Epigraphia Indica Vol 27

Author(s): Hirananda Shastri
Publisher: Archaeological Survey of India
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/032581/1

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
Volume XXVII (1947-48)
@o
Ooo
प्रत्नकीर्तिमपावृणु
PUBLISHED BY THE DIRECTOR GENERAL ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA JANPATH, NEW DELHI-110001
1985

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
Volume XXVII
2
प्रत्नातिनपावण
PUBLISHED BY THE DIRECTOR GENERAL ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA
NEW DELHI
1985

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Reprinted 1985
ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA
GOVERNMENT OF INDIA
Price : Rs. 85.00
Printed at Pearl Offset Press Private Limited 5/33, Kirti Nagar Indl. Area,
New Delhi-110015

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DEPARTMENT OF ARCHÆOLOGY
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
VOL. XXVII
1947-48
EDITED BY DR. B. CH. CHHABRA, M.A., M.O.L., Ph.D., F.A.S.
Government Epigraphist for India
and
N. LAKSHMINARAYAN RAO, M.A.
Government Epigraphist for India
सत्यमेव जयते
Published by the Manager of Publications, Delhi Printed by the Government of India Press, Calcutta, India
1956

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CONTENTS
The names of the contributors are arranged alphabetically.
ALTEKAR, A.S., M.A., LL.B., D.LITT., HEAD OF THE DEPARTMENT OF ANCIENT INDIAN HISTORY
AND CULTURE, UNIVERSITY OF PATNA.
No. 43. Nandsa Yupa Inscriptions . . . . . . . . . . BHATTASALI, N. K., M.A., PA.D., DACCA.
No. 5. Badaganga Rock Inscription of Bhutivarman . . . . . .
6. Two Inscriptions of Govindachandra, King of Vanga . . . . . . BARUA, B. M., M.A., D.LITT., AND CHAKRAVARTI, PULIN BEHARI, M.A., CALCUTTA.No. 33. Mehar Plate of Damodaradeva . . . . . .
. . . CHAKRAVARTI, S. N., M.A., PRINCE OF WALES MUSEUM, BOMBAY.
No. 36. Prince of Wales Museum Plates of Dadda III; Year 427 . . . . . CHRABRA, B. CH., M.A., M.O.L., Ph.D., F.A.S., DEPUTY DIRECTOR GENERAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY,
NEW DELHI.No. 7. Sakrai Stone Inscription : V. S. 699 . . . . . . . . . .. 10. Chevuru Plates of Eastern Chalukya Amma I . . . . . . .
, 24. Bambani Plates of Pandava King Bharatabala ; Year 2 . . . . Das GUPTA, C. C., M.A., PH.D., SENIOR PROFESSOR OF HISTORY, SANSKRIT COLLEGE, CALCUTIA.
No. 53. PETTASARA GRANT OF NETTABHANJA ... . . . . . . DASAI, P. B., M.A., SENIOR EPIGRAPHICAL ASSISTANT, OOTACAMUND.
No. 16. Akkalkot Inscription of Silahara Indarana . . . . . . . .. 28. Gokarna Plates of Kadamba Kamadeva : Saka 1177. . .
46. Bardula Plates of Mahasivagupta ; Year 9 . . . . . GAL, G. S., B.A., PH.D., READER, KANNADA RESEARCH INSTITUTE, DHARWAR.
No. 25. Salem Plates of Ganga Sripurusha : Saka 693 . . . . . .
. 52. Note on the Salem Plates of Ganga Sripurusha. . . . . . GARDE, M. B., M.A., RETIRED DIRECTOR OF ARCHAEOLOGY, GWALIOR.
No. 4. Mandasor Inscription of Malava Samvat 524 . . . . . . GHOSHAL, R. K., M.A., CALCUTTA.
No. 8. Bobbili Plates of Chandavarman, King of Kalinga ; Year 4 . . . .
21: Rakshaskhali Island Plate of Madommanapala ; Saka 1118 . . . . GUPTE, Y. R., B.A., Poona -
See under Mirashi, V. V., and Gupte, Y. R. KADAR NATH SASTRI, RETIRED CURATOR, ABOHAEOLOGICAL MUSEUM, SARNATH.
No. 26. Srinagar Inscription of Queen Didda . . . . . . . . . KHARA, 6. H., CURATOR, BHARATA ITIHABA SAMSHODHAKA MANDALA, POONA.
No. 9. Lohaner Plates of Chalukya Palikesin II: Saka 562. . .
17. Noto on Vijayaditya's Grant of Saka 668. . . 20. Bavnur Plates of Chalukya Vikramaditya I ; Saka 597 . .
23. Narww Plates of Chalukya Vikramaditya II ; Saka 684 . . . 32. Kolhapur Plates of Silahar Gandarsditya ; Baka 1037
..40. Tagaon Plates of Yadara Krishna ; Baks 1172 . . . . 10 DGA/54

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iv
KRISHNAMACHARLU, C. R., B.A., RETIRED GOVERNMENT EPIGRAPHIST FOR INDIA, MADRAS.No. 37. Epigraphical Notes.
KONOW, STEN, PH.D., OSLO.
No. 12. Note on the Bajaur Inscription of Menandros LAKSHMINARAYAN RAO, N., M.A., GOVERNMENT EPIGRAPHIST FOR INDIA, OOTACAMUND.No. 39. A note on the Nalajanampadu Inscription. MAJUMDAR, R. C., M.A., PH.D., COLLEGE OF INDOLOGY, BANARAS.
No. 19. Pherava Grant of Samantavarman, King of Kalinga ; Year 185 MASTER, ALFRED, M.A., I.C.S. (RETD.), INDIA OFFICE LIBRARY, LONDON.No. 38. Nalajanampadu Old-Telugu Inscription.
MIRASHI, V. V., M.A., FORMER PRINCIPAL, VIDARBHA MAHAVIDYALAYA, NAGPUR. Nandgaon Inscription of Yadava Krishna; Saka 1177
No. 3.
11.
Gunji Rock Inscription of Kumaravaradatta
16.
Wadgaon Plates of Vakataka Pravarasena II
29. Saugor Stone Inscription of Sankaragana.
30. Chhoti Deori Stone Inscription of Sankaragana 34. A Further Note on the Epoch of the Ganga Era
,, 45. Koni Inscription of Kalachuri Prithvideva II; K. E. 900
33
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
27
31
MIRASHI, V. V., AND GUPTE, Y. R., B.A. POONA.
No. 49. Khanapur Plates of Madhavavarman
NARASIMHASWAMI, H. K., B.Sc., ASSISTANT SUPERINTENDENT FOR EPIGRAPHY, OOTACAMUND.
No. 44. Dommara-Nandyala Plates of Punyakumara: 10th Year
NILAKANTA SASTRI, K. A., M.A., PROFESSOR OF INDOLOGY, MYSORE, AND VENKATARAMAYYA, M., M.A., M.LITT., AGRA.
No. 42. Telugu Chola Records from Anantapur and Cuddapah
PANCHAMUKHI, R. S., M.A., RETIRED DIRECTOR OF KANNADA RESEARCH INSTITUTE, DHARWAR.
No. 2. Badami Inscription of Chalikya Vallabhesvara: Saka 465.
PANDEYA, L. P., HONY. SECRETARY, MAHAKOSHAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY, RAIGARH.
No. 50. Lodhia Plates of Maha-Sivagupta; Year 57
RAGHAVAN, V., M.A., PH.D., HEAD OF THE DEPARTMENT OF SANSKRIT, UNIVERSITY OF MADRAS.No. 47. Tiruvorriyur Inscription of Chaturanana Pandita RAMADAS, G., B.A., JEYPORE (KORAPUT).
No. 31. Bonangi Copper-Plate Grant; Saka 1508
SIRCAR, DINES CHANDRA, M.A., PH.D., SUPERINTENDENT FOR EPIGRAPHY, OOTACAMUND.No. 51. Two Plates of Devanandadeva.
[VOL. XXVII
BOMASEKHARA SARMA, M., TELUGU BHASHA SAMITI, MADRAS.
No. 41. Ponnuturu Plates of Ganga Samantavarman; Year 64 SUBRAHMANYA AIYAR, K. V., B.A., RETIRED SUPERINTENDENT FOR EPIGRAPHY. COIMBATORE.No. 22. Seals of Tiruppuvanam Plates.
VATS, MADHO SARUP, M.A., HONORARY F.R.A.S., RETIRED DIRECTOR GENERAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY, NEW DELHI.
No. 14. Sohnag Terracotta Seal of Avantivarman.
PAGE.
201
52
206
108
203
9
49
74
162
170
192
276
312
268
241
319
292
173
325
216
184
62

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CONTENTS
PAGE.
166
VENKATARAMAYYA, M., M.A., M.LITT., ASSISTANT SUPERINTENDENT, DEPARTMENT OF ARCHEOLOGY,
AGRA.No. 13. Sivanvayal Pillar Inscription of Pallava Simhavarman . . . . .
... 42. See under Nilakanta Sastri, K. A., and Venkataramayya, M. VENKATASUBBA AYYAR, V., B.A., SENIOR EPIGRAPHICAL ASSISTANT (RETIRED), MADRAS
No. 27. Noto on Eight Inscriptions of Kadavaraya Chiefs
, 36. Nayanapalle Inscription of Ganapatideva . . . . . „, 48. Srirangam Inscription of Kakatiya Prataparudra ; Saka 1239 .
. VAIDYANATHAN, K. S., B.A., COMBATORE -
No. 18. Eight Inscriptions of Kadevaraya Chiefs . . . . . . . VOGEL, J. PH., P..])., LEIDEN, HOLLAND.No. 1. Prakrit Inscriptions from Ghantasale . . .
. .
INDBY.-By M. Venkataramayy .
. Titlo Pago, Contents, Lint of Plates, Obituary Note and Additions and Corrections .
. .
. .
.
341

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LIST OF PLATES
. . . .
. . .
between pages to face page
. .
. . .
26 &
.
between pages . to face page . . .
between pages
32
·
46 & 47
.
.
to face page
No. 1. Prakrit Inscriptions from Chantasala . . . .
2. Badami Inscription of Chalikya Vallabhesvara ; Saka 465 . . , 3. Mandasor Inscription of Malava Samvat 524 . . . .
4. Badaganga Rock Inscription of Bhutivarman . . . 5. Two Inscriptions of Govindachandra, King of Vanga.
. A.-Kulkudi Sun-God Image Inscription . . . . . 6. B.-Betka Vasudeva Image Inscription . . . . . 7. Sakrai Stone Inscription; V. S. 699. . . . . .. 8. Bobbili Plates of Chandavarman, King of Kalinga ; Year 4 .
9. Lohaner Plates of Chalukya Pulikesin II ; Saka 552 . .
10. Chevuru Plates of Eastern Chalukya Amma I . . .. 11. Gunji Rock Inscription of Kumaravaradatta . . .
12. Sivanvayal Pillar Inscription of Pallava Simhavarman . 13. Buhnay Terracotta Seal of Avantivarmati . . .. 14. Wadgaun Plates of Vakataka Pravarasena II . .. 15. Pherava, Grant of Samantavarman, King of Kalinga ; year 185. .. 16. Savnur Plates of Chalukya Vikramaditya I ; Saka 597 . .
17. Rakshaykhali Island Plate of Madommanapals ; Saka 1118 .. 18. Seals of Tiruppuvanam Plates . . . . . . ., 19. Narwad Plates of Chalukya Vikramaditya II ; Saka 664 (1) .
Do. .. 21. Bamhani Plates of Pandava King Bharatabala ; Year 2 ..
22. Salem Plates of Ganga Sripurusha ; Saka 693 (I) . . . .. 23.
Do.
(II) . . . .. 24. Srinagar Inscription of Queen Didda . . . . . .. 25. Suugor Stone Inscription of Sankaragana . . . . .
26. Chhoti Deori Stone Inscription of Sankaragana . . . 27. Kolhapur Plates of Silahara Gandaraditya ; Saka 1037 . . 28. Mehar Plate of Damodaradeva . . . . . 29. Prince of Wales Museum Plates of Dadda III; Year 427.
30. .. 31. Naljonampadu Old-Telugu Inscription. . . . .. 32. Tasgaon Platos of Yadava Krishna . . . . . .. 53. Ponnutura Plates of Ganga king Samantavarman, Your 04 . ,. 34. Telugu Chola Records from Anantapur and Cuddaphah (I) .
.20.
. . .
64 between pages 76 & 77
between pages 112 & 113 . . . 116 & 117 to face page
122 . . ,
125 . between pages 128 & 129
130 & 131 .
. .
140 & 141 • between pages 148 & 149 . . to face page . . " . . »
169 . . .
171 . . between pages 180 & 181
188 & . to face page
200 . . . . . . . between pagos 212 & 218 . . .
218 & 219 . . . » 228 & 229
Do.
203

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viii
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXVI)
No. 35. Telugu Chola Records from Anantapur and Cuddapah (IT) . . between pages 236 & 237
36. Photograph of the Stone Yupa at Nandsa . . . . . . to face page 264 „ 37. Nandsa Yupa Inscriptions . . . . . . . . . between pages 264 & 265 ,, 38. Dommara-Nandyala Plates of Punyakumara : 10th Year. . . . . . 274 & 275 .. 39. Koni Inscription of Kalachuri Prithvideva II ; K, E. 900 . . . . to face page 282 .. 40. Bardula Plates of Mahasivagupta ; Year 9 . . . . . . between pages 290 & 291 ., 41. Tiruvorriyur Inscription of Chaturanana-Pandita ; 20th year of Krishna III to face page 302 , 42. Khanapur Plates of Madhavavarman . . . . . . . between pages 316 & 317 .. 43. lodhia Plates of Maha-Sivagupta ; Year 37 . . . . . . . . .
324 & 325 44. Two Plates of Devanandadeva . . . . . . . . .
328 & 329 ..45. Pettasara Grant of Nettabhanja i . . . . . . . 338 & 339

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ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS
Page 16, f. n. 2, line 1.-For saranas read saraņas.
, 18, f. n. 4, line 1.--For Rescarch read Research. , 46, f. n. 3, line 1.--For Karpațivrata read Karpațivrata. , 48, line 1.-[The name of the king seems to be Kumāraviradatta and not Kumāravaradatto
For this and some other differences of reading and interpretation, see JAS,
Letters, Vol. XIX, pp. 59-61.-D.C.S.] 48, para. 2, line 7.-For Väsithi puta read Väsithi puta. , 48, para. 2, line 8.-For Väsithiputa read Vāsihiputa. , 48, para. 2, line 13.-Add after the end of the sentence in this line :
[Pandit L. P. Pandeya informs me that the photograph of the Gunji
rock inscription published in the Chhattisgarh Feudatory States Gazetteer (p. 193) was supplied by Babu C. S. Ishwar Sekhram,
Diwan of Sakti.-V. V. M.]. 49, 6. n. 3, line 1.--For Gantamiputra read Gautamiputra. „ 50, f. n. 6, line 1.–For Vāapēyam= read Vājapēyan=.
63, f. n. 8, line 1.- For Kálidasa rend Kālidāsa. 67, f. n. 3, line 6.-For Köņamandala read Könamandala. 75, f. n. 4.-Add 79, f. n. 7. 77, text line 8.-- For f(t) af real TTTTAR 82, para 2, line 2.--For Nāludikkumvenrān read Nāludikkumveprān. 84, para. 2, line 3.- For A record of read A record at 84, f. n. 11, line 1.--For Mē!-Śēvur read Mēl-Sēvūr.
91, f. n. 1, line 1.–For Epigrapy read Epigraphy. , 99, text line 2, line 6.-For Kāmakkottatta= read Kāmakköttatt
112, para. 3, line 7.-For Svētaka read Svētaka. , 126, pura. 5, line 5.-- For Kirttiverman read Kirttivarman.
189, text line 26.--For Si(d)dhalagrāmīya- read Si[*]dhalagrāmiya
189, text line 26.-For Pä(m)dukasya read Pä[m]dukasya. , 189, text line 28.-For Janö(17) read Janõ(lo). , 191, line 4.--For Sid(d*)halagrāma read Si[d*]dhalagrăma. , 191, line 11.-For Kēkaraköna read Kēkaraköpa. „ 191, f. n. 1, line 4.- Por Rādha road Rādha. 10 DGA/54

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXVII
Page 191, f. n. 2, line 2.-For Rādha reud Rādha.
196, f. n. 4, line, 1.- For Bhțingi read Bhringi. 196, line 9.-For Arusa- read Arasu-. 200, f. n. 7.-For ābhyuddharana read -abhyuddharana.
202, last para. line 10.-- For Paddopao read Paddõpā°. , 211, v. 2, text line 7.-[We may read-ratai (TI) for suit(out) at B. C. C.] » 219, text line 1.–For gate read TA.
225, line 3.-For south-west read south-east. 225, para 2, line 1.--For Chilamakuru read Chilamakūru. 227, line 1.- For kottam read kötfam. 229, para. 4, line 5.-For [Rē*]vasarmmārikin read [Rē*]vasarmmärikin. 229, para. 5, line 1.For Rēvasarmmā read (Re*Jva sarmma. 230, para. 2, line 2.--For Kausika-gotra read Kausika-gotra. 232, para. 2, line 3.--For Kilevūru read Kilevuru. 232, para. 3, line 3.--For Kilevuru or Lēvuru read Kilevūru or Lēvūru. 235, f. n. 3, line 1.-For Arurornoi read Arouarnoi. 237, para. 5, line 3.-For dynasty of read dynasty or. 238, para. 4, line 4.-For Chamalūru read Chāmalūru. 240, para. S line 5.-For Eyariakallu read Eyarikallu. 240, para. 9, line 6.-For Uttamāditya I read Uttamāditya. 242, para. 4, line 8.-- For Indukuru read Indukūru. 242, para. 6, line 8.--For Prithvivallabha read Prithvivallabha. 243, para. 1, line 15.-For Rajolu read Rājõlu. 243, para. 1, line 23.- For Prithvivallabha read Prithvivallabha. 246, text line 2.-For-Bola read-Bēļa. 251, f. n. 4, line 8.-For Chola read Chola. 253, para. 2, line 3.- For recordr read records. 269, f. n. 1, third line of the verse. For mätalingam read mätulingam. 290, f. n. 5, line 6.-For prāvēšyāa read prävēsya. 296, f. n. 4, line 4.-For sunyāgara read sünyāgāra. 312. text line 9.-For Kul read Kula. 312, Translation line 7.-For Viradhavaļaram read Viradhavaļāram. 316, para. 2, line 10.-For Mallakhēta read Malakheţa. 318, f. n. 2,-For Anushtubh read Anushfubh. 328, text line 4.-For 'n[ri]ņām read on[ri]ņām.

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ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS
Page 328, text line 7.-For 13 read 3.
328, footnote 6.--For Göndramah read Gondramah 329, text line 8.-For [!| 14 *] read ill 4 l*) 329, text line 11.–For 15 read 15 329, text line 13. -For ||| 16 1*] reod (1 6 *]
329, text line 16.-For 17 read 7. „ 529, text line 18.— For 18 read 8.
330, text line 30.-For =cha- read =cha.
332, line 35.-For Sihara read Sihara. 334, text line 16.---For Onuss-tra(=ta) read onus-tra(8-ta). 334, text line 21.- For Vi read Vi
334, text line 23.-For triņāka-pāñchapala read triņā[da*]ka-pä(pa)ñchapala(laṁ). , 334, footnote 15.- Add See 1HQ, Vol XXIX, p. 300.

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RAO BAHADUR K. N. DIKSHIT, M.A., F.R.A.S., GOVERNMENT EPIGRAPHIST FOR INDIA, 1932. BORN: 21ST. OCTOBER 1889.
DIED: 12TH. AUGUST 1946.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA,

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RAO BAHADUR K. N. DIKSHIT.
Rao Bahadur K. N. Dikshit, M.A., F. R. A. S. B., the late Director General of Archaeology in India, passed away at Poona on the 12th of August 1946. He was a profound Sanskrit scholar and a versatile archaeologist conversant with many a branch of archaeology including epigraphy and numismatics.
Born at Pandharpur in the Sholapur District of the Bombay State on the 21st October 1889, the late Rao Bahadur had a distinguished educational career from his High School days. He won laurels in the B. A. and M. A. examinations of the Bombay University in the years 1909 and 1911 respectively. Entertained as a scholar by the Archaeological Department in 1912, he received training in field archaeology under Sir John Marshall and later worked under the late Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar and Dr. D. B. Spooner. He worked for some time as Assistant Curator, Prince of Wales Museum, Bombay, and as Curator, Provincial Museum, Lucknow. In 1918 the late Rao Bahadur started his official career as Superintendent in the Archaeological Survey of India and held the office for many years in the Eastern and Western Circles. He took a leading part in the excavations of Mohenjo Daro during 1923-25. Subsequently he conducted the excavations at various sites, viz., Paharpur in Northern Bengal, Ramnagar in Uttar Pradesh, etc. Ho was appointed as one of the Deputy Directors General of Archaeology in 1930 and worked as Government Epigraphist for India for some time in 1932. In 1933 he went abroad and enriched his knowledge by direct contact with renowned archaeologists and institutions in the Western countries. He was appointed Director General of Archaeology in India in 1937 and held that post till his retirement in 1944. The late Rao Bahadur was President of the Indian History Congress, Sixth Session, in 1943, and President of the Numismatic Society of India in 1938, 1939 and 1946.
A large number of learned contributions on archaeological and other subjects made to the Departmental publications and other journals stand to his credit. Besides the Annual Reports of the circles under his charge and of the Archaeological Survey of India after he became its head, two monographs (Mem. A.S.I., Nog. 8 and 55), one dealing with six sculptures from Mahoba and another on the excavations at Paharpur were written by him. The late Rao Bahadur delivered a series of lectures on the prehistoric civilization of the Indus Valley in the Sir William Meyer Lectures Series at the Madras University in 1935. By his death India has lost a great archaeologist and scholar. He edited parts of Volume XXI of this journal. The following is a list of his contributions to the pages of the Epigraphia Indica :
1. Sangoli Plates of Harivarman : the 8th year (Vol. XIV). 2. Poona Plates of the Vikātake queen Prabhāvati-Guptă : the 13th year (Vol. XV). 3. Garra Plates of the Chandella Trailokyavarman : (Vikrama]-Samvat 1261 (Vol. XVI). 4. A Note on the dates of the Gupta copper-plates from Damodarpur (Vol. XVII). B. A Nuto on the Vákäțaka Inscription from Ganj (Vol. XVII). 6. Inscriptions on a Vishnu image from Deopäni (Vol. XVIII). 1. Two Harsola copper-plate grants of the Paramära Slyaka of V. 8. 1006 (Vol. XIX). 8. Pabarpur copper-plate grant of the [Gupta] Year 159 (Vol. XX). 4. Navagrāma grant of the Mahārāja Hastin ; G. E. (1398 (Vol. XXI). 10. The Palanpur Plates of Chaulukya Bhimadova ; V. 8. 1120 (Vol. XXI). 11. A Note on the Bhor State Museum copper-plate of Khambha II (Vol. XXIII).
12. Three copper-plate inscriptions from Gaonri (Ibid.). 10 DGAAL.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
VOL. XXVII
1947-1948
No. 1.---PRAKRIT INSCRIPTIONS FROM GHANTASALA
(1 Plate)
J. Ph. VOGEL, LEIDEN At the request of Dr. B. Ch. Chhabra, I am editing five Prakrit inscriptions which he copied on the 1st January 1945 at Ghantasala, a small village in the Kistna District, 13 miles west of Masulipatam. He kindly supplied me with excellent estampages of these inscriptions. According to the information which I received from Dr. Chhabra, Ghantasāla is a Buddhist site, containing ruined stūpas and other remains, but not yet properly explored. It has already yielded some inscriptions of a much later date. The villagers of Ghantasāla are said to have been secretly trading in the antiquities of the place and, according to the information gathered by Dr. Chhabra, cart-loads of marble sculptures found on the spot have been removed. It need hardly be emphasised that such practices are extremely detrimental to the interests of archæology. Much useful evidence is irreparably lost in the diggings by irresponsible persons, and the dispersion of sculptured and inscribed stones belonging to the same building or to the same site must unavoidably hinder their study. It is therefore devoutly to be wished that the Archæological Department will soon take the necessary measures for the preservation and systematic exploration of this Buddhist site.
The five inscriptions here edited are of some historical interest, although they contain no dates, nor names of kings or dynasties. In the first place, they confirm the prevalence and flourishing state of Buddhism in the delta of the Krishna river during the first centuries of the Christian era, testified by the famous sanctuaries of Amaravati, Jaggayyapēta and Nāgārjunikonda. The inscribed relic-caskets of Bhattiprõlu belong to a considerably earlier date, approximately 200 B.C. according to Bühler.
Moreover, the Ghantasāla inscriptions supply some valuable data for the ancient geography of South India. Two of them (A and B), incised in remarkably decorative writing on sculptured pillars, mention as their donor a gahapati Ba[d]dhisiri who was a resident of Kantakasola. A votive inscription from Amaravati, deciphered by Dr. Hultzsch,' refers to an upāsaka U[t]tara who hailed from the same locality. The place-name occurs also in a long inscription incised on the floor of an apsidal tempto (chetiyaghara) at Nāgārjunikonda. Among the pious foundations due to the upīsikū Bodhisiri, this record mentions Kamtakasõle mahāchetiyasa puvadārē sela-marulavo, 'at Kantakasõla a stone pavilion at the eastern gate of the Great Chētiya (Skt. chaitya)'When editing the Nāgārjunikonda inscriptions, I have pointed out that Kantakasõla must be identical with the emporium Kantakossyla', which Ptolemy (VII, 1, 15) mentions immediately after the mouths of the Maisõlos, ie, the Kpishņā river
1 Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy, for 1917, Nos. 846-53 ; for 1925, No. 523.
"It may be recorded here that the credit of the discovery goes to my friend, Sri K. Sankaran, the then District Health Officer of the Kistna District. Once, in the course of his official tour, he happened to visit Ghantasala and stay at the choultry where he chanced to see the sculptured and inscribed marble pillar, lying in the compound. of the inscription (B below), he sent to a paper rubbing, the best he could prepare himself with the help of some powdered charcoal and other improvised means. This prompted me to survey the site and my visit was rewarded with the discovery of four additional inscriptions.-B. Ch. Chhabra.]
Jas. Burgess, The Buddhist Stupas of Amaravati and Jaggayyapela (4.9.8.1., Vol. I), p. 106, pl. LXI, No. 54. Lüders, List of Brahmi Inscriptions, No. 1303.
Above, Vol. XX, p. 22, text I. 3.
. Above, Vol. XX, p. 9, and Vol. XXI, p. 68 where my initial reading Kamtakasela was corrected into kantakasõla. In the Amaravati inscription referred to above, the vowel-mark of the fourth syllable is distinct. XIV-1-1

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2
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXVII
In the two pillar inscriptions, the name Kamtakasola is preceded by the word ukhasirivadhamāne, but in both cases the vowel-marks of the last two syllables are conjectural. There is, however, a third inscription in which the word occurs, and here the stroke indicating the vowel è in the final syllable is perfectly clear. It must therefore be a noun in the locative case, and we are perhaps justified in assuming that it indicates the locality where the monuments to which the inscriptions refer were erected. In other words, Ukhasirivadhamana appears to be the ancient name of Ghantasala. The occurrence of Vardhamana1 as a place-name in ancient India is testified by inscriptions, the best known examples being the town of Bardwan in Bengal and Vadhvän, the chief town of a state of the same name in North-East Kathiawar. Ptolemy (VII, 1, 93) mentions Bardamána among the inland towns of the Maisoloi, and as in his days the b had assumed the sound value of which it has in modern Greek, the name is an exact rendering of Vardhamana. The position assigned by the Greek geographer to Bardamána is 136° 15' E 15° 15′ N, whilst he locates Kantakossyla at 134° 30′ E 11° 30' N. This renders it difficult to identify his Bardamana with Ukhasirivaddhamana.
Another alternative would be to connect the last-mentioned place with Kantakasola and to explain it as a territorial division in which this emporium was situated. In support of such an explanation one might quote the topographical designation "kammakara[t]the game Naḍature" (Jaggayyapeta inscription No. 2, 1. 2), meaning in the village of Naḍatura in the province (raṭṭha) of Kammāka. But the third inscription which opens with Ukhasirivadhamane without further mention of a town or village prevents us from accepting such an interpretation.
A point of some interest to which Dr. Chhabra draws my attention is the mention of a mahānāvika named Sivaka in one (E) of. the Ghantasala inscriptions. We are reminded of another mahānāvika, named Buddhagupta, who is mentioned in a Sanskrit inscription discovered in 1834 by Captain James Low near a ruined Buddhist temple in the province Wellesley of Malaya. The inscribed slab was presented by him to the Asiatic Society of Bengal and must still be preserved in the Indian Museum, Calcutta. In both cases the expression reminds us of the seaborne trade between Coromandel and Further India carried on under the direction of Buddhist master mariners. The inscriptions A and B are written in a very ornamental kind of writing very similar to the script employed in the epigraphic documents of the Ikshvāku dynasty from Jaggayapeta and Nagarjunikonda. The Jaggayyapeta inscriptions were assigned by Dr. Bühler to the third century A.D. The long-drawn vertical strokes of ka, ra and la and of the vowel-marks for i and u are among the most obvious characteristics of this writing. The bulging base-strokes of na, na, ma and va, which are also found in the Pallava inscriptions, as well as the shape of ya, seem to point to a somewhat later development. It will, however, be seen that these bulging base-strokes do not occur in inscription C which must be contemporaneous with A and B, as the three inscriptions refer to the same monument, viz., a mandapa erected by the householder Buddhisiri. The two pillars on which A and B are incised must have served the purpose of supporting the roof of this pavilion. Above the inscription there are in each case two figures of animals running from right to left. The lions of the first pillar are similar in style to those found on some of the Nagarjunikonda sculptures.
Whereas the inscriptions on these two pillars are excellent specimens of epigraphic art, it is curious that the third inscription, consisting of a single line of writing, has been done in such a careless manner. Apparently this short epigraph was not intended for permanent record, but was meant only as a notice, indicating for what edifice the piece of sculpture on which it is cut was intended.
1 Place-names, ending in vardhana, like Košavardhana and Dharmavardhana, are fairly common. Burgess, op. cit., p. 110, pl. LXII, No. 2.
Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Bengal (New Series), Vol. I (1935), p. 17. The father of Kannaki, the heroine of the Tamil classic Silappadikaram (circa 200 A.D.) was a manaikan. The translator, V. R. Ramachandra Dikshitar, has translated the term as sea-captain, though he has equated it with Skt. mahanayaka (p. 88, n.2), whereas it can very well be mahanavika. For this information I am indebted to Mr. M. Venkataramayya, Assistant to the Government Epigraphist.

Page #22

PRAKRIT INSCRIPTIONS FROM GHANTASALA
RC oncejalioza
ปาก ๆ CI4Clours
B.
ALUA5sts
- [983208
CU2JAg
oakle4 addc456
223.
242
B. CH. CHHABRA.
SCALE: ONE-FOURTH
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

Page #23

cacาน)
( 44
- 12 :
8 or23%82%า
#บปา
SCALE: ONE-THIRD
SCALE: ONE-FOURTH
AnwhZNO U hryg LI OLNUDI
0VhVevXk6JV ." ( 308 :
SCALE: ONE-THIRD

Page #24

No. 1]
PRAKRIT INSCRIPTIONS FROM GHANTASALA This sculpture is a recumbent lion figure, alas sadly mutilated, the head and forelegs having vanished. We may imagine that ornamental sculptures of this kind were carved by the sculptors in their workshop and that, when several orders had to be carried out, a notice like the present was not superfluous.
The fourth inscription (D) is found on a stone slab which must also have belonged to a pillar, as part of the decorative carving in the shape of a lotus-rosette is visible over the writing. The pillar is split from top to bottom with the result that of the six lines of writing only the initial five, six or seven aksharas have been preserved. The fragmentary state of the epigraph renders it impossible to state its exact purport. The opening word sidhan is followed by the locative Patanē which probably indicates the locality where the monument of which the pillar formed part was erected. We may safely assume that the first line ended with the syllables apa-, so that, when combining them with the beginning of the second line we have [A pajrasëliyānam. The Pāli chronicles of Ceylon (Mahavainsa, v.12, and Dipavamsa, v. 54) mention the Pubba-and Aparasēlikas as two subdivisions of the Mahāsanghikas. The Aparasēlikas are presumably the same as the Aparamahāvinasēliyas, mentioned three times in the Nāgārjunikonda inscriptions.
The fifth inscription (E), which is cut on a stone slab, consists of three lines. The aksharas ta, ya and ha show a different and perhaps earlier type, when compared with the inscriptions AD. The writing is plain and irregular. The inscription is well preserved with the exception of a portion of the third line where a few letters have become effaced. Evidently, the inscription records the pious gift, by a lady, of an ayaka pillar. Such pillars existed also at Amaravati, Jaggayyapēta and Nagarjunikonda. The term met with in the Jaggayyapēta inscriptions is āyakakhambha, which I have discussed in my edition of the Nāgārjunikonda inscriptions. We now proceed to give transcripts and translations of the five inscriptions. TEXTS
TRANSLATIONS
1 (Sildham Ukhasirivadha[mānē] Kam-
takasõla-vathavēna 2 Dhammavāniya-putēna Budhisirigahapa
tină imam 3 sēla-mamdapo sa-gamdhakudi-vētika-to
raņā kärito ti
Success! At Ukhasiriva[d]dhamāna this
stone mandapa with a gandhakuti, a railing (vēdikā) and a törana was caused to be made by the householder Bu[d] dhisiri, the son of Dhammavāniya. a resident of Kantakasõla.
B
B.
Ditto.5
1 Sidham Ukhasirivadham[ā]nē Kam
takasõla-vatha[vēna) 2 Dhammavāniya-putēna Budhisirigaha
patină (imam] 3 sëla-mandapo sa-gandhakuļi-vētika
tõraņā k[ärito ti]
o
Ukhasirivadham[äjnë Budhisirigahapati- Of the manapa of the householder Bu[d]dhisini mamdavasal
at Ukhasiriva[d]dhamāna. 1 Above, Vol. XX. p. 2. Cf. S. Paranavitana, The Stüpa in Ceylon (Memoirs Arch. Survey of Coyion, Vol. V), 1947, pp. 59 f.
: The inscribed pillar was found by Dr. Chhabra near tho Ramanamma tank at Ghantasala.
• The form vētikà occurs in Amaravati inscriptions (cf. Lüders, List, Nos. 1216 and 1269). With the personal name Dhammavaniya we may compare Budhi[vājniya in inscription , 1. 2, from Nagarjunikonda (above, Vol. XX, p. 22).
• The inscribed pillar, about 5 ft. long and 1 ft. wide, is square below and octagonal above. It is now in the compound of the choultry.
The text of B is identical with that of A from whion the missing syllables have been restored.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXVII
Di
Sidham Patanē pu........[Apa-)
The text is too fragmentary to allow of being rasēliyānam ma ......
translated. The term pavajitikā, mean3 nam bhadamta-Namda cha.
ing a female ascetic', occurs twice in a 4 budhi upajhāyasa ...
votive inscription from Amaravati pub5 vardhaya pavajiti[ka] .....
lished by Dr. Hultzsch (Burgess, op. 6 kayan ayam cba .......
cit., p. 90, Plate LX, No. 50); E 1 Gahapat[i]no Savarasa putasu inahana- [This] ayaka pillur is the pious gift of the housevikasa Sivakasa.
wife U[t]tarada[t]tā Si[d]dha[t]thami[t]8 [bhajriyaya gharaniya Utaradataya
tā, the wife of the master mariner Sivaka, S[i]dhatham[i]taya sa-patikaya
the son of the householder Savara, 3 sa-duhutakāya sa-mit[ä]machaya ayaka-'
together with her hushand, her daugh(tha]bha (dē]yadhama
ter(s) and her friends and companions. The vowel-marks in this inscription are indistinct. Utaradataya should possibly be restored to Utara-duhutaya 'the daughter of V[t]tara '. Cf. duhutaya, duhutuya, sa-iluhutakusa in Amaravati inscriptions. The dvandva miltāmachcha (Skt. mitrāmātya) is usual in Pali. In the Amaravati inscriptions we usually find sa-mita-näti-bardhava.
No. 2.- BADAMI INSCRIPTION OF CHALIKYA VALLABHESVARA : SAKA 465
(1 Plate) R. S. PANCHAMUKHT, DHARWAR
The inscription edited below is engraved in an inaccessible part of a big cliff about 250 feet high, in the northern fort at the back of the Battērappa temple at Bādāmi in the Bijapur District. The spot where the inscription is found is not approachable either from the bottom or from the "top, being situated approximately 120 feet high from the bottom of the cliff. The hill-rock appears to have been cut through, east to west, forming a narrow path-way and the eastern outlet towards Tattukote and other gorges are closed by artificial brick walls rendering the fort impenetrable to the enemies. The record is incised on the northern face of this rock.
During my visit to Bādāmi in the last week of February, 1941, I discovered this inscription but no estampage of it could be taken then, on account of the difficulty of approach and for want of suitablo 4ssistance to devise means to reach the spot. I had to return disappointed, but in June 1941 I gathered assistance from the local bee-acarers who are expert scalers of hill-rocks for collecting honey, and managed to have a beautiful estampage of the epigraph taken by a mechanic of my office. In the meanwhile, however, the discovery of the inscription had been announced in & press communiqué about the middle of June, 1941, by the Director General of Archaeology in India, New Delhi, who had been furnished with a photograph of the same by the Superintendent, Archæological Survey, Western Circle, Poona. On an enquiry, the late Rao Bahadur K. V. Dikshit, the Director General of Archeology, informed me that "Mr. Joglekar who was deputed to photograph some conservation work, also took a photograph of the inscription, the existence of which he knew from the Public Works Department Karkun, Mr. M. S. Sankannavar. There is,
The inscribed fragment is now in the house of Sri Vemuri Venkayyn, ex-President of the local Panchayat Board.
* Tho insortbed slab is now in the house of Sri Gorripäti Venkntauubbnyy.
Road dyalba.

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No. 2) BADAMI INSCRIPTION OF CHALIKYA VALLABHESVARA : SAKA 4655 therefore, no question of Mr. Joglekar being aware of your discovery of the same in February last, when he went to Badami on 18th April". The discovery of the inscription was made independently both by me and by the Archeological Survey, Western Circle, Poona. The inscription is edited below at the desire of the Director General of Archæology, from the impression taken under my supervision.
The characters belong to the southern class of alphabets prevalent in the Dekkan in the 5th and 6th centuries A. D. and resemble the script of the early Kadamba copper-plate grants of Harivarman and Krishnavarman II and more closely that of the Bädāmi cave inscription of Kirtivarman I, dated Saka 500. The writing covers an area 3' 4" by 3' 4" and the height of the biggest letter is approximately 7" and the smallest 3". The letters are well-formed and boldly executed and the whole inscription is well preserved. In respect of palæography the following points may be noted : Among the vowels, only the initial a is used twice in Asvamēdh-ū° (1.2) and adhastād (1.5). The medial sign for å is formed by the addition of a downward bend on the right side at the top of the letter, as for example, Asvamëdh-ādi (1.2), Vätāpim (1.4), except in the case of j where the middle horizontal arm is taken up and curved to the left as in yajñānāṁ yajvă (1.2). The long iis distinguished from the short one by a curve inside at the top, e.g. vidhānatah (1.2) and achikarat (1. 5). The u-sign is marked in two ways: (i) by a hook at the bottom turned to the left as in varshēshu (1.1), durgga (1. 5), etc. and (ii) by a tube-like bend shooting from the bottom to the right side of the letter, see: e... chatu - (1. 1), bhuvah (1.4). The long ū is shown by an ordinary u mark with a downward curve added to the right side of it. The gigns for e, o and au are of the usual archaic type : see e. g. Ašvamēdh-ā°(.2), Chalikyo (1.3) and frauta (1.2). Orthography is free from errors. The language is Sanskrit.
The record consists of five lines of writing, of which the first line is in prose and the remaining four are the four feet of two Anushtubh verses forming a yugma. It states that in Saka year 468 the Chalikya king, who is described as a performer of sacrifices such as Asvamëdha according to the Srauta rites, as born of Hiranyagarbha' and as Vallabhēsvara, made the great hill of Vātāpi into an invincible citadel unapproachable from the top as well as from the bottom, for the prosperity (i.e. security) of the earth. In fact the hill-rock is cut across to make a narrow pass about 250 feet deep which event is commemorated by the present inscription engraved on one. half of the rock. [There is no reference in the inscription to the construction of a pass.-C. R. K.]
The record is of historical importance in more than one way. Firstly, it furnishes the earliest authentic instance of the use of the Saka era in inscriptions. The pillar ingcription of Kirtivarman I in the Vaishnava cave at Bādāmi bearing the Saka date 500 was considered so far, as the earliest lithic document mentioning the Saka era by name. An earlier instance of this era is cited in the Lökavibhāga of Simhasūri, a Digambara Jaina work in Sanskrit, which is stated to have been completed in 80 beyond 300, i.e., 380) of the Saka yeary.?
1 Above, Vol. XIV, p. 163.
* Ibid., Vol. VI, p. 18. The characters of this grant (Bannahalli plates) betray a strong influence of the carly Pallava script, in the box-head and the formation of the looped I, etc.
Ind. Ant., Vol. X, p. 58.
* [The consonant following ris doubled in one instance and not in others : see durgga (1.5) and varshishu (1.1) and garbha (1. 31.-1). R. K.)
Soe foot-note to Translation below on p. 9. • Ind., Ant. Vol. III, p. 305 and Vol. X, p. 58.
Above, Vol. XIV, p. 334. Mysore Arch. Report, 1922, p. 23. Tho relevant verse is extracted in the Myrore Arch. Report, 1910, p. 46, thus - Samoatare tu dvavimid Kanchidah Simhawarmmanah ality-agre Sak-ahvänärh (Odänäth in the MGdabidaro
manuscript) siddham-etach=chhala-traye ||

Page #27

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[ VOL. XXVII
Secondly, it is interesting to note that the name Vätăpi was associated with “the best mountain " (dharādharëndra) only, before the durgga (fortress) had been built there, by the Chalikya king, which perhaps shows that prior to this event, the place was not used as a stronghold of political power. From tradition and the local chronicle, the Mahākūtamāhātmya, it is, however, well known that the hill-region round about Vätāpi had been occupied by the two demons, Vātāpi and Ilvala, who are said to have been killed by the mystic power of the sage Agastya who is credited with the first colonization of the Dakshinapatla (Dekkan), south of the Vindhyas. No historical remains assignable to the pre-Chalukyan date are however forthcoming in the area, except the dolmens at Rāmatirtha in the same range of hills, about two miles from the present village of Bădărni. These dolmens, situated as they are on the top of the hill, were perhaps used as shelters in times of war by the inhabitants of the plains during the pre-historic period. The next certain event connected with the place is the construction of the Fort in Saka 465 as recorded in the inscription under publication.
It is not difficult to find out the name of the Chalukya king who constructed the Fort. From the date and the distinguishing epithet 'performer of a horse-sacrifice', it may be concluded that he must be, Puliköbin I, father of Kirtivarman I, who was the first member of the family to celebrate a horse-sacrifice and founded the capital of Vātāpi as recorded in the Aihoļe inscription of Pulikēģin II: The performance of a horse-sacrifice is indicative of his independent position which he must have achieved after defeating and ousting the early Kadambas of Vaijayanti who were in possession of the Bädāmi tract. This is the first authentic document of Pulikēsin I. The two sets of copper-plates, namely the Pimpaļlier plates and the Altēm plates, purporting to belong to Mahārājādhirāja Satyasraya Pulakēģin are proved to be palpable forgeries of 10th-11th century A.D. on account of the developed alphabet and language employed in them.
From the Pandarangapalli grant of Avidhēya? which, on account of the mention of the Bhädrapada year according to the Bärhaspatya cycle, and other historical synchronisms, has been assigned to A.D. 516, it may be gathered that the country up to the Bhima at least, in the north, was subject to the rule of Avidhēya, son of Dēvarāja. And the country south of the Bhimă appears to have belonged to the Kadambas whose territory embraced an extensive area up to the sea in the west.
1 The expression dharadharëndra-Vatãpim-ajēyan, etc., means the unconquerable mountain of Vätäpi” showing thereby that the hill was also called after the demon Vätapi like the village Våtápi (per contra see Translation below.-N.L.R.). The latter is mentioned by the Greek geographer Ptolemy (2nd century A.D.) under the name Badiamaioi (Badami). See McCrindle's Ancient India as described by Ptolemy, p. 171.
See Rev. Anglado and Rev. Newton, The Dolmens on the Pulney Hills (Memoirs of the Archeological Survey, No. 36), where certain groups of dolmens are similarly surmised to be places of shelter in times of war (p. 9).
Pulikokin I is described thus:-Srit-Endukantir = api Sri-Vallabho=py-ayasid=Vatapipuri-vadhi-varalam (117*!]
bhu-cha yena hayamēdha-ya jiná prápil-avabhritha-majjand babhau [189] (Above, Vol. VI, p. 4).
Usually, only imperial monarchs are empowered to perform a horse-sacrifice in cognisance of their unchalleng. od gway over the land. Thus, the famous Gupta king Samudragupta celebrated it after his digvijaya campaign. In the pastamba-Srauta-sútra (chapter XX), however, the Sarvubhauma as well as the a-sarvabhauma kings aro allowed to perform the Afvamodha sacrifice, cf. Raja Sarvabhaumā=svamēdhëna yajita apy-asārvabhaumah. The Kadamba king Krishnavarman I who was not an imperial monarch celcbratod it and was known by the distinctive epithet Advamedhayajin. Apparently, he must have performed tho sacrifice in token of his significant victories over the Pallavas (See the Ruling dynasties of Karnatak, the Kadumbas, in Kannada, by Mesars. N. L. Rao and R. S. Panchamukhi, in the Prabuddha Karnaku Vol. XX, part II, p. 114). Pulikeáin I who had just carved out a separate kingdoni ovuld never lay claim to any imperial position. Still, avon as a chief, he had subdued the enemies and established himself almost independently at Vätäpi.
Ind. Ant., Vol. IX, p. 294. See also ibid., Vol. XXX, p. 216, No. 25. Ind. dr., Vol. VII, p. 211 and ibid., Vol. XXX, p. 218, No. 35.
Mysore Arch. Report, 1929, pp. 197. f. Here the country round about Pandarangapalli (Pandharpur) has been counected with the early Rashtrakūta dynasty of Manauka.

Page #28

No. 2] BADAMI INSCRIPTION OF CHALIKYA VALLABHESVARA: SAKA 465 7 For, the Birür plates of Kadamba Vishņuvarman' (A.D. 495-520) inform us that the Sindhuthayarāshtra (perhaps modern Sindagi taluk in the Bijapur District) and the Karnņēsaka river (probably the Krishņā) were included in the Kadamba territory. The Sangolli plates of Harivarman (A.D. 538-570) which, according to the calculation of Rao Bahadur K. N. Dikshit, are dated in A.D. 545, September 21, Thursday, were issued by the king from his capital Vaijayanti, whereas the Benpūr plates of Kțishmavarman II (A.D. 545-570) of the collateral branch which ruled from Triparvata, record a gift when the king had started on an expedition against Vaijayanti.. This would clearly show that, at this period, the Kadamba power was undermined by internecine wars. This apparently afforded an excellent opportunity for a strong person to spring on the scene and establish an independent kingdom. It is possible to surmise that Pulikēsin I availed himself of this opportunity and established himself at Vätäpi prior to A.D. 543, the date of the present inscription, and, in token of his unchallenged position, performed a horse-sacrifice. There is, however, no definite evidence forthcoming to postulate that Pulikēsin I or his father was subordinate to the Kadambas. The Undikavätikä grant of Abhimanyu, on the other hand, mentions a certain Jayasingha as the commander of Harivatsakõtta and if Avidhēya, son of Dēvarāja and grandson of Mānāöka, who was the donor of the Pāņdarangapalli grant, could be connected with Abhimanyu, son of Bhavishya, who was one of the three sons of Dēvarāja, son of Mānāňka, it may plausibly be suggested that Jayasimha, the grandfather of Pulikēsin I, was identical with his namesake mentioned above and that in the course of time, Pulikēsin I seized the territory round about Bādāmi from a successor of Avidhēya. But this surmise is based on the assumption that the latter wielded political administration south of the Bhimā up to the confines of the Kadamba territory including Bādāmi, which is not likely, in view of the statements contained in the Birur plates mentioned above. Further, Jayasingha of Harivatsakotta belonged to the Rewa State in Central India, whereas the grandfather of Pulikēģin I is not known to have any political connection with that part of the country. It is therefore reasonable to suppose that Pulikēsin seized the northern part of the Kadamba kingdom from Harivarman or his successor, sometime before A. D. 543.
Harivatsakõtta has not been identified vet. Since the grant recorded in the plates refers to a temple of Dakshina-Siva at Petha-Pangaraka, identified with Pagara about 4 miles north of Pachmarhi® and the village granted, namely, Undikavätikä is surmised to be one of the two
Ep. Carn., Vol. VI, Kadur No. 162, with plate. The plates are considered to be spurious on account of the orthographical errors and a slightly irregular alphabet. But the geographical details and the events attributed to Vishnuvarman may be relied upon.
Above, Vol. XIV, p. 163. Rao Bahadur Dikshit informs me on the date of the Sangolli plates as follows: "I have given both 526 A.D. and 545 A.D. as likely dates of this phenomenon (i.e. Vishuva). It now appears to me that 526 A.D. is the more probable date. This would bring Harivarman's accession to 519 A.D. up to which the reign of Ravivarman is likely to have extended ". This change in the date of Harivarman does not affect the statement that there was internal trouble in the Kadamba house-hold at the time of Krishnavarman, which is evident from his attack on Vaijayanti.
It is clear from a synchronistic study of the Kadamba history at this period, that Harivarman of the main branch was a contemporary of Kộishnavarman II of the Triparvata branch as both were removed from the common ancestor Kākusthavarman by five generations. Further, from the contemporaneity of Kpishṇavarman I with the Ganga king Madhava II whose dato is arrived at to fall between 470-495 A.D. by calculating backwards from certain definite landmarks in the Ganga chronology, viz., the Halkūr stone inscription of Sripurusha and the Penukonda plates of Mädbara III assigned to A.D 475, etc., the date of Krishṇavarman II is fixed between 545 and 670, which is approximately the period of Harivarman.
Ep. Carn., Vol. V, Bl. 245. The king is described in the plates by the expression Vaijayanti-vijaya-yatrams abhiprasthitah.
See p. 6 n. 4 above. . Above, Vol. VIII, p. 163. * See the Myaore Arch. Report, 1929, p. 208, where a possible suggestion of their indentity has been made.
Ind. Ant., Vol. XXX, p. 511 and note 16.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXVII
villages named "Oontiya" in the same neighbourhood, it is not unlikely that the fort of Harivatsakõtta, whose commander Jayasingha was a witness to the grant, was situated somewhere in the same province. It is, however, possible to think that the expression Harivatsakodanigraha means "the reducer (nigraha) of the fort of Harivatsakötta" and that, wherever the fort might have been situated, the person who reduced it, namely Jayasingha, might have belonged to the region near about Pandarangapalli, i.e., to the kingdom of Avidhēya, which closely adjoined the Kadamba territory. On this supposition, the two homonymous persons might be identical with each other. This is also in agreement with the description of Jayasimha given in the Aihole inscription of Pulikēsin II in the words :......ranë Lakshmir-bhāvita-chāpal-api cha kritā sauryyena yen-ātmasāt(d)=rāj-asij-Jayasinhavallabha iti khyātas-Chaluky-ānvayah. (" There was, of the Chalukya lineage, the king named Jayasimha-vallabha who in battle...... by his bravery made Fortune his own, even though she is suspected of fickleness".)
If this identification is correct, it would follow that the Chalukyas of Bādāmi held a subordinate position under an earlier branch of the Rashtrakūtas and when a suitable opportunity offered itself, they carved out an independent principality on the wreck of the kingdom of their overlords and of the Kadambas of Vaijayanti.
Fleet assigns the Uņdikaväţikä grant to "approximately the seventh century A. D." (Dyn. Kan. Dist., p. 386). In the matter of assigning dates to records merely on grounds of palæography, the approximation has been often too wide of the mark. For example, the Tālagunda pillar inscription has been placed by Kielhorn in the 6th century A.D., whereas the latest researches have proved an earlier date, i.e., 5th century A. D., for it. Similarly, the Mälepădu plates of Punyakumära which are considered to belong to circa A.D. 800 have to be relegated to an earlier period. Accordingly, the Uņņikavātikā grant, whose alphabet resembles closely the characters of the charters of Kadamba Křishṇavarman II, the Polamūru plates of Vishņukuņdin MädhavavarmanJanābraya, and the Rāmatirtham plates of Vishnukundin Indravarman, may reasonably be pushed back to the 6th century A.D. which agrees with the period of Abhimanyu, the grandson of Dēvarāja, father of Avidhēya (516 A.D.) of the Pāņdarangapalli grant.
Thus, Jayasimha could possibly have waged war with the Kadambas in the first half of the 6th century A.D. and with the decline of the Rāshtrakūtas in the north of the Bhim, and the defeat and destruction of the Kadambas in the South, he himself or Pulikēsin I, in all probability the latter, might have occupied the Kadamba territory making Badāmi his capital. Bādāmi, as already observed, was a place of some importance in the period before Jayasimha, since it finds mention by Ptolemy (2nd century A.D.) under the name Badia maioi.
TEXTS 1 Svasti (Il*] Saka-varshēshu chatus-satēshu pancha-shashți-yutēshu 2 Asvamēdh-adi-yajñānāṁ yajvā brauta-vidhānataḥ [I*] 3 Hiranyagarbha-sambhūtas=Chalikyo Vallabhāśvara (111*] 4 Dharadharēndra-Vätāpim=ajęyam-bhūtayē bhuvaḥ [l*] 5 adhastād=uparishţāch=cha durggam=ētad=achikarat [1/2]*]
1 Above, Vol. VI, pp. 1 ff. * Above, Vol. VIII, p. 31. See foot-note 1 on page 5 above.

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BADAMI INSCRIPTION OF CHALIKYA VALLABH ESVARA: SAKA 465.
B. CH. CHHABRA.
REG. No. 3977 E'36-475'49.
20
(From a photograph).
2
SURVEY OF INDIA. CALCUTTA.

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No. 3] NANDGAON INSCRIPTION OF YADAVA KRISHNA : SAKA 1117
TRANSLATION (Line 1) Hail! In the Saka years four hundred and sixty-five,
(Lines 2—5) the Chalikya (king), Vallabhāśvara, performer of the Asvamēdha and other sacrifices according to the fraula rites (and one), born of Hiranyagarbha' made the best hill of Vátāpi (or Vātāpi in the best hill) into a fortress unconquerable from the top as well as from the bottom, for the prosperity of the earth.
No. 3.-NANDGAON INSCRIPTION OF YADAVA KRISHNA : SAKA 1177
V. V. MIRASHI, AMRAOTI
This inscription was first brought to notice in the second edition (published in 1931) of the late Rai Bahadur Hiralal's Inscriptions in C. P. and Berar, p. 140, where a short description of its contents is given. It is edited here from a good estampage which I owe to the kindness of Dr. B. Ch. Chhabra.
The inscription is incised on an outside wall of the temple of Khandēsvara on a hillock on the outskirts of Nāndgaon, a village about 20 miles north by east of Amraoti in the Amraoti District of Berar. The record covers a space 2' 5" broad and 9" high and consists of six lines. The stone on which it was incised was not originally made quite smooth and the technical execution also was not good. Besides, being exposed to the inclemency of weather for several centuries, the record has suffered considerably, especially in the last line. The reading of a few aksharas here and there is therefore not free from doubt.
The language is a mixture of Sanskrit and Marathi. The opening formula which mentions the date and the reigning king's name is in Sanskrit, but the subsequent portion which states the object of the record is in old Marathi, as in several other inscriptions of the period. The orthography shows the substitution of the lingual sh for kh in läshauli, a peculiarity which the present inscription shares with several other records of the Yadavas. Of lexicographical interest is the Marathi word Valavi. In the form Badavā, it denotes, in modern Marāțhi, a 'temple-priest', but in the age to which the present record belongs, it had the wider sense of a royal functionary."
The inscription refers itself to the victorious reign of the illustrious Praudhapratāpa Chakravartin Känhiradēva. The title borne by the king indicates that he must have belonged to the Yådava dynasty of Dēvagiri. He can therefore be none other than Kộishna, the grand
1 The epithet Hiranyagarbha-sambhuta occurs in the Mahakūta pillar inscription of Mangaleda alao (Ind. Ant.. Voi. XIX, pp. 98.). It refers to the celebration of the great gift of Hiranyagarbha (golden womb), one of the sixteen mahädänas enumerated in Hēmidri'. Danakhanda, chapten and the Malayapurana, chap. 249. While editing the Mattopad plates of Damodaravarman (above, Vol. XVII, p. 988), Hultzsch first suggested its correct meaning us referring to a Mahädäna and not to the four-faced god Brahma. See Also D. C. Siroar's Successors of the Satavahanas, pp. 50ff. where relevant details from the Malayapurana an given.
* The inscription is not listed in the first edition of the work published in 1916.
* It is a combined temple of Khandökvara, Dēvi and Narasimha, with a common cabhå mandapa. The temple is said to be Hēmädapanti, i.e., constructed by Hēmādapant or Hömadri, a minister of the Yadava kings Mahadeva and Ramachandra. The writer in the Amraoti District Gazetteer doubts this and expresses his opinion that it is probably not more than 200 years old, but as the present inscription shows, it is somewhat earlier than even the time of Hēmādri.
Even in this portion, there is Saku for Sake.
See, eg., the insoriptions of the time of Ramachandra. G. F. Khare, Sources of the Mediaeral History of the Deccan, Vol. I, pp. 79 ff. and Vol. II, pp. 7 ff.
Seo, ...., above, Vol. XXV, p. 8.
Soo, e.g., Phulabadue, above, Vol. XXV, p. 200. XVI-I-I

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(Vol. XXVII
son of Singhana, who succeeded the latter in A. D. 1247 and ruled up to A. D. 1260. Kanhira is evidently a Prakrit form of the Sanskrit Dame Krishna. Other forms of the same name occurring in inscriptions and contemporary literature of the Mahanubhavas are Kinharu, Kanha, Kanhara and Kandhära. The present inscription is dated in the year 1177 of the Saka erit, the cyclic year being Ananda. As no further details such as month, fortnight, lithi, week-day or nakshatra are given, the date does not admit of verification, but it may be noted that the cyclic year Ananda corresponded to Saka 1177, current. Dates of epigraphic records are generally given in expired Saka years, the cyclic years quoted with them being of course current. The date of the present record is noteworthy as it cites a current Saka year. The corresponding your of the Christian era was A. D. 1254-55.
This is the only record of Krishna's reign found so far in Berat. Another record of the same king's reign has been discovered at Märkandi in the Chandi District of the Central Provinces,' but it is not dated. Even before Krishna's reign, Berar was occupied by the Yadavas, for an inscription discovered at Amräpur in the Buldānā District, bearing the date Saka 1133, belongs to the reign of Krishna's grandfather Singhana, and Kholesvara, Singhana's General, records, in his Ambă inscriptions, several religious and charitable works which he constructed in Berar. From the Purshottampuri plates recently published in this journal,' we learu that Krishna terrified the king of Kösala, i.e., Dakshina-Kõsala or modern Chhattisgarh. It is not therefore surprising that records of his reign should be found as far east as the Amraoti District in Berar and the Chanda District in C. P. It may be noted in this connection that according to the Liļācharitra, an old Marathi biography of Chakradhara, the founder of the Mahanubhāva sect, Kộishna had gone as far as Lonär in the Buldani District of Berar to meet Chakradhara in the Saka year 1178, i. e., only two years after the date of the present record.
The object of the present inscription is to record the donations of a gadyanacach by some persons for the (perpetual) offerings of flowers evidently at the temple of Khandesvara. The inscription names ten persons, the first nine of whom provided for the offering of one likhawis of a lakh of flowers and the tenth, for two lakhaulis.
The gadyāna or gadiyāṇa was a coin of gold. The Khārepätan plates dated Saka 930 mention the customs duty of one suvarna-gadiyāna (gold gadyāna) levied on every sea-going vessel coming from foreign lands which the Silāhāra king Rattarāja assigned to some Saiva ascutics. Kittel found at Bellary and occasionally in Mysore small gold coins called gadyūnus of the weight of ruvi or a farthing 10 The custom of making provision for the perpetual offerings of flowers at temples is also known from some other records of that age. A stone inscription at Pandharpur, popularly known as the inscription of Chauryasi," which belongs to the reign of the Yülava king
1 Bom. Gaz., Vol. I, pt. ii, p. 526; Lisacharitra, ed. by Mr. H. N. Nene, Vol. II, pt. 1, p. 16. * Bharata Itihasa Sambódhaka Mandala Quarterly, Vol. XIX, pp. 85 ff. . Abovo, Vol. XXI, p. 127.
G. H. Khare, Sources of the Medineval History of the Deccan, Vol. I, pp. 61 ff. [Soo also Bom. (uz. Vol. I, pt. ii, pp. 240, 242, etc. Ed.]
. Above, Vol. XXV, p. 210.
• Lisacharitra, Vol 1, pp. 30 ff. The interval is taken to be two years, because the present inscription was put up in Saka 1177 current or 1176 oxpired.
The present inscription uses throughout the abbreviation ga for gadya na as in some other inscriptions of
Lakhauli or lakholi (Sanskrit, laksh-avali) is a Marathi word meaning a 'lakh', i.e. a hundred thousand. . Above, Vol. III, pp. 292 ff. ** Ibid., p. 290, n. 7.
1 This inscription was first referred to by Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji in the Sholapur District Gazetteer. It has been fully edited by the late Mr. V. K. Rajawade in the Maratht Magazine Granthamala (now defunat).

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No.3]
NANDGAON INSCRIPTION OF YADAVA KRISHNA : SAKA 1177
II
Ramachandra, records similar donations of gadyānas and dāmas (drammas) for the offerings of flowers and culusi leaves to the deity Vitthal of Pandharpur. The inscription indicates that the sums were invested with some merchants of the place and the interest on them was utilised to provide for the daily offerings of flowers, etc., to the deity.
TEXTI
। ओ स्वस्ति [*] श्रीस[कु] ११७७ आनंदसंवत्म[२] प्रद्येह श्रीमत्प्रौढप्रतापचक्र
वर्तिश्रीका2 [न्हि]रदेवविजयराज्ये तत्पादपद्मोपजीवी सम[स्त भरभा[र]निरूपित श्रीपांचो3 लिनि' . . . तनि(वि)रूपिवित द्रवीडी वड[वो] श्रीसोमदेवदत्त लापौलीए' ग १॥
[वडउ] पं4 डितें दत्त ला[षौ]ए' ग १ [*] दे[सै]नायकं दत्त ला[षौं]ए' ग १ [*] पासु
गिनायके दत्त लाषौलीए' ग १ [*] ढों5 ढिएं दत्त लाषौलिए' ग १ [*] भोपतिनायकें दत्त लाषौए' ग [*] धनएं
दत्त लाषौलिए' ग १ [*] 6 [ना]गैएं [द]त्त लाषोए ग १ [[*] [प्रति ?] [श्री]ठाकुरे" दत्त लाषौलिए'
ग १ [*] [ढोढडदाउं]" [दत्त] हिलाषौ[ए]'' [*]
1 From an inked estampage. * Expressed by a symbol. s Read Sri-Sake. • The three aksharus that follow are uncertain.
- Read tan-nirlinila |Better reading should be तन्निरूपि[२] विसलवाडी वंडाके. The length of डा is inked over in the impression. What follow this letter is a clear ka. The purport would then be that the officer) VisalavadlVandaka Sri Somadēva and others gave what is stated in the sequel. Vandaka' is probably connected with the Skt. word vantaka=distributor, apportioner. He may be a local officer corresponding to the Telugu . Ontudăru's
local revenue officer' in the Zamindari tracts. Compare the term vaffa in vafta-grāmēyakah in Ep. Ind. Vol. XXIV, p. 207.-C. R. K.]
Vadavo and Vadau further on in the same line are nominative singular forms of the old Marathi word Vadari.
Read lakhaulie or lakholie. This is a form of the dative singular in old Marathi, meaning for alakholi' (here, alakh of flowers).
• The abbreviated form ya is used here throughout for gudyana. Tho Pandharpur stone inscription, nontioned above, also hus ya in all places except one where the full form gadyana is used.
•[The original reads तंवर.-C. R. K.] 10 [Better reading would be ya Tz SGT.-C. R. K.] 11 The original soems to read awera -0. R. K.] 12 The aksharas stating the number of gadyanas are lost.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vot. XXVII No. 4-MANDASOR INSCRIPTION OF MALAVA SAMVAT 524
(1 Plate) M. B. GARDE, Gwalior
I discovered the subjoined inscription in the summer of the year 1923 at Mandasor, while 1 encamped there for excavating ancient sites. A short note on the record contributed by mo has been published on page 187 of the Annual Report of the Archæological Survey of India for 1922-23. But for one reason or another I was not able to edit the epigraph with facsimile, full text and translation till now.
Mandasor is the headquarters of a district of the same name in Gwalior State. It is a place of antiquarian interest, identified with the ancient town Dasapura which is mentioned in two inscriptions in the Buddhist caves at Nasik (2nd century A. D.), in the Meghaduta of Kalidasa (5th century A. D.), in Brihatsannhita (6th century A. D.) and in another inscription found at Mandasor (5th century A. D.).
The stone on which the inscription is engraved was found stuok up in the inner face of the east wall of the Fort) at Mandasol. It is now preserved in the Archeological Museum at Gwalior.
The stone, characters and style of engraving of our inscription are strikingly similar to those of the Mandasor inscription of Kumāragupta and Bandhuvarman which was recorded only tive years later than our inscription. The inscription is on the whole well preserved with the exception of a letter here and a letter there, and it has been possible to decipher the whole text with certainty. The inscribed surface measures sixteen and a half inches broad by eight and a half inches high. There are fifteen lines of writing in Gupta characters of the Southern variety, the average size of letters being of an inch. The language is Sanskrit, free from any grammatical solecisms. But there are a few mistakes of copying or engraving, e.g., the letter ta is omitted in urjjita-namadhêyam 1.3 and t in má bhüt=kshayi I. 14; an unnecessary anusvāra is added to vya in vyavasāya 1.6 and to ja in janayambabhuva 1. 7;t is substituted for nin svaneshu 1. 12 and in iv=āmbuno l. 14. In cases where ślokas or their halves end in a visarga or a final m, the sign of punctuation (virāma-chihna) is taken to be understood. In other places it is expressed by a horizontal stroke. But there are some exceptions to this rulo in lines 2, 3, 5, 10, 11, 13 and 15.
With the exception of a word at the beginning and two words at the end, the whole text is in verse consisting of eighteen stanzas. The metre is U pajāli except in verses 1, 17 and 18 which are Vasantatilakā, Prithvi and Anushtubh respectively.
As regards orthography, consonants are invariably doubled after t, except in chikirshund 1. 9; while occasionally a consonant is reduplicated also before r, as in-vikkrama- 1.3, kkramena 1. 11, and abbhra- 1. 13, in this last instance the fist aspirant being correctly changed to its corresponding sonant. The reduplication is carried to consonants preceding y as well, in
Nos. 1131 and 1148 of Lüders' List of Brahmi Inscriptions, above, Vol. X, Appendix *Hultkach's edition, verse 47. . Chapter XIV, verse 12. • No. 18 of Fleet's Gupta Inscriptions (C.I.I., Vol. III), pp. 79 ff. and pl. XI.
This fort is said to have been founded by Ala-ud-din Khalji' of Delhi (A. D. 1996-1316) and considerably etended by Hosbung Shah of Malwa (A.D. 1406-1434) (Gwalior Gazetteer, Vol. I, p. 266). A pamber of muti. lated sculptures, carvings and otber stones taken from the ruins of old temples have been used promiscuously in the construction of the fort.

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No. 4 ]
MANDASOR INSCRIPTION OF MALAVA SAMVAT 524
13
patthyam 1. 10 and vikkhyāpuke 1. 11. Here the first aspirants are likewise changed to their corresponding surds. In places, u final in, instead of being turned to anus vāra, is changed to the nasal of the class the following consonant belongs to, as in -ādin-guna- 1. 6, svēshām= balānām 1.8 and sitalan=cha 1. 10. In -ransu- 1. 11, anuscura is wrongly represented by i. The sign of jihuānuliya occurs in-dukkha-I. I.
The object of the inscription is to record the construction of a stūpa, a kūpa (well), a prapā (charitable water-stall), and an ārāma (garden or monastery) by Dattabhata, the Commander of the forces of King Prabhākara. Dattabhata was a son of Väyurakshita who was the General of the armies of Govindagupta, a son of the Gupta Emperor Chandragupta II. The year of the date is specified in words as 524 (expired) of Mālava Samvat (literally the era which proclaims the fame of the race of the Malavas), the season of the year (viz., the spring) is expressed by a poetic description, while the month and day are not mentioned at all. The Malava year 524 (expired) corresponds to A. D. 467-68. There is no reference to any place name.
The inscription opens with the auspicious word siddham. Verse 1 is a mangalācharana expressing adoration to Sugata (the Buddha). Verse 2 introduces King Chandragupta who is euiogised as the moon in the sky of the Gupta dynasty. He forcibly deprived kings of their lordship over the earth which he bound over with the ties of his own family from which " it is not liberated yet " (verse 3). He had a son having the noble appellation Govindagupta (verse 4). While kings deprived of their prowess, touched his (Govindagupta's) feet with their heads (in token of submission), even the lord of gods (Indra) was filled with fear and anxiety for the safety of his own throne (verse 5 ). Govindagupta had a General (senapati) named Väyurakabita who possessed many good qualities (verses 6-7). The latter's son, by a northern princess, was Dattabhata who like his father was an abode of fame and virtues and who resembled Kubõra in munificence, Brihuspati in intellect, Smara in the art of love, and Yama in fight or destruction (verses 8-9). King Prabhākara, who was a menace to the enemies of the Guptas, appointed him as the Commander-in-chief of his armies (verse 10). As an humble mark of his desire to requite the obligations of his parents, Dattabhata excavated a well and constructed a slupa, a prapā and an ārama (verse 11). Verse 13 specifies the date of the inscription in the words 'when five hundred, and eight multiplied by three, autumns proclaiming the spotless fame of the Mālava race had expired'. Verses 14 and 15 contain a poetic description of the spring, implying thereby that the works were accomplished in that season of the year. Verse 18 states that the objects referred to in verse 11 were situated within the limits of Lököttara-Vihāra which was possibly the proper name of some local Buddhist monastery probably named after the Lököttaravādin sect of the Hinayana form of Buddhism. The Buddhist institutions alluded to in this inscription were evidently situated at or in the beighbourhood of Mandasor where the inscription was found, although the place name is mentioned in the record. The sculptures and inscriptions (5th and 6th centuries A. D.) found at Mandasor (Dasapura) so far are all Brahmanical. Our inscription is thus the first Buddhist record hailing from Mandasor.
The inscription does not refer itself to the reign of any king. In the genealogical portion two scions of the Gupta dynasty are eulogised, namely Chandragupta and his son Govindagupta. These are obviously none other than Chandragupta II of the Imperial Gupta dynasty and his son Govindagupta.
Chandragupta had been dead long before the date of our inscription. Though our inscription is the only stone inscription so far known, which mentions Govindagupta, he is already known

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[ Vol. XXVII
from a clay seal of his mother Mahādēvi Dhruvasvāmini (better known as Dhruvadēvi), found in the excavations at Basarh (Vaisāli). From this seal as well as from some other official seals found along with it, it would appear that Govindagupta was perhaps the eldest son of Chandragupta II and was the Governor of the District Tirabhukti with its capital at Vaisali (Basarh), in his capacity as the Yuvarāja (heir apparent), during a part of the reign of his father. In the seal of Dhruvanvåmini, Govindagupta is styled Mahārāja which according to Mr. Allan' probably means no more than prince. But verse 4 of the present inscription, which describes Govindagupta as a (paramount) sovereign to whose feet homage was paid by feudatory princes, further shows that he must have occupied the imperial throne afterwards, even though it might have been for a short time. No conclusive evidence has become available so far to show as to when exactly he ruled ay emperor. Our inscription concludes the Gupta genealogy with his name, but does not state whether he was the contemporary ruling emperor. It tells us that Dattabhata, whose charities are recorded in the inscription, was the son of Vāyurakshita who was the General of Emperor Govindagupta. Govindagupta's reign may thus have preceded the date of our inscription by two generations. This would support Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar's view that Govindagupta probably ruled as emperor between his father) Chandragupta II and (his younger brother) Kumāragupta I. His reign can not have exceeded three years--the interval between the last known date of Chandragupta II (G. E. 93) and the earliest known date of Kumāragupta I (G. E. 96). That Govindagupta must have ruled as emperor for a very short period is also evident from the fact that he has left no coins. Being a collateral, Govindagupta does not appear in the genealogy of the inscriptions of Kumāragupta and his successors.
According to the Gupta chronology generally accepted, the year in which our inscription is dated (M. E. 524 =A. D. 467-68) is the closing year of the reign of Skandagupta and the opening year of that of Purugupta. At this time the disintegration of the Gupta Empire had already set in, in consequence of the invasions by the Hūnas; but verse 3 of the inscription states that the earth (meaning Malwa and other western provinces of the Gupta Empire) which had been subjugated by Chandragupta II was still under the sway of the Guptas. This being so, the reason why our inscription did not continue the Gupta chronology down to the contemporary Gupta Emperor requires an explanation. A possible explanation is that Dattabhata, the donor of the inscription, who was a son of a devoted servant of Govindagupta, did not like to refer to the names of his (i.e., Govindagupta's) collaterals. Or else, the two Gupta Emperors, Chandragupta and Govindagupta, were casually mentioned simply to introduce Väyurakshita, the father of Dattabhata, and that there was no intention to record the full genealogy of the Gupta dynasty. This would explain the omission of the names of the predecessors of Chandragupta II and also of the successors of Govindagupta.
So much about Govindagupta and the Gupta dynasty. Another person of historical interest referred to in our inscription is Prabhākara, the master of Dattabhata. He is not known from any other source. In our inscription he is described as a king (bhumipati) and a destroyer of the enemics of the Gupta dynasty (verse 10). The name of his capital or territory, however, is not mentioned. Probably he was the contemporary local chief or Jaśc.pura and feudatory ally of the Guptas in their struggle against the Hūnas. It is rather strange that Dattabhata should not have included in the inscription the genealogy of his master. It is just possible that Prabhākara was a self-made
1.4. R. A. 8. I. for 1903-04, pp. 102 and 107. 2 Ind. Ant., Vol. XLI (1912), p. 3.
Dr. Bloch (A. R.A.S. I. for 1903-04, p. 102) and Allan (Cat. of Gupta Coins, Introduction p. exxvi, genealogical table), however, take him to be a younger son.
Cat. of Gupta Coins, Introduction p. xi. • We know that the Hūņas were threatening to invade the western portion of the Gupta Empire about this time.

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REG. No. 3977 E'36.- 476 49. B. CH. CHHABRA.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.
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MANDASOR INSCRIPTION OF MALAVA SAMVAT 524.

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No. 4]
MANDASOR INSCRIPTION OF MALAVA SAMVAT 521
15
person who had no distinguished ancestors worthy of record. He may have been appointed to the kingship of Dasapura by the paramount power, after the extinction of the Varman dynasty to which Naravarman of the Mandasor inscription1 of M. E. 461, Viśvavarman of the Gangdhär inseription of (M. E.) 480 and Bandhuvarman of the Mandasor inscription of M. E. 493 belonged. That Prabhakara was not a scion of the Varman dynasty is also corroborated by his name which, unlike those of all the known members of that dynasty, does not end in varman. He, however, seems to have continued his predecessors' policy of alliance with the Gupta Empire.
TEXT
1 सिम् [*] ये [ने] दसुद्भवनिरोधपरंपरायां मनं जगद्दिविधदु ख निरन्तरायाम् [1* J तिचासुमा चिपदिरी' निरदेशि धर्मस्तक नमोस्तु सुगताय [ग]ताय शान्तिम् [ ॥ १* ]
2 गुप्तान्वयव्योमनि चन्द्रकल्पः श्रीचन्द्रगुप्तप्रथिताभिधानः [*] श्रासीनृपो लोकवि[लो]चनाni नवोदितचन्द्र इवापहर्त्ता [ ॥ २*] भुवःपती[नां] भुवि भूपतित्वमच्छिद्य
3 घोषित मसाधनेन [1 *] नाद्यापि मोक्षं समुपैति येन स्ववंश्यपाशैरवपाशिता भूः [॥१* ] गोविन्दवर ख्यातगुणप्रभावो गोविन्दगुप्तोति *]ना [मधे]यम् [1*] वसुन्धरेश4 स्तमयं प्रजज्ञे स दिव्य दि[त्यो] स्तनये स्मरूपम् [ ४* ] य[स्मि ] नृपैरस्तमितप्रतापैशिरोभिरालिङ्गितपादपद्मे । विचारदो[खां] विबुधाधिपोपि शङ्कापरीतः
5 ससुपा[च]रोह [५* ] सेनापतिस्तस्य बभूव नाना वाय्वादिना रचितपश्चिमेन [ 1 *] यस्यारिसेनास्ममुपेत्य सेनां न कस्यचिज्ञोचनमार्गमीयुः [॥६ *] शौचानु
6 रागव्यं (व्यवसायमेधादाश्यचमादिगुणराशिमेकः [*] यशच यचन्द्रमरोचिगौरं दधार धाराधरधीरघोषः [॥७*] उदीच भूभृत्कुल चन्द्रिकायां स रा[ज]पुच्यां
7 अं (ज) नयांबभूव । नान्नात्मवं दत्तभर्ट गुणानां कीर्त्तख योभूविलयः पि[ते]] [[1८* दाने धनेशं धियि वाचि पेश रतौ स्मरं संयति पाशपाणिम् ||* J यमि
8 वित्प्रमदारिवर्गासम्भावर्याचानेकधेकम् [ne * ] गुप्तान्वयारिद्रुमधूमकेतुः प्रभाकरो भूमिपतिर्य्यमेनम् [*] स्वेषाम्बलानां बलदेववोर्थं गुणा
1 Above, Vol. XII, pp. 315 ff.
* Fleet's Gupta Inscriptions, No. 17.
Ibid., No. 18.
The word feufer is an unfamiliar one in Sanskrit. Compare Tg in Majjhima Nikāyā, Sūtra 140.
● Compare गुप्तकुलम्पीमशधौ on coins of Kumäragupta, and भूभृत्कुलचन्द्रिकायां in 1. 6 below.
• [This ought to bo जनयामास. Ed. ]
Compare गुप्तान्वयव्योमनि चन्द्रकल्प: in 1. 2 above
• The expression बाचि ईश equal to वाच: मूंग and synonymous with वाचस्पति is correct according to Pāmini. [The correct form ought to be वागीश.Ed. 1
II.3.39.

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● रामादधियं चकार [१०] चिकीर्षुचा प्रत्युपकारलेयं तेनेव पित्रोः शुभयोग
9
16
10
सिये स्तूप [प]पारामयरे रुपेतः कूपी वागाधजलो व्यथानि । [११] यमिसिक्ष्यै । स्तूप[प्र]पारामवरैरुपेतः
-
सङ्गममौतच मनो सुनोनामिव निलं च । वचो गुरुणामिव चाम्बु पख्यं पेपोयमानः सुखमेति लोकः [१२] परविद्यानाथकरामलाया:
11 वियापके मालवव(वंश) की मरये पचयते व्यतीते चिचातिताष्टाभ्यधिके कमेण ॥[।११* ] भृङ्गाङ्गभाराल सबालपने काले प्रपद्ये रमणीयसाले ।
12 गतासु देशान्तरितप्रियासु प्रियासु कामव्वल नाहतित्वम् [ ॥१४* ] नात्युष्णशोनानिलकम्पितेषु प्रवृत्तमत्तान्यश्वत स्वते (ने) षु । प्रियाधरोष्ठादणपल्लवेषु
18 नव व[] पवनेषु कान्तिम् [१५] यो धातुमाचे उत्पादोषः सर्व्वक्रियासिदिसुवाच त कुन्देन्दुसम्बोधविष्टष्टयष्टिस्य जतो धातुधर सकूपः [१५]
14 अमेश सरिदनाङ्गपरिभोगमित्योत्सवो महार्णव इवाम्बुतो (नो) निचय एव मा भूच (ब)यी। सुरासुरमरोगेन्द्रमहितोप्ययं धातु परंतु सम
15 कालताममरभूधरान्दुभिः [१०] स्तूपरूपप्रपारामा ये चेते परिकीर्तिताः [1] डोकोन्त (स) रविहारस्य सोन्त्रि तेभ्यन्तरोकता [: * ] ॥[१८* ] रविलस्य कृतिः ।
TRANSLATION
Success attained!
(V. 1.) Obeisance to Sugata who, wishing to save the world (which is) plunged in the uninterrupted series of births and deaths closely associated with misery in various forms, enjoined a religion consisting of three steps" (stages), and who attained peace !
(V. 2.) Like a moon in the sky (in the form) of the Gupta dynasty there was a king whose wellknown appellation was śri Chandragupta, and who fascinated the eyes of the people as does the newly risen moon.
(V. 3.) Who on (this) earth having (formerly) snatched away the kingship of (many) kings by dint of his intellect, and valour, ensnared the earth with the bonds of his dynasts, from which she (i.e., the earth) has not yet been able to release herself.
(V. 4.) The lord of the earth (i.e., king Chandragupta) who was as famous as Govinda (Vishnu) for the glory of his virtues, produced a son whose exalted name was Gōvin lagupta and who resembled the sons of Diti and Aditi (i.e., demons and gods)."
1 Compare मासवानां गयस्थित्या and मालवगणस्थितिवशात् in Fleet's Gupta Inscriptions, Nos. 18 and 35. The three padas may either refer to the three saranas of the Buddhists, namely Buddha, Dhamma and Samgha, or to the three stages "ötāpatti, sakadāgāmi and anăgămi on the path of Nibbana or else to the three principles anitya, duhkha and analmd.
The post means that Govindagupta resembled demons in physical strength and valour, and gods in spiritual virtupp.

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No. 4 ] MANDASOR INSCRIPTION OF MALAVA SAMVAT 524
17 (V. 5.) When kings deprived of their prowess embraced with their heads (i.e., bowed down to) his (i.e., Govindagupta's) lotus-like feet, even the lord of gods (i.e., Indra), being frightened, mounted the swing of (anxious) thought (i.e., was upset with the fear, lest he should be dethroned from his position by the powerful king).
(V. 6.) The commander of his armies was named Väyurakshita. The forces of his enemies disappeared as soon as they approached his army.
(V. 7.) The peerless (general) whose voice was resonant like the thunder of a cloud, possessed the multitude of qualities such as purity, love, industry, intelligence, skill in action and forgiveness, as also fame white like the rays of the moon.
(V. 8.) He begot on a princess who was the very moon-light to the family of a northern king, a son, Dattabhata by name, who, like his father, was an abode of virtues and fame.
(V. 9.) Who, though one, was fancied variously as the lord of wealth (i.e., Kubēra) in munificence, as the lord of speech (i.e., Brihaspati) in talent, as the god of love (ie., Smara) in enjoyment and as the god of death (i.e., Yama) in battle, by suppliants, learned men, young women and enemies (respectively).
(V. 10.) King Prabhakara who was the fire to the trees in the form of the enemies of the race of the Guptas, appointed him (i.e., Dattabhata), who was endowed with the prowess of Baladova, as the general of his armies, in appreciation of his merits.
(V. 11.) Wishing to requite, however inadequately, the obligations of his parents, and for the attainment of good luck (i.e., heavenly bliss) by them, he dug a well full of waters as deep as those of the ocean, accompanied by a stúpa, a prapat and an ärūma par excellence.
(V. 12.) People derive comfort by frequently drinking its water, cool (refreshing) as the meeting of dear friends, pure as the mind of sages and wholesome as the words of elders.
(V. 13.) When five hundred and twenty-four years, announcing the fame of the race of the Mälavas, as pure as the rays of autumnal moon, had elapsed one after another;
(V. 14.) When the season, in which the young lotus is fatigued with the load of the bodies of bees, and the sāl tree looks charming, had come, when wives were being tormented by the fire of love, their dear husbands having been away from home;
(V. 15.) When groves were assuming fresh splendour (with their trees) being waved by the breezes, neither very hot nor very cold, with intoxicated cuckoos just commencing their sweet notes, and with the young leaves looking reddish like the lips of charming women ;
(V. 16.) This stūpa, accompanied by a well, has been constructed in commemoration) of Him (the Buddha) who, having overcome the evil influences of all the elements (dhitu), explained (preached) the accomplishment of all actions, the stūpa--the structure of which was as white as the kunda flower and the moon, and the pinnacle of which touched the clouds.
(V. 17.) May this store of water (i.e., the well), that constantly enjoys the festivity of union with the bodies of many women (who go to bathe there) always be fulle like the ocean that (also)
Prapa is a place or a shed where drinking water is supplied free to passersby.
Arama may mean either a monastery or & garden. • The description of nature given in verses 14 and 15 is indicative of the spring season. • Thin verse emphasises tbe construction of the stupa just as verse 11 lays stress on the constructiou of the well.
[The reference is to the Nidanasūtra in which He explained the theory of cause and effect.-Ed.) • Literally may never be exhausted!' [The word kshayi is used here in a double sedne (flesha): (1) exhaustible and (2) consumptive. The reference here is to the fate of a man who indulges too much in sexual plensure, the well-known exception being the ocean.-Ed.) XVI-1-1

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[VOL. XXVII enjoys the constant festivity of union with many rivers (who are, as it were, his wives! May this stūpa worshipped by gods, demons, mortals and serpent-divinities, also last as long as the heavenly mountain Mēru, the sun and the moon!
(V. 18.) The stūpa, kūpa, prapă and ārāma, which are alluded to above, are included within the limits of the Lõkõttara Monastery (vihāra).1
(This) is the composition of Ravila,
No. 5.-BADAGANGA ROCK INSCRIPTION OF BHUTIVARMAN
(1 Plate)
The late Dr. N. K. BHATTASALI, DACCA In Vol. V (1937-38) of the Journal of the Assam Research Society, on pp. 14-57, Mr. R. M. Nath, B. E., of the Assam Engineering Service (P. W. D.), described some ancient ruins of the Kapili and the Yamunā Valleys, in the Nowgong District of Assam. Professor P. C. Sent was the first to point out that the existence of a well-known place called Dabokā on the Yamunā river in the Nowgong District situated midway between Samatata (identified with Tipperā and Noakhāli Districts of Bengal)" and Kämarūpa (the well-known ancient kingdom round modern Gauhāti in Assam) made the identification of the region round Dabokā with the ancient kingdom of Davāka almost certain. Rai Bahadur K. L. Barua in his Early History of Kamarüpa supported the identification. Mr. Nath in his article under reference described some antiquities found at Dabokā and he also supported the identification of Dabokā with Davāka.
In his article, Mr. Nath described the ruins of a temple on a small rivulet called Badagangā about 14 miles to the north-east of Dabokā. The following is a quotation from that description :-.
"By the south of the Mahāmāyā Hill flows the river Harkāti. To the south of this river, running almost parallel to this, is a small stream known as Badaganga, written as Barkhugā in the map. About 11 miles to the south-west of the Mahamaya temple, there is a small lake formed in this Badagangā river. On the left bank of this lake, there is a slightly elevated big plot of land now covered with thick jungles, which contains ruins of a very big temple. The whole structure, 86' long by 30' wide, consisted of three parts, the Manikūļa built with hard sand-stone, and the Deorighar and the Nat-mandir built with bricks.
“On the left bank of the Badagangă stream, where the stream has abruptly widened into lake, there are two huge blocks of natural rock standing side by side with a small gap in between. The rocks are about 22' long, 12' high and 7' to 12' wide. Each rock has got a dvārapāla 4' high with a spear in his hand engraved on the rock at the entrance. The left rock has got a figure of Hanuman engraved on it. On the inside face of the left rock and facing the passage, there are 34 lines of writing in an embossed block, 2'X2'. The writing has been partly damaged by the continued effect of rain, sun and wild fire of the jungle for years together. The figure of the dvāra pāla looks like the figure of an up-country man."
Sometime in June, 1939, Mr. Nath sent to me a small photograph of an inscription inside a rectangular panel, consisting of three and a quarter lines of writing and I had no difficulty in
1 This was probably the proper name of a local monastery of the Lökottaravädin sect of the Hinayana form of Buddhism.
* [The impression reproduced here is very much doctored'. An attempt is being made to proouro a more faithful impression which will be published when available.-Ed.)
It is greatly to be regretted that the author passed away while the article was still in the press.-Ed.] Journal of the Assain Rescarch Society, Vol. I, 1933, pp. 14-15 and 124. 5 Above, Vol. XVII, pp. 353 ff.

