who served under Prithivivarman and Indravarman. Thus we may conclude that Indravarman was elder than and preceded Danārṇava.
This part of the chronology will thus be determined as follows:--
1. Prithivivarman (P. P. M.)
+ I
2. Indravarman. (P. P. M).
3. Dänarnava (P. P. M. Rauaka).
1 Above, Vol. XXIV, p. 131. Ibid., Vol. XXIII, p. 78. Ibid., Vol. XXIV, p. 129.
Both Indravarman and Dänärṇava bear, like their father, the imperial title of Paramesvara-Paramabha!!araka-Mahārājādhiraja, though curiously enough Danarnava bears an additional title of Ranaka, too, which fact makes it rather doubtful whether he came to the throne at all.
? Ibid., Vol. IV, p. 201..
2 Ibid., p. 133. Ibid., p. 264.
Ibid., Vol. XXIII, p. 79. He is stated to be son of Mahindravarman, whose identity is not certain.

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No. 25.]
CHARALA PLATES OF VIRARAJENDRADEVA: SAKA 991.
241
Xo. 25.-CHARALA PLATES OF VIRARAJENDRADEVA: SAKA 991. By A. S. RAMANATHA AYYAR, B.A. AND V. VENKATASUBBA AYYAR, B.A., MADRAS.
The present plates! are stated to have been discovered in 1935 by one Narasā Reddi, a resident of Chārāla in the Punganur taluk of the Chittoor District, while he was removing earth from a manure-pit in his garden. The whereabouts of the plates could not however be immediately traced, but with the assistance of Rao Saheb Totadri Ayvangar, Deputy Superintendent of Police, who was then in charge of the Tirupati Division, they were finally located and secured on loan for examination. They have since been purchased by Government and are now deposited in the Indian Museum. Calcutta. We odit the plates from the ink-impressions prepared in the office of the Superintendent for Epigraphy, Madras.
The set consists of seven oblong copper-plates with raised rims, each measuring 9 by , and strung together on a ring 4" in diameter, passing through a ring-hole at the left margin of the plates. The ends of the ring are soldered to the bottom of a flat circular seal 31' in diameter and 1' in thickness. The different leaves of the set do not bear serial numbers engraved near the ring. hole. The plates weigh 154 tolas and the ring and seal together weigh 57 tolus.
The seal bears in relief from left to right the figures of (1) a lamp-stand, (2) a tiger seated on its haunches facing the proper left and with its tail tucked up between its legs and rising in front up to the neck, (3) a pair of fish in the vertical position, and (+) a lamp-stand. Canopying the fish and the tiger is a tasselled parasol, flanked on either side by a chauri. Below this group is shown a bow curving upwards and with the bove-string in position. All round the margin of the seal is engraved in raised Grantha characters, which are somewhat obliterated in places, the following Sanskrit verse in the mushtubh metre stating that the charter was issued by king Virarājēndra:
Pirnir visvannbharadhiếair=[nnanditair)-vandita[m-ida] [1*]
Sūsanan Virarājandra-Rājakësarivarmmanah [*] All the plates have writing on both their sides except the first one, which bears writing on one side only. Each fully written side has, on an average, about 18 lines in the Sanskrit portion and 15 in the Tamil; and the complete record consists of 211 lines. The writing is in a good state of preservation. The languages used are Sanskrit for the prasasti and genealogical preamble of the inscription which is of considerable length running up to 81 numbered verses, and the raja-bhāshā. Tamil for the documentary portion. The alphabets employed are respectively Grantha and Tamil characters attributable to the 11th century A.D. The Grantha letters are well shaped and cleanly cut, but the Tamil letters exhibit a slight carelessness in execution.
The inscription engraved on these plates is dated in Saka 991, Saumya and the 7th year of the Chola king Rājakēsarivarman Virarājēndradēva and registers the royal gift of the village Chērāms alias Madhurāntaka-chaturvēdimangalam in Puli-nāļu made from
• Registered as C. P. No. 1 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1937-38.
The chouri and umbrella appear to have been intended as honorific emblems. These are also found on the top of an inscription of Parantaka I at Piljaipakkam (No. 176 of 1929-30 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection) and also on the top of images of gods in niches in early Chola temples.
. This verse is repeated in lines 189-191 of the text.
• The Punganur taluk where the plates were discovered was the border between the territories, whose spoken languages were Kannada, Telugu and Tamil, and inscriptions in all these languages are found in this locality. Tamil being the court-language of the Chola kings, the documentary portion, which was drafted by a Chola officer, was couched in that language.
The form of the name is somewhat peculiar, without the village suffix, like Buddham, eto.

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242
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Vol. XXV.
Kanchipuram, to three Brāhmans named Sõ(Śro)triya-Kramavittan, Mundaya-Kramavittan and Pallaya-Kramavittan of the Atrēya-götra and Bahudhänya (Bodhayana)-sūtra and of the lineage of a certain Rishikēśava (Hrishikēša)-Bhatta of Chērām, on the occasion of the Uttarayana-Sankranti. This document is of interest as being the first copper-plate charter of this king.
For a study of Chola seals' we have so far five specimens and the one attached to the present plates, therefore, forms a useful addition. Of these, the seals attached to the two sets of Leiden plates, Madras Museum, Anbil and the present Charila plates, have the same objects represented on them, while the seal of the Tiruvālangüdu plates exhibits a few more emblems. In shape, however, the two Leiden seals are slightly more ornate, being lotus-like in shape, while the rest are circular; but this may be due only to a difference in the work of the designer. In the Chårāla seal the Chola emblem, the tiger, is seated in the proper right side and facing towards the left, instead of the right as in the other cases. The animal is delineated with claws drawn out, leaving no room for doubt as to its identity, and the two fish are also clearly portrayed. But in point of finish and neatness of execution, the two Leiden seals are the best. The tiger, the pair of fish and the bow are well-known emblems of the Chola, Pandya and Chêra dynasties respectively, and the juxta
The seals of the early copper-plate grants contain only the birdas of kings, such as Tribhuvan kusa, Visha. masiddhi, Prabhu meru, eto. The three early copper-plate grants of the Pandyas have no seals, and we do not know what legend, if any, this dynasty had used. The Pallava seal of Nandivarman III (8. I. I., Vol. II, p. 501) has defaced legend in the Annahabh metre running round its margin. In the Vijayanagara, Nayaka and Sētnpati copper-plate grants, the respective sign-manuals of the dynasty were engraved at the end of the documents them. selves and not on the seals. The Choļa seals, however, have one full verse in the Anushtabh metre engraved on them. The formal verses of the tour kings Sundara-Chöln, Uttama Chola, Rajendra-Chola and Kulõttunga-Chola I are reproduced below for purposes of easy reference. Of these, the text of the legend on the neal of the Madras Museum plates of Uttama Chola is given here for the first time. (a) Sundara-Cha
Sacratit)-ciávambhara-netram Taksini-jaya-[*2*]rrukan disanath safatam órimad- Rajakesarivarmmara[m] l1
(Anbil Plates). (6) Uttama Chola
Nytyändi khaanani kurulanan chakrabhaibh pita Maanane bhāpatērilat Parakčaricarmapabil
-(Madras Museum Plates). (c) Rajaraja I
A stone record of this king opens with the following verse, which is likely to be found graved on the seals of his copper-plate grants. Etat viéra-rripa-freni-mauļi-mål-Spalafilam anam Rajanijasyu Rajakësurinarnawah !
-(8.1.1., Vol. II, No. 1). (d) Rajendra-Chola--
Rajad nijanya makuja-steri-ratndahu NAM elad=Rajendra-Chofasya Paraksarivarm manabl
-Tiruvalangadu Plates). The seal of the larger Leiden plates has also this verse engraved on it. On the analogy of the form
of the legend of the present seal which is also reproduced in II. 189 to 191 of the text and the fact that legends on circular muals have probably to be read clockwise beginning from the centre of the top. the two lines of the verse given above, Vol. XXII. p. 213, have to be
interchanged. (e) buldttunga-Chola
Punyam kahópiirara-soba-chnida-rat niya INI! eri-Kuláltunga-Chofanya Rajakesaricarmona nahi
-(Smaller Leiden Platek). Here also the lines of the verso as read in above, Vol. XXII, p. 267, have been interchanged. . It may be noted that king Virarijëndra claims to have set up pillars of victory (nya-bhudratlan) at several plans with the emblem of the er engraved on them (8. 1. 1., Vol. III, p. 67). The Mahendragiri inscription of Rajendra-Chola I (No. 396 of 1896) bas also the figure of a tiger seated in front of two fish carved near it.

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position of the latter two to the tiger on Chōla seals is meant to indicate the political supremacy of the Chōla over the Pandya and Chera kings. The other objects such as the pair of chauris, the two lamps on either side, etc., belong to the group of eight objects called the ashlamangalam, which are associated with auspicious ceremonials. It may be noted that the full set of ashlamangalam objects are represented on the seal of the Tiruvalangaḍu plates where, in addition to these, a small figure of the Chalukyan crest, the boar, is also introduced, indicative perhaps of the Chōla supremacy over the Chalukya. Though Virarajendra claims to have defeated the Chalukya king several times, it is noticed that the Chalukyan varaha-läñchhana has not been figured on the Charala seal.
There are a few orthographical peculiarities noticeable in the record under review. The lengths of medial i in Grantha letters are indicated by a pronounced loop (1. 2). The ra-sign whon it is the second member in conjunct consonants is shaped like the ri-symbol in some cases (11. 2, 47, etc.). La and la are often interchanged (1. 20) and sa is wrongly used for cha in some cases (11. 167, 176). The rules of sandhi are almost always observed, correctly in some cases and incorrectly in others. In the latter instances, the first consonant is retained instead of being changed into the third letter of the same varga. The use of the anusvara in place of the appropriate nasals and the doubling of consonants after a repha are frequent. Such features are common to copper-plate inscriptions of this period. The errors have been corrected either in the body of the text or in relevant footnotes. At the ends of some of the verses in the Sanskrit portion, the symbol: followed by three vertical strokes is used as a punctuation mark, and should not be mistaken for the visarga, whereas in some other cases it is meant as such. The Tamil text, for the drafting of which the officer Madhurantaka-Brahmadhiraja was responsible, is not free from errors of composition and transcription.
The Sanskrit portion of 81 verses in different metres which comprises nearly three-fourths of the document, is identical, verse for verse, with that in the long stone record of the king dated in the same 7th year, discovered at Kanyakumari in the Travancore State and published in a scholarly manner by Mr. K. V. Subrahmanya Ayyar in the Travancore Archaeological Series3 and by the late T. A. Gopinatha Rao in a previous volume of this Journal. As the Kanyakumari record is, however, damaged in several places, the present inscription is of great help in filling up the lacune and settling some doubtful readings in the former and in thus arriving at a complete text of this particular version of the Sanskrit prasasti of the Chōla dynasty. In several instances, the readings furnished by this inscription are better than those made out from the Kanyakumari epigraph. These and other minor differences between these two copies have been noticed in footnotes under the text.
The record may, for the sake of convenience, be divided into four sections--the mythological, the historical, the donatory and the signatory.
Section I (Lines 1-104).
In this section of 52 Sanskrit verses, the mythological origin of the Chōla dynasty is given in great elaboration from Brahma through Kasyapa, Manu and other members of the Solar race. An eponymous Chōla, a Rajakēsarī and a Parakesari are then introduced, and the genealogy is
The ashlamangalam objects are (1) a mirror, (2) a pūrṇa-kumbha, (3) a flag, (4) a fly-whisk, (5) an elephant-goad, (6) a drum, (7) a pair of lamps and (8) a pair of fish. There are different lists of these objects, in which a svastiki and a ankha also occur.
The king claims to have captured the anūkarakkoḍi (i.e.) the varaha-banner of the Chalukyas, along with other royal paraphernalia. (S. I. I., Vol. III, p. 66).
Vol. III, p. 87. This learned scholar has, in many cases, succeeded in arriving at the correct readings, despite the damaged condition of the record in several places.
Ante., Vol. XVIII, pp. 21 ff.

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further traced, though with no direct sequence, through a few more Puranic kings up to a certain Manöratha, after whom the names of a few quasi-historical members, such as, Parunetkisi, Karikāla, Valabha, Jagadēkamalla and Vyalabhayankara are mentioned, -the whole prasasti being a manifest attempt on the part of the composer to give his patron a pedigree going back to high antiquity. This portion has been discussed with characteristic fullness by Mr. K. V. Subrahmanya Ayvar.!
Section II (LI. 104-169). The really historical portion commences with the name of (Parakēsari) Vijayālava, and from this king down to Rājēndradova, the predecessor and elder brother of Virarājēndradēva, this inscription furnishes some useful information about the several members of the Chola family. These facts have also been dealt with in detail elsewhere.
Coming to Virarājēndradēva, the donor of the present grant, his military and other achievements are then described in seven verses (vv. 75-81). It is stated that when king Rājēndradeva went to heaven, his younger brother Virarājēndra who had deprived his enemies of their splendour, succeeded to the extensive kingdom in accordance with the prescribed laws. Having killed at Kudal-Sangama the kings of the Karnāta-ramấn, this powerful Chola ruler increased the army of the partakers of sacrificial offerings by the addition (to its numerical strength) of these kings, who had themselves become celestials. With the help of a single elephant, be destroyed the Kuntaļa army and created a new river of blood, whereat the ocean-god was delighted
This king Vallabha-Vallabha conquered back the Võngi and Kalinga countries, which had been inherited by his brothers but which had been left uncared for by them and had therefore boen captured by his powerful enemies. Having defeated the strong armies of his opponents and having destroyed many of their fortresses, he ruled his kingdom in prosperity.
This Vira-Choļa, called also Karikäla-Chöļa, destroyed the strength of the Kali-age and bestowed numerous dharmaśāsanas (edicts of charitable gifts). Further, he embellished the crown of the Dancer in the Dabhra-sabha (i.e., god Natarāja at Chidambaram) with a ruby called the
Trailokyasārawhich looked as if the progenitor of his own race (i.e., the Sun) had himself mounted on the top of the crown. so as to cause annoyance to the moon, the ancestor of the dynasty of his enemy (i.e., the Pandya), which is also worn as the crest-jewel by god Srikantha. This king founded several brahmaděyas under the name of Virarajendra in the Chola, Tundira, Påndya, Gangavāți and Kulūtas countries, and pleased forty-thousand Brāhmans learned in the Vēdas, by munificent gifts of lands."
The regnal year of the king is quoted as the 7th corresponding to Saka 991, Saumya (11. 159-160). The same regnal and Saka years occur also in a record of his from Yögi-Mallavaranı
IT. J. S.. Vol. III, pp. 87 f.
Thid., and ante. Vol. XVIII, pp. 21 ff.
In this battle several generals lost their lives, but who were the kings of the Karnāta-vamsa' who are also said to have been slain is not clear. In Ep. Carn., Vol. VII, Sk. 136, Ahavamalla is described as an enemy of the Karnnāta kings also. Probably this is a loose description of the panegyrist.
• This achievement with a single elephant' also occurs in the Tamil text in 8. 1. I., Vol. III, p. 66, 1. 6.
In addition to this gem, the king presented to the god & pedestal with the name of Virarijëndra engraved on it-(No. 217 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1912).
• Kulata referred to here cannot be the country of the same name in the Punjab, identified with Kulu. A general of the Chola king Rājēndra-Chola I is said to have defeated a Kulata chief named Vimaliditya (8. I. I.. Vol. V, No. 1361), and so this Kulata must be located near about Vang! and Utkala, and ruled over by an Eastern Chalukyan feudatory.
No. 273 of 1904.

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in the Puttur Division of the Chittoor District. The locality where these two inscriptions were discovered, namely the Chittoor District, has perhaps to account for the useful quotation of both the regnal as well as the Saka years in them, for such double citations are somewhat rare in inscriptions of this period in the southern districts.
Several Sanskrit and Tamil birudas of the king are also enumerated in this portion of the record (11. 155-8), some belonging to himn by his own right as a scion of the Chola family, such as Ravikulatilaka, Cholakulasekhara, etc., while others were acquired by him as a result of his victory over the Chalukyas, such as Sakalabhuvanäsraya, Ahavamallakulakäla, eto. The title Ahavamallanaiaimmade-een-kanda' is of particular interest, as it claims for him victory over Abavamalla, as many as five times. Pāndyakulantaka refers to his victory over the Pandyas.
These and other achievements of the king are further elaborated in the short historical introduction commencing with the words Viramēy tunaiyagavum ', etc., which follows thereafter (11. 160-68). It is herein claimed that Räjakēsarivarman. Viraräjëndra took the head of the Tennan (Pandya), levied tribute from the Chöra king, subdued Singala-dekam (Ceylon), saw the back of Abavamalla five times in battle, fulfilled the vow of his elder brothers by recovering Vērgai-nādu which, however, he gave to king Vijayāditya (Vijayāditya VII) who had submitted to him, gave Kadäranı back after conquest to the (Kadāra ?) king who fell at his feet soliciting his help, drove away Sõmē vara (Sõmēsvara II) from his Kannada-dēgam, and gave Irattapāļi-seven-and-a-halflakh country to Vikramaditya (VI). Incidentally, Virarājēndra is also stated to have defeated the Chāļukya king at Mudakkäru, apparently on an earlier occasion, and to have thus cooled his anger.
From a study of the elaborate details contained in the variant historical introductions prefacing his lithic records, it is seen that the reign of Virarājēndra, though it occupied a short span of only seven years, was crowded with campaigns conducted in as many as four war-fronts, on the west against Abavamalla to whom he bad a score to pay in revenge for the death of his elder brothers in battle, on the east against Abavamalla's feudatory, the Eastern Chāļukya Vijayaditya, on the south against the Pandyas, the Chēras and Ceylon, while on the north he is said to have invaded Kalingam and carried his raid as far as Chakkarakkottam, in extension of his Vēngi campaigns. Vīrarājēndra began his military career even as a prince and appears to have taken part in the wars against the Western Chāļukyas undertaken by his predecessors Rajadhirāja I, Rājēndradēva and Rajamahendra, and what they had failed to accomplish themselves, he claims to have brought to a successful finish. Soon after the death of Rājēndradēva, he is said to bave returned to Gangapuri (Gangaikondakola puram) direct from the battlefield for his coronation and to have again started out on that very day to proxecute the war against Ahavamalla. In all, he credits himself with having routed Ahavamalla in five pitched battles. These facts have been reviewed in a thorough manner by Dr. Hultzneh," but the sequence of events in this Chola-Chalukya conflict as worked out by him seenus to require slight revision.
Before examining this question, however, a few relevant facts bearing upon this period inay be quoted here for purposes of easy reference.
(1) Rājēndradiva's rule extended from 28th May 1052 A.D. to A.D. 1063, his highest
regnal year so far known being 12.
1 There is only one instance (No. 230 of 1928-29) in which he is styled a 'Parakösarivarman'.
* Kalingam and Chakkarakkottam were in close political connection with the Vengt kingdom at this period, and the political changes in Vengt had their repercussions in the other two northern territories.
.8. 1. 1., Vol. III, p. 194.
• Ante, Vol. IX, p. 218 and No. 144 of 1808. His 12th year, if correct, will have commenced in June 1063, and he did not probably live long in that regnal year; but the details given in this record (No. 144 of 1998). work for February, A. T). 1063, which, however, fell in his 11th year.

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(2) A record of Rajamahēndra dated in the 4th year, gives astronomical details which
correspond to A.D. 1062, July 22. In a record dated in his 3rd year, this prince
claims to have worsted the Chāļukyas at Mudakkāru". (3) Rājamahēndra did not rule independently and probably predeceased his father ;
so Rājēndra may have chosen Virarājēndra as heir-apparent, some time before his
own death. (4) Virarājēndra's date of accession has been calculated to fall between 11th Septeniber
1062 and 10th September 1063 A.D. (5) He is said to have defeated Abavamalla three times by the 4th year, and by the end
of the 5th year, he claims to have defeated him in five engagements. (6) A record of the 5th years which recounts several of his achievements gives astronomical
details agreeing only for A.D. 1067, September 10, Monday, and serves as an impor
tant chronological landmark.. (7) Ahavamalla (Sõmēsvara I) drowned himself in the Tungabhadrã on Sunday, 30th
March, A.D. 1068.? (8) In the disputed succession that followed Ahavamalla's death, Virarājēndra sided Vikra.
māditya against the latter's elder brother Sõmēsvara. (9) The date of Sõmēsvara (II)'s accession was 11th April A.D. 1068.7 (10) The highest regnal year of Virarājēndra found in his own inscriptions is 7, and in two
records of his successor Adhirājēndra, his 8th year is also quoted. (11) As Kulõttunga-Chola's accession took place on 9th June, A.D. 1070,10 Viraräjëndra
must have passed away early in his 8th year, i.e., towards the beginning of AD. 1070, and Adhirājēndra, who succeeded the latter, must have had a very short independent reign.
Virarājēndra's campaigns against Ahavamalla
Now as Virarājēndra boasts of the title * Ahavamallanai-aimmadi-ven-kanda' (ie.,) he who saw the back of Ahavamalla five times', all the five engagements must have been directed against Ahavamalla-Sömēsvara I during the latter's life-time, i.e., before 30th March A.D. 1068. As Rajamahendra and Virarājēndra both claim to have fought the Chalukyas at or on the bank
1 No. 80 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1935-36.
'S.I.I., Vol. VII, No. 743. The name Mudakkāru means a 'river with a sharp bend ', and so it may have been a simple descriptive name of a devious river, which later became its distinctive name. This Mudakkāru may be different from the Kādal-Sangamam, which requires more than one river to justify its name. It has to be noted that the name Mudakkäru is Tamil in form and if this was its original name in its locality, we may have to look for it in some place where Tamil was current. If, however, a Telugu or Kannada name had been appropriately paraphrased into Mudakkāru, its identification becomes somewhat difficult. As another instance of such transformation may be mentioned the name Kändai (or Karandai ?) in the vicinity of Kudal-Sangamam, which appears to be a Tamilised poetic form of a Telugu or Kannada name. Dr. N. Venkataramanayya suggests that it may perhaps be identified with Kandana (vrolu) i.e., the modern Kurnool. Similarly Kondai, the scene of Another battle, may perhaps be identified with Kondavidu or Kondapalli.
• Ante, Vol. IX, p. 218. This interval can be narrowed down further. Sewell dates it after March 10, A.D. 1063—The Historical Inscriptions of Southern India, p. 342. .8. 1. ., Vol. III, p. 198.
Ante, Vol. XXI, p. 232. 11. 5-6. .8.1. I., Vol. III, p. 67, 1. 37.
7 Ep. Carn., Vol. VII, Sk. 186. • The Takkayagapparani (v. 774) also confirms the friendship of this Chola king with Vikramaditya VI. . Nos. 15 of 1890 and 418 of 1902 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection. 1. Ante, Vol. VII, p. 7, f.n. 5.

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of Mudakkäru, and as there is no great possibility for two separate battles at the same place by two kings within a short interval, it is likely that both Rāja mahendra and Virarājēndra took part together in the same battle, and as such, this must have happened in about the beginning of A.D. 1062, when Virarājēndra was only a prince.
In the present record Virarājēndra states that, on the very day of his coronation, he proceeded against his enemy Ahavamalla and routed him and his sons at Kūdal-Sangamam in the north." This information is interesting and has not been specified in his other inscriptions. As Virarājēndra's coronation could have taken place only after Rājēndradēva's demise in A.D. 1063, this first buttle of Kudal-Sangamam by Virarajendra, as king, will have to be dated in about A.D. 1064 only. But on the other hand the Manimangalaun inscription mentions that after the notable victory at Kūdal-Sangamam, the king was pleased to ascend the virasimhasanan along with his consort Ulagamuļududaiyāl and donned (mēyndu) the crown (vijaya-manimakuļam). In view of the specific post-dating of the Kudal-Sangamam battle to his coronation in the present grant, the description given in the Manimangalam record has to be understood in the sense that the king signalised his success by a second elaborate coronation ceremonial after his return from the battle-field.
As Virarājēndra claims to have defeated Ahavamalla three times by his 4th year, he must have defeated bim on two other occasions in addition to the Kudal-Sangamam battle. These are mentioned in the Tamil preamble beginning with the words tiruralar, etc., i.e., (1) a campaign against Gangapadi in which Vikkalan and several sāmantas were routed and (2) another, against the Western Chalukya army in occupation in Vēngi. when the Chalukya general named Chamundarāja was killed. The Mudakkäru battle may have to be placed in one of the early campaigns.
Two other expeditions are also specified in the above prasasti to have been undertaken before the end of the 5th year of his reign. One of them was a battle on the bank of an unspecified river, when he slew a number of Chāļukya and other generals. The other was arranged to be fought at Kudal-Sangamam again, in response to a challenge issued by Ahava malla fixing & tryst there, but as Āhavamalla did not turn up in person, Virarājēndra waited for him at Kändai (or Karandai) in its vicinity for over a month. In the skirmish that, however, ensued between the. latter and the Chāļukya garrison that was near by, three Cbāļukya generals were killed. Virară. jēndra proceeding thence, overran Vēngi and gave it back to Vijayaditya, and raided the territory as far as Chakkarakkottam.
Thus the five occasions in which Virarājēndra' saw the back of Āhavamalla' were-- (1) the campaign against Ganga pādi in A.D. 1062, (2) the first invasion of Vēngi in A.D. 1063, (3) the battle of Kūdal-Sangamam in A.D. 1064, (4) the battle on the bank of an unnamed river in
Taking the 4th year record of prince Rajamahendra from Marangiyor as belonging to the beginning of that regnal year, the Mudakkāru battle, if it took place at the end of the 3rd year, may be dated in about March A.D. 1062.
: This battle is referred to as early as the 2+Ist year (No. 452 of 1918) or 2nd year+230th day (No. 113 of 1896) of the king. So Virarajendra's actnal coronation must have taken place before this date and the battle may have to be placed in the end of A.D. 1064. There is, however, one record from Tiruvorriyur (No. 136 of 1912) dated in the 2nd year which commences with 'ciramëy-tunai, ' but without mentioning any of his conquests at all. The Sanskrit verses (vv. 75, 76) also state that after he was crowned, he fought at Kudal-Sanga mam. The scene of this battle has been tentatively identified with a place on the confluence of the Krishna and the Tungabhadra. This will take up near Nandikötkör in the Kurnool District which would well fit in as a battle-field midway between the Eastern and Western Chalukyan territories. An alternative identification that had been suggested was Kadali at the junction of the Tungă and the Bhadra (The Colus, pp. 321-22).
38. I. I., Vol. III, No. 30, 11, 13-14.
* Räjēndradēva also claims to have defeated Ahavamalla twice (irumadi-ven. kanda) (ante, Vol. XXI. P. 233, 1. 11). He is called Iruemarli.ren-kanda Ulaguyyakkondaruliya Ayyar (An, Rep. on 8. 1. Epigraphy for 1931-32, p. 52).

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A.D. 1066, and (5) the encounter at Kändai (or Karandai) near Kūčal-Sangamam, which was followed up by a second invasion of Vēngi towards the middle of A.D. 1067. As already stated, all these military campaigns must have occurred before I hava malla's death in March A.D. 1068, and before September 10, A.D. 1067 which is the date of the Manimangalam inscription of bis 5th year mentioning them. His Vangi campaigns -
From his records it is learnt that Virarājēndra undertook two expeditions against Vēngi during his reign as against Ahavamalla's power in that region. The Chola influence which had prevailed in that territory since the time of the Chõļa king Rājarāja I (A.D. 1000) suffered an eclipse in the middle of the 19th century A.D. About A.D. 1062, soon after the death of the Eastern Chāļukya Rājarāja I, his brother Vijayāditya appears to have wrested the power into his hands in preference to Rajaraja's son Rajendra-Chola, who must have been a very young prince at the time. Taking advantage of the indifference of Rājādhiraja and Rājēndradēva in Vengi affairs, referred to in verse 77 of the present record, Ahavamalla found it a good opportunity to invade Vēngi about this time or somewhat earlier and made Vijayāditya VII his feudatory. Virarājēndra's first campaign was therefore directed against Ahavamalla's army in Vēngi, but except for the defeat of the C'halukva general Chamundarīja in an engagement, this expedition does not appear to have accomplished much. It is possible that on the receipt of the news of death of his elder brother Rajendradēva, Virarājēndra had to rush back to the Chöļa capital in the middle of this campaign for his coronation, and as Āhavamalla appears, in the meantime, to have mustered his forces for another fight, the newly anointed Chõļa king was obliged to depart from the capital again on the very day of his coronation, posthaste to meet his enemy at Vada-KudalSangamam. In the second invasion undertaken about A.D. 1067, a fierce battle was fought in the vicinity of Vijavavāda (Bezwada). Ahavamalla's power having been broken, his feudatory Vijayāditya appears to have also submitted and transferred his allegiance, for the time being, to his Chõla conqueror, from whom, it is said, ho got back his territory.. Virarājēndra's raid through Kalingam and as far as Chakkarakkottam was only in continuation of this Vēngi campaign.
There appears to have been a third occasion in which Vēngi was invested by the Chola army. This campaign which is described only in the Tirumukkūdal inscription is stated to have occurred after the Ceylon expedition, and so has to be dated in about January or February A.D. 1068 approximately. Though it is not expressly stated as to what had necessitated it so soon after the last campaign a few months earlier, in which Vijayāditya was given back Vēngi, a clue seems to be afforded in the statement that the Chaļukki (ach-Chalukka) came out with an army twice in numerical strength to what he had marshalled on a former occasion. This
18.1.I., Vol. III, No. 30.
In ante, Vol. XXII, No. 35, Mr. K. V. Subrahmanya Ayyar states that the succession of Vijayaditya was not disputed. Prince Rajendra was perhaps too young to make a strong protest.
In a record of Somēśvara dated in Saka 975, his son Soměsvara (II) has the title 'Vengipuravaridhisvara, thus postulating Vêng connection so early (above, Vol. XVI, p. 53). "A record from Drakshārams dated in gak 988 in the reign of a Vishnuvardhana is attributable to this Eastern Chilukya Vijayaditya who was then probably a feudatory of the Western Chalukyas (S.I. I., Vol. IV, No. 1013).
• This event must have happened before A.D. 1067, September 10, which is the English equivalent for the details furnished in the Manimangalam inscription dated in the 5th year of the king, which refers to this episode (8.1. I., Vol. III, No. 30, p. 67).
Ante, Vol. XXI, p. 232.
• The expression ach-Chalukki' used here probably refers only to the Eastern Chalukya Vijayaditya, who has been mentioned just previous to the description of the Ceylon campaign.

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inscription dated in the 5th year states that Virarajëndra defeated Åhavamalla five times, ending with the battle of Karandai. In later records of the 7th year, the Western Chalukya king continues to be mentioned as having suffered defeat the same number of times. So the enemy encountered by the Chola at the subsequent battle of Kondai, (probably Kondavidu in the Vēngi territory), could not have been Āhavamalla, but was in all probability Vijayaditya. The latter who was a Western Chalukya feudatory in the initial years of his reign, appears to have transferred his nominal allegiance to the Chāļa conqueror, and as the price of his submission, got back Vēngi. It is possible that, a short time later, he attempted to throw off the Chõla yoke and mustering a large army opposed the Chola king at the battle of Kondai. The Chāļukyan army was, however, repulsed, and the victorious Virarājēndra is then stated to have planted a pillar of victory at Süttukkal and marched into Kalingam and Chakkarakköttam, defeating and killing some Chalukya generals. Further Chālukya hostilities.
The Choļa-Chalukya hostilities did not, however, cease with tbe death of Āhayamalla In a record dated in the 6th year, Virarājēndra claims to have defeated Sõmēsvara before he had had time to take off his necklet (kanthikā), to have burnt the Chalukya capital Kampili and to have set up a pillar of victory at Karadikkal. Another dated in the 7th year, states that Sömēsvara was driven out of Kannada-dēšam and the Rattapādi-seven-and-a-half-lakhs country in its entirety was given to Vikramaditya (VI) who had submitted to him. The kanthikā or the necklet was the conventional emblem of heir-apparency of the Chāļukya dynasty, as differentiated from the makula or crown, the emblem of royalty, and the Sömēsvara referred to here was evidently the second of that name. The above-noted claim of Virarājēndra has therefore to be understood to be but a poetical way of saying that the Chola king swooped down on the Chāļukya capital evidently in aid of his ally Vikramaditya, immediately after the death of Ahavamalla and before the quondam heir-apparent Sõmēśvara II put on the crown of royalty, i.e., in the interval between 30th March, A.D. 1068, the date of death of Āhavamalla, and 11th April A.D. 1068, the actual date of accession of Sõmēsvara II. The result of this campaign has, however, been exaggerated by the Chöja panegyrist for Sömēsvara appears to have ceded only a portion of his territory to Vikramā. ditya, as evidenced by his own records being simultaneously found in other parts of the kingdom, and Vikramaditya, the protégé of Virarājēndra, appears to have himself continued in a subordinate capacity, as suggested by his investiture with the kanthikā only. The claim for a Chāļukyan victory made in the Shikarpur record,' which must have been dated some time later than April, A.D. 1068, may be noted in this connection. It is stated therein that Virarājēndra thinking that this was an opportune occasion, invaded the Chāļukyan territory with a large army and laid siege to Gutti; but when Somēśvara II opposed him with a powerful cavalry force, he was forced to flee. The Chāļukya records are silent about the burning of Kampili, while there is no mention of the Chöļa reverses at Gutti in the Choļa records. It may be inferred that the Chola king was successful in the beginning of this campaign, and that later he sustained a defeat at Gutti in about the end of A.D. 1068, which put an end to his military aspirations in the north.
1 The Kanyakumari inscription and the present copper-plate. Nowhere has Ahavamalla been described as having been defeated six times or more (arumadi-ten-kanda, etc.).
The expression Puli sattukkal has been taken to be the name of a village (ante, Vol. XXI, p. 226). But it may also be taken to mean a' stone pillar of victory with the mark of a tiger on it, which was probably set up at Kondai itself. *S. I. I., Vol. III, p. 201.
Ibid., p. 203.
Ind. Ant., Vol. XX, p. 267. • This political pact was also cemented by the marriage of Virarājēndra's daughter with Vikramaditya. * Ep. Carn., Vol. VII, Sk. 136.

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His campaign against the Panlya.
In regard to Virarājēndra's southern campaigns, the one against the Pāņdya is in a way confirmed by the existence of his inscriptions' at Kanyakumari (Travancore), Āttür (Tirunelveli District) and Tirupputtūr (Ramnad District). Before the 3rd year of his reign, he had appointed prince Gangaikonda-Chöļa as the Chola-Pandya viceroy over the Påndya country in continuation of the previous system of administration, but this Chola prince was not left undisturbed for long, for according to a record dated in the 3+1st year, Virarājēndra marched against a certain Srivallabha, apparently & Pandya, and killed his son Virakësari. As this campaign has not been referred to in the Tiruveņkādu record dated in the 2nd year+230th day of his reign but is mentioned in the Karuvur inscription of this king dated in the 3+1st year, it has to be placed towards the end of his 3rd year, i.e., in about A.D. 1065. This victory also appears to have been of a temporary nature, for Virarājēndra's successor Kulõttunga-Chola I had again to go to war against the five Pandyas' a few years later. His campaign against U dagai.
In the course of this southern campaign, the Chēra must have also felt the impact of the Chola army and consented to pay tribute. The Kēraļa king and his sons are described to have fled before the mad elephant of Virarājēndra in a battle at Udagait and to have hidden themselves in the western ocean. In an inscription copied at Kilür in the South Arcot District, dated in the 29th year of Rājarāja I, the king is stated to have burnt the city of Udagai' during his Malainādu campaign. From these references, it is clear that Udayai was a city in the Chēra dominion, and was, in all probability identical with Udaiyampērūr, the big city of the Udaiyas (the Chēras)'in the northern portion of the Travancore State, which is only three miles distant from Trichūr and which in the olden days was an important place in the Chēra territory. The Chēra contemporaries of Rājēndra-Chola I were Rājasimha and his son Rajaraja who figure in the Mannärköyil inscription of Jațāvarman Sundara-Chola-Pandva, but who the contemporary of Virarājēndra was, is not clear. His conquest of Ceylon.
The conquest of Simhalam is only briefly referred to in the present record; but the Tirumukkūdal inscription dated in the 5th year of the king, describes this campaign in some detail and refers to his defeat of the Ceylon king Vijayabāhu and the subjugation of the island girt round by the waters of the sea. Though this is perhaps a sweeping claim, it has to be conceded that a portion of the island was under Chöļa yway at this period. As the Manimangalam record of the 10th September A.D. 1067 does not refer to this expedition, it will have to be placed towards the end of that year, about November or December A.1). 1067. Virarājēndra's predecessor Rājēndradēva had also invaded Ceylon and an inscription of his is found there. Inscriptionsll of Adhirājēndra, the successor of Virarājēndra, are also found at Polonnaruva (Ceylon). The latter
: Noe. 400 and 401 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 19:29-30 and No. 110 of 1998. .8.1.1., Vol. V, No. 976.
8.1. I., Vol. III, No. 20. The Pandya king Srlvallabha was the contemporary of Rajendra-Chola I also. . 8. 1. I., Vol. III, No. 30.
8.1. I., Vol. VII, No. 863. • Udagai has been taken to be a Pandya city (S.I.I., Vol. II, p. 08). Ante. Vol. XI, p. 294.
Ante, Vol: XXI, No. 38, where this point has been examined by Mr. K. V. Nubrahmanyu Ayyar in detail. The Polonnaruva inscription of Vijayabahu (ante: Vol. XVIII, No. 38) may be considered to mark the eclipee of Chöļa power in Ceylon, for no inscriptions of later Chola kings are found actually in that island.
If the Ceylon expedition of the 5th year took place about November 1067, and an incident of April A.D. 1068 fell in the 6th year, the date of accession of Virarajendra can be narrowed down between the limits-December 1062 A.D. and March 1063 A.D. A date in his 7th regnal year (Kauni, br. 7, Thurschy, Irigasirsla) was A.D. 1089, September 10, Thursday (No. 160 of 1037-38). 10 8. I. I., Vol. V, No. 1408.
118. I. I., Vol. IV, Nos. 1388 and 1392.

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did not perhaps lead an independent expedition against the island during his very short reign and may be presunied to have participated in his father's campaign only. No records attributable to Virarājēndra have, however, been found in Ceylon. Ais campaign against Kadāram.
Another overseas victory is claimed for Virarājēndra over Kadāram. In the later historical introduction of the 7th year commencing with * vīra mēy-tunaiyāgarum' this achievement is introduced between the second invasion of Vēngi in A.D. 1067 and the last campaign of Virarājēndrs that we know of, which was directed against Sõmēsvara II (A.D. 1068). As his father RājēndraChõļa I claims to have invaded Kadāram himself by about A.D. 1026, it is possible that Virarājēndra, as a young prince, had accompanied the Chāļa army in that campaign also. Such a campaign to the distant Kaļāram towards the close of Virarājēndra's reign appears problematical and has to be confirmed only by future researches. The express statement that the Chola king conquered Kadāram and gave it back to the (Kadāra) king who had supplicated him, seems to imply that an expedition, at least under an able general though not personally led by tbe king himself, may have been sent against this far eastern country in aid of his ally. If it was an accomplished fact of his reign, it may have taken place in the beginning of A.D. 1068. The friendly relationship between the Chola and the Kadāram kings seems to have been continued down to the 20th year of the reign of Kulõttunga-Chöļa I (A.D. 1090), when two messengers (dütar) of the Kadāram king came to the mainland to obtain from the Chola monarch some concessions on behalf of the Bauddha-vihāra at Negapatam.
Thus Virarājēndra's short reign was a period of strenuous military effort to keep up the weakening Chola power and prestige to some extent. The several campaigns of his reign may thus be briefly reviewed, in their probable chronological sequence :
(1) the first campaign against Gangapāļi in A.D. 1062; (2) the first invasion of Vēngi in A.D. 1063; (3) the first battle of Kūdal-Sangamam in A.D. 1064 ; (4) the southern expedition against the Pandya and Chēra in A.D. 1065 ; (5) the battle on the bank of an unspecified river in A.D. 1066 ; (6) the clash with the Chāļukyan army at Kāndai (or Karandai) 'near Küďal-Sangamam in
the middle of A.D. 1067; (7) the second invasion against Vēngi, the battle of Vijayavāda and the restoration of
Vēngi to Vijayāditya before September A.D. 1067 ; (8) the expedition against Siṁhalam in the end of A.D. 1067 ; (9) the overseas campaign to Kadāram in the beginning of A.D. 1068 ; (10) the third expedition against Vēngi and the battle of Kondai in about February
A.D. 1068 ; (11) the campaign against the Western Chāļukya Sõmēsvara, the burning of Kampili and
the erection of a pillar of victory at Karadikkal in April A.D. 1068 ; and the instalA lation of Vikra māditya VI in a portion of the Western Chalukya dominions; and (12) the battle of Gutti in about the end of A.D. 1068, wherein Virarajendra suffered
defeat at the hands of Sõmēsvara II.
1 See also ante, Vol. XVIII, p. 332 and f. n. 2. The Archæc logical Commissioner of Ceylon has kindly informed us that there are no inscriptions of Virarajendradeva in Ceylon. 8. 1. I., Vol. III, p. 203.
• The conquest of Kadāram (Keddah in the Srivijaya kingdom located in the Malay Peninsula) by RajendraChola occurred about his 13th year corresponding to A.D. 1026. As Virarājēndra lived up to A.D. 1069, he may have been a young prince capable of participating in a military expeditica, 43 years earlier. . Ante, Vol. XXH, p. 268.
Ep. Carn., Vol. VII, Sk. 136.

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Though this warlike king was so much preoccupied in his wars during his short reign, for not . year, except perhaps the last, passed without his army being engaged in some campaign or other, he appears to have found time to attend to the welfare of his subjects. He is said to have presented many agrahāras to Brāhmans and several benefactions to temples owed their origin to his munificence.
In this context, it may be remarked that the Chola version of the Chõļa-Chāļukya war appears to give a slightly exaggerated account of Virarājēndradēva's victories. The Châļukya records, on the other hand, seem to indicate that the reverses were not always on the Chāļukyan side alone. In fact, the two parties appear to have been fairly well-matched, with the result that the hostilities were protracted and the opposing armies met in as many as five different engagements. The Chola army no doubt took the offensive and carried the war into the enemy's country, as testified to by the scenes of battles which were all located in Chāļukyan territory, and except for the Chõļa reverses in the deatb of Rajadhiraja I in the earlier battle of Koppam and later at Gutti, Virarājēndra's independent campaigns appear to have met with a fair measure of success; but the fact that he is described as having restored the conquered dominions-viz., Vēngi to Vijayaditya VII and Rattapādi to Vikramaditya VI---seems to indicate that his hold on the conquered territories was not of a permanent nature. His Pandya and Chēra conquests also appear to have shared the same fate. This policy of restoration adopted by Virarājēndra may have been due to considerations of statecraft by which he had tried to placate the kings on his frontiers or to the insufficiency of his own resources which had weakened his hold on his conquests so far away from Chola headquarters. Whatever the reason, the provenance of his inscriptions with the exception of the Kanyakumari, Artūr and Tirupputtūr records reveals that his authority extended over a restricted area only, comprising the North Arcot, South Arcot, Chingleput, Tanjore and Trichinopoly Districts of the Madras Presidency with a portion of the adjoining Pudukkottai State and the Kolar and Bangalore Districts of the Mysore State, added thereto.
The circumstances under which the king died are not known. As a record of his 7tlı year is dated on September 10, A.D. 1069, and as two records of Adhirājēndra refer to the 8th year of his predecessor, Virarājēndra must have been alive till at least October A.D. 1069, and he may have passed away sometime later in the beginning of A.D. 1070. It is possible that there is some reference to his last days in an undated record from Tiruvorriyūr, in which provision was made for worship in the local temple for the welfare of the king and for the prosperity of the queen's tirumangalyam. Virarājēndra was succeeded by his son Adhirajëndra, a portion of wbose short period of rule must have merged into his own reign. The prayer offered for the welfare of A thirājēndra in a record from Kūhūrs in the Tanjore District, dated in his 3rd year, seems to indicate that this king was himself suffering from illness at the time and his records end with the 4th year. As his successor Kulottunga-Chola I ascended the throne on 9th June 1070 A.D..Adbirājēndra could have ruled independently for only a short time in the first half of A.D. 1070.
1 The Chalukya titles. the shatterer of the pride of the Chola monarchs' (ante, Vol. XV, P.01) and the foundation of a temple called Chola-gonda-Traipurushadēva at Annigere (S.I.T., Vol. XII, B.K. No. 103) may be noted. An invasion led by Prince Vishnuvardhana Vijnyiditya in the reign of Trailokyamalla, against the Cho! king in A.D. 1064 na referred to in 8. I.I., Vol. IX. Nos. 127 and 128.
* No. 160 of the Mad. Epig. Colin. for 1937-38. * No. 128 of the Mad. Epig Colln. for 1912. • No. 280 of 1917.
No. 15 of 1890 is dated in the 3rd year+ 200th day of reign. • Ante, Vol. VII, p. 7, f.n. 5.

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What became of the several Chola princes, sons of Rajendradēva and Virarājēndra', is not apparent. Of those, if any, that may have survived the numerous campaigns of this period, there Was perhaps none strong enough to occupy the Chõļa throne after Adhirājēndra. So the enterprising Eastern Chalukya prince Rajendra-Chola II, son of Chalukya Räjarāja I, grandson of the Chola king Rājēndra-Chöja I, and son-in-law of Rājēndradēva, who was thus intimately connected with the Chola royal family, availed himself of this opportunity to quietly succeed to the vacant Chõla throne. This political step not only helped to relieve the tension in his own country where his uncle Vijayaditya was still reigning, but also gave Kulottunga-Chola I a large tract of new territory to rule over, until such time as, with the demise of his uncle, he could consolidate the Chõļa and Chäļukya fortunes into one line.
Section III (11. 170-191). This section relates to the object of the grant. At the time of making the gift recorded in the present charter, the king is stated to have been seated in the frontal tirukkāranam of the audiencehall (tiruvolakka-mandapa) called Rājarājan' in the temple of Tiruvēgambam-Udaiyār at Käñchipuram, a nagaram in Eyir-köttam, a sub-division of Jayangondasola-mandalam. The village Chērām alias Madhurāntaka-chaturvēdimangalam, which was granted to the three Brāhmans of the Ātrēya-göra already referred to above, is said to have been situated in Irattapādikondasoļa-mandalam, that had been captured by Virarājēndradēva in the campaign, which he had undertaken immediately after his coronation and in which he had defeated Ahavamalla and his sons on the battle-field at the northern Kudal-Sangamam.
The boundary-line of this gift-village is then described in detail. Starting from Kupperi in the east, it passed through several landmarks, such as rocks, sluices, etc., and ended at a hillock called Kadatti-malai. The land enclosed by this boundary-line belonged to the village Chērām alias Madhurāntaka-chaturvēdimangalam. In this connection it may be noted that the boundary. line was not marked out, as was usual in such cases and in this period, by the circumambulation of a she-elephant (pidi-sūIndu) and that though it was drafted by the officer MadhurāntakaBrahmadhirājan, it is lacking in the sententious clauses and schedules regarding tax-exemptions, irrigation privileges, etc., similar to those mentioned in the Tiruvālangädu plates of RajendraChola I. After the description of the boundary-line, the verse which is engraved on the seal of this copper-plate grant is also repeated here, to stress the fact that the foregoing charter was the order of king Virarājēndradeva.
Section IV (11. 192--211). This section constitutes the concluding portion of the record and contains the names of the signatories, imprecatory verses and such other routine matters. The name of the adhikariga! who drafted this order is given ay Gunanidi-Aruļmoliyar alias Minavan-Mûvēndavājar of Parakēsarinallur in Tirunaraivūr-nadu, a sub-division of Kshatriyasikhamani-vaļanādu, a district of Sāļa-nandalam. The timmardira-olai officers were Tõnamayan Pāpanāśan alias Virasri. vallabha-Brahmädhirajan of Kāväkkudi, a brahmadēya in Kurumbūr-nadu, a sub-division of
See the table given at page 128 of Trav. Archl. Seris, Vol. III.
* The adoption theory has been ably refuted by Mr. K. V. 8. Ayyar in ante, Vol. XXII, p. 272. Whether Kulottunga's succession was peaceful or was attended with civil war and bloodshed has also been the subject of much speculation.
* Virarājēndra was staying in the same place while issuing another record (8. 1. I., Vol. IV, p. 60). A palace named Nolakēralan-maligai and thrones called Rājēndrasola-Mavalivånarijan and Abhimanarå man are plac referred to in bis inscriptions (Nos. 182 of 1915 and 462 of 190R).
Ree f.n. I on page 264.

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Jayangondasāļa-vaļanādu and Arulmoli-Rājēndrasolan alias Jananātha-Vilupparaiyan of Sēndamangalam in Virasola-vaļanadu.
The composer of the Sanskrit prasasti was a certain Chandrabhushana-Bhatta who is referred to later by the paraphrased name of Sasibhūshaņa-Pandita. He is evidently identical with Chandrasēkharabhushana-Bhatta alias Virarājēndra-Brahınādhirajan mentioned in an inscription of the king from Gangaikondasolapuram, where a large number of the king's officers are enumerated, among whom (unanidhi-Aru!moli alias Minavan-Mūvēndavēlar of the present record also finds ntention. A certain Chandrabhūshana-Pandita figures in two records from the Bellary District dated in A. D. 1054 and 1068, and it is possible he was identical with the composer of this copper-plate grant. In collaboration with this panegyrist, the officer named Madhurântaka-Brahmädhiraja is said to have drafted this copper-plate.charter finally, and got it engraved by Sankaran-Kādāļi alias Karunākara-Achăriyan, a Tachchachariyan of Kuvalālam in Kuvalāļa-nadu.
A few imprecatory verses are then quoted, and along with them there is one more verse in the Mālini-metre added here, as an exhortation made by king 'Rajarāja' whose head is ornamented with the lotus-feet of Hara, enjoining all future kings to protect this charity. As this reminds us of the title 'Sivapādaśēkhara' borne by the Chola king Rājarāja I, it appears probable that like the supplicatory verse ending with yāchatē Rāmabhadrah' this Choļa king also got a similar verse composed for use in Cho!a documents. Or as an alternative, it may be suggested that the verse refers to Virarājēndra himself, who is given the titles Rājādhirajan' and 'Rājarājanin the Tirumukkūdal inscription, in which case the attribute used in this verse may be understood as indicating simply the king's intense devotion to Hara.
Among the place-names mentioned in the record, the village Chörăm in Puli-nädu may be identified with Chārāla in the Punganur taluk of the Chittoor District, where the copper-plate set was discovered. Rattapadikondasola-mandalam, which took the new name from the time of Rājēndradēva who conquered Rattapādi, is represented by the tract of country round about Punganur in the Chittoor District, and the adjoining Chintamani taluk of the Mysore State. There was also another sub-division known by the name of Rattapādikondasola-vaļanādu in the Pudukkottai State. The names occurring in the description of boundaries are too vague to be identified now.
TEXT.
[For metres of verses 1-81 see above, Vol. XVIII, p. 31.)
First Plate. 1 Svasti Srish ] Yah karttä jagad-ut(a)bhava-sthiti-layan=ut(d)bhūtayī lilayā yo vāchăm
adhināyakas-srayati ya 882 rvajñat=aikāśraya [l*] yat(d)-bhakti-pravaņair=apāya-vishamas tāryyo bhav-āmbhõni
dhir-dděyād=vas sa vi3 bhūtim-indu-bakal-apido Bhavānipatih III-1 lll. Māyān=āyānuinin yö vahati jagad=idam
rañjayantiñ=jayantim jñān-i18 1. 1., Vol. IV, No. 529, 1. 27. "Ioid., 1. 29.
8. 1. I., Vol. IX, Nos. 113 and 143. • Ante, Vol. XXI, p. 232, 1. 7.
King Parantaka also describes himself as Smarári-charaṇambuja-sekhara'-(8.I.I., Vol. II, p. 385). • The Tahsildar of Punganur, who was addressed, has not been able to render much help in this matter.

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4 jñāna-prasūti(tim) sphuţa-ruchi-vapusha yogabhāj=āgabhājā [l*] satv-ā-satv-ānukampi sthi
tal-mudita-mahā-tāpa-sū. 5 nām=pasūnām Sambhus=śam-bhugna-pāpa-vyatikțiti bhavatas=sa prapūtāt prapātāt lll.
2 lll. Chakrē chakrēņa 6 daitya-prakaram=atibalam yas=samastan samastam pātā pātāļa-mūl-ahita-Balic=anisam
bhāgurānām surāņām [l*) sa7 dy&s=sa dyaty-agham vo Harir-akhila-jagad-rakshaņēna kshanēna svairam svair-amba
lēsair=iva dharani8 gatais=sambhavat(d)bhir=bhavat(d)bhish] |II-3 III. Adau dēv&s=sissiksbāın=upanata-sama
yah pratyavēksh9 am=adabhrām=bibhrat(d)=vißv-ådhinåthas=samuchita-samay-arambham-ambhas=sasarjja
[l*] tasmin=nikshipya bijan=nijam-ajara-ba10 lam sa triloki-karandam=brahmāndan=tēna chakrē vyadhita vidhim=api srashțum=ishtam
vidhēyam |||-4 ||!- Tasmā11 j-jātag=tadānim sakalam=api jagat sa-prapancharn Viriñcham(chah) kurvvandurvvāra
viryān=ajanayad-aparān Brahmana[h*] karm. 12 ma-nishțhān[*] tēshām=ēkas-tv-asēshair=api Vidhi-vibhavair=ggarbhito nirbhara-srir=
vvishvag-rochir-mMarichis-tribhuvana13 bhavanaṁ sañchakāsāñchakāra 1|-5 111- Tasmāt(də) vismēra-patmā(dnvā)sana-nayana-chaya
spashta-dřisht-órjjita-sris=śrē14 yas-sampatti-bhājān=dhuri gaṇita-guṇaḥ Kasyapa[h] paśyakõ=bhūt [l*) anyony-7nmardda
nēna śriyam-iha dadhato 15 yat-prasūtās=sur-idyā nirvvyājan-nirjjayanti prachuram-upachitānamburāšēs=taram
gān 111-6 III Tasmāj=jātasutadā16 nim samayaksit=a(d=a)samas=svaih prabhāvair=udārair=vvisva-trāņa-pravițaissatatam=
atitarān=nirjjayan svān=Vi17 vasvān [l*] nidrā-mudră-vibhēdam prathamam=anubhavan=yanmayūkh-abhimaršād=
dhātur-vaktr-äravindais-saha saka18 !a-gurős=satma(dma)-patma(dma)ñ=chakāsē 111-7 III- Yasy-odasyat(d)bhir=ārād-avatama
sam-ati -vyātatair-amsu-jālair-bhāsva.
Second Plate; First Side. 19 t-kärttasvar-andam prathamomabhigaļat kāļim=īv=ūbabhāsē [l*) yat(d)-bimbah karņņi
kātvam nivahati kiraņaih ke.. 20 sarair=āhita-śrīr=ut(d)gādhair=ddig-dal-aughair=uparachita-rucho vyoma-parkēruhasya
111-8 III- Etasy=ī. 21 bhūt=tanūjo Manur-amala-tanur-blübhujām bijam=idyari yēn=aikāntēna võgān-muni
bhir-abhihitā māna22 Veivam praj=ēti [1] lökänäm-oka-vandyah pravidhad=ntuları sarmma dharmma-prapan
chair=bhāsvān bhāsvat-auta
11.4S has hita instead of sthita. [TA Sindicates the readings given in the Travancore archaeological Series, Vol. III, No. 34, as made out from the Kanyakumari inscription.]
: 1.48 has jagad-arambham instead of sa may-arambham. 3 TAS has ajam=akhilar instead of ajara-balai. . 1.4S has kritcī instead of kuroras.
TAS has acatamaan tali which is obviously a misreading for avalamayam ali.. * Of the syllable ke only the 2 wign appears in this line, while the letter k occurs in the next.

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56
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XXV.
23 tvåt pitaram=ihat sutam yaḥt prakāsīchakāra |||-9 III- Tasy=Ekshtakur=abhūd=yasõbhir
amalair-ddikshv=ātatai24 6-sobhitas sūnus sānushu bhūbhfitām sura-gaņair=yyat-kirttir-ut(a)giyata [l*) yasy-amitra
narādbirāja-viraha25 j=jaitram=mahas=sarvvato durvvāra-prasaraṁ vyajēshta balavan=Mitrasya tējah param
III-10 III- Tasy=ābhūt=tana26 yas=samunnata-nayaḥ prēkshi Vikukshin-npipõ rakshām=akshata-vikramas=sa makarot
kshmämandalasy=āsya yah [l*) &27 nyonya-pravimarddanēna mahati yă pārtthivair-llabhyatē tām sūtē séri(eri)yam-asramam
kshitibhřitām yat-pa28 dayor=ānatiḥ |||-11 |||- Putras-tasya Purañjayas=samabhavat samgrāmam=ājanmu(gmu).
shäñ=jētā bhūmibhujan-ji29 gishur=asurān jajñēs [sa] mānyas=tataḥ [1] Jambh[ä*]rim vpishabham vidhāya kakudē
sthūlē-sya yas=samsthita30 s=tad-dēvair=adbika-pramoda-gaditām prāptaḥ Kakusth-ābhidām 111-12 III- Prithura
babhū[v=āstra kulē kul-ādriņā 31 samas=samast-āvanipāla-vandita[h] [l*] vivēda yasmin=nfipatau sa-nandadhu(thu)r=nna
vēpadhu[r]=nn=āpi cha yāchituñ=jana[h] III32 13 III- Amushmin=vambē=bhūn=mahati Kuvalāśvo narapati[r]=Harēr’-vviryair-ddhuryy
airrati-nibhritam=ut(d)bhāsita-tanu33 } [l*] sa Dhundhun-daityēndram bahaļa-sikatā-sindhu-pihitam hitam lēkāy=āsmai vidad
had=avadhīd=uddha)34 ta-balaḥ |||-14 - Vamsē=sıninn=ut(a)babhūv=āt(d)bhuta-ma[hi]ma-bhara-bhrājitasy
amarārēr-amso viśvambhar-ärtti-prabama35 nam=anisam karttum=utsiddha-kīrtti) [l*] Māndhātā nāma rājā jana-nayana-mab-ānanda
sandōha-dāyi yasy=ādharmma-kshayāya 36 vyacharad=ati-javāch=chakram=āchakravāļāt |||-15 III- Tāsmin=nçipē parama-tējasi sāsat
imām bhūmiñ=chachāra hariņā 37 Hariņas-sah=äpi [1*] sarvo mithas=sahajam=apy=ajahāt(d)=virodhan-dharmmas-tv=adhar
mma-virahān=na tathā chakāra III
Second Plate ; Second Side. 38 16 11- L'dayam-iha dadhānas-sat(d)-guņair=ēdhamanas-satatam=asad-apāye vritdhi(ddhi)
maty=ãnyavāyē [l*] udajani Muchukundah 39 kundah kunda)-gaurair=yyasõbhiḥ pariņata iva chandras=sõbhamāno mayūkhaiḥ 11-17 III
Sa trātun=tridivan=trivishtapa40 sadān=näthēna yüthanvishāṁ hantu samprayiyāsat=āti-tarasā sañchoditah prāñchitaḥ
[I*] nirnnidrastad=sharnniban-da41 nusutān=nighnann=avigbnan=nsipastēsbām svarggam=atīva-durggam-akaröd=yuddha
hatānām=api |||-18 11- Asmin=v&1 TAS has iva which is the correct reading.
TAS has yam instead of yah.
The corresponding reading in TAS is doubtful, though it has been given as drisht-ati prasaran. • Read Vikukshi nripo. TAS has Vikukshiéravo.. .TAS has the same reading, but it is corrected into janye.
• The intended reading of the last pada of this verse seems to be : anna upitunanwäpi cha yachituirjanai. · TAS has harid viryyaireddhuryair which appears to be the correct reading.
. Read yüthandvishāṁ.

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CHARALA PLATES OF VIRARAJENDRADEVA; SAKA 991 AND 7TH YEAR. (I).
i.
2 4
2
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N. P. CHAKRAVARTL.
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24
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SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.
BOALE: TWO-THIRDS.
26
38
40

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iii,a.
syகப பதத த ஏ தடுதிேபதிக்வேதம் 56 கக் விவகா8ரWபெக சககககஜ்ர
ம் 56 கதையதுதாத தரத்தவராயத்ரத 23R- துபதுசிததுவதத்தாத்தோ
மெத, 58 LR2வதகப் டாப் தோல ரெக82 தெலடித்தாாதின்னலத்த ஓEN வோ அர
108 23 200 யதுப்ேதவெதாகத ரகம்.
பதிராம் | DTE வயதுவரை வேதி 8 வதொ
பரதவ வொகவதம் 4) 62 பரவிதா ISLகாரUSTதொகம் அரயர்
யெய்திய ரேவா பாவாடை தா325833y 64 120பரது பார்த2 பத்திரிகை பட்டதாக மாங்குயா சுகத் தொடுத்தால் பாரதிரைசத்தா தாதாபம் 66
wer பயந்தேதோ நாரததைத் IRRE: உவாத்படுத்துவர இதயதHU 15.
துரி தேரரசராகிராதாக்கவைத்த 70 | ம் அப்பா :-த்தகைதாரா நயது பவரDATE பொதுப் பது 27832 க இ ஜாபையே
--
IL
iii,b.
பஎது ஆக பரதந்தப்ப
த் சரயர அரைகப்வரராகரா ''ப பத படுபாதரப்பத்ததொைாபபதத்யாபாரத | 74
போர்க்கும் வட்டம் காவேரராக்கதர்சி-SERIF கரச்சா கறியே 222 யெயாக தொங்காதவரதரம் 76 தாம்பத்தியத்வரகவிபாபத்லதேடடதரைதாகைப்ரவயதி இத பாமயம் தியோ இ) இதாங்கர தொலைதுாத்தராதம் 78 12 8211 இயfr8 01 வரதத்வ ஜய 20ம் , சாது ,
31 தகை52 கப் வராதொரத ஆக்கது 80 ர
தம் IIF AA- இது8 யதாகததககததயா
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82 1g
- 38s..
HAVE தாயொவனதெதியரபரரதிக்கையாக RUE ? 36 வரக்பர்க்கே வந்த
து 90 பர மர்த்த ப்படாத வத்ர
யோ
ic,a.
| 25. கெபக்க சுகக் க
வராயத்துக்கய - - சாது28 டன்: நவேதப்வே:25N8 தரகர்:பெர்ர 92 L2:ராகரிங்க பேக்கரதாத்ப்பதபெ:காத இக்பாதைத்திர பத் டெரய் மெரக்வரர்யோதரன்
துயரைத்தாண்றுவலைவாயம்-313:51 தயர் ரத்துக்கசைதபத்தொருயதரக லவதிககக 96
பாங்க நாகர்கேநகராகனத்தில்
2:தில் நந்தாதிரே வந்தாசேதத்தரு 98 வாகை 100 - பாபரக்கம் கால் சாத்தலாவடபாததோதான 18IET கப்-ப.05 மதபப்பரால் : RTI
8 பத்தொம்தொம்:ரஜதை வடிவ இதாடYM 104 10BA3-25ENGஜப்பாகபர் --தியே சரகயெஜயமேத281 104 பர்வத்தபத்ப்ப
தாக82%-2விரித852833-DIFOTE 723 106 |WNE 23210தெரA 328 ரங்து3ரசரே 3
1-வது iir 23வ?தவதா8யது. 2:உத்துகேயர?3 108 W h-
38J021 அரதப்பாத்த பத8 LESJ 108

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No. 25.)
CHARALA PLATES OF VIRARAJENDRADEVA: SAKA 991.
257
42 msēmbhavad=abhibhavann-Ōjasä räjabri(vși)ndam labdh-anandas-samitishu Harischandra.
nāmā narēndrah [*] ditsām=ēkām dadhad=843 pi nayan Kausikiyan-dhanāyām svam vyakriņāt=triņam=iva tathi yas-sa-putram kaļatram
III-19 III- Asid=atr-anya44 vāye Sagara iti nyipas=tarjjit-āšēsha-bhūpo yên=ārādhyā=pi? kāmam haya-makha-nikarais
=tragi45 to Dēvarājaḥ [l*) yat-putrāņām prabhāvāl=lavaņa-jalanidhau sāgaratvam prapannē sēsh
änāṁ väri46 dhinām=api sakaļa-gurus=sāgaratvañ=chakāra |||-20 11|- Āsid=atra Bhagirathaḥ kshitipatir
vvambe 47 Sva-vams-ot(a)bhavān=uddharttum Kapila-praköpa-dahang-jvāl-avali-bhasmitān [I*) svas
sindhu 48 Vasudhān=nayan-Tripathagāñ=chakrē sa Bhagirathim=ma[r*]tyān=apy-amritān vyadhat
surasarid-vāri-pravă. 49 ha-sprika 111-21 III- Anvayê=tra sumahaty=&vatirạnas=sarvva-bhūpati-gunaiḥ paripur
nnah [l*] sajjana-stuti-virāji50 ta-varņņaḥ kshmām=arakshad-akhilām=Rita(tu)parppaḥ 11|-22 |||- Iha samajani bhūpas=
sarvva-lõk-aika-dipaḥ kshapi51 ta-bhuvana-tăpas=sātrit-ari-pratāpaḥ [l*] ari-yuvati-vilāpas=sphärit-oddāma-kopas=
satata-vijayi-chāpa[h*]52 sphita-kirttir=Ddilipaḥ 11|-23 III- Asminn=amba-chatushţayēna bhagavān vamsi=janishta
prabhuḥ klishțām vikshya 53 vasundharām=atibalair=brashtair -mahā-rākshasaiḥ [l*] Rāmo Lakshmana-samyuto-tha
Bharataś=Śastrughna54 yuktas-tv=iti dvandvam Vishņubhujā-yuga-dvaya-tulām=ūrjjasvalan yad=yayau 111 24 III- Pitari tanaya-vsitta
Third Plate; First Side. 55 m bhrātfishu bhrātfi-vfittan yuvatishu pati-vpittam sātravē bastru)-vșittam [I*) munishu
nțipati-vșittam bāndhavē bandhu56 vșittari sakalam?-akhila-nāthas=sikshayāmāsa lūkam 11|-25 11|- Na krõdhēna jaghāna Rāk.
shasa-patim kāmē57 na na prēyasīm sa pratyāhritavāu=mahīsa-charitam kārtsnyễna chakrë param [I*] no chēt
kin=tapasi sthitam 58 sa Malayė sūdrañ=jaghān=āsinā kim v=ānatyaya-kānti-dhțity-upachitān=tatyāja Sitām
punaḥ 1!|-26 III- Sētu59 n=nētum kapi-balam-asau baddhavan'=naikam=abdhau chakrē vakrētara-guna-nidhir
dharınına-sē[tü]n=asēshi
TAS has the same reading; but it should be corrected into Kausikiy-arthanayan, as has been suggested above, Vol. XVIII, p. 36.
TAS has aralldhe}=pi. TAS has nikaré. • Read salit-ari- as in T'AS. . Read Eddhishtair= as in 148. . TAS has yukta[suta). • The syllable ka is engraved above the line.
TAS has [dru]ta[m] for punah. TAS has bandhayan for baddhanan.

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258
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
60 n[*] kētum hētum vibudha-vipadaṁ vyāpada[n-dā]navīnām Rāmaṁ kamam kathayati janas-sadgunänän=nidha
61 nam -27 - Asmin-vamée-jani vidalayann-öjasa
bhüpa-yüthañ1-Chōjō nāma
kahitipati-atisphita
62 rajanya-kalaḥ [*] yasy-asesham-avanim-avatō rājadhanim-iva svän' lil-ōdyanais-tulanam -adadhus-sarvva
63 taḥ kananāni |||-28 |||- Viharan sa Hara-prabhaḥ kadachin=muni-bri(vri)nd-adhyushiteshu känaneshu [*] anayan"
64 vinay-aárayo vihara-pratilabdh-ävasarāņi vāsarāņi |||-29 |||- Kadachana mriga-vraja- pramathana-pra
65 galbh-adaras"-chachara vipin-antarëshv-anati-bhūri-sainyaḥ kahami [*] tadā sa mriga. rūpiņā jhaṭiti kēna
66 chid-rakshasa hritō haritam-anvagāt prakriti-dakshino dakshiņām 1-30 |||- Mrigan-tamanugachchata prajavi
67 na śanair-vvājinā prithu-druma-samakulam vipinam-anyad-asaditam tam" [*] tamanvayur anarata-pravitata-pra
68 yan-ōnmukhā javēna rabhas-ötpatat-prithu-varuthini-nayakaḥ |||-31 |||- Tam hatvä rajanicharam
69 sa tatra bhupaḥ Kāverim-anu vichachara bhüri-charah [*] kshir-ambhōnidhi-mathanat surair-avāptam pi
70 yūsham bhuvi salila-chchhalad-vahantim :|||-32 |||- Tatra sta(snä)tvä dita(t)sur-artthandva(dvi)jēbhyō n-apasyat-tan-vasya
[VOL. XXV.
71 chittas-tadānim [*] Aryyävarttad-vipra-varyyan-udagrän" aniy-a[syä] väsayāmāsa' tire -33 - Vipinam-a
72 khilan-chhitvā pūgais-cbakara vanam-mahat-tad-anu vidadhe dhiras-saram sa-nagalat akulam [*] upavana-chayai
73 anysiddhanyaib
Third Plate; Second Side.
Kavera-suta-tata-dvaya-vasumatim-ēka-chchhāyām-anēka-phalām
vyadhat |||-34 |||-A
74 mara-sariti snanam bhūyas-tapas-charaṇañ-jana vidadhati tate tasyah krichchhran-trivishṭapa-kamyaya [*] iha virachitam
75 snanam ghōran-tapas-cha suralayad-api subhatarē tire1ovāsam sthirikurutē satām |||-35 |||Anvasat-tam-anu Ră
76 jakesari vasarādhipa iv-asama-dyutiḥ [*] Chōlabhupa-tanayo nay-adhikaḥ kahōnim-ā
jaladhi badhit-ahita[b]"
1 TAS has raja-brindan
Read avash as in TAS.
TAS has adadhan which is a wrong form.
Read anayad as in TAS.
TAS has vibudh-dérays instead of vinay-abrayō.
TAS has prabhuphu)ll-ǎdarañ(é)=.
This tam is superfluous.
TAS has a[nekan instead of udagran.
TAS has adhyavasayamasa for asyä väsayāmāsa.
10 TAS has v[de] instead of tire.
11 TAS has täpit- instead of badhit..

Page #308

No. 85.]
CHARALA PLATES OF VIRARAJENDRADEVA : SAKA 991.
var
77 III-36 lll- Tat-sutas-tu Parakiari nipo inataari-kshitipa--viryya-Gütanah' [l] sat-sakhah
kshitim-imam-apālayat(d) 78 bhartait-laura-nikaya -vikramaḥ 111-37 til- Asmin=vamse Mrityujin nüma raja mrityor
jjētā pātit-arāti-va79 rggaḥ [l*] jajñē yajñair-ājñaya va(cha) prakaman=děväñ=chhatrünmso-tõshayan bhresha
yams=cha :111-38 |||- Asmin=vamsē VI89 rasän-Abhidhånő játo nit-ibiaha-18k-abhitapab [1] röjë räjä tējasa bhanu-tulyah kalya81 månam-mandiram sundar-amgah III-39 II- Chitro nama kshitipatir-abhūtætatra vambé
dhika-brir-vvitrast-a82 ri-prakara-vinati-vyakta-vichchhinna-kopah [l*] Vrittrarātir=jjhatiti samarë nirjjitör yasya
bāņair-mmitri83 bhūtas-satatam-abhajat(d)-Vyāghrakõtu-ddhvajatvam |||-40 III- Avenim-akhila-pārā
våra-dhi(ti)r-abhirăm-ops84 ratim-avirata-sris=śāsitum=nāsit-årih [l*] nija-bhuja-bela-līlā-kfishta-rājanya-lakshmir=iha
samajani varsē bhü86 patih Pushpakötuh 1/-41 |||- Asmin=vamsė Kötumäl-abhidhänð jätö räj=Ajätasatru-pra86 kisah. [1] hfitva sarva-kshmäbhfitām kētu-malam yönäväptam Kētumal-abnidhanam
III-42|11- Samudraji87 D-nama naradhiräjo babhüva vamsestra visäla-viryyah (1) pūrvv-apar-ambönidhi.
ni(mi)draņēna paņēna? Madre88 sa-sutän sa labbē :111-43 11!- Srimaty-atra kulë babhūve mahita-kib Pathchap-aicinyo npipo
nirvvyāj-ati89 thi-pujan-örjjita-mana yakshan sa pañcb=atithin [l*) vidhya(ddhvi) pañcba sirio-sv
sõnitam=asau tair-yachitas=- 90 tvara[m] kõshna[n=ta]t sakalān=apāyayad-atas-tat-palapāt Pañchapaḥ ||-44 III. Abhavada vibhavair=jjayan=digi
Fourth Plate ; First Side. 91 sän=iha varsē nfipatis=sitāmbu-kantah [l*] Dramidas-sa Mridasya samprasadad-ajayan
mrityum-anatyaya92 prabhavaḥ |||-45 III- Atr=ābhū[d=a* ]mala-guṇaḥ kulē=tula-Gris-tējasvi samiti Manorath
abhidāna) [l*] yo hatvā 93 jhatiti nanõrathān=ariņām bandhūnām-akuruta sat-phalan balēna : 111-46 II - Etasmin
Parunetkili94 prabhsitayo vamsē dharādhīśvarā bhūyāmsas-tulit-Amarēsvara-bala-sári(sri)-vikrama
jajñirē [l*] yêshām=ā-ja95 ladhi kshamāṁ samavatām vyāptam yaśābhig=subhair-a-brahmanda[m=a]khanda-dada
samayam visvañ=jagad=rājatē : 111-47 III
1 TAS has matsa[ritama)niväryya-sasanah. * The corresponding reading in TAS is uncertain. • Heren is superfluous. Read chhatrüms
TAS has lök-ahita[ &-cha).
TAS has tarjjito. • TAS has játa-dam(på-pra]kasah. "TAS has (pany]na......... 6a-sular [aa]lo[bhab). .TA8 has sådaram. . TAS has nrimridas. 10 TAS has sapatand-, which is ill-suited in the present context.

