Indian Antiquary Vol 14

Author(s): John Faithfull Fleet, Richard Carnac Temple
Publisher: Swati Publications
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/032506/1

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THE
INDIAN ANTIQUARY,
A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH
IN
ARCHÆOLOGY, EPIGRAPHY, ETHNOLOGY, GEOGRAPHY, HISTORY, FOLKLORE, LANGUAGES,
LITERATURE, NUMISMATICS, PHILOSOPHY, RELIGION, &c. &c.,
EDITED BY
JOHN FAITHFULL FLEET, C.I.E.,
BOMBAY CIVIL SERVICE,
AND
RICHARD CARNAC TEMPLE,
CAPTAIN, BENGAL STATT CORPS.
VOL. XIV.-1885.
Swati Publications
Delhi 1984

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CONTENTS.
The names of Contributors dro arranged alphabetically 970 ) Kar TV PAGE 19 ST SA
AMAYAXACAHAYANET
* PAGE
. ACESTAY Pror. J. AVERT Bowdoin College, U.S.A.
J. F. FLEET, Esq., Bo.C.S., MBA A C.L.E. OUT Ex} THE RELIGION OW THE ABORIGINAL TRIBES OF SANBERIT and OLD-KANABEEE INSCRIPTIONS(confl.):hi FIND
E R
125 1 01 CET.-Byn Stone Inscription **
of . BALL, E.Q., M.A, F.R.S, Dublin -
the *** ...
Adkiroja Vijaya: Samvat 1190098
WFT CLIT.-Chicacote Plates of the Mabinija SE PLANTE O IDE WHICH WE KNOWN TO 11
4 . 10 EARLX.GREEX AUTHORS 2012 Y 374, 308, 834
40 CLIfr. Korumelli Plates of Rajaraja H.; A Note on Ptolemy's Geography cca 291
after Saka 944 DECLIV. Chelldr Plates of Kulottargar ChodaDISCLIV.1cheid
, dubio 48 JOHN BEAMES, E89, C.S., M.B.A.S. ete. :***
dēva II. ; Saks 1056. Notice of Sayon Grammar of the Dialects and
55
CLV. Baat Plato of Gasindachandra 1 Subdialects of the Bihari Languages .. .206 ... ... Eathvat 1161
G1 Florindachandras
. CECIL BENDALL, EAQ, M. AM .R.A.S.
O LVI. Brittdk Miseum Platos of Vira"AN INSCRIPTION OF SIYADAVA AND ABUVABAD "YROM NEPAL ... ... ... ..... ... 97 NOINTI.19 British inherin Pit mon 999
229
es of Eperarse K. T. BEST, Esq., M.A.M.R.A.8.
2 1
9 CLVIII.-os Plates of Shashthadeva IL
.2043 The Proverbs of Ali ebu ali Talebi ,92, 124, 204, 236,
Kaliyuga 4348 ARAYI
Dit Ctr. Paithan Plates to
0288
help 2 Prof. G. BUHLER, CLE.. PH.D., Vienna = 1. BICHOCOA BANTADA 261, 292
.. ..
les of Ramachandra;
Sakr 1193, D
R K 0.62 914 A NOTE ON A SECOND OLD SANSKRIT PALM LEAP
THE LEGENDS ON THE SILVER COINS OF TAFT
+7 EARLY Gurras and OTHERS CONNECTEP WITH * MANUSCRIPT FROM JAPAN...
THEM THE BANAWAS INSCRIPTION OF HARITIPUTATE SATAKAMNI
HT 7034 65 ... ..A10 X 9
KAMERALLIPA7. ' 331
MX-00 MA Notice of Prof. E, G. Bhandarkar's Report on
1:-rk&insuflection
The Insurrection of Bavenga pf Sangol...2293 Tythe Search for Sanakit M88. in the Bombay
A Stite Cois oF RUDEABIMHA ... MSIBA 325 Prosidency in the year 1882-88W 0 . ...da 401 MAA
The CRONOLOGY OF THE EARLY BUERST
X . Notice of Prof. Jolly's Tagore Law Lectures of
L
I HTAVS104,349 *1883 ...
Notice of Mr, V., 4, Smith's papar qa the Gold
.. . 40343 Coins of the Imperial Gupta Dynasty Notice of Dr. Peterson's Second Report of Opera
... ... 92 tions in search of Sanskrit MSS. in the Bombay
Nariad in the Kaira District .... .. ... ... 123
The Date of the Kota Buddhist Inscription of the Circle ... ... .
PU
S Amanta Devathitta .. ... JAS. BURGESS, Esq., C.L.E., LL.D., M.R.A.S.:
... .. . 361
1 The Chandragupta and Vidgramidity of the&.& ON TO IDENTIVIGATION OR PLACES INSTAR
es Udayagiri Anita Cave Inscription SANSKRIT GEOGRAPHY OY INDEKSA W
autta.-852 . 319 Rev. PHOS, FOULKES, MR.A.S.
egnie Chandragupta and Vikramiditya....
.. 61
The Genopdogy of the Cholas ... ... ... ... 204 The Leiden Copper-Plate Granite na Correction W2031
K Note on THE PROBABLE INDSAN ORIGIN OF THE
JA. GRIERSON, EQ. B.08 MR.A.9. sado NAMBA AF THE WEE-DAYS TV.... 942
VIDYAPATI AND HIS CONTEMPLAR
0.184 WAC.- 8.7
737011200 .
9 VAL THE SONG OFTAS MAERTACÍ A lo !
A Notes on the JAHA
MARY OF THE ALRAKHAND ...
Curiosities of India Litoratuin. 124,908! 236.261.212. MAJOR-CINBRAL A. CUNNINGHAM, C... em
TE PROABLE INDIAN, ORIGIN OF NAME . F.8GROWSE, WA4, P.O.Bijo:1/B.M.R.A.9. RU ...OF THE WEEK-DAYAA
N
wit 11 Four Queries dinoerning the Fattehpur District in DOCTOBEBO B
i l
the North-West Pebyinces meilt .to ai 286 Persian-English Dictionary W M O 89
A. PROY.A. F. RUDOLF HOERNLE, PR.D.
B.Q_ KESHAVAHI DHRUVA, u o'
et ont on The
G WARE AND Rx monte
# PALAS OF BENGAT ..ie . MUDERA KATA Tot MALATAN
tant to a THE DOMINIONS OF KING PARVATESVARA
H. H. HOWORTH, Esq., F.S.A. :
... 105 CAINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. XXIX. 81, 115 SIR WALTER ELLIOT, K.C.8.1. :
20121002 Do.
XXX. 142, 169 Note on the Family and Date of the great Rajendra
Do. do.
XXXI /267T Chola of Tanjore .... ... the APAR 3. 208.
. 208 .
A Singhalese Prince in Cairo ... Singhalese Prince in Cairo
... ... ... 61
de Libre 323

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CONTENTS.
PAGE E. HULTSZCH, PE. D.:
A BUDDHIST SANSKRIT INSCRIPTION FROM KOTA 45 AN BARTHROWARI FRAGMENT OF GUHASINA OY
VALABHI . ... ... ... . .. .... .. 76 TH BUNGA INBORIPTION OF THI BHABHUT
STUPA TE BARNATH INSCRIPTION OF MAHIPALA ... 189 A COPPER-PLATI GEANT OF THE BASETRAIUTAS
O GUJARAT, dated Saks 757 LIHUT.-COLONEL G. A. JACOB, Bo.8.C., M.B.A.8. - Tax MAHANARAYANA-UPANISHAD OF TAE BLACK
INJURVIDA ... ... ... ... . Psor. I. KIELHOBN; Göttingen A OOPPER-PLATE GRANT OF YAIPATIEAJA OF
DEARA ... .. ... . ... .... ... 169 QUOTATIONS IN THE MAHABHABHYA AND THE
KABIKA-VRITTI .... ... ... ... ... 826 A COPPAR-PLATZ GRANT OF STLADITYA I. OF
VALABET. ... . ... ... ...... 827 Notice of the Centenary Review of the Asiatis
Society of Bengal ... ... ... .. ... 855 Rev. T. H. KNOWLES, F.B.G.8., M.B.A.S.:
SEARAY THE THIET ... ... ... ... ... 26 TE PRINCE THAT WAS TERITIES SHIPWRECE
m .. .. ... ... ... .... ... 239 Tas KANGAROR KANGET, THE KASMIRI PORTABLE B S . .
** *. .. 285 Peor. ERNST KUHN :On the Descent and Speech of the Transgangetio
People ... ... ... .. .. ... ... 120 W. LOGAN, Esq., M.C.8., M.R.A.S.
The Koaguda-Bakkal ... K. B. PATHAK, Esq., B.A.:
A Nord ON TEN BARLY KADAMBA LYSORIPTIONS 19 AN OLD-KANABBS INSCRIPTION AT TERDAL... 14 A COPPER-PLAT GRANT OF THE YADAVA KONG
KARENA ... ... ... ... .. ... 68 Tx EXPLANATION OF THE TE.X PALIDHYAJA... 104 A. RAGHUNATHJI, Esq., Bombay O S FROM THI TALLING OF Houn LISARDE 119
PAGE E. REHATSEK, Esq.; Bombay :SABAAN INSCRIPTION ON AN INCENSE-BURNER ... 97
RUSSIAN ICONS ... .. ... ... ... ... 237 LEWIS RICE, Esq., C.I.E., M.B.A.S. -
Tax GANGA INSCRIPTIONS IN COORG ... ...
A JAINA-VAISHNAVA COMPACT .. ... 233, 292 PANDIT 8. M. NATESA SASTRI; Madras :FOLKLORS IN SOUTHERN INDIA ;
VI. Vidámundan Kodamundan ... ... 77 VII. Vayalvallan KaiyAlvallan ... ... ... 79 VIII. The Mother-in-law became an Ass .... 108
IX. The Story of Appayy..... ...
X. The Brahms Girl that married a Tiger 184
XI. The Good Husband and the Bad Wife... 153 V. A. SMITH, Esq., c.8., M.B.A.S.:
The Coins of the Imperial Gupta Dynasty... ... 179 WHITLEY STOKES, E4, F.8.A.; London -
Another Bhaumayuntr ... ... ... ... 885 HONBLJ K. T. TELANG, O.I.E.:
A COPPIR-PLATH GRANT OF PULIKASIN II. ... 830 CAPT. R. C. TEMPLE, Bo.B.C., F.R.G.8., M.B.A.S.
Tas DIALI DALALS AND TEXIE SLANG.. .... 155 A MODERN ORNAMENTAL KUMC ALPHABET TBOX
KABUL ... ... .. . .. ... .. .. 181 Proy. G. THIBAUT, PA.D. - TE NUXE OF STARS CONSTITUTING TRE ABRAL NA SRATRAS ACCORDING TO BRANXA
GUPTA and VRIDDHA-GARGA ... ... .. 18 RI. J. A. VANES :
Origin of the Srivaishnavu ... ... . ... 61 PUTLIBAI D. H. WADIA :FOLKLORS EN WOTERM LWDLÁ - 1.-The King's Lebaon ... ..
. 811 PROF. W. D. WHITNEY; U.S.A. - Tan STUDE OT HINDU GRAMMAR AND THE STUDY
07 SANSKRIT ... . ... ... ... ... 83
*
**
.
.. 194
CORRESPONDENCE AND MISCELLANEA. B. Doctor's Persian-English Dictionary ... .. 66, The Genealogy of the Cholm, by Thomas Foulkes... 208 Origin of the Srivaishnavas, by J. A. Vanes.... ... 61 Leiden Copper-plate Grante- correction, by A Singhalese Prince in Cairo, by Henry H.
Jos. Burgess ... .. .. .. ... .... 306
Howorth 61 Another Bhanmayantra, by Whitley Stokes ... ... 205 Chandragupta and Vikramaditya, by Jas. Burgem... 61 Foar Queries concerning the. Fattebpar District Notes on the Jatta, by W.O. ... ... ... . .. 62 in the North-West Provinces, by F. 8. Growse ... 260 The Proverbs of Ali eba abi Talebi, byK. T. Bost 92, 184, A Note on Ptolemy's Geography, by V. Ball... ... 191
206, 286, 281, 292 Jaina-Vaishnava Compact, by Lewis Rice ... ... 192 Narild in the Kaira District, by J. F. Fleet... ... 123 Descent and Speech of the Transgangetto People The Kongadésa-Rajakkal, by W. Logan ... ... 124 (Ernst Kühn) ... ... ... ... ... ... 120 Oarlosition of Indian Literature, by G. A. Grierson... 18 A Note on the Probable Indian Origin of the Names
286, 281, 292, 823 of the Week-days, by Jus. Burgess ... ... ... 888 The Coins of the Imperial Gupta Dynasty, by The Date of the Kota Buddhist Inaoription of the V. A. Smith ...
.. . . ... . ... ... 179 Samanta Dáradatta, by J. F. Flott ... .... 861 Note on the family and Date of the Great Rajendra The Chandragupta and Vikramidity of the Uday
Chola of Tanjore, by Sir Walter Elliot ... ... 208 girl Amrita Cave Inscription, by J. E. Fleet ... 858
SOCIETIES. .... 02 | Amariona Oriental Society
The Aviatio Society of Bengal ...
...
..
....
.
...

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CONTENTS.
BOOK NOTICES.
62
92
Bhandarkar's Report on the search for Sanskrit
M88. in the Bombay Presidency in the year 1882.
89; by G. Bühler... ... ... Journal of the Asiatio Society of Bengal, Vol. LIII.
Pt. I. No. 2, 1884; by J. F. Fleet ... The Sanskrit Reader-SamakritapathAvalt ... ... 96 Clouston's Book of Sindibid ...
... 152 Rockhill's Life of Buddha and Early History of his order..
. Grierson's Grammars of the Dialects and Sub-Dia
leots of the Bihari Language: by John Beames ... 206 Growse's Bulandshahr, or Sketches of an Indian
District, Social, Historical and Architectural ... 208 Wherry's Comprehensive Commontary on the Quran ... .. ... ...
... .. 208
1
Bates' Eramination of the Claims of Ishmael as
viewed by the Muhammadans ... ... ... 286 Putnam's Elephant Pipes in the Museum of the Academy of Natural Sciences, Davenport, Iowa, U.S.A.
... ... ... 268 Ballantyne's Sikhya Aphorisms of Kapils ... Keith-Falooner's Kalllah and Dimnah, or the Fables
of Bidpai ... ... Jolly's Tagore Law Lectures of 1883; by
G. Bühler ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 323 Peterson's Second Report of Operations in Search
of Sanskrit MSS. in the Bombay Circle, by
G. Bühler ... Centenary Review of the Asiatic Society of Bengal
by F. Kielhorn ... .. .. ... .. . 356
..
...286
ILLUSTRATIONS. Diagrams showing the Process by which the Names 1
Copper-plate Grant of the Kongu Dynasty (6 ridos) of the Days of the Week were derived ... ... 3
280, 281 Ganga Grant of Satyavarman (2 sides) ... 10, 11
Bamian Loons (coloured folding plate)....... ... Grant of Rajaraja of the Eastern Chalukys Dynasty
Portable Braziers (2 sides) Saka 944 (4 sides; folding plates) ... 50, 51, 52, 58
Kanarose Ballade.-The Insurrection of Rayanpa Grant of the Eastern Chalukyas. Dated Saka 1056 of Saigólfi.-Air of the Chorus
" .. ... 994 (4 sides ; folding plates)... ... ... 56, 57, 58, 59
A Silver Coin of Rudrasimha ...
... ... 885 Earthenware Fragment of Guhasena of Valabht... 75
Valabht Grant of SriAditys I.; dated Samvat 286 Sabean Inscription on an incenne barner ... ... 97
(2 rides; folding platea)...
.. ... .. 898, 899 The Surga Inscription of the Bhabhut Stapa... ... 189
Chalukya Copper-Plate Grant (2 sides; folding plates) Western Chalukya Grant of Vira Saty Araya (4 sidos) 140,
880, 881 141
PA11 Inscription at Banaw Asi ... ... ... ... 832 Modern Ornamental Kuflo Alphabet from Kabul ... 181 The Date of the Kota Buddhist Inscription of the Gajarkt RAshtrakata Grant of Dhruva II. ; Saks 757
Samanta Devadatta ... ... .. ... ... 851 (4 rides)
.. .. ... 200, 201

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I v a ) uste ot to HSTO 288... ... ... ... almiustbus lo mio novi & A 0. . .10 ... ... ...only S w iss) davou boda. I allia jo duard Iddale
V o i ddal lo aconade to hours.OWWO ese ,A8... ... ... ... (waonahlersbis 8) re... ... rind
o soitiwalatego (sul blaskua ) data stal-10o Evofa,5
BET.. .squanded 9dt totoityisen! ayce or 188,112
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... av stata sd a : 11 vrtlo and at ASES)

Page #7

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY,
A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH.
VOLUME XIV.-1885.
THE PROBABLE INDIAN ORIGIN OF THE NAMES OF THE WEEK-DAYS.
BY MAJOR-GENERAL A. CUNNINGHAM, C.S.I. As the names of the week-days play a very Althongh the names of the week-days are A important part in the determination of clearly derived from those of the seven planets, Indian dates, it will be useful to have a list of yet nothing is actually known as to the date the principal appellations by which they are when they were first adopted, or as to the people known. They are all named after the seven who first made use of them. The Hebrewa planets, including the sun and moon. The had their weeks of seven days; but they never word vára, vúsara, or dina, "day," is usually got beyond the primitive plan of calling them added and inflected after the name of the by their numbers, as the first day," the planet, -as Ravi-váré, Ravi-visaré, Ravi-diné, "seventh day," &c. Dion Cassius says that ="on Sunday." But sometimes simply the the custom of naming the days after the name of the planet is ased in an inflected form, seven planets was first adopted by the as Ravau," on Sunday"; Some, "on Monday"; Egyptians, and had in no very long time Bhaumé," on Tuesday"; Budhe, "on Wednes- been communicated by them to all other day"; Gurau, " on Thursday"; Sukré, "on nations, especially the Romans. But this Friday"; Sanau, "on Saturday."
statement is open to much doubt; as we know The names of the planets which are most that the Egyptian months were divided into commonly used for the week-days, in Indian decades, or periods of ten days, and not into Inscriptions, are the following:
weeks, or periods of seven days. Dion Cassius SUNDAY-Aditya, Arka, Ravi, Bhanu, Bhas- wrote about A.D. 200,-long after the names kara, and Pashan. (Also Adivara, or the First of the week-days had been in common use day" or " Commencement-day"].
amongst the Romans. Thus Tibullus, B. C. 20, MONDAY-Soma, Chandra, Indu, Vidhu. mentions the Saturni sacra dies, or day sacred
TUESDAY--Mangala, Bhauma, Kuja, Mahija, to Saturn' (Eleg. I. 3-18). So also Jolius Mahtsuta.
-Frontinus, A.D. 70 to 80, in speaking of the WEDNESDAY-Budha, Saumya, Rauhiņêya. capture of Jerusalem, says that it took place
THURSDAY –Brihaspati, Guru, Suracharya, on the same day as "Saturni die quo eis nefas Angirasa, Váchaspati.
quidquam seriæ rei agere"( Strategematica, II. 1.) FRIDAY-Sukra, Usanas, Kavi, Daityaguru, I remember also having read that Julius Cægar Bhrigu, Bhargava.
esteemed the dies Veneris as his lucky day; but SATURDAY -Sani, Sauri, Sanaischara, Kri. tanta.
From these notices it seems certain that the

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JANUARY, 1885.
Brass. Iron.
Roinans had adopted the names of the seven planets for the week-days, a short time before the beginning of the Christian era.
But there is equally good evidence to show that the week-days, as named after the seven planets, were in use, both in Persia and in India, at the same time as in the west, and perhaps even earlier. We have the testimony of Celsus, who lived during the reigns of Au- gustus and Tiberius, that the Persian temples had seven gates, named after the seven planets in regular order, from Saturn to the Sun, with their appropriate metals and colours as follows:-- 1st Gate Saturn
Lead 2nd Venus
Tin. 3rd Jupiter 4th Mercury 5th Mars
Mixed metal. 6th Night (Moon) Silver.
7th The Sun Gold. Here the metals appropriate to Venus and Jupiter have changed places. That of Venus should be copper; while that of Jupiter should be tin."
But the statement regarding the Indian week-days is still more explicit. In the Life of Apollonius by Philostratus, it is said that "the "Indian Sage larchas gave Apollonius seven "rings, each bearing the name of one of the
Seven Stars; and that he wore them alter"nately, according to the particular name of the "day." As Philostratus derived his information from the Assyrian Damis, who actually accompanied Apollonius, this notice is contemporary with the date of the travels, between A.D. 20 and 50. The use of the week-days named after the seven stars was, therefore, already established in India at least as early as the beginning of the Christian era."
The order of the days, according to European writers, was derived from the division of the duy into 24 hours, and the assignment of each hour to the different planets in succession, in their nataral order, according to their distance from the earth, -as Saturn, Jupiter, Mars, the Sao, Venus, Meroury, and the Moon. This is the arrangement given in the Súrya-Siddhanta,
XII. 31. The first hour of the 24 was assigned to the Sun, as chief of the planets; the second, to Venus; the third, to Mercury; and so on, in regular succession, until the 25th hour, or first hour of the second day, which falls on the Moon; while the 49th hour falls on Mars; the 73rd, on Mercury; the 97th, on Jupiter; the 121st, on Venus; and the 145th, on Saturn. This arrangement is shown in the annexed diagram, fig. A, in which the progression is retrograde, or contrary to the motion of the Sun, as shown by the arrows inside the circle.
But if the order of the week-days was first developed in India, the process cannot have been based on the division of the day into 24 hours; seeing that the Indians have always divided their day into 60 ghaxis (ghari), or periods of 24 minutes each. This division of the day is still in common use in Native States, and amongst Native Pandits and astronomers. The author of the Súrya-Siddhanta makes no mention of the week-days by name; but he speaks of the " lords of the day," that is, of the planets which give their names to the days of the week. Unfortunately he gives no instructions as to how these "lords of the day" are to be found. In another place however he speaks of the "regents of the hours" (hr) as occurring in downward order from Saturn.
But the process with the 60 ghațis of India, would be similar to that with the 24 hours of Europe. Taking the Sun as the lord of the first ghart of the 1st day,—the 61st ghali, or the first ghati of the 2nd day, would fall on the Moon; the lord of the 121st ghatí, or 3rd day, would be Mars; of the 181st ghal, or 4th day, Mercury; of the 241st ghati, or 5th day, Jupiter; of the 301st ghafi, or 6th day, Venus; and of the 36 lst ghati, or 7th day, Saturn. This arrangement is shown in the annexed diagram, fig. B, in which the seven planets are arranged exactly in the same order as in diagram A, while the number of ghafle is counted in the direct order of the Sun's progress, as shown by the arrows inside the circle.
Quoted from Origon in Maurioo's Indian Antiquities. • See the very ourious book of Petrus Arlensis de Seudalupis entitled Sympathia Boptom Metallorum ac Selectorum Lapidum ad Planetas; Paris, 1890. At p. 988 T
he waysJovem Stannum, Venerem Ouprum.
Philost. Tit. Apolloni, III. 41. • drva.Niddhanta, I. 51. i d EIL. 79

Page #9

JANUARY, 1885.]
NAMES OF THE WEEK-DAYS.
DIAGRAM SHOWING THE PROCESS BY WHICH THE NAMES OF THE
WEEK-DAYS WERE DERIVED.
BY DAY OP 24 HOURS.
25 Hour
The Moon.
MS Hour Saturnuh
73. Hour
Mercury
97 Hour Jupiter: 4
121" Howr. * Yerus
49. How
14 How: The Sun.
Mars. 7
BY DAY OP 6 GHATIS.
61"Ghate.
(
Sama.
X 181 Chap * Budha
242 Groep Rrihaspati
301 Ghapa
Suks.
181 Chapte Mangala
19 Ghat Adithai
The fact that in India tho naming of the Soren Stara," to be worn according to the days of the week after the seven stars had particular name of the day," seems to point to already been followed by the wearing of an early adoption of the system, if not to ringe, Monch bearing the name of one of the lita atual invention, in India. This outom

Page #10

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JANUARY, 1885.
indeed still exists in India, where a man will wear a red coral ring on Tuesday, the day of Mars, and a blue sapphire ring on Saturday, the day of Sani or Saturn, after whom the gem itself is named Sani-priya, or Saturn's beloved.
The dedication of the different stones and the different metals appears to have been regulated by the colours of the planets themselves, as follows:Planeta. Colours.
Stones. Saturn blue lead sapphire
Samethyst, Venus red, tawny copper
jacinth Jupiter grey tin
cornelian Mercury
quicksilver touchstone Mars
cutting bloodstone green
I bronze Moon white silver crystal
topaz, San yellow gold
I diamond There is no direct evidence to show the age of this scheme; but I believe that it must have been in ase in Media and Babylonia for several centuries before the Christian era. The account given by Herodotus of the seven walls of the Median Ecbatana of seven different colours, whether true or false, is at least
as old as the time of Herodotus himself. So also the description of Belshazzar's feast given by Daniel, when "the king, and his princes, his wives, and his concubines, drank wine and praised the gods of gold, and of silver, of brass, and of iron, of wood, and of stone," is as old as the Book of Daniel, whether it be referred to the time of Nebuchadnezzar or to that of the Maccabees. Here the gods of gold and of silver, of brass and of iron, can only refer to the planets as regents of the metals. As there is no allusion to this sabject in any of the early classical authors of Greece or Rome, I conclude that the dedication of the different stones and metals to the seven planets must have originated in the East, in the quarter where they are first found.
At a later date, on the coins of the IndoScythian Kushậns, we have the planeta represented under their personified forms 28 heavenly kings, as well as under their elemental forms as appo, fire, OAAO, air, &c.
That the planets, or the regents of the planets, were accounted kings, we learn from Hyde, who saya, "apud Ethnicos planete omnes regum epitheto gaudebant." So also, on the Indo-Scythian gold coins, we find the inscriptions PAO PHOPO and PAO NANA.
THE MAHÂNARAYANA-UPANISHAD OF THE BLACK YAJUR-VEDA.
BY LIEUTENANT-COLONEL G. A. JACOB, BOMBAY STAFF CORPS. Being erigaged in the preparation of a com- printed text edited by Dr. Rajendralil Mitra plete concordance to the most important of the in 1872, and many valuable readings have been Upanishads, I have recently examined the print- obtained. ed text of that named above, which forms the The editor of the Aramyaka seems to have tenth Prapáthaka of the Taittiriya- Aranyaka. had good materials at his disposal; but it is By a most fortunate coincidence, a very rich questionable whether he made the best possible collection of Upanishads and Dipikás has lately use of them. Suffice it to say, that the combeen added to the library of the Deccan College; position of the first druvdka of the tenth Book and it now possesses an old and accurate MS. is certainly uusupported by any MS. now of Narayana's Dipika on this Upanishad, to extant! In publishing a text of this kind, gether with four MSS. of the text. Of these, with verbal commentary by the renowned No. 140 of 1879-80 contains the text used by Sayana, it would seem bat common sense that Narayana, and is very valuable. The other the former should, as far as possible, agree three, No. 10 of 1882.83 and Nos. 133 and 134 with that used by the counmentator. Dr. of 1880-81, embody the same text, except in RajendralAl Mitra, however, determined to follow Sections 18-20. The Dipiká, No. 10, and No. the text of his manuscript A, in spite of the 133, were parchased in Gujarat ; and the others fact that it differed materially from Sayana's; are probably from the same province. All and the result is not encouraging! For exthese have been carefully collated with the lample, the first Anuváka proper consists of 140
• Daniel v. 3, 4, and 23.

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JANUARY, 1885.]
THE MARANARAYANA UPANISHAD.
lines,—33 of which are not in the Bháshya which | College Library last year, and called No. 487
accompanies it, whilst others appear there in a different order. The first Anuváka of manu
script A evidently ends on page 785, and the praticas, or memorial words, follow on page 786; but the second is glued on to it, in a most unscholarly fashion, so that the chapters may be in conformity with those of Sâyana.
In some MSS., the text now under notice is styled the Narayana-Upanishad; and Sâyana gives it also the name of Yajniket (तत्र कर्मणां बाहुल्याद्याज्ञिकीत्युच्यते ). In two of the College MSS. it is called the Brihannarayana-Upanishad; whilst in the other three it bears the title adopted at the head of this paper.
Before proceeding to examine the one in hand, it may be well to notice briefly another Upanishad of the same name, but differing entirely as to its contents. It is otherwise known as the Paramatattvarahasya-Upanishad (Burnell's Catalogue of Tanjore MSS., page 34), and commences thus :
ओ श्रीमद्विश्वाधिष्ठानपरमहंससद्गुरुरामचन्द्राय नमः । औं भद्रं कर्णेभिरिति शान्तिः । अथ परमतत्त्वरहस्याजितासुः परमेही देवमानेन सहस्रारं तपश्धचार सहस्रपती युतीगतपसा मसनं भगवन्तं महाविष्णुं ब्रह्मा परिपृच्छति भगवन्परमतत्त्वरहस्यं मे ब्रूहीति ।
The following is a résumé of its contents as appended to each of the eight adhyayas :—
1. इत्याथर्वणमहानारायणोपनिषदि पादचतुष्टय स्वरूपनिरूपणं नाम प्रथमोऽध्यायः
2. परब्रह्मणः साकारनिराकारस्वरूपनिरूपणं 3. मूलाविद्यालयस्वरूपनिरूपणं
4. महामायातीताखण्डाद्वैतपरमानन्दलक्षणपरब्र ह्मणः परमतत्त्वस्वरूपनिरूपण
5. संसारतरणोपायकथनहारा परममोक्षमार्गस्वरूपनिरूपर्ण
6. परममोक्षमार्गस्वरूपनिरूपणं
7. परममोक्षस्वरूपद्वारा त्रिपाद विभूतिपरमवैकु ण्ठमहानारायणस्वरूपनिरूपणं
8. परमसायुज्यमुक्तिस्वरूपनिरूपणं
In style and matter it is thus wholly unlike the older Upanishads, and should rather be classed with the later Vêdântic treatises based on those works. There is a MS. of it in the. set of 108 Upanishads added to the Deccan
5
of 1882-83.
Sayana tells us that the number of Anuvákas in the tenth book of the Taittiriya-Áranyaka varies from 64 to 89; but that he himself followed for the most part a text consisting of 80 (वत्र वयं पाठान्तराणि यथासंभवं सूचयन्तो अशीतिपाठ प्राधान्येन व्याख्यास्यामः) Dr. Rijla dralÂl Mitra's edition comprises only 64, but seems to exhaust the whole of the Bhashya. The divisions in the College MSS., however, differ from all the above, and they also vary amongst themselves. The Dipika divides it into 25 sections, as stated in Nârâyana's opening words :- महानारायणीयेऽत्र तैत्तिरीये शिरस्यपि । पञ्चविंशतिसंख्याकाश्चातुस्त्रिंशे तु खण्डकाः ॥
|
The matter included in each Section, together with the portion that corresponds with it in the printed text, is indicated below:1. अंभस्यवारे.....यटी (p. 752-763) 2. एष हि देवः मा परिपातय (763-769) 3. पुरुषस्य विद्महे तन्नो ब्रह्मा प्रचोदयात् (769 to end of invocations, which differ mate[rially).
4. सहस्रपरमा देवीयं च वयं द्विष्मः ( 772776, omitting what Sayana omits, and following his order. This Section therefore includes part of 777 !)
5. नमोऽप्रये सुमते
पुनात्वघमर्षणः (778 to footnote on 785; omitting what Sayana omits).
6. अक्रान्समुद्रः सौभगमायजस्व (785-790; omitting, of course, page 786 ).
7. भूरमये पृथिव्यै............ममामुष्य ओम् (791-797, omitting what Sayana omits). 8. ऋतं तपः अन्तरात्मा (797-804). 9. ब्रह्मा देवानी.......अवमीहोर एतत्
............ स महेश्वरः
(804-813).
10. चत्वारि शृङ्का (813-820).
11. सहस्रशीर्ष ........ परमस्वराट्र (Anuváka 11, omitting the clause that Sâyana omits).
12. ऋतं सत्यं ....इत्युपनिषत् ( 829-834). 18. घृणिः सूर्यः इति वसिष्ठः (835-842).

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JANUARY, 1885.
14. TOT AT ......... @ c- clerical error. The Dipika explains it thus : A FIIET (842-846).
alafaarfard T.
TYE II The 16. RTRET TE ....... ##
other reading is very common, however, and
I found it in four MSS. which I borrowed in (847-856).
the city of Poona; but how meaningless! 16. art ............gyant gat
2. Page 756. 464:
H
a fin(856-863).
stead of 74: F
a gfa.-A, B, C, D. 17. HUSETTS...... GART (863-871).
It is not noticed in E. 18. Consists of Anwákas 59, 61, 62, on 3. Same page, fare for rest.-A, pages 919 and 920.
B, C, D, E. 19. Consists of Anuváka 64, (page 920),
4. Page 764. Ela for a fa.-A, B, C, D, E. with considerable alterations, and Anuváka 67, (page 923), down to AISA FIET.
5. Page 765. fog: foal for Afag: foar.
-A, B, C, D. 20. Consists of the last part of Anuvúka 67, from the words
6. Page 768. RETT FET: for fant FT. a:; of a number of Aantras from the Taittiriya-Sasithitd, including most
-A, B, C, D. of what Sayaņa omits on pages 774-776; and
7. Page 768. faeft: for feet.-A,B,C,D. of the text from 872-878.
8. Page 769-772. The invocations in
imitation of the Gayatri differ considerably 21. ...... CYTATE (Anuváka 62).
from those in the printed text. The latter has 22. 59 Trofor: ...... THE only 12, whilst the Dipiká gives 18. Their TERT (885-890).
order is as follows :23. xfa...... TT (890-896).
1. Mahadeva. 10. Aditya.
2. Tatpurusha. 11. Vakrapada. 24. * ......... 9947 (896-899)
3. Nandikéávara. 12. Katyayani. 25. T raget to the end. (Anuváka 64). 4. Vakratunda. 13. Mahasûlini. Before presenting the list of the most impor. 5. Shanmukha. 14. Subhaga. tant of the various readings obtained from 6. Påvaka.
15. Garudı. these five MSS., I would notice the extraordi. 7. Agni.
16. Nárayapa. nary manner in which Såyana explains the 8. Bhaskara. 17. Nrisimha. opening words of the Upanishad, arre .
9. Divákara. 18. Chaturmakha. NAriyaņa annotates it thus, -TR tafit SAT
1 9. Page 773. utta la instead of ETस्यदक सम्प्रविष्टः and one would have supposed
Front-A, B, C, D, E.-FETTET tar area that no other interpretation was possible. But :'I E. here is Sayana's exegesis, according to the
10. Page 773. The Anushtup line beginprinted text, -3 STY HEMRI ning with S: lacks four syllables. They qita ! One is prepared for a good measure
are supplied by A, B, C, D, which read thus :of poetic license; but to make
भमिधेनुर्धरित्रीच,&c. The four Poona city
teu a noun in the genitive case seems to be going beyond
MSS. already referred to agree with the printed even a poet's bounds !
text; so the omission is evidently of ancient Various readings.
date. To facilitate reference, I will call MS.
11. Page 774. O instead of 67.-A, B, No. 10, A; No. 133, B; 134, C; 140, D; and
C, D. the Dipiká, E.
12. Page 776. HRT:...H T: instead 1. Page 755. Y hr instead of 4481.
of fa :... :- A, B, C, D, E. This reading is of great value, inasmuch as | 13. Page 777 and 779. instead of it completes the line, and restores the sense. - A, B, C, D. It is supported by B, C, D, and E. The 14. Page 778. For instead of a.reading of A is 4646 which is simply a A, B, C, D.

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JANUARY, 1885.]
THE MAHÅNÅRÀYANA-UPANISHAD.
15. Page 781. एष सर्वस्य भूतस्य भव्ये भुव- 26. Page 811. मिमिक्षे instead of मिमिक्षिरे,नस्य गोप्ता । एष पुण्यकृता लोकानेष मृत्यो हिरण्मयः।- | A, B, C, D, E.. A, C, D, E. B omits सर्वस्य. The Dipika |
27. Page 818. ब्रह्मलोकेषु,-A, B, C, D, E.
परामृताः-B, C, D, E. annotates thus:- एष सर्वस्येति मृत्युमार्थनामन्त्रः ।
28. Page 825. हृदयं तद्विजानीयात् instead of एष त्वं भूतस्योत्पन्नस्य भव्ये भवस्योत्पत्स्यमानस्य वि- ज्वालमालाकुलं भाती,-A, B, C, D, E. भक्तिव्यत्ययः। ...हे मृत्यो एष त्वं पुण्यकृता लोकान् ___29. Page 828. पीतामा स्यात्तनूपमा instead of संशिशाधि, &c.
पीता भास्वत्यणूपमा,-A, D, E. 16. Page 784. रजो भूमिस्त्वमारादयस्व in- 30. Page 836. रुद्रस्तन्महो for रुद्रः सन्महो,stead of रजोभूमिस्त्वं मां रोदयस्व,-A, B, C, D, E.
मां रोदयस्व.-A.R.C.DRI A, B, C, D, E. Sayaņa's explanation of this passage is wonder- 31. Anuváka 17. Sayana's interpretation of ful. Here is Narayana's :- रजो मलं भूमिभूमे- कदुद्राय as प्रशस्तो रुद्रः तस्मै, and of तव्यसे as रंशः।हे वरुण समारोदयख अङोऽनुनासिकःछन्दसी- | meaning स्तव्याय, is very curious. Niriyana's त्यनुनासिकः म्लान कृथाः रजो नाशयेत्यर्थः । seems better :-कद्रुद्राय कुत्सिताना रोदकाय ......
17. Page 785. अक्रान्समुद्रः instead of | तव्यसे पूरकाय । आक्रान्समुद्रः-B, C, D, E.
| 32. Page 868. दुरुषहा for दुरुष्यह,-A, B, ___18. Page 788. सुतरासद्धतरस instead of सुत• Ic.D.B.हे दुःस्वमहन् हे सोम दुरुष्वहा त्वं दृष्टमुष्व रसि तरसे,-A, D, E. This is a very interesting reading, and seems far superior to that of the
| दाहं हन्ति दुरुष्वहा ।-E. printed text, with which, however, B. and c 33. Anuvalra 58. चिविटि स्वाहा for विविष्टये agree. It is thus explained by Narayana:- स्वाहा,-A, B,C, D, E. सुष्टुतरमतिशयितं सिद्धं तरी वेगो यस्याः सा तस्यै ॥ | 34. Anuvaka 59. खखोल्काय for कषोत्काय,
19. Page 7898 आत्रवन्नमसा for अत्रिवन्मन- B, C, D, E. खषोल्काय A. सा,-A, B, C, E. हे अमे अत्रिवत् अत्रिश्चन्द्रस्य 35. Page 896. स भूतं स च भव्यं जिज्ञासापिता तद्दयालुत्वान्नमसा नमस्कारमात्रेण गृणानः गृ | सक्तिपूरितं जारयिष्ठाः।-E. सभूतमिति भूतभव्याभ्यां शब्दे उपदिशन् ।। E.
सहितं पुरुषं जिज्ञास ज्ञातुमिच्छ । आसक्तिपूरितं 20. Page 790. प्रत्नोहि for मनोषि,-A,B,C, जारयिष्ठाः आसक्त्या आसंगेन परितं बहुलीकृतं जारD, E. प्रन इति मनः प्रगतो याज्ञिकहि के निश्चितं | यिष्ठा जीर्णे कृथाः संगं त्यक्ता संसार तनूकुरु ।।-E. अधरेषु यागेष्वीडयः स्तुत्यः सनान्नित्यश्च होता। | 36. Page 897. वसुरण्यः for वसुरवः -A,B, पुरातनोपि नव्यो नूतनश्च ससि सीदसि ।-E. . C, D, E. वसुरण्य इति । वसुनिवासभूमिः अण्यः
21. Anuvika 6. शक्य for शिक्यः -A, B, C, I अण शब्दे स्तुत्यः।-E. विश्वसृरु for विश्वसृत,E. शक्यो ज्ञेयः ...अथवा शक्यो वेदवाच्यः।-E. | A, B, C, D, E. इन्द्राय for इन्द्रियाय,-A, B, C.
These, then, are some of the most important
readings obtained from the College manu22. Anuvalea 8. उपास्य for उपाख,-A, B,
scripts. I have said nothing of the passages C. D,E.
which they add to the printed text. I am 23. Anuvaka 9. यावेहवेहवा-E. यदि उ वा aoxious to publish the entire text with Naraयद्येव इह वामभागे इह वा दक्षिणभागे।-E.
yana's Dipiled. The five MSS. now in my
possession (for I which am indebted to the यातेहबा,-A, B, C.
courtesy and friendly co-operation of Professor 24. Page 802. गुहाशया निहिताः instead of Bhandarkar), would amply suffice for the
text of the Upanishad; but for that of the गुहाशयानिहिताः-B, C, E.
Dipild at loast one more manuscript would be 25. Page 803. भूतः for भूतः-B, C, D, E. | necessary. I trust it may be forthcoming.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JANUARY, 1885.
SANSKRIT AND OLD-KANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
BY J. F. FLEET, Bo. C.S., M.R.A.8., .I.E.
(Continued from Vol. XIII. p. 276.) No. CLI.
1' 11" high by 8' broad, and is well preserved, BYNA STONE-INSCRIPTION OF THE except for a few letters that have been worn
ADHIRAJA VIJAYA.-SAMVAT 1100. away, apparently by the sharpening of knives, Byana,--the Byana' of maps; in Lat. at the sides; the only letters, however, that 26° 55' N. and Long. 77° 21' E.,- is the chief cannot be restored with certainty are one at town of the Tabsil of the same name in the the end of line 13, and one at the beginning Bharatpur State in Rajputânå.
of line 14. The characters are Nagari, of About two miles to the south-west, and the period to which the inscription refers situated at the junction of the lands of Byåna
itself. and three other villages, there is a large and Commencing with an invocation of the ancient hill-fort called Bijayagadh or Bêje. Siddhas or Saints, the inscription proceeds to gadh, i.e. Vijayagadh or "the hill-fort of vic- record that, in the kingdom of the Adhirája tory." There are several old temples and Vijay a (line 5), at the city of Sripatha other remains in the fort, -the principal one (1. 6), there was the Súri or Jain teacher being the temple that is called Bijayamandir Maheśvara (1.4), a leader of the Svetambaras, or Bêjêmandir, i.e. the temple or hall of and belonging to the Kimyaka gachchha or victory.' But the chief object of interest is a sect (1 3), who occupied the seat of Vishņasuri red sandstone Lát, standing inside the walls of (1.2), i.e. who was the successor, or a successor, the fortress, towards the south-east, which has of Vishņusûri. Lines 6 to 11 record that on it an ancient inscription of the Varika Mahesvarasûri died when the year one thonking Vishnuvardhana, dated on the sand and one bundred was drawing to its close, tenth day of the dark fortnight of the month when the waning fortnight of the month Phålguna, in the year 428 of some anspecified Bhadrapada was current, and when the second era.' On the occasion of my visit, my servants lapar day of the dark fortnight, coupled with discovered, built into the inner side of the fort- the name of the moon, was passing away. wall near this Lál, a small stone containing Lines 12 to 17 describe how Maheśvarasûri's a still more ancient inscription; but, unfortu- fame, like the river Ganga, flowed through nately it is a mere fragment, and all that it the three worlds. And lines 17 and 18 record discloses is that it is the commencement of a that this prasasti was engraved by the Sádhu Sanskrit inscription of a Mahárája and Mahd- Sarvadêva in the year 1100, on the same day, séndpati, whose name is lost, of the Y a u. viz. Chandravara, or Monday, the second day of dhê ya gana or tribe.
the bright fortnight of the month Bhảdra. Inside the town of Byânâ, there are two The Adhiraja Vijaya mentioned in this inold Hindu temples, now used by the Musal- scription seems, from bis title, to be only a mans as Masjids, each with a Sanskrit inscrip- local chieftain, whose name is preserved in the tion in it. The inscription that I now publish, local traditions as Vijayapála, and who is said is on a pilaster on the left hand near the to have rebuilt and added to the fort, and to entrance of the unnamed temple which is have named it after himself. is described in Archeol. Surv. Ind. Vol. VI. p. 51ff. The mention of the city of Sripath à in and which the inscription shews to have this inscription, and of "the little pavilion belonged in the eleventh century A.D. to the standing in Sripath" in the inscription at Jaing. The writing covers a space of about the Ukha-Mandar' which I shall notice below,
1 For some reason or other, which I could not ascer July A.D. 1044.-This is according to the southern tain this fort is entered in maps under the name of computation, with the year beginning in KArttika. Ac
Badulgurh-Kot.'-The proper name of it is Bijaya. cording to the northern computation, with the year gadh-not Bijayamandirgadh, as Mr. Carlleyle gives it. beginning in Chaitra, the corresponding English dato
Archæol. Sury. Ind. Vol. VI. p. 60 and Plate viii. would be Wednesday, the 27th July, A.D. 1043.-Unless The era is probably that of the kings of MALAVA; see We assume that this inscription was composed by ante Vol. XIII. p. 163.
visitor from the south, this instance seems to shew that For a facsimile, see Indian Inscriptions No. 7.
the southern computation was the one in force in, at any
rate, this part of Rajputana. • The corresponding English date is Monday the 30th Archaol. Surv. Ind. Vol. VI. pp. 54, 56.

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JANUARY, 1885.]
SANSKRIT AND OLD-KANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
point very clearly to the ancient Sanskrit name 1 (the name of the moon,”-that the Adhiraja of Byânâ being Sripathi.
Vijaya was "moon-produced, or of the Lunar This inscription has been noticed in some race, and a second Krishna." detail by Mr. A. C. L. Carlleyle, who deduces In connection with his account of Byîna, from it, "with some diffidence," the following Mr. Carlleyle has devoted eleven pages of print remarkable genealogy of kings :
to the object of shewing that the name is Sri Vishnu Sâryâsano.
derived from that of the demon Biņasura, who (A.D. 970 ?)
was overthrown by Kțishna. At my visit to
the place, I could find out nothing about the Sri Nabkámyaka, or Mat-Kamyaka ? derivation of the name Byânâ, except that (A.D. 995 ?)
the fuller and older form of it was Böhaya ni."
But Mr. Carlleyle's derivation of it from Sri Mansûri Maheswar.
Baņasura may be dismissed with the remark (A.D. 1020)
that his arguments in support of it are
based on nothing except his inability to recogSri Vijayâdhi-raja nripatè.
nise the difference between béna, 'an arrow,' Sri Sri Paghøyâ ñsuri.
vana, 'a forest,' banh (for báhr), an arm,' (Samvat 1100.-A.D. 1043)
bhains (mahisha), 'a buffalo,' and Bais, the with an expression of “doubt as to whether name of a tribe, and between asura, 'a demon,' the long string of titles last mentioned referéúra, 'a hero,' stiri, 'a learned man' or 'a Jain to one or to two individuals." I quote this teacher,' and surya, the sun.' genealogy as an instance of the utter futility Mr. Carlley le also states that the anof a certain class of writing, unfortunately cient name of Bijayagadh was Såntipur." invested with the authority of Govern- The name of Santipura may be connected ment publication, which can serve no possible with the locality; I can only say that, on the purposo, except to mislead.' The name of the occasion of my visit, I could not obtain any first of these imaginary kings, is, in the information in support of it. But this much original, simply a locative case meaning "in is certain,-that the name Sântipara does not the seat of the holy Vishņusûri." "The second occur in the other inscription at Byânâ, at the name simply comes from a misunderstanding foot of a pillar in the Ukha-Mandar." Of of the word śrímat, glorious or holy,' coupled this inscription only the first twenty-seven with Kamyaka, the name of the gachchha oror so letters of each of the twenty-three lines sect that is referred to. The third name, of which it consists are visible, the rest of the which Mr. Carlleyle translates by "the fortu- stone being inaccessible through being permanate Mansûri, the great lord," is made up of nently built in below the bottom of the pillar, a mixture of the words érimán=sári-Mahéjvarah, and the part that is accessible being a good deal
the glorious, or holy, Sari Mahåśvara.' And damaged in places. The inscription is in the the second string of "titles" attached to the Sanskrit language, and in Nagari characters fourth name, is, in the original, simply two of the Kutila type, probably a century, or locative cases in apposition, which mean "at perhaps two centuries, older than the inscription the glorious city of Sripatha." Mr. Carlleyle of the Adhiraja Vijaya." It is an inscription further deduces, from part of the passage of a local ruler named Mangalar aja (line recording the date,-viz. from the words Soma. 12); and, being a Vaishnava prasasti (1. 18), sa[hi]tá krishná dvitiya, which mean "the composed by the Karanika Srisakti (1. 23), it second day of the dark fortnight, coupled with shows that this temple was originally one of • Archæol. Surv. Ind. Vol. VI. p. 52, with a lithograph,
p. 82, and deduced from this and another inscription at but by no means a facsimile, in Plate vi.
MAchmi,' must be equally imaginative and misleading. Another similar instance is the genealogical table of 4. The name is now dissyllabio, By And not trisylla. "sovereign Rajas" given in id. p. 240, and deduced from bio, Baiana, BayAna, or Bianah, Mr. Carlley lo writes some inscriptions at Bijoli;' the names given here are,
it. in reality, simply those of a succession of Jain bhatta Takas or baint-And, -judzing from the extraordinary
Archaol. Suru. Ind. Vol. VI. pp. 40 and 54ff. version of the text, and interpretation of it, given in
10 id. p. 50. id. p. 791, of an inscription at Machadi (100 id. 11 The date, if any was recorded, must be in the por. Plato il.), -the whole of tho genealogy given in id. tion of the stone that is hidden from view.

Page #16

10
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JANUARY, 1885.
the god Vishņu. In line 5, there are the words read the name of Santipura in this inscription, krabita-ripurnabhat, "having made omaciated as there is nothing else at all approaching to his enemies, there was (a king);" and, in line it. In line 21, there are the words dramma10, there are the words praviladrari-purain, ttritayai datté prati-divasail Sripathá-stha"(an army) entering the city of its foes ; " 'it mandapikd, which seem to shew very clearly that must be in these two passages that Mr. Carlleyle the ancient name of Byånå was $ ripatha.
TEXT. (1) Om Om Namah .siddhbhyah | Åsin"-niruritak['i nvay-aika-tilakah sri-Vishņusůry-Asanê
brima io t-Kämyaka-gachchha-tára kapatha-svêtAmbuman-vi[] brutah | Srimin-sûri-Mahlava(sva)raḥ prasama-bhůh svêtAnva(ba)[") ra-graman 1
rajyê
sri-Vijay-adhiraja-npipa[°] téh kri-Sripathấyam puri Tatas-sha (1) Nasana yâtu i batam sahasra-sahitam samvatsarkņa drutam myê[] mAh Bhadrapadah & bhadra-padavim masah 88('j mirðhatu
Selay=aiva kshayam-êtu sma-sa[°] [hi]t krisbə dvitiya tithih (ITM) pamoha-sri-para[m]8["] [shthi-nishtha-hridayah prapto divam yatra sab | [A]. ["] [pi) cha (1) Kirttir=dik-kari-kanta-damtamuiala"-prð[bh]"] [ta)-lisya-kramam
kvåpi kvapi HimAdri-mu... [%] mahi-sôtpräsa-hsa-sthiti[m] 1
kvâpy-Air(va)[") na-nagaraja-janita-sparddh-Anava(ba)dh-8ddhuram
bhr[a]["] [m]yantibhuvana-trayam tripathagèveidyâpi na sramya ["] t[i] | Sam 1100 Bhadra va di 2 Chandra kalyanaka-di["] [nd] prasastir=iyam sådhu-Sarvvadêvêntkirņq-êti || No. CLII.
in the lithograph. The ring, on which the CHICACOLE PLATES OF THE
plates are strung, is about thick and 31' in MAHİRİJA SATYAVARMAN.
diameter; it had not been cut when the This is the Ganga grant of Satyavarman,' of grant came into my hands. The seal on the which I have spoken in Vol. XIII. page 274. It ring is circular, about 21 in diameter; it has, is the last of those that were found, together with in relief on the surface of the seal itself, -in the grant of Nandaprabhaõjanavarman, No. the centre, a bull, couchant to the proper right, CXXXVIII., Vol XIII.p. 48ff., at Chicacole' with the moon above it, an elephant-goad in the Ganjam' District of the Madras behind it, and a floral device below it. The Presidency, and were presented by Mr. Grahame characters are primarily of what Dr. Burnell to the Madras Museum. I edit it from the has named the South Indian Nagari type. Bat original plates, which I obtained through the they present at the same time, many charackindness of Mr. Sewell, C.S.
teristios of the Grantha alphabet,' and also The plates are three in number, each about many forms of a still earlier period. There is, 7" long by 21' broad. The edges of them were in fact, hardly any letter in this grant which raised into rims, to protect the writing, and does not appear under at least two forms, - the inscription is in a state of perfect preserva compare, for instance, a in amara line 1, and ali tion throughout; but some of the letters are 1. 26; w in uttaréna l. 26, and utpala l. 27; ka choked with hard rust to such an extent that in kalinga l. 2, and aika 1. 4; three forms of it was impossible to clear them out properly, ga in nagara l. 2, and tyága and guna l. 10; and consequently they shew rather imperfectly cha in chakra and chudámani 1. 8; ja in jaya 1. From an ink-pronsion.
was myins, by mistake for muna. - Metro, Sardalavikridita ; and in the following two * This lawm at first omitted, and then inserted, verses.
rather small, above the line. This syllable reada wa md, but it is damaged, and No. 159 in Mr. Sewell's published List of Copper may therefore be really something else. The preceding plate grants. Noticed by me, ante Vol. X. p. 243, syllable myd is oertainly mistake. The probability is No. 5. that the text, before the second syllable wm damaged, * South Indian Palæography, Plate xiv.

Page #17

GANGA GRANT OF SATYAVARMA.
सारलाई काम । याइये कहा जाता झाला सादर काय ARI (0 प्रति निमारसरमा रानीमा रात दुल नि माला
गवाहन 8 @ ঈ'ধুমুল ব সু yay or 'नानी के काम के 22 RAJ2/
2 J578 RHGRAT
VE):2 (
32केटार बार लकिला78टर,
djhyay 5:
05/मा सामग्रिम मारा 2 1200 98A /STAT85 Vत/32/785 रुकन
रेट गायतु माराम 78225/रिस DIN / २०११
को

Page #18

GANGA GRANT OF SATYAVARMA.
--
-
...ST 20/02/
2
/3/
/ 50
क Shagat वातायात
0. 1 2152,तुळ R, 200१यराधा टामा परिवर2-राट 39 HE & 29 comdo. 8
8105 .याया। कुछ सालापुर EPISIS जनगणत/T8 302 T हतारलेले का 12TH 35155/ अगरतार
ल गी ।
W. Griggs, Photo-lith.
9. P. Fleet, Bo. C. S.
SEAL.
BES
।
५
40

Page #19

JANUARY, 1885.]
7, and ranjita 1. 8; four forms of ta, in viditam 1. 15, tilaka 1. 13, janita 1. 7, and vijayavataḥ 1. 2; three forms of na, in naya 1, 9, nagara 1. 2, and samanta 1. 7; three forms of pa, in prabhá 1. 8, and pratápa 1. 7; ba in bahubhir 1. 28, and byása 1. 27; bha in bahubhir and adibhiḥ 1. 28; three forms of ma in amara 1. 1, pranámád 1. 6, and kamala 1. 5; ya in vijayavataḥ 1. 2, and jaya 1. 7; three forms of ra in amara and ramamiyád 1. 1, and ádhára 1. 11; la in kuláchaló 1. 9; three forms of va in vishayé 1. 14, sarvva 1. 1, and bhuvana 1. 4; sa in disi 1. 24, and in disi at the commencement of the same line; sa in sarvva 1. 1, and saurya 1. 10; and ha in agrahúra 1. 18, and mahárája, 1. 13.
SANSKRIT AND OLD-KANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
The language is Sanskrit throughout, and the style is almost the same as that of the grant of Dêvêndravarman, No. CL., Vol. XIII. p. 273ff. The weight of the three plates is 91 tolas, and of the ring and seal, 53 tolas,-total, 1443 tolas.
The order recorded in this inscription' is issued, as in the three grants of Indravarman and the grant of Dêyêndravarman, from the victorious camp or residence situated at the city of Kalinganagara (line 2), by the glorious Satyavarmadê va (1. 14),who has had the stains of the Kali age
[*] Om I [] yâd=vijayavata[]*]
[] la-si(si) khara-pratishthitasya
[] la-bhuvana-nirmmân-aika-sûtradhârasya
[] dâmamanir"-bhagavató
Gokarnna (rņņa)-svâminaḥ
[] gala-pranâ (pa)mâd-vigataḥ-savda'-Kali-kalanko-nek-âhava
Second plate; first side.
Svasti
removed by performing obeisance to the god Siva under the name of Gokarnasvâmin (1. 5), established on the pure summit of the mountain Mahendra (1. 2);-who has acquired the supremacy over the whole of Kalinga by the edge of his sword (1. 11);-who is a most devout worshipper of the god Mahêśvara (1. 12); -and who is the son of the Maharaja Dêvêndravarman (1. 13), the glory of the family of the Gangas. It is addressed to the Kutumbis residing at the village of Trugrâma (1. 14) in the Galela (1. 14) or Galelai (1. 34) vishaya; and it records that, on the occasion of an eclipse of the suu (1. 17), the said village was constituted an agrahara, of the gramadeva or tutelary villagegod, and was given to Kamalâsana, the son of the Gurava Khandyama. The boundaries of the village are described in lines 22 to 27. Lines 27 to 32 contain three of the usual benedictive and imprecatory verses. Lines 34 and 35 contain, as in the grant of Dêvêndravarman, the date of the fifty-first (year) of the centuries of years of the Gâ ngêy a lineage." And line 35 further records that the charter, was both written or composed, and engraved, by Virapa, the son of Khandyama. TEXT. First plate. Amarapur-ânukârina[b*]
Kalinga-nasa (ga)ra-vasakâh(t)
[] varmma-sunu[b*] [] grâma-vâsinah [) vô
['] samkshôbha-janita-jayasavda (bda)-pratap-â(ô) panata-samasta-sâmanta[] chakra-chudamani-prabhâ-manja (ja)rî-punja(ñja)-rajimta-vara-charaṇaḥ [] muda-kund-êndv-â (a) vadâta-[yaśô*]-dhvast-ârâti-kulâchalô [*]na-dākahinya(pya)-san"(kan)ryy-audaryya-satya-tyŵg-Adi-guṇa-aapaṁddha
parama-mâhêśvarð
[*] ra-bhôtô [""] dhirajyah
[] Gang-âmala-kula-tilaka-maharaja-śrîma-Dêvêdram1.
sacharachara-guroh
kutumvi(mbi)nah mayâ
sarvv-arttu-suka(kha)-ramani (ni) Mahendr-[4]chal. âma
sakasasâ (é)nka-chucharana-kamala-yu
Second plate; second side. ári-Satyavarmmady[6]
yath=âyam
See ante, Vol. XIII. p. 274. From the original plates.
Read chudamaner.
First mih was engraved, and then it was corrected into minah.
Read ramjita.
Read vigata-sarvva. This sau was at first omitted,-apparently from
11
naya-vinaya-dayâ-da
nija-nistrinsa"-dhår-ôpârjita sakala-Kaling-a
Galela-vishayê
sita-ku
matapiten(tri)-på-nudhy
samâjñâpayati vidita-sakala-paramârttha-tat[t]vêna
TâruViditam=astu abhi
uncertainty on the part of the engraver as to what the akshara was, since a space was left for it,-and was then inserted in much smaller characters than the rest of the inscription, and partly above the line of writing. 10 Read sanspad.
11 Read nistrimia.
13 Read śrimad-Devendra.

Page #20

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JANUARY, 1885.
["] mata-dêvatkyai nankavapose-svåmityai
8Q[r*]y-6[") parâge adaka-pûrvakė(kam) Târu-gråmadêv-Agraharam kri(kri)två [*] sarva-kara-bharai[h*] parihri(hri)ty=&-chandra-tárakan måtâpitrôr=âtma[] nas=cha puny (ny)-abhivri(vri)ddhayê sampradatta iti [1] akhandita-vra
Third plate; first side. 17 hmaddhayyans Saiva-sthånakam=idam Khandyama-gurava-putra-Kamal["] sana-bhat[t" Jarakên(n)=8pârjita[m] [ll] Idâni(ni) pradakshiņam simá-liñgani ["] likhyante [1] půrvasyam disi(si) trivri(vri)ta-taţika svêtu dgnêy[y]ảm di[*] si(ei) arjuna-domka dakshiņêna g iri-nåsika nairi(rri)tyám dibia [") parvvata paschimêna m êru-påshåņa vayabya(vya)ayam disias [] aksha-lonka
uttaréna ali-silâtala
i(1)śânyasyâ[] [") disi(hi) utpala-våpf sveta [ll*] Atra Byâ(vyá)sa-gîtâni bha
Third plate; second side. 7 vanti [1] Bahubhir=vasudha datta råjabhis-Sagar-Adibhi[h*] yasya yasya [] yad bhumis-tasya tasya tad& phalań [ll] Sva-datt[&*]m para-datt[A]m=v& Fô ha[ rêti(ta) vasundhara[m] sa vishtâyán krimir=bhatva pitribhis-saha pa[*] chyatê [ilo] Hiranya (nya)m=ôkaṁ gåm=ék[&*]m bhůmôr=apyrêkamwangulam hard
(ra)n=na["] rakam-amyâti" yâvad=8-bhůta-samplavan [ll] Aditya(P) Puna[**] r=api Galelai dhânya-sahashra(sra)kasya bhůmi[bo] tad-vishayd grâm-&nugram 8 [**] tâ (ta)ndula-muraya-ghrita-tali Galelai polai khandi [ll] Gangeya-vanga-samva[*] chhara-satAnám yê()ka-pañchása (sa)t [ll] Sri(?)-rahasya-Khandya ma-putra-Virapa
likhit-tkîrnna (rona)m=iti ||
A NOTE ON THE EARLY KADAMBA INSCRIPTIONS.
BY K. B, PÅTHAK, B.A.; Miraj, Ten copper-plato grants of this Dynasty against this iniquity, as it was a clear violation have been published by Mr. Fleet,-in Vol. VI. of the principle ahinsa paramo dharmah. p. 22ff, and in Vol. VII. p. 33ff, of this Guņabhadracharya, who lived before Saka 820. Journal. They contain two points of interest, dwells at some length on this subject in the as yet unnoticed, which I propose now to Uttarapurdna. He says: discuss.
गच्छत्येवं तयोः काले कदाचित्साधुसंसदि The first of these points is the occurrence of the phrase aivamédha-ydjinah in Dévavarman's अजैहोंतव्यमित्यस्य वाक्यस्यार्थप्ररूपणे ॥ grant. The language of this inscription is so
विवादो भून्महांस्तत्र विगताकरशक्तिकम् clear that it will convince anyone that the grantor, Dévavarman, was a devout adherent of यवबीजं त्रिवर्षस्थमज इत्यभिधीयते ॥ the. Jaina creed. Now it is quite inconsistent
तद्विकारेण सप्ताचैर्मुखे देवार्चनं विदः with the principles of Jainism that a Jaina king should, as an ordinary thing, speak of his
वदन्ति यज्ञमित्याख्यदनुपद्धति नारदः॥ ancestor as a performer of horse-sacrifices. पर्वतो प्यजशब्देन पशुभेदः प्रकीर्तितः Those who are acquainted with the less trod
यज्ञो मौ तद्विकारेण होत्रमित्यवददिधिः ।। den paths of Jaina literature, will know that shortly after the nirvana of the Trtharkara The Ganga king ChậmandarAja or Marasimha, Munisuvrata, a fierce dispute arose between the who finished his work in Saka 900, the Isvara Brâhmaņs and the Jainas in the matter of samvatsara, says : - sacrifices. The former insisted on the con- Mahákålana vamchaneyan=ariyade vihittinuance of yajñas; while the latter protested Åda(tha)rvvaņa-vêda-nirūpitaman vividhaRead brahmad yanh. 16 Read difi. 15 Read difi. Read dydti.
* Read vama. 16 The lithograph' fails to show.completely the lower ante, Vol. VII. p. 83. part of the p.
. ante, Vol. XII. p. 217.

Page #21

JANUARY, 1885.] A NOTE ON THE EARLY KADAMBA INSCRIPTIONS.
prâni-himsa-lakshanamum-appa yâgamain nirvvarttisi narakakke vôgi Sagara-kulam=imtu niḥśêsham keṭṭudu.
"Unable to see through the tricks of Mahakala, Sagara performed a sacrifice, which is described in the wicked Atharvana-vêda, and which has for its characteristic the killing of various animals, and went to hell; his whole race was thus destroyed."
This will convince the reader that no Jaina could attribute to his father, with any thing like a feeling of pride, the performance of horse-sacrifices. And yet this is precisely what Dévavarman does in respect of his father, Krishnavarman. This inconsistency on the part of Dêvavarman can only be accounted for by supposing that Krishnavarman had been a follower of Brahmanism in his earlier years, and that he embraced Jainism only in the latter part of his life. His popularity with the people rested on the performance of horsesacrifices. This important incident in his life could not, of course, be omitted in the grant. Besides it is quite possible that any inconsistency in respect of this point would entirely escape Dévavarman's notice, as his family had been only recently converted to Jainism.
The second point is the following:-Kâkusthavarman issued his grant "in the 80th year of his victory." This is the literal rendering of the expression," sva-vaijayiké asititamé samvatsaré. Applied literally, these words would mean that Kakustha himself won the victory. But, if we suppose that he was only 15 when he gained the victory, he would of course be 95 years old, and still a Yuvaraja, too, according to the inscription,-at the time of issuing the grant; and his father would then be more than 112 years old, at the lowest computation. This can hardly be accepted as possible. Nor, again, as he describes himself as Yuvaraja at the time of making the grant, can we suppose that he was crowned when an infant, and that the victory was achieved for him by his generals. The expression is plainly not to be interpreted in this way at all; and we must understand it as referring to a victory won,
sante, Vol. VI. p. 23.
The correction of su into eya is not expedient, as it would make Krishnavarmå at once "a jewel among chieftains" and "lord of the sole umbrella."
The epithet BhujagAndr-Anvaya-Sendr-avanindra is also applied to the Nagajas.-ante, Vol. VII. p. 106,
13
not by Kâkusthavarman, but by one of his ancestors.
Now in Dêvavarman's grant, 11. 4 and 5, we read :
[] Sâmanta-râjavišêsha-ratnasu (sya) Nagajânâkramya-day-ânubhûtasya sarad-amala
[] nabhasy-udita-sasi-sadris-aikâtapatrasya .. śri-Krishnavarmmaṇaḥ.
This is Mr. Fleet's reading, which I adopt as the most correct one. In the interpretation of the fourth line, however, I beg to differ from him. The words in this line may be better separated thus:-Samanta-rájavisésharatna-su-Nágaján=ákramya
đây-nubhutasya. And the two lines may be better translated thus: "Of the prosperous Krishnavarman, who possessed the sole umbrella resembling the moon that has risen in the cloudless sky of autumu, and who enjoyed the heritage, after having conquered the good Nâgajas, who were jewels among excellent feudatory kings."
This conquest of the Nagajas or Nâgas must be the one that is alluded to in the expression sva-vaijayiké asititamé samvatsaré in Kakustha's grant. And the result is that Kâkusthavarman and his descendants were subsequent to Krishnavarman and Dêvavarman,-but also that not more than about thirty years can have intervened between Krishnavarman's victory and Kâkusthavarman's grant, and consequently that Kakusthavarman must have been either of the same generation with, or only very slightly subsequent to, Dévavarman.
race.
In ancient times the Nâgas were a powerful Their sway was by no means confined to the Karnataka. They were the terror of the people of Kasmir. Thus we read in the Rája. tarangini I. 179:मण्डले विप्लुताचारे विच्छिन्नबलिकर्मभिः । नागैर्जनक्षयश्वक्रे प्रभूतहिमवर्षिभिः ॥
After their subjugation by Krishnavarman, the Någa kings evidently continued to rule as feudatories of the Kadambas. For, many years later we find Bhânusakti' acknowledging the suzereignty of Harivarman, When the confederacy of the Kadambas was destroyed
For other notices of the Nagas, who are treated as playing a very important part in the early history of KAmir, see Rajateramgint I. 28ff., 89, 111, 185, and 203ff.-J.F.F.
ante, Vol. VI, p. 31.

Page #22

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JANUARY, 1885.
by Kirtivarman I., the Naga kings transferred time of Satyaśraya, Dévasaktio in the time of their allegiance to the Chalukyas. Accordingly Vikramaditya I., and Pogilli in the time of we find, as their vassals, Durgasakti' in the ! Vinayaditya I."
AN OLD-KANARESE INSCRIPTION AT TÊRDAL.
BY K. B. PÅTHAK, B.A.; MIRAJ. Z'érdAl is a large village belonging to the The student of ancient Kanarese literature Sangli State in the Southern Maratha country. knows that Abhinava-Pampa speaks of Srutain the Jaina basti at this place, there is a stone- kirtti-Traividya as the author of the poem tablet, containing an inscription consisting of in question. Mr. Rice rightly conjectures that three separate parts.
Śrutakirtti must have been a contemporary of The first part, which ends in line 56, records Pampa himself. But neither Mr. Rice nor Mr. a grant made by the Mandalika Gonkid & Kittel is able to tell us the date of Pampa. At the varasa or Goika, in Saka 1045 (A.D. 1123- end of the Kanarese commentary on the Samá24), to the god Nôminatha, established by him. dhisataka, however, Møghachandra says that he self, and mentions, as contemporaries of his, wrote his work-vitata-yasd-nidhi Papana the Western Chalukya emperor Vikram - sutange tiliv-antu pochcha-posa-kannada birditya VI., and his feudatory Karta viry a "in very modern Kanarese, so that the son of II. of the Ratta family of Saundatti and Pampa, an ocean of fame spread everywhere, Belgaum. The word ra!!, according to Tri. could understand it." Meghachandra, therevikrama, is a Prikrit form of the Sanskrit fore, was a contemporary of Pampa. And ráshtra ; and it must have been assamed as Méghachandra's son, Viranandi, finished his i family title by Kartavirya and his prede- writing of the Achárasára in Śaka 1076, the ressors, in honour of the Rashtrakúta emperor Srimukha sasivatsara, on Monday the first day Krishna II., whose descendants they professi of the bright fortnight of Jyaishtha. From to be. The Samanta Nimba, mentioned in this, it is easy to conclude that Pampa lived line 33, is the same person who is spoken of as shortly before Saka 1076. The date of our Nimbaraja in the Kolhapur inscriptions and is inscription, which mentions Śrutakirtti-Traipraised by Padinanandî, the pupil of Subha- vidya in line 34, is Šaka 1045. The interval chandra, as the "crest-jewel of Símantas," in between this and the composition of the the concluding prasasti of the Ékatoasaptati. Achárasára, is thirty-one years. SrutakirttiMost of the Jaina ascetics mentioned in this Traividya must have written his work shortly inscription are well known as authors among after Saka 1045. But, as he did not put his the Jainas, who cherish their memory and real name to the composition, the authorship of read their works to this day.
the Raghavapandaraya must have been a secret, But the great importance of this part of the even to his contemporaries. And Pampa, who, inscription lies in this, that it enables us to as a Jaina and a poet must have come into conclear up the mystery that hangs over the tact with him, has done well in preserving authorship of the Raghavapándaviya.
this interesting fact about the authorship of it." • ante, Vol. VII. p. 106.
known as the work of Dhananjaya. At the end of the Dynneties of the Kanarese Districte, p. 10.
8th chapter we read :10 Bhanusakti, Durgabakti, Devasakti, and Pogilli, इति धनंजयस्य कृती महाकाव्ये राघवपांडवीये रावणपांडवwere Sendra or Sendraka chieftains; but the Lakshme shwar inscription, which mentions Durgasakti, and his
लंकाद्वारावतीप्रवेशकथनं नामाष्टमः सर्ग: father, Kundasakti, and grandfather, Vijayabakti,- tells And the concluding verse of the 1st chapter runs us that the Sendrakas belonged to the lineage of the thus :Bhujagendras or Serpent-Kings. -A copper-plato grant,
को वा कविः पुरामिमां परमार्थवृत्त्या recently brought to my notice by Pandit Bhagwanlal Indrajt, gives us also the name of the Sendraka chieftain
शक्नोति वर्णयितुमत्र विनि (णे) येन Vallabhasêna-Anandarija, who was the maternal unclo
नित्यं विधि: सततसंनिहितो विभूति of the Western Chalukya king Pulekesin II.-J.F.F. There are two Sanskrit poems oalled Raghuopan
नान्यादा सृजति यत्र धनंजयाय ।। ५२ ॥ qaviya. Colebrooke gives an account of the Brahmamical work of this namo, in his Essays, Vol. II. p. 98.
From this it is plain that Srutakirtti-Traividya and
Dhananjaya were names of one and the same writer. But the Jaina poem referred to above, the authorship of
Nor is it necessary to mention here that the author of which is ascribed by Pampa to Srutakirtti-Traividya, is the Dhonarlijaya-k jaha was a Digambara Jaina of the much longer than its Brahmanical namesake, and is Kamtaka.

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OLD-KANARESE INSCRIPTION AT TERDAĻ.
JANUARY, 1885.]
The second part of the inscription, commencing. in line 56 and ending in line 68, records a grant made by Svámins, of the Virabaṇañju sect, to the same god Nêminâtha in Šaka 1104 (A.D. 1182-83). This sect is mentioned in several inscriptions; and its members generally represent themselves as worshippers of the Jaina goddess Padmavati. But to this rule there is an exception, in the Damba! Buddhist inscription, in which the selfis invoke Târâdêvî. From a comparison of this Buddhist inscription with others that mention the Virabaṇañju sect, we naturally arrive at the conclusion that, when the Buddhists could not hold their own against rival sects, they must have exchanged the ékánta for the anékánta doctrine, as the religion of Pâráva and Mahavira was much nearer to that of Sakyasimha than any form of Brahmanism that acknowledged the divine authority of the Védas. Dr. Burgess correctly points out (ante, Vol. X. p. 273), that Târâ is a Buddhist goddess. But, when he asserts that the Bauddhas would go over to the Lingayat religion in preference to Jainism, he falls into an anachronism; for, in the time of Vikramâditya VI., such a thing as Lingayatism did not exist. He further asserts that the Jaina Banajigas are joined, in this Dambal inscription, with outcasts and Chandalas. But, in this, he has evidently misunderstood the expression Balajigam-golalu, which can only mean the staff used by the Vira-Balañjigas in measuring land. There
is a third assertion made by him, which will be discussed in a separate paper on Târâdêvî and the interesting part she played in the history of Jainism.
The third part of the inscription, commencing in line 68, records a grant made to the same god by the Dandandyaka Bhâyidêva, in Saka 1109 (A.D. 1187-88).
In line 64 there occurs the phrase Kondakundánvaya. Kondakunda, or Kundakunda, was one of the most celebrated Jaina authors.
The works attributed to him are the Prábhṛitasára, the Pravachanasdra, the Samayasára, the Rayaṇasára, and the Dvádasdnuprekshd. These are all written in Jaina Prakrit. Bâlachandra, the commentator, who lived before Abhinava-Pampa, says, in his introductory remarks on the Prabhṛitasára, that Kundakundacharya was also called Padmanandi, and was the preceptor of Sivakumara-mahârâja. I would identify this king with the Early Kadamba king Sri-vijaya-Siva-Mṛigêsa-mahârâja. For, in his time, the Jainas had already been divided into the Nirgranthas and the Svêtapatas. And Kundakanda attacks the Śvêtapata sect when he says, in the Pravachanasára, that women are allowed to wear clothes because they are incapable of attaining nirvana :
चिते चिंता माया तम्हा तासिं ण णिवाणं ॥
Another interesting fact that we learn from his works is, that, in the time of this author, Jainism had not spread far and wide in these parts, and that the body of the people worshipped Vishnu; for he tells us, in the Samayandra:
लोयसमणाणमेयं स पनि दि० सदि
TEXT."
Fleet.
From Mr. Fleet's ink-impression; revised by Mr. By metrical license, the initial a of atiéaya is
15
लोगस कुणदि विण्हू समणाणं अपओ कुणदि ॥
"So no difference appears between the people and the Sramanas in respect of the siddhanta; (in the opinion) of the people, Vishņu makes (every thing); (in the opinion) of the Sramanas, the soul makes (every thing)."
On these circumstances, as well as on the place assigned to him in Jaina paṭṭávalis and on the fact that his writings are considered by Jaina scholars, both in Dharwad and Maisûr, to be the most ancient Jaina works now extant, I base my opinion that Kondakundacharya was a contemporary of the Early Kadamba king Sira-Mriga-mahārāja.
[] Srimat-parama-gambhira-sydvd-Amôgha-Amichha(chha)nam jiyat-[t]maiļbkya-nkthasya śâsanaṁ Jina-áâsanam || Śriman-[n]amna (mra)-sur-âsur-ôraga-lasan-manikyamaali
[] prabha-atom-Alaṁkri(kri) ta-pada-padma-yugalah
kaivalya-kanta-manaḥ-premam
mati-Nêminâtha-Jinanatham Têridal-Atisaya -śrimatu bhavya-ja
san
lengthened, and the final two syllables are to be pronounced sai.

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16
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JANUARY, 1885.
målk-anudinam dirggh-Ayamam śriyumam | Kshiti-bhrit-[t]rina-prabhavôtkara-kari-makar-ôdyat-prayukt-âbdhi-véla-vrita-Jambudvipa-madhy-ôdbhava-kana
ka-nagakk-ikshisalu dakshin-asa-kshiti kang-opp-ippud=ettam
Kumtal-ôdya[t]-kshiti torkkum chelvinim taddharaniyol es zum Kumdi-nam-ôdgha-desam | Tad-vishaya-madhy-ôddésadoļu | Nirupama-gandhaśâli-vanadim ba
[*] nadim koladim tatikadim giri-vana-toya-durgga-kuladimd=agalim Budha-Madhav Arkk-Samkara-Jina-sadumadim vipha(pa)gi-marggadin-oppava Têridala parserndan chelvanlys pogalaluk-Aja
[*] num nerayaṁ dharitriyolu Taj-janapada-vilasa-vanita-vadana-kamalakke visâlanayana-kamalam-ene sogayisi | Upam-âtitam-enalk-agaldagala kota-chakradim kade kûpa
[*] nakke
[*] Bharata-vishayam-â dêsadolu
[] payojakara-kira-bhri(bhri) inga-vana-nânâ-dêva-bhûdêva-vaisya-pavitr-Aspada-kôtiyim suja. narim éri-Têridal-âbhidhâna-puram tivi karam sthiram prati-dinam torkkum jagach-chakradolu || Durvvâr-âtibha-pamchânana-nibha-subha
[] t-ânîkadim visva-vidya-garvv-ônmatta-prasiddh-âgama-kusala-budha-bratadimd-Asritargg=
Imdrôrvvijât-ôpamân-ômnata-chatura-jana-śrêņiyim
tivi tat-pannirvvar-gâvum
darim kang=esevad-asadalam bhâvisalu
Bhû-vinuta-chatsa (tus-sa) mayaman-âvagam-esev-ârn darkanatgaļumah kaigâv-aggada panirvvirggvuhḍugal-irādu rakshipar-ttatu-puramaṁ || Dhanadana nêvan-eindu korachâḍuva kâdava taṁma kâmchana-ni[10] chayamgalim mani-ganamgala râsi(si)galim navina-mandana-bahn-vastradim payagalim bahu-dhânyadin-oppi tôrppa nachchina paradakkalim bharitav-âgi karam sogayikku tat-param | Antu samtamum basantamum=ene
paṁneradara
["] tivi samtatan sakala-dharitrig-alamkaram-âge sogayisuva Têridaļa maineya vallabhargge vallabhar-âda Kumtala-mahitala-chakravarttigal-anvayAvataram=emt-emdade | Vri(vri) || Vanaja-kshmâ
[] Têridalam
[] da(dha)ra-padma-sadmajan-Ajam prôdbhuta-Hârita-namdana-Mandavyanin-âda Pamchasikhanim band- Chaluky-Anvay-vanipar-mmam-palar-âge matt-ahitaram gelud= urvviyam talda Tailan-ad-omdanvaya-Mêruv-ânta nilayam śri
[*] Rayakôlâhaļaṁ | Va | Mattam- vamhéadolu Jayasimhavallabhan-emba sinha-parakraman-âdam || Atana tanaya dushta-mahitala-patigalan-anêkaram geld= akhil-Orvvi-talamam tale
["] dam vikhyatam Trailôkyamallan-Â havamallam || Va | Antu samasta-dhâtri-vallabhege vallabhan-Ad-Â havamalladêvana priya-tanûjan | Ghana-dôr-vvikrâmtadim Gurjjara-nri(nri)pa-balamath geldu mârâmta Chôl-âvanipang-abhila-kâlâ[1] nana (la) man-osedu samgrâmadoļu tôri bhit-âvanipargg-atamkamam puttisad= anunayadim viéva-bhu-chakramam saj-janav-âgalu Rayakólahalan-ene taledam raya-Permmâdirayam Va | Antu Kumtala
[1] mahitala-kâmtå-kâmtan-enisida vira-Permmâḍirâyana kaṭṭid-alag-enisida - Têridalada vira-Gomka-kshitis varan-anvayadol-enebarânum sale nija-jananigam janakargge parvva-punyav-emba kalpâvanijake phalav-udayisuv-am
[] te putti Kaligam bettida virav-amt-abitaram gelud-urkku vidvishta-mandalamam chakrige sådhis-itt-alav-ad-ka-chchhatrav=galuke nirmmala-kirttyamganeg-Arttu kürttu kuḍutum śri-Têridal-âvanitala-ni
[] tham negaldam nṛipâla-tilakam Lokaṁ mahi-lokadolu || Vri || Atana namdanam cha(ba) ladol â Raghunandanan-êka-vakya-vikhyatiyol-Arkkanamdanan-animdita. sauryyadol-Imdranamdanam nîtiyo
The metre is faulty here; two syllables have been omitted.
This syllable, Ju, was at first omitted and then inarted below the line.

Page #25

JANUARY, 1885.)
OLD-KANARESE INSCRIPTION AT TERDÅ!.
17
και ε
ε
ε
ε
ε
ε
[] -Abjanamdanan=enippa mahatvaman=appu-keyida (sc, keyda)n=urvvitalado!r budhar=
ppogaļal-imt-erag=0(a)rvvi-varam niraṁtaram || Va || Tam(n)-nțipottama
priya-putran || Vri || Ballidar=agi pôgad=idir-ent-ari-mamne[] yar=amneyarkkalam ballahan=öldu nôde rana-ramgado!-3disi Tôridalado!u vallabhan=
Agi nimda jaya-vallabhanam sita-kirtti-kamini-vallabhan=endu bannisadan
avano manneya Mallidêvananu | Ka || Å "] vîra-Malliddva-mahivallabhan=ardha-nêriguņa-maņi-ganadim bhd-vadhugweney=ene
Bachaladhvi Mahimdrajege Siteg=ore dorey=alte | Vri(Vri) | Avar-irvvarg=
anurågadin Sirigav=a Kamjodara[m]ga Mand[*] bhavan=adri-priya-putrigam sasidharamgam Sa(sha)ņmukhath bandu pattuva volu
putti virðdhi-mamneya-gharatam Téridaļa-kshitiša-viļása pariramjipan bhuvanadolu niệsamkeyim Gomkamaʼn | Vri(Vri) | Kantu-vilasa-lakshmiy=
enip=aggada Bå. chaladevi mate vikranta-vibhâsi-Malla-mahipam janakam muni Maghanamdi
saidhdha(ddha)ntika-chakravartti guru Némijina manad-ishta-dêyvav=ôramt
ene Têridâļada nri(nri)p-ågraņi Gomkan=id-em kri(kri)t-artthand || Adasuva ["] kattav=ottaripa mri(mți)tta(tyu) kadamgava mâri koyvinin todarvva(rva)
virðdhi pâyva pali poy va sidilu piçiv=agra-panne(nna)gam suduva dav-ågni
bådhé kadeganchuvud=edade Téridáļad=1 kadu-gali Gomka-bh&patiya [*] bhavyate kêvalavê nirikshisalu || Pasida sit-ahi sokidode saṁkisi mantrada
tantrad-Aseyimd=asu v=arey=Agi bitt-irade pamcha-padangalan-Odi tad-visa(sha).
prasaraman-eyde piñgisi Jina-bra(vra)tado["] ļu dri(dři) da (dha)n=&da tamna pemp=esed-ire Têridalad-arasan negaļdam kali
Gomka-bhabhujan || Yettisi Tèridáļadolageoppe Jinêsvara-sadmamann samamt= ettisidam jaya-dhvajaman-urvvige dig-mukha-danti-dantadol-tettisidań nij-anka
mahim-[4*]. ["] kshara-målikeyam gaļumdad=en=uttama-bhavyan Jina-mat-âgraņi sad-gaņi Gouka
bhubhujan || Satatam kirttisad-irppapa'r=&r=bhuvanadolu bhavyar-jagat-sêvya,
nam jita-kåløya-kalamka-pamka-pataha-dhvant-Amkanam Gorkanam S pratipaksha-kshitingtha-hra (hri)t-sarasij-6dy-atankanam Goņkanan kshitiyolu ramjipa
Tôridalad-esav- nissankanań Gorkanam || Ant=enisida Gomka-mahl-kanta eri
Maghanamdi-saidhdhá(ddha)ntikaram bhra["] nt-ento Killagiradim[dam*) tarisi samasta-bhavyar=abhivarạnipinaṁ || Tad-Acharyys
prabhávav=enterdade || Dhare dagdh-Abdhiyin-abdhichandranin=inam têjógniyimd=enta[m=2]nt-iral=1 Postaka-gachchha-Désiga-ganam Sri-Kondakund
Anvayam niratam éri(eri)-Kula["] chandradeva-yatip-ôdyat(ch)-si(chhi)sya (shya)rim sad-gunakara-rårddhå(ddha)ntika
Maghanamdi-muniyim kang=oppagum dhatriyoļu || Ka | Agaạita-guna-jala
dhigal=ene naga-dai(dhai)ryyar=Maghaņandi-saidd håntikar-avagam-e[] sevar=ssanu-matiyim jagado!=så manta-Nimbadêvana garugalu |Vri(vri) | Santa
tav-anya-chintegalan-okku Jin-âsya-vinirggat-âgam-artth-ântara.chinteyolu
neredu nillade siddhara sad-guņam[] galaṁ chintisnt-irppa Kollagirad=aggada san-muni Maghaṇamdi saiddhantika
chakravartti jita-manmatha-chakriy=enippan=urvviyoļu | Vri(vri) || Ant=arisir
dda Jaina-samayakk-ogedar Jinan=igal orvvan=embante Jina-vratamgala** n=náðgha-janakk-upadësa=ittu samantan=enippa Nimban-eragalu negaļd-oppuva
Maghanaidi saiddhantika-chakravartti Jina-dharmma-sudh-abdhi-gudhêmáuva
Agane || Avar-agra-sisya (shya)ru | Kå| Vadi-vis (sh)-Oraga-Tärksha (kabya) • This syllable, ma, is required by the metre; but it is This second pa is a mistake. otherwise superfluous.
ε
ε
ε
ε
ε
1-

Page #26

18
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JANUARY, 1885.
[] kar-vvâdi-mahâ-gahana-dâva-dahanar-vva (bba)lavadu-vâd-fbha-simbar-esedar-mmêdiniyoļu Kanakaṇandi-pandita-dêvaru || Tatu-para-vâd-ibha-pamchânanara sa-dharmmaru || Śruta-kirtti-traividya-bra (vra) tipar-sa (sha) tu-tarkka-karkkasa
[] ru para vâdi(di)-pratibhâ-pradipa-pavanar-jjita-dosa (sha)r=nnegaldar-akhila-bhuvan-ântaradoļu | Tat-para-vâdi-sikhari-sikhara-nirbhbhê(rbbhê)dan-ôchchanda-pavi-dandara sa-dharmmaru | Vri(vri) | Jita-Kusumayudh-ástraran-animdita
[] Jaina-mata-prasiddha-sâdhita-hita-sâstraram vidalit-ônmada-mâna-vimôha-lôbha-bbêbhri(bhri) tu-kulis-astraram padapinim pogalgum dhare. Chaṁdrakirtti-paṁditaranatarkya-tarkkika-Chaturmmukharam para-vâdi
["] sûlaranu | Tat-para-vâdi-mastaka-sûlara sa-dharmmaru | Vri(vi) || Dri(dhri) ti sâle gabhavamri(mri)4-bbbrkiyan san-mati bhbhri(bhri)-patiysh Vâchaspatiyam palamchalevinamm-eyvetta san-mârgga-santatiya (yi) m[dam*] negalirdda Desi
[] ga-gan-adhisa-Prabhachamdrapamḍitadêm(v)-ôjvala-kirtti-mûrtti vaḍed-Adam varttikum dhatriyolu Tan-mun-isvarara sa-dharmmaru | Para-vadi(di)-prakara-pratapamahibhri(bhri)t-va(prâ)gr-ôgra-vajrar-gun-abharanar Sri-va
[] sudh-aika-bamdhava-Jinêmdr-adhiśvar-ôttumga-mamdirad-acharyya ra(na)g-êmdra-rumdrarnni(ni)bha-dai(dhai)ryyar-Vvardhamâna-bra (vra)tiśvarar-imt-i dhareyolu negatte(te)-vadedam traividya-vidyadhararu | Yintu negaltegam pogaltegam-adhiśvarar= âda Vardhamâ
divyakelpri(prithvi.
[a-traividyadēvar-ajja-garngal-appa
Sri-Maghagandi-siddhanti[ka*]-dévara śri-pada-padmaṁgalam ||* Svasti Samastabhuvanasrayam vallabha maharajaâdhirajam paramêévaram paramabhatțârakam Satya[] śraya-kula-tilakam Chaluky-ábharanam śrimad-Vikrama-chakravartti-Tribhuvanamalladevara
[""] dhiśvaram
vijaya-rajyam-uttar-ôttar-âbhivri(vri)dhdhi(ddhi)-pravarddhamânam=å
chamdr-arkka-târam
["] baram Kalyaṇa-purada nela (le)-vidinoļu sukha-samkathâ-vinôdadim rajyam-geyyuttam=ire tat-pada-padm-ôpajivi | Svasti samadhigatapamchamahasabda-mahamam (ma)ndalêsvaram Lattanûra-paravara
trivali-pareghdahagarh Ratta-kula-bhashanam simda (dhû)ra-la[m]chhanam vivêka-Virimchanam
suvarnna-garuda-dhvajam ganda-mandalika
gandata (stha) la-prahari Desakarara-dêva Mûru-rayar-âsthâna kali-birudara-gam["] da nudid-amte-gamda sahas-ôttunga Sênana-simha nâm-di-samasta-prasa (sa)sti-sahitam. ári man-mahimandalárarah Kirtti(rtta)viryys-dev-arasaru sukha-samkatha. vinôdadi rajyam-geyuttam-iralu
[] tad-Ajñeyim || Svasti samasta-prasa (sa)sti-sahitam śriman-mandalikaṁ para-bajasadhakam Jimûtavâhan-ânvaya-prastam sauryya-Raghujatam samara-jay-ôtyu(ttu)mgam rana-ramga-simgam maydra-pishchchha(chha)-chatcha[d]-dhvajah rapa-Makars
[] dhvajam Padmavati-devi-labdha-vara-pracAdam Jina-dharmma-keli-vinôdai bhavanakakara manḍalika-kêdâra nåm-âdi-samasta-prasa (sa)sti-sahitam śrimatu Gomkidêv-arasaru nija-rajadhaniy-appa Têridalada madhya-pradeka[] dolu Gomka-Jinilayamam nirmni(rmmi)si ári-Nêmi-Jinanatha-pratishtheyam Rashtrakt-invaya-ira[b]-fikhiniani Kirtti(rtta)viryya-mahimandaévaradh mukhyav Agi sad-bhaktiyim subha-dina-muhûrttadolu mâdi taj-Jina
["] muni-pradhanar-appa Désiga-gana-Potsaka-gachchhada śri-Kondakund-âcharyy-Anvayada Kollapurada ir-Ropa-Nariyatana basadiy-acharyyaru[m] mandal-Acharyyaram enippa ári-Maghanamdi-saiddhântika
[*] dêvaram barisi Sa (sa) ka-va[r]sha 1045neya Sabhakri (kri)t-samvatsarada Vaisakhada punnami Bra (Bri) haspati-varadalu Gomka-Jinâlayakke pannirvvar= ggávuinḍugalumaṁ samasta-parivâra-prajegaļumam â sthalada setti

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JANUARY, 1885.]
OLD-KANARESE INSCRIPTION AT TÉRDÀŲ.
["] gutta-mukhya-samasta-nakaramgaļumam barisi Nêmi-tirtthêśvarana basadiya rish[io].
yar-khara-dậnakkam dêvar=ashțavidh-archchanegaṁ khanda-ppu(sphu)ţita-jfron
Oddhârakkaṁ pesar-ggonda tanu-man-iśvarara divya-sri-pada-padman. [!] galam divya-tirttha-jalamgalim toleda sa takumbha-kambha-sambhrita-jalaṁgalim
dhå rå-pürba (rva)karn mådi Têridalada paschima-bhågadalu Hârunagêriya
batteyim badagalu yippattanál-geņa-kôloļu ["] kotta mattar a(e)ppatt-eradu Dêviyaņa-bâviyfm temkalâ kolo!u kotta tomta
mattar=ondu antu matstaru 72 tomta matta[r] 1 alliya pannirvvare
ggávunduga!um aruvatt-okkalum hanni-dhânyakka råsig-olage vam bitta[] ru alliya settigutta-mukhya-nagaramgaļu tâvu mâra-konda bha(cha)nda-manika
patta-sätrav=âdadan hoge visa labh-âyada adake hoge han[no]ondu távn
tegeda yeleya hêrimgam aga(P)da(P)[] ntaruvattigaru tegeda hêrimga [*] nar=eley=imtuinituvam bitaru telligaru mânya
sânyav=ennade dêvara samje-sodarimga dhûp-åritegam gánakke sollage
horaganim banda enpeya kodakke sollage yintavam ["] bitaru gana-kumbhårarudêvara ashțavidh-archchane dhåra-dana nadavant-agi
dåna-sålege Avagegaļana bittaru Halasige-hannirchchhâsirada hebbatt[e]yalu nadeva gåtrigaru dēvarige ashțavidh-ârchchane nadevant-agihêringe
nûru
VO
[") -eleyan bittaru | Svasti samasta-bhuvana-vikhya ta-pamcha-bata-vira-sâsana-labdh
ânêka-guna-gan-alamkri(krita-satya-sauch-achâra-chåru-chåritra-naya-vinaya-vijñana
virabanamju-dharmma-pratipaļana-visuddha["] gudda-dhvaja-virájit-aneka-sâ hasa-lakshmi-samálińgita-vaksha[ h]sthala-bhuvana-paråkram
-Ônnatarum makhapatti-gar-atpatti-Baladôve-Vasudêva-Khandaļi-Malabhadra-vams
odbhavarum Padmavati-devi-labdha-vara-prasadaru ["] mappa srimad-Ayyâvaley=aynûrvva[r*]=svâmigaļu Kuntaļa-vishayadolu gråma
Dagara-khêda- karvvada-madamba-drôn Âmukha-pattanamgalimdam=aneka-matakata
pråsåda-dêvîyatapamgaļirdam-oppu["] vragrahara-pattanamgalimodam=atiśayav=appa srimatu-Kumdi-murusåsirad-o!e(la)ge
hanneradakkan modala-bâdam baqamju-vattaņam nadaveya-mane Têridaladalu
Sa(sa)ka-Varsham 1104neya Plava-samvatsarada Åsvayaja bahula 3 - [] divåradalu dva-trissa(sa)tu-vêļavuramum'm=ashtadasa-pattanamum bảsashti-yoga-pitha
mumm=aruvattanálka-ghatika-sthanamum nânâ-des-abhyantarada g avare
gåtrigarum settiyaru[m] settigattarum ma[] hA-nad-agi nerad-
a sthaļadalu sriman-mandalikan Gorka-dev-arasam mâdisida Nêmi-tirtthôśvarana chaity-Alayamam kandu balam-goņdu podevatta harshaChittaragi dêvar-ashta vidh-a[r]chchane [đ®]-charndr-arkka tårar bara
nadev-ant-à["] gi kotta basana-maryyadiy-ent-endode chatus-samudra-paryyantam baraṁ nadav.
ant-agi 120 nûr-ippatt-et[t]a-katte-köna-bbandi-bhaitra-dôņi-durggi-gala-patham
embrivarolu ane-mâņika-vastuv=ênan=adadam pêri jala-sthala-ya[] treyalu nadevadam sunka-parihårav=igi kottaru mattam sågana-parihårigar=ennade
vokkalal-onda paņavam bitfaru ll. Yinti keyi-mane-tôta-makhya-samasta
&ya-dva(DA) yav=ellamain sarvva(rvva)-badha(dha)-pariharav=A[") gi dhårA-parvvakam midi bittaru | Svasti Srimatu-Kondakund-Acharyy-Anonvayada
śri-Müla-samga(gha)da Désiya-gaộada Postaka-gachchhada eri-Kollápurada
Nimbaddva-s vanta mâdisida ért-Rapa-Nára. L"] yana-d@vara basadiya pratibadhdha (ddha)m=appa Téridalada Gorka-Jinêndra
mamdirakke Kol[1]ápurad-Agastyèsvarada Kaņagildávarada MahAlakshmi. daviya Gökageya Mahålimga-dêvara yint=i ghatika-sthånad=d
and . In each case, the anuadra is a mistake.
10 Thin anumára is, again, a mistake.

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20
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JANUARY, 1885
[") charyyaru makhya @!-köți-yuva-sankhyata-ganagalu maha-mandaliy=Agi Téridalada
mûla-sthánada Kalidėva-svâmige pratibadhdha(ddha) mádi & Néminátha
svå miya pratishtha-kaladal=& Goink ["] Jinalayad=fchåryyar=appa Prabhachandra-pardita-dóvarigg(g)-id=emma jóga-vattigeye sthanam=endu jóga-vattigeyan-ik[
kidaru | Basadiya mele Südrakana simhada chakrada chihnam=emb=ivan tisulada ghnute[""] yan pareya någad=enippavan=eļa-koti-tâpasargge mahA-virðdhi-yavan-kávara-vairiy=
enuttav=ikkidar=mmisuguva jóga-vattigeyan=a muni-sankeya köţi-tá pasaru |*
Mattar ||* Vira-Kaņingaraya-gaja-kesa[*]ri Simhanaraya-saila-nirddharana-vajra mârmmaleva Gürjjara-raya-bhuja-pratâ pa-nire
ruba-vanya-dam(da)ntiy=ene permmeyanrommeyum=antu Ganda-pendaran udaran
-urbi(rvi)greseva vibhu Tėjugi-danda-nayakan | Samad-&["O] ri-kshitibhri(bhri)t-kadambakado!=aty-abhila-vajr-igni-têjaman - unmatta-mahisa-varnsa-va
nadolu du[ro]vvåra-div-agni-têjaman-any-ôrvvipa-sainya-sagaradol-udyadu-bå day
ögr-âgni-têjaman=ôramt-ire töri viśva-dhareg=im(i)nti Gamda-pemdiran=aśra["] madimdam merevam nija-prabala-bâhâ-tējamam Tējaman" 11. Bhüri-tyagam vipas
chij-jana-janita-vipat-[t]yâgav=ugra-pratâpa krår-érati-pratâpam mri(mri)du
madhura-vachah-ssa(sa)mpadam sådhu satya-Srf-rama[") sampadam tin=enisi jana-nutam Téja-damờidhinathan pârâvâr-&vri(vri)t-ôrvvi-vala
yadoqeativikhyâti-vett-opputippan ||* Atana tanayam vinay-6petan' vidvishta
dandanktha-kumara-brât-achala-pavidanda-khyatam [") bri-Bhayidvanesevam jagado! Io Para-daņdâdhipa-nandanaruppalabaraṁ puttalke
mum-pattugu guru-gôtrakk-apa-sad-yasam parijanakk=udv@gam=int=1 chamú
+ vara-Têj-âtmaja-Bh Ayipar padapinión puttalke pattitta bandhura-harshan sva[") kulakke tibra (vra)-paritapam satragaluga ksharam || Krür-Aráti-nri(nri)pa-pradhi
na-tannját-Anikamam ganda-pendiram Tējagi-dandanátha-tanayam Sri-Bhayi
devam jagad-viram tibra(vra)-kar-siyim pugisuvam sva-sthånamam [") tân-enalkar-Arpa[r]-kkadan-aika-viranan=anék-Ambhôdhi-gambhfranan Il* Ågurav=åge
tagid=ahitarkkalan=& hava-ramga-bhūmiyoļu pêsad=adirbba mikka kiru-gamta karam murid=ik[k]i Kumdi-ma-sâsiramam jasam nimire susthiradim nri
(ori)pansiyal-2[") Ivand sâsiya (ya)-Bhayidva-pri(pri)tana-pati Tējagi-déva-nandanam l* Para-bhabhri
(bhội) t-kulamam taguļdu saran-âyâtarkkala 'kadu pând-oradarggeitta samastad@ya-sadanakkam vipra-samghakkad-ådaradi bhu-gri(gri)ha-danamam day[e]
yin=&dar madi ["] kirty-agana-varan=&galu vibha-Bhayidêva-sachivan ballar perar=ballare Il. Kadalan=
eda-galisi Seshana padeyolu dik-kambhi-kumbhadolu sura-sa bheyolu bidade
kali-Bhayidēvana todav=enisida kirtti narttipaļu nalavimda | Anta da["] sa-diśå-valaya-vartita-kirtti-kantan=enisida Kuntala-mahi-vallabhan=iye Kamdi-maro
såsiramumam nih karatakadimd=alatta râya-dandanktha-ganda-pemdara kumaran
Bhayidêva-damdankyakaru srimat-TêridAlada Gor ka-Jinalayada bri-N& ["] [mi]-tirttheśvarana anga-ranga-bhôgakkar rishiyar=ahara-dánakkan khaņda-sphoţita
jirņo-oddharakka Salsa) ka-varsa(rsha) 1109neya Plavamga-samvatsarada Chaitra 80 10 "Bri(bți)haspati-várad-andu muốna Gomk-arasaru bitta
púrvva-vri(vri)ttiy=[O] ppatt-eradu â 72rim badagal=& kôlalu sarvvårvva)-bâ dha (dha)-parihåravedigi bitta
mattaru mavatt-Aru 36 mattan dhavalárakke atagadi-geri-paryyanta-nivobanaman
bitta kâsanada kallugalam pratishtheyam madidaru | [") Mad-vamsajáh-para-mahipati-vamsajâ và pâpád-apota-manasd bhavi bhåvi-bhapah
yê pålayanti mama dharmmam-ida(ma) samastan tshår maya virachitA(8) mijalir=#sha murdhnibardhni) | Idu tän-aihiks-paramartthika-sukhakkadvisa
1 This verse consists of fly pddas.
I.

Page #29

JANUARY, 1885.)
OLD.KANARESE INSCRIPTION AT TERDÅ!
21
["] vai dharmmam=imt=idan=ullamghisid-âtanugra-narak-ôdirnn-ânta-samvartta-garttadol=
algan parirakshe-geydavan=upe[n]dr-ahindra-dêvêmdra-sampadadol=kûduguv(m)=
alliyum padeguv(m)-a-kalp-ayumam briyumam l. Priyadim[RS] dam"-idan=eyde kâda purushamg=yu mahå-sriyum-akkuv-idam k&ya da
dâ(pa)takaṁge piridun Gamgå-Gaya-Váraņabi-Kurukshetradi putra-gô-dvija
muni-brátamgalam konda patakam-akkum bidad-ikkum=& puru["] sbanwendum ranrava-sthậnamam || Sasanam-id=&vud-elliya blsanam=år=ittar=éke
salisuven-an-i sasanaman-emba pâtakan=à sakaļa rauravakke galaga!an= iligum | Sva-dattam para-dattâm vâyo harêti(ta) vasundharam shash
thir(shti)-vva(va)[ro]sha-sahasråņi vishtayam (*) jậyatê krimi[h*) ! TRANSLATION.
with wells, tanks, parrots, and black bees, May the religion of Jina, the religion of the forests, with crores of the holy dwellings of lord of the three worlds, the unfailing charac- the various gods, Bråhmans, and Vaiấyas, and teristic of which is the glorious and very with virtuous people. The inconceivably mysterious tyádráda," prosper! May the Tirtha- charming Têridala ever shines to the eye with kara Něminátha, endowed with good wisdom, & host of good warriors who were lions to their the beloved lord of the lady kaivalya, enemies resembling elephants and hard to conwhose lotus-like feet were adorned by the quer, with groups of scholars well-versed in excessive brilliancy of the crowns, set with sacred lore, famous and elate with the pride of shining jewels, of the venerable gods, demons all learning, with numerous persons of cultiand udgas bowing before him, ever give long vated minds, occupying high positions, who are life and prosperity to the very fortunate and like the tree of Paradise to their dependents, good people of Têridala !
and with those twelve head-men. That town (L. 3.)-There shines to the eye a land to the is protected by the twelve headmen, promoting south of the Golden Mountain rising in the midst the ever-shining six branches of philosophy of JambQdvipa surrounded by the shores of the and the six observances'' praised in the world. ocean filled with alligators resembling large That town looks very beautiful, being filled elephants able to lift up mountains. There, with money-changers," adorned with much where Bharatakhanda is situated, appears full corn, milk, new ornaments, various cloths, with of charms the great country of Kuntala ; and heaps of jewels and a mass of gold rivalling in that land shines the great district called and laughing at Kubêra, saying "his wealth is Kündi. And, in the heart of this district, the nominal." Térid Al & Twelve shines with incomparable (L. 10.)- In the same manner, Spring, like a and fragrant rice-fields, forests, lakes, tanks, saint, prevailing there incessantly, the Têridaļa gronps of hill-forts and forts built in the forest Twelve, an ornament to the whole world, is and water, and ditches, with the dwellings of the governed by chiefs who own allegiance to the learned and the temples consecrated to Vishnu, emperors of the country of Kuntaļa, whose the sun, Siva, and Jina, and with markets. lineage is as follows :Brahmadêva is not able to praise sufficiently (L. 11.)-Brahman sprang from his abode, the beanty of the Têridala Twelve in the the lotus of the god Vishņu, who supports the world. Shining as the large lotus-eyes of the world and holds a lotus. Mandavya, the son lotus-face of that district resembling a sportive of Harita was next born. From Mandavya lady, the town of Téridaļa appears always peace
sprang Pavchaśikha. Many kings of the Chaful in the whole world, filled with numbers of lukya line, descended from Panchaśikha, having forts with ditches exceeding all comparison,
already passed away, there arose Taila who
11 The metre is faulty hore.
13 This is the third verse in the Jains work called Iry pathas which is written partly in Sanskrit and
The myidvada is the saptabhangi doctrino, which views a substance in seven different aspects. It is also called the anek inta-mata, distinguished from the
ekanta or Saugata-mata.
Balachandra thus enumerates them :-Diksha, ikah, gana-påshana, Atma-samakira, sallekhana, and uttamartha or miksha.
10 Nachchina-paradarkkaļ appears to be a mistake for china-paradarkkal.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JANUARY, 1885.
again overthrew his enemies" and ruled the remained the lord of Téridala. Who is there earth. This family of Taila, resembling Mount that does not extol the worthy Mallidêva as Mêrn, was supported by the glorious RA ya- the lord of victory and of fair fame resembling ko? A ha! al resembling the earth. In this a.lady? Say, is not Bâchaladevi, who is the family was also born Jayasimha vallabha, beloved queen of the brave king Mallideva and who was as brave as a lion. His son, who who rivals the lady earth in her numerous overthrew many wicked kings and assumed the qualities resembling jewels, equal to Site and sovereignty of the whole world, was known as (Anjanddévi*) the daughter of Mahindra ? As Trailok yamalla and Ahavamalla. the god of love was born to Lakshmi and The king Permadir & ya, the beloved son Vásuddra, as Kumira was born to Parvati and of Åhavamalla who had thus become the lord Siva, so there was born to them both, with of the whole earth resembling a lady, defeated affection, Gonka, who fearlessly shines in the the army of the Gurjara king with the prowess world, the joy of the lord of Têrid &!a and of his great arm; delightfully showed on the a handmill to hostile chiefs. battle-field the fire of all-destroying time to the (L. 22.)-How blessed is the excellent king Chôļa king who opposed him; and, without Gonka of Tóridala, who has, for his frightening timid kings, governed the whole mother, the meritorious Bachaladevi, the beauty world with justice, so as to promote the prac- of the sport of Kåma,--the king Malla, shining tice of virtue in it, as though he had been with bravery, for his father,—the ascetic MaghaRayakolábala himself.
nandi, chief of Saiddhantikas, for his preceptor, (L. 15).- Many kings having passed away --and the Tirthaskara Néminátha, for his in the family of the heroic king Gonka of favourite god! An infectious disease, a violent TéridAla, who is regarded as the sheathed sword death, raging Durga, furiously attacking eneof the valiant Permidiraya, the lord of the mies, a springing tiger, the lightning which country of Kuntala resembling a fair one, - strikes, a terrible snake which catches, the calathere was born to his parents, like the fruit mity of a consuming wild fire, vanish at the yielded by the merit of former births resemb- mere sight of the virtue of the very valiant king ling the tree of Paradise, -Lôka, the orna- Gonka at Têridaļa. When, bitten by a fierce and ment of kings, the lord of the prosperous hungry snake, he was filled with fear, he indistrict of Téridaļa, who, endowed with a dulged the hope of being cured by spells and heroism displayed by the erection of a pillar enchantments till he was half-dead, and then of triumph, distinguished himself throughout immediately reciting the names of the five the world, by defeating formidable enemies, saints," he was perfectly cured of the snake bite. conquering the territory of insolent foes and His pride in the Jaina faith, thus confirmed, handing it over to his imperial master, thus being conspicuous, Gonka, the king of Téridala, making the (Chalukya) power of one umbrella, gained much distinction. Causing a shining and bestowing caresses on fair fame resembling Jaina temple to be erected, at Téridaļa, be a lady. His son attained to such eminence in raised a triumphant banner, and hung on the the world that he was considered a very Råma tasks of the elephants of the quarters a string in firm determination, a Karna in reputation of letters announcing to the world the great. for fulfilment of promises, an Arjuna in blame- ness of his prowess. O! how excellent is king less heroism, and a Brahmadêva in politics, to Gouka, the virtuous champion of Jainism ! the admiration of wise men who thus ever What good people are there in the world, who bowed to him. The beloved son of that excel- do not continually praise Gonka, this fearless lent king. If the hostile kings and aggressors and renowned king of Têridala, shining in the did not wisely flee but encountered him, world, who has overcome the sin of the Kali this powerful king saw them with pleasure age, resembling mud, whose characteristic and put them to flight on the battlefield and is the gloom spread by the sound of his
The Rashtrakūtas, who eclipsed the glory of the Chalukya power for nearly two centuries.
1 Kerajn says that riya-ksthala is an arisambaa, admissible only as a biruda.
* Anneyarkkal means 'aggressors, invaders ;' anneya
is & corruption of anyiya, according to Kesirlja.
0 Añjana was the daughter of Mahindra. See MAyanaa's Anjanidavicharitra.,
* These are arhanta, riddha, Acharya, wpadhyaya, wa sarvasddhu.

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23
JANUARY, 1835.]
OLD-KANARESE INSCRIPTION AT TERDÅ!.
war-drum, and who strikes terror into the lotus-like hearts of hostile kings?
(L. 28 )-King Gonka, endowed with such qualities, sent for the venerable MaghanandiSaiddhantika from Kollagira," to the admi. ration of all good people. Oh! how wonderful ! To describe the glory of that ascetic ;-As the earth is decorated by the milk-ocean, as the ocean by the moon, and as the sun by his fire of brilliancy, so shines to the eye in the world the line of the venerable Kondakanda, of the Dåsiga-gana and the Sarasvati-gachchha, ever adorned by the sage Maghanandi, a mine of virtues and the great disciple of the chief ascetio, the venerable Kulachandra. Mâghanandi-Saiddhậntika, who is, as it were, an ocean of innumerable virtues and firm as & mountain, ever shines with good intellect in the world, as the preceptor of the Samanta Nimbadeva. The great and good sage of Kollagira, Maghatandi. Saiddhantika, who dismissing all other ideas, is absorbed in interpreting the sacred learning that has emanated from the mouths of the Tirtharnkaras, and who ceaselessly contemplates the virtues of the saints, is renowned in the world as the chief of those who have vanquished the god of love. As though the famous Jaina faith had produced a new Tirtharikara, he preached the principles of Jainism to all people, and was Baluted by the Samanta Nimba; is not the distinguished and shining Maghanandi, the chief of Saddhantikas, a moon to the Jaina religion, resembling an ocean of nectar?
(L. 33.)-His chief disciple was Kanakanandipanditadêva, who shines in the world as an eagle to disputants resembling venomous ser- pents, as a fire to the great forest of disputants, and as a lion to powerful disputants who are like elephants. He who shares similar religious rites with that ascetic,--the lion to hostile dispu- tants, Srotakirtti-Traividya, the chief of ascetics of faultless character, formidable in the six branches of philosophy, is distinguished in the whole world as a wind to the light which is the intelligence of hostile disputants. He who shares similar rites with him, the formidable thunderbolt in breaking the peaks of the mountains which are hostile disputants, -Chandrakirtti
pandita, who has resisted the weapon of love and studied the principle of mercy, who is conspicuous in the blameless Jaina religion, who is a very Indra to the mountains of insolence, pride, folly, and avarice, who causes pain to hostile disputants, and who is a Brahmadêya among those who excel incom. parably in logic, is highly extolled by the world. He who shares similar rites with that ascetic, who causes pain to the heads of hostile disputants,-Prabhachandrapanditadeva is very famous throughout the world as an image of brilliant reputation; he is the chief of the Désiga-gana, distinguished for the many shining virtuous courses he has adopted, the lord of mountains in courage, and calm as the ocean of nectar. He who shares similar rites with that lord of ascetics,- Vardhamana, the chief of ascetics, the priest of the lofty temple of the venerable lord, Jinûndra, the sole friend of the earth, is a sharp and deadly thunder-bolt to the mountain which is the power of a group of hostile disputants; he is adorned with virtues; his courage resembles a lofty mountain ; and he is a Vidyadhara among Traividyas.'' Vardhamana is thus distinguished in the world. The excellent and prosperous lotuslike feet of the holy Maghanandi-Saiddhậntikadêva, the chief preceptor of VardhamanaTraividya, the object of so much praise and distinction.
(L. 40.)-Hail! While the victorious reign of the glorious emperor Vikrama-TribhuVanamalla, the asylum of the whole world, the favourite of the earth, the great king of kings, the supreme king, the most worshipful one, the glory of the family of Satyaśraya, the ornament of the Chalu ky as, was continuing, with the delight of pleasing conversation and with perpetual increase, so as to endure as long as the sun, moon and stars might last, ut the capital of Kalyanapura :
(L, 42.)-Subsisting on his lotus-like feet, Hail! the glorious Mahámandulésvara, king Kartaviryad êva,-who has acquired the five great sounds, who is a Muhamandalescara, the lord of Lattanûra the best of cities, who has a trivale played before him, the ornament of the Ratta family, who has the figure of a
From a comparison of this passage with 11. 32 and 49, it appears that Kollagira was another name of Kollapura
or Kolhapur.--As mandalacharya or pattacharya, Maghazandi must have lived, at Kollapura.
15 Those well-versed in agama, tarka, and vvikarana.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
golden eagle on his banner, who has the device of an elephant," a Brahmadêva in deliberation, who strikes the temples of brave petty kings, the lord of the Dêsakaras, the lord of those who have won a warrior's distinction at the meeting of the three kings, who is a warrior in the right sense of the word, full of daring, the lion of Sêna; while adorned with all these titles, Kartavirya is reigning with the delight of pleasing conversation:
(L.45.)-At his command, Hail!-the glorious king Gonka dêva, adorned with all titles, who is a prosperous petty king, who has conquered hostile armies, who is sprung from the family of Jimatavahana, who is a Rama in bravery, elate with success in war, a lion in the battle-field, who has a waving banner of peacock-feathers, who is a god of love in beauty, who has won the best favour of the goddess Padmavati, who delights in the practice of Jainism, a warrior of Bhâva," a very Kêdâra to petty kings,-adorned with all these and other titles, Gonka erected, in the centre of his capital of Têridaļa, a temple called Gonka-Jinâlaya, and established devoutly under the auspices of Kartavirya, the headjewel of the Rashtrakuta family, an image of the glorious Tirthankara Nêminâtha, on an auspicious day and hour, and sent for the holy Maghapandi-Saiddhantikadêva, the priest of the temple of the glorious Râpa-Nârâyana at Kollapura, who is descended from Kondakundacharya, and belongs to the Dêsigagana and the Postaka-gachchha, who is the head of Jaina ascetics, and who has the title of Mandaláchárya.
(L. 49)-In Saka 1045, being the Subhakrit samvatsara, on Thursday the full moon of Vaisakha, king Gonka invited to the GonkaJinâlaya the twelve head-men with all their subjects and dependents, the seṭṭiguttas and other nakaras of that place, to provide for the support of the priests of the temple of Nêminatha, for the worship of the god with the
According to Késirkja, sindhura is changed into sindura. The Liñchhana of the second Tirthankara is an elephant-ante Vol, II. p. 135.
Bharanakóra may be a mistake for Bhavan-anika. kára or bhuvan-ah akára.
Mandalacharya is in a religious sense what manda Vivara is in a political one.
7 These are jala, gandha, pushpa, akshata, dhupa, dipa, naivedya and timbula.
Evory Jaina is bound to recite the name of his pattacharya during the performance of a religious cere
mony.
[JANUARY, 1885.
eight materials, and for the repairing of whatever might be torn, broken, or worn out; he recited the name of the acharya, washed the excellent and holy lotus-like feet of that chief ascetic with excellent and sacred water, poured a stream of water out of a golden vessel, and gave seventy-two mattars of land measured by a staff twenty-four genas" long, in the western part of Têridaļa, to the north of the road leading to Harunagêri, and one mattar of garden land measured by the same staff to the south of the well of Dêviyana; in all, 72 mattars of land and 1 mattar of gardenland were given. The twelve headmen and sixty tenants of that place gave one measure out of twelve heaps of corn. The seṭṭiguttas and other nakaras of that place, whether they sold pots, jewels, cloths, or yarn, gave one visa in a hon, and 12 visas in a hon on betel-nuts sold at a profit. On a load of betel-leaves taken by themselves.. .. or by those living inside the town, 100 leaves were given. The oil-men, without claiming exemption on account of rent-free lands, gave one sollage on a mill, and one sollage on a pitcher of oil brought from without, for the evening lamp and the dhuparati of the god... ... The potters gave earthen pots to the hall of charity, to keep up the worship of the god with the eight materials and the distribution of food. The gátrigas, trading on the great road to the Halasige Twelve-thousand, gave 100 leaves on one load, for the worship of the god with the eight materials. Hail! The Five-hundred of the glorious Ayyâvale, who were adorned with innumerable good qualities acquired by five hundred strict edicts celebrated over the whole world; who were endowed with truth, pure observances, and pleasing conduct, morality, modesty and great learning; who were the protectors of the Vira-Baṇañju religion, decorated with a pure banner having the device of a hill; whose breasts were embraced by the goddess of innumerable daring acts;
29 Géna means twelve fingers or a span.
30 A hill was assumed as a device, because almost all the Tirthak ras entered nirvana on the summits of mountains:
कैलासाद्री मुनीन्द्रः पुरुरपदुरिती मुक्तिमाप प्रणूत
पायां वासुपूज्यस्त्रिदशपतिमुतो नेभिरप्यूर्जयन्ते पावायां वर्धमान त्रिभुवनगुरवो विंशतिस्तीर्थनाथाः मेदाद्रौ प्रजग्मुर्ददतु विनिमित्तां निवृति नो जिनेन्द्राः ॥ Nirvanabhakti.

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OLD-KANARESE INSCRIPTION AT TERDÅL.
25
who were ennobled by their prowess throughout Mahalingadeva of Gokage, MahAlakshmidovi the world, who were descended from the of Kaņagilêśvara, and Agastyesvara of original and auspicious lineage of Baladeva, Kollapura, and the gañas as many as seven Vasudeva, and Khandaļi ; whose origin was crores, met together in an assembly and estagreat ................. who had blished a connection between the Gonka-Jinacquired the excellent favour of the goddessalaya and Kalidova of the original place Padmavati,
Téridala, and saying, “this is the place of our (L. 58.)- At Téridaļa, & merchant-town jógavattige," gave jogavattiges to Prabhachansituated in the centre and the first in import- dra, the priest of the Gonka-Jinalaya, at the ance among the twelve (towns) in the glorious time of establishing that Néminatha. On the Kundi Three-thousand, adorned with villages, top of the basadi there were symbols of Sûdratowns, hamlets, villages surrounded by hills, ka, a lion, a discus, a trident, a bell, a drum, and groups of villages, sea-girt towns, and chief a serpent. Saying, "he, who is hostile to the cities, with elegant mansions, palaces and seven crores of sages, is an enemy of God," temples, and with shining agrahara-towns in the ascetics, who were seren crores in number, the country of Kuộtaļa, -
gave shining jogavattiges. Tējugi, the Danda(L. 59.)- In the Saka year 1104, being the nayaka, shone in the world, liberal and Plava sarrvatsara, on Sunday, the third day of the warlike, and at once attained to eminence, as if dark half of Ašvayuja, the people of the thirty- he were a wild elephant to the lotus-like two sea-side towns," the 18 towns, 62 seats power of the armies of the hostile king of of contemplation, and 64 religious centres, Gurjara, a thunder-bolt in breaking the moun. together with gavaro-gátrigas, settis, and setti- tain Simhaņaraya, and a lion to the elephant guttas from various countries, held a convoca- the brave Kaņingaraya. Tôja appeared like tion there, and, seeing the temple of Néminâtha the lustre of fire emitted by the most formiderected by the glorious Mandalika Gonkadêva, able thunder-bolt among the confederacy of went round it, bowed to it, and, being filled furious hostile kings, like the lustre of a with joy, made for the worship of the god with resistless wild fire in the forest of proud the eight materials a grant so that it might dynasties, and like the lustre of the dreadful continue as long as the sun, the moon, and the submarine fire in the ocean of hostile armies. stars might last. The details of the grant In this way this great warrior easily distin. are :-One hundred and twenty oxen, asses, he- guished himself through the whole world with buffaloes, carts, rafts," and boats, were given, the lustre of his own powerful arms. Tēja, 80 that they might carry, by land or water, the leader of forces and the admiration of the all things, including elephants and jewels, free world, won great renown over the earth from duties, within the limits of the four covered with the ocean, by his great liberality oceans. The tenants, also, without claiming in relieving the distress of learned men, by his exemption, gave one pana. In this way con- great power in overthrowing cruel foes, by his tributions were made in the shape of fields, soft and pleasing speech, virtue, truthfulness, houses, and gardens, free from all claims, with prosperity and wealth. His son, the glorious libations of water.
Bhayideva, endowed with modesty, was (L. 64.)-Hail! The Goñka-Jinalaya of distinguished in the world as a thunder-bolt to Téridaļa was connected with the basadi of the mountains which were the sons of the the glorious Rûpa-Narayana, erected by the hostile leaders of forces. Many sons are born Sdvanta Nimbadêva of Kollậpara, who belong- to other leaders of forces; but their birth is a ed to the Sarasvati-gachchha, the Debiya-gana,
forerunner of disgrace to their father and and the Mala-sangba, and who was of the family. When Bhayid dva, the son of Tēja, line of the glorious Kondakundáchêrya :- the leader of forces, was born, it proved, at that The priests of the religious centres, such as very moment, a source of infinite joy to his sa velavura is the same as veld-nagard :
» Bhaitra bahitra, or vahitra,-Kbirkja.
33 Nijaghatikasthana is used in this sense in Jains बंदरंतु तत्
pattavalis.
si Jäga urtige is a corruption of yoga-paffaka, garment DETTE TATOT: TATO : 11-Rajavyavahdrakota. worn during contemplation.

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family and of great grief to his enemies. and for repairing whatever might be torn, The glorious Bhâyid êva, the son of Têjagi, broken, or worn out, 36 mattars free from all the leader of forces, most heroic and unrivalled claims and measured by the same staff, to the as a warrior, chased to their homes, with the nofth of the 72 mattars formerly granted by sword in his hand, a host of young ministersking Gonka, and a site as far as the line of of cruel hostile kings; who can face, in battle, shops, for the erection of a good building, in him who is unsurpassed in fighting and has Saka 1109, being the Plavamga sarivatsara, on the serenity of many & sea ? The fearless Thursday the 10th day of the bright half of Bhây id êva, the son of Têjugi, the leader of Chaitra. And stones were set up in the forces, having bravely defeated those foes who ground to mark the boundaries of the land opposed him in the field of battle, and having, thus granted. without disgust, killed the remaining enemies (L. 81.)-To future kings, who will be who were timid and of less note, ruled peace- born in this world, either in my family or in fully over the Kandi Three-thousand, conferred that of others, and who will protect all this upon him by the king. Having driven away the grant of mine, I place my joined hands on my confederacy of hostile kings, having protected forehead and bow! This grant of itself is a those who sought refuge with him, and having source of temporal and spiritual happiness, conferred all things on those who begged of therefore he who transgresses it will fall into him, the minister, the lord Bhayid é ya, was the great abyss of a dreadful hell! He who able to become the husband of the lady Fame protects this grant, will attain to the rank of by making grants of land and houses to Upendra, Ahỉndra, and Dêvêndra, and obtain temples and groups of Brahmaņs, with great life and prosperity, lasting as long as a kalpa ! respect and compassion; could others do the He who preserves this cheerfully, will obtain like? Fame, the ornament of the valiant! life and great prosperity. The sinful man who Bh ayid va, penetrated the ocean and danced does not protect this, will incur the guilt of joyfully on the hood of Sêsha, on the temples having killed sons and numerous cows, Bråh. of the elephants of the quarters, and in the mans and ascetics, on the Ganges, and at Gaya, assembly of the gods.
and Varanasi, and Kurukshetra, and will incon(L. 77.)-While peacefully governing the tinently fall into hell and remain there for Kundi Three-thousand, received at the bands ever! The sinful man, who says, "What grant of the lord of Kantala, the husband of Fame, is this? of what place is it? who made it and prevailing in all the ten quarters, the young why should I preserve it ?” will at once descend Bhayidêva, the heroic leader of forces, into hell with all his family! He who approgave for the angabhoga and rangabhoga of priates land, whether given by himself or Nêminathêsvara of the Gońka-Jinalaya at the another, will be born as a worm in ordure for glorious Toridâļa, for providing food to ascetics, sixty thousand years !
SHARAF THE THIEF, A CELEBRATED CHARACTER IN KASHMIR IN THE LAST CENTURY.
BY REV. J. HINTON KNOWLES, C.M.S., SRINAGAR. A little before. Ranjit Singh's time (born So canning, 80 daring, and so successful wes 1780 A.D.) theft and robbery were so very he, that his name was seldom mentioned withcommon and were practised with such pro- out trembling, whilst his character was supposficiency in "the Happy Valley," that good ed to be almost supernatural. Whether or not and honest folk were put to their wits' end it was that the common people thought that he to know how to retain what they, by their possessed the evil eye, or else some sort of industry and economy, had gathered together. mesmeric influence, they left him alone to
One of the most celebrated of the thieves proseente his plans without let or hindrance. and robbers in those days was Sharaf Tsûr, One or two of the more determined dispositions
» Dhavara (dhavala-dgdra), ' mansion.' 1 Tvar is the Kashmirt word for thief. This man is
wlown in the Punjab under the name of Ashral Chor.

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SHARAF THE THIEF.
27
are quoted as having brought the thief before the courts, but as nothing could be thoroughly proved, nothing could be really done, and so those bereaved of their property had to submit, their only consolation being in the thought that this was their qismat or lot.
Sharaf Tsur was the son of Kabir Ghani, who was a very great and wealthy shawl mer chant, and lived near the Zaina Kadal, the fourth of the seven bridges spanning that part of the river Jhelam which flows through the city of Srinagar, and forming the principal means of inter-communication between the two sides of the city. Supposing that he would inherit his father's wealth, Sharaf made no effort to learn his father's business, or to provide himself with any other means of livelihood. Consequently he developed into a lazy, listless and profligate fellow, apparently having as the only objects in life, eating, drinking, and spending money. One is not surprised to find, therefore, that on his father's death he at once appropriated all his goods and money, and had soon squandered everything in magnificent fersts, expensive ndches, and bad society. What was he to do now P He could neither beg nor dig, so he determined to cultivate the craft of thieving.
A few native friends have given me the following stories still extant concerning this man, and there is every reason to be assured of their veracity.
(I.) One day Sharaf visited a certain garden disgaised in a dress of great pomp and style. Some children of very respectable parents were playing there in the shade of the beautiful trees. Sharaf noticed that several of the youngsters were wearing nice new shoes, and, going near, told them to sit down. According to custom the boys took off their shoes before doing so, but the thief bade them not to act thus on this oocasion, as Sharaf Tsar might be near, and would certainly take them. The boys laughed at the idea. “Take them," they said. “What would you have us to think P Are we fools or blind P These shoes are placed close by our side. How could they possibly be removed without our noticing it P" The disguised thief, now finding his opportunity, replied, “Wait a
moment. I will show you how." Sharaf then went away a little distance to well scan the neighbourhood, and seeing that there was nobody to mind at hand, he returned, took up all the shoes in a cloth, and again went away. A second time, however, he did not return, although the little company of boys shouted for him on all sides, and waited anxiously for his appearance. They had a suspicion that the man was Sharaf Tsûr, and the matter was "blazed abroad over the city, but nothing could be discovered.
(II.) Batmálun is the name of a big village, situated close to the city of Srinagar. Bata,' in Kashmiri, means food, cooked rice, &c., and málun is probably derived from the word mal, which means desire for food. Hence, perhaps, the meaning of Batmálun is faqir, 1.e., one who kept under his body, and was always more or less in want of food. At any rate there is a famous mosque in this place, sacred to the memory of a celebrated faqir, from whom both the village and the mosque derive their name. The holy man's grave is to be seen close by the mosque. Sharaf entered and assuming the guise of an imam, began to cry the bang, or the Musalman call to prayer. Many peasants on hearing this went and entered the mosque, and at a given signal arranged themselves for prayer. Before commencing their devotions Sharaf advised them to collect their tsádars, (i.e., sheets or woollen shawls, which they wear very much like English ladies woreclouds' when they were in vogue), and place them before him in a heap : "because" said he, “Sharaf Tsûr, I know, is wandering about near this building, and is not at all particular whether he thieves in a mosque, or in the bázár, or upon the highway." And they did so.
Now everyone who has watched a company of Musalmans praying, knows with what regularity they go through their genuflexions according as the imám proceeds with the prayers. During one of the long prostrations Sharaf, the pseudo-imám, hastily got up, and quietly seizing the bundle of woollen cloths, left the service by a little side door in the building. All this time, about the space of a minute, the
• Bhata in the plains.
• Onadar or chadar in Hindustant, and chddir in Persian.

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congregation were waiting and wondering bring me some bread. I will give you the money. what the imám was doing. Perhaps they I want the bread for distribution among the thought that he was a little faint. However, poor in the name of my deceased father." at last, one worshipper lifted his head, and on The man considering this to be a real work discovering that both their priest and wraps for God, gladly consented, and started to fetch had disappeared, shouted to his fellow-dupes, the bread. When he had gone a little distance "Sorrow, a hundred sorrows, 0 brethren! Sharaf again called to him saying, "Come here. Sharaf Tsûr has met with us. We have been Perhaps you will not return. Please to leave led in prayer by an unbelieving rogue !" your wrap here with me, until you come again (III.)
with the bread." As there was nothing On another occasion, it is reported that a suspicious about this arrangement, the man weaver was coming from a certain village, and unfastened his cloth, and deposited it by the bringing with him some linen cloth to sell in side of the supposed devout man. Alas! No Srinagar. Sharaf chanced to be passing that sooner had he got out of sight, than Sharaf, way, and, saluting the man, asked him for how taking the linen cloth, departed in another much he would dispose of his burden. The direction. It was rather a good bargain: a big, weaver answered, “Three rupees." After a strong cloth for a few paisás! little flattery and quibbling Sharaf again asked
(V.) him once and for all to state the proper price. A horse-donler once unluckily happened to The man, then calling upon the name of God cross the path of Sharaf. He was mounted and His Prophet, said that the cloth cost him upon a sleek, swift horse. Sharaf in his only eight anás less than he asked. "Was this heart admired the animal, and wished to have too much profit for all his labour P" Sharaf, it. "How much do you want for the horse ?" however, appeared not to believe him oven then, he asked. “One hundred rupees," was the but gathering some dust together and smooth. reply. “Very well," said Sharaf. "I will try ing it a little into slape, ordered the man him to see if he has any vice or not. Let me to consider it as the very tomb of Muham- get up." No sooner was Sharaf upon the mad, and to swear again accordingly, putting horse, than he dug his heels into the beast's his hands in orthodox fashion upon the little sides, and was soon out of sight, far, far heap. The good weaver, in all confidence, did beyond the poor duped horse-dealer's shouts so, but Sharaf had kept some dust in his hand, and cries. and whilst the man was bending in all reverence over the supposed grave, took a good A pandit' walking on the river-side happenaim at his eyes, and picking up the bundle ofed to be wearing a new 'well-made teddar cloth ran away. It is not necessary to add that (blanket). Sharaf seeing this, jumped into an the poor weaver was so blinded and surprised empty boat, which was fastened by a string that he was unable to see or to do anything to a post fixed in the bank, and, pretending except to roll about in agony lamenting his sad that he was a boatman somewhat unwell, asked
the pandit to come and help him, in return for (IV.)
the short cut and ride in the boat. The One day Sharaf sat by a tomb and pretended pandit readily consented. that he was reading the fatiha, or first chapter It was some time before they arrived at of the Qurán. Meanwhile a man passed by, their destination, and already darkness had whom Sharaf called to come near to him. The set in; so the boatman, assuming an expres. man obeyed, and asked what he desired. sion of great gratitude, said to the panSharaf replied, "May God bless you. Please dit: "It is already late, and your home, you
(VI.)
lot.
It is a common ordeal amongst ignorant people to stick a twig into the ground, and suppose it to be the staff of Pir-i-Dastagir, the famous saint of Baghdad, who flourished A.D. 1078-1166, and is better known as 'Abdu'l-Qadir Jilani, or to take a hair and imagine it to be one from the Prophet's own beard, and cause the friends with whom they are bargaining or bantering to swear by it. It is astonishing the influence this exer.
cises over the people.
This very trick was played upon an official at Firozpur in 1880, the horse being eventually recovered by the police at Jammů.-(R.C.T.)
• The term pandit in Kashmir does not necessarily mean A learned man. All Kashmiri Hindús, on the assumption that they all belong to the Brůhman caste, are called parhite.

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SHARAF THE THIEF.
29
say, is yet distant; will you not take dinner one thing more for me. Bring me some water here at my expense, and sleep in the boat, from the well of yonder mosque, that I may and then in the freshness of the morning quench my thirst. This pain has dried-up my go to your house ? Take this rupee, friend, very soul." The man went for the water, which I willingly offer you and go and buy doubting nothing, and meanwhile Sharaf went food." The pandit took the money and was also, so that when the poor weaver returned ho going to purchase some dinner with it, when was nowhere to be seen. Sharaf called him saying, “Come here. You
(VIII.) must be tired. I am quite recovered now and The natives are accustomed to keep their can arrange for your dinner. Sit here in the money and little valuables either tied up in boat, whilst I go and hire a servant to the waist-cloth, or fastened in a knot at the cook your dinner. And you had better end of the tsadar, or else secreted within give me your blanket, so that the cook may the turbans. The pir, or Musalman holy man, bring the dinner in it." The pandit, nothing of whom we are now going to write, followed suspecting and nothing loth, gave up his the latter plan. He had bought a piece of blanket and patiently waited in the boat for gold from a certain goldsmith and was on his some time; but at last, cold for the want of way home, tired and weary, because of his hot his blanket, and hungry for want of his and long journey. dinner, he got low-spirited, and after a little Sharaf got to know that this pir was carrytime longer wept aloud exclaiming, “I must ing a piece of gold in his turban, and racked have met with Sharaf Tsûr."
his brains to find means of depriving the good (VII.)
man of it. He walked fast, and when he had The next is the story of another weaver, got well ahead, he sat down by the waysido who also, like the weaver before mentioned, and began to weep. When the pir had was on his way to Srinagar to try and sell his reached the spot, he requested him to sit cloth. We have noticed that Sharaf had a down and rest and take some refreshment special liking for cloth. Accordingly, like the which he offered him in the name of his facanning fellow he was, he ran forward a little ther. The pir was very glad to do so, and was way, and then lay down upon the path pufling very soon enjoying the meal and the exceedingly and groaning, apparently in great pain. Some pleasant conversation of his chance host. men, who were travelling in that direction, col- Whether it was from eating some dragged lected round him, and expressed their sympathy. bread, or because of his long and trying walk, The weaver, too, came up and looked on.
we do not know, but it is certain that presently Sharaf gradually became a little better. he began to feel drowsy, and yielding to He opened his eyes and seemingly for the Sharaf's advice, soon lay down and slept. Shafirst time noticing the weaver's bundle, he raf took off his turban for him, and in various begged him in the name of God to lend it other ways soothed the par until he was fast to him, so that he might bind his loins asleep. Now was the opportunity for Sharaf. therewith. The weaver had compassion upon He took up the turban, and, with a look of the man and lent him the cloth. The i contempt for his sleeping guest, walked off effect of the bandage was marvellous. Only quietly to some secret place, and there lay down a few minutes after he had tied it Sharaf himself to sleep, exceedingly pleased with the said that he was better, and begged the look. day's business. The piece of gold was worth at ers-on to go, that he might have more air. least one hundred rupees. They all left except the weaver, to whom
(IX.) Sbaraf spoke in a most earnest tone, “God Another of Sharaf's dupes was a poor bless you for all your kindness. Please do fellow who was wont to go every day to the
Natives are very fond of binding their heads or arms or feet or legs just above the spot where the pain is, as a good strong binder has the effect of checking the blood and so lessening the pain. All nations seem to have discovered this way of obtaining relief. We English were much addicted to tight bandages in cases of
operation before the discovery of chloroform.
He sat down by the side of a grave: Musalmans prefer to bury their dead as close to the public ways possible, in order that the devout presers-by may offer up a prayer for them.

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celebrated mosque of Bahau'd-dîn and there | The man did so, and in a short while had duy to pray for treasure. Like many others he so deep, that he could not be seen at a short supposed that the great God through Shekh distance from the hole, nor could he see any. Bahâu'd-din's intercessions would grant him the thing outside desire of his heart, and so he went time after Now his clothes had been laid well aside. time praying with all sincerity," O Bahau'd-din, Sharaf had seen to this arrangement. So give me some-treasure, give me some trea. when the man had almost dug the two yards sure." One day Sharaf was walking past the and was at the pitch of excitement, expecting mosque and overheard the man at his devo- every moment that his spade would strike tions. He thought that he might not only something hard, either gold or silver or some deceive him, but probably also make some other precious thing, Sharaf carefully took up profit out of him.
the clothes, blankets, and one hundred ropees, Accordingly early on the following morning and was soon lost in the darkness and intricacies he went to this mosque, and secreted himself of the jungle. in a very dark corner. He waited till the It is said that the poor treasure-seeker man came as usual, and when he uttered his worked on until he had only just suficient request for treasure, Sharaf, from out of the strength to draw himself up to the top of the darkness, replied, "O holy man, you have cer- pit, and that then on seeing that his money, tainly been most assiduous in your devotions wraps, blankets, and saint were not there he and have been most persistent in your request. loosened his hold and fell back insensible into Now understand that I am well pleased with
the pit. you, and am quite ready, yea willing, to comply with your wishes." The man, thinking One day Sharaf met a poor peasant, who this to be none other than Bahâu'd-din himself was pushing along a sheep to the market. again pleaded, and now with bolder voice, his Sharaf enquired the price of the animal. The request. Sharaf told him to come at an ap- peasant replied, " four rupees." After a little pointed time with the tools and implements wrangling the price was finally fixed at three necessary for unearthing the treasure. He rupees, and Sharaf told the man to bring the was to bring one hundred rupees also, and two sheep to his house, where he would give him tsádars for taking home the treasure, and the money. The man consented, glad to get to be very careful not to broach the matter to rid of his burden so quickly. They had not anyone. The man returned to his house with proceeded far before Sharaf noticed an empty great joy, and could not sleep for the thought of house, having door in front and a door the great treasure which would be discovered at the back. He told the man that this to him on the morrow. He was a very poor was his humble abode, and, taking the sheep, man, and not having one hundred rupees at swung it over his shoulders, and walked inside. hand was obliged to sell his property to get He then shut the front door and bade the man the money.
to wait whilst he went for the money. As will On the morrow at the dead of night, he was at be imagined, while the peasant was most the place of meeting, tools on his shoulder and patiently and happily squatting outside the money in his blanket, while another blanket was door, Sharaf had gone out by the back door and thrown over his other shoulder. Sharaf came knowing every yard of the neighbourhood, and forth to greet him. After the usual salutation being swift of foot also, he soon managed to elude he led the way into a little jungle, whither man all possibility of being taken. After an hour or seldom wandered, and showed the treasure- 80 another man, in order to cut his journey seeker the place where he would find the short, had entered the same dwelling by the answer to his prayers. He ordered him to dig back door, and was coming out by the front door, two yards deep. The man soon accomplished when the peasant seized him and demanded his half of his task, but the sweat drops were upon sheep. The traveller was rather annoyed at this his brow. Sharaf noticed them and told the sudden and unwelcome interruption to his man to take off his clothes and lay them on one journey, and showed his displeasure in a rather side, and then he would be able to work easily. I practical way.

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The poor peasant, when he had recovered from the beating which the traveller had given him, tried the neighbours' houses, but alas! no sheep and no purchaser of the sheep, only blows and insults, until at length he was obliged to depart, a sadder but wiser man, back to his village.
SHARAF THE THIEF.
(XI.)
The following story will show that Sharaf's heart was in his profession, and that he followed it not so much for the gain which it brought to him, as for the sport which it
afforded.
One day he noticed a very poorly-dressed man pick up a dead dove which was lying on the road. He pitied the man's distressed look and state, and followed him, curious to see what he would do with the dead bird. As soon as the man had reached his house, and had shut the door, Sharaf rushed up and bent down to see and listen. He saw the little hungrylooking children standing, or rather dancing, round their father, pulling at his ragged garments, and asking whether he had brought them anything to eat. The history of the family was a very sad one. They had once been in affluent circumstances, but a change in the government had not been in their favour, and they had succumbed to their lot.
The man told the little ones, "Yes, I have got a dead dove. Take it and roast it for dinner." Sharaf Tsûr heard and saw everything, and his heart was moved with compassion for the poor people. He shouted to be allowed to come in, and, on being permitted to do so, he gave the man five rupees saying, "Procure some food with this money, and throw the dead bird away. I am Sharaf Tsûr. Up to this time I have stolen and robbed for my own aggrandisement, but henceforth I will rob and steal for the great God. I promise you that I will visit you again the day after to-morrow and will hand over to you, for your own use, as many rupees as I may get by that time. Fear not, but hope with gladness. Your adversity shall be turned into prosperity." The poor man thanked him, and falling upon his knees before him, said, "Your honour's pleasure: God bless you abundantly."
Sopar is a moderate sized town, midway between Srinagar and Bârâmûlê, the town where visitors ex
31
On the following day Sharaf visited the mosque near to this man's dwelling, and spent much time in earnest prayer. Prayer over, he sat to rest awhile. Presently the imúm came in.
Sharaf at once commenced conversation with him, and spent the remainder of the day and part of the succeeding night with him in the mosque. Sharaf thought that he was never going to leave. At last, about one in the morning the imám went to his home. No sooner had he departed than Sharaf, who had previously hired a swift and strong horse, started at post-haste for Sopûr."
On arriving at Sopûr Sharaf made straight for the treasury, and thence stole many bags of rupees. He fastened these bags round his waist, and then again mounting his horse, returned to the place whence he had first started as quickly as he came. The bags of rupees he at once took to the poor man, whom he had promised to help, and then went and laid down again in the mosque. He slept soundly the remaining half hour of the night.
The next morning the treasurer discovered that a robbery had taken place. "Some bags have been taken," he said. A report was at once sent to the Viceroy at Srinagar with a hint that it was Sharaf Tsûr's work.
The Viceroy instantly summoned Sharaf to appear before him. When he was brought, he was at once ordered to speak the truth and deliver up the money.
Sharaf assumed a look of intense surprise, and did not appear in the least frightened. "When was the money stolen ?" he asked. "Yesterday night," was the reply. Sharaf then quietly asked, them to allow the imúm, with whom he spent the greater part of yesterfor the imam please, and enquire from him day and yesterday night to be sent for. "Send
whether I was not with him at the time of the robbery. How could I be here and at Sopûr at one and the same time?" The imúm was brought and testified to the truth of Sharaf's words, and so the thief and robber was set at liberty.
(XII).
Another time Sharaf, arrayed in the dress of a great man, went to pay his respects to a very
change mules and coolies for the boats on their way to "the Happy Valley."

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famous pír. He sat down in the presence of determined to bring the matter before the the holy man with an air of much dignity. Viceroy, at that time 'At Muhammad Khân. 10 The pir asked him whence he came and what and get the thief punished. The Viceroy he wanted. Sharaf, after a little hesitation, in- listened with great interest to the pür's story, formed him that he was the son of a most re- and at once issued a warrant for Sharaf's arrest. spectable man, and knowing the pir to be a holy | A day or two after this Sharaf was brought man and well-instructed in the faith, desired to before the Viceroy, and charged with having be taught by him. The pir was exceedingly stolen the saucepans, spoons, &c., of the pir, pleased, and then and there began to teach him. and in other ways deceived him. The pir eyed For three days Sharaf stayed in the pir's quar- Sharaf with such a look, that the thief at ters, and then apparently overflowing with length pleaded guilty and begged for pardon, gratitude for the good professedly received, he promising to supply the Viceroy with enormous told the good man how happy he was, and wealth if he would let him go free. Ata how much he desired to make a feast for his Muhammad Khân, however, was immoveable. benefactor. “Send for a skilful cook," said he, He would not listen to his pleadings for a "and please order him to prepare various dishes. moment, but gave strict orders that his right I will spend thirty rupees on a really good hand should be cut off, so that he might be dinner, and make the cook a present besides." hindered from carrying on his wicked profession
The cook promised to do his very best and in the future. asked for the loan of some of the pir's dance- This was done; but it is said that Sharaf pans and rice-pots, which were at once handed got an iron hand made with sharp-pointed over to him.
fingers, and that he would strike anyone on the After some time had elapsed and Sharaf neck with this hand, who would not consent to knew that the feast must be ready, he asked give up his money or valuables. He killed permission from the pir to go and see to the ar- three or four people in this way. rangements. The cook's house was a little distance off. On arriving at the place Sharaf There are many other stories extant in Sriupbraided him because of the delay, and order nagar and in the villages concerning the cruelty ed that, on account of this, he should send the and cunning of this man, too numerous to note feast with him to the Zaina Kadal, where he here. called a boatman and had the things placed in Some readers may wish to know something the boat. He himself then entered the boat and of Sharaf's latter days. A great pir, named sent the coolies, who had brought the dinner, Buzurg Shåh, sent for him one day, and advisaway.
ed him to desist from such works, and give his On the promise of a good dinner the boat- mind a little to heavenly things. He promismen paddled right lustily, and were soon ed that, if he would do this, he would allow him beyond all hope of discovery. After a short to reside in his house as a companion and help. time the pir, whose appetite had been some- Sharaf's heart was touched by the kind offer and what increased by expectation and delay, went manner of the pir, and being thoroughly weary to the cook's shop, and was terribly astonished of doing wrong, he accepted the proposal. to find that his friend and pupil had taken the Ho remained in Bazarg Shah's house until dinner and utensils, and left him to pay the his death, and proved himself in every way expenses.
worthy of the confidence and esteem bestowed This pir, however, was an obstinate character. upon him by his benefactor. He made quite sure in his own mind, that the It is not known when Sharaf Tsûr died, deceiver was Sharaf Tsûr, and in revenge he or where he was buried.
30 Ata Muhammad Khai was one of the fourteen Governors or Viceroys, during the sixty-six years (1759-
1819) the countzy remained empire.
portion of the Darrint

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STUDY OF HINDU GRAMMAR AND SANSKRIT.
33
THE STUDY OF HINDU GRAMMAR AND THE STUDY OF SANSKRIT.
BY PROF. W. D. WHITNEY. To the beginning study of Sanskrit it was the Hindu science, after a however long history
1 an immense advantage that there existed of elaboration, became fixed for all fature time & Hindu science of grammar, and one of so high in the system of a single grammarian, named a character. To realize how great the advan- Panini (believed, though on grounds far from tage, one has only to compare the case of convincing, to have lived two or three centuries languages destitute of it--as for instance the before the Christian era). Paņini's work has Zend. It is a science of ancient date, and has been commented without end, corrected in even exercised a shaping influence on the minor points, condensed, re-cast in arrangement, language in which all or nearly all the classical but never rebelled against or superseded, and literature has been produced. It was an out- it is still the authoritative standard of good come of the same general spirit which is seen Sanskrit. Its form of presentation is of the in the so careful textual preservation and strangest : & miracle of ingenuity, but of tradition of the ancient sacred literature of perverse and wasted ingenuity. The only object India, and there is doubtless a historical con- aimed at in it is brevity, at the sacrifice of nection between the one and the other, though everything else-of order, of clearness, of even of just what nature is as yet unclear.
intelligibility except by the aid of keys and The character of the Hindu grammatical commentaries and lists of words, which then science was, as is usual in such cases, determin- are furnished in profusion. To determine a ed by the character of the language which was grammatical point out of it is something like its subject. The Sanskrit is above all things constructing a passage of text out of an inte an analyzable language, one admitting of the verborum. If you are sure that you have easy and distinct separation of ending from gathered up every word that belongs in the stem, and of derivative suffix from primitive passage, and have put them all in the right word, back to the ultimate attainable elements, order, you have got the right reading; but only the so-called roots. Accordingly, in its perfect- then. If you have mastered Panini sufficiently ed form (for all the preparatory stages aro to bring to bear upon the given point every unknown to us), the Hindu grammar offers us rule that relates to it, and in due succession, an established body of roots, with rules for you have settled the case; but that is no easy their conversion into stems and for the inflec- task. For example, it takes nine mutually tion of the latter, and also for the accompany- limitative rules, from all parts of the text-book, ing phonetic changes—this last involving and to determine whether a certain aorist shall be resting upon a phonetic science of extraordinary ajagarisham or ajágarisham: (the case is reported merit, which has called forth the highest in the preface to Müller's grammar). There is admiration of modern scholars. Nothing at all lacking only a tenth rule, to tell us that the approaching it has been produced by any whole word is a false and never-used formation ! ancient people, and it has served as the foundation Since there is nothing to show how far the in no small degree of our own phonetics, even application of a rule reaches, there are provided as our science of grammar and of language has treatises of laws of interpretation to be applied borrowed much from India. The treatment to them ; but there is a residual rule underlying of syntax is markedly inferior-though, after and determining the whole, that both the all, hardly more than in a measure to correspond grammar and the laws of interpretation must with the inferiority of the Sanskrit sentence in be so construed as to yield good and acceptable point of structure, as compared with the Latin forms, and not otherwise, and this implies and the Greek. Into any more detailed descrip- (if that were needed) & condemnation of the tion it is not necessary to our present purpose whole mode of presentation of the system as to enter, and the matter is one pretty well a failare. understood by the students of Indo-European Theoretically, all that is prescribed language. It is generally well known also that allowed by Påņini and his accepted commen.
Reprinted from the American Journal of Philology, Vol. V. No. 3.

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tators is Sanskrit, and nothing else is entitled to the name. The young pandit, then, is expected to master the system and to govern his Sanskrit speech and writing by it. This he does, with immense pains and labour, then naturally valuing the acquisition in part according to what it has cost him. The same course was followed by those European scholars who had to make themselves the pupils of Hindu teachers, in acquiring Sanskrit for the benefit of Europe, and (as was said above) they did so to their very great advantage. Equally as a matter of course, the same must still be done by any one who studies in India, who has to deal with the native scholars, win their confidence and respect, and gain their aid. They must be met upon their own ground. But it is a question, and one of no slight practical importance, how far Western scholars in general are to be held to this method whether Pânini is for us also the law of Sanskrit usage; whether we are to study the native Hindu grammar in order to learn Sanskrit.
There would be less reason for asking this question, if the native grammar were really the instrumentality by which the conserving tradition of the old language had been carried on. But that is a thing both in itself impossible and proved by the facts of the case to be untrue. No one ever mastered a list of roots with rules for their extension and inflection, and then went to work to construct texts upon that basis. Rather, the transmission of Sanskrit has been like the transmission of any highly cultivated language, only with differences of degree. The learner has his models which he imitates. He makes his speech after the example of that of his teacher, only under the constant government of grammatical rule, enforced by the requirement to justify out of the grammar any word or form as to which a question is raised. Thus the language has moved on by its own inertia, only falling, with further removal from its natural vernacular basis, more and more passively and mechanically into the hands of the grammarians. All this is like the propagation of literary English or German; only that here there is much more of a vernacular usage that shows itself
[FEBRUARY, 1885.
able to override and modify the rules of grammar. It is yet more closely like the propagation of Latin; only that here the imitation of previous usage is frankly acknowledged as the guide, there being no iron system of grammar to assume to take its place. That such has really been the history of the later or classical Sanskrit is sufficiently shown by the facts. There is no absolute coincidence between it and the language which Pânini teaches. The former, indeed, includes little that the grammarians forbid; but, on the other hand, it lacks a great deal that they allow or prescribe. The difference between the two is so great that Benfey, a scholar deeply versed in the Hindu science, calls it a grammar without a corresponding language, as he calls the pre-classical dialects a language without a grammar. If such a statement can be made with any reason, it would appear that there is to be assumed, as the subject of Hindu grammatical science, a peculiar dialect of Sanskṛit, which we may call the grammarians' Sanskrit, different both from the pre-classical dialects and from the classical, and standing either between them or beside them in the general history of Indian language. And it becomes a matter of importance to us to ascertain what this grammarians' Sanskrit is, how it stands related to the other varieties of Sanskrit, and whether it is entitled to be the leading object of our Sanskrit study. Such questions must be settled by a comparison of the dialect referred to with the other dialects, and of them with one another. And it will be found, upon such comparison, that the earlier and later forms of the Vedic dialect, the dialects of the Brahmanas and Sutras, and the classical Sanskrit, stand in a filial relation, each to its predecessor; are nearly or quite successive forms of the same language: while the grammarians' Sanskrit, as distinguished from them, is a thing of grammatical rule merely, having never had any real existence as a language, and being on the whole unknown in practice to even the most modern pandits.
The main thing which makes of the grammarians' Sanskrit a special and peculiar language is its list of roots. Of these there are reported to us about two thousand, with
Einleitung in die Grammatik der vedischen Sprache, 1874, pp. 3, 4.

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STUDY OF HINDU GRAMMAR AND SANSKRIT.
35
no intimation of any difference in character among them, or warning that a part of them may and that another part may not be drawn upon for forms to be actually used ;-all stand upon the same plane. But more than halfactually more than half-of them never have been met with, and never will be met with, in the Sanskrit literature of any age. When this fact began to come to light, it was long fondly hoped, or believed, that the missing elements would yet turn up in some corner of the literature not hitherto ransacked, but all expectation of that has now been abandoned. One or another does appear from time to time ; but what are they among 80 many P The last notable case was that of the root stigh, discovered in the Maitráyam-Sarhitá, a text of the Brahmana period, but the new roots found in such texts are apt to turn out wanting in the lists of the grammarians. Beyond all question, a certain number of cases are to be allowed for, of real roots, proved such by the occurrence of their evident cognates in other related languages, and chancing not to appear in the known literature, but they can go only a very small way indeed toward accounting for the eleven hundred unauthenticated roots. Others may have been assamed as underlying certain derivatives or bodies of derivatives- within due limits, & perfectly legitimate proceeding, but the cases tbas explainable do not prove to be numerous. There remain then the great mass, whose presence in the lists no ingenuity has yet proved sufficient to account for. And in no small part, they bear their falsity and artificiality on the surface, in their phonetic form, and in the meanings ascribed to them. We can confidently say that the Sangkrit language, known to us through a long period of development, neither had nor could have any such roots. How the grammarians came to concoct their list, rejected in practice by themselves and their own papils, is hitherto an unexplained mystery. No special student of the native grammar, to my knowledge, has attempted to cast any light upon it, and it was left for Dr. Edgren, no partisan of the
grammarians, to group and set forth the facts: for the first time, in the Journal of the American Oriental Society (Vol. XI. 1882 [but the article printed in 1879), pp. 1-55), adding a list of the real roots, with brief particulars as to their occurrence. It is quite clear, with reference to this fundamental and most important item, of what character the grammarians' Sanskrit is. The real Sanskrit of the latest period is, as concerns its roots, a true successor to that of the earliest period, and through the known intermediates. It has lost some of the roots of its predecessors, as each of these some belonging to its own predecessors or predecessor; it has, also like these, won a certain number not earlier found : both in such measure as was to be expected. As for the rest of the asserted roots of the grammar, to account for them is not a matter that concerns at all the Sanskrit language and its history; it only concerns the history of the Hindu science of grammar. That, too, has come to be pretty generally acknowledged. Every one who knows anything of the history of Indo-European etymology knows how much mischief the grammarians' list of roots wrought in the hands of the earlier more incautious and credulous students of Sanskrit: how many false and worthless derivations were founded upon them. That sort of work, indeed, is not yet entirely a thing of the past: still, it has come to be well understood by most scholars that no alleged Sanskrit root can be accepted 88 real unless it is supported by such a use in the literary records of the language as authen. ticates it-for there are such things in the later language as artificial occurrences, forms made for once or twice from roots taken out of the grammarians' list, by a natural license, which one is only surprised not to see oftener availed of: (there aro hardly more than a dozen or two of such cases quotable). That they appear so seldom is the best evidence of the fact already pointed out above, that the grammar bad, after all, only a superficial and negative influence upon the real tradition of the language.
It thus appears that a Hindu grammarian's statement as to the fundamental elements of
H
3 I have myself now in press & much faller scoount of the quotable roots of the language, with all their quotable tenne-stems and primary derivatives everything sooompanied by a definition of the period of its known ooourrence in the history of the language.
Not, indeed, universally; one may find among the selected verbs that are conjugated in full at the end of F. M. Müller'a Sanskrit Grammir, no very small number of those that are utterly unknown to Sanskrit usage ancient or modern.

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his language is without authority until tested by the actual facts of the language, as represented by the Sanskrit literature. But the principle won here is likely to prove of universal application, for we have no reason to expect to find the grammarians absolutely trustworthy in other departments of their work, when they have failed so signally in one. There can be nothing in their system that will not require to be tested by the recorded facts of the language, in order to determine its true value. How this is, we will proceed to ascertain by examining a few examples.
In the older language, but not in the oldest, (for it is wanting in the Veda), there is formed a periphrastic future tense active by compound ing a nomen agentis with an auxiliary, the present tense of the verb as 'be': thus, dátá 'smi, (literally dator sum), 'I will give,' eto. It is quite infrequent as compared with the other future, yet common enough to require to be regarded as a part of the general Sanskrit verb-system. To this active tense the grammarians give a corresponding middle, although the auxiliary in its independent use has no middle inflection. It is made with endings modified so as to stand in the usual relation of middle endings to active, and further with conversion in 1st sing. of the radical : to h-a very anomalous substitution, of which there is not, I believe, another example in the language. Now what support has this middle tense in actual use ? Only this: that in the Brahmanas occur four sporadic instances of attempts to make by analogy middle forms for this tense : (they are all reported in my Sanskrit Grammur, $ 947; further search has brought to light no additional examples). Two of them are 1st sing., one having the form se for the auxiliary, the other he, as taught in the grammar; and in the whole later literature, epic and classi. cal, I find record of the occurrence of only one further case, darśayitáhe (in Nâish. V. 71.)! Here also, the classical dialect is the true continuator of the pre-classical. It is only in the grammarians' Sanskrit that every verb conju. gated in the middle voice has also a middle periphrastic future.
• Here, as elsewhere below, my authority for the later literature is chiefly the Petersburg Lexicon (the whole older literature I have examined for myself), and my statements are, of course, always open to modification by the results of further researches. But all the best and
There is another and much more important part of verbal inflection-namely, the whole aorist-system, in all its variety-as to which the statements of the grammarians are to be received with especial distrust, for the reason that in the classical language the aorist is a decadent formation. In the older dialects, down to the last Sútra, and through the entire list of early and genuine Upanishads, the aorist has its own special office, that of designating the immediate past, and is always to be found where such designation is called for. Later, even in the epos, it is only another preterit, equivalent in use to imperfect and perfect, and hence of no value, and subsisting only in occasional use, mainly as a survival from an earlier condition of the language. Thus, for example, of the first kind of aorist, the root-aorist, forms are made in pre-classical Sanskřit from about 120 roots. Of these, 15 make forms in the later language also, mostly sporadically, (only gá, dá, dhd, pá, sthá, bhú less infrequently), and 8 more in the later language only, all in an occurrence or two, (all but one, in active precative forms, as to which see below). Again, of the fifth aorist-form, the ish-aorist, (rather the most frequent of all), forms are made in the older language from 140 roots, and later from only 18 of these(and sporadically, except in the case of grah, vad, vadh, vid), with a dozen more in the later language exclusively, all sporadic except sonk, (which is not a Vedic root). Once more, as regards the third or reduplicated aorist, the proportion is slightly different, because of the association of that aorist with the causative conjugation, and the frequency of the latter in use. Here, against about 110 roots quotable from the earlier language, 16 of them also in the later, there are about 30 found in the later alone, (nearly all of them only sporadically, and none with any frequency). And the case is not otherwise with the remaining forms. The facts being such it is easily seen that general statements made by the grammarians as to the range of occurrence of each form, and as to the occurrence of one form in the active and a certain other one in the middle from a given root, must be of very doubtful authority ; in fact, as regards the latter
most genuine part of the literature has been carefully and thoroughly excerpted for the Lexicon ; and for the Mahabharata we have now the explicit statements of Holtzmann, in his Grammatisches aus dem Mahabharata, Leipolg, 1884.

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point, they are the more suspicious as lacking any tolerable measure of support from the facts of the older language. But there are much greater weaknesses than these in the grammarians' treatment of the aorist.
STUDY OF HINDU GRAMMAR AND SANSKRIT.
Let us first turn our attention to the aorist optative, the so-called precative (or benedictive). This formation is by the native grammarians not recognised as belonging to the aorist at all-not even so far as to be put next the aorist in their general scheme of conjugation; they suffer the future-systems to intervene between the two. This is in them fairly excusable as concerns the precative active, since it is the optative of the root-aorist, and so has an aspect as if it might come independently from the root directly. Nor, indeed, can we much blame them for overlooking the relation of their precative middle to the sibilant or sigmatic aorist, considering that they ignore tense-systems and modes; but that their European imitators, down to the very latest, should commit the same oversight is a different matter. The contrast, now, between the grammarians' dialect and the real Sanskrit is most marked as regards the middle forms. According to the grammar, the precative middle is to be made from every root, and even for its secondary conjugations, the causative, etc. It has two alternative modes of formation, which we see to correspond to two of the forms of the sibilant aorist: the s-aorist, namely, and the ish-aorist. Of course, a complete inflection is allowed it. To justify all this, now, I am able to point to only a single occurrence of a middle precative in the whole later literature, including the epics: that is ririshishta in the BhagavataPurána (III. 9, 24), a text notable for its artificial imitation of ancient forms (the same word occurs also in the Rig-Veda). It is made, as will be noticed, from a reduplicated aorist stem, and so is unauthorized by grammatical rule. A single example in a whole literature, and that a false one! In the pre-classical literature also, middle precative forms are made hardly more than sporadically, or from less than 40 roots in all, (so far as I have found) those belonging to the s and ishaorists are, indeed, among the most numerous (14 each), but those of the root-aorist do not
:
37
fall short of them (also 14 roots), and there are examples from three of the other four aorists. Except a single 3rd pl., (in irata, instead of iran), only the three singular persons and the 1st pl. are quotable, and forms occur without, as well as with, the adscititious s between mode-sign and personal ending which is the special characteristic of a precative as distinguished from a simply optative form. Here, again, we have a formation sporadic in the early language and really extinct in the later, but erected by the grammarians into a regular part of every verb-system.
With the precative active the case is somewhat different. This also, indeed, is rare even. to sporadicalness, being, so far as I know, made from only about 60 roots in the whole language-and of these, only half can show forms containing the true precative s. But it is not quite limited to the pre-classical dialects: it is made also later from 15 roots, 9 of which are additional to those which make a precative in the older language. Being in origin an optative of the root-aorist, it comes, as we may suppose, to seem to be a formation from the root directly, and so to be extended beyond the limits of the aorist. From a clear majority (about three fifths) of all the roots. that make it, it has no other aorist forms by its side. And this begins even in the earliest period, (with half-a-dozen roots in the Veda, and toward a score besides in the Brahmana and Sûtra); although there the precative more usually makes a part of a general aoristformation for instance, and especially, from the root bhu, whose precative forms are oftener met with than those of all other roots together, and which is the only root from which more than two real precative persons are quotable. How rare it is even in the epos is shown by the fact that Holtzmann" is able to quote only six forms, (and one of these doubtful, and another a false formation), from the whole Mahábhárata, one of them occurring twice; while the first book of the Rámáyana (about 4500 lines) has the single bhúyat. Since it is not quite extinct in the classical period, the Hindu grammarians could not, perhaps, well help teaching its formation, and, considering the general absence of perspective
:
In his work already cited, at p. 82.

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from their work, we should hardly expect them to explain that it was the rare survival of an anciently little-used formation; but we have here another striking example of the great discordance between the real Sansksit and the grammarians' dialect, and of the insafficiency of the information respecting the former obtainable from the rules for the latter.
Again, the reduplicated or third form of aorist, though it has become attached to the Causative secondary conjugation, (by a process in the Veda not yet complete), as the regular aorist of that conjugation, is not made from the derivative causative stem, but comes from the root itself, not less directly than do the other aorist-formations-except in the few cases where the causative stem contains a p added to &: thus, atishthipat from stem sthapaya, root sthá. Perhaps misled by this exception, how ever, the grammarians teach the formation of the reduplicated aorist from the causative stem, through the intermediate process of convert. ing the stem back to the root, by striking off its conjugation-sign and reducing its strength. ened vowel to the simpler root-form. That is to say, we are to make, for example, abil. thuvat from the stem bhavaya, by cutting off aya and reducing the remainder bhav or bhau to bhú, instead of making it from bhá directly ! That is a curious etymological process; quite & side-piece to deriving variyas and varishtha from uru, and the like, as the Hindu grammarians and their European copyists would likewise have us do. There is one point where the matter is brought to a crucial test: namely, in roots that end in u or 1; where, if the vowel on which the reduplication is formed is an 1-vowel, the redaplication-vowel should be of the same character; but, in any other case, an i-vowel. Thus, in the example already taken, bhavaya ought to make abibhavat, just as it makes bibhavayishati in the case of a real derivation from the causative stem, and such forms as abíbhavat are, in fact, in a great number of cases either prescribed or allowed by the grammarians ; but I am not aware of their having boen ever met with in uso, earlier or later, with the single exception of apiplavam, occurring in the Satapatha-Bráhmana (VI. ii. 1, 8).
Again, the grammarians give a peculiar and problematic rule for an alternative formation
of certain passive tenses (aorist and futures) from the special 3rd sing. aor. pass.; they allow it in the case of all roots ending in vowels, and of grah, dsis, han. Thus, for oxample, from the root dd are allowed adáyishi, ddyishyate, dáyitá, beside adishi, dásyote, dátá. What all this means is quite obscure, since there is no usage, either early or late, to cast light upon it. The Rig Veda has once (I. 147, 5) dhdyís, from root dhd; but this, being active, is rather a hindrance than a help. The Jdim.-Brahmana has once (I. 321) ákhyáyishyante ; bat this appears to be a form analogous with huayishyate, &c., and so proves nothing. The Bhág.-Purána has once (VIII. 13, 36) táyitá, which the Petersburg Lexicon refers to root tan; but if there is such a thing as the secondary root tây. as claimed by the grammarians, it perhaps belongs rather there. And there remain, 80 far as I can discover, only astháyishi (Daiak. [Wilson), p. 117, 1. 6) and anáyishata (Ind. Sprüche, 6187, from the Kuvalayananda); and these are with great probability to be regarded as artificial forms, made because the grammar declares them correct. It seems not unlikely that some misapprehension or blunder lies at the foundation of these rules of the grammar ; at any rate, the formation is only grammarians' Sanskrit, and not even pandits', and it should never be obtruded upon the attention of beginners in the language.
Again, the secondary ending dhuam of 2nd pl. mid. sometimes has to take the form dhram. In accordance with the general euphonic usages of the language, this should be whenever in the present condition of Sanskrit there has been lost before the ending a lingual sibilant; thus : we have anedhuam from anesh + dhvam, and apaviðhvam from apavish + dhuam; we should further have in the precativo bhavishidhvam from bhavishi-sh-dhvam, if the form ever occurred, as, unfortunately, it does not. And, so far as I know, there is not to be found, either in the earlier language or the later (and as to the former I can speak with authority, a single instance of dhvam in any other situation-the test-cases, however, being far from numerous. But the Hindu grammarians, if they are reported rightly by their European pupils (which in this instance is hard to believe), give rules as to the change of the ending upon this basis only for the s-aorist. For the ish-aorist and its

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FEDRUARY, 1885.]
STUDY OF HINDU GRAMMAR AND SANSKRIT.
39
optative (the precative), they make the choice between devam and dhvam to depend upon whether the i is or is not "preceded by a semivowel or h:” that is, apavish + dhvam gives apavidhvam, but ajanish + dhvam gives ajani- dhvam, and so likewise we should have janishidhvam. It would be curious to know what ground the grammarians imagined themselves to have for laying down such a role as this, wherein there is a total absence of discoverable connection between cause and effect; and it happens that all the quotable examplesajanidhvam, artidhvam, rindhidhvam, vepi. dhvam--are opposed to their rule, but accordant with reason. What is yet worse, however, is that the grammar extends the same conversion of dh to dh, under the same restrictions, to the primary ending dhve of the perfect likewise, with which it has nothing whatever to do-teaching us that, for instance, cakri and tushtu + dhve make necessarily cakridhve and tushy udhve, and that dadhr-i + dhve makes either dadhridhde or dadhridhve, while tutud-i
+ dhve makes only tut udidkve! This appears to me the most striking case of downright unintelligent blundering on the part of the native grammarians that has come to notice. If there is any way of relieving them of the reproach of it, their partisans ought to cast about at once to find it.
A single further matter of prime importance may be here referred to, in illustration of the character of the Hindu grammarians as classifiers and presenters of the facts of their language. By reason of the extreme freedom and wonderful regularity of word-composition in Sanskrit, the grammarians were led to make a classification of compounds in a manner that brought true enlightenment to European scho. lars; and the classification has been largely adopted as a part of modern philological science, along even with its bizarre terminology. Nothing could be more accurate and happier than the distinction of dependent, descriptive, possessive and copulative compounds; only their titles
his man' (tatpurusha),' act-sustaining' (P kar. madhdraya), much-rice' (bahwrihi), and couple' (dvandva), respectively-can hardly
claim to be worth preserving. But it is the characteristic of Hindu science generally not to be able to stop when it has done enough, and so the grammarians have given us, on the same plane of division with these four capital classes, two more, which they call dvigu (twocow') and avyayibháva ("indeclinable-becoming'); and these have no raison d'étre, but are collections of special cases belonging to some of the other classes, and so heterogeneous that their limits are hardly capable of definition. The dvigu-class are secondary adjective compounds, but sometimes, like other adjectives, used as nouns; and an avyayibhava is always the adverbially-used accusative neuter of an adjective compound, It would be a real service on the part of some scholar, versed in the Hindu science, to draw out a full account of the so-called dvigu-class and its boundaries, and to show if possible how the grammarians were misled into establishing it. But it will probably be long before these two false classes cease to haunt the concluding chapters of Sansksit grammars, or writers on language to talk of the six kinds of compounds in Sanskrit.'
Points in abundance, of major or minor consequence, it would be easy to bring up in addition, for criticism or for question. Thus, to take a trifle or two: according to the general analogies of the language, we ought to speak of the root grih, instead of grah. Probably the Hindu science adopts the latter form because of some mechanical advantage on the side of brevity resulting from it, in the rules prescribing forms and derivatives. The instances are not few in which that can be shown to have been the preponderating consideration, leading to the sacrifice of things more important. One may conjecture that similar causes led to the setting up of a root div instead of div,' play, gamble': that it may have been found easier to prescribe the prolongation of the i than its irregular gunation, in devana, etc. This has unfortunately misled the authors of the Petersburg Lexicons into their strange and indefensible identification of the asserted root div, play, with the so-called root div, shine. The combination of meanings is forced and annatural; and then especially
Spiegel, for example (Altironische Grammatik, p. 229), thinks it necessary to specify that dvigu-compounds do, to be sure, ooour also in the Old Persian dialects, but that they in no respect form a special class; and a very recent Sanskrit grammar in Italian (Pulle, Turin, 1883)
gives as the four primary classes of compounds the avandva, tatpurusha, bahuurthi and avyoyfbhdva-as if one wore to say that the kingdoms in Naturo are four : animal, vegetable, mineral, and caotuses.

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40
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[FEBRUARY, 1885.
the phonetic form of the two roots is absolutely distinct, the one showing only short i and u (as in divam, dyubhis), the other always and only long and ú (as in divyati, -divan, and dyú, dyúta). The one root is really diu, and the other diú : (it may be added that the Petersburg Lexicon, on similar evidence, inconsistently but correctly writes the roots sîv and sriv, instead of siv and sriv).
It would be easy to continue the work of illustration mach further; but this must be enough to show how and how far we have to use and to trust the teachings of the Hindu grammarians. Or, if one prefer to employ the Benfeyan phrase, we see something of what this language is which has a grammar but not an existence, and in what relation it stands to the real Sanskrit language, begun in the Veda, and continued without a break down to our own times, all the rules of the grammar having been able only slightly to stiffen and annaturalize it. Surely, what we desire to have to do with is the Sanskrit, and not the imaginary dialect that fits the definitions of Påņini. There is no escaping the conclusion that, if we would understand Sanskrit, we may not take the grammarians as authorities, but only as witnesses. Not a single rule given or a fact stated by them is to be accepted on their word, without being tested by the facts of the language as laid down in the less subjective and more trustworthy record of the literature. Of course, most of what the native grammar teaches is true and right; but, until after critical examination, no one can tell which part. Of course, also, there is more or less of genuine supplementary material in the grammarians' treaties-material especially lexical, but doubtless in some measure also grammatical-which needs to be worked in so as to complete our view of the language ; but what this genuine material is, as distinguished from the artificial and false, is only to be determined by a thorough and cautious comparison of the entire system of the grammar with the whole recorded language. Such a comparison has not yet been made, and is hardly even being made: in part, to be sure, because the time for it has been long in coming ; but mainly becanse those who should be making it are busy
For the photographic reproduction, in 1874, of a single manuscript of Pataijali's Mahabhashya or Great Com. ment' (on Panini), with the glosses upon it, was but a costly piece of child's play; and the English government,
at something else. The skilled students of the native grammar, as it seems to me, have been looking at their task from the wrong point of view, and labouring in the wrong direction. They have been trying to put the non-existent grammarians' dialect in the place of the genuine Sanskpit. They have thought it their duty to learn out of Paņini and his successors, and to set forth for the benefit of the world, what the Sanskrit really is, instead of studying and setting forth and explaining (and, where necessary, accounting for and excusing) Påņini's system itself. They have failed to realize that, instead of a divine revelation, they have in their hands a human work-a very able one, indeed, but also imperfect, like other human works, full of the prescription in place of description that characterizes all Hindu productions, and most perversely constructed; and that in studying it they are only studying a certain branch of Hindu science: one that is, indeed, of the highest interest, and has an important bearing on the history of the language, especially since the dicta of the gram. marians have had a marked influence in shaping the latest form of Sanskrit-not always to its advantage. Hence the insignificant amount of real progress that the stndy of Hindu grammar has made in the hands of European scholars. Its career was well inaugurated, now nearly forty-five years ago (1839-40), by Böhtlingk's edition of Pâņini's text, with extracts from the native commentaries, followed by an extremely stingy commentary by the editor; but it has not been succeeded by anything of importance, until now that a critical edition of the Mahábhashya, by Kielhorn, is passing through the press, and is likely soon to be completed : a highly meritorious work, worthy of European learning, and likely, if followed up in the right spirit, to begin & new era in its special branch of study. Considering the extreme difficulty of the system, and the amount of labour that is required before the student can win any available mastery of it, it is incumbent upon the representatives of the study to produce an edition of Panini accompanied with a version, a digest of the leading comments on each rule, and an index that shall
as if to make the enterprise & complete fiasco, sent all the copies thus prepared to India, to be buried there in native keeping, instead of placing them in European libraries, within reach of Western scholars.

Page #49

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WESTERN CHALUKYA GRANT OF VIRA-SATYASRAYA.
2 न मानुगनि वि डयामना । मला काना मलजमाया। चभिलमन्त्र वनात्याकालमामटा। पानाविलाजाम मेगवामनदार त्या पुचता पीये। गापो चाहना पसाय काता के पी वेबरचाराला
लन म ल मानडा लगागा उतार गमा । नाम विजय वैरिकी
जाती। चपनाग-न पतीनापति कितना व मादला कनवजावाजा पोहोटका नाग नावनातवानमनपाजा वली दिसत वसमा महिलालामद ना डच मोठगाविस य तु तावमा धाय देवू व वति कला पर न त चारिजलकन कन्या/विनादन वाय
JF.FINIT.KI. I.
W,
NIE.CS

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FEBRUARY, 1885.]
STUDY OF HINDU GRAMMAR AND SANSKRIT.
41
make it possible to find what the native autho- | quite beyond our jurisdiction. It cannot be too rities teach upon each given point: that is to strongly urged that the Sanskrit, even that of say, to open the grammatical science to know- the most modern authors, even that of the ledge virtually at first hand without the pandits of the present day, is the successor, by lamentable waste of time thus far unavoidable- natural processes of tradition, of the older waste, because both needless and not sufficiently dialects; and that the grammar is a more or less rewarded by its results.
successful attempt at its description, the measure A curious kind of superstition appears to of the success being left for us to determine, by prevail among certain Sanskrit scholars. They comparison of the one with the other. cannot feel that they have the right to accept To maintain this is not to disparage the a fact of the language unless they find it set Hindu grammatical science; it is only to put it down in Pånini's rules. It may well be asked, in its true place. The grammar remains nearly on the contrary, of what consequence it is, if not altogether the most admirable product of except for its bearing a the grammatical science ! the scientific spirit in India, ranking with the itself, whether a given fact is or is not so set best products of that spirit that the world has down. A fact in the pre-classical language is seen. We will scant no praise to it, if we only confessedly quite independent of Påņini; he are not called on to bow down to it as authorimay take account of it and he may not; and no tative. So we regard the Greek science of one knows as yet what the ground is of the astronomy as one of the greatest and most selection he makes for inclusion in his system. creditable achievements of the human intellect As for a fact in the classical language, it is since men first began to observe and deduce; altogether likely to fall within the reach of one but we do not plant ourselves upon its point of of the great grammarian's rules-at least, as view in setting forth the movements of the these have been extended and restricted and heavenly bodies-though the men of the Middle amended by his numerous successors: and this Ages did so, to their advantage, and the is a thing much to the credit of the grammar; system of epicycles maintained itself in exbut what bearing it has upon the language istence, by dint of pure conservation, long it would be hard to say. If, however, we should after its artificiality had been demonstrated. seem to meet with a fact ignored by the gram. That the early European Sanskrit grammars mar, or contravening its rules, we should have assumed the basis and worked in the to look to see whether supporting facts in the methods of the Hindu science was natural and language did not show its genuineness in spite praiseworthy. Bopp was the first who had of the grammar. On the other hand, there are knowledge and independence enough to facts in the language, especially in its latest begin effectively the work of subordinating records, which have a false show of existence, Hindu to Western science, using the materials being the artificial product of the grammar's and deductions of the former so far as they prescription or permission; and there was accorded with the superior methods of the nothing but the healthy conservatism of the latter, and turning his attention to the true tradition of the language to keep them records of the language itself, as fast as they from becoming vastly more numerous. And became accessible to him. Since his time, then, finally, there are the infinite number of there has been in some respects a retrofacts which, so far as the grammar is concerned, gression rather than an advance. European should be or might be in the language, only scholars have seemed to take satisfaction in that they do not happen ever to occur there; submitting themselves slavishly to Hindu teachfor here lies the principal discordance between ers, and the grammarians' dialect has again the grammar and the language. The state- been thrust forward into the place which the ment of the grammar that such a thing is so Sanskpit language onght to occupy. To refer and so is of quite uncertain value, until tested to but a striking example or two : in Müller's by the facts of the language : and in this test- grammar the native science is made the ing, it is the grammar that is on trial, that is supreme rule after a fashion that is sometimes to be condemned for artificiality or commended amusing in its naïveté, and the genuine and for faithfulness; not the language, which is the fictitious are mingled inextricably, in his

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42
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
rules, his illustrations, and his paradigms, from one end of the volume to the other. And a scholar of the highest rank, long resident in India, but now of Vienna, Professor Bühler, has only last year put forth a useful practical introduction to the language, with abundant exercises for writing and speaking, in which the same spirit of subservience to Hindu methods is shown in an extreme degree, and both forms and material are not infrequently met with which are not Sanskrit, but belong only to the non-existent grammarians' dialect. Its standpoint is clearly characterized by its very first clause, which teaches that "Sanskrit verbs have ten tenses and modes"-that is to say, because the native grammar failed to make the distinction between tense and mode, or to group these formations together into systems, coming from a common tense-stem, Western pupils are to be taught to do the same. This seems about as much an anachronism as if the author had begun, likewise after Hindu example, with the statement that "Sanskrit parts of speech are four: name, predicate, preposition, and particle." Further on, in the same paragraph, he allows (since the Hindus also do so) that "the first four [tenses and modes] are derived from a special present stem;" but he leaves it to be implied, both here and later, that the remaining six come directly from the root. From this we should have to infer, for example, that dadáti comes from a stem, but dadátha from the root; that we are to divide nasya-ti but dáayati, a-visa-t but a-sic-at, and so on; and (though this is a mere oversight) that ayat contains a stem, but adát a pure root. No real grammarian can talk of present stems without talking of aorist stems also; nor is the variety of the latter so much inferior to that of the former. It is only the vastly greater frequency of occurrence of present forms that makes the differences of their stems the more important ground of classification. These are but specimens of the method of the book, which, in spite of its merits, is not in its present form a good one to put in the hands of beginners, because it teaches them so much that they will have to unlearn later, if they are to understand the Sanskrit language.
This work, somewhat recast grammatically, is about to be reproduced in English by Professor Perry, of
[FEBRUARY, 1885.
One more point, of minor consequence, may be noted, in which the habit of Western philology shows itself too subservient to the whims of the Sanskrit native grammarians: the order of the varieties of present stems, and the designation of the conjugation classes as founded on it. We accept the Hindu order of the cases in noun-inflection, not seeking to change it, though unfamiliar, because we see that it has a reason, and a good one; but no one has ever been ingenious enough even to conjecture a reason for the Hindu order of the classes. Chance itself, if they had been thrown together into a hat, and set down in their order as drawn out, could not more successfully have sundered what belongs together, and juxtaposed the discordant. That being the case, there is no reason for our paying any heed to the arrangement: in fact, the heed that we do pay is a perversion. The Hindus do not speak of first class, second class, &c., but call each class by the name of its leading verb as, bhu-verbs, ad-verbs, and so on; and it was a decided merit of Müller, in his grammar, to try to substitute for the mock Hindu method this true one, which does not make such a dead pull upon the mechanical memory of the learner. As a matter of course, the most defensible and acceptable method is that of calling each class by its characteristic feature-as, the reduplicating class, the ya-class, and so on. But one still meets, in treatises and papers on general philology, references to verbs "of the fourth class," "of the seventh class," and so on. So far as this is not mere mechanical habit, it is pedantry-as if one meant to say: "I am so familiar with the Sanskrit language and its native grammar that I can tell the order in which the bodies of similarly-conjugated roots follow one another in the dhátupáthas, though no one knows any reason for it, and the Hinda grammarians themselves lay no stress upon it." It is much to be hoped that this affectation will die out, and soon.
These and such as these are sufficient reasons why an exposition like that here given is timely and pertinent. It needs to be impressed on the minds of scholars that the study of the Sanskrit language is one thing, and the study of the Hindu science of grammar another and a
Columbia College, New York.

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FEBRUARY, 1885.)
THE STARS OF THE NAKSHATRAS.
very different thing; that while there has been a of grouping and viewing and naming facts time when the latter was the way to the former, familiar to us from the other related languages that time is now long past, and the relation of are an obstacle in the way of a real and fruitful the two reversed; that the present task of the comprehension of those facts as they show students of the grammar is to make their themselves in Sanskțit, and should be avoided. science accessible, account if possible for its An interesting sentimental glamour, doubtless, is anomalies, and determine how much and what thrown over the language and its study by the can be extracted from it to fill out that know- retention of an old classification and terminology; ledge of the language which we derive from the but that attraction is dearly purchased at the literature, and that the peculiar Hindu ways I cost of a tittle of clearness and objective truth.
THE NUMBER OF STARS CONSTITUTING THE SEVERAL NAKSHATRAS ACCORDING TO BRAHMAGUPTA AND VRIDDHA-GARGA.
BY G. THIBAUT, PH.D. The question as to the number of stars become available-the passage referring to the comprised in the different Nakshatras is known subject mentioned. to possess some importance, in connexion
It is found there in the Taragrahavikshepwith the history of the Nakshatra system as adhyáya, and runs as follows: elaborated by the Hindůs, and its presumptive मूलाजाहिर्बुध्याश्वयुगादित्येन्द्रामी'फल्गुणीद्वितयं । original identity with the corresponding systems त्वाष्ट्रगुरुवारुणार्दानिलपाष्णान्येकताराणि ॥ of other nations. The fullest accounts of the
ब्रह्मेन्दु यमहरीन्द्रत्रितयं षड् वह्विभुजगपित्र्याणि । various opinions held with regard to that question by the different Hind authorities, are मैत्राषाढचतुष्कं वसुरविरोहिण्य इति पञ्च ॥ to be found in Burgess and Whitney's transla- "Müla, Aja (Parvabhadrapada) Ahirbudhnya tion of the Surya-Siddhanta, p. 325 ff., and (Uttarabhadrapada), Ašvayuj (Aøvini), the in Weber's second paper on the Nakshatras, constellation of Aditi (Punarvasd), Indragni p. 380 ff. The astronomical works quoted (Visakha) and the two Phalguni, consist of two there, are the Nakshatra-Kalpa (a Paribishta of stars each, the constellation of Tvashtar the Atharva-Veda,) the sakalya-Samhitá, some
(Chitra), that of Guru (Pushya), that of books belonging to a comparatively late period, Varuņa (Satabhishaj), Årdra, the constellation as the Muhurtachintamani and the Ratnamdlá, of Vayu (Svâti) and that of Pashan (Révati) and finally the Khandakhádyaka by the famous have one star each. Brahmagupta. The last-mentioned work, how- Brahma (Abhijit), Inda (Mrigasiras), Yama ever, the original of which was hitherto un- (Bharani), Hari (Sravaņa) and Indra (Jyêshtha) known to European scholars, is quoted second- have three stars cach. Vahni (Krittika), the hand, viz. on the authority of the great Arabian Sarpas (Aslesha) and the constellation of the scholar Albirûni, who, in the eleventh century, Fathers (Magha) have six stars each. The travelled in India, and there studied with constellation of Mitra (Anuradha) and the two especial care the astronomy of the Hindus. The Ashådhå have four each ; Vasu (Śravishthâ), statements regarding the number of stars Ravi (Hasta), and Rôhiņi, have five stars each." composing each Nakshatra, which Albirûni The numbers, given in the preceding verses, takes from the Khanda khádyaka, differ in confirm throughout those stated by Albîrûni. many items from what the Sákalya-Samhitá There remains the question if the numbers and other Hind authorities have to say on the of stars given by Brahmagupta can claim to same subject; in some points so much so that representa nearer approximation to the numbers Whitney is inclined to assume errors or the exhibited by the original Hinda system than part of the Arab traveller. It will therefore be the corresponding statements made by the worth while to quote from the Khandakhádyaka Sakalya-Sarihita and other books. This apitself-manuscripts of which have recently pears really to be the case, because, in several 1 A. B. Treat-anor (A. B. denote the two
1A.
• A. B. 4° MSS. of the Khandakhadyaka at my disposal.)

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[FEBRUARY, 1885.
instances where the Khandakhádyaka diverges from the later authorities on the subject, it agrees-not only with the Nakshatra-Kalpa (about which see Weber's paper referred to above), but likewise, and even more closely, with another old authority of great weight, the Vriddhagúrgiya-Sashita. The latter work (of which two complete manuscripts are at my disposal, one belonging to the Bombay Government, the other forming part of the Bhau Daji Library) refers to the matter in two different places, in the fourth chapterNakshatrakarmaguna-which treats of the works to be done under the different nakshatras, and mentions in passing how many stars belong to each, and then again in the 80-called Nakshatrakéndrabha-adhyâya (if this reading of the MSS. is the right one) where among other matters the numbers of the Nakshatra stars, are connectedly stated in three slökas. The text of the latter is, in both manuscripte, very corrupt, but may, with the assistance of the information derived from the fourth chapter, be restored with tolerable certainty. They run as follows :एकतारं शतभिषक् पुष्याः त्वाष्ट्रमानिलं । राधा भद्रे सफाल्गुन्यौ द्वितारमौर्वमाश्विनम् ॥ त्रितारामिल्विका याम्यं ज्येष्ठा ब्राहमं सवैष्णवं । agakPOT (??] GOT HHH 11 पञ्चतारं भवेद्धस्त:' प्राजापत्यं तथैव च । षट्तारं कृत्तिका मूलमाश्लेषा पैञ्यमेव च ॥
"One star have Satabhishaj, Pushya, Årdra, Chitra, and Svati. Two stars have Radha (i.e. Visakha), the two Bhadrapadás, the two Phálgani, Panarvasu (Aurva, the constellation of Urvi, the latter being taken as synonymous with Aditi according to Naigh. I. 1) and Asvini.
Three stars have the Ilvikâs, Bharani, Jyeshthâ, Abhijit, Sravana. Four stars have the two Åshadhás, Anuradha, Rêvatt and Sravishtha.
Five stars have Hasta and Rohiņi. Six stars have Krittika, Mûla, Aslesha and MagbA."
The statements made in the fourth chapter
agree with the above in all points; only they do not give any information about Abhijit.
Comparing now the account given by Brahmagupta with that due to Vriddha-Garga, we find that they agree with regard to all Nakshatras excepting Aśvini, Mâla and Sravishtha.
It will moreover be of interest to compare the information furnished by Garga and the Khandakhadyaka with the statements made on the same matter by the other old anthorities. A comparison of the kind was instituted by Professor Weber in the paper referred to, p. 380 ff., the authorities taken into account being the Nakshatra-Kalpa, Albîrûni's account of the Khandakhádyaka, the Súkalya-Sarahita, Sripati, and others. In the following I limit myself to the older and therefore weightier authorities, viz. the Nakshatra-Kalpa which stands on the confines of Vedic literature, the VriddhaGárgiya, which is anterior to the scientific Hindu works on astronomy evincing Greek influence, and the Khandakhadyaka, whose exact date is known, and shows the work to belong to the early period of scientific Hindd astronomy. Comparing these three, we find a general agreement with regard to the number of stars constituting Bharani, Kțittika, Mrigasiras, Årdra, Punarvasú, Pushya, Åslågha, Maghả, the two Phalguni, Hasta, Chitra, Svâti, Visakha, Anuradha, the two Asha dha, Sravana, Satabhishaj, the two Bhadrapadi and Revati, i.e. with regard to twenty-two out of twenty-eight Nakshatras. With regard to Asvini and Sravishtha, the N. and the Kh. agree against the G.; with regard to Rôhiņi, Jyêshtha and Abhijit, the G. and Kh.agree against the N. There is a general disagreement about Müla (and this continues in the case of the later authorities also, Múla being the only Nakshatra about which no two writers agree). If we admit as a fourth term of the comparison the Sákalya-Sarahita, we find that in fifteen cases it confirms the agreement about the twenty-two Nakshatras mentioned above; in the remaining seven cases its statements differ. But, on the other hand, with regard to the six Nakshatras about which the three older writers disagree, it regularly sides
• A. ATA o B. Aho. A. Barrett B. Para T. A.md B. Faltze #1917.
A.FT B. Patia . .A.B. A .
. Mrigasiras. -The reading of the text might also be emendated into Invikda; Ilvakts and Intakes would be paferable forms.

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BUDDHIST INSCRIPTION FROM KOTA.
45
with the majority of the latter (the case of Mals excepted) and thereby strengthens their authority
The consensus of the older authorities being so striking, no great weight can be attached to the fact of the later writers showing a number of deviations. Among the older authorities themselves, the Nakshatra-Kalpa is distinguished by apparently following a kind of system in assigning throughout two stars to those Nakshatras, whose old names are dual forms (asvayujati, punarvasil, phalgunyarby ciedkhé, průshthapadau), and more than two to the Nakshatras plural in form; while to those
singular in form it allots one star each, making an exception (as Prof. Weber has pointed ont) in the case of those Nakshatras only whose names, although singular in form, denote objects which can be represented by a plurality of stars only (mrigabiras, hasta, árarana; the case of mula is doubtfal). Garga, on the other hand, gives three stars to Asvini, five to Rəhiņi, three to Jyêshthi, three to Abhijit; the only point in which his account seems to have an advantage over the Nakshatra-Kalpa, is its assigning four (not five) stars to Sravishthâ; an opinion countenanced by a passage of the Taittirfya-Brákmaņa.
A BUDDHIST SANSKRIT INSCRIPTION FROM KOTA."
BY E. HULTZSCH, PH.D.; VIENNA. The subjoined Någari inscription is edited from a slightly damaged paper-rubbing, which
Sarvaņaga, I owe to the kindness of Professor Bühler, who
married to Sri. received it from Dr. Burgess. A label attached to the rubbing states that the inscription is engraved" on a stone built into a recess under
Devadatta.
This pedigree does not enable us to connect a flight of stairs on the right hand as one enters the Barkhai Gate' of the inner wall of the
the Nagas here mentioned with the Naga
kings discovered by General Canningham,' or town of Shergadh in Koti." The inscription consists of twenty Sanskrit
with the Naga family of the Gurjara grants. stanzas, in various metres, and in a very turgid
Both the composer of the prasasti, Jajjaka, style. It professes to be a prasasti, or eulogy,
and its engraver, Chanaka, have done their and records the building of a Buddhist temple
work so conscientiously, that there are almost and monastery to the east of mount K osa
no mistakes to be found throughout the inscripvardhana by the feudal chief (Samanta)
tion. In spite of this, the deciphering, and the Devadatta, in whose seventh regnal year
translation of this small Kávya has not been an the document is dated, and whose genealogy
easy task. To Professor Bühler I am indebted is given as follows:
for several kind suggestions. The correct Bindanaga.
reading of the date, which I had perfectly
misunderstood in my original paper, was pointPadmanaga.
led out to me by Pandit Bhagwanlůl Indraji.
Text. [१] ओं नमो रत्नत्रयाय ॥ जयन्ति वादाः सुगतस्य निर्मला: समस्तसन्देहनिरासभासुराः। कुतर्कस.
म्पातनिपातहेतबो युगान्तवाता इव वि. I'] : [] era a ACE 4* Hoa Taqat ATÉ 1 apri
दगारपरधियः प्रतिमर्त्यवेद्यो यो निजितारिरजितश्च जि[5] T: DITT 11C] are o pHÉ H A 1977 I : Amat pent
4 4 4: 11 [3] Mere HT: Tegfe'fsafry: 1
Reprinted, after revision, from the Journal of the Gor man Oriental Society.
» Archæol. Surv. Ind. Vol. II. p. 310.
a nte Vol. XIII. pp. 82 and 88. read Trefu.