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No. 5 ] BADAGANGA ROCK İNSCRIPTION OF BHUTIVARMAN
19 recognising it as the Badaganga inscription, the site of which he had previously described. I realised at the first sight that this must be regarded as the earliest inscription hitherto discovered within the bounds of the present province of Assam, as the script of the inscription was undoubtedly Gupta. I immediately wrote to Mr. Nath, stating that the script of the inscription was Gupta and the inscription contained the name of some Mahārājādhiraja. I requested him to send mo better photographs and estampages, if taken. Mr. Nath, thereupon, sent me some estampage, very imperfect and blurred, and with their help I ascertained that it was an inscription of Mahārājädhirāja Bhūtivarman dated in the Gupta year 2..4. The second digit was subsequently read with some hesitation as 30. Thus the inscription was ascertained to be of the Gupta year 234, equivalent to A. D. 553-54. I sent my reading with the estampage and the photograph to Dr. R. C. Majumdar, Vice-Chancellor, Dacca University, who pointed out that the text contained a word indicating that Mahārājādhirāja Bhütivarman had performed an Asvamēdha sacrifice.
Some words still remained undeciphered, and I therefore paid a visit to the site of the inscription and took some estampages and photographs. Thus with the help of the materials previously supplied by Mr. Nath, and the new materials obtained by myself, I succeeded in deciphering the inscription completely.
Bhaskaravarman was fifth in descent from Bhūtivarman. Their names became familiar to the learned world from the enumeration of the dynastie list in the Harshacharita of Bāņa, by Hamsavēga, envoy of Bhāskara to Harsha, in which all the kings from Bhūtivarman to Bhāskaravarhan are named. The next mention of Bhūtivarman was met with in the famous Nidhanpur plate of Bhāskara, by which the joint right of about 300 Brahmins of many different götras to a vast plot of land measuring about 5 miles by 27 miles, represented by the present pargana of Panchakhanda, of the Sylhet District, was re-confirmed. This document reveals the startling fact that the grant was originally made by king Bhūtivarman. The present dated inscription of Mahārājadhiraja Bhūtivarman turning up from the Yamunā valley in the Nowgong District is another indication of the might of this great king of Eastern India. From the fact that the Surma and the Kusiārā Valleys, i.e., the present district of Sylhet, were included in the kingdom of Bhūtivarman, we get a fairly good idea of the extent of his kingdom.
The Varmans of Prågjyotisha were originally masters of the Brahmaputra Valley only, with their headquarters somewhere on that river. There are at least two pieces of evidence to show that Davāka, the present Nowgong District, was originally a separate kingdom and in no way dependent on Kamarupa. The first evidence is the separate mention of Samataţa, Davāka and Kämarūpa in the Allahābād pillar inscription of Samudragupta. It is only common sense to hold that these three formed separate and contiguous kingdoms on the eastern frontier of the great North Indian empire of Samudragupta. Samatata is described by Hiuen Tsang as lying south of Kāmarūpa and bordering on the sea. This indication fixes its position on the map fairly accurately, when we remember that it was a pratyanta kingdom, outside the regular boundary of Samudragupta's empire, and no part of Bengal to the west of the Meghna and the Brahmaputra could be regarded as included in a protyanta kingdom. It would thus appear that the region east of the mighty Brahmaputra, which flowed through the eastern part of the modern district of Dacca in ancient times, formed the kingdom of Samatata.
Some scholars are inclined to include the northern shore of the Bay of Bengal or the greater part of it included in the Twenty-four Parganas, Jessore and Bakarganj Districts of Bengal within Samatata, following Hiuen Tsang's mention of the distance of 1200 or 1300 li from Kamarupa, quite forgetting that these regions from remote antiquity formed regular parts of Vanga, and along with Northern and Western Bengal, must have been included in Samudragupta's empire, and it is absurd to take these regions as included in the pratyanta kingdom of Samatata. The Baghäurā
V. A.8. B., 1935, pp. 419.27.
3

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Nārāyana image inscription in the district of Tippera, and mentioning the village of Bilakinda modern Bilkenduāi close by, 'as included in Samatata', finally settles the question. With this point inside Samatata we can clearly see that the region north of the sea-shore in Noakhāli District, bounded by the Lauhitya or the Brahmaputra river on the west and the hills of Tippera and Sylhet on the east was the ancient pralyanta kingdom of Samatata. Hiuen Tsang gives the circuit of the country as 3000 li, equivalent to about 600 miles. If the Chinese traveller was even approximately correct in his measurements, we can easily visualise the extent of the kingdom of Samatata. A look at the map will show that the strip of land between the Brahmaputra and the hills of Tippera is nowhere more than about 40 miles broad. But we have to accommodate here a kingdom 600 miles in circuit. If the sum-total of the sides of a rectangle is 600 miles, and one of the sides is only 40 miles, the other side must be about 250 miles. We thus see that to accommodate a kingdom of the circuit of about 600 miles, we have to include within it the entire plain area, bounded by the Garo, the Khasi and the Jaintiä Hills on the north, the hills of Kachar and Tippera on the east, the sca on the south, and the mighty river Brahmaputra on the west. That is to say, the ancient kingdom of Samatata comprised the modern districts of Sylhet, Tippera and Noākhāli, as well as the eastern half of the Mymensingh District, and a narrow strip from the easteru side of the present Dacca District,--an area, the circuit of which is approximately 600 miles.
The kingdom of Samatata thus marked off, we can easily locate Davāka on the other side of the hills bordering Samatata on the north, in the Kapili, the Yamunā and the Kullong valleys, i.e., the present Nowgong District. Beyond this region, to its north-west, lay the kingdom of Kamarūpa.
The western boundary of the kingdom of Kamarūpa is marked by the river Karatöya from time immemorial. Not only is this boundary recognised in the Kālikāpurana and the Yöginitantra, but the more authentic Chinese sources also confirm it, where the river Ka-lo-tu, i.e., Karatoya, is placed as boundary between Pundravardhana and Kämarupa'. In the cast, the boundary of Kamarūpa reached the frontiers of China, but was never very well defined. What separated Davāka from Kamarupa is also not very clear
As already stated, the separate naming of these three kingdoms as pratyunta kingdoms, whose kings paid Samudragupta all manner of tributes and sought his pleasure by obedience, obeisance and personal attendance (-ūdi-pratyanta-ngi patibhir=........ sarven-karadūn-ījñākarana-praņāmāgamana-paritoshita) would indicate the separate existence of these three kingdoms during this period, i.e., towards the end of the reign of Samudragupta by about 380 A. D.3 In 428 A. D., king named 'Moon-loved' (Chandragupta ?), king of the Kapili country, sent an embassy to China. The capital of the country is described as situated by the side of a lake to the east of a river and surrounded on all sides by dark purplish rocks. This Kapili country has been sought to be identified with the kingdom of Davāka of the Kapili valley, though it is difficult to understand why the proper name ol the country should not be mentioned, and the couutry should be made knowu by the name of the river.
It should le noted, however, that the Dabokā region is to the east of the river Kapili, and is practically surrounded on all sides by dark hills, and as such, corresponds rery closely to the Chinese description of the country of Kapili. The hills of Kachar are to the sonth of this regior, while the south and the south-west are covered by the Khasi and the Jaintia Hills. To the east and the north-east are the hills of Dabokā (the Mabāmāyā Hills) and the Mikir Hills. The direct
1 Alove, Vol. XVII, p. 355. • Watars' Yuan Chwang, Vol. II, page 186. * Abovo, Vol. XXI, page 3. "J.R.A. 8., 1898, page 540. Barua : Early History of Kamarupa, pago 47.

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No. 5 ]
BADAGANGA ROCK INSCRIPTION OF BHUTIVARMAN
north and the north-west, however, are open up to the Brahmaputra river. Bearing these points in mind, the following description of the ruins at a place called Jugijän, about eight miles southwest of Dabokā, midway between the Yamunāmukh and the Hojāi Railway stations on the Lumding-Gauhati section of the Assam-Bengal Railway, about a mile west of the railway line, from Mr. R. M. Nath's article referred to in the beginning of this paper will be found apposite :
"At a distance of about six miles from eicher Yamunāmukh or Hojāi railway stations, at a distance of about a mile from the Assam-Bengal Railway line, opposite mile 400, lie the ruins of the Jugijän temples. The stream Jugijān has a peculiarity. It is very narrow on the upstream side and also on the downstream side, but at the particular place where the shrines stand. it is about 150' wide and about a mile long. It is fordable in other places, but here it is very deep. On the north bank of this lake, about half a furlong off, there are three little mounds, each about 300' apart. Each contains the ruins of a stone temple............ These three temples serve as the gateway to the main shrines which are situated at a distance of about a quarter mile from them. Here there are ruins of two huge temples............ About half a furlong to the north of the shrines, is a big area, bounded on all sides by high earthen walls. There is also a big tank inside, now reduced to a quagmire. This is locally known as the Räj-bādi (royal palace)."'1 ***" To a cursory observer who travels in the interior of Hojāi, it will easily appear that this area was once really thickly populated and highly civilised. Wherever you go, you notice huge tanks, some of them having pucca ghats with stone and brick walls". *** " All about the place, there are innumerable big tanks and hundreds of ruins of old stone structures." *** " It is no exaggeration to state in the Hojāi area in the Yamunā valley, wherever you cast your eyes, you come upon some old ruins. It is here only that ruins of hundreds of old stone temples and images have been found." *** "In the beginning of the nineteenth century, the Burmese entered Nowgong; ..........they pillaged all the surrounding country and committed appalling atrocities on the helpless inhabitants. ...........The depopulation of the region round Dabokā and the Kapili valley dates from these disastrous times. The final dose was given by the horrifying Kala-azar epidemic, during which people died quietly in thousands. So, what was once a thickly populated and highly civilised country, relapsed mostly into thick forests.''
The situation of the Jugijān ruins by the side of a lake, with the Kapili river on the west and surrounded by dark hills practically on all sides, answers remarkably well to the description of the Kapili country and its capital found in the Chinese sources, which can thus be identified with the capital of Davāka. This would make it probable that the kingdom continued independent up to about the middle of the 5th century A.D., when the rising power of the Varmans of Kāmarūpa must have put an end to its separate existence.
In the Harshacharita, the genealogy of the Varmans of Kāmarūpa begins from Bhūtivarman, fifth in ascent from Bhāskaravarman, though it is generally the custom to name only three generations. This probably indicates that he was the person with whom the dynasty began to rise into importance. The remarkable attempt at Aryanising this frontier land by the settlement of about three hundred Brahmins of different gotras in what is at present known as the parganā of Panchakhanda in the Sylhet District, gives us a glimpse into the activities of this man of zeal; and when we find his Vishayāmātya Āryyaguna founding an āśrama on the Badagangā rivulet in the Gupta year 234=554 A.D., almost under the shadow of the Mahāmāyā Hill and the Mahāmāyā temple in the Nowgong District, we at once realise that this intrepid king had taken advantage of the
1J.A.R. S., Vol. V, 1937-38, page 30.
Ibid., p. 31. • Ibid., p. 51. Ibid., p. 62. Ibid., pp. 16-17.

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22
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXVII
decline of the Guptas and had made himself emperor of Eastern India by welding together Kāmarūpa, Davaka and Samatata into one empire and had declared his overlordship over them by the performance of an Aśvamëdha sacrifice.
The Topography of the Inscription. An excellent description of the topography of the place has already been quoted from Mr. Nath's article. It is only necessary to add a few comments. The rivulet Badagangā was barely five yards in width in January, when I visited the place. The lake into which Badaganga is described by Mr. Nath to have widened at the site of the inscription, is nothing more than a pool, barely twenty feet in diameter. The figures of a dvärapäla with a spear and a Hanuman on the left rock spoken of by Mr. Nath appeared to me to be rude representations of a tall female figure stooping and thrusting forward something like a spear, and a halfkneeling man in a fighting attitude, a little below.
The second and the longest line of the inscription is 24" long. The fourth and the shortest is only 7".
The characters belong to the Eastern variety of the Gupta alphabet. Single letters are generally about an inch high, but some of the conjunct letters are more than 2" in height. The script is similar to that noticed in the copper plates of the same period found in Bengal. There is little distinction between s and sh, excepting that the former appears to have the right perpendicular stroke a little longer. Ya is replaced by yä (11.2 and 3) and once compounded in ryya. In all these places, it has the picturesque form with a wavy tail on the left, represented so well in the first plate of Dharmăditya published by Mr. Pargiter in the Indian Antiquary for 1910. Much discussion has centred round the different forms of y of this period. As a recently discovered plate of Samācharadēva unexpectedly and uniformly shows only old forms of this letter, the whole question will have to be considered again, when I shall be editing that plate for this journal in the near future. The form of ya in this new rock inscription of Bhūtivarman will be duly considered in that connection. The superscript r occurs twice, doubling the consonants m and y. Ha appears as a single stroke bent to the left as in the Baigram plate of the time of Kumāragupta.
The language of the record is correct Sapskrit. The inscription, as it stands, appears rather incomplete. It is hardly a sentence, and in place of the declaratory label- This is the Asrama of Aryyaguna', we would have expected the inscription to say that it was Aryyaguna who built the Asrama, in that particular month. The word asrama, it should be noted, is used both in masculine and in neuter genders.
The date of the inscription is very important. In discussing the date of Bhūtivarman, we should remember that the following is the genealogy from Bhaskaravarman upwards
Bhūtivarman- Vijñānavati Chandramukhavarman- Bhögavati Sthitavarman- Nayanasõbhā Susthitavarman- Syāmādēvi
Bhāskaravarman (approx. A. D. 590-650). Let us assume that the kings were all the eldest sons of their parents, born about their 20th year, and assume further that Bhāskara was nearly of the same age as Harsha. Mr. Vaidya calculated the date of Harsha's birth as the 4th June, A. D. 590 from the data available in the Harshacharita. Professor Yogesh Chandra Roy of Bankura, a reputed astronomer, calculated the date independently for me and he also arrived at the same conclusion. So, if Bhāskara was born about A. D. 590, Susthita was born about A. D. 570, Sthita about A. D. 550, Chandramukha about A. D. 530 and Bhūti about A. D. 510 equivalent to 190 G. E. If Bhūti lived for sixty years and came to the throne at about the thirtieth year of his age, he may be assumed to have ascended
1 Above, Vol. XXI, pp. 78 ff. * History of Mediaeval Hindu India, Vol. I, pago 8.

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Page #49

BADAGANGA ROCK INSCRIPTION OF BHUTIVARMAN
(From photograph)
สมาธิมหy, 4 บๆ
(From impression)
B, CH, CHHA HR A. R๕๔ ค่ 107 Es6 - 17" 4.
SCALE: ONE-FOURTH
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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No. 5 ] BADAGANGA ROCK INSCRIPTION OF BHUTIVARMAN the throne in 220 G. E. With these plausible surmises, let us now approach the figures indicating the date on the Badaganga inscription, which cannot but be in the Gupta era. Fortunately, these figures are still very clear on the rock and came out perfectly on all the estampages. The unit 18 easily recognised as 4. Of the figure for 200, we have only one instance in the Bengal plates, viz., the one in the fifth plate from Damodarpur. Our figure resembles this figure for 200, as well as other figures for this number culled from inscriptions on Bühler's Chart IX, but does not exactly tally. But the figure for 200 on the same chart culled from the Cambridge University Manuscript No. 1049, dated 857 A.D., tallies almost exactly with our figure for 200 and thus lands us on sure ground. Thus we can read the date as 200..4.
In reading the middle figure, we have to choose from the figures for 10, 20, 30, or latest 40. The East Indian figures for 10 and 20 are very distinctive and uniform, and have no resemblance to our figure. Our choice lies, therefore, between 30 and 40. Unfortunately very few instances of 30 or 40 have hitherto been met with in East Indian inscriptions, and Bühler's and Bendall's charts are our main guides for these two figures. It will be seen that a letter resembling modern la is the basis of the figure for 30, and a letter resembling modern pa is the basis of the figure for 40. We can thus decide that our figure is 30 and not 40. Thus the reading 234 G. E. is complete.
Below are given the text and translation of the inscription.
TEXT 1 Svasti Sri-paramadaivata-paramabhägavata-mahārāja2 dhirāj-āśvamēdhayājin[ām] Śri-Bhűtivarmma[ dēva)-pādānāṁ (Sam) 3 200 30 4 mā vishayāmātya-[Aryya]guṇasya 4 idam asramam
TRANSLATION Peace! The month of) Mä[gha)'; the year 200 and 30 and 4 of the illustrious Mahārajādhiraja Bhūtivarmmadēva, the devout worshipper of the Dēvas, the devout worshipper of the Lord (Vishnu), the performer of the Asvamēdha sacrifice. This is the religious retreat of Aryyaguna, Minister for State.
Note on the reading :- The proper left portion of the inscription has been worn rather smooth by heat, moisture and rain of about fourteen centuries, and, in the matter of decipherment, even a personal examination improved the reading very little.
In the second line, of the word yājinām, the long vowel and the anusvāra at the end are hardly distinguishable. The expression Bhūtiurmmadēva pādānāṁ reads like Bhülivarmmanyapādānān. Probably, the abrasions in the stone are responsible for this curious misguidance. The last letter sam in this line has also to be put in practically conjecturally.
In the third line, the figures for the date are absolutely clear. I have already given my redsons for reading the middle digit as 30. But it is only fair to record here that Dr. D. C. Sircar of Calcutta, as well as Rao Bahadur K. N. Dikshit, and Dr. N. P. Chakravarti, are inclined to take the figure as 40. I, however, still think that a la is the basis for the present figure, which should therefore be read 30. This should be regarded as conclusive in view of the fact that the figure of 30 in the expression Kärtti di 30, occurring at the end of the Soro Plate A (above, Vol. XXIII, p. 202 and plate), where it cannot be regarded as 40. is very similar to the one found in the present inscription.
The name of the vishayāmātya may be Adyaguna and not Āryyaguna. Dr. D. C. Sircar of Calcutta suggests Sarmmaguna, but the first letter is clearly a. Fortunately, there is no doubt about the name of the emperor, the mention of his having performed an Afvamëdha sacrifice and the date. Everything else is of minor importance.

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24
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXVII
No. 6. TWO INSCRIPTIONS OF GOVINDACHANDRA, KING OF VANGA
(2 Plates)
The late Dr. N. K. BHATTASALI, DACCA
The Vangala king Govindachandra was so long known to us from the Tirumalai rock inscription of Rajendra Chōla. Tirumalai is a hill in the North Arcot District, about 96 miles southwest of Madras. "The inscription is engraved on a smooth piece of rock near a rock-cut Jaina figure on the top of the hill" and it is in the Tamil language. It is dated in the 13th regnal year of the king, which extended from the middle of A.D. 1024 to the middle of A.D. 1025. In this inscription the conquests of Rajendra Chōla are recorded. Among these conquests, we are concerned here with his conquest of East India. As another inscription, of the 9th regnal year, of the king is silent about his expedition to East India, it is generally assumed that this expedition should be dated between his 9th and 13th years, probably immediately before his 13th year. As expeditions are generally undertaken after the cessation of the rains, in October, this expedition is likely to have been undertaken towards the end of A.D. 1023 and extended into A.D. 1024.
The Tirumalai inscription of Rajendra Chola throws interesting light on the political condition of Bengal during the period of the invasion by the Chōla emperor. The invader found one Dharmapāla ruling over Danḍabhukti, roughly the present district of Midnapur. Dakshina-Radha, i.e., the districts of Howrah and Hooghly, was then ruled by a king of the Sura family, named Raṇaśūra. After having destroyed the first and defeated the second, the invader appears to have crossed the Bhagirathi and entered the Vangala desa ruled over by king Govindachandra. The Vangala king boldly met the invader. The weather appears to have fought in his favour by some heavy showers, as they find particular mention in the Tirumalai inscription. But nothing availed, and Govindachandra had ultimately to get down from his royal elephant and flee, when the day went against him. The invader then appears to have turned his arms against Mahipala I, lord of Varendri, north of the Ganges. The Pala army, led by Mahipala in person, met the Chōla army, and a hot engagement ensued. The Pala king had slippers on and was bedecked with earrings and bracelets, and as these are specifically mentioned, they must have caught the eyes of the southerners. Mahipala also shared the same fate as the Vangala king Govindachandra, and the invader captured a number of women and elephants. He then recrossed the Padmā (Ganges) and entered Uttara-Radha, present Murshidabad and Birbhum Districts, and again reached the banks of the Bhagirathi and returned home by the very route through which he had advanced.
This was so long our main3 source of information regarding the existence of a king of Vanga, called Govindachandra. Fortunately, two inscribed images came to light in 1941, one of the 12th year and the other of the 23rd year of Govindachandra. These two inscriptions, discovered from within the limits of ancient Vanga, have at last lent welcome confirmation to the Tirumalai inscription and definitely located the region where Govindachandra reigned at least for twentythree years.
A. Kulkuḍi sun-god image inscription of the 12th year of the reign of Govindachandra On the 2nd May, 1941, Sj. Mukundabihari Das, Travelling Agent to the Committee for collec tion of manuscripts, University of Dacca, sent me information about the existence of an inscribed image of the sun-god at the village of Kulkudi, P. S. Gosanihat, Dt. Faridpur. The image was
1 Above, Vol. IX, pp. 229 ff.
2 For exact location of these geographical units, reference may be made to Bhattasali: Geographical Divi. sions of Ancient Bengal, J.R.A.S., 1935, pp. 73 ff.
There is a reference to king Govindachandra, probably identical with the king of our inscriptions, in a manuscript of the Sabdapradipa: Eggeling: India Office Catalogue, Vol. V, pp. 974 ff.

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Page #53

Two INSCRIPTIONS OF GOVINDACHANDRA, KING OF VANGA A-KULKUDI SUN-GOD IMAGE INSCRIPTION
(From a photograph).
B. CH, CHHABRA. Reg. No. 997736
COCON
श्रतादिवकारी व श्रीधारी हरु यदि कृष
दीय साकार तुव दिख
ACTUAL SIZE
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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No. 6]
TWO INSCRIPTIONS OF GOVINDACHANDRA, KING OF VANGA
secured about seventy years ago by the progenitor of the Guha family of Kulkudi, from a house that was being eroded away on the island of Hätiya in the mouth of the Meghnā river on the northern coast of the Bay of Bengal. From that time, the image remained with the Guhas of Kulkuļi, receiving occasional homely worship. On my representation, the present descendants of the finder of the image, viz. the brothers Sj. Durgamohan Guha, Sj. Harendra Chandra Guha, Si. Nibaran Chandra Guha and Sj. Nagendra Chandra Guha, presented the image some time ago to the Dacca Museum, where it is housed now.
The image is in black stone and is an excellent specimen of East Indian sculpture of about 1000 A.D. It is an ordinary image of the sun-god: The eleven other Adityas are represented in miniature on either side within circles of foliage. Six of them are placed on the proper left and five of them on the right, the sixth circle on the right being occupied by a pot-bellied standing figure, holding a lotus by its stalk in the right hand and a kamandalu in the left. Most remarkable are the representations of two horse-women below the sixth circle on either side, shooting sun's rays in the form of shafts to the farthest regions of the universe. Two more standing females are similarly engaged on either side of the pedestal. For an explanation of the other figures in the sculpture, reference may be made to the present writer's Iconography of Buddhist and Brahmanical Sculptures in the Dacca Museum, pp. 148 ff.
The inscription is in a single line in four sections on the pedestal, just above the seven horses of the sun-god. As the date of Govindachandra is known, the characters may confidently be stated to belong to the proto-Bengali type of the early part of the 11th century A.D. The letters are generally 3/10ths of an inch high. Numerals for 1, 2 and 9 occur in the inscription. The language is Sanskrit, so often found in inscribed labels of images.
TEXT Sec. 1 Śri-takmi dinakärinBhatýāraka[h*]* Seo. 2 Sri-Govindachandradēva-paSec. 3 diya samvat 12 Phālguna Sec. 4 dinē 19
The word takmi is a rather curious one. A disease called takman is often found referred to in the Atharve. vēda (Books I, 4-6, 9, 11 and 19) where hymns against akman are given. The sun god is the reputed healer of leprosy and other skin diseases, including probably the takman of the Atharra da. This image wus meant to be the special object of worship of the sufferers from takman, i.e., of the takmin and is therefore called the sun. god of the takmis.
Read dinakari. It is idle to expect correct grammar in theao image-labels, drafted probably by the masons themselves. Prof. Dr. D. C. Sircar of the Calcutta University is inclined to read this line as follows (Bhimie pursha, Chaitra, 1348 B.S., p. 397) -
Sri-lakshmilina-kärita-Bhattaraka and correct it to
Sri-Lakshmidina-kärita-Bhattarakah holding that the deity is not named in the label but is called simply Bhaldraku, i.e., the Lord who is stated to have been made or installed by one Lakshmidina. Dr. Sircar points to the shape of l in the ligature Igu in the word Phålguna and argues that the first letter must be read la. I can only say in reply that whatever shape 1 may have taken in a ligature, an independent l of the period in too distinctive with a wavy left projection to allow any other shape to act for it.
I have to admit, however, that the word dinakarin has to be corrected as dinakari and even then the word is not a happy word as a name of the sun god, the usual word being dinakara. But the verbal form of kri is even now often used as nijanta in Bengal; and as already stated, it is idle to expect correct Sanskrit in these masons labela. [Dr. Sircar's reading and rendering appear to be more acourato. It may be added that in the present instance powsibly the term bhaffaraka itaelf denotes "the sun-god'. This is supported by lotions. The name of the donor Lalushmidina is equal to Lakshmidatta; dinasPal dinnaSkt. datta.Ed.)
. There was no space for a visarga after the word Bhaffäraka, which is probably the rouson for the umission. [It way, howorer, be observed that the same word in the other inscription has no vinarga either.- I.) XVI-1-1

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXVII
TRANSLATION The image of) the maker of the day, the God of the persons afflicted with the (skin disease) lukman. The year 12 is of the exalted Govindachandradēva. The 19th day of Phālguna.
B. Betkā Väsudēva image inscription of the 23rd year of Govindachandra In the village of Paikpāra and in the adjacent village of Betkā, P. S. Tangivādi, Dt. Dacca, there live from time immemorial, flourishing families of the betel-leaf cultivators, the class being generally known as the Bārai or the Bārujivi. They form a distinct class throughout Bengal and the lucrative profession of cultivating and selling betel leaves has made the class well-to-do, industrious, united, self-respecting, religious and peaceful. They are mostly worshippers of Vishnu.
A beautiful image of Vishņu or Väsudēva in black stone came out about three years ago, when re-excavating an old tank on the northern extremity of the village of Betkā, just on the border of Päikpāra. On all sides of the tank are the habitations of the Bārais. The finders presented the image to an establishment in the village of Autsähi, three miles south, called Palli-Kalyana Aśrama, manufacturing khādi and hand-made paper, and affiliated to the All-India Spinners' Association. The image has been established there as the presiding deity of the Asrama, but it is not worshipped.
The image is about 4' in height and must be pronounced to be a very pleasing piece of sculpture and a fine specimen of the art of the Bengal sculptor. It is just an ordinary image of Vishnu with conical tiara adorned by the kirttimukha, and it has little to distinguish it from countless such images found throughout Bengal and dating from A.D. 1000 to 1200. Only the miniature figures of Sankhapurusha and Chakrapurusha at either end of the pedestal'are indications that the image is a fairly early piece of sculpture. The fact that the style represented by these conical-crowned profusely decorated soft-featured sculptures in black stone of the Rajmahal Hills began even earlier than the period of Govindachandra is amply demonstrated by these two inscribed images of the reign of Govindachandra, king of Vanga.
The inscription is in four lines, each line being made up of three sections, with the exception of the fourth line, which is finished in a single section. The letters are half-an-inch high and look like the hand-writing of a man who could boast of nothing more than literacy. The Kulkudi inscription shows a better hand. The two inscriptions hailing from the same kingdom and belong. ing to the reign of the same king and only eleven years apart in point of time offer, however, very marked contrast in the shape of the letters. How unsafe & guide paleography may become, if one has to depend on casual inscriptions like the present ones, is fully demonstrated by these two inscriptions. Particular attention may be drawn to the shape of t in the two inscriptions, which would appear to be wide apart in point of age.
The language of the inscription is incorrect Sanskrit. As already remarked in the case of the Kulkudi inscription, it is idle to expect correct grammar in these masons' and half-literate donors' labels.
The purport of the inscription is to record the installation of an image of the Lord Väsudēva by one Gangadāsa, son of the deceased Põradāsa, Bālajika (i.e., Bārajika) by caste, in the 23rd year of Govindachandra. The mention of the caste of the donor as Bālajika shows that the present-day nomenclature of the class as Bārai is derived from the word Bärajika; and the word Barujivi, by which name the more educated among the class like to call themselves, is a modern
[The alternative translation of the first line would be "(This is the image of the sun-god, cated to be mado by the illustrious Lakshmidina.-Ed.]

Page #56

Two INSCRIPTIONS OP GOVINDACHANDRA, KING OF VANGA
B.-BETKA VASUDEVA IMAGE INSCRIPTION
ফলে এই বাড়ি। এ Bojতবায়
B
SCALE: ACTUAL SIZE
BURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA
= 0 Wo. we
, a64648,

Page #57

(From a photograph)

Page #58

No. 7]
SAKRAI STONE INSCRIPTION; V. S. 699
and incorrect innovation. As already mentioned, the tank from which the image was recovered, is surrounded on all sides by the habitations of the Bära is or betel-leaf planters. In all probability the image was installed by a remote ancestor of one of these families, but no memory or tradi. tion of the event has survived.
Numerals 2 and 3 occur in the inscription. % is formed by two loops and an intervening angle. 3 is formed by three loops and two intervening angles. The figure for 2 in this inscription is in marked contrast to the same figure in the previous inscription.
The inscription and the image were first brought to the notice of the learned world by Mr. Jogendra Nath Gupta, editor of the Siśubhārati and author of the History of Vikrampur. Dr. D. (. Sircar of the Calcutta University published the inscription in a long article in the Bengali Journal-Bhäratavarsha for Jyaishtha, 1348 B.S., pp. 769 ff., from estampages and photographs supplied by Mr. Gupta. Dr. Sircar read the important word Balajika as Rālajika and thus missed a thousand years old important reference to this interesting caste of Bengal.
I edit the inscription from estampages and photographs taken by myself.
TEXT 1 Srimad-Göl vindachandrasya samvat 23 2 Bālajika-ull parata-Paradāsa-sutah 3 Gangadā|l sa-kārita-Vá|| sudēva4 Bhattāraka[h*)
TRANSLATION The 23rd year of the illustrious Govindachandra, (This image of) the Lord Väsudēva was caused to be made by Gangadāsa, the Bālajika, son of the deceased Päradāsa.
No. 7.-SAKRAI STONE INSCRIPTION; V. S. 699
(1 Plate)
B. CH. CHHABRA, OOTACAMUND Sakrāi is a village in the Sēkhāvāti province of the Jaipur State in Rājputāna, fourteen miles north-west of Khandēlā. This latter place, in its turn, is twelve miles north-west of Sri Madhopur, a railway station on the Rewari-Phulera section of the Bombay Baroda and Central India Railway. Sakrāi is a sacred place for the Hindus, reputed for its temple of the goddess Sākambhari on the bank of the rivulet called Sarkarā, which is supposed to be the origin of the name of the village. The stone, bearing the inscription edited here, is said to be stuck in a corridor wall of the front entrance to the temple. The inscription was noticed as early as 1909 by Mr. (now Dr.) D. R. Bhandarkar, the then Assistant Superintendent, Archaeological Survey of India, Western Circle, Poona.?
The inscribed surface of the stone measures 3' 1" broad by 6%" high. The inscription consists of seven lines. The engraving has been very well executed. The letters have been treated ornamentally. The graceful flourishes of the siromātrās are conspicuous to the eye throughout.
1 Read Balajik-õparata and outa.
* Inscription No. 2617, Progress Report of the Archaeological Survey of India, Western Circle, for the year ending 31st March 1910, pp. 12, 28 and 56-7. Again, it is No. 23 of Bhandarkar's List of Inscriptions of Northern India. Tho dato given by him is V.8. 879; but more probably it is V.S. 699, as is sought to be made out in the present paper. Seo below, pp. 29-31.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXVII
The characters belong to the northern class of alphabets. They bear a striking resemblanco to those of the Madhuban plate of Harsha' and, in a lesser degree, also to those of the Kudarkot stone inscription. This resemblance is a significant point inasmuch as it has a great hearing on the question of the date of the present inscription to be discussed below. Prof. Kielhorn's remarks regarding the palaeography of the Madhuban plate generally hold good in the case of our record as well. Still it may not be out of place here to draw attention to some of the outstanding characteristics of the script. The form of y, for instance, may easily be confused with that of l, as may be illustrated by vidalita-dvēshinas-Chandikāyāh and -nil-otpal-abho mukuta-wani, 1. 2. A medial à is usually expressed by a prishthamäträ. In a few instances, however, it is denoted by a siromitra, which, like medial i, i, e, etc., is ornamentally treated, as may be seen in -chap-īnnoidlho, 1. 2. A superscript r occasionally occurs on the line, while generally it is placed abore the line. The two varieties are typified in Garygo dharmma, 1. 4. The sign for jh, which is of rare occurrence, is met with in jhankäritam. 1. 1. The forms of jā in pūjā, 1.2 ; of ji in savijake, I. 3; of rtha in atyurthai, 1.5: and of stha in -othalani, I. 1, are equally noteworthy.
The language of the record in Sanskrit. Its composition is in verse, except for a few words. exprenning the date, at the end. As regards orthography, the following points deserve notice, Abis expressed throughout by the sign for v, except in Mandubāko, 1. 6. An unustara occasionally takes the place of a class nasal, as in ramjitah, 1. 2. Conversely, it is substituted by i in the word win, II. 3. 4 and 5. A consonant after r is usually lengthened ' or reduplicated, as in Mahawapatero mukhan. 1.1. Visarga is changed to upadhmaniya in -lulāyāh prabhrosh!., 1.1. An
tvira at the end of a verse or a half-verse is retained as such, and not reverted as mas it should. In rail=Chhivass, 1.6, we have a wrong sandhi, and in mahad-dyutih, 1.6, an irregular sumisa. Phonetically, the syncopated forms ujvalē, I. 3, satu-, 1.5, -öd yola-, I. 1, and Odystana?], 1.6, are worthy of note. Such forms, with one of the twin consonants omitted, are recognized by cor. tain lexicographers as correct. The forms udyola and Udyotana can, in fact, be justified by supposing a different derivation. The syncopation of one t in prāpnõlvatyartham, 1.5, is, on the other hand, very misleading. It may prima facie be taken for prāpnētu + atyartham, whereas in reality it is to be construed as prūpnol + tu + atyarthaí, as required by the context. Ananditau for aninditaw, 1. 6, is obviously a slip on the part of the scribe.
The object of the inscription is to record the construction of a mawlapa in front of the goddess Sankara hy an association or a committee, composed of eleven members, all of whom were bankers. Their names, parentage, etc., are given in the inscription and appear below, arranged in a tabular form.
The expression surānā mayda p-ottamal, excellent pavilion of gods', leads one to think that the pavilion was intended to receive images of various secondary deities by the side of the principal divinity that was Sankarádovi. And the fact that eleven different members of a wealthy community jointly put up that structure warrants, as it were, that it was not a mean addition to the temple of Sankarādēvi. Possibly what was dedicated by the śrèshthins was not a bare pavilion, but a pavilion cum images of various gods, each properly installed in its respective niche. However, such details as these can no longer be verified; for, according to Dr. Bhandarkar's report on the temple in question, very little of the original structures now survives."
In his report just referred to, Dr. Bhandarkar has expressed the opinion that the village of Sakrai is named after the rivulet called Sarkară. And this view has been cited in the opening paragraph of this essay, too. Dr. Bhandarkar, who personally inspected the site, must have good
1 Above, Vol. VII, PP. 155 ff. and plate. • Above, Vol. I, pp. 179 ff. and plato. • Seo below, p. 81, n. 9. • PRASIWO for the year ending 31st March 1910, p. 56.

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SAKRAI STONE INSCRIPTION: V. S. 699 reason for such a belief. Nevertheless, considering the similarity in sound, one is tempted to ask oneself if both the rivulet and the village are not named after the goddess Sankara, mentioned in the present inscription Dr. Bhandarkar has rightly pointed out that Sankara no doubt, appears to be the correct and original name of the goddess, and not Sākambhari by which she is at present known.'
Dr. Bhandarkar's observations with regard to the caste of some of the members of the bankers' association as well as to the invocatory stanzas of the inscription are based on the information locally gathered and are hence very valuable. They are, therefore, quoted here in full." One of the goshthikas, i.e., members of the temple supervision committee, was the Sreshthi Mandana of the Dhūsara family. The surname Dhūsara is still well-known in the Jaipur State, but persons bearing this surname call themselves Bhargava Brāhmaṇas, though they are suspected by the people to have been originally banias. But the popular suspicion, I think, is shewn to be a fact by our inscription, for Mandana Dhūsara is called a Sreshthi, i.e., Sēt or Sēth, which title is horne by none but the banin class. Another goshthika of the temple was the Sreshthi Garga of the Dharkkata family. I have shewn elsewhere that the name Dharkkuta has survived in the lightly altered form Dhakad, a sub-division of the Osvāls. Curiously enough, the initial portion of this inscription is also worth pondering over. It invokes the blessings of three deities, first of Ganapati, next of Chandika, and lastly of Dhanada, i.e., Kubēra. It is worthy of note that here Chandikā is placed between Ganapati and Kubēra, and no doubt reminds one of the figures on the pedestai of the shrine of Pipläd mātä in Osiä. Of these last the central figure is that of Mahishasuramardini, a form of Chandikā, and she is flanked by Kubera and Ganapati on the right and left respectively. When I was at the temple in Sakrai, I was not allowed to go into the shrine and inspect the images, which are well-nigh concoaled under garments, but I was simply told that the goddess was Mahisha suramardini, and had none by her sides."
The following is the table, showing the donors' names, parentage, etc. :
No.
Donor
Donor's Father
Donor's Grandfather
Donor's Family
.
Dhūsara Dharkkuta
. .
. .
Yabovardhana Mandana . Bhattiyaka .
Do. .
. . .
Do.
.
Do.
.
Mandana , Garga . . Ganāditya.
Dévalla 5 Siva . 6 Sankara .
Mandubāka. 8 Adityanaga . 9 Bhadra 10 Udyotana . 11 Sankara ,
Rima. Madvana . . Vardhana. .
Do. . Tatta . . Vishņuvāka . . Adityavardhana. Vödda Naddhaka. . Jõulla Śöndhaka . .
..
.
The record is dated. However, in the absence of full details, the given dato 'cannot be verifiod. The year is expressed only by numerical symbols, which Dr. Bhandarkar has read as 879.
Jbid. • Ibid., PP. 66-7.

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He is, however, not sure of this reading, for he adds: " The reading of the tirst cipher of the date, 19:., 8, is certain, but I am by no means sure regarding the two following ciphers, as they are entirely new and not known to us from previous records." The reading of the year as 879 is thus only tentative. The mention of the month as doir-.Ishādha indeed provides a very helpful clue, which, though does not finally decide the issue, at least minimises the guesswork in interpreting the ciphers concerned for the simple reason that the occurrence of a particular month as intercalary in a certain year is extremely restricted. We have thus to see that the year of the inscription must have Ashādha as an intercalary month. Dr. Bhandarkar has no doubt considered this point, for, the year 879, as tentatively read by him, does fulfil the condition. It goes without saying that the year in question, be it read as 879 or differently, refers itself to the Vikrama era.
There is thus apparently nothing inconsistent with the reading 879. Nevertheless, there is one glaring discrepancy which would compel its rejection. We have already noticed how the script of the present epigraph bears a close resemblance to that of the Madhuban plate on the one hand and to that of the Kudārkot stone inscription on the other. The date of the first of these two records is the year 25 of the Harsha era, equal to A. D. 630-1, while the second has been assigned, on more or less equally sure grounds, to about the latter half of the seventh century A. D.'Now, if the similarity of script is not to be taken lightly, we cannot afford to assign our record to the first half of the ninth century, or to A. D. 822 to be precise, which would be equivalent to V. S. 879. That would remove it from the other two by close on two hundred years in point of time. And, palaeographically speaking, that is an impossibility.
To reconcile this discrepancy, we have to see if a different reading of the date is possible. According to Dr. Bhandarkar, the first of the three symbols definitely stands for 8, whereas a comparison of various numerical signs occurring in some of the early inscriptions will show that the one in question represents 6 rather than 8. It may readily be recognised that the disputed symbol, in its formation, approximates to the sign for the letter hrā or simply hi. One of the Nägärjunikonda inscriptions illustrates the fact that there is very little difference between the forms of the signs for 6 and 8. It shows that if the sign for 6 resembled hā, that for 8 was similar to mere ha. Both the signs occur there side by side and the value of each is indicated in words as well. The relevant passage reads : samvachharam athāra sam 10 8 hemanta-pakham chhatham 6.2 A more developed form of the symbol for 6, clearly to be read as hā, is met with in the Kōmarti plates of Chandavarman. The symbol in question thus undoubtedly stands for 6 and not for 8.
The last or the third symbol, which in shape resembles the peculiar sign for the mutet, occurring in the very word sarivat, no doubt denotes 9, as read by Dr. Bhandarkar. This form of the integer 9 is indeed rare, but instances of its use in early inscriptions are not wanting.
The middle or the second symbol, read by Dr. Bhandarkar as 7, curiously enough also stands for 9. It appears strange indeed that two dissimilar signs should have been used for one and the same integer, 9. We may, however, recall that even to this day the Nägari script has two different symbols for 9, which are used indiscriminately. Our inscription thus provides perhaps the earliest instance of the precursors of the present-day two dissimilar signs for that integer, used side by side. The sign for 9 used in the Karitalãi stone inscription of Lakshmanarājas is essentially the same as found in our inscription, the central of the three figures in both the cases. Another instance where
1 PRASIWO, for the year ending 31st March 1910, p. 56. * Above, Vol. XX, p. 21 and plate, text 1. 2. * Abuvo, Vol. IV, plate facing p. 145, text l. 20: samvatsarah shash shah 6.
. For example, seo above, Vol. XXIV, plate facing p. 334, text I. 22; Vol. XVIII, plato facing p. 96, text 1. 21; VOL. I, plato facing p. 160, text l. 1; eto.
. Abovo, Vol. XXIII, plate facing p. 260, text I. 14.

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No. 7 ]
SAKRAI STONE INSCRIPTION: V. S. 699 the two dissimilar signs for 9 are likewise used is afforded by the Käman stone inscription. Prof. V. V. Mirashi, the editor of this last record, has noticed the peculiarity and cited some more analogous instances.”
In this way, we now arrive at the reading : Samvat 699 lvir-Ashādha su li... V. S. 699 is equal to A. D. 642-3, and that would be quite compatible with the palaeographical data. Our inscription would thus be later by about a decade than the Madhuban plate and earlier by about a decade than the Kudārkot inscription."
Now, what remains to be verified is whether there was an intercalary Ashādha in V. S. 699. A reference to the tables given for such verifications in Diwan Bahadur L. D. Swamikannu Pillai's Indian Ephemeris" will show that A. D. 643 did have an intercalary Ashādha. A slight hitch may be felt inasmuch as A. D. 643 works out to be V. S. 700, whereas our inscription has V. S. 699. This can be overcome by the assumption, a very natural one in the present case, that the year referred to in the inscription is Kārttikādi. This means that the Ashādha of the Kürttikādi V. S. 699 is the same as the Ashädha of the Chaitrādi V. S. 700. And that squares with the given date.
It may now be said that our inscription furnishes instances of the numerals 6 and 9, and that for the latter it gives two dissimilar signs. It may further be pointed out that our inscription is among the earliest to adopt the more advanced system of decimal notation. The older inscriptions, it is well known, have the primitive mode of employing distinct symbols for units, tens, hundreds, etc.
TEXT [Metres: v. 1 Prithvi ; v. 2 Sragdharā; v. 3 Mālini; vv. 4,5 Sardūla
vikridita; vv. 6,8-14 Anushtubh ; v. 7 U pajāti of Salini & Vaišvadēvi.] 1 Om Ranad-radana?-darana druta-Sumēru-ren-udbhatam sugandhi-madirā-mada-pramudit
äli-jhankäritam(tam) anēka-rana-dundubhi-dhvani-vibhinna-ganda-sthalam Mahaganapatēr=mmukham disatu bhūri-bhadrāņi vah || [1 *] Nrityantyäs=s-angahārarii charana-bhara-parikshõbhita-kshmä-talāyāh=prabhrasht-êndu-prabhāyān nisi visșita
nakh-õdyota2 bhinn-andhakārāh yē lil-odvēllit-agrā vidadhati vitat-ambhõja-pūjā iv=āśās=të hastās=
sampadam vo dadatu vidalita-dvēshiņaś=Chandikāyāḥ || [2 *] Madhu-mada-janudřishțih spashta-nil-otpal-abho mukuta-maņi-mayükhai ramji(rañji)tah pita-vāsā[h*] |
jaladhara iva vidyuch-chhakra-chap-anuviddho bhavatu Dhanada1 Above, Vol. XXIV, plate facing p. 334, text I. 22. Another date, namely the year 229, given in I. 13 of this inscription, provides a clearer instance of the sign for 9 under discussion.
. Ibid., p. 331, n. 2.
3 The conclusion arrived at here is corroborated by the two inscriptions from Jhālräpåtan (Ind. Ant., Vol. V, pp. 180-3, with plate), one of which is dated Samvat 746. Their characters are more ornamental than those of our inscription (which circumstance is explained by their being later hy half a century), but are
septially of the same type. Another record, exhibiting this ornamental variety of alphabet (though somewhat earlier in date as warranted by the tripartite form of y), is the Benares inscription of Pantha (above, Vol. IX, pp. 59-62, with plate).
• Indian Ephemeris, Vol. I, Part I, pp. 30 and 238.
From an inked estampage. • Expressed by a symbol.
? This da cannot readily be recognisel on account of a superfluous stroko attached to the upper left side of the letter.
• The e-stroke of this mē, which is of the siromātrā type, has not come out clearly on the impression.
• The o-stroke of this dyő is likewise not visible on the estampage. The correct form of the word would be uddyola. The form udyōta can also be right, but in that case the root would be yutri and not ayuta, unlow it be assumed that, on the analogy of such forms as ujvala and satus, which occur in the present inscription itself, 1. 3 and 1. 5 respectively, one of the two d's has been omitted in udyota. These remarks apply also to the name Udyötania, that occurs below, II. 6-7.

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[VOL. XXVII
3 nami vriddhidő vah suyakshah || [3 | *] .sid=dharmma-parāyang=timahati proddāma-kirtty
ujva(jjvallē vansē(varsē) Dhūsara-samjnakē guṇavati khyāto Yasovarddhanah Vusy==ūst-akhila-dosha unnata-bhujah putro=bhavat=satya-väg=Ramah srēshthi Varő va(ba)bhuva cha yatah srishthi suto Mandanalı 11 [4 | * Asichch=imalini' pra
kasa-vasusi srimaI ty=wari suchau vansē(vanıśē) Dharkkata-nāmani prati-dinam Sakr-arddhi-visparddhini
uchchair=mmanditam=ådaran=nija-kulam yên=ödayam gachchhatā śrēshthi Mandana-namakan-ramabhavachchhreshthi yato Madvanah || [5 ] Tasyäpy-abhūt =sutaḥ śrēshthi Garggo dharmma-parāyaṇaḥ kulinaḥ śila-sampannas= satatam
priya-darśanah! 16 !! ] Sreshthaḥ śrēshthi Manda5 [-akhyah prabhūtām prāpnotva=atyartha Gargga-nāmā cha lakshmim(kshmim) | yau
srishthitvan narvva-satvā(ttv-a)nukampām samyak kurvvānau nitavantau samaptin (ntim) i 17 * Tathi Bhattiyakaś=chrasid=' vanig-Dharkkata-vansa(vansa)jah sūnus=tasyapy=abhūd=dhimän=l'arddhanaḥ khyata-sad-gunah | [8 | ]
Tanya putrau mahātmānau satya-sauch-árjjav-ánvitan va(ha)bhūvatur=gGanaditva-Devall-akhyāv=ana(ni)nditau! [9 |*] Tatha vanikchhi(k=Si)vas=chrasīt=Tatta
putro jit-ondriyah Sankarö Vishnuvākasya tath=&sitetanayah suchih! [101] Āditvavarddhana-suto Mandubākõ=bhavat=sudhih V öddasy=Ādityaväg-akhyab putra asin=mahad(ha)dyutih ||[11| *] Bhadr-ākhyö Naddhakasy=ābhūt=putrö
matimatām varaḥ | tath=Odyo. 7 [tana ?]-tarnjñaś=scha Jēullasy=ābhavat=sutah || [12 1 *] Sankara[h*) Sõndhak-akhyasya sūnur=
Asid=akalmashah susrūsh=ānanya-manasā pitror=yên=āsakrit=krita || [13! *] Tair=ayan göshthikair=bhūtvă surāņām maņdap-ottamaḥ kāritah Sarkarīdēvyāḥ puratuh punya-vriddhayē || [14 K *] Samvat 699 dvir-Ashadha su di.
TRANSLATION Om !
V. 1. May the face of Mahäganapati, radiant with the (gold) dust diffused from the mount) Sumēru by his pounding at it with his jingling tusk, resonant with the (humming of the) bees exhilarated by the ichor which to them) is a fragrant wine, with its temples pierced by the din of numerous war drums, bestow many blessings on you !
V. 2. May those hands of Chandikā-dancing with (proper) gesticulation, having thoroughly agitated the earth by the weight of her feet, (and) having dispelled the darkness by the flashes of her nails glittering in the night bereft of moonlight-, that have annihilated the foes (and) that, with the palms sportively tossed up, make the quarters appear to be extending offerings of lotusflowers, shower prosperity on you !
V. 3.. May the principal yaksha, Dhanada by name, of the hue of fully expanded blue waterlily, with his eyes producing spirituous intoxication, iridescent with the rays (emanating) from the jewels in his diadem, having & yellow robe on (thus), resembling the cloud interspersed with lightning and rainbow, confer affluence on you !
1 The right word would be amalt. The writer has evidently taken the word amala as a noun in the sone of purity' (na malam wamalam), and from that derived the adjective amalin pure'. The metrical exigency must have been responsible for this round-about expression.
1 The intended reading seems to be praprotiv=atyarthen. The elision of one of the two t's beforo v may be oxplained in the light of the form satva for salbue, as notioed above.
• The syllable dua looks more like duri. Soe above, p. 31, n. 2. The god buing Gajanana Elephant-faged,' the description naturally applies to an olopbant-houd.

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Left half.
,
༠ ཝཱ་
༤ jvasirils&i: :4p: epte*las ste: 1:25:2l:
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s༢.: zap/cavize2.2eeAl: 32:333/ as/eltieeཏྟིes/e:2»iolet at t:pt. P:/rfess.retesgERt.reutepels 23rst» listen.passleeetits/sajrap?g t
-
s
ལསྙཡུ་ས་༧། ས་ཡ་ཨ''ཅས་ཉམས་པ། རྟགས་ཀise བྱ་རིགས་གླུ་ 'gཁguyrsqlag:;
q t/s/93; gescཏུua༧། མags ཚོང་དུས'35:|: : ༄༅།:།
༤ ་་༡:།།༢༠12:/༢པ་ཡི་ གདs
From a photograph
SAKRAI STONE INSCRIPTION; V. S. 699.
Right half.
1%ཧཱ་[ ༢gravitre:༡ #ic;༦ ཡ
:/sjzག་པོའི་ ༤༢''འི་ལྷ་29:49ཀག ༡''།9443:། *1:12
:jst*#ནས་ •guegugyན''ཏུ་999s :ja!"་་༩།།ཆུ༩1:|erv/g/
ej s 1:|: '། གsc|:#cig ''
y ang/ engi།༡ས། པ་ཀ' 1:yཨ' t aཅུའག ཝ ཨཱ་ མཝཡབ་་་"་": ། ་་།།''ཅུ་9:ས་ *
( 71 ཡiaཡས་ས::༥༦ page
ནམ

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Page #66

No. 8 ] BOBBILI PLATES OF CHANDAVARMAN, KING OF KALINGA; YEAR 4 33
V. 4. In the pious, prominent, farfamed, pure (and) virtuous family, called Dhusara, there was the celebrated Yasovardhana, whose son was Rama, the foremost banker, free of all blemishes, strong-armed (and), true to his word, from whom in turn came his son, the banker Mandana.
V. 5. And in the spotless, glorious, rich, liberal (and) chaste family, called Dharkata, whose wealth constantly vied with that of (the god) Indra, there was a banker, Mandana by name, who, while attaining to (the acme of) prosperity, out of respect, highly adorned his own community, (and) from whom was (born) the banker Madvana.
V. 6. Again, his son was the banker Garga, pious, noble, modest (and) always pleasant-looking. V. 7. The pre-eminent banker, called Mandana, acquired immense wealth and so did also the one named Garga, both of whom, showing great compassion towards all beings, carried bankership to perfection.
V. 8. Likewise there was also a merchant, (called) Bhaṭṭiyaka, born of the (same) Dharkata family. He, too, had a son, (named) Vardhana, who was prudent (and) whose good qualities were well-known.
V. 9. He had two sons, Gapaditya and Devalla by name, who were magnanimous, flawless (and) endowed with truthfulness, honesty and straightforwardness.
V. 10. Similarly there was also a merchant, (called) Siva, Tatta's son, who had his senses. controlled. And there was (another, named) Sankara Vishnuvāka's son, who was honest.
V. 11. And then there was Adityavardhana's son, the wise Maṇḍubāka. There was Vōdda's son, called Adityanaga who was very energetic.
V. 12. There was Naddhaka's son, called Bhadra who was the best among the intellectual. Likewise there was Jeulla's son, Udyōtana by name.
V. 13. There was Sankara, son of one Sondhaka, who was flawless (and) who had ever and non devoted himself wholeheartedly to the service of his parents.
V. 14. It was they who, having formed an association (lit. having become associates), have caused this excellent pavilion of gods to be constructed in front of the goddess Sankara for the increase of their religious merit.
In the year 699, the....day of the bright half of (the month of) the second (lit. twice) Ashāḍha,
No. 8.-BOBBILI PLATES OF CHANDAVARMAN, KING OF KALINGA ; YEAR 4 (1 Plate)
R. K. GHOSHAL, CALCUTTA
The copper-plates, which bear the subjoined inscription, were received in the Office of the Superintendent for Epigraphy, Madras, from Mr. Sivaramadas, an inhabitant of Bobbili in the Vizagapatam District of Madras, through the Tahsildar of that place. The plates which have since been presented by Mr. Sivaramadas to Government, are now deposited in the Archaeological Section of the Indian Museum, Calcutta. Only short notices of the plates have appeared1 till now. I edit the inscription for the first time from a set of ink-impressions kindly supplied by Dr. N. P. Chakravarti, Government Epigraphist for India.
These are three plates of copper with plain edges, measuring 63" by 23". Towards the proper right end of each plate, there is a ring-hole, " in diameter, through which the plates slide on to a copper ring, 2" in diameter. The ends of the ring are soldered on to an elliptical seal measuring 1" by ". The seal bears, in a rectangular incuse, the legend Pitri(tri)bhaktaḥ in the same alphabet as that of the plates.
1 Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy, 1934-35, p. 6, No. 12 of Appendix A, and pp. 51-52; also Annual Report of Arch. Surv. India, 1934-35, p. 64.
XVI-1-1
5

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The inscription is in an excellent state of preservation. The first and the third plates are inscribed on their inner faces only, while the second one bears writing on both of its sides. Each of the plates has five lines of inscription apiece, the whole record thus running into twenty lines.
The characters belong to the Southern class of alphabets. They resemble those of the Komarti plates of Chandavarman,' the Brihatproshthì grant of Umavarman and the Jirjingi plates of Indravarman, and present almost identical features. Coming to some of the specific details, we may notice the following: (1) initial a occurs in api (1. 13); (2) initial à in ākshēptā (1. 18); (3) final m which is ticked at the top and is invariably engraved in a smaller size, is found in Brāhmaṇānām (1.7) -sabrahmachāriņām (1.8), kartlavyam (1.9), opaneyam (1. 10), anuśūsatām and dānam (1. 12).
The numerical symbols for 2, 4 and 5 occur in the date which is given in l. 20.
As regards orthography, it is to be noticed that consonants are doubled in conjunction with a superscript r, the sole exception being in -arka in 1. 4; dh has been doubled before y in -ānuddhyāta (1.1); the anusvāra has been changed into a guttural nasal before a palatal sibilant in sha!-triltri)nsad- (1.5); and anusvüra has been substituted for final m in phalain (1. 15) and =nupālanan (1. 17)..
The language is Sanskrit. There are some unintelligible expressions such as sanāgran (1.6) and budvaṁvo (1. 14). The form chaütama in l. 20 is also interesting. With the exception of three of the customary verses at the end, the whole of the inscription is in prose.
The inscription belongs to Mahārāja Chandavarman, king of Kalinga. It records a gift, of the village of Tiritthåņa, to an unspecified body of Brāhmaṇas belonging to various (unspecified) götras. The village was constituted into a permanent free-hold agrahāra called Tiritthāņa-vățak-āgrahāra and the income derived from it was earmarked solely for the maintenance of the Brāhmana settlement in the village. The grant was entirely tax-free and was to be binding upon all persons living in the village, who were further directed to make over all that came out of the soil in the shape of crops or valuable minerals such as gold to the donees.
The charter was written by the Desākshapatalādhikrita Rudradatta, son of Mātrivara. The data was the fifth day of the second fortnight of the summer in Year 4.
What, however, is of supreme importance in the Bobbili inscription is also somewhat confusing on the face of it. There is a striking affinity of this record with the Brihatproshtha grant of Umavarman in respect of the style of writing, the script and an identical set of phraseology and also perhaps of some kinship between their donors. All this, however, may be wholly superficial or just strikingly co-incidental. In any case, there seems to be no real objection in taking the Chandavarmans of the Bobbili and the Kōmartis plates as one and the same person.
Chandavarman, as I have already suggested, was one of those chiefs of an as yet uncertain lineage who flourished in ancient Kalinga.
Above, Vol. IV, pp. 142-145 and plates. * Ibid., Vol. XII, pp. 4-6 and platos.
Ibid., Vol. XXV, pp. 281-288 and plates. See above, Vol. XXVI, p. 133, n. 4.
Dr. E. Haltzsch's attempt to appropriate Chanda varmen (Kalingadhipati) to the Salankayans royal stock has been opposed by Mr. C. R. Krishnamacharla (An. Rep. 8. I. E., 1934-35, p. 51) and by Dr. D. C. Simar (The Succestors of the dardhanas in Lower Deccan, pp. 74-77; slo 1. H. Q., Vol. X, PP. 780-781).
. Mr. C. R. Krishnamacharla exproses different opinion on this point (An. Rep. 8. I. E., 1934-36, p. 51, and As. Reg. 4. 8. 1., 1934-36, p. 64).
*Aboro, Vol. XV. pp. 283-984.

Page #68


Page #69

2
BOBBILI PLATES OF CHANDAVARMAN, KING OF KALINGA; YEAR 4.,
6
12
ਦੋ
A
ਬਾਰ ਤਾਂ ਖੂਨ ਲਾਲ ਨੂੰ ਜੋ ਕ ਹਰਮ ਦੇ ਹਰ ਪੱਪੂ : ਮੀਨਾ ਨਾਰਾ ਸੱਚ ਦਾ ਪਾਣਾ ਸ ཀམ ཿཉཿ ྂཡཎྜ་༡ཝན ਪਸ਼ਨ : ਪਰੰਗ ਨਾ ਤੂੰ ਦਾਨਾ ਤੂੰ ਚਲ ਨਾਲ
8
10UZU LYTE
14
16
18
ਚਰਨਕ ਕਾਰਨ
ii a.
ਕਰਮ ਭਰਨ ਦੀ ਤਰਾਂ ਵ ਵੀ ਕਦੀ ਇਸ ਨਾਲ ਮਾਹਿਰ ਪਰ ਨਾ ਮਨ ਵਨਾ ਨਾਲ ਹਰ ਹਮਨੇਜਰ ਦਰਸ 4 ਕਈ ਵਾਰ ਖਾਣਾ ਖ
ii,b.
ਲਾਗੇ
ਦਿੱਲ ਲਗਾ ਹੱਲ ਨਾ ਰਾਗੁਆ ਨਾਲ ਕਰਨਾ ਨੂੰ ਲੜਦਾ ਗਲਾ ਨਮਕ ਵਾਲਾ ਆਗੂ ਦਾ ਮੱਝ
ਇਹ
B. CH. CHHABRA.
REG. No. 3977 E'36-475'49.
2
iii.
ਕੋਈ ਵਰ ਚ ਪਟਾਪ ਨਾ ਲਈ 16 ਹਾਇਪਰ ਉਹਨਾਂ ਨ ਨਾਮੁਰਾਰਤ ਨਾਲ ਮGਚ 28 ਪਹਿਲਾ ਉਹਨਾਂ ਦਾ ਸਾਥ ਬਣਨ 85 20 ਅਗਰਵਾਲ ਨੇ ਨਾਲ 20
SCALE: THREE-FOURTHS
18
10
ਲਾ
22 ਨੂੰ ਗਲੇ 12 ਦਾ ਹੈ ਮਨ ਭਾਵ ਅਪਨਾ 14 ਸਜਣ ਲਈ
18
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

Page #70

No. 8
BOBBILI PLATES OF CHANDAVARMAN, KING OF KALINGA; YEAR 4 35
Of the localities mentioned, Simhapura occurs fairly frequently in early inscriptions' from Kalinga. It has been identified by Dr. E. Hultzsch3 with modern Singupuram lying between Chicacole and Narasannapeta. I am unable to identify the village of Tiritthana."
Palaeographically, the Bobbili inscription, like other early inscriptions from Kalinga, is to be referred to the first half of the 5th century A. D. The Year 4 mentioned is apparently regnal.
TEXT
First Plate
1 Om Svasti [*] Vijaya-Simha'pura(t)-paramabhāgavata[b]pitzi-pâd-ânuddhyta[b]
2 Kaling-adhipati-śrī-mahārājā(a)-Chaṇḍavarmmā Tiritthāņa-grāmē sarvva
3 samavētān-kufumbinaḥ(nő) bhöjakk[th]-cha samäjääpayaty-asty-ishō(sha) gråm[8]➡
4 smabhir-atmana[b] pany-ayur-yyalasām-abhivriddhaye [4]-samud[r]dri(dri)-śasi(i)tārak-ārka
Satabha(bhū)
5 pratishtham-agraharam kritvā sarvva-kara-parihārais-cha parihçitya 'shat-triña(tria)Second Plate: First Side
6 d-agrahara-samanyañ-ch-agrahara[h*] pradēya[m*] samba(mva)tsarikam saṇāgram®
↑ yañ-ch-ah-ch-õpanibandhyaḥ* T[i]ritthāṇa-väṭak-ägrahāra-brāhmaṇānām
8 nāmā gā(g)tra-sabrahmachāriņām samprattaḥ [*] tad-ēvam jāvā
9 yushmabhi parvv-öchita-maryyadaya sarvv-öpasthana[th] karttavyam
10 meya-hirany-[a]diyañ=ch=ōpanēyam [|*] bhavishyatas-cha räjñā
Second Plate: Second Side
11 vijñāma(pa)yāmi[*] dharmma-krama-vikramaņām-anyatama-yōgā
12 d=avapya mahim-anusāsatām pravṛittakam-idan-dānam
13 sad-dharmmamanupasyadbhir-ishō-grahāmānupālya1o [*] api ch-tra
1 Cf. above, Vol. IV, p. 144; Vol. XII, p. 5; Ann. Rep. on South Indian Epigraphy, 1934-35, p. 7 (No. 24)
and p. 53.
Above, Vol. IV, p. 143; Vol. XII, p. 4.
[This may be identified with the Zamindari village Tirida in the Kudala taluk, Ganjam Dt.-C. R. K. ] From ink-impressions. Expressed by a symbol.
It is clearly ha, the right limb of which being damaged gives a false look of gha. [The original reads "ngha. -C. R. K.]
? Also occurs in Brihatprōshtha grant of Umavarman (above, Vol. XII, p. 5, text line 6). Dr. E. Hultzsch (ibid., p. 6) gives only "Thirty-six Agraharas" and leaves it without further comment. Mr. C. R. Krishnamacharlu suggests (Ann. Rep. S. I. Epigraphy, 1934-35, p. 51) a vague "thirty-six agraharas (of the kingdom?)." It is however very probable that this highly technical expression has not yielded fully to scientific analysis. I may, incidentally, draw attention to a very interesting Bengali fiscal term, viz., chhatris-mauza' thirty-six mauzas', which passes as a convenient and popular synonym for entire zamindary estates.
* Can the intended reading be sahasram? [The intended reading is probably pana trambat for pană trimbah -C. R. K.]
⚫ Read opanibandhya. The earliest epigraphic allusion to any system of registration of land or property can be traced back to some of the ancient cave-inscriptions of Satavahana and Kahabarata kings from Kārli and Näsik. Cf. e.g., nibadhapehi, above, Vol. VII, p. 64, No. 19, line 5; also p. 68; Vol. VIII, p. 65 No. 3, 1, 14, p. 70; p. 71, No. 4, 1.5; nibadhapetha, ibid., p. 78, 1. 11, etc. 10 Read-graharo➡nupalyab.

Page #71

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXVII 14 Vyāsa-gītāni(tan) slökān=udaharantih(nti) [1*1 Bahubhir-budvaṁvõt dattā vasudhā 15 [va]sudhādhipaiḥ [l*) yasya yasya yadā bhūmiḥ tasya tasya tada(da) phalam(lam) [|1111*]
Third Plate 16.Sva-da]ttām-para-dattām= bã yatnād=rakshasva Yudhishthira [1] mah[i]n=ma(m=ma).
himatām krēshtha 17 [dānãch=chhrēgoj-nupālanam(nam) [121] Shashtim varsha-sahasrāņi svarggē vasati bhū18 mida[h] [l*] ākshēptā chránumantă cha täny=ēva narakė vasēd=itis 19 svayam=ājñāpanā ti*] dēsākshapatalādhikritēna Mātrivarasya 20 sūnunā Rudradattöna likhitam=itih(ti) [*1 Samvatsarath chautama 4 Grishma
2 di 5 [11*)
TRANSLATION
(L1. 1-10.) Om HailFrom the victorious Simhapura, the glorious Mahārāja Chandavarman, the Lord of Kalinga (Kalingadhipati),--who is devout worshipper of the Lord and who is devoted to the feet of his father--commands the householders and tenants (bhojakas) en masse at the village of Tiritthāņa (to the following effect) :
"This village has been conferred by Us for the purpose of increasing (Our) own religious merit, life and fame,having made (it) into an agrahāra which is to exist as long as the oceans, the mountains, the moon and the stars, after having exempted it from all taxes (and) having joined it to the thirty-six agrahāras (i.e., the kingdom ?). (The gift), being further) fully and perpetually registered, accrues to the Brähmanas of various götras (living at) Tiritthāņa-vātak-āgrahāra.' -So having known this fact), you should respect and serve (all those Brāhmaṇas that settle in this village) as heretofore; you should also make over to them) all that is measurable (mēya, i.e, grains), gold, etc.
(Ll. 10-13.) "I also address (the following request) to future kings : Having obtained posscesion of the earth by means of right, or inheritance or valour (and) ruling (it), you should maintain this agrahāra, recognising the noble heart that prompted it)." (Ll. 13-18.) And (incidentally) the following) slökas sung by Vyāsa may be mentioned :
[Three of the customary verses.] (L. 19.) (This edict was written) at the command (of the King) Himself, by the Dēsākshapaļaladhikrita Rudradatta, son of Mätsivara.
(L. 20.) Year Four 4 ; (fortnight) 2 (of) Grishma ; day 5."
1 Metre : Sloka (Amushrubh); and in the following two vorses.
[It looks like bbhadvarhvö. The intended reading is probably bahudha.-B. C. C.) [The actual reading is bbharddhavo, meant perhaps for bandhavo in the sense of 'o friends'.-O. R. K.) * Read dattath ed. Road rakaha.
Read vased 01311] iti.
• This distinction descended to Rudradatta from his grandfather Haridatta, though his father Mätgivara apparently lived and died undecorated. [I have assigned Haridatts to a later generation--C. R. K.) (cf. above, Vol. XII, P.6, 1. 16 and the amonded ronding suggested by Mr. C, R. Krishnamacharlu in An. Rep. 8.-I. pigraphy, 1934-85, p. 61 and An. Rep. Arch. Suru. Ind., 1934-36, p. 64).
* This is of course a very free translation that I offer. The whole passage in which the grant is announced is womewhat loose and inooherent in construction, though the general purport is quite apparent.

Page #72

No. 9 ) LOHANER PLATES OF CHALUKYA PULIKESIN II : SAKA 552 No. 9.–LOHANER PLATES OF CHALUKYA PULIKESIN II : SAKA 552
(1 Plate) G. H. KHARE, POONA
These copper-plates were originally unearthed by the inhabitants of the village Lohaner, Nasik District, from its old site. Mr. Bhaugir Shamgir Gosavi, the then Supervising Officer of the East Khandesh District, purchased them for five rupees and very generously presented them to the Bhārata Itihāsa Samsodhaka Mandala, Poona. I edited them in Marāthit some years ago and I now re-edit them in English.
The set consists of three plates, measuring 71" x 34" x}", strung on a circular ring, the two ends of which were originally soldered into a seal. The ring, however, was unconsciously cut by Mr. Gosavi and the seal was consequently broken. The inner sides of the first and the third plates and both the sides of the second are inscribed. The rims of the plates being raised, the writing is well preserved except in one or two places. The weight of the plates, together with the ring and seal, is 89 tolas.
The characters belong to the southern class of alphabets and closely resemble those of the Early Chalukya inscriptions, especially the fragmentary Nerür plates of Pulikēsin II. The engraving is neatly done. Medial short and long i and u are clearly distinguished. The anusudra and visarga are clearly indicated. Only in a few cases it is difficult to differentiate between v and ch as well as between v and dh in conjunct consonants.
About orthography two points deserve notice here. The visarga is wrongly omitted in some cases. In Maitrāyanika (1. 23) and udak-ātisarggēna (l. 24), n has been wrongly substituted for y.
The language of the record is Sanskrit and the composition is in prose except at the beginning and the end, where there are altogether seven invocatory and imprecatory verses.
The record begins with one verse in praise of the Boar incarnation of Vishņu and another in that of the arm of king Satyāśraya. In this respect the present grant is similar to the fragmentary Nerūs plates in which the two verses at the beginning are also devoted to the praise of the Boar form of Vishnu and the arm of Vallabha, i.e., Satyasraya. Then comes the usual but short preamble which is found, with some variations and additions, in almost all the grants of the Chalukyas of Bādāmi. After this, is introduced the Chulukiki (Chālukya) dynasty, the members of which had performed sacrifices such as Bahusuvarņaka, Asvamēdha, Paundarika and Vajapēya. In it was born Pulikēsin who had the second name Raņavikrama. His son was Kirtivarman who was also called Sriparākrama. His son, who bore again the epithet Ranavikrama, was Satyāśraya.
This Satyasraya gave the village Goviyāņaka which lay in the vicinity of the village Asikhötaka and which was included in the Möshiņi pathaka to Dāmadikshita of the Sävarņi götra, who originally hailed from Girinagara and resided at Lohanagara, who followed the Värähaka sutra and who belonged to the Maitrāyaṇika branch of the Black Yajurvēda,
1 Source of the Medieval History of the Daccan, Vol. I, p. 1. . Ind. Ant., Vol. VIII, p. 43. (Can this be only Parikrama, the preceding éri being only an honoritio 1 -Ed.)

Page #73

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXVII
As there has been some discussion on these plates during Recent years, it would not be out of place if I say a few words about the points raised therein.
The Chalukya copper-plates fall into two categories. The earlier plates do not necessarily begin with the verse Jayaty-ävishkritam, though the Boar form of Vishnu is in some cases praised, and the preamble in them is very short, being most probably adapted from the early Kadamba records, as is the case with the Nerür and Lohaner plates. The Chipļūņ plates begin with a verse in praise of the foot of Vishnu, while the Haidarābād' and the Sātārā plates do not begin with a verse at all. Svāmi-Mahäsēna, Mätrigana (Group of Mothers), Mänavya götra and the birth from Hārīti are generally referred to in Kadamba grants. The present plates, in addition, refer to the bringing up of the originator of the family by Kausiki and the performance of various sacrifices by members of the family. But the Kāndalgaon (spurious) plates of Pulikēsin II und the Haidarābāde and other plates of his successors begin with the verre Jayaly-ävishkritan and have more or less the same long preamble.
About the prolixity of the plates, I may observe that if compared with any of the complete And genuine plates of Pulikēsin II, nothing abnormal is to be found in these plates. The inscription on these is of about the same length as on others.
As regards the dating of the grant, I may point out that the Haidarābād, Kāndalgaon and the Kopparam plates belong to the later Chalukya grants and as such give the details of the date in the body of the text. But it can be easily seen that the Chipļūņ plates have no date at all and the scanty details of the date in the Goa and Sātārā plates are to be found partly in the body and partly at the end of the text. Even the dates of the Yekkeri and Aiholeto stone inscriptions are recorded practically at the end.
It must be said, however, that, as far as I know, of all the genuine records of Pulikēsin II, only the Aihole insoription refers to his victories in specific terms. It is therefore not safe to depend on those records for dating the Harsha-Pulikēsin war.
The date of the present grant is given thus in the last line: dvipanchāšad-adhikë sakālt-ā) bdapanchake. With the obvious correction suggested, the date would be 552. As Pullkēsin II's reign extended at least from Saka 532 to 556, and if the date 552 be referred to the Saka era, then the grant falls within his regnal period. This is also borne out by the genealogy given above.
Of the localities mentioned in this grant, it is very difficult to say whether the very well known Girnar in the Junagad State is implied here by Girinagara. But there is a village called Girnara in each of the Igatpuri, Malegaon, Nasik and Baglan taluqas of the Nasik District. It is possible that one of these four, most probably the one in the Baglan taluqa, is meant hero.
For instance, see Proceedings of the Indian History Congress, Calcutta Session 1939, p. 686 et seq. * Above, Vol. III, p. 61.
Ind. Ant., Vol. VI, p. 73. Ibid., Vol. XIX, p. 309.
Ibid., Vol. XIV, p. 330. • Ind. Ant., Vol. VI. p. 76. * Above, Vol. XVIII, p. 258.
J. B. B. R. A. 8., Vol. X, p. 365.
Above, Vol. V, p. 7. * Id., Vol. VI, p. 4. " (It is bottor porhaps to amend the text as Gak-abda-beta-paichaki-Ed.] I Vida Poslal Village Directory of the Bombay Circle published in 1902.

Page #74

No. 91
LOHANER PLATES OF CHALUKYA PULIKESIN II: SAKA 552
Löhanagara is the modern Lohaner in the Baglan taluga where the present plates were unearthed. In the northern part of this taluga there is the valley of the river Mosam and on the south bank of it is a village named Askhēdā. Two miles to the south-west of this village is another village Görāņa. These I would identify with Moshiņi pathaka, Asikhōtaka and Göviyāṇaka respectively.
TEXT
First Plate 1 श्री स्वस्ति [*] "जयत्यमलबालेन्दुकोटिप्रकाशदंष्ट्रोत्कटं रसातलजपत्राङ्गितम्कन्धदे
2 शमुत्केसरं [*] जलालुलितघोणाग्रमक्तप्रभञ्जनोत्सारितध्वनजलधिम
3 ध्योपलब्धोवि कोलरूपं हरः [१] 'तदनु जितबन्नबदरिगजमम्तकगलितमितमो4 क्तिकच्छुरितस्म(त: । म)त्याश्रयस्य बाहुजयति जगज्जनितबहुमानः [२॥*] अस्ति
मानव्यसगी5 त्राणां हारीतिपुत्राणां कोशिकौ[मं वर्द्धितानां मागणाभिषिक्तानां स्वामिमहास6 नपादानुद्यातानां चुलुकि कोनामन्वये बहुसुवर्णकाश्वमेधपोण्डरीक7 वाजपेयादियागावभृथस्नानपवित्रीकतशिरसां मनुऋगनहुषययातिधुन्धुमारा8 म्बरीषदिलीपनाभागप्रतिम: श्रीरणविक्रमदितीयनामा पुलिकेशिवल्लभम9 महाराजस्तस्य पुत्रः परगजघनपटलपवन[:] श्रीपराक्रमापरान्य (ख्यः) कीर्त्तिवर्मा तस्य पुत्रः
Second Plate; First Side 10 प्रह(ध्वस्तप्रबलश[७]महिमा हिमाचलानुकारी विपुलस्थैर्योवतिन(न)तपरमसामन्त11 समुपचरितश्चरिततपश्चरण(णो) भृत्यलब्धप्रसादः सादरमिवानन्यमनमा वि12 धात्रा विनिर्मितो मितहितविशदसत्यवचनोपन्यासी न्यास इव जगत्याश्चर्याणां प्रथम13 युगमनुजपतिमुनिचरित(तो) विजयो विमलगगनगत इ[*] शरदीन्दुरू(रु)पमित
सकल
1 From the original plates. : Represented by a symbol.
* The name of the metre is unknown to me, but it has much similarity to the Prithi metre of 17 letters with the following scanning - --- -- - -----. It is evident that in point of the first six and the last seven lotters the soppning of the Prithvi metre and the metre of the verse is identical.
• Metre : Arya. • The lotter may also be read as कि. • This म is superfluous,

Page #75

(VOL. XXVII
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA 14 जगदा सुखः] साहसकरतिरनेकचातुर्हन्त[स]पामजनितव्रणाझाङ्गतया । 15 स्वभुजबललब्धरणविक्रमाख्यः सहदवन(नो) दीनान्धलपणसमु16 पभुज्यमानविभवः पूर्वापराम्बु[धि ]नाथ:(थो) देवहिजगुरुश्रूषणपरः 17 परमभागवतः प्रसभाभिमृष्टान्यराजधौ[*] श्रीसत्यावयपृथिवीवनभ18 महाराज[:*] सनिव राजसामन्तभोगिकविषयपतिराष्ट्रकूटग्रामायुक्ता
Second Plate ; Second Side 19 कादौसम्मानयत्यस्तु वो विदितमस्माभिमी(मौ)षिणोपथकान्तर्माता(तोड)सिखेटकग्राम20 प्रत्यासबगोवियाणकग्रामः सर्वराजकुलादेयसहितःप(तोऽ)चाटभटप्रा21 वेश्य पाचन्द्रार्थिवक्षितिस्थितिसमकालीन(नो) बलिचस्वैखदेवाग्निहोत्रम(कि)22 यापञ्चमहायनोसर्पणात्य गिरिनगरविनिर्मातलोहनगरवास्तव्याय साव23 रिकसगोत्रमैत्रायनि(णि)कवाराहकसब्रह्मचारिदामदीक्षिताय उ. 24 दकातिसम्र्गेन(ण) प्रतिपादितः यतोमह(इं)श्यैरन्यागामिनृपतिभोगपतिभिर्व25 लवणुकदलोसार संसारमुपलभ्य उदधिजलवी वीचञ्चलांच विषयां(या)नव26 निधरशिखरकट कतटलसितसलिलरयगत्वरच जीवितमवगम्य महाभूत27 परमाणुखान च महत्फलं शरच्चन्द्रकिरणधवलं यशो निरूप्यायममहायो
Third Plate 28 नुमन्तव्य परिपालयितव्यच [*] यो वाञानतिमिरपटलावृतमतिराचिन्यादा29 च्छिद्यमानं वानुमोदेत स पञ्चभिर्महापातकैमसंयुक्त[:*] स्यादुतञ्च भगवता 30 वेदव्यासेन व्यासेन ॥ षष्टिवर्षसहस्राणि स्वर्गे तिष्ठति भूमिदः [*] आच्छेत्ता 31 चानमन्ता च तान्येव नरके वसेत् [॥३॥*] 'विष्याटवीष्वतोयासु राष्ककोटरवासिनः
32 ष्णाल्यो हि जायन्ते भूमिदाय हरन्ति ये ॥ [४॥*] 'खदत्ता परदत्तां [वा] यत्रा.
IMotrs: Anwaktebe.

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No. 10) CHEVURU PLATES OF EASTERN CHALUKYA AMMA I
41 33 7 sfargt [1*] H Hethaf
(a) [40*] 'बहुभिव्वसुधा 34 भक्ता राजभिस्मगरादिभि[*] यस्य यस्य यदा भूम(मिस्तस्य तस्य तदा
(TH) | [El*] Prant35 Efemerate fara maat[e]aifa [1*]
afaaifa aifa oft 30 ATA Ary: gauceta [91*] feugimefuta 17 (711)
U f afan Art(7) AH [n*]
No. 10.- CHEVURU PLATES OF EASTERN CHALUKYA AMMA I
(1 Plate) B. CH. CHHABRA, OOTACAMUND
This set of copper-plates was discovered by me in the possession of a peasant, named Polavarapu Ankayya, son of Venkata Reddi, of the Chēvüru village in the Kaikalür tālük of the Kistna District in the Madras Presidency. It was by a sheer chance that I received information about the existence of the plates from a resident of the neighbouring village of Singarāyapālem, while I was touring in that part during November 1938. I forth with went to Chēvūru and succeeded in securing the plates on loan through the kind mediation of Mr. T. V. Satyanarayana, Revenue Inspector, Vadāli firkā, Vadāli, Kaikalūr tālūk, and Mr. Gaddamadugu Chandraraju, the Karanam of Chēvūru. I was shown the actual spot, a heap of debris of a ruined mud-house, from where the plates were turned up by the spade of the peasant engaged in removing the pāți earth for manure, as he himself narrated the incident to me. The event had taken place some ten years prior to my visit, and all that time the find had remained unnoticed in the custody of its rustic discoverer who, luckily for the historian, was superstitious enough to leave it alone.
The plates are three in number, each measuring about 8" broad by 45" high. I found the set perfectly intact: the plates strung on a copper ring, about 41" in diameter and about 3 in thickness, its ends being secured underneath a circular seal, roughly 23" in diameter. The second plate is engraved on both the sides, while the first and the third bear inscription only on one side. The edges of the plates on the inscribed sides are raised into rims in order to protect the writing which is consequently well preserved from start to finish. The average size of letters is ". The engraving is neat and deep, which is a common feature of the majority of the Chālukya copper-plate inscriptions. The weight of the three plates is 133 tolas, while the ring and the seal together weigh 61 tolas. The seal is slightly damaged at the bottom. It bears, in relief, on a countersunk surface, a one-line legend across the centre, which reads Sri-Tribhuvanānkuša[b], with the figures of a running boar above, facing the proper right, and an expanded
1 Metre : Anushfubh. • Metre : Upajati. • Read भिया नरे or भयावर.
[See above, p. 38, note 11. -Ed.] XVI-1-1

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(Voi.. XXVI
lotus-flower below. In front of the animal is depicted an avkusu, while over it is shown a crescent with a star within.
The characters belong to the southern class of alphabets, regular for the period and locality to which the inscription belongs. They are, so to say, precursors of the modern Telugu characters. In I. 28 and 30, we have instances of r and I, which letters are peculiar to the Telugu and other South-Indian dialects and scripts. Attention may also be drawn to the forms of initial a, i, u and ?, which occur, for example, in l. 11, 12, 27 and 25 respectively. The final n and m are represented each by a special sign, as may be seen in Il. 22 and 3 respectively. A rather unusual way of expressing medial e, ai and o is to be seen in sāhasēna (1. 20), sampritair= (l. 22) and sagotrāņām (1. 1) respectively. The form of a subscript 1(11. 6, 16 and 29) likewise deserves notice. Visargas and anusvāras are, as a rule, denoted by dots, but occasionally small circles are used instead, as may be seen in l. 16 where also the less familiar way of separating an anusvāra from the letter to which it conventionally belongs is to be noticed.
The language is Sanskrit, except that in 11. 26-30 mostly it is Telugu. The composition is in prose, except the three verses in the end, the last of which mentions the name of the com poser. As regards orthography, the occasional use of an anasvāra for a class nasal, as in -pumja-pimjarita- (1. 8), the frequent reduplication of a consonant after a T, as in -mahi patir ggandara- (1.11), non-observance of sandhi in some cases, as in l. 11, and the change of visargas to a sibilant similar to the following one, as in l. 13, are the noteworthy points. The change of á to : in răsi (1. 9), Sudrako (I. 21) and prāsana (1. 23) is noteworthy. This feature is characterised as qualitative phonetic variation and is of frequent occurrence in some Dravidian languages. There are some mistakes, of both omission and commission, which have been duly noticed in the transcript of the text.
The object of the charter is to record that the king Amma, i.e., the Eastern Chalukya king Amma I, raised a distinguished warrior, Vēmarāja by name, to the position of a village-lord (grāmaņi), placing the village of Umikili in the district (vishaya) of Gudravāra, under his sole control. Vēmarāja was to pay only the traditional fixed tribute of eight gadyānakas, presumably per annum, and, for the rest, he was exempted from all the tax and revenue. Thus, in other words, the village of Umikili was granted to Vēmarāja. The inscription furnishes us with some interesting details regarding this person. As to his parentage, he is described to be son of Rajaditya's younger brother Manõhitaryya, and grandson of Chandeyarāja, belonging to the Kõna family. Rājāditya must have been a notable personage, as otherwise the mention of his name in the present context is quite uncalled for. As for Chandeyarāja, he seems to have enjoyed a highly honoured position under Vijayaditya alias Gunakkenalla, i.e., Vijayāditya III, inasmuch as he is stated to have held the same village of Umikili as its headman and also to have received a gift of an elephant from the king. Vēmarāja himself is praised for his heroism and
The star is represented by a dot. The same device occurs on the seals of certain other Chälukya copperplate grants. Some scholars take the dot as representing the sun (e.g., see above, Vol. V, p. 119; Vol. XIX, p. 149, etc.), but the relative size and the position of the dot would hardly warrant such an explanation. There are, however, instances where the sun and the moon are clearly depicted ; see, for example, the seal of the Masulipatam plates of Ammarāja II, above, Vol. XXIV, plate facing p. 275. [I would prefer taking the dot to stand for the sun.C. B. K.)
• Boe below, p. 46, n. 1.
. Gadyanaka is supposed to be a gold coin. See above, Vol. XXI, p. 176, n. 3. It is also known as varäha or cardha-padyana,' a pagoda equal to Rupees 3!Ibid., Vol. VIII, p. 130. Mr. A. Ghosh kindly draws my Attention to the terms gadya and gadhaiya, the latter being applied to a class of debased Indo-Sasbanian silver coins of sarly medieval period, but whether they have any real connection, beyond the phonetic resemblance, with the gadyinaka remains to be determined.