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200
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXV.
96 Agmin kulē kula-dharādhara-sannikasaḥ käs-opamâna-vitat-Bru-yasah-pratāna) [1*] asit
kshitisa-tilakah Ka97 rikäla-nama Cholas-samuddhata -ripu-kshitipäla-kälah ||-48 III- Sa Kävērin dürikțita
se kala-sasyām vidadhatim 98 payah-pūrais=sphärair-avanim=svinīt-oddhati-haraḥ [l*) pratirībhūtābhir=nnarapati-sira
[h*]-slishta-pitaka-prakirņņābhir-mmfit(d)bhirunnyaru. 99 [nad-A]ruņ-ágrēsara-samam(mah):111-49 Ill. Asmin kulē sakala-pårtthiva-vandya-pădő jāto
bbijāta-guna-san100 hati- brimbita-srih [18 ürjjasval-ot(d)bhata-nij-āpratima-pratāpas-santãpit-ari-salabho
Valabhô mahibah Il101 50 III- Ih=ānvayê=bhūd=Amarēsa-tulyaḥ parasta-vidvaj-jana-tapa-salyaḥ [l*] samasta
rājānaka-bhūri-vallabhah 102 kshamadhinātho Jagadēkamalla) |||-51 |||- Vamse-spinn-ari-raja-vandita pada-dvandy
Aravindaḥ kshami rajā Vyalabhayam103 karaḥ samabhavat sūnās samano ravēḥ [l*] dôr-ddand-āñchita-khadga-khandita-ripor
yasy-örjjita-sri-jushaḥ 104 köp-agnifr*-]dvishad-argan-ibru-salilais-siktah para sämyati :111-52 III: Anvayê=tra
Vijayalaya-nāmā sārvvabhūma' 106 sakala-kshiti-näthaḥ [l*) yat-pad-amburuha-yugmam=ajasrarh sēkharikritam-asēsha- mahi
baih 111-53 III- Nivēśayām[)106 sa sa Chõla-dēļē nivēšit--asēsha-guna-pravşiddham [l*] Kañjāsan-adyair-amaraiḥ pragitāñ=
Tañchäpuri-nama pu107 rin=narēndraḥ 111-54 III- Adityavanm&frmm-a)bhavad=asya putraḥ Ködandarām-abhi
tayäb prasiddhah [l*] utplutya matta-dvirad-endra108 samhethañ=jaghana yaḥ Pallavarājam=ājau: 1/1-55 |||- Asy=ābhūtetanayaḥ parākramavatām= ēkādhipaḥ kshma.
Fourth Plate; Second Side. 109 bhujām virasri-nilayah Parantaka iti kbyātaḥ kshamadhīsvaraḥ [l*) vēl-odyāna-viharibhir
mmadakalair-yyam vā110 ran-adhīsvarair-vväsyantē mada-sindhubhiḥ pratidisam päthämsi pāthonidhēḥ 111-56 lll- Ha111 tv=āku Pandyam=8kbilēna balēna sākam hritvå tadiyam-akhilam vasu viryaśāli [*]
bhasmichakara Ma112 dhurām yad-adhah-kpit-ärir-llēbhë 'natas-sa Madhurantaka-namadhéyam 111-57 III- Yaj
jigāya Vijay-opama113 dyutih Krishnarajam=ajitan-naradhipaiḥ [l*] bhüri-vikrama-vivarddhita-dyutir-Vira-Choļs
iti tēna kirttyatë 117-58 ||- Yat-ti114 rînair=jjalanidhim=uddhatai[r*]-bal-aughais-samyattan samiti jaghāna Simhaļēśãn [*]
tatearvva-kshitipaH5 ti-vandyamāna-pädas=sā=nvartthām=abhajata Sinhalāntak-ākhyām 11f-59 III- Drishtāntah
ko=sya rājñas-sakala-guna1 TA8 has samutthita. "TAS has räjāntaka-bhüri-bhallah. . Read sambabhūva as in TAS.
TAS has navinat a itaha.. . Readabhidhaya. • Read =yyad=vdo as in TAS. * Read intas = as in TA8.

Page #310

CHARALA PLATES OF VIRARAJENIORADEVA; SAKA 991 AND 7TH YEAR. (II). ir,h 23:ர டேயபாது 2 அத் 8
வபெராத நாத88153 110
வரவச் 42A380] பரகதியெ யப 110 ' உப28வி வெதப்பொயாக உதவவவ விபரங்க 112 பயங்கரிபெத்த
ந்து பெயOWFEB 2 யோக 112 5:4ாத்தாக இயக்கப் பவேத்தியரத்தததை யேய்தி BITE க இதவொயகக்கேயகபூ.தந்தாயே 114 32285- பெங்தராஜதம் பதக்வWS 3413: கவரக்க யாத பொதுபகத்பாபாக்ர
பாதாபெவிக்கறதுல 116 பதித்த விபரதாய தத்துநகரமதலின்) |
|-fru||சர்த்த பொத்வத்பரிவாதயா வரா8 251 உம்மாபேட்பிய பேச்8 38வத்த
வாதி அல்ட் ட தெய+II- அVis? உதார82 1 75 - தகாச்சாத்தந்த விருதாததத பாதுகாத்து
இனகலையதுதைகwan5RA 120 பப்தியயே நாசடவதாகாவரதராபாத் 8ராக T - சரவப்பாதத பத்தி பாத்தாவதாய
) 122 124 அகாதவய்திதததுவதHUFI அவன் 124 கேதம்
இPAYT393காசு கெஜTE: வாகாக 126 50வாட்ய 312, 01
17IFIEWe : E126
c,a. 21 2தவதசிஐ உ சிவந்ததாயத்தத்தி128 இது பாஜித்வவதரதர தகவவட்க
த்துயேடு 128 உயர்உ2819ஜத்தூஜயதுய தாரக IF THE 130 உதய துவரம்காரி
மாரிரவத்தபசவம் 130 M8SWAANI அ யாஜிதமழவல
வயே பதிப் 132 அந்த ந8் சாவரதாயகா பேரனரகத82 ஆகத8? | 132 உறுதியாயத ர மந்திர சாந்தத் தொகை 862 134
இழிதங்கத வராதியதிசதுசா ஏய் விக
நடத்ரு துாத்த உயர்ந்த வாரம் ஏதாவடி உயர - தகாதவரடுத்ததாக
3 இதநம் 136 ேேவா ஏ . மத ஆதிரு தைவர உதயடயாதா வயதில் 2812828 இதர 123 ரதவர் மோர் சy-ஏய உ-த 138) 25-ஆய உபபோது சதொயகர்
சததெரராஜரகாய 140 ஜெபம்:
731 ஆவதி இதுச் கத்தாதாரரUJusவர. 140 வராது எது ஏபட்டதாக த்ெதி வாத்தவேதJEFERABர8 142 MBாகத் ர0337 குபதியரிகவர்ந்a y CRTHE22:3ய இது 142 இது தT த த ஓதிதரர் பறை. துதைவைத்வரர்
55.29 மதத்தை, 8a5வயெராஜா) 9.23வத்துத நேரதபரரே தோதராக:- WIF தகரா 2002 சி.3 பது. தோல் தெயர்ரக: பாது பொடித்தது பத்து த யாதவ இயல்பதித்துப்பேரன்பராகவாசகம் பேசி
, கயாதாரைத்தான் 4 பெரிதாபம்ருத இது பொதுமர்.815558) 588 வதுயாருவர்) 55 35 328
22ம் ) BTE8) இரBA8|| ஏ || வெத.இரபரவெத வரதேவதா 9235 GAN] YY யாகசயேத் - III-
நாம் இது "காபியாசதிர தெயத் 87இகானபயா303|| Hui ப ப யதா |
SATUefDாஜபா தேவரயர் UST+ரமிருபா பெரக வ.1 ஆக
25வங்க
2net பொடJE CLUBE பா251 வெட்ரஜாரிய சித்தரார்
HabNT. 158 ரா2323 சதயரது 14வதுாச
ங்க ரா 100 1183 5ாத்துரைபம் துயகவுதமச பயயெதிரவரா 160 25
ந்தN 956 Jததைசாகர் பவன் 162 பட 2 15 ச'| 2 Na 2A 2% TET U SDRE) 162 N. P. CHAKRAVARTI.
SOALE : TWO-THIRDS.
SURVEY OF INDIA. CALCUTTA. Rea. No. 1984 E'39-295.

Page #311

0i,a. 30万~るチョコマク
J THA-55mのものとしあう子がいい い つかのポッターから「ああ なるちからすますマインクランド・スタンプ オマーカチチーク・ストックTBのチ子ならあの手すりあああクンビットが11166 ってから20:けあっaruya TOPからするする時期があるかも 1705さいかはっきーボリンジがかかりなのにアーリーと168
To 172とか
となってしまう悪ンがイチから110
・カーのスチルのもおもいますサンプルなチートツール BIANOT 11時のいらないのでスルッとおりとすみエンジングが行方アリー 172
ンボーナス合であっさりあリチンのあのーグレート」 174 10202400AT220しかない といった手09年1Jリートのデートでもみもみしすっすーツ
ツーリンクチクチンーリー・アーウィーなのに1241112のはてないチャック1174 176 1.9%とちがあったのでいろんチします:21:30あフックをみてる しっかり518190からくるのがする」らしのあすか
0i,b.
178 158 மதத்தம் பேக்கிங்மாலயக்கறுப்பராடாத்தம் 178 1801
〜あああうっすらこのお面かーのーすいーあるあるのかも100 リンクロスリックジップがありいめめああ タップリントする1182
にいる子がいつもありからのおくりもりあがった 1846
が ゴロンしてあつあみルジックコースがあったなら、1184
ピンクあり。12日からまっすーりあすかシートのおかみ 18 12.2 あかりーまたはクローのあ のコーチかあるいはい8186 18 ) 2018-01-085200円のあるまいッ! リッチチチチークカ2~れにあるふれあいす25になります! 100 18 TTS2をクリア3332イズ800 JOR- 0020T
pia.
きながらからイラマチオしながらす
1104
2009
「おおおおおお 198 みのりパー マットないのがまさかのまのがあるのかは106 மாலை だいあるかなー。あまりにいかかり出すがいかないか!
3Fのうすい)ランクあるのかもしあのカップルロース,1980 れるのかもでかチンポールのオードブルーリF123031万537,200
100nm witbのいきい88のあんないすかの15001
のののかのみのあすなおまかいてるタレントをクルクリー0202 サッカーシャとかあるんですが 222 9820・13027301~もしれないのです)
、 下の 「2」の1204 204とポックのブラックバーンリリ
ますためのカウントが12というかロンググルー 2062ンのリラシクおリレー210855こいいBURBEST

Page #312

No. 25.]
CHARALA PLATES OF VIRARAJENDRADEVA: SAKA 991.
261
116 nidhēs=saknuyāt kõ=sya vaktum bhūya[h*) slāghyån gun-aughān-upasamita-ripor=vvikram
aik-aspadasya [1] 117 yo vit(d)vat(d)-vipra-bhogyān=enupama-vibhavān=Viranārāyaṇ-ādyān=atyagryān=agra
härän=vyadhita vidhir-iva gva118 rggam=ast-äri-varggaḥ 111-60 III. Amushya tanayo=bhuvat(d) vibhur- Arindam-akhyo
npipah kshapakara-dama-dyuti[b] kshapi119 ta-vairi-paksh-otkaraḥ [l*) yadiya-bhuja-vikrama-sravaņa-sambhavat- sāddha(sādhva)sair
nnfipair-avanibbsit(d)-guha-griha-ni120 väsibhi[b] sthiyatë 111-61|||- Asaksid=skrita rājñas-evairam=ājñā-vidhēgām=vyadhita
Vidhi-samānas-8am121 padam sajjanānām [l*) atanute nuta-viryyo vyāpadam sātravāņām=atulayad=atula-bris
chandra-käntim sva-käntyä : lll122 62 III- Asya sūnur=abhavat Parantakas=santata-kshapita-vairi-santatiḥ [l*] chintayan=
yad=udayam sa-Bädhvasaḥ 128 Pāņdya-bhūpatir=&langhayat(d) girim |||-63 III- Chakāra kārāsu ripūn=aśēshāms=tatāra
bhūrin samar-in124 burakin [l*] jahāra tāpam budha-samhatinăn=tstāna santāpam-asajjanānām III-64 III
Akhila-guna126 nidhānāt(d)=bhūmipälād=amushmād=udajani naranātho Rājarāj-ābhidhănaḥ [l*] sa khalu
ruchira-dēhaḥ känta-ne 126 tr-åravindo Dhanada iti param yad=Rājarājēna tulyaḥ 111-65 |||- Sañjahära samarē sa pārtthivẫn=u
Fifth Plate; First Side. 127 jahāra vipadas--sa bhūtaļāt [*] ājahāra cha makhān=anēkabo vyājahāra yad=asūnritan
na tat Ill-66 III128 Saty-asrayē sthiratarē bata Rājarājē Satyāśrayaḥ kila palāyata manda-buddhiḥ [l*] natyā
jayanti 129 sa-bhayā ripavas-tam=ājau na tyājayaty=8yam=asūn=aribhis-briyas-taiḥ 1!|-67 III- Tasya
sū. 130 nur-anayasya sāsitā Pākasāsana iv=ări-sāsana) [l*) Sambarāri-ruchir-aksitirennsipas=
sambabhū131 va Madhurāntak-ābhidhaḥ ||-68 |||- Ajayad=ajita-viryyas-bsuryya-saundaryya-sāli Vijaya
iva sapa132 nnä(tnā)n Kundanta)ānām=adhibān [l*] aharata sa kiritam kshatriyāṇān=nihantu[h]
prasabham-abhihat-arir=jJämada133 [gnya]sya viryyät 111-69 III- Jahāra hāran=tuhinambu-käntan Satakratör-vvikrama-nirjji
tärih (*viha134 Ta-bhūmin-nija-sainikānām sa ch=akarot samyati Manyakētam 111-70 III- Sva-sēnädhisa135 n-apratihata-Kulüt-Otkalapatiḥ Kalimgān-Vargēndrais'-saha bahala-viryyān vidalayan
[1*] 88 136 Gamgām=ut(d)garjjan=nija-kari-gbaţā-ghātital-tațān(n)-ghatair-jahrë bhūbhțin-makut:
nihitair=uddhri. 137 ta-jalām |||-71 |||- Ullamgbit-ambudhibhir=uddhata-bāhu-viryyair-nnirddhūta-[vai]ri-nang
nātha-bala-prapanchai) [19]
i Tas has Virb-endrail, which has been rightly guessed to be meant for Vang-endrail, above, Vol. XVIII, p. 45, n.
#TAS has patita.

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138 sainyair=ddadāha sa Katāham=adaddha(gdha)m=anyai Rajöndra-Chola-nfipatiḥ kim=
asāddhyam-asya :11|-72 ||- Tasya139 sams-tanayās-trayas-traya iva khyātāḥ kratör=agnayah'stëshăn=tu prathamaḥ kshitisa
tilako Rājādhiră140 jo nripaḥ [l*) yaḥ Kalyāṇapuran-dadāha nțipatin-nirjjitya Karnnäţakān=ādāy=Ahavamalla
vārana-ghatām Ko141 lāpurañ=ch=ākshiņot 111-73 III- Tasmin gatë tridivam=uddhțita-loka-sõkas-tasy=ānujah
kshitim=imam-akhi142 lām=araksbat [] Rājöndradova-nfipatis=s& ripūn=asēsban Sésh-opam-ot(d)bhața-bhujah
pralayam vyanai143 shit |||-74 III- Tasmin=yātē tridivam-anujas-tasya nistējit-ārih prājyam rājyaṁ vyadbita vidhivat(d)=Virară
Fifth Plate ; Second Side. 144 jöndradēvaḥ [l*] atyut(d)bhūtam samadhika-balo Rajarajendradēvas=satru-vrätam vya
jayata javät(a)-bāhyam-a145 bhyantaran-cba : 11-75 - Hatva Kütala-samingame kshitibhritah Karnnátal-vams-ot(d)
bhavan sainyam yajñabhujām prava146 rddhayati yas=tair=ddēvabhūyam gataiḥ [l*) yen=aikēna gajēna Kuntaļa-balan=nirhatya ta
ch-chhönitaih kritv=ānyām sa147 ritam samudra-paritām santoshito väridhiḥ |||-76 III- Bhrätsibhyam samupēkshitañ=jana
padam vamsa-kram-abhyāga148 tam krāntar vairi-mahīśvarair-atiba lair=vVēmgin(n)-Kali[m]gan=api [l*) jitvå satru-param
parām-atibalām bhitvā cha 149 durgga(rggā)n bahūñ=cha srimän-Vallabha-Vallabhaḥ kshitipatiḥ kshēmēna tam sõ=nva
sāt 111-77 III- Virachöļa-npipatih Kari150 kålah kālayan kali-balaṁ sakaļam saḥ [l*] dharmma-sāsana-samuchchavam=uchcham
vyktanot(d)-Bharata săra-samētam lll151 78 III. DevasyĀdrisutadhipasya mahatas-Trailökyasar-ābhidhar Srimad-Dabhrasabha
natasya makutē māņikka(kya)m-a152 rõpitam [1] manyē vairikul-adimasya sašinas-Srikantha-chūdāmaņēr=bhamy-artthan=
nija-vamsaksit sa bha153 gavān bhānus-samārōpitan(tah) 111-79 III. Chõla-Tundira-Pāndyēshu Gamgavāți-Kulūta
yöl [*] Vi154 rarājēndra-namn=āsau brahmadēyan-akalpayat 111-80 111- Chatvārimśat-sahasrani bräbms155 ņānān-travividda(dā)m 11 atoshayat(d)=bhūmi-dānair=ā(a)sthāpayad=adi(ti)sthiram III
81 lll- Svasti sri,[1*] Sakalabhuvanaśra156 ya sri-modinivall*llabha Maharajadhiraja Paramēsvara Parama pattāraka Ravikula-tilaka
Chölakula-se157 khara Påndvakul-intaka Ahavamalla-kula-kāla Ahavamallonai aimmadi ven-kanda Raja
sēkhara Rajāśra
Hore the visarga is redundant. Read agnayas.
TAS has mannada. . Read namudra-vanitām as in TAS. • T'AS has bhilan. . Here, cha is redundant ; read balin. • Read bhalldraka.

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CHARALA PLATES OF VIRARAJENDRADEVA : SAKA 991.
263
158 ya Rājarājēndra Vira-chōļa Karikala-chola Rājakēsaripanma srimat-Virarājēndradëve
Rajakesari 159 Sri-Virarājöndradēvarkku yandu ļāvadu Sakibdan-tolayirattu-ttoppurtropru
mē. 160 r-Saumya-samsva]tsarattu [l*] Viramēy tunaiyāgavun=tiyagamēy=aņiyagavuñ-chengöl
ochchi-kkarun161 gali kadindu Tennaņai=ttalai-kondu Chēranai-ttipai-kondu Singaļadēšam 'vadip162 paduttu vengalatt-Ahavamallaņai aimmaţi ven-kandu Vēngai-nādu mītņu
Sixth Plate; First Side. 163 kkondu tannudan-piranda munnavar virada-mudittu vandu-paņinda Vijayadittarkku
ma164 ndalam-aruli-kkalal-adainda mannarkku=k[Kadāra]m=erindu kudutt-aruli Sömisvarapat
165 Kannadadēgan-kaiyvida-tturatti-ttann-adainda Salukku Vikramadittanai endiśai niga166 la-kkandigai-katti Irattapāņi ēlarai-ilakkamum erindu koduttaruļi vijaya-si167 mhāsanattu Ulagamulududaiyāļodum virrirund-arulina sakravattiga! SrI-Virard168 jēndra dēvar murat-Chalukkiyai Mudakkärril mudugu-kandu muniv=ariya Irattarāja-ku169 la-kalan igal Virarājēndran puyan-kondu podu-nikkiy=āļkınra Jayangon170 dašola-mandalattu. Eyir-kottattu nagaram Kanchipurattu Udaiyar Ti. 171 ruvēgambam-Udaiyar köyilil=ttenpakkattu tiruvõlakka-mandapam Ră172 jarājanil munbil tirukkavaṇattu elundaruli Uttaram-ayana-samkrānti nänru 173 dānañ=cheydaruļāninru [l*! mudi-kavitta muhūrttamē muhurttam-agaveeduttup-poy
vadiko174 -vērpadai Virarajendran vada Kudal-samgamattu-ppor Ahavamallanaiyum makkaļaj175 yum puranganda konda Irattapadi-konda/la-mandalattu-pPuli-nättu
chChēram=176 pa sri-Madurantaka-saturvēdimangalattu Brāhmanan Ātrēya-gotrattu 177 Bahudhānya-sūtrattu? Rishikēšavao. Bhatta-Somayāsi(ji)yār vargattu So($ro)
Sixth Plate ; Second Side.
178 triya-Kramavittaqum Mundaya-Kramavittaqum Pallaya-Kramavittanum
ullittărkkum 179 ivarga! anvayattārkkum dānamäga-kkuduttaruļiņa Chörām=äņa sri-Madurantaka-ha
(cha)turvvē180 dimangalattukku simántaram Ill. pūrvandikku Kuppēriyum paschāt Nattuvan-kuru
1 Road adippaduttu. ** Read Vijayadittarku. • Read Salukki. • Read chakravartliga!.
• Jayangondabóla-mandalam is similarly described in another record of Virarajēndra dated in the 7th year from Perumber (S.I. I., Vol. III, p. 203). For a variant se f. n. 3 on samo page.
• Read chaturvedio * Read Bodhayana-ritrattu. . Read Hrishikiba-Bhatja-.

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181 kkaiyum pafchät=kKoţtikkaņuväyum Pulugiyarum Sirukanuväykku mërku 182 Arpündiy-ulle Sengunrum paschät Andimudakkil Vauväl-pärai183 yum adukku mērku Punarkuruchchiyil Vada-kufukkaiyum adukku mēr184 ku Olugu-pāraiyum paschāt Andiyilulālai-kKundarai-pārai185 yum paéchät Oshai-kkurukkaiyum adukku vadakku Mukkal186 lum adukku vadakku Vä[ra]rpadiyum adukku vadakku Tanimuttu-ma187 (dailyum adukku vadakku Mõttāŋ-kuttaiyum adukku-kkilakku 188 Triköna-muttu-madaiyum Kammára(ra)-sunaiyum paschät Perumballam-u189 läga-kkadatti-malaiyilët kūdittu [16] simántaram samāpti III Visvair yvisva190 mbharadhibair-ppanditair?-vvandida(ta)m-idam [l*] Śāsanam Virarājēndra
Rāja-kēsariva191 rmmanah III (82||| Virarājēndradēvasya vikramasya prakasanam [1] Chandrabhushapa-Bhatto
Seventh Plate; First Side. 192 na rachitam buddha-buddhinā III (83|||*] Tiruvāymolindaruļa i=śāsanañ=cheyvit193 tär Adikärigal tiru mērumpaţi-vilanga-ttēr-vēndar=aţi-vaṇanga pali-nikki 194 ulaganda viran Vifra*]rājēndran aliya-ttol-Maņu-neriyāl vaļarkkinra 196 Sola-mandalattu Kshatrisya]sikāmaņi-valanātņu-tTirunaraiyür-năţtu-pParakësa196 rinallür kilavan Gunanidi-Arulmoliyār=āns Minavaş-Müvēndavēlār II Tiru197 mandira-olai Jayangondasöla-valanāţtu=kKurumbūr-nāțţu brahinadēyan-Kā198 yäkkudi Gu(Ku)ndina-gotrattu Apastambha(ba)-sūtrattu Tõnamayan Pāpanāsa199 n-ana Virabrivallabha-Brahmädhirājan III- Nittavinoda-valanāţtu Virasola-va200 lanattu Sēndamangalam=udaiyan Arulmoli Rājēndrasolan=āna Jana201 nāda-Vilupparaiyan III- Sāmányo=yam dharmmam=ēta[n* )=nfipāņām' kālē kālē 202 pāliniyot bhavat(d)bhis(bhiḥ) [1*] tasmād=ētān bhāvinaḥ pārtthivēndrān bhūyo bhūyo
yacha203 të Ramabhadra[ho] III (84|||- Suksitam=idam-ajasram rakshyatë dishu disän sakala-ni
(pi]ti-vandyas-80204 yam-agamino vaḥ [l*] Hara-charana-sarõttvaṁsa-chihnēna mūrddhā-mu[ka]]ita-kara-panmö 205 vandyatē Rajarajah 1119-[85|||*] Bahubhir=vvasudhā dattam rajabhis-Sagarādibhiḥ [*]
yasya yasya yadā 206 bhūmis-tasya tasya tada phalam III (86|0*1 Parinatan-adhisayam Madhurantaka-Brahmädhirājan=a
Seventh Plate; Second Side. 207 (tanva] sāsanam=ēva dēša-madhye sva-pati-kārya-vinischyārttham buddhiḥ krita (Sasi)
bhushapa208 panditona sārddham' III [87|11*] Tiruvaymolind=aruļa i-sasa na-eluttu vetti
! It is possible that the expression Kadatti malaiyilė, may be the name of a hill, or it may mean having travuraed (kadandu), it terminated (küdittu) at a hill (malai), which may have been a landmark in that locality, without however, having a specific name.
* Read =nanditair. • The correct reading is dharma-adura riparim. • Road pålantyo.
• The verse is dofootivo; and the following corrections may be suggested : dikshadhiah, aripali; sardjoua. thaa-chinhina wirddind; mukufita : padmo; vandard. The metre is Malink. [The intended reading of the first quarter appears to be: Sukritam=idam-ajasrar rakshat i kshitian.-B.C.C.)
• Read data
This verse is also corrupt, but no corrections are suggested.

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CHARALA PLATES OF VIRARAJENDRADEVA; SAKA 991 AND 7TH YEAR. (III). vii,b.
いのですがあのでっかいチャリンコにすることはある20 20325ちカーボンプリのこたちがイイイイイイイではある。 あおかずができあが近ずいてかまちでイオージー
北方のライブチャットフード系ストリのアンチクするのが2008 210万ですねさ1mのちっちからおっしゃいます))210
a03102のアンチド |
SEAL OF THE CHARALA PLATES.
SEAL OF THE MADRAS MUSEUM PLATES OF UTTAMA-CHOLA.
From photographs (ABOUT ACTUAL SIZE).
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. Rea. No.1984 E39-295

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Page #318

No. 25.)
CHARALA PLATES OF VIRAR AJENDRADEVA: SAKA 991.
265
209 nên Kuvaļāla-nāțţu-k Kuvaļālatt-irukkun-Tachchächäriyan Sankaraş Kādāļi210 yeāna Karuņākara-Achāriyap ||| ara-maravaskka [*] (a*]ramalladu tuņai211 yillai |||| Prāņi pariharikka ||
TRANSLATION.
(Lines 1-155
- Sanskrit verses 1 to 81.
(Ll. 155-158)--Ifail ! Prosperity ! Sakalabhuvanaśraya, Srimēdinivallabha, Mahārājādhiraja, Paramēśvara, Paramabhavāraka, the forehead mark of the solar race (Ravikula-tilka), the crestjewel of the Choļa family (Cholakula-sekhara), Death to the Pandya family (Pandyakul-antaka), Death to the family of Ahavamalla (Ahavamallakula-kāla), the foremost of kings, who saw the back of Ahavamalla five times, Rājāsraya, Rājarājēndra, Vira-Choļa, Karikäla-Chõļa, Rājakēsari. varman Sri-Virarājēndradēva
(LI. 159-167) In the seventh (regnal) year (corresponding to the) Śaka year nine hundred and ninety-one (erpired), and the (cyclic) year Saumya, of (this) Chakravarttiga! Rajakesari sri-Virarājēndradēva---who, with heroism as (his) help, with liberality as (his) only ornament, wielded the sceptre, and dispelled the dark Kali (-age), took the head of Teppava (i.e., the Pāņdya king), levied tribute from the Chēra (king), subdued the Singaļa country, saw the back of Ahavamalla five times on the fierce battlefield, recovered Vöngai-nādu and (thus) fulfilled the row of his elder brothers who were born with him, gave the territory to Vijayāditya who came and submitted to him, gave Kadāram after conquest to the (Kadāram) king who had approached his feet (i.e., submitted to him), routed Somāśvara 80 as to abandon the Kannada country, invested the Chāļukya Vikramaditya with the necklet (kanthikai) so as to shine in the eight directions and bestowed on him the Irattapāļi. Seven-and-a-half-lakh country, after conquest, and was pleased to be seated on the throne of victory, together with (his) consort Ulagamulududaiyal :
(LI. 168-180) while (this) warlike Virarājēndra, the god of Death to the family of the Ratta king, whose anger abated only after seeing the back of the obstinate Chalukki on the bank of the Mudakkāru, was pleased to be seated in the frontal portion of the audience hall called Rājarājan in the southern portion of the temple of god Tiruvēgambam-Udaiyar at Kanchipuram, a nagaram in Eyir-kottam, (a sub-division) in Jayangondasola-mandalam, which is ruled over (by the king), having been conquered by the strength of his arm and made his exclusive property, and was pleased to offer gifts on the day of Uttarayana-sankranti,
(he) gave to the Brahmans Srðtriya-Kramavittag, Mundaya-Kramavittay and Pallaya-Kramavittaŋ and others and their descendants of the varga (lineage) of Rishikēšava(Hrishikēba)-Bhatta-Somayajiyār of the Ātrēya-gotra and Bahudhanya(Baudhāyana)-sutra, a Brāhman (resident) of Chēram alias Madhurantaka-chaturvēdimangalam,
(the village) Chērām alias sri-Madhurāntaka-chaturvēdimangalam in Puli-nādu, (a sub-division) of Rattapädikondasola-mandalam, which was captured after seeing the back of Ahavamalla and his sons in the battle on the bank of the northern Kudal-Sangamam, when (he), Virarājēndra of the beautiful spear started out on the auspicious moment in which he was (himself) crowned.
1 These Sanakrit verses have been ably translated by Mr. K. V. Subrahmanya Ayyar in Trau. Arohl. Series, Vol. III, pp. 160 ff. and by Mr. T. A. Gopinatha Rao in ante, Vol. XVIII, pp. 48 ff.

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(LI. 180-189) The boundary of this village) ran to the east (of) Kuppēri; then Nattuvankurukkai; then Kottikkaņuvāy, then Pulugivāsu and Sengunru in Arpundi which is to the west of Sirukaņuvāy; then the rock called) Vauvälpārai in Andimudakku; Vadakurukkui in Punarkupuchchi to the west of it; (the rock) Olugupärai to the west of it, then Kundaraipārai (rock) in Andi ; then shaikkurukkai; to the north of it Mukkallu; to the north of it Värarpadi; to the north of it Tanimuttu-madai (sluice); to the north of it (the pond called) Mõttān-kuttai; to the east of it Trikāņamuţtu-madai (sluice) and Kammāra-sunai (spring); and then passing through and inclusive of Perumballam, it reached the hill. The boundary (line) ends (thus).
(v. 82) This is the) order of Virarājēndra-Rājakësarivarman, which is honoured by all the happy kings of this earth.
(v. 83) This (panegyric) illuminating the prowess of Virarajendradēva, was composed by the pure-minded Chandrabhushana-Bhatta.
(LI. 192-196) At the order (of the king), this grant was caused to be issued by the officer (Adhikūrigal) Gunanidi-Arulmoliyar alias Minavan-Müvēndavēlār, the hilaran of Parakosarinallür in Tiranasaiyūr-nādu, (a sub-division) of Kshatriyasikhāmaņi-vaļanādu, (a district) of Solanandalam, which was prospering in accordance with the eternal and ancient laws of Manu, under Virarājēndra, the hero who is resplendent with the goddess of wealtli, who is worshipped by the charioted kings and who rules the earth suppressing evil.
(LI. 197-201) The Tirumandira-blai (rrere) Tonamayan-Papanasan alias ViraśrivallabhaBrahmadhirājan of the Kundina-gótra and the Apastamba-sútra of Kāyākkudi, a brahmadēya in Kurumbūr-nādu, (a sub-division) of Jayangondasola-valanādu, and Aruļmoli-Rājēndrašolan alias Jananāda-Vilupparaiyan of Sendamangalam in Virašola-vaļanādu, (a sub-dirision) of Nittavinoda-valanādu.
(v. 84) Imprecatory.
(v. 85) "Let this charity be protected by the future kings of all the dominions" thus docs king Rājarāja, who is worshipped by all the kings and whose lotus-like hands are cooped (in prayer), supplicate with his head marked with the ornan ent in the shape of the lotus-feet of Hara.
(v. 86) Imprecatory.
(LI. 206-11) In collaboration with Sasibhushana -Pandita, this excellent charter was completed by Madhurāntaka-Brahmādhirāja, so that the royal gift may be known in this territory.
I, Sankaran-Kādādi alias Karunākara-Achāriyan, the Master-carpenter (Tachchächāriyan) and a resident of Kuvalļiam in Kuvalļūs nādı, cut (engraved) the letters of this royal charter.
Do not forget charity; there is no support other than charity. Let all sentient beings protect (this gift).
No. 26.-DATE OF THE PANDAVA KINGS OF SOUTHERN KOSALA.
A. Ghosh, M.A., PATNA. The dynasty of the Pandavas of the Lunar race, ruling in Southern Kösala for about a century and a half, is known to us from eight inscriptions on stone and copper-plates. It is
1 Kanuváy is probably kanaray, 'a ravine between two hills.'
* To the list given in D. R. Bhandarkar's List of Inacriptions of Northern plates of Mahabivagupta, above, Vol. XXIII, p. 113.
India, p. 229, add Mallar

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No. 26.)
DATE OF THE PANDAVA KINGS OF SOUTHERN KOSALA.
267
perhaps desirable for the purpose of the present note to reproduce here the genealogy derived from these inscriptions :
Suryaghosba
Udayana
Indrabala
son'
Nannadēva.
Ilānadeva
son
son
son
Bhavadēva Ranakesarin
Chintadurga
Mahāśiva-Tivars
Chandragupta
daughter =Nannadēva
Harshagupta -Vasată, d. of Suryavarman of Magadha
Mahāśivagupta Bālārjuna
Ranakësarin
The date of these kings is anything but certain. Kielhorn tentatively proposed to place them in the eighth and ninth centuries A.D. on some a priori grounds. This date has been responsible for a theory that has gained some popularity, viz., the Chandragupta mentioned in the Sanjān plates of Amõghavarsha as having been defeated by the Rashtrakūta king Govinda III (c. A. D. 793-814) is to be identified with the Pandava king of that name. It is overlooked that the Sanjān plates deal with the conquests of Govinda in a strictly chronological and regional order (more certainly than the Allahābād pillar inscription of Samudragupta). The mention of Chandragupta along with Nāgabhata and the separate recounting of Kõsala make it definite that it is not the Pandava king who is intended there."
Of late some scholars have tried to establish that Tivaradēva, an important king of the Pāņdava line, ruled in the first half of the sixth century A.D.10 The object of this note is to show that such an early dating is not possible on palæographical grounds.
A main contention of the latter set of scholars is that Süryavarman, the Varman king of Magadha whose daughter Vāsaţā was married to Harshagupta the nephew of Tivara, was no other than the Maukhari of that name, who, as a prince, rebuilt a temple of Siva in
1 It is not definitely known whether he was an ancestor of Udayana.
He is probably referred to under the veil of a metaphor in the Bhandak inscription, J.R.A.8., 1905, p. 631, n. 4.
* There is nothing to show that he ever became king.
I am inclined to think that Nannidhirkja mentioned in the Bhandak inscription (loc. cit., p. 624) is no other than this Nannadeva, his mention being necessary owing to the fact that he was ruling when bis cousin Bhavadeva repaired the monasteries mentioned in the inscription.
He is referred to as nripa in line 10 of the Bhåndak inscription.
• He is probably the elder brother of Chandragupta referred to in line 5 of the Sirpur inscription, above, Vol. XI, p. 190.
Above, Vol. IV, p. 257. . Above, Vol. XVIII, p. 240.
Cf. Mirashi, above, Vol. XXII, p. 21, n. 5. 10 Mirashi, above, Vol. XXII, p. 19; Mirashi and Pandeya, above, Vol. XXIII, p. 113.

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A.D. 554.! But, as I have said elsewhere, this identification is highly doubtful, for (1) it is by no means certain that the Maukhari Suryavarman ever came to the throne, as his name is not mentioned in the Asirgadh and Nālandă seals of the Maukharis, and as no coins belonging to him have as yet been found, and (2) whereas the Süryavarman of the Sirpur inscription is called king of Magadha, the Maukharis of the line of Harivarman were never a characteristically Magadhan dynasty, their headquarters being at Kanauj.
It is now practically certain that the Sarabhapura line, consisting of Prasannamätra, his sons Mahājayarāja and Mānamatra, and Mänamätra's sons Mahāsudēvarāja and Mahāpravararāja, preceded and not followed the Pandava kings in Southern Kösala. Professor Mirashi holds that Mahapravararāja (who issued his Thakurdiya plates from Sripura) ruled in the first half of the sixth century and was ousted by Tivara, whom, as has been said above, he proposes to place in A.D. 530. It is, however, not possible to subscribe to this view : the Kharöd inscription of Indrabala and Iśānadēva shows that even before Tivara the Pandavas were masters of much the same area as had been held by the Sarabhapura kings. The fact that Tīvara is the first king of his line who is known to have made Sripura his capital does not warrant the belief that the capital of his father and grandfather was situated elsewhere, as no copper-plate (which alone mentions the capital as the place of issue of the charter) belonging to them has as yet been found.
Having seen that there is no sure ground for placing Tivara in the second quarter of the sixth century, we may turn to an examination of the palæographical chart attached hereto. The Arang plates of Bhimasēna of unknown lineage are dated in the Gupta year 282=A.D. 601 ;* it is the only dated inscription of the locality and the period with which we are now concerned, and as such affords a convenient standard of comparison. It will be seen that the characters show typical Gupta forms throughout. Comparing this record with the Bhandak inscription of Nannadēva, which according to Professor Mirashi's chronology must belong to c. A.D. 500, we find that every letter in the latter presents a more developed appearance ; in bh and there is now & hollow wedge attached to the left corner; looped tripartite y has given place to the bipartite form : the right vertical of 6 projects a bit above the curved top-an important development which led to the ultimate separation of the left and right limbs of the letter, leaving the left limb to develop independently into the Någari and proto-Bengali forms (which tendency of separation is already noticeable in the Sirpur inscription of Mahāśivagupta, where the horizontal cross-bar of the letter has turned into a curved inward prolongation of the left member, the right member being thus a separate entity); in h the left limb is no longer a vertical straight line but a curve, and the right downward stroke shows a tendency to hang below the base line. The persistent occurrence of late forms in the Bhandak inscription marks it out as definitely much later than the Arang plates: a fortiori the possibility of its being placed a century prior to the latter cannot be considered. It is also evident from the chart that the letters of the Kõndēdda plates of the Sailodbhava Dharmaraja have practically the same forms as those of the Bhandak inscription.
Härähá inscription, above, Vol. XIV, p. 110. This theory was first started by H. C. Raychaudhuri, Political History of Ancient India, 4th ed., p. 512 n.
2Two Maukhari Seals from NĀlandā", above, Vol. XXIV, p. 288. • Cf. above, Vol. XXII, p. 16. .P.R., 4.8.W.C., 1903-04, p. 54.
The letters in the chart have been traced out of the published impressions of the respective inscriptions. They do not claim the preciseness of mechanical reproductions but may be regarded as accurate for all practical purposes.
. Above, Vol. IX, p. 342.

Page #322

PALÆOGRAPHICAL CHART RELATING TO THE DATE OF THE PANDAVA KINGS OF
SOUTHERN KOSALA.
HĀRĀHA INSCRIPTION OF ISĀ NAVARMAN A.D. 554.
ARANG PLATES OF BHIMASĒNA A.D. 601.
KÕNDĒDDA PLATES OF DHARMARĀJA
PTION BHANDAK INSC OF NANNADHIRAJA
SIRPUR INSCRIPTION OF MAHĀŠIVA GUPTA
4
a
a
su
S
Du du daju
a A
A A
A A
A A
99
u Hud HW or 3 #
hun un talaa a a
SCALE:
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. Reo No. 2001 E'40-295

Page #323


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No. 26.]
DATE OF THE PANDAVA KINGS OF SOUTHERN KOSALA.
269
It will be readily admitted that it is not strictly scientific to compare the Härāhā inscription with the inscriptions of the Pandavas owing to the great distance separating them; but if it were allowed, it could be easily shown that the Häräha inscription is distinctly earlier, so that Suryavarman could not have been a contemporary of Harshagupta.
It is clear, therefore, that the ascription of the Bhandak inscription to a date earlier than A.D. 650, i.e. at least fifty years after the date of the Arang plates of Bhimasēna, is a palæographical impossibility. Tivara, therefore, may be tentatively placed in the last quarter of the seventh century A.D.
We may now proceed to examine some incidental facts and identifications arising out of these tentative dates.
1. Some scholars have found a reference to Tivara in the Pulōmburu and Ipür grants of the Vishnukuṇḍin Madhavavarman,' which refer to an invasion of the city of Trivara by Madhavavarman.2 But from the wordings in the inscriptions it is not certain that the expression Trivara-nagara should be taken to mean the city of King Trivara' and not the city called Trivara'. King Tivara of the Lunar race, who is proposed for identification with this Trivara, is not known to have founded a city of his own; 3 on the other hand, the city of Sripura was the capital of Southern Kōsala before, during and after the reign of Tivara. It appears to me that there is much probability in the view that Trivara is a place-name, being a partial Prakritization of Tripuri, and giving rise in due course to Tiwar or Tewar, by which name the ancient Tripuri is now known. Even assuming that Trivara in the above inscriptions is the name of some king or prince, there is little likelihood of his being identical with the Pandava Tivara, in view of the fact that the date of the Pulōmburu grant is most probably A.D. 594," which is much too early for one who, according to the chronology proposed here, flourished towards the end of the seventh century.
2. The Kōndēḍda and Nivina plates of the Sailōdbhava king Dharmaraja say that Madhava, the younger brother of the king, became a rebel; being defeated at Phasika he took shelter with another king Trivara, but was again defeated along with Trivara at the foot of the Vindhyas. Dr. N. P. Chakravarti, the editor of the Nivinä plates, proposes to identify this Trīvara with Tivara of Southern Kōsala. Dharmaraja, being the grandson of Madhava-Sainyabhita II, the author of the Ganjam plates of A.D. 619," must have flourished in the latter
1 Journal of the Andhra Historical Research Society, Vol. VI, p. 20; above, Vol. XVII, p. 336. Cf. above, Vol. XXII, p. 19.
3 For this reason the analogy of Pravarapura and Yayatinagara cited by R. 8. Panchamukhi (above, Vol. XXIII, p. 90, n. 5.) cannot stand. Nor is it possible to agree with him (loc. cit., p. 91, n. 6) that the superscript i-sign in Trivara is distinctly long in the Pulōmburu and Ipar grants. In the latter, at any rate, it is clearly short.
Cf. Journal of the Department of Letters, Calcutta University, Vol. XI, p. 63.
R. S. Panchamukhi (loc. cit.) tries to prove that the date of the grant is A.D. 621, as 594 is too early to be the forty-eighth year of the king who was defeated in c. 631 by Pulakesin II or his brother Kubja-Vishnuvardhana. As Pulakesin's conquest of Kalinga, Kōsala, Pishtapura, Kupala and Kanchipura, recorded in vv. 26 and 27 of the Aihole inscription (above, Vol. VI, p. 6), were effected in one and the same expedition, and as Vishnuvardhana was the governor of Vengi from c. 916 to 633 (cf. D. C. Ganguly, I. H. Q., Vol. VIII, p. 442), it seems very likely that the Vishnukundins were ousted by the Chalukyas in c. 615. The fact that the son of the donee of the Pulomburu grant of Madhavavarman was the recipient of the same village in the reign of Jayasimha, the son of Vishnuvardhana, (above, Vol. XIX, p. 254), does not prove that Madhavavarman just preceded Jayasimha in time: the two kings might well have been separated by two short reigns of a successor of Madhavavarman and of the Chalukya Vishnuvardhana. [But Jayasimha is definitely known to be the successor of Vishnuvardhana.-N. L. R.]
Or Trivara, as the word is spelt in the Nivină grant.
7 Above, Vol. VI, p. 143.

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270
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. xxv.
half of the seventh century, which, according to our chronology, was also the date of Tivara. The identification proposed by Dr. Chakravarti is, therefore, highly probable.
3. Nannarāja, the son-in-law of Tivara, may perhaps be identical with the Rashtrakūta chief of the same name who is known from the Tiwarkhēd and Multāi plates to have lived in the first half of the eighth century. It is to be noted that both of them are said to have acquired the pañcha-mahāšabda.
4. Harsha gupta, the nephew of Tivara, seems to find mention in the Dhuliā plates of Karkarāja," which says that the Rashtrakūta Dantidurga won victories over (Kirtivarman] the Karņāțaka (Chālukya) king, who had defeated, among others, a king named Harsha. As Harshagupta flourished in the first half of the eighth century according to our chronology, it is very likely that he was the senior contemporary of Kirtivarman II, who began his reign in c. A.D. 744.
5. Lastly, it must be admitted that we are not aware of the existence of any Suryavarman in Magadha in the first half of the eighth century, who could have married his daughter to Harshagupta. Not much is known about the history of Magadha in the seventh and eighth centuries, but we do come across references to some chiefs whose names ended in varman and who therefore may be regarded as having formed a Varman dynasty. (The Sirpur inscription says that Sūryavarman was born in the Varman family.) The Korean traveller Hwui Lun, for instance, refers to the contemporary Magadhan king as Dēvavarman. Further, Cunningham points out that in A.D. 692 the king of Eastern India was known in Chinese as Mo-lo-pa-mo or Malavarman. For earlier times we may recall the names of Pūrņavarman, who, according to Hiuen Tsiang, restored the Bödhi tree at Bödh-Gayā, and of the Maukhari sāmanta-chūdāmanis Yajñavarman, Sārdūlavarman and Anantavarman, known from the Barābar-Nāgārjuni cave inscriptions. We may prolong the list by adding the names of Sundaravarman and Kalyanavarman mentioned in the Kaum, dimahotsava, a drama which, it has been shown, cannot be placed earlier than A.D. 700.8 There is thus an almost continuous record of the existence of Varman rulers in Magadha who were probably usually feudatories, assuming independence under favourable circumstances.
No. 27.-NILAGANGAVARAM INSCRIPTION OF AMBADEVA-MAHARAJA : SAKA 1212.
By R. S. PANCHAMUKHI, M.A., MADRAS. The subjoined inscription is engraved on a slab set up in Survey No. 307/3 about two nuiles to the north-west of Nila-Gangavaram in the Vinukonda Taluk of the Guntur District. The
Above, Vol. XI, p. 279; Ind. Ant., Vol. XVIII, p. 234. On the date of the Tiwarkhed plates, see Bhandarkar's List, No. 1082 n.
. Above, Vol. VIII, p. 186: Kanchida-Kerala-nar-adhipa-Chola. Pandya-sri-Harsha[- Vajrata-Jvibheda-vidhanadakshamn () Karnatakam vaba)lam-achi[n*]tyam-ajêyam-anyai[r*j-bhrityai[l*) kiyadbhir-api yah saha. (aa) jigaya (11[This verse only refers to the Karnāta army, responsiblo for the defeat of Harsa and others, 48 being vanquished by Dantidurga. Harsha mentioned here is identified with the Harsha of Kanauj who was defeated by Pulakēsin II. Kirttivarman II is not known to have waged wars against any king of Kösala or Chola or Pandya kings.-N. L. R.)
3 Above, Vol. XI, p. 191 : jatah kule Varmmaņām. • Beal, Life of Hiuen Triang, P. xxxvii. $ A.S.R., Vol. III, p. 136. • Beal, Buddhist Records of the Western World, Vol. II, pp. 118 and 174. 7 Fleet, C.1.1., Vol. III, pp. 221 f. .K. Chattopadhyaya, " The Date of the Kaumudimahotsava," I.H.Q., Vol. XIV, p. 582. No. 229 of 1935-36 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection; see .An. Rep. on 8.1. Epigraphy, 1936, part ii,
pp. 69 f.

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No. 27.] NILAGANGAVARAM INSCRIPTION OF AMBADEVA-MAHARAJA: SAKA 1212. 271
slab is broken into two fragments both of which contain writing on the front and back sides. They are mutilated in parts and so a few letters are lost in the invocatory and imprecatory verses. The inscription consists of 66 lines and the writing is fairly well preserved. At the top of the slab are carved a couchant bull, the sun and the linga with a dagger below them. I edit the inscription below with the kind permission of Rao Bahadur C. R. Krishnamacharlu, the Superintendent for Epigraphy.
The alphabet is Telugu Kannada of the period to which the record belongs. The hooked vertical stroke at the bottom of tu letter d to mark the aspiration, deserves notice, see praudhi (1. 24), paribridha (I. 25), jāl-āralidha (1. 26), etc. Orthography does not call for any special com. ment except that a consonant before a rēpha in the body of a word is usually doubled as in Bhārg. gava (1. 18), bhāṁnn-arkka (1. 31), sarvvé (1. 51) etc., but in dvāda s-ardh-Oparāge (1. 33), sarvān (1. 38), etc., this practice is not observed. Dental n is wrongly substituted for lingual » in suvarn. nasya (!. 44) and palatal é for dentals in sankhyā (1. 31). There are a few mistakes of the engraver as in Sadar-adibhiḥ (1. 40) for Sagar-ūdibhih, satrunāın pi trito (1.42) for on-āpi krito. The language is Sanskrit (verse) in 11. 1-51 and Telugu (prose) in 11. 52-60. LI. 61-66 also contain a verse in corrupt Sanskrit the sense of which is not quite clear.
After invocation to the Varah-avatāra of Vishnu, the record introduces the kshatra clan created by Brahma and states that there were some heroes in it, who remained undaunted even though the whole kshatra race was discouraged by the acts of Bhargava, i.e., Parasurama, and that they were in consequence known as Kāyasthas. In the Tripurāntakam inscription of Ambadēva, the origin of the family-namo Kayastha is explained as born of the body (kaya) of Druhiņa (i.e., Brahma). In this Kayastha family was born Gangaya-Sāhiņi. His sister was Chandaladāvi who bore to Ambakshmāpa two sons viz., Janārddana and Tripurăridēva. The latter's younger brother was Ambadēva who had captured the royal glory (sāmbrā( mrā)jya-lakshmi, 1. 29) of Gurindāla-Ganadhipa a meteor to the Malava king. The inscription further states that king Auiba granted on the date specified in 11. 31-33, the village Molla kalluru alias Sivapura to the temple of god Mahēśvara (11. 33-35). Then follow five imprecatory verses (11. 36-38). The record was composed by Nammananandana who was dear to the goddess of speech. The Telugu portion repeats the date and adds the name of the donee as Mallināthayangāru of Remdrēvu residing at Tripurantaka-kshētra. The gift was probably placed in his charge to be managed on behalf of the temple. At the end is added a verse in Sanskrit which seems to refer to the construction of a flight of steps at the eastern gateway of the temple, by Kumāra-kshitibhrit (ie., Kumāra Pratāparudra).
The details of date are given in II. 31-33 and 11. 52-54 as :- Saka year (expressed both in chronogram and numerical figures), bhānu (12) and arkka (12) i.e., 1212, Vikrita, Bhadrapada, ba.15, darsa, Tuesday, solar eclipse (drūdas-Īrilh-öparāgë). The eclipse probably covered twelve digits (arddhakalā) of the Sun. These details regularly correspond to Tuesday, September 5, A.D. 1290 when the nakshatra was Uttara-Pbalguni.
The inscription is important as it furnishes a specific relationship between Gandapendāra Gangaya-Sähiņi the Cavalier of Kākatiya Ganapati and Ganda pendāra Ambadēva which was not known hitherto. As stated above, Ganga ya-Sāhini's sister Chandalāmbā or Chandaladēvi was married to Amba-kshmäpa who was the father of Ambadēva. Since the record states that she bore to Amba two sons, viz., Jannigadēva and his younger brother Tripurăridáva it may be surmised that Aribadeva was probably born of a different mother. In the Tripurantakam inscription mentioned above, the pedigree of Aribadēva is given as follows: In the Kayastha family was

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272
Gängeya-Sahini (Saka 1172, 1176, 1179)
born Gangeya; after him came his sister's son' Janarddana (udabhavat-tad-anu dvibhujō nṛipa[ḥ*] svasur-apatyam-amushya Janarddanaḥ 11. 8 f.), his younger brother Tripurarideva and the latter's younger brother Ambadēva as Upendra was of Indra'. The names of the sister of GangeyaSābiņi and her husband are furnished here for the first time. Rangachari and Sewell have misunderstood the relationship between the several chiefs of the Kayastha family and have thus given a wrong genealogy.
It may be noted that the Tripurantakam inscription as well as the present record specify without ambiguity the connection between the four members of the family which put together stands as follows:
Brahma
Kayastha family
Saka 1166
Saka 1172
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
Jannigadeva (Saka 1180-1190)
Saka 1176-79
Chief.
Tripuraridava (Saka 1190-1194)
The Kayasthas were a powerful family of feudatory chiefs who played a prominent part in the politics of the medieval period in the Telugu country. They started their career as cavaliers (Turaga-sadhanikas) under Kakatiya Ganapati and styled themselves as Mahamandalesvara, Mandalika-Brahmarakshasa and Ganda pendara. Ambadeva the most powerful chief of the family assumed the epithet Ghandikōta-Manorathapuravar-adhiśvara and ruled from his capitals Vallurupaṭṭana and Ghandikota the former of which is Valluru near Cuddapah while the latter is the modern Ghandikōta in the Jammalmadugu Taluk of the Cuddapah District. In order to understand the extent of their power and territory, it is necessary to study their records critically, and to facilitate such a study, a classified statement of their principal dated records is given below specifying in each case the name of the overlord under whom the chief ruled:
Date.
Ambayyadeva Gängeya-Sahini Do.
Overlord.
[VOL. XXV.
Ganapati
Do.
Do.
Chandaladevi m. to Amba
kshmäpa I (Saka 1166)
(By different wife)
Ambadēva II (Saka 1194-1230?)
Provenance.
Satrasala (Palnad Tk., Guntur Dt.). Tripurantakam hill (Kurnool Dt.). Tripurantakam hill (Kurnool Dt.). Gangavaram (Cuddapah Dt.).
4
1 Though the Tripurantakam inscription contains the specific relationship namely sister's son' (svasur-apat. yam) between Gängeya-Sahiņi and Janarddana it has been missed by all writers on the Kayasthas who neverthe less proclaim that the inscriptions do not disclose the connection between them. See also Madras Epigraphical Report for 1905, Part II, page 63.
Inscriptions of the Madras Presidency, Vol. II, p. 932, n.
Historical Inscriptions of Southern India, p. 359.
No. 314 of 1930-31 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection.
* No. 283 of 1905 of the same collection.
Nos. 231, 176 of 1905 and 233 of 1937-38 of the same collection.

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No. 27] NILAGANGAVARAM INSCRIPTION OF AMBADEVA-MAHARAJA: SAKA 1212. 273
Date.
Saka 1180-821
Saka 11862
Saka 11913
Saka 11924
Saka 11945
Saka 1194 to 1224
Chief.
Jannigadēva
Jannigadeva ruling the territory extending from Panungal to Märajavadi or Kaivära.
Do. Tripurantaka Tripurari
Ambadeva.
Overlord.
Provenance.
Ganapati
No mention of the Kärempuḍi (Palnad Tk.), Nandalur overlord. (Cuddapah Dt.).
Pondalur (Pullampet Tk., Cuddapah Dt.).
Do.
Rudramahadevi
Do.
No mention of the Tripurantakam hill. overlord.
Durgi (Palnad Tk.).
Potlapadu (Darsi, Nellore Dt.).
Tripurantākam, Attirala, Põli, Cuddapah and Kamalapuram Taluks.
From this tabular statement, it is apparent that a certain Ambayyadeva was the earliest member of the Kayastha family who governed a portion of the Guntur District round about Satrasāla where his inscription was secured. Gängeya-Sahini appears to have simultaneously held service under Ganapati in the Cuddapah District where his records are found. Both of them are given the epithet Damodara-sainya-disa-patta which is likewise adopted by the two successors, viz., Tripurarideva and Ambadeva along with the other epithets which they actually earned by their exploits. Ambadeva, the younger brother of Tripurari whose records range in date from Saka 1194 to 1224, could not have held any administrative authority as early as Saka 1166 which would otherwise invest him with the governorship of the territory for nearly 60 years which is far from likely. Further, this would lead to the contingency of assigning no period of rule to his elder brothers Janniga and Tripurari who have, however, issued several records as governors under the Kakatiyas. It is therefore reasonable to think that Ambadeva of the Satrasala inscription is an earlier member and different' from the homonymous chief the younger brother of Tripurarideva. The earlier Ambadeva may be identified with Ambakshmäpa mentioned in the present record as the father of the three brothers. Since the earliest reference to the defeat of Damodara of the west is found in connection with both Ambadeva I and Gangeya-Sahini, it is likely that both these officers had a share in the event.
Whether Ambakshmäpa's principality was confined to the Palnad Taluk of the Guntur District or extended as far south as the Cuddapah District where his son's inscriptions are discovered, there are no means to decide. But it is quite probable that Ambadeva I and Gängeya-Sahiņi governed different parts of the Kakatiya kingdom separately and on the death of the latter
1 V. Rangachari, op. cit., Guntur 502, and Cuddapah 850.
Nos. 610 of 1907 and 550 of 1909 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection. See Rangachari, op. cit., Cuddapah 824 and Guntur 520.
V. Rangachari, op. cit. Guntur 500 (No. 573 of 1909 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection).
Nellore Inscriptions, Vol. I., Darsi 57, 60. The Saka year 1151 appears to have been wrongly read for 1192 and the cyclic year Pramadi for Pramodüta which corresponded to 1192. Saka 1151 does not combine with Pramādi at all.
Ibid., Darsi 1.
Nos. 168, 173, 174, 242 and 268, of 1905, 406 of 1911, 622 of 1907, 618 of 1907 and 414 of 1911, etc., of the Madras Epigraphical Collection.
The identification of Ambakshmapa with Ambadeva made in the Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy for 1930-31, Part II, para. 18, is not tenable.

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274
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXV.
apparently without issue, his territory passed to the nearest relative, viz., his brother-in-law Ambadēva I or more probably the latter's son Janarddana. This would account for the tracing of Ambadēva (II)'s genealogy from Gangēva-Sāhiņi who had, otherwise, no direct lineal connection with bim. Thus from Janarddana's time the territory of the Kayastha chiefs comprised a large area from Pānungal to Mārajavādi or Kaivāra, i.e., from the Nalgonda District (Nizam's Dominions) to the Cuddapah District. From the table given above it is clear that Janniga must have come to power some time after Saka 1179 as Gängěya-Sāhiņi's latest inscription is dated in Saka 1179 and held the governorship till Saka 1192 which is the earliest date for Tripurări. Tripurări was succeeded by his younger brother Arnbadēva II in Saka 1194, who continued to rule till at least Saka 1224 in which year his Lēpāka inscription is dated. It is significant that the Kārem pūļi and Nandalur inscriptions of Jannigadēva bearing the Saka date 1186 do not refer to the overlord whereas his earlier inscriptions of Saka 1180-82 introduce him as a feudatory of Ganapati. The Durgi and Potlapādu inscriptions of Saka 1191 and Saka 1192 belonging respectively to Janniga and Tripurări mention Rudramahādēvi as the reigning monarch. But Tripurāri's inscriptions of Saka 1194 and almost all the records of Ambadēva II from Saka 1194 to Saka 1224 are issued by the chiefs independently without acknowledging the suzerain power. This omission to mention the reigning monarch, if it signifies anything, may be taken to reflect the unsettled political conditions in the country due to weakness at the centre, particularly between Saka 1182 and 1186 and Saka 1192 and 1194. This is borne out by a study of the political events that happened at this period in the Telugu country. The most important document that furnishes many political synchronisms for the history of the period is the Tripurantakam inscription of Arbadēva-Mahārāja dated in Saka 1212. It states about Aribadēva that he (1) acquired the title of Rāyasahasramalla after defeating Sripati-Ganapati; (2) routed Kēšava joined by Sõmidēva and Alluganga ; (3) vanquished Mallikarjuna who was a hater of Gods and Brāhmans; (4) gave his daughter in marriage to Rājanna son of king [B7]laya who had celebrated several sacrifices, together with the Nandanapura country (Nandalur) as dowry; (5) reinstated Manmagandagõpāla at Vikramasimhapura (Nellore) in his kingdom which he had lost; (6) captured the treasures of the Pandya princes ; (7) defeated Damodara of the west ; (8) took the head of Eļuva-Mallidēva ; (9) was honoured with rich presents by the king of Dēvagiri who was pleased at his valour ; (10) destroyed Kädavaraya and (11) was helped by his friend king Parākramapandya with strong cavalry forces. Most of these exploits are confirmed by the contemporary epigraphical and literary evidences as shown in the sequel.
A record from Tallaproduţūrt belonging to Jagatäpi Gangeyadevachõļamahāraju, son of Alluganga, and bearing Saka date 1244 describes the chief as Gandapendāra-Gängeya-Sahini-sarvastabandikära, i.e., robber of Gängeya-Sāhiņi's wealth and as 'one who obtained the (regal) fortune by churning the ocean of Sēvuna (ie., Yadava) army, indicating thereby that the Chief had rid himself of the Yādava domination by Saka 1244. From an inscription at Nilūru in the Gooty Taluk of the Anantapur District dated in Saka 1137, it is learnt that Jagatāpi Dandidēvacho!a
1 This arra roughly included the modern Cuddapah, Kurnool, Bellary, Anantapur, Nellore and Guntur Districts.
In one of the Lepika inscriptions examined and copied by the Telugu Assistant of the Epigraphy Office, Madras, in 1938. Gandpewlāra Tripuraridera-Maharaja is introduced as ruling Mulki-nandu from Valluripattana in Saka 1226, Knidhin (A.D. 1304) and making a grant of the village Lebika as a sarramanya-agrahara to the temple of Allāļanāthadeva. This is a solitary record of Tripurari belonging to such a late date. If he is identical with the brother of Amhadeva II, we have to presume that he continued to rule conjointly with Anbadeva till Saka 1226.
No. 269 of 19 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection. • No. 308 of 1935-36 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection,
No. 34.5 of 19:20.

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No. 27.) NILAGANGAVARAM INSCRIPTION OF AMBADEVA-MAHARAJA : SAKA 1212. 275
maharaya probably an ancestor of the above chief was a subordinate of Yadava Simhana. And Gangěya-Sähini is stated in a record of Saka 1176 belonging to the reign of Kakatiya Ganapati, to have defeated a certain Rakkasa-Gangarasa who may be the same person as the Rakkasa-Gangarasa of the Joti inscription" (Siddhaut Taluk, Cuddapah District) dated in Saka 1169. The Telugu poem Nirvachanottara-Rāmāyanamu records that Gangeya-Sāhiņi who had been deprived of his kingdom by a certain Rakkasa-Gangarasa evidently the above-mentioned chief, took refuge under Manma-Janapala who restored the lost kingdom to his protege by vanquishing RakkasaGanga. This event must have occurred between Saka 1169 and Saka 1176. Alluganga who was probably connected with Rakkasa-Ganga in some unspecified way, as their names, their territory and the hostilities they both bore against Gangéya-Sābiņi would indicate, must have taken vengeance against his opponent Gängēya-Sähini, which was reciprocated by Aunbadēva who as stated in his Tripurāntakam inscription, routed Alluganga and his allies. Thus for three generations the Käyasthas ranged themselves against the Jagatäpi-chõladēvamahārājas who appear to have rebelled. against their overlords the Yadavas of Dēvagiri. It is likely that Găngēya-Sāhiņi and his relatives were the friends of the Sēvuņa kings and that they suppressed the rebellion of the latter's subordi. nates who, however, ultimately became independent by Saka 1244 when the Yādava power was on the wane. It must probably be with the help of Ambadēva during the governorship of Jan. nigadēva that Yādava Mahādēva wrested from Kakatiya Ganapati the honour of panichamahāśabda as recorded in the introduction to Vratakhanda of Hēmädril. We know that this event took place in about Saka 1183 during the last days of Ganapati. On the death of Ganapati the whole country was plunged in utmost disaster and chaos and the internal rebellion and the danger from the neighbouring powers were too much for the queen Patroddhati Rudramahādēvi to cope with in the beginning of her reign. Accordingly several Telugu-Chöda chiefs such as Kuva-Manumilidēva, Vijayagandagopala and Siddayadēva-Choda-Mahārāja are found issuing their inscriptions independently without referring to their overlord, in Saka 1189, 1185 and 1189 respectively, i.e., within a few years after her accession to the throne. Soon, however, the Kakatiya queen appears to have consolidated her power and reduced the refractory chiefs to subjection. She niust have first subjugated the Kāyastha chief Jannigadēva by about Saka 1190 ; for he expresses his loyalty to the reigning monarch in his inscription of Saka 1191. Thereafter, with the help of the Kāyastha chiefs of whom Ambadēva appears to have taken a prominent part, the turbulent officers were brought down on their knees since, in the Tripurantakam inscription mentioned above, Anbadēva boasts of having taken, evidently on behalf of the Kakatiya ruler, the head of a certain Eruva-Manumilidēva who must be identical with the Telugu-Chōda chief Eruva. Mallidēva. Simultaneously with or shortly after this achievement, the defeat of Alluganga, Sömidēva. Kēšava, Mallikarjuna, etc., ascribed to the chief in his records appears to have happened. Kādavaraya, i.e., Köpperunjingadēva II (A.D. 1243-1279) who had been reduced to subordination by Kakatiya Ganapati as can be surmised from his Drākshärama inscription in which he calls himself the executor of the commands of Ganapati-Mahārāja (Ganapati-Mahārājasy-ajñām pravar layatā), must have attempted to throw off his allegiance to the Kakatiya banner on the leath of Ganapati. In fact he has caused to be engraved a highly pedantic inscription at Triple rāntakam in which he glorifies his past achievements including the numerous rich gifts he had
1 No. 231 of 1905.
No. 563 of 1915. • Bom. Gaz., Vol. I, part ii, p. 273, v. 52. • See above, Vol. XXIII, p. 193.
Nos. 190, 272 and 175 of 1905. .8.1. I., Vol. IV. So. 1342 B.

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[VOL. XXV.
made to the temple of Bhimēsvara at Dräkshārāma, without mentioning the Kakatiya overlord who was reigning at the tim. The record is unfortunately not dated. But it must be assigned to a date subsequent to Saka 1184 in which year Köpperuñjingadēva figures apparently as a subordinate of a Kakatiya king. The defeat of Kópperuñjinga called here Kādavaraya must have been accomplished some time before Saka 1201 the last year of the chief and after Saka 1194 when Ambadeva succeeded to the chiefdom. Amabadēva's Tripurantakam inscription of Saka 1194 does not refer to any of his exploits mentioned above whereas his epigraphs dated Saka 1207, 1212, 1213, etc., narrate them in detail. Ambadēva appears to have been puffed up with the signal victory he had gained over his powerful rival Köpperuõjingadēva, proclaimed himself as a quasi-independent chief and to have held that position till the very last year of his rule. It is, however, certain that he did not turn a rebel against the Kākatiyas or attempt to subvert their sovereignty. For a record from Malyāla' in the Nandikotkur Taluk of the Kurnool District refers itself to the reign of the Kakatiya king Kumāra Rudra Maharaja in Saka 1212 and 1213, thus marking the extent of the Kakatiya rule in the territory of the Kayastha chiefs during the same period. Tripurāntakam (Kurnool District) and Nilagangavaram (Vinukonda Taluk, Guntur District) where Ambadeva's inscriptions are found, were situated within the Kakatiya dominions. It is therefore possible that though Ambadēva maintained a semi-independent status like the great Feudatory families of the Dekkan, i.e., the Western Gangas, Bāņas, etc., under the Rashtrakutas, etc., in the medieval period, the Kakatiya suzerainty was acknowledged in the territory of the Kayasthas as shown above. In course of time, however, Aubadēva's power suffered heavily in consequence of which he appears to have been deprived of his principality, since an Upparapalle inscription of Rudradēva dated Saka 1[2*]36, Pramadi, refers to the reduction of Ghandikota by a subordinate of the king. Another fragmentary inscription in the same place, without date, states that the king appointed Gonkaya-Reddi, a servant of Juttaya, to the governorship of Khandikota and Mulikinändu districts. This shows that Ambadēva had been subdued under the orders of the king and his territory annexed to the Kākatiya dominions some time before Saka 1236. In one of the inscriptions at Kanāla, Nandyal Taluk of the Kurnool District, a chief (name completely damaged) is stated to be ruling over Mulkināņdu, Penampadi, Pottapināņdu, Pedakallu and Näntavādi under Pratäparudradēva-Mabäräja in Saka 1230. We know that these nādus had been subject to the administration of Ambadēva, but it is not definite whether Ambadēva continued to rule till Saka 1230 or had been dispossessed of his territory by that year. But it can be affirmed that he had been either killed in the encounter or dislodged from Ghandi. kota before Saka 1236 as stated above.
TEXT.
First Fragment : First Face. 1 Väräha vapur=avyād=vā mahi-mu . . 2 harēḥ yasya darnshtr-ågra-viśramtă mahi .
No. 197 of 1906, see Madras Epigraphical Report for the year, part ii, p. 46. * 8. I. I., Vol. IV, No. 1341.
• The chief came to power in A.D. 1243 and ruled for 36 years (Historical Ins. of Southern India, pp. 162 and 3'76)
• No. 321 of 1937-38. An indirect mention of Kumāra-Kshitibhrit in the present record points to the overbearing attitude of Ambadēva towards the Kakatiya monarch. No. 328 of 1905.
• No. 329 of 1905. No. 260 of 1935-36. .No. 408 of 1911. . From ink-inpressiva.

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No. 27.) NILAGANGAVARAM INSCRIPTION OF AMBADEVA-MAHARAJA: SAKA 1212. 277
4
.
• .
tējas-samunmrishta . Gjiya) .
.
.
.
. .
.
.
.
. .
. .
Second Fragment; First Face. 5 [ka] tama . . . . . . . . . . . . 6 tâmsur-anäratam | . . . . . . . . 7 yatha-mārgga-pravarttakam Vidhir=yviryyaikanilaya[min] 8 kshātraṁ varnnam-ajījanati || Bhärggavād=bhagna-hrida[yē) 9 kshatra-loko-[py]-avikriyāḥ kauryya-pāram-gatás-tatra 10 Kāyasthāḥ kati vibrutäh | Tatrrānvaväyē sam[jā)11 ta[h*) sriman Gamgaya-Sahiņiḥ [*payodhäv=iva pa12 ryyipta-tēji amfita-didhitih || Sura-sakhina iva 13 Surabhih Kamal-ey=Amritakarasya kalyāņi sarva14 janini sahajā Chamdaladēvi babhūv=āsya? || Amba15 kshmăpăd=asūt=ěyam Chardalämbă suta-dvayam(yam) [l*] 16 Vasudevād=iv=āśāsyam Dēvaki daivatair-api' || Pratyartthi. 17 prithvipati-mauli-ratna-prabhā-pisargikrita-pada-pitha 18 Janarddanah kshmădhipatir=janänām jā(jyä)yān=abhū. 19 t ja(j=ja)mgama-päs pārijātah || Bāh[@]-bala-kshurņna(pna) 20 vipaksha-lokas-tasyanuja[h*) Sri-Tripurăridēvaḥ [1] 21 gaumdaryya-sardarsita-Manmatha-sriravidya22 vilas-aspadam=āvirásit ll Ayushman Arbado33 va-kshitipatir-anujas-tasya prithvim prasāsti prächina24 kshöni-pāla-praņihita-samara-praudhi-pāriņa bāhuḥ 1 25 prahva-pratyartthi-prithvi-paribri(vri)dha-makuta-syūta-ma26 niskyw*)-niryya[j*-jvälä-jäl-āvalidha-spu(sphu)ţa-pada-kamala-dva dva
samdarsaniyah || Ayam mahā-bābur=anika-ram28 gê minya-sriyū Mālava-dhūmakētöh[l*] gurvvi29 Gurindala-Ganadhipasya sămbră(mrā)jya-lakshmino1 30 sahasă jahāras II
First Fragment ; Second Face. 31 Sākē bhämnv(bhänv)-arkka-sam(sam)khyā-vilasati Vikritē vatsa[rā] 32 Bhadra-mäso darsē Bhaumasya vărē l' suksidini (sukritini ?) 33 samayë dvädag-arddh-Oparāgő [*] prādād-Amba-kshi34 tindraḥ prati(thi)ta-Sivapuram Mollakallari-nama-grå[ma). 35 m Māhēsvarāya l' prakațita-mas . .
36 37
. .
. .
. .
. .
. .
.
Second Fragment; Second Face. . . . .
yam dharmma. . . pālaniyyö(niyo) bha
Metre : Anushfubh. * This syllable is superfluous. • Metre : Indravajra. * Danda superfluous.
* Metre : Arya. • Metre: Upajati. • Metre : Srugdhand. • Metre : Sragdhard.