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[FEBRUARY, 1885.
[*] जयन्ति जयिनः पादाः सुरासुरशिरोचिताः॥ [४] आसीदम्भोधिधीरः शशिधवलयशा विन्दुनागा
भिधानस्तत्सूनुः पद्मनागोभवदसमगुणैर्भूषिताशेषवंशः। तस्या[3] प्यानन्दकारी करनिकर इवानुष्णरश्मेस्तनूजो जात: सामन्तचक्रमकटतरगुणः सर्बणागो जितारिः। (1) [५]
तस्याभूद्दयिता विशुद्धयशसः श्रीरित्युरः[१] शायिनी कृष्णस्येव महोदया च शशिनो ज्योत्स्लेव विश्वम्भरा। गौरीवाद्विदृशोसमा शमवतः प्रज्ञेव
वा तायिनी गम्भीरा यदि वा महोम्मिवलया वेलेव वेलाभृत['] :॥ [६] ताभ्यामभूद्रुणाम्भोधिशीकृतमनोमल: [*] देवदत्त इति ख्यातः सामन्तः कृतिना
कृती॥ [७] येषानतिर्जिनगुरौ गुरुता गुणेषु संगोथिभिः सततदाननिवद्धगर्दैः। [9] भीति: प्रकाममघतो जगदेकशत्रोस्तेषामयं कृतविशेषगुणोन्ववाये । [८] येषां भूतिरियं परेति न परै
रालोक्यते ऽर्थथिभियेषाम्मुद्विभवः परः परमुदः स्वमे[१] पि नाभूत्तनी। येषामात्महितोदयाय दयितं नासीगुणासादनं तेषामेष वशी शशाधवले जात: कुला
म्भोनिधी ॥ [९] सम्पादितजनानन्दः समासादितसन्ततिः । क[10] ल्पशाखीव जगतामेष भूतो गुणाकरः ॥ [१०] विश्वाश्वासविधौ तृणीकृतसितज्योत्स्लोदयो देहिना
मन्तःशुद्धिविचारणे सुरगुरोरप्याहिताल्पोदयः। गांभीर्याकलने नि["] कामकलितः क्षीरोद सारस्त्वयं यत्तन्नूनमहो गुणा गुणितनुव्यासंगिनः संगताः॥ [११] तावन्मानधना
यशस्ततिभृतस्तावच्च ताबहुधास्तावत्तायिसुतानुकारकरणा'स्तावत्कृ[*] पाम्भोधयः। तावन्यरतपरोपकारतनवस्तावत्कृतज्ञाः परे यावन्नास्य गुणेक्षणे क्षणमपि प्राप्तावधानो
जनः ।। [१२] यस्योदीक्ष्य गुणानशेषगुणिनामद्याप्यव[ज्ञा]["] मनि निर्वाणाखिलमानसन्ततिपतच्चेतीविकासासमा। भानी ध्वस्तसमस्तनशतमसि स्वैरं कराली
कृति मातयेव' कलावलोपि विगलच्छायः शशाङ्को न किम् ।। [१३] य["] स्यान्वयेप्यगुणजन्म न दृष्टपूर्वमासादिता न च गुणैर्गणनव्यवस्था । याता मुहूर्तमपि नो कलिदो
षलेशास्सोयनिरस्तसमतो भुवि कोप्यपूर्वः ॥ [१४] यस्य [11] दानमतिरक्षतदाना भाषितान्यफलवन्ति न सन्ति । । प्राणदानविहितावधि सख्यं तस्य को गुणनिधे
__रिह तुल्यः । [१५] नाना सन्ति दिनानि सन्ति विविधाश्चन्द्रौशुशीता नि[1] शास्सन्त्यन्याः शतशोवला जितजगन्नारीसमस्तश्रियः। तन्नानन्दि जगत्रयपि सुदिनं सा वा निशा
सावला यज्जन्मन्यगमनिमित्तपदवीमस्यापरैर्दु[ग]["] माम् ।। [१६] कोशवर्द्धनगिरेरनुपूर्व सोयमुन्मिषितंधीः सुगतस्य । व्यस्तमारनिकरैकगरिम्णो मन्दिरं
____स्म विदधाति यथार्थम् ।। [१७] सुखान्यस्वन्तानि प्रकृतिचपलं [जी][18] वितमिदं मियाः प्राणमख्यास्तडिदुदयकल्पाश्च विभवाः [*] प्रियोदयश्चालं क्षणसुखकृतो" दु:ख
बहुला विहारस्तेनायं भवविभवभीतेन रचितः ॥ [१८] सान्द्रध्वानशर[६][१] [ला]कनिवहत्यक्तार्कविम्बोज्वलं" संसाराङ्कुरसंगभंगचतुरं यत्पुण्यमात्तम्मया । जैनावासविधेरतो
यमखिलो लोकत्रयानन्दनीं तेनारं सुगतश्रिय जितजगद्दो[षा] [२०] जनः मामुयात् ॥ [१९] प्रशस्तिमेनामकरोज्जात[:] शाक्यकुलोदधौ। जन्जकः कियद शनिवेश
विहितस्थितिम् ॥ [२०] ॥ सम्बत् शरा" ७ माघ शुदि ६ । उत्कीर्णा चणकेन []
Aread धवलो.
• read कलितक्षीरोद and cancel the Anuswara above] the a of तावन्मान.
'कर of करणा is entered below the line. ' read प्रातयेन. ° read जगचयेषि. 10 road सुखकृती. n read विम्बोज्ज्वलं, " road संवत्सराङ्क.

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FEBRUARY, 1885.7
BUDDHIST INSCRIPTION FROM KOTA.
47
TRANSLATION Om! Adoration to the Triad of Jewels (viz. Baddha, the Law, and the Church).
1. Victorious are the pure doctrines of Sugata, which drive away all doubts by their splendour, and which are the cause of the destruction of all false reasonings, as the winds at the end of the Yuga (are the cause of the destruction) of the whole world."*
2. May that Jina protect you, who himself unconquerable conquers all foes, who though formless ever bears a form, who though one appears (to possess a great many (forms), and who far transcends the highest intellect while he is fit to be known by every mortal."
3. May that Law of Sugata protect you, which breaks the delusion of men, as a lamp (breaks) the darkness in a house, and which grants the fruit of deliverance to the faithful."
4. Victorious are the pure and victorious feet of the Holy Church, which surpass the glory of the moon in autumn, and before which gods and demons bow their heads in reverence."
5. There was one Bindunà ga by name, whose wisdom was as deep as the ocean, whose fame was as bright as the moon. His son was Padma någa, who adorned his whole race by his matchless virtues. From him also sprang a heroic son Sarvar å g," who gladdened (the world) and far surpassed all feudal princes [edmantachakra] by his virtues, jast as from the moon springs a mass of rays, which gladdens (the world) and far surpasses the neighbouring globes (sámantachakra] by its brilliancy.15
6. This man of pare renown had a beloved wife called Sri, who resembled (the goddess $r) clasped to Krishna's breast in happiness, the moon's light in beneficence, Gauri (the spouse) of the three-eyed god in peerlessness," and in profundity either the wisdom of the tranquil Tâyin" or the ocean's coast, which is encircled by high waves. 1) Metre Vamáastha. * Metre Vasantatilaka. 15 Metre Anushțubh. 16 Metre Anushtubh. 11 On the lingual n in Sarvan&ga, see Pånini, YIIT.
15 Metre Sragdhara. * There seems to be a play on the two meanings of asma, which means both unequalled' and of uneven number. In the latter sense it is an appropriate epithet of the wife of the three-eyed god.
* This word, which oocurs also in stanza 12, seems to be an epithet of Buddha. It may be derived from the root trai, Pali tayati, to protect. The same expression is applied to the Mahavira of the Jainas in Hemachandr's Yogasastra, I. 1.
7. From these two sprang a feudal prince called Devadatta, who was an ocean of virtaes, had overcome mental impurity, and was the cleverest of the clever."
8. He, who possessed the peculiar virtues of the Krita-(yuga), (descended) from a race of men, who bowed to (nobody but) their Guru, the Jina, who showed respect to virtues, to whom attachment (was known only) through mendicants coveting gifts (which were) constantly (attached to them)," and who were exceedingly afraid of sin, their only enemy in the world.25
9. As the bright moon from the ocean, this pure saint was produced from a race of men, whose wealth was not looked upon like another's Ciyain pará] by strange [parail] beggars, whose delight [mudl was the complete annihilation (vibhavah parah)," but who never even in their dreams felt delight (mud] at the charms of another's wife [paramudah), and who for the welfare of their souls did not care for worldly existence (lit. the acquisition of the three guņas or qualities)."
10. After this mine of virtues, who inspired joy to mankind (juna), had gained offspring [saritati], he appeared to be the kalpa-tree, which inspires joy to the inhabitants of the Janaloka [jana], come down among men in the company of Santati [i.e. the tree Saritána)."
11. Ah ! forsooth, all excellent qualities have separated from the persons of their respective owners and united in him). For in giving comfort to the universe he eclipses the bright rays of the rising moon; in scrutinising men's purity of mind he imparts small significance even to the teacher of the gods ; *9 and if the depth (of his wisdom) is considered, he far surpasses the excellence of the milk. ocean."
12. Others appear to be proud, famous, wise, imitating the sons (ie. disciples) of Tayin
4, 3.
» Metre Sardala. 31 Metre Anushţubh.
13 Guruta has here the same meaning as gaurava 3) g) in Dr. Böhtlingk's smaller Sanskrit dictionary:
** 1.6. Hey were liberal, but free from attachment to the world (sanga).
Metre Vasantatilaka. * Vibhava=nirvditasee Childers's Páli dictionary, B.V. 11 Metre Sardála.
Metre Anushţubh. * i.e. Brihaspati, who in his Nitisastra recommended avifvdaa or distrust. See Parichatantra, book II. Aloka 41. 56 (= IV. 19). I. 98.
* Metre S&rdula.

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48
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(FEBRUARY, 1885.
(Buddha), occans of compassion, self-sacrificing is difficult to reach for others, the cause of his for the benefit of others, and grateful so long birth." only as people do not for a moment even pay
1 17. To the east of mount Kośa var. attention to the contemplation of his virtues." | dhana, this man of open intellect established
13. If they look at his virtues, all owners in a manner suitable to the purpose a temple of virtues even now conceive an unparalleled of that Sugata, the dignity of whom alone contempt for themselves, by which their whole sufficed to defeat hosts of Maras. pride is extinguished and their cheerfulness of 18. "Pleasures end painfully; naturally unmind forsakes them." For does not the stable is this life; friends resemble (a man's) moon, though she be full,* lose her splendour life-breath; like the flashing of the lightning at morning, when the sun has conquered all are riches; and the cherished rewards (of good darkness of night and sends forth bis rays at deeds)" can give instantaneous delight, but will ps
abound in suffering." (Thinking thus and) 14. This man is an anomaly unprecedented being afraid of the multitude of births, he conon earth, as a vice was never hitherto observed structed this monastery." to originate (in him) and in those who belonged 1 19. Through the merit, which I have acto) his race, as their virtues baffled all attempts quired by establishing this dwelling for the to fix them by counting, and as not the smallest disciples of Jina, which (merit) shines like the particle of the sins of the Kali-(yuga) defiled disk of the sun left by crowds of loud-thunderthem but for a moment."
ing autumnal clouds" and which is able to 15. Who on earth can be compared to this destroy the attachment to the world which is receptacle of virtues, whose liberal disposition the cause of transmigratory existence,-through never injured (previous) gifts, whose speeches that (merit) all men may speedily“ attain the woro never in vain, and whose friendship knew glory of Sugata, which delights the three no bounds but the sacrifice of his life P80 worlds and conquers the sins of the world."
16. Various are the days; numerous nights 20. Jajjaka, who was born from the aro cool by the mys of the moon; there are ocean-like race of the Sak ya," composed bundreds of other women who surpass the this eulogy and made it durable by introducing whole beauty of the world's women, But that some small share of meaning." delightful lucky day, that night, or that woman, In the (regnal) year-in figures-7, on the cannot be found again in the three worlds, 6th day of the bright half of Magha, (thie which (day night, and womun) became, what eulogy) was engraved by Chaņaka.
SANSKRIT AND OLD-KANARESE INSCRIPTIONS BY J. F. FLEET, Bo. C.S., M.B.A.B., C.I.E.
(Continued from p. 12.) No. CLIII.
successors of the Eastern Chalakya king i KORUMELLI PLATES OP
now publish this inscription. RAJARAJA II.-AFTER SAKA 944.
The original plates belonged to Sir Walter I have had occasion, in Ind. Ant. Vol. VII. Elliot, K.C.S.I., and have been presented by p. 244, and at other places, to refer to a copper him to the British Museum. A transcription plate grant of Rajaraja II., one of the Cbôļa - of the text is given in his Telugu Sasanams
1 Metre Sardals.
The two Bahuvthis narrand- and patachchetovik dan forma Tatpurusha of the type endtanuliptal: 100 PAộini, 11. 1,40
» Lit., thongh she possonSCS (all her sixteen) kolds. Kuldvala dove not seem to be compound with the rubatantivo bala, but is probably formed with the
dit valich, which has in some oompounds (Panini, V.2, 112-114) the name meaning as matup (Pipini, V. 2,94).
Kardndm alinh karotiti karalikrit. Metre Sardala.
Metro Vantatilaka. Metry Bv&gata. * Metro Stardole Metre Srigati.
* The rewards intended are heaven, prosperity, etc. They are transitory, and do not free the individual from re-birth.
40 Metre Sikhariņt.
"A word meaning olond' must have stood in the break; perhaps valaka for valdhaka. Baldka, 'orane, gives no good sense.
See Childers's Páli dictionary, 6. V. ara. • 43 Metre Sardala. * This seems to imply that he
w odyabhikshwar Buddhist monk.
- Metre Anushtubh..

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SANSKRIT AND OLD-KANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
49
Vol. I. p. 73 ff., where the plates are entered acquired by themselves, and on & tradition as coming from the village of Korumelli in of the later Kadambas that the founder of the Rajamahêndri District; this is the village their family was named Trilôchana or Trinethe grant of which is recorded in the inscrip- tra :-“ After that,-sixty emperors, less by tion. They are five in number, each about 94" one, commencing with him, in unbroken lineal long, by 55" broad. The edges of them are succession, having sat on the throne of raised into high rims, to protect the writing; Ayodhyâ (1. 19-a king of his lineage, and the inscription is in a state of perfect pre- Vijay aditya (1. 19) by name, went to the servation almost throughout. The ring, on region of the south, from a desire for conquest, which the plates are strung, is about 1" thick and, having attacked Trilochana-Pallava, lost and 5" in diameter; it had been cut before his life through the evil influence of fate. In the grant came under my notice. The seal on that time of disorder, his queen-consort, who the ring is circular, about 3" in diameter; it was pregnant, came with the family-priest, has, in relief on a countersunk surface,-across and with a few of the women of (her) bed. the centre, the legend Sri-Tribhuvanásik usa; chamber, and with (her) chamberlains, to the above the legend, a boar, recumbent to the agrahára named Mudivemu; and, being cheproper left, with the sun and moon, two chauris, rished just like a daughter by the Sómaydjin a double drum, a Sankha-shell, and, close to the Vishộubhatta who dwelt there, she brought moon, something that may perhaps be the forth & son, Vishņuvardhana (1. 23). head of a spear (kunta); and below the legend, And having caused to be performed the rites a floral device, an elephant-goad, a closed lotus of that prince, such as were befitting his on its stalk or perhaps a sceptre (kanaka-danda), descent from the two-sided gôtra of the and something like the letter ga, which may kindred of Manavya and the song of Håriti, perhaps be meant for a makara-torana.' The she reared him. And he, being instructed in characters are Old Kanarese, of the period to history by his mother, went forth, and, which the grant belongs. The language is having worshippod Nanda, the holy Gauri, on Sanskrit throughout, except in one or two the Chalukya mountain, and having appeased Kanarese genitive cases in the passage describ- Kumira and Narayana and the Mothers (of ing the boundaries of the village that was mankind); and having assumed the emblems granted.
of universal sovereignty which had descended The first plate is a palimpsest. On the outer to him by the succession of his family, and side of it there are traces, distinctly visi- which had been, as it were, (voluntarily) laid ble, of twelve entire lines of writing, in a aside, vis. the white umbrella, and the single somewhat older and squarer form of the same sankha-shell, and the pañchamahásabda, and the alphabet ; but the letters are 80 carefully palikatana, and the pratidhakld, and the sign beaten in, that no passages can be read with of the Boar, and the feathers of a peacock's any certainty. The first plate has also a raised tail, and the spear, and the signs of the rim on its outer as well as its inner side. It is rivers) Ganga and Yamuna, and other (such plain, therefore, that it was an inner plate of emblems), and having conquered the Kadambas some older grant, utilised again for the present and the Gangas and other kings,-he ruled inscription.
over the region of the south, lying between the The inscription commences with a Puranic Bridge (of Rama) and the (river) Narmada, and genealogy, from Nårå yana or Vishņu down to containing seven and a half crores (of villages.) Udayana (line 18). Then comes the following The son of that same king Vishņuvardhana, passage, which however, is nothing but a mere and of his queen-consort who was born in the farrago of vague tradition and Puranic myths, of lineage of the Pallavas, was Vijayaditya no authority, based on the nndoubted facts (1. 30.) Ks son was Polakesi vallabha that the Chalukyas did come originally from (1.31.) His son was Kirttivarman (1. 31.) the north, and did find the Pallavas in posses- His son,- Hail! Kubja-Vishnuvardhana sion of some of the territories afterwards (1.36)—the (younger) brother of Satyasraya.
. . Soo the fronimile in the plate, ante Vol. VII. p. 953.

Page #60

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
FEBRUARY, 1885.
vallabhendra, who adorned the family of the son of Danarnava, succeeded to the throne, the Chalukyas who are glorious; who are and reigned for twelve years (1.51). He was of the lineage of Månarya, which is praised followed by his younger brother Vimalathroughout the whole world; who are the sonsditya (1. 52). The inscription then mentions of Hârîtî; who have been nourished by the Rajaraja, of the Súryanvaya or lineage of Mothers (of mankind); who have meditated on the Sun (1. 55). His son was Rajendra-Choda the feet of Svâmi-Mahasena; who have had the | (1. 57), whose younger sister was Kündavâmaterritories of their enemies made subject to them hadevi (1. 61) Vimalâditya married Kandavá, on the instant at the sight of the excellent and reigned for seven years (1. 62). Their son sign of the Boar, which they acquired through was Rajaraja II. (1. 64), also called Vishņuthe favour of the holy Narayana; and whose vardhana (1.75), who ascended the throne in bodies have been purified by ablutions performed Saka 944 (A.D. 1022-23), when the sun was in after celebrating horse-sacrifices, -ruled over the sign of the Lion, on Guruvara or Thursday, the country of Vengi for eighteen years." the second day of the dark fortnight of the
We next have the usual succession of Eastern month Bhadrapada (1. 65-67). Chalukya kings, down to Amma II. The remainder of the inscription records the (1.47),-with the statement that Indraraja grant, made by Rajaraja, on the occasion of an reigned for seven days (1. 37.) After him, his eclipse of the moon, of the village of Koruhalf-brother, Dinârnava, reigned for three melli (1. 103), in the Guddava di vishaya years. The kingdom was then without a lord, (1.77), to a Brâhman named Chidamarya (1. 86) and in a state of trouble, for twenty-seven of the Bharadvaja gotra and the Apastamba years (1. 48). Then Châluky a-Chandra, nitra.
Text.
First plate. ['] Om [ilo] Sri®-dhâmnaḥ purush-ôttamasya mahatô Nåråyaṇasya prabhôr=nnäbhi
parkaruhůd=babha. ['] va jagatas=srash Svayambhus-tataḥ jajõe mânasa-sûnur-Atrir=iti ya[ho] tasmân=
munêr-Atritas-Somô [') vanía-karas=sudh-âmáur=udita[ho] Śrfkanta(ntha)-chúđâmaṇiḥ ICID Tasmåd’=&sit
sudhâ-gûtér-Bbodhô budha-nutasta[*] tah j[a®]tah Purůravå nama chakrava[r*]tti Bavikramaḥ ACID Tasmád=&yor=
Ayush) Nahushah tato YA(ya). [*] yâtis-chakravartti vamsa-kartta tataḥ Parur-iti chakravartti tat8 Janamêjayô=
svamédha-trita[°] yasya kartt[a] tataḥ Prachtsah tasmåt-Sainyayâtih tatê Hayapatin(b) tatas
Sârvy. ['] bho(bhau)mah tatô " Jayasənah tato Mahâbhaumah tasmåd=Débanakah tataḥ
Krðdhậnanah ['] tatô Devakih Dévakêr-I(ri)bhukah tasmad=Rikshakah | tato Mativaras-satrar
yAga-yaji Sara[') svati-nadi-nathah tataḥ Katyâyana) Kâtyâyanan=Nilah 'tatô Dushyantah tata
dryyA(ryy) Garn ["] gå-YaminA-tirê yadavichhchi(chchhi)nn[&]n=nikhaya yapan=kramabah křitva tathe
Aévamedha(dha)n=nâma maha-ka{"] Emma Bharata iti yô-labhata tato Bhara'tad-Bhdmanyuh tasmåt-Suhôtrah
tató Hasti tatô Virð
* The Sektivarman of the genealogy given by Dr. Barnell in South Indian Palmography, p. 22, and of No. CLIV. line 19. p. 58 below.
* As salonlated by the Tables in Gen. Cunningham's Indian Bros, this bowers to Thursday, the 19th July, A D. 1082.
No further details are given of the date on which the grant was made.
From the original plates. Metro, Sardflavikridita. ' Metro, Sloba (Anushtabh)
First td wm engraved here, and then it was corrested | into bhara.

Page #61

Indian antiquary.
GRANT OF RAJA RAJA OF THE EASTERN CHÂLUKYA DYNASTY. SAKA 944.
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Page #62

GRANT OF RAJA RAJA OF THE EASTERN CHÂLUKYA DYNASTY. SAKA 014.
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Page #63

FEBRUARY, 1885.)
SANSKRIT AND OLD-KANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
51
["] chanaḥ tasmâd=Ajamilah tatas-Samvaraṇaḥ tasya cha Tapana-sutâyâs=Tapatyas-cha
Sudhanvalta["'] tal Parikshit tatô Bhîmasênaḥ tataḥ Pradîpanah1 tasmâchha(ch)=Cha(chha)ntannh tatô Vichitraviryyah
Second plate; first side. ("*] tatah Pâņda-râjah tataḥ kryyâ-putrâs-tasya cha Dharmmaja-Bhim-Arjjuna-Nakula
Sahadevah pam["] ch-endriya-vat pamcha syureyvishi(sha)ya-grahi(hi)ņas-tatra KID Yên adâhi vijitya
Ka(khí)nda va-mathế. Gầndivina. {"] Ma(va)jriņam yuddhè påśapat-âstram=Adhamka'-ripôs=ch-alâbhi dde(dai)-tyan
bahûn=Indr-årddh-âsanam-adhyarohiji (ja)yi["] na yat-Kalikøy-adikan-hatvá svairam=akári varia-vipina-chchhédah Kuru(rů)ņam
vibhôh (ID) Tatô=Rjj[u]nâd-Abhimanyuh ["] tatal Parikshit tatô Janamê[ja]yah tataḥ Kshêmukah tatô Naravahanah tatas=
Satânikah tasmâd=Udayanah [ll] ["] Tataḥ paraṁ tat-prabhřitishv=avichchhinna-(sa* ]ntânêshv=Ayodhya-simhâsan-âsînêshv=
@kad=na shashți-chakravarttishu tad-vambyo Vi["] ja (ja)yadityô nâma râja pa(vi)jigishaya dakshiņa pathaṁ gatva Trilochana-Pallavam=
adhikshipya daiva["] durihayê lė(10)k-antaramagamat [*] tasmin=sa[m*]kule purohitêna sarddham=
antarvvatni tasya mahadevi ["] Muļivemu-nâm-âgraharai katipayabhir=antahpura-kântâbhiḥ kamchukibhis-cha sah=
ôpagamya ["] tad-vastavyêna Vishņubhatta-smayajina duhitri-ni[r]vviseshamwabhirakshith sati
Vishnuvarddhanan-na["] ndanam-asenta) Så tasya cha kumârakasya Mânavyasagôtra-Hârîtiputra
dvipaksha-gôtra-yra (kra)m-ochita["] ni karmmâņi kårayitva tam=ava[r*]ddhayat Sa cha mâtrå vidita-vrittantas=
san=nirggatya Chalukya-girau Na[*] ndâm bhagavatim Gaurim=îrâdhya Kumara-Narayana-Mâtrigaņams=cha sar
ta[r*]pya þvôtâtapatr-aikaśamkha-pa["] mchamahaśa (sa)bda - palikêtana - pratida (dha)kkå - varahalânchhana - pim (pi)chha (chchha).
kuntha(nta)-simhâsana-makaratörana["] kanakadanda-Gamgå-Yamun-âdîni sva-kula-kram-agatani nikshiptân=iva sâmbrâ(ra)jya
chihnâni sama[") dâya Kadamba-Gaṁg-adi-bhůmipan=nirjjitya Setu-Narmmada-madhyam sârddha-saptalaksham dakshinapa
Second plate; second side. [] tham palayam-Asa (1) Śy(518)kah Tasył=asid=Vija gâdityô Vishnuvarddhana-bhu
patêh Pallav-învaya-jâta[*] ya mahadêvyasacha nandanaḥ [ll] Tat-gutah Polakêśivallabhah [ll] Tat-putra[ho]
Kirttivarmma II Tasya tanayah Svasti ["] Srimatâm sakala-bhuvana-samstâyamâna-M[a® ]navya-sagôtrâņam Hârîtiputrâņāṁ Kau
siki-vars-pra["] sâda-labdha-rajyânâm=m[&•]tri-gana-paripálitânâm Svåmi-Mahâsêna-pâd-ânadhyâtânâm
bhagavan-Nara["] yaņa-prâ(pra)sâda-sam [A*] sådita-vara-varahalāmchhan-êkshana-kshaņa-vabikțit-ârâti-manda
lânâm=aśvaMetre, Sardalavikridita.
1 11 Metro, $10ks (Anushtubh). 20 Read andhaka.

Page #64

52
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[FEBRUARY, 1885.
["] mêdh-avabhřita (tha)snâna-pavitrikrita-vapushâm Châlukyânâmin kalam-alamkarishņôg=
Satyâśrayavallabhê. ["] ndrasya bhratá Kubja-Vishộuvarddhang=shtâdasa varshâņi Vemgi-débam=ap[&*]la
yat [ll] Tad-&tmajo Jayasim. [""] havallabhas-trayas-trimsatam CID Tad-anuj-Êndraraja-nandanas=sapta dinâni [ll*]
Tat-sutô Vishņuvarddhanô ["] nava varshâņi (11) Tat-sûnar=Mmâmgi(gi)-yuvarajah pamcha-vimśatim ICID Tat
putrở Jayasimhas=trayo["] daśa [11] Tad-avarajah Kokkilish-shan(o)=mâså[n*) i(1) Tasya jyêshthô bhrâtâ
Vishnuvarddhanas-tam-uchchatya sapta-trimsata["O] mabdá[n*] || Tat-putrô Vijayaditya-bhatt[4*]rakô=shtådaśa I(ID) Tat-tanujô Vish
nuvarddhanash-shat-trimsatam dll) Tat-sunu[*]r-V vijayaditya-Narendramsigarajas-ch=&shta-chatvarimsatam ICID) Tat-sutah Kali
Vishộuvarddhanô=dhya-arddha-varsham [ll*) Ta["] t-satô Gunaga-Vijayadityas-chatus-chålcha) tva*]rimśatam (II) Tad-bhrâtur=Vvikrama
ditya-bhupatês=tanayaś=Châld[") kyâ(kya)-Bhimastrimśataṁ [ilo] Tat-suta! Kollabiganda-Vijayadityash=shan(o)-må
sân [ll] Tat-sûnar=Â (a)mma-râjas=sapta ["] varsh [â*]ņi () Tat-sutam Vijayadityam balam-achchatya Tadapô m[&*]sam= .
ekan [ll *). Tań jitvà Châlukya-Bhi(bhi)ma["] tanayô Vikramaditya ékâdaśa måsân [ll*] Tat-Taqapa-raja (ja)-sutô Yuddhama(ma)llas=sapta varsh [&*)
Third plate; first side. [*] Đi II) Amma-raj-ânujô Raja Bhímô=bdân dvầda<=abhanak [I]*] Yuddhố
Yuddhamallan-tam dhâtya nirgvârgghAtya dha(P)["] ru(?)ņi(?)ra(P)-sut-Amma-bhấpah ksh[m*dâm pamcha-vimsatim varsh[^*]oy=&(a)pi
ta(t) KID Dvê'(dvai)måtarô=Mma-rajasya Dånârnna(rạna)vâ(va) iti sm[ri*]
tah chatu["] sh-shashți-kal-abhijñas=samastri(ti)srô=bhunagas=bhuvar (*) Tataḥ paraṁ patim lab
nim -anurûpam-anâyikan sapta-vimsati7 varshini chachschhay va tapah kshama [m] ICID Atha Dânârnna(rạna)váj-ja
tah kalâvân mặidubhiḥ karaih râjâ Chalukya-Chandro [] yah kshama-tâpam-apå karðt (II) Satyê pratishthita loka iti satyam vachở ya
t ah sarvva-lôk-aśrayê yasmi. ["] 1 nesatya-rêjê sthitam jagat (ID) Nirvvakra vasudha-chakram=arakshat kshapit
ehitaḥ nyáyye pathi nsipair=adyais=sa dva. ["] daśa samas=samah (ID) Vimalâdityadêr-akhyastatas=tasy=&nujôdatha (dha)t mahi
mandala-sâ[*]brå (ra)jya vijitya vija["] yi(yi) rip[n*] I(I) Yasya1 prajvalita-pratâpa-dahanam sôda (dhu)n=na sa(sa) ktA
bhayad-gatva kananam-ambudhim cha [**] tarasâ vidvëshiņô vihvalâh dâv-(au)[r*]vv-[8*]gni-padêna tatra cha punastên=
aiva saṁtâpitâḥ sri-pâd-A[*] mara-pådapasya mahatin chhâyân samasisriyan [ll"] Api cha || Sûryy"-Anvayê
sura-pa["],ti-pratimah prabhavaiḥ śrt-Rajaraja iti 70. jagati vyarajata(t) náthas=samasta
naranatha-kirita-köți-ratna[") prabhâ-patala-påtala-pâdapithaḥ IID Jâtastatas=tata-yasə-jita-raja-tója Rajêndra
Chôda-npipatir-nțipa-cha** Metre Sloka (Anushţubh); and in the following five 1. The meaning of this is not at all apparent; we re13 This g, having been at fret omitted, was inserted
16 This mark of punctuation is unnecessary. above the bh, in such a way as to look rather like the 6 Metre, Sárdalavikridita.
1 Metre, Vasantu tilaka; and in the following verse.
verses.
quire here some such word as viná, 'without.'
vowel i.

Page #65

EASTERN CHALUKYA GRANT OF RAJARAJA - SAKA. 544.
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Page #66

EASTERN CHALUKYA GRANT OF RAJARAJA. - SAKA. 944.
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ఇటత: అత్తర శతనామ
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Page #67

FEBRUARY, 1885.]
SANSKRIT AND OLD-KANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
53
po kravartti(rtti) dainbar prachanda-mada-danti-kapola-niryyod-dan-& vil-Amarasarit-salila
praváhah (ID) Sa'-dvi' par chapa [] ra(y)m burasi-parikhân visvanbharam li(li)lay dandên=aiva vijitya cha prati-disan
yô=tishthipat=sarvvatah svair-Odbhramti-ni[oo] vîranîya vija(ja)ya-stambhån=sva-nm-Ankitan=AlAnân=iva baddhum-andha-manas
darppêņa dig-dantinah I(I) Tasy"=ann [") jam surapîm=anurûpâm Kümdavam=mahâdêvîn sa apâyata krita-krity8 Vimaladityð
jana-stutyah IIID Samu. [] dra"-rasanam prithvim prithvin sa bhd (bhu)ja-vikramâta(t) samarakshat-sam&s=sapta Saptasapti-samas-sk(sa)mah ICID
Third plate; second side. {"] Tasmach"-Chalukya-chadimaņir=atha Vimaladityadêvân=mahiśâch=Choda-kshmapila
lakshmy& iva (") rachita-tandh Kumdavâyks-cha døvyaḥ jậtas-sri-Rajarajó rajanikara-kula-brimad
ambôdhi-rajš rå[""] jad-råjanya-sêvyâm=abhrita bhaja-balåd=råja-lakshmi prithivyâh || YÖ" rakshitun
vasumatin Saka-vatsaréshu ["] vêd-amburasi-nidhi-varttishu Simha-gå-rkkå krishịa-dvitiya-divavas"-ôttara-Bhadrikåyam
vårê Guroreyvaniji (") lagna-varêmbhishiktah || Yasy"=[*]ttamågan pattona sama(ma)baxdhi mahiyasa
bharttum visvanbhara-bhara["] i janair-krôsi(pi)ta vi(chi)rań || Prithvim"-imam yatra Přidhya(thu)-prabhậvê
rakshaty=-Vargga kshapit-Ari-varggé důriksi["] t-avagraha-chora-rôgah praj[&] labhamte sa-palpha)lam trivarggaṁ || $8(sau)ryy".
0(au) daryy-Abhiman-4["] py(dy)-agaạita-gana-janm=ânurakta mahimnå prakhyâtên=âti-krishņa sasadhara-dhavala
saj-jana["] nam gaņēna pitâ prîtêna karņn-amjalibhir-abhinavá bhâti dig-dovatânân=nkna
varno[A] vi[") tâna-sriyam-atanatara tanvati yasya kirttih 1 Pitror"=vvañía-gara babhůvatur=alań [") yasya spu(ephu)rat-tejasan skryya"-chandramasd(san) nirasta-tamasd(sau) dôvd(vau)
ba (ja)gach-chakshushi danshtra-kôti-su["] muddhrit-Akbila-mahi-chakram-mahata(t) kriday Vishņôr-idi-varkha-rapam-abhavada
yach-chhâsanê lâmchba[") nam || Sa sarvvalókásraya-sri-Vishņuvarddhana-maharajadhiraja-parameávara-parama
bhatt[^*]raka"] paramabrahmanyah matapitri-hâ(pA)d-Anadhyâtah tyaga-sinhâsan-âsinah Chandiki-prasa[") da-parilabdha-sâmbra(ra)jya-chihnah Gaddavâdi(di)-vivi(sha)ya-niyâsinð râshtrakaá(ků). ţa-pramukh[AR]n ku.
Fourth plate; first side. [*] ti(ta)mbinas-sarvv[Ano] samahu(ha)ya mantri-purðhita-adnapati-yuvardja-do(dau).
vârika-pradhân-d["] dhyaksh[a]m(n)=it[y*]=&disati || Ådy-art-atyamta-dârât=samajani jagatan jyôtisho
janma-hôt[u]r-Brahma dhama pra[) jânâm=abhavad=atha tataḥ Kaśyapô nâma vêtha(dha)b Bháradvajas-tató-bhån=
munir-adhika-tapås=tasyê gôtre pa
ε Ι::
** Metre, SerdAlavikridita. First pul was engrayed, and then it was corrected
0 Metre, Aryl. 1 Metre, gróka (Anushtabh). * Metre, Sragdhara. * Metre, Vasantatilske. "Read divas. 1
* Metre, floks (Anushtabh). * Metro, Upajati of Indravajrd and Upendravajra. *Metre, Sragdhara.
Metre, Sardalavikridita. * The metre is faulty here. 0 Metre, Sragdbarh.

Page #68

54
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[FEBRUARY, 1885.
[] vitrå tatr=Apå (pa)stamba-sútro sruti-nidbir=udagach=Chidamayu (ryya)b kramêņa
Rajñámarchchita-varchchasas-sa["] muditai[r*]=yyajñair-vvidh shot"-Anghas8 Yajñó nêma sutasutatah krita-dhiyð
jajñé krita-jñaḥ kṣiti ["] vijñat-Akhila-vêda-bastra-samayaḥ prajja (jña)s=sada pôshita-jõ[]ti[r]=jñana-nidhir
gara-jña-sarri(dri)ś niti-jña. [*] tayam bha(bhu)vi || Yath& Vasishthở vidushâm varishthð nirundhatin pô(do)
PA(sha)m=Arundhatim sam (sa) tath=A[") nurupim-abi(bhi)rapa-ra pas satim=up&yach=Chatamakav-Akhyam || Putras"-tayôr=Adi* ti-Kasyapayor-iv-ábhup(d)-bhâsvÂn=apâkrita-tamah khalu Chidamáryyah yê(yo)
véda-så["] atra-sakala-bruti-rasmi-játais=sishy-Anan-âmburuha-bôdhakarð gariyan Nityo-Abhishta
pa(pha)la-pra[] dana-ruchiram Lakshmi-nivas-aspadam bibhràņam gurutan prabuddha-sumanah
sampurnnarnya)-sakh-anvi. [*] tam chhiya-samtatim=Asritd(tai)ś=cha vibuvai(dhaih) samstayamanam sada sôvitva
sukham=åsyaté ["] dvija-varair=yyam vipra-kalpadra(dru)mam CID Yad-gehåham" su chira vibhati
paratam paộyair=vvatu(tů)nÁm pa["] tu-vyav[ri*]tty=&virata kramatukshama-pade smarthya-jughgôshaņais-sky(ya)rin
pråtar-upåhitam hu[") ti-brita-Svâhâ-priya-prochchalad-dâmais-ch=api samantatah Kali-malam prôtsåraya[a*) doâ(all)ratah (ID)
Fourth plate ; second side. [°] Tasmai samasta-janatá-viséshasaņāya's | rai-sutarppita-mahidêva-dôva-gankya | vipr
ånva["'] y-abdhi-sasabhfit-pré (pra)tichand[r* JÂya [l*) vidvajjan-á[m*gikțita-viśrut-anandâya
janmi(nma)-prabh siti-gita-ved-Arttha-ta["] t[t]vaya | san-mano-vasati-vastavy-ktma-sat[t*]vậya | lambhita-sara[la*]tva-parilâlita
charitrayal sumbhita-ma[*] ti-svasita-jiva-bhrisa (sa)-putrảya siddha-nija-natha-kriti-sêvita-manishaya | sodtha
(ddha)-mati-dua (dů)shita-sama["] sta jana-doshảya (1) santa t-årâdhita-nija-svimi-pâdaya | chintita-mana[h*]stha
sakhadabhuta-sapadây8| hô["] ma-dhuma-vinirggat-Amita-kalarkaya dhimat-pragita-ruchira-sthira-8[v]a-nå (na)[m
A]mkåya sakala-muni-gana-nut-Apa["] stamba-etraya tatra-samgita-Bharam(ra)dvaja-gộtráya 1 sapta-tantu-krita-yapa
stambha-éðbhaga [100] saptåóva-rûpa-sadriá-atma-tanu-lábhaya | nitya-janat-chita-susatya-sana-yaktâya
paty-a[1] bhilashita-kayû(ryya)-nihpatti-saktậya parama-purusha-arttha-sampadana-patishthảya |
paramèśvara-ema[ir] rana-pålana-varishthâya sakal-artthaśð (sk)stra-pariniáchita-vinodâyê(ya) | sukumarat
Avi(dhi)ka-sarðja-nibhs[108] padaya | dhara(ra)karên-Agrahårikritah Korumelli-nÅmå grima ird-uA (ů)parågå dat
to . may=A-chandra-târa[*] [kar] hi tishpė (shth8)t=Tasy=kvadhi-vyaktir=#sh=ôchyateandya | purvvatah Kadaku
niyyúri Kimattikäliya
- Metre Serdülevikridita. * Read vidhaut. # Metre, Upajati of Indravajri and Upendravajra, 1 Metre, VABAntatilaka. to Motro, SA dolavikridite, and in the following verse.
Read yad-ghanh. * This passage is Gadya, or rhythmical and allitet ative probe.
3. Read vistahandya.
.

Page #69

FEBRUARY, 1885.)
SANSKRIT AND OLD-KANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
55
1o) sima Agnêyatah Muņdakâliya sima | dakshiņatah Vânapalliyu Samppa (pa). [100] taniyayu Mâmandetiyu sim-aiva simâ nairrityatah Godavariya simâ pa. [107] schimatab Búruvudohggu sima vayavyatah Venetiyu Masarayu sim-aiva
Fifth plate. 105] sim uttaratah Masara-Ponbaduvayu Khalmendikäliya sm i sanatah Epro] ruvankay-Uttaramuna KadalibhA(Pchâ)ți simå ICID Asy-Opari na konachid-badha
karaplya 1107 yalı karāti sa pamcha-mahapataké(kai)r=yyuktô bhavati [ll] Tath ch=8ktań
bhagavatâ Vyâs-A. [*] di-maharshi-prakarên=api | Sva"-dattam para-dattam va yo haréta Vasundharam
shashtira varshapa sahasråņi vishthayam j[A]yatd krimih ICID Bahubhiruvvasudhả d atta
bahubhisach=anupô(på). [**] litâ yasya (yasya) yada bhômis-tasya tasya tada phala (ID) Âjñar
ptih" Kați(ta)k-êáð [1157 Rachiya-Pedderi-Bhima-nama-tanújaḥ karttâ Chêtanabhaja(tta)
h k âvyânâm 1187 lêkhak0ngya Gandachâryyah (ID) Asmin=gråmå prati-varsham b häpa-siddh
[a]ya-grahaņam pamchavin() sati-nishkâņi sata-dvaya-sahitâni pamchâśad=dhânya-khandakani cha No. CLIV.
The inscription commences with an invocaCHITTUR PLATES OF KULOTTUNGA
tion of Mukunda or Vishnu. Then follows & CHODADEVA II.-SAKA 1056.
mention of the Soma vama or lineage of the The present inscription is from another set Moon (line 3), to which, it is evidently intend. of copper-plates, which belonged to Sir Walter ed to imply, the kings mentioned in the grant Elliot, K.C.S.I., and have been presented by belong. Lines 4 to 18 give the usual succeshim to the British Museum. They were
sion of Eastern Chalu k y a kings, from Kubjaobtained by him from Rajamahôndri, through Vishnuvardhana or Vishnuvardhana a Mr. Smith, who procured them from the I., down to Amma II., --with the statement Karnam of Chittûr.
that Indra reigned for seven days (1. 10.) The plates are five in number, each about Amma II. was succeeded by his elder brother 101 long by 4" broad. The edges of them are Då nårņa va, who ruled for thirty years raised into rims to protoct the writing; and (1. 18). Then came Dånarnava's son, Sakti the inscription is in a state of perfect preserva- varman,' who ruled for twelve years. Then tion glmost throughout. The ring, on which Saktivarman's younger brother, Vimalathe plates are strung, is about thick and 43 dity, for seven years (1. 19). Then Vimalain diameter; it had been cut before the grant ditya's son, R Ajar & ja II., for forty-one years. came under my notice. The seal on the ring Then Rajaraja's son, Kulottunga-Choda. is circular, about 3) in diameter; it has, indêva I., for forty-nine years (1. 20). Then relief on a countersunk surface,-across the Vikrama-Chô da, the son of the preceding, upper part, the legend Sri-Tribhuran[4*]nik- for fifteen years. And then Kulttungakusa, with an elephant-goad and the moon Choda då va II., the son of Vikrama-Choda above it; and, below the legend, a boar, stand- (1.21). ing to the proper left, with a bankha-shell, two The inscription then mentions the city of chauris, two lamp-stands, and a floral device. Sarasipuri, in a lake in the V engi man. The characters are Old-Kanarese, of the period dala (1. 22), the governor of which was to which the grant belongs. The language is Kolani-Katamana ya ka (1. 28), otherwise Sanskrit throughout.
called the Dandádhinátha Kața (1. 51). And
»* Read Barur doggu. 6 Metre, ślôka (Anushțubh); and in the following Verae.
Read itaptih. See the facsimile in the plate, ante Vol. VII. p. 253.
• This period is obtained by adding to Denarnava's real reign of three years (No. CLIII. line 49), the ensning twenty-seven years of anarchy (Id. line 48); no mention is made of the anarchy in the present inscription.
The Chalukya Chandra of No. CLIII. lino 51.

Page #70

56
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[FEBRUARY, 1885.
shares, are detailed in lines 56 to 72. Lines 70 to 79 define the boundaries of the grant. And the remainder of the inscription contains some of the usual benedictive and imprecatory verses, and records the name of the writer of the charter.
it then proceeds to record that, in Saka 1056 A.D. 1134-35) (1. 49), Kátamanayaka granted the agrahara-village called Mandadorra, together with the village of Ponduva gråma, in the Savattili country, to a number of learned Brahmans, whose gôtras, names, and
TEXT.*
First plate.
[] Jayati Jaladhikanya-vaktra-padm-âmsumâlî sakala-bhuvana-srishti-trâna-samhara-hôtuḥ
upa
[] nishad-avagamy yogi-vijñana-vêdyas tridasa-vara-vachôbhi[h] stûyamánô Mukum
kir
matâṁ saka
dah [*] Ja
[] yati jagati nityam Sôma-vamsô mahibhrich-chhirasi nihita-pâdas-samśrayaḥ tti-valyib jaladhi-valayi
[*] t-ôrvvi-chakravâl-Alavâlâd-ripa-nripa-rudhir-ôdair-ukshitâd-udgatâyâḥ () Svasti Sri
Kausiki-vara
[] la-bhuvana-samstayamâna-Manavya-sagôtrânâm
[*] preda-labdha-rijy ['] dhyâtânâm
[*] valkrit-Art-máṇḍalinkm-advamêdh-krabhridha(tha)-anina-pavitrikṛita-vapushim
Hârîti-patrânâm
matri-gana-paripálit Svâmi-Mahâsêna-pâd-ânubhagavan-Narayana-prasada-samâsâdita-vara-varahalâmchchha (chha)n-êksha
pa-kshana
kyânâm kula
[] m-alamkarishnôl Satyâśrayavallabhêndrasya bhrâtâ
Châlu
Kubja-Vishnuvarddhanô-shţâdasa
varshani Veigi
[] déiam-aplayas [1] Tat-pair Jayasithhas-trithist [1] Tat-kaniy&n=Imd[r]-rkja
sapt-âham [*]
Second plate; first side.
["] Tat-putrô Vishnuvarddhanô nava varshani [*] Tat-putro Maṁgi-yuvarajaḥ paṁcha-vimsati[m] [*] Tat-putro Jaya
[] simhas-trayôdasa [*] Tat-kaniyân Kokkilish-shan-mâsân [*] Tad-bhrâtâ Vishnuvarddhanas-sapta-triméat [1] Tat-sânu
[] r=Vvijayadityo-shtâdasa [*] Tat-sunur-Vvishnavarddhanash-shat-trimsat [*] Tat-snur-Nnarêmdrô-shțâ-chatvâriméat [*] Tat-su
[] taḥ Kali-Vishnuvarddhano-dhy-arddha-varsham [*] Tat-sûnur-Ggunaga-Vijayadityaś= chatus-chatvârimsat [1] Tad-bhrâtri-Vikra
[]
mâditya-putras-Chilukya-Bhimas-trimsat [*]
Tat-elnur-Vvijayidityshaha-m
sân [] Tat-sunur-Amma-râ
[1] jas sapta varshani [*] Vikramaditya-bhrâtri-putras Tâḍapô mâsam [*] Chalukya
Bhima-sûnu
[] r=Vvikramaditya Akadasa misin [*] Tat-sûnur-Yyuddhamallas-sapta varshâṇi [*]
Amma-raj-Anu
[1] jo raja-Bhimo dvidasa [*] Tat-sunur-Amma-rajah patcha-vimsati[m] [*] Taj[j]yêshthô Dânârnṇavas-trimsat [*] Tat-putra
From the original plates.
[1] =Śaktivarmmâ dvâdaša [*] Tad-anujô Vimalâdityas-sapta [*] Tat-putrô Rijarajadêva ka-chatvâriméat [*] Ta
[] t-putra[b]éri-Kulôttumgga (ga)-Chôdadeva 8k-ona-painchasat [*] Tat-sutô Vikrama-Chôdaḥ pamchadasa [*] Tat-putrê
[*] śri-Kulôttamgga(ga)-Chôḍadêvê rajyam prasâsati tad-vamsya-raja-prasâda-labdha-nânâ
désa-parivṛitam pa
Metre, Malini; and in the following verse.

Page #71

Indian Antiquary.
GRANT OF THE EASTERN CHÂLUKYAS - DATED SAKA 1056.
2.
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Page #72

GRANT OF THE EASTERN CHALUKYAS. DATED SAKA. 1056.
saire -Release
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dam.
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Endu ) సుమంగా) 11 . | - ఉన్నవనియును 3 6 ఎడ నలుడుతో 7
8 గం || 28
))) లక్షలకు కడుపు నను. | మునగక్షర శబడ్యులము దగత అనుద చదున } ఓం • దుందు నా
వలో ఈ 3 || B
..వచ్చిగుచయుడు పోకడనవ) • 1 | B est
వేసు.. 30
Jai ఆ ఉcy in / 113 దుడు ! | JAj} ) సుమ అన స
మ 1 1 1
CD

Page #73

/// b.
IV a.
నారజ్ఞకు కరవద్దు
యు.
S3 Sa
యత్ర
ఈ
త ప్రియ.కె క్రియ/x||మునే నట్టు ముఖ కుట్ర శశి గతా వద్య ఏజుయి తవ తప్పన ఆచం యలు అకస 20 రతతచ్చ శని ప్రవేశిఖదెయ ఎత్తిలితిపిరి అలవాడి తదాడు దర్గా
UD
(ఉజృతశి/ట్రావు దియX/e ప్రయాతడక్షను యుక్త పద్రవము పాముఖి పోవన దావుజి బికెఆః ప్రదడి కృషిలో శ్రీరంగం జీది)ద తథ
GRANT OF THE EASTERN CHALUKYAS DATED ŚAKA. 1056.
2.
K6
ఉనదాతను అ ధను అనువనువ జీనంపరిశుణ్ణి
୪
అడ్రామ విజాత చత్రినయకుడు.దిన శక్తతశ్రీరరత్రిలరుగా.. అ: నువ భవస్త్రము చకారచనధికా : ఆజ దానిని చేజీ వాక్యక్తపరచడయియుదువూ ఉచితం దవపోగ్రహణం. శుక్రపోజ్ఞబయతృ తంగడప్రముఖ నవయుగ్గు న: శత్రవిత్రమ్మ భ్రమర అశుభ్రమప్రతి ఆడితే కొట్టాయి.నే 282: £oxy: si cɔory: Annos;• •»jsc: పొయ్య: నవ్వయ: పొనుమయ్య నా మాయ: మదరతిల్లిం: రొట్టెయి:ఉందపాయి): విణ్ణయ్య ఇవ్వయ్యా చేయ ది అయ్యి: గోవా లియ్య: *•* ; 8: a mory: 8 ga vsqf:~n nosyl: * Br:3-2011: R)ఇజీ @ భ్యురాలని య. వయ
E

Page #74


Page #75

FEBRUARY, 1885.]
SANSKRIT AND OLD-KANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
Second plate ; second side ["] rampar &gata-mamdalês-adhishthita Vergi-mandald mahå-sara[bo] sthirataram-astil
Tatr'=asit-Sarast(*) puresti jaladhau Vishņôb purin Dvårakam-udyal-lávaņa-våri-dôsha-kalushå[tb] nyak.
kurvvati ya ni["] hati mât-dva sva-payah-pravéha-nivahais-su-svadubhis--idara sv-Akar namáriter
mandalesvara-ma-. [") bichakra svaya rakshati || Garvvådeyad-vijigishayâ ripu-ganis-sampripya vēLA
talam 18lat-syandana["] våji-våra®ņa-bhata jótun=na saktab panah yuddh-410kana-18la-vairi-laland-aolliga
mi has-daykl-lajjavad-vadanih pravisya sarasin yamtykatan karddamaib || Tasyah fi patil Kolani-Katama-nayakd-bhat-prakhyâta-dharmma-nichayab pratat-Oru-kirttib sphd("] rjjat-sva-båha-bala-nirijita-vairi-varggas-sarvv-hárayo naya-nidhir-bhavi satya-sari
dhah (ID 781 dharmmd Dharmmaputra-prati[") nidhiravani-tråņand Karttaviryya-pråyasessoryy[] Kiritt sphuta-mahima-rucha tulya
dva pratâpé andaryen [*] Karppa-kalpa[b*] Smara iva vapushi kshmi-sadrikshah kshamayan saajany& y asya 18k8 kadha(tha)m=api sadriks Vikramaditya eva (1) Y6"-dpisya
Third plate; first vide, ["] ta satâm bhůtyai jala-durgge sriya saha bhuvana-tritaya bhasabhasayan-ryoma [*] chandra-vat (CID) Yas"-sarvvá em-avanimarakshad-akshata-kris-snabhi(bhi)r-bbahu-rupa kéli-nirjjit--
- [] rih vira-bri-vadana-vilâsa-darppan-Abhð nfti-jñj niyamite-våg-ati-pragalbhah (l) Dvija." ['] jana-pariraksha-dakshamrakshayya-lakahmimo prasamita-ripa-paksham kambahiņkta
kalpa-vriksham [") gana-maņi-gana-klțipt-Akalpam-åkalpam-arvył dhpita-tanum=iva Dharmmam-manyats (") månavå yati (I) 8a"-dhrita yena dharitri nissankan-nirjjit-Art-varggenschiratara
kalam ["] kritina Krita-yuga-vach-chhri samriddheya ICID Vidushår" babavo grimi dêvaninin
bha["] ri-harmyani jala-paripärnna(ropa)-tanaka debl-dead vinirmmità yêna ICID Yasmin".
kårkshA-baha.. [") lath dadati dravyan prabhůtam-artthabhyah apapada-rahita jAtab-chintamani.
kamadhônu-kalpå gåh [ll] {"] Yasy"-asi-dhåråsu nipitam-ambu dvishach-chhiras-chh@dana-karm[m]a-hôtuh pravart[t]ulam vairi-puram Tri
Third plate; second side. {") nôtr-éshv-asru-chchhalon-dva krita-sya-karyyam [ll] Yad"-dhasta-khadga-parishta
madandha-matta-mata{"] ga-mastaka-vinirggata-mauktik-anghaih samyatyaráti-nikarin-hasat-iva nini-dik.
kamppa(pa)[*] l-ayana-parân-mahati jaya-brih ill) Kirttir"-yyasya mandhark tribhuvana vibhrd["] jayanti bhşikam svachchha sat-kumud-Akara-priya-kart din-mandanata tanyati kar
vvå
• The letters ramasti are somewhat confused in the Metro Blolos (Anushfubh). 1 Metre, Praharship. oridael, owing to something else having been engraved and cancelled before these lotters were out.
· Hero, and in one or two other places in this line, Metre Bardalsvikridita, and in the following verso.
some letters or other were engraved And Dolled
bafore the aristing letters were out. • Pirta wus engraved, and then it was corrected into ro.
* Metro, Mflint.
Hetze, Argh • Metro, Vantatilaks. 10 Metro, Sragdhard. Metro, Udgiti.
* Metro, Gh. # This ollable, y, la formed vory peoulinely, the Metro. Unail of Indravail and Upendravil being on the line and they below it - instead of the yd being on the line and the above it, is the opatom in • Xotro, V antatilaks. Motze, Stord dlavilerdite. Southern India

Page #76

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[FEBRUARY, 1885.
["] n-api sada samasta-jagatâm harsham dvishad-yoshitâm vaktr-ambhôja-sudussa[""] ha vijayatê jyôtsn-êva sîtadyutêh (1) Sa" svâminas-Chôdadêvasya tasya prâpya [") prasidid-adha(tha) grima-varyyah Lakshmipa"t-lis-prashd-pta-lakshmir-ddátum dvi
jêbhyo dhiyam sam
[*] dadhara (1) Tataś=cha | Sâk-Abdânam pramâne rasa-visikha-viyach-chandrasamkhyam prayâtê dêsê Sâ[] vattil-Iti-kshititala-vidité Pomduva-grâma-yuktam s-Ardr-arkshe pûrvva-ma (pa)kshe ["tith(thau) Mandando agraharash pridideridvad-[d*]vijšbhya[b] athirataram-akaram Kata-dandadhinâthaḥ () Tath"-ai
vishuvati su
Fourth plate; first side.
[] tad-grâma-sim-âmtarvarttinô yê kutumbinaḥ vit-chhûdra-taksha-rajaka-karmmâra-tilapû[] takâh [*] Suvarnna (rpņa)-kamsa-charm-astra-kumbha-kârâs-cha napitâḥ ajâ-go-palakas
58
ch-aiva chanda
[] 1-4dy-tath-paré [1] Tairuddlya-karam-apy-ébby brihmapébby-dad-tad | daty
Bivamagrahirah
[] tam-ittham-jääpayaty-aman [*] Tad-rishirakija-pramukhin-samihdys kuṭum[**] binal dattam-ittham-mayâ sarvvam-êtad-viditam-astu vah [*] Pratigrihitri
brahmaga-nkmini [*]
["] Tatra Bharadvajah Drônaryyah Mêdaryyah Süraryyah Namkaryyah Gundaryyah [] Vennaryyah Nimaryyah Vinkryyab Namkryyab Madhuradhiparryah ["] Dodḍaryyah Madhavaryyah Sivvaryyah Kommaryyah Vâmâryyah Pôtaryyaḥ
Govishdaryyah
[Chandraryyah bhaginab Somandryyab Nittaniryyab Sarkryyah Kundindh Bhimarryyab [] Uryyakoodiryyab Viahpvkryyab arddhinab Kommiryyab Krishnaryyah Vimaryyah Kimiyyah
Fourth plate; second side.
Darkryyab
["]Nayyab Kommaryyah Mandaniryyah Krisholeyyab Bhimkryyah Vämaryyah [] Vadhûlâh Adityâryyah Isvararyyah Karukanaryyah Haritâḥ Vishavaryyah Madhavaryyah Ma
["]aryyah Kotaryyab Drönaryyah Kimkryyah Ramkryyah Närkynpkryyah bhaginaḥ Någâryyo dvi Maitråvarunan Satyn
[] nåryyo bhâgî Sürkryyab Kausikaḥ Numkaryyab Kommaryyab Sûraryyah arddhinah Titaryyah Viahoväryyab Pennåryyah Boppå ["] ryyah Sridhararyyah Maitrêyah Samkararyyah Vatsah Drônaryyah Kapil " Pôtaryyah Yaskaḥ A["]yyankryyab Atreylb Raghaväryyab bhiginal" Theyyah Arllaryyab arddhina
Saunakaḥ
[] Pôtâryy-âdayah pamcha s-ârddha-bhaginaḥ Parâéaran Kommaryyah Vishṇvåryyaḥ Purukutsaḥ Malayândaryyah bhagi
[] nah Kasyapaḥ Annâryyah Appåryyah arddhinau Viendoviyyah Mäväryyab Sûraryyah Annâryyah såsana-ka
[]
vya-krich-Chhamkaranarayanaryyab bhiginal firaray-aiko bhagab Vishgörökö bhagah [*] Atha Pomduva-yuktasy-Asya grå.
Metre, Trishtubh.
3 First kaha was engraved and cancelled, and then pa was cut.
Metre, Sragdhara.
The passage from rdra to vi is engraved over a ancelled passage.
36 The metre shews that the anusvdra is a mistake and that we must read Mandador.
Metre, Sloka (Anushtubh); and in the following
three verses.
25 This mark of punctuation is unnecessary.
First Tadaryyah was engraved here, and then bhagina was engraved over it.
30 First Saunakih was engraved here, and then arddhinau was engraved over it.

Page #77

FEBRUARY, 1885.]
CORRESPONDENCE AND MISCELLANEA.
["] masya ksh[ê*]tra-simânaḥ [*] pûrvvataḥ Pomduva Kommara Yiliyâri Mayyanikulrugula Ajavennanigushta [*]
["] âgnêyataḥ Pomduva Yiliyûri Nalmiyaypamnlvu Atapenumgolunaypamulvum Garuvu.
gumta La
Fifth plate.
["]ghi Yagamiyu Nimkaniganayu [1] dakshinataḥ Nakanigumtah Bisipl Atapahindigumta Nalumu [*] nirgititab Kokkilipladi Pilipalamați Muyyanikuṭrugumta [1] paśchi
yinayamarupa
["]ta
["] matah Lellaguita Kolu [*] vâyavyatah Undamdorti Pâsudova Govami Mayya
nikuṭru Ata U
[""]ndamdorti Govami Kakandivala Muyyanikuṭru [*] attarataḥ Maddignita Ata
Melanigumtayu
["] Neriyanigumtayu Nâvanigumtayu Natayîyûri Palliyaina Pomduva Sramkamra["] pagti Mayyanikara Ata Pannlaripdraguntayam Ballanikițitalaya [*] tab
Prâmta
81
["] gumta || Itaḥ paran-na kâ[r*]yyô-sya grâmasy-ôpadravô naraiḥ lôbhad-upadravaṁ tasya kuryyâd-yas-sa nar-âdhameḥ [*]
[] Yâyât-pamchamahâpâpi drôhi Sômesvarasya cha Gamgâyâm gô-sahasrasya vâdha
papamavipnu
[] yât [*] Asti Vyas-oktam-api 1 Sva-dattam
para-dattâm vå yo harêta
vasumdharam shashti-varsha-sa["] hasrani vishṭhâyâm jâyatê krimiḥ [] Tatha [*] Bahubhir=vvasudha datta
bahubhis-ch-Anupâlitâ ya
["] sya yasya yada bhumis-tasya tasya tadâ phalam=iti || Lekhakaḥ Kannachiryya-sûnuh Pallâ (?)charyyah
*
CORRESPONDENCE AND MISCELLANEA.
59
S. B. DOCTOR'S PERSIAN-ENGLISH
DICTIONARY.
To the Editor of the Indian Antiquary.
SIR,-In your review, in the September number of your journal, of the late Professor Palmer's English-Persian Dictionary, edited by Mr. G. LeStrange, you refer to what I shall presently show to be a perfectly groundless and unwarrantable imputation brought against my literary honesty in a postscript to the preface. As you have brought into prominence Mr. LeStrange's statement, I trust you will not deny me the justice of publishing my refutation thereof.
I am accused of having passed off for my own composition a small Persian-English Dictionary, which is no more than an incorrect reprint of Professor Palmer's work.
I wish, in the first place, to point out that I have never for a moment professed that my Persian-English Dictionary is my own composition. Indeed it would be absurd of any one to so profess with respect to a work of the nature of a pocket dictionary of a language like Persian,
on which so many learned lexicographers have laboured before. I quote below two paragraphs from the preface of my book, and leave it to your readers to judge how grossly Mr. LeStrange has misrepresented facts in accusing me of palming off on the public as my own the work of another compiler.
"The compiler begs to make his acknowledg. ments to the authors of the following works, which have chiefly been consulted in the preparation of this manual:-Johnson's Persian and Arabic Dictionary, the Hindustani Dictionaries of Gilchrist and Shakespear, etc.
"In conclusion, it is hoped that, when the labours of such learned Oriental lexicographers as the above appear as the ground-work of the present dictionary, it will not fail to command the confidence of those for whom it is intended."
But although, as these extracts prove, I have never attempted to pass off my dictionary as entirely my own unaided production, Mr. LeStrange's assertion, that nine-tenths of my book has been copied verbatim from Professor Palmer's is altogether untrue. Even a superficial exami
1 Metre, Ślōka (Anushṭubh); and in the following three verses.

Page #78

60
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(FEBRUART, 1885
nation of my book will convince any unprejudiced critio that there are important points of difference hetween the two works, and that there are some special and (if I may be permitted to say so) valuable features in my book, which, so far as I know, are not found in any other dictionary, much less in Palmer's, and the credit of which, it any credit there be, is entirely my own. Thus, for instance :
(1). The arrangement of words in my dictionary is entirely different from that in Palmer's; ..g., on page 1, the compounds formed with the word T are all grouped together under that word, whereas in Professor Palmer's work they are
Doctor's.
scattered over several pages of the book. And 80 with other similar words.
(2). The etymology of Persian and Arabic words, the assignment of the respective parts of speech to them, and the roots of Persian infini. tives given in my book are not found at all in Professor Palmer's work, or, so far as I am aware, in any other dictionary, and are entirely new features in my book.
(3). Then, again, the two dictionaries differ materially in many places with regard to (a) the pronunciation of Persian words, (b) their origin, and (c) their English synonyms. A few examples will suffice:
PALMER's.
G
ناحيه .dhiya .namir نمر
3333
G nahiyet.
o nimr. why náhn.
wisg noin. cami nask, nasak.
masat نسق
R. P.
yel andr, .. A horseman, oavalry.
A
lymul aswdr. Horseman. sie
مند
A.
یافت .1
.yafet
ماضي
.Past tense فعل ماضي .tممadj. p
file
The past; the preterite tense.
coulin-Imperfect. Aye. Pluperfect.
.Perfect-قريت
.Post wonمعطوف
Wiklo
The proprietor's share of the produce
of the soil.
junctive participle. vi - Past
potential. di lo adj. Like an owner. add. In the
manner of an owner... An annual or monthly allowance to a zamindar by the
person who occupies his lando. + He, commonly called bashdi.
hutti, the sixth letter of the Arabic alphabet, does not occur in Persian. In reckoning by abjad it stands for eight, and in astronomical tables it
denotes the sign Sagittarius. (4). Further, there are many Persian words in my book which are not found in Palmer's at all; for instance: uji_ow -uly
a hd H. The sixth letter of the Arabic
alphabet; it does not occur in pure Persian words.
-مهر- وسمر - پاکدامن - تمردار-جواب
= منصوبه - منتفي صغرا - بازرگان - تحتانی
course, it oannot be denied that there is consider able similarity between my book and Professor Palmer's, but this is simply due to the fact that we both consulted common authorities, as appears from the preface in our respective books. Thus, almost every English word given in Ogilvie's dictionary would be found in Webster's. Would Mr. LeStrange, therefore, accuse the one author of plagiarising from the other
It was perfectly unnecessary for Mr. LeStrange to attempt to build the name of Professor
¿los was-puasand others too numer. ous to mention here.
This, I trust, will be sufficient to show how atterly baseless is the charge of plagiarism brought against me by Mr. LeStrange. Of

Page #79

CORRESPONDENCE AND MISCELLANEA.
FEBRUARY, 1885.]
Palmer's book on the ruins of the fame of mine.
I shall be sorry if my refutation of his calumny in any way redounds against Professor Palmer's work, which, though not devoid of errors and inaccuracies, and lacking information on important points, still has, in my opinion, sufficient merit of its own to need no such doubtful aid as Mr. LeStrange has given it. S. B. DOCTOR.
ORIGIN OF THE SRIVAISHNAVAS. To the Editor of the Indian Antiquary. SIR,-In the September Number of your Journal, in an Article on the Origin of the Srivaishnavas of Southern India, the following occurs:-" A stanza was read in which the face of Vishnu was represented to be as red as the lotus. The Sankaracharya at once exclaimed that it was a luptépami, or defective comparison, as there were objects surpassing the lotus in their redness, which might have been used for the simile." Might I ask the writer whether there is any authority at all for this explanation of the term luptopamd? The word is translated in the usual way, but instead of meaning 'a simile in which one term of comparison is wanting' it is explained as meaning a feeble comparison. The story is stated to be improbable for two reasons, but no reference is made to this explanation of luptópamd, whereas unless such an explanation can be substantiated the foundation of the story goes. Yours faithfully, J. A. VANES.
Bangalore, November 22nd.
A SINGHALESE PRINCE IN EGYPT,
I am not sure whether the following passage from Maqrizi has been made generally accessible to Indian students:-"On the 14th of Muharram 682 (14th April 1283) envoys arrived in Egypt from the ruler of Ceylon, which is a part of India. This prince was called Abu Nekbah Lebadahs. They took with them a golden casket half an ell long, and three fingers in breadth. Inside it was a substance of a green colour which looked like palm leaves, and which bore characters that no one at Cairo could read. The envoys were examined, and from their report it would appear the letter contained formulae of salutation and friendship. The prince declared that he had broken off his alliance with the ruler of Yaman in order that he might enter into closer ties with the Sultan (i.e. the Sultan of Egypt). He announced that he possessed a great quantity of riches, of which he gave a list, such as elephants, precious stones, and costly goods of all kinds, and that he had sent a present to the Sultan. The kingdom of Ceylon contained 27 fortresses and also possessed
61
mines of rubies and other precious stones, and the Royal treasure beamed with precious stones." Magriz, ed. Quatremère, II. part i., 59 and 60.
HENRY H. HOWORTH.
CHANDRAGUPTA AND VIKRAMADITYA. (ante Vol. XIII. p. 185).
"
With reference to Mr. Fleet's inscription No. CXLVI. in which Vikramaditya is placed after Chandragupta, I would call attention to one of the Mackenzie palm-leaf Telugu MSS. at Madras, described by the Rev. W. Taylor,-the Kaliyugarája-Charitra, which states that Chandragupta reigned 210 years, and his son" Vikramaditya reigned 2000 years, till the year 3044 of the Kaliyuga (Mad. Jour. Lit. Soc., Vol. VII. p. 351). May not this have been what was in the mind of the person who, in the 11th century, had the inscription referred to engraved? In that case it must be Chandragupta the Maurya who is referred JAS. BURGESS.
to.
9th December 1884.
NOTES ON THE JATTS.
The Jatts appear to have spread rapidly from centres over the plains of the Panjab. The great families are often represented by colonies, both Cis-Satluj and Trans-Satluj. It is common to hear them say, "We are so many villages (khera) here and so many in Malw&." The number of villages in a colony is sometimes very large, several hundred.
The practice of karewá, or re-marriage of a widow to one of her deceased husband's family, is almost universal among the Jaṭṭs, but some tribes do not practise it; for instance, a large section of the Bains Jatts of Mahalpur, in the Hoshiarpur district.
The Emperor Akbar married a Jattni, a relative of one Mehr Mittha in the Manjha. To the celebration of this marriage 35 Jatt villages and 35 Rajpat villages of the Jalandhar and Bårt Do&bs were summoned. These villages enjoy a preeminence in the country side, and are collectively termed "the Darbar."
In olden times the Jatts of the Malwa used to be deemed so poor, and so likely to be driven by a season of drought out of their villages, that the Manjha tribes would 'not give their daughters to them in marriage. Now, say the people at Firoz. pûr, it is the other way: the Malwa tribes will not give their daughters to the men of the Manjha, as they have got so far ahead of their Manjha brethren by the great stimulus to agriculture which roads and railways and the development of trade have given.

Page #80

62
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
The Jatts of the "Jungle," or the great unirrigated tracts of the Firozpur and Ladiânâ districts. are a fine stalwart race, equal, or nearly so, to their brethren of the Mânjh4, but I have heard it said that they bore a bad reputation as soldiers with Ranjit Singh, as wanting hauslá or courage; probably a very mistaken idea. No doubt the shrewd old king used to prefer to take his soldiers from tracts nearer home, and not so near the British border. Anyhow he did not like enlisting MAlwâis. When Jatt recruits were brought before him he applied the test of a shibboleth by making them count between 20 and 30. The men of Malwâ committed themselves at 25, saying pacht, while the Mânjha dialect says panji. Nevertheless a few families of Malwa Jaṭṭs rose to great distinction in the Lahor Darbår; witness the Mânawâlâ family of the Gujranwala district; the Ațâri family; and Fateḥ Singh Mân, a Malwâi, commanded the Lâhor artillery in the Sikh campaign.
It is probable that certain Jaṭṭ tribes used to practice infanticide. I am not sure that among certain of the more exclusive Jaṭṭs there is not to this day a method of treating female infants approaching nearly to infanticide.
Baby's father came
There are old doggrel verses in the Jatt patois of pure, or tenth, Panjabi, which bear witness to the existence of the practice, e.g.Munni da bapa did Mondhe kahi le did Bahar tod khattid Munni nún utthe dabbid. And there buried baby. The Jatt conquest of the Jalandhar Doâb (about
With mattock on shoulder, Dug a hole outside
[FEBRUARY, 1885.
1759 A.D. 1816 Samvat, constantly referred to as "Samvat Solah") was a marked era in the history of the Panjab, and the overbearing haughty conduct of the tribe which had the upper hand is preserved in many a depreciatory proverb. For instance, he is represented in the following as very quarrelsome about land:
Pir vich Jatt na chheriye Don't cross a Jaṭṭ in his field: Hatti vich Kardy Nor a Karar at his shop. Pattan Mein na chhertye Nora Mean at the ferry. Bhan degd buthar They will break your
REPORT ON THE SEARCH FOR SANSKRIT MSS. in the Bombay Presidency, in the year 1892-1883. By Prof. R.G. BHANDARKAR, Bombay, 1884 (pp. 229).1 Professor R. G. Bhandarkar's Report for 18821883 is, like Dr. P. Peterson's publication on his operations during the same year (Jour. Bo. Branch Roy. As. Soc., No. XLI.), a good deal more than an official document of ephemeral value. Like Dr. Peterson, Professor Bhandarkar has given us a summary of the most important historical and literary data, which a cursory examination of his numerous purchases, seven hundred and seventy-two MSS., revealed, and has added in Appendix II. such extracts from the originals as are required in order to substantiate his assertions. Both the summary and the extracts have been made in a scholarly manner, and the Report of 1882-83 will be an important help to
head.
The following jingling rhymes are well known in the Doâb, and are by no means complimentary to the Jatt.
(a) Jatt nachdve turd, oh bht burd,
Bahman pharid chhurd, oh bhi burd. Sawan chale purd, oh bhi burd. Minh kita ghurd, oh bhi burd, &c. &c. A Jaṭṭ capering on a horse is a bad thing. A Brahman handling a knife is a bad thing. The East wind in Sawan is a bad thing. Rain clouds closing in all round is a bad thing. (b) Jaṭṭ mohdsal, Bahman shah,
Banid hakim, qahir Khuda.
A Jatt as tax-gatherer, a Brahman as money lender,
A Baniyê as ruler, is the very wrath of God. Jatt bigdre murshid nál. Jad bole tad kaḍdhe gal.
The Jatt falls out even with his priest. Whenever he speaks he utters abuse.
BOOK NOTICE.
W.C.
every student who has to find his way through the tangled jungle of Sanskrit literature.
Under the head Védas the most important acquisition is an old imperfect MS. of Uvata's Bhashya on the Kanva recension of the White Yajurvéda, which definitively settles the author's date and shows that he wrote in the first half of the eleventh century A. D., during the reign of the famous king Bhôja of Dhåra. There are other MSS. of the Bhashya, e. g. the copy in the Elphinstone Collection of 1867-68, which state that Anandapura was Uvata's birth-place, and that in his time Bhôja ruled the earth. As there are many Anandapuras in India, and as many Bhojas have lived at different times in different parts of the country, it was impossible to assert where and when the work was composed. The newly found copy has an additional verse, which says
Beprinted from the Oesterreichische Monatsschrift für den Orient.

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FEBRUARY, 1885.)
BOOK NOTICE
63
that Uvata wrote in Avanti or Ujjain, while kritists I too held this opinion for many years. Bhoja ruled the country, and thus settles the But recent discoveries have shown that even the chronological question. This discovery has already scribes of Gujarat and Rajputând, where the been published by Mr. S. P. Pandit, in his paper Vikrama era is universally used in every day life, on Sayana's commentary of the White Yajurvéda, sometimes put Sauvat instead of Sakasan vat. which he sent to the sixth International Oriental As instances I may point out the MS. of the Congress. But the honour of the find belongs, as Mahabh4shya (Kielhorn, Mah. II. 3, p. 8), written Mr. Pandit has stated, to Professor Bhåndårkar. at Iladurga (Idar) in Samvat 1513 and 1514,
Among the other Vedic MSS. the collection of where the mention in the colophon) of the 108 Upanishads (No. 487) is interesting. Such victorious reign of the illustrious Narayaņadasa, large collections are, 4g Professor Bhandarkar the Rao Nárondês of the Ain-i-Akbart, shows that points out, rare. I remember only one MS. Sakasamvat 1513-1514 is meant, and the copy of preserved in the library of the Bombay Asiatic Govindaraja's Smritimañjari in the India Office Society, which I think contains more Upanishads library (No. 1736), dated Samvat 1467, which than this.
Colebrooke and the editors of the Palaeo. The second class, Vedángas, shows no important graphical Series believed to correspond to 1410 novelties, but is remarkable for a good collection A. D. In the colophon of the latter work the of Prayogas, or, manuals for Vedio sacrifices scribe states, however, that he wrote at Vasuravi used by the V&jasaneyins, which will be (Vasråvt) during the reign of Mahårånå Udayaserviceable to students of the difficult ritualistic simha. As Maharani Udayasimha of Mêvad caine questions. Class III. Itihdeas and Puranas is de- to the throne in 1541 A D., it is not doubtful that void of interest and contains too many Mahatmyas Samvat 1467 refera to the Saka era, and correand similar works which are already sufficiently sponds to 1545 A. D. Under these circumstances represented in the collections of earlier years. every “Sa hvat-date" requires verifi sation. The
Class IV. Dharma, on the other hand, offers & best means for this purpose is a calculation of the great many useful books and some really import- days of the week which usually are given besides ant finds. To the latter belong the rare Manvartha. the days of the month, according to the two eras. chandrikd of Raghavananda Sarasvati, the
Among the works on grammar (Class VI.) there Mitulkshard of Samvat 1535, and the Dharmaldstras | is another fragment of Isvarananda's commentary of the Madhva sect. The first-named work, which
on the Mahabhishya (No. 184) which is interestI have used for the notes to my translation of ing. The first piece was found in 1873-74 Manu, has suffered very considerably, but it is the
(No. 38). The remarks (p. 11) on the Anekdr. only accessible copy besides the Paris MS. whicb
thadhvanimañjarf of Mahåkshapaņaka (Class VII. D'Anquetil brought from Gujarat. If the Mituk- No. 199) might have been completed by a reference shard, as Professor Bhåndårkar assumes, is really to my Kasmír Report, p. 76, and to the Kasmir dated in the Vikrama era, it is only 23 years MS., No. 329 of 1876-77. It would thereby have younger than the MS. of the Elphinstone College become evident that the work really belongs to Collection of 1887-68 (Class VI. No. 9) which the Kalmfraka dmndya. was written in Sakasamvat 1378 or 1456 A. D. Of undeniable importance are the numerous With these two copies it ought to be possible to acquisitions in Class X. Vedanta, especially those restore the text of the great lawbook, the editions embodying the teaching of Madhva-Anandatfrtha of which do not seem to be very correct. and of Nimbarka. The collections of earlier The lawbooks of the Madhvas were hitherto years contained, with the exception of the Madh. unrepresented in the Bombay collection. Nearly vavijaya (Elphinstone Collection of 1867-68, all the works in Class V. which belong to the Class XII. No. 6), nothing worth speaking of elegant literature, occur already in the older lists. that could throw light on these two modern, but Yet the copies of the rarer commentaries on the important sects. Professor Bhandarkar has now Raghuvanda and the Kirátárjunkya, as well as the
done a great deal towards filling up this lacuna. Panchatantra, dated Sauvat 1534, are valuable He has, moreover, given in Appendix II. p. 202.6. acquisitions. The last MS. cannot, however, be a carefully prepared list of the spiritual heads "more than five hundred years old," but supposing of the Madhvas, together with apparently trust. that the date refers to the Vikrama era, only
worthy dates, and an extract from the Hariguruupwards of four hundred: I must, howevor, add stavamdld, which enumerates the successors of that it is hazardous to assume, as Professor Bhan. Nimbark. These new lists allow us to correct därkar seems to do throughout, that all dates many errors in Professor H. H., Wilson's Essay preceded by the word "Sarvat" belong to the on the Religious Sects of India, where, inter era of 57 B. O. In common with other Sans- alia, the year after Madhva's death is given a

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[FEBRUARY, 1885.
the date of his birth. In his remarks on the age of Sankaracharya (p. 15) Professor Bhandarkar is less fortunate. It is certainly inadvisable to assail Sankara's date, which is given most cir. cumstantially by his own followers (Yajsieśvar Blatri's Aryavidydsudhdkara, p. 226) on the strength of such evidence as that adduced from the Bankahépaturfraka. The statement, made there, that Sarkara's grand-pupil Sarvajfiatman wrote during the reign of an illustrious king, the Adity or sun of Manu's race, a Kshatriya whose orders were never disobeyed," forces us by no means to push Samkara's date back from 783 A. D. to 880. Though Professor Bhandarkar is probably right in thinking that the sun of the race of Manu" was a Chilukya prince, it does not follow that his name must have been Aditya or have ended in Aditya, nor that he must have belonged to the earlier Chalukya dynasty, which was overthrown by the Rathors in the eighth century, For in the Indian inscriptions many a prince is called "the sun of his race," though his name is very different (see e. g. the case of Molarija I of Anhilvan. Ind. Ant., vol. VI. p. 199, 201, 203, &c.) As regards the second point, it must be borne in mind that the Chalukyas who ruled, after Tailapa II. had restored the fortune of the family in the tenth century, likewise derived their descent from Manu (Fleet, Southern Dynasties, p. 17, note 2). As far as I can see, the note in the Sankshepasárfraka is worthless for historical purposes.
In the next Classes, XI.-XIV., Nydya and Vaibeshika, Jyotisha, Medicine, and Tantras, there is nothing of special interest. The more import. ant works acquired were already represented in the older collections, while the new additions are mostly unimportant. But Professor Bhandárkar's remarks and extracte furnish a considerable number of very valuable data for the history of those sciences during the middle ages. He fixes the dates of a good many writers who, though themselves unimportant, are quoted by and quote greater men whose times are uncertain
In Class XV., Art and Architecture, the copies of the Rajavallabhamandana and of the Vdetumandana, manuale for stone-masons and architects oomposed in the first half of the 15th century are of value. An edition and translation of these worke, for which also the MSS. in the Elphin- stone College Collection of 1867-68 (Class IX., Nos. 1–3) are available, could be easily pre. pared with the assistance of an intelligent Silêta of Northern Gujarat or Rajputana. During my tour in 1873-4 I met several men of this caste who could recite the Rljavallabha and explain it. The translation would be important
for the officers of the Arcbæological Survey. Of still greater interest is the letter-writer entitled Lekhapañchdéika (Class XVI. No. 410), which gives fifty model forms for letters and deeds, including a land-grant and a state-treaty. Though the Bombay collections of former years contain several treatises of this description, there is none among them which gives forms for official documents, like that discovered by Professor Bhandarkar. Its importance lies partly therein, that it shows to us how the clerks of the Indian kings managed to draw up the deeds which we find engraved on copper. It is now evident that model forms, like those given in the Pañ. childikd, were the sources on which they drew. Moreover the two documents furnish, as Prof. Bhandarkar has pointed out, interesting details from the history of Gujarat. The land-grant which is represented as recording a donation made in Vikramasarhvat 1288 by Råna Lavanyaprasada, i. e. Lavanaprasada, the father of Viradhavala of Dholká, while Bhimadeva II. ruled at Anhilvåd, confirms the statements of the chroniclers regarding the relation between the last of the Chaulukyas and the Vaghêlês. The treaty of peace which purports to have been concluded in the same year between the same Råņi and Maharaja Simghana, in all probability explains, as Prof. Bhåndárkar thinks, how the chief of Dhalká got out of the difficulty mentioned in Sümeśvara's Kirttikaumudi. It would have been well, if the dreadfully corrupt text of the land-grant had been corrected with the help of the Chanlukya land-grants, published in the Indian Antiquary. It is interesting to note that the treaty of peace shows in rahanfuam (App. II. p. 225, 1. 4) a Sanskritised Gujarati word rahevur instead of the correct Sanskrit sthåtavyam
The collection of Jaina books (Class XVII.) contains a number of MSS. of works already well represented in the earlier Bombay colleotions, which, I fear, will be useless. But it includes also various new books of importance, such as the Bhojaprabandha of Merutunga and Sumati's lives of the Yugapradhậnas, from which Prof. Bhandarkar has extracted much useful literary information. The conclusion of the Report gives a short review of the whole collection of MSS. deposited in the Dakhan College, which shows also the number of works lent to various scholars in India, Europe, and America. It is a matter of great satisfaction to see that the splendid collection is well cared for, and that, owing to the wise liberality of the Director of Public Instruction and of its immediate custodian, it continues to render important services to Sanskrit philology.
G. BÜHLER,

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MARCH, 1885.]
SILVER COINS OF THE EARLY GUPTAS.
65
THE LEGENDS ON THE SILVER COINS OF THE EARLY GUPTAS AND
OTHERS CONNECTED WITH THEM.
BY J. F. FLEET, Bo.C.S., M.R.A.S., C.I.E. THE study of the gold coins of the Early
CHANDRAGUPTA II. 1 Guptas has recently been much advanced
Class A. by Mr. V. A. Smith, B.C.S., in his exhaustive I.-One coin examined. Reverse,-rude paper in the Jour. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. LIII. peacock, with outstretched wings. (See ArPart I. p. 119ff.
chæol. Suru. Ind. Vol. IX. p. 23, and Pl. v. The silver coins, however, so far as the No. 1.) legends on them are concerned, still remain to The marginal legend, commencing above the be disposed of. The present readings of the head of the peacock, is :'legends, as given by Mr. Thomas in Archæol. Sra-Guptaku(?)la (P)[sya maharajadharajaSuro. West. Ind. Vol. II. p. 59ff., and by $][A-Chandra*]gupta-Vakramankasya, General Cunningham in Archæol. Surv. Ind. which representsVol. IX. p. 21ff., are not quite perfect. And, Šri-Guptaku(?) la(?) sya(?) maharajadhirajaapproximately correct as they are, and good éri-Chandragupta-Vikramankasya ;As are the plates that accompany them, it was “Of the supreme king of Mahardjas, the impossible to complete them with certainty glorious Chandragupta-Vikramånka, who from those plates.
belongs to the glorious family of the Guptas." Recently, however, I have had the oppor- The fourth and fifth syllables, kula, are tunity of examining the original coins in doubtful; and the sya, which is supplied after General Cunningham's collection. And I am, them, depends of course upon the acceptance thus, now able to give correct and complete of them. The vakramankasya at the end is readings of the legends on them.
very distinct; and, as Vikramanka' is conThere is, in the first place, a point to be stantly used as a synonym for Vikrama' and noticed, which, as far as I can see, has hitherto Vikramaditya,' both of which names are known escaped attention. It is, that there are two dis- from the gold coins to have belonged to Chantinct methods of writing the legends. In one set dragupta II., we need not hesitate about snpof legends, which I shall call Class A., though the plying chandra before gupta. The remaining lower vowels are always expressed, such vowels letters, here as in other places, are supplied as, if engraved, would fall on or above the top from the legends of other coing, and according line of writing, are uniformly omitted. In to the space that requires to be filled up. the other set of legends, which I shall call And, in fact, the letters raja-s and a-chandra Class B., these apper vowels are always duly are supplied by the similar coin, the legend of inserted. The legends of Class A. are always which is represented by Sir E. Clive Bayley in coupled in the Early Gupta coins with the Ind. Ant. Vol. VI. p. 576. ruder representation of the peacock on the II.-Three coins examined. Reverse, -rude reverse, with outstretched wings, but without peacock, with outstretched wings. (See Arexpanded tail. The legends of Class B, on chæol. Suro. Ind. Vol. IX. p. 23f. and. Pl. v. the other hand, are always coupled in the same Nos. 2 and 3.) coins with the far more finished representation The marginal legend, commencing opposite of the peacock on the reverse, which shows, the left wing of the peacock, isin addition to the ontstretched wings, the Paramabhagavata-maharajadharaja-áratail, fully expanded behind, and very well | Chandragupta-Vakramadatyay depicted.
which represents
The same is also the rule with the silver coins of the Kshatrapas; and it is this that has led to the reading of saha or stha, instead of sinhha, as the termination of some of their names.-Even some of the gold ooins of the early Guptas have the legends written in the same imperfeot way ; but the instances available are not numerous enough to render a classification practicable yet.
The asteriska attached to letters in square bracketa, denote letters which fall beyond the edges of the coins BIAmined.
* In all probability the legend given in id. p. 57a is from another specimen of the same coin, and has vakramankasya, not vakramarkasya for vikramarkasya, at the end. The original coin, however, requires to be examined.

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66
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(MABCE, 1885.
Paramabhagavata-mahârâjâdhiraja-sri- (See Archæol. Surv. Ind. Vol. IX. p. 24, and Chandragupta-Vikramaditya ;
Pl. v. Nos. 4 and 5.) “The most devout worshipper of the holy The marginal legend, commencing opposite one, the supreme king of Maharajas, the the left wing of the peacock, isglorious Chandragupta-Vikramaditya.
Paramabhagavata-rajadharaja-bra-KumaraOn one specimen, the syllables chandra are gapta-Mahandradatya, perfectly formed and are very distinct. In the which represents remaining two specimens, the dra is so oramp- Paramabhagavate-râjâdhiraja-sri-Kumkraed, that it might easily be mistaken for kra. gupta-Mahendraditya ;But the preceding syllable is an indisputable "The most devout worshipper of the holy one, cha, not a va; so that, though we might, if the supreme king of Rajas, the glorious Kumarapossessed of no other gnide, read chakra, we gupta-Mahendraditya." cannot possibly read vakra (bakra). The same II.-Four coins examined. Reverse, -rude remarks apply to Mr. Newton's coin, figured peacock, with outstretched wings. (See Archæol. by Mr. Thomas in Archæol. Surv. West. Ind. Surv. Ind. Vol. IX. p. 24, and Pl. v. Nos. Vol. II. p. 63, No. XII.; the correct reading 4 and 5.) is chandra, not bakra as given by him ;-and The marginal legend, commencing opposite also to Sir E. Clive Bayley's coin, described in the left wing of the peacock, isInd. Ant. Vol. VI. p. 57b, where even the litho- Paramabhagavata-maharajadharaja-bragraph, as given, suffices to shew that the first Kumaragupta-Mahandradatya, syllable of the name is cha, not ba. Vakra- which represents gupta or Bakragupta may certainly be dis- Paramabhagavata-maharajadhiraja-sricarded as a purely imaginative person.
Kumfragupta-Mahendraditya ;Two of the specimens examined shew, on “The most devout worshipper of the holy one, the obverse, in front of the king's face, some the supreme king of Maharajas, the glorious marks, lying partly beyond the edge, which Kumâragupta Mahendraditya." may perhaps be completed into the numerical This legend differs from the preceding one, symbols for 80 and 4, or 90 and 4,-or may only in giving the fuller title of mahárdjadhiraja, perhaps be only remnants of what Mr Thomas | instead of rajadhiraja. considers to be a legend, in barbarous Greek
Olass B. characters, constituting a corrupt rendering of Nine coins examined. Reverse--finished the standard Scythian legend of PAO NANO peacock, with outstretched wings and expanded PAO, -or may perhaps be parts of a marginal tail. (See Archæol. Surv. Ind. Vol. IX. p. 24, pattern round the edge of the coin.
and Pl. v. Nos. 6 and 7.) Sir E. Clive Bayley reads on his coin, on the The marginal legend, commencing above the obverse, behind the king's head, va (for varshế) head of the peacock, is90. This, however, is so purely a Kshatrapa Vijit-ávanir-avanipatio-Kumkraguptô method of expressing the date, that there can
devamo jayati; be no doubt that what he reads as va, is a " Victorious is his majesty,' the lord of the numerical symbol, either 4 or 5, below the 90. earth, Kumaragupta, who has conquered the Class B.-Nil.
earth."
KUMARAGUPTA.
SKANDAGUPTA. Class A.
Olass 4. 1.-Twenty-four specimens examined. Re- I.-One coin examined. Reverse, -rude peaverse, -rude peacock, with outstretched wings. cock, with outstretched wings. (See Archæol. Archæol. Suru. West. Ind. Vol. II. p. 60.
his majesty' (but properly. 'begotten by the gods"), ! We may either accept this reading mit stands, andhere, and in the same legend on the coins of Blanda take avanipati as part of & compound, -or, on the sapta, Bhimsaena, Toramapa, and Tilnavarman. So Analogy of avanipatirjayati on the coin Clan B. III. of also does Mr. Thomas, on the coin of ToramaAnd Skandagapta, inzert a vigorga (which is always liable to they both make these words the commencement of the be omitted before gutturals and sibilanta), and read legend. But the correct reading is daw dayati, with avanipatib as a separate word.
sometimes divash and dina for dut; and the words are • Read dito.-Gen. Cunningham ronds ddua-janita, the conclusion of the legend.
Diva.

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MARCH, 1885.]
Surv. Ind. Vol. IX. p. 25, and Pl. v. No. 11.)
The marginal legend, commencing a little to the proper left below the peacock, isParamabhagavata-marajadha-éra-Skanda
gupta-Kramadatya,
SILVER COINS OF THE EARLY GUPTAS.
which represents,
Paramabhagavata-maharjadhirkja-élSkandagupta-Kramaditya ;
"The most devout worshipper of the holy one, the supreme king of Mahúrájas, the glorious Skandagupta-Kramaditya."
II. One coin examined. Reverse,-the chaitya symbol. (Seo Archeol. Surv. Ind. Vol. IX. p. 24, and Pl. v. No. 8.)
The marginal legend, commencing above the top of the chaitya, is perhaps Maharaja-Ku(?) ma(?)ra(?)-putra-paramama(Pha(P)da(P)tya(P)-maharaja-Ska()()
[da*],
which represents
Maharaja Kumaraputra-paramamdhaditya
mahârâja-Skanda;
"The most devout worshipper of the great Sun, the Maharaja Skanda, the son of the Maharaja Kumara.
The legend, however, is very crowded and difficult to read; and the letters marked with queries are extremely doubtful. The omission of the gupta after Kumara and Skanda is peculiar; and still more so is the minor title of Maharaja, instead of the paramount title of Maharajddhirája. And the chaitya is an exceptional symbol for a Gupta coin.
Class B.
I. Two coins examined. Reverse,-finished peacock, with outstretched wings and expanded tail.
The marginal legend, commencing over the the head of the peacock, is
Vijit-Avanir avanipati"-ár1-Skandagupt devamo jayati;
"Victorious is his majesty, the lord of the earth, the glorious Skandagupta, who has conquered the earth."
II-One coin examined. Reverse,-finished peacock, with outstretched wings and expanded tail.
The marginal legend, commencing above the head of the peacock, is
Bead maharajadharaja.
See note 5 above.
10 Read devo.
"In this coin, all the upper vowels, except the 6 of
Vijit"-dranir avanipati".árl-Skandagupt dévô jayati;
"Victorious is his majesty, the lord of the earth, the glorious Skandagupta, who has conquered the earth."
General Cunningham has been somewhat inclined to attribute this coin to Dâmôdaragupta, reading Dámôdara where I read Skanda. The letters here are a good deal damaged, but must, I think, be read as I read them. Also, there is not room enough between ir and gupto for four letters, Dámôdara,-or even for three, Kumara. And the letters are of exactly the same type as those of the silver coins of Chandragupta II., Kumaragupta, Skandagupta, and Budhagupta, and are decidedly too early for the time of Dâmôdaragupta.
III. Twelve coins examined. Reverse,finished peacock, with outstretched wings and expanded tail. (See Archeol. Surv. Ind. Vol. IX. p. 25, Pl. v. Nos. 9 and 10.)
The marginal legend, commencing over the head of the peacock, is
Vijit-Avanir-avanipatir-jayati déva" Skandaguptô-yam ;
"Victorious is his majesty, this same Skandagupta, who has conquered the earth, (and) who is the lord of the earth."
67
Of these coins, five have very clear dates on the obverse, in front of the king's face. Two coins have the symbols for 100 and 40 and 4; one has the symbols for 100 and 40 and 5; one has the symbols for 40 and 8, the symbol for 100 in this case falling beyond the coin; and one has the symbols for 100 and 40, and the upper part of another symbol which may be completed into either 7 or 9.
BUDHAGUPTA. Class A.-Nil. Class B.
Two coins examined, and casts of three others. Reverse,-finished peacock with outstretched wings and expanded tail. (See Archeol. Surv. Ind. Vol. IX. p. 25, and Pl. v. No. 13.)
The marginal legend, commencing above the head of the peacock, isVijit-Avanir-avani-pat[i®]1-ár[1®]-Budha
gupto dêvô jayati;
dévé, fall beyond the edge. 13 See note 5 above. 18 Bead dévah.
14 See note 5 above.

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68
"Victorious is his majesty, the lord of the earth, the glorious Budhagupta, who has conquered the earth."
The coin figured by General Cunningham has very distinctly on the obverse, in front of the king's face, the numerical symbols for 100 and 70 and 5. The other coin may have the symbol for 80, but it is very uncertain; and the other one or two symbols are illegible. The casts do not establish any dates.
KRISHNARAJA. Class A.
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
Two coins examined. Reverse,-a bull, recumbent to the proper left. (See Archæol. Surv. Ind. Vol. IX. p. 29, and Pl. v. Nos. 26, 27, and 28. Also see Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. Vol. XII. p. 213f. and Plate.)
The marginal legend, commencing above the bull's hump, is
Paramamahaśvara-matapatṛipadanudhyata
árn-Krishnaraja,
which represents
Paramamâhêévara-mâtâpitripâdânadhyâta
irl-Krishnarja
"The glorious Krishnaraja, who is a devout
[MARCH, 1885. worshipper of (the god) Mahêśvara, (and) who meditates on the feet of (his) parents." Class B.-Nil.
This inscription is from some copper-plates which were found in 1882 in the possession of Tippanna Bin Sômanna Téli, of Bendigêrior Bendigere, about eleven miles south-east from Belgaum. The owner of the plates stated that they had been lying in his house for two or three generations, and that he does not know how and where they were first found.
The plates are three in number; but only the first two are inscribed,-the third being intended to serve as a guard for the writing on the outside of the second plate. They are each about 1' 4" high by 101" broad. The edges of them were raised into rims to protect the writing; and the inscription is well preserved and legible throughout. The ring, on which the plates were strung, had not been cat when the grant came into Mr. Fleet's hands; it is about " thick and 4" in diaBee note 5 above. 10 Read dévé. By the Tables in Brown's Carnatic Chronology,
ISANAVARMAN. Class A.-Nil. Class B.
Two coins examined. Reverse,-finished peacock, with outstretched wings and expanded tail. (See Archeol. Sure. Ind. Vol. IX. p. 27, and Pl. v. Nos. 20, 21, and 22.) On the dated coin, the head and neck of the peacock are turned to the proper right, as in the early Gupta coins; on the coin without a date, they are turned to the proper left.
The marginal legend, commencing above the peacock's head, isVijit-Ivan[i]ravan[i*]-pati"-ár-Înva
dêva1 jayati;
"Victorious is his majesty, the lord of the earth, the glorious féânavarman, who has conquered
the earth."
A COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF THE YADAVA KING KRISHNA.
BY K. B. PATHAK, B.A.; MIRAJ.
On the obverse of the coin figured by General Cunningham as No. 22, in front of the king's face, there are two marks which may perhaps be the numerical symbols for 40, 60, or 70, and 5. But they are very imperfect and doubtful.
meter. The seal on the ring is circular, about 3" in diameter; the principal emblem on it, in relief on a countersunk surface, is Garuda, kneeling and facing full-front, and holding a bow in his left hand; over his left shoulder is the moon; and the sun, very small and indistinct, is cut over his right hand, which is raised above his shoulder. The three plates weigh 581 tolas, and the ring and seal 65 tolas; total, 646 tolas. The characters are Nagari. The language is Sanskrit; except in 1. 118-19 where Kanarese is used, and except in the case of a few Kanarese genitives which occur as surnames.
The grant is of the time of Krishna,-or, as he is here called, Kanhara,-of the Yadava dynasty of Devagiri. It is dated in Saka 1170 for 1171 (A.D. 1249-50), the Saumys sashvatsara,' on Guravåra or Thursday, the
Saka 1170 was the Kilaka samvatsara, and the Saumys samvatsara was Saka 1171.

Page #87

MARCH, 1885.)
BENDIGERI PLATES OF KING KRISHNA.
69
twelfth day of the bright fortnight of the or Belgaum, apon a number of Brahmaņs, - month Sravana. And the chief object of it is and that Chaun disetti, the son of Mal. to record that Mallisetti, the minister of ligetti, obtained the king's sanction to the Krishna, bestowed the village of T Am- grant, and presented the copper-plate charter brapur, in the district of Vêņugrama recording it.
TRANSCRIPTION."
First plate.
Om namah Sivaya || Sri-Gaņâdhipatayo [] namah || Pâyâd=adyah 68 vaḥ pôtri y ad-damshtri-pratibimbitâ l. agå[°deiva dhrita dhatri harsh&d=[a*)viguņa-pushţatâm || Asti svasty-ayanð râjâ Simhaņo
Yadu-vamsa-jaḥ [] yasya kirttis-tribhuvane prathita Hari-kirtti-vat Pratyarthi-kshitipala-mauli-makuța
yra(pra)tyupta-mu['] ktậphala-prâmta-prôllasad-anghri-vårija-yugaḥ śri-Simhaṇaḥ kshoạipah 1 asa-visri(sru)ta
buddha-Yâdava[•] kala-spashțðĐvati kahmâtala pârâvâra-su-mêkhala suta-varaḥ sûrô=jayają
Jaitugih | Yð râjâ ['] Jaitngir=nama Simhan-akhyân=nţipât-tataḥ 1 janitô Yadu-vařáâvdhô(bdhan)
payödhåv=iva chandramah || [°] Tasya putrô mahå-têjaḥ śr-Kanhára iti srutaḥ yad-&jõâm sirasi dhřitva
bhavati sukhin [') nţipâḥ Jayati jagati raja sarva-bhậpala-mauli-prathita-parama-ratna-prôllasat
pâda-padmaḥ 1 [*] Yadu-kula-chira-lile Vâsudêvê janânám nayana-kamala-sûryaḥ pritimån=Kanhar
Akhyah || Yad-vaksha[") si sthita Lakshmir-yad-bhuj& vijay-&mgana | yad-[a]rishtau karuņa nityan
dadâm=iti vachasyrapi | Yad-ya. ["] trâyân nặipah sarve tatra tatra sthith disi balair=antahpurair-bhitya
kshêpayamty=amjasa balim (1) Tasy=knyah'kshitipala-manli-makuţa-pratyapta-ratnais-chiram nirajach-charan-Aravinda
yugalali śêshasya pri["] thvipateh | fürô=mâtya-dhuri sthitd vijayaté Bich-Agrajah samtatam Mall-Akhyaḥ
kila Chikkadêva[*] tanayah prakhyata-kirttir-bhuvi # Tasya putri mahâmåtyas-Chau[m]disettir
maha-yasåh yê jihvá pri["] thivisasya y8 râjño dakshiņo bhujah Yas-Chan[no]disettih prathita-pratậpaḥ
sarvâsu diksh-urijita-pa["] aya-kirttiḥ 1 sri-Sómanáth-Amghri.yag-atma-naty& pravardhit-aádsha-vibhati-ramyah |
Diśd ji["') gisha tam=avôkshya sarve dvishaṁta enam tv-atha Chau[no]disetti valmikam
âruhya triņam charaṁti grinha(hna)mti ("") nivim=api karņņapatram | Yad-rûpa-saundarya-guna-pralabdha Ratiḥ samasadya
punaḥ patim så ||(1) [*] vismțitya ch=Ânamga-sukham praviddha-sukhêna vikridati lavdha(bdha)-harsha ||
Prasasty=arin=yaḥ pragļihita("] châpô dadâti ch=arthân=kripaya dvijebhyah 1 Chavundaset[*]y-akhya-va(bu)dhaya
dadyât-tasmai chir-ayur-bha ["] vi Sômanathah || Chba | Svasti Sri-Saka-samvatsarasya sat-Adhika-sahasr-aik-adhika
saptatyás-ch-a.
From the original plates; revised by Mr. Flest.
Road anya.

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70
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MARCH, 1885.
["] namtard Saumyê=bd8 Śråvaņê mâsi sita-pakshe dvadaśyam Guruvarê Sri
Kamnhara dévasya mahård("] jasya Bich-ågrajó Malliset[t]y-akhy mahâmâtyah kataka-yâtråyån Bhimarathyam
Paumdari[*] ka-kshêtre éri-Vishņu-samnidhau Véņugrâma-désa-sthan TÂmbrapuri das-adhika
sata-vrittiḥ prakalpya ashtabhô["] ga-samasra(sta)-tējah-sabita[ro] sarva-namasy&m prasiddha-chata[h*]-sim-mudritâm
éri-Kanharadêvasya râjño ("] rájy-Abhyuday-Artham nând-gôtrebhyô vrâ(brá)hmaņēbhyaḥ sadakshiņam dhard
půrvaka pradattavận [ll] Tasya [") patró mahamatyas-Chau[m*]ạisetţih râjñaḥ samipaṁ gatvå pitul sarv-adhipatyam
rajñó labdhvá Véņugråma[*] désa-stha Tambrapari mama pitrå brâhmanêbhyê datt=éti tasya râjõð nivêdayitva
t êna râjña ma[*] y=aiva datt-êti labdh-abhyanajñaḥ têbhyo brâhmaņebhyaḥ ashtabhôga-têjah
samanvitam sarva-namasyam ["] tâvra(mra)-sâsanam Chau[m*]disettiḥ dâpayitva pitar-dharmam=å-chaṁdr-arkam
susthiram ksitavân || Chha || Tasmai sarva[*] tah svasty=astu || Chha || Tataḥ tasyaḥ TA[**]brapuryâh pratigra(gri)hitriņam
brahmananam gôtra-guna-nåmâni [*] kramêņa likhyamtê | Chha | Svasti || Chha | Vasishthagotriya
Lakshmidharabhattopadhyâya-suta-Nård[] yaṇabhattopadhyâyaḥ || Tasya putrah Lakshmidharakramitaḥ || Vasishthagôtriya
Våmanakramita-su[*] ta-Narayanabhattopadhyâyah . Å trêyagotriya-Ru(ri)garthada-Dugganabhattopadhyâya
sata-Kri(kri)["] shṇabhattopadhyâyaḥ || Tasya putrah Dugganabhattopadhyâyaḥ || Kåśyapagôtriya
Kávadêvapa["] ttavartta(rddha)na-suta-Ráméivarapattava[r*]ddhanah | Agastyagðtriya-acharya
Kesavabhattpådhyâya-sata[*] dasagranthi-Madhavabhattopadhyâyah Tasya bhrata vedartha-Naranabhatt
padhyâyah || Atre. ["] yagộtriya-Brahmadêvapatavarddhana-sata-Nåråyanapattavadda(rddha)nah Tasya
bhrata Sridharapatta[*] vardda(rddha)nah | Jâmadagnyâ(gnya) Vatsagotriya-Jakkadérabhattopadhyâya-sata
Sridharabhattopadhyâyah | Ka["] éyapagộtriya-Sridharabhaktôpådhyâya-sata-sri-Bhagavata-Kalidôvabhattopadhyâyah N
Å trêya["] gôtriya-Narayaņakramita-suta-Adhvari-Basavanabhattopadhyâyah || Bhâradvajagộtriya["] Närada(?)-sata-Kamadevaghaisaḥ | Vasishthaga(go)triya-Bhaskara-sata-Ramadevaghaisah | Bharad vajagðtriya
Second plate; first side. ["] Brahmadêvakramita-suta-Sômêśvarak[r* Jamitaḥ ||
Kaśyapagtriya-La[] kshmidharabhattopadhyâya-suta-Ś6(S)mêsvarabhattopadhyâyah | Bharadvajagô["] triya-Vámadóvapattavarddhana-suta-Vishmpattavarddhanaḥ ||
Bhargavagotriya["] Médhậvi-Ghalisasa-suta-Gôpâlapattavarddhanaḥ || Tasya bhrátå Utratta)ma-kramitah ["] || Tasya satah Visvanatha-Ghai(gha?)lisåsah Vasitha (shtha)gôtrîya-Dêvana
pattavarddhana-suta-Samkara. {") chârgah | Tasya Butah Chaudarayapattavarddhanals || Vasishthagðtriya-Jaita
samrma'pathaka-suta-Ravaladêvapa
• Read Kanhara.
. Read sarma.

Page #89

MARCH, 1885.]
BENDIGERI PLATES OF KING KRISHNA.
[°] thaka) || Tasya bhratâ Késavapathakaḥ || Bhargavagộtriya-Damodaradve(duvé)di
euta-Sivaharipathaka) || Tasya ["] bhratâ Sarvesvaradve(dave)di(af) | Vasishthagôtriyaḥ Dôvaduve[di*]-suta-La
kshmidharapathakah || PârâsaragÔtriya-Sâm["] tisu(su)kla-sata-Gajadharapåthakaḥ 11 Vatsagotriya-Dévašarmasukla-guta-Narasimha
påthakah || Bhargavagê["] triya-KirttivAsapathaka-duta-Nagadēvapathakaḥ || Gargagðtriya-Dôvasarmapathaka-Buta
A88[*] dharapathakaḥ || Årshti(rshți) kagðtriya-Amadêva-apadhyâya-suta-Dâmôdara-upadhyâyaḥ ||
Tasya bhrata [*] Aso(@)padhyâyah | Kåpishtha[la]gôtriya-Chågad&vapathaka-suta- Damodarapathakaḥ 1
Dêvara[*] tagôtriya-Skramgadikshita-suta-Vågn(s)padhyâyah || Vatsagôtriya-Mahośvarapathaka
Buta-Mahesa["'] rmapathakah | Gargyagotriya-Vákupathaka-Buta-Sôdhaņapathakah | Bharadvajagotri
ya-Atridêvapaṁ. ["] dita-suta-Vaijanåthapamạitaḥ || Kő(kan)sikagÔtriya-Prabhakaratrivadi-suta-Damodara
triyâdih || Kaum["'] dinyagðtriya-Vákudve(duve)di-guta-Jagadharadvė(dave)diḥ |
KansikagðtriyaMadanâ itapathaka-suta-Ramadêvapa[] thakah || Bharadvajagtriya-Trilochana-suta-Vijai (jaya) sarmapathakaḥ || Tasya bhratá
Kshêmadharapathakah | Sám["] ţilya-gÔtriya-Hariharatri(tri)vaļi-sata-Mabasamrma tri(tri)våļih || Kaumsika'g@triya
Uttamapandita-su["'] ta-Khêyiddvapat ditah | Gargagðtriya-Asadharapathaka-suta-Savalapathaka) | Maudu
galyag8. ["] triya-Narayana-upadhyâya-suta-Basavana-apadhyâyah | Bharadvajagotriya-Ganaganûra
Mai
["] lå rasvâmigala (!) suta fávarasvâmih || Viśvamitragðtriya-Sarvajőa-Sarasvati(ti)bhan
Qarada -o-Dévaṇabha[*] ttopadhyâya-Buta-Sarvajña-Vaijankthabhattopadyâyah || ÅtrêyagÔtriya-Någadeva-suta
Vôpadê["] va-upadhyâyaḥ | Kaśyapagôtriya-Tøjøpådhyâya-sata-Lakshmidhara-upadhyâyah || Garga
gôtriya["'] Vra(bra)hmadêvapattavarddhana-Buta-Sômanathapattavarddhanah Tasya bhratâ Tri
vikramabhattopadhyâya 1 || Bha[] rad vajagôtriya-Malidēvapatavarddhana-sata-Bhaskarabhattopadhyâya) || Tasya bhrâ tâ
Kalidêva pattavarddhanah [ll*] ["] Vishņavşiddhagðtriya-Tantrama[m] trâchârya-Vámadêvabhattopadhyâya-suta-Narasińha
bhattopadhyâyaḥ || Visvâmi[*] tragôtriya-Sômesvarapattavarddhana-suta-Samkartghalisah | Vishnuvriddha-gotriya-Sri
dharapattavarddhana[") suta-Madhavaparta (tta) varddhanah || Kapigotriya-Madhavapatavarddhana-sata-Sridhara
patavarddhanaḥ || Kayapagötri["] ya-Kalidêvaghalisa-Buta-Vishņupattavarddhana) || Kaśyapagðtriya-Kosavapattavarddhana
suta-Svåmi["] dåvaghalisåsaḥ || Kasyapagðtriya-Náraṇabhattana!! sata Devanaghailisah || Bharadvaja
gòtriya["] Mahadôvapattavarddhana-suta-Malidåvaghai(gha P) lisasa) || Tasya bhratá Dévana
ghaigasah | Bhärad våjag ô
• Read sarma.
Read Kaufika.
i
to " These are Kadarese genitives.

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72
["]ta-Viśvanathakramitaḥ ||
["] triya-Ramadevaghaisa-suta-Vishnughaisisal || Vasishthagotriya-Adityabhattopadhyaya
suta-Vara
[] piya"Vishṇubhaṭṭőpádhylyab || opadhyaya-su
Pârâsaragotriya-Varanâsiya-Narayanabhatt
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
ya Kiyapagtriya
[MARCH, 1885.
[] Dravida-Viivanithabhattopadhyayah
Ravaladevabha
[""] #pådbykynh || Kyapagtri(tr)ya-Midhavapajavaddha(rddha)na-enta-Machchyaqn(8) padhyayah | Viśvâ
[*]
mitragltriya-Vram(Ben)hmajäänigala(a)."Vram (bra)hmad÷vabhatṇpådhyiya-sta-Ah(a)namitabhattopadhyayab Hari
[*] tagôtriya-Govindapattavarddhana-suta-Vamanapaṭṭava[*]ddhanaḥ || Haritagôtriya
Vamanapattava[r*]ddhana
["] suta-Govindapaṭṭavarddhanah || Tasya bhrâta Vasudevapaṭṭavarddhanaḥ || Bharadvajagôtriya-Chandrabha
[""] #padhyaya-sata-Prilibhattopadhylysh || Bharadvajagirlyn-Vasadevabhattopadhyays
Bhâ
Atra(tr)yagerlya-Sarasvati(t)-Padmanabhabhatt-Apâdhyl
suta-Maha
[*] dêvapattavarddhanaḥ ||
götriya-Mayi. [] dêvaghalisâsa-suta-Govindaghalisâsah ||
[*]ta-Nagad vaghalisisaḥ || [] vapattavardra(rddha)naḥ || Mô (Man)naBhargavagôtriya-Narayanaghalisa-suta-Basava
Vasishthagôtriya-Baladê vaghaisa-suta-Malidê
paghalia
bha
Kapigirlya-Dimidarabhaṭṭôpdhyaya-enta
["] sab || Bharadvajagôtriya-Vêdarthada "Rechyapana-suta-Mailarabhattopadhyayaḥ || Gau[] tamagôtriya-Lakshmidhara-suta-Vishnubhattopadhyayaḥ || Bharadvajagotriya-Pra[] samnna Sarasvati(ti)-Sridharabhattopadhyaya-suta-Vasudevabhattopadhyayah (1) Atrê
yagotriya-Vishnubhattô["] padhyaya-suta-Sâmavêdi-Hariharabhattopadhyayah (II) MA(Man)naBirgavagŝtriya
Second plate; second side.
Bharadvâja-gôtri
["] skarabhattopadhyaya-suta-Vishnupaṭṭavarddhanah || [] ya-Kesavabhattopadhyaya-suta-Himada-Kalidê vapaṭṭavarddhanah . Bharadvajag. [] triya-Narasimhapattavarddhana-suta-Madhavapattavarddhanaḥ || Bharadvajagotri "ya-Nagadêvapattavarddhana-anta-Saradva(ava) ti(t)-Någadevapattavarddhanab || Khiyapag[] triya-Vishnubhattopadhyaya-suta-Malidevabhattopadhyayaḥ || Atryngotra-Kavapatja[*] varddhanaaya bhrâtâ Madhusudanapattavarddhanah || Atrêyagôtra-Varadêva-sutaPraudha-Sarasvati1'nâm
Bharadvajagotriya-Srkibara-entalévarnghalisab || Śrî-Vatsa
Sri-Vatnsgirlyn-Divikaraghalisien-su
[""] vritti-dvayam | Khiyapagôtra-Vishnuv(d)va | Vimanabhaṇṭāpadhyŵyaḥ || Kiyapagüten-Nigadiva
["] Nagadrabhattöpäähyyab
Kaiyapagbiriya-Bonakama-Mamchyaqabha‡‡ôpådhyayaḥ ||
Vasi (si)shtha
[1] götriya-Simardi-Chadyaṇabhaṭṭpadhyayab | Khiyapagëtelya-Svayampiki-Viśvantha
Kiyapagtriya-Gökigaya."Vädrihada.Nagadérabhattopadhy
This is the Kanarese genitive.
10 Read Prasanna.
17 The engraver first engraved nf, and then corrected
[phyyaḥ ||
yah [*]
[10] Mô(Man)na Bhargavagôtriya-Medha vighaisa-suta-Uttamakramitaḥ || Khiyapagotriya
Apņi
it into tf.
18 This name is repeated unnecessarily. 19 to 1 These are Kanarese genitives.

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MARCH, 1885.]
BENDIGERI PLATES OF KING KRISHNA.
73
[10] gerre(re)ya."Vishộupattavarddhana || Bhârad vajagôtriya-Rilha ukla-sata-Sri-Vipradása
Padmanabhasamrma". [1] upadhyâyaḥ tasya vri(vri)tti-chatashtayam || Âtrêyagôtra-Sâmavêdi-Hariharabhatt
opadhyâyah [ll] [105] Chha || Bhumi yaḥ pratigrihñati yas=cha dânam prayachchhati táv=ubhau
punya-karmmånau niya[108] tau svarga-gåminau || Api hasta-mitâm bhůmim yo vipråga prayachchhati
shashtim rva(va)rsha-sa· [*0?) hasråņi svargê lêkê mahiyate || Dâna-pâlanayôr=madhyê dânâch=chhrêpô=nupa[10] lanam dânât=svargam=avâpnôti palanâd=achyutam padam || Sva-dattår para
| dattâm và yô ha[] rêta vasundharam s hashțim varsha-sahasrâņi vishtha(shțayam jậyatê krimih
Gam=akami (1) ratnikâm=éka[m*] bhúmo(mê)r=apy=ékam=amgulan haram(n) narakam=åpnoti
yavad=A-bhuta-samplavam || Sâmânyó[") yan dharma-sêtur=nţipâņâm kål& kålên pålaniyo mahadbhiḥ sarvån=êtân=bhävinaḥ
pârthivêmdrán=bhûyê [""] bhûyê yêchat& Ramachandrah | Yð ddva-puja-pragļihita-chittð yð vairi-pakshêshu
grihîta-khadgah ||(1) [**] yở vrÂ(brâ)hmaņêshv=arpita-vitta-råśiḥ & Chan[**]disețțir=bhavatâch-chir-àyuh ||
Bahubhir=vasudha bhukta [] rajabhiḥ Sagar-Adibhiḥ | yasya yasya yada bhumis-tasya tasya tadâ pa(pha)lam ||
Srimach-Chan(*](1") disvara-kțita-dharmô=yam sarva-dharmatd=bhyadhikab ||(1) kalpa-sthâyi bhūyâd=bhūyâd
apy=8sha dîrgh-Ayuh ["] Chha || Sri-Sómanátha-sri-på dapadm-ârâdhakam(h) sri-Chan[m]disetih || Chha ||
Lekhakaḥ jyotisha["] Basavana-upadhyâyaḥ || Chha || Sri || Svasti Sri || Mangala-maha-Sri || Chha !
Sri || Chha || [**] Kasyapagôtra-Mangalapandita-sata-Gôpalapamditanu
mahajanam gali(li)ge [**] nadahan vavêdya-vrittiḥ da | Chha | Srih | Chha || Bharadvajagotriya-Himada
Någadêvapa[120] tavarddhanah
Bharad vajagôtra-Vipradása-Padmanabhabhatt opadhyâya-suta[""] Sômanathaddvasya vitti-dvayam ICID Chha || Srill TRANSLATION.
1 (L. 6.)-Victorious was Jaitugi, his brave Ôm! Salutation to Siva ! Salutation to the and excellent son. The king called Jaitugi glorious Ganapati ! May that first boar" pro- was born to the king named Simhaņa in the tect you, reflected on whose tusk the earth Yadava family, resembling an ocean, just as the was supported, and, through joy, became, as moon was created in the ocean. it were, twice as large as before !
(L. 8.)-His very brilliant son is known as the (L. 3.)-There was the prosperous king glorious Kanhara," whose commands kings Simhana, born in the race of Yadu, whose bear upon their heads and thus become bappy. fame, like that of Hari, was celebrated through Victorious in the world is the king named the three worlds. The glorious king Si- Kanhara, whose lotus-like feet are made hara, whose lotus-like feet were made radiant radiant by the famous choice jewels inlaid in by the pearls inlaid in the diadems of hostile the diadems of all kings; he is a fun to the kings, and who was conspicuous in the lotus-like eyes of the people, and is full of Yadava race, pure and renowned in all the affection for Vasudeva, who disported himself quarters, protected the earth which had a fine for a long time in the family of Yadu. On girdle in the shape of the ocean.
his breast, there is the goddess of prosperity; * Read sarma.
* Conf. Kapho,'. Prakrit form of 'Krishọa.' # Vishnu, in his incarnation as a boar.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
on his arm, there is the lady Victory; his glances are full of pity; and, in his mouth, there are always the words "I give." When he undertakes an expedition, all kings, remaining where they are through fear, cause offerings to be thrown quickly in various directions by their women and children.
(L. 13.)-Victorious is the valiant Malla, who stands at the head of the ministers of this eminent king; whose lotus-like feet have shone for a long time with jewels inlaid in the diadems of other kings; who is the son of Chikkadêva and the elder brother of Bicha; and whose fame is celebrated in the world. His son is the great minister Chaun disetti, whose fame is great, who is the tongue and the right arm of the king. Chaundiseṭṭi, whose prowess is proclaimed in all the quarters, and whose merit and fame are exalted, is beautiful on account of all his prosperity being increased by the prostration of his body at the feet of the holy Somanâtha. Finding that he is intent upon conquering the regions, all the enemies of this Chaundisețți climb an ant-hill, chew grass, wear a petticoat, and put on a karnapatra." Charmed with the graces of his person, Rati has found a husband again and disports herself, replete with joy and forgetful of the pleasure of love. May Sômanâtha grant a long life in this world to that wise man named Chaundisetti, who, armed with the bow, chastises his enemies, and gives wealth to the twiceborn through charity.
25
(L. 22.)-Hail! One thousand one hundred and seventy-one years of the Saka era having elapsed, in the Saumya samvatsara, on Thursday the twelfth day of the bright half of the month of Śravana, Mallisetti, the elder brother of Bicha, and the great minister of the great king the glorious Kanharadê va, during a warlike expedition, gave at Paundarika kshetra on the Bhimarathi, in the presence of the god the holy Vishnu, a village named Tâm bra puri, situated in the district of Vênugråma, and divided into a hundred and ten allotments, together with the
This idea is preserved in the Marathi expression दांती तण धरणें; तण is & Prakrit form of तृण, 'grass. ' The expression means to profess submission. Cf.स्वर्गापाल कुत्र ब्रजसि सुरमुने भूतले कामधेनो
वत्सस्याने तुकामस्तृणचयमधुना मुग्धदुग्धं न तस्याः ।
[MARCH, 1885.
eight enjoyments and with the well-known four boundaries marked out, as a sarvanamasyagrant to Brahmans of various gotras, with libations of water and dakshina, for the prosperity of the reign of the king the glorious Kanhara dêva. His son, the great minister Chaun disetti, went to the king; received at his hands all the powers of his father; and said, "Tâmbrapuri, in the district of Vênugrama, has been given to Brahmans by my father." Having obtained the king's sanction to the gift, Chaundisetți caused a coppercharter, conferring the eight enjoyments, to be given as a sarvanamasya grant to those Brâhmans, and made his father's grant permanent as long as the sun and the moon might endure. May there be prosperity to him in all respects!
(L. 32.) The gôtras, the virtues, and the names of the Brahmans, who are the recipients of Tâmbra puri, are now written in order.
[Lines 33 to 104 give the names, gotras, and merits, of the persons to whom the grant was made. The gotras mentioned areAgastya, Arshțika, Atrêya, Bharadvaja, Bhârgava, Dêvarâta, Garga, Gârgya, Gautama, Harita, Jamadagnya-Vatsa, Kapi, Kapishthala, Kasyapa, Kaunḍinya, Kausika, Maudgalya, Mauna-Bhargava, Pârâsara, Śâṇḍilya, Sri-Vatsa, Vasishtha, Vatsa, Vishnuvṛiddha, and Visvamitra. The grantees includedAcharyas, Bhattas, Dikshitas, Duvedins, Ghalisas, Ghalisásas, Ghailisas, Ghailisásas, Ghaisas, Ghaisásas, Kramitas, Panditas, Pathakas, Paṭṭavardhanas, Svámins, and Upadhyayas. Some of them are qualified by the titles of Adhvari, Bhagavata, Brahmajñânin, Dasagranthin, Rigarthada, Sâmavêdin, Svayampâkin, Trivâdin, and Vêdârthada. And some of them have surnames taken from Annigere (in the Dharwad District), Gôkâge (the modern Gôkák, in the Belgaum District), Ganaganûr, SarvajñaSarasvati-bhandara, and Varanasi (Benares)].
(L. 105.)-The receiver and the donor of land are both meritorious and certainly go to heaven! He who grants to a Brahman even a
your shaaaayefunct dry-werd
व्यर्थो हि स्यात्प्रयासस्तदपि तदरिभिर्वितं सर्वमुर्व्यम् । Subhashitaratnabháṇḍágára.
36 An ornament worn by females.

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INSCRIPTION OF GUHASENA AT WALA.
75
cubit of land, is honoured in heaven for sixty thousand years! In (discriminating between) giving a grant and continuing (the grant of another), continuing (the grant of another) is the better; by giving a grant, a man attains paradise; but, by continuing (the grant of another), a man attains an imperishable state! He who appropriates land, whether given by himself or another, is born as a worm in ordure for sixty thousand years! He who appropriates a single bit of land, or one cubit or even one finger of land, falls into hell and remains there till the dissolution of the world! "This bridge of religion is common to kings, and should be pro- tected by you from time to time;"-thus does Ramachandra repeatedly entreat all future kings ! May that Chaundis etti live a long life, who is intent upon the worship of the gods, who is armed with a sword against his enemies, and who has offered heaps of gold to
Brahmans! The earth was enjoyed by many kings, commencing with Sagara; he who for the time being possesses land, enjoys the benefit of it! This act of religion performed by Chauņdisetti excels all charities; may it continue as long as a kalpa, and may he live a long life! The glorious Chaundisetti is a worshipper of the prosperous lotus-like feet of the glorious Sómanátha. The writer is Basavana, a priest and astrologer. Prosperity! Hail! Prosperity.! May there be the most auspicious prosperity! Prosperity!
(L. 118.) Gopalapandita, son of Mangalapandita of the Kasyapa gôtra, continues ..... allotment to the Mahajanas. Progperity! Two allotments to Sómanáthadeva, son of Vipradasa-Padmanabhabhattopadhyâya of the Bharadvaja gôtra, and Himada-Nagadêvapattavarddhana of the Bharadvaja gôtra. Prosperity!
AN EARTHENWARE FRAGMENT OF GUHASENA OF VALABHI.
BY E. HULTZSCH, PH. D.; VIENNA. At the Darbar of Walâ, there was shewn to neglected. Of the date, the third symbol, for 7, me a lately discovered fragment of what seems is well preserved. The preceding symbol is to have been a huge earthen pot, with the partially destroyed. As Guhasena's reign is following inscription on it in Valabhi charac- limited by the date of Dhruvasena I. (207) ters, of which a facsimile is given below :- and the earliest date of Dharagena II. (252), ...... [200] 80 TUE : ET...... this symbol may have been 200, or 10, 20, 30, The first word is the name of the well-known
or 40. Enough of it remains, however, to Valabhi king Guhasena, whose grants! shew, by a reference to Paņdit Bhagwânlal are dated in the years 246, 247, and 248. The
Indraji's table,' that it was the symbol for 40. pot (ghala) itself is evidently alluded to by The first symbol, which has been entirely lost, the second word, before which the saindhi is was of course 200.
Seule .57
ante Vol. IV. p. 174, Vol. VII. p. 66, and Vol. V. p. 206.
ante Vol. VI. p. 4.
• FIT. P.GE and val?

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MARCH, 1885.
po
THE GANGA INSCRIPTIONS IN COORG.
BY LEWIS RICE, C.I.E., M.R.A.S. • Having occasion lately to examine the in. No. 3, where line 5 should be read Ereyangan
scriptions in Coorg, my attention was directed gávundana magange, to the son of Ereyangato the three published by Mr. Kittel in the gåvunda.' ' Indian Antiquary, Vol. VI. pp. 99-103. A But it is No. 1 of the inscriptions which I cursory perusal of the translations discloses find has been so seriously misread that it is some very peculiar features; and I have al desirable for purposes of future reference to ready pointed out one obvious correction in republish it, and this I now venture to do.
TEXT. C'] Svasti Saka-ntipa-ka!-Atita-san vatsara-sat-anga 899 taneya Îsvara-saṁva[') tsaram pravattise | Svasti Satyavákya-Konginivarmma dharmma-mahi[') rajadhiraja Kola ļapura-vardśvara Nandagiri-n&tha Srimat [•] Râchamalla-Permmanadiga! tad-varsh-abhyantara PAlguņa-sukla-pakshada Na[°] ndisvara t allaj-avasam âge Svasti Samasta-vairi-gaja-gha t-ațopa[°] kumbhi-kumbhasthaļa-sphoţit-anarghya-muktApala-grahaņa-bhikara-kara['] se-nivåsita-dakshiņa-dörddanda-mandita-prachandam
a nnana-banta-bafj ta-dhara-nandam śrimat Rakkasa Beddore-gareyan aļattire bhadram a
[°] stn Jina-sasanaya s ri-Belgola-nivåsigalappa sri-Bîrasena -si[] ddhanta-dêvara vara-bishyam śr'i-Goņasêna-pandita-bhattarakara vara(1) sishyara srimat Anantaviryyayyanga! Perggadůru [") sa-vidagamuman-abhyantara siddhiyige padedar a darkke SA187 kshi tombhattaru-såsirbbarum ay-sâmantarum Peddore-gare "*7 yelpadimbarum ent-okkalum idam kavar n nalvar Mmaleparu[no] m aynurbbarum ay-damarigaram Sripurada Mahârâjara podattiyan Avon orbban alidom Banarasiyum sâsirbbar-brâhma["] şaram sâsira-kavileyuman alida pancha-mahậpå takan akkur Fujidan är orbbar kadar avarge piridu punya Chandanandiyayyana likhitam ["] Perggadůra basadiya sâsanam TRANSLATION.
bearers, the troops of the elephants of all his Be it well.-Of the years in the group of enemies; delighting in the brave warriors of centuries elapsed since the time of the Saka his elder brother; Srimat Rakkasa was ruling king, the 899th, the year Isvara, being current. the bank of the Beddore.
Be it well.-Satyavákya Kongiņivarmman Prosperity to the Jina-sagana.-Srimat Dharmma-maharajadhirdja, boon lord of Ko- Anantaviryyayya, the beloved disciple of SriIaļapura, lord of Nandagiri, Srimat Rachamalla- Goņasêna-pandita-bhattáraka, who was the Permmanadi, at the rising of the happy house beloved disciple of Sri-Viras@na-siddhanta(or sign) of Taurus in the bright fortnight of dêva, a resident of Srl-Belgola,' acquired in Phálguna within that year.
full possession Perggadūru included within the Be it well.-While the terrible one adorned
new trench." with a strong right arm in which dwells the Witnesses to this :--those of the Ninety-six sword vigorous in seizing the precious pearls Thousand, the five tributaries, those of the scattered from the frontal globes of the globe. Peddoregare Seventy, and the eight farmers. ante, Vol. VII. p. 171.
• nandar in the original. Not as Mr. Kittel reads it-"Ereyniganga Vundana
Looks like Gurasena, but in my copy the first letter magange, Ereyanga, the son of that Munda."
is distinctly Bi. [The proper division of the words here "ta is redundant; or we may read tateya, the season.
is not devara vara-fishyars, and bhattarakara vara. able (føvara) year, &c.-[The proposed reading of tateya fishyals, but ddvar avara (of them ; i.e. of him) fiahyan, is quite untenable. The ta is to a certain extent re- and whattarakar avara fishyarh ; and the word beloved dundant. But it is only a part of ttu,--the last syllablo requires to be expunged from the translation.-ED.) of the full word ombattu, or ombhuttu, for the third
• The "great river"-the Lakshmanatirtha apparently. numeral, 9, which would be spoken in ronding the inscription,--the # being elided before the or linal affix
Probably Sravana-Belgola in the Mysore country. aneya.-ED.)
Most likely a kadanga, se ono is named in No. 2.

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Guardians of this:-the foar Malepas, those of the Five Hundred, and the five garland- makers.10
Whoso destroys a grant by the Maharajas of Sripura" incurs the five great sins of destroy
ing (at) Benares a thousand Brahmans and a thousand tawny cows! Whoso protects this acquires great merit!
Chandanandiyayya's writing. The grant of the Perggadůr basadi.
alre
FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA.
BY S. M. NATESA SASTRI PANDIT. VI.-VIDAMUNDAN KODAMUNDAN. already been settled, and that if he came the Mr. Won't Give and Mr. Won't Leave. next day he would have his meal without fail. In a certain town there lived a clever old Mr. Won't Leave agreed to this, and left him for Brâhman, named Won't Give. He used to go that day. Mr. Won't Give had, of course, told out daily and to beg in all the houses round, him the very lie he was accustomed to tell all under the pretence that he had to feed several
that occasionally begged menls of him. Bråbmaņs in his own house. Good people, Now Mr. Won't Leave was not so stupid that believed in his words, used to give him as to be thus imposed upon. He stood bemuch rice and curry stuffs, with which he fore Mr. Won't Give's door precisely at the would come home, and explain to his wife appointed ghatiká (hour) the next day, and how he had deceived such and such a gentle- remiuded the master of the house of his proman by the imposition of feeding in charity mise. Mr. Won't Give had never before been many persons at home. But if any hungry taken at his word, and determined to send away Brahman, who had heard of his empty boast the impertinent guest by some stronger excuse of feeding Brahmans at home, came to him, he than the first, and so he spoke to him thus:-- was sent away with some excuse or other. In “Sir, I am very sorry to say that my wife fell this way Mr. Won't Give brought home a ill last night of a strong fever, from which basketful of rice and other necessaries every she has not yet recovered. Owing to this day, of which he only used a small portion unforeseen accident I have had to postpone my for himself and his wife, and converted the re- charitable feedings (samdrádhana) till her mainder into money. And thus by imposition recovery, so do not trouble me please for some and tricks he managed to live well for several days more." years.
Mr. Won't Leave heard these words with In an adjoining village there lived another an expression of sincere, or rather seemvery clever Brahman, named Won't Leave.' ingly sincere, sorrow in his face, and replied :Whenever he found any man reluctant and "Respected Sir, I am very sorry for the unwilling to give him anything that he begged illness of the mistress of the house, but to of him, he would persist in bothering him give up charitable feeding of Brahmans on that until he had wrung from him a dole. This account is a great sin. For the last ten years Mr. Won't Leave, hearing of the charity of Mr. I have been studying the art of cooking, and Won't-Give and his benevolent feeding of Brah- can now cook for even several hundreds of maņs, came to see him one day and requested Brahmans; so I can assist you now in preparhim to give him a meal. Mr. Won't Give told ing the necessaries for the samdrádhana." him that for that day ten Brâhmaņs had Mr. Won't Give could not refuse such a
Mr. Kittel cannot reconcile this with the Male second syllable is intended to be ma, and the first 118, adgirbbarum of No. 2, which he needlessly alters into
not dd, which would give us ay-damarigaruh, 'the five Malepa-adairbbarum. But I see no difficulty the one drummers, i.e. publie criers'; dangard Birisina, the refers to the four Male chiefs, the other to the Male proclamation by best of drum,' is well-known ancient Thousand, the extent of the country.-[Whether it is custom in the Kanarose country. This, at any rate, is coupled with Malepa, or with Male, airbbarna means
certain that the word does not mean garland-makers'. one thousand persons, not one thousand things'; and any more than, if as much an, it means apokenmen': Male-dairbbarut cannot possibly denote the Male for the word for garland-maker, as derived from Thousand (villages), the extent of the country,' the term
daman, '& garland,' would be damakara, not damariga. for which would be Male-sdeirash. ED.
ED.) 10 Mr. Kittel says here and in No. 2 "the five 11 Gadalor in the Nilgiris, as we know from the Honor spokomen."-[It is difficult to say exactly what the plates. Mysore Inscription, p. 286; Madras Jour. original means the lithograph shews in the second Lit. &c. 1878, p. 138. syllablo mo, not ma. But the probability is that the Kodamundan.
• Vidamundan.

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request, but he deceitfully determined in his mind to get Mr. Won't Leave to cook for him, and then to drive him away without giving him his rice. And so he said :-"Yes, that is a very good idea. I am much obliged to you for your kind suggestion. Come in. Let us cook together." So saying the master of the house took Mr. Won't Leave inside and they both went into the kitchen, while the mistress of the house, at the command of her husband, pretended illness.
Now Mr. Won't Give was a good liver, and prepared with the assistance of Mr. Won't- Leave several good dishes. And then the difficulty was to drive the fellow out, for the long-maintained rule of never feeding a single Brahmaņ must not be broken that day. So when the cooking was all over the master of the house gave to Mr. Won't Leave a kácu (copper coin) and asked him to bring some leaves from the bázár (for plates), and he accordingly went. Mr. Won't Give meanwhile came to his wife and instructed her thus :-"My dearest wife, I have spared you the trouble of cooking to-day. Would that we could get such stupid fools as this every day to cook for us! I have now sent him out to fetch us some leaves, and it won't look well if we shut our doors against him, or drive him away: 80 we must make him go away of his own accord. A thought has just come into my mind as to how we can do it. As soon as he comes you should commence to quarrel with me. I shall then come to you and beat you, or rather the ground near you with both my hands, and you must continue your abuse and cries. The guest will find this very disgusting, and will leave us of his own accord." Mr. Won't-Give had just finished his instructions when he saw Mr. Won't Leave returning with the leaves.
The wife, as prearranged, abused her husband right and left for his great imprudence and overliberality in feeding the Brâhmang. Said she : “How are we to get on in the world if you thus empty the house of everything we have in feeding big-bellied Brühmaņs ? Must you be so very strict in inviting them, even when I am sick P" These and a thousand similar expressions were now launched at the husband's head. He pretended not to hear it for a time, but at last, apparently overcome by anger, he went in and with his hands gave successive blows on
the floor. At-every blow on the floor the wife cried out that she was being murdered, and that those who had mercy in their hearts should come to her rescue.
Mr. Won't Leave from the court-yard of the house listened to what was taking place inside, but not wishing to interfere in a quarrel between husband and wife, left matters to take their own course, and got into the loft, where he hid himself, fearing that he would be summoned as a witness to the quarrel.
After a time Mr. Won't Give came out of the room where he had been beating the floor, and to his joy he could not find the guest. He cautiously looked round him and saw no signs of Mr. Won't Leave. Of course, having had no reason to think that his guest would be sitting in the loft, he did not look up there, and even if he had done so, he would not have found him, for he had hidden himself ont of sight.
Mr. Won't Give now carefully bolted the door and his wife came out and changed her dirty cloth for a clean one. Said her husband to her: "At last we have succeeded in driving him out, come, you too must be hungry; let us have our dinner together." Two leaves were spread on the ground and all the dishes were equally divided into them. Meanwhile Mr. Won't Leave was examining all that took place below him and, being himself very hungry, was slyly watching for an opportunity to jump down. Mr. Won't Give, gloating over his trickery, said to his wife: "Well, my love, did I not beat you without hurting you P" to which she replied: "Did I not continue to cry without shedding tears P" when suddenly there fell on their ears, " And did I not come to have my dinner without going away P" and down jumped Mr. Won't Leave from the loft, and took his seat in front of the leaf spread by Mr. Won't-Give for his wife. And Mr. Won't-Give, though disappointed, was highly pleased at the cleverness of his guest.
This story is cited as the anthority for three proverbs that have come into use in Tamil:
"Novamal aditten." "Oyamal aluden."
"Pokamal vanden." which represent the exchanges of politeness between the husband, the wife, and the guest, quoted in the foregoing paragraphs.

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VII.-VAYALVALLAN KAIYALVALLAN. Mr. Mighty-of-his-mouth and Mr. Mighty
of-his-hands. In two adjoining villages there lived two famous men. The one was called Mr. Mightyof-his-mouth one that could accomplish wonders with words alone. The other was called Mr. Mighty-of-his-hands-one who could make no use of that glib instrument the tongue, but was able to bear burdens, cut wood, and perform other physical labour.
It so happened that they agreed to live together in the house of the Mr. Mighty-ofhis-mouth, to try and see which of them was the superior. They accordingly kept company for several months, till the great feast of the nine nights (navarátri) came on. On the first day of the feast Mr. Mighty-of-his-hands wanted to sacrifice a goat to the goddess Kafi. So he said to Mr. Mighty-of-his-mouth, "My dear friend, we both are mighty in our way, and so it would be shameful for us to buy the goat that we want to sacrifice with money. We should manage to get it without payment." “Yes, we must do so, and I know how," replied Mr. Mighty-of-his-mouth, and he asked his friend to wait till that evening.
Now there lived a shepherd at one ghatiká's (hour's) distance from their house, and the two friends resolved to go to his fold that night and steal away one of his goats. Accordingly when it was dark they approached his fold. The shepherd had just finished his duties to the mute members of his flock, and wanted to go home and have his rice hot. But he had no second person to watch the flock, and he must not lose his supper. So he planted his crook before the fold, and throwing his blanket (kamba!) over it, thus addressed it: “My son, I am very hungry, and so must go for my rice. Till I return do you watch the flock. This wood is rich in tigers and goblins (bhitas). Some mischievous thief or bhúta-or kitao may come to steal away the sheep. Watch over them carefully." So saying the shepherd went away.
The friends had heard what the shepherd said. Of course, Mr. Mighty-of-his-mouth laughed within himself at this device of the shepherd to impress upon would-be robbers 1 Vayalvallan.
Kaiyalvallan. • Thore is no such word as kita in Tamil, Tho Tami]
that he had left some one there to watch his sheep, while really he had only planted a pole and thrown a blanket over it. Mr. Mighty-of-his-hands, however, did not see the trick, and mistaking the stick to be an actual watchman sitting at his duty before the fold, spoke thus to his friend, "Now what are we to do? There is a watchman sitting in front of the fold." Thereon Mr. Mighty-ofhis-mouth cleared away his doubts by saying that it was no watchman, but a mere stick, and entered the fold with his friend.
It had also so happened that on that very night a bhúta (goblin) had come into the fold to steal away a sheep. It shuddered with fear on hearing the shepherd mention the kúta, for having never heard of the existence of lútas, it mistook this imaginary being to be something superior in strength to itself. So thinking that a kdta might come to the fold, and not wishing to expose itself till it knew well what kútas were, the bhuta transformed itself into a sheep and laid itself down among the flock. By this time the two Mighties had entered the fold and begun an examination of the sheep. They went on rejecting one animal after another for some defect or other, till at last they came to the sheep which was none other than the bhuta. They tested it, and when they found it very heavy-as, of course, it would be with the soul of the bhuta in it,--they began to tie ap its legs to carry it home. When hands began to shake it the bhúta mistook the Mighties for the kitas, and said to itself :“Alas! the kútas have come to take me away. What am I to do? What a fool I was to come into the fold !" So thonght the bhdta as Mr. Mighty-of-his-hands was carrying it away on his head, with his friend following him behind. But the bhúta soon began to work its devilish powers to extricate itself, and Mr. Mightyof-his-hands began to feel pains all over his body and said to his friend : “My dear Mighty, I feel pains all over me. I think what we have brought is no sheep!" Mr. Mightyof-his-month was inwardly alarmed at the words of his friend, but did not like to show that he was afraid. So he said, “Then put down the sheep, and let us tear open its belly, so that we shall each have only one-half of it to
and other Dravidian languages allow rhyming repetitions of a word, like this-bata-kata.

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carry." This frightened the bhuta, and he melted away on the head of Mr. Mighty-of-hishands, who, relieved of his devilish burden, was glad to return home safe with his friend.
The bhuta too went to its abode and there told its fellow-goblins how it had involved itself in a great trouble and how narrowly it had escaped. They all langhed at its stupidity and said, "What a great fool you are! They were no kútas. In fact there are no kútas in the world. They were men, and it was most stupid of you to have got yourself into their hands. Are you not ashamed to make such a fuss about your escape ?" The injured bhuta retorted that they would not have made such remarks had they seen the kútas. "Then show us these kútas, as you choose to call them," said they, "and we will crush them in the twinkling of an eye." 'Agreed," said the injured bhúta, and the next night it took them to the house of the Mighties, and said from a distance: "There is their house. I cannot approach it. Do whatever you like." The other bhutas were amazed at the fear of their timid brother, and resolved among themselves to put an end to the enemies of even one of their caste. So they went in a great crowd to the house of the Mighties. Some stood outside the house, to see that none of the inmates escaped, and some watched in the back-yard, while a score of them jumped over the walls and entered the court-yard.
Mr. Mighty-of-his-hands was sleeping in the verandah, adjoining the courtyard, and when he heard the noise of people jumping, he opened his eyes, and to his terror saw some bhútas in the court. Without opening his mouth he quietly rolled himself along the ground, and went to the room where Mr. Mighty-of-hismouth was sleeping with his wife and children. Tapping gently at the door he awoke his friend and said, "What shall we do now? The bhutas have invaded our house, and will soon kill us." Mr. Mighty-of-his-mouth told him quietly not to be afraid, but to go and sleep in his original place, and that he himself would make the bhitas run away. Mr. Mighty-ofhis-hands did not understand what his friend meant, but not wishing to contradict his instructions rolled his way back to his original place and pretended to sleep, though his heart was beating terribly with fright. Mr. Mighty-of
[MARCH, 1885.
his-mouth now awoke his wife, and instructed her thus: "My dearest wife, the foolish bhútas have invaded our house, but if you act according to my advice we are safe, and the goblins will depart harmlessly. What I want you to do is, to go to the hall and light a lamp, spread leaves on the floor, and then pretend to awake me for my supper. I shall get up and enquire what you have ready to give me to eat. You will then reply that you have only pepper water and vegetables. With an angry face I shall say, 'What have you done with the three-bhutas that our son caught hold of on his way while returning from school ?' Your reply must be, "The rogue wanted some sweetmeats on coming home. Unfortunately I had none in the house, so he roasted the three bhûtas and gobbled them up." Thus instructing his wife Mr. Mightyof-his-mouth pretended to go to sleep.
The wife accordingly spread the leaves and called her husband for his supper. During the conversation that followed, the fact that the son had roasted three goblins for sweetmeats was conveyed to the bhutas. They shuddered at the son's extraordinary ability, and thought, "What must the father do for his meals when a son roasts three bhútas for sweetmeats ?" So they at once took to their heels. Then going to the brother they had jeered at, they said to him that indeed the kútas were their greatest enemies, and that none of their lives were safe while they remained where they were, as on that very evening the son of a kúta had roasted three of them for sweetmeats. They therefore all resolved to fly away to the adjoining forest, and disappeared accordingly. Thus Mr. Mightyof-his-month saved himself and his friend on two occasions from the bhutas.
The friends after this went out one day to an adjoining village and were returning home rather late in the evening. Darkness came on them before half the way was traversed, and there lay before them a dense wood infested by beasts of prey: so they resolved to spend the night in a high tree and go home next morning, and accordingly got up into a big pipal. Now this was the very wood into which the bhutas had migrated, and at midnight they all came down with torches to catch jackals and other animals to feast upon. The fear of Mr. Mighty-of-his-hands may be more

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CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS.
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imagined than described. The dreaded bhutas Mighty-of-his-mouth saved himself and his were at the foot of the very tree in which friend for the third time. he had taken up his abode for the night! The sun began to rise, and Mr. Mighty-of-his His hands trembled. His body shook. He hands thrice walked round Mr. Mighty-of-hislost his hold, and down he came with a mouth and said, "My dear friend, truly you horrible rustling of leaves. His friend, how- only of us two are mighty. Mere physical ever, was, as asual, ready with a device, and strength is of no use without skill in words. bawled out, "I wished to leave these poor beings
T wished to leave these poor beings The latter is far superior to the former, and if a to their own revelry. But you are hungry and man possess both, he is, as it were, a golden must needs jump down to catch some of them. lotus having a sweet scent. It is enough for Do not fail to lay your hands on the stontest me now to have arrived at this moral! With bhiita." Thegoblins heard the voice which was your kind permission I shall return to my already very familiar to their ears, for was it village." Mr. Mighty-of-his-mouth asked his not the kiita whose son had roasted up three friend not to consider himself under any obligabhútas for sweetmeats that spoke? So they tion, and, after honouring him as became his ran away at once, crying out, “Alas, what position he let him return to his village. misery! Our bitter enemies have followed us The moral of this short story is that in man even to this wood!" Thus the wit of Mr.' there is nothing great but mind.
CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS.
BY HENRY H. HOWORTH, F.S.A.
(Continued from Vol. XIII. p. 304). XXIX.
this name from its silver mines. D'Ohsson During the siego of Samarkand Chinghiz calls it Nusret-kah i.e. hill of victory.)' It despatched, as we have seen, an army under was situated east of Kunduz, Marco Polo calls Subutai and Chepe in pursuit of Muhammad it Taican, and says it was a fine place with a Khwarizm Shah. At the same time he sent a great corn market, while the mountains to the second army under two chiefs, whom Abu'l. south were composed of rock salt, for which faraj calls Galak Noyan and Yasur Noyan, people came from all the countries round. Other towards Talikân. They apparently first mountains close by abounded in almonds and crossed the Oxus and made for Balkh, where, pistachios. The people of the district, although according to Ibn-al-Athir, the people asked good MusalmÂns, were much addicted to wine; for quarter, and the Mongols contented them- and wore nothing on their heads but a cord selves with putting & shahnah. They then some ten palms long twisted round it. They advanced to Ez-Zuzan and Maimand and were excellent huntsmen, and made their clothes Andakhui and Karyat (P), which they con- and shoes from the skins of the avimals they quered and put garrisons in, and did not captured. Wood describes it when he visited molest the inhabitants beyond taking the it as a small place, containing but 300 or 400 men as recruits for their armies.
hovels and situated about 300 yards from the They then reached Et ȚAlikán, a province, says river." the same author, containing a number of towns Ibn-al-Athir tells us the Mongols attacked and an inaccessible fortress called Mangarkoh. it valiantly for six months, night and This fortress was also apparently definitely called day, but as they could not take it they sent Talikan, and is otherwise described as unequals for Chinghiz Khan himself. The latter, who, led in loftiness, and 'as the strongest city of Asia, at this time had captured and desolated from its situation on a hill which Mirkhond Balkh, as I described in the previous paper, calls Basrakoh. Erdmann calls the hill Nokrekuh advanced to the assistance of his people, taking (i.e., the silver hill). De la Croix says it derived with him, according to Ibn-al-Athir, a large
Abu'l-faraj, Chron. Arab., p. 291. • The passage here quoted from Ibn-al-Athir be well An others from that author, I owe to my good friend, Dr. Rieu. See Erdmann, p. 415; D'Ohason, Vol. I.
p. 278; De la Croix, p. 286.
Yule's Marco Polo, Vol. I. pp. 160-161. • Wood's Oxus, p. 166.

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number of Muslim captives. Minhaj-i-Saraj ! assailing it from all sides at once, and prepared ways he first pitched his camp on the mound of a namber of grappling hooks, nails, ladders, Numan, and in the uncultivated plain of Kab and ropes, with which to scale the rock. between Talikan and Balkh, whence he pre- After many attempts, which were defeated by sently advanced to Talikân.' Ibn-al-Athir tells the garrison, a number of men with their us that when Cbinghiz Khân bad continued arms tied about them managed to scale the the attack with great loss for four months, he mountain. The besieged rashing to repel them ordered a huge mound to be built up, con- left other posts undefended, and these the sisting of alternate layers of tree-trunks and Mongols seized and thus possessed themselves of earth, which rose to the level of the walls, of the place. The capture of Talikan was proand on which was planted the siege machinery. bably the most difficult exploit as an engineerThe garrison thereupon opened one of the ing feat which Chinghiz Khân accomplished, gates and made a sortie, and the cavalry and the severity of the struggle may be managed to escape, but the infantry were gathered from the fact that he summoned his slaughtered. The Tartars entered the place, son, Tului, to return to him from his expedition made captive the women and children, and in Khorasan, and apparently also his other song plundered the treasures and merchandize : from Khwarizm. They arrived, however, after "otherwise not a soul was left alive, nor, we are its capture. told, was one stone left on another."
Meanwhile let us return once more to Minhaj-i-Saraj says that three months before Jalâla'd-din Khwarizm Shậh, whose retreat we its capture the people of the fortress put on deep traced as far as Shadyakh. He was closely blue mourning garments, and repaired daily to followed by the Mongols, who would perhaps the great mosque of the fortress to repeat the have captured him if they had not taken the Quran, and mourn with each other, and ended wrong direction where two roads diverged, by blessing each other, and, having said good and, we are told, made & march of as many bye, donned their arms and engaged in combat as forty farsakhs in one day. He fled, closely with the enemy, thus securing martyrdom. He pursued by way of Zauzan, Mabarnabád (?), goes on to say that on the side of the fortress and Yazdaviah, or Zaudiah (a dependency of where the upper gateway was situated they Herat) about 75 miles S.W. of that city, had excavated a ditch in the rock, and the where the parsuit was abandoned. MinhajMongols with stones from their catapults bat- i-Sarâj says he passed through the districts tered down the bastion at that point and filled of Nimroz, Bost and Dawar, and eventually in the ditch, and made a breach a hundred ells reached Ghazni. Nissavi tells us he delayed a in extent, but as Chinghiz Khân had sworn few days at Bost, a town of Seistân, but afraid that he would take the place on horseback, lest the Mongols should reach Ghazni before him the attack had to be continued for fifteen days he set out with 20,000 men towards Zabulistân longer, until the ground was made smoother without staying anywhere en route, and reached and more practicable. The Mongol cavalry at Ghazni, which was twenty-four days' journey length charged into the place, whereupon 500 from Bost, in safety. “The people there were of the defenders in a solid phalanx rushed out as much overjoyed at his arrival as the Musalby the gate called the Koh-i-Janinah of TAlikan, mång at the end of Ramazan, when the new broke through the Mongol ranks and cat their moon which terminates the fast appears." way out, and a large number of them escaped. Ghazni had recently been the scene of conChinghiz ordered the rest of the inhabitants, siderable confusion. When Muhammad Khwa. adds our anthor, to be martyred, ("may God rizm Shảh retired westwards he entrusted reward them !'') and the town to be destroyed. it to a Ghürian chief, named Muhammad Ali
According to Rashidu'd-dîn Chinghiz Khan Kharpost. Meanwhile his maternal uncle, having been baffled by the pertinacity of the Amin Malik, who had similarly been entrusted garrison determined to capture the fortress by with the protection of Herat, not feeling safe
• Op. cit., pp. 1009-1012. • Tabakat-1-Naşirf, pp. 1011-1012.
De la Croix, pp. 283-289.
Tabakat-i-Naşirt, p. 287, note 7.. • Id., text.
• De la Croix, pp. 801-802.

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there retired with 20,000 Kankali Turks towards Ghazni. When he arrived within two or three days' march of the latter town he sent to ask Ali Kharpost if he would assign him temporary quarters and grazing grounds. His request was met by an uncivil reply in these terms:-"We are Ghûris, and you are Turks. We cannot live together. Various districts have been assigned by the Saltân to the various contingents of troops, let us each remain in our own territory." This refusal to admit so near a relative of the Sultan into the town apparently outraged two of the Khwarizmian officials, namely, Shamsu'd-din of Sarakhs, who happened to be at Ghazni at the time, and Salâhu'd-din, the commander of the citadel, who conspired against the Kharpost, killed him, and seized the citadel before his Ghûrian troops were aware of matters, upon which the latter dispersed.
Amin Malik now entered Ghaznt and assumed authority there. Presently the Mongols, who had secured possession of Herat, sent a body of troops in pursuit of him by way of Bost and Tiginâbâd. Amin Malik thereupon marched against them. At his approach, feeling themselves too weak, they once more withdrew to Herat, and he went to the Shoristân (the salt desert, between Herat, Kuhistân, and Seistân). When Amin Malik marched against the Mongols he took Sherifu'd-din, the wazir, with him, and imprisoned him in the fort of Kajuran of Bost and Tiginâbâd. He left Ghazni in charge of Salahu'd-din already mentioned. Against him a movement was started by the partizans of Ali Kharpost whom he had killed as we have described, and he was assassinated. Raziu'l-Mulk, of Termed, one of the leaders of this outbreak, now assumed authority at Ghazni. Presently a larger body of Khalaj and Kankali Turks, fugitives from Khorâsân and Mawaru'n-Nahr, under the command of Saifu'd-din Aghrak, assembled at Parshawar. Raziu'l-Mulk marched against these invaders, but was defeated and killed, with the greater number of his men. He was succeeded in authority at Ghazni by his brother Umdatu'l-Mulk.
Meanwhile the partizans of the Khwârizm Shah, against whom the movement of the two
11 Tabakat-i-Nagirt, pp. 1014-1015 notes. 1 Probably situated in Tokharistan.
83
brothers at Ghazni was really directed, marched against Umdatu'l-Mulk. They were headed by Azamu'l-Mulk, the hakim of Nangrahar, and Malik Sher, the hakim of Kâbul. With their Ghari troops they marched on Ghazni and after an attack of forty days captured it. Just at this time there arrived the wazir, Sherifu'd-din, who had been released from confinement by the Sulțân Jalâlu'd-din, and who went to prepare the way for him. Seven days later Jalâlu'd-din arrived in person, and was speedily joined by various leaders. Amin Malik returned with his Kankalis, and the Sultan married his daughter. Aghrak Malik came from Parshawar with his Khalaj and Kankali followers, while 'Azam Malik and the governor of Kâbul joined him with their Ghûrians. Thus Jalâlu'd-din found himself at the head of from 60,000 to 70,000 horsemen.11
We must now make a short digression. Minhaj-i-Sarâj tells us that when Chinghiz Khân had taken complete possession of the district of Samarkand, by his command Arslân, Khân of Kayalik, having 6,000 horsemen with him, being his own men, and the Juzbi Tulan, with a Mongol force, marched to the fortress of Walkh." They sat down before it for a period of eight months, and as it only had an approach in one direction, they ordered the trees to be felled in the district round, and threw them into the ravine which protected it, to make believe they would fill it up, whereas it could not have been filled in a hundred years. Presently the son of the Rais of Walkh came into the Mongol camp, and guided them along a path by which a light-armed man alone could pass, and concealed various Mongols in holes and recesses in the mountain. At length, on the fourth day, at dawn, the enemy raised a shout, and fell with their swords upon the band which guarded the gateway of the fortress until they cleared it of its defenders. They entered the place, and made a general massacre.
The Mongol leaders then proceeded to attack the fortress of Fiwar of Kadas." The siege of Fiwar lasted a considerable time, and I shall return to it presently.
During the same year, 617 A. H., i.e. 1220 A. D., for a period of eight months, the Mongols continued their devastations in various parts.
Tabakat-i-Nasirt, pp. 1004 and 1023-102.
13

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Our author tells us that he himself was at this went back to the time of Manuchihr and Arash, time living in the fortress of Tulak, while his his famous archer, so much spoken about in the brother was living in the city and fortress of Sháh Námah. In its upper part were chambers Firuzkôh. In that year a Mongol army attacked dug out of the solid rock, and called Arashi the fortress of Astiah, of Ghûr, for eleven days. and Amir Nasr, the Tulaki, sank a well in its It was then governed by the Amir and feuda- upper part, with a diameter of 20 ghax in the tory, Tâju'd-din, Habashi Abdu'l-Malik, Sar-i- solid rock. Its depth was immense, and it Zarad, who submitted to the invaders, whereapon showed no diminution, however much was they took him to Chinghiz Khân, and he gave him drawn from it." the title of khusrau, or prince of Ghûr. He Another fortress of Ghûr is said to have treated him with great honour, and sent him similarly submitted at this time: our authority back again in order to secure the other fort- being Mu'ainu'd-dîn, the historian of Herat, resses. When Chinghiz Khân retired north- who tells us how Ruknu'd-din, the lord of wards, after defeating the Sultan Jalálu'd-din Khaisar, and ancestor of the Kert dynasty of on the Indus, as we shall describe presently, Herat, succeeded in conciliating the great Tâju'd-dîn deserted the Mongols, and fought | conqueror, and was left in possession of his with them, and was killed.
fortress, The same year, says Minhaj-i-Saraj, the Juzbi The number of Mongols and renegades who Ukhlan appeared before the fort of Firuzkôh, were at that time in Ghur was about 20,000 the capital of Ghůr, and attacked it for twenty- horse, and during eight months a portion one days, but could not take it, and retired of them made continual advances up to the from it baffled." The fortress of Tulak was walls of Firuzkôh, and had encounters with then commanded by Habashi Nezah war, who the garrison, of which Minhaj-i-Saraj himself in early life was a maker of leather sacks, and was one, and he adds that trustworthy persons who was very skilled with the bow. When the had related that there were so many Musalman Noyan Fiku'approached it he agreed to captives in the hands of the Mongols that they become tributary to him, and came down from had selected for Chinghiz Khan himself 12,000 the fortress and did homage to him. The young virgins, who followed on foot." subsidy which the Habashi had agreed to pay The result of these various raids is summed to the Mongols he apportioned among the people up by Minhaj-i-Sarij where he says that the of Talak, and enforced its payment vigorously, whole of the cattle and flocks that were round which made him very unpopular, and the Khoja about the cities, towns, kasri, and villages of and Imam, Jamalu'd-din, the Khazanchi or Khorasan, Ghûr, and the Garmsir fell into the treasurer, made a verse about him, as follows: hands of the Mongols, and the country as I said: "Habashi, Nezah war, what is this far as the gate of Ghazni, the territories of wrong?
Takbâristân and the Garmsir was ravaged, and What have the Tulakis to do with sack and the greater part of the Musalman inhabitants prison P"
were slaughtered and made captive. He replied: "I am a leather-worker, and When the news of Jalâlu'd-dîn's arrival at Fiku (a dog);
Ghazni reached Chinghiz Khan at Tálikận he The dog knows and the leather-worker too despatched an army of observation, says Abu'lwhat the wallet contains."
gházi, towards Ghazni, Ghûristân, Zabul, and The people of Tulak presently revolted | Kábul. This was commanded by Shigi Kutuku against him, and gave up the fortress to Malik Noyan. Minhaj-i-Saraj calls him the Noyan Qutbu'd-dîn Husain, who kept him in con- Fiku. He is called Shigi Hutuku in the Yuanfinement for a while, and then let him go to ch'ao-pi-shi, and Hutuhu in the Yuan-shi. Fiwar, where he was put to death."
Kutuku was a Tartar by origin, and on the Tulak, we are told, was a very strong fortress destruction of his people had been saved as between Ghur and Khorasan, whose history & child in the cradle, and adopted by Burte,
* Tabakat-i-Naşirt, pp. 1006, 2007. 15 s.e. Siki Kutuku, vide infra. » Tabakat-i-Naşir, pp. 1059-1061.
20
d., P. 1059.
Ia. pp. 1057 and 1058. 1. Journ. Asiat., 5th Ser., XVII, p. 455 note. 10 Tabakåt-i-Nasirt, pp. 1008, 1007.

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Chinghiz Khan's wife. He called Chinghiz ijeh, i.e. father, while Burte he called berigan ekeh and sain ekeh ; Chinghiz called him akd. He sat above Mangu, Chinghiz Khan's grandson, and with Chinghiz's own sons. Among other stories it was reported that once when Chinghiz was changing his camp in the midst of a heavy snow, a number of deer galloped by, and Kutuku, who was only fifteen years old, asked permission from Gujukur, the governor of Chinghiz Khan's ordus, to be allowed to chase them. At the evening halt Chinghiz asked where the boy was, and on being told, he got angry, and said he would perish of cold, and he sharply reprimanded Gujakur and even struck him with the pole of a cart. Presently Kutuku returned and reported that out of 30 deer he had killed 27. Chinghiz was highly pleased, and sent to fetch the carcases, which were duly found stretched on the snow." On another occasion a Taijut marauder passing by Chinghiz Khan's camp, carried off his youngest son, Tului, who was then from five to six years old. He put him on his horse's back, and held him with his head under his arm. Although the boy's mother gave chase and seized one hand of the robber, while the young Kutuku seized the other, they could not release the young prince, nor was he released until a shepherd, named Shigi Barak came up, when the young prince was set free, and the robber killed."
When Kutuku was sent with an army to watch the movements of Jalâlu'd-din he was accompanied by some other chiefs, named
Tekejek, Molka, and Ukar Kiljav by Abu'l. gházi. Erdmann calls them Balaghan Kiljeh, Kutu, Uker Kiljeh, Dukulku, and Manga Kiljeh." Minhaj-i-Saraj says he was accompanied by Uklan, the Juzbi, and Sadi, the Juzbi. He also says his army consisted of 45,000 men, while the other authorities make it 30,000.
Shigi Kutuku detached two of his chiefs to attack Walian, which is doubtless the
place called Gwalian on Colonel Walker's map, south of the Sar Alang Pass. Minhaj-i-Saraj also calls it Walishtan." When Jalálu'd-dîn heard of this he advanced to Parwan, i.e., probably the place of the same name, south of the Parwan Pass, and not far from Walian. There he left his heavy baggage, and advanced upon the enemy at Walian. His army was the more numerous, and the Mongols having lost 1,000 men withdrew across the river, destroying the bridge after them, and took up a position on the other side. Volleys of arrows were shot on either side till night closed, when the Mongols retired. Jalâlu'd-din having revictualed Walian withdrew to his camp at Parwan."
De la Croix, in describing this struggle from Nissavi, speaks of it as having been fought at Qandahår, which did not then exist eo nomine, and is otherwise an impossible position for such a struggle at this time. In this account we read that two or three days after Jalâln'd-din reached Ghazni he learnt that the Mongols were attacking Qandahîr; he thereupon marched against them accompanied by Amin Malik, and sent on a messenger to apprize the governor of the citadel that relief was coming. It was resolved at a council to attack the enemy at dead of night. This was accordingly done, the Mongols had already taken the town, and were engaged in besieging the citadel. They were surprised and mercilessly slanghtered, and the town was filled with corpses. Very few escaped, and the victors secured a large booty, which would have been larger, but that they had to return to the townsfolk what the enemy had recently taken from them."
The fugitive Mongols having rejoined Shiki Kutuku, the Sultan marched against the latter, and they faced each other in the neighbourhood of Parwan. Jalalu'd-din ranged his men in order of battle.
Amin Malik commanded the right wing, and Sairfu'd-din Aghrak the left, while the Sultan himself took charge of the centre. He ordered his men to dismount, and to fasten Op. cit., p. 205 elsewhere he gives it as kiljeh. (Id.,
25 Abu'l-gházi says they were Teke Jek und Molka. Erdmann_calls them Munka Kiljeh and Dukulka ; Raverty Bakchak or Kamchak and Yamghur, Yighur, Tamghur, or Balghur, all being possible variante. Miles in the Shajrat-ul-Atrak, Begchuk, and Tumkur,
Op. cit. p. 1016. 11 Tabakat-i-Nasiri, pp. 288 and 289 notes. 2 Nissavi, in De la Croix, pp. 303 and 305.
p. 427).
24 D'Ohsson, Vol. I. pp. 304 and 305 note; Erdmann pp. 190 and 181.
99 Erdmann, p. 181. Abu'l-ghazi, pp. 122 and 123 ; Erdmann, p. 427. ** The term juzbi or jazbi, as the word is read by Raverty, is said by him to mean true-hearted and sincere (Tabakåt-i-Nasiri, p. 1081 note). Minhaj-i-Sardj says it means a hajib or chamberlain. (Id., p. 979). The word is written kiljai by Abu'l-gházt, who says it is equivalent to hazl-kiluji, he who is agreeable," qui plaisante." Op.cit., p. 123. Erdmann reads the name in one place as jerbi. 1

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their horses' bridles to their girdles. The him, and marched away towards the mountains Mongols first attacked his right wing, which was of Karmân and Sankuran." D'Ohsson says to well supported by the centre and the left, and PeshAwar. He adds that Saifu'd-din was accomthey had to retire. Saccessive charges cost the panied in his defection by 'Âzam Malik with lives of many men without much affecting the his Ghûrians." This was a serious blow to the result, and towards night each army withdrew to Sultân. its camp. Meanwhile, to mislead his opponents After the capture of Talikan Chinghiz into the notion that he had received reinforce- summered his cavalry in the adjoining mounments, the Mongol general mounted a number tains." The Yuan-shi says that after he had of manikins or puppets, made of felt, etc., taken the city, to avoid the great heat of summer, upon spare camels and horses, and planted them he pitched his camp close by. behind his men. The Sultân's generals were We now come to a great difficulty. Some misled by the mancavre, and wished to retire. of the authorities tell us that on hearing of the He would not hear of this, however, but as on disaster to his people he at once set out for the day before, ordered them to fight on foot. Ghazni, stopping en route to take the fortress of The Mongols this time assailed the left wing, Kerduan, which was destroyed with all its but being met by a volley of arrows, withdrew' people. Erdmann calls this place Kerzewan, again. Having rallied, they renewed the charge and says it capitulated after a month's siege. and 500 of their opponents perished. The Sultån Miles says it was Indarab, i.e., Andarab." then sounded the great trumpet for a charge, Mirkhond apparently says that leaving his and his men remounted and extended out, so as heavy baggage at Baqlan, Chinghiz advanced to enclose the enemy. Kutuku had ordered his upon Bâmiyân by way of Andarab." The men not to lose sight of the tuk or Imperial Jahan-kúshái distinctly makes Bâmiyân the standard, but on noticing these tactics they next point to which Chinghiz directed his could not be restrained and broke, and as the march, but Båmiyan is not only not on the plain was much broken by gullies where their route to Parwan nor even near it, but it is horses stumbled, they fell victims to the better- & very roundabout way to get thither by mounted soldiers of the Sultan, and the greater Andarab. Major Raverty has suggested that part of them perished." According to De la Båmiyân may be a mistake for Walian," and it Croix, Jalálu'd-din reproached the Mongol is certainly consonant with Chinghiz Khan's prisoners he captured with their cruelties, and policy that he should have punished that place drove nails into their ears to revenge the after his men had suffered defeat there. sufferings of his people.
Whether it was Bå miyan or Walian, we are When Chinghiz Khân heard of the disaster told that he laid siege to the place, and met with which had overwhelmed his men he concealed a firm resistance. He built a large mound of his anger, and contented himself with remindedrth, on which he planted his wooden battering Katuku that he had been too accustomed ing engines, which he covered with the wet to victory, and that he should profit by this skins of cows and horses to prevent them from severe lesson. He had a great affection for being fired by the enemy, but the town still him.
held out, and the Mongols' store of ammunition The fruits of the victory were lost to Jalalu'd. began to get exhausted. During the siege din by the disputes which arose among his Muatugan, the son of Jagatai, was killed by subordinates, Amin Malik and Saifu'd-din, who, an arrow from the walls, and Chinghiz was having quarrelled about an Arab horse, part determined to be bitterly revenged, and having of the booty secured in the recent fight, the animated his soldiers to renewed efforts he at former struck the latter over the head with & length captured the town. Every living creawhip. The Sultan did not interfere, as he ture, man and beast, was destroyed, the mother doubted whether the Kankalis would submit to of Muatagan entering the town with the soldiery any decision. Saifu'd-din accordingly left superintended the hecatomb. The buildings * D'Ohsson, Vol. I. pp. 301 and 303.
» D'Ohsson, Vol. I. p. 294; Erdmann, p. 193; Shajrat. * Op. cit., p. 910. $Tabakat-i-Naștri, p. 290 note. | ul-Atrak, p. 173.
Op. cit., vol. I. p. 808.D'Ohsson, Vol. I. p. 294. Tabakat-i-Nasiri, pp. 291 and 1019 notes ** Bretschneider, Notices, &c., p. 62.
91 Op. cit., p. 290, note.

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in the town were destroyed, it was re-named | Yelvaj as governor. Jalalu'd-din had posted Maubaligh, i.e., city of woe, or unfortunate city: Uz Khân, called Orkhan by D'Ohason, at the environs were reduced to a desert, and it Kajla, with a small force to keep the Mongols remained so for a hundred years.
in check till he could get across with his An incident of the siege shows the hard lines family and valuables, but he was defeated, and of Mongol policy sometimes. We are told that had to retire.8 Nissavi tells us the Sultan Jagatai was absent when his son was killed, had since his departure from Ghazni suffered and returned while the place was being demo- from severe colic, which hardly permitted lished. His father desired that the death of the him to go about, even in a horse-litter. He was, young prince should be concealed from him, and nevertheless, obliged to mount, as he heard the an excuse was therefore made for his absence. A enemy's vanguard had reached a place called few days later Chinghiz being at table with his Hardir. He accordingly hastened against them, three younger sons, and feigning to be angry, and surprised them in their camp, and having reproached them for not being obedient to his killed most of them returned in safety to his orders, especially fixing his eyes on Jagatai. camp.* The latter, afraid, went on his knees, and pro- When Chinghiz came up he gave the comtested he would die rather than disobey his mand of his right wing to his son, Jagatai, father, a vow which he repeated. Thereupon and of the left to his other son, Ogotai, retainChinghiz said to him :-"Your son, Muatagan, ing the centre in his own hands, where he has been killed. I forbid you to complain." surrounded himself with 600 of his guards. Struck as by lightning by these words, Jagatai Ukar Kiljeh and Katur Kiljeh were ordered nevertheless restrained his tears, but after the to advance some distance in front, and to try meal was over he withdrew for a while to recover and capture the Sultan alive." himself.
The place where Chinghiz came up with him Chinghiz Khân now continued his advance. was on the Indus, at a point nearly opposite We are told that he marched so rapidly the Niláb ferry. It was in September 1221.
at for two days his men had not time to The small Khwarizmian army found itself with cook their food. When he reached the field of the river behind it, and the Mongols ranged in Parwan," he asked Kutuku and another a bow-shaped formation around it on three general to point out to him the positions of the other sides, and enclosing it in. According two armies, and shewed them how they should to Mirkhond, Jalâla'd-din bad had the boats have chosen their ground better, and blamed all on the Indus sent away, so that his soldiers of them for the recent defeat."
might not be tempted to rely on them, reseryThe defection of Saifu'd-dîn and his men had ing one only for the passage of his harem, reduced Jalalu'd-din's forces by one half, and but it unfortunately broke in pieces, and the although he had, according to Ibn-al-Athir, sent ladies had to remain in the camp. Jalalu'd-dîn a doughty message to Chinghiz Khân after the commanded the centre, his left wing, which late fight, bidding him, “choose a battle-field, was covered by a mountain that prevented the and he would meet him there," he was con- Mongols from turning it, was entrusted to his strained to retire from Ghazni, where he left a varir, while Amin Malik commanded the garrison, towards the Indus, the probable right. The latter began the struggle, the left reason being, according to Major Raverty, thatwing being used as a reserve, Nissavi rehe claimed the western parts of the Panjåbports how Jalala'd-din put himself at the head and also of Sindh as successor to Mu'izu'd-din of some of his men, and charged the main Ghûri. Chinghiz, who was informed of the body of the enemy so bravely that they were division in his camp, advanced rapidly towards thrown into disorder, and abroad way was Ghazni, where he arrived 15 days after Jalalu'd- cloven apander to where Chinghiz should have din bad left it, and where he left Mahmud been, but he had retired, after having had his
** D'Ohsson, Vol. I. pp. 294 and 296 ; De la Croix. pp. 310 and 312; Érdmann, p. 423.
30 D'Ohason, Vol. I. pp. 295 and 296.
** This fact makes it again probable that Bamian has been mentioned by Juveni and others instead of Walian.
" D'Ohsson, Vol. I. p. 805. Id., p. 308 note. * Tabakat-z-Nasiri, pp. 290 and 291 notes.
De la Croix, pp. sit and 815. * Id., pp. 315 and 316.
Abu'l-ghází, p. 124; Erdmann, p. 430.
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horso killed under hins, and secured another trap, or the Horse's Leap, which perhaps took mount, in order to bring ap fresh troops. This its name from the incident just described." advantage nearly won him the victory, for a Some of the Mongol chiefs would have plungrumour spread among the Mongols that the ed into the river after Jalalu'd-din, but were Sultan had broken thuir main body. Chinghiz restrained by Chinghiz, and Juveni was told by restored the fight by his personal bravery. a number of witnesses that they fired their Knowing that the Sultân had weakened his left arrows at the fugitives who had rushed in wing, he ordered Bela Noyan to traverse some after their master, and that for a distance of an bye-ways in the mountain, which a native of arrow's flight the water was reddened with the place told him was possible. He, accord blood. Chinghiz himself greatly admired the ingly under this man's guidance marched dashing feat, and, we are told, put his hand to without losing many men between rocks and his mouth, which was a sign of astonishment, precipices, and fell upon the Sultan's left and pointed it out to his sons as worthy of wing from behind, and being much weakened imitation, saying that such a son was worthy it could not resist." Another account says of his father. Jalâla'd-din had thrown his that the Mongols made their chief attack treasures of gold and silver into the river, and upon Amin Malik, and the right wing, which these were partially recovered by divers emfled towards Peshawar. According to someployed by the Mongol chief." The battle, accounts, he was killed by a body of Mongols according to Nissavi, was fought on the 9th of who were posted on that side. This is not | December 1221," quite certain, however, and it is possible he The account followed by Miles and Raverty escaped and afterwards met with his death in tells us that having reached the opposite Sindh. The left wing was also broken and bank the Sultan dismounted, loosened the towards noon the Sultan was left with but girths, took off the felt saddle cloth together 700 brave men of the centre, with whom he with his own tonic and cloak and his arrows, mado daring but unavailing charges, and the and laid them in the sun to dry, and spread ranks of the enemy, who had been ordered his chatr or canopy on the head of his spear, to take him alive, drew closer and closer." which he stuck into the ground to shade him
Thereupon Ujash Malik, also called Akhas, son from the sun. He remained alone until the of Khân Malik, seized the bridle of his horse, time of afternoon prayer, when about seven and dragged him away. He bade a sorrowfal of his followers joined him, and a small tent adieu to his wives, and having taken off his was pitched for his convenience. "Whilst the armour and arms, except his sword, bow, and light permitted he watched the proceedings of quiver fall of arrows, he summoned a fresh the Mongols, while the heavens above looked charger, had it saddled, and boldly jumped down upon him with wonder and amazement."56 with it from the bank into the rapid Indos, Nissavi has a strange report that Jalâlu'd-din, which flowed eight or ten yards below, and pained by the screams of his family, who begged with his backler on his back and holding his him to prevent them becoming the slaves of standard aloft he swam over in safety." the Mongols, ordered them, before he crossed Abu'l-faraj, apparently quoting Javeni, says the river, to be drowned. Other authorities that when in mid-stream he stopped and dis- tell us, on the contrary, that his harem fell into charged a .volley of arrows at the Mongols." the hands of Chinghiz Khân, who ordered all The gallant horse which had borne him over was the males to be killed, including the Sultan's kept by Jalalu'd-dîn without being mounted eldest son, a boy of eight years old, who had until the siege of Tiflis in 1226." Major Raverty been captured in the recent fight," Nissavi says that there is a place on the west bank of also has a pathetic account of the immediate the Indus, a little, below Nilab, called Ghor- fortunes of the Sultan when beyond the river. * Rashidu'd-din, quoted by De la Croix, p. 317.
** D'Ohnson, Vol. 1. pp. 807 and 808 ; Erdmann, p. 431; Tabakat-i-Nagirl, p. 540 note.
Abu'l-ghazi, p. 125: Abu'l-faraj, Chron. Arab., pp. 293 * D'Ohsson, rol. I. P. 306.
and 264. " De la Croix, p. 318, Tabakit--Nasirt, pp. 291 and D'Ohason, Vol. I. p. 808 note. 292 notes. $1 Chron. Arab., p. 294.
36 Tabakut-i-Nasirf, p. 298 note; Shajrat-ul-Atrak, - Nissavi, quoted by D'Ohsson, vol. I, p. 307 note. Tabakat-i-Nasiri, p. 292.
97 De la Croix, pp. 319 and 320.
I
p. 177.

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He says he got up into a tree to spend the night, and to secure himself from wild beasts, which were plentiful there.
As he was walking on the river bank he noticed a number of his men and officers, who, at the beginning of the late struggle had found a boat in which they had traversed the river amidst great dangers from rocks, &c. Among them were three officers, his particular friends, with whom he arranged plans. He was soon after joined by 300 horse, who told him 4,000 more had saved themselves by swimming two leagues from thence, but that they were in great distress from weariness and want of clothing. Presently an officer of his household, named Jamâlu'r-razad, who was not present at the battle, but having heard that his master had escaped, loaded a large boat with food, money, stuffs, bows and arrows, swords, &c. &c., with which he crossed the Indus. This very seasonable relief greatly pleased the Sultan, who appointed his benefactor steward of his household, and surnamed him Ikthiaru'd-dîn, i.e., the saviour of the faith.58
CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS.
Northern India was at this time subject to the Turkish dynasty founded by Qutbu'd-din, Ibak-al-Mu'izi. On the death of Qutba'd-din, about the year 607 A. H. i.e., 1210, he was succeeded by his son, Arâm Shah, who was speedily murdered. Thereupon a partial division of the heritage ensued. Qutbu'd-din left three daughters, one of these married Sultan Shamsu'd-din I-yal-tamsh, who had been much cherished by his father-in-law, and given the fief of Budâon. He was now raised to the throne of Dehli. The other two daughters of, Qutbu'd-dîn were successively married by Nasiru'd-din Kabajah, of whom Minhaj-i-Saraj tells us that on the death of his father-in-law, "he proceeded to Uchchah and possessed himself of the city of Multan and Sindustân (i.e. Siwistân, the modern Sihwân), and Diwal, as far as the seacoast. The whole he brought under his sway and subjected the fortresses, cities, and towns of the territory of Sindh, assumed two canopies of state, and annexed the country as far as the limits of Tabarhindah, Kuhram, and Sarsuti.""" On the death of Qutbu'd-din the district of
De la Croix, pp. 320 and 321. Tabakat-i-Nasirt, p. 532.
5 Id., p. 530. Tabakat-i-Nagirl, p. 293 note; Shajrat-ul-Atrak,
p. 178.
89
Lakhnavati was appropriated by the Khalaj chiefs, while Lahor was sometimes seized by each of the two brothers-in-law above named, the rulers of Dehli and of Sindh respectively, and sometimes by Malik Taju'd-din Yaldus of Ghazni."
When Jalâlu'd-dîn, after crossing the Indus as we have described, had collected a few men about him, he set out eastwards. Raverty says he entered the Chul desert tract of Jaruk, still called, perhaps, from this fact, Chul-i-Jalâli," and sent on some one to explore, who reported that he had found a body of 2,000 Hindus encamped on the hills of Bilalah and Nikalah. Jalâlu'd-din attacked and dispersed them and appropriated their horses, and thus mounted some of his followers. Having heard that the Mongols were pursuing him, he now retired towards Dehli, and sent an envoy to I-yal-tamshi to recall the friendship which had hitherto subsisted between their peoples, and asking for shelter. I-yal-tamsh charged this envoy with having conspired against him, and put him to death, and excused himself from granting him a settlement on the ground that the climate would injure the Sultan's health, but offered to welcome him if he would go on to Dehli, an offer which perhaps meant that he would thus get him into his power. He sent a messenger with presents to excuse the murder of the envoy. According to Minhaj-i-Sarâj he, on the contrary, sent an army against him." At all events it was plain that he would not be welcomed at Dehli, so he turned his steps elsewhere, and despatched a force into the hills of Jud, in the midst of the Sindh-Sagar Doâb, which defeated the Khôkars, and returned with a great booty. Jalâlu'd-dîn married the daughter of the Rai of Khôkar, while the latter's son, who was given the title of Kutlugh, joined him with a force. D'Ohsson apparently calls this chief the prince of Judi. He says he had 1,000 horsemen and 5,000 foot soldiers with him; the. Sultan, who had 4,000 men with him, defeated this army also. Its chief was struck by an arrow and killed, and he secured fauch booty.
There had long been strife between the Khôkars and Kabajah, the ruler of Sindh,
51 Tabakat-i-Nasirt, pp. 293 and 294 notes; Erdmann, p. 432. [The Jud or Judi of the text is the Salt Range of the Jhelam District; Jud being still the Muhammadan name for the Sakesar Peak.-ED.]

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already named, who was encamped near Uch- of Nandanah, called Bebeh by Erdmann, and châ or Uch, with 20,000 men. Jalalud-din rightly Biah by D'Ohsson, who says one of Jalalnow sent Jahan Pahlavan against the latter u'd-din's officers was in command of it, and at the head of 7,000 men. They surprised that it was taken with great slaughter. The Kabajah in the night, and completely defeated Mongols now advanced upon Multán, along the him. He fled to an island on the Indus, and western bank of the Jhelam. Finding the river Jalalud-din occupied Uchcha. Presently he there unfordable, they constructed a bridge by reached Multan, and on the Sultan's demand means of rafts. They then invested the town, paid him a considerable sum. Meanwhile the and battered it severely with catapults for 42 hot season being at hand Jalalu'd-din withdrew days, but were eventually obliged to raise the to the Salt Range, and captured a fortress called siege on account of the terrible summer heat. Bisiram or Bisram, where he was wounded in They therefore contented themselves with the band by an arrow." The Mongols impelplundering the district round Multân, Labor, led him to move further, and he approached Peshawar, and Malikpûr, recrossed the Indus, Multân, where Kabajah, knowing he was hard and went back to join their master. Meanpressed, refused him admittance. He then while Chinghiz Khân, whose policy was to went on to Uch, where he stayed two days, and stamp out every ember of dissatisfuction, had which he fired, and thence went on to Siwastân Gespatched three fresh armies, southwards and or Sihwan, already named, which was held by westwards and northwards. under his sons, a deputy of Kubajah, Fakhru'd-din Salari, who Jagatai and Ogotai, and the general Ilchikadai sent out a detachment, which was beaten, and respectively. he then thought it best to submit. Jalalu'd-din Abu'l-gházi says that Jagatai was sent to the entered the town, where he remained a month, provinces of Kesh and Makran." De la Croix, conferred a robe of honour on Fakhru'd-din, apparently following Rashidu'd-din, says he whom he appointed his deputy in Sindustán, took 60,000 men with him, and was sent to the and then went on to Dibal and Damrilah, at provinces of Sindh and Kirmân, to prevent the mouth of the Indus. There he encamped, Jaláln'd-din from sheltering there. He says its Abyssinian governor having meanwhile taken further that Makrån at this time appertained flight in a boat, and there he founded a Jami' to Sindh. Masjid on the ruins of an idol temple. Thence His account is that Jagatai first captured he sent a force under Khas Khân towards the various principal places in Kirmân, then Nahrwalah, in Gujarat, which returned with a turned to Makrân, and captured Tiz which vast booty. He remained in this district till Ishtakhri names as a sea-port of Makran and the Mongols returned home to their own some other places, and then wintered in country, when he also retraced his steps across Kilanjâr," which Wolff identifies probably with the Indus. Thus did the young Sultân evade his a portion of the modern Baluchistân. Its ruler merciless pursuers, to whom we will now turn. was the Salar Ahmad, who was submissive, and
Chinghiz Khản was not likely to allow him supplied the invaders with forage and other to escape without an effort. He accordingly necessaries. Bent Bela Noyan and Durbai Noyan, called As he meant to stay there some time the Turtai by Raverty, and Durmun by Miles, soldiers built themselves houses, and even got with 20,000 men across the Indus in pursuit of themselves flocks of sheep. Their quarters were him. They speedily reached the district for far apart, and they had plenty of slaves to wait merly governed by Qamru'd-din Karmani, and on them. They planted gardens, and began, in which had recently been seized by one of the fact, to behave as if they meant to settle there Sultân's Amirs, a district which Raverty calls altogether. Presently, however, the hot winds, Banban or Banian. Here was the strong fortress which prevail there in summer, began to blow,
Tabakat-i-Nasirf, p. 294 note.
Id. pp. 294 and 296 note. . D'ohinon, vol. I. pp. 309-310. Erdmann, p. 432; Tabakdt-i-Napírt, p. 586 note.
Tabak04--Nasirl, p. 338 note; Erdmann, p. 482; D'Ohsson, vol. I. p. 810.
* Op. cit. p. 188.
De La Croix, p. 882. * This name is very probably corrupt. Raverty says it also occurs as Lanjar, Kanjer, and oven Lanhar, and Erdmann gives the variante Debuyeh Ketur and Debuseb
Kebur. Do la Croix, pp. 336, 837). Tabakåt-1-Ndgiri, I p. 1074; Erdmann, p. 133; and note 326.

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many of the invaders were stricken down, and the rest were reduced to great weakness. This prevented them from attacking Fars and part of Khuzistân, which were under the authority of Ghiâsu'd-din, Jalalu'd-din's younger brother. We read that he sent envoys to the countries of Kesh, Kachh, Makrân, and the port of Surat, and received their submission; troops being sent to those who were not submissive, and that having put governors in the districts and towns he had conquered, Jagatai marched northwards to rejoin his father."
While Jagatai was overrunning the province, now called Baluchistan, Ogotai marched upon Ghazni, at this time, we are told, called Dâru'lMulk, or the Royal City, the famous capital of the great Indian conqueror Mahmûd and of his descendants. The statement that it was now attacked and destroyed is not easy to reconcile with that already made that it submitted to Chinghiz Khân, who put Mahmûd Yelvaj there as its ruler, unless it had in the meantime revolted like Herat, &c. However this is to be explained, we read that the place now resisted bravely. Twice the citizens broke down the mounds on which the besiegers had planted their engines, while they disabled 100 of their battering rams, but it was of no avail. The wall of the town presently fell and filled up the ditch with its ruins, over which the Mongols hurried. The commander and his followers died fighting. The place was then sacked during four or five hours, the artisans were transplanted to Mongolia, while the citizens who remained alive were allowed to ransom their houses." Ogotai now advanced upon Ghûr, the reduction of whose various fortresses is described by Minhaj-i-Saraj alone, and in a way which is so embarrassing that it is impossible to reduce his narrative to order. We read that Ogotai having reached Pul-i-Ahingarân, i.e., the Blacksmith's Boundary, near Firûzkôh, halted and pitched his camp. Thence he sent the Juzbis Saadi and Mankadhu or Mankadah, and some other Noyans, with a large force to subdue Seistân." The Noyan Abaka was sent with a
66
es Erdmann, p. 433; Tabakat-i-Nasirf, pp. 1074 and 1075 notes: Shajrat-ul-Atra'k, pp. 187 and 188; De la Croix, pp. 336 and 388.
De la Croix, pp. 835 and 336.
1 Tabakat-i-Nasirt, p. 1047.
Raverty says Ashiyar is the plural of Shar, which
91
05
large force against the fortress of the Ashiyar of Gharjistân. Another force under the Noyan Ilji was sent into the hill country of Ghûr and Herat. In short, says, our author, Shahnahs and bodies of troops were appointed to invade every part of Ghûr, Khurâsân, and Seistân, and during the whole of that winter slaughter was carried by these Mongol divisions into all the townships and villages.""
We will examine these expeditions in greater detail.
To begin with Seistân. Rashidu'd-din says Ogotai sent to ask his father's permission to invade Seistan, but received orders to rejoin him on account of the great heats, so leaving his prisoners in charge of Kiku Noyan, he advanced northwards to rejoin his father by the Garmsir road." The Huang-yuan says Ogotai approached Bu-si-ze-dan, i.e., Bost in Seistan, and wished to besiege it." To return to the account of Minhaj-i-Saraj, he says that the force which had advanced to the gate of Seistân took that place by assault, and it had to fight in every quarter of it before it was subdued, for the people there, women and men, great and small, all resisted obstinately with knife and sword, and all were killed."
Let us now turn to the campaign against the fortress of Ashiyar. In order to understand this we must digress somewhat. When Chinghiz Khân marched across the Hindu Kush into Afghanistan, he left behind at his camp at the hill of Numan between Țâlikân and Balkh, his heavy baggage and treasures, since it was impossible to traverse the mountains of Gharjistân with such impedimenta. He left a small force in charge of this camp. Meanwhile a number of neighbouring fortresses had not surrendered. The fortresses of Ghar
jistân, says Minhaj-i-Saraj, were Rang or Zang, Bindar or Pindar, Balarwan or Parwan, Laghri, Siya-Khanah (variants of the name are Shina Khanah and Sata Khanah), Sabekji or Sabankji, and Ashiyar. The majority of these fortresses were galleries on the faces of the mountains, &c." Within the fortress of Ashiyar, we are told, was a Gharjah Amir, of
was the title borne by the rulers of Gharjistán. Tabakati-Nasirt, p. 1049 note. " Id. 1048. 10 D'Ohsson, vol. I, p. 817; Erdmann, p. 432 and 483. "Bretschneider, Notices, etc., p. 67. 1 Tabakat-i-Nasirt, p. 1048.
13 Tabakat-i-Nagirt, pp. 1071 and 1073.