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43
No. 10 ]
CHEVURU PLATES OF EASTERN CHALUKYA AMMA I
loyalty: he is described as the Sudraka1 of the Kali age, and is said to have served Amma I's father Vijayaditya IV loyally and obediently. It was, in fact, this devotion on the part of Vēmarāja that particularly pleased Amma I, who consequently rewarded him with the gift of a village."
The special occasion, on which the conferment was made, is stated to be the Annaprasana ceremony of prince Vijayaditya, i.e., Amma I's son Vijayaditya V. This accords well with the already known fact that Vijayaditya V was a mere child at the time when he succeeded his father to the throne. Since the abovenamed ceremony usually comes off during the sixth month from the time of the birth of the child concerned, it may be inferred that Vijayaditya V was an infant of about six months at the time of the grant recorded in the present charter. Had the regnal year of king Amma I been mentioned in it, it would have been possible to determine more or less precisely as to how old Vijayaditya V was at the time of his accession. However, we know that Amma I reigned for seven years, and thus even granting that Vijayaditya V was born to him during the very first year of his reign, he (Vijayaditya V) could not have been older than seven years when he was anointed king. There are, on the other hand, indications that he was much younger, as will presently be shown.
We know of three other records, besides the present one, pertaining to Amma I. They are the Masulipatam, Ederus and Tenali plates. The first two of these inscriptions have been edited, while of the last one only the contents have been briefly noticed. It is remarkable that none of the four known charters of Amma I records a donation to a Brahmana, but that in every one of them a person of a military rank is so honoured. This, so far as we know, has been the case even on the occasion of the Annaprasana ceremony of the new-born prince, when a Brāhmaṇa's claim to a munificent royal gift could hardly be ignored. All this in reality may mean nothing, but, considering that Amma I was all along at war either with his own kinsmen or with external enemies such as the Rashtrakutas, one may be justified in assuming that he deliberately pursued a policy of encouraging men of the military profession by showing favours to them, so that they might remain loyal to him and, in case of need, might fight for him. This far-sighted policy may have contributed to his successes.
There is one point on which the present grant differs from the other three. To wit, its preamble, unlike that of the others, does not contain the usual genealogical list, giving the names and the duration of reign in each case of the Eastern Chalukya kings, starting from Vishnuvardhana I, the founder of the dynasty, downwards. However, it mentions the names of the two immediate predecessors of Amma I, namely those of his father and grand-father, Vijayaditya (IV) and Chalukya-Bhima (I) respectively. Vijayaditya IV is given the epithet Samastabhuvanāśraya. In connection with Amma I himself, the inscription mentions his known
1 This Šūdraka, represented here as a pattern of daring, is plainly a legendary character, and 'like Vikramaditya is the hero of a vast cycle of stories'. See pp. i-ii of the Preface to H. M. Sarma's edition of Sudraka's Mri. chchhakatika (2nd edition, Nirnaya-Sagar Press, Bombay, 1910). Other instances of a valiant person likened to Sūdraka may be found above, Vol. V, p. 123, text 1. 31; Vol. XXIV, p. 193, text 1. 7; etc. [Cf. the title JagadPha-Sudraka applied to one Pallavamalla, S. I. I., Vol. IV, No. 925.-C. R. K.]
[From the way the boundaries of two fields are described the gift seems to consist of only those two fields.-C. R. K.]
Shashthe='nnaprasanam māsi, Manusmriti, II, 34.
Above, Vol. V, pp. 131 ff. and plate.
58. I. I., Vol. I, pp, 36 ff.
An. Rep., S. I. E. 1923-24, pp. 10, 98.
'It may be pointed out here that a remote ancestor of Amma I, namely Sarvalokaárnya Mangi-Yuvaraja (A.D. 672-696), donated some land at the village of Fluru (the modern town of Ellore) to a Brähninna, Sridharaiarwan by name, of the Bharadvaja götra, on the occasion of the Annaprasana ceremony of his son Vishnuvardhana III, as recorded in his Eluru grant. J. A. H. R. S., Vol. XIII, p. 51.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXVII
epithet and surnames of Sarvalokās raya. Rijamahendra and Vishnuvardhana. Besides, it calls him Gawdaragawda, which may be treated as an additional epithet. Describing Chalukya-Bhima 1, the inscription speaks of his victory over his enemies. In like manner it praises Vijayāditya IV for his liberality. In the case of Amma I, prominence is given to his subduing his dāyādas, whereby his collaterals are meant.
A more important point worth noting is, however, the fact that in the present inscription Amma I assumes the full imperial titles of Maharjüdhirja Paramecart Paramubhattāraka, whereas in the other three charters of his, he styles himself simply Mahürūju. This shown that by the time of the present inscription Amma had acquired more authority possibly through subjugating his adversaries. Incidentally it is also proved hereby that the present is the latest of all the four known charters of Amma I. And from this it follows that Amma I's son Vijayāditya V must have been only a baby at the time of his accession.
The present inscription further describes Amma I as Paramamāheśvara, also for the first time. His son, who is called here Vijaviditya. is also known as Bēta, which is but a contraction of 'jayiditya itself.
Apart from the information inferred in the foregoing paragraphs, the inscription does not furnish us with any new historical data. According to the chronology of the Eastern Chalukya kings fixed by Fleet, Amma I reigned from September 4. D. 918 to August A. D. 925. Lately some scholars have re-examined the chronology, arriving at slightly different results.
It is known from other records that Vijayāditya V reigned for one fortnight and was afterwards cjected by Tailapa. Later, it is said, he founded a separate line of descent, which subsequently came to hold the Vengi country again.
The composer of the present record is stated to be one Bhatta Mahäkäla, son of Bhatta Niravadya. This Mahākāla is evidently a different person from Mahākāla, the donee in Amma I'Masulipatam plates, who, as stated there. Was a general of (halukva-Bhima I. The dūtaka, or the manapin as he is called in the inscription, was the Kalakesvara.? The personal name of this official has not been mentioned. • The same fact is alluded to also in his (diru plates. See 8. 1. 1., Vol. I, p. 40 text, 11. 38-40; Ind. Ant., Vol. XX, p. 266, and n. 1.
It has naturally been presumed that it took Amma I some considerable length of time, say at least three years, to have his position fortified and finally declare himself Maharajadhiraja Paramēśrara Parmabhalaraka. It is difficult to say as to how much time elapsed between one charter and another; they might have followed in quick succession. However, according to the view that the expression sva-rajyabhisheka-Brita Kulinah occurring in the description of Amma I in his feliru plates lends itself to the interpretation that the record was issued during the coronation ceremony of the king '(Ind. Hist. Quart., Vol. XI, p. 32), the Filēru plates may be placed first in the chronological order and held to have been issued in the very first year of Amma !'s reign.
Fleet remarks that Beta was probably the original appellation bestowed at the naming ceremony after his birth '(Ind. Ant., Vol. XX, p. 267).
See Journal of Oriental Research, Vol. IX, pp. 17 ff.; J. A. H. R. 8., Vol. IX, Part 4, pp. 1 ff.; above, Vol. XXIV, pp. 269 f., etc.
Ind. Ant., Vol. XX, p. 267.
The word samajnapli is obviously meant to be the same as ijiapti, the form with the preposition sam prefixed to it having been employed owing to the metrical exigency. Mr. C. R. Krishnamacharlu has offered an ingenious explanation of this term, the agency that obtains the command (ana-āpti) '; see above Vol. XXIV, p. 303, n. 12. Nevertheless, ajñāpti is probably just an alternative form of the more familiar ajñapti. The former is derivable from the root jña niyoge. Its à is not shortened because it is, unlike other jña and jaapa roots, not mit and as such it is not governed by Páyini's rule mitani hrasuah (Ash/ådhyāyi, VI, 4, 92).
The usual designation is Katakarāja. It is apparently again for metrical reasons that its equivalent Katakvira has been used in the present record, as Karakadhisa elsewhere, though in another epigraph Kalakēka is found used without any such necessity; see Ind. Ant., Vol. XX, p. 267, n. 5. We may render this title as 'Governor of the Fort'. As suggestert by the term Durgapali used in an earls record in a similar context; nee J. B. B. R. A.S, Vol. X. p. 365.

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No. 10 ] CHEVURU PLATES OF EASTERN CHALUKYA AMMA I
. As to the localities mentioned in the record, the Gudravåra vishaya figures in a number of inscriptions. In certain cases its name is spelt differently. It has been identified with Gūdūru, near Masulipatam, as well as with Gudivada, the headquarters of the tālāk of that name in the Kistna District. The latter identification is more probable. The donated village of Umikili and the boundary village of Düdrupāka are evidently identical with Unikili and Rudrapaka ; both of which are included in the Kaikalür tālük of the Kistna District. The Kaikalar tālük map shows Rudrapaka to be situated, as the inscription has it, to the south of Unikili. The distance between the two is about a mile and a half.
I am indebted to Mr. N. Laksminarayan Rao for the explanation of the Telugu portion is well as for some useful suggestions in connection with this essay.
TEXT
First Plate
1 Svasti (il*) Srimatāṁ sakala-bhuvana-samstūyamāna-Mänavya-sagotrāņām 2 Häriti-putrānām Kausiki-vara prasada-labdha-rajyānār mätsi-gana-pari3 pälitänām svāmi-Mahāsēna-pād-anudhyātānām bhagavan-Virāyaņa4 prasada-samāsādita-vara-varaha -länchhan-ēkshana kshana-vasikțit-a. 5 rāti-mandalánām-asvamēdh-avabhritha-snāna-pavitrikrita-vapu6 sbarn Chälukyänăm kulam-alamkarishnõh Satyäsraya-Vallabhöndrasya' kula tila 7 kayamana-sv-asi-dhära-namita-ripu-nfipati-makuta-tata-ghatita-mani-mayu8 kha-pumja-pimjarita-păda-padma-yugalasya Chālukya-Bhima-bhūpālasya pautrah 9 s-asi-sannahana-sva-tanu-tula-tulita-bhūri-bhara-bhisura-homa-rasi(si)-naha
Second Plate; First Side
10 dana-višësh-ädyi(ậhyi)krita-vipra-kula-kalpavrikshasya Samastabhuvanāśra11 ya-Vijayadityasya putraḥAmma-mahipatir=Ggandaragando Rājamahē12 ndra iti vikhyātahi dāyāda-timir-õdyad-dinakara-kiraņāyamāna-bhāsur-à13 si-sanāthiksitata10-dakshiņa-bhā(bā)hus=sa Sahlrvvalokāśraya-sri-Vishnuva14 rddhana-mahärājādhiraja-paramēsvara-paramabhattārakah para mama15 heśvarah Gudravāra-vishaya-niväsino rashtrakūta-pramukhăn=kutu
G. Jouveau-Dubreuil, Ancient History of the Deccan, p. 87; above, Vol. VI. p. 316 : Vol. XXIII. $9, n.: p. 92, n. 3: J.A. H. R. S., Vol. V, p. 25; etc., where different spellings of the name will be seen.
* Above, Vol. IV, p. 34. It may be pointed out that formerly Kaiknlür was not a separate talak, but was a part of the Gudivāda tālik. Thus Chevūru and the other villages now included in the Kaikalar tiläk were formerly in the Gudivada lülük.
* From the original plates and inked estampages.
. The dot seen over the syllable sê is superfluous. It does not stand for an anusvåra which in this inscription usually appears to the right of the letter concerned, as may be compared in l. 1 where it occurs thrice.
The superfluous dot between va and rå in the word varaha is due to a flaw in the plate.
• A short downward stroke is seen attached to the middle of the letter lu on its right side, which is unnecessary. The proper form of this letter may be seen below in 1. 8.
See below p. 47, n. 1. . Here sandhi has not been observed.
A superfluous mark like that of an ordinary anuarára is seen over this sa. 10 This ta is redundant; read krita-dakshina. 11. This ea is redundant; reads=sarova. Or we may even justify the presence of the additional ea by reading na parvon. treating that a As a demonstrative pronoun, menning here that well-known'.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[ Vol. XXVII
16 m'binas=samāhūy=ēttham=ājñāpayati viditam=astu vah. Gunakkenall-ā17 para-nāmadhēya-Vijayāditya-mahārāja-prasādikrita-hasty-ārõha18 n-äväpta-Gudravāra-vishaya-srimad-Umikilie-nama-grama-rashtrakūta
Second Plate ; Second Side 19 ma(mā)hātmyasya Konakula-Chandeyarājasya pa utraḥ Rājādity-ānuja-Mand20 hitāryyasya putrah. Vēmarājo nāma subhatah sähasēna Kali21 yuga-Sū(Sū)drako mat-pitaram Vijayāditya[m*] baddha-karppatakah svāmibhakti 22 r=ārādhitavān [*] tad-ārādhana-svāmibhakti-sanpritair=asmābhiḥ kumāra-Vija23 yadity-annaprāsa(sa)na-nimitte kram-agata-siddhay-ashta-gadyana24 kam parityajya sarvva-kara-parihāram'm=Umikili-gräma-grāmaņiswa 25 Vēmarāja[b*] kțitah | grāma-dakshiņatah. Ervvõka-chēnu asy=īvadhayaḥ 26 pūrvvatah vranta | dakshinatah Dūdrupāka-sim=aiva paschimatah Racha-chēnu 27 cbāņda(ndā)la-kshētram cha | uttarataḥ kõdu | grām-õttara-disi Aypa?-Ervvāka-che
Third Plate 28 nu asy=āvad hayaḥ pūrvvataḥ kādu | dakshiņatahe Vannēsu | paschimataḥ 29 kādu uttarataḥ kolani mulugu | putti-nirugu saverarii iruvadinālgu vutla-ni30 ndr-āyam=padu-gandu padēl=dumu | tammulammuna tīmendu | asy=Õpari na31 kēnachid=bādhā karttavyā [l*) yaḥ karoti sa pancha-mahāpātaka-samyu32 kto bhavati tathā cha Vyāsēn=āpy=uktam | Bahubhir=v vasudhā dattā bahu33 bhisch-anupalita (l*) yasya yasya yada bhūmisetasya tasya tadă 34 phalam Il 1 l *° Sva-dattām para-dattam vā yo harēta vasundharām(räm) [IE]
shashtim varsha-sa36 hasrāņi vishthāyām jāyatë krimih (12 11° Vērgi-mandala-rakshano(na)-bhuja-bala36 Katakēśvaras-sa mājñāptih0 | bhatta-Niravadya-santati-bhatta-Mahākāla-virachitam(tam) [i3|I*]11
TRANSLATION Ll. 1-16. Hail! The illustrious Mahārājādhiraja Parameśvara Paramabhaffāraka king Amma, alias Gandaraganda Rājamahendra, surnamed Vishnuvardhana, a devout worshipper of Mahēšvara, the refuge of the whole world, whose right hand is companioned by a glittering sword resembling a ray of the rising sun for (dispelling) the darkness (in the form) of the
1 This sign of anusrāra has been separated from the final letter of the foregoing line, namely tu, to which it belongs. This unusual manner of separating the sign of anusrára is noticed in some other Chālukya renard as well ; see Ind. Ant., Vol. VII, p. 187, text II. 29-30, and remarks on p. 186; above, Vol. XXIV, p. 78, n. 3.
? This name recurs below in l. 24 in a slightly altered form inasmuch as the final vowel there is long.
[Cf. Karpațivrata' mentioned in the copper-plate grant of Amma II, Madras Epigraphical heriori, 1917, p. 116, para. 24.-C. R. K.]
The form samprita is to be derived from the root pri ( to please' or 'to be pleased') but the use of this verb is restricted to the Vedic language, as is indicated by Bhattojidikshita in his Siddhanta kaumudi : prināly=adayas =trayas=chhändasă ity==āhuh. In the present instance, therefore, we had better read samprilaih instead of sampritain.
.This anusvāra is redundant ; read-pariharam=Umikili.. • Here sandhi has not been observed. * Read Ayyapo. $ There is a superfluous dot over this på.
• Metro: Anush/ubh. ! For an explanation of this term see above, p. 44, n. 6.
11 Metro: Irya. The latter half of the verse is slightly irregular, being short of one syllabic instant towards the end. The yntax as well as the metre requires a rending like-Mahakāla idam--a karát.

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CHEVURU PLATES OF EASTERN CHALUKYA AMMA I
ಏವ ಕಸ@ಷ ಮತ ತ ಗ ಮ ಮ ತ ತವಸ್ತು
ಇಪ್ಪತ್ತು ಈ ವ೮ (೩ನ ಮ© ೬೮೬ಗಿ' ತೊಗರ! 2 ಏವ ತಾ ತಸ ಪಡು ತಿಮ ಆದ್ರೆ ತಾಕದವರ ಮಗ | 4) ಪತೊನ್ನು ಮನವರಪ್ರಾಣದ ಹಣ ಹರಿಕತ 4 ಗಾಸಿಪಿ 1 ಖತ ಪಡಡ ದಾದಷಧಗ್ರದ ಪ್ರತಿಕ್ರತವಷ್ಟೆ! 5 ##
:ಮ ಪತ್ರ 33e3e 6 *ಮ ಮತ ನಿದರ 338 ಬತಿವfದ ತ ದ ಬುತನ ನಮ್ಮ 89ು '8'ತಬ೭.
ತಮಗೆ ೩ ಪ@ ಹ ಶಿವ ರ್ಪಶudy: 8 ಕಸಿಕಟ್ಟೆ ಪ್ರಸ್ಥತ 15ು 3ತಿ ತಜ್ಞರ ಪ್ರಾಮು ಪ್ರತರಾಗಿ
6
ii,a.
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10 ಬಿತವಾ ? ಕವಿಕ@ಕ ತಕ ಹಸತ ಸ್ಥಪರ್ತ 10
ಮಾಜ ಮತಕೆ ಬತ:ಪು ಪ್ಪ ತಿಜ್ಞರಲ್ಲಿ ಈ ತಪ್ಪು 12 (33a ತ: ಪ ಮ ಸಿಇಒನಕೆ ರಕೆ ರಾಮ ಮ ತ ಪುರ್ 12
: 8 ಸುತ # ೪ ಸಣಾಪ ಸುಸಷ್ಟಕಮಹತವೆ. 14
'8ರ ಜು T ...ರುರವು ಧ್ವರ #: ಶ ರವಕ್ಕೆ 14 ಪರ:- ಈ ಪ್ರಶಾರತಿತಿಮತಿ ಎಸಿ ರಕ್ತ* ಪವಿತ್ರ 16 ರ್ಟಸ್ವಸ್ವಂ ಮಶ ಆಶುಮ ತಿವಪತತ ಈವ:ಇ@n 16
ಭರತ 3 ದಮಮತಾ ರಾಜಶಪಕ್ಷ ಒಸ್ವತ.. 18 ವ ಶ ಶವರ ಪ್ರತಿ ಮತಿಮ ಪ್ರತಿಕ್ರಿನಾ ತಪರಾಕ್ಷಸರ 18
SCALE: THREE-QUARTERS
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.
B. CH. CHHABRA. EKG, No, 3977 E"36 – 495 49,

Page #85

i,b,
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ង ម្សៅ - $50*3ge 3gzg អ្វី ? ខខ j០ 8២ជា ប ងស្គ៨១ ០៦ ខែ
5 . ឡា ស ន ហ្វី ២ ៨២ បាយ៉ារួ^ 24 យ ស ១ ច ចឺម | ឧ4
C ៣៥ ៤ោះ€dca ព្យម ៨០ប 28 55' m nៗ សំ យទី 5: ៣ge 26
e 5 (C្តច(5 'ោះ បង | c
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បាន so ថា យ ី ង យ ះ ! ចំ 'T ! (
0 2 [ត , 30 ច្រើន ។ ៩ = ឋ ឌ ទា ២០៨ o* 32 3d (៨ ថា and a h 5 ( 2 =ស្ស ៩ 32
វាត្យ ទី បី ឲ្យយ មីយ៍ ជា gg 90 4 { ៩ ១. ផ្កាឱ្យ T Z 'a / ) ( សូ T *៩៩៩ ស 34 == '25 (
58 gue ចការដែរ ៩ ៨៩ ៣ ធម្ម ជ ច រឺ ស ) | និច | 36

Page #86

No. 10 ]
CHEVURU PLATES OF EASTERN CHALUKYA AMMA I
rival kinsmen- king Amma, son of Vijayāditya, the shelter of the entire world, the very desire-fulfilling tree for Brāhmaṇas whom he made prosperous with outstanding great gifts (consisting) of heaps of shining gold weighed against his own body (covered) with the armour and (carrying) the gword grandson of the king Chalukya-Bhima, an ornament of the family of Satyasrayal-Vallabhöndra, who had the lotuslike feet tinged with golden hue by the multitude of rays (emanating) from the jewels set in the coronets of the enemy chiefs compelled to bow before him under the influence of his sword, who adorned the race of the glorious Chālukyas, who belong to the Mänavya götra which is praised all over the world, who are sons of Hārīti, who have acquired the kingdom through the favour of a boon (conferred) by Kausiki, who are protected by the assemblage of (divine) mothers, who meditate on the feet of the lord Mahäsēna ; who have subjugated the territories of their adversaries in an instant at the (mere) sight of the boar, a boon which they obtained through the grace of the blessed Nārāyaṇa, (and) who have their bodies purified by the ceremonial bath at the termination of the horse-sacrifice having called together the householders, resident in the district of Gudravára, headed by the villageheadmen, issues the following order :
LI. 16-25. "Be it known to you that the noble warrior, named Vēmarāja, son of Rājāditya's younger brother Manõhitaryya, grandson of Chandeyarāja of the Köna family, who (Chandeyarāja) had the distinction of being the headman of the splendid village called Umikili in the district of Gudravāra, which he obtained along with the honour of) riding on an elephant from king Vijayaditya, alias Gunakkenalla Vēmarāja, who in courage is the Südraka of the Kali age, attended, as a loyal and obedient servant, on my father Vijayāditya, and that We, thus pleased with his devotion and loyalty, have, on the occasion of the Annaprāšana ceremony of prince Vijayāditya, made this Vēmarāja the village lord of the village of Umikili, exempting him from all manner of tax, except the traditional fixed tribute of eight gadyānakas."
Ll. 25-27. "To the south of the village is the Ervvāka field. Its boundaries are (as follows): On the east lies the marshy pool ; on the south the very boundary of Dūdrupāka; on the west the Royal demesne and the plot of land belonging to the Chåndālas ; (and) on the north the brook".
LI. 27–29. "To the north of the village is the Ervvőka field belonging to Aypa (Ayyapa). Its boundaries are as follows) : On the east lies the brook; on the south the Vannēsu (river); on the west the brook ; (and) on the north the bathing place at the lake (or the drain from the lake)."
Ll. 29–30. “The arrangement (for the remuneration which he is to receive) in grain measures (i.e., in kind), is as follows: the income of saveram (?) is ten kandus and seventeen tumus (measured by measure) of 24 full puttis ; of tammulam(?) one tümu."
Ll. 30–32. "Nobody should cause any 'struction to this. Whosoever does, incurs (the penalty of the five grave sins. And likewise it has be... said also by Vyasa :
Ll. 33–35. (Here follow two customary verses.)"
Ll. 35—36. The Katakēsvara strong enough to protect the territory of Vengi, has acted here as the executor of the (royal) order. It has been composed by Bhaļļa Mahākāla, son of Bhalla Niravadya.
1 This obviously refers to Pulakësin II, who also bears the epithet Satyäfraya. The construction in the original is faulty inasmuch as the expression saty-a-raya-Vallabhëndrasya apparently qualifies Chalukya-Bhima.
2 Rao Babadur C. R. Krishnamacharlu suggests that this word may be connected with the Telugu word Eruvāka.
* See above, Vol. V, p. 139, n. 2. . See above, p. 44, n. 7. Soe above, p. 44, . 6.

Page #87

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
No. 11.-GUNJI ROCK INSCRIPTION OF KUMARAVARADATTA
(1 Plate)
V. V. MIRASHI, AMRAOTI
Gunji is a small village, 14 miles north by west of Sakti, the chief town of a feudatory state of the same name in the Chhattisgarh Division of the Central Provinces. Sakti lies on the CalcuttaNagpur line of the Bengal Nagpur Railway. At the foot of a hill near the village there is a kunda (or a pool of water) called Damau Dahra, which obtains its supply of water from the neighbouring hills and is believed to be unfathomable. On one side of this pool there is a rock on which the record edited here is engraved.' Gunji is about 40 miles north-west of Kirari where a wooden pillar with a record in Brahmi characters of the second century A. D. was discovered in 1921 which was subsequently edited in this journal. About 75 miles almost due north of Gunji lies the Ramgarh hill which contains the well-known Sitävenga and Jogimārā caves with interesting inscriptions of the second century B. C.3 Gunji was thus situated in a part of the country which was flourishing in the centuries before and after the beginning of the Christian era.
48
[VOL. XXVII
The present inscription was first brought to notice nearly forty-five years ago in the Progress Report of the Archaeological Survey of Western India for 1903-4, p. 54. Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar, who deciphered the record then, referred it to the first century A. D. He called attention to the two regnal dates in it, viz., the fifteenth day of the fourth fortnight of Hemanta in the fifth year and the second day of the sixth fortnight of Grishma in the eighth year, and read the name of the king as Kumāra Vasanta. He also noticed the words Bhagavato Usubhatithe, the name of a thera Godachha and the name Vasiṭhiputa. This account was followed by Rai Bahadur Hiralal in his Inscriptions in C. P. and Berar. He suggested, however, that Väsiṭhiputa mentioned in it might be identical with the homonymous person mentioned in the Ajanta cave inscription No. 1, and that the record might, in that case, belong to the second century B. C. A facsimile of the inscription, somewhat worked up by hand, was published in the Gazetteer of Chhattisgarh Feulatory States, in 1909 without any further account of the record. The inscription has thus remained unedited for more than forty years after it became known. In view of its importance for the ancient history of Chhattisgarh, I requested Dr. B. Ch. Chhabra to copy it for me. He very kindly complied with my request and supplied me with an excellent estampage from which I edit the record here.
1 Gazetteer of Chhattisgarh Feudatory States, p. 193.
2 Above, Vol. XVIII, pp. 152 ff.
3 Ind. Ant., Vol. XXXIV, pp. 197 ff. The second date was misread. As shown below, the correct reading is the tenth day of the sixth fortnight of Grishma in the sixth regnal year. The symbol denoting the year, which is exactly like the one denoting the fortnight further on in the same line, leaves no doubt that the year was 6. As for the day, Dr. Bhandarkar was possibly misled by the word bitiyain which qualifies go-sahasam. He read the king's name as Kumara Vasanta. As he is called Rajan, it looks strange that he should still be a Kumara. The correct reading is Kumaravaradata and Kumaravara means Kārttikeya. Cf. namo Kumaravarasa in line 1 of the Nanaghat cave inscription of Naganika, Arch. Surv. West. Ind., Vol. V, pp. 60 f. For the honorific suffix siri added to the royal name, compare Chandasiri (éri-Chandra) in the Mudrarakshasa, Act I.
5 First edition (1916), p. 168; second ed. (1932), p. 180.
As shown below, Visithiputa, mentioned in the present inscription, was a metronymic of Bodhadatta who made the two gifts recorded here. He was not identical with Vasiṭhiputa mentioned in the Ajanta inscription, because the personal name of the latter was Katahadi. See Arch. Sure. West. Ind., Vol. IV, p. 116.
This was probably one of the two photographs which Mr. H. Cousins, Superintendent of Archaeology, is said to have contributed to the Gazetteer. See the Prefatory Note in the Gazetteer.
[But for the help kindly rendered by Pandit L. P. Pandeya of the Mahakosala Historical Society it would not have been possible for me to copy the epigraph. He even accompanied me to the spot. -B. C. C.] MGIPC-S1-XVI-1-1-22-6-49-150.

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No. 11 ]
GUNJI ROCK INSCRIPTION OF KUMARAVARADATTA
40
The inscription has been incised horizontally on a huge rock which, as stated before, lies beside the Damau Dahră pool near Gunji. It consists of four lines, of which the fourth is of about half the length of the rest. The writing covers a space 6' 6' broad and l' high. The size of the letters varies from 5 to 1.2". The inscription has suffered damage here and there from the effects of the weather, and on the proper right side, the surface of the rock has peeled off, causing the loss of about half a dozen aksharas in lines 3 and 4. Some more aksharas have become illegible in the middle of the first line and on the proper left side, but some of them can be supplied conjecturally, Very little of historical importance is therefore lost.
The characters are of the Brāhmi alphabet resembling in a general way those of the Násik inscription of Ushavadata. The form of the initial a with the vertical ending in a curve tumed to the right, the initial i consisting of three horizontal strokes, kh without a loop at the base, v with a double triangle and I with the base line prolonged to the left are also noteworthy peculiarities. As regards medial vowels, the sign for ā is generally added at the top, see sahas-āyu-, 1.2, but in some cases at the middle, see Balādhikata, 1.2; thou sign is formed by continuing the right limb and in some cases by adding a curve to the vertical, see putena, 1.2 and Kumāra-, 1.1; the medial e is generally denoted by a horizontal stroke to the left, but in the it appears as a slanting stroke above the line. Many of the other letters show varying forms, marking a transition from the Asokan to the Kushāņa alphabet. G and t, for instance, have the angular top in some cases and the rounded one in others, see Godachhasa, 1.2 and Bhagavato, 1.1 ; natukeņa and Väsithiputena, both in 1.2; chha has the earlier form of a circle or an ellipse bisected by a vertical, sanitvachhare, 1.2; and the later double-looped one in the same word in 1.1; the dental d has throughout the transitional angular form open to the left, while the lingual d has &. round back in Godachhasa in 1.2 and an angular one in Dandanayakena, 11.2 and 3: dh faces right in sidhan] but is rectangular in Baladhikatena, 1.2, and circular in vadhinike, 1.2; the Asokan form of the letter & occurs in the akshara sa of sahas-äyu-, 1.2, but in other places it shows advanced forms, approximating in one c182 to that of the English letter N, seo aanvachhare and elasa. 1.3. The numerical symbols for 4, 5 and 10 oczur in the first line and those for 6, 10 and 1,000 in the third line.
In the advanced forms of several letters, the present inscription resembles the Nāsik inscription of Ushavadāta, but since it exhibits .a considerable admixture of archaic forms not noticed in the latter, I put it slightly earlier. The inscription of Ushavadāta probably belongs to the second century A. D. as the year 42 mentioned in it is generally referred to the Saka era. The present inscription may therefore be referred to the first half of the first century A. D.
The language is early Prakrit. As in other records of the age, double consonants are entirely absent except in gimha-, 1.3, and bamhanānain, 11.3 and 4. There is, again, no elision of intervocalic mutes as in literary Prakrits, see, e.g., natukena which, according to Hēmachandra (VIII, 1, 137), should be naltuent. For Usabha (Sanskrit, Rishabha) see Hömachandra, VIII. 1. 24.8 In matajuna (Sanskirt, mätrijana) we have an interchange of vowels as in vinohhuo (Sanskrit, vrixchika). Another noteworthy form is pathaviya (Sanskrit, prithivyām) in place of puhaviya or
1 Since its discovery in 1903, the inscription has lost an akshara at the end of the first line and an ornamental figure after it, similar to the one in the beginning of the same line. Those appear clearly in the photograph in the Gazetteer. They also show where the record ended originally.
Above, Vol. VIII, p. 82. Compare Unabhadála in 1. 2 of the Násik cave inscription of Gantainiputra Satakarpi. (Above, Vol. VIIL,
p. 71).
*R. G. Bhandarkar, Wilson Philological Lectures (1914), p. 92. XVI-1.11

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXVII
pudhaviya laid down by Prakrit grammarians. In vasa-sahas-dyu-vadhinike we have the Mägadhi neuter nominative singular in e as in Asokan inscriptions. Finally, ya is used in the sepse of cha in 1.4.
The inscription refers itself to the reign of the king (Rājan), the illustrious Kumāravaradatta. The royal name bears resemblance to the name Virapurisadata which occurs in the Nagarjunikonda inscriptions. The record contains two regnal dates, both expressed in season, fortnight and day as in other early epigraphs of the south. The object of the inscription is to record certain pious donations made by two ministers of the king.
The inscription opens with the auspicious word sidhari, followed by a salutation to Bhagavat. It then records that at the Rishabhatirtha of the Bhagavat, on the fifteenth day of the fourth fortnight of Hēmanta in the fifth (regnal) year of the king, the illustrous Kumāravaradatta, his Amūtya Võsishthiputra Bödhadatta, who was the grandson of the Amātya Godachha and the son of the Amātya Mātrijanapalita, made a gift of 1,000 cows to Brāhmaṇas for the purpose of augmenting his life for a thousand years'. He further made a second gift of 1,000 cows on the 10th day of the sixth fortnight of Grishma in the sixth year, evidently of the same king's reign. Besides being an Amatya of the king, Bödhadatta held the offices of Dandanayaka and Balādhikrita. Finally, the inscription records a third gift of a thousand cows which another Amātya of the king, Indradēva, who was also Dandanayaka, made to Brāhmaṇas probably in the same (sixth) regnal year.
ķishabhatirtha, where these donations were made, is plainly identical with the pool Damau Dahrā, beside which the present inscription is engraved. This tirtha seems to have been very famous in ancient tines; for the Tirthayātrāparuin, a subsection of the Arawyakaparuan of the Mahābhārata contains a verse which declares that a man, who fasts for three nights at Rishabhatirtha in Kõsalā (ie. Dakshina-Kösala or Chhattisgarh) obtains the religious merit of a Vāja. pēya sacrifice. In view of this it is not surprising that the Amatyas of the king Kumāravara datta chose this tirtha for making their mahādānas of a thousand cows cach.'
It is not clear who is meant by Bhagavat to whom the Rishabhatirtha was dedicated. In 11. 1-2 Dr. Bhandarkar read the words thera Godachha, which suggested to R. B. Hiralal that Damau Dahrā, which is just a solitary place like Rūpnāth, was a likely place which a few Buddhist monks may have selected for their residence. The reading there is however extremely doubtful. Moreover, Godachha, who held the office of an Amatya, was probably not a Buddhist monk. The description of the tirtha in the Mahabharata clearly shows that it was a Brahmanical, not Buddhist. tirtha. The mention of Brāhmaṇas as recipients of the gifts suggests that Bhagavat does not denote the Buddha. The name of the king Kumāravaradatta (one who was born by the grace of Kärttikėya) and that of the Amatya Mātrijanapalita (one who is protected by the Divine Mothers) indicate that both the royal and ministerial fanilies were worshippers of Siva. The
1 See Vararuchi, I, 13 and 20, and Himachandra, VIII1, 216. The word occurs in the form prhaviyn in 1.3 of the Nänäghät inscription of Naganiki.
See aje bahuvidhe dhamma charane in Girnar Edict IV. Compare also dhamm-ryw-bala-nulhanike in Mayi. darõlu plates ; above, Vol. VI, p. 84.
Above, Vol. XX, p. 16, etc. Similar namos kumaradatta and Kumiribulla occur in the Kathisaritsngura. taranga 51, v. 123.
Soe, e.g., above, Vol. I, p. 7, and Vol. VIII, pp. 59 f.
The name 'Idadēva opcurs also in an inscription at Sáncht. See Lüders, List of Brahmi Inscriptions, No. 419. Indradēva of the present inscription was the grandson of Dinika. His father's name is lost.
Cf. Rishabhanh tirtham såsädya Köéalāyām naradhipa | Vaapeynim =anipnoli Iri-tilt-õpāshilo naruh. wyaka parvan (edited by Dr. V. 8. Sukthankar), adhyāya 83, v. 10.
For the procedure of making this mahadana, see Malayapurana, adhyaya 278. Seo his Inscriptions in C. P. and Berar (second ed.), p. 180.

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Page #91

B. CH. CHHABRA.
GUNJI ROCK INSCRIPTION OF KUMARAVARADATTA.
NATW
С. АЗФНЕЛ
GANZ
Left half.
BAHBAGLON
Right half.
SCALE: ONE-SIXTH.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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No. 11 ) GUNJI ROCK INSCRIPTION OF KUMARAVARADATTA
51 name of the tirtha which was evidently so called after Siva's bull (Rishabha) Nandi, lends colour to this conjecture. Though Bhagavat (the Lord), when not connected with any specific name, is usually taken to denote Vishnu, it occasionally occurs also as an het of Siva and other deities. It seems likely, therefore, that the Bhagavat mentioned here was the god siva. .
This is the earliest inscription mentioning a royal name, found in Chhattisgarh and as such has great historical importance. Unfortunately it mentions neither the family nor any ancestors of the king Kumāravaradatta. The records at Kirări and Ramgarh which, belonging as they do to the same part of the country and the same age as the present inscription, might have been expected to throw light on this matter, afford no help; for the name of the reigning king is irretrievably lost in the former, while the records at the latter place contain no royal name. We bave therefore no further information about the king Kumāravaradatta.
TEXT
1 fre(1)* [**] AT rent [*] *(t)ott' prea taafefta storage (*)[~]#
५ हेम (म)तपरवे चति]थ ४ दिवसे [पंचब*]से १० ५ भगवतो उसभतिथे
* qfar evaa] 2 nits en ventall *(a)e waaruiferrenta acha [a] FATURA vant
धिकतेन वासिठिपुतेन बोध' [व]तेन [४]तं वससहसायुवषिणिके
1 Soe Fleet, Gupta Inscriptions, p. 28, a. 5. * From an inked estampage and the facsimile facing p. 193 in the Gazetteer of Chhattisgarh Feubulory Slules.
* There are two ornamental figures before this word, the first rowombling the Roman figurov. Similar ornamental figures appear to have been irtised in the beginning of the Nänighat inscription of Nāganika also. See the facsimile in Arch. Suru. West. Ind., Vol. V.
• The form ramio occurs on early coins of Satavahana and Sébaka. J. N. 8. I., Vol. VII, pp. 1 f. and 94 f.
What looks like an anusvara on ku may be due to a fault in the rock.
This akshara looks like ma, but is probably a double-triangled va noticed by Bühler, above, Vol. II, p. 201, No. 12, and p. 207, No. 32. Seo his Indian Palacography (English translation), p. 40. See also v in II. 6, 7 and 10 of the inscription (VII) on a door.jamb from Mathurā, above Vol. XXIV, pl. facing p. 195. Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar read the king's name as Vasanta, but what he read as ea represents two akshara ra and da.
* These three aksharas are lost by the peeling off of the surface of the rock.
• Sanskrit, Rishabhatirthe. The vertical stroke below as is not an u-sign; for the latter, the right limb of the letter is lengthened. For the reading of this word I am obliged to Dr. B. Ch. Chhabra and Mr. N. L Rao.
Sanskrit, prithivyam. According to Prakrit grammarians, the form should be puhaviya or pudhaviya. The Näņāghāt inscription of Nāganikā has pathaviya.
1. The second akshara of this word is now completely damaged. With the expression used here, comparo pathaviya pathama virasa in l. 3 of Nāganika's inscription.
11 Sanskrit, naptrikëra. Hēmachandra (VIII, 1, 137) gives nattiena and nattuena, both of which (without the conjunot) are used in the present inscription.
19 Sanskrit, Matri-jana-pålitasya. The interchange of vowels hero is as in vinohhuo. See Vararvoki, T, 18. 10 Dk is roundish horo ma in Dharmejna in L. 1 and in alhinike, further on in this lino.

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EPIGRAPITIA INDICA
[Vol. XXVII 3 (**[7]+[vi]' Aga pooo [1*] jaga at foregra d & fat po
farfare AERI I pooo [*] a [a]s fararea with <5914 fafa. (nafot (fa) a
4
.
.
.
.
.
adlar
[at]
[-]" Tage
**)
TRANSLATION (Lino 1) Success! Obeisance to the Bhagavat!
On the fifteenth-10 5-clay of the fourth-4-fortnight of Homanta in the fifth your of the reum) of the king, the illustrious Kumäravaradatta, i thousand 1,000 cow: were donated to Brāhmaṇas, at Rishabhatirtha of (ie., dedicated to the Bhagavat, ly the Amālya, Dandanāyaka and Balādhikrila Bodhadatta, the son of Vasishthi and the I wūtyu Mātrijana pälita, and the grandson of the Amatya Godachba, (acho uus a veritable) Dharma on earth, for augmenting (kis) life for a thousand years.
(Line 3) On the 10th day of the sixth-6-fortnight of Crishma in the sixth -year a fecond donation of a thousand-1,000-cows was made by the sume Bölhetlalla).
In view of this gift, a thousand cows were donated to Brahmanas by Indradava who is Amülya (ar) Dandanāyaku (anul erho is the son of).........and grandson of Dinika.
No. 12.-NOTE ON THE BAJAUR INSCRIPTION OF MENANDROS
THE LATE DR. Sten Konow, Oslo In the Epigraphia Indica, Vol. XXIV, pp. 1-8, the late N. (1. Majumdar published a Kharöslithi inscription which contains the name of the Greek ruler Menandros aiul which can with certainty, be ascribed to about the middle of the second century B. C. If we abstract from the inscription on the Swāt relic vase of the Meridarkh Theodoros to this is the first old record which mentions one of those Greek princes who established themselves in the Indian border-land about the second century B. C. And it is of considerably greater importance than the Swát record because Menandros played a great rôle in the conquest of India, while Theodoros is not known from other sources. It has not, however, so far as I know, been noticed or discussed in European or American journals.
The first akshara of this word is lost by the peeling off of the surface of the rock. Of the second akshana mhu, only the superscript m remains. It has the same form as in bal menina ), below, in l. 1.
2 Read chhathe. There is a dot in the inidille of the circle of thut due to a fault in the rock, which makes it look like tha. As the following symbol shows, chhathe is the intended worl.
These four akshars are very carelessly incised.
* About tivo aksharus aru lost hero. The word probably contained the name of the father of Idadeva and ended in putena.
• Sanskrit, Indradecena. • The anusvira on na is indistinct.
Sanskrit, chu. Ya is used in this sense in other records also. See, J., the Mayidavõlu plates of Sivil slandavarman, above, Vol. VI, p. 85, and the Basim plates of Vindhyasakti II, above, Vol. XXVI, p. 151.
[Dr. Dines Chandra Nirear has also p blished a note on this inscription ; uboro, Vol. XXVI, No. 46, pp. 33 ff.-Ed.]
[It is greatly to be regretted that the author passed away when this learned essly of his was in an vivanc. al stage of proof.-Ed.)
10 C. I. I., Vol. II, pt. I, p. 1. .

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No. 12 ] NOTE ON THE BAJAUR INSCRIPTION OF MENANDROS 53
Majumdar's edition is characterised by those qualities we were accustomed to find in his work, careful observation and good judgment. The inscription is however not easy, and I do not think that all his results can be accepted. I therefore drafted some notes when the edition reached me and sent them to the New Indian Antiquary. I do not know whether they have been published, and at all events I should certainly have made some changes in the proofs. I have therefore thought that it might be of use to rewrite my paper.
The inscription is found on a steatite casket, which comes from Shinkot in Bajaur, about 20 miles to the north-west of the confluence of the Panjkora and Swāt rivers. The casket is well preserved, but the lid is broken, only two pieces, about half of the whole, having been recovered.
The casket was said to have encased a casket of silver, which in its turn contained a gold reliquary and some ashes. No traces of these have, however, been found, and I do not think that the whole statement can be trusted. It may be a reflex of whut has been told about other relic caskets. There was a yold casket within the Bimurän vase, and the Taxila steatite vessel where the silver scroll inscription of the year 134 was found contained a silver vase, enclosing a gold casket, containing some minute relies.
We cannot, therefore, be confident about the existence of the silver casket, the gold reliquary and the ashes. The only thing we actually know is that there is a well-preserved steatite vessel with a broken lid.
As rightly pointed out by the editor, there are several records incised on the casket, and I shull retain his designations of them. A is found along the rim of the broken lid, and is in. complete ; A 1, likewise incomplete, is incised in the centre of the lid, and A 2, also incomplete, on the inside of the lid. After A 1 we have a fourth incomplete record, C. Inside the casket aru the records B and D and outside, ou the bottom, E.
Of these epigruphs only A, A 1 and A 2 can be assigned to the time of Menandros, while tho remaining ones can hardly be older than the 1st century B. C.
A is incised in bold and well executed letters of an early type, as shown especially by the closed head of the akshara su. The reading is perfectly certain Meneelrasu Maharajast kutiasa divasa 4 prapusumerla of the Maharaja Menandros, the 14th day of the month kārttika, accompanied with life'. There is a short interval between each word. We may note the form Menedra, for which Majumdar read Minadra, though the e of the second syllable is absolutely certain. It is the same change which is represented by the Pāli form Mihinda and is no doubt due to an Indian notion that the name was a compound with indra. The way of expressing the figure 14 is unusual. It would seem that the engraver had first written 4411, and then corrected it, adding a 4 below the second 4.
It is hardly likely that Menedrusa was the first word of the inscription. We should certainly expect that the year would be mentioned before the Maharaja's namo, as Mujundar thinks. But the fragment of the lid which must have contained this has not been recovered. The year was most probably a regnal year.
After the date follows the word prapasa merla and then the great break sets in. Pranasameila would be Sanskrit prānasamēta, and may mean, as Majumdar states, endowed with life'. It should be noted that intervocalist here appears as d, while we shall find t in Al.
The word occurs in A 2 on the inside of the lid, which only contains two words pranasumerla und Sakamunisa, but about half of the lid is missing between these two words. There has clearly been comparatively long intervals between the words of this inscription. That between Sakamunisa
[Since published in the New Ind. Ant, Vol. II, 1939-40, pp. 639 f.-Ed.]
0.1. I., Vol. II. pt. I, p. 60. 30.1. I., Vol. II, pt. I, p. 70.

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54
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXVII and praṇasameda, where the stone is most incomplete, is exceptionally long, so that pranasameda clearly is the first word. Majumdar states that there is just a trace of a t or r before Sakamunisa, and suggests to restore the legend as pranasameda sarira bhagavato Sakamunisa the relic endowed with life, of the Lord Sakyamuni'. And it is clear that inscription A must be restored in the same way as A 2.
In explanation of the term pranasameda he refers us to three passages in the Mahāvamsa: xvii, 3, dhatusu difthesu dit!ho hoti jino if we behold the relics, we behold the Conqueror ;' xvii, 50 ff.
Thupäräme patiṭṭhantam mama dakkhinaakkhakam karotu nabham uggantva yamakam patihariyam Lankalamkarabhūtambi Hemamalikacetiye patitthalantiyo dhātā logamattā namānal buddhavesadhara hutva uggantva nabhasi ṭṭhitä patiṭṭhantu karitvana yamakam patihariyam
taking its place in the Thuparama my right eye-tooth shall rise into the air and perform the twin-miracle; when my pure relics, filling a drona, take their place in the Hemamalikachaitya, which is an adornment of Lanka, they shall take the shape of Buddha, rise and stand in the air, perform the twin-miracle, and take their place;'
xvii, 43 f.
Tasmin samagame dhatu hatthikkhandha nabhaggatā sattatalappamanamhi dissanti nabhasi tthita vimhapayanti janatam yamakam pāțihariyam
gandambamule buddho va akari lomahamsakam
'at that gathering the relic rose up into the air from the elephant's shoulder, being visible over an extent of seven tala, standing in the air; throwing people into amazement, it performed the twin-miracle, as (did) the Buddha under the Gandamba tree'.
I think that we must accept this ingenious explanation. It is quite possible to assume that the relics can work wonders and to think of designating them as living entities at the time when they are enshrined. The continuation of A, which is clearly A1, is very short as it would have to be if the preceding line mentioned what was being established. What is left of A 1 can be definitely read as thavita, which can be confidently restored as pratithavita. If the year was given before the name Menedrasa we may suppose that about eight aksharas preceded the name, and it is a likely assumption that A 1 in the inner ring, began at about the same place as 1.1. Since the stands slightly to the left of me, it is tempting to assume that eight to nine aksharas preceded so that we might think of ima sarira pratithavita.
But then we have no explanation of prayasameda. This compound has not, so far as I know, been met with elsewhere. It can hardly mean the same thing as praopeta which occurs in the formula upasakuṁ ca māṁ dhūrayādyāgrena yāvajjivam pravopetam saranam gatam abhiprasannaṁ. keep me as your worshipper from today, as long as I live and am endowed with life, as I have taken my refuge and turned my disposition towards (you);' Divyav. p. 72.1 etc. It would then he possible to fill up the gap in A and A 1 as pranasameda upasanaye bhagavata Sakamunisa 'for the worship of the Lord Sakyamuni as long as life lasts', or prapasameda upasakena (-kasa) bhagavata Sakamunisa by him who is a worshipper of the Lord Sakyamuni as long as life lasts'. If we had upasakena in A, this would then belong to the supposed reading of A 1, while we might think of upasakasa in A 2: (gift) of life-long worshipper of the Lord Sakyamuni'.
It is, however, hardly possible to interpret the text in this way; the relics were looked upon as living entities. But the importance of the inscription is not dependent on such restorations. It rests with the fact that it gives a reliable contemporaneous confirmation of the tradition that Menandros had Buddhist sympathies.

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No. 12 ]
NOTE ON THE BAJAUR INSCRIPTION OF MENANDROS
The old inscription of the time of Menandros did not contain any further information. All the remaining inscriptions of the casket belong to a later time, probably to the first century B. C. C, which follows immediately after A 1, was evidently incised when the lid was less incomplete than now, because it has been only partly preserved. That it was already damaged can be inferred from inscription D. Majumdar read the record: Vijaya[mit]ra... pate pradithavide 'Vijayamitra... the bowl has been established', taking pate to be miswritten for patre. It might be possible to think of restoring the whole as Vijayamitrena apracharajena pate pradithavide, but the traces that are left are too uncertain. About the purport of the epigraph there cannot be any doubt; it records a second setting up of the casket, which had become damaged in the interval after its original establishment in the days of Menandros, as can be seen from inscription D.
55
Within the body of the casket Majumdar distinguishes two inscriptions, the long record D and the short epigraph B, which is incised between 11.1 and 2 of D, and consequently, according to Majumdar, older than D. He thinks that it is contemporaneous with the Menandros inscription, but admits that the akshara sa is of the later semi-open type. The reading of B is absolutely certain: Viyakamitras(r)a apracharajasa, i.e., according to Majumdar (the gift) of Viyakamitra, who has no king as his adversary. He thinks that this bears reference to the gift and original consecration of the casket by Viyakamitra, who must have been a vassal chief under King Menander.'
I accept his explanation of apracharaja, apratyagraja, for pratyañch is known to have the meaning equal to, a match for. But I think it unlikely that a vassal chief could use such a title. And palaeographically B cannot be older than the first century B.C. The letters are larger and better executed than in D, but a comparison, c.g. of apracharajasa in B and apracharajena in D seems to show that both records can very well be contemporaneous, due perhaps to different draftsmen. We cannot expect the individual aksharas to be quite uniform in such an inscription, when we bear in mind how the procedure of engraving was. A draft was provided from the office which gave order to the engraving, and this draft had to be written in ink inside the bowl for the guidance of the engraver. And here there were many causes for mistakes and misshapings. The very first akshara i is misdrawn, the vertical turning to the right and a bar rising from the left hand termination of the horizontal and the ensuing me is defective; the word pindoya 1.1 has been written pidomya; the lower part of the initial sa of sabudhasa 1.4 has been separated from the rest and connected with the ensuing bu; the final o of bhu[trao] 1.1 looks like tha; the akshara ya is sometimes bent over so that the left bar lies in the line, etc. Both the writer who copied the draft in the bowl and the engraver have evidently had some difficulty in shaping the aksharas properly on the rounded surface.
"
It may be noted that the cerebral only occurs in the words grinayat(r)i 1.1 and Sakimunisa 1.3, but Vijayamitrena 1.3. It seems unlikely that n and n were felt as separate phonemes.
As can be seen from the plate accompanying Majumdar's edition, there are several instances of what looks like a subscript r. And it certainly stands for r in words such as apracha, prat(r)i, though the shape of pra differs in these two words, the jointure between the r stroke and pa being angular in the former and curved in the latter. The angular form is also found in pranasameda in the Menandros inscription, while pradithavide in inscription C shows the curve. Both forms occur in the Patika1 inscription, but in most old records the curve form is usual.
In connection with other consonants the case is a little different. In the case of ja we have to do with the bottom stroke we know from coins and some of the Asoka inscriptions, but which is absent in most Indian Kharōshṭhi epigraphs. We find it in the title apracharaja, but not in the name Vijayamitra, neither in C nor in D. Its use, e.g., in the word maharajasa in the coin legends
C. I. I., Vol II, pp. 23 ff.

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56. EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXVII of Menandros, where our inscription A has ja without the stroke, points to an ordinary j. And then it is tempting to infer that the simple ja in Vijayamitra denotes a sontewhat different sound.
The remaining consonants which are provided with such bottom strokes in our inscription are g, t, d, dh, y, & and 8.
In the case of g and I we find both the curved and the angular form, and the former clearly denotes an ordinary r; cf. grinayat(r)i 'causes to take', 1.1, patre 'vessel', 1.2; Vijayamitrena, 1.3 and Viyakamitras(r)a in B, where (r) has been used to transliterate the angular stroke. The latter is found in Bhaq(r)avatu of the Lord', 1.3, where there is another short stroke to the left, just above (r), which I cannot explain, and almost regularly in (r)a when this represents intervocalic t; thus palugabhut(r)ao 'become decayed', where Majumdar reads the blurred akshara as dr, sakareat(r)i 'is honoured, kept in proper state', 1.1 etc. The only exception is bhag(r)avatu, 1.3. The g() of this word must be explained in the same way as in bhag(r)avalo of the Swāt vase of the Meridarkh Theodorol and similar forms in other Kharðshthi inscriptions, for which the Lion Capital has bhak(r)avat(r). There can be little doubt about its meaning. It renders a guttural, probably voiced spirant, a 8. The akshara t(r)a must be explained in a similar way. It should be compared with writings such as pradiţhavid(r)a in the Theodoros epigraph, pral(r)ithavit(r)o on the Lion Capital, and similar forms in other Kharoshthi inscriptions. Inscription C has pradithavide, and the actual sound was probably a voiced dental spirant 8.
In the case of d and dh we have kaladre and sadhro 1.1, where the joint seems to be curved at least in sadhro, which evidently corresponds to Sanskrit srāddham. About kalaire or kalaut(r)e I shall have something to say below.
Y() is found in key(r)i 1.1, which evidently corresponds to Sanskrit kaschit. I am inclined to consider the (r) stroke as due to a mistake by the engraver. $(r) occurs in Ves(r)akhasa and pamchavis(r)aye 1.2, and should be compared with similar forms on the Lion Capital, where a voiced , i.e., a zt seems to be intended. S(r) only occurs in the name Viyakamitras(r)a in B, where we must probably think of a voiced , a %.
The arrangement of the inscription is somewhat irregular. The first line contains the greater portion of a description of the state of things which led up to a new establishing of the relics. The last clause of this description is, however, transferred to 1.2, though there would have been room enough for it in 1.1. It seems to me that the most likely explanation of this state of things is that the first line of the office copy which had to be entered on the surface ended in this very place.
The second line would then have contained the last sentence of the introduction and the date portion, after which there is a clear interval. The continuation follows after this interval, at a slightly lower level, and is continued in a fourth line.
It would then seem as if the office draft consisted of three lines, and that this arrangement was followed by the writer who copied it for the guidance of the engraver.
The second line does not, however keep the same distance from the first one throughout, but gradually increases it. The reason is, according to Majumdar, that B had already been incised, when D was engraved. As I have already stated I am much in doubt with regard to this. The letters of B are larger and bolder than those of D, but they seem to be contemporaneous. And Majumdar's interpretation of B as meaning the gift of Viyakamitra, the unequalled king' does not satisfy me. The original establishment of the relics in a casket was evidently done at the requent of Menandros, and what is indicated in inscriptions C and D is a second establishment,
10.1. 1., Vol. II, pt. I, pp. 1 ff, * Toid, p. 48.
Ibid, pp. and exxy. ht, pol Ibid.

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NO. 12 ] NOTE ON THE BAJAUR INSCRIPTION OF MENANDROS
57 after the casket had become damaged, due to the ruler who is called Vijayamitra in C and D, and it seems to me that we must identify this Vijayamitra with Viyakamitra. The cpithet apracharaja has been read in the legend on the British Museum coin of Vijaya mitra's son, but is not known from other sources. The interchange of j and y does not present any difficulty, if we hear in mind doublets such as Aja and Aya for Azes. And the writing of k for y is known from other sources and has its parallel in the frequent y for k. Viyakamitra can accordingly be the same name as Vijayamitra, in a different orthography.
Palaeographically both B and C-D belong to about the first century B.C., and it is just possible that Vijavamitra, Viyakamitra is the same ruler whose coins have, according to Majumdar, been found at Sirkap during the Taxila excavations of 1931.
The form Viyaka can hardly be Viryaka, which would probably become Viriaka, and certainly not Vijaka. Vijayamitra certainly makes the impression of being an Indian name. But we cannot be certain. It may be of interest to bear in mind that the bottom-stroke of j which we find in apracharaja is absent in Vijayamitra, which can very well be an Iranian or semi-Iranian name : cf. the element vise, i.e., vize in the names of Khotanere kings.
In such circumstances I think it possible that the draft of the inscription was revised by an officer of Vijayamitra's who thought it advisable to make the date clearer by adding the ruler's name and therefore entered B, in his own orthography, above the date portion of the inscription. It is impossible to be confident, but such seems to me to be the most likely explanation.
In other respects I can accept most of Majumdar's interpretation of D. He has not noticed the fact that there is, especially in the first part of the inscription, a clear tendency to separate individual sentences and sometimes individual words by short intervals, which sometimes makes it necessary to deviate from his reading. Thus the beginning of the inscription goes on as follows :-ime sarira palugabhu[trao na sakareat(r)i tasa sariat(r)i kalaure. It is evident that we cannot here read sakare al(r)ita, but must take sakareat(r)i as one word and tasa' as the next one. Sakareat(r)i is satkriyatë, or rathar satkāryalē 'is honoured, treated with respect.' Paluga has rightly been identified by Majumdar with Pāli palugga 'broken, decayed', though we should expect pralugga. The first sentence accordingly runs: "This relic having been decayed is not properly respected ', and this is further explained in what follows, which shows that the respect shown to the relic consisted in pious acts performed at the site.
The next clause is lasa sariat(r)i kaladre, where the sa of tasa cannot, as already stated, be separated from ta and consequently not be the subject of sariat(r)i ; i.e., as stated by Majumdar, Sanskrit siryate is broken, falls off'; and the subject must be kaladre, which cannot therefore correspond to Sanskrit kālataḥ, as Majumdar thinks. I am in doubt about the final syllable. If it is dire we would have a külade with a spirantic 8, while kalndre might be something like kāladraya which does not seem to give any sense. I am inclined to look on the apparent stroke as a mistake of the engraver, because the e-mātrā was blurred. And I can only explain kalade as standing for käladeya what should be given in its proper time, seasonal offerings,' and what is meant we learn from what follows: na sadhro na pini doya key(r)i pil(r)i grinayat(r)i 'nobody causes the ancestors to receive frāddha and piydödaka.' Majumdar takes fadhro to stand for frāddhah, to which he assigns the elsewhere unknown meaning 'venerated ', and explains pimdoyakey'r)i as pindödakaiḥ, but final o in this inscription usually stands for am, and both the form and the construction make it impossible to think of an instrumental plural.
The reference to such periodical offerings has no special connection with Buddhism but tenda to show that the relic-sanctuary was held in honour by people of all crecds.
1 Cunningham, Numismatic Chronicle, 1890, pp. 127, 170; Rapson, Indian Coins, p. 9; Whitehead, Catalogue of Coins in the Panjab Museum, p. 168, pl. xvii, ii.
* CF. C. 1. 1., Vol. II, pt. 1, pp. cv f:
Cf. the remarks by Liders, 40. xviii, pp. 25 ff. XV1.1.11

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
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L.2 begins below the final t(r)i of grinayat(r)i and continues under the gap after this word and further below. 1.1, at an increasing distance. The first clause, tasa ye patre apomua continues the statement about the condition of the relics in l.1. Majumdar explains apomua as a pamukta
abandoned', but apa could not become apo and mukta must appear as muta. Moreover, the casket is the same which was used for the Menandros inscription, and it is difficult to accept Majumdar's translation and the receptacle of that (relic) has been cast aside'. What we seem to know is that the lid was damaged, and a pominu must mean something like defective! I take it to be appomua, from appa Skt. alpa, and omna formed with the suffix wka from oma, which occurs in the sense of defective' in Ardhamagadhi, so that the meaning would be slightly defective' which suits the context perfectly.
Then comes the date portion : Vashaye pani chamaye 41 Ves(r)akh(r)asa masasa divnsa pamchavis(r)aye in the fifth, 5, year on the 25th day of the month Vaisakhn'. The year is clearly a regnal year, and since the ruler is mentioned in the last part of the inscription nothing more needs to be added. But then we have the short inscription B above the final portion of the date and protruding beyond it to the left. If I am right about the arrangement of the lines in the original draft, 1.2 would have been a little shorter than 1.1, while the addition of B would have brought it up to the same length. Since B cannot be as old as A but seems to be of the same time as D. and since it would not seem likely that the establishment of the relic by Vijayamitra mentioned in D should be further characterised as the gift of Viyakamitra, it seems to me that I must be right in my explanation that B has been added above the date in order to make it more precise, though such an addition was not necessary. It is not, of course, possible to speak with full confidence, but it seems to me that the explanation I have suggested above is the only one which explains the whole arrangement. I therefore explain B, in connection with the date, as of Viyakamitra (=Vijayamitra), the unequalled king'.
The final portion of the inscription does not cause any difficulty iyo prat(r)ithavit(r)e Vijayamitrena apracharajena bhag(r)azulu Salimenisa samasabudhasa sarira 'this relic of the Lord Säkyamuni, the perfectly enlightened one, was established by the unequalled king Vijayamitra'.
There is, finally, a short inscription, Majumdar's E, on the bottom of the casket. Majumdar read višpilena anamkatena likhit(r)e explaining anamkatena as corresponding to ajñākritēna who was ordered'. An examination of the not infrequent ye in D shows, however, that we must read anamkayena, not to mention the evident difficulty in assuming kata and not kat(r)a in this record. The cerebral » side by side with the dental in anamkayena further shows that I was probably right in thinking that and n are used promiscuously in our inscription.
We must then translate written by Vispila 'the anamkaya, and as I have remarked in another place, anaṁkaya can hardly be anything else than the Greek évayxaios, which was used in Hellenistic times about a ruler's advisers. And we are reminded of the fact that another Greek term wept8áplnis has been traced by Professor F. W. Thomas in the neighbourhood, and from a somewhat carlier time.
The writer Vispila was as his name shows, no Greek, but an Iranian, probably a Parthian. And the ruler Vijayamitra, probably belongs to the Parthian period. But then we now know that the Parthians played a great rôle in the preservation and evolution of Greek notions and especially of Greek art in the Indian borderland.
1J.R. A. 8., 1939, p. 265.
Pestackrift fur Ernst Windisch, pp. 362 ff.

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SIVANVAYAL PILLAR-INSCRIPTION OF PALLAVA SLAVARMAN
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No. 13.-SIVANVAYAL PILLAR INSCRIPTION OF PALLAVA SIMHAVARMAN
(1 Plate)
M. VENKATARAMAYYA, OOTACAMUND Sivanvāyal is a village situated about 9 miles north-east of Tiruval!ūr, the headquarters of the tāluk of the same name in the Chingleput District, Madras Presidency. The village was visited by me in the course of the epigraphical survey of the tāluk in November 1944.1 The antiquity of its name goes back to Pallava times, the village being mentioned under that name in a record of Pallava Kampavarman (c. 850 A.D.) at the place. In Tamil, the name Sivanvāyal means the abode or the entrance (vāyal s vāśal) of Siva and the Sanskrit rendering of the name would be Sivadvāra. True to its import, the village contains the remains of an old temple of Siva.which is the main attraction to the eye as one approaches the village from the north. The remains at present visible at the site are a linga of huge size, a nandi in front and débris consisting of granite slabs some of which are dressed, having been evidently used in the construction. A little away from the Siva temple stands a temple of Vishnu, of simple construction, comprising an ardhamandapa and the garbhagriha. The deity, which is under worship in this temple, is locally called Vaikuntha-Varadarāja-perumā!. Although the present structure appears to be modern, the temple seems to be an ancient one, because an inscription in Pallava-Grantha characters of about the 9th century A.D. engraved on a stone now built into the ceiling of the temple, refers to the god as Vaikunthanātha, which is preserved in the present appellation of the god. At the entrance to this shrine was found a massive broken pillar of reddish-grey granite which the local residents used as one of the steps. On examination, the pillar was found to contain on its three sides an inscription engraved in ornate Pallava-Grantha characters.
The pillar, which stands just four feet high, is about one foot square in section. Up to a height of 31 feet from the bottom, the pillar is cubical but not geometrically perfect, as two sides of it, which are 1 foot 2 inches broad, are broader than the other two by 2 inches. The middle portion of the shaft just above the lower cubical part has its angles bevelled off, thereby making this portion of the pillar octagonal in section. The cubical portion at the bottom is decorated with the design of a conventional lotus-flower similar to the lotus medallions appearing on the stone railings of the Amaravati stūpa.? As only a part, viz., the lower part, of the middle octagonal portion, about foot in height, is preserved, it would seem that nearly half the pillar must have been lost at the top. The pillar should have formed part of a monument the nature or the shape of which it is not possible now to determine. .
The characters of the inscription are what is termed Pallava-Grantha alphabet, and they closely resemble those of the Trichinopoly cave pillar inscriptions of Pallava Mahēndra as also those of the Bādāmi inscription of Mahēndra's son Narasimhavarman I. Bühler cites the latter inscription as the latest example of the archaic variety of the Grantha alphabet.10 In general execution,
1 The village was again visited by Dr. B. Ch. Chhabra, Government Epigraphist for India, in 1945, when photographs of the antiquities and fresh estampages of the inscriptions were secured.
A. R. E., No. 13 of 1944-45. .
Cf. Kañchivayal and Kanchidvāra which are used synonymously in the Udayēndiram Plates of Pallava Nandivarman (8. I. ., Vol. III, p. 365; Ep. Ind., Vol. III, p. 145; Ind. Ant., Vol. XXII, p. 67 n. 63). Names of places similarly ending in vayal or va dal like Kudavālal, eto., are common in the Tamil country.
The god is locally called Sivanändisvara. * A. R. E., No. 10 of 1944-45.
A. R. E., No. 11 of 1944-45.
* A. H. Longhurst: Pallava Architecture, Part I: Mem. Arch. Sur. India, No. 17, p. 9. The decorative style of such pillars of the Pallava period is characterised by Longhurst as the Mahendra style.
.8.1. I., Vol. XII, Pallavas : Pl. I, opp. p. 5. .S.I.I., Vol. XI, pt. 1, plate opp. p. 1. 10 Indian Palaeography (Ind. Ant., Vol. XXXIII, App.), p. 70.

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our record may be said to be engraved in the ornamental forms of Grantha in which the label ingcription (Nos. 1-16) on the Dharmarajaratha at Mahabalipuram aro engraved and which Dr. Iultzsch would assign to king Narasimhavarman. The letter of our epigraph is more orna. mental than that found in the Trichinopoly and the Badami inscriptions. Attention may be
Irawn to b of our inneription which is much more developed than those found in any of the other inscriptions under comparison. The letter very nearly approaches the form found in the Kūram grant of Paranośvaravarman, son of Nariesiri havarman I, wherein its shape is more cursive. It is thus in a transitional stage between the forms found in the Trichinopoly label inscriptions of Mahindravarman I and the aforesaid record of Paramesvaravarman I, his grandson. The medial ū attached to the letter j in our inscription shows a peculiar form, which is not found in any of the above records under comparison, nor is it the usual type found in Pallava-Grantha or the Chāļukya records of this period. In the present record it takes the form of a separate sign of length unattached to the main letter, and vertically descending to the bottom in the form of an upright, almost similar to medialā in Nāgari. The usual way in which the medial ã of jā is found marked in both Grantha and Teluyu-Kannada records of the period is in the form of a semi-circular spiral proceeding upwards fron the middle prong of the letter j and ascending in a loop 'over the head of the letter and sometimes descending to its left. Attention may be drawn to the two different forms of medial é used in the inscription as in yê of l. 2 of the first side and in mē of 1. 2 of the second side. The palaeography of our record would indicate the second quarter of the 7th century A. D. as the period in which it was written.
The language of the inscription is Sanskrit and its composition in prose in the usual style characteristic of Pallava inscriptions. Parts of the inscription, including the beginning, are lost along with the top portion of the pillar. What is left of the inscription is in three disconnected parts, each part embodying the writing on each of the three respective sides of the pillar. The extant portion on the first two sides contains the eulogy of the king, Simhavarman, who is stated to have been born in the Pallava family as god Vishvaksēna (Vishnu) was born in the Vrishội race, and to have performed the Daśāśvamēdha and Bahusuvarna sacrifices. He is styled Dēva, i.e. Lord. The portion of the inscription on the third side, which is partly obliterated, seems to contain the details of the grant. The epithet applied to the Pallava race in the present inscription might be restored on the analogy of similar passages in the published records of the Pallavas as (nirāksi)=āšēsha-prajā-vipal-lavā[nā*]m=Pallavānām, i.e., of the race of the Pallavas (who have removed even the slightest distress (vipat+lava) from every one of their subjects (asesha-prajā). It is also found in similar terms, with the same play on the words pallava and vipal-lava (also āpallara) in the Pallava copper-plate charters from the time of Para mēsvaravarman."
With paleography as the only guide, one is tempted to identify Simhavarman of the present record with Narasiri havarman I, whose date lay in the same period and who was the son and successor of Mahendravarman 1. This Narasimhavarman was the contemporary of Pulakēģin II (642 A. D.) whom he is supposed to have vanquished. Of the identity of our Simhavarman with Narasim havarman we cannot be absolutely certain in the face of the fact that Simhavarman of our
Above, Vol. X, pp. 2, 5-6 and plate I opp. p. 6. Further development of this florid writing is found in Aty. antakima's inscriptions at the Seven Pagodas and the Kailāsanātha templo label inscriptions of Rajasimha.
: Above, Vol. XVII, plato opp. p. 340; also 8. 1. I., Vol. II, plate opp. p. 342.
* Kuram grant of Paramosvaravarman I: 8.1. I., Vol. I, p. 148: niräkrita-kul-apal-lavah (1.11). Here the play is on Pallava and apat Hlava; (b) the Udayēndiram plates of Nandivarman II: 8.1. I., Vol. III, p. 366. 11. 7-8 anl I. 11, samyag-gun-ochchaya-wirastu-vipa!-lavānām, who have driven away even the slightest calamity by the multitude of their excellent virtues: niräkrita-kula-vipal-lavah Pallavah, Pallava, who drove away even the smallest calamity from his race'; (c) the Vēlürpāļaiyam plates of Nandivarman II: 8.1.1., Vol. II, p. 507. 1. 8, vunsaslato-varttata Pallavånan raksha-vidhi-dhvasta-vipal-lavánärs, thence came into existence the race of the
allavas, who by the Law of Protection (they had adopted) removed even the slightest distress of their subjects, ).

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No. 13 ) SIVANVAYAL PILLAR INSCRIPTION OF PALLAVA SIMHAVARMAN
01
record does not bear the full name of Narasimhavarman by which the son of Mahöndravarman. I was usually referred to in stone and copper-plate inscriptions. He might as well belong to a collateral branch of the family or a hitherto unknown member of the same family different from Narasimhavarman. However, should our identification prove correct, the present inscription would be the third known record of the king, the other two being those at Badami (Bombay) and Tirukkalukun ramo (Madras).
One fact of importance brought out by the record is that king Simhavarman is stated to have performed the Daśāśvamēdha and the Bahusuwarna sacrifices. We may recall here that the Bhārasivas (c. 4-5th century A.D.) of Central India acquired the distinction of having performed the Dasüsvamēdha sacrifice and the Vikatakas, the Chatura suamëdha sacrifice. The Vishnukundins (c. 5-7th century A. D.) are known to have performed the Ekālasāśvamēdha sacrifice. Though the A évamedha is common in the cases cited, the significance of the number which in one instance is daśa, in the other chatuh and in the third ēkādasa, is not easily understandable. There are instances of dvira svamēdha also. One is led to doubt if in each case one kind of sacrifice, and that only once celebrated, is meant or whether the Aśvamëdha was performed as many times as the prefix daśa, etc., signifies. Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar was inclined to take the former view, explaining the number by stating that at the performance of a single Acvamēdha the gifts to Brāhmaṇas were increased fourfold, tenfold or elevenfold, so that by going through one sacrifice the performer secured the merit and also claimed the distinction of having performed more than one Afvamëdha, four, ten, and so on. In support of his view regarding Dasāsvamëdha, Dr. Bhandarkar cites a passage from the Mahābhāratas which incidentally throws some light on the nature of the Bahusuvarya sacrifice (also called Bahusuvarņaka). From the passage in the Maha Whārata we come to know that Bahusuvarnaka belonged to a class of sacrifices called ahina and that it was named Bahusuvarnaka owing to the profuse gifts of gold made during the ceremony. The ahina sacrifice is defined by Nandapandita, the commentator on the Vishnu-sütras, as a cerepiony connected with the repeated drinking of the sõna juice and lasting from two to twelve days. Mēdhätithi (commenting on the Manu-smriti, XI, 196) simply defines it as a sacrifice extending over two days or more. Kullūka (commenting on the Manu-smriti, XI, v. 197) states that it lasts three days or more and that it is said in the Vēdas to cause impurity (ahinayajanam-asuchikaramiti srutëh). Dr. Vogel quotes Kern as taking Bahusuvarnaka to be identical with Bahuhiranya, a söma sacrifice. It may be observed that neither Bahuhiranya nor Bahusuvarnaka finds a place among the seven söma sacrifices which form the group called Saptasömasamstha.? That Bahu
18.1. 1., Vol. XI, pt. 1, p. 1. 28. 1. I., Vol. XII, p. 9, Ins. No. 16.
Ind. Cul., Vol. I, pp. 116-7. The Mahabharata padenge reads :Vyasa : Ahino nama Rajendra kratuste='yan vikalpavan
bahutvål kanchanasyasya khyato bahusuvarnakah evam-Eva Mahārāja dakshinam triguņām kuru trituar vrajata tērajan brāhmanā hy-atra karanam ! trin Abramodhan-atra tvar samprapya bahu-dakshinan
jñati-hatya-kritam papam prahasyasi naràdhipali A śramëdhika Parva, Adhyâya, 94, vv. 15.17. Dr. D. C. Sircar (Successors of the Satavahanas, p. 347) accepts Dr. Bhandarkar's interpretation, but draws a fine distinction by saying that the merit accruing from the celebra. tion of the Asvamëdha, and not the Asvamēdha itself, could be tripled if the performer offered threefold dakshiwa.
Sacred Books of the East, Vol. VII, Institutes of Vishnu, p. 178 and n.
See sūtra 141 of Apastamba's Yajnaparibhashasūtra. The commentator on this sitro refers to the ahina sacrifice and explains it as one which lasts from two to eleven nights. Those whioh last from 13 to 100 nights or more are called sallras (Sacred Books of the East, Vol. XXX, p. 354).
• The Yüpa inscriptions of king Mülavarman, Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land-en Volkenkunde van Nederler.lackIndië, Vol. 74 (1918), p. 213 n. 8; above, Vol. IV, p. 194, n. 3.
Above, Vol. XXIV, p. 247,

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[VOL. XXVII
suvarna was a major sacrifice ranking in importance with Agnishtöma, Akvamedha, Rajasuya and the like is clear from two passages from Valmiki's Rāmāyana. One of them states that during Rama's peaceful rule hundreds of Asvamedha and Bahusuvarna sacrifices were performed. The other relates that Meghanada performed the Agnishtōma, Asvamedha, Bahusuvarnaka, Rajasuya, Gōmedha, Vaishnava and Maheśvara sacrifices. Pulakesin I (6th century A.D.), and Kirtivarman I (6th century A.D.) of the Chalukya family of Badāmi performed the Bahusuvarna. The Vishnukundins also performed it. Outside India king Mulavarman of Borneo (c. 4-5th century A. D.) set up a memorial yupa pillar commemorating his celebration of the sacrifice. Among the Pallavas, Simhavarman of the present inscription appears to be the only king to have done it. The charters of the Pallavas do not attribute the performance of this sacrifice to Narasimhavarman with whom our Simhavarman has been sought to be identified, nor to any other king of the dynasty, though speaking generally, they say that the Pallavas performed many sacrifices.
TEXT
First side
1 taha-praja-vipal-lavā[nä*]
2 m Pallavānām-anvayē Vishva
3 ksēna iva Vrishṇīnām=a..
4 nm anugraham-atiśay....
Second side
1 [vi] jayasy-ayam-ēva maha[ha] sainya
2 dvipo daśāśvamedha-bahusuvarņṇa
3 kratu-yāji Dēva[b] Śrī-Simha
4 varmmā pratapa iva mürttim[än*]
5
6
Vana-manda.
1 supranita-danḍēna
2 punar-idha dvijanmasu vi..
3.sarvvasva pratipi
4
........
Third side
No. 14.-SOHNAG TERRACOTTA SEAL OF AVANTIVARMAN MADHO SARUP VATS, AGRA
In September, 1945, the Collector of Gorakhpur informed the Secretary to Government, United Provinces, Public Works Department, Lucknow, of the find of a terracotta seal in the village Sohnag, Police Station Lar, Tahsil Salempur of the Gorakhpur District, by one Tapeshar Rai, while digging in the fields, and this information was kindly conveyed to me by the Additional Assistant Secretary to Government, Public Works Department, United Provinces, in October 1945. The District Magistrate, Deoria, sent me the above-mentioned seal in June 1946, adding
Balakanda, I, 95; Uttarakanda, XXV, 8-9. I am obliged to Dr. Chhabra for these references. See also his article on Yüpa inscriptions in India Antiqua, Leyden (1947), p. 82.
2 Fleet: Bom. Gaz. Vol. I, pt. II, p. 344-5: above, Vol. XXVII, p. 39,text l. 6.
Above, Vol. IV, p. 196, text, 1. 4.
Vogel, op. cit.
Read punar-iha or punar-idam.

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SIVANVAYAL PILLAR INSCRIPTION OF PALLAVA SIMHAVARMAN
Second Side.
First Side.
Third Side.
SCALE: ONE-SEVENTH
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.
B. CH. CHHABRA. Reg. No. 3977 E 36-495'48.

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No. 14 )
SOHNAG TERRACOTTA SEAL OF AVANTIVARMAN
that it was only a casual find in a field not associated with any ancient ruins. It may, however, be stated that the findspot, lying within the Gorakhpur District, was well within the tarãi, which marked the northern boundaries of the Maukhari kingdom.
The seal is of terracotta but the baking is imperfect, the surface of the inscription having become smoky in a reducing atmosphere in the kiln. It is a plano-convex oval, which, including the rim, measures 7.3" by 66", but the sunk inscribed portion measures 6' by 53". The convex reverse rises to 2:6' from the rim but is rather irregular and shows a hole in the thickness just below the inscription for attachment, even as seals were attached to land grants. It weighs 184 telas. A little more than one-third of the upper field of the seal is occupied by certain figures showing in the centre a garlanded bull to proper right, behind whose hump rises an umbrella with two streamers flowing backwards like those from a wheel or sun-emblem held in his left hand by an attendant to proper right, whose figure is, however, blurred. The man to left holds a chauri brush or a stick in his right hand and a long handled axe in his left. These figures appear to be exactly similar to those depicted on the Asirgadh and Nålandă seals of Sarvavarman with this difference only that in the present seal a flowing end of the garment is also shown on the figure to proper right. Explaining these figures, Dr. Hirananda Sastri says, "The bull usually stands for dharma : ut f r a : The two male figures are, perhaps, the chāndālas, who want to kill the animal. The idea underlying the emblem seems to be that the tampering with the seal is as heinous as the killing of a bull or violating the dharma". This interpretation of the symbols would amount to an imprecation and limit their utility only to the safety of the seal, though it is well known that royal seals in ancient India show varied symbols which could hardly be so explained. On the other hand, they had a direct bearing on the religious tendency of a ruler or a particular dynasty. Thus Garuda on the Gupta seals refers to their being भागवत; the bull on the Sonpat seals of Harshavardhana recalls his title of परममाहेश्वर the Bhagavati on the Pratihära seals represents the tutelary deity of the dynasty. D. R. Sahni rightly calls " a flying figure of Garuda and a conch-shell" in the Gāhadavāla seals to be " in conformity with the Vaishnava faith of the king who issued the plates". This common practice would indicate that the seal symbols had a wider significance than that imagined by Dr. Sastri. Probably the held by the men led Dr. Sastri to call them chāndālas, but they might be attendant protectors or Gaņas of the bull, pret, of Siva, one of whose weapons is T . This Saiva interpretation of the symbols is in conformity with the Brahmanical proclivities of the Maukbari rulers, also borne out by their assumption of the title #414242, while the gu (umbrella) may refer to their claim to sole sovereignty of the earth (41197 pra: ).'
The characters belong to the Northern class of alphabets and may be dated to the latter part of the sixth century A.D. when forms with a profusion of flourishes had already been long in vogue. In this connection attention may be invited to the formation of in line 3 in opeanfaat, which is entirely different from the same in all the known seals of Sarva
1 Cf. R. S. Tripathi : History of Kanauj, p. 55. * J. F. Fleet: Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, Vol. III, pp. 219-21. . Abovo, Vol. XXI, pp. 73-74. • Cf. J. N. Banerjca : The Development of Hindu Iconography, p. 11. * Hirananda Sastri : Nalanda and its Epigraphic Material (Memoirs of the Archaeological Survey of Indiu,
No. 66), pp. 64-67. • Fleet : op. cit., pp. 231-2. * Above, Vol. XIV, p. 192. . Cf. Kalidasa : T a , canto II, verse 47, where this very expression is used, also of. W I R in Bhisa's rarea where & similar idea is expressed by HETAQI T

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64 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXVII varman, but is similar to that found in the Aphsaď stone inscription of Adityasēna. The language is Sanskrit prose throughout. In respect of orthography may be noticed the doubling of and in conjunction with the , e.g., in afara and site in line 1, in get in different parts of the inscription, and also the doubling of in conjunction with the following as in the word w at in different parts of the inscription. The orthography is, therefore, similar to that of the seals of Sarvavarman with this difference only that whereas in the Asirgadh seal the उपध्मानीय occurs between उत्पन्न and परममाहेश्वर in 1.7 and fand in the Nälandă seals, neither of these is found in the present epigraph. The omission is probably due to the scribe.
The seal refers to the Maukhari king Avantivarman, who was the son and successor of Sarvavarman begotten on his queen Mahadevi Indrabhattarikā. He is already known to us from the two fragmentary Maukhari seals from Nälandā, published by Mr. A. Ghosh (above, Vol. XXIV. Pp. 283-285), wherein genealogical history of the Maukharis has been discussed by him: Avantivarman is here described as 4 and her confect exactly as Sarvavarman is described in the Asirgadh and Nālandă seals. It may be noted further that Avantivarman's name also ends with the dynastic title of stof even as Sarvavarman's ends in his seals, referred to above. This would indicate that the dynastic name was added at the end of the seal after the name of the issuer, and no special meaning need be read in the association of this title with any particular ruler, as was supposed by Dr. R. 8. Tripathi in his History of Kanauj, p. 45.
As the first six lines of this inscription are identical with the text of the known seals of SarvaVarman, there seems to be no necessity of translating them, while lines 7 and 8 give only the name, title and parentage of Avantivarman, the Maukhari. The text is as follows:
TEXT
1 चतुस्समुद्रातिपकान्तकीतिः प्रतापानुरागोपनतान्यराजा (जो) वर्णाश्रमव्यवस्थापनप्रवृत्त
2 w arm waterafeter: stare[t] utfram[1] [11*] Teu geriau - ३ यस्वामिनीभट्टारिकादेव्यामुत्पन्नः श्रीमहाराजादित्यवर्मा [*] तस्य पुत्तस्तत्पादानुयातो जय.
Farifa
4 भट्टारिकादेव्यामुत्पन्नः भीमहाराजेश्वरवा [॥*] तस्य पुत्तस्तत्पादानुबयात उपगुप्ताभट्टारिका..
5 देव्यामुत्पन्नो महाराजाधिराजश्रीईशानवा [॥*] तस्य पुत्तस्तत्पादानुखपातो
। लक्ष्मीवतीभट्टारिकामहादेव्यामुत्पन्नो महाराजाधिराजश्रीशर्बवर्मा [॥*]
Fleet : op. cit., pp. 200-8.
* It is necessary to state in this connection that of all the Maukhari seals---Copper or terracotta-the relief of letters in the present seal is very small and that at places the text has become more or less blurred. The surface of the seal is also uneven and this has caused greater wearing of certain parte.
- The mother of ईश्वरवर्मन् is हर्षगुप्ताभट्टारिका in all the seals of Sarvavarman, and जयस्वामिनी, who in line 8 of the present record is stated to be the mother of t h is presumably a mistake for g o on He part of the scribe.

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SOHNAG TERRACOTTA SEAL OF AVANTIVARMAN.
INCHES
CMS
B. CH. CHHABRA
From a photograph
BURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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No. 15 )
AKKALKOT INSCRIPTION OF SILAHARA INDARASA
7 तस्य पुत्तस्तत्पादानुसचात इन भट्टारिकामहादेव्यामुत्पन्न- परममाहेश्वरो
8
mercatfercromatuafrecertifs aterra: [11*]
No. 15.-AKKALKOT INSCRIPTION OF SILAHARA INDARASA
P. B. DESAI, OOTACAMUND
This epigraph was copied by me in the summer vacation of 1933, when I was a student in the Karnatak College, Dharwar. The stone-slab containing the inscription was kept in a shed in the compound of the Nazar Bag of the Old Palace at Akkalköt, the headquarters of a small state. on the south-eastern border of the Sholapur District, Bombay Presidency. The importance of the record was indicated in my list of inscriptions published in the Karnatak Historical Review, Vol. II. No. 2. I am editing it here in full for the first time.
The record is inscribed in rather indifferent Kannada characters of the 12th century A. D. The language, except for the invocatory and imprecatory portions, which are in Sanskrit verse, is Kannada. The composition is partly in prose and partly in verse.
The document refers itself to the reign of the Western Chalukya king Tribhuvanamalla. döva (Vikramaditya VI) and is dated the Chalukya-Vikrama year 39, Jaya, Pushya ba. 12, Friday, Uttarāyapa-sankramapa, the details of which regularly correspond to A. D. 1114, December 25. The object of the record is to register land and other gifts for the benefit of the temple of Siddhagajjēsvara at [Bistteyana Karamjige by Mahamandalesvara Indarasa in conjunction with other dignitaries.
The donor Indarasa hailed from the family of Selara or the Šilāhāras, of the Jimītavāhana lineage, and bore the epithets Tagarapuratarādhisvara (lord of the foremnost city of Tagara) and
1 The relief in the last two lines has almost faded and they cannot be clearer on the photograph. In line 7 too many letters have been inserted in a comparatively small space. Their size is, therefore, naturally smaller.
The reading is not clear either in the photograph or in the plaque. The form of is made up of ono dot at the top and two below, the former coming almost above the centre of the latter as in in line 2.
Nafaqat has become very blurred in the photograph, but in the original it is quite distinct. Here, too, one can see the right-hand vertical line of quite clearly, is just a line thickened in the middle the loop to the left having merged in the thickness, and traces of free are also visible.
The inscription has been subsequently copied by the office of the Director of Kananda Research, Dharwar. and a brief account of its contents published in the Digest of the Annual Report for 1941-41 of that office (page 18). XVI.1.11

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXVII Chamundikādēvilabdhavaraprasāda (one who had secured the boon of the goddess Chamundika). The genealogy of the ancestors of Indarasa is herein set forth in detail thus :
Pittama I
Ajja I Nagarjuna
Inda I
Kavilása I
Kancha
Bibbasa
Rakkasa
Inda II
Sõvaņa
Pittama II
Kavilása II Dhanasangraha
Ajja II Kavilāsa 111
Danka I
Kavilāsa IV
Indarasa (Inda) III, the donor. A perusal of these names will show that this is entirely a new and hitherto unknown branch of the Silahāras. But this is not all. Starting with Indarasa III, whose initial date may be roughly fixed at A. D. 1110 on the evidence of the present record and counting fifteen generations backwards at the average of twenty-five years per generation, the date available for Pittama I, the first forbear of the family, will be about A. D. 735. This therefore entitles it to be considered as one of the oldest units of the Silāhāra families.
Not much information, however, could be gathered regarding the early or late history of this family from the record. Pittama I, it is stated, ruled the country bounded by Asitādri and Kalā. õjara. This statement occurs again with a slight verbal change of substituting Krishņādri for Asitādri, while describing the kingdom of Dhanasangraha, who, we are further told, was resourceful and maintained a vast army of eighteen thousand cavalry, eighty thousand eminent warriors and countless foot-soldiers. This description bears the ring of exaggeration and sounds more conventional than real, since no specific exp! of his is recorded. Kavilāsa IV's wife was Chandaladēvi, daughter of Räjarāja of Moramba. Inda III, as can be gleaned from the present record and according to the explicit statement in another inscription from the same place, was a feudatory
* The Southern Konkan family of the Silábäras was hitherto considered the earliest branch having A.D. 783 for its initial dato ; vide, Bomb. Gaz.. Vol. I, pt. II, p. 537.
• Indarasa III is referred to in this record as Ankulageya nada mannsya Indarasa, meaning 'Todarama, the horditary shief of the Ankulage tract: (My private collection.)