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38
dbhis-sarvan-etän bhāviņaḥ prärtthivēndra' bhūyō 39 bhūyō yachate Ramachandraḥ || Bahubhi40 r-vvasudha datta rajabhis-Sada(ga)rädibhiḥ
.
yasya
41 yasya yada bhumiḥ(mis-)tasya tasya tatha(da) phala
42 mlam) * Satrunāmpi(n-api) trito dharmma[h*] palaniyyõ(niyo) prava.
43 tnataḥ satrur-eva hi satrulh*] syad-dharmmaḥ satru
44
r-nna kasya-chit [*] Masham ēkam suvarnna(ņņa)sya bhūmē45 r-apy arddham-amgalam(amgulam ) haran narakam-apnoti ya
46 vad-abhūta-samplavam (vam) [*] Yatha chamdrama
47 so vriddhirahany-ahani jāyate [*]tatha bhu
48 mi-kritam danam sasyē sasyē vivarddhatë * Ayushma
49 tā Nammananandanēna pratyagravāņi-hridaya
50 mgamena samyak-kritai sasana-varyyam-e
51 tat-sarvve-pi śrinvamtu sah-adarēņa [*] Svasti sri
52 Saka-varshambulu 1212 agu-nenți Vikri(kri)ti53 samvatsara Bhadrapada bahula 15 Mamga54 ļavārāna sûryya-grahaṇa-kalamuna
55 [m]du svasti śrīmatu Ganda-pendāra Ambadē56 va-Mahārājulu śri-Tripurantakam-kshē
57 tra-vasul-aina Remḍrēvula Mallinathaya
mgariki Mollalakalluru sarvva-bada (dha)-pari59 haramu a-chaṁdrarka-sta(stha)yigan-ichchina Si
60 vapuramu [*] mamgala maha-śrī śrī śrī | | | 61 [D]ēvi yasya tvakiyyam (svakiyam ?) Tripura-vijayin[e]
62 chakshur-at(ut)-patya puja [ri*] śritva (kritva) rējē tato-pi [dda]63. taram-amalam Docha (a)y-akhyam prasiddham [*] 64 pūrvva-dvārē Kumara-kshitibhrid-uparitas-ta[t*-] Pu
65 rārē[*] purastad ramya sopana-märgaṁ [vuma?]66 karam-amalan dyuḥ pratijñam vidhāya ||
No. 28.--BARGAON TEMPLE INSCRIPTION OF SABARA.
BY PROF. V. V. MIRASHI, M.A., NAGPUR.
This inscription is incised on a broken stone slab which is still lying amidst the ruins of a temple to the north of Bargaon, a village situated at a distance of twenty-seven miles north by west of Murwara, the chief town of the Murwärä tahsil of the Jubbulpore District, in the Central Provinces. The inscription does not seen. to have been noticed by General Cunningham who visited Bargaon twice, during 1883-84 and 1884-85, and has given a fairly detailed description of the temples and mentioned three other records found there in his Archaeological Survey of India Reports, Vol XXI, Part I, p. 101 and Part II, pp. 163-64. The present inscription was briefly roticed for the first time by Rai Bahadur Hiralal in his Inscriptions in the Central Provinces and Berar, but it has not
1 Read parthivendrān. Metre: Anushtubh.
Metre: Indravajra.
7 First edition, (1916), pp. 39-40; second edition (1932), p. 43.
[VOL. XXV.
* Metre: Šalini.
Read kritō. Metre: Sragdhara.

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No. 28.)
BARGAON TEMPLE INSCRIPTION OF SABARA.
279
been edited so far. It is edited here from good estampages supplied by the Superintendent of the Archæological Survey, Central Circle, Patna.
The inscription is fragmentary. Nothing has of course been lost at the top, the bottom and the proper right side. But an indefinite number of letters have disappeared on the left side owing to the breaking away of the stone. The extant portion of the record is in a state of good preservation. It consists of five lines, of which the last, which begins at a distance of 2' from the proper right end, contains only three aksharas. The characters belong to the Nagari alphabet. As regards individual letters we may note that kh consists of two triangles joined by a horizontal line at the top; th shows a vertical stroke on the right; r exbibits two forms--one with a loop as in kridara, 1. 3 and the other without it in Sabara, l. 1. Rai Bahadur Hiralal conjecturally referred the characters of this inscription to the 8th or 9th century A. D., but they appear to be somewhat later and may be of the 10th century A. D.
The language is Sanskrit. The record is written in prose throughout. It is written incorrectly and contains some mistakes of sandhi (as in ato arthë for ato='rthë in 1. 4) and of gender (as in sapath-ēdam for sapatho'yarn in the same line). The only orthographical peculiarity that calls for notice is that b is throughout denoted by the sign for v, see Savara and Valādhikrita, both in l. 1 and vrahma-stamra in 1. 2.
The record opens with Om namah and refers to a commander of the army (Baladhikrita) of Sabara. His name which is partly mutilated appears to be Siva. Tbe object of the inscription seems to be to record the gift of a cess on the threshing floor together with a granary to some ascetic residing at the temple in the settlement of Brāhmaṇas for the benefit of the god) Sankaranārāyana, to whose temple the inscribed stone was apparently affixed. The record ends with the imprecation that whoever would offend against it would incur the sin of the slaughter of a Brahmaņa.
The preserved portion of the inscription contains no date, but, as stated above, it can, on palgeographic evidence, be referred to the 10th century A.D. The illustrious Sabara mentioned here is perhaps identical with the Sabara, named Simha, mentioned in a fragmentary stone inscription found at Bhilsā, to which Dr. F. E. Hall has called attention in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. XXXI, p. 111, n. 2. The latter inscription states that Vāchaspati of the Kaundinya götra, who was a minister of the king Křishņa after defeating the lord of Chēdi and slaying a Sabara named Simha placed the kings of the Rālā-mandala and Röda pädi on the throne and repaired to the temple of Bhaillasvāmin evidently at Bhilsā where he composed a stötra in praise of the god. From the mention of the lord of Chēdi and the Sabara chief Simha together in the same line, Dr. Hall conjectured that the latter was the Chedian generalissimo. The Sabara of the present inscription, too, was no doubt subject to the contemporary Chēdi or Kalachuri king. for a much defaced inscription at Bargaon to which General Cunningham has drawn attention refers to a Kalachuri king or kings. But as the present inscription mentions a commander of the forces of this Sabara himself, it seems that he was a feudatory chief and not a mere generalissimo of the Chedi king. This fragmentary inscription at Bhilsā is also undated, but the date of the king Krishna, whose minister was Vāchaspati, can be approximately fixed on other evidence. At Maser, a village about twenty-five miles north of Bhilsa, Mr. M. B. Garde, Director of Archæology.
1 See Chod-lar samarē vijitya Sabaram samhritya Simh-ahvayam Ral-mandala-Rödapädy.avanipo(pau) bhayām pratishthäpya cha Devam drashtum=ih=āgato rachitavām(n) stotram pavitram param Srimat-Krishna. ntip-aika-mantri-pada-bhāk Kaundinya-Váchaspatih cited by Hall in J. A. 8. B., Vol. XXXI, p. 111, n. t.
2 Cunningham, A. S. R., Vol. XXI, p. 165.

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Gwalior State, discovered in 1930 a fragmentary inscription in two pieces. It mentions one Narasirha of the Sulki (or Chalukya) family, who at the command of Krishnaraja initiated the wives of Kalachuri kings into widowhood. As Kēsari, the son of Narasimha, was, according to the inscription, appointed Tantrādhipa (Minister for home affairs) by Vákpati-Muñja (circa A.D. 972 to 995), Krishnaraja can be placed about A. D. 950. This conclusion is corroborated by the date V. 1039 (A. D. 982) of a pilgrim record which Mr. Garde has discovered on a pillar of a dilapidated medieval temple at Maser. This record states the name of the god installed in the temple as Krishņēgvara.* The god was evidently so named after a king named Krishna who consequently must have flourished before A. D. 982. There is another piece of evidence which corroborates the above-mentioned date for Křishna. This Kļishna is probably identical with Krishnapa of the Cbandēlla family, a son of Yaśõvarman, mentioned in four out of six stone inscriptions at Dudabi, in the Lalitpur District, about 75 miles north by east of Bhilsa. According to both General Cunningham and Dr. Kielhorn this Yaśõvarman is the well-known Chandēlla king of that name, the father of Dhanga for whom we have dates ranging from A. D. 954 to A. D. 1002. Krishnapa may, therefore, be referred to the period A.D. 960-85. From the Khajuraho inscription of Dhanga, dated V. 1011, we learn that the Chandēlla kingdom in the beginning of his reign extended to Bhāsvat or Bhilsă in the south. It seems, therefore, that Dhanga placed his brother Krishpa or Krishnapa in charge of the south-western portion of the Chandēlla kingdom extending at least from Dudahi in the north to Bbilsă in the south.
If the identification of the illustrious Sabara of the present inscription with the Sabara chief slain by Kțishnarāja's minister is accepted, the Sabara chief can be referred to the third quarter of the 10th century A.D. The Kalachuri suzerain to whom he owed allegiance was probably S ankaragana. The name of the god Sankaranārāyaṇa appears somewhat curious. It seems to suggest that the temple was dedicated to Nārāyaṇa installed by Sankara, who is probably identical with the Kalachuri prince of that name mentioned in the Karitalāi stone inscription of Laksh. manarāja II. It is noteworthy in this connection that he is called a parama-vaishnava or devout worshipper of Vishnu in that record.
TEXT.)
(altho
1 faf
at TTA:
1)
utena" [fa]-
...
..
2 szfahar(W) xreia(a)alTautaha ......... 3 CORTOUT ofHat(T) OCH ET .....
.
1 Annual Report of the Archeological Department, Gwalior State, for 1930-31, p. 10. * I owe this information to the kindness of Mr. Garde.
These inscriptions were discovered by Cunningham, see his 4.8. R., Vol. X, pp. 94-5, plate xxxii, and edited by Kielhorn in Ind. Ant., Vol. XVIII, pp. 236-37.
. Above, Vol. I, p. 129.
Sankaranarayana here apparently refers to an image of Haribara.-Ed.)
• Ibid., Vol. II, pp. 174 ff. This king must now be called Lakshmadaraja II in view of an earlier king of the same name ; see above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 255 ff.
From inked estampages. • Expressed by a symbol.
Read Baladhikrita-, 10 The anusvåra on ra is very faint. Some word like cha may have been lost after kridaran.

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No. 29]
JIRJINGI PLATES OF GANGA INDRAVARMAN: YEAR 39.
4 कं अतो अर्थे' यो विभिचरति तस्य शपथेदं
5 स्य इति ["*]
व्र (ब्रह्महत्य (त्या) पातके'
281
TRANSLATION.
(Ll. 1-3) Succes !
Om! Adoration! [Siva], the Baladhikrita of the illustrious Sabara has given the cess at the threshing floor and a granary for the holy Sankaranarayana to , the ascetic residing in the temple (which is the only one) in the entire settle. ment of the Brahmanas venerated by .
(Ll. 4-5) Whoever will deviate from this, for him is this (our) imprecation that he shall incur the sin of killing a Brāhmaṇa
No. 29. JIRJINGI PLATES OF GANGA INDRAVARMAN: THE YEAR 39.
By R. K. GHOSHAL, M.A., CALOUTTA.
The plates which bear the subjoined inscription were turned up along with pieces of old pottery in course of excavation of an old temple in the village of Jirjingi near Tekkali in the Ganjam District of the Madras Presidency. They were secured by Sir A. P. Patro, Kt., who made them over to Mr. R. Subba Rao of the Andhra Historical Research Society of Rajahmundry. Mr. Rao subsequently published them in the Society's Journal. In view of the great importance justly attached to this record for the early history of the Ganga kings of Orissa, and considering its rather inadequate treatment by Mr. Rao, I re-edit the inscription from excellent ink-impressions kindly supplied by Dr. N. P. Chakravarti, the Government Epigraphist for India.
1 Used in the sense of asminn-arthe.
Read vyabhicha rati.
Read sapatho-'yam.
The original perhaps contained patakēna samyuktō bhavishyati.
Read "sy-ěti.
These are three plates of copper, each measuring 81" by 3".
Towards the proper right end of each plate, there is a hole through which passed a ring, 3" in diameter, the ends of which, however, remain un-soldered, owing to the fact that the seal which must have been fixed to this ring is missing. The weight of the plates is 563 tolas, and that of the ring 12 tolas, making a total of 69 tolas. The edges of the plates are slightly raised into rims so as to protect the inscription. The first and the third plates have writing on their inner faces only, while the
• Khala-bhiksha, lit. alms at a threshing floor, was probably a tax in kind which was paid to the state when the corn was threshed. The right to receive the contribution seems to have been transferred to the donee. Whether the cess at one or all the threshing floors in the particular locality was conferred on the donee the record does not make clear. The Karitalãi stone inscription of Lakshmanarāja (II) (above, Vol. II, pp. 174 ff.) refers in line 34 to the donation of four khala-bhikshās.
7 Brahma-stambha occurs in verse 14 of the Jabalpur and Khairha grants of Yasahkarna, (above, Vols. II, p. 4 and XII, p. 212) but there, too, the correct expression evidently is brahma-stamba meaning a settlement of Brähmanas.' The same verse occurs in the Kumbhi plates of Vijayasimha. Dr. Hall's transcript of it gives the reading brahma-stambo. See J. A. 8. B., Vol. XXXI, p, 117.
J. A. H. B.S., Vol. III, pp. 49 ff. Also noticed in the An. Rep. on South Indian Epigraphy for 1935-36 (C. P. No. 9).

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second one is inscribed on both sides. The plates are in a state of perfect preservation and the engraving is clear throughout. The first and third plates, which are inscribed on one side only, have seven lines of writing apiece, while the second one contains six lines on each of its sides --- thus twenty-six lines in all. The height of the letters is about t' on the average.
The characters belong to the southern class of alphabets and have resemblance to those used in the Godavari plates of Prithivimüla, Gökāk Plates of Dējja-Mahārāja, the Srungavarapukota. and Siripuram plates of Anantavarman, king of Kalinga.
The script of the Jirjingi plates has further some obvious resemblance to that employed in some of the early inscriptions from Cambodia.
The inscription under discussion furnishes examples of initial a in lines 1, 4, 8, 14 and 22 and of initial à in l. 24 as well as of final m (11. 18 and 21) and t (1. 25), which are so indicated by their smaller size. The northern form of l is employed in -sakala- (1.1) and -latā. (1. 8).
The numerical symbols for 1, 9, 20 and 30 are contained in the date in line 25.
The language is Sanskrit. With the exception of two of the customary verses at the end, the whole of the record is in prose.
Among orthographical peculiarities deserving notice are (1) the use of the jihvāmuliya in l. 21; (2) the use of the guttural nasal in place of anusvāra in-nistrinsa (1.5); (3) the doubling of dh and the change of the first dh into d in -anuddhyātas. (1. 10) : (4) the doubling throughout of a consonant after r; (5) the occasional doubling of a consonant before r, as in sagöttrāya (1. 13). In Ttaittiriya (1. 13) the doubling of the first letter is ungrammatical. Both b and v are indicated by the sign for the latter, exceptions being sam(sa)mbaddha (1. 11) and kuțumbina[8*=] (1. 12). The rules of sandhi have not been observed in a few cases.
The object of the inscription is to record a grant, which is non-sectarian in character, by Mahārāja Indravarman, Lord of Trikalinga, 'a sun in the firmament of the spotless family of the Gangas'. The grant is issued from the city of Dantapura and concerns the village of Jijjika situated in the Võrkhara-bhöga, which is given away as an agrahāra, in equal shares, to Agnievāmin, son of Rudrasvāmin, and the former's (i.e., Agnisvāmin's) son Rudrasvāmin, who belonged to the Vishņuvsiddha götra and the Taittiriya sākha.
The date is given, in figures only, as in the Year 39 on the 21st day of the month of Vaisakha. The year in all probability refers itself to the Gänga era. The present record, therefore, may be considered as the earliest inscription of the Eastern Ganga kings discovered so far.
The charter was written by the king's Sandhivigrahika Dövasimhadēva.
There has been lately some discussion over the question of identity and antecedence of Indravarman, Lord of Trikalinga, of the present record. Mr. R. Subba Rao identifies the donor
1 J. B. B. R. A. 8., Vol. XVI, pp. 114 ff.
* Above, Vol. XXI, pp. 289 ff. Ibid., Vol. XXIII, pp. 56 ff.
• Ibid., Vol. XXIV, pp. 47 ff. • The next oldest inscription of the Eastern Gangas yet available is the Narasinga palli plates of Hastivarman of the Year 79 (see Above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 62 ff.). There is much uncertainty about the reading of the date in the stray plate from Tirlingi which has been assumed by Mr. S. N. Rajaguru (J. A. H. R. 8., Vol. III, pp. 54 ff.) to belong to the Year 28 of the Ganga era. Much of this uncertainty will undoubtedly be removed when the remaining plates of the set come to light and clear impressions of them are made available to scholars. It seems therefore premature, just now, to doubt, as has been done by Mr. G. Ramdas (J. 4. H. R. 8., Vol. III, pp. 82-3). the genuineness of the Tirlingi plate on what appears to be very flimsy grounds.
J. 4. H. R. S., Vol. VI, p. 72.

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JIRJINGI PLATES OF GANGA INDRAVARMAN : YEAR 39.
283
of this grant with Adhiraja Indra, who, as recorded in the Godavari plates of Prithivimüla, is said to have overthrown in battle one Indrabhattarakal. This latter potentate has been equated by Dr. J. F. Fleet with the Eastern Chalukya king of the same name who was the younger brother of Jayasimha I and father of Vishnuvardhana II: while according to Drs. Kielhorn and Jouveau-Dubreuil,. Indrabhattāraka should rather belong to the Vishnukundin dynasty. We along with Mr. Subba Raos are inclined provisionally to subscribe to this latter view.
It seems that the Vishnukundins being hard pressed by the Eastern Chalukya kings pushed further northward from their original home in the Kistna district of the Madras presidency. Their chief opponents in this direction were the Ganga kings of Kalinga who had then only recently eked out an independent principality in and about the Ganjam district. The two contending armies seem to have met each other in the heart of the delta of the Godavari, possibly somewhere near the modern town of Rajahmundry. As bas been claimed in the Gödāvari plates, victory rested for the time being with the Kalinga forces. And it is quite probable that IndraVarman returned in triumph to his capital at Dantapura. The victory over the Vishņukuņdins further prompted him to assume the (then rather anomalous) title of Lord of Trikalinga' (Trikalingādhipati), seeing that his hold over the three contiguous districts of Gödāvari, Vizagapatam and Ganjam' now became practically undisputed. To this victory may also be attributed his description in our inscription as the thousand-rayed (sun) in the firmament of the spotless family of the Gangas'. Indeed, the might of Indravarman may be said to have dispelled the threatening clouds of a dangerous foreign offensive.
At this point it becomes necessary for us to take into consideration a number of kings whose records should be placed on palæographical grounds in the period A.D. 400-500, roughly indicating the interval between the southern campaign of Samudragupta and the rise of the Eastern Ganga dynasty. These are Anantavarman of the Srungavarapukota and Siripuramo plates, Saktivarman of the Ragölu plates, Umavarman of the Brihatpröshtha", Dhavalapēta" and Tekkalit plates, Chandavarman of the Kömarti" and Tiritthānals plates, Ananta-Saktivarman
J. B. B. R. 4.8., Vol. XVI, p. 119. Dr. G. Jouveau-Dubreuil, however, assumes on the evidence of the Rāmatirtham plates that it was the Vishnukundin monarch who emerged triumphant from this struggle (Ancient History of the Deccan, p. 91).
1 Ind. Ant., Vol. XIII, p. 120. . Above, Vol. IV, p. 195.
Ancient History of the Deccan, pp. 76 and 91.
• In an earlier study (J. A. H. R. 8., Vol. II, p. 159), Mr. Subba Rao held that Adhiraja Indra of the Godi. vari plates should be identified with Indravarman of the Achyutapuram (above, Vol. III, pp. 128 ff.) and Parla. Kimedi (Ind. Ant., Vol. XVI, pp. 131 ff.) plates. Dr. Fleet, on the other hand, was inclined to identify Adhiraja Indra with the Indravarman of the Chicacole plates of the Years 128 and 146 (Ind. Ant., Vol. XIII, pp. 120 ff.).
• Above, Vol. IV, p. 195.
However, no inscriptions of Indravarman expressly under his own name have turned up yet from either of the districts of Godavari and Vizagapatam. The Ganjam district on the contrary remained the stronghold of the Eastern Gangas throughout their history, as can be judged from the imposing array of copper-plate inscriptions beginning from the Jirjingi plates onwards.
& Above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 56 ff. . Ibid., Vol. XXIV, pp. 47 ff. 1. Ibid., Vol. XII, pp. 1 ff. 11 Ibid., pp. 4 ff. 11 J. A. H. R. S., Vol. X, pp. 143 f. 1a An. Rep. on South Indian Epigraphy (1934-35), C. P. No. 13. 16 Above, Vol. IV, pp. 142 ff. 1. An. Rep. on South Indian Epigraphy (1934-35), C. P. No. 12.

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of the Madras Museum plates, Nanda-Prabhañjanavarman of the Chicacole plates and VišākhaVarman of the Köröshandā plates.
All of these potentates, with the exception of Visakhavarman, call themselves 'kings of Kalinga' (Kalingādhipati). It is probable that these kings rose into prominence in the period following the withdrawal of the arms of Samudragupta from the south. After him the Guptas never actively interested themselves in South Indian politics, thus affording ample opportunity for these chiefs, as they originally were, to raise their heads and assume regal distinctions. Naturally, as some of them were living contemporaneously with others, they fought vehemently among themselves for control of the territory now covered by the districts of Gõdāvari and Vizagapatem. Their objective, at least that of some of them, was perhaps the Orissa littoral, pushing through the districts of Ganjām and Puri right up to the outskirts of Balasore and beyond that the important port of Tamralipti on the Bay of Bengal. This was the period which coincided with the gradual rise to power of the Eastern Gangas under the capable leadership of Indravarman. It is not yet possible, in the absence of more substantial details of historical value, to make out the relation, if there were any, in which all these early kings' stood to one another. While some of them like Saktivarman, Umavarman and Visakhavarman may have flourished" before the time of Indravarman, it is probable that others like Anantavarman and Nanda
1 Ibid., No. 24.
. Ind. Ant., Vol. XIII, pp. 48 ff. Here we may in passing be permitted to dwell a little on the significance of the prefix 'Nanda' coming before the name of this king. Dr. D. C. Sircar's suggestion (Journ. Dept. of Letters, Calcutta University, Vol. XXVI, p. 66, f. n. 2) that it denotes " Prabhatijanavarman of the Nanda family " seems to be somewhat speculative as it is without a parallel in the early history of Kalinga. A simpler and more reasonable explanation would be that Nanda' is here used as an honorific adjective (qualifying Prabhañjanavarman) in the sense of one who plenses everybody'. In fact, another variant of the same word, Nandaka', has the significant meaning of one who gladdens one's family' (cf. V. S. Apte, The Practical Sanskrit- English Dictionary, 2nd ed., Bombay, 1912, p. 535). The names of some of the early Pallava kinge like Siva-Skandavarman, Vijaya-Skandavarman, eto., could be cited (as suggested by Dr. Sircar in Successors of the Salavahanas in Lower Deccan, pp. 166-67) as parallel instances of such honorific prefixes being in common use in South India from an early time.
* Above, Vol. XXI, pp. 23 ff.
. Mr. G. Ramdas, however, advances (above, Vol. XXI, p. 24) two plausible ronsons in support of his supponition that Visakhavarman was a Kalinga king. These are (1) Korisódaka-Pafchali, mentioned in the Koroshandi plates, "formed part of the Kalinga Country", and (2) Sripura from which the Köröshanda plates were issued may be identified with Siripuram (Vizagapatam district) which is close to the ancient district of Varkhavartant of Kalinga. Mr. G. V. Srinivasa Rao, on the other hand, suggests (above, Vol. XXIV, p. 49) that Srpura of the Koroshandā plates may rather be the Siripuram, a village near Chicacole, the find-spot of the inscription of another king of Kalinga (Kalingadhipati), viz., Anantavarman.
A most convincing and significant evidence of this having been the actual state of things is afforded by the Srungavarapukota plates of Anantavarman (above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 56 ff.), 'Lord of Kalinga ', whose grand. father, Gunavarman, is called Lord of Dēvarashtra' (identified with modern Yella manchili taluk of the Vizagapatam district) and who himself issued his grant from Pishtapura (identified generally with modern Pithapuram in the Godavarl district). Both of these countries constituted two distinct kingdoms in the time of Samudragupta.
• About this time the Balasore district seems to have been in the hands of a group of chiefs, of obscure antecedents and relation, who called themselves with one exception) maharaja. Four inscribed copper-plates purporting to belong to their rule have recently been published by the late lamented Mr. N. G. Majumdar (above, Vol. XXII, pp. 197 ff.). Incidentally, there is one more (rather imperfectly studied) inscription belonging to one of these chiefs which escaped the notice of Mr. Majumdar. This latter record I hope shortly to deal with in this journal.
"This of course is more in the nature of a conjecture as we have no more a basis than that of the indefinite evidence of palmography of the records concerned. It seems rather distressing that some of these 'kings' did not think it worthwhile to put on record the names of their fathers.

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No. 29.)
JIRJINGI PLATES OF GANGA INDRAVARMAN : YEAR 39.
285
Prabhañjanavarman lived contemporaneously with Indravarman. It is even possible that the latter was originally a petty chief of no political position, wielding his influence over a small stretch of territory in the Godavari valley. In course of time he collected a large following, with whose help he set forth to carve out an independent realm for himself. The Ganjam district conveniently abutting on the Orissan frontier and affording avenues for further northward expansion, satisfactorily answered his expectations. And while yet endeavouring to build up the nucleus of a future empire, disquieting news reached bim of clashing of steel at his rear in the Gödāvari valley. In all haste, Indravarman prepared and launched an offensive, and, ultimately, after what must have been quite a number of fierce engagements, succeeded in maintaining his hold over the Godāvari and Vizagapatam districts, while improving and fortifying his base in the Ganjām district.
Unfortunately, the material at our disposal does not permit us yet to develop in fuller details the reconstruction of the history of. tbe rise of the Eastern Ganga power. What we have contented ourselves with doing is to suggest the broad outlines of a story which after all may not be quite out of tune with those hectic days in the history of Kalinga. At least, and it appears to lend some force of conviction to our line of argument, it would explain the claim, though somewhat conventionalised in form. of Indravarman in our present record (11. 4-7) to have subdued in more than one battle many chiefs' by his own prowess. It does not seem to be an empty pandering to the vanities of a disillusioned patron by his scribe. No other epitbet could clescribe the feat of this valiant soldier more aptly.
Of the localities mentioned, Dantapura is referred to for the first time in this record. It occurs next in the Purlē plates of Indravarman (year 149). The place had a Buddhist association in that the left canine tooth of the lower jaw of the Buddha is said to have been brought over there by one of the Master's disciples and a stūpa built over it. Subsequently, it was taken away to Ceylon. A verse preserved in the Digha Nikāya, and incorrectly reproduced in the Mahārastu, speaks of Dantapura as the capital of the Kalingas. It is also mentioned as such in the Mahāgovinda-suttanta, The Jätakas refer several times to this city, which fact doubtlessly establishes its antiquity. Many suggestions bave been advanced in regard to the identification of this ancient city. Sir Alexander Cunningham located it at modern Rajahmundry on the Gödāvari. Mr. Ramdas places it in the neighbourhood of Chicacole. Professor Sylvain Lévi identified this Dantapura with the Palora of Ptolemy' and was inclined to seek for it somewhere near modern Chicacole & Mr. N. L. Dey, on the other hand, suggested its identification with modern Däntan on the river Kaski in the Midnapur district of Bengal. Accorcling to Mr. R. Subba Rao, Dantapura may he looked for in " the ruins of the fort of the same name, situated on the southern bank of the river Vamsadhari, three miles from Chicacole Road Station of the Bengal-Nagpur Railway. According to another view," the place must be near
1 Above, Vol. XIV. pp. 361-62. . Cambridge History of India, Vol. I, pp. 172-73. • Digha Nikaya (P. T. 8.), p. 235. • See now, Ratilal N. Mehta, Pre-Buddhist India, Bombay 1939. p. 401. N. v. Bentapura. . Geography of Ancient India (ed. by S. N. Majumdar-Santri), pp. 592-3. • Above, Vol. XIV, p. 361.
L. Renou, La Géographic de Ptolemée, L'Inde (VII, 16), Paris 1925. .P. C. Bagchi, Pre-Aryan und Pre-Dravidian in India, pp. 163 ff; especially, p. 17).
Geographical Dictionary of Ancient and Medienal India, 2nd ed., p. 53. 10 J. A. H. R. S., Vol. VI, p. 73. 11 J. B.O.R.S., Vol. XXI, pp. 137-38.

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[Vol. XXV.
the Chilkā Lake and the old route from Malud". Pandit Nilakantha Das, finally, believes that “Dantapur is undoubtedly the present Puri of Jagannath".!
A like divergence of opinion prevails over the question of connotation of the geographical expression Trikalinga. According to Mr. R. D. Banerji', Trikalinga comprised within it the tracts of country anciently known as Kalinga, Tösala and Utkala ; while Dr. R. G. Basak believega that it included Udra (Orissa proper), Köngöda and Kalinga. Mr. G. Ramdas lastly holds that Trikalinga denoted" the highlands intervening between the cost (sic) strip called Kalinga and the Dakshina-Kõsala or the modern Chatisgarh (sic)"..
The village of Jijjika which was given away, is evidently, as already suggested by Mr. Subba Rao, the same as the modern village of Jirjingi, the find-spot of our record, in the Tekkali Zemindary of the Ganjām district. The Vonkhara-bhôga, in which the village granted was situated, I am unable to identify.
The date of the record is given as the 21st day of Vaišākha of the year 39 of the prosperous reign of the Gangas). The epoch of this era being still unsettled, it is hazardous to attempt at any sure estimation of its correct age. Failing all other help, we are constrained to fall back on the solitary evidence of the palæography of the record under discussion. Taking all things into consideration and leaving a reasonable margin on either side, we would refer this record to the period 475-550 A.D.
TEXT.
First Plate. 1 Om? Svasti (11) Amara-pura-pratisparddhi-sri(fri)mad-Dantapurād=bhagavatası
sakala-bhu2 vana-tal-otpatti-stbiti pralaya-hētāḥ Paramësvarasya satata-prana3 m-avāptah-punya-sanchaya-prabhāva-nirast-āģēsha-durito Gäng-imala-kula4 gagana-tala-sahasrarasmiḥ anēka-chäturddanta-samara-vijaya5 vimala vikoba-nistrinsao-dhårā-samākrānta-sakala-sämanta6 nipati-mandal-adhipatihu.makuta-nihita-ruchira-padmaräga. 7 prabhā-prasēka-parishvanga-pingāngīksitale.charana-yugalah
Second Plate; First Side. 8 atula-va(ba)la-samuday-äväpta-vipula-vibhava-sampal-latā9 mandapa-chchhāyā-vibranta-suhțit-sadhu-vā(bā)ndhav-artthi-janah 10 måtă-pitsi-pad-anuddhyātas=Trikaling-adhipati-sri-Mahū
1J. A. H. R. S., Vol. II, p. 23. • History of Orissa, Vol. I, map facing p. 49. • History of North-Eastern India, P. 161.
J. A. H. R. S., Vol. I, pp. 16 ff.; esp. p. 23. . Ibid., Vol. III, p. 49. • From ink-impressions kindly supplied by the Government Epigraphist for India. * Expressed by a symbol. . Note the northern form of l. . Read -avāpta. 20 Read - nistrimfa. 11 Read -adhipati.. 11 Better read -pisangikrita..

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JIRJINGI PLATES OF GANGA INDRAVARMAN; THE YEAR 39.
C
ACTI Rదిగి 21 an ERRRunaగా ఖay | 2 | జాబితనానికి AREAD 12 4 - naDE ATA: Nat
a l 4 120
వేలు లలు :
6 ఎAVATAR : 8 అ డE 5434 అదనంతుడు | Yబలు నాటి 10 | ఆ బృబావారు మ రింతగా
TEAది. దాదాపు రెండు, 12 | సుజం గా ఆగుదాములు తురత, నాని " లుగాగలును ద్వయం
ii,a.
స్వమత ది న్యాయం గతంలత 153 | సుదిన కొన్ని వండి
- NU బరి వంట (
1.1 గం : ఆ నది. గతంలో అతను ఆది
శంపోజ ,
iii
కలుగా తమ బారిగా
20 మహాత సుక ప్రహం గురుం ద టి 181 గొటుందో. 22 యద మహిషం
20 ఒకపటంగిరెగ్యువాత 24
గారవాసం AD - 26. Bతం
26
L. CHAKRAVARTI No. 2008 E-40-276.
ACALE: SEVEN-TENTHS.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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No. 29.)
JIRJINGI PLATES OF GANGA INDRAVARMAN : YEAR 39.
287
11 răj-Endravarmma | Vokhara-bhöga-sammbaddha-Jijjika-gråmē 12 sarvva-samavētān=kuțumbina[8*]=samājñāpayaty=asty=ayam grāmõ= 13 smābhir=Vvishnuvsiddha-sagottrāya Ttai(Tai)ttiriya-savta(bra)hmachariņē
Second Plate ; Second Side. 14 Rudrasvāmi-sūnavē Agnisvāminē tat-tanujaya cha Rudrasvāminē 15 samvibhajy=ārddhēn=ā-samudr-adri-sabi-tārak-arkka-pratishtham=agrahāram ksitvā 16 sva-puny-āyū(yu)r-yyaső-va(ba)la-varddhan-ārttha[m] mātä-pittrős=cha puny-āvāpta17 yē sarvva-kara-parihāraish*] | parihsitya chāyam grāmaḥ 18 prattaḥ [l*] tad=ēvam bhavadbhiḥ pūrvv-ochita-maryyāday-opasthëyam [I*] 19 bhavishyatag cha räjño vijñāpayāmi dharmma-krama-vikramā
Third Plate. 20 ņām-anyatama-yogād=avāpta-bhūmandal-adhirājyair=apimä(pimāṁ) 21 mabim-anusāsadbhik kram-agatam dānami(m=i)ty anupalaniyam 11 22 api cha slökau bhavatah || Sva-dattām para-dattām mivä(vá) yatnād=táksha 23 Yudhishthira 11*] mahil m*] mahimatām srēshtha dänäch=chhrēyõ=nupälanam
(nam) [[[1*] 24 Shashtim varsha-sa hasrāņi svarggē mödati bhūmida[h*] | achchhēttä сh=anuma25 ntă cha täny=ēva narakē vasēt [l] 2*] pravarddhamāna-sam 30 9. Vaigākha-di
20 1 26 likhitam=idam mahārajños sāndhivigrahika-Dāvasingha (simba)dēvēn=ēti !
TRANSLATION (L. 1) Om Hail !
From the beautiful (city of) Dantapura, which vies with Amarāvati (the city of gods), the glorious Mahārāja Indravarman, Lord of Trikalinga—who has had all his sins removed by dint of his accumulation of religious merit obtained through his constantly doing obeisance to Siva who is the cause of creation, preservation and destruction of the entire world; who is a sun in the firmament of the spotless family of the Gangas: who has his pair of feet made tawnycoloured by their contact with the lustre of brilliant rubies infixed to the crowns of all the sāmantanripatis and mandalādhipalis' whom he had subdued by his stainless and unsheathed sword while winning many a battle of four-tusked? (elephants); who has his friends, the virtuous, relatives
1 The stop seems to have been indicated by a single dot. This is however superfluous. ? Read -sambaddha.. 3 Metre Anushfubh ; and in the following verse.
Mr. R. Subba Rao first read the date as 309. Subsequently, however, he corrected his mistake in a slip attached opposite the title-page of the same number of the journal in which his article appeared (J. A. H. R. 8., Vol. III, Part I). Cf. also in this connection a note by Dr. D. C. Siroar (J. A. H. R. 8., Vol. VII, pp. 229 ff.) also .4n. Rep. on S. Ind. Epi, for 1934-35, Part II, p. 55.
* Read mahārājasya.
. I have preferred to leave these two titles untranslated accepting the strictures passed by Dr. J. F. Fleet (J. B. B. R. A. 8., Vol. XVI, p. 114, n. 2) on the common practice of rendering such technical expressions into (meaningless) English.
7 Chaturdanta significs, traditionally, the far-famed mount of Indra, viz., Airāvata. (See above, Vol. XXII, p. 178. n. 4.--Ed.]

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To
and supplicants enjoying comfort under the shade of an arbour, as it were, of his enormous wealth obtained by his unequalled might and exertion; who is devoted to the feet of his parents issues (the following) order to all the assembled householders of the village of Jijjika belonging to the Vonkhara-bhoga! -
(L. 12) “We have granted this village, in two equal gbares,-after making it an agrahāra which is to last as long as the ocean, the mountain, the moon, the stars and the sun, and freeing it from all impositions, for the increase of Our own religious merit, life, fame and strength as well as for the acquisition of religious merit of Our parents—to Aghisvămin, son of Rudrasvamin and to his (Agnisvāmin's) son Rudrasvămin, who belong to the Vishnuvsiddha götra and are religious students of the Taittiriya säkhā.
* Therefore, you should abide by this (order) according to usages obtaining heretofore.
“I also exhort the future kings :-Even having obtained possession of the entire world by means of right, inheritance, or conquest, while ruling on this earth, they should always preserve this gift.'
"And there are also two verses :
(Verse 1)- Yudhish bira ! Most excellent among the possessors of land i diligently preserve (a gift of land given by yourself or given by somebody else. Maintenance (of a donation) is more meritorious than donation (itself).
(Verse 2) A donor of land enjoys himself in heaven for sixty thousand years. A confiscator (thereof) and one who consents (to the confiscation) remain in hell for the same number of years."
(L. 25) The increasing Year 30 9; the day 20 1 of (the month c/) Vaisakha. (L. 26) This has been written by the king's Sāndhivigrahika Dēvasimhadēva.
1 For a note on bhöga, see above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 59 and 64.
* Dr. A. C. Burnell quotes (Elements of South Indian Palæography, 1st ed., Mangalore, 1874, pp. 84-86) passages from old texts like the Yajnavalkya Dharmasastra, the Mitakshara, the Smritichandrika, etc., to show that vonunon usage required that the Sāndhivigrahika, among other officials of the same rank, should be entrusted with the task of drafting a royal grant (nåja banana).

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No. 30.)
POONA PLATES OF CHALUKYA VINAYADITYA; SAKA 612
289
No. 30.-POONA PLATES OF CHALUKYA VINAYADITYA; SAKA 612.
BY MADHO SARUP VATS, M.A. This grant, consisting of three copper-plates each measuring 97 x 4 in, and held together by a big ring, was purchased by me in 1936 at Poona as Superintendent of the Western Circle. To the ring, which is 34 in. in diameter, is affixed a projecting seal, somewhat oval (14x11 in.), of which the countersunk surface is relieved with the figure of the boar (incarnation of Vishņu) as is usually found on grants of the Western Chalukyas of Badāmi. The seal is however without any legend. The weight of the three plates together with the ring and the seal is about 3 lbs, and 14 07.
The first and the third plates, as is usual with such grants, are inscribed on the inner face only and the second or the middle one on both. The inscription, which I have edited from the original plates, is in an excellent state of preservation and consists of 35 lines of writing, i.e., nine on each face except the last one which has only eight lines. The orthography is generally regular, though in a few places the rules of sandhi are not observed, e.g., in Vishnoh Vārāham (1.1), Osmābhiḥ dvāda t° (1. 23). It is wrongly observed in bālindu (1. 18). A consonant followed or preceded by r is generally doubled as in kshobhit-ārnnava (1.1), varttamānė (1. 24), paurnnamāsyāṁ (1. 25), etc., and in sagöttränāṁ (1.2), puttrāņām (1. 3), pavittrikrita-gāttrasya (1. 6), mättra (1. 11), etc.
Except the grantee, the property granted and the date, the present record agrees very closely with the published grants of the Chalukya sovereign Vinayāditya. It opens with the stereotyped description of the Chalukya family in which Pulakësin I, Kirtivarman, Satyasraya (Pulakēgin II), Vikramaditya and Vinayāditya Satyā raya ruled as direct descendants. When Vinayaditya was encamped at the village Mañchoha,' which is probably no other than Manchhar in the Poona district on the road to Näsik, he issued the grant at the request of his queen on the full moon day of Vaisakha, Saka year 612 expired, corresponding to his 10th regnal year in favour of two Brāhmaṇas named Durgabarman and Ravisarman of the Kāśyapa götral. This date corresponds to Friday, 29th April 690 A.D. The property granted consisted of a field measuring 50 nivartanas of land in the village of Toravē, presumably the same as the modern village Torreh in the Bijāpur District. The record closes with the name of its writer Sri-Rămapunyavallabha, the high minister of peace and war who is mentioned in all other grants of the king.
As several inscriptions of dates earlier and later than that of the present grant have already been found, this record adds very little to our knowledge of the history of the Chalukya family.
1 Cf. Togarchēdu plates of Saka 611 (J. B. B. R. A. S., Vol. XVI, pp. 242-44) and Sorab grant of Saka 614 (Ind. Ant., Vol. XIX, pp. 146-52).
*[See p. 291, n. 1 below.-Ed.)
* The difficulty of reconciling the dates given in Saka Samvat with the regnal years of Vinayaditya has already been referred to by J. F. Fleet in editing the Sorab copper-plate grant of this king, cf. Ind. Ant., Vol. XIX, pp. 148-49.
The gift was made kanya-dharmm-artham which I take in the sense of kanya-dana-dharm-arthan, i.e., . for the merit accruing from the gift of a girl (in marriage)'. Apparently the girls were given in marriage to the two Brahmin donees by the queen. The gift of a girl' to a learned Brahmin entails great merit and according to Dharmalistras this should be accompanied by grant of lands among other gifts. See Hémadri, Chaturvarga chintamani, Danakhanda, Pt. II (ed. S. A. Deekshita, Benares), pp. 649-50.-Ed.]

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290
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XXV.
TEXT.
First plate. 1 खस्ति [॥*] जयत्वाविष्कतं विष्णी. वारा बीमिताब (वम) [*] दचिणीतदंष्ट्रा
अविश्वान्तभु2 वनं वपुः [*] श्रीमता सकसभुवनसंसूयमानमानव्यसगीचाणं हारितीपु3 चाणं सप्तलीकमाभिमप्तमाभिरभिवतिाना कार्तिकेयपरिरक्षणप्राप्तकल्या4 परम्पराणां भगवचारायणप्रसादसमासादितवराहलाछनेक्षणक्षयव6 यौलताशेषमहीभृतां चलुक्यानां कुलमलहरिणीरश्वमेधावस्यवानप6 विचौलतगात्रस्य चौपुलकेशिवनभमहाराजस्थ सूनुः पराक्रमाकान्त7 वनवावादिपरनृपतिमण्डलपणिवाविशनीतिः कीर्तिवर्मपथिवीवशमम8 हाराजस्तस्यात्मजस्ममरसंसक्तसकलीत्तरापथेवरश्रीहर्षवर्धनप७ राजयोपलब्धपरमेश्वरापरनामधेयस्मत्यानयत्रीपथिवीवाभम
Second Plate ; First Side. 10 हाराजाधिराजपरमबारस्तबियसुतस्य विक्रमादित्यपरमेश्वरभ
1 हारकस्य मतिसहायसाहसमाचसमधिगतनिजवंशसमुचितचि. 12 तराज्यविभवस्य विविधरसितसितसमरमुखगतरिपुनरपतिविजयस13 मुपसन्धकीर्तिपताकावभासिनदिनन्तरस हिमकरकरविमलकुलप14 रिभवविलयहेतुपक्षवपतिपराजयानन्तरपरिग्रहीतकाच्चीपुर15 स्य प्रभावकुलिशदलितचीब्याकारकधरणीधरचयमानमान18 मुंगरा अनन्यसमबननकाचीपतिमषिमकुटकुटकिरणसलिखा17 भिषिताचरणकमलख घिसमुद्रमावर्तिभुवनमडसाधीखरण सू. 18 तुः पितुराजया बालि(से)न्दु खरस्येव सेनानी व्यवस्खममिसमुहनं
1 Beed Vishoid bath

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No. 30.]
POONA PLATES OF CHALUKYA VINAYADITYA : SAKA 612.
291
Second Plate ; Second Side. राज्यपक्षवबलमवष्टभ्य समस्तविषयप्रशमनादिहिततम्मनीनु
19
20 रनमा अत्यन्तवत्सलत्वायुधिष्ठिर व श्रीरामत्वाहासुदेव व नृपांकुश
त्त्वा(त्वा)त्परशुराम इव राजाश्रयत्वावरत इव विनयादित्यसत्यानयत्रीपथि22 वीवसभमहाराजाधिराजपरमेश्वरभट्टारकम्म नवमाज्ञापयति वि23 दितमस्तु बीमाभिः हादशीत्तरषटु(दश)तेषु शकवर्षेष्वतीतेषु प्रव24 ईमानविजयराज्यसंवत्सरे दशमे वर्तमाने 'मञ्चोड्डाममधिवसति विज25 यस्कन्धावार वैशासपोर्भमास्यां महादेवौविज्ञापनया कन्याधर्मार्थ 26 काश्यपसगीवस्य(चाभ्या) दुम्म(ग)शर्मरविशर्माभ्यां राजमानेन तोरवग्रामे पञ्चाश27 विवर्तनपरिमाणं पश्चिमदिग्भागे सभीगा(ग)परिहारी दत्त[:*]
Third Plate. 28 तदामामिभिरस्मश्यैरन्यैश्च राजभिरायुरैनादीनां विससित29 मचिरांचं]चलमवगच्छजिराचन्द्रार्कधरासवस्थितिसमकालं 30 यशश्चिचीषुभिः] खदत्तिनिर्विशेषं परिपालनौयमुक्तां च भगवता वे31 दव्यासेन व्यासेन [[*] बहुभिर्वसुधा भुक्ता राजभिस्मगरादिभिर्यस्य य32 स्य यदा भूमिस्तस्य तस्य तदा फल(लम्) [*] खन्दातुं सुमहच्छक्यं दुः33 खमन्यस्य पालन(नम्) [*] दानं वा पालनं वेति दानाच्छेयीनुपालन(नम्) [॥*]
खदत्ता प34 रदत्तां वा यो हरेत वसुन्ध (राम्) [*] षष्टिं वर्षसहस्राणि विष्ठायां जायते
क्रिमिः [*]
35 महासान्धिविग्रहिकश्रीरामपुण्यवल्लभन लिखितमिदं शासनं []
[I read Maickal-grāmam=.-Ed.] * Read -Sagar-adibkib/yasya.

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292
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXV.
No. 31. ANJANERI PLATES OF GURJARA JAYABHATA III: K. 461.
BY MADRO SARUP VATS, M.A., AND D. B. DISKALKAR, M.A. This grant consists of two plates which are held together by two copper-rings, one of which has an oval seal containing the letters fri-Jayabhata embossed below a peculiar symbol resem bling a flying Garuda. They were found with a Marathā family surnamed Shid of Anjaneri village in the Nāsik District along with two copper-plate grants of Prithivichandra Bhögasakti, dealt with above, and measure 127" x 9". The first plate contains 18 lines of writing and the second 21.
The characters belong to the southern variety and closely resemble those of the Nausäri and Kävi plates of Jayabhaţa III and IV issued in the years 456 and 486 respectively. With the exception of the attestation in the last line, its palæography is similar to that of the Chalukya and Rashtrakūta grants of the seventh century A.D. found in Gujarat. The characters in the attestation are cursive and differ from the rest of the inscription. Often a dot has been used in the record to denote a mark of punctuation.
The record is dated the 11th day of the dark half of Asvina, Tulā-sarkrānti, (Kalachūri) Samvat 461 corresponding to A.D. 709-10. and was issued from Bharukachchha (Broach). The introductory portion, containing the description of the family of Jayabhata, agrees with that given in the two grants mentioned above. The genealogy starts with Dadda (II) who was born in the lineage of Mahārāja Karna and who protected the lord of Valabhi who was defeated by Harshadöva (identified with Dharasēna IV who suffered defeat at the hands of Harshavardhana of Kanauj). His son was Jayabhata (II) and his son Dadda (III)-Bāhusahāya. The latter's son was Jayabhata (III), the donor, who was a great devotee of Mahesvara and had obtained the five great sounds (samadhigata-pafcha-mahasabda).
The beneficiary in the present grant was a Brahmaņa named Nārāyaṇa son of Vasusvåmin of Dabhilya götra and Chhandöga-Kauthuma sākhā and a resident of Brahmapurl.
The property granted consisted of three pieces of land totalling 60 nivartanas in and around the village Tauranaka situated in the Nandipura Vishaya : the first measuring 52 nivartanas, the second 5 nivartanas and the third 3 nivartanas.
The importance of this grant lies in the fact that it extends the date of Jayabhata III from the year 456 of the Nausāri plates to the year 461.
The grant mentions certain places situated in the Nāndipura vishaya which has already been identified with Nandod situated on the Karjan river in the Rajapipla State. The places mentioned are the villages of Tauranaka, Jayapura, Vidvēraka and Bhatishöhi and the river Karillini, Tauranaka, in and around which were situated the three plots of land granted, seems to be the modern Toran (also called Toranmal) on the Karjan river which seems to be the river Karillini of our grant situated about 2 miles north of Nandod. It is possible that Jayapura is the same as modern Jitpur, 6 miles east of Nandod and about 8 miles south-east of Toran or Tauranaka of the grant. Bhūtishohio and Vidvēraka, however, cannot be identified but should not be far away
1 See above, pp. 225 ff. 1 Ind. Ant., Vol. XIII, pp. 70 ff.
Ibid., Vol. V, pp. 113 ff. Professor Mirashi has since proved that this grant is referable to Jayabhata IV, cf. above, Vol. XXIV, Pp. 176 ff.
[The date would correspond to Tuesday, 23rd September A.D. 710, when the sun seems to have entered the Talk-rabi.-Ed.)
[ See below p. 284, n. 2.-Ed.]
[This is apparently identical with the modern village of Bhuchbad, about 1 miles south-west of Toran the western bank of the Karjan.-Ed.)

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No. 31]
ANJANERI PLATES OF GURJARA JAYABHATA III; K. 461
2 93
from the neighbourhood of Nandod. It is interesting to note that the present topography of the place agrees fairly closely with the description given in the grant.
TEXT.
First Plate.
1 ॐ स्वस्ति [*] श्रीभरकच्छात् सततलमीनिवासभूते कृष्णासन्तापहारिणि दिननाथ
विस्तारितानुभावे हिजकुलोपजीव्यमानविभवशा2 लिनि महति महाराजकान्वये कमलाकर इव राजहङ्ग:(हंसः) प्रबलकलिकाल
विलसिताकुलितविमलस्वभावो' गम्भीरी3 दारचरितविस्थापितसकललोकपालमानसः परमेश्वरत्रीहर्षदेवाभिभूतवलभीपतिपरित्राणीपजा
तनमद4 दमनधानविनमयशीवितानः श्रीदहस्तस्य सूनुरशक्षितागतप्रणयिजनोपभुक्तविभवसंचयीप
चौयमानम5 नोनितिरनेककण्टकवङ्ग(वंश)संदीदाहदुर्मलितप्रतापानलो निशितनिस्त्रिज(स्त्रिंश)धारादा
रितारातिकरिकुनमुक्ताफलच्छ6 लोशसितसितयशीकु (ोश)कावगुण्ठितदिग्वधूवदनसरसिजः श्रीजयभस्तस्यात्मजी महामुनिम
नुप्रणीतप्रवचनाधिग7 मविवेकस्वधम्मानुष्ठानप्रवणि(णी) वत्रिमव्यवस्थाभूलितसकलकलिकालावलेपः प्रणयिजनम
नीरथविषयव्यतीतविभव8 संपादनापनीताशेषशेष पार्थिवदानाभिमानी मदविवांकुशातिवर्तिकुपितकरिनिवारणप्रथित
गुरुगजाधिरी9 हणप्रभावी विपत्प्रपातपतितनरपतिमताभ्युहरणनिखिललोकविश्रुतपरोपकारकरणव्यसनः प्राच
प्रतीचाधि10 राजविजृम्भितमहासंग्रामनरपतिसहसपरिवारितानेकगजघटाविघटनप्रकटितभुजवीर्यविख्यातबा
हुसहाया
1 There is a Virampura about a mile to the west of Jetpur or Jitpur which may be the Brahmapurt, the place ef residence of the donee.-Ed.)
1 Expressed by a symbol. • Should be -vilasit-anakulita.. Staha has been repeated.

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194
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VoL. xxv.
11 परनामा । परममाहेम्बरसममधिमतपञ्चमहाशब्दचीदहस्तस्य सूनुस्नेकसमरसंघघनघटित
गजघटापाट12 नपटुरसहिशुवनगहनदावानली दीनानाथातुरमुखक्वजनबन्धुकुसुदाकरकौमुदीनिशाकरी भागौ
रथोप्रवाह 13 4 विपक्षोभक्षमः शान्तनुरिव समुबूतकलकखारावमहाविाहिनीपतिरादिवराह इव
खभुजबलपराक्रमीतध14 राधरः परममावरमसामधिगतपञ्चमहाशब्दवीजयभठा कुराखी । सनिव राजसा
मन्तभीगिकविषयपतिराष्ट्र 15 आमाम*]हतराधिकारिकादीन्समनुदर्शयत्यस्तु वविदितं यथा मया मातापिपीरात्मन
वैहिकामुभिकपुण्ययशोभि
18 ये । नपुरीनिवासयेतचातुर्खिद्यसामाबडाभित्यसगीपक(छ)न्दीयकोथुमसब्रह्मचारिखा
अणवसुखामिलच17 प्रामा[नारायणाय । बलिचस्वैश्वदेवाग्निहीचातिथिपञ्चमहायनादिक्क(क्रि)योमर्पणात्य॑ ।।
नान्दीपुरविषयान्तर्गत
18 तौरबक्रपामस्व पूर्वोत्तरदिम्बिभागे । हापञ्चाशविवसनप्रमाणं भूखण्डं यस्या
घाटनानि ।
Sesond Plate. 19 पूर्वत: जयपुरपामयायो पन्या हस्तिनिकागतसंलग्न:(ग्नं) सरी(र:) [[*] दक्षिणतः
Ra)]दमोहचीपलचितमैरान्सरि20 त कुटुम्बिदौपसत्वकोटुम्बक्षेत्र मैरान्तस्म(स)मुत्थिती दक्षिणाभिमुखी वहश्च । तथा
परतः तौरवकामा A मात् विहरकग्रामयायो पन्या तथा क्षेत्रमदिरार्थिनी अमिभार वृक्षः तथा
माग मामी काय । तरतः पमाणसांडा । 222 एवम[स]चतुराधाटनीपलक्षितं भूखण्डं [*] तथास्यैव ग्रामस्य दक्षिणदिम्बिभागे
कचे पंचवि(नि)वर्सनप्रमाणं भूखण्डं । यस्याघाटनानि । पू.
Mark of punctuation unnecessary. [The plate reads Tranaka-.-Ed.]

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No. 31.]
ANJANERI PLATES OF QURJARA JAYABHATA III; K. 461
295
% 3D
23 बत: बरदवमर्यादान्तरितकुटुम्बिरेक्शसस्त्रकौटुम्बक्षेत्र । दक्षिणतः करिशिनी नदी ।
पपरतः लग्नुस्तूपलचितबरदकमर्या24 दान्तरितकुटुम्बिवीजधसत्वकौटुम्बक्षेत्र । उत्तरतः बाबदामोदरसखानदेयक्षेत्र ।
राजकीयचरिका च । यदेवं चतुराधाट25 नीपलक्षितं भूखण्डं । तथास्यैव भूखण्डस्य दक्षिणदिम्बिभागे करे । कच्छिका
प्रतिबदनिवर्तनत्रयप्रमाणं भूखण्डं यस्याघाटनानि 28 पूर्वतः करिजिनी नदी । दक्षिणतोस(तस्म)व करिशिनी नदी अपरतः भूतिषीहीग्राम
गामोसीमासन्धिः [*] उत्तरती(तः) कोहलीपलक्षित27 करिजिनीनदीवितटी। एवमेतचतुचतुरापाठनीपलचितभूखणचयावस्थितं षष्टिनिवर्तमप्रमाणं
क्षेत्र । सोपरिकरं । सभूत28 पा(वा)तप्रत्यायं । सधान्यहिरवादेयं । सदशापराधं सीत्पद्यमानविष्टिकं । सर्वराज
कीयानामहस्तप्रक्षेपणौयं । पूर्वप्रस29 देवब्रह्मदायरहितं । भूमिच्छिद्रन्यायेनाचन्द्रामिवस्थि(क्षि)तिसरित्पर्बतसमकालीन । पुत्र
पौवान्वयक्रमोपभोग्यं । गृहस्थाव30 रतटाकसहितमद्याम्खयुजबहुले(ल)कादश्यां तुलासंबान्ते रवावुदकातिसर्गेण प्रतिपा
दितं । यतीस्थीचितया ब्रह्मदायस्थित्या भं31 जतः कषतः कर्षयतः प्रतिदिशती वा न कैश्चियासधे वर्तितव्यमागामिभद्रतृपति
भिरमाइंश्यरन्यवायमस्यदायीनुमन्तव्यः 32 पालयितव्यच । यथाज्ञानतिमिरपटलातमतिराच्छिन्यादाच्छिद्यमानक वानुमादेत स
पञ्चभिर्महापातकैस्मीप33 पातकैसंयुक्त[:*] स्यादित्युक्तं च भगवा(वता) वेदव्यासेन व्यासेन । षष्टिं वर्षसहस्राणि
वर्मो तिष्ठति भूमिदः [*] पाच्छेता चानुमन्ता च सा34 न्येव नरके वसेत् ॥ विन्ध्याटवीष्वतीयासु शुष्ककीटरवासिनः [*] काही हि
. जायन्ते भूमिदाय हरन्ति ये । बहुभिर्वसुधा भुक्ता 35 राजभिमगरादिभिः [*] यस्य यस्य यदा भूमिःत(मिस्त)स्य तस्य तदा फलं.
(लम्) ॥ अग्नेरपत्वं प्रथमं सुवी भूइँष्णवी सूर्यसुताय गावः [*]
10mit ichatu which aredundant,

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[VOL. XXV.
36 लोक (क) च
गां
तेन भवेत्तु दत्तं । यानीह दत्तानि पुरा नरेन्द्रः 37 भुक्तमाल्यप्रतिमानि तानि । को नाम साधुः पुनराददीत [ ॥*] स्वदत्तां परदत्तां
यः काच (च) नं दा (न्द्रेर्दा) नानि
च महीं च दद्यात् ॥ धर्मार्थ यशस्कराणि । नि
वा यत्नाद्रक्ष युधिष्ठिर । महीं महिमतां श्रेष्ठ दाना
38 च्छ्रेयोनुपालनमिति ॥ लिखितमिति बलाधिक्कतदुर्गभटसूनुना बलाधिक्कतसहभटेनेति ॥
बलाधिकृतबावुल
39 दूतकं ॥ सं ४०० ६० १ आश्वयुज ब १० १ निबद्दम् ॥ स्वहस्तो मम योजयभवस्य ॥
TRANSLATION.
(L. 1.) Om. Hail! From the illustrious Bharukachchha :
(Ll. 1-15) [Common to Gurjara grants. See Ind. Ant., Vol. XIII, pp. 79-80.]
(LI. 15-30) Today on the 11th day of the dark fortnight of the month of Asvayuja while the sun was in the Tula Sankranti, I have given with libation of water to the Brāhmaṇa Nārāyaṇa, son of the Brahamana Vasusvamin, resident of Brahmapuri, of the Chaturvidya community and Dabhilya götra, a student of Chhandōga-Kauthuma (säkhā) for the performance of the five mahāyajñas, viz., bali, charu, vaiśvadeva, agnihotra and atithi, a piece of land measuring 52 nivartanas in the north-east of the village Taurapaka3 included in the Nandipura vishaya, bounded on the east by the path leading to Jayapura village and the pond adjoining the Hastinikā streamlet, on the south by the proprietary field belonging to the householder Dipa, which is comprised in the marsh indicated by the Chhedami tree, and also by the streamlet rising from the fringe of the marsh and flowing southwards; in the west by the path leading from the village Tauranaka to the village Vidvēraka, and the Amiara (?) tree as well as the streamlet flowing into the Dhammāņa stream; and in the north by the Dhammaņa stream-this piece of land thus bounded on all the four sides; and a plot of land measuring five nivartanas in the marshy tract. to the south of the same village (Tauraņaka) bounded on the east by the proprietary field of the householder Revalla included within the limits of Baradaka; on the south by the Karillini river; on the west by the proprietary field belonging to the householder Vijadharma comprised within the limits of Baradaka marked by Laggustu (?), and on the north by the donated land belonging to the Brahmana Damodara and by the royal pasture land-the land thus bounded on all four sides; and (lastly) another plot of land measuring 3 nivartanas in the marshy area alongside the embankment and situated to the south of this plot of land, bounded on the east and south by the Karillini river; on the west by the boundary line leading to the village Bhütishōhi; and on the north by the vitați (?) of the Karillini river marked by the Kaulla tree-these plots of land with the boundaries detailed above and measuring in all sixty nivartanas together with the uparikara, bhuta, rata, pratyāya, etc.
(Ll. 27-38) [ Are common with the published Gurjara grants, especially the Nausări plates. See Ind. Ant., Vol. XIII, pp. 80-81.]
(Ll. 38-39) Written by the army chief Sahabhața son of the army chief Durgabhața. The army chief Bavulla (acted as) the Dutaka. Recorded in the year 461, 11th day of the dark fortnight of Asvayuja. This is the sign manual of myself-the illustrious Jayabhata.
1 Danda unnecessary.
Read 'ch chhreyō-nupalanam || iti. [See above, p. 294, n. 2.-Ed.]

Page #358

SEAL OF THE INJANERI PLATES OF GUJARA JAYABILATA III: K. 461.
From a photograph.
N. P. (HAKRAVARTI.
SCALE: ABOUT ACTUAL SIZE.
STINE OF INDIA. CALITLA.

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No. 32.]
THE PUNJAI INSCRIPTION OF KRISHNADEVARAYA.
297
No. 32-THE PUNJAI INSCRIPTION OF KRISHNADEVARAYA.
BY PROF. K. A. NILAKANTA SASTRI, MADRAS. This epigraph (No. 184 of 1925 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection) is a copy of an order issued by king Krishnadevarāya of Vijayanagara while he was camping on the banks of the river Krishnavēņi some time after his conquest of the Kalinga country. So far copies of this order have been found engraved in twenty different places in the Cholamandalam which formed part of the Vijayanagara empire and to which the order relates. These places are: Sendamanga. lam, Tirthanagari, Elavänäsür, Neyvanai (S. Arcot District), Tiruvisalur, Tirukkandisvaram, Perumulai, Korukkai, Tirunagiri, Parasalūr,20 Puñjai, Akkūr, Tillaiyādi,13 Tirukkadaiyür," Sendalai, Iluppappattu,26 Talaināyar, 17 Tirumangalakkudi8 (Tanjore District), Tiruppaļatturai, 19 and Kannanūra (Trichinopoly District). Though they are all copies of the same royal order, certain variations are found in them not only in the details of the order but also in their record of the achievements of the king.
The inscription is edited with the aid of the impressions and transcripts of all its copies kindly placed at my disposal by Mr. C. R. Krishnamacharlu, Superintendent for Epigraphy, Madras. Mr. T. V. Mahalingam, M.A., rendered much invaluable assistance in collating the numerous copies and preparing the text and translation of the record, in the verification of the geographical data, and in many other ways.
The script of all the copies is in mixed Grantha and Tamil, and Sanskrit words are often transliterated into Tamil. The language is Tamil; there are however two Sanskrit verses, one at the beginning and the other at the end. The engraving of the inscription appears to have been the work of persons of mediocre ability, and hence many mistakes are found in each copy. The defective nature of these inscriptions is, for instance, in striking contrast with the excellence of workmanship found in the Chola inscriptions from the same area. Of the twenty copies of the epigraph only four are complete, those found at Paraśalūr, Puñjai, Ākkūr and Tillaiyādi; and the chief variations among these have been noticed in the footnotes to the text.
The inscription opens with an invocation to Ganapati and Siva, and records the date and the purpose of the royal order together with the titles of the king; it then gives an account of the conquests of Krishṇadēvarāya in the eastern country till the date of the record, and states that the king while he was halting on the banks of the Krishnavēņi in Saka 1439 (A D. 1517), remitted 10,000 varāhan (gold pieces) in favour of the Siva and Vishnu temples in the Cholamandalam, The remission comprised the dues called jõdi and arasuperu; other copies mention in addition, one or more of the following: sūlavari, nilavali and marrum pala pirararigalum.21
There is a like difference among the copies in the number and names of the temples enumerated as the beneficiaries of the remission, only a few (like the one that is being edited) mentioning almost all the places. Generally each of the copies mentions the place where it is found and a few
1 No. 74 of 1903 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection. * No. 125 of 1904,
No. 142 of 1906. • No. 381 of 1908. * No. 355 of 1907. • No. 80 of 1911. * No. 210 of 1917.
No. 235 of 1917. .No. 406 of 1918. 10 No. 167 of 1925. # No. 184 of 1925.
12 No. 226 of 1925. 13 No. 235 of 1925. 14 No. 251 of 1925. 16 No. 214 of 1926. 16 No. 137 of 1927. 17 No. 157 of 1927. 18 No. 223 of 1927. 19 No. 288 of 1903. 20 No. 511 of 1905. 11 Soe n. 4, p. 305 below.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXV.
others. Hence to draw a list of all the places in favour of which the remission was made, & comparative study of all the copies is essential. Here the four complete copies have been closely compared for being edited while the others have been referred to wherever necessary. The full list obtained is given further down.
The inscription is of more than ordinary interest to the student of Vijayanagara history. Firstly, it gives a detailed list of the conquests of Krishnadēvaraya in the Telugu country up to the date of the record though it does not state the dates of the different campaigns and conqueste. Secondly, on account of the use made of this record by H. Krishna Sastri, it has a bearing on the identification of "Catuir" of Nuniz, a difficult problem for which no satisfactory solution has been offered so far. Lastly it gives us some idea of a few of the taxes and the fivenue administration in the empire.
The campaigns of Kțishṇadēvarāya against the Gajapati ruler of Orissa and his confederates which are briefly mentioned in this record have been dealt with in detail by H. Krishna Sastrit in the light of other inscriptions of the reign and the evidence drawn from contemporary literature, and there is no need, therefore, to consider them at any length here. There is, however, one point on which the opinion tentatively expressed by Krishna Sastri seems to be open to further consideration. This relates to the expedition against Catuir mentioned by Nuniz and the location of that place. Some inscriptions of Kộishnadēvarāya's reign, like the one now edited, trace the course of the king's northern campaign up to Simháchalam and Poţtunūru, where he planted a pillar of victory. Telugu works of the reign seem to extend the range of the campaign. "From the Pārijātāpaharaṇamu and other Telugu works, however," says Krishna Sastri, " we learn that Krishnarāya did not stop with the setting up of the pillar of victory at Pottunūru, but went further north, even into the interior of the Gajapati's dominions, devastated the country of Oddādi and burnt his capital town of Kataka (.e., Cuttack) thus forcing the Gajapati to make peace by offering the hand of one of his daughters ". He then points out that we have no epigraphical evidence erabling us to decide if this raid into Oddadi took place in continuation of the campaign commemorated by the pillar of victory at Potjanūru or occurred later as part of another campaign, and proceeds: "This much, at any rate, becomes certain from the Simhachalam records, viz., that Krishnarāya was at Sin hädri at the beginning of Saka 1438, and that in Saka 1441 he mado over to the temple at Simhachalam certain villages which were granted to him by the Gajapati king. Whether these latter were the voluntary gifts of the Gajapati ruler on behalf of his ally Kțishộarāya or were wrung from him by a regular raid on his capital, are points which cannot be decided at present. Nevertheless there appears to be a clue to some bistorical event-not yet discovered in the conquest of Catuir which is mentioned by Nuniz next, perhaps, in chronological order, after making peace with the king of Orya. The name Catuir cannot be traced either in epigraphical records or in Telugu literature. Nor is Nuniz himself very clear in his statements about this place and the expedition against it. He says that Catuir is situated on the Charmãodel side and that it is surrounded by a river which at the time of Krishộarāya's capture was in flood. Besides, the account does not state against whom the attack was directed; nor does it disclose any proper names that could lead to the identification of Catuir. Sewell thinks that there is in this a possible reference to Vellore. But as Telugu literature has so far been found to con firm the facts related in lithic records or registered by Nuniz, it may not be altogether improbable to suppose that the Catuir' of Nuniz is identical with Kataka (Cuttack) mentioned in Telugu literature, and that Kộishnaraya, according to the latter authority, must have finally compelled
* Annual Report, A. 8. 1., 1908-9, pp. 176-82.

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No. 32.]
THE PUNJAI INSCRIPTION OF KRISHNADEVARAYA.
299
the Gajapati king to flee and burnt his capital before accepting from him the terms of peace and the hand of his daughter in marriage........ Very likely Nuniz took Catuir' to be situated in a country different from that of the Gajapati's and thought that the peace with Gajapati was concluded before Krishnaraya started against Catuir ".
It is true Nuniz's account of Krishnaraya's expedition against Catuir is vague and leaves many things doubtful; but if any one fact emerges clearly from his account, it is that Catuir was not in Orissa. For he begins his account of this expedition with the categorical statement: After Crisnarao had made peace, and had married the daughter of the king of Orya, and had restored to him his wife and land beyond the river, as has been mentioned above, he made ready a large army and prepared to attack Catuir', and he also says: after the king returned from Orya he never went again thither'. These statements show clearly that Nuniz was clear that the expedition against Catuir had nothing whatever to do with the Orissa campaign. And it is not easy to accept the identity of Catuir with Kaṭaka.
Phonetically more plausible is the suggestion of Dr. N. Venkataramanayya that Catuir should be sought in Kayattar in the Tinnevelly District. The Pandyan ruler of Kayattar was, he thinks, besieged at Kayal by Krishnadevaraya, and Nuniz's account of the siege of one of the principal cities where the lord of Catuir was has reference to this. He points out that Krishnaraya is said to have conquered Ceylon in an inscription at Piränmalai, and that some time between A.D. 1514 and A.D. 1522 the ruler of Quilon must have lost control of the eastern part of the Tinnevelly District including the sea-coast, and Krishnaraya's expedition must have brought this about." But apart from the inconclusive character of the evidence cited which does not seem quite to sustain the conclusion reached, one serious objection to this reconstruction lies in Nuniz's statement that the land of Catuir is on the Charmãodel side'. The term Coromandel coast is generally applied to the coast between say Point Calimere and the Krishna river, and even if it be loosely extended a little more to the south, it is extremely doubtful if it could be made to cover the whole of the Eastern coast down to Cape Comorin, and if, further, a town so far inland as Kayattar which is at least 25 miles from the sea as the crow flies and much more by the road from Käyal, can be said to be on the Coromandel side by an author who is using the expression from the standpoint of Vijayanagar.
The suggestion made by Dr. S. K. Aiyangar that Catuir must be taken to be a variant of Kadavar ignores the direct statement of Nuniz that Catuir is a geographical name 'Catuir, which is the land of a lord who had been in revolt for fifty years'. It is perhaps unnecessary to follow the further stages of the argument built upon such a slender hypothesis.
Now in the contemporary Dutch records of the beginning of the seventeenth century, there is frequent mention of a place called Katoer. This is described as a fortress within a mile of Pulicat. I draw my information not directly from the Dutch records to which I have no access, but from the excellent summaries of them provided by N. McLeod in his De Oost-Indische Compagnie als Zeemogendheid in Azie (2 vols., 1927). We first hear of the place in 1610 under the
1 Sewell, A Forgotten Empire, pp. 320, 322.
Studies in the History of the Third Dynasty of Vijayanagara, pp. 447-52.
A yet remembered ruler of a long forgotten empire, pp. 8-11. Dr. Aiyangar's statement that Nuniz's description of the capture of Catuir is exactly the description that is given of the siege and capture of Sivanasamu. dram in the Krishnarajavijayamu' (p. 9) is not supported either by the text or by the summary of it in Sources, pp. 130-31. His other citations from literature, e.g., Pärijätäpaharaṇamu are not more helpful. The Kongudesa. rajakkal contains a good account of the Ummattur campaign, but it has no resemblance to Nuniz's account under reference.