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great determination and energy, named Amir to eat the bodies of those who were killed Muḥan.mad the Maraghani. He started from or died, and inter alia, it was reported that Ashiyar with a large force to try and secure there was there a woman of the minstrel class the vast booty which the Mongols had col- who had a mother and a female slave. Both lected, and he seized on as many wheeled having died, she dried their bodies and sold the carriages laden with gold and other wealth as corpses for 250 dinars of pure gold, after which he could in the Mongol camp, set free a large she also died. The blockade having lasted for number of captives, and secured many horses. fifteen months and ten days, only about 30 men
Ogotai having, as we have seen, reached Pol-i- remained alive inside. They seized the Amir, Ahingaran, seat the Noyan Abaka, who was Mubammad the Maraghani, killed him, and the commander of 10,000 Manjanikchis or threw his head near the Mongol camp, hoping catapult workers, against Ashiyar, which he thus for better treatment. When the Mongols proceeded to attack. As it was too strong to saw the head they at once assaulted and carried storm they blockaded it, and this blockade the fortress and killed every one inside, and lasted for fifteen months, until the people inside, then proceeded to capture the other strongreduced to great distress, were constrained 'holds of Gharjistân."
gold.
MISCELLANEA. THE PROVERBS OF ALI EBN ABI TALEBI. 200. Blessed is he who puts on the tranquillity Translated by K. T. Best, M.A., M.R.A.S., of a contented mind as a garment, and puts away Principal, Guzerat College.
prodigality. Continued from Vol. XIII. p. 272.
201. The fidelity of a man is known by his oaths. 188. Honour is acquired in two ways-by acting 202. He is your brother who helps you in justly, and helping our fellow men.
poverty. 189. The bitterness of this life is the sweetness 203. The learning of a man is better than his of the next.
190. He who is modest is worthy of respect. 204. To pay debts is a part of religion.
191. Do not deceive him who asks your advice, 205. By benefiting your enemy you will subdue nor be angry with him who exhorts you.
him. 192. He who consults a wise man reigns, but 206. He is your brother, who helps you with he who takes no advice perishes.
his wealth, and not by the mention of his relation193. The tongue of wisdom is truth, that of ship. folly falsehood.
207. Wealth is increased by giving alms liberally. 194. The speech of a man is the balance of his 208. Sell earthly things in exchange for heavenly intellect.
and you will gain. 195. Direct your tongue and you will be safe. 209. If you rise early you will be prosperous.
196. To eat in moderation keeps off many 210. Good works make life happy. diseases of the body.
.211. The troubles of man come from the 197. Speak the truth even against your own tongue. interests.
212. He gives twice who gives cheerfully. 198. A little politeness is better than high rank. 213. Trust in God and He will satisfy you.
199. The food of the world is poison, and its 214. Act in such a way that you may obtain in furniture rottenness.
old age what you missed in youth.
BOOK NOTICES. Journal of the Ariatic Society of Bengal, Vol. LIII. types and devices of the coins, and the principles Part I. No. 2; 1884.
on which Mr. Smith's classification of them is The first paper is a valuable contribution by based. We are glad to find here that he dissents Mr. V. A. SMITH, Bengal Civil Service, on the entirely from the theory that the female figure Gold Coins of the Imperial Gupta Dynasty. on the reverse of these coins is intended invari.
After some preliminary remarks, the most ably to represent Parvati or Durga. The Early important of which will be noticed below, Sec Guptas were certainly not exclusively of the tion II. deals with the leading features of the Vaishnava religion. But, at the same time,
+* Tabukat-:- Nasiri, pp. 1071-1077.

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there is nothing whatever in their history to lead feudatory of the immediate successors of the to the supposition that they made any such Early Guptas ;-and also on the seal of the Räjim profession of the Saiva faith, as would be implied grant of Tivaradeva (Archæol. Surv. Ind. Vol. by their adopting so uniformly the figure of XVII. Pl. vi.) Pârvati on their coins. As Mr. Smith suggests, Section III. is devoted to the so-called 'mono. the interpretation of this figure as Parvati can grams,' which are found on most of the Gupta be due to nothing but the fact that it is identical gold coins. As Mr. Smith points out, the term in all essential points with the figure on the monogram' is a misnomer; since these marks Indo-Scythian coins, which is connected there certainly contain nothing in the way of a with the name of Aρδοκρο Or Αρδoχρο,-coupled combination of alphabetical characters. The with the supposition that this represents a more correct term would be emblems,' or Sansksit word, Ardhögra, and that the latter is symbols. The true purport of these symbols capable of being interpreted to mean half Siva,' still remains unexplained. But the theories that i.e. his consort Parvati, in allusion to his form they denote mint-cities, or mint-masters, or that of Ardhanarisa, or the god half male and half they are due to nothing but a blind copying of female. Ardhögrá is a possible Sanskrit forma. the Indo-Scythian coins, must certainly be tion; and that is all that can be said for it. abandoned. And Mr. Smith's suggestion that We have no lexicographical authority for such a they are of a religious nature, appears worthy of compound having been ever formed and used; further consideration and inquiry, as being and, if it should be formed, it certainly could not perhaps the closest guess to the true meaning have the meaning of Parvati as the half of Ugra of them that has as yet been made. or Siva. Mr. Smith's conclusion is that the Section IV. deals with a question to which female figure represente, in almost every instance, but little attention has as yet been paid, -that of the goddess Sri or Lakshmi,-not specially as the weights of the coins. And the results of the consort of Vishnu, and therefore symbolical Mr. Smith's experiments seem to shew that, of the Vaishnava religion; but simply as repre. whereas the coins of Nara-Baladitya,' and others senting Fortune, Victory, or regal splendour. of the same class, clearly represent the ancient -As regards the bird-standard,' which appears Hindu weight and coin called suvarna, and weighfirst on the coins of Samudragupta,--Mr. Smith, ing 80 raktikds, or, as Mr. Smith's results seem differing from Professor Wilson and General to shew, 146 grains,--the coins of the imperial Cunningham, finds himself unable to accept it as Early Guptas denote at least three very differrepresenting Garuda, and, while preferring the ent standards of weight, of approximately simple term bird-standard,' as involving no 125, 130, and 134-35 grains respectively, and theory, shews a decided inclination to agree with follow old Roman, Lydian, and Macedonian stanMr. Thomas' interpretation of it as & peacock. dards. The oupper coins of Chandragupta, however, Sections V. and VI. deal with the Find-spote of shew plainly that it is intended for Garuda; the Gupta coins, and as a result, with the quesfor the larger specimens have on the reverse tions of the Early Gupta Mint-cities and Capital. the similar representation of a bird, with wings The hitherto generally accepted opinion has been spread out sideways, and also with human that Kananj was the Capital of the Early Guptas. arms stretched out sideways and downwards The facts put together by Mr. Smith, however, between the wings and the lege; this can. “indicate, unmistakably that the Gupta gold not be meant for anything except Garuda. The "coinage was struck and chiefly current in terri. same bird, with human arms, ocours also on the “tories far to the east of Kanauj; and that these seal of a Gaya copperplate grant of Samudra. "territories may be roughly described as the gupta, which, though the plate itself seems to be "Province of Benares, with some adjoining disspurious, hae apparently an antique and genuine "tricts;" and Mr. Smith, following a suggestion seal attached to it; also on the seal of a grant made by General Cunningham, selecta Patna, the of the Mahardja Sarvanátha of Uchchakalpa, & ancient Pataliputra, as the head-quarters of the
1 Mr. Smith, following Mr. Thomas, writes the first read it. Nor is it srl, as Mr. Smith suggests. According part of this name Nara, with the vowel of the first to the specimen figured by Mr. Smith, and according to syllable long (which has been thought to be an abbrevia- four others, the character is distinctly gre. On one tion of Narayana) and attaches to it the syllables gupta. other coin there is a slight mark which might turn it But in the specimen figured by him, as also in General into brd; but this is very doubtful. The legend on the Cunningham's coins, and in the coin belonging to the reverse is not exactly Baldity, but validity for Asiatic Society of Bengal, the name on the obverse is Baliditya. As in the case of this coin, Mr. Thomas very distinotly Nara, with the vowel of the first syllable interprets as gu character that is between the foot short. The coins furnish no authority whatever for the of the standing figure on the obverse of gold coin of addition of the syllable gupta for the character be- Vishnu-ChandrAditya (anto Vol. XII. p. 10). But the twoon the king's feet is certainly not gu, as Mr. Thomas | real reading there is

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eastern dominions of the Gupta kings, with the probability of their having also had important seats of government at Mahoba, Khajuraho, and Kalanjar. This conclusion, as regards Pagali. putra, is well in accordance with the position of the localities in which the Gupta stone-inscriptions are found; and with the fact that at least two of those inscriptions mention Påtaliputra, whereas none of them mention Kanyakubja or Kanauj. But, as regards the value of the evidence of coins on such a point, it must always be borne in mind that gold coins may easily be found, even in considerable numbers, at places far distant from those in which they are struok or are properly current, having been transported for purposes of commerce, or as votive offerings by pilgrims; and that the same want of conclusive. ness, to a certain extent, attends the inference that may be drawn from the finding of silver coins also. On the other hand, copper coins would never be exported for such purposes; and the existence of them to any considerable extent in any particular locality, would be a most sure and certain sign that the capital of the king by whom they were issued was in or very close to that locality. The copper coins of the Early Guptas, however, that have as yet been found, are so very few and rare, that no conclusion can be arrived at on the support of them.
The remainder of the paper is occupied with Mr. Smith's catalogue and detailed descriptions of the coins examined by him, and with his readings of the legends on them.
In his introductory remarks, Mr. Smith suggests that the name of the founder of the family was not simply Gupta, as it is usually accepted, but Brigupta, which form he uses throughout; the grounds for this being—that the past participle, gupta, protected,' can hardly stand alone for a proper name; whereas Sri. gupta, 'protected by Sri or Lakshmi,' gives a suitable meaning, and is a complete name ;--and that the Chinese pilgrim I-tsing (about A.D. 673 to 690) speaks of a king Srigupta, who preceded his time by five hundred years. This is a point that has doubtless occurred to others also; but it is not so easy to dispose of it. In the well- known name of the Buddhist saint Upagupta, we have a precisely similar instance of a past participle, meaning hidden, concealed,' standing by itself for a proper name. And, where brk is
Beal's Buddhist Records of the Western World, Vol. I. p. 182; Vol. II. pp. 88, 93, 273.
Arch@ol. Bury. Ind. Vol. XVI. p. 73. * ante p. 10.
In line 15 of the Girner inscription (Archæol. Buru. West. Ind. Vol. II. p. 185), Pandit BhagwAnlAl Indrajt roads Guptosya kab-Aganand vidhiya, "counting from the time of Gupta :" and this would seem to settle tho
an integral part of a proper name, it is customary to emphasise it, and to prevent the possibility of doubt, by inserting the honorific prefix ért before it,--thus, mahddávydm ért-Srimatydm = utpannah, "born of the queen-consort, the glorious Srimati," in line 2 of the Barnarak inscription;" and brf-Sripathayaṁ puri, "at the glorious city of Sripath4," in line 6 of the Byâna inscription." And, finally, the word gupta does not appear at all in the name of Ghatotkacha, the son of the founder of the family; it is only in the case of Ghatotkacha's son Chandragupta I., and his successors, that the word is of necessity only an integral part of a fuller name. There seems no objection, at present, to accepting Gupta' by itself as the name of the founder of the family. And it is quite possible that it is not originally the Sanskrit participle at all, but is simply a Sans. ksitised form of a foreign name.
Following Mr. Thomas and others, Mr. Smith allots the first coin figured by him to Ghatotkacha, the son of the founder of the family. This, how. ever, is by no means a certainty; and, indeed, facts tend strongly to negative the correctness of the assignment. Mr. Smith has pointedly impressed upon us that the coins attributed to Ghatotkacha have peculiarly distinctive features of their own. Thus, at page 121, he speaks of the Hindd charac"ter of nearly all the Gupta gold coins." Whereas, at p. 127 he writes-"The coins of Ghatotkacha
possess no distinctive Hinda characteristics. " The king, who sacrifices at a fire-altar, graspe & "peculiar rose-headed standard, which seems ob"viously intended to symbolize the rayed sun. "The Sun and Fire are, in mythology, almost "convertible terms; and I think it may fairly be "assumed, on the evidence of the coins, that "Ghatôtkacha (though he may have been a Hin. "aa), was a worshipper of the solar fire, as his "Indo-Scythian predecessors undoubtedly were." And again, at p. 129, he speaks of "the undis. "puted solar character of Ghatotkacha's coinage." The emblem interpreted as a 'fire-altar,' however, is not a peculiarly distinctive feature of the coins attributed to Ghatotkacha; for it appears again on some of the coins of Samudragupta, on one attributed to Chandragupta II., and on one of Kumäragupta. And we have it uniformly throughout the series of coins of the later IndoScythians, who were contemporaneous with the Early Guptas in the Pasj&b:' in these coins it is question, and to shew that the name was Gupta, not Srigupta. It happens, however, that the correct reading of the original here is Cupta-prakale gananali vidhaya, "making the calculation in the reckoning of the Gaptas."
See, for instance, the two coins figured by Mr. Thomas, ante Vol. XII. p. 9.

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always coupled with the trisúla, the special emblem of the Saiva creed; which is certainly against the symbol being a distinctive sign of solar worship. In fact,--though other scholars, as well as Mr. Smith, interpret it as a 'fire-altar;' and though Mr. Smith states, at p. 126, that "in at least one "specimen in the British Museum collection, the "grains of incense falling on the fire-altar are "plainly indicated,"-it is still a fair matter of argument as to whether the emblem may not be a vessel containing the sacred tulask-plant, as has been suggested, or even something of an entirely undenominational character. There has always been a tendency to connect the Early Guptas specially with solar worship, by accepting them as belonging to the Suryavamsa or lineage of the Bun. And it is doubtless this tendency, coupled with "the connection which existed between the "asvamadha-ceremony and solar worship," which has influenced Mr. Smith in suggesting, at p. 129, that Samudragupta also," though a good Hinda, "may have been, as so many Hindds still are, " specially devoted to the worship of the sun." This tendenoy, however, is due to nothing but a mistake, originating with Dr. Mill's mislection of the Allahabad inscription, where, in line 30, he reads róma-charmanah ravi-bhuvd båhur=ayam= uchchhritah stambhaḥ," "of this child of the Sun, though clothed in hairy flesh, this lofty pillar is the arm"; while the original has achakshana iva bhuva &c., "this pillar has been erected, as if it were an arm of the earth declaring (the glories of Samudragupta)." There is, as a matter of fact, nothing whatever to connect the Early Guptas with solar worship, till the time of the last of them, Skandagupta, of whose reign we have the Indôr plate, of the year 146, which opens with an invocation of the sun, and records a grant to a temple of the sun at that town. So far as epigraphical evidence
goes, it was only at this period that sun-worship became at all general in the more strictly Hinda part of northern India, and it was undoubtedly introduced by a purely sun-worshipping race from the north-west frontier of India, who then began to overrun the country, and finally overthrew the Early Guptas. The'rayed-sun standard,' however, if this is the correct interpretation, so -is a far more distinctive symbol; as it appears nowhere again in any of the Early Gupta coins, except, --without the staff, and as a symbol only, "-on one coin, bearing the name of Chandra (Pl. iii. No. 2), which is attributed to Chandragupta II. There is, in fact, nothing in the numismatic details of the coins attributed to Ghatotkacha to connect them conclusively with the undoubted coins of the Early Guptas. Again, like his father before him, Ghatotkacha was not a paramount sovereign, but only a subordinate ruler, his title being simply that of Mahardja. The title indicative of supreme sovereignty in those times was Mahdrájddhirdja, which was assumed for the first time by Ghatotkacha's son Chandragupta I. On Mr. Smith's own shewing, therefore (p. 156), Ghatotkacha's rank was not such as to entitle him to issue a coinage and we have no reason to expect to find any coins of his time, any more than of his father, of whom none have been found. And finally, the name of Ghatotkacha does not appear on the coins that are attributed to him. The name on the obverse, under the left arm of the king, inside the spear, is Kacha, ;* which, meaning glass, crystal,' &c., is a very different word from utkacha, 'having the hairs (of the body) standing erect (through pleasure),' which is the second component of the name of Ghatotkacha. And the marginal legend, commencing at the top, behind the king's head, - not, as Mr. Thomas and Mr. Smith take it, at the
• The connection of Samudragupta with the alama. dha-coin rests chiefly upon the ooourrence of a certain unexplained syllable on that coin (Pl. ii. No. 9), and on the indubitable Lyrist-coin of Samudragupta (Pl. ii. No. 7).-It is a little doubtful whether this syllable is identical on the two coins; or whether it is not si on the former, and sé on the latter. But, however this may be, the same syllable si or 84,- again with nothing to explain it, -ooours also on one of the coins, belonging to General Cunningham, of the later Indo-Scythian series of the Punjab.
Jour. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. III. p. 344. 10 This, however, is open to argument. In the case of the coin attributed to Chandragupta II., Mr. Smith himself interprets the symbol as a 'wheel' (p. 150). Precisely the same symbol, without the staff, ocours also at the beginning of a Buddhist inscription at Mathuri (Archaol. Surv. Ind. Vol. LII. Pl. xvi. No. 22.) And this instance, as well as the general design of the symbol, is oertainly in favour of interpreting the symbol as form of the Buddhist wheel, rather than as #rayed sun or planet with the unnecessary addition of circle round the ends of the rays.
The only other coin, at all connected with the Early Gupta serice, on which this symbol is known to appear again, and as a standard, is a coin belonging to General Cunningham, of Jaya-Prakirnayasas, of about the period of the Aphead inscription of Adityasena.-A very similar symbol or standard, but more elaborate in its details in on the rock at Tusam, below the inscription which, as translated, records the conquest of Ghatotkacha by Toshára king Vishra (Archaol. Suru. Ind. Vol. V. p. 139, and Pl. Xl.) This, however, is nothing but a piece of pure fabricated history. Thé Vishnu of this insoription is the god. The word tushara is used in its meaning of 'frost.' And the syllables that have been manipulated into the name of Ghatotkacha, are, in the original, dänav-angand, the women of the Danavas or demonn.'
11 Mr. Smith gives this name as "kacha; which is sometimes read as kacha." But the coin figured by him has distinctly the vowel d attached to the first syllable; as also have the coins belonging to General Cunningham, Mr. Gibbs, and the Asiatio Society of Bengal, and apparently the coin figured by Mr. Thomas in Archeol. Buru. West. India, Vol. II. PI. vii. No. 2.

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bottom, in front of his feet,-is K[&]ch64 gam=araj[ 1 ]tya karmabhirauttamair-jaya[ti®], "Kacha, having conquered the earth, is victorious by (his) excellent deeds." There is no room here for the syllables ghat before the k[do]; and here, as below the king's arm, thek is formed in such a way as to shew distinctly that it is the sole consonant of the syllable, and is not merely the lower part of tk. The coins, therefore, are coins of a king named Kacha, not Ghatotkacha; and, as pointed out above, the two names are utterly distinct. Nor does the legend on the reverse, sarva-rdj-ochchhétta, 'the exterminator of all kings,' suffice to shew that these are Gupta coins; much less that they are coins of Ghatotkacha.
This epithet does, it is true, occur in some of the Gupta inscriptions. But there is nothing distinctive about it, to restrict the use of it to the Gupta kings. And, in four of the five instances in which it does occur,-vis. the Mathura, Bihar, and Bhitari inscriptions, and the spurious copper plate spoken of above, it is to Samudragupta that it is applied. Only in the Bilsand inscription is there any possibility of applying it to Ghatotkacha; and there, also, the probability is that it applies to Samudragupta. Accordingly, on the analogy of the similar expressions, apra. tiratha, pardkrama, and keyitanta-parabu, which are applied in inscriptions to Samudragupta and occur on undoubted coins of Samudragupta,this legend, sarva-raj-Schchhetta, shews, if it proves anything at all, that the coins on which it appears are coins of Samudragupta. The name of Kacha, however, prevents this attribution. Who the Kicha of these coins was, cannot at present be said. The name is of rare oocurrence. But it is met with elsewhere; e.g. in the case of two kings or chieftains, Kacha I. and Kacha II., mentioned in an inscription of the fifth or sixth century A.D. in the Ajanta Caves. The K&cha of these coins, however, is probably to be looked for among the later Indo-Soythians, who were contemporaries of the Early Guptas in the Palt. jab and the north-west of India.
too little reading. Sanskrit forms an important part of the studies taught in High Schools and Colleges in India, and the majority of students, who present themselves at the University Exminations, select Sanskrit as their second language. But though Sanskrit has been 80 largely studied, it is not uncommon to find that students, who can readily repeat a string of grammatical forms, however recondite and diffi. cult, are hardly able to construe a single sentence, or to speak in the way in which people spoke Sanskrit when it was a living language. That is to say, they have no command of the language. The reason is not far to seek. The standard works, the Kavyas and the Natakas, are too high for be. ginners, and cannot be much utilized without the help of a teacher, which is beyond the reach of many students. This monthly Magazine has, therefore, been undertaken to meet the desideratum of a good reading-book, which students can read and understand by themselves. The Sans. kşit Reader contains, for the present, 16 pages. It is divided into four parta. Part I. contains sections 1-3, adapted for Anglo-Vernacular Standards IV-VI. respectively, and consists of easy exercises for translation. Care is taken that these exercises contain words and expressions with which students are familiar in Prof. Bhandarkar's books; but when any new words or forms occur, explanatory foot-notes are given. Part II. is meant for students of Standards VI. and VII. It includes a collection of choice words, expressions, and idioms, from various Sanskrit writers, with their English equivalenta. Part III. is intended for the candidate classes in High Schools. In it, it is proposed to give abstracts of the standard Sansksit Kavyas, Náta. kas, Kathda, &o., on the plan of Lamb's well known Tales from Shakespeare." Part IV. is expected to serve as reading for more advanced students. It contains elegant extracts from original Sanskrit works, with full explanatory notes in English. Thus it is intended that this serial shall be useful to those for whom it is meant, and shall be read as a companion to Prof. BhåndArkar's books. The parts and sections are so graduated as to meet the requirements of all classes of students, from beginners to undergraduates. It also aims at supplying interesting reading to those who do not read with a view to examination. The numbers are to be issued monthly, at a very small rate of subscription. We cannot too highly commend this undertaking, and hope that it may be widely known and used.
THE SANSKRIT READER. SAMSKRITAPATHAVALI, Vol. I.
No. I. January 1894, Published and printed by the
Proprietor of the Nirnayasigara Press, Bombay. The study of Sanskpit has been greatly facilitated by the introduction of Prof. R. G. Bhân. darkar's two books. But the chief aim in preparing these excellent books was, we think, to simplify the intricacies of grammar, and to present the subject in an easily intelligible form. They contain, therefore, rather too much grammar and
» The asterisks denote vowels and syllables that fall beyond the edges of the specimens examined. After
fitya there is a doubtful mark, somewhat like pra, or
du, which may perhaps be part of a word or words falling in every specimen examined beyond the edge of the coin. " Archaol. Suru. West. Ind. Vol. IV. p. 180.

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INSCRIPTION OF SIVADEVA AND AMSUVARMAN.
97
SABAAN INSCRIPTION ON AN INCENSE-BURNER.
BY E. REHATSEK. THIS little cubical vessel which has been 2. About the signification of the two first 1 dug up in Mareb, the ancient capital of letters of this word there can be no doubt Hadramût (Genesis X. 26), is, according to a whatever, because their equivalenta in rabio drawing by the owner of it, a lady in Aden,
and in Hebrew designate myrr, and represented by the adjoining figure. It has
the third letter has in Sabean, Hebrew, and little logs and small apertures. Of the inscrip
| Arabic the same meaning, namely and. It tion, which consists of four
appears to have been added to this . word words, most excellent rub
merely for the sake of symmetry to make it bings were sent to me on two
triliteral like the others. slips of paper, by Prof. Peter
3. The transliteration of this word is son, but no clue was given
rand, explained in the Qámus as a sweetas to the order in which the
smelling tree, also lignum aloe and even as words succeed each other on the four sides of the
myrtle; but Forskall, in his Flora Aeg., art. incense burner; fortunately this is not material,
CXIX, calls it Artemisia pontior. because, according to my interpretation-which I now proceed to give in the order I suppose the
4. The transliteration of this word is bmi
which means justice when vocalised words to stand-the sense would not be
thus different, no matter how the words, all of which bwi qist; but this signification being evidently are triliteral, succeed each other. The inscription is to be read from right to left, as I
unsuitable for our inscription, we must take it have shown the words, and would stand thus vocalised thus bus qust, when it means accordon the four sides of the vessel :--
ing to the Qamús and other Arabic dictionaries, the costus or costum, a kind of aromatic root of India and of Arabia. It was known already to the Greeks, who named it kdoros, Kóstor, which is evidently the same word as the Arabic, Latin, and Sabwan ; 80 that we learn that
this word has, like the one for myrrh, passed, Hebrew transliteration.
during the lapse of ages, into several languages almost anchanged.
The four substances mentioned, and occurring 1. The Arabic transliteration of this word in the inscription as two couples joined by the is hiss Hadak; no such word exists however, copula and, were, no doubt, all used as and two resembling it most, namely idol fumigatory perfumes in the incense-bnrner. Hadaq and a Hasak, both designate thorny The English rendering of the inscription is :shrubs, whilst the root 7 Hadaq is in the Hadak, myrrh and, rand, costus; Hebrew dictionary explained as not in use in or more specially :that language, but to designate in Arabic the Melongena spinosa, myrrh and, artemisia pontica, thorny shrub melongena spinosa.
costus.
IM28104
Joll6HY
חרד מרו רנד קשט
AN INSCRIPTION OF SIVADEVA AND AMSUVARMAN FROM NEPAL.
BY CECIL BENDALL, M.A.M.B.A.S. The original of this transcript is in Golmadhi.. now, at his request, a transcript and translation, tô1, Bhatgaum, and forms one of a series dis- in anticipation of my fuller study of the whole covered by me in the valley of Nepal in series. The few hours available for work of November last. As my attention has been this kind before I leave India would have been called by one of the Editors of this Journal to insufficient but for the kind assistance of my the interest attaching to its date, I publish friend Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji.

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Is
The present inscription should be compared |"] कैश्चिदयमन्यथाकरणीयो यस्त्वेतामाज्ञा विलwith others of the same two rulers, Siva deva | चान्यथा कुand Amsu varman, published in this Journal
["] कारयेद्वा तमहमतितरान मर्षयिष्यामि ये in 1880 (Vol. Ix. p. 168 ff.) by Pandit Bhag
वास्मदूwânlal Indraji and Dr. Bühler, which give the
दुभूभुजो भवितारस्तैरपि धर्मगुरुभिर्म[-- dates of Samvat 34 and 39 (referred to the SriHarsha era) for Amsnvarman. As we know
कृतमसाfrom Hionen Thsang that Amíuvarman flourish
[*] दानुवर्तिभिरियमाज्ञा सम्यक्परिपालनीयेति समाed in the first half of the VIIth century A.D.,
ज्ञापना the date of this inscription may contribute to [१] दूतकश्चात्र भोगवा श्वामी(ric) संवत् ३१८ the solution of the vexed questions as to the
ज्येष्ठ शुक्लदिवा दशम्याम् eras between the Saka and that of Sri-Harsha.
TRANSLATION. Containing three numerals, of which the first
___Hail! From Managriha. The illustrious is the symbol for 300, it can hardly refer to any
Sivadeva, meditating on the feet of Bappa, other era than that commencing A.D. 319,
who has illuminated the quarters by the daywhich is still regarded by some as the Gupta
spring of his countless virtues, being in good Valabhi era.
health, to the cultivators resident in the TEXT.
villages of MÁkhôshtam and Satsaradranga (?) [.] स्वस्ति मानगृहादपरिमितगुणसमुदयोद्भासित
under the lead of their headmen, with due enquiries after their health, addresses the fol
lowing order:[ ] प्यपादानुद्धयातो लिच्छविकुलकेतुर्भट्टारकमहा- "Be it known to you that, at the request of राजश्रीशिवदे
the great feudatory Amsuvarman, who by
his renowned ... doughty and . . . prowess [:] वः कुशली माखोष्टंसत्सरद्रगनिवासिनः प्रधान
has subdued the might of his innumerable foes, [जनपुरस्सरा
out of regard for him and compassion for you, I [.] न्यामकुटुम्बिनः कुशलपरिप्रश्नपूबै समाज्ञाप- grant you this boon, namely that the officials of
Kûbêrvati' are allowed entrance for the levying [यति] विदि
only of not more than the three taxes, but not [] तम्भवतु भवतां यथानेन प्रख्या [तामल विपुल-| for granting writings or for the five offences.
Therefore this boon must not be infringed by ro] राक्रमप्रशमितामितविपक्षमभावेन महासामन्ता- our dependants who have cognisance of this,
nor by any other parties whatsoever : and शुवर्म
whosoever, in contravention of this order, does [1] णा विज्ञापितेन मयैतद्गारवाद्युष्मदनुकम्पया च
80 infringe or cause infringement, him I will कूबेव
in no wise suffer; moreover such kings as shall [ ] त्यधिकृतानामत्र समुचितस्त्रिकरमात्रसाधनायव be after us, ought, as guardians of religion and प्रवे
(thus) as followers of grants (made ....), to
preserve my order in its entirety. In this [२] शो लेख्यदानपञ्चापराधाद्यान्त्वमवेश इति |
matter the executive officer is Bhôgavarman प्रसादो वः
Svâmin. Samvat 318, on the 10th of the bright [10] कुतस्तदेवं वेदिभिरस्मत्मसादोपजीविभिरन्या न I fortnight of Jyeshtha.
दिशो ब
THE GAHARWARS AND RATHORS.
BY A. F. RUDOLF HOERNLE, PH.D. . With regard to the events that led to the sideration. The Basabi land-grant,' published change of dynasty in Kanaaj at the time of the in the Jour. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. XLII. Part I. accession of the so-called Rathors, I would p. 321ff., seems to me to throw light on this venture to make a suggestion for further con point. I do not think the significance of the
treasury-officers,' in spite of the somewhat bar. of the Researches of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1784 barised form.
to 1883, Part II. Appendix I. Revised and reprinted from the Centenary Review See below, p. 101 i.

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99
historical notices. contained in the opening verses of that grant has been quite correctly understood.
The vijayt or victorious king' of the second verse is Chandra Deva himself, whose descent is described in that verse. The following verse (No. 3) relates the circumstances under which he obtained the throne of Kananj. In this verse, it is stated that, after the death of a king Bhoja, there were troublous times under a king Karpa,' to which Chandra Deva put an end by possessing himself of the country. The king Bhoja, I take to be Bhoja Deva II. of the earlier Kanauj dynasty, who reigned about A.D. 925-50; for his father Mahendra Påla was still reigning in A.D. 921. Bhoja Deva II.'s son, Vinayaka Pala Deva, may, therefore, be put down to A.D. 950-75. About this time a Rájá Kokalla II., of the Kalachuri dynasty, was on the throne of Chedi. He and his sucoesBors, Gangoya Deva and Karna Deva, carried on many successful wars. They must have invaded the territories of Mahoba and Kanauj; for Gångeya Deva is recorded to have died at Prayaga, and his coins are found on the site of Kanauj. Karņa Deva must have reigned about A.D. 1025-50, as he is recorded to have been a contemporary of Bhima Deva of Gujarat (A.D. 1022-72) and of Bhoja Deva of Dhår (A.D. 1021-42). This makes him also a contem- porary of Chandra Deva, the first Rathor king of Kanauj (about A.D. 1050). I take it, therefore, that the inscription refers to Karna Deva of Chedi.
Further, in the second verse, Chandra Deva
is called a son of Mahiala, which is either a mere provincialism, or a clerical error for Mahitala. By the same name (Mahitala) Chandra Deva's father is called in the Rahan land-grant of Govinda Chandra, published in the Bengal Asiatic Society's Proceedings for 1876, p. 131. Usually his father is called Mahichandra; while his son is always called Madanapala. This fact shows that the term Chandra was by no means so distinctive, as is often thought, of the Kanaaj royalfamily. Terms like chandra, tala, pálu, were interchangeable appendages to the actual name; and Mahichandra might also call himself Mahitala or Mahipala. The Sârnâth inscription of Mahîpála is dated A.D. 1026,-a date which synchronises with Chandra Deva's father Mahichandra, alias Mahipala. The father of the Sirnáth Mabipala was Vigrahapala; while the father of Mahî. chandra is called Yaśo-Vigraha. As Pála and Chandra are interchangeable, I take Vigrahapala and Mahipala of Benares as likely to be the same as Yaso-Vigraha and Mahichandra (alias Mahipala), the ancestors of Chandra Deva. Dates and names favour the identification.
But more, the date of Vigrahapala and Mahipala is from A.D. 991 to 1058, which synchronisos with the date of the Chedi rulers, Kokalla II., Gangeya, and Karna. The Chedi rulers were of the Haihayo race ;1o and Vigrahapala is said to have married Lajji, a princess of the Haihaya race." The Pâlas of Benares and the Kalachuris of Chedi, therefore, were closely allied. Now Vinayakapila Deva of the earlier Kanauj, lino" possessed Benares about A.D.
* Not Karla, as given in the transcript in the Bengal (No. 2), which is a sloka, and which admits of reading Journal ; see note 7 below, and p. 103, note 8.
Mahipfla' equally well. I may add hero that the ink See General Cunningham's remarks in Archæol. impression clearly proves the name of the predecessor of Suru. Ind. Vol. IX p. 85.-[These remarks and dates, Chandra Deva to be Karna, not Karla, as given in tlve however, must be accepted with caution.-ED)
transcript in the Bengal Journal. The signs for 1 and, sid. p. 85. id. p. 86.
which often occur in the grant, are easily distinguishable "The Basibi plate spells Mahiala, but the Rihan from each other, and the sign of an in the name is & plate spells Mahitala. The name Mahitala means the distinct double nn. very earth. It is an unusual name, and if it were not There may have been a spocial reason for Madans for the fact that it agrees with the metre (Upendravajra) reverting to the ancestral title of PAL' in the fact of of the verse in which it oocura, one would be inclined to his extending his kingdom over portions of the old Pala look upon it as one of the clerical errora (for Mahipla) empire. For two inscriptions of his, dated in his 3rd with which this particular record abounds. The oopper. and 19th years, have been found at Bihar and at plate is among the Society's collection, where I have Jayanngar near Lakhi Sarai respectively. (See Archæol. examined it, and verified the correctness of the printed Suru. Ind. Vol. XV. p. 151.) The Madariapala of these transcript of the second verse. As it is, Mahitala inscriptions is usually placed among the later members evidently owes its origin merely to the exigencies of the of the proper Pala dynasty; but beyond the fact of the metre. Of the other grant, published in the Journal for title of Pila' there is nothing in favour of that theory, 1873, I have not seen the original, which is in the Seo & subsequent paper in this Journal on the Lucknow Museum. But I possess, through the kindness
Pala Rajaa alao Jour. Beng. 48. Soc. Vol. XLVII. of Mr. J.F. Fleet, a very carefully prepared ink-impres. Part I. p. 394 . sion, which clearly shows the name to be Mahiala, not 10 Archaol. Surv. Ind. Vol. IX. p. 77. MahiAla as published in the Journal. In all probability 1 Jour. Beng. 48. Soc. Vol. XLVII. Part T. p. 394.
Mahiala' is a clerical error, apparently for Mahitala; id. Vol. XXXI. Part I. p. 5.-[But see note 4 above. but the latter is not required by the metre of the verso
of the verse! -ED.

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950-75; but, according to the Sârnáth inscription, in A.D. 1026, Mahipala of the Bihår (and Bengal) line is in possession of Benares. The latter therefore must have changed bands in the interval. This must have occurred in the "troublous times," when the Chedi kings conquered Kananj, while the Palas (allied to them by marriage) conquered Benares.
I imagine the events to have occurred thns. Towards the end of the tenth century the Kalachuris and the Palas, being allied, attacked the kingdom of Kanaaj from the south and east; the former took Kanaaj, the latter Benares; for Jayapala, the father of Vigraba- påla, is recorded to have conquered Allahabad." While the direct descendants of Mahipala continued to rule the Bihar and Bengal king- dom, including Benares,--one of his younger sons, Chandra Deva, obtained for himself the kingdom of Kanaaj, from the Kalachuri king Karņa, and founded a new dynasty in Kananj, which henceforth took from him its special name Chandra, in order, perhaps, to distinguish itself from the original stock of Palas. Hence Vigrahapala and Mahipala, though named as the ancestors of Chandra Deva, are never incladed in the royal list of Kanauj.
But further, the Basahi plate of Samvat 1161 distinctly states, that Mahipala and Chandra Deva were of the Gaharwâr race of Rajputs." The same statement occurs in the land-grant, published in the Bengal Asiatic Society's Proceedings for 1876, p. 130. So far as I am aware, it does not occur in any of the land-grants of the Rithor kings of Kanauj, except these two. In all the other grants, I think, no information whatever is given regarding the particular Rajput clan to which the kings professed to belong. The Rathor clan is not mentioned in any of them. It has always been taken for granted that the kings of Kananj were of the Rathor clan. For this notion there appears to be no other ground than the tradition of the Råthor princes of Jodhpur in Marwar, who affirm that Sivajl, their ancestor, was a son of a child of Jaya Chandra of Kananj. Now Jaya Chandra is
- Jour. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. XLVII. Part I. p. 884. "The name is spelt es gihadawila in the granta; the modern spelling is TET gahar'wdr or (usually) TETETT gahar'wir. See Elliot's Races of the N. W. Provinces, Vol. I. p. 121.
(This is the way in which it has become customary to
a historical personage; he was the last of the Kanaaj kings, who fell in battle with Shababu'd-din Ghori, as testified by contemporary Mohammadan historians." Sivaji also is a historical personage, a real ancestor of the Marwar Rathor house. The connecting link between Sivaji and Jaya Chandra is a child, otherwise unknown, who is said to have escaped the wreck of his father's house and reign. History, I believe, knows nothing about him; and the tradition about him suspiciously resembles similar traditions of princely houses, who claim ancient descent by the agency of some mysteriously born or preserved child. In any case, if the tradition is correct, it fails to account for the remarkable fact, how a family which was originally Gaharwar, as stated in their own grants, turned into Rathors. In a matter of this kind the evidence of a contemporary land. grant is of more value than a tradition. Bat, in fact, the traditions, confused and sometimes contradictory as they are, rather support the theory here put forward. It is said that "the Gaharwårs are of the same family as the Rathors, with whom they deem themselvos on an equality and with whom it is said they never intermarry." The last statement, however, is only partially true. It does not appear that the modern Ráthors can be traced further back than the Kananj family; and Colonel Tod says that a doubt hangs over the origin of the Rathor race; by the bards they are held to be descendants of Kasyapa." In reference to the latter point, it may be noticed that the Gahaswârs are of the Kalyapa gotra or order; though the Rathors now profess to .be of the Sandilya gotra. All these circumstances point to the conclusion that the so-called Rathors were an offshoot of the Gabarwårs; and it may well be that about the time of Mahîpála a separation took place in the Gaharwår clan, possibly on religious grounds for the PÅlas professed Buddhism, while the Chandras were Brahmaņists. The separation was marked by the secession of the latter to Kadauj, and by change in their nomenclature (Chandra and Rathor, for Pdla and Gaharwår). "The write his name. But, in the inscriptions, it is written Jayachchandra (Jayach Chandra).--compounded of jayat and chandra, not jaya and chandra.-ED.)
See Major Kaverty's Translation of the Tabaq.t-1. Nazirl, p. 470.
See hia Rajasthan, Vol. I. p. 88. (Reprint, pp. 67, 68.)

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Gaharwars are despised by the other Rajpût tribes," according to Tod." The original rea- son of this treatment may have been their heretical faith in the time of the Palas. The Rathors would not be the only offshoot from the Gaharwar clan; the well-known Bundels (of Bandelkhand) are another prominent in. stance of Gaharwêr descent. Again, -- "The Gahar wars assert that they were originally masters of Kanauj; local tradition confirms their claims; and the Gautama Rajpats attribute their own residence and possessions in the Lower Doab to the bounty of a Gaharwar Raja of Kanauj." This tradition evidently refers to the Rathor rulers of Kananj, and confirms the statement of their land-grants, that they were Gaharwars. Again,-" The present chief of the Gaharwars resides at Kantit near Mirzapur, and, tradition says, Gadan Deo, who by some is reckoned the son of Mánika Chandra, bro- ther of Jayachandra, the Ratbor, came from Benares about the end of the 11th century, and settled at Kantit." This, as Sir Henry Elliot points out, is a confused tradition. Perhaps it points to the secession and emigration from Benares under Chandra, at the time of Mahi- påla. In any case, it clearly establishes the
closest relationship between the Rathor's and Gaharwars. Again,-"Benares is generaliy considered the original country of the Gahar. wârs, who, it is often asserted, are descended from ancient kings of Benares;" and their chief seat is still in the Benares Division and in Bihar. This makes in support of the theory that the PAla kings of Bihar and Bengal, who also ruled in Benares, belonged to the Gabar. war clan, and consequently were closely related to the Røthors of Kananj."' It is true there is an indistinct tradition, which ascribes the Pala Rajâs to the Bhgihậr race. But there is no proof of it. In their inscriptions the Palas make no mention of their caste. On the other hand, there are various incidental notices in them, which indicate their having been of a Rajput caste. Thus Vigrahapala is said to have married the princess Lajja of the Haihaya race; this would hardly have occurred if the Pála Râjâs had really belonged to a nondescript race, like the Bhuthârs.
I only throw this out as & suggestion. It is by no means a new one; Mr. Prinsep already made it in the Jour. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. IV. Part I. p. 670. But much additional information in support of it has since come to light.
SANSKRIT AND OLD-KANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. BY J. F. FLEET, Bo. C.S., M.R.A.S., C.I.E.
(Continued from p. 59.) No. CLV.
and in each of these recesses was a plate,"l - BASAHI PLATE OF GOVINDACHANDRA. vis. the present plate, and a plate of the same SAMVAT 1161.
king of Samvat 1174, which also now is in the The original plate containing the inscription Lucknow Museum. These two inscriptions now published is in the Government Museum have been published by Dr. Rajendralál Mitra, at Lucknow. It was originally found in the in the Jour. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. XLII. Part 1. village of . Basahi,' two miles to the north-east p. 314ff. I now edit the inscription of Samvat of the head-quarters town of the Bidhuna' 1161, to accompany the preceding paper by Tahsil in the Etawah' District in the North- Dr. Hoernle on the dynasty to which it belongs. West Provinces, and was first brought to notice the plate measures about 1' 4" by 104", by Mr: E. T. Atkinson, of AllahAbad. "The and is inscribed on one side only. It is quite village is in a small khêrá or mound, into smooth, the edges being neither fashioned which a Thakur coltivator was digging for thicker nor raised into rims; but the inscripbricks to build a house. He came on the tion is in perfect preservation throughout. The remains of a pakká house, in the wall of the seal, which is massive, is ciroular, about 2'' in dálán of which there were two recesses (tak) diameter; it has, in relief on a slightly counter
16 Rajasthan, Vol. I. p. 116.
1. See the traditions, above quoted, of the Gaharwårs and RAěhors in Ellint's Asces of the N. W. Provinces, pp. 121-124; and Sherrin 'Hindu Tribes and Castes, Vol. I. pp. 140, 141, 175-177.
o See Archaol. Suru. Ind. Vol. XV. p. 147; Calcutta Reviore, Vol. LIX. p. 68. For an scoount of the Bhaibars see Elliot's Race of the N. W. Provinces, Vol. I. p. 21.
Jour. Bong. As. Soc, Vol. XLII. Part I. p. 814.

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sank surface,-across the centre, the legend river Yamanâ at the place called Asatika or Srimad-Givindacha[n]drade vah; in the upper A satika, and having done worship to the Sun part, Garuda, half-man and half-bird, kneeling (1.10) and Siva and Vasudeva, Govindachandra and facing fall-front; and in the lower part, issues his commands to all the Mahattamas and either a bankha-shell or a chauri. Also the other people of the village of Vasa bhi (1.11) plate itself has a bankha-shell, with a barbed in the Jill vati pattala, to the effect that the arrow below it, engraved on the left margin. said village of Vasabhi,-bounded on the east by The seal slides on a ring about " thick and the village of VAndhamauä (1. 13); on the west 3}" in diameter, which had been cut when the by the village of Vadathalâ ; on the south by grant came under my notice. This ring runs the village of Pusauli; and on the north by on a smaller ring, about " thick and 21" in the village of Sâvabhada, -was granted by him, diameter, which also had been cut. And this on the occasion of the uttaráyana-sankranti second ring runs loosely through the turned (1.16) or the sun's commencement of his proover end of a copper band, about 1" broad atgress to the north, to the Brahman Alhéka the widest part, and tapering to the other (1.15), of the Bahvpicha kakha, and the Gautaend ; and with a pattern of cross-lines on part ma gôtra, with the three pravaras of Gautama of the outside of it, which is secured by a and Avitatha and Angirasa, -the son of Kalpo rivet which passes through a small hole in the or Kalye, and the son's son of Mêmê. Lines 17 top of the plate. The weight of the plate to 21 contain five of the customary benedictive is 7lbs. 12/02, and of the seal, two rings, and imprecatory verses. And lines 21 and 22 band, and rivet, 2lbs. 13 oz.; total, 10lbs. 10oz. record that the charter was written, i. e. comThe characters are Någari. The language of posed, by the Pandit Vijayadasa, the son of the inscription is Sanskrit throughout.
Kake, with the permission of the Purðhita The inscription opens with an invocation of Jågüka, the Mahattaka' Valhaņa, and the PraVasudova (line 1), or the god Krishna ortíhára Gautama. Vishnu, followed by & verse in praise of the Of the villages mentioned in this inscription, samo god under the name of Damodara. It Vasa bhi is of course the modern 'Basahi' then continues,- In the lineage named Gah & itself. Vå ndhamani is the modern Bån. da våla (1.2)," there was a victorious king, dhman,' three miles to the east of Basahi.' the son of Mahiala, named Chandra- Pasauli still exists ander the same name, ddva (. 4), who,-when, on the death of two miles to the south of Basahi.' And Så v&king Bhðja (1. 3) and king Karņa, the world bhada is the modern 'Sabhad', two and a became troubled, -came to the rescue and be- half miles to the north by west of Basahi.' came king, and established his capital at These identifications were made by Mr. AtkinKanyakubja (1.5). His son was Madan - son. JiA vati, the name of the pattall or påla (1. 6). His son was the famous G vin- district in which Vasabh was situated, and dachandra (1. 7), the maker of the grant. Vadathala, on its western' boundary,-have Lines 8 and 9 record the date, in words and not been identified; but Mr. Atkinson suggested figures ; vis. Samvat 1161, Ravidina or Sunday, the modern Jiva-Sirsani,' the 'Jiwe-Sirsani' of the fifth day of the bright fortnight of the maps, eight miles south-east of Basahi,' for the month of Pausha, --corresponding, by the north- former,--and the modern Banthara,' one and ern reckoning, according to the Tables in three-quarter miles to the west of Basabi,' for General Cunningham's Indian Eras, to Sunday, the latter. Asatik â or Åsatikk on the the 25th December A.D. 1104. Line 9 pro- Jamna, where Govindachandra bathed before ceeds to record that, having bathed in the making the grant, has not been identified.
Dr. R.AjendralAl Mitra took GAhadavals to be the name of the founder of the dynasty, instead of the dyDaatio name and he mixes up Bhoja and Kards with this family. Thus, in Jour. Bong. A. Soc. Vol. XLII. Part I. p. 815, he writes- dynasty, of which one GAhadavile was the founder and Karlla" (sic)"the last prinoo. One of the descendanta, some unknown gener tions removed from GAhadavkla, was MahiAla" (n) "and After some generations Bhoja, who does not appear to have been the immediate predecessor of Karlla" (ric);
and he straightway proceeds, through the introduction of Bhoja into this family, to make the dynasty of GAhadavala to be the same with that of Dévakakti" (see General Stacy's grant, Jour. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. XVII. Part 1. p. 708. and Vol. XXXI. Part I. p. 146. and the Dighwa-Doobaneshar' grant, id. Vol. XXXIII. Part I. p. 3218.)-All this is utterly untenable. The text is perfectly plain, il properly understood; and the purport of it is n I have given it.
! See note 30 below.

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TEXT.*
[] Om Om Namo bhagavatê Vâsudêvâya || Tam-âdyam sarvva-dêvânâm Dâmôdaram upâsmahé trailôkyam yasya vaktiva |
[] krôd-ânta-stham vali-tray! | Vamsê (68) Gâhadaval-akhyê pa(ba)bhuva vijayî nṛipaḥ | Mahiala-sutaḥ śrîmân-Nala-Nabhaga-sanni
[] bhah | Yâtê' śri-Bhôja-bhûpê vivu (bu)dha-vara-vadhû-nêtra-sim-âtithitvam śri-Karn
bha
nê kîrtti-sêsham gatavati cha nṛipê kshm-âtyayê jayamânê [] rttâram yam va(dha)ritri Tridivavibhu-nibham priti-yôgâd-upêtâ trâtâ viśvasa". pûrvvam samabhavad-iha sa kshmâpatis-Chandradevah || Dvi[*] ahat.kshitibhritab sarvvân-vidhaya vivaśân=vasê Kanyakuvjê (bj8)"-karôd=râjâ rajadhanim-anishditâm Tên"-jani dvishad-ilipa.
[*] ti-danti-sithbab kahoqlpatir-Madanapila iti prasiddhab
ya-ikriyanta va(ba) haśaḥ
samara-prava(ba)ndháḥ sannarttita-prahata-satru-kava (ba)ndha-va(ba)[] ndhi Themid-ajkyata naréévara-vrida-vahdya-pidiravimda-yagalo jvalita-pratapaḥ kshoņipatindra-tilako ripu-ramga-bhamgî Go
[] vimdachamdra iti viśruta-rajaputrah | Samvat sahasaikê êka-shashty-uttara-satabhyadhikê Pausha-mâsê éukla-pakshê paṁchamyam Ravidinê Snkê samva[] t 1161 Pausha su(su) di 5 Ravau ady-êh-Asatikâyâm sakala-kalmasha-kshayakarinyam Yamunâyâm snåtvå yatha-vidhanam | mantradeva-rishi-ma[10] nushya-bhûta-pitri (tri) ms-tarpitva" sûryam bhattarakam sarvva-karttaram bhagavamtam Sivam viśv-adharam Vasudevam samabhyarchya hutavaham hutvâ (1) Jiâvati"
[] pattalâyâm Vasabhi-grâmê samasta-mahattama-janapadân=samvô (bo)dhayati (1) yatha grâmô-yam maya kshêtra-vana-madhûk-âmr-Akasa (sa)-pâtâla-sahi[] tab-daiiparidha-dandab bhigakitaka-dalava(ba) mdha vifatiath()prasth-akshapa
talaprastha-pratihâraprasth-âkara-turushkadanda-varavajhê(?)-hi
[] ragya-sarvv-kdaya-aadhyaktab (1) pûrvvasyam Vâmdhamauä-grimaḥ paschimkyk Vadathala-gramah dakshinasyâm Pusauli"-grâmal uttarasyam Sâvabhada". || [] grâna (ma)h vam chatur-âghâta-viśuddhaḥ mâtâpitrôr-âtmanas-cha yaśaḥ-punyavivṛiddhayê | jala-vudvud"-Akaram jivitam dâna-bhôga-phalâm lakshmi[m*] jäävä
[] Va(ba)hvricha-ákhind Gautama-gôtrâya Gautama-Avitatha-Angirasa"-tripravaraya Mêmê-paatraya Kalpê(Plyê)-putraya jyôtir-vidê vrâ (bra)hmana-Alhê- "7"
[1] kaya [] YA
103
maharajaputra-érimad-Govindachamdradêvêna uttarayana (na)-samkrâmtan kusapûtêna hast-ôdakêna chamdr-ârkkâm yâvat sâsanatvêna pradattal || yasyanti mahibhritô mama kulê kimvå parasmin puras-têsham-êsha may= âmjalir=virachito n-âdêyam-asmât-kiyat | dûrvvå-mâtram-api su-dharmma-ni
From my own ink-impression. Metre, Ślôka (Anushtubh); and in the following
verse.
This mark of punctuation is unnecessary. Metre, Sragdhara.
Dr. Rajendralál Mitra read Karll4; but wrongly. 10 Metre, $16ka (Anushtubh.)
• Read vitudsa.
11 After je, an avagraha, which does occur in line 8, appears to have been engraved and cancelled.
1 Metre, Vasantatilaka; and in the following verse. 13 Read sahasrike.
1 This mark of punctuation is unnecessary. If required at all, it should have been inserted after endtva. 14 Read tarpayited.
1 Read dév-arshi.
11 Dr. Rajendralâl Mitra read Jidvant; but I think the last akshara is tf, not nf, though the burr of the copper makes it look rather like nf.
18 This mark of punctuation should properly stand after yatha.
10 This phrase, 6kósa-pâtala-sahita,' with the sky above and, the lower regions below, seems to furnish some authority for Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji's suggested explanation of bhamichchhidranyaya (ante Vol. XIII. p. 80, note 44), as including everything below the soil and everything above the ground up to the sky.
20 Read vimsaty-atha).
1 Dr. Rajendralal Mitra read Vadavvald; but wrongly. In his translation, he gives Vêdhabhala.
Dr. Rajendralal Mitra read Pusons; but wrongly. In his translation, he gives Pusini.
23 Dr. Rajendralal Mitra read Savahada; but wrongly. This mark of punctuation is unnecessary, especially standing, as it does, in the middle of a compound.
25 Read budbud.
26 Read Gautam-Avitath-Angirasa.
7 This mark of punctuation is unnecessary, especially standing, as it does, in the middle of a word.-Read brahman-Alhekaya.
Metre, Sardalavikriḍita.

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[18] rata dattam maya pâlyatâm vậyur=vvâsyati tapsyati pratapanaḥ śrutva munînâm
___vachah || Va(ba)hubhir"=vasudha bhukthrijabhih Sagar-idibhir-yasya yasya [] yada bhumis tasya tasya tada phalam || Sva-dattam para-dattim vidyo hareta
vasn[m]dhara insa rishthayam krimir=bhutva pitribhily saha majjati || Bhimin
vah pra[""] tigrihpati yas=tu bhumim prayachchhati | tav=nbhau punya-karmminau niyatain
svargga-vasinau || Tadagānām sahasrena wajapeya-satena cha | ga[1] vim koti-pradanena bhemi-hartta na buddhya(dhya)ti || Likhitam cha purdhita-sri
Jagakas mahattaka.se-art-Valhapa | pratihara-sri-Gautama | sham sam["] matya pandita-sri-Rake-putra-Vijayadasen=dti ||
THE EXPLANATION OF THE TERM PALIDIIVAJA.
BY K. B. PATHAK, B.A. MIRAJ. The term polidhvaja, or palikitana, is of | पवनांदोलितस्तेषां केतूनामंशुकोत्करः। frequent occurrence in inscriptions, and also in | व्याजहपरिवाभासीन्जिनेज्यायै नरामरान् ।। 221 Jaina books; but no satisfactory explanation of its meaning has as yet been arrived at.
स्रग्ध्वजेषु सजो दिव्या[:] सौमनस्या ललंबिरे । I have, however, lately come across a भव्यानां सौमत(न)स्याय कल्पितास्त्रिदिवाधिपः ।। 222 passage in the Adi-Purána, given below, in श्लक्ष्णांशुकध्वजा रेजुः पवनांदोलितोत्थिताः । which Jinasônichårya, the preceptor of the
व्योमाबुधेरिवोद्भूतास्तरंगास्तुंगमूर्तयः ।। 228 Rashtrakața emperor Amôghavarsha I., while dwelling on the subject of flags, incidentally
बहिध्वजेषु बोली लीलयोक्षिप्य बहिणः । explains this term.
रेजुर्ग्रस्तांशुकाः सर्पबुध्ये (द्धयै)व ग्रस्तकृत्तयः॥ 224 Wo learn from what he says, that the term | पद्मध्वजेषु पद्मानि सहस्रदलसंस्तरः। pálidhvaja, or pálikétana, does not itself mean
नभस्सरसि फुल्लानि सरोजानीव रेजिरे ।। 225 any particular kind of flag, but denotes a peculiar arrangement in rows of the ten
अधः प्रतिमया तानि संक्रांतानि महीतले । kinds of flags described below :-páli, in भ्रमरान्मोहयति स्म पशुबध्या(या)नुपातिनः ।। 226 Sanskrit, in fact, signifies 'a row.' In each तेषां तदातनी शोभां दृष्ट्वा नान्यत्रभाविनीं । . direction, a hundred and eight flags of each
कंजान्युत्सृज्य कास्यैन लक्ष्मीस्तेषु पदं दधे ॥ 227 kind,-or, in other words, a thousand and eighty flags in all,--are ranged in lines.
हंसध्वजेण्वभुहंसाचंचाग्रसितवाससः । Thus, the total number of flags, in the four | निजां प्रसारयंतो वा द्रव्यलेश्यां तदात्मना ॥ 229 directions, is four thousand three hundred and गरुत्मध्वजदंडाग्राण्यध्यासीना विनायकाः । twenty. We are farther told that the Lord
रेजुः स्वैः पक्षविक्षेपेल्लिंघयिषवोन्मु(नु) खं ।। 229 Jina adopted the pálidhvaja, as an indication of his universal empire over the three worlds
| बभुनीलमणिक्ष्मास्था गरुडाः प्रतिमागताः । after the conquest of Móha or Mdyd, or | समाक्रष्टुमिवाहीतान् प्रविशंतो रसातलं ।। 230 'delusion.' Lakshmisdnabhattaraka, the head मृगेंद्रकेतनाग्रेषु मृगेंद्राः क्रमाधिसया । of the Jaina Math at Kolhapur, says that some years ago a pálidhvaja was constructed there
कृतयत्नां विरेजुस्ते जेतुं वा सुरसामजान् ।। 231 in honour of Mahâvîra.
स्थूलमुक्ताफलान्येषां मुखलंबीनि रेजिरे । TEXT.
गजेंद्रकुंभसंभेदात् संचितानि यशांसि वा ।। 232 स्त्रग्वस्वसहसानाब्जहंसवीनमृगेशिनां ।
उक्षाः शृंगाग्रसंसक्तलबमानध्वजांशकाः। वृषभेमेंद्रचक्राणां धजा[:] स्युईशभेदकाः॥ 219 | रेजुचिपक्षजित्येव संलब्धजयकेतनाः ।। 233 अष्टोत्तरशतं ज्ञेयाः प्रत्येकं पालिकेतनाः ।
उत्पुष्करैः करै रूढध्वजा रेजुर्गजाधिपाः। एकैकस्यां दिशि प्रोच्चास्तंरगास्तोयधेरिव ।। 220 गिरींद्रा इव कूटाग्रनिपतत्पृथुनिझराः ॥ 234 " Metro,sioka (Anushtubb); and in the following
Rajendralal Mitra rend mihattaka, which he translated three verses.
by accountant'; but the first syllable is ma, not me. 10 This, which is a very unusual word, is probably & The original manuscript is in Old-Kanarese characmistake for mahattama, which we have in line 11,-Dr. I tera,

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चक्रध्वजास्सहस्रारश्चनरुत्सर्पदंशुभिः । JUTHAT HET MAAT: 11 235 नभः परिमृजंतो वा श्लिष्यंतो वा दिशांगनाः। LATEST ar fhoisifat HTM5T: 11 236
इत्यमी केतवो मोहनिर्जयोपार्जिता बभुः । Fleur HTS Tui il 237 दिश्येकस्यां ध्वजास्त. सहस्रं स्यादशीत(ति)युक् । una a f
: 238 Adi-Purána, chap. XXII.
TRANSLATION. (Verse 219). There are ten kinds of flags, such as those of garlands, cloths, peacocks, lotuses, geene, eagles, lions, bulls, elephants, and wheels.- (220.) A hundred and eight flags of each kind, raised aloft in each direction and resembling the waves of the ocean, are to be known as Pálidhrajas.-- (221.) The group of those streamers flowing in the wind, shone, as if it were desirous to invite the gods and men to the worship of Jina.- (222.) It the garlandflags, heavenly wreaths of flowers, made by the gods, hung for the delight of the virtuous.(223.) The fine-cloth-flags, moved and raised by the wind, shone like big waves, rising iu the ocean of the sky.- (224.) In the poacockHags, peacocks, sportively throwing up their plumage, and with cloth in their mouths, shone, swallowing the discarded skins of snakes which they mistook for the snakes (themselves.)
- (225.) In the lotus-flags, lotuses, by the spreading of a thousand leaflets, blown about in the sky which resembled a lake, shone as though they were real lotuses.- (226.) The images of them, reflected below on the surface of the earth, deceived the black bees which followed them from an idea that they were
real lotuses.- (227.) Seeing their beauty at that time, nowhere else to be found, Lakshmi abandoned all the lotuses, and took up her abode in them.- (228.) In the geese-flags, geese, holding white cloths in the points of their beaks, appeared to extend the whiteness of their bodies in the shape of a white cloth. - (229.) Eagles, seated on the tops of the eagleflags, shone as if desirous to take Alight, with their faces turned upwards by the movements of their wings. - (230.) The eagles, reflected on a ground studded with blue gems, appeared like the images of eagles entering the lower world to catch the kings of the serpents.(231.) On the lion-flags, lions, about to spring, appeared intent upon vanquishing the heavenly elephants.- (232.) The large pearls, hanging from the faces of the lions, looked like fame acquired by breaking open the temples of great elephants.- (233.) Bulls, with long streamers attached to the tips of their horns, shone as if they had gained banners of victory by conquering their foes.- (234.) Large elephants, hold. ing flags with their uplifted trunks, shone like lordly mountains with torrents descending from their peaks.- (235.) Flags of wheels, having a thousand spokes with waving streamers, shone as if desirous of rivalling the sun.- (236.) The great banners shone, as if brushing the sky, and as if embracing the women who are the distant regions, and as if causing the earth to shake.- (237.) Thus these flags, gained by his victory over delusion, shone, announcing the undivided sway of the Lord over the three worlds.- (238.) In one direction, all the flags were one thousand and eighty"; and, in the four directions, they were four thousand three hundred and twenty.
THE MALAYAS OF THE MUDRARAKSHASA, AND THE DOMINIONS OF
KING PARVATESVARA.
BY KESHAV H. DHRUVA, B.A.; AHMADABAD. In his Introduction to the Mudrárdkshasa, geographical positions of most of the various lately published in the Bombay Sanskrit Series, peoples and localities whose names are menMr. Tólang has succeeded in determining the tioned in the play.
The commentator renders palidhvajah by frenidhuajah and parivdra-dhvaj4h.
> On this the commentator remarks-chitra-likhit na tu sikshát. . Another reading is fukl-am fuka-dhvaja.
The commentator explains dravya-ldsyd by sarira. treklatan.
• Conf. tefta T0777 CHAT
ESHTIT TAT: 11 loll तानेकशश्शतं चाष्टौ ध्वजान्प्रतिदिशं स्थितान् । वरिवस्यत्रगाश्चक्री स तबुद्धावनेः परं ।। १७॥
Adi-Purána, chap. XXXIII.

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There is one name, however, vis. Malaya, and manuscript G. reads simply 4 TEST about which he expresses himself with doubt. (H U ). The word occurs for the His remarks are :-"Malaya, if our read.
last time at page 221. Here the text reads ing is correct, is the only southern locality alluded to in the play. It is near the southern
49:-whereas manuscripts B. E. and N. most extremity of the Western Ghats." And,
give मलयनरपतिः-and G. gives मलयजनाधिपः a little further on, in concluding his examina
We must here consider what the word Malaya tion of the various elements that constituted
is commonly used to denote, as & name of a the armies of Chandragupta and Malayakētu,
locality. Mr. Télang observes that it is used the son and successor of Parvateśvara, in their
to signify either the mountain Malaya, or the successive attempts upon Pushpapura, he
country about it; it is never known to stand writes--"A review of all these names shews
for a partioular place or city. that, except the name Malaya, they, one and
If the reading #STUTTIT at at page 204 be all, belong to the northern parts, and most to accepted as correct, it must be taken to mean the northern frontier, of India."
either" the lord of the city of Malayanagara," These quotations seem to shew that Mr. Télangor, what is equally probable, "the lord of the has misgivings as to the correctness of the read- country so named after its capital Malayanaing of the name of Malaya, on the grounds-I. gara," In either case, the name Malayanagara that the localities, alluded to in the play, all must be interpreted as "the city of the Malaya belong to the country north of the Vindhyas ;- people." To interpret it as "the city named II, that there is no locality known by the name Malaya (H047147T)," goes against the of Malaya in the north ;-and III. that it is, fact that there was no place of that name. Nor therefore, identical with the Malaya which can it be understood to mean "the city situated is situated near the southern extremity of the on the Malaya mountain," or " in the country Western Ghâţs.
named after it"; for that way of interpretation If this statement be analysed, it will be
is unusual. Thus, then, it follows that the word found to involve two suppositions ;-- I. that the
Malaya is used to denote a particular tribe, and name Malaya, occurring in the play, is meant to not a locality. Independently of this, the be the name of a locality; and II. that, as there
readings of manuscripts P. M. and E. here, is no locality of this name in the north, it must
and of manuscript G. at page 221, prove the be identified with the country of that name ini same fact. They state in clear terms that southern India.
Simhanâda was the lord of the Malaya people Now the word Malaya is never used singly | (मलयजनाधिप). Hence the word मलयनरपति in the play. It is always found conjoined with
occurring in the text at page 48 and in the footothers, so as to form compound words. It
notes at page 221, and its equivalent o f occurs for the first time at page 48, in the
in the text at page 221, must be interpreted in compound Rila, which is the reading of the same way. And in support of this interall the copies consulted by the editor. The pretation, I would refer to page 207 of the play name of this Malayanarapati is Simhanada. itself. where the words Thala and 4919 The passage, where the word is next met with,
are used in a similar way. In conformity with occurs at page 204. The reading adopted there
this view, the reading HITECT of G., which by the editor is मलअणअराहिवो(मलयनगराधिपो) apparently stands alone, must be understood In its place, the manuscripts marked P. and M. I to mean "the lord of the Malayas." That this seem to read 45m (=H645999) is the meaning intended to be conveyed by it, which is softened to Sua in manu- is evident from the variant #4591 : given script E. The Bengal text of Professor Târânath by the copy for Huara: at page 221. The Tarka-Váchaspati, ie, the copy denoted by B., correctness of the text of B. is open to much gives 35cm ( 4594CUT); suspicion. Its reading #3TGTCT is not
The term is not so loosely used as the term It denotes something more, vis a king of particular 77,7914, eura, &c., which simply mean' king.' | tribe or people (7).

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supported by any of the manuscripts consulted certainly points to the northern frontier of by Mr. Têlang. It, therefore, appears that the India as the seat of these people. The terrisuperfluous syllables are spurious additions. tory of the prince Malayakêtu must have been If these redundant syllables are rejected, the bounded by the states of Kaśmîra and Kulûta, copy will be found to agree in many respects and the land of the Malayas ; for the kings of with manuscripts P. and M., and, in material these provinces are represented, by a secret points, with manuscript E. also. Thus the agent of Chanakya, to be all intent on seizing copies P. M. E. and B. will be all in favour of the kingdom of the prince and partitioning it the reading that is rendered into Sanskpit by among themselves. Hence the Malayas must be 44 f9:"the lord of the Malaya people."
looked for in the vicinity of Kalûta and Kasmira. The omission of the syllables .5 in the
Wo turn now to the testimony of the
Chinese traveller, Hiuen Tsiang, who observes reading ai, and the addition of the
that to the north of K'iu-lu-to (Kulûta) there syllables बद in the reading मलअजणबदाधिबो, ।
was the country of Lo-u-lo (Lahul). Still seem to be due to a preconception that the word
further to the north he places the country of Malaya designates a country here. And this Mo-lo-80, which would thus fall just about on must have originated from the fact that Kulûta the eastern boundary of the Kasmîra of the and Kašmira, both names of countries, are seventh century. The name and position mentioned immediately before and after Malaya. accord so well with the brief description of the
Mr. Têlang expresses considerable doubt as to land of the Malayas given by the anthor whether the reading HMR given by the the play, that it makes it almost certain that other manuscripts, is right; and there is the country of Mo-lo-80, spoken of by the little doubt that the reading is incorrect. Chinese pilgrim, must be the land of the Though the copies are here almost equally Malayas. General Cunningham, it is true,-in divided in reading 35 and 373T
identifying the country mentioned by Hiuen TIR, still their unanimous concurrence at page
Tsiang with Marpo or Ladak,--prefers reading
Mo-lo-po for Mo-lo-80. But Mo-lo-80 seems to 48 in reading मलयनरपति, and not मलयपुरपति,
be so easily derivable from such a word as -which ought to have occurred at least as a
Malayavása, 'the habitation of the Malayas,' variant' if TTT T were correct, --in- that I would accept it as the proper reading. clines us to believe that the original reading in And Marpo itself is derivable from any such this place was 473TURII, and that a second synonymous expression as Malayapada, which at was afterwards interpolated by ignorant has the same meaning. copyists. By this slight alteration, the various Thus, then, both the internal evidence of readings of page 204 are made to accord one the play, and the independent testimony of the with another. 43pure al is the same thing as Chinese traveller, agree in locating Mo-lo-80
or Malaya vâsa, 'the habitation of the Malayas, मलअजणाहिवो; since the word नर is synony
on the northern frontier of India, and somemous with 77. For its interpretation it may
where on the eastern limits of the Kasmira of be compared with 464 fer, Herra,
the seventh century. T rya &c. The reading thus arrived at The result thus arrived at will enable us to renders irrelevant all search for the assumed ascertain the position of the kingdom of the Malayanagara, which appears to be simply the king Parvates vara, or Sailêśvara, as he is production of a clerical error.
generally called in the play. The name Par From all that is set out above, it follows that vatdávara or Sailośvara literally means the Malaya, as used in this play, was the name of a king of the mountain,' by which is commonly people, and not of a locality. It now remains understooit the Himalaya mountains. What to attempt to identify the people, and to as- portion of the Himalayan range formed the certain their geographical position,
kingdom of Parvatesvara, can be easily deterThe internal evidence furnished by the play mined from the geographical data given st It may be remarked in further corroboration of my 404
or Yesugralat: is to be found. supposition, that, even at page 221, no such variation m

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page 204 and repeated at page 221 of the play It must have been surrounded by Malayavása, KAśmira, and Kulûta, respectively, on its northern, western, and southern frontiers, the remaining side being protected by the main range of the Himalayas ; and the tract so defined is run through by a western offshoot
of the Himalayas, whose spurs cover the whole of it. If my identification of the territory of Simhanada with the district of Mo-lo-80 or Malayarása be correct, then it follows that the province thus determined was the seat of the kingdom of Parvateśvara and his successor Malayakëtu.
FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA.
BY S. M. NATESA SASTRI PANDIT. VIII.-THE MOTHER-IN-LAW BECAME AN Ass. supernatural powers to see whether all she
Little by little the mother-in-law became an said was true or not, and finding it to be the ass-varavara mámi kaludai pol dnal, is a truth she thus replied in very soothing tones :proverb among the Tamils, applied to those "I pity your misery, mother, because your who day by day go downwards in their daughter-in-law troubles and vexes you thus progress in study, position, or life, and based when you have become old, and have no strength on the following story :
in your body. Now take this mango," In a certain village there lived a Brahman and taking a ripe one from out of her hips, with his wife, mother, and mother-in-law. He she gave it to the old Brahmani with a was a very good man, and equally kind to all of smiling face-"eat it, and you will soon tarn them. His mother complained of nothing out a young woman like your own daughterfrom his hands, but his wife was a very bad- in-law, and then she shall no longer trouble tempered woman, and always troubled her you." Thus consoling the afflicted old woman, mother-in-law by keeping her engaged in this the kind-hearted Kali went away. The Brahwork or that throughout the day, and giving maņi lingered for the remainder of the night her very little food in the evening. Owing in the temple, and being a fond mother she to this the poor Brahman's mother was almost did not like to eat the whole of the mango dying of misery. On the other hand, her without giving a portion of it to her son. own mother received very kind treatment, of Meanwhile, when her son returned home in course, at her daughter's hands, by whom the the evening he found his mother absent, but husband was so completely ruled over, that his wife explained the matter to him, so as to he had no strength of mind to oppose her ill- throw the blame on the old woman, as she treatment of his mother.
always did. As it was dark he had no chance One evening, just before sun-set, the wife of going out to search for her, so he waited for abused her mother-in-law with such fary, the daylight, and as soon as he saw the dawn that the latter had to fly away to escape started to look for his mother. He had not a thrashing. Mach vexed at her unhappiness walked far when to his joy he found her in the she ran out of the village, but the sun had temple of Káli. begun to set, and the darkness of night was "How did you pass the cold night, my fast overtaking her. So finding a ruined dearest mother P" said he. "What did you have temple she entered it to pass the night there. for dinner P Wretch that I am to have got It happened to be the abode of the village myself married to a cur. Forget all her faults, Kaļi (goddess), who used to come out every and return home." night at midnight to inspect her village. That His mother shed tears of joy and sorrow, night she perceived a woman-the mother of and related her previous night's adventure the poor Brahman-lurking within her prakáras whereon he said :(boundaries), and being a most benevolent Kaļi "Delay not even one nimisha (minute), but called out to her, and asked her what made eat this fruit at once. I do not want any of it. her so miserable that she should leave her home Only if you become young and strong enough to on such a dark night. The old Brahmani told stand that nasty car's troubles, well and good." her story in a few words, and while she was So the mother ate up the divine fruit, and the speaking the canning goddess was using her son took her upon his shoulders and brought

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bray.
her home, on reaching which he placed her on of the wife disappointed her by turning her the ground, when to his joy she was no longer mother into an ass, but no one knew of it till an old woman, but a young girl of sixteen, and she actually jumped down from the shoulders stronger than his own wife. The troublesome of her son-in-law. wife was now totally put down, and was This story is always cited as the explanation powerless against so strong a mother-in-law. of the proverb quoted above-varavara mami
She did not at all like the change, and ka!udai pôl and!-little by little the mother-inbaving to give up her habits of bullying, and law became an ass, to which is also commonly so she argued to herself thus-"This jade of a added dr rarum bódu alaiyida talaippatt! - mother-in-law became young through the fruit and as she approached the village she began to of the Kali, why should not my mother also do the same, if I instruct her and send her to
IX.-THE STORY OF APPATTA. the same temple." So she instructed her mother
अपूपेन हताः चोराः as to the story she ought to give to the goddess, and sent her there. Her old mother agreeably to
हता खड्गेन केसरी। her daughter's injunctions went to the temple,
तुरंगेण हतं सैन्यम् and on meeting with the goddess at midnight
विधिर्भाग्यानुसारिणी ॥ gave a false answer that she was being greatly In a remote village there lived a poor ill-treated by her daughter-in-law, though, in Brahman and his wife. Though several years truth, she had nothing of the kind to complain
of their wedded life had passed they unfortuof. The goddess perceived the lie through her nately had no children, and so being very eager divine powers, but apparently seeming to pity for a child, and having no hope of one by his her, gave her also a fruit. Her daughter had first wife, the poor Brahman made up his mind instructed her not to eat it till next morning to marry # second. His wife would not and till she saw her son-in-law.
permit it for some time, but finding her As soon as morning approached the poor husband resolved, she gave way, thinking within henpecked Brahman was ordered by his wife herself that she would manage somehow to do to go to the temple and fetch his mother-in-law away with the second wife. As soon as he as he had some time back fetched away his had got her consent the Brahman arranged for mother. He accordingly went, and invited his second marriage and wedded a beautifnl her to come home. She wanted him to eat Brahman girl. She went to live with him in part of the fruit, as she had been instructed, the same house with the first wife, who, thinkbat he refused, and so she swallowed it all, fullying that she would be making the world expecting to become young again on reaching suspicious if she did anything suddenly, waited home. Meanwhile her son-in-law took her on for some time. his shoulders and returned home, expecting, Isvara himself seemed to favour the new as his former experience had tanght him, to see marriage, and the second wife, a year after her his mother-in-law also become a young woman. wedding, becoming pregnant, went in the sixth Anxiety to see how the change came on over. month of her pregnancy to her mother's house came him and at half way he turned his head for her confinement. Her husband bore his and found such part of the burden on his shoul. separation from her patiently for a fortnight, ders as he could see to be like parts of an ass, | but after this the desire to see her again began but he took this to be a mere preliminary to prey upon his mind, and he was always asking stage towards youthful womanhood! Again he his first wife as to when he ought to go to turned, and again he saw the same thing several her. She seemed to sympathise fully with his times, and the more he looked the more his trouble and said :burden became like an ass, till at last when he "My dearest husband, your health is being reached home his burden jamped down bray daily injured, and I am glad that your love ing like an ass and ran away.
for her has not made it worse than it is. Thus the Kali, perceiving the evil intentions To-morrow you must start on a visit to her.
Compare the tale of Fatta, the Valiant Weaver, ante Vol. XI. p. 282 ff.Ed.

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It is said that we should not go empty-handed to children, a king, or a pregnant woman: so I shall give you one hundred apúpa cakes, packed up separately in a vessel, which you must give to her. You are very fond of apupas, and I fear that you will eat some of them on the way but you had better not do so. And I will give you some cakes packed in a cloth separately for you to eat on your journey."
So the first wife spent the whole night in preparing the apúpa cakes, and mixed poison in the sugar and rice-flour of those she made for her co-wife and rival; but as she entertained no enmity against her husband the apupa cakes for him were properly prepared. By the time the morning dawned she had packed up the hundred apúpas in a brass vessel, which could be easily carried on a man's head.
After a light breakfast-for a heavy one is always bad before a journey on foot-the Brahman placed the brass vessel on his head, and holding in his hand the kerchief containing the food for himself on the way started for the village of his second wife, which happened to be at a distance of two days' journey. He walked in hot haste till evening approached, and when the darkness of night overtook him, the rapidity of his walk had exhausted him, and he felt very hungry. He espied a wayside shed and a tank near his path, and entered the water to perform his evening ablution to the god of the day, who was fast going down below the horizon. As soon as this was over he untied his kerchief, and did full justice to its contents by swallowing every cake whole. He then drank some water and, being quite overcome by fatigue, fell into a deep slumber in the shed, with his brass vessel and its sweet, or rather poisonous, contents under his head.
[APRIL, 1885. princess in the night without her knowledge while she was sleeping, to his palace in the woods. In obedience to their chieftain's order the robbers, on the night the Brahman happened to sleep in the shed, entered the king's palace and stole away the princess, together with the cot on which she was sleeping. On reaching the shed the hundred robbers found themselves very thirsty -for being awake at midnight always brings on thirst. So they placed the cot on the ground and were entering the water to quench their thirst. Just then they smelt the apúpa cakes, which, for all that they contained poison, had a very sweet savour. The robbers searched about the shed, and found the Brahman sleeping on one side, and the brass vessel lying at a distance from him, for he had pashed it from underneath his head when he had stretched himself in his sleep. They opened the vessel and to their joy found in it exactly one hundred apúpa cakes.
"We have one here for each of us, and that is something better than mere water. Let us each eat before we go into it," said the leader of the gang, and at once each man swallowed greedily what he had in his hand, and immediately all fell down dead. Lacky it was that no one knew of the old Brahman's trick, Had the robbers any reason to suspect it they would never have eaten the cakes. Had the Brahman known it he would never have brought them with him for his dear second wife. Lucky was it for the poor old Brahman and his second wife, and lucky was it for the sleeping princess, that these cakes went, after all, into the stomachs of the villainous robbers!
Close by the spot where the Brahman slept there reigned a famous king who had a very beautiful daughter. Several persons demanded her hand in marriage, among whom was a robber chieftain, who wanted her for his only sou. Though the king liked the boy for his beauty, the thought that he was only a robber for all that prevented him from making up his mind to give his daughter in marriage to him. The robber-lord, however, was determined to have his own way, and accordingly despatched one hundred of his band to fetch away the
After sleeping his fill the Brahman, who had been dreaming of his second wife all night, awoke in haste to parsue the remainder of his journey to her house. He could not find his brass vessel, but near the place where he had left it he found several men of the woods, whom he knew very well by their appearance to be robbers, as he thought, sleeping. Angered at the loss of his vessel he took up a sword from one of the dead robbers and cut off all their heads, thinking all the while that he was killing one hundred living robbers, who were sleeping after having eaten all his cakes. Presently the princess's cot fell under his gaze, and he approached it and found on it a most beautiful lady fast asleep. Being an

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intelligent man he perceived that the persons "Most honoured king, while you have a whose heads he had cut off, must have been son-in-law who killed one hundred robbers some thieves, or other wicked men, who had with his sword, why should you continue to carried her off. He was not long in doubt, send a man into the wood every week. We for not far off he saw an army marching request you to send your son-in-law next week up rapidly with a king at its head, who to the wood and have the lioness killed." was saying, "Down with the robber who This seemed most reasonable to the king, has stolen away my daughter." The Brahman who called for his son-in-law and sent him at once inferred that this must be the father of armed to the teeth into the wood. the sleeping princess, and suddenly waking Now our Bråbmaq could not refuse to go for her up from her sleep spoke thus to her :- fear of losing the fame of his former exploit,
"Behold before you the hundred robbers and hoping that fortune would favour him, he that brought you here a few hours ago from asked his father-in-law to have him hoisted your palace. I fought one and all of them up into a big banyan tree with all kinds of single handed and have killed them all."
weapons, and this was done. The appointed The princess was highly pleased at what she time for the lioness to eat her prey approached, heard, for she knew of all the tricks the robbers and as she saw no one coming for her, and as had previously played to carry her off. So she sometimes those that had to come used to linger fell reverently at the Brahman's feet and said: | for a short time in the tree in which the
“Friend, never till now have I heard of & Brahman had taken refuge, she went ap to warrior who single-handed fought one hundred it to see that no such trick has been played robbers. Your valour is unparalleled. I will upon her this time. This made the Brahman be your wife, if only in romembrance of your tremble so violently that he dropped the having saved me from falling into the hands sword he held in his hand. At that very of these ruffians."
moment the lioness happened to yawn and the Her father and his army was now near the sword dropped right into her jaws and killed shed, for he had all along watched the con- her. As soon as the Bråbman saw the course dact of the robber chieftain, and as soon as the which events had taken, he came down from maidservants of the palace informed him of the tree and invented a thousand stories the disappearance of the princess and her cot, of how he had given battle to the terrible he marched straight with his soldiers for the lioness and overcome her. This exploit fully woods. His joy, when he saw his daughter established his valour, and feasts and rejoicings safe, knew no bounds, and he flew into his in honour of it followed, and the whole country daughter's arms, while she pointed to the Brah- round blessed the son-in-law of their king. man as her preserver. The king now put a Near this kingdom there also reigned a thousand questions to our hero, who, being well powerful emperor, who levied tribute from all versed in matters of fighting, gave sound re- the surrounding countries. To this emperor plies, and so came successfully out of his first the father-in-law of our most valorous Brahmay, adventure. The king, astonished at his valoar, who, at one stroke, had killed one hundred took him to his palace, and rewarded him with robbers and, at another, a fierce lioness, had also the hand of the princess. And the robber to pay a certain amount of tribute ; but trusting chieftain, fearing the new son-in-law who single- to the power of his son-in-law, he stopped the handed had killed a hundred of his robbers, tribute to the emperor, who, by the way, was never troubled himself about the princess. named Appayya Raja, and who, as soon as the Thus the Brahman's first adventure ended in tribute was stopped, invaded his dominions, making him son-in-law to a king !
and his father in law besought the Brahma: Now there lived a lioness in & wood near for assistance. the princess's country, who had a great taste for Again the poor Brahman could not refuse;
man flesh, and so once a week the king used for if he did all his former fame would be to send a man into the wood to serve as her lost. So he determined to undertake this prey. All the people now collected together adventure also, and to trust to fortrine rather before the king and said :
than give up the attempt. He asked for

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the best horse and the sharpest sword and set out to fight the enemy, who had already encamped on the other side of the river, which flowed at a short distance to the east of the town.
Now the king had a very unruly horse, which had never been broken in, and this he gave his son-in-law; and, supplying him with a sharp sword, asked him to start. The Brahman then asked the king's servants to tie him up with cotton strings tight on to the saddle, and set out on the expedition.
The horse, having never till then felt a man on its back, began to gallop most furiously, and flew onwards so fast that all who saw it thought the rider must lose his life, and he too was almost dead with fear. He tried his best to curb his steed, but the more he pulled the faster it galloped, till giving up all hopes of life he let it take its course. It jumped into the water and swam across to the other side of the river, wetting the cotton cords by which the Brahman was tied down to the saddle, making them swell and giving him the most excruciating pain. He bore it, however, with all the patience imaginable. Presently the horse reached the other side of the river, where there was a big palmyra tree, which a recent flood had left almost uprooted and ready to fall at the slightest touch. The Brahman, unable to stop the course of the horse, held fast on to the tree, hoping thus to check its wild career. But unfortunately for him the tree gave way, and the steed galloped on so furiously that he did not know which was the safer-to leave the tree or to hold on to it. Meanwhile the wet cotton cords hurt him so that he, in the hopelessness of despair, bawled out appa! ayya!1 On went his steed, and still he held on to the palmyra tree. Though now fighting for his own life, the people that were watching him from a great distance thought him to be flying to the battlefield armed with a palmyra tree! The cry of lamentation appa ayya, which he uttered, his enemy mistook for a challenge because, as we know, his name happened to be Appayya.
[APRIL, 1885.
Horror-struck at the sight of a warrior armed with a huge tree, his enemy turned and fled. Yathá rájá tatha prajáḥ-"As is the king so are the subjects," and accordingly his followers also fled. The Brahman warrior (!) seeing the fortunate course events had again taken pursued the enemy, or rather let his courser have its own furious way. Thus the enemy and his vast army melted away in the twinkling of an eye and the horse, too, when it became exhausted, returned towards the palace.
The old king had been watching from the loftiest rooms of his palace all that had passed on the other side of the river, and believing his son-in-law had, by his own prowess, driven out the enemy, approached him with all pomp. Eager hands quickly cut the knots by which the victorious (!) Brahman had been held tight in his saddle, and his old father-in-law with tears of joy embraced him and congratulated him on his victory, saying that the whole kingdom was indebted to him. A splendid triumphal march was conducted, in which the eyes of the whole town were directed towards our victorious hero.
MEN.
If a lizard falls on a man's head or top-knot, he will be happy; if on the exact spot where the
Thus, on three different occasions, and in three different adventures, fortune favoured the poor Brahman and brought him fame. He then sent for his two former wives and took them into his palace. His second wife, who was pregnant, when he first started with the apûpa cakes to see her, had given birth to a male child, who was, when she came back to him, more than a year old. The first wife confessed to her husband her sin of having given him poisoned cakes and craved his pardon; and it was only now that he came to know that the hundred robbers he killed in his first adventure were all really dead men, and that they must have died from the effects of the poison in the cakes, and since her treachery had given him a new start in life he forgave her. She, too, gave up her enmity to the partners of her husband's bed, and all the four lived in peace and plenty for many a long day afterwards.
OMENS FROM THE FALLING OF HOUSE LIZARDS. BY K. RAGHUNATHJI.
hair is tied by a knot, it causes. a disease; if on the ends of the hair, it means ruin, and if on the skull, it denotes death. If a lizard
Which in Tamil are exclamations of lamentation, meaning, Ah! Alas!

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falls on the forehead wealth is obtained ; if ondestruction, and if on to the middle of the the right cheek, any wealth specially wished left hand, it brings wealth. for is obtained ; if on the left cheek, the If a lizard fall on to the belly, it brings riches; man is blessed with a sight of his deceased on to the waist, clothes, and on to the navel, relations, and if in the middle of the cheek, victory and fame. If on to the buttocks, it he will get his “daily bread."
brings disease, on to the anus, death; on to If a lizard falls on the eye-brows, there will the thighs, a loss of clothes; on to the pubey, be a loss of wealth, but if between them, there destruction of property; on to the private will be an accretion of wealth. If it drops on parts, & sore disease ; on to either knee, imto the right eye, the omen is good, but if on prisonment; on to the ankle-bone, the death to the left, imprisonment is sure to follow. of a wife.
If a lizard fall on to the right ear, gain, but If a lizard fall anywhere below the knees to if on to the left, trouble will follow. Should the feet, it bodes a journey; on to the feet, one fall on to the nose, it is lucky, but if it imprisonment; and on to the feet joined together, fall on to the end of it it is calamitous. If one death; on to the heel, it will cause happiness; fall on to the mouth, a feast of sweet dishes is but on to the toes, a son's death; and on to imminent; if on to the apper lip a beating, but the toe-nails, the death of domestic animals and if on to the lower lip, wealth and splendour.
honsehold servants. If one should fall on to the joined lips, death is
But the luckiest thing of all is that of a lizard certain, and if below the lips and above the falling on the soles of the feet, as then all chin, know there will be enmity with the king. enemies are sure to perish! If one fall on to the throat, there will be &
WOMEN. meeting with friends, and if below it, there is a If a lizard fall upon the head of a woman, fear of the action of enemies.
she becomes wealthy; but if upon her skull If a lizard fall on to the right shoulder, there it means death; upon the knot of the hair, will be a success shortly, but defeat if one falls on disease; and on to the end of the hair, death. to the left shoulder. The greatest happiness If one fall on the neck there will be constant ensues on a lizard's falling on to the middle strife; if on the forehead, a loss of property ; of the hand, but if it fall on to the other parts and if on the right cheek, be sure that widow. of the hand or on to the back of it, loss of hood will be her lot. But if a lizard fall on property is sustained. If one falls on to the her left cheek she will meet her beloved ; and wrist, it means jewels and ornaments, and if live long, if it fall on the right ear. She on to the fingers, it means the fulfilment of the will obtain golden ornaments if it falls on her heart's desire, but if on the nails, a loss of left ear. There will be misery if it falls on her wealth.
right eye, but if on the left eye the Sastras If a lizard falls on to the back, there will be assure her that she will meet her absent news of friends, and if on either side, a husband. meeting with an absent brother. A lizard fall- If a lizard fall on her nose, she will get some ing on to the heart increases happiness, on disease; if on the upper lip, strife; if on the lower to either breast, fortune; into the arm-pits, lip, wealth and splendour; and if on the closed bestows happiness on the women of the house- lips, destruction. If a lizard fall below the hold.
lips, and above the chin, strife will follow; if A lizard falling on to the left upper arm, will on to the mouth, a sweet feast; if on to the cause much agony of mind, but good luck if throat, ornaments; if on to the shoulders, ornaon to the right arm. If one fall on to the left ments set with precious gems; if on to the hand, a quarrel will arise in the family; if on to loins, immediate happiness and wealth; if on the left wrist, a loss of property will be to the back, enmity with brothers; if on to sustained. If one fall on to the back of the either side, she will meet her brothers. left hand or fingers, it gives fame or renown; If a lizard fall on a woman's right hand, a but if on the nails of the left hand it will cause loss of property will be incurred; if on to her
But some say that this means misery

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left hand, there will be gain; if on the right If any one sees two lizards fight and drop wrist, anguish and loss of wealth; if on the left down, all his troubles are at an end and his wrist, she will get ornaments; if on the middle household will become happy. If a lamp is of either hand, very great happiness; if on extinguished by the falling of a lizard, the to the back of either hand or of the fingers, household will be ruined, but this may be ornaments; if on the nails, destruction; if on averted by not living in the house for the next the breasts, great sorrow ; if on the heart, three months. If a lizard falls on any part of increase of happiness, and if on the parts the clothing, it destroys position in society, about the belly, she will be blessed with a and raises quarrels ; if on to a sword or other virtuous boy.
implement of war, enemies will perish; and If a lizard fall on to the belly of a girl, if on a horse or other riding animal, painful she will get married early; if on to the travelling will be the result. belly of a woman, it bodes luck; if on to If a lizard falls on a person on his birthday, the navel, an increase of good fortune; if on to birth-planet, on the day on which he has the anus, death; if on to the waist, clothes; and bárdvd-chandra, at the time of Vaidhfiti, if on to the private parts, she will suffer from Vyatipdta, the Utpáta day, eclipses, Yamaghanta, some disease.
Mrityuyoga, Dagdhayôga, Kalini, Sravana, or A woman will be blessed with a child, if a other unlucky stars, be sure that evil will befall lizard fall on her thighs; if on the knees she him. will suffer imprisonment; if on any part be- If a lizard falls upon any person, and rans tween the knees and the ankles, loss of wealth; towards the east, then any event he is lookif on the ankle-bone, death; if on the right ing for will end according to his expectafoot she will have to go to her native country. tions. If it runs towards the south-east Immense wealth and a son are hers on whose danger is to be apprehended from fire; if left foot a lizard falls, and she will be rich in towards the south, death; if towards the grain if one falls on her toe-nails.
south-west, strife; if towards the west, gain GENERAL.
of wealth; if towards the north-west, disease ; Should a lizard fall while a person is sleep if towards the north, much profit; and if ing on a bed, consider it lucky; while sitting towards the north-east, then any event down, either lucky or unlucky. If a lizard anxiously expected will end according to exfall on a dining plate, after the meal is over, it pectation. is a sign of friendship between brothers; if on the If a lizard falls on a person on the first day body of a person while walking, that will befall an of the moon, then all things will be propitious to enemy which was to have happened to himself. him; if on the second day, he gets a kingdom;
If a lizard fall on food after it is served, if on the third day, gain; if on the fourth, throw it away, and if one falls on a plate oni sickness; if on the fifth, sixth, and seventh which food has not yet been served, it brings days, wealth ; and if on the eighth, ninth, and fear, grief, and disease. If one fall on the fire tenth days, death. If it falls on the eleventh at which a man's food is about to be cooked, day, he will be blessed with a son; if on the his wife dies. If one fall in a temple, the twelfth day, with both son and wealth; if on king dies; if in an assembly, it causes the death the thirteenth day, he will sustain a loss; if of the president; if in the middle of the house, on the fourteenth, loss of wealth; and if at the death of the owner of the house; if the full moon or new moon, loss of brothers between two persons, the best one of the two
and wealth. dies. If one fall while a man and woman are If lizard falls on a person on a Monday, cohabiting, they become separated from each Wednesday, Thursday, or Friday, he will gain other for the rest of their lives; but if one falls wealth; but if on a Sunday, Tuesday, or Satarwhile they are in coitu and on the man's day, he will lose it. private parts, it is lucky, and the woman is If a lizard falls on any one at the time of blessed with eight very beautiful sons.
the first two signs of the zodiac, vix. :-Mésha or . When the moon enters into the twelfth sign from his birth star.

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Vrishabha, there will be gain; if in Maithuna
METHODS OF AVERTING Evil. or Kanyá, he will be blessed with a daughter; 1 In order to avert the evils arising from the if in Sinha, he will suffer loss of wealth; if in fall of a lizard, the sufferer should have Tulá or Vrischika, he will obtain rich clothes; recourse to the following means :- When if in Dhanus or Makara, wealth; if in Kumbha, touched by a lizard he should immediately great loss; and if in Mina or Karka, joy. bathe in the clothes he wore at the time; he Excepting at the Sula, Vajra, Vyatipáta,
should drink a mixture of the five products of Paridhi and Paidhriti yôgas (or junctions of
the cow, vis., dung, arine, milk, curds, and planets), the falling of a lizard at any of the
clarified butter, and, putting melted butter yogas is lucky.
into a cup he should look into it. Whether Excepting the periods of Nága and Chatush- weak or strong, if a man has any regard pada, when it occasions lamentation, and of for his welfare, this should be his first care. Bhadra, when it produces death, the falling of He should next perform the Punydha-vdchana a lizard during the astronomical period called ceremony, which is as follows:Karana, of which there are eleven, is lucky. A golden image of a lizard is made, ten pal in
If a lizard falls during Asvini, the first of weight, or as near it as the sufferer can afford. the twenty-seven lunar asterisms, it gives It is dressed in a piece of red cloth and worhealth and wealth; if during Bharani the shipped with sandal paste, flowers and grains of second asterism, it produces disease; during rice. In front of it are then placed an earthen Krittikd, loss of wealth; in Rohini or Mriga, jar on grains of rice decorated with cloth, wealth; in Ardra, death; in Punarvasú, gain flowers, and grains of rice, and filled with the of wealth; in Pushya, gain; in Abléshá, death;
five kinds of ambrosia (pañchámrita), viz. in Maghd, welfare; in Pârvd, an increase of milk, curds, clarified butter, honey and sugar; illness in the family, and in Uttará, Hastd, the five products of the cow (panchagavya), the Chitra and Swati, it is lacky; while in Vic five jewels (pancharatna), viz., gold, diamond, bakh 4 loss of wealth will be sustained. In amethyst, emerald, and pearl ; five kinds of Anuradha it gives a kingdom, in Jyéshthá it leaves (panchapallavas), vix., the four figs and causes ruin; and in Mila it gives happiness; I the mango; and the seven kinds of earth but in Parvd it causes death. In Uttara, (saptamsittika), vix. from an elephant's stable, it is lucky; in Sravana, it gives a kingdom ; ! from a horse's stablo, from a king's gate, from in Dhanish thá, it causes ruin; in Satatáraká under the khaskhas grass (andropogon muricait bestows happiness; in Révati, it gives & tum), from where four roads meet, from a cow's kingdom; and in Púrvabhadrá or Uttarabhadrú, stable, and from an anthill. The whole is it is lucky.
then worshipped with sandalwood, flowers, The fall of a house-lizard on a person, or grains of rice, turmeric, red and scented a field-lizard (sárdd) running up his body are powders, with offerings of sweet dishes, the both unlucky ; but if a house-lizard is found waving of incense, a lighted butter lamp and creeping up him, or a field-lizard falls upon camphor. The sacrificial fire is then lighted him, it is lucky. If a field-lizard falls on a and fed with wood of the khair (an acacia), person and tries to creep up him, it is luckier sesamum and clarified but'er; a prostration than when it merely falls upon him. If a before it is made with a low bow and joined field-lizard climbs up any one's body with its hands, and forgiveness is asked. By this face upwards, and an ordinary lizard (pal) act the worshipper is blessed with long descends down anyone with its face down. life, wealth, victory, health, prosperity and wards, then luck is instant.
posterity.
CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. BY HENRY H. HOWORTH, F.S.A.
(Continued from p. 92.) The division which Ogotai sent under the haj.i-Saraj tells us was the capital of the Sultans Noyan Ilji towards the mountains of Ghur and of Ghur. It had been attacked by the Mongols Herat apparently assailed Firuzkoh, which Min under the Juzbi Uklan in the year 1220, but

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after assailing it for twenty days the invaders had withdrawn again. The second attack, to which we are now referring, took place two years later, and its governor, Malik Imad-n'd-din Zangi, with the people there, were Blaughtered."
Another exploit of a portion of Ogotai's army in 1222 was an attack upon Saif Rud, which is described as the most powerful fortress in the mountains. I do not know its situation. Raverty says the name is also written Sankaran, it was also written Balarwan, Yalarwan or Badwan. When the Khuârezm Shah Muhammad retired westwards he left it in charge of the Malik Kutb-u'd-din Husain, who was ordered to put it in a state of defence. He had barely time to build a reservoir to contain 40 days' supply, when the Mongols overran Ghur and drew near, under the Noyans Mangutah, Karachah and Utsuz, and for 50 days they attacked it with great loss on either side. There were a great many quadrupeds in the fortress, and they killed as many as they could dry, and the rest, 24,400, died for want of water, and were thrown over the rampart, and we are told the face of the glacis for a depth of 40 gaz was completely strewn with their carcases; half a man of water and a man of grain were assigned to each person except the governor, who had a man of wator, one-half for his ablations and one-half foi drinking purposes; the former was afterwards given to his horse, which was the only horse that remained alive there. When the siege had lasted 50 days only another day's supply of water remained. The Malik thereupon convened the men in the fortress, and proposed that the next day they should put the women and children to death with their own hands, and, having thrown open the gateway and concealed themselves in some place inside, when the Mongols entered they should rush in upon them and fight them until they had attained martyrdom. They made up their minds to follow this advice and bade adieu to each other, when that very night there come a heavy fall of rain and snow, so that, to use the rhetorical language of our author, "they who had endured the thirst of 50
days, and during that time had not drunk the sherbet or their fill of water, drank from the coverings of the tents and sayah-bans so much snow water in satisfying their longing that for a period of seven days after smoke issued front their throats along with their saliva." The summer was now virtually over, and the rainy season at hand, and this supply of water would last them a month or more. The Mongols, seeing this raised the siege, "and went to hell till tho following year." The next year after the defeat of Jelal-n'd-din the Mongols (as I argue, a portion of Ogotai's army), again appeared at Saif Rud. Its governor, the Malik Kutb-u'd-din Husain had meanwhile put it in a state of repair, constructed fresh reservoirs, and provisioned it amply. The investment continued for two months, but in vain, when the people, who had grown weary and exhausted, in spite of the advice of the governor, agreed to a trace by which the people should go down into the Mongol camp for three days, and dispose of the commodities they possessed for gold and silver, cattle and woollen garments as they required, and that after this truce the Mongols should march away. For two days the traflio went on amicably and without interruption, but on the evening of the second day the Mongols concealed a number of armed men behind rocks, bales of clothes, pack saddles, and in the broken ground about their camp, and when the people came down as usual to do their bartering on the third day, and mixed with the besiegers, all at once the drums were beaten, a shout was raised, and the Musalmans seized and deprived of their arms or killed. A shrewd person, who was among the traffickers, and was named Fakhru'd-dîn Nishapuri, had a dagger in the leg of his boot, which he drew upon a Mongol who seized him. The latter let him go, and he escaped again to the mountains. This incident is made the text of a homily on prudence by our chronicler. He adds that 280 of the principal men of the place were treacherously captured on this occasion. The Mongols now proposed that the people of SaifRud should ransom their relatives, but the governor, Kutbu'd-din, would not hear of it. They thereupon fell upon and killed them with
Tabakat-i-Namiri, pp. 1007, 1055 and 1056. Id. p. 1057 The variants of this last name aro Albar, Alsar,
Abaar, Atar, Asar, Albasar or Alburz, Raverty, Tabakat. i-Nasiri, p. 1063 note.
Tabakat-i-Nasiri, pp. 1062 and 1065

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their knives, stones, &c. &c. Preparations D'Ohason says it was afterwards also known to renew the attack on the fortress were now as Nerretu. It was built on rook, and the vigorously made, but the governor was a man approach to it was so dimealt that a narrow of resources. A large number of big stones were path, half a league long, had to be traversed, planted, so that a slight touch would send them along which only two mon could pass to
olling to the bottom, and other stones as big reach it. Minhaj-i-Saraj describes it “as as millstones were fastened to beams, and these an exceedingly strong fortress, the like of which were fastened to the battlements by ropes. for height and for solidity was not to be found Meanwhile the garrison was divided into two anywhere. From Herat to Kalyan was a dissections, one behind the ramparts, the other tance of 20 farsangs, the road mounting all behind the great blocks of stone, and orders the way to the foot of the rock on which the were given that no one should move till the fort was planted. From the foot of this rock drums sounded. When at dawn next day the to the ramparts was another farsang." The Mongols sent a force of 10,000 against the height of the rock was about 1,000 cubits and fortress, they were allowed to mount up about the face of it like a wall, so that no living two arrow flights before the Musalmans showed thing could mount it save reptiles. The sumthemselves. When only a hundred yards separat- mit was a plateau of a considerable extent. ed them the kettle-drums were beaten inside, Within the fortress the inhabitants had dug all raised a shout, the ropes were cut and the geven wells in the solid rock, which were mill stones, beams, &c. went rolling down, and supplied with perennial water. we read that from the summit of the hill to The Mongols had already attacked the place the bottom the Mongols and renegades lay twice without result, and feeling that they were prostrate together, and a great number of the certain to return, and would employ against Mongol grandees, Noyans and Bahadurs," went them the soldiery at Herat, the garrison deterto hell." This disastrous assault, which we are mined to compromise the people at the latter told took place in the year 620 Hj. i.e. 1223, place so much with the Mongols that they put an end to the siege, which was now raised. would have to make common cause with them. A few days later the Mongols made another They accordingly wrote to Abubekr and Manattempt to surprise the fortress of Tulak, bat gatai,o saying they were willing to surrender, had to retire after losing many men.
but that fearing the Mongols greatly they first Having traced the operations of Ogotai and wished to obtain a promise in writing from Chagatai, let us turn to the third army which their Khan that their lives would be safe. The was sent against Herat. When the news of two governors already named promised to Jelalu'd-dîn's victory at Parwan reached secure this, and also proposed to re-open comKhorasan, according to Minhaj-i-Saraj, in munications between the two places. This every town and city of Khorasan, wherever was what the people at Kalyan desired, in order Mongol shahnahs or commissaries were station- to secure their purpose. They thereupon ed the people sent them to hell. Among the despatched 70 brave men, disguised as merplaces where an outbreak occurred after this chants, who having concealed their arms in their fashion was Herat, which, unlike the other bales entered the place separately and assassinagreat cities of Khorasan, had been spared by ted the two governors, whereupon the citizens the Mongols, as I have already described. of Herat pat to the sword all the dependents of The special chronicle of Herat, written by the murdered chiefs, and elected two others of Mu'ayinu'd-din Muhammad El Esfezari, gives their own." Malik Mubarizu'd-din Sebzevari, some interesting details of this revolt, which who had been nominated governor of Firuzkoh have been abstracted by D'Ohsson,
by the Khuárezm Shah Muhammad, and disNot far from Herat, in the district of Badghiz agreeing with the people there had gone on to was a very strong fortress, called Kalyun.' | Herat, had the military supervision of the
• Tabaklt-i-Nişiri, pp. 1065-1070. • Labakat-i-Nigiri, p. 1042. Erdmann calls it Kalebuin and D'Ohsson Calioun. D'Ohsson, Vol. I. p. 311.
10 Called Mingtai' by D'Ohason and Mengbai by Erdmann.
11 D'Ohsson, Vol. I. p. 311 and 312.

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place while the civil administration was made terrible slaughter, neither age nor sex being over to the Khoja Fakhr-u'd-din Abdu'r. spared, and for seven days a continual scene of Rahman, who was apparently a Jewish banker bloodshed ensued, while the buildings were of great wealth, and the two proceeded to torn down and burnt. 1,600,000 people are put the place in a state of defence. When said to have perished in this butchery, and Chinghiz Khân heard of this outbreak he Ilchikadai sent his master the most precious reprimanded Tuloi severely for his generosity things he had captured, with several thousand to the Herat people, and sent his nephew young captives." Having captured Herat Ilchithe Noyan Ilchikadai, son of his younger kadai marched very naturally to revenge limbrother Kachiun, with an army of 80,000 self apon Kalyun, and when he reached the horsemen, and with the grim remark that Kasbah of Aobahhe sent a body of 2,000 inasmuch as the dead had come to life again, he | men with orders to return to Herat and to kill Was to take care this did not occur again, by cut- any fugitives who might have returned and reting off the heads of the citizens and sparing occupied it. They thus slaughtered 3,000 more; nothing." He set out in January 1222, and D'Ohsson says 2,000 people. Of the famous having reached the river of Herat halted for a men of Herat only Khalif Mulana Sherif-u'd month, while he collected his siege machinery, din Chugrutan remained alive. He had 15 and also got together an army of 50,000 men companions with him, and they sheltered on a from the neighbouring districts of Khorasan, scarped rock in that district till the danger was Balkh and Shaburghan. This raised his army over. This small band, which had only grown to 130,000 men, and he seems to have disposed to 40 a year later, constituted the entire poputhe greater part of them in four bodies of lation of Herat, and they lived together in the 30,000 each, about the four sides of the city, great mosque: a proof of the terrible punishand sent a menacing message into the place to inent the plate received." Meanw bile Ilchi. say that those who resisted would be punished kadai proceeded to attack Kalyan, which was with death, while those who did not would be governed by Ikhtiyar-ul-Mulk, engrosser of the Apared.
Imperial seals, assisted by two famous chamThe place was well prepared for defence, and pions, sons of Abubekr, also called the Sozanits governor was an indomitable person. gar.' They were so tall that it was said when Minhaj-i-Saraj describes him as "an aged they accompanied Sultan Muhammed Khuarozm man of fine and handsome presence, who rode Shah with their hands placed on his stirrups, through the city, fully armed and who arrayed their heads rose higher than his. They were also in defensive armour and lance in hand fought famous for their valour. The fortress was well against the infidels until he attained martyr. provisioned, and abundantly supplied with me dom." The siege lasted for six months and and weapons, and had only recently been conseventeen days, during which several assaults quered, together with the neighbouring fortress were made, in each of which the Mongols are of Fiwar, by the Khuậrezm Shah. The garrison said to have lost 5,000 men. At length a long made numerous sorties, and so harassed their stretch of wall was battered down, and accord. assailants, that the latter eventually surrounded ing to one reading buried 400 of the besiegers in the fortress with a wall in which were two the rains : another is that they took possession gates with walls before them, or as some copies of the ruins. Dissension now arose inside, one of the work say with a double wall, and men party being for capitulating and the other for were assigned to keep watch at night. "A continuing the struggle. At length, on the trustworthy person related how a fox was 14th of June 1222, the Mongols forced their entrapped inside this wall between it and the way in at the gate afterwards called the fortress for a period of seven months and could Khakiskar Burj or Gate of Arches, and began a not get away, showing how closely the place
1 Erdmann, P. 124; Tabakat-i-Nosiri, p. 1049 note. 13 Tabak 4-6-Naşiri, pp. 1050 and 1051. 1. Erdmann says 40, and Raverty 50 ells.
Erdmann, pp. 424 and 425 ; D'Ohason, Vol. I. p. 813 ; Tubalat - Napin, pp. 1050 and 1051 notes ; Abulghazi, pp. 137 and 133; Sharat-ul-Atrak, pp. 104 and 167.
18-Reverty says it is a well known place on the direct route from Herat to Kabul, but I cannot find it on my mape, nor Kalyun either.
1 Erdmann, pp. 425 and 426 D'Ohsson, vol. I, pp. 313 and 814; Shajrat-ul-Atrak, 167.
Tabakat-i-Năşiri, pp. 1008 and 1052.

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was watched." The siege had lasted for twelve beyond that they were somewhere in Ghur, I months when Saadi, who had been attacking cannot identify. Seistan, as I have described, arrived with a | This completes the account we can give at reinforcement, and the attack became more present of the Mongol campaign in the mounvigorous. Meanwhile a pestilence broke out | tain country of Ghur, which is almost entirely inside the fortress from the people constantly derived from the Tabakdt-i-Nasiri. It will not having to eat dried flesh, pistachio nuts and be inopportune to conclude with a characteristic clarified butter. The place had held out for anecdote, showing what manner of men these 16 months, and so many of the garrison had were before whom the stupendous difficultiex been carried off that but 50 persons remained of campaigning in this most difficult country alive, and of these 20 had swollen feet, one of were overcome. The story is told of the Chief the symptoms of the pestilence. A fugitive above mentioned, and whose name is given as informed the Mongols of this, who thereupon Uklan the Juzbi by Raverty." made an assault. The garrison, we are teld, Minhaj-i-Saraj tells us that on one occasion threw their gold and silver treasures and other Habashii-Abd-ul Malik Saur-Zarrad, to whoni valuables into the wells which they filled up with the Mongols had given the title of Khusrau of large stones and then burnt the rest. They Ghur, having returned to Ghur from Talikan then opened the gateway, drew their swords, with Chinghiz Khân's permission, reported that threw themselves upon the Mongols, and were on a certain occasion when seated in the preslaughtered. About 10 farsangs from Kalyun, sence of the great conqueror Uklan the Juzbi and within sight of it, was another fortress, and other Noyans, Uklan being the highest in named Fiwar of Kadas, and Minhaj-i-Saraj rank, someone brought in two Mongols who tells us if strange horsemen should reach the had fallen asleep at their posts the night before. base of the former in the day the people there Uklan asked who had brought them, upon made a smoke and at night lighted a fire as a which a Mongol bent the knee and said he haul beacon, and vice versa. We have seen how done so, and being further asked what offence Arslan Khân of Kaialik and Tulan the Jazbi the men had committed he said they were were sent by Chinghiz to attack the fortress mounted on horseback when he was going of Walkh in Tokharistan, and how they cap- round examining the guards. He came up to tured it. They afterwards we are told, ad. them, and found them both asleep, and he passeil vanced upon Fiwar. This stronghold was on, and now he had brought them up. Uklan even more impregnable than Kalyun, and it is asked them if it was true, and they assented. said that it could be defended by 10 men. He then said, cut off the head of one of them . The two Mongol chiefs pressed their attack for and fanten it to the double "pigtail" of the ten months, when provisions began to run other. Parade him round the camp, then put short in their camp. They thereupon sent to him to death also. The accused and accusers Kalyun and brought up stores from that re- all made obeisance, and the command was duly cently captured place. Meanwhile a messenger carried out. The Gharian chief was astonished came down from the stronghold into their at what he saw, and said to Uklan, “There camp, and reported how nearly all the garrison was no evidence or proof on the part of the were dead, not more than seven remaining acuuser, and how was it the accused confessed, alive, and of these four or five were ill. They knowing their panishment would be death. then attacked and captured it, and put these which a denial would have saved them from." seven to death. This, we are told, took place in Uklan replied, "Why are you astonished ? You the latter part of the year 619 Hj. i.e. 1222." Tajiks do such things, and tell lies. A Mongol,
The exact situation of Kalyan and Fiwar, were a thousand lives at stake, would rather bu
19 Tabakht-i-Naşiri, pp. 1052 and 106. • 30 l'abaklit-i-Nasiri, pp. 1026 and 1054.
1 Id. 1055. 11 Major Raverty'e note on this name in utterly bewil. dering. He says that Uklan was the brother of But Tangri Kukju, who proclaimed Chinghiz Khan of Sugatu and of Tulan, all being some of Mengely or Manglik, Chinghix Khan's stepfather, and yet he says he was an
Ulkunat Kankurat. Nothing is more certain than that these other persons were not Olkhonuts or Ulkunuts but Urnauts, a very difforent tribe altogether, and in the relationship as stated by Raverty be authentic, then Uklan must be the same person who is onlled Sultan by Erd
mann, and by him called & commander of the left, op. | cit. p. 205.

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killed than speak falsely ; lying is your occupa- tion, and this is why the Almighty God has sent a calamity like us upon you."
Such was the Draconic code of the Mongols,
and such also the stern virtue of the race, which like the rigid creed of the English Puritans, was a terrible ally against the frivolity and lack of principle on the other side.
ON THE DESCENT AND SPEECH OF THE TRANSGANGETIC PEOPLE. This is an interesting paper, and worthy of peninsular tongues, along with the Chinese and attention for its relations both to its special theme Tibetan, on the other. And the movements that and to certain points in the general study of have carried the Burmese and Siamese southward, language upon which it touches. The author and crowded the Tibetans westward, up the course introduces his subject by pointing out the natural of the higher Brahmaputra, behind the Himalayas, nexus of interest which leads us on from the are, we are told, to be ascribed with probability institutions of India to their extension over to the growing extension of Chinese power. The neighbouring parts of the earth, and then to northern group is divisible into an eastern and a matters concerning the older history of the popula. | western sub-group, Chinese-Siamese and Tibeto. tions to whom they were communicated. A con- Burman, the latter having on the whole the more sideration of the geographical conditions of primitive character. There are perplexing diverFurther India shows him that the history of sities in the way of more detailed classification; emigration in that peninsula is governed by the and to account for them the author seems disposed river-courses; and he assumes that the successive to call in that deus ex machina of the classifier in waves of population will have followed one another difficulties, the influence of neighbouring tongues downward from the central uplands of the interior, of a wholly different stock. Doubtless it would each driving its predecessor to the lowest coast- be better to let the problem simply pass as one line, or crowding it out of the fertile and desirable I yet unsolved. valleys into the bordering mountains. We find, The leading common characteristic of all these then, in the Peguans, Cambodians, and Annamites tongues is, as every one knows, their monosyllabism the remains of prior settlements, expelled from and their lack of grammatical structure, the place their first seats by the intrusive Siamese and of which is to a certain degree supplied by a fixed Burmese; and supporting indications are claimed order of arrangement of the words composing a to be discovered in the traditions of the various Bentence. As regards lexical evidence, Professor peoples, and the changes of location of their Kuhn considers the common origin of the capitals. The south-western parts of China, also, languages in each of the two chief groups above are occupied by tribes that appear to be plainly distinguished to be proved by the agreement of related with the Siamese and Burmese. North of | numerals within the group, and the diversity of Yun-nan, again, are the original seats of the the groups by their discordance with one another Tibetans, and not far away, on the middle course in the same respect. It must be confessed, how. of the Hoang-ho, is the theatre of the earliest ever, that the comparative table of numerals in Chinese history. It is the question, then, whether the northern group, given by him in a note, is any linguistic signs of relationship are to be very far from convincing; as, on the other hand, traced among the four peoples thus inferentially for reasons to which he himself alludes (and which brought into geographic neighbourhood.
are abundantly illustrated, for instance, in Ameri. Professor Kuhn here gives a sketch of the can Indian languages), discordant numerals need history of investigation among the transgangetic not be disproof of relationship. The laws of ar. languages. A complete bibliography of the sub. rangement in the sentence are looser in the Tibeto. ject, prepared as an intended supplement to the Burman sub-group, which also makes freer use of present paper, he has decided to reserve for auxiliary particles ; and the order followed is by publication in another form. But he regards it no means the same in all the languages. But this as an unquestionable inference from the facts difference, we are told, should not be regarded as already made accessible, that the languages of having grown out of an original agreement, but south-eastern Asia fall into two groupe, cor- rather out of a condition of greater freedom of responding with the division of the peoples stated arrangement; and this must be held to involve above: namely, Annamite and Peguan and the former possession of a fuller grammatical Cambodian on the one side, and the rest of the apparatus. The suggestion is a very ingenious
» Tabakat-i-Nasiri, pp. 1079 and 1081,
Reprinted from the American Journal of Philology, Vol. V. No. 1. Ueber Herkunft und Sprache der trans
gangetischen Völker. Festreda ... gehalten ... 25 July, 1881, von Ernst Kuhn. München, 1883. 4to, p. 22.

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and significant one, and ought to be received with One may be strongly persuaded that the really respectful attention, whether we are or are not ultimate roots of human speech were monosylla. ready at once to accept it. Our author proceeds bio, and may devise theories to account for these to bring up facts from the various languages longer radical entities, without yielding their which may be regarded as giving it support. radical nature. A combination, for example, of These are, in his opinion, manifold. The Chinese, root with root makes only a root, unless one of in the first place, shows in some of its existing the two enters, with a recognized and corresponddialects and in its older phases remains of a ent value, into a whole series of combinations, greater fulness of phonetic form, especially having becoming thus a modifier to its fellow in each final consonants which the classical language has combination. The lost Chinese finals have yet to now lost. Similar facts are found in Siamese and be shown to possess in this way a grammatical Burmese. But the most striking case is the character, before they can be held to prove the Tibetan; the written forms of this language, dating Chinese not a language of roots. That the from the seventh century, present numerous Chinese and its relatives “have run a long career consonant combinations, now silent except in of development, and grown worn with age, like the certain dialects, and indicating former possession languages of Europe," is of course true. All by its words of more than the single syllable to existing languages, 80 far as we know, have which they are now restricted. In some cases, it behind them the same immense past, and a past is asserted, these affixes have an apparent of never-ending growth and change. Of this grammatical character; and Professor Kuhnpast, the period covered by the development of ventures to claim that in the other languages also the Indo-European inflective system is probably are seen signs of fusion of a numeral particle with only a small part. At any rate, he who imagines the proper numeral: but, as already stated, the that in determining the Indo-European roots he comparative table he gives to show this is has arrived at a point anywhere near the actual extremely unconvincing. He regards, however, beginnings of human speech is immensely misthe evidence he presente as absolutely demonstrat. taken. But that the Chinese has never had a ing that the Chinese monosyllabism is no original development even remotely like that of Euroone, but a result of phonetic decay. Such is well pean tongues is sufficiently shown by its present known to be the opinion of Lepsius, and of more condition, which is as unlike as possible to that than one other recent authority; and the indica of the monosyllabic part of English, wherein are tions must be confessed to point decidedly that lacking neither parts of speech, nor derivatives, way, although by no means so unmistakably as is nor inflections. If the Chinese, in growing out here assumed.
of a presumable original monosyllabism, acquired So far, however, as regards the bearing of this nothing in the way of structure of which it could new (asserted) aspect of the Chinese upon the retain the results when phonetically decayed, it is
neation as to an original root-stage of language still a root-language, and almost or quite a good in general, the views of our author are open to as ever for the use long made of it :-namely, to criticism : and it is the more desirable to spend show how a language destitute of grammatical a few words upon the matter, inasmuch as there structure can answer the needs even of a gifted are others now-a-days who go even further than and highly civilized people, and thus to take he in claiming that the root-theory breaks down away all difficulty fpom the assumption that the hopelessly if the support of Chinese original mono- first rude human beings made a language of root syllabism is withdrawn from under it. No misap- serve their restricted purposes. prehension could well be greater than this. Aroot, For the impregnable basis of the radicarian in the first place, is not a phonetic element of a theory, as has been repeatedly pointed out, is given extent. It is simply a significant element twofold. In the first place, its theoretic neceslacking any grammatical character, not admitting sity; since anything devised and created by human an analysis which demonstrates in it a formal beings, as part of their progress upward toward part, marking it as a part of speech, a derivative a state of culture, must have begun with what from a more primitive word, or an inflectional is simplest in its kind. To regard men as using form. A language composed only of such ele- from the start words made up of a radical part ments is a root-language, whatever be their and a formative or grammatical part is precisely length. Dissyllabism does not take away the equivalent to regarding them as having begun to radical character. There are languages enough fight and to work with tools that had handles. to be found-for example, the ancient Egyptian He who does not see this has still to learn what and the modern Polynesian-of which the roots are language is and what has been its history. The in part or prevailingly of more than one syllable. other and completely correlative part of the basis

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is this: that, in the observable history of languages, | the former, but that we have no reason to regard we see abundant instances of the production of them as made in any other way. That is to say, new formative elements, new signs of grammatical this is the only, and the sufficient, method of distinction; and that it is always and only by a explanation of the structural growth of language, reduction to formative or grammatical value which the historical study of language has yet of previously existing material elements of brought to light. Any other, even concurrent one, speech, whence a sound linguistic philosophy must wait for admission until a historical basis forces us to the inference that the same has been has been found for it. Moreover, this kind of the case from the beginning, and that the way to reduction of material elements to a formal value grammatical expression lies only through com- is only one division of the most pervading of all bination. With regard to this point, Professor movements in the development of language. It Kuhn is in a very hopeful state, as appears from is not easy to see why Professor Kuhn should the concluding paragraphs of his paper. He have referred only to the suffixes of our ventures there to raise a word of protest against European languages. Their auxiliaries and formwhat he calls the "hitherto accepted philosophy words are a still closer parallel to the formative of language." The latter, he says, is at a loss to apparatus of less developed tongues and infind out words of condemnation severe enough volve processes of adaptation as gross and coarse for languages guilty of mixing up material and as any that the latter can exhibit. Thus, to form, by applying words of recognizably ma. take the nearest example at hand, the German terial content to those uses for which we provide and English alike have a substantive verb, er. by suffixes --asis to a great extent the case in the pressing the fundamental grammatical relation of tongues of which he has been treating. He, on predication, which is pieced together out of the contrary, is inclined to note their analogy fragments of three verbe having the mate. with such elements in his own language as-thum, rial senses of grow,' stay,' and 'sit' (or else -achaft -heit,-bar, all of them demonstrably breathe): the Romanic tongues have patched material in origin. "Wherever," he adds, "we in 'stand' instead of stay.' And to denote its see suffixes come into being, they come in this temporal and modal relations, they employ various way; and we may with some reason (mit einigem verbs traceable to the material senses of turn,' Rechte) infer that they have in general been thus seize,'be big or strong,' select' (with a probable originated." Here is a very encouraging bit further background of surround'), 'be under penalof independence and good sense; and the author ty' (perhaps ultimately have committed a crime'), has only to go on boldly on the same track to and so on. Our phraseology, too, is crammed escape altogether the shackles of the now pre- with examples of the same kind. What has the valent philosophy of language in Germany, and present accepted philosophy of language to say of to substitute for it the true scientific and his. such expressions, for example, as es fällt mir ein torical method. That philosophy has really as ("it falls in to me') or "it occurs to (i.e. 'runs little to do with the science of language as the against ') me," for that extremely familiar but Hegelian philosophy with geology or zoology. The also transcendentally mysterious act of framing a former is all well in its way, but it does not stand sudden conception ? And is not all our intellectual upon the same plane with the other, and nothing and moral language made up of such grossly but detriment and confusion can come of their material elements ? Of their grossness, the mind mixture. The only justifiable scientific method, in that uses them is totally unconscious, and the the study of language, as in every other branch of intellectual action that underlies them is alike in scientific inquiry, is to reason back from the all those who employ their unending vaxiety. To known to the unknown. And the argument, as bay heap-man instead of men or Männer, to us not long ago stated in the pages of the American who have the latter forms, is of an amusing rudeJournal of Philology, Vol. I. p. 337, runs thus:- ness; 80 would be I shall have been, if employed If in the historical periods of language we see with etymological understanding of its elemente formative elements made by the agglutination of by one accustomed to say fuero; but to one whose independent material words, and do not see them habitual expression it has become, the sense of niade in any other way, and if the grammatical the grammatical relation, of plurality and so forth, relations thus provided for are of the same kind, is in either case just as pure and as integral as is and not less difficult, than those expressed by the that of the synthetic form to its user. Those other formative elements whose history is beyond who have to learn a tongue of ruder structure do our ken, then it necessarily follows, not merely not find the character of their mental apprehenthat we have some reason" to regard the latter sions degraded by it. The process of thought is elementa as having been made in the same way as the same with either instrument. To get at the

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kernel of a nut, one may with nearly equal advan. over which our observations extend have had to tage avail himself of a rough stone, a polished be slowly wrought out and adapted to their pur. hammer, or a patent nut-cracking machine; and pose from the general material of speech, could while we may admire the superior ingenuity of be struck off out of hand by the earliest speech. the last, we do not fail to recognise in all alike the makers. Yet we have this palpable absurdity essentially human faculty of adapting means to involved in the language-theories of a variety of ende, nor to acknowledge that the remote ancestors schools: of those who hold that certain languages of those who now have machines possessed nothing arą "form-languages" and others not; or that better than stones; and we should especially speech began with sentences, which gradually laugh at any who maintained that the metal begat words by a fissiparous process ; or that proin their machines was never rude mineral that nouns are the endings of verbs, which have had to be dug out of the dirty ground. But this dropped off and set up an independent existence; is what is virtually done by those who insist that or that the founders of each race of men produced in their languages the apparatus of formal expres. the various existing languages complete " at a sion has been always and only formal. In direct single stroke"-and so on through the whole list opposition to them, it is to be maintained that in of a priori systems, which are saved from general no language does anything formal exist that was and utter condemnation only by the too prevalent not first material. Investigation, experience, and substitution of empty speculations for the scienti. sound anthropologic theory all unite to show this; fic method of induction from facts. and there is nothing against it but prejudice and Our author's concluding opinion, that we are pride. Our views of the history of language, in not to infer mental infirmity in the races possessorder to be defensible and abiding, must be made ing these peculiar and structurally impoverished to fit into our general anthropology, as a consis- tongues, is to be received with unquestioning tent part of it; for language is simply one of the assent. Every race is entitled to be judged by various acquisitions by which man has become the totality of its mental products, not by the what he is. Now what can we suppose to have capacity which it has exhibited in a single direcbeen the mental condition and capacity of mention of mental activity; and no reasonable man who have not yet possessed themselves of speech? will deny to the unaided originators of a culture Certainly not superior to that of the compara- like the Chinese a place in the front rank of tively cultivated races in the more recent stages humanity. But the skill and effect with which of their history, but rather the contrary. We can they are handled does not save the tongues themnot help believing that there has been a gradual selves from the reproach of rudimentariness; and advance in intellectual grasp and reach, partly as whatever eminence the Chinese and Tibetans may a consequence of the gradual elaboration of have attained in philosophy must be said to be in speech. It would be, then, of the utmost degree spite of their speech rather than by its aid. To of strangeness if in primitive times a loftier and ertol the logicalness of a language of roots can freer mode of language-making was within reach hardly fail to imply against one that has parts of than we now find attainable by ourselves; if those speech and inflections the charge of being in some. items of formal expression which in the period' measure illogical.
CORRESPONDENCE AND MISCELLANEA. NABIAD, IN THE KAIRA DISTRICT. The inscription is dated in the reign of the Mr. H. H. Dhruva, of Surat, has submitted glorious Mudaphar (1. 26) (Muzaffar Shah, the for inspection a rubbing of a Sanskrit inscrip- successor of the celebrated Mahmad Baigara of tion in verse and prose, (30 lines of about 40 the Dôhad inscription of Vikrama-Samvat 1545), letters each, in Nagari characters; covering a who appears to have been reigning at Aḥmada. space of about 1' 9" high by 1' 4" broad) from a båd. The details of the date, given in words well at Nariad. It is a prasasti, composed by an in line 178., and in figures in line 264., Udichya Brahman named Ramachandra (line 3), are-Vikrama-Sathvat 1572 and Sakal 1437 or recording the building of the well by a Gurjara 1438 ; Sômadina or Monday, the thirteenth day Baniya named Venidasa (1.9), whose family had of the bright fortnight of the month Vaishemigrated, under his ancestor Dévavsiddha (1. 6), kha-corresponding, by the Tables in General from the Vaishnava city of Stambhatirtha (1. 5). Cunningham's Indian Eras and Cowasjee Pathe modern Khambay, and had settled at Nata- tell's Chronology, to Monday, the 14th April patra (1. 11), where the well was constructed. A.D. 1515. The chief interest of this inscription
The last figure of the SAka date, in the unita place, is almost illegible and is quite uncertain.

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lies in its giving Naţa patra, as the ancient name of Nariad. Mr. Dhruva states that it is still known by natives as Naţa pura-a substitute for the original name which he compares with their using Dadhipura, instead of the Dadhipadra of inscriptions, as the ancient name of Dôhad.
J. F. FLEET.
THE KONGUDESA-RAJAKKAL. To the Editor of the Indian Antiquary. SIR,-May I suggest the following as an explanation of the earlier portion of the puzzling list of kings given in the Kongudesa-Rajakkal ?
The chronicle says that the kings, Nos. 1 to 6 of the list (ante Vol. I. p. 361), were Rattas; and this assertion seems to afford a clue to the mystery. In the Chronicle :- Rashtrakáča dynasty :1. Viraraya Chakra- Dantidurga (A.D. 753)
varti, (this is only subdued the W. Chahis title; not his lukyas.
name). 2. Gôvindariya I. Krishna I. (o. A.D. 760). 3. Krishnariya. Govinda II. (c. A.D. 765). 4. KAlavallabharaya. Dhruva Kalivallabha,
(A.D. 778). 5. Gôvindaraya (the Govinda III., the final conqueror),
conqueror of the
Gangas (A.D. 803). The chronicler has apparently transposed the names of Krishna I. and Govinda II.; and he is wrong in the relationships between Nos. 1, 2, and 3, but right as to the last two names.
Of No. 6 (Chaturbhuja Kanaradova Chakravarti), the Chronicle says: " he was of the same race." The R&shtrakata Krishnas were called • Kannara ;' and the chronicler would appear to be right, it, by his No. 6, he referred to Krishna (Kannara) IV. (A.D. 945). Up to this time the Gangas or Kongus were certainly feudatories of the Rattas (ante Vol. XII. p. 255); and the chronicler, not having been able to trace the relationship between Nos. 5 and 6, clearly intended, I think, to suggest that some successions were omitted.
In succession to No. 6, he places his son (No. 7) Tiru Vikramadora Chakravartt; and this king may, in all likelihood, be identified with the W. Chalukya Taila II. (son of Vikramaditya IV.) "who lifted up the royal Chalukya family, which had been sunk down by the deceitful practices of the Rashtrakatas" (ante Vol. VIII. p. 16). It will be noted also that Taila II. was the husband of Kannaradêva's grand-daughter Jakabb.. The date of Taila II. is A.D. 973; and the chronicler states specifically that he "governed Karnata as well as Kongudesam."
Further, it will be seen that this chronology fits in pretty accurately with Mr. Fleet's opinion (ante Vol. VII. p. 101ff) as to the dates of the next kings (Nos. 8, 9, and 10) of the list given in the chronicle, who were Gangas proper, and who probably again attained independence during the period when the suzerain Ratta power was on the wane and before the consolidation of the W. Chalukya dominion following on the overthrow of the Rattas.
It may eventually be found that the Kongudaa-Rajakkal is tolerably accurate in its lists of suzerain kings, while, like most other native his. tories (?), it is utterly wrong as to its chronology Coonoor.
W. LOGAN. CURIOSITIES OF INDIAN LITERATURE
A MACARONIC VERSE OY GUMANI KAVI This and some subsequent verses were collected in Tirhut, and are said to be by Guma ni Kavi of Patna. His name however is quite unknown in Patna itself. Each verse consists of four lines; the peculiarity of them being that the first three are in Sanskrit, and the last introduces a Hindi proverb.
पूर्वमसुप्यत बेन खडया हाटकमय्या
तेन नलेन प्रामा वने कापदि तृणशय्या। वक्ति गुमानिर्देवशक्तिरिह नूनमसह्या
जिसी विधि राखे राम उसी विधि रहना भेवा ॥ Nala, who formerly slept upon a golden couch, found in the forest, when reduced to misfortune, not even a bed of straw. Saith Gumani, the power of fate, of a verity, is here shown to be un. conquerable; yea, "Stay in that state of life to whioh it hath pleased God to call thee."
G. A. GRIBRBON.
THE PROVERBS OF ALI EBN ABI TALEBI. Translated by K. T. Best, M.A., M.R.A.S.,
Principal, Guzerat College.
Continued from p. 92. 215. Languor in prayer weakens faith.
216. Shun what you ought to shun and you will be honoured.
217. Modesty, intelligence and liberality are the three parts of religion.
218. The death of wise and learned men is destructive.
219. The gaping mouth of avarice is not filled except in the grave.
220. Justice is the stability of a kingdom.
221. The reward of another life is better than the pleasures of this world.
222. To praise a giver too much is to ask for more.
223. The excellence of a speech consists in its brevity.

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ABORIGINAL TRIBES OF INDIA.
THE RELIGION OF THE ABORIGINAL TRIBES OF INDIA. BY PROFESSOR J. AVERY, OF BOWLOIN COLLEGE, BRUNSWICK, MAINE,
UNITED STATES. TF an apology were needed for bringing to of religion-until we shall have measured and 1 the attention of students of religion the deposited in its proper place in the building crude notions of savage tribes regarding their every variety of religious belief, no matter how relations to the unseen world, and the often crude it may seem, or how near the bottom of revolting practices which have sprung there- the social scale its professors may stand. If from, this would not be founded solely upon we feel any diffidence, therefore, in presenting the claim which they rightly make upon a sketch of the religious beliefs and practices of Christian philanthropy, but as well on their the aboriginal tribes of India, it is not on the scientific interest and value. If we have score of the subject possessing no intrinsie observed aright the course of thought at the interest, but rather because of the present lack present time, there is a growing disposition to of materials in some parts of the field and our study attentively all the systems of religion consequent inability to present the theme with which at one time or another have been devised the fulness of illustration desirable. And here or accepted by men, with the view to discover
we desire to express our great indebtedness to their origin, and the laws which have governed Colonel Dalton's invaluable work, the Ethnology their development. There is a tendency also of Bengal, without which many facts stated in to withdraw the study of religion from the the following pages would have been beyond exclusive dominion of sentiment, and to apply our reach. Before proceeding with our inquiries, to it the same rigid canons of criticism which it will be useful if we state the location of the have been used 80 succecafully in other fields tribes to whom we shall repeatedly refer; for, of inquiry. There has been a time when the though British power has existed in India for Christian Church viewed everything called nearly two centuries, it has only been within a religion ontside its own fold much as the very recent period that we have been able to Greeks looked at the world beyond the confines get trustworthy information concerning the of their peninsula, and lumped together alien aboriginal population; and even now that beliefs of every variety and merit under the information is largely confined to a few persons, general title of heathenism; but, happily, a whom official duties or missionary efforts have more appreciative spirit now prevails, and we brought into close relations with it. It has are coming to see that there is much in other been usual to divide these primitive races into systems of belief which deserves our admiration. three groups-vis., Tibeto-Burman, Kolarian, The study of religions has a scientific as well as and Dravidian. Without entering upon the a practical aim, and scholars have employed in question of the correctness of this classification, it the inductive method of investigation with or the ethnic connexion of its several members, such a degree of success, that we may feel we shall find it sufficiently convenient for our assured that the foundations are being laid for purpose.
science of religion. Indeed, some writers I The tribes comprising the first group are found talk as if such a science were already construct in their most primitive condition scattered ed, but we are constrained to believe that along the foot-hills of the Himalayas, from this use of language is premature. So vast is Nepál eastward to the farther extremity of the field of inquiry, so important is it that Assam, thence along the range forming the every part of its surface be explored and care- eastern and southern border of that province fully mapped out, and so recently have scien- back to the valley of the Ganges. Some tribes tific methods been employed in its survey, that of the same stock are also found in the lowinvestigators in this domain may well at present lands on either side of the Brahmaputra; but be content with modest claims for their study. they have to so great a degree exchanged their It cannot be denied, then, that we shall not ancient customs for those of the Hindus, that have a complete science of religions-much less they offer fewer points of interest for our
• Read before the Victoria Institute.

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present inquiry than their kindred in the jungles upon the hills.
Following the route just indicated, we find on the northern border of Nepal the Kirantis, the Limbus, and some other tribes of inferior importance. Passing across Sikhim and Bhutan, whose inhabitants, the Lepebas and Bhútius, have adopted Buddhism, we come to the Akas, and next in order, to the Doflas, the Miris, and the Abors, which last tribe has settlements as far east as the Dibong, a northern tributary of the Brahmaputra. The Dibong serves also as an ethnic boundary, the tribes already named to the west of it showing a decided affinity to the Tibetans, and those beyond the stream exhibiting a closer likeness to tribes in Barmah. Between the Dibong and the Digaru are the Chalikata, or Crop-haired Misbinis. Next to these, on the north-eastern border of Assam, is another tribe, also called Mishmis, but differing in many respects from the one last mentioned. South of the Mishmis, partly within and partly beyond the eastern boundary of the province, are the Khamtis and the Singhpos. Now, turning westward, and still keeping within the mountain district, we come first to the numerous tribes of Nagas spreading westward to about the 93rd deg. of E. long. On their western border are the Mikirs and the Kukis. Continuing in the same direction across the Kapili river, we meet, first, the Saintengs or Jaintias; next the Khasias ; and last of all, at the end of the range, the Gåros. At the foot of the Gâro hills are the Pani-Koch, a tribe partly converted to Hinduism. The tribes of the lowlands might be left out of view altogether, were it not that their conversion has not been so radical as to quite efface their primitive superstitions. The most important of these tribes are the Ahams, the Chutias, the Koch and the Kachåris. They are scattered here and there over the entire valley, and are reckoned as inferior castes of Hindus.
Crossing the lower Ganges valley, and ascend. ing the rugged highland which forms the core of India, we find ourselves in the home of a most primitive population. Here tribes of both the Kolarian and the Dravidian stock, protected by the nature of the country, have long resisted the advance of a higher civilisa- tion. Of the an-Hindaised Kolarians, the
Santâls occopy the Santal Parganas and the hill tracts of Orissa, on the eastern border of the highland. Adjoining this tribe, on the south and south-west are the Bhumij, the Mundas, the Kharrias, and the Hos or Larka. Kols. Still farther south, in the tributary states of Katak, are the Juangs. In the Ganjam district of the Madras Presidency are the Savaras. Directly west of the Kharrias are the Korwas, and, extending in scattered settlements across the plateau to the NarbadA and Tapti rivers, are the closely-allied tribes of Kurs and Kurkus. Of the Dravidian tribes, the Khonds live just north of the Savaras, in the tributary states of Orissa; the Oråo ns are found in Chatiâ Nigpůr; the Paharias or Målers occupy the Rajmahal hills, where they overlook the Ganges; the Gonds spread over a large area in the centre of the platean; while the Todas, Badagas, and one or two other small tribes, are far away on the Nilgiri hills of Southern India. It is hardly necessary to add that the tribes of the last group do not represent the whole Dravidian population; with the civilised portion, which constitutes the majority, we have here no concern. In addition to the tribes already named, there are certain partlyHindaised tribes to whom we shall occasionally refer. These are the Cheros and Kharwars of the Shảhâbâd and Palaman districts; the Parheyas, the Kisans, the Bhuihers, the Boyars, the Någbansis, and the Kaurs about Palamau, Sirguji, and Jashpûr.
Proceeding now to the subject of our inquiry, after this preliminary explanation, we shall describe the religion of the aboriginal population under the following heads:-1st, the gods, and the kind of worship paid to them; 2nd, places of worship; 3rd, images and other representations of Deity; 4th, the priesthood ; 5th, divination; 6th, witchcraft; 7th, the future life and the worship of ancestors; 8th, speculations regarding the origin of the world and of man; 9th, influence of Buddhism and Hinduism. It is almost needless to say that these tribes, without exception, and in common with the lower orders of men generally, have an unquestioning belief in the existence of spirits, both human and divine; sometimes they go even farther than this, and attribute to animals and inanimate objects immortal souls, like their own. The materialistic theories which have been reached

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by the speculations of civilised philosopherstion. With most of these tribes the sun is seem never to have clouded their child-like regarded as the impersonation of their highest faith. But, teeming as is the unseen world god. The Garos call him Saljang, or Rishi with beings created by a savage imagination, Saljang, and sacrifice white cocks in his honour. we are not to look for an orderly and consistent They say that he resided for a time on the Gåro arrangement of powers and spheres of activity hills with his wife, Apongma, and begat among these deities, such as we find in the children, but subsequently returned to heaven, Pantheons of Greece and Rome; rather, we are where he now dwells. The Bhuiyas call him to expect the condition of things out of which Boram, and likewise offer to him a white cock these developed. Whenever such an elaborate at the planting season. He is worshipped by system of theology is described as worked out the Kharrias under the name Bero, and every by & tribe in other respects low down in the head of a family is bound to offer to him five social scale, it is to be viewed with extreme sacrifices in a lifetime, each oblation exceeding caution, and by no means accepted as genuine, | in value the last one. The Hos and Santals until attested by more than one skilful obser- call the sun-god Sing Bonga. He is representver. An example in point is the account of the ed as being self-created, and the author of the Khond religion by Major Macpherson. We universe. He does not inflict suffering, but is shall be more likely to find confused and even sometimes invoked to remove it when appeals flatly contradictory notions of the gods, blind to the inferior gods have proved ineffectual. attempts to properly adjust human relations The Hos observe a yearly festival in honour of with the higher powers. Though the gods him, at which a white cock and the first-fruits served by these tribes are for the most part of of the rice harvest are offered. Among the a low order, scarcely rising above the level of Santals, the head of the family, every third or their worshippers, still there are here and there fourth year, sacrifices a goat to Sing Bonga in indications of a dim conception of a God an open space at sunrise. The Mundas pray to throned far above these inferior deities, and him when selecting the site of a house. The more deserving of reverence and love. We Korwas worship him under the name Bhagavan, will first search for these. The Singhpos have a Sanskrit word. The Muasis pay homage to a tradition that in a former sinless state they both the sun and the moon, The Orions reworshipped a Supreme God, of whose attributes verence the sun as Dharmesh,' the Holy One. they can give no account; but that they fell They say that he created the world, and that he from that condition, and have since adopted preserves men, unless thwarted by the malice the superstitions of surrounding tribes. The of demons. No oblations are presented to him, Abors and Miris have a vague idea of a God since his good-will is already secured. The who is the Father of all; but as they connect Khonds are divided into two sects, if Major him with the abode of the dead, and call him Macpherson's statement can be trusted. One Jam Raja, it is easy to see that their conceptions sect worship Bara Penna, who manifests himare derived from the Hindu god, YÅma. The self in the sun, and is the creator and benefacKukis, who seem to have advanced farther in tor of mankind. The other sect have chosen their reasoning, or borrowed more, believe in a as their highest object of regard his wife, the Supreme God, whom they call Puthen, who bloodthirsty earth-goddess, Târi, who demands not only created the world, but governs it and a yearly offering of human victims. The rewards men according to their deeds. It is Todas regard the heavenly bodies as gods, and in the last particular that their views are in address them in certain set phrases, but have marked contrast with those generally held by no clear idea of their attributes or requirethese tribes. Puthen has a wife, Nongjar, ments. whoge good offices as an intercessor with her It seems plain, from the facta cited, that husband can be secured by suitable offerings. most of the aboriginal tribes of India have The children of this benevolent pair are, like Bome vague notion of a Power throned far the other inferior gods, of a malicious disposi- above the world, who was concerned with its
[This sluo must be Dharmesa,=Dharmark =Yama.-ED.]

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creation; who manifests himself in the heavenly laminaries; whose disposition towards his creatures is benevolent, but is sometimes un able to reach its aiin; and who demands from them only a distant and formal recognition, or none at all. Whether these are vanishing traces of a primitive revelation, or the result of their own reflections, or have been borrowed from the religion, particularly the Hari-worship, of the Hindús, we will not here inquire. It is, at any rate, certain that the contemplation of their higliost god has little effect in regulating conduct.
Another god of a similar character, but second in rank, is worshipped chiefly by the Kolarian tribes in Central India. This is Marang Buru, or Great Mountain. Remarkable peaks, bluffs, or rocks, not unnaturally suggested to their simple minds an idea of Divinity, and called forth their reverence. Since from such places descend the streams which irrigate the fields, Marang Baru has become the god to be invoked for rain. Offer ings are made to him on the summit of the hill, or other object, in which he is supposed to reside.
It is not, however, with the superior gods and their decorous worship that we have most to do in describing the deities of these rude tribes. Their chief concern is to keep the peace with a host of minor gods, with whom their imagination has filled the whole realm of nature. In the forest, the field, the houseeverywhere these beings throng. They are mostly of a jealous, revengeful disposition, and seem to take a malicious pleasure in teasing mankind. Fortunately, they are not insensible to human blandishments, and he is pretty sure to prosper who most assiduously cultivates their good-will, wbich can best be done by pro viding for them some toothsome dainty. It would be quite unnecessary to record lists of these lower gods, whose names are legion, since their attributes and the worship by which they are propitiated are everywhere of the same general type. A few characteristic examples will soffice. The Singhpos recognise three spirits called Nhats, who preside respectively over the higher, the lower world, and the household. Offerings of fowls, dogs, and
on special occasions a buffalo, are made to them. The Chulikata Mishmis declare that the spirits whom they worship are mortal like themselves. The gods of the Abors and Miris dwell in the trees of the woods which cover their hill-sides. They love to kidnap children, whom they can generally be made to restore by proceeding to fell the trees in which they reside. The Nágas say that their gods are created beings, and they are accustomed to vary their offerings according to the dignity of the recipient. Semes, the god of wealth, gets the larger domestic animals; Kuchimpai, the god of fertility, receives fowls and eggs; while Kang. niba, who, on account of blindness, cannot distinguish offerings, gets nothing of any value. They believe that each disease is the work of a special demon, whose business and pleasure it is to spread it abroad; but his malicious design is sometimes thwar'ed by hanging bunches of withered leaves on the lintels of the door to frighten him, or branches of trees are stuck in the paths leading to the village, that the spirit may take them for untravelled ways. Since the tiger is of all beasts in India the most dreaded, it is not strange that a tiger-demon should be recognised. He is worshipped by the Kisans, who think in this way to escape the ravages of that animal. Among the Santils in Ramgarh, only those who have lost relatives by the tiger think it necessary to propitiate the tiger-demon. The Gonds also pay him reverence. Since the deities of these tribes are anthropomorphic, it is a matter of course that gender should be allotted them; hence god. desses are frequently worshipped, and they show themselves not a whit behind their male consorts in malignant and blood-thirsty disposition. The Bhuiyas and Savaras, though recognising the benevolent sun-god, pay special honour to a savage goddess called Thâkuråņi, who was formerly propitiated by human sacri. fices. It is thought that upon her worship is founded that of the Hindu Kali, who once received human victims in this very part of India.
Bat the most remarkable system of human sacrifices, in connexion with the worship of female deities, was that instituted in honour of Tårt, the earth.goddess of the Khonds. Since she
[Thakurlof is the feminine of Thikar, 1... Hari.-Ed.)

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presided over fertility, victims were immolated chiefly at the time of sowing. The persons destined for sacrifice, called Merias, were kidnapped from the plains or from other tribes, and, under strict guard, were petted and fed like cattle fattening for the slaughter. Children were allowed to grow up, and were encouraged to marry and rear families, bat parents and offspring were equally devoted to the goddess, and were liable at any moment to be sacrificed to quench her thirst for blood. When the time of offering came, the body was hacked into small pieces, and each worshipper struggled to secure a shred of flesh or piece of bone to bury in his field. It has been about forty years since an end was put to these horrid rites by the combined efforts of Major S. C. Macpherson and General John Campbell. The Khonds say that Târi lives in heaven with her beneficent husband, Barâ Pennu, while numerous inferior gods roam the earth, seen by the lower animals, but invisible to men. It cannot be doubted that the custom of human sacrifice was once wide-spread in India, as indicated not only by the facts just stated, but by the practice of sham offerings existing among other tribes at the present time. The Oraons and Gonds even now make a wooden or straw image of a man, and after prayer to a divinity for the blessings desired, sever its head with the stroke of an axe. As a general rule, the inferior gods stand in no clearly recognised relation of dependence upon the superior gods. Their will is usually exercised independently of higher control. We have noticed an interesting exception in the case of Kols, who assert that there are certain blessings reserved for the sun-god, Sing Bonga, to grant; and that offer. ings made to the lower gods will induce them to intercede with their master in behalf of the supplicants. One of the simplest, most childlike forms of worship is that practised by the Todas, on the Nilgiri Hills of Western India. Almost the sole means of support possessed by this tribe are their herds of buffaloes; hence these, together with the implements and persons specially connected with them, have come to assume a sacred character. Certain old cowbells, said to have come originally from heaven, are worshipped as gods; and the priests or milkmen who tend the sacred buffaloes, of which several herds are specially set apart, are
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during their time of service also gods, and as such cannot be touched by any mortal. The duty of the priest is to perform a few simple rites daily before the cow-bells, and to care for his buffaloes, in which labour he is assisted by a semi-sacred herdsman. He can return at pleasure to ordinary human life, when, though no longer the embodiment of deity, he is treated with marked respect. The Todas believe in other gods, who are invisible, and whom the priest salutes as fellow-deities, but their ideas regarding them are extremely vague.
The residence of the gods is sometimes localised by these aboriginal tribes as heaven, some distant and lofty mountain peak, a huge rock, or a grove of ancient trees. Spirits who are likely to prove good neighbours, are sometimes enticed to take up their abode near a village by liberal offerings. Among the Kolarians of Central India every village has several sacred groves consecrated to tutelary gods. The trees in these groves must be left undisturbed, on pain of divine displeasure. It is true, as a rule, that the Tibeto-Burman and Kolarian tribes construct no temples nor images of their gods, while images, or something answering to them, are common among the Dravidians. Still among the former tribes there is usually some spot where village or family worship is commonly performed, and which is marked by certain objects designed to suggest the sacredness of the place. The Gâros set up before their houses bamboo poles, with fillets of cotton or flowers attached, and before these make their offerings. The same thing is done by the Limbus. The Kachàris, the Bodo, the Mishmis, and some of the tribes of Central India worship the sij (euphorbia) plant as an emblem of deity. The Juangs, the Kharrias, and Korwas regard the ant-hill as a sacred place, and use it to take an oath, or to sacrifice upon. The Akas alone of these north-eastern tribes have images of their gods, and little huts to serve for temples; but, as they are partly converted to Hinduism, this custom is probably derived from that source. In the villages of Dravidian tribes one finds some objects set up to represent the tutelary gods. These are often rude in shape-a lump of earth, a stone, or stakes of different heights to represent the two sexes.
Having spoken of the deities reverenced by these primitive races and of the worship

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accorded to them, we proceed to describe the persons, whenever there are any such, whose special duty it is to perform that service. It may be said that, with few or no exceptions, all the tribes employ priests regularly or occasionally. When a tribe has no priests of its own, it borrows them from another tribe. Moreover, the office is usually not hereditary, but may be taken up or laid down at pleasure. In this respect the priesthood among the aboriginal population of India stands in marked contrast with that of the Hindús. The Singhpos have no regular priests of their own, though members of the tribe sometimes act as diviners. The Buddhist priests of their neighbours, the Khamtis, are greatly esteemed by thom. Among the Gards the priest leads the same kind of life as the laity, and the only prepara- tion needed by him before assuming the sacred office seems to be an ability to repeat the usual incantations. The Oraons, when in want of a priest, discover the proper individual by divination. Taking a winnowing sieve in their hands, they march about the village, and are involuntarily led away by movements of the sievo to the right hoase. Among the Paharias, persons desiring to enter the priesthood are required to retire for some days to the jungle, and commune in solitude with the deity. Before they are confirmed in their office they are expected to perform some marvellous act, as evidence of having acquired superhuman power. They wear their hair ancut while acting as priests. The same tribe have also priestesses as well as priests. Some tribes, that have in other respects adopted the religion of the Hindus, employ the priests of neighbouring unconverted tribes to propitiate local deities. The distinction between priests and laity among most tribes is so slight that unconsecrated persons not unfrequently perform the offices of religion. The Juangs, who are among the lowest of all the tribes described, employ an old man as priest. Among the Kharrias the head of the family presides at offerings to the sun-god in behalf of the household, but a priest is employed to act for the community. The Kols allow certain elders or the heads of families to perform the service. Among the Santils the head of the family offers the ancestral sacrifices, but other services are performed by village priests, who fit themselves
for the purpose by prayer, fasting, and silent contemplation of some god until they are possessed by him. Among the Khonds a regular priest always officiated at the festivals in honour of the earth-goddess, but it appears that on ordinary occasions any one, who chose to do so, could assume the priestly functions, his reputation being dependent upon his skill as a diviner. We are told by Hodgson that among the Bodos and Dhimals the priests do not form an hereditary class, though it is not uncom. mon for the son to take up the business of his father, but that the elders of the people, heads of families or clans, frequently act as priests. We have already seer that among the Todas the manager of religious affairs is at once priest and god. His novitiate is passed by retiring to the jungle, and remaining there alone and without clothing for eight days, during which time he performs certain purificatory rites. On the eighth day he returns and enters upon the discharge of his duties.
Among the hill tribes generally the principal duties of a priest are to core sickness, to ascertain coming events by divination, and to preside over the public offerings. The theory of the Nägas that sickness is caused by a demon, who takes this way to gratify a personal spite against some mortal, is shared by other tribes. This being the diagnosis, the only rational course to pursue is to call in the priest. Among the Kukis, when this personage arrives, he first determines from the symptoms which one of the gods is offended. He then roasts a fowl, and eats it on the spot where the sick man was first seized with his malady. After throwing the fragments away, as an offering to the demon, he goes home. Should the gravity of the case demand the sacrifice of a larger animal, the priest collects his friends and shares the feast with them. In case the first application of the remedy does not prove effectual, it has to be repeated until the man dies or his resources fail. Among the Gáros, the priest, with the patient lying beside him, takes his seat near a bamboo altar, round which an assistant leads the animal to be sacrificed. From timo to time it is taken away and washed, and then brought back and fed with salt and caressed. Its head is then severed with a single blow, and its blood smeared upon the altar. A somewhat more economical plan is in vogne among

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the Bodos. The exorcist places before him on among the Nägas is to cut slices from a reed, the ground thirteen leaves, with a few grains and observe how these fall. They also kill a of rice upon each. Over these leaves, which fowl, and notice how the legs lie. If the right represent the names of divinities, he causes a leg lies over the left, the omen is favourable; pendulum suspended from his thumb to vibrate, but if the reverse is the case, it is unlucky. and the leaf towards which it moves indicates Among some of the tribes the diviners are the god to be propitiated. An appropriate called ojhás, a Hindi word derived from ojh, victim is then promised him, but only on con- "entrail." Among the Mandas a common way dition that the patient recovers. The same use to ascertain which of the gods ought to be of a pendulum has been observed among the propitiated is to drop oil into water, at the Pahariảs. Sometimes the sickness is due to same time naming a deity. If the globule the spell of a witch, and then the following remains whole, the right name has been pro. method is employed by the Kols for the detec. nounced, but if it divides, the experiment tion of the offender. A large cone-shaped must be repeated. A method sometimes em. wooden vessel is placed apex downward upon ployed by the Orions to show whether the god the ground, and on this is laid a flat stone. A is pleased with a proposed sacrifice is to make boy is made to balance himself upon the stone, & mud image of him, and to sprinkle apon it a while the names of all the people in the vicinity few grains of rice; then the fowls designed for are slowly repeated. With the mention of the sacrifice are placed before it, and if they each name a few grains of rice are thrown at peck at the rice the omen is favourable. Belief the boy; and when the right name is uttered in witchcraft is not uncommon. The Kachâris the stone moves, and he falls off. The foretell- regard sickness as frequently due to this cause; ing of future events by the observation of and, having discovered by divination the old omens is one of the most important functions woman exercising the spoll, they flog her until of the priest; although the interpretation of she confesses, and then drive her from the these is among some tribes the duty of a spe- | village. This belief in witches, and wizards as cial diviner, who is another person than the well, appears to be most prevalent among the priest. Among the Singhpos the diviner holds Kol tribes of Central India. Sometimes a over the fire joints of a large sort of grass until magician pretends to have discovered that the they explode, and then examines the position evil influence proceeds from a rival in another of the minute fibres thrown out beside the village. The latter is then summoned and fracture. The Abors scrutinise the entrails beaten until he finds it best to admit his fault. of birds, but get the best results from pig's If he is unable to undo the evil caused by his liver. They informed Colonel Dalton "that the spell, the beating continues, sometimes with words and faces of men were ever fallacious, fatal results. If the Gonds have reason to but that pig's liver never deceived them." think that death has been caused by witchcraft, The Khasias seek omens from the contents of the funeral rites are postponed until the soreggs. The western Niga tribes put the village cerer has been pointed out. This is accomunder tabt when the omens are to be observed; plished by the aid of the corpse. They first and no one is permitted to enter or leave it, or make a solemn appeal to it, and then taking it to engage in labour for two days. This especi- up carry it about the village. It will lead the ally occurs when they are about to cut down bearers to the house of the gailty person, and the jungle for their rude agriculture. At this if this is done three times it is regarded as contime all fire is extinguished, and new fire is clusive evidence, and summary vengeance is produced by the friction of two sticks. When inflicted upon him. It is easy to see that this there is a birth or death in a family the house is a convenient way to get rid of an obnoxious is put under tabú for five days, and no one but individual. Witches are supposed to have the inmates can enter or leave it. The same demon lovers, with whom they dance and sing practice of tabi is observed among the Mish- at night in the forest. The Khonds believe mis, who, when misfortune visits a house, thus that some women can transform themselves isolate it by placing the sprig of a certain plant into tigers; and occasionally individuals at the door. A common mode of divination endeavour to spread this impression regarding

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themselves in order to extort presents from in white garments, and having lovely faces, their neighbours as the price of immunity from but hideous backs and inverted feet. But as a their ravages. Trial by ordeal is also resorted general rule, the tribes not only believe in to by the Gonds for the conviction of a persona future life, but are able to tell something suspected of witchcraft; but it is so arranged more definite of its nature. The Abors think as to make escape impossible in any case. that the character of the future state is deterThe woman is securely bound and thrown into mined in some degree by present conduct, but deep water. If she swims, she is guilty; if this advanced conception is perhaps due to the she sinks, she is drowned. Or the witch is Hindús, whose god of the dead they have beaten with castor oil rods; if she feels pain, it borrowed. Their neighbours the Miris share is proof of guilt. Women, and those not al- the same views, and bestow unusual care upon ways the old and ugly, are more often suspected the bodies of the dead. They are completely of the black art than men are.
dressed, and supplied with cooking vessels and We have reserved to this place an impor- every appliance for a journey, and are placed tant feature of the religion of the aboriginal in graves lined with strong timbers to protect tribes of India, namely, their views concerning them from the pressure of the earth. The future life and the customs connected there- Eastern Naga tribes believe that the future life with. While it is true that savage races is like the present one, or on the whole rather generally have held to the survival of the soul more to be desired. Their belief in immortality after death, their notions regarding the charac- is shown by the care with which they place in ter of the future life and its bearings upon the the grave the belongings of the dead. The present existence have greatly varied. Among residence of the disembodied spirit is not necesthe lowest tribes the fatore life has been com- sarily a distant region, The Någas suppose that monly imagined to be a continuation of the the soul hovers about its former abode, and present life, though under conditions more considerable anxiety is felt for its convenience. favourable for physical enjoyment. In a more Captain Butler mentions an instance where a advanced stage of society, where the moral native was buried midway between two villages powers have reached a fuller development, men in which he had resided at different times in have looked upon that life as an opportunity to order that his soul might most conveniently balance the accounts of this life, to render to visit either. Some tribes place the body in a every man according to that he hath done. wooden hut, in the wall of which an aperture is We therefore proceed to inquire with much made for the ghost to pass to and fro. When interest what these tribes have to say concern- a Garo dios, his soul goes to Chikmang, one of ing the world of the dead. The Chulikata the highest mountain peaks in their country. Mishmis deposit in the grave with the dead his Food is provided for the journey, and dogs are weapons, clothes, and ornaments, and some slaughtered to track out the path for him. food; but they affirm that this is done only as Formerly slaves were killed at the grave to a mark of affection, and not with the idea that attend persons of note, but the custom was he can make any use of them. They declare stopped by order of Government. A choice that there is no future life, but that they and offering on such occasions, and probably for the gods whom they worship have but a the same purpose, used to be heads of Bengalis temporary existence. The Joanga also are said from the plains. An incident observed by to have no expectation of survival after death. Colonel Dalton shows that the Gåros believe The Mundas have a vague notion that the not only in the survival after death of the souls ghosts of the dead hover about, and they some- of men and animals, but in that of inanimate times set apart food for them in the house. objects. Witnessing the faneral of a young The same vagueness of conception is characteris- girl, the friends were observed to break all the tic of the Orkons. They say that those who earthen vessels placed on the grave. In answer have been killed by tigers are transformed into to inquiry he was told that only in this way that animal; also that the ghosts of women who could they be used by the girl, that for her the have died in childbirth hover about graves, clad pieces would reunite. In other words, the
* This is the universal Indian belief in the chupel.-ED.

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vessels must die like men, but their ghosts devoured by a tiger, and that he after. survive. The Khasias, while burning the wards appeared to his friends, telling them corpse, make offerings to the ghost, that it may that, if worship were paid to him, he would be kindly disposed to them hereafter, but take protect them from that animal. They acted little thought about the future life. The Kukis apon the suggestion, and he was duly installed imagine a paradise in the north, where the among their gods. The Bhuiyas, of Keonjhar, good will enjoy abundance without labour, after the funeral rites are concluded, place a where the enemies one has slain will attend him vessel, filled with rice and flour, upon the as slaves, and the cattle he has killed in acts of grave. This has the effect of recalling the hospitality will be restored to him. The wick- ghost, for, after a time, the print of a fowl's ed will be subjected to the worst tortures foot will be plainly visible at the bottom of the imagination can devise. The Toda after the vessel death goes to a home in the west, where It would be interesting to know how the he is joined by the ghosts of his buffaloes, and speculations of these rade tribes regarding the goes on living just as before. It does not origin of the universe and of the human race appear that he ever returns to trouble his compare with those of more civilised peoples; relations.
but we have little information on this point. According to what seems to be the prevailing It does not seem to be a subject upon which view, however, the spirit acquires after death they have spent mueh thought. It is enough divine powers to some degree, and hovers about for them to know that they and the world its former abode in a restless and uncomfort. are, without taking the trouble to inquire how able state. It has wants much like those they came to be. A few exceptions are worth experienced in the body, and if these are not noting. The legend of the Singhpos, to which attended to it becomes malicious, and the cause we have already alluded, is that "they were of innumerable vexations to its kindred and originally created and established on a plateau neighbours. The Pani-Koch offer some of the called 'Mijai-Singra-Bhum,' situated at the first-fruits of the harvest to the ancestral spirits, distance of two months' journey from Sadiya, clapping the kands to attract their notice. washed by a river flowing in a southerly direcThe priests of the Kirantis celebrate two tion to the Irawadi. During their sojourn festivals yearly to ancestors. Among the there they were immortal, and held celestial Kharwars, each family sacrifices annually a intercourse with the planets and all heavenly wether goat to the dead. The Hos celebrate a intelligences, following the pure worship of the festival to the shades, after the sowing of the Sapreme Being." They, however, fell by bathfirst rice-crop, in order that they may favouring in forbidden water, and, descending to the the sprouting of the grain. It is also the earth, became mortal, and adopted the debased custom with them to prepare for a visit from worship of their neighbours. The Abors get the ghost of the deceased on the evening when back as far as the first mother of the race, the body is consumed. Some boiled rice is set who had two sons, the elder of whom was skilled apart in the house, and ashes are sprinkled on in hunting and the younger in handicraft. Like the floor, by which its footsteps may be detect- Rebecca, she loved the younger son better than ed. The relatives then go cutside, and, walk- the elder, and migrated with him to the west, ing round the funeral pile, invoke the spirit. taking along all the products of his skill. If, on returning to the house, the ashes are Before forsaking her elder son, she gave him a found disturbed, they are filled with terror at stock of blue and white beads, and taught him the supposed presence of the ghost. The how to make the dúo, a sort of hill-knife, and Santâls have very little to say about a futare musical instruments from the gourd. The life, though offerings are made to ancestors at Abors are the descendants of the elder brother, the close of the late harvest. The Korwas, of while the younger brother became the progeniSirgdja, told Colonel Dalton that they worship- tor of the Englieh and other western nations. ped no gods, but that the head of each house- The Gârog, who do not seem lacking in imagi. hold made offerings to the dead. The Gonds nation, explain the origin of the world as say that one of their chiefs was, in early life, follows:-The germ of creation was a self.

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begotten egg.* From this sprung the goddess Nashtu, who sat, for a time, on a water-lily; but finding her quarters too restricted, she sent to Hîrâman, the god of the lower world, for some earth, upon which she successively fixed the different objects of nature. First, rivers proceeded from her, then a reptile of the crocodile type, afterwards grasses and reeds, an elk, fishes, trees, buffaloes, a priest, and last of all a woman. The Hos relate that their god Sing Bonga, who was self-created, made the earth and furnished it with vegetation and animals, first the domestic and then the wild ones. He then created a boy and a girl, and taught them how to make rice-beer. This produced amatory desires, and they became the parents of twelve boys and twelve girls. For these children Sing Bonga made a feast, providing all manner of food. The guests were told to pair off, and taking the kind of food they preferred, to go away and shift for themselves. They did 80, and their choices can still be discerned in the various modes of life among mankind. The Santâls say that a wild goose came over the great ocean, and laid two eggs, from which the first parents of their tribe were hatched.
We have more than once intimated that it is impossible in all cases to draw the line sharply between what is primitive in the religious beliefs and usages of these tribes, and what has been borrowed in whole or in part from Brahmanic or Buddhist sources,-chiefly the former. It is not uncommon to observe Hinduism and paganism struggling for supremacy in the same tribe and the same village, now the one and now the other claiming the larger share of interest.
Hinduism, with its extraordinary power of assimilating alien systems, has usually been content to insist upon some general and public observance of caste rules, while not interfering with the private observance of the old religion; or it has given to the ancient superstitions some new explanation or purpose, and fitted them into its own system. So it would be hard to find an aboriginal tribe so completely transformed into Hindûs in language, dress, and manner of life, that its non-Aryan origin may not be detected by its private religious usages, as well as by its pbysical traits. Facts illustrative of this have already been cited. We have spoken chiefly of the influence of Hinduism upon the pagan religion, and it cannot be doubted that this will ultimately result in the effacement of the latter, unless this work be done by Christianity; but the counter influence of the older faith upon Hinduism is not less certain, if less easily traced, and would form a most interesting theme for inquiry; but we cannot enter upon it here.
In conclusion, we trust that this necessarily imperfect sketch of the religion of the aboriginal tribes of India may at least serve to attract those who are interested in the history of the religious development of the race to an important source of evidence. If Hinduism, whose many-sidedness is well symbolised by the many-faced images of its gods, furnish greater attractions to the majority of students, still it must not be forgotten that the simple beliefs and rites that we have sketched belong to a much earlier stage of religious growth, and may, if attentively studied, throw much welcome light on the genius of all religion,
FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA.
BY PANDIT S. M. NATESA SASTRI. X.-THE BRAIMAN GIRL THAT MARRIED devise excuses for taking her away from her A TIGER.
youthful lovers. Thus passed on some years, In a certain village there lived an old Brah- till the girl was very near attaining her puberty maņ who had three sons and a daughter. The and then the parents, fearing that they would girl being the youngest was brought up most be driven out of their caste if they failed tenderly and became spoilt, and so whenever to dispose of her hand in marriage before she she saw a beautiful boy she would say to her came to the years of maturity, began to be parents that she must be wedded to him. Her eager about finding a bridegroom for her parents were, therefore, much put about to Now near their village there lived a fierce tiger,
• This mnat he the Brahmanda or world-egg of the Hindús, about which the Brahmanda-Purdna was written. -E .
Hiraman in Hindi would mean diamond. In folklore it is a parrot gifted with human speech.-ED.]

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that had attained to great proficiency in the art the boy was very fair he married his daughter of magic, and had the power of assuming differ- to him the very next day. Feasts followed for ent forms. Having a great taste for Brahman's a month, during which time the bridegroom food, the tiger used now and then to frequent gave every satisfaction to his new relatives, temples and other places of public feeding in who supposed him to be human all the while. the shape of an old famished Brâhman in order He also did full justice to the Brahmaņic to share the food prepared for the Brahmans. dishes, and gorged everything that was placed The tiger also wanted, if possible, a Brâhman before him. wife to take to the woods, and there to make | After the first month was over the tigerher cook his meals after her fashion. One day bridegroom bethought him of his accustomed when he was partaking of his meals in Bråh. prey, and hankered after his abode in the woods. man shape at a satra', he heard the talk about A change of diet for a day or two is all the Brahmah girl who was always falling in very well, but to renounce his own proper food love with every beautiful Brâhman boy. Said for more than a month was hard. So one day he to himself, "Praised be the face that I saw he said to his father-in-law, "I must go back first this morning. I shall assume the shape of soon to my old parents, for they will be pining a Brahman boy, and appear as beautiful as at my absence. But why should we have to beautiful can be, and win the heart of the girl." bear the double expense of my coming all the
Next morning he accordingly became in way here again to take my wife to my village ? form a great Såstrin (proficient in the Ráma. So if you will kindly let me take the girl with yana) and took his seat near the ghat of the me I shall take her to her future home, and sacred river of the village. Scattering holy hand her over to her mother-in-law, and see ashes profusely over his body he opened the that she is well taken care of." The old Rúmdyana and began to read.
Brahman agreed to this, and replied, "My “The voice of the new SÅstrin is most en- dear son-in-law, you are her husband and she chanting. Let us go and hear him," said some is yours and we now send her with you, women among themselves, and sat down before though it is like sending her into the wilderness him to hear him expound the great book. The with her eyes tied up. But as we take you to girl for whom the tiger had assumed this shape be everything to her, we trust you to treat her came in due time to bathe at the river, and as 1 kindly." The mother of the bride shed tears at soon as she saw the new Sastrin fell in love the idea of having to send her away, but with him, and bothered her old mother to speak nevertheless the very next day was fixed for the to her father about him, so as not to lose her journey. The old woman spent the whole new lover. The old woman too was delighted day in preparing cakes and sweetmeats for her at the bridegroom whom fortune had thrown daughter, and when the time for the journey in her way, and ran home to her husband, who, arrived, she took care to place in her when he came and saw the Såstrin, raised bundles and on her head one or two margosa up his hands in praise of the great god leaves to keep off deinons. The relatives of Mahêśvara. The Sastrin was now invited the bride requested her husband to allow her to take his meals with them, and as he had to rest wherever she found shade, and to eat come with the express intention of marrying wherever she found water, and to this le the daughter he, of course, agreed.
agreed, and so they began their journey. A grand dinner followed in honour of the The boy tiger and his human wife pursued Sastrin, and his host began to question him as their journey for two or three ghatikás® in free to his parentage, &c., to which the ounning and pleasant conversation, when the girl happentiger replied that he was born in a village ed to see a fine pond, round which the birds were beyond the adjacent wood. The Brahman warbling their sweet notes. She requested had no time to wait for better enquiry, and as her husband to follow her to the water's
A place of public foeding. . Among high caste Hindås when girls leave one village and go to another the old woman of the house the mother or grandmother always places in her bundles
and on her head a few margosa leaves as a talisman against demons.
SA ghatikd is 24 minutes. The story being Hindu. the Hindu method of reckoning distance is used.

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edge and to partake of some of the cakes herself up in the house. As soon as the tiger and sweetmeats with her. But he replied, had satisfied his appetite he told her to open the "Be quiet, or I shall show you my original shape." door, which she did, and they talked together This made her afraid, so she pursued her for a time, after which the tiger rested awhile, journey in silence until she saw another pond, and then went out hunting again. Thus when she asked the same question of her passed many a day, till the tiger's Brahman wife husband, who replied in the same tone. Now had a son, which also turned out to be only a she was very hungry, and not liking her tiger. husband's tone, which she found had greatly One day, after the tiger had gone out to the changed ever since they had entered the woods, woods, his wife was crying all alone in the said to him, "Show me your original shape." house, when a crow happened to peck at some
No sooner were these words uttered than rice that was scattered near her, and seeing the her husband remained no longer a man. Four girl crying, began to shed tears. legs, a striped skin, a long tail and a tiger's "Can you assist me?" asked the girl, face came over him suddenly and, horror of "Yes," said the crow. horrors ! a tiger and not a man stood before So she brought out a palmyra leaf and wrote her ! Nor were her fears stilled when the tiger on it with an iron nail all her sufferings in the in human voice began as follows "Know wood, and requested her brothers to come and henceforth that I, your husband, am a tiger relieve her. This palmyra leaf she tied to the this very tiger that now speaks to you. If neck of the crow, which, seeming to underyou have any regard for your life you must stand her thoughts, flew to her village and sat obey all my orders implicitly, for I can speak down before one of her brothers. He untied to you in human voice and understand what the leaf and read the contents of the letter and you say. In a couple of ghafikas we shall told them to his other brothers. All the three reach my home, of which you will become then started for the wood, asking their mother the mistress. In the front of my house you to give them something to eat on the way. will see half a dozen tubs, each of which you She had not enough of rice for the three, so she must fill up daily with some dish or other made a big ball of clay and stuck it over with cooked in your own way. I shall take care to what rice she had, so as to make it look like a supply you with all the provisions you want." ball of rice. This she gave to the brothers to eat So saying the tiger slowly conducted her to on their way and started them off to the woods. his house
They had not proceeded long before they The misery of the girl may more be ima- espied an ass. The youngest, who was of a gined than described, for if she were to object playful disposition, wished to take the ass with she would be put to death. So, weeping all him. The two elder brothers objected to this for the way, she reached her husband's house. a time, but in the end they allowed him to have Leaving her there he went out and returned his own way. Further on they saw an ant, with several pumpkins and some flesh, of which the middle brother took with him. which she soon prepared a curry and gave it to Near the ant there was a big palmyra tree lying her husband. He went out again after this on the ground, which the eldest took with him and returned in the evening with several vege. to keep off the tiger. tables and some more flesh and gave her an The sun was now high in the horizon and the order :-"Every morning I shall go out in three brothers became very hungry. So they search of provisions and prey and bring some sat down near a tank and opened the bundle thing with me on my return : you must keep containing the ball of rice. To their atter cooked for me whatever I leave in the house." disappointment they fonnd it to be all clay, bat
So next morning as soon as the tiger had being extremely hungry they drank all the gone away she cooked everything left in the water in the pond and continued their journey. house and filled all the tabs with food. At On-leaving the tank they found a big iron tub the 10th ghalika the tiger returned and growl belonging to the washerman of the adjacent ed out, "I smell man! I smell a woman in village. This they took also with them in addimy wood.” And his wife for very fear shattion to the ass, the ant and the palmyra tree.

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Following the road described by their sister in her letter by the crow, they walked on and on till they reached the tiger's house.
The sister, overjoyed to see her brothers again, ran out at once to welcome them. "My dearest brothers, I am so glad to see that you have come here to relieve me after all, but the time for the tiger's coming home is approaching, so hide yourselves in the loft, and wait till he is gone." So saying she helped her brothers to ascend into the loft. . By this time the tiger returned, and perceived the presence of human beings by the peculiar smell. He asked his wife whether any one had come to their house. She said, "No." But when the brothers, who with their trophies of the waythe ass, the ant, and so on-were sitting upon the loft, saw the tiger dallying with their sister they were greatly frightened ; so much so that the youngest through fear began to make water, and, as he had drank & great quantity of water from the pond, he flooded the whole room. The other two also followed his example, and thus there was a deluge in the tiger's honse.
"What is all this P" said the terrified tiger to his wife.
"Nothing," said she," but the urine of your brothers-in-law. They came here a watch ago, and as soon as you have finished your meals, they want to see you."
"Can my brothers-in-law make all this water P" thonght the tiger to himself.
He then asked them to speak to him, whereon the youngest brother put the ant which he had in his hand into the ear of the ass, and as soon as the latter was bitten, it began to bawl out most horribly.
“How is it that your brothers have such a hoarse voice P" said the tiger to his wife.
He next asked them to show their legs. Taking courage at the stupidity of the tiger on the two former occasions, the eldest brother now stretched out the palmyra tree.
"By my father, I have never seen such a leg," said the tiger, and asked his brothers-in-law to show their bellies. The second brother now showed the tub, at which the tiger shuddered, and saying, "such a lot of urine, such a harsh voice, ko stout a leg and such a belly, truly I
have never heard of such persons as these !" he ran away.
It was already dark, and the brothers, wishing to take advantage of the tiger's terror, prepared to return home with their sister at once. They ate up what little food she had, and ordered her to start. Fortunately for her her tiger-child was asleep. So she tore it into two pieces and suspended them over the hearth, and, thus getting rid of the child, she ran off with her brothers towards home.
Before leaving she bolted the front door from inside, and went out at the back of the house. As soon as the pieces of the cub, which were hung up over the hearth, began to roast they dripped, which made the fire hiss and sputter; and when the tiger returned at about midnight, he found the door shut and heard the hissing of the fire, which he mistook for the noise of cooking muffins."
"I see!" said he to himself," how very conning you are! you have bolted the door and are cooking muffins for your brothers! Let us see if we can't get your muffins." So saying he went round to the back door and entered his house, and was greatly perplexed to find his cub torn in two and being roasted, his house deserted by his Brahman wife, and his property plundered! For his wife, before leaving, had taken with her as much of the tiger's 'property as she could conveniently carry.
The tiger now discovered all the treachery of his wife, and his heart grieved for the loss of his son, that was now no more. He determined to be revenged on his wife, and to bring her back into the wood, and there tear her into many pieces in place of only two. But how to bring her back? He assumed his original shape of & young bridegroom, making, of course, due allowance for the number of years that had passed since his marriage, and next morning went to his father-in-law's house. His bro. thers-in-law and his wife saw from a distance the deceitful form he had assumed and devised means to kill him. Meanwhile the tiger Brahman approached his father-inlaw's house, and the old people weloomed him. The younger ones too ran here and there to bring provisions to feed him sumptuously, and
HA'watoh' is a ydma, or three hours.
• Tamil, tosai

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138
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[May, 1886.
the tiger was highly pleased at the hospitable rubbish, and thus the tiger was effectually preway in which he was received.
vented from doing any more mischief. There was a ruined well at the back of the | But the Brahman girl, in memory of her hav. house, and the eldest of the brothers placed ing married a tiger, raised a pillar over the well some thin sticks across its mouth, over which and planted a tulasí shrub on the top of it. he spread a fine mat. Now it is usual to ask Morning and evening, for the rest of her life, guests to have an oil bath before dinner, and so she used to smear the pillar with sacred cow. his three brothers-in-law requested the tiger to dung and water the tulasí shrab. take his seat on the fine mat for his bath. As This story is told to explain the Tamil soon as he sat on it the thin sticks being proverb " Summa irukkiraya, suruvattai ká. unable to bear his weight gave way and down tta!! uma," which meansfell the cunning tiger with a heavy crash! The "Be quiet, or I shall show you my original well was at once filled in with stones and other shape."
THE SUNGA INSCRIPTION OF THE BHARHUT STUPA.
BY E. HULTZSCH, PH.D.; VIENNA. I re-edit this wellknown inscription from mentioned, according to General Cunningham, the original pillar, which, along with most of in one of the smaller Bharhut inscriptions." the treasures discovered at Bharhuc by And he deduces from his transcripts* and General Cunningham, is now preserved in the eye-copies of a mutilated inscription from Indian Museum, Calcutta. The chief value of Mathura, that this Vadhapala was again sucthe inscription consists in the mention in it ceeded by one Dhanabhùti. But to this there of the Suigas,' the successors of the Mau. is the objection that the word putrasa, of the ryas; by which the Stúpa is proved to have son [of],' which, in that case, should stand existed in the second or first century B.C. between [Vadhapd]lasa and Dhanabhútisa, is The pillar in question was erected by a wanting. A mechanical copy of this inscription prince, Dhana bhùti, who was contemporary is much to be desired. with the Sungas,-probably one of their Vassals. His genealogy is given in the in
Prakrit Text. scription as follows:
['] सुगनं रजे रजो गागीपुतस विसदेवस Visadeva, son of Gagi.
[2] पीतेण गोतिपुतस आगरजुस पुर्तण Âgaraju, son of Goti.
[१] वाछिपुतेन धनभूतिन कारितं तोरना
[] MhHT a 3U? Dhanabhäti, son of Vâchhi. The custom, in accordance with which these
SANSKRIT RENDERING. three princes had second names derived from their mothers, deserves to be noted, as it was
[१] शुङ्गानां राज्ये राज्ञो गार्गीपुत्रस्य विश्वदेवस्य adopted by the Andhras,--the successors of the [] au finger :(?) giu Sungas, whose inscriptions contain the terms
[] वात्सीपुत्रेण धनभूतिना कारित तोरणं Gotamiputa, Vâsithiputa, and Madhariputa.
A son of Dhanabhūti, prince Vadhapala(?), is r7 FATICHETTET: 11
• A fragrant herb, held in great veneration by the Hindus ; Oeymum sanctum. This herb is sacred alike to Siva and Vishna. Those species specially sacred to Siva nre-Vendulaof; Siru-tulaal, and Siva-tulas; those to Vishnd are sendulast, Karundulas, and Vishnu-tulaal.
[The Baraod Chatri' of the Grand Trigonometrical Survey Map, Sheet No. 89. The correct spelling of the name appears to be Bharaut. The place is in the NA. gaudh Nagode') State in Baghilkhand six miles to the north-west from Uchahara (Uchera'), the chief town of the State.-ED.]
That the Sungas are meant by the Sugas mentioned in the inscription, was first recogpised by Professor Bühler; see Archæol. Sury. Weat. Ind. Vol. V. p. 73.
Soo Bharhut Stupa, Plate lvi. No. 54, for an eye-copy of this inscription. The original has unfortunately not been transferred to the Indian Museum.
Archæol. Suru. Ind. Vol. III. p. 36; Bharhut Stupa, Pp. 16 and 190.
Archeol. Surv. Ind. Vol. III. Plate xvi.; Bharhut Stupa, Plate liii. No. 4. • Read art - Read उपनो.

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MAY, 1885.1
SARNATH INSCRIPTION OF MAHIPALA.
139
TRANSLATION. During the reign of the Sugas (Sungas), (this) gateway was erected, and the masonry finished by Vâchhi-puta (Vatsi-putra)
Dhana bhati, the son of Goti-puta (Gauptiputra) A garaju" (anul) grandson of king Gagi-puta (Gargi-putra) Visa de va (Visvadeva).
dint elinde TAI KAUNTIELY A 8642101 XL+FA..
1 9xdlt+ع
Scale .34
THE SARNATH INSCRIPTION OF MAHIPALA,
BY E. HULTZSCH, PH. D.; VIENNA. When, in January A.D. 1794, the workmen consisting of seven panels which are separated of Babu Jagatsimh, Diwan of the Raja of by six pillars. The central panel contains the Benares, were digging for old stones at Dharmachakra; the third and fifth an antelope ; Sarnath, they found a stone containing the the second and sixth a tiger; the first and subjoined inscription, a rough transcript of seventh a kneeling male figure, which supports which was first pablished by Mr. Jonathan the stone above it with its hands, like the Duncan. The stone was then removed to the giants in front of Cave III. at Nasik." "Below Jagatganj, a market-place built at Benares by the band of sculpture, the usual Buddhist Jagatsinh; but it was rediscovered by Major creed (B) is engraved. Kittoe at the suggestion of General Cunning- The inscription records that, in Samvat 1083, ham, who published an imperfect translation a Buddhist Stapa and a Dharmachakra were made by a student of the Benares College, repaired, and a new Gandhaluti was built by the and, later on, the text of a transcript received two brothers Sthirapala and Vasantapala, who from Kittoe.' I edit the inscription from the were probably the sons of Mahipala, king of original stone, which is now preserved at the Gau da, who is mentioned in the first stanza of Queen's College, Benares.
the inscription. The Gurava-Sri-Vâmarasi, to On the top of the stone there was originally whom king Mahipala is said to have paid his a squatting figure of Buddha, which is now respects, must have descended from the line of broken off above the hips. The historical part hereditary spiritual guides of the Påla kings, of the inscription (A) is engraved below the which is recorded on the Buddal Pillar. This statue. Then follows a band of sculpture, supposition is strengthened by the fact that
Literally, "anat nd of the stone-work arose."- geet itself to ine Dr. Rajendrall Mitra 1 roceedings of the Bengal Asia- Asiatic Reserrches, Vol. V. p. 133. tic Society 1880, p. 54, reads Rilakaihmato: but the Archaol. Suru. Ind. Vol. fil. p. 121, and Vol. XI. Beoond anusvara of silakavimaihto is quite distinct on
I p. 182. the stone.
3 See Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji's Pandu Léna Caves, • The Sanskrit equivalent of this name doos not sug. p. 5.

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140
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MAY, 1885.
the curious name Gurava is borne by a member
[*] HTTPO3 Trafca [11] of that family, viz. by Sriguravamiéra, the contemporary of king Narayanapala.. The
Inscription B. 'eight holy places, which furnished the
[1] येधा हेतुप्रभवा हेतुं तेषां तथागतो ह्यवदत् । materials for the building of the Gandhakuti were very likely decayed Stúpas situated in
[ ] 91 ARTY 1 HETTAT: 11 the neighbourhood. The exact spot where
TRANSLATION. the stone was found by Jagatsinh's men, and where the Stúpa repaired by the two brothers
Inscription A. must have stood, has been ascertained by Om, adoration to Buddha! The illustrious General Canningham as lying 520 feet to the Sthirapala (and his younger brother, the west of the great tower of Dhamek.
illustrious. Vasanta pala, whom the lord of
Ganda, the illustrious Mahipala, caused to TEXT.
establish in Kasi hundreds of precious monuInscription A.
ments of his glory, such as Isånas (i.e. Lingas), ['] at GANT II arroftecent Tea- paintings, and bells, after he had worshipped श्रीवामराशिपादाब्जम् । आराध्य नमितभूपति
the foot of Gurava-Sri-Vâmarasi, which is like PETTO: ATITH II
S
et
a lotus in the lake of Vår åņa si surrounded,
as it were, by saivala-plants through the hair RefraGIA I [151]
of bowing kings, - they, who have made their HENT: HAR(711)
learning fruitful, and who do not turn back [] arts near (on their way) to supreme knowledge (bodht),
तो धर्मराजिकां साङ्गं धर्मचक्र पुनर्जवम् ।। repaired the Dharmarájika (and) the Dharmaकृतवन्ती च नवीनामष्टमहास्थानशलगन्ध
chakra with all its parts, and constructed this
new Gandhakuti' (made of stones (coming getul Cart A T THEYMT
from) eight holy places. from)
Samvat 1083, on the STS: SfHg 11
| 11th day of Pausha.
SANSKRIT AND OLD-KANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. BY J. F. FLEET, Bo. C.S., M.R.A.S., C.I.E.
(Continued from p. 104). No. CLVI.
tion is in a state of perfect preservation almost BRITISH MUSEUM PLATES OF VIRA-SATYASRAYA. throughout. The plates are numbered, at the
The original plates containing the present beginning of the first and third plates, and of inscription belong to the British Museum, No the second side of the second plate. The ring, information is forthcoming as to where they on which the plates are strung, is about " were found; but, judging from the language thick and 24" in diameter; it had not been used and the localities mentioned, it must have cut when the grant came under my notice. been somewhere in or near the Native State of
The seal on the ring is rectangular, about 1}" Miraj in the Bombay Presidency.
by 1". It has, in relief on a deeply counterThe plates are three in number, each about sank surface,-a very rudely executed figure 8" long by 5}" broad. The edges of them
of a boar, standing to the proper left, with the are here and there very slightly raised into gun and moon above it. The characters are rims to protect the writing; and the inscrip- Någari. The language is partly Sanskțit and
. See stanza 18 of the Buddal inscription : Jour. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. XLIII. Part I. p. 358. Tho Dataka or royal messenger of the Bhagalpur grant was also called Gurava; see id. Vol. XLVII. Part I. p. 406.We find similar names or titles of priests in Southern India; thus Gurova, applied to a Jain priest, ante Vol. XI. p. 71;-Gorava, applied to a Saiva priest, id. p. 127 ;-and Gurava, applied to in all probability a Saiva priest, p. 19 above.-ED.)
* Archæol. Surv. Ind. Vol. I. p. 113ff. and Plate xxxii.
• Dharmardjikd=stops. The Petersburg Dictionary considers the word as a compound of dharma and rajiká; but it seems better to derive it from dharmardja (Pali dhammaraja), a name of Buddha.
Perfumed chamber, any private chamber devoted to Buddha's use'; Childers, 8. v. gandhakuti. The gandhakuff at Jetavana near Srivastf is represented on a Bhar. hut bas-relief, see General Cunningham's Bhurhut stupa, Plate LVII.

Page #159

WESTERN CHALUKYA GRANT OF VIRA-SATYASRAYA.
2 न म जुगनि विरामनया मलाकान T। मलजमाया । वनिमन्त्र सुदनात्यामधीलमामटा पानाविभाज। वन मेतावमा हार त्या पुच पातु पी । चाईमा पपुवाय काँता केपी वैया र बालबा
कुल त मलमा डारलिंग काग उतार जगाती।चपातागज पातानापति कितना बामादला कनवजावाजा पोनदाटपाम पतावना तयानमनमाजा व लीवि पर वितरमा लोकतालामविजा च मोठगा वास यनुनावमा भगाय देवू व कवति कला पर न लगा रनलुन का कप/विनादाय
CALIFOW ENDEEP KISH
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Page #160

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Page #161

WESTERN CHALLKYA GRANT OF VIRA-SATYASRAYA.
म२००नममि१० मै लापदे वामि २०० मल मान चामली सीटयनाय कामिनी हेमरर मामात बदला मन न द तार टा देता १. श्री नानाराम पाला ना ती या १०० का नामिच। ९० V मामा मायागुलता
नव्या मा बाप वलियों मा सेनाप कागुल मग डा माजील नवलपाइजिनामा
मका
निविउदपारद
हम वाता। हो तलिमलगा दिया मासीमाभावप्रया जल वाद व लाचलुवकलयमा
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Page #162

अनिमात मुलंवा मडु वा विने लगाসभाস। गांव के प्रभाव विगत हा व पश्चिमा वयं गनिम कु. विटा जी मे वनाइत टाक AMस लेज्ञा लुं पुत्रमने लेवलि के मद के से लगान विद्यामान गडाव रति वाक्कों की बृन
बेलुवणा के मे लगाए है। मसीमाचा নওাবলন কन जा लुंब्ज नु द्वं पर्वता मामा वाया शाम लवनि वे लुच के चल गानिमा मनिस गई। घुल गित मा ने जूचিलें I व् वाद ॥ वृर्व कोग्र लुबलि तेलगा जी मंजन टाक देक948 कস- लवाद तनावको সनत्री मात्रमा
वाद वाद साधाया जाय विभा

Page #163

MAY, 1835.)
SANSKRIT AND OLD-KANARESE INSCRIPTIONS
141
partly Kanarese ; in addition to the orthography being very bad, the language is very corrupt throughout-60 mach so, that it is inexpedient to burden the text with corrections and footnotes pointing out the mistakes.
The inscription, if it is genuine, is one of Vira-Satyasraya, the son of Gô vinda- ra ya, of the very latest ChAlu kyas of Kalyanapura, and of the Sômavamsa or lineage of the moon. And it records the grant and specification of the classes and measures of the mánya-lands of the village of Selagrama in the Kongulavalli Twelve, which was in the kanpana called the Miriñji Three hundred, - on Monday, the seventh day of the dark fortnight of the month Jyêshtha, in the Bhâva samvatsara.
The year of the grant is not mentioned. But the characters are not of an earlier period than the twelfth centary A.D. It belongs to the same class of grants with the Bengalûr grant of Vira-Noņamba, of the very latest Chalukyas of Kalyanapura and of the Somavamsa, which purports to be dated in Saka 366 (A.D. 444-45), but which, like the present inscription, is not earlier than the twelfth century A.D.
In line 16 of this inscription, we have the expression kalakam utkalita, which, according to the Katapay adi numeral system,' has been interpreted in other grants of the same kind, as denoting the year 111. But it means nothing more than "a camp was pitched."
82
Text.
First plate. [') Namahs-tuga-sirabs-tamvi.
-chamdra-châmara-châravaiḥ [") trailokya-nagar-ahrambhal müla-stambhaya
Sambhavaih || [°] Svasti Samastabhuvanásrayah sriprithvivallabha m aha[] rajadhirajal para mêsvara
paramabhattaraka [10] Ka[] lyaņa-puravar-adhisvara
Arôhaka'
[bha]ga-datta! [°] ripu-raya-ka mtå-vairi-vaidhavya-datta [l*]
Chalukya[') kula-katuala-mårttaṁda
Kalingam-kôganda-ganda [l"] [!] gaṁdı-mirttamda samgrima-vijaya [lo] vairi-gharata ekâm['] ga! -viral Asrapati-| Gajapati- Narapati- / -vidhvamsita 80[""] varpaa-vârîhalamchhana-dhvajal
para-nåri-sahôdara (") ranågatå-vajrapamjara
tath
samasta-râjâvali-vira. ("] chita-sama lamkrita
Sômavam-ôdbhava-sri-Govindara[") ya-suta- Vira-Satyasrayadeva-
chakravarti Kalyana [") purada nalaviļinalu sukha-samkath-1 -vinðdêna rajyain
Second plate; first side. [") karita vakshana-disa varð digu-vijaya-yâtre | vijayam kara [") vana () Kôpisvara-dévå-samnidhau katakam-utkalita | Mirin["] je-gampana
300-sata abhyamtarê
Selagkra-gråma[") mimneya kula-birudamka-Bhimaraya
madahasti-på[n] daraksha-pâlaka sapta-18ha-puta-dhimdhita
saigola-på[*] rtha esuvara divyatê Bhava-samvachharê Jêshta-mâsô krishna (") pakshê Sasi-vârê saptamyâm tithau tatha Komgala [") vali-dvádasagrêmê sarbk-vádhe-pariharam
sarba-namasya dattan Selagára-gråmå-manneya-stala-vritti |
grama-sa(P). ["] rva 2000 magilu griha hasta 40 ghåņê hattâ ma[*] A padiyade pårikshảya ashta-bhôga-têja-sâmya-sarba[") múliká-bhůmi 2000 grihê hasta 40 nârgâvunda-bhumi ("] 2000 grihê hasta 40 mülasta na-dôvå-bhami 600g[á]. [""] pa i padiyade 1 hattâ 1 mala i griha [ha]sta 24 Jinals-bhumi ["] 400 gu(Pkha)daraņd-bhami 300 bhalári-bhdmi 200 mêvini.
Published by Mr. Rice, ante Vol. VIII. p. 94. * ante Vol. IV. p. 207 1. See ante Vol. VIII. p.
From the original plates. . Read gaj-ardhaka.