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No. 151
AKKALKOT INSCRIPTION OF SILAHARA INDARASA
67
chief having administrative authority over the small tract of Arkulage containing fifty villages, which must have been his hereditary fief.
Little is known about Räjarīja, the maternal grandfather of Inda III. Ay there are more places than one named Morab in the Bombay-Karnatak area, it is not possible to identify this Moramba, which was ruled by this chief.
In regard to Kavilāsa IV, the father of Indarasa III, we have a contemporary record at Akkalköt itself. It refers itself to the reign of Tribhuvanamalladeva (Vikramaditya VI) and is dated in the Chalukya-Vikrama year 17, Angirasa (=A.D. 1093). This chief is introduced in this epigraph as a feudatory (Mahamandalesvara) bearing all the significant epithets of his linel and figures as the donor in conjunction with another feudatory chief Jõgamarasa, the grandfather of the well-known Bijjala of the Kalachurya family. Of the time of Indarasa III, we have two more records from Akkalköț, dated in the Chalukya-Vikrama years 36, Khara (-A.D. 1111) and 48, Sõbhaksit (-A.D. 1123). The latter of these furnishes further information regarding this family and carries its genealogy two generations ahead. Indarasa III's younger brother was named Rājarasa who had two sons, Kuppadēva and Indarasa IV. Indarasa III had four sons, namely Dakarasa II, Kavilāsa V, Mallidēva and Ajja III. Dakarasa again had a son named Indarasa V.?
An attempt may be made to identify the territory said to have been ruled over by the two ancestors of the family, viz., Pittama I and Dhanasangraba. Although there appears to be definiteness regarding the location of one limit of this kingdom, namely Kālāñjara," which is the same as modern Kalinjar in Bundelkhand, the other limit, Asitādri or Krishņādri is elusive of identification in the face of too many possibilities.
If its identification either with the Karakorum mountain or the Haridwar hills is accepted, we shall have to conceive that these chiefs ruled over a vast empire comprising almost the whole of North India. But such an assumption runs counter to the known facts of history. So it would be reasonable to treat this statement as only another amplified version of the legendary origin set forth by ah the Silahāra families who trace their descent from the mythical ancestor Jimūtavāhana, the king of the Vidyadharas residing in the region of the Himalayas. The truth underlying these
1 Compare 11. 31-37 of the text of the present record.
* The information contained in this paragraph is based on the contents of inscriptions in my unpublished private collection.
• It is interesting to observe how several families of local chiefs who rose to prominence in the Kannada and Telugu districts from the 11th to 13th centuries trace their connection either with this place or the dynasties that ruled in this part of Central India. (i) The Kalachuryas of Kalyāna who attained prominence during the time of Jógama in the 11th century bore the title Kalanjarapuravaradhisvara. (ii) The Ahihayas who flourished in the Gulbarga district of the Nizam's Dominions apparently claimed kinship with the Haihayas of Central India (above, Vol. XII, p. 292.) (iii) The Haihaya chiefs of the Kōnamandala, who figure conspicuously in the inscriptions of the Telugu parts from the 11th to the 13th century (above, Vol. IV, p. 83 and Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy, 1932-33, p. 37). (iv) The phrase, Kalanjara-paryanta-des-adhiśvaram is met with among the titles of a Silahara chief in an inscription of 1288-89 A.D. from Chinmalli in the Gulbarga district. (My private collection.)
• Bomb. Gaz., Vol. 1, part II, p. 469.
5 The Geographical Dictionary of Ancient and Mediaeval India by Nundo Lal Dey gives under Krishnagiri and Nilichala the following identifications : (i) The Karakorum mountain ;(ii) A hill at Puri in Orisse ; (iii) A hill at Gauhati in Assam ; (iv) The Haridwar hills. Another possibility is the Kțishnagiri occurring in its Prakrit form Kanhagiri in the Nasik Cave inscription (above, Vol. VIII, p. 60.). This has been identified with Kanheri or Salsette hills (Bomb. Gaz., Vol. XVI, p. 633). But the importance of the hills noted in items (ii) and (iii) above and also the last mentioned rests mainly in their religious associations and not in their physical greatness as moun. tains. Hence it is doubtful if they could have been intended in a purely secular context like the present one.
Kathåsaritsagara, XIV, 3, 65-66 and XVI, 3, 7. The legend regarding the paramount sovereignty once enjoyed by the progenitors of the Silahāra stock is also echoed in an inscription of the 12th century at Muttagi, Bijapur District. (inscriptions in Nothern Karnatak and the Kolhapur State by Prof. Kundangar; No. 9, verse 37.)

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXVII
legends seems to be that the Silähäras, like many a ruling family of South India, tried to show their connection with the hallowed land of the North.
No more historical details are known about the members of this Akkalkot Branch of Silabaras. Still, its great antiquity and well-preserved genealogical traditions furnish a suitable occasion for reviewing in brief the early history of the Silābāra stock and its later expansion into several family groups in the light of the epigraphical discoveries during the past decades.
Frequent allusions to their former rule over the famous town of Tagara (modern Ter, Usmana. bad District, Nizam's Dominions), contained in the titles of the principal Silahāra families indicate the first settlement in that tract of the earliest members of the stock, who might have migrated to the south during the early centuries of the Christian era. The next important stage in the ramification of the Silāhāra stock appears to have come about during the time of the 10th centuries, as the origin and foundation of the three hitherto known Silāhāra families, viz., the Northern and Southern Konkun and Kolhapur could be referred to this period from genealogical ealculations.
In the earlier part of this period some more members seem to have migrated towards the south and east of Tagara and settled all over the region of Tardavādi Thousand ', roughly corresponding to the modern district of Bijapur and the neighbouring parts. This piece of information, furnished by a record from Muttagi, is amply substantiated by a good number of epigraphs containing refereuces to the several members of the Silahāra extraction; discovered in the Bijapur District and the adjacent areas of the Gulbarga District and the Akkalkot State. From the mention of the title
Vijayapuravarādhisvara in place of Tagara puravarādhisvara in some records of the Akkalkot branch, it may be inferred that the early settlers of this tract had chosen the ancient and sacred town of Vijayapurae as their headquarters.
An individual line of petty Silāhāra chiefs, who must have evidently belonged to the group of families domiciled in the Bijapur region, has been brought to light by a number of inscriptions copied by the Madras Epigraphist's Office in the Sindagi taluk of the Bijapur District.' The epigraphs containing references to the several members of this line range in date approximately from the middle of the 11th to the first quarter of the 13th century A.D. These chiefs call themselves descendants of Selara, Silara or Siyaļa® and lords of Tagaranagara. Their headquarters was
1 A local tradition connects the modern name of Akkalkot with the village Ankalagi, which is said to have extsted formerly on that site and the suffix 161 (köte) denotes a fort. This is bome out by the form Ankalköte of the name, frequently used by the village folk in their common parlanoe.
Besides the Siläbäras of Northern Konkan, Kolhapur and Akkalkot, two more families of the Bijapur area assume the title denoting their lordship over Tagara.
It is doubtful if we can connect this family with the Silahāra ancestors from Tagarapura, as the epithet denot. ing their authority over the place is absent among the titles of this branch. On the contrary its relationship with the rulers of Ceylon is set forth in the Kharepatan Plates (above, Vol. III, p. 292.). This may be due, as suggested by Floot, to the fancied resemblance between the names, Sinhala and Silahira (Bomb. Gaz., Vol. I, pt. II, p. 636). Another suggestion is to equate Sinhala with Goa (Indian Culture, Vol. II, p. 398). The banner and family deity are also not mentioned in the records of this branch.
. B. K. No. 101-102 of 1928-29.
. For instance, Indarasa III is mentioned as Vijayapuraparamédvara and Vijayapuravaradhibvara in two epigraphs from Akkalkot, dated in the Chalukya-Vikrama years 36 and 48. (My private collection.)
Vijayapura or modern Bijapur is referred to as rajadhani and Dakshina Varanasi in the records of the 11.12th oentury A. D.; ride . K. Nos. 124, 126, 127, 131, etc., of 1933-34.
The following B. K. Nos, of 1936-37 may be noted for studying the history of this family : 8, 21, 30, 34, 37, 38, 67, 68 and 85.
• This name beure some rečenblanco with Sinhala and may possibly furnish a clue to the propond origin of the Silihäras of the Southern Konkan from Ceylon.
. This departure from the more familiar form Tagarapura of the place-name may be noted.

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No. 15 ]
AKKALKOT INSCRIPTION OF SILAHARA INDARASA
at Elamela, identical with modern Almel in the Sindagi taluk. They worshipped the god Uttareśvara of Elamēla1 and cherished reverence for their tutelary deity Katyayani. In the beginning their status was only that of the Mahāsāmantas, which was later on elevated to that of the Mahamandaķētvaras.
More conspicuous among the Silahāras of the Bijapur area is a section that bears the dis tinctive epithet Kopanapuravaradhisvara. They figure prominently in the records ranging from the early part of the 11th to the end of the 13th century A. D. It is curious to observe that, while a large number of records containing references to them has been discovered in parts of the Bijapur District and the adjacent areas, not a single record mentioning them has been so far traced at or in the vicinity of Kopana or modern Kopbal in the Nizam's Dominions, which, according to the implication of the title, must have been in their possession at one time. Like the members of the Almel branch, this family also claimed the goddess Katyayani as their tutelary deity. The earliest member of the Kopanapura branch so far known is from an epigraph at Sälōṭgi in the Bijapur District. His name was Kañchiga and it is stated that he hailed from Kopanapura. In the absence of date the record may be assigned to the first half of the 11th century on palaeographical grounds. This Kanchiga was most probably a descendant of Kañcha, an early ancestor of the Akkalkot family. The kinship of the Kopanapura family with the Akkalkot branch is vouched not only by the frequent occurrence of the peculiar names, such as Dhanasangraha, Dakarasa, Indarasa, etc., originally found among the latter, but also by the characteristic epithet Kalañjarapariyantadēsādhisvaram (supreme lord of the country as far as Kalañjara) occurring in a record of the former.". Traces of one other family of the Silähära chiefs that had settled in the Bijapur region are available from the records of the 11-12th century discovered in the Indi taluk. Kavilăsa and his son Dhanasangraha figuring in an inscription from Tadavalga, Mahāsāmanta Dhanasangrahayyarasa of the Rugi epigraph, 10 Piriya Gōvanarasa," Bandarasa and his father Chavundarasa mentioned in the Salōtgi record appear to have been a few members of this family. Their names further suggest their possible connection with the Akkalkot Branch.
60
1 B. K. No. 43 of 1937-38.
The phrase Kalyāyinidēvi-labdha-vara-prasada occurs in the prasasti of this family.
In the course of my private epigraphical survey I have carefully explored the town of Kopbal and its adjoin ing villages.
The antiquity and renown of Kopana may be judged from the existence of Asokan Edicts and other early Jain vestiges there. (Vide Hyderabad Archaeological Series, Nos. 10 and 12.)
It may incidentally be noted that the title Kopanapuravaradhisvara was not excluzively used by the members of the Silähära branch. There are instances of other chiefs who apparently bore no connection with the Silähäras using this title. For example, Mahamandaleévara Vira-Ramadevarasa figuring in an inscription from Harasur bore this title, but belonged to the lineage of Nabhiraja (Nächiraja is a mistake; Bomb. Gaz., Vol. I, pt. II, p. 486). An epigraph of the 12th century from Hodal in the Gulbarga District states that chiefs born in the lineage of Nabhiraja ruled at Kopanapura. (My private collection.) A chief named Hemmäḍidëvarasa, who held this title is introduced as a subordinate of Yuvaraja Mallikarjuna in a record from Umarāni, Jath State. (B. K. No. 128 of 1940-41).
Above, Vol. IV, p. 59.
It has been assigned to the middle of the 10th century by Fleet; ibid.
Vide the genealogical statement in the beginning of this article.
This record is from Chinmalli in the Gulbarga District. Its date regularly corresponds to A.D. 1288, March 8, Monday. The Silāhāra chief who bore this epithet was again Dhanasangraha. He was ruling over the Attinür tract of eighty villages included in the province of Alande Thousand. His capital was Attinür (modern Hattanur, Gulbarga District). He is stated to have hailed from Tardavādi. Däkarasa and Ahavamalla were the father and grandfather of Dhanasangraha, who appear to have held hereditary authority over the tract. (My private collection)
B. K. No. 74 of 1937-38.
10 Ibid. No. 58.
Ibid. No. 35.
12 Ibid. No. 66,

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXVII
A large number of epigraphs collected from the Hävēri taluk of the Dharwar District reveals the existence of an ancient line of Silahāra chiefs that had domiciled in that region. The earliest of these records referring itself to the reign of the Rashtrakūta monarch Amõghavarsha (9th century) mentions Kaliyammarasa, the first known member of this family, as holding the office of nālgāmundu. An examination of several records containing references to this family shows that this office was held hereditarily by its members and that their authority extended over the tract of Bāsavura-140. This humble position of these chiefs seems to have improved in course of time, for, they are addressed as Mahāsāmantas under the Western Chalukyas and Mahamandalesvaras under the Yādavas of Dēvagiri during the 11th and the 13th centuries. While giving their prasasti reference is frequently made to their Khachara race and the serpent banner. The usual Silāhāra title denoting connection with the city of Tagara is not found in it. Unlike the other branches, this family appears to have been a follower of Jainism, as Padmavati of the Jain pantheon was their tutelary goddess.
A petty offshoot of the Silābāra lineage stretching over three generations, apparently bearing no connection with the Silahára families noticed above was functioning at Terdal in the Belgaum District during the twelfth century. Jains by persuasion, they adored the goddess Padmăvati. They had the emblem of peacock feathers as their ensign.
One more family of Silāhāra Mahamandalesvaras, who had migrated further south to the region of the Kurnool District of the Madras Presidency, has been lately brought to light by the inscriptions copied in that area. One of these from Erramatham dated in A. D. 1075 during the reign of the Western Chalukya king Bhuvanaikamalla (Sõmēśvara II) introduces his feudatory Satyarasa of the Silāhāra family, who constructed a temple at the village in the name of his father Bikkarasa. This chief figures again in another record" from the same area, a few years later (A. D. 1082) during the subsequent reign of Vikramaditya VI. A damaged record of the latter reign coming from the same parts mentions another chief named Rājāditya of the Silāhāra lineage, who seems to have been connected with the family of Satyarasa. In the first of these records Satyarada is given the titles, Tagarapuravarëkvara,' Pratyaksha-Jimütavāha-kuļa-sambhava and Mandākinivaraprasadodita (prosperous through the grace and boon of the goddess Ganga). It may be noted that the combination of these titles, which are rather characteristic, distinguishes this family from others.10
It may be seen from the foregoing that besides the three hitherto known branches of the Silahāra stock, there flourished at least seven other distinct branches including the Akkalköt line of the present record.
1 Above, Vol. XIX, pp. 180 ff. and B. K. Nos. 10, 12, 19, 32, 37, 41, 78, 123, 163, etc., of 1932-33. • B. K. No. 24 of 1932-33.
Above, Vol. XIX, p. 184, eto. • The phrase, pannagadhtaja-virajamana or sarpadhtaja-88bhita, is met with in some records describing the titles of this family. The Northern Konkan and other branches generally mention their banner of the Golden Eaglo (Suvarna-garuda-dhuaja).
Ind. Ant., Vol. XIV, PP. 22 ff. • A. R. No. 317 of 1987-38.
Ibid. No. 83 of 1942-43. • Ibid. No. 64 of 1942-43.
• Slight verbal alterations in the eminent Silahāra title denoting Authority over Tagara seem to have been devised for distinguishing the different branches. The Northern Konkan branch used the title Tagarapu apara. mituara. The Bijapur, Akkalkot and Kolhapur families had it in its modified form Tagarapuravaradhivars. The Elamela family had changed it into T'agaranagaradhitara. Tagarapurasaribvaru of the Kurnool branch is one more instance to the point.
Some of the rooords referred to in the course of the above diaounion of several Silähåra families are unpublished. I am grateful to the Government Epigraphist for India for having kindly permitted me to study this material.

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No. 15 ] AKKALKOT INSCRIPTION OF SILAHARA INDARASA
A passing reference is made in the gift portion of the record (1.37) to Mahamandalesvara Kumara Tailapa. A scrutiny of the several inscriptions containing references to the sons of the Western Chālukya king Vikramāditya VI clearly shows that he had at least four sons, viz., Mallikarjuna, Jayakarna,? Sömēsvara and Tailapa. The order in which they are related possibly indicates the meniority of the one over the other, Tailapа being the youngest.
Regarding the geographical names occurring in this epigraph, Anandūru, the headquarters of the Amandūru Three Hundred (district) is to be identified with modern Anadūru, chief town of the taluk of that name in the Usmanabad District of the Nizam's Dominions. This place is about 20 miles to the north of Akkalkot. Ankulage Fifty was & subdivision of Anandūru Three Hundred and the village Ankulage from which it must have taken its name may be identified with the modern Akkalkot town itself. The gift-land was situated in the village [Bi]ttoyang Karamjige, which may be identified with modern Karajgi, a fairly big village in the south-western part of the Akkalkot State.
TEXT
1 Svasti srirajayas-chabhyudayag-cha | Namas-tumga-kiras-chumbi-chandra-chåmara2 chāravē [I*] trailökya-nagar-ārambha-mülastambhiya Sa(a)mbhavē 11 [1] Svasti samasta
bhuvan-āśra3 yam Sri-Pri(si)thvi-vallabham Mahārājādhirājam Paraměs(t)varam Paramabhattāraka[m] .
Satyaśra4 ya-ku!a-tiļakar Chāļuky-abharaṇam srima(mat)-Tribhuvanamalladēvara vijaya-rajyam=u5 ttaröttar-ābhivri(ri)ddhi-pravarddhamānam=āchandr-ärkka-tāram baram salutta sri-rāja
dhāni-Ja6 yanti-purada nelevidinoļu sukha-samkathā-vinodadim rājyam-geyyuttam=ire | Tat-pada
padmopa7 jivigaļu ! Vritta | Salsa)radhi-vyāvēshtit-orvvi-va[la]yadol=esedar-s8atya-saudaryya
[sau]ryya-sphura8 d-audāryy-õdgha-dhairyya-prakatita-ye(ya)sar=erbamnegam labdha-lakshmi-pariram[bh-a]
rambha-va9 kshas-sthalar-amala-Siļāhāra-gotrrödbhavar-khkhởchara-vam-aik-åvatamsaratTagara-pura
var-adhisvarar-kshatra10 putrar | [2*] Kanda || Avaro!=Pittaman=embam bhuvanadol=Asitādriy=emba Kāļāmjaram
er11 b-ive mēreyada vasudheyan-avataripaṁ mahipan=āgi paripā[li]sidam || (3*) Prithvi || Avamge
ma12 gan=Ajjan-Ajjiga-nțipamge Nägárjjunam ravi-pratiman=ātamges negaļd=Inndan Indange
semd-aväryya-bhuja-viryy&13 rappa Kavilāsanum Kamcha[num] pravita-bbayan=agrajamg=avarolan npipa Bibbasa
|| [18] Kandal 1 The suggested identity of Jayakarpa with Tailaps is untenable as evidence is available to prove that they were distinct individuals administering different parts of the empire at one and the same timo. (Video Rep. on South Indian Epigraphy, 1921, p. 89.)
• Soe p. 68 n. 1 above. It may be noted that there is another small village named Ankalgo in New South Weet corner of the State.
. From the impressions and the original. • Metre : Mahdaragdhara.
The metre is faulty hero.

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72
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXVII 14 A-negalda BibbPisarng=abhimanadhanam púttidaṁ magam Rakkasan=ant=ā-nțipatig=agra
tanayan-enina-yabā-ramana. 15 n=Imda-bhūbhujan-emba || [5*] Vritta || 'Jaya-vanitā-mano-ramaņag=ā-vibhug=agra-tanūjan=
ägi dhätriyo16 =esedam gun-âmbunidhi [S5]vanan=ā-mahipamge putti lakshmiyan=anurāgadim taledu
Pittamanum Ka17 vilasanum yasaħ-priyar-ene sandar-ant-avarolum Kavilāsa-nripamge nardana || [6*] 'Dha
nasamgra18 han=amala-yaso-dhanasamgrahan=anata-nțipati-nirjjita-tējā-dhana-samgrahan-akhiļa-kaļā
dhana-aamgra19 han=enisidam dharā-maņdaļado] | [7*] Vpitta || 'Omd=erad=endu lekkisuvadam turagam
padinemțu sāyiram 20 gumdadu gomtado!=negaļda birar=asiti-sahasram=āhavakk=emdad=aļumbam-app=itara bira
pada21 ti-balakke lekkav=ill=erdade matt=adēm vogalven=ā-Dhanasaṁgraha-bhumipā!ana || [8*]
Ka 1[/*] Paridhi nija22 dharege Kāļāmjaramum Kri(Kți)shṇādri-tatamum=adan=uļidu vasundharey=ene(ni)t-anitu
man=amjisid=ariyam 23 Dhanasaṁgraham jaya-sri-ramaņa || [9*] 'Dhanasamgrahamge sutan-Ajjan=Ajja-bhūpamge
sūnu Kavilāsana 24 vamg=anupama-tējam Damkar tanayam puttidan-avamge Kavilāsa-nri(nți)pa il [10*] Vri
Avan=urvvi-sa25 ryva-rakshā-kshaman=avan=anat=ārāti-samghāta-nirghāta-visāl-ābhīļa-bāhā-parighan=avan=
anūn-atma-dānām26 bu-dhārā-plavasam tripath-ārtthi-sa(sa)sya-prakaran=avana.......āri-sa(sa)ávan-maha-sā(sā)
trava-paura-vyuha-dāha27 praba[a-vilaya-kālāgnirūpa-pratāpa || [11*] Vpi || RĀ-nri(npi)pa-ratnan=appa Kavilāsa-nri(nri)
pam janakam Moramba28 d=Uddaniya-Rājarājana tanübhave Chandaladēvi tāy-ennlu sūnfita-vārddhi visva-jagati
tala-varttita-kirtti rā29 jalakshmi niļayam pratāpa-nidhi puțțidan=Imdiga-maridalēsvara ! [128] Vri || 'Urag-ārātige
tamnan vittu bhujaga-vrátan30 gaļam kād-anantarav=unmīļisidam madiya-kula-samjātam dal-ernd=ajjapajjara-perpimdame
pomgut-irdda pane tän=a31 khēcharsējmdramgam=ēm beralimd=aggaļam=iva kāva gunaman pūņd=Ixda-bhūpājaka
1 [138] Svasti ea madhigata32 pamcha-maha-sabda Mahāmamdalēsvara Tagarapuravar-ādhisvara Jimūta vāhan-anvay-ām.
bara-barat(ch)-chandra vibhav-ämarēm33 dra samast-āásita-jana-dāridry-ādri-kuļisa-damda Selasa-kuļa-kamaļa-mărttarida ripu-mari
daļika-mamda1 Metre : Champakamala. * Metre: Kanda. • Metre : Utpalamala. • Metre : Kanda. • Metre: Mahder agithara • Mette: Utpalamala. * Metre: Mattebhavikridita.

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No. 15) AKKALKOT INSCRIPTION OF SILAHARA INDARASA
73 34 l-otpāta rāja-Mândhāta bri-Chamundikā-dēvi-labdha-vara-prasāda dāna-vinoda manneya
vallabha bbayalóbha35 durllabha alim-mumn=iriva sauryyamam-mera(re)va chaladamka-Rāma samgrama-Bhima
frima(mat)-Tribhuvanama36 lladēva-pādārādhaka para-bala-sādhaka nāmādi-samasta-pra[sa]sti-sabita śrīman-Mahamand
aļēśva37 ran=Imdarasaru | Sriman-Mahāmaņdaļēśvaraṁ Kumāra Tailapadēva-[rdhāya)-mēlā
likeva Bhāgiyabbarasiyum 38 sriman-Mahaprachaṁda-dardanāyakaṁ Gajāṁkuša-kuļa-tiļakam Prabhu Kēsarināyakarun
magan=Ambarasanum 39 srimach-Chāļukya-Vikrama-varshada 39neya Jaya-samvatsarada Pushya-bahula
12 śukravārav-Utta40 rāyana-samkramapa Vyatipāta-nimittam Karamjigeya sri-Siddba-gajjēśvara-dēvar=amga
bho41 gakkan nivēdyakkam naudādivigegaủ khanda-sphuţita-jirņnödhārakkav=ā-dēvara mathade
acharyya 12 ru yama-niyam-asana-prāņāyāma-pratyāhāra-dhyāna-dbäraņa-maun-anushthāna-guna13 sampunnaru[11*] anna-dana-vinodarum=appa sri-Jnanasiddha-lövara kālain karchchi dhara
pūrvakam sarvvanamasya44 vagi Anandūru mūnūšara baliy=Aukulagey=eyvatta r-olagana [Bi]tte45 yana Karamjigeya (teJrika-voladalu prabhuga!a manyadir mūďalu hadimūsu-gēņa Bem
koļvana kola 46 mattaru nūšu [1*) (a)darolage dēvar-amyabhôgakkumi jirm-[öd*-dhārakkam mattar=ayvattu
mathada biyakke mattar ayvattu 17 divara puravarggada kēriyus=alli dēvara nandădivigege bitta giņa[v=e]radu a-kēriyiin
paduvalu tõmtake Bernko18 Ivana kõla mattar-esadu chatus-simeyimd=o!ag=alli bițțăgar hēsimge eley=irppattaydu ©
Pratishtha-kāla19 dalu Prabhu Kisariniyakun tarima cuddle-manyadolage Si[riyalabbe[yä]-kerevin padu50 valu Berkolvana kölalu bitta keyi mattari hattu Sriman-Mahāpasāyitari Säläytare
adhi51 shthāyakam Mandaļikari Kātiyanani Javalageya müda-voladalu Benkoļvana kõlalu bitta ke52 yi mattar=ayvattu 1-dbarmmamau=ārādodam pratipāļisidavargge Vārāṇasiyo!am
Kurukshetra53 dolazi chaturvēda-pāragar-appa Brāhmaṇariyam tapõdhanarigarii sāsira kavilegala ködun
koľaguman hori malu katti54 si dānamaṁ korta phulam-akku Im(I)dan=ā[rājuuri kidisihen=erba pāpakarmmainga
upēkshisidangan 55 chaturvvēda-pāragar=appa Brāhmanarumam tapõdhanurun sāsira kavileyamam Vāraṇāsi.
yolari Kuru56 kshētradoļam tanma svalastadoļu konda dosham-akku Vri !! "Panna[ga]nātha-dbärig=
aghahārige pūjege bi 57 ta dharmmamanii marinisi kivud-alladainisar tere-kāņike-si sc]y=Asegal marineyav-āya
dayam=ivu sallavu Metre : Utpalamåla. XVI-1-11

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXVII 58 sarvvanamasyam=emdu bittaṁ negaļd=Inda-mandaļikan=achchari tarmaya varsam-ulļina
|| [14*) Ka | Parikisad=i-dharmma59 doļ=arasara kāņike kolliy=aruvanan kirusurikaṁ pura-da(dha)rmmari baņnigey=cni
arevisaman-ali60 pi kondavam chandala || [15*] Ślő || Sāmānyo=yari dharmma-sõtur(r)nri(nri)pāņārı külë
kālē pālaniyo bhavadbhiḥ (I*]sa61 rvvān=ētān=bhaginapārtthivēndra(drān=)bhūyo bhūyo yachatë Rāmabhadrah ||(16*J Bahu
bhir=vvasudha 62 dattā rājabhis-Sagarādibhih yasya yasya yada bhūmis-tasya tanya tadã phulam (17*]
Svadattari 63 paradattāni vā yo harēti(ta) vasuundbarām shashtir=varsha-sahasrani vishtā(thā)yāti jāya64 të krimiḥ || (18*]
ABSTRACT OF CONTENTS Lines 1–2 Invocation to Siva. . II. 26 Tribhuvanamalladöva (bearing all the Western Chäluky titlen, Samustabhuvumas.
raya, etc.) was ruling the kingdom from his cupitul Juyantipura. 11. 7–9 Description of the Silāhāra princes in general terms. 11. 10–11 Pittama (the earliest ancestor of the family) ruled the country bounded by Asitari
and Kālamjaru. 11. 11-17 Genealogy of the family up to Kavilasa (II). II. 17--23 Description of Kavilāsu (II)'s sou Dhanasarngruha. He was very resourceful ad
ruled the country bounded by Kālāñjara and Krishnädri. 11. 23–31 Genealogy continued from Dhanasa iyraha's son Ajja to Indarasu (III). 11. 31–37 Indarasa (III)'s prasasti. 11. 37-42 Indarası (111), Bhāgiyabbarasi who was in charge of the income of the estate (*)
of Mahamaņılaļēsvara Kumāra Tailapadlēva, Prabhu Kēxarinayaka of Gajātikusu
kula and his son Ambarusa participated in making a gift on the specified date. 11. 42—52 Details of the gift. 11. 52-64 Imprecation in prose and verse.
No. 16.--WADGAON PLATES OF VAKATAKA PRAVARASENA II
(1 Plate)
V. V. MIRASHI, AMRAOTI In July 1942 one Bhagwan Shiva Ganar of Yenur, a village in the linganghäț tahsil of the Wardha District came to Nagpur to attend a conference of the Depressed Classes. Out of curiosity he went to see the Central Museum, Nagpur, where he noticed some Vākātaka plates displayed in the Archaeological Section. They reminded him of similar plates in the possession of his grandfather at Wadgaon in the Warorā tahsil of the Chanda District. Being curious to know what was inscribed on them, he brought them to the Museum some days later and handed them over to the Curator, Dr. S. S. Patwardhan. Mr. M. A. Suboor, the Coin-Expert of the Museum, cleaned the plates, took-inked estampages of them and kindly placed them at my disposal for editing.'
[The original plates are now deposited in the Prince of Wales Museum, Bombay.-Ed.]

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No. 16] WADGAON PLATES OF VAKATAKA PRAVARASENA II
75 The copper-plates are four in number, of which the first and the last are inscribed on the inner side only and the other two on both the sides. They measure 6.5" long and 3.5' broad and weigh 97 tolas. They were held together by a ring, about 3 tolas in weight, passing through a roundish hole 1.3" from the middle of the left side of each plate. It must have carried the usual Vākāțaka seal sliding on it, but this is not forthcoming now. There are 42 lines of writing in all, which are evenly distributed on the six inscribed faces of the four plates. The writing is in a state of good preservation throughout. In a few cases the engraver has corrected his mistakes of omis. sion and commission, see, e.g., ansa-bhira-, l. 4, saty-ārijava-, 1. 9, bri-samudayasya, 1. 13, etc.; but there are many more which are left uncorrected. In the right hand lower correr of tne first side of the second plate, he has incised the syllables Mārade (da)[se]-, which were inadvertently omitted in l. 42. In I. 21 several letters were beaten in and in their place the syllables vishuva-vāchanaka were incised. This correction or tampering, whatever it might be, was apparently done in the Väkūtaka age, for the substituted aksharas are of the same type as the rest of the record.
The characters are of the box-headed variety as in most other inscriptions of the Vākātakas. The noteworthy peculiarities are the cursive form of the medial u in sünoh twice in 1. 4; the bipartite au in dauhitrasya, 1. 7; the medial ri of kyi which is formed not by the usual curling.curve, but by the addition of a curve turned downwards on the left of k in kulapur-adhikritā, l. 23 and the rare medial ?i in-kļipt-opakļiptaḥ, 1. 31. The numerical symbols for 4001 occur in l. 20 and those for 2 and 3 on the second side of the second and the third plate respectively. The language is Sanskrit, and, except for two benedictive and imprecatory verses, the whole record is in prose. The orthography does not present any thing calling for special notice.
The inscription is one of the Väkātaka king Pravarasēna II. His genealogy is given here cxactly as in his other plates, his maternal grandfather being called Dēvagupta. The object of the present inscription is to register the grant of 400 nivartanas of land which Pravarasēna II made to a Brāhmaṇa named Rudrārya who was versed in two Vēdas and belonged to the Lāhitya gotra' and the Vajasaneya sākha. He was a resident of the village Ekarjunaka. The land donated to him was in the village Vēlusuka which was situated in the Supratishtha āhāra or subdivision. The village lay to the east of Gridhragrāma, to the south of Kadambasaraka, to the west of Niligrama and to the north of the road to Kökila. The plates were issued from the royal camp on the bank of the river Hiranya on the tenth tithi of the bright fortnight of Jyështha in the twentyfifth year, evidently of the reign of Pravarasēna II. The Sēnāpati Bappadēva, mentioned in the last line, was probably the dütaka. He is also mentioned in the Siwani plates of this Vākātaka king.' The scribe was Märadāsa.
From the Pattan plates published in this Journal, we already know that Pravarasēna II ruled for at least twentyseven years. The present plates being issued in his twentyfifth regnal year do not make any addition to the reign-period of the king. The donee Rudrārya is styled vishuva-vrichanaka (reciter at a vishuva) which suggests that the grant was made on the occasion of a vishuva or equinox. The vishuva immediately preceding the date of the grant was that of
· [The original gives the symbols for 100 followed by 4 evidently in the sense of 100 X 4 (400). A different set of symbols for 400 is employed in Gupta Inss., Pl. XXV, I. 78 and Pl. XXXVI(c), 1. 1. Cf. the symbol for 600 where the symbol for 100 is followed by symboi tor 8; Ojha's Palaeography of India (1918), PI. LXXIV.-F..)
The Cotra pravaranibandhakadamba gives Lohita as the name of the govu, *C.I.I., Vol. III, p. 247. * See below, p.
Above, Vol XXIII, pp. 81 ff.
• Lines 20-21 of the present piates state that the grant was made in the twentieth year, but this is probably a mistake. The writer seems to have omitted the word paicha before usatima in I. 20. It is unlikely that the grant remained unregistered for five years.
D.2

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76
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXVII
the Mēsha-sankranti falling in Chaitra. The grant was evidently made to the Brāhmaṇa for reciting certain sacred texts on the occasion of the rishura or Mēsha-sankranti.
The Supratishtha āhāra in which the village Vēlusuka was situated is already known from two other Vākātaka charters, viz., the Poona plates of Prabhavatigupta and the Köthüraka grant of Prava rasēna II. Its location was uncertain until the discovery of the Köthūraka grant. I have already shown in connection with the identification of the places mentioned in that grant that the āhāra roughly corresponded to the modern Hinganghāt tahsil of the Wardha District. The present grant indicates that the ahira extended a little southwards and comprised the northern parts of the Warora and Yeotmal tahsils of the (hända and the Yeotmil Districts respectively. The village Velusukn in which the donated land was situated cannot now be traced, but it seems to have occupied the same position as modern (hinchmandal which lies just on the south of the elbow of the Wunnā, for all the boundary villages mentioned in the present charter can be traced in the vicinity of it in the respective directions. Thus Gridhra-grāma is Gadeghāt about 8 miles to the west and Nili-grāma is Niljai about 5 miles to the east of Chinch mandal. Kadambasaraka is Kõsara about 2 miles to the north. Kökilā is modern Khairi which lies about 4 miles to the north-west. The road from Mardi to Khairi passes by Chinchmandal at a distance of only about a mile to the south. All the boundary villages can thus be satisfactorily identified in the vicinity of Chinchmandal. It is again noteworthy that Chinchmandal lies only about 5 miles to the south of Wadgaon where the plates were found. The river Hiranya is the modern Erai which flows from north to south in the Waroră tahsil and ultimately joins the Wardha. Ekärjunaka where the donee resided is probably Arjuni on the left bank of the Erai, about 16 miles north-east of Warorã, the chief town of the Warora tahsil.
TEXT
First Plate 1 [at] [ *] ferografa (at)arAkrafiAZTA ( ArcaFAITETASUT(59) fa
2
partage (fa) faha:*"[**gazadenfara:
3 farver(sv) [7] FT HET? arkrat Herrafa (wit) SUTAT4 स्य सूनोः सूनोरत्यन्तस्वामिमहाभैरवभक्तस्य अंस[भा]"
5 रसन्निव (वे) शितशिवलि[ङ्गो द्वहनशिवसुपर (रि)तुष्टसमुत्पादित[रा)6 marmt(at) *(#1) fanaatit (ft) TCH (E)&(af) farfumarat
291
7 श्वमेधा[व*]भथस्नातानां भारशिवानां महाराजश्रीभवनागदौहित्रस्य
Tad this epithet not been used, the grant might have been supposed as made on the occasion of the Dasahara. vrata which is performed on the tenth tithi of the bright fortnight of Jyështha. But it is doubtful if the wata was In vogue as early as the fifth century A.D. [This may be only the conce's epithet and may have no reference to any recitation at any partioular vishu.--Ed.]
Above, Vol. XV, pp. 39 ff.
Above, Vol. XXVI, pp. 155 ff. . From the original plates.
• Expressed by a symbol which is imperfectly incised. Perhaps they are imporfectly inciso symbols of the sun and the inoon.
• Read Sadyaskkra
Read simrajo • The engraver at first incised ch, which he later on changed into bha.

Page #122

WADGAON PLATES OF VAKATAKA PRAVARASENA II
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SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

Page #123

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Page #124

No. 16 ] WADGAON PLATES OF VAKATAKA PRAVARASENA II
Second Plate; First Side 8 गौतमीपुत्रस्य वाक (का)टकाना (नां) महाराणधि (श्री) ब्रसेनस्य सूनोरत्य9 न्तमाहेश्वरस्य सत्याजव'कारुण्यशौर्यविक्रमनयविनयम(मा)हात्म्य10 धीमत्य (त्त्व)पात्रगतभक्तित्वधम्म (म)विजयी (यि) त्वमनोनर्मल्याविभीगु (भिर्गु): 1] समुप (पे)तस्य वष (र्ष) शतमभिवर्धमानकोशदण्डा (ण्ड) साधनसन्ता12 नपुत्रपौत्र (त्रि)णः युधीष्ठ (धिष्ठि) रवृत्तेः वाकाटकानां महाराजधि(श्री)पृषि वी. 13 घेणस्य सूनोभगवतः चक्कप (पा)णेः प्रसादोप(पा)जितथि (श्री) समुद14 यस्य व(वा) काटकानां महाराजश्रीर (रु)द्रस (से) नस्य सूनोः महाराजा'.
Second Plate ; Second Side 15 घिराजा (ज)श्रि(श्री) देवगुप्तसुतायो (यां) प्रभावतीगुप्तायामुत्पन्नस्य न(श)म्भो *। 16 प्रसादधृतिकातयुगस्य' वाकाटकानाम्परममाह (हे) श्वरमहा- . 17 राज (ज)श्रीप्रवरसेनस्य वचना[*] ॥ सुप्रतिष्ठहारे पिदृ'प्रामस्य 18 "पूर्वतः कदम्बसरकस्य [व]क्ष (क्षि)णतः नीलीग्रामस्य प. 19 श्चिमेनः (मतः) कोकिलार[श्य] (भ्याया) उत्तरतः वेलुसु[क]नाम ग्रामः अत्रस्मा" 20 राजमानेनः भूम (मे)नि (नि)वर्तनशतानी (नि) चत्वारि ४०० वीशतीम: सं21 वत्सरे विषुववाचनक"वाजी 'लोहित्या (त्य) सगोत्रस्य
Third Plate; First Side 22 एकार्जुनकव (वा)स्तव्यस्य द्विवेदरुद्राय्या (ा)य दत्तानि [*] यतोस्मत्सन्तकाः
1 This akshara which was at first omittod, has been inserted in a smaller form. * The medial i of this akshara has been subsequently shortened. * The engraver at first incised kri and subsequently changed it intofri.
Just below this word the akaharas marade(da)[2] have been incised, but their propor place seems to be after Bappadere in 1. 42 below.
• Read-praadda-dhrila-kirtayngaaya.
• Read Supratishth-ahare as in the Poona plates of Prabhivati-gupta (above, Vol. XV,p.41) and the Kothi. rake grant of Pravarasena IT (ibid., Vol. XXVI, p. 160).
"The correct form should be (ridhra-grāmasyu. * Just before this akshara there is the numerical symbol for 2 denoting the number of the plate.
(Perhaps the intended re: ding is Kökilärasya. -Ed.] 10 Perhaps elasmad was intended. [Or perhaps atralya was intended. -Ed.) 1 This visarga is redundant.
11 Read viinaatitame. It is perhaps a mistake for panchaviméatitame. See that the regnal year montioned in l. 41 below is the twentyfifth.
11 These seven aksharas are of a larger size and bave been incised over others which were carefully beaten in.
14 Road Vajusančya. [It is possible that there was a götra of the name Vajilobitya though not comestionly known now.-Ed.] |
"Read Lihila-sagatraya and-vislavyaya so as to make them agree with Rudraryaye mentioned further on in 1.22.

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78
.
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
IVoL.XXVII
23 सर्वाधि (च)मानियोग' नियुक्ताः प्राशासञ्चार(रि)कुलपुत्राधिकृता भजा (टा)३छ (श्छा)24 (त्रा)श्च विश्रुतपूर्व यशापयितव्याः [*] विदितमस्तु वः यहास्मा25 भिरात्मनो धर्मायू (यु)बलविजयि (2)श्वर्य[विवृद्धये इहामुत्र26 हो (हि)तार्थमात्मानुग्रहाय वैजयिके धर्मस्थाने अपूर्वदत्या (त्या) [उद
27 कपूर्वमती (ति)सृष्टः"
*] अथारयोचिता' पूर्वराजानुमता" चातुव्वै (वें)था
28 प्रहारमावा" न्वितरामः [*] तथथा अकरदायी अभटच्छात्र
Third Plate ; Second Side 29 प्रावेश्यः अपारंपरगोबलीवईः अपुष्पक्षीरसन्दोहः
30 प्रचारासनचाकारः अलवणक्ली (क्लि) नक्केण] (णि) खनकः सनि[धिः]
31 सोपन (नि)षिः सक्लूप्तोपक्लृप्तः सर्ववे (वि)ष्टिपरिहारपरिहृतः 32 'प्राचन्द्रादित्या (त्य) समकालीयः पुत्रपौत्रा[न] ता] (गा)मि(मी) भुज्यमा33 नः न केनचिद्वयाघातयितव्यः सर्वक्रियाभिस्संरक्षितव्यः 34 परी (रि)वर्द्धय (यि) तव्याश्च' [*] यस्मा च्छासनमरणयमानः स्वल्पामपी (पि) 35 परिवाधा (षां) कुर्यात्कारयात वः तस्य ब्राह्मणव्वदी (दि)तस्य सदण्डां (ण्डं)
e . Fourth Plate 36 निग्रह (ह) कुय्यमः1 [1] अस्मिश्च धर्माद[र*]करणे अतीतानेकराजसञ्चि37 न्तनपरिप (पा)लन (नं) कृतपुण्यनुकीर्तिनं कीर्तियामः [*] व्यासगीतो' चात्र
1 The akahara så which was incised below the right limb of gu has been beaten in.
Read vibruta-püruvay=ājiay=ajñapayitavyál.
. This should qualify a word like gramah ; but the drafter of the record forgot that the object of the grant in this charter was only four hundred nivarlanes of land, not the whole village
Read-sy=ochitari Read-raj-anumatan. • Read-imaryyadarn ritarāmab. 7. Just before this word there is a symbol for 3, denoting the number of the pinte. . Read parivarddhayilavras-cha.
Read Yo=emach-chhasanamuaganayamanah 10 Read karayed=vd. "Road kuryyama, "Read aomimicha. u Read brita-puny-anukirtana-pariharaya na as in the Tirodi plates ; see above, Vol. XXII, p. 173. # Read gitau.

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No. 17 ] 38 श्रोका प्रमासि
NOTE ON VIJAYADITYA'S GRANT OF SAKA 653 कर्त्तव्या ॥ स्वदत्ता (त्तां) परदत्तां वा हरेद्यो वं वसुन्धराम् [1*]
39 गवां शतसहस्त्रस्य हतु' र्हरति दुष्कृत (तम् ) ॥ [ १॥ * ] षष्टिं वर्ष सह
40 खानि (णि) स्वयं मोदति भूमिदः [[*] प्रान्ता चानुमन्त (ला) साम्ये (अ) तरका (के)
ज्येष्ठ सुक्लदशम्याः "
41 वसेदिति (सेत् ॥२॥ इति ) ॥ 42 सेन (ना) स ( प ) तौ
संवत्सरे पः चवीशातीम ateita (०) [] मस्तु ॥
Telada
Kuched
Parthän
Vesma
बा[प्प ] देवे न
No. 17.-NOTE ON VIJAYADITYA'S GRANT OF SAKA 653
G. H. KHARE, POONA
Mr. S. C. Upadhyaya has edited a copper-plate grant of the Western Chalukya king Vijaya. ditya, dated Saka 653, in this journal Vol. XXV, pp. 21 ff. He did not, however, decipher the portion of its text concerning the village granted and the specification of its boundaries. Mr. N. L. Rao, in footnote 3, p. 21, has rightly deciphered the portion in question; but the localities have been left unidentified. I have attempted below to identify them.
Village
The following place-names occur in the grant. Navasari: name of the vishaya in which Tellädāhāra was included. Tellada: name of the ahara in which the village granted was situated. Tara[valdra: name of the village granted. Köñchaüttha, Tellada, Padhamatthana, Vēsima: names of villages by which the village granted was bounded. Of these Navasari is too well-known to require any identification. Now, in the Postal Village Directory of the Bombay Circle published in 1902, the names of the following villages are found, with the details shown against them.
Post Office
Navasari
Sarbhon.
Vesma Do.
+
• Read pañcha-vinnéatitamē.
Read bukla-daramyām.
Navasari Do. Do. Do.
Täluga
.
1 Read élōkau.
* Read pramani-kartavyau; si appears to have been changed into ni.
The superscript n of this akshara has been wrongly cancelled; rind huntur
District
These are evidently Tellada, Konchaüttha, Padhamatthana and Vesima of the grant These places can be easily traced in maps also. If we take latitude 21° north and longitude 73°
79
Baroda state
Do.
Do
Do.
The superscript letter of this conjunct, which was originally h, has been corrected into p.
? Read Märadasena. The aksharas Märadase, which were inadvertently omitted before na in this line, were afterwards incised in the lower right corner below 1. 14 on the first side of the second plate. For a similar case of omitted aksharas being misplaced, see -müle dattam-iti written in 1. 13 instead of below 1. 20 of the Indore plates of Pravarasens II, above, Vol. XXIV, p. 55.
Read likhitam.
This akshara is superfluous. Read Subham-astu.

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80
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXVII
east as the starting point, these are found in the directions of, and at distances from, the point noted below.
Place-name
Direction
Distance in miles
.
.
Teläral (for Telada) Kuched Parthân . . Vesma . .
South-east . . North-east North by North-east .
Do. . . .
.
.
.
. .
. .
. .
. .
. .
The four villages by which the village granted was bounded have this been identified. But the village granted is not to be traced for the present.
No. 18.-EIGHT INSCRIPTIONS OF KADAVARAYA CHIEFS
K. S. VAIDYANATHAN, COIMBATORE
The following eight Tamil inscriptions are taken up for editing here on account of the important information which they contain. These inscriptions are only a few among several that throw light regarding a family of chiefs called Kādavarāyas, who claim to belong to Kudal. Though the texts of the inscriptions have been made available in the S. I. 1. the contents of most of them have not been noticed anywhere. Some of the records, as will be shown in the sequel, are also useful to students of Tamil Literature. All the eight epigraphs come from the South Aroot District: two of them (Nos. I and Vit) are from Tiruvannamalai in the Tiruvannamalai Taluk : three (Nos IV, V and VIII) from Tiruvadi, one (No. 111) from Tirumanikuli in the Cuddalore Taluk; and the remaining two (Nos. II and VI) from Tiruvennainallur and Tirunamanallur in the Tirukkoilur Taluk. Excepting No. 1, all the others are dated. No. II belongs to the 7th year of the reign of Kõpperunjinga, Nos. III, IV, V and VI are dated in the 3rd, 13th, 12th and 7th years of the reign of the Chola king Kulõttunga II, and Nog. VII and VIII are both dated in the 13th year of Kulottunga 111.
There are no orthographical peculiarities that call for any special remarks. The use of Grantha letters in the midst of Tamil words, is not a special feature and hence we do not collect the instances. But the sense conveyed by a few clauses in No. I deserves to be noted. They are (i) Kuda-tibai-kKarunagar tenpulan-kurugavum (1. 4), (ii) Vada-tibai-tTelungar vadakkirund=aļiyavum (1. 4), (iii) Nannan-verpil ........ tan-kön Vāgaiyun-kurangum visaiyamuntipi (1.4). The verb kurugu in (i) may mean to go' or 'to diminish' and its subject may be either Karunāțar or ten pulam. If we take Karundfar as the subject, ten pulam would become the object and the clause would mean that the Karunātas went to tenpulam, i.e., the southern region, the region of the god of Death. If the subject of the verb kurugu be ten pulam the clause would mean that the southern land or portion of the dominion of the Karunatar of the Western region became diminished. The ordinary sense of vadakkirundu used in (ü) is 'remaining in the north' and as such the expression means 'caused the Telungas to be confined in the north'.
1 Survey of India map 48H/1 and 8. 1 Ibid., 466/4 and 8.

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No. 18) EIGHT INSCRIPTIONS OY KADAVARAYA CHIEFS
81 The carving on the mountain of Nannan, the Vāgai, kurangu and visaiyam of his (Vēņavudaiyan's) father Perunjinga, is of great interest. It is a well known fact that kings and ruling chiefs of South India used to wear garlands made of (or golden garlands made in the shape of) the flowers of particular kinds of trees and had the emblems of some animals such as the tiger, fish, elephant, boar, etc. From clause (iii) noted above, we learn that the power of the Vāgai tree was used by the Kādavariyas of Kudal and that their hanner contained 'Kuraŭgu', i.e., the Monkey. The adoption of the Monkey in the banner is not novel. The epic hero Arjuna had Hanuman on his banner. What is difficult to explain is the carving of visaiyam, which term means victory. Whether the chief engraved an inscription glorifying the deeds of valour of his father or simply carved bis emblem in such a way as to give a subdued position to the emblems of the enemy kings overcome by him it is not possible to say with certainty. In the seals of the Chola king, Rajendra-Chöļa I, we see clearly that the tiger, the emblem of the Cholas, is given a more prominent place than the fish and the how, which are the emblems of the Pandya and the Chēra whom he had subdued. It is not unlikely that a similar device was made by Vēņvudaiyán.
A genealogy covering all the members of the house of the Kādavarāyas of Külal being a creat desideratum, I shall discuss it below.
Two inscriptions dated in Saka 1108 (CA. D. 1186). discovered at Tiruvennaivallur and Vriddhachalam, furnish the following genealogy :
1. Valandanar alias Kädavarayar
2. Ātkollivär alias Kadavarāyar
3. Elisaimõgan Kadavarayan
(conqueror of the four quarters)
4. Arašanārāyanan Kachchiva
rayan alias Kädavarāvan
5. Alappirandān Virasēkharan
alias Kādavariyan. A few other inscriptions of the Madras Epigraphical collection also refer to some of these chiefs and enable us to know the time when they lived, the full names and titles they bore, and the part they played in the political history of the country. They also mention other members whose names are not included in the above pedigree. To know the complete genealogy and history of the family, these inscriptions are useful. In inscription No. III of TribhuvanachakraVartin Kulõttunga-Chõla, dated in the 3rd year of his reign, figures a chief called Mögan Atkolli alias Kulõttungasola-Kadavarāyan, who made a gift of his pūdikāval rights on certain lands to the temple of Tirumänikuli. As mention is made in the inscription of two villages called Tiruppērambalamponměyndaperumalnallur and Edirilisõlanallur almost in the same words as found in another inscription of Kulõttunga II discovered in the same place, we are enabled to useribe both the records to the same Choļa sovereign. The year of the inscription is thus equivulent to
No. 74 of 1918 and No. 463 of 1921 of the Madras Epigraphical collection (8 A. R. on Epigraphy, Madras for 1918, p. 130, and for 1922, p. 107)
The name is given a Valandandár in Ep. Ind., Vol. XXIV. p. 24. But A. R. for 1918. (p. 130) hus only Vsandanar.
*8.1. I., Vol. VII., No. 780. XVI-I-II

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82
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(Vol. XXVII
A. D. 1135-6. This is the earliest reference that we have to this family. The Kādavarāya herein referred to is no doubt identical with (2) Ātkolliyār alias Kādavarayar of the above genealogy. It is worthy of note that the chief Atkolli bore the title Mögan and had the surname Kulõttungasola Kadavarāvan. A second reference to this chief is found in an inscription of Köpperuñjinga dated in the 11th year of reign. It states that in the 12th year of the reign of Tribhuvanachakravartin Rajarajadēva, a tax-free gift of land was made by Atkolli Kadavarāyan for offerings and worship to an image which he had set up in the temple of Vaikuntha-Perumā! at Tiruveņņainallūr for being blessed with a son. That the Tribhuvanachakravartin Rājarāja, in whose twelfth year the grant was made, is the second king of that na.ne and not the third, is assured from the fact revealed in Inscription Il which belongs to the 7th year of KÕpperusjinga which speaks of the pulling down of the krivimāna of the temple of Vaikuntha-Perumal that had become dilapi. dated, of its reconstruction in the 29th.year of the reign of Kulöttunga III, and of the re-engraving of the older inscription on the new structure. The date of the chief's gift is thus A. D. 1158 corresponding to the 12th year of Rājarāja II. From the two references cited here it will be seen that Ātkolli Kādavarāyan continued to live from A. D. 1135 to 1158. At Grāmam in the South Arcot District, there is an inscription dated in the 3rd year of the reign of Tribhuvanachakravartin Räjarājadēva which registers a gift by Mögan Alappirandān alias Anapaya Kādavarāyan. As Anapāya is a surname of Kulõttunga II and as Mögan has been noted above to be a title of Atkolli Kulottungasola Kādavarāyan, the chief that figures here may be identified with him without any difficulty, Räjarāja Il being the immediate successor of Kulõttunga II. The date of this record is A. D. 1148. The full name of this chief is thus Mögan Ālappirandān Atkolli alias Kulõttungaśāla (or Anapāya) Kādavarāyan.
From the fact that Ātkolli Kādavarāyan figures in the records of Kulõttunga II and his successor Rājarāja II from A. D. 1135 onwards, it may be concluded that his father Valandanar must have been a contemporary of Vikrama-Chöļa (A.D. 1118-1135).
In the genealogy, No. 2 Ātkolli Kadavarāyan is said to have had two sons, viz. No. 3 Élisaimõgan Kādavarāyan, the conqueror of the four quarters (Nāludikkumvenrān) and No. 4 Arašanārāyanan Kachchiyarāyan alias Kädavarāyan. Four inscriptions, Nos. VI, V, IV and 137 of 1900, which belong to the reign of Kulõttunga II, dated respectively in the 7th, 12th, 13th and 15th years, speak of gifts made by these two chiefs, the earlier two inscriptions referring to the younger Arašanārāyaṇan and the later two referring to the elder Elisaimõgan. Though all the names and surnames of these two chiefs look more like titles than real names, yet the inscriptions which mention them seem to distinguish the two by calling the elder by the names Elisaimõgan and Kadavarāyan and the younger by the names Arašanārāyanan and Kachchiyarāyan. The inscriptions are of importance as they belong to the very time when the chiefs flourished and furnish the various titles borne hy them, which titles, it may be noted, do not find mention in the genealogy given above : besides, they also refer to the numerous gifts which the chiefs had made. These inscriptions confirm the relationship that is said to have existed between them. Inscription No. VI belonging to the 7th year of the reign of Kulõttunga II comes from Tirunāmanallur in the South Arcot District. It registers a gift made by Palli Alappiçandan Mögan alias Kulottungaśāla Kachchiyarāyan of Kūdalūr in Peruganīr-nādu to the temple of Tiruttondisvaramudaiyār. Among the articles of gift one silver kachchukkoram called after the name Arasanarayanan and weighing 224 kalanju, and one bell-metal dish called after Ālappirandan and weighing 200 palam are noteworthy. The costly gold and silver articles presented by the chief and the assignment of the income of päļikäval aceruing from two entire villages testify to the wealth and power of the chief. It is specially worthy of note that two of the articles
1 No. 486 of 1921. 1 No. 181 of 1906.

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No. 18 ] EIGHT INSCRIPTIONS OF KADAVARAYA CHIEFS bore the names Arašanārāyanan and Ilappirandān. The twelfth year record, i.e., Inscription Yo. V, comes from Tiruvadi and registers the assignment of incomes arising from pidikivul and other taxes from Kannamangalan, Māniuallūr, Kottilampākkam aud Toruppüdi of KilAmūr-pādu, Kattupakkam of Apāngūr-nādu, besides some other lands in Adirajamangalliyapuram, for worship and offerings to the temple of Tiruvirattanam-Cdaiyar at Tiruvadi, by Pannagamuttayan-Alappirandan Arašanārāvanan ulins Kulottunyašola Kachchiyarávur of Kūdalür. It is significant that all the villages herein mentioned are stated to have formed part of what fell to the share of the chief. At the end of the record it is stated that the gift mude hy him will not be rescinded by his elder brother or by the other members of the family. From the record under reference it is evident that the two brothers were living amicably, having received from their father, who was then living, the right to the incomes of certain villages. From these two inscriptions we learn that the full name and title of this cbief was Palli Alappirandan Pannagamuttaraiyan Arašanārāyanan Kulottungašola Kachchiyarayal and that he had an elder brother who appears to be none other than Elisaimõgal!. More direct information regarding the relationship of the two chiefs is furnished in an inscription of Tiruvennuinallur which states that Kūdal Alappirundan rasanārāyanan alias Kälavarayan made a gift of certain taxes leviuble on certain temple lands to the temple itself, for the welfare of the donor, his elder brother Alappirandān Elisaimõgan alias Kalavarayan and his family.
It has been stated above that two inscriptions of Kulottunga II mention Elisaimõgan. One of these, Inscription No. IV, dated in the 13th year, which is left unfinished seems to register the assignment of the chief's income consisting of taxes including paidikäral aceruing from the villages that belonged to him, to the temple of Tiruvadi for worship and offerings. The chief is styled Paññāgamuttaraiyan Alappirandān Elisaimõgan alias Kulottungasõļa kādava rāyan of Kūčalūr in Peruganūr-nādu, i subdivision of Tirumunaippadi-nādu. The villages from which he was deriving taxes, vis. Siruvāgūr, Dévanur and Kil Kumāramangalam are stated to be situated in the same Peruganūr-nādu. In the second inscription, which is dated two years later and which comes from Vriddhāchalam, the chief bears all the above names and titles except Pāññāgamuttaraiyan. Here he is said to have built a pavilion for the mahāsuapana of the yod and called it Elisaimögun-tirumandapam. The dates of these two inscriptions are A. D. 1146 and 1148. From the fact that this chief Elisaimögun Käddavarayan is said, in the verseinscriptions, to have conquered the four quarters, we are enabled to assign to his time two other inscriptions: dated in the 6th year of Parakesarivarman Rājarāja (A.D. 1152). In both, the chief is styled Kudal Alappirandān Mögan alias Rājaraja Kādavarayan, and in one of them he gets the attribute Wāludikkumuenrūn. From these two records we learn that the surname Kulottungaśõla Kadavarayan, which he bore in the 13th and 15th year records of Kulottunga II, had been changed into Räjarāja Kādavarayan in the subsequent reign. This chief, Alappirandan Elisaimõgan alias Kulottungaśőla Kädavarayan, is reported to have made a gift of pädikāva! and other incomes from certain villages for worship in the temple of Tirumuttamudaiya Mahādēva at Srimushnam in the sixth year of Rājarāja II (i.e., A. D. 1152) for the merit of himself and his descendants. The same chief figures in an 8th year record (A. D. 1154) of Rājarāja II ; and seems also to be referred to in an inscription of the 10th year (A. D. 1156) of the same king.
1 No. 423 of 1921. * 8.1. I., Vol. VII, No. 150 (137 of 1900).
Nos. 166 and 170 of 1906. • No 170 of 1906
No. 232 of 1916. • No. 375 of 1902. No. 307 of 1910.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXVII No. 5 Arašanārāyaman Alappirandān Virasēkhara Kādavaravan, son of Arusanārāyanan Kachchiyarāvan figures in two inscriptions of Kulõttunga lll dated in the 9th und 13th year's of rign. The name Virasökbara, like Kulõttunyaśāla. Amapáva and Rajaraja, prefixed to kādu varāvan, might indicate the name or surname of the chief's Chöļa overlord. And since we know tbat Virasēkhara Kaclavarayan figures only in inscriptions of Kulottunga Ill, there is every possibility of Virusekbara being the surname of this Chöļa king. In this connection it is worth noting that a lithic record with the introduction virame tupai found at Puttali in the (hingloput District, duted in the 2nd year of reign, actually gives Kulottunga the surname Virasekhara. This king must, therefore, be kulõttunya III and not Kulottunga ll as bad been tentatively assumed in the Annual Report ou South Indian Epigraphy for 1922-23.
So far, we have noticed the inscriptions which mention the several members of the pedigree furnished in the two verse-inscriptions relating to the Kādava chiefs of Kūdal. We may pow consider who the other members of the family were. A record of Siddhalingamadamo states that Elisaimõgan alias Jananātha Kachchiyarāyan was the sou of Ilaypirandan Arašanārāyanan of Kudalur. This record in dated in the 6th year of Tribhuvanachakravartin Virarājēndra, ic., Kulottunga III (A.D. 1183-4). Since we know that Arašanārāyanan Alappirandän of Kūdalūr was No. 4, the younger son of Atkolli, it is clear that Jananātha Kachchiyarāyan must have been the latter's son. As Virasekhara Kādavarāyan was also a son of this Araśanarāvanan Alappirandān alias Kachchiyarāyan, it is evident that they were brothers. And since Jananātha Kachchiyarāyan figures in two inscriptions, one dated in the 3rd year of the reign of Kulõttunga III (A. D. 1181) and the other in the 8th year of Rajadhirāja II. (A.D. 1171), he has to be regarded as the older of the two. There are also a few other records? which mention him. From all these we learn that his full name was Kudalar Arasanarayanan Elisaimõgan alias Jananātha Kachchiyarāvan. His dates range from A. D. 1171 to 1183-4.
Two inscriptions state that a certain Pallavandär alias Kādavarāyar also called Virar-Viran Kādavarāyat, conquered Tondaimandalam. In both of them he is stated to be the son of Alappirandān alias Kādavarāyar. But in one, the additional information that his father was also called Elisaimõgan is furnished. The full name of the father of Pallavāņdār as obtained from the inscriptions is Kūdal Alappirandān Elisaimõgan alias Kādavarāyan. As such, his identity with No. 3, the first son of Ātkolli is assured. One of these records which comes from Atti in North Arcot District, states that Pallavāndar killed a large number of his enemies at Sēvürl and created mountains of dead bodies and swelling rivers of blood. Another verse in the same epigraph adds that Tondaimandalam conquered by Pallavändār included in it Pennai-nadu and Vada-Vengadam.
Other Kådava chiefs of Kudal known from inscriptions are (a) Manavālapperumal and his son Kādavarāyar, (b) Mahārājasimha, the son of Jiyamahipati and Silavatī, and (c) Köpperuñjinga. There is not much in the names of these chiefs to admit of their identification with the members
18.1. I., Vol. VII, No. 1011. - See Inscription VII below. * No. 156 of 1923. • No. 413 of 1909.
No. 165 of 1902. 8. 1. 1., Vol. III, p. 209. .No. 476 of 1903. No. 157- 1906, No. 391 of 1921, and No. 99 of 1934-5
No. 181 1982-3, and No. 296 of 1912. * No. 187 of 1932-3. * No. 296 of 1912 and A. R. 1913, p. 117. 11 gëvür i probably the prevent Mēj-Sevür in the Tindiv.nam taluk of the South Aroot Disnut, Ibid

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poticed already. Manavālapperumā! figures in a number of inscriptions of the Chola king Kulõttunga III ranging in date from A. D. 1191' to about 1213. In these inscriptions he is found to bear the titles and epithets Elisaimoyan, Tawilaikandaperumā!, Achalakulóttaman, Atkondanāyan and Alagiyapallavan. A record of the 28th year of the reign of Kulottunga III gives this Kādava chief the surname Rāja rāja Kādavarayan. It may be noted that there is no room for confounding this Rājarāja Kādararāyan with the earlier one of the same surname who was a brother of Arašanārāyanan Kachchiyarāyan. for with the former are associated many of the clearly distinguishing epithets of Manavālapperumal noticed above. Manavālapperuma! seems to be the first chief of the family to assert his independence and to issue records in his own name. So far, only a single inscription, dated in the 5th year of the chief's reignt has been found. It gives him the title Sakalabhuvanachakravartin. Since he held a subordinate position under the Chola king kulottunga Jul till about A. D. 1213. it is fairly certain that he should bave thrown off the Chola yoke only after that date. Apoint of interest is that Manavālapperumā! is said in a tecord of Kulottunga lll to have belonged to Kūdal in Kīl- Āmūrvādu in Tirumunaippadi-nadu, whereas the earlier members are said to have hailed from a Kidal in Peruganūr-nadu. This difference deserves to be remembered.
There is not much doult as regards the identity of Mahārajasirha with KÕpperunjinya. In fact, the first is only a Sanskrit rendering of the second. Inscriptions of Mahārājasinila are found at Tripurāntakam and Dräkshārāma.? While the Tripurāntakam inscription is not dated, the Drākshärama record bears the date Saka 1184 (A.D. 1262), and both the Tripurantakam and the Drākshārāma inscriptions contain identical and characteristic titles or bir das which . make it impossible to differentiate one Mahārājasiri ha from another. The bighest regnal year discovered so far for KÕpperuninga is 36 which takes his reign up to A. 1). 1279. And the earliest mention of him as a chief is made in a record of the 11th year of Rajaraja 1!(A. D. 1230)," wherein one of his military officers figures as donor of a gift. From the Tiruvodipuram inscription 10 of Rajaraja III, dated in the 16th year of reign, it is learnt that just before A. D. 1232 the Chola king had been captured and kept in prison by KÕpperunjinga. Thus the earliest clear reference to Kõppetunjinga and bis activities are only found in inscriptions dated between the year 1230 and 1232, though his name has been incidentally brought in in an inscription of A. D. 1213 of the time of Kulõttunga III while mentioning his mother who figures in that record. This early reference to Kopperunjinga can only indicate that he lived to a considerable age like Nandivarman Pallavamalla of the Pallava dynasty and Anantavarman Chödaganga of the Eastern Ganga line.
The pretty long reign of Koperunjinga from A. 1), 1212-3 to 1279 and his figuring in the Tirurëndipuram inscription of A. D. 1232 as well as in another of Rajaraja Ill two years earlier may lead one to enquire if there was only one king of the name or more than one. This question had been taken up by the late Rai Bahadur V. Venkayya, whose finding was that the Mahārāja
1 Inscription No. VIII, below. * A. D. 1207, S. 1. 1., Vol. VIII, No. 317; A. D. 1211, No. 63 of 1919. 33. 1. 1., Vol. VII, No. 146 (No. 133 of 1900). . Above, Vol. XXIV, p. 22. 8. I.I., Vol. VII, Xo. 146. Nos. 187, 198, 202 of 1905. No. 419 of 1893. .Nos. 4.56, 487 of 1902; 370 of 1908 and 104 of 1931-5. . S. . I., Vol. VII, No. 149. 10 Above, Vol. VII, pp. 161ff. 11 No. 487 of 1921. 13 A. R. on Ep. for 1906, pp. 63-4.

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simha of the Sanskrit inscriptions and Kõpperunjinga of the Tamil inscriptions are identical and are not different from the Köpperuġjingu referred to in the Tiruvēndipuram inscription. According to him Köpperuñjinga's father, Jiyamahipati was identical with Alagiyasiyan. Mr. Venkayyu cites three inscriptions where the nanie Alagiyasiyan Avaniyalappirandān Kõpperunjinga occurs and states that in them the name Alagiyasiyan is found prefixed to that of Avaniyāļappirandan Küpperunjiga. Alagiyasivan and Kõpperunjinga have been taken as names and AvaniyalaTirandān as a title. Students of epigraphy know that in double names the first denotes the name of the father while the second is the name of the son. Mr. Venkuyya, it may be noted, has not identified Jiyamabipati with Alagiyasiyan Kõpperunjinga ; he has only equated it with the first part Alagiyasivan of this double name. It will be unjust to foist on Venkavya a conclusion which be had not arrived at nay, which he was positively against. Though the credit of having raised the question whether there was only one king or more than one of the name KÕpperuìjinga is due to Mr. Venkayva, he has not suggested or postulated that there might have been two Köpperuņjingas related to one another as father and son and that the younger has perhaps to be identified with Mahārājasinha of the Tripurantakam inscription. Mr. Venkuyya has assigneel the Tripurantakam, Dräksharama and four Tiruvannamalai inscriptions to one Kopperunjinga, whose attitude to the Cholas in times earlier than the date of the Tiruvēndipuram inscription, is expressed in the epithet 'the sun to the lotus tank of the Chõļa family'.
Two of the inscriptions found in the Vaikuntha-perumā! temple at Tiruvennuinallür are of importance as they afford hints regarding the relationship that existed between Kopperunjinga and Manavālapperūmal. One of them, which is not dated in any king's reign, tells us that the mother of a Kalavarayan presented the image of Alaga (Alagiya)-Pallava-Vinnagara Emberumān; that its shrine, after the death of Kādavarāyan's father Manavālapperumā!, had been neglected and allowed to go into ruin; and that Kädavariyan repaired it and gave some lands for its upkeep. There is every possibility that the image Alagiya-Pallava-VinnavaraEmberumān, was called after the name of the husband of the lady that consecrated it. If this is the case, Manavālapperumal should have borne the surname Alagiya-Pallavan, and it may be noted that we have already found that Alagiya-Pallavan was one of Manavalapperuma!'s surnames. The other inscription is dated in the 35th year (A. D. 1213) of the reign of Tribhuvanaviradēva. It refers to the setting up of the image of the goddess Periyapirāttiyār in the temple of Vaikunthattu-Emberumān by the mother of Alagiyapallavan Kopperuñjingadéve and to a gift of lands made to it by certain individuals. From the double naine Alagiyapellavan Köpperunjingudeva it might either be gathered that Kõpperunjinga was the son of Alagiyapallavan or that he also had the surname Alagiyapallavan as suggested by Mr. Venkatasubba Ayyar. It is very likely too that the Kādavarayan mentioned in the former inscription, as being the son of Manavālapperumā! alias Alagiyapallavan is not different from Peruņjinga.
The only relationship, which is not apparent and which is at the same time difficult to make out, is that of Manavālapperuma! with any of the members known so far. The fact which points to the unmistakable connection of Perunjinga and his father Manavālapperumal with the members of the Kädavaraya chiefs noted above, is that they belonged to Küdal or Kudalur. Peruganūr-pāņu was under the control of the two famous sons of Āěkolliyár alias Kādavarāyar and was doubtless identical with Perugai which figures among the places that comprised the dominion of Vēnāvudaiyān, the younger son of Köpperuñjinga, as reported in Inscription No. I. It is also mentioned in another record of the same place as the native place of Alappirandan
1 No. 484 of 1921. 9 No. 487 of 1921. See above, Vol. XXIV, No. 6.

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No. 181 EIGHT INSCRIPTIONS OF KADAVARAYA CHIEFS
87 Alagiyasiyar. All these, therefore, make it certain that Peruninga and his father came in the line of Ātkolliyār, the son of Valandanar.
The latest member mentioned in the pedigree is Virasēkhara Kadavaravan and the inscrip tions which mention him are dated in A. D. 1186, 1187. 1189 and 1191. But there are inscriptions of A. D. 1171. 1181. and 1183-18 which mention Jananátha Kachchivarāvan, the older brother of Virasokharan Kādavarāyan and state that both were the sons of Arašanārāvamalt Kachchivarāvan. The genealogy provided by the verse-inscriptions omits the name Jananatha kachchivaravan altogether though he was the elder of the two sons of Irašanārāyanan kach chiyarāyan. The omission of the name is significant and the reason for the omission is not known. Was he left without any issue?
Vīrasekhara Kādavarāyan's successor was Manavālapperumal. The earliest inscription which refers to him is Inscription No. Vill from Tiruvadi dated in the 13th rear of the reign of Kulõttunga III (A. D. 1191) which is the last year so far known for Virasekhara Kādavarayan. It registers the gift of an ornament (@kirallivadaw) by Küdal Achalakulóttaman Ātkondanayakan Kadavariyan. The title Achalakulóttaman shows that the chief is identical with Manavalapperumal. The other records which mention him are dated in A. D. 1195, 1200, 1207 and 1211, all falling in the reign of Kulõttunga III. In the first of them he is styled Kidal Elisaimõgan Maņavāļapperumā! Vānilaikandān alias Kādavaravan. Here the epithet Tāwilaikandān applied to him indicates that while he was yet a subordinate of Kulõttunga III, he had achieved some military renown. From the records of Kulõttunga III we learn that in . or prior to A. D. 1197 corresponding to the 19th year of his reign,' he despatched matchless elephants, performed heroic deeds, prostrated to the ground the kings of the North, and entered Kanchi, when (his) anger abated, and levied tribute from the whole of the northern region. In the second record he is called Elisaimõgan Manavālapperumäl alias Vänilaikandaperumal alias Rājarāja Kādavarāyan of Kūdal in Kil-Amūr, a subdivision of Tirumunaippādi. It is particularly worthy of note that he was styled Rājarāja Kadavarayan even during the reign of Kulõttunya III. The third inscription which is dated in the 29th year of the reign of Kutõttunga III calls him Kadal Achalakulóttaman Elisaimõgan Manavālapperuma alias V[änilaika ludaperumal alias Kādavarāyan.
The date of the chief's assumption of independence was certainly later than A. D. 1213, but how much later and how long he lived after that event are questions on which direct information is not at present forthcoming. That he was the first to throw off the Chola yoke, there could be no doubt, as it is proved by an inscription issued in his own reign. It has been shown that he had a valiant son in Kõpperuñjinga whose accession took place in A. D. 1242-3. If he did pass away long before A. D. 1242-3, there is no reason why Köpperuńjinga did not assume regal powers earlier than A. D. 1242-3 and from the date of his father's demise. That the Kūdal chiefs had good cause to be dissatisfied with the Chõļas, is clear from the terms of a compact recorded in an inscription of A. D. 1189 (No. 254 of 1919); but they had to bide their time for taking final action against the emperor who kept the various subordinate chieftains well balanced, even though
1 No. 511 of 1921. * No. 74 of 1918; No. 1011 of 8. 1. 1., Vol. VII ; No. 244 of 1934-5; and Inscription No. VIl blow. * No. 47 of 1903 ; 165 of 1902; 157 of 1906; and 413 of 1909. * No. 313 of 1902, 133 of 1900, 43 of 1903 and 63 of 1919, etc.
No. 313 of 1902. See above, Vol. XXIV, No. 6. * 8.1. 1., Vol. III, p. 217, Pudukotta Inscriptions, No. 164; A. R. for 1904, p. 53. .No. 133 of 1900. .No. 43 of 1903 (8.1.1., VOL VIII, No. 317).

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the dissensions among them, which were many, were allowed to continur. All things considered. it will be natural to suppose that Kõpperunjinga's accession in A. 1). 1212-3 synchronised with the end of Manavalapperumā!'s rule.
The Nigual defeat intricted on the (hoļu emperor Kulöttunga in in the closing wears of his reign by the rising Pandya king Māruvarman Sundara Pandya 1 caused the proud Chola to heg for his crown and kingdom. It was then perhaps that the Kādava played the part of the sitrathira in the dramatic action resulting in the establishment of the Pandva kingdom (Panyamawala-sthiyara-sitruul hara). A feeble attempt was made by the successor of Kulõttung III. ... the efleminate Rājarija III, which only resulted in the establishment of the Karnāta in Letween the Chola and Pandya territories in about A. D. 1222 and gave occasion for Narasimhat 11 to assume the title Chola-rajyo-siliāpondchirya. The events that led to the imprisonment of the l'
ha emperor or, in other words, those that favoured the rise of the Kadara as an independent power are clearly.readable in the history that followed the crushing defeat of Kulottunga lll at the fay end of his reign.
The principal power nyainst whom Rāja rāja Ill wanted to fight in the early years of his reign after the demise of his father, was the Pândva. It is to be noted also that the Kādava is not xtate anywhere as having been an enemy of the Chõļa king at the time. On the other hand there was a conflict in A. D. 1222-23 between the Kādava and the Yadava chief Viranarasimha in which it was the Kadava that was defeated. Narasimha Il marched against Srirangam and succeeded in establishing an outpost at Kannanūr to checkmate the Pandya : and the Kädava rising against the Chola authority was yet in the future. The Kādava risiny probably followed immediately after Rajaraja's defiance of the Pandyas. There is nothing to preclude the possibility of an independent enmity between the lloysala and the Kädava as well as between many other chiefs of the time. A record of Narasimha ll dated in A.D. 1223 says "Why describe his ferrible capture of Adiyama. Chēra, Pandya, Makara, and the powerful Kadavas ? Rather describe how he lifted up the Chola, brought under his orders all the land as far as Sētu". The first interrogatory included in it some chiefs who were not at feud with the Chola.
• The Kadava who is said to have been wounded by the Yadava Viranarasimha and to have Deo captured by the Hoysala is in all likelihood Vānilaikandan Manavalapperumā!.
By abont A. D. 1222-3, the Kādavarāya who was considered powerful hy Narasiviha II, must have made an attempt to become independent and was put down lwy the Hoysala king. It is needless to say that both the attempts were undertaken on behalf of the Chola. But the Kādara was not so easily to be baffled. In the cause of his father, Peruījinga made a stronghold at Sendamangalam for his military operations, and commenced war against him. His Vailûr inscription tells us that he conquered the Chola king at Telläru, deprived (him) of all (royal) insignia (and after) imprisoning the Chõļa (king) took the Chola country'. Another verse in the same record states that his prison-house was the abode of the lord of Ponni, i.e., Rajaraja lll, of his wife and of his ministers'. Speaking of the excellence of his army the record says that his invincible army fought with the army of Kannadar 'who knew no retreat! Even allowing for poetic excesses, there could be no doubt of Perunsinga's having captured and kept Rājarāja III in prison along with his wife and some ministers at Tellāru. It is not unlikely that the Choļa king escaped or was let off from prison under some conditions, and was for a second time imprisoned at $endamangalam. The details of what followed the second imprisonment of the emperor are narrated in the Tiruvēndipuram record of
Above, Vol. XXII. p. 2. * Ibid, p. 45. * Ep. Carn., Vol. V, Cn. 203. Above, Vol. XXIII, p. 180.

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No. 18)
EIGHT INSCRIPTIONS OF KADAVARAYA CHIEFS Rājarāja III. It must be somewhere about this time, probably soon after the Tellaru battle, that Manavāļapperumal became king and reigned perhaps for a decade.
In the Tiruvëndipuram inscription we find the Chöļa or Hoysala version of a part of the success of the enemies of Peruñjinga. It was a single episode in a long struggle. In Manava! pperumal's time, Perusjinga must have put down Madhurantaka Pottapi-Chöļa Tikka, who, like Narasimha II, came to share the title of Chõlarājya-sthāpanācharya' in about A. D. 1232. T'ikka's successor became a subordinate of the all-powerful Kādava Kõpperuñjinga and a new enemy of the ally arose in Kakatiya Ganapati almost in the very year of the accession of Vijaya. gandagöpüla, i.e., A. D. 1249-50, and it was left to the Kādava to deal with him also. The success of his arms gave him the possession of the region further north of Kanchi as is clearly vouchsafed by Mahārājasinha's inscriptions in Tripurantakam and Dräkshärama. The politie Kādava set up prince Nilagangaraiyan to safeguard his own interest and that of his ally Vijaya. gandagõpāla.
Thus far we have noticed the inscriptions of Rājarāja III and his predecessors which speak of the ancestors of Kõpperuñjinga.
Now about the later members of the family. In editing the Tiruvēndipuram inscription, the late Dr. Hultzsch made out that Nilagangaraiyan was a son of Köpperuñjinga. There is u bilingual inscription dated in the 22nd year of the reign of Vijayagandagõpäls (A. D. 1272) found in the Aruļāļaperumal temple at Conjeeveram in which a chief styled Bhūpālanodbhava Nilaganganripa figures. The Tamil portion of the record calls him Puviyālappirandan Nilagangaraiyan of Amūr. The title Puvior Avani)yālappirandān and the place Amūr with which the chief is connected suggest that he may be a prince of the Kādava family of Kūdal; and the date is indicative of the fact of his having flourished in the time of Kõpperuñjinga. It seems likely that Avaniyāļappirandān Nilagangaraiyan whose son Alagiya Tiruchchirrambalamudaiyan Nilagangaraiyan and queen Nangai-Alvar are referred to in the 2nd and 27th years of the reign of Kopperuñjinga,' was the son of Köpperuñjinga.
A certain Pillaiyar Pañchanadivānan Nilagangaraiyan is referred to as the father of Arunagiripperumä] and as the husband of Perumā! Nāchchi and Solinga Nachchi in three other inseriptions dated in the 19th and 30th years of the reign of KÕpperuujinga and the 10th year of Vijayagandagõpăla. This Nilagangaraiyan has been identified with KÕpperuñjinga's son by the Jate Dr. Hultzsch. The additional epithet Panchanadivānan given to the chief in these records does not seem to be quite favourable to the identification. Though we cannot be positive as regards this chief being a Kādava, it seems that the association of the title Avani(Puvilyalappirandän and Amūr with Nilagangaraiyan is a better ground for determining him as the Kadava chief of Kūdal. In this connection, it may be useful to remember that a chief named Panchanadivānan Nilagangaraiyan, the protector of Kanchi (Conjeeveram) and Mallai (Mahābalipuram) figures as early as the reign of Kulõttunga 1,9 and probably was his subordinate: the region over which he had authority which is the same as that of Vēņāvudaiyān to be mentioned below, would be favourable for his inclusion in the family of the Kādavas of Kūdal.
Above, Vol. VII, p. 166. Pillaiyar Nilagangaraiyar himself, is mentioned in a record from Tiruvadisulam dated in the 14th year of Peruñjingadeva (No. 342 of 1908).
No. 41 of 1893. Nos. 505 and 518 of 1902. • Nu. 365 of 1919. No. 181 of 1894. No. 117 of 1912. * Above, Vol. VII, p. 166.
No. 25 of 1934-5. See also Nos, 415, 416 and 417 of 1898, XVI-1-11

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. [Vol. XXVII A number of inscriptions dated between the 3rd and 26th years of the reign of Köpperunjinga mention Pillai or Perumalpillai wias Sõlakon or Solakūnar. Some of them call lim Araisūrudaiyan and Senkanivayar. He was one of the mulalix of the king. These inscriptions leave no doubt that he was the son of Köpperunjinga and was one of the king's principal officers. Most of the orders of the king had been issued ly him. A few bear bis signature also. He made valuable presents to the temples at Chidambaram, Tiruvannamalai, Vriddhachalam and other places, founded gardens of flower plants and fruit trees, and provided for their perpetual maintenance by giving lands for the jivita of the persons that had to work in them and for those that superintended the work.
That Vēnāvudaiyān was another of the sons of Körperusjinga is clear from his being called mayron in inscription No. I below, and Perumalpillai in two other records where he is specifically stated to be the younger brother (tambi) of Sõlakon. These three inscriptions are particularly important as they definitely establish that Sõlakon and Vēnāvudaiyan were the sons of Kõpperuninga and that Vēnāvudaiyan was the younger of the two. Thus including Nilagangaraiyan of Āmür, KÕpperuñjinga had three sons.
It is interesting to note that some more members of Körperuñjinga's family are also known. In an inscription of the 35th year of the region of Kulõttunga III, the mother of Kõpperunjinga is Inentioned but the name is unfortunately lost. Since Jivamahipati of the Tripurantakam inscription has been identified with the father of Peruñjinga the name of his mother has to be taken to be Silivati. A certain Mittandür Nachchiyar alias Nambirättivär figures in three records as donor, the earliest of which is dated in the 31st year of Rajaraja l]I (A. D. 1247), the second belongs to the 9th year of the reign of Sakalabhuvanachakravartin Alagiyasiyan Kālavarayan Avaniyāļapriyandan Kõpperunjingadēvan and the third to the 15th year of the same king without the title Alagiyasiyan. They tell us that she was the daughter (lirumagalär) of Nambirättiyar alias Udaiyālvār and queen (pennarasiyūr) of Kūdal Alappirandān Kādavarāyan Sadumperumal. Looking at the title Kūdal Alappirandan given to Sadumperumā! and at the dates of the records, viz: A. D. 1247, 1252 and 1258, as well as the application of the terms Pennarasiyār and Nambi. rättiyar to Mittandar Nächchi it seems possible that Sadumperumāļ may be a member of distinction in the family of Köpperuñjinga next to the king or the king himself. If it be the latter, the name Sädumperumal requires to be explained. The latter part of the compound indicating 'king', šādum may be taken to mean 'dancing'. From the Drākshārāma inscription and other records it is clear that he was an adept in the science of Bharatanatya. Arasalvār mentioned in a record of Tiruveynainallūro is probably a sister of Köpperuñjinga.
The genealogy of the family of the Kädavas of Kudal embracing all the members noted above with their titles or surnames will stand as follows:
1 No. 432 of 1924 dated in the 26th year of KÕpperuñjinga has Pilai Solakõnar; Perumal-pillai alias Soļakonär occurs in No. 460 of 1902. See also Nos. 302, 312 and 318 of 1913, dated in the 12th, 10th and 9th years, No. 80 of 1918, dated in the 11th year, and No. 199 of 1936-37, dated in the 5th year.
The chief is also called Pillai Araisūrudaiyan Peruma-pillai alias Soļakon in No. 401 of 1903, dated in the 8th year. Araisūrudaiyan Senkaniváyar alias Pillai Sólakönär in No. 462 of 1902 dated in the 4tn year and Piffai Serkanivayar alias Slakonar in No. 400 of 1903 dated in the 11th year.
* No. 460 of 1902, dated in the 8th year of Köpperuñjinga and No. 80 of 1918, dated in the 11th year of his reign.
Senkanivayan Solakón tambi peruma! Vērādudaiyan occurs in No. 146 of 1902 and Kõpperunjungan mwali-galil Senkanivayan Solakön tambi perumal pillaiyana Vendeudaiyan in No. 504 of 1902.
Nos. 77, 78 and 98 of 8. 1. 1., Vol. VIII.
• No. 511 of 1921. This record states that in the 8th year of Kopperufijinga a mandapo was erected by Arasä]văr, the elder sister of Alappirandan Alagaiyasīyar of Perugai. Alagaiyaayan was Kopperupjioga's sur name and Perugai of this inscription is certainly identical with the place of the same namo in Inscription No. 'I below, and with the native place of the two sons of Åtkolliyar alias Kidavariyar,

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Valandaņār alias Kādavarāyar. Mögan Alappirandām Atkolliyar alias Kädavariyar
alias Kulottungabola Kadavarayar A alias Anapāya Kādavarāyar
No. 18)
, 113, 1100.
Kudal or kūdalur or Palli-Aļappirandān Elisaimoganor Mögan alias Kādavarāyar
alias Rajaraja Kadavarayan alias Kulõttungabola Kādavarāyan, Paññāgamuttaraiyan Nāludikkumvenrān (conqueror of the four quarters) A.D. 1146, 1148, 1152, 113, 1156 and 1162
Kūdal or Kūdalūror Palli-Alappirandanı
Arabanārāyanap Kachohiyarayan alias Kādavarayan alias Kulottungabola Kachchiyarāyan, Paññāgamuttaraiyan : A.D. 1140, 1145.
+
Pallavändär alias Kādava.
rayan alias Virar-Viran Kādavatāyan conqueror of Tondaimandalam'. A.D. 1181
Atkonda nashchi 7 Rājaraja Chēdiyarāyan : A.D.
11621.
Kūdalur
Arabana rāyanan Elišaimogan
alias Jananátha
Kachhiyarayan : A.D. 1171, 1181, 1183-4.
Kudal Arasanarayanan Alappirandän Virade.
kharan alias Kādavarāyan; destroyed Kudal belonging to Kaskada. gamarāyans and con. quered the country of Adigaiman: A.D. 1186, 1187, 1189, 1191.
EIGHT INSCRIPTIONS OF KADAVARAYA CHIEFS
Sakalabhuvanachakravartin Kudal Elisamõgan Manavalapperuma!
Vanilaikandaperumal Alagiyapallavan, Achalakulóttaman, Atkondlanayakan, Rajaraja Kadavarāvan alias Jiyamahipati (Alagiyasiyan), m Silāvati A.D., 1191 to 1213, 1213 to 1243.
Arasālvär: A.D. 1251.
Maharājasirisha of Kudal alias Sakalabhuvanachakravartin,
Avani-Alappirundan Kõpperusjingadevan alias Sūdum. perumal, Kadavarāyan, Nissankamallap; A.D 1243 to 1:79-80.
Puvi(Avani) Alappirandan Nilagangaraiyan of Araśūrudaiyān Serkanivāyar alias Sölakon Atkondadovan Vēņāvudaiyān aliis Kādavakumāraṇ. Amúr m Nangai-Alvār.
or Solakūnār. Alagiya-Tiruchchirambaiamudaiy n Nilagangaraiyan.
Nos. 480 and 481 of 1921. See A. R. on Epigrapy Madras, 192, 1). 104, para. 24.