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[VOL. XXV.
name Anai-Kāțţūr on the river of Pulicat granted to the Dutch for purposes of trade by Obber rája, a captain of the Vellore army, i.e., of the kingdom of Vijayanagar.! Again we find SingamaNaik entrenched in the same place at a distance of mile from Geldria (the Dutch fort at Pulicat) on the 11th August 1625. Passing over unimportant references to the places we may note that in the civil war that was raging in 1632, Sriranga, a nephew of the ruling king Venkata II, sent an army of 3,000 men against the fort of Kāttür (within sight of Geldria) which was then in the hands of Timarāja, the chief of the rebellion. We seem to have then in Kāțţūr Katoer' of the Dutch records) a fortified place located on a river and on the Coromandel side' which by its name, situation and historical associations seems to answer very well to Nuniz's Catuir. A reference to the survey map sheet No. 66 C/SW (D-2) (scale 1 inch=2 miles) will show that Kātřūr is situated in the midst of swampy and difficult country and besides the river already mentioned, there is also a tank and other waterways, all likely to be flooded easily in the rainy season.
It may be noted that Nuniz counts Paleacate among the countries paying tribute to Vijayanagara under Dēvarāya II, that is, some time about 1440 A.D., and Sewell, after rightly identifying this place as Pulicat, near Madras, adds a note saying: This was an important province of Vijayanagar in later years'. It seems probable that the lord who had been in revolt for fifty years' and in whose land Catuir lay, was the lord of this province. The words of Nuniz as rendered by Sewell are: Crisnarao "prepared to attack Catuir, which is the land of a lord who had been in revolt for fifty years; this land is on the Charmãodel side. And he went against it, and laid siege to one of the principal cities where the lord of the land was; and it is called...... and is surrounded with water ”.. The last sentence and the blank in it do seem to create a diffieulty; but the categorical statement at the beginning that the king prepared to attack Catuir. may well be taken to mean that this was the principal city ' in bis land where the rebel lord was at the time of Krishnarāya's war.
Referring to the grant now being edited, Krishna Sastri bas observed : ' The choice of the bank of the river Krishna for making a grant in favour of the temples of Chöļa-mandala in the south, cannot be reasonably explained except by supposing that Krishnarāya was about this time, viz., the end of Saka 1439, again on his march for a second time to the Kalinga country against
Catuir', which, as noted above, is very probably Cuttack '.' Two considerations may be urged against this view. First, there is the categorical statement of Nuniz cited already, that after Krishnaraya returned from the expedition to Orissa which resulted in his marriage with the Gajapati's daughter, he did not go back to Orissa. Secondly, there is a definite statement in an inscription dated Saka 1438 that Krishnarāya had already accomplished the conquest of the Kalinga country as far north as Kataka, which sufficiently accounts for the literary evidence cited by Krishna Sastri without the necessity for postulating another Orissa campaign in Saka 1439.
We do not know the particular reason for which Bezwada was chosen as the scene of this comprehensive grant to the numerous temples of the Tamil country. But we know that in the preceding year (Dhātri), the monarch had attended the mahāmakham festival in Kumbhakõnam
McLeod, i, p. 96.
Ibid., i, p. 473. • Ibid., i, pp. 487 and 492 ; ii, pp. 171, 179. • Ibid., ii, p. 13. - A Forgotten Empire, p. 302. • Ibid., p. 321. 1 Annual Report, A. S. 1., 1908-9, p. 182.
.No. 494 o 1922. See also pp. 177-81 of Tirupat: Devasthanam Epigraphical Report, by Sadhu Subrah. manya Sastri, who accepts the identity of Catuir with Cultnek,
.No. 493 of 1907, the Saka dato 1410 must be wroig.

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No. 32.]
THE PUNJAI INSCRIPTION OF KRISHNADEVARAYA.
and utilised the occasion for making an extensive tour to the various sbrines in the south. The most detailed account of this tour is furnished by the Räyavachakamu. Evidently, after his return to home country, he wanted to commemorate in some striking manner the pilgrimage he had just concluded. The administrative consultations necessary before the monarch's idea could be implemented must have taken some months as in all probability the local officers in charge of the different parts of the Tamil land had to be consulted. When the final decision had been taken, the monarch must have chosen a suitable place and occasion for making the actual proclamation of his decision. The time chosen was Makara-sankranti of the Isvara year, and the visit to the Ksishṇā river and the shrines of Anantaśäyin of Undavilli and Mallikarjuna of Bezwada on such an occasion is easily understood. The date of the record corresponds to 28th December, A.D. 1517.
It is possible that Krishnaraya's presence at Bezwada was connected with one of the numerous campaigns of the reign fought against the Sultan of Golconda, Kuli Kutb Shah. Late in his life the Sultān boasted of having reduced the infidels of Telingana from the borders of Warangal to Masulipatam and Rājahmundry, having taken between sixty and seventy forts by force of arms. The anonymous historian who has recorded this fact also mentions a war directed by Krishnadēvatāya himself after the capture of Devarakonda by Kuli Kutb Shah.. The date of the particular campaign cannot be determined with precision, and the anonymous historian does not give any date. But once more, it is possible that this campaign is identical with that mentioned by Nuniz as having occurred after Krishnarāya's capture of Catuir, and having been directed against & Muslim captain most probably of the army of Kuli Kutb Shāh of Golconda. If these suggestions are accepted, the presence of Kțishộarāya at Bezwada receives a simple and natural explanation as being connected with the regular course of the military campaigns of the reign.
The taxes that were remitted in favour of the Siva and Vishnu temples of the Chõlamandalam were Jodi, Sulavari, Nilavali (Nilavari), Araéu peru, and other taxes (piravari). These taxes were due to the king (palace) from the temples themselves (1. 30). All these taxes are not mentioned in all the copies of the inscription. It is difficult to specify the exact nature of all of them, but the following suggestions may be made : Jödi is explained by Wilson as a favourable quit rent on ināsn lands. It is also the name of a tenure under which a person reclaims a certain portion of waste land, settles on it, and pays half or quarter of the gross value of the produce to the Government. In the Vijayanagar epigraphs it is found used generally in the former sense, and was in many respects similar to the manyakāņike which the holders of inām lands like Brāhmans and Fakirs paid to the State. Thus Jodi was a small quit rent, paid by the temples, on their inām lands. The rate is unknown.
Sulavari is more difficult to explain. One of the meanings given under the word Sulam in the Tamil Lericon is : Brand-mark on cattle, usually trident-shaped '. No authority is cited in the Lexicon, but the meaning suits the context of our inscription very well and seems to show that
* Sources of Vijayanagar History. (Madras University Historical Series, I), pp. 125-9. * Briggs : Firishla (Cambray & Co., 1910), iii, pp. 952-3. • Ibid., pp. 355-6. I owe this reference to Dr. N. Venkataramanayya. • A Forgotten Empire, p. 322.
No. 288 of 1903. •H. H. Wilson : Glossary of Judicial and Revenue terms, p. 214, col. 1.
Narasinga Rao: A Kisamuir Glossary of Kanarese Words, p. 91, cited by Saletore, Social and Political Life in the Vijayanagar Empire, ii, p. 440.
. Cf. Dr. N. Venkataramanayya : Studies in the History of the Third Dynasty of Fijayanagara, pp. 229-30.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXV.
the Sulavari was perhaps a small tax or fee paid on the cattle belonging to the temples, each head of cattle being branded at the time of registration in the nearest public office.
Nilavali seems to be only a variant of the usual Nilavari land tax, levied on lands which were not inams, but held in ordinary tenure by the temples concerned.
Arasuperu is another difficult term. Wilson' notes that Araśu means ' privileges allowed for watching', and 'Arasukkaran'-' a person holding certain privileges for performing police duty'. 'Peru' is an abstract noun from Tamil perudal, to get', and means receipts'. Arasuperu then may be taken to stand for the fee collected by the State for the performance of police duties and the maintenance of security. This was perhaps different from the wages of the village watchmen. It must have been a levy by the central government for our inscription contains the specific statement that all the dues remitted by this grant were due to the palace, i.e. to the king-aran. manaikku iruttuvarugira (1. 30); or aranmanai kanakkil padindu varugira (No. 288 of 1903).
The proclamation was not given effect to even so late as in 1521 which is mentioned in an epigraph dated Saka 1443, Vikrama, Mithuna, ba. Tritiya, Friday, Tiruvonam. It states that one Kariya Manikya Bhaṭṭar Apatsahāyar waited on Krishnadevaraya at Vijayanagara and got ratification of the order of the remission of Jodi and Sulavari on certain villages which had been remitted already in favour of the temple at Tirukkadaiyür, but was not given effect to till then."
The Sendamangalam copy of the epigraph describes the boundaries of the Chōlamanḍalam, the Siva and Vishnu temples in which were benefited by the remission. Chōlamandalam comprised the region south of the Gaḍilam, west of the sea, north of the Vellaru (south) and east of the wall at Köṭṭaikkarai. This copy also says that the beneficiaries of the grant were in the heart of the Chōla country.
According to the epigraph the region was divided into three districts or simais. They are the Iranḍärrupparru Bhuvanēkaviran (Bhuvanagiri)paṭṭana-chchirmai, Tañjavürpaṭṭana-chchirmai and Tiruchchinäppalli-chirmai. In the Vijayanagara days a simai was a smaller division than a rajya, and its exact relation to the more ancient kottam or nadu is difficult to find, though it seems probable that the simai was a larger division than the nadu or köttam. The Bhuvanagiripaṭṭana-chchirmai covered the northern part of the Chōlamandalam, with its headquarters at Bhuvanagiri, a big village on the northern bank of the Vellaru (north) in the Chidambaram taluk. There is to be found at the place even in the present day a fort in a fairly good condition. It appears to derive its name from Bhuvanaikavira, a title borne by two Pāṇḍyan kings, Märavarman Kulasekhara I and Maravarman Vikrama Pandya," who were contemporaries in the latter part of the thirteenth century A.D. The region is called in the epigraph as Iranḍārrupparru Bhuvanaikavīrapaṭṭana, perhaps on account of the fact that it was bounded by two rivers, the Gadilam and the Vellāru. Tañjāvürpaṭṭana-chchirmai is probably all the territory covered by the present Tanjore and had its headquarters at Tañjāvūr. To the west of this was the Tiruchchirapalli-chirmai with its headquarters at Trichinopoly.
1 Glossary, p. 31, col. 1.
No. 246 of 1925.
While almost all the copies mention the above three divisions, a few mention some others. They are Rakasura-chchirmai, mentioned before Tañjāvür-chirmai, Viramaḍakku-chchirmai
No. 74 of 1903.
There is a verse in Tamil which gives practically the same traditional boundaries substituting for Gadilam the Northern Vellar which enters the sea near Porto Novo. See The Colas, i, p. 22.
The Panayan Kingdom, pp. 186, 189-90.
No. 511 of 1903; Nos. 226 and 235 of 1925.

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THE PUNJAI INSCRIPTION OF KRISHNADEVARAYA.
303
and Perambūr-chirmai and Kulittandanai-chirmai, mentioned after Tiruchchirāpalli-chirmai. It is difficult to identify all of them. Perambur-chirmai is perhaps the territory covered by parts of the Perambalur taluk, and the Kulittandanai-chirmai that covered by the modern Kulittalai taluk both of the Trichinopoly District.
We have a list of a large number of places in favour of which the remission was made ; and arranged by taluks they are the following: Käpättāmpulldr .
Chidambaram taluk. 8. Arcot District. Mannarkoyil . .
Ditto.
Ditto. Närsiyür (Tirunārsiyor)
Ditto.
Ditto. Tiruchchonnapuram (now Tiruchchinnapuram)
Ditto.
Ditto. Tirumuttam (now Srimushpam)
Ditto.
Ditto. Udaiyárköyil .
Ditto.
Ditto. Tirumāņikkuļi
• Cuddalore taluk.
Ditto. Tiruppădirippuliyür .
Ditto.
Ditto. Tiruttipainagar.
Ditto.
Ditto. Tiruvantirapuram
Ditto.
Ditto. Tyagavalli . . .
Ditto.
Ditto. Sēndavanmangalam .
Tindivanam taluk.
Ditto. Iraivanädür . .
Tirukköyilor taluk.
Ditto. Tirunāmanallur (Tirunāvallar) .
Ditto.
Ditto. Tirunarunkondai (now Tirunirankonrai) . .
Ditto.
Ditto. Tittaikudi .
Vriddhachalam taluk.
Ditto. Pennāgadam
Ditto.
Ditto. Kuruchchi . . .
Kumbakonam taluk. Tanjore District. Pandananallar.
Ditto.
Ditto. Sirukudi . .
Ditto.
Ditto. Suryadēvanāyapārköyil
Ditto.
Ditto. Tirukködika (now Tirukkodikával)
Ditto.
Ditto. Tirundutövankudi (Tiruttēvaŋkudi)
Ditto.
Ditto. Tirumangalakkuļi .
Ditto.
Ditto. Tiruppenanda!.
Ditto.
Ditto. Tiruvelliyangudi.
Ditto. Tiruvennagar (now Uppiliyappanköyil).
Ditto.
Ditto. Tiruvidalar
Ditto. Vaigal . . .
Ditto. . . . .
Ditto. Agalangap. .
Mayavaram taluk.
Ditto. Akkür
Ditto.
Ditto. Ilangårakkuļi . .
Ditto.
Ditto. Iluppappatta . .
Ditto.
Ditto. Irákurimapalayam (now Irsjastryanpettai).
Ditto.
Ditto, Korukkai . .
Ditto.
Ditto. Karrilam . .
Ditto.
Ditto. Paluvur . . .
Ditto.
Ditto. Pariyalar (Tiruppariyalür). . . .
Ditto.
Ditto. Perumalai . .
Ditto.
Ditto, Talaichchangadu
Ditto.
Ditto. Talain yap
Ditto.
Ditto. Tillaiyadi .
Ditto.
Ditto. Tirukkadaiyar ,
Ditto.
Ditto. Tirunanipalli .
Ditto.
Ditto. Tiruvalundor .
Ditto.
Ditto. Tiruv liputtur (Tiruvânputtar) .
Ditto.
Ditto. * No. 355 of 1907; No 125 of 1904.
Ditto.
Ditto.
.....

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304
Tirukkondiévaram Tirumarugal Tirumechchür
Tiruppattûr
Tiruppugaļūr
Tiruvanchiyam (now Śriväñchiyam)
Virkudi
Tēvür
Nallur
Achchapuram Stramavinnagar
Tādanankōyil
Tirukkuraiyalür
Tirthanagari
Tirunagari
Tirunangūr
Tiruppungar
Chandralekai (Sendalai)
Tañchāvar.
Tirumalipāḍi
Tiruppunturutti
Tiruvaiyaru Tirukkäṭṭupalli
Vallam
Kannanur
Andärköyil
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
Tiruppalatturai
Tiruchchirapalli
Gangaikondachōlapuram (Gangaikondam)
Paluvür Tillaiyāļiviṭṭam
Nannilam taluk.
Ditto.
Ditto.
Ditto.
Ditto.
Ditto.
Ditto.
Negapatam taluk.
Papanasam taluk.
Shiyāli taluk.
Ditto.
Ditto.
Ditto.
Ditto.
Ditto.
Ditto.
Ditto.
Tanjore taluk.
Ditto
Ditto.
Ditto.
Ditto.
Ditto.
Ditto.
Musiri taluk. Trichinopoly taluk.
Ditto. Ditto. Udaiyarpalayam taluk. Ditto.
(not identifiable.)
į VOL. XXV.
Tanjore District.
Ditto.
Ditto.
Ditto.
Ditto.
Ditto.
Ditto.
Ditto.
Ditto.
Ditto.
Ditto.
Ditto.
Ditto.
Ditto.
Ditto.
Ditto.
Ditto.
Ditto.
Ditto.
Ditto.
Ditto.
Ditto.
Ditto.
Ditto. Trichinopoly District. Ditto.
Ditto.
Ditto.
Ditto
Ditto.
TEXT.
1 Subham-astu1|| śrī-Gaṇāti pataye namaḥ | Namas-tunga-[si]
2 ras-chumpista -chantira-chamara-[charave*] trailōkya-nakar-a[ra*]mpa"-mula
3 stampaya Sampuvē[*] Subham-astu | Svasti Sri Vijayat
4 bhuta Sali[vabama-sa [ka*]-varusham 143911 mel-chchel
5 lani[pra Ijávara samva[tsa*]rattu Pushya1s spayal Paurņamaiņā!(nāl)1 śrī[ma]
6 n-mahārājādhirāja rājaparamēśvara hariya(ari)rāya-vibhāṭan1 bhā
1 Nos. 167, 226 and 235 of 1925 omit this.
2 Read Ganadhi.
* Read -chumbi.
Here ta is superfluous; it is, however, found in Nos. 167 and 226 of 1925 also.
Read chandra-. In Nos. 167 and 226 of 1925 it is chantra.
• Read -nagar-.
7 Read "mbha.
Read -mula..
Read stambhaya.
10 Read Sambhave. In No. 226 of 1925 it is "bhuve.
11 The same reading is found in Nos. 167 and 226 of 1925; in No. 225 of 1925 it is "bhutaya. The usual form is Vijayabhyudaya.
13 Saka 1409 in No. 235 of 1917, a mistake for Saka 1439.
3 No. 74 of 1903 and No. 80 of 1911 give Magha.
14 Probably stands for buddha; clearly given in Nos. 226 and 235 of 1925. In No. 214 of 1926 the reading is. Pushyamasattu purvapakshalu.
15 Pauraami nal in No. 226 of 1925, and gal in No. 235 of 1925. Paurnamiyinmel in No. 235 of 1917, and yile in No. 214 of 1926.
In No. 167 of 1925 it is ariyaraya-vibhafa, while in Nos. 226 and 235 of 1925 it is vibhatan.

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THE PUNJAI INSCRIPTION OF KRISHNADEVARAYA.
305
7 shaikku-ttappuva-rayar -ganda! Yavaparāsa-sthapanachariya' Prata8 parudra-Geja pati-saptamga-harana bri-Virapradapa sri-Vira-Kșishpadēvarāya-ma9 hārāyar Solamandalattu Vishnusthānam? Sivasthanam mudalāna 10 dévasthanangalukku sõdi arasupēru saravam'sā]nyam-āga vita tan11 mało-sātana irayasam sri(na)"mum Vijayannagara-ppattanattila irundu pūruva-11 12 dikku visaisya*-yātrai aga purappattu Udaiyagiri-tturkamum sādichchu Tirumalai 13 Iraguttamal-riyanaiyum pidittu kondu Viņikkondai" Någår. 14 rchiņakondai Vellamukonda Kondavidu Kon[da*Uppalli 20 Irāsa15 mavēntirapuramo mudalāgiya du[rga]ngaļun=gattikkondu 23 Pratāparuttifra*) Gesa
pati
16 kumāran Virabhadrasēņan " Geśapatis Pratāpapūpati" Prakalātana Sirachchantiranas
Malluk-Kan
1 Reading is tappuraya in No. 235 of 1925. * The reading is räyaraganda in Nos. 167, 226 and 235 of 1925. * The reading is rajya in Nos. 74 of 1903, 125 of 1904 and 80 of 1911,
• In a few other copies Kpishộarāya takes two more titles. In Nos. 235 of 1917 and 214 of 1926 is found the title muvarayaragandan; in No. 511 of 1905 are found the titles muvarayaraganda and affadikkuraya-manobhayankara, while in Noe. 74 and 288 of 1909, 80 of 1911, 210 of 1919, 167, 226 and 235 of 1925 are found the titles ashladikkewaya-mano-bhayankara and müvarayaraganda.
Read Gajao, • Same in Nos. 167, 226 and 235 of 1925; read Opratapa.
Vishnu temples alone are mentioned in No. 381 of 1908.
• In No. 288 of 1903 the taxes are said to be jodigal Salavari nilavasi arašupēru marrum pala pira-varigalum. No. 511 of 1905 reads : södi tidavari arabupēru piravari andana yelläm. In No. 355 of 1907 only jodi and büla uuri are legible. No 235 of 1917 mentions dodiya, nilavali and urasupéru while No. 214 of 1926 has bödi, bularari and ara supera.
• Read earpa
40 No. 74 of 1903 reads : vitfupalita rutina dharmma-Sosana Tyasam; 125 of 1904 saramanyam-aga-ppi. litta dharma, 511 of 1905 as aga tiru ulamparrina tanma, 80 of 1911 vidachchitteli palikta dkarmma. In Nos. 226 and 235 of 1925 we have the word dharmma-sadhana-rayasam in Grantha.
11 No. 226 of 1925 reads namum. 13 The letter is superfluous. 13 Paganatti{le) in No. 226 of 1925 and papanatt-irundu in No. 235 of 1925. 14 Read pūrva.. 15 The reading in yitraiyaga sineh Udayagiri-durgpamum adhittu in No. 74 of 1903. 16 No ma in 167 of 1925. 17 The reading is Vinikonda in Nos. 167 and 235 of 1925. 18 Read Nagarjunakondai; konda in Nos. 167, 228 and 235 of 1925. 19 Vellamkonda in No. 167 of 1925 where Vella is repeated but the subsequent words are missing. 30 Tondappalfi in No. 235 of 1917. 21 Read : Omahendrapuram.
32 Sadhitta vingikkondu in No. 74 of 1903; vangikondu in Nos. 511 of 1905 and 80 of 1911 and [oddhi) Hu=kkaffi kkondu in No. 107 of 1925.
tead Gajapati. · Perhaps stands for sēnanaiyum as in No. 512 of 1905: janan in No. 226 of 1925 and janana in No. 235 of 1925.
25 Read Gajapati * Read pradhanabhüpati. T1 Prahalatan in Nos. 167, 226 and 235 of 1925.
Read Sira schandran as in No. 235 of 1925. *Kanan in Nos. 167, 226 and 235 of 1925, while in No. 233 of 1917 it ends with Karnan, and in No. 511 of 2905 with Khanu.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXV.
17 Uttaņdakäpan mudalāna pättira"-samantargalaiyum sivikkiramamäga-ppidittukkon. 18 du Pratāparuttira Gesa(Gaja)patiyaiyum murayakkutti Singättirikku eļundaruļi
Pottaņūril 19 jayastampa(bha)mum nifi(ru)tti. Solamandalam' dēvastānam. Tiruchchirapalli
Santalagai Tirukka20 ttuppalli Tirunagira 11 Tirunāngür T[i*]ruvelupdūr's Tēvür Tiruvepnagar Agalangan 21 Tiruvantirapuram' Tirumäņikuļi Tirupattūri Vaiygal Tirumuttam Tiruppädiripuli22 yūr Tiruttiņainagar Iraivānāšūra? Sēndavanmangalan Tirunāvallur Tittaikudi
Tirunā23 raigūrı Kāņāttampulļūr# Tiyagavallin Sirāmaviņņagar Tiruvelliyanguļi Pan24 dananallur* Talaichohangāļu" Kuruohohim Tiruppungūr Korukkai Talaināya[ka]n 25 Tirumangalakkudi Tiruvisalur Tirutēvaņkudi Sūriyadēvanayaņārköyila? Ti
Read Uddanda. • Read patra• Read jivagrahamaga, jivagrahanamdga in Nos. 226 and 235 of 1925. • In No. 511 of 1905 it is muriyaveffs.
i. e. Simhädrikku as in No. 226 of 1925. • The reading is põduvittu in Nos. 74 of 1903 and 80 of 1911, and shapittu in No. 125 of 1904.
Sõjamandala-naduvil in No. 74 of 1903. . In No. 125 of 1904 the word Tirulinainagar follows the word divaathanam.
• No. 511 of 1905 has the following - Tiruchchillap palli)-chchimai padagarai Irajaraja-alandftu Malanálfs Pachchilkürrattu kif Pålarru-k Kannamür nåyanár Péalidvaramudaiya-ndyagår köyil bodi hilavari pipavari arahpēru uipadavum Tirumalapadi Vallam Tarijavur Tiruppandurutti Tiruvaiyaru Tiruvafundür Iraburmapalayam Tiruvaijiyam Tiruppugalür Paluvur Pandananallar Tiruppanaindal Tirunagari Tirundingir Tadalantoyil Sigali mudalana Irandărruparru-firmas, etc. No. 288 of 1903 has Tiruchchirappalli ukávadi kepkarai Indjagambhira-pala. nadu Tirupparátturai mudalagiya Sõjamandala#u srandu....pparru-Sirmaiy-ina Kirippaffanatu airmai Radasuvattu firmai Tanjavur firmai pattu mudalana Vishnusthanam Sivasthanam, etc.
10 Read Chandralikai. 11 No. 167 of 1925 reads Tirunagari clearly. 11 Followed by Tiruppariyalur in No. 125 of 1904. 19 No. 355 of 1907 reads Rasentiravinnagar.
Tiruvayintirapuram in Nos. 125 of 1904 and 226 of 1925.
is Tirumanikudi in Nos. 235 of 1917 and 226 and 235 of 1926. In No. 126 of 1904 this procedes Tiruvan. tirapuram.
* Tiruppugalür in Nos. 210 and 235 of 1917, 226 and 235 of 1925. 11 Before this two other places are found in No. 125 of 1904, viz., Korukkai, Tiyagavalli.
18 Before Tiftakudi we have : Tiruna[ru]ngordai and Thirukkodigd in No. 125 of 1904; in No. 226 of 1925 it is Tiffaikudi. After Tiffaikudi we have Pennågadam in No. 125 of 1904.
Tirunarayur in No. 226 of 1925.
11 Udaiyarköyil, Mannarköyil and Tiruchounapuram before Kanatlar in No. 125 of 1904; Kandffam. pulfur in Nos. 210 of 1907 and 226 of 1925. Kanatupuffür in No. 235 of 1925.
11 Mentioned earlier in No. 125 of 1904.
Kanaffumullur is followed by Pandananallür, Achchapuram and Kuyuchchi in No. 125 of 1904. # Mentioned after Tiruvelliyangudi in No. 125 of 1904.
Kurichchi in Nos. 167 of 1925, 226 and 235 of 1925.
* Tulainoyakam in No. 125 of 1904, T'alaindyakan in No. 235 of 1917, Talaindgar in No. 226 of 1028 and Talainayan in 235 of 1926.
# Tirundudevakudi in Nos. 355 of 1907, 226 and 235 of 1926.
» Süriyar. dyanár-köyil in No. 356 of 1907; Sáriyadivanayindr in No. 235 of 1917 and Siriyanayinar in No. 235 of 1925.

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26 rukködika Kufrälam Sirukudi' Tirukkuraiyaļūr Virkudi Achchāpuram: Tiruvāliput27 tür Nallur Andārköyil Gengaikondam* Tirumēchchür Tirunanipalli 28 mudalāgiya Cholamandalattu yiraņdārrupparru Buvaněkaviranpattaņa-sirmai' 29 Tañjävūrpastaņa-chchip(r)mai' Tiruchchirăpal}i-chin(r)maiy- ut[pa*]tta' Śivatānam' Vish30 #inatapam' mudalagiya dēvattānangalil" pūruva-mudalăgiya varaimapaikkul irut31 tu-varugira" södin arasupēru?? patinäyira varāgan inda varāgan patināyiramum
an32 danda dēvatånamkalukkum makara-sankiranti punniya-kälattile Kivittipavēņi 33 tirattile Undavilli Apantaśayi sapnatiyam" Gesavādai Mallukachchinadēvara
sap. 34 natiyilum" iga-ttārāpūruvamäga=" chchartvamāņiyammāga vittu tanma-sadapa
yirāyatamumo 35 pälittöm yinda yirayida" piramåņattila ella-ttēvattānangalilum 36 sila-sādanamum panni ella-ttēvattānangalukkum pūšaja punaskāram** anga
ranga.« Sarukudi in No. 210 of 1917. * This is followed by another Viploudi in Nos. 210 of 1917, 228 and 235 of 1925.
Tirund putter in No. 210 of 1917; Tinuodfiputtür in No. 226 of 1926. • Gangaikonda.lapuran in No. 125 of 1904.
Tirumiyachchür in No. 126 of 1904. The list stope with this in it and No. 355 of 1907.
• This place is not mentioned in the other copies. But No. 210 of 1917 adds Pertemulai; No. 107 of 1925 Parivalur, No. 226 of 1928 Akbar; and 236 of 1925 Tillaiyaliviffam and I langarikudi. 74.of 1903 has : bölamandala Naduvil mandalam Sendayanmangalam wdaiyar Avattukkataruliyanayi når tirunāmattukkani Kifaimaganür Nelaimdgandr Nax(napd]ma-mituragandanallar Kamban marrum ulpaffa deyva-sthanangal Iraiudnaraibir ulpafja Sipatnam Vishnuathanaigalik parvam mudalaga anaimanaikku iruttuparugira jodi pou padinayiramum.
* Bhonagipallapachchirmai in No. 226 of 1925; Pongiripaffanachchirmai in No. 235 of 1925.
• RA[fa]n[ s&ojure-firmai mentioned before Taajāvir in No. 226 of 1925; mudalagiya after it in Nos. 22 and 235 of 1926. Chirmai spada in No. 235 of 1926.
10 Read athanam. u Read : Vishwusthanam; Vishfurullanam in No. 235 of 1926. u Read : dérasthanangalil. 13 Road: paruam sudalgiya. Pro mudalaga in Nov. 226 and 235 of 1925. 14 Read : araimapaikkw w in No. 236 of 1925. 15 araimanai (lapalkkil padindu varugira in No. 288 of 1903. ** Nos. 167, 226 and 236 of 1925 mention only this tax. 11 Pasuperumai is found in No. 355 of 1907. 18 Road : devasthanangalukku; m is superfluous; devasthanangalil kafitte in No. 80 of 1911. *Read : Krishnandal; Kiruttasaveri in No. 235 of 1925. » Undai in No. 235 of 1925.
1 Should be iyilum. Gajavddi in No. 226 of 1925; Dekandas in No. 235 of 1925.
Read: Mallikarjunadevar; Mallukdrjunadear in No. 226 of 1926, and Mallukachchinandewar in No. 23.5 of 1925.
* Reading is sannadhiyilum in No. 228 of 1925. s Reading is dhandpinakamaga in No. 226 of 1925. * Rend: dharmaaddhana rayasamum w in No. 226 of 1925. Read : ndyana.
** Read : devasthanangalilum. ** Read : wadhanamth.
Rond: direthanangalukkum; depasido in No. 228 of 1926; devasthanangalilum in No. 107 of 1925. # Read: pkjai. >> Reading is penas draugalu[m] in No. 107 of 1925. * This precedes pijai in No. 107 of 1926.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXV.
37 vaiy(vai)bögam tiruppaņigaļum a-chandirāttiyātāyuvāga sānan[ga]māga? nadattik
kondu su38 gattilē yirukkavum [11*yinta tanmattukku' yiyā doruttar ayitam? panniņavarga!"
tanga! 39 tanga! m[*]tā-pitāvaiyun ko-pparāmaņaraiyum! Vāruņāsiyileit konra pāvattilēra
po40 ga-kkadavargalāgavum 6. Svadattāt(d)=dviguņam punya paradatt-ānupālanam para41 datt-āpahārēna svadatta[m*] (ni)shphalam bhavët Il
TRANSLATION Let there be prosperity. Obeisance to the blessed Gaņādhipati. Salutation to Siva who is beautiful with the moun kissing his lofty head like the chāmara and who is the main pillar (the. cause) of the creation of the city of the three worlds. Be it well! Hail ! Prosperity! This is the royal order issued on the day of the full moon in the bright half of the month of Pushya of the year Isvara which was current after the expiry of the prosperous and victorious year Salivāhana-Saka 1439, by the glorious Mahārājādhirāja, Rajaparamēśvara, the conqueror of hostile kings, the destroyer of those kings who break their word, the establisher of the kingdom of the Yavanas, the confiscator of the kingdom" of the Gajapati king Pratāpa-Rudra, the glorious Vira-Krishnadevaraya-Mahārāya, conveying the charitable edict to remit jodi and ara bu pēru as sarvamänya to the Siva, Vishnu and other temples in the Chola country. We (the king) started from Vijayanagara to the eastern region on a tour of conquest, took the fort of Udayagiri, captured Tirumalai Rāhuttarāya, took Vinikondai, Nagarjunakondai, Vellamukonda, Kondavidu, Kondapalli, Rajamahēndrapuram, and other forts, captured Virabhadrasēna Gajapati, son of Pratäparudra Gajapati, Pradhanabhūpati, Prahlatan, Sirachchandran, Mallu Khan Uddanda Khan, and other feudatories as prisoners, and defeated and killed Pratäpa-Rudra Gajapati. We then went to Simhädri and set up a pillar of victory at Potranūru. On the auspicious day of the Makara-sankranti on the banks of the river Krishnavēņi and in the presence of Anantaśäyin of Undavilli and Mallikarjunadēvar of Gajavādai, We issued with libation of water a royal order evidencing a sarvamänya grant to the respective Siva and Vishnu temples of 10,000 varāhans being the contributions of jodi and tūlaveri payable by them. The temples were those viz., of Tiruchchirāppalli, Santalagai, Tirukkāţtuppalli, Tiranagari, Tirunāngür, Tiruvalundur Tēvūr, Tiruvennagar, Agaļangan, Tiruvantifapuram, Tirumāņikuli, Tirupattūr, Vaigal, Tirumuttam, Tiruppădiripuliyūr, Tiruttinainagar, Iraivānāšur, Sēndavanmangalam, Tirunävallür. Tittaikudi, Tirunāraiyur, KāņātampulJūr, Tiyāgavalli, Siramaviņnagar, Tiruvelliyangudi, Panda
Read : a-chandr-aditya-sthayuviga ; in No. 226 of 1025 it is a chandr-arka-sthåyuvaga. * Should be sångamaga as in No. 226 of 1925. * The reading is nadattukkondu in 235 of 1925. • No. 226 of 1926 has sukhattike.
The reading is dharmattuku in No. 226 of 1925. • The syllable yi is superfluous.
Should be ahitam as in No. 235 of 1925. . The reading is panpina përgal in No. 235 of 1928.
Followed by another langal in Nos. 226 and 235 of 1925. 10 Read : go-brahmanaraiyum. 11 Vårayavani in No. 226 of 1925. 1. The reading is dõshattile in No. 226 of 1925.
13 Followed by the words bubham-astu and ári-Virupaksha in No. 226 of 1925, and 67.Virigakshe only in Nos. 125 of 1904 and 235 of 1925.
Saplangan rajyam=uchyatt-Kimandaka,

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No. 33. ] JUBBULPORE STONE INSC. OF VIMALASIVA : [KALACHURI) YEAR 926. 309
nanallür, Talaichchangādu, Kuruchchi, Tiruppungūr, Korukkai, Talaināyakan?, Tirumangalakkudi, Tiruvisalūr, Tirutēvankudi, Süryadēvanāyanārkāyil, Tirukkūdikā, Kurrālam, Sirukudi, Tirukkuraiyaļūr, Virkudi, Achchapuram, Tiruvāļiputtūr, Nallur, Andārköyil, Gangaikondam, Tiru. mēchchür, Tirunanipalli and other places in the Cholamandala which consisted of the Irandarrupparru Bhuvanaikavirapattana-chirmai, Tañjāvūrpattana-chchirmai and Tiruchchirappaļļi. chirmai. According to this royal order which is to be engraved in stone in all the temples, the Worship, festivities, celebrations and repairs shall be executed properly and without shortcom ings in all the temples as long as the sun and moon endure. He who acts against this charity shall incur the sin of having killed his mother, father, cows and Brahmins at Vārānasi.
The protection of another's gift is twice as meritorious as making one's own. By the robbing of another's gift, one's own gift becomes devoid of merit.
No. 33-JUBBULPORE STONE INSCRIPTION OF VIMALASIVA: THE (KALACHURI)
YEAR 926.
By Prof. V. V. MIRASHI, M.A., NAGPUR. The stone bearing this inscription was found at Jubbulpore, the headquarters of a district of the same name in the Central Provinces and is now preserved in the Nāgpur Museum. The record has been referred to several times, e.g., by Dr. F. E. Hall in the Journal of the American Oriental Society, Vol. VI, p. 533, by Dr. F. Kielborn in the Indian Antiquary, Vol. XVIII, p. 210. n. 2, and again in this journal Vol. V, Appendix I, p. 60, n. 4, and by Rai Bahadur Hiralal in his Inscriptions in the Central Provinces and Berar, (second ed.), p. 42, but owing presumably to its very bad preservation none has so far attempted a transcript or even an abstract of its contents. A careful and patient examination of the original has enabled me to prepare the subjoined tran. script and while I have not been able to decipher or restore the complete text, I hope I have been able to make out almost all that can be deciphered in the present condition of the original.
The writing covers a space 2' 7" broad and I' 8" high. The average size of letters is -5". The surface of the stone, which was originally made none too smooth, has been further danaged by exposure to weather, and several letters in the middle as well as on the right hand side of the first fourteen lines and some more in the middle of lines 19-24 have become illegible. The characters are Nāgari. The letters were beautifully written and carefully executed. It will suffice to draw attention to the proper sign of b as an independent letter in bibhrat, 1.25 and in its superscript form in or-bvabhūva, 1. 9, and also to the form of the initial i in iti, 1. 12, of the initial ri in richāṁ, 1. 15, and of ś, the left member of which resembles the English figure 8, as in Sivāya, I. 1. The language is Sanskrit and except for the obeisance to Siva in the beginning of the first line and the date in the last, the inscription is in verse throughout. The verses are not numbered, but they appear to be fifty in all. The orthography does not present anything calling for special notice except that v and b as well as $ and 8 are confounded in some places.
The object of the inscription is to record the construction of a temple of the moon-crested god (Siva) by Vimalasiva, the religious preceptor of the king Jayasimha of the Kalachuri dynasty of Tripuri. The god was named Kirtīśvara after Vimalasiva's guru Kirtisiva. The
1 For various forms of this name see n. 25, p. 306 above.
Hiralal remarks in his Inscriptions in o. P. and Berar (Second ed.), p. 42, that this is pretty big record but ist oo much defaced to yield any useful information.'

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[VOL. XXV.
inscription also records that the king Jayasimha endowed the temple with three villages on the occasion of a solar eclipse. It is dated in words as well as in numerical figures in the year 926, without any specification of the month, fortnight, tithi or week-day. This date must, of course, be referred to the Kalachuri era. It corresponds, for the expired Kalachuri year 926, to A.D. 1174-75. In this year there was only one solar eclipse,1 viz,, that which occurred on the amavāsyā of the purnimanta Pausha, on Tuesday, the 26th November A.D. 1174. This is, therefore, probably the date of Jayasimha's grant if it was made in the same Kalachuri year in which the record was put up. It does not admit of verification, but it falls in the reign of Jayasimha, who, we know, was ruling at least from K. 918 to K. 928".
After three mangala-slokas in praise of Siva, we are told that the god revealed the Saiva doctrine for the realization of the self by the worlds. Some Saiva teachers were named in lines 4-7, but the names of Vimalasiva and Vastusivas only are now completely legible. In line 8 we read the name of Purushasiva who is described as the cause of Yasaḥkarna's prosperity. Next is mentioned Saktisiva in connection with Gayakarna. His disciple was Kirtisiva who is said to have contributed to the prosperity of the king Narasimha, Five verses (22-26) are devoted to his glorification. The next eighteen verses refer to Vimalasiva, He belonged to the götra of Visvamitra and was the son of Madhusudana and Uma. Having paid off his debt to gods and others by performing religious rites at Prabhāsa, Gōkarṇa, Gaya, and other tirthas, be was initiated in the Saiva doctrine by Kirtiśiva. He was very handsome, learned and liberal and exercised great vigilance in looking after all affairs of the king. The earth, being adorned with gardens, tanks, charitable houses, temples and dwellings for Brāhmaṇas constructed by him, is said to have vied with heaven in splendour. The king Jayasimha devoutly bowed to him. We are next told that Vimalasiva built a temple of Siva under the name Kirtisvara for the glory and religious merit of his spiritual preceptor Kirtiśiva. The king Jayasimha endowed it with three villages on the occasion of a solar eclipse. One of these villages which was named Tēkabhara, was situated in the vishaya (district) of Navapattala and the other two named Kandaravada and Vaḍöha in Samudrapata which was apparently another district.
The importance of the present inscription lies in the information it furnishes about the spiritual preceptors of the Kalachuri kings of Tripuri from Yasahkarna downwards. It may, how
1 I take raveh parvani in line 26 to mean 'on the occasion of a solar eclipse'. Parvan also means a sankranti, but in that case the particular sankranti would have been specified.
Above, Vol. XXI, p. 95.
Ibid., Vol. II, p. 18.
This Vimalasiva is probably different from the Saiva ascetic who put up the present inscription.
I examined the name of this ascetic carefully to see if he could be identified with Vamasambhu mentioned in the Malkapuram inscription (J. A. H. R. S., Vol. IV, pp.147 ff) in view of the suggestion recently made that the latter was the spiritual teacher of Karna and represents Vamadevs on whose feet several Kalachuri kings from Karna downwards are described as meditating. (See Ind. Hist. Quart., Vol. XIV, pp. 96 ff.). A Saiva Acharya named Vamarasi is also mentioned as living in Benares in the Sarnath inscription of Mahipala, dated V. 1083. Ind. Ant., Vol. XIV, p. 140. The Saiva ascetic mentioned in the beginning of line 6 in the present record may have been a contemporary of Karna; for the next legible name is that of Purushasiva who was the guru of Karpa's son Yasahkarna. But the second akshara of the aforementioned name does not at all appear like ma. Besides the guru of this Saiva pontiff was apparently Vimalasiva, mentioned in verse 8, while the guru and the paramaguru of Vamaémbhu were Sömasambhu and Sadbhavasambhu respectively. I have shown elsewhere that Vamadeva was a Kalachuri king and not a Saiva ascetic. See A Volume of Eastern and Indian Studies, pp. 152 ff.
• Šaktisiva and Kirtisiva may be identical with Saktisambhu and his disciple Kirtisambhu respectively men. tioned in the Malkapuram inscription.

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No. 33.] JUBBULPORE STONE INSC. OF VIMALASIVA: [KALACHURI] YEAR 926. 311
ever, be noted in this connection that the Royal Asiatic Society of Bengal plates of Govindachandra' mention the Saiva Acharya Rudrasiva, not Purushasiva, as the Rājaguru of Yasahkarma. Perhaps Yasahkarna had two Rajagurus in succession. The name of Vimalaśiva, the guru of Jayasinha, occurs in his Jubbulpore Kotwili plates also.
The present prasasti was composed by the poet Sasidbars, who was a Bräbmana of the Maunya' götra. He composed also the Bhērā-Ghät inscription of Albanadëvi, while his elder brother Pșithvidhara was the author of the Tēwar inscription of Gayakarna. The present record was incised on the stone by Nāmadēva, the son of Mahidbara. His father was the engraver of the aforementioned stone inscriptions of Gayakarna and Alhanadēvi.
As for the localities mentioned in the present record, Tēkabhara may be identical with Tikhārī, 5 miles south by west of Jubbulpore. The vishaya (district) of Navapattalāt in which it was situated may bave comprised the territory round the modern Nayakhērā which lies about 8 miles west of Tikhāri. Samudrapāta is probably Samand Pipäriä, 4 miles south of Jubbulpore. There are several villages named Kunda or Kundan near Jubbulpore, one of which may represent the ancient Kandaravāda. No place exactly corresponding to Vadōha can, however, be traced in the Jubbulpore District.
TEXT. [Metres : Vv. 1, 18, 28, 35, 36, 38, 41, and 44 Sārdülavikridita ; vv. 2 (?) and 6 Upendravajrā; vy. 3, 4, 7, 9, 11-15, 20-22, 24, 27, 29-32, 37, 42, 43, 45, 48, and 49 Anushtubh ; v. 5 Vamsastha ; vv. 8, and 47 Upagiti; vv. 10 and 46 Indravajra; vv. 16 and 26 Aupachchhandasika ; vv. 17, 25 and 33 Upajāti; v. 19 Viyogini ; v. 23 Vasantatilakā; v. 34 Praharshiņi; v. 39 Mālini ; v. 40 Sragdharā; v. 50 Āryā.) 1 feft: [1*] ô ta fare il secarafalfaacfare affefafal eta [n]fsa2cefa: [Friuwafa:) | Frrrafia[#
f ffaकृतिः [श्रीशर्ब ?]देहोतिर्भूत्वा पुण्यक्तदात्मजः 2 wafaraia wernefa: [Pu*] Juufale: falfcurity-v-cu
u-u--IY-U--uv-u-cucu-- vu --u-- [20*) yyyyu--yyyyy
UUVIVUV-V3 व्यं पश्यंति तं नुमः ॥[*] जगतामात्म[सि] । शिव: शैवमकल्पयत् । ~
VyYu--xyyyyu-uyi[88] u-u-Uv-u - - - -
- - - u - u - u - u - u - - 17. A. 8. B., Vol. XXXI, pp. 123 ff.
* Above, Vol. XXI, p. 95. Vimalasiva is also mentioned in the recently discovered Rewah plates of K. 963, above, Vol. XXV, pp. 1 ff.
This is also the spelling of the name in the Bhēra-Ghat stone inscription of Alhanadēvt, but the Götraprawaranibandhakadamba apells it as Mauna.
There is a larger village named Nayagaon in the former Narsinghpur (now Hoshangabad) District, but it is too far from Jubbulpore, being situated about 45 miles south by west of it. Besides, no places corresponding to Tēkabhara, Samudrapataka, etc., can be traced in the vicinity of it.
. From the original stone and inked estampages.
• Expressed by a symbol. This word is clearly written in the beginning of the unpublished British Museum plate of Karna.
-
)

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812
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VoL.XXV.
)))
4 खलितानुभूतयः ।[५॥*] तदन्वये शिष्यपरम्परायाः क्रमादि वंश[:] .
- - -- - - - - - - - - - - - - - -- - [६॥*] ~~-- दिशा चक्र -
vIyyyyu--vyyuyucu 6 श. [७॥*] शिष्यं विमलशिवाभिधमाधायासी पदे खोये। . . . . .
........ [=*] vyuyu -yyyyyu -- । यत्कोतिष[सभा ?] -~ ~ -~ [en*]
|
• वास्तुशिवाभिधानः श्रेयःप्रकर्षम्परमादधानः । यश्चेदिपानां विषये] - - - -
-U--uw-u-- [ 011*] vvvvv- yuyuu-Uvivuvuu--yyyyyu
~~[११॥*] ~शिवः शिष्यः [पुरुषार्थाय] सम्य
7 दम् । गुणानां च धनानां च परोपक्वतये पर(रा)म् ।[१२॥"] शासन
---Vuyyuu-Ulyvyyu--vvy vyu-uy [281*] vvvyu--vyyyy
-UVIVUuuu-- 8 गुणगणानिव ॥[१४] प्रीतिः पाचे रतिस्तीर्थे स्थिति: पथि मी सताम् । भक्ति
भवेभवत्तस्य समस्य ~ ~- ~~ [१५॥*] . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . [भिन्नः] पुरुषशिव: पुरुषोत्त9 मोस्य शिष्यः [१६॥*] यस्माद्यशःकर्णनराधिपस्य प्रादुर्व(ब)भूवाभ्युदयप्रगल्भा ।
धर्मार्थकामेषु तथा समृश्चिर्यथा गिरा पत्युरमर्त्यभर्तुः ॥[१७॥*] [यक्ती] श्रीगयकरण देवनृपतेः - --- - - - - -- - ---
----- बन्विताः । 10 शिथः शनिशिवोस्य कीर्तिपटलैः प्रज्ञाप्रकर्षरिवाकार्षीहिग्वलय तथातिविशदं विद्या.
समुद्रं यथा ॥[१८॥*] गयकएर्णनृपप्रताप - - - - हेरिनराधिपे व(ब)लात् ।
- - - - - - - - - -- - -- - [१॥*] सुमनोगण[ने क
* About 18 aksharas aro gone here. ..About 30 akshares are lost here.

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No. 33.]
11
स्य
JUBBULPORE STONE INSC. OF VIMALASIVA [KALACHURI] YEAR 928. 313
सुमनोभूषणश्रियः । गौयते चरितं यस्य सत्कीर्त्ति कल्पलतिकावष्टंभाङ्गुतभूरुहः । तस्य [बभूव स ] [ ॥२१॥ *] [येन देव ?] । नरसिंहनरेन्द्रस्य बभूवा
13 ककुसुमैरिव । [२४ ॥ * ]
12 भ्युदयाय सः ॥[२२* ॥ ] न स्यंदनं वसुमतो न च चंद्रसूर्यौ चक्रे न सारथिरभूत्स च विश्वयोनिः । नेषुर्हरिः परपुराणि तथापि भस्म चक्रे यतः स इति कीर्त्तिशिवः स्फुटं सः * ] ॥[२३॥ * ] यशोभिरिंदुविश दे स्तथैवारिविकर्षितैः । अपूपुरत्स सर्व्वाशा विवे
सद्भिः कल्पतरोरिव ॥[२० ॥ * ] कीर्त्तिशिवः शिष्य [स्तिष्य ?]
दृष्टौ च विपुष्टमनोभवोपि प्रसव चंद्रप्रतिमाननोपि । वृषप्रतिष्ठोपि शिवावसक्तीप्यभूत्स नोग्रो न च सद्दिजितः ॥ [२५॥* ] कलचुरिकुलयन्ति प्रदीपाः 1 स यथैव तथेन्द्रियाणि
^1
---
सर्व्वा --
14 यपि विश्राम सुरदुरिंदिरायाः ॥[२६ ॥ *] विश्वामित्र जगन्मित्रगोत्रे मैच्चाद्यलंकृताः । प्रापुर्व्विप्राः कियंतो न प्रतिष्ठां परमेष्ठिनः ॥[२७ ॥ * ] येषां सम्यगधीतवेद विषयज्ञानार्थमत्यादरा[त्*] [येषां ] [रदायनमभू]
[चा ]र्थसम्मृद्धिभिः समभव
^
। येषां
15 विष्टानि पूर्त्तानि च प्राशस्त्येन महौभृतामिव सदा यायावराणामपि क्रमात्तत्राभवहोत्रे मैत्रीं सचे ( वें ) षु संदधत् । ऋचां पदक्रमाधीती च मधुसूदनः ॥[२८॥ *] दक्षिणाभावतंसस्य कुंभयोनेरिवाधिकम् । यस्य विवु (बु) धोहो (हो) धाय म
기
17 नृण्य मापद्य सुरादिवर्ये । शैवं व्रतं ॥[३३॥*] कल्पायुर्व्विमलशिवः स एष पत्वम् । [यच्छा]या॑ विदु (बु)धगणोधिगम्य ॥ [ ३४ ॥ *] जा
-
About 5 aksharas are missing here. About 7 aksharas are gone here,
॥ [ २८ ॥ *]
वो (बो) डा
16 हिमोदयः ॥[ ३०॥ * ] द्विजेन्द्रभूषणात्तस्मादुमेवोमाभिधा वधूः 1 अलंचक्रे तनूजेन स्कन्देनेव जगत्त्रयम् ॥[ ११॥ * ] सोधीत्य वेदान्वेदार्थानधिगम्य व्रतं वहन् । vvvvv -- नभस्वानिव दक्षिणः ॥ [ ३२ ॥ * ] प्रभास गोकर्ण्य [ग] - यादितीर्थेष्वा
व (ब) भूव
कीर्त्तिभिवाद्यभार समग्रमुग्रादुपमन्युवधः [तस्मा ] द्दि (द्दि ) वाणः कलियुगकल्पपादधत्ते वैधुर्यं न खलु [ महोत्स]वोदयेषु

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18 ति: सज्जनपूणिता रतिपावर्तनायाचतिर्व्यक्तिः कातिमुत्प्रातिसुतपा' स्कोतिर्गुणानां
गुरुः । सैति: [प्रीति]करी सतामतितरां नौतिः सा तहिा [मौन मङ्गल]
मुखमैकसरपरस्यैव संदृश्यते ॥[३५५*] वाणी सजुणनैपुणप्रण19 यिनी व्र(ब)ह्मास्यपद्माश्रया श्रीः श्रीवत्सविभूषवत्सं वसतिप्रेमेति [लो]कोक्तयः ।
एतस्मिन्पुनरखतं इयमिदं सानंद मुद्यो(छो)सते तादृग्याहगजीजन[समनसा चेतस्म - - - [२५॥*] विद्यासमुद्रचंद्रस्य तप:श्रीसरसीरुहः । सत्यो
सवाद्रेः स20 इत्तमित्रस्यास्याङ्तं न किम्. [३७॥*] यस्यार्थिविजराजदर्शनवशासनाम्बु(म्बु)
[भिवचने] श्रद्धा [रात्रिदिवं] वरेण विधिना धर्मस्य तन्त्रोरिव' । यो दर्णेष्वपि सादर विजपतीनचीणयोभाभराग्दचो योजयते सुवर्णविकथदीहिणीनां स(श): [२८॥*]
21 सकलपतिकृत्य प्रत्य वेचासु दाच्वं समधिकमधि - - - - - जर्यधुर्यः ।
हिजपतिरपि पूर्ण: कोमलाभिः कलाभि. कलयति बाबोललीलां योरि - - -- ३८॥*] लचौसोलाकटाक्षेरतिकुतकतया संततं लक्ष्यमाणो
22 प्यक्षाणां न क्षमी यः क्वचिदपि सहते स(श)तिमुलेचयित्रीम् । पृथ्वीपालेन
नित्यं [व(ब)हुल] समुचित कार्यजाते नियुक्तीप्यादत्ते नैव जाधं [कहनापि विधिवबित्यनैमित्ति[केषु] [४०॥*] [नित्यं] [वासनया] -- ..
-- -- - संजज्ञे न विचा23 रपूर्वकविधि[ईत्तं] न यबास्ति तत् । पात्रं तत्र यदर्चितं न व(ब)हुशस्तीर्थे
न तद्भूतले दाननानतपोभिगमुततमैर्यबासुना संस्कृतम् ॥[४१॥*] साधीयांसि
महीयांसि स्थयांसि स्वासुपिणः । श्रेयांसि यस वईते महांसीव यथा24 सि च ॥[४२॥*] उद्यानसरसौ[सच्च]प्रासादहिजवेश्मभिः । भूमिः परिभवत्यस्य न
कैर्भूषाभरैर्दिवम् ॥[४॥*] यो मं करवर्तिन: समकरोलोकान् परभ्यः परान् - - - जयसिंहदेवनृपतिर्भतथातिनमोपि सन् । स श्रीमाविमलेश्वर कलिमलप्र
The visarga is dropped here according to the Varttila on Panini VIII, 3, 36. * The second vates here means the breast'. • The form udyotate can also be correct. In that case the root is yut and not dyul.-B. C. C.]
Tantri seems to be used here in the sense of 'asinew'. • Vikada(na), (blooming) seems to be used here in the sense of vilasat (shining). • Read kuachid-api.

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25 बालनकक्षमा कीर्ति देवानदौमिव] विभुवने विस्तार[यबंदनीम्] ॥[४४॥*] [अ]
चौकरच्चंद्रमौलमंदिरमादरात् । गुरोः कीर्तिशिवस्यैतत्कौतये सुकताय च ॥[४५॥*] देवाय कीर्तीवरसंचिताय प्रादादमुष्मै जयसिंहदेवः । बिभ्रद्भवे भक्तिभरं ।
गुरी 28 च ग्रामात्रवेः पर्वणि न[व्य दायान् ॥[४६॥*] टेकभराख्यस्तेषामको नवपत्त
लाविषये । अन्यौ समुद्रपार्ट कंडरवाडी वडीहस्च(थ) ॥[४७॥*] मौन्यान्वयहिजेंद्रश्रीधरणीधरनंदनः । प्रशस्तिमकरोदेताम्योत्था शसिशि)धरः कविः ॥४८॥*]
सूत्रधारशि27 [रोरनमहीधरतनूभवः । शिक्षामलंकरोदेता नामदेवोऽत्तरेश्वरैः ॥[४६॥*] सम्ब-'
तषविंशत्युत्तरनवशताङ्केपि ८२६ ॥ यावत्सूर्याचंद्री यातायातं नभस्तले तपतः । तावकीर्तनमतकोत्त्यै कर्तुः स्थिरं भूयात् ॥[५०॥* ॥
TRANSLATION. Success! Om ! Obeisance to Siva !
(Verse 1.) Having become a meritorious person's son of righteous deeds, (Siva) who takes delight in blooming lotuses, who abides in venerable Brāhmaṇas, who dwells blamelessly in honourod lustre, rises from the Kärandavati river (?), and completely destroys the (evil) actions of the enemies of those who take refuge with him, annihilates the arrogance of demons.
(V.2.). Siva, who is mounted on the bull, who has the. beauty of lotuses..... (V. 3.) We praise [Siva], whom they see............ (V. 4.) For the realization of their self by the worlds, Siva revealed his doctrine....... (V. b.) Those whose direct knowledge failed.......... (V. 6.) In his lineage in the succession of disciples in course of time, the family......... (V. 7.) ............ (V. 8.) Having installed his disciple, Vimalasiva, in bis own place, he.................. (V. 9.) Whose dear fame..........
(V. 10.) (He) who was named Vastusiva, who caused great bliss, who...........in the country of the lords of Chēdi....
(V. 11.) .............. .. (V. 12.) His disciple named....biva, who acquired a great excellence of merits and wealth in order to oblige others (and) to attain the aims of buman life.....
(V. 13.) ...... (V. 14.) ..........like-multitudes of merits........
1 Two aksharas are inadvertently omitted here. Read mawlerangan mandiram. * Alarkarot is grammatically incorrect. Read.ralanchalar aslan.
Read Satheat shadein baty-uttara-nava-date-ake-pi. • There is an ornamental figure here,
There is some allusion here, which is not clear to me. Monier-Williams gives Karapdavant (which is perhaps intended here by kiranda-piarra) as the name of a river.

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(V. 15.) He, though) possessed of equanimity, bore love towards worthy persons, was attached to holy places, followed the path approved by good people (and) was devoted to Siva......
(V. 16.) Purushasiva, the best of men, who was conversant with........was his disciple
(V. 17.) On account of whom there arose as much abundance-great with prosperity-in religious merit, wealth and enjoyment of Yaśaḥkarņa as that of (Indra), the lord of immortals, through Bțihaspati.
(V. 18.) His disciple, Śaktiśiva,........(who augmented) the (two) royal powers of the illus, trious king Gayakarna, made the circle of regions very bright with the mass of his fame as he did the ocean of learning with the excellence of his intellect.
(V. 19.) ..........the prowess of the king Gayakarna ...... the hostile king forcibly....
(V. 20.) The deeds of him, who is pre-eminently counted among good people and wbose wealth is an ornament of his good heart, are sung by wise men like those of the celestial wish-fulfilling tree.
(V. 21.) The disciple of bim-a marvellous tree entwined by the creeping plant of noble fame -(was) Kirtiśiva......
(V. 22.) He caused the prosperity of the king Narasimha....
(V. 23) (Unlike Siva) he had not the eartb for bis chariot, nor the sun and the moon for its wheels, nor Brahma for his charioteer, nor Vishņu for his arrow. Still he reduced to ashes the cities of the enemies (as Siva did those of the demons). Hence he (was) clearly Kirtisiva (Siva in glory).
(V. 24.) He filled all regions with his glory which he wrested from the enemy and which was as bright as the moon, as with the flowers of discrimination.
(V. 25.) Though he had burned the feeling of love in his glances, though his face resembled the bright moon, though he was firmly attached to religion and was devoted to Siva' (even as Siva burned the god of love by his glance, has a bright disc of the moon on his forehead, is mounted on the bull and is attached to Pārvati), he was (unlike Siva who is called Ugrat and wears serpents) peitber dreadful in appearance nor attended by backbiters.
(V. 26.) The great lights..........the Kalachuri family. ..................As he, so all bis sense-organs were the celestial tree of rest to the goddess of fortune.
. (V. 27.) In the götra of Viśvāmitra which is the friend of the world, how many Brāhmanas, adorned with benevolence and other (virtues), have not attained the pre-eminence of Parantēshthin (God) ?
(V. 28.) Their........with great regard for the understanding of the contents of the Vēdas which they had studied in the right manner............ Though they were vagrant mendicants, their sacrificial rites and charitable works were performed with abundance of wealth and in a praiseworthy manner like those of kings.
1 For the equipment of Siva in his fight with the demons of the three cities, see Mahabharata, Dronaparvan, adhyaya 202, vv. 71-78 (Chitrabalā Prose ed.).
1 There is a play on the word urisha meaning (1) religion and (2) the bull Nandr.
Sivivasakta is to be interpreted in two ways; (i) Siva-ansakta meaning devoted to Siva', and (ii) Sintapasaka meaning 'attached to Parvatr'.
• Ugra is a name of Siva. • Dvijihua (two-tongued) means (i) a serpent, and (i) a backbiter. • Maitri is one of the four bhāvands which Yogios cultivato.

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(V. 29) In course of time there was born in that götra Madhusudana who bore benevolence towards all, had studied the pada and krama texts of the Riks and understood their meaning.
(V. 30.) The rising greatness of him, who was an ornament of the southern regions, led greatly to the awakening of learned men, even as the rise of the star Agastya,' the ornament of the southern direction causes the awakening of the gods (from slumber).
(V. 31.) Through him who was an ornament of the foremost among Brāhmaṇas, (his) wife named Umā, who resembled Pārvati, was adorned by a son even as the three worlds were by Skanda.
(V. 32.) Having studied the Vedas and understood their contents, be, observing vows, I pleased all people like the southern breeze.
(V. 33.) Having paid off his debt to the best of gods and others at Prabhāsa, Gökarna, Gayā and other holy places, he received (initiation in the Saiva vow froni Kirtisiva even as Upamanyu did from Ugra (i.e., Siva).
. (V. 34.) (May) this Vimalaśiva, who has consequently become the wish-fulfilling tree of the Kali age, live to the end of the world !-(the tree), having come under the shade of which a multitude of Brāhmaṇas does not indeed feel distressed on the approach of great festivities !
(V. 35.) In the case of only this (Vimalasiva) who is solely devoted to exertion are seen (the following), viz., birth in a caste (viz., Brāhmaṇa) which is honoured by good people, a (handsome) form which can turn back the god of love (in discomfiture), a personality attended by lustre, a large increase of merits accompanied by great tranquillity and excellent austerity, a mode of behaviour which is exceedingly pleasing to good people, political wisdom which is always pleasing to the politicians (and) blessed silence.
(V. 36.) '(The goddess of) speech who is fond of proficiency in merits dwells in the lotus which is Brahma's face, and the goddess of fortune loves to live on the breast of (Vishnu) who is adorned with Srivatsa.'-This is what people say. But, what a wonder! this pair shines forth so joyfully in him that it has caused........in the minds of magnanimous people!
(V. 37.) What thing concerning him is not marvellous ?-(him) who is the moon to the ocean of learning, a lotus to the goddess of austerities, a pleasure-mountain to the truth and a friend of virtuous conduct ?
(V. 38.) At the sight of the best of Brāhmaṇas (who approach him) as supplicants, his piety increases in an excellent manner, day and night with the libations of water (poured at the time) of making gifts like a sinew of religion. Vigilant as he is, he confers respectfully on the best of Brāhmaṇas, whose splendour has not decreased, hundreds of red cows shining witb gold even on new-moon days.
(V. 39.) Showing great vigilance in looking after all royal affairs, the indefatigable leader ....... The foremost among Brāhmanas (viz., Vimalasiva), though proficient in fine arts, shows the play of his power against the enemies.............!
1 The star Canopus which appears on the horizon just before the commencement of Sarad or autumn. There is also a veiled reference to the sage Agastya who is associated with the propagation of Aryan culture in the south.-Ed.)
* There is a play on the words daksha, dvija-pati and rõhini. Daksha gave only one Rohini (i.e., the star Aldeberan) to the moon and that too on the full-moon day, while Vimalasiva gives hundreds of rõhinis (rod cows) to Brāhmanas even on the new-moon day. The star Rõhiņi is personified as the daughter of Daksha and the favourite wife of the moon.
In this verse also there is a pun on words like dvija-pati, kala, ete.

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(V. 40.) Though he is ever looked at with great eagerness by the goddess of fortune with sportful glances, he nowhere suffers the sense-organs to have the power of making him vain. Though he is always employed by the king in many worthy affairs, he nowhere shows slackness in (the performance of) obligatory and occasional religious rites.
(V. 41.) ....(There was) no discriminating action which he did not perform; (there was) no gift which he did not confer; (there was) no deserving person whom he did not honour many times (and there was) no holy place on the earth which he did not sanctify with marvellous gifts, bathing and austerities.
(V. 42.) Of him who is like Śiva, the exceedingly good, great and lasting blessings and glory
increase like his lustre.
(V. 43.) With what ornaments (supplied by him) does not the earth surpass heaven ?—(the earth, which has) gardens, tanks, charitable' feeding houses, temples and houses of Brahmaņas?
(V. 44.) 'May that illustrious Vimalasiva-who by his counsels has made (even) the most distant people pay taxes,' (to whom) the king Jayasimha [bows] becoming very bumble through devotion spread in the three worlds his delightful fame which, like the celestial river, is capable of washing away the taint of the Kali age!
(V. 45.) He caused a temple of the moon-crested (Siva) to be constructed for the fame and religious merit of his teacher Kirtisiva out of reverence for him.
(V. 46.) To this god named Kirtiśvara, Jayasimhadeva, through devotion to Siva and his teacher, has made new grants of villages on (the occasion of) the sun's eclipse.
(V. 47.) Of these, the village called Tokabhara is situated in the vishaya (district) of Navapattală and two others (viz.,) Kandaravāḍa and Vaḍōha in (the district of) Samudrapāța,
(V. 48.) The poet Sasidhara, the son of the illustrious Dharanidhara who is the foremost among Brahmanas, born in the family of Maunya, has composed this prasasti with pleasure.
(V. 49.) Namadeva, the son of Mahidhara, the crest-jewel of artisans, has adorned this alab with excellent letters.
(In) the year. nine hundred increased by twenty-six, in figures, 926.
(V. 50.) May this temple endure firmly for the fame of the builder as.long as the sun and the moon, going and coming, shine in the firmament!
No. 34. CONJEEVERAM INSCRIPTION OF BRAHMA-TANTRA-SVATANTRA-JIYAR : -SAKA 1282.
BY A. S. RAMANATHA AYYAR, B.A., MADRAS.
Kanchipuram in the Chingleput District was an important place of pilgrimage from very early times. Portions of this town and its environs were in. the olden days known according to their religious associations, as the Buddha-Kãñchi, Jina-Käñchi, Siva-Käñchi and Vishnu-Kanchi. The inscription published below is engraved on the north wall of the second präkāra of the Varadaraja temple at Little Conjeeveram, otherwise called Vishnu-Kanchi, which is very sacred to the Vaishnavas of the south.
Kara-varttin means also 'one who is near at hand.' The statement. Vimalasiva makes most distant people mear' involves contradiction, but it is only pparent, the intended sense being as given above. The figure is Virodhabhasa.
• Buddha-Käñchi is referred to in No. 15 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1934-35 (Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy, 1934-35, para. 56). Jina-Käñicht is represented by Tirupparuttikkupru near Conjee. veram; Siva-Kañchi and Vishnu-Kafichlare respectively the modern. Big and Little. Copjeeveram.
*No. 574 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1919.

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No. 34.
CONJEEVERAM INSCR. OP BRAHMA-TANTRA-SVATANTRA-JIYAR:
SAKA 1282.
319
The characters in which the record is engraved are Tamil and Grantha, the latter being employed for the Sanskrit words. The language is Tamil with an admixture of Sanskrit words, and is somewhat illustrative of the type of Vaishnava composition prevalent in this period and locality. The record is very well preserved, and its orthography does not call for any comment.
The record does not quote any king's name but is simply dated in Saka 1282 and contains the astronomical details—Vikärin, Mesha, bu. 1, Friday and Asvati-whieb yield the equivalent A.D. 1359, March 29. It states that a certain Vaishnavadāsa who had been given the title of Brahma-tantra-svatantra-hiyar by the god (Hastigitīša), was put in charge of a matha evidently at Kāñcbipuram in Saka 1282. This information is of interest for Vaishnava religious history, as it enables us to identify this first pontiff of the matha with the direct disciple of the great Vēdānta-Défika, the erudite scholar, keen controversialist and deeply venerated Vaishnava ächārya, whose literary and religious activities are said to have extended over a major portion of the 14th century A.D.
As mentioned above, the inscription does not refer itself to the reign of any king, but it is somewhat peculiarly worded, in that it purports to have been issued by the deity himself: In the Tamil records of this temple, the god is called Aruļālapperumā! or Tiruvattiyūr-ninraruļiyaParamagvāmin, or the great Lord who was pleased to stand at Tiruvattiyūr'. The viilage-name Tiruvattiyūr having been Sanskritised into Hastigiri, the god came to be known to Sanskrit authors as Hastigirisa, by which name he is referred to in the opening verse of this epigraph. It is stated that on the representation made by the agent Perumāļtātan and other Bhattae, the god, wbile Beated in regal pomp with his consorts in the abhishēka-mandapa of the temple on the throne named Viravallāļan under the canopy called the Ariyenavallān-pandal listening to the chanting of the songs of Sathakāpa, was pleased to confer the title of Brahma-tantra-svatantra-Jiyar on & certain Vaishnavadāsa and to put him in charge of a matha and its properties, so that he may propagate the tenets of the Rāmānuja-darśanam' to the Vaishnava laity, and maintain the library which he had collected, probably in the matha premises. A sentence at the end adds that tbis divine order (tirumugam) was engraved on stone by the temple-accountant.
In regard to the particular style of wording in this inscription, couched as if the orders had emanated directly from the deity himself, it may be mentioned that this convention was adopted by some of the Vaishnava temples in the Tirunelvēli District in the 14th and 15th centuries A.D., and in some instances in the South Arcot and Chingleput Districts atgo. Some Saiva temples also appear to have sparingly copied this procedure in drafting their documents at this period. In such cases, the occasion when and the place wherefrom the orders were issued are given at some length. Some instances may be quoted. 1. Sakābdam 1463 nä! ... Mulsināttu brahmađeyam srl-Sēravan-mahādēvi-chatur.
vēdimangalattu Vadapal srimad-Dvārakānāthan aruļal Ayirattenman-pandar-kil Virakēralan-pīthattu nămum nam pendugalodun kūdi-irundu, etc.-(Shermādēvi, No. 186 of 1895 of the Madras Epigraphical collection-S.I.I., Vol. V, No. 750).
1 Desika is believed to have been born in A.D. 1269, Sukla, and to have died in A.D. 1370, Saumya. The present record is of help in confirming the period of his literary activity as the second half of the 14th century A.D.
* The artificial ramp formed by an enclosed manda pa is called the Tirumalai' or 'girl, on top of which the shrine of Varadaraja is located, Compare the verse composed in praise of this Jiyar:
हस्तीशं लीकविख्यात कौण्डिन्ध' विदुषां वरम् ।
रामानुजार्यसिद्धान्तस्थापनाचार्यमाश्रये॥ • This is analogous to the instances in which kings are described as having been seated in partioular halls of their palaces and on particular seats, while issuing the orders contained in the respective epigraphs.

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2. Nayanar Tiruvidaika li-Nayanar Adi-ayana-ttiru-mañjanam seydaruļi Irāmānujan.
tirumaņdapattu Nālukavipperumal-Vīrasimhasanattu sri-Sathakopan tirumuttinpandal-kki! Nächchimārudan chēndaruļi-irundu engaļai arulappădittaruli nammudaiya adiyäril... nammudaiya kumāran Hariyanan kumāran Hariyanan,
etc.--(Tirukköyilür, No. 356 of 1929 of the Madras Epigraphical collection). 3. Nam bhaktar Malai-mandalattu Tālaikkuļi Sēnda piran-Periyāṇāna Yādavarāyaṇukku
nam-adukkaļaippuram ......... selvadāga nam magaņār ViraPandyadēvarkku ettävadu, etc.-(Tirunelvēli, No. 127 of 1894 of the Madras Epigra
phical collection-S. I. I., Vol. V, No. 416). The reigning king of the time is referred to in these records as nam pillai or nam kumāran the god's son or favourite', and in response to his formal petition that a particular transaction may be made, the god is described as sanctioning it and issuing a ratificatory order to that effect to the officials concerned. This convention does not, however, appear to have been in vogue for a long time. Adi-Chandēśvara, one of the sixty-three Näyanmārs, is considered to be the steward-inchief (müla-bhritya) of Saiva temples, and the documents relating to them are drafted in his name. Similarly also Vishvaksēna or Sēnai-mudaliyār is looked upon as the Manager of Vaishṇava temples. It is one step further to assume that the orders were issued directly by the god him. self. Such divine mandates are called arulappādu; and in the Srirangam temple, god Rangarāja is even now conventionally considered to look after the affairs of his temple himself and issue the necessary orders through the mouth of his temple-officials.
Before proceeding to examine the contents of this record, a few expressions occurring in it may be explained.
(L. 2). Viravallalan simhasanam and Ariyenavallām-pandal are the names respectively of a throne and a canopy. The first was probably presented to the temple by the Hoysaļa king ViraBallāļa III', while the second may have been named after some one having the title he who is as powerful as a lion,' but whose title it was is not known.
Nam pendugal-viz., Vishņu's two consorts, Sri and Bhūmi.
Sathakopan-pātu kēlānirka-Sathakõpa is the name of the Vaishnava saint Nammāsvār, whose Tiruvāymoli is considered equal to the Vēdas in sanctity and is chanted in the presence of the deity on particular occasions. Endowments made for this service in Vishnu temples are often mentioned in inscriptions.
(L. 3). Perumältātan-Perumältātan or Perumaldāsan would odinarily mean a devotee of Peruma! (Vishnu)'; but in this context it appears to have been the name of the agent, super
* In these instances, the records commence with a Sanskrit verse specifying that the orders emanate from the god himself
(a) सर्वलोकसमुत्पत्तिस्थितिसंहारकारणम् ।
TË PTT a tallsafafea: 1 No. 127 of 1894 of the Madras Epigraphical collection. (6) van denafarufuardTATTI
thr er H TT No. 61 of 1938-39 of the same collection. * Ballāļa III was camping at Kanchipuram in Bhävaka (Saka 1256)--No. 401 of 1919 of the Madras Epigram phical colletion. In two other records from the same temple, one of which is dated in Saka 1283, in the regime of Saluva Mangu, the god is described as seated in a similar manner while issuing the orders.
*A liquid measure called 'Ariyenavallānnāli' was current in this temple at this period-(No. 343 of 1919 of the Madras Epigraphical collection).
• Madras Epigraphical Report for 1908, part II, para. 35.