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142
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(MAY, 1885.
Second plate ; second side. CO) bhuma 200 pamnasi-bhůmi 200 M ailâradêvå-bhâmi 200 [*] mülastânadôvå-MAli-Bireyanayaka-bhumi
500 A gri[*] hê hasta 12 kusmâm Asvabandha lamanavu nudata Brahmadêvâ 19] 100 somnara 200 dvårapálya 100 nåviya 100 [4] ana mikå 100 [1] ēvam gráma isânya Korgulava[] li-grâmi-Borevali-gråma-Selagára-t[r*]igrama[SO] trisaṁgadau mârjala-pamja vahalA c hhamka samimma. [""] ta v upanidhi Rudra-pâda dakshan-abhimukham gatva [*] Borevali-Selagára-dvaagrâmâ-sîma-samdhir-uchya[] tê jala-pravaba vahala dhanu vamka sarpa-mukha-sa[) mi-samühar chandra-sild 5 Virådharavuna-grâm& Agnêya Ma[*] dubâviya-gråma-Vorabali-Selagára-t[r*Jigråmå-trisargadan fi påsha na-pumja vupanidhi târamtaratilekați pramiņu p&
Third plate. [") schim-abhimukhari
gatva
Madubavi-Selagâra-sîma-sa[*] Sarka-pumja Svayambhu-Krishņa sarri sunkiga-taţAka-paschima-pârâ["'] patham Baragiri-Madakuņikeya-sîme
varaha-tataka [*] riņa-sile-salu-pumja
5 paschima-nairitya
Beluvali[") ke-Madakuņike-Selagåra-t[r* Jigråmå-trisamgada
pa["] rasu-pumja 2 vupanidhi påvak-ôchhrishta-vattar-ábhimukhe ["] Beluvaņike-Selagára-dvangrama-sîmâ
amdhara[") giri 3 achalatataka såld-pamja 6 vundra-parbata [*] grầma-vâyẫvya
Końgulavali-Beluvaņike-Sela["] gåra-trigrama-trisamgadau pürba vamdra-giri mone dvau vupap] nidhi Bhairava-pada
purva
Komgulavali-Selagira[*] sîme raja-tataka hema-mrittika-pumja 4 kâ tiasa-sile jala-pravaha [""] viravam kadharô tatha isânya-sîmâ samậptah || Sva-datam para-data [ và yê harêti vasumdhara sashțir-basha-sahasrâņi vishţâyâm jậyatê krimi |
CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS.
BY HENRY H. HOWORTH, F.S.A.
(Continued from p. 120). XXX.
| captured from Mir Haidar, the Gabari, and Having traced the doings of the three con other forts in the Kohpayah or skirts of the tingents which Chinghiz sent from the Indus, hills, and stayed in this district three months. let us now turn to those of the great conqueror Thence he sent envoys to Iyal Tamsh, the himself. After Jalâlu'd-din's army had been Sultan of Dehli, apparently to ask his dispersed, and he had been driven across the permission to be allowed to return home to river, Chinghiz, we are told by Minhaj-i-Saraj, Mongolia through Hindustan by way of Lakhwent in pursuit of the Ighraki Musalmans (who nawati and Kamrud, or as Minhaj-i-Saraj says, were very numerous) towards Gibari, which in another place, by way of Koh-i-Karachal and Major Raverty identifies as "the country north Kamrud. Our author tells as that Chinghiz of the Kabul river, between the Kaman or river consulted the burnt shoulder-blades of sheep of Kunar, and the Landey Sind, i.e. Bajawr, as to the advisability of taking this route, but and the tracts forming its southern boundary." finding the augury unpropitious he determined Chinghiz took the fortress of Gibari, probably to return home by another route.• He first Gabarkot, which Sultan Babar afterwards went, we are told, to Peruan, where he waited
Tabakat--Nasiri, 1048 and note. * ibid. pp. 1044-1045.
* Op. cit. pp. 1046 and 1081. . ibid. p. 1047.

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MAY, 1885.]
CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS.
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during the summer and till he was rejoined by buried under a pillar to be used in case of need. Bela and Darbai, whom he had sent in pursuit Chinghiz, having heard of this, had one third of of Jalálu'd-din. Thence he went to the fortress the pillars of the mosque pulled down to find of Kunaun Kurghan' probably the modern this treasure, but nothing being discovered the Khinjan, north of the Paruan pass. There rest were spared. Ibn Batuta speaks of Balkh Ogotai rejoined him, and they went on to as still in ruins when he passed through it." Debuyeh Ketur, to pass the winter, where he was To return to our story. Minhaj-i-Saraj and supplied with forage and other necessaries by Rashidu'd-din tell us that Chinghiz was inthe governor of the district, called Salar Ahmed, duced to return by news of a revolt in This hilly country was much encumbered with Tangat, but this is hardly likely, as he would snow, and by impassable forests. It was also not have withdrawn so leisurely if he had had very sickly, and the water was bad, so Chinghiz such a pressing cause. The real explanation ordered his prisoners to shell a large quantity of was probably the death of Ma-khu-li, his comrice. They cleaned from 300 to 400 mans in each mander-in-chief in China, who died in April household. He then bad them put to death. 1223. The Chinese accounts give a different
He now, we are told, retraced his steps reason for his retreat. We read in the biography to Peshawur, which seems an inconsequent act, of Yeliu Chutsai, that Chinghiz carried his arms unless he merely went north temporarily for as far as the Eastern Hindus. While his troop summer quarters, and thence went by way of were halting in the "Iron Gate'll he saw an Bamian to Baklan' where he had left his animal like a stag with the tail of a horse, with Ughraks, or heavy baggage. Having appointed a greon body and having a single horn on its darughas or commissaries to take charge of the head. This extraordinary animal had the faculty various towns he had conquered, and having spent of human speech, and cried out to the emperor's the autumn there he again advanced towards guards that he should at once retire. Chinghiz, the Oxus. In passing near Balkh he had all astonished at this prodigy, consulted Yeliu the people put to death who had returned to Chatsai, who replied:-"This remarkable animal occupy the place. The people there for twelve is the Kiutuan. It understands all languages. months had had to live on dogs, cats, &c., It loves living beings, and has a horror of for the Mongols had destroyed all the crops. carnage. It has come to tell you that you are Ibn Batuta, who travelled through this district the eldest son of heaven, and that the people about a centory later, tells us that Chinghiz are your children, and it tells you how heaven destroyed at Balkh a third of its principal would have you treat them." Wherenpon mosque, because of a treasure which was re- the emperor ordered the army to retire." The ported to have been buried under one of its biography just cited has preserved another columns. He tells us it was one of the finest anecdote of Yeliu Chatsai of this campaign. We and largest mosques in the world, and was there read that a violent epidemic broke out in reported to have been built by the wife of the Mongol ranks, and that the generals had Daud-ibn-Ali who governed Balkh for the thought of nothing but amassing gold and rich Abassides, and who devoted to its construction staffs. Chutsai, on the other hand, had collected the value of a splendid pearl-embroidered robe, books, and among other natural products a which she had offered the Khalifa in lieu of a large quantity of medicinal rhubarb, whose contribution he had imposed npon the town. qualities he knew. He now used it, and The Khalifa, touched by the generous offer, re- thus saved the lives of 10,000 people." turned the robe. We read that after the build- The Chinese accounts give us additional inforing of the mosque one-third of the value of mation about Chinghiz Khan's doings at this time. the robe still remaining, she ordered it to be The Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi tells us that after the
• Called Gunaun Cargan by D'Ohsson. • Called Buys Ketver by D'Ohason.
Called Bulghar by Erdmann and Bacalan by D'Ohsson. It was doubtless the modern Baghlan, south of Kundus.
Javeni, quoted by Erdmann, pp. 482-498 : D'Ohnson, Vol. I. pp. 818-820; Tabakut-i-Naart, p. 1047 note, pp.
• Op. cit., Ed. Defremery, etc., Vol. III. 59-63. 10 D'Ohason, Vol. I. p. 819 note. - The Derbend Kahluga. 1 Rórnusat, Nouteaux Mélanges Asiatiques, Vol. II. pp. 67 and 68; De Mailla, Vol. IX. pp. 108-100; Gaubil, pp. 41 and 42.
13 Rémusat, op. cit. p. 68.
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defeat of Jalalu'd-din Chinghiz went up the river that in the spring of 1223, Chinghiz marched of Shin (i.e.) the Indus, took the city of Bat- northwards along the Sin-tze-sa, i.e. the Indus. kesie (P), arrived at the rivers of Ekie-horohan He spent the summer on the River Ba-la-wan and Geun-horohan (doubtless the Gunaun Kur- (Peruan), and defeated the enemy in the neighghan of Rashidu'd-din already mentioned whichbourhood. After the arrival of the corps under was no river, buta hill, Kurghan meaning amound Ba-la he again advanced to the fort of Ke-un, or hill), and pitched his camp at Baruan Keber, where the third prince, i.e. Ogotai, also arrived, i.e. the plain of Peruan. The same authority He then placed a da-lu-hua-chi, i.e. darugha, tells us that Chinghiz spent a year in the in every city, and returned homewards." mountains of Altan-horhuan," where the king While Chinghiz was in this mountain district of the Muhammadans was accustomed to he was visited by the famous Taouist philosopher encamp. In the Yuan-shi we read, under the Ch'ang-Ch'un, whom he had summoned to his year 1223 :-"In order to avoid the heat of presence as I have mentioned in a previous sammer the Emperor moved to the valley chapter. I described how he obeyed the great (or river) Ba-lu-wan, i.e. Peruan, after which conqueror's summons, and how he and his he was joined by the princes Juchi, Ch'a-ho-tai, companions left Peking and traversed the Kuand Wo-k'uo-tai, and the general Ba-la, on yung Pass in the Great Wall. Soon after they their return from their expeditions. When meta band of robbers, who, however, did them no the conquered realms in the Si-ya," were harm, but passed on, saying, "We do not harm the pacified, da-lu-huach'ils were appointed to master." Having reached Te-hing, now Pao-augovern them." Again, in the year 1224, the chau, N. W. of Peking and south of Saan-huaemperor advanced as far as Tungyiu-dukuo, fa, they passed the summer and winter of 1220 where he met the Kintaan, and then turned there, in the temple of Lung-yang-kuan. back. So In the Kang-mu we read that Chinghiz In the autumn Ali-sien arrived as & mesrecrossed the river Sinmotsi with his army, and senger from Ochin (Ochigin), Chinghiz Khân's returned westwards. Having made himself youngest brother, asking Ch'ang-Ch'un to call master of the city of Seistan he went to pass on him on his way to the emperor. Early the summer heats on the river Balu-wan, i.e. in February, 1221, the travellers again set out, Peruan, and subjected all the neighbouring the old sage promising his sorrowful disciples tribes, and having reached the fortress of K'o that he would be back in three years. They he nominated Tar-hah-tsi-wen" or governors passed Tsui-ping-k'u, a defile 30 li west of in each town of Si-yu, and then continued Kalgan, and next day the mountains Ye-hu-ling. his march." The Yuan-shi-lei-pien says that “The mountain air was delicious," says the Chinghiz having passed the great heats at a biographer. "Towards the north were only cold, place called Pa-lu-wan, Juchi, and his brothers sandy deserts and parched grass. These are the and the generals assembled there, and a form limits of the broath of Chinese nature. We saw of government was devised for the western a field of battle, covered with bleached bones." conquests, and this was the first occasion that Proceeding northwards they passed Fu-chau, Chinghiz appointed in addition to military com- the Kara-balghasun of the Mongols, 30 miles manders Ta-lu-hoa (darughas), i.e. Mandarins, from Kalgan on the road from Peking to Kiawho had seals and decided causes. After report- khta. It is called Little Yen, i.e. Little Peking, ing the story about Yeliu Chutsai already men- in one of Ch'ang-Ch'an's poems. Passing the tioned, the author of this work goes on to say lake Kai-li, probably the K'ole-hu of the Chinese what is indeed most probable, that seeing that maps, they five days later passed the earthen the leaders of the army were weary of a war in Rampart, traversing Southern Mongolia, called such a distant country, Chinghiz said he wished Ming-ch'ang, from its having been built in the to return to Tartary." The Huang-yuan tells us years so styled, 1190-1196, by the Kin emperor 16 Altan Kurghan, the golden hills.
Gunaun-kurghan above cited. 15 Bretschneider, Notes, p. 65.
* ibid. p. 63, note 107; De Mailla, vol. IX, p. 116. * 1.6. Juchi, Jagatai and Ogotai. The mention of » Gaubil, pp. 41 and 43. Jachi, as we shall see, is a mistake.
** Bretschneider, Notes, eto., p. 67. "1.e. Western regions.
1.8. darughar.
"Bretaohneider, Notor on Chin. Kod Travellers, ato. The kingdom of Eastern Yindu or Hindu. * ibid. pp. 63 and 64.
p. 19.

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Madaku. They then traversed the great sandy it, and which was probably Karakorum, They desert, Sha-mo, and reached the lake Yu'rh-li, then entered the rugged passes of the Khangwhere Chinghiz retired to after his campaign kai chain where our chronicler noticed the in China in 1215. The name means the fishing immense pine-trees and very severe cold, and lake, and is identified by Dr. Bretschneider eventually reached one of Chinghiz Khan's ordus, with the Po-yü-rh-hai of other Chinese writers, where one of his wives lived. The sage received situated in Southern Mongolia, lat. 43° 50' N., an invitation to visit the ordu, and we are told called Tar-nor by the Mongols." Leaving the Chinese princess and the Princess of Hia here they travelled towards the north-east, | i.e. two of Chinghiz Khan's concubines, daughpassing a number of black carts and white tents, ters respectively of the Chinese Emperor and and eventually reached a tributary of the La-ku, the Emperor of Hia) sent presents of millet and or Keralon, which they forded. Early in May, silver. Flour here cost 50 liang" for every 80 1221, they reached the camp of Ochigin. The kin (one kin=l; lb.) It had to be brought on ice was only just beginning to melt, and the camels from beyond the Tien Sban, or Celestial first green was appearing on the ground. A Mountains. Leaving the ordu they proceeded wedding was being celebrated, and many Mongol several days in a south-easterly direction, and chiefs had arrived with mare's milk, and several apparently approached the country of the thousand black carts and white tents were Uighurs, passing 'near the ruins of an ancient city ranged in rows, Ch'ang-Ch'un had an interview called Ho-la-Siao. Not far from the modern with Ochigin, who inquired about the means of Uliassutai they met some Hui-ho or Uighurs, prolonging life. It was thought more be- who were engaged in irrigating the fields. coming that the sage should reserve his precepts Several days later they reached & range of for the hearing of Chinghiz Khân, and he pro- snowy mountains called A-bu-han in the Si-yamised to call again, and impart his knowledge ki and A-lu-huan in the biography of Chen-hai on his return. Ochigin supplied the party with in the Yuan-shi. I cannot identify it. Perhaps 100 horses and 10 carts, and they again set out, the name survives in that of the River Jabkan. and soon reached the Kerulon, where it spreads South of these mountains the travellers itself out into a big lake, i.e. probably Lake found a town called T'ien-ch-en-hai-ba-la-hoKu-lun, the Dalai Nor. They went along the sun." There were more than 300 families from southern banks of the Keralon, and an eclipse Western Asia there, engaged in weaving gold of the sun took place at noon. This was early brocade, end 300 from Pien-king (i.e. Kai-fengin June, 1221. The high willows on the banks fu in Honan) making woollen cloth. The people of the Keralon were utilized by the Mongols for came out to meet the sage with great joy, making their tents.
bearing variegated umbrellas and presents of After 16 days' journey, they reached a place flowers. There also went to him two concuwhere the river changes its direction towards the bines of the Kin Emperor, and the mother of a north-west, and they took the direct post road Chinese princess, trophies of the Mongol camfrom Ya'rh-li to Karakorum, The Mongols paign in China. The latter said she had presented him with millet, and said they had been often heard of and wished to see him, and waitinga year for him, and he gave them jujubes. expressed her wonder at having at length The country now was well peopled, the natives met him under such strange circumstances. living in black carts and white tents, and being Chen-hai paid the sage a visit, who expressed engaged in cattle-breeding and hunting. They his surprise that agriculture should be carried dressed in furs and skins, and lived on milkon in such a desert. He also asked him if he and flesh meat. They passed a ruined city should stay there till Chinghiz Khan's return. traditionally built by the Khitans, where Chen-hai replied that, on the contrary, he had they found a tile with Khitan characters on received orders to expedite his journey. Ho
* ibid, pp. 20 and 21 note 23.
military settlement was established at A-la-huan by 1 Fach of 6 to 7 shillings.
Chinghis Khan and Chen-hai was appointed its governor. " Balghasun in Mongol means town, t'ien moana field. whenoo, no doubt, the place was called Chen-hai-bale Chen-haí is the name of a high official in the Mongolho-sun. It was also called T'ang-t'u, from the magazines service, called Ching-kai by Rashidu'd-din, who was a of corn there. Uighur. In his biography in the Yuan-ahi we are told that

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also said that in the country they would now The old man smiled at this, and remarked have to traverse there were precipitous moun- that goblins fled when they met a good tains and wide marshes which could not be man, and that it did not behove & Taonist crossed by a cart. He proposed that they
to entertain such notions. should travel on horseback, and leave some of Presently the travellers reached & small their people behind. Ch'ang-ch'un agreed, and Uighur town, north of the Tien-shan range, left nine of his disciples, for whom he built a probably Gu-chen, where the road from the monastery, the rich contributing money and the
nurth joins that going west. The Uighurs poor labour. It was completed in less than a went out to meet the sage and presented him month, and was called Si-hia Kuan, from the with fruits and Persian linen cloth. Travelling name of Ch'ang-Ch'an's birthplace, Si-hia westwards he crossed a river and passed two Early in September 1221, the sage again set
small towns; the land was artificially irrigated, out with 10 disciples and 20 Mongols from the and wheat was just beginning to ripen. This station with two carts. Chen-hai also accom- was in September. He now reached Bie-sze-ma, panied him with an escort of 100 horsemen. The
1.e. Bish-baligh (the modern Urumtsi), the district they now traversed, apparently the so- capital of the Uighurs, where the king and called Sukhe Gobi, was said to be infested by officers and people, the Baddhist and Taonist goblins, and one of Chen-hai's servants reported priests, went out to meet him. that he himself had been pulled by the hair by
He lodged in a vineyard outside the city, and one, while the Khân of the Naimans was also
was supplied with wine made from grapes, charmed there by a goblin, to whom he had had fruits, &o. by the relatives of the king. People to offer a sacrifice. After travelling S. W. for crowded round him, and about him were seen 3 days and then to the S. E., passing a great
Buddhists, Taonists and Confucianists. Leaving mountain and traversing & vast defile, the
again, they in four days halted east of Lun-t'ai, travellers reached the Kin-shan,or golden
where they were met by the chief of the Tie-gie mountains, i.e. the Altai, or rather that branch (i... the Tersa of the Persian writers) by whom of them known as Ek-tag, over which the road a high dignitary of the Nestorians is probably had been planned and constructed by the 3rd
meant. Thence they went on again to Ch'angprince, i.e. by Ogotai, when the army marched
ba-la (i.e. Chang-balig), which is also mentioned westwards. This pass was probably the one
in the itinerary of Yeliu-Hiliang and is there followed by the modern road from Kobdoplaced east of the river Ma-na-sze. It is into the valley of the Uranga. The Mongol
probably the modern Manas. Its ruler was also escort was employed in dragging the carts a Uighur and an old friend of Chen-hai, and up the steep ascents and putting drags upon the went with his relatives and the Uighar prieste wheels when descending. Having crossed the
to meet them. He entertained the sage with a mountains, upon which Ch'ang Ch'un composed a dinner on a terrace, and his wife gave them poem, they proceeded southwards, and traversed wine. They also supplied them with very the wastes of the Western Gobi, the most large water-melons and sweet melons. Here difficult part of their journey. “We have before he also conversed with a Buddhist priest by 118," said Chen-hai, “the po-ku tsien (field of means of an interpreter. West of this there white bones). Alloveris thickly strewn with black were neither Buddhists nor Taouists. Going stoneg. ... That is an old battle-field, a onwards along the sandy deserts north of the field of death. One time a whole army perished
Tien-shan, the travellers reached the ragged there from exhaustion; no one escaped. A country about Lake Sairam, through which we short time ago, at the same place, the army of the are told roads had been cut by Chinghiz' second Naimans was destroyed by Chinghiz." It isson, 1,0. Chagatai. He made these roads through curious to find this waste still called Naiman the rooks, and built 48 bridges with the wood Minggan Gobi, while a range of hills traversing which grow on the mountains. The bridges it is called Naiman Ula. To prevent being were so wide that two carts could pass over charmed by the goblins Ch'ang Ch'an's com. them abreast. The travellers having crossed panions rubbed their horses' heads with blood. the Borokhoro Monntains entered a more fertile ibid. pp. 28 and 29.
* Brotwohneider, Notar, pp. 139 and 230.

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country, where mulberries and jujubes grew, and reached A-li-ma, i.e. Almaligh, the modern Ili or old Kalja, where the ruler of the realm of Pagu-man (? a form of Plano Carpini's Besserman, the old Russian Bussurman, i.e. Musalman) together with the Mongol ta-lu-hua. chi (darugha) went out to meet them. The biographer of Ch'ang-ch'un mentions the apples (alima) for which Almaligh was famous, and also that the people there ased a kind of cloth called tuluma, made of vegetable wool (i.e. of cotton), which was then very little known in China." He also mentions the aqueducts used in irrigation.
Moving on from Almaligh the travellers in four days reached the River Talas which they crossed at the end of October. Chung-lu now hastened on as a courier, to announce the sage's approach to Chinghiz Khân, while Chen-hai continued to escort him. A few days later they met the envoy of the Kin emperor whom we have already named, who was on his way back to China, and reported that Chinghiz was pursuing the Sultan Jalâlu'd-din towards India. This part of the country, we are told, belonged to the empire of Si-Lillo or Kara Khitai, and its people were engaged in agriculture, and in raising silk,
They also made grape wine there. As it did not rain during the whole summer and autumn, the land had to be artificially watered by canals. Passing along the northern flanks of the Alexandrofski Mountains, the travellers reached a rained city built of red stones, a military encampment, and great grave-mounds, i.e., the neighbourhood of Avlie-ata. Crossing the mountains by the well-known gorge at Avlie-ata they speedily reached Sairam, whose Muhammadan ruler went out to meet them and directed them to their lodg. ings. There one of Ch'ang-Ch'un's disciples, named Ch'nokia-ku, died." Going onwards now to the southwest they arrived in three days at a town whose Muhammadan ruler also entertained them. After passing another town they reached the Ho-ch'ao-mulien, i.e., Ho-chaoMuran, or river of Khojend, meaning the Sihun or Jaxartes. This they crossed by a floating bridge, the guardian of which presented Chen. hai with a tish having an enormous mouth and without scales (probably a silurus). They passed two towns, outside one of which they were entertained with dinner and wine, while boys
» ibid. Notes, p. 33. * ibid. 35.
performed some plays, dancing with swords and climbing on poles to amuse them. Passing two more towns they traversed a valley running north and south, where they passed the night under & wide-spreading mulberry-tree, which could shelter 100 men. At another town they saw & well over 100 feet deep, where an old Muhammadan had a bullock which turned the draw-beam and thus drew water for people. Chinghiz had noticed him on his march, and ordered him to be exempt from taxes. At Sie-misze-kan(Samarkand), the Tai-shi-yi-la-kuo-kung doubtless as we have seen, Yeliu Chutsai with the other officials went to meet them. Chung-lu informed the sage that some rebels had recently broken the floating bridge over the Amu Daria or Oxus, and that as it was the depth of winter he had better wait at Samarkand till the spring, which he agreed to do. He tells us that in the midst of the city was an elevated place about 100 feet high on which the Sultan's new palace had been built. This had been afterwards occupied by the Taishi, who on account of some robberies no longer lived there, and it was given up to Ch'ang-Ch'an, who said the Taouists had no fear. The Taishi supplicd everything needed for his daily wants. He was frequently visited by Chinese, who went to pay him their respects, and he also discussed the eclipse of the sun which he had seen on the Kerulon with an astronomer. He tells us this eclipse was total at noon on the Keralon, that ths of the sun were alone eclipsed at the Kin Shan Mountains, and the eclipse there was at its height at 10 in the morning. At Samarkand only ths were so eclipsed. He explains the natare of solar eclipses in naive, but accurate language. Meanwhile Chungla, who had been sent on to explore, returned with the report that the second prince, i.e. Chagatai, had moved with an army and had repaired the bridges, and that Chinghiz Khan was then south of the Ta-suo-shan, i.e. the Hinda-Kush, and that the road by which he would have to travel was thickly covered with snow. The prince, i.e. Chagatni, invited tho sage to pay him a visit, and wait till the time was more convenient for starting, but he declined on the plea that he only lived on vegetables, rico meal, &c., and understood there were nono there. He describes the balans or almondtrees at Samarkand and also the peacocks and
ibid. Notes, pp. 33-37.

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elephants from India he saw there. He speaks of the environs of the city as very beautiful, everywhere lakes, orchards, terraces, towers, and tents. "We lay down on the grass," says the narrator, "and were all very happy together, talking about matters sublime." Even Chinese gardens, we are told, were not to be compared to those of Samarkand, but there was absence of birds.
an
[MAY, 1885.
and gave him the title of Shen-sien, i.e. "the immortal." In the summer they went to the snowy mountains to pass the hot season. Meanwhile the exigencies of war afforded little time for explaining the doctrines of Tao, and as Chinghiz had to be away on a fresh campaign, the sage returned to Samarkand to await the great Khân's leisure. He was escorted thither by Yang Aku, with 1,000 men, and the narrative describes the road traversing the Hindu-Kush in which was the Shi-men (i.e. stone gate) and at a distance rocks on each side looking like candles, an immense slab lay across these rocks like a bridge, and beneath it ran a rapid torrent. Many of the soldiers' donkeys were drowned in crossing and the sage, who composed an ode on the passage, complains of the bad smell from the dead bodies, and how he had to hold his nose in passing. They passed soldiers carrying trophies from the war, inter alia, trees. of coral, some a foot long. Some of their escort bought 50 coral-trees for 2 yis of silver, but journeying on horseback it was impossible. to prevent breaking them. The travellers again reached Samarkand which was called Hochung-fu, i.e. Between-the-rivers, by the Taishi, i.e. by Yeliu-Tashi. Ch'ang-Ch'un took up his quarters in the palace where he had previously lodged. In the hot season he was accustomed to sit at the northern window and enjoy the breeze, while at night he slept on the flat roof.
85
Ch'ang-Ch'un now received an urgent summons at the hands of Ali-sien to go to Chinghiz, who was impatient to hear him explain the doctrines of Tao, and who had ordered Bo-lu-ji (or Borji, the Boorchi named in an earlier chapter) to escort him through the pass of Derbend. Leaving three of his disciples behind, he set out in the beginning of May, taking five or six others with him, still accompanied by the adjutant Chunglu and by Chen-hai. They passed Kesh (Timur's birthplace) and the defile of Derbend, through which he was escorted by Borji with 100 Mongols and Musalmans, who helped to pull the carts on the different roads. Eventually they reached the Amu Daria. The narrator's naive statements are curious. He mentions the reeds that grew along an old artificial watercourse as being so stout that they used them for supporting the shafts of their carts. The spears of the soldiers were shafted with bamboos. They also saw lizards three feet long, and of a dark colour.
At last, about the 22nd of May, they reached Chinghiz Khan's camp, which was then apparently at Peruan. He sent a high official to greet the sage. After he had been settled in his quarters he had an audience with Chinghiz who remarked, "You were invited by the other Courts (i.e. the Sung and Kin) but you refused, yet you have come 10,000 li to see me; I am gratified." To which Ch'ang-Ch'un replied, "The wild man of the mountains came to see the Emperor by order of your Majesty, it was the will of Heaven." Chinghiz then turned to business, and asked him if he had a medicine of immortality. The sage announced, "There are means for preserving life, but no medicines for immortality." This answer was no doubt very disappointing to the Mongol Chief who, however, praised him for his candour. He had two tents pitched for him to the east of his own,
* ibid. Notes, pp. 37-40.
The Chinese traveller gives us an interesting picture of Samarkand. He tells us the arable land there was well suited for growing corn, but that buck-wheat and the Soy bean (soya hispeda) did not grow there. Wheat was ripe in May, and when ready was piled up in heaps. He describes the watermelons as very fragrant, sweet and large, no melons like them being found in China. Some of them were given him by the Taishi's intendant, and Chung-lu begged some of them for the prince, i.e. for Chagatai. Other fruits abounded there, but not chestnuts or the colocasia. The egg-plants were shaped like fingers, and of great size. Men and women braided their hair, and the caps of the former at a distance resembled mounds. They were adorned with embroidery and tassels. All officers wore them. The lower orders wrapped their heads in turbans of muslin about 6 feet long. Most of their a ibid. Notes, pp. 40-44.

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vessels were of copper, but they also had porcelain as in China. Their money was of gold but had no holes in it (i.e. was not like the Chinese cash), and had Muhammadan letters on each side. The people were very strong, and carried heavy burdens on their backs without any crossbeam. They had men well versed in books, and exclusively devoted to writing, who were called Dashima, i.e. Dánishmand (Persian for a learned person), doubtless denoting the mullahs. In winter they fasted for a whole month (i.e. during Ramazan), during which the Superior (Ch'ang) killed a sheep for the meal and all sat round crosslegged and ate the whole night."" They had high buildings (i.e. minarets), with galleries with rafters standing out about 10 feet at the top, on which a pavilion was planted, hung round with tassels. Every morning and evening the Superior went up and bowed to the west (i.e. to Makkâ). He sang in a loud tone there (i.e. repeated the azán), and the people gathered below to pray. Whoever neglected these duties was executed. The Superior was dressed like the rest, except that he had a turban of white muslin. In the middle of August 1222 the sage sent A-li-sien to Chinghiz to inquire when he would be ready to be instructed in the doctrine of Tao, and the following month, having heard from Chinghiz, they set out for his camp.
He was accompanied for some distance by the Taishi. They went by way of Koshi, i.e. Kesh, and were escorted by 1,000 men on foot and 300 horsemen, and afterwards, instead of traversing the Derbend defile passed round it. The Chinese travellers were struck by the deposits of red salt on the hills in this district, as at home salt was only found in the plains. They were also surprised to find the Muhammadans drinking water even in winter, the Chinese only drinking tea. After crossing the Oxus in a boat, they went past a mountain fortress called T'uan-ba-la" where they met Chen-kun, physician to the third prince, i.e. Ogotai. They went up the river in a boat past Banli, i.e. Balkh, whose inhabitants had rebelled shortly before and had fled. The travellers heard the barking of dogs inside." Chen-hai, who had stayed behind when Ch’ang-Ch’un went to the camp before, now went to
CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS.
36 Dr. Bretschneider remarks that this is still true. The Persians. like all true Musalmans, in Ramazan, eat and smoke only after sunset when the stars are visible. ibid. p. 45, note 133.
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meet him and asked him if he would be presented at once or rest. He begged to be presented at once. We are told that the professors of Tao, when presented to the Emperor, were not required to fall down upon their knees or bow their heads to the ground like others, but on entering the Imperial tent merely made a bow and put their hands together." Chinghiz proferred the sage some kumiz, which he refused to take. He also wished him to dine every day with him, but he replied that he preferred seclusion, he was only a wild man of the mountains, who cultivated the true doctrine of Tao, and therefore liked seclusion, so he was allowed to live as he liked. In the beginning of October 1222, Chinghiz set out on his return journey north, and was accompanied by Ch'angCh'un, to whom he sent presents of grapewine, water-melons, &c. A few days later they crossed the Oxus on a floating bridge and shortly after, at the instance of Ch'ang-Ch'un, a tent was prepared where he might explain the doctrine of Tao to the Emperor. Chen-hai and Chung-lu were present, and the taishi or councillor A-tai acted as interpreter. We are told Chinghiz was much edified with the discourse, had the conversation renewed, and ordered the doctrine to be written down both in Chinese and Mongol. When they reached Samarkand, Ch'ang-Ch'un had another audience with Chinghiz, who asked him it the bystanders should withdraw. He said they might remain. He always referred to himself as the wild man of the mountains, and went on to say he had for many years devoted himself to the study of Tao, and liked to be in solitude. He could not pursue his contemplations amidst the uproar of the camp, and asked permission to be allowed to travel alone, either in front or behind the camp, which was allowed him. At Samarkand he distributed the remains of his provisions among the hungry people, who were very numerous. He left that city in the beginning of January 1223. The weather was very severe and many of their bullocks and horses died on the way. Having crossed the Sihun they reached Chinghiz Khân's camp, who was also on his way home. He was told that the night before the bridge over the river had been broken and swept away. Heagain had a
30 ibid. p. 147.
Probably Tun in Kubistan. ibid. pp. 46 and 7.

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conversation with Chinghiz. Early in February 1223, the commander-in-chief, the physician in ordinary, and the chief diviner went to congratulate him. Having stayed a whilo to recruit his cattle in a large valley three days' journey S. W. of Sairam which was rich in grass, he at length, in March 1223, urged upon Chinghiz that when he set out from home he promised to be back in three years and that he wished to see his native mountains again in this, the third year. "I am myself returning to the East, won't you go with me?” said the Emperor. "I have explained all your Majesty wished to hear: I have nothing more to say," was the reply. On his pressing hard to be allowed to leave, Chinghiz refused, saying his sons would be there in a few days and that there were some points in his doctrine which he did not quite understand, when he did so be would let him go. Having crossed the Sihun they travelled onwarıls to a valley about 3
about 3 days' journey from Sairam, where they stayed awhile to recruit their horses.
In the middle of March 1223, Chinghiz was thrown from his horse while boar-hunting, the wounded boar stopped and the Emperor was in danger. The sage admonished him on the dan gers of hunting at his advanced age. He now again asked leave to go, but Chinghiz bade him wait a little so that he might think of the parting gift he intended giving him. On his renewing his request a number of bullocks and horses were given to him. These the sage refused, saying post horses were all he needed. Chinghiz evidently treated the sage with great consi. deration, and there is a tradition that he wished
re is a tradition that he wished him to marry his daughter, an embarrassing request, which he evaded by performing a surgical operation on his body. He issued a decree exempting all the professors of the Tao doctrine from paying taxes, and sent A-li-sien to accompany him home, and with him Meng-gu-dai and Go-la-ba-hai." The sage took leave of the Emperor in the middle of April 1223. All the officers, from the Terkhans down to the lower ranks accompanied him for 20 li on his way with wine and rare fruits, all being in tears. When they reached Sairam some of his disciples went to sacrifice at the tomb of their companion who had died on the journey west, as we mentioned. They
· Bretschneider, op. cit. p. 120.
wished to transport his remains to China, bat Ch'ang-Ch'un said, "The body, formed temporarily of the four elements, decays without any value, but the soul has a real existence, is free, and cannot be grasped;" they then spoke no more about it, but went on. Presently they were joined by the Suan-chai (Imperial envoy) A-gu. who had received orders to accompany him. They travelled along the southern bank of the river Chui. When they arrived near Almaligb, the architect-in-chief to the 2nd prince, i.e. Chagatai, wished him to cross the Ili to inaugurate some buildings there, but this was not carried out.
The statement is curious, and points to Almaligh having been Chagatai's capital even before his father's death. Starting again they crossed the 48 bridges already mentioned, and approached the sacred lake, i.e. Lake Sairam. They travelled along the same road by which they had previously gone, and crossed the Kin-Shan or Chinese Altai mountains, i.e. the Ek-tagh. As they neared A-ba-ban the disciples whom they had left there went out a long way to welcome them to their new monastery of Si-hia-kuan, from which we are told the Kin-Shan range could be seen. The master's descent from his cart was marked by a propitious fall of rain. The people there artificially irrigated their fields, the corn was generally ripe in September, and when ripe it was often damaged by mice, which were white. The biographer says that the seasons here were late, and in June they found ice a foot thick at a depth of about a foot from the surface, some of which they got daily for their use. Close by were high mountains covered with perpetual snow and tornados sometimes sprang up tearing up trees, stones, and houses. Coal existed in the mountains, the streams from which were often so swollen in winter that they caused floods. About 100 li to the north-west was the country of Kemkemjut, where iron was found and squirrels abounded. Many Chinese lived there, manufacturing silk, &c. The natives of the country about A-bu-han, we are told, called water WW-84 and grass as-bu-8u; the Mongols still call water wu-su and grass ubussu. The people told Ch'ang-ch'un that formerly they had followed the cult of mountain goblins and other spirits, but since the foundation of the monastery & service of true doctrines (Tao) had been established, and men had made a vow to kill no
• Id. p. 49.

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living creature. At first we read the Taouists there had a bad time of it, and were much persecuted, the physican Lo-Sheng having especially persecuted them, but on one occasion as he was passing the Temple he was thrown from his horse and broke his leg, when he was moved to repentance and begged pardon. By degrees the demoniacal influences also disappeared. A-li-sien now told the sage that the southern route was very stony and sandy, with little grass and water, and their party being numerous their horses would suffer considerably, and there would be much delay. Ch'ang-Ch'un therefore advised that they should divide the party into 3 sections. He sent six of his disciples in advance, and seven days later started himself with six others and was accompanied by the most respectable people in the place, who shed tears as he departed. A few days later five more of his disciples set out. They travelled day and night through a sandy, barren country, and eventually reached the northern frontiers of Hia or Tangut, where they were joined by the disciples who had been left behind. In July 1223 he reached Yu-Yang-Kuan, a defile leading through the In-shan range north of Kuku-khoto. Thence his journey through northern China was a continuous ovation. "Invitations succeeding each other like the spokes of a rolling wheel." He eventually arrived at the temple of Ch'ang-tien-kuan on the 7th of the 1st month of 1224, three years after he set out. He lived at Peking till 1227 when he died, in the very same month as Chinghiz Khân himself. A large concourse of Taouists assembled there and built a monastery to hold his remains. This monastery still exists west of Peking, is known as Po-yün-kuan, and is the principal Taonist monastery in China."
For the account of the journey above described I am under complete obligations to Dr. Bretschneider. It is assuredly one of the most extraordinary incidents in Asiatic history that Chinghiz Khân, the scourge of God, should in the very middle of his terrible career be visited at his own request by the professor of such a harmless and humane philosophy as Taouism, should listen patiently to its transcendental vagaries, and treat its pro
CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS.
The chronology of Chinghiz Khan's monuments, as described by Rashidu'd-din and by Ch'ang Ch'un's biographer, involves a discrepancy of 12 months. Rashidu'd-din makes Chinghiz resolve to return home in
151
fessor with such tenderness. This is surely remarkable, and pictures an aspect of Chinghiz Khân's character which has not been very much considered; and yet he seems, like some other great conquerors, to have been attracted by religious discussions. Thus De la Croix tells us that when he was visited by some deputies from Balkh, he ordered them to send him some men who knew the country well, and he conferred with them on the antiquities of Balkh, &c., and especially on the doctrines of Zoroaster. They told him he had been king of their country, that he alone of all mankind had laughed when he was born, that he first studied the stars and magic, and had so many disciples in the latter science that they were known as magi, who acted as priests and teachers to the Fire-worshippers of the Medes, Persians and Bactrians, and that their chief occupation was to take care that the sacred fire in each household was not allowed to go out, &c. De la Croix does not mention his authority for this story, but he doubtless found it in some eastern writer. Mirkhond tells us a similar story about Bukhara, viz., that after Chinghiz had recrossed the Oxus on his way home he ordered the Sadr-i-Jahân to send him some persons well versed in the Muhammadan religion. He accordingly sent him a Kazi named Ashraf, and a preacher, to whom Chinghiz asked some pointed questions about their religion. He inquired what their faith was and what the Musalman law prescribed. They replied that the Musalmans believe in one God who has no equal. Chinghiz replied that he believed the same. He went on to inquire about other matters, when they replied that the Almighty had sent a messenger with a yarligh and paizah to teach his followers what was right, and to forbid them to do what was wrong. The Emperor replied that he believed this also, for he said, "I am the servant of God, and I also send out my messengers in all directions to make known my wishes, while I punish my warriors in many ways." They went on to say that he, Muhammad, prescribed that. the namáz or prayer should be said on different occasions, and that they should fast one month in every year. He approved of this, saying it
the spring of 1223, spend the summer of 1223-4 near Samarkand, and start on his return in 1224, which in fact agrees with the Yuan-shi, but the Si yu ke dates the same events 12 months earlier. De la Croix, pp. 339.

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was reasonable that when men indulged them- selves for eleven months out of twelve, that they should devote a month to self-mortification for the glory of God. They went on to say that their law prescribed that the rich should give half a dinár out of every twenty in alms to the poor. It was only when they went on to say that their law required them to worship in certain fixed places that he dissented, saying that the entire universe was God's Temple, where all "men might approach him, and pointing ap said that is the way to God." He added that it was well they should devote their gains to the relief of durveshes and other poor persons, in order to secure the goodwill of men and a passport to heaven. The two learned men now retired, well pleased with their interview, and reported that Chinghiz really held sentiments very much like their own, except on the question of worshipping God in a fixed place, and in regard to making pilgrimages to Makka." Ibn Batuta tells us that when he visited Bukhara about a hundred years after its devastation by Chinghiz its mosques, colleges
and markets were in ruins, except a few. Its inbabitants were despised. Their testimony was not received at Khuarezm, nor elsewhere, on account of their proneness to lying, impudence, and partiality. There is not at present, he adds, a man of learning in Bukhara nor who desires to become one.** From Bukhara Chinghiz went on to Samarkand, where he also had an interview with the grandees, and told them that God had given him the victory over their former Badshah (i.e. the Khuárezm Shah) and had enabled him to overwhelm and destroy him, and that they must now devote themselves to his praise and glory. The head Kází then asked that they might have & diploma exempting them from taxes called a Tarkban yarligh. He then asked them if the Sultan exacted these dues from them, and on their saying yes, he deemed it unreasonable that they should pay them when they devoted themselves to praying for his welfare, and he accordingly granted yarligh, exempting all the kátis and imams from taxation."
BOOK NOTICE. THE BOOK OY SINDIRAD: or the Story of the King, his 1253), and into Hebrew: and from Syriac into Greek Son, the Damsel, and the Seven Vazirs. From the Per.
(about 1190 A.D.) under the title of Syntipas. sian and Arabio ; with introduction, notes, and appendiz, by W. A. CLOUSTON. (Privately printed), 1854. This is followed by a reprint (from the Asiatic This volume gives us a "compendions account Journal, Vols. XXXV. and XXXVI, 1841) of an of the Eastern and Western groups of romances, epitome or analysis of a unique Persian MS. known respectively under their generic titles of poem.--the Sindibád Nama. by Pm Tor the Book of Sindibad and the Book of the Seven Falconer. Of some of the tales in this imperfect Wise Masters." In his Introduction, extending MS. Falooner gave only the titles, and others he over 40 pages, Mr. Clouston gives a clear and presented in a very abridged form; Mr. Clouston interesting account of the structure of the Book has, therefore, added translations of the (ten) tales of Sindibdd, and the probable sources of the omitted by the first translator, and has rectified several Eastern versions ; and to this is prefixed several grave errors, while he has carefully edited a comparative table of the Tales in this group, the whole with explanatory notes. illustrating the relationship which the different The Seven Vaxfrs is the translation made by Dr. texta bear to one another. As Benfey has pointed Jonathan Scott-not a very accurate Arabic out the frame-work of the Book of Sindibdd is scholar-from the Thousand and One Nichte and very similar to the well-known Indian legend of published in 1800. This is also edited with corKunala and his step-mother, Tishyarakshita; and rections and additions. in the Sarangadhara-charita and the Kumdra- Lastly comes the Appendix (pp. 217-378); which Rama-charita we fir.d stories of like character. is interesting as tracing the migration westwards But while the book is almost certainly of Indian of an Eastern fable, and the modifications which it origin, our oldest text is an imperfect MS. of a underwent in transmission. Altogether, this Syriao version, made from the work of Musa, a volume is a most welcome addition to our collec. Persian, who probably rendered it into Arabic about tions of Folklore, and we trust the author will be the middle of the 8th century. From Arabic it encouraged to add other works to those he has was translated into Syriac, into old Spanish (in already published. * i.e. Mosques.
Op cit. ed. Defremery, Vol. III. p. 22. ** Erdmann, pp. 634-5. note 327 : De la Croix, "Erdmann, pp. 433 434; De la Croix, pp. 842-348. Pp. 340-341 ; D'Oheson, Vol. I. pp. 320-321.

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FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA.
153
FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA.
BY S. M. NATESA SASTRI PANDIT.
XI.-The Good HUSBAND AND THE BAD WIFE. | for a meal. This is his tribute (dakahina) to TN a remote village there lived a Brahman
the goddess; to-day you are the victim." 1 whose good nature and charitable disposi
Tbe guest was much alarmed. “What! break
the head of a guest! I at any rate shall not be tion were proverbial. Equally proverbial also were the ill-nature and uncharitable disposition
deceived to-day," thought he, and prepared to
run away. of the Brahmani-his wife. But as Paramesvara
The Brihman's wife appeared to sympathise (God) had joined them in matrimony, they had
with his sad plight, and said :to live together as husband and wife, though
"Really, I do pity you. But there is one their temperaments were so incompatible.
thing you can do now to save yourself. If Every day the Brahman had a taste of his wife's ill-temper, and if any other Brahman was
you go out by the front door and walk in the invited to dinner by him, his wife, somehow or
street my husband may follow you, so you had
better go out by the back door." other, would manage to drive him away.
To this plan the guest most thankfully One fine summer morning a rather stupid
agreed, and hastily ran off by the back door. Brahman friend of his came to visit our hero
Almost immediately our hero returned from and was at once invited to dinner. He told
his bath, but before he could arrive his wife his wife to have dinner ready earlier than
had cleaned up the place she had prepared for usual, and went off to the river to bathe. His
the pestle worship; and when the Brahman, not friend not feeling very well that day wanted
finding his friend in the house inquired of her a hot bath at the house, and so did not fol
as to what had become of him, she said in low him to the river, but remained sitting in
seeming anger :the outer verandah of the house. If any other
"The greedy brate! he wanted me to give guest had come the wife would have accused him
him this pestle-this very pestle which I of greediness to his face and sent him away,
brought forty years ago as a dowry from my but this visitor seemed to be a special friend of
mother's house, and when I refused he ran her lord, so she did not like to say anything;
away by the back-yard in haste." but she devised a plan to make him go away
But her kind-hearted lord observed that he of his own accord.
would rather lose the pestle than his guest, She proceeded to smear the ground before even though it was a part of his wife's dowry her husband's friend with cowdung, and placed
owdung, and placed and more than forty years old. So he ran off in the midst of it a long pestle supporting
with the pestle in his hand after his friend one end of it against the wall. She next
crying out, “Oh Brahman! Oh Brahman! approached the pestle most solemnly and per.
Stop please, and take the pestle." . formed worship (pájá) to it. The guest did not
But the story told by the old woman now in the least understand what she was doing, and seemed most true to the guest when he saw her respectfully asked her what it all meant. husband running after him, and so he said,
“This is what is called pestle worship," she "You and your pestle may go where you replied. "I do it as a daily duty, and this pestle please. Never more will you catch me in your is meant to break the head of some human being house," and ran away. in honour of a goddess, whose feet are most XII.-THE GOOD WIFE AND THE BAD HUSBAND.' devoutly worshipped by my husband. Every day In a remote village there lived a man and his as soon as he returns from his bath in the river wife, who was & stupid little woman and he takes this pestle, which I am ordered to keep believed everything that was told her. Whenready for him before his return, and with it ever people wanted anything from her they breaks the head of any human being whom he used to come and flatter her, but this had to be has managed to get hold of by inviting him done in the absence of her husband, because he
(Compare tho Sinhalese folktale given at p. 62, Vol. I. of the Orientalist.--Ed.)

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was a very miserly man, and would never part with any of his money, for all he was exceedingly rich. Nevertheless, without his knowledge cunning beggars would now and then come to his wife and beg of her, and they used generally to succeed, as she was so amenable to flattery. But whenever her husband found her out he would come down heavily upon her, sometimes with words and sometimes with blows. Thus quarrels arose, till at last, for the sake of peace, the wife had to give up her charitable propensities.
Now there lived in the village a rogue of the first water, who had many a time witnessed what took place in the rich miser's family. Wishing to revive his old habit of getting what he wanted from the miser's wife he watched his opportunity and one day, when the miser had gone out on horseback to inspect his lands, he came to his wife in the middle of the day and fell down at the threshold as if overcome by exhaustion. She ran up to him at once and asked him who he was.
"I am a native of Kailasa," said he, "sent down by an old couple living there, for news of their son and his wife."
"Who are those fortunate dwellers on Śiva's mountain ?" said she.
On this the rogue gave the names of her husband's deceased parents, which he had taken good care, of course, to learn from the neigh bours.
"Do you really come from them ?" said she. "Are they doing well there? Dear old people. How glad my husband would be to see you, were he here! Sit down please, and take rest awhile till he returns. How do they live there? Have they enough to eat and to dress themselves ?" These and a thousand other questions she put to the rogue, who, for his part, wanted to get away as quick as possible, as he knew full well how he would he treated if the miser should return while he was there, so he said :
[JUNE, 1885. come down from Kailasa, sent by the old couple to her.
"Why should they suffer so?" said she, "when their son has plenty to eat and to dress himself, and when their daughter-in-law wears all sorts of costly ornaments ? "
"Mother, language has no words to describe the miseries they are undergoing in the other world. They have not a rag to cover themselves, and for the last six days they have eaten nothing, and have lived on water only. It would break your heart to see them."
The rogue's pathetic words fully deceived the good woman, who firmly believed that ho had
With that she went into the house and came out with two boxes containing all the clothes of herself and her husband and gave the whole lot to the rogue, with instructions to take them to her poor old people in Kailasa. She also gave him the jewel box to be presented to her mother-in-law.
"But dress and jewels will not fill their hungry stomachs," said he.
Requesting him to wait a little, the silly woman brought out her husband's cash chest and emptied the contents into the rogue's coat, who now went off in haste, promising to give everything to the good people in Kailasa. Our good lady, according to etiquette, conducted him a few hundred yards along the road and sent news of herself through him to her relatives, and then returned home. The rogue now tied up all his booty in his coat and ran in haste towards the river and crossed over it.
No sooner had our heroine reached home than her husband returned after his inspection of his lands. Her pleasure at what she had done was so great, that she met him at the door and told him all about the arrival of the messenger from Kailasa, and how she had sent clothes and jewels and money through him to her husband's parents. The anger of her husband knew no bounds. But he checked himself, for a while, and asked her which road the messenger from Kailasa had taken, as he said he wanted to follow him and send some more news to his parents. To this she willingly agreed and pointed out the direction the rogue had gone. With rage in his heart at the trick played upon his stupid wife our hero rode on in hot haste and after a ride of two ghatikás he caught sight of the flying rogue, who, finding escape hopeless, climbed up into a big pipal tree. Our hero soon reached the bottom of the tree and shouted to the rogue to come down.
"No, I cannot, this is the way to Kailasa," said the rogue, and climbed up on the top of the tree. Seeing no chance of the rogue's coming Uparani or upavastra, an upper garment.

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THE DEHLI DALALS AND THEIR SLANG.
155
down and as there was no third person present to whom he could call for help, our hero tied his horse to an adjacent tree and began climbing up the pipal tree himself. The rogue thanked all his gods when he saw this, and waited till his enemy had climbed nearly up to him, and then, throwing down his bundle of booty, leapt quickly from branch to branch till he reached the bottom. He then got upon his enemy's horse and with his bundle rode into a dense forest in which no one was likely to find him. Oor hero being much older in years was no match for the rogue. So he slowly came down, and cursing his stapidity in having risked his
horse to recover his property, returned home at his leisare. His wife, who was waiting his arrival, welcomed him with a cheerful countenance and said,
"I thought as much. You have sent away your horse to Kailâsa to be used by your father."
Vexed as he was at his wife's words, our hero replied in the affirmative to conceal his own stupidity.
Thus, some there are in this world, who, though they may not willingly give away any. thing, pretend to have done so when by accident or stupidity they happen to lose it.
THE DEHLI DALALS AND THEIR SLANG.
BY CAPT. R.C. TEMPLE, B.S.C., F.R.G.S., M.R.A.S., &c. I have lately published a paper in the Journal | congregate, and makes it his business to know of the Asiatic Society of Bengal (Vol. LIII. whence every kind of article they are likely to pp. 1-24) on the Trade Dialect of the Naqqash, require is to be got. The stranger, his victim, or painters on papier mâché, in the Pañjab goes forth to buy ; straightway the Dalal inand Kaśmîr.
gratiates himself, and offers to take him where The conclusions I drew in that paper were, he will get what he wants. Whether the trouble that though the Indian trade dialects contained he takes pays him or not depends entirely slang terms and slang perversions of ordinary on the temperament and character of the purwords, they were mainly real dialects, and that chaser, and this he has to study; long practice the great majority of their peculiar words having usually made him an adept in turning were easily traceable to the old and modern every kind of idiosyncrasy he may chance languages of Northern India. Some of their upon to his own advantage. slang words I will now show to be directly The traders thoroughly despise him, but as taken from the well-known Dalals of Dehli, he is useful and brings them chance custom, who do not talk any dialect, bat a real slang which they would otherwise miss, they confor purposes of secrecy, i.e. of taking in the descend to enter into certain relations with customer (kharidár) for their own benefit and him. They do not, however, pay him any. that of the trader (saudagar). Bat first, & thing, but always leave him to make the few words about the Dalal himself and his whole of his profits out of the customers he methods of proceeding
brings. This is done thus. The Dalal and The real swindling Dalal' is not a broker trader having made a private arrangement (Gratht), but a tout, middle-man, or go-between, regarding the percentago or pay the former is a man that procures custom for his employers, to get for the profits ho brings the latter, the who are shopkeepers and general dealers of all customer is made to pay this percentage over kinds : nor does he get his living by brokerage and above the price the merchant demands for (arath), but by what he can make out of the himself, or in other words, the merchant agrees customer through the trader (dasturt), and to add this to the price he finally agrees to what the customer pays him for his trouble take for his goods. The custemer will, of (bakhshish), as will be explained herein. He course, also pay the Dalal something besides, hangs about saraís, hotels, railway stations, on his own account, for the trouble taken on dák offices and other places, where strangers his behalf. As the Dalal deals with all kinds and visitors to the town he lives in are apt to of people and in all classes and kinds of goods
Nothing in this paper has any reference to the respectable body of stroot brokers also known as Daláls.

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(JUNE, 1885.
no fixed rate of percentage can be agreed agrees to make on the cost price, or on the upon. Moreover, whatever arrangements he price he gave. Among native traders themand the trader make between them must be selves most bargains are made as to this nafa,' kept from the customer, as the latter would and not as to the cost price of the goods. naturally never knowingly agree to pay the Thus, A, a trader, wishing to buy from B, Dalal's percentage in addition to his own another trader, 100 tháns of pashminá, would present to him. Consequently an ingenious say to him, "tum kyá nafa' loge? What method of talking has been invented, and is in profit on cost price will you charge P" He practice, by which the trader and the Dalal | answers, "Four ands in the rapee," and the understand one thing and the customer another, bargaining then goes on regarding this nafa,' this last being, of course, the natural sense of without reference to anything else at all. the words used. In fact a kind of vocal cypher Supposing the matter to be settled for two or secret code has been adopted.
ands in the rupee, A will then ask B, "'asal The native keepers of hotels for the use of ddm kya tha ? What was the cost pricep" the English; the khánsámáns, khidmatgars, B answers, "Rs. 20 per thán," and the coachmen, chuprásís, and similar servants bargain would be settled then and there for of such hotels and at dák bungalows, the Rs, 2000, cost price, plus th or Rs. 250, owners and drivers of carriages and cabs that profit, or Rs. 2,250 for the lot, which then frequent these hotels, are all Dalals. The becomes the 'asal dam of the purchaser. No Dalal, too, is to be found in all the large questions would be asked as to the cost price, towns. In Lakhnau, Agrå, Illahâbâd, Kåhn- because it is looked upon as a point of honour pür, in Amritsar, Láhor, Maltân, &c., he among respectable traders, both with Musal. flourishes; but his home, the place where he måns and Hindês, never to answer falsely as luxuriates and prospers, is Dehli. He is a to the 'asal dám, or cost price. Any trader sorry.creature, and essentially a cheat and a found out in doing so would be cut at once by humbug. The natives have capital proverbs the whole trading community, nor would they about him to show their appreciation of his again deal with him, nor trust him. Consider. character.
ing that buying and selling, at any rate on & Dilli kd Dalal,
large scale, is conducted on nafa' only, it is Kabhi dhanni, kabhi kangal.
easy to see that honesty regarding the 'asal The Dehli Dalal,
dam is a matter of trade necessity. I rememRich to day, poor to-morrow.
ber a case in Ambala, where a trader was And again :
practically expelled the cantonment bázárs for Dilli ke Dalál,
cheating about the 'asal dam. Kháwéi makki, dikhawei makhdl.
The secret arrangements between Dalal and The Dehli Dalâls,
trader as to the former's percentage are made Eat maize and show sweetmeats.
on the spur of the moment, according to the This last is especially cutting, and hits off a circumstances of each case. The Dalal watches habit these gentry have. Being poor as a the character of the customer he introduces, rule, they partly support life by throwing gauges the depth of his pocket, perceives the grains of maize (Indian corn) into the mouth, class and amount of his probable purchases, a very cheap (and indigestible) way of eating; and demands his percentage accordingly. this they take out of one pocket, while in This he has to do secretly, so as not to rouse another they keep a small store of makhal or the suspicions of his client. His means to his ildyachi-dánd, & sweetmeat made of cardamoms, end are his slang vocabulary and expressions ; which is very expensive. Should any one ask all his phrases having a secret and a patent what they are eating they will show this, and meaning. offer some to the enquirer out of bravado and His first method is to talk without using a to show off.
single slang word, but so as to convey his There is an effectual way of counteracting meaning to the trader, and conceal it from the the machinations of the Dalals, and that is customer. Thus, supposing a bargain to be to buy goods on nafa', the profit the trader going on about a piece of cloth, he will say to

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THE DEHLI DALALS AND THEIR SLANG.
157
the trader, as if taking the side of the customer,"bas, bas, is thần ki ek hi båt kah do ; there, that will do, say the real price for this piece." But by saying, " ek hi bât," he conveye his intention of demanding one aná in the rupee for himself. Then the trader, supposing him to be satisfied with Rs. 10 for the piece, will not settle ander Rs. 10-10-0, the 10 dnás going to the Dalal later on. This is the plain Language Trick or Sidhi Bát ki Dalált.
Here are other specimens; but it must be understood that the talk always refers to actual circumstances. Suppose the shop to have a
the shop to have & roof of seven rafters (kari), the Dalal will look about him and say, "is makin ki tin kari mazbat hain, chår to ghuị gai hair; this house has only three sound rafters, four have gone bad (weevil eaten)," i.e. "I want three ands in the rupee." Again looking at a bell he would say, "tumhare pås ek hf ghanti hai ? Have you only one bell P" i.e: "I want one and in the rapee." "Is chhint ke pánch hi thân tamhåre pas hain ? Have you only five pieces of this chintz," i.e., “I want five dnds in the rupee." "Sahib sau rupae då kaprâ mul lat, the Sahib will buy Rs. 100 worth of cloth," says the Dalal in Panjabi, and presently adds, "tuhada manda kujh pashda hai ? Så de munde ne vi patte us pothî de parh lite hain. Can your boy read ? My boy has read twenty pages of that book," conveying "I want Re. 20 or 20 per cent. on the bargain." This method of talking no doubt requires cleverness and quickness both on the part of the trader and the tout, but I suppose practise teaches the ear what words to catch. The second method may be called the Finger
called the finger Trick or Angult ki Dalálk, and is used where the customer is sharp, and watches the Dalal. If he sees this he will ask a simple question of the trader such as, "is kâ ky4 loge? What do you want for this?" putting two or three or as many fingers on the article es he may want ands in the rupee.
The third method may be called the Swagger Trick or Jhiki ki Daláli, and is practised thus : The Dalal enters the shop in a swaggering kind of way, and commences to bully the shopkeeper for the apparent benefit of the customer. All his conversation has a magnificent hectoring tone, as if he were lord and master of the whole place. Amid his copious flow of words he
manages to convey his wants to the trader by a simple code of word-signals, using the parts of the body as his means. The deception is sure to be pretty complete, as personal allusions are so common in the mouth of the swaggering Native. This code of words is as follows:
ndk, nose, for one dná in the rupee. ankh, eyes, for two ands in the rupee.
dikh, and nák, eyes and nose, for three andis in the rupee.
aikh and ķán, eyes and ears, for four ands in the rupee.
dikh, kán, and nák, eyes, ears and nose, for five ands in the ropee.
Ankh, lo ún, and háth, eyes, ears, and hands, for six anás in the rupee.
ankh, kán, háth, and nák, eyes, ears, hands and nose, for seven á nás in the rupee.
dikh, kán, hath and pdiw, eyes, ears, hands, and feet, for cighi ánás in the rupee.
The manner in which these words are used is best illustrated by a specimen of the kind of conversation that ensues on suoh occasions. Thus:--
(1). I want one dna in the rupee.
Daldl. Achhå kapra dikhlio: is kå kya dâm hại ?
Trader. Is thin kå påóch rupaya dam hai.
Daldi. Tum ko nak hai ya nahli P Ham gach bât pûchhte hâio : jhuth ke wåste ham yahan nahin de, nahin to, ham dusre dakan par jaenge,
Translation. Dalal. Show me good cloth; what is the prioe of this ?
Trader. The price of this piece is Rs. 5.
Daldi. Have you a nose or not P I want the truth. I did not come here for lies, or I could go to another shop.
This would be pretty sure to deceive, as " tum ho ndk hai ki nahin ? Have you a nose or not P" is a common idiom for "Have you any honour or no p" 4 noseless man(naktd) is popularly supposed to be without honour and & scoundrol, whence the well-known proverb
Das náston men ek "nakku." Among ten noselose men one is nicknamed "whole-nose," 1.6., an honest man is a scoundrel to blackguards.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
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The fourth method is the one that concerns philologists most. In this the Dalal uses regular slang words, having a definite meaning with reference to his demand of ands in the rupee. I have only a few of them, and the natural dislike of the traders to give up any of their secret words accounts for the difficulty in procuring even these. They are :
aikal, one and in the rupee. swán, two ands, rakh, three , phukh, four buddh, five kulangan, six paint, seven májh, eight, wan, nine »
» saláh, ten » »
akalá, eleven, Some of these slang words, for, as will be seen herein, they are purely slang, have been adopted into the trade dialects, e.g.:
(2) swán, sudi or suhan, is seen in the Zargari of the Pañjab, in sauní; and in the Zargari of Hindustan, in saunán.
(7) paint appears in the Hindustani Zargari.
(8) májh, manjh in the Kasmiri Zargari, as maiz.
(9) wan is the wán of the Kasmiri Zargari.
And their occurrence explains the existence of forms otherwise unexplainable or not satisfactorily explainable.
None of these Dalili numerals have any reference to, or connection with any numerical system, but owe their origin to a purely slang application of ordinary words for purposes of secrecy.
(1) aikal is said to be the same thing as ek hi bát. Cf. akkhar - anghar, Hindi, rough, rude. Aikal means the true price, as would ek hi bát in this connection. Daláli. I want one and in the rupee. Is thân mến aikal bhân kya hai ? What is the true price of this piece ?
(2) swan, suár or suhan, means pleasant, agreeable.
Dalált. I want two ands in the rupee.
0 Lala vao an, dikha kapre de thân. Friend Lala, show us some cloth. (3) rakh, means place, put. Daldu. I want three ands in the rupee. O bhai, kujh thân ethe rakh. Friend, put some pieces here.
(4) phukh (-phúňkh) means throw away, destroy.
Dalak. I want four ands in the rupee.
LÀlà, change kapre dikhi, atte is thân núi pare phúkh.
Show as some good cloths, and throw this piece away.
(5) buddh, is wisdom, brains, knowledge. Dalali. I want five ands in the rapee.
Achhe kapre dikhlao, is ko uthâo. Kyk, tumhari buddh mari gai hai ?
Show good cloths, take this away. Have you lost your wits ?
(6) kulangan (= kalank), is a bad character, a man whose character has been lost.
Dalak. I want six ands in the rupee.
Trusia vi kulangan ho! Kujh change lire gåhak nun dikha.
You are a bad lot too ! Show some good cloths to the customer.
(7) paint (= penth), is a market. Dalali. I want seven ands in the rupee.
Pain dA tusta kió faisala kita haiga ? Answer. Main tainan pichhe dasångå.
What arrangements did you make in the market? I'll tell you presently.
(8) mdjh, manjh is Panjabi, middle, between. Dalal. I want eight ands in the rupee.
Is thân aur us than de mdjh ki faraq hai ? Answer. Do dne da faraq hai, ji.
What is the difference between this piece and that piece P Two ands difference, sir.
(9) wan, wán (-ban, bánh) in Pañjabi, is & kind of twine or string made of munjh.
Dalüli. I want nine ands in the rupee. Kal tainùó van miliâ si ? Did you get the twine yesterday. (10) salah, is advice, arrangement. Dalali. I want ten ands in the rupee.
Is than dene di ki salah haigi ? Annoer. Jidkar tusin Akhoge main dedeanga.
• I believe a good many are to be found soattered up and down Fallon's New Hind. Dict., but I do not think ho understood their true import.
Fallon, 8. v., gives sudn, ruhan, as the 'broker'.'. word for two.
For the general numerals in these dialecta see my paper on the Naqqashi Dialeat above mentioned. Dr. Leitner, Analysis of Abdu'l-Ghafar'. Dictionary, does not give any of the thieves' or bad characters' numerals or we should probably see some of the above in their alang too.

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UJJAIN PLATES OF VAKPATIRAJA OF DHARA.
159
What arrangement will you come to about at all, but merely slang words. Their presence this piece? I'll take what you say.
in the trade dialects is interesting, as showing (11) akald (akéid), is alone.
how some of the apparently inexplicable words Dalal. I want eleven dads in the rupee. peculiar to these last are procured. But
Üh kal ghar bich akalá hi rihậ, daja kot kol they could never be of much help in deriving na så. Answer. Aho, main jändå hâà.
trade dialects, owing to their necessary Yesterday he was alone in the house, no one paucity, and to the fact that the words was with him. Yes, I know.
in the trade dialects not directly explicable The above sentences show clearly that the by ordinary etymology are comparatively 80-called numerals of the Dalâls are not such few.
A COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF VAKPATIRAJA OF DHARA.
BY PROF. KIELHORN; GOTTINGEN. This inscription of Vå kpatiraja of the two plates is 6 lbs. 64 oz., and of the ring, Dhård, of which at the request of the Editors 31 oz.; total, 6 lbs. 10 oz. I furnish a transcript and translation from the The inscription is composed in Sanskrit, photo-lithograph supplied to me," has already and written in Devanagari characters. The been published by Dr. Rajendralal Mitra in the grant recorded in it was made on the full-moon Jour. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. XIX. p. 475ff. And day of the bright half of the month Kárttika another inscription of the same king, very in the (Vikrama) year 1036, on the occasion of similar to the one now edited, and dated an eclipso of the moon; and the deed was drawn five years before it, has been published in the up on the 9th day of the dark half of the month Indian Antiquary, Vol. VI. p. 51ff. (See also Chaitra in the same year. The former day Hall in the Jour. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. XXX. was the 26th October A.D. 980, on which date, p. 205ff.)
according to the calculations of Professors From Dr. Rajendralal Mitra's published Jacobi and Schering, an eclipse of the moon did notice, it appears that these plates were dis- take place." covered in digging & rain in the vicinity of The object granted is the village of Sem. Ujjain in Central India, and were presented balapuraka, belonging to the Tişisa. by Mr. R. N. C. Hamilton, of Indore, to the padra Twelve. The king when making the Bengal Asiatic Society. Now, however, they grant was at Bhagavatpura; and the are in the India Office Library in London, place at which the grant was written is stated The plates are two in number, each measuring to have been Guņapura. I am unable to about 121" by 94. The edges of them are identify these places. fashioned thicker, so as to serve as rims to The donee is the Bhattáriká, the goddess protect the writing; and the inscription is in Bhattes vari at Ujjayani; and the purperfect preservation almost throughout. Each pose for which the grant was made is the one plate has two ring-holes,- at the bottom of usual in such cases, viz. to provide for the the first plate, and the top of the second, -but religious worship, and for the keeping in only one ring is now forthcoming; it is a plain repair of the temple. As Bhaftárikd is an copper ring, about " thick and 21" in diameter; epithet of Durga, I suspect Bhattesvari it had been cut before the grant came under to have been one of the local names of that notice for photo-lithography. The weight of deity.
Indian Inscriptions, No. 9. •By the Tables in General Cunningham's Indian Eras, Tuesday, the 28th October, A.D. 980,—when there was an eolipse of the moon, answers, by the northern reckoning, to the full-moon of Kárttika of Vikrama-San. yat 1087, which is one your later than the date recorded
in the grant. By the same Tables, and by the same reckoning, the recorded date of the full-moon of Karttiks of Vikrama-Samvat 1086, answers to Thursday, the oth November A.D. 979,-when also there was an eclipse of the moon; and this seems to satisfy the requirements of the record-ED.]

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EEEEEEEEEEE
राजपरमेश्वर परमभट्टारकमलासन चाल
रमभट्टारकमममहारकर राजदेवपाटी
EEEEEE
TEXT.
First plate. [1] ओं [1] यः स्फूर्जत्फण]भृद्विषानलमिलम्र प्रभाः मोल्लसन्मूख्वद्ध शशाङ्ककोटिघटिता याः
सैडिकेयोपमाः [1] या[श्चञ्च][] द्विरिजाकपोललुलिता[:] कस्तूरिकाविभ्रमास्ताः श्रीकण्ठकठोरकण्ठ[रु]चयः श्रेयान्सि' _ पुष्णन्तु वः[1] [१] यलक्ष्मीवदनेन्दुना न सुखितं यन्नातिम्वारि धारा यन निजेन नाभिसरसीपग्रेन शान्ति[*] गतं [1] यच्छेषाहिफणासहस्रमधुरः' श्वासै चाश्वासितं तद्राधाविरहातुरं मुररिपोचलहपु. [] पातु वः ॥ परमभट्टारकमहाराजाधिराजपरमेश्वरश्रीकृष्णराजदेवपादानुध्यातपरम["] भट्टारकमहाराजाधिराजपरमेश्वरश्रीवैरिसिङ्क"देवपादानुध्यातपरमभट्टारकमहारा[] जाधिराजपरमेश्वरश्रीसीयकदेवपादानुध्यातपरमभट्टारकमहाराजाधिराजपरमे[°] श्वरश्रीमदमोघवर्षदेवापराभिधानश्रीमद्वाक्पतिराजदेवपृथ्वीवल्लभश्रीवल्लभनरेन्द्रदे[°] वः कुशली ॥ तिणिसपद्रद्वादशकसम्बद्ध"महासाधनिकश्रीमहाइकभुक्तसेम्बलपुरकग्रामे स[1] मुपगतान्समस्तराजपु[रुपान्बा"ह्मणोत्तरान्पतिवासिपट्टाकलजनपदादीश्च वोध"यत्यस्तु वः सम्बि" ["] दितं यथा ग्रामोयमस्माभिः षटुंशसाहस्रिकसम्ब"सरेस्मिन् कार्तिकशुद्धपोर्णिमाया" सो[१] मग्रहणपर्वणि
श्रीभगवत्पुरावासितैरस्माभिर्महासाधनिकश्रीमहाइकपनीआसिri नीमार्यनया उपरिलिखितग्रामः स्वसीमातृणयूतिगोचरपर्य्यन्तः सहिरण्याभागभौगः ["] सोपारकरः सर्बादायसमेतः श्रीमदुज्जयन्यां भट्टारिकाश्रीमद्भट्टेश्वरीदेव्यै लानविलेप[11] नपुष्पगन्धधूप[ने] वेद्यप्रेक्षणकादिनिमि[त्त]च्च तथा खण्डस्फुटितदेवगृहजगतीसमारचनार्थ[] च मातापित्रीरात्मनश्च पुण्ययशोभिवृद्धये द्रष्टफलमगीकृत्याचन्द्रार्कीर्णवक्षितिसमका["] लं परया भक्त्या शासनेनोदकपूर्वकं प्रतिपादित इति मत्वा वनिवासिपट्ट
Second plate. [] किलजनपदैर्यथादीयमानभागभोगःकर"हिरण्यादिक
सर्वमाजाश्रवणri विधर्म त्वा सर्वथा समस्याः समुपनेतव्यं ॥ सामान्यं चैतत्पुण्यफलं वुदा" स्मrom इंशजैरन्यैरपि भाविभोक्तृभिरस्मत्मदत्तवर्मादायोयमनुमन्तव्यः पालनीयश्च । उक्तं च । वहु-२० [] मिर्चसुवा भुक्ता राजभिः सगरादिभिर्य्यस्य यस्य यदा भूमिस्तस्य तस्य तदा फलं. ॥ यानीह द. [] त्तनि पुरा नरेन्द्रनानि धर्मार्थयशस्कराणि [1] निर्माल्यवान्तप्रतिमानि तानि को नाम साधुः [] पुनराददीत [1] अस्मत्कुलक्रममुदारमुदाहरद्विरन्यैश्च दानमिदमभ्यनुमोदनीयं । ल. ru] श्यास्तडित्तलिलवुहुद"चच्चलाया दानं फलं परयशः परिपालनञ्च [1] सानेतान्भाविनः पा[s] थिोन्द्रान्भूयो भूयो यावते रामभद्रः [1] सामान्योयन्धर्मसेतुर्नुपाणां काले काले पालनी. []
यो भवद्भिः । इति कमलदलाम्बु"विन्दुलीला चियमनुचिन्त्य मनुष्यजीवितं च [1] सफलमिदमुदाहृतञ्च बुदा न हि पुरुषैःरकीर्तयो विलोप्या इति [I] सम्बत् १०३६ चैत्र वदि ९। गुण
पुराविसिते" श्रीमन्महाविजयस्कन्धावारे स्वयमाज्ञादापकश्चात्र []
श्रीरुद्रादित्यः ॥ स्वहस्तोयं श्रीवाक्पतिराजदेवस्य Boad याः
• Read दुमप्रभाः " Read षदानिशसाहसिकसव " Read पूर्णिमायां • Rond बद्ध • Read सैहिकेयोपमाः " Read भोगकर
Read विधेयैर्भूस्वा Read tire
• Read तं वारि " Read बुद्धा
Reading • Possibly मधरः; rend मधुरवासै " Read वैरिसिंह
" Read बुद्धद
" Read दलाम्बु 1 Read art
** Read * • Read पुरावासिते
" Read रुद्रादित्यः Read दच बोध
" Read संविदित
[]
[]
[]

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UJJAIN PLATES OF VAKPATIRAJA OF DHARA.
161
opa
.
TRANSLATION. Om! May the lustre of the hardy throat of Srikantha increase your happiness !-(that lustre) which, meeting the poison-fire of the hissing serpents, appears like the smoke (of it); which, when in contact with the horns of the shining moon fixed on his head, is like Rahu; (and) which, rolling over the quivering cheeks of the daughter of the mountain, is beautiful like musk (applied to them)! May the trembling frame of Mora's foe protect you ! --(that frame) which, distressed by separation from Radha, was not comforted by the moonlike face of Lakshmi,-nor refreshed by the water of the ocean,-nor calmed by the lotus (growing out) of his own lake-like navel,-nor soothed by the sweet breaths from the thousand hoods of the serpent Sesha !
(L. 5.)-The most worshipful, the supreme king of Maharajas, the supreme lord, the illustrious Vâk patirkjadeva, the favour ite of the earth, the royal ruler of men, who is a favourite of Fortune, also called the illustrious Amoghavarshadeva,-who meditates on the feet of the most worshipful, the supreme king of Maharajas, the supreme lord, the illustrious Siyaka deva, --who meditated on the feet of the most worshipful, the supreme king of Maharajas, the supreme lord, the illustrious Vairisim hadeva,-who meditated on the feet of the most worshipful, the supreme king of Mahárájas, the supreme lord, the illustrious Kộishṇarajadeva :
(L. 9.)-He, being in good health, gives notice to all king's officers, Brahmaņs and others, and to the resident Patiakila" people, and others assembled at the village of Semba la para ka, which is held by the Mahásádhanika, the illustrious Mahaika, and appertains to the Tinisa pa dra Twelve :
(L. 10.)—“Be it known to you that, to increase the spiritual) merit and the fame of Our parents and Ourself, (and) believing in a
future reward (of pious deeds), We, encamped at the glorious Bhagavat pura, have, in this year 1036, on the full-moon day of the bright half of Karttika, on the occasion of an eclipse of the moon, at the request of Å sini, the wife of the Mahdsádkanika, the illustrious Mahâīka, with great devotion and (confirming our gift) with (the pouring out of) water, granted by an order, for such time as the moon, the sun, the ocean and the earth endare, this the above-written village up to its proper boundaries, the grass and pasture land, with the money-rent and share of produce, with the uparikara, (and) including all dues,-to the Bhattariká, the glorions goddess Bhatteśvari, at the glorious Ujjayani, for the purpose of (defraying the expenses of bathing, anointing, flowers, perfumes, incense, the naivedya (offerings) and public shows, and also for the putting in order of the temple buildings," when damaged or out of repair.
(L. 17.)—"Being aware of this, the resident Pattakila and people, being ready to obey our commands, should at all times make over to her everything, all due share of the produce, taxes, money-rent, and so forth. And knowing that they share in the reward of a pious deed like this, those who may be born in our own family, and other future rulers, should assent to and preserve this religious gift that has been conferred by us."
(L. 20.)-And it has been said :-[Here follow five of the customary benedictive and imprecatory verses, which it is unnecessary to translate.]
(L. 28.)—In the year 1036, on the 9th day of the dark half of Chaitra, (this grant was written) in the famous most victorious camp located at Guņa pura; and (the official) who conțeys (the king's) own orders" regarding this is the illustrious Rudraditya. This is the own sign-manual of the illustrions Vâk patirå ja deva.
15 On Pattakila, see Hall in Journ. Americ. Or. Soc. Vol. VII. p. 40. The title Mahasidhanika I have not found elsewhere ; but compare mahdsadhanabhaga in Rijatarangint IV. 143.
* I am not certain about the exact meaning of the term arasimatrinayatigocharaparyanta ; Colebrooke, Misc. E88. Vol. II. p. 312, renders it by "within the proper bounds, extending to the grass and pasture;" Mr. Kir. tane, ante Vol. VI. p. 53, by" with all its proper boundaries, which extend as far as the ground for the tending
of the cattle and for cutting grass" extende, covering the space of one kos.' the spam somewhat doubtful abont the eiact force of the word jagati after devagriha; jagati is said to be used synonymously with vastu; and devagrihajagati may mean
the temple and the grounds' or the temple and the buildings' (such as a Dharmasaza) connected with or attached to it.
Ajñadapaka appears to be the same as the Dataka, royal messenger 'oompare the more common Ajflapti and ojno, ante, Vol. XII. p. 138, 1. 28; p. 123, 1. 24, &c.

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THE PALAS OF BENGAL.
BY A. F. RUDOLF HOERNLE, PH.D. In computing the chronology of the Pala (near the beginning of the 12th line) Lokapala, dynasty, too much reliance is still placed apparently qualifying Rajyapåla. Next comes on the Amgachhi inscription. But its mutilated (1st word of the 13th line) an altogether illegible state renders it practically useless, unless where name (not Påla Deva), who is described as the it is supported by other documentary evidence. son (prasúta) of a lucky queen (bhágya-devyáh) Moreover, the description given by Mr. Cole- of (as it would seem) Rajyapala.. Then brooke of its genealogy, which has hitherto follows again Vigrahapala Deva (last word of been always relied on, is very inaccurate. He the 14th line), then Mahipala (middle of the states :'_"The first mentioned is Lokapala, 16th line), then Nayapāla Narapati (middle of And after him Dharmapala. The next dame the 17th line), then again Vigrahapala Deva has not been deciphered: but the following one Nripati (end of the 18th line). So far extends is Jayapala, succeeded by Devapala. Two or Mr. Colebrooke's reading; and up to this place, three subsequent names are yet undeciphered : that is, from the 11th to the 20th line, the one seems to be Nârâyaņa, perhaps Narayana- text of the Amgachhi grant is new. From the påla : they are followed by RAjapala, Pala 21st line up to the end, the Âmgâchki grant Deva, and Vigrahapala Deva, and subsequently again almost verbally agrees with the BhagalMahipala Deva, Nayapala, and again Vigraha- pur grant, excepting only the names of the påla Deva."
donor, the donation (lines 24-26), and the The Âmgachhi plate is in the Bengal Asiatic donee (lines 36-40). The name of the donor Society's collection, where I have subjected it is Vigrahapala Deva (middle of the 24th line), to a careful re-examination, with the following the successor (pádánudhydta) of Nayapâ la result. The first name is not Lokapala (which Deva (end of the 23rd line). He is again is mis-read for Lokanatha), but Gopala Deva named, at the end of the grant, as Vigraha(first word of the 5th line); then comes Dharma- påla Kshitipati-tilaka (middle of the 48th påla Nțipa (middle of the 6th line). The next line). There is nothing to bear out Mr. undeciphered name is Våkpåla (near the Colebrooke's remark, that " in the making of beginning of the 7th line), called the anuja or the grant, Nayapala likewise appears to have
younger brother' of Dharmapala. The follow- had some share." ing name is Jayapåla, succeeded by Devapala, Imperfectly as this grant can be read, it his púrvaja or elder brother' (both in the affords no ground for extending the Pala middle of the 8th line). The two subsequent genealogy beyond Vigrahapala (so-called the nndeciphered names are Vigrahapala (Ist word first'). The grant to a very large extent of the 9th line), and Narayana Prabhu (middle verbally agrees with the Bhagalpur grant of of the 10th line); there is no third undeciphered Nåråyanapala ; its letters seem to be, if anything, pame. So far (that is, up to the 11th line) the of a rather older type; and there can be little record is nearly a duplicate of the Bhagalpur doubt but that it is a grant of Narayana's grant, with the exception of three laudatory father, Vigrahapala. The opening lines of it verses which are omitted in the Amgachhî are identical with those of the Bhagalpur grant. Then follows the name Rajyapâla (last grant, down to Vigrahapala; but, while the word of the 11th line),—not Rajapala, as Mr. latter grant goes on to describe Narayanapa la Colebroke read it; and immediately afterwards as being on the throne and making a gift of
Reprinted, with revision, from the Centenary Review of the Researches of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1784 to 1883, Part II. Appendix II.
Asiatic Researches, Vol. IX. p. 435. Jour. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. XLVII. pp. 984, 404
The twelfth line closes with sriman), which is the usual commencement of a name. Now the verse, of which briman are the two initial syllables, is a Sragdhark' of 21 syllables, divided into three parts of ? syllables each. The quantities of the first part, of 7 |
syllables, are
of which the first two lengths are taken up by briman. Into the remaining quantities --
the name must be fitted ; but Tigrahapalo will not do. Colebrooke read paladevo, which supposing it to be completed into Valopaladevo or the like, would do. But there are no traces of deva visible; if anything, the traces indicate palo to have been the last two syllables of the title, so that the quantities--- would remain for the real name.

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land, the Amgachhi grant mentions Narayana- obscured through the interpolation of an interpåla (or rather Narayana Prabhu) merely as a mediate verse in praise of Jayapala, which son of Vigrahapala, and the latter as making makes it appear as if Vigrahapala were a son the gift of land. This points to the line of of Jayapala. The fact of this interpolation, ruling kings ending, at the time of the by the way, shows that the version of the Ångachhi grant, with Vigrahapala. It is formula on the Amgâchhî plate is the earlier true, after the first mention of Vigrahapala. and criginal one, on which the more fulsome there follow several names; víz. Rajyapala, writer of the Bhagalpur grant tried to improve, Mahîpåla ?), Vigrahapala, Mahîpila, Naya- with the effect of obscuring the genealogy. påla, Vigrahapala, the last of these being the This is an additional reason showing that the donor. As the record is not yet fully read, it Ämgâchhigrant must be ascribed to Vigrahapala is, of course, impossible to determine with (the so-called 'first), the father of Narayaņaabsolute certainty the significance of this series pâla, the grantor of the Bhagalpur plate. of names. But the very order of repetition There is another name which has caused in which they follow, suggests that some of
some difficulty. This is Sarapala. He seems them are not new names. It is not an un- to bo supported by a short inscription which precedented feature in such land-grants, that, gives him at least thirteen years of reign.' ufter giving the genealogical line, the writer But what is more, he is mentioned in the once more recurs to some of the names already Buddal inscription as the successor of Dovamentioned, for the purposes of giving further pala. It is true that, as has been already particulars; an instance in point is the grant pointed out by others, that inscription did not of Govinda Chandra, published in the Bengal intend to give a genealogy of the Pala kings, Asiatic Society's Proceedingo for 1876, p. 131. but only of their ministers ; nevertheless, as a Having broaght the royal line down to matter of fact, it does give the royal lino; Vigrahapala, the grantor,—the record, before seeing that both lines, the royal and the declaring the grant, apparently proceeds to ministerial, run side by side, it could not be add some particulars regarding the relation otherwise. Moreover, the events related in the of Vigrahapala to Rajyapala, and Mahipala. inscription prove it. The sixth verse states That Rajyapala did not come after Vigrahapala that the minister of Devapala was Darbhaand Narayanapala, is proved by the Mungir påņi; the thirteenth verse states that Kodara grant, published in the Asiatic Researches, Nátha Miśra, the grandson of Darbhapaņi, way Vol. I. p. 133, which states that he was the | minister to a king who made successful conson and heir-apparent (yuvarája) of Devapala. quests in the south and west of India; the He was, therefore, a brother of Vigrahapala. fifteenth verse shows that Kedara Natha was Mahîpâla's relation to him and to Vigrahapala also the minister of Surapala.' The Mungir is not intelligible from the imperfectly legible inscription shows that the king who made record; but he is clearly in some way con- those conquests was Devapala. Accordingly, temporary with Vigrahapala. As to Nayapala, Kedara Nátha was minister to two kings, he is evidently the same as Devapala; for in Devapala and Sûra påla : and it is therefore the genealogy Vigrahapala's predecessor is more than probable that Sûrapala was the called Devapala, but afterwards in the state- immediate successor of Devapila. On the ment of the grant he is called Nayapala. other hand, the Bhagalpur grant says that tho
There is a further point on which the successor of Devapâla was Vigrahapala. It Amgachhi grant throws light. It seems clear seems evident, therefore, that Vigrahapala and from this grant that Vigrahapala was not a Sûrapala must have been the same person. nephew, but a son of Devapala; for, in “his There is nothing particular about this; Hindu son" (tat-súnuh) the pronoun must refer to the kings are often known by difforent names ; nearest preceding noun, which is Devapala. moreover the two names are nearly synonyIn the Bhagalpur grant this reference is
mous.
Archeol. Sure. Ind. Vol. XI. p. 181. • See Journ. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. XLIII. p. 356. "That Devapala had three ministers, father, son and
grandson, is explained by the fact that he had a very long reign, perhaps 40 years. The Mungir plate is dated in his 33rd year.

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General Cunningham says about Sûrapâla, that "he was the son and successor of Deva. påla Deva; and further it would appear that he had an elder brother named Rajyapâla, who had been declared Yuvaraja by his father." I do not know whether the statement is made on any direct documentary evidence, or whether it is merely an inferential combination. But if it is the former, it confirms my deduction, above given, that Vigrahapâla, alias Sûrapâla, was a son of Devapâla, and not of Jayapala. The II. Dharmapala (26) [30]
A.D. 926
same conclusion follows from the fact that the Buddal inscription in all probability mentions Narayanapâla as the immediate successor of Sûrapâla. The Bhagalpur grant says that Narayanapâla was the son and successor of Vigrahapala. Hence Sûrapâla and Vigrahapåla are the same person.
The conclusion to which the evidence, such as it is, appears to point is, that Narayaṇapala and Mahipala were contemporaries; the former being a son of Vigrahapâla, and the latter being also a son of Vigrahapala, or perhaps his nephew and son of Rajyapala. Narayanapâla probably ruled the eastern portion (Bengal) of the Pâla kingdom, while Mahipâla reigned in the western half (Bihar, Benares). There is no direct evidence on the point; but there are some circumstantial indications. Vigrahapâla was a stout Buddhist, so was Mahipala; but Narayanapâla was a Brahmanist. The latter fact is expressly stated in the Buddal inscription, and it is clearly implied both in the Bhagalpur grant and in the Gayâ inscription No. 6; and his very name, Nârâyaṇa, tends to prove it. That a division of the great Bengal and Bihår empire took place on account of religious differences is shown by the secession of the Sena family. It took place about the beginning of the 11th century, which, as will be presently seen, synchronises with the time of Narayanapâla.
Therefore, instead of thirteen or eleven ruling princes of the Pâla family, as generally believed, there are only six (excepting the later Pålas), though there were altogether nine members of the Påla family, of whom, however, three did not actually reign.
Archeol. Surv. Ind. Vol. XI. p. 178.
id. Vol. III. p. 120.
10 id. Vol. XI. p. 181; and Jour. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. XLVII. pp. 394, 401.
[JUNE, 1885.
Accordingly, the genealogical table stands thus reigning members are indicated by Roman numerals; the numbers in round brackets give the highest known number of regnal years; the numbers in straight brackets give the supposed full numbers of regnal years; the dates are the calculated years of accession:I. Gopala (7) [20]
A.D. 906.
III. Devapâla (or Nayapala) (33) [35] A.D. 956
IV. Vigrahapala (or Sarapâla) (13) [15] A.D. 991
VI. Narayana (of Bengal) (17) [20] A.D. 1006
Våkpåla
Rajyapala
V. Mahipala
(of Benares)
Jayapala
(48) [50] A.D. 1006
The later Palas (of Benares)
Chandra Deva (of Kanauj).
The date of Mahipala is known from the Benares inscription to be A.D. 1026, assuming it (according to the usual and probably correct interpretation) to be given in the Vikramaditya era. His contemporary Narayanapâla reigned at least seventeen years." Accordingly their accession may be dated about 1006. The highest known regnal number of Vigraha is 13; he may have succeeded in A.D. 991. The highest known regnal number of Devapâla is 33; he may have succeeded in A.D. 956. The highest known regnal number of Dharmapâla" is 26; his date of accession will be A.D. 926. The highest known number of Gopala is 7, but all tradition agrees in giving him a very long reign of 45 or 55 years; a limit of 20 years, therefore, will be safe, and to him A.D. 906 may be given. Altogether this
11 Archeol. Surv. Ind. Vol. XI. p. 181.
1 Jour. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. XLIX. Proceedings for 1880, p. 80.
1 Archeol. Surv. Ind. Vol. XV. p. 150.

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gives 120 years to five generations, which is certainly not too much. But there is a curious piece of evidence, which tends to confirm the date thus assigned to Devapâla, viz. A.D. 956-91. In the 'huge' Gwalior inscription noticed by Mr. Fitz-Edward Hall," a king Devapâla is mentioned, with the date Samvat 1025, corresponding to A.D. 968. This exactly agrees with the date assigned to the Bengal Devapâla; and as he is recorded to have made wide conquests towards the west, his mention in the Gwalior inscription would be accounted for. His warlike expeditions towards the west would bring him into contact with the Haihaya rulers of Chedi, and thus explain the statement in the Bhagalpur grant of the alliance of his son, Vigrahapâla, with a Haihaya princess. Moreover, they would also explain the fact of the coins of Vigraha imitating the Sassanian type. As to Mahipâla, he is reported in Târânâth's History to have reigned 52 years a statement which is borne out by two inscriptions found by Mr. J. E. Lincke at Imadpur (in the Muzaffarpur district) and dated in the 48th year of his reign." Accordingly Mahipâla's reign may be put down as having extended from A.D. 1006 to 1058.1
The history of the Pâla empire about the turning of the 10th and 11th centuries, I imagine to have been thus:-The empire included Bengal, Bihar and Audh (Gaur, Patna, and Benares), and the Pâla rulers were Baddhists. Towards the end of the 10th century a great disruption took place :-Bengal under Narayanapâla became Brahmanic; while Bihar
1 Jour. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. XXXI. p. 6ff.
15 Mr. Hall gives also the date 1005; but it must be a misprint, for his equivaluations A.D. 968 or A.D. 1103 (on p. 8) only agree with the other date 1025, given in the bottom line of p. 7.
16 See his coins in Archeol. Surv. Ind. Vol. XI. p. 176f. 17 See Jour. Beng. As. Soc. Proceedings for 1881, p. 98. The inscriptions, which are identical, are engraved below two groups of bronze figures, and the date runs as follows-Sriman-Mahipaladevarajasa samatt 48 jeshta dina sukala-paksha 2.
18 This is also Gen. Cunningham's conclusion in Archaol. Surv. Ind. Vol. XV. p. 153 (A.D. 1008-1060). In the Bengal Asiatic Society's Proceedings for 1876, p. 107, Dr. Burnell communicated an inscription of the Chola king Kulottunga, which gives Mahipala's date as A.D. 1093. As the date refers to the conquest of Bengal and Mahipala, perhaps it may be taken as the date of Mahipala's death in battle. It is difficult, however, to make this date harmonise with the Sarnath date of A.D. 1026. The difference is 77 years, a period much too long to have been the reign of one person, even if we assume the traditional allowance of 52 years to fall short of the truth. It is clear that there is something wrong about one or the other of the two dates. But in any case, it is only a question of about 30 years, within
165
19
and Audh under Mahipala remained Buddhistic. In the beginning of the 11th century another disruption took place:-Bihar under Mahipala's successors remained Buddhistic; while Audh under Chandra Deva, a son of Mahipala, who made Kanauj his capital, became Brahmanic. Bihâr remained Buddhistic till the Muhammadan conquest destroyed the remnant of the ancient Pâla kingdom. Nârâyana was probably assisted, in the separation which he effected, by the Bengal governors sprung from the Sena family, who were in charge of the province of Paundra Vardhana. The Sena family was intensely Brahmanic, and two of the earliest members of it, Sâmanta and Hemanta, synchronise with Nârâyana's date (A.D. 1006-1026). It was probably the successor of the latter, who was supplanted in the Bengal kingdom by Vijaya Sena (or Sukha Sena), the first Bengal king (though the fourth in descent) of the Sena family, whose date is about A.D. 1030. In the Baqirganj grant he is stated, in so many words, to have "rooted out those of the race of Bhûpâla." Bhûpâla is a well-known synonym of Gopala, the founder of the Påla dynasty. This is confirmed by the Bhagalpur inscription," which says that Vijaya Sena overthrew the king of Gauda. It may be added that the tradition of Âdisûra, who appears to be the same as Vijaya Sena, the first of the Bengal kings," having imported Kanauj Brahmans, about the turning of the 10th and 11th centuries, coincides with the first disruption of the Pâla kingdom and may be intimately connected with it."
which the above calculated dates of the Påla reigns may require adjustment.
As Mahipala's reign was much longer than Nârâyana's, he may have temporarily regained possession of the whole of the ancestral empire after Narayana's death.
0 Verse 6; see Jour. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. VII. p. 43ff. Prinsep's Pandit translated "rooting out the families of the inimical royal lines." But vairi-Bhupala-vansyân means simply the inimical descendants of Bhupala." Bhopala is here a proper name, not an appellative. If Mahipala, as suggested in the preceding footnote, regained possession of Bengal after Narayana's death, he may be referred to in that notice. Bhupala and Mahipála are synonyms.
21 Jour. Beng. Ae. Soc. Vol. XXXIV. p. 144.
22 id. Vol. XXXIV. p. 189f., and Vol. XLIV. p. 4. 33 The identification of Adisûra with Vijaya Sena is supported by the genealogical tables, for the rate of "three generations a century" is too much. At the rate of four generations Adisúra's date would be A.D. 1165, which is too low, as it would tend to identify him with Ballala, Sena. A medium rate will suit best; it will make Adisura identical with Vijaya Sena. As to the names, Sara and Vijaya Sena are nearly synonymous; adi indicates Vijaya Sena as the first king of the family. However, even if he be the same as Vira Sena, it does not materially affect the argument in the text.

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1
.
I append my reading of the Âmgâchbi others in fully deciphering the grant. I plate, imperfect as it is. None, I believe, do not despair of the possibility of doing has ever been published, and though im- this, though I had too little leisure to do it perfect, my reading may prove helpful to myself.
TEXT.
First side. ['] Svasti || Maitrî-kârunya-ratna-pramadita-hridayaḥ preyasim sandadhânaḥ ['] samyak-sambodhi-vidya-sarid-amala-jala-kshålit-ajñana-pa
ikahi jitva yah kama-kâri-prabhavam abhibhava sasvatili ('] prâpa sânti[m] & śrîmân Lokanatho jayati Dasabalo 'nyas cha [°] Gopåladevah || Lakshmi-janma-niketanam samakaro vodhu[] kshamah kshmi
bharam paksha-chchheda-bhayad upasthitavatâm ekåśrayo bhùbhritâm | maryâda
paripá lanaikanirataḥ śau[r]y-8[°] layo 'smad abhád dugdhambhodhi-vilása-hási-mahima bri-Dha[r]mapalo nripah || R&
masy"eva grihita-satya-tapasas tasyanurûpo ganaiḥ Saumittrer udayadi
talya. ['] mahimi Vakpåla-nam-anujah yaḥ śriman naya-vikramaika-vasati[r] bhratuh sthi
tah sâsane sünyâh satru-patakinîbhir akarod ekâtapatrâ diśaḥ [ll] Tasmad u[] pendra-charitair jagatiin punânah putro babhava vijayi Jayapala-nama | dharma.
dvisha[m] samayita yudhi Devapâle yaḥ pû[r]vajo" bhuvana-rajya-sukhâny
avaishit" || Srima[] no Vigrahapalas tat-sânur Ajậtasatrur iva jâtaḥ | satru-vanità-prasadhana-vilopi
vimaldsi-jaladharah || Dikpalaih kshiti-palaniya dadhatam dehe vibha[10] ktah sriyah srimanta janayam-babhůva tanayam Narayanan sa prabhum yah
kshauņi-patibhiḥ śiromani-ruchåślisht-årighi-píthopala[m] ngây-opâttam ala[m]
chakâra charitaih [") svair eva dha[r]masanam || Tapa" .. jaladhi-mula-gabhîra-garbhe devålayais
cha kula-bhuvara"-tulya-kakshaih | vikhyata-kirtir abhavat tanayaś cha tasya
sri-Rajyapala i. ["] ti (nútana)-lokapalah | Tasmât pârvva-kshitidhrán nidhir iva mahas *
Rashtrakůţânvayendos [**] n (about one third of the line omitted) bharya . nnaika-ratna-dyuti-khachita-chatuh
sindhu-chitrâmsukåyåh |
29353 3 3 3 Ï Ï
* Doubtful portions are enclosed within round brackets. appear on the Amgachht plate, is often a minute stroke Restorations are within straight brackets. Syllables attached to the upper part of the left side of the letter. omitted are indicated by the number of dots placed This verse is, in the Bhagalpur grant, preceded by in their stead.
another, which is omitted in the AmgAchht grant. * I have carefully re-examined the original plate of The Amgachht grant reads distinctly parvajo (nom. the Bhagalpur grant, which is in the Society's collection, sing.) If this should be correct, it would reverse the for the purpose of the following notes:-Verse 1. The
mutual relation of Jayapdla and Devapila, making the latter half of this verse in the Bhagalpur grant agrees former the elder brother of the latter. The context, with the A mgachht grant, and reads as I have given it. however, certainly seems to confirm the reading of the The meaning is: "who having overoome the over-power- Bhagalpur grant, which has equally distinctly ptrvaje. ing strength of desire has (now) obtained everlasting ** The Amghchhi plate has avaishit, while the Bhågalpeace, may he, Gopkladeva, be prosperous, being
pur plate has anaishit, both equally distinctly. Both another (i... like) Dasabals (Buddha), the Lord of the
readings convey the same sense. world."
80 Another verse of the Bhagalpur grant is omitted here. 96 Both grants read distinctly nikatan samakaro vo:
# Here, again, a verse of the Bhagalpur grant is not uitham akarod as given in the Bh&galpur transcript; 1
omitted. the meaning is : "well able to sustain the weight of the
» The Bhagalpur grant has friyah, not dhiyah as earth, making it (the earth) to be like the native-place
given in the transcript. of Lakshmi, he became the only asylum of the princes
33 The latter part of the first half of this verse is difwho approached him (for protection) as if they were
ferent in the Bhagalpur grant, which reads &ri-Ndriyaafraid that their wings might be clipt."-I may note nap aladevar aerijat tasydth eu puny-ottararii. here, that in the Amglohht plate, the anuswaras and Here commences the portion which is poouliar to the superscribed rephas are often wanting, whether from the Amghobhl grant. engraver's carelessnese or perhaps from the ravages of 10 Bhuvara is apparently a synonym of badhara ; time, it is impossible to say. On the Bhagalpur plate compare varshavara and varshadhara, eunuch.' they are always present. The repha, when it does 30 Mahasd is clearly a mistake for mahtao.

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JUNE, 1885.]
[] (about one fourth omitted) prabhu-sakti-lakshmiḥ pûrvvim sapatnîm iva Tasmâd babhûva savitur vasukotivardhi | kâlena chandra iva ladeva[b] ||
[1].... pena vimalena kalâ (tpadena) (A)vâhitena panito bhuvanasya tâpaḥ || Bhava-sakala-vilakshaḥ sangare vâ pradarpâd anadhikrita-vilagnam rajyam âsâdya pitryam [1]
[1] ... nasadmâbhûd. . .
THE PALAS OF BENGAL.
167
vanipâlaḥ śrî-Mahipala-devaḥ || Tyajan toshâsanga[m] śira(si) kṛitapâdaḥ kshiti-bhûtâvivarṇne sarvvâśaḥ prasabha["]. ... riva ravih [1] bhava. nnaḥ snigdha prakṛitir anurâgo. vasati sma vâ dhanyaḥ prakhyair ajani Nayapalo narapatiḥ | Pitaḥ sanganale (vanaih) smararipoh půjā.
silapatra || Vigrahapâ
[1] ..... viárâme... dhikâra-bhavanaḥ
ka. krite vidvishâm mantavyam dvayam âśrayaḥ śivapasa. pengaga. ndavan (1) śrîmad-Vigrahapâla-deva-nṛipatiḥ [1] (about three fourths omitted) krityasindraikara(prajahu)tågrikarnir [*] (about one half omitted) sa khalu" Bhagirathi-patha-pravarttamâna-nânâvidha-nauvâtaka-sampâdita-setubandha-vihita
["] saila-sikhara-śreņi-vibhramât (1) niratisaya-ghana-ghanighana-ghaițâ-áyâmâyamânavâsara-lakshmi-samârabdha-sannata-jalada-samaya-sandehât udichinâneka
[] narapati-prabhṛiti-kritâprameya-haya-vahini -kharakhurotkhâta -dhûli -dhûsarita -digantara
lât Paramesvara-sevâ-samâyâtâsesha-Jambudvipa-bhûpâlânanta
[*] pâdât bharanamadavaneḥ (śrî-Mudgagiri)-samâvâsita-śrîmaj-jayaskandhâvârât | paramasogato mahiri[j]dhiraja-ri-Nayapala-deva-pid-Anndhyatab parame [] svaraḥ (paramabhattarako mahârâ)jâdhirajaḥ śrîmân
Vigrahapâla-devah kusali ||
Śri-Punḍavardhana. kau Kotivarsham vishadhânuḥ pâti... [] ma (about one third omitted) (petana dhana ha)lakalita || Kâkinîn upâdhikopamâ
nadvayopeta.
[] sa.... (ponnana) drona-dvaya-sameta || shat (t)alya-pramâna-ta(lu-ma) heśvara-sameta Vishamapurâmée samupagatâ se**.
[sha-raja-purashän rajara)náka | rajaputra räjämätys mahasândhivigrahika
ma
hakahapapalika mahisimanta mahisenipati mahāpratihira |
[*] dauḥśâdhasadhanika mahâdaṇḍanayaka | mahâkumârâmâtya rajasthanoparika |
dâsâ paradhika chauroddharanika | dândika | daṇḍapasika sau
[*] Ikika (gaulmika) | kshetrapa | prântapala" | koshapala angaraksha | tadâyukta | viniyuktaka | hastyafvoshtraṇauvalavyȧpritaka | kiśora-vaḍavâgomahishyajâ
[] vi(kilayaksha | dratapesha) pikagamigamika abhitvaramiņa" | vishayapi | grâmapati tarika goda mâlava | khasa | hûna kulika kallata | lâța | châta |
["] (bhata sevakâdîn
manottarân
37 In the middle of this line, with sa khalu, the identical portion of the two grants recommences.
3 The Bhagalpur plate has vata for våtaka.
30 The name of the capital should be Sri-Mudgagiri. Though the number of the letters on the plate agrees with that name, their traces, which are only very faintly visible, hardly seem to do so.
anyâmé-châ) kirtitân| râjapâdopajivina [h] | prativâsino brâhmahattamottama ka. ma-pa-roga-maidândha-chandala-paryantân |
The letters on the plate are only maharadhiraja, the syllable ja being omitted by mistake.
1 From this, line down to the end of line 26, the version of the Amgachhi grant is new. It mentions the donor, Vigrahapala, the province Pundavardhana, and apparently a town, Kotivarsha.
At the end of this line the two grants again coincide. There is a mention here of a place Vishamapura. The office of mahdkartákritika is omitted in the
Amgachhi grant.-To the title of dauḥsadhasadhanika the Bhagalpur grant prefixes maha. Doked in the transoript of the latter grant is a misprint for dauḥéd as the original plate has it.
The Bhagalpur grant has rajasthantyoparika for rajasthanoparika; also, dasâparadhika, dandapasika and saulkika, with the palatal sa, while the Amgâchh! plate spells with the dental sa.
Prântapala is clearly an error for prántapala.
The Bhagalpur plate has tadayuktaka for tadayukta; it also has khandaraksha instead of angaraksha.
The Bhagalpur plate has abhitvamana (not abhitvamâna, as in the transcript), clearly an error for abhitvaramana. It has also vishayapati for vishayapâ; also hana not hrana, as in the transcript.
The Bhagalpur plate has rájapadopajivinah; and it omits the imperfectly legible word ka. ma or ke. ma.

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168
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JUNE, 1885.
||
3
3
3 IEETIE
3
3 3
[*] (yatharhaṁ mânaya)ti | bodhayati samâdišati cha viditam astu bhavata[m]
| yathoparilikhito 'rdhagrâmah sya-simâ-triņa-pratigochara-paryantah | satalah |
B0(ddekah) [*] (sâmramadhakah) sajala(sthalah) sagarttoshara ho sadabopachårah | sachatrod.
dharanah parihrita-sarvapidalı | achâta-bhata-praveśaḥ akiñchit-pragraskah" samasta-bh.
Second side. ["] ga-bhoga-kara-hiraṇyadi-pratyâya-sametaḥ
bhumi-chchhidranyâyena[") chandrárka-kshiti-samakâlam" måtâpitror atmânas (cha puộya). [*] yabo'bhivșiddhaye bhagavantam vșiddha-bhattarakam uddisya (Sasanikri)["] tya sagotrêya | Sandilya(masiva
daiva)... ra [") harisa-brahmachariņe
Samavedine
Kauthami-sakhadhyâyi["] nel Mimamsa-nyåkarana(sic)-tarkkavidyåvide krođâkriti-nisanta-matsyåvåsa-(vinirg
gatâya | . tragrâmavåstavyâya | Vedanta-vikrita . (hmivana)-devapautraya | maho[0] padhyâya Arkka-deva-putrâya (Khodbhůta)-deva"-sarmmane somagraha-vidhi ....
.... basaniksitya pradatto 'smathih" i sto bhavadbhih sarvair
evânamanta["] vya bhavibhir api bhấpatibhih | bhime[r]" dana-phala-gauravat | apraharaṇena
cha mahinaraka-pâta-bhayat 1 dânam idam anumodyânumodyAnapålaniyama
patavåsi." [") kshetrakaraih || Ajña-bravaņa-vidheyîbhůya yath&kálam samudita"-bhaga-bhota-kara
hiranyadi-pratyâyopanayah karya iti Samat | 2 | Chaitradine 9 sarva[•] thatra dharmanusisinah slokah | Bahubhi[r] vasudh datt rajabhiḥ Sagaradi
bhiḥ | yasya yasya pada bhâmis tasya tasya tad& phala[m] | Bhumi[n]
yaḥ pratigrihņâti yas cha bhåmi[m] pra[] yachchhati ubhan tan punyakarmmâņau niyatan svargagaminan || GÂm ekám
svarīnam ekan cha bhûmer apy ekam angalam haran narakam âyâti
gåvad a-bhůta-samplavam |Shashti-varsha[] sahasrâņi svargemodati bhômidah Aksheptâ chânumanta che tâneva"
narake vaset | Svadattam paradatta [m] vâyo hareta vasundharam s a
visthåyå krimi[r] bhûtvå pi["7 tribhih saha pachyate || Sarvân etân bhävinah pârthivendra[n] bhyo bhûyab
prå[r]thayatyesha Ramah | såmânyo 'y[an dh Jarmaseturo nripânâ[m] kale
kâle pâlaniyaḥ kramena || I. [] ti kamala-dalAmbu-vindu-lol[min] ériyam anuchintya manushya-jfvita cha saka
lam idam udAhritañ cha buddhvê na hi purushaih parakirtayo vilopyah ||
Yan.. [*] vi-kshama . . . . . . . . . . nidhi . brahma ... dhanadhanye ........ Sri-Vi.
grahậpalah kehitipati-tilako ....... sri-pra [) hasa-rå (ja)maka .. (nni)ņam iha kasane bhūtam || Posaligrama-niryata-Mahfdhara
günunâ idaṁ sâsanam utkirņpaṁ Śaśideva ......
3
3
3
3
3
"The Bhagalpur grant has matam instead of vidi- tam.-After bhavatath it inserts two and a half lines containing partioulars about NerdyanapAle, which are omitted in the Amglohht grant.
10 After sagarttosharak, the Bhagalpur grant inserts soparikarah.
Pragrdakah is the coreot reading in both grants, not prayastan, as given in the Bhagalpur transcript.
The Bhagalpur grant inserts yavat after samaki. lam.
# From the middle of this line to the middle of the 40th line, the Åmg dehht text is new.
# The name of the donoe is khodbhdta-deva.
"The Bhagalpur grant omita aamdhih, and has tato for ato.
*Both grants have bhamer, not bhnamair, as the
Bhagalpur transcript gives.
67 The Bhagalpur plate has only apraharas.
** This line in the Amg&ohhl plate is very carelessly written; anumodya is twice repented, and the last words should evidently be anupalan yarh prativdiribhih.
* The Bhagalpur plate has iamuchita for samudita. It inserts sarut before pratyaya, and omits it at the end of the line.-Bhota in the AmgAchht plate is clearly an error for bhoga.
0 Both grants have datta, not bhukta, as given in the Bhagalpur transcript.-The Bhagalpur plate omits the second and third verses.
" Tanova is an error for tanyeva; and visthaydoh for vishthdy dot.
41 Ayarmustur is an error for ayan dharmcatur, the syllablo ndha being omitted.

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JUNE, 1885.)
CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS.
169
CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. BY HENRY H. HOWORTH, F.S.A.
(Continued from p. 152.) Xxx.-(continued).
kand. Meanwhile Chagatai and Ogotai planted We saw how a quarrel arose at the siege themselves in the neighbourhood of Bukhara, of Khuarizm, between Jachi and Chagatai, and as we have seen from Chiang. Ch'un's and how Ogotai was sent to sapersede his itinerary, put down some turbulent robbers, and two elder brothers there. According to the repaired the bridges over the river. They also Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi Chinghiz, after the siege, devoted themselves to hunting hukus and summoned his sons to him, and rebuked them karakuls, i.e., wild swans and black-tails or so severely that they perspired freely with steppe antelopes, and sent their father 50 camelfright. Thereupon the archers Khuankhai, loads of game weekly." Khuantakhar, and Sormakhan remarked, "The Sherifu'd-din, in his History of Timur, has a three boys are like young falcons in training for curious reference to this very hunt, and tells us the first time. This is their first campaign. Such Timur went to hunt on the same place, which strict rebukes may cause their courage to fail, he calls Ghulserketi, and says it was near while everywhere from east to west there are Bukhara. There were some beautiful lakes enemies. Send us forward like bloodhounds. there, he tells us, on which were a vast number If heaven favour us and we are successful we of birds, especially swans. Timur camped on will return to you. Yonder in the west is King the banks of these lakes, while his officers made Khalibo, ruler of Bakhtat, i.e., the Khalifa, order rafts on which they trusted themselves, and us to march against him." Chinghiz thereupon amidst shouting, drum beating, etc. frightened relented towards his sons. He told Khuankhai the birds, which caused them to fly, when and Khuantakhar to remain, but sent Sorma- the falconers let fly at them the famous hunting khan against the Khalibo. This story seems to falcons called tughral, which our author contain an anachronism, for Sormakhan is says were the strongest and most adroit among assuredly Charmaghan, whose expedition into birds of prey, and thus secured a vast quantity the west did not take place till the reign of of game. He then cites the Jihan Kushai as Ogotai. The Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi also speaks of an authority for the fact that Chinghiz Khan's A campaign against the people of Alu (P Iran) men were similarly successful at the same place, &c., between the land of the Hindus and and adds that the game which they captured Bakhtat, led by Dorbodokhshin, about which was sent to be distributed in the camp which I can find nothing elsewhere." Other autho- was then outside Samarkand, and that this disrities tell us that after the feud at Khuárizm tribution was called shivilga by the Tartars. Juchi took offence, and instead of taking In the spring of 1222 Chinghiz Khân again part in the operations south and west of set out, and we are told that, while the army the Oxus retired to the appanage which his defiled past Turkhan, Khatun, the mother of father had assigned bim in the steppes of the Muhammad Khairizm Shâh, with his widowe Kankalis and Kipchaks, north of the sea of and relatives, stood by the roadside, and in a Aral, where he devoted himself to subduing loud voice with great lamentations bade their those turbulentancestors of the modern Kirghiz, last adieux to the Khuårizmian empire." Kazaks, and Nogais.
The result of Chinghiz Khan's campaigns in While Chinghiz was at Samarkand he the west was assuredly deplorable. It is the sent word to his eldest son that he proposed. fashion now to somewhat discredit the statements holding a great hunt in the spring and told about the terrible slaughter which he caused him to distribute his troops north of the in Khorasan and elsewhere, as mere examples mountains, and to drive in a large quantity of Eastern hyperbole, but I confess that the of game for the battue. The great conqueror evidence is too strong and unanimous to allow himself passed the winter of 1223-4 at Samar- of such conclusions. Khorasan had hitherto
* Op. cit. pp. 148-149. · Erdmann, p. 437; D'Ohason, Vol. I. p. 322.
10 Op cit. Vol. III. pp. 58 and 59.
D'Obson, Vol. 1. p. 822.

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been the most prosperous and thriving district in Asia. By dint of irrigation and continuous labour the land had been made exceedingly fertile, while its towns were the great marts of the Eastern world. Never again has the district reached the degree of prosperity it had in the days of the Seljuk rulers, and the Mongol heel effectually crushed out of it its most vigorous life. We must remember that of its many flourishing cities none really remained intact, while its four capitals, Balkh, Herat, Merv, and Nishapur, were laid waste. It was a terrible moving back of the sun's shadow of progress on the dial, a terrible sweeping away of the results of centuries of culture, and a terrible penalty to be paid for insulting a Chief who a few years before was a mere leader of shepherds. In the countries laid waste by Chinghiz Khan, says Juveni, there did not remain a thousandth part of their former people. Where there were formerly 100,000 people there barely remained 100. "If nothing occurs to arrest the growth of population in Khorasan and Irak again from now to the day of resurrection," says the same author, it will not reach one-tenth part of what it was before the Mongol invasion." Ibn Batuta quotes Ibn Jozai as reporting how Nur-u'd-din, the son of Azzejaj, one of the learned men of Irak, went to Makka with his nephew, where, in conversation he said, "There perished in the catastrophe caused by the Tartars in Irak 24,000 learned men. I and this man alone purvive of the class." Von Hammer" has extracted two pathetic passages from two fortunate authors who escaped the general slaughter, namely, the celebrated mystic, Shekh Najm-a'd-din Daya, and the Geographer Yakut, which describe with all the poetic rhetoric and pathos of the Persian language the desert created by the Mongols.
When Chinghiz reached the Sihun on his way back to Mongolia he was joined by Ogotai and Chagatai, and he now summoned a Kuriltai, or general assembly. Erdmann and De la Croix say this was at Banakot, also called Tonkat on the Sihun. De la Croix describes this Kuriltai in terms which show it to be a description of Kuriltais in general rather than of this specific one. The one definite thing that we read was
done at the Kuriltai was the execution of a number of Uighur Chiefs." Thence Chinghiz went on to a place called Kulan-tashi, which Dr. Bretschneider would identify with Tashkend, but it was more probably somewhere in the steppes porth of the Alexandrofski range. There he hunted wild asses and was no doubt attended by all the Mongol grandees who were within reach. In regard to one of them, namely Juchi, Chinghiz Khan's eldest son, the accounts are contradictory. Abulghazi says that when he received his father's orders about the great hunt he advanced at the head of his army, driving the game before him. Inter alia he took his father a present of 100,000 horses, of which 20,000 were grey, 20,000 dappled grey, 20,000 bay, 20,000 black, and 20,000 piebald. Chinghiz showed him great consideration, and he was very affable to his younger brothers. After hunting with his sons Chinghiz returned home again. He gave Juohi some counsel as to governing the country, and then sent him back to the Desht Kipchak. This story, told by a descend. ant of Juchi, as Erdmann says, is not otherwise confirmed, and is very improbablo. Other accounts say that Juchi did not attend in person, but sent his father a present of 20,000 grey horses, and ordered a vast quantity of wild asses to be driven to a place whose name is read Muka by Erdmann, and Akabar, Akabir, Akair or Uka by Raverty. There the great circle converged, and Chinghiz and his people hunted to their hearts' content. The army, it would seem, remained encamped at Kulan Tashi for some months, and it was there that Subutai and Chepe rejoined their master after their wonderful campaign, to which I must now devote a few paragraphs.
I carried down the story of their campaign to the capture of Kazvin. They apparently passed the winter in the neighbourhood of Rai. De la Croix says at Senoravend (€) in Irak. They sent to Khorasan for reinforcements. These troops were attacked, we are told, by a Khuarixmian named Tekin, who commanded 3,000 or 4,000 horse, and who had some time before killed the governor of Bokhara. Tekin was beaten, and had to escape to Jorjian in Taharis
- D'Ohnson, Vol. I. p. 361, note. 13 Op cit. Vol. III. p. 26.
Gesch, der Gold. Hor 14, pp. 76-78.
$ Erdmann. p. 438 ; D'Ohsson, Vol. I. p. 392, 9ab... Ns. p. 1082, Raverty's note.
on Notices, etc. p. 10, aote. 51 Abalghazi, p. 140.

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JUNE, 1885.]
CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS.
171
tan, where he was joined by Inanj Khân. The two allies were again attacked by the Mongols between Jorjian and Asterabad. Tekin was killed and Inanj Khân fled to Ghias-u'd-din, brother of Jalâlu'd-dîn, the Khuậrizm Shah, where he died. These events are otherwise reported by other authorities, where we read that while Chepe and Subutai were in winter quarters in the district of Rai, Begtikin, leader of the Khuárizm Shah's troops in Irak, set out from Mughan, where he had his winter quarters, to attack the Mongols in Irak. Ajam, in company with Jamalu'd-din Ineh (i.e. Inanj), called Jamalu'd-din Abiah by Raverty, raised a revolt against the Mongols, killed the Mongol Commissary whom Chepe had placed in charge of Hamadan, carried off Maju'ddin Alau'd-daulat its governor, and imprisoned him in the fortress of Krit, called Kurbat or Gurbat by Raverty. Chepe speedily marched to the rescue, drove away Jamal-n'd-din Ineh and reconquered the district. Zanjan, north-west of Kazvin, was also attacked and all the Jews there killed.
The Mongols now proceeded to invade Azerbaijan, whence the recent attack had come. Azerbaijan and Arran, from which it was separated by the river Kur, were subject to a Turkish chief named Uzbog, son of Jihan Pahlwan, whose grandfather Ildegis had been brought from Kipchak as a slave and sold to the Seljuk Sultan of Irak. Eventually emancipated and raised to various dignities Ildegis was in 1146 giren the appanage of Azerbaijan and Arran and the style of the Atabeg, which was retained by his family after the destruction of the Seljuk dominion in Irak. Uzbeg had been Atabeg of the two provinces since 1197."
The Mongols first attacked Azerbaijan. Uzbeg bought the goodwill of the invaders by paying them a large sum of money, and sacrificing a quantity of cattle and goods. They thereupon withdrew from the neighbonrhood of Tebriz on account of the cold, the winter having been very nevere, and went to spend the winter in the rich pastures of Mughan, bounded by the Caspian, the Kar, and the Aras.
" Rashidu'd-dia, quoted by De In Croix, 323-324. " Erdmann, Temucchin, p. 485: l'ab-i-Nis. Raverty's notes, p. 907.
D'Ohason, Vol. I. p. 325-6. . Iba-al-Athir, Jour Aviat 4th Sories, Vol. XIV. p. 414.
Thence they made an attack upon Georgia. Vartan, the Armenian historian, tells us how their arrival was portended by the fall of the splendid church of Meshgavank in the province of Udi, which was shattered by an earthquake : three priests who were celebrating the sacrament being killed, while a comet shaped like a lance appeared in the heavens. They penetrated the country, he says, by the valleys of the land to Kukark from the side of the Aghuans" to the number of 20,000 men. They massacred everything living they met with, and then rapidly retired. Lasha followed them with his troops, overtook them near the river Guesdman, but was defeated and had to flee with Ivaneh. The latter's horse had been hamstrung, so that he was dismounted. Meanwhile a grandee of the country, called Vahram, who was a prince of Khachen, unaware of this defert attacked another body of Mongols, and pursued them to the fortress of Kartman." Guiragos says the invaders advanced rapidly upon Tiflis and then withdrew towards the town of Shamkor, and adds it was falsely reported that they professed Magism, and were also Christians, and that they were sent to revenge the wrongs which the Christians had suffered at the hands of the nomads; that they had church in the form of a tent and miraculous cross; that they were accustomed to take a measure of onts and scatter it in front of the cross, after which the whole army brought their horses to feed upon it, but it did not diminish in quantity, and that it was the same as human food. The people were put off their guard by these reports, and onr annalist reports how a priest who went with his flock cross in hand to meet them was killed with the rest. In regard to the fight above described Guiragos says: “They devastated > wide district and deposited their spoils in the strong Fortress of Baghamej, situated in the marsby country between Barda and Bailekan." He adds they killed all living things they met. men and even dogs, nor did they attach any value to rich garments. &c., but only to horses.
The Gorgians now sent to propose an alliance "Di... Arti fie. David Laahs, the Georgian king. ** Journ. Asiat., 5th Serior, Vol. XVI. pp. 377-879.
* Gairuon, ed. BroBiot. pp. 100-101, Jour. Ariat., 5th Series, Vol. XI. pp. 198-190.

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with Uzbeg, the prince of Azerbaijan, with whom they had been at feud, and who agreed to help them after the winter was over, as did Ashraf prince of Khelat and Jeziret, but the Mongols allowed them no respite. They were joined by a Turkish slave of Uzbeg's named Akhush, who had collected a force of Turkomans, Kurds, &c. His men cozened naturally, we are told, to the Tartars, from their common origin; another piece of evidence shewing how numerous the Turks must have been in the Mongol armies. They now formed the advance-guard of the Mongols, with whom they advanced to the neighbourhood of Tiflis. The Georgians came out to meet them. They gained some advantages over Akhush with his advance-guard, but the Tartars afterwards coming up, they suffered a severe defeat. This battle was fought in January 1221.66
The Georgian Chronicle gives more details of these events. We read there that the Tartars having reached the frontiers of Georgia, proceeded to ravage the district of Gag. Vahram Gagel and the Atabeg Ivaneh therefore sent to inform the Georgian king, George Lasha, of the arrival of a strange people, speaking an unknown tongue, who were devastating the borders of Armenia. The king thereupon called together his soldiers, his Imers and Amers, to the number of 90,000 horsemen, who marched against the Tartars. They were joined by the Atabeg Ivaneh, by his nephew Shahin Shah, son of Zakaria, the generalissimo, and by Vahram Gagel, the chief of the msakhurs. They met the enemy on the Berduj (now called Sagam); Guiragos says in the plains of Khunan and Vardan, on the river of Codman (Gardman ?). A fierce fight ensued: one-half of the Tartars fled, no doubt in furtherance of their usual tactics, while the other lay in ambush and attacked the Georgians from the rear. The latter with their king fled, leaving many dead behind. Ivaneh, the grand Atabeg, barely escaped with his life, and fled to the fortress of Kêgha or Kêgh. Beka, son of Kuarkuareh, chief of the armourers, fell when fighting bravely. The Chronicler deplores the defeat, the first which the Georgian arms had sustained for a long time, and adds from this time down to our own day the
es Ibn-al-Athir, Journ. Asiat., 4th Series, Vol. XIV. PP. 448-9.
[JUNE, 1885.
fortune of the Georgians has been constantly the same; namely, to be constantly beaten by the Tartars."7
Ibn al-Athir also moralizes on these events. He says: "These Tartars have done things unparalleled in ancient or modern times. Starting from the borders of China they have penetrated in less than a year to the borders of Armenia and of Irak. Those who come after will hardly credit these things. God should find Islam and the Musalmans a defender, for since the birth of the Prophet never have they suffered such misfortunes as in these days. On one side the devastations of the Tartars in Mawaru'n-Nahr, Khorasan, Irak and Azerbaijan: on another a second enemy, the Franks, coming from their country in the north-west beyond the Roman empire, have entered Egypt and captured Damietta, and the Musalmans cannot drive them out." The same author attributes the misfortunes of his co-religionists to the disappearance of the Sultan Muhammad.""
After their victory over the Georgians, the Mongols, in the spring of 1221, again approached Tebriz, when the Governor Shamsu'd-din Taghrai paid them another heavy blackmail. They then went on to Meragha, about 17 leagues from Tebriz, which, according to De la Croix, had sent help to the Georgians. Its raler was a princess, who resided in the Fortress of Ruider, called Ru-in-dujz by Raverty, situated three leagues from Meragha. They compelled their Musalman captives to lead the assault. The place was captured on the 30th of March. The inhabitants were slaughtered, and what could not be carried away was barat. In order to tempt any victims who had hidden away to come out they made their prisoners announce that they had retired, and then fell on them and killed them. Ibn-alAthir reports as a proof of the terrible prestige the invaders had acquired, that a Mongol woman entered a house at Meragha and proceeded to kill its occupants, who mistook her for a man. When she laid down her weapons they saw she was a woman, and one of the Musalman prisoners killed her. We have heard it said, he continues, that a Tartar having entered a street where there were a hundred
Hist. de la Georgia, pp. 422-3. D'Ohsson, Vol. I. p. 328, note.

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people, killed them all one after another, with- days, only those escaping who found refuge out anyone attempting to defend himself. under ground. The town was then burnt."
From Meragha the Mongols set off again to The Mongols now returned northwards, sacked wards Irbil, but the defiles on the route, which Irbil, made a third visit to the neighbourhood of do not permit two horsemen to ride abreast Tebriz, whence Uzbeg had fled to Nakhchavan, induced them to turn aside towards Irak Arab, while the commander he left behind showed which was part of the dominions of the Khalifa. such a bold front, that they withdrew again on He demanded help from Muzaffaru'd-din Kuk- the payment of black mail. They then cap. beri, prince of Irbil, Badru'd-din Lu-lu, prince of tured Sarab, where everybody was slaughtered. Mogul, and the Malik Ashraf, prince of Mesopo. De la Croix says they first took Selmas and Khoi tamia. Ashraf excused himself on the ground in the extreme west of Azerbaijan, and then that he was assisting Kamil, the ruler of Egypt, entering Arran they apparently levied a conagainst the Crusaders, who had taken Damietta, tribution on Nakhchuvan" and approached and he at once set out hastily for Egypt. Barlekan. There a Mongol officer sent into the The other two princes collected their troops town at the request of the citizens to make an and marched them towards Dakaka. Muzaffar- arrangement was murdered. They thereupon u'd-din commanded the army, and was joined at pressed the siege. There being no stones about Dakuka by 800 men supplied by the Khalifa. they pulled down great plane trees, and threw He naturally complained of this miserable con- their trunks with their catapults. They stormed tingent, but offered, if supplied with 10,000 the place and destroyed its population with men, to clear Persia of the invaders.
every cruelty ; tore children from the womb, The Mongols were apparently misled as and having ravished the women, killed them." to his real strength, and deeming it prudent They then approached Ganja, or Kantzag, the not to attack him, once more approached capital of Arran. Ibn-al-Athir says distinctly Hamadan, where they demanded a fresh that afraid of the prowess of its citizens, who contribution through the commissary or were experienced warriors, from their constant baskak they had left there. The principal struggles with the Georgians, the Mongols did citizens repaired to the Rais of the town, who not attack the town, but contented themselves had negociated the former pact with the with levying a contribution of money and Mongols, complained of this new exaction, and stuffs." De la Croix says they entered the town accused him of pusillanimity. He warned peaceably and Erdmann that they destroyed them that being weak they had no resource it." save to buy safety. They retorted that he was Having conquered one portion of the harder towards them than the infidels, &c. At Musalmans of Azerbaijan and Arran, and made length, goaded by their reproaches, he said he peace with the rest, the Mongols now turned was ready to do their bidding. They thereupon once more upon Georgia," whose king, George killed the Mongol Commissary; but a speedy IV. Lasha, had recently died, probably, as Saintvengeance soon overtook them. The town was Martin concludes, in 1221, and been succeeded beleaguered. During the first two days the by his sister Rusudan. What followed is not citizens made brave sorties, led by the Fakih. quite clear. From one account it would appear When he was so weary that he could not mount that the Georgians, having marched to meet the his horse they went to ask the Rais to lead invaders, Chepe planted himself with 5,000 them on, but he was faint-hearted and had with men in ambush, while Subutai advanced against drawn himself and his family by a subterranean the enemy with the main army. At a given passage. This disconcerted them, and they signal he retired with his men and drew on ceased making sorties. The Mongols, who had the unsuspecting Georgians, who were meansuffered severely and were about to withdraw, | while attacked from behind by Chepe's division. made another effort, stormed the town and com- Thirty thousand Georgians !!! are said to have mitted a terrible slaughter, which lasted several perished. Ibn-al-Athir adds that the Tartars
6 D'Ohanon, Vol. I. pp. 328-9. 10 D'Ohason, pp. 330 and 383. ** D'Ohsson, Vol. I. pp. 333-4.
" De la Croix, p. 329.
1
13 Jour. Asint. 4th Ser., Vol. XIV. p. 450. " De La Croix, p. 329; Erdmann, Temudechin, p. 406. 15 Jour. Asiat. 4th Ser., Vol. XIV. p. 452.

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were 80 undauntable that it was impossible to obeck them; they never fled nor would they surrender. On one occasion one of them having been captured, dismounted and broke his head against a stone." Guiragos also speaks of this second defeat, where he says the Georgians were more numerous than before, and that the enemy captured their wives, children and booty, and determined to return home by way of Derbend." Vartan mentions a struggle in which. Vahram, a grandee of the country, fought valiantly against the enemy and slaughtered many of them as far as Gardman."
These struggles are referred to in two very interesting documents, which contained the first news of the invasion of the Mongols that reached Europe. These are two letters written to Pope Honorius the Third, one by Rusudan and the other by her Constable Ivaneh. In her letter the queen styles herself Rusutana, queen of Aneguia or Avoguia (probably a corruption : being, as Saint-Martin suggests, a translation of the Georgian sentence, Rusulan mephe Abkhasetisa, Rusudan ruler of the Abkhaz, which was the usual style of the Georgian kings at this time). After some preliminary phrases she informs the Pope that her brother was recently dead, that his message inviting him through his Legate who was at Damietta to go to the help of the Christians had duly arrived and he was preparing to set out, when, as he might have heard, those evil men the Tartars entered her country and caused much damage to her people, and killed six thousand of them. "We did not fear them, since we thought they were Christians, but we afterwards learnt they were not good Chris. tians, and we thereupon collected our people and slew twenty-five thousand of them and captured many of them, and the rest we drove out of our land; and this is why we have not come at the summons of your Legate." She then goes on to express her pleasure at hearing that the Emperor was en route to invade the Holy Land, and promised to send her Constable Ivaneh to share in the enterprize. In his letter Ivaneh styles himself Constable of all Bratia and Armenia, i.e., of Georgia (the
* D'Ohsson, Vol. I. pp. 834-5, note; Erdmann, p. 406. "Op. cit. ed. Brosset, p. 100. ** Hist. de la Georgie, adds. et ex., p. 301. ** Saint-Martin, Mémoires, Vol. II. p. 256. * Probably the Legate Pelagius, who had frequent
Georgians being called Vrats) and Armenia. He also reports the death of his sovereign and the election of his successor, and goes on to say that the Pope's message had reached him, and that as they were preparing arms and horses, victuals and men, there caine the Tartars bearing the cross before them to the assistance of the Christians and to the relief of the Holy Land. “They entered our country, and under pretence of being Christians deceived us and killed six thousand of us." He concludes by saying he was ready to start to relieve the Holy Land with 40,000 warriors when the Pope should require it. He also begged the Pope's blessing for his Nephew Sanxa i.e. Shahin Shah) the lord of 15 towns. The Pope's answer, which was dated in 1224 mentions that the Emperor had set out for the Holy Land, and promises a year's indulgence to those who would aid in the work." The victory which Rusudan claims to have won is not confirmed by other accounts. It seems most problematical. No doubt the Mongols now left Georgia, but it was doubtless in obedience to the express orders of Chinghiz Khân that they should return in three years.
Before we trace further the doings of Subutai and Chepe, it will be well to complete the tale of Mongol ravage in Persia. It was about this time that Ruknu'd-din, the second son of Muhammad Khwärizm Shah, came by his end. When his father fled from Kazvin to the Caspian, as we saw, Ruknu'd-din went to Kerman; where, reinforced by the troops of Zuzan who governed that province, he entered the capital of Kerman, and seized the treasure there, which he divided among his men. After a stay of seven months in Kerman he returned to Irak, and was about to attack Jamalu'd-din Muhammad, a grandee of that district, who intended appropriating it, when he heard, near Rai, of the approach of a Mongol force under Taimas and Tainal. He accordingly sought refuge in the strong fortress of Suton Avend, near Rai, which was deemed to be impregnable. It was now invested by the Mongols, who in six months captared it, and Ruknu'd-din having refused to stoop and do homage, was put to death with his people. Zakaria of Kazvin
relations with Ruben, Prince of Cilicia, who was at Damietta, and who would probably put him in communication with the Georgians, Brosset. Hist. de la Georgie, adds. et ex., p. 803, note.
Hist. de la Georgie, adds. et ez., pp. 303-305.

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says that Ruknu'd-din Gursaizi shut himself corpses, their own as well as those of the up in the fortress of Demavend in 618 H. i.e. enemy, and thus built up a mound from which 1221. Rashid says it was at Feruzkoh. Jamal- they dominated the walls. The citizens resisted u'd-din, having heard of the death of the with the greatest bravery, but in vain. The prince, offered his submission to the Mongols, place was taken, and a terrible carnage ensued." hoping thus to retain the district of Hamadan. They then captured the town of Derbend, The Mongol generals sent him a robe of honour, but not the citadel, where the Shirvan Shah and invited him to their camp, when they Rashid had taken refuge. The latter was killed him with his suite.**
constrained however to furnish them ten guides, While Chinghiz Khan was wintering at Sa- one of whom they killed as a warning to the markand, about 1224, a body of three thousand rest, who directed their march through the Mongols went from Khorasan, and appeared sud- difficult defiles of Daghestan. There they killed denly before Rai and surprised a body of 6000 many of the Lesghs, some of whom we are Khwarizmians there. They routed them, and told were Musalmans and some infidels." entered Rai, which had been again occupied. Fifteen days after leaving Derbend the invaThey pillaged and devastated it. Saveh, i ders found themselves confronted by a combined Kam and Kashin suffered the same fate. army of Alans, i.e. Ossetes and Kipchaks, in The two latter towns had escaped the previous the dangerous deales of the Eastern Caucasus. Mongol raid. Hamadan was fired and ravaged They had recourse to their fox-like instincts, for a second time, and then the invaders entered and we are told Subutai sent an envoy with Azerbaijan, where the Khwarizmian troops rich presents to the Kipchaks to assure them beaten at Rai had sought refuge. They were the Mongols were their brothers, while the Alans again attacked and again defeated. The rem- were foreigners (proving what a large continnants fled to Tabriz where many of them, at gent of Turks there was in the Mongol armies), the demand of the Mongols, were put to death and urged them to detach themselves from the by Uzbeg, who ruled there, as we have seen. Alans and make common cause with them, Having received the heads of the victims and been and they would give them gold and garments conciliated by some presents, they once more as much as they could wish. The Kipchaks, withdrew to Khorasan." The most famous taken in by these advances, accordingly separavictim of the Mongol invasion, says Von Hammer, ted themselves, and the Mongols soon made was the great mystic poet, Faridu'd-din Attar, short work of the Alans, who were pursued as who at the time of the invasion lived at far as Tarku, which was captured." The Alans Shadyakh, and was a very old man. A Mongol having been crashed, the Mongols next turned was about to cut him down when another said upon their newly made friends the Kipchaks, to him, “Do not kill this old man. I will dispersed them and recovered the presents give you 1000 silver pieces for him." "Hold," they had recently given them. The remainsaid the Attår, "you will meet with a better der of these Turkish tomads fled towards bargain." A few steps further on he met Russia. another man who offered a sack of straw for In the biography of Sabutai in the Yuan-shi, him. "Take it," said the Attår, "I am worth the chiefs of the Kipchaks are called Yu-li-gi no more." Whereupon the Mongol clove him (i.e. Yuri or George), and Tá-tá-ha-r, who in two. This story is preserved in Daulat Shah's gathered their forces together at the river History of Rhetoric.
Budsu (?). The son of Yu-li-gi was wounded To return to Subotai and Chepe. On with by an arrow and fled into the forest where drawing from Georgia tbey marched upon he was betrayed by his servant, who instead Shirvan, whose capital was Shamakhi. Ac- of being rewarded, was afterwards put to cording to one report the Mongols piled up a death for his treachery by order of Chinghiz." great heap of camels, cattle, sheep and men's Karamzin says that both Yuri (who is called
pp. 458 4.
* D'Ohason, Vol. I. pp. 347-349. * D'Ohnson, Vol. I. pp. 349-50. .. Von Hammer, Greach. der Gold. Horde, p. 85.
Ibn-al-Athir, Journ. Asiat., 4th Ser., Vol. XIV.
* id. 455. Abulghazi, pp. 129-180 ; Erdmann, p. 407 ** Erdmann, p. 407.
Bretachneider, Notices, p. 71.

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Yuri Konchakovitch by the Russians and by the Hungarians. His daughter had married Daniel Kobiakovitch, perhaps Kotiakovitch), Mitislaf, Prince of Gallicia. Kotiak reported at were killed during their flight."
Kief the advance of the terrible enemy, presented The Mongols now spread over the country the Russian princes with camels, horses, buffanorth of the Caucasus. We are told they loes, and beautiful slaves, and told them the captured Terek, the capital of the Circassians, Mongols bad taken his land, and that that of and advanced as far as the Sea of Azof and the Russians would suffer the same fate. The the "Rampart of the Poloutsi" (i.e. to the dyke astonished princes asked who these strangers, forming the frontier between the Kipchaks hitherto unknown, were. Some called them and Russians) and subdued the Yasses, i.e. Taurmains, others Petchênegs, others again the Ossetes or Alans, the Abkhazians and Tartars. The more superstitious recounted Circassians, and became the masters of seven how the barbarians, defeated by Gideon 1,200 tribes near the Sea of Azof." Ibn-al-Athir years before Christ, were to reappear at the end buys the Tartars captured the cantonments (ie. of the world from their deserts, and to conquer the winter quarters) of the Kipchaks. It is a the whole earth. Mitislaf assembled the Russian country, he says, affording good pastare both princes at Kief, and there met there beside himin summer and winter, and it contains places self, Mitislaf Romanovitch of Kief, Mitislaf of where the temperature is cool in the hot season, Chernigof, Daniel Romanovitch of Volhynia, and others where it is mild in winter. The Michael) son of Vsevolod the Red, and Vsevolod shores of the sea are bordered by forests. The Mitislavich of Novgorod, and it was deterTartars advanced as far as the town of Sudak, mined unariimously to march against the 1.e. Soldaia, which belonged to the Kipchaks, invaders, much to the joy of the Poloutsi, who got their grain from it. It was a seaport, one of whose princes named Basti," embraced and the Kipchaks, we are told, went there to Christianity. They assembled their forces at bay stuffs, bartering in exchange slaves of both Zarub and the isle of the Varagians (places sexes, and fox-skins (burtasses) and those of the whose exact sites are unknown), on the beaver, &c. &c.
Dnieper." There they received ten ambassadors The Tartars occupied Sudak, whose in- from the Mongols, who spoke thus: “We habitants filed with their families, some to understand that, seduced by the statements of the mountains, while others embarked for the Poloutsi you are marching against us. Rum." Ten thousand families of these But we have done nothing against the Russians, fagitives crossed the Danube into the bor. we have not taken your towns or villages, ders of the Roman Empire, and the Emperor and our sole intention is to punish the Poloutsi, John Ducas took them into his service. A our slaves. For a long time they have been portion of these latter were cantoned in Thrace enemies of the Russians. Side with us, there. and Macedonia, where they committed great fore, and take a signal vengeance upon these ravages. Others were transported into Asia barbarians, and seize their wealth." "This Minor." The greater number fled to Russia, message was accepted," says Karamzin, "as a which at this time did not extend eastwards sign of weakness, or as a ruse." Doubtless as beyond the Oka, and did not comprise the the latter, for the recent treachery of the Ukraine. 'It was divided among a number of Mongols in the Caucasus must have been known. petty princes, owing little more than nominal At all events, the ambassadors were barbarallegiance to the Grand Duke of Novgorod, ously murdered. Others were sent which met and continually at strife with each other and the Russian army at Oleschia who said: "You with the Kipchaks, whom they called Poloutsi, have preferred the counsel of the Poloutsi, you as the Byzantine authors called them Comans. have killed our envoys, well; as you wish for One of the chiefs of the latter, who now sought war, you shall have it. We have done you no refuge in Russia, is called Kotiak by Nikon, harm. God is impartial, He will decide our Kotian by Karamzin, and Kothan or Kuthen quarret."
Karamzin, French edition, Vol. III. p. 282.
ODOVol. I. pp. 441-445, note.
* Nic. Gr. Stritter, Vol. III. p. 985-6. " Erdmann and Von Hammer call him Ratu. * Von Hammer says near Zarub.

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The Russians assembled their forces in large numbers from Kief, Smolensk, Putivl Kursk, and Trubtchevsk. The Volhynians and Gallicians came in a thousand boats, on which they sailed down the Dniester to the sea, and then up the Dnieper to the island Khortiza, called the Isle of St. George by Constantine Porphyrogenitas. There also came some bodies of Poloutsi. The Russians numbered some 82,000 men, and were joined by other auxiliaries whom the chroniclers call Bautii, Gangali," Uigoltzi and Gallicians. The young prince, Daniel, with a few companions rode out to reconnoitre a party of Tartars which had been seen on the other side of the river. Some reported that the enemy was contemptible but the voivode Yuri of Gallicia gave & different account, and said they were experienced soldiers. Mitislaf, with an advance guard of 10,000, impatient to meet the enemy, went on ahead, overtook a body of Mongols under Hamabeko and defeated them. Their leader was found hidden in a ditch or hole among the kurgans or mounds on the steppe, and was beheaded with the consent of Mitislaf, who by this attack secured a large number of cattle. The main body of the Russians now crossed the Dnieper, and after a nine days' march (Abulghazi says ten and Rashidu'd- din twelve) arrived at the river Kalka, the modern Kaleza, near Mariupol, in the government of Ekaterinoslaf. Mitislaf, who was probably wishful of monopolizing
he glory of the campaign, ventured to attack the main body of the Mongols with only one division. He planted his men on the left bank of the river and ordered Yarun, the chief of the Polontai, and Daniel, to advance with the Russian Guard. Daniel with Oleg of Kursk performed prodigies of valour and continued fighting although the former was badly wounded in the chest. Mitislaf, the dumb brother of Ingvar of Lutek, went to their rescue and fought desperately. Meanwhile the Poloutsi, unable to withstand the Mongol attack, turned their backs to the enemy and threw the Russian reserves under the princes of Kief and Chernigof into confusion; the precipitance of Mitislaf's attack having left them little time
for preparation. This caused their men to retire also. The Mongols pursued them mercilessly. Six princes, namely Sviatoslaf of Yanovisk, Isiaslaf Inguarovitch, Sviatoslaf of Shumak, Mitislaf of Chernigof with his song, and Yuri of Nasvigsk, together with a celebrated paladin named Alexander Popovitch, and seventy nobles perished. Of the contingent from Kief alone, 10,000, says Karamzin, were left on the field of battle, while the faithless Poloutsi used the occasion for plundering their unfortunate allies. Mitislaf, to whom reverse was something new, seemed beside himself. Having crossed the Dnieper himself, he caused the boats to be destroyed in order to prevent pursuit. In the general route one leader held his ground. This was Mitislaf Romanovitch, Prince of Kief, who had intrenched himself on the Kalka, and resisted for three days the assault of the Mongols. They at length proposed to allow him to escape on paying a ransom, and Ploskinia, voivode of Brodniks, or light troops, who was in their service, swore on their behalf to faithfully observe the convention ; but he betrayed the Russians, bound Mitislaf and two of his relatives with cords, and handed them over to the Mongols. Irritated by the prolonged resistance of Mitislaf, and furious at the slaughter of their envoys, they put to death all the Russians they met with, and smothered Mitislaf and bis sons-inlaw, Andrew and Alexander Dabrovezky, under planks, and held a feast over their bodies. The parsait was again renewed. In vain the inhabitants of the towns and villages sub. mitted, humbly going to their camp with their crosses, but no pity was shown. Their grim maxim, surely the most cynical of all ferocious war-creeds, was that "the vanquished can never be the friends of the victors, the death of the former is necessary therefore for the safety of the latter." Ibn-al-Athir speaks in lugubrious terms of the devastation they committed in Russia, killing, burning, pillaging and raining what they met with. the chief merchants and wealthier people emigrated with their property and went beyond the sea." According to the Yuan-shi, the Russian prince Mitislaf was sent by Chepe under the escort of Ho-sze-mai-la, i.e. Ismael, to Juchi, the
* i.e. Kankalis. • Called Gemiabet by Karamzin. "Karamain, Vol. III, pp. 284-291 ; Erdmann, pp. 434.
437; Von Hammer, Gesch, der Golden Horde, pp. 86-89.
" D'Ohsson, vol. I. p. 146.

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eldest son of Chingbiz, who had him put to Kuriltai or Assembly, and a hunt. He then set death.100
out for his home. The biography of Subutai The Mongols now, in January 1224, marebed in the Yuan-shi tells us that general returned upon great Bulgaria on the Volga. The home by way of Imil (i.e. the Chaguchak passage of Ibn-al-Athir describing this last of our day) and Hoji, by which some event has been differently translated by D'Ohs- neighbouring town is donbtless meant,108 and the son and Quatremère. One makes the Mongols | Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi says Chingbiz returned home and the other the Bulgars to be successful. Qua- by way of the Irtish, where be passed the sumtremère says the Bulgars planted themselves in mer of 1225. We are elsewhere told that two various ambushes and the Tartars being attacked of his grandsons, who afterwards became very before and behind the greater part of them famous, namely Khubilai and Khulagu, went were killed, only 4,000 escaping. D'Ohsson to meet him at Anmarhu Dear Itel Kujin, says it was the Bulgars who thus suffered. west of the river Ili. The former was eleven
The invaders now seem to have marched down years old, and had on the way killed a bare, while the Volga to Saksin. Saksin, according to the latter who was only nine had captured a deer, the geographer Bacuyi, was a large town in and as it was the Mongol custom to rub the the country of the Khazars, whose inhabitants middle finger of the hand with the flesh and fat were divided into 40 tribes, most of them the first time that boys went hunting, Chinghiz Musalmans. It was a famous mart and fre- performed this ceremony in person for the two quented by a large concourse of merchants. boys. Further on, at a place called Buka It was traversed by a great river, abounding Su'hiku, he erected a great Golden Ordu, i.e. a in fish, one of which produced a large quantity | tent, and held a grand feast. The camp, we are of oil. Saksin, he adds, is at present submerged, told, was planted on yielding and uncertain but close by is the Serai of Bereke, the ground which was much broken. He ordered residence of the ruler of this country.108 From each one to place stones round the margin of this description it would seem that it was his ordu. All did this except his brother Uchi, situated on the Akhtuba. De la Croix says i.e. Ochigin, who, instead of stone, used wood. the invaders also captured Astrakhan, but this For some days after he devoted himself to is not mentioned by the older authorities, Ibn- hunting. Uchi of all his people did not go, but al-Athir, Juveni, and Rashidu'd-dîn, and I am stayed at home. For this, his disobedience, he disposed to think that he has mistaken Saksin was denied access to the ordu for a week, but for that town, which only became famous at a on his making due apologies, he was forgiven.sor jater day. On the other hand, we read in the Chinghiz reached his home which was at this
biography of H0-sze-mai-la, i.e. Ismael, in the time on the river Tula in the spring of the New · Yuan-shi, that the Mongols defeated the Kankalis year Zafar 622 H., 1225 A.D.109 The Yuan
(who lived east of the Volga) and their Khân ch'ao-pi-shi says he returned to his chief camp Ho-to-sze (? Kuttuz) and captured their town 'Karatun which is translated in the Chinese text Bo-tze-baligh (perhaps Seraichuk on the Jaik.) by Heilin, and which answers to the Karaun Subutai now formed a special corps of Merkits, Kabjal, i.e. the defile of the Black forest on the Naimans and Kipchals, with which he returned river Tula''' where he and his people once more home.104 Ibn-al-Athir tells us how this raid upon met their families. Bulgaria and the neighbouring districts, which What a wonderful gathering that must have were the fur countries of that day, interrupted been.. We are much impressed in reading the the trade in furs, and how it was renewed again history of the Middle Ages with the effect of on the Mongol withdrawal 105
the Crusades, which brought the parochialSubutai and Chepe after their wonderful minded chivalry of Western Europe into conmarch rejoined Chinghiz Khân at Kulan Taishi, tact with the land of so much gorgeous where, as we have seen, he held a great romance as the East, and gave an impetus to 20 Bretschneider, op. cit. p. 72.
20. Bretschneider, op. cit. pp. 71-72 21 Jour. Anat., 4th Ser., Vol. XIV, p. 460; D'Ohsson, 101 D'Ohsson, Vol. 1. p. 440 note. Vol. 1. p. 346, and 146.
100 Bretachneider, Noticos, etc. p. 71. wi D'Ohason, Vol. I. p. 446.
101 Erdmann, p. 439. 105 id. 23 D'Ohason, Vol. 1. p. 346, note.
10. Brotachneider, Notices, etc., p. 66, noto.

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MISCELLANEA.
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thought and action, and an enlargement of view romances of ballad makers, rather than the truththat had more than aught else to do perhaps ful experiences of ingenuous soldiers. Nor were with the social and mental revolution of the the crowds of captives, chiefly artisans, a less revival of learning. But what were the Cru- important, if a somewhat less picturesque, sades as an experience to the journey of Chinghiz element in the cavalcade. With them there and his troops ? Born and accustomed only went to the farthest East all the knowledge to the dreary steppe-lands of the Gobi desert, and craft possessed by the Muhammadans, and and its girdle of pine-covered mountains, their if we find the period of Mongol supremacy triumphant march led them through the very in China was one of revival in art and garden of Asia, among its most refined and manufacture, a period of great literary energy, cultured inhabitants, and through its most we must not forget what a number of names prosperous cities. Every step must have been in the administration of that period are Persian a new chapter of romance, such as boys in and Turkish ; and how the rubbing together England find in the Arabian Nights, and the of two widely different civilisations, which vast caravans of treasure that they carried have crystallised apart, such as those of China back with them must have been objects of and Persia, necessarily leads to & vigorous out. intense wonder to the wives and daughters of burst of fresh ideas and discoveries, & most the returning warriors, as the tales they told potent example of the law condensed for us in the of their adventures must have seemed like the venerable proverb that "iron sharpeneth iron."
MISCELLANEA. THE COINS OF THE IMPERIAL GUPTA the seal is attached was engraved at a time DYNASTY.
considerably later than that of the Gupta coins. The appearance, in the March number of this Moreover, on the seal the figure of Garuda Journal, of Mr. Fleet's interesting paper on the | is associated with the remaining emblemy of legends of the Gupta silver coins, and of a Vishņu,--the lotus, shell, and discus; whereas the friendly review of my essay on the gold coins, is bird-standard on the Gupta coins is not asa. a welcome proof that the publication of my ciated with any such emblems, and there is no Catalogue has produced its desired effect, in reason to think that Samudra Gupta and his stimulating the study of one of the most attrac- successors were specially addicted to the worship tive branches of Indian numismatics. The review of Vishnu. is in itself a most valuable contribution to numis. The bird on the standard may have been matic science, and adds much to our knowledge intended for Garuda, but I do not think it is of the Gupta coins.
proved that it was ao intended. As regards the bird-standard on the gold coins, Professor Percy Gardner suggested to me thut I am still not satisfied that it represents Garuda ; the bird on the copper coins may be a copy of but am now rather inclined to view it as being an the owl of Athene (AOHNAS NIKH+OPOY), w imitation of the Roman eagle. When examining seen on the coins of Pergamos. The suggestion the Gupta copper coins in the British Museum, seems a plausible one, and is supported by the neither Professor Gardner nor myself noticed other examples of imitation of Greek and Roman the human arms between the wings and legs of designs adduced in my essay, the bird on these coins; nor are they mentioned I accopt the correction of the name of Nara in in any of the descriptions of the copper coinage lieu of Nára, and admit that there is no authu. hitherto published. I cannot therefore feel quite rity for adding the name Gupta to the legend certain that the lines between the bird's legs and Nara- BALAditya. I also accept the reading gre wings on some of the coins, are really intended for the character between the king's feet on for human arms.
Nara-BalAditya's coins. The Rajim seal undoubtedly supplies a delinea- The letter " which is found between the king's tion of the Vaishnava monster Garuda; but I do feet on Vishņu.Chandråditya's coin, appears to not think that this seal can be fairly quoted as be the same character as that which occurs below evidence of the meaning of the bird-standard the horse on Prakâğiditya's coins. Possibly on the Gupta gold coins. Räjim is in the these detached letters may be mint-marks. Central Provinces, on the Mahanadt River, and the reviewer's reference to Mahoba, Kalinjar may very probably never have been included in the and Khajuraho, is due to # misunderstanding of Gupta dominions; and the inscription to which what I wrote.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
The question as to whether the founder of the dynasty was named Gupta or Srigupta, appears to me to be still an open one.
I must confess to having followed earlier authorities too implicitly with regard to Ghatotkacha. My critic has proved that the coins hitherto referred to this prince cannot be his; and I agree with him in thinking it probable that Ghatotkacha did not coin in gold. I believe that, as suggested in the review, these coins belong to the time of Samudra Gupta.
The goddess on the reverse strikingly resem. bles the standing goddess on the Aswamedhapieces,
As to these latter, I admit that it is not demonstrated that they were issued by Samudra
THE LIFE OF BUDDHA AND THE EARLY HISTORY OF HIS
ORDER. Derived from Tibetan works in the Bkahhgyur ond Bstan-hayur. Followed by notices of the early history of Tibet and Khotan. Translated by W. WOODVILLE ROCKHILL. (London: Trübner and Co., 1884).
Gupta; but it appears most probable that they
were.
To the already numerous Lives of Buddha that have appeared within the last twenty-six years, since the first edition of Bishop Bigandet's was published, Mr. Rockhill has added still another. Being a translation from the Tibetan, however, this volume has a special interest, and will be welcomed by scholars. The Tibetan Dulva or Vinayapitaka, which is probably the oldest and most trustworthy portion of the Bkah-hgyur, contains many historical or legendary texts, together with Játṭakas (several of which are not found in the Pâli versions), Avadanas, Vyakaranas or Prophecies, Sútras, and Udânas; and the first part of this volume presents us with a full and connected analysis, and frequently literal translations, of most of the former, and the more interesting of the latter. Especially important are the accounts of the Coun. cils of Rajagriha and Vaisali, and of the spread of Buddhism in Kasmir (pp. 148-180), taken from the eleventh volume of the Dulva, and which differ materially from the accounts previously translated from the Pâli and Chinese.
[JUNE, 1885.
Professor Tawney informs me that the name Ghatotkacha is familiar to him in Hindâ legend as the son of Bhima by Hidimbâ, and that the name occurs in the Mahabharata as quoted in the St. Petersburg Lexicon, thus ;
BOOK NOTICE.
घटी हास्योत्कच इति माता तं प्रत्यभाषत । अब्रवीत्तेन नामास्य घटोत्कच इति स्म ह ॥
The reference is to Mahabharata I. 197, in the Calcutta four-volume edition, which, however. Professor Tawney was unable to consult in order to verify the quotation.1
V. A. SMITH.
Basti, 15th March 1885.
compilation from that of Vasumitra, and from the Bhikshu-varshagrapricha, and has thus elucidated some obscurities in Vassilief's translation of Vasumitra's work, from which that of Bhavya materially differs.
Two chapters are devoted to the early histories of Bod-yul (Tibet), and Li-yul (Khoten), which are specially interesting; and, in an appendix, are given extracts from Bhagavati, XV., on the intercourse between Mahavira (i.e. Nigantha Nataputta) and Gosala Mankhaliputta-translated by Dr. Ernst Leumann, and on the doctrines of the Six Heretical Teachers, according to two Chinese versions of the Samana-phala Sútra, by Bunyiu Nanjio.
In his notes, Mr. Rockhill has given everywhere references to the parallel passages in other works on Buddhism and the life of its founder, which will be of great use to the reader. The Index of names is full, and the special index of Tibetan words with their Sanskrit equivalents will be of use to those who may wish to study the original Tibetan works.
4
Vassilief, in his unfinished work on Buddhism, has translated the Samayavadhóparachana chakra of Vasumitra, on the schismatic schools; and Mr. Rockhill has here added the Kayabhétro vibhanga of Bhavya, which immediately follows it in the Betan-hgyur, and treats of the same subject; and with the information contained in it, he has combined further particulars from the Samayabhédúparachana chakra of Vinitadêva, which is a
Throughout the book, however, we note a want of uniformity in the transliteration of Sanskrit names and words: the long vowels are marked, but not always, and not unfrequently wrongly, and the same word is spelt in more ways than one: thus we have the names of Buddha's three wives as Yaçôdhâra' and Yacôdhâra,' Gôpâ,' and Mrigadja' or 'Keissa Gautami;' and we find Adjatasatru,' 'isvara,' 'Jeta,' 'tchaitya' and chaitya,' Kachmere,' Gâyâ,' &c., 7 being represented by c. c, s, and ch; by dj and j; and by sh, ch, and tch, &c. This ought not to have been: uniformity at least, if not conformity to some of the systems in vogue among English scholars, should have been preserved.
1 [See also Fitz-Edward Hall's edition of Wilson's Translation of the Vishnu-Purana, Vol. IV. p. 159.-ED.]
4

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KUFIC ALPHABET FROM KABUL.
181
A MODERN ORNAMENTAL KUFIC ALPHABET FROM KABUL.
BY CAPT. R. C. TEMPLE. T URING the Kábul War of 1878-1880 a slip (3) Derived from him the slave, the sinner,
of paper, of which a full-sized facsimile the pilgrim (to Makka), the suppliant is given below, was picked up in the Amir's
for the mercy of God, Yahya, the public rooms on the 12th October, 1879, and after
preacher : (dated) the month of Juma - wards found its way into the possession of the dia'l-awwal, 1293 (June 1876). Rev. J. Hinton Knowles, of Srinagar, Kâs- The next two lines transcribe the heavy mir, who handed it over to me for disposal. black characters of the facsimile. These clearly It shows the alphabet of an ornamental modern represent a modernized' form of the Kufic variant of the Kûfic variety of the Arabic alphabet, written in an ornamental style. The character, and is accompanied by a description derivation of the letters from the mediæval in high-flown Persian, describing by whom and Kûfic is obvious, and their form is interesting why it was written.
for the following reasons : -It will be observed The transcription is as follows:
that the modern order of the Arabic alphabet, which is by no means the probable Kufie order, has been strictly followed, and a close inspection will show that every letter of the original has been carefully differentiated from its fellows. The last letter' I take to be the sukrin or sound-stop in Arabic. Now the modern Arabic
(1) الف و ب خط کوفی تا آخر تحریر شده
بحسب الحكم (2) حضرت مسقفي الممالك صاحب ادام الله
تعالی اقبالله وبركاته و (3) مشقه العبد العاصي الحاجي الرا جي
الى رحمة الله بعی واعظ کار گاه شهر
جمادی الاول ۱۲۹۳ (1) اب ت ث ج ح خ د ذ ر ز س ش ص
. ط ظ ع غ ف ق ک ل م ن و ه ض (2)
ظ غ letters .are not found in the me ث خ ذ ض
diæval Kafic at all, and of the rest one symbol did duty for the following pairs of letters, vix.
آف ق ا س ش ارزاج حاب ت
(1) A and B (in the) Kafi character, to the The medieval Küfic in fact had but 17
end, written according to the order (of) | symbols, with which all the sounds of the (2) The great Mustafta'l-Mamalik Sahib | Arabic language had to be expressed. The
(Chancellor of the Exchequer), may Al- forms of these are as under, and from a commighty God ever preserve his honour and parison the descent of the letters in the facsimile his prosperity !
will be clearly seen.
ل م (وه
ا ك ق
اسے بے د و ر م
البار

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JULY, 1885.
VIDYAPATI AND HIS CONTEMPORARIES.
BY G. A. GRIERSON, B.C.S. So little is known abont Vidy a pati, the shonld be added that even the genuine hymns most famous of the old Master-singers of Bihar, are in a Bangali recension ; i.e. they are that no excuse is needed for offering the follow. written down as they were recited by the Bangali ing very free translation of an excellent Bar- Chaitanya and his followers, who, not gåll preface to an edition of the Bangali re being acquainted with the Maithili dialect, cension of his works. I have endeavoured to altered the verbal inflections and nominal degive rather the spirit of the original than a clensions to suit the exigencies of Bangali literal translation, and have not scrapled to grammar. It is rarely, however, difficult to make excisions where it appeared necessary. correct the genuine ones, so as to get an As translator I do not consider myself respon- approximately pure text, as Vidyâpati's metre sible for every statement made in the article. is a guide which seldom fails, The Bangali At the same time, I have carefully checked and recension is very incorrect when judged by accept the responsibility for all that directly the rules of Maithili metre. bears upon Vidya pati and Mithila. Except An independent collection of Vidy â pati's where they are followed by my initials, the poems, collected by me in Mithila itself, has been footnotes are portions of the original articles. given in my Maithil Chrestomathy, published
Owing to the influence of Chaitanya, Vidya- by the Asiatic Society of Bengal. These have pati's poems obtained an immense popularity been printed exactly as they were recited by in Bengal, and were speedily compiled into the various singers, who retain a traditional written manuals of devotion, an honour to memory of the songs of their famous countrywhich they did not attain in their native country man. of Bihar. In Bengal too, numerous imitators For further information regarding Vidyasprung up, some using Vidy&pati's language and pati and his times, the student is referred to an name, and others writing under their own name article in the Bangali Magazine called the in Bangall. The result was a great mass of "Banga-Darsana," for 1282 (BS). Vol. IV. p. Vaishṇava poems by various authors, which 75; Mr. Beames' article in the Indian Antiquary, were finally collected, and arranged according Vol. IV. p. 299ff., also contains all that is to subjects in a series of Litanies or Samkir. important, and gives a résumé of the contents tanas, called the Vaishnava-Pada-Kalpataru. of the article in the Banga-Dariana, with his This has been printed at various times, the own valuable criticisms thereon. In another edition referred to in these pages being that of article in the Indian Antiquary, Vol. II. p. 37ff., Bêni Madhava Dé and Co., Saka 1788 Mr. Beames also gives an interesting account of (A.D. 1866).
the Baugali recension of our poet. The introFrom this collection various redactionsduction to the songs of Vidyâpati Thakur in the have been made at different times, in which th3 Maithil Chrestomathy may also be referred to. hymns have been arranged according to their The Vidyápati-Padávali, the introduction authors or supposed anthors. The best known of to which is now translated, is an excellent these is the Práchina-Kávya-Sarigraha, publish- expurgated reprint of the Bangali recension ed at Chunchara(Chinsura) by Akshaya Kumara with explanatory notes. Sarkar, in the Bangali year 1285 (A.D. 1878-79). The volume attributed to Vidya pati in this
TRANSLATION collection is of a very mixed character. While The history of ancient India is enveloped in containing a number of hymns undoubtedly deep obscurity ; none of its details can be written by Vidyapati, it also contains a great distinctly seen: hence it is improbable that any number certainly not written by him, and the
clear account can ever be given of the birth bulk is of very doubtful authenticity. It and childhood of the Bangali language.
Vidy&pati.Pad Avali, edited by Srt SArada Charana Mitrs; Caloutta, 71 Cornwallis Street, Sri Srischandra
Bhattacharya, Printer and Publisher.

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VIDYAPATI AND HIS CONTEMPORARIES.
183
The Bangali line of Sana' kings was not compelled to devote itself to marshalling armies for the repulsion of conquering Pagans; its efforts were rather directed to collecting "troops of pooms." At a time when the kings of Dehli, Âjmôr, Mêwar, and others were summoning up all their forces for a death struggle with the conquering flood of Musalman invasion, -when Mahmûd of Ghazni was engaged in breaking the images of the gods in a Western India soaked in the blood of Hindus,-the Sena kings of Bihar and Eastern Bengal, surrounded by the gems of their court, were tranquilly engaged day and night in the enjoyment of the pleasures of poetry. On one side of India the day of destruction of Hindû religion and Hindû rule had arrived, and bearded ghouls in the form of men were plundering hearth and home; while on the other side of India tho Sê na kings were peacefully listening to the honied accents of Jayadeva, soft and sweet as the clove-laden breeze of Malaya. They were great encouragers of learning, and their profound knowledge of Sanskrit is celebrated to the present day.
All invaders of the golden lands of India
had launched their attack from across the Indus, and had been compelled to content themselves with engaging with the western provinces. Alexander was obliged to return without crossing the Satadru; the Khalifa Walîd conquered Rajputânî and Gujarat and was satisfied ; Mimûn turned his back on Aryan land, after suffering several defeats in Rajputinâ; and Mahmûd of Ghazni was obliged to be content with conquering Kanyakubja. In short,-up to the year 1203, no invader had ever penetrated to Bengal; and hence the Sê na kings had no necessity for laying plans for the protection of their country. The country of Mithila' fell within their territories, and to the present day it is called Darbhanga, or the western door of the dominious of the Séna kings. In the height of Bengal's power, the flame of its poetry burnt brilliantly. Up to then no news of the approach of foes had reached the land, and in the midst of the timid Baugalis, who lay, as it were, enveloped in a profound sleep, arose, like the voice of a midnight lute, that song of the sweet poet Jaya deva, called the Gita-Govinda.
The Sena kings reigned in Bengal in the eleventh and twelfth centuries after Christ, their dynasty ceasing in A.D. 1203. They were extremely powerful, and, scoording to the Anashta-Sambidikdra, Lakshmana Sens reigned for twelve years as far as Dehll. Adisura was the first king of the race. It is uncertain in what year he wrested Bengal from the hands of the Pala kings. - [See, however, Dr. Rajendra Lala Mitra's paper on the PALS and Sina Dynasties, in the Jour. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. XLVII. 1878, Part I., p. 384.-G. A. G.)
• There is plenty of evidence that MithilA formed part of the kingdom of the Senas. At the present time Maithila Brahmans use the Bangalt alphabet, not strictly socurate, but sufficiently so for the purposes of the argument.-G. A. G. and the era of Lakshmana Séna. The ers of Lakshmana Sena is not current in Bengal, although it is so in Mithila. Darbhanga is a corruption of Dwira-banga, and AyodhyAPraslds, the historian of the Darbhanga Raj, has pointed out that Darbhaogh is the Western door of Bengal. This is the popular explanation, but I cannot believe it to be true. It is opposed to the rules of philology. I know of no instance in the modern languages of India, in which a b situated like the b of bangt, has become bh. It is a standard saying in Mithila that the derivation of the names of places and people should not be sought for, as they cannot be found.-G.A.G.)
• There is considerable difference of opinion as to the date of. Jayadeva. He was born in the village of Kenduvilva, on the north bank of the river Ajaya. The modern name of this village is Kedull, and here & yearly festival takes place in memory of the poet. Mr. Elphinstone says that Jayadeva lived in the 14th century: while Baba Rajant Kanta Gapta, the author of life of the poet, states that it may be admitted that he was born in the latter half of the 13th or former half of the 14th century, Professor Lassen maintains that his birth took place between the years 1100 and 1150, Professor Wilson calls him a follower of Ram Ananda, and fixed Ramananda's date as falling in the latter half of the 14th century or the former half of the 15th, and
in that case the Gita Govinda must have been written in the 15th century. In our opinion Jayadeva wu ono of the gems of Lakshmana Sena's court, which is supported by Professor Lassen's opinion. In the doorway of Lakshmana Sena's palaoa, a slab hua boon found in. soribed as follows:
गोवर्धनश्च शरणो जयदेव उमापतिः ।
कविराजश्व रत्नानि समिती लक्ष्मणस्य च ॥ "In the court of Lakshmana Séns, there were five Roma, vis. Govardhana, Sarana, Jayadeva, UmApati, and Kavirja." The opening lines of Jayadeva's poom contain some of the names of these gems, as follows:
वाचः पक्रवयत्युमापतिधरः सन्दर्भशुद्धि गिरां जानीते जयदेव एव शरणः इलाध्यो दुरूहहुतेः। शृंगारोत्तरसत्पमेयरचनैराचार्यगोवर्धनः
स्पर्धी को ऽपि न विश्रुत: श्रुतिधरोधोपी कवि:क्ष्मापतिः॥ (Not translated in the original. The translation in here given :"Umpati is prolix in his language, and Jayadeva alone knows how to give a regular coherenoo to his words, while Sarans is worthy to be praised for the use with which he composes difficult verses. The master Govar. dhana is famous for his compositions excellently describing the most perfeot love, and the poet Dhiyl, lord of the earth, is famous and without a rival." According to Maithil tradition there were two Jayadeva, vis. (1) the famous author of the Gita-Givinda and (2) & less known poet, who with Vidy&pati and Um&pati adorned the court of king Siva-Simha; see J. A. 8. B. p. 76, ap. number, Part I. 1984, Twenty-one Vaishnava Hymne, edited and translated by G. A. Grierson.-G.A.G.1.
A comparison of these two passages makes it certain that Jayadeva was a member of the court of Lakshmana Sens. His songe quickly spread throughout India. The colebrated poet of Rajasthana, Chand, in a cutalogue of

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
When we notice that this poem was written in Sanskrit, it must be considered that up to this time Bangali was held in little esteem; and in fact this was the case; the learned men of the country despised the local dialect, and were averse to using it. Lakshmana Sêna ruled in the twelfth century after Christ, at a time when Eastern India was blessed with peace. His kingdom had no need for preparations for battle, nor was it necessary to excite his subjects by the stirring strains of war-songs in the homely Doric of the people. He who sought for knowledge had leisure to study the abstruse technicalities of Sanskrit; nor was his mind distracted by the necessity of protecting his independence, his religion, or his land.
From the time of Lakshmana the garden of Bangali song commenced to wither, and in the reign of his grandson the two sisters, Prosperity and Poetry disappeared from the land. The same bigoted barbarians who set fire to the library of Alexandria, became masters of India; and with India's freedom, disappeared her Sanskrit civilization, and her collections of Sanskrit works. The thirst after knowledge which had existed in Bengal, the undying glory of Central India, the devotion paid to Sanskrit literature at the
Indian poets which he inserts in his epic [Chand, Prithi Raj Risau, Vol. I. p. 5.
जयदेव अठं कवो कम्बिराय ।
जिने केवल कित्तो गोविन्द गायं ॥ [G. A.G.]
mentions the name of Jayadeva the author of the Gita. Gvinda, and hence we must conclude that Jayadeva was anterior to Chand. Chand was contemporary with Prithvi Raj of Dehli, and was a courtier in attendance on Samarsi Raj of Chittor. Prithvi Raj and Samarat were overthrown in battle in 1193 A.D., and Chand's epic was written in the commencement of the 13th century. We must hence place Jayadeva early in the 12th century.
According to the Atn-i-Akbart, Lakshmans Sêna's father, the founder of the family, Ballala Sena, came to the throne in 1066 A.D., and according to the author of the Samaya-Prakasa this same Ballála Séna had a book written called the Dana-Sagara, in the Saka year 1011A.D. 1089. Ballála Séna lived for three years after this, and was succeeded by his son Lakshmana Sena, who therefore came to the throne in A.D. 1101. According to the Brahmana-Sarvasva, work written by Halayudha, the minister of Laksh mana Sena, this king appears to have reigned certainly more than five years. As stated by Abu'l-Fasl.-G.A.G.] -Halayudha states that Lakshmana Sena made him Court Pandit when he was a boy, that when he became a youth he was made prime minister, and that when he ceased to be a youth he was made Dharmadhikára, or Chief Justice. Such a series of events could only occur in a long series of years, and hence it is most unlikely that Lakshmana Sena could only have lived for five years. The compiler of these facts therefore prefers to doubt Abu'l Farl, and to fix the reign of Lakshmana Sena between the years 1101 and 1121 A.D.
[JULY, 1885.
court of king Bhôja, disappeared like a flash. of lightning.
Nearly all the polished works of the Pandits of the courts of Lakshmana Sêna and king Bhôja have been devoured by the fires lighted by the Musalmâns. Only here and there a famous book, which had spread abroad in many copies, was preserved from their hands, but the garden, which had been planted and tended for many thousand years, was devastated root and branch.
It is probable that not very long after this catastrophe, the Sanskrit-founded vernaculars of Northern India became a general means of communication, and hence we may fix their rise into importance as occurring in the thirteenth century after Christ. Similarly we see everywhere that the destruction of a nation. causes the uprisal of a new national language. The Vandals, Franks, and other barbarian races conquered Rome, and then, and not till then, do we find the Latin language abandoned, and its place taken by Italian and other modern languages. The Muhammadans conquered Persia, and since then the modern Persian has taken the place of Zend: and since the fall of ancient Turkey and Constantinople, we have only the modern Greek or Romaic language. So also in the place of our sacred tongue, Bangali,
Minhaju'ddin, the Musalman historian, states that in the year A.D. 1203 Bakhtiyar Khiljf conquered Bengal, At that time a king of the Sena dynasty, eighty years of age, entitled Lakshmaniya, sat upon the throne of Navadvipa. Who was this Lakshmaniya? It is diffi cult to decide the matter. Dr. Rajendra Lala Mitra maintains that "Lakshmaniya" is a corruption of the word Lakshmaneya [or Lakshmanêya, G. A. G.]-This would represent a king whose real name was Asoka Sêna, or Su Sêna, the son of Kava Séna, the son of Lakshmana Sina. In Dr. Mitra's opinion, Lakshmaniyå is formed by adding the patronymic affix -éya (s) to the word Lakshmana. On this point we are not able to give a decided opinion, but the affix -fya (s) cannot follow Lakshmana according to the rules of Sanskrit grammar. [See Mugdhabodha, 415. द्यतो ऽत्र्याबादेगंर्गादेर्नडादेः पितृष्वत्रादेरेवत्यादेः शेषाशिवादेः ष्णि ष्णेय ष्ण्य ष्णायन णीय ष्णिक ष्णा अपत्ये || The ण of
indicates vriddhi of the first syllable, hence we should expect Lakshmaneys and not Lakshmanya. According to Panini this suffix is called dhak (PA., 4, 1. 120-125. Siddh. Kau., Vol I. p. 506.)-G. A. G.] [This is the invariable tradition also in North-West India.-ED.]
King Bhôja reigned in Ujjayant in the middle part of the twelfth century. He endeavoured to follow in the steps of another famous king of Ujjayant, VikramAditya, and received in his court a multitude of learned men. Everyone knows how the Batrisa-Simhasana describes his efforts.
[Or rather Pahlavi.-G. A. G.]

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VIDYAPATI AND HIS CONTEMPORARIES.
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Hindi, Pañjábi and the Rajpat languages, mission would be, if he preached in difficult sprang up immediately after the Muhammadan Sanskrit, understood only by the upper classes. conquest. We do not mean that just at that But before A.D. 1203 we can find no trace time these languages were created; on the of any new religion being preached in contrary, for many generations back they that part of India governed by the Sênas." had been gradually developing from Prakrit, It is uncertain when the Bhagavata Purána, and taking their present form in the mouths and the Brahma-Vaivarta-Purána'became of the common people. Thus, many people well-known: even the date of the Sarikarasay that Bangali is derived from the Prakrit | Vijaya's cannot be fixed with certainty. And dialect called Ardha-Magadhs; and if that neither the author of the Bhagavata, nor of is the case, it has taken a thousand years the Brahma-Vaivarta, nor the illustrious Samto assume its present form. This Praksit kara ever tried to shake any person's faith in language was used by the common people, in his own religion. Râm ânuja and Madhthe affairs of every-day life; while the learned Vâ charya," it is true, had spread the Vaishconversed in the sacred tongue. According as nava religion throughout Southern India : and the Musalman empire extended, so did the they and their disciples had become powerful respect for those who studied Sanskrit de- in the 11th and 12th centuries, but there is no crease; the number of learned men became less proof of the seed of their faith ever having and less; the Persian speech became necessary, been planted in Bengal." They were Vaishand respect for it increased, and hence the dialects, navas, it is true, bat they inculcated the which op to this had been those of the lower worship of Ráma, and we have never heard of orders, with the aid of a slight admixture any worship whatever of Rama existing in Benfrom Persian sources, took a new body, and gal. There can be no doubt but that in the became employed by every one, high and low. tenth and eleventh centuries the Bhagavata
It may be considered, that as in the time and other similar books were much honoured of Luther the European languages, and espe- by Sanskrit scholars, and in that case the cially German, took a new form, so in many | narrative of the sports of Krishna would places a new religion has brought into necessarily have been deeply engraven in their existence with its doubts a new language, or hearts; but before the manifestation of Chai. that a new respect is paid to the language of tanya no one arose in Bengal filled with the the common people ; and, indeed, the apostles desire of converting the mass of the people of a new religion, in order to uproot the to his way of thinking. Hence, on a consiformer cult, and to plant the seed of a new deration of all these circumstances, we can faith in the soil of the hearts of the ignorant assume that, prior to the conquest of Bengal crowd, do betake themselves to a language by the Muhammadans, no sufficient reason had easily understanded of the people. If that arisen for changing the standard language
arisen for changing the sta were not so, how would Pali be celebrated of the country into that of the language comtwenty-five centuries after it had ceased to be a monly known as Bangals, and that no written written language. Buddha was far too clear- evidence has floated down to us along the sighted not to understand how unsuccessful his stream of time to prove that before that
10 [Bang All is certainly the offspring of MAgadht Prakrit. Bihari, on the oontrary, is descended from Ardha-Magadhl.-G. A. G.)
1 Somo say that the Bhagarata is the work of Vôpadeva, the author of the Mugdhabidha. Wilson and Colebrooke incline to this opinion, and consider that it Was written in the 13th century; but we can find no sufficient reason for such a theory. It is improbable that this, the best of all the Puranas, should have been written after the Muhammadan conquest.
1 According to Wilson this Puring was written in the 14th century. From internal evidence it appears to be a modern work.
13 M. Nibh (P) and Wilson place Sathkarkohárya in the 8th or 9th century.
1. The author of the Smriti-Kola-Taranga fixes Ramspuja's date as 1127 A.D. Wilson is of similar
opinion, vis, that he was born in the latter half of the 1ith century, and did not become famous till the 12th. Madhv Acharya is the celebrated author of the SarvaDariana-Sangrah. He also wrote many other works. He was a disciple of Ramanuja.
15 Wilson call Jayadiva a follower of Rámånanda ; and according to him Tulasid sa and Jayadeva were cf one faith. In our opinion, this is by no means the case. A reference to the Gita-Givinds will show that Jayadays in no way adored Vishnu in his incarnation of Ramachandra. The eleventh- tenth.-G.A.G.] book of the Bhagarats is the origin of the poem of Jayadeva, and he adored Vishnu under the form of Krishna. It is true that in the Chaitanya-Charitamrita and other books of that port, Rimananda is spoken of as an old master, but, simply on this account, it must not be surmised that his form of religion ever became prominent in Bengal

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occurrence, Bangali was the standard language itself up like a modest creeper, and the dialect, of the country."
which up to this time had been only a vehicle There are some who maintain that the of common talk, two hundred years subseBangali language dates from the time of the quently took a new form, and commenced to PÅla" kings.
trickle forth like honey in the writings of a The PÅla kings were Buddhists, and new line of poets. Mahipala was the most powerful of the line. Bengal, it is true, was ruled by the MuhamOwing to their power, and the oppression inadans, but the Muhammadan language, and displayed by them, the Brahmans of Bengal the Muhammadan faith never succeeded in were compelled to desert the country. It is entering the homes of the Bangalis. The not improbable that ander such a race of kings timid Bangali attended the funeral pyre of his the sacred tongue should have been held in freedom without & pang, but no persecution small esteem, and that in their time the could induce him to be a traitor to his Hind Bangali language took its present form.
religion and his Hindû customs. The NorthBat, be that as it may, we have proved this, Western provinces were directly under the that in Bengal for many centuries the Sans- feet of the emperor of Dehli, and there the kpit language was held in especial honour, that speech of the people speedily became more or up to the end of the twelfth century learned less adulterated with Arabic and Persian men used Sanskțit as the ordinary means of words, but our ancestors adopted but few communication, in the ordinary affairs of Persian forms, and hence their dialect became common life; and that if any old master had a little modified by the invasion, Bangali had book to write he wrote it in that language. departed little from its Sanskpit original, and Before the 12th centary no master ever had gradually it bocame a well-known and harmorecourse to the dialect of the vulgar in compos- nious language; and at length, in the court of ing a work dedicated either to amusement or to king Siva-Simha, Vidyâpati took the strains instruction. On the other hand, the Prakrit of the Cita-Gåvirda, sung so many years used by the common people in ordinary con- before the Muhammadan conquest, by the side versation became gradually altered in the of the waters of Ajay a, as they purled past ninth and tenth centuries, and under the rule Kenduvilva, and created a new and wonof the Buddhist Påla kings took a new form drous kind of lay." not essentially different from modern Bangali. The Afghans and Pathans had conquered Subsequently, under the Sanskrit influence | Bengal and Bihår; but' while good fighters of the Sena kings, this dialect received small they were wanting in intellect, and were encouragement, and Sanskrit, regaining its lost compelled to allow the burden of government ascendancy under the favouring influence of of their subjects to remain in the hands of the the dynasty, acted as a powerful drag upon its Hindås. These Hindu kings, as long as they development. But when once the field of acknowledged their submission to the Mughals Bengal was touched by the hand of the by the payment of an annual tribute, were Muhammadans, Sanskrit civilization closed practically independent. In some places the
16 The author here disonaRER the question of the Alphabet of the BrAhmans of Mithila, which is practically the mame as that of Bengal. He assumes that the Maithile Brahmans borrowed it from Bengal and on this supposition he founde arguments to prove that this borrowing must have takon place before the Muhammadan conquest. As, however, the basis of the argument is an assumption, and as the Maithils Brahmaos contend that the Bangalla borrowed the alphabet from them, it has not been thought necessary to translate this portion of the original, more especially as the subject is of small importance, and hardly comes within the scope of the present article.-G. A. G.)
11 It is impossible to say exactly when the PAla kings reigned. It is known that they were Buddhista, and there are traditions that they were in the habit of diverting Brahmans of the sacred thread. on sooount of which Bengal became deserted by them. It is said that for that reason Adiśüra was subsequently com
pelled to import Brahmans from Kanyakubja into Bengal. From the various inscriptions on copperplates found relating to them, it appears that Déva Pila. and Raja PALA, or rather Rajya Pala,-G.A.G.] were very great kinga. The name of Maht PAla is even more widely celebrated. In the year A.D. 1026 he established the Buddhistic religion in Bandros itself. In Dingjpur there is a tank, which is still called that of Mahipala, and to the present day there is proverb current:धानभान्त महीपालेर गीत, the song of Mahipala at paddy hunking, i.e. trying to do two things at once. - The principal town of the neighbouring district of Rangpur is also called Mahigan.-G. A. G.)
[It should be remembered that Vidy Apati wrote in Maithili, which in those days was as distinct from Benghll as it is now. This is evident from perusal of the works of Chandi Ds, a contemporary of Vidyapati, who wrote in pure Baugalt.-G. A. G.]

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Nawabs continued the old Hindû kings on their former thrones, and in others they appointed new Hindûs to be kings, but, in either case, once that was done, they never interfered as long as the tribute was paid. All these princes were warm encouragers of learning, and desiring to emulate the fame of Vikramâditya, Lakshmana Sêna, and Bhôja Raja, showed no niggard hand in encouraging preeminence in the knowledge of the Sastras. Their courts were the asylums of Sanskrit belles lettres and philosophy, and about this time many works, celebrated to the present day, were composed. They also gradually began to turn their attention to Bangali, and in a very short time poems in that language began to be composed. These vernacular poets were specially honoured by the princes, and the names of several of the most famous have come down to us. Vidyapati, Kavi Kankana, Râya Gunâkara, all these wrote their songs for the delight of these petty courts. The Emperor of Dehli's Viceroys at Gauda, Dhaka, and Murshidâbâd, surrounded by wanton dancing girls, and now and then taking a glance at the state of their treasury, lived like animals, engrossed in the enjoyment of sensual pleasures. They encouraged no kind of learning, either Persian, Sanskrit or Bangâli, while the subordinate Hindû princes were giving free grants of land to learned Brâhmans, were promoting their religion by erecting new temples and new images of their
19 [Bangalis to the present day maintain that Vidyapati wrote in old Bangali. It is hardly necessary to point out that this is not the fact. Maithili is as different from Bangall as Gujarati is from Hindi.-G.A.G.]
so Ayodhya Prasida has given this line in his history of Darbhanga as follows:
1. Bhava Simha (alias Bhavêsvara Simha) came to the throne A. D.
1348 1385 1446
1449 1458
1470 ......... 1471
1506 1520
1532
2. Dêva Simha
3. Siva Simha
VIDYAPATI AND HIS CONTEMPORARIES.
Lakhimâ Devi..
4.
5. Viśvisa Dêvi
6. Drabya Narayana (alias Nara Simha Dêva).
7. Hridaya Narayana (alias Dhira Simha) 8. Hari Narayana (alias Bhairava Simha) 9. Rúpa Narayana (alias Rama Bhadra)..... 10. Kamsa Narayana (alias Lakshminitha)..
...........................................................................................
[Ayodhya Prasida's history is in Urdu, and the names have been incorrectly read and given in the original. I give the correct names as found in the pañj of this family. I may add that Bhava Simha was third of the dynasty, and not the first. Cf. Appendix V. p. 196, post.-G.A.G.]
21 The Pañj is a book giving particulars concerning the kings and Brahmans of Mithila, and much useful information can be gathered from it.-[The Pañj is one of the most extraordinary series of records in
187
gods, and were living in the enjoyment of a pure happiness, immersed in the study of their sacred books and poems. Through their efforts and generosity, in two hundred years, the Bangali language made astonishing progress.
20
In this way Mithila (or Darbhanga), while nominally under the sway of the Muhammadans, was really governed by a race of Hindû kings. They were in every way similar to the feudatory kings of the present day. They acknowledged their subordination to the Emperor of Dehli, and paid him a yearly tribute, but in every other respect they were independent of him. From the year A.D. 1348 to 1549 Mithila was under a race of Brahman kings, 30 and the third [or rather sixth.-G.A.G.] of this race was king Śiva Simha, who came to the throne in A.D. 1446, and reigned for three years and nine months. According to the Páñj" Dêva Simha was his father, and Lakhimâ and Viśvâsadêvî his two wives. He was extremely celebrated, not only from the fact that Vidyapati mentions him in his poems, for his name is famous to the present day, and the people of Mithila have nowadays a proverb that he alone was entitled to be called a king."" Vidyapati attended the court of this famous king, and therefore we may consider that his poems appeared in the former half of the 15th century.
Vidyapati's father was Ganapati, the son of Jaya Datta, the son of Dhireśvara, the
existence. It is composed of an immense number of palm-leaf MSS. containing an entry for the birth and marriage of every pure Brahman in Mithila: they go back for many hundred years, the Pânjiars say for more than a thousand. These Punjiars, or hereditary genealogists, go on regular annual tours, entering the names of the Brahmans born in each village during the past year, as they go along. The names are all entered, as no Brahman can marry any woman who has not been entered in the pañj and vice versa. At certain conjunctions of the heavenly bodies large marriage fairs are held at Sauráth, Mahesi and other places, which are attended by the parents of marriageable. children, and these Piñjiars, after ascertaining from the pañj that the parties are not within the forbidden bounds of consanguinity, and that there is no other lawful impediment, the marriage contract takes places.G.A.G.]
पोखरि रजोखरी और सभ पोखरा
राजा सब सिंघ और सभ छोकड़ा
"The tank at Rajokhari is indeed a tank, all others are mere ponds: king Siva-Simha was indeed a king, all others are mere princelets."-[The translation given in the original is incorrect. I have accordingly corrected it. Rajökhart is the name of a village where there is a very large tank, said to have been dug by Siva-Simba.-G.A.G.]

