Jignasa Journal Of History Of Ideas And Culture Part 02

Author(s): Vibha Upadhyaya and Others
Publisher: University of Rajasthan

Page 144

360
/ Jijñāsā
or higher amercementso"80. Similarly penalties for leading a brahmana astray are for more severe than those for the same offence against a member of lower caste. Thus it appears that the privileges of the brahmanas in the matter of immunity in capital punishment were not so evident as Sastri would have us believe. Asoka's frequent requests in his edicts for due respect towards brahmanas2 hardly points to his being anti brahmanical in outlook.
Pt. Sastri's final argument is even weaker than his preciousness. He maintains that Asoka was strong enough to hold his own against the brahmanas. but on his death a conflict arose between his successors and the brahmanas which lasted until the assumption of power by Pusyamitra, and the latter was the expression of a great brahaman revolution. Neither of these statements is borne out by existing evidence, for we know that one at least of Asoka's descendents was quite anti Buddhist and very pro brahman Jaluka is described as an ardent Saiva. The idea of Pusyamitra being violently anti Buddhist has often been stated, but archaeological evidences suggests the contrary. Buddhist literature relates that Pusyamitra wishing to gain notoriety decided that even a wicked action could be excused provided it made him well known. As to why Asoka gained fame, he was told that it was due to Asoka having built 84,000 stupas for Buddhism. Where upon Pusyamitra decided that he would gain fame by destroying these 84,000 stupas. Yet, an archaeological study of the stupas at Sanchi proves that it was enlarged and encased in its present covering during the Sunga periode
Since the Mauryan empire had shrunk considerably and the kings of the later period were hardly in a position to defend themselves. it did not need a revolution to depose Brhadratha. It has been stated that Pusyamitra assassinated him while reviewing the army. This does not suggest a great revolution. In fact it paints very strongly to a palace coup d'e'tat. The organization of the state was by now. at such low ebb that subordinate officials were willing to accept anyone who could promise them a more efficient organization
In determining the quality of governments or rulers. an evaluation of their foreign relations is essential. This would include relations based both on diplomacy and on geographical proximity. The century in which Asoka lived was one of tremendous intercommunication between the eastern Mediterranean and South Asia. Asoka was aware of the importance of foreign relations and contact with peoples outside his empire. Most of his contacts were to the south and the west. The east was almost outside his sphere of interest.
The fact of Indians going in large numbers to foreign countries and travelling in distant places appears to have been a new development,85 although Megasthenes states that Indians have never migrated from their own country. This new spirit of adventure was no doubt due in part of familiarit with other people after the Greek campaign, and in part to the opening up of trade with foreign countries. particularly with the west. Asoka's missions were the main contact that Asoka had with neighbouring countries. They may be described as embassies, though the word mission is more appropriate.
A state could not be at peace for a long time. with the neighbouring people and powers if its foreign relations were always guided by the fourfold diplomatic means as contemplated in Brahmanical Rajdharama. The sordid art of diplomacy was sought to be superseded by the nobler policy of Dhammavijaya without the least thought about impairing the strength of the state and its military efficiency. The imperial envoys were dispatched to convey the good wishes from the side to foreign courts and peoples, to carry on works of public utility and to acquaint the countries they visited with