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vising the sacred business of the temple (nam vittu karumam kë/kum), in whose presence and that of the Bhattas of the temple, the order is stated to have been promulgated. The name Vaishnavadāsa' occurring in the same line has to be considered as meaning the servant-devotee of Vaishnavas' rather than as the personal name of the donee in the record; for according to the Guru parampara-prabhāvam, the original name of Brahma-tantra-svatantra-Jiyar was Pēraruļālayyan of Viravalli' and his dāsyanāma on becoming a saṁnyäsin was Pēraruļāla-Jiyan.
(L. 4). Samaradhanamum adukku vëndum muttukkalum-seems to refer to the worship to be conducted to the deities kept in the matha itself and the requirements therefor. It is usual for every matha to have images of some deities for worsbip. In this connection, it may be noted that on the eve of the demise of Vēdānta-Dēsika, some images are said to have been bequeathed to his disciple Brahma-tantra-svatantra-Jiyar.'
Postakangalum idukku vēndum upakaranangaļum-By postakanga! (pustaka), manuscript bundles are apparently meant. The upakaranas are the accessories and paraphernalia required for running a library-such as probably racks for the accommodation of the manuscript bundles, spare sets of cadjan leaves for copying work, and stylus and other scribal apparatus.
Rāmānuja-darśanam—is the Višishţādvaita-siddhanta as codified and expounded in his Sribhāshya by the great Vaishnava apostle Ramānuja (A.D. 1017-1137). It was he who had raised this system to an unassailable eminence and had arranged for its propagation in true missionary style, by the training of a number of able exponents and simhāsanādhipatis' from among his numerous disciples.
(L. 5) Nam Rāmānujam-udaiyarum nam samayattil ulļārum-Ramanujam-udaiyār appears to mean the followers of Rāmānuja. The idea seems to be that the selection of Brahma-tantrasvatantra-Jiyar as the pontiff was to receive the acceptance of Rāmānuja's followers and the Vaishṇava laity (samayattil-ulār). · (L. 6) Ivanukku nām mudittapadiyum uduttapadiyum püsinapadiyum kuduttom-means that the flowers worn by the god, the clothes used by him and the sandal-paste and unguents utilised for his worship were presented to the Jiyar as & mark indicative of the god's love to the recipient. This expression is found used in some inscriptions and in Vaishnava literature.
As regards Brahma-tantra-svatantra-Jiyar, the donee of the record, some information is available from Vaishnava literature. Among the South Indian religions, it was Vaishnavism alone that had developed the historical sense' to an appreciable extent, and there are therefore several biographies of the Vaishnava acharyas available, collated under the names of Vaibhavas and Guruparamparās of varying volume. One such work dealing with the life of the great Vaishṇava reformer Vēdānta-Dēsika is the Guru paramparā-prabhāvam' in Tamil prose by Tritiya
1 Guruparampara-prabhavam (Tamil, Madras.), p. 114 ; see also f. n. 3 on p. 319. . * Ibid., p. 138.
• There were 74 simhasanadhipatis who were selected. Their names are given in the reply to question No. 24 of the Triminaatprasnottaram, Palanadaivilakkam, p. 30.
• The following expression from No. 51 of 1938-39 from Srirangam may be compared-Kodavar Louanear nam bhatjakal.... nam Ramanujanai-udaiyar nam paduvár, etc.
Compare No. 567 of 1919 of the Madras Epigraphical collection.
• There are many biographies of Desika available. The Vedanta-Delika-raibhava-praktika by Dodday. acharya is in Sanskrit.
Published in Madras in several editions. Dvitiys-Brahms-tantra-avatantra-Jlyar, the acharya of the author of this work is said to have written the Pappirayirappadi-Guruparampard-prabhavam, which is not

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Brahma-tantra-svatantra-Jiyar. Shorn of the few miraculous elements that are inevitable in an orthodox hagiography, this work compiled by an author who lived only a few generations later than Dēsika, may be considered as fairly reliable. From it we gather the following details about Brahma-tantra-svatantra-Jiyar, the first of that name, who was a disciple of VēdäntaDēsika :
Brahma-tantra-svatantra-Jiyar belonged to the Kaundinya-gõtra and was originally called Viravalli Pērarulāļayyan. Well-versed in all the sāstras, he became an ardent disciple of Dēsika and assumed the samnyāsa garb under the name of Pēraruļāļa-Jiyar. When the Ranganatha temple at Srirangam was looted by the Muhammadans in the first quarter of the 14th century, Brahma-tantra-svatantra-Jiyar fled along with his ächārya to Satyamangalam (in the Coimbatore District) and returned to Srirangam only after some years. He was taught the Bhagavad-vishayam (Arāyirappadi) by Varadáchärya alias Nayinārāchārya, the son and disciple of Vedānta-Detika, in Kali 4440, Bahudhänya, Āvani, su. 2, Hasta (=A.D. 1338, August 18). On one occasion, he vanquished a pandit of North India in a polemical contest at Srirangam and was honoured by Dēsika with tbe title of Brahma-tantra-svatantra 'l 'he who is a master in Brahma-tantra'. That accounts for the origin of the name by which he was popularly known. On another occasion during the régime of Tirumalai-Srinivāsāchārya' who had been installed by Dēśıka as the Srikärya-dhurandhara of the Kāñchipuram temple, Brahmstantra-svatantra-Jiyar overcame & Kashmirian pandit in a philosopbical discussion and earned the title of Paryāya-Bhāshyakāra'.: Some time later under the direction of god Venkatēša in a dream, be accepted the Trusteeship of the Tirupati temple, and during his tenure of office there, be installed an image of Vēdānta Dēsika in a matha built by him at Tirumala, as well as in a mandapa in the Govindarāja temple at Lower Tirupati. He stayed at Tirupati for & long time expounding the Vaishnava philosophy to his disciples Ghatikāśatakam-Amma], KidāmbiNayinār, Kõmāndūr-Achchan, Pillaiy-Appai, Pērarulāļayyan-Appai, Kandādai-Andän, ViravalliPillai and others. After his demise he was succeeded by Pēraruļāļayyan-Appai. Brahmatantra-svatantra-Jiyar was the author of two small works-the Divyasuri-stutie and the Achāryāvatāra-ghatýārtha.
Though these biographical details may, in the main, be accepted, a few omissions may be noticed. The Guruparamparā-prabhāvam does not contain a reference to the founding of a matha at Kāñchipuram and to the installation of Brahma-tantra-svatantra-Jiyar in it as its first pontiff for the propagation of the Rāmānuja-darśanam, as stated in the present record, nor do the Tirupati inscriptions corroborate bis Trusteeship of the Tirupati temple. But these points notwithstanding, Brahma-tantra-svatantra-Jiyar of the record under review may be identified with the disciple of
1 The present record conventionally states that god himself gave the title. . Curuparamparā-prabhavam, p. 138. He was the author of a religious work called the Prabandha-nirile.. A serse composed by Ghatikāśatakam-Amma in praise of this Jiyar reads
पर्यायभाष्यकाराय प्रणतानि विधुन्वते ।
dant faciat *#: | * The colophon reads- Ecat fangfal • Its colophon roa
is u ratoradati
प्राचार्यावतारघट्टायें संग्रहण प्रकाश्यते ॥

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Vēdānta-Dēsika, because of the fact that the investiture of this unique title of Brahma-tantrasvatantra', herein attributed to the god himself, had been made more than a decade prior to the demise of Dēsika and that this ächärya'name figures in three important pontifical lists'.
The matha which was thus started at Kāñchipuram under the pontificate of this Brahma-tantrasvatantra-Jiyar in A.D. 1360 grew in importance and appears to have latterly removed its headquarters to Mélköte in the Mysore State, where it became popular under the name of the Parakāla-matha. There were several scholars among the subsequent heads of this matha, and & short sketch of its history has been given in the granth-opasamhāra of the Alankāra-manihāra, a work on rhetoric composed recently by one of its pontiffs also called Brahma-tantrasvatantra-Jiyar.
At about this time in Saka 1300 there was in the Varadarāja temple at Kāñchipuram, a minor matha called the Vēda-matha, which was presided over by a certain Vēdēndrasagara-sripada and which probably specialised in the teaching of the Vēdas. Another important Vaishnava matha which came into existence in this period was the Ahõbalam-matha, whose founder Srinivasa, son of Kidāmbi Kēšavāchārya of Tirunārāyanapuram, is, according to orthodox tradition, believed to have assumed the Samnyäsäsrama in Saka 1320 (A.D. 1398) under the name of Adivan Sathakopa-Jiyar and to have been its first pontiff for a period of sixty years till A.D. 1458.
Vēdānta-Dēsika is stated in the Guruparamparā-prabhāram to have been the contemporary of & certain Telugu chief named Sarvajña-Singabhūpāla and to have composed the Subhāshitanivi for his delectation. The san.e chief is said to have honoured Nayiņārāchārya, the son and disciple of Desika, with the gift of a palanquin and other paraphernalia, when this acharya went to the northern parts in his religious tours. It follows therefore that Brahma-tantra-svatantra was also a contemporary of this Singa. According to the Velugöțivāri-van sävali' dealing with the history of the Rēcherla chiefs, there were three chiefs of the name of Singa. Of these, Singa III who came to power in A.D. 1425 had the title of Sarvajña. The author of the work on rhetoric called the Rasärnava-sudhakara was a Singa, son of an Annavõta; and he has been identified with Singa II and has been assigned to about A.D. 1380.10 There was anotber earlier Singa I who flourished about this time and was killed by a certain Tammala-Bommayya in A.D. 1360. It is no
1 In this connection the following orthodox three-fold lists' may be noted : (a) Manträrtha-guruparampara-Emberuminar, Kidámbi-Acheban. Kidāmbi Ramanujs Appollän. Sri
rangarajar, Appullar, Defikar and Brahma-tantra-svatantrar. (b) Gribhashya-guruparampard-Emberumaņár, Tirukkurugаippiran-Pillan, Engaļā]ván, Nadadur-Ammal,
Appullar, Dēsikar and Brahma-tantra-svatantrar. (c) Bhagavad-vishaya-yuruparampara-Same as in (b), Dēsikar, Nayiņáracharyar and Brahma-tantra-sva
tantrar. * See Palanadaivilakkam, Part II, p. 28. • Published in the Mysore Sanskrit Series.
No. 32 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1890-8. 1. I., Vol. IV, No. 355.
• Vide Tirupati Devasthanam Report (1930), p. 214, where these traditional dates are questioned and are postdated by & cycle of sixty years.
Guruparampara-prabhavam, pp. 120 and 139. Two other works named the T'atvanandēda and the Rahasyasandila are also stated to have been composed for the same purpose. . Dr. N. Venkataramanayya, Velugötivari-am duali, Introduction.
• Vasantariya, brother of the latter Singa III, made a gift of four dudrapalaka images to the Varadarija temple at Kanchipuram (No. 683 of 1919) in Saka 1359.
• श्रीमदधमण्डलाधीश्वर-प्रतिगसभैरव-श्रीयन्त्रवीतनरेन्द्रनन्दन-भुजबलभीम-श्रौशिकभूपाल-विरचितं रसाणवसुधाकर10 His date has been discussed in Sringära-Srināthamut (Telugu) by Prabhākara Sastri, p. 179, 6to

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doubt tempting to identify the author of the Rasārnava-sudhākara, with the chief who honoured the two achāryas. As Vēdānta-Dēsika is believed to have passed away in A.D. 1370,* and as Nayinārācharya had also attained to literary fame before A.D. 1360, their contemporary has been considered to have been Singa I of A.D. 1360, who lived within the life-time of Dëgika but who is not known to have had the title of Sarvajña or more appropriately, Singa II who actually began to rule later, but who may have been a young chieftain at the time of Nayināracharya's visit administering a portion of the territory in conjunction with his father Anavõta, for whom, however, records up to Saka 1307 are found.
The existence of one other Singa at this period may also be noted. In the Srirangam plates of Mummadi-Nāyaka dated in Saka 1280, only two years earlier than the date of the present record, it is stated that a village which had been granted by one of the chiefs of Korukonda to a Parabara-Bhatta, the seventh of that name, was transferred to the temple of god Ranganatba by his mother, on the death of the latter without issue. This grant indicates that the Korukonda chiefs were devout Vaishnavas and that a descendant of the famous Bhattar family of Srirangam was honoured by one of them. This Mummadi-Nayaka is stated to have had two younger brothers, one of whom was a Singa who was ruling over a portion of his brother's territory with headquarters at Kötipura in the Godavari District. His father was a Kūna. But the chief, to whom Dēsika had dedicated the three works referred to above, is said to have been the son of a MadhavaNiyaka. If this is so, he cannot be identified either with the Recherla Singa, son of Anavõta, or the Körukonda Singa, son of Kūna. His identity must therefore remain undetermined for the present.
Another point of interest in this epigraph is the reference to a collection of manuscripts (or a library) which was kept in the matha and & stipulation made for its proper upkeep, as envi.
saged in the expression iva tedina postakangaļum idukku vēndum upakaramangaļum'. It is wellknown that in the medieval centuries, religious institutions of all denominations, Saiva, Vaishnava and Jaina, flourished in South India, either as a result of royal patronage or supported by private benefactions. They appear to have been primarily intended as seminaries for the imparting of religious education and incidentally for the dissemination of secular knowledge as well. The extensive properties granted from time to time to temples and to such religious establishments were left in charge of the heads of these mathas called Mathādhipatis, Mudaliyārs or Jiyars, on whom devolved the duty of supervising the proper conduct of the services for which the endowments had been intended, and who, in turn, enjoyed some privileges as remuneration for their services. Then there were also the Ghatikästhānas (i.e.) establishments for holy and learned men', and smaller educational institutions of which there were many in the land, which were responsible for the intellectual well-being of the community. The munificent donations made for the
1 Mr. M. Somasokhara Sarma has kindly brought to my notice a reference from Mr. M. Doraswamayya's article in the Tirumalai Sri. Venkatuara, Vol. I, No. 1, pp. 51 ff., wherein Singabhupala, the author, has been assigned to a period before A. D. 1370, on the strength of the fact that the Rasárnaud-sudhakara has been quoted from by the Chamatkara-chandrika of Vilvēbvara, which latter is referred to in the Alankarasudhanidhi of Bhöganitha of about. A.D. 1370.
1 The Sanskrit verses engraved in the Srirangam temple oulogising the restoration of the Ranganātha image by Gopapirya, are stated in the Guruparampard to have been composed by Didika himself. If so he must have passed away soon after this incident.
Ante, Vol. XIV, p. 84 and Annual Report on Epigraphy, Madras, for 1913, pp. 129-30. • Life and Literary Writings of Desika, by M. K. Tātacharya, where the following is quoted
पदमिति निगमान्तर्दभिकन प्रतिसमदिम्यत माधवानस्य ।

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maintenance of these institutions are recorded in several inscriptions ;' but though no specific
references to libraries as such, are found in them, it is, however, reasonable to infer that when these mathas, ghatikās and pathaśālās were functioning properly, they must have been maintaining well-stocked libraries, for the use of the teachers as well as the taught.
The numerous collections of manuscripts which have been found in mathas and other places in South India, bear ample testimony to the fact that the library was a fairly well-recognised institution of medieval religious and student life. But specific references to libraries as such are, as stated already, rather rare in inscriptions. A record of the Western Chāļukya king Trailõkyamalla-Ahavamalla dated in Saka 980 (=A.D. 1058) from Nāgaid in the Hyderabad State mentions that Dandanātha-Trinētra Madhusūdana, a general of the king, received from his master among many other endowments, a gift of land for the maintenance of six Curators called Sarasvati-Bhandärigas who were placed in charge of the library attached to the college (Ghatikāśālā) at Nāgavāvi. agrahāra, which had several hundred students on its rolls. Another interesting reference to a Sarasvati-bhandara or library is found in a fragmentary epigraphe engraved on the east wall of the third prākāra in the Ranganātha temple at Srirangam in the Trichinopoly District. It is but natural to expect that this temple which is classified as belonging to the uttamóttama type, should have been provided with a library as well. The record states that in an auxiliary mandapa which accommodated this library, provision was appropriately made for the installation and worship of the images of the three presiding deities of learning--viz., Hayagriva, Sarasvati and VyāsaBhagavān, by Pälappalli Nilakantha-Nāyakar. As this person was a contemporary of Hoysala Vira-Rāmanātha, in whose 14th year inscription' (A.D. 1269) he is mentioned, the library of the Srirangam temple was in existence from the middle of the 13th century A.D. A pustakabhāņdāra as an adjunct to the Advaitic Sarkara-matha at Spingēri in the Mysore State is mentioned in two epigraphs from Vantyāla near Perdūru in the South Kanara District, which belong to the early Vijayanagara period. One of them is dated in Saka 1328 in the reign of king Bukka II and registers a gift of land for the maintenance of a certain Purāņika Kavi-KrishnaBhatta, who was the Curator in charge of this library, while the other dated a few years later in Saka 1354 in the reign of king Dēvarāya II, relates to another gift of land made to the Curator's son Kavi-Sankara-Bhatta, who evidently succeeded his father in his office.
TEXT. 1 Tirumugappaļi? [I*] Svasti sri@[* Il] Etat=sur-āsur-ādhīsa-mauli-ratna-prabh-āruņam [l*]
Srimat-Hastigirīgasya dēvadēvasya Sasanam [U*) Vikāri-samvatsarattu
Mēsha-nāyafru pūrvva-pakshattu prathamaiyum Velli-kkilamaiyum 2 perra Asvati-nā! abhishēka-mandapattu Vira-Vallāļan-simhāsanattu Ariyenavallān-pandal
kil nãmum nam pendugaludan Satakopan-pattu-kkēlāniska nam vidu karumam
kētkum 1 Several inscriptions relate to the provision made for the maintenance of such educational institutions, notable among them being those copied from Ennayiram in the South Aroot District (No. 333 of 1917 of the Madras Epigraphical collection), Kavanur (An. Rep. on 8. I. Epigraphy for 1938, Part II, para, 36), eto.
* The Inscriptions of Nagai (Hyderabad Archi. Series, No. 8), p. 7.
No. 139 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1938-39.
• In this connection it may be mentioned that the Paushkara-Samhita (published at Melkote, Mysore, 1994), one of the three authoritative works of the Pancharitra school, has a chapter entitled Jnana pratishthanan, giving rules for the formation of a library in a temple. This reference was brought to my notice by Mr. S. Parthasarathi Ayyangar of the Devasthanam Library at Srirangam.
* No. 4 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1937-38. .Nos. 283 and 284 of the same collection for 1936-37. ,7 This word is written below. Svasti śrl' in slightly smaller characters.
• Svasti Sri and several other Sanskrit words are engraved in Grantha characters. . May also be corrected into nam vittu karumam.

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3 Perumā]tātanum nam bhatta[r*]kaļum solla-kkēttu Brahma-tantra-svatantra
jJiyan' enru nām pēr-kudutta Vaishnavadāsaņukku nām kuduttapadi [l*] Ivaņukku
undāns mathamum mathattai nõkki 4 varum kshētramum samārädhanamum adukku vēņdum muttukkaļum ivan tēdina posta
kangaļum idukku vēņdum upakaranangalum nam Rāmānujan-darśanam nadak
kaikkāga ivanukku 5 piņbum ivan niyamitta ivanudaiya sisbyarga! paramparaiy=āga ivaiyirsai-kkaikkondu
nadatti-ppödakkadavargal=agavum [1] Ivaņai nam Ramanujam-udaiyarum nam
samayattil ullarum kai6 kkondu nadatti-ppõda-chchonnām (l*) I-chcheydiyai-kkallilum sembilum vettikkolļumbadi
ivanukku nām mudittapadiyum uduttapadiyum pūšinapadiyum kuduttom a
Ippadikku7 ttiruväy malarnd-aruļinapadikku köyil-kkanakku Pēraruļāļapriyan eluttu 6. I-ttirumugam
eludina Sakābdam ayirattu iru-pürru enbattu-irand-āvadu 6
TRANSLATION. This is according to the sacred order. Hail! Prosperity!
This is the order of the glorious Lord of Hestigiri, the god of gods, which is red with the brilliance of the gems in the diadems of the (supplicating) lords of the celestials and of the Asuras:
" In the month of Mesha of the (cyclic) year Vikärin, on a Friday with prathamá-lithi of the first fortnight and Afvati-nakhshatra, while We, in company with Our consorts, were listening to the songs of Sathakopa, seated on the throne (named) Viravallälan under the canopy (called) Ariyepavallan in the abhisheka-mandapa (of the temple)
on the representation (made) by Perumā!tātan, who supervises the sacred) business of Our temple (nam vidu), and by Our Bhatas, We were pleased to assign to a Vaishnavadāsa on whom we had bestowed the name of Brahma-tantra-svatantra-Jiyan, the matha which had been set apart for him, the lands belonging thereto, the worship to be conducted therein and the expenses therefor, the books which he had accumulated and the accessories required for them (i.e., their maintenance), so that he may propagate Our Ramanuja. darsanam, and after him, the disciples selected by him may, in succession, take possession of these and continue the work).
We directed that the followers of Ramanuja (Ramānujam-udaiyar) and those of our Vaishnava samayam shall accept him (i.e., his pontificate) and carry on the work).
We also ordered that this information be engraved on stone and copper, and We presented him (in token of Our regard) what had been used (as garlands), what had been worn (as clothes), and what had been anointed (as unguents) by Us."
As thus graciously commanded (by the god), this is the writing (or signature) of the templeaccountant Pēraruļālapriyan.
The Saka year in which this sacred order was written (engraved) is one thousand two hundred and eighty-two.
1 Read -svalantra-Jiya. * Engraved below the line.

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No. 35.-KASYAPA IMAGE INSCRIPTION FROM SILAO.
By B. CH. CHHABRA, M.A., M.O.L., PH.D. (LUGD.), OOTACAMUND. It was early in the year 1935 that the late Babu Puran Chand Nahar of Calcutta, a wellknown Jain antiquarian, kindly placed at my disposal a couple of inked estampages of the subjoined inscription for decipherment and publication. He informed me that the inscription appears on & stone pedestal which is in the possession of Babu Bhagwan Das of Silao' in the Bihar subdivision of the Patna District. This gentleman, I understand, owns & collection of antiquities. He could not tell the exact provenance of the present piece, as the collection had existed in the family from before his time and is apparently not properly enlisted. Considering, however, that Silao is situated between the famous archæological sites of Nalanda and Rajagriha, it is probable that the find hailed from one of these two places. But, as will be shown below, it is more likely that the piece belonged to Silao itself.
From the estampages supplied by Babu Puran Chand, I could read a conside able part of the epigraph. For its complete decipherment, however, an examination of the original or, at least, & set of better impressions was essential. During the summer of that very year, I had occasion to visit Silao, but unfortunately I then missed Babu Bhagwan Das there. Consequently I had to go disappointed without seeing either his collection or the inscribed pedestal in question.
About two years later, Mr. J. K. Roy, the then Custodian of Nalanda Museum and Monuments, at my request, got a fresh set of impressions prepared, which he kindly sent to me along with his description of the sculptured piece. In December 1939, Mr. Amalananda Ghosh, Assistant Superintendent, Archæological Survey, Central Circle, Patna, further obliged me by furnishing me with two photographs of the damaged sculpture and three impressions, on thin paper, of its inscription. The new material enabled me to read the inscription almost entirely.
As may be seen from the accompanying photographie reproduction, the pedestal is elliptical in shape and has, in its centre, a remnant of the kneeling statue, carved in the round, which once surmounted it. The pedestal stands 9" high, and measures 20' at its longest and 141' at its broadest. The extant portion of the figure shows that it represented & person seated in the attitude that is technically called õlidhäsana. The symmetrical lines seen on its right leg suggest folds of the dhoti or the lower garment. Further, the pedestal has, at its bottom, a tenon, about 6" long and 4" wide, which shows that the present sculpture was placed on a larger pedestal by the side of some other statue or statues. This is borne out also by the posture of the present image, as judged from its surviving portion. The posture recalls to one's mind certain representations of Garuda, Vishnu's vāhana, depicted as offering worship with folded hands or waiting on his master. In the present instance, however, the figure represented, as is disclosed by the inscription, not Garuda but Kāśyapa who, as will presentiy be shown, was a famous disciple of the Buddha. We may thus conclude that the present image, representing Kāšyapa in worshipful attitude, Was criginally installed next to the statue of his teacher, Gautama Buddha, in a shrine or & sanctuary somewhere near the modern village of Silao.
The pedestal is partitioned into two by an inward curve. The inscription runs along the upper band and consists of three lines, each measuring about 21' in length. It is
1 Silao is a railway station on the Bukhtiarpur-Bebar Light Railway section of East Indian Railway. * See below p. 331.

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slightly weather-worn, especially on the right-hand extremity where a few letters in the first line I have not been able to make out. Again, due to erosion, parts of letters and signs of superscript rēpha have, at certain places, been rendered obscure. In most cases, however, they can be made out from the moulds on the back of an estampage. The average size of the letters is ".
The characters telong to the northern class of alphabets. Kielhorn described this type as "the Magadha variety of the Nāgari alphabet", while some other scholars more appropriately call it "the Eastern variety of Nāgari". The script of the present record bears a close resemblance to that used in the Ghosrāwā inscription of the time of the Pāla king Dēvapāladēva who reigned from c. A.D. 801 to c. A.D. 8404. In view of this consideration, the present inscription, which neither bears a date nor mentions any ruler's name, may be placed in the first half of the ninth century A.D.
The language of the record is Sanskrit and its composition is entirely in verse, all the three stanzas forming but one sentence. The following points are worthy of note in respect of orthography, a consonant followed by a r is very often reduplicated, s is used for & in yas=cha, 1. 2 and gitas-cha, l. 3, and v is used for b in Vauddha, I. 3. The sign of avagraha appears twice. Grammatically, the form amit-ardhau, 1. 1, is wrong. As an adjective of kule, it ought to be amit-ardhini. Similarly the use of the feminine gender in the word ādi in sviya-sarhātik ādir, I. 3, is incorrect. In a compound like the present one, it should ordinarily be treated in the neuter gender. The exact sense of the expression yānti draidham, l. 2, in the given context is not clear to me, though I have rendered it as 'vie with one another's. Of lexicographical interest are the terms purasa, 1. 2. and samhātikā, l. 3. The former in all probability is meant to be an equivalent of purata which is equally of rare occurrence and means "gold'. The latter appears here as a synonym of samghāti or sarghātikā which is peculiar to Buddhist terminology and denotes one of the three robes of a monk' (tri-chivara).
As regards contents, the inscription is virtually a label to the image which once surmounted the pedestal, giving in a compendious form a laudatory account of the deity represented. The deity or the deified personage, as is disclosed by the inscription, was Kāśyapa.
This Kaśyapa is no other than the Buddha's favourite disciple Kāśyapa or Mahā-Käsyapa who is reputed to have convened the First Buddhist Council' at Rājagriha three months after the parinirvana of the Master. Even during the Buddha's lifetime Kāśyapa had become a foremost Arbat. It is perhaps on account of his playing such a prominent part in preserving and expounding the Lord's teachings that he has been accorded such an exalted rank as to be deified. In the Mahāyāna Buddhist iconography he has been confused with a previous Buddha, called Käsyapa. There he figures as the sixth ManushiBuddha of the group of seven. There is hardly any Buddhistic treatise wherein some
1 Above, Vol. IV, p. 244.
* Compare, for instance, the late Mr. N. G. Majumdar's remarka in Monographs of the Varendra Research Society No. 1 (Nalanda copper-plate of Deva paladēva), p. 2.
Ins. Ant., Vol. XVII, pp. 307 ff. and plate. .H. C. Ray, Dynastic History of Northern India, Vol. I, p. 379.
See below p 334, .1. • Childers, Dictionary of the Pali Language, under the word sanghafi.
1 Jean Przyluski, Le Concile de Rajarha, pp. 8, 30, etc.; R. C. Majumdar Buddhist Councils in Buddhistic Studies edited by B. C. Law, pp. 26 ff.
Alice Getty, Gods of Northern Buddhism p. 15; Benoytosh Bhattacharyya, Indian Buddhist Iconography.
P. 10.

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account of Käsyapa may not be met with. We have, however, certain references in literature, which are of great value to us inasmuch as they not only bear out the information imparted by our inscription but also supplement it. It will, therefore, be interesting to cite them
here.
The events narrated in the inscription evidently follow the order of their sequence. It may further be observed that each of the nine attributive clauses refers to one distinct happening connected with Käsyapa's life. To sum up the whole, Kafyapa (1) occupied the position of Surapati for seven times successively in some of his former births, (2) was born on this earth in a wealthy family, (3)" ?, (4) renounced the world, forsaking his wife Kāpilēya, (5) showed sympathy with the wretched, so much so that it excited the admiration of the gods, (6) worshipped the Lord with intense piety, (7) received the Lord's robe at the time of the latter's nirvana, (8) expounded the Law and finally (9) attained nirvāṇa on the mount Gurupāda.
In literature, it is the later Pāli works like various Ayhakathās that furnish us with a somewhat detailed narrative of Kāśyapa's ' early life, which may be summarised as follows:
His boyhood's name was Pippali Māņavaka". He was born to a wealthy Brāhmaṇa of the Kapila gotra at the village of Mahātittha (Mahātirtha) in Magadha. From the very beginning he was averse to worldly life. He would look after his parents so long as they lived and afterwards turn a monk. But when he came of age, his parents exhorted him to marry.. He refused to do so. However, when his mother persistently remonstrated with him on this point, he devised means by which, he thought, he would have his way and, at the same time, would not incur his mother's displeasure. He got an image of a young lady of supernatural beauty fashioned of pure gold, bedecked with glittering jewels and daintily clad in red. He presented the image to his mother, declaring that if he were to have a bride of that form, he would fain go in for wedlock. He had fancied that neither would such a paragon of beauty be forthcoming, nor would he marry. This, however, did not dishearten his mother. She rather imagined that her son was very fortunate and that he must have done meritorious deeds in his former births, not alone but in company with a lady of golden hue (suvarna-varnā). She, therefore, at once called in a council of eight Brāhmaṇas, handed over the gold idol to them and charged them with the duty of finding out a damsel of the requisite beauty to be the bride of her son. The Brāhmaṇas mounted the idol on a chariot and set out on their mission. They travelled far and wide until at last they reached the city of Sāgala in the Madra desa, where they found a girl who in grace and charm far excelled the gold image, not to speak of resembling
1 Owing to the portion left unread here, it is not clear what event was described in this sentence.
* This obviously adverts to the occasion of the First Buddhist Council which was held at Rajagriha. convened and presided over by Kibyapa.
It will be clear from Dr. G. P. Malalasekera's Dictionary of Pali Proper Names that the Buddhist literature knows of numerous personages bearing the name Kasyapa or Maha-Kasyapa. A fairly exhaustive description of the Kidyape of our record is given in that work under Maha Kassapa Thera (Vol. II. pp. 476-483), which winds up with the remark that “Mahi Kassapa was so onlled to distinguish him from other Kaesapas, and also because he was possessed of great virtues".
Sigala or Sakala has been identified with Sialkot in the Punjab. See Cunningham's Ancient Geography of India, edited by S. Majumdar Sastri (1924), pp. 686 f.; N. L. Dey, Geographical Dictionary of Ancient and Mediaeral India, pp. 173 1. ; B. C. Law, Geography of Early Buddhism, PP. 13 L. The country of the Madras lay between the Ravi and the Chinab; see N. L Dey, op. cit. p. 116.

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it. She was Bhadra Kåpilayani, daughter of an equally well-to-do Brāhmana of the Kausika götra. She shared the propensities of Pippali Māņavaks, like him not caring for connubial felicity. Finally, however, their marriage was settled in spite of them. They married, but did not lead a married life. An opportunity offered itself and they forsook each other, renounced all and turned ascetics.
"Pippalf Mänavaka, with a single robe on and a bowl in hand, left home in quest of the Buddha. He saw the Lord seated under a bodhi tree called Bahaputraka somewhere between Rājagriha and Nálanda. It was there that he received his ordination (upasampadā) from the Lord. Later on Pippall Manavaka, now Kasyapa, presented his silken sarghāti to the Master and accepted with alacrity from the latter his coarse and threadbare robe in exchange. So ardent was Käsyapa's faith that he attained the position of an Arbat only a week after his ordination."
Asvaghosha has also left us a brief sketch of Kasyapa. Therein Kāśyapa is said to be Räj-adi-geh-akhya-desi which compound Cowell translates as an inhabitant of Rajageba'. We have just learnt from the Ayhakathas that Käsyapa hailed from a village called Mahätittha in Magadha. In the light of this information we may explain the above expression more precisely as an inhabitant of the country named Rajagēha'. Wo kaow that Rājagriha was then the capital of Magadha: And in the present instance the country is denoted simply by the name of its capital, which practice has not been uncommon. In this way Asvaghosha's statement on the point of Käsyapa's native land is not at Variance with the information contained in the Ayhakat)ās. Again, according to Asvaghosha's description, Käsyapa had performed six years' hard penance before he met the Master.
Asvaghosha does not allude to Käsyapa's marriage with Bhadrā Kāpilāyani, which event is, however, confirmed by references in certain stories of the Buddha's former births. Thus in the Asätamanta Jataka, the Lord identifies the characters of that story in the following manner: "Kapilāni was the mother of those days, Maha-Kassapa was the father, Ananda the pupil, and I myself the teacher". Similarly in the Hatthipala Jātaka, the chaplain was Kassapa and his wife was Bhaddakāpilāni. Again, in the Sāma Jātaka, the father was Kassapa and the mother Bhaddakapilāni.
The name Kapilyani (or Kapilant or Kapiliyà as we shall have it later) is apparently derived from Kapila, which, as we know from the Apadana (P. T. S. edition, p. 583, verse 57), was Bhadra's father's name, The same source gives her mother's name as Sachsmati. A detailed account of her also is found in Dr, G. P. Malalasekera's Dictionary of Pali Proper Names under Bhadda Kapllant Thert (Vol. II, pp. 354-56).
* This mammary is extracted from an account of Kafyapa-arayana, which is given by Mahapandita Tripitakācharya Rahula Säkrityāyana in his Buddhacharyya (Hindi), pp. 41 ff, and which in its tum ia based upon the following works: Theragatha Athakatha 30; Samyu.ta-Niliya Athakatha, 15, 1, 11: Anguttara-Nikaya Atlakatha 1. 1. 4. * E. B. Cowell's edition of Asvaghosha's Buddhacharita, XVII, 12:
चिजः काश्यपायी धने यक्षराजी गुरुर्वेदविद्यास राजादिगेहाख्यदशी
uform: (fan: ?) are hera wata faptulmar( ?) afety: यदा बीधिनचावितीऽसौ कुमारसपः प्राचरहुष्करं तत् षडब्दं महात्मा
ततोऽवाप्त बोधि मुनीन्द्रं समा(समा)भवत्काश्यपीऽसौ यतीशीऽसामग्रगण्यः । Sacred Books of the East, Vol. XLIX, part i, p. 193 f. Compare such cases as Avanti and Kanchi. .V. Fausboll's edition of The Jataka, No. 61. + Translation of the Jataka, Vol. I, p. 160. The Jätaka, No. 509. Translation, Vol. IV, p. 304, The Jataka, No. 540. Translation, Vol. VI, p. 52.

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It may at once be recognised that Kapiläni and Bhaddakāpiläni of the Jātakas and the Authakathās, and Kāpileye of the present inscription are but variants of one and the same name and refer likewise to one and the same person, namely Kasyapa's wife.
It may parenthetically be pointed out that according to the Athakathas it was, as noted above, somewhere between Rajagriha and Nalanda that Kasyapa's first meeting with the Lord took place. That position almost corresponds to the modern village of Silao. May we then suppose that the statue of Kasyapa was set up there in order to sanctify the spot and thereby to commemorate the first meeting? In that case, the find-spot of the inscribed pedestal under discussion, as has already been hinted, must be Silao.
Now if we compare the above descriptions with the account given in our inscription, we shall find that most of the details do agree. There are, however, certain points which it has not been possible for me to corroborate by literary references. In the first place, Kasyapa is stated to have acted as Indra for seven terms on end. He must have attained such a distinction as a reward for highly meritorious deeds on his part; but I have not been able to find any mention of this fact in literature. We are told that Gautama Buddha himself was Sakra in twenty of his antecedent births, that there is a Sakra in every chakravāla and that the office of Sakra, which is in fact the sovereignty of the Tavatimsa angels, is held only for a limited period by the same individual. It is said of Kasyapa that he bestowed his favours only on the poor', which sentiment is echoed in din-änath-änugata-manasaḥ of our inscription, 1. 2.
We further learn from the inscription that the Buddha, while entering nirvana, gave away his samghați and other things to Kasyapa. I could not find this event related in any of the Buddhist canonical works. All that we know in this connection is this, as we have noticed above, that the Lord and Kasyapa exchanged their samghatis shortly after their first meeting. However, the information from the Chinese sources in this regard is in perfect agreement with the account of our inscription. According to that, Tahtagata, on the point of attaining nirvana, addressed Kasyapa and said inter alia: "The golden-tissued Kashaya robe given me by my foster-mother I bid you keep and deliver to Maitreya when he has completed the condition of Buddha."
Finally we come to the nirvana of Kasyapa himself, which is stated to have taken place on the mount Gurupāda. Here, too, the Chinese record is in full concord. In the Divyavadanamālā, the name of the mountain is given as Gurupadaka, while elsewhere it is also called Kukkuṭapada. The identification of this hill had long been a subject of keen controversy among such eminent scholars as Cunningham, Beal and Stein until at last the late Mr. R. D. Banerji brought the issue to a successful close by offering a thoroughly satisfactory solution. Cunningham contended that three bare and rugged hills in the vicinity of Kurkihar, 16 miles to the east of Gaya, represent the Kukkuṭapädagiri, taking the name Kurkihär to be a contraction of Kukkuta-vihara or Kukkutapada-vihara and, at the same time, presuming a connection between this last and the Kukkuṭapada-giri. Beal had his objections to this identification, for, to him
See R. C. Childers' Dictionary of the Pali Language under the word SAKKO (Sakra), p. 419. G. P. Malalasekera, Dictionary of Päli Proper Names, Vol. II, p. 481.
S. Beal, Si-Yu-Ki (Buddhist Records of the Western World), Vol. II, 143. The Tibetan version records that Mahäkäsyapa' changed the garments which enshrouded the Blessed one for others from his store". W. W. Rockhill, Life of the Buddha, p. 144.
Ibid., p. 242.
Cowell's edition, p. 61; and Rajendraläla Mitra, The Sanskrit Buddhist Literature of Nepal, p. 308.
Beal, op. cit. p. 142; Beal, Travels of Fah-Hian and Sung-Yun, p. 132; H. Kern, Manual of Indian Buddhism, p. 89; Rockhill, Life of the Buddha, p. 161.
"Reports A. S. I., Vol. I, pp. 14-16, Vol. XV, pp. 4-6.

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the location did not agree with the accounts of the Chinese travellers. Moreover, he has emphatically pointed out that the Kukkuțārāma or Kukkuța-vibāra must not be confounded with the Kukkutapāda-giri. Stein had occasion to visit this part of the country in the winter of 1899, and, with a view to arriving at a definite opinion regarding the identification, he made a thorough survey. After a close examination he came to the conclusion that the Kukkutapadagiri or Gurupāda-giri is represented by the Sõbhnàth bill, a part of the Maher hill, in the district of Gaya.Stein's identification met Beal's objections to some extent, but was not totally convincing. Finally Banerji investigated the matter further, and conclusively proved that the modern representative of the Gurupāda-giri is to be found in the Gurpā hill in the district of Gaya.. This identification is warranted not only by the name Gurpā being phonetically a corrupt form of the Gurupāda itself, but also because it satisfies all other considerations, as detailed by the author. Nevertheless, some scholars even now, knowingly or unknowingly, adhere to Cunningham's discarded identification of the Kukkutapāda mountain with Kurkihar,
Judging from the description of the pedestal as well as from the nature of the inscription on it, the statue of Kasyapa in question must have been one of considerable artistic merit, typifying the art of the Pāla period. It is greatly to be regretted that the major portion of the statue itself is not forthcoming. It would have been a unique specimen inasmuch as the known sculptural representations of Käsyapa are few. In fact, 80 far as I know, we do not have a single entire piece of this kind. At Bishanpur in the Gayā district, Beglar noticed one image of Kāśyapa. "On & small bas-relief”, so runs his description, "representing a figure seated cross-legged in Buddha fashion is inscribed Ye Dharmma Rāsi Maha Kasyapa (sic.); this statue is clearly therefore one, of the venerable president of the first synod, and is the only one I have seen or heard of, of one of Buddha's disciples. The present whereabouts of this statue are not known. Even in 1899, when Stein visited Bishanpur, he found it missing, for he writes: "I was, however, unable to trace the small bas-relief, which is mentioned by Mr. Beglar as bearing a short inscription with the name of Mahākāsyapa.?" It may in passing be pointed out that plastic representations even of the Kāśyapa Buddha, who, as has been shown above, is sometimes mixed up with the Maha-Kāšyapa, are equally rare. The Curzon Museum of Archæology at Muttra has recently acquired an image of the Kāśyapa Buddha, carved in the round, standing on an inscribed pedestal; but the upper half of it is missing. It belongs to the Kushāņa period. The preserved part, from the girdle downwards, shows it wearing a dhoti, a melhalā and a scarf."
1 See his Travels of Fah-Hian and Sung Yun, p. 132 n.; Ind. Anl., Vol. XII, p. 327 f., and his St-Yu-Ki (Buddhist Records of the Western World), Vol. II, p. 95 and n. 32, p. 142 and n. 14,
* Ind. Anl., Vol. XXX, p. 88.
J.A.S.B., Vol. II (1902), pp. 77-83.
. With regard to the identification of the Gurupada-giri, the reader is also referred to Cunnigham's Ancient Geography of India, edited by S. Majumdar Sastri (1924), pp. 526 ff. ad pp. 720 f.; and to N. L. Dey's Geogra. phical Dictionary of Ancient and Mediaval India, under Gurupäda-giri, Kukktapāda-giri, Gurpā-Hill, Kurkihar and Sobhnáth Hill.
See for instance B. C. Law's Rajagriha in Ancient Literature (Memoirs of the 4. 9. I., No. 58), p. 17, • Cunningham's Reports A. 8. 1., Vol. VII. p. 105. Ind. Ant., Vol. XXX, p. 90.
The imago is fully described and the inscription is edited by Mr. V. S. Agrawala in the Journal of the United Provinces Historical Society, December 1937, pp. 35-38 with Plates; and in the Annual Report on the Curzon Museum of Arehæology, Mutfra, for the year ending 31st March 1938, PP. 2, 6, , with Plate.

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Page #397

KASYAPA IMAGE INSCRIPTION FROM SILAO.
Left side.
परसक्वकाले यविधानमा व यस दाट का दीक्या सोनविदा सी
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. REG. No. 2011 E'40-310.
Right side.
ཀཀཽ ར ར ནས ཨཊརཉ གིཔ འགའརོ
द
दो कमेव यत्गुरु यादगिरको सम
SCALE: ABOUT ONE-HALF.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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Hiuen Tsiang, the celebrated Chinese pilgrim, informs us of the existence of an image of the Kasyapa Buddha enshrined in a vihara to the north-west of the Bodhi tree at Bödh-Gayā. "It is noted for its miraculous and sacred qualities. From time to time it emits & glorious light. There is presumably a reference to this representation of Kāgyapa in the Bödh-Gaya inscription of Mahānāman, wherein homage is paid, in the beginning', first to sākyaikabandhu (ie. Gautama Buddha) and then to Maha-Káśyapa, assuming that Hiuen Tsiang, too, meant an image of Maha-Kāśyapa' when he said
an image of the Käsyapa Buddha'. Among the ruins at Bödh-Gaya, Cunningham has identified the remains of the aforesaid vihara', while the image is not to be found at all.
There are, however, a good few sculptures which represent the group of seven or eight. Mortal Buddhas, wherein the Kāśyapa Buddha figures as the sixth. In the Indian Museum at Calcutta we have a stone pillar from Bharaut, depicting his distinguishing bodhi tree', which is nyagrodha (Fious Indica).
Here I may gratefully record that to Dr. N. P. Chakravarti I owe some useful references and suggestions, especially with regard to the identity of Käsyapa.
TEXT? [Metres : w. 1,9 Mandākrānta; v. 3 Anushçubh. ] 1 सिद्धम् [*] निर्बिच्छेदं सुरपतिरभूत्सप्त वारान् पुरा यः प्राप्तं म]। सुमहति
*** Taifhaafu , BATCHETAAN -U--u-- watotta: 2 पुरसवपुष कापिलेयां विहाय [१॥*] दीनानाथानुगतमनसो यस्य नत्यान्यदेवा
यान्ति वैध भगवति जिने यस्च(च) भक्त्या नतोऽभूत् । निर्वान्प्रादादपि च
ya: at 3 fatet e atlat a fazi ga starea() #: (211*] faha:
स्वमधिष्ठाय देहं सत्वा त्वार्थमेव यः । गुरुपादे गिरी रम्ये मोऽयमाभाति 19: [21*
1 Beal's Si-Yu-Ki, Vol. II, p. 124.
Fleet's Gupta Inscriptions (C. 1. 1., Vol. III), pp. 278 . * Cunningham, Mahabodhi, p. 36.
These are: Vipaśyin, Sikhi, Visvabha, Krakuchchhanda, Kanakamuni, Kasyapa, Säkyasimha and Maitreya. The last one does not usually appear in this group. B. Bhattacharyya, Indian Buddhist Icono graphy, p. 10.
. Ibid. and J. Ph. Vogel, Catalogue of the Archaeological Museum at Mathura, I, 7 and I. 37, and pp. 135 and 139 • Lüders, List of Brahmi Inscriptions, No. 760,
From inked estampages.
• Expressed by a symbol. This may also indicate siddhir-astu. The same symbol is explained to represent on which would be legs appropriate in a Buddhistic record like the present one. The various interpretation of this sign is discussed above, Vol. XVII, p. 352.
. This sign cannot but be a mute n, though it looks more like a final ras found in -adir in I. 3 belov. 10 The superscript here is not well marked.
11 The grammatically correct form should be amit-arddhini, unless the word kula, which it qualifies, be taken here to be in the masculine gender.
13 This adverbial clause Gurupade girau ramyd apparently goes with the following words são'yama äbhati Kabyapab, but in reality it is connected with the preceding portion niruritab, eto,

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TRANSLATION. Success!
(V.1) Who had formerly remained the Lord of Gods for seven terms without intermission; who attained birth in a highly noble and immensely prosperous family of mortals; who, being possessed of unbounded speed, .............. the brilliancy of gold; who turned a recluse, forsaking (his wife) Kāpilēyā of golden form;
(V.2) Other deities in paying reverence to whom-his heart going out to the distressed and the desolate--vie with one another; and who revered Lord Jina (the Buddha) with devotion; and further, on whom Sugata (the Buddha), while entering nirvana, bestowed his samhäţika and the rest; and who, being an exponent of the Buddhist doctrines, expounded the Law;
(V.3) Who, after having assumed his (human) form solely for the sake of (delivering the mortal) beings, entered nirvana on the charming hill of Gurupāda; the very same Kāøyapa shines forth here.
No. 36.-A BRONZE IMAGE INSCRIPTION FROM NALANDA.
By A. Ghosh, M.A., PATNA. The following inscription is engraved on the back of a bronze image of Balarama, excavated in 1917-18 out of the northern verandah of Monastery Site No. 1 at Nāland. The image is now in the Archæological Museum at Nälandā and bears the register number 8. 1.442.
The characters of the inscription belong to the eastern variety and may be ascribed to the ninth century A.D.; they have much similarity with those of the Nālandă copper-plate of Dēvapāla. In fact, the inscription may well belong to the reign of the Pāla king Dēvapāla (c. A.D. 815-854), who is mentioned in the text of the inscription. As is common in the inscriptions of this age, the medial é is written both as a superscript oblique line and as a short stroke attached to the left limb of the respective letter. The medial o is denoted by a combination of both these signs. There are some obvious grammatical and orthographical mistakes in the inscription.
The inscription records the dedication of the image at Nalanda in the Dévapāladēvahatta, or the mart of Dēvapāladēva', by Nisingha(?)kā, the wife (?) of Sõujjēka. There is epigraphic evidence of the existence of other hattas at Nalanda ; for example, the inscription on a stone image of Avalokitēšvara, now housed in the modern Sürya temple at Bargaon near the excavated site of Nalanda, contains a reference to a tala-hata, the meaning of which is not clear.
1 This rendering may now be accepted as exact. After I had prepared this essay, I chanced to read pamage, in a similar context, in Maha Kassapa's account given by Dr. G. P. Malalasekera in his Dictionary of Pāli Proper Names (Vol. II, p. 481), which has confirmed the above explanation. The passage in question reads: Owing to his great saintliness, even the gods vied with each other to give alms to Kassape."
Above, Vol. XVII, p. 310.
* The inscription, which is still unpublished, seems to read as follows :-siddham (oxprossed by a symbol) fri-Nalanda talahataki de[ya*]dharmo='yan Saudamūké óri(t)-Va-putrinah |

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The inscription shows that a hata was founded at Nalanda by Dēvapāla, or, at any rate, was named after him. The connexions of Dēvapāla with Nālandă are attested to by other inscriptions as well. Thus, the Nalanda copper-plate referred to above records the munificence of that king in favour of Nalanda at the request of the mahārāja Bālaputradēva of Suvarnadvipa (Sumatra). Further, the Ghosriwin' inscription acquaints us with the fact that Dévapāla appointed a monk named Viradeva to look after Nalanda.
Another word in the inscription worthy of notice is Malaporasya, occurring at the beginning of the second line ; neither its meaning nor its proper position in the syntax is clear. It is interesting to note, however, that a similar word Mallapörasya oceurs in a dedicatory inseription on a bronze image found at Kurkihār (District Gayā), also belonging to the reign of Dėvapāla. It is tempting no doubt to regard the word as an incorrect derivative of Malla pura, and to take it to mean 'a resident of Mallapura '. But this meaning is hardly possible in the Kurkihār inscription, though it may suit the present record.
TEXT. 1 Siddhamsri-Nālandāya sri-Dēvapäladēva-battē 2 Malapõrasya Sõujjēkasya vadū(dhū?)-Nisingha(?)3 kāya dēva-dharmmaya pratipādittaḥ° /
No. 37.-A NOTE ON THE PANCHADHARALA PILLAR INSCRIPTION OF KING
VISVESVARA.
By M. SOMASEKHARA SARMA, WALTAIR In Epigraphia Indica, Vol. XIX, pp. 164 f., the Dharmalingēsvara temple inscription at Panchadhārala was ably edited by Dr. J. Nobel of the Berlin University. This inscription belongs to the Eastern Chalukya king Vibvēsvara, who ruled the territory around Panchadharala in the Yellamanchili taluk of the Vizagapatam District. Vinnakoța Peddana was his court-poet. He dedicated his Kavyālankāra-chūdāmaņi, a poetical work on rbetoric in Telugu, to his patron. Both the date of king Vitvēsvara and the date of composition of the Kävyalankara-chudamani had not been known definitely, so far. The inscription under discussion settles these dates satisfactorily.
The inscription records the construction of a mandapa in the Dharmalingēsvara temple at Pañchadhárāpuri in Saka 1329 (Sakābde Nava-Bhānu-Rama-Sari-sankhyātë) or A.D. 1407,
1 Maitra, Gaudalēkhamala, p. 45.
This image, along with the other antiquities found at Kurkihär, is now in the Patna Museum. The full meaning of the inscription is not clear, but the relevant portion may be quoted here - -Desaprladkarajye samrat 19........malla-chchhandakan Mallaporasya pratipaditah.
Mallapura or Mallāpura is given in the St. Petersburg Dictionary, Vol. V, pp. 602-3, place-Dama. Cf. Malla, the name of a well-known tribe.
• Expressed by a symbol
Is the word to be corrected to Sauryyakasya ? [The reading seems to be Söhajjökarya-B C.C.) • Read Nisingha(1) kaya dėya-dharmmo'yath pratipăditad.

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[Vol. XXV.
by king Visvēsvara. As has been pointed out by the editor, there is a covert allusion to the date of a battle fought by Visvēsvara in the text of the inscription, in the verse quoted below :
Gati-bāhu-sakti-bhū-mitim-api ganayat-Sarvasidhdhi(ddhi)-patha-bhagnar sati Chitrabhānu-säkshiņi Dharanivarābād=adā(dha)vad=Andra(dhra)-balam ||
Dr. Nobel discloses the pun contained in the verse and brings to light the bistorical fact, namely, that king Vißvēsvara defeated the Andhra army, near Sarvasiddhi, in the cyclic year Chitrabhānu, represented by the Saka year gati (5), bāku (2), sakti (3), and bhū (1), i.e., 1325.
An exact Telugu rendering of the above verse is found in canto vii of the Telugu work Kāvyalankára-chüdāmani, without, in any way, spoiling the flesha. It is as follows:
Chatur-upāya-bahu-hakti-ksban-ávali bäravidichi Chitrabhanu sikshi
bäre Sarvasiddhi-padam-ēdi Dharanivarāhamunakun-odi Racha-kadupu || For the expressions gati and bhu in the Sanskrit verse the words chatur-upāya and kshamā were used respectively in Telugu. These are the only differences that could be found between the Sanskrit verse and the corresponding Telugu verse. The occurrence in Kävyälankára-chüdāmani, of a faithful rendering of the verse occurring in the inscription, leads us to surmise that the composer of the Panchadhārala inscription night be Vinnakota Peddana. He would not have incorporated in his work the exact Telugu version of the Sanskrit verse, if he were not the composer of the inscription as well. Hence, it may be concluded that the author of the Panchadharala inscription could be no other than Peddana, the court-poet of king Visvēsvara.
The editor of the inscription deserves great praise for discovering the real import of the verse waen many Telugu pandits and Sanskrit scholars who printed and edited the Kävyälankära-chudamani were not able to disclose this fact, just because their outlook was more literary than historical. When, however, the verse in the Kavyālarkāra-chūdāmani and the corresponding verse of the Pañchadhārala inscription are closely examined, we find that there is a small discrepancy in the date of the battle, arrived at by the editor of the inscription. He has taken gati to represent the numeral 'five'. But, that its value is four', is now ascertained by the Telugu verse, wherein the term chatur-upāya denoting the number four' was expressly used in the place of gati of the Sanskrit verse. Hence, the date given by Dr. Nobel should be corrected to Saka 1324.
Sankhyārthanāmaprakā fika written by the erudite scholar, Kanuparti Venkatarama SriVidyānandanátha, assigns the value four' to the term gati and enumerates four gatis, namely Déva-gati, Manushya-gati, Jantu-gati and Naraka-gati.
The value given to gati even in epigraphical literature is four as is evidenced by an inscription from Simhachalam, Vizagapatam District. The date of this inscription is given in the Telugu portion as Saka-varshambulu 1294 and in the Sanskrit portion as Sakābdē gati-randhra-Bhanugenitë' etc. Another inscription in Telugu from Yenamadala (Guntur District) which gives the date in chronogram guna-bāna-gati-chandra' in verse and in figures in prose, equates gati with four. Thus, we find that gati represents four.
The existence in the Kāvvälarkarachudamani of the Telugu version of the verse mentioned above proves, beyond doubt, that this work had been composed after Saka 1324, the date of the battle referred to therein.
1.8. 1. I., Vol. VI, No. 74%. *8.1 1., Vol. IV, No. 930.

Page #402

INDEX
BY
H. K. NARASIMHASWAMI, B.Sc.
[The figures refer to pages; n. after a figure to footnotes anl all to additions. The following othor abbreviations are also used:-ca.capital; ch.-chief: Chron.Chronicle; cicity; co. country; com.composer; dt. district; dn. division; do. ditto; dy.-dynasty; E.-Eastern; engr. engraver; ep.-epithet; f. female; feud. feudatory; gen. general; hist.Historical; k.king; .locality; 1.m.linear measure or land measure: m.male; mir.=n inister; mo. mountain; myth.mythological; n. name; N.-Northern off. office or officer; pr. prince; q.queen; rel. religious; ri.-river; S.-Southern; s. a. same as; Bur,surname; te.temple; t. d. territorial division; tit.title; tn.town; tg.-taluq; vi.village; W.Western; ck.=work.]
a, initial
Abdur Razak, Persian envoy, Abhidhanaratnamila, uk..
Abhimanaraman, name of a throne,
Abhiras or Ahirs, tribe,
Abhira, dy..
Abhöna plates of Saikaragana, abhyantara-siddhi,
Āchālā, vi.,
Acharchc'iya 8.a. acharya, achariya, teacher,
acharya, off..
Acharyavatara-ghattartha, Vaishnavite wk.,
A
87),
Adagau, vi.,
Adalaiyur-nādu, co., Adangāri, vi.,
Adangärimangalam, vi.,
Adanur, vi.,
Achchankiṭṭirukkai, vi.,
Achohankättirukkai Tirumaliruñjólai Malan
gudi, vi..
Adhirajendra, Chōla k., adhikarigal, off..
PAGE 282
189, 190 174, 184 253. 203
203 228.
adigaram, off.,
Aditya, sun, Aditya I, Chola k.,
.
Achchankättirukkai-Milaganür alias Rajendrasinganallur, vi., 110, 113, 123, 124 Achchankäṭṭirukkai-Kuvalaivēli, vi., 112, 124 Achchankäṭṭirukkai-Tirumaliruujōlai-nallur,
vi.,
Achchapuram, vi.,
Achchutavayal, vi.,
Achyutapuram plates of Indravarman (year
Adi-Chandesvara, Saiva devotee,
•
32
40 322 and a.
71, 118, 129, 131
30
51f.
35
102
113, 124
304, 307, 309
136
194, 195, 196, 283m.
200, 208, 211, 215, 222, 224
86, 96
94 91 93
75, 246, 25). 252, 253
253, 261, 265 320 66, 69, 88, 99, 106, 111, 124 176 90, 95%.
Aditya-Bhatta, donee,. Adityabhatta, donee,
Aditya II, Karikala, Chola k.,
.
•
Adityamurti, god, 8.a., Šiva, Adityan Sandapiran- Bhattan, m., Adityan Bhaskara-Bhattan, m., Adityavarman, Sinta ch.,
Adityavarman, Chōla k., Aḍiki, vi.,
102, 113, 121 165, 166, 167, 169 260 89, 104, 108, 120, 122, 130 an-rachana, wk., by Tatakaragupta 31. Adı Zerran, m.,
1
102, 113, 125
Adipur, vi.,
147, 158, 172 Adipar copper-plate of Narendrabhanja. děva,
Durjayabhanja
Adipur copper-plate of dēva, Adipur Pargana, dt., Adi-Varaha, god, the boar-incarnation of Vishnu, 209, 294
30 216
35, 36 and n., 37, 38 179 103
PAGK
147, 148
148, 172 158
Adivan-Sathakōpa-Jiyar, Vaishnava pontiff, 8.a. Srinivasa,.
Adrisuta dhipa, god, s.a. .Šiva. alukkalaippuram, gift for offerings, Adumbar, vi., Adūņi, vi.. Agalangan, vi., Agastya, 827e,
Agastya, star, s.a. the Canopus,
agara,
323 262 134 92л. 920.
303, 306, 308 11, 317. 317 and . 71
200 and ., 215 232, 287 13
agnishtikä, rite,
Agnisvamin, donee,
Agni-tirtha, tirtha,
Agranaya Mahayana or Vajrayana, school of Buddhism,
.
31
77.900
18in.
agrahara, Ahankara, author,
Ahavamalla, W. Chalukya k.,
244., R
Ahavamalla (Someśvara I), W. Chalukya k., 210, 245 Ahavamalla (Someávara II), W. Chilakys ..
2.3

Page #403

338
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[ Vol. XXV
'AGU
PAGE Ihanamallabulakala, Chola tit.. . 246, 262, 265
Allada-Bhatta, m., . . . . 141, 144 I havamallanai-aimmadi-vekanda, tit., 245,!
Alladanátha, m.,
. 141, 144 246, 262, 263, 265
Allah ibâd pillar inscription of SamudraAhiohch atra, vi.. .
gupta, . 166
. .
. . . .
44, 50 n., 267 . ahimintu. n., .
. . . 139n.
Allāļan ithadēva, god, , , , 274n. Ahitazi Sriranganātha-Bhatta-Soma-Kathaka
Allasakti, Sendraka ch., . . 167 and .. yajiyar, m., . . . . 100, 112, 124 Allavadraha, vi.. . . . 158 n., 160... Ahobalam-matha, rel. institution, . . . 323 Alligunta, pond, . . . . . . 140 Ahobalamihatmyamu, 8.. Vrisimhrpuranami,
Alluganga, ch., . . . . . 274, 275 Telugu wk., . .
138
AlphabatsAibole inscription, . . .
269R. Grantha,
. 35, 66, 241, 319 Ain-i-Akbari, Hial. Chron., .
208 2.
Granth and Tamil mixed. . . . 297 Airavata, elephant, Intri's mount.
287n. Kanareze and Telugu, archaic . .
43 Aiyapadēva, k...
54, 57
Nagari,. . 1, 8, 165, 183, 199, 279, 303 Ajatasatru, epic hero,.
259 Nin linigari,. . . . Ajayasimha, Labākumara Kalachuri
Northern class. . . 25, 147, 161, 32T pr..
206 Southern olas,
. . 194, 226, 283 aj inps, off.. . .
Tanil, . . . . . 241, 319 akkan, elder sister,
Telugu, . .
. . 137 Akkür, vi.. . .
. . 297, 303 Telugu, ancient, .
• 187 akshapa taladhikrita, off.. . . . 50, 53
Telugu-Kannada, .
183, 271 Akvambika, f... . . . 208, 213, 223
Vattaluttu, .
.
. 35 Alagaimanagar, vi.. . . . . . 99
Aluk-pannia, a field . .
140, 145 Alagapperumal. ch.. . 88 and n., 131, 132, 134,
Alvåg Upā lhyāyar, m., .
103, 113, 125 136 Alvar Srivallabha, m., . .
. . 83 Alagapperumal, machchunanit, ch., . . 66, 67
amilaks, Emilic Myrobalan, tree,
1971. Alagapperumāļ, Pillaiyir, ch., . 66, 67, 87
Amana or Amaņadėva, Yadava k.. . 10. 205 Alagapuri, vi.. . . . . . . 96
and n., 221 . Alagiyadeva-Bhattan alias Palarāvāyan, m., 135, 136 Amanallūr, vi, 8.2. Ankudi. . . . . 95 Alagiyanayaka Bhattan alias Pálarávayan
Amarabhujanga, Pandya k.. . . . 37 Ammaidėvan, m., . . . . 135, 138
Ansradi (or dakki)m angalam, vi.. . . 9: Alagiyapandiya-Brahmadhirajan, ch. ...
Amara, kshatra,. . . . . 183, 185 Sri-Raman Alagan. .
. . . 72
Amarako ia, Sineleritlericon, . . . 74n. Alagiyapandiyakulakkil. 1.d., . 99, 102, 103,
Amarapura, 6. 4. Amaravati, (the oity of 111, 113, 119, 121, 123, 124, 125, 129,
gods), . .
. . .
.
. 286, 287 139
Amaravati, ci.,. . Alagiyapandiyakkulam, i.d., . . . 89
Amaravati Buddhist Sculpture inscription, . 46 Alagiyapāņdiyan, off.. . . . 113, 124
Amarēsvara, god
139, 140, 174, 183, 185 Alagiyapandiyanallur, vi., 6.0. Aykkudi, 93, 99.
aminta, .
. . . . . 139 111, 124
am iya, f., Alagiyapandiyanallür, vi., o.a. Vēlür, 103, 113,
Ambadeva, Kayastha ch.,
271, 272, 273, 275, 125
276 and .., 277, 278 Alagiyapandiyanår, off.. . . . 69, 99
Ambadova I, (8. a. Ambaka mapa), Kayaniha Alsgiyapandiya-Vilupparsiyan, 7., 3.a.
ch.. . . 101, 112, 124
, 271, 272, 273, 274, 277 Udayan Varagu adevan,
Ambadēva (IT), Käyaatha ch.. . . . 874 Alangudi. vi.. . . . . . . .
96
Ambadiya, off., . . . . . . 73, 7T Alankara-manihara, Rhetorical tok.. . Alankärasidhanidhi, wk.,
Ambalakkūttan-embal, ... . 104, IAP, 192 Alappirandān.Būmigūr, vi..
Ambalattādi-chaturvõdimangalam, ri, .
: 57
Ambar-Nätba, god. . Mattūr, n.,
. . . . 53 . . . . . Als-ud-din, Sultan of Delhi,
207, 208
Ambar-N.tha temple inscriptive, . . 51.
Ambasamudram, vi.. .
208. 212, 223 Alhadēva, M..
. . . . 40 .
Auba-tirtha, Vartha, . . 3, 5, 6
.
. Alvi, vi...
16 . .
Ambayapalliká, vi.. . . . Al-Idrisi, author .
237, 230, 231 . . .
Ambayyadora, Kayodha ok.. .
. alidtādaniut, postu 327
. .
. 272
. .
92 95

Page #404

INDEX
339
PAGE 226, 229, 230, 232,
Ambë-Arangape, i.
.
235
84
.
106
140
330
.
25
•
.
283
Ambegaon, ., ... Ambe-Avangada,. . 230 Ambo inscription,
203 and ., 204, 205 The Amiára, tree(?) .
294, 296 Amma, k., . .
. . 54, 57 Amma (I), E. Chalukya k...
. . 191 Amma II, E. Chalukya k.
239 ammay, uncle, . .
. 84 Ammana, Yadava k.,. .
210, 221 Ammēyapallikā, vi.. .
. 237 n. Amoghavarsha, Rash/rakufa k.
54 n., 229 Amrarāji, dn.,
226, 227, 229, 231,
232, 234 Anai-Kattūr, vi.. . . . . . 300 anaikudi, vi,, . .
98 dņaitturam, 11., . 103, 106, 113, 125 Anakabdevi (Anakadēvl), Bhaija ., . 162, 163 Aanmandai, vi., . . . . . 96 Ananda, (tho Budha). . .
. . 33 Ananda, Buddhist pupil, Anandapura, vi.,
. 50, 52 Anantabhatta, h., .
. . 217 Anantapur, ir...
. 191 Ananta-Saktivarman, E. Ganga k.. . Anantasyin, god. .
301, 307, 308 Anantavarman, Maukhari feud. ch., . . 270 Anantavarman, Kalinga k... . 282, 283, 284
and n. Ana-Vēma, Reddi k.,. , 137, 138, 139, 140,
143, 146 Ana-Võta, Reddik., . , 137, 138 and n.,
139, 140, 143,
145, 146 Anbil plates of Sundara Chola
242 and n. Anda-nadu, 1. d., . . 39, 40, 41, 136 Andárköyil, vi... . . . 304, 307, 309 Andanúr, vi.. . . . . Andapur-Sisukambůr, vi.. . Andhra, co., . . . . . . 10 Andhra, co., lord of .
220 Andhra Mahabharatamu, Telugu wok., : 138 Andhra-mandal-adhisvara, tu.. . . 323 n. Andhra-patha, co., . .
. 45, 48 Aadi, I., . .
264, 266 Andimudakku, L.,
264, 266 Aneka-chaturddanta-gajrghat-aopa-samara samghatta-labdha-vijayah, ep.,
30 and ». Angarakamangalam, vi.. . . 132, 135, 136 Angudi, vi, . . . . . . 96 A nyullara-Nikaya Atthakatha, Buddhist wk., 330 shiyukta, off- . . .
. . . 169 Anjanori, vi.. . . . . 225, 230, 292 Abjanvye god, , . . . 8.15
PACS Anjukottai, ci.. . . . . . 94 and Ankudi alias Amanallar, vi..
95 ankuia, ennblem on seal . Anna, Reddik... .
. 140 anna-bali. rite. . .
. . 39, 41 Annagrama, vi.. . .
227, 230, 232, 235 annalvi or annar, elder brother, Annalvay, vi, . . . . 89, 106, 110, 123 Annalvayil-kurram, dn., Annama Reddi, Reddi pr., 4. a. Auna,. . Annamimba, Reddi q. . . . Annamirya, m.. . . . . .
142, 144 Annavisal, vi.. . . . . . Anna-Vēmapuram, di., 8. a. Drujjavaram, Annavõta, Rocherla ch., . . 323 and n. Annavõtapuram, vi., 3. a. Ködūru, 137, 143, 146 Annayarya, m., . . . . . 141, 144 Annigere, vi.,
. . . . 252 Apniyûr, vi.. . . . . . . 96 Antarala-pattalā, t.d.. .
5 antēvasini, a Buddhist female pripil,
32 , 33 Antröli-Chhāróli plates of Karka II, . Anukkar, . . . . . 69, 99, 112, 124 Anukkan Ariyan, ,. . . 101, Anula, princess, . . . . . Anuradhapura, ci.. . . anksvára, represented ornamontully, .
Do. used in place of the nasal, . . Do.
used for the class nasal. . . Do. substituted by the class nasali . Do. used in place of nasals, . .
represented by the guttural A., . 147 Do. use of guttural nasal in place of . 283 Do. used in place of final ma,
195 Do. added before final, . . Do. used for
226 Apadana, wk.,
- 330 Apadēvabhatta, donce, . .
. 215, 217 Aparaditya, k.,. . .
. 54 n. Aparajita, Silahara, k., . . 54 and ., 67 Aparajita chaturvēdimangalam, ri. . . 74, 75 apurapuksha, dark-fortnight, . . . 114 Appalo-bhatta, .. . . . . 141, 144 Appan Arumoļidēvan, m., .. . Sembiyap-Viļupparaiyan, . .
101, 112, 124 Appan Suriyadēvan, .,
101, 112, 124 Appar, Saiva saint, . . . 64 and appa!/år, great-grandfather,
. . 84 Appayirya, m.,. . . 141, 142, 144 Appullar, Vaishnava pontit apradhana, off... . .
. . 169 apturadhana, .
. . . 221 Arabs (Täjiksa), . . . Araikkulam, ni.. . . . . 104, 108, 1!" Arsiyakulam, Arsiyarkulam, i... .71 12. 124
Do.
200
.
.
.
95
. .
.
94

Page #405

340
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[ Vol. XXV
.
.
.
136
PAGE Ariyan Adichchadēvulias Yadavariyan,
m. Araiyanēri, I., .
110, 123 Araiyan Kariyamal alias Adigaiman, ch.. 136 Araiyan Mänabharanan, m., . . . 39, 41 Araiyan Narayanan. m., 99, 111, 121, 123, 130 Araiyan Pulläni, m., . .
102, 113, 124 Araiyan Tirumalai-udaiyán, off... . 111, 124 Araiyar-punalum, Ta.nil verses com nencing with . . .
. .
. . 64 n. Araiyattår, vi... . . . . . 94 Aralaiyūr, vi., .
. . 98 Arang platu. of Bhimasēna, . . 268, 269 Arabariyan, m.,. . .
. 101, 113, 124 Arasipparru, vi., . .
. . 114, 125 Arasukkaran, off .
.
302 erabupéru, tax, . . 297, 301, 302, 307, 308 Aravankudi, vi... 70, 105, 110, 116, 123, 126 a cavolai, deed, Arayan Karumāņikkam, off.. . 99, 111, 124 Arayan Uyyaninrāduvan alias Sembiyadarai
yun Kēšavan Narayanan, off... 100, 112, 124 Aravirappadi, Vaishnava hymns, . . . 322 Ardhanarisvara, god, 8. a. Siva, . . 175 Arhadási (Arhaddási), Buddhist name,. 32 n. Arhadină (Arhaddattā), Buddhist name, 32 n. Arhat, Buddhist term,.
. Arbata Ayira Budharakhita, monk, arhatship. . . . . .
33 Arikösarin, Silähára k., . . 54 and 1., 57 Arindama, Chola k., . . . . . 261 Ariñjaya, Chola k., . . . . : 38 Ariñigai-chaturvēdimangalam, vi., .
75 Arikudi, vi.. . .
. 106, 111, 123 Ariyankuruchchi, vi...
. 104, 108, 122 Ariyenavallāp-pandal, name of a canopy. , 219,
320, 325 Ariyenavallan-nåls, liquid measure, . . 320 s. Arjana, myth hero, 54, 57, 143, 146, 231, 234, 236 Arjuna, Terminalia Arjuna, tree, . 197, 198 Arjuna, Pardmara k... . . . . 220 Arjuna or Arjuna varmadēva, Vaghela k. of . Arhild.
. . . . 202, 209 Arjunavarmadēva, Paramára k. of Malwi, 203, 204 Arjun Giri, L., . . Arpundi, vi. (1) . .
264, 266 Arrur, vi., . . . . . . Arrür-tuājina-deva, ... Ariñjaya, arthalekhin, (writer of deeds), off... .
• 2,6 Arthaldatra, tok.. . . . . Arugasadi, . . . . . 104, 108, 122 Arundavan-Vilupparaiyap, m., ... Dayanti Ariyag, .
. .
. 116, 127 Arundhati, wife of Vatishtha,
212, 223 Ananun, si..՝
PAON Arunkalam, vi., . . . . 99, 111, 124 Arulalapperumal, god, .
. 319 Aruļmoli-Rajendrasolan alias Jananitha.
Vilupparniyan, off... . . 254, 264, 268 arulappadu, a divine mandate, . . 320 Aruvatai-Pudukkuļam, vi... . 104, 108, 122 Āryyavartta, co.. . . .
258. Asabha (Rishabha), name, . . . . 32 . Asatamanta Jataka, Buddha's birth story. . 330 A. S. B. plate of Vinayakapāla, .
. 52. ashthamangalam objects, . . .243 and ». Asirgadh seals of the Maukharis, . . . 268 asrana, order of life, . . . . . 208 Asvaghosha, author,
330 and . afvamëdha, horae sacrifice,
22, akvapati, tit.. . alapati-gajapati-narapali rajatrayidhi pali,
tit. of Kalachuri Trailokyamalla, Asvatavattur, vi., Asvinādi year, Atahi, min., . atihti, rite., Atri, myth. ancestor of the Pandyas, Atri, 8194, .
. . 107, 121 Althakatha, Pali ok.,. . . . Attirala, vi.,
273 Attür, vi...
250 aupayika, ad pled son, avabhrith-anini, avagraha, denoted by a sign,
8, 328 Avalokita, f. character in Malatimadhava : 34 Avalokitēsvara, a form of Buddha, . . 334 Avanijanaaraya, tit. of Pulaketin, . Avanimulu ludviyal, Pandya q... 108, 129 Avapinārāyaṇa-chaturvēdimangalam, vi.. Avanipasekharamangalam, oi., . . 76 Avimukta, kshetra, .., Benares. . 183, 185 Avudaiyarköyil, vi., 3.a. Tirupperundurai or
Pavitramanikka-chaturvedimangalam, 92, 93 aya (arya), ep. of a buddhist monk. . . 32 Aya, Ayya, Ayira (Arya), Buddhist ep... : 33 Aykkudi alias Alagiyapandiyanallūr, u., 89, 98,
99, 111, 124 Ayupälä, . Buddhist teacher, Ayyalu-bhatta, m., . . . . Ayyan Malavarayar, ch., . . . ayyar, father,
в
328
33
.
161
38
.
38
b, not distinguished from , . . . 147, 309 b and v, indicated by separate signs, . , 195 6, denoted by the sign for v,
279, 282 O, sign of, as an independent letter,. 309 Babhu'gon, vi.. . . . . . 205 . Badakhimedi Copper-plates of Indravarmaa,. 240 Radarika-visska, L., . .
. . 26, 29