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son of Dêvâditya, the son of Karmâditya."
In the year A.D. 1400 he was presented with the village of Bisapi," and to the present day this village is in possession of his descendants."5
Vidyapati died an old man, and was the author of many works, amongst them the Purusha-Pariksha." This work was translated into Bangâlî for the use of the students at Fort William College in Calcutta. The Durgabhakti-Tarangini, the Dánavákyávali, the Viváda-Sára, the Gaya-Pattana, and other works are said to have been composed by him. The Purusha-Pariksha was written during the reign of Siva-Simha, i.e. between A.D. 1446 and 1450." The Durgabhakti-Tarangini was written during the reign of Nara Simha Dêva," that is to say after A. D. 1472.
In the commencement of the DurgabhaktiTarangini it is stated that Vidyapati wrote the work during the reign of Nara Simha Deva, at the request of the prince Rupa Narayana. Nara Simha came to the throne in A. D. 1470 and as the grant of Bisapi was made in the year A. D. 1400, this work must have been written in the poet's old age."
The celebrated Vachaspati-Misra was writing at this time in Mithilà the Tattva
33 [The original gives Dharmaditya, which according to the Páñj is incorrect. Karmaditya's father was Hark ditys, the son of Vishnusarman, who is called the founder of the family, and who lived in the village called Bisap!, modern Bispht.-G.A.G.]
King Siva Simha gave him this village at a time when he was heir apparent to the throne. [The original here gives some untranslated extracts from the deed of endowment. I give the whole, with a translation in Appendix No. I. p. 190.-G. A. G.]
[Nand Thakur and Phani Lal Thakur, both 12th in descent from Vidyapatí. The latter of these two has lately died.-G. A. G.]
Vidyapati in the commencement and conclusion of this work, states that it was made during the lifetime of, and at the request of, Siva Sitha. [I give the opening and concluding lines with a translation in Appendix No.II. p. 191.-G. A. G.]
[Not the fact. It was written during the reign of Deva Siraha.-G. A. G.]
[Alias Hara Deva Narayana (Drabya Narayana.) -G. A. G.]
[Mr. Beames doubts if Vidyapati could have lived to such an age; and I myself am not by any means certain that these dates (which, with the exception of the date of the grant, which is certain, depend entirely on the authority of Ayodhya Prasida), are correct. I may point out, however, that one of the best Paplits in Mithila is over 80, and is now translating the Hitopada into Maithill for me. I give the opening lines of the Durgabhakti-Taramgint in Appendix No. III. p. 192.-G. A. G.]
[JULY, 1885.
Kaumudi, the Viváda-Chintamani, and other works. He was therefore a contemporary of Vidyapati, and an attendant at the court of Siva-Simba.
30 It is quite certain that Chandi Disa dwelt in Birbhum. The village of Nannûr is shown as his abode, where an image and temple of his patron_goddess Barneuli Thakurant is still shown, and where there are many legends concerning him. There are several poems concerning the interview of the two poets.-[The original
We have already stated that Chandi Dasa was a contemporary of Vidyapati, and had also made his name famous by writing songs describing the sports of Krishna. Each hearing of the other's fame, they had an interview which has been celebrated in several poems. The legend runs that the interview took place on the banks of the Bhagirathi. Chandi Dâsa lived in the village of Nannûr in Birbhûm; which gave rise to the tradition that Vidyapati was also born either in Birbhum or Bâmkura.
80
The collection of Vaishnava songs called the Pada-Kalpataru contains several songs by one Rapa Nârây ana, and it is most likely that he and Śiva-Simha were not the same person; although Vidyapati in many of the Bhanitás of his songs gives Śiva-Simha the title of Rapa Narayana. That the word Rapa Narayana was used as a title there can be no doubt, and there is not a single song of Vidyapati's from which it be gathered that they were two different persons. In one place the poet
can
here gives some extracts from poems in the VaishnavaPada-Katpataru. The whole of the poems, with a translation, are given in Appendix. IV. p. 193.-G. A. G.] 32 चीरजीव बहु पंचगौडेश्वर कवि विद्यापति भाण ॥ [but this is only found in the Bangali recension of Vidyapati, and is not known in Mithila.
I have collected most of the songs of Vidyapati current in Mithila, and they have been published by the Asiatic Society of Bengal in my Maithil Chrestomathy. In these the following are the Bhanitas in which Vidyapati's patrons are mentioned:
(1.) (Vid. 6, 14, and 41.)
राजा सब सिंघ रूप नरायन
लखिमा दई प्रति भाने ||
(Vidyapati) sings in the presence of king Siva Simha Rapa Narayana, and his queen Lakhima. (2.) (Vid. 24, and 82.)
रसमय विद्यापति कबि गाव ।
राजा सब सिंध बुझ रस भाव ॥
Vidyapati the poet sings a song of love, and king Siva Simha understands it.
(8.) (Vid. 30, and 73.) भनी विद्यापति प्रहो रस जान
राय सिब सिंघ लखिमा विरमान
Vidyapati says king Siva Simha, and Lakhim his queen, know this love.
(4.) राजा सिव सिंघ रूप नरायण
प्राणवती कंठहार

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VIDYAPATI AND HIS CONTEMPORARIES.
189
calls Siva Simha, the Pancha-Gaudeávars, girathi is the child of the faithful, and that or lord of the five Gaudas. r'rom this it may
there was no reason why it should not come be imagined that Siva Simha was a Bangli to him, instead of his going to it. As he thus monarch; but it is impossible to imagine that, thought, he there and then sat down, and under the Muhammadan rule, any Hindi king immediately the Bhagirathi, dividing itself into could conquer the whole of Bengal; hence the three streams, spread out its waves up to the epithet must not be taken literally, but only very spot where the poet was sitting. Joyfully as signifying the extreme power and excellence gazing on the sacred waters, Vidyâpati laid of this king over other kings.
himself down and died. A Siva-Linga sprang Nothing more is certainly known about op where his funeral pyre had been. That Vidyâpati; there are some legends about him, Linga and the marks of the river are seen but they are hardly deserving of confidence. To to this day, and for all these reasons the place satisfy the curiosity of our readers we give has become famons. It is in the northern two of them.
part of the town of Bâzitpur, on the north (1.) “The emperor of Dehli carried off side of the river Bhagirathi (Ganges) about king Siva Simha to his capital in order to five kós from the town of Barh." punish him for some offence. Vidyapati hear. That Vidyapati was a devout follower of ing this hastened to Dehli to release him, and the Bhagavata Purana there can be no doubt. entering into the presence of the emperor In the year of Lakshmana Sena 349 ( A.D. declared his ability to see things hidden from 1456) he copied out the whole of this work him, as well as if they were before his eyes with his own hand, and this copy is still in Hearing this, and in order to test him, the possession of his descendants. In fact, in the emperor ordered him to be tightly fastened ap 12th and 13th centuries after Christ, the in a wooden box. In the meantime he made a Vishnu-Purána, the Brahma-Vaivarta-Purána, number of women of the town bathe in the the Bhagavad-Gitá, and Bhagavata-Purána river and afterwards go home, and then send had greatly altered the Hindå religion. In ing for the poet told him to describe what had Bengal the Sakta and Tantrik forms of wor. bappened on the banks of the Yamani.
ship had been powerful, but on the publication Vidyapati by the favour of the lotus feet of of these few books the number of their folhis guardian deity, although he had not seen lowers began to decline. Men who lived in what had occurred, described it exactly as if he the reign of Lakshmaņa Séna, had probably had seen it."
began to worship Vishņu under the form of The legend goes on to say, that the emperor, Rådhå and Krishna, and their chief guides Beeing Vidyâpati's superhuman power re- were the works of the Jayadova and Murari. leased king Siva Simha, and gave the poet the Shortly afterwards Birbhům and Mithild provillage called Bisapi. Bat king Siva Simha duced Chapdi Dasa, and Vidyâ pati, and they, himself gave this village to the poet, and the being devoted to the praise of the sports of deed of endowment has already been quoted. 1.Radh and Krishna, had recourse to the com
(2.) “Vidyâpati, feeling that his end was mon vernaculars, and thereby relieved the near, determined to visit the Ganges. On the
pent up aspirations of their souls. Not long way he began to consider that the holy Bha
afterwards, the moon of Navadvipa, the
King Siva Sitha Rapa Nárkymo, and Prapavati his necklace. (5.) (Vid. 61.) भनहि विद्यापति सुनु परमान |
बुधु चिप राघव नव पचोबान || Vidyapati says, "Hear, and take it for granted, king Raghava understands young love. (6.) (Vid. 75.) राजा सिब सिघ मन दय सबनी
मोदवती देव कन्त
O Friend, king Siva Simnha, the beloved of queen Módavati pays attention,
(7.) (Pid. 76.) मोदवती पति राघव सिंघ गति
कवि विद्यापति गाई Vidy&pati singa, "Raghava Simha, the lord of Modevatt, is my refuge."-G. A. G.)
(By reciting a song descriptive of a woman return. ing from her bath, in the Maithilt dialect, which is ertant to this day. It is the first in my edition of his songs.-G. A. G.]

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lord Chaitanya himself appeared, intoxi- | that for reasons which need not be detailed cated with the sweetness of their strains in here, I have been unable to get possession of prose and verse.
the actual copperplate. I managed, however, In the time of Vidyâpati, Bengal and Mithilâ to get a carefully corrected copy. It has never, were not distinct as they are now. Then the I believe, been published. castoms and language of both countries were
श्रीगजरथपुरात् समस्तप्रक्रियाविराजमान-श्रीमद्राnearly the same, and the learned men of each
मेश्वरीवरलब्धप्रसाद-भवानीभक्तिभावनापरायण-रूपनwere on mutual terms of good feeling. From the writings of the 14th and 15th centuries,
रायण-महाराजाधिराज-श्रीमच्छिवसिंहदेवपादास्समरwhether in Bangalî or Sanskrit, it is evident विजयिनो जरैल-तपायां बिसपीग्रामवास्तव्यसकललोthat the Bangali Pandits did not look upon the कान् भूकर्षकाँश्च समादिशन्ति । ज्ञातमस्तु भवताम् । the Maithili Pandits as forming a distinct caste.
ग्रामोऽयमस्माभिः समक्रियाभिनवजयदेव-महापण्डितThe Eastern Bangalis adopted Vidyâpati's songs almost 2.9 soon as they were written,
ठकुर-श्रीविद्यापतिभ्यः शासनीकृत्य मदत्तो। ग्रामand amongst men of taste the foreign Vidya- कस्था यूयमेतेषां वचनकरी भूकर्षकादिकर्म करिष्यpati was preferred even to the Bangili Chandi | थेति ॥ लसं २० श्रावण सदि ७ गरी॥ Dåsa. We ceased to call him a Maithila poet, but, calling him a Bangali, gave him unhesi
श्लोकास्तु।। tatingly a niche in the temple of our hearts. अब्दे लक्ष्मणसेनभूपतिमते वहिग्रहयतिते । The language of the songs of Vidyapati which are found in the Pada-Kalpataru, differ
मासे श्रावणसञ्जके मुनितिथी पक्षेऽवलक्षे गुरी। somewhat from the language of those songs
वाग्वत्यास्सरितस्तटे गजरथेत्याख्यापसिद्धे पुरे । of his which are current in Mithila”; but,
दित्सोत्साहविवृद्धिवाहुपुलकः सभ्याय मध्ये शुभम् ॥१॥ whether knowingly or unknowingly, all we प्रज्ञावान् प्रचरोवरं पृथुतराभोग नदीमातृकम् । who meditate on the sports of Krishna, whether
Krishna, whether | सारण्य ससरोवरं च बिसपीनामानमासीमतः । poets or worshippers, have placed him on the
श्रीविद्यापतिशर्मणे सुकवये पुत्रादिभिर्भुजताम् । throne as prince of poets, and claimed him as our own, although he belonged to another
स श्रीमान् शिवसिंहदेवनपतिमं ददे शासनम् ॥२॥ land. In imitation of him Govinda Dasa, येन साहसमयेन सत्रिणां तुङ्गवाहवरपृष्टवर्तिना । Krishna Disa, Narottama Disa, Jiana Dasa, | अश्वपत्तिबलयोर्बलं जितं गज्जनाधिपतिगौड़भभुSri Nivas, Narahari Disa, and other Vaish
जाम् ॥ ३॥ nava poets, have sung their lays, and made their names famous thereby, and he will be
रौप्यकुम्भ इव कज्जलरेखा श्वेतपद्म इव शवलवल्ली। long honoured at the head of the roll of Baigan | यस्य कीर्तिनवकेतककान्त्या म्लानिमति विजितो हरिpoets. Even when the sun of the Hindi | णाङ्कः ॥४॥ religion has set, when belief in faith in | द्विषन्नपतिवाहिनीरुधिरवाहिनीकोटिभिः Krishna, and in that medicine for the " disease of existence," the hymns of Krishna's love, is
| प्रतापतरुवृद्धये समरमेदनी प्लाविता।। extinct, still the love borne for the songs of
समस्तहरिदङ्गनाचिकुरपाशवासक्षम Vidyapati in which ho tells of Krishna and | सितमसरपाण्डुर जगति येन लब्धं यशः॥५॥ Radha, will never be diminished.
मतङ्गजरथमदः कनकदानकल्पद्रुमTRANSLATOR'S APPENDICES. स्तुलापुरुषमद्भुतं निजधनः पिता दापितः । No. I. NOTE 24, p. 188.
मुखानि च महात्मना जगति येन भूमीभुजा The following is the deed of endowment | परापरपयानिायाम
परापरपयोनिधिः प्रथममैत्रपात्रं सदा ॥ ६ ॥ granting Bisapi to Vidyapati. It happened | नरपतिकुलमान्यः कर्णशिक्षावदान्यः
33 He was born in 1401 Saka= A.D., 1484 as the old ____" [This is not the fact as regards the language. The rhyme says,
BangAll of Chandi Dasa is quite a different language चौहशत सात शके जन्मेर प्रमाण |
from the Maithill of Vidy&pati, and they were contemचोदशत पन्चाने हइला अन्तधान
poraries.-G.A.G.] फाल्गुण पूर्णिमा सन्ध्याय प्रभर जन्मोदय |
" [Only four or five of the songs in the Pada-Kalpaसेइ काले देवजोग चन्द्रर ग्रहण हय ||
taru are known in Mithil.-G. A. G.] -Chaitanya-Charitāmrita I. 17..

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VIDYAPATI AND HIS CONTEMPORARIES.
191
परिचितपरमार्थों दानतुष्टार्थिसार्थः ।
tens of millions of rivers of the blood of the निजचरितपवित्रो देवासंहस्य पुत्रः
armies of kings who were his enemies; and
who thus gained a glory in the universe, brilस जयति शिवसिंहो वैरिनागेन्द्रसिंहः ॥ ७॥
liant as a mass of whiteness, and able to ग्रामे गृह्णन्त्यमुष्मिन् किमपि नृपतयोहिन्दवोऽन्ये तुरुक्का |
clothe the tresses of all the (female)-quarters of गोकोलं स्वात्ममांस सहितमनुदिनं भुजते ते स्वधर्मम् । the earth. ये चनं ग्रामरत्नं नृपकररहितं पालयन्ति प्रताप
(6.) His father was a giver of elephants and स्तेषां सत्कीर्तिगाथा दिशि दिशि सुचिरं गीयतां वन्दि- chariots, and a wishing-tree of golden gifts;
and through him he gave out of his own F: 11211
wealth, a wondrous gift equal to his father's) 201 EG 9896 83791 THT! weight in gold. By him, high-minded ruler of From Gajarathapura.-The victorious feet the earth, happiness was created, and the of king Siva-Simha, illumined with all pre- recipient of his first friendship was the eastern rogatives, who has obtained favoar by a boon and western sea (for no one else was worthy at the hands of Râmèśvari, who is intent on of it). encouraging the faith of Bhavani, Rupa NA- (7.) Honoured amidst the race of kings, rayana, order and command all inhabitants and skilled in the science of archery, knowing the cultivators of Bisapi in Pargana Jarail, as chief end of man, pleasing with his gifts the follows:- Be it known to you that this village crowd of applicants for his favours, pure in is given by us to the great Pandit Sri Vidyâ- habit, such is he, Siva Simha, the son of Dêva pati Thakkura, glorious as a new Jayadeva. Simha, as, like a lion, he overcomes the eleAccording to his commands must ye cultivate. phants of his enemies. Thursday, 7th of the light half of Srávaņa,
(8.) If any Hindû or Musalman king ever L. S. 293 (=A. D. 1400).
annex this village, may he eat, together with
his own flesh, that of cows and pigs according Verses.
to his religion; while as for those who protect (1 and 2.) In the year 293 called after Laksh
this jewel of a village from the royal tax, may mana Séna, in the month called Srâvana, on the song of their good fame be sung by crowds the seventh lunar day, in the light half of the
of poets for ages in every land. moon, on Thursday, the wise and illustrious
No. II. Note 26, p. 188. king Siva Simba Dêva, the hairs of whose
The opening and concluding lines of the arms bristled with the desire of giving, in the Purusha-Pariksha are as follows:- They have midst of his famous city known as Gajaratha, never, I believe, been printed before. They are gave to the excellent poet Sri Vidy&pati Sar. taken from a correct copy in the possession of man, and to be enjoyed by his children, that BAbů Bambi-Dhari Simha, of Raghabpur, in the village on the banks of the Vågvati known as
Darbhanga District. Bisapi, up to its borders, with much cultivated
OPENING LINES. lands, of wide extent, watered by rivers, endowed with woods and tanks.
ब्रह्मापि यां नौति नुतः सुरेण (3.) By whom, courageous, sacrificer to
Sou rce : 1 the gods, and riding on the backs of excellent यां ध्यायति ध्यानगतोऽपि विष्णुelephants (?), the armies, horse and foot sol
स्तामादिशक्तिं शिरसा प्रपद्ये ॥१॥ diers of the kings of Gajjana and Gauda were
वीरेबु मान्याः सुधियां वरेण्यो conquered."
(4.) The brilliancy of the fresh kétaka- विद्यावतामादिविलेखनीयः। flower of whose glory has conquered the moon, श्रीदेवसिंहक्षितिपालसनुand made it to fade, even as a silver jar is net sfrace: 1111 dimmed by collyrium, or a white lotus by a
शिशूनां सिद्धयर्थ नयपरिचितेनूतनधियां trailing saivala-plant.
(5.) By whom, for the increase of the tree Te R i HashTYTI of his glory, the battle-field was soaked with Sale: HC Parafheralata:
3. The original of this line is very obscure and is probably incorrectly written in my copy.

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morals.'87
कथाना प्रस्ताव विरचयति विद्यापतिकविः ॥ ३॥
CONCLUDING LINES. नयानुबोधेन गुणन वापि
"(6.) He whose pure grandfather (on the
banks) of the Vågvati, king Bhava Simha Deva, कथारसस्यापि कुतूहलेन ।
adorned with two wives, left his body, in the बुधो पि वैदग्ध्यविशुद्धचेताः
presence of Siva, and went to heaven, after प्रबन्धमाकर्णयतां न किम्मे ॥ ४ ॥
having enjoyed the blessings of his kingdom, पुरुषाः परिचीयन्ते युक्तेरस्याः परीक्षया ।
and after having conquered the universe, and
slain his enemies in battle, offering oblations to तत्पुरुषपरीक्षायां कथा सर्वजनमिया ॥ ५ ॥
fire according to the rules of sacrifice, and supCONCLUDING LINES.
porting suppliants by his wealth. भुक्त्वा राज्यमुखं विजित्य हरितो हत्त्वा रिपून सारे
"(7.) Whose father, Deva Sinha, a conहुत्वा चैव हुताशनं मखविधौ भृत्वा धनैरर्थिनः । queror in battle, in whom all worthy qualiवाग्वत्याः भवसिंहदेवनृपतिस्त्यक्त्वा शिवाग्रे वपुः ties were collected, is now alive (भाति), who पूतो यस्य पितामहः स्वरगमहारद्यालङ्कृतः ॥ ६॥
dug the tank of Sankuripars, and was skilled
in granting gifts of gold, elephants, and सकुरीपुरसरोवरक हेमहस्तिरथदानविदग्धः । chariots. भाति यस्य जनको रणजेता देवसिंहगुणराशिः॥७॥
"(8.) He who, after gaining glory in a
terrible battle with the king of Ganda and यो गौड़ेश्वरगज्जने खररणे क्षौणीषु लब्ध्वा यशः
with him of) Gajjana, is conducting it to its दिक्कान्ताचयकुन्तलेषु नयते कुन्दस्य दामास्पदम् । home in the white kunda-flower in the ringlets तस्य श्रीशिवसिंहदेवनपतर्विज्ञपियस्याज्ञया
of all the ladies of the quarters. ग्रन्थं (something illegible) नीतिविषये विद्यापति- "(10.) At the order of this Sri Siva
Simha Dêva the king, the friend of the learned ातनोत् ॥८॥
Vidyapati compiled this ...... treatise on OPENING LINES. (1.) That primeval Sakti which Brahman |
No. III. Nors 29, p. 188. even, praised by the other gods, praises, which
The following are the opening lines of the Siva, worshipped by them, worships, and which
Durgábhakti-Tarangini. They have never yet, Vishnu, meditated upon by them, meditates
I believe, been printed. I have taken them apon, I salute. " (2.) May Sri Siva Simba Deva, the son of
from a good copy in the possession of the
gentleman from whom I obtained a copy of the Dåva Sri Deva Simha, honoured amongst
Purusha-Pariksha. heroes, excelling among the learned, worthy to be written first amidst the wise, live long. | अभिवाञ्छितसिद्धयर्थ वन्द्रितो यः सरैरपि। " (3.) For the accomplishment of the moral
सर्वविघच्छिदे तस्मै गणाधिपतये नमः ॥१॥ instruction of children of unripe understand ing, and for the delectation of city women
भक्त्या नम्रसुरेन्द्रमौलिमुकुटमारभारतारस्फुरन् devoted to the enjoyment of love, at the com- माणिक्यातिपुचरन्जितपदवन्दारविन्दश्रियः । mand of Siva Simha the king, Vidyapati the
देव्यास्तक्षणदैत्यदर्पदलना सच्चित्महष्टामरpoet fearlessly at once commenced the compilation of these tales.
स्वाराज्यप्रतिभूतविष्णुकरुणा गम्भीरदृक् पातु वः ॥२॥ "(4.) Will not also the Pandit, whose in
अस्ति श्रीनरसिंहदेवमिथिलाभूमण्डलाखण्डलो tellect has been made clear by his intelligence," hear my work, either for the sake of the
| भूभृन्मौलिकिरीटरत्ननिकरमयर्चिताङ्किद्धयः। advantages to be gained by an acquaintance
आपूर्वापरदक्षिणोत्तरगिरिमाप्तार्थिवाञ्छाधिकwith morais, or from a curiosity regarding the elegance of the stories.
स्वर्णक्षौणिमणिप्रदानविजितश्रीकर्णकल्पद्रुमः॥३॥ " (5.) Men are recognised by the touch- विश्वख्यातनयस्तदीयतनयः प्रौढप्रतापोदयः stone of inferenee (from these stories), and therefore the "Touchstone of Men" will be
सामाङ्गणलब्धवरिविजयः कीाप्तलोकत्रयः। "pleasing to every person,"
| मर्यादानिलयः प्रकामनिलयः प्रज्ञाप्रकर्षाश्रयः » Note that Deyn Simha was alive when this was written.

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VIDYAPATI AND HIS CONTEMPORARIES.
198
श्रीमद्भपतिधीरसिंहविजयी राजत्यमोघक्रियः॥४॥ who has completed the study of the scriptures शौर्यावर्जितपञ्चगौडधरणीनाथोपनम्रीकृता
and the performance of sacrifices, in battle नेकोत्तुगतरासङ्गितसितच्छत्राभिरामोदयः।
destroying the kings of his foes, as it were
Narayana in visible form destroying Kamsa," श्रीमद्वैरवसिंहदेवनृपतिर्यस्यानुजन्मा जय
for the benefit of the three worlds, this excellent त्याचन्द्रार्कमखण्डकीर्तिसहित: श्रीरूपनारायणः ॥ ५ ॥
monarch gave the order to VidyApati, and देवीभक्तिपरायणः श्रुतिमखपारब्धपारायणः
compiled (through him) á manual on the festival सङ्ग्रामे रिपुराजकंसदलनप्रत्यक्षनारायणः ।
of Dunyi, according to the maxims found in
other works. विश्वेषां हितकाम्यया नृपवरोऽनुज्ञाप्य विद्यापति
No. IV. NOTE 30, p. 188. श्रीदुर्गोत्सवपद्धति स तनुते दृष्ट्वा निबन्धस्थितिम् ॥ ६॥
The following four hymns occur on p. 270 "(1.) Salutation to Ganesa, who is praised
| of the Vaishnava-Pada-Kalpataru. They treat even by the gods for the sake of the accom
of the meeting of Chandi Dasa and Vidyâpati. plishment of their desires, and who is the
The first two may possibly be by Vidyapati, at cutter away of all impediments.
least hey are written in Maithili, and have only "(2.) May thedeepglance (which destroyed
been slightly altered into Baugali. I have not instantaneously the pride of the Daityas, and hesitated to restore the text into the original which beams tenderly upon Vishnu who
language, which was not a matter of any diffi. standeth bail (?) for the heavenly kingdom of
culty. The last two are probably by some the immortals delighting in Brahman,) of Davi, Bangali imitator of Vidyapati, and could never the glory of the lotus of whose feet is adorned
have been written by our poet. They are in by the collective brilliancy of the gleaming
Bangall, with a few pseudo-Maithili forms jewels gurmounting the head-dress of Indra
inserted, to give a foreign air to the language. bending low in faith before her, protect you.
I have, therefore, given them as they are "(3.) There is a king, Sri Nara Simba
printed in the Pada-Kalpataru. A few Dåva, the Indra of the land of Mithild, whose
alterations have been rendered necessary, owfeet are honoured by the jewel-studded turbans
ing to the change of alphabets; for the Bangalt of other lords of the earth, conquering the
system of spelling certain sounds is different fabled generosity of the wishing tree of Karna
from that which is customary in the Dévaby his gifts of gold, land, and diamonds, of
någari alphabet. I am responsible for the which his suppliants, whether they came from
translation. In the last two hymns the meanthe east or west, north or soath, obtained more
ing is sometimes very doubtful. than even they desired.
चण्डि दोस बिंद्योपति ?हुँ जन पीरिति " (4.) His son, famed throughout the
प्रेम मुरति मय काँति । universe, and whose might is on its increase, जे कयल ९हुँ जन लीला गुन बरनन conqueror as he is of his enemies in the battlefield, and glorified throughout the three worlds,
__निति निति नय नय भाँति ।। the abode of honour, the abode of delight, the ९हुँ गुन सुनि चित हुँहुँ उतकण्ठित refuge of the excellence of knowledge, the
दुहुँ ईंह। दरसन लागि । king Dhîra Simha, reigns, a conqueror whose
'९हुँक रसिकपन सुनि सुनि दैहुँ जन actions never are in vain. __“ (5.) Whose younger brother Bhairava
हुँ हिय हुँहु रहु जागि। Simha Dôva, the king, having subdued the
निज निज गीती लिखि बहु भेजल cowardly lords of the five Gandas, and thus on ___ ताहि अति प्रारति भेल । many high waves (of glory) having raised the
राधा कान्हुक प्रेम रस कौतुक beauty of his white umbrella, conquers with an
ताहि मगन भै गेल ॥ uninterrupted fame reaching to the rays of the moon, Sri Rapa Nárå yana.
निज निज सहचर रसिक भगत बर "(6.) Devoted to the worship of Devi, and
ता सँगै करत बिचार।
The writer in the Banga.Dariana, mistaking the meaning of the text, says that Rapa Nárkyapa conquered . king called Kansa.

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ताहि निति नबीन परन सुख पात्रोत
सुनतहि रूप नरायन । आनन्द प्रेम अपार ॥
कह बिद्यापति इह रस कारन रूप नरायन बिजय नरायन
लछिमा पद करि ध्यान ।। बैद्यनाथ सिब सिङ्घ । मीलन भावि दुहुँक करु बरनन
रसेर कारन रसिका रसिक ___तसु पद कमल भिरिङ्ग ॥
कायाटि घटने रस ।
रसिक कारन रसिका होयत चण्डि दास सुनि विद्यापति गुन
जाहाते प्रेम बिलास ॥ दरसन भेल अनुराग।
स्थलत पुरुषे काम सुक्ष्म मति बिद्यापति तब चण्डि दास गुन
- स्थलत प्रकृति रति । _ दरसन भेल अनुराग ॥
दुहुँक घटने जे रस होयत ईई उतकण्ठित भेल
एबे ताहा नाहि गति ।। माहि रूप नरायन केबल
दुहुँक जोटन बिनहि कखन बिद्यापति चलि गेल ।
ना हय पुरुष नारि। चण्डि दास तब रहइन पारइ
प्रकृति पुरुषे जे किछु हायत चललाहिं (? चललन्हि) दरसन लागि ।
- रति प्रेम परचारि ॥ पन्थहि ९हुँ जन हुँ गुन गारोल
पुरष अबशः प्रकृति सवश दैहुँ हिय हुँहुँ रहु जागि ।
___ अधिक रस जे पिये। देबहि हुँ हुँ हूँही दरसन पाओल
रति सुख काले अधिक सुखहि लखइ न पारइ कोइ।
ता नाकि पुरुषे पाये। हैं ₹ही नाम सबने तहिं जानल
दुहुँक नयने निकसये बाण रूप नरायन गोइ ।।
बाण जे कामेर हय ।
रतिर जे बाण नाहिक कखन ममय बसन्त याम दिन माझाह
- तबे कैसे निकसय ।। बट तले सुरधुनी तीर ।
काम दावानल रति जे शीतल चण्डि दास कबि रज्जने मिलल
सलिल प्रणय पात्र ।। पुलक कलेबर गीर ।।
कुल काट खड़ प्रेम जे आधेय
पचने पिरिति मात्र । दुहुँ जन धैरज धरइ ना पार मगहि रूप नरायन केबल
पचने पचने लोभ उपजिया
जब भेल द्रबमय । दुहुँक अबस प्रतिकार ।।
सेइ बस्तु एबे बिलासे उपये धैरज धरि दुहुँ निभृते आलापइ"
ताहाके रस जे कय ।। पुछत मधुर रस कि । रसिक हइते किये रस उपजायत
भणे विद्यापति चण्डि दास तथि रस हइते रसिक कहि ।
रूप नरायन सङ्गे।
दुईं आलिङ्गन करल तखन रसिका हइते रसिक किये होयत रसिक हइते रसिका।
भासल प्रेम तरङ्गे॥ रति हइते प्रेम प्रेम हइते रति
TRANSLATION.
1. किये काहे मानब अधिका ।।
The mutual love of Chandi-Dasa and Vidyaपुछत चण्डि दास कबि रजने
pati is the presentation of love itself in all its 39 Half a line is missing here. 0 Here again half s line is missing.
and is fall of Bang&It expressions, e.g. us the siga "From this verse to the end the metre is hopeless. It of the ablative; Vidy&pati could never have written this. Gabad imitation of Vidyspati, by some Baigalf imitator, I किये inthe Baigat way of writing the Maithilt किप.

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JULY, 1885.)
VIDYAPATI AND HIS CONTEMPORARIES
195
beauty, for both over told the tale of Krishna's sports in ever-varying methods.
Each hearing of the virtues of the other became anxious for an interview; each hearing of the other's power in love, the heart of each woke up.
Each wrote songs and sent them to the other, and thereby increased his pangs; yet, as the songs of each dwelt on the loves of Radha and Krishna, each was plunged into a sea of joy.
Each discussed the matter with his companions who were full of faith and love, and thereby each continually obtained a new happiness; nay, unlimited joy and love.
Rûpa-Nariyaņa, Vijaya-Narayaņa, VaidyaNatha, Siva-Sinha, the bees which haunted their lotus-feet, described the prospects of their meeting.
converse secretly, asking each other, What is - sweet love ?'
Dotb it originate in the one who loveth, or doth he who loveth become so from the influence of love?
'Is it the love of the woman which canseth the man to love her, or is it the love of the man which causeth her to love him?
Doth love spring from intercourse, or intercourse from love? In these two, which is more visible in the human being ?
Chandi-Dass asked these questions of the Kavi-Ranjana, and Rûpa-Narayana heard them. Vidyâpati meditated on the feet of Lakshmi, and said, This is the cause of love."
Chandi-Disa heard of Vidyâpati's virtues, and desired to see him. So also Vidyapati heard of Chandi-Dasa's virtues and desired to see him.
Each became anxious for an interview, and then, accompanied by Rupa-Narayana only, Vidyâpati set out upon his journey.
Then Chandi-Dasa could no longer abide at home, and himself started for the interview, On the way each sang of the other's virtues, and the heart of each woke up.
By chance they met, and the interview took place, nor was anyone able to gaze upon it (80 affecting was it). Rapa-Narayana says that each heard privately with his own ears the name of the other.
3. It was spring time, at about midday, at the foot of a fig tree on the banks of the Ganges, that the two met.
Chandi-Dasa met the Kavi-Rañjana (Vidyspati) and the body and voice of each thrilled with joy.
Neither could check his emotions. With them was Rape-Narayana, and he was the only remedy for their helplessness.
Each checked his emotions, and began to
The man and the woman become filled with love through love itself. Love is not born by close contact of the two.
It is throngh the man that the woman becometh the subject of love, in which are the delights of affection.
In the dull-souled desire scarcely entereth, and the essence of love is itself dull.
When two such souls unite, their love hath no motion.
By their union no happiness is produced, either in the man or woman.
But in the natural (i.e. wise) man, love is produced in this way.
The man himself is powerless, and his nature full of power; and therefore is not the love which filleth him great ?
And at the time of union, great are the delights which fill (his soul).
From the eyes of both issue forth the arrows of male love."
But woman's love (rati) hath no arrow. How then can they issue forth from the womat's) eyes ?
Man's love is like a raging fire, and woman's like ice, and the mutual attachment is the vessel for holding water.
Rank is the wood and straw-fael, and affection is the receptacle in which love is cooked.
By continually cooking dekire is produced, and when the ice (i. e. woman's love) is melted down, but here and elsewhere I give the traditional intorprotation.
# TH means the love of man m distinguished from far the love of woman.
The meaning of the latter portion of this half-line io very doubtful.
* Vidy pati'o reply in given in No. 4. - There are unusual meaning of , and #8.

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196
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JULY, 1885.
The melted substance so produced is what It is needless to say that all the above is is called pure love.'
figurativo, and refers to the love of the soul Vidyâpati sang this to Chandi-Dåsa, who (or woman, i.e. Radhâ) for God (Krishņa). heard it from Rør -Narayana.
No. V. NOTE 20, p. 187. Then each embraced the other, and floated I here add a genealogical tree of king Sivaaway upon the ocean of love.
Simha, which I have compiled from the Páirjas
of Mithil. GENEALOGICAL TABLE OF THE FAMILY OF RI SIVA-SIAHA, PROX ITS FOUNDATION TO ITS EXTINCTION.
Aahirара Thieux. Visvardpa Thakur. Govinda Thakur.
Lakshmus Thakur. BAJA Pandita Kamerara Thakur. (First king).
Bhagtivara Th. (and king). Bhava Sinha alias Bhartiyara (3rd king).
(No issue). By lat wife By 2nd wife
By Srd wife Udaya Simha.
Hari Simha. (No inae). Diva Simhs. Tripura Sitha.
Siva Binha. Padina Simhe. Sarva Sirhe. Nars Simha Kumara Rathya Vijaya Narayapa Hari Narayan m. (1) Mahadert (No issue). (No issue). alias Darps alias Rstnevarsalias R.AjA a lian Kumara Viides,
Nerdyada. Simba. Raghu Sinha. Brahma Simba. (9) Mahadert
(No insue). (No issue). (No issue). - Lakhim By lat wife.
By 2nd wife. and four others, all of whom died Dhira Simha alias
Bhairava Sitha alias Chandra Sinha Darlabha Simha without issue. Hridaya NardyApa
Hari Narayana. (No issue). alias Rana Simha. By 1st wife.
By 2nd wife Righara Sinha.
Jagun Narayana. Rapa N Ardyans alisa Garuda N Arbags Nara Narkyans B.Ama Bhadra.
(No issue). alias Vibyankths. By lst wife. By 2nd wife. By 2nd I wife. By Ist wife. P
T !
a ma Chandra. Bija Prstaps Kumks Madhu r i Kirtti Rudra Birbara () Kathss RAA Rati Nátha Hridays
Rudrs. Gadadhan Sadana. Natha. Simba. Narayana. (No issue). Naryana Bala (No issue). Naryana
(No issue). Sitahe. (No issue). (No (No (No issue.)
alias bhadra.
alias Bhava (No issue). issue). issue).
Lakshmi (No issue).
N&tha. Natha
(No issue). (No issue).
Ratns Sith his (No issue).
A COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF THE GUJARAT RASHTRAKUTA KING
DHRUVA IL, DATED SAKA 757.
BY E. HULTZSCH, PH. D.; VIENNA. I am indebted to the kindness of Dr. A., by DhruvarAja II. also called DhårdFührer, of Lucknow, for a rubbing and an varsha, who belonged to the Rashtraktas ink-impression of the present inscription, which of Gujarat, a collateral, but not independent, was found at Baroda. It is a grant issued branch of the Rashtrakatas (Rattas) of MAnyain the year 757 of the Saks era (A.D. 835-36) (kheta (MAlkhed).
IA German version of this paper appeared in the setes for hestet (line 8-9), Riyad for free (1.22), Journal of the German Oriental Society. The English translation of the grant differs from the German one in and for otto (1.4). On the other hand, the
few details, the correct explanation of which I owe to lithograph enabled me to make out the name of the Pasdit Bhagavatloharya of Benares.
granted village, Pdeildvill, which is indintinot in the . The wompanying lithograph does not alwayu agree materials supplied to me, and which I had therefore with the materiala 'supplied to me. Thus it reads misread in my original paper.

Page #219

JULT, 1835.)
BARODA PLATES OF DHRUVA II. OF SAKA 757.
197
Of this grant, only the last two plates are now extant, each measuring about 114" by 74". The edges of them are fashioned somewhat thicker, so as to serve as rims to protect the writing, and the inscription is in a state of excellent preservation almost throughout. The grant originally consisted of four plates. This is shewn-1, by the size of the two extant plates, which is such that the earlier part of the genealogy would cover three sides, not only one;- and 2, by a point noticed by Mr. Fleet, when he had the original plates under examination viz., that the last plate has four notches, and the last but one has three, on its lower edge. The rings and seal of the grant are not forthcoming.
The third plate begins with the second half of a stanza treating of Krishna I. The loss of the two first plates is of little moment; as those stanzas of the Vasasávali, which must have been on the missing plates, are already sufficiently well known. The Vanniávali of this now inscription comprises the following kings' names
A. Direct Line. [Krishnaraja 1.]
(RAțhor grant No. III.), and in the Bagumrå inscription of Krishna II. dated Saka 810 (Rathor grant No. IV.). The fact that this omission occurs in a grant originating with the second Karka's own son, brings almost to a certainty Professor Bühler's conjecture,' that Govinda IV. was a usurper, and therefore was ignored by the direct descendants of Karka IL
In the prose portion of the inscription (line 28-29) the expression is, that the Brahman Yoga, in whose favour the grant was made, had received the title of (court)- astrologer, after (his father's death), from the illustrious Govindarajade v a.' Hereby, of course, the king Govinda III., belonging to the direct line (Saka 726-35),' might be understood. Bat, even if the usurper Govinda IV. was meant-which is much more likely,---yet this involuntary mention of the name, that is wanting in the Varsávali, would rather confirm than discredit Professor Bühler's view.
According to the undoubtedly correct reading of this new inscription and of the inscription No. IV.) Amoghavarsha, in stanza 10, must not be taken as a secondary name of Karka II., but must be understood as referring to his cousin and feudal lord Sarva-Amoghavarsha (Saka 736-99), who belonged to the direct line of the Rashtrakūtas. Karka II. supported the latter successfully in war against "the tributary RÅshtraktas, who, after they had voluntarily promised obedience, dared to rebel with a powerful army." It is, I take it, beyond doubt, that, by "the rebellious Rashtrakatas," we must understand Govinda IV. and his followers; and that Karka II., in conjunction with Sarva, succeeded in overthrowing the usurper Govinda IV., and in ruling a second time over Gujarat as the Vassal of Sarva, just as we know he did for. merly as the vassal of Govinda III.
So far I have tacitly assumed that Karka II. was the father of Dhruva II. Acoording to the inscription No. III., Indrs III. was followed by his son Karka II. (stanza 26), and the latter by his son Karka III. (stanzas 27 to 29), who was again suoceeded by his son Dhruva II. (ntansa 30). In the inscription No. I., wo find • ante Vol. XIII. p. 65. ante Vol. XII. p. 180. • ante Vol. XI. P. 198, Vol. XII. p. 13. anth Vol. XII. p. 916, Vol. XIII. p. 182: ante Vol. XII. p. 158.
Govindardja II., also called Vallabha.
Dhruvardja I.
Govindaraja III.
B. Gujardt Branch.
Indraraja III.
Mahardja Sarva, Karkarája II. also called Amoghavarsha.
DhruvarAja II., also called Nirupama,
and Dhårdvarsha. The contents of the last two stanzas of the Vanaidvali (13, 14), which are the only fresh ones, are of an entirely general character. Nevertheless, we gain from this new inscription number of important historical facts.
The second Karka's younger brother, Govinda IV., who issued the Kavi grant of Salos 749 (Professor Bühler's Rathor grant No. 1.).. is left out; as is also the case in the Bagum. rl inscription of Dhruva III. dated Saka 789
· The numbering of the plates, the lithograph of which was not prepared under the management of the prosent Editors, should nooordingly be altered from II.., fi.b, III. ad III.b, to III.A, ILI., IV., and IV.b.
ante Vol. V. p. im. ante Vol. XII. p. 179. T

Page #220

198
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JULY, 1885.
at the beginning of the second Karka's reign From a palæographical point of view, the the same stanza (31) as in No. III. (26). This following observations have to be made on this new inscription (stanzas 9, 10), and No. IV. new inscription. For the most part, has (17, 18) omit Karka II., and include the first the form without the loop; and the form and last of the three stanzas of No. III., whicbf.with the loop. But in a few cases the form treat of Karka III. Now, it is inconceivable without the loop is used for ; see 46 1.1; that the official who drafted the grant of
1. 9; H T 1. 25; Huf 1. 28; and Dhruva II. should have been unacquainted with the name of that king's grandfather. Accord
TAKUT 1. 51. And in a few cases the form ingly, it must be assumed that the writer of with the loop is used for 7; see it 1.1; No. III. selected stanza 26 and stanzas 27 to 29 and af 1. 15. With one exception, from two different forms, preserved at the
1. 8,-final has the peculiar but now wellsecretariate, both of which related to Karka II.
known form that appears in RTT 1. 21. We The first form, which is given in full in No. I.,
have three forms of फ; He फलानि 1. 1, फलम् was composed during the rule of the usurper Govinda IV., and was compiled from different
1. 41, and 4* 1. 49. For, standing single, stanzas of the Vamśávali treating of earlier two forms are used; see TT 1. 26, and kings. The second form, the first and last TT I. 47. And three other forms of the stanzas of which are found in this new inscription
same letter occur in compounds ; see PT and in No. IV., cannot have been composed before the overthrow of Govinda IV. The
1. 2, FRU 1. 39, and qru: I. 15. The avaBaroda inscription" of Karka II., dated Saka graha occurs once; in T SHIGG 1. 43. 734, contains a third form different from both The jihvámáliya occurs three times; e.g. in and dating from the first period of the reign of TXT, I. 48. Karka II. The name of Karka III. must, The engraver of the inscription has copied for the above reasons, be struck out from the the original document without understanding list of the Rashtrakūtas of Gajarât.
it. This is best shown by the fact, that he Dhrava II., like his grandson Dhruva IIL, spells the name of the king who issued the bore the surname Dhiravarsha (lines grant trafiyaRts instead of E astera 21, 24). When he issued the present document, CR (I. 24-25). he was staying at Sarvamangalsattâ near Sri. He often confounds similar letters. Thus Khetaka (line 26-27). By Khetaka, in all he writes for T in Trik for Tor probability, we must understand here,- is
(1. 48) and also the case in the Valabhi inscriptions,"
in for FNTT (1. 15); for 9, the modern Kheda (Kairn) at the confluence in for 7h (1.40) and Tu for of the Vatrak and Sheri rivers, the capital of नारायण (1.54); न for क, in नीति for कीर्ति the Collectorate called after it. According (1. 22);स for म, in सत्तेभ for मत्तेभ (1.4) and to this, the province of Lâţa, ruled over
क्रसीप for क्रमोप (1.35); च for र, in चक्षित by the Rashtraktas of Gujarat --which Govinda III. took away from the Gurjaras,"
for Tigra (1. 14). Other mistakes are pointed and gave in fee to his younger brother
out in the foot-notes. Indra III.," appears to have reached in a The grant contains in its last two lines the northerly direction as far as the Sheri; while, king's sign-manual, which is very remarkable, on the south, it extended to the further bank as its current-hand characters resemble the of the Tapti." My books of reference do not South Indian alphabets, and completely differ enable me to identify the remaining localities from the archaic alphabet used throughout the mentioned in this grant (lines 27 and 29 remainder of the inscription. After the coloto 31).
phon, there occurs twice the peculiar flourish 11 ante Vol. XII. p. 166. 11 ante Vol. X. p. 878. XIII. p.781.). This would be about soventy years before * By this we have probably to tinderstand the Gurjar Garinda III. dynasty, whose last date, 186, of an unspecified or
* ante Vol. V. p. 146; Vol. VI. p. 68; VOL XII. Pp. corresponds to A.D. 788 scoording to the ingenious 187, 180 supposition of Pandit BhagwaniMl Indrajt (ante Vol.
* ante Vol. XII. p. 181
A
divat

Page #221

BARODA PLATES OF DHRUVA II. OF SAKA 757.
JULY, 1885.1
which is also found on the other inscriptions of the Rashtrakutas of Gujarât; and which
199
is evidently intended for an actual representation of the sign-manual.
TEXT.
भोकुं स्वफलानि भूरितप श्वेतातपत्रमहतरविकर व्राततापात्सलीसदानी [1] श्रीमद्रोविन्दराजी
(First two plates not forthcoming.) Third plate; first side. [+] दाता" मानभृदग्रणी गुणवतां येोसे श्रियो बलभी [+] सा स्थान अगामापरं ।। [1] मेन ['] लं जज्ञे नासीरधूलीधवालतशिरसा वल्लभाख्यः [+] जितजगदहितस्त्रैणवैधव्यदक्षः (1) तस्यासीत्सूनुरेकः क्षणरणदलितारातिसत्तेभकुंभः । [२] [] तस्यानुजः श्रीध्ववराजनामा महानुभावोपहत (:) प्रतापः [1] प्रसाधिताशेषनरेन्द्रचक्रः [6] क्रमेण वाला वपुर्व्वभूव ॥ [३] रक्षता येन नि चतुरंधिसंयुतं [] राज्य धम्मैलो[7] कामां कृता दृष्टिः परा हृदि । [४] यस्थात्मजा जगति सम्मथितारुकीर्त्तिग्गोविन्दराज इति गो[] ललामभूत । स्त्यागी पराक्रमधनमकतासन्तापितानि जनवल्लभभूत् ।। [५] [१] एकोनेकनरेन्द्रवृन्दसहितान्यस्तान्समस्तानपि मोखातासिलतामहारविधुरान्वया [10] संयुगे [1] लक्ष्मीमप्यचला चकार विल्सन्सचामरग्राहिणी संसीदगुरु विमसज्जनसुहद्दसंसीदद्गुरुविप्रसज्जनसुहृद्व["] धूपभीग्यां भुवि। [] तत्युभोज ते नाकमाकम्पितरिपुमजे [1] महाराजशर्मास्यः ख्यातोराजा[10] भवदुणे [७] राजाभूत्तयितृव्यो M रिभवविभवोद्भूत्यभविकहेतुर्लक्ष्मीवानिन्द्रराजो गुणि[5] नृपनिकरान्तशनत्कोरकारी [1] सगादम्यान्व्युदस्य पुकटनिया यन्नृपान्सेव्यमाना [+] राजधीरेव चक्रे सकलकविजनोद्रतकथ्यसभाव । [८] श्रीकर्मराज इति चक्षितराज्यभा[15] T: सार: कुलस्य तनये पार्थः नियशालिशौर्यस्यस्यकेवद्विभवनन्दितवन्धुसार्थः [29] सदैव धनुषि प्रथमः शुचीनां । [९] खेच्छागृहीतविनयान्दृढसंघभावः मौवृत्तट्टमतर Third plate; second side.
महा
17
[17] शुल्किकराष्ट्रकूटानुत्खातखज निजवाहुवलेन " जित्वा योमोघवर्षमचिरात्स्वपदे व्यध[18] त ।। [१०] पुत्रीयतस्तस्य महानुभावः कृती कृतज्ञः कृतवीर्यवीर्य [1] वशीकृताशेषनरेन्द्रवृन्दो वभूव [10] सूनुर्धुवराजनमो ॥ [११] चन्द्रो जडी हिमगिरिः सहिम मकृत्या वातश्चलश्च तपनस्तपन (1) स्वभाव। [1] [20] क्षारः पयोधिरिति यः सममस्य नास्ति येनोपमा निरुपमस्तत एव गातः ।। [१२] अचिराभोज्वलव[21] पुषि क्षितिसंतापापहारिणि द्युम्नं [1] धारावषै वर्षति जलद इव न कः कृतार्थस्यात् । [१३] प्रस्माण्डमे[x] तत्किमिति ममासुजा न भव्यमाणेन पुरा विनिम्मित [1] एवं विचिन्त्य धुबराजनीतिविधातुरासी[**] सुतरामसूयिनी । [१४] तेनेदमनिलविमुचलमालोक्य जीवितमसारं [1] क्षितिदानपरम[+] पुण्यः प्रवर्त्तितो धर्मदायो । [१५] स च समधिगताशेषमहाशब्दमहासामन्ताधिपतिधारविर्षसमय [25] श्री धुतराजदेवः यथासम्वध्यमानकान्राष्ट्रपतिविषयपतिग्रामकूटायुक्त नियु[20] क्त [का]धिकारिकमहत्तरादीन्समनुदर्शयत्यस्तु वः संविदितं यथा मया श्रीखेटकवाहः सर्व्वमङ्ग
20 Plate III. 4. Line 1, read योसौ. L. 2, the ज of जगामा° । तस्याभव. L. 16, read सदेव.
.
has an unusual shape. L. 3, जज्ञे looks almost like जज्ञो; read जग्मे and धवलित'. I. 4, read दक्षस्तस्या' and * मत्तेभ' IL & rend श्रीध्रुव L. 7, read 'कानां and तस्यात्मज. L. 8, rend 'भूतः । त्यागी and वन:. L. 8, read बडा I. 10, road 'ग्राहिण. L. 11, read तत्पुत्रोत्र गते बजे and श्रीमहा". L. 12, rond 'गुणैः || L. 18, rend 'रान्तचमत्कार, सङ्गादन्या प्रकटित and ये नृपान्सेवमाना. L. 14, rend "स्वभावम् and रक्षित'. I. 15, read तनयो नयशालिशौर्यः ।
11 Plate III. B. Line 17, the of शुल्किक" in indistinct, read कूटान् | उत्खात L. 18, read 'वीर्यवीर्यः. I 19, rand राजनामा. 2. 20, read तै: for यः, गीत: and 'भोज्ज्वल. L. 21, read कृतार्थ: स्यात् and ब्रह्माण्ड . L. 22, the तक of त्किमिति looks as if it were composed of and, and the of विनिमित as if it consisted' of म् and स; rend कीर्ति'. L. 28, rend विद्यु° L. 24, read 'धारावर्ष. L. 25, read श्रीभुव".

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200
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JULY, 1885.
पूर्वम
[1] लासत्तावासितेन मातापिग्रोरात्मनत्रैहिकामुष्मिकपुण्ययशोभिवृद्धये वदरसिद्धिवास्तव्य. [0] तश्चातुविद्यसामान्यलावाणसगोत्रवाजिमाध्यन्दिनसब्रह्मचारिभट्टमहेश्वरसुतयो[9] गायानन्तरं श्रीगोविन्दराजदेवेन ख्यापितज्योतिषिकनान्मे काशहूडदेशान्तर्बतिपसिला[३०] विल्लिनामा ग्रामो यस्याघाटनानि पूर्वतो वेहिच्चाभिधाना नदी वोरीवद्रकग्रामश्च [1] दक्षिणतश्चतुःसरीनामा ग्रामोपरत[स्त]सिलावलिनामा । उत्तरतो विन्हुचवलिना[*] मा ग्राम एवमयं चतुराघाटनोपलक्षितः सोद्रङ्गः सपरिकरः संद[3] ण्डदशापराधः
सभूतपातप्रत्यायसोत्पद्यमानविष्टिकः . सधान्यहिरण्या
Fourth plate; first side. [] देयोचाटभटप्रवेश्यः सर्बराजकीयानामहस्तप्रक्षेपणीय
आचन्द्रार्कीर्ण[35] वक्षितिसरित्पर्बतसमकालीन:
पुत्रपौत्रान्वयनसोपभोग्य: [36] दत्तदेवह्यदायराहतोभ्यन्तरसिध्या
शकनृपकालातीतसंवत्सरशतेषु
सप्त[31] सु सप्तपञ्चाशदधिकेषु कात्र्तिकशुद्धपञ्चदश्यां महाकात्तिकीपर्वणि सावाद्योदकाति[10] सांगण वलिचरुवैश्वदेवामिहोत्रातिथिपञ्चमहयेज्ञकृयोत्सर्पणार्थ
प्रतिपादि[39] तो यतोस्योचितया ब्रह्मदायस्थित्या भुंजतो भेजेयतः कृषतxकर्षयतः प्रतिदिश[0] तो वा क केनचित्परिपन्थना कार्या तथागामिनृपतिभिरस्मदंश्यैरन्यैर्वा सामा[1] न्य भूमिदानफलमवेत्य विद्युल्लोलान्यनित्यैश्वर्याणि तृणाग्रलमजलविन्दुचञ्च[७] लम्च जीवितमाकलस्य स्वदायनिबिशेषोयमस्मदायोनुमन्भव्यः परिपालयित[1] तश्च यश्चाज्ञानतिमिरपटलावृतमतिराच्छिद्यादाच्छिद्यमानक वा नुमेदित स प["] चभिर्महापातकैरुपपातकैश्च . संयुक्तः स्यात् । इत्युक्तञ्च भगवता वेदव्यासेन व्या. [7 सेन [1] पष्टिर्बर्षसहस्राणि स्वग्गै तिष्ठति भूमिद आछेत्ता चानुमन्ता च तान्येव नर[क्ते] [46] वसेत् । [१६] विध्याटवीष्वतोयासु शुष्ककोटरवासिन xकृष्णाहयो हि जायन्ते भूमिदाय PM हरन्ति ।[१७] अमेरपत्यं प्रथम सुवर्ण भूर्बष्णवी सूर्यसुताश्च गावो लोकत्रयं तेन भ[0] वेहि दत्तं य काश्चनं गाञ्च महीञ्च दद्यात् ।[१८] बहुकिर्वसुधा भुक्ता राजभिः सगरादि[0] भिर्यस्य यस्य यदा भूमिस्तस्य तस्य तदा फलं ॥ [१९] यानीह दत्तानि पुरा नरेन्द्रनानि [0] धर्मार्थयशस्कराणि [0] निर्माल्यवान्तप्रतिमानि तानि को नाम साधुः पुनराददीत [२०]
· Fourth plate; second side. [11] स्वदत्ताम्परदत्ता वा यत्नाद्रक्ष नराधिप [1] महीं महिमता श्रेष्ठ दानोच्छ्रेयोनुपालनं ।।[२१] इति क[9] मलदलाम्बुविन्दुलोला श्रियमनुचिन्त्य मनुष्यजीविवञ्च । अतिविमलमनोभिरात्मनीने. [७] ई हि पुरुषैः परकीर्त्तयो विलोप्या इति [२२] दूतकोत्र श्रीदेवराजो लिखितं च श्रीदुर्गभटसूनु[*] ना सान्धिविग्राहिकश्रीकारायणेनेति ॥ मतम्मम श्रीधुवराजदेवस्य (1) श्रीकर्क[] राजदेवसुतस्य यदुपरि लिखितं ।।
L.N, Tand पिचोरा' and 'नहि.L. 29, read नाचे. .. | वेदम्यासेन. L.45, rend पार्ट वर्ष, भूमिदः। भाच्छेना and 81, tor | rond माम... 88, road प्रत्याय..
नरके. L. 48, resd बासिनः | L. 47, read भूवैष्णवी and * Platerv.a. Line 8s, read °क्रमोप. L. 38, road °देव- गाव | L.48, वेदहि looks like बैकि; road बहुभिवं. दायब्रमदाnd सिरा . L. 38, read °महायज्ञकियो'. | L.40, rend °भिः | यस्य. L.89, rand a n d भोजयत: L.40, road न tor क. ___" Plate IV. B. Line bl, rend दाना.. L. 38, road 4 Lal, the markn of सामान्य in indistinot, L., road (i.e.)हि. L.BArond मा सोधिविमादिकधीनारा.
o sod 44/4. L. 18, rends. L. 4, road

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II..
GUJARAT RASHTRAKUTA GRANT OF DHRUVA II.- SAKA 757.
नागार:(cाना या ति यायोक सराफ्गलिस निना। साना-71मार
रात येवपहन टाकतबारवाट२.(ला सामापीर यातनाव है। काम काटिल वाला, 56 दहितलो म्यकता नल का पलटवानामानि तर कुं . 76.टापा कामाता हा दादारह साला(सावित मल रहा मलयागता यावा रामसराव सावरतारतमाला हामाटाहहहया 156(तस्यहवारकाट माना। वलयामा नाका बलर सार(नाहिताहत या सारा रहालक रहित (म्या (सरावासा ता(सत्यतादावि मावादा। । सरगराम) लालाजलापबलारमामाजमहिलासमटरटी / महा
(रागार (टीन 15 ते कामाला लारपुषहमहानी हत्या.. टॉला पाहा बरलपार, शिरपुर टाटार याद्दाकदउटा (Purna पलानीरादा)
दरापुलमटोल्टामा कालका नारीवटारा कर तिमलकिए महक इस साल गाउदिन बाकी । उपलरामनिटासाटायरमकवादियान न टाल सापा: (2 dge बनाना विद्या 24 (
बटानुसार कारवाईवट नमः
SCALE - 8:10 OF THE ORIGINAL.

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1tb.
GUJARAT RASHTRAKUTA GRANT OF DHRUVA II. - SAKA 757.
यूनान किया गयक हितायदात उसका मुनी यी नायकर काय समुहमा राति मानिनि सहिम प्रशासूचक अनु विनियमच का दुनिया का सिमला रुक गए मालाজसुनाएकी सुमनकद महिला युद्ध चलमालाकारीत मस्तारक एकचन का सुवर्तिनादा यायाम यस भविता सहा संघ हा भाग वा विसरिता विष जादा मानसा का पति यति ग्रामंत धुलि कमकीमा सुवः सहिद तथा घागयाजी
1
ফেইনবশনকমানাभেा
(
लामा कालाबाजारिका यानि रुद्राक्षरसुतव्या कानाममिला विश्वामाग्रामोपा का कि यह ना यदि ज्ञान को महीयानी बद्धको दलित वसीका मात्रा मायाका भाজা1ারমराआ 25माधवসা
प्राएका चलकित है নशुাসশयामा
ORIGINAL PLATES 116 BY or"
का साडा विकर:संद জমধকংসরহসি

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a
GUJARAT RASHTRAKUTA GRANT OF DHRUVA II. OR DHARAVARSHA II -- SAKA 757.
WISHETAUTTAR
PRADHAREMARA
T
। यसपटाउन या लीयाका। स पकमलाया हातात यहि सिटमा कारपीक घनदाटाकुसाहास / ८८ ८ काटा (तारनR(कठपकालापन सा रतलाम
(याय (काकाल जुइ साझागदा का(ई की । तर याद करना राय(माटोमा हिटर र राहतमा पछातिमा ।। ताटाला (यतया यह गादास रातमतमोटापाताया। । ला टाकतनी ((पपना कार्यो (नदिन २(८"मार का टारनामा 1J5((टायलमा टाटाडालोलामाल टालतल(बदार
राहटा नभाकलसूदाटोलाही नसायमाहाटामा टा(३यालयाने तय15( (नाप याला नमतिमा डाटा यूडाममिकटान् मादाय सारिहाटा र माया नमक राजकुसद टाना टारछाममा । 1(सकर ट्राल(निसटू मिदनाक हातामाटारका MOSJC की ताटयार तुम्कामानिमक धा हटा हिरदा ।। ८ वटा मरमसुम्यूटी सुनाया बागेत तयार
नामा यम (महारदार याद कि दोरा तारकासापादि सिस/र(र.)2127 (रादायलाटाकीद दवा माधुमाकर कामिः
पर (पालादान पनि गीनि महिलाकामारामारणमा
SCALE - 8 : 10 OF THE ORIGINAL.

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1116.
ចាន
GUJARAT RASHTRAKUTA GRANT OF DHRUVA II. SAKA 757.
हहि एकादन कायाय का ब्रेक वा वाला ही महिठा हांसदा वायु यामुपाल क 'मलदलामुकिलो लालियम गुति का माहायिका अतिविलग करूया काकी के
श्री
हियुरसः यौन की या विलास वाসকविद्यকিकधी कापायल తి उदय Dj
नाली 100 साध्विन्स ट टहोतु "Go
72
J. Burgess, fecit.
ste
SCALE 8: 10 OF THE ORIGINAL.
W. Griggs, photo. lith.

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JULY, 1835.]
BARODA PLATES OF DHRUVA II. OF SAKA 757.
201
TRANSLATION.20 This favourite of fortune (Krishnaraja), who was liberal, proud, and the first among the virtuous, went to the highest" abode, in order to enjoy the heavenly rewards (which he had gained) by his great austerities."
2. One of his sons was the illustrions Govinda râja, surnamed Vallabha. His head being whitened by the dust of the vanguard, he ever walked in battle with sportive gait, as the heat of the sun's rays was warded off by his white parasol." He conquered the world, -knew how to make widows of the wives of his enemies, -and split open the temples of the most elephants of his foes in battles which to him were feasts."
3. He was succeeded by his younger brother, the illustrious Dhruvar å ja, who conquered all kings and resembled the morning sun (by) his great majesty and his irresistible prowess (or heat)."
4. While he righteously ruled his whole kingdom together with the four oceans, he filled the hearts of men with the highest joy.
5. His son was the liberal and brave Govindaraja, the favourite of mankind and the ornament of his race. He, whose great fame was spread over the world by the virtuous, distressed his enemies by his notorious valour,"
6. In a great battle, he alone caught all these" and many other kings, who were distressed by the blows of his unsheathed sword, and acted so that even the goddess of fortune left off her inconstancy, wore his glittering preci. ous chauri," and could be enjoyed by all suffering people on earth, by his Gurus, by Brahmans, by the virtuous, and by his friends and relations."0
7. When he, who made his enemies tremble,
had gone to heaven,-his son, the illustrious Maháraja Sarva, famous for his virtues, became king.
8. His paternal uncle, the illastrious** Indraraja, became king. He was the common cause of the non-existence of his foes and of their non-success, and excited admiration in the hearts of all virtuous princes. From attachment (to him) royal fortune rejected other kings, and, humbly serving him, caused his praiseworthy character to be sung by all poets."
9. His son was the illustrious Karkarâja, the best of his race. He took great care of the government which he had to conduct, -joined political wisdom to prowess - gladdened his relatives by wealth, -and ever was, like Partha (Arjuna), the first of the gaileless in the use of tho) bow.
10. By the strength of his arm, that wore the unsheathed sword, he vanquished the tributary Rashtra k ûļas, who, after they had voluntarily promised obedience,'' dared to rebel with a powerful army; and he speedily placed Amogha varsha on his throne,ac
11. To him, who longed for male offspring, was born a majestic, clever, and grateful son, called Dhruvar å ja, who equalled Kţi. tavîrya" in valour and subdued all kings."
12. Because he could neither be compared to the cool (or stupid) moon, nor to the Himalaya mountain, which is naturally covered by snow (while he would not submit to oppression by another), nor to the moving (or inconstant) wind, nor to the sun whose nature it is to heat (or to torment), nor to the salt ooean (since his speech was sweet), -therefore he was called Nirupama (ie, "the incomparable") in song."
80 With Professor Bühler's permission, I have made free nse of his translations of two very similar grants of the same dynasty. For the prose part of the inscription I have also availed myself of Mr. Fleet's translation of the grant of Karks II. 31 Apara=anuttama.
Stanza 1= No. I. 17, No. III. 14. 13 The use of the parasol implies that Govinda had become king. By the mention of the white dust and of the brilliantly white parasol, the poet also alludes to the greatness of his (white) fame.
1Stanza 2 No. I. 18; No. III. 15; No. IV. D. as Stanza 3= No. I. 19; No. III. 16; No. IV. 10. 20 Stanza 4 No. I. 92; No. III. 18: No. IV. 12. 27 Stanza 5= No. I. 23: No. III. 19, No. IV. 13.
# The pronoun refers to a stanza (No. I. 27) which is left out here and in No. III.
** i.e. he became king. * Stanza 6= No. I. 29; No. III. 21.
31 Stanza 7=No. III. 22; No. IV. 14.
32 Lakshmivan is the correct reading; the v. 1. in Nos. III. and IV., lakahmiman, disagrees with Papini, VIII. 2, 9.
» Stanza 8 = No. III. 24; No. IV. 16.
3* i.e. he had no recourse to unfair fighting, and made no use of his weapons against the helpless and the disarmod; see Baudhayana, I. 10, 18, 10f., and the correspondipg passages of the other law books. There is also a way on the word buchi, with reference to arjuna both of which words have the meaning white. Stanza 9 = No. III. 27, No. IV. 17. 35 With grihtavinaya compare vinayagrdhin. » Stanzs 10 No. III. 29 No. IV. 18. 31 The comparison with Kritavirya rests on & mere etymological play it is chosen for the sake of alliter. ation with kriti, kritaja, valkpita, and vfrya.
» Stanza 11 No. III. 80; No. IV. 19. * Stanza 12 = No. III. 31.
TT 17.

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202
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JULY, 1885.
earth..
13. Who is not satisfied, when Dhira. of Kåsahrada and the boundaries of which varsha (i.e. "the torrent of rain"), whose are :--on the east, the river called Vehichcha body shines like the lightning, pours forth and the village of Vorivadraka; on the south, wealth and removes distress on earth, -as when the village of Chatuhsari; on the west, (the #cloud, whose body shines with the lightning, village of) Tasilâvalli; on the north, the pours forth rain and removes the heat of the village of Vinhuchavalli-this (village), thus
defined by its four boundaries, together with 14. The fame of Dhruvarâja was highly the dranga, together with the parikara," displeased with the Creator, thinking :-"Why together with the right to) punishment and did not of old Brahman create this world (the right of fining those who commit) the ten according to my measure ?"
offences, together with the bhutapatapratydya, 15. Seeing that this worthless life is as together with the right to) eventaal forced unstable as the wind or the lightning, he labour, together with the income in grain and effected this pious gift, which is most meri- in gold, not to be entered by regular or irregutorious, as it consists of a grant of land, lar soldiers, not to be meddled with by any
(L. 24.)-And he, the illustrious Dhruva- royal officers, to last as long as the moon, the râjade va, (surnamed) Dhiravarsha, the lord sun, the ocean, the earth, the rivers, and the of great vassals, who has attained all the great mountains shall endure, to be successively Bounds," informs all those whom (this order) enjoyed by his sons, grandsons, and further) couceros, lords of provinces, lords of districts, descendants, with the exception of grants heads of villages, officials and functionaries, previously made to temples and to Brahmangmagistrates, great men, &c.:
with heartfelt devotion-when seven handred (L. 26).-"Be it known to you that, in order and fifty-seven years of the era of the Saka to increase my parents' and my own spiritual king had elapsed, on the fifteenth day of the merit and glory in this world and the next, L, light half of Kärttika, (which was) the great residing at Sarva manga låsatti outside day when the full-moon stood in Krittiká, after Sri-Kheta ka, have given to Yoga, -who is having bathed, to-day, with a libation of water, the son of Bhatta Maheśvara; lives at Vada -in order to enable the donee to perform the rasiddhi; belongs to the Chaturvedins of five great sacrificial rites, (viz.) the bali, charu, that place), to the gotra of the Livanas (?), vaišvadeva, agnihotra, and hospitality." and to the school of the Vaji-Madhyamdinag ;* (L. 39.)—“Wherefore, nobody shall cause and has received the title of (court) astrologer, obstruction to him, if he enjoys (this village), after the death of his father), from the illu- (or) causes it to be enjoyed, (or) cultivates it, strious Govindarajadeva,--the village of Pasi. (or) causes it to be cultivated, or assigas it la villi, which is situated in the country (to others) according to the usual rule relating
40 Metre of stanza 13,- Arya.
i.e. the world was too small for Dhruva's fame. Metre of stansa 14.-Yaminatha, with the exception of ita third pida, which is composed in Indravajra.
41 The five great sounds' (paschamahdiabda) mean the permission to use in public certain musical instru. ments, which was conferred on vassals as a gift of honour by their feudal lords. This is evident from the two subjoined passages of the Arabian traveller Ibn Batata (edited by Defrémery and Sanguinetti). Vol. III. p. 106:- (Le roi de l'Inde) donna A Ratan) le titre de chef du Sind, l'établit gouverneur de cette contrée, et lui accorda en fief la ville de Siwócitin et ses dépendances. Enfin, il le gratitia des honneurs w y ), c'est-d-dire de timbales et de drapeaux, ainsi qu'il en donne Box principaux émire." And in Vol. III. p. 110 -"(Le bâtiment du gouverneur de Lihary) était entouré, a sa droite et à la gauche, par quatre naviros, dont deux ronfermaient les honneurs de l'émir wie 40 YI), c'est-A-dire les drapeaux, les timbales, les trompettes, les clairons et les flûtes, que l'on appelle(au Maghreb) ghaithah, et les deux autres portaient les chanteurs. Le timbales et les trompettes se faisaient entendre d'abord, puis les chanteurs faisaient lour partie, &o. The number'fivo' of the great sounds' relates to five
different musical instruments, which are enumerated in A note of Mr. Growse (ante Vol. V. p. 854) and in a paper of Mr. Pathak (ante Vol. XII. p. 96). According to Sir Walter Elliot (ante Vol. V. p. 251) it implies, that the band played five times a day, as stated by Ferishta. Professor Kielhorn has translated the expression panchamıha labd by the five titles commencing with great" (ante Vol. XIII. p. 134.) There can be no doubt now that the expression properly, and usually, denotes the sounds of five musical instrumente, as explained above and in the references quoted there. But, that it may sometimes have been also used in the sense given to it by Professor Kielhorn, appears probable from the way in which five titles commencing with mah4, great, viz. Mahdeimanta, Mahapratthara, Mahddandandyaka, BanakartAkritika, and Maharija, are given collectively to Dhruvasena I. of Valabht in the grant published ante, Vol. IV. p. 10481.-ED.]
451.e. the Madhyamdinas, a subdivision of the Vajina or Vjasaneyine.
** For sparikarah, which is also the reading of No. III., No. 19., and the Baroda grant of Karks II., other inscriptions have soparikarah.
45 A different enumeration of the five great sacrificee is found in the Satpatha Brahmana, XI. 8, 6, 1, and in the Baudhdyan-Dharmasastra, II, 6, 11, 1 to 6.

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to gifts to Brahmans. And future kings of be given by him who gives gold, a cow, and our lineage, or others, shall assent to this our land! Many kings have enjoyed the earth, gift, (considering it) as equal to their own gifts, commencing with Sagara; as long as and shall preserve it, recognising that the (a king) possesses the earth, so long the reward reward of a grant of land is common (to all of grants) belongs to him! Those gifts, prokings), and reflecting that the inconstant royal ductive of spiritual merit, wealth, and glory, dignity is as transient as the lightning, and which have been formerly made here (on earth) that life is as unstable as a drop of water by kings, are like offerings to & deity or hanging on the tip of a blade of grass. And vomited food; what good man would take them if one, whose mind is covered by the thick back again ? O prince, best of the rulers of darkness of ignorance, shall confiscate (this the earth, assiduously preserve the land, given grant) or assent to its confiscation,-he shall by thyself or given by others; to preserve incur (the guilt of the five great sins and the (land) is more meritorious than to give it! minor sins."
Therefore men of pure minds and possessed of (L. 44).--- And the holy Vyåsa, the arranger of self-restraint, shall not destroy the fame of the Vedas, has said :-"He who gives land, others,-reflecting that royal dignity and dwells for sixty thousand years in heaven; he human life are as unstable as a drop of water who confiscates it or assents to its confiscation), on a lotus-leaf !" shall dwell as long in hell! Those who (L. 53).-The messenger for this (grant) is confiscate a grant of land, are re-born as black Sri-Devaraja. And it is written by the snakes, which dwell in dry holes of trees in minister of war and peace, Sri-N & rây ana, the waterless forests of the Vindhya (moxn- the son of Sri-Darga bhata. tains)! Gold is the first offspring of fire ; "the (L. 54.)-What is written above, is the earth belongs to Vishņu; and cows are the pleasure of me, Sri-Dhruvarajade va, the daughters of the sun: the three worlds willson of Sri-Karkar aja deva.
MISCELLANEA. NOTE ON THE FAMILY AND DATE OF THE The oldest of these three grants, which I have GREAT RAJENDRA-CHOLA OF TANJORE. | marked A, after detailing the genealogy of the
The two inscriptions, Nos. CLIII: and CLIV., Eastern Chalukya dynasty as far as VimalAditya, contributed by Mr. Fleet on pp. 48 to 59 of the states that his queen was the daughter of a RajaFebruary number of this volume, contain matter rája, of the solar race, and the father of Rajendraof so much value and interest from their bearing Chola, brother of the queen. The son of Vimallon the supersession of the Eastern Chalukya ditya and the Chola princess is then said to have dynasty by the Cholas of Tanjore, and especially been Rajaraja II., who ascended the throne in with reference to the history of Rajendra, entitled Saka 944 - A.D. 1022-23. He appears to have given Kulottunga-Chola, Kopparikesari Varman, &c., the village of Korumelli, situated about 40 miles that I am desirous of drawing attention to some south of the Godavari, to a Bråhman. difficulties in which his exact date and parentage The second, which I have called the Chelor appear to be involved.
grant B, was copied by Mr. Fleet; a copy of it I have had occasion, more than once, to refer to is included in my MS. Collection, and the these points, and particularly in a contribution original is now in the British Museum. It is a made to the International Numismata Orientalia remarkably fine édsanam, with a large handsome in November last. Some of the information I seal, which as well as that of the following (C) is possessed was founded on another copper basanam, represented in the Madras Journal, N. S., Vol. IV. which I hope Mr. Fleet will be good enough to plate ii. figa. 2, 3, and at p. 94. To this I can publish in continuation of the two just referred to. only refer from my own notes, and an abstract This I have frequently quoted under the name of translation made for Colonel MoKenzie which the Chelor grant, from the place where it was I have lately discovered. It calls Rajarajafound-a village in the Kokanada Taluka, 18 or 20 Narendra the son of Vimaladitya, and states miles south-east of Rajamahendri, on the way that he married Ammanga, the daughter of a from that place to Koringa.
I certain Rajendra-Chola of the solar race, and According to the Naiydyik as, gold consists of fire (tajas).

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reigned 40 years. Their son was called Rajendra- on its eastern border about 50 miles south of the Chola. He married Madhurántari, the daughter Godavari or more nearly 22 miles west of the of another Rajarajendra-Deva, the ornament of Vasishthi branch. the solar race. They had several sone. Among I am unable to reconcile the discrepancies found them was one nained Rajaraja. "The earth-lord | in these three documents, which are probably due (or sovereign), seeing his many good qualities, in a great measure to the incorrect version of thus addressed him :-Being myself desirous B. above referred to; but, that Vira-Chola was a of ruling over Chola, I'appointed my uncle son of Rajendra, and governed the Yengi-country Vijayhditya to rule the country of Vengi, which for many years, appears to be certain from the he did for 15 years. Now, in consequence of great number of inscriptions in his name included his death, that duty is imposed on you. Hearing in my MS. Collection. A difficulty however this, the son, though reluctant to part with his occurs in identifying the great Rajendra with the father, assumed the dignity and administered the names mentioned in the grants. In the I. N. 0. affairs of Vengi for one year, when, thinking that I have made what I believe to be his exact date happiness consisted in sitting at his father's feet, as A.D. 1064-1113. With this Vira-Deva-Chola's which could not be placed in competition with the vice-royalty would agree tolerably well, the date possession of power, he returned to his parents. of the Chelar inscription in his first year being The Chakravartin (or sovereign) then bestowed the A.D. 1079, or 15 years subsequent to his father's government on his younger brother, the valiant accession, tallying nearly with the administration young prince Vira-Chola, and blessed him, saying of Vijayaditya which is stated to have been 15 that his feet should be placed on the heads of years, or, including Rajarija's one year, 16 years. kings. Accordingly he took leave of his mother, Of this youthful Rajaraja we hear no more; but father, and elder brother, and accompanied by he was probably the Vikrama who succeeded his a younger brother repaired to Vengi. He was father in A.D. 1113, and whose other name of installed in his office in Saka 1001(=A.D. 1079-80)." Rå jardja has been perpetuated on the numerous One of his first acts was to confer a mark of coins of that period. distinction on a favoured dependant named The views I took in the paper communicated to Merlamarya, the son of Potana of the Mudgala the Madras Journal in 1858 accord nearly, as far yötra, by giving him a village named Kaleru as they go, with those above stated. for the endowment of two chattrams, one at Vijayaditya was a family designation in the Draksharam, the other at Pithapur, and for the
Eastern Chalukya line, as well as Vishnuvardhana ; maintenance of a tank and temple in the agra.
and it was from the latter that Vira-Deva took the hitram of Chelûr in Saka 1001 = A.D. 1079-80. title of saptama or seventh'Vishnuvardhana, as
Mr. Fleet's second grant C is the latest, and is well as that of Kulottunga-Choja. Rajendra said to have been transmitted by a Mr. Smith, calls the Vijayaditya here referred to his uncle, who obtained it from the Karnam of Chittar. but the loose description of the genealogy does This I take to be a mistake for Chelar, as my not enable us to see how this could be. Perhape notes state both this and the last to have been he was the son of VimalAditya and Rajendra's procured by Mr. George Anthony Smith, the sister, and by a mistake in the translation has Collector of Rajamahendri, from Dantla Venkata- been called "my" instead of "your " uncle. pati Ráz the Karnam of Chelor. They were Similar views were stated in the I. N. 0. at forwarded to me by that gentleman about the year Pp. 88, 120, 121, 131, where I have also referred 1843 or 1844. It gives the same genealogy as
to Dr. Burnell's conclusions, and a résumé of the A down to Vimaladitya. His son Rajaraja II. Cheldr inscription, when found, was added a reigned 41 years, and was succeeded by his son
p. 150. Kulottunga-Chodla-Deva I. who ruled 49 years.
The importance of the points at issue makes it Next comes Vikrama-Choda, his son, for 15 years, desirable to have that portion of the Chelor inand his son Kulottunga-Choda-Deva II. He scription containing the genealogy printed from bestowed the village of Ponduva on Kolani-Katama- the original plates for insertion in this Journal, niyaka, who resided at Sarasipuri in a lake. with a critical translation by the able paleo. district of which he was the governor. With the graphist, whose aid I have already invoked. sanction of his superior he transferred the village
WALTER ELLTOT. just conferred on him to certain Brahmans as an Wolfelee, 18th March 1885. agraharam in Saka 1056= A.D. 1034-34. The lake in question is evidently the Kolar lake, lying
THE GENEALOGY OF THE CHOLAS. between the Godavari and KrishnA, and the village The latter portion of the genealogy of the larger of Panduva is shown in Arrowsmith's map No. 94 Chôļa grant at Leiden, of which Dr. Burgess

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has published a notice in the Indian Antiquary, Vol. XIII. p. 311, corresponds with the pedigree of the Cholas in the Kongu Chronicle-Vira- Chola of the Chronicle receiving in the grant the eponym of Parantaka I.
The full pedigree of the Chôļas, so far as it is given in the Kongu Chronicle, may be seen in the Manual of the Salem District, Vol. I. p. 39, arranged in tree-form from Dowson's abstract of the Chronicle in Jour. R. As. Soc., 0. S., Vol. VIII. p. Iff. and Taylor's fall translation of it in Madras Jour. Lit. and Sc. Vol. XIV. p. 4ff.
Stripped of collateral names, the two pedigrees stand as follows:
Kongu Chronicle
Vijayadi.
generations of the Cholas : and it is something to have obtained this amount of confirmed foothold in the midst of the great confusion in which the history of this dynasty is involved.
The Leiden Grant states that Rajaraja Chola conquered Satydsraya : and there is scarcely room for doubt that the reference is to one of the Western Chalukya kings, five at least of whom bore this eponym. If the name in the grant is to be regarded as a dynastic title, applicable to all the Western Chalukyas, the event referred to may well be the great victory obtained by the Cholas over Sômêsvara-Åhavamalla. This identification may possibly suggest the date of this grant, and at the same time afford a corrective for some of the difficulties which now surround the chronology of the Chöļas. But it would be unsafe to press it at present, any further than as a tentative suggestion.
Considering the small quantity of original materials hitherto published for the history of this dynasty, and the important part which these kings once played in the annals of the Peninsula, it would be a great service to those who are working on the very intricate problems of Chóla history if some one would publish the Sanskrit portion of the Leiden grant in the Indian Antiquary.
THOS. FOULKES. Coimbatore, 12th January 1885.
Aditya Varman.
Vira-Choļa.
Harimjaya or Arimjeya.
Parantaka.
Divi Raya, alias Arititu.
Arivari Deva, alias RAjarija.
Leiden Grant. Vijayalaya.
Aditya I.
Parantaka I.
Arimjaya.
Parantaka II.
Aditya II. Rajaraja.
alias Karikala. The early portion of the genealogy of the Leidon Grant agrees with the grant of Vfra-Chôļa, and with popular tradition, in ante Vol. IX. p. 47ff., and Salem Manual, Vol. II. p. 365ff., asserting the descent of the Cholas from the Solar Race through Ikshváku and Manu. The ViraChôļa grant traces their pedigree still higher than this, boldly carrying them up to the four-faced Brahmå himself.
The Leiden Grant and the Kongu Chronicle thus render mutual support to each other for six
THE LEIDEN COPPER-PLATE GRANTS
A CORRECTION. At p. 59 of Vol. XIII., tentative readings have been given of the legends on the scals of the two Chola grants in the University Museum at Leiden. An excellent cast of the seal of the larger grant, for which I am indebted to the kindness of Professor Kern, and a more careful examination of the photograph of the other than I was able to give to it in January 1884, enables me to give revised readings of the inscriptions.
That on the smaller and later grant runs,Śrf-Kulátturnga-Cholasya Rajaktsarivarmanah punyaris kahānisvara-sabhd.chuddratndyd(ya) ld sanam "Sri-Kulotturga-Chola Rajakesarivarman's auspi. cious edict to the crest-jewel of the assembly of earth-rulers."
The mistake in the first reading was mainly, if not entirely, due to the very peculiar form of the la in Chola, which being mistaken for nga, the syllables written below were taken in at the wrong place. These are-asya Rajakdearivarmanah, inserted below ringa-Cho and punya kahontevara. Dr. Kern has kindly pointed out this reading, and helped me with some of the letters in both inscriptions, about which I had doubts.

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The legend on the larger and older grant is in an earlier and more difficult character: it reads, Iti Rajendra-Cholasya Parakesarivarnmanah rdja-rdjanya-makuţa-éréni-ratnéshu básanam :
“This is RÂjêndra-Chola Parakesarivarman's edict to the jewels of the range of diadems of kinge and princes."
The character used here for the first syllable of Rajendra and in the third of rajardjanya is quite different from that employed to represent rain all other cases in the inscription, and is more like what we might expect to find for dra or pra.
JAMES BURGESS.
CURIOSITIES OF INDIAN LITERATURE. ANOTHER MACARONIC VERSE OF GUMANI KAVI. पूर्वजशुद्धिमिषाद्धवि गङ्गा
प्रापितवान्स भगीरथभूपः। बन्धुरभूज्जगतः परमो ऽसौ
सज्जन है सबका उपकारी।। Under the pretext of purifying his ancestors, king Bhagiratha brought down the Ganges (to 148 on earth). He thus became a supreme friend of the world; for-"A good man benefits every one, (even when he is working out his own purposes.)"
With this may be compared the following Sanskrit lines, by an unknown author, also popu. lar in Tirhut :एको मुनिः कुम्भकुशाग्रहस्तः
आम्रस्य मूले सलिलं ददाति । आम्राश्च सिक्ताः पितरश्च तमाः
एका क्रिया यर्थकरी प्रसिद्धा ।। A single saint, with a pitcher and a brush of kuba-grass in his right hand, pours water on the root of a mango-tree. By this the mangoes are irrigated, and his ancestors satisfied; (ao that) one act is declared to have a twofold accomplishment.
G. A. GRIERSON.
226. Acid food is better than acid speech. 227. Fear God and you will be safe. 228. The fear of God brightens the heart.
229. A mind free from care is better than a full purse.
230. The best riches are those which are laid out in pious uses.
231. To acquiesce in the decrees of God is the medicine of the heart.
232. The religion of a man is known by his words and deeds.
233. Treat him kindly who has injured you, that he may be ashamed.
234. Leave the perverse in his perversity. 235. What princes give to taste burns the lips.
236. The most despised of creatures is precious in the sight of God.
237. The remembrance of death cheers the heart.
238. Honour your father and your son will honour you.
289. Visit a man according to his attentions to you.
240. The ornament of the mind is better than that of the body.
241. He is allured by vain hope who rejoices in worldly things.
242. The safety of man lies in controlling his tongue.
243. Priests rule a people. 244. The disgrace of learning is boasting. 245. A little wisdom is better than many works. 246. A rich miser is poorer than a liberal pauper. 247. Prayer at night brightens the day. 249. The silence of a fool is his protection.
249. His labour is lost who trusts in any one but God.
250. The blow of a friend is the sharpest. 251. To enjoy lawful things enlightens the mind. 252. He who is stingy has a narrow mind.
253. The desire of learning is better than the desire of gold.
256. The injustice of a man overthrows him.
255. The tyranny of kings is better than the rule of the people.
256. The thirst for wealth is greater than the thirst for water.
257. Live coutented and you will be a king. 258. The fault of a discourse is its length. 259. A wise enemy is better than a foolish friend.
THE PROVERBS OF ALI EN ABI TALEBI. Translated by K. T. Best, M.A., M.R.A.8.
Principal, Guzerat College.
Continued from p. 124. 224. A man's companion resembles himself.
225. The ornament of men is their learning, bnt. the ornament of women is their gold.
BOOK NOTICES. SETEN CRAMMARS of THE DIALECTS and SUBDIALECTS been made in the study of Indian dialects since I
of THE BIHARI LANGUAGE. By G. A. GRIERBON, published my article on the Bhojpuri dialect, B. C. S.--Calcutta, Bengal Secretariat Press, 1883.
seventeen years ago, in the Journal of the Royal These little volumes, four only of which have as Asiatic Society (Vol. III. 1868). In the first place, yet appeared, shew the immense progress that has it is now clearly recognized that the term Hindi,

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as used by Europeans, is merely a vague expression While, however, I folly agree with Mr. Grierson for so many of the Aryan dialects as have not in separating Bihári from the so-called Hindi, I been distinguished by territorial names. I had feel a little difficulty in following him when he partially grasped this fact, though not fully, when divides his newly discovered language into 80 I wrote the remarks on p. 31 et seq. of Vol. I. of many as seven dialects. Indeed, he himself seems my Comparative Grammar of the Modern Aryan rather doubtful on this point, for he admits on p. 15 Languages of India in 1872. All round the outer of the Introduction that there are in reality only edge of Aryan India is a circle of kingdoms or three dialects, Bhojpuri, Maithili and Magadhi, provinces; Bengal, Orissa, Maharashtra, Gujarat, and his seven grammars are, or are to be, made up Sindh, Pañjab, Nepal; and the "Indian," or as the by giving in addition to these three, four mixed Muhammadans called it the Hindi, spoken in forms, such as Maithili affected by Magadhi, each of these places came by degrees to be called Maithili-Bang&li, and so on. All this extremely fine Bangali, Oriya, Marathi, and so on.
classification and subdivision, though it entitles But in the centre there remained a vast area for Mr. Grierson to high rank among scientific philowhich no special name was found, it was merely logists, is rather out of place in hand-books Hind, and its language or languages were all merely intended to teach officials the patois of their Hindi. It has long been known that under this districts. general term were included forms of speech differ- When one comes to look even at the three lead. ing very widely from each other, and it only ing dialects, one finds them so very much alike remained for some scholar to enquire into the that a grammar of any one of them would almost subject and classify these various forms, referring | be a sufficient guide to the whole group. Take for them to their proper relationships. Mr. Grierson instance the pronouns. That of the first person has done this for the Eastern part of the hitherto may be summarised as follows:undefined area, and he has therefore a perfect
Nominative.
Oblique. right to give a name to the form of speech whose independence he has successfully established.
Short Long Short Long Indeed, it is highly probable taat had the province
form. form. form. form. of Bihar, like the neighbouring province of Singular, "I” men ham
morå hamrå Bengal, maintained itself in independence of the
Plural, "we" hamant hamrani hamani hamrani crown of Dehli for any length of time, its language The only deviations from this scheme are would have been called Bihari many centuries that men is not used in Magadhi or South ago.
Maithili; that North Maithili uses moh as In the second place, the researches of Dr. well as mord; that Bhojpuri adds kú to hamani, Hoernle into the obscure subject of the Prakrit and all the dialects use also ham sabh and dialects, have placed it beyond a doubt that these hamrd sabh for the nom, and obl. plural forms of speech fall into two groups, called respec- respectively. The same close similarity runs tively Magadhi, and Saurasêni, the former being through all the parts of speech. Apart from this the elder of the two and at one time probably the defect of over-refining and over-classifying, which only language of Northern India, the latter and is a defect only in so far as it tends to embarrass younger having gradually extended from the west the practical student, these little grammars are as eastwards and pushed the older language before complete and perfect as can be desired. The it, till the domain of Mågadhi lay entirely to arrangement is admirable, being both scientificand the east of a line drawn north and south simple. The rules are clear, and not too numerous, through Benares, though its influence on the and the examples well chosen and carefully worked Saurasen resulted in the growth of a mixed out. "As none of these languages possesses any dialect called Arddha-Magadhi, which seems to literature (with the exception of Maithili, which have extended far to the west. At a later period has a little poetry), there is no recognized standard Magadhi pushed to the south-west through the of speech for any of them, and it is therefore Marath country, but in the valley of the Ganges inevitable that there should be many varying it never seems to have got much further west than
forms for every person of every tense. Mr. the longitude of Benares. From this it follows that Grierson's trained musical ear has enabled him to the dialects spoken in Bihár have very much less detect a very large number of those varintions, connexion with those spoken in the western parte very many more in fact than are apparent to the of the loosely defined and misleadingly designated ordinary observer; and all of these are very fully "Hindi" area than they have with the other given. It would have been well if some effort had speech forms of Magadhi origin, such as Bangali been made to select for each person or tense une and Oriya.
form, to be considered as the standard form, from

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BULANDUL, HISTORIC Indian Cirihu Press, 18
which the others should be held to be deviations. | with which no doubt he is acquainted,'pañich By this means the vagaries of rustio pronuncia- pañch mil kljá kedj, hard jitá na dve ldj: when tion might by degrees be reduced into manageable a company does business no one is blamed if limits.
it succeed or fail,' and which so aptly expresses Specially noteworthy is the attempt to indicate the hopelessness of trying to fasten blame on several fine distinctions in vowel sounds by signs a corporate body. However, it must be as gratify. borrowed from the Gurmukhi character, a measure ing to him as it is to us, to see that his repeated in which Dr. Hoernle took the lead, and which, it hammering at the folly of holding up ourselves may be hoped, will become general.
to the Indian public as official approvers of all John BEAMES. that is ugly and tasteless, is at last bearing reful
fruit, and that the Pañjab Government has
lately officially disapproved of plans submitted BULANDSHAHR; OR SKETCHES OP AN INDIAN DISTRICT, SOCIAL, HISTORICAL AND ARCHITECTURAL. BY F.S.
by the Lahore Municipality, merely on the GROWBE, C.I.E., Indian Civil Service. With illus- ground that they are ugly. It was admitted that trations. Benares. Medical Hall Press, 1834.
the plans proposed had been largely adopted This short quarto of some 90 pages is divided elsewhere, but the Government in effect hoped into three distinct portions. Part I. describes that the Municipality would be able to prepare the District of Bulandshahr, Part II. gives an plans of a more ornamental kind without mateaccount of its history from ancient times to the rially adding to the cost of the buildings. Mutiny, and Part III. an account of the rebuild. If we have read Mr. Growse's pages aright it ing of its towns under the auspices of the artistic would seem that he is of opinion that the Natives author.
are likely to largely copy the warehouse style of Mr. Growse's qualifications for the first two
architecture adopted by the Public Works Dedivisions of his subject are so well known and partment in our public buildings. Here we have been so well illustrated in his model think that his enthusiasm has carried him too district memoir on Mathura that it is almost far. Here and there an 'advanced' Native of the superfluous to say that both are treated with noble' class may do so, but it is our opinion, consummate skill and scholarship, and are safe after careful examination of many a building, guides for those who may have to study the that as architecture in India is still a living art, locality.
there is no servile copying to be found in the The main interest in the book lies in the third majority of buildings; and that even in British part, which describes how he set to work to im. Cantonmen: towns, where British influence prove the towns over which chance had given him is strongest and the very builders are nearly all control; a duty to which he evidently gave his trained in the Public Works Department, British whole heart and performed with all the enthu. influence in native buildings is mainly to be seen siasm of the artist. The key to the spirit which in adaptations of European ideas and materials animated him throughout is to be found in the to native architectural requirementa in reasonable quotation on the title-page :-"Our western civi. subordination, lization is perhaps not absolutely the glorious thing we like to imagine it." Accordingly we do not find him improving the city of Buland. A COMPREHENSIVE COMMENTARY ON THE QURAN
comprising Sale's Translation and Preliminary shahr by the erection of European buildings on
Discourse, with additional notes and emendations. European models for purposes considered desirable By the Rev. E.M. WHERRY, M.A., Vol. II. (Lone by Europeans, but by taking the city and the
don: Trubner and Co.) people as he finds them and inducing the latter to In noticing the first volume of this work (ante, satisfy their wants, as they feel them, by buildings Vol. XI. p. 304), we have pointed out its importance after their own hearts: Indian listlessness having to the student of Islam, and sketched its plan. been hitherto content with mere mud and un. This volume contains chapters III. to XIII, tidiness.
inclusive, or about one-third of the total contents This method of prooeeding brought him into of the Quran, so that two more volumes will be more or less direct collision with the powers that required to complete the work. We could wish be, especially in the Public Works Department, that, in what still remains, and in the promised and accordingly with all the courage of his opi. index to the text, Sale's Discourse, and notes, nions that has distinguished the author in other the author would, as far as possible, rectify his publications he runs full tilt at the Department transcriptions of Arabic and Persian names and without any mincing of words or beating about words-which is not scholarly, and is the worst, if the bush: inmindful of the native proverb not the only fault we have to find with the book.

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THE SONG OF ALHA'S MARRIAGE.
209
THE SONG OF ALHA'S MARRIAGE; A BHOJPURI EPIC.
EDITED AND TRANSLATED BY G. A. GRIERSON, B.C.S. D OUND the history of the famous Bundel'. case of other Gaudian languages, a final a is not
LU khand heroes Ålh å and Rûdal, an pronounced ; and words ending with this letter enormous cycle of folk-epics has collected are treated as practically ending in consonants; Probably these were originally written in the thus &c, I shall see,' is pronounced dékhab, Bundel'khandi dialect of the Bihari language;
and not dékhaba. Occasionally, however, (prinbut, so popular did the narrative of their exploits
cipally in the case of monosyllables and the 2nd become, that the poems are now found in almost
persons plural of verbs) a final a is pronouncevery dialect current in Hindústån. The
ed, and this is shown by the sign 7, thus doo different versions can, however, be roughly
dekhaba (or in prose dekh'ba) 'you will see.' divided into two classes, the Hindi (or Western) and the Bihari (or Eastern) recension. The
I have used the signs, J, T, 4, and , for
the short diphthongs e, ăi, o, au, peculiar to most noteworthy example of the Hindi recension
Eastern Gaudian languages. Their non-initial is one usually, though probably erroneously, attributed to Chand Bardái. Another version,
forms are e ar, 1 o, and Tau respectively. in modern Hindi, has been lately edited by
These vernacular signs are those used by the Chaudh'ri Ghâsi Râm of Bhatipura. In this
Bengal Asiatic Society, the Royal Asiatic version, as in other Western versions, the heroes Society, and the Government of Bengal, for are named Ålh å and Udal. A third version
the purpose. Natives, in writing, make no of the same recension exists in Kanauji, and
distinction between long and short vowels or has been translated by Mr. Waterfield in
diphthongs. When non-initial, i is always Vols. LXI., LXII. and LXIII. of the Calcutta
written long, whether really long or short; and Review, under the name of “The Nine-lakh
short when initial. So also u is always written Chain, or the Mårô Feud." The translation is
short. in English ballad metre.
The following is a brief account of the The Eastern version only exists in the mouths tradition concerning the origin of the two of itinerant singers, and is nearly always heroes of the story :couched in the Bhoj'půri dialect of Bihari, - Raja Par'mal or Par'mâr, the Chansometimes, however, mixed with Bais'wari, déla, conquered the whole of India. The when the audience is supposed to be of an first city he conquered was Mahôbá, of which educated character. The following Bhoj'puri | Bâs'dê o was the prince. This man had three text was obtained with considerable difficulty daughters. The eldest, Malan'da Nár from the mouth of one of these men, and has (also Mal'na, and Mal'nâwati), Parmál took in been carefully revised with the help of com- marriage. The other two were named Diwala petent Bhoj'púri scholars.
and Til'kâ. One day the king was out huntAlthough broken up into lines, the poem is ing in the forest of Kaj'ri', and found therein hardly in metre, being adapted for singing to two infant boys deserted by their parents. music, and not for rhythmic recitation.
He took them up on to his elephant and I have adhered to the system of spelling returned to his palace at Mahoba. At the usually 'adopted in printing Bihári, vis. to spell request of his wife he adopted them. One of the every word rigidly as pronounced. As in the boys was named Das'raj (also Jassaráj, and
Printed by Pandit Hardeo Sahal, Gyan Sagar, Merath (Meerut).
.i. e. ParamArdt Déva (circa A.D. 1165 to 1202) of Mahoba (called in the text Mahuba or MohabA) in Bundel'khand. He was the most famous of the Chandel dynasty of that province, and was finally defeated, and Mahoba captured by Pirthiraj in A.D. 1182. See V. A. Smith, History of Bundelkhand, Jour. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. 1. Part I. 1881, p. 11.
A very famous forest. According to Harischandra, the author of Hindi Bhalha, there was once in Central India Raj' pat prince named Dadu Bây, in whose time no MusalmAn dared touch the Ganges. He was
much beloved by his subjects. On his death, peculiar kind of song, called Kaj'ri, was invented in his memory. It received this name for two reasons: first, that the Kaj'ri forest was situated within his dominions and second, that the third of the month on which this song is most sung is known in the Purinas as the Rajjali tij. Acoording to tradition, Ålh& finally disappeared into this forest, and is now lying there perdu awaiting his oppor. tunity for issuing from it again. The Kajjalt Ban is s stock locality in modern legende. See Legends of the Panjab, Vol I. p. 520. The popular notion in the Pañjab is that it is on the banks of the Ganges in Graph'wal.ED.)

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Jasar); and him the king married to his sister- in-law Diwala. The other was named Bachh'raj, and was married to Til’ka. When they grew up, Parmál divided his kingdom and his army between them. Each of them had children. Jásar's son by Diwala was called Alh å or Alha. He had also another son by a maid-servant, whom he named Dhadh û. A son, subsequently born to him by his legitimate wife, was named Rûdal or Udal. The former is the Bihari, and the latter the Hindi version of his name.
Alh â was a suitor for the hand of Son's vatî, the sister of Raja Indar'man of Nainagarh. Indar’man was opposed to his sister marrying any one, and had captured and imprisoned several would-be suitors. The present poem deals with Rûdal's many battles with Indar'man on behalf of his brother Alhů. Finally Indar'man is conquered and slain, and Alhâ marries Son'vati.
TRANSLATION. When Alha's court was held, his palace was attended by great noblemen. The courts of the Ujains and Bisains' were also held there. Nine-hundred Någas of Nâg'púr, armed with Nag'phênî swords were there, and Kåkan of Dilli was seated there, with three thousand Loh'- tamiyâs." (5) There were also there Mash'war, Tirantî, Karam'wâr and Kumh Chandál. So also were seated there, Jhard, Ujhaniya, Guj'haniya, and the Lord Gadahiyawal. Dancing is going on and Mar'lidhar is playing on the flute. "Murmur murmur' sound the fiddles, and run run' sound the guitars. The drums roll, the flutes express love, and the mukh'chands studded with jewels give forth music. (10) Girls from Ceylon and boys from GoAliyar are dancing. So also are dancing girls of Bangal, verily a dance of fairies is going on in the bungalow. The kundio weighs seven mans' and its pestle ten. Eighteen 1 Rajput tribes..
Said to be the name of a Rajput tribe. * These are all said to represent Raj'pût tribes. It is A common saying that there aro as many kinds of Raj'. pûts as there are kinds of rice, 97 YT YE . * A kind of wind instrument.
pitchers of sabjó have been prepared, and nine balls of opium for each guest. Alha himself is chewing fourteen battis of poisons, and in his intoxication) (15) the pupils of his eyes are inverted, and his eyes themselves shot with blood. Fierce shone the features of the kings, brave as lions in battle. The son of Jasario is immortal. At that moment Rudal, at whose step the earth used to shake, and at whose shout the trees would wither, entered the palace. (20) As A lh â looked upon him he became grieved in heart, saying, "I see your body dimmed and your face sad. What distress has befallen you ? Tell me, sir, in what difficulty you are. Tell me the secrets of your heart, for how else shall my soul be comforted.' Rûdal said respectfully, 12 "O brother, hear the real facts (25) I am much distressed" in body, let my elder brother agree to do a certain thing. In the East I took Pat'ni city," on the day when I conquered the seven divisions of Nepal. In the West I conquered Badam and Lahaur, and in the South the mountain of Birin. I have searched the four quarters of the earth, but nowhere bave I found a maiden fit to be your wife. A bride has been born in Nainagarh, in the palace of king Indar'man (her brother). (30) She is the daughter of Sam Dêva, and is grown up, and her father demands a tiger-fighting bridegroom. Great is the desire in my heart to celebrate the marriage of my brother, and I would wed him to Son'vati.'
This much heard Ålhî and he began to grieve in his mind. Folding his hands he said respectfully, 'O Rüdal, pay heed unto my words. (35) Go not to Nainigarh, for its prince destroys castles just as if they were but wild beasts' holes." Powerful is the king of Nainagarh, and very mighty" in arms. He has thrown into prison fifty-two (would-be) bridegrooms, and seven hundred and fifty thousand happens in these songs. (See Preface to Vol. I. Legends of the Panjib, p. X.-ED.)
1 Rudal was younger than Alh, hence his respect in addressing him. ___1 पढ़ि is metrigratid. for पड़ी which is Hindi for पडल.
13 Torch means either Pat'na city,' or a well-laidout city. The phrase constantly occurs in folk-songs, Thus in one colebrating the birth of Ram, the fourteenth line commences, TTGT TCT, the town is welllaid out and a high city (J. R. A. S., Vol. XVI. Part 2, Some Bihirt Folk Songs. No. 9.) 16 HT is the den of a wild beast : TIE, here means like. "A common use of the word G.
طایفه or طوايف ft for ة
• A stone vessel for grinding bhang. "Abont a quarter of a ton.
An intoxicating drink made from bhang. • A batti is the lump of opium eaten at one time.
10 i. e. Alh. The latter half of the line appears to bave no meaning. It is recorded exactly as it was sung, but the singer was unable to interpret it. This often

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THE SONG OF ALHA'S MARRIAGE.
211
attendants of their marriage processions. TheWhatever he has written in the book of fate fathers of the bridegrooms he has shut up in that cannot be erased. If I die the earth is but dungeons," and the match-makers have been smaller by a single yard." Let me have one clothed in fetters. The very bards and mu- struggle (lit. blow) with destiny. (65) Then sicians have all been reduced to mud under the shall I be worthy to be called the Lord Rûdal, marriage canopy. (40) Three thousand men the son of Jåsar. of the tribes of Ek'hâ, Dhek’ha, Dhel'pur'wà, Rûdal departed thence, and went to the and Mut'ghinch'wa (has he slain). You will be fort of Piari, to where Deba" was holding killed in Nainagarh. O Rådal, pay heed to court. Dêbâ spread a golden bed for him, what I say. There is no hero in the world and made ready a golden stool. He sate him who dare marry Son'vatî. Go not to Naina- down on the top of seven carpets. (70) Rûdal garh.' So much heard Rûdal, and in a rage folded his hands, and said, 'My blessing be he blazed up like burning coals. (45) Reve- upon Débâ, the Brâhman. War has been rently said he, Brother, hearken to me. O declared with Nainagarh. Débâ, accompany cowardly brother, you are frightened and have me.' When Dêbû heard this he was thrown lost your wits. Shame upon your life! Has into perplexity, but with folded hands said, your sword sunk in the world 21 0 Amba, on Lord Rûdal, hear my words. Wherever Rodal's the day on which I go to Nainagarh will my sweat will fall, there will my blood fall too.' sword be wielded furiously. Ilook not at my (75) Dába, Débâ, cried out Rûdal, Deba, pay thin body, nor on my slender limbs, (50) for heed unto me. The horse" is tied up in my on the day on which I go to Nainâgaph will my stable, go and bring it to me this day.' Dêbû sword be wielded night and day.' When went off from Piari to Rûdal's stable. FiftyAlhå heard these words he was thrown into two horses of Kôtal were tied there, and in the great perplexity, and said politely, 'Lord Rådal, midst was the horse Benuliyâ ; 'twas then that hear me. How often have I remonstrated Débâ approached it. (80) With folded hands with you, Bagh Radal, and you never paid Débâ said, 'O horse, hear my words! You are heed to me? If you had been a child I could summoned by Bagh Rûdal. War has been dehave prevented you by force, but how can a clared with Nainagarh. O horse, accompany me!' hero like you be stayed, if he pays no heed to So much heard the horse, and in a rage he blazed words? (55) So whatever is your pleasure, that up like burning coals. Said he, My blessing be do. When Rûdal heard this, he rejoiced greatly, upon the Lord Déba. (85) Has a thunderbolt and after crying shame on cowardice, he said, fallen upon Alhå (that he fights no more) ? * Hear, O Brother, cherisher of the poor! It May torrents of anger fall upon him too. Ever would have been better, elder brother mine, since I have come from Indra's heaven, have I that you had drowned yourself, for it is dis- been put to this sad plight. Worms have bred in graceful for you to live. Had you been born my hoofs. Spiders have spun webs on the in the house of a leather-worker, you might shields, and rust has formed upon the swords. have stayed at home and) dressed leather every Has the sword sunk in the world pa. Âlhâ has morning. (60) But we are Raj'pûts by caste, never seen a fight (since then), and we have and we have but a few days in which we can but a few days to live in the world.' (90) Dê bâ live in this world. There are but three or four was delighted at hearing these words; and days of life, and then comes the dark night. unfastened the horse's front, heel, and neckEven if fate is displeased with us, God can ropes. He put on him the golden saddle and but take away our life. What else can he do ? bridle. As he unfastened the bridle he patted 18 This was a common custom in those days. When a
* An astrologer who plays an important part in the Rajput ve his daughter in marriage, it WAN pula of poem. In the western recension he is Dhew, the son of honour only to give her at the point of the sword.
Rah'mal, and his horse was named Manur'th. 11 ICT is a corruption of the English. guard.
» AlhA and Radal and their cousins were possessed 15 i. e. is there no one else left to fight with?
of five magic horses, which were foals of a horse belong 10 A name of Dévi.
ing to Indra out of a piebald mare belonging to Parmal, 101... Tiger Radal. Thas become shortened to tas
and which had wings. In the Western version Ålhi's
horse is named Kariliya, and Udal's Ras'bêndulor it is in the before the penultimate of a compound tadbhava word.
nie. taken up by my grave. This song is sung prin- * 1.6. Is there no one left to conquer P cipally by nata and jögfs, who bury their dead.
Bend is named them. In the Westlonging to Paris

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the horse's body. saying, My steed, may you let us take & short sleep.' Great was the beauty always be happy.' Debå saddled the horse of the garden, and there they took their rest. and started, (95) and in two and a half (125) As Rûdal wandered round it he was gharis reached Rädal. When Radal saw the filled with delight, and especially when he looks of the horse he was delighted. As he saw Indar'man's wrestling arena. (Said he), smoothed down its body he smiled and said My body has become stiff from the journey, reverently, 'O horse, hear my words !' Then | let me perform a few exercises." He tightened shouted he, My blessing be upon Dêbî, the up his fifty-two yards of loin-cloth and put on minister. (100) Make ready the horse Benuliya tight athlete's drawers. He rubbed his body and carry out my orders. D3bả the Brahman with the dust of fifty-two granaries," (130) saddled the horse and tied on it a silken saddle- placed the palms of his hands on the ground and cloth. He plaited the hair of its mane with performed nine hundred thousand exercises. gold, pinned on with silver pins. Its tail (O He whirled Indian clubs weighing twenty-two gentlemen, hear what I say !), he plaited with mans" and dils" weighing seventy and a half pearls, and a necklace worth seven lákhs he mans." The nejamos weighed thirty mans." put round its neck. (105) So much was the All these did Rûdal break, as he cleared the array of the horse. Now hear about Radal. ground around him. As he clapped his right
He fastened on a loin-cloth fifty-two yards hand” (O gentlemen, hear my words !), all the long, and drawers of kharuá cloth. At flowers in the garden fell down, the trees of the his side hunga shield weighing eighty grove were rooted up, (135) and the fishes were mans" and in his hand he carried & spear driven out of the water. By his mere shout weighing thirty mans." He put on a curved people became deaf. Siva mounted his bull leather belt, which reached down to his side, and ran away, while Dévi wept tears of pearls, and below its flap hung bis sword. (110) saying, "Who is this powerful king that has At his waist swing" fifty-six knives and desolated the garden under my charge ? If king nine javelins. Shoes of cloth shine on his Indar'man come to hear of it, he will strip my feet, and at the echo (of their movement) his skin from my body. Dêvî, with her seven moustaches quiver. A necklace of fifty-two
sisters" departed from Indra's paradise, (140) gold mohars he put on round his wrist. On his and in two and a half ghasis arrived at the arm above the elbow shines & golden spangle. garden. The awe-inspiring hero Radal leaped upon Radal was sleeping in the garden, and his horse and bestrode it. (115) Bagh Rüdal thither Devi went, and when she saw his form rode the horse Benuliya, and Debå the horse she was filled with perplexity. (Said she) This Hansâ,as and each on his own horse started for youth is of great beauty, and his eyes burn Nainagarh. They whipped their horses, and brilliantly. If he come in front of Indar'man these no longer set foot upon earth. They he will cut him off.' (145) By this time Rädal flew up and went in the sky at even pace. awoke from his sleep, and gazed around. Then * Rimjhim rim'jhim' danced the horses, as
folding his hands he said, 'O Dêvî, heed my peacocks of the forest dance; (120) and going words. I will sacrifice fifty-two goats to you, night and day they arrived at Nainagarh. and full fifty bull-buffaloes. I will even offer
When Radal saw the garden of Son'vati a human sacrifice to you, if you will grant he was delighted, and shouted, Dibt, Debů,
my petition. So much heard Dêvi, and in hear my words! Rest here in this garden, and a rage she blazed up like burning coals. (150) 35 About 3 tons. * Over a ton.
» Aias or as is an instrument used by athletes. It * g is metri gratid for , cf. line 428.
is a heavy wooden block with a handle for lifting. * Called Manur'thA in the Western version.
3* Over two and a half tons. " is stiffness of the joints from travelling.
35 The or r is a kind of bow, with iron chains » 37 is an athlete's exercise. The body is stretched
instead of a string, used by athletes, for lifting as a test
of strength. and supported on the palms of the hands and toes, and
30 Over a ton. then swing backwards and forwards.
37 ... on to the elbow of his left arm. roar is the dust made by pounding up the earthen
Devi is said to have seven sisters, or rather incarns. Kranaries or hot which natives kaep in their houses.
tions. Seven altars are usually erected to her at one It is used by athletes for smearing on their bodies.
place. 15 Nearly a ton.
A ghart is about half an hour.

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THE SONG OF ALHA'S MARRIAGE.
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Then spake she with her mouth, O Lord vati slept. The betel-dresser was preparing betel, Radal, listen to me. Many and many a time and other (nurses) were standing by in reverent have I warned you, but, my boy, you did not attitude. (185) Some nurses were opening heed my words. Mighty is the king of Naine- the plaits of her hair, and others stood by with garh, whose name is Indar'man. Fifty-two water in their hands. At that time Dêvi arrived minarets has his fortress, and fifty-three and showed Son'vati a dream, saying, thousand markets. There are fifty-two police- O Son'vatî, hear my words! King Bagh Radal stations in Nainagarh, which extends from has come and is camping in the garden. He wishes heaven to hell. (155) The wedding crowns of to marry Son'vati by force. (190) (If he does fifty-two suitors has he cast away to float upon not succeed) he will assuredly take my life, so, the river at Guraiya Ghat. Lord Rodal, you Son'vatî save me from death. When Son'vati will be killed. For nothing will you lose your heard Rudal's name she was delighted, and life. You will not be left to offer pindás for called out, Nurse, nurse, nurse Mangiya, your ancestors, and your whole family will be consent to do something for me. Last night I aprooted.' So much heard Rûdal, and from | saw in a dream that I went to worship in Siva's the soles of his feet blazed up fire throngh his temple. Bring me my casket of jewels and body. He seized Devi by her top-knot and my clothes. (195) Bring it hither.' The box cast her to the ground. (160) (The baleful of clothes was opened and a heap of apparel star) Sanichar was in his eye; O gentlemen, taken out. She put on a petticoat of western his eyes were dread as death itself! Twice or (cloth), embroidered with a hem of velvet. thrice did he slap and thump Devi, as he She put on a bodice of mus'ruf which was pressed her down under his knee. She scream- fastened with fifty-two ribbons. On every ed • Rám, Râm,' and weeping cried, O Radal, 1 joint of her fingers she put rings, and the tinkspare my life! I will bring you and Son'vati ling of her bangles (became audible). (200) A together.' (165) Rädal heard this much and was nagind stone adorned her little finger, and her delighted. He spared Devi's life and she ranteeth shone like diamonds. The spangle on away in terror to Indra's paradise. The five her forehead was worth seven lakhs. Her Pândavas were there, and their eyes fell upon plaited hair was loosened and meandered down her. (170) Wept they, 'O Devi, hear our words ! her back like black snakes. She took out her You are the mistress of the three worlds, why
mirror, and looked at herself, and became per. do you weep so bitterly.' Then shouted Devî, | plexed in mind. May my brother Indar"O Pandavas, hear my words! The son of man die the death, for ho keeps his sister a Jasar, by name Rûdal, has come, and wishes maiden in his house. (205) My youth has passed to marry Son'vati by force. (175) Even away. And I am still a maiden in Nainagarh. I, Dêvî, could not save my life from his hands. Cursed be this beauty of mine, for I dwell a Do you protect me, O Pandavas.' The Panda- maiden in Nainagarh.' The litter of Son'vati vas heard this much and wept tears of pearls. issued forth (from the castle), and she set out They all began to tremble, O Dêvi, hear our to worship Siva : and the eyes of Indar'man words ! Powerful is king Bagh Rûdal, and fell upon it, and he called his guards. Ho, mighty is he in arms.
there! Of what country is this king so mighty, Dôvi fled from Indra's paradise congratulat- who has mounted a litter? (210) Cut off his ing herself that she had not lost her life (180) head and cast it into the field'.“ King Indar'. and went to Nainagarh. Inside fifty-two man grasped his naked sword, and leaped doors was Son'vati sleeping. The bed was fifty-two cubits in the air. Son'vati's eyes of silver and the side planks of gold. Four fell upon him, and the soul of her inner hearts nurses sat round her, and in their midst Son'- took fire. No longer will I keep up the
40 The five Pandavas (Yudhishthira and his brothers) have not met the word at in any other connection. continually appear in folktales of this character as a Natives connect the word with t, a virgin, hence, a species of demi-gods.
field which has not been sown. Is there any connection A mixed stuff of silk and cotton. A corruption of with Kurukshetra, in the way of a field too sacred by
association to be used for ordinary purposes -Ed.] ATT U is field in which crops are not growing,
* I have only met the word nie in the phrase 377 but not necessarily a barren one. It may be ploughod i e, which is not uncommon. The phrase means the and otherwise prepared, as long as it is not gown. I inmost heart,
مشروع the Arabic

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tie of brother with this man.' She took off all her jewels, and laid them in the litter. (215) She fastened round herself a loin-cloth fifty-two yards long, and leaped forty-two cubits in the air. Then began the fight between the brother and sister; O gentlemen, terrible was the fight! The scimitars shrieked taş'tar taş'tar' and the swords Khatar khatar.' San'san san'san' hissed the bullets, as the combatants hardly set foot to earth. (220) For seven days and eighty-seven nights (sic) the battle lasted. Even when seven cubits of earth had been hollowed out by their feet, still Son'vati did not retreat. Then king Indar'. man drew his scimitar and called upon the name of Ali,*s and as he struck at Son'vatî, she warded off the blow with her plaited hair; a second blow he aimed at her which she warded off with her bracelet, and a third which she warded off with the border of her garment." (225) Then the lady leaped fifty-two cubits high, caught Indar'man by the wrist and threw him to the ground. She then pressed him down under her knee, till he screamed out
Rám, Râm. Sam Deva" saw this and began to weep bitterly. Crying 'Alas, alas !' he caught hold of her, and said, Daughter Son'vati, agree to this. (230) First cut off your father's head, and then your brother's.' Son'vati heard this much and became much perplexed. She, however, spared Indar' man, and answered her father,' How often have I warned this brother, but he heeded not my words. Last night I had a dream from Siva." (235) So much heard Indar'man, and in a rage he blazed up like burning coals. Cried he, 'I will have a canal dug from the Ganges to this place, and will fetch here Siva's discus" itself. Flowers will I supply from the garden, so that you may do your worship at home.' No one knows the arts of women. She turned the subject, and began to speak disparagingly of Bagh Rûdal. (240) 'He ! Oh, he is the man that was turned out of Sonrh'ļi. The king Jhag'rů turned him out. He is the slavel
*** is connected with 4 unripe,' hence 'hard, hence the word means the sound produced in beating a hard substance. Thus they say 95 HITT, I will give you a beating which will make a great sound.
* For 'Ali, the son-in-law of Muhammad and the patron of the Shi's Musalming.
46 In all these battles, it seems to have been etiquette not to strike the first blow. There is generally a contest of politeness between the combatants as to who is to
of a foreign master. How could he aspire to marry Son'vatî P'
Then Indar'man sent with Son'vatî her five sisters-in-law, and called out to nurse Mungiya, | O Nurse, hear my words! Whatever you see
occur in Siva's temple you must send word to me about it at once.'
(245) The litter of Son'vati started, and she entered the temple. The temple had fiftytwo gates, and inside them all went Son'vati. When she saw the image of Siva she began to grieve in her heart. "Nurse, nurse,' she called, My blessing be upon nurse Mungiya ! The flowers in my basket have run short. Go and fetch some from the garden.' (250) So much heard the nurse, and she was delighted in her heart. She took a golden flower-basket in her hands, and went to the garden.
Débâ, the Brahman, was seated there when the nurse arrived. Rudely said she, "Sir, hear my words! Of what country is the king who has come and encamped in the garden? (255) You will have to pay tribute for the garden. Give me my tribute.' Then called out Doba, "My blessing be upon nurse Mungiya! I am Duniya Singh, king of Loh'ganjar. I am come at the invitation of Sam Dêvå. I am comu to comply with his invitation. So much heard the nurse, and in a rage she blazed up like burning coals. (260) She began to speak disparagingly of Bagh Rûdal. The slave of a foreign master, Rûdal earns his bread from a stranger. How can that Rûdal be so andacious as to aspire to Son'vati's hand P' (When Radal heard these words) his heart burned within him, and from the soles of his feet he blazéd up like burning coal, as he cried, 'She is only a nurse, and dares to reply thus. Then what audacity is this of mine (compared with hers).' (265) He leaped towards the nurse, seized her by the wrist and threw her to the ground. He tore off the border of her garment" and the precious strings of her bodice, and dishonoured her as she screamed, Rám, Ram.'
Son'vati's nurse fled from the garden (270) begin. Usually the villain of the combat strikes three ineffectual blows at the hero, who then goes in and wins. 47 Her and Indarman's father, s 1.e. Not till then. ** 1. e. I must go to his temple and worship there. 50 His special object of worship. MANTE is a servant paid by being given a ar of food each day.
" Where it hid her bosom.

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THE SONG OF ALHA'S MARRIAGE.
215
to where her mistress was sitting in Siva's temple. Said she to the nurse, O Nurse, my blessing be upon you! With whom had you an assignation that you stayed so long away ?' Then screamed out the nurse, "My blessing be upon Son'vati! Your husband's younger brother, Bagh Rûdal, has come to the garden. (275) Your nurse's life has not been saved from him. O Son'vati, protect me! When she heard the name of Rudela, Son'vati was delighted. "The very boon which I asked for in the temple of Siva has come to me. So much is the narrative about Son'vati, now hear about Râdal.
Bagh Rûdal mounted his horse Benuliya, and Débâ his horse Hansâ, (280) and the former made his horse to fly and arrived at Siva's temple. He tied his horse at the gate, and entered. The eyes of Son'vati fell upon him, and she ran away to the inner window. She caused a golden bed to be spread, and a golden stool to be laid, (285) and on seven carpets she made Bagh Rudal sit. Reverently said Son'vati, My blessing be upon Lord Rûdal! Where is that girl born for whom you are ready to fight? Bagh Radal replied, My blessing be upon my sister-in-law Son'vati. Twelve years have passed and my brother is still a bachelor. (290) I shall pull down the fort of Nainagash and marry him to Son'vati.' So much heard Princess Son'vati, and she was filled with delight. My husband's younger brother is a hungry warrior. Let me give him food to eat. She sent for cows' milk and made khoa mixed with lumps of sugar.
Eat, eat, Lord Rüdal, the only hope of my life is in you.' (295) But Rodal answered roughly and said, 'O sister-in-law, pay heed to my request! I have taken an oath in Moh'bê fort that I will neither eat nor drink (till I have accomplished my purpose). To me water is as unlawful as if it were wine, and food as if it were beef.' Then called out Son'vatî, 'O Mungiyâ, my blessing be upon
you. Play the sports of the Holi with my brother-in-law. (300) So they mix abir" in Siva's temple. Some of them chuck him under the chin," and others pat his cheeks." They empty pitchers full of mud upon his body. His silken" loin-cloth, and his brown wrapper are wet through. His sheet studded with small pearls is besmeared with mud. (305) Then said Rûdal, O Lord Dobâ, hear my words. I am not the slave of women, that I should forget myself amongst these females. I am the slave of weapons, happen what Sita and Ram may ordain.' He sent for a roll of betel which he filled with leaden (bullets). Then uttering a charm he struck the nurse with it, and the spangle on her forehead was thereby smashed to pieces. (310) The nurse ran away to save her life.
The court of Indar'man, full of great lords, was assembled in the palace, and at that time the nurse arrived in his presence. She rolled on the ground under the bed and cried,
O king Indar'man, hear my request. King Bagh Rädal has come and surrounded the litter of Son'vati. (315) He wishes to marry by force. Is there any strength in your thighs ? Then go and rescue her.' In his heart king Indar'ınan was sorrowful, and in his heart he grieved. "Time on time have I warned Son'. rati, but she would not heed my words.
He set a roll of betel on the carpet. Nine hundred thousand rolls were put. (320) If any king would fight with Rådal, let him chew one of these rolls.' The jaws of the warriors trembled, the very thirty-two teeth in their months shook. They replied, 'Let him whose life is a burden to him go and be killed by Rûdal.' But Lah'ra Singh took up a roll and put it into his month. Then he caused the war-drums to be beaten, and the drum-sticks to sound jujhám jujhám.' (325) One by one the army collected till there were fifty-two and ninety thousands. The old men and those who had children were not counted in it, when
A lit. you have tightened your loin-cloth.
• Milk boiled down till it is thick. * The red powder thrown about at the Hol festival. It is also mixed with water and squirted from syringes.
TFT is a chuck under the chin. Sometimes the meaning is extended to a dig in the ribs.
" means to rub between the finger and thumb. H t is explained silken, but the meaning in doubtful.
» Voere here means $11.'
खवे in metrigratia for खावे or, more properly, खाये, lit. 'she eats (the act of) rolling.'
This is the regular ceremony for calling for volunteers for any hazardons enterprise. It is frequently referred to in this class of songs. Of. Chand, Revitata, 16. (Also Legends of the Panjab, passim.-ED.]
ht. under his jaw.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
the armies were not numbered." The king brought out fifty-two male elephants with short tasks, and sixteen hundred tuskers. There was altogether a circle of ninety hundred elephants, while above them hovered war-balloons. The mountaineers came down from the mountains, and the Lâkats started armed with swords. (330) Bangâlîs mighty in arms came from Bangâl and Mar'haṭṭas (Marâthâs), whose (cannons took) balls weighing full nine mans," 66 came from the South. Nine hundred cannons belonging to the king came, besides thirteen thousand which he borrowed. Fifty-two carts were loaded with flints, fifty-three with gunpowder, and thirty-two with lead. Naked swords were also loaded (on carts). (335) Against one Rûdal and one Dêbâ, ninety hundred thousand horsemen started. For fifty-two kos" around he caused beat of drum to be made inviting men to come in and take advances of a hundred rupees on their monthly pay; but that if any one ran away at the time of battle, he would be loaded with nine mans of fetters.
The bugle's sounded in the battalion," (340) and the army of Lah'rå started, O gentlemen! like torrents of rain from a cloud. The horsemen who fought with gunpowder' were seven hundred and fifty thousand in number, so the army of Lah'râ started, and came within sight of the temple of Śiva. He caused guns to be set at all the fifty-two doors of the temple; so Rûdal, Rûdal, was surrounded" in the temple of Siva. (345) His heart was in a flame, and he leaped upon his horse. Then he slapped his left elbow with his right hand, and at the sound the fifty-two temples fell down. Then said king
63 The meaning of this line is very obscure. A is described as a kind of balloon in which soldiers could fight in the air.
as A Raj'pût tribe.
es About a third of a ton.
6 About 104 miles.
af is a corruption of the English 'bugle.'
is a corruption of the English 'battalion.' means here 'simply,' i.e. soldiers who fought with gunpowder, and not with other weapons.
* घिराइल is a good example of the potential passive,
a form made from the primitive root by adding and shortening the penultimate. It thus differs from the causal, which is formed by adding. Thus from ' surround,' we have potential passive घिरा p.p. घिराइल ‘surrounded,' and causal घिराव p. p. घिरा चोल 'onused to
[AUGUST, 1885.
Lah'râ Singh, O Rûdal, pay heed to my words! Depart from hence and you will be saved from your fate.' But Bagh Rûdal paid no heed, and cried saying, 'Hear the word of virtue.'" (350) From words they came to quarrelling, and then to wrangling. Who could stop the wordy warfare? Fiercely they began to ply their scimitars. 'Tar'tar tar'tar' hissed the scimitars, and 'khatar khatar' the swords, 'san'san san'san' whizzed the bullets, so that on neither side could the ears (of the warriors) bear to hear the terrible noise. A hundred and sixty horsemen, who fought with gunpowder fell, (355) for just as a carpenter cuts down the trees of the forest, so did Rûdal leap and hack. A stream, half Ganges water and half blood, flowed. Footsoldiers fell on foot-soldiers, and horsemen on horsemen. In the stream the shields floated resembling tortoises, and the swords like alligators. Knives and daggers floated like sidh'ri fish and ate up the soldiers. (360) In the battalion of ninety thousand men only ten escaped. Then Lah'râ Singh bound Rûdal with an oath to spare his life, saying, Always will I be thankful to Bagh Rûdal.' So much heard Rûdal and he was delighted, and turned back (from the attack). Then Lah'ra Singh attacked him a second time with greater violence" (365) and calling upon the name of Ali, drew his scimitar. As he struck at Rûdal, Dêvi immediately warded off the blow. Then Rûdal's heart burst into flame, and he leaped fifty-two cubits into the air, and so struck he Lah'râ that his corpse" rolled upon the earth. Away then fled the army of Lah'râ to Nainâgarh,
74
surround. The change of to is a Westernism borrowed from Hindi: cf. line 314. Usually shortens regularly to so that usually become T and घेराव.
i, e. the real fact.
13 t is a curious word. I am not quite sure of its derivation. Bate, Hindi Dict., gives at as equivalent to, but in Bhoj'puri the two words are quite distinct. means 'like, resembling,' but t, 'greater,' 'stronger,'' older :' always in a comparative sense: e.g. बर कन्या से सरेख बा, 'the bridegroom is bigger than the bride.' But one can never say simply the bridegroom is big.'
1 See above, line 223. KETT, 'quiver.'
15
, a corpse,'

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217
(370) to where Indar'man was sitting in court. They cried to Indar'man to save their lives. When Indar'man saw them he grieved in his soul, and he himself took up one of the rolls of betel, which he had deposited as a challenge. He called for his elephant Bhaun. rânand, and had it fed with nine mans of bhang, 16 (375) and taking only ten soldiers with him, as a quiet battalion, started. In a moment's walk he arrived at Siva's temple. Radal's horse, which was tied there, saw the battalion, and lamenting, called upon Dévi to save his life. Dêvi came in the form of Banas'pati (the goddess of the forest, (380) and untied it. The horse flew into the sky, to where Radal was sleeping in the temple, and wakened him with the trampling" of its hoofs, telling him that Indar'man's battalion had come. Rûdal leaped upon his steed and arrived in the midst of the battalion (385) and without considering whether it was a propi. tious time or not, he immediately began to use his sword.
Then began the fight between Indar'man and Rûdal in Siva's temple. Such a fight was it that no one had time to recognize friend from foe. The discus-headed arrows hissed. 'gan'gan gan'gan,' and the camels cried 'bal'bal.' * San'san san'san' whizzed the bullets, so that on neither side could the ears of the warriors) bear to hear the terrible noise. (390) Rudal cut down all the ten soldiers of Indar'man, and made a clear space. Then Indar'man became greatly enraged and drew his sword, but when he struck at him Rûdal received the blow on his shield which weighed eighty mans. But the shield was cut through by the stroke, and only the inside pad remained in the hand of the man behind it. The arm and rib of Rudal was broken by the blow; (395) his horse's shoe was broken, and the horse's rider fell to the In It has the property of infuriating elephants. 11 ta, to trample.
जाते is for जातीह oblique of जात or जाइत, present participle of 'go,' immediately on going.
*FET is the soft pad of cotton on which soents (such na 'tar of roses) are dropped, as on a sponge. It is also used to mean the bed of cleaned cotton on which a person is laid when suffering severely from eruptive diseases. Thus they say yaar a f e ast, I 415T 9 ales artso badly has the small-pox come out on him that I have put him to lie on a cotton phdha.' ya or TTT 18 the inner throat.
* The Morang is the Eastern end of the Nepal Tardi.
ground screaming Râm, Râm !' When Dêvi saw Rûdal in this parlous state, she came from Indra's paradise to him, and dropped ambrosia into his throat. (400) As soon as his palate tasted it, Rûdal rose in amazement, and finding his life saved by Dêvi, fled to save it himself. Fleeing, fleeing, he arrived at Moh'ba. So much for Rûdal, now hear the account of Alha.
Quoth he, how often did I warn Bagh Rådal, but the boy paid. no heed to my words.' (405) For fifty-two leagues in all directions did Bagh Rûdal have the drum beaten, and he wrote a letter and sent it to Til'ri. The oilmen and shopmen of Til'ri, terrible in arms as a black tempest, sent a letter to Nar'bar'garh, to the audience hall of king Med'ni Singh, who (on its receipt) set out for and arrived at Moh'bâ. (410) So also came the kings of Mak'rannagarh and the Morangoo and Bhuwan Singh the king of Sil'hat, Sur'jan Singh the king of Dillf came, and the old Saiyad of Banáras," with his nine sons and eighteen grandsons. He could stop lowering clouds. Very terrible was he in the fight” (415) Miyan Meh'di of Kábul came, who ate his food in his hand.8. He will fly in the air as he fights, and the corpses of those killed by him will be eaten by fairies. Came King Lâkhan Singh with lákhs on lákhs of horsemen. Naumaniya came whose sword weighed nine mans and whose grindstone weighed a hundred and twenty-five mans." He was a leader amongst a hundred heroes. How can I describe his entrenchments P (420) Bhuwan Singh, the king of Sil'hat came. Radal quickly summoned every king who could fight. 'All who could fight, and who owned a lakh and a quarter of cavalry he summoned. So much is the account of the kings, now hear about Rûdal.
He threw down the rolls of betels' and took one up himself. (425) He caused war-kettle
51 He was TAIA, a great friend and ally of the Band. phals. See Summary of the Alha Khand, post. Compare Mr. Waterfield's translation of the Kanauji version of that poem, Cal. Rev., Vol. LXI., P. 309 :
And Mira TAlhan the Saiyid
In Bansrag then abode; And by his banner nine stout sons
And eighteen grandsons rode.' . W e means, 'hanging as if about to rain'. I have only noted its use in connection with clouds.
83 lit. in arms. 8. As he rode to the meeting, so hasted he. 45 lit. iron.
50 About six cut. 07 About four and a half tons.
This line is repeated twice." See note to line 319.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
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drums to be sounded, and the drumsticks bearers. (455) They entered into the fort where sounded 'karám karám.' Quickly he sent for Indar'manwas seated. Indar'man leaped Alha, O brother, come with me! I will upon Alhâ, and seizing him by the wrist cast celebrate your marriage with Son'vati, night him to the earth. With fifty-two rows of string and day will the swords be plied.'
he tied his hands behind his back, and packed Gangan, the washerman of Dur'gauli, had him up in a sack. Then he put him upon a barge fifty-two asses tied at his door." On these he and cried, Brother Chhôtak, my blessing be loaded his maces; terrible as a black tempest upon yon. (460) Take Alhå away and drown was he in the fight. (430) Danî the Koîrî of him in the Ganges. Chhôtak made ready & the Baburt forest, who had a lakh of cavalry battalion of a hundred and twenty-five thousand mounted on Singhin horses, came. So the men, and arrived at the Ganges' bank. There battalion of Bagh Rûdal started, with its three they sank him in the Ganges. They sank Alha hundred thousand cavalry. After journey in the water, but he being the immortal son of a night and a day they arrived at their of Jasar was not drowned. destination," and in Dar'gauli did they pitch In the meantime Rûdal came back to camp their tents. Folding his hands Rudal asked from Indra's paradise. (465) The palanquinhis brother to attend to his instructions. (435) bearers are weeping in Dar'gauli, O lord Then leaving a guard of nine hundred soldiers Rudal, take some measures. They have over Älhä he went to Indra's paradise. He drowned Alha: they have drowned him in the went, having bought vermilion of the immortals. Ganges.' Rûdal leaped upon his horse and So much is the account of Rúdal, now hear the arrived at the Ganges' bank. tale of Nainagash.
The fight with Chhotak commenced. "Taş'tar The bard of Nainagarh was a tale-bearer, and taş'tar' shrieked the scimitars, and khatar khaNo he went into the audience chamber of Indar'. tar' the swords. (470) As a wolf falls upon goats, man (saying), Rûdal's brother is Alh'gaðjar, so fell Rûdal upon the battalion. Those whom and he is encamped at Durgauli. (440) he caught by the leg and Aung to the ground There is an army of three hundred thousand were torn to pieces. He cut off the heads of men with Alha. Folding his hands respect- the elephants, and they floated in the water fully he said, My blessing be upon the like little boats. He smote the camels a slap, lord Indar'man. If you give me the order, I and they fell down with their legs in the air. will call him here.' At hearing so much, The hundred and twenty-five thoasand men-atking Indar'man was delighted and exclaimed, arms of Chhotak were cut to pieces. (475) Then * The day on which you bring Alhå here, on he smote Chhôták, and cleft his head in two. that day will I give you half the kingdom Away fled Chhotak's soldiers to king Indar'. of Naina.' (445) The bard went forth from man's audience hall. "A hard warrior,' say Nainagarh and arrived at Durgaulî: folding they, 'is Bagh Rûdal, he has cut us all to his hands he said, 'Lord AlhA, king of kings, pieces, and cleared the field.' 'So much is the hear me. The sword will not be plied in tale of Indar'man, now hear about Radal. Nainagarh, and the marriage will take place He took Älha out of the barge and laid peaceably.'* Albâ folded his hands and re- him on the ground. (480) Then when he plied, 'O Bard, hear the truth! I will not opened the sack and saw his brother, Rädal go to Nainagarh ; (if I did), I would fall into gmote his chest with his mighty band. He put calamity. (450) But the bard took an oath, him into the palanquin, and escorted him to
O lord Älha, hear my words! Let him who Durgaull. So much is the tale of Alha, now deceives a king be washed away by the Ganges,' hear about Indar'man. So Alha's palanquin started in great pomp,
He threw down the rolls of betel and took and in two and a half gharís arrived at | up one himself. He made the war-music Nainågarh, accompanied by nine hundred play and the instruments founded jujhám,
0 lit. gwinging: cf. note to line 110.
ners strive to reach. This is the forest where Am'r& Guru, the spiritual
This line is quito unintelligible. The singer himself preceptor of the Banophals, lived.
did not know its meaning. " T, from wra, run,' means the goal which run-1 lit., through or by means of (5 ) virtue.

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jujhám. (485) One by one an army assembled; an army of fifty-two and ninety thous ands. Fifty male elephants with small tusks, and three thousand single tuskers. Nine hundred of his own cannons he took, and three thousand he borrowed and yoked. He borrowed twelve-barrelled" cannons, and loaded them with balls. He borrowed eight-barrelled cannons and loaded them with knives. (490) Then the kings all swore, Shame upon our lives; let us go and cut them off, and clear the field.' Indar'man's army started, and came to Śiva's temple. There he fired a cannon as a salute, and caused war-music to be played. The news of this was taken to Rûdal. Cried he, 'Brother Alhâ, hear my words! (495) Make ready the army, and let us haste to Siva's temple.' So the army went forth to Siva's temple. Then said King Indar'man, Lord Rûdal, hear my words! Depart from hence and you will be saved from your fate. But called out Bagh Rûdal, 'My blessing be upon King Indar'man! (500) Perform Son'vati's nuptial ceremonies. Why do you prolong the conflict ?'
Then the fight began, and fiercely were the swords plied. Foot-soldier fell on footsoldier, and horseman upon horseman. The earth did not attack the foot soldiers, nor did horses their riders." (Rûdal) split into two parts" the heads of all the elephant-drivers. (505) The fight lasted for six months, but still king Indar'man did not retreat. Then Bagh Rûdal went to Son'vati, and folding his hands said, 'Sister-in-law, may blessing be upon you. He cannot be killed by anyone. Only you can cut him down, and when you will cut your brother down, then your marriage will take place.' (510) So much heard Son'vati and she was delighted in her heart. She took her magic"" scimitar in her hand, and disguising herself as a man, hastened out followed by Rûdal. When Indar'man and Son'vati saw each other, the
95
us
is the English 'fire.'
6 This is quite unintelligible, the singer himself does not know its meaning.
दुखराव, 'divide into two.'
The latter half of the line is unintelligible. It is as the singer gave the words, but he was unable to tell the meaning. 99 lit. immortal. 100 Sic in original. The singer explains that her affection was aroused on seeing her brother's blood, and she ran away in shame.
0g
a plunging."
219
former cried out, Blessed be God! (515) My enemy, my sister, has at length come.' He drew his scimitar and attacked her, but she received the blow on her shield, and then she struck Indar'man, and cleft his head in two. The blood of Indar'man flowed from his body, and Son'vati fled away to save her life.100 (520) Then called out Bagh Rûdal, 'O Brother, follow my advice.' And his whole battalion went to the Ganges' bank and there bathed, 101 and then started for and arrived at Nainâgarh. There Rudal addressed Sam Dêvâ,10 My Lord, my blessing be upon you! (525) Perform now Son'vati's nuptial ceremonies, why should you prolong the conflict ?' So much heard Sam Dêvà and he was filled with delight, and cried he, 'Do you now perform the nuptial ceremonies. Why should you prolong the conflict.' Rûdal heard this much and was filled with delight. Now hear about Sam Dôvâ.
He got felled a fresh mahud tree, (530) and six green bamboos.103 With scimitars he thatched it, and he sent for nine hundred learned men and made them sit within it. Golden pitchers placed he under the canopy. The stools he has placed therein were made of the backs,103 (535) and the plough share out of their thighs, and the (four-wick) lamps out of their skulls. All in the midst of the canopy.
Rûdal's battalion came and entered beneath the canopy, and there they found seated the old man Madan Singh, Son'vati's grandfather. (540) He roared under the canopy, so that its ten doors shook, 107 Said the old man Madan Singh, 'You caitiff Rûdal, hear my words! How great is the audacity of Bagh Rûdal that he would marry my daughter?' So battle ensued under the canopy: a severe fight it was. Nine mans of snuff10s were scattered in the air, as they fought with logs of wood.100 Bricks rained in showers under the canopy, and Rûdal began to grieve in his heart. Half his battalion was cut to pieces and in the
10 The father of Indar'man and Son'vati. 103 For the posts of the marriage canopy.
10. These pitchers are gaily painted and are surmounted by four-wick lamps (g) and form a necessary part of the wedding apparatus.
10s Of the heroes whom he had slain in battle.
108 This is also a part of the wedding apparatus.
101 v. intr. 'shake.'
108 Buk'wd is a kind of snuff scattered in the air during the marriage ceremony.
10
is wood split for fuel.

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[AUGUST, 1885.
marriage canopy the golden pitchers sunk.in | कौन सकेला तोर पड़ गैल बाबू कौन ऐसन गाढ़ Invoking the aid of Mother Dêvî he drew his
भेद बताब तूं जियरा के कैसे बूझे पान हमार sword and smote old Madan Singh, so as to sover his head from his body.
हाथ जोड़ के रूदल बोलल भैया सुन धरम के बात (650) With folded hands Sam Devi said, पड़ि सकेला है देहन पर बड़का भाइ बात मनाव 25 My blessing be on lord Rûdal. Celebrate now | पूरब मारला पुर पाटन में जे दिन सात खण्ड नेपाल Son'vati's nuptials.' So they called nine hundred
पच्छिम मारला बदम लहौर दक्खिन बिरिन पहाड़ learned men, and at midnight they summoned the bridegroom. There they sat Son'vati down and
चार मुलुकवा खोजि ऐलों कतहीं न जोड़ी मिले बार celebrated her marriage with Alha. So was it कुआँर done : by force was the marriage celebrated. कनियाँ जामल नैना गढ़ में राजा इन्दरमन के दरबार (555) Nine hundred prisoners were confined
बेटी सयानी सम देवा के बर माँगल बाघ जुझार 30 in the canopy and he cut all their fetters as they cried, May you live for ever, lord Rüdal,
बड़ि लालसा है जियरा में जै भैया के करौं* बियाह and may your sword be ever famous.'111 करो बिअहवा सोनवाँ से
So the litter of Son'vati started and came |प्रतना बोली आल्हा सुन गैल आल्हा मन मन करे गुनान within sight of Moh'bâ, and by travelling night
जोड़ गदोइ अरजी होय गैल बबुआ रूदल कहना and day it arrived there. TEXT.
मान हमार ॥ अथ गीत आल्हा ॥
जन जा रूदल नैना गढ़ में बबुआ किल्ला तूरे मान के लागल कचहरी जब आल्हा के बँगला बड़े बड़े बबुआन
नाहि
35 लागल कचहरी उजैनन के बिसैनन के दरबार
बरिया राजा नैना गढ़ के लोहन में बड़ चण्डाल नौ सौ नागा नागपूर के नगफेनी बाँध तरवार
बावन दुलहा के बैंधले बा सादे सात लाख बरियात बैठल काकन डिल्ली के लोहतमियाँ तीन हजार
समधी बाँधल जब गारत में अगुआ बेड़ी पहिरलन जाय मढ़वर तिरीता करमवार है जिन्ह के बैठल कुम्ह च
भौट बजनियाँ कुल्हि चहला भैल मँड़वा के बीच मैझार एडाल
प्रकहा ढेकहो ढेलफुरवा मुटपिचवा तीन हजार 40 झड़ो उझनिया गुजहनिया है बाबू बैठल गदहियावाल
मारल जैब नैना गढ़ में रूदल कहना मान हमार नाच करावे बैंगला में मुरलिधर बेन बजाव
के बीर न० बा जग दुनियाँ में जे सोनवाँ से करे बियाह मुरमुर मुरमुर बाजे सरङ्गी जिन्ह के रुन रुन बाजे
जन जा रूदल नैना गढ़ में बबुआ कहना मान हमार
प्रतना बोली रूदल सुन गैल रूदल जर के भैल अंगार सितार तबला चटके रस बेनन के मुखचन्द सितारा लाग
हाथ जोड़ के रूदल बोलल भैया सुनी बात हमार 45 नाचे पतुरिया सिङ्घल दीप के लौडा नाचे गोप्रालि
कादर भैया तूं कदरैल तोहरो हरि गैल ग्यान तोहार
धिरिक तोहरा जिनगी के जग में डूब गैल तरवार यरवाल
10 तोफा नाचे बैंगला के बैंगला होय परी के नाच
जेहि दिन जाइब नैना गढ़ में अम्बा जोर चली तरवार सात मन का कुण्डी दस मन का घुटना लाग
टूबर दहिया तूं मत देख झिलमिल गात हमार घेला अठारह सबजी बन गैल नैी नौ गोली अफीम जाह दिन जाइब नना गढ़ म दिन रात चला तरवार 50 चौदह बत्ती जहरन के पाल्हा बत्ती चबावत बाय
प्रतना बोली आल्हा सुन गैल आल्हा बड़ मोहित होय पुतली फिर गैल आँखन के अंखिया भैल रकत के धार
1 हाथ जोड़ के पाल्हा बोलल बाबू सुन० रूदल बढ़ान चेहरा चमके रजवाड़ा के लड़वैया शर जवान केत्ता मनीला बघ रूदल के बाबू कहा न मनला मोर अम्बर बेटा है जासर के अपना कटले बीर कटाय लरिका रहल तो बर जोरी माने छैला कहा न० माने मोर जिन्ह के चलले धरती हीले डपटै गाछ झुराय जे मन माने बघ रूदल से मन मानन कर बनाय 55
ओहि समन्तर रूदल पहुँचल बैंगला मे पहुँचल जाय प्रतना बोली रूदल सुनगैल रूदल बड़ मङ्गन होय जाय देखल सूरत रूदल के आल्हा मन में करे गुनान 20 | दे धिरकारी रूदल बोलल भैया सुनी गरीब नेवाज दहिया देखा तोर धूमिल मुहवाँ देखाँ उदास | डूब ना मूइल तूं बड़ भाइ तोहरा जीअल के धिरकार 210 In the stream of blood.
| 1 बजे 'may it be famous' ; lit. 'may it sound.'
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AUGUST, 1885.1
THE SONG OF ALHA'S MARRIAGE.
221
पास
जाइ जनमत तूं चमरा घर बबुआ नित उठ कुटत | देखल सूरत घुड़ बेनुल के रूदल बड़ मगन होय जाय चाम
दहिया पाँछे जब घोड़ बेनुल के रूदल हंस के कैल जात हमार रजपूतन के जग में जीबन है दिन चार 60 __जवाब चार दिन के जिनगानी फिर अंधारी रात ।
हाथ जोड़ के रूदल बोलल घोड़ा सुन ले बात हमार दैब रुसिहे जिब लिहे आगे का करिहे भगवान तब ललकारें रूदल बोलल डेबा मन्त्री के बलि जाओ जे किछु लिखल नरायन बिध के लिखल में नाहिं जाय | घोड़ा बेनुलिया तैयारी कर जलदी बोल कर० गज भर धरती घट जैहे प्रक चोट करों दैब से मार परमान
100 तब तो बेटा जासर के नयाँ पड़े रूदल बबुआन 65 घाड़ा पलान डबा ब्राहमन रसम कामड़ पलान चल गैल रूदल ओजनी से गढ़ पिअरी में गैल बनाय | चोटी गुहावे सोनन से चाँदी खील देल मढ़वाय लागल कचहरी है डेबा का जहवाँ रूदल पहुंचे जाय
पूँछ मढ़ावल हीरा से महराजा सुनी मोर बात सोना पलँगरी बिछवाइ सोना के माँढा देल धरवाय
सात लाख के हैकलवा है घोड़ा के देल पेन्हाय सात गलैचा के उपर माँ रूदल के देल बैठाय
प्रतो पोसाक पड़ल घोड़ा के रूदल के सुनी हवाल 105 हाथ जोड़ के रूदल बोलल बाब डेबा ब्राहमन के बलि बावन गज के धोती बाँधे खरुअन के चढल लँगोट जाओं
70
अस्सी मन के ढलिया है बगल में लेल लगाय लागल लड़ाइ नैना गढ़ में डेबा चली हमरा साथ
तीस मन के जब नेजा है हाथन में लेल लगाय
| बाँक दुआल पड़ल पञ्जड़ तक तर पल्ला पड़ल तरवार प्रतना बोली डेबा सुन गैल डेबा बड़ मोहित होइ जाय | जोड़ गदोइ डेबा बोलल बाबू सुनी रूदल बबुआन
छप्पन छूरी नौ भाला कम्मर में दुले बनाय 110 जहवा पसीना है रूदल के तहवा लोधिन गिरे हमार
जूता बनाती गोड़ सोभै जिन्ह का गूंज माँछ फहराय डेबा डेबा के ललकारे डेबा सुन बात हमार 75
बावन असरफी के गल माला हाथन में लेल लगाय बाँधल घोड़ा तबल खास में घोड़ा ए दिन लाव हमरा
भूजे डण्ड पर तिलक बिराजे परतापी रूदल बीर फाँद बछेड़ा पर चढ़ गैल घोड़ापर भैल असवार 114
घोड़ा बेनुलिया पर बघ रूदल घोड़ा हन्सा पर डेबा बीर चल गैल डेबा गढ़ पिपरी से तबल खास में पहुँचल
दुइए घोड़ा दुइए राजा नैना गढ़ चलल बनाय
मारल चाबुक है घोड़ा के घोड़ा जिमि न० डारे पाँव बावन कोतल के बैंधिल है बीच में बैंधिल बेनुलिया घोड़
उड़ गैल घोड़ा सरगे चल गैल घोड़ा चाल बरोबर जाय अहि समन्तर डेबा पहुँचल घोड़ा कन पहुँचल जाय ।
रिमझिम रिमझिम घोड़ा नाचे जैसे नाचे जङ्गल के जोड़ गदोइ डेबा बोलल घोड़ा सुन बात हमार 80
मोर भैल बोलाहट बघ रूदल के
रात दिन का चलला माँ नैना गढ़ लेल तकाय 120 लागल लड़ाइ नैना गढ़ में घोड़ा चल हमरा साथ ।
देखि फुलवारी सोनवाँ के रूदल बड़ मगन होय जाय प्रतना बोली घोड़ा सुन गैल घोड़ा जर के भैल अँगार
| डेबा डेबा के गोहरावे डेबा सुनक बात हमार बोलल घोड़ा जब डेबा से बाबू डेबा के बलि जाओं 84
| डेरा गिराव० फुलवारी में प्रक निंदिया लेब गवाय बज्जर पड़ गैल आल्हा पर श्री पर गिरे गजब के धार बडा दिव्य के फलबारी है जहवी डेरा टेल गिराय 14 जब से ऐलों इन्द्रासन से तब से बिदत भैल हमार |
घुमि, घुमि देखे फुलवारी के रूदल बड़ मङ्गन होय जाय पिलू बियायल बा खूरन में ढालन में झाला लाग ।
देखल अखाड़ा इन्दरमन के रूदल बड़ मङ्गन होय जाय मुरचा लागि गैल तरवारन में जग में डूब गैल तरवार
कैंडा लागल है देहन माँ दुइ डण्ड खेलौं बनाय आल्हा लड़या कबहीं न देखल जग में जीवन है बावन गज के धोती बाँधे उलटी चरना लेल चढ़ाय दिन चार
89 बावन कोठी के कोठवार देहन में लेल लगाय 129 प्रतना बोली डेबा सुन गैल डेबा खुसी मगन होय जाय | पलहथ रोपल अखड़ा में रूदल डण्ड कैल नौ लाख खोले अगाड़ी खोले पिछाड़ी गरदनियाँ देल खोलाय मूंदल भौजे मन बाइस के साढ़े सत्तर मन के डील बीन लगमियाँ धर खोले सोनन के खोले लगाम | तीस मन के नेजम है रूदल तूर कैल मैदान पीठ ठाँक दे जब घोड़ा के घोड़ा सदा रह० कलियान | ताल जे मारे फुलवारी में महराजा सुनी मोर बात चलल जे राजा डेबा ब्राहमन घुड़ बेनुल चलल बनाय । फुलवा झरि गेल फुलवारी के बन में गाछ गिरल घड़ी अढाइ का अन्तर में रूदल कन पहुँचल जाय 95 | भहराय
जाय

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222
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[AUGUST, 1885.
जल के मछरी बहरी होय गैल डाँटे कान बहिर जिब ना बाचल मोर देबी के पण्डो जान बचाई मोर 176 होय जाय
135 | प्रतनी बोली पण्डो सुन गैल पण्डो रोए मोती के लोर बसहा चढ़ि सिब जी भगले देबी रोए मोती के लोर | थर थर कापे कुल्हि पएडो देबी सुनी बात हमार कहाँ के राजा प्रत बरिया है मोर फुलवारी कैल उजार बरिया राजा बघ रूदल लोहन में बड़ चण्डाल सुने पैहें रजा इन्दरमन हमरो चमड़ी लिहें खिंचाय भागल देबी इन्द्रासन से अब ना छटल मान हमार ' सती बहिनियाँ देवी इन्द्रासन से चलली बनाय भागल देबी इन्द्रासन से नैना गढ़ में गेल बनाय 180 घड़ी अढाइ का अन्तर में पँहुचली जाय 140 | बावन केवाड़ा का अण्डल में जेह में सोनवा सति रूदल सूतल फुलवारी में जहवा देबी जुमली बनाय बनाय देखल सूरत रूदल के देबी मन मन करे गुनान लग चरपाइ चानिन के सोनन के पटरी लाग बड़ा सुरत के ई लरिका है जिन्ह के नैनन बरै ईजोर चारो लौड़ी चारो बगल में बीचे सोनवौं सति बनाय पड़िहें समना इन्दरमन का इन्ह के काट करी मैदान 14 पान खबसिया पान लगावे केउ हाथ जोड़ भैल ठाद नींद ट्ट गैल बघ रूदल के रूदल चितवे चारो ओर | केउ तो लौड़ी जुड़वा खोले केउ पानी लेहले बाय 185 हाथ जोड़ के रूदल बोलल देबी सुनी बात हमार प्रोहि समन्तर देबी पहुँचल सोनवाँ कन पहुँचल बाय बावन छागर के भोग देइ भैंसा पूर पचास लै सपनावे रानी के सोनवौं सुनी बात हमार भोग चढ़ाइब अदमी के देबी अरजी मान० हमार आइल राजा बघ रूदल फुलवारी में डेरा गिरीले बाय प्रतनी बोली देबी सुन गैली देबी जरि के भैली अंगार | माँगे बिअहवा जब सोनवौं के बरिअरिया माँगे बियाह तब मुंह देबी बोलली बबुआ सुनी रूदल महराज 150 | जिब ना बाँचल मोर देबी के सौनवाँ जान बचाई बेर बेर बरनों बघ रूदल के लरिका कहल न०मनल | मोर
190 मोर
नाम रूदल के सुन के सोनवौं बड़ मङ्गन होय जाय बरिया राजा नैना गढ़ के नयाँ पड़े हन्दरमन बीर लौड़ी लौड़ी के ललकारे मुँगिया लौड़ी बात मनाव बावन गुरगुज के किला है जिन्ह के तिरपन लाख बजार रात सपनवों में सिब बाबा के सिब पूजन चलि बनाय बावन थाना नैना गढ़ में जिन्ह के रकबा सरग पताल जीन झेपोला मोर गहना के कपड़ा के लाव० उठाय बावन दुलहा के सिर मौरी दहवीलक गुरैया घाट 155 | जौन झेपोला है गहना के कपड़ा के ले आव उठाय 195 मारल जैब बाबू रूदल नाहक जैहे पान तोहार खुलल पेठारा कपड़ा के जिन्ह के रास देल लगवाय पिएडा पानी के ना बचब हो जैब बन्स उजार पेन्हल घुघरा पच्छिम के मखमल के गोट चढ़ाय प्रतनी बोली रूदल सुन गैल तरवा से लहरल आग चौलिया पेन्हे मुसरुफ के जेह में बावन बन्द लगाय पकड़ल झाँटा है देवी के धरती पर देल गिराय पोरे पोरे अँगुठी पड़ गैल सारे चुरियन के झञ्झकार
ऑखि सनीचर है रूदल के बाबू देखत काल समान 160 सोभे नगीना कनगुरिया में जिन्ह के हीरा चमके दूचर थप्पर दूचर मुक्का देबी के देल लगाय
दाँत
200 ले के दाबल ठेहुना तर देबी राम राम चिचियाय सात लाख के मैंगटीका है लिलार में लेली लगाय राए देबी फुलवारी में रूदल जियरा छोड़ हमार जूड़ा खुल गैल पीठन पर जैसे लोटे करियवा नाग भेंट कराइब हम सोनवा से
18 काढ़ दरपनी मुँह देखे सोनवौं मने मने करे गुनान प्रतनी बोली रूदल सुन के रूदल बड़ मङ्गन होय जाय मर जा भैया रजा इन्दरमन घरे बहिनी रखे कुंभार मान छोड़ि देल जब देवी के देबी जीव ले चलल पराय बैस हमार बित गेले नैना गढ़ में रहली बार कुंभार 205 भागल भागल देबी चल गैल इन्द्रासन में पहुँचल जाय आग लगाइब प्रह सरत में नैना सैवली नार कुंभार पाँचो पण्डु इन्द्रासन में जहवा देबी गैल बनाय निकलल डोलवा है सोनवा के सिब का पूजन चलली पड़ल नजरिया है पण्डो के देबी पर पड़ गैलि दिष्ट | बनाय रोए पण्डो इन्द्रासन में देबी सुनी बात हमार 170 पड़लि नजरिया इन्दरमन के से दिन सुनोतिलगा बात तीन मुलुक के त मालिक देबी काहे रोव० जार वेजार | कहवाँ के राजा प्रत बरिया है बाबू डोला फैदीले जाय तब ललकारे देबी बोली पण्डो सुनी बात हमार
सिर काट दे ओह राजा के कूर खेत माँ देओ आइल बेटा जासर के बघ रूदल नाम धराय
गिराय
110 सादी माँगे सोनवा के बरिअरिया माँगे बियाह लङ्ग तेगा लेल इन्दरमन बाबू कूदल बवन्तर हाथ

Page #249

AUGUST, 1885.]
THE SONG OF ALHA'S MARRIAGE.
223
215
बनाती
पड़लि नजरिया है सोनवों के जिन्ह के अन्त कोह जरि जाय | फूल ओराइल मोर डाली के फुलवारी में फूल ले आनाता नराखब ग्रह भैया के
वह जाय
249 जेतना जे गहना बा देहन के डोला में देल धराय प्रतनी बोली लौडी सुन के लौड़ी बड़ मङ्गन होय जाय बावन गज के धोती बाँधे सोनवाँ कूद गैल ब्यालिस सानक चम्पा ले हाथन मा फुलवारी में जुमल बनाय हाथ
| बैठल राजा डेबा ब्राहमन जहवा लौड़ी गैल बनाय पडलं लड़ाइ बहिनी भैया बाबू पड़ल कचौधी मार
कड़खा बोली लौड़ी बोलल बाबू सुनी रजा मोर बात तड़तड़ तड़तड़ तेगा बोले जिन्ह के खटर खटर तरवार
ह क खटर खटर तरवार | कहाँ के राजा चलि आइल फुलवारी में डेरा देल गिराय सनसन सनसन गोली उड़ गैल जिन्ह जिमी न डाले पाँव | कौड़ी लाग फुलवारी के मोर कौड़ी दे चुकाय 255 सात दिन जब लड़ते बीतल बीत गैल सतासी रात तब ललकारे डेबा बोलल मुँगिया लौड़ी के बलि सात हाथ जब धरती गहिरा पड़ गैल जब हुँ न सोनवाँ | जाओं हटे बनाय
220 | हम तो राजा लोहगाँजर के दुनियाँ सिह नाम हमार घेचल तेगा रजा इन्दरमन जे दिन लेल अली के नाम | नेवता ऐली समदेवा के उन्ह के नेवता पुरावन आय जों तक मारे ओह सोनवों के जूड़ा पर लेल बचाय | प्रतनी बोली जब सुन गैले लौड़ी जर के भैल अंगार दोसर तेगा हन मारे कैंगना पर लेल बचाय करे हिनाइ बघ रूदल के 1 260 तेसर तेगा के मारत में सोनवाँ आँचर पर लेल | सैरहा चाकर पर मालिक के रूदलरोटी बिरानीखाय बचाय
कत बड़ सोखी बघ रूदल के जे सोनवां से करे खाय कुदल बहुरिया प्रोजनी से कूदल बवन्तर हाथ 2261
बियाह पकड़ल पहुँचा इन्दरमन के धरती में देल गिराय
| जरल करेजा है वष रूदल के तरवा से बरे अंगार ले के दाबल ठेहुना तर राजा राम राम चिचियाय | लोंडी हो के उतर दे अब का सोखी रहा हमार 264 पड़ल नजरिया समदेवा के समदेव रोवे जार बेजार । छड़पल राजा है बघ रूदल लौड़ीकन पहुँचल आय हाय हाय के समदेव धर बेटी सोनवौ बात मनाव पकड़ल पहुंचा लौड़ी के धरती में देल गिराय पहले काट पिता का पाछे काट भैया के सिर 280 | अंचरा फाड़े जब लाड़ी के जिन्ह के बन्द तोड़े अनप्रतनी बोली सोनवौं सुन गैल रानी बड़ मोहित होय जाय| मोल जान छोड़ देल इन्दरमन के जब सोनवा देल जबाब हुरमत लूटे ओहि लौड़ी के लाड़ी रामराम चिचियाय केतना मनौली ए भैया के भैया कहान० मनल मोर | भागल लड़ी है सोनवों के फुलवारी से गैल पराय 269 रात सपनवौं सिब बाबा के
284 बठली सोनवौ सिब मन्दिर में जहवा लाड़ी गेल बनाय प्रतनी बोली सुनल इन्दरमन राजा जर के भैल अंगार | बोले सोनवा लौड़ी से लाड़ी के बलि जाओं सोत खनाबों गङ्गा जी के सिब के चकर देब मैंगवाय केह से मिलल अब तूं रहलू प्रतना देरी कैलू बनाय फूल मैगाइब फुलवारी से घरही पूजा करू बनाय तब ललकारे लाड़ी बोलल रानी सोनवों के बलि जाओ तिरिया चरित्तर केऊ ना जाने बात देल दोहराय देवर आइल तोर बघ रूदल फुलवारी में जुमल बनाय करे हिनाइ बघ रूदल के
239 जिव ना बाँचल लाड़ी के सोनवा, जान बचाव उ तो निकसुआ है सांदड़ी के राजा झगरूदेल निकाल | हमार सैरहा चाकर पर मालिक के से सोनवों से कैसे नाम रुदेला के सुन गैले सोनवा बड़ मगन होय जाय करै बियाह
जे बर हिछली सिब मन्दिर में से बर मांगन भैल पाँचो भौजी है सोनवी के सङ्गन में देल लगाय
हमार मैंगिया लाड़ी के ललकारे लाड़ी कहना मान हमार
| प्रतो बारता है सोनवा के रूदल के सुनी हवाल जैसन देखिहल सिब मन्दिर में तरिते खबर दिह घोड़ा बेनुलिया पर बघ रूदल घोड़ा हन्सा पर डेबा बीर भेजवाय
244 घोड़ा उड़ावल बघ रूदल सिब मन्दिर में पहुँचल निकलल डोला है सोनवा के सिब मन्दिर में गेल बनाय जाय
280 बावन फाटक के सिब मन्दिर जेह में सोना गैल | घोड़ा बांध दे सिब फाटक में रूदल सिब मन्दिर में बनाय
गैल समाय मरत देखे सिब बाबा के सोनवौं मन मन करे गनान पडलि नजरिया है सोनवा के रूदल पर पड़ गल लाड़ी लड़ी के ललकारे मैंगिया लौड़ी के बलि जात्रों दीठ
275

Page #250

224
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[AUGUST, 1885.
भागल सोनवौं अण्डल खिरकी पर पहुँचल जाय है केऊ रजा लड़वैया रूदल पर बीड़ा खाय 320 सोने पलैंगिया बिछवौली सोने के मढवा देल बिछवाय | चौहड़ कॉपे लड़वैया के जिन्ह के हिले बतीसो दौत सात गलैचा के उपर रूदल के देल बैठाय 285 केकर जियरा है भारी रूदल से जान दिया जाय हाथ जोड़ के सोनवा बोलल बबुमा रूदल के बलि बीड़ा उठावल जब लहरा सिङ्घ कल्ला तर देल दबाय जाओ
मारू डका बजवावे लकड़ी बोले जुझाम जुझाम 324 कहवाँ बेटी ऐसन जामल जेकरा पर बैंधला फाड़ | एकी एका दल बटुरल जिन्ह के दल बावन नबे हजार बोले राजा बव रूदल भौजी सोनवा के बलि जाओ बुढ़ बियाउर के गनती नाहि जब हाथ के गनती नाहि बारह बरिसवा बित गैल भैया रह गैल बार कुमार बावन मकुना के खालवाइन रजा सोरह से दन्तार किला तूड़ दो नैना गढ़ के सोनवों के करो बियाह290 नब्बे से हाथी के दल मेड़ड़ उपरे नाग डम्बर उपरे प्रतनी बोली रानी सोनवाँ सुन गैल सोनवा बड़ मङ्गन में डराय होय जाय
चलल परबतिया परबत के लाकट बाँध चले तरवार भुखल सिपाही मोर देवर है इन्ह के भोजन देब बनाय चलल बंगाली बंगाला के लोहन में बड़ चण्डाल 330 दूध मंगौली गैया के खोया खाँड़ देल बनवाय चलल मरहट्टा दखिन के पक्का नौ नौ मन के गोला जैद ल जैइ ल बाबू रूदल प्रहि जीबन के पास
खाय कड़खा बोली रूदल बोलल भौजी सोनवा अरजी मान नौ सौ तोप चलल सरकारी मैंगनी जोते तेरह हजार हमार
295
बावन गाड़ी पथरी लादल तिरपन गाड़ी बरूद किरिया खैली मौहबा गढ़ मे अब ना अन गराह पान
बत्तिस गाड़ी सीसालद गैल जिन्ह के लङ्गेलदलतरवार पानी पीयों मद पीयों भौजी अन गौ के माँस .
प्रक रूदेला प्रक डेबा पर नब्बे लाख असवार 335 तब ललकार सोनवौं बोलल मुँगिया लौड़ी के बलि जाओं
बावन कोस के गिरदा में सगरे डिगरी देल पिटवाय फगुणा खेलावह मार देवर के इन्ह के फगुआ देह
सौ सौ रुपया के दरमाहा हम से अबही ल० चुकाय खेलाय
लड़े के बेरिया भागे नौ नौ मन के बेड़ी देओं भरवाय घोरै अबिरवा सिब मन्दिर में
300 बीगुल फूकल पलटन में बीगुल बाजा देल बजाय केउ तो मारे हुतका से के रूदल के मैसे गाल
निकलल पलटन लहरा के बाबू मेघ झरा झर लाग340 भरल घेलवा है काँदो के देहन पर देल गिराय झाड़ बरूदन के लड़वैया साढ़े साठ लाख असवार धोती भीजल लरमी के पटुका भीजल बदामी वाल चललजे पलटन है लहरा के सिब मन्दिर के लेल तकाय माँती चूर के दुपटा है कीचन में गैल लोटाय बावन दुआरी के सिब मन्दिर बावनो पर तोप देल बोले राजा बब रूदल बाबू डेबा सुनी बात हमार 305 धरवाय रएडी के चाकर हम ना लागी तिरिया में रहों लुभाय रूदल रूदल घिराइल सिब मन्दिर माँ 344 में तो चाकर लेहा के सीता राम करे सो होय जरल करेजा है रूदल के घोड़ा पर फाँद भैल असवार बीड़ा मैंगावल पनवों के भर भर सीसा देल पिलाय ताल जो मारे सिब मन्दिर में बावनो मन्दिर गिरल पढ़ि पढ़ि मारे लौड़ा के टिकुली टूक टूक उड़ जाय . भहराय भागल लड़ी है सोनवों के लौड़ी जीव ले गैल पराय310 | बोलल राजा लहरा सिङ्घ रूदल कहना मान हमार लागल कचहरी इन्दरमन के बैंगला बड़े बड़े बबुआन | डरा फेर द० अब प्रजनी से तोहर महा काल कट जाय अोहि समन्तर लाड़ी पहुँचल इन्दरमन कन गैल बनाय | नाहि मानल बघ रूदल बाबू सूनी धरम के बात खवे लोटनियाँ पला तर रजा इन्दरमन अरजी मान बातन बातन में झगड़ा भैल बातन बढ़ल राड़ 350 - हमार
बातक झगड़ा अब के मेटे झड़ चले लागल तरवार आइल रजा है बघ रूदल सोनवों के डोला घिरावल बाय | तड़तड़ तड़तड तेगा बोले जिन्ह के खटर खटर तरवार माँगे बिअहवा सोनवा के बरियारी से माँग बियाह 315 | सनसन सनसन गोली उड़ गैल दुइ दल कान दिहल है किछु बूता जाँपन में सोनवा के लाव० छोड़ाय "नाहि जाय मन मन झङ्के रजा इन्दरमन बाबू मन मन करे गुनान | झाड़ बरूदन के लड़वैया से साठ गिरल असवार बेर बेर बरजों सोनवा के बहिनी कहल नम्मानल मोर | जैसे बढ़ई बन के कतरे तैसे कूदि काटत बाय 355 पड़ गैल बीड़ा जाजिम पर बीड़ा पड़ल नौ लाख । आधा गङ्गा जल बहि गैल आधा बहलं रकत के धार

Page #251

AUGUST 1885.]
ऐदल ऊपर पैदल गिर गेल असवार ऊपर असवार दलिया बहि बहि कछुआ होय गैल तरुअरिया भैल घरियार
THE SONG OF ALHA'S MARRIAGE.
छुरि कटारी सिधरी होय गेल ये थे विलङ्गा खाय 380 नब्बे हजारन के पलटन में दसे तिलङ्गा बाँचल बाय किरिया धरावल जब लहरा सिङ्घ रूदल जियरा छाड़
हमार
नैयाँ लेब बघ रूदल के
प्रतनी बोली व रूदल सुन गेल दल बढ़ मन होय जाय
फिर के चलि मेल बघ रूदल लहरा दोसर केल सरेख खैंचल तेगा जब लहरा सिक्व बाबू लिहल अली के
365
नाम
ज तक मारल बघ रूदल के देबी झट के लिहल
बचाय
जरल करेजा बघ रूदल के रूदल कूदल बवन्तर हाथ ज तक मारल लहरा के भुइँयाँ लोथ फहराय भागल फौदिया जब लहरा के जब मेना गढ़ गेल पराय लागल कचहरी इन्दरमन के जहाँ तिलङ्गा पहुँचल 370 बोले तिलङ्गा लहरा वाला राजा इन्दरमन जान बचाई भोर
जाय
प्रतनी बोली सुनल इन्दरमन बाबू मन में करे गुनान - गैल बीड़ा इन्दरमन के राजा इन्दरमन बीड़ा लेल पड़
उठाय
हाथी मैगाल भीरानन्द जिन्ह के भी मन भीग पिलाय 376 दसे तिलङ्गा ले साथन में चुप्पी पलटन चलल बनाय घड़ी पलकवा का चलना में सिब मन्दिर पहुँचल जाय बाँधन घोड़ा रूदल के पलटन पर पड़ गैल दीठ घीचै दोहाइ जब देवी के देबी मान बचाव मोर आइल देबी जङ्गल के बनसपती देबी पहुँचल आय घोड़ा खोल देन बघ रूदन के घोड़ा उड़ के लागल
अकास
380
रूदल सूतल शिव मन्दिर में मनी घोड़ा पहुँचल बाय मारे टापन के रौनन से रूदल के देल उठाय बोलल पौदा रूदल के बाबू पलटन इन्दरमन के पहुँचल
आय
फौद बनेड़ा पर चढ़ि गेल पलटन में पहुँचल वाय बलो कुबेला अब ना चीन्हे आत जोड़ देल तरवार 985 पड़ल लड़ाइ इन्दरमन से रूदल से पड़ गैल मार ऐसी लड़ाइ सिब मन्दिर में अब ना चीन्हे आपन पराय
225
गनगन गनगन चकर बान बोले जिन्ह के बलबल बोले ऊँट
सनसन सनसन गोली बरसे दुइ दल कान दिहल नाहि जाय
दसो तिलङ्गा इन्दरमन के रूदल काट कैल मैदान 390 गोस्सा जोर भेल इन्दरमन खीच लेल तरवार ज तक मारल बघ रूदल के अस्सी मन के ढालन पर लेल बचाय
ढलिया कट के बघ रूदल के गद्दी रहल मरद के पास बौह टूट गेल रूदल के बाबू टूटल पञ्जर के राड़ नाल टूट गेल घोड़ा के गिरल बहादुर घोड़ा से 300 धरती पर गिरन राम राम चिचियाय पड़ल नजरिया है देवी रूदल पर पड़
。
आइल देबी इन्द्रासन के रूदल कन पहुँचल बाय इमिरित फाहा दे रूदल के घट में गेल समाय तारु चाटे रूदल के रूदल उठे चिहाय चिहाय 400 मान बचावे देबी बघ रूदल के रूदल जीव ले गेल पराय
भागल भागल चल गेले मोहबा मे गैल पराय प्रत्तो बारता बा रूदल के आल्हा के सुनी हवाल केत्ता मनौली बघ रूदल के लरिका कहल न मानल मोर
बावन कोस के गिरदा में बच रूदल डिगरी देल पिटवाय
405
लिखल पाँती बब रूदल तिलरी मे देल पैठाय तेली बनियाँ चलल तिलरी के लोहन में आफत काल पाँती भेजावे नरबर गढ़ राजा मैदनी सिङ्घ के दरबार चलन वे राजा वा मेदनी सिद्ध मोहना में पहुँचल
जाय
409
आइल राजा मकरना गढ़ मोरङ के राजा पहुँचल बाय चलल जे राजा बा सिलहट के भूँमन सिङ्घ नाम धराय आइल राजा डिल्ली के सुरजन सिङ्घ बुढ़वा सैयद बनारस के नौ नौ पूत अठारह नात नेहल बादल के थमवैया लोहन में वह चाल मियाँ मेहदी है काबुल के हाथ पर खाना खाय उड़ उड़ लहिं सरगे में जिन्ह के लोथ परी ले साय चलल जे राजा बा लाखन सिङ्घ लाखन लाख घोड़े
415
असवार
मी मन लोहा नौमनिया के सना सी मन के सान उन्ह के मुरचा अब का बरनो सौ बीरन में सरदार पाइल राजा वा सिलहट के मैमन सिङ नाम
धराय
420
नेत्ता जे राजा बा लड़वैया रूदल तुरत लेल बोलाय

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226
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
जेत्ता जे बा लड़वैया जिन्ह के सवा लाख असवार प्रत्तो बारता बा राजा के रूदल के सुनीं हवाल बीड़ा पड़ गेल बघ रूदल के रूदल बीड़ा लेल उठाय मारू डङ्का बजवावे लकड़ी बोले कड़ाम कड़ाम
425
नदी आल्हा के बोलवावल भाइ चल हमरा साथ करो बिश्रहवा सोनवाँ के दिन रात चले तरवार गऊन धोवी दुरगौली के बावन गदहा दुले दुधार मुङ्गर लाद देल गदहापर लड़वयी आफत काल 429 दानी कोइरी बबुरी बन के सिङ्घिन लाख घोड़े असवार चलन जे पलटन बघ रूदल के जिन्ह के तीन लाख
असवार
रानिक दिनवी का चलला में धाना पर पहुँचल बाय डेरा गिराने दुरगीली में डेरा गिरीले वाय बड़ गदोद रूदल बोलल नेवा सुनी चल्दा मोर बात नौ सौ सिपाही के पहरा वा आल्हा के देल बैठाय 435 रूदल चल गेल इन्द्रासन में अम्बर सेंदुर किन के गैल बनाय
प्रत्तो बारता बा रूदल के नैना गढ़ के सुनी हवाल भेंटना गला या नैना के राजा इन्दरमन के गेल दरबार रूदन के भाई अन्गज्जर हे दुरगोली में डेरा गिरीले
बाय
तीन लाख पलटन साथन में वा आल्हा के तैयारी
बाय
440
हाथ जोड़ के भैटना बोलल बाबू इन्दरमन के वलि _जाश्र
हुकुम जे पाऊँ इन्दरमन के आल्हा के लेती बोलाय प्रतनी बोली सुनल इन्दरमन राजा बड़ मङ्गन होय
जाय
जेह दिन लैक आल्हा के तेह दिन आधा राज नैना के देव बटवाय
चलन जे भेटवा वा नेना गढ़ से दरगोली में पहुंचल 445
बाय
हाथ जोड़ के भेंटवा बोलल बाबू आल्हा सुनी महराज तेगा न चलिहे नैना गढ़ में धरम दुआरे होई बियाह हाथ जोड़ के आल्हा बोलल भेंटवा सुन धरम के
[AUGUST, 1885. जवना किल्ला में बैठल इन्दरमन तहवाँ आल्हा गैल
बनाय
455
छरपल राजा इन्दरमन आल्हा कन गैल बनाय पकड़ल पहुँचा आल्हा के धरती में देल गिराय बावन पाँती मुसुक चढ़ावे आखा में देल कसाय ले चढ़ावल बजड़ा पर बात नेया छोटक के बलि जाप
460
ले डुबाव आल्हा के गङ्गा द० डुबाय सवा लाख पलटन तैयारी होय गेल छोटक के गङ्गा पहुँच
लै डुबावत बा गङ्गा में आल्हा के डुबावत बाय अम्बर बेटा जासर के आल्हा न डूबे बनाय रूदल दल इन्द्रासन से डेरा पर पहुँचल वाय रोए कहरिया दुरंगीली में बाबू रूदल बात बनाव 165 लै बावत वा आल्हा के गङ्गा में डुबावत वाय फाँद बछेड़ा पर चढ़ गल गङ्गा तारे पहुँचल बाय पड़ल लड़ा खोटक से
तड़तड़तड़तड़ तेगा बोले उन्ह के खटर खटर तरबार जैसे छेरियन में हुड्डा पर वैसे पलटन में पहल
470
474
रूदल बबुआन जिन्ह के टैंगरी घे के बीगे से तक चूर चूर होय जाय मस्तक मारे हाथी के जिन्ह के डोंगा चलल बहा थापड़ मारे ॐटन के चारू टाँग चित होय जाय सजा लाख पलटन कट गेल छोटक के जो तक मारे छोटक के सिरवा दुइ खण्ड होय जाय भागल तिलङ्गा छोटक के राजा इन्दरमन के दरबार कठिन लड़ङ्का बा बघ रूदल सभ के काट कैल मैदान प्रत्तो बारता इन्दरमन के रूदल के सुनी हवाल ले उतारन बजड़ा से धरती मे देल धराय आखा खोल के रूदल देखे छाती मारे बजर के हाथ ले चढ़ावल पलकी पर दरवली में गेल बनाय प्रत्तो बारता बा आल्हा के इन्दरमन के सुनी हवाल बीड़ा पड़ गेल इन्दरमन के राजा इन्दरमन बीड़ा लेल
479
उठाय
मारू बाजा बजवावे बाजा बोले जुझाम जुझाम एकी एका दन बटुरे दल बावन नब्बे हजार बावन मकुना खोलवाइन प्रकदन्ता तीन हजार मी सी तोप चले सरकारी मैगनी जोले तीन हजार बरह फेर के तीय मैगाइन गोला से देल भराय आठ फेर के तोप मँगाइन छूरी से देल भराय किरिया पड़ि गेल रजवान में बाबू चल के धिरकार उन्ह के काट करो° खरिहान
489
बात
हम न जाइब नैना गढ़ में बिदत होई हमार किरिया धराने मैटवा हे बाबू सुनी" चाल्हा वयान 150 ये वन करिते' राजा से जिन्ह के खोज माजी खाय चलल पलकिया जब आल्हा के नैना गढ़ चलल बनाय. घड़ी चढ़ाद के चन्तर में नेना गढ़ पहुँचल शाय नो से कहरा साथे चल गैल नैना गढ़ पहुँचल जाय
485

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ATGUST, 1885.]
THE SONG OF ALHA'S MARRIAGE.
227
494
539
चलल जे पलटन इन्दरमन के सिब मन्दिर पर पहुँचल | क द बिअहवा सोनवों के काहे बड़ेबराड़ 625 जाय
प्रतनी बोली समदेवा सुन के राजा बड़ मगन हाय जाय तोप सलामी दगवावल मारू डका देल बजवाय | तू सोनवाँ के कलबिअहवा काहे बैढ़बराड़ खबर पहुँचल बा रूदल कन भैया आल्हा सुनी मोर प्रतनी बोली रूदल सुन के बड़ मङ्गन होय जाय बात
| सुनी बारता समदेवा के कर तैयारी पलटन के सिब मान्दर पर चली बनाय | काँचे महुअवा कटवावे छवे हरिपरी बाँस 130 निकलल पलटन रूदल के सिब मन्दिर पर पहुँचल | तेगा के माँड़ो छैवीले बा बाय
नौ सै पण्डित के बोलावल मड़वा में देल बैठाय बोलल राजा इन्दरमन बाबू रूदल सुनी मोर बात | सोना के कलसा बैठीले बा मैड़वा में डेरा फेर द० प्रजनी से तोहर महा काल कट जाय पीठ काठ के पीढ़ा बनावे मड़वा के बीच मझार 534 तब ललकारे रूदल बोलल रजा इन्दरमन के बलि जाँघ काट के हरिस बनावे मैड़वा के बीच मझार - जात्रा
भूड़ी काट के दिया बरावे मैंडवा के बीच मझार कर द० बिअहवा सोनवाँ के काहे बढ़ेबराड़ 500 | पलटन चल गैल रूदल के मैंडवा में गैल समाय पड़ल लड़ाइ है पलटन में झर चले लागल बैठल दादा है सोनवों के मड़वा में बैठल बाय तरवार
बूढ़ा मदन सिङ्घनाम धराय ऐदल उपर पैदल गिर गैल असवार उपर असवार प्रक बेर गरजे मैड़वा में जिन्ह के दलक दसो दुबार मुँईयाँ पैदल के न० मारे नाहि घोड़ा असवार बोलल राजा बूढ़ा मदन सिङ्घ सारे रूदल सुन० बात जेत्ती महावत हाथी पर सभ के सिर देल दुखराय 504 | हमार छवे महीना लड़ते बीतल अब ना हठे इन्दरमन बीर | कत बड़ सेखी है बघ रूदल के मोर नतमी से करै चलल जे राजा बघ रूदल सोनवा कन गैल बनाय | बियाह हाथ जोड़ के रूदल बोलल भौजी सोनवा के बाल पड़ल लड़ाई है मैंडवा में जहवाँ पड़ल कचौंधी मार जाओं
नौ मन बुकवा उड़ मँड़वा में जहवाँ पड़ल चैलिअन मार केउ के मारला से ना मुइहे अप्पन कटल बीर कटाय | ईटीबरसत बा मैंडवा में रूदल मन में करे गुनान 45 जवहीं काटब० हूँ भैया के तब सोनवा के होई आधा पलटन कट गैल बघ रूदल के सोना के कलसा बियाह
509 बूडुल माँड़ो में प्रतना बोली सोनवौ सुन के रानी बड़ मङ्गन होय जाय धीचे दोहाइ जब देबी के देबी माँता लाग सहाय अम्बर तेगा सॉनवाँ के ले लेल धैल मरद के भेस । | धैंचल तेगा है बघ रूदल बूढ़ा मदन सिद्ध के मारन आगे आंग सोनवा पाछे रूदल चलल बनाय पड़ल नजरिया सोनवाँ के इन्दरमन के पड़ गैल दीठ सिरवा कट गैल बूढ़ा मदन सिद्ध के बोले इन्दरमन बातें बोले भगवत के बलि जाओं हाथ जोड़ केसमदेवा बोलल बबुआ रूदल के बनि मुदई बहिनी मोर पहुँचल बाय:
515| जाना घेचल तेगा राजा इन्दरमन सोनवी पर देल चलाय कलबिअहवात सोनवाँ के नी से पण्डित लेल जों तक मारल सोनवाँ पर ढालन पर लेल बचाय | बोलाय जों तक मारल इन्दरमन के सिरवा दइ खण्ड होय | अधी रात के अम्मल में दुलहा के लेल बोलाय
लै बैठावल जब सोनवाँ के आल्हा के करे बियाह लोधिन गिरे इन्दरमन केसोनवौं जीव ले गैल पराय 519 | कैल बिअहवा ओह सोनवा के बरिअरिया सादी कैल तब ललकारे रूदल बोललभैया सुनी हमार प्रक बात | बनाय पलटन चल गैल बघ रूदल के गङ्गा तीर पहुँचल बाय | नौ सै कैदी बाँधल ओहि माँड़ो में सभ के बेड़ी देल डुबकी मारे गजा में जेह दिन गङ्गा करे असनान | कटवाय
555 चलल जे पलटन फिर ओजनी से मना गढ़ पहुँचल | जुग जुग जीभ बाबू रूदल तोहर अमर बजे तरवार बाय
डोला निकालल जब सोनवों के मोहबा के लेल तकाय हाथ जोड़ के रूदल बोलल बाबू समदेवा के बलि जानी रातिक दिनवी का चलला में मोहबा में पहुँचल बाथ
बनाय
549
जाय

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228
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[AUGUST, 1885.
A NOTE ON A SECOND OLD SANSKRIT PALMLEAF MANUSCRIPT
FROM JAPAN.
BY DR. G. BUHLER, C.I.E. Through the kindness of Professor Max | the most remarkable ;-1, the tops of the Müller I am enabled to describe a very interest- letters kha, ga, and sa, are invariably round;-2, ing find lately made in Japan. The search for the prolongation of the vertical strokes on the ancient Sanskrit MSS. which Mr. Bunyiu left of the letters gha, cha, pa, ma, etc., is Nanjio institutes there, has brought to light a frequently wanting ;-3, the small vertical stroke second fraganent, consisting of a single leaf, at the lower end of da is mostly wanting :-4, ya which possesses a high importance for Indian shows twice or thrice the tripartite form of the palmography. According to the eye-copy Gupta inscriptions, which is found also in the before me, which appears to have been made Nep. Inscrs. 1-12; more frequently the tranwith great care, the leaf measures 32 centi- sitional form with a loop, found in the Cammetres by 3. Each page contains six lines bridge MS. No. 1702 (Bendall, Catalogue, with 58-77 aksharas. Each line is broken up, Table of letters); and rarely the form of H.P.;-- according to the usage observable also in other 5, ra consists occasionally of a simple vertical ancient palmleaf MSS., into three parts, blank stroke with the serif, just as in Gu. Ku. (An. spaces of the breadth of two aksharas being Ox. III. 1, Table VI. col. IVa); more frequent left near the holes for passing the strings. The is the form of Ne. Inscrs. No. 15 (loc.cit. col. VI.); leaf appears to be well preserved, as only about and rarer that of H.P.;--6, va is always made a dozen aksharas have been destroyed. The triangular, the bottom-line sloping to the right; writing is less carefully done than that of the -7, sa shows occasionally the form of Gu. Ku. Horiazi Palmleaf, which is a model piece of with a loop, and more frequently that of Gu. calligraphy. There are also a number of bad Ind. (loc. cit. cols. IVa and IVb) ;-8, the clerical mistakes and some corrections. The medial d-stroke turns upwards not only after second side, or súska-prishtha, bears on the left ja, but also after pa, and rises in the latter case margin the number 129, expressed by the from the left-hand vertical stroke; it shows ancient signs of the aksharapalli, 100 + 20 besides the wedge-shape of H. P., also other + 9, which are placed vertically in the order varieties, found hitherto only in inscriptions ; indicated, one below the other. The sign for 9, medial 6 has once the form of Gu. Ku., in all 100 is a variety of su, and holds the middle other cases those of H.P.;-10, the division of between the second Gupta form in 400 (Dr. the sentences and periods is invariably marked, Bhagwânlal's Table (Ind. Ant. VI. 45), and the as on the ancient copper-plates, by one or two seemingluof the Eastern copper-plates (ibidem) very short horizontal strokes; where two and of the Cambridge MS. No. 1702 (Ben- strokes are used it is difficult to distinguish dall, Catalogue, Table of Letter-numerals). The them from the visarga. In two points, the sign for 20, tha, is a little more ancient than form of the initial a and of na, the MS. frethat used in the just-mentioned Cambridge quently agrees with the Jhâlrâpâțhan inscripMS. And that for 9, 8, resembles the sign of tion (loc. cit. col. V.) Most peculiar is the the Valabhî plates (Ind. Ant. loc. cit.) The notation of u in rú. The latter sign looks like characters of the new document are closely rá-u, because one of the u-strokes is attached related to those of the Horiuzi Palmleaf (Anec. to the top of the ra, while the other stands in dota Oxon. I. 3. Table VI.) But they show a the usual place. A similar separation of the considerable number of older forms which two elements of the 1 is known to me only connect them with the Gupta alphabet of from the inscription on the Jagayyapetta Kuhảon (Anecd. Ox. loc. cit.), and with the Stúpa (Ind. Ant. XI. 257).' All these various oldest Nepalese inscriptions (Ind. Ant. IX. 164). points indicate, it seems to me, that the new Among these archaic forms the following are MS. is much older than the Horiuzi Palm.
Translated from the Oestreichische Monatsschrift für den Orient, Vol. XI. p. 68.
Compare also the following instances from Southern India,-rdahtrakui(k)a .........samahud(hd)ya,
in Sanskrit and Old-Kanarese Inscriptions, No. CLIII. line 77-78 (ante, p. 53); duidu)rata, id. 1. 92; and ind-wi(a)parigé, id. 1. 103.-ED.

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August, 1885.) SANSKRIT AND OLD-KANARESE INSCRIPTIONS
229
leaf, and I should not be surprised if it went back to the beginning of the fourth century of oor era.
The contents of the MS. are Buddhistic, and probably belong to one of the larger Stras. They treat of the definitions of rúpa, vedaná, sasjná, saskskára, and vijnana, and of their origin. Short as the piece is, it furnishes several new words, hitherto not found in the Sanskrit dictionaries; inja, a sub-division of sanidaršana- rúpa (compare the verb inj and Pali anenja); naishkarmya, a term which Childers supposed
to be the original of the Pali nékkhamma; and mandpa agreeable' (found in Pali). The first line of the text rans as follows:-katividhani ripari katividhá védaná évasi sanjñá savirskárá vijñánari ..., na dvividháḥ skandhah vipákajascháripákajáácha dvioidho ru[ pa]skandhô vipd. karatudvapákaváécha(sic) était védará sajna samskárá dvividho.
It is to be hoped that Professor Max Müller will soon procure a photograph of this valuable document, as well as certain data regarding its history,
SANSKRIT AND OLD-KANARESE INSCRIPTIONS • BY J. F. FLEET, BO. C.s., M.R.A.S., C.I.E.
(Continued from p. 142). No. CLVII.
samma,-recording probably the name of a BRITISH MUSEUM PLATES
person to whom the plates at some time or OF EREGANGA.
another belonged. The language of the inscripI have already published one spurious grant tion is Sanskrit down to line 49, and in lines 62 of the Western Ganga dynasty. I now and 63. The passages from line 49 to line 62, pablish another spurious grant of the same and in line 63 to the end, are in the Olddynasty, from the original plates, which belong. Kanarese language. The language of the whole ed to Sir Walter Elliot, K.C.S.I., and have inscription is extremely corrupt; so much so been presented by him to the British Museum. that, without the assistance of the Merkara I have no information as to where they were and Nagamangala plates, it would have been found.
difficult to make proper sense out of it. And The plates are seven in number, each about to add to the confusion thus caused, the text 84" long by 2" broad at the ends and some- itself does not run on continuously, but goes what less in the middle. The edges are slightly backwards and forwards in & way that would raised into rims, to protect the writing; and, render the context utterly unintelligible, but except for a few rust-holes in the seventh for the Merkara and Nagamangala grants. plate, the plates and the inscription are in a The inscription commences with an invostate of perfect preservation almost throughout. cation of Padmanabha, -either Vishņu, or one of The ring, on which the plates are strung, is the Jain Arhats. It then gives the genealogy about " thick and 31" in diameter; it had of a race of kings, of the Kaņvâyana gótra (line been cut when the grant came under my 4), and of the Jahnaviya family (1.1) or lineage notice. The seal on the ring is of irregular of the river Ganga.. The first king men. shape, neither circular, oval, nor rectangular, tioned is the Mahadhiraja Konga ņivarman and measures about 14" by 11'; it has, in (1.4). His son was the Mahádhirója Madhava high relief on the sarface of the seal itself, I. (1. 15). His son was the Mahádhiraja and not, as is usually the case, on a countersunk Harivarman (1. 17). His son was the Mahásurface, an elephant, standing to the proper dhiraja Vishnugôpa (1. 19). His son was right. The first plate has, on the outer side the Mahadhiraja Madhava II. (1. 22). His of it, in characters of much about the same son was the Jaháhirája Kongari I. (1.9), period as those of the body of the inscription, also called A vinîta, who was the son of a sister Vinammaya magan=Dasivimmana magan=Dike- of the Kadamba Mahádhiraja Krishnavarman ante Vol. VIII. p. 2121f.
Mr. Rice translates the Nagamabgala, Mallôhaļļi (ante ante Vol. I. p. 3638., and Vol. II. p. 156ff.
Vol. V. p. 1388). and Hosur (Mysore Inscriptions, See notes 12, 13, 19, 20, 31, and 32, below.
p. 284.) grants, in such a way as to make Avinsta another • Conf. ante Vol. XIII. p. 375.-The name Gang Anvaya, name of the next person, Konganivriddha I., also called or lineage of the Ganga, occurs in line 34 of the Naga-1 Durvinita. But this is not justified by the construction. mangala grant.

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230
(11. 23 and 6). His son was the Rájá Konganivriddha I. (1. 12), also called Durvinita, who was victorious in battle at Andari, Alattûr, Porulare, Pelnagara, and other places not specified. His son was the Raja Konganivriddha II. (1. 14), also called Mokkara." His son was the Raja Konganivriddha III. (1. 25), who also had the renowned name of Vikrama or Śrivikrama, and whose mother was a daughter of Sindhurâja or of the king of Sindhu. His son was the Mahadhiraja Kongani II. (1. 32), who also had the name of Bhûvikrama,-who conquered the leader of the Pallavas (1. 35), in battle at Vilanda,' and acquired the name of Srivallabha, and made the whole of the Pallava dominions subject to himself (1. 37). His younger
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[AUGUST, 1885.
brother was Navakama (1. 40), who seems also to have been called Devaraja (1. 43). The genealogy terminates with the description of Navakama, which continues down to line 49.
âhu
The inscription then mentions a certain Ereganga (1. 49), -with nothing to indicate whether this is another name of Navakama, or the name of one of his feudatories,-who was governing the Torenâdu Five-hundred, the Kongalnadu Two-thousand, and the Male Thousand. The rest of the inscription records a grant made by Ereganga of a site or village which seems to be named Panekôdupâdi (11. 51, 54, and 64). The inscription is not dated; but the fabrication of it may be allotted to about the ninth century A.D.
TEXT."
First plate.
gata-[ghana ]-gagan-ábhêna Patma(dma) nâ bhêna [||]
[] Svasti Jitam bhagavatam Śrimat Jahnavê
[] ya"-kal-mala-bhyô(vyš)m-åvabhleans-bhiskarab era-kha(kha)dg-aika-prah[4]ra-khapdita
mah[4]414
[*]
stambha-labdha-va(ba)la-parikramah diran-dri-gapa-vidirapa-ran(2)-ai(8)palabdha-vraga-vi[*] bhûshana-vibhushitaḥ K[pryana-sagtrab
mmamah[6]dhirkja[b] [1]
[] Tasya patrab pitur-anvågata-guga-yukts vidy[k]-vinaya-vih[i]ta-vrittab samya[k*]
pra
Second plate; first side.
nirvagra
[] ja-palana-mâtr-[*]dhigata-rajya-prayôjanô vidvat-kavi-kân chana-nikashôpala-" [r*]mma". [] mahadhirajasya priya-bhagiady vijrimbhamâna-sakti-traya-sa[i]bhram-âvanamita[] samabta (sta)-sâmanta-maṇḍalô vidya-vinay-itinya-paripât-ântarâtm[*] [] ha-pradhima-auryy[*] vidvatsu prata(tha)ma-ganya[h] śri mat-Kongani-mâdhirajo Avinîta-tavi [*] [Tat-putra Andari-Alatta[r]-Pporulage-Pelnagar-ady-4(a)nlka-samars-mukha-mu(ma)khi
irimat-Ko[m]gagiva[r*]mma-dha[r].
Mr. Rice translates the Nagamangala and Hosûr grants in such a way as to make Vilanda another name of Kongani-Bhavikrama. A reference to the text in lines 25-26 of the Nagamangala grant (that of the Hosûr grant has not been published), as well as in line 35 of the present inscription, will shew that this is quite wrong. Nor can there be any justification in the Hosûr grant for the translation by which he makes the battle occur at the village of Bhiméeagrama. This is due only to a misunderstanding of the words sammarda-bhime sangrame see lines 34-35 of the present inscription, and line 25 of the Nagamangala grant.
From the original plates.
Second plate; second side. ["ta-prahata-44ra-purusha-paé-n(ú)pahiya-vighasa-vihastikpita-Kritánt-[A]gni-mukh[8]
Du[r]vvini
[] ta-nâmadhêyaḥ śrimat Konganivṛiddha-rajos [] Tasya putra[b] [cha*]durddantavimardda vimbi(mri)dita-vivi.
In the Nagamangala and Hosûr grants, this name is written Mushkara.
The original has svastf. There are but few instances in these plates in which the proper form of i, with the circle closed down on the letter, is used. In most places, f, with the circle not olosed down on the consonant, is used indifferently for i or 6. I draw attention to it here, in preference to encumbering the text with a number of corrections on this point alone.
10 Read bhagavata.
Read śrimaj Jahnaviya.
The proper context is bhûté &c., in line 14, down to Krishnava, in line 23.
13 The passage commencing here should probably some after Krishnava, in line 23.
1 Read mahadhirajo-Vinita-námá.
1 Bead rimat-Konganivriddharája.