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The Tiruvannāmalai record, i.e., Inscription No. I, which must be ascribed to a date later than A. D. 1243, describes briefly the victories gained by Perunjinga and his son Vēnävutlaiyan. It is clear from this epigraph that most of the victories were won by the son during the lifetime of his father. Vēnāvudaiyan held sway, on behalf of his father, over the highly celebrated Mallai (Mahabalipuram), Mayilai (Mylapore), Kanchi (Conjeeveram), Dandaka-nādu, the well watered Pāli, the region of the river Pennai, Kõval (Tirukkovalūr), and Perugai. He is described as the hero among heroes who worsted the Karnātas (i.e., Hoysalas) of the west and belittled their acquisitions or kingdom in the south, and who had made the Telungas of the north perish in their own quarter'. The worsting of the Hoysaļas, wbich resulted in the curtailment of their possessions in the south, must be taken rather to refer to an independent achievement separate from the conquest of the Chõļas which led to the imprisonment of Rājarāja III at Sēndamangalam. This event must have been accomplished some years later than A. D. 1243, from which date Perunjinga became a crowned king with the title Sakalabhuvanachakravartin. An inscription belonging to the reign of Sakalabhuvanacharavartin Kõpperunjinga found at Vriddhachalam' records the interesting fact that he made a gift of a gold forehead-plate set with jewels, to the god Tiruviudugunramuduiya Nayanār of the place, in order to absolve himself of the sins of killing Kēšava-landanāyaka, Harihara-Dandanayaka, and other Daydunāyakas of the Hoysala king in the battlefield at Perambalur (in the Trichinopoly District) and seizing by force their ladies and treasure. This record thus.brings to light another significant event in the history of Peruņjinga, viz., the battle of Perambalur. It seems to me that this battle might be the same as the one mentioned in the Tiruvannamalai record noted above. The Hoysala contemporary of Peruninga in about A. D. 1253, the date of the Vriddhachalam record, was Vira-Somēśvara, the son and successor of Narasijitha II, whose reign extended from A. D. 1234 to A. D. 1263. Rājarāja III was weak and Vira-Somośvara easily established himself at Kannanūr, called Vikramasingapura, north of Srirangam, near Trichinopoly on the border of the Pandya and Chola countries and built fortifications right along the north bank of the river Kävēri.? Vira-Somośvara, staying in his capital kanpanūr, was keeping watch and ward over his brother-in-law, the Chola Rajaraja lll, and was sending frequently his Mahüprudhūnas, perhaps almost annually to the Chola kingdom after the 16th year (A. D. 1249).
1 There are, however, two recrods dated in his 12th and 10th year's which give him the title Tribhuvana chakravartin instead of Sakalabhuvanachakravartin (Nos. 440 and 439 of 1921.) The former refors also to the 21st year of Rājarāja III.
* No. 73 of 1918.
* Vriddhachalam is called in its inscriptions by other names like Tirumudukurum, Norkuppai, ato. Tiru. ruudukuyram was situated in the Paruvūr-kūrram, & subdivision of Irungo!appali which was a division of Rajendrasimha-valanādu (Nos. 39, 40 and 54 of 1918). A Kalavarāya of Nerkuppai is also known (No. 88 of 1919).
* This ornament was called Avani-Alappirandān and was placed on the image with the chanting of the Sans. krit vorge :
Charuratnamayam pattam Avanyavanasambhavah
didūsa tridatebaya Sri-Vriddhagirivāsine u A similar gift of a forehead-plate, but without jewels, was made for the same god by one of Perujinga's older sons, Solakon, in the 11th year of his reign (No. 80 of 1918).
This suggestion is strengthened by the fact that it was in the lattor part of the reign of Vira-Somēsvara that the southern hold of the Hoysalas got weakened.
.8.1. I., Vol. IV, No. 435. No. 514 of 1918.
Above, Vol. XXIV, p. 162. Soo also Nos. 39 of 1920 and 366 of 1919 dated in the 20th and 22nd years, aud Pudukotta Inscriptions, No. 168. Before the 16th year of Rajaraja III, Narasimha II's ministers figure (Nou. 404, 408 of 1919), and this fact shows that disturbances had already begun and must have culminated in the defeat and imprisonment of Rajaraja III and his subsequent release in A. 1), 1231-2. The presence of the Hoysal kings, with the members of their household, their generals and ministers in the Chola country, is an evidence of the utter reliance placed by the latter on the power and help of the former. See Padukolla Inscriptions, Nos. 183; 73 of 1918, 366, 404 and 408 of 1919, and 39 of 1920.

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No. 18)
EIGHT INSCRIPTIONS OF KADAVARAYA CHIEFS
Inscription No. I indicates that Vēnāvudaiyan vanquished the Kākatiyas in their own dominion, implying that he had invaded their territory. The Kakatiya contemporary of Kõpperuñjinga was Ganapati, who in 12491 was in possession of Kanchi. In his endeavour to obtain the place, he must have found himself in conflict with the Kadava Peruñjinga. In about A. D. 1258, Rudrāmba, the only daughter of Ganapati, became the queen of the Kakatiya dominion, as there was no male heir to the throne. It was just before A. D. 1262, the date of the Dräkshärama epigraph, probably in A. D. 1260-1, that the forces of Peruñjinga, probably under the command of his valiant son Vēnāvudaiyan, invaded the territory of the Telugus. His Dräkshārāma and Tri. purantakan inscriptions are evidences of the reality of the conquests of the Pallava in the north.
Here may be considered the attempts of the Pandya king. Jaţiivarman Sundara-Pandya is described in his inscriptions in the thunderbolt to the mountain, viz. the Chola race (Rajāraja IIT), the dispeller of the Karnata king (ie., Vira-Somēbvara), the fever to the elephant Kathaka king, the jungle fire to the forest Gandagöpāla, the lion to the deer Ganapati (i.e., the Kakatiya king), who was the lord of Kanchi. It is also on record that Jaţăvaraman Sundara-Pandya I laid siege to Senda mangalm, fought many a fierce battle which made the Pallava tremble, and finally took the country together with immense wealth and numberless elephants and horses and bestowed it on Poruñjinga. One could casily see that the detailing of the achievements in the Tiruvannamalai record (Inscription No. I) and in the records of Sundaru-Pandya has much in common. It might be said that the achievements which Sundara-Pandya claims over the Kathukit, Ganapati and others of the north, must have been effected by the combined forces. of Sundara-Pandya and Pallava Perusjinga, for these two distinguished contemporaries claim almost the same conquests.
Perunjiga's relationship with the Pandya king scents to have been one of continued friendship. He seems to have occupied a subordinate position under the Pandya. There are records which declare that the Pallava king had sent tributes to the Pandya overlord' and that the latter had received them. His Pandya overlords were Jatavarman Sundara Pandya I (A. D. 1251 - 72)* and his coregent Jatavarman Vira-Pandya (A. D. 1254-75). In the keenly contested battle at. Sendamangalam, the Pallava Peruñjingat, who trembled at the fierceness of the fight, was bestowed, in the end of the battle, the conquered kingdom. Jațāvarman Vira-Pandya claims to have perforined the anointment of heroes at Perumbarrappuliyūr i.e., Chidambaram) and this place was mostly under Kopperunjinga. The performance of the anointment of heroes at that place by the Pandya may indicate the subordination of the Kadava.
There are three inscriptions at Tiruvannamalai dated in the regnal years 30, 31 and 32 of Rajurajat III, corresponding to A.D. 1246, 1247 and 1248. In the same place there are found inscriptions dated in Körperuñjinga's reign from the 2nd year onwards which also correspond to A.D. 1246, 1247, 1248, 1250, etc.? So then it happens that that place was under the rule of both Rājarāja Ill and Peruñjinga from A.D. 1246. And by the evidence of the available inscriptions it is clear that while the Chöļa hold over the place was lost in about A.D. 1248, Peruñjinga continued to possess it. Another fact to be noted is that the initial year of Rajendra-Chõļa III, the son of Rūjaraja III, was A.D. 1246-7. All the available pieces of evidence seem to suggest that Räjarūja III and Peruñjinga were on amicable terms from A. D. 1243.
1 No. of 26 1890. * See K. V. S. Aiyer, Historical Sketches of Ancient Dekhan, p. 165 f. • No. 192 of 1914 and Pudukotta Inscriptions, No. 370. * The date of his accession is fixed to have been between April 20 and 28, A.D. 1251 (abovo, Vol. IX, p. 227). * See K. V. S. Aiyer, op. cit. p. 169. • Nos. 503, 510, and 511 of 1902. Nos. 460, 465, 500, and 513 of 1902.

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Of the three sons of Peruñjinga the eldest seems to have been Solakōn. The first mention of him is made in the Tiruvendipuram inscription of A.D. 1232. From this inscription it looks as if Köpperuñjinga and Sōlakōn were powerful in and around Chidambaram, and had made Sendamangalam their stronghold. Numerous records found at Chidambaram and other places in its vicinity mention Sōlakōn. His brother, Vēṇāvudaiyan, was a 'hero among heroes'. He is said to have been the lord of Mallai, Mayilai, Tondaimangalam, etc. He was issuing royal orders (olai) in the latter part of Kopperuñjinga's reign, while Sōlakon, his elder brother, was performing a similar function from the 1st to the 19th years of Peruñjinga. The sons of Peruñjinga were his trusted generals and under their control and service there were other warriors and generals.1 Great as were the military activities of Peruñjinga displayed both in his early days and after he became king, the fame which he acquired in other walks of life was no less. He was pre-eminently, a patron of learning and fine arts. Besides being well known as one of the best wrestlers with the sword, he was renowned as a parina in the ocean of Bharatanatyaśāstra. He was recognised as the best poet of the day, a Kavisarvabhauma. He is called Devaramalagiyan and Tamilnaḍukattaperumal. Peruñjinga's devotion to the god at Chidambaram is borne out by numerous records registering his munificent gifts. The deity in the golden hall at Chidambaram was his favourite. He also presented a gold forehead plate set with jewels to the god at Vriddhachalam. Numerous were his gifts to the temple at Tiruvannamalai. Here we find a gift made by his queen also. Valuable were his gifts to the temple at Draksharama: they consisted of a throne (simhasana), Makaratörana, Kanakandolana, etc. In the 27th year of the reign of Peruñjinga, a service called Alagiyapallavansandi, called after the king, was instituted to be conducted on the day of Tiruvonam, the natal star of the king (i.e., Peruñjinga). A Tamil and Grantha inscription of his reign states that Avani-Alappirandan constructed a temple for Hēramba-Gaṇapati on the bank of the tank at Tribhuvaṇamadevi.10 Other minor shrines were also constructed."
The wide extent of country which acknowledged Peruñjinga's sway is indicated by the provenance of his inscriptions which lie scattered from Draksharama in the north to the extreme south. Among the places which shared the munificence of his costly gifts are mentioned Drakshäräma, Conjeeveram, Svētajambu, Viraṭṭānam, Madura, Kalahasti and others. The mention of Madura in this list is specially worthy of note as it evidences his friendly relations with the
94
1 Some among the generals under Peruñjinga and his sons were:
Ediriganayan Pottappichōla (No. 136 of 1900).
Rajarajadevan Malaiyan Välavarayan (No. 447 of 1921).
Amudāndai alias Valuvarayar son of Añjadaperumal Gangayarayar-a mudali of the utkodu of the king (No. 95 of 1934-5).
Vtraganganādāļvān, above, Vol. VII, p. 167.
Sinattaraiyan
Alagiyapallavan Virarayan alias Kachchiyarayan (No. 62 of 1919).
Sundaranandipanman (No. 186 of 1892).
Cf. his surname Khadgamalla or Sarvajñakhadgamalla,-Nos. 191 of 1904, 197 of 1905 and 286 of 1921.
No. 419 of 1893 and Bharatamvalla-perumal in inscription I below.
No. 419 of 1893 notes also Sarasa-sahitya-sagara-samyatrika, Sahitya-ratnākara.
No. 85 of 1919.
No. 418 of 1922 and Inscription No. I below. Compare also the expression Sen-tamil väla-ppiranda-Kadava in the Vailur inscription of Köpperuñjinga, above, Vol. XXIII, p. 180.
No. 418 of 1922.
Nos. 488-and 513 of 1902.
⚫ No. 170 of 1918.
10 No. 182 of 1919.
1 No. 401 of 1903 dated in the 8th year of Perufijinga (A. D. 1251). It records the sale of a land to Sōlakön, for building a temple to Pidäriyär. No. 146 of 1902 states that the gopura of the temple was erected by Vêņa. vadaiyan. No. 518 of 1902 states that Nangaiyalvar, the wife of Nilagangaraiyan, built a shrine and called it Nangai-älvishuram.

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EIGHT INSCRIPTIONS OF KADAVARAYA CHIEFS
Pandya. Peruñjinga's son Vēnāvuḍaiyan is said to have ruled over Mallai (Mahabalipuram), Mayilai (Mylapore), Kañchi, Tandaganāḍi, Tirukkõvalur, etc. The inscriptions of Peruñjinga have been found in the South Arcot, North Arcot, Chingleput, Godavari, Kurnool, Chittoor," and Tanjores Districts and in the French territory. From a study of the dates of the records discovered in the various places the following facts become clear. Numerous inscriptions from his 2nd to the 36th years have been found in South Arcot, North Arcot and Chingleput Districts, and therefore these districts may be said to have formed the original possessions of this king. He seems to have extended his sway over the Chittoor10 District in or before A. D. 1254. The utmost northern limit of his dominion was Draksharama in the Godavari District where an inscription of his reign dated Saka 1184 (A.D. 1262) is found.". The inscriptions of Peruñjinga found in the Tanjore District are dated between A.D. 1245 and 1269.12 Further south he maintained friendly relationship with the Pandyas.
We shall now refer to some facts which are useful to students of Tamil Literature. The mention of the name Perambalam-pon-meynda-perumal nallur in Inscription No. III, is of great interest as it enables us to fix the date of composition of the Tamil work Periyapurāṇam. Umāpati-Sivacharya13 tells us that the Chōla prince of Sekkilar's time, showed at first a leaning towards the heretic faith of Jainism, owing to the influence of the work called Jivakachintamani," and that Šēkkilar by narrating the life-history of the 63 Saiva Saints, changed the bent of the prince's mind so much so that he thenceforward became a staunch Saiva and requested Sekkilar to prepare a succinct and truthful account of the lives of the great Saints.15 Accordingly Sekkilär wrote his immortal work in verse at Chidambaram to which the god himself is said to have given the starting line. On the completion of this work, the king repaired to Chidambaram with his royal retinue and had the whole work read and explained by the author himself. The king endowed the temple with numerous rich gifts and plated with gold the sacred Perambalam's of the god (Naṭarāja) at Tillai (Chidambaram).
95
Two points that call for special note in the above account are that Aṇapaya was a prince at the time he came under the influence of Sekkilär, and that the name of the hall which he plated with gold was Perambalam. The temple at Puliyur in Tamil and Vyaghragrahara in Sanskrit had in it two pavilions, one small and the other large, which from their size were named respectively Sirrambalam and Perambalam. Sirrambalam was next to the holy of holies. On account of the importance of this small hall, the temple itself and the village acquired the name Chidambaram." The writer of the Tiruvalangaḍu grant calls Sirrambalam by the Sanskrit nante Dubhra
1 Inscription No. I below.
At Chidambaram, Vriddhachalam, Brahmadesam, Tirukoilur, Cuddalore, etc.
3 Tiruvannamalai, Wandiwash, etc.
Tribhuvani, Conjeeveram, Attur, etc.
* Draksharama.
• Tripurantakam.
7 Melpādi.
Mayavaram, Kumbakonam, Shiyāli.
Villiyanur.
10 Peruñjinga claims supremacy over the Andhra kings as early as his 5th year (A. D. 1248). No. 286 of 1921 noticed in para. 39, part II, of the An. Rep. on S. 1. E. for 1922.
11 No. 419 of 1893.
No. 53 of 1930-31 dated A. D. 1245; No. 395 of 1918 dated A. D. 1262; Nos. 192 and 194 of 1927-8 dated A. D. 1267; No. 226 of 1927 dated A.D. 1268; No. 432 of 1924 dated A. D. 1269.
13 He belonged to the latter half of the 13th century A.D.
14 Tiruttonḍarpuranam vv. 20 and 21.
15 Ibid., v. 22.
16 Kulottungabölan-Ula, II. 93-116.
17 Chidambaram may also be derived from chit and ambaram; the god here is said to be in the form of ākāśa.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
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sabha. Pērambalam, it may be noted, was, according to the Periyapurānam, in the outer portion next to Ponmäligai (golden palace) with high walls, and one had to pass through a gate called
Tiruvanukkan-tiruväyil to reach Sirrambalam where the god Nataraja is said to perform his sacred dance. The Tiruvälangadu grant tells us that Parantaka I, by the munificence of his wealth, made the residence called Dabhrasabhā of Purări consist of gold, i.e., by covering it with gold.
During the reign of Kulöttunga I, the chief Naralēkavīran is again said to have covered the roof of Sirrambalam with gold. The same chief is also stated to have covered Pērambalam with copper. To Vikrama-Chola is attributed the gilding of Sirrambalam. Kulottunga-bolanUlā,' a quasi-historical poem composed by Ottakkūttan, in honour of Kulöttunga II, and Periyapurānam speak to the fact that he (Kulõttunga II) gilded the Pērambalam. Perhaps he did 80 by removing the copper covering put up by Naralēkavīran. The fact that Rajakësarivarman Kulottunga II gilded the Pērambalam is affirmed by some of the inscriptions of the king.
The mention of Pērambalam-pon-méynda-peruma!-nallür, in Inscription No. III shows that already in or before the 3rd year of his reign, the king had accomplished this meritorious task, and if this act had been undertaken and accomplished just after hearing the Periya puranam of Sēkkilär, which is very natural, the work must have been written in or before A.D. 1135.
The fact that the village of Pērambalam-pon-měynda-perumal-nallür had been in existence in A.D. 1135-having shown that it must have been founded sometime prior to that date--the use of the suffix Perumal, which is generally employed in inscriptions to denote a prince, instead of Kulöttungagola which was the name assumed after actual accession, might be taken to show that the founding of the village must be earlier than A.D. 1134, corresponding to the 2nd year of the reign of Kulöttunga II of which date we have several inscriptions of his and upto which year Vikrama-Chöļa's inscriptions are found. Thus the Periyapuränam was probably composed in the year A. D. 1133-4.
A word may now be said about Nannan-Verpu where the chief Vēņāvudaiyān is said to have engraved vāgai, kurangu and visaiyan. The action of the chief is similar to the claims of the early Chola and Pandya kings in carving their royal emblems on the mount Mēru. NannanVerpu means the hill of Nannan'. Ancient Tamil works speak of two Vēļ chíefs bearing the name Nannan who stood in the relation of father and son. While the elder was infamous and cruel and turned away bards and showed no sympathy for art or literature, the other is celebrated as a jast ruler and as a patron of learning. The elder is said to have taken the country of a certain Chēra named Kaļankäykkanni-nārmudi-Chēral and held sway over it until it was recovered by the owner by defeating the aggressor in a battle fought at Perundurai;o the younger is said to have been the commander-in-chief of the very Chēra king and to have been called Udiyan.10 He
1 Tiruttondarpuränam, v. 104. 28.1. 1., Vol. IV, No. 226, II, 11-2. * Ibid., 1. 12. • Ibid., No. 458.
Kulottungaböjan-Ulā, 1. 93; Rajarajasolan-Ula, 1.58. • No 350 of 1927, 315 of 1928-29, 349 of 1928-29 and No. 1044 of 8. I. I., Vol. VII. * Pattuppaffu 10: 1.84 and Agam, 97. • Puram, 161; Kusuntogai 292 ; Tolkappiyam Porul., p. 686 and Agam, 162,
Agam, 199.
10 Ibid., 44 and 258. MGIPC-S1-XVI.1.11-25-7.49–400.

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97
is said to have gained victory over a certain Piņdan. Palgun rak-kottam' was the tract of country over which these Vēl chiefs ruled and Chengama was the principal city in it. This country had in it the two famous hills Naviram and Pålichchilambu and the towns Pali, Páram, Pirambu, and Viyalür. The river Cheyyāru flowed through it.6 Naviram is identified with the Triśūla hill referred to as an off-shoot of a hill near the village Tenmahādēvimangalam in the Polur Taluk of the North Arcot District. The hill of Naviram is said to have had on its top a Siva temple and the deity there was named Kāriyuņņikkadavu!.! This hill of Nannan might be the one referred to under the name Nannan-Verpu in Inscription No. 1 below.
An ornament called Ekūvallivadam is mentioned as the main item of gift by more than one Kadavarāya chief, as was the case in the royal gifts to the Rājarājēsvara temple at Tanjore. Tamil works refer to this ornament. It was worn round the neck loosely and comprised mainly of a large number of pearls. These with other items mentioned below were strung together by means of a thick gold string, sometimes worked so as to resemble a snake in form. Pearls, sapphires, gems, corals, lapiz lazuli and gold pendants formed the main items in this neck ornament. The Ekāvallivadams presented by the Kādavarāyas appear to have been very costly, as can be gathered from the mention of the total weight, size, and number. Ekāvallivadam was known as Tāragaikkovai in ancient days.10
Of the geographical places mentioned in the records, Geờilam is a river that flows through parts of the South Arcot District. On its banks the villages Tiruvadi and Tirumāņikuli are situated. Udavi-Tirumānikuli is the name by which the modern village of Tirumāņikuli, not far from Cuddalore, is called hoth in inscriptions and in the Dēvāram. Here the ancient Choļa king Sengangān is said to have worshipped the god Siva. It was situated in Mërkä-nädu, a subdivision of Rajarāja-valanādu, 11 like Ādanur whence the Saiva saint Tirunāļaippovär hailed." A part of Tirumānikuli was constituted as Pērambalamponmeyndaperumāļnallür. Alappākkam is a village in the Cuddalore Taluk of the South Arcot District. Solakulavallinallür was a subdivision of Pattānpakkam or Pattänpäkkai-nādus and was also called Sõlakulavalli.4 It had the
1 Agam, 44, 152 and 208.
* The Palgunrak-kottam of Nannan was situated in Jayangondabolamandalam (8. I. I., Vol. I. No. 72. Ibid. Vol. VII, Nog. 64 to 74 and 442. No. 297 of 1939) and comprised North and South Arcot Districts. A few of its subdivisions wore Singapura.valanadu (297 of 1928-29), Sengupra-nadu (No. 442 of 8. 1. I., Vol. VII), Tennarrür. nadu (ibid., Nos, 64 to 74 and No. 440), Mandaikula-nādu (ibid., Vol. I, No. 72), Pangala-nadu (ibid., Vol. I, No. 72), and Valaippandal-nadu (No. 232 of 1923). A village in the main division was Ninravūr (No. 176 of 1929-30). Siyamangalam in the Wandiwash taluk was in Tennārrur-nādu, Kalavali of the Walajapet Taluk was in Senguņranādu. Kunra-nādu had Nedungun ram (No. 73 of 8. I. I., Vol. VII), Mandaikula-nadu had Murugamangalam (No. 72, 8. 1. 1., Vol. I) and Pangala-nadu had Naduvil... kunrattur (ibid., No. 74). The capital of Nannan wad Sengama which is the same as Chengama in the Tiruvannāmalai Taluk of the North Arcot District (Nos. 117, 120, and 124 of 8. 1. I., Vol. VII). It is called Sengaimanagar (ibid., No. 124). It seems that the nucleus of the territory of Peruñjinga and the Kādavarāyas was almost the same as the original possessions of Nannan.
* Pattuppattu 10: p. 372; 8. 1. 1., Vol. I, pp. 102 and 105. • Pattuppa tfu 10: 11. 82 and 579; Agam, 97, 162, 208, 258, 375, 396. * Patluppattu 10: 11. 475, 555. • No. 50 of 1933-4. See A. R., 1933-4. p. 33.
Pattuppåttu 10: 1. 84.
• Ekavidukodi (Perungadai, 1.34.1,201); Ekavāram (ibid., 6.2.1.26); Ekavaffam (ibid., 2.B.1.139); Multuvadam (ibid., 5.2.1.26); Orraivadam (ibid., 1.4.1.211) and Agam, 73; and Perungadai, 2.7.1.22.
Ibid., 3.9.1.67; 5.2.1.26 ; 1.34 , 1.201 ; 1.46; 1.212-3. 10 Silappadigaram, 13. 1. 19. 11 In the same division was Irungolappādi which had in it Tirumudukupram (Vriddhachalam). 1.2 Tirunalainpôvárpuranam, v. 1. 13 No. 406 of 1921; 517 of 1922; 138 of 1932-3; 141-5 of 1933-4 and Nos, 761-776 of 8. I, I., Vol. VII,
14 8.1.1., Vol. VII, No. 761. XVI-1-12

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constituted assembly of ur, one of whose vyvusthās is available. Some of its suburbs are mentioned in a record from Tiruvadi.. It had Eydanür in it. Solakulavallinallür must have been named after Solakulavalli, the queen of Kulõttunga 1. Inscriptions of Eydanür reveal that several temples existed in Solakulavallinallar in the days of Kulõttunga I and numerous gifts and endowments were made to them, the majority of which came from the Chief of Eydanūr named Tiruvayindiran Viraiyan Sinon. The service referred to in Inscription III by the term Eylanirkatalii was most probably instituted by this Chief. The extent and boundaries of Vikramasolanallür are specified in a record and from the descriptions it is clear that both Vikramašīļanallur and Tiruppirambalamponměyndaperumalnallūrs were contiguous to each other, having a common houndary. Solakulavallinallür, of which Villiyanallur? and Vikramasolanallur formed parts, may be identified with the modern Sölavalli, & village in the Cuddalore Taluk. Eydanür (mod. Eidanur) still bears the same name and is in the same taluk." Tiruvayindirapuram is the modern Tiruvindipuram in the ('uddalore Taluk. Adhirajamangalliyapuram in Kil. Amūr-nadu in Rajaraja-valanädlu is Tiruvadi in the Cuddalore Taluk. It is 14 miles West by North of Cuddalore and one mile South of Panruti railway station. It is called Adigaimanagar in a hymn of Sundaramürti-Nayanār and Adiyaraiyamangalam in a hymn of Appar. It is situated on the north bank of the Gedilam. The Siva temple in this village is called Virattanokvara and is associated with the life of Appar. It was here that the Pallava king Mahendravarman I built the temple called Gunabharavichchuram. Kudalur in Peruganūrnádu may be Gudalur in the Tirukoilur Taluk. In this taluk there is a village called Periyanür which may be identical with Perugaŋür of the inscriptions. In the same taluk is Dévaņūr, a village two miles North by East of Tirukoilür. Kil-Kumāramangalam and Toruppādi are villages in the Cuddalore Taluk. Anăngur, 2 miles South-East of Villupuram, must have been the principal place in Anangūr-nadu. Tirunävalûr is now called Tirunamunalar and is 19 miles South-East of the Tirukoilur Taluk.
Tirumunaippādi, in which Kūdal the native place of the Kādavaraya chiefs was situated, is famous in Tamil Literature, as the country over which Narasinga-Munaiyaraivan, one among the Saiva saints, had been ruling. He was an elder contemporary of Sundara marti-Nāyanar. Tirumunaippadi formed one of the biggest districts of Tovdaimandalam. It had in it several subdivisions such as Kil-Amūr-nādu," Mēl-Amūr-nudu, 12 Mērka-nadu, 12 Peruganūr-nādu,
18. 1. I., Vol. VIII, No. 761. ? Ibid., Vol. VIII, No. 315. * No. 39 of 1921; 4. R., 1933-4, p. 34. Nos. 141, 143 and 145 of 1933-4.
That the village Perungudi also boro this sarname is learnt from a Tirukkalukkunram record (No. 134 of 1932-3).
• S. 1. I., Vol. VII, No. 774. " It was called Vidélvidugu-chaturvödimangalam in the days of Rajaraja I (8. 1. I., Vol. VIII, No. 748). * It is 10 miles North-West of Cuddalore (Sewell's List of Antiquities, Vol. I, p. 211).
Ibid., p. 212. 10 Tirunavukkara'n purinam, v. 140.
11 In Ki Amur were Tiruvadigai alias Adhirajamangalliyapuram (No. 384 of 1921), Kanichchampakkam (No. 515 of 1921), Anattir alias Siruvennainallur (No. 372 of 1909), Kannamangalam, Mäņinallür, Kottilampi kkam, Toruppadi (No. 45 of 1903), Siruputtir (No. 32 of 1903), Devaņūr, Kil Kumaramangalam, Siruvigür (No. 46 of 1903), Kūdal and Avanikarpagaviļīgam (No. 45 of 1903). Ettāppaņai was a southern hamlet of Tiruvadigai (414 of 1921).
11 Kiliyar was & village in it (No. 85 of 1935-6). 13 In it wore Kūdal (No. 133 of 1900: No. 67 of 1918 : No. 133 of 1932-3), Tirumānik kuli and Vridbuutalam. 445 and 46 of 1903.

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No. 18 ]
EIGHT INSCRIPTIONS OF KADAVARAYA CHIEFS
Mēlūr-nādu, Anăngūr-nādu, Aragūr-nādu, Aviyaņūr-nādu, Dāmar-nädy," Emappērūr-nūdu, Pēpingūr-nādu,' Kayavapākkai-nādu, Idaiyaru-nādu, Panaiyur-nādu, etc. Of these Kil-Amūr-nādu, Mērka-nādu, and Perugapūr-nādu occur in our inscriptions. The main division in which Tirumuņaippādi was situated is called differently in different inscriptions.11
TEXTS
1 Svasti Sri " K[]r-valar mēņi-kkamala-kkaņņan pâr-valar=undi-pPallavar-peruman
Su[kallabuva[nalchakkaravatti Kuda[l-Avani]-yalappirandan Ko=pPoruñjingan kurai-kala-Kādavap Sogmaraiy-äkkan budar-väl=eduttu=ppiņvara-nadandu pilan-tirand-aruliya kavalar-tambiran k appár-amudar-Arunamálvarai-pperumal tamakku=chcheyda tiruppani terind=edutt-uraippir=kādir-ka[m]biyun-kadir-maņi maku(ta)muñ=chen-kadir-e[ri]kkum=angaśuttamum b ākuvalaiyamum (pa)impor.
pulato il 11-13 tiruvudaiy-adaiyun-tirukkalar=kil=i[du]m 2 pēdaipadamum (pi]rang-irut-kantamum=ila-ñāyirsin-eli-[ni]ran=tönra valar-māņikka
vāļi veyil-arumbiya viri-kadal=Avaniyāļappirandān-tiruvāsigaiyuñ=chingăsunamun= karpaga-virukkamu=muttin-pandalum=õdari-maikkaņ=Umaiy-isai-pāļi ādiyavadirun=kalar-Perumāļukk=iņa-māņikkam=ilanga-chcheyda Baratamvalla-Perumalcunun=tiruvāsigaiyuñ=chiganda sen-kadir-oli-viļangu māņikkamun=tulangum vayiramun-kattiya polan-k Küdamañjaŋamun-kannär-amudar Kämakköttatta
Uņņāmulaiyām-Umaiyaval taŋakku-pparumaņi niraitta tiruvudaiya3 daiyum venri-vēl-kondu kunr-egi Murugan chchenniga-mēņiyun=dēviyar mēņiyu=maiññiga
ttögai vannamum adai ya]pponniram-äkkiya por-pani palavu[m] Mallai. Kavala-Niskankamallan Pallavar-vēndan Barata[m]vallan Kudal-Avaniyalappirandān seydanav=ippaņiy-adangavum=ivan sirand=ūļi-kālam vāli[ * ] Ivaŋ magan vidū vāgai-kKadavakumaran v än-pugal Mallaiyu-Mayilaiyun-Kañchiyun= Ta[ndaga)-nādun-tan-punar-Pā[li]yum Pennaiyun-Kõvalum Perugaiyum1=udaiyavaş
ennarun-chirappil yāvaru=maditta 1 Arvalam (Nos. 350 of 1902; 275 of 1936-7) and Tirunavalūr alias Rājādittapuram (Nos. 355, 357, 374 and 375 of 1902) were situated in it.
Káttuppäkkam was a village in it. * It had the brakmadēya Araśūr (No. 414 of 1921). • Ranadhiramangalam was in it (Nos. 419 of 1921 and 30 of 1903).
Kiliyur was a village in it (Nos. 382 and 388 of 1909).
• In Emappêrür-nädlu were Emappērür (Nos. 123 of 1932-3; 515 of 1921) which comprised portions of Tiruk. koilur and Siddhalingamadam, Nālür (No. 513 of 1921), Semmärrür (No. 81 of 1909) and Kuduppañjirrür alias Munajyarāditta-chaturvēdimangalam (No. 527 of 1921). Emapperür was called Rajendrasolanallur (No. 123 of 1933-3; No. 515 of 1921) while the same name was given to Palaiyur in Palaiyur-nadu in the same mandalam (No. 409 of 1921).
? In it was Pēringur (Nos. 378 of 1909, 371 of 1936-7). No. 31 of 1903. Aggalanemmadi-chaturvēdimangalam was a brahmaddya in it. No. 323 of 1921. It had Idaiyaru in it (No. 278 of 1928-9). 10 Within it was Våvalur-nadu, and Jananátha-chaturvēdimangalam was a tapiyar in it (No. 271 of 1936-7).
11 Rājēndragola-vaļanāļu (Nos. 123 of 1932-3; 517 of 1921); Jayangondasöla-valanádu (No. 115 of 1932-3); Rajaraja valanādu (No. 414 of 1921 ; No. 515 of 1927; No. 402 of 1909; 312 of 1902); Gangaikondabola. vaļanādu (No. 378 of 1909; No. 381 of 1909); Virudarajabhayankarsvalanadu (No. 67 of 1918).
12 8. 1. I., Vol. VIII, No. 69. The inscription is engraved on the west wall of the first präkära of the Arunichalēsvara temple at Tiruvappamalai, Tiruvappamalai Taluk, North Arcot Distriot.
18 Read riru 14 The syllable yum is omitted here.
15 The reading mevugaiyum given in the 8. 1. I. is wrong. It has been seertained that the sbore rosding Perugaiyum is correct.

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4 virudaril viran viral Virasani Kariyanada Kadarkumaran Ku[da]-tisais kKarunia taupalan-kurugavam Vada-tisai-tTelungar vadakk-irund-aliyavum por pala kadandu porunda mannavar-ar-eyir-chernd=ür malaiy-aran-alittu nall-isai-kkadam-punai Nannan-verpil vel-pugal-anaittu mempada-ttain-kön Vagaiyun-kurangum viśśaiyamun-[ti]ttiyav-adal-pu[nai] nedu-vel-A]tkondadevan kada-kari-munai-mugan-kaḍanda Gangayan Kanpar-amudar kaṇan-kulaiy-agattAngamalaiyark-apba-keju nenjil
5 viruppudan Seyda
tiruppani-[k*]kōvai yavaiyum-eḍuttu-ppavalar-uraippil ninga tol-pugal mila-mulud-alitta vendi-punai tol-Atkon[da]devan Vena[vu]daiyāṇ= pam poyar-pinal vala nilaipera-chuheyda perumal-amarun-tiru-[ma]dapamum aruk-kama[] kanaka tiruppaliyapaiyun-tiruvamud-rrum peru mandapam virivudan bey Tirukkákkalliyum peru-viral-Avaniyalappirandan tiramaṇḍapamuñs chelu-malar-toḍutta Kan
6 m väḍādu kann-imaiyadu manmisai nadava vanōr valam-vara ven-madi-nilavil vilangu Juregikkum puittalam cepavum padi müprakkum-adittalam-ennavum-adaiyama[n]navar malaittalam-paritt-am-mannavar sumanda-chchilaittalan-kondu seyda Silaittajanum-ellaiyil-ugau-togun-chelvan-tolaiyadu varumpadi vagutta Ni(ka) allan perum-papḍārumum pirai-mudi-pperumal-innal va[n]diran[da] mai ton[ra]vumunnal-allan]da muraimai
7 kapavum vaṭ-ṭaḍan-kanniyar maṇai-torum pali kola-kkalṭṭilya vadivir-Kangāļa vēḍamum viamugatt-amarar vaqanga-chcheyda näņmaga-tter'sāyagi tanakkum appadi vaguttavapi-nedun-teruvu-cheppiya [ka]diravar tisaivalam-pōduñ-jōti-nanmani vitigal [yilaga-[kkalni-payil tavattor nilaiperav-irukka (malai]-vagutt-anaiya Gagayanmadamus-knit-payilun-ka[da]vular-tamukku võ
8 nirtenral viyan-peruń-kavariy-iru-marung-irattavum-imaiyavar tudikkavum-arumanam= perugiya Valvalaperumal tiru-odun-toppuu-tittamagiyav-amuda nannadiy-anaittiluntüyua Tumiņāḍukāt taperumal-taḍāganum vand-isi-padal made-malar vasan-konda Kadavakumara toppan-kavin vem-puri-kkadir-vali taduttav-Avaniyaluppipandan toppun tala-niga
Sigaittalaivan-töppum vemmai-nalil veflchura-gadandavar tam-mana-kulira-tandalai nilar cheyum-Ammaimadamum-Aiyapiriyum verp-agan-tulaitt-ena-kkarpudaiyar-agiy ada-nedum pilattil-amudu-vandelunda-vaḍi-Valvallaperumal-kinarum-ali-mural kamalamum-ambalum-alarndu kulir-punar-Kadavakumaran-taḍāgamun-kun ru-ka[rai]y-anna kōduyar neḍun-karai Venruma=
10 laikondaperumal-ériyuñ-churar-taru nerungiya laiyu[m]-ovva-pParatamvallapērumā)töppum vala-himitürkku-madal-ijam-palai virai-kamal Virarayan-töppun-tava-neti-chChundarar tam perun-kulattir ta. rku-cheheydu-kudutta kadal-ega niraindu kar-vayal vilaikkum vich chai Nissankamallan-ēriyun-Gangayantadagamun-Gängayan-madamum püñ-kama) sōlaiyum
I porpudan [villanga yivvagai yavaiyull-cheydaṇag-adang-Pavai-pāgan éévadi-ttämaraiy apinda niyar parkuñ-kappipar-aginda nirrinar agama-nanneri padinda neljinar paramaiyankadana kadindav-qaiyar Kaspudarperuman-Adinadanãy vēdas-kondu pay panar Gangaiy-ayira-mugan-kond-arte-elum-annālērrukkopda tirundiys piraimudiy
arun-tava-chchadatarar-ädiyil-anjelutt
1 Read teru[m] or teru[vum*]; see p. 105, fn. 6.
Read renral.
Read -tirllam".

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No 18.] EIGHT INSCRIPTIONS OF KADAVARAYA CHIEFS
101 12 odiya tondar=enr=eņņiya Närpatt-eņņāyiravarun=tiruvaruļ=ivan-mēl] vaittaņar-iru-nilan
tannil=inidu-vā!k-enavēl
IIі
1 [Svasti] Sri Sakalabhuvanachchakrava[r*]ttiga! sri-Ko-pPeruñji[i]gadēvar[k*]ku
yandu 7-vadu Sinha-nāyarru apara-pakshattu chaturtthiyum Velļikkilamaiyum perra
Rēvati-nā! Rājarāja-vaļanāttu=tTirumuņaippādi ..... 2 bhuvanaviradēvar[k*jku 29-vadu nāļil i-sri-vimānam purachcharanaiyay idu ilichchi
śēgirapõdu idil kal vetti-kkidanda kalvettu=kkandu ittu=ttatti ivv=emberumān tiruvi[da]i
3 vi-Bhattan-tottattukku mērku Milalai Nambippillai-töttattukku-tterku Pälkulattu Srirama
Bhattan-tõttattukku kilakku i-unāng=ellaikk=uļppațţa Aļkondavilli-tirunanda.... 4 kkilakku Ko[m*]marai-Virrirundāļvān-tottattukku=tterku Palkkuļattu Nāyakappillai-totta
ttukku mörku giramattár-kālukku vadakku i-nnāng=ellaikk=ulppațţa Upangāvilli-tirunan
.... tottattukku [kila]kku ma.... yálvān-ulitārtottattukku
mörku Pälkulattu=pPeri. ... ttu-Nambi-tottattukku tepku. . . kälukku vadakku
III 1 Svasti Sri [ 1*] Tribhuvanachakravastti]ga! sri-Kulottungaśõladēvarku yandu münr
āvadu Rajaraja-vaļanattu Mērkā-nāttu Udavi-Tirumāņikuliy-Āļudaiyāsku tiruppadi
marrukkum tiruvilakkukkum tiruppanigaļukkum Mögan 2 Alkkolli-āna Kulottungaśõla-kKādavarāyanēn i-ttēvar ti[ru]nāma[t*]tu[k*]kāņi ullur
Tirupperambalamponmē[y]ndaperumāļnallūr v ada[pā]k-ellai tiru-k Kedilattu nir
odukālukku terkum kilpārk-ellai Tiruvayindirapurattu-al3 vār-dēvadānam Pirēgam-eņru pēr-kūvappattu-ttiruvariyil=ițța nilattukku mēgkum ten
pārk-ellaiy=Añjān-kaņņāfrenru pēr kūvappatta kaņņārrukku vadakkum mēlpāsk-ellai
Măpakāntan=enru pēr kūvappatta4 v=õdaiyil mēlāsa pidikku kilakkum yi-nnāng=ellai utpațța nilatti[l*] nir-nilamun=kollaiyum
nattamum tirunandanavanangalum kamugü-tirunandanavanangalum Popmēynda
perumanallur=ellai utpatta nila[m*) irupattunālu māvum Kulo5 ttungasolanallur-ellai utpatta nila[m*] nārpadu māvum Alappākkattil pipinda
Ediriliśõlanallur nilam asupattu-irandu mā mukkāņiyum i-nnatta-nilam
irupattu-nälu māvum Sõjakulavallinallūr=tte[n*)-pidägai Villiyanallur6 "ril Vikkiramasolanallūr=enru pirinda ürkkil-iraiyili nila[m*) närpadu mävum
ivv-ūril Eydanūr-kkattalaiyil irandāyiravar tirunundāvilakku[p*]pura[m] mūpru māvum Pattāŋpā[kkat]tu=kkattalaiyil nila[m*) mūņru māvum Tiripuvanama
dēvi-chchaturvēdimangala7 ttu=tten-pidāgai Sembiyanmādēvi-valanátti[l*) Peruñjänpäkkattu nattattukku-kkilakku
Āmaipallam-enru pēr-küvappatta nilattu nilam ambadumāvum ivv-ūrgalil perum
pädikávalál idakkadaviyirav=elläm i-ttēvarku tiruppadi18. I. I., Vol. VII, No. 949. On the west wall of the Vaikuntha Perumal shrine in Tiruvonpainallär, l'trukoihir Taluk, South Arcot District.
* The visarga-like symbol stands for punotuation. • Incomplete.
* 8.1.., Vol. VII, No. 782. On the north wall of the mandapa in front of the Vámandpurlovars wariant Tirumapikuli, Cuddalore Taluk, South Aroot District
This is superfluous.

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8 mārrukkun=tiruvilakku[kku*]m tiruppanigaļukkum maffum vēņdu[m*] nimandangalu
kkum perumpădikāval tavirttu i-ttēvarkku-kkalvețţi=kkuduttēn Mögan
Aļkkolliy=āņa Kulottungasola=kKādavarāyanē[n] i-ttanmam alippār tiruvā[ņai] 9 Tiripuvanamuļududaiyār=āņai Tiruviraiyākkali naduvu köttu vil (pildilārt i-ttanmam=
alippā[n] Vallavaraiyan sattiyam *v[ā]t[á]viga[luk]ku pilaittār-āvār [ll*) idu Pan. māhēsvara-rakshai [Il*]
IV: 1 Svasti Sri[ll*] Pū=mē[vi]-valar Tiru-pPoņmādu punara na-mēvu Kalaimagal nalam peridu.
sirappa Vijaiya-mā-magal vel-puyatt=iruppa isaiyuñ=chelviyum 2 en-ditai [vi]langa nirupar vand=iraiñja ni-Nila-madandaiyai-ttirumanam puna[r*]ndu
bir-valattatum mani-mudi kavitt-ena aņi-mudi sudi mallai=nālattu=ppalluyirk=
ellám el3 lai[yi]n=inbam iyalviņil-eyda ven-kudai nilarra=chchenkôl-ochchi vāļi pall-ūli
ali nadappa=chchempon-virasiññāsanattu=pPuvanamulududaiyal-odum virgirund-a4 tuliya KD-Iråjakēšaripapmar-āņa Tiripuvanachchakkarayattiga! Sri-Kulottungasoja
dēvarku yāņdu padig-müfrävadu Irājarāja-valanāțţu=tTirumunai5 ppäời=kKil-A[n*]mūr-nāțţu Ādirājamangalliyappurattu . Udaiyār Tiruvirattānam-Udaiya
ku=ppūsaikkun=tiruppadimārrukkum Tiru. 6 muņaippādi=pPeruganūr-nātņu=k[Kū]dalūr. Paññāga-Muttaraiyan Alappirandān Elisai
mogan=āņa Kulõttunga7 ga sõla=kKādavarāyaņēn i-nnāțţil en-kāvalānai-ttēvar-dēvadānam=āna ū[r]gaļil
Siruvägū[rum] [Dévanū]run-Kil-kkumāramangalamu8 mangalamu'm=āna ivvəūrmūnrinälum naņsaiyum pundaiyum taşi-irai tattār-ppăţtan
galufi-chekkukkalum tirunatidavanangalälum nä[n] 9 kol[l]um perumpāļikāval [si] rupāļikāva
1 to 5
Same as in No. IV. 5 . * * yandu pannitapd-avadu Irājarāja-valana6țţu-t Tirumuraippādi-kKil-Amūr-náttu Adirājamangalliyapurattu Udaiyar Tiruvirat
tanam-Udaiyapku=ppūjaikkun-tiruppadimārrukkum Titumuñaippādi=pPeruga[mūr)-nāțțu Kūļalūr Pa[fiñjāgamuttaraiyan Alappirandān
Araisanārāyanan-ana Kulottungahöla-Kachchiyara8 yandı Rājarājan peruvalikku mērku en kūrupadiyāņa ūrgalili-ttēvar-dēvadāņamāņa
Kil-Amūr-nāttu Kannamangalamum Mäni9 nallūrun=Kottiļampākkamum To[ru]ppādiyum Aņān[gū]r-năttu=kKáttuppākkamum
Adirājamangalliyaputattu Avapika ppagaviļāgamum ivv=ūr=Tirunāvukkarai.
yadēvar. 10 tirumadappuramum Udaiyar-tirumadaivilāgamum ivv-urgalál vanda (i)-ppādikava
[lum] tapi-irai taţţār-ppăttam [ka]daitte[ruvu]gaļum sekkukkaļum kamugu-[nanda)
vanangalum utpatta punkai i Rend här. *Road matapitakkalakku as in No. V. 1. 13.
* 8.1.1., Vol. VIII, No. 320. On the north wall of the kitchen in the Virattanösvara temple at Tiruvadi, Ouddalore Tabul, South Aroot District.
The latter gs here is superfluous. Dude mangalam. the theoription is left unfinished. 1.1.1., YOL VEIT, No. 319. In the same place as No. tv.

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No. 18) EIGHT INSCRIPTIONS OF KADAVARAYA CHIEFS
103 11 utpatta perumpădikāvalum marr=eppērpațţa perumpădikāvalum i-nnāyanārku=(ppu
sai]kkun=tiruppadimārrukkun-chandirādittavar=cbella-kkadavadāga vittu pannira
ndavadu-mudal kalvetti-kkudut[tēn] 12 Ālappirandan Araišanārāyaṇan-ana Kulottunyaśāla=k Kachchiyarāyanēn [1] ippadi
nāņ seydado en tamaiyaņukkum en van(m)sattāskum iduvē (selővuldāgavuñ=cheyden
[*] i-ttannmam=alip.... 13 tiruvāņai [1] Bu[va*)namulududaiyar=īņai [li]Ti[ru]viraiákkali Tirukkannappadēvar Sri
pāda[m] naduvu kõttu virpidittan i-ttarmam=alippan Vallavaraiyan sattiyam [l*]
mātā- pisták]kaļukku=ppilaittar [i*]Gan14 gaiy-idai Kumari-idai
VIS I to 4
Same as in No. IV, except for slight differences in spelling, 4 ...... Śri-Kulottungaśöladēvarku yāņņu ēl-āvadu Jrājarāja-vaļanāțţu Tirumuņaippādi
Mēļūr-nāttut Tirunavalūr=āņa Irāśādittapurattu Udaiyar Tiruttondiśvaram=
Udaiyārku Pesuganūr-nāttu 5 Kūdalūr-Paļļi Alappirandān Mögan=āņa Kulottungasoļa=kKachchiyarāyan itta
makaratoraṇam onţināl onpado-mukkālmā]ri pon nurru-[k*Tkalañjum pirai
onrinal ette-mukkālmēri 6 ron mukkalañjum Küttādu[n]dēvasku sátti aruļa itta abhishēkam onrinal on
pad-arai mari pon irupadin-kalanjum amudu Seydarula itta velli-ttaligai onrinal
idai
7 ayirattu aiññārrunār-kaļañj=araiyēy=irandumañjādiyu[m*] nālu māvum Arašanā.
rāyanan vellikkachchukkoram oprināl idai irunārru-irupattu-na* r-kalañjum veņkalam Alappirandān-taļigai onțināl idai irunārru-ppalamum tiru ațțaņai
kkäl tarī onrinal idai wūrru enpattu aim-palamum 9 kombu ‘örünaiyal tara idai (muppat]t-aru-palamum Tirunävalür-aņa Irāsāditta
(pu]ramum it[t]odu[m] kūdina Kārāņai-āna Virasolanallū[ru]m ivv-irrand-uril
pāļikāvaludai10 yar Tiruttondisvaramudaiyārku vēndum nimandangaļukku vitýēn Alappirandān Mögan=
āņa Kulöttungasola-Kachchiya[r]āyanēn villidai pidittāŋ idu alivän Gengai-idai Ku[ma]ri-io
VII 1 Svasti Sri [ll*] [Sau]tti (Svasti) (Sri] [ll] Tiribhu[va*]nachchakkaravattiga 2 [Sri)-Kulottungasoladēvarkku yāndu 13-rāvadu[Udai)3 yâr Tiru-Annamalai-Udaiya-Nayanarkku sätti-arula 4 Kudal Arasanārāyanan Alappirandān=ana Virašė5 kara-kKadavariyar itta ēkāvallivadam onrināl nel6 likkäy-muttu nūsum kadaittolil irandum ivai kõtta 7 nūlum ulppada idil alagu nilai[p]padi edai nurru-mu[p*]8 padin kalañju [l*] idu Pan-mayēšuta irakshai 6
Read belvadagavum.
Incomplete. 18. 1. I., Vol. VII, No. 1004. On the east wall of the präkära of Bhaktajančkvara shrine nt Tirunamanallor, Tirukoilur Taluk, South Arcot District.
Read Oranai'. . Incomplete.
.8. 1. 1., Vol. VIII, No. 121. In the Kili-gopura in the Arunachalesvara temple at Tiruvapp malal, Tin vanpåmalai Taluk, North Aroot District,

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
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VIII 1 Syaeti Sri il Tiribuvaņachchakkaravattiya! Sri-Kulottungasjadēvarku yandu
13-vadu Tiruvadigaiy=Udaiyar Tiruvirattānamudaiya-Nayanarku [Kūda]l 2 Achalakulóttaman Ātkondanāyakan Kādavarāya[n*) itta ēkávallivadam linal muttu
50 . . . . [āņi] 49 agalamaņi 101-[m] māngā. 3 y=kkadaittolil 2-m kokkuväy padukan agappada edai 104 do nilamu[m*]- muttun
kõtta ēkāvallivadam 1-nál muttu 23 nila4 m 22 kaskattiņa idaimaņi 44 kadaittoļil 2-m kokkuvāy=utpada edai 1204 [IT]
TRANSLATION
Hail ! Prosperity! If we select and describe the sacred services to the nectar-eyed god of the big (mountain) called Aruņāchala, that had been rendered by Sakalabhuvanachakravartin Avaniyālappirandan Ko-Perunjingan of Kudal, the lord of the Pallavas, whose loftiness made the Earth grow, the Kādava that wore sounding anklet-rings, the lord of rulers, who, taking a brilliant gword, (others) marching with him), opened up the bila, whose growing body was like that of the cloud, whose eyes were like lotuses and whose wealth was the (highly) praised Vēdas, (it will be as follows) :--
(one) ear-string, (one) crown set with heaming gems, (one) angaśuddha (kavacha) emitting red rays, (one) bāhuvalaya (armlet), (one) sacred wearing-cloth (containing) several artistic designs (made of) fine gold (threads), (one) foot-(cover) to be placed under the sacred anklet-rings of pēdai (the goddess Umā), (one) neck-cover with a brilliant dark (spot), (one) ear-ornament (vāli) made of big gems having the fine lustre of the rising sun, (one sacred ornament) called 4winiyālappirandūn-liruvākigai (resembling) the sun appearing on the vast ocean, (one) lion-throne, (one) wishfulfilling Karpaga tree, (one) canopy of pearls, (one) ornament called Bharatamvalla-perumāļ finely set with high class rubies, to the god dancing with anklet-rings to the accompaniment of the tune Hung by Umā, whose eyes with spreading lines are smeared with collyrium,
(one) kūdamañjanam made of gold and fastened with fue rubies resplendent with the lustre of beams of red rays and brilliant diamonds,
(one) sacred wearing-garment profusely filled with big gems, to the goddess Unnāmulai alias Uma of the shrine of) Kāmakkottam in the temple of the nectar-eyed (god), (and)
(one) fine image of Muruga (i.e., Subrahmanya) who destroyed hills with his victorious spear, with the images of his consorts together with that of the peacock filled with plumes.
All these works of gold which rendered the temple a golden one were made by the lord of, Mallai, Nissankamallan, the king of the Pallavas (entitled) Bharatamvalla-Peruma! and Kūdal Avaniyāļaprirandan. May he live for Aeong with all splendour !
His son Kādava Kumāran (who wore garlands of) unfading vägai (flowers), who was the lord of the highly extolled Mallai, Mayilai, Kanchi, Tandaga nādu, the icy watered Pāli, the Pennai (region), Kõval (and) Perugai; who had acquired endless fame, who was the one hero among warriors that was held in high esteem by all; (who was) a mighty thunderbolt to all heroes; (who was) the beloved son of Kariyanādan;* (who) waged many wars as a result of which the southern
18. I. I., Vol. VIII, No. 329. In the same place as Nos, IV and V.
* In speaking of Peruñjinga, the inscription uses the words Kärmēni and Kamalakkannan thus comparing him with Vishnu, and in dencribing his son, it suitably calls him the son of Kariyanadan.
With Kariyankdan oompare Kirmeni and Kamalakkannan, occurring in the description of Perun jinga in the carlier part.

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105
No. 19]
EIGHT INSCRIPTIONS OF KADAVARAYA CHIEFS possessions of the Karşātas of the western region were diminished, and the Telungas of the northern region perished in their own quarter reaching the high walls of the enemy kinge des. troyed their cities, hills and fortifications, who had carved his kiny's vāgai, kurangu and victory on the Hill of Nannan fitly extolled (by bards) and filled with rutting elephants in order that all the fame of conquests might appear prominently and who was the Gangnya who marched in the van of the rutting elephant forces of Atkondadēvan of long spear used in waying battles. Il a poet has to recount all the benefactions which he had willingly made out of great devotion, which filled his mind, to the nectar-eved god of Annamalai, who has his consort in his body (they could le as follows) :
one sacred pavilion (mandapa), wherein was accommodated the yol, was firnily constructed under the name of Atkondadovan Vināvudaiyan. of victorious arms, who had won lasting ancient fame and who had protected the whole world, that it might endure for a number of years:
one finely scented sacred bed-chamber made of gold; a big pavilion where the sacred offerings had to be placed ; one elaborately made Tirukkūkkal!i; one sacred pavilion called after Avanivalappirandin of great power;
one silāta!a made with stones cut from the hills of kings that did not submit themselves and carried on the heads of those kings' which filatala formed as it were the lowest of the three worlds and emitted such lustre as that which issues from the white rnoon and which was circumambulated by the Devas, whose beantiful flower garlands do not fade, whose eyes do not wink and whose feet do not touch the ground;
oue great treasury called after Nissankamallan so formed as to receive in it such wealth that could not be exhausted even in numberless yugar.
In order to show the form which the crescent-headed god had assumed now, in settling down here and also his former form, (one) image of Kankāla, in which form the god begged his food from house to house from the damsels whose prond eyes resembled the blade of a sword, was made ;
(one) cars with four faces so mude that the gods of the celestial region might offer their obeisance and (one) long street similarly formed for the goddess;
the Gangayan-madam (wax so) constructed like a hill for the permanent residence of the ascetics studying the arts that it made resplendent the street which was ornamented with gems lustrous like the sun in its circumambulatory course through the quarters
(one) large sacred garden (called). Vāļuallaperumal-tõppu with an exuberance of fine fragrance, which produced the south wind during the suinmer season,-- like the breeze caused by the waving of chouries, on either side of the god who resides in the forest, and to whom the Devas offer their prayers:
1 It may also be translated as made the Karnatas of the western region to go to the southern quarter, i.e., made them die
* This may also be rendered as made the Telungas of the northern region to meet with their end by taking to prayopavēša!
• Vägai is a particular kind of garland usually worn by kings. In the case of the Pandya it was made of tengai, in the case of the Chola it was made of atti, and in the case of the Chere it consisted of viji flowers.
• See for a similar action in Silappadigaram, 27. 1. 4f. Sven-madi-nilavit, etc. This may also be rendered that the pavement emitted brilliance during moon-light'.
• That an object similar to the one made for the god was also made for the goddess is clear from the adjunct uppadivagutta. If so, the words terw or feru in the first instance and teruuia in the second instance must refer to one object which may be either tér (car) or ter um (street). As such we have either to consider that if a street (teru) is meant we must suppose that rum is omitted in the first instance, and if a car (ter) is intended ou is wrongly inserted in the second instance. The translation given here follows the words that occur in the text, viz., teru[m ] and teruvia=. Since the reading terwouis is clear, it seems to me that in all likelinood one is omitted after ter in the first instance,
XVI-1-12

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10
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXVII
(owe) tank (rullerl) Tamilmid kvittaperumal-tallagam whose water was held more sacred than the nectar-like water of all rivers usually considered very sacrel:
(one garden called) Kidarafumirar-loppu having the fragrance of honer-stored Howers with the humming of heetles:
(one) warden (vllel after) Avapiyaļampirandān which impeded the course of the sun having fine swift horns
(owe) garden (ellell after) Šēnaittalaivan (the commander-in-chief) well-known in the world ;
(our) Ammaimadam which afforded shade of Hower-bearing trees that cooled the minds of persons who had walked through dreary forests on hot days:
(one tank called) Ayyanēri:
(one rell called) laddi-Välwilla perimäl-kinart, which, as if by breaking open the interior of a hill, admitted the How of nectar-like water from a deep cavity ;
(one) tank (called after) Kādavakumaran with cool water in which blossomed lotuses and water-lilies (frerpiented by humming bees;
(one) lake (called after) Venrumalnikondaperumal whose long bund was no raised as if it were a range of billocks ;
(one grove called) Bharatamvillaperumā!-toppe which excelled the forest thick-set with celestial trees :
(one) garden (called after) Virarávan, filled with fragrance issuing from very tender flower. sheafs where the beetles ever hum :
(one) lake (called after) Nissankamallan which was no filled with water that it resembled the sea and which made the fields yield in the Kår (season); it was given to . . . . in the high lineage of Sundara who followed the way of the ascetics:
(one) tank and matha (called after) Gāngayan :
(one) grove filled with fragrant plants. All these he made so well as to present a beautiful appearance. On account of these acts, the Assembly of the 48,000,-- who ever looked with favour upon those that bore on their heads the lotus feet of Ardhanarisvara, who ever sineared their bodies with sacred ashes, whose minds were filled with righteous ways dictated in the Igamas, whose commands drove off the heretical faiths, and who were considered to be the devotees that learnt the mantre of the five letters direct from the god Jatādhara (Siva) wearing the crescent and a plait of hair on his head and assuming the form of Adinatha received on his head Cangā when she rushed forth in thousand faces making great noise, were graciously pleasel and blessed him saying 'Let him ever live peacefully in this world':
ABSTRACTS OF CONTENTS
Hail ! Prosperity! In the seventh year (of the reign) of Sakalabhuvanachakravartin SriKo-pPeruñjingadēva, on the day of Rēvati, corresponding to Friday, the fourth tithi of the second fortnight of the month of Simha (this uns engraved).
In the 29th year (of the reign) of [Tri]bhuvanaviradēva, when this Srivināņa, having become dilapidated, had been pulled down and reconstructed, the old inscriptions that were found there, had heen (re-engraved)..........
Details of boundaries of several fields-- left unfinished.

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No. 18)
EICHT INSCRIPTIONS OF KADAVARAYA (HIEFS
107
JII
In the 3rd year of the reign of) Tribhuvanachakravartin Sri-Kulottungasola, Mogen Ilkolļi aliax Kulõttungasola-Kādavarivan assigned to the temple of Clavi-Tirumānikuliin Mörkaniju, a subdivision of Rajaraja-alanadu. for offerings, sacred lamps and services, all the ti that were being paid to him as pridihvirvl on the following items of land and villages :
twenty-four ma of land (comprisiny) wet-lands. fields, wall lands. sacred Howar-warens, sacred areca-groves, and border lands of Ponmēvudaperumahallür. The northern howary of this piece of land lay to the south of the water channel running from the sacred driver) Celilau : the eastern boundary lay to the west of the land which was called and entered in tatX-register's under the name Pirēgam and which was a dendana of the temple of Tiruvarindirapurattu Ilvār: the southern boundary lay to the north of the channel called the fifth-win: and the westeru boundary lay to the east of the westeru end of the streun called Minakantan :
forty mă in Kulõttungasolanallur including (itx) horder-lands: sixty-two w and three kiwi of land in Edirilisolanallur which was separated from Alappükkan: twenty-four wi of wallon lands in the same place : forty w of urkil-iraiyil land in the village which became separated from Villiyanallur, under the name Vikramasõlanallür. the southern hamlet of Solakuluvalli-vallar; three ma of land in this village which were given for sacred lamps called after Irandaviravar to be burnt during the service called Eglanir-haltalai: three ni of land from the knalai land in: Pattanpakkam : fifty ma of land in the land called Amaipallam which lay to the cast of the water of Peruñjānpakkam in Sembiyanmälēvi valaninu, a southern hamelt of Tribhuvannamalov cbaturvēdimangalam.
In the 13th year of the reign of) king Rajakësarivarman Tribhuvanarhakravartin Sri-Kulottungacholadēva, Païñagamuttaraivan Alappirandan Elikaimoyan alias Kulõttungasölu Kalavarāyan of Kūdalur in Peruguņur-nadu, a subdivision of Tirumunaippadi. wave for worship and offerings (tiruppadimāru) to the temple of Tiruvirattānam-Udaiyar at Adhirajamangalliya-puram in Kil-Amūr-nādu in Tirumaņaippadi-nadu, a snbdivision of Rajaraja-ralanādu, the incomes aceruing from the taxes on naijai and puñjai lands, tari-irai, la!!ár-pattam, tax on oil-mills and gardens, viz., perum pradikāval and sirupādikával, which he was receiving from the three villages Siruvāgūr, Dēvanūr and Kilkumaramangalam placed under his protection.
In the 12th year of the reign of King Räjakesarivarman Tribhuvanachakravartin Sri-Kulottungaśladēva, Pannāgamuttaraiyan lappirandān Arasa narayanan alias Kulottungasolu Kachchiyarāyan of Kudalur in Peruganūr-nādu in Tirumunaippadi gave the incomes arising from the pūdikāval of the villages Kaņnamangalam, Mäninallūr, Kottiļampakkam, Toruppādi of Kil-Amûr-nadu, Kattuppakkam in Anangūr-nadu and Avanika spagavilágam in Adhirajamangal. liyapuram, the sacred madappuram (lands) of the god callrd after Tirunāvukkarasu of this ir and the perumpădikāval in puñjai lands, lari-irai, tattar-pattam, incomes from bazaar-street, tax on oil-mills, areca-palms and Aower-gardens and all the other perum pädikäval for the worship and offerings in the temple of Udaiyar Tiruvirattānam-Udaiyar at Adhirajamangulliyapuram in Kil-Amür-nālu iu Tirumuņaippadi, a subdivision of Rājaraja-valanādu.
VI
In the 7th year of the regin of Kulottungaböladova, Pa]ļi Ālappirandā Möga alias Kulottungabdla Kachchiyarāyap of Kūdalur in Perugapūr-nadu (made the following gifts) to the god

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[ Vol. XXVII Tiruttoudisvaram-Colaivār of Tirunāvalur alias Rājādittapuraui of Mölūr-nādu in Tirumunaiidi, a subdivision of Rājarāja-valan :
One wakurutõrawa weighing 100 kalanju of yold; vine and three-fourth finebess; One crescent weighing 3 kalanju of gold; eight and three-fourths fineness ; Oue abhishēkal-vessel) for the dancing yod weighing 20 kalañju of gold; nine and a hall
fineness, Oue silver dish for offering food weighing 1504! kalanju and 2 mañjādi and 4 mā: One kachchikköram of silver called after the name Arasanārāyanan weighing 224 kalanju; One clish in bell-metal called after Alappirandan weighing 200 palam; One tiruelawaikkül in tara weighing 185 palam : and one pair of horus (oranai) in tara weigh
ing 36 palam. Besides the above, the same chief yave to the god Tiruttoydiśvaram -Udaivār the pūdikāvvil incoines from the lands of the two villages Tirunāvalur alias Rājādittapuram and Kārāņai alias Viragolaval!ür.
VIT
Ty the 13th year of the reign of Tribhuvanachakravartin Sri-Kulottungaso adēva, Arasanarāyanan Ilappirandān alias Vīraśēkharan Kādavarāyan of Kūdal gave to the temple at Tiruvannamalai, one ēkāvallivadam. It had in it 100 big pearls of the size of embellie myrobalans, two pendants and one gold string in which they were strung together weighing 130 kalanju.
VIII In the 13th year of the reign of Tribhuvanachakravartin Sri-Kulõttungaböladēva, Achalakulottaman Atkondanivakan Kädavarayan of Kūdal gave an ökaullivadam to the temple of Tiruvirattānam-Udaiyar at Tiruvadigai. It had in it 50 pearls, 19. . . nails, 101 broad gems, 2 mango-shaped pendants with a hook (kokkuvāy) and an eye (poulukav).. The whole weighed 104. Ikalunju). Another ekāralbimdam, in which sapphires and pearls were strong containing 23 pearl, 22 sapphires, 44 gems fastened in the middle, 2 pendants in gold and a hook (kökkurāy), presented by the same chief, is said to have weighed 1204 [kalanju).
No. 19--PHERAVA GRANT OF SAMANTAVARMAN, KING OF KALINGA, YEAR 185
(1 Plate) R. C. MAJUMDAR, CALCUTTA
This is a set of three plates which were dng up from a fiell neorly a furlong west of Chidivalasa (near Narasannapeta) in the Ganjam District, and are now in the possession of the Mohant, or Pontift of Balaga mathn at Chicacole. Mr. M. Narasiinham kindly brought the grant to my notice and went me estampages of the plates. Subsequently a fresh set of estampages was supplied hy the Government Epigraphist. The grant was rioticed in the Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy for the vear 1937-38 (p. 80), and referred to by Dr. B. Ch. Chhabra in this Jonmal (above, Vol. XXIV, p. 132). Mr. M. S. Sarma edited the grant in the Journal of Oriental Research (Vol. XI, pp. 55 ff.).
Each of the plates measures 5.8" x 2.2". There is a ring-hole about the middle of the lefthand side, but neither the ring nor the seal was aetually found. Each plate contains six lines of writing on each side, save that the third plate has only one line on the baok side, and that one side of the first plate is blank.

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No. 19] PHERAVA GRANT OF SAMANTAVARMAN, KING OF KALINGA, YEAR 185 109
The alphabet is of the southern type such as is used in the early Ganga records, and is very neatly engraved. For this reason it offers a great contrast to that of the Dhanantara plates' of king Samantavarman. In spite of slight differences, the alphabets of these two plates show essentially the same characteristics, and may be referred to the sixth or seventh century A. D.
The language is Sanskrit. With the exception of the five imprecatory verses at the end (11. 18-24) the inscription is written in prose. As compared with the other Ganga records, the language is fairly correct and the mistakes are very few.
As regards orthography the following points may be noted. Consonants are doubled after r with a few exceptions such as prakarsha (1.5), chaturbhyo (1. 11), and carsha (1. 21). Consonants k and followed by r are also doubled. The final is indicated by a small-sized letter with a short. horizontal stroke underneath. Same sign is used for b and r, but separate sign for his used in the conjunct mb (ll. 4, 8). Anusvāra is used in place of final m in the imprecatory verses (cf. phalam in 1. 20, palanam in 11. 21, 23 and 24, and bhanguram in 1. 21).
The inscription records the grant of the village of Phorava in Lauhasringāra rishaya as an agrahara to four Brahmanas, viz. Kirttisasarma and his three sons Devasarma, Ravisarmā aud Divakarasarma by the Ganga king Mahārāja Sri-Samantavarman, Lord of Kalinga, in the year 185. The grant was issued from the victorious city of Schotaka.
King Samantavarman of the present grant may be identified with the king of the same name who issued the Dhanantara plates. The opening phraseology is the same in both with one important exception. The latter contain, as a qualifying phrase of the king, "who has the supremacy over the whole of Světaka, won by the strength of his own arms". But in the corresponding passage of the present grant, Kalinga is substituted for the whole of Svētaka ", and this form is continued by all the kings of the dynasty, with the addition of 'whole' (sakala) before Kalinga. Further, the present grant adds the epithet "sakala-Kaling-adhipatir Mmahārājaḥ" (Mahārāja, the Lord of the whole of Kalinga) before the name of the king, whereas the other simply refers to the king as "Śri-Samantavarmā" without any royal epithet. These differences cannot but be regarded as being deliberate, and, therefore, of material significance. It is legitimate to infer that Samantavarman began his career as a local chief of Svētaka, rose to political importance by dint of his own prowess, and possibly conquered a portion of the Kalinga territory. For, in spite of the phrase Lord of the whole of Kalinga, it is difficult to accept, without further corroborative evidence, that Samantavarman's authority extended over the whole of Kalinga, specially when we remember that similar claims are made on behalf of the other kings of Svētaka, while a long line of Ganga kings with Kalinga-nagara as capital had been ruling in Kalinga both before and after the time of Samantavarman.
We know altogether twelve copper-plate grants issued by the kings of the Ganga family from Svētaka. They are connected by the conventional opening phrase, which practically
1 Above, Vol. XV, p. 275.
The reading of the date has been discussed later.
These are:
1. Dhanantara plates, of Samantavarman (above, Vol. XV, p. 275). 2. Phērava Grant of Samantavarman year 185 (the present Grant). 3. Gautami plates of Indravarman (above, Vol. XXIV, p. 180).
4. N. Ganjam plates of Jayavarman (above, Vol. XXIII, p. 261).
5. Vishamagiri plates of Indravarman (above, Vol. XIX, p. 136).
6. N. Ganjam plates of Ranaka Jayavarman-year 100 (above, Vol. XXII, p. 255)
7. N. Ganjam plates of Bhupendravarman (above, Vol. XXIII, p. 265).
8. Svalpa-Velura Grant of Anantavarman (above, Vol. XXIV, p. 129).
9. Ganjam plates of Prithivivarman (above, Vol. IV, p. 198).
10. Baddihimedi plates of Indravarman (above, Vol. XXIII, p. 78). 11. Indian Museum plates of Indravarmaa (above, Vol. XXVI, p. 165). 12. M. Ganjam plates of Dänäravadeva (above, Vol. XXIII, p. 263).

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[Vol. XXVII remains unaltered with a few unimportant verbal alterations, and were all found within a narrow circumscribed area of what may be called Northeru Kalinga. This is all the more striking as these plates cover a fairly long period extending from the 7th to the 12th century A.D. "The cleven kings, whose names are known from these records, certainly did not rule in an unbroken Jine of succession, hut they probably belonged to one and the same branch of the extensive Ganga family which had established itself at Svētaka.
Palaeographic examination of the plates enables its to place these Conga kinys within three broad chronological periods as follows:1
1. About 7th and 8th centuries 4.D. 1. M. Sämantavarman (Nox. I, II). 2. M. Indravarman (No. III). 3. M. Ja va loa rman (No. 1V).
II. 9th and 10th centuries A.D. 1. M. lodravarman II (No. V). 5. Rāraka Jayararman II (No. VI). 6. MPP. Bhūpēndravarman (No. VII). 7. MPP. Anantavarman (No. VIII).
IU. 11th and 12th centuies 4.D. & Mahindravarman (No. IX). 9. M. Prithivivarman, son of No. 8 (No. IX). 10. MPP. Indravarman, son of No. 9 (Nos. X, XI). 11. PPM. Ränaka Dānārnava (No. XI).
The family name Ganga and the reference to the deity Gökarnasvāmi on mount Mahēndra, in the records of the Svētaka kings, seem to connect them with the early Ganga rulers of Kalinganagara. At the same time there is hardly any doubt that they constituted an independent line of rulere for a period extending over nearly five hundred years, i.e. almost during the whole period of the sovereignty of the other branch. As none of the localities mentioned in the records of the Svētaka kings has been satisfactorily identified, it is difficult to define the boundaries of their kingdom. As most of the plates were found in the northern part of the Ganjam District, and the sanctity of Mahendra hills is emphasised in all the records, the Svētaka kingdom may be regarded as having comprised the northern and western parts of the Ganjam District, just outside and bordering on the Ganga kingdom of Kalinga-nagara, and adjoining territories towards the north and west. It is probable that occasionally, this boundary was enlarged as-some powerful kings aggrandised themselves at the cost of their neighbours. This explains, and is supported by, the assumption
1 The Roman numerals refer to the serial number of inscriptions in the preceding footnote. The following abbreviations are used :
M-Mahārāja. MPP-Maharajadhiraja Parameswara Paramabhaffaraka.
PPM-Parameswara Paramabhaffäraka Maharajadhiraja. * The grant published in 1. H.Q., Vol. XII, p. 492, was also probably issued by this king as a subordinate rnler.
• Dr. H. C. Ray does not distinguish the two branches, but treats all the kings as belonging to one and the same line (Dynastic Hist. of N. India, Vol. I, p. 446). It should be remembered, however, that all the granta of the Ganga kings of the other line, with two exceptions, were issued from Kalinga-nagar, and begin with a set phrase which is different from that used in the Svetats records. Not a single king of Kalinga-negara is known to havo lasued grants from Svetats or vice vered..

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No. 19 PHERAVA GRANT OF SAMANTAVARMAN, KING OF KALINGA, YEAR 185 111
of imperial titles by some of the rulers (Nos. 6, 7, 10, 11). It is significant that the grant of Rāņaka Jayavarman was registered (lāñchhit:) by the Trikalinga-Mahadevi. This skowe that Trikalinga was included in the kingdom, and may even be taken to indicate that the kingdom was also some. times known by that name. As I have suggested elsewhere. Trikalinga probably designates the hilly tracts, lying to the west of Kalinga and separating it from the Central Provinces.
For reasons stated above, it may be assumed that Samantavarman, originally a petty local chief of Svētaka, laid the foundations of the independent kingdom. This is also supported by palaeographic considerations, as the alphabet of Samantavarman's grants is the earliest in the series of Světaka records. The date of Samantavarman may be fixed with a tolerable degree of certainty. It contains a date in three figures which was read by Mr. Sarma as 185.2 The first figure is undoubtedly 100, and the last, 5. "The middle one, however," as Dr. Chhabra has pointed out,"answers neither to 8 nor to 80, as a comparison of it with the known symbols of these numerals will prove." On the other hand, it should be remembered that the symbol does not closely resemble any numerical symbol or figure used in the Kalinga records. Dr. Chhabra proposes to read it as 6. But this figure, as used in the Kōmarti plates referred to by him, as well as in other records, has a long horizontal line at the top, resembling medial à sign, which is altogether wanting in the present case. The only instance known to me of a numerical symbol, similar to that used in the present record, is the figure for 8 in Column VI of Bühler's Chart. This, however, refers to the Kushaya period, and it would not be safe to accept it as of equal value five centuries later. But still, until more satisfactory identification is forthcoming, it would perhaps be better to interpret the symbol as X, and read the date provisionally as 185. It may be noted that the two other symbols, viz. those for 100 and 5, may also be traced to very old times.
Whether the date be read as 185 or 165 (or any other figure between 115 and 195), it should be referred to the Ganga Era. For the alphabet of the present record closely resembles that of the Ganga records of Kalinga dated in the second century of that era. The epoch of the Ganga Era has not been finally determined yet, but there is a general consensus of opinion that it commenced towards the very end of the 5th or by the middle of the 6th century A.D. Samantavarman may thus be placed towards the latter part of the 7th or the beginning of the 8th century A.D. "The Gangas of Kalinganagara were at this time busy defending their territory against the Eastern Chalukyas who had already conquered Madhyama-Kalinga corresponding to the southern part of the Vizagapatam District. It is to be noted that almost all the records of the Gangas of Kalinga. nagara refer to the region comprising the northern part of the Vizagapatam and the southern part of the Ganjam Districts. The territories immediately to the south were in possession of the Eastern Chalukyas during the latter part of the seventh and the first part of the eighth century A.D. It is probable, therefore, that Samantavarman, taking advantage of the troubles of the Gangas of Kalinga-nagara, founded an independent principality in the northern part of the Ganjam District. This view is supported by the fact that almost all the records of the line of kings founded by him have been found in this region.
1 Dacca University Studies, Vol. II, No. II, p. 19.
J.O.R., Vol. XI, p. 58. This is also the reading in the Ann. Rep. S.I. Epigraphy, 1937-38, N 80.
Above, Vol. XXIV. p. 132. [Pubsequently I had another occasion to study the formation of the symbols for 6 and 8: see above, p. 30. I now accept the view that the disputed sign stands for 8. The reading of the year as 185 may therefore be taken as final.-B. Ch. Chhabra.)
• Cf. e.g. Pedavegi C.P. (J.A.H.R.S., Vol. I, p. 94).
For the different views on this subject, cf. above, Vol. XXIV, p. 181, f.n. 8. 'l'he latest view is that of Prof. V. V. Mirushi, according to whom the Ganga era commenced in A. D. 498-99 : alove, Vol. XXVI.
p. 320.
• This has been discussed by me with full reference to authorities in Dacou Unie. Studies, Vol. II, No. II. pp. 24 ff.

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[Vol. XXVII
Simantavarman's task was also perhaps facilitated ly the aggressive policy of the Suilodbhuva king Sainyabbita II who ruled in the first half of the 7th century A.D. This ruler of Kõngoda claims to have exercised sovereignty over the whole of Kalinga, - a characteristic phrase also useid later by Samantavarman and his sucressors. It is highly probable that the Könyoda king defeated the Ganga ruler of Kalinga-nagara and conquered a portion of the Ganjam District in the north. But about the middle of the 7th century A.D., the Sailūdbhaves were defeated by Harshavardhana and they almost disappear from the political arena for nearly two centuries. This was the period during which we find Samantavarman and at least three ot!uer kings ruling in Svētaka as independent chiefs.
It may be presumed that the political events described above were not unconnected with each other. The Gangas of Kalinga-nagara were weakened by the aggressive policy of the Kailõd. bhayay in the north and the Eastern Chalukyas in the south. This yave an opportunity to the Cangas of Svētaka to establish an independent principality in the northern part of the Ganjam District on the collapse of the Sailodbhava power about the middle of the 7th century A.!)., or shortly after that.
This historical review has a bearing on the location of the capital city Svētaka about which different opinions have been expressed by scholars. The identification of Svötaka with Srir kūrmam, proposed by Mr. R. Subba Rao, must be definitely ruled out, as it is too far south. Mr. Sarina identifies it with Chikați in the Sompeta tālul of the Ganjarn District, but the philological ground, on which alone this is based, is not convincing. There is a village called Saduka, not far from Chikati (Lat. 810-6', Long. 19°-48', in Sheet Atlas No. 74 A). This name resembles Svētaka, but I am not aware if the place contains any antiquity. On the whole, the available evidence indicates that the site of Svētaka is to be looked for in the northern part of the Ganjam District, but its exact identification must be left an open question.
The actual name of this capital city is also a matter of dispute. Mr. Sarma has expressell the view that the real name of the city is Schêtaka and not Svētaka. Dr. B. Ch. Chhabra, after discussing the question at some length, las upheld the reading Svētaka. There is, however, no doubt that the present record, where the letters have been very carefully engraved, definitely gives the name as Schőtaka. This will be evident from a comparison of the first gyllable of the name with the conjunct scha in bhagavatas-charāchara- (l. 1), sarmmabhyas=cha (l. 11), r=ātmanas=ckn (1.13) paxchimena. (1.14), bhavishyatas-cha (1. 16), and gitās=chrāltra (1.18) on the one hand, and xin in Gökarnēšvara (1. 3), Mahēsvarā (1. 6) and grāmo=svattha (1.9) on the other. The grant No. V also gives the name in the form Schētaka. On the other hand, there is no doubt that at Jeast in some of the grants of the dynasty (Nos. I, VIII, III, IV) the name is definitely written as Svētaka. But the difficulty does not end here. For, of the twelve known grants of this dynasty, while two give definitely Schētaka and four others, Svētaka, no less than four (Nos. VII, IX. X. XI) write the name as Svētka, and in the two remaining cases we get Sēta (No. VI) and Svēta (No. XII). It appears that all these differences in the form of the name are caused by an attempt to Sanskritize a vernacular name, and it would not, therefore, perhaps he wise to Accept Svētaka as the only correct form and reject others as mistakes.
of the other localities mentioned, Lauhassingåra may be the origin of such village name as Loisinga in the feudatory state of Patna, but this identity cannot be regarded as certain or even
J.A.H.RS
The history of the Sailodbhavas has been discussed by me with full reference to authoritine in Vol. X, pp. 1 ff.
* J.A.H.R.S., Vol. III, p. 184. * J.O.R., Vol. XI, p. 58.
Ibid., p. 59, f.n.9. . Above, Vol. XXIV, p. 131

Page #160

PHERAVA GRANT OF SAMANTAVARMAN, KING OF KALINGA, YEAR 185
ਹੇ ਨ ਨ 0ਉਲਝਨ ਨਹJUਹੈ । 2 ( 2003 ਨੂੰ ਪਾਲਣ9 2 ਪਿਤਾ
ਕਤਲ ਇਤਹਾਨੂੰ ਕੁਝ ਵੀ 6
36337 ਰੰਤ 6 ਦਾ ਝਟਲਨਾਨDਨ 6
i,d.
8
578 ਨੇ
ਏ- 0. 8 9 180 10 3 0
ਨਵੰਡSS / ਕਾਹਨੇਵ9U 2 12 ਦਾ ਹਾਲਾਨਾ ਛੂਹ ਨੂੰ
it,b.
16 3 ਨਲਾਕ
ਨ 0 ਝਰਣ ਕੁਠਾਲਨਾ 18 (2-0 ਨੂੰ c8e0590 ਨਸ਼ਾ ਜਨਕ
? 16 ਹੈ।
ACTUAL SIZE
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.
B. CH. CHHABRA. Reg. No. 1977 E 36.

