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209
Pāda a quoted in Hem. III 80 (kin ki te padihāi).
When her friends asked the young wife who was pregnant for the very first time and experienced longings (common to pregnant women): 'whatever do you like?', her eyes fell on her husband and on nothing else!
The word dohala (Skt dohada) refers to a woman's cravings for unusual kinds of food during her pregnancy. The woman in this Gāthā, who is pregnant for the first time, apparently mistakes the nature of her cravings, thinking they are a desire for her husband.
The Skt enclitic pronoun te 'you' is found as de and occasionally after vowels as e. The instances of de and e are the following. 547 kim de (S; te in all the other MSS), 609 muhan de (Bh, , Y, T, S; te Ma, Ti, Tp, R). In these two instances te in the South Indian MSS, which often have -ind - for -it- (677 saņdāva T, Ma, Tp), may be hypercorrect. Other instances are: 554 tam pi de vahuan (Ma, TP, X, Y, T, S; te W; he Ti), 895 atthi de kajja (Ti, Tp, T), 896 kkhu de (Ti, Tp, T; me Ma), 946 je de eaṁ (Ti, Tp, T), 948 jaha de pia (T; te Bh, R, S). Instances of e are: 683 ma e maņņu (Ma, TP, R, T), 734 kaha e (R; de T), 737 vie (R; de s), 908 aha e icchai (Ma, Ti, Tp; de T), 925 kaha nu e 'māņo (Ti, Tp; de T).
The same development can be seen in the pronouns deņa 'by him' (tena) and e 'they' (te). For deņa, see *29 (T), 164 (Tp, T), 276 (R), 438 (S), 627 (1), 651 (T) and 905 (T). For e, see 732 chivasti e jala (Ma, R; de Tp; te T, S) and 733 saṁdhei e jāla (R; te T).
de for te is the result of the lax pronunciation which goes with the often unemphatic use of the pronoun, which is especially the case with their enclitic forms. This phenomenon has been discussed by Turner (1928). As such the development of te into de has parallels in, for instance, vi (api) and dāva (tāvat). The instances of e could be due to accidents in the transmission of the text, the original initial consonant, d- or t-, having been deleted unconsciously as it occurred between vowels On the other hand, the loss of the initial consonant could be the result of the same phenomenon discussed above. As in the case of de there are several parallels, namely a (ca), i (vi; see *17)