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COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF THE KONGU DYNASTY.
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COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF THE KONGU DYNASTY.
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Page #259

COPPER PLATE GRANT OF THE KONU DYNASTY.
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231
AUGUST, 1885.]
SANSKRIT AND OLD-KANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
["] dha-visva-na(na)rådhipa-m6lio-m[a ]lâ-makaranda-pujah"-piðjarikr[i*]yam[a]ņa-va(cha)
rana [M] yugala-naļina[h*] srimat Kogaṁņivsiddha-*-rają Mokkara-dvitîya-n [Am]ma' bható*
niti. [*] kastrasya vaktpi-prayoktri-kušaló dattaka-sâtra-vritti(tté)h praņêtu(ta) sriman-Mahadhava
Third plate; first side. [") mahadhirajah" [ll] Tat-patra[ho] pitri-pai(pi)tâmaha-gana-yuktô aneka-chaturddan
ta-yaddh-[&]va[") hta(pta)-chaturudadhi-salil-as vadita-yas[&h®] srimat Harivarmma-mahadhirajah" [ll]
Tat-pu["'] tra[ho] dv[i*]ja-guru-devatî-půjana-parð N[A]rayâ(ya)ņa.charan-[nu*]dhyata[b]
srimat [*] Vishņugôpa"-mah[&*]dhirajah [ll] Tat-putra[ho] T[r*]yambaka-charan-âmborha".
rajah-pavitriksit-6[*] ttama[n]ga[ho] sva-bhuja-vavala"-paråkrama-kray@(yi)krita-rajan" kshut kshamo"= sht-pisitasa
Third plate ; second side. ["] na-pri(pri)tikar[6*]=tisita-dhår-asi[h*] Kali-yaga-bala-parâkram-anma"-dha[ro]mma
vri(vri)sh-ôddharaņa-nitya[") sannaddah[ho] srimat(n)-Madhava-mahadhirajah [ll] Tat-patra[ho] śrîmat-Kadamba
kula-gagana-bhamastima [18] lanko Kri(kri)shṇava dhồy[*]** naya-vinit-a[m]ka[h*] sarvva-vidy[&*)-para
yan[*] niti-sastra-nipu[*] natara-mati[h*] [ll] Tad-atmaja udit-dita-salågantara-pradhi(thi)ta-Sindhurâja-duhi
tri-ja[*] nanika[h*] Sri-Vikrama-pradhi(thi)ta-namadhồyah srimat-Kogaṁņivriddhi-rajogos. chaturddastasa
Fourth plate; first side. [*7 vijyastan-âdhiếata-vipula-mati[ho] višêsható nava-śôshasya" nîti-śåstrasya va. ["] ktri-prayôttri(ktội)-kušalô ripu-timira-nir[*]karan-ôdaya-bhaskaraḥ pravara-vidagdha
mugdha[*] lalan[A]-jan-aika-rati-pañchah [ll] Tasya patrah aneka-samara-sampâti-vi
rimbhita-dyfi*]rada-radana-kulis-abhigh[ko]ta-vrana-saruha"-bhâsvad-vijaya-la"] kshaņa-lakshmi(kshi)krita-višala-vaksha[h*]sthalaḥ saktri(kti)-traya-samanvitaḥ sama(ma)dhi
Fourth plate; second side. ["] gata-sakala-sastr-[&*]rttha-tatva[h*) sam[&*]radbita-trivargg[0*] niravadya-charita[bo]
pratidina. ["] m-abhivarddham[&*]na-prabhâ[vaho) srimat-Kongaņi-mah[& ®]dhirajah avani-bhaskarð
Bhavikra[*] ma-dvitiya-nâmadhêya-bharah [ll] Nåna"-hêti-prah[]ra-pravighathi(ti)ta-bhath(t)-6
* Read mauli.
11 Read puthja. * Read srfmat-Konganivriddha. 1 The proper context is dhayo naya &o., in line 23.
10 Tha HAARA La commanding here. down to Krishnava. in line 23, should properly come after nikashopala, in line 6.
11 Read Madhava-mahadhirajah. 11 Read Srimad-Dharirarmma-mahadhirdjah. " Read er imad-Vishnugopa. # Read amosruha. * Road bala.
* Read rijyah. 97 Read kahut-kshams.
15 Road pisht.
* Read dvananna. * Read gabhastimálinah. 31 The proper context goes back to roma-mahadhi.
The passagO commenoing here should properly come after nama, in line 14.
» Read Kongamiuriddhardjas. 3. Read chaturddasa-vidydathan-adhigata. 38 Read kashasya.
» Read puljah. 31 Read warrdha.
> Read dharak. 39 Metre, Sragdhari.

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232
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(AUGUST, 1886.
[") raḥ-kav[A®]t-ötthit-assig-dh[&*]r-ásv[&• ]da-pramatta-dvipa-gata-charan-Åkshồda-sammardda
-bhîmê sa[*] igrâme Pallabh(v)-êndran-narapatim-ajayayad"=y0 Viļandh-åvi(bhi)dhåné rija") Śrîvallabh-akhya
Fifth plate; first side. [*] s-samara-sata-jay-âvâpta-lakshmi-vilásaḥ [ll] Kritvai Pallavamekšu pallava-da["') la-prachchhấya-durgg-[a]spå(spa)dan=tasy=[&*]nta[h*)pura-sundari[r=a*]pi balâdekhri
dya(tya) sadyo-ma(bha)vat [*] atmin kțitya" cha tasya chakriskra)m-akhila [*) ya[h] kaptakányragrahin(t)
srîmânugu(bhû)pa[*] sikhamaņir-Mmanasijaḥ śr1-61[&]ghaniya-dyutih [ll] Tasy*-[A*]nujó nata-narôndra
kirita[*°) koti-ratn-arkka-didhisti*]-virajita-pâdapatmam Lakshmi-svaya[m"]vrita-pati[r]=Nni(nna)vakâma-na
Fifth plate ; second side. ["] m[4*] sishta-priyô=ri-gana-vidáraņa"-gita-kitti[h*] [II] Lakshmi[m*]" vaksha[ho]
sthal[e*] [yô*] hari(ra)ti Mura-ripô[h*) ki. ["] rttimar krashțhum"-shthé(shtë) guddha" Råmasya vřitti[no] budha-jana
ri(ma)hitåm=mânabhî kim" karôti nirvvâmy=[&][*] 18ka-dhůrtt[&*]n para-yavati-harê Dêvarajó-pi ndya vitam" kim mv(v)=âtra
chitram parama-pa[] ra-mata[h") kichchu sishtha-priyatvéh" [1] Mêrô(rau) kañchana-mékbal-Anta
vilasaḥ sant-Avali-04 ["] pashpitê Kailab(s)-årddha-taté cha kailanayana-sadåravind-akita." Rêva-mara
Sixth plate; first side. ["] ta-manda-kam pita-van-Abhôgê cha Vindhy-áva(cha)lê gâyandhy(nty)=a[r*]dra-mține
(na)la-chiņda"-dhavala[m] [*] yach-chêshtitan k[i*)nnaraḥ [ll*] Yasya dv[i*]shan-nțipati-vâsa-gļih-8dar[@]shu
sadyo hata-dv[i*]raļa(da)-da[") na-kpit-A[mn]garágâ[h*) a(a)loki(ka)yanti muditâs-surat-dvasine chh[@]ya[mn]
kimta a vani[""] tâ m aņi-vêdikasuh(su) |* Ereganga-nâmavé(dhê)yah Torenâdu-ayi-nd[oo] ru[m] KongaļnåŅ-ichhchâ(chchhâ)siramu[m] Male-kåriramum=åļe Eregangar-koddadu vramma.
Sixth plate ; second side. {"] dêya Kasa(sya)pa-gotrakk[e*] Panekodupadi dêvalchana odeyorvvi-nadiyu ke[*] sadiyum padettadu sarvra(rvva)-pariya(h)ran sivamarar prituvikára iga[os] ganappan Il Magumļur- Mâradivärada påppar Madadivi-nadi Mamandi-[najat ["] dbya tâttadi Panekôdapâdi můra bhagak[k*]=e(a)yda ondu bhaga mata
mmuni mrira [] kodda(tu)da kesadiyuvinadiya tammknandorka kodda(tu)da muriddu(ta) onda bhaga [11*]
Seventh plate; first side. [] Nalvar-kkukandak-ell-alvor Kalivallava(bha)r Pervvaņadiy-arasar Parakamasattiga! Ku("]ppe odeyakosigakottadikávala enädiperar Adara samanara Marudura ["] mårandeyar vedinga(?)dar Kittåra vaysara kádandeyar Pervvayale kavvichchara
keRead ajayad. Metre, Sardúlavikridita. * Read kircha fishta-priyatuah ().
Read atmfkritya. "Metre, Vasantatilaka. 68 Metre, Sardalavikridita, " Read padmah. 5 Read drana.
5. Read vilasat-sânu-avau. 6 Metro, Sragdhari 7 Read kefritim-dkrashtum. 86 Read failatanay-pdddravind-Ankite. " Read śudahan, or yuddhe.
Read vrinda.
67 Metre, Vasantatilata. * Read mdnav-Anikdo ().
# Read katham cha (). Read kottudu brahms * Read Devaraj-tti-vandyah (). *1 Read chittan. * Read Mangular.

Page #265

AUGUST, 1885.)
A JAINA VAISHNAVA COMPACT.
233
("] daleyarı kura[ba*]ru ganigara pemmadavaru Anandaru * enettaru såkshi [lo]
Dôņe[] ya Aļe Alakurakere Kusugakereya Puļumose Alari Attinelvågilkeregu
Seventh plate ; second side. ("] Kavyal? )repaliyu Ane(?)trama(P)dilagu Panekodupadi mangu | Sâ(sa)sana keyda
mârakki) [*] kodda (ttu)du sikandaga vede maņņu | Sva-datt[a] para-datt[@]m=bâ(va) y8
hareta vasunda(ndha)ra[m] shashthi(shti)-va["] reha-sahasrani pri(vi)shthây[Am] jayati(te) krimi[bo] Il Varanasiya sisirvva[r"]=
pârvvarâ(run) såsira ["] kaviley[um] konda kôle'' eydug[u^*] [ll•] Panekodupadiyan vramma"-döyama[n*]
alitto(do) n=pa["] mcha-mahap[&•]taga(ka)[no) ak[kum] | Naliyu! mavatta gapdaga bhatta padeya
teruvodu il*
A JAINA VAISHNAVA COMPACT.
BY LEWIS RICE, C.I.E., M.R.A.S. Among the inscriptions at the Jaina towndred years ago in the days of Bukka Raya of Sravana-Belgola is one known as of Vijayanagar. Râmánujâchåri's súsana, engraved on a stone The inscription is in Hale-Kannada characters standing to the east of the entrance to the and in the Kannada language. At the top Bhandara basti. According to general belief its appears the Vaishnava symbol of the trinnama, object was to declare that no difference existed with the sankha on one side and the chakra between the Jainas and the Vaishnavas, mean- on the other. It is dated in the Saka year ing thereby no difference on doctrinal points. 1290 (A.D. 1368); and RÂmânujâchåri could The following transcript and translation will not therefore have had anything to do show that although there are certain terms with it, as he lived more than two centuries used, which, if taken by themselves, might before. But his followers, the bhaktas, or bear out the statement, yet that, when read faithful, had been hindering the religious with the context, it is clear they were not processions of the saints (bhavya-janangalu) intended to convey any such meaning. The or Jains, and objecting to their using the five expression referred to is the declaration, in the big drams, &c.,--the music (1) which is always emphatic form, Vaishnava-darianakke yi Jaina. mixed up as such an important element in darsanakke yenu bhé dav-ill=endu, -"there is these disputes. Bukka Rây a seems to have no difference whatever between the Vaishnava been successful in effecting & reconciliadarsana and this Jaina darsana." Now it is tion between the parties, and proceeded to true that darsana has the meaning of doctrine ratify it in a very interesting and significant or religious system ; but that in this inscrip- manner. tion it is not so used, is evident from what Some of the Srivaishộava terms, I have not follows, whereby it is declared that the use of been able to get altogether satisfactory inforthe five big drums and the kalaia forma part mation about. If not rightly interpreted, it of the Jaina darsana. From this, and from is hoped that contributors who understand the whole tenor of the inscription, it is clear them will come forward to explain them better. that the matter in dispute was not darsana
Text. in the sense of doctrine,' but darsana re. Svasti samasta-prasasti-sahitam pashandaferring to religious processions for the sågara-mah-badavâ-mukh-Agnih | Srirangapurpose of visiting the god. This to the râja-charaņâmbaja-mûla-dâsaḥ | Sri-Vishņupresent day is a fruitful cause of street fights 16ka-maņi-mantapa-margga-dâyf | Ramanujo among religious sects, and so it was five hun- vijayato yati-raja-rajah || Saka-Varsha 1290
The anturudra over this {u is distinct in the original, 1 1 though it does not appear in the lithograph.
Read Lokakko. • Read brahma.

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234
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[AUGUST, 1885.
neya Kilaka-samvatsarada Bhadrapada suddha 1 Brihaspativâra Svasti sriman-mahamandaleśvaram | ari-rayara-vibhada! bháshege-tappu. va-ra yara-ganda | sri-Vira-Bukka-Rayanu prithvi-rajyava mâduva káladalli Jemarigu bhaktarigu samvajiv-dalli Anegondi Hosapattana Penagonde Kallehada-pattaņa valagada samasta-nada-bhavya-janangaļu || A Bukka-Rayange bhaktaru maduva anyayaogalannu binnaham madalagi Kovil Tirumale Peruma!-kóvil Tirunarayanapuram mukhyaváda sakal-Acharyaru sukala-samayagalu sakala-satvikaru môshtikaru tirumaņi-tiruvidi-tanniravaru nâl-vörr-ențu- tâtaingaļu sanmata-bôvakkaļu Tirukula-Jämbavakula-valaga da hadineņtu-nada Srivaishna- vara kaiyyallu Maharayanu Vaishnava-dar śanakke yi Jaina-daréanakke yênû bhedav=ill= endu Riyanu Vaishnavara kaiyyallu Jainara kai vididu kotta yi Jaina-darśanakke pûrvva- maryyadeyallu pañcha-maha-vådyangaļu kala- savu salluvadu | Jaina-darśanakke bhaktara- deseyindî hûni vriddhiyâdara Vaishnava-hini vșiddhiyagi pálisavadul yi maryyâdeyallu yella rijyadolag alaha bastigalige Srivaishņavara sâsanava-nettu pâlisu varu | chandrarkkasthủyiyagi Vaishyava-samayava Jaina-darsanaVa rakshisikonda. babavudu | Vaishnavaru Jainara vandu bhôdavägi kaņalagadu || SriTirumaleya-tâ taingalu samasta-rajyada bhavyajanangala anumatadinda Belugala-tirthadalli dôvera anga-rakshaneg-8gkara samasta-rajyadolag ullartaha Jkinaru bågilu-dattaneyagi mane-manege varshakke 1 vandu baņa kottu & yattida honninge dévara säga-raksheke yippattala måsanta vittu mikka-honninge jfrņņa-Jinilayangalige sðdhey-antikondu yi marygadeyallu
Seringam near Trichinopoly. The king is the idol Srt Rangandths in the great temple there.
• Bhaktaru term used throughout the inscription to represent the Vaishnavas.
Bhavyanjanangalu-similarly used throughout the inscription to represent the Jains.
Apegondi, more commonly Anegandi, is on the Tubgabhadrl, on the opposite side of the river to the former city of Vijayanagar : Penagonde, more commonly Penagonda, & well-known hill the south-east of Bellary district, and a royal city after the fall of Vijayanagar: the other two places I do not know.
Kaiyyallu; from this it would appear that a written agreement was taken from them.
A term used in other inscriptions with reference to the Srivaishnavas.
Kovil is Sriranga or Seringam : Tirumale is Tripati in Kadapa district: Perumal-kövil is KAñchi or Conjeveram: TirunArAyanapuram is Mélukôte in Mysore.
The samaya were disaris or Vaishnavs religione mendicanta, invested with authority as cenaors of morals. No religious ceremony or marriage could be undertaken without gaining their consent by payment of fees, &c. Under the former native Bajas the office was formed out
chandrårkkar allannam tappaliyade varshavarshakke kottu kirttiyannu pumnyavann upårijisikombudu || yi madida kattaleyanna avan obbanu miridavanı râja-drôhi sangha-samudáyakke drôhi tapasriyâgali gråmaņiyagali yi dharmmava kedisidâdade Gangeya tadiyalli kavileyannu Brahmanananna konda påpadalli hôharu || Svadattåm paradattâm và yê harêti Vasundharan shashtir varsha sahasråņi vishţayam jayatê krimiḥ ||
TRANSLATION. Be it well ! --Possessed of every honour, the great fire of the mare-faced to the ocean of heretics, the original slave at the lotus-feet of the king of Sriranga,' donor of a path to the jewelled temple of the world of holy Vishņu, Rå må. nuja triumphs, the king of royal yatis.-In the Saka year 1290, the year Kilaka, the 1st of the bright fortnight of Bhadrapada, Thursday, at the time when -Be it well !-the auspicious Mahamandalesvara, the victor over hostile kings, the punisher of kings who break their word, the auspicious Vira-Bukka-Raya was conducting the government of the world, mutual strife having arisen between the Jains and the faithful' i.e. the Vaishṇavas), the blessed people (i.e. the Jains) of all the dis. tricts included within Anegondi, Hosapattana, Penagonde, and Kallehadapattana, having made petition to that Bakka-Raya of the injustice done by the faithful, the Maharaya, under the hand of the Sri-Vaishṇavas of the eighteen districts, especially of Kovil, Tirumale, Peramál-Kovil, and Tirunarayanapuram,' including all the dcháris, all the samayas, all the respectable men, those living on alms, the temple) servants in all the large towns and credited in the public accounts ng samaydchára. An important part of the profits arose either from the sale of females accused of incontinency, or from fines imposed on them for the same reason. The unfortunate women thus pat up for sale were popularly known as Sarkar wives. The rules of the system, BAYS Wilks,"varied according to the caste of the accused. Among Brahmans and Kômtis females were not sold but expelled from their caste and branded on the arm as progtitutes; they then paid to the ijardar (or contractor) an annual sum as long as they lived, and when they died all their property became his. Females of other Hindu Castes were sold without any compunction by the yardår, unless some relative stepped forward to satisfy his demand. Those sales were not, as might be supposed, conducted by stealth, nor confined to places remote from general observation ; for in the large town of Bangalore itself, under the very eyes of the European inhabitants, a large building was appropriated to the accommodation of these unfortunate women; and sy late as the month of July 1883 a distinct proclamation of the Commissioners was necessary to enforce the abolition of this detestable traffio."
Mahfikaru-Taken as meaning those who subsist on w ht, a handful of grain given as alms,

Page #267

AUGUST, 1885.)
MISCELLANEA.
235
of the holy trident-mark, of the holy feet. and the drawers of water, the four (thrones)" and the eight tátas, the instructors of the true faith, the Tirukula and Jåmbavakula – declaring that between the Vaishṇava darsanao and this Jaina darsana there was no difference whatever, the king, taking the hand of the Jains and placing it in the hand of the Vaishộavas (decreed as follows) :-In this Jaina darsana," socording to former custom, the five big drums and the kalaba (or vase) will (oontinue to be used. If to the Jaina darsana injury on the part of the faithful should arise, it will be protected (in the same manner) as if injury to the Vaishộavas had arisen. In the matter of this custom, the Śrfvaishnavas will set up the decree in all the bastis' throughout the kingdom. As long as sun and moon endure, the Vaishnava samaya will continue to protect the Jaina darsana.
The Vaishnavas cannot be allowed to) look upon the Jainas as in a single respect different.
The tátass of holy Tirumale, by consent of the blessed people of the whole kingdom, the Jainas throughout the whole kingdom having given according to their doors house by house one fanam a year (to provide) for the personal protection of the god" at the tirtha of Beluguls-will with the gold so raised appoint month by month twenty servants for the personal protection of the god," and with the remainder of the gold will cleanse and purify the ruined Jinalayas": and as long as sun and moon endure, allowing no failure in this custom, and giving the money) year by year, will acquire fame and merit.
This rate now made whoso transgresses is a traitor to the king, a traitor to the assembly and the congregation." Be he devotee, or be he village beadman, that destroys this work of morit, they incur the guilt of killing a cow or a Brihman on the bank of Ganges. Whoso takes away land given by bimself or by another is born & worm in ordare for sixty thousand years."
MISCELLANEA. ANOTHER BHAUMAYANTRA.
edges of the plate are the words for eight weapons With reference to the Bhaumayantra obtained in the accusative singular. The contents of the in Málwa, and published by Dr. Hultzsch in this twenty-one triangles are as follows: Journal, ante Vol. XIII. p. 138f., I give here an Or Mangalaya namaḥ 1. account of another, -obtained by my father, Om Bhumiputra ya namaḥ 2. about forty years ago, from a gentleman who Om Rinahartre namah S. got it in Benares, which has recently come into Om Dhanapradâya namaḥ 4. my possession. The plate is nearly 74 inches Om Sthirsdankya namaḥ 5. square, inscribed with an equilateral triangle, Om Mabâkâyâya namaḥ 6. which, again, is subdivided into twenty-one equi. Om Sarvakarma varôdhakaya namah 7. lateral triangles, each containing, in good Nagart Om Löhitaya namah 8. characters, the mystic syllable Oni, a name of the Om Lðhitakshaya namaḥ 9. planet Mars in the dative singular, the noun namah Om Samagana .. påkaraya namah 10 (troo let. " adoration," and, lastly, a numeral. At the ters illegible in the middle).
10 The name or trinndma, the symbol of the Vaish- See the story from Buchanan in my Mysore and Coorg, navas.
Vol. II. p. 239. 11 Tiruvidi for tiruvadi.
1 On this term I have remarked in the introduction. 11 The word following wil or 'four' is not very clear, 11 The pancha-mahasabda commonly included among but it seems to refer to the oocupants of four thrones attributes of great chieftains. or sarısthan-idhipatis appointed by Råminnjachari, 16 A vessel in the form of & Vane or urn containing namely, Tirumale, Kandidi, Bhatráchår and Nallán- water, which plays an important part in religious cere. chakravarti. .
monies.
Jains temples. 13 Tata, literally grandfather. Certain Vaishnava 10 This must be the colossal Jain statue of Gomatosvaru, teachers of the priestly order are called titáchari, and 60 feet high, on the summit of the Indragiri at Sravana are representatives of eight principal ones appointed by
Belgola. There is a story generally current that Rama. Ramanujachåri who were called the ashta-dig-gaja. nujichári had the Vaishnava symbol of the trident cut
* This term is not clear, and one copy makes it iuto the middle of its back. But I have been up myself odmantojovakkalu (?). It probably refers to an inferior to see, and also taken Srivaishnavas up to satisfy thein. class of religious teachers under the tátaingalu.
selves that nothing of the kind was ever done. 15 The Tiru-kula and Jámbava-kula are two tribes of 21 Sathgha and samudaya; both terms of the sam Holayas or outcastes, still so called. They are credited signification they seem to refer, the former to the with having assisted Ramanujichdri in recovering the Jains and the latter to the Vaishnavas. image of Krishna, called Shelva-pulle Raya, at Melukõte, * This last verse is not very à propos. from Debli (!) whither it had been carried off by the From the Academy, April 4, 1886, p. 245. Muhammadans. Hence they have the privilege of | [The reading given by Dr. Hultasch is Sthirdsand. ontering the temple once a year to pay their devotions ya.-Ed.]

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236
Om Dharâtmajaya namaḥ 11. Om Kujaya namaḥ 12. Om Bhaumaya namaḥ 13. Om Bhatidâya namaḥ 14. Om Bhaminandanaya namaḥ 15. Om A(n)garakaya namaḥ 16. Om Yamaya namaḥ 17.
Om Sarvarôgâpaharakaya namaḥ 18. Om Vrishtikartrê namaḥ 19.
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
Om Vrishtyapahartrê namaḥ 20. Om Sarvakamaphalapradaya namaḥ 21.
The eight weapon-names on the margins are ghardm, saktim (spear), salam (pike), dhanuḥ (bow), baram (arrow), gadam (club), varadam, and a word ending in -anam or -ânam. These names do not occur on the Mâlwá plate; and in No. 10 Dr. Hultzsch gives Sámagánaya(dri)pá(ka)raya, adding that he is unable to explain this word. In No. 20 he has Vrishtihartré.
In No. 1 Mangala (propitious) is an euphe mistic name for Mars. The names in Nos. 2, 11, 12, 13, and 15 mean son of the earth; Rinahartri (No. 3) means debt-destroyer; as Vrishtyapahartri (No. 20) means rain-destroyer. Yama (No. 17) is elsewhere used as a name of Saturn. As to the weapon-names, I shall be grateful if any Sanskritist will explain ghard and varada.
WHITLEY STOKES.
CURIOSITIES OF INDIAN LITERATURE. ANOTHER MACARONIC VERSE OF GUMANI KAVI.
sant tévedt v
वेरुः पार्था दुःखिता दीर्घकालं ।
❤ mot mång wate
जग में सारी बात है बन पड़े की ॥
BOOK
AN EXAMINATION OF THE CLAIMS OF ISHMAEL AS VIEWED BY THE MUHAMMADANS, by J. D. BATE. Lazarus & Co., Banaras. Allen & Co., London. This is in several ways a remarkable book. It professes to be the first chapter of the first section of an immense work that the author has on hand, entitled Studies in Islam. This first chapter is in itself a book of pp. 352 and xix, including index, of long primer type, 8vo. The fact of its being treated as only a chapter of a larger work has forced the author into its chief defect, as it has obliged him to carry on a longsustained argument consisting of many parts without a break. The result is that it is difficult to find one's way about it. As the work of a Baptist Missionary it is naturally controversial, and is in fact an attack on the cardinal Muhammadan doctrine that Ishmael and not Isaac was the "Child of Promise." It is therefore a
[AUGUST, 1885.
The wise courageous Pandavas wandered distressed in the forest for many days, while the evil-minded Duryodhana reigned as a king. Of a truth-"Everything depends on seizing the opportunity (and not on individual merit)."
G. A. GRIERSON.
THE PROVERBS OF ALI EBN ABI TALEBI. Translated by K. T. Best, M.A., M.R.A.S., Principal Guzerat College.
Continued from p. 206.
260. A wise youth is better than an old fool. 261. It is better to boast of virtue than of pedigree.
262. The speech of a man plainly shows what is in his heart.
263. A generous infidel may hope for Paradise more than an avaricious Muhammadan.
264. To be ungrateful to a benefactor destroys the benefit.
265. Gentleness of speech is the bond of hearts. 266. There is no rest for the envious.
267. If a man could see the end of his life and how quickly it is reached, he would hate riches and worldly goods.
268. Great are the anxieties of a man who plans great things.
269. He who is silent does not repent.
270. It is better to be alone than to converse with a bad man.
271. He is your friend who does not oppose you. 272. A future life harasses the fortunate man, but this world in which he lives, worries the miserable.
NOTICE.
fitting commencement of a general attack along the whole line of Muhammadan dogma. It is not our intention here to enter into the merits of this old controversy, but we gladly point to this learned work as containing the gist of all that has been said up to date on both sides; and as the arguments of necessity embrace important points in the history, ethnology and etymology, as well as in the religion of the Arabs, and as the author gives chapter and verse for every statement, the work is a mine of accurate information on most matters which Orientalists hold to be of value. It is to be hoped that the author will be encouraged by its reception to rapidly proceed with the remainder of his" Studies." He is, of course, well known for his Hinds Dictionary, and now we find him equally familiar with Arabic and the Muhammadan side of an Indian Missionary's labours.

Page #269


Page #270

RUSSIAN ICONS
Drasen by E. Relatrek
INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
BOCKPCCCIIIC XT80
CROATWW
BLACHATI ET C
H
Gaxping
-tea
ca
CTTHVLHKOAGG
202
MIVEL PEMSTONHAEMAABAROP CMO BOKNEE
HE.EE HERE
I
N
T
AVA

Page #271

SEPTEMBER, 1885.]
RUSSIAN ICONS.
RUSSIAN ICONS. By E. REHATSEK.
WH WHETHER these old brass images found their way to Bombay by water or by land is not known, and their possessor, who kindly allowed me to make copies of them, could only inform me that he had purchased them from various persons, strangers in Bombay, such as Armenians, &c. I have represented the actual size of these icons, because a reduction to a smaller scale would have considerably interfered with the distinctness of the figures, religious symbols, and inscriptions represented by them. The ground of two pieces, No. I. and No. III., is enamelled in blue as shown in the draw
ings, all the rest retain the natural yellow of the brass. Some of the pieces have been used as amulets, and were, no doubt, worn suspended from the neck, as appears from the hinges and loops through which strings for that purpose were passed.
I.
This piece opens like a book, and to give a clear idea of it I have represented it in three figures; namely the outside, then opened, and lastly the thickness.
The outside contains an oval surrounded by ornaments. The cross in the oval is flanked by a spear and a reed, the one with which the side of Jesus was pierced, and the other showing the sponge in which vinegar was given him to drink (Matt. xxvii. 48). The separate letters scattered over the ground are initials, and also the words, such as Jesus Christ, Son of God (Yisus Christos, seen Bojyih'), are given in an abridged form as indicated by the curved lines above them; thus the monograms 10 and XO which stand for Yisus and Christos occur also on other pieces.
The left side of the opened piece displays the interior of a building with three arches; the central one, which is also the largest, surmounted by a head with wings attached, being occupied by the Madonna with her infant, and the lateral ones by the heads of persons entering the edifice. Under the Madonna, who is flanked by winged guardian angels holding wands, there is a corpse in a horizontal position, but with the head slightly raised. At each side of
237
the Madonna, and just under the angels there are two bearded men, in the act of reading from a book which each holds with his two hands. Just under the right hand of the Madonna there is a globe surmounted by a cross (the symbol of dominion) held out on a rod to the corpse by a bearded man, near whom also others are standing, but the full stature of the foremost only is shown. Near the head of the corpse a man is standing with a censer suspended by chains, for the purpose of being swung about in ceremonies of fumigation; the person in his rear is a woman, apparently weeping. The two small figures under the bier represent an angel and a demon, the former attacking the latter with an uplifted sword in his right hand, whilst that in his left is held downwards. The demon, apparently desiring to ward off the attack, touches the coffin. whilst doing so, but is unarmed. It will be observed that each of the prominent persons has a halo of sanctity round the head, except the demon in the foreground.
The right side of the opened piece has in the centre an oval occupied by the full stature of the Saviour, emitting rays of light in all directions. On the top of the oval are the monograms C and XO in a small quadrangle. In the foreground on the left side a man in a kneeling position appears, whose hand is grasped by Jesus; on the right there are two women, likewise kneeling, and above them two persons, one of whom appears to be a king and the other a warrior, with a spiked helmet. A sea of the tops of human heads above, closes the picture, as in the preceding piece. On the frame above, the inscription has now the following form BOCKPCCCIIIC XTBO which must be read Voskresenie Christovo, meaning "Resurrection of Christ."
Of the thickness no other description is necessary except to mention that the drawing shows how the two tablets, of which the piece is composed, are held together by the hinges. One of the holes on the top through which a string for suspension may be passed is also shown, as well as a piece of iron-wire which
1 The j in the last word is pronounced like s in pleasure.

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passes through the binges and holds them together, but sticks out above.
II. Those who are familiar with the symbolism of the Eastern and Roman Catholic Churches, will easily understand what the small head of the old bearded man represents and the dove beneath it, flanked by two angels with their heads down and feet upwards. The body on the crucifix appears to be dressed in a coat, but the arms and legs are left bare. Near it are the spear and the reed, as seen also on the outside view of No. I. Of the inscrip- tion round the cross I was able to make out with certainty only the word Ramiyatié, which means “Crucifixion." On the back of this piece vestiges of several lines of writing occur, which, not having been engraved deep enough, forbishing has nearly effaced.
"St. Nicholas." Having been a bishop he is represented with the two forefingers of the right hand prominent, which are thus separated from the others, and gently striking the cheek of a person receiving the Sacrament of Confirmation; and in the left he holds a short Byzantine cross. His robe of gold brocade is richly adorned with flowery devices, and over it he wears two stoles, with crosses embroidered upon them. Above the heads of the two small figures, supported by clouds, at the sides the monograms 10 XO and MP which stand for Yio Christos and Maria, may be observed. A small hole is broken out of this icon on the right side above.
On the top of this piece, which is a little damaged, a person in a standing position with covered head appears to be reading from a book on the pulpit in front; both the lower compartments however contain Christ as the central figure. In the upper one he is represented as taking a person by the hand in the same way as in the position of No. I, superscribed Resurrection; this person, as well as the one on the right side, is a female. Christ stands under an arch surmounted by a small ring. In the lower compartment he is represented in the act of addressing the surrounding people with both his hands stretched out, and above his head is a small oval containing the bust of a man with an angel on each side. The few words occurring over each of these two scenes I was unable to make out satisfac. torily.
IV. The small quadrangle above, contains a head with rich locks, probably intended to represent hair on both sides of the beard ; the two usual monograms and XC occur on the frame above, and also a halo of sanctity around the head. On the back there is a small ring-not seen in the drawing-for suspending this icon from the neck. The big figure below bears on the frame the superscription Svyati Nikolas meaning
This icon, the smallest of the set, likewise represents St. Nicholas, flanked by two little busts resting on clonds. To judge from the two hinges, this may have been the door of a book-like piece similar to No. I, but inferior in size and execution. The ring above indicates that it may also have been worn as an amulet suspended from the neck.
This is the only piece the reverse of which is ornamented ; accordingly two views of it are given, namely the front and the rear, the ornaments of which also display but poor workmanship.
VI. This figure is apparently the oldest, and seems neither to be of Russian design nor of sacred import, unless we indulge by a stretch of imagination in the supposition that this young lady with almond eyes had attained sanctity by subduing the two besetting sins of her sex, loquacity and vanity, keeping them firmly under control as she grasps in her fists their symbols, the parrot and the peacock. Her only unintelligible ornament is on the centre of her bust; the necklace and bracelets are distinct enoagh. The head-dress appears not to be a cap, but the Arab kerchief, over which & fillet of camel hair is thrown, according to the fashion of the country. Just over the fillet there is a ring in the centre. It would be natural to expect an inscription under this bust, but even & magnifying glass could reveal nothing more than the few paltry curves of foliage or of serpents shown in the drawing.

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THE PRINCE THAT WAS THREE TIMES SHIPWRECKED. BY THE REV. J. HINTON KNOWLES. F.R.G.S., M.B.A.S., ETC., (C. M. 8., SRINAGAR, KASHMIB.) A KASMIRI TALE.
only return. The young prince persisted in There was a very wise and clever king, who going on. had four sons, and each of these sons was Great was the sorrow in the Court that day. equally as wise and clever as his father.' A veil of mourning and lamentation shrouded One day the king, wishing to test the wisdom the city and people. Bat none could tell the and talents of these sons, called them all to him, anguish of the exiled prince's wife, and none and among other questions asked them each could comfort her. She tore her beantiful one, singly and privately, by whose good fortune hair, she beat her milk-white breasts, she cast it was that he possessed such a large and aside her jewels and ornaments, and was as one powerful kingdom, and was enabled to govern mad and about to die. Finally, she decided it so wisely and so well. Said he,"Is it through to follow her beloved, and resisting her mothermy own good fortune, or your mother's, or in-law's and other relations' entreaties, she yours, or your brothers' P" The eldest son dressed herself like a female faqir and went replied: "It is by your own good fortune, 0 forth penniless and unattended in search of king, our father, that you have this kingdom her husband. and this power." Likewise replied the second It was not long before she succeeded in and the third sons. But when the fourth and reaching him, for love had made her feet swift, youngest son was thus inquired of, he answered, and her search keen. The prince was overthat all this might and power and glory were joyed at seeing her, and lavished upon her all btained through his own good fortune and not the affection which she deserved. With her another's.
he felt rich and happy, and cared not to occupy The king was as much enraged at the bold himself again with the business and excitement and decided reply of his youngest son as he of the court. "What is thy thought, O my had been pleased with the fawning and truck- beloved, the light of my eyes ?" said he. ling answers of the other three sons. In a "Shall we not abide here in the woods, and wrathful tone, he said, "Was not I a wise and live upon what this bow and sling shall bring powerful king before thou wast conceived in us?” She consented, and for some time the the womb ? This kingdom and power did not days and weeks passed pleasantly, until one come with thy birth, O proud and stupid boy ! day the bow and the sling lost their charm, Away! away!" and then calling the door and no prey came to band. This state of keeper he bade him remove the lad far from his affairs continued, so that at last, feeling very presence.
hungry, they were obliged to leave their jungleThe boy, however, did not require any press- home and beg by the wayside, and in the faring to go. Being of a most determined and scattered villages around. In the course of independent disposition he hastened away, || their wanderings they reached the sea. Great packed up a few necessaries, and left the palace. was their surprise on seeing the boundless Soon afterwards, the king's anger having in the expanse of waters; and as they watched the meantime relented, when it was known through- tide; now rushing forward and then receding, ont the royal city that the youngest prince they thought that they were living waters, had really departed, messengers from the and that they were trying to swallow them up throne were despatched in all directions to find and all the country behind them. Nevertheless him and bring him back. He was overtaken they did not dread the sea, but the rather on a certain way, but it was in vain that wished to live upon it, and tried hard to get the messengers recounted to him the king's the sailors of some of the ships' which now anguish and how his Majesty would load and again touched at the port of that place him with honours and presents if he would to let them sail with them. But the sailors
Told by Brdhman named Mukund Blya, who resides at Buth, Srinagar. He heard it from Musal. mån, hence the constant occurrence of the word 'God' in the story.
Literally," who were one cloverer than the other." Yim di ak a ki sindih hutah gátuli.
The story of "The Fan Prince" in Indian Fairy Talos begins something like this; df. p. 193.

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always refused, because the prince and his wife were so poor and had nothing to give them. At length, however, one day, a trader, kind and wealthy, heard of their desire, and perceiving that they were gentle-mannered people and of a good countenance, he had compassion upon them, and engaged for them a berth on board one of the vessels then about to start on some distant voyage. Before they left the trader inquired who they were, and whence they came, and what was their inten. tion. "For surely," he said, "Ye both are of a princely mien and countenance, and by some foul trickery have become thus poor and helpless." "True, true," replied the young prince weeping; and he related to him all his history.
"I am a prince," said he, "Of splendid destiny.
Through me alone the king doth rule and power obtain.
"But on an evil day
Did my fond father say, 'Whose fortune is it-mine or thine, by which I rule ?'
"I told him, 'Mine, O King.'
Said he, 'What, thine! What thing Is this? Away, O proud and foolish child, far hence!'
"And so my home I left, Of father's love bereft,
And wandered far and lone into the desert wilds.
"Then came my wife to me,
And we lived happily,
Till bow and string refused me help to strike my prey.
"Next hunger drove us forth
East, West, and South, and North, To seek for bread and shelter with a beggar's
cry.
"And then God brought us here To give us such good cheer
As thy kind sympathy and help provideth
us.
"O friend, to thee long life And happiness without strife,
And after death to dwell in richest joys above."
The trader was so much moved by the prince's touching tale that he could scarcely
[SEPTEMBER, 1885.
keep from weeping. "I know that what you have said is correct," he said, "because as soon as you left your father's kingdom, my agent, who lives there, sent me word that a foreign force had entered the city, slain many of the inhabitants, and taken the king and his brothers, together with their wives and families, prisoners." When the prince heard this he wept bitterly, and mourned his poverty and helplessness to afford succour to his father and brethren and people, whom he so loved. It was useless for his wife and the trader to try and cheer him by saying how thankful he should be to have left the city before these sad events occurred. The prince was of far too noble a character to attend to such words-nay, he rather reproached himself the more, knowing that if he had but tarried at home, these things would not have happened.
After a long time had elapsed they were sailing with a boisterous wind not far from the country where they hoped to disembark; but the wind became fiercer and the waves rolled mountains high, threatening every moment to overwhelm the ship. All hands were at work and everything was done that could be done for the safety of the crew. For hours and hours they thus lingered between life and death, until at last one great wave, swifter and larger than the rest, broke upon the ship, so that it divided into two pieces and everyone and everything were swept into the waters. Only two were saved, and these two were the prince and his wife, who had caught hold of a spar and a plank from the wreck and were thus carried to the shore. The prince, however, was carried to one part of the country,. whilst the princess floated to another part, perhaps, of another country far distant. The place where the princess landed was near a large garden, which had evidently been laid out with great care, but was flowerless and leafless. As soon, however, as the princess approached its walls the trees and shrubs began to freshen and here and there a tiny bud appeared. Great was the surprise of the headgardener when, on going his customary round of inspection the following morning, he noticed these things. He had come as usual to give orders concerning the withered trees, that they might be uprooted and taken away for fuel or other purposes, but lo! there was life

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in them, and he told the under-gardeners to go flowers should be provided every day for the for that day, as there was no work for them. pleasure of the royal household. Hence his The gardener then hastened to inform his extreme care over the garden that no flowers master, who was the king of that country, be stolen, lest there should not be sufficient concerning the good news. The king was daily for the palace. “I wish," said the prince, exceedingly glad to hear it, and thought that "that you would allow me to arrange these at last God would cause the trees to bring flowers into bouquets. They would look so forth fruit and the flowers to blossom in the much more beautiful, and his Majesty the garden, over which he had expended so large a king would be so much better pleased with sum of money. Then the gardener returned them.” The gardener consented, and presently once more to feast his eyes upon the new sight there were several bouquets of flowers tastefully and saw a woman squatting by the gate. arranged, ready to be taken to the palace.
e inquired who she was, whence she came, The king and all the royal family, when they and what she had come for; but never a word saw the beautiful bouquets, were greatly escaped the princess's lips; and so he left her. pleased, and giving many presents to the
The place where the prince arrived, turned gardener ordered him thus to prepare the out to be close to the walls of a large and flowers every day. The gardener made his magnificent city. In the course of his pere. obeisance and departed. grinations through this city he came upon a On reaching his house he told his wife of most beautiful garden, one blaze of colours, the pleasure of the king, and of the many and redolent with perfumes. He looked presents which had been given to him; and within the entrance gate, but dared not ven- then went and honestly told the prince that ture right in, as seeing no person there, he all this honour was through his skill, and that thought that people were prohibited from he must abide in their house and arrange the entering and therefore stopped. He was still flowers every day, because if he now left them there, looking at this wonderful sight, when the the king would not have his wish, and perhaps royal gardener came. Seeing a man at the would imprison him (the gardener) or take gate gazing with such longing eyes upon the away his life. The prince thinking that noflowers he suspected that he had trespassed thing better would offer itself, at all events for inside the garden and stolen some of them, and a long time, readily complied. And so matters for the moment he was filled with fear and continued. Every day the king and the royal trembling, not knowing what the king would household were delighted with the most delido to him if such were the case. But when cious bouquets of flowers, and every day the he discovered that no harm had been done he gardener returned with rich rewards. felt rather pleased with the stranger, and per- Becoming more and more wealthy, and ceiving that he was clever and gentle, he asked loving money the more as it increased to who he was and what business he had there. him, the gardener and his wife were some"I am a beggar come from a far country," was times filled with terrible fears lest their guest, the reply. “Then follow me," said the gar- the prince, should suddenly depart and leave dener. "I will make some arrangement for them as they were before. Accordingly they your food and clothes." Of course the beggar- hit upon a plan to marry him to their only prince was only too delighted, and followed the daughter, that he might be certain not to gardener to his house. There it was told how leave them; for said they, "though he came to that he was a poor man wandering upon the us in great distress, yet how do we know that face of the earth for a bit of bread; and food he is not some great man reduced by trickery was set before him, and clothes provided, and and falsehood to this state. At all events he was invited to draw near to the fire and he is wise and skilful, and of a noble counwarm his shivering limbs. During conversa. tenance, and by his means we have attained to tion the stranger-guest asked why the gardener this great wealth.” And so it was arranged had plucked the flowers. The gardener replied to ask the prince to marry the gardener's that it was the order of the king that fresh daughter. The prince at first demurred, but
• Cf. Wide-awake Stories, pp. 150, 151.

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so."
afterwards consented, on condition that he man whom I love, and whom I wish to shonld be allowed to depart when and whither marry." he wished. The gardener readily complied, "Tell me," said the queen, “who he is, and making sure in his own mind that if the where he dwells, and I will inform the king stranger were once settled and comfortable in that a message may be sent for him." his own house, he would not care to leave it. "It is the young man," answered the
The marriage took place, and there was much princess," who resides with our chief gardener, money spent and great rejoicings. All things that wise and handsome man, who brought the went smoothly for a while and everybody flowers here the other day for the gardener." seemed as happy as could be, until one day | The queen was astounded at her daughter's the gardener could not go to the palace, request, and begged her to consider what she and so was obliged to ask his son-in-law to go was asking for. "A gardener's lackey!" instead of him and take the bouquets of flowers. said she. “With such would a princess fain He did so, but on returning the king's daugh- unite herself? The idea is preposterous. ter met him, and seeing that he was clever, Surely, my daughter must be mad!" gentle, and handsome, she at once fell in love “I am not mad, dear mother," answered the with him, and ordered one of her female atten- princess. "This man is not of mean birth, as dants to follow him and see where he lived. you suppose. He is of a noble type of counShe saw him enter the gardener's honse, and tenance and of educated manners, which came and told her mistress so. On the follow- bespeak high blood and gentle training. Send ing morning the princess sent to the gardener, and inquire, I pray thee, and see if this is not telling him on no account to let this young man go, but to give him food, and supply him with | The queen promised to do so. When the everything that he might require. The gar- king heard the reason of his daughter's indisdener was astonished at this strange order, and position, he, too, was very much astonished, went immediately to tell his wife and son-in- but thinking that there might be some truth law. “What is it that thou hast done?" he said in the princess's surmisings, he deferred speak. to the latter, "to provoke this request ? Hasting to her, until he had sent and ascertained thou seen the princess, spoken to her, or looked who and whence this young man was. upon her with eyes of love? Tell me the reason The gardener told the king's messengers all of this strange order." The prince acknow- that he knew about his son-in-law :ledged that he had seen the king's daughter,
" It was a beggar that I saw when returning from the palace; but that he
But now my handsome son-in-lawhad scarcely noticed her-much less spoken to her. Great was the suspense until the reason
A-gazing at the garden gate was known.
In wretched gaise and piteous state. Meanwhile the princess lost her appetite and "I thought at first he had been within became very pale and weak. When her mother The closely-guarded garden green, noticed that she was getting thin and sickly But finding every flower entire she begged her daughter to tell her if there I quickly stayed my ill-roused ire, was any pain or sorrow, and if so she should
"And tempted by his pleasant face tell her that it might be remedied. Or, per
I asked him-did he want a place ? haps, she wanted something; if so let her make
If so, then he could follow me these wants known, and the king would satisfy
And kind of under-gardener be. them. Anything and everything rather than she should pine away like this and die. "O
" And he consenting came to us mother, dear mother l" replied the princess, "it And stayed-as you may well supposeis not that I am in pain, or that any one has
For such a clever gardener he,-- grieved me; but God has guided hither the
Without his aid I could not be. Gardeners and their families oooupy prominent I found some nine or ton instances of this. cf. Indian place in European and Indian tales. While glang
Fairy Talor, p. 277, . 2. ing rapidly through the first half of Old Deccan Days

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"The king's delight, those bouquets rare
Did his own skilful hands prepare ; And then in sweet unselfish wise He bade me gladden the royal eyes. "Thus through his skill we honours gained
And countless riches we obtained, Until we feared he would depart
And leave us ignorant of his art. "Hence was he married to our blood, With gifts of coin and clothes and food : We thought he now would surely rest,
Choosing such fortune as the best. “And now to you I have frankly shown
All that of this strange man is known : Go tell the king and beg that he
Will of his mercy pardon me. “But who he is, or whence he came, Or even of the stranger's namo I cannot tell, for never he
Hath told his fortune unto me." On bearing this strange tale from the messenger, the king, desiring to know more concerning this underling, summoned the headgardener. With much fear and trembling the head-gardener entered the royal presence.
"Now tell me," said his Majesty, "Who is this man P Whence came he? What is his business here? How didst thou find him? What does he in thy house? And tell me, too, of his behaviour and attainments. What is thy own opinion of this man?"
The gardener then again told all he knew about his son-in-law-how he met with bim, had pity upon him, and married him to his only daughter because he made bouquets which delighted the king; how wise and skilful he was in all manner of conversation and work; and how gentle, good, and kind he was. Not one thing did the head-gardener keep back of all that he knew about his son-in-law. Then the king dismissed him, bidding him not to fear, as no harm, but rather good, would happen to him as the result of these inquiries.
As soon as the head-gardener had departed the king sent a special servant to see really how this under-gardener behaved himself, and to bring him word again. He bade him be very careful in his observations, as it was his (the king's) intention, if possible, to marry this man to his own daughter. The servant left and thoroughly inquired into all matters.
“It was quite true," he said to the king, “ what the gardener told you. But may it please your Majesty to call for the man and see him."
The king was pleased to do so, and soon the under-gardener stood before him. A little conversation and observation served to convince the king that this man was no ordinary personage; and so he informed him of his daughter's wish, and added that he, too, was of similar mind. “Will you agree and become the king's son-in-law ?"
"I will," he replied, “but only on the condition that you allow me to leave the country whenever I wish."
The king promised, and at once gave orders for a certain house adjoining the palace to be prepared for him and for clothes and jewels and the richest food to be provided for him, so that in every way he might be as the king's son-in-law, and every cause for reproach removed. It was so; and soon all the people, even the wazírs, began to acknowledge him as one great and wise in the land, and the 'accepted son-in-law of their king.
In course of time the marriage took place. There were great rejoicings, such as had never been known in the city before. The air was filled with gladness, and everybody was arrayed in his gayest and his best--the poor, also, were well-clothed, well-fed, and loaded with presents. The praises of the king and the queen and the bride and bridegroom were in the mouths of everyone; and never did there appear such a glad and happy city.
And so matters continued. The king had no reason to regret the union, for his son-in-law increased in knowledge, wisdom, and popularity. He knew all languages, could solve the most difficult questions, and was most holy and good, giving alms to the people and attending to the cries of the sick and the distressed. Only one thing seemed against him, and that was his refusal to attend the darbár (or hall of audience).
One day his wife asked him the reason of his not doing so. “It is not meet," she added, “that you, the king's son-in-law, should always be absent from the great assembly. You should certainly go sometimes, and manifest, at all events, a little interest in the government of the country, whose king is your wife's

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father." The prince, for he was now & re- accompany them. The king consented, and cognised prince, then told her that he was a expressed a wish to his favourite son-in-law prince by birth, and that his father was ruler that he also should go a-hunting. The prince over a larger and more powerful country than said that he would obey his royal pleasure ; that in which he was now living. He told her but on leaving his father-in-law's presence he also how he had arrived in her father's country, appeared to be going to his own house. This and all that had happened to him, and furnished rather a good joke to the other added, that his heart. longed to visit once princes, who immediately sent each other more his home and fatherland. However, word, saying, “There goes that gardener's he saw the wisdom of what she advised, and pro- son to his house. Of course he cannot shoot mised henceforth to attend the king's conrt. Ac or ride. Aha! Aha! Whom have we for a cordingly the prince was presentin the darbár on relation, and confidant of the king? And so the following morning, arrayed in his best and they mocked him, and afterwards went to the looking most noble and handsome. The king king, and said, “He whom thou orderest to was exceedingly pleased to see his son-in-law, go with us, thy favourite son-in-law in whom and gave him the seat of honour, and especially thou trustest, must surely be of low degree, consulted him concerning the present pressing for he shirks this expedition; and rightly so, difficulties of the country. Thus matters perhaps, knowing that he cannot well teve continued. The prince went regularly to the part in it." Thus did they endeavour to turn court and in all affairs behaved himself the king's mind against his favourite son-in-law. 80 wisely and so well, that the king loved | But besides the thought that their brotherhim more than any of his other sons, and in-law would not be successful in the sport, especially so, when he heard from his daughter they had an idea also that he could not ride, that her husband was a great prince in his and therefore had previously given full own right, but that he had been obliged by instructions to the grooms that if this prince unkindness to leave his country and beg for went shooting with them, he was to be mountbread in a foreign land. The king's love and ed on a certain mad mare which was kept attention knew no bounds, when he had ascer- separate in the royal stables, and which no tained for certain that his favourite son-in-law man had yet been able to ride. However, wae nf noble birth also. He told him all his their envied brother-in-law was a magnifiprivate affairs and all the secret state difficul. cent horseman as well. In short there was ties; in all matters he sought his counsel, nothing he had not thoroughly mastered, and and at all times he wanted his society. 80 when he had gone home and acquainted
"Thou hast become an absolute necessity his wife with his intentions, and fully armed to me, O my son-in-law," he said to him one himself, he went to the royal stables, and on day. "Think not, I pray thee, of ever leaving asking for a horse, was told that the mad mare ine. Ask what thou wilt and thou shalt was the only beast available. All the other obtain it here."
animals belonged to different members of the Now when the other sons-in-law and sons of royal family and would be presently required, the king perceived the great affection of his
as everybody was going with this expedition. Majesty for the new prince, and how that he However, the prince did not care what beast seemed to be unable to move or stir without he rode as long as it was strong of limb and lim, they, were filled with jealousy, and plotted swift of foot, and so he mounted the mad together how they might estrange him from mare without any hesitation. As will be imathe royal favour. They did not know that he gined the mare only became more mad at the was a born prince, and therefore a skilful presumption of the prince. Never bad she archer, but supposed that he was only the been mounted before, and she cared not to gardener's son, and consequently would be carry any person now. So she plunged and altogether ignorant of the use of the bow, and then rose up on her haunches, then backed, the habits of wild animals; and so they sug. then sbied, and finally, after other tricks, all of gested to the king that they should go on a which were well known to the prince, she shooting expedition and that this prince should started off in the direction of the jungle at

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such a pace that her feet seemed scarcely to "Oh!" replied one of the other sons-in-law, touch the ground. Firm as a rock the prince " Ask him not, O king, as being unaccustomed retained his seat, and quickly reached that to the sport, he went home. Increase not his part of the jungle whither the wild beasts shame by advertising the whole matter." were said to resort. A keen sportsman, he | Now the favourite son-in-law's dignity was soon discovered their favourite haunts, and offended and his anger justly aroused by these shot a jackal, a bear, and a leopard. Not being lying words. However, he waited until the able to take them away with him for want of others had said their say and then looking at them help he cut off the jackal's tail, the bear's nose, with scornful eye, he said, "I also went to the and the leopard's ear and left the jungle. sport, O king, but alone; and three animals
Now the other princes, thinking that the came to my hand, a jackal, a bear, and a favourite prince had gone to his house, did leopard." The other sons-in-law, when they not start so early, and when they did go, heard this, were greatly surprised, and especially they went by another road to the hunting so as the three carcasses, which they had brought ground. On reaching it they discovered back with them and displayed before the king the corpses of the three animals which the as the result of their shooting, were of these other prince had killed and left, and having been three animals. What were they to do now? unsuccessful in shooting any animal themselves, How could they convince the king of the truth they gave orders that these three dead beasts of their words ? Only by telling more lies, and should be taken to the king and presented as therefore they waxed vehement and swore that having been shot by them.
the prince had spoken falsely, because they had On reaching home the favourite prince's seen him enter his house directly after yesterwife asked him why he had returned so day's Court, and knew from many and various quickly. "Perhaps," she remarked, "thou proofs that he had not stirred forth therefrom 'hast not been shooting." But he drew from until this morning. his pocket the tail of the jackal, the nose of Calmly the prince waited again till they had the bear, and the ear of the leopard, and finished their answer, when he begged his shewed them to her, saying that he had left the Majesty to allow him to send one of his servants bodies of these three animals in the jungle, as to his house and bring thence a little parcel, he had nobody to bring them away for him. the contents of which would prove the truth
Late in the evening the rest of the royal of his speech. As will be imagined there was party returned, carrying with them the corpses greater surprise than ever at these words. A of the jackal, the bear, and the leopard. On the little parcel to be brought forward as a witness following morning, just before the business of to this matter! The king himself now began the darbár commenced, the king inquired what to doubt the sanity of his favourite son-in-law. sport they had on the previous day. The Much learning, thought he, has turned his jealous princes quickly answered, "We shot a brain. However, beyond general conversation, jackal, a bear, and a leopard, whose carcasses are everyone forebore passing any remarks until the outside in the yard, waiting your Majesty's servant had returned, which he did presently; inspection. More than these we do aot think for the prince's house was very near the are in the jungle just now."
royal Court. Within the little parcel were the But the king had observed that his favourite tail of the jackal, the nose of the bear, and tho son-in-law had not spoken, and in consequence ear of the leopard ; and when the king opened of his brothers' maligning him the day before, these ont to view, the prince said, “Behold, O he was especially anxious to know whether king, and my brethren, the tail of the jackal, he had been shooting or not; and if so what the nose of the bear, and the ear of the leopard success he had. So he turned to him, and which I shot yesterday in the royal preserve, said, "What news of thy sport ?"
but the carcasses of which I left in the jungle,
• There are many incidents in the story of "The boy with a moon and star" related in Indian Fairy Tales, which much resemble several parts of this story, e.g. there the king's daughter chooses for her husband "A poor common man", the marriage is rather a joke at
court; the princess rebukes him for staying at home instead of going out a-hunting with the other princes ; at last he goes ont alone; rides a horse called Katar, who is very wicked and untameable; kills all the game, leaving nothing for his brothers-in-law, &c. &c.

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because I was alone and could not bring them! And so it was arranged that this loving for your Majesty's and your Honours' inspec- pair should both go. tion. And see ye farther that these things Now the prince's country was far distant, before you are none other than those belonging and could not be reached except by crossing the to the three carcasses which my brethren brought sea. However, the royal couple did not hesitate back with them yesterday evening, and which on this account, though the prince had once they are thought to have killed. Thou seest it been nearly drowned and lost his first wife in is not so, O king, but that out of the envy and the shipwreck, and the princess had a horror malice of their hearts have they done this thing, of the sea. Passages were quickly engaged that my name might be degraded, and that the in a vessel soon to sail for the desired country, king's favour might pass from me. If your and they embarked fall of plans and expectaMajesty will but step forth into the court-yard tions. and look at the three dead beasts lying It is not necessary to give another account there, your Majesty will find that my of a shipwreck; for alas! the vessel had not testimony is true, and that of my brethren proceeded far upon her journey, when the false."
cruel waves engulphed her, and the prince The king immediately rose and went into
and princess and all the rest of the passengers the court-yard as advised; and lo! the jackal and crew were precipitated into the waters. was there but wanting a tail, the bear was It was a terrible time, though nothing was there but without a nose, and the leopard was seen and not a sound was heard, because of there, but having only one ear. Here, then, the darkness of the night and the roar of the was undoubted proof of the veracity of the waves. Each one seemed to die, singly and prince's words, and the king was so glad to unmourned. Afterwards, however, it was find that he had not reposed his confidence in discovered that two out of all those on board vain, that he almost forgot to reprove the had been saved, and these two were the prince other princes and members of the darbar for and his beautiful wife. As was the case with their mean and false behaviour.
the prince and his first wife, so now, they had Henceforth the king's special affection was each clung to different pieces of wood, parts more than ever marked, and eventually it was of the wreck, and had drifted to different and settled that the favourite prince should suc- far distant places. ceed to the throne, while the other princes The princess was carried by the waters to were promised only minor estates and offices that place where her husband's first wife had Not long after this final settlement of the been carried before her. She, too, entered the succession the prince was filled with an unfruitfal and flowerlese garden, and there bat intense longing to visit his father and country, down and wept bitterly. And lo! as soon as and told the king so, promising that after he she entered the garden the flower-buds grew had fulfilled this wish he would return. The larger and increased in number, and the trees king was much grieved to hear this, and en- began to shoot out their branches. When the treated the prince not to go, but to send head-gardener visited the garden on the folmessengers and inquire about his father and lowing morning to make his usual inspection people, and the affairs of the kingdom. The he was surprised to find so many more buds, prince, however, so urged his request, that at and the trees, too, giving some promise of length the royal consent was given. On eventually bearing fruit and affording shade. reaching home he told his wife of the proposed He gave the under-gardeners a holiday for that journey and bade her not to grieve or fear, as day, and went at once to inform the king of this he should soon return; but she would not glad matter. The king was delighted with hear him or the entreaties of the king and this further sign of God's blessing upon the queen-so great was her love.
garden and richly rewarded the gardener. " Whither thou goest I too will go," she For very joy the gardener went back to the cried, “I will never leave thee. Come trial garden to assure himself that his eyes had not or pleasure, I will be with thee. I live only deceived him; and on reaching it he saw because thou livest !"
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weeping and silent, in spite of kind and reiterated questionings. This is strange, he thought within himself. When the first woman came here the trees and the bushes budded; and now on the arrival of this second woman, the buds become larger and many, and the trees give out branches and increase in height and thickness. Perhaps these women are very holy women, and therefore blessing rests upon the garden. On this account also they will not speak with me. He visited the king : second time that day to tell him go. The king was pleased to hear this, and immediately ordered a holy person to go and commune with these women, if possible, and get to know all their circumstances. But this holy person could not make anything of there, and told the king that probably the gardener's surmisings were correct, and therefore he advised that suitable food should be daily provided for them, lest God should be angry and cause the garden to wither as before. Accordingly food was sent every day from the palace, and in other ways special attention was manifested to these strange persons.
As has been mentioned the prince, their husband, reached some other place, which chanced to be a great and magnificent city. While walking in the bázár of this city, he observed a learned pandit reading aloud from the Sástras in the shop of a certain merchant, and many people were assembled there to listen to the sacred words and wise interpretation of the same. He, too, joined the company and when the reading was over and people had dispersed, he remained behind by the merchant's shop. On closing up the place for the night the merchant, seeing the stranger still there, spoke to him and inquired who he was. He replied :
"A cruel fate forced me from home Far in a foreign land to roam; There I became most wise and great And raised to second in the state. "In time my heart began to yearn
Unto my kindred to return; Natives, but especially faqfrs, of both sects and BOIes, sometimes give themselves up to such absolute contemplation of the Deity that they will not hold converse with any person for weeks and months and years in Succension and some, when they do speak, will only speak with those whom they recognise as holy as themselves. There is # panditant at BArAmuls who constantly site for days without uttering syllable.
To see again my home and there To tell them of my fortune fair. "I bade my wife behind to stay With patient heart, until the day We met again, to part no more Till one should enter at death's door. "She hearkened not these words of mine, But said, O love, my fate is thine! Whither thou goest, there go I, With thee I live; with thee I die." # Thus, though the king our absence wailed, The mighty bond of love prevailed; And kept us happy by the way. In loving longing for the day, “When all the weary journey o'er, We'd see the dear old home ouco more, -- The welcome bright of loved ones dear, The smile of love and best of cheer. “The ways of God God only knows : A mighty wind and waves arose, And ship and all have passed away
Except this waif that pleads to-day." And then he added in a most carnest tone :
"And must I plead, kind friend, in vain For aid in this my life of pain ? Give me thy help and thou shalt see, How helpful I shall prove to thee."
The merchant was much moved by this story, and gave him permission to sleep in the shop saying that he would send him some food pre. sently from his private house. Accordingly the prince arranged a little place in the shop for himself, and the merchant departed to his honse and ordered his servants to prepare and take some food for the man in his shop. The next morning the prince was accepted as servant by the merchant, and verified his promise in a most grateful and respectful demeanour and ready and efficient help. Byand-by the merchant discovered that his servant's services were indispensable, and told him so, adding, that such being the case, he had better make his abode there and marry into the family-would he care to marry the mer. cbant's daughter? The merchant for some There is a famous faqir residing at Lar, who may nothing for weeks together. And at Srinagar, two years ago there died a Brahman, named fahar Sahih, who is reported to have kept perfectly silent for over thirty years before his death. Chana Sahib living at Rens wârl, Srinagar, and Rajab Shah who resides at Kariyar, An adjoining district, with many others, are also quoted na famous silent faqirs.

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time had had long and difficult conversations with his wife touching this subject, for with a keen business-like foresight he had long seen the inevitable conclusion of matters." In spite of his apparent destitution," said he, "I feel that the man's story is true, because he has such knowledge, understanding, and skill; and is of such gentle behaviour."
At length the wife agreed; hence the communication of the matter to the prince. But the latter did not at all consent. "It was not meet," he replied, "that such as the merchant's daughter should be allied to one of his present low estate, and who existed only through her father's kindness."
However, after much urging he agreed, but only on the condition that the merchant would not hinder his leaving the country whenever he wished. The merchant was satisfied, feeling sure that if this man was once settled in a comfortable home and with a beautiful wife and plenty of honour and money, he would not care to leave-not even for his home, and especially if a voyage intervened on the way thither. The marriage took place, and was celebrated with such great show that all the city was stirred at the sight. Fabulous sums were quoted as having been spent over it.
In a few years, in consequence of his son-inlaw's great skill and wisdom, the merchant's business increased to such an extent, and he became so wealthy, that both his business and his wealth became a proverb in the country, and people said, "As rich and prosperous as Soand-So the merchant."
[SEPTEMBER, 1885.
waters except the prince and his wife who escaped, as the prince and his other wives had done, on pieces of the wreck. The wind and waves carried the prince in one direction, and his wife in another direction.
But alas! the merchant's son-in-law was not satisfied. He wished still to see his people and his fatherland, and told his father-in-law of this wish. The merchant was intensely grieved to hear it, and entreated him even with tears to relinquish his desire and stay with him. It was all in vain, however; his son-inlaw would not listen. He then informed his wife of his intentions, and begged her to remain, promising to return soon; and then they would always live happily. His wife altogether refused, saying that she would never be parted from her husband. And so passages were engaged for both in a vessel about to leave for the prince's country, and they started. By God's will this vessel was also wrecked and all the passengers and crew perished in the
Marvellous to relate, the woman was borne by a piece of timber to which she clung, to the very spot where the other two wives of her husband had been carried, and were now sitting silent and sad, mourning their bereavement. The third wife, too, went within the garden enclosure and sat down by them; and lo! as soon as she entered, the buds bloomed and the branches of the trees put forth their leaves, changing the whole appearance of the garden, so that it now was pleasant to the sight and to the smell, and afforded a welcome shade. When the head-gardener visited the garden on the following morning he could scarcely believe his eyes. It seemed too good to be true, that God should thus bless this garden after such a long delay. Dismissing the under-gardeners and qulis (or day labour. ers) saying that they might have leave for the rest of that day, he went at once to tell the king the good news. His Majesty was delighted, and again gave the head-gardener some valuable presents. As before, the headgardener returned to look once more upon the beautiful sight, when behold! he saw another woman sitting and weeping with the other two women. Hence, thought he within himself, the reason of this greater blessing. It is another of these holy women who has come, and whose goodness has attracted the especial notice of the Deity. So he went and informed the king, but the king ordered him not to trouble them with questions, but to give them food and raiment and all things necessary.
The prince, their husband, had landed on some island weird and uninhabited. After some rest and sleep he set forth to reconnoitre the place, and in a little while entered a large and intricate jungle, where he again rested mourning and lamenting his lot. "For what reason," cried he, "does God thus thwart me? Why does he thus make my life miserable and my heart to long for death? Is it that I have sinned in marrying, or how ?"
Now in this jungle appeared not a living creature, neither man nor beast; and after a while life became intolerable. Indeed the

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prince often laid himself down to die. But one day while wandering in the upper part of it he reached a cave, and by this cave he saw a woman sitting. This was passing strange. Surely, thought he, this can be no ordinary person, for such cannot exist here. This must be a goddess, or some especially holy woman." He went still nearer and when the woman saw him she began to weep, whereupon the prince asked her why she wept on seeing him. "I have come to comfort and not to trouble thee," he added, "and great and many have been the trials and dangers through which I have passed before I reached hither."
On hearing this the woman brushed away her tears, and smiling called him to sit beside her, and gave him rich food to eat, and pleasant drinks to assuage his thirst. And then she asked him how he had arrived there; for it was the chief residence of an ogre," who ate men and women as easily as the prince was eating the dinner before him; hence the reason of his not meeting with any living creature, man or beast, before coming to the cave. Alas! Alas! all had been slain and devoured by this ogre. "As for me," continued the woman, "I am the daughter of a king, and was brought hither by the ogre, who at first determined to eat me, but changed his mind when he saw that I should make a pleasant companion; and appointed me his mistress. It would have been better had he slain me. Now he is on some marauding expedition and doubtless will return at evening. Ah me! Ah me!" whereon she fell to weeping bitterly and it was with great difficulty that the prince persuaded her to lift her lovely face and hope for the best.
"But tell me of thyself," she said, "who art thou? Whence camest thou? How camest thou hither?-And tell me quickly that I may know thy state and hide thee safely before the ogre's return; for did he but get a glimpse of thee his appetite would be rekindled and
The words used here were atsa-ratah and shánts. Atsa-ratsh is the Kismirt for the Sanskrit apsaras, (female divinities of surprising loveliness, who reside in Indra's heaven, &c.): it is also the ordinary pandits' word for a very lovely woman, and shánts means a very abstemious, honest, devout person.
The narrator's word here was rokhus the Sanskrit rakshasa. As far as he remembered the Musalman who told him the story mentioned the word jinn. Following Captain Temple's reasons I have translated both of these words ogre, because the rakshasa occupies in Indian stories an almost parallel position with that of the ogre in Euro
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he would devour thee. Think not of escape by any other means. Hadst thou the strength of many men and couldst thou travel as a bird, yet thou couldst not fly from this powerful monster, who passes over the way of a year in one day."
So the prince hastily recounted all that had happened to him.
"A cruel fate forced me from home, Far in a foreign land to roam : There I became most wise and great, And raised to second in the state. "In time my heart began to yearn Unto my kindred to return;
To see again my home and there To tell them of my fortune fair. "But God had other will than I: Three times have I been like to die; Three times I escaped to different soil; Sick and alone to mourn and toil. "Yet God is gracious still to me,
That He hath brought me unto thee; Here let me tarry thee beside; Here let me evermore abide."
The woman consented, and immediately told him to follow her into the cave where she would hide him. She put him in a strong box that was kept in one of the innermost recesses of the cave and locked it up, with a prayer that God would protect him.
Towards evening the ogre arrived and being tired he at once stretched out his massive limbs upon the ground, while the woman with a large pointed piece of iron picked his teeth, which were crammed full of bits of flesh and bone, shampooed1o his arms and legs and in other ways coaxed and wheedled him. As luck would have. it the ogre was in a good temper that night. Thanks, a thousand thanks, the woman said to herself, the prince will escape for this night. But alas! she had scarcely encouraged this hope before the ogre's keen
pean tales; and the character ascribed to the jinn in genuine Indian Folktales, as in this story, has been borrowed from the rakshasa. Cf. notes to Wide-Awake Stories: jinn, p. 318, and ogre, p. 327.
10 Muth dyun, to rub and percuss the whole surface of the body in order to mitigate pain or to restore tone and vigour. Qulis in Kasmir after a long march throw themselves upon the ground and get their fellows to trample, etc., upon them. (The word for rubbing, polishing, and thrashing or trampling oorn by the feet of oxen, is the same as in Persian, malish).

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sense of smell detected that there was a man in the cave." He said :"A man there is within this place,
Oh'! let me quickly see his face." To which the woman answered :"In vain, my lord, these words to me,
For here a nan conld never be." But the ogre was decided and continued :
"Woman, my nose is never wrong,
So see that thou delay not long." Nothing daunted, however, the princess re
plied:
* What power have I to make a man?
Find such yourself here if you can." And added : "All the day long have I sat here
And seen no living creature near." These answers made the ogre very angry ; so he now with a terrible and flushed countenance and awful rolling eyes looked at her, and said :
"A man there is within this place! Unless I see him face to face, Within two minutes more thou diest,
As surely, wretch, as now thou liest." Terrified by his frightful words and looks the poor woman pale and trembling asked him whether he had not met with sufficient prey, nnd therefore wanted a man for eating; whereupon the ogre answered that he was not hungry, bat he was certain that there was a man within the cave, and rest he could not until this man was discovered. Then the princess, pale and trembling, so that she could scarcely speak, told him that perhaps it was true; at all events since the ogre was so decided she would have 1 good search in every hole and corner.
Finally after much rummaging and turning out, during which the ogre impatiently waited, now belching and then coughing, so that the very cave even seemed to shake with the noise, a man was pulled forth from a box at the end of the cave. “Ha! Ha! Yes, humph! I thought so," said the ogre, as the prince ap- proached him. The prince was ordered to sit down and explain himself, which he did with sach a fearless grace, that the ogre was quite pleased with him. Encouraged by the ogre's good temper the princess confessed the whole
truth of the matter-how that the prince had been shipwrecked and wandered thither, and how she had been moved with compassion and told him to reside in the cave; and then she begged the ogre to spare him and allow him to dwell there, as she felt so very sad and lonely at times; and besides the man was skilful and clever and would serve the ogre faithfully and well. The ogre agreed, and said that neither of them need be afraid, as he should never be tempted to eat such a skeleton of a fellow as the prince seemed to be. Hearing this the prince sat a little nearer the .ogre and joined the woman in rabbing and pressing the monster's hands and feet; and the ogre got more pleased with him. And so the prince lived in the cave and became ever more and more fond of the princess, even as the princess became more and more fond of him, and the days passed very happily. Every morning the ogre went forth for his prey and left the prince and princess alone, and every evening he returned to be pampered' and served by them.
Generally he brought back with him some rare fruit or precious jewel, or anything that the prince and princess asked of him, or expressed a wish for. However, there was always a lingering fear lest in a moment of rage or indisposition the ogre should devour them, and so they were always thinking of some plan to rid themselves of him. They soon discovered that might would not overcome him, and that if they would take him they must trick him into telling them the secret of his life, and in what his great strength lay, and therefore they determined if possible to find out this thing. One evening when they were cleaning the ogre's teeth and shampooing his limbs, the princess sat down beside him and suddenly began to weep. "Why weepest thou, my darling?" said the ogre. " Tell me thy distress and I will relieve it to the utmost of my power." Saying this he drew her to him in tender embrace.
"I cannot tell thee all my thoughts," she replied, "but sometimes I fear lest thon be slain, and we be left alone here in this solitary cave, without a comforter or friend--for then starve we must, because who could bring us food ? Moreover, thou hast been so good to us,
1 The words used were insanah runs mushk dyt survey of the incidents concerning ogres in tamie ie. the smell of man came to him. For al folk tales.of. Wide-creake Stories, pp. 395-397.
Indian

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filling our stores with the choicest provisions, and satisfying our every wish, that our hearts are one with thine. What could we do, and how could we live if thou wert slain and lost to us ?"
THE SHIPWRECKED PRINCE.
The ogre laughed heartily on hearing these words, and replied that he should never die. No power could oppose him; no years could age him; he should remain ever strong and ever young, for the thing wherein his life dwelt was most difficult to obtain, even if it could be known. This was just the reply, that the woman wanted, and so smiling most sweetly and affectionately she praised God for this assurance of the ogre's safety and then entreated him to inform her of this thing. The ogre, nothing suspecting, complied and said that there was a stool in the cave, and a honeycomb upon the tree yonder. He mentioned the stool because if anybody would sit upon it and say whither he or she wished to go it would at once transport them thither. He mentioned the honeycomb, because if any person could climb the tree and catch the queen-bee within it, then he, the ogre, must die, for his life was in that bee. But the bees within that honey-comb were many and fierce, and it was only at the greatest risk that any person dare to attempt this thing. "So you see," added the ogre, "thou weepest without cause. I shall never die."
13
Then the woman smiled with joy and told the ogre how thankful she was, and how henceforth she should abide in peace, happy by day, and happier at night, when he returned; and how glad she was that he had told her of the stool and the honeycomb, for although there was not the slightest cause for fear concerning their safety, yet she should have pleasure in especially guarding themremembering that his dear life was holden in them. After some further conversation they all arranged themselves for sleep."*
On the following morning the ogre went out as usual. Before midday the prince and prin
1 Pith was the word used. I do not know of any other story in which the pith is quoted as a miraculous vehicle. In Indian Fairy Tales, p. 156, mention is made of a bedstead, which carried whoever sat on it whithersoever he wished to go.
13 This species of bee manifests such fury and determination on being annoyed as to make it a very formidable enemy. A large nest (honey-comb) was hanging from the roof of the Mission Hospital at Srinagar for a long time. No one would remove it. The natives everywhere are terribly afraid of them. Now
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cess concluded their arrangements for bringing about his death. The prince was to do the deed. He clothed himself from head to foot most carefully. Every part was well covered except his eyes. For these a narrow horizontal aperture was cut in the cloth which was wrapped about his face. Thus prepared he sat on the stool, and soon was seen floating away in the air in the direction of the tree. It was an exciting moment when he lifted the stick to strike the honeycomb. It seemed as if thousands of bees came out and attacked him; but he was thoroughly protected, and so cared only for his eyes. His purpose was to catch the queen-bee and to crush her, and thereby crush out the life of the ogre. He succeeded and no sooner had he dropped the lifeless bee than the ogre fell down stone-dead upon the ground with such force that all the land around trembled with the shock. The prince then returned to the cave on the stool and was welcomed by the princess with much rejoicing and congratulation. Still there was fear lest the shock, which they felt, should only have been an earthquake, and the ogre having told them a lie should return. But the evening arrived, and then the night, yet no ogre turned up, and so they felt sure that they were rid of their enemy; and gathering together the special treasures which were in the cave, they both sat together on the stool and were quickly carried away miles distant to the spot where the ogre's carcass lay stiff and cold, stretched out to a tremendous length upon the ground. Reassured by this sight the prince bade the stool to carry them to the place where his three wives were, living or dead. The stool obeyed and they were quickly landed close by the king's garden. The prince at once rose from the stool and telling the princess that he would presently return, he asked her to remain. He had not gone far before some poisonous insect alighted on him and stung him so that he then and there got the
and again cattle are stung to death by them. Wilson, in the Abode of Snow, p. 14, mentions the case of an Englishman, who was so severely stung by these insects that he died from the effects. [Many such cases have from time to time been reported.-ED.]
Cf. tale" Prince Lionheart and his three friends" in Wide-awake Stories, pp. 58-60. Capt. R. C. Temple has some valuable notes on the "Life-Index" in his "Survey of incidents in modern Indian folk-tales," one of the appendices to Wide-awake Stories, pp. 404-405.

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disease of leprosy." What was he to do king sent a certain very holy man to them, now ? For very shame he could not return that they perceiving in him a kindred spirit to the stool. The princess waited until her would hold conversation with him. The king patience was exhausted, and then speaking agreed and this very holy man was sent. But to the stool, she was borne within the garden he returned also, and said that he could not and descended right by the very place where get them to speak. Then the king issued the other three wives of the prince sat silent a proclamation that great rewards and and sorrowful. She, too, did not say any. honours would be bestowed on the person thing, but wept aloud. Directly she entered who should succeed in making these women to the garden the flowers bloomed magnificently speak. and gave forth the most delicious perfumes, Now the prince, who was suffering terribly while the trees were so richly laden with fruit from leprosy, and loathsome to behold, heard that they could scarcely hold up.
of this royal proclamation and inquired from a When the head-gardener came round as man who chanced to pass by that way: "Is usual the next morning, lo! he saw such a this true P" Said he, "I will cause these women sight as he had never expected. At last the to converse with me." flowers were in the fallest bloom and the trees | This matter was reported to the king, who were covered with the most splendid fruit; at once, attended by a large number of courtiers and as he was leaving the garden to go and tell and servants came and wondered at the prethe king of this good news, he beheld another sumption of the wretched leprous man. Howwoman sitting and weeping. He asked her ever, as he did not know the mind of God, he who she was, and whence she came, but never told the man to go and speak with the women. # word came forth from her mouth. So he The leprons man went and sat down before said to the king, "Behold, Oking, a fourth the first woman and begged her to listen to his woman has entered the royal garden, and now
garden, and now tale :it is perfect. Your Majesty will, perhaps, "Once upon a time there was a certain great come and see this great sight."
king who had four wise and clever sons. One The king was exceedingly glad and rose up day the king called these sons to him to hastily to accompany the head-gardener to the ask them each separately by whose good garden. On reaching it he saw the four fortune it was that he ruled and prospered. women and questioned all of them, but not one Three of the sons replied, "By thy own good of them answered a word. Then the king, fortune, of a surety, o king, dost thou reign after inspecting the garden, returned to the over so vast a kingdom and prosper in thy palace and informed the queen of these strange rule. But the fourth and youngest son gave visitors, and begged her to go and see them on answer, By my good fortune, 0 king, and not the morrow,-- perhaps they would converse with another's.' Exceedingly angry with this anone of their own sex, and she the queen. On swer the king banished his youngest son, who the morrow the queen went and spoke kindly with his wife and a few necessaries immediately to each of the women, but not one of them left the palace. After some weeks' residence replied. The only notice they appeared to take in the jungle and wandering by the way-side of her Majesty's words was to weep the more. they arrived at the sea, and longing much to The queen was very disappointed, and knew live upon the water, they told their affairs to a not what to think of them. Undoubtedly they certain merchant, who had pity upon them and were very holy women, she said, or God would gave them free passage in one of his ships. not have thus signally blessed their coming to Things went on most happily for a time, until the garden. Perhaps they had been betrayed one night the ship was wrecked and all were by some foul monster or bereaved of one most drowned, except the prince and princess. These dear. It could not be because of their sins were saved by clinging to the spars and rafters that they thus wept. It might be, if the of the ship, but were carried in different direc
" Kyum was the word, but this is used generally for any and every insect and small reptile. I heard some time ago that natives, especially Hindus, believe
that if the urine of a bat falls upon any person, it at once gives leprosy. The word for leprosy in Klamiri in myund.

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tions, the prince to one country and the princess to another."
For the first time for many years this woman was seen to lift up her head; and when the leprous man inquired what reward she would give him if he brought the prince her husband there, she readily replied, “Ask what thou wilt and it shall be given to thee."
When the king and his company saw the woman speaking and looking quite happy, he was much surprised. At the same time, also, through God's mercy, the humour, which was escaping from the man's leprous wounds, stopped.
Then he went and sat down beside the second woman and asked her to listen to his tale :
"In a certain country there lived a gardener -the royal gardener-in whose house a beggar prince from some distant country chanced to arrive. This prince became the gardener's servant, but making himself so thoroughly useful and being of a noble and gentle mien he soon became the gardener's son-in-law. One day the daughter of the king of that country saw the prince (though she knew not that he was a prince), and begged her mother to solicit the king to marry her to him. After full inquiries the king discovered that he was a great and clever man, and therefore assented to his daughter's request and made great preparation for the wedding. The wedding took place and there was great rejoicing, and the new prince prospered exceedingly and grew more and more popular both with the king and people. Only his brethren envied him. At last, tired of their envy and seized with an irrepressible longing to visit his home and country, he left with his wife in a ship then about to sail for the desired haven. Alas! the ship was wrecked, and only two persons were saved out of the whole ship's company, the prince and princess. These escaped on two pieces of board. One landed in one country and the other landed in another country."
For the first time for many years the second woman lifted her bead, and when the man inquired what reward he should have if he could bring the prince before her she replied, "Ask what thou wilt and I will give it thee."
When the king and his company saw the woman's happy face and that her lips moved they were much surprised. At the same time,
also, the man's leprons wounds closed up and looked as if they would soon heal.
Then the man went and sat by the third woman and begged her to hear his story -
"In a far distant city there resided a certain rich merchant, who had pity upon & poor traveller, whom he had noticed standing one day by his shop, and made him his servant, but afterwards finding that he was so wise and good, and that the business prospered by his means, he made him his son-in-law. In course of time the son-in-law wished to visit his home and country and so left with his wife, promising to return soon. But alas! alas! the vessel went down with all hands except the prince and his wife, who escaped upon planks and timber from the wreck, one reaching one country and the other arriving at another country." When the woman heard these things she lifted her head, and when she further heard that the prince was alive and near the place, she entreated the man to show him to her and she would give him a great reward.
When the king and his company saw the third woman's happy face and ready speech they exceedingly wondered. At the same time also the wounds of the leprous man thoroughly dried-up and were like to altogether disappear.
Then the man went and sat down beside the fourth woman and asked her to listen to his story :
"In a certain jungle resided & great ogre who had captured a beautiful girl, a king's daughter, and kept her for his own service and amusement. By chance one day a man arrived at the entrance of the cave where this woman was sitting and lamenting her lot. He inquired why she wept and she told him all that had happened to her. Both being clever and beautiful they quickly entertained affection for one another and by the evening when the ogre usually returned from his excursions, finding that the man would not leave her she concealed him in a box. However, the ogre discovered him, but did not cat him, seeing that he was pale and thin, and kept him there as a servant. By-and-by the princess discovered the secret of the ogre's life and the prince accomplished his death, and then they both, the prince and the princess, sat on the ogre's enchanted stool and were transported to

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within a short distance of this place. Then the prince left the princess and never returned, because a foul leprosy had attacked him and so changed his whole appearance, that when the princess came and looked upon him a few hours afterwards she did not recognise her husband, but turned aside within this garden and wept." On hearing this story the woman stopped crying, looked up, and lo! she beheld her lost loved husband; for dow' every trace of leprosy had passed from him, and he was the same handsome, wise-looking, noble prince that he ever was.
After much embracing they then both went together to the third wife, the merchant's daughter, and the prince was also recognised and embraced by her. Likewise, too, by the second and first wives. Oh what a time of rejoicing it was for the prince and all his wives, who had expected never to see one another again!
Now when the king and his attendants saw this they were more surprised than before. For here was not only the man who had made them speak, but the evident husband of them all. He seemed also a man of great learning and of noble birth.
“Who art thou P” inquired the king, now drawing near. “Tell me thy history, and all that has happened to thee."
Then the prince recounted to him his whole life-how he had left his home, how he had married with these four women, and how they had all been brought together there.
The king was intensely interested by the account, and invited the prince and his four wives to come and stay at the palace. Every thing they wished for was provided for them, and the prince became so much in favour with the king that he was entreated to permanently take up his abode there and promised the kingdom after the king's death. To the great joy of the king the prince consented, and went daily to the darbár. Fresh plans were now attempted, new laws fixed and other great improvements made, so that the kingdom
16 Notice that the marriage with the gardener's daughter is not recognised, nor is she sent for when the prince arrives in his own country. On being asked the reason the narrator simply answered " It was 60, adhib." I see, however, that the same thing occurred in the story of "The boy with the moon and star" given in Indian Fairy Tales, p. 135. Perhaps the other wives despised her because of her humble birth, and therefore site was deposed.
became exceedingly great and prosperous. Wishing to be more thoroughly allied with one 80 great and good as this prince, the king sought to marry him with his only daughter. The queen, the prince, and all the court accepted the king's wish and the marriage was eventually celebrated with great rejoicing. And thus affairs continued increasingly happy and increasingly prosperous.
The prince, however, was not satisfied. He desired to know of his country and his father's house. Accordingly messengers were sent to make inquiries, and after a long time they returned, saying that the king the prince's father's country had been conquered by strangers, and that the king and all the royal family had been taken prisoners." When he heard this the prince's heart was filled with remorse for not having sent before to ask concerning them. He now determined to make war against these foreign conquerors, and for this purpose he sought help from bis royal fathersin-law. Money and troops were liberally granted him and at length he started with the prayers and good wishes of everyone in the kingdons of all his fathers-in-law. It was a long and difficult journey, but the prince and his army safely reached their destination and immediately commenced battle with the foreign king's army. They fought for day! and there was much bloodshed on both sides, but at last the prince got the victory. He at once released his father and brethren, but they did not recognise him until he told them that he was the fourth son, and the banished prince. “The king, my father," said he, “banished me for saying that he held the kingdom by my good fortone. And was it not true- king ?” he added." Directly I left the kingdom I heard that it was taken away from thee, and thou wast cast with thy family into prisou, and now as soon as I return unto thee, behold thou art free again, and the monarch of a large and powerful kingdom."
"True, O son!” feebly replied the king. “We wronged thee. 'Twas not the pride and
17 It will be remembered that the prince had heard this account before he started on his first voyage. I noticed this to the narrator and expressed my surprise that such & good and wise prince should have so long delayed avenging his father's and family's imprisonment and trials. Perhaps the sea intervening prevented him," was the answer.

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haughtiness of thy heart, but of our hearts, and God has sorely punished us for it," and then locked in each other's embrace they forgot all their past trials in present joys.
As the king was now very old and infirm it was arranged that the prince should henceforth occupy the throne, while minor estates and offices should be given to the other princes. All being in a good temper and most grateful to the prince for having delivered
them, this was most readily agroed to. Accordingly the prince sent word to the different kings, his fathers-in-law, advising them not to expect him, but to send his wives, as he was now ruling over his own father's kingdon. Congratulations poured in from all sides; the wives safely arrived ; and the prince, now a mighty king, and increasing in wisdom and power continually, passed the rest of his years in peace.
A SUMMARY OF THE ALHA KHAND.
BY G. A. GRIERSON, B.S.C. The following rapid résumé of the various by Mr. Waterfield in the Calcutta lieview sections of the Western recension of the Alhú (see ante, p. 209) is referred to whero it differs Khand, as published by Ghâsî Râm, will give materially from the Hindi version. an idea of the extent and variety of the Alhâ The following genealogical tablo will help cycle of folk-lore. The Kanauji version of the reader to understand the story betChapters I.-III. of this recension as translated ter :
Bås’deo, King of Mahuba.
Malina. d., m. Parmál, Divala, d., m. Til'ká, d., m. Bachh'raj Jägin, ., Mah'la, s., the Chandel, who
Jas'raj, who who lived at Jhijhâvat. lived at lived with reigned at Mahuba. lived at
Jag'nêri. Parmål at Jhijhâvat.
Mahuba. Malkha, s. Par'sa, 8. of Bachh'.
råj by a slave-girl. Uday Chand. Suraj'vati, d. Alha, s., m. Udal, s., m. Dhadha, s. of Jas'rij by
(1) Machh'lâvati, (1) Pâuhap, a slave-girl. Brahma, s., m., Béla. (2) Subhn. (2) Bhanwar Kali. CHAPTER I.
| to his wife's sister Divald or Dival De, The Birth and Lineage of Átha.
and the other, whom he named Bachh'raj, Par'mál the Chandel, the king of Chan- to another sister of his wife named Til'k å. dêrî, after conquering the whole of India, took The two princes were also called collectively (as an oath to fight no more. He married Mal'n' also their descendants) the Ban â phals. When or Malan Dê, the daughter of Bâs'déo, they had been duly instructed in every warlike king of Mahuba. One day as he went out to art, he gave them the fort of Jhijhâvat hunt he found two beautiful boys' playing as a residence. About the same time ho gave alone in the forest, and taking them home, to one of his wife's brothers, named Jagin,' brought them up as his own children. When the fort of Jag 'nêrî, and the other named they became old enough to be married he | Mah'la' he kept living with himself in married one of them, whom he named Jas'raj, Mahuba. In course of time Jas'raj had a son
1 Malh'ns in the Kanaujl version.
• The origin of Das'rdj, and Bachh'råj is quite different in the Kanarit version. They had two brothers, Rah'mal and Tôdar, and the four were called collectively BanAphars. They lived at Bagh'sar (Buxar) between Bandras rrd Ård (Arrah). They quarrelled with Mira TAlban (TA18 in the text) and started together for Kanauj to have their dispute settled by JÄichand, king of that city. On their way they stopped at Mahuba, and agreed to make Par'mal the arbiter. This was on the occasion of the fair mentioned in the next chapter. When Karang & attacked Par'ın Al the Bandphars and Mira TAlhan turned out to defend the latter, whose salt they
had eaten. Pleased at their conduct, Par'mal adopted the Ban&phare as his sons.
In the Kanauji version Dae'r&j.
In the Kanguji version Dévt, and in a lot of Hamir'. pur songs oommunicated to me by Mr. V. A. Smith, Déval Devi.
In the Kanauji version Birm'ha or Brahma. • In the Kanaujt version AlhA is said to have boen born in Das'råpur, or Das'nar'pur'va.
In the Kanauji version he is called Jag'nik or Jag'naik.
In the Kanauji version he is called Mahil. He rides on the maro Lilli, and his son's name is Abhai.

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named Alhå, by his wife Divald, and another piebald mare of Par'mal's, which was kept son, Dhad hd by a maid-servant. So also in the same stable, and as a result she gave Bachh'raj had a son named Mal'kh A' by his birth to five winged colts. These colts wife Tilka, and another son, Par'sa, by a Divald (wife of Jas'raj, and sister of Mal'na) maidservant."
privately conveyed to her own palace, and CHAPTER II.
reared them there. Karanga's battle with Jas'rúj and Bachi'raj.
CHAPTER III. Onco the Chandôlå Par'mal went to a fair The plunder of the nine-ldkh necklace. at the Ganges to bathe, and met there kings About this time Karanga-Maron, king of of the neighbouring country. Next his camp Marô, again advanced against the Chandēls, and was pitched that of Tålà," king of Banaras bursting into the female apartments of Par'mal, with his army. Karang & , son of Jamba carried off his valuables, including the nine-lakh and prince of Mârô came there also in necklace, the elephant named Pach'så wat the hopes of plunder, and to him came and the dancing girl named Lakk hâ Mah'la," youngest brother-in-law of Parmál, Påtar. He also made Jas'raj a prisoner and confided to him that the latter's queen and carried him off in bonds. Arrived at his was possessed of a nau-lalikha-hár, or nine-lakh own country he cut off Jas'raj's head and stuck necklace, with the suggestion that he could it up over his gate, while the trunk he put into safely carry it away as booty, as she was quite an oil mill, and pressing the juice out of it sent it unprotected, Karangê agreed to this plan, to Mahuba. About the same time the very same and suddenly bursting into Par'mal's camp fate befell Bachh'raj at the hands of Gaj, king with an armed force rendered him helpless. of Guj'råt. The two queens, Divalâ and Til'kâ, While Karangê was abusing Par'mal, the remained mourning the death of their husbands. attention of Talk of Banâras was called to the At this time two sons were born to Parmal matter, and he came to Par'mal's assistance by Mal'nâ, whom he named Uday Chand with an army of five hundred men, and drove and Brahmâ, and to Divalâ, the widow of Kasangå away for a distance of three leagues. Jas'raj, & son named û dal. This last his
One day, as Mal'nâ, Par'mal's wife, was mother cast away into the jungle immediately taking the air on the balcony of her palace, after its birth, but Par'mâl rescued it, and taking Indra saw her, and became enamoured of it home brought it up on the milk of a lioness. her. So every night he used to visit her, When Udal and Uday Chand were five coming down from heaven on a flying horse, years old, when Par'så was six, Mal'khỉ seven, which he fastened up in the palace stables. Brahma eight, Dhadhû nine, and Ålha ten years This flying horse formed a connection with a old, an ascetic called A m'rå came there, to
In the Kanaujl version he is also called Nun Alha. He rides the horse Kariliya.
10 In the Kananjt version he is called Mal'khan, Mal'. khá or Mal'khay, and he rides the mare Kab
11 These four descendants of Jas'raj and Bachh'raj, viz., Alha, DhAdhd, Mal'khA, and Par's, together with Udal, who was subsequently born, are often called colleotively the Ban&pbals.
11 Called (ante, p. 225, line 413) the Old Saiyad,' and in the Kanauji version Mira Talhan, who rode & horse called the Lioness (ET ). He is a promiDent figure in all versions of the story, and always appears as the close friend of the Bandphals ---Arst of Jae'rly and Bachh'rdj, and subsequently of Ålha, Radal, and Malikha. In the Kanaajt version, as already mentioned, he cemented his friendship with the Bandphals, with whom he had been previously at enmity, in protecting Par'mal in the attack described in this chapter. I do not mention him by name subsequently, but wherever the Banaphals go he accompanies them, and acts as a sort of Nostor. Another ally of the Bandphals whose name constantly recurs in folksongs was Bdwan Sab. In another folksong (G# Bijai Mall), he is represented as being killed by Bijai Máll, the son of Gorakh Sibgh, in revenge for the imprisonment of the latter. He lived in a mountain
fortress called Bawan Garh, said to have been situated near Mahuba.
13 The Kanaujl version makes his name Kariy or KarióghA. It says that he promised his sister Bijnisin or Bij'mi to bring her a nine-lakh chain from the fair. He could not find one at the fair, and hence he yields to Mkhil's instigation. Regarding Jambd's kingdom Mr. Waterfield says (Cal. Review, Vol. LXI. p. 307), Where Mapô (or MArau) was, I cannot say. It is certainly not M&'war (Jodh'pur), as is, I believe, assumed by the barda. Nor is it Rfw8, the modern Baghel'khand. Its neighbourhood to and dominion over Jh&nal I conceive to be & poetical embellishment, unless there is a second fort of that name. It was close to the Narmada, and on the further side : this may perhaps furnish a clue for identi. fication to some one who is aoquainted with that part of the country.' Bihår tradition identifies it with Mar'war, no doubt wrongly. A note of Mr. V. A. Smith, com. munioated to me since the above was written, states, "Miro is now called Bijaipur, south of MirzApur, and still has Jambd's ruined fort.”
** Mah'la is throughout the legend the villain of the piece.
1 The Kansajt version adds Jas'rdj's horse Papihi, and names the elephant Pach'skwad.
In the Kanaajt version Uday Singh is an alias of Udal.

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whom the three queens (Mal'nâ, Dival and Pâuhap, Karanga's sister, became enTil'ka) brought their children. The holy man amoured of Udal. When the Bankphals had adopted the boys as his god-children (chela), finished dancing they were presented with the and gave them the blessing of having bodies nine-lakh necklace and returned to their camp, invulnerable to weapons. He then departed but were pursued by Kasangå who had learnt saying that if ever they stood in need of him who they were, and who, after attempting to ther would find him in the forest of Bab'r'i. catch them, had to retreat in fear.
When the boys came to man's estate they Then the Bankphals set their army in battle became so mighty that none of them could array and a terrible battle took place in which mount a horse without breaking its back. Surji, one of Jam'bê's" sons, was killed. Accordingly they went to their respective Then Karanga himself came out with an army, mothers, and asked for the horses that their but was unable to stand before Udal. Then fathers rode. The queens, however, produced he sent out his own father, who also was the five-winged horses," and each one chose defeated. Finally, with the help of a jógin, the one that pleased him best.
or magician, he enchanted Udal, who fell from One day Udal rode on his horse to Mah’la's his horse. Jambài then took him up on his garden, and after devastating it began to insult steed, " carried him off and cast him into a the maids who were carrying water. Whendungeon. Mah'lâ beard of this he first went and com- On receiving this intelligence  lh å and his plained to Parmal, and then returned and brothers sent word to the ascetic Am'ra, and taunted Udal with being brave enough to by the help of magic taught by him, Mal'khả fight female water-carriers, but too great a (Bachh'raj's son) released Udal from the duncoward to avenge his own father's death. geon. The latter returned home in silence and anger, Then they wrote a letter demanding that and approaching his mother, asked what had Karanga's father Jambi should send his happened to his father. She shook her head daughter out to them to be married, but the in distress, and at first tried to put his questions king in rage again challenged them to fight, off, but as he persisted, she finally told him whereapon they bombarded his fort and blew the whole story of Jas'raj.
it to pieces. Then they cut off Jamba's head, On hearing the details of his death he has- and mounting it over the city gate beside tened to Alha, and the Bankphals immediately Jas'raj's skull, pressed his body in an oil-press made ready an army to invade Mårô. They as he had done to Jas'råj. They put Karanga set out and encamped on the frontier. They in bonds and would have killed him had they then, at the suggestion of Dh8v â and Tala, not been compelled to spare him and let him go disguised themselves as Jogi dancers, in order as one who had taken refage with them. Then to spy out the secrets of the fort, and danced so they carried off Pâuhap as Udal's bride with beautifully throughout the city and at the the nine-lakh bracelet, the elephant Pach'sâwat king's palace,' that they enchanted the souls of and the dancer Lakkhà Pâtar and with great all the men and women in the city. Especially joy and triumph returned to Mahub." 11 Ålba's horse is named Kariliva, and Údal's Benor.
subsequently repents its treachery, and allows Malikha liyor Rio Bêndul. In the set of Hamir'pur songs on to spring on to its back and renone Udal. Udal then the AlhA legend, communicated to me by Mr. V. A. Smith, attacks Karang but is driven back, and finally Mall Údel's horse is called Bênd.
kh& comes up and emites off the latter's head. The 15 It was a favourite method of insulting person to head is sent in triumph to Mahuba. lay Waste hia gardon, and to insult his maidservante. * The Kananjt conclusion is infinitely more dramatio. Mah'la, dal's mother's brother, was, it must be Udal brings out Bijnisint or Bij'mA, to marry her, but remembered, an enemy of the family.. 1. The long passage which describes the journey of
Aih says (I quote Mr. Waterfield's translation):-- the princes through the city, and how they ted their
With the house of our foe, I bid thee know, rage by visiting the scene of Jas'raj's tragio fate, is a
No marriage feast I keep fine specimen of vigorous poetry.
When she thinks of her fathor and brethren slain, 90 In the Kanaujt version she is called Bijnisint or
She will kill thee in thy sleep.' Bij'ma.
Udal entreats that she be spared, but in vain, and 11 JambA was Karaogi's father and king of Marô. finally Malkh
* The Kanauji version makes Karaig&, who is riding on Pach'sawat, cause the elephant to treacherously
His shining sword he drew
He smote so sore Bijaisin's side, seize and bind his quondam master Udal. The elephant
He cleft her shoulder through.

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Ūdal then took his father Jas'raj's skull to man," but no one could be found brave enough Gaya and there performed his funeral rites. to attempt the conditions. CHAPTER IV.
By chance they met Malikha, the son of ALHA'S MARRUAGE.
Bachh'raj, on the way, and he accepted the The Banaphals went once to Hardwar to terms, made ready his army and invaded the hunt. When they arrived near the hunting
king's territories, accompanied by the other ground Ålh â went into the Ganges to bathe,
Baniphals. Alha then despatched his halfand was then and there swallowed by a mon
brother Dhådhû, who entered the king's audistrous fish. His friends searched for him, but
ence chamber, and having quarrelled with him failed to find him. While they were lament- on the score of abusive language, returned to ing, Machh'la vati or Machhal De, the his comrades. Thereupon between both sides daughter of the king Raghô Machh, of a terrible battle ensued, Jóga and Bhoga were Har'dwar, came there with her companions to taken prisoners, and the victorious army bache. Hearing the lamentations of Alha's entered the king's palace and occupied his frie.ds she sent for a fisherman, who, throw- audience chamber. Then Alhå mounted on ing his net into the river, brought the fish to horseback, and with one blow of his sword cut land. On its belly being split open, Ålha the fish on the top of the pillar in two, and issued therefrom unhurt. Thereupon they all Udal leaped into the boiling cauldron and set out for Machh'lâvati's house, and Alha issued from it alive. So the king, admitting engaged himself to marry her and her friend
himself defeated, gave Machh'lâvati in marriSubh'nå.
age to Albî, which, being duly celebrated, the Shortly afterwards the prime minister of the
wards the prime minister of the bridegroom and his party returned to Mahuba king of Har'd wår respectfully represented to with great rejoicings. him that his daughter Machhal Dê was of age
CHAPTER V. to be married, and that an engagement should
The battle with Prithvi Rájá concerning be made with some king for that parpose.
Sares'ma. The king approved of the suggestion, and
One day Mal'kh& respectfully made reprepublished it abroad throughout the courts of sentation to Parimail, that all his brothers had Hind stan, inviting candidates for her hand, been allotted separate forts and residences, but The conditions of success were that the candi- none had been given to him. He asked that date must first conquer the king's two sons the same consideration might be shown to Jóg & and Bh@gå in battle. He must then him. The king replied that Prithvi, Raja leap high enough to cut down with his sword of Dilli, had encroached on his territory, the mark of a fish (machk'), which was and that he had invited him and the neighfixed at the top of a pillar eighty cubits highbouring kings to meet him at Mahuba and and finally leap into a boiling cauldron and settle the dispute. He was prepared to give come out alive. Those particulars having been Malkhả what Prith'vi should return. The duly entered in the proclamation were carried meeting took place, and Mel'khỉ charged to the various courts by a barber and a Bråh- Prith'vi with the encroachment, and demanded Then said she, Udan, once I dreamed
Here it is best my body should rest, To spend our lives in fore;
But my soul new birth shall see: And sweet to me e'en death had seemed
King Ner' pat's daughter of Nar' war town, Had thy hand made it dear.
And Phal'w my name shall be !
And when thou, goodly steeds to buy But, oruel Malkhan, woe to thee!
To the Kábul land shalt ride, Thy brother's wife haat slain
Our meeting, love, shall then be nigh:' So shalt thou die with no brother by,
So Bij'må spake and died. Unhelped in an open plain.'
But dan bere her body fair, But dan's soul in love wus drowned,
To Narmad's holy tide; When Bij'm's speech heard he;
He cast her into the river there He claped her hand and raised from ground,
While the troops to the camp did ride. And rosted her on his knee.
In Hamirpur the legend is that Mal' ha's flat was at
Blr's, east of the Dhaman, and that he boro the brunt Here must we part ere yet we wed,
of the Chauhan'. Arst attack, and we then killed. vai But meeting canst none desory!
in Hamir'par means Champion.' Compare Chapter V. "Olay me down, my love, she said,
These are the orthodox negotiators of marriago Since I must a maiden die.
treaties

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A SUMMARY OF THE ALHA KHAND.
259
the territory back on pain of war. Prith'vi
CHAPTER VII. finally refused to give up the disputed land,
The battle of Kasaundi in Gujrat. and war ensued. Par'mal first laid siege to The king of Kasa and i was Gaj,"and his Sares'mit, and in the first battle defeated daughter was named Gaj'na. When she Pá rath. Then a larger army was sent became fit for marriage, her father sent notice from Dilli, but it also he defeated. Thus to the neighbouring kings, calling for a suitthe king of Mahubå got possession of Sa- able bridegroom. The candidate besides being res' mâ, and giving it to Mal'khâ returned to suitable in other respects, must be able to his capital.
bring all the tigers, scorpions and serpents CHAPTER VI.
within a distance of ten leagues under subjecThe rape of Saraj'vati-Údal's war with tion, and to cross-over two leagues of rocks so
Mộti, and marriage with his sister. close together that a peg could not be driven Once Par'mal went to bathe on the occasion between them, and a quicksand of similar of a festival, and his daughter Sûrâj'vati, extent which swallowed up elephants, riders,
nt of anlking. obtained permission on the land all. After that he must conquer three third of Sawan to go with Mah'la into the heroes named L â ha, Bunda, and Babbar. Naulak kh a orchard, and there swing with such must be the hero who would be permither companions. Thereupon Mah'lù sent ted to marry his daughter. word to MÔti Rao, king of Baido, of the The only king who agreed to the conditions fact, and suggested that he should come and was Mal'khá, who set out with his army and forcibly carry her off, which Môtî Râo, not camped on the borders of Gaj's territory. considering the result of his conduct, did. First with the aid of his tiger Land urâ he
When Mah'lå had thus managed the abduc- brought a forest of tigers under subjection. tion of his niece, he hurried to the seraglio, Then by means of a charm learnt from the and told what had happened. The child's ascetic Am'râ he destroyed the scorpions and mother, Mal'nå told it to Udal, who becoming snakes. Then he built a bridge over the quickfilled with a violent rage attacked Båndo un- sand and thus crossed over it, and finally aided, and defeated several of its armies. passed over the rocks by fastening in them Then Moti Rao acknowledged himself defeat- pegs of adamant, and pitched his camp at ed, begged for mercy, and promised to give Udal
the Moti Jhil. Then Ů dal disguised himBhanwar Kali in marriage. But self as a cloth-seller, and Mal'kh å as a bangleshortly afterwards, succeeding in making Udal seller, and the two entered the fort to spy it drunk, he made him prisoner, and confined him out. Entering into the seraglio, they were in a dungeon. When Suraj'vati heard this, allowed to put bangles on the wrists of the she sent a letter to her cousin, Mal'khî, calling princesses. When they did this to Gaj'na shame on him, for allowing Udal to be cap- they contided to her who they were. A maid. tured, and summoning him to the rescue. servant hearing this, went and told the king, When Mal'khâu arrived he released Udal from whose son Môti, becoming enraged, surroundthe dungeon with the help of a thief ed the seraglio with troops, and when the named Bauna Chôr and drew up his army cousins issued therefrom, attacked them. Moti in battle array," Môtî Râo issued out was, however, defeated, and they returned against him, and after a terrible battle was safely to their camp. defeated. Peace was then concluded, Môi RÃO
At Mah'la's instigation, Gaj then enticed giving Bhanwar Kalt in marriage to Udal, and
Mal'khå into the fort, under pretence of marryUdal giving Suraj'vati in marriage to Moth
ing him to his daughter. Having got him safely Ráo.
inside, he cant him into a dungeon. When
* (This custom of swinging for luck in the rainy month of Sawan is universal in Northern India, and has given rise to much pretty popular verse.-ED.)
* Malth sent for Bauna Chor, and asked him to help. The two sogled the wall, Baund throwing up grappling irons, and got into the seraglio. There they lound Surat'vati, who made Baun lie, it sleeping, in her place, and taking Mal'kh showed him the dun.
geon where taal was confined. Then she returned and sent Bauna to Malikh, and again want to bed. Banna got into the dungeon by means of his grappling irone: Udal at first took him for an excontioner oome to kill him, but Malikhl romanured him, and they all scaled the wall with the aid of the grappling irons and escaped.
" He is apparently the same me the Gaj who killed Bachh'rbj.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(SEPTEMBER, 1885.
the news of this reached Gaj'nå she wrote an
CHAPTER VIII. account of the whole affair, and sent it to Alhå. The marriage with Prith'vi's cousin. Ålh disguised himself as a Brâhman, and Prith'vi's uncle Kubj'kan had a daughter visited Gaj's palace, where he recommended named B&1A. When she was ready for marthat Mal'khí should be publicly executed. riage the king made proclamation of the The proposal being accepted, he returned to his following conditions :-The successful suitor camp, and made his army ready for the attack, must be able to hit with his arrows three times When Mal'khâ was led out to execution, Udal in succession a goal which he could only hear, attacked the guards, and after rescuing him, but not see. He must beat in wrestling the joined in a battle in which the generals two wrestlers, Har'dan and Mar'dan, and Babbar and Bundâ were killed, Gaj's two sons he must be able to dance upon weapons. The Móti and Lahů taken prisoners, and his army I princes who took ap the challenge were those defeated. Finally the Mahubâ army looted of Mahaba, who collected an army and adthe capital and arrived at the king's throne- vanced upon the frontier. They sent a room. Gaj made submission to them and negotiator in the shape of a barber named explained that King Parath also desired to Khabi, who arriving at the king's gate, marry his daughter, and he did not know fought with the first comers for four gharís, whether to give her to him or to Mal'kha. At saying that this fight was his neg or customary Alha's suggestion a wrestling match was fee, as he was a soldier's barber. Thereupon the agreed upon between Mal'khi and Parath; the Mahuba princes commenced a terrible battle in prize being Gaj'nå. In the end Parath was which they defeated Prith'vi. They then defeated, and contented himself with Gaj's performed the various conditions of the chalyounger daughter, Binda, while Mal'khâ car. lenge, and carried off Bela in triumph, and ried his bride Gaj'nå home with great rejoicings. I married her to Brahma, Parimal's son."
MISCELLANEA.
FOUR QUERIES CONCERNING THE FATEHPUR DISTRICT IN THE NORTH-WEST PROVINCES.
(1.) Fatehpur being a very common local name in Upper India, the capital of the Fatehpur District in the North-West Provinces is popu. larly known, by way of distinction, as Fatehpur Haswå; the latter member of the compound being the name of a decayed town about 7 miles distant, which tradition represents as the oldest inhabited site in the neighbourhood. Its epony. mous founder is said to have been a RAJA Hansdhvaj, whose two brothers, Mordhvaj and Sankh. dhvai, are also locally commemorated by the names of two adjoining villages, Morgun and Sankhaun. The RAja's second son Ran-bijay, having presumed to capture the horse that had been turned loose by the Pandavas after their great sacrifice at Hastinapura, was attacked by them and slain, together with his elder brother Siva-dharna. Their sister Champêvati then suc- ceeded to the throne, but eventually died child less, after bequeathing the town to Brahmans, whose descendants held it for many generations. I shall be glad of references to any passage in the
Mahabharata or other authority, which supports or corrects the above tradition.
(2). After the defeat of Jay Chand of Kanauj and his brother Manik, at Kara (a town in the Allahabad district near the Fatehpur border) Qutbu'd-din, with his sister's two sons, QAsim and 'Alau'd-din, advanced upon Haswa. Its RAJA, Hans-raj by name, came out to meet them, and joined in single combat with 'Alau'd-din at & village called Chakheri. The Raja was killed, and 'Alau'd-din also lost his head, but the head. less trunk fought its way on to Haswa, a distance of 12 miles, an of 12 miles, and there at last fell and was buried. His dargah is on the top of the old fort in the centre of the town and is still held in much veneration. Is this capture of Haswi mentioned by any of the Muhammadan chronographers ?
3. The town of Haswå is almost surroanded by a broad shallow sheet of water, which at one end has been deepened and brought into more regular shape as a tank. In its centre is an island, mea. suring 165 feet square, faced on all four sides with flights of masonry stepe, and approached from the bdadr by a bridge 150 feet long, consist
(Compare this Legend with the numerous similar examples quoted in the Cal. Rev. No. CLIII. p. 158 ff. in the article Folklore of the Headlea Horseman in Nurthern India.-ED.)
* Since the above was written, Mr. V. A. Smith has most kindly placed at my disposals number of valuable songs in the Hamir'pnr dialect, desling with the Alha cycle. These I hope to publish on a future ocomion.

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MISCELLANEA.
261
near Jabalpur. Sakara, as I imagine, must be Soron, in the Etâ district, where a great fair is held on the festival of the Varaha Avatara. Kasi requires no elucidation. Kali may be Calcutta. Batesar in the Agra district is the scene of a great gathering on the full moon of Kártik. Kalanjar is the celebrated fort in Bundelkhand, and Mahakiya is Argal. But I cannot localize Kala, nor Ukhala, nor do I understand why Vateávarau should appear in the dual number. It is also probable that considerable license has been allowed to local panegyrists and that other versions of the bloka are current, with variations in some of the names, which it would be interest. ing to compare.
F. S. GROWSE.
ing of 15 arches, of which 7 are open and 8 closed. Its construction is ascribed to a Qazi Ya'qub, who, it is said, was afterwards put to death by the Emperor Akbar, and that the circumstances are related in the Zuher-i-Qutbt. I find it recorded by Badioni that Qazi Ya'qub was suspended by the Emperor for maintaining that it was illegal for a Musalman to marry more than four wives; but I have no access to other authorities, and should be glad of further information.
(4). The Fatehpur district is the original home of the great Gautam Clan, who claim the Rishi Gotama as their remote ancestor. His descen. dant in the 6th degree married the daughter of Ajaypal, a Gaharwår Råjå of Kanauj, and received as her dowry the whole extent of country from Prayag to Haridvår. From the date of this event the family came to be reckoned as Thakurs, instead of Brahmans as they first were, and the issue of the marriage took the title of Raja of Argal, which is still borne by the head of the clan ; Argal being a village situated in the ravines of the river Rind, in the Kora Pargana, about 30 miles west of the town of Fatehpur. Successive Rájás greatly reduced their territory by lavish grants of land, especially by a dowry, to a Bais chieftain, of 1,400 villages, lying to the north of the Ganges. This tract is now popularly known as Baiswara, and constitutes the district of Råe Bareli, in Oudh. About the same time, 62 other villages were conferred upon Parmál, the Chandel Rajå of Mahobå, after his defeat by Pirthi Raj in 1183. Ten years later the Raja of Argal, Ratan Sen, shared in the ruin that had overtaken his brother-in-law, Jay Chand, the Gaharwår (or R&thor) Råjå of Kanauj. For the next four centuries the family was always in arms against the Muhammadan Emperors, but uniformly with ill success, till at last the Raja's power was finally crushed, his forts razed, and all his possessions confiscated. The present holder of the empty title is reduced to the most extreme poverty, and his eldest son, with a pedigree of 78 degrees of descent, has been glad to accept a post in the subordinate ranks of the Police, with a salary of Rs. 10 a month.
The Fort at Argal is said to have been first called Mahakaya, from a temple of Mahadeva under that designation, and in evidence of its ancient celebrity the following sloka is quoted :Renukah, Sukarah, Kdbi, Kali, Kala, Vatesvarau, Klanjara, Mahakaya, Ukhala, nava muktidah.
Some of these places are unkuown or uncertain, and I shall be glad of help to identify them. Renuka, I am told, is on the Narmadå
CURIOSITIES OF INDIAN LITERATURE.
MACARONIC VERSES OF GUMANI KAVI. यावद्रामः शस्त्रधारी
नायातीह स्वत्संहारी। तावत्तस्मै देया नारी
ज्यों भी त्यों कम्बल भारी॥ [Mandodari says to Rävaya after the carrying off of Sita),Before Rama, bearing weapons, cometh here to fight thee, return thou his wife to him ; for - "The wetter a blanket gets, the heavier it is."
प्रिया लोकनाथस्य लड़ेश्वरस्य
प्रसूर्मेघनादस्य कन्या मयस्य । रता देवरं हन्त मन्दोदरी सा
भई राण नारी गई लाज सारी॥ Even Mandödari, the beloved of Ravana, who was emperor of the universe and king of Lanka. -she who was the mother of Mêghanada and the daughter of Maya,-even she intrigued with her husband's brother; for"Brother, when once a woman becomes a widow, her shame is gone."
G. A. GRIERBON.
THE PROVERBS OF ALI EBN ABI TALEBI. Translated by K. T. Best, M.A., M.R.A.8.,
Principal, Guserat College.
Continued from p. 236. 273. He prepared the food, but did not eat of
it.
274. A man is happy in the society of those who are happy.
275. Admiration of oneself is a sign of folly. 276. Anger is the fire of hearts.
277. A man who prays without working is like & bow without a string.
In the Raja's family pedigree, upon which this note is based, the Bathor Jay Chand is styled simply Gahar. wer, precisely in the same way as AjaypX1, who preceded
him by 38 generations. This supports the suggestion made by Dr. Hoernle in his paper on the Gabarwars and Bathors : vide supra, page 58.

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278. He is a sincere friend who tells you of your faults and prefers you to himself.
279. Beware of envy, for it will leave its marks on you and not on your enemy.
230. It is a distinguished virtue to forgive an injury when you can avenge yourself.
281. Justice is the crown of a king.
282. Acquire learning; for if you are rich it will adorn you; if you are poor it will support you.
283. There are three persons to whom a secret should not be told, viz., a woman, a malicious person, and a fool.
284. There are three things by which the dispositions of men are proved, viz., riches, power, and adversity.
285. There are three things which vex and overwhelm the mind, viz., separation of friends, poverty after riches, and contempt after being honoured.
286. Three things conciliate love, viz., religion, humility, and liberality.
Proceedings of the American Oriental Society at Baltimore, October 29th and 30th, 1884. This number, though late to hand, contains some interesting communications on subjects connected with India and the East.
Dr. D. B. McCartie discourses on the origin of the Chinese and Korean writing, showing that, however close in external appearance the script of the Koreans may be to that of the Chinese, it differs radically from the latter insomuch as it employs a real alphabet, which the Chinese has never done. On the same grounds it is argued that a Japanese origin for the Korean letters is highly improbable. The purely conventional character of these letters is most remarkable, as their elements are, "the square, its upper right-hand angle, lower left-hand angle, a rectangle with the right side gone, and with its sides prolonged upwards, the triangle, circle, and straight line";showing a wide divergence from the principles on which the western alphabets have grown into
[SEPTEMBER, 1885.
287. The three chief points of a manly disposition are, to give without being asked, to keep one's word without a contract, and to be generous when
existence.
Mr. Rockhill gives an account of and extracts from the Hundred Thousand Songs of Milaraspa, a Buddhist Missionary of the 11th century, from the Tibetan. Prof. D. G. Lyon calls attention to Part II., Vol. V. of the Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia, containing two important items, viz. a list of verb-forms in an alphabetical arrangement of radicals after the native Arabic plan, and a clay cylinder of Antiokhos, in which he styles himself "An-ti-'i-ku-us, the great king,
poor.
288. Draw wisdom from him who brings it to you, and attend to what anyone says without reference to the speaker.
289. A slip of the tongue wounds more than a spear which goes straight to its mark.
290. A slip of the foot wounds, a slip of the tongue destroys.
291. To give more than you promised is noble, but to give less shows a mean mind.
292. Patience is the ornament of society by which one can put up with another's faults.
293. There are two things whose excellence is not recognised except when they are wanted, viz. youth and health.
SOCIETIES.
294. Blessed is he whose heart is engaged in attentive contemplation, and his tongue in the praises of God.
the mighty king, son of Si-lu-uk-ku (Seleukos) the king Ma-ak-ka-du-na-a-a (the Makedônian)" and mentions his son Seleukos and his wife As. ta-ar-ta-ni-ik-ku (Stratonike).
Prof. W. D. Whitney has a paper on certain Aorist-forms in Sanskrit, in which he brings further information to bear on the matters discussed in his Sanskrit Grammar, §§ 834, 881, 883, and 884; and in another paper on the etymology of the Sanskrit vrata, he inclines to the view that it must be referred to the vrit with a leading sense of 'course of action or behaviour.' Prof. M. Bloomfield makes an attempt to define the position of the Vaitánasútra in the literature of the AtharvaVeda; and Prof. C. K. Lanman addresses himself to the vexed question of Sanskrit transliteration with reference to typographical requirements. The question of transliteration is becoming a burning one, though Orientalists have not yet got beyond the stage in which every man doeth that which is right in his own eyes, and so every fresh solid addition to the literature of the subject is welcome. The writer advocates the employment of Professor Whitney's system as exhibited in his Sanskrit Grammar, and accordingly for ordinary Sanskrit he makes the following table of types :Gutturals. k kh g ghi ha a c ch j jh yiie äi Linguals......t th d dh nr. r Dentals st th d dh n 1! Labials p ph b bh m hǹ m
Palatals
vuu o au

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SEPTEMBER, 1885.)
BOOK NOTICES.
263
Then again when .فظ زض ما مه and ث س ص
For printing Vedic texts, besides the above, an with. A general Oriental journal is bound to additional l would be necessary, and the follow provide for the wants not only of one language ing vowels :
in one character, as in the case of Sanskrit for instance--but for groups of languages in groups of characters, and even for languages alien to
each other written in the same character. Take นิ นิ นี้
the requirements of Hindi, Pañjabi, Bangall, and
Marathi, all capable of representation in the 1
Devanagari character, and take the sounds of e é è ai ai a o ó ò
3 and as d and dh and also ass and ph: take āu āú aù
again the sound in Bangali of and as something The simplicity and economy of this system is
like ð and oi : and again the frequent short e and apparent, because for ordinary Sanskrit type ito in the modern dialects. Even the specialized would be merely necessary to add to a font of variety of the Persian character used for the ordinary English type a, m, n, 1, $ !; 7, 1, m,
Indian languages clashes in many ways with the and optionally and !. These last are so rare that
native Devanagari, and great difficulties arise as to adding macrons and dots to shaved letters will ordinarily suffioe. For Vedic type, having due we come to represent Arabic itself we are conregard to frequency of occurrence, only a', 7, ū fronted with a double pronunciation--a native à, l would be necessary additions, judicious and an Indo-Persian--of many letters, as , , shaving and adding diacritical marks on separate s, which leads to the transliterations of athir pieces of metal sufficing for the rest. As an
and asir and of dha and su for identical words additional advantage it is claimed that, if a press
in the vernacular script. Again, if we reprewished to provide itself with complete Sanskrit sorts' on this system, no cutting of new dies
sent the Arabic and the Burmese by th, as we would be necessary, as, by shaving and adding the
ought, in English transliteration, what is to bediacritical marks to existing types and then
come of y! Once more, in Malay and in electrotyping or stereotyping, matrices for the Arabic we have. In the former it is ng and necessary sorts' could be easily made at very in the latter all the vowels with a guttural small expense.
sound. . In this Journal the system of transliteration If we are to reform transliteration we must used has grown to be what it is much after the work on very wide and general lines; nevertheless fashion as we fancy to be the case with most a practical contribution such as that under periodicals of any standing, and the main difficul. review towards the better rendering of even ty to be contended with is this, that we have not one language in English characters is very one language or one system of alphabets to deal welcome.
BOOK NOTICES. THE ELEPHANT PIPES IN THE MUSEUM OF THE, discovered elsewhere, and accordingly the posses
ACADEMY OF NATURAL SCIENCES, DAVENPORT, IOWA, U.S.A., by CHARLES E. PUTNAX.
sion of these unique relics of antiquity by the This is a curious pamphlet, and shows that the Museum of the Davenport Academy has given it searcher after knowledge is no safer from attack a 'deserved eminence, since the importance of unjustifiable and otherwise--in the New World the find as testifying to the degree of civilization than in the old. The Davenport Academy of among the ancient American populations is Natural Sciences, entirely supported by voluntary obvious. In the Second Annual Report of the subscriptions and work given to it from pure love Bureau of Ethnology for 1880-81 and written of science by enthusiasts, who look for no pecu. then, though not published till last year, in a niary rewards, has been in existence some twenty monograph entitled "Animal Carvinge from years, and has published four volumes of Pro. Mounds in the Mississippi Valley," by H. W. ceedings. Some members of the Academy, in Henshaw; there appeared a most severe criticism 1877, discovered two elephant pipes' and three of the work of the Davenport Academy, doubting 'inscribed tablets' in what is known as 'mound the genuineness of the find and the good faithNo. 3'on the Cook farm adjoining the city of Daven- & much more serious matter of the finders. The port. Such things do not appear to have been pamphlet before us is issued with the object of
* At last the modified form of a properly wed for ng is often thus printed.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
establishing the bona fides of the Rev. Jacob Gass, the chief finder. in all he did. Without entering into the rights of the controversy one or two things strike ns as most important in it for the future well-being of Au erican research.
In the first place the Reports of the Bureau of Ethnology are issued under the auspices of the Smithsonian Institute and of the Government, are endorsed in fact by the Director of the Bureau; so that they are put before the world with all the authority, scientific and official, at the command of the United States. Now we notice that in the quotations from the Report, Mr. Henshaw-backed up, be it remembered, by the official authority of Major Powell, the Director-in addition to his attack on the personal character of Mr. Gass, practically tells him and his fellow-workers to cease from exploration. And we further notice that one object of the Bureau of Ethnology appears to be to centralize, and bring under its own direction all the research in the United States, and it seems to have taken steps to bring this about. Nothing could be more unsafe than this. Let a Government subsidize and encourage research as much as it finds itself able, and let it appoint official Directors of any branch of research that seems likely to be forwarded by such a step, but let it keep carefully clear of one thing-the official direction of all the research in the country. This means, of course, the centralization of research in the hands of one man or of a clique, and it might easily mean also the stifling of all independent labour.
The existence of the controversy under review points emphatically to the danger of such a system. Here we have an official employed in the direction of scientific research-backed up by his Director-warning certain outsiders against continuing in a certain line of exploration, and this official is criticising archæology, though his special training appears to be in ornithology. This kind of universal versatility-as we so well know in India-is more or less unavoidably to be expected of officials, but suppose such an official had it in his power to stop any particular line of research, what then? And if the Smithsonian. Institute or the Bureau of Ethnology had all the direction of science in their hands in the United States, would not this sometimes happen? It seems to us a matter of the first importance to scientific men in America.
One more point. If Mr. Henshaw be rightly reported, his main reason for impugning Mr. Gass's good faith is that no one else has yet discovered similar important relics. The Indian Evidence Act lays down that no particular number of witnesses is required to establish a fact. One may be
[SEPTEMBER, 1885.
enough and one hundred insufficient. This seems to us to be common sense. The converse doctrine would render valueless many a paper in the Indian Antiquary on which it justly prides itself.
The SANKHYA APHORISMS of KAPILA, with illustrative extracts from the Commentaries. Translated by JAMES R. BALLANTYNE, LL.D., late Principal of the Benares College. Third Edition (London: Trübner and Co., 1885). 8vo., pp. 464.
Dr. Ballantyne's translation of the Sankhya Aphorisms, in three volumes, printed at Allahabad in the years 1852 to 1856, was for long well and favourably known in India, but has for some time past been very scarce. The abridgment. published in the Bibliotheca Indica (1862 and 1865), contains nothing of the Sanskrit text, and was therefore not so useful to students. In the volume now under notice, Messrs. Trübner and Co. have brought out, under the careful scholarly editorship of Dr. Ballantyne's old friend, Dr. FitzEdward Hall, a new and carefully revised reprint of the original work, which will doubtless be heartily welcomed. The corrections introduced in the readings of the aphorisms are very numerous, and all blemishes of idiom have been carefully removed from the translation, while the editor has evidently spared no pains in verifying references. and his numerous footnotes, supplying the variant readings of the commentators and other illustra tive information, are most valuable. It is rarely one meets with a book of this kind, edited with such care and masterly acquaintance with the subject. It will be found to be of sterling value to the student.
KALILAH AND DIMNAH: OR THE FABLES OF BIPPAI.
BY J. G. N. KEITH-FALCONER, M.A., Cambridge. University Press, 1885.
This book is a very welcome addition to the literature of the well-known fables of Bidpai. The edition of Kalilah and Dimnah, by Prof. Wright, issued last year, being merely the Syriac text, was of no use to any but Semitic scholars, if the valuable introduction be omitted. The great value of this edition is that it translates Prof. Wright's text and so brings it before the student of general folklore. The introduction, too. which extends to lxxxv pp., gives a good detailed account of all the chief recensions of these universal fables and a capital résumé of what has up to date been written as to their origin and migrations. It is to be observed that at p. lxix, the author notices that the 'lydr-i-Danish version, drawn up by Abu'l-Fazl for the delectation of Akbar in 1587 A.D., has never been edited, though Capt. Roebuck edited an Urdû version of it in 1815 as the Khird Afroa. Here is a chance for Persian Scholars.

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THE KANGAR OR KANGRI.
265
THE KANGAROR KANGRI, THE KASMIRI PORTABLE BRAZIER.
BY THE REV. J. HINTON KNOWLES, F.R.G.S., M.R.A.S., etc., C.M.S., SRINAGAR. M HE kangar, as it is pronounced by the true whether asleep or awake, at work or at play,
1 Käśmiri, or küngri, as it is usually pro- sitting down or walking (of course I am speaknounced by the Pañjābi, or Kaśmîrî of Pañjabi ing of the winter months)- he has this little extraction, generally consists of two parts; the fireplace, held in one hand beneath his loose, inner earthenware vessel called kundal, wherein long, nightgown-like garment called phêran, in the fire is placed, and its encasement of wicker- immediate contact with his stomach and thighs. work, which is sometimes very pretty, being As will be expected, this very close familiarity tastefully ornamented with rings and brilliantly generally proves very dangerous. A person is coloured. A little wooden or silver spoon tripped up by a stone in the way and falls upon (tsulan), tied to the handle (kánjih) completes his red-hot kangar fire, or a child rolls in her this Oriental brazier, whicb may be purchased sleep and apsets the fireplace, burning herself, in any Kašmiri básár for the sum of one and the bedding, house, and everything. There and upwards, according to the make and size. are really very few of the wealthier, middle, or Should the kängar consist merely of an earthen
poorer class Kåśmiris, who at one time or an. Ware vessel a little ornamented, it is then other have not been more or less burnt from called a manan by the common folk. These are accidents with the kángar fire. used principally in the Leh and Ladakh direction. However, the kangar continnes more popular
The best kangars are said to be made in than ever, and not a few songs and sayings in Zainagar, a big village in the Kamráz district. its honour are extant in the valley. There is Islamabad, Tsrår, Shahâbâd, and Sopûr, are also no doubt that this portable brazier wards off noted for good kangars, which are frequently many a disense from the poor Kaśmiri, terribly named after the places where they are made; exposed, as he sometimes is, to bitter winds, e. g., Islamabâdi kangar, or- Tsrâri kangar, etc. freezing rains, and biting hail, for Winter now An ordinary peasant's kangar, very rudely made, and again makes Kaśmîr the centre of his is called gristi kangar,' while a finely-worked dominions, and rules supreme there. highly-coloured kängar used by the wealthier A story is told of a native doctor, who onco classes is called khoja kangar.
visited the valley to see what he could do for Kangars are to be met with also in the bázárs the poor people there during the severe winter of those cities and villages, whither oppression season. On reaching Barâmûlî, the place and famine have driven the Käśmiri. They where visitors change the horse, kahár, and have been heard of at Badrawah, Kashtawar, qult for the boats on their way into Kaśmir, Ramnagar, Bisauli, Nürpûr, Kangrâ, Amritsar, he noticed a boatman with only a loin-cloth on, Lúdians, and other places; but the kängars squatting in his boat in the cold wind and manufactured outside "the Happy Valley" eating some cold food. The doctor thought always seem to be of an inferior pattern and within himself that the man was mad, and that quality, and to be used by a very limited class he would certainly catch a chill and die. But indeed beyond the Káśmîrî emigrant com- the boatman had a kúngar between his knecs, munity.
and when the doctor on a closer observation The Kasmiri is very fond of his kangar, and saw this, he at once decided to return whence wherever he goes, whenever you see him, he came, saying: “The Kåśmiri people have
I have noticed this distinction in pronunciation in scores of Case, .g. K Asmirt lar, a house, Paüjabi-Kasmirf lari; Kasmiri, kurs, a chair, PanjAbf-Komtrl, kursf.
. Grust is the K&ómiri for a peasant.
3 khojia or khodja (Persian) means in Kasmirt a master. & gentleman, or man of some distinction.
This phéran is the chief garment worn by the Klý. mirt, male or female. As already noticed its shape is not unlike & stout nightgown, but with eleeves very often half-a-yard wide and two to three yards long. The women's sleeves are generally larger than the men's. The phérans are made in all colours and in all kinds of cloth, according to the position and sex of the purchasers. The
word phóran is manifestly derived from the Persian perahan, a loose vest, shirt.
* Bany houses are destroyed by fire every year in Sringar, the result of a careless use of the kangar; and Boores of patients are trated at the Mission Hospital for epithelioma, a kind of cancer generated from kunyar burns.
"O kangar, o kangar, offerings for thee. Thou art a virgin of paradise, thou art a fairy."
"If there is not the heat of fire in the bosom, one's precious lifo will undoubtedly come out"--and many others.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[OCTOBER, 1885.
got their own antidote for their winter cold. Directly connected with the braziers are the There is no necessity for me to go there." hand-warmers, which were already known
It has been suggested that the Kašmirt learnt to the Romans under the name of trulla, and the use of the kängar from the Italians in the long preceded the foot-warmers. These chaufferetinue of the Mughal Emperors,' who frequent-mains were kept warm either by hot ashes ly visited the valley during the summer months or by a spirit lamp. First used in the Middle 1587–1753 A. D. On this point nothing trust- Ages by the clergy during their functions in worthy has been procured as yet from the natives. church, ladies adopted them in the course of Enquiry has been made from high and low, rich time as a counterpart to the pears made of and poor, but no person can tell anything, fact agate, which served to cool the hands and to or fiction, as to who originated, or whence was keep them dry. One of these agate pears is imported, this popular and necessary article.
mentioned in an inventory of Gabrielle d'Estrée The following extract from the Queen for
in 1599." March 1885 and the plate attached hereto will
With regard to the derivation of the word throw a good deal of light on the probable there are two plausible conjectures :European origin of this now national utensil of
(1.) That the word kangar comes from two the KAśmiris. The first three figures are from
Kasmiri words káni (kánih and sometimes the Queen, the fourth is a sketch of a Kasmiri
kaunjih), which means a switch used for kangri drawn by Mr. J. Griffiths, from & making baskets, and gar a maker for fastener. specimen in the Jamsetjee Jeejeebhoy School
Hence the two words together káni-gar would of Art at Bombay, and the fifth is half-size
mean a binder or fastener of switches. But this reproduction of an ordinary earthenware and
combination might mean also switches bound wicker-work kangri in the possession of one
together, because it often happens in Kasmiri of the Editors of this Journal.
that the thing made is called after the maker "In Italy, Spain, and in the East the brazier
and vice versa ; and the kangar is nothing but
a basket with a little earthenware basin inside. (brasero) as a heating apparatus was, and in many places is still, preferred to the fireplace.
From kánigar we easily get kängar. A These charcoal-holders could be employed any
shortening like this is very common in Khámîri, where and carried from room to room. They
e.g., rangi-gar is shortened into rangar, a dyer, were made in a great variety of shapes, and
and bungi-gar is shortened into bangar, a
worker or trader in hemp. their surfaces received every kind of ornamentation; medallions with figures and complex
(ii) Another, and perhaps a better, suggestion, bas-reliefs, emblazoned escutcheons, &c.
is that the word comes direct from Sanskrit.
The grounds were sometimes guilloche with delicate
Ku 5 (kad and ká) as a prefix implies deterior foliage, borrowed by the Venetians from the
ation, depreciation, littleness, and angára 375FR chasings and inlayings of the Orientals. Bra
means charcoal heated or not heated, while ziers remained in use in France as late as the angári TTT is a portable fire place. Hence seventeenth century. They were frequently ká tangåra orangári +37FR or writt wonld arranged on columnar tripods, with the fire-irons mean a little heated charcoal, or a small portable attached to them, or made portable and fitted fire-place. This, perhaps, could easily come to with bars on the movable top, to rest the feet be pronounced kängára or káigdri, according to upon. Sometimes braziers and fire-dogs were the Sanskrit habit, e.g. ka tagni makes kágni, a combined. Combinations of this kind are still little fire, and ká+aksha makes káksha, to wink, to be found in old Normandy farmhouses, where etc. Sanskrit scholars may, perhaps, be able to the top basin is used to keep dishes warm. throw more light upon this point.
It will be enquired, “Then, what did the people Gaxetteer, I hear, has a short article on this subject. If do for warmth before the annexation of the province this story is true then they would not have required the to the Mughal Empire p' The Khamiria have story kangar--indeed, they would have found it extremely in that the Emperor Akbar, enraged at the brave and pro- convenient, except as a charcoal-burner, as it is wed in longed resistance offered by them to his general qisim Italy, or as the chaufo-pied of Switzerland and other Khán, determined to anman and degrade the people of parts of the Continent of Europe. this country. And so he ordered them on pain of death
[If the Italians really introduced the kdngar into to wear p Merane, which has effeminated them and hindered Kaimir they would be as likely not to have introduced them in battle and in all manly exercises. Before Akbar's their own name for the article. This is a point worth conquest they all wore coats and vents and trousers. Bate's observing in this connection.-ED.]

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PORTABLE BRAZIERS.
1.-HAND WARMER (OPEN), 16TH CENTURY. 11.-HAND WARMER (SHUT), 16TH CENTURY.
)
..
III. - PORTABLE BRAZIER.
IV.-KASMIRI KANGRI.

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PORTABLE BRAZIERS.
PAVESE
V.-COMMON KASMIRI KANGAR.
(Half size)

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OCTOBER, 1885.]
CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS.
267
CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS.
BY HENRY H. HOWORTH, F.S.A.
(continued from p. 179.) XXXI.
tribute, and accordingly in 1217 & Kin When Chinghiz Khân retired from China he army crossed the Hoai, captured several towns, deputed his most trusted general Mu-khu-li to and ravaged the country. Hearing that the complete the conquest of the Kin Empire. "I Mongols were again in motion Utubu repented have conquered," he said, "the Chinese pro- this movement, and sent envoys to the Sung vinces north of the Tai-hang Mountains. It is for Emperor, to propose an alliance against the you to subdue the country south of that chain." invaders. This the latter, who knew his And he invested him with a golden paizah, enemy's embarrassment, naturally refused to or official tablet, which constituted him his entertain. vicegerent in China. Douglas says he gave Setting out from Yen-king, or Peking, in him a chariot and a banner of nine pennons. He 1218 Mu-khu-li marched upon the towns of also commanded that the same honours were Sui-ching and Li-chau. The latter resisted to be paid to him as to himself. Maps of China bravely, and in consequence he would have were ordered to be prepared by hing-shing, slaughtered its inhabitants, but Chao-tien, one or surveyors, preparatory to the new campaign. of his officers, who was born there, and whose
Mu-kho-li set out with 23,000 Mongols and family was inside, threw himself at his feet Turks, viz., 10,000 Onguts, 1,000 Kushikuls (?), and in tears offered his own life to redeem the 4,000 Uruts, 2,000, Inkirasses under Tutu place. Mu-khu-li, touched by this, pardoned Gurkan, 1,000 Mangkuts under Munkaka it. He then marched eastwards and succesKaljah, 3,000 Kunkurats under Alji Noyan, and sively captured the towns of Tsi-nan, Lin-tsi, 2,000 Jelairs under Thalisun the brother of Teng-chau, and Lai-chau. Douglas tells us Mu-khu-li, together with two divisionsof Khitans that he conquered Ta-ming-fu, Tung-chau and and Churchis, commanded respectively by two Ting-chau in Chih-li and Etu-chau, Litsil. generals belonging to the two nations, called chau, Tang-chau and Lai-chan in Shan-tung, Oyar 'and Tughan, who both received the and also secured the cities of Mien-ching, Lu title of leaders of tumans, i.e. of 10,000, which, and Me. The losses among the Kin generals in Chinese, is wang-shai."
from death and desertion were numerous." D'Ohsson says that after Chinghiz Khan's The most important event of the campaign withdrawal most of the positions he had con- was undoubtedly the capture of Ta-yuan-fu, quered had been reoccupied and fortified by the capital of Shan-si. This important capital the Kin troops, and the Mongols in fact only was then governed on behalf of the Kin retained Chung-tu and the northern borders by Ukulan-t'eshing, and he defended it of Pe'chihli and Shan-si. Meanwhile the im- skilfully. The Mongols pressed their attack prudent Kin Emperor Utubu quarrelled with chiefly against the north-west bastion, which his southern neighbour, the Sung Emperor, they at length forced. Still the place held out. who ruled the country south of the river Hoai in Ukulun-te'shing then made a barricade with Ho-nan, with his capital at Hang-chan, the chief a number of carts bound together, behind town of Che'kiang. The latter had seized the which he sustained three assaults, but evenopportunity of the Mongol attack to refuse to tually the Mongols poured in such a shower of pay the tribute, which had been hitherto stones and arrows that the garrison was exacted from him by the Kin ruler; and Utubu obliged to surrender. Its brave commander was now persuaded by his prime minister hanged himself. Chuku-kaoki to send an army to exact this Ping-yang, which had a weak garrison, was Erdmann gaya Uirata.
Douglas, op. cit. pp. 84 and 85. De Mailla, Vol. IX. pp. 79 and 80: Gaubil, p. 82; . The Kang-mu tells us that Mu-khu-li, having con. Erdmann, p.834; D'Ohsson, Vol. I. p. 162; Douglas, p. 84. quered the towns of Yen, i.e. of the provinces of Chih-li 3 D'Ohason, Vol. I. p. 855.
and Shan-tang, marched towards Tai-ho-ling, south-east • The modern Gan-su-hien.
of Ms-i-hien of Tai-tong-fu, and having entered the $1.6. Li-hien in the district of Pao-ting-fu in district called Ho-tong he secured the towns of Tai-chau Pe'chihli.
and Teih-chau, whence he proceeded to attack Tai-yuan. • De Mailla, Vol. IX. pp. 80 and 81.
De Mailla, Vol. IX. pp. 82-83.

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easily captured. The troops wished to cut their way out, but its governor Li-kê said he could not survive the loss of a place committed to his care by the Emperor. He accordingly killed himself. The governors of Fun-chau and Lu-chau also died sword in hand in defence of their towns.20 Douglas, in reporting these events, dates them a year later, and adds the towns of Hin-chau and Ho-chan to the above list of Mongol captures." Gaubil tells us that Mu-khu-li was accompanied in this campaign by his son Polu or Boru.1 The Kin empire had certainly fallen upon hard times, for while the Mongols pressed it hard on the north, it was carrying on a vigorous struggle with the Sung empire in the south, a good proof of its energy and vitality.
In the fifth month of 1218 we read how a Kin general named Miao-tao-yun was assassinated by an official at the court named Kia-yu. A colleague and friend of the former named Chang-yeou, who was a native of Ichau in Pe'chihli, marched with a body of troops to avenge his death; but when he reached Tsiking-kuan, the famous Judastree Pass in Pe'chihli, he was met and defeated by a Mongol army under the general Mingan. His horse having fallen under him he was captured and taken before Mingan and ordered to bend the knee before him. He replied that he was, like Mingan himself, a general officer, and would die rather than disgrace himself in the way proposed. Mingan admired his soldierly courage and ordered him to be unbound. Presently, to save the lives of his father and mother, who had been captured and taken to Yen-king, he gave a feast and consented to enter the service of the Mongols, and eventually became one of their first generals.1
He was speedily put in harness, for we are told that early the next year, i.e., 1219, he was sent at the head of a body of troops against Yong-chau, I-chau, Pao-gan-chau and some other southern towns. He began his campaign by an attack on a small place called Kongshan-tai. It was commanded by his mortal enemy, Kia-yu, already named. Kia-yu resisted so obstinately that Chang-yeou had recourse to
[OCTOBER, 1885.
a little engineering feat, by which he diverted a stream that supplied the place with water, and it was thus compelled to surrender. He then tore out his enemy's heart and offered it to the manes of his dead friend Miao-tao-yun. He next pitched his camp at Muan-ching, a town situated north-west of Pao-ting-fu in Pe'chih-li. 15 Here he was vigorously attacked by the Kin general Wu-sien. Too weak to risk a battle, Chang-yeou compelled every one inside to man the ramparts, even including the weak, the aged, and also women, while at the head of his most valiant soldiers he made a sortie and attacked the enemy in rear, capturing many prisoners. He then unfurled many standards on the neighbouring hills, and spread the report that the Mongols were approaching in strength. Frightened by these rumours and by the drums which were beaten on the hills and inside the town Wu-sien withdrew precipitately, and Chang-yeou put a large number of his men to the sword. He then captured Wanchau. The commanders of Ki-yang and Kiuyang, the modern Hien in Chih-li, submitted. He next attacked the town of Chong-shan-fu, situated in the modern department of Tingchau in Chih-li, to whose relief Ko-tiei-tsiang, a lieutenant of Wu-sien, marched. Changyeou met him at Sin-lo, where there was a sharp conflict, in which he was struck by an arrow in the mouth, losing two of his teeth. This made him furious, and he pressed the enemy and killed a great many of them, and also defeated Lieou-ching, who had marched against him. Then advancing southwards he exacted a submission from Ku-ching, Shin-chê, Ning-tsin, and thirty other towns. The Mongols also captured U-chau west of Shu-chau in the district of Tai-tong, Ho-ho-hien and Tongshing-chau. The Kin emperor, who was being hard pressed both on his northern and southern frontier, wreaked his vengeance on his chief minister, Chuhu-kaoki, whom he put to death.""
Mu-khu-li himself during the latter part of this year captured the towns of Kohan, Ke and Hien, with other places in Shen-si, and killed their inhabitants.17 In the fourth month of 1220, the Mongols attacked Yu-chau
10 id. p. 83.
11 Op. cit. p. 85.
1 Op. cit. p. 43.
De Mailla, Vol. IX. pp. 87 and 88; Gaubil, p. 43. 3 Gaubil calls it a mountain.
15 De Mailla, Vol. IX. pp. 87 and 88; Gaubil, p. 44. 18 De Mailla, Vol. IX. pp. 88-90; Gaubil, pp. 44-45; Douglas, p. 87.
17 Douglas, p. 88.

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CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS.
269
(i.e., Ho-kiu-yen in the district of Tai-yuen- fu in Shan-si) and Yen-chau in the southern part of Shan-tung), and gained a victory in which the Kin general Uyen Weiku was killed. Two months later Mu-khu-li secured Lan-chan and Kiang-chau, but he failed to capture Ho-chong-fu, which resisted all his efforts.
Hitherto we are told the Mongols had waged war mercilessly, and their officers had permitted the greatest atrocities. Shi-tian-ni, a Chinese, who served among them, having gained considerable influence over Mu-khu-li, urged upon him that this method of waging war made the Mongol name to be detested, and made people dread to become their subjects. Mu-khu-li, having listened to this counsel, published everywhere a strong prohibition of pillage and slaughter, and also ordered all his prisoners to be released, so that they could return home and work in the fields. This clemency produced a good effect and caused wide-spread gratification.
In the eighth month of 1220 Mo-khu-li, who had gone towards Moan-ching, sent three thousand horsemen under a Mongol named Monku- puhos to capture Tao-ma-kuan, one of the mountain fortresses of Pe'chihli. This general having defeated a body of Kin troops, Wu-sien, who commanded at Ching-ting-fu, and who had gown weary of resisting the invaders, made his peace with them and surrendered that important town." Wu-sien was now appointed deputy governor of the western division of Hope, with the Chinese general Shi-tian-ni, already named, as his colleague. Shi-tian-ni had joined the Mongol service on the occasion of the first invasion of China. His father, who was a native of Yung-tsing, having noticed that the invaders spared the districts where they were not resisted, went with a large number of people in 1213 and submitted to Mu-khu-li, who was then encamped near Chochau, a few leagues to the south-west of Peking. Mu-khu-li wished to make him commander of a tuman, and on his refusal he gave the post to his son Shi-tian-ni."
The Kin Emperor Utubu now determined
to again open negociations for peace. He sent Ukulun Chong-tuan with an offer to recognize Chinghiz Khan as his elder brother and to behave towards him as a younger brother. Mu-khu-li replied that some time before the Mongols had asked him to cede to them the countries of Ho and Sa, promising on this condition to suspend hostilities. This offer had been rejected. "Now," he continued, " that we have conquered these countries and there only remain some towns of Kwang.si which are not ours, if you will surrender them we will recognize you as Prince of Ho-non." This offer was rejected," and Mu-khu-li marched upon Shan-tung. Yan-slii, who commanded in Chang-te-fu and in seven other districts in the south of Pe'chihli, in the portion of Ho-nan north of the Yellow River and the province of Shan-tung, submitted to him. De Mailla says he controlled 3 towns of the first order, and 6 of the second, with 300,000 families. Mu-khu-li duly confirmed him in his post. He then secured Tsi-nan-fu, the capital of Shan-tang."
The Kin Emperor had appointed a vigorous man named Su-ting as his chief minister in the place of the disgraced Kaoki. He speedily raised an immense army in Shan-tung, which prevented the Sung Emperor and the king of His from joining in an attack upon the province of Shen-si. The Kin army in Shan-tung was encamped at Hoang-lingkang, and its general detached 20,000 footsoldiers to attack Ma-khu-li in the neighbourhood of Tsi-nan, who defeated his asailants, and then assailed in turn the main army of the Kin, which was ranged on the southern bank of the Yellow River in the district of Tsao-chau-fu. He dismounted his cavalry and attacked the enemy sword in hand, broke their ranks and drove many of them into the river, where a vast number of them were drowned. He then advanced upon Chou-kieou, which he captared, and passing by Shen-chau laid siege to Tong-ping in Shan-tung (called Tong-chang-fu by Gaubil). This place offered a stubborn resistance, so after besieging it for a month he left a small force to blockade it
1s De Mailla, Vol. IX. Pp. 92 and 93 ; Ganbil, p. 45.
10 i.e., of the country north of the river, by which the district north of the Yellow River is generally meant, I but here apparently the northern part of Pe chihli is alone included in the term.
* D'Ohsson, Vol. I. p. 361 ; Douglas, p. 89. 1 D'Ohsson, Vol. I. p. 361. » Do Mailla, Vol. IX. pp. 93, 94. * D'Ohsson, Vol. I. Pp. 362-3 ; De Mailla, Vol. IX.
p. 94.

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under the general Yan-shi, informing him that the place would not surrender until its people were pressed by famine. He ordered him to treat the people well, as also the inhabitants of the neighbouring districts. He nominated Solu-hutu as commandant ! Tong-ping when it should surrender, Yan-shi as governor of the people (? dárúgha), and ordered Sarta, after the capture of the place to create two military governments, one of the north and the other of the south, and to entrust the one to Yan-shi and the other to Shi-kue." Mu-khu-li himself advanced upon Ming-chau (Kuang-ping-fu in Pe'chihli), dividing his army into small bodies, and thus overran the country north of the river. Douglas says he laid siege to Tsu and Ming, and adds that it was in this campaign the Kin general Wanian Weiko lost his life."5
Tong-ping did not surrender till the fifth month of 1221, when its commanders Monkukang and Wang-ting-yu, being hard pressed for food, abandoned it and tried to escape to Peichau. Solu-hutú pursued them and killed 7,000 of their men. Yan-shi entered the town and in accordance with Mu-khu-li's commands restored order there. Sarta, similarly obedient, divided the country into two departments, giving Yan-shi that of the north with the towns of Nghen-chau, Po-chau and others depending on them, while Shi-kuê fixed his court at Tsao-chau, and took possession of the southern division."6
In November 1221 Mu-khu-li crossed the Yellow River at Tong-shing-chau, the modern Tokhto-khota, with the intention of attacking Kia-chau. He really wished to secure that part of Shan-si which belonged to the Kin Tartars in order thence to attack Ho-nan and Kai-fong-fu, the southern capital of the Kin dynasty. The king of Hia or Tangut was naturally alarmed at the invasion of his borders, and sent his general Taga to the district now occupied by the Mongol tribe of the Ordus to congratulate him. Mu-khuli having asked for some troops the king further ordered his general Dake-ganpu," to join him with 50,000 men. The Mongols speedily secured Kia-chau, and its commander Hang-kong-tso having fled, Mu-khn-li did not
27
De Mailla, Vol. IX. pp. 94 and 95. 25 D'Ohsson, Vol. I. pp. 363-4; Douglas, p. 90. De Mailla, Vol. IX. p. 98.
[OCTOBER, 1885.
stay long there; but having entered the department of Sui-te-chau he captured two strong fortresses, Po-ma and Kê-yong. While there another Tangutan general named Mipu arrived with reinforcements. Before being presented he enquired what the ceremony would be. Mu-khu-li informed him he should expect him to behave as his master the king of Hia would conduct himself before Chinghiz Khân. This reply embarrassed Mipu, for he knew the Mongols treated the kingdom of Hia as tributary and subject, and that this meant some act which would be interpreted as homage of some kind. He replied that he had received no instructions from his master in regard to this matter, and he accordingly withdrew with his men; but he returned shortly after, as Mu-khu-li had attacked Yeng-gan, a town situated on the Yen-ho in Shen-si. Mi-pu went to him, held the reins of his horse, and made the salutation which Mu-khu-li prescribed.
Khada, the Kin Commander-in-Chief, and Nahomaichu had united for the defence of Yen-gan. The former was encamped with 30,000 men to the east of the town. Mongapuhoa, having reconnoitred his position with 3,000 men, reported to Mu-khu-li on his return, that the Kin troops despised the Mongols, since they thought their army was a small one, and suggested the formation of an ambush that very night. Mu-khu-li approving of this, planted a portion of his force in a defile between two mountains, and the next day before sunrise Mongu-puhoa attacked the Kin army with the advance-guard. He pretended not to be able to hold his ground and fled, abandoning his drums and standards. The Kins, who were deceived, pursued him quickly to the defile, where Mu-khu-li caused his concealed men to charge them amidst a tremendous beating of drums. Their surprise was naturally very great. Khada took to flight, and lost 7,000 men. He withdrew into the town, to which Mu-khu-li laid siege. As the place was strong, and promised to make a long resistance, he left a portion of his force there, and went southwards to attack Fu-chau and Fang-chau, situated in the modern Chung-pu-hien, and other neighbouring towns. At Fa-chau there fell several distinguished Kin
27 Called Takokanpu by De Mailla. "De Mailla calle him Hota.

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CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS.
271
officers, such as Wanian-lokin, Heshêliei.hosheou, Pucba-leoushi, and a great number of soldiers. A few days afterwards Fang-chan was captured, while Sse-chau and Kichau were plundered."
De Mailla describes the pillage of Sse-chau. He tells us how the town was built on a scarped rock, and its governor, Yang-chin, finding himself hard pressed by Mu-kha-li threw his wife and children from the battlement, and himself jumped over after them. As this was an im. portant place, Mu-khu-li left a garrison there with a body of light cavalry under Mongu- puhoa, which was to overrun the surrounding district, and to secure the most important posts in the mountain and fords over the rivers. He himself with the main army captured Mong-chau, Tsin-yang, Ho-i, and several other towns where the Kins had garrisons,
In the eleventh month of 1221, Chang-lin, the governor of Sung-gan, went over to the Mongols, and thup put them in possession of all the country east of the capital, including the cities of Tsang and King in Chih-li, and Pin and Tai in Shan-tung. He was rewarded with the appointment of commandant of the eastern division of Shan-tung. 32
In the latter part of this year the Sung emperor sent Kao-mong-ya to make an alliance with the Mongols against the King. The Mongols duly sent back envoys to the Imperial court."
Douglas mentions the towns of Kien-king, and Pin in Shan-si, and Yuen in Kansuh, the modern Chin-yuen-kien, among Mu-khu-li's captures. He also says that Hutieutso deserted the Kin cause, and gave up the Blue Dragon fort to the Mongols, after which Mu-khu-li took the Cow-heart stockade, when the prefect was killed by the fall of a house. He then sum- moned Shi-tian-ni and told him that Ho-chung was the most interesting place in Ho-tung (i.e. the country south of the Yellow River), and he would not entrast its protection to any one but himself. He thereupon gave him authority over all the troops in that district, and then went to Chang-nan, i.e. Si.ngap-fu, the capital of Shen-si, which he entrusted to
the U-hu-nai and Tai'-pu-hoa. He gave Ganchios command of an army with which to blockade the famous fortress of Tong-kuan, and in the eleventh month of 1222 captured Tong-chan, in the defence of which Wanianoko, one of the best generals in the Kin service, lost his life.
In the first month of 1223, Mu-kht-li attacked Fong-tsiang-fu, a town of Shen-si. This he assailed night and day for forty days without effect, and was despairing of taking it and preparing to retire, when he heard that the Kin general, Siao-shu, had recaptured the town of Ho-chong-fu (Pu-chau-fu), an important place near the eastern bank of the Yellow River, and had killed its governor, Shi-tian-ing, already named. It seems that having learnt that a Kin army was marching against him he had planted U-tsê in ambush in a defile in the mountains by which it would have to pass. U-tsê was brave, but addicted to wine, and notwithstanding his promise not to drink till his return, he had scarcely reached his post when he got drunk. The Kin passed by him quietly, and marched on to attack Ho-chong-fu, which had not been put into a state of defence. All those in the place who had submitted to the Mongols now abandoned them, joined the enemy, and introduced them into the town, which they proceeded to fire. The rising flames soon informed Shi-tian-ing that the enemy was in the place, and he put himself at the head of fifty or sixty of his men with the intention of driving them out. They wished him to cross the Yellow River and save himself, which he could well have done without compromising his reputation or bringing on bimself the reproaches of Mu-khu-li. He said, however, that he should blush to appear before his friends, and must either drive the enemy out or perish. 1 Accordingly marched against the Kin troops, and fought very bravely till mid-day, when he was overpowered and killed. The invaders having burnt the town, and put its inhabitants to the sword, retired by the same way they had gone. Antsar, a Mongol general, pursued the.n; and, we are told, killed 30,000 of them. Mu-khu-li, to reward the services of
* De Mailla, pp. 98-100, Gaubil, pp. 46 and 47; Douglas, p. 92; D'Ohsson, Vol. I. pp. 864 and 865.
50 De Mailla, p. 108. Douglas, pp. 92 and 93. - DeMailla, Vol. IX. p. 100.
33 Op. cit. p. 94. ** The Anki of D'Ohason. 36 D'Ohsson says to the general, Khanatai-Buka. * De Mailla, Vol. IX. p. 163; D'Ohsson, Vol. I. p. 365.

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Shi-tian-ing gave his son, Shi-wa-ko," the same government and the same authority as his father had held. Mu-khu-li on hearing of the death of Shi-tian-ing raised the siege of Fong-siang, and repaired to Ho-chong, which had been abandoned, as I have mentioned. He put a new garrison there, and repaired the fortifications which had fallen into ruin. Setting out from Ho-chong Mu-khu-li fell dangerously ill at Wen-li-hien or Wen-he-hien, in the department of Hiaichau in Shen-si. He summoned his younger brother, Tai-sun, and said to him that he had for forty years fought for his master, and had never been defeated. His only regret was that he had not captured Nanking, a task he left for him to fulfil. Mu-khu-li died in April, 1223, at the age of 54 years." I have referred at some length to his earlier adventures in chapter XV. and elsewhere, and here I would merely say that he was Chinghiz Khân's most distinguished and trusted commander." Mukhu-li's command and honours were made over to his son, Polu or Boru.
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
In August, 1223, Monku-kang, governor of Pei-chau for the Kins, treated his soldiers with so much severity that they revolted. Naholuko, one of his principal officers, feeling that the Mongols were riding the winning horse, put himself at the head of the malcontents, killed Monku-kang, and having arranged his plans with Lirtsu, a Mongol officer, they wrote a joint letter to the governor of Hai-chau, to inform him of their intention to submit to him. The letter was intercepted by an officer in the service of the Sung empire, who handed it to his commander, Li-tsiuen, who sent some troops under Wang-hi-al to try and divert their intention, and to persuade them to join the imperial service. Lirtsu having gone to Pei-chau enticed Wang-hi-ul into the town under pretence of treating with him and, having closed the gates, arrested him. Litsiuen, piqued at this trick marched to attack Pei-chau, which was surrounded by water on all sides, and was bravely defended. The garri. son, however, made a sortie, when his troops
37 Called Shi-tian-tsi by D'Ohsson. "De Mailla, Vol. IX. pp. 103-104. 3 D'Ohsson, Vol. I. p.367.
DeMailla, Vol. IX. p. 105. 1 DeMailla, Vol. IX. p. 105; Gaubil, p. 47; Douglas,
p. 96; D'Ohsson, Vol. I. p. 367.
D'Ohsson says he died at Ven-hi, in the district of Se-chau in Shen-ai.
[OCTOBER, 1885.
were badly beaten and many of his men were killed, whereupon he retired to Tsing-chau. Meanwhile the Kin general, Yauta, also marched upon Pei-chau, where he defeated and killed Naho-luko, and recovered it for his master.**
45
Two months later Utubu the Kin emperor died, and was succeeded by his third son, Ninkiasu, whose Chinese name was Sheou-sini. About the same time died Le-tsun-hin, the king of Hia, and was succ eeded by his son Li-te'wang. Early the next year, i.e. 1224, Ninkiasu Lade peace with the Sung emperor, Ning-tsong. Ning-tsong died shortly after, probably from chagrin, and was succeeded by his adopted son, Li-tsong; so that the death of Mu-khu-li was followed in a few months by those of the three potentates dividing the Chinese empire between them, the emperors of the Sung and Kin dynasty, and the king of Hia.
Ping-i-bin, one of the Li-tsong's generals, having made himself master of the greater part of Shan-tung, allied himself with Wu-sien, whom Mu-khu-li had made deputy governor of Western Hope (vide ante), and who having thus rebelled killed his colleague, Shi-tian-ni, and occupied Ching-ting-fu. Shi-tian-tsi, the brother of the murdered man, was nominated in the latter's place by the Mongol generalissimo Boru. He attacked Wu-sien, defeated him, and took Ching-ting-fu. This was in 1225. Presently Wu-sien returned, recaptured Ching-tingfu while Shi-tian-tsi withdrew beaten to Kauahing in Pe'chihli." The next year Shi-tiantsi again proceeded to Ching-ting-fu. Choosing a dark night for his attack he was completely successful. Wu-sien sought refuge in the mountains of the West, where he entrenched himself. Li-tsinan, who governed Chung-shau (Ting-chau in Pe'chihli) for the Mongols, had also joined the party of Ping-i-bin, who, being thus reinforced, proceeded to attack Tung-ping, where Yan-shi still commanded. After resisting for four months he was compelled by the want of provisions to surrender, and thereupon also joined the rebels. They marched together upon Ching-ting-fu, and were met near the Western Mountains by the Mongols under Belkê.
3 Gaubil, p. 48; D'Ohsson, Vol. I. p. 367. DeMailla, Vol. IX. pp. 106-107.
id. pp. 107-108; D'éhsson, Vol. I. p. 368.
D'Ohsson, Vol. I. p. 368.
Douglas, p. 99.
as Douglas, p. 101.

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Thereupon Yanshi, who was aggrieved that Ping-i-bin had treated him haughtily, again changed sides and went over to the Mongols. Ping-i-bin was at the same time attacked in rear by Shi-tian-tsi, and was captured. Bidden to do homage to the Mongol ruler, he replied proudly that he was a subject of the great Sung empire, and would not serve another ruler. They accordingly put him to death with torments. Yan-shi now secured the submission to the Mongols of that part of Shantung, east of the river Tsing, of which Ping-ibin had taken possession. Meanwhile Li-tsinan, who was master of the north of that province, having fought several times with the Mongols and been' always defeated,' shut himself up in the town of Itu (Tsing-chau-fu in Ho-nan), where he was attacked by Mu-khu-li's brother, Taigun. He held out for & whole year, notwithstanding that famine raged inside and that the besieged had to feed on human flesh, but surrendered in 1227. Taison made over Shan-tung with the district of Khuai-nan in Kiang-su to him as a fief, for which he had to pay an annual tribute. Douglas says he was made Inspector of Shan-tung and Hwainan. Meanwhile Boru captured Chanti-fu whose governor, Wanian Aishin, was killed during the siege, and also captured Lin. tao-fa, and killed its commander, Toman-hushimen, and laid waste all the country between Fong-siang and King-chao. In the last month of 1227 the Mongols invaded the Sung empire by the three defiles of Ping-tsing (south-west of Sin-yang-chau in Ho-nan), U-yang (north-east of Jang-shan-hien of Te-gan-fu in Hu-kuang) and Koang-hien (south-west of Lo-shan-hien of Yu-ning-fu in Ho-nan), whereupon Ching-sun, believing they meant to attack Se-chuan, abandoned Mien-chan, and retired into the interior of the country.
The Kin Tartars had virtually lost to the Mongols Northern China, comprising Hope of Shan-tung, and all the districts of Koan-shen, and now concentrated their endeavours upon the defence of Ho-nan, of which Tung-kuan was the key. Notwithstanding their recent losses they still retained command of the country stretching from Lo-yang, San-men, and Si-tsin, eastwards
as far as Yuen-tsiao-chin, extending over more than 2,000 lis, and protected by 200,000 men; and to show the heroic materials of which the race was made, I would quote the siege of Si-ho-chau, which took place at this time. Its governor having defended it for a long time, saw that he must surrender, and told his wife, Tashi, that she had better see to her own safety, as the place was about to be lost. “Do you think," she replied in a firm voice, " that loaded with the favours of our princes I am going to sacrifice my duty to a weak love for life. No, I will not survive my misfortune. I had rather die than be wanting in fidelity." She thereupon took poison, and died a few hours later. Two of her sons drank what she had left, and died by her side, while her husband, Chin-ya, and several of his friends, ashamed of being beaten in courage by a woman committed suicide, and fell over the body of this heroine and her children. As many as twenty-eight of his friends preferred this end to surviving their defeat.
I have now brought down the account of the Mongol doings in China until Chinghiz Khân's return home, when he again is found on its borders. Before describing his last campaign, we will bring up the story of one of the dependencies of his empire to this point. When he set out for the West, as we have seen, he left behind as his vicegerent in Mongolia his brother, Ochigin (called Uachi by Gaubil and DeMailla), who, we are told, ruled with considerable prudence. In the year 1220, he received at his court the princess Tiao-li (called Yao-li-si, in the Kang-mu), who went to announce to him the death of her husband, Yeliu.Liuko, the tributary king of Liau-tung, who had had to sustain some severe struggles in his young kingdom. Ochigin received the princess with great pomp, and giving her the official seal, sent her home with some troops to rule Liau-tung until Chinghiz Khân's return. She ruled it, we are told, exemplarily. After Chinghiz returned home, and when he was engaged in his campaign against Tangat, which I shall describe presently, and in 1227 was encamped at Yen-chau-chuen near the Yellow River, the princess repaired
" Douglas says he defeated Chang-fu and made him prisoner in Shan-tung. 50 D'Ohason, Vol. I. pp. 368-370 ; Douglas, p. 101.
51 De Mailla, Vol. IX. p. 120. 62 De Maille, Vol. IX. pp. 120-121. - Gaubil, pp. 42 and 43; DeMailla, Vol. IX. p. 96.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[OCTOBER, 1885.
to him, accompanied by her sons, Shan-ku, Tieiku and Yong-ngan, by her adopted son, Tatar, and by her grandson, Siukuents. When Chinghiz Khân saw her, he said laughingly, "although the falcons which fly so swiftly have not yet arrived, yet you, a woman, are already here." He then presented her with a bowl of wine (doubtless darasun), and enlarged on his good-will towards her. The princess replied, "Liuko, my husband, lives no longer, and the people over whom you placed him are without a master. Hiues (called Pitu by Gaubil), the eldest of my sons, has been with your army for a long time, and is still in the West. I have brought my second son, Shanku, with me, to remain as a hostage with your majesty, and I beg you to send for Hinese, so that he may succeed his father." "I regard," said Chinghiz, "Hiuesê as one of my most faithful subjects. He followed me into the West, and when my son (Juchi), attacked the town of Hani (?), inhabited by the Muhammadans, Hinese, at the head of a thousand men, distinguished himself more than any of my officers. At Sunsecan (i.e. Samarkand), he was wounded while fighting like a hero, and his great deeds have placed him among my best officers. He is useful to me, and I cannot part with him. Shan-ku, your second son, should succeed his father," "Hiuese," said the princess, "is not my son, but Liuko's son by an earlier marriage. Shanku, who is my son, is younger than he. If you give the latter his father's place will it not be said that regardless of jus- tice I only consulted my maternal feelings. I
beg you earnestly not to do a wrong which will tarnish my reputation, nor prefer the younger son to the elder." Chinghiz praised her wisdom, and he accorded her wish, nominating Yelin Hiuesê as king of Liau-tung. When the princess took leave of Chinghiz he gave her 40 post horses, 9 prisoners whom he had captured in Ho-si, 9 horses, 9 ingots of silver, 9 pieces of silk, and 9 specimens of various kinds of precious stones. He retained Shan-ku, Tatar and Siukuenus at his court, and only sent back Yong-ngan,.her fourth son, with the princess."
When Yeliu-Hinese arrived at Chinghiz Khan's camp, he said to him,"Yeliu-Liuko, your father, put himself under my protection in order to get support against the Kin who ill-ased him, and wished to undo him, and as a gauge of his sincerity he placed you as a hostage in my hands. Presently Yossêpu (?) and other malcontents revolted against him and against your family with the intention of exterminating it. Do you think the germs of disorder are extinct, and that you have no more enemies in your country P I have always treated your father like a younger brother, and I have loved you as a son. Command my troops conjointly with my brother, Belgutei, and live together in close union." When Hiuesê bade him good-by, and desired to leave for his government he detained him for a while, so that he might share in the glory of capturing the capital of Hia.
This reminds us that Chinghiz Khan was then engaged in his famous campaign in Hia or Tangut, the last of his great enterprizes, and to it we must now turn.
ON THE IDENTIFICATION OF THE ANIMALS AND PLANTS OF INDIA
WHICH WERE KNOWN TO EARLY GREEK AUTHORS. BY V. BALL, M.A., F.R.S.; DIRECTOR OF THE SCIENCE AND ART MUSEUM, DUBLIN. In a communication made by me in the year knowledge of the mode of occurrence and 1883 to the Royal Geological Society of distribution of minerals in India, to arrive at Ireland, entitled A Geologist's Contribution to a number of conclusions, the main tendency of the History of India,' I endeavoured to identify which has been to show that many apparently many mineral productions which are mentioned extravagant and fictitious stories by these early by the writers of antiquity. Partly by the writers rest on substantial bases of facts. recorded characteristics of these minerals, While engaged upon that inquiry with and partly by such indications as are given of reference to minerals, I came upon numerous the localities whence they were derived, I was allusions to animals and plants, for some of enabled, by a comparison with our present which, in spite of their apparently mythical ** De Mailla, Vol. IX. pp. 122-123.id. pp. 124-125. 2nd Ser., VOL. II., No. 6, with additions and revisions,
From the Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy, Reprinted in the Indian Antiquary. Vol. XIII. p. 228ff.

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ANIMALS AND PLANTS OF INDIA.
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character, I felt sure that equally substantial The Euemeristic treatment of myths, acfoundations could be found by subjecting them cording to which all that is possible may be to the same sort of analytical comparisons with accepted as historical, while the remainder is known facts. From time to time, as leisure to be rejected as fiction, is all very well, has been found for the purpose, I have carried provided that the person who conducts the on this investigation, and have occasionally analysis has become competent to do so by the published some of the results.
nature and extent of his experience. Inquiries like these belong, if I may use the Elsewhere I have recorded numerous reexpression, to a border-land where the student ported cases of children having been found of books and the student of nature may meet living in wolves's dens in India, and these, to and afford one another mutual assistance. say the least, cannot be fairly disposed of in
I possess no special philological qualifica- the off-hand manner which the follower of the tions for this kind of work, and have only a Euemeristic doctrine would apply to the story slight acquaintance with a few of the languages of Romulus and Remus, and many others of India; but, on the other hand, I think I like it. may lay claim to the possession of some special The well-known Arabian story, related by knowledge of the animals and plants of | the author of Sindibád, Marco Polo, and India, the ideas about them which are current Nicolo Conti, of the method of obtaining among the natives, and the uses they put diamonds by hurling pieces of meat into a them to. During my travels in the wildest valley, had its origin, as I believe, in an regions of India I have ever taken an Indian custom of sacrificing cattle on the interest in the customs and beliefs of the so- occasion of opening up new mines, and leaving called aboriginal tribes, and have had many portions of the meat as an offering to the opportunities for tracing out stories believed guardian deities, these naturally being speedily by them, and also sometimes by Europeans, carried off by birds of prey. This custom is to the sources from whence they had origi. not yet extinct. nated. This kind of experience enables me The so-called myth of the gold digging ants now to take up the tale of explanation where was not cleared up till, by chance, information it has often been left by linguists and histo. was received as to the customs and habits of rians, and carry it forward to a perhaps more the Tibetan gold miners of the present day. satisfactory conclusion.
Then Sir H. Rawlinson, and, independently, A want of personal acquaintance with India, Dr. Schiern, of Copenhagen, were enabled to or when that was possessed, 8 want of such come forward and state beyond a question of information as can only be acquired by a doubt that the myrmékes of Hôrodotos and field naturalist, using the title in its widest Megasthens were Tibetan miners, and, it may sense, has caused many commentators, both be added, their dogs. The same dogs are now among the early Greeks and Romans and the for the first time identified, as will be seen Continental and English literati of the present further on, with the griffins. The full acconnt day, when at a loss to explain the so-called of this discovery by the above-named authors myths, to turn upon their authors and accuse would find its proper place in a paper on them roundly of mendacity. Thus Strabo states races of men, so that I pass from it now, save succinctly that, “Generally speaking, the men that I mention a contribution which I have who have hitherto written on the affairs of made to it, namely, that the horn of the goldIndia were a set of liars." Again, Lassen has digging ant, which we are told by Pliny was spoken of Ktësias, when referring to a parti. preserved in the temple of Hercules at Erycular statement of his, in much the same way, thre, and which for centuries has been the although I shall be able to demonstrate that the subject of much speculation, was probably condemnation was in that particular case merely one of the gold-miners' pickaxos. I wholly undeserved.
have been informed by an eye-witness, Mr. R. * The Academy, April 21, 1883, and April 19, 1881. From the Reports of the Pandita omployed in Reprinted in Indian Antiquary, Vol. XII. p. 234ff. Trans-Himalayan Exploration by the Indian Govern
Tungle Life in India, and Journal of the Anthropolo. ment. gical Institute, 1880.

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Lydekker, late of the Geological Survey of India, that the picks in use by agriculturists and miners in Ladakh consist of horns of wild sheep mounted on handles. I believe it probable that Dr. Schiern would be willing to accept this in preference to his own suggestion, namely, that the horns were taken from the skins which are worn as garments by the Tibetans. Perhaps it is as well to add here further, for the benefit of those who may not be aware of the origin of the connexion between ants and gold, that independently that part of the myth was cleared up some years ago, first by Dr. Wilson, who pointed out that the Sanskrit name for the small fragments of alluvial gold (gold dust) was pipilika, meaning "ant-gold," in reference to the size and form; but the characteristics of the "ants" were always supposed, up to the year 1867, to have been wholly imaginative. Then, however, it was found, as related above, that these characteristics were in the most minute particulars identical with those of Tibetan miners. The whole is an example of what has occurred in reference to other subjects also, namely, the too literal acceptance by the Greeks of the signification of Oriental words, the merely symbolical meaning not having been understood as such. This is, for instance, notably the case with reference to the "Indian Reed": as is printed out on a subsequent page.
It may be here noted that in the foot-notes of various editions of Ktêsias, Megasthenês, Herodotos, Elian, and Strabo, i.e., the authors who furnish the principal part of the statements with which this paper deals, commentators have not unfrequently suggested alterations in the accepted text to suit their preconceived notions of what is possible. With regard to several cases of this kind, I believe the explanations offered in the following pages will show that the text would lose the meanings intended were such changes adopted. Again, there are cases where commentators have suggested derivations for Greek words from Sanskrit or Persian names, which will, I think, be shown to be incorrect.
Many of the identifications of animals and plants suggested by commentators exhibit a sublime indifference on their part to the laws which govern and the facts observed with
[OCTOBER, 1885.
reference to the geographical distribution of animals. This practice is akin to the custom common enough among Englishmen in India of talking about animals by names strictly applicable to species not found in the Oriental region. Thus you will hear, at the present day, some sportsmen speaking of panthers, bison, elk, armadillos, alligators, toucans, canvas-backducks, and humming-birds, as being commonly shot by them in India, though as a matter of fact none of the animals to which these names are correctly applicable are ever found beyond the limits of the American Continent. It is only just to the Indian sportsmen of to-day to add that a majority among them are anxious to acquire the proper names of the animals they meet with, and there is accordingly a large sale in India for the text books on Indian Zoology.
As an example of how statements about animals sometimes require strict investigation, I remember on one occasion an Englishman assuring me very positively that sulphur-crested cockatoos were to be found in large numbers in a particular jungle in the Central Provinces of India. On my pointing out the impossibility of such being the case, the only evidence he could bring in support of the statement that this essentially Australian bird was to be found so far from its proper limits, was that the Râjà of the district told him so when he had been shown a domesticated specimen. To which I could only reply that a boastful spirit as to the resources of his own territory must have led the Râjâ to state what was not quite true.
I have still another charge to make against the commentators. Up to the very last edition of one of our Greek authors, which was published last year, a custom has been in practice of passing very stale comments from one to another, without reference being made to more recent and direct sources of information.
And here I would mention the names of two encyclopedists for whose works I have the greatest respect and admiration: they are Lassen and Ritter, to the researches by both of whom commentators are much beholden. But as may readily be conceived, during the last fifty years there has been a great advance in our scientific and accurate knowledge of the animals and plants of India, nevertheless we find modern editors making use of statements

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proximately derived from Lassen, but which are often ultimately traceable to that most industrious compiler, Karl Ritter, who wrote nearly fifty years ago. Were he alive he would probably have kept better abreast with modern research than have so many who now use the data which he collected from still earlier writers. Surely such a statement as that there is at present a tribe of Khonds in the Dakhan who eat the bodies of their deceased relatives, is one that ought not to appear, as it does in a recent edition, except it can be substantiated. It may be true; but, without modern and undoubted proof of the fact, I think no one should be asked to believe it.
The original texts of Megasthends and Ktosias not having been preserved to us, except As fragments which have been incorporated by other authors, we cannot say with certainty what they may or may not have contained; but it is sufficiently apparent that it is precisely the most marvellous and apparently impossible descriptions which have been preserved, sometimes out of mere curiosity, and sometimes for purposes of condemnation; the plain matterof-fact stories about men, animals, and plants, if they ever existed, have been irretrievably lost.
Though not unaware that I run the risk of some adverse criticism when entering into an arena of controversy like this, I have already received a considerable amount of encourage- ment from quarters where such work is duly appreciated; but the highest incentive I have had in the elucidation of these myths, apart at least from the interest of the study itself, is, that as a former Indian traveller myself, I derive a sincere pleasure in so far establishing the veracity and relieving the characters of travellers from the aspersions which during twenty centuries, more or less, have been freely cast upon them.
I take for my text and for my justification, if need there be, the following passage from De Gubernatis, who, although the author of a zoological mythology, lays no claim to being a zoologist himself. He says: "And if I have songht to compare several physiological laws with the myths, it is not because I attribute to the myth a wisdom greater than that which
it contains in reality, but only to indicate that, much better than metaphysics, the science of Nature, with the criteria of positive philosophy, can help us to study the original production of myths and their successive development in tradition."
It will be observed in the pages which follow that, besides the simple identifications, there are what may conveniently be called compound identifications, of two classes. In the first, two or more animals, as described by the compilers, are shown to owe their origin to accounts by different authors of the same animals or plants, the identity of which was not perceived by compilers like Alian. In the other class, under one name, characteristics belonging to more than one species are included. Both these, but especially the latter, have increased the difficulties of identification. Pliny's accounts of minerals furnish a striking example of both : on the one hand, under half a dozen different names, culled from different authors, he has described the same mineral over and over again, without recognizing the identity. In several cases, notably in that of the alamas, he describes several distinct minerals under one title.
Bat a few words remain to be said as to the arrangement of the facts contained in the following pages. Originally it was my intention to make use of some of them as illustrations of a paper on the origin of myths; but, as they multiplied, it seemed to me that they would have an additional value if they were so arranged that they could be easy of reference; and, in order to complete the list, I have included some identifications which have been made by others. This is more particularly the case with the plants yielding drugs: these have for a long time attracted the notice of botanists and other experts; but their determinations have not in all instances found their proper places in the footnotes of commentators.
There still remain a few accounts of animals and plants which have yet to be grappled with; some of these I hope to be able to discuss hereafter, and it may be that I shall see my way to account for some of the so-called mythical tribes of men described by the early Greeks. Some of them, however, appear to be quite beyond the
. Cf. Hérodotos, by Prof, Seyce,

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reach of explanation, but others may possibly be identified with particular tribes of what are commonly, but not always correctly, called the aboriginal inhabitants of India.
LIST OF SPECIES MENTIONED, MAMMALS.
1. Πίθηκος
2. Κερκοπίθηκος
3. "Οφις πτερωτός...
4. Μαρτιχώρας 5. Κροκόττας' 6. Γρύψ ...
7. Κύων ...
8. Δελφίς
9. Κήτος... 10. Ελέφας 11. Καρτάζωνον Ινδικός ὅμος
12. "Ονος ἄγριος
...
***
25. Χελώνη
www
13. Ys
14. Λευκοκράτας 15. Πρόβατα καὶ αἶγες
16. ̓Αγριοβοῦς...
17. Φαττάγης
***
...
...
....
...
...
Monkey (Inuus rhesus). (Presbytis pri amus). Bat(Pteropus medius). Tiger (Felis tigris). Hyæna (Hyæna crocuta). Dog (Canis domesticus),
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(Var. tibetanus). Dog (Canis domesticus) and (Cuon rutilans). Dolphin (Platanista gangetica & Delphinus, Sp.).. Whale (Balaenoptera indica).
Elephant (Elephas indicus).
18. ̓Αετός...
19. Βίττακος, ψιττακός
20. "ETOV
21. Κέρκιων
22. Iederás xλopórridos.. 23. 'AXEKTрvóves péyioroi.
34. Κήλας...
Rhinoceros (Rhinoceros indicus).
Wild ass (Equus onager).
Pig (Sus indicus). Nilgdu (Portax pictus). Sheep & Goats (Ovis et Capra). Yak (Poephagus grunniens).
Pangolin (P) (Manis pentadactyla).
BIRDS.
REPTILES.
Eagle (Aquila chrysatus).
Parroquet (Palæornis eupatrius). Hoopoe (Eupupa epops). Hill mainá (Eulabes religiosa or E. intermedia). Green pigeon (Crocopus
chlorigaster). Mundl pheasant (Lophophorus impeyanus). Adjutant (Leptoptilos argala).
... Fresh-water turtle(Trionyx Sp.).
This animal is included here because it has been mistaken by some commentators for the Indian jackal.
26. "Opis oxidaîos
27. Σκώληξ
28. "Οφις ...
29. "Οφις θαλάσσιος...
30. Μέλι
***
...
...
***
31. Μύρμηξ ὁ Ινδός ... 32. "Ηλεκτρον, &c.
33. Δίκαιρον
***
***
...
INSECTS.
... Honey-Bees (Apis dotsata).
... Termites (Termes, Sp.). ... Shellac & Lac insect (Coccus lacca).
...
...
1. "Ορυζα
2. Μέλι τό καλάμινον
3. Φλοιός
4. Κάλαμος Ἰνδικός
5. Ναύπλιος
...
PLANTS.
***
...
...
...
... Dung beetle (Scarabæus sacer).
[OCTOBER, 1885.
Biskhuprá (Eublepharis Sp.?).
Crocodile (Crocodilus indicus, or Gavialis gangeticus ?). Python (Python molu
rus).
Water snake (Hydrophis, Sp.).
6. Πάρηβον
7. Aéropea eipia pépovra..
8. Σιπτάχορας, part,
9. Λύκιον...
10. B8λLov
11. Πέπερι 12. Μαλάβαθρον
Lycium (Berberis tinctoria). Bdellium (Balsamodendron mukul, Hook.). Pepper (Piper nigrum). Malabathrum (Cinnamomum tamala). Karpion (Cinnamomum Sp.).
13. Καρπίον 14. Κασσία
Cassia (Cinnamomum cassia). 15. Ινδικόν μέλαν Indigo (Indigofera tinctoria). 16. Aéropov hómous ixov... Amaltas, H. (Cassia fistula). 17. "Avdos Toppupoûr... Dhaurd H. (Grislea tomentosa). 18. Σιπτάχερας, part,
Mahuwa H. (Bassia latifolia).
19. Ελαιον σησάμινον
Sesamum (Sesamum indicum).
***
?Papyrus (Papyrus pangorei).
Palmyra Palm (Borassus flabelliformis).
... Cocoa-nut (Cocos nuci fera).
...
...
***
Rice (Oryza sativa). Sugar Cane (Saccharum officinarum).
***
...
Pipal (Ficus religiosa). Cotton (Gossypium indicum).
Khusum (Schleichera trijuga).
***
It belongs, as correctly stated by Ktêsias, to the African fauna. Vide No. 18 infra. Vide No. 8 supra.

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20. Νάρδος
21. Κόστος
22.
...
...
ANIMALS AND PLANTS OF INDIA.
Spikenard (Nardostachys jatmansi),
Costus (Aucklandia costus).
Mangrove (Bruguiera gymnorhiza).
MAMMALS.
1. MONKEY (Πίθηκος).
Inuus rhesus, Des. (?)-The Bengal Monkey, or Macacus radiatus, Kuhl.-The Madras Monkey.
According to Strabo,10 Megasthenes says, "There are monkeys, rollers of rocks, which climb precipices, whence they roll down stones upon their pursuers." There is not much to enable an exact identification of the species, but it was probably one of the above species of brown monkeys. I am not prepared to deny that this story may have originated in the title of 'monkey' which, as is well known, was freely bestowed upon the wild tribes of men who inhabited the jungles of India, and who, when attacked, often had recourse to this mode of defence against their better armed assailants." But that it is not impossible that the story may have referred to real monkeys will be apparent from the following personal experience of my own :-" When at Malwâ Tâl, a lake near Nainî Tâl, in the Himalayas, I was warned that in passing under a landslip, which slopes down to the lake, I should be liable to have stones thrown at me by monkeys. Regarding this as being possibly a traveller's tale, I made a particular point of going to the spot in order to see what could have given rise to it. As I approached the base of the landslip, near the road on the north side of the lake I saw a number of brown monkeys (Inuus rhesus), rush to the sides and across the top of the landslip, and presently pieces of loosened stone and shale came tumbling down near where I stood. I fully satisfied myself that this was not merely accidental, for I distinctly saw one monkey industriously, with both fore paws, and with obvious malice prepense, pushing the loose shingle off a shoulder of rock. I then tried the effect of throwing
10 Geographika, xv. 1, 56. Cf. Megasthenes, by J. W. M'Crindle, p. 58.
[Natives commonly believe that the English are the descendants of the monkey army of Hanuman, the ally of Rama Chandra. There are several proverbs turning on this notion, based on a prophecy said to be in the Ramayana, that a race with the characteristics of Hanu
279
stones at them, and this made them quite angry, and the number of fragments which they set rolling was speedily doubled. This, though it does not actually amount to throwing or projecting an object by monkeys, comes very near to the same thing, and makes me think that there may be truth in the stories of their throwing fruit at people from trees," or at least dropping them on their heads.
1119
Babar in his Memoirs gives an account of several species of monkeys, both wild and domesticated, which were known in Western India in his time.
2. LONG-TAILED MONKEY (KepкOTiOnkos). Presbytis priamus, Elliot.-The Madras Langûr.
There can be little doubt that another species of monkey, described by Megasthenês, as recorded by Strabo and Elian, belonged to the genus Presbytis, and it may, I think, be identified with the Madras species priamus rather than with the Bengal species entellus. "The monkeys of India," writes Strabo,1 "are larger than the largest dogs. They are white, except in the face, which is black, though the contrary is observed elsewhere. Their tails are more than two cubits in length; they are very tame, and not of a malicious disposition, so that they neither attack nor steal." An account by Ælian is more detailed. "Among the Prasii (Sansk., Práchyas, i.e., Easterns) in India there are found, they say, apes of human-like intelligence, which are to appearance about the size of Hyrkanian dogs. Nature has furnished them with fore-locks, which one ignorant of the reality would take to be artificial. Their chin, like that of a satyr, turns upwards, and their tails are like the potent one of the lion. Their bodies are white all over, except the face and the tip of the tail, which are of a reddish hue. They are very intelligent, and naturally tame. They are bred in the woods, where also they live, subsisting on the fruits which they find growing wild on the hills. They resort in great numbers to Latagê, an Indian city, where they eat rice, which has been laid down for them by the king's orders. In fact, every day
man's monkeys would conquer India under certain conditions. The English are said to fulfil the charac teristics and their rule the conditions.-ED.]
1 Jungle Life in India, p. 537.
13 Geographika, xv. 1, 87.
Hist. Anim., xvi. 10. Cf. Megasthenés, by J. W. M'Crindle, p. 57.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
a ready-prepared meal is set out for their use. It is said that when they have satisfied their appetite they retire in an orderly manner to their haunts in the woods, without injuring a single thing that comes in their way." Elian gives another account also, which differs in some respects from the above: but, on the whole, considering the region to which the account of Megasthenes referred, I think that the species was the above, the technical description of which, given by Jerdon, is as follows: "Ashy grey colour, with a pale reddish or chocolat au lait overlying the whole back and head; sides of the head, chin, throat, and beneath, pale yellowish; hands and feet, whitish; face, palms, fingers, soles of the feet and toes, black; a high compressed vertical crest of hairs on the top of the bead; hairs long and straight, not wavy; tail of the colour of the darker portion of the back, ending in a whitish tuft; much the same size as entellus, i.e.length to root of tail, 30 inches; tail, 43 inches; but it attains a still larger size. Inhabits the Eastern Ghats and southern portion of tableland of Southern India, also in Ceylon, but not extending to Malabar coast."
Setting out rice for the use of monkeys, as described by Elian, is a common custom at present,
3. THE FLYING SERPENT (Όφις πτερωπός), Pteropus medius, Temm.-The Flying Fox. Strabo, quoting from Megasthenês, tells us that there are "in some parts of the country serpents two cubits long, which have membranous wings like bats. They fly about by night, when they let fall drops of urine or sweat, which blister the skin of persons not on their guard with putrid sores." Elian" gives a similar account. There can be little doubt that this is an exaggerated account of the great fruit-eating bats of India, which are known to Europeans as flying foxes. The extent of their wings, according to Jerdon, sometimes amounts to 52 inches, and in length they reach 14 inches. Less accurate observers have stated the span to exceed 6 feet. Though noisome animals in many respects, their drop
15 Mammals of India, p. 7.
16 Gengraphika, xv. 1, 37. Cf. J. W. M'Crindle's Megasthenes, p. 56. 11 Hist. Anim., xvi. 41. 15 Topsell's fantastic figure, founded on this descrin
[OCTOBER, 1885.
pings have not the properties above attributed. Flying foxes are eaten by some of the lower classes of natives, and Europeans who have made the experiment say the flesh is delicate and without unpleasant flavour. Though small species of European bats were well known to the Greeks, these large fruit-eating bats might well be regarded by them as something sui generis. It is quite probable that at the present moment many Europeans in India do not even know that they are true bats. As to the winged scorpions which, according to Megasthenês, sting both natives and Europeans alike, I can only suggest that they were hornets of large size.
4. THE MARTIKHORA (Μαρτιχώρας ̓Ανδροφάγος).
Felis tigris, Linn.-The Tiger.
This animal was described by Ktêsias as being of the size of the lion, red in colour, with human-like face, ears and eyes, three rows of teeth, and stings on various parts of the body, but especially on the tail, which caused it to be compared with the scorpion. Its name records the fact that it was a man-eater (Persian mardkhor in its archaic form), and this characteristic is also expressly stated by Ktêsias. It was hunted by the natives from the backs of elephants. Although it has been suggested by some commentators that it was the tiger, none of them appear to have seen how the several statements can be shown to be founded on aotual facts. Pausanias for instance, attributes these details to the imagination of the Indians, excited by the dread of the animal. Others appear to be unwilling to regard the animal as being capable of identification. Thus Lassen, referring to Ktêsias's assertion, that he had seen one of these animals with the Persian monarch, to whom it had been presented by the Indian king, asserts that "he cannot, in this instance, be acquitted of mendacity."1"
Among facts not generally known, though mentioned in some works on Zoology, is one which I can state from my own personal knowledge is familiar to Indian shikaris-it is that at the extremity of the tail of the tiger, as well as of other felidae, there is a little horny
tion, given in his History of Four-footed Beasts, has been recently reproduced by Miss Phipson in her Animal Lore of Shakespeare.
19 Ancient India, by J. W. M'Crindle, p. 77.