Page #406

INDEX
341
166
30
.
.:
322
PAGE Bagadage, vi. . .
166 Bagalkot, vi., . . Bagumrā, vs., .
167 n. Bagumră grant of Nikutabhallabakti Sen.
draka, . . . . Bāhur plates, . . Bahusahāya, ep., . .
293 Bahupatraka, bodhi tree under which the Bud. dha was seated,
330 Bala, Bikshu—, Buddhist monk, .
. 33 Baļagāmve inscription of the time of Vinaya. ditya, . . .
. 167 n. Baladēva, myth. hero,. . . 231, 234, 236 Baladhikrita, ofl. . . , 279, 281, 296 Balarama, myth. hero,
. . 334 Balaputradēva, k. of Suvarnadvipa, . 335 Balasarsvati, court poet and composer, 138 and n. 145 Balban, Sultan of Delhi, . . . . 207 Balēgrāma, vi., 8.a. Belgaum-Taralha, 228, 230 bali, rite, . . . . . 197, 198, 294 bali-charu-vaišvadēv-ägnihotra, religious
ceremonies, . . . . . . 30 Ballara, leing of kings. . . . . . 29 Ballāļa or Vira-Ballāļa II, Hoysala k., 202, 209, 220 Balsar, vi.. . . . . . . . 229 Bamanghäți plate of Ranabhañja, 148, 153 n. Bāna, author, . . . . . . 34 Banavasi, kingdom, . . . . . 167 Banaväsi-twelve-thousand, dt., . bandarappottagam, off..
39, 41 Bāpadēvabhatta, m... .
. . 216 Bappa-bhattaraka, .
• 44, 46, 47 Barabar-Någarjuni cave inscriptions, . . 270 Baradaka, ti.. . :
. . 295 Baroni, Muhammadan historian,
207, 208 n. Bargaon, vi.. . . . . . . 278, 334 Bäripadā, tn., .
. 147, 153, 158 Baröda plates of Suvarnavarsha, . . . 25 Basavapurana, Telugu wk.,
174, 184 and n. Basarh seal, . . Bastar, state, .
. . 166 Battan alias Purapparaļainādukilavan, off..
112, 124 Bauddha-vihara, Bavulla, off
. . . 296 Bahatti plates, . .
. . 204 Bellary, dt.,
• 166 Benares, ci.,
310 n. Bengal Asiatic Society Plates of Govinda
Chandra, Bennür grant, .
. . . 167 Bezwada, tn., . .
.. . 300, 301 bh, identical with h, bha, . . . .
. . . 137 Bhibri Piller Edict of Aboka, . 31 and 1.
PAGE bhadamta or bhadamtaya, ep. of a
Budalhist monk, . . . . . 32 Bhäāna grant of Aparajita, 54 n., 165 n., 169 n. Bhaddaküpilani, S., 8. a. Bhadră Kapilayani., 330 Bhadra, ri., . . .
. . . 247 Bhadrā Kāpilāyani, f., Buddhist ascetic, 330 Bhadrapushkaraka, vi.. .
. . 50, 52 Bhagiratha, myth. k.,. .
. . 257 Bhagirathi, ri.,. . .
. 257, 294 Bhagavadvishayam (Ardyirappadi), Vaishnava
hymns . . . Bhagavad-vishaya-guru parampara, Vaishnava
pontificial list, . . . . . 323 n. Bhaillasvāmin, god, . . . . . 279 Bhairanmatti, vi., .
. . 166 Bhambhagiri, hill, 202, 203 and n., 209, 220 Bhambhöri, vi., identified with Bhambhi. giri, . .
• 203 and . Bhāmér, vi., .
. . . 203 Bhandak, vi..
. . . 203 Bhandak plates of Kộishnarāja. . . . 25, 20 Bhandak inscription of Nannadēva, 267 n., 268 Bhandarā, vi...
. . . 208 Bhāndūp plates,
. 54. Bhanja, dy., .
.
.
. . . . . 148 Bhānuchandra, m., . . . 195, 196, 198 Bhānugupta, Gupta k.,
. . 51 Bhānusakti, Sendraka ch., , . • 167 and n. Bhanusūri, m.,.
208, 212, 223 Bharata, epic hero, . . .
• 257, 291 Bharata, epic, . . . . . 231, 234, 237 Bharatasvāmin, scribe, . . 227, 233, 235 Bhārati, goddess,
176 Bhargava, 8. a. Parasurams, myth. hero, 271, 277 Bharukachchha (Broach), ca.,
100 (brooch), ca. . . . 292 Bhaskara, sun god, . .
. . 61 Bhaskarabhatta, author, . .
. 200 Bhaskarabhatta, m., . .
216, 217 Bhāskaracharya, author,
221 n. Bhaskarakshētra, I., 8. a. Hampi, 189, 190, 193 Bhaskarirya, 1. .
141, 144 Bhatta, . . .
. . . 76 bhatta-grāma, . . . . . 158 n., 160 Bhattaraka, tit., . , 23, 24, 183, 185, 290 bhafta-vritti, . . . . . . 78 Bhava, god, 8. a. Siva, . . . . 159, 162 Bhavabhūti, author, . Bhavadeva, Pandava k., . . 267 and n. Bhavagani, Chalukya princess, (mother of Dantidurga),
. 26, 27 Bhavaniša, god, 8. 4. Siva,. . . 159, 162 Bhavanfpati, god, s. a. Siva, . . Bhavanamudra, teacher, Bhavasvami Bhatta, donee, . . 21 and ., 24 Bhavaväliaika, teacher,
. 183, 184, 185
167
198 n.
251
165

Page #407

342
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXV.
199
.
30
PAGR Bbívavirimohí, teacher, . . . 183, 185 Bhuyanuta, ep. ya Bud thist monk . . 32 Bbērá Ghāt stone irwcription of Vijayasimha, 206 Bheri Ghát imcription of Albamadevi, . 311 and 1. Bhilshuni, (Bhikhui or Bhichhuni), Buddhist
. 31, 32, 33, 34 Bhikaburi orde", . .
. . : 32 bhikshuni-upassaya, nunnery, . . 32, 33, 34 n. bhikshuki, nun,. . . .
. . 34 Bhillama II, Yadara k., . . 54 and 1, 202 Bhilsa, vi.. . . . .
. .
279 Bhima, M., . .
. . . 163 Bhima, Sinda ch., . . . 165, 168 Bhima I, E. Chalukya k., .
. 239 Bhima Raja, k. of Devagiri, . . 207 Bhimasena, myth. hero,
231, 234, 236 Bhiméivars, le., . .
276 Bhir, de. Bhishma, teacher,
,
. 51, 57 bhoga, 1. d.,
30 Bhöganārāyana, I., . . . , 205 n. Bhöganätha, author, . . . . 324 n. Bhoga-ntipati, off., . Bhogapalí, off. . . .
30 Bhögasakti, Prithvi Chandra Haris. chandra k., . . 225, 226, 228, 229, 231, 234,
236, 237 Bhogavati, in., . . . . : . 186 Bhagavati-pura-varadhiátra, Sinda ép. 166 Blogēnvara, 4. a. Bhögasakti, k. of the family of
Harichandra . . . . . 226 Bhogika, off.. . . . 30, 198 and n., 294 Bhoja, myth. k., str. of Danda, Bhojo, cá, . . .
. . . 183 Bhojs (II), silähára k., . 204, 203, 209, 220 Bhoja, Paramara k.. . Bhojakata, L., . .
. . 33 Bhajanagara, tn., .
. . 184, 185 Bhrigukachcha, co. .
. . 55
. . 226 Bhujabalabhima, til...
. 323. Bhujagëndr-antaya, lineage of the king of
serpent'. . . . . . . 167 Bbūmi, goddess, consort of Vishnu. . . 320 Bbûmíchanda, Ceylonese k., . . . . 34 n. Bhūrifreshthi or Bhūrifrēshthiks, 4.. Bhurshut, dn. .
. . 184 m. Bhatiaboht, vi., 8. a. Buchhad,
292 and n.,
293 R., 295 Bhati-Vikramskesarin, Chola feud., . 36 Bhuvanagiri, ni.. . . . . . 302 Bhavanagiripattanachchirmai, dt., 1.4.
Bhavanēkaviranpattanachobirmai. . 302 Shundnailurira, tit.. . . . . 64 n., 302 Bhurapékaviran (Bhuvanagiri)pattana
uhubirmai, Irapdarrapatu, dl.. . 302, 309
PAGE Bijapur, dl.
. .
. . 165 Bimbisára, Maurya k., .
. 154 boar, Chalukyan crest, .
· 227, 243 and .. Boar emblem, banger with
21 boar, emblem on seul,. .
. . 239 Bödh-Gaya, L., . . .
. . 270 Bidhana, Bhata , Bodhisattva, . .
33 Bolaya, k., . . .
27+ Bomrnehāļu, v, .
. 188, 189, 190, 193 Bommeparti, vi., 8. a. Bommehalu, . . 19) bow, emblem on seal,. . . . 241, 242 Brahma, god. . . . . . 175, 243 brahmadiya. . . . . . 62, 170 Brahmadēvs, m., Brah..dēvabhatta, donee, . . . 216, 217 brahmadiya, 40, 67, 70, 71, 72, 77, 78, 83, 88, 10%,
109, 123, 134, 244 Brahmagrama, vi.. . . . . . 175 Brāhmanasarvasva, wk., Brahmapurana, wok., . . . . 29 . brahmapuri, . .
. 61 Brahmapuri, vi... ..
. 293 Brahmatantra-ratantra-Jiyur, tit., of Viravalli
Pērarullayyan, 319, 321, 322, 323 and r., 326 Brahmatantra-avatantra-Jiyar, Dvitiya
Vaishnava Acharya, . . . . 321. Brahma-tantra-svatantra-Jiyar, Tritiya Vaishnava Acharya,. .
. . 322 Brihatproshtha grant of Umavarman,
195 Brihatproabtha plates, . . . . 283 Brihat-Särki, vi.. .
147, 154, 156, 157 British Museum plates of Chărudēvi, 4+ n., 45 n. British Museum plate of Karda,. . 311. Buchhad, ti. . . . . . . 292 . Buddha, the- . . . . . 285, 323 Buddha, Gautama . . . . 3:27 Buddhacharyya, Hindi wk., . . . 330. Buddha-Kaichl, 1.. . . . . 318 and . Buddhim, vi.. . .
. .241 ... Buddhamitra, A
. 33 Budha, myth. ancestor of the Pandya,. 66, 107, 121 Budha, J.,. . . . Budhagupta, Gupta k..
. . . . . . 51 !. Budharakhita, Buddhist naine, . . . 32 , Budharaklita, ., Buddhist nun,. . . 33 Buddharakshita, . character in Malatimadhava, . . . .
. 34 Buddhavarman, Yuva Mahärāja, Pallara k., 45 and.. Bukka I or Bukkaraya, Vijayanagara k., 188, 192,
201 Bukkarayasamudram, tank, . . . . 191 bull emblem on seal, . . . . . 42, 43 bull figure on coin, . . . . .
203
bhi, ..

Page #408

INDEX
343
Burhan-s-Ma'asir, Hist. chron., Burshut-pargand, dn., . .
PAGE 206 1.
184
.
.
.
.
254
•
299
Ceylon, com... Chanda..nim, 247, 248,
• .
75 72 66
•
248
75
26
PAGB Chandrapurt, wi., .. a. Chandrachi Met, 227, 230, 237 Chandrabókharabhushana Bhatta alias Vira
rajēndra-Brahmädhirajan, 6. 6. Chandra
bhashana-Bhatta, . . . . Chanja inscription of Somēsvaradova, . . 200 . Chåpa or Dhanus, lagna,
. . 107, 114, 121 Charala, vi.. . . . . . 241, 254 Charanas -
Bahuricha, 148, 166 and ., 160 and 1., 216 Chhindöga . .
. . 240 Charmiodel, 1. mentioned by Nuniz, 289, 299, 300 charu, rite,. .
. 197, 198, 294 Chårudovi, Pallava q., .
44 s., 45 m. Chatiagarh, df.. . . .
. . 286 chata, student, . .
. 135, 136 Chaturvargachintamani, wk., . . 2001, 289. chaturvedin, . . chaturvedi-bhafta, . Chaturvēdimangalam, vi... chauri, emblem on seal,
.241 and . Chēdiyariyan, m, 8. Q. Dayánilai Uyyavan
dan, . . . . . . 112, 124 Chendalur plates of Kumäravishpu, . . Chora, dy.. . Chörām, vi..
. .
. 241. 242, 253, 254, 263, 26
241, 242, 263, Chörantaka-Brahmáriyar, ch.,
39 Chēvūra, vi., 8. a. Sevvür,
36 Chhanda haitra, Vedic wk., . . .
• 184 Chhattisgarh, Co., . . Chhēdami, tree, . .
. . 294, 296 Chhinds or Chhindska, dy., see Sinda,
• 166 Chhittarija, Silahara k., . . 54 and 1.., 58 Chicacole plates of Dēvēndravarman (yr. 183), 198 r. Chicacole plates of Nanda-Prabhaõjanavar. man, . .
• 284 Chidambaram, vi., .
. . 38, 73 Chlohipa, Bhanja .. .
. 178 Chikka-Bagiwadi plates of the time of Krishna (Yadava), .
201 Chikkodeya, Vijayanagara pr., 4. a. Triyan
baka, . . . . . 188, 190, 193 Chilka lake, .
. . 286 Chimchavall, vi. .
200, 218, 244 Chinab, i. . .
. . 329. Chinnapuram, vi., . Chintadurga, til.. .
. . 281 Chintamani, 19., . .
. . 254 Chintapura, vi., . .
. 44, 46, 47 Chipurapalle plates of Vishnuvardhana, 239 Chirsti (Kirátt, name,
. 32. Chitra, myth. k., . . .
. . 250 Chitrakantha, horae of Vikramaditya I,. . 32, 23 Chitrarathasvamin, god., . . 44, 46, 47 Chods or Chola, k., . . . Chola, dy., 22, 23, 64, 76, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89 und ...
200
.
Cape Comorin, I., Catuir, I mentioned by Nuniz, 298, 299 and ... 300
and n., 301 Ceylon, co., . . . . . . 84 Chåbanda, tr., 8. a. Chändå, . . 203 Chakkarakkottam, l., 245 and 1., 247, 248, 249 Chakradhara, religious leader, 8, 2007.., 205 and 1. Chakrakotye, vi. . .
. . 166 Chakrapāņi, m., . .
. . 163 Chakrapāņibhatta, donec, .
. 216 Chakratirtha, tirtha, .
16 chakravāla, . .
331 Chakravarti, tit., . .
153 Chalikya, dy., , .
. 21, 22 Chaļukki, 8. a. Chalukya, Chalukya, dy.. .
26, 167, 234 Chalukya-Bhima, E. Chalukya k., . . 191 Chāļukya-Bhima II, E. Chalukya k., .
239 Chalukya-Chola, dy... . Chaľukyakulalamkara, tit., . . . Chamatkārachandrika, wk...
. 324 . Chachay.rya, . .
141, 144 Chandikābhatta, donee, Châmgadēva, donee,
216, 217 Champa-shashthi, Chamudayārya, m., .
141, 144 Chamundarāja, Chalukya gen.,
247, 248 Chanda, name, .
• 32 n. Chándā, tn., 8. a. Chahanda, . . . 203 Chandaladēvi or Chandalamba, J., 271, 272, 277 Chandantu, sun, . . . . 67, 107, 121 Chandanapuri, tn., . . . . . 29 Chandanapuri-eighty-four, t. d., . . 25, 30 Chandavarman, Maharaja, Salankayana k., 44 Chandavarman, E. Ganga k., . . 283 Chandrabhatta, m., . . . . 165, 170 Chandrabhūshana-Bhatta, 6. a. Sabibhushana
Pandita, com., . . . . 254, 264, 268 Chandradēva, feud. ch., . 204 m., 205, 207 15. Chandråditya, W. Chalukya pr.,. . . 26 Chandragupta, Gupta pr., . . . 50, 53 Chandragupta I, Gupta k... Chandragupta II, Gupta k., . . Chandragupta, Maurya k... Chapdragupta, Pandava k., . Chandrahasa, name of Rama's sword,
11, 17 Chandralēkai (Sondalai), vi.. . . 304 Chandramauli, god, .. a. Siva, .. . 177 Chandranaliür, ti.. . . . . 114, 126
216
•
229

Page #409

344
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
-
[ VOL. XXV
188,
PAGE Chola, co., . . .
• 204, 262 Obőla, co., k. of - . . . 210, 221, 290 Chole, eponymons k.,. . . 243, 258 Chola seals, . . . . 242, 244 Chola-gonda-Tripurushadáva, god, te. of - 252 n. Chslalulaftkhara, ep. . .
. . . 245 Cholamandala, co., . .
. . . 309 Cholamandalam, 1. d., . . 297, 300, 301, 302 Cholantaka, ep. of Pandya k., Cholántaka-Brahmamäräys, off... . 36, 38, 39 Cholantakadēvar, ch., .
. .
. . . 40, 42 Cholántakan-náli, liquid measure . . . 39 Cholántaka-Pallavaraiyan, m., . . 39 n. Chronogram - adri (7) . . .
193 arka (12), . .
• . 271, 277 daku (2),
. . . 336 bass (5)
336 bhanu (12),
271, 277, 336 bla (1) ..
188, 193, 336 chandra (1), .
. . 336 shatur-upaya (4)
. . 336 dhatu (7),
. 188, 193 gati (4), . .
. . . 336 guna (3). . . . . 188, 193, 336 kalma (1), . . . . . . 336 róma (3), , , , , , , 385 randhra (9). . . . . . . 336 sakti (3),
336 bali (1), . .
335 Chudathila, I., . Chūlāmani-Kilavan, m.,
. 39, 41 Chalavamsa, wk...
. 34 . Conjeeveram, vi.
. 73 Conjoeveram, Big - I.
. . 318 . Conjeeveram, Little I.,
. .318 n. Coromandel ooast,
. . 299 Crianarao, Vijayanagara k... . Krishna dēvarāy, .
. . 299, 300 Cattack, ca.. .
. . 300.
Pagu Dakshina-kosala, co.,. . . . . 286 Dakshinapatha, Co., . .
27, 238 Dakshina pathasádhára, tit., of Pulakēsin,
20 Dakshina-Radha, co., . 174, 182, 184 and n. Damaramadugu, vs., 4. a. Tambrăpasthana,. 49 Damayan Madhavan, donor,
. . 78 Dandigau, vi., .
. 218, 224 Dámkēru, stream,
. . 140, 144 Damodara, donee,
. 55, 61 Damodara, ch...
. 274 Damodara, m.,.
. 295 Damodarabhatta, donee,
215, 216, 217 Damodara-sainya-dida-paita, Kayastha ep.. 273 Damodarpur plates of Kumaragupta I,. . 61 n. Damodarpur plates of Budhagupta, . . 61 n. Damodara Upadhyâya, m., . . . . 55, 61 Danakhanda, wok.. . . . 2007., 289 n. Dånarnava, E. Ganga k.. . . 240 and 1. Dapavinoda-Müvendavélán, m.,. 135, 136 Dipavinodanallür, vi., sur. of Kit-Pasolni,
89, 100, 111, 112, 114, 115, 124, 125, 126 danda or dandabala, . .
. 28 Danda or Daqdakya, myth. k., . . danda, fine, . . . .
212, 222 Dandaka, forest, . . . . Dandaka, I., . . . . . . 29 n. Depdapipi, donne, . . . . . 183 Dandigau, vi.,
200 Dantan, vi.. . . .
. 285 Dantapura, ci.,. . 282, 283, 285, 288 Dantayavägū, vi., . . . 195, 197, 198 Dantayavägu (vāgū), di. .
. . 196 Dantidurga, Rashtrakafa k., 25, 26, 27, 29, 30, 270
and n. Dantivarman, Räsh frakufa k., . . Darba, .
. 137, 143, 146 Darsana, .
78 Disarathi, myth. k., of the Ileshudlu race, 143, 148 Dabavatara cave inscription, . . . 28 Dasivatára cave temple, . . Datta or Dattātriya, Upanishad,
49 and . Datta kastitras, . . . . . . * Dattānuyoga, . . . . . . 49 Daulatabad plates, . . . . . 27 Days of unspecified ora :
30th, . . . . . . 195, 198 Days, lunar :
lst. . . . . . . Days of the month (unspecified) :
21st, . . . . . . Days of the month
13th of Ramzan, . Days of the fortnight (unapecified) :
duriliyi, 2, . oplami, , . . . . . . 81
Dabhra-sabha, i.e. the ball at Chidambaram,. 244 Dabhrasabbinate, .. a. god Nataraja of Dabb
rasathi, . . . . . . 262 Dacambhatta, dones, . .
216, 217 Dadda Il-Prabántarága, Gürjara k.
25 Dadda (II), Gurjara k., Dadda IIIBahusabays, Gurjara k.. . 292 Daddapayya, off.. .
. 84, 59, 61 Dadhichi, myth. here, .
. 209, 220 Datal, co.. .
. 208, 21, 222 Diutanipadiba, co.. .
. 182. T
.
.
.
292

Page #410

Days, lunar :
bright fortnight :
1st,
2nd,
3rd,
7th,
10th, dasami
11th, .
12th,
319, 325 322 302 250 n. 81
125, 201, 222 7, 81 13th, trayodasi 26, 30, 31, 81 14th, chaturdasi, 81 15th, (fullmoon), 44, 46, 47, 54, 60, 188, 193, 289,
291, 304
dark fortnight :
6th.,
10th,
11th, kanakapati-tithi, 13th,
amavasya (new moon),
Days of the week:Sunday,.
Monday,
Tuesday,
Wednesday, Thursday,
Friday, Saturday, Arkivāra,
Ravivära
Sanivära
Sura-guru-divasa,
Saumyavāra,
Sōmavāra,
Dayamukha, ch.,
.
36 n., 66, 81 81, 165, 188, 189, 193 54 and n., 60 and n., 82, 137, 138, 143, 146, 271, 277, 278, 310
81, 138 81, 250 n. 54, 81, 302, 319, 325
81, 82, 125, 188, 189, 201, 211, 222 • 67, 107, 121
81, 82 82 66, 107, 121, 296 174, 184, 185 138, 143, 146, 165, 170, 271, 277
3 n.. 114 . 139 n. 2 2, 26, 31
75
Dayamukhamangalam, vi., 75, 76, 77 Dayanilai Uyyavandan, m., s. a. Chodiyarayan, 101,
112, 124
Dayāniti Ariyān alias Arundavan Vilupparai
yan, m...
Dayaniti Manaviran, m., Ddhuvaha, m.,
Dechaya, commentator, Děda(va)kottai, vi.,
Děkambhatta, m..
Delang, vi., s. a. Ollanga,
Dēmāmbika, Vijayanagara q.,
Désangulam, vi.,
Desastha, sect,
Diyabhāgā, name,
.
116, 127 116, 127
.
INDEX
PAGE
.
.
Delipattanam alias Vikramasõjapuram (Vikramangalam), vi.,
Daiyugandapattinam (Sundaram), vi., s. 4.
Sundarasolapuram,
70
216 173
188, 193 196 229
.
173
184
07
95 32.
PAGE
dévadānam, 70, 71, 72, 89., 104, 105, 106, 108, 122, 131, 132, 134, 136, 160 m. 62, 170 158, 160 185 76 55, 61
200 m., 205, 210, 221, 274
195, 197, 198 132, 135, 136
229 215 32, 34 n. 39, 41 103, 113, 125 102, 113, 124
dévadāya, Devadevadāma, donee, Devadēvēša, god, s. a. Šiva, . dévadana-panisey-virutti-pangu, Devadhara Dikshita, donee, Devagiri, ca., dēvāgrahāra,
devakanmi or dévarkanmi, off.. Devalanā, vi.,
Devanabhatta, m.,
Dēvānāmpiya Tissa, k. of Ceylon, Devan-Kirinan, m.,
Devan Nambi, m.,
Devan Sivallavan Araṭṭamikkidasan, m.,
Devan Tillai, m., s. a. Madurōdaya Pallavaraiyan,
Dēvapāla, Pāla k., Devarakonda, fort, Devarashtra, co.,
·
Devaraya I, Vijayanagara k., Devaraya II, Praudha-Pratapa, Vijayanagara k... 188, 189, 190, 193, 300, 325 282, 287 270 140, 141, 144
Devasimhadēva, off., Děvavarman, k. of Magadha, Devayarya, m., Devillakagrama, vi., deviyar, queen',. Deyvachchilainallur, vi., s. a. Pannankulam,
170 84 98
165
dh.,
dh, doubling of , in conjunction with a following y..
dhakka, drum
Dhamadeva, f. Buddhist mun, Dhamarakhita, Buddhist name, Dhammaņa, stream,
Dhanaida plate of Kumaragupta I, Dhanapala, author, Dhanavähi-pattala, di...
103, 113, 125 50, 153, 334, 335 301 239, 284 n. 188, 193
Dhanavati, f.,
Dhanesvarabhatta, dones,
Dhanga, Chandella k., Dhaññakada, ci., Dhanush râsi, Dhanus-tirtha, tirtha, Dhär or Dhară, ca., Dharakesa, Rapaka-, m., Dharěka, Räpaka-, m., dharmadhikarana, off., . Dharmaditya, Gupta k., Dharmalingesvara, god,
345
Dharmapala, Buddhist nun and precepts ass. Dharmarajadeva, Soilödbhava k., .
195
22, 23 . 32 n. 32 n. 294, 296 51 . 166 n.
•
.
. 3, 5, 6 33 216, 217 280 45
66, 67, 121 16 184 6 3 2,6 51 335 32
47, 268

Page #411

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXV
346
Pags Durgalēgähvana, vi., .
. . . 200 Dargasarman, donee, . . 289, 291 Durgi, vi, . . , . . . . 273 Durjayabhañjadēva, Bhanja k., 148, 149, 151,
152, 161, 163, 172 and 7., 173 Durvisas, sage,. .
. . . 5, 6 dataka, ol.. . . . . . 60, 296 dväpara (yuga), . . . . . . 60 Dvåraka, kshetra, .
, 17, 214, 224 Dvárakānātha, god. . . .
319 Dvārasamudra, Hoysala ca., . Dviradavadana, god, s.a. Gaņēša, . .
207 175
varman, .
.
.
.
.
6 6
1
239
PAGE Dharmātmaja, myth. k., .
143, 146 Dharmēsvara, gol, . .
17 Dharmõttarlya, Buddhist sect,
• 33 Dharanēndra, serpent k., .
. . . 166 Dharanidhara, poet, . . . . 316, 318 Dharanikóta, vi.,
139 Dharasēna IV, k. of Valabhi,
• 292 Dharmasirl, Buddhist name, . . . . 32 n. Dhåra väghauré, hamlet, 200, 212, 215, 222, 224 Dharwar, dt., .
166 Dhavalapēta plates, . . . . . 283 Dhondaka grant of the Chalukya Jayasimha
228 Dhoravatte, ci.,.
. . Dhovahatta, ci., 8. a., modern Dhurēti, . . Dhövatta, ci., . . Dhruva, Rashtrakūta k., . . .
28 Dhūlia, tn., . . . .
164 Dhulia plates of Karkarāja, . . .
270 Dhumraksha, god, . . .
17 Dhūmrēkvara or Dhūmräkeha, god, . . 11 Dhureti, vi., . . . . Dhvä ()midēvabhatta, m., . . . . 215 Diganägā (Dinnaga), Buddhist nun,
32 . Digbhañja, Bhañja, k., , 149, 150, 151, 152 Dighaiya, Agnihotri, m., . . . . 55, 61 Digha Nikaya, Buddhist wk., . 285 and n. Dilipa, myth. k., . ,
. . 257 Dighwa-Dubauli plate of Mahendrapala, . 52 Dipavamsa, wk., . . . . . . 31, 32 Divyåvadānamala, wk.. .
. 331 Divyasuri-stuti, Vaishnava hymna, 322 and 1. Dochsya, m., . . Dodda, Reddi k., .
. : 140 Doddayáchārya, author, . . . Dohad stone inscription of Mahamuda (Begarha), . .
. 207 n. dog, váhana of god Khandoba, . . . 229 Dråkshārāma, L., . . . . . 248 n. dramma, coin, .
3 1., 62 Drishtivisha, myth, k. of the Nägas, . 165, 169 Dropa, teacher,
. 54, 57 drum, auspicious object, .
. .243 . Drujjavaram grant of Ana-Vēma,. Drajjavaram alias Anna-Vēmapuram, vi., 140 Drugalēgāhvapa, vi...
218, 225 Druhiņa, 8. a. Brahma,
• 271 Dube, family name, .
. 201 Dugriya-upāsani, M.,
.. . 56 Durga, goddess,. .
235 Durga or Durgasinha, commentator, . 211, 222
and n. Durgabhata, off, . . . . . 296 Durgakhandin or Durgakhandika, Bhatapu.
tra -, donce, . . . . . . 240
.
.
278
. . . . . .
25
. e, medial, . . . . . . . 334 Eastern Ganga, dy.. . . . . . 240 Eclipses : lunar, . .
. . 54, 60 solar 36, 37, 137, 138, 143, 148, 165, 170, 271,
278, 310 Edirilisőlappērayan-õmbal, vi.. . 105, 110, 123 Ekadanta, god., 8. a. Gaņēša, . . 192 Ekadhira-chaturvēdimangalam, vi.. . . 75 Elamañchili (Yellamanichili), vi., .
239 Elamanohili-Kalingadēśa, co.. . . Elāpura, ci., .. a. modern Ellora, 25, 26, 29 and n.,30 Ela-brēshthin, m., . . . . . . 237 Elavānāsūr, vi.,. .
. . 297 elephant-goad, auspicious object, . , 243 1. Elhadēva, m., . .
. 212, 223 Elhanadūbe, m., . .
. . 217 Elliot Collection of Telugu Inscriptions, ms. ok.,
. . 138, 139 . Ellora, ci., 8. a. ancient Hlapura,. . . 26, 29 Ellora plates of Dantidurga, . . . 25 Ellore Prakrit Plates of Vijaya-Dévavarman, 42,
43, 44 and 11. elu-kadal, i.e., The seven oceans, . . 107, 122 elu-polil, i.e., The seven gardens,
107, 122 Embal alias Kaliyugarāmanallur, vi.. . . 92 Emberumāņār, Vaishnava pontiff . 323 #. Engalälvän. Vaishnava pontift, . . .323 . Enangaļūr, vi., .
. .
. 92. 93 Enara, hill, . . . . 55, 62 and 1. Enáttúr, vi, . . . . 105, 110, 123 Enáttu-Vellāru, ri..
. 89 and . en-giri, i.e., The eight mountains,
107, 122 Eạnāyiram, vi., . . . . 326 . Eras:
Chēdi, . . . . Ganga,. . . .
. . 50, 52 Haraha, .
. . 163 Hijri, . . . . . . 207, 208
:
163, 195, 196, 282
Gupta, .

Page #412

INDEX
347
1
75
PAGE Kalachuri . . . 2, 0, 228, 229, 310 Kali, . . . . . . . 322 Kollam,
. 84, 336 Saka, 24, 26, 52, 54 ., 60, 137, 143, 146, 165
and n., 167, 170, 188, 193, 201, 211, 228,
229, 241, 263, 265, 289, 291, 304, 326 Erambarage (Yolburga), vi.,
, 166 Eran Periyan, 7., 8. a. Päpdiyan Pallavaraiyap.
103, 113, 126 Erraya-pregada, poet, s.a. Errā-pregada, 138, 140 Errayarya, m., . . . . . . 141, 144 Erapota-bhatta, m., . . . . 141, 144 Erichohāvudaiyar, god, . . . . 35, 40 Eruva-Mallidēva, ch., . .
. 274 Eruva-Manumilidēva, Teluga-Choda ch., . 275 evi-mudal, off., .
. . 39, 41 Evvi or Vēl-Evvi, V4 ch. . . . 93 Eyili, vi.. . . . . 108, 109, 123 Eyir-kottam, f.d., . . . 263, 263, 265
.
191
. . .
Fa-Hien, Chinese traveller, . . Faridpur plates of Dharmāditya,. Faridpur plates of Gopachandra, . Firishta, Muhammadan historian, . fish, pair of Pandya emblem, . fish, pair of -, auspicious symbol, fish, emblem on seal,
. Ay-whisk (chamara), emblem on seal, fly-whisk, auspicious object, . . flag, auspicious object, . , .
. .
. 33 . 51 ».
. 61 n. 207, 208 1.
122, 242 .243 n. • 241 . 43
PAGE G anadanda, ep., 148, 154, 155, 156, 167, 160,
162 Ganadandanayaka or Ganadandapala,, 164 Gapapati, Kakatiya k., ,
202 and 1..
271, 272, 273, 274 Ganapati, god, . . . . 2, 40, 41, 297 Ganapatibhatta, donee, . . Gandarāditya, Chola k., . Gandarāditya-chaturvēdimangalam, ti., Gandaraganda, ep... . . Gandapendāra, Kayastha ep., . . 271, 272 Gāndhadhvaja, rel. teacher, . i . 183, 185 Gandăruvāti, dt., 8. a. Kandērvvādi,
187 Gaņēka, god., .
.
63, 56, 188 Ganga, emblem of
. 22. 23 Ganga, ri., . .
200, 218, 225 Ganga, ri., identical with Godávarl, 208 and . Ganga, dy.,
. 195, 286, 287 Gangaikonda-Chola, Chola k., . . . 250 Gangaikondam, vi.,,. . .
. 307, 309 Gangaikondakõlapuram, ca.
. 254, 304 Gangadharamiéra, m., .
215 Gang-amala-kula-pratishthah, E. Gänga ep., 197 Ganga-mandalam-apa Nigarili66]a-mandalam,
. . . . . 90 Gangapādi, co...
. . . 247, 251 Gangapurl (Gangaikonda-tőlapuram), ca.. . 245 Gangavaram, vi.. . . . . . 272 Gangavāti, co.,. . .
. 244 Gangaya-Sahini, Kayastha ch.. .
. 271,
272 and 1., 277 Gängëya Sihini, .. a. Gangaya Sähini, Kayastha
. . . . . . 271 Ganjam plates of Dharmarāja. . . . 269 Ganjām plates of Prithivivarman, . . 240 Gantapara, vi., . . . . . 48 Gapudapāti-mandala, dn., . . . . 48 Gaputapata-mandala, dn., . . . . 47, 48 Geldris, Dutch fort,
. . . 300 Göyavinoda-valanadu, 1. d., . 4. Millai.
kurram, . . . . . . . 92 1. Garrah plates, . . . .
3 Garuda, emblem on seal, . . 25, 53, 199 n.,
292 Garuda, tahana of Vishnu,, . . . 327 gat, gaud, 8. a. grama, . . . . 208 n. Gauda, co. .
. . . 55, 61 Gaudalēkhamäla, wk.,. .
335 . Gauri, Vijayanagarà q. .
188, 192 Gautama Buddha, Gautami (Gödavart), ri., Gautami, ri.. . . . . . . 140 Gautami-mahatmya, wk.. . . . . 29 n. Gaya, tirtha. . . . . 310, 313, 317 Gayå plate otSamudragupta, 10.01 And ..
.
.
243 1. 243 n.
.
.
165
184 n. 302 and n.
. 215
5
9. with and without loop, . . Gada, J. Buddhist nun, . Gada (Gandā), name,. . Gadadhara, author, . . Gadilam, ri., . . . Gadobhatta, donee, . . gahapati or gahapatika, a houacholder, Gaja Lakshmi, goddess, . Gajapati, tit., . . . Gajavidai (8. a. Bezwada), tn., Gamdivin, ep. of Arjuna, . Gamgadēva, m., . . . Gamgadhara, M., . Gamgadhars, com.. . Gamgadharabhatta, m., Gamgadharärys, m.. Garbgavāti, co.,. . Găngõ, Thăkur-, W, Ganggaykrye, then . papa, republic, . .
.
308 143
3,6
3
•
. 217 141, 144 • 262 . 3,6 141, 144 . 164
.
09

Page #413

348
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXV
329
PAGE Kanva. . . . . . Kapi. . . . . . . 201, 217 Kapila,. . .
• Kayapa, . . 135, 136, 141, 142, 144,
200, 215, 217, 289, 291 Käśyapa-kapva, . . . . . 217 Kabyapa-Mädhyandina,
217 Kaundinya, 141, 144, 165, 170, 201, 217, 279
and . Kaubika, 6, 61, 142, 144, 163, 200, 218, 330
. . . . . 66, 61 Löhita, . . . . . . 201, 217 Maitriya,
142, 144 Mänavya, , 21, 22, 230, 234, 236, 290 Maudgalya,
4, 46, 47 Maunya or Mauna, 311 and r., 316, 31%
.
.
.
328
Ghrisbnesvara, god.
.
.
.
.
29
Gos grant of St
PAOE Gayakarpa, Kalachuri L., . .
310, 312, 316 Gayatrfbbatta, 7., . .
. . 217 Ghanädri, s. a. Penugonda, I., . 188, 190, 193 Ghapdikota, ca. and hill-fort,
. . 272, 276 Ghaptēsvara, god, te. of . . . . 8, 15 Ghafikakāla or Ghatikästhana, . 324, 325 Gbatikidatakam-Ammā), Vaishnava disciple,. 322
and . Ghatotkacha, Gupta k., . . . . 52 Ghayuvanta, 8. a. Vappuvanna, . . . 549 Ghösråwå inscription of the time of Dévapåladeva, . . . . .
4. a. Gubesvara, 29 and ghrita-setika, a measure, . .
226 Giriguta, name,
32. Girná, ri.,. . . Goa grant of Satyaáraya Dhruvaraje, . 207 Godavari plates of Prithivimüla, 196, 1., 282, 283 Godāvarl, ri.. . .
11, 199, 208, 285 Goggirija, Silahāra k.. . . . 64, 57 Gohan Thadi, vi.. . . . . . 209 Gokak plates of Déjja Maharaja, . . . 282 Gökarnasvami, god, .
197 Gökarna, tirtha, . . . . 310, 313, 317 Gólögahväņa, hamlet, 200, 209, 212, 216, 222,
224 Collana, Thakur , ., .
. . 3,6 Gömata, Thakurs Sri, dönee,
• 173 Gomma, k., . . .
. . 54, 57 Gonkaya-Reddi, ch., . . . . 276 Gopachandra, Gupta k.. . . . . 51 n. Göpala-bbatta, 7., . . 142, 144, 217 Göpantipati, k. of cowherda, .
211, 222 Göparashtra, 4. d., 226, 227, 228, 229, 231,
232. 234 Gopasvimin, off.
. . . 60 Closhdapir, da.,. .
. . . 158 Gotami, Budhistam . Gotras - Agasty . . . . .
201 216 Arbys.. 66, 61, 201, 217, 242, 263,
265 Atriya, First . 201 and n. 216, 217
.
.
115
Naidhruva, .
. . . 201, 217 Pütimisha, . . . . . 201, 217 Rathitara,
142, 144 Sandilya,
. . 55, 61, 142, 144 Srivataa, . 188, 141, 144, 201, 217 Upamanyu, . . . . . . 55, 61 Vädhryakva,. . . . 201, 216 Vesishtha, . . . . 142, 144, 163,
200, 212, 216, 217, 228 . . . . . 3, 6, 65, 61, 148,
166 and 1., 201, 217, 240 Vishnuvardhana, . . . , 142, 144 Vishnuvriddha, . . 200. 216, 282, 287 Vishnuvriddha-Angira,
. 201, 216 Vibyámitrs, . . .
21, 24, 2012
216, 310, 313, 316 Götrapravaranibandhakadamba, wk.,
311 . Govinda III, Rashfrakú fa k., 64, n., 187, 267 Govindabhatta, ., . . . . 215, 216 Govindachandra, Gahädvāla k., . , 5 Govindani yaks, dones, . . . 216 Govindan Tirunflakantha-Bhattan, 7., 100, 112, 124 Govindan Mändndukaiyyan, m... 102, 113, 124 Govindaraja ar Govinda, Rashfraküpa k., 27, 28 Govindarājs, god. . . . . . 322 Gávisara, dondo, . . . . . . 80 Gråmakūta, . . . . . . 169 grāmamahattaradhildri, off... . . gramapali, off.... . .
. . 69 and .. grihapati or grihapatika, a householder,. . 238 Gadlavallöru, vi.. .
. . 137 Guhobvara-tirtha, tirtha,
26, , 90 Gupanidi-Arulmoliyar alias Minayan-Mövenda vēlār, oft. .
263, 264, 264, 286 Ganavarman, Kalinga k.,
. . 984 .. Gunta-Ködūru, vi.,
140 Gunthapada, vi.. . . . . . Gajarkt, Southern Co.
. 107
32.
Bhiradvijs,. 30, 56, 61, 135, 136, 141, 144,
200, 216, 217, 218 Bhargava,
55, 61, 142, 144 Chapala,
. . 184, 186 Pabbilya,
. . . 292 Dovarata,
. . 210, 217 Gigy,. .
142, 144, 201, 217 Gautams,
142, 144, 201, 217 Hartha . 140, 141, 142, 144. 201, 216, 217, 218 Lomadugni. .
. . . 56, 61 Jamminense-Vatanes · 200, 208, 216, 217

Page #414

INDEX
349
.
59
PAGE Capta, k., . . . Gurindala-Canadhipa, ch,
271, 277 Cärjára, co., . . . . .
203, 204 Gurjard, co., k. of .
210, 221 Gurumjakódu, vi., . .
140, 146 Gurupada or Gurupädaks of Gurupada
giri, mo.. . . . . 329, 332, 384 Guruparampard-prabhavam, Vaishnava biographical wk., . . . 321 and 11., 322
and 1., 323 and 1. Gutti, ti., 8.a. Gooty,. . . . 190, 249 Gatti, I. (battlefield),
. . 251, 262 Guttirajya, dn., . .
. . 189, 139
PAGE haffa, mart,
. . . . . 334, 335 Hatthälhaks-vihāra, , Hattipala Jätnka, Buddhist birth story,. 330 Hayagriva, god of learning, . . . . 328 Hēmādri, author,
10, 137, 143, 147, 200 H., 202 and n., 203 n., 204, 275,
289 n. Hēramba or Hēramva, god, . . . 172, 173 Hēramba, Rajikula - engraver,. . 156, 157 Hieun Tsang, Chinese traveller, . 34, 270, 333 Hirahadagalli Plates, . . . . . 43 Hiranyakabipu, myth. demon k.,. . 11 Himālaya, mo... . . . . . 29 n. Hisham, Caliph, . .
• 27 Hivare, vi.,
• 200, 208, 218, 224 Hoysala, dy. .
. . . . 89 n. Huvishka, Kuhana k., . . . . 33 Hwui Lun, Korean traveller, . . 270
68
16
.
.
.
243
29
95
256 9n.
Haihayas or Kalachuris of Raipur, dy., hala, l.m., . . .
. 195, 197, 198 Hatayudha, author, 173, 174, 182 and 1., 184
and n. Halayudha-stotra, wk.
. 174, 183 Halayudha-stuti, wk., . . . . . 185 Hälsi grant of Harivarman, . . . 167 1. Marijamana, . .
59 Harsa-tirtha, tirtha,. . . . . Hara, god, o. a. Siva,. . . . 175, 254 Härāhā inscription, , . . 268 7., 269 Hari (Vishnu), god, . . 66, 107, 121, 225 Haribhata, vi., , . 195, 196, 197, 198 Harihara I, Vijayanagara k.,
• 191 Harihara II, Vijayanagara k.,
188, 192 Harihara, god,
280 n. Harikinibagau, vi., 8. a. Harki Nimgaon, 200, 208,
218, 224 Haripāla, Thakkura-, m., . . . . 8 Haribchandra, family of kings 226, 229, 230, 234, 236 Hariéchandra, myth. k.,
. . . 267 Hariti, sage, ... 21, 230, 234, 236, 290 Harivansa, wk., . . . . . . 9 Harivam-kamu, Telugu wk... 138, 139 and 1. Harivarman, Maukhari k., . . . 268 Hariyanan, m.,.
.
. 320 Harki Nimgaon, viis . . . . . 208 Harshacharita, wok., . . 34 and 1. Harsha or Harshadēvs or Harshavardhana,
k. of Kanauj,. . 22, 34, 270, 290, 292 Harshagupta, Pandava k., . 267, 269, 270 Hastigiri, vi., 6. a. Tiruvattigūr,. . 31 Hastigirika, god,
319, 325 Hastiniki, stream, . . . . 294, 296 Hastila, god, . . .
. 319 . Hantavarman Mahärāja, Salankayana k., 44, 45 *. Hostivarman, Vaingěyaka, Salanilayanak., 44, 46 Hostivarman, E. Ganga .,
. . 196 Hathiyumphi thimcription of Khársvela, 206 ..
1, initial — . . . . . .
309 , used for e., . . . . . .
147 i, medial long. . . i, medial, in Grantha,. . . Ibn Khurdabd, author, . . . Idaiyārrür, vi., . . Idaikkättår, vi., . . . . 70, 120, 130 Idaikkudi-nādu, dl. . Idangali-Nayanar, Saira dsvolte, . 9670. Idangali-Nayanar Purinam, Tamil wk., . . 96 . Idukkāru, ti.. .
115, 126 Ikahvaku, dy. . .
198 n. Ikshvāku, myth. k., . Ila, myth. k., . Ilai-Kadambangulam (Sannavaram), vi., . 96 Ilaiyattakudi, ti., Ilam, co., 8. a. Ceylon, . Ilangärakkudi, vi., .
303 Ilangöykkudi, vi., ancient name of Amba.. samudram, . . . .
40 Isanjavur, vi., . .
96 Ilão plates of Dadda II.Prabantarāga, . 25 Ilapura, b. . . .
• 29 n. Tlavimangalam, vi., . 102, 113, 124 Iluppappattu, vi.,
. . 297, 308 Immadi-Praudha-Dēvēndra (Mallikarjuna),
Vijayanagara k., . . 188, 189, 190, 193 Indirasamapanallär, vi., . a. Iruñchirai, 101, 112,
124 Indor-thera copper plate of the time of
Skandagupta, . . . . . . 61 Indra, god, . . . . . 381 Indna, ri., . . . . 165, 168, 170 Indra I or Indrarija. Rami traballo k., 25, 26, 27, 49

Page #415

86, 87
350 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[ Vol. XXV PAGE
PAGE Indrabala, Pandava k.,
Jalal-ud-din, Sultan of Delhi, ..
207
. . .
. . 287
. Indrabhatta, m., follower of the Mahānu.
Jamdapir plate of Ranabhañja, 4. a. bhava cult, . . . . .
148n. . 205
Bamanghăți plate,. . . . Indrabhattaraka, Vishnukundin k., .
Jämadagăya-Vatea, family,. . . 213, 223 Indrabhattaraka, E. Chalukya k.,
Jananitha-chaturvēdimangalam, vi., . .
75 Indrădhirija, E. Ganga k.,. . 196 1., 283
Jananitha-Vilupparaiyan, off., Fur. of ArulIndragnimitra, k., .
moli-Rājēndrašolan, .
. . 254, 264, 268 Indra-Prichobhakarāja, Rashfrakufa k.. .
27 Janarddana (8. a. Jannigadēva), Kayastha ch.,
271, 272 and 1., 274, 277 Indraraja, E. Chalukya pr., . . 191 Indrasthana, holy place, .
27 . .
Janädraya, tit. of W. Chalukya Mangalaraja,
. 207 Indravarman, E. Ganga k., 195, 196, 197, 198, 240 Jannigadöva, Kayastha ch. (8. a. Janár.
*. and 282, 284, 287 ddana), . . . . 271, 273, 274, 275 Ipûr grant of Madhavavarman,
289 and n. Janubhatta, dones,
net, . . . . 216 Iraivanidūr, vi.. . . . . 303, 306, 308
Jarvad Budrukh, vi, 8. a. Jayapura,
230 frangolli or framkolli, washerman, 40 and n., 42, 73, 77
Jatādhara, m., . . . 132, 133, 135, 136
. . Jätakas,
. . . . . Iraniyür, vi.
285 . . . . . . 96 Irābinganallur, vi.. . . . . . 97
Jāta vēdan Subrahmanya-Bhattan, m., 100, 112, 124 Iribingankulakkil, dn., 99, 103, 112, 113, 124, 125
Jaţăvarman, Pandya tit. . . . .84, 250 Irasinga-kon, m.,
Jaţăvarman Kulasēkhara of A. D. 1162 and . . . . 118, 128 Irābura mapalayam (Irājasuryanpēttai), vi. . 303
Pitalamadandai introduction, Pandya k., 83, 84, Irattapadi-seven-and-a-half-lakh, co., 245, 263, 265 Irattapadikondabilamandalam, i.d., 263, 263, 265 Jatavarman Kulabēkhara of Pitalavanitai Iratta aja-kula-kålar, ep., . . . . 263
introduction, Pandya k., . . . . 82 Irumadi-ven-kanda Ulaguyyskkondarulina
Jaţăvarman Kulasekhara I of acc. A.D. 1190 Ayyar, ep., of Chola Rajendradēva,. 247 .
and Pavinkifatti introduction, Pandya k., 66, 67, Irumbånadu, vi., 8. a. Parintakanallur, . . 93
72, 77, 78, 79, 81, 82, 86, 87,
88, 89, 132, 133 Irumbāli, vi.. . . . . . 92 n., 95 Iruchirai alias Indirasa mananallür, vi., 70 and .,
Jatavarman Kulasekhara II of A. D. 1237, 89, 97, 101, 112, 124 Pandya k., .
. . . 81, 82 Iruchirai valanādu, 1.d., . . . 101 and n.
Jaţăvarman-Sundara-Pandya I (1251-1271), Irungovēl, dy.,
. . . 94, 95
entitled Ellántalaiyapa Perumal, Pandya Isanadēva, Pandava k.. .
. . 267 k., . . . . . . . . 73, 77 Isidasi, Buddhist name,
. 32 n.
Jatavarman Srivallabha, Pandya k., 85, 86, 87 Isidata (Rishidattā), Buddhist name, . 32 n.
Jivali plates of Sripurusha, . . . 166 Isidina, Buddhist name,
. . 32 n. Jayabbata, Gurjara k., . . Isvara, gol, . .
185 Jayabhata II, Girjara k. .
292 Távar-opādhyaya, 7., . . • . 55, 61 Jayabhata III, Carjara k... . . 225, 292 I-tsing, Chinese traveller,
Jayabhatti, ., Budhist nun,
. 34 lyamantávaram (Emantávaram), vi.. . . 98
Jayabhatti, donee, .
.60, 53 Jayadhara-Palla varaiyar, 7., 8. a. Ponnan
Suriyadēvan,. . 69, 99, 111, 121, 123, 130 Jayagrāma, vi., . 226, 229, 230, 232, 235
Jayanta, myth. k., . . . . . 57 Jabatpūr grant of Yakahkarna, . . . 281 n.
Jayangondasblamandalam, co., 8. a. Tondaimandalam, Jagadēkamalla, Chola k., . . . 244, 260
90, 253, 263 and n., 203 Jagatipi-Dandidëvachõlamahüraja. Telugu
Jayangondasolanallür, vi., 8. a. Vilattur, . 92 Chola ch., . . .
274 Jayangondasőlavalanadu, dt., . 254, 264, 266 Jagatāpi Gangeyadeva Cholamaharaja
Jayapura, tn., 8. a. Jitpur . 226, 228, 229, 230, 232, Telugu Chola ch.. . . . Jaikheda, vi., .. a. Jayagrama, . . .
Jayabakti, Sandraka ch., . .
167, 168 Jaitrapala, Yadava k., 8, 9, 10, 204, 209, 220 Jayasitha or Jayasimhadēva, Kalachuri k., Jaitugi, Yadava k.. . . . . 202 and n.
4, 309, 311, 316, 318 Jaitugidėva, k. of Malwa. . . . . 204 Jayanithgha-Vallabba or Jayasimha-Vallabha Jäjaladeva, Kalachuri k.,
- - 204
(Jayasitbs I), E. Chalukya k., 49, 187, 191 Jakkala, poet, . . . . 138 ..
uad ., 269 m., 283
.
.
25
II, Garjarak.
235

Page #416

INDEX
361
PACH
Pags Jayasinibs (IT), E. Chalukya k.. . . . 191 Jayasinhavarman, W. Chifukya k., . 228, 229 Jayavarman, Brihatphaliyana k., . . 46 Jejiri, vi.. . . .
• 229 sh, rare form of- . .
• 199 Jhanjha, Silahara k., . .
. . 54, 56 Jihumuliya, . . .
. 282 Jijjika, vi.,
282, 288, 287 Jimitakētu, myth. k., . . . . . 53, 56 Jimütavāhana, myth. hero, 53, 59, 209, 220 Jins, d. 4. the Buddha, . . ... 334 Jina-Kiuchi, I., . .. . . 318 and 1. Jinendramangalam, vi., .. 4. Kuruvidimidi, 94 Jirjingi plates of the Gänga year 39, . 196n. Jirjingi, ni.. . .
. . . 281, 286 Jirnanagara, vi., .
1687. Jitamita (Jitamitrā), Buddhist name, . • 32n. Jitpår, vi... .
292 iyar, off, . .
324 Jiyyanarya, m., . .
142, 144
. 199 Jnanasambandba, saint,
93, 94n. jodi, taz, . . .
297, 301, 307, 308 Jogadēvabbatta, mi...
. . 215, 216 Jõgevarl, vi.. . . . . . .206n. Joshipur Pargani, dt., . . . . 158 Jost (Joll), tit., . .
. . 200 Jubbalpore Kotwali platos of Jayasithhe
dēva, . . . . . . . 4, 311 Jujhavaram, vi., .. a. Drujjavaram, . . 140 "Junnar, vi., . a. Junninagara, 164n. 165, 168 sod
1., 169 Junayd, ger.. . . . . . . 27 Juttaya, ch.. . . . . . . Jyotirlinge, . . . . 29, 179, 183
•
98
Kadungo, Pandya k.. . . . . 14 Kaduigomangalam, ri.. .
76 Kaduvetti, h.. . 104, 105, 108, 109, 122, 123 Kailavanallur, vi., . a. Kaluri, . . . Kailasa, te., at Ellora, . . Kailasa, ... . . . . . 257, 211 Kaivara or Mirajavali, dl.,. . . 273, 274 Kajalakovi, hamic, . . 200, 211, 216, 222, 221 Käkals (Kakkalla), k. of Varda,. . 202 and n. Kikambhatta, dance, . . . 217, 218 Kikandr, l. . . . . . . 32 Kskarēdi, di.. . . . . . . 3 Kakreri, vi.. . . . . . Kakuļi, vi.. . . . . . 105 Kskustha, myth. k.. .
. . 258 Kalabhras, dy... .. .
22, 23 Kalachuris or Haihayms of Raipur, dy.. . 9, 167 Kalahaka, vi, . . .226, 229, 233, 234, 235 Kalaiyagért, vi, probably .. a. Kaliyan. endal. . . .
. . . 104, 109, 122 kalam, measure of capacity, . . 40, 41, 73 Kalanivabal, vi.. .
. 95 Kalajaradhipati, tit., . Kajari, oi., . a. Kai lavanallur, Kalavaļinadan-iru, ri.. . .
. 71, 120, 130 Kalavali-nada, t. d., . .
87,98 Kali, age or era, . . . . . 108, 122 Kalidasabhatta, donet, . Kalingaráyar, f., &. a. Sivallavan Alagiysmanavalan. . . . . 69, 72, 86,
99, 11, 124 Kalinga, co., . . . 239, 244, 245 and r.,
348, 249, 281, 262, 289 r.,
286, 297, 300 Kaling-adhirajye, kingdom, . . . 197 Kalinganagara, ca. . . . 196, 197, 198 Kalingapatam, vi.. . . . . 196 Kalipi, ri.. . . . . . 17 Kali-Vishnuvardhana, E. Chalukya k., 191 Kalijayamangalam, vi., .. a. Mörkadi, 105, 110, 123 Kaliyaņēndal, vi., . .
104 Kaliyayan Vennaikkūtta-Bhattan, m., 100, 112, 134 Kali-yuga, . . . . . 60 Kaliyugarămanallar, vi., 6. a. Embal, 92 Kalladakurichi, di.. . . . . . 84 Kallaga-nadu, d., . . . . . Kallikkudi alias Puravuvarisallar, vi., 70., 89. Pz.
101, 112, 116, 224, 126 Kallivan, vi.. . . . 227, 230, 233. 235 Kaluvapüdi or Kaluvapäradi, vi... . 104, 146 Kalvan, vis, s. 4. Kallivans, . . . 230 Kalvayil-nadu, dt., . . . . 96 Kalvayil Kēšavan, .. . 100, 112, 124 Kalvayilmangalam, v., . 104, 109, 12%
215
276
..
.
61
Kächāla, vi. Kichupaths (Kañchupatha, Kanchipstha ).
. . 32 hadamai, tax, . . . 132, 133, 134, 135, 136 Kadamba, dy., . . .
. . 186 Kadambamangalam, , . . . 71, 112, 124 Kadam bangudi, vi., 6. 4. Malayariyankottai,
. 69, 98, 114, 117, 125, 128 Kadambari, wk., Kidandai, community () .
39, 41 Kadan-Ettiku-uchchi, I., . . 104, 108, 122 Kadáram, co., 8.2. Keddah,. . 245, 251 and .,
263, 265 Kadattimalai, L., Kidavar, family,
. . . 299 Kadavariya, ch., .. a. Köpperuõjingadēva II, 274 Kadi, name, . . .
. . 2. Kadakkudi, vi.,
65, 105, 110. 123
.
.
253
*
XVI-1-1

Page #417

352
Kalyanapura, Chalukya ca.. Kalyaavarman, Maukhari ch., Kama, god of love, Kamadhenu, celestial cow. Kamaladevabhatta, donee,
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
PAGE
226
270 210, 221 n. 212, 223
215, 216, 217 308 1. 34 185
. 204, 206, 210, 221
45
•
Kamandaka, wk.,
Kamandaki, f. character in Malatimadhava, Kamanganäsana, god, s. a. Siva, .
Kamapala, Abhira k.,
Kammarashtra, t. d.,
Kammare-dunai (spring), Kampili, ca.,
264, 266 249, 251 227, 230, 237 240
Kamsarapallika, vi.,
.
kamsara-kulaputraka, Kāñai-Irukkai, t. d., 70 and n., 71, 89, 97, 101, 112, 117, 124, 127 107, 122 333 n.
Kanakachala, myth. golden mo., Kanakamuni, an incarnation of the Buddha, Kanakasabha, the golden palace at Chidam
baram,
Kanakéévara, donee, kapakkabandaram, off.,
kanakku or karanattan, off.,
kanakku-mudal or mudal-kanakku, off.,
Kannadiyar,
Kayamangalam. .,
38 55, 61 40, 41 132
132
Kanāla, vi,
Kana-nādu, co.,
Känättämpullür, vi.,
Kanauj, ca.,
raiyan,
Kanavadi Straman, m., a. a. Sundarapandiya-Pallava103, 113, 125 117, 127 89, 90
Kāṇavāru, ri.,
Kambar, Tamil poet, Kanchi, Kauchfpura or Kanchipuram, ci., 22, 23, 242, 253, 263, 265, 269 n., 290, 318, 319, 320n. Käuchirankulam, vi., 105, 110, 123 Kandadai-Andan, Vaishnava disciple, 322 Kändai or Karandai, I., 246 n., 247, 248, 249, 251 Kandana(vrōlu), tn., s. a. Kurnool, 246 n. Kanderu vi., s. a. Kantēru, 187 Kaṇḍērvväḍi-vishaya, dt., s. a. Gaṇḍēruvăți, Kanḍēru.
vāti, Kanderuvadi or Kandravādi, Kandiyur-nādāļvān-embal, I., Kandravada, vi.,
187, 192 105, 109, 123 .310, 311, 315
Kandukura, vi., s. a. Kandukuru, Kanhairi, vi., s. a. Kanhera, Kanhairi, co.,
48 208
211, 214, 222, 224 200
Kanhairi-desa, dt., Kanhairi-khampànaka, dr., 200, 211, 214, 222, 224 Kapheri inscriptions of Amoghavarsha,. Kapichchi-embal vi.,
54 7.
105, 110, 123
käsipparu,
bankani, off..
kanmi,
276
88, 89, n., 95 and n. 303, 306, 308 268, 270 n.
.
102 66, 69, 99, 107 132, 135, 136
[VOL. XXV
Kannapur, vi., eur. Manabharaṇapadi,. Kāpņaṇār, vi.,
PAGE 72 70, 87, 88, 96, 106, 110, 117; 123, 127, 297, 304 Kannikudi, vi., 110, 123 Kantoru, vi., 187 Kantaru Plates of Sälankayana Vijaya-Skanda-42, 45 n. 43 249
187 145
Kanumerla, vi.,
140
kanyadharma or kanyadanadharma, gift of a girl, 289 n.
99 ม. Y
varman,.
Kantěru plates of Nandivarman, kanthika, necklet, emblem of heir-apparency, Kanthika-Beta, E. Chalukya k.,
Kanumallapurḍi, vi.,
Kanyakubja, co., 8. a., Kanauj, 2, 207, 211, 222 Kanyakubjädhipati, tit., of Gahadavala rulers, 3 Kanyakubjädhipati, tit., assumed by Chandella Trailōkyamalla, 3 Kanyakumari, I.,
36, 243
54, 56, 229
Kapardín, I, Silahāra ch., Kapardin (II), Silähära ch., Kāpāsigāma, L., Kapila, sage,
54. 33 257 330.
Kapila, m.,
Kapiläni, Kapilayani or Kapilēya, f., 329, 330 and x. kapilashash thi, 201, 214 Kappalür, vi., 8. a. Ulagajandasojanallur, 89, 94 and n., 99, 111, 123 Kappalúrudaiyan Sriraman Tiruvudaiyān alias Pottappichcholar, off.. 111, 123 Kappalúrudaiyan Uyyavandan Ponnan alias Mänabharana Müvendavēļār, off., Kara, dy.. Karadikkal, L., Karahata-four-thousand, dn., Karaiyur, vi., karcnalt n, offi, Karanda, vi., Karandai, I., s. a. Kändai, Karandavati, ri.,
111, 124 147 249, 251 168 95, 96, 104, 109, 114, 122, 125 132 5 249 315 and n 158 70, 111, 122
237 48 273 166
Karanjia Pargana, di., käränmai, tenure,
+
Karaputa, vi,
Kared alias Kurvade vi.. a. a. Kurupura,
Kārempūdi, vi., Karhad, vi., ka i-amulu Karikala, Chola k., Karikala, Chola tit.,
Karikala-Chōla, ep., of Virarajendra,
karini-bhramana, circumambulation by a female elephant,
67
Karttalai inscription of Lakshmanarija II, 280, 281 Kariva Manikya Bhattar Apatahāvar. m., harjan, ri,
39, 41
244, 260 262, 263, 265 244
.
312
232

Page #418

INDEX
353
PAGS
PAGE Karka I, Rashtrakufa k.. .
26, 27, 28, 29 Karka II, Rashtrakita k., . . , 25, 28 Karkarēdi, t. d., . . . Karkkarāja, Rashtrakufa k.,
. .. 25 Karkulam or Kalkulam, vi., 108, 109, 114, 123, 125 Karkurichchi or Kalkuruchchi, vi., 104, 108, 122 Karna, epic hero, . . . 67, 209, 220 Karņa, Maharaja — Gurjara k., . 292 Karna, Kalachuri k., .
.
.310 n. Karpakirtti, vi., . . . 70, 97, 117, 128 Karpūra-vápl, well, . . . . 17 Kärttikėya, god,. 22, 230, 234, 236, 290 käruka, cess on artisans, . . . 212, 222 Karumäkulam or Karunguļam, ui, 105, 109, 123 Karumāņikkam-Korran, m..
100, 112, 124 Karumänikkam Ulagamundan-Bhattan. 103, 113,
125 Karunakara-Acharyan, sur. of Sankaran.
Kādādi, engr., . . . 254, 265, 266 Karunakaradēvan Purpavanamudaiyán, m., 99, 121,
130 karuichey or karricheyparrti, .
110, 123 Karungudi-nādu, t. d., . . 89, 99, 113, 123 Karungulam, vi.. . 70, 110, 116, 123, 127 Karungulattúr, vi.. . . . . . 96 Karunilakkudi-nādu, dt., .
97 Karuppur, vi., ,
. 99, 111, 121, 123, 130 Karuvili, vi.. . . .
. . . 92n. Kaszi, ri.. . . . . . 285 Kādi, 6. a. Benares, . . 17, 207, 214, 224 Käst-Visvanatha, god. . babu, coin,
. 131, 134, 135, 136 Käkyapa, age, . . . . . 243, 255 Käsyapa, an incarnation of the Buddha, 328, 333n. Kikyapa or Maha-Kasyapa, disciple of the
Buddha,. . . . . 327, 329 and 7. Kadyapa Buddha, .
. . . 333 Kataha, I., . Kataka (Cuttack), ca., .
298, 299 Katantra-sutras, grammatical wk.,
222n. Kathasaritsagara, wk., . .
222n. Katoer, I., .
299, 300 Kattāraimangalam, vi., . Kattikkaļjūr, vi., . .
. 86 Kattikkulam, vi., . . 106, 111, 118, 123, 128 Kattikuruchohi, vi.. . 99, 111, 121, 123, 130 Kattinakkan Iranan, m.. sur. of Vikrams
påndya Mūvēndavēlān. . . . Kattivayal, vi.. . . . . 94 and n. Kattunallūr-Iruñchirai, vi., . . . 101n. Kattūr, vi., . . Catuir of Nuniz, . : taulla, tree,
. . 296 Kaumarakhanda, a chapter of Padmapurana. 11n. Kaumudimahtaava, dramatic wk... 270 and . Kaustubha, jewell, . . 231, 234, 237 Kautilys, author of Arthajatra,. . . 11n.
Kávaņür, vi., .
. .325 Kavēra, sage. . . . . . . 22, 23 Kávēri, ri.,
.
. 258 Kávērivalla vanallur, vi., .. a. Sirupālaiyür, 99, 112,
124 Káví platen of Jayabhata IV,
292 and . Kävidinallac, vi., . . . 65, 71, 112, 124 Kavirahasya, wk.. . . . . 174, 184 Kavita, m., . . Kavyadaria, nok., Kavyalankarachūdāmani, Telugu ink on Thetoric,• . .
335, 338 Käyäkkudi, vi., . .
253, 264, 266 Kāyal, I., . . .
. 299 Käyastha, family. .
271, 272, 277 Kayattār, vi., . . . . . . 299 Kēdāra, te.. . . . . .. . 8, 15 Kēdāra, kshetra, . . . . 183, 185 kēvi, off... . . 131, 133, 134, 136 Kalvi-andanalar, 8. a. Srötriya-Brāhmana, 133 Keonjhar, state, . . . 154, 155, 173 Kerakora or Kerkera, vi.. . .
158, 160 Kerakēra vishaya, dl.. . . . 158, 160 Kerala, dy.. . . . . . . 22, 23 Kerals, co., k. of - . . . . 290 Koralakinga-valanādu, t. d., 89, 95, 98 and ..99,
111, 123 Kēsaiya Dikshits, m., . . ' . 65, 61 Kesari, vi.,
. . 161 Klaari, min., .
. . 280 Kedari Copper-plate of Satrubhasjadēva, 161, 173 Kesava, feud. ch.,
204 and n., 274, 275
35
•
76
245
Késavabhatta, donee, . . . . 216 Kokavicharya, m., . . . . . Kesavadāsa, donee, . . . . 217 Kėdavan Kshëtrajñan alias Brahma-Pallava
raiyan, m... . . . . . 135, 136 Kēkavan Närāyanan, m., . . . . 100 Kesava or Kesa vopadhyāya, m.,
65, 61 Késavapurl, vi., 8. a. Késapuri, 202, 208, 218, 224 Kokava Vyisa, author and follower of Mahanubhava
cult, . . . . . . . 205 Kēko(Kesava)bhatta, m., . . . . Kētumála, myth. k.. . . . . . 259 Kevurura, l., . . . . . . .
279 Ich, with and without loop. . . .
165 kh, used for sh, • . . . . . 200 Khadgávalóka, tit.,
. . . . 27, 39 Khairha grant of Yatahkarna. . . . 2M *. Khajuraho inscription of Dhanga. . . 280 khala-biksha, cells at the threshing floor. 281 and r. Khalärt Stone inscription, . . . . 7.9 Khallikota, da.. . .
.
48
.
.
.
way
300

Page #419

354
Khandadeull plate of Ranabhanja, Khandesh, co.,
Khandesh, dt.,
Khandikota, vi., and hill-fort, s.a. Ghandikota,
Khandoba, god,
229
Khäröd inscription of Indrabala and Láänadeva, 268 kha franga,
178 216 207
211, 222 207 200, 211, 215 26
153, 158, 161, 172
48
48
Khijjinga, ca., s. a. modern Khiching, 147, 151, 153,
154, 156 158 and n., 160 203, 204, 206 207, 208 and n.
207 158 . 323n. 322
Khemyidevabhatta, donee,
Kheta or Khed, tn.,
Kheta, co., lord of-, Khetihāra, t.d.,
khetaka, hamlet, Khetaka-mandapa, I.,
Khiching, tn., 8.a. Khijjinga, Khidingahara-vishaya, dn.,
Khidingi, vi.,
Khijjinga-mandala, dn.,
Khôléévara, gen.,
Khusrü, Muhammadan historian, Khvaja Hajl, Muslim gen., Kaipir, dr.,
Kidambi-Achchan, Vaishnava pontiff. Kidambi-Nayinär, Vaishnava d siple, Kidambi Rāmānuja Appullan, Vaishnava pontiff,
Kijay patalai, vi., Kikundāru, dt.,.
Kinihiki, vi., Kinhai, vi.,
Kil-boli, L.,
Kichohhita, vi.,.
Kai-Kodumalür, vi., s. a. Madurōdayanallur, Kai-Tiruttiyur-Muttam, dt.,
.
.
Kila-Melkudi, vi.,
Kilänkättür, vi., s. a. Puravari-chaturvedimangalam,
105, 106, 109, 123 . 100, n. 39, 41, 96
91, 92, 98, 99, 111, 121, 123, 130
Kil-Semboņmāri, vi., KIJ-Sembinadu, 4.d.,
Kila-Taniyal, vi.,
Kij-Veliyaṛrür, vi., Kiranür, vi.. Kinürnädäväpköttai, vi., Kira gür-nādu, t.d.,
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
PAGE
148, 150, 155 164 167 276
Kurtisambhu, rel. preceptor, Kirtisiva, rel. preceptor,
Kirtiévara, god,.
·
39.
Kijkürru, t. d., Kilmättür, vi., KI-Nettür, v., s. a. Kirtivisälaiyanallur, 89, 99, 111,
+
123 165, 168, 170 168 110, 123
49
98
95
105, 110, 123 95, 104 121, 130 69, 70, 89, 102, 103, 104, 108, 113, 119, 122, 124,
125, 129, 131 310 n. 309, 310, and 7, 313 816, 318 309, 318
·
.
"
323 n.
. 55, 62
98
96 105
•
[ VOL. XXV
PAGE
Kirtivarman, W.Chalukya k., Kirtivarman I, W. Chalukya k Kirtivarman II, W. Chalukya k., Kirttivisalaiyanallur, vi., s.a. Kil-Nettür,
289 22
28, 270 and n.
89 99, 111, 123
89, 104, 108, 122 104, 108, 114, 122,
125 Kit-Pasa'ai, vi., s. a. Danavinodanallur, 70%., 89, 99, 100, 111, 112, 114, 115, 124, 125, 128 106, 117, 127 89, 102 and a., 113, 124
98 260
Kirungäkköṭṭai, vi.,
Kit-Chūrai, vi., s. a. Udaikulam,
Kit-beli, ví., Kit-Sembi-nadu, vi., Ködaipiraṭṭinallur, vi., Kodandarama, sur. of Chola Adityavarman, Kodandarama-chaturvedimangalam, vi., Kodimangalam, vi.,
Kodumbai (Kodumbālür), vi., Kodungulam, vi.,
Kōdāru, vi.,
Kokangaon, vi., 8.a. Kalahaka, Kökiläkshaka, vi.,
95 and n. 96 136, 140 230 226, 229, 232, 235 Kökkalla, Kalachuri k. of Tripuri, 202 Kökkili or Kokkilivarma-Mahārāja, E. Chalukya k. 191, 239 55, 61 117, 127
184 m.
49 252 262 44, 45 n. 92
. 39, 41
Kökö Pandita, donee,
köl, l.m.,
Kolagallu Inscription of the Rashtrakuta Khottiga,
75 97
Köläla, Kölälapura or Kuvalälapura, vi., s.a.
Kölär, Kolar, ri. and dt., Kollapura, vi., Kolleru plates, Koluvanür, vi., Koluvür-kürram, t.d., .
Kömündür-Achchan, Vaishnava disciple, Kōmanna, m.,
Komarti plates,
Kömați-Vēma, Reddi k.,
322 215
283
138
Kōnādu, co.,
kendai, l.,.
Kondamudi plates of Jayavarman, Kondamuruvudu, vi., s. a. Kondamuḍusupalem,
48
Kondapalli, fort, . 246 m., 305, 308 Kondavidu, vi., 137, 246, n., 249, 305, 308 Kondedda plates of Dharmaraja,. 268, 269 Kön erinmaikondan, tit., 65, 131, 134, 135 Kong-ana Virasola-mandalam, co., Kōngōda, co.,
90 285
Kongu, dy., Kongu, co.,
86, 87 89 299.
Kongudebarajakkal, Tamil wk., Konkap.co.. Konkapamandala, co.,
.54.
95 and #.
246 m., 249, 251
45