Page #161

iii,a.
frey.yo you êygu 20. గౌడొ బిఎ] శ్రద్ధ ఒక్క 20
zaj zaj
22
24
iii,b.
ਸੰਤਾ ਤਾਣਾ ਭਾਗ ਕਾਸ
おが
お
22
24

Page #162

No. 19] PHERAVA GRANT OF SAMANTAVARMAN, KING OF KALINGA, YEAR 185 113 probable until we have more definite information about the location and extent of the Svētaka kingdom. The village Phërava and the river Mēghāvati cannot be identified, but the latter may be one of the small tributaries of the river Tel.
In conclusion, reference may be made to two peculiarities in this grant. In the first place there is no reference to the officials of whom a long list is found in the grants of all other kings of the dynasty. In this respect the simple formula "yatha-kala-vyavahārinaḥ sa-karanān" of the grant No. 1, and "yathā-nivāsi-janapadam" of the present grant offer a striking contrast to the enumeration of officials in grant No. III, and the still longer list of officials in No. IV. This, also, may be regarded as an indication that Sämantavarman flourished earlier than the other kings. Secondly, verse 5 in the imprecatory formula is a new one, and evidently replaces the well-known verse Iti kamala-dal-ambu-vindu-lolām, etc.
TEXT
First Plate i Om svasti [l *] vijaya-Schötaka-ādhishthānād=bhagavatas-char-achara-gurorna-saker 2 la-saßārka-sēkhara-dharasya sthity-utpatti-pralaya-hētör=Mmahendr-ãoha3 la-sikhara-niväsinaḥ Sri-Gökarņņēsvara-svāminas-charana-kamal-ārā4 dhanad=avặpta-punya-nichayũ Găng-ămala-kul-ãmbara(-)ndu[*] Sva-bhuja-va(ba)5 la-parākkram-ākkrānta-Kaling-adhirājyaḥ sakti-ttraya-prakarsh-anurañjit-āsē6 sha-sämantaḥ parama-māhēsvarā mātā-pitsi-pād-ānudhyātas=s&
Second Plate; First Side 7 kala-Kaling-adhipatir=mmahārājah Sri-Samantavarmmā kusali Lauhakti 8 ngăra-vishaya-sambandha(ddha)-Phõrava-grāmē yathā-nivāsi-janapadań samājñā9 payati [l *) viditam=astu bhavatām yath=āyam grāmõgvatthachchhoda-sahi10 tas=sarva-kara-bharān=apaniya Bhāradvāja-sagottra-VājasanĒya-Kirttisa11 sarmmaņē tat-puttra-Dāvasarmma-Ravisarmma-Divakarasarmmabhyasacha
chaturbhyo brāhmaṇā. 12 grēbhyas=salila-dhārā-pūrvvam-ā-chandr-ārkka-kāla-pratishtham=agrahāra kritvā mi
Second Plate: Second Side 13 tā-pittror=ātmanaś=cha puny-abhivsiddhayē sampuattörgya cha grāmasya sima-linga14 ni bhavanti pūrvvēņa sushka-nadi dakshiņēna samvaidya paschimēna sarit-Mö(n=Mö)ghava15 ti uttarēņa kõdrava-kbāli dakshiņēna ga[r*]ttā pūrvv-õttarēna yāvat-parvvataḥ [1] 16 viditv=aivam na kēnachit=svalp-äpy=āvā(bā)dhā kāryyā bhavishyatas-cha räjña[h*) prati17 võ(bo)dhayati [l*) dharmma-kkrama-vikkramēņa n=āvāpya mahim=anubāsadbhirwayam
1 According to Mr. Sarma, "Phērava is no doubt the modern Barus in the Sompēta taluq and the river Meghavati is no other than the Mahendratanaya that rises in the Mahendragiri mountains and falls into the was near Barus". (J.O.R., Vol. XI, p. 58.) These identifications are doubtful, particularly as there is no hill in the immediate neighbourhood of Barua as we would expect from 1.15 of the present grant.
* See introductory remarks.
• Mr. Sarma reads 'khali' and translates it as a threshing floor. He has also draw from it important re, ferences about the system of land-tenure (op. cit. p. 67). The reading bhak is, however, quite sloop.
Read vikkrameniväpya. Vl.1-12

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[VOL. XXVII,
18 dana-dharmmō-nupalaniyaḥ Vyasa-gitas-ch-ättra ślōka bhavanti [*] Va(Ba)hubhir
vva
Third Plate; First Side
19 sudha datta rajabhis-Sagar-adibhiḥ [*] yasya yasya yada bhumis-tasya tasya
20 tadi phalath(m) || [1 || *] Sva-dattāṁ para-datṭāmevā (tṭāṁ vā) yatnād-raksha Yodhishtira mahi[m] mahi-matām śreshṭha
21 danich-chhrey&-nupālanaṁ(m)|| [2 || Shasthishi)varsha-sahasrani wangg modati bhumida[b]| akshē
22 ptă ch-anumanta cha tany-ēva narakō vasēt || [ 3 || *] Mā bhūd-aphala-śankā vaḥ pa
23 ra-datt-ti pärtthiväḥ [1] ava-dânân-pha(t-pha)lam-änantys[*] para-din-upâlanarb (ně) || [4||*]
24 Kay1nity-thirů hhög jivitaṁ kshana-bhangarath(m) [] iti samchintya sripatë kuru dharmm-3(rmm-a)nupālana[m] [5]
Third Plate; Second Side
25 Samva(Samva)t 100 85 Kärttika-dina 30
TRANSLATION
(L1. 1-8) Om Hail! From the victorious city of Schotaka3 the illustrious Mahārāja Sāmantavarma, who has acquired a store of religious merit by worshipping the lotus feet of the illustrious Lord Gokarņņēśvara,-the master of the animate and the inanimate, who wears the crest ornament of the half-moon, is the source of creation, preservation and destruction, and resides on the summit of mount Mahendra;
who is the moon in the clear sky, viz. the pure family of the Gangas; who has won the supremacy over Kalinga by the strength of his own arms; who has the entire circle of feudatory chiefs attached (to himself) through the excellence of his three-fold powers; who is a devout worshipper of Maheśvara; who has meditated on the feet of his parents; and who is the ruler of the whole of Kalinga
being in good health, commands the people concerned in the village of Phērava in the vishaya (district) of Lauhasṛingāra (as follows):
(Ll. 9-13). "Be it known to you that this village, with the (right of) cutting" Asvattha trees, and exempted from all taxes, has been given (by me), for the sake of increasing the religious merit of myself and of my parents, with libations of water, as an agrahara, to last as long as the moon,
1 Mr. Sarma reads yaso.
2 See introductory remarks.
3 For the name of the city, see introductory remarks.
Refers to Gokarnņēśvara.
5 Refers to Samantavarmā.
• Connected with Samantavarmā.
This seems to be the most reasonable meaning of Ascu!ha-chchheda, unless it denotes another village, or a plot of land, or an adjacent Aévattha forest. [The interpretation given above is open to various objections: (1) the donor usually cannot withhold the right of cutting any trees in a village after giving it away as an agrahāra, (2) even granting that he can do so, it would be strange that he should single out only asrattha trees for being felled, (3) the aśvattha is supposed to be too sacred for the Hindus to be cut down; so on and so forth. Possibly the expression means along with (the hamlet of) Asvatthachchheda'. Compare Akvatthakhēṭaka ocourring in a Vākāṭaka grant (above, Vol. XXIII, p. 86, text 1. 20), and brahmachari-chchhēda in a Ganga eharter (above, Vol. XIII, p. 214, text l. 11).-Ed.1

Page #164

No. 20
SAVNUR PLATES OF CHALUKYA VIKRAMADITYA I; SAKA 597
115
the sun and the earth, to the four pre-eminent Brāhmaṇas, viz. Kirtisagarman and his sons Dēvašarman, Ravisarman and Divākaraśarman of the Bhāradvāja götra and the Vājasanēya (charana).
(Ll. 13-15). The boundaries of this village are :-On the east, the dry (bed of ) river running (?) south ; on the west, the river Mēghāvati; on the north, the Ködrava canal ;' on the south, the pits; on the north-east, as far as the hill.
(LI. 15-16). Knowing this no one should offer the slightest obstacle (to it)."
(LI. 16-18). (He also) enjoins upon the future kings that this religious gift should be main tained by those who rule the world after having acquired it by virtue, enterprise and valour.
(LI. 18-24). There are also the slökas sung by Vyāsa (Here follow five of the customary verses). (L. 25). The Year, 185, 30th day of Kārttiku.
No. 20-SAVNUR PLATES OF CHALUKYA VIKRAMADITYA I; SAKA 597
(1 Plate)
G. H. KHARE, POONA This set of copper-plates was lying with the Nawab of Savņür State (Dhārwär). Mr. G. R. Padgaonkar, the Diwan of that State bought this set along with another, from a villager on a market-day of that town and very generously presented both of them to the Bhārata Itihāsa Surnsödhaka Mandala, Poona. I first edited this record in Marathi in the journal of the Society. I now re-edit it here for the benefit of a larger number of scholars.
The set consists of three plates measuring 9" X4%", which were struny on a circular ring of A" in diameter. The two ends of the ring were soldered into an oval soal bearing, in relief, a boar to the left. The inner sides of the first and the third plates and both the sides of the second are engraved. The rims of the plutes being raised, the writing is well preserved in general, except in the portion of the text giving the situation of the village granted. The plates together with the ring and the seal weigh 144 tolus.
The characters of the record belong to the Southern class of alphabets and closely resemble those of the Gadväl plates with few variations. The syllables cha and ra, the medial ri and the subscript ra, and the medial short and long i are not clearly distinguished. The orthography of the inscription also calls for a few remarks. The consonant following a rephu is generally doubled except in Harsha (1.8), xurshu (II. 22, 33) and chandr-urku-(1. 29). Puruvusyärh disi, svam dātum and suu-dattūri paru- have been written as grūrovasyūn-disi (1. 27), svunudātum (1. 31) and svu-dattāmparu-(1. 32) respectively. The language of the record in Sanskrit.
The record begins with the usual verse in praise of the victory of the Boar incarnation of Vishnu and is followed by the preamble that is generally met with in other Chalukya grants. After this is introduced king Pulakēģin of the Chalikya family. His son was Kirttivarmman; his son was Satyāśraya, i.e., Pulakēsin (II): his son was Vikramaditya (I). All the information about these four rulers that is contained in this record is already known to us; for
1 The word samvaidyn is unintelligible. The translation is only conjectural : Khala and khali are well-known terms for canal in Eastern India, being derived from Sanskrit khuiia. * Sources of the Mediaeval History of the Deccan, Vol. III, p. 73. • The other set will be edited later on. 5 Above, Vol. X, p. 100.

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[VOL. XXVII, the text of 11. 1-24 containing information about the four rulers as well as the king's encampment and the date is similar to that of the Gadvāl plates.
The object of the record is the grant, by Vikramāditya at the request of one Amgipõdi, of the village Kuddhanapāyu' (?) which was situated at a distance of two gavyūtis (16 miles) to the east of Parukandaru, to Kauthiya, the son of Madisarman, the grandson of Vishņusarman, and of the Kämakāyana götra. Of these the first two were well-versed in the Rigvēda only and the third in the four Vēdas. Then follow the usual appeal to continue the grant and the benedictory-imprecatory verses. The record was drafted by the Mahāsāndhivigrahika Jayasēna who also drafted the Gadväl plates. The record ends with a salutation to god Nārāyaṇa.
The details of the date are mentioned thus : Saka 597, regnal year 20, Vaisakha-paurņima. The date of the Gadväl plates is also the regnal year 20, Vaisakha-paurnimā; but Saka 596. Both the grants were issued when Vikramaditya was encamping at Uragapura on the southern bank of the river Kāvēri, after entering the territory of the Chöļas. It is possible that he might have encamped at Uragapura on a similar date in two successive years. But it is not possible to cite the same regnal year for a similar date in two successive years. It is therefore obvious that the Saka year 597 of the present grant should be taken as current and corresponding to Saka year 596 expired, the year of the Gadväl plates. Besides, the Talamanchi and other plates of Vikramaditya show that Saka 577 expired was the initial year of his reign and Saka 597 expired will be naturally his 21st regnal year. Hence Saka 597 of this grant cannot but be regarded as a current year. The corresponding English date is 25th April 674 A. D.
Of the localities mentioned in this grant Vanavāsi and Kāñchi do not require any identification. Uragapura was situated on the southern bank of the Kävēri and hence it had been identified by the late Rai Bahadur V. Venkayya with Uraiyūr, which is near Trichinopoly and on the southern bank of the Kāvēri. But the late Dr. Hultzsch would not accept this identification. He preferred to identify Uragapura with Neyapatam which is a coastal town about 40 miles to the south of the mouth of the Kāvēri." I agree with the former view. The remaining two villages remain unidentified for the present.
TEXT
First Plate 1. Rafa [*] ispucalfaronai facunt: ari sifwarovja (94) [*] afetandeta -
fastrerojaa (ai) ay: [180*] 2 श्रीमतां सकलभुवनसंस्तूयमानमानव्यसगोत्राणां हारितीपुत्राणां सप्तलोक3 मातृभिस्सप्तमातृभिरभिवर्द्धितानां कार्तिकेयपरिरक्षणप्राप्तकल्याणपरम्पराणां भग
[See notes 4-6 on p. 118 and postscript-Ed.]
? He was also responsible for the draft of the Honnür plates of Vikramaditya I, dated Saka 592 and regnal year 10 (Annual Report of the Mysore Archaeological Department for the year 1939, p. 133).
Above, Vol. IX, p. 98 ; Ind. Ant., Vol. VII, p. 163. The initial day of the first year of his reiga must have llen between Asvina siddha 2 of "aka 576 and Vaisakha suddha 15 of Saka 577, both expired.
For a discussion on this point, vide above, Vol. X; p. 102 and The Pallavas of Kanchi by Gopalan, p. 104, not 4.
See postscript. . From the original plates.
Motre : Anushubh. . Read facultater

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SAVNUR PLATES OF CHALUKYA VIKRAMADITYA I; SAKA 597.
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PRINTED AT THE SURVEY OP INDIA OFFICER, CALCUTTA.

Page #167

HEIMO
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Page #168

117
No. 20 SAVNUR PLATES OF CHALUKYA VIKRAMADITYAI; SAKA 597 4 वनारायणप्रसादसमासादितवराहलाञ्छनेक्षणक्षणवशीकृताशेषमहीभृतां 5 [च]लिक्यानां कुलमलंकरिष्णोरश्वमेधावभृथस्नानपवित्रीकृतगात्रस्य श्री. 6 पुलकेशिवल्लभमहाराजस्य प्रपौत्रः पराक्रमाकान्तवनवास्यादिपरन्टप. 7 तिमण्डलप्रणिबद्धविशुद्धकीत्तः श्रीकीर्तिवर्मपृथिवीवल्लभमहाराजस्य पौत्र8 स्समरस (सं) सक्तसकलोत्तरापथेश्वरश्रीहर्षवर्द्धनपराजयोपलब्धपर9 मेश्वरापरनामधेयस्य सत्याश्रयश्रीपृथिवीवल्लभमहाराजाधिराजपर
Second Plute; First Side 10 मेश्वरस्य प्रियतनयश्चित्रकण्ठाख्यप्रवरतुरंगमेणकेनैव प्रतीतानेकसम
11 रमुखे रिपुनपतिरुधिरजलास्वादनरसनायमानज्वलदमलनिशितनिस्त्रिंश12 धारयावधृतधरणीभरभुजगभीगसदृशनिजभुजविजितविजिगीषुरात्मकव13 चावम[ग्नान (ने)कप्रहारः स्वगुरोः श्रियमवनिपतित्रितयान्तरितामात्मसात्कृत्य कृत14 काधिष्ठिताशेषराज्यभरस्तस्मिन्राज्यत्रये विनष्टानि देवस्वब्रह्मदेयानि 15 धर्मयशोभिवृद्धये स्वमुखेन स्थापितवान् [॥*] रणशिरसि रिपुनरेन्द्रान्विशिदि16 शि जित्वा स्ववंशजां लष्मी(क्ष्मी) [*] प्राप्तः परमेश्वरतामनिवारितविक्रमादित्य
__[uil*] अपि च [*] मृ17 वितनरसिंहयशसा विहितमहेन्द्रप्रतापविलयेन [*] नयनविजितेश्वरेण
18 प्रभुणा श्रीवल्लभेन जितं (तम्) [॥३॥*] कृतपल्लवावमई दक्षिणदिग्युवतिमात्तकाञ्ची
Second Plate; Second Side 19 कः ||*] यो भूशमभिरम[य*]नपि स(सु)तरां श्रीवल्लभेन जितं (तम्) [॥४॥*| वहति
स्वमर्थवन्तं रणरसिक (कः) श्रीमदुरुबल
20 [क (स्कन्धः [*] यो राजमल्लशब्दं विहितमहामल्लकुलमाशः [॥५॥*] दुल्लंघ (ध्य)वष्कर
विभेदविशालसाला
21 दुग्गाषदुस्तरबृहत्परिखापरीता [*] अग्राहि येन जयतेश्वरपोतराजम् काञ्चीव बक्षिणविशः
IMetro for this an I the following three verses : Ayd. [I would read बला[पार्थः -C. R. K.

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118 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VoL. XXVII, 22 षि (मि) तिपेन काञ्ची' [॥६॥*] *भि (वि) वितमस्तु बोस्माभिः सप्ति नवत्युत्तरपञ्चशतेषु
शकवर्षेष्वतीतेषु प्रवर्द्ध23 मानविजयराज्यसंवत्सरे वि(वि)शतितमे वर्तमाने चीळविषयं प्रविश्य क(का)बेरी
दक्षिणतट[स्थ-] 24 मुरगपुरमधिवसति विजयस्कन्धावारे वैशाखपौर्णपौर्णमास्यां कामकाय25 नसगोत्रस्य चतुर्वेदपार ग*]स्य विष्णुष्णुि शर्मणः पौत्राय 'पफटनक्रमस्य बह्वच26 वेदस्य पारंगतवतो मादिशर्मणः पुत्राय बह(ह.)चवेवसा(पा) रगाय कौथिय'..परुकन्दर 27 स्थानस्य पूर्वस्यान्दिशि द्विगव्यूतमात्रेवस्थित अंगिपोडिविज्ञापनया कुद्ध.. [न]पायुनामा 28 ग्रामो दत्तः [*] तदागामिभिरा'युरे(२) श्व[ा ]दीनां विलसितमचिरांशुचञ्चलमवगच्छद्भिरा29 चन्द्र (न्द्रा)कंधरार्णवस्थितिसमकालयशश्चि[ची भिस्स्वदत्तिनिर्विशेषं परिपालनीयं (यः)
Third Plate .. 30 उ[क्त*]ञ्च भगवता वेदव्यासेन 'बहुभिर्बसुधा भुक्ता राजभिस्सगरादिभिर्य्यस्य(भिः यस्य) यस्य य31 दा भूमिस्तस्य तस्य तदा फलं (लम्) [॥७॥*] "स्वन्दातुं सुमहच्छक्यं दु(दुः)ख
मन्यस्य पालनं (नम्) [*] 32 दानं वा पालनं वेति दानाच्छे (च्छे) योनुपालनं (नम्) [॥८॥*] "स्वदत्ताम्परदत्तां वा यो हरे33 त वसुन्धरा (राम्) [*] पळिं (ष्टिं) वर्षसहस्राणि विष्ठायां जायते क्रिमिः [uen*]
'चालुक्य34 वंशजातस्य पल्लवान्वयनाशिनः [*] सर्वानिवारिताज्ञस्य शा
35 सनं शासनं द्विषां (षाम्) [॥१०॥*] महासान्धिविग्रहिकधीजयसेनेन लिखि
1 Metre : Vasantatilakā.
• The Haidaribid and the Galvil plates have 'स विक्रमाकान्तसकलमहीमण्डलाधिराज्यो विक्रमादित्यसत्याश्रयश्रीपृथिवि (वी)वल्लभमहाराजाधिराजपरमेश्वरस्सवानेवमाज्ञापयति' before विदित etc., but here this portion has been omitted through carelessness.
40mit the second पौर्ण.
I am not able to understand this expression. [Reading is प(स)पदसक्रमस्य -N. L. R.] SA letter following this cannot be decipherol. [Reading is कृचियबा (ब्बा?)य कुकनूरस्थानस्य. The villago Kukanūru mentioned here is apparently the same as Kukkanûr in the Raichur District of the Nizam's Dominions.- N. L. R.] • The rending is doubtful. [It appears to be कुच्च ळपा ) -N.L.R.]
The Gadvil Plates haro राजभिः before this word. .Traces of two letters are seen below shu and bhih. Metro: Anushfubh.

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No. 21) 36 af
RAKSHASKHALI ISLAND PLATE OF MADOMMANAPALA ; SAKA 1118 119 [11*] TATÆ qaa(a) 7 aefareamhofer [1*] gai 4
37 gra (a)
Tit
af
) faufa [11881*]
paura
POSTSCRIPT I thank Mr. N. Lakshminarayan R for suggesting, better readinge in notes 4-6 of the previous page. The identification of Kukanūru with modern Kukkanūr, which seems to be quite certain, tempts me to decipher the name of the village granted as Kuvvalapāļu for, as stated in the grant itaelf, at a distance of about 16 miles to the East by North-East of Kukkanir, there is a village Kölehal which seems to be a modernization of the ancient name Kuvvaļapalu.
NO. 21-RAKSHASKHALI ISLAND PLATE OF MADOMMANAPALA ; SAKA 1118
(1 Plate) RAMESH K. GHOSHAL, CALCUTTA
The copper-plate inscription, which forms the subject of the present paper, was discovered during reclamation of virgin forest in the island of Rakshaskhāli on the southern seaboard of Bengal. The island, which represents the F. Plot of the extensive Western Sundarbans tract, is situated about twelve miles due cast of the sacred Sagar Island at the mouth of the river Hooghly. The copper-plate was found inside a squarish chamber, one of many such existing all over the island, built with bricks, whese walls seem extraordinarily thick for their size. This little island, in common with the rest of the Sundarban area, can boast of a fairly wide range of ancient remains such as terracotta fragments, stone sculptures, temples in ruins and dated clay seals. There are also on the island a large number of mounds which have still to be explored and yield their secrets.
The inscription, which has since attracted wide interest, was first read and edited by Dr. B. C. Sen as early as 1934. I now re-edit the record from an excellent ink-impression kindly placed at my disposal by Dr. B. Ch. Chhabra, Government Epigraphist for India, Ootacamund. The original plate is preserved in the Asutosh Museum of Indian Art, Calcutta University.
This is a single sheet of copper bearing an inscription in twenty-two lines on one side only. The plate preserves traces of silver-powdering and measures 101" by 81". There is no arrangement for a seal or raised rims to protect the writing, which has been damaged in places, once vitally. Generally speaking, however, our record is in a fair state of preservation. The height of the lettere is about one-third of an inch on the average.
The reverse side of the plate is taken up by an engraving, incised with a sharp instrument, of a Vaishnava devotional scene. The principal figure in the composition is Lord Vishnu in his Nrisimha rüpa seated lalitūsana on a wheeled chariot (ratha). In front of the deity is the supplicating figure of Garuda with a staff sticking out from under his armpit.
1 Metre : Anushfubh. * Read fargfaifa.
See Varēndra Research Society (Rajshahi), Monograph No. 4 (1930), map facing p. 12; ibid., Monograph No. 5 (1934), p. 9; 1.H.Q., Vol. X, p. 321 ; Journal of the Indian Society of Oriental Art, Vol. II, p. 127; N. K. Bhattasali, Antiquity of the Lower Ganges and its Courses (Science and Culture, Vol. VII, p. 239).
Kalidas Datta, Antiquities of Khadi (Ann. Rep. of Varendra Research Society, 1928-29); V. R. Society Monographs Nos. 4 and 5; also Bhattasali, loc. cit.
. 1.H.Q., Vol. X, pp. 322-331.
• A critique from the pen of Mr. D. P. Ghosh, accompanied by a photograph of the engraving, appears in J.1.8.0.A., Vol. II, pp. 127-29.

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120 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXVII, The characters belong to the proto-Bengali alphabet current in Eastern India in the 12th century A.D. They resemble, generally, those of the Ādāvāļi plate of Dasarathadēva, the Maynāmati plate of Harikāladēva Raņavaikamalla, the Chittagong plate of Dāmādara, and also those of the Gaya Vāsudēva temple inscription of Govindapāla..
Some of the special palaeographical features of the Rakshaskhāli inscription are as follows: initial a occurs in lines 3, 5 and 8; initial a in lines 9 and 18 ; i in l. 19 and u in l. 16; 1 presents two forms: cf. kusali and Pal-in line 3; v and dh are almost identical in shape; and a chandrabindu (anunāsika) sign occurs in 1.5 and the comparatively uncommon kh in lines 3 and 9, and jh in l. 8.
The numerals 1 and 8, and possibly also 9,5 appear in the date which is given in l. 22.
The orthography presents but little complication. Consonants are doubled after r, the exceptions being karshakaif- in l. 13 and -varsha in 1. 17. Consonants appearing in conjunction with subscript r have been doubled in four cases (lines 10, 11) out of seven ; in three lines 4, 9, 14) there are no changes whatever. The letters b and have been gonerally distinguished by separate signs. The rules of sandhi have not been observed in some cases : e.g., -vahiḥ chatuh (1. 7).
The language is Sanskrit. Barring the six imprecatory verses coming at the end, the whole of the inscription is in prose.
The inscription records the grant of the village of Dhāmabithā ly Mahāsāmantādhipati, Mahārājādhiraja, Samantarāja Madommaņapāla as a mitradāna to Mahārāṇaka Vasudēva, son of Purushottamadēva and grandson of Somadēva, who belonged to the Vārdhinasa götra and was a student of the Kāņva school of the Yajurvēda, and was a good friend of the king. The village granted was situated in Pūrvakhātikā. The grant was formally announced in a large 888embly of executive officers at Dvärahatāka, which is called the mukti-bhūmi of the donor. The donor of the gift was a member of the Pala dynasty which had come (viniharita) from Ayodhyā. He was a devotee of Vishnu, while his chief, whose name is uncertain, was a paramamāhēsvara.
The date, which is given in figures only, is Vaišākha of the Saka year 1118? and corresponds to April-May, A.D. 1196.
Maçõmmapapāla of the present inscription is otherwise inknown to history. He was apparently subordinate to another ruler of equally obscure antecedents. In any case, he must have commanded influence only over a very restricted area. It appears as if Madõmmaņapāla was really
1 N. G. Majumdar, Inscriptions of Bengal, Vol. III, pp. 181-82; N. K. Bhattasali, Bharatavarsha (Bengali), Pausha 1332 B.8., pp. 78-81.
Asiatick Researches, Vol. IX (1807), pp. 401-08; V.R.S. Monograph No. 5, pp. 10-16; I.H.Q., Vol. IX, pp. 282-89.
* J.A.S.B., Vol. XLIII (1874), Pt. I. pp. 318-24 and Plate XVIII; N. G. Majundar, op. cit., pp. 158-63.
R. D. Banerji, Pålas of Bengal (Memoirs of A.S.B., Vol. V), Plate XXVIII. See infra p. 123, f.n. 6. • See infra p. 122, f.n. 3.
* This makes the present record the earliest known inscription, dated in the Saka cra, so far found in Bengal, Kalidas Datta, however, speaks (V.R.S. Monograph No. 5, pp. 4-5) of a copper-plate inscription, lost loug age, of A king called Jayantachandra. This plate, which is said to have been dated in the Saka year 897 was unearthed somewhere very near to the temple onlled Jatar Doul in Lot No. 116 of the Sundarbans in the Diamond liarbour Subdivision. Mr. Datta, really speaking, only quotes from an old List of Ancient Alonuments in the Presidency Division, published by the Government of Bengal in 1896. The extract quoted by Mr. Datta betrays, however, sogue confusion on the part of the compiler of the official report as regards the nature and the date of the basoription.

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No. 21]
a local chieftain like Isvaraghosha, or Damodara, or Harikaladeva3 Hindu sovereignty in early mediaeval Bengal.
RAKSHASKHALI ISLAND PLATE OF MADOMMANAPALA; SAKA 1118
121 the last remnants of
The mention of a Pala anvaya coming from Ayodhya is as indefinite as it is misleading. For one thing, it cannot be the legendary city of the Ikshvaku kings far in the north. I believe that Maḍommanapala's Ayodhya should rather be looked for much nearer home. In fact, the Diamond Harbour Subdivision of the district of Twenty-four Parganas in Bengal still boasts of two different localities called Ayodhyanagara, one of which may well have been the seat of Maḍommanapala's family. It is in any case noteworthy that Dvärahaṭaka, from which place the grant was announced, is spoken of as the mukti-bhumi of Madömmaṇapala. It is just possible that this Dvärahaṭāka was the nucleus around which Madōmmanapala and his predecessors had built up a small sphere of influence. As a matter of fact, Purvakhațika is expressly referred to as having been acquired (uparjjita, 1. 3) by the Pala family from Ayodhya.
It is clear, however, that this line of Pala chiefs swore allegiance, though perhaps only nominally, to some ruler with imperial pretensions. This last may have been the Sena king Lakshmanasēna, who, then very old and very pious, was passing his last few days in the fateful city of Nudia, leaving charge of the Purvakhațikā affairs in the hands of this trusted family of vassals.
Of the localities mentioned, Purvakhațikä occurs for the first time in the present record. A Paschimakhaṭika, included in the Vardhamanabbukti, already occurs in the Govindapur plate of Lakshmanasõna. It is probable that the present river Hooghly formed the natural boundary between the two khātikās. A place called Khadi, a close approximation to khātikā, still exists in the Diamond Harbour Subdivision of the district of Twenty-four Parganas. A Khādi mandala was formerly included in the Pundravardhana bhukti. Generally speaking, Purvakhātikā seems to have covered a large part of the present Western Sundarbans area. Dvarahaṭāka may have been the headquarters of Purvakhațikā. I am, however, unable to identify Dvärahaṭāka as well as the village of Dhamalitha.
1 N. G. Majumdar, op. cit., pp. 149-57.
Ibid., pp. 155-63.
Cf. supra, p. 120, f. n. 2.
Apart from this, other places with epic association exist in the present Sundarbans area. Such e.g., Indraprastha (V.R. S. Monograph No. 4, map facing p. 12; Ann. Rep. of V.R.S., 1930-31, p. 13), Mathurapur and Gada Mathura (V.R.S. Monograph No. 4, p. 9 and niap).
Dr. D. C. Sircar's theory (Indian Culture, Vol. I, pp. 679-82) that the Palas of the Rakshaskhäli inscription came from the south is full of improbabilities. His arguments, viz., (i) a possible philological affinity between namos, (ii) a date in the Saka calendar, (iii) an absolutely imaginary and ineligible parallelism between the Hindu and Jaina pantheon of divinities, (iv) a search for Ayodhya mentioned in our inscription in the south and (v) some possible link with a southern Ikshvaku dynasty of solar descent, are clearly strained and they lose much of their force by the uncertain and hesitant tone in which they are expressed. As I have pointed out above, the Ayodhya Pälas may not after all prove to be worthy of so much enthusiasm and legendary glamour that some superficial coincidences may appear to cast over them. Any way, it does not prejudice our case to reserve a final verdict till data of a more practical nature are available. Dr. B. C. Sen has also recently exposed the absurdity of Dr. Sircar's eurious and persistent southern complexes (Some Historical Aspects of the Inscriptions of Bengal, Calcutta University, 1942, p. 481.)
It is necessary to mention here that Mr. D. P. Ghosh suggested (I.H.Q., Vol. X, p. 321, f.n. 2) a GurjaraPratihära association for the Palas of Dvärahataka while the late Mr. J. C. Ghosh perhaps went too far when he thought (Indian Culture, Vol. II, pp. 138-39) of an Orissan nativity for them. Drs. R. C. Majumdar and Radhagovinda Basak describe Madammapapala as "a foreigner, his family having migrated from Ayodhya." (The Iliatory of Bengal, Vol. I, Dacca University, 1943, p. 281, f.n. 1.)
The absence of a personal seal in the present case perhaps suggests as much..
N. G. Majumdar, op. cit., p. 96, text 1. 34.
Sundarban (Bakultala) copper-plate insoription of Lakshmanasöna (N. G. Majumdar, op. cit., p. 171).
XVI-1-12
are

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122
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXVII
TEXT1 1 Om Svasti Paramamahēsvara-samasta-supraśns[ty]-upēta-mahāmāndalika-sri-Śşi' ...
[sa]pāladēv-anudhyātaḥ 2 mahasāmantādhipati-maharajadhirāja-vipaksha-sāmanta-bhagavan-Nārāyaṇa-nirdrõha
dhara (va)la-sāmantarāja3 [árī)-Maçõmmanapāladēvah' kusali | Ayodhya-viniharita-Păl-ānvay-õpārjjita-Pu(Pa).
rvvakhăţik-āntahpāti-svi4 ya-mukti-bhūmau sri-Dvärahatākā sāmupāgat-āsēsha-rāja-rajanyaka-rājaputra-rajñi-sapt
āmātya-yāvad=ēks5 pātra-rāņaka-dandanāyak-arõhak-angarakshaka-chatta-bhatta-sēvak-adina(n) l' anyams=ch=
äkirttitāna(n) rāja-păd-opa6 jivinaḥ prativasino janapadana(n) brāhmaṇ-õttamāna(n) ya[th]-arhan manayati bödhayati
samādisati cha | vidi7 tam=astu bhavatām Dhāmahithă-grāmā(mö)=yari ratna-trama'-vahih chatuh-sim-āva.
chchhinnaḥ sa-jala-sthalah sa-gartt-osha8 raḥ sa-jhăța-vitapah s-amra-madhūkaḥ 1" a-chatta-bhatta-pravēlah la-kiñchit-kara-grāhya
[h*] parihrita-sarvva-pi 9 dah a-chandr-arkka-shki(kshi)ti-sama-kalari yavat Värddhinasa-sagotriva Yajur-vvēd
āntarggata-Kāņva-sākh-ai10 kados-adhyāyinē Somadēva-pauttrāya Purushottamadēva-puttriya | mahärāņaka-gri
V
1 From an ink-impression.
Expressed by a symbol.
• The loss of this name is undoubtedly grievous. What has been preserved for us is only a poor Sri...paladin There is, however, a clear trace of a s before pă, leaving space for just one more syllable. Restorations suggested Ho far include Srif ngajeapila or Nyišavinapala (Indian Culture, Vol. 1, p. 680, f.n. 1) and Silva*]sapāla or Stii. [Va*]sa pala = Srivasapala (1.H.Q., Vol. XV, p. 308, f.n. 9). The first letter of the name may equally probably be a ni or gri as also sri.
Danda superfluous.
Dr. D. C. Sircar's emendation (Indian Culture, Vol. I, p. 679) - Srima[do]. Dommanapaladiva, which inci. dentally elicited very interesting editorial compliments (Ibid, Vol. II, p. 153, f.n. 1) - has about an equal chance to stand.
Dr. N. K. Bhattasali briefly announced (Science & Culture, Vol. VII, p. 239) the discovery of 4 number of dated clay seals that were found on the island of Rakshaskhali, the find-spot of our inscription. As these have not been published yet, one wonders if they will throw any light on contemporary history and the family of Madömmanapala. The seals, which are preserved in the Dacca Museum, are said to date continually from the 11th century onwards.
• Danda superfluous.
? Read traya. The word as it stands gives no sense. If, however, we presume that a mistake has occurred and if we emend the word into Ratnagrama, we have an additional (but least expected in this context) place-name. Dr. Sen (I.H.Q., Vol. X, p. 328) reads ratnatraya and thinks of some Buddhist association, which would of course clash against the outspokenly Vishnuite character of our record.
Mr. P. L. Pal (Early History of Bengal, Vol. I, Calcutta 1939, p. 135) draws attention to an obscure technical expression - ratnatraya-sambhöga (really Prajasambhoga-) occurring in line 41 of the Manahali copper-plate inscription of Madanapāla (Cf. Gauda-lēkhamalā, ed. Akshay Kumar Maitreya, Rajshahi, 1319 B.S., pp. 147-58). Mr. Pal, following Dr. U. N. Ghoshal (Hindu Revenue System, Calcutta 1929, p. 297) suggests (loc. cit.) that it was "a tax lived (sic) for the maintenance and upkeep of big Buddhist establishments".
It is noteworthy that this word ratnatraya occurs in an identical context in both of the Manahali and RakshasIchali inscriptions. In the case of the former, it is clearly a fiscal expression which seeks to condition, among others of its kind, the rights and privileges accruing to the doneo. If, as I think, that is the case, ralratraya-samohöga lends itself to a very sensible literal rendering as 'right over wealth (deposited underground)'. I therefore think that ratnatraya-rajasambhoga-varjitah of the Manahali inscription fits in well with the rainatraya-vahil of tho Rakshaskhali plate and generally conveys the same meaning,
• The word yavat is rodundant.

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RAKSHASKHALI ISLAND PLATE OF MADOMMANAPALA; SAKA 1118
তোমাध ম ফলা
ঘন থামলে গান দেবেন। সবোয়া বোন ও পানাহয়ে পাতি পর খানে কান্ত ও লাভ টাকে সপোন তালে যাবাজ রাজন্য করা জন ও বারাসতা মাহ্য সাবদের কাক বোকা সরল করা জনঃ বালোগনা দান বালা ও মানহারা মানুষ তি বোর যতিস মারি গতি এ বি সুমনা মাস বলদ 468ন ওই সীমারটি নষ্টা ননঃ সতের এই বিশাস 1964 সম সকি শিকৰ পাদপরিজন ধণ্য ৫%, সারনা করি তিন মকা নং যা বড় বাধা নায়লা কান্তग ও কাল করে লারামি নামিদের পৌায়ক মোহ নদে বন্ধু হ্রায়। মাথা হয়।মিও কানে নমক রংগননী হৃদয়ে ডিসেম্বেরে ব্যামিতিৰ পিতাই B8 কমে বলে রাত কত যাত্র রাম ম মোঘান মোঘা গানन। পड কেউ মুক্তি বা বস্তুর প ান মানুসারিণ লোকাল বৃদ্ধনিবৃত্তী বারতি বারি সদা মিস্ত তখন বলেনঃ । ইনিংসঃ হিজরাতি অনুভূমি মন্ত্র।ই। দুভোজঘন্য কমালে নিয়াচং সারেন গামে কাংযন্ত নো কমে প বের করা মানে হিসাবরা এশিয়া এবং মধ বহনটি জমিতে। সাথে বা
মাঘোরে মামার কমলা নাম বিন্দু সোনাংতি নেন তিন। তথ্যগারিত । স কর্নমদম্ব। হৃ ন্ত ষ্ণর দ্বী। নবিশ্বক এল বকাল
বিনোপ্যা
B. CH. CHHABHA
Reg. No. 3977 E'36-475'48.
SCALE: THREE-FOURTHS
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SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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No. 21 ) RAKSHASKHALI ISLAND PLATE OP MADOMMANAPALA ; 8AKA 1118 123 11 sudāvasarmmaņē san-mittrūya mittra-dūnēna a-kara-säsaniksitya pradattömsmåbhiḥ
tad=yushma12 bhiḥ sarvvair=iva blāvibhir-api blöktriblih 'bhūmēr=apuharana-pātuka-bhayāta(d) dānam,
idam-anu13 mõdy=knumódy=ānupāluniyat(yam) | prativāsibhiḥ karshakuis-cha uamuchita-kara-bhara
pratyay-ādika14 pradānaiḥ sthātavyai(vyam) | bhavanti ch=îtra dharmm-ānusārinah slökāḥ | Va(Ba)hubhir
vvasudhā dattū rājabhih Saya15 r-ādibhiḥ | yasya yasya yadā bhūmis=tasya tasya tada phalari(lam) || [1*) Bhūmim yaḥ
pratigrihnā(hņā)ti yas-cha bhūmim pra16 yachchhati | ubhau tau punya-karmmāņau niyatun [svargga]gāminau || [2*] Gām=ēkām
svarnnam=ēkari cha bhūmēr apy=.17 rddhum angular haran-narakam=āpnēti yavadihūti sannplava (vam) || [3] Shash[t]
im=va(shțiri varsha-sahasrāņi sva(sva)rggo 18 vasati bhūmidah | akshēptā ch=āvanu)manta cha dvayañ=cha narakam vrajēta(t) || [4*] Sva
dattām para-dattā. 19 m=vā (ttām vā) yo harēd=vasudhām=imāın sa vishthāyān (křijmir=bhūtvā pitsibhiḥ saba
pachyatē l [5*] 'Iti 20 kamala-dal=imvumbu)-vindu-lölāri s[r]iyam=anuchintya [ma]nushya-jivitañ=cha sakalam
idam=uda21 hsitañ-cha vu(buddhvă na hi purushaih para-ki[rttalyõ vilõpyāh 1 [6*] 22 Sakābdāḥ 1118 Vaiśā[kha) 98 dinē |?
TRANSLATION (LI. 1-3) Om Hail! The Mahāsāmantādhipati, Mahārājādhirāja, Sāmantarāja, the glorious Maqommaņapāladēva who meditates on (the feet of) Mahāmāndalika, the glorious Sri. [sa]pāla. dēva (who was a great devotee of Mahēsvara and who achieved every pre-eminence (in life),—who (i.e., Malonmanapāla) looks resplendent by reason of his friendship with the Lord Nārāyana and who has isolated (i.e. outclassed) all other sāmantas
(Ll. 3-6) (thus) duly honours, explains and commands the rājans, rājanyakus, rājaputras, rājñis, the saptāmātyas, ēkupātras," ränakas, dandanāyakas, āröhakas, angarakshakas, servile persons like challas and bhatlas, persons unnamed whose sustenance depends upon the feet of the king,
Danda superfluous. * Metre : Slöka (Anush fubh), and in the next four verses. • Metre : Pushpitägra.
• A space of approximately 21" has been left blank after this word. The engraver apparently was anxious to avoid broken and incomplete lines and also to artificially isolate the date portion from the text.
• The double bars occur somewhat below the proper line of writing.
• Normally, we should expect a date to follow the month. In the present case, what comes after Vaibakha is very uncertain. It can in any case be only a numeral. I read it as 9, but I do not feel very sure about it. * There is a trace of a circular (perhaps rayed) auspicious symbol after the stup.
Dr. B. C. Sen attempted (I.H.Q., Vol. X, pp. 326-27) to link the Pāla lineage of Madommaņapāla with that of mahanayaka Pratāpadhavala, the ruler of Jäpila in Bihar. But Dr. Sen himself recognised (Ibid., P. 327, f.n. 15), the difficulties involved in such a theory. Dr. D. 0. Sircar, whom I have followed, seems to havo offered (Indian Culture, Vol. I, p. 680) a more rational interpretation of the passage concerned.
Dr. Sen translated (I.H.Q., Vol. X. p. 329) vipakaha-samanta as a samanta who is hostile to the Mabi. rdjadhiraja' and Dr. Sircar as one who made his neighbouring chiefs helpless (Indian Culture, Vol. I, p. 680). Dr. Sen, however, offered an alternative interpretation of this word as one whose samantas have been reduoed to helplesanea (1:.Q., Vol. X, p. 326, f.n. 11).
10 In this long and conventional list of officials, only eka patra is interesting enough. This expresion does not oocur in any of the Pāla and Sēna inscriptions known so far.

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(Vol. XXVII
villagers as also good Brāhmaṇas - assembled at the place of his initiation in the village of Dvärahaţāka situated in Purvakhâţikā which was acquired by the Pala family coming from Ayodhyā :
(Ll. 6-9) "Be it known to you all that this village of Dhamahitha -- shorn of all royal privileges over (its) mineral resources, having its four boundarios (clearly) distinguished and having (full rights over) all land and water, pits and wastes, trees and shrubs, mangoes and madhukas (existing or growing in the village) and having been closed to all chattas and bhatļas (of the king), having been made exempt from taxes and having been freed from all (manner of) oppression.
(LI. 9-11) "is granted by Us as freehold (land) to (Our) good friend Mahārāyaka Väsudovaharman, son of Purushottamdöva and grandson of Somadöva, who belongs to the Värdhinasa götra and is a student of the Kanva sākhā of the Yajurvēda, as a friendly gift which is to last as long as the sun and the moon and the earth.
(LI. 11-14). "Wherefore, this gift shall be approved and maintained by you all and by those coming in future, from fear of the sin involved in misappropriation of land (belonging to others). And all the resident cultivators in the village) shall continue to pay all rightful taxes, dues, etc.
(LI. 14-21). And here are the slokas, conforming to dharna : [six imprecatory verses). (L. 22). THE 9TH DAY of Vaisakha, Saka 1118. .
No. 22-SEALS OF TIRUPPUVANAM PLATES
(1 Plate)
K. V. SUBRAHMANYA AIYER, COIMBATORE Subsequent to my editing the inscriptions on the above plates, I happened to refer to the work entitled Coins of Southern India by Sir Walter Elliot, on p. 124 of which he writes "I have A drawing and a facsimile of the seal of another säsanam, which, to the best of my recollection, was deposited with the preceding (i.e. the seal of the Tiruppūvaņam plates of Jaţävarman Kulabēkhara 1) at Tiruppūvanam, and referred to the grant therein mentioned by the chief of Madacolam, a feudatory of Kulasēkhara. This seal differs somewhat from the above marginal woodcut in having the tiger and the Ash placed upright, opposite each other, in the middle of the field, with the bow transversely below them: round it a legend which has been read doubtfully as Pandya-Narendravarmmanah Samastalokāsrayah' i.e. "the Pandya Narendravarman, lord of the whole world”. To the above observation, I have only to say that there is nothing to doubt about the correctness of the legend on this seal. On page 123 4 of the book, the author carefully describes the scal of the Tiruppuvaņam plates of Jaţăvarman Kulasēkbara and makes his own observations as regards the king, his date, etc., which we reproduce here :
"Memorials of him (Kulabēkhara I) have been found in the shape of copper śāsanamus, the Beals of which have the fish symbol in the centre, flanked by the tiger and the bow, as represented in the annexed woodcut, showing that he had assumed the paramount position of the Cholas or in other words, of the whole of the Drärida. The copper plates to which the seals above described were attached were translated by Dr. Caldwell and purport to be issued in the " 13th year, 4364th day of the lord of the earth, Sri Köchchadei Varma, emperor of the three worlds. Sri Kulasēkhara Dēva,eto. "If this is the year of the Kaliyuga, it would correspond with
1 Dr. B. C. Sen rendered (1.H.Q., Vol. X, p. 330) mukti-bhumi as the place of salvation.' Dr. D. C. Sircar alued (Indian Owlture, Vol. I, p. 682) if this term indicated Madómmanapala's imminent death! Mr. J. Gbosh tbought (ibid, Vol. II, p. 139) of possible reference to Madommapapala's birthplace. I believe some kind of dikaha or initiation is moant by the word mukti here. This would at least furnish an occasion for the land grant.
* above, Vol. XXV, PP. 64 ff.

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SEAL OF THE TIRUPPUVANAM PLATES OF JATAVARMAN KULASEKHARA I (EP. INT., VOL. XXV, PP. 64 FF.)
ADRUM
SEAL OF THE TIRUPPUVANAM SUPPLEMENTARY PLATE
(EP. INT., Vol. XXV, PP. 130 FF.)
From Photographs of Wood-cuts.

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No. 23] NARWAN PLATES OF CHALUKYA VIKRAMADITYA II
125 1263 A.D. Should this date be accepted, it brings his era near to that of the Muhammadan writers, and as his reign is said by Wassif to have been a long one, it is so far confirmatory of their narratives ; but then comes the difficulty of the earlier Ceylon date, for it is not probable that two such contentions for a precisely similar object between two brothers of the same names should have taken place so soon after each other, although the dates differ so materially as the middle of the twelfth, the middle of the thirteenth, and beginning of the fourteenth centuries."
Since Sir Walter Elliot made the above remarks, a number of inscriptions giving astronomical details admitting of calculation and verification had been found and thanks to the labours of Kielhorn, Swamikannu Pillai and others, the accession of Jațivarman Kulasēkhara I with the introduction of the Tiruppūvanam plates had been fixed at A.D. 1190 and these have been noticed in my article on the plates. I need hardly add anything to Sir Walter Elliot's careful descriptions of the symbols on the seal. But so far as I know, no attempt seems to have been made to decipher the legend on the scal during these sixty odd years. I think I can only give a tentative reading of it here, but before doing so I may be permitted to say that on & close examination of the letters I am led to think that the woodcut is either not perfect or that the original is faulty in engraving. The legend is a Sanskrit verse in the Anushtubh metre. The first half of it can be confidently read as Samasta-jagatipäla-mauli-mal-Opalālitam. The first word of the next half is certainly sāsanam and the last word is Jațilavarmmanah. The last syllable appears as në in the woodcut. All that could be said about the seven syllables between these two words is that they may stand for sasvatan rājño ēlat'. Sasvatam looks like mrāsanan or srasanam in the woodcut and etat looks like jayatu ; und rujno is also not beyond doubt. The whole legend may be tentatively read :
समस्तजगतीपालमौलिमालोपलालितम् ।
शासनं [शाश्वतं राज्ञो एतत् जटिलवर्मणः ॥ A fresh endeavour should be made to secure the seal. If this is done and a good facsimile of it taken, it will be quite possible to read the second half of the legend with certainty. This seal and the other referred to in the extract given from the Coins of Southern India might have been returned to the temple authorities sometime after the plates had been sent and they, pechape not knowing that the seals belong to the two sets of plates, might have kept them loose. A careful search of the temple treasury may bring the seals again to light. For the present, we must be satisfied with the woodcut which we owe to the sagacity and forethought of the late Sir Walter Elliot.
No. 23.-NARWAN PLATES OF CHALUKYA VIKRAMADITYA II; SAKA 664
(2 Plates)
G. H. KHARE, POONA The ring of the subjoined grant was being noticed by some of the inhabitants of Narwan (Ratnagiri) on its old site for a long time. But fearing that it was something connected with devilism they dared not excavate and see what it really was. Mr. D. H. Joshi, a relative of Mr. D. L. Kanade of Buldana (Berar), happened to see it, unearthed it and found it to be tho ring which held the five copper-platos bearing the inscription edited here. The latter presented the plates to the Bhārata Itihāsa Samsodhaka Mandaļa. I edited them in its journal in Marathi." I now re-edit them here with many emendations.
1 [ Tho facsimile clearly roads Tatvejufca : -Ed.) * Quarterly of the Bharata Itihasa Sanfödhaka Mandala, Vol. X, No. 1 p. 12.

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The five plates measure 91' 41'xt each in dimensions, and are held together by a circular ring 31 in diameter. The two ends of the ring are soldered into the back of an oval seal bearing in relief a boar to the left. Au the sides of the plates, except the outer ones of the first and the fifth, are engraved. The rims of the plates being raised, the writing is well preserved. The plates together with the ring and the seal weigh 219 tolas.
The characters of this record closely resemble those of the Vakkalēri' and Kendūr' plates of Chalukya Kirttivarman II, with a very few variations. The medial short and long i are scarcely differentiated. I have, therefore, transcribed them either way according to requirements. Owing to the carelessness of the engraver, ka and ha have been in a few places written as ra and pa respectively and vice versd.
About orthography one fact quite apparent is the careless engraving of the record, owing to which & very large number of mistakes have crept in. Many of them have been corrected either in the text or in the foot-notes. But some may have escaped my attention. Ri has been generally substituted for ri but in priy-atmaja (1.25) we find exactly the opposite case. B has been substituted for v in svayambara (1. 38) and sambatsarë (1. 56). Upadhmaniya has been used once only in paraih palayamanair (1. 31). In some cases ri has been written in place of preceding a consonant as in Harisha (1. 12), chikitishu (1. 68) and varisha (1. 72), while in varusha (1.55) ru has been written for r. Tha has been used for fa in kanthaka (1. 26), and ghathāpathana (1. 28). In svanudātum (1.70), the anusvāra has been replaced by n.
The language of the inscription is Sanskrit, and the composition is in prose, excepting the few verses at the beginning and the end.
The record refers itself to the reign of Chalukya Vikramaditya II and gives his genealogy thus :- In the Chalukya dynasty was born Polaksin (I); his son Kirttivarman (I); his son Satyasraya (Pulakosin II); his son Vikramaditya (I); his son Vinayaditya ; his son Vijayaditya and his son Vikramaditya (II). All the information about these rulers contained in this grant is already known to us from the Vakkalēri and Kêndūr plates of Kirttiverman II ; for, the text of this portion of our grant is practically identical with that of the latter two. It is unnecessary, therefore, to deal with it here in detail. Some points, however, deserve mention. The Conjeeveram inscription of Vikramāditya II which is undated undoubtedly proves his entry into that city; but it can be shown that the event must have happened before at least the date of the record under publication. viz., be Winter Solstice in Saka 664 oxpired. As the Vakkalēri and the Kēndūr plates supply no more information about this king than what is contained in the present record, it must be taken that all the exploits of Vikramaditya recorded in them were accomplished before the date of this inscription. In one of the Pattadakal inscriptions it is stated that Vikramaditya II conquered Kanchi thrice. But the above three grants nowhere mention this fact.
King Vikramaditya II, on the occasion of the Winter Solutioe falling in his oighth regnal year and after 664 Saka yoars had elapsed, while his victorious camp was at Adityavāda, at the request of Rashtrakata Govindarlija, the son of Sivarkja, who is otherwise unknown, granted the village Naravana, together with Chindramada, lying by the seashore of the Chiprerulana vishaya and bounded on four sides hy the river Sonnē, the village Ambada, eto.. to Brāhmaṇas of various gotras weH-versed in the Vedas and Vēdāngas. They were Döggulisvämin, the son of Durgganāgasvämin, Nagadi-Dikshita, the son of Donasvimin, both of the Kausika gotra, Kontala-Närāyana, Nannasvāmin and Dhana jayaduggu........................ The
* Above, Vol. V, p. 202.
Ibid, Vol. IX, p. 200. . Ibid, Vol. DI, p. 360. • , Vol XP. 10, No. 100,

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No. 23]
NARWAN PLATES OF CHALUKYA VIKRAMADITYA II
condition of the grant was that half of the dues such as aruhana, that were paid to Government officers from the village Ambada were to be paid from Naravana. After these details come the usual benedictions and imprecations for the preservers and violators of the grant. The record concludes with the statement that it was written by the Mahasandhivigraha Anivāti (Anivärita ?) Punyavallabha.
The date of the grant is recorded thus; Saka year 664 expired, the 8th regnal year of Vikramaditya (II), and the occasion of the Sun's turning to the north, i.e. his entry into the zodiac of Capricornus. As no tithi and week-day are given, it is impossible to verify the date. The Lakshmeswar inscription of Saka 656 expired gives two as the corres ponding regnal year. It follows that the regnal year corresponding to Saka 664 expired will be 10 and to Saka 664 current will be 9, but not 8. It must, however, be remembered that the Lakshmeswar inscription is declared to be spurious' and as such its evidence cannot be very much relied upon. Saka 664 may, therefore, be either current or expired. In Saka 664 current, the Solar month Makara began at 22 ghatis and 29 palas after mean sunrise on 21st December 741 A. D. and in Saka 664 expired the same month began at 37 ghatis after mean sunrise on 21st December 742 A. D. The English date of the grant, therefore, would be 21st December 741 or 742 A.D. according as the Saka year 664 is taken as current or expired."
127
Of the place-names mentioned in this grant, it is not possible to say with any certainty where Adityavaḍa was. But I would just suggest that it should be tentatively identified with one of the two Aitawaḍas in the Valwa taluga of the Satara District. It is not known whether the villages have any indications of antiquity; but as its Marathi pronunciation Aitavade seems to be the natural phonetic change of Adityavada (cf. Aitavara-Adityavara) and as there is no other village of this name in the Bombay Province, the identification may prove correct. Chiprarulana appears to be the ancient name of modern Chiplun, a taluga town in the Ratnagiri District. Sonne seems to be the original name of the modern Sastri river flowing south of Naravana. Ambāḍa is not to be traced at present. Naravana is a village on the seashore in the Guhagar Peta of the Ratnagiri District. Chindramaḍa may be the modern Chindravla, situated some 4 miles to the north-east of Naravana.
TEXT'
First Plate
1
rfer "waraffe()
fittery wife.
2 वर्ण (बम् ) [ 1*] दक्षिणोसतवंष्ट्राप्रविभ्रान्तभुवन ( नं) वपुः [ ॥१॥ * ] श्री
1 In a Silahara grant of Saka 1037, this very word seems to occur in a slightly different form aruvana (Sources
of the Mediaeval History of the Deccan, Vol. I, p. 40, 1. 48). It probably means a tax of six panas.
Ind. Ant., Vol. VII, p. 107.
I have calculated the point of Makara Sankranti after working up to four decimals according to the AryaSiddhanta. According to the Sürya-Siddhanta, the same will be 2 palas later in each case.
In a Marathi document of A. D. 1600) (Sivacharitra Sahitya, Vol. II, p. 339, No. 340, published by the B. I. S. Mandala, Poona), there is a reference to the partition of a watan, the three shares of which are thus specified : (1) Tract extending from the Bäva river to the Sonavi river, (2) tract lying between the Sonavi and the Gada rivers, (3) tract stretching from the Gada river up to the villages Gimavi and Devaghara. The map of the Ratnagiri District shows that Bava and Gada are two tributaries of the modern Sästrl river, which, after flowing in a more or less parallel direction to the Sastri river, join it from the left and right sides respectively. Thus it is clear that the Sastri river is implied by the Sonav! river in the document or Sõnavi is the older name of Sastri. The word Sõnavi has a very close affinity to Sonne. Hence I have suggested the above identification.
[This may be identical with Ambäv, a village with a branch post office attached to Devrukh head post office in the Ratnagiri District.-C. R. K.]
+ Spelt as Chindrnole in Atlas sheet No. 25 published in 1852 A. D. by the East India Company.
From the original plates.
Represented by a symbol.
• Metre: Anush tubh.

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128
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
3 मतां सकलभुवनसंस्तूयमानमानव्यसगोत्राणां
4 हारिति (ती) पुत्राणां सप्तलोकमात्रु (तु) भि (भिः) सप्तमातृ
5 भिक (र) भि [व]द्धि (र्द्धि) तानां कार्तिकेयपरिरक्षणप्राप्त
6 कल्याणं (ण) परंपराणा (णां) भगवा (ब) नारायणप्रसा
7 दासमासादितो (त) बराहलांनेसणसणवशी
8 ताशेषमहिश्रितानां क्या कुलमसंकरिण्योर
Second Plate; First Side
9 श्वमेघावधि (भू) यस्मानपवित्रीकृतगात्रस्य श्रीपोलशी (शि) -
10 हाराजस्य सूनुः पराक्रमाक्र (का) न्तवनवास्यादिपरनृपति [म]ण्डलपू (प्र) -
11 णिवद्धविशुद्ध कीर्ति (र्त्तिः) श्रीकीर्त्तिव [म्र्म्म] प्रि (पृ) थिवीवल्लभमहाराजस्तस्यात्म
12 [स्य * ] समरसंसक्त सकलोत्तरापथेश्वरश्रीहरिष (हर्ष) वर्द्धनपराजयो
13 पात्तपरमेश्वरशब्दस्य सत्याश्रयश्रीत्रि (पु) थिवीवल्लभ
14 महाराजाधिराजपरमेश्वरस्य प्रियतनयस्य प्रज्ञातनयस्य
15
सहायस्य चित्ररूण्ठाभिवा (घा) नवरतुं (तु) [*गमनं
16 बोल्या (सा) रिताशेषविजिगीघोरवनिपतिरित्र (त्रि) समान्तरितो (तां) स्वगुरो (रोः) श्री (बि) य
17 मात्मसासू (कृ) त्य प्रभावात्कुलिशवलितपाण्डाचोडकेरळकळ भ्रत'
Second Plate; Second Side
18 प्रनि (भृ ) तिभूभृत (घ) वस्त्र विभ्रमस्यानन्यन (न्या) वनतकाञ्चीपतिमकुटपद) बुजस्य विक्रमादित्यसत्याश्रयीत्रि (प) थिवीवाल
19
20 महाराजाधिराजपरमेश्वरभट्टारकस्य प्रियसुनो[[*] बाले
21 ब (बु) शेखरस्य तारकारातिरिव वैत्यबलमतिसमुद्धत (तं) त्रैराज्यकाञ्चीप
22 तिबलमवष्टभ्य करज (वी) कृतकमेरपारसीयक सिंहळा विद्वीपाधिप
[VOL. XXVII
Read महीभूतां.
• Delete this .
* This letter is actually engraved as f.

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NARWAN PLATES OF CHALUKYA VIKRAMADITYA II; SAKA 664. (1).
اور مریم نواز ک ا همون ته بلي * . روی
در امر درد ا ر و ر ر ر ر ا "
م اه با 10
" . ق ال أه
و
ن ام
10
.
ز
.. 12
14
واحد .
. من
ر زرز
است
و
ها
:
ماء
16
ا تنے
ر اير 1 ) ری: کم باران از
ولا
SCALE: SEVEN-TENTHS.
PEINTED AT THE SURVEY OF INDIA OFFICES, CALCUTTA.
B. CH. CHHABRA. Br. No. 3977 E36 - 475 49,

Page #185

20
کردارادا
- آ رت
:-
20
| 22
| - 20
-
سمبر 26
د
-
7 = ,
= - - .
- - -
.
-
- - . . .
!
ali, 0.
28
||
|
30
با ما
أ-
اس
ی اس ام
ج
های مال
-
32
من
ی اتی به
اسلام و
وقدم
ما في *
وام به
36
..
.
36

Page #186

129
No. 23] NARWAN PLATES OF CHALUKYA VIKRAMADITYA JI 23 स्य सकलोत्तरापथनाथमथनोप(पा)जितोणितपाळियजाविसमस्त24 पारमे (मै)श्वय्य (ये)चिन्ह (ह्न)स्य विनय (या)वित्यसत्याश्रयधीपथिवी[व*ल्लभमहा25 राजादि (घि) राजपरमेश्वरभट्टारकस्य पृ(प्रि)यात्मज (जः) शैशव एवाषिगताशेषा26 स्त्रशास्त्र (स्त्रो) दक्षिणाशाविजयिनि पितामहे समुन्मूलितनिखिलकण्ठ (प्ट)क
27. संहतिर (रु) तरापथविजिगीषोगु(गुं)रोरप्रत एवाहवव्यापारमाच
Third Plute; First Side 28 रनरातिगजषठा (टा)पाठ (ट)नविशीर्यमाणकि(क)पाणधारा (२)स्समप्रवि
29 ग्रहानेसर (रः) सत्साहसरसिक (क:) पराङ्मुखीकृतशक्तु(त्रु)मण्डलो गंगाय30 मुन (ना)पाळिध्वजपटङ'कामहा शम्वचिन्ह (ख)माणिक्यमदगजादीम्पित्र (त)31 सास्कुर्वन्परै पलायमानैरासाद्य कथमपि विधि[व*]शाबा नीतोपि
32 प्रतापादेव विषयप्रकोपमराजक(क)मुत्सारयन्यच्च (त्स)राज इवानपेक्षिता
33 परसहायकस्तळ (ब)वमहानिर्गत्य स्वभुजावष्टम्भप्रसाषिताशेष
34 विश्वम्भरः प्रभुरखण्डितशक्तित्रयत्वास्थ (न्छ) त्रुमदभजनस्वादुवारत्व (वा)मिरव
35 चत्वाखः (ख)स्समस्तभुवनाश्रय (यः) सकलपारमैश्वर्य्यव्यक्तिहेतुपाळिध्वजा36 च (यु)ज्य (ज्ज्व)लप्राज्यराज्या (ज्यो) विजयावित्यसत्याश्रयश्रीप्रि (पू)थिवीवल्लभमहारा37 जाधिराजपरमेश्वरभट्टारकक (स्त)स्य प्रियपुत्र (त्रः) सकलभुवनसाबा(मा)ज्यल
Third Plate ; Second Side as क्ष्मीस्वयंबराभिषेकसमयानन्तरसमुपजातमहोत्साहा (ह पा)त्मवंशज39 पूर्खनृपतिजयापहारिण (गः) प्रकृत्यामित्रस्य पल्लबस्य समुन्मूलना40 य क्रि (कृ)तमते (ति) रतित्वरया तुण्डकविषयं प्राप्याभिमुलागत न. 41 न्दिपोतवाभिधानपल्लव (ब) रणमुखे संप्रहृत्य प्रपलाय (म्य) 'कतु
1 Read ढक्का for उका. * One syllable was engraved and scored out before t • Read दपनीतोपि. • Read स्वयंवरा. [The original reads मुखो गत्वा .-0.R.K.
• Read कटुमुख. XVI-1-12

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130 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXVII 42 मुलवावित्रसमुद्रघोषाभिषानवाचविशेषखट्रांगध्वज43 प्रमत्तप्रभूतप्रख्यातहस्तिवरा (रा)इच किरण निकाशनिराकि (कृ)ति (त) तिमिर (र) 44 माणिक्यराशिमनेक(का)नेका (को)पवहनीयमहाहेमराशिञ्च हस्तेक45 त्य कुलधनकनिलयबरिरवाञ्चितकाञ्चीयमान (नां) काञ्चीमविना48° श्य सततप्रवि () तदानान्थि (नन्दि)तद्विजा (ज)दीन (ना)नाथा (4) जन (नो) नरसिंघपोत
बम्म (म्र्म)[णा]
Fourth Plate; First Side 47 निर्मितशिलामयराजसि (सिं)धे (हे)श्वरादिदेवकुलप्रभूतसुवर्णरा48 शिप्रत्या (त्य)पंणोपार्जितोणितपुण्य (ग्यो) अनिवारितप्रतापप्रसभ (र)- . 49 प्रसाषितपायचोळकेरळकळभ्रप्रभृतिराजन्यक(कः) क्षुभित50 करिमकरनिहति (त) सितशुक्त (क्ति) मुक्ताप (क)लप्रकरमरीचि'वेलाकु51 लोधू(बू)र्णमा नार्णवनिधानदक्षिणार्णव (वे) शरदमलश52 शि(श)परविशवयशोराशिमयं जयस्तंभमतिष्ठिपतिक53 •मादित्यसत्याश्रयश्रीप्रि (प)थिवीवल (ल्ल)भमहाराजाधिराजपरमेश्वर54 भट्टारक(क) सर्वानेवमाशापे (प)यति विवितमस्तु बोस्माभि
Fourth Plate; Second Sule 55 'चतुषष्युत्तरषद्छतेषु शकबरुषे () ध्वतीतेषु प्रवर्द्धमानविजयरा56 ज्यस्संब(संवत्सरेष्टमे प्रादित्यवाउमधिवसति विजय स्कन्धाधारे उत्तरायणकाले 37 राष्ट्रकु (क) टशिवराजपुत्रगोविन्दराज (ज) विज्ञा(शा)पनया विप्रहलनविषये 58 समुद्रतीरे सोनेनचंबाडप्रामादिपरिवृतचतु:सीमान्तनरवण
'Red विकास. • The Vakkaleri and the Kindar grants have कलशभवनिलयहरिवंगनाञ्चित. • Below this is a line originally engraved and then soored out. •Add जालविलसित here. . Pead fruit for vora. • The lotter ल is engraved below the line. ' Read चतुष्खष्टपुत्तरषट्शतेषु. . The latter is engraved below the line.

Page #188

NARWAN PLATES OF CHALUKYA VIKRAMADITYA II; SAKA 664. (II).
irib.
40
3
42
46
iva.
484
48
50
5076
652
SCALE: SEVEN-TENTHS.
B. CH. CHHABRA. REG. No. 3977 E 36 - 475'49.
PRINTED AT THE SURVEY OF INDIA OFFICES, CALOUTTA.

Page #189

੪,b.
66
56
ਦੇ
-ee.
ਆ ? 5 98 ਤੇਨੂੰ
| 58
9
6.
.
1 /
66
66
3
880538
uu
=
'
66
-
2
68
g, ਪਰ ਨਾ ਤਾਂ 5 70992 :
25, 5 - 70 ਹੈ।
3 725 ਤੇ ਇਹ
72
",

Page #190

131
No. 23] NARWAN PLATES OF CHALUKYA VIKRAMADITYA II 59 ग्राम चिन्द्र माड[स]हितं कौशिकगोत्रदुर्गनागस्वामिपु60 प्रदेगुलिस्व (स्वा)मिकौशिकगोत्रदोणस्व (स्वा) मिपुत्रनागडिदीक्षितावेतो ब्राह्म
61 णौ [चारिको भूत्वा आराधितो (तो) ग्राम देग्गुलस्वामिनागडिदीक्षितकोन्तळनारा62 यणनम्नस्व (स्वा)मिभु' सगोदुधनंजयदुग्गुअात्रेयबोटामावुवच्चपुत्रदेव 6:3 गोविदिवोवुणादिनानागोत्रसमय वे द[वेदांगपारगब्राह्मणेभ्ये (भ्य इ) व (बं) 64 अचाटभटप्रवे[शा ]भ्यन्तरसिद्धिसहितं सभोगो (ग) दत्त (तं) यत्किञ्चिद्र (६)थ्य (व्यं)
Fifth Plate 65 अंबाडग्रामदेयं (य)मरहणादि राजपुरुषेभ्यो ददाति तदर्षनरव
66 णदेयं तदागामाविभिरस्मद्विश्व राजभि 'राजपुरैश्वे (श्व)यादीनां विलसितमचि67 रा दाशुचञ्चलमवगछ (च्छ) त्भि (द्रि) राचन्द्रार्कताराणामवस्थितिसमकाल (लं) "यश68 चिकिरिषुभि स्वदत्तिर्निविशेषेण परिपालनीयमुक्तञ्चे (ञ्च) भगवता वेद
69 व्यासेन व्यासेन [॥*] 'बहुभिर्वसुधा भुक्ता राजभि (भिः) सगरादिभि (भिः) [*] य.
70 स्य यस्य यदा भूमिः तस्य तस्य तदा फलं (लम्) [॥२॥*] स्वन्दातुं सुमह
71 त्छ (च्छ) क्यं दु(दुः) खमन्यस्य पालनं (नम्) [*] दानं वा पालनं वेत्ति (ति) दानाछ
(छ) योनुपालनं (नम्) [॥३॥*]
72
स्वदत्ता परवत्तां वा यो हरेति (त) वसुन्धरां(राम्)[*] षष्टिं वरिष (वर्ष) सहस्राणि
73 विष्ठाया (यां) जायते क्रिमि[:*] [॥४॥*] इति महासन्धिविग्रह[श्री अनिवाति.
(रित)पुण्यवल (ल्ल) भेन 74 लिखितोयं (तमिदं) शासन (नम्) © "I cannot amond this part of the text so as to make it more intellig b c.
his letter looks more like T. Read तदागामिभिरस्मद्वंश्य: • Read अायुरै • Read मचिरांशु • Read यशश्चिचीवुभिः स्वदत्तिनिर्विशेष.
Metro heru and in the next two verses : Anushbi.

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132
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXVII
No. 24-BAMHANI PLATES OF PANDAVA KING BHARATABALA: YEAR 2
(1 Plate)
B. CH. CHHABRA, OOTACAMUND
The Superintendent of Archæology, Rewa State, Baghelkhand, Central India, sent me this set of three copper plates, complete with the ring and the seal, for decipherment. According to the information kindly supplied by him, the find was unearthed, at a depth of nearly four inches, by one Maikua, Bharia ( a sub-caste among the Gouds) by caste, on the 28th October 1940, while clearing the grass and thereby preparing a kharihan (a piece of land for storing harvest) for his master, Gaya Prasad Brahmin, at a village called Bamhani, tahsil Sohagpur, Police Station Burhär (a railway station on the Bilaspur-Katni section of the Bengal-Nagpur Railway), of the Rewa State. There are, I am told, as many as seven villages of the name of Bamhani within the Rewa State, but the one with which we are concerned is distinguished by the foregoing description. It lies due cast of Burhår at a distance of about eighteen miles. I am indebted to His Highness the Bandhvesh Maharaja Saheb Bahadur, the Ruler of the Rewa State, for kindly according me permission to edit the record here.1
The plates measure each roughly 7" broad by 44" high. They are strung on a copper ring, about" in thickness, passing through a hole, " in diameter, cut in the centre of each plate near the margin. The ring must originally have been circular in shape, but in its present condition it is bent and elongated. Its ends are secured under a comparatively small seal with a diameter of ". The seal bears no emblem or legend; if there was any originally, it has now completely disappeared. The inscription on the plates is in an excellent state of preservation throughout. The first and third plates are engraved only on one side, while the second bears writing on both the sides. There are altogether 49 lines of writing, twelve being on the first face, thirteen on cach side of the second plate and eleven on the last. All the plates together with the ring and the seal weigh 94 tolas.
The characters belong to the Southern class of alphabets, a variety, with southern characteristics, of the Central India alphabet of about the fifth century A. D., as Fleet would name it. They represent a very rare type, in which the top of each letter, as a rule, consists of a small triangle with its apex downwards, and which, on that account, has appropriately been named nail-headed'. The known instances of the particular type employed in the present inscription are very few. In fact, I know of only two other examples: the Poona plates of the Vakaṭaka queen Prabhavatigupta and the Majhgawain plates of the Parivrajaka Mahārāja Hastin. The
1 The present article was already in an advanced stage of proof as carly as June 1942 when, owing to the war conditions, the publication of this journal was suspender. In the meantime a short note by myself, entitled King. dom of Mekalā, based on these plates, has appeared in the Bharata Kaumudi (Dr. Radha Kumud Mookerji Volume), Part I, Allahabad, 1945, pp. 215-9.
20. I. I., Vol. III (Gupta Inscriptions), pp. 18 f.
Above, Vol. XV, pp. 39 ff. and plate.
4 C. I. I., Vol. III, pp. 106 ff., plate XIV. From the portions of the first two lines of the Khoh copper plate inscription of the Parivrajaka Maharaja Samkshōbha of the year 209, reproduced on Plate IV in Cunningham's A. S. 1. Reports, Vol. IX, it appears that the script of this record is also of the same nail-headed variety as the one under discussion, but the reproduction of the full inscription on Plate XV in the C. I. I., Vol. III, does not bear it out. Additional examples of the present variety are, however, afforded by some minor inscriptions such as the short pilgrims' records engraved on the face of the wall in the cave of Durgakho near Chunar in the Mirzapur District of the United Provinces (Cunningham's 4. S. 1. ports, Vol. XI, Plate XXXVIII; Vol. XXI, Plate XXXII) and the Shorkot inscription of the year 83 supposed to be of the Gupta era (above, Vol. XVI, Plate facing p. 15). Some later examples are found in the Tur rock inscription in Chamba, assigned to the beginning of the eighth cen tury (Vogel, Anaquities of Chamba State, Part 1, p. 148, Plate XII) and in the first two lines of the Khamkhed plates (above, Vol. XXII, Plate facing p. 94). After this article had been sent to the press, Mr. N. L. Rao kindly drew my attention to two more instances; the Pandarangapalli grant of Avidheya (An. Rep. Mysore Arch. Depariment, 1929, Plate XIX, facing p. 196) and the Sunão Kala plates of Samgamasimha of the [Kalachuri] samvat 292 (above, Vol. X, Plate facing p. 74). While the former has some letters of the nail-headed variety spoken of here, the script of the latter is practically the same as that of the present record.

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2 133 script of the latter record bears a striking resemblance to that of the present one. This is obviously to be accounted for by the comparative proximity between the two : they belong more or less to one and the same period and their fin.spots are not far removed from each other.! Prabhavatigupta's charter is earlier than these two by about a century. Its character, though otherwise similar, appears on what slanting as compared with that of the other two inscriptions, which is upright.
It must, lowever, be observed that the character of the present inscription, in spite of the similarities noticed, differs greatly from that of the other two in one respect. To wit, it pertains, as luas been stuted above, to the Southern class of alphabets, whilo the script represented by the Majhga war plates belongs to the Northern class and that used in the Poona plates is found to be a mixture of both. In fact, in analysis of the script of the last-mentioned record luas shown that it is rather clifficult to ascertain whether the northern or the southern characters prelominute' there. A comparative study, on the other hand, has revealed the character of the presenti record to be pro-eminently southern, as will presently bo demonstrated.
As already remarked, the top of each letter in the script under discussion generally consists of a triangle or a nail-head. There are, however, certain exceptions to this rule. Among the initial vowels, of which the present inscription affords instances of a (1. 37), à (11. 1, 38, 45), i (11.3, 16, 17, 33), u (1. 3t), é (11. 25, 29) and au (1. 16), three, namely, i, c, and au, are not provided with a nail-head. Of the consonants, the following five are likewise without a nail-head: kh, ], ", 6 and l. Possibly ni und ñ are also like that. The former may be seen used as the first member of a conjunct letter, ikri (1. 4), and the latter as the second in another, jña (1.5). In the case of 9, !, th, ah, v and s the triangle at the top has, as necessitated by the upper curve of the letters, become almost an oblong, whereas with m it is definitely it square or a box-head, a general characteristic of another variety of aiphubuts, mainly found in the Vakūtaka inscriptions, which has on that account received the designation box-headed'.
The moxt conspicuous of the test letters, stamping the character of the present inscription us pre-eminently southern, are the initial a, ā, ē and au as well as k, m, r and l. It may be pointed out that the Pooni plates, in common with the present charter, have the southern a, k and r. Examples of initial au are extremely rare, but a comparison between its northern and southern forms has been rendered possible by the fact that they are found respoctively in the Majhya waria plates (1. 8) and in the present record (1. 16). The form found in the latter appears to be essentially the same as is met with in the Mangaļūr grant of the Pallava Sinhavarman. A slight notch in the top stroke of the letter j, and the manner of expressing medial i by a circle and i by a circle with a dot in its centre, as noticed in the present inscription, are further southern peculiarities.
1 The Nāgaudh and Rowa States, wherein the two places, namely Majhguwar and Bamhan, are respoctively includod, are adjoining cach other.
. Abore, Vol. XV, p. 40.
It may be pointed out that initial T, which is formed by a vertical stroko with a dot on either side about its middle, does have a nail-head, as may be seen in one of the brief records at the cuve of Durgakho. Seo 4. 8.1. Reports, Vol. XI, p. 127, Pl. XXXVIII, inscr. A ; Vol. XXI, p. 129, Pl. XXXII, inscr. No. 2. The sigu in question is read as i by Cunningham, whereas in reality it represents , as is evidenced by several other inscrip. tions, both carly and late, northern as well as southern, where essentially the same form of the letter is met with. Compare, for instance, C. I. I., Vol. III, L'I. IIIB, text I. 61; Pl. XXX-A, text 1. 6; above, Vol. VIII, PI. facing 1.387, toxt 1. 28; Antiquities of (hamba Slate, Part 1, Pl. XV, text I. ; above, Vol. VI. PL. facing p. 317, toxt I. 18: Vol. V, PL. facing p. 8, text I. 9; Pl. facing p. 51, toxt L 31 ; oto. The same occurs also in the Bower manuscript which is assignablo to about the fifth century. See Bübler's Indische Palaeographie. Table VI, I. 4.
Ind. Ant., Vol. V, PL. facing p. 155, text L. 24.

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The language of the record is Sanskrit, while its composition is partly in verse and partly in prose. It exhibits various mistakes, most of which are to be ascribed to the engraver. As regards the orthographical peculiarities, the following points deserve notice: (1) A final n is invariably changed to an annsevira, as in friman, 1. 2: smiri, 1. 3.; etc. This resultant anustāra becomes reclundant, when the following letter is a vowel, in which case the original n is retained or, so to say, restored, as in sareanimiva, 1. 36. (2) A consonant preceding or succeeding r is occasionally reduplicated, as in pultros, 1.5: kirili, I. 2: etc. (3) The guttural nasal is used instead of anusvira in o ff, 1.41, while the same word is used in its correct forin elsewhere, vainah, 1.33. (4) In rūja-si[ni*lyhail. I. 31, yh has taken the place of h. (5) As a rule, a separate sign is used for h, but twice, in 11. 8 and 26, it is represented by that of v. (6) In cyikrishya, I. 22, ri is wrongly represented by ri. In such cases as sitwaninciliyi[l*). 1. 16, and likhitain=-cha, 1. 48, the anusvāra is superfluous. ('onversely, in prasunaxi, I. 7, the # is redundant. Besides, there are certain other irregularities, such as omission of samli, cisary, arusevīra and even of letters, wrong sandhi, etc., which have been duly pointed out in the text and the footnotes ad led thereto.
The object of the inscription is to register the grant of a village, called Vardhamānaka, included in the Panchagarta district of the Northern province of Mēkala, 'to one Lohitasarasvāmin of the Vatsa gölra, a follower of the Mädhyandina šākhā of the Sukla Yajurvēda. The yrantor is a king, Bharatabala by name, who is stated to belong to th: Pandava lineage, ruling over the country of Makala. We shall by and by have occasion to discuss a more detailed history of this ruler. The charter is stated to have been issued on the 13th day of the dark fortnight in the month of Bhadrapada in the 2nd regnal year, composed by Siva. son of Rālasika Ikana, and engraved by Mihiraka, son of the goldsmith Isvara.?
It will readily be perceived that the village of Bamhani, the findspot of the present plates, is the modern representative of Vardhamanaka, the village granted, the present name being a possible contraction of the original term. As regards the vishaya of Panchagarta, it is difficult to locate it precisely, but, as its name indicates, it must refer to a region around Bamhani, watered by five rivers or rivulets. A well-known example of this kind of designation is Traigarta or Trigarta, the ancient name of the territory including the district of Kängră in the Panjab. Trigarta, it is explained, is so called because it is watered by three rivers namely the Ravi, the Beas and the Sutlej. Here the word gartā is obviously to be taken in the sense of a valley. In the present instance, the five rivulets probably refer to five of the tributaries of the river Son, which are shown on the map to be at a short distance from one another on either side of the village Bambani. Mr. K. L. Pancholi, Deputy Commissioner, Sõhāgpur Division, kindly informs me of the existence of a village called Pachgaon, about three miles south of Sabdol, which possibly represents the headquarters of the ancient district of Panchagartā.? More interesting is, however, the mention of
This apparent solecism is reminiscent of the cognate usage in the Vedic texts where, however, a » in such CaHOS is represented by an ununāsika. Compare, for example, tatha lõkā akul prayan (Tailliriyakaranyaka, Anandaáranis series, Poona, 1898, p. 199).
* See, however, below p. 145, n. 7.
* The city of Trigarti, mentioned in Somadēva's Kathasaritsägara (taranga 73, v. 21), has perhaps nothing to do with this Trigarta.
Cunningham, A. 8. I. Reports, Vol. V, p. 148. See also N. L. Dey'd lleographical Dictionary of Ancient aud Mediacul Tulin, p. 205; under the word Trigartta.
It nlso means stream which does not extend to more than, sky, ten milos'. Compare : Dhanuh-sahasr. any-vinhlan cha gatir=yünāti un vidyate nu ti nadi-seda-vaha gartās=täh parikirlitik. This is cited from the Chhandou-aribishfu by Kullüka in his commentary Mancurthamuklätali on the Manusmriti, IV, 203.
Soe The One Millionth Map of India (Political Edition)-India and Adjacent Countries, Shoe No. 64. The village of Bamhanl is given there at a point roughly 23° 15' N., 81° 48' E.
However, see below, p. 142, n. 6.

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Mēkalā as a country. We are familiar with Mēkala-kanyakril as one of the various names of the holy river Narmadā (Nerbuda), as well as with Mēkala as the name of a mountain range wherein is located the source of the river. Mēkalā, as referring to a country, is, ou the other hand, not so well known, though it is mentioned as such even in the epics, the Ramayana and the Mahibhürata, in association with some of the neighbouring countries, like Dnsurna, Chodi, Utkala, etc. Some of the Purāmas likewise make mention of it. All these works acquaint us with Mēkala as a people and also as a country peopled by them. Drawing upon these sources, Dr. B. C. Law gives us a brief account of the Mēkalas whom he describes as "a small tribe inhabiting the tract of country comprising the modern Amarakantaka hills and the surrounding region." All these are, however, bare references which it is possible to enliven only by historical data of a more tangible nature, like the record under discussion. Some of the Purānas no doubt refer to a line of seven kings in Mēkalā," who are supposed to have ruled in about the third century A. D., but that is all. They do not mention the name of a single king. In the later literature, references to Mēkala become more scarce. An outstanding example is that of Varahamihira's Brihalsain hitā, wherein Mēkala is mentioned among the mountains and the peoples in the eastern region. 10
For our purpose, however, the most valuable, reference is that found in a Vākāțaka yrant namely in the Bālāghāt plates of Prithvishēņa II," which has a very intimate bearing upon the subject under consideration. This leads us to the question of the history of the ruling house of
Compare Rēvă tu Narmada Sõmódbhavā Mēkalakanyaka (Amarakosha, I, 10, 32); and Mēkalakanya cha Narmadā Rēvá (Abhidhanaratnamála, III, 52). Mēkalasuta, meaning the same thing, is mentioned in a verse ascribed to Rājasēkhara in Bhagadatta Jalhana's Sūktimuktāvali, as quoted by R. G. Bhandarkar, (above, Vol. IV, p. 280); as also by Sten Konow in his edition of Rajasekhara's Karpuraman jari, p. 182. The published edition of the Süktimuktavali (Gaekawad's Oriental Series, No. LXXVII, p. 47, V. 88), has Makhalasuta instead of Mēkalasuta. This confusion of Mēkala into Mekhala is noticed also in different recensions of the Rāmāyanu, the Mahabharata, etc., as pointed out below.
? That is Maikal or Maikala.--"Range of hills in the Central Provinces and Central India, lying between 21° 11' and 22° 40' N. and 80° 46' and 81° 46' E. It is the connecting link between the great hill systems of the Vindhyas and Satpurās, forming respectively the northern and southern walls of the Narbadā valley." Imperial Gazetteer of India (1908), Vol. XVII, p. 29.
* The particular spot where the river is supposed to take its origin is known as Amarakantaka. The village of that name is within the Rewa State," situated in 22° 41' N. and 81° 46' E. on the easternmost extremity of the Maikals range." Ibid., Vol. V, p. 274. Amarakantaka is one of the most sacred places in India and is highly glorified as such in the Puranas.
• Kishkindha-kanda, XLI, 9. The reference is to the Nirnaya-sägar edition of the Ramayana, with Rama's commentary Tilaka, the only complete edition to which I have had access. The relevant portion reads Mēkhalan= Utkalamb ch-aiva Daśärna-nagarany-api. In Govindanath Guha's Laghu-Ramayana (3rd edition, Calcutta, 237-Kishkindhya-kanda, VII, 17), an abridgement, which evidently follows the Bengal recension, the correspond ing reading is Mēkalan=Utkalams-Chedin Dušarnan Kukuran-api, which appears to be a much better text. By the way, the slight difference between the forms Mēkhala and Mēkala is again apparent. A short note on the Kukuras, another little known people, is to be found in Dr. B. C. Law's article on Some Ancient Indian Tribes in the Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Vol. XXII, 1941, p. 96.
The people of Mēkala are counted among those vanquished by Karna. For varique references to them in the epic, see S. Sorensen's Index to the Names in the Mahabharata. Here again the southern recension gives the form Mēkhala, as may be seen in P. P. S. Sastri's edition,--.g., Vol. VIII (Bhishma-parvan-VI), p. 47, v. 39.
•E... Padmapurana, Adi Khanda VI, 36.-Uttamās cha Dasarnascha Mēkalas-ch=Olkalaih 8 ha. Some other Puranas are cited in the works referred to in the next two notes. Ancient Indian Tribes, Vol. II, p. 28.
. • See Pargiter's Dynasties of the Kali Age, p. 51. According to the account given by Dr. B. C. Law, op. oit.. the Vishnupuramt refers to ten kings who had Mēkala as their land of birth.' The late Dr. K. P. Jayaswal has worked up the Puranic data and attempted a connected history of the Mēkalā rulers in the early centuries of the Christian era, which is discussed below, pp. 138-9.
Especially in the Kürma-vibhaga (ch. XIV), 7; but also in V, 39, 73; and XVI, 2. 1. Ind. Ant., Vol. XXII, 1893, pp. 170, 185. 11 Above, Vol. IX, pp. 267 ff. and plate, tort l. 28.

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Mēkalā. Before we proceed to investigate the external evidence as to that, let us consider what information is furnished by the present inscription itself. As has been stated above, Bharatabala, the royal donor, belonged to the famous race of the Pandavas. From the preamble of the record we cull the following genealogy of this dynasty
1. Jayabala 2. Vatsarīja or Vatsēśvara (xon of ). 3. Nāgabala (Mahārāja, s. of 2 from Drūņablattārikā). 4. Bharata or Bharatabala (alias Indra? Mahārāja, . of 3 from Indrabhattarika,
married Lõkaprakāśā, a princess of Kõsalā). The genealogical portion consists of eleven elaborate verses and some passages in prose, but contains very little of real historical value, except in a few details, the descriptions of the kings being mostly conventional. The opening verse speaks of Jayabala, as a higly celebrate king in Mökalā, belonging to the house of the Pandavas, but does not prefix any such title as Mahürāja to his name. The next two stanzas describe his son Vatsaräja, extolling him, in a general way, for his prowess and virtues. He, too, does not carry any high title. Then comes a prose passage, followed by a verse, introducing Vatsarāja's soni Nāgabala. A similar prose pasage and the next four verses, vv. 5-8, are devoted to the latter's son Bharatabala, while the next following two verses speak of Bharatabala's wife Lokaprakāśā. The cloventh verse evidently again refers to Bharatabala and also allu-les to someone else, presently to be identified. The manner in wbich Nāgabala and his son Bharatalala are introduced is distinctly more dignified. The prose passage in each case has an identical text, except of course the name of the king's mother, which in the case of Nāgabala is Drönabhattārikā and in that of Bharatabala is Indrabhattārikā. These two ladies were thus wives of Vatsa räja and Nagabala respectively. Nāgabala and Bharatabala are each styled Mahärāja and described as a devout worshipper of Siva, a great patron of the Brāhmaṇas, and paramagurudevatādhidai vatavišesha, that is distinguished as a highly venerable personage, a deity and a supreme divinity'. Such epithets are known to siguify paramount power. In the present instance, however, the grandiloquent cpithet perhaps simply denotes a more exalted! position, to which Nāgabala must have risen, as compared with the status of his father and grandfather, Vatsarāja and Jayabala, who, judging from the fact that they have not haul any regal titles attached to their names, must have been mere chiefs. Nāgabala and his son Bharatabala may have enjoyed a measure of independence, but that they were not absolutely independent rulers is proved by evidence external as well as internal, as will be shown below. In the one eulogistic verse devoted to Nāgabala, no definite exploit of his is mentioned. If the description contained therein is not altogether conventional, it may be taken to hint at the growing military power of Nägabala, his army comprising a large number of horses and elephants. In the case of his son, Bharatabala, though the inscription is much more eloquent, yet the historical data it imparts about him are meagre. The fifth verse mentions him under the name of Indra, and compares him to Kärttikēya. The sixth praises his good qualities like heroism, majesty, benevolence and so forth, and also depicts him as a sacrificer, though no specific sacrifice has been attributed to him. The seventh and eighth represent him as a slayer of his enemies, likewise without specification. The ninth and tenth describe his consort, Lõkaprakasā, who is stated to have been born in Kösali.
The overlord in Somadatta's Soro plates (B and C) is referred to as Paramurdaivatadhidaivata or Paramadaivata (see above, Vol. XXIII, p. 202). Maharaja Sivaraja in his Pāțiákellä plate refers to his suzerain Simbhuyasas as Paramadevatadhidaivata (se above, Vol. IX, p. 287, and Vol. XXIII, p. 200). In these instances the feudatory chief also prefixes to the name of his overlord the additional title of Paramabhaffaraka, which is not found in the present record. In the Soro plate of Sambhuyasas himself, he gives the epithet of Paramadaivata to his father (bappa), and calls himself only Maharaja. The Soro and Pätiäkella inscriptions are later than the Bamhani plates by more or less half a century.
Bee below p. 143, n. 7.