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ANIMALS AND PLANTS OF INDIA.
281
dermal structure like a claw or nail, which, I but vulgarly the Kynolykos. It is of prodigidoubt not, the natives regard as analogous to ous strength, and is said to imitate the human the sting of the scorpion. Moreover, the whis- voice, and by night to call out men by their kers of the tiger are by many natives regarded names, and when they come to fall upon them as capable of causing injury; and sportsmen and devour them." This animal has the courage know, where this is the case, that the skins of of the lion, the speed of the horse, and the their slaughtered tigers are liable to be injured strength of the bull, and cannot be successby the plucking out or burning off the whis- | fully encountered with weapons of steel." kers—to avert accidents. Some believe that this I am disposed to identify (as from the the removal of the whiskers prevents any references given by him in a foot-note, so also human being assuming the form of the tiger, does Mr. MCrindle) with the spotted hyæna others that the possession of tiger's whiskers (H. crocuta) of Africa-a very powerful animal endowed the fortunate possessor with unlimited —which, like its Indian relative (H. strita), power over the opposite sex." The idea of the has a hideous cry at night. It is, I believe, not three rows of teeth probably had its origin in the couspicuous for courage ; but according to three lobes of the carnivorous molar, which is some accounts the lion is less courageous in of such a different type from the molars of reality than is generally supposed. That, howruminants and horses. The Martikhôra was ever, is a small matter. I cannot but think therefore, I believe, the tiger, and the account that Lassen" is wrong in identifying, on philoof it embodies actual facts, though they were logical grounds, this animal with the jackal, somewhat distorted in the telling.
the Prakrit name for the latter being kotthuraka It may be said that it would not be difficult to (Skr. króshtuka). This involves his saying, construct an account of the tiger derived from first, that the above were “fabulous attributes the attributes and characteristics ascribed to given to the jackal, an animal which frequently the animal at the present day by the natives, appears in Indian fables ; " and, second, that which would have a far less substantial basis the Ethiopia of Ktêsias meant India. of fact than has the one given to us by Ktësias.
6. The GRYPHON, OR GRIFFIN (Tpúy). Aristotle gives an account of this animal, which, he states, was taken from Ktësias."
Canis domesticus, var. Tibetanus. Megasthenes, according to Strabo, states
Tibetan Mastiffs. with reference to tigers, that the largest are
According to Ktêsias, as related by Photios." found among the Prasii (Sansk., Práchyas, i.e.,
gold was obtained in certain "high towering Easterns), being nearly twice the size of the
mountains which are inhabited by the griffins, lion, and so strong that a tame tiger, Jed by
a race of four-footed birds, about as large as four men, having seized a mule by one of the
wolves, having legs and claws like those of the hind legs, averpowered it and dragged it to
lion, and covered all over the body with black him." Not a very remarkable performance,
feathers, except only on the broast, where they the Indian sportsman will remark, who knows
are red. On account of these birds the gold, what a tiger can do in the way of dragging
with which the mountains abound, is difficult to heavy oxen for long distances over obstacles.
be got." Alian's account of the same animals 5. THE KROKOTTAS, or KINOLYKOS adds some probably spurious particulars-such (Κροκόττας Κυνόλυκος).
as that the wings are white, the neck variegatHyena crocuta.--The Spotted Hyæna. ed with blue feathers, the beak like an eagle's, Ktêsias, according to Photios," describes the and that, according to the Baktrians, they built above animal as follows :-“There is in Ethio- their nests of the gold which they dug out of pia an animal called properly the Krokottas, the soil, but that the Indians deny this. He
0 [A long and very interesting account of the superatitions connected with tigers in the Central Provinces is to be found in Slooman's Rambles and Recollections, Vol. I. p. 161 ff. ED.)
11 De Hist. Anim. ii. 1. Vide postea.
*Genigraphika, rv. i. 37. Cf. Megasthenes, by J. W. M'Crindle, p. 56.
» Eclogs in Photii, Bibl. lxxii. Cf. Ancient India, by J. W. M'Orindle, pp. 82, 83.
" It is worth noting that this is commonly attributed by the natives of Indiö to ghosts and goblina, especially to the chuyel or malignant female ghoat of woman dying in childbed.-Ed.)
* Ancient India, p. 75. * Ecloga in Photis, Bibl. laxii.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
states that the auriferous region which the griffins inhabited was a frightful desert.
Taking Photios's account alone, and excluding from it the word birds, and for feathers reading hair, we have a tolerably accurate description of the hairy black-and-tan-coloured Tibetan mastiffs, which are now, as they were doubtless formerly, the custodians of the dwellings of Tibetans, those of gold miners as well as of others. They attracted the special attention of Marco Polo, as well as of many other travellers in Tibet; and for a recent account of them reference may be made to Captain Gill's River of Golden Sand. They are excessively savage, and attack strangers fiercely, as I have myself experienced on the borders of Sikhim. I remember seeing a very fine pair of them which were brought from Kâshghar by Dr. Bellew. They suffered much from the heat on their journey from Simla to Bombay. Whether they ever reached England I cannot
say.
This identification serves also to clear up certain of the details in the story of Megasthenês and Herodotos, as to the gold-digging ants, which have been identified by Sir H. Rawlinson and Professor Schiern, as mentioned in the introductory remarks, with Tibetan gold miners and their dogs. The former, on account of the great cold, are and were clad in furs, and it would appear, shared with the dogs in giving characteristics to the famous ants which were for so long regarded as a myth incapable of explanation. The "ants" which, according to Herodotos, were taken to Persia, and kept there, were, I believe, simply these mastiffs. He tells us" elsewhere that Tritantakhmês, Satrap of Babylon, under the Akhaimenians, "kept a great number of Indian dogs. Four large towns situated in the plain were charged with their support, and were exempted from all other tribute."
Larcher, in his Notes on Herodotos (Vol. III. p. 339), quotes the following, without however noticing how far it aids in clearing the myth of the griffins: "M. de Thou, an author worthy of credit, recounts that Shah Thamas Sophie of Persia, sent to Suliman
[OCTOBER, 1885.
one of these ants in 1559. Nuntius etiam a Thamo Oratoris titulo quidam ad Solimanum venit cum muneribus, inter quæ erat formica Indica, canis mediocris magnitudine, animal mordax et sævum. Thuanus-Lib. xxiii."
37 Clio, lib. I. cap. excii.
[The persons meant are Shah Tahmasp Safavi of Persia, 1524-1576 A.D., the celebrated succourer of Humayan in 1543, and the still greater Sultan Sulaiman the Magnificent, 1520-1566.-ED.]
Herodotos himself evidently supposed the Gryphons to be a race of men.
Regarding the origin of the name griffin or gryphon, the Persian giriftan (to gripe, or seize, is suggested by Mr. M'Crindle as the source) Hindustani contains several words thence derived, as giriftár, a captive; girift, seizure, &c. The Tibetans call their dogs gyake, or royal dogs, on account of their size and ferocity.
29
It may be added here, in its proper place, though already mentioned in the introductory remarks, that a passage in Pliny's account of the ants, which has been the source of much difficulty to many who have discussed this question, admits, as I have elsewhere shown, of a satisfactory explanation. The passage is:"Indica formica cornua, Erythris in æde Herculis fixa, miraculo fuere." The horn of the Indian ant was probably an example of the pickaxe even now in common use in Ladakh and probably also in Tibet. It is a sheep's horn fixed on a handle: this is, I think, more probable than that it was a horn taken from one of the skin garments worn by the Tibetan miners, as has been suggested by Professor Schiern.30
7. DOG (Kúar).
Canis and Cuon (?)-Domestic and Wild Dogs. There are various allusions by our authors to other dogs besides those which have been identified as the originals of the griffins. Thus Ktêsias, according to Potios," says that "the dogs of India are of great size, so that they fight even with the lion." This may possibly refer to the well-known fact that packs of wild dogs (Cuon rutilans) prove a match for the larger carnivora. There are numerous well authenticated cases of tigers having being killed by these dogs.
Elian relates that "Ktêsias, in his account of India, says that the people called the Kynamolgoi rear many dogs as big as the Hyrkanian
20 Hist. Nat. lib. xI. cap. xxxi.
so See ante, Vol. IV. p. 231.
1 Ecloga in Photii, Bibl. lxxii.
De Animal. Nat., xvi. 31. Cf. Anc. India, by J.,W. M'Crindle, p. 36.

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ANIMALS AND PLANTS OF INDIA.
283
breed; and this Knidian writer tells us why they are reported to be of two sorts : one fierce, and keep so many dogs, and this is the reason : armed with sharp-pointed teeth, which gives from the time of the summer solstice on to mid- endless trouble to the fishermen, and is of a rewinter they are incessantly attacked by herds morselessly cruel disposition; while the other of wild oxen, coming like a swarm of bees or a kind is naturally mild and tame, swims about flight of angry wasps, only that the oxen are in the friskiest way, and is quite like a fawning more numerous by far. They are ferocious dog; it does not run !! (sic in translation) withal and proudly defiant, and butt most vici- away when anyone tries to stroke it, and it ously with their horns. The Kynamolgoi, un takes with pleasure any food it is offered." able to withstand them otherwise, let loose The first of these is probably the Indus species their dogs upon them, which are bred for this of the very curious genus of river porpoise express purpose; and these dogs easily over- (Platanista) which is found in India. The jaws power the oxen, and worry them to death. are provided with numerous conical, recurved During the season when they are left unmolested teeth. These porpoises are very destructive to by the oxen, they employ their dogs in hunting fish, and are occasionally accidentally taken in other animals. They milk the bitches, and nets. According to Jerdon, they are speared this is why they are called Kynamolgoi (dog- by certain tribes of fishermen on the Ganges, milkers). They drink this milk just as we who eat the flesh, and make oil from the blubdrink that of the sheep or goat."
ber, which they use for burning. There is at present a tribe in India who are Under the name Khủắc Kbi, i.e., water hog, noted for keeping a large breed of dogs, which the Platanista is described in Babar's Memoirs are most efficient in the chase. These are the by Erskine. Sir A. Burnes (Cabool, p. 8) calls Labânâs or Brinjárâs, who, by means of their it the Boolun (Bulan). pack eattle, perform most of the inland carriage | The other dolpbin mentioned by Ælian may, in the hilly central regions of the peninsula. I | perhaps, be identified as a species of Delphinus, have met their caravans, and also their fixed which often keeps company with vessels for habitations in the Central Provinces bordering long distances, though probably its tameness is Western Bengal, where they are very numerous. somewhat exaggerated for the sake of contrast. This general region is the one where the Kynamolgoi (or Kynokephaloi) may be presumed to
9. WHALE (Kros). have dwelt. In Orissa there is a Râjâ of a petty
Balænoptera indica, Blyth.-The Indian FinState who keeps a very fine breed of dogs, by
whale. means of which deer are run down, especially, as
Ælian tells us that "whales are to be found I was told, during the rainy season, when the soft
in the Indian sea; they are five times larger ness of the ground prevents them from running than the largest elephant. A rib of this monso fast as they are able to do at other times. There strous fish measures as much as twenty cubits, are similar breeds also in other parts of India. and its lip fifteen cabits." Farther on, he
According to the author of Indian Field states that it is not true that they come near Sports (p. 39), the Raja of KandA in the the shore lying in wait for tunnies." Hazaribagh District of Chatiâ Nagpůr had a The rib, twenty cubits long, was probably breed of such dogs, which hunted in the hot really the ramus of a jaw, and the length given weather and could take up the scent of deer is therefore not excessive, since one in the many hours after they had passed.
Calcutta Museum, according to Jerdon, from The“ oxen" referred to were probably wild an individual eighty-four feet long, measured buffaloes, which still do much injury to the crops twenty-one feet; and it is said that specimens in some parts of India, and are a cause of terror measuring up to one hundred feet have been to the natives.
stranded on the Indian coast. Rami of the 8. DOLPHIN (Acipis).
jaws of whales are even now not uncommonly Platanista indi., Blyth. Delphinus (Sp.7) mistaken for ribs. Ælian tells us that the dolphins of India Since the species of this genus of whales 33 Hist. Anim., Ivi. 18.
* Hist. Anim. xvi. 12. » Mammals of India, p. 159.
36 Mammals of India, p. 161.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[OCTOBER, 1885.
feed on fish, the statement which Ælian denies was probably to some extent founded on actual observation.
10. THE ELEPHANT ('Elépas). Elephas indicus, Cuv.-The Indian Elephant.
There are, as might be expected, numerous allusions to the Elephant by Megasthenes, Arrian, and the author of the Periplus. Its mode of capture is described, as also are its training, its uses in the chase and in war, its habits, and certain peculiarities of its constitation. Some of these latter, as, for instance, those connected with the coming together of the sexes, are correct, though a myth in reference to this last exists even at the present day, and is very commonly believed by many.
The elephants of Taprobanê (i.e. Ceylon) are distinguished, according to Ælian's accountderived perhaps from Megasthenes - as being larger, and more intelligent, than those of the mainland. The same author, too, describes a white elephant, and relates in reference to it a story of its devotion to its master.
The author of the Periplus mentions several ports, both in Africa and India, whence elephas (i.e., ivory) was an article of export, as we know it had been since the days of Solomon
A very fair monograph of the habits and external characteristics of the elephant might be written from the facts recorded by the above anthors, supplemented by such as are given by Strabo and Pliny. 11. THE KARTAZONON AND THE INDIAN Ass.
(Kaprátwvov, Ivõukos ovos). Rhinoceros indicus, Cuv.-The Rhinoceros.
Genda, Hin. The Kartazónon of Megasthenes and the horued ass of Ktësias, although separately described by Alian as if they were distinct ani. mals, appear to be both capable of identification with the rhinoceros. This fact has been already more or less generally accepted by writers, although some particulars, especially those as to the colour, have given rise to much discussion and argument. It seems probable that the Rhinoceros was also the original of the monokeros, or unicorn, which, as we have good
cause to know, is usually represented as an Horned Ass. Ælian's" description of the Kartazônon is as follows:-"It is also said that thero exists in India a one-horned animal, called by the natives the Kartazôn. It is of the size of a fall-grown horse, and has a crest and yellow hair soft as wool. It is furnished with very good legs, and is very fleet. Its legs are joint. less, and formed like those of the elephant; and it has a tail like a swine's. A horn sprouts out from between its eyebrows, and this is not straight, but curved into the most natural wreaths, and is of a black colour. This horn is said to be extremely sharp. The animal, as I learn, has a voice beyond all example-loud, ringing, and dissonant."
Photios's account of the "horned wild ass." of Ktésias agrees, in the main particulars, with one by Ælian. That by the former is as follows: "Among the Indians there are wild asses as large as horses, some being even larger. Their head is of a dark-red colour, their eyes blue, and the rest of their body white. They have a horn on their forehead, a cubit in length (the filings of this horn, given in a potion, are an antidote to poisonous drugs). This horn, for about two palm-breadths upwards from the base, is of the parest white, where it tapers to a sharp point, of a flaming crimson, and in the middle it is black. These horns are made into drinking-cups, and such as drink from them are attacked neither by convulsions nor by the sacred discase (epilepsy); nay, they are not even affected by poisons, if either before or after swallowing them they drink from these cups wine, water, or any. thing else. While other asses, moreover, whether wild or tame, and indeed all other solid-boofed animals, bave neither huokle-bones (astragulus) nor gall in the liver, these onehorned asses have both. Their huckle-bone is the most beautiful of all I have ever seen, and is in appearance and size like that of the ox. It is as heavy as lead, and of the colour of cinnabar, both on the surface and all throughout. It is an exceedingly fleet and strong animal, and no creature that parsues it, not even the horse, can overtake it," &c. the Tibetan antelope, which when seen in profile appears to have only one horn, as was stated by the Abbé Huc. 56 Hist. Anim, xvi. 20, 21. 3 Ecloga in Photii, Bibl. lxxii. 25; cf. Anc. India, by J. W. M'Crindle.
0 Hist. Anim. iv. 52.
» [Cf. Panjab Notes and Queries, Vol. I. bote 85. In J. A 8. B. for 1839, p. 919, it is stated that a Kumuni wwore he had seen unicorn with tho Rajů of Garhwal and that on inspection it turned out to be a rhinoceros.Ep. The unicorn of the Highlands is Kemas Hodgsoni,

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Regarding the astragulus, or huckle-bone, (marrow P) in the horse's fore-leg so is there the statement of its absence in solid-hoofed in that of the Rhinoceros." animals is incorrect, and I can offer no expla- | Having thus offered an explanation of what nation of the reputed characteristics of that of has hitherto been a difficulty to commentators, the horned wild ass, except that an example I should not be surprised if evidence should seen by Ktôsias had simply been dyed and be forthcoming to prove that it has been the weighted with lead. For short distances the custom with the natives to adorn with coloured rhinoceros can charge with great speed and pigments the cuirass-like hides of tame rhiforce, and its voice is such as to merit to some noceroses. extent the description by Megasthenês.
Since the above paragraph was written, I In reference to the colours of the animal, have obtained sufficient confirmation of the when I recall that I have often seen in India correctness of this view, for, on referring to horses with tails and manes of a bright ma- Ronsslet's work on the Native Courts of genta, and with spots of the same colour all
India," I find an account of a rhinoceros over their otherwise white bodies; that I have fight at Baroda, wbich took place before the also seen elephants belonging to Rajas orna
Gåekwâr. The two animals were chained at mented on their heads by the application of
opposite sides of the arena-one of them was various pigments-I am led to conclude that
painted black, the other red, in order that they the rhinoceros from which Ktêsias's description
might be distinguished, for otherwise they was taken was a domesticated one, which, in
resembled each other in every point. accordance with the natives' taste for bright
Ktêsias' horned ass, therefore, had probably colours, had been painted to take part in some
been whitewashed, and had had his horn pageant. Domesticated rhinoceroses are still
painted blue and scarlet by his owner-who kept by many natives; and they have, I
little foresaw what food for discussion and believe, sometimes been trained like elephants
comment he was affording, by that simple act, to carry haudds with riders in them. I once
to twenty centuries of philosophers and histomet a native dealer in animals who had taken
rians. with him, for several hundred miles through
12. WILD HORSES AND Asses the jungles, a rhinoceros, which he ultimately
("ITTO kal ovou dyploi). sold to the Râjâ of Jaipur, in Madras. He Equus onager, Pallas-Wild Ass of drove the animal before him, he told me, "as
Kachh, sc. if it were a cow."
According to Alian" there are herds of The horn of the rhinoceros is still held in wild horses and also of wild asses. "These luuch esteem by the natives of India, both for interbreed, and the mules are of a reddish making into cups, which are supposed to sweat colour and very fleet, but impatient of the yoke on the approach of poison, and for the prepara- and very skittish. They say that they catch tion of a drug. They will pay sportsmen & these mules with foot-traps and then take them high price for these horns, but are particular to the king of the Prasians, and that if they about obtaining the right article, as I learned are caught when two years old they do not from a gentleman who, as a speculation, brought refase to be broken in, but if caught when A number of rhinoceros horns from Africa, beyond that age they differ in no respect from but failed to dispose of them in the Calcutta sharp-toothed and carnivorous animals." bázárs.
The mention of both horses and asses is An interesting account of the Rhinoceros, no doubt due to the somewhat mule-like which in his time inhabited the valley of the characters of the wild ass which is found in Indus, is given by BAbar in his Memoirs. Among Western India, and is called gorkhar in Hinother things he says, “As the horse has a large dustani and gor by the Persiang. A closely stomach so has this: as the pastern of the horse allied species is the kiang of Tibet : (E. hemoiis composed of a single bone so also is that nus, Pallas). Even now by travellers they of the Rhinoceros: as there is a gumek are sometimes spoken of as wild horses, but L'Inde des Rajah.
Hist. Anim., xvi. 9. Cf. Megasthonda, by J. W. M'Crindle, p. 163.

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their neigh or bray, and tail, prove them to be true asses. In the Bikâner State, according to Dr. Jerdon, "once only in the year, when the foals are young, & party of five or six native hunters, mounted on hardy Sind mares, chase down as many foals as they succeed in tiring, which lie down when utterly fatigued, and suffer themselves to be bound and carried off. In general they refuse sustenance at first, and about one-third only of those which are taken are reared; but these command high prices, and find a ready sale with the native princes. The profits are shared by the party, who do not attempt a second chase in the same year, lest they should scare the herd from the district, as these men regard the sale of a few gorkhar annually as a regular source of subsistence."
BAbar in his Memoirs gives a spirited account of his hunting the gorkhar in Kathia wad.
1 13. THE PIG (Ys). Sus indicus, Schinz.- Indian Wild Boar. Among statements by Ktêsias which cannot be accepted, is the following, as related by Photios :"_"India does not, however, produce the pig, either the tame sort or the wild." Ælian in reproducing the same, adds that the “Indians so abhor the flesh of this animal that they would as soon taste human flesh as taste pork." Aristotle and Palladios also repeat the story of the absence of swine, which, if it had been true, would naturally suggest the inquiry-how came the Indians to abhor the flesh, and, still more, how came the fact to be known? It is notorious that certain tracts of India at the present day do not contain wild pigs, and also that several large sections of the people detest the pig, and do not allow it to be kept in their villages. There are, however, some Hindús of high caste who will eat the flesh of the wild boar, and the Sind Amirs had pig preserves for purposes of sport. If other evidence were wanting that the pig is not a modern importation, and that the wild pig is truly feral, appeal may be made to the fossil remains of pigs found in the Sivalik Hills to show that it belongs to the ancestral fauna. Among some of the aboriginal and
other tribes the keeping of pigs is, and probably always has been, a prevalent custom. Ancient Sanskrit writings would probably furnish evidence of the existence of pigs in India before the time of Ktêsias. 14. THE NILGAU (Acukorpóras).
Portax pictus. So far as I know the Leucocrotta of Pliny's has never been identified. He says it was the size of the wild ass, with the legs of a stag; the neck; tail and breast of a lion, the head of a badger, a cloven hoof; the mouth slit up as far as the ears, and one continuous bone instead of teeth. The last item I cannot explain; but the mane and tail of the Nilgdu sufficiently resemble those of the lion to bave suggested the comparison. The Hippilaphos of Aristotle has also been supposed to be the Nilgár by some writers. 15. SHEEP AND GOATS (IIpóßara kai alyes).
Ovis et Capra. Both Photios and Ælian state that the sheep and goats of India are bigger than asses. The former adds that they produce from four to six young at a time, and the latter that they never produce less than three, but generally four.
All these statements are without foundation, for, although there are large breeds of goats peculiar to certain parts of India, they never approach the ass in size, and the sheep are particularly small. Alian" alludes to the largeness of the tails, those of the sheep reaching to their feet, and the tails of the goats almost touching the ground. There are breeds of large-tailed sheep in Western India and Afghanistan called dumbas," but I am unaware of the existence of any breed of goats which are remarkable in this respect. However in India some of the sheep are very goat-like and the contrary is also true. A wild goat of large size, said to be equal to an ordinary donkey, occurs in the Western Ghate and the Nilagiri Hills. It is the Hemitragus hylocrius of Ogilby.
16. THE AGRIOBOUS (Ayprobows). Poephagus grunniens, Linn.-The Yak. The above name is that given by Kosmas Indikopleustes, & tronkish traveller of the
Mammals of India, p. 237. " Of. J. W. M'Crindle's Ancient India, pp. 17, 46, 47.
B. viii. ch. 80.
* Ecloga in Photú, Bibl. lxxii. 18. Of. Anc. India, by J. W. M'Orindle, p. 17. " De Animal. Nat., iv. pp. 38.
[drumba apporn to be a Persian and not an Indian word. -ED.]

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tail."
seventh century, to an animal which is most this to be, of course, a vain delusion, for someprobably the same as one described by Ælian one hits it with a poisoned dart, who in the passage quoted below. Taking both then Aays off the entire skin (for this is of of these accounts together, I do not hesitate to value), and throws away the carcass, as the identify it with the Yak, which occurs not in Indians make no use of any part of its India, but north of the Himalayan snow ranges. flesh." Yaks' tails are even at the present time & Kosmas describes it as "an animal of great regular trade commodity, brought into India size, belonging to India, and from it is got through Nepal and other frontier states, and what is called the toupha," wherewith the they are much used by Indian potentates for captains of armies decorate their horses and various decorative purposes, insignia, &c., and their standards when taking the field. They from them are also made the more humble fly- say of it that if its tail be caught by a tree, it whisks carried by horsemen.
no longer stoops, but remains standing through Ælian seys" :-“There is found in India &
its unwillingness to lose even & single hair. graminivorous animal (Fromáywy taww), which
On seeing this, the people of the neighbourhood is double the size of a horse, and which has a approach and cut off the tail, and then the very bushy tail, very black in colour. The creature flies off when docked entirely of its hair of this tail is finer than human hair, and its possession is a point on which Indian women set great store, for therewith they
17. THE PHATTAGES (Darráyns). make a charming coiffare, by binding and braiding it with locks of their own natural hair.
Manis pentadactyla, Linn. (?)-The Pangolin. The length of a hair is two cubits, and from a In Alian's elsewhere quoted account of the single root there spring out in the form of a animals of India," which, from internal evi. fringe somewhere about thirty hairs."
dence, is considered by Schwanbeck, as pointed Elian gives also a second and separate de out by Mr. M'Crindle, to have been largely scription of an animal shaped liked a satyr, borrowed from Megasthenes, the following covered all over with shaggy hair, and having a passage occurs : tail like a horse's. It was found in the moun- "In India there is an animal closely resemtains skirting the inland frontier of India, in a bling the land crocodile, and somewhere about district called Korinda. When pursued it fled the size of a little Maltese dog. It is covered up the mountain sides, rolling down stones on all over with a scaly skin, so rough altogether, its assailants. This, I think, was probably also and so compact, that when flayed off it is used the Yak. Compilers like Ælian have often by the Indians as a file. It cuts through brass, mentioned the same object twice ander different and cats iron. They call it the phattagés." titles. "The animal itself is the most timid It has been identified by Mr. M'Crindle with that is known, for should it perceive that any- j the pangolin, or scaly ant-eater. This identi. one is looking at it, it starts off at its utmost fication may, perhaps, be correct; but I must speed, and runs right forward; but its eager- confess to some reluctance in accepting it, noss' to escape is greater than the rapidity of its since the bajr-kit, as it is called in Hindustani, pace. It is hunted with horses and hounds, (Skr. vajra-loita) seems scarcely to answer the good to run. When it sees that it is on the description so well as would one of the land point of being caught, it hides its tail in some lizards, Varanus, or the water lizards, Hydronear thicket, while it stands at bay, facing its saurus. In any case, the statement that the pursuers, whom it watches narrowly. It even skins are used as & file capable of cutting plucks up courage in a way, and thinks that metals must be regarded as apocryphal. The since its tail is hid from view the hunters will scales and fesh are used medicinally by the not care to capture it, for it knows that its tail natives, being supposed to possess aphrodisiac is the great object of attraction. But it finds | properties.
Class, in Babar's Memoirs, Erskine, p. 249. 10 Hist. Anim., xvi. 11. c. M'Crindle's Megasthonda, De Mundo, ri. P. 164
Hist. Anim., IV. 6. 04. M'Crindle's Megasthends, " Called tugh, an emblem of Noblemen of the First p. 163.

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SANSKRIT AND OLD-KANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. BY J. F. FLEET, Bo. C.S., M.R.A.S., C.L.E.
(Continued from p. 233). No. CLVIII.
The inscription commences with an invocaGOA PLATES OF
tion of Siva,- followed by a verse in praise of
the same god under the name of Saptakóflóa, SHASHTHADEVA II.-KALIYUGA 4348.
- and another, in which the same god, under This inscription is from & set of copper- the name of Tryaksha, or "the three-eyed," is plates which were found at Goa, and are now asked to preserve king Shashtha, the ornament in the Library of the Bombay Branch of the of the family of the Kadambas,' and king Royal Asiatic Society.
Kåvana (line 3). The plates are three in number, each mea- It then continues,-from a drop of sweat, suring about 7" by 5". The edges of them which fell from the forehead of Paramathana' are raised into rims to protect the writing; and touched the ground near the roots of a and, except in a few places on the outer sidekadamba-tree, there sprang the four armed of the third plate, the inscription is in a state of and three-eyed Jayanta (1. 5.) Many kings perfect preservation throughout. The ring, on of his lineage followed ; and at length there which the plates were strung, is about " thick was born among them Gôhalla (1. 8.) Then and 21"' in diameter; it had not been cut when there was Shashtha (1. 9.) His son was Jay &the grant came into my hands. The seal on the kesin (1. 10.) His son was Vijay ar ka. ring is circular, about 2" in diameter. On the Then there was Jay a kesin (1. 12), to rim, which is about " broad, it has, in the whom the Chalukya king Permadio gave his same characters as the body of the grant, daughter Mailalamahadevi (1. 13) in marriage. the marginal legend - Sri(éri)-Shashthadeva- Their sons were Permadi and Vijaya pratishthápakah óri - Kámadeva - bhu(bha)mi- (1. 14.) From Vijaya there was born Jayapalah,"the illustrious king Kamadova, the kesin (1. 15), whose wife was Mahadevi. establisher of the illustrious Shashthadova," - Their son was Tribhuvanamalla (1. 16.) followed by a svastika. Inside this, in relief on a And from him and his wife Mâņikâdêvi, there countersunk surface, it has a conventional sinha was born king Shashtha (1. 18), the fullor lion, couchant to the proper right, and moon of the ocean which was the family of the facing to the front, with the sun and moon, Kåda mbas (1. 19.) and a sword, dagger, or umbrella, above The inscription then introduces a certain it. The weight of the three plates is 3 lbs. king' Kama (1. 22), Kamadeva (1. 23), or 5} oz., and of the ring and seal, 1 lb. 1} oz. ; Kavana (1. 24), the son of Lakshmidêya and total weight, 4lbs. 7 oz. The characters are Lakshmi,--whose wife was a sister of king Nagari, of the period to which the inscription Shashtha (1. 22), and who is described as the refers itself; and the viráma is represented by establisher of Shashtha. the same sign that is used for the short vowel The inscription then proceeds to record that, 16. The language is Sanskrit throughout. -when four thousand three hundred and fortyThe inscription is arranged on the plates so eight years of the Kaliyuga had expired that they turn over like the pages of an English (1. 30); in the fifth year of his reign; in the book; but the order of them is reversed, Sadharana sasivatsara'; on Budhavára, or Wedand the inscription begins on what, accord nesday, the first day of the bright fortnight of ing to English custom, would be the last Asvayuja (1. 31); when the sun was in the page.
sign of the scales; and at the time of the
· The Kadambes of Gos; see Dynasties of the Kang- Shashtha-bdp dla-pratishth-Adhishthita (1.23); and rose Districts, p. 89 f.
see also the legend on the seal Biva, m the destroyer of the cities of the demon By the Tables in Brown's Carnatic Chronology and Tripura.
Cow sajee Patell's Chronology, Kaliyuga 4848 was the The Western Chalukya king Vikram Aditya VI. Plavangs warhateara, and the Sadh rasa sarvataara
By this name he is mentioned also in the legend onw as Kaliyuga 4351. the seal.

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(autumnal) equinox, -in conjunction with Salibhatti (1. 38) near the god Mürtti. Kamadeva, who had attained fortune by wor- Nåråyaņa in the north part of the city of shipping the god Mallinåtha (1. 28), Shash. Gôpa ka puri' (1. 37), where the presiding thad & va, who had attained the favour of the god is Gôvêśvara, -and with it a copper-plate god Saptakotisvara, and who was the ornament charter (1. 48.) of the family of the Kadambas, and who had Lines 48 to 50 record that the inscription was also the name of Sivachitta (1. 27), gave- composed by Chatyanarya, the son of Sômanatha, to his Guru, the Rájaguru and Dikshita Jyo- and was written by Narayana, the son of shtha-Vishņuśarman (1.35), of the Gârgya gôtra Durgana. And the inscription ends with four (1. 32)-& rice-field named Kiñjalauga (1. 39), of the usual benedictive and imprecatory in the north-west part of the village of verses in lines 50 to 55.
Text.
First plate. ['] Om Om nama[ho] Śivậya kl Śrêyah sri-Saptakôtisô dêyâd-vaḥ sa yad-a(') jmaya bibharty=&di-varâhô=pi damshtr-âgre mandalain bhuvah ICID Srimat-Shashtha
mahî(') pålam Kadamba-kula-bhu(bhû)shaņam | Kâvana-kshitipa Tryakshô rakshatvrakshîna
Barnpadam (II) Puramathanal-lalâta-svéda-bimdoh kadamba-kshitiruha-tala-dhâtri-samgatád=&vira[] sit tri-bhuvana-nuta-kirtti-sris-chatur-båhureamchad dhanur-ishu-phalak-asih śri
Jayam[] tasetrinotrah III) Atha" tasya kulê játaḥ képi bhu(bhu)på mahaujasah
ku(kri)t-âneska['] makha-khyâti-vidambita-Bidaujasah ICD Tataḥ khyâtô=bhavat=téshu Pamchanana
[•] makhamba hikarama[ho] [!?!) mån-Ar
[] Gühalla-nțipati[h*] sri(srl)mån=Arjjanah Påmdavęshv=iva (1) Tatah sva-sauryêņa
viruddha-Lamki-pu. [') raḥ sarah Pamchaśarasya shashthah | Shashthô nțipah kôpy=abhavat=prasiddha
siddhah svaya dha[*] rmma-bhritâm dhuriņaḥ ID Tasya' suna" satâm-adyô Jayakêsi(ći) -nțipô=bhavat
tat-suto Vija("] yêrko=bhůd=anya-nârî-sahôdaraḥ ICID Tatas-tyagajaga[j*]jhamppa(pa)-Jhamppa (pa)ừ. acharya-dhuryatâm
Second plate; first side. ["] bibhraduatr=&pta-kîrti" śri-Jayakési(si)-nțipô=bhavat ICID Tasmai Châlukya-Permadi(di).
bhepati. ["') satanayâm-adât éri-Mailalamahadevim sivây=Omâm-iv-achalah ICID Tasmad-asyâm=
sjåyd[*] tâm Permâļi-Vijayau sutau | Mahêśåd=iva Parba (rva)tyám Shadânana-Gajana
nau ICI) Tayôr=Bi(vi)jaThe construction of the original is Shashtha-bh-1 . The modern Gos. In Old-Kanarese inscriptions of palak (. 28)... .
... Kamadeva-bhupalah the period, the name appears as Gove; and we have Kamadevah (or perhaps -
Gove, the Sanskrit form of this, in the immediately fol
lowing name of the god Govešvara. prddat (1. 48).............. priyachchhat a. 48).
. From the original plates. which contains an unnecessary repetition of the names, and is ungrammatical, unless we assume either that
10 Metre, Slóka (Anushţubh), and in the following Kamadeva wa also named Shashthadeva, or that Shash
11 Metre, MAlini. verse.
1 Metre, sloka (Anushţubh); and in the following thadeva was also named KAmadeva, and that one or
verse. other of them made the grant singly. It seems probable that something or other in this long passage was omitted
13 The vowel & is very thin and faint in the original, by the composer or by the writer, and that the grant as if it was omitted at first and inserted afterwarda on was really inade by Shoahthadeva and Kimadeva con revision. . jointly.
1 Metre, Upajati of Indravajra and UpendravajrA. In an Old-Kanarese inscription, dated Saka 1179, at 15 Metre, sioka (Anushțubh); and in the following Buradasingi in the Hubballi Taluk of the Dharwad four verses. District, he is called Sivachitta-Chattayadeva.
16 Read anun.
11 Read kirttik.
1. 20)
sheshthadtva
(1. 47).
ht . 49).

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ALT
IEEE EEEEEEEEEEEEEEE EEE
["] ya-bhūpálâj=Jayakësi(si)-npipô=bhavat | Mahâdêrî-maharaj [1]
i s amabhût-tasya Vallabha [ll] [10] Tasmad"-sym samajani guņa-maņi-samudaya-mah-odadhis-tansyah | Tribhuvana["] malla-kshitipas-tri-bhuvana-rakshå-vidhau dakshah ICID Tribhuvanamalla "o-nfipâlâj=
jâtah ấri[15] Mahşikâdêbyâ(vyâ) érimat-Shashtha-nțipalah saśvad=Visvesa-p[&®]da-bhakti
yut[aḥ|| Šr]*7**-Sa[*] ptakóţisvara-pada-padma-prasåda-labdha-sthira-rajya-lakshmih | Kadamba-vams
A[r"]ņņava[*] pûrņņa-chandrah sri-Shashtha-dôvô jagati prasiddhah (1) Tyâg846 satyo cha
sahityê kulê mahati vi["] kram& | neknyas-tava samô råja Shashtha-dôvs Kalau yago ICID Lakshmy[á]in
sri-Lakshmidêv-akhya["] j-játah sri-Kama-bhupatih | srimat-Shashtha-mahipala-svasa yaaya priy-abhavat KII) [*] Kámadêva-nțipaḥ śrêshthô garishthở guna-gumphitah varishtha-Shashtha-bhūpåla
pratishth-A[?] dhishthitô=bhavat (CID) Sat-pratâp-ôdayâdri-sthaḥ Kávan-ôrbi(rvl)sa-bhâskaraḥ karavålakara
Second plate; second ride. [*] 1-archir-nirast-âri-tamas-tatih ICII) Hutavaha". Varuņa-Paramdara-Nirro(ri)ti-Dhanadeśa
Yama-pava[*] na-samaih A-samair-mantri-samu(ma)hai[b] | srl-Kávana-bhu(bhů)mip8 jayati ICID
Evamvidha-gana["] gan-alamkrita-sri(sri).Saptakóțiśvara-labdha-vara-prasada-sri- Kadaba-kula-tilaks-sri-Siva
chi["] tta-vira-Shashtha-bhủpålah éri-Mallinåtha-ddva-sri-pâdapadm-drådhana-prâpta-sâmrajya
lakshmikah (*) sri-vira-Kamadeva-bhûpålah! ashtach atvariméad-adhika-trisat-8[tta"]rêshu chatuḥ- 1
sahasrêshu” Kali. ["') yuga-sara vatsarêshu parâ vfittëshu satsu | sve-råjy-Anubhava-káld pañchamê Sådhåraņa
samvatsa[*]re El tas"]y=Aévayaja-sn[do]dha-pratipadi Budhavâré tul-rasim=upagatavati bhagava(**) vati bhâskarê vishuva-sámkrâmtaa | mah[AR]-punya-kale (1) Gârgya"-gôtra
samutpanna-sri-Nârâ["] yana-yajvanah patrobha(bhd)n=Nagad@v-akhyo yâyaja(ja)ka-birðma-1-nih" II Tasy
Abhu iyâya[] si" jaya Jåkal-akhya maha-sati | tasmật-tasyâm prajáthya baha-samtta(t)na
SỐbhine ID. [*] Sri-Shashtha-bhubhů)pa-garavé vôda-sastr-artha-saling bål-Agnihotriņê Jyêahtha-Vishņu
dikshi- - ["] ta-sarmaņê (CH) Abhinava"-Lańkậparavara-Gôpaka-pury&m=adhisa-Gi- ! -rijesah | ári["] Gôvesvara-devah sarba(rva)-jan-Ananda-dô jayatill) Tasya Gopeka-purya uttara
dig-bhåge 15 Metre, Aryl.
besten in, in correcting the mistake referred to in note ** The lower is very thin and faint in the original, 21 above. through having been accidentally beaten in when correct "This r was cut away in making the ring-bole. ing the mistake at the commencement of the next line. * Metre, sloka (Anushtabh); and in the following % Metre, Udgiti.
three verses 2 Before this me, there is a large blar, owing to the "Metre, Aryd; two short syllables are deficient in engraver having engraved something, or other by mistake the second pada. . * Read chatuh-sahardahu. and then cancelled it by beating it in.
The mark of punctuation, and the tas, were cutaway The visarga, mark of punctuation, fr, and most of in making the ring-hole. Read bhagavati. the i, were cut away in making the ring-hole, which was therefore made after the inscription was engraved,
* Metre, Slöka (Anushtabb); and in the following two * Metre, Upajati of IndravajrA and Upendravajra.
verses. Read firomanih. Read abhdj-jydyari. 4. The tope of these two syllables were accidentally Motre, Arya.
Read Girvesah.

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OCTOBER, 1885.]
CORRESPONDENCE AND MISCELLANEA.
291
Third plate; first side. ["] sri-Mürtti-Narayaņa-deva-samipê sâlikshetra-Salibhatti-nâmå grâmô=sti [lo] ["] tasya vâyabya(vya)-bhậg[*] Kimjalauga-nâmnâ prasiddham vrihi-kshếtram=asti
Tatra chatur-diksha [*] simâ imâh | tasya prâchyam Sivachitta-tadaga-paschimaḥ sêtuḥ| dakshiņasyam
Pattauga[*] kshetrasya uttara-bhågê pêshûņa-pańktih | pratichyam khårikå [l*] uttarasyam
Låta-kshetrasya dakshiņa-ta["] tê prasiddhaḥ påshiņa-paṁkti-sahitaḥ sêtuḥ [] évamvidha-prasiddha-simå-sa[m*]
yuktan*] půrbba(rvva)-ma[**] ryâda-bamdha-karmm-âmara-sahitam pûrbba (rova)-maryâd-ôda ka-sabita tatratya
Samtikáridêbyá (vyâ) gi(t)["] sânya-bhågê vistřita-griha-sahitam sarba(rva)namasya sarba(rva)-bádhå-pariharam
parihsita ["] áulka-bâdha-phalam r[A]jakîyânâm=anamguliprêkshaniyam Kimjolágo-akbyam samagram
["] li-kshotram tasmai Jyêshtha-Vishņu-dikshit-aryâya râjagurave pâdau prakshalya
hiramạny®-ôdaka["] dhårå-pårbarva)kảm âyur-drôgy-aišvary-abhivriddhy-artham sa Kamadevah
Shashthadêval dána-svara pêņa [*] prâdât tasy=&-chandr-arka-bhoga-sadhanan tâmra-sasana cha prayachchhat CID
Sri.Yajsavarya-putra[*] sya Sómanátha-vipaéchite(ta)h | tat-putra-Chatyanaryasya kritir-jjayaté(ti) súsanê ICID
Durggaņa-pri[Co] ya-patr[é*]ņa tula-dibya(vya)-niyôgina | Narayaņêna likhitam śâsana cha nrip-ajñaya (ID) SA
Third plate; second side. ["] mångô«-ya[m*) dha[r]ma-sêtu[r]=nţipâņá[m] kal[8] kal[@] pâlaniyô bhavadbhiḥ |
sarv[A]n=étån=bhåvinaḥ på[r]thiv[em]["] [dr]ân=bhûyê bhûyo yachatê Ramachandrah ICD) Sva"-dattim para-dattâm va yo
harêta Vasundharam [lo] sheshți-varsha-saha["] sråņi vishthayam jayate krimih (ID) Gâm=ekam ratnikam=ókin bhu(bhû)mêr=
apy=êkam=am[gu]lam | haran-naraka["] m=åpnoti yâvad=8-bhu(bhů)ta-samplavam I(ID) Ashtåvinisa (sa)ti-kôtô â narakaņām
su-dáruņâh | krame["]ņa tāsu pachyamt[@] dôvabrahmasva-hâriņaḥ KD Mangala-maha-sri-sri || ľa chha
ta" || Chha ||
CORRESPONDENCE AND MISCELLANEA. PTOLEMY'S GEOGRAPHY.
take it, not Sambhalpur on the Mahanadi, but SIR, -Perhaps I may be permitted to make Saumelpur on the Koil, a tributary of the Sohan a few remarks on some of the identifications or Sone (and therefore indirectly of the Ganges) by Mr. M'Orindle of localities mentioned by in the District of Palamau. Although the precise Ptolemy.
site of the town has not been determined I have I. Sambalaka (141°; 29°30'), anto Vol. XIII. been able to fix its position approximately from pp. 363, 364. This town, which was in the country the indications given by Tavernier, who visited it of the Mandalai and on the Ganges river, was, I about the year 1665. Diamonds from this locality
3. The reading in line 89 above is very distinctly Kimjalauga.
97 Read hirany. 'Or perhaps sa-KdmadAva). See note 7 above. * Metro, s16ka (Anushtabh); and in the following Тетве.
0 Metre, 8Alin. " Metre, Slokas (Anushțubh); and in the following two verses.
This second ta is written backwards. See Economic Geology of India, page 27.

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292
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[OCTOBER, 1885.
him.
and another on the Sankh river a few miles to
NOTANDA. the south enjoyed some reputation in Dehlt in With reference to the inscription published by Akbar's time and subsequently.
me in the August number (p. 233) under the title The statement on page 364 that Sambhalpur of " A Jaina-Vaishnava Compact," I have since on the Upper Mahanadi produces the finest dia- found that an erroneous version of the same, monds in the world, is scarcely supported by the made for Colonel Mackenzie, appeared in 1809 in only extant records of the now long deserted Asiatic Researches, Vol. IX. p. 270. mines, which, however, produced some large stones, In connection with the Ganga inscription pubthough, on the other hand, the produce is spoken lished by Mr. Fleet in the same number (p. 229), of in the Central Provinces Gazetteer as having he remarks (note 7) that "the text of the Hosûr been of inferior quality.
grant has not been published." This is not so: II. Bénagouron (140° 20° 15'), see ante, Vol. for I would point out that it was published by me XIII. page 364. This was one of the towns of the in extenso in the Madras Journal of Literature Salakênoi, towards the Oroudian mountains, which and Science for 1878, p. 138. Other inscriptions Mr. M'Crindle believes cannot now be recognised. of the same kings in my possession, not yet pubI would suggest its identity with the modern lished, make it quite clear that Durvvinita was a Wairagarh (lat 20° 26'; long. 80° 10') in the Chanda different person from Avinita, and at the same District. As an old city of Gondwana, which was time give very important information regarding taken possession of by the rulers of Berar, it has several times been referred to by early writers,
LEWIS RICE. who allude to the fact of diamond mines being in its
Bangalore, 25th August 1885. vicinity. The earliest reference to it is, perhaps, in the Barhut Samhita, where it appears under the name of the Vêna Ganga, on a tributary of which
CURIOSITIES OF INDIAN LITERATURE. river it is situated. Farishta, in 1425, refers to
ANOTHER MACARONIC VERSE OP GUMANI KAVI. the city and its diamond mines. In the 15th century, too, Nicolo Conti speaks of a diamond
तुकृतिनां प्रकृतिः किल घोरा locality under the name Albenigaras or Abnigaro,
__ मानसवृद्धिरतीव कठोरा। which I doubtfully refer here: but, regarding its identity with the Bairagash of the Ain-i-Akbart
वाक्सुधया सदृशी रसपूरा there is no doubt whatever, in spite of the fact
मूख में राम बगल में छूरा॥ that Karl Ritter and Rennell argued that it must have been--the former to the west, and the
Terrible indeed is the nature of the wicked, latter much further to the east, of its true
and the workings of their mind are cruel, while position-Bairagarh (the modern Wairagash) is
their words are as if they were full of nectar : therefore, I suggest, identical with Ptolemy's
-"God in the mouth, and a dagger under the Bênagouron. III. The Loadstone Rocks of Southern India, to
G. A. GRIERSON. which early writers have referred, as noticed by Mr. M'Crindle, ante Vol. XIII. page 386,-80 far from being mythical and owing their conception alone
THE PROVERBS OF ALI EBN ABI TALEBI. to the absence of iron in the boats and canoes of
Translated by K. T. Best, M.A.,. M.R.A.S., that region,-are a very solid reality, as there are in
Principal Guverat College. various parts of the country extraordinary deposits
Continued from p. 262. of vast extent of the purest magnetic iron which 295. Blessed is he who conquers himself, and in some cases form whole hills and ridges, and in keeps his desires in subjection. others afford the main sustaining backbones of 296. Blessed is he whose breast is free from the elevated portions of the country. Is it too
hatred, and his heart from deceit. much to conclude, knowing this fact, that the
297. An ugly wise man is better than a handmagnetic property of the rock was discovered in some fool. early times ? If so, this, like many another 'myth,'
298. The heart of a fool is in his mouth, and proves to rest upon a very substantial basis of
the tongue of a wise man in his heart. fact.
299. A wicked man never has a contented and V. BALL
tranquil mind. Science and Art Museum, Dublin,
300. The best contest is that which you carry 17th July.
on against yourself. See Economic Geology of India, page 37.
arm."

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November, 1885.)
A SELECTION OF KANARESE BALLADS.
293
A SELECTION OF KANARESE BALLADS.
BY J. F. PLEET, BO.C.S., M.E.A.., C.I.E. CONSIDERABLE amount of attention has either of determined resistance to the introduc
been directed in recent years to the Folk. tion of the British rule, or, later on, of some Songs and Folk-Lore of India. In the former futile but troublesome rebellion against it. department, a highly interesting collection was And ballads abound all over the country, depublished, some ten years or so ago, by Mr. scribing these events, and the final downfall Charles E. Gover, under the title of Folk Songs of these ancient places of renown. of Southern India. And in the latter, in addition So also, in more recent times, there have to numerous valuable papers that have appeared constantly been matters of general interest, from time to time in the present Journal and which have engrossed the attention of large in the Calcutta Review, a special monthly classes of the community, and have been compublication, entitled Legends of the Pañjáb, is memorated in songs that still endure. Such devoted by Captain R. C. Temple, B.S.C., to are the Disarming Act; the establishment the Legends and Folk-Lore of Northern India, of the Revenue Survey Department; the first and has already run through one entire volume. introduction of the Income Tax; or some And, in the Bhojpuri Epic of Albê and peculiarly hard case in which a cultivator, Rådal, published by Mr. G. A. Grierson, B.C.S., driven to despair by the dishonesty and tyranny in the August number of this Journal, p. 209ff. of the village money-lender, has turned at above, we have been introduced to another last and slain the man who worked his rain, class of work which promises much, both for and then, under some law unintelligible to historical and linguistic purposes, as well as for the people, has with his life paid forfeit for those connected with the subject of Folk-Lore the deed. and Legends.
As I have said above, these popular ballads There is, however, another branch of verne have no literary pretensions; in fact, no greater cular literature, not so well known as these, contrast can be imagined than between them and not of the same literary pretensions with and the artificial compositions, whether ancient, them, which is equally worthy of attention, mediæval, or modern, from which our knowI mean the popular ballads' of the present ledge of the vernacular languages of the century, which commemorate such historical country is chiefly drawn. Their linguistic and political occurrences of recent date, as value lies in the fact that, being composed by have been of sufficient importance to interest, uneducated rustics, they give us what can be closely and personally, large classes of the lower obtained from no written source that I know orders of the people.
of,--the vernacular as it is actually spoken, During the final consolidation of the British with all its intermixture of provincialisms and power, a people, accustomed by the influence borrowed words, by the men who compose and of generations to the lawlessness that had pre- sing them. And their historical and political vailed under native rule, when every man's value consists in their giving us the gentino hand was lifted against his neighbour and the native view, never intended for European ears, State was against them all, had to be brought of our system of administration, and of what is into habits of obedience to constituted autho- thought of the varions measures that we have rity and of mutual peace and goodwill. In taken to introduce and enforce it,--the popular the course of this, - especially in the wild native opinion about the local officers, who, Western Ghants, with their natural for- to the lower classes, represent the government tresses improved by art and strengthened into in person, and who, in well-known cases, sro places of offence and refuge well-nigh impreg- constantly mentioned by name in these songs, nable,--there was hardly one of the numerous - and illustrations, of the most ingendous kind, Gade or hill-forte, scattered over the Kanarese of traits of native character which are familiar and Markthå country, which was not the scene otherwise only to those who have had long
Called, in the Vernacular, sometimes Pawada and sometimes Lawan.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
official experience in this country. Thus, in the first ballad that I shall give, the quaint way in which "that mighty Queen Victoria" is represented as being present in person in Bombay and taking into her own consideration the Magistrate's report from Dharwad, exhibits what is still the rustic belief in some upcountry parts. The amusing description of the Magistrate,-who, when the news of Rayanna's insurrection reaches him, first wishes not to be bothered about "a matter that is past and gone," and then, finding that he really must take cognisance of it, gnashes his teeth and bites his wrist and flings his hat about before he sits down to write his report, would hardly be ventured on, save in a song like this, which was never composed for communication to European ears. The description is a thoroughly characteristic one, of the way in which the three traitors, hearing of the reward proclaimed by beat of drum, conspire together and bind each other by a written bond of agreement to betray Râyanna, before they make their overtures to the Magistrate,-of the manner in which they then worm themselves into Rayanna's.confidence, so as to have him in their power,-and of their fear for themselves when the Magistrate thinks that so valiant a man deserves a better fate than death, and their request that, if he is pardoned, they themselves may first be hanged and put out of his reach. And, finally, the lamentation of the people when Rayanna is executed, the regret for him shown by the Magistrate, especially in paying out of his own pocket the expenses of his burial,-the way in which the people plant a tree over his grave, and swing their cradles on its boughs, and obtain offspring by worshipping the dead man, all shew how the popular opinion is that, far from being a malefactor, Rayanna was a hero, worthy of praise and admiration, and was put to death unjustly and without due cause."
As regards the universal popularity of these ballads, I can myself vouch for it from ample experience. They are sung professionally by the Dásas or minstrels, who are described so well by Mr. Gover, in the Introduction to his Folk-Songs of Southern India. But they are
[NOVEMBER, 1885.
also known and sung by ordinary villagers all over the country-side, anywhere near the locality of the events to which they relate; and the ballads that I have collected have been mostly written down from the dictation of villagers,-only in a few cases, of professional Dúsas. Anywhere, for instance, in the south of the Belgaum District, or the north of Dharwad, there is hardly a village, except the very smallest, in which someone cannot be found able to sing the ballad of Rayanna of Sangolli, or the Lamentations of Iravva of Kittûr, or the Taking of Nargand. Nothing pleases the people more than that, when the villagers are all assembled for the examination of accounts, one of them, on the conclusion of business, should be told off to sing one of the best-known songs. And often, when I have arranged to have the ballad-singers brought to my tents after dinner in the cool of the evening the news has got abroad, and testimony has been borne to the popularity of the subject by the crowds of people that have come out of the village to sit round under the trees and enjoy what was going on.
In construction, these ballads follow the principle of the Kanda or Kanarese metre, answering to the Sanskrit Arya, Giti, &c., and consisting of feet of four short-syllable instants each. But no absolute metrical precision is aimed at; and, though the principle of construction is distinctly recognisable,-in carrying it out by scanning, or in adapting the words to the airs, short syllables have to be drawn out long, and long syllables clipped short, ad libitum. And, as a rule, no attempt is made to arrange the nudis or paragraphs or verses' in divisions consisting of equal numbers of feet. The rhythm of the songs can only be learned by actually hearing them sung. Another noticeable feature, distinguishing them from anything based on the principles of classical composition, is that final rhymes are used, instead of the customary alliteration of the second initial syllable of each pada or line of a verse, which is the characteristic of Kanarese poetry. The final rhymes, however, are much more marked in some ballads than in others,-according to
Compare the popular beliefs in the Pañjab about the Nawab of Lohard, hanged in 1835, in Sleeman's Rambles and Recollections, Vol. II. p. 229f. See also Legends of the Panjab, Vol. II. p. 364, Introduction to the Ballads
about Sarwan and Farljan.
Compare Preface to Legends of the Panjab, Vol. I. p. viii. f.

Page #331

KANARESE BALLADS.
THE INSURRECTION OF RAYANNA OF SANGOLLI.
#
San-gol-li Ra-yi na yi-ka sar-jya
-
- da ra na
-
mya ga.
J. F. FLEET, BO. C.S.
-
ba-de-dar an- na got-ta
Sam-pa-gam-vi Su-bhe-ya
tal li ma - da
-
(Air of the Chorus.)
ta
wat tara-din- da sut tina hal - li mut-ti-gi ha ki
no pun da
il-la-da han-ge ho-tyo
ban - da

Page #332


Page #333

NOVEMBER, 1885.]
A SELECTION OF KANARESE BALLADS.
295
the skill, or want of it, of the individual composer: and in most of them the final rhymes are laid aside, in favour of continu. ous alliteration or even of ordinary rhythmical prose, in passages of particular pathos or excitement. The tunes are very taking, but, like all native music, very difficult to catch and transfer to writing. The singing of the nudis, in fact, varies a great deal with the individual singer; but the tune of the pallá or
chorus' seems to be always pretty constant and well-known. In a few instances I succeeded in catching the air of the chorus and transferring it to writing, as well as can be done according to the English system; the chorus of my first ballad, for instance, runs as given in the accompanying plate.
The most interesting of the ballads that I have collected are—the Lamentations of Iravva of Kittår; the Insurrection of Rayanna of Sangolli; the Taking of the famous Fort of Ranamandala at Badami by the English ; the Taking of Nargund during the Mutiny a song on the Introduction of the Income Tax; the Insurrection of the Bodas of Halagali in connection with the Disarming Act; an account of the Murder of Village Money-lender by anoppressed cultivator named Sanganna, and the trial and condemnation of the latter; & song on the Glory and Power of the English Nation; and an alliterative prose composition on the Revenge Survey Department. Of these, I now give
No. I. Tas INSURRECTION OF RAYANNA OF SANGOLLI.
The narrative of the events referred to in this song is best taken from the Historical Account of the Belgaum District by Mr. H. J. Stokes, M.C.S. p. 82ff. :
“The next event of importance as affecting
this District was the outbreak of SangolliRayappa. He was a Sanadi,' or village watchman, of Sangolli, and had been one of the Kittür Desai's retainers. He had received a pardon for his participation in the rebellion of 1824 ; but now, rendered desperate by the confiscation of his service-land (a measure necessary in his case, as in others, owing to the enormously superfluous number of Sanadis). and, it is said, exasperated by a quarrel which he had with the Kuļkarņi' of his village, he gathered round him many of the disaffected; and, taking with him the boy alleged to have been adopted by the late Désai of Kittar, he commenced & revolt with the avowed object of restoring the Samsthân.
“The Dêsâis of Kittûr had always been regarded with affection by the poorer classes in their country. Their memory is still tenderly cherished. They were Lingayats, as the mass of the population about them, and were therefore naturally inclined to treat their poorer subjects without harshness. On the other hand, Mallasarjya, the last Dêsát but one, who ruled for thirty-four years, and is the best remembered, had not spared the wealthier classes of the population, from whom he often found pretexts to make large exactions. He also, in the beginning of the present century, resumed the whole of the Indmo lands of the district and village hereditary officers, and appointed stipendiary Kärkūns" to conduct the duties of the officer, the emoluments of which he appropriated. Measures of this sort only increased his popularity with the humbler classes, and therefore an outbreak with the ostensible aim of restoring the family had their fullest sympathies.
"Riyappa commenced by burning the Kachêri" at Biļi in the beginning of 1829. He
• Selections from the Records of the Bombay Governmont, No. CXV. New Series.
Sanadt, or Setaanadt, is one who, in return for rendering publio nervioo, holds lands rent-free or under a quitrent by A sanad or written warrant.
• Dit is an hereditary officer, the chief local administrator of ddia or pargand, 1.e. district; another name for the same officer in Déamukh. The duties of the DAAP or Dalmukh, in the district under him, were very similar to those of Patil in his village: and he had, as his coadjutor, a Despândy A, corresponding to the Patil's ooadjutor, the Kulkarnt, or village-mooonntant. The officers of Desi1 and DospindyA do not exist under the British Government, but the titles are still known and med, as in most cases the service-lands have been continued to the descendants of those who held offioe under the Peswi's rule.
Kulkarni is the village-Accountant.
Sansthån is a Sanskrit word, meaning, literally standing together; a common place of abode, which has become invested with the sense of 's royal town,' seat of government, and is now always used in the vernacular to denotes Native State that is not large and powerful enough to be called a Raj or kingdom.
The LingAyats are sect, founded or developed by the famous Basava and Channabasava, whose special object of worship is the linga or phallio representation of the god Siva.
30 Indm, or properly In'am, is a grant in perpetuity without oondition. But it is now used loosely to denote any grant, present, or reward, of whatovor nature and however trifling.
11 Karkun is a clerk, scribe, writer.
11 Kaohéri, or properly Kashahrt, is court for the administration of publio business.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
had then about one hundred men with him. Subsequently many more joined him, and he went about looting and burning various villages in Bidi, among the rest Nandigad. In a short time he had a thousand men with him. He spent the day in the Balgund and HandiBadaganath hills; and at night they divided into parties to loot. The Mâmlatdâr's of Sampgaum, Krishna Rau, my informant's father, got instructions to endeavour to arrest Râyappa. He placed the treasure, Rs. 50,000, on top of the mosque in Sampgaum, and leaving a guard of peons, he started for Bidi. In the popular account, it is against him that the revolt was made, and it is his exertions which are represented as having quelled it. It was hoped at first that the rising might be put down without military force, but when the Kittûr Sêtsanadis refused to serve, and the disturbance continued increasing, it became necessary to obtain the services of strong detachments. These regular troops, however, as might be expected, were not found well suited for pursuing bands of robbers through close and difficult country. Krishna Rau, after scouring the jungles in vain, came from Bidi to Muguṭkhân-Huballi with a large body of Śêtsanadis, and some Jahgir horse. There he learned that Râyappa had eluded him, and had passed by a littleknown path by Kâdarôlli to Sampgaum, where he had burned the Kacheri and destroyed the records. The Mamlatdar hastened forward and overtook the rear of Rayappa's band at the little tank outside Sampgaum on the north. He had ten Sawârs1 with him, and succeeded in killing four of the rebels. The rest retired to Suttagatti, where they divided into two large bands, one of which returned with Râyappa to Kittûr hill by Sangolli, while the other looted and burned Marikaṭṭi. The Mimlatdâr attacked the latter band on Nêsargi hill, and dispersed it, killing ten or twenty, and taking about one hundred prisoners.
"At this time, the late Desâî's widow, Îravva, was living at Bail-Hougal. It was found advisable to remove her to Dhârwâd. This nearly excited another rising; in fact, a thousand men
15 Mâmlatdar, or properly Mu'âmladár, or Mu'amlâtdar, is the head revenue and magisterial officer of a Taluka (properly Ta'lûqa) or Subdivision of a District. 1 See note 5 above.
Jahgir, or more correctly Jagir, is an assignment of lands or revenue for the performance of public service.
[NOVEMBER, 1885.
got together at Anegol to resist the removal of fravva. Most of them, however, submitted on receiving a promise of pardon; while the rest joined Rayappa.
"Îravva died in July at Dharwad,-it was supposed by poison, taken by herself or administered to her. Soon after this the insurrection was quelled. Krishna Rau, the Mâmlatdâr, discovered that Linganaganda," Patil's of Khudinpûr, had wished his own son to be adopted on the death of the late Dêsâî, and resented the refusal with which his proposition was met. He was chosen as a fit instrument to betray Rayappa. Emissaries were sent to join the rebels and suggest to them to call in the Khudânpur Pâtil, who could aid them with three hundred men. Râyappa took the bait, and wrote to Linganagauda to ask his cooperation. The Mâmlatdâr sent Liiganagauḍa with a body of men; and, as he was timid and weak, Yenkanaganda1 of Nêginhâl, who was bold and courageous, was sent with him to support him. They joined Râyappa, and continued with him, for a fortnight, looting. Then one day, when Râyappa had laid aside his arms, and was bathing, Lakkappa, a Sanadi of Nêginhâl, rushed suddenly on him and clasped him round the body, whilst another secured his weapons. The rest overwhelmed him, bound him hand and foot on a stretcher, and carried him in triumph to Dharwad.
"He was condemned to be hanged at Nandigad, the scene of his chief robbery. As he passed along the road to the gallows, he pointed out a spot for his burial, stating that a great tree would spring from his remains. He was buried where he desired, and a magnificent banian is now shown close to the road near Nandigaḍ, as the one which grew from his grave. Under the shade of it a temple has been erected, to which poor people who desire offspring, or wealth, or health, make pilgrimages from great distances; and where the husbandmen, on their way with their produce to the market in Nandigad, stop to vow an offering on their return, if they obtain good prices. This deification of Râyappa is the
16 Sawar is a horseman or cavalry soldier. 17 The Ninganagauda of the ballad. Lingana and Ningana are only different forms of the same name.
18 Patil is the head managing officer of a village. 1 The Venkanagauda of the ballad. Yenkana and Venkana are only different forms of the same name.

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most singular part of his history. Whether it is to be ascribed to the remains of the old custom of devil-worship, and he be now glorified on account of the excess of misery he occasioned in his lifetime, or whether his popularity as a leader of the poorer classes, in a cause which had their sympathy was the reason of his apotheosis,-are questions that naturally present themselves.
"Rayappa's outbreak lasted about four months. At one time he came to Kanbargi, with the intention of seizing Belgaum Fort by a rush at the time of changing guard, but did not carry his intention into execution. His betrayers were rewarded with Inâms. Linganagauda got Kalloļi near Kittûr, and Yeñkanagauda Dôri, a village in Dharwad."
TRANSLATION.
Chorus. The noble Râyinayaka of Sangolli, the wicked fellow that he is,-is pillaging the Subhêdâr of Sampgaum. Quickly have his men laid siege to all the surrounding villages, and beaten (the inhabitants of them); so that, O my brother! a disturbance has arisen that cannot be estimated.
First Verse. I tell you a tale of days gone by; sit, all of you, and listen to what I have to say.
Pride came upon the Kulkarni of Sangolli. Most pleasantly had Râyinayaka been his close friend; but then a deadly feud broke out between them. When the Kulkarni Balapa and Rayanna were bathing,-"Wash me my waistcloth, and bring it here," said (the Kulkarni), and offered it to his hand. Angry at this speech, Rayanna hardened himself, and said "Never will I touch your cloth." "How then, thou Halaba!" (said the Kulkarni); "how cautious thou art; has pride inflamed thee, that thou speakest this inpertinence to me ?" When he heard this, wrathful was Râyanna, and he said, "I will leave off from now from doing your behests";" and so he turned and went away;-"Look now, Bâlanņa; you must submit to be pillaged by me; know that the
20 Subh dår, or properly Sabahdar, is the term that is popularly used for MAmlatdar; see note 18 above.
Halaba is an ancient man, an old servant, an old inhabitant. It is often used, as here, to express contempt and disrespect.
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time has come for the neighbouring villages to be sacked."
Lit. "from burning for you your pile of wood, grass, &c., arranged to be kindled at the close of the Holi festival."
Second verse. Quickly Râyinayaka went, and fell at the feet of the mother that bore him; and then, taking his sword, in firm resolve he set out.
Going to the Nizâm's Dominions, he stood before the king of Surapur, and, joining his hands together in supplication, he performed obeisance. "Truly Râyinayaka is a hero," said the king, who in his own presence saw him leap twelve fathoms at a stretch. Pleased and delighted was the king, and said, "No one is thy equal, my noble fellow; tell me, thou hero in war, what it is thou askest." "If thou art pleased with me," said the wily fellow, "give me a troop of three hundred Bêdas," and let me choose each man for myself; and I will take the force and raise a mutiny."
Quickly and speedily Râyinayaka took the force, and led it to where all the ammunition was hidden among the trees.
Third verse.-Standing before them in a charming way, with plain purport he spoke a few words to the force that he had brought,"Be you careful, keeping a good look-out all round, wherever you may go." And he brought up the Abyssinians," who are ready to eat a man if he laughs, and placed them round, and thus made his precautions for all his army; and he made his arrangements complete, and quickly gave them the order to march.
Swords for cutting; hand-knives; daggers for stabbing; poniards; and pistols,-(these were the weapons that they had); fierce warriors were they all; (and they had) daggers, and bows, and spears, and arrows, and shields held up in bravery; and they wore armour on their bodies. With one accord, wearing in profusion sweet jasmine-flowers, and sounding their war-bugles in front, with great might, but hardly knowing what they were about, they came on, my brother! so that not one of them remained behind,-saying, "When shall we commence to fight and plunder ?"
3 Beda is a fowler, one who lives by the chase.' The Bêdas have played a conspicuous part in almost every disturbance that has occurred.
In the original, Habasas, for Habashis. There are large numbers, of more or less pure descent, of these Abyssinians,-usually called Sidis or Sidis,-in the Western Ghauta.

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Fourth verse. He sent on in front the foot. Then, sitting down, the Subhédâr wrote soldiers, carrying their drums and bugles and everything that had happened, and sent his long horns, and beating their excellent tabors. letter off to Dharwad. He made them fasten jingling ornaments to | Sixth verse.--Quickly the messenger took the charming long horns, and made them carry the letter, my brother! along the road to chauris and strings of bells, and chain-bracelets Dharwad. There the Kacheri was being held on their fore-arms. Setting their teeth in firm in a bungalow of (bricks and) mortar. Openresolve, stepping high with their feet, and ing the paper, they took it to the SAheb." drawing their swords, they leaped about in joy. When he had read it, the Saheb reflected, say
Channabasaņņa of the drawn sword went ing, "Why should we recur to a matter that is on in front to Samsērgad, saying, "Come on, past and gone;" and, straightway he left his and we will strike a wondrous blow." And seat, and rose ; and then, throwing down his Gajavira says, “Great is the disturbance that hat, and biting his wrist, and gnasbing his we will make to-day, so that nothing shall teeth in wrath, he sat down and wrote a be left inside the town)." And Balanna of letter to Bombay. Kaddiguddi, and Bhîmanna of Doddakili, and Victoria, that mighty queen, saw it in person," Yellaņņa of the Woddase of Beļawadi, drew and took the whole matter into compretheir swords, saying, "O wakeful KAļavva" of hension; and at once she sent five hundred Sirsangi, and Kariyavva of Kakkeri, give (white) soldiers, and two hundred black your blessings upon our weapons."
troops. So all the people, leaving not one behind, All this force came in company to the diswent on together to Samśêrgad, and, scaling tricts of Belgaum and Dharwad, to display it, began the siege.
its bravery in war. And the Sabhêdêr took Fifth verse-Entering into the fort, they it with him, saying, “ Go, without any delay, created a great disturbance, my brother and to slay Raya by violence." cut to pieces all the people that they could Seventh verse.-In wrath the Subhédår descatch. Seizing them and striking them, slash- 1 patched this force, and then set out, and began ing them and beating them, sportively they seeking Raya, saying, "Where can all his forces created such confusion that no one was left in be ? " Searching the water-courses and streams, the fort. Nothing does (Ráyanna) fear; swift the hills and ravines, the woods and the forests, of foot, and carrying a sword, he goes about they set out and came to the hill of Halliha!. slaying them; and cannot be caught.
Rayinâyika spied out from his place of hid. Hearing the news of this disturbance in the ing that the force had come. His men bad fort, the Subhodir rose in confusion and came eaten a meal of fruits, and were sitting there. there, (saying to himself)-"Here is Kasi, and Eagerly getting ready, (they rested their guns) round me are the seven oceans; never before against the trees and prepared the matches, did such people come into my territory."
and then, coming far forward, they stood to Quickly they carried off all the property that await the attack), sounding their war-bugles. they had plundered, and left not the smallest "Look now, here is Rayinîyika"-50 saying, thing in the fort. They looked round to see the enemy) fired all round. Without any inthat no one was left anywhere. O my brother! termission they discharged their shells, and #dense darkness enveloped everything.
bombs, and mortars, and guns, and match
15 Chaurt is the long bushy tail of the Bos Grunniens, used as a fly-flap or fan, and carried as a mark of distinction.
» Wodds is a man of a caste the special occupation of which is the digging of tanks and wells, and other similar labour. See Panjib Notes and Queries, Vol. ). notes 362, 546,613, 614, 85, 876, and Vol. II. notes 50, 51, 52, 274, 916.
* Kiva and Kuriyavva are local goddesso,-forms of Durga.
Sfheb. for Sahib, means the English gentleman, 1.e. the Collector and Magistrate.
* Thera is an annohronism here, as the events of the ballad took place in 1829, when George IV. was king. It is dus, of course, to tho ballad having been actually
composed after 1959 (though by an eye-witness of the events, as stated at the end), when the East Indis Com. pany's administration was supersaded by the Queen's Government. H. M. Queen Victoria's name quickly became well-known throughout India, and is the only English Sovereiga's name that is known to the masses of the people. • 30 The original has aldara-mandi. 81dira is a gorraption of the English word 'soldier,' and is applied only to white troops.
11 Here the original has kariya-mandi, lit. black men. This term is applied only to nativo troops.
* From the subsequent context, it appears that the first attacking force was composed of native troops only.

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2 99
locks, (loaded with) bullets and gunpowder. Bagiwadi. With dexterity Rayinayaka forced The crackling noise was like the parching of his way into the Kachêrî at Sampgaum, which grain. They struck the trees in the ravine. was given to the flames and entirely burnt. The hill re-echoed the sound and thundered. Then passing through the village of (Bail)For three hours they fought, till all their am- Hongal, he came to the fort of Kittûr, and mnunition was exhausted. God was displeased there he opened another device to them, saying with them!
-"Fear not; I see now, that it is only some Eighth verse.-When their ammunition was woman who comes here (against us);" and his exhausted, they were in straits. Rayaņņa saw force sat there on guard, with their swords that the sound of the firing of bullets had ceased, drawn. and he came at them. Like wolves among What destruction he caused! Traly Râyisheep, (he and his mer) sprang in and scattered nayaka was indeed a hero; powerful was the and dispersed them, and, drawing their swords, star under which he was born! cut them down. The swordsmen surrounded Tenth verse. "If you will seizo him and give them, and cut them down, without letting one him ap, I will give rewards,"-thus, in his escape; and thus they hemmed in all the force. wrath, the Saheb caused proclamation to be Drawing out their pistols and canncns, and made by beat of drum. O my brother! throwing all their daggers and bows and spears, (Rayanna) had plundered everything; no one
-there they slew four hundred men. They cat could withstand him; he was pre-eminent as a the throats of all whom they saw; innumerable hero among all people. heads fell down upon the ground. They cut In a sneaking way, three men came together, one company into little bits. When this deed and talked with cunning, and conspired in was done in the ravine, a torrent of blood flow. secret. Then going into the presence of tho ed forth, my brother!; never had such a fight noble gentleman," they sent in word (of their been fought before. Those that were left, fell arrival), and, confirming each other in their down; and throwing away their swords, and intention, they spoke out boldly; and they came chewing grass," they placed stones upon their there, having all together drawn up a document, heads, my brother!
of which the purport was, “We will catch When this had been done, (Rayanna) blazed Riyinayaka, and bring him in and give him out more fiercely than ever), and went to the up to you." neighbourhood of Kittûr, where the army of Then they went to Riyiniyaka, and spoke the pure-white foreigners was,--saying, “I words of (apparently) pure friendship, laying will destroy them, so that no one (save myself) aside all anxiety about their lives. "We are shall rule the kingdom, and I will become pre- on thy side, o brother; only do thou savu eminent in the world."
us; we have come out with thee), swunring Ninth verse.-They cut down numbers that (to be true,"-(thus they spok“), touching salt could not be counted of the army of the foreign and the dang of cows, seated in front of a ers who wear round hats; and they forced flaming torch; thus they promised, with rite them into confusion, so that they were all upon rite. And taking the oath of the thousand dispersed,
gods, (to all seeminy), O my brother! they Becoming (more) mischievous (then ever), were his firm friends; (but he knew not the (they said), “We will plunder each village treachery that was in their thoughts. that we come across, and collect the gold, Eleventh verse.—"Let us go on," (sail) which shall be for our force and for all of us. Riyiniyaka; "we will plunder the whole They sacked Halliha! and Hanamangatti and country, and lay waste all the surrounding Talewadi; and then, my brother! they went villages." They set out together, my brother! and pillaged. Nandigad. They besieged and and quickly came to Hubballi, and laid it waste, plundered Agasąnhalli, Amba dagatti, Kadarolli, so that there was great lamentation. Hunasikatti, and Belawadi, and Sodaļli, God. Then said they, without hesitation, "Sonding gêri, Balgund, and Ittigi; and then they entered all the rest on in front, we four together
* A sign of defeat and submission; soo ante, p. 74, 1 3 i.e. the white troops. note 25.
" i.e. the SALeb, the Collector au 1 Magistrate.

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will follow behind." Rayanna heard their They fastened a noose round the neck of the words, and, losing his head, followed after brave Rayinayaka, and left him to swing, while them; falling into (false) confidence, he played all men stood by weeping, and while the people the fool. They said, "Let us go to the stream aronnd were lamenting, saying, "Such a hero as and bathe, and go on when it is time to eat;" || Rayinîyaka should not have been put to death." and Rayaņņa listened to tusir speech. He Thirteenth verse.- When the noose had been laid aside his sword, and was off his guard, fastened, the noble gentleman stood there in and sat down to take off his drawers. Then | meditation, weeping saying-"Such a hero they seized him firmly, so that he could not should not have been put to death." And, move; and they placed him on a stretcher, standing there, he quickly said, " Spend (these) and bound him, and carried him away. Omy ten rupees, and bury him." brother! the time of delusion had come to him. In a befitting way the people assembled and
They carried him into the Kachêrî and set buried Råyinayaka ; it was as if the daylight him down,--this mighty hero Rayinayaka. had departed then before its time)! They The noble gentleman saw the beauty of his quickly brought a tree and planted it over face, the sign that he was a brave and noble the place, and (now) the cradles swing all fellow; and, hearing all the matter, his bowels round (the grave); and to those who worship yearned for him, and he said that he ought not the outspoken Rayinayaka, (God) has given to be killed.
offspring in abundance. Hearing this, the three men spoke out boldly Venkanagauda, and Ninganaganda, and Bato the Saheb, -"Great is the trouble that you lankyaka,-these three men returned, laughing have brought on us."
with joy (at the success of their treachery). Twelfth verse.-Standing before the noble Channabasahna of the drawn sword, and gentleman, and joining their hands in suppli- the great hero Gajavira, sat down and made cation, they say-" You are (our) father (and a plan. And Balanga of Kaddiguddi, and the protector) of our lives. If you let Rayinayaka Bhîmanga of the fort, and Yellanna of the go, we cannot remain in the country; for he Woddas of Belawadi, went with all the people will cut us to pieces outright. First hang us, to the Kachêri; and, going to the noble gentleand then set him free;"—thus they spoke, man, they said, -"Look now; you have standing in the presence of the Såbeb. Then deprived us of (him who was) our glory;" the Saheb, having listened, wrote to that purport the very fibre of our lives has withered and to Bombay, and with good haste posted the died." Then, carrying their drawn swords in letter.
their hands, they turned, and went away to When it arrived there and had been consi- the jungles; and all the occurrence, my brother! dered, they took counsel and sent (orders) that passed into oblivion. so famous a man should not be slain.
"This is the song that was made by the brave Bat before the written answer could arrive, Basava of Mandala-Hebballi; he, the poet, O my brother! they made haste and hanged bimself witnessed (what occurred), and comRåyiniyaka, while those (traitors) stood by. posed (this song) and described it.
TEXT,
Palla. Sangol!i- Riyiniyika sarjya Sampagamvi-Subheyadarana myåga tallimadatáno
punda wattaradinda suttina halli muttigi hâki badedår=aņņå gotta illada há nge hôtyo banded || Palla ||
Ine nudi. Parvada mata helateva nimaga sarvaru kanta kêlarivistarA || Garva banta Sangolli-Kulakannige chandadinda Riyin iyika hondi-konda iddal avara munda buttitealle kadana-byági II Kulakanni-Balappa Rayanna jelakâ mâdu-hotnyaga |
so Birada, for birudu, biruda, lit. :" badge of honour."

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dhôtra sala tâ anta koṭṭan-avara kaigi || Ishtu mâtige sitta mâḍi dhiṭṭatâna hididu Rayanna muttakill-and-aravi yendendigi || Yakale halabâ jôkyâg-iddi sokka bant-ig-êno ninaga digar-âḍti ninta idarigi || Kêli Rayana tâli siṭṭu hôli Ad-ninna biḍuvên-endu hêli honta hindaka tirigi wolledo Bâlanna nanna talli mâtara hidiyo inna dâli banta tiliyo suttin-hallige || 1 ||
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2ne nudi.
Wattara mâḍi Râyinâyikê hetta tâyi pâdaka biddu matta katti hidi-kond= onta dhira Magalâyara śîmigi hôgi Surapur-arasara yidarigi ninta karava mugidu mâḍidâna namaskârâ || Dhira haudo Râyinâyika | hâri hannerad-akkadi jigada | arasa nôḍid-ivana kanhârâ| Arast mechchi harushav-âgi sarjya ninaga sariy-ill-endu yêna bêḍti .bêd-anda rana-sra Yenaga walidâra ninu byâḍiki kodu | innu Arisi waitênô pârâ dandan-ellâ tokonda bandu bhandâyi mâḍun-ent-endu avarig hêlidâno châturâ || Rawada mâdi Râyinâyika | dawada madi tanda dandana | gidadâga wôd-iṭṭa yellâ bârâ || 2 ||
munnura
3ne nudi.
Tanda dandig hêlatâno hondikinda mâtagôļu munda ninta mâdi wale sistâ | yechcharadinda irari nimvu | suttu-kaḍaśi husiyâr-âgi yattara hôdiri nimva mattu Hastara manushyarana tinnu-hantâ | habasarna tand=iṭṭân-âlle suttu-kade mâḍi bandobastâ vistârâ dandig-ella || Sista mâḍi taiyar-âgi wattaradinda nadir=enda matta || Kaḍawu katti kai-chûrigaļu irawu kañjira bâku pistula | sitțina bhantaro samasta kațâri billa iti bâna dhiṭṭatanal-hiḍawu dâlu maiga toṭṭaro chilkata || Dundagyâmvi hondikinda | gandha-kasturiya dharisi | munda hûligâli hiḍisutâ | abbaradinda wobbara aliyada kabara illada bandar-annâ rana-sûri yâvâga mâḍev= antâ || 3 ||
4ne nudi.
Bheri kali karni hiḍasi mirida haligi hoḍasi | kål-mandi mundaka kalavida || Raigar-agi iruwuwa karnige jeigu jalli ghanti-sarapali mungaiyaga | tôḍeva hâkshida | Halla tinta havapasta kâla kedari katti hiḍidu jigatâ mâḍatâra kusi bandu || Bichchagatti-Chanabasanna muñche Samaaragadaka hògi vichitra hoḍavunu nadiruyend Gajavira hêlatânu bâļa gaddala mâdana yinda yêna uliyada walaginda Kaddiguddi-Bâlanna | Doddakiliyada Bhimannâ Bellodi-Waddara-Yellanna katti hirada sattyulla Sirasangi-Kalavvå matta Kakkeri-Kariyavva, namma kattige byâsana koḍar-endâ | Yellâ mandi kûdi-konda nillâd-hôgi Samasaragaḍada halla yeri muttigi hâkida || 4 ||
5ne nudi.
Gadâda-walaga hôgì tâmvu bâļa gaddala mâdyâr-annâ | sikka mandi chanda kôdar-alla || Hiḍadu hodadu | kadadu badada dandala mâdyåra gamikinda | gadâdola mand-yaru uliyalilla || Yatarad-avaga illo darakârâ kâlil-hagaro kattigåra | kaḍada hôgatanu sigudilla | Gadida-walaga gaddala âdâ suddi kêli Sabheyadâra gâbary-âgi yedda bandan allâ hittala Kasi sutt-yêla samadura matta namma nåda-walaga | hintavaru yâr-yâru bandiddilla || Lați mâdida badaku yella | rawada maḍi wôdâr= allâ ita gaḍada-walaga biḍalilla || Suttu-kadase nôdidara yâttu yâr-yAr=illad-âng-âgi || Kattala gamvada hâkit-anna jyâlâ || Ada rîti mâtagôlanu | Subheyadâra kunta-kondu Dharawadaka barada hâkid-allâ || 5 ||
One nadi.
Barada pattara wattaradinda | wâlikâru wôdar-anna | dári kûdi-konda Dhârawaḍaka || Gachchina bangaleda-wolaga kacheriy=agittu | kagada bichchi, wōdara Sâhebana hanteka || Odi-konda Sâhêba nôdi | hôda mâtige inn-yak-endu | gâdi bitta yeddan-a-kahapaka | Toppigi wogidu mungai kadidu sitțilinda halla tindu |

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kunta patra barada Mammâyakka || Viktoriya yembu hanta bakti-wulla râņiyavaru moktà nôdi tilidira tam-manaka || Aida-nûra sôdara mandi yerada-nûrê kariyamandi kalavi kottAl-ága Ako-taka | Yeladu ashtu danda bantu kálaga-kasté madalikke Belagâmvi Dharawada jilhêkå || Subheyadâra togonda yinna sabara hidiyada höga-bêk=antâna jebaradinda Râyana kolludaka | 6 ||
7ne nudi. Sițtilinda Subheyadâra ashtu mandi boņdisi-koud-hôgil hudakyano Rayana mand-ell-aitenta || Hala ko!!A gudda gamviya gida kantárâ hudakata hontira Hallyåla guddaka hôdara mattâ | Ivara daņdi banta ambu sulawa nôdyânu Riyiniyik || Phalara maditavana mandi kunta || Tavakadinda tayar=agi gidake jyamvigi katti døra hôgi nintaro hůli-gâļi hidisutå || Ille adâna Rayinâyika / andu nodo avara iga paira-gatři hodadárd suttâ || Gunda maddu avata gundu garanálu tubaki karuli hodawutaro illa purasotta || Awaja tadapada alla hurad-anga | kol?ad-olagina gidaka bodadara | gudda nâd-hidadita gaddaņisut | Mûra ta sa hodadar=yella maddu guğda tiri hôti munadánu avarige Bagavanta | 7 ||
8ne nudi. Maddu tiri . banda Adára | gunda hâku sappnļa nintaddu kaņda Rayaņņa banda benna myali | Kuri-wo!aga tôļa hokka mura-murada woga-wogada hiri-hirida kadadâra kattili | Sutta-gatti katti-mandi yattyet=hôga-godada kadadâra muttigi hákyîro dandina myali | Pistula piranga hirada båka billu bâl-ell-ogadu náka-ndrá mandi kondar=alli || Kandı mandi chandi kôdára runda biddavu gotta illada tunda tunda midyâr onda toli || Kollad-olaga katantra Agi nettara kawali baradît=ann hinta barigüri Agidillo yalli || Vlada mandi telaga biddu | katti challi hulla kachchi kalla hottar=anna teli myali || Adakaile urayaka yedda h ôda Kittura talada myâli têta-Piraugera dand=itt=alli | Säri madi bidawun-antara yâru rájya alad-angal miri irawanu nâuvu lokadalli || 8 ||
Ine nudi. Chakkara-toppigi-Pirangeranâ lekkav=illada kadada dandina | dikka teppisi bittArwyella hôti | Paņdar-agi tarawuna honnal kanda kanda üra badidu | dandigi namag-ellárigyågatati || Hallydla Hanamanagatti talli mâți TA ļawadi hôgi badadár=anpa Gadadapyâți | Agasanhalli Ambadugatti | Kadarolli Hunachikatti Belawadi badadâra yellára mutti Sodalli Gôdagêri Biļaganda Ittigi badada Bågodůru mandi hokkati || Chamatadinda Rayinâyika Sampagamviya kacheri hokku benki hôda sutta hôti Hongalad-Urâga hisi-konda Kittûra kileyaka hôgi matta avarige hêļatano igati aõja-byâd=yâr-yaval-inna baratâļa nôdan-ille kâvala kuntzati mandi birada-katti | Yeshta dAļi madidano | banta hando Rayingyika huttida nakshatra sâmarthi || 9 |
10ne nudi. Ayana hidada kotara nimaga inama kodateyranta | dangara Saheba hodasidêna hatti sitt | Säri midi bittan-aņņâyåra idara Agalill=Ar vaga miri kunta saravara-walaga bhanta || Harudinda mûvara kadi kuśkladinda mát-adi masalatta midykro kuna-ganta || Sardârana munda hôgi wardi kotta helatara kayima madi mita-gați mat | Rayinâyikana hidada nimaga tanda kodatev-anta bandara mûvara kûdi kågada bara-kota | Ráyinayakanal=hôgi bânva-sudda mâtan=adyára jimvad-olagina kaļaji yalla bitta || Ninna kadasi iratev=annál nammana matara alavi-kollo Ape midi bandidêvo honţå Uppu gobbara mutti urawu divigi manda kunta helatîro kriya kotta-kota || Såvira dåvara Aņi kogu sakåtav-Agi iddarwanna tiļiyallillo manasinayana bitta | 10 |

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llnę nudi. Nadi hôgana Rayinâyika ndan=yella badada tarawuna keda madisattina halligola | Kadi mandi hoạtit-aņņil davada mid-Hubballige bandu keda må di hôdara bâļa géla | Mandin=ellâ munda kalavi | hondikkinda nålvara nåmvu hinda hôgan=antara âti niwaļa || Mâta kêļi Rayaņpa mana-sota avara benna hattida isawasaka bidda ada mal! | Hallaka hôgi ja!aká madi aņou-yaļeks hôgun=andara kéļida Rayannâ mâtagő! || Katti itta kabara bitta totta chaņņa tagiyaka kuntana wotti hididara bandamadi BAPA || Mandi kadi horasina mêle tanda haki bik-kond-hôdîra avage wodagit=anna maya-kala Kacheri-walaga wôda iļavyåra hechchina bhanţa Rayinâyikanna | Saradara nôdidana ka!
A d hira ambu kûnê saradara | půrå tiladu ivana kola-bårad=anda maragyava ivana karu! || Ishtu mátu kéļi mûra mandi nishţădirda Sàhebaga hâlyára | kashtu tanda ittari namaga ba] || 11 ||
12ne nudi. Saradårana munds nintu karava magidu hôlatara pivaru nimvı tandiri namma jfmvada sutta | Rayinâyikana bittara nîmvu namvu mâtara nådágirudilla nammanna kadada hâkatâna purtá | Namaga muñche gallig=hyaki summana bidari nimvu ivana antâr=ivara SAhebana munda ninta || Idannu kêļi Saheba igal adar-ante Mammâyaka barad AI hâkidano madi wale chamata il Taladag-hôgi chawakasy-âgi tilada vichyâra mâdi kalavyåra belada manushyana kolla-bard=anta | Uttara barada barawadar-olaga | wattara mâți Rayinâyikanna gallig=hyâkâr=anna avaru ninta | Dhira Rayinayakana koralige sawaka hâki tûga bitâra nintaro janar-ella maragutâ| Hinta bhanta Rayinâyikana | matta kolla-bård-itt-antal suttina janaru dukhkha maduta | 12 |
13ne nudi. . Pasa kotta Saradar-Aga dys Agi maraguta nintåna hinta bhantana kollabard-ittranta || Hatta rûpåyi kharcha madi matta ivara manna kodar=enta wattara mâdi hêlida Saheba nintâ|| Chandadinda Rayinâyikana | mandi kudi manna kotgåra indige mulagid-anga ati hott | Ada jyågåda meli gida | byâgadinda tanda hachyhral tûgatava totala sutta-mutta | Satyavanta Riyinâyikaga mattu janaru nada-kondavarigol patra-santana kottudâng mastå | Venkanagauda Ninganagauda Balanâyika mûvara kadil harashav-igi bandara nakkontà Bichoha-gatti Chanabasaņņa hechchina bhani Gajavira | ivara kunta hâkatiro masalatta || Kaddiguddi-Balanna killåda-Bhimaņņâ Belawadi-woddara-Yellanna | kacherige hodar-ella mandi sahita 11 Saradaraga hôgi antara yêna birada kalade namada hôte namma jîrvada kaddi satta Hirada katti kaiga hida-kondu | tirigi gudda bidda wôdyára marata hôdit-anna yalla mâtk | Mandala-Hebballi puņdarı Basavaru mâdida lawaņi kaņda hêlida kavi midi swatha || 13 |
ON THE IDENTIFICATION OF THE ANIMALS AND PLANTS OF INDIA
WHICH WERE KNOWN TO EARLY GREEK AUTHORS. BY V. BALL, M.A. F.B.S., DIRECTOR OF THE SCIENCE AND ART MUSEUM, DUBLIN
(Continued from p. 287.) BIRDS.
ing:--They do not require dogs for the pur18. THE EAGLE (Acrós).
pose, but, taking the young of eagles, ravens, Aquila chrysaetus, Linn.- Golden Eagle. and of kites (or, as Lassen translates it, eagles, Called Birgút in E. Turkistân; Qaraqúsh in crows, and vultures), they rear and train them KÅsbghar.
to pursue these animals, by subjecting them to Alian" writes, that "hares and foxes are a course of instruction, as follows," &c. hunted by the Indians in the manner follot Lassen suggests that Alian" by mistake Ancient India, p. 43.
* Loc. cit. p. 81.

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substituted vultures for falcons. This is probable, since no true vulture could, by any amount of training, be taught to catch either a hare or a fox, the structure of their feet and claws being unadapted for the purpose. But the doubt expressed by the same author, as to whether eagles can be so taught, has been quite set at rest by a quotation from Sir Joseph Fayrer, made by M'Crindle, to the effect that when the Prince of Wales visited Lâhor there were among the people collected about the Government House some Afghâns, with large eagles, trained to pull down deer and hares. They were perched on their wrists like hawks.
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
It may be added, that the members of Sir Douglas Forsyth's mission to Yârkand and Kashghar, in 1872-3, brought back full accounts of the employment of golden eagles for the same purpose in those regions.
Further, Dr. Scully, in a Paper entitled, A Contribution to the Ornithology of Eastern Turkistán, speaking of the golden eagle, says: "The trained bird is very common in Eastern Turkestan, every governor of a district usually having several. It is said to live and breed in the hills south of Yârkand, and near Khoten, where the young birds are caught, to be trained for purposes of falconry.
... The trained qaraqúsh is always kept hooded when it is indoors, except when about to be fed, and the method of carrying it to the chase is the following. The man who is to carry the eagle is mounted on a pony, and has his right hand and wrist protected by a thick gauntlet. A crutch, consisting of a straight piece of stick, carrying a curved piece of horn or wood-the concavity being directed upwards-is attached to the front of the saddle; the man grasps the cross piece of the crutch with his gloved hand, and the eagle then perches on his wrist," &c.
19. THE BITTAKOS OR PSITTAKOS (Βίττακος, ψιττακός).
Palæornis eupatrius, Linn.-P. Alexandri, Auctorum.
Ktêsias describes the Birrakos as a bird which "has a tongue and voice like the human, is
Loc. cit. p. 97.
48 Stray Feathers, Vol. VI. 1876, p. 123.
Ecloga in Photii, Bibl. lxxii. Ancient India, p. 7.
Cf. M'Crindle's
[NOVEMBER, 1885.
of the size of a hawk, has a red bill, is adorned with a beard of a black colour, while the neck is red like cinnabar; it talks like a man, in Indian; but if taught Greek, can talk in Greek also." This description serves to distinguish it from among the five or six species of par roquets which occur in India, and it may confidently be identified with the above-named species, which is the largest and most commonly domesticated of them all.
Elian says he was informed that there were “three species of σιττακός or ψιττακός, all of which, if taught to speak as children are taught, become as talkative as children, and speak with a human voice; but in the woods they utter a bird-like scream, and neither send out any distinct and musical note, nor, being wild and untaught, are able to talk."
20. THE EPOPS ("ETOV).
Eupupa epops, Linn.-The Indian Hoopoe. The Indian hoopoe, according to Elian," "is reputed to be double the size of ours, and more beautiful in appearance; and while, as Homer says, the bridle and trappings of a horse are the delight of a Hellenic king, this hoopoe is the favourite plaything of the king of the Indians, who carries it on his hand, and toys with it, and never tires gazing in ecstasy on its splendour, and the beauty with which nature has adorned it. The Brakhmanes make this particular bird the subject of a mythic story," &c.
The common hoopoe of Northern India is identical with the European bird. In Southern India there is a nearly allied, but smaller bird, E. nigripennis. There is, therefore, no foundation for Elian's statement that the Indian bird is double the size of the European, it being unlikely that any other bird could have been intended.
It may be added, from Jerdon's Birds of India, that "in captivity it is said to be readily tamed, and to show great intelligence and susceptibility of attachment. Musalmâns venerate the hoopoe on account of their supposing it to have been a favourite bird of Solomon (Sulaimân) who is said to have employed one as a messenger."
so Hist. Anim., xvi. 1, 15.
Hist. Anim., xvi. Of. Megasthende, by J. W. M'Crin. dle, p. 159.

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21. THE KERKION (Kepkiw).
23. COCKS OF LARGEST SIZE Eulabes religiosa, Linn.; or E. intermedia,
('AXEKTpvoves péyotot). Hay.--The Hill Mainá.
Lophophorus impeyanus, Lath.-Munál. By Alian" we are told there is another The mundl pheasant must, I think, have sat remarkable bird in India : it is the size of a forthe following descriptive portrait by Ælian: starling, is parti-coloured, and is trained to "There are also cocks which are of extrautter the sounds of human speech. It is even ordinary size, and have their crests, not red, as more talkative than the parrot, and of greater elsewhere, or, at least, in our country, but have natural cleverness. So far is it from submit- the flower-like coronals, of which the crest ting with pleasure to be fed by man, that it is formed, variously coloured. Their ramp has rather such a pining for freedom, and such feathers again are neither curved nor wreathed, a longing to warble at will in the society of its but are of great breadth, and they trail them mates, that it prefers starvation to slavery in the way peacocks trail their tails, when with sumptuous fare. It is called by the they neither strengthen nor erect them; the Makedonians, who settled among the Indians feathers of these Indian cocks are in colour in the city of Boukephala and its neighbour- golden, and also dark blue, like the smahood, and in the city called Kyropolis, and ragdus." others, which Alexander the son of Philip built, It is probable that mundl pheasants, captured the kerkion. This name had, I believe, its in the Himalayas, were brought into India origin in the fact that the bird wags its tail in for sale, and thus became known to the Greeks. the same way as the water-ousels (ol klyko)." The same bird is, I believe, referred to under
Jerdon states that the Hindustanî name of E. the name katreus by Strabo, where he quotes religiosa in Southern India is kok in mainá, from Kleitarkhos, and tells us that the bird which may be compared with kerkion. If this was beautiful in appearance, had variegated handsome and most accomplished musician and | plumage, and approached the peacock in shape. talker be not the bird referred to by Ælian, | A suggestion that this was a bird of paradise then I can only suggest some of the other less is therefore absurd, and is otherwise most remarkable species of mainás (Acridotheres). improbable, since birds of paradise are found
Babar in his Memoirs describes several not in India but in New Guinea. With this species of shárak, one of which with ear- also I am inclined to identify "the partridge lappets must have been a species of Eulabes. larger than a vulture," which, as related by 22, GREEN-WINGED Dove (federás xwpóstidos)
Strabo," on the authority of Nicolaus Demus. Crocopus chlorigaster, Blyth.-Green Pigeon.
cenus, was sent by Porus, with other presents
in charge of an embassy, to Augustus Cæsar. The green pigeons of India, which fly in flocks, and feed upon fruit, are often a puzzle
24. THE Kelas (Kýlas). to strangers now, as they appear to have been Leptoptilos argala, Linn.-The Adjutant. to Megasthenes, or whatever other author it In the following passage from linn, we was from whom Ælian derived his information. may, I think, recognise the adjutant:-I He says: “One who is not well versed in learn further, that in India there is a bird bird-lore, seeing these for the first time, would which is thrice the size of the bustard, and has a take them to be parrots and not pigeons. In bill of prodigious size, and long legs. It is furthe colour of the bill and legs they resemble nished also with an immense crop, resembling Greek partridges."
a leather pouch. The cry which it atters is There are several species of green pigeons in peculiarly discordant. The plumage is ashIndia; but the one mentioned above is the coloured, except that the feathers, at their tips, commonest, and has the widest distribution. are tinted with a pale yellow.':59
" Hist. Anim., xvi. 1. Cf. J. W. M'Crindle's Megas. thenes, p. 159.
" [Cf. ante, Vol. XI. pp, 291-3, where kepkio is derived from the Skr. fariki and the bird supposed to be the modern sharak or acridotheres tristis.-ED.]
** Hist. Anim., Ivi. 1.
6. Hist. Anim., Ivi. 2. Cf. J. W. M'Crindle's Megaythenes, p. 160 ; and Ancient India, p. 86.
* Gesgraphika, xv. c. 1, $ 60. " Geigraphika, xv. c. 1, $ 73. # Pist. Anim., xvi. 4.

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The pouch and long legs sufficiently iden- tify this bird with the well-known character. istics of the adjutant.
Babar describes the adjutant under the name ding. A tame one in his possession, he says, once swallowed a shoe well shod with iron, and on another occasion a good sized fowl, feathers and all !
REPTILES. 25. TORTOISE (Xelán). Trionya, Sp. Pia true river Tortoise. In reference to this animal, Ælian" tells us that "it is found in India, where it lives in the rivers. It is of immense size, and it has & shell not smaller than a full-sized skiff (rkán) which is capable of holding ten medimnoi (120 gallons) of pulse."
I have not been able to find any account of the maximum sizes to which the shells of the Indian species of Trionya attain, but I believe they do exceed four feet. Ælian's account is too vague, and probably too much exaggerated, for any closer identification. There is a marine chelonian found in the Bay of Bengal, called Dermatochelys coriacea, the shell of which, according to Theobald, measures 66 inches over the curve.
It is difficult to suggest a name for the land tortoise, which Ælian describes as being the Bize of a clod of earth when turned by the plough in a yielding soil, as it might belong to several of the genera represented in Western India. He states that "they are said to cast their shells," which is of course an impossibility. He concludes by saying "they are fat things, and their flesh is sweet, having nothing of the sharp flavour of the sea-tortoise." An exact identification of this animal, so superior to the turtle, should prove of interest to aldermen!
Forbes in his Oriental Memoirs (Vol. I. p. 176) speaks with much approval of eating a species of land tortoise in Gujarât. 26. THE SERPENT A SPAN LONG
("opis omapaios). Eublepharis Sp.-Biskhuprá of the natives.
Photios and Ælian" describe, on the authority of Ktêsias, a snake, which I feel un
able to identify with any degree of certainty. The account by the former is the more concise of the two, and is as follows :-"In India there is a serpent a span long, in appearance like the most beautiful purple, with a head perfectly white, but without any teeth. The creature is canght on those very hot mountains, whose rivers yield the sardine-stone. It does not sting, but on whatever part of the body it casts its vomit, that place invariably putrefies. If suspended by the tail, it emits two kinds of poison-one like amber, which oozes from it while living, and the other black, which oozes from its carcass. Should about a sesamumseed's bulk of the former be administered to anyone, he dies the instant he swallows it, for his brain runs out throngb his nostrils. If the black sort be given it induces consumption, but operates so slowly that death scarcely ensues in less than a year's time."
The lizard named above, the biskhupra of the natives, though toothless, is regarded as being very poisonous, and on this account I suggest, but with hesitation, that it may be the animal. It may, however, have been a trne snake.
27. The SKOLEX (Exáng). Crocodilus, vel Gavialis.-The Crocodile,
or Gharial. Several authors who have derived their information from Ktësias give accounts of the skôlés. The most complete is that by Æliano as follows :-“The river Indus has no living creature in it except, they say, the skôléx, a kind of worm, which to appearance is very like the worms that are generated and nurtured in trees. It differs, however in size, being in general seven cubits in length, and of such a thickness that a child of ten could scarcely clasp it round in his arms. It has a single tooth in each of its jaws, quadrangular in shape, and above four feet long. These teeth are so strong that they tear in pieces with ease whatever they clutch, be it a stone or be it a beast, whether wild or tame. In the daytime these worms remain hidden at the bottom of the river, wallowing with delight in its mud and sediment, but by night they come ashore in search of prey, and whatever animal they
* Hist. Anim., Ivi. 14. & Ecloga in Photii, Bibl. lxxii, 16. e Hist. Anim., iv. 36. cf. Anc. India, by J. W.
M'Crindle, p. 49.
De Nat. An. v. 3. Cf. Ans. India, by J. W. M'Crindle, pp. 7, 23, 27, 56, 58.

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pounce upon, horse, cow, or ass, they drag down to the bottom of the river, where they devour it limb by limb, all except the entrails. Should they be pressed by hunger they come ashore even in the daytime; and should a camel then, or a cow, come to the brink of the river to quench its thirst, they creep stealthily up to it, and with a violent spring, having secured their victim by fastening their fangs in its upper lip, they drag it by sheer force into the water, where they make a sumptuous repast of it. The hide of the skolea is two finger-breadths thick. The natives have devised the following methods for catching it: To a hook of great strength and thickness they attach an iron chain, which they bind with a rope made of a broad piece of cotton. Then they wrap wool round the hook and the rope, to prevent them being gnawed through by the worm, and having baited the hook with a kid, the line is thereupon lowered into the stream. As many as thirty men, each of whom is equipped with a sword, and a spear (harpoon), fitted with a thong, hold on to the rope, having also stout cudgels lying ready to hand, in case it should be necessary to kill the monster with blows. As soon as it is hooked and swallows the bait, it is hauled ashore, and despatched by the fishermen, who suspend its carcass till it has been exposed to the heat of the sun for thirty days. An oil all this time oozes out from it, and falls by drops into earthen vessels. A single worm yields ten kotylai (about five pints). The vessels having been sealed up, the oil is despatched to the king of the Indians, for no one else is allowed to have so much as one drop of it. The rest of the carcass is useless. Now, this oil possesses this singular virtue, that if you wish to burn to ashes a pile of any kind of wood, you have only to pour upon it half a pint of the oil, and it ignites without your applying a spark of fire to kindle it; while if it is a man or a beast you want to burn, you pour out the oil, and in an instant the victim is consumed. By means of this oil also the king of the Indians, it is said, captures hostile cities without the help of rams or testudos, or other siege apparatus, for he has merely to set them on fire with the oil and they fall into
ANIMALS AND PLANTS OF INDIA.
63 [Charas is a preparation made from the resinous exudation of the flowers of the Indian hemp (cannabis sativa) and is used as an intoxicant.-ED.]
307
his hands. How he proceeds is this: having filled with the oil a certain number of earthen vessels, which hold each about half a pint, he closes up their mouths and aims them at the uppermost parts of the gates, and if they strike them and break, the oil runs down the woodwork, wrapping it in flames which cannot be put out, but with insatiable fury burn the enemy, arms and all. The only way to smother and extinguish this fire is to cast rubbish into it. This account is given by Ktêsias the Knidian,"
As regards the skolex, I think we need not hesitate to identify it with the crocodile-the nature of the bait, a kid, used in its capture sufficiently proves that-in spite of the incorrect description of the animal itself; but although the oil of crocodiles is sometimes extracted and applied to various medicinal and other purposes by native fishermen, the substance here described, and to which this origin was ascribed, was probably petroleum, the true source of which was not well understood, although Ktêsias elsewhere refers to a lake upon the surface of which oil floated.
As is pointed out on a subsequent page the supposed product of the dikairon was probably charas, so I would suggest that the skôlée oil was petroleum from the Pañjabs oil springs, where it appears to have been well known and held in high esteem for its various properties since the earliest times. Ktêsias's account confers upon it characteristics which were probably somewhat exaggerated. They may be compared with those of substances not unknown at the present day to persons of the Nihilist and similar fraternities. We have it on record, however, that fire-balls, prepared with Pañjab petroleum, were employed as missiles to frighten the war elephants of a Hindû king by a Muhammadan invader eight hundred years ago. In their accounts the Muhammadan historians make use of a word signifying naphtha, so that gunpowder was not intended, as has sometimes been supposed,"
When carried as far as Persia, away from its source, it probably acquired the mythical origin described by Ktêsias; and the account of the animal itself was so distorted that the Greeks
Cf. Economic Geol. of India, p. 126. 65 See Jour. Soc. Arts, April 28, 1882, p. 595.

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did not recognize the same animal as the crocodile of the Nile, which was of course known to them. At the same time it should be remembered that the ghariál (not gavial, as it is incorrectly called in English works on Zoology) occurs in the Indus, and would, no doubt, seem a strange animal even to people well acquainted with the crocodile of the Nile.
It attracted the attention of Babar, who gives a description of it, as well as of the sher abi (water tiger), which was apparently the common crocodile.
Sir A. Barnes (Cabool, p. 65.) mentions having eaten crocodile's flesh, and adds that "The gall bladder of the animal is carefully preserved by the natives and used as a medicine in cases of obstinate wounds and defluxions."
Another mention of Indian crocodiles is to be found in the Periplus, where it is said that, when approaching the Sinthus (ie. Indus) River, "the sign by which voyagers, before sighting land, know that it is near, is their meeting with serpents (sen snakes) floating on the water; but higher up, and on the coasts of Persia the first sign of land is seeing them of a different kind, called graai” (Sansk., graha, a crocodile)."
28. SERPENT (opis). Python molurus, Linn.-The Python. Pliny" tells us that, according to Megasthenês, "serpents in India grow to such a size that they swallow stags and bulls whole."
This is a somewhat exaggerated account of the capabilities of the Indian python, which is, however, sometimes thirty feet long, and three feet, or even more, in circumference. That it can kill and eat deer seems to be a wellattested fact, though how it would dispose of one with horns I cannot say. I know of one story recorded by an Englishman," where in Sambhalpûr the natives were in the habit of tethering goats near some rocks occupied by a monster snake, as an offering, which he very freely accepted and disposed of.
There is an account by Capt. E. A. Langley of an encounter between one of these snakes of the above dimensions and a sportsman,
f. Periplue of the Erythræan Sea, by J. W. M'Crindle, p. 107. . Hist. Nat., viii. 14, 1. 4 Motte in Asiatic Annual Register, London, 1766. " Narrative of a Residence at the Court of Meer Ali
Court of Meer Ali Moorad.
whose dog was first killed by the snake. After it had been shot, a dead deer was found, which it had been about to swallow when disturbed by the dog.
The stories of monster snakes killing and eating horned cattle seem more than doubtful.
29. ("opis Baláosis). Hydrophis, Sp. (?)-Sea-snakes. The sea-snakes of the Indian seas are thus referred to by Ælian : "The Indian sea breeds sea-snakes, which have broad tails, and the lakes breed hydras (crocodiles P) of immense size ; but these' sea-snakes appear to inflict a bite more sharp than poisonous."
The species of Hydrophis have broad tails, as described by Ælian; but he underrates the effects of their bite; for although, as Mr. Theobald" states, "their fangs are small, their venom is extremely potent."
They may be seen swimming in numbers near some parts of the coast of the peninsula of India and the islands of the Bay of Bengal. I have taken them in a net towed from the deck of a steamer; and on one occasion, on the island of Preparis, I came upon an eagle (Cun cuma lecoogaster) in the act of eating one, quite a pile of snake-bones being at the foot of what was evidently his favourite perch.
Alian's hydras I cannot identify, unless they be crocodiles; but theso he elsewhere describes, under the name skôléx. (See preceding page.
Although I am not yet prepared to identify the fish, crustaceans and mollusca, which are mentioned by our Greek authors, owing to the vagueness of the descriptions, I anticipate some success with them hereafter, but am compelled to reserve that part of the subject for the present, and therefore pass now to the insects.
INSECTS.
30. HONEY (M.). Apis dorsata (?)-Bees. Bhaunra, Hin. Photios tells us, on the authority of Ktêsias," that "there is a certain river flowing with honey out of a rock, like the one we have in our own country."
10 Hist. Anim., xvi. 2, 8. cf. Megasthends, by J. W. M'Crindle, p. 163. " Catalogue of Reptiles of British India, Appendis,
Ecloga in Photii, Bibl. lxxii. 13 (kal motapów prow ék mérpas péorra pêhe).
P. 2.

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I venture to think that this story may have well-known so-called ant-hills, they, when ex. possibly originated in the fact that the rocky tending the range of their foraging grounds, gorges of many Indian rivers are the favourite protect every step of their progress by covered haunts of wild bees. To those who know India, passages, built up of minute pellets of moistened the famous marble rocks on the Narbadå will clay. suggest themselves; and all who have actually 32. ELEKTRON (Hextpov) Onpia tò mixedos oros visited that remarkable gorge where the river
γίνoιντο αν οι κάνθαροι. is bounded by lofty cliffs of pure white marble, will remember the ladders which hang suspend
Coccus lacca.-The Lac Insect, and its Products, ed from the summits, by which the honey
Shell-Lac and Lac Dye. seekers descend to rob the combs. What more None of the commentators on the ancient natural than that honey brought from such a accounts of India appear to have suggested spot should be made the object of a story like that the Elektron, to which reference is not that related by Ktesias.
unfrequently made, can be identified with & Perhaps we may venture a step further, known production of India. Lassen, however, and suggest that the following statement, by suggested that it was a gum exuding from Strabo, quoting from Megasthenés, had the trees. There are several points in the followsame origin : "Stones are dug up in India ing descriptions which point with certainty to which are of the colour of frankincense, and the fact that it was crude shell-lac, which is a sweeter than figs or honey." But the probabi. secretion formed by the female lac insect, whose lity of some form of sugar-candy, the true body affords the material of lac dye. origin of which was then unknown, having | From Photios's extracts, as given by Mr. given rise to this story, should not be forgotten. M'Crindle, we learn that, “Through India 31. THE INDIAN MYRMEX (Múpung Iv&ds). there flows a certain river, not of any great Termes, Sp. (P)-Termites, or White Ants. size, but only about two stadia in breadth, called
The termites, or white ants, as distinguished in the Indian tongue, Hyparkhos ('Yxapxos), from the gold digging ants, receive special | which means in Greek, φέρων πάντα τα αγαθά attention at the hands of Ælian, whose account (i.e. the bearer of all good things). This appears to have been derived from an author river, for thirty days in every year, floats down named Iobas. He says: "Nor must we forget amber, for in the upper part of its course, where the Indian ant, which is so noted for its wisdom. it flows among the mountains, there are said The ants of our country do, no doubt, dig for to be trees overhanging its current which for themselves subterranean holes and burrows, and thirty days, at a particular season in every year, by boring provide themselves with lurking continue dropping tears like the almond-tree, places, and wear out all their strength in what and the pine-tree, and other trees. These tears, may be called mining operations, which are on dropping into the water, harden into gum. indescribably toilsome, and conducted with The Indian name for the tree is siptakhoras secrecy; but the Indian ants construct for them- (cittáxOpas)," which means, when rendered selves a cluster of tiny dwelling-honses, seated, | into Greek, yukús (i.e. sweet). These trees, pot on sloping or level grounds, where they then, supply the Indians with their amber. conld easily be inundated, but on steep and And not only so, but they are said to yield lofty eminences, &c. &c.
berries, which grow in clusters like the grapes The above with its context affords a good of the vine, and have stones as large as the description of Indian white ants, or termites, filbert nuts of Pontos." which unlike true ants, have soft defenceless Further on we read : "In the same parts bodics, and have therefore to protect themselves there is a wild insect, about the size of a beetle, by their earthworks. Besides constructing the red like oinnabar, with legs excessively long.
13 This explanation may I think be extended to the Biblical references such as "the brooks of honey and bntter" (ghi) mentioned by Zophar in the Book of Job, and the following: "Ho should have fed them also with the finest of the wheat, and with honey out of the stony rock should I have satisfied thee." Psalm lxxxi. 16.
1 Hist. Anim. xvi. 15. cf. Megasthenis, by J. W. M'Crindle, p. 167.
10 Ancient India, by J. W. M'Crindle, pp. 20, 21.
"Aphytacora, according to Pliny, Nat. Hist. Ixxvii. u.

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It is soft as the worm called skoler, and is found treated. The fruits of the mahuwa include on the trees which produce amber, eating the stones, and grow in clusters. fruits of those trees, as in Greece the woodlouse | These identifications, taken together with ravages the vine-trees. The Indians grind the statement of Pliny, that the Hyparkhos, these insects to a powder, and therewith dye or Hypobaros river flows into the Eastern Sea such robes, tunics, and other vestments as enable us, I think, so far to localise it as they want to be of a purple hue." Speaking to say, that it was one of those which rise in of the race Kynokephaloi, they are said to eat Western Bengal (or Orissa), and among them the fruit of the siptakchoras, the tree which it may have been either the Damûda, the produces amber, for it is sweet. They also dry Dalkissar, Kossai, Brahmini, or Mahanadi. this fruit, and pack it in hampers, as the possibly the old native names of these, which Greeks do raisins. The same people constract I cannot at the moment refer to, may help to rafts, freight them with the hampers as well as elucidate the identification. with the flowers of the purple plant, after As for the people called Kynokephaloi, they cleansing it, and with 260 talents weight of the are subjects fit for separate examination, it dried fruits, and a like weight of the pigment being here sufficient to suggest that they which dyes purple, and 1,000 talents of amber. belonged to a Kolarian race. All this cargo, which is the season's produce,
33. THE DIKAIRON (Aikaipov). they convey annually as tribute to the king
Scarabæus sacer, Linn.-The Dung Beetle. of the Indians." In spite of exaggeration, in the account
Under the name Dikairon, Ktesias described, above given of the red insects, I think they
according to Photios" and Ælian,* a bird ! of may be safely identified with the so-called lac the size of a partridge'segg, which burieditedung insects, Cocous lacca. They cannot have been in the earth. To this dang, which was said to be cochineal insects, as has been suggested, since an object of search, the properties of an opiate they do not occur in India. The elektron was and poison were attributed. It was so precertainly shell-lac, as above stated. The Peri. cious that it was included among the costly plus mentions Λάκκος χρωμάτινος, coloured lac, presents sent by the king of the Indians to the as an export to Adouki from Ariake, which, Persian monarch, and no one in Persia possessed whether it means the dye itself, or garments any of it except the king and his mother. coloured by it, as has been suggested, sufficiently By the Greeks it was called Blkalov (i.e. just) proves that the substance was known at that that being probably the nearest approximation early time. The siptakhoras tree presents some of a known word to the Indian or Persian difficulty, owing to its combining attributes name. An Arabic word zikairon [?] meaning belonging to two distinct trees, which, however, concealer may perhaps, it has been suggested grow in the same region. The tree which to me, be the original form of this name. This most abundantly yields lac is the khusum- 80-called bird was, I believe, one of the Schleichera trijuga. It is found on others Coprophagi of Latreille, namely, the common too, as Ziayphus jujuba, Ficus Indica and Ficus dung beetle called gobarandá in Hindustani, religiosa; but not, so far as my experience which buries pellets of cattle droppings as a goes, on the malwwd (Bassia latifolia), the dried receptacle for its eggs and food for the larve flowers of which are brought down from the when hatched. mountainous regions in baskets for sale in the I do not know whether these pellets are plains. The flowers are used both as food and used medicinally, though it is not improbable in the manufacture of a spirit, the well-known that they are, but I strongly suspect that the mahwwú spirit. It is possible that some of the substance, described by Ktësias, to which he confusion may have arisen from the fact that has attributed this origin was charas, a resinous the mahwwa, like other trees belonging to the product of Indian hemp (Cannabis sativa). It same natural order, does exude a gum. The cannot have been opinm, as it was not introfruit of the khusum, though edible, is not so duced into India till a later period.
"Cf. Jungle Life in India (passin). 19 Ecloga in Photii, Bibl. lxxii, 17.
** De Nat. An. iv. 41.

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I remember when in the valley of the Indus being very much struck with the rapidity with which these scarabæi formed pellets from cattle droppings and rolled them across the sand to suitable spots for burying. The pellets are often larger than the beetles themselves, and the method of rolling them is curious, as the beetle goes backwards, guiding the ball with his long hind legs and walking on the two pairs of fore-legs.
It would not be difficult to give examples of almost as extravagant ideas of the origin of many of our drugs which were till recently accepted. There are some even to the present day the true source of which is unknown.
The above may be compared with the suggestion on p. 307 that the oil of the skole was in reality rock oil or petroleum from the Pañjâb.
FOLKLORE IN WESTERN INDIA.
BY PUTLIBAI D. H. WADIA, No. 1.-The King's Lesson.
but the bright side of things ; whereas, if you Once upon a time there lived a king who go about as an ordinary man, you will be able was very avaricious, and spent nothing in to mix with the people and learn how mankind charity, but had a very sensible minister who really lives in this world." would occasionally reason with him and forci- To this the king consented, and getting bly point out the sin of leading such a selfish ready a ship set sail in it. He gave orders life, exhorting him at the same time to do that the ship's course should be left to the something towards alleviating the sufferings of winds, that it might be carried where it should his subjects. The king's miserly disposition, please Iswar to take it. After some time however, never altered.
the ship reached a strange land where the One day the minister, who was a very out- king left it and went on shore all by himself. spoken man, freely expressed himself to his He found that he had arrived at a large city, royal master thus :-" Your Majesty will and on inquiry learned that it was governed excuse me for saying that you are getting old, by a king who was of an uncharitable disposiand in course of time will be joined to your tion, and had never in his life done any good forefathers; and what have you done to please thing, and had, moreover, mismanaged his state Iswar (God) and to recommend yourself to affairs. his mercy P But it is not yet too late to mend, The king went on till he came to a hut in and so let me beg your Majesty to try and win which lived a cowherd and his wife. Going the favour of Iswar by doing some charitable up to it he begged admittance and a night's and benevolent acts."
shelter, They stared at him a while, but being "I think," replied the king, “that it is reassured by his honest looks, they took him useless to waste money in that way, for I in. On his inquiring of them as to how they have no faith in charity, and do not believe managed to live, they replied that they were that the charitable are blessed."
in the service of the king of the country, “Will your Majesty listen to me?" returned whose cattle they tended and milked, taking the minister, “I have a plan to propose to you, the milk to the palace, and being in return which, if you follow it, will convince you that allowed a sidhá (pittance) of rice enough for deeds of charity and benevolence are not with two, and some gu! (coarse sugar) out of the out their reward. My humble advice to your royal stores. Majesty is to go abroad and see a little more of That evening when the woman went to the life as it really is : but if you wish to see it palace with the milk, her husband said to her: properly you must give up your state for a time “When they give yon our sidhd at the palace and go into the world as an ordinary man, and this evening, ask for a handful more for our thon I can assure you, you will see for yourself guest." whether the charitable are blessed or not. If The woman did accordingly, but the servants. you travel as a king you will be shown nothing were rade to her and refused to give her any.
Told by a relative of the narrator: a Parellady.

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thing more than the usual allowance. The queen, hearing an altercation, came up, and demanded of the poor woman what she wanted.
"I was asking for a little more rice than usual, your Majesty," said she," that we might feed a stranger we have taken in for the night."
The queen, who was as uncharitable as her husband, fell into a rage at this, and ordered her servants not only to give the poor woman nothing more than her daily allowance, but to cortail even that by a handful or two by way of punishing her for her impudence.
The cowherd's wife meekly took what was given her and went home, and when the rice was cooked she divided it and the gu! between the stranger, her husband and herself. After serving the stranger with his share of the food, the poor couple retired into an inner room and sat down to theirs.
While they were at their meal the husband said: “Why did you not ask for a little more rice, wife, when you were given our daily pittance at the palace this evening, as I had told you, so that both we and our guest might have fared better to night "
"I did ask," said the woman," but the queen came up, and instead of adding a little more to our usual supply, ordered her servants to curtail it by a handful or two, and so I was obliged to be content with what was given me, and to do the best I could with it."
Their royal guest overheard this conversa- tion, and thus found confirmation of the report he had heard about the miserly habits of the king and queen of the country he found himself in,
After finishing what was placed before him the king lay down on the floor to sleep, and his host and hostess did the same in the next room. Before the king had composed himself to sleep, the cowherd arose, and coming up to him said :
"Awake! I have something for your ears only, and listen attentively, for I have a prophecy to tell you."
The king stared at him in astonishment, bot the cowherd proceeded :
"Before daybreak to-morrow the palace yonder will be in flames. Do not be concerned or frightened at this, for the decrees of fate are immutable, but take a knife and hasten
to the stalls where the cattle are kept, cut the strings with which they are tied and let them loose. You must then return to this cottage, where you will find my wife and myself dead in our beds. Do not be overcome with grief, but open the box in that corner there and you will find in it some money that I have saved up. Take some of it, run to the bázár and buy such articles as may be required for our obsequies. This done, lose no time in having our bodies burnt with due ceremony, defraying the cost of that also out of the contents of the box, and you will find two gold coins still left in it. I shall tell you, presently, what use you are to make of them. When returning from the outskirts of the city after burning our bodies you will hear a dhed (scavenger) quarrelling with his wife, and presently you will see him coming down a hill with two new-born babes placed in a winnowing fan. He will be abusing his wife for having given birth to twins this year, when he could not find bread enough for those she had already borne him, and saying that he will not bear it any longer, but will consign the unwelcome little ones to the sea. You must walk up to him, beg him to have mercy on the poor little things, give him the two gold coins, and tell him to have patience, for Iswar will provide for his babes. When he hears this he will return home again with the infants, who will be no other than the wicked king and queen of this country, burnt in the fire by which their palace is to be destroyed, because their sonls will have transmigrated into the bodies of the scavengers' twins.
"You must proceed towards the city after this and you will hear great rejoicings going on in a certain part of it, and on inquiry will learn that the two great ministers of the State are celebrating the birth, one of a boy and the other of a girl, just born to them. You will be told further that the two ministers, not being blessed with any progeny, had constantly been praying to Iswar to bless them with children, and that as they were very righteous and pious, he had heard their prayers, so that both their wives had borne them children at the same time, upon which, as they were great friends, they had vowed that if one had a boy and the other a girl they would marry them to each other; and that this is why both the families

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have equall cause for rejoicing. In one of them, however, you will hear that there is a cause of regret, viz., that the newly born boy refuses his mother's breast. The boy will be myself, come back into the world a second time, whilst the girl will be no other than my wife. You must, therefore, ask the people to take you to the house of the minister, my father, and there you will see me lying in my mother's lap. As soon as I see you I shall speak to you and then commence to suck my mother."
The king, who had followed his host throughout most attentively, was at a loss to know what to think of all he had heard. He tried to go to sleep again after the cowherd had retired, but in vain. Meanwhile he could hear his friend snoring away in the adjoining room.
Before the day had broken, the disguised king, who had been tossing about in his bed, pondering upon what had been so strangely related to him, heard people shouting that the king's palace was on fire. He instantly got up and began to look about for a knife. He soon found one, and hurrying to where the cattle were kept, cut the ropes with which they were tied up and set them at liberty. He then re. turned to the hut, and there, sure enough, he found the poor cowherd and his good wife dead in their beds. He forth with proceeded to do as he had been bidden over-night. He got everything ready and burnt the bodies with all due ceremony, defraying the cost out of the poor man's savings, which he found in the box in the corner, as had been pointed out to him. While returning from the burning-ground, he saw the dhed coming down a hill with his two new-born babes, proclaiming in a loud voice that he was going to throw them into the sea. Remembering what his deceased host had told him he went up to him, and after a good deal of persuasion succeeded in getting him to promise to spare the lives of the infants, giving him, at the same time, the two gold coins still remaining in hand out of the cowherd's box. The scavenger returned home with the infants and the two gold coins, to his wife's great delight, and the king went on his way.
When he reached the city he heard the sound of music and singing, and on inquiring into the cause of the rejoicings was told just what the cowherd had predicted. When he approached the house of the Minister to whom had been born a son and heir he remarked that some of the people around looked sad and dejected, because, he was told, the newly born boy refused the breast.
"Take me to the child," said the king to some of the servants whom he found loitering about the house, and I shall work a charm that will make him suck his mother fast enough."
The men looked at him for a while in astonishment, but at last, with the permission of the master of the house, they took him to the chamber where sat the mother with the baby in her arms, wondering how the boy she was so pleased to have would live without the nourishment he refused. The king went up to her, and as soon as the child saw him he began to speak, to the great surprise of his mother. They were quite alone, for every one else had been sent out of the room, and what the child said was :
"Have all my words been verified ? Have you learnt the lesson you came to learn ?"
The king had scarcely answered “Yes," when the baby put his mouth to his mother's breast and drank his fill. The gratified mother requested the stranger to explain the meaning of her baby's questions, but the king wisely refrained from giving her any explanation and left the house amidst many expressions of gratitude from the parents of the boy, as well as from their friends, for the wonderful change he had produced in him.
Immediately after this he set sail for his native country, and when he arrived there, he was greeted by his Minister, to whom he related all that he had seen and heard, and assured him that he was now fully convinced that there was nothing in this world likecharity and benevolence.
From that day he devised every means in his power to enhance the welfare and happiness of his subjects, and died regretted and respected by all for his numerous virtues, prominent among which were benevolence and charity.
Ordinarily there would be no rejoicings at the birth of a girl, but many at the birth of a boy.
The point of this tale, which must be of purely Hindu origin, lies in the doctrine of the transmigration of souls. The wicked king and queen are punished by being born again as the children of a scavenger, and the virtuous
cowherd and his wife rewarded by becoming the children of ministers, who in India are not only people of very high position and great wealth, but are also usually high-caste Brahmans. The cowherds are everywhere a low caste. Charity' in India usually means almsgiving to Brahmans.

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SANSKRIT AND OLD-KANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. BY J. F. FLEET, Bo. C.S., M. R.A.S., C.I E.
(Continued from p. 291.) No. CLIX.
(1.8), through whom the race attained prePAITHAN PLATES OF
eminence in the world. RAMACHANDRA.-SAKA 1193.
In this family of Yadu (1. 10), the lineage of This inscription is from some copper-plates the moon, there was born Singh a na which were found at Paithan in the Nizam's (1. 15), who subdued the king of Karnata Dominions. I obtained them, for examina- (1. 13), and punished the Pandya, and repulsed tion, from the Bombay Secretariat.
with his arrows the leader of the Gurjaras The plates, which are very massive, are three (1. 14). From him there was born Mallug i in number, each measuring about 1'3' by 1'8" (1. 16). After him there was Bhillama The edges of them are fashioned thicker, 80 (1. 19). From him there was born Jaitugi as to serve as rims to protect the writing; and (1. 22), who slew the king of the three Kalinthe inscription is in a state of excellent pre- gas in battle (1. 20), and seized the whole servation almost throughout. The ring, on of his kingdom, and who took king Ganapati which the plates were strung, consists of a rod (1. 23) from prison and caused him to smile. of copper about thick, bent into a circle From him there was born Singhaņa (1.25), about 6" in diameter, and fastened with a who was a very sun to dispel the darkness rivet through the two flattened ends; it had which was the Hammiras (1.2), and who not been cut,-nor, apparently, opened by overthrew BallA!a," and the Andhra king removing the rivet, -when the grant came (1. 26), and Kakkalla, and the lord of Bhamunder my notice. On this ring there slides bhậgiri, and king Bhôja* (1. 27), and Arjuna. freely another ring, about 1" thick, which is From him there was born Jaitugi (1. 32). let into the back of an image of Garuda, His son was Kșishna (1. 34), a very Nárii. about 8}" high. The weight of the three yaņa among kings, who bathed his fame in the plates is 2300 tolas, and of the two rings and ocean which was filled with the rivers of the the image, 457 tolas; total weight, 2757 tolas. blood of the Gürjaras (1. 35). His younger The characters are Nagari, of the period to brother was one who supported the burden of which the inscription refers itself; the cha- the earth on his own arm, and thus delighted racter ba is sometimes represented by an the king of serpents' by relieving him of his ordinary Nigari ba, and sometimes by a double duties and setting him free to roam about as va. The language is Sanskrit throughout. he pleased, -and who overthrew Visala in
The inscription commences with an invocation battle (1. 43). And his son was Amaņa (1. 44), of Vârâha or the Boar (Vishnu),- followed by from whom Rama the son of Krishņa (1. 46), the asual verse in praise of Vishņu, in the same took away the kingdom by violence. form, when he lifted the earth on his right- And he, king R â ma (1. 58), a very Nárahand tusk from the depths of the great ocean. yaņa among kings,' --when the Saka (year)
It then continues ;-From the lotas that grew eleven hundred and ninety-three (1. 62), or in from the navel of Vishnu, there was produced figures 1193, had expired; on Budha, or WedVirinchi (line 2). From him was born Atri nesday, the twelfth day of the bright fortnight (1.3); and from him, Chandra, or the Moon. of Magha of the Prajapati saravatsara which In the lineage of the moon, there was Parara- was then current-gave (1. 63), as an agrahara, vas (1.4), who married Urvast (1. 6). From to fifty-seven Brahmans of many gôtras (1. 64), him was born Yayati; and from him Yadu the village of Vadath anagrama (1. 59),
In Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts, pp. 73, 74, tioned by name in this grant. I had previously I have referred to this grant as the Aurangabad krant ; (Dynasties of the Kanarees Districts, p. 74) interpreted I have now ascertained from Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji this verae as giving Mahadeva the name of the universal that it came from Paithan.
emperor Uraga; but its correct meaning is as now given. 1 Tuhinakara-kula; line 15.
The thousand-houded Sesha, who bears the world on • The Hoysala king Vira-BallAla or BallA!a II.
one of his heads. • Bhoja II. of the Sildhira Mahamandalesvaras of • Vlaaladers of tho Vyaghrapalli branch of the Chan. Kölhapur.
• Rlyn-Nar lyan 1. lukyns of Anhilwid. • Madera, who for some reason or other is not men- Raya-Narayana.

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which was situated on the north bank of the Vadakhala, and the river Gangî, which must Godavari, and was the ornament of the Sê uņa denote either the Godavari or some tributary dé ba (1. 58), and, with it, the villages of Patara- of that river. pimpalagrima and Vaidyaghôgharagrâma.
Lines 96 to 100 record the conditions of the Lines 65 to 93 contain the names of the grant; viz., -that there were to be no fines grantees, who belonged to the gôtras of Va. on the king's servants, either for staying at sishtha, Mudgala, Vishņuvriddha, Bharadvaja, the villages granted, or for setting out on Kaundinya, Visvamitra, Garga, Harita, Gargya, journeys from them,- that harlots were not to JAmadagnya-Vatsa, Gautama, Kausika, VA be allowed to reside there, and gambling was dhryaśva, Atrêya, Kasyapa, and Devarata, to be prevented, and that weapons were not and who were some of the Bahvpicha ádkha, to be carried. and some of the Taittiriya.
Lines 100 to 117 contain twelve of the usual Lines 93 to 96 define the boundaries of the benedictive and imprecatory verses. And, villages that were granted, -mentioning, in finally, line 117 records that the charter was this connection, the villages of Vahagava, written by the Pandit Dhanesvitra ; and the Nêuragávu, Dôigavu, Khậtigârvu, Aluem- | inscription ends with some of the usual inrogámra, Nagamaphâņa, Jåntegânvu, Pâniva, and 'cations of prosperity and auspiciousness.
TEXT.10
First plate. [] Ôm namô Virahiya || Jayaty' =ivishktitan Vishnôr=vậraham kshoplit-arạnavan |
dakshiņ-Ônnata-dashtr-agra-viśramta-bhuvanan vapuh | Vishņārnibhi-kamala-kuharâd=&vir&sid=Virinchir-nyamchan-mauli
skbalita-kusumam vandito ['] dáva-daityaiḥ tasmad-Atrih samajani jagaj-játa-jaitra-prakaśas-Chamdras=tasmâd=
abhavad-amrit-odgára-Sringari. [•] t-aśah || Vamse 8. tasya Purúravaḥ samabhavad=yach-châpam-ipad-gntô dêvânâm=
adhipah smaraty=aviratam vyâlu. T') pta-vajra-grahaḥ | A-brahmamdam-akhamda-timdava-ratha-prasthana-lilám vahan-yas=
ch=aiko bubhuj bhujêna viji[°] tâm=urvin tath=aiv=Örvasin | Tasminneva Yayâtir=&virabhavad=bhamamdal
Åkhamdalah sarvah svar-vani['] tâ-nitanta-subhaga-prôdgita-dör-vikramah | yasy=kdy&pi makh-ahit-ahuti-sata-prôddâna
dhû. [*]m-ôtkarair-akiroņam paritaḥ sphuraty=aviratam tâpichchha-nilai nabhah || Tasmad"
ajậyata Yadu. [*] ragad-apagrahêņa vamsasetataḥ param=agaj-jagati pratishthêm tasminn=ath=âyam=
abhavat=prabhavaḥ pra[) jảnań lilimaya ta(va)pur=amamda-balam dadhânah ICID Yadôr"=tasmin=vamše
samajani sa nirvapi[") ta-ripu-pratâpas=tâpa-[ch*]chhin=nikhila-jagatô râja-ntipatiḥ 1 yadlya-prôdaṁchach
charaşa-nakha-ra[""] nn(tn)-Amśa-jalad hau nimajjamtas-chitram jagad-upari vsitti-pranayinah (1) Khôlat".
khadg-avatanso [*] raņa-sirasi vasiksitya Karnná(rņņi)ța-râjam yah Pandyar damdayitvå nyadhita
jalanidhé[ho] stambha[") m-abhyarạna-bhūmau yad-vrå(va)ņa-vrâta-pâtair=nna samaram=abhajaj-jarijarð Gurjjar
êmdrah sa srima[") n=åvirksit=tuhinakara-kulê Singhaṇaḥ sâhas-âmka|| Tasmad"-abhat-prabhur-abesha
mahi10 From the original plates.
u Metre, Sørdalavikridita ; and in the next verse 1 Metre, Sloka (Anushţubh).
# Metre, Vasantatilaks.
Metre, Sikharini. 13 Metre, MandAkrinta.
4 Metre, Sragdhard. "Metre, Vasantatilaka.

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[2] patinâm śri-Mallugir-vijaya-kârmana-kârmuka-sriḥ | yasya pratapa-taranan tarunê tarûṇâin ["] chhay-bra
dairghyam-ajahâd-ri-bhûbhṛitâm
śrîḥ ||
Yasmin-bhrubhamga-bhîmê
chalati vasumatî-mamḍa
[1] lam chamda-bhânôr-bimban1o sailêmdra-samdhês-tribhir-abhita
imê sambhriyamt
sma sarve valgadbhir-và
[] ji-vrimdais turaga-khura-hataiḥ pâmsubhir bhiti-bhittaiḥ kshônimdraiḥ sa praviras= tad-amu(nu) samabhavad-Bhi
[*] llamaḥ savam bhaumaḥ | Yah" sa[m*]khye
tri-Kalimga-rajam-avadhid-vidvêshi
simamtini-nêtrâmbhaḥ
[] prasarat-pragalbha-laharî-nirvana-vair-ânalaḥ | yaś-ch-aitasya samasta-rajyam=aharan=
matt-ê
[] bha-kumbhasthali
kûjat"-shatpada-gîta-vaibhava-bharaṁ jâtas-tatô Jaitugiḥ ||
Kirigiri
[23] t-samâniya karuna-varun-âlayah | priyamvad-asyam-akarôt-kshitêr-Ganapati[m] pa[] tim Hammira-timira-taraniḥ saranir-ddharmmasya saṁkramaḥ kirt[t*]êḥ [*]
tasmid-ayam-a
[*] jani
śri-Simghaṇadêva-bhûpâlaḥ || Ballâlô vijitaḥ parabhava-bhuvam sambhâ[] vitô-Dhr(mdhr)-âdhipaḥ | Kakkalló dalitaḥ kshanêna gilitô Bhambhagi[] rêsvar"-isvaral durgg-âgrê vinibadhya Bhôja-nripati[m] nyastô=Rjunô ni[] rjitas-tên-êti prati[pa*]dya kê bhuvi bhayam bhêjur-na bhûmîbhujaḥ || Krishyamtê [] Yad[a]-ja-ratna bhavatâ vakshamsi vidvichini-npyanté samara-sthalishu [30] karinam muktavaliḥ"-śrênayaḥ | va[r]shamti stana-mamḍalêshu tarunî-nêtráni bâshp-ôSecond plate; first side. ["] tkarair-udbhêdô bhuvana-trayê-pi yasasâm-âścharyam-uj[j*]rimbhatê || Tasmâdajayata ja
ári-Jaitu
[] gat-triya-glyamina-peaudha-pratipa-tapan-bdaya-durnivàrab | [] girevasumatl-valay-Adhinathas-tüdamani-prakara-Samkara-bhu-(chu)mbit-ghrib [**] || Tasmât-Krishna iti prasiddha-charitaḥ śrî-raya-Narayano jataḥ Kâ[] rttika-chandra-kahti-jayini kirt[t]h ri(chi)reh narttayan garjad-Gurjara
vira-so
[] sôpita-sarit-samga-tvarê Sripatiḥ pâthôdhau saghrinô yadiya-hridayê nirdûsha[] nê nidritaḥ Adâya dvishatam karamka-nivahân kritvå hal-âdini taiḥ krishtê Kri[] shna-mahibhritâ krishimata kshêtrê mahî-mamḍalê yên-ârâti-vadhû-vilôchana-galatsam
[] dr-âmjalai(nai) r=aśrubhih klinnê sau (sau)rya-subljam-uptam-abhitaḥ prâptâ yaéô rârâsayah Sa
[] t[t]vam yad-Ghanavahanê Ravisutê vairôchanam éri-Sibau dânê (nam) yach-cha Dadhichi-nâmni sakalam sam
[] grihya srishtô=dbhutal (1) rû(nû)nam krishna-ghat-ôdbhavô khila-kritâ dâridrya
pâthônidhiḥ pita
[] tyAga-kara-pravyiddha-chulukên-bddhritys yên-krthink || Tasy"Anuj nija-bhaj
ârpita-bhu
[*] mi-bharah
yô Visalam samara
kautukinâm surâ
sva[ch*]chhamda-châra-mudit-ôragasârvabhaumaḥ
1 Metre, Sragdhara.
The original has rather an anomalous character here, probably owing to the engraver's tool having slipped; but it cannot be meant for anything except bam. "Metre, Sardúlavikriḍita.
so Read sarva. Read sthall-kujat.
33 Metre, Sloka (Anushṭubh).
Metre, Arya; two short syllables are wanting in the third pada.
25 Metre, Sardalavikriḍita; and in the next verse.
Read girer.
* Read muktovali.
Metre, Vasanta tilaka.
* Read náthas-chda.
30 Metre, SArdulavikridita; and in the next two verses.
31 Read finita.
3 Read rajayah.
33 Metre, Vasanta ilaka.

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NOVEMBER, 1885.) SANSKRIT AND OLD-KANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
317
[") ņâm-agrê sa-mûla-vibhavam
dalayân-chakâra ||
Tasmád”-abhûd=Âmaņa-bhůmipälah
samasta.
[") mâhêśvara-mauliratnaṁ alikhyê(khya)t=ôchchaiḥ khura-lêkhanibhir=yad-vâjibhira
dikshu jaya-pra{"] bastil || Prasahya tasmad-apahritya bhunkte Krishn-âtmâjah svâm-avanim sa
Ramah yasy-âsi[*] r=ujli*]rimbhita-kairav-ábhair-diśd yasõbhiḥ surabhîkarôti || Mahâmâhêśvarah" srîmân
Râma[-] {"] kshôņibhritâm garuß |( yasah-kshîrêņa yah Sambhôr-mûrttîr-asht=abhishimchati ||
Yat-paạya-giri. ["] garbh-ottha-yasô-mâruta-madald | brahmânļa-param-aņunâm-abhavad=bahulam rajah ||
Praptah* éri. {"] Råma-bhâpô=pasarata ripavaḥ samgarád=Asu hitvå rajya sapt-
Agam=état-pibata bhavi jalam ["] sitalam kvåpi yâtåhl nồ chêd=asy-âsi-dhârâ-vidalita-vapushas=tat-kshaņâd=ôva
divya de ["') haṁ prâpy=âmara-strijana-nayana-nava-prêma-sampat-sudhâ[**] vê || Åsamấanti"? cha
vamsa-jaḥ kati-ka["] ti-prajña bhavishyamti cha sphitaḥ sastra-bhřitah kalasu kubalâ dharttâ vitâh
karmathah | va["] royô=yam panar=éva Rama-nțipatih pratyarthinâm=arthinâm ô na kvapi parashma
(ima) khah kshitital-A[*] lankára-chuđâmaṇiḥ || Vak"-prapamcha-pravahaņai ritka (kta) yad-guna-sågaram [lo]
aparayamta n=8-param tari[*] tum kavi-navikah | Sakhalvaevamvidha-guna-gan-Alannkrita-tanur-anârata-draviņas
vitarana[] kritârthikrit-arthi-sârthah ! sakala-paripamthi-pârthivån vinirjjitya nija-kula-kra[8] m-agata-sârnmrajya-padam-uddhitya dadhânô råya-Narayan Rama-nfipatih Sêgna-dês-&fj lamkâra-bhûtam Gôdâvary-uttara-kûla-sthitam Vadathanagrama[m*] Påtârapimpalagrâma
Vaidyaghôgharagrâma-dva[] ya-sahitam-agrahârikritys nidhi-nikshêpa-jala-påshåņa-sulka-mô(mau)lika-śrônadâņa.
dada-kâruk-a["] di-samast-âdâya-sahitam raja-rajapurushair-apyran-amguli-nird&sya[m] pravishța-grâma
dvaya-sahitam chatur-Agh[" na-visuddha bhakti-sraddh-âtisaya-hiraṇy-akshat-ôdaka-sahitam Sa(sa)kê cha ekadasagu tri-navaty-adhi.
Second plate ; second side. [") késhv=atîtésha 1193 varttamara-Prajapati-samvatsar-&mtargata-Magha-suddha-dvadasyam
Vo(bu)dhå åtma["] naḥ śri-Saraṁga“pâni-prity-artham nânâ-gôtrêbhyah sapta-paṁchâśat-samkhyâkebhyo
vrå (brâ)hmanêbhyah [") prâdât [ll] Tê cha vra(brå)hmaņa nåmat8 likhyamte [lo] Tatra Bahvộichal
Vásishthagðtra-Govimda-suta-Vishņu [lo] ["] Mudgalagôtra-Padmanabha-suta-Jâný | Vašishthagðtra-Damodara-suta-Rayaladêvå (va )
Vishnavriddha["') gôtra-Damodara-suta-Vishnu Bhâradvája (ja)gôtra-Ravaladeva-suta-Jánů | Kaundinya
götra-Dhara- 1 " Metre, Upajati of Indravajra and Upendravajr&; * Road Adamsashti.-Metre, Sardúlavikridita. And in the next verse.
3 Metre, Siðka (AnushțubD.) 10 Rand Sronadana? * Metro, Sloka (Anushţubh); and in the next verse.
3' Read adhrajya. Metre, Sragdhard.
*1 Read Sariga,
Ξ Ξ Ξ Ξ Ξ Ξ Ξ Ξ Ξ Ξ ΞΞΞ

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318
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[NOVEMBER, 1885.
["] ņů"-suta-Prabhakara | Visvâmitragôtra-Gôvimda-suta-Májà | Gargagôtra-Nagadēva
suta-Vamana [") Haritagðtra-Apadêva-sutu-Sridhara Gârgyagôtra-Raghava-suta-Kéśava | Kaundinya
gôtra-Gau[""] tama-sata-Mahadeva! Jamadagnya Vatsagðtra-Mâmyadêva-sata-Narasimha | Harita
gôtra-Ananta-suta["] Siramga" | Bhåradvâjagôtra-Vinayaka-suta-Jasamarta Bharadvajagôtra-Vinayaka
suta-Ar["] ddva Bhåradvajagòtra-Vâmidêva-sata-Krishņa Kaundinyagôtra-Isvara-sata-Krishna ["] Kaunļinyagðtra-Krishņa-suta-Purush(sha) | Kaumļinyagðtra-Krishna-suta-Rama
Bharadvá[") jagôtra-Mallinatha-suta-Bhino(na) | Haritagðtra-Haridêva-suta-Lakshmidhara Vasi["] shthagôtra-Gôviņda-suta-Någadeva! Våsishthagôtra-Govinda-sata-Kesava! Viávámi5107 tragôtra-Sripati-guta-Elhugi Kaumdinyagðtra-Någadeva-suta-Isvara | Gauta["'] magôtra-Dhan śvara-suta-Vamana Bharad våjagôtra-Gadadhara-suta-Brahmadêva
Gantama["] gôtra-Dâmôdara-sata-Dhanesvara Mudgalagótra-Madhava-suta-Govinda | Bhârad vâja
gôtra["] Narayana-suta-Gangadhara Bharadvajagôtra-Gamgadhara-suta-Jagannatha || Atha
Taittiri. [*] yah (1) Kausdinyagðtra-Sômanåtha-sata-Padamanatha (bha)bhatta Kaundinya
gôtra-Padmanabha-suta-Na[") rasimha Kaumdinyagôtra-Padmanabha-suta-Sômanatha Kaamdinyagôtra
Padmanabha-suta-Sa[") ranga 1 Kaumdinyagðtra-Padmanabha-suta-Gaņēsvara | Kaumdinyagðtra-Padmanabha
anta-Hari. [*] hara Kaundinyagðtra-Padroanabha-sata-Trivikrama Kabyapagðtra-Mahâdêva-sata
Kächishtha(?) "] Gargyagðtra-Dévanna-suta-Divakara | Kausikagôtra-Mallidova-sata-Vishņu! Vadhryasva[] gôtra-Någadêva-suta-Vishṇa | Atrêyagôtra-Rama-suta-SÁramga | Kasyapagôtra-Kama[*] déva-suta-Sômanatha Gautamagôtra-Vishņu-guta-Cha yêri Gárgyagộtra-Narayana-su["] ta-Vishņu Kaumdinyagtra-Sårangabhatta-suta-Rishidova | Dêvaratagôtra-Tildapa
suta-Trâïd[8*]. {") va Kaumdinyagðtra-Nagadðva-guta-Aditya | Kaunļinyagðtra-Narasimha-suta-Vishnu
Dêvarata["] gôtra-Narayana-suta-Bopadêva Devarâtagôtra-Bopadêva-suta-Rama Devaratagô["] tra-Narayana-suta-Vishņu Bhärad vajagôtra-Janârdana-suta-Krishna Devaratagðtra
Nára. ["] yana-suta-Ananta Atha Bahvpichô(chah) III) Bharadvajagôtra-Vishnu-buta=
Råmapandi["] ta' Bharadvajag ôtra-Rimapamạita-sata-Mdimdēva-pamdita | Evam=anka["] tô=pi 57 [II] Ath=âghâ¢âḥ [l*) pârvataḥ Våhagâmva agn@y[e] Ndüragamvu dakshi["] ņê Déigamvu tatha Garga paschimê Ganga tathi Khatigârvu tath Âluës
] Kasuva tathi Nagamathiņa vâya vyem“ Järntegamvu uttarem" Pâniva fbânyd. Vada[] khala [*] Evam sarv-agbâta-viása (su)ddhah S&-pravishta-kbêtaka-sahitag=trayð gråmaḥ ICID Atracheai
Third plate. ["] vam samayah (1) Raja-sevakånám Vasatidanda-praynadamdau na stah (ID)
Tatha [lo] Å"-chardr-arka
. Read Dhnrand. * Read udyavye.
Read ruta-Sarashga. ** Read uttare.
Metro, $10ka (Apustubh).

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NOVEMBER, 1885.]
SANSKRIT GEOGRAPHY OF INDIA,
319
["] m=idam bhôjyam=êbhir=êshậm cha vamśajaiḥ vasadbhir=8va bhôktavya na
cheadhêyam kad[""] chana || Paņyø -âmganânâń sadanaṁ na dêyaṁ dyâta-prachârô=pi nivâraņiyah |
sastr-adi[90] kam ch-api na dharaniyam sat-karma-pishthair=bhavitavyam=ébhih || Asya
dharmasya saraksha[101] ņê phalam=iti sm-dhuḥ prâmchở máharshayaḥ || Ganyaṁtês påmsavô=bhûmêr
ganyamtê vpishti[109] vindavah na ganyatê vidhâtr-âpi dharma-samrakshaņê phalan || Bahubhir=
vasudhâ dattâ râjabhiḥ [108] Sagar-âdibhiḥ yasya yasya yadà bhumis-tasya tasya tada phalam || Ata év=
Ahs Râmabha[104] draḥ (1) Sâmányo"=yam dharma-setar=nripaņam kalê kalê pålaniyo bhavadhhihi
sårvån=e[*] tân bhavinah parthivandrận rũbhủ)ô bhủyo vẫchatê Râmabhadrah || Madoo.
vamsa-jah para-mahipa[1] ti-vamsa-jâ và på påd=apêta-manas8 bhuvi bhậvi-bhūpâh yê pålayamti mama
dharmam=i. [or] maí samagram têbhyð mayâ virachitô=mjaliraêsha mûrdhni | No=sti bhůmi
saman dânam n=asti râ[108] jñah samô garuh | n-âsti satya-samô dharmô n=asti dâna-samổ nidhiḥ ||
Agnishtôma-pra[100] bhritibhir-ishtvå yajñaiḥ sa-dakshinaiḥ | na, tat-phalam=avåpnôti bhůmi-dânåd=
yad=aśnute | [1] Apaharataḥ samarthasy=&py=upekshakasya t[uo] dva viparitam phalam=ahuh 11
Gåm=@kaṁ ratni W kâm-êkam bhûmêr=apy=kamwangalam haran-narakam=åpnotiyâvad=a-bhůta
samplavam || Datâ das=a[***] nugriphna(hņā)ti daśa da (ha)ặti tath=ákshipan pârva-dattâm haran
bhumim narakây=pagachchhati | [11] Na dadâti prali(ti)śruta[mo] | dattån v=aharatê tu yah | tan cha dvau
vâruņaih påéais=tapyêtê Mțityu1147 annát | Vindhy-ktavishya-tôyåsa sushka-kotara-sayinah | krishņa-saranh praja[4] yamtê vra(bra)hma-bhůmy-apahårakåh || Patamty=aśrūņi radatâm dinânâm-avasida
tâm | Trâ(bra)hma pa.. 1107 namh hata ksh@tre hanti traipurusha kulam | Sva-dattam para-dattar Vå vô
harêta vasu[m]dharim shashti. [") rva(va)rgha-sahasråņi vishtayam jáyatë krimiħ || Chha || Likhitam pamhi(di)ta
Dhanesvarêņa || Chha [""] Mangalam maha-brih | Om Sivam-astu! Chha ||
ON THE IDENTIFICATION OF PLACES IN THE SANSKRIT GEOGRAPHY
OF INDIA.
BY J. BURGESS, LL.D., C.I.E. In the first volume of this Journal (p. 21), ancient Sanskrit Geography of India, --and an Professor Ramkrishna Gopal Bhandarkar called index of the names in Paņini together with the attention to the importance of Papini and his epithets applied to any of them in the scholia commentators for occasional elucidations of the would be most valuable. But if we are to
* Metro, Indravajrd.
* Vasantatilaka. * Metre, sloks (Anushtabi); and in the next two " Metre, sloks (Anushtabh); end in the following Tersen. ** Metre, SAlin. Петер теге.
* Read earph.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
make much progress in this branch of research it will be necessary also to analyse the geographical lists in the Itihasas, Puranas, Kôshas, and every other available source of information. And of late years so many Sanskrit works have been edited with indexes that this task is not at all so formidable as it was not very long since, if only a few scholars would collect and arrange the passages relating to the same places and places of the same name, a great deal of light would be thrown upon the localities of many ancient geographical names.
Thus, for the identification of Malaya, discussed by Mr. Keshav H. Dhruva (ante, p. 105f.)-before trying to find some name resembling Malaya in the pages of Hiuen Tsiang, it would be well to see first whether any help can be derived from other Sanskrit writings. There is a special difficulty in this case, in the fact that the Southern M a la y a is so very well known that copyists and commentators, if not original writers themselves, may have mistaken the northern for the southern district of the name. The references we do find are also very vague. In Mahabharata, vi. 353, we have a list of peoples :-" Vidêhas, Magadhas, Svakshas, Mala ya s' and Vijayas." In the Vishnu-Purana (Hall's ed.) vol. II. pp. 165-6, the same names occur in the same order; and in the Rámáyana, iv. 40, 25, we have "Sumbhas, Mânyas, Vidêhas, Malayas, and Kâsikôsalas." The Vidêhas, Magadhas and Kasikôśalas, at least are well known northern races, and the Malay as being associated with them, is in favour of the latter also being a northern people. In the Ratnakusha (Aufrecht's Catalogue, p. 3526) M a 1 a y a des a is merely named as one of the forty-eight désas, which are not there arranged in any intelligible order. In the colophon of the Berlin MS. (Chambers' Coll. No. 215) of the Sankhayanasútrapaddhita (Weber's Catal. p. 28, No. 110), the author, Ashțâkshara, is called a native of Malayadêsa. Lastly in Nepal, on the
The Bombay edition has Malaja here.
Among the references usually supposed to apply to the Southern Malaya, which are very numerous, there may be some which really apply only to the Northern.
3 Lassen prefers the reading of the Paris MS. which is Kaulobha, and would identify the Kulabhas with the Colubae of Pliny (H. Nat., lib. iv. c. 23); see Ind. Alterthum., 2nd ed. Vol. II. p. 215. The Kulátas are mentioned in the Brihat-Sanishita, xiv. 22, as a people in the northwest, Madras, Asmakas, Kulütas, Lahada (or Lada
[NOVEMBER, 1885.
upper waters of the Gandaka and Râptâ, is a district still known as Malayabhumi, whose chief town Deorâ or Malêbhum is in lat. 28°33' N., long. 83°6′ E. On referring to Lassen (Ind. Alt., 2d. ed., Vol. I. p. 75) we find that he calls this district also Pârvata,-apparently on the authority of Fr. Hamilton (Acc. of Nepal, p. 270) and in a footnote he remarks that Malaya is a non-Sanskritic name for 'hill,' but is old; and cites the Mudrárakshasa where king Malaya kê tu appears as son of the mountainking Pârvata, and his confederates are called Malaya and Kaulûbha or Kaulûta.' This is more satisfactory than the identification proposed by Mr. K. H. Dhruva with Hiuen Tsiang's Mo-lo-so, otherwise called San-po-ho. The supposed reading Mo-lo-pho, moreover, which General Cunningham prefers, is expressly cancelled by Julien as an erratum; and the other name seems to connect the district with Ch a mpâka (hodie Chambâ)* near the sources of the Ravi. Malayabhumi or Pârvata, with its capital on the Gandaka, would seem to answer best to the Malaya of the Mudrárákshasa, Mahabharata, &c., and its chief city, unless we force our texts, which should, if possi ble, be always avoided.
Again, in Lassen's note just referred to, the Little Gandaki river is identified with the Ajitavati which is Julien's reading of 'O-shi-to-fa-ti, explained by Hiuen Tsiang as meaning wu-shing-'invincible.' Formerly,' the Chinese editor says, 'it was incorrectly called 'O-li-lo-po-ti-ho; in old times it was also called Hi-lai-na-fa-ti-in Chinese Yeu-kin-ho' (Hiranyavati). From this statement Lassen (Ind. Alterthum. Vol. IV. p. 686n) concludes that Hiranyavati was not the correct name of the river on which was Râ magrama, and which flowed 3 or 4 li to the north-west of Kusinagara. Klaproth (Foe-koue-kie, p. 236) had conjectured the name to be Hiranyavati or Svarṇavati. Now though the names Hiranyavati and Ajitavati have been accepted
ha)," &c. and again (él. 29) in the north-east,-"Abhisaras, Daradas, Tanganas, Kulitas, Sairindhas," &c., also in the Vishnu-Purána. In Ramayana, iv. 43, 8, we have Kolaka, with the variants Kôlûta and Sailuta; conf. V, de Saint-Martin's Mem. Analyt., pp. 81-84, and Étude sur la Geog. Gr. pp. 300-303.
Julien also suggests Sampaha as an equivalent of the Chinese syllables.
Vie de Hiouen Thsang, p. 130; conf. Burnouf, Introd (2nd ed.) p. 76n,

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SANSKRIT GEOGRAPHY OF INDIA.
321
by Cunningham and others, the latter does not | dha sein Leben, p. 94) takes objection to this, and occur, so far as we know, in Sanskțit litera. | it must be evident that the forcing of names ture. Hi-lian occurs in Fa-hian (ch. xxiv.), like Rôhiņi and Kohana into unison must be and in the Fo-su-hing-tsang-king of Aáva. fatal to any scientific system of identification. ghosha, we are told that after Buddha had par- These two cases may show how careful it taken of Chunda's repast, he went onwards to is necessary to be in arriving at a conclusion the town of Kuśi crossing the rivers Tsae-kieuh on points of this kind. and Hi-lian; and when the Mallas went to his I now give a specimen of an alphabetical list cremation they passed through the Lung-tsiang such as might be formed of geographical names, (Naga) gate of Kasinkrå and crossed over but without giving many of the texts in full, the Hi-lian river (Sacred Books, Vol. XIX. pp. which ought to be done at least in every case 286, 323). Here Hi-lian is explained by Yeu- | where the identification is liable to any doubt. kin, as equivalent to Hiranya, -the old name, Abdas, a mountain: Hêmachandra's Anéaccording to the Chinese editor of the Si-yu-ki. kárthasarigraha, iv. 223. I know of no other mention of it, except that Abdhinagari-another name for Dvdin the Dul-va the same river is called Dvyig- raka : Trikándasésha, ii, 1, 15. dan, which is also equivalent to Hiranya. Abhik Ala,-a town: Ramayana, ii. 68, 17;
Unknown to Sanskrit writers as Ajitavati is, Lassen, Ind. Alterthum. 2nd ed. Vol. II. p. 530. Paņini (vi. 3, 119 and vi. 1, 220 schol.) has Åbhira or incorrectly Abhîra, people : Ajiravati, and the Pali texts make frequent Brihat-Samhita, v. 38—"Åbhiras, Sabaras, mention of the Achiravati,-eg. Buddha- Pahlavas," &c.; 42,-"Abhiras, Daradas," &c.; ghosha's Parables, p. 103; Abhidhanappadipikd, ix. 19,-"Abhiras, Dravidas, Ambashthas," 682; Oldenberg's Vinayapitakam, Vol. I. pp. &c.; xiv. 12, 18; xvi. 31, -"Sarashtrans, 191, 293 ; Vol. II. pp. 237, 239; Vol. III. p. Åb hiras, Sudras, Raivatakas," &c.; Mahd63 ; Vol. IV. pp. 111, 161, 259, 278; and bharata, ii. 1192, 1832; iii. 12840; xiv. 837; xvi. Rhys Davids' Buddhist Suttas, pp. 161, 178. 223, 270; Rámáy. iv. 43, 5, 19; Vishnu-Pur. The Tibetan Dul-va also mentions it.'
(Hall's ed.) Vol. II. pp. 133-4, 167-8, 184-5; It was on this river that Srâvasti was Vol. IV. pp. 202, 205-208,224; Vol. V. pp. 157situated, and General Cunningham agrees with 159, 162, 164 ; Panchatantra, i. 88; PrabalhaBurnoul and others in placing this city on the chandrðdaya (Brockhaus), 88, 1; Lassen, Ind. Rapti, and he calls it, after Hamilton (Mar- | Alt. Vol. I. pp. 652, 947; Vol. II. pp. 597f.; Ind. tin's Eastern India, Vol. II. p. 306), the ancient Ant. Vol. I. p. 230; Vol. VI. pp. 123, 184 Airavati;' and the Chôti Gandaki he (Ahir); Vol. VIII. p. 140 (Abêria of the Periidentifies with the Hiranyavati or Ajitavati, and plus); Vol. X. pp. 157-8; Vol. XII. p. 6; Vol. Mr. Carlley le agrees with him (Arch. Suru. Ind. XIII. pp. 188, 324 (Abiria of Ptolemy); inVol. XVIII. p. 98). Besides the mistake of a scriptions in Reports Arch. Sury. West. Ind. fictitious Ajitavatî for Ajiravatt, is it at all Vol. IV. pp. 103-4. certain that Hiranya vati was the name of Abhisâ ras or Abhisar a,-2 people, the same river as the Ajiravati? Prof. H. frequently mentioned in connexion with Darva; H. Wilson, simply following the Buddhist re- probably the same as the district of which the cords, placed Kapila vastu on the Rohini, Greek writers describe Abisa rês, A bisnorth of Gorakhpur, but General Cunningham sares or Embisaros as king; Arrian, Anab., places it about 39 miles due west, on the Ma- v. 8, 20, 29; Curtius, viii. 12, 13, 14 ; ix. 1;2.1; nurama, -on his map 16 miles west of the Diodorus, xvii. 90; Wilson, Ariana Ant. p. 190; K hana, though he says only "about 6 Asiat. Res. Vol. XV.p. 115; Brih. Sanh. xiv. 29; miles" from that stream, which he tries to xxxii, 19,-" Kiratas, Kiras, Abhisi ras, identify with the R8 hiņi. Oldenberg (Bred- Halas, Madras," &c.; Vishnu-Pur. Vol. II. p.
•The rivers in the kingdom of Bharata from west to Laseen, Ind. Alt. Vol. II p. 140 n. east were, according to Gorresio's test of the Ramiyani, Ariat. Res. Vol. XX. p. 59, where it is, however, (ii. 73, 8f), the Hiranyavati, UttArika, Kutil, Kapivati misprinted Ajirapati. and Gomatt. In Schlegel's text the Kuţik ehtika takes • Lotus de la bonne Loi, p. 491. the place of the Hiranyavati. A river of this name is Soe Mahabharata, viii. 2055, where a river of this also mentioned in Mthabh, xiii. 7651 ; and a Hiranvati name is mentioned. in Mahabh. vi. 333; and Vishnu-Pur. Vol. II. p. 149;

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174,-" Darsakas (? Darvakas), Abhisâras, Utulas (or Ulutas, Kulûtas), Saivalas," &c.; Mahdbhár. vii. 3380; viii. 3652; Rajatarang. i. 180; iv. 711; v. 141; Lassen, Ind. Alt. Vol. II. pp. 146n, 147, 163. The city Abhisari is named, Mahabh. ii. 1027; conf. Lassen, Ind. Alt. Vol. II. 175n.
Adhishthana,-(the capital), a city: Amarakosha, iii. 4, 128; Hêmachandra's Abhidhánachintamani, 972; Anekártha. iv. 156; Médinikosha, n. 163.
A darśa, a district: Brih. Sam. xiv. 25, "in the north lie...and those who live near the sources of the Yamuna...the Agnidhras (or Agnityas), Adaría, Antardvipa, Trigarta," &c.; Pân. iv. 2, 124.
Achchhô dâ,-a river in the Himalaya which is said to form the lake Achchhôda; Harivamsa, 955. The lake is near the Chandraprabha mountain and gives rise to the Mandâkinî river; conf. Vishnu-Pur. Vol. III. p. 160n. Achyutadanti or Achyutanti,-a
Ahichchhattra, Ahikshêtra, Ahikshatra, or Chhatravati, and its capital Ahichchhattrâ, in the north of Pañchâla; the 'O-hi-shi-ta-lo of Hiuen Tsiang (Beal's Trans.) Vol. I. pp. 199-201; Mahábh. i. 5515-6, 6348; iii. 15244; Hariv. 1114; Hemachandra's Abhidh. 960; Pán. iii. 1, 7; Vishnu-Pur. Vol. II. p. 161; Vol. IV. p. 145; Lassen, Ind. Alt. Vol. II. p. 747; Vol. IV. p. 677n.; H. H. Wilson's Essays, Vol. I. pp. 48, 291; J. R. As. S. Vol. IV.
warrior tribe: Pân. v. 3. 116.
Achyutasthala,-a place in the Pañjâb: p. 36, Vol. V. p. 295; J. As. S. Ben. Vol. Mahábh. viii, 2062.
XXX. pp. 197,198. The Adisathras of Ptolemy, Ind. Ant., Vol. XIII. pp. 336-7, 344, 352-3, 361-363; Vol. I. p. 115; Vol. VI. pp. 50, 53; Vol. VII. p. 281; Vol. IX. p. 252; Vol. X. pp. 250, 253; J. R. As. S. Vol. IV. p. 36; Vol. V. p. 295; Cunningham, Arch. Surv. Ind. Vol. I. p. 255; Geog., pp. 359-60, 363.
Ahukas,-a people: Mahábh. v. 5351; Lassen, Ind. Alt. Vol. I. p. 758.
Ahvara, a fortress of the Uśînaras: Pân. ii. 4, 20, sch.; vi. 2, 124, sch.
Ailadhana, a town: Ramayana, ii. 71, 3. &c. &c.
Adhrishya,-river: Vishnu-Pur. Vol. II. p. 149,-"Kapi, Sadânîrâ, Adhṛishy â, the great river Kusadhârâ," &c.
THE PROBABLE INDIAN ORIGIN OF THE NAMES OF THE DAYS OF THE WEEK. General Cunningham, in his paper on "The Probable Indian origin of the Names of the Week-days" (ante pp. 1ff.), contradicts the statement of Dion Cassius' that these names are of Egyptian origin, while he accepts it as to the relation between the hours and the planets. E. Meyer, of Posen had, not long previously, contributed a short paper on the same subject to the Zeitschrift der Deut. Morgenl. Gesellschaft for 1883 (Vol. XXXVII. p. 453ff.) in which he accepts the Egyptian origin of the custom, for astrological purposes, of dividing the day and night from sunrise to sunrise, each into 12 hours, and assigning to each hour in succession a planetary regent, and to the day the regent of its first hour.
[NOVEMBER, 1885.
Agneyas-people of Agayam: Mahásk
iii. 15256.
Agnidhras, a people: Brih. Sam. xiv.
MISCELLANEA.
The General's arrangement for the 24 hour regents," in which," he says, " the progression is retrograde, or contrary to the motion of the sun," is entirely arbitrary: he first arranges the
25.
Lib. xxxvii. c. 18; see also, for other references, Ideler, Handb. d. Chronologie, Vol. I. pp. 178ff.
He cites the misconception of G. Seyffarth, Beitr.
names of the planets in retrograde order, and then he must count round his circle in the same order. Had he arranged the planets round the circle in his diagram in the "direct" order, he would have come to exactly the same result by counting the hours in that order.
It may also be noted that any number of the form 7n+3, where n is an integer (or 0), will give the same planets in the same succession as 24 does; so that, if the day had been divided into 3, 10, 17,31, 38, 45, 52, or 59 hours, the first of each day in the week would fall in succession on the planets in the same order as with 24. It is by using the first of these numbers, 3, that the Súrya-Siddhanta (xii. 78) says the regents of the days are to be found. General Cunningham must have overlooked this passage, when he says the author "gives no instructions as to how these 'lords of the day' are to be found;" yet he refers in his next sentence to the sloka immediately following it.
zur Kenntn. der Literatur, Kunst, Mythol. 4. Geach. d. alten Aegypter, Vol. II. p. 45, on this point.

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BOOK NOTICES.
323
(hord)-a Greek term-not of the ghafls, and arranges them "in downward order from Saturu," just as Dion Cassius says,- is strongly sug. gestive that the names which the planete gave to the days were derived from the Western division into horm, and not from the Indian one into ghatis. It seems, therefore, that there is no force what. ever in the arguments of General Cunningham for the probable Indian origin of the names of the days. August, 1885.
JAS. BURGESS.
Further, any number-which, added to 24 (or to any of those just given) makes a total divisible exactly by 7--if used to count round the circle in the opposite direction, will also fall on the planetnames in the same order. Thus, 60, the number of ghatis, added to 24 (the hours) gives an exact multiple of 7, and hence every 60th counted in the reverse order of the planets will give the same as every 24th in the direct order. The same result will be found by using 4, 11, 18, 25, 32 ... 60, &c.
Few, if any, who have read Philostratus's Life of Apollonius, will allow that "the Assyrian Damis actually accompanied Apollonius" to India. The ablest scholars have seriously doubt. ed whether the hero of the romance with his Sancho Panza ever was in India at all; and no one credits the accuracy of the author's assertions," though in his time (A.D. 210-250) much might have been learnt for the purposes of his story about India from Alexandrian merchants, or even from Indians who visited Alexandria. It will not do, then, to push back the reference to the 7 rings presented by the Hindu Iarchas (not a Hindu name) who spoke Greek, to the earlier half of the first century, in order to support an argument.
Then the very fact that the Súrya Siddhanta, in the only places where it refers to this point, speaks of the planets as regents of the "hours"
CURIOSITIES OF INDIAN LITERATURE Trx RESULT OF GOOD AND EVIL COMPANY. सन्तप्तायसि संस्थितस्य पयसो नामापि न श्रूयते मुक्ताकारतया तदेव नलिनीपस्थितं जायते । स्वात्यां सागरशुक्तिमध्यपतितं तन्मोक्तिकं जायते प्रायेणाधममध्यमोत्तमगुणः संसर्गतो भूयते ।।
If a drop of water fall on heated iron it is utterly destroyed, not even its name remains, and yet the same drop on a lotus leaf takes the resem. blance of a pearl, while if it fall during the asterism of Arcturus, into a pearl oyster, it becomes a pearl itself. Always a man's qualities, whether bad, medium, or excellent, arise from his associations.'
Compare, Evil communications corrupt good manners' and the Irish proverb, Tell me whom you're with, and I'll tell you who you are.'
G. A. GRIERSON.
BOOK NOTICES. TAGORE LAW LECTURES, 1883. Outlines of a History | nanda and Nandana on Manu, and of the newly of the Hindu Law of Partition, Inheritance, and
discovered Nrisimhaprasdda, as well as the Adoption ... by J. JOLLY, &o., Calcutta, Thacker, Spink & Co., 1885 (pp. XI. 847).
remarks on the rise of the different law-schools First Notice.
and on the general character of the medieval Indian
law.books are original and most interesting. As Though the Tagore Lectures of former years lately I have had to go over a portion of the same have furnished very valuable contributions to our ground, I feel particularly called upon to bear knowledge of the Hindu law, it is undeniable that witness to the correctness of Professor Jolly's Professor Jolly's volume, which is equally instruc- views regarding Asahaya and the commentaries tive for the practical lawyer and for the general on Manu. Mëdhåtithi's Manubhdshya is un. student of Sanskrit, far surpasses the earlier ones doubtedly a mine of valuable information concern. in importance. It is, indeed, an attempt, and the ing the views of the early commentators and on first, to trace in a comprehensive manner the other matters, and it has exercised a strong historical development of some of the most influence on all the later expositions of Bhrigu's interesting topics of the Hindu law. Professor Sanhitd. Professor Jolly is also right in denying Jolly's researches are based on the careful study the supposed restoration of a portion of Médha. of a large body of published and unpublished tithi's work by Madanapala's Paņlit, Visvēśvaramaterials, of which the first three lectures give a bhatta. All that Madanapala did, was that he condensed account.
got his defective MS. completed with the help of a In the first lecture the description of the little. new copy brought from another country.' Equally known commentaries of Asahaya on Nárada, of important and just are the vindication of Govin. Médhátithi, Govindaraja, Narayana, Raghava- daraja from the adverse criticism of Sir W. Jones,
These numbers are expressed also by 7n + 3, when | lonins, fc. is negative for the retrograde order.
Burgess insists on this in his translation of the See for example, Priauli's Indian Travels of Apol- Sarya-Siddhanta, i. 52; xii. 6, 79.

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[NOVEMBER, 1885.
who seems to have merely copied Kullaka's spite. examination of the relation of our Manu to the fal remarks at the end of the Mandarthamuktavali, Mahabharata. The latter undertaking will solve and the exposure of the true character of the latter. various questions which at present appear puzzl. Nobody who has compared the commentaries of ing. An incomplete investigation of the MahaGovindaraja and of Kullaka, can deny that the bharata, which I have lately made, has shown that latter author was an impudent plagiary, who about one-tenth of Manu's verses occurs in the epic, appropriated without a word of acknowledgment either entire or in part, sometimes literally and a very large portion of the work of his predecessor, sometimes with more or less important various and took good care to point out every slip of the readings. The peculiar character of the resemlatter in malicious prose or verse. There are only blances and of the differences makes the conclu. two points in this section on which I differ from sion inevitable that the authors of both works Professor Jolly. Mêdhatithi was not a Southerner, drew on the same source, and that this source but a Kasmirian. For he shows an intimate probably was the oral tradition of the law-schools. acquaintance with Kasmir and its Vedic Sakha If the existence of a large floating body of metri. the Kathaka, and he once gives a vernacular cal maxims on the sacred law is once established, Kaśmirian word. Secondly Gôvindaraja, the son it is no longer difficult to understand why the of Bhatta-Madhava, cannot have been a royal secondary Smritis are written throughout in epic author. The son of a Bhatta must have been a verse. Brahman. In Professor Jolly's remarks on the Lecture III., which treats of the minor Smritis modern law-schools I am glad to find fresh clear and of the fragments of lost law.books, gives us evidence showing that under native rule the the important results of Professor Jolly's exten. Mitakshard was considered a work of the highest sive and patient researches regarding this hitherto authority even in Central India. This is so much unduly neglected branch of legal literature. We the more valuable because Rao Saheb v. N. Mandlik receive here for the first time detailed accounts a short time ago denied the high position of Vijña. of the larger Ndrada and of the works of Bribasnêsvara's work. Very important, finally, is the clear pati, Katyayana, Dévala, Vyåsa, Sankha, Uśanas, exposition of the true character of the majority and other authors. The larger Narada turns out of the medieval Digests and Commentaries. Those to be the older version. This discovery will perwhich were written at the command of kings haps help to correct the view expressed by some were certainly intended for practical use in the scholars, according to which the Indian law-books law.courts. They might, I think, be fitly compared always grew in extent and never lost in bulk. with the edicts of the Roman praetore, because, The remarks on Brihaspati and Katyayana show like the latter, they lay down the principles on that both authors knew and used a law.book of which lawsuits were to be decided during a parti. Manu closely resembling or perhaps identical cular period, and in a particular territory
with the existing text. With respect to BrihasThe chief novelty in Lecture II. is the explana- pati's work-it is, I think, permissible to assert tion of the origin of the oldest metrical Smritis. confidently that it was a Virttika on our ManuI can, of course, only agree with the view that sarhitd, written in order to explain and to supple. they must be considered the manuals of certain, ment the rules of the latter. The only discreas yet nameless, special law.schools, which arose
pancy between Brihaspati and Manu noted by on the disruption of the ancient Vedic Charanas.
Professor Jolly at page 158 disappears, if it is Further details regarding this theory the outline borne in mind that Manu does not reckon the of which I first gave in my unpublished Vienna putriki among the subsidiary sons. The relation Lectures on Hindu law (Jolly, p. v. and 347) will of the Kdtydyanasmriti to Manu is more doubt. be found in my forthcoming introduction to ful. The quotation of a prose passage from a Manu. The remainder of this lecture contains Katydyana, which is made by Mêdhâtithi on a clear summary of the views held at present Manu, VIII. 215, indicates the former existence regarding the history of the Dharmasutras and of of a Katyayaniya Dharmasdtra, from which the
| metrical Smriti was probably derived. Professor to the Vishnusmriti, the modern representative Jolly's discovery, which I can only confirm, that of the Kathaka-Dharm isútra, it ought to be noted the so-called Brihat- or Vriddha-Manu was a later that one aphorism from the latter work is pre- recension of Bhrigu's Sanhita, deprives Professor served in Govindaraja's Smritimasjari. The Max Müller's opinion (according to which our Manu evidence adduced for the antiquity of our Manu must be later than the fifth century, because its requires sifting, and additional arguments may be predecessor, the Vriddha-Manu, enumerated the found by a further exploration of the classical signs of the zodiac) of its foundation. literature and of the inscriptions, as well as by an!
G. BÜHLER.

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A SILVER COIN OF RUDRASIMHA.
Obverse.
A SILVER COIN OF RUDRASIMHA. BY J. F. FLEET, BO.C.S., M.R.A.S., C.I.E.
the original coin, of which a litho
graph is published herewith, to the kind-. ness of Major F. H. Jackson, of the Staff Corps. It was obtained by him in Kathiawâd, and, with three others of the same class, was utilised to form sleeve-links, from which he detached this one at my request.
Reverse.
The coin seems to be of fairly good silver, and weighs as nearly as possible 34 grains.
The obverse has a very well executed king's head, of the type customary in the class of coins to which this specimen belongs,-looking to the proper left; with a moustache; with the hair either bound round with a fillet, or confined under a close-fitting and bordered cap on the top of the head, and then hanging down loosely behind the neck; and with a necklet or collar round the throat. In front of the face, there is an unintelligible and probably meaningless legend in what are usually considered to be an imitation of Greek characters; eleven of them are entire; and there are parts of three more, which fell partially beyond the edge of the coin when it was struck. Behind the head,-in the place where the coins of this class usually have the word varshé, "in the year," followed by numerical symbols, there are traces of a legend; but almost the whole of it fell beyond the edge of the coin; so that it is quite impossible to say what the date may have been.
The reverse had in the centre the usual chaitya symbol; but this, together with either a cluster of stars or the sun, slightly to the proper left above it, was destroyed in adapting the coin to the sleeve-link. The crescent moon, however, remained uninjured, slightly to the proper right above the chaitya. Round these central emblems, and inside a circle of dots, there is a marginal legend, in the usual charac
325
ters of the coins of this class, and in a state of excellent preservation, except that, from the third to the ninth aksharas, the upper parts of the letters fell beyond the edge of the coin. The legend, which reads from the inside, and commençes just above the crescent moon, isRajña mahakshatrapasa Rudradamna putrasa rajña mahakshatrapasa R[u]drasîhasa, which representsRajño mahakshatrapasya Rudradâmnaḥ putrasya rajño mahakshatrapasya Rudrasîhasya ;"Of the Raja, the Mahákskatrapa Rudrasiha, the son of the Rája, the Mahakshatrapa Rudradâman."
The chief interest of this coin lies in the exceptional and also very clear way in which the vowel i of síha, i.e. simha, is expressed,running right up into the surrounding circle of dots. The usual rule in coins of this class is to omit such vowels as fall on or above the tops of the letters. In accordance with this custom, we have, in the present legend,maha twice for mahá, the á of the second syllable being omitted altogether;-and rajná twice for rájn; in this latter word, the a of the first syllable is omitted altogether; in the second syllable, the á occurs because it is attached to a ja, and is formed by an upward continuation of the centre stroke of the consonant, instead of a forward continuation of the top of it; the jná would have been converted into jño by a backward continuation of the top of the ja, but this stroke was omitted according to custom.
It is this custom of omitting such vowels as, if engraved, would fall on or above the tops of the letters, that has led to the reading of saha or saha (instead of stha for siha) and sena, as the termination of the names of several of the Kshatrapas, and to the Kshatrapas being so frequently called the 'Sâh' kings.
Two other instances in which the name of the present Kshatrapa Rudrastha occurs very distinctly, are-lines 2-3 of the Gunda inscription, published by Dr. Bühler in this Journal, Vol. X. p. 157; and the Jasdan inscription, re-edited by Dr. Hoernle in this Journal, Vol. XII. p.
32,

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[DECEMBER, 1885.
QUOTATIONS IN THE MAHABHASHYA AND THE KASIKA-VRITTI.
BY PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN; GUTTINGEN. Professor Peterson's discovery (announced | I. 430. उपास्नातं स्थूलसिक्तं तूष्णींगङ्गं महाइदम् । in his remarks on the Archityailankára of
द्रोणं चेदशको गन्तुं मा स्वा ताप्नां कृताकृते। Kshemindra, p. 22) that a certain Sanskrit |
I. 431. अहरहर्नयमानी गामश्वं पुरुष पाम्। verse, of which a part is quoted by Patanjali,
वैवस्वती न वृप्यति सुराया इव दुर्मदी। is ascribed to the poet Kumârad Asa, is, to
I. 435. शङ्कतुन्दुभिवीणानाम् । say the least, very interesting; and I hope that
1. 435. मृदङ्गशङ्कुतूणवाः पृथङ्गदन्ति संसदि । similar discoveries may be made regarding Home of the other quotations which occur in
I. 436. प्रासाद धनपतिरामकेशवानाम् ।
(Metre, Praharshini). the Mahábhashya. To render in this matter such assistance as it is in my power to give,
I. 444. बभुक्षितं न प्रतिभाति किंचित् । I have, for the sake of ready reference, collect
I. 449. वाताय कपिला विद्युदातपायातिलोहिनी। ed from the Mahábhashya all those passages
पीता भवति सस्याय दुर्भिक्षाय सिता भवेत्।। which may appear to be quotations from
I. 457. दूरादातसथान्मूलं दूरात्पादावसेचनम्।' poetical works composed in classical Sanskrit.
दूराच भाव्यं दस्युभ्यो दूराच कुपितागुरोः।। Many of those passages have been already I. 458. चर्मणि दीपिनं हन्ति दन्तयोर्हन्ति कुचरम्। cited by Professor Weber in his article on the
केशेषु चमरी हन्ति सीम्नि पुष्कलकोहतः॥ Blahábháshya ; but others are given here for the II. 25. तपस्यते लोकजिगीषुरग्नेः। first time. I still consider the Mahabháshya II. 102. आस्मभरिश्चरति यूथमसेवमानः। an old work, and am inclined to believe that
(Metre, Vasantatilaká). the occurrence in it of such verses or fragments II.119. जघान कंसं किल वासुदेवः। of verses as we do find in it, tends to show 11. 147. गौरिवाकृतनीशारः प्रायेण शिशिरे कृशः। that the so-called classical poetry is older than II. 167. काल: पचति भूतानि कालः संहरति प्रजाः। it has lately been represented to be. I have II. 213. राति रावि स्मरिष्यन्तः। रात्रिं रात्रिमजाadded similar quotations occurring in the Ka.
नसः। सर्वो रात्रि सहोषित्वा। वृत्त्यामेsiká-Vritti, wbich I have noted down during
कान्तराविम्।। (?) my study of that work,
II. 213. प्रथते त्वया पतिमती पृथिवी। MAHABHASHYA.
(Metre, Pramitakshard). Vol. I. p. 3. यदुम्बरवर्णानां घटीनां मण्डलं महत् । II. 220. वीणि यस्यावदातानि विद्या योनिश्च कर्म
पीत न गमयत्स्वर्ग किं तस्क्रतुगत नवेत् ॥ I.277 and II. 59.
एतच्छिवं विजानीहि ब्राह्मणाम्यस्य लक्षएति जीवन्तमानन्दः।
णम् ॥ I. 283. वरतनु संप्रवदन्ति कुकुटाः।'
II. 280. आहाय धूतपाप्मानो भास्करा जातमृत्यवः। (Metre, Paratanu or Málati.) II. 422. आसितव्यं किल सूष्णीकामेतत्पश्यत I. 283. उभी लोको संचरसि इमं चामुं च देवल ।
चिन्तितम् ।। I. 313. यस्मिन्दच सहस्राणि पुत्वे जाते गवां ददौ । II. 438. क्षेमे सुभिक्षे कृतसंचवानि ब्राह्मणेभ्यः प्रियाख्येभ्यः सोऽयमुञ्छेन
पुराणि राज्ञां विनयन्ति कोपम् । जीवति ॥
III. 28. भक्ष्णपीनमुखी कन्या।। I. 340.आ वनान्तादोदकान्तापियं पान्थमनुव्रजेत्। III. 58. ऊर्ध्वं प्राणा घरकामन्ति यूनः स्थविर I.382 and 392. सर्वमेकनदीतरे।
आयति। I. 384. षण्मुहूर्ताश्चराचराः।
प्रत्युत्थानाभिवादाभ्यां पुनस्तान्प्रतिपचते।' I. 411 and II. 363. तपः श्रुतं च योनिश्चेत्येत- III. 75. इहव भव मा स्म गाः।
दाह्मणकारकम् । III. 143. जनार्दनस्त्वात्मचतुर्थ एव । तप:श्रुताभ्यां योहीनो जातिमाह्मण एव सः॥ III. 175. पुना रूपाणि कल्पयेत् । I. 426. असिद्वितीयोऽनुससार पाण्डवम् ।
III. 288. महीपालवचः श्रुत्वा जघुषुः पुष्यमाणवाः। I. 426. संकर्षणद्वितीयस्य बलं कृष्णस्य वर्धताम् । HI. 338. प्रियां मयूरः प्रतिननृतीति ।
See ante, Vol. III. p. 124. .See Prof. Peterson, on the
Kshemendra, p.22.
Auchityatarnakāra of
|
See Manu IV. 151. See ManuIL. 120.

Page #365

DECEMBER, 1885.]
WALA PLATES OF SILADITYA I. OF THE YEAR 286.
827
III. 338. यहत्त्वं नरवर नर्नृतीषि हष्टः।
P. IV.1,95. प्रदीयतां दाशरथाय मैथिली। (Metre, Praharshini) P. IV. 2,103. तथा हि जातं हिमवत्स कान्थकम् ।' III. 367.सामृतैः पाणिनिर्धन्ति गुरवो न विषो- P. IV. 3, 10. द्वैग्यं भवन्तोऽनुचरन्ति चक्रम् । 10
क्षितैः। P. IV. 3,56. आहेयमजरं विषम् । लाडनायिणो दोषास्ताडनायिणो गुणाः।। P.V. 3, 115. कामक्रोधी मनुष्याणां खादितारौ वृकाIII. 402 and 403. चकाद्धि पलित शिरः। .
विव ।। ___KASIKA-VRITTI.
P.V.4,122. श्रोत्रियस्येव ते राजन्मन्दकस्याल्पमेधसः। On Panini I. 1, 11. मणीवोष्ट्रस्य लम्बेते प्रियौ वत्सत
अनुवाकहता बुद्धिनैषा तत्स्वार्थदर्शिनी॥ रौ मम।'
P VI.1, 63. व्यायामक्षुण्णगात्रस्य पजपामहर्तितस्वच। P.1.1,35. धूमायन्त इवामिष्टाः प्रज्वलन्तीव संहताः।
- व्याधयो नोपसर्पन्ति वैनतेयमिवोरगां।।" उल्मकानीव मेऽमी स्वाज्ञातयो भरतर्षभ ।।
P.VI.1,98. घटदिति गम्भीरमम्बुदितम्। P. I. 3,23. संशय्य कर्णादिषु तिष्ठते यः। P.II. 2,28. सहैव दशभिः पुत्रैर्भार वहति गर्दभी।
P.VI. 1,134. सैष दाशरथीरामः सैष राजा युधिष्ठिरः।" P. II. 3, 32. विना वातं विना वर्षे विद्युत्प्रपतनं विना ।
P.VI. 1,150. सर्वे शकुनयो भक्ष्या विष्किराःकुछटादृते। विना हस्तिकृतान्दोषान्केनेमो पातितौ दुमौ।'
P. VI. 1,152. पाममद्य प्रवेक्ष्यामि भव मे त्वं प्रतिष्कशः। P. II. 4,28. दु:खे हेमन्तशिशिरे।
P. VI.2,14. समुद्रमान न सरोऽस्ति किंचन । P. II. 4, 28. अहोरात्राविमो पुण्यो।
P.VII. 3,34. सूर्यविश्रामभूमिः ।। P. III. 2,138. भ्राजिष्णुना लोहितचन्दनेन ।
P.VII. 3,35. भक्षकचेन्न विद्येत वधकोऽपि न विद्यते। P.III.3,49. पतनान्ताः समुच्छ्याः ।
P.VIII.1, 18. रुद्रो विश्वेश्वरी देवो युष्माकं कुलदेवता। P.IV. 1. 31. तिमिरपट लैरवगुण्ठिताश्च राज्यः ।(?)
स एव नायो भगवानस्माकं शवमर्दनः॥ P. IV. 1, 39. गतो गणस्तूर्णमसिक्किकानाम् । | P. VIII.4,6.फली वनस्पति यो वृक्षाःपुष्पफलोपगाः। P. IV.1, 50. सा हि तस्य धनक्रीता प्राणेभ्यो ऽपि
भोषध्यः फलपाकान्ता लता गुल्माच. गरीयसी।।
वीरुधः॥
A COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF SILADITYA I. OF VALABHI.
BY PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN; GOTTINGEN. This inscription is from some copper-plates | ing away of the copper at the bottom of the which were found at Wa1a,--the ancient first plate and the top of the second. The Valabh i,--the chief town of the Nativeplates have holes for two rings; but the rings State of the same name in the Gohilwad Prânt and the seal are not forthcoming. The in Kathilwid. They are now in the Library | weight of the two plates is albs. 10% oz. The of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic language is Sanskrit throughout. Society.
This inscription was originally published by The plates are two in number, each measur- the Honble V. N. Mandlik, in the Jour. Bo. ing about 11/6" by 81." The edges of them Br. R. As. Soc. Vol. XI. p. 359ff. At the are fashioned thicker, so as to serve as rims to request of the Editors of this Journal, I now protect the writing. The inscription has re-edit it, to accompany the lithograph published suffered a good deal from rust; but, with the herewith. My reading of the text is from the help of other grants of the same dynasty, lithograph. Not having seen the original plates, drafted from the same form, it is sufficiently I am unable to say how far the lithograph legible almost throughout. A few passages, may be a faithful representation of them; but however, are entirely lost, through the break- | I am bound to state that the facsimile which • According to Böhtlingek and Roth from the Mahd. 11 See Indische Sprüche, 2350. ___bhirata.
** See Suiruta II. 189, 12, where the verse ends fere • See Kirdtarjunfya, 111. 14. . Tho Knimir Ms. reads विना हस्तिकृतं दोष, and ndda:
अमृगा इव.
• The Kasmir Ms. adds in the margin सैष दुर्योधनो राजा विना वातं विना पित्तं वैद्योपकरणं विना ।
सैष.पार्थो धनञ्जयः। विना वैद्यकृतं दोषं केनेमो मारितौ नरौ ।
1. This appears to be the reading of Haradatta, for be • See Indische Sprüche, 1948.
adda विश्रान्तिभूमिरिति पठितव्यमित्यर्थः; the printed • Some MSS. have per for TT.
text has सूर्यविश्रामा भूमिः. 10 Some MSS. have 4.
15 Compare Charaka, Calc. Ed. p. 7.

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328
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECEMBER, 1885.
accompanies Mr. Mandlila's paper, shows several trabhatti (1. 35). The name of the latter aksharas which are not given in the lithograph, officer occurs in several grants and has been and furnishes in one or two cases correct read- variously transcribed, -by Dr. Bhandarkar ings, where those of the lithograph are faulty.' (Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. Vol. X. p. 80, 1, 58, On the whole, however, I feel no hesitation and ante, Vol. I. p. 17, col. 1,) Vasa(?)bhata ;in saying, that the lithograph is far superior by the same (ante, Vol. I. p. 46, col. 2) Vatra(?). to that published with Mr. Mandlik's paper. bhatti ;-by Dr. Bühler (ante, Vol. VI. p. 16,
The inscription is of the time of Śiladitya 1. 16) Vasabhatti ;-and by the same (ante, Vol. I., and is dated, in numerical symbols, on the VII. p. 75, 1. 26, and Vol. IX. p. 239, Plate II. sixth day of the dark fortnight of the month . 19) Chandrabhatti ;-by Mr. Mandlik (Jour. Jyêshtha, and in the year 286.
Bo. Br. As. Soc. Vol. XI. p. 362) Chandrabhatli, The historical information, furnished by this and (id. p. 363) Chandrabhiti. I believe that grant, is precisely the same as that given in the second of Dr. Bhandarkar's renderings the grant of the same ruler, dated in the year must be accepted as the correct one; for, on 290, which has been published in this Journal, some of the plates in which the name occurs, Vol. IX.p. 237ff. The genealogy commences, the second akshara is distinctly tra; whereas as usual, with Bhatar ka (line 2). Omit- in none can it by any possibility be read as ting some intervening names, in unbroken ndra. lineal succession from him there was Guhasena | I would wish to put before those who have (1. 8). His son was Dharasồna II. (1. 13). a wider knowledge of the phraseology of inAnd his son was Siladitya I, who also scriptions than I can pretend to, my doubts had the name of Dharmaditya (1. 18), and regarding the translation of the words TTTwho issued the charter from Valabbi (1.1). | तामिवाणां मैत्रकाणामतुलबलसंपन्नमण्डलाभोगसंसक्तप्रThe donee is the Buddhist monastery, fonnd- T
r g ... franta (orary: ... ed at Valabhi by the royal lady Dudd
), with which the Valabhi inscriptions (1. 20), which is mentioned in other Valabbi open. It was, I believe, Mr. Mandlik (Jour. grants. And the purpose for which the grant Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. Vol. XI. p. 346) who first is made is the usual one, viz. to provide for the suggested that the word a should be taken religious service and for the comfort of the as a proper name; and according to him inmates of the monastery and for the keeping Bhatirka "had achieved success in hundreds of in repair of the buildings.
battles occurring in the wide extent of terri. The objects granted are-the village of tories of Maitrakas who were endowed with Panda rak û pikå (?) (1.23);-a field held incomparable courage, and who had forcibly by the Kutumbin Sûryaka and one held by... reduced their enemies to submission." Mr. (?) at Uchch â padraka;-an irrigated Fleet, who has been the last to render the field held by Arddhika and one held by Kum- words into English (ante, Vol. VIII. p. 303), bhára at the village of Kakkijja;--and a field has also taken Hai as a proper name, but has held by ... (?) at Indraņipa draka,-all, given the following different translation :-"In it appears, in the Push yanaka Sthali; and the lineage) of the Maitrakas, who by force also four flower-gardens and wells on the out- compelled their enemies to bow down before skirts of Vala bhi.
them, there was ... Bhatárka, who was possessed The officers named in the grant are the of glory acquired in a hundred battles fought Dútaka Bhattå ditya yasas (1. 34), who within the circuit of the territories that he had is also mentioned ante, Vol. I. p. 46, 1. 15, and obtained by means of his unequalled strength." the Sandhivigrahadhikrita and Divirapati V &- As regards the former translation, I would
Compare particularly the beginnings of lines 1-5 of Dr. Bhandarkar's translation W28-"(BhatArka), Plate II.-This lithograph was not prepared by the
who obtained greatness by a hundred wounds received present Editors.
in the midst of a circle of friends of matchless might, See the passages quoted in note 22 below.
who with main foroe had subjugated their enemies " For kshetra and vápf, compare, for instance, the
(ante, Vol. I. p. 14). And Dr. Bühler's was- "Bhatárks, grant published by Dr. Bhandarkar (Jour. Bo. Br.
who obtained an empire through the matchless power R. 48. Soc., Vol. X. p. 80); and compare also ante,
of his friends that humbled his enemies by main force :Vol. XIII. p. 80, note 13.
who gained glory in a handred battles fought at close. . And sometimes #TEIT.
quarters" (ante, Vol. IV. p. 106). These two translations were published before Mr. Mandlik's.