Page #420

INDEX
1
PAGE Korsikkulam or Konnakalam, si, 105, 109, 128 Koppam, battle of . . . . . 253 Köpperuijingadöva II, Kadaverdya ch., 276, 276 Korkeodaka Panchad, dah.. . . . 281 Körösbanda platen of Visakhaverman, 284 and Korramangalam, i . . . . . 96 Korjanēri, vin . . . 106, 108, 119, 122, 123 Korrayür alias Uttamasőlapuram, v.
95 Korukkai, vi.. . . . 297, 303, 306, 309 Kosala or Kósala-dosa, 06., . 47, 48, 204, 266, 269 Koals, co, k. of- . .
. 210, 221 Kötésvaranandi, doncs, . . . . 217 Kotipura, co., . . . . . . 324 Köttablañja or Kötabhaija, Bhaija d., 147, 148,
149, 150, 151, 152, 154, 156,
187, 159 8., 160, 161, 163, 173 Köttai, vi. . .
. . 104, 109, 122 Kottaikkarai, oh, . . . 89 Rd .., 302 Kottaikkurungulam, ti, . . . . 84 Köttaiyur, vi.. . . . . . 89 , 95 Kotta-Kirtti, vi.. . . 79, 97, 117, 127, 128 Rottankulam, vi.. . .
. . . 106 kötfapala, city prefect, off Köttāárama, hermitage,
. . . . 162 Kottikkanuvay, I., . . . . 264, 268 Kötyädrame, hermitage, 148, 151, 154, 155, 156,
157, 160, 162 n. Kovan, ., . köysl-nayakam, off. .
. . 132 köyil-srikaryam, off . . Krakuchehanda, an incarnation of the Buddha, 333 . dramavit, . . . . . . . 75 Kțimili or Kțimila-vishaya, 1. d., . . . 80,52 Krinkulamirtti or Kţinkulamifru, w., 140, 145 Krisbpa or Krishnarija, Chandella k., 279 Krishna, god. . . . . 2, 221 n., 234 Krishna, ni, . .45, 140, 202, 247 7., 299, 300 Křishna I or Krishparāja I, Rashtrakifa k., . 25, 28,
.
.
25
331
PAGE Krðshtakavarttant, dt.
195, 196, 197, 198 Rahatrapitàmaha, Yadava ep. . . 210, 221 . Kshatriyabikhamani-valanidu, dt. 283, 284, 284 Kshatriya-tataka, lank . . . 197, 199 Kshēma-Ganapati, god, . . . 170 Kshemagiraks, o.,. . . .227, 230, 232, 235 Kubja-Vishnavardhana, E. Chintya k... .269 . Kädagore plates of Kadamba Siva- Måndkātri. arman, .
. . 47. Kadali, l. .
. . .247. Kidal-Sangams, .. . 241, 246, 247 and n..
248, 251 Kädal-Sangamam, Vade battlefield, 248, 253,
263, 265 Kadalar-nadu, dh, . . . . 95 Kadanjädioi., 70, 104, 108, 120, 122, 130 kadikkani, tenure . . . . 110, 123 tudininga-ddadanam, tenure, . . . 38 Kudrahärs or Kadrábára-visays, dn. 1, 45, 46, 47 Indubits . . .
. . . . 238 Kudara, ei, , . Kadarabära, dt. Kukkura, engr... Kakkutapad. or Kukkatapadagiri, no. : 331 Kukkuta vihara of Kakkutapada vihara,
Buddhist monatlery, . . tulam, I. m., . .
. .
. . .198 n. Kulachchirai-Niyaxin, Pandga min, 64, 93,
and . Küpsi-Kulattar, oi. . . . . . 95 kulakkit. . . . . . . Kulasekhara, Pandya k. .
. . 84, 86 Kulabökharadeva, Tribhuvanachakravartin,
Pandga k. . . . . . . Kalabökhara of Pitalamadandai introduction,
Pardga k., . . . . Kulasēkhara chatarvėdimangalan, ti.. Kulbokhara-lavaramudaiyar, god.. .. Vtrod
varamudaiyar, . . . . . 84 Kalasekharapuram, vi.. . . . Kuli Kutb Shah, Saltan of Golconda . 301 Kulittandanai-chirmai, dh. . . . . 303 Kuláttung, Räjakësarivarman (1149-83 A. D.).
South Kongu k., . . . . . 83 Kuláttunga I or Kulóttanga Chola I, Chola L . 86, 206, 242 n., 246, 250, 251, 252
253 Aod. Kulottunga III, Chola k. . . 85, 88 Kwiõttungahólanallur, ri. .. . Parantate
nallar, Kulöttungad spatunana pl., .. a. Mananbl.
kudi. . . Kulottungasölapattipam, oi., .. a. Tolungs
kulakilapuram. . Kulu.co.. .
. . . 244 . Kulata, Co., ... . 244 aad , 261, 264
.
65
.
om.
.
.
.
.
.
74
29
Krishna III, Rashtrakaļa k.,
38, 186, 174, 184,
239
Krishna, Yadava k.,. . .10, 204, 210, 220 Krishna-Bhatta, Paurápika Kavi-,., . 325 Krishnabhatta, donce, . . . . 216, 217 Křishpadeve, donce, . . . Krishnadovariya, Vijayanagara, k., 297, 306, 308 Krishnamista, author, . . . Krishnarajn, kalachnik, . . 239 Krishnarijaräpaka, silver coin, , 227, 229 Krishnarajanijayamu, Telugu wok.,
. 200 n. Krishnavarman IT, Kadamba k... Krishnaveni, ti.... a. Krishni
307, 308 Kriabpõsvara, god, . Krittivise, god, a. s. fiva,. . • 285 Kronbtri, mu k., . . . •
.
280

Page #421

356
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXV
PAGE Kumaradevi, Gupta q. . Kumiragupta I, Gupla k., . . . 61 7.., 52 Kumira-kshitibhrit, 4. a. Kumara Pratáps.
rudra, Kakatiya k.,. 271, 276 1., 278 and add. Kumāramangalam, vi.. . . . . 95 Kumāra pavitrachaturvēdimangalam, oi, . 97 Kumara Rudra-Mahārāja, Kakaliya, k., . 276 Kumāra-Vishnu, Pallapa k., . .
45 Kumbhakõnam, tn.. .
300 Kumbhí plates of Vijayasimha,
206, 281 1. Kina, Körukonda ch., . .
324 Kunda or Kundan, vi..
311 Kundadēvichaturvēdimangalam, ti . . 97 Kundabäthl, m., . . .
173 Kunnēli, vi., . . 104, 109, 114, 122, 125 Kunrattūr, vi...
Sinidu, d.,
.
.
. 96, 98
96
Aunriyor or Kunrisalido.
.
186, 261, 262
PAGE Laghu-Kaparddr, Silahari . . . . 54, 56 Lakhkhayırya, m., . . . . 141, 144 Lakshmana, epic hero,.
7, 8, 10, 18, 267 Lakshmanasena, Sena k., . . . . 174 Lakshmi, goddess . . 193, 209, 220, 221 Lakshmfdhara or Lakshmidēva, Abhira k., 203, 206 Lakshmidharabhatta, donee,
215, 217 Lakshmi-tirtha, tartha, . . . . 16 Lakshmi Narayana Bhaja, Bhanja k., . . 164 . Lakshmipurs, vi., nur. of Bommehālu . 188, 193 Lakumidēvi, Vijayanagara q.,
188, 190, 193 Lampe, pair of-uspicious symbol, . .243 1. Languages
Kannada, . . . . . . 241 . Prākirt, . . . . . .
. 45 n. Sanskrit, 1,8, 25, 45, 53, 66, 137, 147, 161, 185, 183, 187, 188, 195, 199, 226, 241, 271, 279,
282, 309, 328 Sanskrit prose, . . . . . 44
66, 241 and 1., 297, 319
. . . 137, 241 +.., 271 Lanji, vi... Lanka, 8. a. Ceylon, . . . . . 32 Läshana(Lakshmana)bhatta, donse, , 215 Lashumi(Lakshm!)dēva, donce, . . . 215 Läta, Lätadēsa, Co., . . 55, 61, 167, 228, 229 Layanagiri, hill,. . . . 165, 168, 170 Leiden Plates of Rajaraja I, . . 36, 107 Leiden Plates of Kulõttunga Chola, 242 and n. Lākumārl, vi.. . . . . . 44, 46, 47 Lépåka or Labāka, vi. . . . . 274. Lichchhavi, clan, . . . . . 52 Lisacharita, biographical wk., .200 #. 206 and . Lilapati, wk. . .
. . 221 n. linga with serpent, emblem on seal, . lion, emblem on seal, . . . . . lion, emblem of the Haritchandra family, lion, golden-, Sinda emblem, Lökamudi, vi.,
77
Tamil.. Telugu,
•
77
.
10
33
Kuntala, co.. . Kunals, co. .
. . . . 209 n. Kuppări, I.,
. : 263, 263, 266 Küram plates, Küram, vi., .. . Vidyavinftachaturvedi
mangalam. . Kurama, ... Kurangi, 4. Kurara, L., . . Kuraragbara, L.,.
33 Kurrālam, vi.. .
303, 307, 309 Lurram . . .
. . 97 Kurtti-déba, co., .
. . 140 Kuruchobåtti, vi, . . .
106, 111, 123 Kuruchohi, vi., . . . 303, 306, 309 Kurukshetra, Artha, .
. . 16 Kurumbūrnäda, d.., . 263, 264, 266 Kurunapdragão, pi.. . 200, 212, 215, 222, 224 buruni, measure of capacity, . . . 40, 41 Kurupära, vi., .. a. Kared alias Kurvado, 48 Kuruvadimidi alios Jinēndramangalam, vi.. 94 Kuruvittusai, vi..
. . 85 tulevar, patter,
. . 40, 42 Kushpa, dy. . Katika, holy place,
• 207 kwumarachan-ddhyaksha, of
213, 223 Katala-samgama, see Kudal-samagamam, • 262 Kuvalaivēli, vi.. . .
. 70, 71 Kuvalaivēlipparru, vi. . . . 118, 128 Kuvalälam, vi., . .
. 264, 265, 266 Kuvalála-nado, dr.. .
264, 265, 266 Kuvalälapura, vi., 8. a. Kõlar, Kuvalikva, myth k., . . . . . 266 Kuvalayalinganallür, vi., .. . Möyür, 39, 40, 41
33
•
33
.
49
m, with and without loop, . . . . 165 m., final, substituted by anus vāra. . 195 m, final,
. . . 282
41, 108, 110, 123 Mä'bar, co.
. . . . . . . . 207, 208 Mācha, Reddi k., . . . . . 140 Machayārys, 1...
. . 141, 142, 144 Mãohivökta, dones, . . . . 188, 193 Māda, ch., . .
. . . . 139 Madakkulakki Madurai, 1, . . . Madakkulakkf]ködimangalam, l. .
40 m Madakkulakki], dn., . . . 97, 98, 108, 122 Madakkulam, 4 . . . . . . 70, 89
.
228
swo torms of .
Pornca form. la istashanged with
,
.
.
.
243

Page #422

PAGE 33 Madalachhikata (Mandalakshikata), I., Madalaikuruchchi, vi.,. 106, 110, 117, 123, 127 Madamar meniyanagi, Tamil verses commencing with-,
Madana, god of love,
Madanavarman, Chandella k.,
Madane, m.,
Madavan Diväkara-Bhattan, m., Madhava, Sailōdbhava pr., Madhavabhatta, m.,
Madhava-dvivedi, m.,. Madhava-Nayaka, ch., Madhavärys, m., Madhava-Sainyabhita II, Sailödbhava k.,
Madhavasûri, m.,
Madhavavarman, Vishnukundin k.,
Madhura, ci.,
Madhuräntaka, Chola tit.,
Madhurantaka, Chola k.,
.
64 n.
204
3
3,6
100, 112, 124
269 217
141, 144 324 and л. 141, 142, 144
269
208, 213, 223 269
260
260
off..
Madurodaya-valanādu, dl., Magadha, ca.,
Magadha, co.,
magalar, or pen-pillai. 'daughter', Maganpara, vi., s. a. Mradgähitaka,
maganar, 'son',
•
mahabaladhikrita, off.,.
Mahabharata or Bharata, epic,
•
"
INDEX
•
Madhuräntaka-Brahmadhiraja, off., Madhurantakachaturvedimangalam, vi., sur.
of Chērām,
Madhuravanaka (Mathuravana), I.,
241, 253, 263, 265 33 Madhusudana, m., 310, 313, 317 Madhusudana, Dandanatha-Trinetra-, gen., 325 55, 61, 165, 170 239 77 95 329 and n.
Madhyadesa, co.,
Madhyama-Kalinga, co., madhyastha, off... Madinür, vi.,
Madra, co.,
Madras Museum plates of Ananta-Saktivarman, 284 Madras Museum plates of Uttama-Chola, 242 and n. Madurai, tn., 64, 70, 83, 87, 108, 122 89, 97
95
261
243, 253, 254
.
Madurai, vi.,
Madurai, vi., s. a. Ollaiyur, Madurodayachaturvēdmangalam, vi., s. a. 100, 109, 112, 123, 124 Madurōdayanallur, vi., s. a. Kilaikodumalür,. Madurodaya-Pallavaraiyan, s. a. Devan Tillai,
Marudur,
98
103, 113, 125 89, 96, 97, 108, 122 270 329, 330 84 230 84 50, 53 77 172 218, 225 77, 185
Mahada Plates of Yögéévaradevavarman,
Mahādēōpurl. vi.,
Mahadeva, god, s. a. Siva,
Mahādēva, Yadava k.,. 10, 205, 210, 221 and n., 275
Mahādēva, Kakatiya k.,
202 n. 215, 216, 217
Mahadevabhutta, donee, Mahadevapurt, vi., mahadevi, g.,
200 52
PAGE
Mahagirihara, dn., 226, 227, 229, 231, 232, 234 Mahagovin.lasultanta, Buddhist wk., Mahajayaraja, Sarabhapura k., Mahakala or Mahäkälamurti, god, s. a. Siva, 175, 182
285 268
Mahākāla, kshetra,
183, 185 330
207
Mahi•Kassapa, m mahal, group of villages Mahamahattaka, tit., mahāmakham, festival, Mahamandaladhipati, off., Mahamandalesvara, off., Mahamandalesvaradhipati, off., Mahamandalika, off., Mahamatya, off.,
Mahanadi, ri., Mahanayaka,.m., Mahanubhava, sect,
Mahapilapati, off.. Mahaprakihara, off.,
.
357
2,4
300
153, 161, 163
272 59, 63 212, 214, 223, 224
54, 59, 61, 169
28 216
8, 200 m., 205, 208 n.
50, 53
.
. 198 n.
Mahāpravararaja, Sarabhapura k., 268 Mahārāja, tit., 26, 42, 52, 239, 282, 287, 290, 293 Mahārājädhirāja, tit., 2, 22, 23, 24, 50, 52, 149, 152, 153, 161, 163, 172, 173, 187, 192, 211, 214, 222, 224, 230, 234, 236, 240 m., 290, 304, 308 Maharashtra, co., 167, 168 mahababdas, 165, 169 Mahasahasika, off., 169 Mahabaivala, mo., 11 m. Mahasamanta, off., 165, 166, 169, 229 Mahasamantadhipati, off., . 26, 59 Mahasamdhivigrahika, off., 21, 54, 59 Mahasivagupta, Pandava k., 47, 266 n. Mahasivagupta Bälärjuna, Pandava k., Mahasiva-Tivara, Pandava k.,
Mahasudevaraja, Sarabhapura k.. Mahatittha (Mahātirtha), vi., Mahatalavara, off., Mahatalavari, off.. Mahavagga, Buddhist wk.,
267 267 263 329, 330 198. . 198 n. 154 32, 34 n.. 83, 85 285 328 32 238
Mahavamia, chronicle of Ceylon kings,
Mahavastu, Buddhist wk., Mahayana, sect of Buddhists,
Mahendra, Maurya pr., son of Asoka, Mahendra, k.,
Mahendragiri inscription of RājëndraChōla I, . Mahendrapala, Pratihāra k., Mahendravarma-chaturvedimangalam, vi.,
Maher, hill, Mahéévara (Siva), god, Mahéévara, author, Mahéivara-kankani, off, Mahésvara-sutras, grammatical wk.,
Mahi, ri., Mahidhara, engr.,
242
52 75 332
2, 185, 271, 277, 292
74. 132 222. 28
311, 315, 313

Page #423

355
Mahim, ed.,
Mahima, co..
Mahimna-stava, wk.,
Mähithsati (Mahishmati), L., Mahindrabhatta, author and follower of the
Mahanubhava cult,
Mahindravarman, E. Ganga k.,
Maidēva, m.,
Mairalabhatta, donee, Mairika, dn.,
Maitreya,
maillunanär, brother-in-law',
makuta, 'crown', emblem of royalty,
"
.
Malavarman, k.,.
Malayaköyil, vi.,
Malaikiniyaninran Alagan, m., 8. a. Vijaya.
Vichehadiradevar,
99, 112, 124
Malai-mandalam, t. d.,
320 250
Malainadu, co., Malaiyan So an alias Viñjattaraiyan, off, 103,
113, 125 Malangudi, vi., 70 m., 89, 102, 113, 119, 124, 129 Malapaha, ri., 4 137, 140, 148, 146, 202 Malatimadhavam, dramatic wok., 34 Malava, co., k. of210, 221 69, 99, 111, 124
Malavarayar, m.,
Malavarajan, n. of royal seat,. Malavarmanikkam, i.,
70, 108, 122 . 92, 93
270
205 240 n.
10, 20 n. 215, 217
226, 227, 229, 230, 232, 234
331 84 249
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
PAGE
207
207
184
33
.
Mallapura or Mallapura, vi.,
Mallar plates of Mauasivagupta,
Mallavaram, vi.,.
Mallayarya m.,
Praudha-Devendra,
Malva, co...
Maiyala, vi.,
"
95 98 2,4 29
Maligaittapam, off., 69, 99, 106, 111, 124 Malik Kafur, Muhammadan gen., Maliyapundi grant of Ammaraja II, Malkapuram inscription,
207 187
Malkhed, ca.,
Malud, I.,
Malla, Reddi k.,
Malayarayankottai, vi., s. a. Kadambangudi,.
Malayasi ba, ch.,
Malegau, vi.,
Mallikarjuna, ch..
Mallikarjunadeva, god, Maliinatha, min., Madinathayangāru, donee,
Mallu bhatta, M.,
Mailu-Khan, feud. ch.,
.
Mamchenarya, m.,
Mamgi-Yuvaraja, K. Chalukya k...
.
•
Mallidevabhatta, m.,
Mailikarjuna, Vijayanagara k., . a. Immadi.
310 n.
184 285 138, 140 3:35 n. .266 n. 139 142, 144 215
•
.
189 and n. 274,275
301, 307, 308 139 and n. 271, 278 138 T., 140 305, 308 203, 204 276 141, 142, 144
191
[VOL. XXV
PAGE
53, 54.
216 40
39 and ".
Māmvāri, s. a. Mummuņi, Šilähära k.,. Maryidevabhatta, m.,
mån, man-servant, Manabharana, Pandya pr.,
Manabharana-chaturvedimangalam alías
Vidattal, vi., 70, 89, 102, 113, 119, 124, 129. Manabharana-Iévaramudaiyar, god, 119, 129 Manabharapa-Müvendavélar, m., s. a. Uyya
vandan Ponnan,
99, 111, 124
72
40, 42
40 40
Manabharanappadi, vi., s. a. Kanpanür, Manabharapan-Sendan, m., .
Manalür, vi.,
Manalürkkulakk, t. d.,
Manamadurai, ri., s. a. Manaviramadurai,
.
.
Manamatra, Sarabhapura k..
Manamělkudi alias Kulottungasolapattinam, vi., 90, 92, 93 and . Mapamvuva, k., . 54, 57 Magaviramadurai, vi., s. a. Manamadurai, 70 and a., 100, 105, 109, 112, 114, 123, 124, 125 Manaviramangalam, vi., Ma choha, vi., s. a. Manchhar, Mañchul-grama, vi., Mandaraja, dt., Mandaiyarkulam, vi., Mandaladhipati, off., Mandalika, off.,
89 289, 291 291 N.
35, 62
105, 110, 123
Mandalika-Brahmarakshasa, Kayastha tit., Mandarai Raman alias Pallavarayar, m.,
Mangalapuri, tn.,
Mangalaraja, W. Chalukya k., Mangalarasa, W. Chalukya k., Mangalur grant of Simha varman, Mangi II, E. Chalukya k., Manhali copper-plate,. Manikalakunda, tirtha, Mäpikkavachaka, min., Manimangalam, vi., Manimangalam inscription, Ma jakkudi, vi.,. Mañjalür, n., Manmagandagopala, Telugu-Chola ch., Manma Janapala, Telugu-Chola ch., Manneru, ri., s. a. Suprayoga, Mannaiyurkottai, vi., Mannarkōyil, vi.,
101 m., 105 268
.
.
•
.
Mandhätä, vi., Mändhātā, myth. k.,
Mangadur grant of Sinhavarman, Mangaiyarkkarasi, Chola princess and Pandya queen, ..
Mangalam or Mangai, contraction for chaturvědimangalam.
71,
112, 124, 136 174, 183 256 45
287 2,4
272
64
76 229 27 229 43. 239 164 N. 17 93
83
247, 248 and n., 250 92 105, 110, 12% 274 275 48
. 301 m.
303,

Page #424

INDEX
359
98
.
.
45
•
105
vanamudaiyaç, off-, .
.
.
.
110, 123
ΡΑΟΣ Mannarköyll inscription of Jaţävarman Sundara.
chola Pandya,. . . . . . 250 Mandratha, m., . . . . . 163 Menoratha, myth. Chõla k., . . 244, 259 Manträrtha-guruparampard, Vaishnava pontifical list. . .
. . . 323. mantri, minister',
. 4. 59 Manu, law-giver, . . .
243, 255 manyakärike, taz, ,
301 Manyakhēta, ca.,
• 261 Märajavadi or Kaivara, t. d.,
. 273, 274 Māramangalam, vi.. . .
. 76 Miran-Achchan, m., eur, of Chőlántaka Palla. varaiyan. . . .
. . . 39. Mārangiyir, vi.. . . .
. .247. Miran-Jadaiyan, Pandya k.,
. : 35 Marankirti, ti., . 71, 112, 118, 124, 128 Maranur, ti., 8. a., Palamandaládittanallur, 89, 99,
111, 123 Maranárnáttu-Vēlān, .,.. a., Sivallavan
Pēriyiramadaiyan, . . . 102, 113, 124 Maranurudaiyan Karunakaradevan Purpe.
. 111, 123 Maravas,. . Märavarman, Pandya k.. . . . . 64, 76 Märavarman Kulasēkhara I, Pandya k.. . 302 Maravarman Parakrama-Pandya, Pandya k... 86 Märavarman Parakrama Pandya with tho
l'irumagalpunara introduction, Pandya k., . 85 Märavarman Srivallabba, Pandya k., . 84, 85 Märavarman Sundara-Pandya I, Pandya k., 67, 86,
87, 88 and n., 89 and n., 132 Miravarman Sundara-Påndys II, Pandya k., 72, 77,
84, 87 Märavarman Vikrama-Pandya, (acen. 1183
A. D.), Pandya k... . 86, 87, 302 Marayarya, M., . . . . . 142, 144 Marichi, sage. . . . . . . Märpidugudevi-chaturvēdimangalam, vi.
75 Marudankudi, vi., . . . 105, 109, 123 Marudur, vi., .. a, Madurodaya-chaturvedimanga. lam, 70 7., 89, 100, 103, 105, 109, 112, 113,
115, 123, 124, 125 marumagan, 'nephew. . . . . . 83, 84 Maruvay, vi., s. 4. Srlvallabhanallur, . . 98 Maser, vi., . . .
. . 279 masham, coin . .
. . . 278 Masulipatam, n., .
. . : 301 Måtara, pi.. .
55, 62 ma tha, . .
78 Mathura, kshetra, .
. 17 Mathura, ci., . .
. . 33 matras, omission of .
. . 195 Mathadhipati, off.. .
. . 324 Mathuri Inscription of Chandragupta II, 50. Mattadakkiyéri, vi.. . . . 104, 109, 122 XVI-1-1
PAGE Maltamayüra, clan, . . . Mattēpåd plates of Damodara varman,. 44 and 1. Miüla, donce, . .
. . . 30 Maurēya pallika, vi., 8. a. Morwadi, 227, 230, 237 Maurya, clan, . . .
. . 154 Mauryas of Konkaņa, dy., .
228 Mávalür, vi.. .
. . . 94 Mávilangai, vi... Mayida võlu plates of Sivaskandavarman, 45, 48 Miyidēvabhatta, donee . . . . 217 Mayūrasarman, Kadamba k.. Mayuravahanan Aduvan Bhattan, 7., 103, 113, 126 mayuri, pea-hen', . . . . 164 Méghadata, wk., . . . . . . 7 Molai Kodumalür or Kodumalür, vi., 6. a.
Uttamapandiyanallur, . . . . 98 Mélai-Soluvanur aliar Satrubhayankaranallur, vi.,
97 Molai-Tiruttiyur-Muttam, dt., .
96 Mělámbiki, Vijayanagara g..
188, 193 Méla-Melkudi, vi. . . Mēlanilai, vi.,
. 96 Mõlappadalai, vi.. .
. 100 » Molkote, Vaishnava rel. centre,
323 Mēl-kurru or Vada-Pambaru-nadu, 1. d.,
. 91, 92,
93, 98 Mēl-Manalúr, vs., Mēlpidi, vi.. . Mel-Sombonmári, Mölür, vi... . .
. . . 95, 96 Mēl.Veliyårrür, vi..'. . . 105, 110, 123 Menelvēli, vi.. . . . .
•
95 Men-Mörkadi, vi.. . .
105, 110, 123 Mér-Cheli, ... . .
. . 70, 111,
70, 111, 117, 123, 128 Mör-Chūrai, vi... . . . 104, 108, 129 Merk-elundarulina-deva, A. Gandariditya, Chola k.,38 Merkudi alias Kalijayamangalam, ti., 89, 105, 110,
123 Merkudi-nidu, dt., . 69, 89, 105, 110, 123, 131 Mēr-Patalai, vi., 1. a. Srivallabha-chaturvēdi. mangalam, 70 7., 71, 89, 100, 105, 109, 110,
112, 114, 116, 123, 124, 125, 126 MetresAnushţubh, 6, 6 n., 12., 13., 14., 16 n., 16.,
17., 18., 20 n., 24, 55, 142, 155, 188 n., 171 .. 175, 185, 191 , 192, 197 »., 198 n., 199, 209,
241, 311, 333 Arya. . . . . . . 165, 311 Aryagiti, . . . . .
6 .. Aupachchbandssit. . . . . 311 Drutavilambita, . . . . 155, 17 .. GII, . . . . . . 16 , 8 Harini, . . .
. . . 209 Indravajra, 12 H., 13 ., 14 n., 15 ., 16 ..
17., 20 n., 55, 142, 171 ., 309, 312 Mälint, . . 6, 12 n., 13., 65, 209, 954,311

Page #425

360
Mandákranta,. Praharshini,
Prithvi,
Pushpitāgră, Rathōddhata,.
"
13 n., 16 n.
12 m., 16 n., 55, 171
n., 192, 209
.
alinf,. Bārdūlavikriḍita, 12 n., 13 n., 14 n., 15 n., 17 n., 18 n., 19 n., 20 n., 55, 142, 175, 191 m., 209, 311 13 m., 209 15 n., 18 n., 55, 192, 209, 311 16 n., 170 n. 311
Bikhariņi, Sragdhara,
Svägatā
Upagiti,.
Upajati,. 13, 14 n., 15 n., 16 n., 17 n., 18 n., 19 n., 142, 169 n., 209, 311 Upendravajra, 12 n., 13 n., 14 n., 311 Vaméastha or Vaméasthavila, 55, 170 m., 209, 311 Vasantatilaka, 12 n., 13 n., 14 n., 16 n., 19 n., 55, 142, 155, 209, 311 311
Milalaimangalam, vi., .
Mimamsa,.
Viyogini, Meyppu, off.. 103, 106, 113, 125 Mēyür, vi... 39, 41 Milaganur vi., 8. a. Rajendranallur, 70 and n., 71, 89, 97, 101, 102, 112, 113, 117, 124, 127, 131 Milalai-kurram, t. d., 8. a. Geyavinoda-valanādu, 89, 90, 91 and n., 92 and n., 93 and n., 94, 98, 111, 121, 123, 130
74 78 174 107, 122
Mimaasarvasva, wk.,
minam or fish, emblem of the Pandyas, Minavan-Müvendavélar, uff., eur. of
nidi-Arulmoliyār,
Minneri, L.,
mirror, auspicious object,
Misra, family name,
Mitakshara, wk.,.
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
Mitasiri, f., Buddhist-nun, Mitravarman, E. Ganga k.,
Mittiravali, vi.,
Mivara, s. a. Mivära (Mewär), family,
Mokshakunda, tirtha,
Moliyan-embal, I.,
Menghyr grant of Devapāla, Moon, myth, ancestor of Pandyas, mora, prakṛ.t form of mayura, Moragiri, I.,
Moriya, clan, prakrit form of Maurya, Mollakalluru, ri., 8. a. Sivapura, Mo-lo-pa-mo, s. a. Malavarman, k., Mo-tu-lo (Mathura), ci., Months, Muhammadan
Ramzan,
Months, lunar, Ashajna. Avina or Advayija,.
PAGE
175, 333 209, 311
13 m., 55
155
Guna
253, 264, 266
110, 123
. 243 n. 201 288 n. 32 n. 196 89, 104, 108, 122 172, 173 17 104, 109, 122 50 66 154 n. 33 154 and n.
271, 277
270
33
•
•
208
4 n.
26, 30, 31, 139 m., 292, 296
Bhadrapada,
Chaitra,.
Jyeshtha,
Kärttika,
Magha, Margasirsha,
Phalguna,
Pausha, Vaisakha, Months, SolarAni,
Avani,
Dhanus,
Kumbha,
Margali,.
[VOL. XXV
PAGE
54, 60, 201, 211, 214, 222, 224, 271,
277, 278
Mêsha, Mithuna, Mradgähitaka, vi., Mrigamka, tit., Mritasanjivani, wk., Mrityujit, myth. k., Muchukunda, myth. k., Mudakkaru, ri.,.
174, 184, 185, 188, 193 52, 53 200 n., 227, 229 157 81, 137, 143, 146, 304, 310 21, 24, 44, 46, 47, 286, 287, 289, 291
165, 170
2, 195, 198
81 322
125 36. 81
319, 325
.
35, 37
226, 229, 230, 232, 235
Mummudisōlan Virasekarar, ch...
Mummuni or Mummuņirāja, Silahāra k..
.
256
245, 246 and "., 247 and .. 263, 265 324
Mudaliyar, off., Mudal-Kanakku, off., 'treasury accountant', 132, 133 Mudittalaikonda-Palla varaiyan, off., s. a. Porru
103, 113, 125
98
163 196
264, 266
Aravamudaiyan Villi, Mudikondapāndiyapuram, ri., Mudrahasta, off., Mukhalingam, vi., Mukkallu, I., Muktiévara, god., Müla, f., Buddhist nun, Mülakura-bhöjaka, m., Mulaparishad, assembly, Müla-sangka, Jain sect, mülaśāsana,
17 32. 44
83
21
132
Mülasthanam-udaiyar, god, Mulikinäḍu, dt., Mulli-nādu, t. d.,
86 276 40, 319 Multai plates of Nannaraja Yuddhasura, 25, 28, 270 Mumjasthana, co., Mummaḍi-Nayaka, Korukonda ch.,
55, 61
Mummadisolanallur, vi., s. a. Vetchiyur, Mümmör, vi.,
324
92
92 86
53, 54, 55,
58, 59, 63 92, 93 A.,
Munapalai, vi.,
Mundaya-Kramavittan, donee, 242, 263, 265 Mundkhede Copper-plate inscription of Jayaéukti
167 95
Muniyandai, vi.,. Muñja or Muñja-Vakpati, Paramära k., 165, 166, 184
.
54 n. 184
259
.
.

Page #426

Muñja, Sinda ch., Muujēru, vi., Munnurruvan-Sendan, m.,
Munōli Stone inscription,
Murarāti, god, s. a. Vishnu,
Murwärä, tn.,
mutaka or mutaka, a measure, Muṭṭam, I.,
Muttan Alvän alias Sundarapandiya-Märä
Müvaraiyarkōṭṭai, vi., . Müvarköyil, te.,
van, m.,
121, 130 94
Muttur alias Uyyakkonda-solanallur, vi., Mutturanaroṭṭai, vi., 70, 71. 106, 11,123, 131, 134, 136 Mutturru-kurram, l. d., 89, 91 and n., 93, 94, 95, 99, 111, 124 70, 114, 125 95 x.
n, dental, represented by anusvara,
. with and without loop,
, used before h,.
, used for anusvära,
n, with and without dot,
11.
147
165
195
226
199
199 271 323 n. 3, 4, 6
Naduvir-cheli, L.,
67, 97, 107. 111, 122 110, 123 104, 108, 122
Naduvirkōṭṭai, I.,
Naduvirkurru, t. d., 91, 92, 98, 99, 111, 121, 123, 130 Nagai, vi.,
Nagadevabhatta, donee,
324 216, 217 217
Nagadeva-Jõyist, m.,
Nagadēvan Raman, m., s. a. Rajanārāyaṇa
Mūvēndavēļān,
Nagahastin, pr. of the Chhinda family,
Nagalayya, writer,
, used for n,
Nädädür-Ammal, Vaishnava pontiff,
Nadasiva, teacher,
nāḍu,
•
Naganathabhaṭṭa, m.,.
Nāganayaka, m.,
Nāganṇa, m.,
nagara,
N
Nagarakhanda, dn., Nagarapati, off.. Nagarjuna, Silähära k.,
Nagayarya, m.,
Nakkamangalam, vi.,
Nakkanēri, v.,
Nagarjunikonda, L.,
Nagarjunakondai, fort.
Nagavardhana, W. Chalukya pr.,
Nāgasvamibhaṭṭa, m., . Nägavävi-agrahara, vi.,
·
PAGE
165, 166, 168 239 40, 41
204, 206 n.
193
278
235 and n.
104, 108, 122
·
INDEX
101, 113, 124
167 54, 63 215
216
217
59, 74
167 59 54, 58
198 n.
305, 308
228 217 325 142, 144
89, 104, 108, 119, 122, 129
6, 105, 109, 115, 122, 126
"
.
Nakshatras:
Aivati,
Hasta,
Jyeshtha,
Kärttigai,
Migastraha,
81 82
81, 82, 250 n.
81 36 n. 81, 82, 201 81 66, 81, 82, 107, 11, 125
302 81 271
50, 53 m., 327, 334 268 50, 52 334 328 n.
39, 40, 41
Mülam,
Rēvati,
Rohini, Satabhishaj, Svätt or Sōdi, Tiruvonam. Uttara-Bhadrapada, Uttara-Phalguni, Nālandā, vi.,
Nalanda seals of the Mukharis. Nalanda plate of Samudra-gupta, . Nalanda Copper plate of Devapala,
Nālandā Copper plate of Dharmapaladēva, nili, measure of capacity, Nalukavipperumal-virasimhasanam, n. of a
.
throne, Nallankudi, vi.,
Nallirukkai, vi., 8. a. Virapandiyanallur. Nallur, vi...
Nallurku uchchi, vi.,.
Namadeva, engr.,
PAOR
319, 325
201, 322
+
361
*
320 98 93
304, 307, 308
98 311, 315, 318
132
Nambi, off..
Nambi Ponnambalakküttan, m., 8. a., Virasingadevar, Nam:liyada, l.,
99 183, 184, 185 320 Nammalvär, Vaishnana saint, s. a. Saṭhagopa, Nammananandana, m., com., 271, 275 33 154 273
Nanda, f., Buddhist nun,
Nanda, y.. Nandalur, vi.,
133, 134
nandanavanappuram or tirunandanava appu ram, la id g ft for flower garden,. Nanda-Prabhanjana varman, E. Ganga k., 284 and n. Nandapura (Nandalür), co.,
Nandi, bull,
274 316. 247.
•
Nandikotkür, vi.,
Nandipura, dt., 8. a. Nandod,
Nandinagara, 1.,
Nandivarman, Sälankayana k.,
292 33 42. 44 44
do.
Nandivarman II, Nandivarman Pallavamalla, Pallava k.,. 75 and n., 76, 77 75 n., 242 . 292 100, 112, 124
Nandivarman III. do. Nandod, vi.,
Nangan Alagan, m.. Nannadeva or Nannadhiraja, Pandara k., 267 and . Nanna Gunavalōka or Nannaraja, Rashtraküla k....
27, 28, 270
Nannaraja Yuddhasura, Rashtrakuta k... Narahari-bhitta, m.,
25 142, 144

Page #427

362
Narasimhadasabhatta, donee,
Narasimhadeva, gen...
Nagaiyur (Tirunaṛaiyar), ei.,
narapati, tit.,
Narasimha, god, .
Narasimha, Hoysala k.,
Narasimha, Kalachuri k.,
Narasimhha, ch. of the Sulki (Chalukya) family, Narasimhabhatta, m.,
Narasinga-chaturvedimangalam, vi.,
Narasimha-jyautishika, m., Narasimha-trivedi, m.,
79)
warasu min, tit.. Nārāyapa, god,
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
Narasingapalle plates of Hastivarman (Year
PAGE
303 5
11, 18, 139 89 n. 310, 313, 316
280 216
75 217 205
142, 144
217
Narmada-stötra,
Nasik Cave inscription,
Nataraja, god,
Nätavadi, dt.,
·
195, 196, 282 n. 51
22, 200, 220, 226, 230, 231, 232, 234, 236 292 141, 144 100, 112, 124
99, 111, 123
Nārāyaṇa, donee,
Nārāyapa-bhatta, m...
Narayanan Narayana-Bhattan, m., Narayanan Sättan, m.,
Nārāyanan Subrahmanya-Bhattan, m., 102, 113, 124
217
Nārāyaṇapedi, m...
Nārāyaṇarya, m.,
Narayana-upasant, donec,
Narayangaon, vi.,
Narayanidevi, Vijayanagara q..
188, 193
Narimanram alias Varagandanallur, vi., 65, 106, 110,
117, 123, 127 173 106
Narinda, fued. ch., Nariyêndal, vi., Narendrabhañja, Bhanja k... 147, 148, 149, 150 and ., 152, 156, 157, 158, 159 and n., 160, 162, 163 Narendrabhanja II, Bhanja k., 153 187, 191 166, 174, 183 184
Narendrěávra, god,
Narmada, ri.,
168
Nattuvan-kurukkai, I.,
Nausari, I.,
Nausarf plates of Jayabhata III, Navagrama, vi.,
Navapattala, dt.,
Navapura, vi., . a. Navagrāma, Navarkudi, vi.,
navaratra, festival,
Navasahasankacharita, wk., Navasarika, s. a. Nausari, I., Navasari-vishaya, t. d., Navadiva, dones..
•
142, 144
. 55, 61
. 164 n.
Natore or Dhanaidha plate of Kumāra.
gupta I,.
nattam hand,
244
276
51 73 263, 266
29 292
174, 182 and n., 184
310, 311, 315 184 n. 105, 109, 123 229 166
25, 27, 29, 30
. 21 n. 165, 170
Nayakhera, vi.,..
Nayiṇāracharya, rel. preceptor, s. a. Varada. charya. 322, 323 .. 324 Nedumaran or Nelvéli-põrvenraninrasic-Nedumaran. Pandya k...
Neḍuñjeliyan, Pandya k.,
Nolvayil, vi.,
Nelvēli, ri.,
Nelveli, vi., probably s. a. Nemmeli,
Nēra, see Enara, Nerinjikkudi, v.,
Nerkunram, vi... Nerkunram (tirappu), vi., Neruvur, vi.,.
nilarali (nilavari), tax, Nilüra, vi.,
Nimar, dt.,
nimba, tree,
Nesari plates of Govinda III, Nettür, vi.. Noyvanai, vi., Nibiana, vi., 8. a. Nivina, Nivinna, Nibiņdā or Nivinḍā, Nikumbha, Sendraka tit., Nikumbhalla sakti, Sendraka k., Nilagangavaram, vi., Nilakantha, god, s. a. Šiva, Nilakantha-Nayakkar, PalappalliNilakamtharya, m.,
Nimina, vi..
Nimmina, vi., s. a. Nivină,
64, 93 94 96
93, 110, 115, 123, 128
105 62 n. 95
70, 111, 118, 123, 128
106 83 167
70, 99 n., 114, 125
297
Nimna, vi.,
Nimvå, vi..
[ VOL. XXV
PAGE 311
77.,
nirvana,
Nisinghaka, f.,
Niti-sastra, wk., science of polity, nivartana, l. m.,
26 ..
47 167 n. 30., 167. 270, 276 178 325 142, 144 297, 301, 302
274 174
197, 198 48 7. 48 48 55, 62 70, 116, 126 21 n.
Nirambaiyur, vi., Niravadya, tit., Niravadya-Pandita, dones, sur. of Udayadeva Pandita,.
.
Niravadya-Punyavallabha, com.,
Nirmadiyür, vi., Nirpalani, vi., Nirpan plates, Nirukta, wk.,
Niruktabhashya, wk.,
Nirvachanottara-Ramayanamu, Telugu wk.,
21 21, 24 97 95 228, 230 75. 75 275 329 334, 335 189, 193
289, 291, 292
47, 48 27, 269
96 59 169
Nivină, vi.,
Nivina grant of Dharmarajadeva, Niyamam (Nêmam), vi.,
Niyogika, off,
Niyukta, off.,
Nrisimhapuranamu or Ahōbalamähätmyamu,
T'elugu wk.,
Nritta (Nirukta)-bhashya, wk.,
.
138
78

Page #428

INDEX
363
PAGs
PAGE Nulam badarayar, m., .. a., Pullāni Madovan.
103, 113, 118, 124, 129 Nulambúr, vi... . . . . . 92 Numerical sign or syin bol for :
147, 157, 282
2 to 8.
.
.
.
.
.
. . 1 311, 14, 147, 157
. . 44 . . 44.52
. .
. .
195 282
.
.
195, 289
•
30
90, . . . . . . 147, 157 200, . . . .
147, 153 n., 157 600,
. . . 30 Numerals expressed by chronogram: -- 0, gagana,
137, 143, 146 6, tarka,. . .
. . 139 n. 7, kaila, . . .
. . 139 n. 7, vårdhi, . .
. . 139 n. 8, ibha, . . .
137, 143, 146 12, dyumani.
. . 139 n. 1:, sürya,
.
137, 143, 146 Nuniz, historian.. 190, 298, 299 and 1., 300, 301 Nütimadugu, ti.. . Nyaya-bhashya, wk.. . . . . . 78 Nyayakandali, commentary, . . . . 184 n.
.
.
.
186
Pachchani-Tandiparu grant of Ana-Véma, 137, 138 pibuyu...
. . . 109, 123 Padaichchankuta:n, ci.. . . 105, 109, 123 Polarthripravéin. rok. . . . . 184 n. Pilevi, vi.. . . . . . 159, 161 puliyan. .
. . . .04. poliru, old for n of Malta (tent) . . . 35 Palnu upta, bihur,. . .
. . 106 Pailm mübhabhitti, m., 215, 216 and 1., 217 Pain puriwa, w.. . . . . . 11. Pagineri, ci.. . . . . . . 96 Piiganarkúrram, t. d. . . . . 86 n. Paga viuli-ēmbal, .. , . . . 109, 122 Piirlarhohhimilt, wel.. . . . . 161 Paithan platos of Rannachandra. . 10. 199. 201, 202,
205, 208 1., 225 n. Palaiyur, vi.. . . . . . . 65 Palakolu, vi. . . .
. . 104, 145 Palamandaladittanallur, ti., &. 1. Maranür 99. 111,
121, 123, 130 Palanadaivilakkam, trk.. . . . . 323 . Paleacate, co., 3.4. Pulicat. . . . . 36 Pālidhurja, banner, . . . . 22, 23, 24 Palipokhari, hamlet, 200, 211, 215, 222, 94 Pálitt påtaka, ti.. . 220, 227, 229, 232, 233, 235 Paliyānilai Sūriyadēvan, m., 4. 2. Caminadu.
kilavan. . . . . . 101, 112, 124 Pálkuriki Somanátha, Telugu poet, . 174, 114 Palla-Adhambuka, t. d.,
226, 227, 229, 231,
232, 234 Pallamangalam, ti.. . . . . . 46 Pallava, dy.. . . . . 75, 108, 122 Pallava territory, Palla vadaraiyan, m., 6. 4. Pamman Adiyar.
kunalla peruman. . . . 103, 113, 125 Pallavaṇmahādėvi-chaturvēdimangalam, vi... 75 Palla variyan, ch..
. . . . 85 Pallavarayar, m., 8. a. Mandarai Raman. . 71,
112, 124 Pallaya-kramavittan, donee, . . 242, 263, 28.5 Palli, co., . . . . . . . 207 pallichchandam, land-tenure, 70, 111, 122, 132 Pallidēsa, co., . . • . . • 207 N. palliká, . .
. . . . 46 Pallimadam, vs., pallippa 'ui, tomb,
38 Pallirāja, k. of Palli,. . , 211, 292 Pallua hambaka, t. d., . . . . 231 . Palnāıl, co., . . . . . . 207 Paloura, l. mentioned hy Ptolemy. . . 285 Paluvur, vi.. .
. . . 303, 304 Pām bāru, ri., .
90, 91, 94 and n. Pargarika, t., . . . . . 171) Pamman Adivarkunalla perumán, m., .. 1. Pallavadaraiyag, . .
103, 112, 126
0, medial, . .
. . 334 Obberája, ch., . . .
. . 300 Od ladi, co.. . .
. . 298 Odra-vishaya, dt., . 158 and 1., 159, 160 Okkur, vi.. .
* . .
. . . . . 92 n. Olas-eļuttu, off. . . . . 39, 41 Ollaiyur alias Madurai, r., Ollaiyūr-kūrram, dt... .
. 95 Ollaiyūrmangalam (Oliyamangalam). vi.. . 95 Ollāngā, 8. 4. Dēlāng, vi.,
172, 173 Om, used as a syllable . . Om, marked by symbol, . .
. 44 Omalagiyan-embal, 1.. . . 104, 108, 122 Omgódu grant of Simhavarman. . .
45 Omgõdu grant of Vijaya-Skandavarmun II, . 43, 44,
45, 49 Omkara, kshētra,
. . 183,135 Orissa, co., . &. Utkala,
• 185 Oruk korranëri, vi.. . 104, 109, 114, 122, 125 Orya, co., . .
. . . 298, 299 *** . . . . . . 134, 136

Page #429

.
.
.325 n.
•
147
364 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(Vol. XXV PAGE
PAOB Pagangalur, vi., 8. . Panditapanjaranallur,
Parākramapandiyanallur, vi., 8. a. Sipu
108, 120, 122, 130 kulattūr, . . . . 102, 113, 124 l'arangaļūr-nīdu. i. d., 69, 71, 89, 104, 108, 122
Parikramapandiyapuram, vi.. . . . 97 Panaiyanendal, wi.. .
Pagalaiykkāl or Paralaiyaru, ri... 16. .
71, 116, 126 . . .
105
. lapaiyaņēri, vi., . . . . . 110, 123 Param:- Bhagavata, ep.. . . 41, 50, 52
Param.bhattaraka, Chalukyn til.,. l'apaiyūrkulam, vi., . . . . 95
2, 5, 184, 185, l'anchadhārala, ci., .
. .
187, 192, 2 100.
335 Pa chakula, . .
Paramabhrdiraka, Chala lit., . , 262, 265 que chamahasabda,
• 59, 275, 292 Paramabrahmanya, lil., . . . 187, 192 qanchamahāyaj a, the fine sucre rites, 291, 296
Paramımi hesvara, tit.,
. . 5. 44, 197 I'Anchapa, myth. k., .
'Paramiche svara Krishnaraja, leyend or con 229 l'anchapali vi., 8. a. Panchupali,. , 172, 173 Paramāra, dy.. . . . . . . 18+ l'ancharatra, .
. 325 n.
Parambaiyūr, vi., .
. .
. 95
. Panchpir, dn., .
Paramisvara, til., 2, 22, 23, 153, 161, 163, 187, Pandananallur, vi., .
. 303, 306, 308 192, 230, 231, 236, 240n.. 262, 265, 29), 293 Pandari, off., . .
. . .
Paramēsvara-chaturvēdima'igalam, vi., . 132
. 75 l'andava. dy.. . .
. . 266
Parainesvavavarman I, Pallacı k., , . 77 Pandamēru, ri., . .
. : 191 Parama-vaishnors, ep. . . . . 280 l'andemēru-mägani, dn.. . . 189, 191, 193
Parāntaka I, Chola k., 37, 38, 90, 93 and n., Pāņdimádévisvaramulaiyar, god, . . . 72
91, n. Pandimartlanda, Pandya lil.. . . . 39
Parantaka, Chola k.. . . . . 260, 261 Pandi-nadu or Pandimandalam, co., 90, 91 and Parantaka-chaturvēdimangulam, vi.. . 74, 75
1., 93, 94, 95, 96n. Parintakanallur, vi... . 89, 99, 121, 130
Parantakanallür, vi., . a. Irumbanādu,. . 104,
93 landitapafijaranallur, ri., 8.n. Panangalur,
Parantakanallur alias Kulottunga.solanallur, 108, 122
vi.. Panditasarna sva, wk., . . . . . 174
Parantaka Nequñjadaiyan, Pandya k., . 76 Pandiyanai.chchuram-irakkina, Chla lit. 36
Parantaka Tiruppavanamudaiyan, 7., 99, 111, Pandiyan Pellavaraiyar, 8.1. Eran l'oriyan. 103,
121, 123.
130 113, 125 Parasalūr, vi., . .
297 Pandya, dy., . 22, 23, 61, 66, 88, 89 and R.
Parabara-Batta, Vaishnava rel. preceptor, 324 Pandyas, five- . . . . . 250
Parasarāmabhatta, m.. . Pandya, co., . . . . . 244, 262
Parasaräna-Jõysi, donee, .
. . 217 Pandya, co., k. of --
.
. . . . . 200
Paraškrāma Vyāsa, author, . . Pawlyakulantala, Cholu ep.
245, 262, 265
Pāraśika, co.. . . Pagarikā, vi... . .
. 165, 168 parasol, emblem on seul,
. 941 and n. Panhala, fort, 8. a. Parnāla,
. . 203 Parasurama, epic hero,
. : 291 Panini, grammarian,
. .222 n.
Para vilimangalam, vi., . . . . 92 Pan-Mähesvaras, a body of officials in enim
Parbhani, dn., . .
. : 199 temples, . . . . . . . 13?
Pāri, ch., . 98
. .
. .
. Pannankulam, vi., 8. n. Devvachichilainallur,
91
paricharaka, . . Pannirayirappadi-guruparampard prvibham,
Parijatapaharanamu, Telugu wk., . . 298, 299n. Vaishnava bingraphical wk., . . .321 2. parinirvana, Buddhist term, . . . . 328 l'anniräyira-ppērayanombal, I., . 104, 109, 1.. Pariyalár (Tiruppariyalür), vi.. . . . 303 Pānungal, t. d., . . . . . 273, 274 Parkuļam vi.. . . . . 105, 109, 122 Panwar, vi.. . . . .
Parlakimodi plates of Anantavarman (Yr. Päppan-embal, vi.. . . . 103, 110, 123 204), . . . . . . . 196 n. Pappanēndal, t'l.,
. 105
Parlakimedi plates of Indravarman (Year Paraisumangalamı, vi., . .
. . 76
91), . . . . . 194, 195, 196 Parakāla-matha, Vaishnava rel. inalitution, 323 Parthivakē sarinallür, vi., 3. 4. Poliyūr, 112, 124 Parakësuri, Cho'a k., . . . , 13, 259 Parthivendravarman, Cho!« feud., . 36 and n. Parakeaarinallür, vi... .
. . 253, 261, 266 Parunetkili, Chola ki,.
. . 244, 259 Para'sēsurivarman, tit., . 3.5, 12., 245n. Pārür, vi.. . . . . . . 92 n. Parikramı-Bahu, Sinhalese k. . . . 83. 85 Pārvati, goddess, . . . . . 183, 193 Pacákram. Påndva. Påndwa k.. 83, 84, 85, 274 Parvatipriya, god, 8. a. IVA. . . . 18.3 Parikramajandiyanallur, vi.. 8. 4. Suyyānam, 92 Pärvativallabha, god, s, a. SITE . . . 175
.
216

Page #430

Paryaya-Bhashyakara, ep., Pasalainathar, god,
Pasupata, cult,
Pasupatiéarman, m.,
Patna Museum Plate of Sômésvaradeva,
Pattakila, off.,
pattakkal, l. m.,.
påṭṭam, la ad-tenure,
Patta-mahishi, senior queen', Pattattālmangalam grant,
Paura,
Pauravikhillaka, off.,
Paushkarasamhita, wk.,
parajitikā, pravrajita, Buddhist nun., Pavanaja 8. a. Hanuman,
Pavitramanikka-chaturvedimangalam, vi.,
8. a., Tirupperundurai
Pavittiramanikkapattinam, ci.,
Payyür, vi.,
Pedakallu, dt.,
Peddanarya, m...
Pedda-Vēgi, vi.,
Pedda-Vegi plates of Nandivarman,
Pedibhatta, donee,
Pemuta, I.,
Penampaḍi, dt.,
Pendräbandh plates of Pratapamalla,
Pen:agadam, wi.,
Penugonda-valita, dt.,
Pēraiyur, i.,
Perambur-chirmai, dt.,
Perarulälapriyan, m.,
Perrin-imbal, ri.,.
Perrin Pattan, 7.,
Părarulalayyan or Perarulalajiyan, Vaishnava
devotee,
Perumiltätan or Perumaldasan, m.,
Perumaṇalur, vi.,
PAGE 322 71 183, 185
21 172 3,6
115, 126
115, 126 190 75n. 59
169 and n. 325 n. 31, 33 18
321, 322
Perarulalayyan-Appai, Vaishnava disciple,
322 40
Periyakōṭṭai, I., .
Periyan Perrin, m..
100, 112, 124
Priyapuran, Tamil classic, ti4 n., 93 and . periyavar, periyaderar or periyanay.inar,
* predecessor',
vi.,
Pettänendal, vi.,. ph,.
ph, cursive form,
276
142, 144 42
43 n., 45.
215 33
276
205
303 189, 193 95 303 326
INDEX
84 106, 111, 118, 123, 129 103, 113, 125 319, 320, 326 136
142, 144
.
Perumandi-bhatta, m.,
Perumāraṇur, ri., s. a. Palamanjaladichcha
nallur,
Perumpuliyur, vi.,
Perumuļai, vi.,
Perunavalur, ri.,
Perundurai, ri.,
Perungirinaiiur, ei.,
Perunkaraikkudi alias Tiruvarangulan illur,
92
98
95
121, 130 70 n., 103, 113, 125 297, 303 92 n.
•
.
95
95 106
226
185 1
Phasika, Z., phulabadus, off... Philpimpalgaon, vi., Piḍārikulam, vi., Piḍāvūr, vi.,
pidi-nadandayellai, 'boundary circumambulated
by the female elephant, pidipadu, title-deed",
Pikira grant of Simhavarman, Pilar, vi.,
.
PAR 269
200 and n., 212, 223
209
104, 108, 122 70, 114, 125
.
Pillai Älvän, m., 8. a. Ponnambalakkattan,
67
131, 133, 135, 136
43 4. 96
.
99,
111, 121, 123, 130
Pillaipakkam, vi., Pillaiy-Appai, Vaishnava disciple,. pillaiyar, 'son',
Pillaiyar Alagapperumal, Pan lya pr.. pillaiyar-suli, sign used for denoting punctua tion,
Pimpral, ci., s. a. Pippalala,. Pinäkin, god, s. a. Šiva,
Pinarao, Vijayanagara pr., s. a. Chikk deya pindapāta.. Pingala, author,
Pippalāla, vi.,
Pippali Manavaka, aur, of Kasyapa,
66
Pimpalagahvana hamlet,
Pimpalagaon, vi.,
200, 211, 222 2004. Pimpalavadi, hamlet, 200, 205 n., 209, 311, 215, 222, 904
9 193
190 34 184
25, 29, 30 329, 330 105 104, 110, 123 299
·
365
•
Pirandaikulam, vi.,
Pirändiyēri, vi.,
32, 33 55, 61
.
9 284 R. 16 299
Piranmalai, vi., Pishthapura, ca., 238, 239, 269 n., 284 n. Pitaka, 8. a. Tripitaka, Buddhist wk., Pitamaha, m., Pithapuram pillar inscription of Mallideva and Manma-Satya II, Pithapuram, tn., Pitri-tirtha, tirtha, Point Calimere, I., Pokhari, vi., Póli, vi., Poliyur, s. a. Parthivakē arinallur, ri.,. 39 n., 70.x, 89, 101, 112, 124 89, 99, 111, 112, 124 250 250 a. 273 38 190 99, 111, 123
200, 211, 214, 222, 224 273
•
241 a. 322 84, 88 69, 99
•
Poliyur-nādu, dt., Polonnaruva, vi.,
Polonnaruva inscription of Vijayabahu, Pondaluru, vi., Ponmaligaittunjina-dēva, s. a. Sundara-chōla, Ponnaladevi, Vijayanagara q.,
Ponnambalakküttan, m., s. a. Pillai Alvän,
Ponnan Sûriyadevan, m., s. a. JayadharaPallavaraiyar, 69, 91, 111, 123 Ponparri, vi.
92

Page #431

366
Poona, taluk, Por-Pandari, off.. Pörrü, off..
Porru Aravamudaiyan Villi alias Mudittalaikonda Pallavaraiyan, m., Porto-Novo, port, Pot padu, vi., Pottappichcholar, m., s. a. Sriraman Tiruvudaiyan, Pottapinandu, dt.,
Pottipäḍu, vi.,
Pottunūru, vi.,.
Poyyamolidevar, off,
Prabandha-nirraham, Vaishnavite wk.,
Prabhasa, tirtha, .
Prabhavatigupta, Vakataka g., Prabhumēru, legend on seal, Prabodhachandrödaya, wk., pradhana, off..
Pradhanabhupati, feud. ch., Pradyumna, myth. hero, Prahlatan or Prahalatan, feud. ch.,
221
Prajapati, m.,
Pranala or Panhala, fort,
prapa, 'water-shed",
Prasannamatra, Sarabhapura k.,
Prasantaraga, tit.,
Kappaluruḍaiyān
Pratapa-Devaraya, Vijayanagara k.,
Prataparudra, Kakatiya k..
Prataparudra-Gajapati, Gajapati k.,
Pratigandabhairara, tit.,
pratihāra, off..
Prattipäḍu, vi.,
Praudhapratapa chakravarti, tit.,
Pravaras :--
Archananasa
Atreya,
69, 99, 111, 123
276 140
298, 306, 308
69, 99, 111, 123
Prithvidhara, poet,
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
PAGE 168
132
107
103, 113, 125
302 n. 273
Prithu, myth. k.,
Prithvibhanja, Bhanja k., Prithivichandra, tit., Prithivlǝhandra Bhogasakti, k. of the
Harischandra family..
.
322 n.
310, 313, 317
.
Prōla, Reddi k.,
Prōlayarya, m.,
Prōlaya-Voma or Reddi-Vēma, Reddi k..
.59, 169 305, 308 m., 231, 231, 236 305 and n., 308
163 203
200 and n., 215
268 25
189, 190 139, 271
305, 308
.
201 201
Pañch-ärsheya,
Syāvāśva,
Tryarshöya, Vasishtha,
160 and n. 201 163 and n. 163 269 n. 218, 225 231 n., 234 n. Prince of Wales Museum plates ot Jayabhata, 25 prish tha-matra, sign to denote medial diphthongs,
Pravarapura, ci.,
prayana-danda, levy Prētahradu, ri.,
165, 199 140 141, 144 137, 138,
139 and m., 143, 146 143, 146, 256 148, 149, 150, 151, 152 231, 234, 236
7 . 242 n. 184n.
323 n. 163 and n. 145 211, 222
225 311
Prithvipati II, W. Ganga k., Prithvivallabha, tit., PrithivIvarman, E. Ganga k., Privileges: arasu,
acha tabha ta pravesya, abhyantarasiddhiki, sa-bhūta-vita-pratyaya, sa-dusa parādham, sa-dhanya-hirany-adeya,
[VOL. XXV
PAGE 36
23, 24, 26 and n., 28
240
sarv-ädänavish țipratibhědikä-parihina,
sarvamānya, 8-ōparikara,
8-ot padyamana-vishțikam, Ptolemy, Greek geographer, Pudaichchankuliy-embal, I., . Pūdikulam, vi.,
pudukku, renovation', . Pudukkudi, vi., Pudukkulam, vi., Pugalögagandanallur, l., Pujikkum-Nambi, off., Pulakesin, W. Chalukya k... Pulakesi Vallabha I, W. Chalukya k.,
Pulakesin I, W. Chalukya k., Pulakesin II, W. Chalukya k.,
Pullin-Korran, engr.,. Pullasakti, Silähära ch.,
Pullēru, canal,
.
302
30, 232
232
295
295
295
232
307, 308
295 296 285
104, 109, 122 105, 109, 123
40 and n., 42
92, 95, 96
71, 112, 118, 124, 128
73 132 26, 27 22 289
22, 167 and n.,
228, 239, 269 n., 270, 289
Pulasakti, Silähära k., Pulicat, I., Puli-nādu, co.. Pulipadu, vi., Puli-Suttukkal, ri., Puliyangudi, ri., Puliyankulam, ri., Pulivalam, vi., Pullamangalam, vi., Pullanëri, ri., Pullini, ri.,
Pullāņi Mādēvan, m., sur. Nulambadarayar, 102, 113, 118, 124, 129
Pullarkkudi, vi.,
Pulluggi, vi., 8. a. Srivallabhanallur,
Pulomburu grant of Madhavavarman,
Pulugiyāru, ri., Pulunja inscription, Pulvayal, vi., Punarkuruchchi, vi., Punaväyil, vi., Punganur, q., Punjai, vi., Punnangudi, vi., Puram, wk., P'urañjaya, myth. k.,
54, 56 299, 300
.241, 254, 263, 265 140, 145 . 249 n. 73 105, 109, 123 95
105, 109, 123 104, 106, 109, 110, 122, 123
65
·
39, 41
229
140 92 98
269 and n.
264, 266
206 95 264, 266 94 m.
211 m., 254
207
95 91 256
•

Page #432

INDEX
367
279
283
PAGE. Purapati, off., Mayor of a town', . 169 n. Purappasalai-nādu, dt., 69, 71, 89, 97, 99, 101, 106,
110, 111, 112, 123, 124, 131 Purapparaļainadu-kilavan, M., . 4. Putturkilavan Battan, .
. 101, 112, 124 Puriri, God, s. 2. Siva,
57, 143, 145 Puruśrēsh thi, off.
163, 172, 173 purasa or purata, "gold", .
. 328 Puravari, vi., . .
. . 84 Puravari-chaturvēdimangalam, vi., 8. a. Kilan. kättür, . .
. 105, 109, 123 paravuvari kankani, off. : 111, 121, 123, 130 Puravuvarinallür, vi., 8. a. Kallikkudi, 101, 112, 124 puravu, . . . . . 67, 72, 111, 122 Puri (Hastinapuri ?), kshetra, . Puri, vi., . .
. 54, 59 Puri, ci., Puri of Jagannath, tn.,
. . 286 Puri-Könkana, co., 226, 227, 228, 229, 230, 231, 234,
236, 237 Puskuli, vi.. Purle plates of Indravarman, . . . 285 púrna kumbha, auspicious object, . . .243 n. Parnavarman, k., . . . . . 270 Parnna-na]ga (?), vi., . . . . 50, 52 purohita, priest, Pusrukkulam or Puttukkulam, vi., 105, 109, 123 l'ururavas, myth. k., . . . .66, 107, 121 Purushai Nayaka, min., 8. a. Purushottama, 200,
212, 214, 223, 224 Purushašiva, rel. preceptor, 310 and 1., 311, 312, 316 Purushottama alias Purushai Nayaka, min., 200, 201,
208, 213, 223 Purushottamabhatta, donee, .
216, 217 Purushottamadeva, donee, .
. . 216 Purushottamapuri, vi, 199, 200, 208, 218, 225 Purva-Trikāta, 1. d., . . 229, 231, 232, 234 Pusa (Pushyā), name, Pushpakētu, myth. k.,
. . 259 Pushpavana, l.. . .
136 Pushpavanesvara, god,
64 pustaka-bhandāra, library,
325 Puttêmbal, vi., probably 8, a. Puttendal, 104, 109, 122 Puttur, vi., 89, 97, 99, 111, 112, 116, 123, 124,
127 Puttūr-kilavan-Battan, m., 8. a. Purapparaļai
pidu-kilavag, . . Puvaninallür, vi., . 70, 106, 111, 118, 123, 128
PAGE. r, consonants doubled before and after 195, 226,
282, 289 T, with and without loop, . . . . 165 T, two forms of, . Rāghava, ... . . . .
10, 20 n. Raghavadēva, m., .
. 13 Rāghavanayaka, donee,
. 216 Rāgho[Rāghava)bhatta, m.,
. 215 Rägõlu plates, . . Rahasya andesa, wk.,. . .
323 n. Rahula, son of Buddha,
. 33 Rahuttariya, Tirumalaich,
305, 308 Raipur, co., . . . Rai Rayan, tit., corrupt form of Raya-Näräyana,
208 and . Rai Rāyan Ram Deo, Yadava k., 4. a. Raya Nara
yana Ramadeva. . . . . 208 Rājabhañja, Bhanja k., . 148 and ., 150, 152 Räjachi Bham, vi., identified with Bhambhagiri,
203 Rajadhiraja, tit.. . . . 188, 193, 254 Rājādhiraja, Chola k., . . 248, 262 Rājādhiraja I, Chola k.. . 39 n., 73, 245, 252 Rajadhiraja II, Chola k., . . . . 85 Rājāditya, Chola pr... . . . . 38 Rājagambhira-chaturvedimangalam, vi., 67, 69, 70, 71, 72, 88, 102, 104, 111, 113, 122, 124, 131,
132, 133, 134, 136 Räjagambhiradēva, ep. of Pandya Kulasēkhara I, 66 Rājagambhiraka, vi... . . . 135, 136 Rājagambhiravalanadu, dn., 67, 69, 104, 111, 122 Rajagau, ví, . . . 200, 208, 218, 224 Rajagēha, tn., 8. a. Räjagriha, . . . 330 Rajagriha, I., . .
. 327, 328, 329, 330 rajaguru, 'royal preceptor', . . . 3, 6, 331
285, 301 Rajakesari or Rajakësarivarman, Chola tit., 38, 241,
242 7., 245, 263, 265 Rājakēsari, Chola k., . . . . 243, 258 Rajakuajara Pallavaraiyan, m., 8. a. Volán Irattai.
101, 112, 124 Rājamahēndra, Chola k., 245, 246, 247 and 1. Rajamahendrapuram, fort.. . . 305, 308 rajan, tit. . . . . . . 227 Rājanirayana Müvündavēlän, m., 8. a., Nägadovan
Raman, .. . . . 101, 113, 124 Rājanna, pr.. . Rāja paramesoara, tit., . . . 188, 193, 304, 308 Rajapipla, state, . . . . . . 292 Rajaraja, Cherak. Rājaraja, Chõla k., . Rajaraja I, Chola k., 35, 36, 37, 38, 72, 90. 248, 254 Rajaraja I, E. Chalukya ke.. . . 248. 253 Rajaraja III, Chola k., . . . . 89 n. Rajaraja-Pandinādu, co. . .
. 90, 94 Rajarajesvars, te.. . . . . . 72
Rajahmundry, tn...
Chola tit., 38, 241,
R
1, subscript, .
66, 266 used for t, .
. . 66 wed before hard consonants and , ch and k., 131 r, doubling of consonants after . 147, 328

Page #433

368
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
7 ToL. XXV
.
254
.
267 3200
PAGE kajarajan, tol., . . Rajarajan. n. of an audience hall, 253, 263, 266 Rajasumanta, off.,
. . . . 30 Rajasikharaninallur, vi., 8. a. Puliyangudi,. 73 Raja ēkhara, Chola tit. . . . . 262 Rajasimha, Pandya k. .
. . 37, 38 Kajasimha, sur. of Indiravarman, Ganga kg. 195,
191, 198 Rājasimha, Chera k. .
. . 250 Rajasin ha-kulakkil, t. d., . . . 40 . Rajasingaskulakkii, dt., Rajasingankulam, 1. d., .
. . 89 Rajāáraya, Choļa til.,. . . . 262, 265 Rajabraya-chaturvēdimangalam, vi.. . . 75 Rajatatāka, lank .
197 n. rajatrayadhépati, til., . . Räjäyt, .. . .
. . ,14 Rajēndiram, vi.. .
89, 97, 112, 124 Rajendra III, Chõla k. . . . . 204 Pajëndra-Chola, Chola k., . . 242 ., 262 Rajendra-Chola I, Cháļa k., 244 n., 250 and n.,
251, 253 Rajendra Chola, E. Chalukya k... 248 and n. Rajendra-Chola II, E. Chilukyu k., . . 253 kajendradēva, Ckõla k., 244, 245, 246, 247 and R.,
248, 250, 253, 262 Rajendrarralir, ri., s. a. Milaganür, . . 102 Rajendrasinganallur, ri. . . . 71, 131 kajendrasinganaliūr, es, 8, a. Achchankáttirukkai,
110, 113, 123, 124 Rajendrasingankulakkil, 1.d., . . . 98 Rájëndrabola-Mavalivausrajan, of throne,
253 n. Rajendrabólaputam. r. o. a. Viptūkki, . 95 Rajina yini. Palapurti,. . . 140, 145 Rajyasrl, princess, sister of Harsbavardhana, 34 Kukkasa-Gangarasa, ch., . rakshusa, & form of marriage, Raktapura, ci., . . . , 21 and 1., 24 Rabi-mandala, t. d., . . . 279 and n. Rims or Ramachandra, god, 7,10 161 and n.,
162, 194 Rama, myth. k. .
. . 257, 258 Kina or Råmabhūpa, Yadava k., . . . 14 Kamachandra, Haihaya pr.. . . . . 7,9 Ramachandra of Ramadeva, Yadara k., 9, 10, 199, 200, 201, 202 n., 205, 206, 207, 210, 211, 214,
221 and R., 229 and 1., 224 Ramadēva Raja, k. of Divagiri, , . 207 Ramadērabhatta. . .
. . 216 Råniagara, tirtha, . .
. 17 Ramagiri, vi., 8. a. Ránték, Riman Alagan, m.,
101, 113, 117, 124, 128 Pöman Paramātma Bhattan. off.. . 112, 121 Rumanujadar nam, wk. by Ramiauju, . .
. 319, 31, 32,
PACK Riman Uyyavandän, m.. . . 103, 113, 125 Rimapāla, k. of Benares, . . . . 204 Ramapandita, m., .
. .. 218 Ramaprakati, vi.. . 158 and 1., 160 and n. Rama-Pinyavallabha, m., . Ramasabi, vi.. . . . . . . 153 Ramatirtha or Ramatirthaki l.
768 and r. Ramatirtham plates, . . . . . 283. Ramatirthik-Eighty-four, dh., . . 165, 170 Rimayana, epic, . . ll and n., 231, 234, 237 Ramayananu, Telugu wk.,
. 138 Ramayarya, m.. . . . . 141, 144 Rambhagiri, I., . . . . . . 203 n. Rimēsvara bhatta, fonee, . . . 216, 217 Ramešvara-bhattáraka, god,
196, 197, 198 Ramapainyavallabha, min., . . . 289, 291 Ramtek, tn. . .
. . . 7 Rapabbañja or Ranabhanjadeva, Bhanja k... 147,
148, 149, 150, 151, 152, 153, 156, 157,
158, 159 and 1., 161, 163, 172, 173 Ramadhavala, M., . Ranaka, tit., . Runakesarin, tit.,
. 207 Ranakesarin, Pandara k., Rangarāja, god, . a. Ranganatha, Ranasi viha, til.. probably of a Pandya k.. Ranasingamangatan, vi., . Ranganatha. gnd af Sriraigam,
3:20 n., 324 Ranganatha, te., . . . . . 322 Råsala, m., Rasärava-sudhakara, rhetorical wk., 323 amin., 324
and . Räsäsura-chchirmai, ili.. . . . . 302 Rasis:
Dhanus, . . . Kanni (Kanyà) .
81, 250 . Karkutaka, . .
81,52 Misha,. .
. . 81 Mina, . . . Mithuna, . .
. . 303 Tula, . . . .
. 81, 82 Vriáchika, . .
. 81 Rashtrakūta, dy.. . . . 26, 167, 229 Rashtrakūtas of Berar, dy.. Rash'ra-mahattaradhikari, oil.. . . 294 Rash'rapati, off. Ratanpur Stone inscription of Jajallleva, 206 . Ratini, name, . . . . .
. 32 R. Ratnagiri, tn., .
207 Ratnamálastötra, Jahanubhavu wk., . . 2:15 Rattapadi, co... . . . . . 252 Rattapädikondalamandalu, t. d., . . + Rattapīdikondasolavalandu, t., . . 25 Rattapadi-seven-sud-a-half-lakb, en. . . 219 Tavi, ri., . . . . . . .329 N. Ravikulatilaka, Choja ep. . . 245, 282, 285