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It is emphasised that she came of a divine family. Another point on which seemingly stress is laid is this that she is described to be the only wife of Bharatabala, which tends to show that the latter was in favour of monogamy, whereas his forefathers practised polygamy! If the expression to the effect that Lokaprakasa was blessed with grandsons and great-grandsons is to be taken As a statement of facts, rather than in the sense of a benediction which seems to be the case, we will have to assume that Bharatabala came to the throne in a very advanced age so as to become a great-grandfather already in the second year of his reign, in which the present charter of his is dated.
The contents of the eleventh stanza, as has been indicated above, are ambiguous. In ftre natural sequence, it speaks of the royal donor Bharatabala, represented, as an emperor (sāruribhauma) honoured by his vassals, but, at the same time, it contains a veiled reference to his overlord, Narondra, that is the Vakātaka monarch Naröndrasēna. There is obviously a pun upon the word narendra which, when construed with Bharatabala, means 'king', while otherwise it stands for the personal name of the Vākāțaka sovereign concerned. There is another word in the verse', which has likewise double meaning, and that is saumya. It qualifies varida. When it refers to Bharatabala's varsa, it means "lunar' and when it adverts to Narēndra sēna's vainsa, it simply denotes' auspicious'. The implication is quite obvious. The Pandavas, the avowed ancestors of Bharatabala, belonged to the Lunar race, while the Vākāțakas were Brāhmaṇas and as such their family could aptly be described as 'auspicious'.
The hidden reference as disclosed above might have escaped detection but for a counter. referenoe met with elsewhere. And it is here that the importance of the Bālāghāt plates of Prithivishēna II comes in. In this record the Vākātaka monarch Narēndrasēna, the father of Prithivishina II, is described to be as one whose commands were honoured or obeyed by the lords of Kõsalā. Mēkala and Mälava 'Kosalā-Mēkalā Mälav-ādhimay-abhyarchchita-sāsana. This has generally been taken to signify that Narēndrasēna exercised suzerainty over the rulers of the three countries referred to. So far as Mēkalā is concerned, the said claim has been admitted, though covertly, by the donor of the present charter himself. It may, however, be questioned that, if Bharatabala indeed owed allegiance to Narēndrasēna, why he should express is in equivocal terms, and how the sovereign could tolerate that. The very fact that it has been so indicates that the overlordship was more in name only, that Mēkalā under the kingship of Bharatabala was an internally autonomous state, and that the prestige of its king was not much inferior to that of his suzerain or that both of them were perhaps more or less on friendly terms. It looks as if Bharatabala was not bound to acknowledge Narēndrasēna's overlordship in the charter issued by him, but that it was out of courtesy that he did so and that wilfully in an indirect manner. A somewhat analogous instance, where a feudatory covertly alludes to his overlord, is furnished by the Ghumli plates of the Saindhava chiefs, of whom Krishnarāja II and his brother Jāika I refer in like manner to their sovereign, the Pratihāra emperor Rāmabhadra, who fourished in the first half of the ninth century.
Mahamahopadhyâya V. V. Mirashi, who also had occasion to read this article in its proof stage, opines that the expression ekaina, qualifying Lokaprakākā, perhaps means, anamanya matchless. There may not bunny intention to refer to her husband's monogamy.
1 Above, Vol. IX, p. 271, text 11, 27-28. The citation gives the amended text. The late Dr. K. P. Jayaswai has rightly pointed out that Prof. Kielhorn's correction of Kõsala and Mēkala into Könula and Mekula is not called for.. K. P. Jayaswal, History of India 150 A. D. to 350 A. D., p. 84, n. 1. The form Kõsala is met with in certain other insoriptions as well; see, for example, above Vol. XXIII, p. 251, text I. 13.
It has been obeerved that the Våkåtakas do not seem to have insisted on their feudatories specifically mentioning their suzerainty in records'. Above, Vol. XXIII, p. 173.
Above Vol. XXVI, pp. 191, 192. The relevant text runs as follows :-Bharata iv=achalad-uchita-samaraanitaHamad, Rama referring to the epic hero of that name as well as to the Pratinära emperor Ramabhadra. The term lobanatha occurring in the concluding verse of the Cuttack Museum plates of Madhavavarman has boull taken to refer to the paramount sovereign to whom Madhavavarman owed allegiance'. Above, Vol. XXIV, p. 150
XVI.1.12

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From the above discussion it follows that Bharatabala was a contemporary of Narēndrasēna who is known to have flourished about A. D. 435-470.1 The evidence of the script employed in the record is, as has been shown above, in perfect agreement with this date. Taking the second year of Bharatabala's reign to correspond approximately with A. D. 460, and working at the rate of twenty years per reign-period for the foregoing three rulers, we arrive at A. D. 399-400 as the approximate date of Jayabala's rising to power. This roughly synchronizes with the momentous events taking place in the two big royal houses of the Guptas and the Väkātakas, when the latter, after suffering a setback at the hands of Samudragupta, were re-asserting themselves, the mighty Gupta empire was heading to a fall, and the Gupta-Vākātaka relations were being cemented by a matrimonial alliance inasmuch as Chandragupta II's daughter Prabhāvatiguptā had been married to Rudrasēna II. The confusion might have afforded Jayabala an opportunity of assuming authority and stabilizing his position as a local chief.
From the way the ancestral line is recounted in the present charter, it appears that the Pandava dynasty of Mēkalā started with Jayabala himself. It further appears that his successors were able not only to hold the territory he had mastered, but also to annex much more to it, at the same time acquiring greater authority. A measure as to the extent of the kingdom under Bharatabala is afforded by the mention in this inscription of an Uttara-rāshtra within Mékalā, which presupposes a fairly large realm, partitioned at least into two big well-defined divisions, one in the north
and the other in the south, each in its turn comprising a number of districts and sub-divisions. . Thus we may assume that the kingdom of Mēkalā was divided into two provinces, one called
Ullara-rāshtra and the other Dakshina-rāshtra, that the river Son in its upper reaches within the
Rewa State possibly formed a natural boundary-line between the two, and that the whole of Mēkalā • comprised the south-eastern part of the Rewa State, portions in the north of the Bilaspur District
and some area in the east of the Mandla District. The record does not mention the place of its issue, nor have we any means to ascertain as to where exactly the seat of government was located.
We already know of a line of Pandava kings ruling in Southern Kosala. There has been some controversy as to their age, but recently Prof. Mirashi has shown that the king Tivaradēva of that lineage flourished in the second quarter of the sixth century. Tīvaradēva's grandfather, Indrabala, or the latter's father, Udayana, thus becomes roughly contemporaneous with Bharatabala. The two Pandava houses were most probably related to each other. Of Bharatabala's queen Lokaprakāśā, the present inscription informs that her native place was Kösalā. It is a pity that no particulars of her parentage are given. Possibly she was a princess of the Pandava family of Kõsalā. It may, in passing, be observed that the Pandavas' of Mēkalā had the Parivrājaka Mahārājas and the Mahārājas of Uchchakalpa as their neighbours in the north west.
There is no epigraphical evidence as to who the rulers in Mēkala were prior to the Pandavas of the present document. The late Dr. K. P. Jayaswal has tackled this problem with the help of the Puranic material which he has used in a sifting manner. According to his interpretation of the Puranic texts, Mēkalā was then a province in the Vákātaka empire and was ruled over hy the Pallavas whom he considers to be relatives of the Vākāțakas. The following quotations from his work embody his view on the subject :-"In Mēkalā, there flourished seven rulers in seventy years, i.e., from about 275 A.D. to 315 A.D. It seems that this portion was acquired in the time of Vindhyasakti. The rulers of Mēkalā who were a branch of the Vindhyaka dynasty, were kings of Andhradēša." "The Pallavas are described in the Puranas under the designation' the Andhra kings '--the kings of Andhradēša', ag ruling over Mēkala with Andhra, and are specified as the descendants (santati) of the Vindhyakas, i.e., Vindhyasakti." "A branch of the Imperial
1 K. P. Jayaswal, op. cit., p. 101.
* The Majhgawām inscription, which is dated in the Gupta year 191 (=A.D. 510-11), thus becomes later than the present record by about half a century.
Above, Vol. XXVI, p. 229. .K. P. Jayaswal, op. cit., p. 87.
Ibid., pp. 92-93.

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No. 24]
BAMHANI PLATES OF PANDAVA KING BHARATABALA; YEAR 2
Vindhyakas, i.e., the Imperial Vākāṭakas, became kings of Andhradeśa which had become connected with the Vākāṭaka province of Mekala. " Proceeding, the same author gives an identification of this province. "This Mēkalā I have identified as a province of Sapta-Kōsala,' below the Maikal range of our maps, i.e., the British district of Raipur and the Indian State of Baster. " Regarding the same, he elsewhere states:-"The Province of Mekala evidently extended from the south of the present Maikal Range, in a straight line, covering the modern State of Bastar wherein begins the Andhra country. "
These are rather astounding conclusions: Andhra and Mekalā being blended into one country, and the Pallavas and the Vākāṭakas becoming blood-relations; and they will pass until any conclusive evidence to the contrary is forthcoming, like the charter under discussion. It may be pointed out that according to the said author, Mēkalā was still under a branch of the Vākāṭakas during Narendrasena's reign. "The system of the Vākāṭaka imperial organization," says he, "was to have sons and other relations as rulers over different. provinces." Evidently he had this
on
in mind while, referring to the re-establishment of the empire of the Vākāṭakas, he said: the fall of the Gupta Empire, under Narendrasēna, they once more become a sovereign power in the Berar-Maratha country including Konkana and up to Kuntala, in Western Malwa and Gujarat, and in Kōsalā and Mēkalā including Andhra." It goes without saying that if he had the present record before him, he would have said differently. Now we know that Bharatabala was not a kinsman of Narendrasena, but that the two came of different stocks, one being a Kshatriya and the other a Brahmana.
139
Finally, we may consider the designations of the various officials mentioned in the record. By Gramakuta is meant the headman of a village'. This term is frequently met with in inscriptions, particularly in those of the Rashtrakutas: What Dronagraka denotes is difficult to determine, as it is an unfamiliar word. There is, however, a word dronamukha which according to Sanskrit dictionaries means the chief or the most beautiful one of 400 villages. It is perhaps in this sense that the words dronamukha and dronamukhya are used in the Divyāvadāna." It may readily be conceded that dronagra means the same thing as dronamukha; and by the addition of the suffix ka to that, we get the word Drōnagraka which possibly denotes an officer in charge of a droṇāgra or a drōnamukha. In rank and importance he thus stands much higher than an ordinary Grāmakūta. The term Nayaka signifies a leader' or a military commander'. A Devavärika is, as the word indicates, perhaps a superintendent of temples and holy places'. The word Gandaka in the present context possibly means a warrior'. A Rahasika is a privy councillor'. This office is mentioned in some other inscriptions under different forms such as Rahasya, Rahasika, Rahasādhikata,10 Rahasyadhikrita," etc. The order of the grant was issued by the king himself (savyam=ājñāpana), that is to say, it was not conveyed by any state official acting as the king's duta.
TEXT12
[Metres: vv. 1, 10, 11 Sragdhara; v. 2 Vasantatilakā; v. 3 Upajāti; vv. 4, 9 Mālinī; v. 5 Indravajrā; vv. 6. 7 Sārdulavikridita; v. 8 Arya; vv. 12, 13, 14 Anushṭubh.]
2 Ibid.
1 Ibid., p. 181. Ibid., p. 84.
Ibid., p. 82.
See, for example, above Vol. XXIII, pp. 15, 106, 210 and 220 text. II. 30-31, 3, 36 and 43 respectively. Edited by Cowell and Neil, p. 620, 11. 12, 21 and 28.
Above, Vol. III, p. 21,; Vol. XXIII, p. 78; Ind. Ant., Vol. XIV, p. 12; Vol. XVIII, p. 145.
Ind. Ant., Vol. XIII, p. 121. The form rahasika is a corruption of rahasika rather than of rahaɛyaka as suggested by Dr. Hultzsch, above, Vol. III, p. 21, n. 1.
10 Above, Vol. J. p. 7. text 1. 50.
11 Ibid., Vol. VI, pp. 13, 14; Vol. XXIV, pp. 144, 145, 298, 303,
12 From the original plates.
Ibid., p. 83.

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140 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXVII First Plate 1 Om svastiha [*] Asid -yaḥ Pāņdavānāṁ suvimala-yaśasām=anvayê bhūri-dhámnä[m*]
ra2 jābhūt=Mē(n=M7)kalāyām kshitipati-tilakaḥ samprasūt-oru-kirtti(rttih) [I*] Srimām(man)
sri-sam3 vidhästa *?] Jayabala iti yaḥ khyāpyatē svair=yyasõbhiḥ lõ(bhir=17)kē=smim"smin) sarvvadē
(d=ai ?) [va*?] 4 pravara-guna-gan-ālauksitas-chāra(ru)-mūrtti(rtti)h' [!!1!18) Tasy-ābav-ährita-jayaḥ prathi
[to dayā*?] 5 vā(vān) Vatsēsvaraḥ pratisamo guņavān=vidhi-jñaḥ [l*) puttro-bhavadaripu-gra(gļi)
h-opa6 vanāni yēna vanyair=mțigaih prachuratām=upapāditāni "10211*] Mahanubhāva[h*] 7 sukrita-prasariisi(Sarnsi) gun-antara-jñaḥ purush-opabhögyah [1] sad-dharmma'-silö(luh)
sunaya-pra8 dhānaḥ śri-Vatsarāja(jo) nļipatir=vva?(r-bha)bhūva 'll [3||*) tasya puttrastat-păd-ānudhyatah
pa9 ramamahēsvarah paramabrahmanyaḥ para magurudevatadhidaivatavisësha[h*] 10 srimămmän) srimatyām dēvyám Drönabhattărikäyäm=utpannah Sri-mahäräja-Nă. 11 gabalah (*) Turaga-khura-nipăta-kshuņņa-märggă dharittrim(ttri) malinayati diy
antām(ntān) 12 pä[m*]su-rūksh-akul-antām(ntân) [i*] mada-malina-kapõlā vāraņā yasya
. Second Plate; First Side 13 yatabo pragamam-upanayantë sikar-ardrām kshaņēna [14 18*tatas-tasya puttras-tat-pad
Expressed by a symbol. There is a dot to the left at the bottom and a dot to the right at the top of tho symbol, which are superfluous. Similar superfluous marks are to be seen also further on in the plates.
.The visarga after susti had better be omitted, because the word is, as a rule, an indeclinable. The form with the vixarya occurs in a few inscriptions from Chamba. See J. Ph. Vogel's Antiquities of Chamba State, Part I, inscriptions Nos. 14, 15, 20-24; 27-29, 31, 33, 34, 36 and 45. It may, however, be observed that in all these inscriptions the sign taken for visargi, in reality, stands for the numerical figure 1. The same sign occurs in Nos. 13, 18, 42 and 4x, but there it has been left unread. In some cases, instead of only one, there are two signs, thus representing 1, as in Nos. 31 and 48. An unmistakable instance of the occurrence of visarga after the word svasti is, however, afforded not only by the present record, but also by the Chipurupalle plates of the Eastern Chalukya king Vishnuvardhana I, though Fleet doubted the appearance of the risarga there by remarking that "it is probably only due to a mark of punctuation, imperfectly cleared out." (Ind. Ant., Vol. XX, p. 16, n. 3). In fact, the sign of cisarga there is plainly visible on the facsimile and can not be taken for anything else. (See A. C. Burnell's Elements of South Indian Paleography, London 1878, 2nd ed., Pl. XXVII). In the Vedas, on the other hand, the word is treated both as an indeclinable and as a substantive. Compare, for example, rasti pisha asuri dadhalu nah (Rigveda, V, 51,11), and svastim Indra-Maruto dadhata (Rigveda, II, 29, 3). In the later Vedic literature also instances of its use as a substantive are met with; cf. daivi svastiraxtu nahi wastir=manushēbhyak (Taittiriy., p. 167).
* The construction is rather peculiar, the verb ávit alone constitutes the principal clause, its subject out being understood.
* The annsvāra meant to be over smi is placed a little aside. It appears to the left at the bottom of the lotter main in the upper line.
A little space left blank here possibly denotes the punctuation. • This sign of punctuation consists of a single ourved line. ? There appears a superfluous dot or anusvåra over the superscript r in this syllablo. . This mark of punctuation consists of two curved lines.
This anuscára is touching the base of the letter nå in tho lire shove 10 Read yūlah. Although yutih can have the same sense w yatak (1.2., yanan burvalak) has, yet it is the latter that fits in with the metre; and hence that is undoubtedly the intended reading.

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BAMHANI PLATES OF PANDAVA KING BHARATABALA; YEAR 2.
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PRINTED AT THE SURVEY OF INDIA OFFICE, CALCUTTA.

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,b. 26 ਲਏ 3805853 Beਤੇ 85&ਬ 26
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Page #202

No. 24] BAMHANI PLATES OF PANDAVA KING BHARATABALA; YEAR 2
141
14 mudhyātah paramamāhēsvaraḥ paramabrama(hmia)nyah paramagurudivatāchidaivata15 visāxhah srimatvām dēvyām-Indrabhattārikāyām uitpannah Sri-maharaja-Bharatal) *1 16 Indro davi-sila-run-invitīva audāry ya-chaturyy-amar(manvitāvālb ] pu17 ttrull*) prasūto mala-chăru-kantib Sajlondraputtrva iva Kifrttilkēvah 51* Indro da 18 rami-rambhavolethal hutabhukta-tēj-ājvala mnohavām(vântwad-vritta-sthiti-vipira.
mandra19 vidhrita-pra(pra)pta-pramā-õunatilb* drishtu sādhu-rukh-odavāra hi nrināti dha20 rmm-ārtha-saripadakah(ko) vēdvain=adhvara-saristhitē vasu-hutal pūjyah ratari
sarva21 di 1161*1 Yoncottunga-ripu-drumair-aviralair-bhbhabbhalymaih samasta visuel
chha-chlammā didhva(g-var22 lantinova quruņā vyäkri(kļi)shya visphūrjjitālh* yasyaiva[1i* ! vidha-chishtashti)
tasya nsi23 patah kritsnē mahi-mandula (la) muurajva-sri(sri)yam adhütu vipula dharmm-artha-kama21 pradā) [174"] Sri-Bharatah kuhitināthaḥ kshitipati-tilakah Surēndra-sama-vi(vi)ryvah 11*1 25 vivihata-ripu-gana-lakshmim(kshmiri) dadhara yale samsri(kri)tām xa-blujõh? | ikraivas
Second Plate; Second Side 26 Sphatika-vima la-subhraril visbi)bhrati(ti) sila-tõyana 1" yama-ni(ni)yatu(ma)-tatanta
pranta-su27 ddha-pravahani (vāham) LI*prasama-guna-gun-omiyā(rmiryā) janai pavayarintivanti)
svayam=iha sura 28 lõkād-ayata Jahnav-iva [91] Srimach-chaudr-| 1*su-ki(ki)[rtējr-Bharatava(baba
nļipasyöttama(ma) ra(ra)ja29 patni(tni) 10 jātā ya(yā) Kausalāyām"-amaraja-kulajām [klitimachchuirtdadhātā(na)
sasvad-dharmm-āő(rtha)30 kara(ma)-prativihitata13-ativa Lökaprakāśā yātā ra(pau)traih pripra)pautrairaval
vina ya]-ra
1 The reading därani semblente is unmistakable. Howerer, the sense is not clear.
* Possibly the intended reading is hutabhuktej=7jjralah. Even so the construction is not quite all right. I take it to mean tējasy=rejjvaló hutabhuk.
. This t is prefixed to the xa in accordance with a rule of sandhi (Panini's shinidhyayi, VIII, 3.30), instances of which are seldom met with even in literature.
* This expression is worthy of note. In ritual terminology huta also means 'one to whom an oblation is offered. Thus, in the present context, vasu-kuta may denote one to whom a tribute of gold is paid'.
The word eura here may be taken as construed either with dig or with dantin. The use of dig-rw woull be synonymous with that of diva-rura found elsewhere. See above, Vol. XXIII, p. 266, text 11.16-18.
• There is something wrong with the construction of the second half of this verse apparently due to the fault of the engraver. To make it yield some coherent sense we may reconstruct it as follows: yasyairameidhri. cherhfitam s aripatih kritené maki-mandale Anurajya-friyum=ādadhati ripulām dharmm-artha-kami-pradim.
1 Correctly it should have been eva-bhujayoh. However, as it is, we have to suppose the existence of a word bhuj synonymous with bhuja or bhuja on the analogy of pad, an equivalent of pada.
The words ēk-aira are in prose and are to be construed with Bharatabulinripisyollami rajapalni in verse 10 below.
Instead of loyana read tõyam. 10 This mark of punctuation is superfious. 11 Better read Kövalayam 12. Read kirtim=uchchair=.
18 Mabamahopadhyaya V. V. Mirasbi would take this word to be tamas and explain the compound na dharm. artho-kamaih prativihitar tamo yayi ad. That, as he points out, would bring out the intendul pun on the namuo Lokaprakāáā, though it would involve a wrong sandhi.

Page #203

112 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXVII 31 tai räja-si[11*]ghai(hai). Dintishthäl tit*] | [10 1*) Yo=sau satinpūrņa-sukti-trava-vinipatit
inēka-samar(ma)nta32 müddha-porralglisht-tphulla-p uti-chalana-ya(yu)-kranta-likrak-chakravila 11"
sumrah so 33 ya chu rutinu prabhava iti janë kārtvētē vasya ch-uchebaihil rimāri (man)
vabhu-vastaSi timil - uni(na)-yana didi)rna-vairot no(na)rčudrah tatah s Mēkalāvani (vām)
l'ttara-ráfxhtrē) Pāñchaga 3.5 rttā-vishavi Varddhamanake 1 grāmaku(kü)ta-drömāyraka-navaka-devavärika
nakapramukhāri(kbän) sarvirrvarra vatha-prativasinah samajwapavati viditam=stil 37 mahaivaiduira vari yrasa(mah) x-(4-7)draga(nyah -Õparikara ho a-châta-bhat-pravesi
** Whi s panidhi chora-danda-carjatamia chatuh-si(si)mā-paryyanta a-chandr-ärka'kshitati)
Third Plate 39 taraki-niridhiwamäta(ta)-pitror-atmanas-cha puny-abhivridha(ddha)ye Vatsa-sayōtra-sri
Ma40 Whyiddha malina-Lohitasarasva(svā)minaḥ(nē) pratipăditēty=avaganya yath-orhitat
Waga-bho11an ana-kravana-vidběyair=bhavitaivam=iti [*] svayam ajñāpana [**yo chasmad
Varis (d-varise) samutpa12 dari rijanah atair=#priyam dattir=anumõdaniy=ānupālaniya cha [*] yah'sch
imam(taji) latti[i ] vilopam-ao p layishyati sit panchabhir mahālpă*]takaih samyuktalh*] wya(sva)diti [*] Bahubhir:
vasudha bhuktă rāja11 bhis Nagar-ävlibhih [ *l vasya yaxva yadā labūmis-tasya tasya tada phalam(lam) [ ! 12 *]
Shashtim varsha-sa15 haxrani svaryyarwye) mövlati bhūmidash *) achchhēttä сhanumanti cha täny=ēva narako
usőt ! 13*! Sva16 dattalni para-dattālui"bä(vā) yatnād=rakaba narādhipa [*] mabi[m") mahinatati
sreshtha dānäch=chhrēyo=nupālana[m*} ||114 *! Read aphalla-prolina-dyeti., which is conceivably the intended reading. * Read junaik kirtyte. * The intended reading of these seven syllables is possibly sārvabhaumah prathitu.
* Tho word mira in this compound is to be taken in the sense of a host of enemies '-airiu rhwmhul, uwiram, though its use as such is very rare, as in Māgha's Sisupalavadha, XIX, 100.
Sandhi has not been observed here.
• The syllable icha here may be compared with that in yancha, 1. 33. In both these instances tho superscript i is identical in forin with the superscript w. The more correct form of the conjunct letter icha is, however, to be found below, in inchabhiru, 1. #3: Tokhitar chudan, 1. 48; and tkirnuiacha, 1. 49. I had first read the word as Panda". Rao Dubadur C. R. Krishnamacharlu preferred that reading and was inclined to identify Pawduyurtta with the moden Pandra, about 50 miles south-east of Sohagpur.
* This mark of punctuation is superfluous. • The subject of this verbis sa sriman.................... narëndruk in verse 11.
. Read mahya, which would be synonymous with pujya. The expression mahya-pădaih in this context possibly answers to ' by His Majesty'.
19 Sandhi has not been observed here. 11 This visarga sign is superfluous. 12 Resid sarjass. 4 Rond prulipud ilu ity,

Page #204

No. 21) BAMHANI PLATES OF PANDAVA KING BHARATABALA: YEAR? 113 47 sa măptam ch-ēdami sāsanari(nam) [ ] pravardhaman
rijava-tajva-samvatstre 2 Bha(Bhā)drapada-kra(kļi)shna-tra18 vādaśyāri Pushya-nakshattræna ( 1*likhita?mn=rl=rdari sisitmanii rahasik-Esama putrina
Sivēn-o. 49 tkirnancha suvuropakar-Esrara-putrina Mihirakin t i!
TRANSLATION Öm! Hail!
(1.1) There was he who became a widely renowned king in Mēkalā, the foremost amongst the rulers, a fortunate one and a disposer of Fortune, endowed with rellent virtues as well as with a personable appearance, who belonged to the family of the Pandavas of absolutely flawless fame and great majesty, and who is well known in this world always through his uw vlorious deeds as Jayabala.
(V.?) To him was born a son, (called) Vatsēśvara, who was like unto his father). famous. compassionate(?), virtuous. (and) conversant with rituals, who achieved victories in battlefields (and) made the pleasure-gardens, attached to the houses of his enemies. term with will beast
(V. 3) The illustrious king Vatsarājat was magnanimous, always approviny of merits. partial to virtues, devoted to righteousness, serviceable to his people and distinguished for his equitable policy.
(LI. _11) His son, meditating on his feet, a devout worshipper of Niva, great patron of the Brāhmaṇas, regarded as a highly venerable personage, a deity and #supreme divinity. a fortunate one, was the illustrious Maharaja Nagabala, begotten on the illustriou queen Dröna. bhattărikā.
IV. 4) At the time of his (Nagabala's) march, the roads having been pounded down by the hoof-beats of his steeds, the earth darkens (all) the quarters, dust making every corner dry and dreary, (but) his elephant, with their temples soiled by the ichor, instantly restore serenity. having moistened it (the earth) with the spray (schich they habitually emit from their traukx).
(L1. 13---15) After hinr, his son, meditating on his feet, a devout worshipper of Siva. a great patron of the Brāhmaṇas, regarded as a highly venerable personage, a deity and at supreme divinity, is the illustrious Mahārāja Bharata, begotten on the illustrious queen Indrabhattărikā.
(1. 5) To her (Indrabhattărikā), endowed with compassion, worthy character, virtue, generosity and smartness, was born, as Kumāra to Pârvati, a son, Indra (by name). bright and handsome of appearance.
This mark of punctuation is superfluous. This anusvara is redundant. • Implying thereby that he completely devastated the palaces of the hostile chiefs.
• This Vataarkja is obviously the same person as Vatsēkvara spoken of in the foregoing Mtanza, l'aleriju appears to be the proper form of the name, whereas the une of the form Vatréseum is presumably owing to the exigency of the metre. Dr. N. P. Chakravarti, however, makes a very happy suggestion. According to him, the vimrga after the name Vatsobvara in l. 3 of the text is to be regarded as a mistake and should be omitted. We would thus bave Valasrara-praticano, meaning thereby that Vatsaraja was equal to the lord of Vatsas, namely the mythical king Udayana, who, as we know. also belongs to the Pandava lineage. In this interpreta tion, the versen 2 and 3 will bave to be taken as forming A yugnaka, and one of the two verba, abhar! anul babhina, will have to be considered as redundant.
The significance of these epithets has been discussed above, p 136. • His full name Bharalabala occurs below in verse 10.
1 It is with a good deal of diffidence that I have taken this Indra to be a second name of Bharta bala himself, prenuming that he is so called after his mother Indrabhattariki. It is possible that here, too, he is only metaphorically identified with Indrs, the lord of gode, as is manifestly the case in the rucneerling verse. The eighth couplet indubitably compares him to that celestial monarch.

Page #205

144
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXVII
(V. 6) (He is) Indra in causing a rift (in enemy ranks).1 a blazing fire in brilliance, amiable, a very Brahmana in point of noble behaviour, deemed praiseworthy, one who has gained authority and excellence, whose sight inspires joy in (the hearts of) good people and brings to fruition the merit and desires of the common folk, to whom gifts of gold are presented at the time when he occupies the sacrificial seat for (performing) a sacrifice, and who is always respected by worthy
persons.
(V. 7) Like a gigantic celestial elephant, he pulled down and tore asunder a multitude of resounding trees (in the form) of overweening foes and had all the quarters thickly strewn over with them. A king capable of such a feat exercises complete sovereignty over the whole world, ensuring righteousness, prosperity and happiness.5
(V. 8) In prowess equal to the Lord of gods is the illustrious king Bharata, a paragon of rulers. who, having slain the enemy hosts, bore their Fortune on his own arms as she approached him. (1. 25) The only one,"
(V. 9)-who is, as it were, the Ganges herself, from heaven descended, purifying the people here, possessing the water (in the form) of character pure and brilliant as crystal, with its serene flow bounded within the two banks of self-restraint and self-discipline, ripply with many virtues such as equanimity.
(V. 10) royal consort of the king Bharatabala of the glory comparable to shining moonbeams is Lökaprakāsā, the lady par ercellence, who, born in Kosala, carrying the high renown of (being of) a divine origin, ever intensely zealous upon righteousness, prosperity and happiness," has attained to a sublime status by virtue of her having sons and grandsons, who are champions of justice and discipline, (and would-be) foremost kings.
1 I am not certain of this rendering. See above, p. 141, n. 1.
The long compound expression sad-rritta-shtiti-ripra-mandra-ridhrita-prapta-praman-onnatih is amenable to other interpretations as well, which may be quite different from the one given above, but, the description being more laudatory than factual, it matters little in whatever sense it is construed.
3 It was of course a custom that a sacrificing king received rich presents from his friends and feudatories. In this connection, the case of Yudhishthira celebrating the Rajaya scarifice may be recalled when such tributes poured in in a regular stream, so much so that a special steward was appointed in the person of Duryodhana to take charge of them, while his cousins and some of his brothers were posted likewise to look after other affairs of the ceremony. The kings who attended the grand ceremonial vied with one another in presenting Yudhishthira with costly gifts. We read the following in the Mahabharata, II (Sabhaparvan), Chapter 30 (the reference being to the Southern Recension, P. P. S. Sastri's edition) :
Te vai digbhyah samapetuḥ parthiras tatra Bharata samudaya maharhani ratnani viridhani cha 21 ||
Bahu rittam samadaya viridhaḥ parthira yayuh | drash!ukamah sabham chaira Dharmarajain cha Pandaram || 23 |
Duryodhanas te-arhanani pratijagraha sarvaśaḥ || 63 ||
Katham tu mama Kauraryo ratna-danaiḥ samäpnuyat | yajuam=ity=ēva räjänaḥ spardhamana dadur-dhanam 1 67
This refers to one of the eight mythieal elephants, guarding the eight quarters or cardinal point in the space. Their names are Airavata, Pundarika, Vämana, Kumada, Anjana Pushpadanta, Sarvabbauma aud Supratika.
Sec above, p. 141, n. 6.
This goes with the royal consort' in verbe 10. See above, p. 111, u, 8.
See above, p. 141, n. 13.
MGIPC-SI-XVI-1-12-25-7-49-450.

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No. 25) SALEM PLATES OF GANGA SRIPURUSHA: SAKA 693
(V. 11) The great king (Bharatabala). an illustrious paramount ruler, whose virtues are well-known, who has destroyed enemy hordes, who has all the quarters overcome by his pair of feet that have the grace of an expanded lotus-flower and are fervently touched by many a prince paying homage to him by reason of his perfect triple power, and, further, whose birth is highly praised by the people as being in the famous Lunar race,
(Ll. 34-36)-thus issues a command to all the inhabitants concerned, headed by the state officials, namely) the Grūmakūtas, the Drõņāgrakas, the Näyakas, the Devavärikas and the Gandakas, at the village of ) Vardhamanaka in the district (vishaya) of Pāñchagarttā within the Northern province (Uttara-rūshtra) in (the country of) Mēkalā
(LI. 36-40) "Be it known that, for the purpose of increasing His own religious merit as well as that of His parents, this village (of Vardhamanaka),- with the udranga and the uparikara, with the treasures and the deposits, (with the privilege that it is) not to be entered by the Chātas and the Bhatas, with the exception of the fines (imposed) on thieves, to the extent of its four boundaries, to last until the end of the moon, the sun, the earth and the stars,-is granted by His Majesty to the illustrious Löhitasarasvimin of the Vatsa göra and the Madhyandina (sakha of the Sukla Yajurveda).
(LI. 40-41) "Having known so, you should obey his (the donee's) orders, duly paying him the customary tributes.
(LI. 41-43) “The command is (issued by His Majesty) Himself. And this donation should he consented to and protected by those kings, too, who are born in Our family. And whosoever will cause obstruction to this grant, he shall become invested with (the guill of the five great sins."
(Ll. 43-46) [Here occur three of the customary verses.]
(LI. 47-49) Thus is this charter concluded. In the year 2 of the increasing victorious reign on the thirteenth day of the dark fortnight of the month of) Bhadrapada, when the nakshatra was Pushya. This charter has been written by Siva, son of the Rähasiku? Isina, and engraved by Mihiraka, son of the goldsmith Isvara.
No. 25-SALEM PLATES OF GANGA SRIPURUSHA : SAKA 693
(2 Plates)
G. S. GAI, OOTACAMUND The present set of copper plates was obtained by the Government Epigraphist for India from Mr. M. V. Srinivasan. Manager of the Sri Sukavanēstara Temple at Salom, in August 1944.' The history of its discovery is briefly stated to be as follows-"One Mr. Venkatagiri Bhattar,
He is the subject of the verb samajuapayati in the prose passage that follows. Soe above, p. 142, n. 8. As to a veiled reference here to the Väkätka monarch Narêncirasenn, 800 above, p. 137.
? This refers to the three constituent elements of regal power, namely majesty, counsel and courage-prabhu. sukti, mantra-sakli and waha-lakti. expounded in treatises on Hindu polity.
*As to the functions of these officials, soe above, p. 139.
Fleet explains this term as meaning irregular troops 'while Vogel has shown that a Chata meant the head of a bargana. C. I. 1. Vol. III (Gupta Inscriptions), p. 109, et passim: Antiquitics of Chamba Stale, Part I, pp. 131-32.
According to Floot, soldiers' oregular troops, and according to Vogel an official subordinate to the head of the paragana'. Loc. cit.
This refers to His Majesty the King'. For an explanation of this designation, see above, p. 139.
* Possibly the intention of the composer is to state that this charter has been written by the Rahasik Siva son of Tsina, and engraved by the goldsmith Mihiraka, son of Isvara.
I owe the opportunity of editing this inscription to the kindness of Dr. B. Ch. Chhabra, Government Epi. graphist for India, who placed at my disposal the original plates along with his tentative transcript and notes. • XVI-1-20

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cook of the temple, sometime in 1930, in course of the repairs being done to the temple, near the southern wall of the outer prākāra just to the west of the shrine where the present Nälvars are placed, at the depth of about three feet, found the set of plates in the earth. The present store-room stands now on the spot where the plates were found." The plates are now the property of the temple.
The set consists of five plates each measuring 81" by 2" and about in thickness. At the proper right margin in each plate is a hole, about" in diameter, through which passes the copper ring bearing the seal. The ring measures about 33" in diameter and its ends are soldered into the bottom of the seal which is oval in shape and measures 2" by 13". On its surface is carved in relief the figure of a standing elephant facing the proper right. The set with the ring and the seal weighs 130 tolas.
The characters belong to what is called the Southern class of alphabets and are of the regular type of the period to which the record belongs. The engraving is good and fairly deep and the writing is excellently preserved.
Of the letter Eh, both the early form and the later or the cursive form in Fleet's terminology are found in this inscription. The former is met with in mukhaḥ 1. 15, -akhyas 1. 25, nakha 1. 29, vikhyāta 1. 35 and likhitam 1. 57; while the later or the cursive form is found in khandita 1. 2, mukha 1.14, khanda 1. 28, khadga 1. 40 and khanduka 1. 53. Fleet's theory that this later or the cursive form did not occur in genuine records earlier than A. D. 804 no longer holds the ground. The instances cited above show that both the forms were used at the time of our inscription and the engraver made little distinction between the two. As regards the form of b, the closed or box type has been used throughout the inscription, cf. labdha-bala 1. 2, Kadamba 1. 11, bahu 1. 35, etc. The form of the subscript n is the same as that of the primary n, the secondary form being absent throughout the record, cf. -avasanna 1. 10, ratn 1. 26, muthni(rdhni) 1. 31 and Nannappa 1. 39. The form of ph is distinguished from that of p by a hook inside at the right-hand stroke, cf. sphuta 1. 35. Initial a is met with in Avinita 1. 13, Andari 1. 14, aneka 1. 20, api 1. 23; initial a in äjji(arjji)tānāṁ 1. 47; initial in Indarājam 1. 43, Indarājo 1. 47, and initial u in Uttara 1. 50. The vowelless kis met with in -asṛik 1. 23, and the vowelless t in asit, abhavat 1. 42, and kasminschit 1. 47.
With regard to orthography, the following few points may be observed. The anusvāra is changed to class nasal in jitam-bhagavatā 1. 1; and anusvara in place of consonant nasal is found in nityam 1. 36. The use of upadhmaniya is found in words -sutra-vritt-h-pranētā 1. 6, -rajaḥpra(pa)vitrikrit 1. 9, -charitah-prati- 1. 22 and yasyah-pit= 1. 42; and jihvāmüliya is used in bhatōrah-kavāṭ 1. 23, and amaradhanuh-khanda 1. 28.
The language of the inscription is Sanskrit. The composition is partly in prose and partly in verse, and is, on the whole, grammatically correct. The following phonetic features are noteworthy. The voiceless stops are represented as voiced in the intervocalic position in the following words antaradma for antarātmā 1. 12, adma-köpö for atma-kōpo 1. 30, Nilayantha for Nilakantha 1. 19, and abaharakaḥ for apahārakaḥ 1. 56. This may be due to the influence of the Tamil pronunciation, since the record comes from the Tamil parts. The assimilated speech-form Kanchiyabba Kanchiyamba is met with in 1. 14. An epenthetic vowel -i- is found in Saka-varishësh atiteshu 1. 50. The consonant after r is usually lengthened, ef. chaturddanta 1. 7, Harivarmma- 1. 8, durddanta-vimardda 1. 16, sastr-arttha 1. 21, kirtliḥ 1. 27 and märgga 1. 33. From these instances it can be seen that this phenomenon occurs both when the vowel preceding r is short
1 From the diary of Dr. B. Ch. Chhabra.
* The Kannada speech-form Kañckiyabbe is found in E. C., X, Kl. Mb. 80.

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SALEM PLATES OF GANGA SRIPURUSHA: SAKA 693
and when it is long. It is yet to be investigated whether this feature has anything to do with accent and why it is met with in some speech-forms and not in others. The following instances, however, show the consonant after r to be short or single: ratn-ārka l. 26, and nṛipatir-babhüva 1. 39.
147
The inscription belongs to the time of the Western Ganga king Śrīpurusha. A good number of inscriptions, on stone and copper, of the time of this king, varying in dates from the beginning to the end of his long reign, have been discovered and published, specially in the volumes of the Epigraphia Carnatica and the Annual Report of the Archaeological Survey of Mysore. The genealogy of the Ganga kings given in the present record, from Konganivarma-Dharma-Mahadhiraja up to Śrīpurusha, is already known from published records. No fresh historical facts, either with reference to the earlier members of the family or with reference to the king Sripurusha, come to light in this record. Duggamara is mentioned in 11. 44-5, and, from the expression putrāya Duggamārāya in 1. 48, there can be no doubt that this Duggamara was no other than one of Śrīpurusha's sons of that name. We learn from two stone inscriptions from Mulbagal in the Kolar District of the Mysore State that this Duggamara was governing Kuvaļāla-nāḍu 300 and Ganga 6000 under his father
The wife of Duggamara was Kañchiyabba who is described in ll. 44-6. She was to him as Padma was to Nārāyaṇa, Gauri to Pinākin, etc. One of the two Mulbagal inscriptions3 referred to above states that Kanchiyabbe, wife of Duggamara, was governing Agali. The importance of the present record lies in the fact that it gives in II. 38-44 the pedigree of this Kanchiyabba for three generations, starting from king Nannappa, who had a son Sivaraja, whose son was Govindaraja. Govindaraja's wife was Vinayavati whose father was king Vikramaditya, 'lord of the four directions'. To Govindaraja and Vinayavati was born Indaraja, and Indaraja's elder sister was Kañchiyabba, consort of Duggamāra. The way in which these princes are mentioned shows that they belonged to a royal family. In the present state of our knowledge it is indeed difficult to identify them. The names Nannappa, Govinda and Indaraja are, however, reminiscent of similar names in the Rashtrakuta dynasty." But we do not know of any Nannappa who lived towards the end of the 7th or the beginning of the 8th century A. D. with whose family the Western Gangas had to do anything either matrimonially or politically.
1 Cf. Spurious Islampur plates of Vijayaditya; above, Vol. XII, pp. 50-3; Devarahalli plates of Sripurusha E. C., IV, Ng. 85.
2 E. C., X, Kl. Mb. 80 and 255.
3 E. C., X, Kl. Mb. 80.
4 The Daulatabad plates of Sankaragana (above, Vol. IX, p. 197) inform us that the paternal uncle of (Dhruva-) Nirupama was Nanna, brother of Krishnaraja (I) and son of Kakkarāja (I). Sankaraganarāja is mentioned therein as the son of Nanna. The Tiwarkhed and Multai plates (above, Vol. XI, p. 279; Ind. Ant., Vol. XVIII, p. 234) also mention a certain Nannarāja, whose father was Svamikarāja, grandfather Govindaraja and great-grandfather Durgaraja.
5 End of the 7th or the beginning of the 8th century A. D. is the period to which Nannappa of our inscription can be assigned, as his great-granddaughter Kañchiyabba lived in A. D. 771, the date of the record. The Daulata. bad plates referred to in the previous footnote are dated in Saka 715 or A. D. 793 and so the Nanna mentioned therein will be too late for the Nannappa of our record. Similarly Nannaraja of the Tiwarkhed plates dated in Saka 553 or A. D. 631 will be too early. The date of the Multai plates, viz., Šaka 631 or A. D. 709-10, however, agrees with the period to which we have assigned Nannappa of our inscription. The Multai plates have been considered to be not genuine (Altekar, Rashtrakutas, p. 7). If we assume that the date supplied by the Multai plates is genuine, then the Nannaräja mentioned therein can be identified with Nannappa of our record, since there is no difficulty about the period of the two names. This identification can gain further support from the fact that the name Govindaraja, grandfather of Nannaraja of the Multai plates, is repeated in our inscription in the name of the grandson of Nannappa. But, so far, we have not come across any reference about the Western Gangas coming in contact with the Rashtrakuta family situated so far in the north as Multai in the Central Provinces and, in view of this, it becomes difficult to uphold the above identification.

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As noted above, Govindaraja bad married Vinayavati, whose father, Vikramāditya, is described in II. 42-3 as chatur-ddiy-adhipa 'lord of the four directions'. This suggests that Vikramāditya was a powerful king. And the only renowned king of this name at that period, that is to say, about the middlo of the 8th century A. D., could be Vikramaditya II of the Western Chalukyas of Bādāmi, whose reigu is placed between A. D. 733-34 and A. D. 746-47.1 It is, therefore, plausible to identify Vinayavati's father with Vikramaditya II.
The object of the inscription is to register some gifts of land near the village Komāramangala in the Pudukanda vishaya to one Nilakantha, the youngest of the five sons of Nilakantha of the Harita yötra and the Pravachana charaña.
It is not clear who the donor of the grant was. The reading vijñāpitūya putrāya Duygamirāya, etc., in II. 47-8, has to be construed with Sripurusha-prathana-nämdheyena Prithuvi-konganimahārījena in II. 37-8. The engraver seems to have omitted something here and hence the difficulty about the anvuya. We may, however, interpret the whole passage as follows: At the request of his queen kañchiyabba, Duggamara obtained the grant from his father Sripurushu and in turn made it over to a Brahmana. The name of this Brāhmana and the details of the grant have been given subsequently in the text. The grant seems to have been made for the benefit of Kañchiyabba's btother Indarija, whose death is referred to just before the grant-portion is the text.
The date of the inscription is given in II. 50-1 as Saka 693, Chantra(Bhadra)pada Sukla 2, Uttara-Phalguni nakshatra, Sukravüra, which regularly corresponds to Friday, 16th August A. D. 771, when the nakshatra was Uttara-Phalguni. The way in which the number 93 is expressed, viz., navati-tri-samvatsara is not correct Sanskrit. It may, however, be due to the influence of the Dravidian style.
As regards the places mentioned in the record, the village Komāramangala is to be identified with Komaramangalam in the Tiruchengole taluk of the Salem District. It lies at a distance of about 30 miles from Salom where the plates were found. The List of Villages in the Madras Presidency gives a number of places in the Salem District, which go by the name of Pudur. One of them may be identified with the Pudukanda of the inscription."
TEXT"
First Plate 1 Om Svasti jitam=bhagavatā gatu-ghana-gagan-abhēna Padmanabhīna [l*) Śrimat-Jāhua
vēya -kul-amala-vyo2 m-avabhasana-bhāskara-sva-khadg-aika-prahāra-khandita-naha-sila-stumbha-labdha-bala
parākra3 mo dāruņ-āri-yana-vidāran-Ōpalabdha-vrana-vibhūshana-bhūshitaḥ Kārvāyana-sagotrah
Srimat-ko4 nyanivarmma-dharmma-mahādhirājah? tusya putraḥ pitur=anvāgata-guna-yuktū vidyā.
vinaya-vihita5 vřittaḥ samyak-prajā-pălana-mātr-adhiyati-rājya-prayõjano vidvat-kavi-kāñchaua-ni
kashi-o
* Bom. Gaz., Vol. I, pt. ii, Chart opposite p. 336. *I am obliged to Mr. N. Lakshminarayan Rao, for his kind suggestions in connection with this article. . From the original plates and inkod estampages. Expressed by a symbol.
Road: Srimaj-Jahnaveya-. . • Bottor read : -bhaskarab vaPero sandhi has not been observed.

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SALEM PLATES OF GANGA SRIPURUSHA: SAKA 693
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Page #211

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No. 25]
SALEM PLATES OF GANGA SRIPURUSHA: SAKA 693 6 pala-bhūtō nītiśāstrasya vaktpi-prayöktri-kušalo Dattaka-sūtra-vșittch-prapētā Ariman
Madhava7 mahādhirajah tat-putraḥ pitri-paitānnaha-guna-yukto-učka-cbaturddanta-yuddh-īvāpta
chatur-udadhi-sa
Second Plate; First Side 8 lil-āsvādita-yasū[h*2] śrīmad-Dharivaruma-mahādhirajah' tat-putro dvija-guru-divatā
pūjana-paro Nārāyaṇa9 charan-anudhyāyaḥo sriman Vishnugopa-mabādhirajah tat-putrah! Tryambaka-charan
ambhõruha-rajah=pra(pa)vitrikrit-otta10 māngah sya-bhuja-bala-purakrama-kraya-krita-rajyah Kaliyuga-bula-paik-ävasanna
dharmma-vřish-oddharana-ni11 tya-sannaddhah srimau-Madhava-mahā hirājaḥ! tat-putraḥ śrīmat-Kalamba-kula-gagana
yabhastimālinah Krishna12 varmma-mahādhirājasya priya-bhāginėyo vidyā-vinay-ātisuya-puripūrit-āntarādlmästma)
niravagraha-pra13 dhāna-sauryyö vidvatsu prathama-yanyaḥ śrīmān-Kongani-mahādhirajah. Avinita-nāmā
tat-putro vijțimbha14 māna-sakti-trayah Andari-y-A[la*Jttūr-pPorulare Peluagar-ūdy-anēka-samara-mukhamakha-huta-prahata
Second Plate ; Second side 15 sūra-purusha-pas-ūpahāra-viyhasa-vihastikrita-kritānt-Agni-mukhah Kirātīrjunīya-pañ
chadas16 ssu(sa)ryga-tikākāro Durvvinita-nāmalh@yah' tanya putro dar dauta-vimardda-vim
ridita-[vi]śvambhar-ādhipa-mõ(mau)17 li-mālā-makaranda-puñja-piñjarikriyamāņa-charana-yugala-naļino. Mushkara-hämadhiyah
tu18 nya putras-chaturdasa-vidyāsthan-adhiyata-vimalu-matiḥ visoshato-navasoshasya nīti19 füstrasyn vaktri-prayöktri-kušalo ripu-timira-nikura-nirākaran-Ōdaya-bhaskaruh Srivik
ruma-prathi20 tu-dāmadheyah tasyu putrah anēka-sa maraf-sampūditu-vijrinbhita-dvirada-radana
kulis-abhighāta21 vrana-satirurū) !ha-bhāsvad-vijaya-lakshana-lakshikrita-viśāla-vaksha-sthalaḥ samadhiyata-sukula-śāstr-ürttha
Third Plate; First Side 22 tatvattva)s-sumaridhitat-trivarygo n iravadya-charituh-prati-divasam abhivarddha
mana-prabhivo Bhūvikrama-nama
Here sandhi has not been observed.
* There are faint traces of two dots after sū which are perhaps intended for the visarga. In that case we may take it that the engraver bimself discovered the wrong omission of the risarga and subsequently supplied it by inserting the two dots.
* The more familiar form is unudhyātuh. . Better read : -charana-nalina-yugalo.
Tho letter ma is engraved over at erasure. The unission of vixuryu here in in nosordu noe with the vårbliku : bhur-pure sori v viduryu-löpö va klavyen

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150 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXVII 23 dhiyahupi cha Nănā-hēti-prahāra-pravighatita-bhat-orak--kavāt-otti(tthi)t-āsrik(g)-dhār
āsvāda-pramatta24 dvipa-sata-charaņa-kshöda-sammardda-bhimē [l*) sa(sam)grāmē Pallav-ondran=narapatim=
ajayad=yö Viland-ābhidhānē 25 rājā Srivallabh-akhyas=samara-sata-jay-āvāpta-lakshmi-vilāsaḥ [l*] Tasy=inujo nata
narēndra-ki26 rița-koti-ratn-arka-didhiti-viräjita-pada-padmaḥ [l*) lakshmyā svayari vpita-pa[ti*]r=
nNavakāma-nāmā sishta-priyo27 ri-gana-dāruna-gīta kirttiḥ [*] tasya Konyani-mahārājasya Sivamāra(r-ā)para-nama
dhęyasya pautraḥ sa28 mavanata-sumasta-sūmanta-makuța-tata-ghatita-bahala-ratna-vilasad-amara dhanuh
khanda-mandita-chara
na
Snap
Thirl Plate ; Second Side 29 na-nakha-mandalo Nārāyana-charana-nihita-bhakti[h*] sūrapurusha-turaga-varavāraņa
ghatā-sainghatta-da30 ruņa-samara-sirasi nihit-ādmatma)-kopo Bhimakāpaḥ prakața-rati-samaya-samanuvar
ttana-chaturd-yuvati-ja31 na-lau(lo)ka-dhürtto Lõkadhürttaḥ sudurddhar-ānēka-yuddha-mūdhni(rdhni)labdha
vijaya-sampad=ahita-gajaghatā-ke32 sari Rājakësari api cha Yo Gang-anvaya-nirmmal-ambara-tala-vyābhāsa[na*-prõllasan
māda(rtta)ndõ=ri-bha33. yankaraḥ subhakaras=san-märgga-rakshākaraḥ [l*) saurājyam samupētya rāja-samito(au)
rä ja*]n=guņair=uttamai rājā Śrīpuru34 shas-chiram vijayatē rājanya-chūdāmaņi[h|l*] Kāmō rāmāsu chāpē Dasarata(tha)tana
yo vikramē Jāmadagnyaḥ 35 prājy-aišvaryyo-r* Balārir=bahu-mahasi Ravis-cha prabhutvē Dhanēsaḥ [l*] bhūyo.
vikhyāta-sakti® sphuţatara
va
Fourth Plate; First Side 36 m-akhila-prāņa-bhājā Vidhātă dhātrā sțishtaḥ prajānām patir=iti kavayo yam pra
samsanti nityam(tyam) [I1*] tēna pra37 tidina pravrirtta(tta)-mahādāna-janita-punyāha-ghosha-mukharita-mandir-odarēņa Sri
purusha-prathama-na38 madhēyēna Prithuvi-kongaņi-mahārājēna Purā paritrāna-subsit-prajānām 'sakti-tră
(tra)y-abhyuchcha
1 Here sandhi has not been observed.
The sign of jihamiliya resembles the form of sh.
Here the ongraver seems to have first proceeded to carve the next letter ya, since the trace of the first part of ya can be seen in the place of ma.
This is superfluous. . Read : Ravitcha. . See note 6 on p. 149.

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SALEM PLATES OF GANGA SRIPURUSHA: SAKA 693
0,b.
MRI SERIE 1911 jaama
5. ☺
Seal: From Photograph
SCALE: THREE-FOURTHS
SURVEY OF INDIA. CALCUTTA
B. CH. CHHABRA. Reg. No. 3977 E'36 - 515'48.

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No. 25) SALEM PLATES OF GANGA SRIPURUSHA: SAKA 693
151 39 ya-nirjjit-arih [l*] Suddhair-yyasõbhir=vvidit-ādi-rājö Nannappa-nāmā nsipatir=babhūva
[l*] Lē[bhē] sa 40 putram Sivarājam=ārjau(jau) sva-khadga-vitrāsita-satru-sainya [1] siv-opasampada
natah-prajānāni anvartthatām 41 yanya jagama nama [*] Babhūva Govinda-samīna-kintir=gGovindarajas tanayas:
tadiyah [i*) samam guņā yasya 42 sasi(si)-prakāsāh manātisy-akarshat-suhridãri dvishin-cha [*] Dēvi Vinayavaty
asīt tasya yasyāh-pit abhavat [I*) cha
Fourth Plate ; Second Side 43 tur-ddig-adhipa[h*] Sriman Vikramaditya-bhūpatih [11] Sushuvi si sati vitum' Indari
jam yaśasvini vāpēna? sadrisan-ne 44 shu(su)r-yyasya samyatsu satravah [*] Agrajā tasya jātyasya Kanchiyabbambujā
nanā [l*] dēvi dēva-sama(ma)sy asīt(d) Duggama45 rasya bhūbhřitah [!] Yau dampati samālökya janas-sandsishțavan-iva [l*) Sa(sa)chi
Va(Ba)ladvishor=yyōgan ta[thi*] Gauri-Pinäkinõ[h *] !? Sa Ganga-kula-chandrasya tasya vaksḥā-vihāriņi [*] Padmi Nārāyaṇasyaēva babhūya
parama-priyā [ll* ] Gate= 47 tha kālē kasminkchit(d) Indarājö divan yayau (I*] didrikshaymēva lökānām ajji(arjji)
tānāṁ sva-karmmabhiḥ (ll*] Vijñāpi48 tāya putrāya Duggamärāya dhimatē [l*] dattam brāhmaṇassā(sā)d =dēvyā tav=ēti kriyatām=
iti [l*) Harita-go49 trasya Nilakanda(ntha)-nãmadhēyasya Prāvachana-charaṇasya tat-putrāņām pañchānām
tat-kanishta(shtha)-Nilaga(ka)ntha
Fifth Plate; First Side 50 sarmmaņē shach-chha(t-ba)tēshu navati-tri-samvatsara-Saka-varishē(rshe)shv=atītēshu
Chandra(Bhādra)pada-sukla-pakshē dvitīyāyām tithau Uttara51 Phalguñi(ni)-nakshatrē Sukla(kra)-vārē Sukl(kr)-oday? Pudukanda-nāmadheya-vishaye
Komāramangala-nā(grā)masya pūrvvasyān-di52 si tatākasy-ādhastāt khanduka-dvayam vrihi-kshetram tathā paschima-tațākasy-adhastāt
khanduka-dvayan vri(vri)hi-kshe53 tram kramuka-kadalināt yögyari khandaka-dvayari kshētram priyangu-syāmāka-yogyam
irddha-kara-parimi5t mari sa-griham sarvva-parvva-parihār-opēta-kshētrani dattar [] PA(Phila-ksishta
(htar) mahin dadyat-sa-vījām samyamā(sya-silinim (1") yavat=sū. 55 ryya-krita lõka(kās)tāvat=svarggē mahiyata Ill*] Sva-dattām para-dattām vā yö harēta
vasundhara[m [*] shashthini(shtiri)-varsha-sahasrani vishtha56 yām jāyatë krimih [*] Vindhy-ātavishv-atāyāsn sushka-kõțara-vīsinaḥ [1] kțishn
ahi(ha)yo-bhijāyantē brahmadēy-āba(pa)hāra kaskah
This gives no sense. The correct rearling might be viram Botter read : vitena.

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152
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[ Vol. XXVII
Fifth Plate ; Second Side 57 Sarvva-kal-adhara-bhūta-chitrakal-abhijñēna Gurusishyēņ=ēdam
sāsanam
likhitam
TRANSLATION (For the translation of II. 1-37, see above, Vol. XII, pp. 53-5, where the text is practically the same as that given in our inscription.)
(LI. 38-9) Formerly there was a king Nannappa by name, (who was) well known for (his) faultless victory, a refuge to the friendly subjects and a conqueror of the enemy by the threefold power.
(LI. 39-41) He obtained a son called Sivarāja who, hy his own sword, had caused to tremble the army of the enemies and who, by the act of promoting the welfare (siva) of his subjects, had justified the significance of his name (Sivarāja).
(LI. 41-3) To him was born a son called Govinda whose splendour equalled that of Govinda (i.e. the God Vishnu) and whose qualities, shining like the moon, attracted the minds of the friends and the enemies alike. His queen was Vinayavati whose father was the illustrious king Vikramaditya, lord of the four quarters.
(Ll. 43-4) That illustrious lady Vinayavati) gave birth to the brave Indaraja whose enemies disappeared in the battle like (or, with the speed of) the wind.
(II. 14-6) His (Indarāja's) own elder sister Kañchiyabbá, of the lotus-like face, became the queen of king Duggamára, who was like a god. When people saw this couple, it was as if they saw the union of Sachi and Indra as also of Gauri and Pimäkin. She, captivating the heart of him who was a moon to the Ganga family, became dear to him, like Padma to Nārāyaṇa.
(LI. 46-7) Thus, after the lapse of some time, Indaraja went to heaven, as if desirous of seeing the worlds (punya-lokas) obtained by his own (good) deeds.
(LI. 47-8) (By Śrīpurusha mahārāja the grant was made) to (his) son the learned Duggamāra (who had been requested by (his) queen (and who in turn) gave the grant to the possession of the Brāhmaṇa (requesting him) to make (the grant) his own (property).
(LI. 48-51) (The grant was made to) Nilakanthasarman, the youngest of the five sons of Nilakantha of the Harita götra and the Privachana charana when siz-hundreil and ninety-three years of Saka era bad elapsed, on the 2nd tithi of the bright half of Bhadrapada, when the nakshatra was Uttara-Phalguni, on Friday, at the time of the appearance of the (planet) Sukra (ie. Venus). : (Ll. 51-4) (Details of the grant) : To the east of the village Komāramangala (situated) in the Pudukanda vishaya, below the tank, rice-field (on which) two khandukas (can be sown); likewise, below the western tank, rice-field (on which) two khandukas (can be sown); land suitable for betelnut trees and plantain trees, (on which) two khandukas (can be sown); and land measuring half kara (a measure ?), suitable for (sowing) pepper and synika (a kind of corn), was given, with a house free from all impostę (taxes).
(LI. 54-6) Customary imprecatory verses.
(L. 57) The inscription was written by Gurusishya, an expert in fine arts, the basis of all arts.
Namely prabhu-, mantra- and utsäha-saklis.

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No. 26 ] SRINAGAR INSCRIPTION OF QUEEN DIDDA
153 No. 26-SRINAGAR INSCRIPTION OF QUEEN DIDDA
(1 Plate)
KEDAR NATH SASTRI, SARNATH This inscription is engraved on a stone slab (10" X89") which was discovered in a private house in Srinagar, Kashmir, and was later presented by Dr. G. W. Leitner to the Central Museum, Lahore, where it is now preserved. It has already been noticed by Dr. J. Ph. Vogel, and briefly described by Rai Bahadur Daya Ram Sahni. The script is Sarada and the language Sanskrit. It is dated in the year 68, obviously of the Laukika era (corresponding to A.D. 992), in the bright fortnight of the month of Suchi (Jyēshtha or Ashādha) in the reign of queen Diddā of Kashmir. The year falls within her reign as recorded in the Rājatarangini and testifies to the correctness of Kalhana's chronology. The top and bottom portions of the slab are broken and a good deal of the inscription has been lost, both at the beginning and at the end, including the benedictory stanzas, the genealogy of the donor, as well as the dedicatory portion recording the purpose of the epigraph. Due to a lateral fracture in the slab along its left edge, the opening letters of seven lower lines have progressively suffered damage.
The record consists of ten lines comprising three verses, two of which are almost complete while the third is only partly preserved. The average size of the letters is about 1'xt".
As regards orthography, it may be observed that the letters m and s are very much alike except that the vertical vowel stroke in the latter is slightly elongated downwards. Similarly, the difference between v and dh is not very marked except that the bulge in the latter is more pronounced and a little longer. The confounding letters can be made out more with the help of the context than from their forms. In line 3 upadhminiya has been used for visarga and is superposed on the following letter pu. Generally, the composition is free from ungrammatical forms and mistakes in prosody, save for one or two minor flaws.
The first verse mentions that a certain lady, whose name is not traceable in the text, gave birth to a son, named Dharmāka lovely as Madana (lit. bearing the stamp of Madana),' and a great benefactor of cows. The second describes Dharmańka as a devoted son who gladdened his mother as Kärttikëya, Ganapati, Aditya and Krishna gladdened theirs, by charitable diggings (of wells, tanks, etc.), which made the Lord of gods and the people rejoice. The third verse, though incomplete, is more important as it records the date. It informs that in the bright fortnight of the month of Suchi, in the year 68 of the Laukika era, corresponding to A.D. 992, in the reign of queen Diddä, he (Dharmanka) honoured his mother with utmost devo. tion (by dedicating some charitable work to perpetuate her memory).
It seems rather queer, that in this inscription, as in another of her reign now preserved in the Sri Pratap Museum, Srinagar, Diddā should have been eulogised by the masculine epithet of rājan (king) instead of rājfli (queen) which was her due. It may be observed in this connection that she was an energetic and powerful queen who ruled over the destinies of Kashmir for nearly half a century. She was the daughter of Simharāja of Lohara, and a grand-daughter from maternal
1 Antiquities of Chamba State, Pt. I, p. 258, Appendix.
• Annual Progress Report Archl. Survey, Hindu de Buddhist Monuments, N.C., Lahore, for 1918-19, p. 20, and Appendix C, no. 9.
I take Madananka to be an adjective and not the name of the son which is obviously Dharmāöka as given in the second verse.
• In the inscription preserved in the Sri Pratap Museum, Srinagar, she is styled as Didda-döva instead of Diddā dēvi.
* [The Kakatiya queen Rudramba of Warangal was similarly called Radradova-Maharaja in her opigraphs. -- C.R.K.) XVI-1-20

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXVII
side of king Bhimadēva of the well-known Shāhi dynasty of Gāndhāra. By virtue of her ancestry she had inherited the valour, statesmanship and other characteristics of the two houses. During the lifetime of her weak and effeminate husband, Kshēmagupta, she was the virtual head of the State and wielded sovereign powers. On the coins of Kshēmagupta the letter Di is prefixed to the name of the king, meaning Diddi-Kshēma, which became the nickname of the king, casting reflections on his political impotency as against his all-powerful queen who acted for him and ruled like the real king. No wonder then, if, on account of her valour, political astuteness and masculine traits, she was styled by people as king Diddă in the lifetime of her husband and during the period when she acted as regent first for her son Abhimanyu and, after his death, for her grandsons. Probably this appellation became favourite with her and she preferred to be styled by it when she became the de facto independent monarch and ruled the State in her name for 23 years (A.D.9801003).
Dharmárka, the donor of the record, does not seem to be a prominent personality of the time, as he is nowhere mentioned in the Rājatarangiņi. The chronicle, however, mentions one Diarmärka, who was an official under Tunga, the well-known Prime Minister of the queen and her successor Sangramarāja.
I acknowledge with grateful thanks the emendations kindly made in the article and the text by Rao Bahadur O.R. Krishnamacharlu and Dr. B. Ch. Chhabra. Without their guidance, it would not have been possible for me to bring out the article in its present form.
TEXT [Metres :-V. 1 Mölini ;, vv. 2 and 3, Sārdülavikridita.] I sparfistered at [star tante[ra]"[or] 2 ferretera ( dari afure aurat [1]3 जनं पौरुषाणां समजनि मदनाङ्करपुत्ररत्नं च 4 []RIT: 811]* mht sfere 41 ore farveft 1 5 [जाह्नवीम्भास्वानप्यदितिं यथा नरकभिद्देवो यथा 6 [a][1 ] sewidfa afargarantera - 7 [-]matatapaafar FH HECH T 8 [F] ga: [R11*] reta femratarata[fa] }
9 [मासस्य] पक्षे सिते विद्दानामनि राज्ञि भाव10 UU - -[07]
R UTHA: HRT o ferataifa -UUU - - - - U- [1120*] 1 Kahēmagupta was on the throne from A.D. 950 to A.D. 958.
• Didda acted as regent for her son Abhimanyu and, after his death, for her grandsons from A.D. 958 to A.D.980.
It would be interesting to find out from the Dharmasastras if the practice of calling the ruling queens by the masculino epithet of rajan or dēva had a religious sanction behind it. This remark has been prompted by the fact that the Kakatiya queen Rudrambi of Warangal was also called Rudradeva-Maharaja in her epigraphe, as observed by Rao Bahadur Krishnamacharlu in a note above.
• From the original stone and ink-impressions,

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No. 27 ] NOTE ON EIGHT INSCRIPTIONS OF KADAVA CHIEFS
155 TRANSLATION (Verse 1)-(The lady) who gave birth to a worthy son, lovely as Kämadēva, who, with wellmanifested fatherly love, was a great benefactor of all the cows (coming from far off lands; (and who was) an abode of manly acts which bear consummate fruit.
(Verse 2)- Just as Kārttikėya gladdened Gauri, Ganapati the divine Jähnavi, Aditya Aditi, Lord Krishna Dēvaki, even so, her son, Dharmāňka by name, unrivalled in the performance of pious acts, gladdened her by (charitable) diggings (of wells, tanks, etc.) which made the Lord of gods and the people rejoice.
(Verse 3)-(In the year) sixty eight, in the bright fortnight of the month of) Suchi, when king Diddā (was ruling), (Dharmānka) honoured his mother (by dedicating some charitable work to perpetuate her memory).
No. 27-NOTE ON EIGHT INSCRIPTIONS OF KADAVA CHIEFS
V. VENKATASUBBA AYYAR, MADRAS
In his article on the eight inscriptions of Kadavarāya chiefs (above pp. 80 ff.), Mr. K. S. Vaidyanathan attempts to give a connected genealogy of the Kādava chiefs of Kūdal, from Vaļandaņār alias Kādavarāyar who flourished about the time of the Chōļa sovereign Vikrama-chola down to Köpperuñjinga and his supposed three sons: Nīlagangaraiyan, Sõlakon and Vēņāvudaiyan. Though in this attempt he has followed the lead given in the early Reports on South Indian Epigraphy-requiring revision, the genealogy given in the above article is open to controversy. In this connection, it may be pointed out that the editor of the new edition of the Mysore Gazetteer has fallen into a similar error in mentioning the three persona noticed above as sons of KÕpperuñjingadēva. Without going into other details of Mr. Vaidyanathan's article, I shall confine my remarks to two salient points arising out of the subject :
(1) about Kõpperuñjinga's father and
(2) his supposed three sons. Mr. Vaidyanathan agrees with me that Köpperuñjinga's father was Maņavāļapperuma! who is identical with Jiya-Mahipati of the Tripurāntakam record and with Alagiyasiyaņ and Alagiya-Pallavap of other records and that he was the first Kādava chief of the Kūdal family to assert his independence after the battle of Tellāru. He quotes the Vailür records edited by me, but misses the main point that Köpperuñjinga is therein called Alagiyasiyan, as in another record from Tiruvaņņāmalai.? Further, Mr. Vaidyanathan quotes my father Venkayya approvingly for taking Alagiyasiyan' as a name and not as a title.
Since Jiyamahipati's son is also known as Kõpperuñjinga in the Tripurantakam record, both the father and the son must have been known by the same name. I have arrived at the same conclusion from a record of KÕpperuñjinga found at Chidambaram wherein an inscription of Periyadēvar' is referred to, which has been identified and shown to be a record of Kõpperuõjinga.
1 The expression may also mean that the diggings made gods and men rejoice! * Vol. II, part II, p. 1221. * A. R. No. 198 of 1915.
Above, Vol. XXIV, p. 23. -Above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 174-82.
The wording of the inscription is : Sakalabhuvanachch-akkaravatti Šri-Köpperunjingan Sőlapai=Taffàrtilveru sakala parichchinnamun-kondu Solanai-chchiraiy-ittu vaittu Sõnādu-konda Alagiyasiyan.
18. I.I., Vol. VIII, No. 90. * A. R. No. 103 of 1934-35; also 8. I. I., Vol. XII, No. 215. Journal of the University of Madras, Vol. XIII, pp. 98ff.

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[VOL. XXVII
Since the term Periyadēvar is applied in inscriptions, not to a ruling monarch, but only to a previous ruler, it will be clear that there were two chiefs of the name Kõpperuñjingadēva.
Secondly, Mr. Vaidyanathan takes sõlakon as the eldest of the three sons of Kõpperuñjinga, though he does not show him as such in the genealogy above. The full name of this officer is Pillai Arabūrudaiyãn Perumal-Pillai alias Sõlakon. Pillai is here used as a term of endearment and Perumal-pillai is a proper name and should not be construed as the son of Perumā), i.e., chief or prince. It may be noted in this connection that in the inscriptions of Köpperusjinga, he is always referred to as dëvar' only and not as 'Perumal'. There is therefore no justification for taking Sõlakon as the son of Köpperuñjinga. In literature and inscriptions the term pillai along with magan and kumāran is freely used, not in the sense of son' but only as a term of affection and endearment. This term is applied to Bhujabala Siddharasa and Tirukkāļattidēva in records of Kulõttunga-Chola (Nel. Ins. pp. 1406 and 1218), to Rājarāja Sambuvarāya-in a record of VijayaGandagõpāla (No. 302 of 1912), to Gandagõpāla and Pirudigangar in records of Rājarāja III (Nos. 6 of 1893 and 410 of 1923 and 496 of 1902), to Sēliyakönār in a record of Rājēndra-Chēļa III (No. 278 of 1923) and among the Vaishnava teachers, to Lõkáchārya, Tirumalai-Nambi, etc. Such instances are easily multiplied. Even where nam-magan, meaning our son' is applied to Sēmappillai in a record of Rājēndra-Chõla III, Mr. K. A. Nilakanta Sastri has rightly taken it as a term of esteem and not as son' (Colas, Vol. II, p. 207). My strong objections against Mr. Vaidyanathan's interpretation are :
(1) Solakóp is introduced in inscriptions only as 'dēvarmudali', i.e., an officer of the king, (2) this officer hailed from Aragūr whereas Kõpperuñjinga's native place was Kūdal, and (3) this person is nowhere called a Pallava, Kādava, etc., to indicate his relationship with
the Kūdal family. Again, Mr. Vaidyanathan confuses the name Vēņāvudaiyān given to Kādava-Kumāran in the Tiruvannamalai record with that of the younger brother of Sölakon mentioned above. This brother is unifo:mly called in inscriptions as Vēņādudaiyan. This Vēņādudaiyan is not even called a Pillaiyar and if, as assumed by Mr. Vaidyanathan, he was really the son of Peruñjinga and the 'conqueror of Mallai, Mayilai, Kanchi, Dandaka-nādu, Kõval', etc., he would not be introduced in inscriptions merely as the younger brother of Solakön, an officer of Kõpperuñjinga, even in a record of this chief. He is also not called a Pallava or Kadava, and as such, he should not be taken as a son of Köpperuñjinga.
Nor is there any justification for taking Nilagangaraiyan as another son of this chief. On the strength of the title Pillai applied to him, Dr. Hultzsch was inclined to take him as the son of Köpperuñjinga. This interpretation, in the light of later researches, needs modification. Nilsgangaraiyar assumed the surname Bhūpālanodbhava or Puviālappirandān corresponding to Avaniyālappirandān of his master Köpperuñjinga, just as the chiefs Vikramasõla Chēdiyarāyan,
1 The following phrases may be compared in this connection - Pillaiyar Pafiohanadiyapan Nilagangaraiyar kumarargalil Arunagirip-perumal' (A. R. No. 365 of 1919)
and Pillaiyar tirumenikkum kumāragalukkum' (4. R. No. 13 of 1911). 'Nam-pillai Vira-Pandya dövarku yandu'; Piffai Pafichavan Brahmadhiriyar (No. 431 of 1929-30); Pillaiyar Edirilisola Sambu
variyar (No. 176 of 1939-40). . In only one inscription he is called Vēņā[vu]daiyag, 8. 1. I., Vol. VIII, No. 94.
8. 1. 1., Vol. VII, No. 770 and Vol. VIIL, No. 94.
• He is called Pillaiyar in a rooord of Vijaya-Candagöpals and so has he to be taken as the son of VijayaGandagopala slo?
4. R. No. 41 of 1893. • 4. R. No. 349 of 1921 and 285 of 1902.

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No. 28 GOKARNA PLATES OF KADAMBA KAMADEVA: SAKA 1177 157 Alagiyaliyan Sambuvaraya, Kulöttungasola Sambuvarāya," Kulottungasola Vāņakovaraiyar' assumed the appellations of their masters Vikrama-Chola, Alagiya iyan and KulõttungaChoļa respectively. The adoption of the epithet Puviālappirandān by Nilagangaraiyan only shows his subordination to the Kādava chief.
Further, Mr. Vaidyanathan accepts that this Nilagangaraiyar hailed from Āmūr in the Chingleput District, far away from the Kudal of KÕpperuñjinga. He also feels that the epithet Pafchanadivānan applied to this officer is not favourable to his identification, yet he takes him as another son of Kõpperuñjinga, admitting at the same time that Nilagangaraiyar may not be a member of the Kādava family. It will thus be evident that the genealogy given by Mr. Vaidyanathan needs modification.
Finally, I may also point out a few errors that have crept into his article.
(1) The Pallavarāyanpēţtai record of Kõpperuñjinga is not dated in the 26th, but only in the 16th regnal year of the chief. The statement in the Annual Report in this connection has to be corrected.
(2) In No. 439 and 443 of 1921 the title Tribhuvanachakravartin noticed as having been assumed by KÕpperuñjinga has likewise to be corrected into [Sakalabhuvanachakravartin.
(3) The interpretation of No. 514 of 1918 has also to be altered. It was Kõpperuñjinga, and not Sõmēsvara, who built the fortifications along the north bank of the Kävēri.
(4) There is no evidence for taking Rājēndra-Chõļa III as the son of Rājarāja III.
(5) The utmost northern limit of KÕpperuñjinga's dominion is taken as Drākshārāma in the Godavari District. The mere existence of KÕpperuñjinga's inscription at that place does not prove that he had really extended his territory so far north, overthrowing the Telugu-Chödas and the Kakatiyas.
No. 28-GOKARNA PLATES OF KADAMBA KAMADEVA: SAKA 1177
P. B. DESAI, OOTACAMUND This set of copper plates was secured for study during my annual tour in the Bombay Karnatak. in February 1940, through a resident of the place, at Gokarna, North Kanara. It is noticed in the Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy for the year 1939-40. I am editing it here for the first time with the kind permission of the Government Epigraphist for India.
The set consists of four copper-plates, each measuring 81' by 5t', with their rims slightly raised to preserve the writing. All the plates are engraved on both the sides. The writing is in a fair state of preservation except in a few places; e.g., 11. 7-9. LI. 44-45, 54-60 and 67-69 are palimpsest. The plates are numbered at the left top of the ring-hole on the reverse of each plate. They are held together by a circular copper ring measuring about 21" in diameter, which passes through a ring-hole about ' in diameter near the left margirr. The ends of the ring are soldered into the bottom of an oval seal measuring about 21' in length. The seal bears in relief the figure of a couchant bull with a chain and a bell round its neck, facing the proper left. There is no reference to this emblem in the text of the record. The Pallavas of Kāñchi had the figure of a couchant bull on the seals of their copper plates. The Kalachuryas that ruled in Karnataka had the same emblem on the seals of their copper plates. It is referred to in their records as Suvarna-vȚishabha.5
A. R. No. 487 of 1921. * A. R. No. 57 of 1908.
A.R. No. 440 of 1913. • Above, Vol. XXIV, p. 297. . Above, Vol. XV, p. 320.

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[ Vol. XXVII
The alphabet is Kannada of the 13th century and agrees with the general formation of the period. The medial é sign is shown independently above the letter ya in pataye, 1. 1. Attention may be drawn to the cursive form of ma which is used occasionally, e.g., Madhukē švara, 1. 14. A few instances of orthographical peculiarities and faulty spelling may be noticed. Gokarna is written as Gökamrana, ll. 16 and 28. The form Chandā ura of the place-name (1.25) isnoteworthy. La is written for lain kaligaļa, 1. 19; Rādeya is a mistake for Rādhęya l. 20; Imdhyaļavi for Vimdhyā tavi, 1. 78.
The language of 11. 1-12 and 75-80, containing invocation, description of Kāmadēva's genealogy and imprecation, is Sanskrit ; all the remaining lines are in Old Kannada.
A post-script in late characters of about the 17th century is engraved in the space remaining after the end of the main record. It runs from 1. 80 to l. 88 and records in modern Kannada, the grant of several privileges to certain Brāhmaṇas for the worship of the god Mahābaļēśvara, with the alleged authority of the chief Vira-Kāvadēvarasa of the early record.
The object of the record is to register a sarvamanya gift of lands by Kādamba-chakravarti Vira-Kavadēvarasa to āhitāgni Mahēsvara-Bhatta of the Visvāmitra götra and others at the agrahāra village of Mūrür (Il. 24-68). The gift was made in the presence of the god Mahābaļēsvara of Gökarna in the Saka year 1177, the cyclic year being Rākshasa, on Māgha suddha 15, Guruvāra, on the occasion of a lunar eclipse (1l. 26-28). The details of the date regularly correspond to A.D. 1256, January 13, Thursday.
The record happens to be a royal grant and the donor chief Kāmadēva is described with a long string of epithets and titles (11. 12-24), some of which are significant. That the chief, notwithstanding his assumption of the high-sounding title of Chakravartin (1. 23), was only a petty ruler is partly disclosed by the epithet Samadhigatapañchamahāśabda (1. 12), indicative of his subordinate status. The epithets, Banavāsipuravarādhīśvara and Jayanti-Madhukēśvara. dēva-labdha-varaprasāda, in conjunction with Kādamba, prove his connection with the later branches of the Kadamba lineage. The earlier stock of the Kadambas split up subsequently into a number of families that are known to have ruled in the western and southern parts of ancient Karnataka from the 10th century onwards. The better known of these are the Kadambas of Hānagal, of Goa, of Bayalnūd," of Bēlür.. of Bankāpur and of Nāgarakhanda.? But the family to which Kāmadova of the present record belonged, seems to be different from any of those hitherto known. His genealogy as given in this record (11. 7-12) consists of the following three names :
Vira
Taila
Kámadēva A chief named Mahämandalesvara Kamadova, who is called Tailamana-asikakära was a scion of the Hanagal branch of the Kadambas, who governed Banavasi and other districts. The latest date available for him is A.D. 1211.° This precludes the possibility of identifying him with the Kämadēva of the present record. Another Kāmadēva, who is almost contemporaneous
1 Rice : Mysore and Coorg from inscriptions, p. 37. * Bom. Gaz., Vol. I, pt. II, p. 558. • Ibid., p. 564. • Ep. Carn., Vol. IV, Intro. p. 3.
Ibid., Vol. V, Intro. p. iv. * Above, Vol. XIII, p. 169. * Ep. Carn., Vol. VII, Intro. p. 11. • Bom. Gaz., Vol. I, pt. II. p. 563. • Ep. Carn., Vol. VIII, Sb. 59.

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159
with the chief of our record is found associated in administration with Shashthadēva II of the Goa branch. But his parentage and marriage alliance with the Goa chief prove that he was not a Kadamba prince. A few more Kadamba chiefs bearing the name Kämadēva are met with in inscriptions; but the disparity of dates and other details stand in the way of establishing their identity with this chief.
The seal of our record, which is described above, lends additional support to the view that this Kamadēva is not connected with any known families of Kadamba rulers. All the Kadamba families, as a rule, had the emblem of lion depicted on their seals (sinha-lanchhana). None of them, on the contrary, appears to have used the bull-symbol on their seals. This indicates that he belongs to a hitherto unknown line of Kadambas.
A glance at the political condition of the country during this period may help us to understand the circumstances of the rise of the new chiefdom of this Kämadēva in the neighbourhood and at the expense of the already existing two other principalities of Goa and Hänagal in the region of the West Coast. The last quarter of the 12th century witnessed the downfall of the mighty Chalukyas of Kalyāṇa and the growth of the two powes that contended for the mastery of their dominions from the north and the south, viz., the Yadavas of Dēvagiri and the Hoysalas. The Yadavas under their resourceful ruler Singhaņa II overran the territory south of the river Kộishņā as far as the banks of the Kāvēri before A.D. 1237-38.3 The Kadambas of Hänagal who were governing the strategic province of Banavāsi as semi-independent rulers had eventually to submit to the suzerainty of the Yādavas. The Kadambas of Goa also were reduced to the same fate as indicated by the Hara!ahalli record which says that Vichana, the victorious general of Singhana vanquished the Kadambas who were glorious in the Konkana. Taking advantage of this disturbed political situation in the wake of the Yādava invasion, Kamadeva of this record seems to have carved out a small kingdom for himself. It cannot be said when exactly this event took place : but it is clear that it must have happened sometime before A.D. 1256, the date of the present record.
Of the two ancestors in the above genealogy of Kamadeva, the first member appears to be more or less legendary and is reminiscent of the progenitor of the later Kadamba records, who is often described as a warrior and variously styled Jayanta, Trinētra or Mukkanna. The second member, Taila, is a name more than once met with in the Hanagal line and it is probable that he was in some way connected with that branch. This suggestion gains support from one of the titles borne by Kāmadēva, viz., Kadamba-chakravartin, which is found applied to more than one ruler of the Hänagal family.?
An inscription on stone at Kambaļikoppa in the Sagar taluk, Shimoga District, Mysore State, refers to Kādamba-chakravartin Kamadēva, son of Taila of Chandávurá (Kādamba-chakravarti Chandāvurada Tailapadēvana maga).' It is known from the present record that Taila was the father of Kāmadēva and that Chandāura was his capital (11. 10-11 and 24-25). It appears that there were more rulers than one bearing the name Kāmadēva at the time and hence the author of the Kambalikoppa record distinguishes his Kāmadēva with a specific reference to the latter's father and the place from where he hailed, which was probably his capital also. Unfortunately
1 Ind. Ant., Vol. XIV, p. 288. * Bom. Gaz., Vol. I, pt. II, p. 560 and 566; Ep. Carn., Vol. IV, Hg. 75; above, Vol. XIII, p. 170, eto. • J.B.B.R.A.S. Old Series, Vol. XV, p. 384.
Mallidēva who styled himself Kadamba-chakravartin in earlier records uses the subordinate.titlo Mahd mandalībvara in a record of 1231 A.D. (Ep. Carn., Vol. VIII, Sb. 224, 188 and Bom. Gar., Vol. I, pt. II, p. 564.).
. J.B.B.R.A.S. Old Series, Vol. XV, p. 385. • Bom. Gaz., Vol. I, pt. II, p. 566. 7 Ep. Carn., Vol. VIII, Sb. 59, 224 and 439,
Ibid., Sa. 30

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[Vol. XXVII the inscription at Kambaļikoppa bears no date which would have helped to establish his identity; but as other details coincide it is tempting to identify the Kämadēva of our record with that of the Kambaļikoppa inscription.
A rough idea of the extent of the territory under Kāmadēva may be formed from the geographical references occurring in this record. Chandāura, his capital should be identified with the modern Chandāvar, an old town of strategic importance, situated in the Honavar taluk and about five miles south-east of Kumta, North Kanara District. Mūrür, the village granted by the chief is the same as modern Mürür about ten miles north of Kumta, in the Kumta taluk of the same district. As the chief styles himself Lord of the Western Ocean (Paschima-samulrüdhipati), it is likely that he held a strip of land on the west coast. It is possible to conclude from this that Kāmadēva's principality extended over portions of the modern taluks of Kumta and Honavar including the west coast; and, if his identity with the namesake of the Kambalikoppa inscription be correct, over a part of the Shimoga District of the Mysore State.
The Saivite persuasion of Kämadēva is attested by the bull-symbol on his seal, and his epithet Mahāmāhēśvara (1. 13). This in no way conflicts with his devotion to the god Madhukėsvara (1. 14) of Jayanti, i.e., Banavāsi, who was the tutelary deity of the early Kadambas, as well as of the later branches of the family, as evidenced by the epithet, Jayanti-Madhukëśvaralabdha-vara-prasāda. The god worshipped at Banavāsi under the name of Madhukēśvara from early times is Siva in the form of a linga, said to have been installed by Vishnu after his destruction of the demon Madhu or Madhuka. It is clear from this and numerous allusions in inscriptions that the Kadambas, early as well as later, were devotees of Siva. In the light of this, the statement of the late Dr. Fleet that "their family god was Jayanti-Madhukēsvara or Vishnu under the name of Madhukēsvara" requires correction.
The phrase, Hara-Dharani-prasūta-Trilochana-Kadambarum=appa, occurring among the epithets of Kāmadēva needs explanation. The chief is here metaphorically identified with Trilochana-Kadamba, who, according to a legend which gained currency in the later Kadamba records of 11-12th centuries, was the first ancestor of the Kadamba family. This mythological personage is represented to have been born from the union of Siva and Earth in the records of both the branches of the Kadambas, Hānagal and Goa; and there exists little material difference in the accounts of his origin as imagined by Dr. Fleet. This observation is substantiated by the occurrence of the expression Hara-Dharani-prasuta in some records of the Goa branch as well as in those of the Hānagal branch.
TEXT10
First Plate; First Side i Sri-Gaņādhipatayē namaḥ [II] Namaḥ(s)=tunga-siras-chun2 bi-chandra-chämara-chäravē [1] trailökya-nagar-arambha3 mūla-stambhāya Sambhavē || [1*] Sa jayati Ma
1 North Kanara Gazetteer, Pt. II, p. 277. 1 Unless it be a formal title with no particular significance.
Rom. Gaz., Vol. I, pt. II, p. 278, f.n.2. • Mysore and Coorg, p. 26.
Local tradition and sthala-purana. That the god Madhukēbvara of Banavasi is a linga is self-evident to those who have visited the place in person.
• Bom. Gaz., Vol. I, pt. II, p. 660.
Ibid., p. 566. • Ibid. • E.g. above, Vol. XIII, p. 308. 10 From the original plates,

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No. 28
GOKARNA PLATES OF KADAMBA KAMADEVA: SAKA 1177
161
4 havaroho ya(d)-darshtra-koti-Thürita dha5 rani!l*) rajatamaya-darina-mandita-b[a]ha-chla6 tra srivam vahati | [2*] Pratita-nri(ri)pa-santino Vi7 ra-namā barādhipah LI*] Labhūva bhūpati-brātah(vrata). 8 mastakam(ka)-nyasta-sāsanal [3* Tasmāt-Taila-mahipalah 9 pälit-avani-mamdalah [l*] [Sa]d-asad-vritta-sad-yogaḥ 10 pratāpa iva Bhāsvarah || [4*] Tasy=ātmabhūr=abhū
First Plate ; Second Side 11 d-atma-kāya-kārti-jit-ātmabhūh [l*] Kāmadēvaḥ kavi12 stoma-padma-rājīvini-patih || [5*] Svasti samadhigata-pam13 cha-mahā-sabda maha-mahēsvarain Banavă14 si-puravar-adhīśvaram Jayanti-Madu(dhu)kēśvara-de15 vara(va)-labudha-vara-prasadam sahaja-mriga-ma16 d-imõdan Sri-Gökarırņna(karna)-Mahābaļadēvara dibya-sri17 păda-padm-ārādhakaruń parabaļa-sādhakaruń hu18 sivara-śüla nigaļamka-malla chaladaika-Rāma rāya-ga19 mara-davaņi kaligala(!a)-mokhada-kai subhata-chū20 dāmaņi sāhasõttunga satya-Rād(dh)ěya saranāga21 ta-vajra-pamjarar
Second Plate; First Side 22 paschima-samudridhipati Hara-Dharani-pragūta-Trilocha23 na Kadarbarum=appa Srimast*]-tribhuvana-pratäpa Kadamba-cha21 kravartti kaligaļ=amkusam Sri-Vira-Kāvadēvarasaru rajadha25 ni-Chandāuradalu sukha-simhasan-adhirūdharāgi 26 rãiyainam pratipõlisuttav-idda Saka-samvatsarada 1177 no27 ya Rākshasa-samvatsarada Māgha suddha 15 Guruva28 ra Soma-grahaņadalu Sri-Gökanrmna(karņa)-Maha29 balesvaradēvara sannidhiyalli Srimad-anādi-agraha30.rari Mūsūra grāmadolage tamma haravariya bhū31 miva kiragaddeyolage Võtūra Gokandada Viśvāmi32 tra-gotrada Sankarabhatt-thitägnigala makkaļu Ma
Second Plate; Second Side 33 hēsvara bhatt-ahitagnigaļirige Muditinihalasina-gadde go34 rarite-araţi-karda sahita gadde mūde 10 avara 35 tammaridiru Gangadharabhattarimge Mudutini-mun36 dagere Kodali-gadde sahitavāgi müde 10 mattan avara 37 tammamdiru Purushottamabhattara maga Nārāyaṇabhatta38 rige Kappăse-gadde müde 10 Sūgāniya-Maņaliya 39 Bhirggava-zõtrada Kēšava-bhattopadhyāyara maga Vä40 sudiva-bhattopadhyāyarige Horneya-máu(vu) a41 rati-karda Ekkala-gadde Batta-gadde Kāļuva-gadde sahitavägi ga 42 dde müde 12 á gaddeya mēlana tota mane makke 143 rave sahitavigi Võtūra Vasishtha-götrada Eda44 rakuļiya Madrusüdanabhatara maga (Vishnu-bhatto45 pādhyāyarinige Konigāra-gaddeyo[lage] XVI-1-20

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162 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[ Vol. XXVIT Third Plate; First Side 46 dadiga-mūde 3 Kallajjana kadahu-mūde 1 Nāriya-gum47 di-mūde 1 Dala-mābalana kadahu-müde 2 müda48 na heggadde adara mēgana kodamge erada palliyū mū49 de 2 Bamnate müde 2 Mundina-maduva-baļu 50 mūde 1 chikk.-bittuva-kodamge müde 1 adara mēgana 51 tõļa ärave kaibi sahitavägi || Karnvada 52 Argirasa-götrada II)svarana Kattigana makaļu Nä53 rāyana-bhattarimge Bāleyagurdi koli54 kamda kalla-gadde amtu müde 10 ........ 55 [Amgirasa-gõtrada mūdako]..... 56 [bhārata madidalli]
Third Plate ; Second Side
...........(palimpsest) 58 Sri-Vira-Kāvadēvarasaru....................(palimsest)
............(palimpsest) 60 ........amtu āļu] manusya Brāhmaṇaringū 61 gadde müde 69 a bhūmige banda tota 62 ärave kambi mane sahitavāgi ā Mūrā: 63 ra grāmānumatadimda ā āļu manusyarimgur 64 vrirtti(vritti)gaļanu nidhi nikshēpa sahitavägi siddha65 ya ye(o)sage kāņike bēdumgoļu akara sarvva66 bädhā-parihi(hội)tavāgi sarvvanamasyavägi ā ā[1]u
Fourth Plate; First Side 67 manusyarimgū Śri-Vira-Kāvadēvarasaru hiram68 nyodaka-dhārāpūrvvakavāgi kotaru im69 ti dharmmava āvanú obba pratipāļisidavaru 70 Sri-Gamge Väraņāsi Sētu Kurukshētra Sri-Gökam71 rnna(karna) Gae(ye) Prayāge erba punya-kshetramga[lo*lļu graha72 na samkramana bya(vya)tipātav-emba pumnya-kālamgala73 lu sāvira Vēda-pāragar-appa Brāmbanargge sāvira 74 kavileya alamkāra dakshine sahitavägi dā75 navam kotta palpha)larga!-aku(akkum) || Sva-dattām para-dattām vā(va) 76 yo harēta vasumdharām [l] shashtim rvva(va)shsha(rsha)-saha77 srāņi vittāyām (shthāyām) jāyatë krimi[h*1 || [6*]
Fourth Plate ; Second Side 78 I(Vi)ṁdhy-atavisu(shv)=atöyāsu sukha(shka)-kötara79 vāsinaḥ [1] krisņa(kļishna)-sapprā(sarppa) hi jāyamtē 80 Brāhmaṇa-drab(v)ya-hărinah (7*'Bhargava-gotrada81 vamge trikāladalu Sri-Mahābalesvaradevara mahāpūje82 )=agramaryä[de] (Vilévāmitra-gótradavamge sarvake[la]sadalu svatha(ta)83 mtranägi Gāvakārike-Bijāra-maryāde Vasif shtha-gotradavamge pamchi84 mga-maryāde Aritgirasa-gõtradavamge pathaka-maryādegalanu 85 .. Sri-Mahābaļēsvaradēvara samnidhiya Brāhmaṇarimguun māmu86 linamte Sri-Vira-Kivadēvarasaru achandrārkavägi Mūlūra 87 grāmānumatadindārājaru kottaru sarva-karyamgaļalu yaluva88 ru pratepāļisivaru rāja-mudrā-sahita tāmbra-sādana kottaru (lI*]
The remaining lines from here are inscribed in late and indifferent characters and faulty language.