Page #367

VALABHI GRANT OF SILADITYA 1. DATED SAMVAT 286.
PLATE L
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Page #368


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Page #370


Page #371

DECEMBER, 1885.] WALA PLATES OF SILADITYA I. OF THE YEAR 286.
329
point out that staat does not qualify "endowed with or possessed of unequalled मैबकाणाम्. And, as regards the latter, I should, strength," a qualification more appropriate for in the first instance, wish its correctness to be soldiers or armies than for territories. Lastly, fortified by the quotation of parallel passages in the employment of the word in seems to which a simple genitive like A TOTH, withont suggest that the word EMT IT preceding it the addition of some such word as वंशे or कुले, must be taken to denote that or those with conveys the meaning "(in the lineage) of;" for, in | which or with whom the battles were fought, the absence of such passages, I would maintain not the place where they were fought. Taking that the genitive ought (gamakatvát) to be made all this together, I would say that Bhatárka dependent on the word use in the following obtained glory in hundreds of battles which he compound. Besides, it would appear that the fought with (i.e. against) the mighty large obvious meaning of अतुलबलसंपन्न is-not "ob-armies of the Maitrakas, who by force had tained by means of unequalled strength,"-but ' subdued their enemies.
TEXT.
First Plate. [1] ऑ स्वस्त' वलभितः प्रसभप्रणतामित्राणां मै [वकाणाम] नुलबलसंपन्नमण्डलाभोगसंसक्तप्रहारशतलब्ध
प्रतापात्प्रतापो[१] पनतदानमाना जवोपा[जितानुरागादनुरक्तमौलभृतश्रेणी बलावाप्सराज्यश्रियः परममाहेश्वरश्रीभटादि[१] व्यवच्छिन्नरज वंशान्मातापिटंचरणारविन्दप्रणतिप्रविधौताशेषकल्मषः शैशवारप्रभृति खङ्गद्वितीय"बाहुरेव [] समस्परगजघटास्फोटनप्रकाशितस[स्व] निकषस्तत्मभावप्रणतारातिचूडारत्नप्रभासंसक्तपादनखरदिम[१] संपतिस्सरल"स्मृतिप्रणीतमर्ग"सम्यक्परिपालनप्रजाहृदयरंजनान्वर्णराजशब्दः रूपकान्तिस्थैर्य धैर्य[१] गाम्भीर्य्यबुद्धिसंपद्भिः स्मरशाशाद्रि राजोदधिटरश"गुरुधनेशानतिशयानः शरणागताभयप्रदान['] परतया तृणवदपास्ताशे[ष]स्वकार्य फल[*] प्रार्थनाधिकार्थप्रदानानन्दितविद्वत्महत्प्रणयिहत्यः पाद[] चारीव सकलभुवनमण्डलाभोगप्रमोदः परममाहेश्वरः श्रीगुहसेनस्तस्य सुतस्तत्पादनखमयख सन्तान[] विसृतजाह्नवीजलौघप्रक्षालिताशेषकल्मषः प्रणयिशतसहस्रोपजीव्यमानसम्पपलोभादिवा[श्रित[*] F] सरभसमाभिगामिकैर्गुणैस्सहनशक्तिशिक्षाविशेषविस्मापिताखिलबल"धनुर्द्धरः प्रथमनरपतिसमतिस[1] टानामनुपालयिता धर्मादायानामपाकर्ता प्रजोपघातकारिणामुपप्लवानां दर्शयिता श्रीसरस्वत्योरेका["] धिवासस्य संघता"रातिपक्षलक्ष्मीपरिभोगदक्षविक्रमो विक्रमोपसंप्राप्तविमलपार्थिवश्रीः परममाहेश्व["] र: श्रीधरसेनस्तस्य सुतस्तत्पादानुडघातस्सकल जगदानन्दनात्यद्भुतगुणसमुदयस्थगितसमपदिग्मण्ड["] लस्समरशतविजयशोभासनाथमण्डलामद्युतिभासुरतरान्स"पीठोठूढगुरुमनोरथमहाभारस्सर्व["] विद्यापरावरविभागाधिगमविमलमतिरपि सर्वतस्सुभाषितलवनापि सुखीपपाद[नीयपरितोषस्स[१] मप्रलोकागाधगाम्भीर्य्यहृदयोपि सुचरितातिशयमुव्यक्तपरमकल्याणस्वभावः खिलीभूतकृतयुगन["] पतिपथविशोधनाधिगतोदप्रकीतिर्द्धर्मानुप[रोधीज्वल"तरीकृतार्थसुखसंपदुपसेवानिरू[ब्ध*][ादित्य ["] बितीयनामा परममाहेश्वरः श्रीशिलादित्य र कुचली सर्वानेवायक्तिकविनिय] . . . . . . . . . . . . ["] [तरचाटभदकुमारामात्यहीन"न्यांश्च
यथाभिसंबद्धपमानका[न्स माज्ञाप • • • • • • • • • • [१] दि[तं] यथा मया [म][तपिवो*]: पुण्याप्यायनाय वलभी[प्रतिष्ठितराज्ञीडाकारितवि]".........
Second Plate. [1] • • • • • • • • • • पिण्डपातशयनासन ग्लानप्रत्ययभैषज्यपरिष्कारार्थ
[]जाना • • • . • For this meaning of mandala see the St. Petersburg | MRead 'त्यादीन. . Dictionary,-" मण्डलः स महाव्यूहो दुर्भेद्योऽमित्रघातिनाम्." Compare ante, Vol. I. p. 4G, 1.4, विहारनिवासिच• Read स्वस्ति. ' Read वलभीतः.
दिगभ्यागतार्यभिक्षसंघस्य चीवरपिण्डपातशयनासन......... • Read राज. 10 Read °द्वितीय'.
परिष्कारार्थबुद्धानाच्च भगवतां गन्धधूपपुष्पमाल्यदीपतैलायपयोH Read संहतिस्मकल compare संघत for संहत below. गार्थ विहारत्र च खण्डस्फुटितप्रतिसंस्काराय; also Vol. IV. # Read °मार्ग. Read शशाङ्काद्रि'.
p. 105, Plate II. 1..6, वलभ्यां स्वभागिनेयीपरमोपासिकाहा" Read त्रिदश. Read °मयूख.
कारितविहार; P. 176,1.8, दुहापादकारितामहाविहारे Vol. " Thia बल before धनुर्द्धर:00ours again, so far as Iknow, VI. p. 15, 1. 11, वलभीस्वतलसत्रिविष्टराज्ञीदुहाकारितविहार only ante, Vol. IX. p. 289, Plate I. 1. 11.
Vol.VII. p.07, Plate II.1.2, पूज्यदुहाकारितविहारस्य; also " Read संहता. « Read रांस..
Vol. V.p. 207,1.7, and Vol. VI. p. 12, 1. 3. • Read धोज्ज्व ल. Read श्रीशीला.
| Read °l.

Page #372

330
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECEMBER, 1885.
[4] . . . . . . . . . •ष्पमाल्यदीपलाद्यपयोगार्थ विहारस्य च खण्डस्फुटितप्रति[स] . [*] . . . . . . . .पण्ड(?)रकूपिका । पुष्यानकस्थल्यन्तर्गत उद्यापद्रक" कुटुम्बिसूर्य्यकप्रत्ययक्षेत्र [तथा] ["] . . . [प्रत्ययक्षेत्र तथा कतिज्जमामे अद्धिकप्रत्ययवापि" | तथा कुम्भारप्रत्ययवापि तयेन्द्राणिपद्रके [१] • • रप्रत्ययक्षेत्र तथा वलभीस्वतलसान्नि पुप्प वाटिकाकूपकचतुष्टयमेवमयं क्षेत्रनयवापि[१] दयपुप्पवटिका"कूपकचतुष्टयसमेतो ग्रामस्सोद्रङ्गस्सोपरिकरस्सवातभूतप्रत्यायस्सधान्यहिरण्या[१] देयस्सदशापराधस्सोत्पद्यमन"विष्टिस्सर्वराजकीयानाम[हस्तप्रक्षेपणीयः
पूर्वप्रत्तदेवब्रह्मदेय["] जिता भूमिच्छिद्रन्यायेनाचन्द्रार्कार्णवक्षितिसरित्पलतसमकालीनोव्यवच्छित्तिभोग्यः धर्मादय"त["] या प्रतिपादितः यत उचित]या [च देवाग्राहारस्थित्या भुज्यमनक: न कैश्चित्परिपन्थनीयः आगा. [] मिभद्रनृपतिभिरण्यस्मद्वंश[जैरन्या " अनित्यान्यैश्वर्याण्यस्थिरं मानुष्यं सामान्यं च भूमिदानफलम["] वगच्छरियमस्मदायोनुमन्तव्यः परिपालयितव्यश्चोते ॥ बहुभिर्वसुधा भुक्ता राजनिस्सगरादि[M] भिः यस्य यस्य यदा भूमिस्तस्य तस्य तदा फलं ॥ यानीह दारिद्रचभयानरन्त्रैर्द्धननि धर्मायतनी["] कृतानि निर्भुक्तमाल्यप्रति मा]नि तानि को नाम साधुः पुनरावदीत ॥ षष्टिं वर्षसहस्राणि स्वर्गे मो [*] देत भूमिदः आच्छेत्ता चानुमन्ता च तान्येव नरके वसेत् ॥ दूतकश्चाव भहादित्ययशाः लिखित [१] सन्धिविमहाधिकृतदिविरपतिवनभहिना ॥ सं २००.८०६ ज्येष्ठ व ६॥
स्वहस्ती मम ॥
[6]
A COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF PULIKESIN II..
BY THE HON BLE K. T. TELANG, C.I.E. This inscription is from some copper-plates The inscription purports to be one of the which belong to & goldsmith of Kandal Western Chalu kya king Pulikesin II., gam, in the Mâlwan Talaka of the Ratnagiri and to record that on the seventh lùnar day District, and were found at the bottom of a of month Magha, in the fifth year of his reign, well in his lands at that village. The original i.e. in Saka 536 (A.D. 614-15),--the vilplates were procured by Mr. Kasinath Pandu- lage of Pirigipa, on the north bank of rang Parab, and were handed over by him to the river Mahanadi in the island of Rêvatime, for publication.
dvipa,' was granted to a Dravida Brahman The plates are three in number, each mea- named Narayanasvamin, for the purpose of suring about 81" by.33". The edges of them maintaining the bali, charu, and vaibadeva appear to be here and there fashioned slightly | sacrifices. thicker, so as to serve as rims to protect the The seal attached to the plates appears to be a writing; and the inscription is in a state of genuine one. But in the opinion of Mr. Fleet the excellent preservation throughout. The plates very irregular formation of the characters, and are strung on a ring, the seal of which the great inaccuracy of the language of the bears the usual representation of the Western inscription, show the plates themselves to be Chalukya boar, standing to the proper right. I spurious,
TEXT..
First Plate. [°] Svasti [ll] Jayaty =âvishkriti® Vishņôr=vvârâha[mo] kshobhitarņava[mo) dakshi[]n-on[n.]ata-da[im*]shtr-agra-visranta-bhuvana[in*] vapu[h*] [[-]. Srimata[in"] Baka la
___bhu[*] vana-sa[m]stayamina-MAnavya-sagbtran[am ]
Hariti-putrâŅA[**] [*] sapta-lokamatribhis sapta-matri(tri)bhir=abhivardhitani[m]
KArt[t]i["] keya-parirakshapa-prapta-kalyana-paramparApA[m]
bhagavan-[N*]ara- Read उच्चापद्रके.
Prof. R. G. Bhandarkar has suggested that Berati
is probably the modern Redi, a few miles to the south of * Read and here and below. Read ge7o. Vengurle in the Ratnagiri District (Early History of " Rend "पुष्पवाटिका. Read पवमान
the Dekkan, p. 37 f.) " Read दाय. Read भुज्यमानक:.
From the lithograph.
* Metre, Sloka (Anushtabh.) Road kritan. " Read रन्यैवा. - Read रेन्द्र ईनानि.
. This ka was at first omitted, and was then inserted - Read लिखितं.
| below the line.
• Read matribhibe

Page #373

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Page #374

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CHALUKYA COPPER-PLATE GRANT.

Page #375

DECEMBER, 1885.]
THE BANAWASI PRAKRIT INSCRIPTION
331
pa
[°] yana-prasada-samasâdita-v(va)ráhalâchchha (bchha)n-êkshana kshana-vasi(61). ['] kri(kri) t-aśêsha-mahibhri(bhri)tâm Chalukyânâ[m] kulam-ala[m]karishņ(sbņô)r=
aśvamê. c'] dh-ava
Second Plate; First Side. ['] bhri(bhți)tha-snâna-pavitrikri(kļi)ta-gâtrasya . Satyáśraya-sri(srl) pri(pri)thiviva[no] 1[1*]abha-mahârâjâdhiraja-paramêsvara-sri-Palakésival[lo]abha["] maharajadhiraja-paramèsva[ra]'-bhattâraka-samadhigatapañcha[""] mahâsarbda (bda)
avâpta-paramapaurush-[&*]para-nâmadh@ya-saka[**] lørta(tta)råpath-adhipati-sri(śri)-Harshavardhana-parâjay-pa["] larbdh(bdh)-[A]para-nâmadhêyasya
vijaya-rajya-samya[t]sare [+] chame Mågha-masa-saptamyam [1]
Mákot-åvagahana-kritaSecond Plate; Second Side. [*] sari(rf)rêņa Dravidavishayavástavya-Kâśyapasagðtrêya
Sômagvå["] mi-pu(trå®]ya Kumârasvâ[mi® ]-pautrậya PO(Ppau)masvâmi-naptâya Narayaņasvâmi["] nê brâhmaṇasya' sôdaka-půrva[m] dat[t]ah Rêvati(ti)-dvi(dvi)pe Mahanady
0(u)ttara-kale Vi. ["] ndiri-purasta [t] Khuddika-dakshinatah Chhuråvaṇasya paschimena ["] Pirigipa-nama-grâin[0*] rba (ba) li-charu-vai vadê-arttha[m]
mấtậpi["] trôr=âtmanas-cha" a-châta-bhata-pravêśya[ho]
sarva-pariharah ["] sarva-nirådêyah sarva-si(sl)mi-parisch*]chhinna[h*]
samast[6] Third Plate. [**] yê(y)=smad-vamsyair=anyair=vâ abhipratipalani(ni)y8 mânani(nî)yas=cha [lo] ["] yasztasya v ikri(ksi)tim vajatô sa pañchabhir=mahapatakair=upa[*] på takais-cha samyukto narakê maj[j]ati [ll.] Uktañ=cha bhagavatâ vêda-vyâse{"] na Vyåsena [1] Sva'-dat[t]ám paradat[te]Âm và y8 harêta' vasundhara[m] shashti[*] varsha-sahasraņi vishthiyam (ja yaté®) krimih (ll) Rba(ba)hubhiruvasudha bhukta ["'] râjabhish*] Sagar-adibhih yasya yasya yadh bhumis-tasya tasya ["] tada phalam iti [ll] Likhitam c ha Guņadêvêna lêkhakêna [ll]
THE BANAWASI INSCRIPTION OF HARITIPUTA-SATAKAMNI.
BY DR. G. BÜHLER, C.I.E. The subjoined inscription, which has already, margin-a letter being broken away at the been published, in text and translation, by beginning of the full line, perhaps two more & Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji,' is re-edited here from little way down, and some at the end." From the two lithographs on the accompanying plate, the appearance of the lithographs, however, prepared by its discoverer, Dr. J. Bargess, I conclude that only one letter has been lost
According to Dr. Burgess' account, as ac- at the end of the second line. It must also companying Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji's version, be added that several letters of the first line, it is carved on the two edges of a large slate plainly the seventh, eighth, and ninth from slab, bearing the representation of a five-hood the end, and possibly others, have been deed cobra. "The first line is on the left marginmaged by abrasions or scratches, and that the of the slab from top to bottom; and the preservation of some of the first ten signs of second line and the half are on the right-side line 2 is clearly imperfect.
These two titles are repeated unnecessarily-unless * We have to supply punyy-abhivriddhayd here. the Satyábraya of line 8 denotes Paliklin I. ; in which
..^ The engrsver first formed rua here, and then correccase, there is then an omission of Kirttivarman I. between him and Palikesin II., who is mentioned in
ted it into sa.
1. Road Shurjat).-We must supply oyaghatan lur. line 9.. Read sabd-dvdpta.
ydt, or some similar expression, here. . We have to supply tina here, if the grant is supposed
Metre, fioka (Anushtubh); and in the following to be made by Palikesin II. * Read naptrd, or perhaps praraptre.
veronic
No. 10, p. 100 1., of the separate publications of the u Bead brahmandya.
Archeological Survey of Western India.

Page #376

332
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECEMBER, 1885.
The alphabet resembles, as Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji has stated, that of the Nasik inscrip- tion of Siriyaña-Satakamni.' Remarkable are the total absence of the distinction between short and long i, and the frequent neglect of the anusvára, which latter may be owing to dialectic pronunciation. In the ña of raño, the hook on the right has been accidentally detached from the vertical stroke.
My interpretation of the inscription differs from Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji's in several more or less important particulars; and I trust he will take it not as a mark of disrespect, but of respect, if I state in fall the reasons for my dissent. First, I think his reading of the fifth word vasasataya improbable, and his translation "in the century" impossible. The lithographs, especially that of the rubbing, show at the top of va a short stroke turning upwards, and thus indicate that it originally had a superscribed vowel. But, even if we had to read vasasataya, this word could not mean "in the century." A century might be called in Sansksit varshasati, and in Prakrit vasasati ; not varshasatá or vasasata. The gen., dat., and loc. of vasasati would be vasasatiya, not vasasataya. Moreover, a phrase like " in the century of such and such king, in the year," &c., does not occur in any known inscription, and would be meaningless. In his remarks Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji tries to connect it with the Kaśmîrian Lôkakala or Saptarshi-era ; and Dr. Burgess adds in a note, that the year of the Lôkakála is called by Albirûnî "the Samvatsara of the century." Against this it must be stated, that none of the inscriptions and MSS., dated according to the Kaśmirian era, shows anything but Saptar- shi-sariat * , or simply Sanvat * *; and that Kalhaņa uses occasionally Lékakalasya varshé, sahvatsare, &c., or simply Abde, Varshé. Moreover Albirûni's passage, I think, has not the meaning assigned to it by Dr. Bargess. M. Reinaud's translation runs as follows, -"Le
vulgaire dans l'Inde compte par siècles, et les siècles se placent l'on après l'autre. On appelle cela le Sannvatsara du cent." Hence it would seem that, not the year of the Lokakála, but the Lokakala itself was called "Samvatsara du cent." The Sanskrit equivalent probably was satasarhvatsara, formed according to the analogy of shashtyabda, one of the names of the sixtyyear cycle of Jupiter.
But, however that may be, my learned friend's explanation seems to me inadmissible on grammatical and philological grounds. In looking for another interpretation, we should, it seems to me, first ascertain what phrases do occur between king's names and dates, accord ing to regnal years on other inscriptions. The ancient Prakṣit inscriptions afford no help. But the Sanskpit land-grants of the early Kadambas, Pallavas, and Chalukyas, almost in. variably show before the word saivatsara
year' an expression like " of the reign," or, " of the victorious reign," or, "of the prosperous and victorious reign"; and the ways in which this idea is expressed vary very much.
If we now pay attention to the upward stroke above the va of the doubtful word, and take it for the remnant of an i, we obtain the rending visasataya, which, as the legitimate representative of visva-sattayah, may mean "of the rule over the universe." For satta, which in classical Sanskrit means existence,' is used in all the modern Prakrits in the sense of power, authority, rule,' see, e.g. Molesworth's Marathi Dictionary, 8.0.; and, hence, it probably had the same meaning in the older dialects. With this explanation, the beginning of our inscription has to be rendered, “The year 12 of the universal rule of king...," &c.
The second point on which I differ from Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji is the restoration of the beginning of line 2. He changes the letters jaya to jáya, supplies bha, and combines this with the last word of line 1. He thus obtains
Archæol. Suru. West. Ind. Vol. IV. Pl. ly.
yapravardhanakara... sarvatsara, Pallava grant, ante, Fragments Arabes, p. 145.
Vol. VII. p. 37; -6, suvaijayika....... sarateara, • The commoneat phrase is, pravardhamana-vijaya- Kadamba grant, ante, Vol. VI. pp. 23, 24;-7, vijayaTljya-sasuntsara, see the Chalukya grants, ante, Vol. VI. sashvatara, Pallava, grant, ante, Vol. V. pp. 52-8, Pp 86, 89, 92; VII. pp. 107, 112, 189, 302: VIII. p. 27; IX. tijayapasichamd sarratsare, Chalukys grant, ande, pp. 128, 131; the Pallava grant, ante, Vol. VIII. p. 168. Vol. VII. p. 192, etc. The simple expression atmand Variations are,-1, pravardhamana-rijy-libhisheki-arh- rajyasya' varsha (ante, Vol. VII. p. 35), or svartyavatsara in the Chalukya grant, ante, Vol. VI. p. 73 ;--2, sathvateard (ante, Vol. VI. pp. 30, 32; VII. p. 164), is samedhamnona-vijaya rajya ... sarhuntsara in the Pallava comparatively speaking rare. grant, ante, Vol. V. p. 156; -3, padapadma-pravardha- As the existence of the i is doubtful, I will mention mina-vijaya-rajye... sarvatsara in the Orissa grant, that even taeaeataya may have a similat meaning, as it ante, Vol.V. p.573-, vijayardjyasambachchara, Chalnkya can stand for vasa-sattaya " of the existence of the graut, oute, Vol. VII. p. 220;-5, vijaydyur irigy fuar.! rule.'

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PALI INSCRIPTION AT BANAVASI.
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DECEMBER, 1885.] THE BANAWASI PRAKRIT INSCRIPTION.
the compound jivaputabhajaya " of the wife of Jivaputa." With respect to the first change I agree, as the ja is mutilated, and the numerous scratches in other letters make it probable that the u-stroke of yu is accidental. But I supply pa (not bha), and take the whole compound to be jivaputapajaya "of her whose son and (other) descendants are alive." My reasons are that the existence of a name Jivaputra is doubtful, and that in the Nâsik inscription No. 14° we have a similar epitheton of queen Gotami,jivasutúya rájamátuya.
The fourth and fifth points of difference occur in the interpretation of the sentence étha kamamlikó amachô khadasáti. Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji reada kamatiks with the lithograph of the impression, and khadasdtisa, combining the following sa with this name. His Sanskrit translation, atra karma-trikam amátya-Skandasrátisa, shows that he corrects amacho to amacha against the plain reading of both lithographs. This change is unnecessary. Whether we read kamantiko or kamatiko, the word must be taken as a nom. sing. of the masc. gender which refers to amacho. If we stop with khadasúti, interpreting it likewise as a nom. sing., the sentence becomes idiomatic Prakrit and corresponds to the Sanskrit atra Kármántiko 'mátyaḥ Skandasrátiḥ, which may be translated, "Here, or with respect to these (donations), the minister Skandasvâti (was) the superintendent of the work." Kamanta, in Sanskrit karmánta, is a common word for 'business, work,' and kammantiko is a regular derivative from it, which can only mean 'superintendent of, or charged with, a work.' A royal lady, of course, required and had a Kárbhári, as the modern phrase is. The correctness of this explanation is further confirmed by the sentence which follows. Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji, who gets two proper names in the last sentence before and after achariyasa, is forced to assume the loss of the word putasa at the
Regarding king Haritipata-Sâtakamni, the joy of the Vinhukadaḍutu family, I am not able to say anything more than Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji. The first part of his family-name may correspond to the Sanskrit vishnukata. But duu remains inexplicable. Sâtâkamņi, usually Satakamņi (with the vowel in the second syllable short), is probably a title or a biruda, which several Andhra kings bear, but which may have been adopted by princes of other races. The reign of this Satâ kam ni falls, according to the epigraphical evidence of the inscription, probably in the end of the first or the beginning of the second century. Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji thinks that it may be placed somewhat later.
TEXT.
['] Sidham
333
Archeol. Surv. West. Ind. Vol. IV. p. 106.
See the St. Petersburg Dictionary, s. v.
The bottom-line of the va has been lost with the exception of a small piece on the right, visible in the facsimile of the rubbing.
The facsimile of the rubbing makes it probable that
end of line 2, and to translate, "The Naga has been made by Nataka, the disciple of Dâmôraka, and" (?) "son of the Acharya Jayantaka." It is, however, plain from the lithograph that only one letter can have been lost; and it is equally plain that the name dámurakasa or damorakasa is mutilated. If, on the other hand, we read sajayatakasa, it is not doubtful that this adjective, like kaliyánakasa, chémulakasa, &c., in the Kanheri and other inscriptions, refers to the residence of the Acharya...damoraka, and characterises him as an inhabitant of the ancient town of Samjayanti. The latter is mentioned in the Digvijayaparvan of the Mahabharata, II. 31, 70;
Nagarim samjayantim cha pâshandam Karahatakam |
dâtairêva vasé chakrê karam ch-ainân adapayat || "The town of Samjayanti and the heretical (prince of) Karahâța, he subjected to his authority through envoys, and made them pay a tribute." The fact that Karahata, the modern Karad (recte Karhid) in the Southern Marithâ country, is mentioned together with Sa mjayanti, while the preceding verse speaks of the Kéralá vana-vásinaḥ, proves that the town was situated in the Dekhan.
Raño Hâriti-putasa
Vi'phu-kada-dutu-kul-ânamda Sâtâkamnisa vasa [viosa] -
sataya sa vachharam 10 2 hêmamtâna pakhô1o 7 divasa 1 mahâbhuviya mahârâjabalikiya jira-puta
the vowel i was attached to the top of the va; see also the introductory remarks above.
10 The vowel is expressed by two small strokes attached to the lower end of the right-hand curve of the kha.
11 The letters bilikd are much damaged, but just recognisable.

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[DECEMBER, 1895.
16
[*] damôrakasa
[*].. jayu [pajaya]" saûmâ.. [sakumaraya"] sada[Siva"]khadanagasiriya deyadhammam någô taḍigam vinarô cha lêtha kamantikô1 amacho Khadasâti [] Sajayatakasa achariyasa.. sisûna Natakéna nagu TRANSLATION. Success! The year twelve of the universal sovereignty of king SAtakamni, the son of the queen of the Hârita (Hârîta) gotra, the joy of the Vinhukadaḍutu race; the seventh fortnight, the first day;-(the image of) a Núga, a tank, and a monastery (are) the meritorious gift of the Mahabhôj Sivakha danagasiri (Sivas kandanâgasri), the
20
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
katô [].
daughter of the great king,-of her whose son and (other) progeny is living, (and) who is associated (in this donation) with her son." With respect to these (gifts) the minister Khadasâti (Skandasvâti) (was) the superintendent of the work. The Nága has been made by Nataka (Nartaka), the pupil of the Acharya" [I]damôraka (Indramayûra) of the town of Sam jayanti.
ON THE IDENTIFICATION OF THE ANIMALS AND PLANTS OF INDIA WHICH WERE KNOWN TO EARLY GREEK AUTHORS.
BY V. BALL, M. A., F. R. S., DIRECTOR OF THE SCIENCE AND ART MUSEUM, DUBLIN. (Continued from p. 311.)
PLANTS.
It would be going beyond the special limits of this paper to attempt any discussion as to the identity of plants mentioned by our authors, but not belonging to India. I should not possess in such an analysis the qualification which has been of so much aid to me with reference to the productions of India, namely, a, so to speak, personal acquaintance with them as they appear, and are regarded by the natives in the country itself.
1. Rice ("Opuga). Oriza sativa, Linn.-Rice.-(Sansk. Vrihi). In the Periplus, we are told that oriza, which all agree was rice, was produced in Oraia and Araike, and was exported from Barygaza to the Barbarine markets and the Island of Dioskoridês, i. e. Socotra.
2. HONEY FROM CANES CALLED SUGAR (MEA Tò καλάμινον τὸ λεγόμενον σαχαρ). Saccharum officinarum, Linn.-Sugar Cane, its
12 Regarding the restoration see the introductory remarks above.
13 The evidently mutilated letters may also be read sama. But Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji's restoration is highly probable.
The rubbing seems to show that a vowel stood originally over the initial sa, and the second letter looks imperfect. I accept Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji's restoration, because the combination sivaskanda occurs also in Sanskrit names.
The final anusvára is distinct in the lithograph of the impression.
10 As a small hook or line is attached to the end of the da, the correct reading may possibly be tatagan, a vicarious form for tadigan which is common in Southern
India.
17 The anusvára above the ma is visible on the lithograph of the rubbing.
This may be read dimorakasa, according to the lithograph of the impression. But I prefer the form with short a and propose tentatively the restoration of
product called Sarkara in Sanskrit, and Shakar by the Persians. According to the Periplus it was exported from Barygaza (i.e. Bharoch), to the markets of Barbaria.
Mr. M'Crindle's résumé of the writings of the ancients with regard to this substance is of such interest that I quote it verbatim here:-"The first western writer who mentions this substance is Theophrastos, who continued the labours of Aristotle in Natural History. He called it a sort of honey extracted from reeds. Strabo states, on the authority of Nearkhos, that reeds in India yield honey without bees. Elian (Hist. Anim.) speaks of a kind of honey pressed from reeds which grew among the Prasii. Seneca (Epist. 84) speaks of sugar as a kind of honey found in India on the leaves of reeds, which had either been dropped on them from the sky as dew, or had exuded from the reeds themselves. This was a prevalent error in ancient times, e.g. Disko
Idamorak asa, i.e. Indramayuraka.
19 Regarding the translation of Haritiputa, see my remarks, published by General Cunningham, Bharhut Stupa, p. 102. I think it probable that the queen's father's Pur hita belonged to the Harita gotra, which his royal Yajamana naturally assumed. The possibility of a connexion of Horitiputa with the epitheton (Hirit'putranam) of the Kadambas and Chalukyas is, however, not excluded. If that existed the compound would moan "(remotely)descended from Hariti.'
20 A Naga, i.e. probably the cobra on the slab on which the inscription is incised.
The explanation of Mahabhuvi by Mahabhōji belongs to Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji.
The association of sons and other relatives in the merit of a gift, is exceedingly common, especially in the Kanheri inscriptions.
3 Achariya, i.e. acharya, probably means here master-(mason)."
Periplus of the Erythraan Sea, by J. W. M'Crindle,
p. 23,

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ANIMALS AND PLANTS OF INDIA.
335
rides says that sugar is a kind of concreted where. The reed known as kand grows to an honey found upon canes in India and Arabia | immense height, is notched like the bamboo, Felix; and Pliny, that it is collected from and has a beautiful feathery head. This reed canes like a gum. He describes it as white, is invaluable to the Sindians for huts, mats, and brittle between the teeth, of the size of baskets, chairs, &c. It grows in large tufts, hazel-nut at most, and used in medicine only. and vast tracts are covered with it between So also Lucian, alluding to the Indians near Khairpar and the river." This kand (Typha the Ganges, says that they quaff sweet gums elephantina, Roxb.) could certainly not have from tender reeds."
been the plant from which canoes were made, It has been conjectured that the sugar de- as has been suggested by some of the critics. scribed by Pliny and Dioskorides was sugar- For purposes of mere flotation it is used by candy obtained from China, see supra, p. 309, fishermen and others when dried and tied in where I have suggested that this was the bundles, but the suggestion that the boats origin of the "stones sweeter than fige or capable of holding several persons, mentioned honey," which were supposed to have been by Hôrodotos, were made of it, is obviously dug out of the earth.
absurd. It would be easy to quote references to shew 4. THE INDIAN REED (Kalapos 'Ivdekós.) that sugar-candy, as well as sugar in other
Borassus flabelliformis, Linn.- The forms, was an article of export to Afghanistan
Palmyra Palm. from India, in the time of Babar and subse- It appears to have been calmly accepted by quently.
commentators that “the Indian reed," referred 3. Photos.
to by Grecian and Latin authors, was the same Papyrus pangorei, Nees. (?)-Papyrus Reed. as the plant to which we give the name bam
According to Hêrodotos'-"The Indians wear boo. So far as I have read their writings, garinents (iairns privat) made from a plant excepting the alternatives mentioned below, I which grows in the rivers. Having collected have not met with any suggestion that this and beaten it, they interweave it in the form identification is incorrect. To show in the of a mat, and they clothe themselves with it first place that it is so, and secondly to name after the manner of a cuirass."
a plant which falfils the required conditions, The above-named species of papyrus is com- is however not difficult. monly used for weaving into mate, and is The facts that the bamboo does not attain sometimes used by fishermen as a protection more than about one-third of the size of the for their bodies from wet and cold. In some so-called reed; that it could not, therefore, respects the description would suit either hemp have been used for the purposes for which the (Cannabis sativa, Linn.) or jute (Corchorus Indian reed is said to have been employed, and capsularis, Linn.); but on the whole I cannot the absence of the larger kinds of bamboo accept that it was the fibre of either of these from the region of the Lower Indus Valley, all to which Herodotos refers, especially as regards combine to prove that the above identification hemp, since be elsewhere describes its use by of the commentators must be rejected. the Skythians, and compares its qualities with The more important among the numerous those of flax.
references to the Indian reed are the followIf not the papyrus, it was probably one of ing:-Hérodotos' speaks of the inhabitants of the other species of marsh plants of which the marshes, which are formed by the flooding mats are made in India at the present day. of rivers in India, as fishing from canoes “The luxuriance of the grasses and reeds in formed of canes, which are cut from node to Sind," says Captain Langley, "especially near node, each segment forming a boat. Pliny' the Indus, surpasses anything I ever saw else- gives a similar account, and says that these
• Thalia, III. cap. zoviii. * Thalia, III. cap. ocii. and IV. caps. lxxiv. lxxv.
• Saccharum sara, Roxb., and 8. spontaneum, Linn. &c. &c.
Narrative of a Residence at the Court of Meer Ali Moorad, Vol. I. p. 275.
• Sprengel includes the rattan, Calamus rotang, in his identification. This is, if possible, a plant still more unsuited to the requirements of the case. + Thalia, Book III. xeviii.
Hist. Nat. lib. VII. cap. ii. tom. i. p. 372, line 22; and lib. XVI. cap. IIxvii. tom. II., p. 27, line 32

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECEMBER, 1885.
boats traverse the Akesines (i.e. Chenab river). So also Diodorus Siculas, who has written to the following effect :-"In India the lands bordering rivers and marshes yield reeds of prodigious size. It is all that a man can do to embrace one. Canoes are made from them."
Ktësias's account, as given by Photios, o is that the Indian reed grows along the course of the Indus, and that it is "so thick that two men could scarcely encompass its stem with their arms, and of a height equal to that of a mast of a merchant ship of the heaviest burden. Some are of a greater size even than this, though some are of less, as might be expected, since the mountain it grows on is of vast range. The reeds are distinguished by sex, some being male and others female. The male reed has no pith and is exceedingly strong, but the female has a pith." Tzetzes, 1 Theophrastos, 18 and Strabo are other authors who treat of this subject. I have in the preceding note given an account of the kand reed (Typha elephantina, Roxb.), which has been suggested as an alternative with the bamboo by Lassen; bat although, as stated, bundles of its slender stalks, when dried, are used for mere purposes of flotation on the Indus, it cannot have been made into canoes.
Statements made by Lassen and Sprengel, that the bamboo sometimes has a diameter of two feet, are quite incorrect. Nine inches is an extreme and very exceptional limit," and as the larger species of bamboo do not occur near the Indus, on account of their only flourishing in moist tropical climates, we must look to some other tree as having furnished, when the stem was split, almost ready-made boats capable of holding several people. At the present day, excluding timber dog-outs made of Bombax, &c., the only trees 80 employed are palms; and among the species 80 used, namely, the cocoanut, the date-palm, and the palmyra (Borassus flabelliformis, Lirm.) I should be inclined to give the preference to the latter, as it is cultivated in Lower Sind. The diameter of a full-grown tree is from 18 to 24 inches, or the circumference is, say, six
• Bibl., lib. II. $ xvii. p. 132. 10 Conf. Ancient India, by J. W. M'Crindle, p. 10. 11 Conf. Ancient India, by J. W. M'Crindle, P. 10.
+ Khiliader, VII. v. 739, from third book of Αραβικιον of Uranias. '13 Plant. Hist. ix. 11.
Nibid: 1v. 21. * Brandis' Forest Flora, p. 554, gives for the stems of
feet at the base; the height is from 40 to 60 feet, and in favourable localities, as in Burma, 100 feet. Canoes, capable of holding two or three people, are made from the stems of this palm in many parts of India at the present day. It is noteworthy, moreover, that the Sanskrit name is Trinarája, i.e. king of the grasses or reeds, from which in all probability the Greeks derived the name which they applied to it. The Phaniw dactylifera, or date-palm, which is now the common palm in the Indus Valley, attains a height of 100 to 120 feet, and the trunks of male trees may perhaps be used for canoes; but if, as is stated by Brandis, it was only introduced into Sind in the eighth century, it certainly cannot have been the tree mentioned by our ancient authors.
5. THE NAUPLIOS (Nuúruos). Cocos nucifera.-The Indian Cocoanat. Under the name Nauplios, which Müller suggests, as stated by Mr. M'Crindle, is a mistake for vapyros (the Persian närgil or Sanskrit nárikela), the author of the Periplus," refers to the cocoannt, while Kosmas" gives a very good description of it, under the name argellia, evidently a transliteration of the native name minus the initial n.
6. THE PAREDON TREE (Ilápnjov). Ficus religiosa, Linn.-The Pipal, Hin.
The parébon tree, as described by Ktësias, according to Photios," was a plant about the size of the olive, found only in the royal gardens, producing neither flower nor fruit, but having merely fifteen roots, which grow down into the earth, and are of considerable thickness, the very slenderest being as thick as one's arm. If a span's length of this root be taken it attracts to itself all objects brought near it (Tárra IKEL #pòs cavrov), gold, silver and copper, and all things except amber. If, however, a cubit's length of it be taken, it attracts lambs and birds, and it is, in fact, with this root that most kinds of birds are caught. Should you wish to turn water solid, even a whole gallon of it, you have but to throw into it but an obol's weight of this root, and the thing is Bambus arundriancea, Rets, diameters varying from four to nine inches. 16 Forest Flora, p. 558.
The Erythrean 8e1, by J. W. M'Crindle, p. 26. 1 Ancient India, p. 05.
• Ecloga in Photii, Bibl. lxxii. Conf. Ancient India, by J. W. M'Crindle, p. 20.

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ANIMALS AND PLANTS OF INDIA..
DECEMBER, 1885.]
done. Its effect is the same upon wine, which when condensed by it, can be held in your hand like a piece of wax, though it melts the next day. It is found beneficial in the cure of. bowel disorders."
My reasons, for identifying the above with the pipal tree (Ficus religiosa) are as follow:Though of common occurrence in the moist tropical parts of India, it is seldom found except where cultivated in gardens and plantations in the Pañjab and the arid tracts of Northern India generally, where, as it does not flourish, it is probably not often larger than a well-grown olive tree. Its small figs are inconspicuous, scarcely exceeding the larger varieties of peas in size, so that it might easily have been supposed to have had neither flowers nor fruit. Its roots sometimes clasp other trees in their embrace, and they are generally visible at the surface of the ground for some distance away from the trunk. There is no limit, however, to their number. Being regarded as sacred by the Hindus, offerings of various emblems and idols are often to be seen placed round the trunk; in some cases ancient stone implements and other stones of curious and grotesque shapes may be observed thus collected around it. In these facts I would suggest that the myth as to the attractive power of the roots, or, as Apollônios has it, the tree itself, for metals and stones, may very probably have originated. Its "attractive" power for birds and other animals is very readily explained, since from the glutinous juice which exudes from the stem bird-lime is commonly made; and it may be that the "attraction" for metals, &c., merely refers to some adhesive substance prepared from this juice. The effects of the fresh juice when dropped into water or wine might possibly be to thicken them, but perhaps not to the extent stated by Ktêsias. As to the medicinal properties, the seeds are believed to be cooling and alterative, and the leaves and young shoots are used as a purgative.
To the above, which constitute strong reasons in favour of this identification, there may be added, that although at first sight the name pipal presents no very close resemblance to parébon, still, when written as it is often pronounced, peepun, the I being replaced by n, it
30 [Does not the description, however, tally better with the Banyan tree or bar, Skr. vata, Ficus Indica P-ED.]
337
is not difficult to understand how the sound may have suggested to the ear of the Greek writer a combination of letters which he represented by rápnẞov.30
7. TREES BEARING WOOL (Tidé dévôpea Tà ἄγρια αὐτόθι φέρει καρπὸν ἐΐρια). Gossypium indicum, Lam.-Cotton Tree. No claim can be made here for originality in identifying with cotton the substance mentioned in, the following extracts. It is an identification about which commentators are agreed. It is only mentioned here on account of some special points of interest connected with it; but it might have been omitted for the same reason that so many other substances have been, namely, that their identity is not doubtful.
Herodotos1 says:-"One sees, besides, wild trees which, instead of fruit, carry a species of wool more beautiful and better than that of the sheep. The Indians dress themselves with the wool which they collect from these trees."
Ktêsias, as related by several of his commentators, refers to the trees in India which bear wool.
Arrian, quoting from Nearkhos, also refers to this product, which in its woven state, was new to the Greeks who went to India in the army of Alexander.
A cotton from stones, mentioned by some early authors, appears to have been asbestos, as I have elsewhere suggested."
The xápraσos mentioned in thè Periplus as an export from Ariakê to Egypt, was the Sanskrit kárpása, signifying fine muslin. The name survives in the modern Hindustânî word kapás, cotton.
8. THE SIPTAKHORAS TREE (ETTάxoраs). Schleichera trijuga, Wild, and Bassia latifolia, Roxb.
In the account of EKтpov, supra, p. 309f., the identification of the siptakhoras has, by anticipation, been already suggested. It appears to combine the characteristics of two trees. which are found in the same tract of country. The khusum tree (Schleichera trijuga) was probably the tree which yielded the shell-lac, and it seems to have been confused with the mahuwd (Bassia latifolia), since from the 11 Thalia, lib. III. c. evi. Proceedings, Royal Dublin Society, 1883, p. 83.

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(DECEMBER, 1885.
latter there exudes a gum without the aid of
11. PEPPER (Térrepe). lac insects. It may, I think, be accepted as Piper nigrum, Linn.-Black Pepper. (Sansk., almost certain that the so-called dried fruits
pippali). were, as has been explained, the dried flowers "Mr. M'Crindle's note on this subject, when of the mahure, which are at the present time referring to the mention of it in the Periplus, largely used as an article of food, and for the is as follows :-"Kottonarik pepper exported extraction of an intoxicating spirit by distilla- in large quantities from Mouziris and Neltion. Both trees are found together in the kynda ; long pepper from Barygaza. Kottonars samo jungles.
was the name of the district, and Kottonarikon 9. LYCIUN (AÚktov).
the name of the pepper for which the district Berberis tinctoria, D. C., and B. lycium, was famous. Dr. Buchanan identifies Kottonara Rogle.
with Kadattanadu, a district in the Calicut This substance, which, according to the (Kalikotta) country celebrated for its pepper. Periplus," was exported from Barbarikon (i.e. Dr. Barnell, however, identifies it with Kolattaa town on the Indus, in Indo-Skythia), and nadu, the district about Tellicherry, which, he from Barygaza, i.e. Bharoch, was a plant says, is the pepper district." whose roots yielded a dye, and the extract a Malabar continues to produce the best pep. medicine.
per in the world ; but Sumatra and other It has already been identified, as pointed out islands cultivate and export largely. by Mr. M'Crindle," with the rasaut of the The pepper vine is planted near trees which natives, which is prepared from the two species it ascends to the height of 20 or 30 feet. The of Berberry named above. The first of them, berries, which are collected before being quite B. tinctoria, is found both in the Himalayas ripe, are dried in the sun; white pepper only and the mountains of Southern India and differs from black by having the outer skin Ceylon; but the other species is only known removed, for which purpose the berries are from the Himalayas. 95
first macerated. 10.BDELLIUM (Bdula, or B8Xcov).
12. MALABATHRUM (Maláßapov.) Balsamodendron mukul, Hooker. Called
Cinnamomum tamala, Nees, and Gúgal in Sind.
Dálchini," Hin. It appears to be now generally admitted 1 The leaves of this tree, which are known to that this is the species of tree which yielded the the natives of India as tezpait, or more correctly gum-resin known to the ancients as vdellium, tejpát, appear to be identical with the malaand which, according to the author of the bathrum of the Greeks. It was obtained by the Periplus, was exported from Barbarikon on Thinai from the Sesatai, and exported to the Indus, and from Barygaza.
India, conveyed down the Ganges to Gange, Dr. Stocks has described the collection of near its mouth; and it was also brought from Indian bdellium as follows:-"In Sind the the interior of India to Mouziris and Nelkynda gúgal is collected in the cold season by making for export. incisions with a knife in the tree, and letting | Mr. M'Crindle" who seems to regard it the resin fall on the ground. It exudes in as identical with betel (Chavica betel, Mig.), large tears, soft and opaque, hardens and turns (from which, however, it is quite distinct) menbrownish black very slowly; a single tree is tions that according to Ptolemy (VII. ii. 16), said to yield from one to two pounds weight. the best varieties of malabathrum came from It is brought to the bazars of Haidarabad and Kirrbadia-that is to say, Rangpur in Eastern Karachi, where it sells at the rate of four Bengal. The description given in the Periplus shillings for 80lbs.
of how the malabathrum was prepared by the The bdellium of Scripture was, it is sup- Thinai (Chinese P), from leaves which were posed, a siliceous mineral allied to onyx. used by the Sesatai to wrap up the goods
» The Periplus of the Erythrean Sea, by J. W. 97 (Daichint means Chinese Sticks. -ED.) M'Crindle, p. 22. 2. loc. cit.
Conf. Periplus of the Erythrean Sea, pp. 23, 25. In » Conf. Forest Flora, by D. Brandis, p. 22.
his recent work on Ptolemy, ante, Vol. I. p. 379, he * Conf. Forest Flora, by D. Brandis, p. 14.
has however adopted the above identification.

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ANIMALS AND PLANTS OF INDIA.
339
which they brought to market, is very curious, species of laurel (Laurus camphora, Nees.)." and must refer to some castom of an Assamese But this tree is not found in India, and it is tribe, which is still probably capable of eluci- believed that camphor itself was not known to dation. At the present day for instance the the Greeks. Altogether it may be doubted leaves of the (Zingiber? Sp. ?) are used in whether a complete solution of the difficulty Assam to wrap up small parcels as also are can be obtained. It is probable, however, that those of the Sal (Shorea robusta) in the parts Ktësias jumbled together the characteristics of of India where that tree grows. All the some species of Laurus with those of the indications of position point to the mountainous screw pine (Pandanus odoratissimus). regions included in and surrounding Assam as It may be added that in the Chinese work the home of the malabathrum, and there in fact entitled Si-yu-ki which was compiled in the the above-named tree abounds, extending west- year 646 A. D. we find the following as given wards to the Satlaj, and sparingly to the in Dr. Beal's translation (Vol. II. p. 232);Indus; and eastwards to Burma. It is also “The tree from which Kie-pu-lo (karpúra, i.e. found in Queensland, Australia.
camphor) is procured is in tronk like the pine 13. THE KARPION TREE (Kapalov).
but different in leaves, flowers and fruit. When
the tree is first cut down and sappy, it has no Laurus (cinnamomum) Sp. (?) Pandanus
smell; but when the wood gets dry it forms into odoratissimus (?)
beams and splits; then in the middle is the scent, Ktêsias's description of this tree, according in appearance like mica, of the colour of frozen to Photios, ** is as follows:-"But again there snow. This is what is called in Chinese Longare certain trees in India as tall as the cedar nao-hiang, i.e. the Dragon-brain-scent." or the cypress, having leaves like those of the
14. Cassia (Kagoia). date palm, only somewhat broader, but having
Laurus cassia,Roxb., &c. no shoots sprouting from the stems. They produce a flower like the male laurel, but no
The term Cassia appears to have been apfruit. In the Indian language they are called plied to different substances by the ancients, kupovda, i.e. unguent roses. These trees are ten varieties are mentioned in the Periplus. scarco. There oozes from them an oil which They were produced chiefly from different is wiped off from the stem with wool, from
species of Cinnamomum, but other plants which it is afterwards wrung out and received
wholly unallied to the laurel family may, it is into alabaster boxes of stone."
thought by some authors, have contributed The nature of this tree has been much dis- aromatic substances which were included in cussed. In some respects the description suits the same general denomination. As this subthe Pandanus, the flowers of which yield, on
ject has been dealt with by most commentators, distillation, a fragrant oil which is called more need not be said of it here. keorá by the natives, and in these parti
15. INDICUM ("Ivekov peav). culars, especially its palm-like habit, it cor- Indigofera tinctoria, Linn.-Indigo. Nilivi, responds least well with the characteristics
Sansk. Nil, Hin., &c. of the cinnamon. Mr. M'Crindle's argu- Among the exports from the Skythik port of ments in favour of its identification with the Barbarikon, on one of the mouths of the latter are of considerable cogency, though Indus, the above substance is enumerated in certainly not conclusive. He says :-"I have the Periplus, upon which Mr. M'Orindle little doubt that the Sanskrit karpúra, cam. remarks:-"It appears pretty certain that the phor, is substantially the same as the Tamil culture of the indigo plant and the preparaMalayâlim karuppr (oil of cinnamon), and tion of the drug have been practised in India Ktêsias' Kaprov, seeing that it does not seem | from a very remote epoch. It has been questo have any root in Sanskrit, and that cam. tioned, indeed, whether the indicum mentioned phor and cinnamon are nearly related. The by Pliny (xxxv. 6) was indigo, but, as it would camphor of commerce is obtained from a seem, without any good reason. He states
2 Ecloga in Photu, Bibl. lxxii. 28. » According to some authorities this is only
synonym for L. tumala.
31 The Erythran Sea, p. 17.

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that it was brought from India, and that! It is obtained in the higher regions of the when diluted it produced an admirable mis- Himalayas, and is brought down for sale in ture of blue and purple colours. The dye was considerable quantities, being much esteemed introduced into Rome only a little before by the people of Oriental nations generally Pliny's time."
on account of its strong fragrance. It is stated that as late as the close of the 18. THE PURPLE FLOWER (Avoos toppupowv). 16th century it was not known in Europe what
Grislea tomentosa, Roxb. The Dhavi, Hin. plant produced indigo, although its prepa
Among Photios's extracts from Ktêsias ration at Lisbon was described by Marco Polo.
there occurs the following passage :-"Near As is well known, it has hitherto been a most
the source of the Hyparkhos there grows a important product from British India, but the
certain purple flower, which is used for dyeing introduction of an artificial indigo renders it
purple, and is not inferior to the Greek sort, probable that the trade of the indigo planter
but even imparts a more florid hue." is destined to become extinct ere long.
I am inclined to recognize in this descrip16. A TREE HAVING BEAN-LIEB PODS tion the flowers of the dhava tree (Sanskrit, (Aévopov Mórovs ēxov).
dhátri-pushpika, or agnivála, i.e. flame of Cassia fistula, Linn. Amaltds, Hin. fire), which was named Grislea tomentosa by Suvarna, Sansk.
Roxburgh." According to Strabo,** Aristoboulog men- It will be seen by reference to any of the tions "a tree, not large, bearing great pods, Indian Floras that the flowers of this wild like the bean, ten fingers in length, full of jungle-shrub are largely used as a dye. Thus honey, and says that those who eat it do not Brandis says that they are collected in the easily escape with life."
North-West, and exported to the Pañjab for The above description suggests the pods of dyeing silks ; and Drury, that "in Khandesh, the Cassia fistula, which are sometimes two where the plant grows abundantly, they form feet long. They include, besides the seeds, & considerable article of commerce inland as a sweet mucilaginous pulp, which, however,
a dye.” is not poisonous, but is regarded as a valuable I have often seen baskets-full of the dried laxative. The seeds may be noxious. Possibly flowers exposed for sale at the fairs in Chutia the pulp, if taken in quantity, might produce Nagpûr, together with crude shell-lac, i.e. in disagreeable effects.
the same general region as that in which the 17. NARDOS (Nápdes).
Hyparkhos river was probably situated. The Nardostachys jatamansi, Jones-Spikenard.
petals being minute, it is the coloured sepals
which actually afford the dye. Sumbul-i-Hindi, Persi. Bálchhar, Hind. From the Periplus we learn that gangetic
19. OIL OY SESAME ("Elanov onoauivov). nard or spikenard was brought down the
Sesamum indicum, Linn. Gingely Oil, Eng. Ganges to Gange, near its mouth, and was
Yellu cheddi, Tamil, Til, Hin. forwarded thence to Mouziris and Nelkynda.
This is one of the most valuable oil-yielding Spikenard, which was obtained in the regions
plants in India. Both seeds and oil are still of the upper Indus and in Indo-Skythia, was largely exported from India, as they were, or forwarded through Ozônê (Ujjain) to Barygaza at any rate the latter was, according to the (Bharoch), and was thence exported to Egypt. Periplus," from Barygaza (i.e. Bharoch), it
The true origin of this aromatic drug was having been brought there from the region in first discovered by Sir W. Jones," who was the Narbadâ valley, then known as Ariake. followed in its investigation by Roxburgh" It is much cultivated in India and Egypt, and Royle. They determined it to be the and has found its way even to the West Indies. root of a plant named as above, which belongs The seed contains about forty-five per cent. to the Valerian family.
of oil, which is, when carefully extracted, of a
a B. xv. C. 1, $ 21. 3 As. Res. II. p. 405. 3. 48. Res. IV. p. 109. » Illast. p. 248. » Conf. Ancient India, by J. W. 'Crindle, p. 22.
» According to Brandis the proper name is Woodfordia floribunda, Salis.
Conf. Periplus of the Erythrean Sea, by J. W. 'Crindle, p. 17.

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"
pale yellow colour. It has a sweet smell, and is one of the best substitutes for olive oil.
20. KOSTOS (KóσTOS).
Aucklandia costus, Falconer. Sansk., Kushtha. According to the author of the Periplus, kostos was exported from Barbarikon, at the mouth of the Indus, and from Barygaza, it having come from Kabul, through Proklais, &c. ""
Much doubt existed as to the identity of this drug, till it was ascertained by Dr. Falconer to be the root of the above-named plant, which belongs to the order Asteraceae. It inhabits the moist open slopes surrounding the valley of Kaśmîr, at an elevation of 8,000 or 9,000 feet above sea-level.
The roots have a strong aromatic pungent odour, and are largely employed on account of their supposed aphrodisiac properties.
Considerable quantities, under the name pachak, are still exported from Calcutta to China-or were some years ago; but it is possible the route from Lahore, whence they were brought to that port, has now been changed in favour of Bombay or Karachi. In China it is used in the manufacture of incense. Two varieties are distinguished by their colours and qualities.
ANIMALS AND PLANTS OF INDIA.
21. MARINE TREES. Bruguiera gymnorhiza, Lam.-Mangroves. Kákṛá, Beng.
According to a passage in Antigonos, we learn that Megasthenês, in his Indika, mentioned that trees grow in the Indian seas.
These were doubtless mangroves, which flourish in Sind, in the estuaries of the Indus, as well as on various parts of the coast of the peninsula, and the islands of the Bay of Bengal, spreading thence to the Northern parts of Australia. As is well known, mangroves grow below high-water mark, and, with their stems supported above ground by numerous roots, they present a singular appearance-one sure to attract the attention of European travellers in India.
Pliny's accounts of marine trees may possibly include the mangrove, but they are somewhat
Periplus of the Erythraean Sea, by J. W. M'Crindle, Topsell's fantastic figure of the Martikhors, given in his History of rour-footed Bests, which is reproduced
P.
20.
341
vague; they seem to refer rather to the appearances presented by different corals and algae.
APPENDIX.
My attention has been drawn by Professor Haddon to an article in the October 1884 History of Animals. Aristotle's history has number of the Edinburgh Review on Aristotle's not been often quoted in this paper, for the simple reason that it contains little or nothing of importance about Indian animals which is at the same time original. The statement of Pliny and Athenæus, that Alexander sent Indian animals to Aristotle, has been rejected as being without foundation by Humboldt, Schneider, and Grote. With this opinion, which is endorsed by the writer of the review, I fully agree, on account of the absence of original remarks regarding them; but I must. take exception to part of what he says about Ktêsias, for although he objects to Aristotle's mention of him as a man "unworthy of credit" (our r diómoros), and as a "manifest liar" (parepòs évevouévos), he himself says that the following, together with some of the races of men mentioned by Ktêsias, are "simply creatures of the imagination," or "altogether fabulous." The animals so denominated are the Skole, Dikairon, Martikhora, and the Indian ass, the origin of the stories regarding each of which, and their respective identifications, I venture to believe I have successfully explained in the foregoing pages. His opinion as to the identity of the Krokottas agrees, I observe, with mine.
40
It has occurred to me that the Leucrocotta of Pliny (B. VIII. ch. 30) was the Nilgai (Portaz pictus). According to his description it was the size of the wild ass, with the legs of a stag, the neck, tail, and breast of a lion, the head of a badger, a cloven hoof, the mouth slit up as far as the ears, and one continuous bone instead of teeth. The last item I cannot explain; but the mane and tail of the Nilgai sufficiently resemble those of the lion to have suggested the comparison.
The Hippelaphas of Aristotle has also been supposed to be the Nilgái by some writers.
by Miss Phipson in her Animal Lore of Shakespere, might easily be spoken of as a creature of the imaginatida.

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THE CHRONOLOGY OF THE EARLY RULERS OF NEPAL.
BY J. F. FLEET, Bo. C.S., M.R.A.S., C.I.E. The inscriptions which give the subject of A.-Mr. Bendall's inscription; ante, p. 97. - the present paper, consist of fifteen collected by The charter recorded is issued from the house Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji, as published by or palace called Månagriha. The inscrip. him and Dr. Bühler in this Journal, Vol. IX. tion is one of the Bhattáralia and Mahárdja, the p. 163ff, -and of one discovered by Mr. Bendall, illustrious Sivadê va I., the banner or glory and published by him in this volume, p. 97£. of the Lichchhavikula.' And it records a
The historical results of the former set, have grant made by him on the advice, or at the been discussed at length by Pandit Bhagwanlal request, of the Mahásámanta Amśn varman. Indraji in his paper entitled "Some Considera- The Dataka is the Svanin Bhögavarman.. The tions on the History of Nepal," edited by Dr. date, in numerical symbols here and throughBühler, and published in this Journal, Vol. out the series, is (Gupta)-Samvat 318, + A.D. XIII. p. 411ff. These results, however, are, 319-202,= A.D. 637-38. unfortunately, vitiated by a radical error; via. B.-Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji's inscription the reference of one series of the dates to the No. 5; ante, Vol. IX. p. 168f.-The charter is Vikrama era, instead of to the Gupta era issued from Managļiha. The inscription is nearly four hundred years later.1
one of the Bhatáraka and Maharaja, the illusThis was due, partly to the misinterpretation trious Sivadêva 1, the banner of the Lichchavi. of an important verse in the inscription of kula. It recorded some act, the details of which Jayadôva II. of (Harsha)-Samvat 153; and are broken away and lost, done by him, as in partly to the want of the key-note supplied by inscription A., on the advice, or at the request, Mr. Bendall's inscription. And it was, of of the Mahásdmanta, the illustrious Ausu var. course, the publication of this last inscription man. The date, and the name of the Dataka, that led me to look carefully into the whole are broken away and lost in line 111f. matter, and at length to hit upon the funda- C.-Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji's inscription mental mistake, without a recognition of which No. 6; ante, Vol. IX. p. 1699.-The charter is it might still be argued that Mr. Bendall's issued from the house or palace called Keila date of 318 for Sivadêva I. and Arśavarman sa k û ta bhavana. The inscription is one stands alone in belonging to the Gupta era,
of the Mahlisémanta, the illustrious Ansu varand that, in spite of it, Pandit Bhagwanlal man. The Dataka is the Mahásarva [dandand]Indraji was right in referring the other larger yaka Vikramasena (?) The date is (Harsha)dates to the Vikrama era.
Samrat' 31, + A.D. 606-7, = A.D. 640-41. The dates and other important points of the D.-Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji's inscription sixteen inscriptions in question, arranged in No. 7; ante, Vol. IX. p. 170.-The charter is proper chronological order, are, in brief, these :- issued from Kailasak ûţa bhavana. The
1 I do not think it necessary on this occasion to enter into a full discussion of the era used by the Guptas. It is sufficient to say that, in my visits to Malwa in the early part of the present and the preceding years, I succeeded in obtaining some now inscriptions which satisfactorily determine the epoch of the era, and shew that that part of Albiruni's statement is correct which tells us that it is posterior to the Saka era by two hun. dred and forty-one years. Whether in convertinga Gupta into a Christian date, we have to add 241 or 243 of the Saka years, will depend upon accurata calculations which have not yet been made. But Albiruni's apparent moaning is that we have to add 241 of the Saka years. This gives as the equation Saka-Samvat 241 + A.D. 78. 79 A.D. 319-20 as the epoch of the Gupta era; and this is the equation that I shall uso in this paper.-Thero is one other point which should be mentioned here. It is that none of the Early Gupta and connected inscriptions give this era the name of tho Gupta era (or any other spocial name), or show specifically that it was founded by the Guptas. But it is convenient to call it, for the prosent at all evente, na heretofore, the Gupta era.
Lichchhavikulak tu, 1. 2.
Mahasimant-Axisluvurmmand vijfilipite na may ; l. 6-7.
This person would seem to be Arhuvarman's sister's Bon, who is mentioned in inscription D. below.-Ho must not be confused with Sivadeva II.'s father-in-law, the Maukhari Bhiga varman, who is mentioned in infeription 0. below, and was at least a full generation later. See note 10 below p. 343, on another point.
As in note 3 above. • This is the name as completed by Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji. But, if we accept it as correct, we must be careful not to confuso this person with the Rijaputra Vikramasena who was the Datuk of inscription P. be. low, more than two hundred years later. I have not seen the original rubbing of this inscription.
For the opoch of this era used by mo, neo Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji's remarks on Albiruni's statement (ante, Vol. XIII. p. 420, note 87.) Whether we have to nae A.D. 606 or A.D. 607, will depend upon calculations which have still to be made.

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343
inscription is one of the illustrious Aruvar- the Bhattáraka and Maharaja Dhruvade va, man, to whom no formal titles are allotted but the passage is much mutilated, and does here. It mentions Amíu varman's sister Bhôga-|| not in itself suffice to explain the connection dôvi, who was the wife of the Rájaputra between Dhruvadêva and Jishņugupta. Sûrasena, and the mother of the illustrious G.--Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji's inscription Bhôgavarman and Bhagyadêvi. It records No. 10; ante, Vol. IX. p. 173.-The charter certain orders addressed by Amsuvarman to is issued from Kailasa k û ta bhavana the officials of the Western province (paschim. (1.6). The inscription is one of the illustrious adhikarana-vritti-bhujah, lines 5-6; and paschin- Jishangupta. The details are much mutiadhikarana, l. 14), in counection with three lated; but the subject is a tilamaka or waterliiga forms of the god Isvara or Siva. The course which had been constructed by the Dutakı is the Yuvarája Udayadeva 10 The Mahásá manta, the illustrious ......dôva. The date is (Harsha)-Samvat 39, + A.D. 606-7,= name of the Dátaka, and the date have peeled A.D. 645.46.
off and are lost.-Lines 3 and 4 of this inscripE.-Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji's inscription tion again mention Managriha, and, in conNo. 8; ante, Vol. IX. p. 171.- This is not a nection with it, the Bhattáraka and Maharaja, formal charter, issued from any specified place. the illustrious Dhruva de va, the banner of It simply records that, by the favour of the the Lichchhavikula." Between mánagriha and illustrious Amś u varman, a pranili or dita-chitta in line 4, there are four (or perbaps
conduit' was caused to be built by the Varttal five) alsharas which are much damaged, and Vibhuvarman, for the increase of his father's are quite uncertain even in the rubbing; but religious merit. The date is (Harsha).Samvat the ha (not hd) is distinct enough; and this, 45 (?)," + A D. 606-7, = A.D. 651-52 (?) and the whole construction, shews that we
F.-Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji's inscription have here, --not Mánagrihet, the formal ablative No. 9; ante, Vol. IX. p. 171f.-The charter is of issue,---but the base Managriha, as the first issued from Kailås a k û ta bhavana (1. 3-4). inember of a compound, ending with santati, The inscription is one of the illustrious that qualifies sri-Dhruvdéva, and means someJishnugupta." It records that, at the thing like "who belonged to a lineage which request of the Samanta Chandravarman, a had its thoughts (gladdened by residing] at tilamaka or water-course, which had been con- Minagriha." As regards the connection bestructed by the Bhar túraka and Maharajadhi- tween Dhruvadeva and Jishnugupta, -in line 5, röja, the glorious Amba varman, was after sri-Dhruvadéva, Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji made over by Jishnugapta to Chandravarman. read purassaré sakala, and interpreted the passto be repaired; &c. The Dútaka is the Yuva. age as shewing that Jishnagupta acknowledged rcija, the illustrious Vishạngupta. The date Dhruvadêva as his lord paramount. The inis (Harsha)-Samvat 48, + A.D. 606-7, = A.D. terpretation is possibly correct; though the text 65+-55.-Lines 1 and 2 of this inscription may equally well mean nothing more than a mention Managļiha," and, in connection with it, courteous reference by Jishņugupta to one whoso
The original is somewhat damaged, but it has undoubtedly in the first akshard of this name; not $ 2.8 given by Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji in his text and translation. And the spelling is the same in line 3 of an inscription of the Súrasena family published by Pandit Bhagwanlal Indiraji, ante, Vol. X. p. 34f8. But very probably & is the more correct spelling: especially as line 8 of the present inscription montions the longa named Surabhögésvara.
See note abovo, p. 342. 10 The dates seem to prevent the identification of this person with the Udayadeva of the ThАkuri family, men. tioned in inscription 0.--He was perhaps a Lichchhavi, As suggested by Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji. If so, in this Lichchhavi Dataka of a Thákuri charter, we have an instance parallel to the Thakurt Dútahı of a Lichobhavi grant, suggested in note 4 above, p. 342.
11 Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji takes Vårta as a family or tribal name. It seems more likely, however, that, as suggested by Pandit Bhagwanlad Indraji himself, it is an official title, synonymous with the wiltibhuj of in
scription D., and that the correct form is vartta (with the donble t) from writti.
. The second symbol is doubtful but it is either 4 or 5. I have not soon the original rubbing of this inscription.
13 Othor nine in this series of inscriptions, onding in gupta, are:-Vishnugupta, the Duta ku of this inscription :- Adityngupta (R), in L. line 4, and Srigupta, id. lino 19;-Ravigupta, the Data is of N.;-and Adityagupta, in P. line 7.
Tho tuo ashuras mim, immedintely after svasti, are cloar enough in the original rubbing, though they hardly show in the lithograph and are not given by Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji in his text.
* The purport of it, however, must have been the samo as in the next inscription G..
10 In the original rubbing srl is very distinot at the beginning of line 14. Two akaharas aro illegible between it and duna.
11 Lichchhavikulakitu; 1. 4.

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position was equal to his own. But, from the rubbing, the proper reading is certainly purassara-sakala, in composition. The whole passage, in fact, from Mánagriha, line 4, down to mánasa, lines 5-6, is one continuous compound, meaning, in the latter part, that Jishnugupta's mind had been brought into a state of contentment by devising the means of freeing from calamity all the people headed by Dhruvadêva, &c. And the expression Dhruvadévapurassara-sakala-jana is analogous in its purport to the sa-nripatér-jjagato (hitaya), "(for the welfare) of the world (i.e. of all the people), together with the king," of line 2 of inscription K. below.
H.-Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji's inscription No. 11; ante, Vol. IX. p. 174.-This is not a formal charter, issued from any specified place. It simply records certain grants made in the augmenting victorious reign of the illustrious Jishnugupta. The era-date, if any was recorded, is lost with lines 27ff.
I.-Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji's inscription No. 1; ante, Vol. IX. p. 163 ff.-This furnishes the following short genealogy :-Vrishadêva;his son Samkara, with a reference in lines 9 and 10 to other sons, who, however, are not mentioned by name;-Samkara's son, Dharmadêva, who with justice [governed] a great hereditary kingdom (kula-kram-ágatam
rajyam mahat, line 17), and whose wife was Rajyavati;-and Dharmadêva's son Mâna dê v a, who was appointed to reign by his mother on his father's death. The inscription then records that Mânadêva made an expedition to the East, and reduced to obedience some "roguish," ill-behaved, or rebellious Samantas there, and then went back to the West, where also he heard of misdoings on the part of a Samanta. Here, unfortunately, the available part of the inscription terminates, the rest being buried underground. The date is (Gupta)Samvat 386, + A.D. 319-20, A.D. 705-6. J.-Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji's inscription No. 12; ante, Vol. IX. p. 174 ff.-The charter is issued from Kailasakûṭabhavana. The inscription is one of the Paramabhattáraka and Maharajúdhiraja, the glorious Siva dêva
=
18 Evidently Sivadeva II.'s son and successor, Jayadêva II. of inscription O. below.-I have not seen the original rubbing of this inscription. Sa-ntipater-jjagato hitoya; 1. 2.
[DECEMBER, 1885.
II. The Dutaka is the Rajaputra Jayadeva." The date is (Harsha)-Samvat 119, +A.D. 606-7, =A.D. 725-26.
K.-Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji's inscription No. 2; ante, Vol. IX. p. 166 f.-This is not a formal charter, issued from any specified place. It simply records that, by the favour of the illustrious king' Mânadeva, a certain Jayavarman erected a linga named Jayêsvara, for the welfare of the world, (i.e. of all the people), together with the king," and endowed it with a permanent endowment. The date is (Gupta)-Samvat 413, + A.D. 319-20,= A.D. 732-33.
L.-Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji's inscriptior No. 13; ante, Vol. IX. p. 176 f.-This inscription is very much damaged." The name of the palace whence the charter was issued, is lost. And the king's name is illegible in line 3; but, as it is preceded by the titles of Paramabhattáraka and Mahárájádhirája, the name was probably that of Sivadeva II., as in inscription J.; and Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji filled up the lacunae in that way. This is a Buddhist inscription. The Dûtuka is the Bhattáraka, the illustrious, or perhaps the venerable, Śivadêva. The date is somewhat doubtful; but Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji read it as (Harsha)-Samvat 143, + A. D. 606-7,= A.D. 749-50, with the possibility of the second symbol being 20 or 30, instead of 40.
M.-Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji's inscription No. 14; ante, Vol. IX. p. 177f.-All the introductory part of this inscription, recording the palace whence the charter was issued and the name of the king, is broken away and lost. The Dútaka is the Yuvaraja Vijayadêva. The date is (Harsha)-Samvat 145, + A.D. 606-7, A.D. 751-52.-Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji, taking Vijayadeva as a " vicarious" name of Jayadeva II., allotted the inscription, chiefly on this account," to Śivadêva II. As far as the date goes, the inscription may be one either of him or of Jayadeva II. But Vijayadeva cannot be a "vicarions" name of Jayadeva II. Occasional instances may be cited in which the special terminations of names vary; thus the Vasantasêna of his
10 akshayantvt; 1. 2.
I have not seen the original rubbing of this inscription. 32 ante, Vol. XIII. p. 424.

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own inscription N., appears in 0. line 10, and in the Variávali, as Vasantadêva; and Jayadeva I. of 0. line 8 perhaps appears in the Vamnávali as Jayavarman. But even this is rare enough, And I cannot call to mind a single instance in which (apart from the substitution of birudas) the inscriptions shew any variation in the first and really distinctive part of a king's name. If the present inscription is one of Sivadêva II., then Vijayadôva was another son of his; if, as seems to me more probable, it is one of Jayadêva II, then Vijayadêva was his son.
N.-Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji's inscription No. 3; ante, Vol. IX. p. 167.-The charter is issued from Managļiha. The inscription is one of the Mahárája, the illustrious Vasanta sê na." The Dataka is the Sarvadandanáyaka and Mahápratihára Ravigapta. The date is (Gupta)-Samvat 435, + A.D. 319-20, = A.D. 754-55.
0.-Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji's inscription No. 15; ante, Vol. IX. p. 178ff. - This is not a formal charter, issued from any specified place. The inscription,-which gives a good deal of genealogical information, to be commented on below, is one of Jaya dê va II., who also had the second name or biruda of Parachakrakama. The object of it is to record that he caused a silver waterlily to be made, for the worship of Siva under the name of Pasupati, and that it was worshipped and installed by his mother Vatsadevi. The date is (Harsha)-Samvat 153, + A.D. 606-7, = A.D. 759-60.
P.-Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji's inscription No. 4; ante, Vol. IX. p. 168.-The commencement of the inscription, recording the place whence the order was issued and the king's name, is broken away and lost. The Dútaka is the Rajaputra Vikramasêna." The date is (Gupta)-Samvat 535, + A.D. 319-20, = A.D. 854-55.
The two dates of A. the year 318 for Sivadéva I. and Amśavarman, and C. the year 34 for ATMsuvarman, suffice to shew quite clearly that, here at all events, we are dealing with two very different series or eras. Acting on the identification of Amsuvarman with the king of that name who was reigning during,
» In O. line 10, he is called Vasantadêva. » See noto 6 above, p.812.
anta, Vol. XIII. pp. 418 and 422. » See noto 1 above, p. 342.
or very shortly before, Hiuen Tsiang's visit to Northern India, as which was about A.D. 637,Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji very properly referred the dates of (C.) 34, (D.) 39, (E.) 45 (?), (F.) 48, (J.) 119, (L.) 143 ), (M.) 145, and (0.) 153, to the era established by Harshavardhana of Kanauj, and dating from his accession in A.D. 606 or 607. And, this much being proved, it follows that the date of (A.) 318 must of necessity be referred to an era commencing just about three hundred years before that of Harshavardhana. The era that exactly meets the requirements of the case is the Gupta era," commencing in A.D. 319-20; for, (A.) 318 + 319-20,= A.D. 637-38, and (C.) 34 + 606-7, = A.D. 640-41. There can be no doubt that this era was well known in Nepal at an early date; for,-Chandragupta I. married Kumaradevi, the daughter of Lichchhavi, or of a Lichchhavi prince ; Népal is mentioned, in the Allahâbâd pillar inscription, as one of the countries conquered by Samudragupta;-and the Kahaum pillar inscription shows that, in Gupta-Samvat 141 (A.D, 460-61), Skandag upta's empire extended, at any rate, up to the confines of the country. And it is not impossible that the Népal Vansívali itself has unconsciously preserved a reminiscence, not only of the introduction of the Gupta era, but of the actual year in which it was introduced. The earliest king mentioned in it has the curious name of "Bhuktamânagata ;" and the duration of his reign is given as eighty-eight years. Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji has pointed out" that this is not a real name, but is probably a corruption of bhuktamánagatavarsha, “the year of the reign." I would suggest, as a matter worth considering and probably capable of being cleared up by a collation of manuscripts, that it is really corraption of hhujyamána-Gupta-varsha, “the year of the Guptas that was being enjoyed, i.e. that was current,"—that the eighty-eight years of the reign of this " Bhuktamânagata" point to Gupta-Samvat 88 + A.D. 319-20,= A.D. 407-8, when Chandragupta II., the successor of Samudragupta, was on the throne, as the time when the era was introduced into Nepal, and that it is owing to the influence of this
11 The form Lichohhivi also occurs in two of the Gupta insoriptions,-the Bhitari pillar inscription of Skanda gupta ; and a spurious Gay& plate of Samudragupta. Sante, Vol. XIII. p. 411, Dote 8.

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roiainiscence, that the seven successors of this unnamed ; and then there was the illustrious "Bhuktamânagata" all have, in the Vansávali, Lichchha vi. Then comes verse 6, which names ending in gupta, a termination which records that "even still," at the time of the does not appear anywhere else in that record. writing of the inscription, there exists a family
As regards the other larger dates of (I.) which bears the pure second name of Lich386, (K.) 413, (N.) 435, and (P.) 535,--all the chha vi,"-vachchhari Lichchhavi-náma vi(bi). circumstances of the case shewed that they bhrad-aparai vansah (1. 7). Pandit Bhagwan. were, at any rate, not a continuation of the lal Indraji, in his lithograph, text, and translasmaller dates belonging to the Harshavardhana tion, gave aparó varśaḥ, "a new ... race ... era. And, after examining the theory of the ......... which bears the pure name Saka era, commencing A.D. 78, and rejecting Lichchhavi." But, on examining his original it on the grounds that even this was not rubbing, I find that the real reading is aparan early enough, Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji (who (nama), "another name, a second name;"- not of course wrote without knowing of Mr. Ben- aparó (vansah), "another race, a new race." dall's inscription), finally referred them to the This verse, therefore, is of some interest, in Vikrama era commencing B.C. 57. Curiously shewing that,-in addition to the appellation of enough, the Nepal Vamśávali states that Vikra- Lichchhavivamsa or Lichchhavikula, the latter miditya came to Nepal, and established his of which actually occurs in inscriptions A. B. era there. But this occurrence is allotted to and G.,--the family had another original name, the time of the predecessor of Amsuvarman; which, however, is not recorded. After Lichchha1.. to the end of the sixth, or the beginning of vi there came some kings, who again are passthe seventh century A.D. And Pandit Bhag- ed over unnamed, and the number of whom is wanlal Indraji has shewn' that the statement illegible at the end of line 7 and the beginning is certainly quite wrong as regards the name of line 8; and then the illustrious king of the king and the particular era intended, Supushpa (1. 8) was born at the city of and that what it probably contains is a remi- Pushpapura." After him omitting in the inniscence of the conquest of the country by terim (to mention the names of) twenty-three Harshavardhana of Kanauj, and the adoption of kings, there was another king, the famous his era as the result. This statement, there- Jaya dôv a I., who is treated by Pandit Bhagfore, can have influenced bim but little, if at wanlal Indraji as the first really historical all, in his assignment of the above-mentioned member of the family, and the founder of the dates to the Vikrama era.
Népal branch of it," and on the Vikrama-Samvat The real grounds for his doing so, -grounds theory, is placed about A.D. 1. After this which, in spite of the existence of the date of "victorious". Jayadeva I., and again "omitting (Gupta)-Samvat 318 for Sivadeva I. and Am- in the interim (to mention the names of) eleven suvarman, still require to be cleared away,--are ...... kings," the inscription gives the to be found in his erroneous treatment of 0. first unbroken succession of names that it conthe inscription of Jayadeva II. of (Harsha)- tains; vis.-V sis had & va ;-his son, Sań. Saṁvat 153; No. 15, ante, Vol. IX. p. 178ff. karadê va ;-his son, Dharmaddva;--
Starting with a mythological genealogy, this his son, Månad ê va;-his son, Mahidé. inscription carries the descent from the god va ;-and his son, Vasantadê va. The Brahman (line 3), through Sürya or the Sun, first four of these names have already been Manu, Ikshyâku, and others, down to Raghu,made known by inscription I., and the sixth, Aja, and Daśaratha (1. 6.) After Daśaratha in the form of Vasantasôna, by inscription N. there were eight kings, in lineal succession And these six kings plainly belong to the family of sons and sons' sons, who are passed over the genealogy of which forms the subject of all * ante, Vol. XIII. p. 4214.
therefore, relates to a period antecedent to the settle30 In accordance with this, the Varhfdvall enters the
ment of the Lichchhavis in Nepal. historical Lichohhavis of this inscription as members of
33 As no previous Jayadeva, with whom this one could Suryavami family.
be contrasted, is mentioned in the inscriptions, apara 31 But the number was probably twelve, as hitvalpa.
seems to introduce another branch of the Lichchhavi [rin-dvida ia) seems to suit beat the metre and such
family, not directly descended from Lichohhavi and traces as are discernible in the rubbing. | 14 Le. Paliputra, the modern Patna in Bihir: am..
Supushpa. Vol. IX. p. 180, noto 4.-This part of the inscription, "ante, Vol. XIII. p. 424.

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the preceding part of the inscription, vis, the at some anspecified point intervening between Lichchhavikula.
Vrishadeva and Vasantadêva. In the second Then follows, in lines 10 and 11, the eleventh place, Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji's reading Verse, which has been entirely misunderstood by of Kshitisúj=játés cannot be maintained. In Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji, and which has, the two aksharas jjátá, the rubbing shews through that misunderstanding, led to the distinctly the double jj, of which, in the lithoerroneous reference of the larger dates of his graph, the lower one is only sketched in inscriptions to the Vikrama-Samvat. He read faintly, as if it were doubtful; but the second this verse
akshara is as distinctly ta, not tá, as is Asy-antarémpy-Udayadeva iti kshitiśáj- in fact shewn in the lithograph. There játás-tray Odasa (tata]swcha Narendradêvah is a slight abrasion mark between the tu mân-Ônnatô nata-samasta-narendra-mauli- and the following akshara, which does not
mála-rajô-nikara-pânsula-pada-pithah || appear in the lithograph; but the rubbing and translated "Afterwards came thirteen shews most distinctly that this mark is no (rulers), sprung from king Udaya d va ;** remnant of a half-obliterated 4, and that the and then Narendra d d v a, who was proud, stroke for d, for which in fact there is no room, and whose footstool was covered with the dust never was engraved here. The reading of thu from the row of diadems worn by numerous original, in short, is játas, the nominative prostrated kings." With the exception that singular,--not játás, the nominative plural. the original has páinsula, not pasula, the read- This is the first objection to the more serious ing and translation of the second half of the error, the introduction of trayódusa, thirteen,' verse represent the original correctly. It is the immediately after játas. The second is that, first half that has not been properly treated. of the six following aksharas which are real In the first place, asyrantaré does not mean satrayodasa (tata], the only parts that can be "afterwards," or "after him." The literal pronounced on with any certainty, are 8, 128 meaning of antara is an interval'; and in part of the first, and, at the beginning of line 11, anuntaram it helps to make up the equivalent da, the third, which is well preserved and unof afterwards,' only from its meaning in the mistakable. The others are hopelessly injured first place "no interval after ......." and unrecognisable; and, with the exception But, standing without the negative particle, that the first probably had a t below the si antara can have no meaning but that of and that the second looks more like thii 'interval'; and it is used twice before by the talha), or dá (taula), or pô (tapó), than yo-it composer of this inscription, in lines 8 and 9, is quite impossible, even from the rubbing, distinctly in that sense. Asyrantaré can only to say what they may be. But the culminating mcan "in an interval of this"; and, supplying and final objection to the reading of truyóvansasya, from the vanjah of line 7, in apposition dusa (tata]ó = cha is, that in the passage, as with asya, we have "in an interval, i.e. at anthus read, there is no such word as vyutilya, intervening point, of this (lineage that has just | viháya, hitvá, or tyaktvé, "having passed over been detailed)." The expression plainly in- or omitted (to mention the names of)," which troduces some names in respect of which it we have in lines 4, 6, 7, 8, and 9, where, in is intended to be conveyed that they are each case, a specified number of kings is of another family or branch, and that the passed over,--and that the metre does not last of them comes contemporaneously with allow of our introducing any such word. or immediately after the name of Vasanta- The lacuna at the end of line 10 and the deva, the last mentioned of the immediately beginning of line 1l render it, as I said, im. preceding succession, and the first comes | possible to decide what the original reading
38 Or, again," After him (Vasantadêva), followed king Udayadeva." And we have a similar construction thirteen, sprung from the lord of the earth called Uds. in Parachak rakama iti yi wimpartasinvitah, in line ya leva"; ante, Vol. XIII p. 485, noto.-Udiyadeva(b) 18 of this inscription. -Tho beat method of explaining iti kahitféat," from king Udayadiva," or "from the lord | it away would be to adopt some such reading an Arydn. of the earth onlled Udayaiéva," is, I think rather an turlapy-Udayad utiti kahit sijajitasutud tat-tanu ja ungrammatical construction. We ought to have, if the cha Nurendridérah, "At an intervening point of this metre allowed it, either the compound Udyadau.lti- (lineage) Udayadeva was born from a certain wnknown) kahittat, or two ablatives in apposition, Udayad/vod- king ; (and) thot (there was) his son Narendradeva." iti kshitisat. But it certainly seems to mean from

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may have been. But the whole structure of the passage leaves no doubt whatever that the original contained nothing but an epithet, or perhaps two, of Narêndradêva, and that,-so far from thirteen rulers having intervened between him and Udayadeva,-he was the son of Udayadeva.
Narendradeva's son was Šivadèva II. (1. 12), who married Vatsadêvî, of the family of the Maukharis, who abounded in strength of arm," the daughter of the illustrious Bhôgavarman, and the daughter of the daughter of "the great" Adityasêna, the lord of Magadha (1. 13). And their son was the Rája, the illustrious. Ja y a dê va II. (1. 14), also called Parachakrakama (1. 18), whose wife was Rajyamati, of the family of king Bhagadatta or of the Bhagadatta kings (1. 16), the daughter of Harsha, king of Gauda, Ôdra, &c., and Kalinga, and Kôsala (1. 15). The rest of the inscription details the beauty of the silver waterlily which Jayadeva II. caused to be made, and how it was worshipped and installed by his mother Vatsadêvi, and then concludes with the date.
Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji's acceptance of Udayadeva as the successor of Vasantadeva, and insertion of thirteen rulers between him and Narendradêva, led of necessity to the reference of the dates for Mânadêva of (I.) 386 and (K.) 413, and for Vasant. dêra of (N.) 435, to the Vikrama era. It is unnecessary to repeat his calculations in full. But, starting with fifteen names between Vasantadêva and Šivadêva II., or nineteen from Mânadêva toŚivadêva II. (both included), all of which denote "generations of kings, not reigns of collaterals," and taking twenty-one years as the smallest possible average for these generation-reigns, he found that no era later than the Vikrama era would meet the requirements of the case, and that that era would meet them. For, on the Vikrama-Samvat theory, Mânadêva's first date represented A.D. 329;the interval from this to A.D. 759, the date of Jayadeva II., was 430 years; and this, divided by 19, gave about twenty-two and three-quarters years as the average for each generation-reign. This was all right enough from his point of view.
The original has devt vi(ba)hu-va(ba)l-Adhya-Maukhari-kula érivarmma &c.; not kula-érivarmma, in composition, as in the published text.
[DECEMBER, 1885.
But let us now take the matter from the correct point of view; viz. that Udayadeva did not come after Vasantadêva. This frees us at once from the necessity, under which Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji laboured, of forcing Vasantadêva and his ancestors back to such early times; and leaves us at liberty to follow the analogy of inscription A., and to refer his date and Mânadêva's to the Gupta era. The result is that we have for Vasantasena the date of (N.) A.D. 754-55, just synchronous with the dates of perhaps (M.) A.D. 751, and certainly (O.) A.D. 759-60 for Jayadeva II., exactly what inscription O. seeks to convey;and we have for Mânadêva, the grandfather of Vasantasena, the dates of (I.) A.D. 705-6 and (K.) A.D. 732-33, just about one generation before Jayadeva II.'s father Siva dê va II., for whom we have the dates of (J.) A.D. 725-26 and probably (L.) A.D. 749-50 (?).
Here the question naturally suggests itself,as Udayadêva and his descendants were not successors and descendants of Vasantasena, who were they? I think the answer is perfectly plain, that they were successors of Am suvar m'an, and, though not his direct lineal descendants, belonged, like him, to the family which in the Vamśávali is called the Thakurl family.
Inscription O., in fact, furnishes another instance of the double government of Nêpâl, to which Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji has drawn attention in the case of Sivadêva I. and Aménvarman, and which is illustrated in the most pointed way throughout the inscriptions. We have two separate families, ruling contemporaneously and mostly on equal terms, but each preserving certain distinctive characteristics of its own. On the one side, we have the Liohchhavikula of the inscriptions, the Suryavamsi family of the Vasavali,issuing its charters from the house or palace called Mânagriha,-and using the Gupta era. And on the other side, we have a family the name of which is not given in the inscriptions hitherto brought to notice, but which in the Vanhsávali is called the Thâkuri family,-issuing its charters from the house or palace called Kailasa kuta
31 mahatah.
ante, Vol. XIII. p. 425.

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bhavana-and using the Harsha era. To the former belong inscriptions A. B. I. K. N. and P.; and it was represented in A.D. 63738 by Śiva dê va I. (in A.D. 654-55 by Dhruva deva)," in A. D. 705-6 and 732-33 by Månad ê va, and in A.D. 754-55 by V asantas é na or Vasantadêva. While to the latter belong inscriptions C. D. E. F. G. H. J.L.M. and O.; and it was represented in A.D. (637-38), 640-41, 645.46, and 651-52 (?) by Amsu varman, in A.D. 654-55 by Jishņugupta, in A.D. 725-26 and 749-50 (?) by Siva dê va II., and in A.D. 751-52 (P) and 759-60 by Ja ya dê va II. From the fact that each of the two families issued its charters from a palace, not a town,--and the fact that all the inscriptions are either at Kåtmându' itself, or close in the neighbourhood, the two palaces of Managļiha and Kailasak h tabhavana appear to have been in the immediate vicinity of each other, in different divisions of one and the same ancient capital. And, - though the inscriptions give no specific information on this point,-from the fact that the order of Amsuvarman recorded in inscription D. is issued to the officials of the western province, and from the way in which, in inscription I., Manadêya is described as marching to the east and reducing to obedience the rebellious Sámantas there, and then returning to the west, it seems pretty clear that the Lichchhavikula or Suryavamsi family had the government of the territory to the east of the capital, and the Thakuri family of the territory to the west of it.
Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji has treated ATMsuvarman as if he was at first the feudatory of Sivad ê va I. There is, however, nothing in the inscriptions to support this. The inscriptions of Sivadêva I., it is true, record acts that were done by him "on the advice," or "at the request," of Amsuvarman; but this expression, though often used in respect of feudatories and officials, does not of necessity imply any state of subordination. And, whereas Śivadêva I. uses in respect of himself only the feudatory title of Mahárája, in his own inscriptions he allots to Amśavarman the equal title
of Mahásdmanta,-not simply Sámanta, as represented almost throughout by Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji. The co-ordinate nature of the two titles is shewn by the Nirmand plate, which couples them both with the names of Samudrasûna and all his ancestors. And a third title, Mahásenádhipati, seems to have denoted equal rank with these two; since the Walk clay seal" of Pashyðņa gives him the two titles of Maharaja and Mahásenádhipati; and the same two titles are coupled in the same way in a fragmentary inscription of the Yaudhéya tribe at Bijayagadh." Sivadeva I. and Ansuvarman were only co-ordinate feudatories of a paramount sovereign, vis. Harshavardhana of Kanauj.-During the time when Amu varman was a Maharajathirdja or a paramount sovereign, as recorded in inscription F., the Lichchhavi rulers were of course feudatory to him. This was after his inscription C. of A.D. 640.41. His other two inscriptions D. and E., which give him no titles except that of śrí,“ the illustrious, or the glorious," perhaps belong to a transitional period, when he hesitated about adopting the paramount title, and yet was unwilling to use a feudatory title any longer. He probably assumed the paramount rank and title, on the death of Harshavardhana, when, as Ma-twanlin tells us," the kingdom of Kanauj fell into a state of anarchy, and the minister Na-fo-ti-ala-na-shun usurped the supreme power. And Amsuvarman is probably the king of Nepal, who came with seven thousand horsemen to help the Chinese general Wang-hiwon-tse who defeated the usurper.-In the time of Dhruvadê va and Jishnugnpta, it is possible that the Thakuri family may to a certain extent have acknowledged the Lichchhavis as superior to them.-But Śivad o va II. again had the paramount title and rank; and the Lichchhavis were then, of course, again the feudatories of the Thakuri family.-Finally, the fact that the Lichchhavi genealogy is given in the Thakuri inscription 0.,-coupled with the use by Jay a dê va II. in this inscription of no title but that of Rája (lino 14), with the epithet ári, the illustrious'-may perhaps
** From Jishnugupta's inscription F.
From Sivadêva I.'s inscription A. "Jour. Beng. As. Soc., Vol. XLVIII. Proceedings, p. 312ff.
* ante, Vol. XII. p. 274.-The syllables and are
destroyed, at the end of line 3; but there can be no doubt as to the correctness of Dr. Bühler's restoration of them.
Noticed at p. 8 above. "ante, Vol. IX. p. 20.

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indicate that at this latter time the Thakuris already exhibited in the inscriptions of Sivadêva again acknowledged a certain amount of su- I. and Jishgugupta. periority on the part of the Lichchhavis. Or In conclusion, Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji's it may be nothing more than another expression "Table of the Lichchhavi Kings of "Népål"45 of the mutual courtesy of the two families, requires to be entirely recast, thus :
TABLE OF THE EARLY RULERS OF NEPAL. THE LICHCHHAVI OR SURYAVAMSI FAMILY
THE THAKURI FAMILY OF MANAGRIHA.
OF KAILASAKUTABHAVANA. | 1. Jayadeva I.-About A.D.
330-355.
- co
Names not re- A.D.
corded in the 355.630. inscription.)
Sivadêva I., Mahd-13. Vrishadêra.--About A.D.Amisuvarman, Mahdadrdja.-A.D. 637. 630-655.
manta, and afterwards Maharajadhirdja.-A. D. 637, 640, 645, and
651 (P) Dhruvadeva, Maha-14. Samkaradêva, son of pre- Jishnugupta.-A.D. 654. rája.-A.D. 654.
ceding.-About A.D.
655-680. 15. Dharmadêva, son of pre
Udayadêva.-About A. ceding.--About A.D.
D. 675-700. 680-704. 16. Manadêva, son of preced
Narendradêva, son of ing.-A.D.705 and 732.
preceding - About A.
D. 700-724 17. Mahideva, son of pre
Śivadêra II., Maharajd. ceding.- About A.D.
dhirdja, son of pre733-753. .
ceding.-A.D. 725 and
749 (P). 18. Vasantasêna, or Vasanta
Jayadeva II., Rája, son deva, Maharaja, son of
of preceding.-A.D. preceding.-A.D. 754.
751 (P) and 759. In the Lichchhavi family, the earliest they probably belonged both to one branch name for which we have as yet a definite of the family; though, from their not being date, is that of Sivadêva I., A.D. 637-38. And mentioned in inscription O., certainly not either Sivavsiddhivarman, No. 14 in the to the same branch with Vasantadóva and his Varisávali list of the Sûryavamisi family, or ancestors. Their contemporaries of the ThiSivavavarman, No. 16 in the same, seems to kuri family were respectively Amsuvarman and be intended for him. The next name is that Jishnugupta.-They were followed by another of Dhruvad éva, A.D. 654-55, who is branch of the same family introduced (about not given or represented in the Varhsávali. A.D. 630-655, not A.D. 260) by V ishaThe connection between Sivadêva I. and dêva, who was the contemporary of Sivadêva Dhruvadêya is not as yet explained. But I., and represented, as far as definite dates yo,
" ante, Vol. XIII. p. 427f.

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MISCELLANEA.
351
by Mâna d êva in A.D. 705-6 and 732-33 (not A.D. 329 and 356), and by Vasanta sê na or Vasantadhva in A.D. 754-55 (not A.D. 378). The six names from Vrishadeva to Vasantagona are given correctly in the Varnsávali, as Nos. 18 to 23 of the Sûryavamsi family. If inscription 0. is to be accepted throughout, this branch of the family was founded by Jay a dê va I. He is doubtless the person who is intended by Jayavarman, No. 3 in the Varnéávali list of the Suryavamsi family. And, calculating back fifteen generations, at the average rate of twenty-five years, from Manadêva, whose generation is represented by his recorded dates, we have for Jayadeva I the date of about A.D. 330 to 355, not A.D. 1. But if Vpishadêra was a direct lineal descendant of Jayadeva I., it is rather peculiar that the composer of inscription 0., writing only five generations after him, was unable to give the names of the persons, only eleven in number, who intervened before him and after Jayadeva I. - In the Thakuri family, the earliest name is that of Amsu varman, with the extreme
dates of A.D. 637 and 651 (?); and the next is that of Jis hņu gupta; A.D. 654-55. Amsuvarman is mentioned in the Varsávali, under exactly the same name, as the founder of the Thakuri family; but Jishņugupta's name is not given or represented. The connection between them is not as yet explained. They were followed by Uday ad êva (about A.D. 675-700, not A.D. 400) and his descendants, who, from there being no mention of Amuvarman and Jishnugapta in inscription 0., plainly belonged to another branch of the family. Udayadeva was contemporaneous with Dharmadêva of the Lichchhavi family; he is not mentioned in the Vansvali, being certainly not the Udayadevavarman, No. 24. in the Vamávalt list of the Suryavamới family. His son, Narendradeva, is possibly the person intended by Narendradêva No 7, in the Vankávalt list of the Thakuri family. His son, Sivadôva II. is not mentioned in the Variávali. His son Jayadeva II. is possibly the person intended by Jayadeva, No. 11 in the Vamnsávali list of the shâkuri family.
377995827124 kg
MISCELLANEA. THE DATE OF THE KOTA BUDDHIST INSCRIP
TION OF THE SAMANTA DEVADATTA. This inscription has been edited by Dr. Hultzsch at page 45ff. above. The reading of the date The date is rather a peculiar one, in containing a given there is--Samvat saranka (read samvatsar. decimal figure combined with a numerical symbol. anka) 7 Magha budi 6 "In the (regnal) year, But it seems plain to me that what follows the in figures, 7; on the 6th day of the bright half word samvat, is a late form of the numerical of Magha."
Bymbol for 100, followed again by the decimal Even if only because of the peculiar way in figure 8; the two together representing 800. The which, according to this emendation, anka is next sign cannot be the symbol for 4, as, being compounded with sasivatsara, this is not at all a followed by a third sign, it must be one of the Batisfactory rendering of the date, and must tens, not a unit. Moreover, in the symbol for 4, certainly be abandoned. And, in his original the upward stroke in the left lower corner is edition of the inscription, in the Jour. Germ. Or. not joined to the cross-stroke (thus forming a Soc. Vol. XXXVIII. p. 546tf., Dr. Hultzsch had loop), as it is here. It is plainly a form of the interpreted the date differently-Samvat ka 841 symbol for 70. The third sign is not straight Magha budi 6l; with the suggestion that the ba enough to be the decimal figure 1; it is plainly might represent either bata, hundreds,' or the the symbol for 9. After su di we have evidently numerical symbol for 100, or Saka, the name of a late form of the symbol for 20,--not the decimal the era.
figure 6, with a half mark of punctuation after it. I now give a lithograph of the date, reduced My reading of the date is Samvat 800 70 9 from the lithograph given with Dr. Hultzsch's Magha bu di 20,-"The year 800 (and) 70 (and) original notice, and compared by me with the 9; (the month) Magha; the bright fortnight; the paper-rubbing of the inscription :
the day 20.”
Not of the fortnight, but of the month; and in accordance with the arrangement indicated by Hauen Triang, -"The procoding dark portion, and the following light
portion, together form month" (Boal's Buddh. Rec. West. World, Vol. I. p. 71.)

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
DECEMBER, 1885.
The era is not specified, but, from the locality of the inscription, it must be the era of the Malava tribe or kings, i.e. the Vikrama era. The date, accordingly, is A.D. 822-23.
J. F. FLEET.
THE CHANDRAGUPTA AND VIKRAMADITYA
OF THE UDAYAGIRI AMRITA CAVE INSCRIPTION
This inscription, published by me in this Journal, Vol. XIII. p. 185, is dated (Vikrama).Samvat 1093 (A.D. 1036-37). The object of it is to record the visit of a pilgrim named Kanha to the cave. But the really interesting part of the record is the statement, in lines 5 to 8, that the cave was mode by Chandragupta, and that the reign of Vikramaditya came after that event.
I quoted this as apparently a record of tradition of the eleventh century A.D.,-to be taken for what it may be worth, -to the effect that the reign of the Vikramaditya, after whom the Vikrama era was named, was at least subsequent to the time of Chandragupta II. of the Early Gupta dynasty.
At page 61 above, Dr. Burgess has suggested that the statement refers to the great Maurya king Chandragupta, of the fourth century B.C., and – Vikramaditya who is given as his son by one of the Mackenzie palm-leaf Telugu MSS. at Madras.
But, - judging by the lists in the Vishnu and other Purdnas (see Hall's edition of Wilson's
translation of the Vishnu-Purana, Vol. IV. pp. 186-190 and notes),- no such person was known of in Northern India. And there is nothing whatever to connect Chandragupta, the Maurya, with the Udayagiri hill. On the other hand, there are two inscriptions in other caves on the hill, which mention a name that is unmistakably that of Chandragupta II. of the Early Gupta dynasty-one of them recording that he actually came in person to the hill; on which occasion the “Tawa Cave" was excavated by the order of his minister Virasena, otherwise called saba, who accompanied him.
As regards the age of the "Amrita Cave," - there is no inscription to shew the period to which it must be allotted. But General Cunningham is of opinion,- from the more copious decoration of the pillars, and their new style, -that it is the latest of all the Udayagiri caves. At any rate, therefore, it is not earlier than the “ TÂwa Cave."
It is possible that the mention of the name of Vikramaditya, is due to nothing but a dim knowledge of the fact that this was a title of Chandragupta II. But whatever opinion may be held as to the identity of this Vikramaditya,all the circumstances of the case render it beyond a doubt that the Chandragupta who is referred to is Chandragupta II. of the Early Gupta dynasty.
J. F. FLEET.
BOOK NOTICES,
A SECOND REPORT OF OPERATIONS IN SEARCH OY SANS. Among the MSS. referring to the Rigveda those
KRIT MSS. IN THE BOMBAY CIRCLE.By Professor containing the sacred books of the bank hêyanas P. PETERSON. Extra Number of the Jour, Bo. Br.
are particularly valuable. It is very probablo R. As. Soc., 1884, pp. 183, 29.
that, as Dr. Peterson contends (pp. 4-7) the MSS. Dr. Peterson's Second Report follows the First of the Samhita contain the text which the after a reasonable interval, and is like the latter Sankhayanas at present study. Whether it is replete with matter both interesting and cal. the same as that to which their old Sutras refer culated to advance our knowledge of Sanskrit
is another question altogether and very doubtful. literature. Though Dr. Peterson spent the autumn Copies of the Kaushitakilrahmanabhdahya by vacation of the year under report, 1883-84, Vinayaka, which in the list stands erroneously on leave in Europe, he nevertheless found time as No. 36 under the heading Asvaldyana-Sakh to pay at Christmas a visit to the famous library
as well as of the fragments of Varadatta's and of the Maharaja of Alwar-a fact which speaks
Anartiya's commentaries on the Srautasitras highly for his energy and his zeal in the good ought to be procured for the Government colleo. cause. His trouble has been rewarded by a num. tion. The latter possesses only incomplete transber of important discoveries. The list of Vedic cripts of the Brahmanabhashya and nothing but works in the Alwar collection, given at pp. 167. the text of the Srautasútras (Nård yana's com183, as well as the remarks in the body of the mentary on the Grihyasdtra is represented by a Report, show that the fame of the library has not good old copy in the Collection of 1879-80). It been exaggerated, and that the Maharaja really will also be advisable to have Lakshmidhara's possesses a considerable number of rare books. Galitadipikd (No. 35, p. 168) copied. The question
Archæol. Suru. Ind. Vol. X. p. 52.
Boe, for instance, the silver coins, the logends of which are given at p. 65 f. above.
Reprinted from für den Orient.
the Oestreichische Monatsschrift

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DECEMBER, 1885.)
BOOK NOTICES.
353
of the Galitas deserves more attention than it spelling is, p. 13) or Orissa by Chaitanya. The has received hitherto; the old copy of the Dipikd, Sdhityakaumudy is an independent commentary bought in 1879-80, is defective. Dr. Peterson is on the Kdrikds of the Kavyaprakdía; and with right in declaring (p. 8) the Sudarkanasarhitd respect to the origin of the latter its author (p. 167, No. 7) an erroneous entry. The MS. un- gives expression to an opinion, similar to that doubtedly contains Sudarsanarya's commentary on which Dr. Peterson tried to establish in his First the Apastamliya-Grihyatantra. The book is com- Report. He alleges that the Karikás do not mon in Southern India, and is represented in belong to Mammața, but to Bharatamuni, the Dr. Burnell's collection, lately purchased by the reputed founder of the Sahitya, Natya and India Office. An examination of it, which my Sangita Sastras. The same story is mentioned papil, Mr. Winternitz, has made, shows that it also in a commentary of the Kavyaprakdda, is partly based on Haradatta's Anákuld-Vritti Jayarama's Tilaka (pp. 21 and 107), but is rejec. (Elphinstone College Collection of 1867-68), ted as improbable. Dr. Peterson, though very
ferring to the same work. The discovery of a naturally gratified by the discovery that the new MS. of Dyi Dvivêda's Nétimanjaré (pp. 8 and learned in India, too, have doubted the unity of 102-103) which gives the date of the author, is Mammaţa's textbook, finds it necessary to alter extremely interestingAs Dy Dvivôda wrote in his former opinion. He has now recognised that Samvat 1110, he preceded Sayanâchårya, pro- the meaning which I attributed in my review bably by 300 years, and it is evident that the of his First Report to the verse ity &sha mdrgo latter author must have copied from him or that vidushdu vibhinno etc., is correct, and expresses both have drawn on a common older source. his approval of the view of Jayanta, who er. Dr. Peterson's hope (p. 9) that the second Alwar plained the Kdvyaprakdea in 1294 A.D. and MS. of the Black-Yajurréda-Samhitá may contain ascribes both the Karikas and their commenthe Atreyt-sakhd, will, I fear, prove deceptive. tary to one author (p. 20). Under these circumFor the published edition of the Taittiriya text stances I will not quarrel with Dr. Peterson for shows also the division into Kandas and Prapa. his note (p. 16) on my explanation of the passage thakas; and the number of the Prapathakas in tadaddhau etc., though I see no reason for the complete Kandas agrees exactly with the retracting my former remarks. In connexion with latter. Among the works belonging to the White- this subject I will add that Jayarama's remark Yajurveda No. 62, the Maunasútra deserves to "some of Mammapa's Karikas are found in Bhabe examined. No. 115, said to contain the Grih- rata's Sanhita" probably furnishes the clue to vasitrabhdshvamantrah (P) by Dêvamisra is, I Vidyabhushana's story. Two other works. RuAuspect, a Bhishya on the mantras of the Para- chaka's Kdvyaprakasasarkéta and Ratnakantha's skaragihyasútra. If so, it ought to be copied Sarasamuchchayad, a novelty, are used in order for Government as the similar work of Murfri. to settle Mammaţa's date, which is fixed in the miára No. 2 of 1872-73, is defective. The collec- first half of the twelfth century. A note at the tion of the Atharva-MSS. includes, besides the end of the Sarkéta calls this work krité rdjdnaVaitanabhashya, noticed by Dr. Peterson, two kamammațdlakaruchakandm; and the somewhat very rare works, the Protibakhyabhdelvya, Nos. corrupt colophon of the first Ullása speaks of 16-17, the only known copy of which is in the the brirdjdnakdmallamammataruchakavirachitaChambers Collection at Berlin, and the Samhita nijagranthakdoyaprakáčasamketa. Hence Dr. vidhivivarana (No. 31), a commentary on a portion Peterson, who correcte "rdjánakamalla" to of the Kaubikagrihyastitra. The only known "rdjanakdlaka," infers that the Sarkéta and its ocpy of this Vritti is in the Bombay Government | original were the joint production of the three Collection of 1870.
authors, Mammuta, Alaka and Ruchaka. Alaka From the discussion of the Vedic MSS. Dr. is known, as Dr. Peterson showed in his first Peterson turns (pp. 10-21) to an analysis of report and again proves in the present one, as some books connected with the Kdvyaprakába, the author of the end of the Kdvyaprakdéa. Ruwhich he found in Alwar and Jeypur libraries. chaka he identifies with Mankha's teacher Ruy. The first work noticed is Vidyabhshana's Sahi. yaka who flourished in the reign of Jayasinha tyakaumudt which possesses some historical of Kasmír and wrote a treatise on poetics, called interest, as it makes mention in the mangala of Alanká, arvasva. In support of this identificathe Vaishnava sectarian Chaitanya (circiter 1485 tion he uses the Sdrasamuchchhaya, a work chiefly A. D.) who according to the commentary, the based on Jayanta's ancient commentary of 1294 Krishnanandint, was the author's "most beloved A.D. It quotes an Alankdrasarvasva by Ruchaka teacher," and of the conversion of Gajapati, i.e. and a commentary on an Alankdrasarvasva Pratáparudra of Utkala (not Atkala, as the by Alaka. The fact that we have two almost

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECEMBER, 1885
homonymous authors, either of whom is credited latter, it is written with considerable verve, its with an Alankdrasarvasva, as well as the contents doom it to neglect. The chief value of discovery that Alaka completed the Kávyaprakdba the find will probably be that it teaches us what and commented on an Alarkdrasarvasva, make Kalbaņa, (Ruijatararigins, vi. 495) means, when Dr. Peterson's inferences very tempting. If I, he calls the poet Damodaragupta, whom Jay&pida nevertheless, hesitate to accept them without made his minister, kuttinimatakdrinam. The reserve, it is :-1, because, as far as I remember, Yasastilaka, which turns out to have been written the Samkéta is, according to the Kaśmirian in 959 A.D. (not in 825, as the First Report Pandits and MSS. No. 247 of the Deccan College asserted) and to be not a historical poem, but an Collection of 1875-76, the independent work of ordinary Jaina romance, written in order to in. Ruchaka ;-2, because the substitution of Ruchaka culcate the doctrines of the sect, possesses yet far Rayvaka is not easily explicable either some interest on account of its numerous quota. on phonetic or palæographic grounds;--and 3, tions from Kavyas and Sistras. Very important because Alavikurasarvasa is a not uncommon is the mention of the poet Rajasekhara along title for works on poetice. A full solution of with Kalidasi and Magha. Rajasekhara's time these difficulties is easily possible, if Dr. Peterson is now pretty well defined by his quoting Ananda. will compare the Deccan College MS., and will vardhana, circiter 850 A.D., and by his being look out the quotations from Ruchaka's work quoted in Somadova's work. Professor Bhandar. in the Bombay copies of Ruyyaka's Sarvasva.
kar's note on the kings mentioned in the colophon In spite of these objections to details, I agree
of the Yasastilaka, pp. 47-49, is carefully done with Dr. Peterson with respect to Mammata's age.
and exhaustive. I do not think that he can have written, as I for. The remaining portion of the Report is taken merly supposed, as late as the 13th century. For up with notices of some books purchased during a note in a Jaina Prabandha and a renewed exa- the year 1883-84. The discovery of a Viramitromination of my acquisitions of 1873-74 have
daya (pp. 49-57) which differs from the welltaught me that Sômêśvara, the court-poet and known bulky volumes on Achâra and Vyavahara Purðhita of Viradhavala and Visaladeva of Dholka and is simply a commentary on Yajavalkya, wrote a commentary on the Kdvyaprakdba, and
possesses considerable importance for the practi. that a copy of his work is found in No. 66 of the
cal lawyer, because Mitramisra is one of the Deccan College Collection of 1873-74. Its full authorities recognised by the law courts. For the title is Bhatta-Somdivara-virachita-Kávyddarsa. history of Yajillavalkya's text, its value, I fear, Kdvyaprakasasamkata. If a Gujarati poet of the will be small, because its date is very late. Copies first half of the thirteenth century thought it of Visvardpa's Värttika and Dêvabodha's Vritti worth his while to explain the work of a Kaśmi. would be more welcome. Historically interesting rian, the latter cannot be placed later than the
is the new volume of elegant extracts, the Hari. twelfth century.
hardvali, from which Dr. Peterson adduces (pp. To the following remarks on some other works
57-64,) numerous valuable details. I can notice found in Alwar libraries (pp. 22-23), chief among here only one point. If Rajasekhara did write a which is "the Góladhyâya of an astronomical Bhojaprabandha (pp. 59-60), its hero cannot be Siddhanta which professes to be a part of the the famous Pramara Bhöja of Dhår, who certainly missing and long-sought-for Romaka-Siddhanta" did not begin to reign in 966 A.D., as his inscripI must add that the extracts at p. 110 do nottions and his Karana are dated from 60-80 years bear out the assertion made. Portions of the later. I will add that Dr. Peterson can render a genuine Romaka-Siddhanta, as well as of the very great service to his colleagues, if he will see equally important Vdsishtha-Siddhanta are, I that all the Sanskrit anthologies are printed. The think, contained in No. 34 of the Deccan College owner of the Nirnayasågar Press will probably Collection of 1870, No. 78 of 1868-69 and Nos. undertake what cannot be included in the Bombay 35-36 of 1870. All these MSS., as well as Dr. Sanskrit Series. Peterson's new one, ought to be examined by a
In Jflanavimala's commentary on Mahesvara's competent astronomer like Dr. Thibaut.
Sabdabhodaprakdea (No. 100, pp. 64-65) Dr. Next Dr. Peterson proceeds to an analysis of Peterson has found the exceedingly important two new works, cursorily noticed in the First statement that the Aindra grammar begins with Report, Damodaragupta's Sambhalímata, pp. the words siddhir anuktandi redhe). This dis23-33, and Sômadêva's Yabastilaka, pp. 34-49. covery settles, indeed, the question, if an Aindra The former is an early specimen of Indian porno grammar really existed; it also raises the hope graphy, similar to and possibly the prototype of that the work may still be found in one of the Kshêmêndra's Samayamátrikd. Though, like the Jaina libraries.

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BOOK NOTICES.
DECEMBER, 1885.]
The remarks on the value of Vâtsyâyana's Kimasdstra are very true. The earliest poets whose works we possess, seem to have carefully studied it and to have used its rules for their compositions. The best commentary on Vâtsyâyana is, as the English translation (printed by the Hindoo Kâmashâstra Society, London, 1883, for private circulation) states, the JayamangalaVritti, written in the 13th century. I regret that I cannot "forgive" Dr. Peterson's suggestion that the Hindus derived their Kámasâstra from the Ionian Greeks. Many passages in Vedic literature and in the Buddhist Vinaya make it perfectly believable that this "science" is of true Indian growth.
The last twenty pages refer to Jaina and especially to Digambara works. Vasunandin's Acharavṛitti, the Tattvarthavyáklyánálamkára, the Shatprabhṛitaka with a commentary, and Mêrutunga's Prabandhachintamani are very valuable acquisitions. It may be noted that two copies of the text of the first work are found in the Collection of 1875-76; Nos. 656-57, and that the usual title of the book is Müláchára. Mêrutunga's Prabandhachintamani is included in the Collection of 1873-74. Dr. Peterson's remarks on these and other Jaina works are most instructive and the extracts in the Appendix judiciously selected. One might, however, have wished to learn something definite about Samantabhadra's Prakrit grammar, No. 96 of his list, and about the Digambara Brihatkalpabhishya. In 1876 Pandits Phatehlâl and Chimarlâl protested that the Brihatkalpasútra was a Svêtâmbara forgery (Ind. Ant. Vol. VII. p. 29). What proofs are there that the MS. found is a Digambara book? It is also a matter of deep regret to me to see the discussion on the Jainéndravyakarana (pp. 67-74) disfigured by an unnecessarily bitter attack on Dr. Kielhorn. Dr. Kielhorn's identification of its reputed author Pajyapâda with the Tirthankara Vardhamâna is no doubt erroneous. But there is no need to represent his view, which was a very natural inference from the few facts known to him, as a dire offence. Dr. Peterson's remarks, the correctness of which is disputed by Mr. Pathak, and seems by no means certain, show that the questions of Pujyapâda's identity and age are surrounded with very great difficulties. I am at present not prepared to give a definite opinion on the disputed points, whether Pajyapåda's other and real name was Dêvanandin or Gunanandin, whether the Pañchavastuka belongs to Śrutakirtti or to Dêvanandin, and whether Pajyapada lived in the fifth century A.D. or in the seventh. But I must call attention to one fact, viz. that Pajyapada is doubtlessly a biruda
355
or honorific epithet, not the real name of a Yati. Though it may have been customary to designate Dêvanandin or Gunanandin by this term, just as it is usual to call Kumârilabhaṭṭa, Bhaṭṭapâdâḥ, yet there must have been many Jaina Pajyapadas, just as there are many Bhattas. Hence the utmost caution is necessary in using inscriptions or passages from books which mention a Pujyapâda for fixing the date of the Pujyapâda.
In conclusion, I can only congratulate Dr. Peterson on the results of his work in 1883-84, and express the hope that the Third Report will make us acquainted with a still greater number of Ratnas, and will show a still more rigorous exclusion of all works of doubtful value from the list of purchases.. G. BÜHLER.
CENTENARY REVIEW OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BEN
GAL, FROM 1784 TO 1983. Published by the Society. (Calcutta: Printed by Thacker, Spink and Co., 1885). 8vo. Part I. History of the Society, by Dr. RAJEN DRALAL MITRA, LL.D, C.IE., pp. 195.-Part II. Archæology, History, Literature, etc., by Dr. A. F. RUDOLF HOERNLE, pp. 216 and ciii.-Part III. Natural Science, by BABOO P. N. BOSE, pp. 109 and xevi. With Proceedings of the Special Centenary Meeting, pp. 20.
"A hundred years have elapsed-a century of arduous and unremitting labour, and the time has now arrived for a review of the progress made and of the services rendered to the cause of literature and science by the Asiatic Society of Bengal since its foundation." Such are the opening words of the valuable volume before us, a volume which we owe to the united labours of Dr. Rajendralal Mitra, Dr. A. F. Rudolf Hoernle, and Mr. P. N. Bose, and which will be received with gratitude by all who take an interest in India and in Oriental studies generally. The Asiatic Society of Bengal may indeed be proud of what it has accomplished since the days of its foundation; and its centenary festival could not have been celebrated in a more fitting manner than by placing before the world a record of the names and labours of its distinguished members, who-few of them trained to be scholars or Orientalists by profession--have opened up new fields of inquiry, have made discoveries which must ever rouse the grateful admiration of later generations, and have laid the foundations of many branches of study, which, thanks to their genius and painstaking toil, we are prosecuting with ease, and with some hope of completing the building designed by them. But there was another, if we may say so, more practical reason why such a record, as has now been presented to us, should have been written. The Researches, the Journal, and the Proceedings of the Society fill, we are told, no less than 103 volumes. "These 103 volumes represent, roughly speaking, a total of 50,000 pages of

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closely printed matter, replete with innumerable essays, papers, monographs, and notes of great interest." By most men these volumes can be consulted only in one of our large public libraries; and a scholar interested in any particular subject in coins or inscriptions, language or literature, manners or religion, geology or geography, &c., even when within reach of one of the eentres of learning, has had to search through many volumes in order to ascertain what, or where, or whether anything had been written on it in this Society's journals. Such search, if not rendered altogether unnecessary, has now been at least greatly facilitated by this Centenary Review.
As has been suggested above, the Review consists of three parts. In the first part Dr. Rajendralal Mitra has sketched what may be called the outward history of the Society; how it was founded by Sir W. Jones; what rules were made from time to time regarding the election of members, their contributions, meetings, &c.; how the Society acquired a house of its own, and founded and extended its library; what gifts were made to it of coins, inscriptions and other objects of interest; how it created the finest Museum in India, undertook the completion of a series of valuable works, the printed sheets of which had been directed by Government "to be sold as waste paper," gave its liberal assistance to Oriental publications of all kind, and particularly established and successfully carried on the Bibliotheca Indica, &c. Towards the end Dr. R. Mitra has given brief personal notices of some of the most renowned scholars with whom the fame of the Society is intimately associated, of Sir W. Jones, F. H. Colebrooke, Sir Charles Wilkins, H. H. Wilson, James Prinsep, B. H. Hodgson, and others; and in four appendices he has added a statement showing the number of members from time to time, a list of the officers of the Society from 1784 to 1883, a list of the books published directly or indirectly by the Society, and finally a valuable alphabetical index of the papers and contributions to the Asiatic Researches and the Journal and Proceedings of the Society.
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
The literary work done by members of the Society or under its auspices has been more fully detailed in the second and third parts of the Review, the former composed by Dr. A. F. Rudolf Hoernle and the latter by Mr. P. N. Bose. Dr. Hoernle has arranged the matter which fell to his share under the heads of Antiquities, Coins, Ancient Indian Alphabets, History, Languages and iterature; and Mr. Bose has described the achievements in Mathematical and Physical Science, Geology, Zoology, Botany, Geography, Ethnology, and Chemistry. Under similar headings both scholars
[DECEMBER, 1885.
have appended to their own account and estimate of what has been done, accurate classified indices of all the papers in the Society's publications arranged in the order in which they have been published,-indices which will prove of very great value to future inquirers. That both Dr. Hoernle and Mr. Bose have had to go through an immense amount of reading is evident from the innumerable references which are crowded together in the pages of their reviews. It is equally certain that what they have done has been a labour of love to themselves, and that they will earn the gratitude of many scholars for what they have so successfully accomplished.
Where three men have done so much to insure our grateful acknowledgment of their services, it would seem invidious to single out one of them for particular praise. But there can be no doubt that, of the scholars named, it is Dr. Hoernle, whose task has been the most laborious; just 28 it is his share of the work which will prove of the greatest interest to most readers of the Indian Antiquary. The great discoveries which form the foundation of our knowledge of the history of Ancient India, the decipherment of the Indian alphabets which will ever render illustrious the names of men such as James Prinsep and Alexander Cunningham, and the researches of Prinsep, Thomas, and others, into the coinages of various Indian dynasties, were indeed sure to prove attractive themes to a scholar who combines accuracy in details with a wide range of reading; and the account which he has given of them will in turn be regarded as perhaps the most attractive portion of this Centenary Review. That opinions should differ regarding some of the statements made by Dr. Hoernle, and the views suggested by him, is only natural, when we remember how fragmentary is our knowledge of the history of India, and how often new discoveries force us to cast aside what were before accepted facts. It is true that some scholars do consider A.D. 166 as the initial year of the Gupta era, and that some do place the accession of Kanishka A.D. 78; though an impartial examination of all the evidence available would appear to prove that the Gupta era really commenced A.D. 319, and that Kanishka must have reigned long after the date assigned to him. But such and similar details in no wise detract from the value of the work before us; and the writer of this notice feels sure that all readers will join him in thank. ing both those who designed, and those who were directly instrumental in bringing about the publication of the Centenary Review of the Asiatic Society of Bengal.
F. KIELHORN.

Page #403

INDEX.
Abda, a mountain mentioned by Hêmachandra.........
......
PAGE
321 Abdhinagari, another name of Dvârakâ...... 321 Abéria of the Periplus denotes the Abhiras... 321 Abhikala, a town, references to *****************. 321 Abhinava-Pampa, a Kanarese poet, flourished just before Saka-Samvat 1076.......
Abhiras, a tribe (Abéria of the Periplus, and
Abiria of Ptolemy) references to the......... 321 Abhisaras, Abhisâras, a tribe, references to the 321 Abiria of Ptolemy denotes the Abhiras 321 Abisares, Abissares; see Embisaros ............. 321 Aborigines of India, religion of the. ..125ff Achdra-Sára of Viranandi was finished in Saka-Samvat 1076...... áchárya used in the sense of 'a master(mason). ***********....
***********.
**********
33in
Achchhôdâ, a river and lake in the Himalaya mountains, references to the..................... 322 Achiravati river; see Ajiravati ...... 320f Achyutadanti, or Achyutanti, a warrior tribe, reference to the.....
....................................................
*****....... .......................................
322 322 322
********....
Achyutasthala, a place in the Paujâb, reference to Adarsa, a district in the north, reference to Adhishṭhâna, a city, references to ................ Adhrishya, a river, reference to ................... 322 Adisathras of Ptolemy denotes Ahichchhattra 322 Agnêyas, a people, reference to the 322 Agnidhras, a people, reference to the... 322 agriobous of the Greeks is the yak 286 Ahichchchhattra, Ahikshatra, Ahikshetra, a district, references to................ 322 Ahukas, a people, references to the 322 Ahvara, a fortress of the Usinaras, references to .............. Ailadhâna, a town, reference to Aindra grammar, discovery of a MS. proving the real existence of the Ajiravati (Achiravati) river, notes on the identification of... ..... 320f Ajitavati river; a doubt as to the real existence of the name............. 320f ájñádápaka, an official title; probably equivalent to the dútaka of other inscriptions. .161n Akbar marries a Jaṭṭni, a relative of Mihr Miṭṭhå 61 Alans, crushed by the Mongols .................. 175 Alha, a hero of Hindi Epic poetry, 209ff;-his genealogy, 255;-cycle of legends about him 255ff
******************
........
......
***********.
*********...
*************
************
14
14
....................................................... 322 322
322
354
PAGE 147
************
Almaligh; see Kulja........... Amgåchhi plate of Vigrahapâla; edited...... 162ff Amin Malik, general of Jalalu'd-din Khwârizmi-defends Hirst, 82;-Governor of Ghazn!, 83;-defeats the Mongols, 85;defeated by the Mongols Améuvarman, Mahásámanta, and afterwards Maharajadhiraja (Thâkuri family, of Nêpêl); Golmaḍhitôl inscription of him and Sivadêva I., of Gupta-Samvat 318; edited, 97f;-the same noticed, 342ff;his dates were 637, 640, 645, and 651 (?) A.D., 342f, 350f;-his position at different periods of his career, 349;-when a Mahúsá manta, he was a co-ordinate ruler with Sivadêva I., not his feudatory ............... 349 ancestor-worship among the Aborigines of India
126ff 87
***..............******
Andarab, Indarâb; see Bâmiyân Andhra king overthrown by Singhana II... 314 Andhra kings; an inscription which may per
"
haps belong to this dynasty................ .331ff anguli ki dalali, the finger-trick'. 157 animals and plants of India which were
**************
340
known to early Greek authors, identification of the........ 274ff, 303ff, 334ff anthos porphuroun of the Greeks is perhaps the dhdvd-tree........ ants, gold-digging, myth regarding the, clear. ed up, 275, 276;-ancient Greek notices of white....... ....... 309 Apongma, a goddess of the Gâros (Aborigines) Appayya, story of. ..............................................................109ff Arabian Nights, Jonathan Scott's extracts from the; noticed ............. 152 Arabic ornaments on Russian icons............. 238 Aranyaka, Taittiriya; see Mahandrayana
***************...
87
****************
*******.........
93 261
*********** ************.
Upanishad.. Ardokro, on coins, does not represent a Sanskrit word Ardhógra, which, if it exists, cannot possibly mean Pârvati as the half of Siva................................................ Argal, Rajas of Arjuna, a king overthrown by Singhana II.... 314 Arrån overrun by the Mongols ..................171 Asatika, or Asatika, a tirtha on the Yamuna at which Govindachandra bathed ashṭavidh-drchand, worship with eight materials,' explained
************
*******************
127
4.ff
103
24n

Page #404

358
ass, Indian, ancient Greek notices of the, 284f;-is the rhinoceros Astiah, a fortress in Ghar... Atâbêgs of Azurbâîjân.
aévamedha-coins attributed to Samudragupta, notes on the............ ************ 95n, 180 Audh, notes connected with the history of... 165 augury by Chinghiz Khân 142 Aurangabad District inscription....314ff Azurbálján overrun by the Mongols.... 171
****************
************
2841 84 .171ff
***************
******************
Bagh Rûdal; see Údal
*********************
Baiana, Bayâna, Biânah; see Byâna Baims Jaṭṭs, customs of the Bakragupta, or Vakragupta; this name must be discarded as non-existent balimjigam-galu means a particular staff for measuring land
***...************
*************
15
..293ff
Balkh, captured by the Mongols................. 143 Ballads, Kanarese; the Insurrection of Rayanna of Sangôlli; edited........... Ballila II. (Hoysala) was overthrown by Singhana II.. Bâmiyân (P) Andarâb, 86 ;-captured by the Mongols.........
............................
314
******................
*********...................
...... *************
Banaphal heroes of Hindi Epic poetry Banawasi Prakrit inscription of HâritiputaSatakamņi; edited....... bandages to relieve pain barbarikon, a town on the Indus, in IndoSkythia .338, 339, 341 Baroda' plates of Dhruva II., of Saka-Samvat 757; edited ............ 196ff 'Basahi' plate of Govindachandra of VikramaSamvat 1161; edited, 101ff;-commented on 98ff Basrakoh; see Tâlikan........ 81f Batmalun, derivation of the name........ 27 bdellion of the Greeks is the tree that yields gugal, 'fragrant gum resin'..................... 338 bees; see honey...................... 308f Bêhayânâ, medieval name of Byânâ, q. v. 9 Benagouron of Ptolemy, identified with Wairågarh in the Chând& District....... Benares District inscription Bendigêri or Bendigere plates of Krishna, of Saka-Samvat 1170; edited 68ff Bengal Asiatic Society, notice of the Centenary Review of the
******************
************
355f Bengal, Bihar, and Audh empire, division of the, in the tenth and eleventh centuries... 164f Bengal, history of the Påla kings of, 162ff;notes on the Sêna kings of................ 183f Bengali books, destruction of, by the Musalmans, 184;-language, religious origin of the modern, 185;-literature, growth of, 187;-vernacular, development of the.. 186f Bero, a god of the Kharris (Aborigines)...... 127
INDEX.
209ff, 255ff
9n 61
............
*********
******...................
66
87 255
..331ff 29n
292 139f
Bhagavata-Purana; a note as to its date, 185n-a copy of the whole of it, made by Vidyapati, is still in the possession of his descendants
189
Bhagavatas in the Southern Maratha Country
159
Bhagavatpura, town in Central India; a residence of Vâkpatirâja of Dhârâ bhaitra is a corruption of bahitra, vahitra, 'a raft'
25n
74
************
8ff
Bhambhagiri, the lord of, was overthrown by Singhana II. ....................................... 314 Bharatpur State inscriptions Bharaut (Bharhut') Stúpa inscription of Dhanabhati; edited Bhatarka, of Valabhi, fought with the Maitrakas.......... 3281 159
138f
******
bhattdrika, a title of the goddess Durgå Bhattôsvari, a goddess (probably Durgâ) at Ujjayini Bhaumayantras; description of one from Milwa
159
Bhayidêva, Dandandyaka, Têrdal inscription of; edited..... 14ff Bhimarathi, a river or stream near Belgaum. 74 Bhoja of Dhârâ; Uvața wrote at Avanti in his time... ..... 62f Bhôja of Kanauj, notes on the history of... 99, 102 Bhôja, a king who preceded Chandradeva of Kanauj 99, 102 Bhôja II. (Silâhåra of Kôlâpur)overthrown by Singhana II. 314 Bhojpuri, a dialect of Bihârî ....209 Bhaihar race, according to tradition, included the Pala kings of Bengal.... ............. 101 Bhopala, the proper name of a king (perhaps Mahipala of Bengal) Bihar, history of the Påla kings of, 164ff;notes on the Sêna kings of................... 183f Bihari Language, Grammar of, 208;-dialects of Bijayagadh, near Byânâ; a reference to inscriptions at this hill-fort..... 8 bird-standard on coins....... . 93, 179. biscobra; see bishkhuprá .................... 306 Bishbaligh visited by Ch'ang Ch'un 146 biskhupra, ancient Greek notices of the 306 bittakos, psittakos, sittakos, of the Greeks is the parroquet ........................................................ 304 boar-emblem on seals......... ....... 140, 380 boats made out of reeds (palm-trees), Greek accounts of Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society's plates of Siladitya I.; edited ..327ff Boram, a god of the Bhaiyâs (Aborigines)... 127 Boru, son of Mukhuli, 268;-succeeds him, 272; his successes in China. 273
********.......
*************
336
.........
............................
235f
.165n
209

Page #405

INDEX.
359
....... 202
........
74
Brahmajñanins in the Southern Marathê Chaturvédins of Gujarat Country ..................
74 Chaulukyas of Anhilvåd, notes on the hisBrahmanical surnames in the Southern Mara. tory of the ............ .............. 64, 354 the country .........
Chellar plates of Kulottunga-Chodadêva II., Brihanndrdyana-Upanishad; see Máhandrd. of Saka-Samvat 1056; edited ............... 55ff
yana-Upanishad ...................................... 4ff Chhatravatf; see Ahichchhattra.................... 822 British Museum plates of Ereganga; edited, Chinese accounts of Chinghiz Khan ......... 1434
229ff ;-of Vira-Satyasraya ; edited ......... 140ff Chinese Emperors, the Kin and Sung; Buddha, 'notice of Rockhill's translation of
their quarrel............................. 267, 271, 272 the Life of ............ ........................ 264 Chinghiz Khan pursues Muḥammad Shah Buddhist inscriptions ......... 45ff, 1394, 3274, 344 Khwarizmi, 81;-captures Talikan, 82;-his Budhagupta, silver coins of ....................... 67f treatment of his adopted son Kutuku, 84 ;Bukkaraya of Vijayanagara, an inscription of
captures Bâmiyán (Andarab), 86;-attitude the time of; edited ...........
............... 233ff
towards his sons, 87;defeats JalAlu'd-din Bulgaria, Mongols in..........
Khwarizmi, 87, 88;-his cruelties at Balkh, Bundelkhandi, a dialect of Bihari ............... 209 143 ;-folktale of Chinghiz and the stag, Byana, a town in the Bharatpur State; see 143;--Chinese accounts of his doings, 144;
Bêhayånå and Sripathể ...... ............8, 9 mission of Ch'ang-Ch'un to him, 144ff ;Byânâ inscription of the Ruija Mangala; his religious views, 151f ;-his great hunt
noticed, 9f, -of the Adhiraja Vijaya; at Samarkand, 169;-summons a general edited ...........
..... 8ff council (kuriltai)................ ***............ 170
Chicacole' plates of the Maharaja SatyaCentenary Review of the Asiatic Society of varman; edited ............
............ 10ff Bengal, notice of the ................ 355 Choļa country, kings of the .......................... 204 Central India inscriptions......... 45, 159, 351, 352 Chola successors of the Eastern Chalukya Ceylon, a prince of, in Egypt ..................... 60 kings .................................... 48ff, 55ff, 203ff Chaitanya; an old rhyme giving the date of Ohöļas, genealogy of the ............................. 204 his birth as Saka-Samvat 1401, 190n;
Chul-i-Jalalt, desert of .............................. 89 spreads Vidyâpati's writings, 182;-is cocoanut, the Indian; Greek notices of it mentioned in the mangala of Vidya. under the name of nauplios
nouuptios .............. 336 bhashana's Sahityakaumudi .................. 353 coins, gold, Châlukya-Chandra; a name of Saktirarman
of the Early Guptas .................92ff, 179ff (Eastern Chalukya) .............................. 50
of Jaya-Prakirnayasas .................. 95n Chalukyas, Early, attributed to the Soma
of Kicha ...................................... 96 vansa, 50, 55;-Puriņic genealogy
of Nara-Baladitya ........................9 . and history of the ........................
of Vishnu-Chandråditya ................... 93n .. Eastern, genealogical inscriptions coins, silver
of the......................... 48ff, 55ff of the Early Guptas ...................... 65ff , Western, a genealogical inscription
of Budhagupta .................
674 (spurious) of the ..................... 330f of Chandragupta II. ...................... 65€ Chalukyas, Western, a genealogical insorip
of Damodaragupta (doubtful) ........... tion of the .......................... 14ff of Isanavarman . of late date at Kalyanapura ...... 1408 of Krishnaraja............ Chaudidása, & poet; the contemporary of
of the Kshatrapas, 325;-a note on the Vidy&pati ..... ........................ 188ff, 193ff
legends of them ..................... 6tn, 325 Chandragupta of the Udayagiri cave inscrip.
of Kumâragupta ............................... tion; his identity discussed. .............. 61, 352 of Rudrasimha................................. 325 Chandragupta II. (Early Gupta); the silver
of Skandagupta ............................... 664 coins of ................................................. 651 coins of the Early Guptas; their weights Ch'ang.Ch'un, the Taouist philosopher, 144; 1 follow old Roman, Lydian, and Macedo--visits Chinghiz Khân, 144;-his journey
nian standards...........
****** .. 93 through Asia.
.............. 145ff colours sacred to the planets Chang-yeou, Chinese general of the Mongols 268 Coorg' insoription of Satyavákya-Kongipicharaoter of the Koreans ........................... 262 varman; edited ............ charas, ancient Greek notions regarding ...... 310 copper-plate grants; mention of a model Chattayadeva, vernacular form of the name of form for drafting them ....................
Shashthadêva II. (Later Kadambas of Goa) 289n cosmogony of the Aborigines of India......... 120
66
.
...........

Page #406

860
INDEX.
cotton-tree, Greek notices of the Indian ...... 337 crocodile, ancient Greek notices of the ......... 306 cures amongst the Aborigines of India......... 131 Curiosities of Indian Literature...... 124, 206, 236,
261, 292, 323
Dadhipadra, ancient name of Dôhad, 7.0....... 124 Dadhipura, the modern Sanskrit name of
Dôhad, qu. ........................................ 124 DalAls of Dehll, their slang, &c. ...............155ff Damodaragupta, a doubtful silver coin of...... 67 Damba! Buddhist inscription of Vikramaditya
VI., comments on the ..... ............ 15 Darbar villages of the JAlandhar and Bart
Doabs, the .......................... ............... 61 Darbhanga, history and list of kings of, 187;
popular etymology of the name refuted ... 183n darsana, in the sense of religious procession' 233 Dasagranthins in the Southern Marathi
Country ... dates; see eras. . recorded in decimal figures 10, 18, 19, 20,
76, 103, 123, 140, 160, 168, 234, 317 recorded in numerical symbols... 58, 66, 67
68, 75, 98, 328, 333, 342 ff, 351 recorded in numerical words ............ 53 . recorded in words ... 12, 69, 103, 123, 160,
200, 288, 317 days of the lunar month, mentioned in recorded dates :bright fortnight ; first.....................234, 288
fifth sixth ................... 46(P) seventh ................... 191 tenth ...................... 20, 98
those of the planets, and this nomenclature is of Indian origin, Iff;-this theory of the origin of the nomenclature disputed, 322;
the methods by which their names were fixed ..............................................2, 3221 death-customs of the Aborigines of India........ 132f decimal figures, instances of the nse of, 10, 18,
19, 20, 76, 103, 123, 140, 160, 168, 234f, 317, 318;-in composition with a numerical
symbol; an instance ............................. 351 demons in the Kin-Shan Range ................. 160 Derbend captured by the Mongols............... 175 Désiga gana, Désiya gana, a Jain sect belong
ing to the line of Kundakundácharya...... 23 Dévadatta, samanta, the Shêrgadh Buddhist
inscription of; edited, 45;-interpretation
of the date ......................... ................... 3511 deva-griha-jagati, perhaps means 'a temple
and its grounds,' or 'a temple with the
buildings connected with or attached to it' 161n Dêvarija, a name of Navakåma (Western
Ganga) ................................................ 230 devil-worship, a possible modern instance of,
in the Kanarese country .......................... 297 Dhanabhati (Sunga), Bharaut Stúpa inscription of; edited
............ 1381 Dhâri, city in Central India, the kings of ... 159 Dhårdvarsha, a biruda of Dhruva II. (Rash.
traktas of Gujarat) ......................198, 202 Dharmadêva (Lichchhavis of Nepál); his
date was about A.D. 680 ........................ 350 Dharmaditya, a title of Śtladitya l. of Valabhi 328 dharmardjikd means a stapa .........................140n dhavaldra is a corruption of dhavaldgara, 'a
mansion' ............................................. 26n Dhruva II. (R&shtrakatas of Gujarat); Ba.
roda' plates of Saka-Samvat 757 ; edited ... 1968 Dhruvadova, Mahardja (Lichchhavis of Nê.
p&l); his date was A.D. 654 ................343, 350 diamonds, the Sindibád myth regarding ...... 275 dikairon of the ancient Greeks is the dung.
beetle............... .............................. 310 divination among the Aboriginal tribes of
India ................................................ 1268 dogs, ancient Greek notices of the Indian 282, 283 Dôhad, town in Gujarat'; see Dadhipadra and
Dadhipura ......................................... 124 dolphin, ancient Greek notices of the ......... 283 Dudda; & grant to the Buddhist monastery
founded by her at Valabhi .............328, 329n Durgå, goddess, a grant to ........................ 159 Durgdbhakti-Tarangint of Vidy&pati, was written in the reign of Narasimhadêva, 188, 192; - text and translation of the opening lines;
edited ........................................ 1924 .ddtaka, an official title; probably represented
by the djñadapaka of other inscriptions ... 161n
********
**... 102
thirteenth
............... 123
.....
full-moon ............24, 161
twentieth ................351 dark fortnight; second ...............10, 53
third........................ 19 sixth........................ 328
ninth ..................... 161 unspecified; seventh.............. 330 days of the week, names of the, as occurring in records :
Adi ............. .................. 19 Brihaspati ........... 18, 20, 234 Budha ........................ 288, 314 Chandra ............................. 8 Guru
.....................59, 70, 190 Ravi ...........
***......... 102 Sasin ............................... 141
Soma ......................10, 123
5 ; their names in India, as with the Greeks and Romans, were taken from

Page #407

INDEX.
361
50
...........
809
****
***
...
.. 140n
11
Duvédins of the Soutbern Marath& Country. 74 gachchha; Kamyaka, a division of the Svê. Dvåraka; see Abdhinagari ......................... 321 tâmbaras, 8;-Postaka, connected with the Dyå Dvivéda wrote the Nítimañjarf in Sam
Dêsfya gana, 24;-Sarasvati, connected vat 1110
.......... 853 with the Dêriga gana .............................. 23, 25
Gagfputa (Gargiputra), a metronymic of one of the Sungas .................
.................. 139 eagle, ancient Greek notices of the golden ... 303 GAhadavåla dynasty, notes on the history of eclipsed hero in folktales ........................... 245 the, 98ff ;-a genealogical inscription of eclipses, Chinese science of ........................ 147 the ; edited .......
............... 101ff lunar ............................................. Gaharwar race of Rajputs, notes on the solar ..........
11 history and connections of the ................ 100f Egypt, Simhalese Prince in......
60 Gajapati, a title of Pratâparudra of Utkala, elaion alsaminon of the Greeks is, gingely
9.0............ ........................................ 353 oil ..............
340 Gajarathapura, a town of king Sivasithadova 191 elektron of the Greeks is the lac-insect and its Galela or Galelai vishaya, in the Kalinga products .............................................
country .............................. ..................... 11 elephant, ancient Greek notices of the ......... 284 Ganapati, a king released from prison by elephant-emblem on seals.........
229 Jaitugi I.............................................. 314 Embisaros, a king mentioned by the Greeks, gandhakuti means 'a chamber devoted to
was probably king of the Abhisäras ......... 321 Buddha's use .................... emblem of dynasty engraved on the plate, Gangânvaya, the lineage of the river
instead of on the seal.............. 159 and errata Ganga................... ................ 229 and n Enchanted Stag and Chinghiz Khan............ 143 Gangas, Eastern, of Kalinganagara, a geneaepops of the ancient Greeks is the hoopoe ... 304
logical inscription of the; edited ... 10ff eras, dates recorded in various
, Western inscriptions of the; edited Gångêya-vamba...............
768, 2297 Gupta-Valabhi .........75, 98, 328, 342ff, 348 Gångêyavarisa, era of the.......................... 11 Harsha ..................................342, 348 Ganjam District inscription ..................... 10ff Kaliyuga..................
gardeners in folktales .............................. 242n Lakshmaņasêna.........
Garuda-emblem on coins, 93, 179;-on plates, MAlava (Vikrama) ....
....... 351f
159 and errata ;-on seals ............68, 102 Saka......... 24, 25, 26, 50, 56, 74, 76, 123, 202, image attached to plates................. 314
23+, 314 Gauda country, historical notes about the 140, 165 Vikrama......8, 102, 123, 140, 159n, 161, 3514 gaviál, a wrong name for the crocodile......... 308 Ereganga (Western Ganga), British Museum geography of India, Sanskrit ................... 319ff
plates of; edited .....................................229ff Georgia, Mongol attacks on ...................... 1718 Etawah' District inscription...................101ff Ghailisdea, Ghaisa, Ghaisdea, Ghalisa,
Ghulisdea, Brahmanical surnames in the
Southern Marathi Country ...................... 74 Fatehpar Haswa, traditions regarding ......... 260 ghatikasthana means 'a religious centre....... 25n Fariduddin 'Attâr, death of ..................... 175 Ghatotkacha, Maharaja (Early Gupta); discusFika, the Noyan, adopted son of Chinghiz sion of the coins attributed to him...... 94ff, 180 Khan ......................
..................84, 85 Ghazni held by the Khwarizmie............... 82, 83 fire-altar emblem on coins .................... 941 | Gibari, the country north of the Kabul River, Firuzkoh, capital of Ghor, 84;-attacked by
taken by Chinghiz Khân ........................ 142 the Mongols, 115;-gallant defence of, Goa plates of Shashthadêva II. of Kaliyuga
116;-captured ..................................... 116 Sarhvat 4348; edited ............................. 288ff Fiwår, fortress in Kadas, attacked by the goat, ancient Greek notices of the Indian ... 286
Mongols, 83, 84;-description of, 119;- gods of the Aborigines of India ............... 126ff
captured by the Mongols ........................ 119 Gókage, ancient name of GokÄk, a town in the flags, different kinds and arrangements of ... 104 Belgaum District ............. Folktales, from Madras, 77ff, 103ff, 134ff, 153ff; GölmAdhitól inscription of the Maharaja Siva. - from Kaśmir, 26ff, 239ff ;- from Western
dôva II. and the Mahiedmanta AmbuvarIndia...................................................311ff man, of Gupta-Samvat 318; edited, 971 ;fortnights of the lunar month; an instance noticed .......................... ....................... 342 of the reckoning according to which the Gonka, Gorkidôva, Mandalika, Têrda! inscripdark fortnight preceded the bright ......... 351 tion of; edited ..........
.......... 14
............ 288
.. 191

Page #408

362
INDEX
..............
74
Gonka-Jinalaya; the name of a Jain temple | grdmadeva, 'the tutelary village god, men
ut TérdA! ...................................... 24, 25 tioned in an inscription.......................... 11 Göpakapuri, ancient Sanskrit name of Goa in grass, chewing; a sign of defeat and submis. Western India....................
.sion .......................
.. ... 299 gorava; see gurava................................ 11, 139f
.............. 11. 139€ graves, position of Musalman .................. 29n Gotiputa (Gauptiputra), a metronymic of one
griffin (gryphon) myth regarding the cleared of the Sungas .................
up .................................... 275, 276, 281, 282 ***............. 139
gulda-dhvaja, "a banner bearing the device gštras, names of, as occurring in records :
of a hill"; the explanation of its origin ... 24n Agastya ..........................................
Guddavadi vishaya, in the Vengi country, in Arshţika ........................................... 74
cluding certain villages ........................ 50 Atrêya ................ ............. 58, 74, 315
gúgal, guggala, Greek notices of, under the Bharadvája................
................ 74
name of bdellion ................................... 338 Bharadâja..... ....... 50, 58, 75, 316
Guhasena of Valabhi, an earthenware inscrip Bhargava ..........
tion of; edited ............ ... .......... 75 Devarata ............. ..................74, 315
Gujarat, Rashtrakůtas of, a genealogical in. Garga ..................... ................... 74, 315
scription of the ............. ................ 196ff Gårgyà ....... ......... ............ 74, 289, 315
Gumäni Kavi of Patna, a Bihari poet, Gautama ..... ... ............. 74, 102, 315
macaronic verses of ...... 124, 206, 236, 261, 292 Harita ............ ............. 58, 74, 315
Ganapura, a town in Central India ; & camp Harita.............
.................. 330 of Våkpatiraja of Dhårå
159 Harita ....................
.......... 49, 50, 56, 334 ...... 99,00,
Gupta, Maharaja (Early Gupta); discussion Jámadagnya-Vatsa ........................... 74, 315
as to whetber his name was Gupta or Sri. Kandyana......................................... 229
gupta ............................................. 94, 180
.............. Kapi ............................................ 58, 74
Gupta era did begin, as stated by Albirani, in KApishthala ...............
819-20 A.D., 342n;-it is convenient to call Kasyapa ........ 58, 74, 75, 100, 232, 315, 331
it by this name, but there is nothing in Kaundinya.............. ............... 74, 315
the inscriptions to shew specifically that it Kausika ............................58, 74, 315
was founded by the Guptas, 342n;-it was Kuydina ........ ..
introduced into Nepal in perhape 407 A.D., LAvana (P) .......................................... 202
345 ;-various dates recorded in it...... 75, 98, Maitråvaruņa
328, 3421 Maitreya......
Guptas, Early: review of Mr. V. A. Smith's ............. 49, 50, 330 Manavya.....
paper on their gold coins, &c., 92ff;--fur. Maudgalya .........................................
ther notes on them, 179f;—the legends on Mauna-Bhargava ...............................
their silver coins.......... .................. 65ff Mudgala....
gurava, gurdva, gorava; a note on the appli. Parfsara ......................................
cation of these titles ..................11, 139, 140n Parasara...............
Gwalian, see Wâliân..........
.......... 87 Purukutsa ................ Bandilya.............................. 74, 100, 168
Hamadân, rebels against the Mongols, 173; Saunaka ..................
-ravaged in the revenge ......................... 175 Srivatsa .................
Hammiras were overthrown by Singhaņa II. 314 Vådhryasva .......
Håritiputra, Håritiputra, Håritiputra, a metro Vadhála ...........
nymic of the Early Chalukyas and their Vasishtha ................
74
descendants ........ ...............49, 50, 56, 330 V&sishtha ....................................... 315 Haritiputra, a metronymic of one of the Vatsa.............................................53, 74
Satakarnis .........
................ 834 Vishnuvsiddha ............................... 74, 315
Hâritipatra-Satakarņi, Banawasi inscription Visvamitra.....................................74,315 of; edited ................. ................ 331ff Yaska ..............
........ 58 Harshavardhana of Kanauj; a reference to Govinda IV. (Rashtrakatas of Gujarat) was
his defeat by Pulikėgin II., 331;-he an usurper ......................................... 197 conquered Nepal and introduced his era Govindachandra (GAhadavála), 'Basahi' plate there, 346;-various dates recorded in this of; edited ............
..................... 10ff era .................................................... 84217 Güvindariya, of the Latest Chalukyas of Haswa, capture of, by the Muhammadans ... 260 Kalyanapura .........
......... 141 | Headless Horseman, a version of the............ 260
58
**
*
315

Page #409

INDEX.
363
140
heaven of the Aborigines of India ................ 129 Ratta of Saundatti and Belgaum ......... 14ff hippelephas of the Greeks is perhaps the
Sunga ..................... *** ..... ...... 138f wilgai................
............ 341 Vijayanagara dynasty ........................ 233ff Hiranyavati river, notes on the identification Kedna used in the sense of a linga ................ of the
.............. 320f Isanavarman, silver coins of Hirat, intrigues in, 117;--captured by the Ishmael, the Child of Promise-according to
Mongols ................ ........................... 118 the Muhammadans................................. 209 holy places of the Aborigines of India ......... 126Iydr-i-Danish, the, is not yet edited ............ 264 honey, ancient Greek and Hebrew notions
regarding, 308, 309;- from canes called sugar, Greek accounts of........................ 334f
Jagatai, campaigns of ............
8686 Honorius III., Pope, his dealings with the
Jahnaviya family, or lineage of the river Georgians............
................... 174
Gangå......................
...................... 229 and n horse, ancient Greek notices of the wild ..... 285
Jain inscriptions .................... 8, 94, 1488, 2834 human sacrifices among the Aborigines of
Jains, early division of the, into Nirgranthas
and Svêtapatas .......................... 15 India
......................... 128, 129 .............. hunt, description of a Mongol ............ 169, 170
and Vaishnavas, & compact between hyænas, ancient Greek notices of ............... 281
the; edited (see also p. 292) ......... 233ff Hyparkhos, Hypobaros, river ; identified...... 310
Jaitugi I.(Yadavas of Dêvagiri); certain kings
overthrown by him................................ 314 identifications, geographical............310, 319, 320
Jallu'ddin Khwarizmi; his wars with the idols of the Aborigines of India................ 1268
Mongols, 82ff ;-defeats the Mongols under Hlchikadai, nephew of Chinghiz Khân ......... 118
Kutuku, 86f;-defeated on the Indus by Indarab, Andaráb; see Bâmiyan.................. 87
Chinghiz Khan, 871;-marries a daughter indigo, Greek notices of the Indian ............ 339
of the Chief of the Khokhars, 89;-his indikon melan of the Greeks is Indian indigo 339f
doings in Sindh ..................................... 90 Indra (Eastern Chalukya) reigned for seven
Jaţts of the Pasj&b, notes on the ............61, 62 days.....................................................50, 55
Jayadeva I. (Lichchhavi); his real date was infanticide among the Jatts ...................... 62
about A.D. 330 ......
***................. 3500 inscriptions, Cuneiform, of Western Asia
Jayadova II., Rdja (Thakuri family of Nêpål); noticed ................
.................... 262
his date was A.D. 751 (?)-759 ...344, 348, 350 inscription, Sabæan, on an incense-burner ... 97
Jayadôva, poet, author of the Gitagóvinda ; his inscriptions on copper; edited
date discussed and allotted to the early Chalukya, Eastern ......................... 48ff, 55ff
part of the twelfth century A.D., 183, Chalukya, Western ; spurious................ 3301
185n;-tradition says there were two poets Chalukya, Latest ............................... 140ff
of this name............
................ 183n Chôļa successors of the Eastern Chalu.
Jayaprakirnayasas, gold coin of ................. 95n kyas ......... .............. 48ff, 55ff
jhirki ki daldu, the 'swagger trick'............ 157 Dhará dynasty
............159ff JiArati pattald, an ancient division of the GAhadavala...
...............1018
1. Etawah' District, including certain villages 102 Ganga, Eastern, of Kalinganagara ...... 10ff
Jishņugupta Thakuri family of Nepal); his Ganga, Western, of Maisar ; spurious... 229ff
date was A.D. 654 ...........................343, 350f Kadamba, Later, of Goa ....................288ff
jogavattige is a corruption of yoga-pattaka, a PAla of Bengal .............. ................ 162ff
| garment worn during contemplation' ...... 25n Rashtrakata of Gujarat .................... 1968 journeys, customs on ...... ................ 135n of Sivasimha
19011 juabi, explanation of the term .................. 86n Valabhi dynasty
.8278 Yadava of Dévagiri .................. 681, 314ff Kacha is the real name on the coins attributed inscriptions on earthenware; edited
to Ghatotkacha, 95f;-the name occurs Valabhi dynasty..........
.. .... 75
elsewhere only in an inscription in the inscriptions on stone; edited
Ajanta ca ves ....................................... 96 Chalukya, Western.........
Kadambas, Early; notes on their history 12ft, 15 Ganga, Western, of Maisar ................. 76 Kadambas, Later, of Goa, a genealogical in. of Haritiputra-Satakarni .....................381ff scription of the ............ .................. 2881 miscellaneous .......................8ff, 1411, 45ff Kailasakotabharana, the place of the Thakurf Népal rulers ........................................... 97 rulers of Népal .....................................3421 Pala of Bengal ................................ 139€ Kajjall Ban, the ............... ................ 209n
............
.............
...... 1417

Page #410

364
INDEX
............
****....... 118
Kakka, Karka III., must be struck out from Khotaka, ancient name of the modern Kaira' the list of the Råshtrakatas of Gujaråt 1976 in Gujarat ..............................
.................. 198 Kakkalla, a king overthrown by Singhana Khokhars, daughter of the Chief of the, II. ..............
****......... 814 marries Jalaluddin Khwarizmi ............... 89 Kalachuris of Tripura intermarried with the Khubilai meets Chinghiz Khân .................. 178
PAlas of Bengal .............. .................. 99 Khulagu meets Chinghiz Khân .................. 178 kalamos indicos, the Indian reed, Greek khusum-tree, Greek notices of the.........3094, 3374 accounts of ...
..................335f kiljai ; see juzbi ........... ................... 85n Kali, a village goddess.....................79, 108, 109 Kin Emperor of China, the ; his wars with the Kalinga country in the possession of the Mongols .....................
......................... 267ff Eastern Gangas .............. .......... 11 Kipchaks, Mongol attacks on the............175, 176 Kalinganagara, the capital of the Eastern | Kollagira, Kollapura, ancient names of K014Gangas .............
11 pur, in the Southern Maratha Country ... 23ff Kalyan, fortress near Hirât, 117;-captured Kondakunda ; see Kundakunda ................... 15ff by the Mongols
Kongiņivarman, Satyavákya (Western Ganga), Kalyanapura, Late Chalukyas of ...............140ff Coorg inscription of; edited.................... 76€ Káma, Kamadêva, Kavaņa, brother in law of Kongudesa-Rujukkal, an explanation of the
Shashthadeva II............................ 288, 289n early history in the ............................. 124 Kanarese Ballads; the Insurrection of Rå. Kongulavalli Twelve, a group of villages near yanna of Sangolli; edited ......................... 293ff
Miraj ............
............. ................. 141 Kanauj, information about the history of, 99ff, Korumelli plates of Rajaraja II. (Chola suc.
101ff, 164f cessors of the Eastern Chalukyas); edited 48ff Kandahår in the Mongol days...................... 85 Kösavardhana, a mountain in Central India. 46, 48 Kandalgam plates (spurious) of Pulikesin II. kostos of the Greeks is the Sanskrit kushtha,
(Western Chalukya); edited ................. 330f an aphrodisiac drag ................................ 341 kangar, kángrí, description of the, 265,- Kota State inscription ..................... 45ff, 3514
origin of the, 266 ;-derivation of its name 266 Kotiak, chief of the Kipchaks, first reports the Kanhara, Kanhára, a form of the name of approach of the Mongols to the Russians ... 176
Krishna (Yadava of Dêvagiri) ...............68, 73 Kramita, a Brahmarical surname in the Kaņho is a Pråkpit form of the naine Krishna 73n Southern Maritha Country................... 74 Karaháta, the modern Karhad near Sattårå, Krishna (Yadava of Dêvagiri), Bendigêri
a reference in the Mahibharata to...........333 plates of; edited ............. .................. 68ff Kardwân; see Bâmiyan .....
Krishṇaraja, an early king, silver coins of ... 68 karewd, a form of marriage............
Krishnararman (Early Kadamba) conquered karmántika, an official title denoting 'a the Någas...................
............... 13 superintendent of a work'....................... 333 kerokottas of the Greeks is the hyæna ......... 281 Karna, a king who preceded Chandradêva of Kshatrapas, a note on the legends of the
Kanauj...............................................59, 102 silver coins of the ................................65n, 325 karpion-tree of the Greeks seems to combine Kufic alphabet, a ...................................... 181
the characteristics of some kind of laurel Kalja, visited by Ch'ang-Ch'un .................. 147
with those of the screw-pine................. 339 Kulôttunga-Chôdadera II. (Choļa successors Kårtavirya II. (Rasta of Saundatti and of the Eastern Chalukyas), Chellar plates
Belgaum), Tôrda! inscription of; edited ... 1444 of; edited .............. ................ 55ff kartas non ; see ass ................................... 2841 Kulottunga-Chola-Rajakosarivarman, the leKasahrada, a désa in Gujarat, including the gend on the seal of the Leiden plates of;
river Vehichoha and certain villages ...... 202 edited .................................................. 205 Kasiki- Vritti, quotations from classical Sans- Kumfragupta (Early Gupta), silver coins of... 66 krit poetry in the ......................
Kundakunda, a Jain author; his works, and Kasmír, folktales from, 239 ;-legends from...26ff proposed date in the time of the Early kassia of the Greeks denotes aromatio sub. Kadambas....................................15, 23, 24, 25
stances produced chiefly from different Kandi desa was a part of the Kuntala country,
species of cinnamomum ...................... 339 and included the village of Têridala... 21, 25, 26 katakam-utkalita is not a chronogram, but Kuntala country included the Kandi desa ... 21
means only a camp was pitched' ............ 141 Reynolykos ; see krokottas ........ ............. 281 KathiÂwad inscriptions ...................... 75, 327ff kelas of the ancient Greeks is the adjutant. 305 lac-insect and its products, ancient Greek kerkion of the ancient Greeks is the maind ... 305 notices regarding the............. ............... 309

Page #411

Lakshmanasena era is current in Mithila,
but not in Bengal
.183n language, German philosophy of ***...***... ..122, 123 languages, transgangetic, 120ff;-monosyllabic...... Lasha, David, king of Georgia, 171;-George, king of Georgia
***************
Lâța; the extent of this province to the north and south in the time of the Rashtrakutas 198 legends from Kasmir 26ff
****************
*****************
INDEX.
Leiden plates of Kulôttunga-Chôla-Rajakêsarivarman and Rajendra-Chôla-Parakesarivarman; the legends on the seals, edited... 205₤ Lekhapañchásiká, an existing manuscript of
a MS. letter-writer.........
******************
64 ************....... .252n 175 61
leprosy, causes of, in folktales Lesghs, Mongol attacks on the levirate marriage; see karéwd..... ************......... leucrocotta of the Greeks is perhaps the nflgát 341 Lichchhavi; in two instances the variant ....345n
Lichchhivi occurs Lichchhavikulaketu, a biruda of Sivadêva I. of Nepal, 98, 342;-also of Dhruvadêva of Nepal...... 343 Lichchhavi rulers of Nêpâl, 342ff;-their palace was Mânagriha, and they used the Gupta era
life-index in folktales.. lion-emblem on seals. lizards, omens from **************. ............112f Loadstone Rooks of Southern India; a sug
gestion as to their real existence Lucknow Museum plates of Govindachandra; edited lukion of the Greeks is the berberis tinctoria and lycium
***********
lunar month, fortnights of the; an instance of the reckoning according to which the dark fortnight preceded the bright. 351
121
*********************
172
***********
.348ff .251n 288
292
101ff
338
macaronic verses of Gumâni Kavi...124, 206, 236, 261, 292 Madras, folktales from 77, 108ff, 134ff, 153 Maghanandi, a Jain teacher, the Mandald
326f
charya of Kollagira Mahabhashya, quotations from classical Sanskrit poetry in the..... Mahadeva (Yadava of Devagiri) overthrew Visala of the Chaulukyas of Anhilwaḍ...... 214 Mahanadi, a river in Rêvatidvipa, q.v. 330 Mahanarayana-Upanishad of the TaitiriyaAranyaka of the Black Yajur-Véda, an examination of the contents of the... 4ff mahdrdja, properly a feudatory title, applied to a paramount king, 67, 70;-it denotes equal rank with mahdedmanta and mahdsénádhipati.
23
349
......
*******..
mahásádhanabhaga, an official title occurring in Rajataramgint iv. 143 ..............161n mahásádhanika, an official title; exact meaning doubtful ............161 mahdsdmanta and mahásénádhipati; these titles denote equal rank with mahárája 319 Mahideva (Lichchhavis of Nêpêl); his date was about A.D. 733 Mahipala (Pala of Bengal), Sarnath inscription of; edited........... 139f mahuwa-tree, Greek notices of the...... 309f, 337f Maithili hymns describing the meeting of
************
350
320
Vidyapati and Chandidâsa; edited.....193ff Maitrakas, a tribe or dynasty with which Bhatarka of Valabhi fought. 3281 malabathron of the Greeks is the dál-chini... 338f Malava tribe or kings, an instance of the use of the era of the.. ................ 351f malaya is an old non-Sanskritic name for hill' *********... 320 Malayas of the Mudrárakshasa identified as a tribe on the northern frontier of India, in the country called Mo-lo-so by HiuenTsiang, 105ff;-this identification questioned in favour of their belonging rather to Malayabhumi in Nepal.......... Malkhan, a hero of Hindi Epic poetry .....256ff Malwa Jaṭṭs, the 61 Mammața wrote in the first half of the twelfth century... 3531 Mânadêra (Lichchhavis of Nêpâl); his real date was A.D. 705-732..... .....344, 348, 350f Mânagriha, the palace of the Lichchhavi rulers of Nôpâl .........342ff mandaláchárya, a religious title, equivalent to pattacharya, and, in a religious sense, what mandalésvara is in a political one .........23n, 24 Mangala, Raja, Byânâ inscription of; noticed 9f mangrove, Greek notices of the Indian......... 341 Mânjha Jatts, the *********************** 61 Mansorkoh; see Tâlikân ........................... 81f Manu; about one-tenth of his verses occur
***********
************
in the Mahabharata ........................................ 324 marine trees, mentioned by the Greeks, are the Indian mangrove..........
341
Marpo (Ladak) may perhaps be derived from Malayapada, 'the site or abode of the Malayas' .................. 107 marriage, levirate; see kartwa ****************** 61 martikhora of the Greeks is the tiger 280 Mêdhatithi, author of the Manubhashya, was a Kasmirian, not a Southerner metals sacred to the different planets ......... 2, 4 metamorphosis. .135ff metronymics; see putra 49, 50, 56, 139, 330 Mihr Miṭṭh&; his relative marries Akbar...... 61 Milaraspa, the Hundred Thousand Songs of... 262
*************** 321
365
*******************
...

Page #412

366
INDEX.
279
.
.
.
mint-marks on coins
93 Nara-Baladitya, gold coins of ...............93n, 179 miraculous vehicle in folktales, the ............ 251n Nardyana-Upanishad, another name of the Miraj State inscription..............................140ff | Mahdndrayana-Upanishad, q.V.............. tff Miriõji, an ancient form of the name of Miraj nardos of the Greeks is the gangetic nard or
in the Southern Marathå Country ........... 141 spikenard .................. .... .................. 310 Mithild alphabet ; a dispute as to its origin, Narendradêva (Thakurt family of Nepal); his
186n ;-country, history and list of kings of 187 date was about A.D. 700 ..........................350f Mitislaf of Chernigof, defeated by the Mongols, Nariad, a town in Gujarat ; see Natapura and
176;-of Galicia, 176, 177;-Romanovitch, 176f Natapatra, 123f;-inscription of VikramaMo-lo-80 of Hiuen Tsiang supposed to re.
Samvat 1572; noticed ........................... 123f present Malayavdsa, the habitation of the Nasiruddin Kubacha of Sindh, fights Jalalu'.
Malayas' ......................................... 107 ddin Khwarizmi .................................89, 90 monkeys, ancient Greek notices of............... Natapatra, ancient Sanskpit name of Nariad, monograms on coins
93 9.0.
............ 1231 monosyllabic languages ............................. Natapara, modern Sanskrit name of Nariad, month, fortnights of the lunar; an instance
9.0... ... ..... . .......................... 12+ of the reckoning according to which the nauplios of the Greeks is the Indian cocoanut 336
dark fortnight preceded the bright ........ 351 Neminátha, image and temple of, at Têrda! 24, 25 months, names of the, as occurring in records Nepal inscription, 97 ;-rectification of the Åsvayuja ...................
.................... 25, 238 chronology of the early rulers of the Bhadra ...***
country, 312ff ;-the Gupta era was introBhadrapada........................................ 10 duced in this country in perhaps 407 Bhadrapada ........................................ 23 A.D., 315;-was under the co-ordinate Bhadrika, Uttara ............................ 53 double government of the Lichchhavis of Chaitra...........
....................26, 161, 168 Månagriha and the Thakurt family of Jyêshtha...............................98, 141, 328
Kailâsakatabhavana ................................3184 Kârttika.........................................161, 202 Nezahwår, the Habashi commander of Taluk. 84 Magha .................. ......... 48, 314, 330, 351 nilgai, probable Greek notices of the, under Pausha ...................................... 102, 140 the names of hippelaphas and leucrocotta.. 341
...................................... 74, 191 nina-lakh necklace of Mars, the ............209, 256 Uttara-Bhadrikå .......... ............ 53 Nirgranthas and Svêtapatas, early division of Vaisakha .............
............. 24, 123 the...........
........ ....... 15 Mrigêśavarman (Early Kadamba), suggested Nitimañjart of Dya Dvidêda was written in to be identical with the Sivakumiramabi. Samvat 1110 ............
10 ************ *. ............. 353 råja whose preceptor was Kundakundi. Nokrekoh ; see Talikan ............................. 814
charya .... ........................................ 15 Nongjar; see Pathen.................................... 127 Muatugan, son of Jagatai, death of ........... 86 North Kanara District inscription ............331ff Muhammad Shah Khwarizmi ..................... 81ff numerals in trade dialects ......... ........... 155 Mukhuli, Mongol general, in China, 143, 267ff; numerical symbols, instances of the use of, 66,67, --his invading forces, 287;-captures Ta.
68, 75, 98, 228, 328, 333, 3424, 351; yuan-fa, 267 ;-his merciful method of
-in composition with a decimal waging war, 269;-captures Sse-chau, 271;
figure; an instance .................. 351 his death .............................................. 2721
words, an instance of the use of ... 33 MAlasangha, a Jain sect connected with the Nusretkuh ; see Talikdn .....
Désiya gana and the Sarasvati gachchha ... 25 myrmda of the ancient Greeks is the white Ochigin, Mongol vice-regent in Mongolia ... 273
ant.............. . ..... ................. 309 Ogotai, son of Chinghiz Khan ............90ff, 1158 myths of the ancient authors often founded ogres in folktales ......................................250n on facts
............... 275ff omens from lizards .................................... 112ff
ordeals in Kasmir, 28n;--among the Abori. nafa', dealings in India on ............
........... 156
gines of India ........... Någa chieftains of Central India ................. 454 oruza of the Greeks is rice
........... 334 Någas, historical references to the ............13, 14 Padmanandi, a name of Kundakunda, q.V...... 15 Någandh State inscription ........................ 138f PAla kings of Bengal, the history of the, 1391, nakshatras, the number of stars in the, is in. 162ff;-their Buddhist tendencies, 1860;
dicated by the singular, dual, and plural are allotted by tradition to the Bhuibâr race, names, 45;-the stars in the differunt ...... 43ff 101;-they belonged to the Gahaswar race.. 101
.......... 814
***. 134

Page #413

INDEX
367
28n
287
PAli inscriptions ......... ............. 1387, 3311 | porphuroun anthos of the Greeks is perhaps pdlidhwaja or paliketana, denotes a particular
the dhdva-tree.............
................ 840 arrangement of flags ..........
*****.. ........ 1041
PrakaśAditya, coins of ............................... 179 palimpsest grant, an instance of a ............... 49 Priksit inscriptions ......... ............ 1381, 331ff Palavas are said to have been conquered by Pratâ parudra of Utala; his conversion by
the Western Gangas in battle at Viļandha. 230 Chaitanya mentioned in VidyabhUshana's Palmleaf Manuscript from Japan, description Sahityakaumudl..................................... 353
of an old ................................................... 228£ pravaras, mentioned in records :Pampa; see Abhinava-Pampa..................... 14
Gautama-Avitatha-Angirasa ......... 102 panchamahababda, notes on the meaning of 202n Prithivf Raj of Dehli, his doings with Mal. paschamahayajña, 'the five great sacri.
khan...........
............... 258, 260 fices' ..............
.... 202
priests of the Aborigines of India ............. 126 pandit, use of the term in Kasmir............... proverbs - Arabic, 92, 124, 185, 206, 261, 262, 292; pangelin; see phattagés ............................
- Hindustani, 155, 157;-Tamil, 78, 108, 109, Pañj, a Mithila historical record .................. .187 138;-about the Jatts ............................. 02 Pañjidrs, Bengali genealogiste ............... 187 psittakos of the Greeks is the parroquet ...... 304 papyrus-reed, Greek accounts of the Indian.. 335 Pájyapada is a biruda, not the real name of Parakåsarivarman, a name of Rajendra-Chôļa 206 a Yati, and may have belonged to others Paramatattvarahasya-Upanishad, résumé of besides Dôvanandin or Gunanandin ......... 355
the contents of the.............. ............ 5 Pulikósin(II. (Western Chalukyas), spurious parebon-tree of the Greeks is the pfpal-tree... 3364 Kandalgám plates of; edited ............... 330f Parmál, Raja, the Chandel ............... 209, 2651 punishment for thieves in Kasmir, a ............ 32 parroquet, ancient Greek notices of the Indian 304 I punydha-odchana ceremony........................ 115 Parvatesvara, a mountain king in the north of Puriņio genealogy of the early Chalukyas,
India ............................. .............. 1076 49;-of the Yadavas of Dêvagiri ........... 314 Parwan Pass, Chinghiz Khan in the ............. 85ff Purushaparikshå, of Vidyâpati, was written in Pfaliputra seems to have been the capital of the reign of Sivasimha, 188;-the opening
the Early Guptas................ ....................... 93f and concluding lines; edited .................. 1911 pattacharya, a religious title synonymous with putra, as the termination of metronymios; see
mandaldchdrya, .0. ............................... 23n Gagiputa, Gótiputa, Haritiputra, Haritipattakila, an official title ........ ............... 161 putra, Håritiputra, and Vachhiputa. 49, 50, 56, Pattavardhuna, a Brahmaṇical surname in the
139, 330 Southern Marath& Country.................. 74, 75 python, ancient Greek notices of the ....... 308 Pathen, a god of the Kakis (Aborigines) ...... 127 Paundarika-kshetra, a locality near Belgaum.. 74 Qandahar; see Kandahar.............................. 85 peacock-emblem on coins ............................. 65ff Pelagius, Papal Legate to the Georgians ...... 174n Rachamalla-Permanadi, a name of Satyapepper, black, Greek notices of the Indian ... 338 vakya Konganivarman (Western Ganga) ... 76 petroleum, ancient notions regarding............ 807 Raghavapandaviya was written by Śrutaksrtphattages of the Greeks is the pangolin ...... 287 ti-Traividya ..............
................ 14 pheasant, ancient Greek notices of the mundi 305 Rajakesarivarman, name of Kulottungaphéran, the Kasmiri cloak, legendary origin of 265 phloios of the Greeks is the papyrus-reed...... 335 Rajamahầndri District inscriptions ......484, 558 pig, ancient Greek notices of the Indian .....286 | Rajarija II. (Chola successors of the Eastern pigeon, ancient Greek notices of the green ... 305 Chalukyas), Korumelli plates of; edited, ptpal-tree, the Indian ; Greek notices of it 488;-the date of his accession was Suka
under the name of parábon.................. 336 Samvat 944 .............................................. 50 planets accounted kings, 43-as regents of the Rajakékhara, a poet, his date fixed as between days and hours, 1ff ;-colours sacred to
A.D. 850 and 925 ...................................... 354 them, 4;-metals sacred to them, 2, 4;- Rajendra-Chola of Tanjore,' notes on the personified as heavenly kings, 4 ;-referred family and date of................................2034 to as gode: 4;-ringe bearing the names of Rajendra-Chola-Parakesarivarman, the legend
them, 2, 4;-stones sacred to them............ on the seal of the Leiden plates of; edited... 206 plants and animals of India which were known RajputAnA inscriptions............... ............... 88 to early Greek authors, identification of the 274ff, Ramachandra (Yadava of Devagiri), Paithan
803ff, 334ff plates of; edited, 314ff ;-he established Polu; see Boru ..........
......... 268 himself on the throne by force ............... 314
Chola...................

Page #414

368
........185n
Rámânuja; by the Smritikálataramga his date is A.D. 1127 Rashtrakuta kings of the Kongudésa-Rajakkal, a suggestion as to the proper identification of the..... Rashtrakutas of Gujarat, genealogical inscription of the .......196ff Rashtrakutas, "tributary" ............................................ 197 Rathors of Kanauj, so-called, 99ff;-were an offshoot of the Gaharwar race............ 100 Ratnagiri District inscription................ 330f ratta is a Prakrit form of the Sanskrit rashtra 14 Raṭṭas of Saundatti. and Belgaum, an inscription of the .............. 14ff Raya-Koláhala, a biruda of a Western Châlukya king Ráya-Narayana, a title of the Yadavas of Devagiri 314 Rayanna of Sangolli, a Kanarese ballad on the insurrection of; edited 293ff Rêdi, near Vengurlêh, is probably the
*********
*************
****************
*********.........
330n
ancient Rêvatidvipa............ reed, the Indian, of the Greeks, is the
palmyra-tree..........
336
Vengurlêm ....................
Rêvatidvipa, probably the modern Rêdî near 330 and note rhinoceros; see ass......... .......284f Rigarthada, a Brahmanical surname in the Southern Marâţhâ Country. 74 rings bearing the names of the planets....... 2,4 Rishi Saljang; see Saljang... 127 Rómaka-Siddhanta, MSS. containing portions
*********************
******************...
********** *********
......................................................................................................
****************
************
bakhas mentioned in records:
Bahvricha Kauthumi.......
INDEX.
354 121
of the genuine...... 'root' in language, true nature of the Rodal; see Udal..............................209ff, 255ff Rudrasimha (Kshatrapa), a silver coin of...... 325 Ropa-Narayana, a Bengali poet, 188;-a name
of Bhairavasimhadêva, 193;-a name of a priest, 191;-a name of Śivasimhadeva...... 188 Russian Icons, Arabio ornaments on............ 238 Russians, Mongol attacks on the ...............117 Rusudan, Queen of Georgia ........ ..173ff
****************
*******************
97
Sabæan inscription...... sacrifices, difference between Brahmans and Jains in respect of. 12 Sadr-i-Jahân sends Muḥammadan doctors to Chinghiz Khân..... ************* .............. 151 saha, sdha, séna, as the termination of the names of some of the Kshatrapas, is a mislection of stha (simha).... 325 Saif Rad resists the Mongols 117 Sailêsvara, a mountain king in the north of India..........
*********************
.... 107f
**************
124
22
...................................................***********
...... 315 202
Taittiriya........ Vaji-Madhyamdina Sakta worship in Bengal, decline of the......... 189 Saljang, a god of the Gâros (aborigines) ...... 127 sam, an abbreviation of sanwatsaranám... 10, 330 samarádhana custom....... 77 Samarkand, Ch'ang Ch'un at....... 147, 148, 149 Sámavédins in the Southern Marâṭhâ Country. 74 samaya used in the sense of Vaishnava religious mendicants invested with authority as censors of morals 234n Sambalaka of Ptolemy, identified with Saumelpur on the Koil.......... .... 291 Samjayanti, a town in the Dekkan.........333, 334 Samkaracharya; some remarks about his date 64 Samkaradêva (Lichchhavis of Nepal); his date was about A.D. 655 samvat, an abbreviation of samvatsaranám, 98, 103, 168, 351;-is sometimes used, without a qualifying name, for the dates in the Saka era; an instance.......... 63 samvatsara du cent, as used by Albirûnî, denotes the Lokakâla itself, not the year of the Lôkakala ............................... 332 samvatsaras of the sixty-year cycle mentioned in records :
Bhava ....................... 141 Isvara 76
234
Kilaka Plava.........
Plavaṁga
25 26 314
Prajapati
Sadharana
828
74 Saumya....... Subhakrit.... 24 62 Samvat Solah........ Sangli State inscription.......... ......... 14ff Sanskrit classical poetry, quotations from, in the Mahabhashya and Kdéikd-Vritti 326f Sanskrit MSS., notice of Dr. Peterson's Second Report on ************** ..................................................... 352ff Sanskrit MSS., notice of Prof. R. G. Bhandar
186
**************
kar's Report (1882-83) on.......... 62ff Sanskrit was the current literary language in Bengal up to the 12th century A.D. Santipur as an ancient name of Bijayagadh, very doubtful Saptakôṭisa, Saptakôṭisvara, a god (a form of Šiva) of the Later Kadambas of Goa...... 288, 289 Sarnath inscription of Mahipala; edited 139f Sarvalékáéraya, an Eastern Chalukya title...... 53 Sarvamangalasattâ, a residence of Dhruva II. 202 sarvarájöchchhetta, a title of Samudragupta... 99 Sâtakampi, Satakarn, a biruda of several
Andhra kings and perhaps of other races... 333 ..102, 315 Satakarni-Hâritiputra, Banawasi Prakrit in108 scription of; edited ...331ff
***************
*******************
**********
************
..................
**********************
*****************
***************
************..............................
350
*****************
9

Page #415

Satyaáraya, or Vira-Satyaáraya, of the Latest Chalukyas of Kalyanapura Satyavákya-Konginivarman, Coorg inscription of; edited
*******...
Satyavarman, Maharaja (Eastern Ganga),
'Chicacole' plates of; edited ..................10ff Saumelpur on the Koil, identified with the
291
**************
Sambalaka of Ptolemy Sâvattili désa in the Vengi country, including certain villages...... seals of grants, emblems on, 10, 49, 55, 68, 101f, 140, 229, 288, 314, 330;-legends on... 49, 55, 102, 2051, 288 seasons, an instance of the ancient division of the Indian year into only three 333f Sembalapuraka, town in Central India......... 159 séna, as the termination of the names of some of the Kshatrapas, is a mislection of stha (simha)..... Sêna kings of Bengal and Bihar, 183f;supplanted the Pâlas about A.D. 1030 ...... 165 serpents, ancient Greek notions regarding 208
*********....
*****************************
*************
306ff
**************
INDEX.
..761
141
*********
******.......
**********
sesaminon Elaion of the Greeks is gingely oil...... Sêuna dééa, a district on the north bank of the Godavari, including certain villages 315 Seven Vastrs, the; noticed ........................ 152 Seven Wise Masters, the; noticed ............ 152 Shashthadêva II. (Later KAdambas of Goa), Goa plates of; edited.... ........288ff Shêrgadh inscription of Dêvadatta; edited, 351f 45ff;-interpretation of the date sheep, ancient Greek notices of the Indian siddham at the commencement of an inscription .............. 333 sidhi bát ki dalalt, the 'plain-language trick'...... sign-manual, an actual representation of a, 198; and.....
************
**********
******************
157
***********
Plate
Siladitya I. of Valabhi, Wald plates of the year 286 of; edited........... ..............327ff silence, vows of, on the part of faqirs, instances of ...... Bindibâd, the Book of; noticed.................. 152 sindúra stands for sindhura, elephant'......... 24n Sing Bonga, a god of the Hos and Santals,
247n
***********.
"
(Aborigines)...........
127
314
Singhana I. and II. (Yadava of Devagiri); certain kings subdued by them siptakhoras-tree of the Greeks combines the characteristics of the khusum-tree and the mahwwa.............................3091, 3371
304
****************
56
325
340
286
**************
**********
sittakos, see psittakos Sivachitta; a name of Shashṭhadêva II. (Later Kadambas of Goa)
289n
**********
Sivadeva I., Maharaja, (Lichchhavis of Nepal); Golmaḍhitôl inscription of him and Améuvarman, of Gupta-Samvat 318; edited, 97f;-the same noticed, 342ff; -like Amsuvarman, he was a feudatory of Harshavardhana of Kanauj, 349; his date was A.D. 637... 342, 350 II., Mahárájádhiraja (Thakuri family of Nepal); his date was A.D. 725745 (P) 344, 348, 350f Sivakumaramah&råja, proposed to be identified with the Early Kadamba Mrigêéávarman ****
33
************
1901
..................................................
******
Šivasimha, king of Mithila, 187ff;-a copperplate grant by him; edited.... Sivaskandanâgasri, daughter of a Maharaja 334 Skandagupta (Early Gupta), silver coins of... 66f Skandasvati, an official of Sivaskandanâgaéri...333f skoléx of the Greeks is the crocodile...... 306f snakes, ancient Greek notices of the sea 308 sódara, a corruption of soldier,' used to denote white troops .........298n Sômadeva wrote the Yasastilaka A.D. 959... 354 Sômavamsa included the Chalukyas, 55;and the Yadavas of Devagiri 314 Southern Marâth& Country inscriptions 14ff, 140ff spikenard, Greek notices of Indian... 340 spirits, worshipped by the Aborigines of India 128 spurious inscriptions ........141, 229, 330 Sravana-Belgola compact between the Jains and the Vaishnavas; edited ....233ff, 292 Srigupta or Gupta, Maharaja (Early Gupta);
discussion as to the correct form of his name, 94, 180;-an instance of the occurrence of the name, but of another individual, in a Népal inscription .................. 343n Śripathi, the ancient Sanskrit name of Byânâ,
q. v.
*********************
8ff
********.
Śrutakirtti-Traividya, author of the Râghava-Pandaviya, flourished about Saka14 Samvat 1045......... Stambhatirtha, the ancient Sanskrit name of 123 'Khambay'. stars of the different nakshatras 43ff stones sacred to the different planets........ sugar-candy was exported from India to Afghanistan in the time of Babar and subsequently...... * 335 sugar-canes, Greek accounts of 3341 sun, the worship of the, seems to have become general in northern India about the time of Skandagupta, 95;-as a symbol on inscriptions and coins Sung Emperor of China; his wars with the Mongols ........ 267 Sunga dynasty, a genealogical inscription of the; edited.
**************
..........
***************
1381
*************
369
*******.
******.....
**********************
***************
***********
15
95

Page #416

370
INDEX.
.....
74
.
...
.
....
surnames, Brahmanical, in the Southern
Marath country ................ Saryavansa included the Lichchhavis ......... 346 sútras mentioned in records :
Apastamba .................. Svayavr pakin, a Brâhmanical surname in the
Southern Maratha Country Svêtapatas and Nirgranthas, early division of the ...............
..... 15 syddvdda; explanation of the term .............21n
...............
74
4
.........
82
Tagore Law Lectures, 1883, notice of Profes
sor Joly's ....................................* Taican; see Talikan.............. .................. 814 Taittiriya-Aranyaka; see Mahunardyana.
Upanishad ................. Talikan, a province of Asia, 81 ;-captured by
the Mongols ............. Tantrika worship in Bengal, decline of the ... 189 Taouist doctrines, 149, 150 ;-philosophers ... 144 Tari, goddess of the Khonds (Aborigines) 128, 129 Táyin, apparently an epithet of Buddha ...... 47 Tôrda! inssription of Vikramaditya VI.
(Western Châlukya), the Mangalika Gonki. dôva, Karta virya II. (Rattas of Saundatti and Belgaum), and the Dandlandyaka Bh&yi. déva; edited .............. .................. 14ff Têridáļa, a village in the Kandi déba; the
modern Terdal in the Sangli State............ 21 termites, or white ants, Greek notices of the. 309 Thakuri rulers of Nepál, 342ff ;-their palace
was Kailâsakatabhavana, and they used the
Harsha era ............... ..................3488 -Tiao-li, Princess of Liau-tung, 273:-visits
Chinghiz Khan ................ ............ 274 tigers, ancient Greek notices of ................. 280 Tiņisapadra Twelve, a group of villages in
Central India .................. ................ 159 tortoise, ancient Greek notices of the ......... 306 Transgangetic Peoples, descent of the ...... 120ff transliteration of Sanskrit ..................262, 263 trees growing in the Indian seas, Greek ac
counts of ........................... ................. 341 trinardja, 'the king of the grasses or reeds,'
the palmyra-tree, is probably the origin of
the Greek kılamos indikos ..................... 336 trinwima, the trident mark; a symbol of the
Vaishnava faith ..............................233, 235 Trivadin, a Brahmanical surname in the
Southern Maráth Country ..................... 74 Tulak, a fortess of Ghor .................84, 117 Tului, son of Chinghiz Khan .................. 85
Udayagiri cave inscription mentioning Chan. dragupta and Vikramaditya; commented on 6,
352 Ujjain plates of Akpatiraja of Dhara; edited 159ff Ujjayini, the goddess Bhatteśvari of............ 159 Uklan, the Juzbi, story of ....................... 119 Uruintsi; see Bishbaligh ....
......... 146 Upanishad; see Mahandrayana, and Parama
tattvarahasya ............ Uvata wrote in Avanti, while Bhôja of Dhard
ruled the country Vachaspatimiếra, a Mithila writer, was a con
temporary of Vidyipati........................... 188 Vachhiputa (Våtsiputra), a metronymio of
one of the Sungas .................. ............... 139 Vaghel83, a note on their relations with the
Chaulukyas of Anhilwad ........................ 64 Vaishnavas and Jains, a compact of the 14th
century between the ........ ................2334 Vaishnava. Pada-Kalpataru, a collection of
Vaishnava poems in Bengal.........182. 188, 193 Vaishnava poems in Bengal attributed to
Vidy&pati .................. ................ 182 Vakpatiråya of Dhara, Ujjain plates of; edited .......
...................... 15941 Vakragupta; see Bakragupta ..................... 66 Valabhi dynasty inscriptions of the; edited,
75, 327ff ;-the correct interpretation of the
opening passage of these inscriptions ...... 3281 purtta, an official title, synonymous with vrittibhuj ..............
.................... 3430 Vasabhi, the ancient name of Baskhi,'
village in the Etawah' District ............... 102 Vasantadêva, or Vasantasêna, Maharaja
(Lichchhavis of Nepal); his real date was
about A.D. 75+ ......................... 345, 348, 350f Vasuravi, the ancient name of Vasravi......... 63 Vatrabhatti, an officer of Siladitya I. of
Valabhi; discussion as to the proper reading of his name
............. 328 Viydlvallan Kaiyálvallan, the story of ......... 79 Vedúrthada, a Brâhmaṇical surname in the
Southern Maratha Country ...................... 74 Vehichcha, a river in the Kasahrada desa...... 202 rélavura = veld-nagara, 'a sea-side town' ... 25n Vengi country, Eastern Chalukya and Chola
kings of the..............................404, 66ff, 204 vibhaun, used in the sense of nirudňa .......... 47 Vidimundan Kodamundan, the story of.......... 774 Vidy&pati, the Bihari poet, and his contem.
porarios, 182ff ;-Shunitda mentioning his patrons, 188n, 189n;-the charter of the grant of Bisapi to him, 190f ;-& copy made by him of the whole Bhagavata Purana is now in the possession of his descendants, 189;-his genealogy, 1878;- he wrote the
Uache; see Ochigin ......
..... 273 Udal, a hero of Hindi Epic poetry ... 209ff, 255ff Udayadeva (Thakuri family of Nepal); his
real date was about A.D. 675 ............. 350f

Page #417

INDEX.
371
**
... 332
.. 1.8
.
biéva-satt:1, universal rule'................ Volga, Mongols on the ........... Vrishadôva (Lichchhavis of Nôpal); his real
date was about A.D. 630 ........................ 3601
Durgabhakti-Tarangini in the reign of Narasinhadeva, 188, 192;-legends about him, 189;--was at the court of Sivasinha and Narasimhadeva, and his poems appeared in the 15th century, 187f;-various works
composed by him .................................. 288 Vigrahapala, Åmgachhi plate of ; edited......162 Vijaya, Adhiruja Byânâ inscription uf; edited 8ff Vikrama eru; the dates of some of the Nepal
inscriptions were wrongly referred by
Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji to this era......312ff Vikramaditya of the Udayagiri cave inscrip
tion; his identity discussed ............... 61, 352 Vikramaditya VI. (Western Chalukya), TérdA!
inscription of ; edited ........................ 14ff Vilandha, a place wbere the Western Gangas
are said to have conquered the Pallavas in
battle.................................................... 230 Vinhukudadutu family .......... ..................... 3338 Vira. Banaliju sect included both Jains and Buddhists........
............... 15 Viramitródaya, a commentary on Yajtavalkya 354 Viranandi finished the chara-Sura in Suka
Samvat 1076.............................................. 14 Vira-Nonamba, the Bengalor grant of, is not
earlier than the 12th century A.D............. 141 Vira-Satyasraya, British Museum plates of;
edited ...............................................140E Visala (Chaulukya of Anhilwad), overthrown
by Mahadôva (Yadava of Devagiri) ......... 314 Vishnu-Chandråditya; gold coin of ......93n, 179 Vishnuvardhana, another maine of Rajaraja II. (Eastern Chalukya) .......
53
Wairlguph in the Chånda District, identified
with the Banagouron of Ptolemy ........... 293 Wall carthenware fragment of Guhasena (of
Valabhi) of the year 247; edited, 75;-. plates of Siladitya I. (of Valabhi) of the
year 286, edited....................................3278 Walian; Walisht&n; see Bamiyan .............. 86 Walkh, a fortress near Samarkand............... 88 witchcraft among the Aborigines of India... 1264 wool-bearing tree of the Greeks is the Indian
cotton-tree ........................................... 337 worship of ancestors among the Aborigince of
India, 126ff;-of mountains................. 128
Yadavas of Dôragiri, genealogical inscriptions
of the, 68ff, 314ff ;-Puranic gencalogy of the...................
............... 314 Yujniki, another name of the Mainardyana.
Upanishad, 7.0. ................. Yajur Veda, Black ; see Mahanúrüyana. Upani. shad ...............
........... 18 yak; see agriobous.........
........ 286 Yama is a god of the Aborigines of India ... 127 Yasastilaka of Sômadeva was written A.D.
959 ...................................................... Yaudhôya tribe, a fragmentary inscription of
the, at Byåna; noticed.......
ERRATA IN VOL. XIV.
p. 8, note 4, for 30th July read 13th August. p. 14, note 1, for Puloksin read Pulikasin. p. 55a, 1. 21, for CHITTUR read CHELLUR (see
p. 204) . 1. 29. for Chittor read Chellar. p. 956, line 33, dele the comma after Kacha.
p. 159a, 1. 42, after for photo-lithography insert The other ring also was probably a plain one, asi the soul of the dynasty-Garuda, half-man and
half-bird, in the act of devouring a serpent,-is engraved in the lower proper right corner of the second plate. p. 230a, 1. 14, and note %, for Vilanda read
Vilandba. . Text, line 10, for mu(ma)khi-Abu read
muma)kh-ahu p. 233a, 1. 33, for bhodav-ill read bhadapwill p. 234a, 1. 22, for Vaishnava read Vaishnava

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