Page #434

Ravikarman, donce, Ravivarma-chaturvedimangalam, ei.,
Ravutu-Kesa, ch.,
Rayabhanja, Bha ja k... Raya Narayana, Yadava tit.. Rayasahasramalla, Kayastha tit., Rayarichakamu, Telugu wk..
Reddi-Vēma, Reddi k., s. a. Pròlaya Vēma,
Remḍrēvu, sur.,
répha,
repha, doubling of consonants afterrepha, doubling of consonants before
Rova, ri.,
Révadása, m.,
Revalla, m..
Rewah plates of Kumarapala,
Rewah plates of Hariraja,
Rewah plate of Salakshanavarman, Rewah inscription of Malavasimha,
Rewah plates of Maharanaka Harirajadeva, Rewah plates of K. 963,
ri.
ri, sign for,
ri, initial,
ri used for ri.
Riddhapur plates of Prabhavati-gupta, rik,
Rishikesava(Hrishikēša) Bhatta, m..
Rudra, god,
Rudra, lord of the Andhras, k.,
Rudra, Kakatiya k..
Rudramahadevi, Kakatiya 7.,
Rudrašiva, rel. preceptor, Rudrasvamin. m., Rukmini, goddess, Rupadevabhatta, m.,
Rituparnṇa, myth. k.,
Rodapadi, co..
Rohini, (i. e. the star Aldeberan) wife of the
Moon,
Royal Asiatic Society of Bengal plates of Govindachanára,
rya,.
é, written like 8,
and s, written alike,
used for 4,
4, palatai, used for á,
ba used for cha, Sabaras,
PAGE
289, 291
72, 76 140
. 148 n. 208 n. 274 301 138 271, 278 226 243
271
28
INDEX
309
8, 147, 165
7 75. 242, 263. 265 257
279 and n.
171
295
2 2,3 3
4
.
311 ". 137
226
317 and n.
•
311 185 8, 9
10, 202 n.
273, 274, 275 5, 311 282, 287 221 217
137
.
309 1 309
147
165
328
243 239
Sabara, family,
sabha.
Sabhichchha, vi..
Sadaiya-Marin, Pandya k.. Sadiran S-Ivan, m... Sadanal Sasana)pandari, off.. Sadbhava sambhu, rel. preceptor, Sadola, vi., s. a. Sădule, Sädule, vi.. Säegahvana, hamlet,
Sakala, ci., s. a. Sāgala.
Sakalabhu vandraya, Chola tit., Sakalalakiśraya, tit.,
Śākhās :Asvalayana, Bahvricha,
+
Chhandoga-Kauthama, Madhyandina,
Kinva.. Kanthuma,
Ränavani,
Sukla-yajush,
Taittiriya,
Yajna.
Sakra, god, s. 4. Indra. Saktidhara, god., s. a. Skanda, Saktisambhu, rel. preceptor, Saktisiva, rel. preceptor. Siktivarman, Kalinga k.. Sikuntala, Sanskrit dramatic wk.. Sakya-bhikshani, Butthist nun, Sakyaikabandhu, 8. a. Gautama Buddha, Sakyasimha, an incarnation of the Buddha, Sigala, ci...
Sagara, myth. k.,
Sagarinā, name.
Sagharakhita, Buddhist name, Sahabhata, off... Sihasamka, Silahāra k., Sahasrajit, myth. k., Szivacharya, Sivas, followers of Siva, Suivala, mo..
Salakshanavarman, ch. of Kakarēdi, Silankayana, dy..
Sälankayana territory,
Salivahana, myth k.,
Salsette islands, .
Salakki, i.e. Chalukya, dy.,
Saluvá Mangu, feud. ch., Samagiri, ci.,
369
PAGE 279 69, 71, 72, 74, 83
205 » 35. 3. 39 101, 113, 124
132 310 n. 208
200, 208, 218, 224
200 329 n. 245, 262,-265
49
148, 156 and n. 55, 61, 165, 170 292 55, 61, 200 200 55, 61
55, 61 183, 192
200, 217, 282, 287
55, 61
331
Samagiripattana, In...
Sama Jataka, Buddhist birth story, Samand Piparia, vi.,
Samangad Plates of Dantidurga.
samanki, Buddhist nun,
.
.
•
.
.310 n
310 and ., 312, 316. 238, 283, 284 2 n. 34 333 333 n.
329 and n.
24, 160, 257
.
22) .
32 n. 32 n. 296 54, 56 9
132, 133, 135, 136 11 .. 159 11 and . 3 44, 46 43 201 229
263, 265
320 n. 237
9 230 330
311
96
. 31, 23

Page #435

370
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
( Vol. XXV
PAGE Sankaran-Kādādi alias Karuņākara-Achari
yan, engr.. . . . . 254, 265, 266 Sankarashanapuram, vi., 8. a. Sankanipalli, 140 Sankha, auspicious object, . . . 243 n. Sankhedi plate of Santilla,. . . . 229 Sankhyarthanāma prakāśikā, k.,. . . 336 Sankrantis or Sankramaņas :Makara-sankranti,. . , 301, 306, 309 Ravi-sankramano, . . . . 156, 160 Tulā-sankranti,
. 292, 296 Uttarayana-sankranti, . . . 263, 265 Sannavaram, vi., 8. a. Ilai-Kadambangulam, 96 Sannichchāni alias Uttaramallūr-Nangai, f. 78 Santalagai, vi., . .
. 306, 309 Sintanu, epic hero, .
. . 294 Santa Siva, teacher, . Sapta-mātris, "Seven Mothers', goddesses, . 2. Sarabhapura Kings . Saradaha, vi., .
.
166 Sara padraka, vi.. . . . . 158, 160 Sirangabhatta, donee, . . . . . 217 Sāranganāyaka, m., . . . . . Sārangapanibhatta, m., . . . . Sārnngapāņideva, m., .
. 216 Särapattanam alias Vikrama-solapperunderu,
PAGE saman a, off. . . . . . . 294 samantanripati . . . . . . 287 Samastabhuvanāśraya, tit.,
22, 23, 187, 192 Sambhu, god. . . 136, 174, 176, 182 and 1.,
225 Sambūka, Sūdra ascetic, . . . . 11, 17 Samdhivigrahin, off.. . . . . 240 Samghapalita, Buddhist name, . . 32 n. samhäfika, samghati or saighafika, Buddhist
term meaning a robe, . 328 and n., 330 Sankaracharya, rel. teacher, . . . . 162 Samkhachuda, myth. serpen!, . . . 53, 56 mamudayam, off., . .
99, 106, 111, 123 Samudragupta, Gupta k., 44, 45, 50, 51, 52, 238,
239, 284 and 1. Samudrajit, myth. k., . . . . . 259 Samudrapata, dr., . , 310, 311 and n., 315 Samvalabhatta, donee,
. . 218 Samvaladēva, m., . .
208, 213, 216, 223 Samvala Nayaka, off., .
. . 212, 223 Sārvarigau, vi... .
. 218, 224 Sámvina, vi.. . .
. . 55, 62 Samyutta-Nikaya Atthakatha, Buddhist wk.. 330 n. Sånchi Inscription of Chandragupta II, . 50 Sandagrihi, s.a. Sandhivigrahin, off., 172, 173 sundhi, observance of, . . . . 243 do., rules for not observed. 2. 25, 66, 200,
282, 289 do., mistakes in, . sandhivigrahi or sandhivigrahika or sandhi. rigrahika, off-,.
2, 5, 163, 282, 287 Sanjān plates of Amõghavarsha, . . . 267 Sangama, dy.. . . . . . . 186 Sangama, Vijayanagara k.. . . . 188, 192 Sangama or Sangaméávara, I., . . . 207 Sangama, lord of - . . . . 211, 222 Sangamangalam, 8. a. Sankaramangalam, vi., 105 Sangamner plates of Bhillama II, . . 54 n. Sangan-embal, I., . . . 105, 109, 123 Sangapperayan-embal, vi... 104, 109, 114, 122, 125 Sanghamitra, Maurya princess, daughter of
Asöka, . . . . . . . 31, 32 Sangiramasinga-Pallavaraiyan, off.... a.
Sūriyan Varantaruvan, . . 101, 112, 124 Sankanipalli, vi., 8. a. Sankarshanapuram, 140, 145 Sankara, god., 8. a. Siva, . . . 162, 185 Sankara-Bhatta, Kavi-, m., . . . 325 Sankaradeva or Sankaragana, Yadava k., 207, 208 Sankaragana, Rashtrakūta k.. . .
. 28 Sankaragana, Kalachuri k.,
280 Sankaramangalam, vi., a. Sangamangalam, 70,
105, 109, 115, 123, 126 Sankara-matha, . . . . . . 325 Sankarana (Sankaragapa), Kalachuri k. . 229 Sankaranarayana, god, . , 279, 280, 281
325
.
270
Sarasvati, goddess,
. . . .5, 3:25 Sarasvati-bhandara, library. . . . . 325 Sarasvati-bhandariga, off., curator, Sarasvati-bhatta, M., .
141, 144 Sārdūlavarman, Maukhari feud. ch., . Särngapāņibhatta, donee, . . . . 217 Sārnāth, ci.. . . . Sārnāth inscription of Mahipala, Sārngapāņi, god, . : 16, 207, 209, 220 Sārangasūri, m., . . . . 208, 213, 223 Saravni plates of Buddharaja, . . 228 n. Sarvajña, tit., . .
. . 323, 324 Sarvasiddhi, vi., . . . . . Sarvavarman, grammar an, . . 211, 292 and n. Sarvvadēvaiya, donee, . . . . . 55, 61 Sasibhushana-Pandita, comp., 8. 9. Chandrabhushana-Phatta,
. 254, 264, 266 Sasidhara, poet, . . . . 311, 315, 318 Sastra-Bhattāraka, m.. . 132, 133, 135, 136 Satara, dt. . . . . . . 166 Sathakopa, Vaishnara saint, . 319, 320, 3:26 Satrabala, vi., . . . . . 279 Satrubhañja, Bhanja k., 148, 149, 151, 152, 153,
161, 163 Eatrubhayankaranallur, vi.. &. a. Melai
Seļuvaņūr, . . . . . . 97 Satrughna, epic hero, ,
. . . 257 Sáttan Kanavadi, m.,
102, 113, 124 Sattan Kandan, m., 8. a. Tirumaliruñjolai
Dāsap, . . . . . 102, 113, 124

Page #436

INDEX
371
PAGE Sattanür, wi.. . . . . . . 95 Sättiyar-ombal, mi.. . . . 71, 112, 124 Satyamangalam , vi., . . 322 Satyasraya, W. Chalukya tit., 22 and n., 23, 24 Saudamini, f. character in Malatimadhava, . 34 Savāņēyapallikā, vi., . . . 227, 230, 237 Săvarigavā, vi... . . . . 230, 208 Savitā (Sēvată), vi., . . . . 205 and n. Siyana or Sāyanācharya, commentator, 74, 77 Sayēgahvāna, hamlet,. , 211, 215, 222, 224 Sayyāpāla, off.,. .
. . : 8, 14 Schism Pillar Edict of Asoka, . . 31 and n.
.
190
PAGE Seyyānam alium Parākramapandiyanallur, vi., 92 sh used for th, . . .
. . . 8,200 sh probably used for jihvūmūliya and upadhminiy,. .
. . 8n. shadangarid,
. . . . 75 Shanmukha, gol, . . . . . 57 Shelarwādi, vi.. . . . . . 168 and n. Shikarpur, vi.. . Shimoga, dt., .
. . 202 Sialkot, tn., 8. a Sagala or Sākala, . 329n. Sibi, myth. k.. . . . . . Siddhantasiromani. grammatical wk., . .221n. Siddaladēvi, Vijayanagara 4., . Siddayadēva-Choda-Mahārāja, Telugu-Choda
. . . . . . 275 Siha, name, . . .
. . 32n. Sikayilaya-Bhattan, m., 8. a. Sivallava Palla
varaiyan, . . . . 65, 103, 113, 125 Sikhānallur, v., . .
. . . 95 Sikhi, an incarnation of the Buddha. . . 333n.
. . . . 53, 229 Silāhāra kingdom . . . . . 203 Silao, vi.. . . . . . . 327, 331 Silayan, vi.. . . . . . . 106 Silaiyanëri, I.. . . . . 106, 110, 123 Silappadikaran, Tamil wok., . . . 95n, 07n. Silāra dy., 8. a. Silahāra, . . . 54, 56, 58 Silē, m., . . . . . . . 3, 6 SI(ŚrI)Madhavan Närasitha-Bhattan,m., 100, 112.
124
Seasons Hemanta, . . . . . 200 n. Sisira. . .
. . . . 200 n. Sekkilār, poet and min., . . . 93, 94 Semberuman, m.,
. . 121, 130 Sembi-nadu, t. d., Sembiyadaraiyan, m., 8. d. Arayan Uyya
ninrăduvăn, . . . . 100, 112, 124 Sembiyan-Pērāmbūr, vi.. . . . . 98 Sembiyan Vilupparaiyan, m., 8. a. Appan Aru
molidēvan, . . . . 101, 112, Sembiyar, . a. the Chöļas, . . . 108, 122 Semponmāri, vi., 8. a. Sem bonmiri. . . Sinapati, off.. . . . . 169 Sendalai pillar inscriptions, . . . Sendalai, vi.,
. . Sēndamangalam, di... 92, 93, 254, 264, 266, 297 Sēndanēri, di., . .
, 104, 109, 122 Sēndanēri-Kattikaļļūr, (Tenkarai), vi., . 97 Sendapirāņ Karumāmugil Bhattan, m., 102, 113, 124 Sēndapirān-Periyan, Tälaikkudi-, alias Yadava
rāyan, ch., . . . . . : 320 Sendavaņmangalam, vi.. . 303, 306, 308 Sēndraka, family. . . . . 167, 168 Sēndraka-vishaya, t. d.,
• 167 Sengulam, n., . '. Sengunra-nādu, dl., . . Sengunru, l.
. . 264, 266 Senkāttirukkai-Idattuvali, vi., Senkuļi, vi., . . . . 104, 109, 122 Sēraman Tõlan, ch., . . . . 86 Secavannahādēvi-chaturvēdimangalam, vi... 319 Sesha, myth. serpent. . . . . 107, 121 Sēttālēri, I., . . 65, 105, 110. 123 sétáka, a measure or weight, . . . 235 and n. Sēralūr, vi., . . Sēvarāja (sivarāja), m., . . . . 3, 6 Sovuņa, 8. a. Yadava, dy... . . . 274 Psyvirukkai-nadu, dt., . . . . . 136 Sevvür, vi.. . . .
36 Beykulattür or Seyyakulattūr, vi.. 69, 104, 108,
114, 120, 122, 125, 130
Simggayārya, m., . , 140, 141, 142, 144 Simhabhatta, donee, . . . . . 216 Siraha, Yadava k. 202 and n., 204, 209, 220 Sinha, Sabara ch., . . . . . 279 Simbāchalam or Simhādri, ... . . . 298 Simhädri, .. . . . . 306 and n., 308 Sinhala or Simhajam, co., 8. ... Ceylon, 22, 23,
250, 251 Simhaļāntaka, Chola tit. . . . . Simhana, Haihaya pr.. . Simhana, Yadava k.,. . 8, 9n., 10, 13, 208, 275 Simhapedi, m... .
. . 217 Rimhāsanādhipati, off.
321 and 1. Simbavarman, Pallara k., . . . . 43, 45 Simha varma, k. of the Harischandra family : 226,
231, 234, 236 Sirahavarmarāja, k. of th Harischandra fanly, 228 Simhavishnu-chaturvēdimangalam, vi... : 75 Simpivibire, hamlet. . 200, 212, 215n., 223, 224 Sinda, Chhinda or Chhinda ka of Nagava nsa,
dy.. . . . 166, 167, 168, 169 Sinda-vishaya, co., . . . . 188. 167 Sindhu, ri.,
. . 108 Sindhubhūpa, k..
.
. 2 Sindūrichala, mo.. . . . . 18. » Sindūrayiri-mahtimya, wk., . $, 10., 11 and

Page #437

372
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[ VOL. XXV
.
96
PAGE
PAGE Sindůragiri, mo., . . . . . . 10, 11
Sivallavan Alagiyamanavā!an alias KāļinSindūravāpi, well, . . . . . 17 garāyar, off, . . . 69, 99, 111, 124 Singa, ch., . . . . . . 139, 140 Sivallava-Pallavaraiyan, off.. .. a. SikayilāyaSinga I, Récherlu ch., . . .
323, 324 Bhattan. . . . . 103, 113, 125 Singu II, Recherla ch., . . . 323, 324 and n. Sivallava Pērāyiramudiyan alias MaraSinga III, Récherla ch., .
323 and n. nurnattuvėlån, off... . . 102, 113, 124 Singabhūpāla, Sarvajña - Telugu ch., . 323 Sivumahimna-stötra, wk., . . . . 183 Singala-dēśam, 8. a. Ceylon,
246, 263, 265 Siva-Māndhātrivarman, Kadamba k., . . 47 Singama-Naik, ch.
Sivanasamudram, vi., . . . . 299 n. Singanêriyudaiyan-kānipparru, L., . 104, 108, 122 Sivapādasēkhara, lit.,,
. . . 254 Sinnamaņur plates, . . . . 40n. Sivapura, vi., 8. a. Mollaka Pūru,.
271, 277 Sirachchandran, ch., . ,
305, 308 Sivapuri, vi., 8. a. Solamarttándachaturvēdi. Śtraman Tiruvudaiyān alias Pottapichchöfur,
mangalam. . . . . . . 96 m.,
99, 111, 123 Sivāryya, donee, . . . . . 14, 46, 47 Sirámavinnagar, vi., . . 304, 306, 308 Sivas kandavarman, Pallavu k., 45, 48, 284 n. Siri, name, . . .
. . . 32n. Sivigaiyankuli, l. . .
104, 109, 122 Siripuram plates of Anantavarman, , 282, 283 Siyaka, Paramára k.,. .
. . 166 Siripuram, vi.. . .
. . . 284n. Si-yu-ki, wk., . .
34, 3:22 Sirpur inscription of the time of Maha-Siva
Skanda, god. . . . 221, 229, 3.3, 317 gupta, . .
226n., 268 Skandagupta, Gupta k.. . . . . 51 Sirraiyūr, vi., . 95 skandhavara, . .
. 52 Sirudai, vi, . Sirudaiyūr, vi., . .
96 Smyitichandrika, wk., . . . . 288 n: Siruka, engr., .
3, 6 Smritisthala, wk.. . . . 205, 206 1., 208 n. Sirukanuvay, k.,. . . . . 264, 266 Sõbhanāth, hill,
. . . . . . 332 Sirukachchippēdu, vi., .
74 Södhalaiy-opādhyāya, m., . . . . 55, 61 Sirukilänkättür, vi., 70, 71, 106, 111, 123, 131, 134, Sõijanc, hamlet,. . . 200, 211, 215, 222, 224
136 Sola keralan-mālgai, name of a place, . 253. Sirukkilatti, vi., . . . 106, 111, 117, 123, 128 Sõlamandalam or Sõņādu, co., 891., 90, 99, 111, Sirukudi alias Virakāmugamangalam, vi., 70, 119,
123, 253, 264, 266, 305 129, 303, 307, 308 Solamandalasatakam, wk., . . . .89, 90 S.rukulam, ., . . . . .
Solamārttánda-chaturvēdimangalam, vi..
102 n. Sirukulattūz, vi., 8. a. Parākramapandiyanallur, 70n.,
8. a. Sivapuri, . . . . . . 75, 96 89, 102, 113, 124
Solan-ralai-konda, lit. of Vira-Pandya, 35, 37, 38, 40
Sólan-Silamban alias Virachöļa-Lankēsvara. Sirumilagi, vi.,. .
. 106, 111, 123 döva, ch., .
. . . . 83 Siru-Nakkanëri, vi., . . 105, 109, 123
.
Solapiņdiyapuram, vi.. . . . . 95 Swapālaiyur, vi., 8. a. Kävērivallavanallur, 99, 111,
Sõlapandiya-vaļanādu, i. d., . 69, 89, 96, 111, 124 124
Sola-Pandya Mūvēndavēļär, of... . Siruttonda, gen. . . . . . .
Solaiyēri, vi., 8. a. Solai-seri,
104, 108, 129 Siruvägai, vi., . .
166, 126
Some or Somośvara, Silāhāra k.,. . . 205 Siruvayal, vi., . . . 96, 105, 109,
Sömaludēviyar, Hoysala q., . . . . 89 n. Siruvenkunram, vi.,
Sömanatha-bhatta, donee, . . . . 217 Sisupilavadha, Marathi wk., . ,
Sõmanatha-mhānta, m., . . . . 217 Sitā, goddess, . . . . . . 7 Somaneri, I., . . . 106, 110, 111, 123 Śivajadöva-sarman, Bhattaputra, donce, 148,
Sömasambhu, rel. preceptor, . . . .310 .
156, 157 Semāttūr, vi.. . 70, 105, 110, 116, 123, 126 Biztan-ombal, I., . . . . 104, 109, 129 Somavamsa, lunar race, . . . 209, 220 Siva, god, 2, 11 n., 53, 54, 55, 159, 166, 174, 175, Somaya-bhatta, m., . . . . 142, 14t
183, 185, 267, 297, 301 Sömösvara, yod, . . . . . . 54, 58 Blivu, gol, depicted on goals,. . . . 43 Sümēsvara, lloysala k., , , , • 89 n. Sivadı alunena. . . 73, 132, 133, 135, 136 Sömesvara, Silahiru k., . . . 221 Sivachülámanimangalam, vi., . . . 75 Somēšvara I, 1. Chuukya k., . . 181 8190-davlaka-u -stotra, wk.
. . 183 Sūmēsvara II, Chalukya k., . , 245, 246, Sivaganga, Zamindari, . . . 64, 90, 96
248 n., 249. 51. 263. 285 Siva Kiuohi,..,. . . . . S18 and 1.1 Somosvaradova-matba, monustery, 183, 184, 185

Page #438

INDEX
373
РАМЕ Sripurusha-Prithivi-Könguni. F. Canra pr. 104 Sri-Raghava, m. .. . . . . Sriranga, Karnata pr.. . . . . 309 Srirangam plates of Mallikarjuna, . 188 Sriangam plates of Mummydi Nayaka, . 394 Srirangarajar, Vaishnara pontif. . . 323 n. Sri-Raman Alagan, ch., sur. Alagiyapandiya
Brahmadhirajan. . . . . . 7? Sri-Raman Paramätma Bhattan, m., . . 100) Sririman Tir avudaiyan al as Pottaprichcholar.
•
.
69,99
Sriramatirtha, Virtha,. . Srirama-Vinnagar-Alvār, god,
. 72, 77 Srisailam, mo.. . . . 45, 137, 138, 143, 116Srisailam plates of Virūpäksh3, . . 188 Srisamanta, toriter, . . .
. 2.11 Sri Triyambaka, sign manual. . . 187, 194 Srivaikunda-Vinnagar-Alvār, gol, 71, 105, 10, 123 SrI-Vaishnavas, a body of officials in Vaishnava
321
temples, ..
PAOB Bomēsvara Upadhyâya, m., .
. 55, 61 Somidova, ch....
274, 275 Sondan-ēmbal, I.,
110, 123 Sõpără, I., . . . . . . 188 the Sorab grant of Vinayaditya. . . 239 n. Sur, vi... . .
. . . 154 Soras, Ti., . .
. . . 158 Söran Mükkan, m., 101, 113, 117, 124, 128 Soran Nättan, ., . . . 103, 113, 125 Sörpäraga, I., . . . . 168 n. Sõ(Sro)triya-Kramavittan, donce, 242, 283, 265 Soujjõka, 7.. . .
. . 334, 335 sramınēra, Buddhist pupil,. , . . 33, 34 framaneri, f. Buddhist pupil, . . Srāvasti, ci.. . . . . . . 33 frēsh thin, merchant, . .
. Sri, goddess, consort of Vishnu, . . . Sribhashya, Vaishnara philosophical wk., . Sribhashya-guruparampari, Vishnava
pontifical list,. . . . . 325 * Srich imda, m... . . SrIdējam, l. d., . . . . . . 98 Sridhara, awthor,
184 n. Sridharabhatta, n., . .
. . 217 Srigiri, Vijayanagara k., &. a. Pratápadēva. riya,. . . . .
. . 199 Sri Jayabha fa, legend on seal, . . 292 Srikantha, god, .. a. Siva, . 175, 185, 211, 262 Srikarani, off.,. . . . . . 54, 59 Srikirchchiya, 8. a. Srikarya, off..
35 Srikarya-thurandhara, off.. . . . 322 Srileiryam, off., . . . , 39, 40, 41, 42 Srikaryam-seyvār. off., .
. .. 132 Srikūyil-piriyam-seyvūr, off.,
. . 132 Srikrishnan Alagiyaraghava-Bhattan, m.. 100, 112,
124 Sri Māhāsvara-kenkini, off..
132 Sriman-Marilrē)ndrabha jadēvasya, lajend, . 158 Srimāra, Pandya k.. . . . . .
76 Srinu-Trailoky umalla, legenl. . . . 1 Srinagara or Patna, I. d., . . . . Srinugara-bhukti. I. d., . Sri. Narendrabha 7 jadēvanya, Irgen, . . 147 Srinatha, Telugu poet, . . . 138 and n. Srir gara-Srinathamu, Telugu wk., . 138 A., 323 . Sringēri, vi.. . Srinivasa, 8. a. Adi-van-Sathakopa-Jigar, T'aishnana pontif, .
• 323 Srinivisacharya, Tirumalai--, off. . 322 Sri-Parantakanallar, ri., . 111, 123 Sriparvata, mo.. . . . . . 34 Srfpati-Agnihotri, dones, . . . . 55, 61 Sripati-Bhatta, donee. . . . . . Sripati-Ganapati, r, . . . 274 Siipura, sa., 6. 4. Euripuran, 268, 269, 284 n.
Srivallabha, til... . . . . . 20 Srivallabha, Pandya k., . Srivallabha-chaturvēdimangalam ti., 4. a. Mér. Pasalai, . . . . 89, 105, 112, 114, 12).
115, 121, 125, 126 S-ivallabhanallur, vi., 8. a. Maruvāy, . . 98 Srivalla bhanallur, vi, 8. a. Pullūrri, .
98 SriVallbhanarendra, tit., . . . . . 6 Srivallabhapperáru, ri., sur. of Vaigai,. 71, 114 Srivallabha Sēnānandaraja, Sēndraka pr., 167 n. Srivara, sur. of Pandya Nedunjadaiyan, . 76 Srivaramangalam or rivaramangai vi.. . 76 Sri Vasudevan Nagnapiran Bhattan, m.. . 100 Srötriya-Brahmana, 4. a. Kēri-andanalar, . 133 Srungavara pukota plates of Anantavarman, 282, 283,
284 n. Sthanacharya or Saivacharya, off..
132 . . . . . 8 n. Subandhu, author, . . . . . 31 Subhashitanīvi, Sans. wok.,
323 Snchimati, f. . .
. 330 n. Suchindram, vi., . . Sūdanabhatta, m., .
• 215 Südana Dikshita, T., .
. 55, 6! Sūdanaiya, donee,
. 55, 61 Sudarsanabhatta, m.,.
216 Sudhēsvara, god, .
8,15 Sudi plates,
. 51 Sugata, 3. a. the Buddha,
. 334 Sukla-tirtha, lirtha,
16 &ūlam, . . . . . Sūlämani or Sūdāmapi, vi.. . 105, 109, 123 Sūlapāņi, god, s. 4. Siva, . . šūlavari, tax, . . . 297, 201, 102 sulka, fax,. . . . . . 212, 229 Sundan-Alvān, . . .
. 117, 128 Sundag-embal, vi... a. Sundanendal, 106, 110, 123
.
39
301

Page #439

374
PAGE
Sundankuruchchi, vi.,. 121, 130 Sundara-Chola, Chola k., 36, 37, 38 and n., 242 n. Sundara-Chōla-Pandya, Jatavarman-, Pandya
k.,
250 70 64 and n.,
91 and n., 94 n. Sundara-Pandya, Pandya k., 38 and ., 86, 87 Sundarapandiya-chaturvedimangalam, vi., Sundarapandiya-Müvēnda vēlān m.,
94
8. a.
103, 113, 125
a.
103, 113, 125
96
Vélin Alagan, Sundarapandiya-Pallavaraiyan, m., Kanavadi Siraman,. Sundarapandiyapuram, vi., Sundara-Pandya who presented the Chōla country' Pandya k., Sundarapandyēsvaram, le., Sundarasolapuram alias Desiyugandapatţi
nam, vi.,
Sundarakuruchchi, vi., Sundaramurtti-Nayanar, saint,
Sürana, poet, Suranadi, ri.,
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
Sundarattoludaiyan Somadevan, m.,
Sundarattoluḍaiyan Devan, m., Sundaravarman, Maukhari ch., Sundaresa, ch.,
Sundaresa, Pandya k., s. a. Māravarman
Sundara Pandya I, Sundaresa, Pandya pr., Süpata, Thakur-, m.,
Suprayoga, ri., 8. a. Mannēru,
Supujitarasi, teacher,
surakkodi, s. a. varaha-banner, Chalukya
emblem,
243 n. Sürakudi, vi., s.a. Virakāmugamangalam, 70 n., 102,
113, 124
Pallavaraiyan, off,
"
Sürpāraka, I.,
Sürya, te. of
Süryabhatta, donee,
131, 135, 136 39
Süryadevanāyaṇärköyil, vi., Süryaghosha, Pandava k., Sürya-Sidhanta, wk., Suryavarman, Magadha k., Suryavarman, Maukhari k., . Sattukkal, I..
Suvarnadvipa (Sumatra), island, Suvarnagarududhvaja, banner, Suvarnavarsha, Rush prakūta k.. Svalpe Sarayı, v..
95
101, 112, 124 102, 113, 124 270 66, 67
88 107, 121 8, 6 48 184, 185
Suranna, Vennalaganti-, Telugu poet, Surapati, incarnation of Kasyapa,
Surayarya, m.,
Suriya, name, Suriyan-embal, l.,
Suriyan Varantaruvan alias Sangiramasinga
140 n. 16
138 329
140, 142, 144
32.
106, 110, 123
.
101, 112, 124 108 334 217
303, 306, 308
267 81 267, 268, 269
267 249
335
59
25
154, 157
PAGE
Svāmichandra, k. of the family of Harischandra, 226, 227, 230, 234, 236 Svarnamaya-mrigendradhvaja, banner of the golden lion, Stastika, auspicious object, Svȧti-yōga.
Svayambhu, god, 8. a. Siva, Svayambhu, engraver, Svētaka, ca., Syallāmāyi, vi.,
T
[ VOL. XXV
169 243. 67, 121
175 240 240
161, 162, 163
tachchachariyan, carpenter, Tachchanenmali, vi.,
Tadā, vi.,
.
t, distinguished from n,
t and n, as first letters of a consonant group written alike, .
t, final,
43 282
254, 265, 266
92 184 n. 104, 108, 122
Tadaiyili-Tiyagi-embal, I., Tāḍanankōyil, vi., Taḍappirai, vi.,
304 105, 110, 123
59
Tagarapuraparamésvara, tit., Tajakas (Arabs), Takkayagapparani, Tamil wk., Talaichchangadu, vi., Talai-konda, tit.,. Talainayar, Talainayan or Talainayakan, vi., 297, 303, 306, 309
26, 27 246 n. 303, 306, 309 36
.
43
Talaiyalangapattu-seruvenra-Neḍuujeliyan,
Pandya k.,
91
Tāla, Talapa or Tala-raja, E. Chalukya k. 187, 191 Talavaradeva, off.. 197, 198 154 n. 191 106, 110, 123 274 141, 144
Talcher, co., Tāļikōṭa, vi., Taliyênbal, L., Tallaprodduṭur, vi., Tallaya-daivajña, m.,
49
101, 112, 124
323 284 35
Tambrapa-sthäna, vi., s. a. Damaramadugu, Tamilavēlán, m.,. 3) and n., 41 Taminadukilavan, m., 8. a. Paliyănilai Süriyadevan, Tammala-Bommayya, m., Tamralipti, I., Tamraparni, ri.,. Tandalai, vi., Tandantoṭṭam plates, Tanjavur or Tañchapuri, tn., Ta ijavurpattana-chchirmai, dt., Tannilattaraiyan-êmbal, ri., Tannir-Andakkudi alias Daranivichchädiranallur, vi.,
89, 90, 92, 99, 111, 121, 123, 130 74, 76, 77 260, 302, 304 302, 309 105, 110, 123
Tuniracarpa, ..
.
92 280

Page #440

INDEX
375
239
•
105
PAGE Tapamgiri (Tapogiri), mo.. 10 and ., 11, 14, 15 Tårå, Buddhist goddess, . . . . 34 Tārivadra, vi.. . . . . . 21 n. Taravara, off. . .
198 n. Tarikh-i Alai, hist. chron.,
WOW. . . . . 208 Tarikh-s. Firuz Shahi, hist. chron.. . 207. Tsagaon plates, . . .
. . 204, 205 Tatakaragupta, author, . . . 34 and 1. Tathagata, 6.a. the Buddha, . . . 331 Tattag-embal, l. . . . Tattuabodhini, sok. . . . . . 2 n. Tattvasandika, sok., . . . 323 n. Taurapaka, vi., a.a. Toran, . . . . 292 Täyan.Pūdi-embal, vi.. . . 106, 111, 123 tëdi, date', . . . . . . 81 Tējavarman, k. of the Harichandra family, 225,
227, 233, 235, 237, 238 Tēkabhara, vi., . . 310, 311 and 1., 315 Tekkali, Zamindari, . . . . . 194 Tekkali plates, . .
. . 283 Tel, Ti., . .
48 Telingakulskälapuram alias Kulõttungaböla. pattinam, vi., .
95 Telingana, Telugu co. .
301 Tellid-abira, dl., . .
21 n. Tēnāru, Ti., . . . Tēnārruppökku, dl. . .
96 Ten-Kalavali-nadu, t. d., . Ten-Kallaga-nadu, dt., Tenkarai, vi.. . . . Ten-Kättür, vi.. . . . Ten-Konādu, dt.. Tennan i.e., Pandya,. 64 n. 245, 263, 265 Tennavan Tamilavēl, M., . .
39 . Ten-Parambu-nādu, t. d., . . . . 91 Tenralai, vi.. . . . . . . 94 Tevaram, Tamil hymns, .
. . 91 Tēvur, vi.. . . . . . 304, 306, 308 Tēwar inscription of Gayskarpa. .
• 311
• 279 Thakkur, til.. .
. .. Th . .
. .
4,5 Thakkura Haripāla, m., . Thakurdiyi plates of Mahápravararaja, 268 Thāņā plates of Ramachandra,
201, 221 . thera, Buddist term, . . .
. 33 Thera Bhadanta Budharakhita, monk,. . 33 Thera Chetiyavandaka Bhadanta Budhi,
monk, . . . . . . . . 33 Theragatha Affakatha, Buddhist wok. . 330 n. Then vida, school of Buddhism,. . . Thūpārima . . . Tidgundi piates of the time of Vikramaditya
VI , . . . . . . 186, 188 tiger, emblem on seal, . . . 42, 43, 241 tiger, emblem of the Cheras, . . . . 121 tiger, Chola emblem, . . . 242 and
ΡΔΟΣ Tikhårl, vi.. . . . . . . 311 Tilapudraka, co., . . . . 156, 157 Tilavalli insoription, . . . . 202. Tillaisthanam, vi.
.
39 n. Tillaiyadi, vi., .
.
297, 303 Tillaiyațivittam, vi., .
• 304 Timarāja, ch., . .
300 Timmäpuram plates of Vishnuvardhana, Tippayarya, m., . . . . . Tirappu Panaiyaņēri, vi.. . Tirappu-Sondan-êmbal, vi., probably .. a. Sundan-embal, .
. . 105 Tiritthāns plates,
. . 283 Tirthanagari, vi.. .
. 297, 304 Tiru-Appanür, Saiva kshetra,
64 n. Tiruchchinäppalli-chirmai or Tiruchchirapalli
chirmai, dr., . . . . 302, 303, 309 Tiruchchirapalli, vi. .
304, 306, 308 Tiruchohonnampuram (Tiruchchinnampuram), vi.. . .
. . 303 Tiruchchuliyal, L., .
64. Tirugőkarņam, vi..
89 n. Tirujñānasambandha, Saiva saint,
64. Tirukkadaiyur, vi.. .
297, 302, 303 Tirukkāpapper, L., . .
• 84 n. Tirukkandisvaram, vi.. .
. . 297 Tirukkattuppalli, vi... . . 304, 306, 308 Tirukkodika (Tirukkodikival), vi.. 303, 307, 309 Tirukkodunkuņram, l., Tirukkollambüdür, vi.,
. . 85 Tirukkondisvaram, vi.. . . . . 304 Tirukkottiyur, vi.. . .
96 Tirukkudandai, vi.. . Tirukkudandai Adityan Sendapirin-Battan, off.. . . .
. . 112, 124 Tirukkunrakkudi (Kunnakkudi), vi.. . . 96 Tirukkuraiyalür, vi.,
304, 307, 308 Tirukkursālam, L., .
. . 63. Tirukkurugаippiran Pillan, Vaishnava pontiff. 323 n. Tirumala, hill, . . . . Tirumalipadi, vi.. .
304 dirumalaippuram, gift for flower garland,
134 Tirumalirujolai, vi... . . . 118, Tirumaliruñjölai-Alvår, god, 113, 118, 124, 129 Tipumalirñjõlai Disan, off, Tirumaliruñjõlainallur, t., .
70 Tirumandiravolai, off . 106, 263, 264, 266 Tirumangalakkudi, vi.. . 297, 303, 306, 309 Tirumāņikkuli, vi.. . .
303, 306, 308 Tirumaruga!, vi.. . Tirumayāṇam, vi.. .
. . 85 Tiruméchchür, w., .
304, 307, 308 tirumelukkuppuram,
40 and th., 42 Tirumoyyam, vi.. . .
98 and Tirumukküdal, vi., . . . . . 78 Tirumukküdal inscription,. . 248, 200, 264
83
.
322
129
.
.
304
•
32

Page #441

376
Tirumalanathar, god, Tirumalattaṇattu-Devar, god, Tirumunaippadi-nādu, dn., Tirumuttam, vi., Tirunagari, vi.,
PAGE
40
39, 41
111, 121, 123, 130
303, 306, 308 297, 304, 306, 308
95 303
304, 306, 308 303, 307, 308 306, 308
253, 264, 266 303 96
306, 308
303 64 n. 72 322
35, 39, 40 303, 306, 308
297, 304 303 64 n. 105, 110, 123
304, 306, 308
Tiruppugalür, vi.,
Tiruppullāņi, vi., Tiruppuṇavasal, vi.,
92 38 n. 91, 304 98 64 n., 90 94 304, 306, 309 304 64 m., 82, 83, 250
Tiruppuṇavayil, vi.,
Tiruppungur, vi., Tiruppünturutti, vi., Tirupputtur, vi.,.
Tiruppavanam, vi., 64 and n., 89, 70 n., 97, 103, 113,
Tirunalakkupram, vi.,
Tirunamanallur (Tirunavanallür), vi.,
Tirunangur, vi..
Tirunanipalli, vi.,
Tirunaraiyur, vi.,
Tirunaraiyur-nadu, dn.,
Tirunarunkondai (Tirunirankonrai), vi.,
Tirunavalur, vi.,.
Tirunavallür, vi.,
Tirundutevankudi (Tiruttevankudi), vi., Tiru-Nelveli, L.,
Tirunelveli-udaiyar, god.,,
Tirupati, Lower-, vi.,
Tirupottudaiya-Bhatara, god, s.a. Siva,
Tiruppadirippuliyur, vi.,
Tiruppalatturai, vi.,
Tiruppanandal, vi.,
Tirupparankuṇram, Saiva kshetra,
Tiruppasalai-nathar, god,
.
Tiruppattur, vi.,.
Tirupperundurai, vi., s.a. Avudaiyarkōyil,
Tiruppudaimarudur, vi.,
EPIGRAFHIA INDICA
Vinayaka-Bhattan, m., Tiruppuvanamuḍaiyar, god, .
Tirutēvankudi, vi., tiruttagappanar, father', Tiru1tangal, vi., Tiruttinainagar, vi.,
Tiruttiyur-Muttam, di..
Tiru-Uttarakōsamangai, t.d., Tiruvaḍāņai, I.,
Tiruvadavur, vi.,
125 76, 82, 88, 132 Tiruppuvanam plates of Jatavarman Kulasē.
Tiruppuvanam plates, Large
Tiruvadigal, god., s.a. Vishnu,
Tiruvaiyaru, vi.,.
Tiravalangadu, vi.,
khara I, .
Tiruppuvanamuḍaiyan Vighneévaran alias
131 135, 136 70, 71, 104, 106, 108, 110, 122, 123, 131, 134, 136 306, 309 84 72, 97 303, 306, 308
96 98 64 n.
91n. 77 304 85 36,
131, 242 and m., 243, 253
.
Tiruvala ngadu plates of Rajendra-Chōja,
.
•
.
•
.
Tiruvalaväy, I.,. Tiruvalavayudaiyar-tiruvilaiyādarpurānam,
Tamil wk.,
Tiruväliputtür (Tiruvänputtür), vi., Tiruvalundur, vi., Tiruvanchiyam (Śrīvāñchiyam), vi., Tiruvantirapuram, vi.,
Tiruvarangulanallur, v., s.
a.
[ VOL. XXV
PAGE .64 %.
.64 m. 303, 307, 308
303, 306, 308
304
303, 306, 308 Perunkarai
kkudi,
95 319
Tiruvattiyur, vi.. Tiruvattiyur-ninraruliya-Paramasvamin, god, 319
Tiruvävanam, t.d., Tiruvavaņam, vi.,
89, 103 70, 89, 104, 108, 113,
Tiruvaykkelvi, off., Tiruväymoli, Vaishnava hymns, Tiruvēdagam, vi.,
Tiruvödagamudaiya-Nāyaṇār, god, Tiruvěgambam-udaiyar, god, Tiruvelliyangudi, vi., Tiruvengaivasal, vi,, Tiruvenkādu inscription, Tiruvenkatanilai-Devar, god, Tiruvennagar (Uppiliyappankōyil), vi.,
120, 122, 125, 129
69, 99, 106, 111, 123 320 64 n., 86 n. 86 m. 253, 263, 265
.
303, 306, 308
88 250 39, 41 303, 306,
308
•
•
Tiruvidaikali-Nayaṇār, god, . Tiruvidaimarudur, 'vi., Tiruvilaichchinai-kankani, off, Tiruvilaiyadal, Tamil wk., tiruvilakkuppuram, gift for lamp,
Thruvilangudi vi., s. a. Tiruviraiyankudi, tiruvilappuram, Tiruvindalür, vi.,. Tiruviraiyankudi (Tiruvilangudi), v., Tiruvirāmē varam, I., Tiruvisalur, vi., Tiruvotriyur, vi., Tiruvoriyür inscription, Tittaikudi, vi., Tittäņam, vi., TIvara or Tivaradeva, Pandava k., Tiwarkhed plates of Nannarja
Tiyagavalli, vi.,. Tiyandaikkudi-nadu, t. d.,
Tiyanür, vi., Tiyaṇur-Sōlaiyēri, vi., Togarchēdu plates of Vinayaditya, Tonamayan-Papanasan alias ViraarivallabhaBrahmadhirajan, off.. 253, 204, 266 Tondaiman-Vinnagar-Alvar, god, 72, 77 Tondai-nad-ana Jayangondasola-mandalam, t. d.,
Tondai-nadu or Tondai-mandalam, t.d.,. Toran (Toranmal), vi.,
320
36
132 101. 134 95
40 and n., 42 92 m. 95 64 n. 297, 303, 306, 308 247 n. 252 303, 306, 308 94 267, 268, 269 Yuddhasura, 25, 28, 270 and n. 306, 308 69, 71, 89, 99, 100, 104, 109, 112, 122, 124
105 105, 109, 123 289.
•
.
90
90 299

Page #442

INDEX
377
PAGE
273
PAGE Torari, w., . a. Torveh, . . 289, 291 Toesla, co., . . . . . . Trailokyamalladēva, Chandalia k.. . 2, 3, 5 Trailokyamall, w. Chalukya k., . . 252 n. Trailokyamalla-Abavamalla, W. Chalukya
• 325 Trailokyasăra, name of a ruby, . 244, 262 Trailõkyavarman, Chandella k. . . Trairijyapallava
. . . 291 traividya,. .
. 50, 63 #reta (yuga) . . . . . . 60 Tribhuvanachakravartin, tit., . . 131, 134 Tribhuvana Mahadēvi, Kara 4, . . : 147 Tribhuvana Abuba, tit., 226 n., 231, 234, 237 Tribhuvanankusa, legend on seal,. . 242 n. tri-chivara, Buddhist term meaning the robes
of a monk . . . . . . 328 Trikalinga, co.,. .
. . 282, 286, 287 Tribalingadhipati, tit, . . . . . 3, 283 Trikūta, dn.. . . . . 226, 227 Trilingi, vi.. .
. . 195 Trilingi grunt, . . . 196 1., 282 . Trilochanachary, court poel, Trinētra, god, 6. a. Siva
. . 204 Tripitaka (Trepitika or Pitaka), Buddhist wk., 33 Tripurantaka, Kayastha ch., . a. Tripuriri, Tripurantakam, L., . . . . .
139, 276
189, Tripurantaka-kahotra, I., . . . . 271 Tripurantakam inscription of Ambadeva, 271 Tripuraridova, Kayaatha ch.. . 271, 272, 273.
274 and 1., 277 Tripurl, ci., . . . 4, 206, 269, 309 Trisamapada, vi. (?) . . . . 172, 173 Tribati-rajy-adhipati, lit., . . . . 2,6 Trivars or Trivaranagara, ci., . Trivara or Tivara, k. of Southern Konala, 269 and ». Trivodi, family name, . . . 75, 201 Trivikrama, Bhattaputra- donee, 148, 150, 157 Trivikramabhatta, donee. . . . . 217 Triyambaka, Vijayanagara pr.. 186, 188, 189,
190, 193, 194 Triyara bakamangalam, wi.. . . . . 76 Tuhinagiri-suta, goddess, . a. Parvati,, . 5 Tulaiyánilai, vi... lumbavana, . . . . . . . 33 T'undira, co.. . . . . . 244, 262 Tungá, ri.. . . . . . .
947 m. Tungabhadra, ri., . . . 246, 247 7. Tufjalur, vi.. . . . . . . 92 T'uraga-aadhanika, off, Turumā, vi.,
. . 96 Turuml-nadu, dt., . . . . . 88, 96 Tuttikkulam, vi... . . . 104 Tuttiyur, ... , 89, 104, 108, 120, 122, 120 Tylgavall, ... . . . . . 30:3
u, used for 2 . . . . . . 147 u, medial, . .
. . . 199, 228 , medial, sign for . . . . 226 Udagai, ci. .
. 250 and n. Udaikulam, vi., 8.a. Kit-Chūrai, 114, 121, 125, 130 Udaiya, s.a. Chéra, . . . . . 250 Udayachandramangalam, vi.. . . . 77 Udayadēva-Pandita, donee, 8.a. Niravadya.
Pandita, . . . . . . . 21 Udayadivákaran Sri-Karimăra-Bhattan, m., 102,
113, 124 Udayagiri, fort, ...
. 305, 308 Udayana, Pandava, L.,
: : 267 and n. Udayan Nambi Pongambalakkūttan alias
Virasingadēvar, off. . . . 112, 124 Udayap Varagunadēvan, m., 6.a. Alagiyapāņdi.
ya-Vilupparaiyan, . . . 101, 112, 124 Udaiyampörur, v.1., 4.4. Udagai. . . . 250 Udaiyārgudi, L., . . . . . . . 36 Udaiyārkāyil, vi.. . . . . . 303 Udaiyar Tirunelveli-Udaiyar, god, . . 76 Udayēndiram plates of Prithivipati II, 37 n., 77 Uddari, vi... . . . . . . 202 Uddari stone inscription. . .
. 203 Udumbandai, 1, . . . . 104, 109, 123 Udra, co., 3.0, Orissa . . . .
. 286 Uddanda-Khan, feud. ch., . . . 306, 308 Ukhunda plate of Prithvibhanja, . 148 Ulagalandasolanallür, vi., 8.. Kappalūr, 94, 99
111, 123,124 Ulagamulududaiyal, Chola q., 247, 263, 265 Ulagavapi, din . . . . 104, 109, 128 Ulagudaiya-Nayaņār, Pandya ep.. . . 88 Ulakkudi, vi., Ulavapadu, ti... . . . Umi, f. . . . . . 310, 313, 317 Umávana, forest,
29, n. Umavarman, E. Gangak.,..
283, 284 Ummattūr, co.,. . . . . 299 n. Undavilli, I., . . :. 301, 307, 308 Unnaligaiyar or Unmaligai-sabhaiyar, manag.
ing body of a temple, . . . . . 132 upadhmaniya, use of . . . . 50 upadhmaniya, sign for- . . . . 226 Upajjhaya, 'preceptress', . . . . 37 Upamanyu, myth. hero,
. . 311 Upasaka,
. 31, 33, 34 Upasan pada, a Buddhist ordination, 32, 330 U pasika, f. disciple,
. 31, 33, 34 Upásikā-vibāra, Upendra Bhanja, poet,
. 104. Or, . . . . Urattur.kurram (Vada-kõnadu), dt., . . 99, 15 Uriyappi, L., . .
. . 106, 110, 183
97

Page #443

378
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
| Vol. XXV
.
154
PAGE Urlam platos of Hastivarman (year 80), 196,
196 and to
. Urtti or Uratti-vishaya, dt., . 147, 153, 164, 167, 161,
162, 163 Uruvupalli, vi., 8. G., Ulavapadu, . . . . 48 Uruvupalli grant of Simhavarman, . 43., 45 Uruvupalli grant of Yuva-Maharaja Vishnu gopavarman,
. 44, 48 Oshaikkurukkai, I., . .
. 264, 265 Ushavadata, donor, . . . . 168 Utkala 8.a. Orissa, Co., 153, 244 n., 261, 286 Uttama Chola, Chola k., . 35, 38 n., 242 R. Uttamapandiyanallur, vi., 8. a. Mēlsi
kodumalür or Kodumalūr, . Uttamalli, Chola pr.. . . . .
38 Uttamastli-chaturvēdimangalam, vi., . 38. Uttamastli-väykkäl, channel, . . Uttamabola-chaturvēdimangalam, vi..
74 Uttamabőlapuram, vi., 8. d., Korrayur,
95 uttamóttama, a class or type of temple,
325 Uttarakösala, L., . . .
207 Uttaramallúr, vi.. . . Uttaramallür inscriptions, Uttaramallur-Nangai, ., .a. Sannichchāni, 78 Uttaripatha, . . .
. 22, 23 Uvaichchar, . . Uvaniyamangalam, vi.. . 104, 109, 122 Uyyakkondasőlanallür, v.š., ... Muttür, Uyyaninrādi Periya/vän, m.. . 102, 113, 124 Wyyan-Suriyan-Embal, vi... . 105, 109, 122 Uyyavandan Ponnan, m., d.d. Minábharana
Mävēndavöfar, . . . . .
38 n.
78
Vajrakara, Co.
PAGS Vägaikudi, vi... 70, 71, 89, 104, 108, 122, 131,
134, 136 Väghaure, vi., 8. a. Wäghur, 200, 208, 211, 215,
222, 224 Vighumata, L., . . . . . . Vägisa, god., . . . . . . 175 Váhads, ., . . Vaibhava, Vaishnava biographical wk.,. 321 Vaigai, ri., ur. Srivallabhapperiru, 64, 71, 114, 125 Vaigal, vs., . . .
. 304, 306, 308 Vaijayanth, L., . . . . . 45, 167 Vaikundanallür, os., . . Vayiragaram, vi, .. a. Vairāgarh, Vajma a
Vajragadhe, . . . Vaifishika, . . . . . . 78 Vaishpavism, religion, . . . . . 321 Vaibadeva, rite, . .
. . . 294 Vaitarani, ri., . . . . 134, 168 Vaiva....y-vishaya, t. d., . . . . 50, 62 Vājimēdha-tirtha, tirtha, . . . . 16 Vajjada, Sitähära k.,.
64 and .., 57 Vajjadēva, Gilâhara k.. . . . . 66 Vajjadadēva (II), Silahara k., . 64, 87, 88, 68 Vajra or Vajragadha, vi., .. a. Vairagarh, 200
and . Vajrákara, ci.. .
. 206
211, 229 Vajrayana or Agranaya Mahayana, School of Buddhism,
. 34 palanadu, . . .
96 s., 97 Valana Ifu-kariyam, of, ,
99, 106 Valabha, Chola k., .
244, 260 Valabbi, lord of . . . . . 293 Vallabha, til., . . • 26, 28, 29 and .. Vallabha-Vallabha, ep. of Chöja Virarájöndra, 244,
262 Vallabharasa, . . . .
. 29 n. Vallabhārys, m., . . . 141, 142, 144 Vallabhökta, . . . . . 188, 199 Vallam, vi.. . .
. . 304 Valläru or Vallürupattapa, ca. . 272, 274. Våmadēva (Vishộu), god, . . Vámadēva, Kalachuri k., . . Vamadeva-pad-anudhyalam fit., . Våmarādi, rel. preceptor. . . . .310 . Vāmaya-bbatta, ., . .
142, 144 Vāmanācharys, .. . Vāmasambhu, rel. preceptor,
. 310 .. Vanga, co., . . .
• 261 Vamsadhară, ri., .
196, 285 Vanagangappēraiyan, 7.,
116, 126 Vanamaladinne, vi.. .
. 38 Vanarasi, co., . . Vanganagar, oi., . . Vatijiyūr, vi.. . .
104, 108, 123 Vannāru, stream, .
• 104, 145
Mahiyana, school of
Granny
.
.
.
.310 ..
1, wed for , . . . 1, 8, 165, 282, 328
not distinguished from .. . 147, 309 and b indicated by separato signe, . . 195 vo, changed into , . . . . . 200 Váchaspati (Brahma), god,. . . Vächsspati, min., . .
279 and . ydda-kadamai, . a. vida-kadan, .
133, 134 Vada-Kalavaļi-nadu, t. d., . . . . 98 Vada-Könadu, dt., . a. Urattūrküfram, 95 Vadakurukkai, ... . . . . 264, 266 Vada-Päm barru-nidu, t. d., s.. Mal-kupu,. 92, 93 Vadatalai-Sombi-nadu, i, d., 89, 98, 99, 111, 124,
136 Vada Siruvayil- nādu, dt., Vadavalli plates of Aparajita, . Vaddahakadama, m.. .
. . 160 Vidivahana, I...
. . 33 Vadnora platos of Buddharaja. . . .228. Vadobe, ni. . . . . 310, 311, 316
.
216

Page #444

INDEX
379
.
.
325
PAGE Vantyåls, vi.. . Varadacharya alias Nayiņáracharya, rel. preceptor, . . . . .
322 Varadarajs, god, . . . . .319 . Varagandanallür, vi., 8.G. Narimagram, 65, 110,
123 Varaguna II, Panya k., . . . . 76 Varagunamangalam or Varagunamangai, vi., 76 Varahs or the boar, emblem, . . . 290 vardhan, gold coin, . . . 297, 307, 308 Vardha-lanchchhana, banner with boar emblem, 22 Varahavartani, dt., . .
. 284 n. Viranisl, s.a. Benares, ci... 179, 207, 211, 222,
309 Våraspadi, L., . . . . .
264, 266 Varāta, co., . . .
. 202 Varátar, dy., .
. 108, 122 Variya-Perumakkal, . . . .
132 Varman, dy., . .
270 varnas, castes, . .
208 vårttika, . .
78 Varuņa-tirtha, L.,
15 Vasa (Valya), J., Buddhist nun,
• 33 Vasantapandita, donee,
218 Visata, Pandava q . .
267 rasati-danda, tar . .
218, 225 Vasava, name . . .
32 n. Väsavadatta, Sans, drama,, . . . 34 Vabishtha, sage,. . 148, 151, 154, 155, 156,
157, 160, 163, 172, 173, 208, 212, 223 Vasishthasarman, Thakkura- m., . . 5 Vastusive, rel. preceptor, . , 310, 312, 315 Visudēva, god., . . 176, 231, 234, 236, 291 Visudėvabbatta, donee, .
215, 216 Visudēvan Suriyadēvan, m., • 100, 112, 124 Vasudevan Nagnapirin-Bhattan, of... 112, 124 Vasuavāmin, m,. .
292 Vappuvanna, silühåra k., Vatapi, ca.,
93 Vatluru, vi. . .
145 Vavvēru, vi.,
.
49 Vayalagam, vi., . Vayalaga-nadu, dt., . Viyinayaka, m... .
. . 8, 13 Vayiraméga-chaturvedimangalam, vi, . . 75 Vaykēvi, off
. . . 39, 41 Väyttalainallur, vi.. . . 105, 190, 123 Vedas. . . . 71, 73, 75, 77, 78, 108, 122 Vēdas:
Rigvēda, . . . 165, 200, 212, 223 Såmavēda, . . .
. . 200, 218 Yajurvēds, . .
. 140, 141, 142 Yajurvēda, Black, .
. . . 200 Yajurvēda, White,. .
. . . 200 Voda-matha, institution,
. . 323 Vidanga, . . . .
. . 74, 75, 78
Рок Vēdānta Dasika, rel. teacher, .319 and 2., 321
and 1., 322, 32: Vēdanta-Dēsika, image of- . . . 322 Vedanta-Desika-vaibhav-prakisika, biogra
phical wok.. . . . . . . 321 ». Vēdavyasa, sage, 3. a. Vyasa, . Vēdēndrasagara Sripada, rel. teacher, . 323 Vēgāvati, ri., 8. a. Vaigai, . . . . 84 Vēlāditya, m., . . . .
61 Vēlaiya-upă ani, donce,
. 56, 61 Vēļān Alagan, 7., 8. d. Sundarapandiya
Müvēndavélan. . . . 103, 113, 125 Vēlāņēri, vi.. . . . 70, 97, 116, 127 Vēļangulam, vi.,
104, 108, 120, 122, 130 Vēlāņ Irattai alias Rajakunjara-Pallavaraiyan, off. . .
101, 112, 12+ Vēlankal, l. . . . . 105, 110, 123 Vēlān Kovan, off, . . . 102, 113, 125 Vēļārkuruchchi, vi.. . . . 105, 109, 123 Vēlān Sattan, m.. .
99, 111, 1:3 Vēlān Sirilanko, m.. . .
103, 113, 125 Vēlān Sundarattāludaiyag, off., . . 113, 124 Vēl-Evvi, Vell ch., . , 90, 91 and n., 94 vēli, l. m. . . . 38, 40, 73, 109, 123 Vėjir or Vel, family, . . . . 95 n. Veļiyarrür, vi... . 39, 41,89, 99, 111, 123 Vellamukonda (Bellamkond), fort, 305, 308 Vellāņ, community. ommunity. .
.
. . . . . . 74 Vellin-kaniyalar, off.. . . . . . 73 ve!!an-vagai, . . . .
67, 111, 122 Vellattaivenran-imbal, ., .
104, 108, 122 Veļļāru, ri.,
89 and n., 90, 91 Vellāru (South), ri., . . . . . 302 Vellára, Northern ri., . . . 302 r. Vellikuruchchi, vi.. . . . . 102 >. Veljūr, vi., . .
. . 89, 92. Veljūrkuruchchi, vi., 70 and R., 89, 102, 103, 113,
119, 120, 125, 129 Vēl-Pari, ch.. . .
. . 91 Velugofivärivanavall, Hist. tok... 323 and . Vēlür, vi., 8. a. Alagiyapandiyanallur,, 70., 89,
103, 113, 125 Vēlärkuļakkil, ill. .
. . . 97 Vēlür-kulakki] Srikundadēvi-chaturvēdi. mangalım, I.. .
. 40. Vēsur-Sirukudi, vi. . . . . 121, 130 Vēļvikudi plates, . . . . . . 76, 133 Vēma, Reddi k., . .
. . 140 Vēma-chamūpati, ch.,
. . 139 Vembangudi, vi.. . 69, 70, 114, 120, 125, 130 Vēmbod-embal, I., . .
105, 110, 123 Vēņādudiyar, Chēra k.. . . . . 72 Veņbula-or Venbil-nadu, dt., Vēngai, tiger, emblem of the Cherie, . 107. 122 Vengai-nadu, co., . . Vengi,
• 245 sud, 247, 203, 236
and n., 56
95 95
.
.
Yine, Black

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380
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA,
[ Vol. XXV
PAGE Vangi, vi., identified with Peda-Vēgi, 44, 45, 47 Vångt, co., . . 45, 244 and n., 251, 252, 262 Vengipuravarādhisvara . Chalukya tit., 248 m Vēngl-vishaya, 1.d. Vöngörashtra, t. d.
. 45 Venkāņūr, vi.,
136 Venkata II, Karna fa k.,
300 Venkatēéa, god,. .
322 Vēppangulam, vi.. Verriyūr, vi.. . Vetchiyur alias Mummadisojanallür, vi.. . 92 vefliyan, off : Vibhramatunga, Bhanja tit. . 172 and n., 173 Vibhramatunga, Bhaja k., . 147, 148, 149, 151, 162,
155, 156, 157, 160 Vidarbha, co., . . . . . . 11 Vidattal alias Manabharana-chaturvēdi mangalam, vi., 70n., 89, 102, 113, 119, 124,
129 Vidattakulam, vi., Vidiéā, ci., . . .
. . : 33 Vidvan, tit., . .
. i 138 Vidvēraka, vi., . .
• 292 Vidyadhikarin, off.. .
138, 140 Vidyasthāna,
• 78 n. Vidyāvinita, Pallava ch., .
. . 77 Vidyāvinita-chaturvēdimangalam, ti., 8. a.
Kuram, . . . . . . . 75, 77 Vidyāvinfta-Pallava-Paramēsvara, god. . Vighnēsvara, god. . . . . 159 and n. Vijays, sur. of Pratapa-Dēvarāya, . 189, 190 Vijayabahu, Ceylon k., . . . . 250 Vijaya-Bhupati, Vijayanagara k., . 188, 190, 193 Vijaya-Dévavarman, Salunkåyana k., . 42, 43,
44, 45 and *. Vijadharma, ........
. . . 295 Vijayaditya, W. Chalukya k., 21, 22, 23, 24, 228, 229 Vijayaditya, lit,. . .
. . 27 Vijayaditya, E. Chalukya k., 248, 249, 251, 263, 265 Vijayaditya (I), E. Chalukya k.. . . 191 Vijayaditya IT E. Chalukya k., .
187, 191 Vijayāditya (III), E. Chalukya k.. . . 191 Vijayaditya (IV), E. Chalukya k., . . 191 Vijayaditya VII, E. Chalukya k., 248, 247, 252, 253 Vijayagandagopala, Telugu Chola ch... 275 Vijayalaya, Parakesari, Chola k., • . 244, 260 Vijayanagara-pattana, ca.. .
. . 305 Vijayankura chaturvēdimangalam, vi.. . . . 75 Vijayasimha, Kalachuri k.,. . 3, 4, 206 Vijaya-Skandavarman, Salankāyana k., 42, 43,
44, 45, 46, 47 Vijaya-Skandavarman, Pallava k., 49, 284 n. Vijayavāda (Bazwada), ci., . . . 248, 251 Vijays (ibai a)-Vicholădiradēvar alias Malaiki. mipaniran, off.. .
. 112, 124
PAGB Vikkalan, W. Chalukya k.,.
247 Vikramaditya, Bhanja k., . . . . 154 . Vikramaditya, W. Chalukya pr.
191 Vikramaditya, W. Chalukya k., 226, 227, 228, 289 Vikramaditya I, W. Chalukya k., 22, 228, 229 Vikramaditya II, W. Chalukya k., 21 and 1., 27 Vikramaditya II, E. Chalukya k., . 187, 191, 192, 239 Vikramaditya VI, W. Chalukya k.. . 166, 245,
246 and 1., 249, 251, 262, 262, 265 Vikramaditya-Vallabha, W. Chalukya k., 220, 234,
236 Vikrama-Chola, Kongu Chola pr., .
82 Vikrama-Påndya, Pandya pr.. . 39 and n. Vikramapandya-chaturvēdimangalam, vi., 73, 78,
77 Vikramapandya-Mūvēndavēļān, m... 39, 41 Vikramarkacharitramu, wk., . . . 138 n. Vikramasithapura (8. a. Nellore), ca.,. . 274 Vikramabolanallär, vi., 1. a. Viļānkättür,
92 Vikramasölapperunderu, vi., 8. a. Särapatta
pam, . . . . . . . Vikramadolapuram, vii, 4. a. Disipattanam, Vikukshin, myth. k., . . . . . . Viļänkättür alias Vikramasolanallür, vi., . 92 Vilattūr, vi., 3. a.. Jayangondaáblanallür, . 92 Vilavatti grant of Simhavarman,. . . 49 Villa var, a. a. the Chēras. . . . 108, 122 Vimalasiva, rel. preceptor, . 3, 4, 6, 309. 310 and
11., 311 and n., 312, 316 Vimaladitya, Kulúta ch.. . . . . 244 1. Vimjhadēvabhatta, donec, ,
217 Vinayachandra, writer, .
195, 196, 198 Vinayāditya or Vinayaditya Satyabraya,
w. Chalukya k., . 21 and n., 22, 23, 289 Vinayaka, m., . . . . 208, 212, 223 Vinayakabhatta, m.,. . . . . 216 Vinayakapala, Pratthara k., . . Vinayasurya, off.,
.
. 198 n. Vinikondai, fort,. .
305, 308 Vindhya, mo., . .
11, 269 Viñjattaraiyan, m., 8. a. Malaiyan Soran,
. 103,
113, 125 Vinnakota, vi.,
. . . 140, 146 Vinnakota Peddana, Telugu poet, . 338, 336 Vintükki alias Rājēndrasolapuram, vi., . . 96 Vipparla, vi., 8. a. Viripara, . . . . 49 Vipaśyin, an incarnation of the Buddha, .333 . Vira-Ballăla III, Hoysala k., . 320 and n. Virabhadra, Bhai ja k.. . 148 and ., 151, 152,
153, 154, 155, 156, 157, 160, 161, 162 Virabhadrabhatta, doncs, . . . 216 Virabhadrasona Gajapati, Gajapati pr... 306, 308 Vira-Chola, ep. of Virarājēndra, . . . 244 Virachõla, Chola tit., . , 260, 262, 263, 265 Viracböladēva, South Kongu k., . . . 83

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Virachola-Lankéévaradeva, ch., s. a. Solan
Silamban,
Viradova, monk,.
Viragangappērayan-embal, I.,
Viraiyachchilai, vi., Viraiyavitankanallur, vi., eur. of Senguļam, Virakamugamangalam, vi., s. a., Sürakuḍi,
.
83 335 104, 108, 122 95 86 70,
102, 113, 119, 124, 129
Virakerajan, name of a royal seat,. Virakesari, Pandya pr.,
319 250 40, 42 302 293 n. 40 n. 98 109, 123
virakiduvän, supplier of firewood Viramadakku-ohchirmai, dt., Viramapura, vi.,. Viranarayana-kulakk!! Pulingunrür, vi., Virapandiyanallur, vi., s. a., Nallirukkai, Vira paṇḍiyankōl, 1. m. Virapandiyappērayan-embal, I., Vira-Pandya, Pandya k., 83, 85, 86 Vira-Pandya, Solan-ralai-konda, Pandya k., 35, 36 and n., 37, 38 and n., 39, 40 Vira-Pandyadeva, Pandya k., Vira-Pandyan-ralai-konda, tit. of Chola k., Virarajendradeva, Chola k., 78, 241, 242 n.,
104, 109, 122
320 35
244, 245, 262 Virarajendra-Brahmadhirajan, . a. Chandra
sekharabhushana-Bhatta,
Vira-Ramanatha, Hoysala k.,
Viraravivarman-Tiruvadi, Venādu k.,
Virakaiva, cult,
.
Virasena, myth. k.,
Ponnambalak-küttan,
Virasola-Valanādu, dn.,
"
Virasingadevar, m., s. a. Udaiyan Nambi
Viraárivallabha-Brahmadhirajan, eur. of
Tonamayan-Papanasan, off,
Virătar, dy..
Viravallalan, name of a throne,
Viravalli, vi.,
Viravalli-Pillai, Vaishnava disciple,
Viréévaramudaiyar, god,
Virifichi, god,
Viripara, vi.,
Virkudi, vi.,
Virpparu, vi., s. a. Vipparla, Virodhabhasa, figure of speech, Virupaksha, Vijayanagara k., Visaiyalaya-chaturvedimangalam, vi., Visakhavarman, Kalinga k.,
Visaladeva, Vaghela k. of Anhilwad,
INDEX
.
Vishamasiddhi, legend on seal,
Vishayapati, off., Vishnu, god,
PAGE
Visalür, vi.,
visarga changed to sh.,
visarga, used for denoting punctuation,.
254 325
84 174 259
99, 112, 124
254, 264, 266
253, 204, 266
108, 122 319, 320, 325
321
322
84 255 48
304, 307, 309
49
. 318 n. 190 75
284 and n. 203, 204
95 8 66, 131 242 n. 30, 50, 294
137, 188, 231, 234, 237
Vishnubhatta, donee, Vishnudatta, m.,
215, 217
163
44
48
Vishnugopavarman, Pallava k., Vishnuhara, te., Vishnu-Käñcht, L., Vishnukundin, dy.. Vishnumamchi, m.,
318 and ".
. 269 n. 215 140 and n. Vishnupuranamu, Telugu wk., Vishnuraja or Vishnuvardhana (III), E. Chalukya k.,
Vishnuvardhana, E. Chalukya k.,
Vishnuvardhana (I), E. Chalukya k., Vishnuvardhana (II), E. Chalukya k., Vishnuvardhana, Hoysala k.,
Vishnuvardhana Vijayaditya, E. Chalukya k.,
Vishnuvarman, ch.,
Vishvaksēna or Senai-mudaliyar, Vaishnava devotee,
Vissayarya, m., visun, I. m.,
Viśvanithabhaṭṭa, m.,
Viśvasrit, creator of the universe,
Viśvabhu, an incarnation of the Buddha, Visvesvara, E. Chalukya k.,.
Visvesvara, m.,
Visvesvara, composer, . Visvesvara, author, Visvesvara-bhatta, m., Visvesvara-bhatta, donee, Vitparti, vi., s. a. Vipparla, vittabandha, Vitthapaiya, m.,
Vittarparru, vi., Vivasvän, myth. k.; Vivekaräái, teacher, Võnkhara-bhöga, t. d., Vratakhanda, wk., Vri(Bri)hat-Sarai, vi., Vrishabhadhvaja, god, a.a., Siva, Vritrari, s. a. Indra, vritti,. Vyaghraketu,
vyakarana, grammar, vyäkhyāta, 'exegete', Vyalabhayankara, Chola k., . Vyasa Bhagavan, god of learning,
.
•
W
Waghür, vi., s. a., Vaghaure, Warangal ca
191
239, 248 191 191, 283
202 49,
252 n. 48
381
.
PAGE
320
140, 144
6 n.
216
107, 121
333. 335
.
.
324.
142, 144 217 49 3, 6 .54, 59
92 m. 255
183, 185
282, 286, 287
10.202 and n., 203, 275
147, 156 185 57
73, 74, 77, 200 and n.
259 78 72
944 260 325
3 6
203 301

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392
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
( VOL. XXV
PAGE
Saumya, . . Sukla, . . . Vikärin, . . . Vikrania, . . Vikrita, . . . Virðdhin, . .
Yuva, . . . Year (of Ganga era) :
PAGE 241, 244, 263, 265, 319. .
. .
. .
.319 n. . . . 319, 325 . . . . 302 .
• .
271, 277, 278
•
188, 193
28,
80,
. 195
. 196 . 194, 195, 198
194, 195
Year of unspecified era :
39,
282, 286, 287
151 . 147, 151 . . 227
.
.
y, bipartite,
50, 268 ya, symbol resembling-, used to denote ppa. 130 Yadava or Yadu, myth. k.,. . 8, 9, 188, 192 Yadavas, descendants of Yadu, . . . 9 Yadavas of Devagiri, dy., . . . 275 Yadavas of Dévagiri, Later . . . 10 Yajña Dikshita, m., . . . . . 55, 61 Yajñaśarman, m.. . . . . . 21 Yajuavalkya Dharmasastra, wok., . Yajnavarman, Maukhari ch., . . 270 Yagăēsvarabhatta, donee, Yaksha, kula putraka-, engraver, . . 157 Yakshadatta, engr. . . . Yakshi, name, . . .
. . . 32 n. Yamuna, emblem of- . . . . 22, 23 Yasahkarņa, Kalachuri k.,. 5, 310 and 7., 311,
312, 316 Yaborarman, Chandella k.,. Yabovihära, monastery,
. 34 våtrådána,. . . . Yaranarasa-sthapanacharya, Vijayanagara dit., 305,
308 Yayātinagara, ci., Year of the cycle :-- Bahudbänya,. . .
322 Bhāvaka (Bhava), .
. 820 n. Chitrabbanu, . .
336 Dbåtri,
. 300 lévara, .
301, 304 Krõdhana, .
165, 170 Pramadi, . .
273 n., 276 Pramoduta, . .
. 273 n. Sáuboranu, . . 201, 211, 214, 222, 224
293 . 461,
. Year, regnal : 7th
. 10th, 11th year and 108th day. . 11th opposite the 13th, . 13th year and 4360th day 25th . . . .
.
.
.
280
241, 244, 263, 265
132, 289, 291 . 131, 134, 136 . 108, 122, 132 . . 108, 122 . .
. 107, 121
Yogas :
Vyatipāta, . . . . . 201 Yögadēvabhatta, m.,.
. . . 216 Yögibhatta, m., . . . . . 216 Yögi-Malla varam, vi, Yudhiahtbirn, epic hero. . 57, 155, 160, 231,
234, 236, 291 Yuraraja, 'crown prince'. .. . 139, 149, 188 Yuddhamalla, tit. of W. Chāļukya Mangalarája, 27 Yuddhamalla II, E. Chalukya k., . . Yuddhasura, tit., . . . . . 25

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