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No. 29] SAUGOR STONE INSCRIPTION OF SANKARAGANA
163 ABSTRACT OF CONTENTS Lines 1-6 Invocation to Ganapati, Siva and Mahāvarāha.
L1.6-12 In the renowned line of rulers was born a king named Vira, who established his command on the heads of multitude of kings. To him was born king Taila, who protected the earth. Kamadēva is his son, who surpasses in form the mind-born (God of Love) and is the sun to the lotuses in the form of poets.
L1.12-69 The illustrious Kādarba-chakravarti Sri-Vira-Kāvadēvarasa, while he was protecting the kingdom, seated on the throne in happiness at his capital Chandāura endowed (on the specified date), in the presence of the god Sri-Gökarna Mahabaliśvara, lands as naruamanya in the agrahāra village of Müfür, wet land, müde 10 to Mahesvarabhatta āhitāgni of the Visvāmitra yõtra ; mūde 10 to his brother's son Nārāyaṇabhatta ; mūļe 12 to Vāsudēva Bhattopadhyāya of the Bhargava götra ; müde 10 to Nārāyaṇabhatta of the Amgirasa götra ; etc., in all müde 69 including the garden area and other adjuncts.
L1.69-80 Imprecation.
No. 29-SAUGOR STONE INSCRIPTION OF SANKARAGANA
(1 Plate)
V. V. MIRASHI, AMRAOTI This inscription, though listed in the first edition of R. B. Hiralal's Inscriptions in C. P. ani Berar, published in 1916, was very briefly noticed only in the second edition of that work, published in 1932. It is edited here for the first time from the original stone which I examined in situ and from inked estampages kindly supplied by the Superintendent, Archeological Survey, Central Circle, and by the Government Epigraphist for India.
At Saugor, the chief town of the Saugor District in the Central Provinces, a number of sculptures were collected from the neighbouring places many years ago and built up into small imitation kiosks in the four corners of the garden of the military mess-house. The inscription is incised on a slab of red sandstone fixed on the top of a panel of the same kind of stone which is built into one of these kiosks. In the panel below, the principal figures are those of a man who has folded his hands in salutation, and a woman, probably his wife, who has placed her right hand on the head of a small figure, evidently their daughter, who also stands with folded hands. Behind the male figure appears a horse and behind the latter, another male figure, apparently a groom, holding the reins of the horse.
The record has very much worn away by exposure to weather. It consists of five lines, of which the last one commences in the centre. Several aksharas in the last three lines have become more or less indistinct. The average size of letters is 1". The characters are of the proto-Nagari alphabet, resembling those of the stone inscription at Chhoti Deori. The form of the initial i is. however, different, since the curve below the two dots is here open at the top ; t has not yet developed a vertical at the top; in some cases the letter is laid on its side, see Bhattāraka-, in 1. 2;j still retains its three horizontal bars, see Mahārājādhiraja-, 1.1; p is open at the top, while v which resembles its upper portion, is closed, see pravarddhamāna-, 1. 2; the lower end of the wedge of r is in some cases very much elongated, see Paramēśvara-, 1. 3. These palmographical peculiarities
1 Saugor District Gazetteer, p. 237. 1 See below, p. 171 and plate.

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[Vol. XXVII
indicate that the record probably belongs to the middle of the eighth century A. D. The language is Sanskrit and the record is in prose throughout. The orthography does not call for any special notice.
The inscription opens with an obeisance to Siva. It refers itself to the reign of the Pantmabhattaraka, Mahārājādhirāja, Paramēsvara, the illustrious Sankaraganadēva who meditated on the feet of the Paramabhattāraka, Mahārājādhirāja, Paramësvara, the illustrious Vämarājadēva. The object of the inscription is to record some meritorious work (kiri) done by a lady named Krishnadēvi for the religious merit of her mother and father. This appears to have been at temple which, as the opening words show, was probably dedicated to Siva. If this conjecture is correct, the panel with the present inscription at the top may have been originally put up at the temple. The male and female figures in it are evidently intended to represent the father and the mother of the donor who herself is represented by a small female figure between them. She calls herself the wife of the illustrious Déuka who was the son of a king whose name I have doubtfully read as Rāvārya. The latter was born in the family of Kalaireya and was the Emperor of Kasapura (Kāśipura ?).
The inscription contains no date, but as stated above, it may be assigned on palæographic grounds to the middle of the eighth century A. D. It is thus one of the earliest Kalachuri records in C. P. and Berar and is of the same age as the Chhoti Deori inscription which also belongs to the reign of the same Šankaragana. But apart from its age, the chief interest of the present inscription lies in this that it offers for the first time a satisfactory explanation of the expression Vimdēvapād-ūnudnyāta which has till now baffled the attempts of scholars. As stated above, Saúkaragana during whose reign it was put up meditated on the feet of the Paramabhattāraka, Mahārājādhiraja, Paramēr varn, the illustrious Vāmarājadēva. A similar statement occurs in several later Kaiachuri inscriptions in connection with five Kalachuri kings, viz., Kamna, Yaśaḥkarna, Narasirinha, Jayasinha and Vijayasimha,' with only this difference that the name of Vāmarajädēva is shortene tinto Vámadēva. Again, in the records of some feudatory princes of Karkarodi (moderu Kakreri in the Rewah State) the same statement occurs in the description of the contemporary Kalachuri Emperor, with the addition of one more epitbet, viz., Paramamakešvara, which is prefixed to Vámadēva. The statement is again repeated in connection with the Chaudēlla king Trailökyavarman in the Rewah plates of his feudatory Kumarapalavarman. Judging from other records, the expression pūd-anudhyāta should ordinarily indicate immediate succession such as that of a son to his father or of one brother to another. But Vāmadova could not plainly have been the immediate predecessor of all these kings. A similar difficulty had presented itself in connection with some Valabhi records which mentioned that certain kings meditated on the feet of the Paramabhatļāraka, Mahārājādhirāja, Paramēšvara, the illustrious Bappa, but Dr. Fleet who noticed an analogous expression in the records of some other dynasties also, solved it satisfactorily by taking the statement to mean that these kings meditated on the feet of their father.' Such an
1 R. B. Hiralal also called this inscription the oldest Kalachuri record in the Central Provinces), but he re. ferred it to the fourth quarter of the ninth contury A. D., as he thought that the king Sankaragana mentioned in it was identical with the homonymous prince who was the son of Kokalladora (1). Soo his Inscriptions in O.P. and Berar (second ed.), p. 49.
R. B. Hiralal doubtfully real this name as VagharijadFurt. Ibid., p. 49. My personal examination of the record in wit has convinced me that the name is undoubtedly Vámarajaleva.
* The horse and the groom are perhaps intended to indicate that Krishnadēvi's father did not belong to the locality where the panel was put up, but had come from some distant place.
Above, Vols. II, p. 309 and XI, p. 144; Vols. II, p. 5 and XII, p. 213; Iul. Ant. Vol. XVIII, p. 212; above, Vol XXI, p. 95; J. A. S. B., Vol. XXXI, p. 119.
• Ind. Ant., Vol. XVII. pp. 224 ff.
Ibid., Vol. XVII, pp. 230 ff. * Bappa (Bap in Marathi) means father. See C. I. I., Vol. III, pp. 180 ff, n. 1.

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165 explanation is impossible in the present case as Vāmadēva does not denote the sense of any relative, but is apparently a proper name. Scholars have therefore offered several explanations of the expression Vāmadēva-păd-ānudhyāta, some of which are noticed below:
(1) In translating the Khairhā plates of Yaśahkarna, R. B. Hiralal took Vāmadēva to be a name of Siva. Most of the Kalachuri princes were devotees of Siva. The expression Vāmadēva-pād-ānudhyāta could therefore have been used in the sense of meditating on the feet of Siva'. But in all these records Vāmadēva is mentioned with the paramount titles Paramabhattā. raka, Maharajadhirāja and Paramësvara which are not known to have been used elsewhere in connection with the names of gods. It may perhaps be argued that the paramount titles were prefixed to the name of Vamadeva (Siva), because these Kalachuri kings believed that the kingdon belonged to the god and they only administered it on his behalf. There is, however, no evidence of such a belief in any of their inscriptions. Besides, all these records describe the reigning king as Paramamāhësvara, 'a devout worshipper of Siva', which would thus be superfluous. Again, as already stated, Vämadēva himself is called Paramamāhāśvara in the records of the Kakreri princes, which clearly shows that Vamadeva was a devotee of Siva, and not identical with Siva himself.
(2) Dr. Barnett suggests that these princes who are called Vāmadēva were perhaps so noted for their devotion to that deity that in the reign of their successors they were considered to have become a part of that god himself'. This would, in a way, explain the use of paramount titles as well as the epithet Paramamāhësvara in connection with the name Vámadava, but it is doubtful if such a belief was current at the time. Besides, it is unlikely that all these princes were so fervent devotees of Siva that they came to be identified with that god immediately after their death. There is certainly nothing to warrant it in the eulogistio portions of their successors' grants.
(3) It has been recently suggested that Vámadēva was the name of a Saiva ascetic. While editing the Malkäpuram stone pillar inscription of Rudradēva (Rudrāmbā), Mr. J. Ramayya Pantulu first put forward the conjecture that Vāmadēva was identical with the Saiva pontiff Vāmasambhu mentioned in that record: This inscription, which is dated Saka 1183 (A. D. 1261-62), says that Vāmasambhu's feet were caressed by the garlands on the heads of kings and that even now (ady-āpi) the Kalachuri kings are honoured for worshipping his feet. This Vāmasambhu was second in spiritual descent from Sadbhāvasambhu, the founder of the Goļaki matha in the Dāhala country, who obtained the gift of three lakhs of villages from the Kalachuri king Yuvarājadēva. Dr. D. C. Sircar has recently suggested that this Vāmasambhu was the spiritual preceptor of the Kalachuri king Karņa and flourished in the middle of the eleventh century A. D.! The description in the Malkāpuram inscription that even then (i.e., in the middle of the thirteenth century A. D.) the feet of Vămasambhu were worshipped by Kalachuri kings squares with the fact that the expression Vāmadēvi-pād-ānudhyāta occurs in almost all records of the Kalachuris of Tripuri from Karna downwards.
It is, however, doubtful how far the statements in the Malkāpuram inscription about the early Saiva achāryas of the Gõlaki matha can be taken to be correct. The name of Sadbhāvasambhu
1 Above, Vol. XII, p. 216.
* A similar belief is held by the Rāņās of Udaipur and the kings of Travancore. The former believe that the kingdom belongs to the god Ekalingaji and the latter to Padmanābhasvamin.
* H. C. Ray, The Dynastic History of Northern India, Vol. II, p. 776. • J. A. H. R. 8., Vol. IV, pp. 147 ff. "अथ नृपशेखरमालालालितपादोत्र वामशंभुरभूत् । . अद्यापि कलचुरीशा यच्चरणाराधकाः प्रशस्यन्ते ॥ 6 J. A. H. R. S., Vol. IV, p. 157. 71. 4. Q., Vol. XIV, pp. 96 ff.

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does not occur in any record of the time of the Kalachuris, nor is the magnificent gift of practically one third of the Dāhala country mentioned in any of them. Further, it is not stater whether it was Yuvarijadēva I or Yuvarajadeva II who made this gift. Yuvarijadēva I is indeed known to have invited some Saiva ascetics to his country, but he and his queen Nõhala: donated only a few villages to them. If the Saiva pontiffs had obtained such a magnificent gift from the Kalachuri Emperor, they would, in all probability, have mentioned it in their records. As for Yuvarājadēva II, none of his gifts is indeed recorded, but it is certain that the Goļaki matha was founded long before his time, if it was identical with the hypaethral temple at Bherā-Ghāt near Jubbulpur; for the inscriptions on the pedestals of the Yöginis installed in it are in characters of about the beginning of the tenth century A. D., and therefore belong to the reign of Yuvarājadēva I, not to that of Yuvarājadēva II. Again, it is doubtful if Vámasambhu was a contemporary of Karna. The Malkāpuram inscription states that more than a thousand disciples and disciples' disciples of Vámasambhu lived in the. Gõlaki matha and that in that line, in course of time, there was Kirtisambhu, the disciple of Saktisambhu. The tenor of tbe description suggests that Saktiśambhu was separated from Vámasambhu by several generations of Saiva pontiff's. From the Jubbulpur stone inscription of Vimalaśiva, however, which I have recently edited in this journal,' it appears clear that Saktisiva (who is plainly identical with Saktisambhu) was the rājaguru of Gayakarna. He must therefore have been separated from Vāmasambhu or Vämadēva, the supposed rajaguru of Gayākarna's grandfather Karna, by one generation only. Besides, the Malkāpuram inscription does not state why Vāmasambhu was so much venerated by Kalacburi kings. Its statement that even in A. D. 1261 the Kalachuri kings were worshipping Vamasambhu's feet is not supported by what we know of the history of the Kalachuris of Dahula. The last known Kalachuri king of Dahala was Vijayasimha who was ruling in the Kalachuri year® 96(?) (circa 1210 A. D.). Within two or three years afterwards, we find the Chandēlla king Trailokyavarman had annexed his kingdom and the Saiva áchārya too had become bis preceptor. That the petty rulers who held parts of Dāhala continued to acknowledge the suzerainty of the Chandēllas appears plain from the Isvaramaū (Hindaria) inscription, dated V. 1344 (A. D. 1287) which mentions Vāghadēva as a feudatory of Bhõjavarman of Kalañjara 10 It is therefore doubtful if there was any Kalachuri king ruling in Dahala11 in A. D. 1261 who in his records described himself as Vāmadēva-pad-anudhyāta. For
1 In the Skandapurana the Dabala country is said to have contained nine lakhs of villages.
• The Saiva acharya invited by Yuvarājadēva I was named Prabhāvasiva, above, Vols. XXI, p. 149 and XXII, p. 130.
The Saiva acharya to whom Nohali made gifts of villages was Isvarasiva, above, Vol. I, p. 238.
* R. B. Hiralal identified the Gõlaki matha with this temple at Bheri-Ghāt. J. B. 0. R. 8., Vol. XIII, pp. 137-40.
The characters of these inscriptions are much earlier than those of tho Bilhări stone inscription which belongs to the reign of Yuvarājadēva II. See also, Banerji, Haihayas of Tripuri and their Monuments, (M. A. 8. I., No. 23), p. 78. •तस्मिन्मठे तस्य गुरोर्बभूवुश्शिष्याः प्रशिष्याश्च पर[:*]सहस्राः । विनिग्रहीतुं समनुग्रहीतुं
क्षोणीश्वरान्वक्षकटाक्षपातैः ॥ इत्यं काले याति सत्संप्रदाये सन्तान स्मिन्नर्थिसन्तानकल्पे ।
शेवाम्भोधेश्शक्तिशम्भोलंदाराच्छिष्यः श्रीमान् कीर्तिशम्भुर्बभूव ॥ Above, Vol. XXV, p. 312.
• The last figure of the date is illegible. Dr. N. P. Chakravarti has read it as 3. An. Rep. A. 8. 1., 1935-36, pp.89-90.
Above, Vol. XXV, pp. 1 ff. Soe the expression tri-fati(ti)-rajy-adhipati-srimat-Trailokyamalla-pad-a(a)rchchana-ratah' which is incorrect for-Trailökyamall-architapāda) in 1. 12 of the Rowah plates of Trilokyamalladēva, loc. cit., p. 6.
10 Hiralal's Inscriptions in C. P. and Berar (second ed.), p. 56.
u Tho kings of Pahala defeated by the Yadava princes Singhapa and Kamachandra appear to be Chandellas sed not the Kalachuria w I had thought beforo.

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all these reasons I am inclined to look with suspicion on the statements in the Malkāpuram inscription about the early Saiva pontiffs of the Golaki matha. Even if Vāmadova was a Saiva pontiff, the use of imperial titles in connection with him would be difficult to explain, for we have not till now come across a single instance of the assumption of such titles by spiritual teachers.
An insuperable objection to the identification of Vāmadēva with Vāmasambhu is that the former is mentioned with the same imperial titles in the present inscription which is nearly three centuries earlier than the time of Karna whose rājaguru Vāmasambhu is supposed to be. The form Vămarājadēva of his name which occurs here plainly indicates that he was a king and not a Saiva pontiff. In a subsequent record the name Vámarājadēva was probably contracted into Vāmadova which seems to have been copied in all later inscriptions.?
When did this Vämarāja flourish? Though the present inscription states that Sankaragana meditated on his feet, it would be rash to assert that he was his immediate predecessor ; for we find the expression Vāmadēva-pād-ānudhyāta repeated in connection with as many as five other kings. The history of Dāhala or modern Bäghelkhand after the overthrow of the Uchchakalpa and Parivrājaka Mahārājas is enveloped in obscurity. Towards the close of the sixth and in the beginning of the seventh century A. D. the Kalachuris were ruling over an extensive empire comprising Malwa, Gujarat, Konkan and Mahārāshtra from their capital Māhishmati. After the defeat of Buddharāja by Pulakēsin II they seem to have remained for some time in obscurity ;' for we have no information about the successors of Buddharāja. As the Chalukyas and thereafter the Rashtrakūtas were supreme in the south from the seventh century onwards, the Kalachuris seem to have turned their attention to the north where there was no great king to check their advance after the death of Harsha in A. D. 647. Vāmadēva seems to be the founder of this northern Kalachuri power. He overran Bundelkhand and Bāghelkhand and established himself at Kālañjara, the impregnable fort in the Banda District, 90 miles west-south-west of Allahabad. This fort bas from very ancient times been sacred to Siva. It is mentioned as one of the nine holy places in north India. In the fifth century A. D. it was in the occupation of Udayana, the founder of the Sõmavamsi dynasty, who was probably a feudatory of the Maukharis. The subsequent history of
As shown before, Saktibambhu and his disciple Kirtisambhu are probably identical with Saktisiva and Kirti. siva. The latter's successor Vimalasiva is also mentioned in a Kalachuri record. Other names do not agree.
* Vāmadēva was not an ancestor of the Chandēllas. It may therefore be asked how his name is mentioned in connection with the Chandēlla prince Trailökyavarman in a record of his feudatory Kumārapālavarman of Karkarēdi. The ancestors of Kumāra pālavarman were the feudatories of the Kalachuris. Two of their records, which have been published, naturally contain the expression Vamadēva-pád-anudhyata in connection with the namo of their suzerain. The drafter who wrote the aforementioned grant of Kumārapālavarman has blindly copied the expression from the earlier records of the family and used it to describe the Chandella suzerain. It may be noted that he has done the same in regard to the titlo Trikalingadhipati also which is not met with in the records of the Chandēllas themselves.
The identification of Vámadēva was discussed by me in an article entitled 'Vămadēva. An Early Kalachuri King' in the F. W. Thomas Festschrift Volume, pp. 152 ff. Dr. D. C. Sircar has recently objected to the identification of Vamarājadeva with Vámadēva on the ground that it is difficult to believe that Vâmarajadeva of the Saugor record was remembered after full three centuries by Karna and his successors who called themselves Vamadeva-pad-anudhyata in their records.' (New Ind. Ant., Vol. III, pp. 36-7). In this connection we must remember that the expression Vāmadēva-pad-anudhyāta generally occurs in the copper-plate grants of the Kalachuris of Tripurl. The earliest known official grant of the Kalachuris of Tripurl is the Benares copper-plate inscription of Karna. In the absence of the grants of earlier kings it is not safe to assume that Vāmadēva was forgotten in the meanwhile.
3 They seem to have tried to rehabilitate themselves during the reign of the Chalukya Vinayaditya, but the attempt was not attended by success and they were reduced to the same state of servitude as the Āļuvas, Gangaw and others, who had already become the hereditary servants of the Chalukyas.
A stone inscription of this king recording the erection of a temple of Vishņu has been found at Kälañjara. Cunningham, A. 8. I. R., Vol. XXI, p. 40 and pl. IX. His descendants removed to Chhattisgarh where wo find thom ruling in the stxth and seventh centuries A. D.

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the fort is not clear until its occupation by the Kalachuris. It seems to have remained in their possession up to the end of the eighth century A. D. Afterwards it was occupied successively by the Pratihāras, Rashtrakūtas, Chandēllas and Muhammadans, but the connection of the Kalachuris with the fort was remembered for a long time. The Kalachuryas of South India mention in their records with pride the title Kälañjara-pura-var-ādhisvara 'the lord of Kālajara, the best of cities.' 'This, like other similar titles, must be interpreted to mean that these princes were descended from a Kalachuri king wito formerly ruled at Kälañjara.
The Kahlā plates of Sodhadova state that an illustrious Kalachuri prince established himself at Kālañjara from where he raided and conquered Ayõmukha (modern Partabgarh and Rai Bareli Districts of the U. P.). We are further told that having defeated his enemies, he gave the kingdom to his younger brother Lakshmanarāja. As I have shown elsewhere, this Lakhmanarāja was identical with the first prince of that name mentioned in the Kasia stone inscription. As the great-grandson of the latter, viz., Lakshmanarāja II alias Rajaputra, flourished about A. D. 775, Lakshmanarāja I can be placed in circa A. D. 700. The elder brother who placed him in charge of the territory round Kälañjara is unfortunately not named in the Kahlā plates, but in view of what has been said above, he may be identified with Vāmarāja. Vāmarāja may therefore be referred to the close of the seventh century A. D.
Vāmarāja thus ruled over a large kingdom extending from the Gumti in the north to the Narmadā in the south and comprising the modern Bundelkhand and Baghelkhand, the Saugor and Jubbulpur Districts of the Central Provinces and the central portion of the United Provinces. He assumed the imperial titles Paramabhattāraka, Mahārājādhirāja and Paramēsvara. As the founder of the northern Kalachuri empire, he seems to have been held in great veneration by all his successors who ruled at Tripuri and so we find it stated in almost all subsequent official records that they meditated on his feet. As no records of his time have yet been discovered, we have no further knowledge of the political events of his reign.
Since the time of Vămarāja, the Kalachuris came to be known as Chaidyas or lords of the Chodi country. As Pargiter has shown, Chēdi was orignally the name of the country along the southern bank of the Jumna from the Chambal on the northwest to the Karvi (which flows northeast of Chitrakūta) on the south-east. Its limits southwards were the plateau of Malwa and the hills of Bundelkhand. In later times Chēdi came to signify the modern province of Baghelkhand which remained in the possession of the Kalachuris till their downfall. Vämarāja seems to have transferred his capital from Māhishmati to Tripuri, modern Tewar, 6 mile: from Jubbulpur. This city dates back to very ancient times. It is mentioned in the Mahabharata and is also known from very rare copper coins with the legend Tipuri (Sanskrit, Tripuri) in Brähmi characters of the late third or early second century B. C.10 Varahamihira places the city in the south-eastern division
1 The Barah plate of Bhõjadēva shows that in the beginning of the ninth century A. D. the Kālañjara-mandala was ruled over by Sarvavarman who was a feudatory of NÄgabhata II.
* In the tenth century A. D. the Pratihāras lost both Chitrakūta and Kalañjara which were occupied by the Rashtrakūtas probably during the northern campaign of Indra III. The two forts were in the occupation of the Rashtrakūtas in the time of Krishna III. Above, Vol. V, p. 194.
According to the Khajuraho stone inscription (above, Vol. I, pp. 127-28) the fort of Kālañjara was occupied by the Chandellas during the reign of Yaśövarman (circa A. D. 930-950).
4 It was taken by Kutub-ud-din Aibak in April A. D. 1203, but was soon recovered by the Chandellas.
See, e.g., J. B. B. R. A. S., Vol. IX, p. 330. . Above, Vol. VII, p. 89.
Above, Vol. XXIII, p. 259. . Above, Vol. XVIII, pp. 128 ff. .J. A. S. B., Vol. LXIV, PP. 249 ff. 10 Allan, Catalogue of Coins in the British Museum, Ancient Coins, Introduction, p. cxl. 1 Brihatsamhita, adhyaya XIV, v. 9.

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SAUGOK STONE INSCRIPTION OF SANKARAGANA
Left Half
ETECHN17समय पान
पर सवार समाचार
Right Half
सवाल सगर होगा
B. CH, CHHABRA, REG. No. 3977 E*36-475'48.
SCALE: THREE-TENTHS.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTRA.

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and Hemachandra calls it Chedi-nagari 'the capitlal of the (hodi country'. The surrounding country called Traipura is mentioned in the Mahābhārata 'and the Matsyupurära. The Tripuri vishaya (the district of Tripuri) is mentioned in the Betul plates of Sankshõbha as situated in the Dabhala (i.e., Dāhala) country, which was under the rule of the Parivräjaka kings down to A. D. 528 at least. It is, however, not known who was ruling the country when Vimarāja in vailed it and annexed it to his kingdom.
Two or three generations seem to have separated Vāmarāja from Sarkaragana. We do not know the names of the princes who ruled in the meanwhile. Perhaps Mäyuraja, the author of the Sanskrit play Urlättarāghava was one of them. He is described by Rajasēkhara as the best Kalachuri poet. Another Sanskrit poet Bhimata whom Rājasēkhara mentions as the lord of Kālanjara perhaps belonged to the same royal family. Rajasekhara tells us that he composed five plays of which Swapnadasõnana was judged to be the best.
Sankaragaņa during whose reign the present inscription was put up belonged to the main Tripuri branch of the great Kalachuri dynasty. He must therefore be distinguished from the homonymous princes mentioned in the Kasih stone inscription and the Kahlā plates, who were ruling over the Gorakbpur District. This Sankaragana is, again, the earliest prince of this name in the Tripuri branch and may therefore be called Sarkaragana I. Two other princes of the same name ruled at Tripuri, viz., (i) Sarkaragana II who bore the birulas Mugelhahunga, Prasiddhalhavala and Ranaviyraha' and was the son and successor of Kökalla I, and (ii) Sankaragana III who was the son and successor of Lakshmanarāja II and the elder brother of Yuvarajadēva II. The former may be referred to the period circa A. D. 890--910 and the latter to circa A. D. 970-980.
TEXT i farfa:8 [i*] af : farata [Refr] FANETTFETTAutr[r]97[a]satuttan
[#]
Tat[at]2 [ध्या]त ।" परमभट्टारकमहाराजाधिराजपरमेश्वरश्रीशङ्करगणदेवप्रवर्द्धमानविजयराज्ये क3 [auza ereducant gwoulfare (*)#feri[uretagarita [:*] I T (F#) #4 र्या लोणियवंशे प्र[सूता राज्ञी] श्रीकृष्ण[देवी या []तो" मातापितपुष्ये क्षितितले कीर्ति
out5 Tufa: 13 artta H... 11
Sabhäparvan (Chitraśālā Press), adhyāya, XXXI, v. 60. * Matsyapurana, adhyāya 114, v. 53. 3 Sūktimuktavali (Gaekwad's Oriental Series), p. 46; Ind. Ant. Vol. XLI, pp. 139 ff. • Saktimuktavali, p. 46.
. He is called Sankaragana and Ranavigrahn in somo Rashtrakūta records. His birudar Mugdhatunga and Prasiddhadhavala aro mentioned in the Bilhári stone inscription and the Bonaros plates respectively.
• He is mentioned in the Karitalar stono inscription of Lakshmanaraja II as well as in the Benarcs plates. See also above, Vol. XXV, p. 280.
From the original stone and inked estampages. I am obliged to Dr. B. Ch. Chhabra and Mr. N. L. Rao for the readings of a few words in this transcript.
• Expressed by a symbol. • The loop on the left of this akshara has now become somewhat indistinot, but it is there. 10 This danda is superfluous. 1. The contoxt requires a reading like chasilan-mua-griti 12 One would expect a reading like piny arthan here.
18 This visarga is superfluous. Notice that a similar visargn occurs at the end of the Chhoti Duori record, helow, p. 172
I am not certain about these eight aksharas at the end of the present record. XVI-1-20

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TRANSLATION.
Success: Om! Adoration to Siva! Hail! During the increasingly victorious reign of the Paramabhaṭṭāraka, Mahārājādhirāja, Paramesvara, the illustrious Sankaraganadēva, who meditates on the feet of the Paramabhattaraka, Mahārājādhirāja, Paramesvara, the illustrious Vamarājadēva
(There is) the illustrious Deuka, the son of Räväryarāja, the mass of light sprung from the family of Kalaireya (who is) the Paramesvara (ruler) of Kasapura. The wife of the same is the queen, the illustrious Krishnadevi, born in the family of Loniya, who announces this meritorious work (kirti) on the surface of the earth, for the religious merit of these, (her) mother and father...
No. 30-CHHOTI DEORI STONE INSCRIPTION OF SANKARAGANA
(1 Plate)
V. V. MIRASHI, AMRAOTI
This inscription was first brought to notice by General Sir Alexander Cunningham in his Archeological Survey of India Report for 1883-84. He again referred to it in the next year's report and published a lithograph of it. The inscription was subsequently noticed by Dr. (then Mr.) D. R. Bhandarkar in Mr. Cousens' Progress Report of the Archaeological Survey of Western India for 1903-4, p. 54, and by Rai Bahadur Hiralal in his Inscriptions in the Central Provinces and Berar. Though noticed several times, the inscription has defied all attempts at interpretation; for, Cunningham was told that the language of the inscription was not Sanskrit. Dr. Bhandarkar also has remarked: What the language of the inscription is cannot be made out.' The inscription is edited here for the first time from ink impressions kindly supplied by the Superintendent, Archæological Survey, Central Circle, Patna.
Chhoti Deori (Small Deori) is situated on the left bank of the Ken, about 16 miles to the west of Jokahi, in the Murwärä tahsil of the Jubbulpur District in the Central Provinces. The village is so called probably to distinguish it from the larger village named Deori which lies about five miles to the west. It is also called Madha Deori on account of a number of small temples (mathis), from thirty to forty in number, which lie buried in dense jungle. According to Cunningham, all these were most probably Saiva shrines. The pillar on which the present inscription is incised must have also belonged to a Saiva temple as is indicated by its contents. The pillar is 7 feet 2 inches high and I foot square. The inscription of 11 lines is near the top; in the middle there are two seated figures, male and female; and below there is a standing male figure.'
As stated above, the inscription consists of eleven lines. It covers a space l' " broad by 1' 2" high. It is in a state of fair preservation. The characters belong to the proto-Nagari alphabet, resembling those of the Saugor stone inscription. They are very carelessly written. Several groups of aksharas are unnecessarily repeated in 11.4 and 5 as well as in 11.10 and 11. The marks for the medial vowels and visarga are omitted in many cases. The form of kh in kham[?]a-, 1.1, likhatam, 1.9, and likhitam, 1.10 is peculiar. It resembles somewhat the conjunct ksha, with
1 This probably refers to the temple of Siva where the inscribed panel was apparently put up.
* Cunningham, A. S. I. R., Vol. XXI, pp. 100 and 159, plate XXVIII.
Second edition, p. 38.
R. D. Banerji identified these with Siva and Paravati. See his Haihayas of Tripuri, etc., (M. A. S. I., No. 23), p. 77.
Cunningham A. S. I. R., Vol. XXI, p. 100. For a photograph of the pillars see R. D. Baneri... Haihayas of Tripurs, etc., plate XXVIII.
Above, pp. 163 ft.

Page #238


Page #239

CHHOTI DEORI STONE INSCRIPTION OF SANKARAGANA
26 टन मात्र
मदद करना यातायरल SHARIRIma • बरसातलाधर
13 . ते वयच. RSS नरवर 15720
B.CH. CHHABRA. REG.No.3977E'36-47548.
SCALE: ONE-HALF
SURVEY OF INDIA. CALCUTTA

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No. 301
CHHOTI DEORI STONE INSCRIPTION OF SANKARAGANA
171
this difference that the lower curve is turned to the left instead of to the right. The form of p in kapili, 1.2 and puna, 1.9, which closely resembles that of d is also noteworthy. L has three different shapes in lighatan, 1.8, likhatann, 1.9 and likhitar, 1.10. The form of 6, the left limb of which has developed a curve separated from the vertical on the right and that of k which has a triangle on the left show that the inscription is not earlier than the seventh century A.D. On the other hand, j, though slauting, has not yet turned its middle horizontal bar into u vertical ; d and r show no tail and the upper part of is not closed. In these respects the characters of the present inscription show a much earlier stage than those of the Kārītalāi stone inscription of Lakshmayarāja 1, dated K. 593 (A.D. 841-42). It does not, therefore, appear to be later than the middle of the eighth century A.D.:
The language is very incorrect Sanskrit, being probably influenced by the local dialect. Vishaye for instance is written as vuse, 1.6, and haïke used in the sense of iha. Except for a verse in praise of Siva, the whole record is in proge. The orthography does not call for any special notice.
After the opening Siddhih namah, the inscription has a verse in praise of Siva which indicates that the temple to which the inscribed pillar belonged must have been dedicated to Siva. We are next told that during the reign of the illustrious Sankarayana, there was Chutu Nāguka in (charge of) the vishaya of Kakandakutu. The next two lines are somewhat obscure, but they seem to record his donation of a granary (kuduru, Sanskrit kridara) in Kurikatin and Asēkatin which appear to be the names of two villages in the neighbourhood.
From the palaeography of the present inscription detailed above, it is clear that the king Sankaragana mentioned in it is identical with the homonymous ruler mentioned in the Saugor stone inscription. As shown in the article on that inscription, he probably flourished about the middle of the cighth century A.D.
There are three place-names mentioned in the present record, but none of them can be satisfactorily identified. Kakandakutu may be identical with Khutuuda about 6 miles to the east of Deori, if we suppose that the original name has lost its initial part. Karikatin, which in its initial portion resembles Käritalai (situated about 30 miles to the east), is perhaps represented by Khurai, 4 miles to the south of Deori Māhā. Asēkatin cannot be identified.
TEXT 1 fafa: [*] : [1*] twe[*] [z]*** (at)ti[] 2 [W][:*] *9(91) ff ( ) [*T*:*] (fr) TFT (9)#[:*] g :3 Har qapura [7]* * (at) far
1 Above, Vol. XXIII, p. 255 ff.
Cunningham thought that the characters of the inscription are perhaps as early as the 7th century. See his A. 8. I. R., Vol. XXI, p. 159. R. D. Banerji, on the other hand, identified the king Sankaragana mentioned in it with the homonymous son of Lakshmanarāja (II) whom he placed in the middle of the tenth century A. D. See his Haihayas of Tripuri, etc. (M. A. 8. I., No. 23), p. 13. But the characters of the inscription are too early for such a late date.
From inked estampages. * Expressed by a symbol. 5 The anusvåra on kha and Sa is very faint. • This danda is superfluous. 7 What looks like an anusvara on bha and ra is a fault in the stone. 8 Read durálmahá.
Perhaps pannaya-dhari-kankapak is intended, but it does not yield a good sons. Read pannaga-huola kankupah.

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[Vol. XXVII
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA 4 aa(at) faran ()(si)**[:*] [1311*] nnage5 73 for (ft) sicura6 Tara (Tea) magganti fr(s)[?] 7 1946: stafafar -
8
fafar
aftan
fereret?
-
20
9 10 11
8 got
*2 fafa:13
far p fafersi
ara 310
hifafa'[i*] *(T) OT
TRANSLATION
Success! Adoration !
(Verse 1) May that Sankara, --who wears matted hair, who has the crescent moon on his head, who wears a garland of skulls, who is grey with white ashes, who destroys the evil-minded, who has a bracelet of serpents -- always cause your welfare !
(Line 4) During the reign of the illustrious Sankaragaņa (there is) the illustrious Chutu Nāyaka in (charge of the vishaya of Kakandakuțu.
(Line 7) He has himself recorded (the yift of) a granary in the villages of) Karikatin and Asikabin. It is again written that all that is authoritative. Whatever is written here is authoritative.
Metre : Vamsastha. Some of the epithets of Siva in this stanza bocur in the following verse in lines 8 and 9 of an unpublished stone inscription of Brahmadēva from Raipur, now preserved in the Nagpur Museum.
HETH) sunainajare partea (59) mai (14) [*]
YTATTACT[F]y(a)oi 7 gra (va) f() *) quaife sind (4) * There is a curve on this akshara here and in line 6 where the same name is repeated. The word is superfluous here.
These five aksharas are unnecessarily repeated. . Read Kakandaku tu-vishayé. The name of this vishaya is written as Kakadakutu in line 4.
I am not certain about this letter. It differs from ta which occurs in lines 4 and 6 in that it has a hori zontal stroke at the top and has not a perfectly round back. Nor is it exactly liked, for the form of which, sec durinmanaha, 11. 2-3.
• Amukën=aiva seems to be written here in the sense of umur=aiva. 7 Read likhitan.
• The medial u of ru is very faint. Read kridaram. This word occurs in another Kalachuri rocord din covered at Bargaon, not far from the findspot of the present inscription. See above, Vol. XXV, p. 280.
. This danda is superfluous. Read punar-likhitan. 10 Read tat. 11 Read sarvai pramaram=iti. 1. This appears to be a Prakrit word meaning shu.
This visarga is superfluous.

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No. 31]
BONANGI COPPER-PLATE GRANT; SAKA 1508
No. 31-BONANGI COPPER-PLATE GRANT; SAKA 1508
173
G. RAMADAS, JEYPORE
Sewell in his Lists of the Antiquarian Remains in the Presidency of Madras Vol. I, p. 13, gives the following note under Sringavarapukota :—
"Bōnangi ;-6 miles north-east of Sringavarapukota. A copper-plate grant in possession of Karikari Jāniki Ramayya. It records a grant in Saka 1508 (=A.D. 1586) to a Brahman by a local chief."
Several times I tried to see it but failed. I found it noticed as No. 3 of Appendix A of the Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy for 1937-38. On my request the Government Epigraphist lent me the excellent impressions of the said plate and I now edit the same from those impressions.
The language of the record is Telugu written in Telugu characters. The few peculiarities in the script will be shown in the foot-notes to the text. It is written on a single plate about 51" by 31". The mode of writing is peculiar to the copper-plate charters issued by the Nandapur Bhupatis and their vassals. The first three lines of the record which give the date of the gift are written lengthwise on the obverse and the writing, which is breadthwise thereafter, then continues on the reverse of the plate. The donor's name, the donees and the object of the gift are mentioned there. The concluding part of the record again runs on to the obverse.
The document begins with an invocation to Umamaheśvara. It is dated Saka 1508, Vyaya, Mag[h]a ba. 14, Monday. But the details do not correspond to any date in the month of Magha in Vyaya. In the previous year (Parthiva), however, they do work out correctly for Monday, 7th February A. D. 1586, the month being amanta.
The donor was Vijaya-Rana-simha Chaubala-Mahāpātra Sri-Sotrāvu Vira-Uddaṇḍa-Raya. Rana-simha means a lion in fight; Chaubala-Mahapatra scems to stand for the leader of the four sections of the army; Sotravu appears to be a contraction of Chhota (small) Rawoot (horseman), Rawoot being a title conferred on a person who performed a valiant deed. Ganadeva of Kondaviḍu was made a Rawoot-raya when he vanquished two Mahomedan warriors:
"Rājā Gaņa-mahipatiḥ samudabhüt tasman-mahi-va[llabhad-ba]hubhyam vi[ji]tau [Tu]rushka-nṛipati tad=rautaray=ahvayaḥ" (Ind. Ant., Vol. XX, p. 391, text 11.19-20).
This Uddanḍa-Raya was a minor warrior. Uddanda was his personal name. With his epithets expanded and re-arranged, his name mentioned in the record under review would read Chhota-Rawoot-Raya Vira-Uddanda Chaubala-Mahapatra'.
On pages 469-70 of Vol. III of the History of the Rise of the Mahomedan Power in India by Briggs, a certain Rawoot-Raya is referred to in the following terms:
"Rawoot Row, a petty rajā in the command of a body of cavalry and infantry, and who was famed for his courage, had sometime before joined, and subsequently acted in concert with Ameenool-Mulk; but being offended at some orders issued by him, Rawoot Row quitted the King's camp without permission, and afterwards induced Hurrychundur to quit it also, and to unite with him in an attempt to establish Hurrychundur in the government of his ancestors at Cossimcota. The first display of open violence evinced by Rawoot Row was to collect a force of ten thousand infantry, with which he made night attacks on the King's army, whose vengeance they escaped by taking shelter in the woods and fastnesses in that strong country. They were, however, pursued; and in a skirmish which took place Rawoot Row lost his life by an arrow-wound."
Chau is a contraction for chaturanga, ratha,-gaja,-turaga,-padatayaḥ-charlots, elephants, horses and footmen. These are the four sections of an army. So Chaubala Mahapatra means the leader of the army composed of four sections".

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXVII
This extract furnishes us with an account of Rawoot Row who may be identical with the Mahāpātra Sotrāvu of our inscription. The dates of the several events narrated above, which would have helped us to confirm the identity are not given. Nevertheless it is possible to work out these dates.
Quli Kootb Shah determined to remove his seat of government to a newly built town in A. D. 1589. Many years elapsed without any war taking place. The king thereafter extended his conquests south of the Krishņā. His war with an impostor who claimed to be the eldest son of Ibrahim Kootb Shah, and the wars with the younger Mukunda Bhay-bulundar as well as with the king of Beejanagar! must have occupied him some eight years, i.e., up to 1597 A. D.
An inscription at Srikūrmam records the subjugation of Bhay-bulundar and other Hindu rajas. It says:
" Commanded by Hazarat Mahomad Quli Padshah, Motab Daulat, etc., Ameen-ool-mulk defeated Mukunda Bahubalēndra and Vidyadhara, as they refused to pay tribute to the king, and killed Sarvarāja and other great men in the battle fought near Chintapalli gbät. Mukunda Bahubalēndra and Vidyadhara ran away leaving their territories and he pursued them as far as Bānapuram (Bänpūr). While returning he halted at Srikürmam in the Saka year 1521, Vikari, Chaitra ba. 10, Tuesday." The details of the date correspond to A. D. 1599, April 10, Tuesday.
Allowing about a year for the Mahomedan leader to pursue the fugitives as far as Bānpūr and return to Srikūrmam, we may consider that the battle of Chintapalli, which is not mentioned by Briggs, was fought in about A. D. 1598. Our Uddanda-Rāya Mahāpātra may have been one of those that fell in the battle or after it.
The record under review says that a piece of land, eight garises in extent, in the village of Bonangi located in the Tālru-mandala of the mokhāsa-samatu Dēvupalli' was given away.
The village Bönangi is about 6 miles from Sringavarapukota, the headquarters of a Revenue Taluk in the Vizagapatam District. Tālru that gave its name to the mandala, is not found in the map. It may be a contraction of Tandrangi, a village which is mentioned in a few inscriptions of Sirithachalam and which is 6 miles S. E. of Bönangi. Dēvupalli is 18°15' N. Lat. and 82°50' E. Long. and is about 5 miles S. W. of Gajapatinagaram. The mokhäsa of this chief extended from Dēvupalli in the north along the foot of the ghāts to the upper course of the river Säradā. In this region lie Dēvupalli, Gopālapalli, Sringavarapukota, Lakkavarapukota and other places, all of which were fastnesses indicative of the military strength of the country.
This hilly region is full of siva temples and waterfalls. Near Singavarapukota is Punyagiri, # place of pilgrimage especially on the Sivaratri day. A perennial stream of water falls from a rock about 20 ft. high on a thousand lingas below. Four miles to the South-East of Sțingavarapuköta is Dharmavaram where a Jaina images in Kāyotsarga posture is worshipped as Sanyāsi-ayya. Up to the loins the whole of the lower part of the image is buried under ground. The portion above ground is about 3 ft. high. The whole image, when taken out stands about 6 feet. Women desirous of progeny make offerings to this Sanyasayya and if they are blessed with offspring, the child is named Sanyasi or Sanyasi-amma according to its sex.
Briggs : History of the Rise of the Mahomedan Power in India, Vol. III, pp. 461-469. There was a Bahubalēndra family to the south of the Krishna.
8.1. ., Vol. 7, No. 1312. This Makunda Bāhubalendra was quite different from the one mentioned above. He was the Chief of Casimkota.
* Chintapaili is (82° 22' E. long. 19° 50' N. Lat.) in the Golakonda agency, Vizagapatam District.
The same event appears to have been referred to in another record dated Saka 1526, also from Srikūrmam, (No. 1260 of 8.1.1., Vol. V.)
Digumbara. It is not possible to identify the Tirthankara as the rest on the pedestal is underground. The bead is bald us is the case with all Jaina images in this poutaro.

Page #244

No. 31]
BONANGI COPPER-PLATE GRANT; SAKA 1508
The sign-manual consists of two parts: the first looks like the Telugu syllable Vri; it cannot be taken to be the initial letter of the name of the donor; nor can it be understood to be Sri1 for the main letter in the centre has no form of s. The second one is the sign of a weapon, one end of which has a Trident and the other a lance; the handle in the middle is shown in a spiral. This may be the crest of the donor himself. Regarding this kind of sign-manual generally found in the charters issued by the Oriya rulers and chiefs, I propose to write more elaborately when writing on the charters of the rulers of Nandapur.
TEXT
First Side; lengthwise
1 Śrī Vu(U)mā-mahēśvara (a small circle and a line) 2 Svasti Śri [*] Sakādba(bda)ḥ 1508 kāṁgānu agunēti 3 Vyaya-nama-samvatsara Maga(gha) ha 14 8ō
Second Side; breadthwise
4 Vijaya-Rana-si(si)mhva(ha) Chauba5 la-Mahāpātra Sri-Sotra
6 vu Vi(vi)ra-Vu(U)ddaṇḍa-Rayiningga
7 ru Kukkara Gōpāļa-Sāsturlla
8 gariki dayasayan-audharimchchi*.
9 na bhūdāna dharma-sasana-paṭṭa
10 nirnnayanu mā mokhāsā
11 samatu Dēvupalli śima(sima) 12 Tālru | main || Bōṇamggi3lō13 nu Nērēdu karrivāni yintuva3
14 guddelu meṭṭupallalu ga 8
15 yenimidi garisela bhumi
16
arppitamu
17 ganu yistimi ganaka chervu
18 chēskuni viriviga bha(ba) laparuchu
19 kr(ko)ni adduvalla phalasayam mi
20 putra-pautra-paramparyaya mi anu
First Sile: breadthwise
21 bhavimstu vunddi(dde)di [*]Svadatta[d*]=
22 dviguņam punyam pa
23 radatt-anupalanam (nam) [*] para
24 datt-a apa(apa)hārēņa sva
25 dattam nishphalam bhavē
26 t (sign-manual)
175
1 cf. Śri in l. 1, 2 and 5.
* The consonant after anusvära is doubled.
Read yistura.
Some blank space is left in the beginning of this line; perhaps this line is to be understood to read in continus. tion of the first line Sri Umamaheśvara, both together meaning ' dedicated to the god Umamahéèvia.
The second ya is redundant. [Perhaps the intended reading is parasparnya.-Ed.]

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176
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXVII No. 32- KOLHAPUR PLATES OF SILAHARA GANDARADITYA; SAKA 1037
(1 Plate)
G. H. KHARE, POONA The set of copper plates which I edit here belonged originally to Mr. R. N. Apte, Principal (now retired), Rajaram College, Kolhapur. He handed it over to the late Prof. K. B. Pathak, who entrusted it to me with a tentative reading of the same. I edited it in Marāthi some years ago in the Sources of the Mediaeval History of the Dekkan, Vol. I, pp. 33 ff. I re-edit it here for the benefit of a wider circle of scholars.
The set consists of three plates measuring 101" x 7" strung on a circular ring with a dia meter of 2)". The two ends of the ring are soldered into the bottom of a rimmel rectangular seal, which bears in relief the figure of a flying Garuda facing front, with a cobra in his left hand. The brst and the third plates are written on the inner side only, while the second is inscribed on both the sides. The rims of the plates being raised, the writing is well preserved. The whole set together with the ring and the seal weighs 278 tolas.
The record is written in Kanarese script of the 12th century A.D. and calls for only a few remarks. The writing in general resembles that of the Silāhāra Marasinha's grant of $.980.1 Initial short i has two forms; the one in ity-ākhyāti (1.29) and iti grāma (1.47), and the other in Iduvarādityah (1.41). The Dravidian r occurs only in one place, viz., Maruvakka (1.39). The end of most of the stanzas is marked by a spiral, sometimes ornamental. The stops of the prose portions in lines 50 and 61 are also indicated by spirals.
The orthography has some peculiarities. Lingual ! is generally substituted for dental l; but in some words such as Lakshmi, Mahalakshmi, Gonkala, Güvala, Bhillama, Ballāla, the dental I is retained. The upadhmāniya which resembles sha is found in two places : tanayah-pratāpa(1.7) and Lakshmih=prādo (1.9). Consonants preceded by the rēpha have been generally doubled; but there are exceptions. Second and fourth letters of the five classes when doubled after a ripha change the prior consonant to the first or the third letter of the same class as in garbbhair(1.35) and jivit-ārttham (1.49); but this observance also is not without exception. In libra (1.30) Alone ~ has been changed to b. In varnnale, (1.19) and Ossalabhāyitah (1.21) and saka- (1.45) we find n and s substituted for u and á respectively. On the other hand in Maruvakka-sarppal (11.13, 39) & has been substituted for s.
The language of the record is Sanskrit intermingled with a few Kanarese words and phrases such as gampana for kampan (1.46), -iruvanan (1.48), kodevaram (1.50), Maruvakka-sarppah (11.13, 39), Ayyana-sinihah (1.39), Iduvarādityaḥ (1.41), nārgyāvunda (1.48). The portion between the verses 20 and 21 as well as that following the verse 24 is in prose while the rest of the record is in verse.
After invoking the Boar form of Vishnu, the record introduces the Silähära dynasty of Kard or rather Kolhapur and gives the genealogy of the family from Jatiga I to Gandarāditya who issued the present grant. This genealogy has some omissions wbich it is very difficult to account for.
1 Inscriptions from the Cave Temples of Western India by J. Burgess and Bhagwanlal Indraji, p. 102. : The genoalogy given is as follows: 1 Jatige I
2 Náyima 3 Chandra 4 Jatiga II
6 Cavale
5 Gónkala 7 Márasimha
8 (ūrala 11
9 Bhija
10 Balliļa
II Gandarāditya

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No. 321
KOLHAPUR PLATES OF SILAHARA GANDARADITYA; SAKA 1037
Kirttiraja and Chandraditya who are mentioned in other records of the dynasty as the younger brothers of Gōnkala (I) and Gūvala II are omitted here. Further, Gangadeva who is stated to be a younger brother of Guvala II in the Kolhapur inscription of Vijayaditya does not find a place in the present grant. This grant is not also of much help to decide the priority of Gōnkala (I) to Guvala I, though it seems to imply that the former was the elder of the two. It was not certain so far whether Bhōja (I) or Ballāļa was the elder brother. This record clearly states that Ballāļa was younger.3
Let us now turn to the historical information contained in this grant. About Jatiga I. the earliest member of the family, two facts have been noted: (1) he was the commander of the fort Gōmantha and (2) he was the maternal uncle of Permanaḍi Ganga. (1) It is very difficult to identify Gōmantha. The word might possibly have some connection with Gōmantaka; but it must be remembered that the former is the name of a fort and the latter signifies a small tract of country. Moreover in a copper-plate grant from Kotavalli dated Saka 1268 (A.D. 1347) Chandragupti or modern Chandragutti (Sorab Taluk, Shimoga District, Mysore) is stated to be situated on the Gomanta mountain and that its other name was Gōmanta mountain itself. Its antiquity can be traced back to at least the 3rd quarter of the 12th century A. D.5 It is, therefore, probable that Chandragutti might have been meant by the Gōmantha fort of our record. There are remains of an old fort there in addition to a new fort. The Permanaḍi Ganga referred to here should be identified with the second son of Ganga Būtuga, whose period of governorship extended at least from Saka 885 (A.D. 963-4) to Saka 895 (A.D. 973-74). Nothing particular has been said about Nayima or his successors down to Bhoja. The following events. about Bhoja are described: (1) he worshipped the feet of the emperor Vikramaditya (probably the sixth prince of that name of the Chalukya family) with the lotus, viz., the head of Kadamba Santara; (2) the Kōngaja king fell a victim to his wrath; (3) Bijjana, of the solar race, went to the abode of the gods, through his rage; (4) Kokkala became a moth to the lamp, his anger; (5) he was a wild fire to Vēnugrama (Belgaum); (6) he was a very deluge to Govinda; (7) he was a thunderbolt to the mountain Kurañja; (8) he conquered Konkana; and (9) he liberated Bhillama. The Santara Kadamba mentioned herein seems to be the same as Kadamba Santivarman (II), called also Santa or Santayya whose latest known date recorded by Fleet appears to be A.D. 1089. If the verse implies that Bhoja killed Santara and took his head to Vikramaditya, then the event could not have happened before A.D. 1089. But if it simply means that Bhoja overpowered him and took him to Vikramaditya, then the incident might have taken place at any time between 1076 A.D. when Vikramaditya ascended the throne and A.D. 1089. I am able
177
1 See J.B.B.R.A.S., Vol. XIII, p. 2; above, Vol. XXIII, p. 30; Transactions of the Literary Society of Bombay Vol. III, p. 393. The Kaself plates published in the Annual Report of the B. I. S. Mandala for Saka 1835, pp. 222 ff., seem to be identical with the Satara plates; above, Vol. III, pp. 209 ff.
* The third line of verse 6, wherein occur the names of the two brothers, runs thus: Tasy-atmajau GōnkaluGuval-akhyau. Here the metre would not have stood in the way of the composer had he wished to place the name of Guvala first. Hence he seems to have held that Gönkala was older than Gūvala.
It may, however, be noted that if the reference in the Kolhapur inscription to the five sons of Marazinha is considered to be in a chronological order, then it contradicts the statement in the presen plates. But it is not necessary to suppose that way.
Ep. Carn., Vol. VIII, Sorab 375.
An. Rep. of the Mysore Archaeological Department for 1923, p. 121.
Ibid. for 1931, p. 55.
Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. I, part ii, p. 305 et. seq.
8 Ibid., p. 561. Prof. Moraes in his Kadambakula has shifted this date to Saka 1016 (genealogical tree facing
p. 93). But I could not trace any evidence in support of this statement.
• Ibid.
XVI-1-20

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXVII
neither to identify the Kõngaja king nor to say with certainty whether the word should be connected with the Kongu country. Bijjana of the solar race seems to belong to the Kalachurya family of Kalyani. For the Harihar inscription of Kalachurya Bijjala expressly states that Jögama, the grandfather of the former, had & paternal uncle by name Bijjala. The Hire-Muddanūr inscription of A.D. 1105-06 clearly states that this Jõgama or rather Jõgamarasa and Jõgamarāņa, as he is named there, was the Mandalësuara of Mangalavāda, i.e., Mangalavödhë' and belonged to the süryavansa or the Solar race. His unclo Bijjala or Bijjana thus belonged to the same race. As Jógama flourished, it seems, in the last quarter of the 11th century, his uncle must have lived in the 3rd quarter of the same century, i.e., about Saka 1000, which is the approximate date of Bhöja's exploits. I am unable to identify Kókkala. Unfortunately the grant does not tell us why Bhoja destroyed Vēnugråma; but it may be due to the enmity that existed between the Silähäras and the Rattas of Saundatti who were trying to extend their power and who had most probably brought Vēņugrima (Belgaum) under their sway. I cannot identify Govinda with certainty ; but I would like to connect him with either Govindaraja, the last member of the Maurya family referred to in the Vaghli inscription of Yadava Sēuņa dated Saka 991 or with Govindarāja of the Nikumbha family mentioned in the Pâtan epigraph' dated Saks 1075 and who might be reasonably ascribed to the period ciroa Saka 1000. The cause of his destruction is not known. Kurañja remains unidentified. The name Bhillama tempts one to relegate him to the early Yadava family; he may perhaps be identified with Bhillama III though there is some difficulty in doing Bo, for his date is prior to Saka 991, the date of the Bassein grant of Sēunachandra (II), the successor of Bhillama III, but of unknown relationship to him. The foregoing conjectures of mine may prove correct or otherwise ; but one thing appears to me quite certain. All the antagonists of Bhoja whom he vanquished must have sided with Sõmēsvara II or Jayasimha III against Vikramaditya VI, in the fratricidal wars fought before and after the latter's accession to the throne in Baka 998. Bhöja, probably owing to the matrimonial connection between him and Vikramaditya VI. joined the latter in his attempts to retain the throne and the subjugation or annihilation of hostile feudatories. Hence all his exploits that are enumerated here should be relegated to the period about Saka 1000. Bhõja's younger brother was Ballāļa about whom the plates tell us nothing. Then comes his younger brother Gandarāditya about whom the following information is recorded in the grant: (1) Vikramaditya conferred the title Nifbankamalla upon him, (2) by the stroke of his sword the king Dandabrahman, the ruler of the Kundi country went to heaven. It is very difficult to identify Dandabrahman. According to Fleet, the Ratta king Sēna II was ruling the Kundi province as a subordinate of Chamunda during the viceroyalty of Jayakarna between A.D. 1102 and 1121.' But none of these three persons had, it appears, the appellation Dandabrahma.
The object of the inscription is to record the grant of two villages by Gandarāditya who is introduoed with the usual attributes, to his vassal Nolamba.
Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. I, part ii, p. 468.
Ibid., p. 148 and n. 8. A Kanarono inseription from Mhaswad (Satara) of Saka 1089 slao refers to Mangala vedhë and Bijjala its overlord (ink impression in the B.1.8.M).
'Later records of the Kalachurya family connoot it with the Lunar race (Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. I, part ii, p. 468). Another instance of this type is of the Chilukys family. The Parbhani plates of Chalukya Arikësarin III (Sources of the Mediaeval History of the Dekban, Vol. II, p. 49) state that the Chalukya family belonged to the Solar race. But there are genuine rooorde of the Chalukyus of Kalyanl which bort that the family was of the Lunar race (above, Vols. XIII, p. 38, Vol. XV, pp. 106, 349). Can this Bijjana of the Solar race be the Telugu Choda chief Bijjana who gainod a victory over Ballaha'? ; 1 Ep. Rep. 1900, page 17.-Ed.)
Above, VOL II, p. 225. Ind. Ant., Vol. VIII, p. 39. Ind. AnVoL XII, p. 199. Hom. Gar., Vol. I, pt. 1, p. 654.

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KOLHAPUR PLATES OF SILAHARA GANDARADITYA; SAKA 1037 179
The grant gives the genealogy of Nõlamba as follows: in the Nigumba family was born Horima, who was the very sun to the lotus, viz., Jaina congregations. His son was Birana and the latter had a younger brother named Arikēsarin. Birana had a son Kundāti and his younger brother was Nāyima. Nayima's son was Nõlamba, whose banner was marked with a golden fish and a cobra and who acquired the favour of a boon from the goddess Padmăvatl. He received the grant of the village Ādage, excluding the tax āruvana. In it were included the two villages Ankulage and Boppoyavāda. These villages belonged to the gampana and country of Miriñje. The conditions of the grant are described thus. If the Nārgāvundas of the place were to serve actively they would not get anything in cash towards their maintenance or salary from the donee (except Kõdevaņa) i.e., they must maintain themselves with the dues of Ködevaņa which they would get in their capacity of Nārgāvundas and if they did not wish to continue in their offices, they would not get Kõdevana (even).
The date of the record given in 11.44-46 is Saka 1037 expressed both in words and in numbers, the cyclic year Manmatha, Wednesday, the 8th of the bright fortnight of Kärttika. It is quite regular for the expired Saka year 1037, the European equivalent being Wednesday, 27th October, A.D. 1115.
Of the geographical names mentioned in the grant, Vēņugrāma, Konkaņa, Kundi, Tagara and Miriñje are well known. Gomantha has been dealt with above. Ankulage and Boppēyavāda were the two villages assimilated into the village Adage. A word about Valayavāda may not be out of place here. Scholars have expressed different views about its identification: The late Dr. K. B. Pathak suggested, in a talk with me, that it might be identified with Waļiwade, about 5 miles to the east of Kolhapur. I personally visited the above village, but did not find there any old remains which would testify to its antiquity. I do not know, however, whether there are any antiquarian remains at the other places with which the village has been identified. I am unable to identify with certainty, any of the three villages granted but I would just suggest some identifications. About three miles to the south-west and north-west of Miraj, are two villages Ankli and Kūpwād which may now represent Ankulage and Boppēyavāda. Or about thirty miles to the south-west of Miraj are two villages Anko! and Adi which may be identical with Ankulage and Adagē; but they are rather too far away to be included in the Miriñje-kampaņa. Besides these villages, the Postal Village Directory of the Bombay Circle has included one Ankli in the Kolhapur State and falling under the Shirol Road (present Jayasinghpur) postal beat, which is only 8 miles to the south-west of Miraj. This may be a modern substitute for Ankulage.
TEXT
[Metres: Vv. 1, 12, 16, 17 Anushţubh ; 2, 15, 20 Mālini ; 3, 6, 8, 10, 14, 19, 21, 22, 24 Indravajrā;
4, 13, 18 Sārdülavikridita ; 5, 7, 9, 11, 23 Vasantatilakā.]
1 The passage here is rather ambiguous and I explain it with much diffidence : aruvana and kodevana seem to be the names of two taxes like sikavana, mahasvana, etc., in Marathi, but the meaning of the terms is not clear to me. [To me the passage seems to mean that the Nargāvundas would not get any gold for their maintenance, i.e., AB salary, excepting the aruvana, if they were prepared to do the duties connected with their office, but if they refused to shoulder the responsibilities of office, they would not get even the kodevana (read as kôdevana by the author) to which they were entitled as hereditary holders of the office of Nargávunda. That kodevana is a tax is clear from 1.44 (there read as ködevana) of the Kargudari inscription of the Kadamba prinoo Tailapa (Ind. Ant., Vol. X, p. 263), where it is mentioned along with manedere (house-tax). It was probably a tax on umbrellas, though Fleet took it in the sense of a hana or pana stamped with the device of an umbrella' (ibid., p. 255 n.).-N.L.R.)
* Prepared from the original. I am thankful to Mr. N. Lakshminarayan Rao for suggesting better readings of the place-names.

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180 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VoL. XXVII First Plate 1. स्वस्ति । अयत्याविकृतं विष्णोळराहं शोभितार्णव (बम्) [*] दक्षिणोन्नतवंष्ट्राप्रविश्रा
पुः ॥ [१॥*] जयति जगति बढो राजलक्ष्मीनिवासः प्रविजितरिपु3 पार्मस्वी (स्वी)कृतोत्कृष्टदुर्गस्स(स)कळसुकृतवासो बीरलक्ष्मीविळासो जनितसुजन+ नः श्रीशिळाहारवंशः . [२] श्रीमत्शि (च्छि)ळाहारनरेनवंशे श्रीकीर्तिकान्ताः
लाः [[*] बिल्यातशौर्या बहवो नृपेंद्राः संपाळयामासुरिमां घरि6 बी(चीम्) 0 [॥३॥*] तद्वंशे नृपतिबभूव अतिगो गोमन्थदुर्गाधिपो मामः श्रीवनितापतिस्तु7 परितो गंगस्य पेनिडेस्त (1 तस्याभूत्तनय प्रतापनिळय (यः) श्रीनायिमां8 को नुपः कर्णाटीकुचकुंकुमांकिततनुबिचापराधीश्वरः . [॥४॥*] तस्यात्म9 जस्सुपरिवर्वितराज्यलक्ष्मी प्रादुर्मभव समुपाजितपुष्यपुंजः [*] 10 चंद्राहयो जगति विश्रुतकीतिः (ति)कान्तस्स्यागार्णवो बुधनुतो नयनाभि11 रामः = [॥५॥*] तस्सा (स्या)पि पुत्रो जतिगो नरेंद्रो जातः प्रवीरो गजयूथनाथः [[*]
तस्या12 त्मजो गोंकलगूवलारव्यो जातावुभौ वैरिकुळाद्रिवजो • [॥६॥*] तन्गोंकलस्य तनुजो
रिपुवन्ति13 सिंहः श्रीमारसिंहनुपतिमरुवक्कश (स)पः [[*] प्रादुर्मभूव समरांगणसूत्र14 धारो विख्यातकीर्तिरिह पण्डितपारिजातः ० [॥*] तस्याप्रसूनुजगदेकवीरो वी-. 15 रांगनाबाहुलतावगूढः। कीतिप्रियो गूबलदेवनामा बभूव भूपाळ16 बरो नरेंगः . [ul*] तस्यानुजस्सकळमंगळजन्मभूमिरासीन्नपाळतिळको भुवि भोज17 देवः [*] प्रोत्तुंगवीरवनिताश्रयवाहुरहश्चण्डारिमण्डळशिरोगिरिवनदण्डः [*]
Second Plale; First Side 18 भीमत्कवंबांवरतिग्मरश्मेश्शिरस्सरोजं सळू शान्तरस्य[*] पूजां प्रचके स च चक्रवर्तिथीविक 19 मादित्यनृपंपावे ॥१०॥*] किं बन ()ते अगति वीरतरः प्रसिद्धः कोपात्तु कोंगजनृपोपि 20 पपात यस्य [*] सूर्यान्वयांवर बिस्स - विज्मणोपि पो गृहं सुरपतेम्भुवि य.

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KOLHAPUR PLATES OF SALAHARA GANDARADITYA; SAKA 1037
"జయ నంద - తన్నోవాడునతడు 2 నవవనవడు లేయం గురుదాంజలి వరుడు
తణత్సడడుగరడసుల రమణ రంపజరసుజన. ఎద పమురవరంమందరనడమంతరము |యరు పురవీయబడు జద వాడయమగునూదం 6, ఇండోవ తపంబనగ్న ప్రజంగోణమగజముమ్మ అవని పరిస 6 - గగనందముపగత నయం ప్రపనాడయ నాయదులు .పిండంలో ఉపన ప్రపద్యతతను పదండి వారుండరు
సుందరి రంజులను పంపనా విజ 10 సయంజగుపరు గుత్వం ఒదను నయన
జనం విరిగజమూదినాదం సమస్యలగందం అంతకు 800వ శ్రీరంగంతను కురిపడకు. 12
సం మారణహత వంద పడనవసమంగం 14 . పవిత్వం రిపుదరదంజ అ అవసూలవగండుడు అయోగ్యవందోసము వసూపడం
నుకుంది. 14 16 సవినండగపండుగడ ఉంది పడడముది నిజ 16 తం ఏర్పడి దండాలు అయి బాలుడన్నా మరియు లివిడిగా రివబ్ర
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A బ ర తీర రస రాజు ఎడతాననపు పుండి ప్రవ న చ ర ప ప A ద పడుం దనుజగపతరం ప్రజలు విత్తుకు జమ
దివ్యదయ సూయయం రవిప్పవదినోతహారదు లో 1 వ విఖరినొద ఇప్పంజుభవం తరప్రశసన్న బంతము ఆత్యయన్న వంతు పతంగుల పం తారసునుండున్నారు, - ఎంకు విలయనం అనండనుజంగం విజవంది.
పలువ తతంపై ముడవ సంజన నువను
లో ఈ హాయ తృ0 82 2
గలడందనే
BURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.
B. CH. CHHABRA, Beg. No. 3977 E-36 - 475-48.
(From Photographs)

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36
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46
48
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38
భవప డిత
శ్రీ దరత వరించదం నర్ ఎఒంబం, 36 29 21 20 విషయ ప్రసూ ఈ సుదన్న గుడ బదరంవద్ద ఉల్లిర తగరందం. ప/బ్రమనది ఇప శ్రీశ్రవః విడిద గజపతి జయ జషికో విషయః సదయః పనియణ రియు గది దగా ఉత: పనివార ERROR: గ్రామములకందం @ ద డి సదుస్తరఒన 42 డిబిఐ 26: ఏమనడుచుకోడం.. అంది పడిత, అదకడమ పొడుం ఒంపులని నూడినవి పద్ద : సప్త శ్రీ విద్యర్తరుడు. . 44 పగరావడ Vaalanaloka నద పదత్వం 2. ప్ర -అజరి జగద్దు నిదుర C వంగ బడ్డ
146
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కొదురుద ::- ఏ భ్రమః Mohit blaడి పడి అడిగాJhavబనం
48
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50
52
54
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56
పంబను దగ్గ: శ్రీ నియతి అవనితను మంతరాజను బువ విఖ్యతం త్రిరిహదముడు, a: పారనయాబ నూవ గనా పడిం పద భావ సదరు అధో శివ తాగ హా: @od/jనిదురగునిగని, అమనిగుడి ఉన్నాయి సుదన్నది 58. తృగరగ @ ఇజది. ఓక యబడి త్వరల్లిక ఈ యవడు వత్తిడి వించి దర్శ త్మీయ నుప్పున ఉన్న సర్వబాద పరిహారపు బిత్తరపోవ (శ్రాద్ధ డందే గం.
60

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No. 32] KOLHAPUR PLATES OF SILAHARA GANDARADITYA; SAKA 1037 181 21 स्य कोपात् [॥११॥*] यत्प्रतापप्रदीपेस्मिन् कोक्कलस्स (श्श)लभायितः [*] पलायिता न
गण्यन्ते सोयं 22 भोजनुपालकः [॥१२॥*] वेणुप्रामदवानळो विजयते वैरीभकण्ठीरवो गोविवप्रळयान्त23 कः शिखरिणो बनः कुरंजस्य च [*] भोजः स्वीकृतकोंकणो भुजबळातल्लिमोद्वन्ध24 कृत्सोयं कर्न (ण) विशापटो रिपुकुमुद्दोईण्डकण्डूहरः ०[॥१३॥*] तस्यानुजातो गुणराशि25 रासीत् (न्) बल्लाळदेवो जितवैरिभूपः [*] जीमूतवाहान्वयरत्नदीपो गंभीर26 मूर्तिक ( )वि शौर्य्यशाली [॥१४॥*] अजनि तदनुजातस्तिग्मरश्मिप्रतापो दिविजपतिवि27 भूतिस्सर्वलक्ष्मीनिवासः [i*] कृतरिपुमवभंगो राजविद्याप्रसंगो भुवनवि28 नुतमूर्तिगण्डरादित्यदेवः [॥१५॥*] चक्रे चाळक्यचक्रेशो विक्रमादित्यवल्लभः [1*2... निश्श29 कमल्ल इत्याल्यां गण्डरादित्यभूपतेः [॥१६॥*] धन्यास्ते मानवास्सा धन्याश्च मृगजात30 यः [*] स देशसफलो यत्र गण्डरादित्यभूपतेः(तिः) [॥१७॥*] यत्खगाद्भूततीन (ब)घा31 तचकितस्तत्कूण्डिवेशाधिपो बण्डब्रह्मन्पो जगाम सबनं संसेव्यमानं सुर32 स्त्य (: । त्य) क्त्वा राष्ट्रमतीवरम्यमतुळां लक्ष्मी भुजोपाजितां सोयं गण्डरदेवम33 ण्डळपतिस्संशोभते भूतळे [॥१८॥*] रत्नानि यत्नेन ददाति तस्मै रत्नाक34 रो भंगभयाज्जडात्मा [*] प्रापूर्व्य सम्यक्सततं ब(व) हिनं सूक्ष्माणि 35 बासांसि हयांश्च तस्मै [॥१९॥*] किमिह बहुभिरुक्तरल्पगम्भवचोभि (k)वन
Second Plate ; Second Side 36 विदितवीरः क्रूरसंप्रामधीरः [*] अपरनृपतिकोशं देशमत्यन्तशोभं यदि स कुपितचित्तः 37 कारयत्यात्मकीयं [॥२०॥*] समधिगतपञ्चमहाशम्बमहामण्डळेश्वरः [*] तगरपुरवरा38 धीश्वरः । श्रीशिळाहारनरेंद्रः । जीमूतवाहनान्वयप्रसूतः सुवर्णगरुड39 ध्वजः । मवक्कश (स)पः । अय्यनसिंहः [*] रिपुमण्डळिकभैरवः [*] विद्विष्टगजकण्ठी40 रवः । गणिकामनोजः । हयवच्छ (स) राजः । शौचगांगेयः । सत्यरायः । 41 इबरावित्यः । रूपनारायणः । कलियुगविक्रमादित्यः । शनिवार42 सिविः। गिरिदुर्गलंघनः । श्रीमन्महालक्ष्मीलम्पवरप्रसादाविसमस्तराजाव. 43 ळीविराजितः श्रीमन्महामण्डळेश्वरः श्रीगण्डरादित्यदेवः श्रीमढळय.

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. [VoL. XXVII 44 वाडशिबिरे सुखसंकथाविनोदेन राज्यं कुर्वाणः । सप्तत्रिशवुत्तरसह45 स्रषु स(श)कवर्षेषु १०३७ प्रतीतेषु मन्मथसंवत्सरे कार्तिकमासे शुक्लपक्षे । 46 अष्टम्यां बुधवारे मिरिजेदेशे। मिरिजेगम्पणमध्ये । अंकुलगे बोप्पे47 यवाउ इति प्रामद्वयं प्रादगेनामग्रामस्य प्रविष्टं कृत्वा तता48 मालवण त्यक्त्वा तत्रत्यनाग्र्गावुण्डा यदि नायकत्वं कुर्वन्ति तेषां शरी49 रजीवितात्यं सुवर्ण न ददाति यदि नायकत्वं नेच्छन्ति स्वेच्छया तिष्ठन्ति त50 वा कोदेवणं नास्ति । एवमनेन क्रमेण© श्रीमत्पवित्रेत्र निगुंब
Third Plate. 51 वंशे जातः पुमान् होरिमनामधेयः [*] कीर्तिप्रियः पुण्यधनः प्रसिद्धः श्री52 जैनसंघांबुजतिग्मरश्मिः [॥२१॥*] तस्यात्मजोभूविह बीरणाख्यस्तस्यानुजोभू53 दरिकेसरीति [*] तद्वीरणस्यो (स्या)पि तनूभवोयं बभूव कुंदातिरिति प्रसिकः ॥२२॥*] 54 तस्यानुजस्सुपरिपाळितबन्धुवर्गः श्रीनायिमो जिनमतांबुषिच- . 55 ये(ए)षः [*] त्यागान्वितस्सुचरितस्सुजनो बभूव प्रख्यातकीर्तिरिह धर्मप56 : प्रसिद्धः ०[॥२३॥*] तस्यापि वीरः सुजनोपकारी नोळंबनामा तनयो बभूव [*] 57 'श्रीगण्डरादित्यपदाज गो धान्वितो वैरिमतंगसिंहः [॥२४॥*] तस्मै 58 समस्तगुणगणाळंकृताय निगुंबकुळकमळमार्तण्डाय । सुवर्णम59• त्स्योरगेंद्रध्वजविराजिताय सम्यक्त्वरत्नाकराय पद्मावतीदेवीलग्धवर60 प्रसाधा (वा)य नोळंबसामन्ताय सवनमस्यं सर्ववाषापरिहारं पुत्र61 पौत (ब)कमाचन्द्राक्कं वत्तवान्
No. 33-MEHAR PLATE OF DAMODARADEVA
(1 Plate) B. M. BARUA AND PULIN BEHARI CHAKRAVARTI, CALCUTTA This copperplate was discovered in February 1940 in the village of Mehär, Chandpur Sub-division of the District of Tippera, P. S. Hajiganj, by Muhammad Rahimuddin of Mehär. while he was digging a ditch by the side of his homestead to a depth of about 8 feet. He found it inside a small masonry work, in which it was deposited. He naturally took it to be made of a precious metal, and cut off a small bit from its lower edge, thereby causing a loss of two letters, one repregenting a number --better, a certain sum of money, and the other, the syllable ta which has been supplied in the present edition.

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On receiving information about it from Mr. Nagendra Kumar Choudhuri, a local Hindu zemindar, Mr. Pulin Behari Chakravarti (one of the authors) lost no time in approaching Mr. Golam Muhammad Mian, the Officer-in-Charge of the Hajiganj Police Station, and it was mainly through his efforts that Mr. Chakravarti was able to procure the plate for the Asutosh Museum of the Calcutta University.
This is a single plate which measures 11" by 10with a thickness of about fth of an inch. The semi-circular seal forms a curvature in the middle of its upper edge. Its maximum length from the top of the curvature is about 13 inches. It contains a Sanskrit inscription of the 13th century A.D., consisting of 43 lines, 24 engraved on the obverse and 19 on the reverse. Its seal precisely like that of the other copper-plate of Damodara found in the District of Chittagong, presents on the obverse side a figure of Vishnu either riding on Garuda, his traditional vehicle, or in the angry attitude of slaying a fallen foe, and on the reverse side, a rayed disc of the sun set upon and inside a crescent. Both the rayed disc of the sun and the horizontally disposed crescent are installed each on a finely disposed pedestal. Vishņu who is supposed to be in his Purushottama or Krishna-Väsudēva form, is two-armed and wears a kirita on his head. His figure is full of vigour and valour, and shows a strong fighting pose. The lower figure is either Garuda with his prominent nose and other characteristics and flying attitude or, as Mr. Debaprasad Ghosh, Curator of the Asutosh Museum, suggests, a fallen foe about to be killed. It is not unlikely that here we have a scene of the wrestling duel of Madhava with Chāņūra, justifying the epithet of ChāņüraMadhava applied in the present inscription to Damodaradēva.
The representation of Vishņu on Garuda or of Madhava overpowering Chāņūra is certainly symbolical of the Vaishnava faith of king Dāmódara who issued the copper-plate. The Vaishnava faith of the royal dynasty to which Damodara belonged is evident from his name as well as those of his three predecessors. One may indeed observe with N. G. Majumdar that this dynasty "professed the Vaishnava faith like the Varmmans and the Senas."
The date of the issue of the charter is the 22nd day of Jyaishtha in the 4th year of Dāmõdara's reign, corresponding to the 1156th year of the Saka era (= 1234 A.D.), while that in the Chittagong plate is the 1165th year of the same era. The present plate is therefore earlier by nine years than the other, and we know that king Damodara reigned at least for 13 years, if not for more.
As regards the palaeography of the present record, we may mention that its letter-forms are in almost all respects the same as those of the Chittagong plate. The characters of the latter are, in the opinion of N. G. Majumdar, "evidently proto-Bengali and akin to those used in the Bodhgayā inscriptions dated in years 51 and 83 of the Lakshmanasēna era and the Gaya inscription of Govindapala of 1175 A.D.” In the present plate, the syllables tu and tta, tha and ndha are represented alike; the only difference between the two letters, ma and sa, is that in the case of the latter, the loop to the left is generally open. The form of én again, is different from the en we come across in other Bengal inscriptions and the Chittagong plate. It resembles the letter tha. The figures representing the numbers and fractions are practically the same as those met with in the Madanapada and the Sahitya-Parishat copper-plates of Visvarūpasēna. The only exception to be noted is one which relates to the notation adopted for representing the number 2. Strangely enough, this particular number has been represented in one and the same record by two totally different symbols: one resembling the consonant t in line 43 after Jyaishtha-dine and the other approaching the modern Bengali form of ta in lines 18, 24 and 32. It may be asked : why
1J.A.S.B., Vol. XLIII (1874), Part I, pp. 318-24, PL. XVIII; Inscriplions of Bengal, Vol. III, pp. 168-63. * Inscriptions of Bengal, Vol. III, P 159. Inscriptions of Bengal, Vol. III, pp. 158-9.

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do we not take cne of them to stand for 2 and the other for 9? This is not possible. Firstly, in the case of Jyaishtha-dine te, we cannot but take to stand for 22. Secondly, in the statement, ēvam sāsanika-brāhmana Page #256

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MEHAR PLATE OF DAMODARADEVA ficance, the biruda of Damodaradova is Vaishnavite in its form, and in this respect, it stands much nearer to the biruda, Arirāja-Danuja-nidhara, prefixed to the name of Dasarathulēva, identified hy Dr. N. K. Bhatta sali with Danujamādbava who flourished after the Sena rule.
Both Damodaradeva and Dasarathadora were Dēvānvayas and Soma- or Chandra-vansiya Kshatriyas, and both of them were worshippers of Vishnu.
These points of coincidence need an explanation. We may only ask: do they not suggest that Dasarathadeva was a descendant of Damodara, if not his immediate successor, and vertainly the most powerful king of the Deva family ?
In the present plate, Damodara leva is called Cujapuli only, while in the Adāvadi plate Dasarathadēva is honoured with the epithet of Asvajati-Gajapuli-Narapuli-rajatray-ādhipali. In the former, there is no epithet indicating the place of which Damõlara was the king; while in the latter Dasaratha boldly claims to have obtained the kingdom of Gauda and issued the charter from Vikramapura, which he could not have done had he not succeeded the later Sönas after their fall or extermination.
The Chittagong plate of Damodara refers to a village called Kētangapala, which was bounded on the north by the Mitachchada and had in its neighbourhool, if not actually within it, Baghapõkhira "Tiger's Pond'. The village may be identified with the modern Kötangyäpāla, forming a part of the village of Hashimpur, P. S. Patiyā, and bounded on the north by the MarichharaPukhariya which is still the name of a hamlet by the hillside, on the southern bank of the river Saikha. In other words, the inscription relates to a village in the district of Chittagong, and not elsewhere.
The present inscription places the village of Mēhāra in the khandala (subdivision) called Vāyisagrāma which in its tim was included in the Paralāyi vishaya of the Samatata mandala lying within the Paundravarddhana bhukti. The Mēhāragräma of the record being no other locality than the present village of Melar, it is easy to determine that Damodaratdiva's kingdom extended at least over the three districts of Tippera, Noakhali and Chittagong.
Now the question arises whether the rule of Dāmādara, or for the matter of that, of all the three kings of the Deva family, was confined to the three districts of Chittagong division, or it was coextensive with not only the whole of the Samatata mandala but also with the whole of the Paundravarddhana bhukti, as it was then known. Apart from being described as Gajapati in one plate and Sakaln-bhūpati-chakravartin (the Lord of all the kings), in the other there is no other indication whatever that Damodara or any predecessor of his in his own line was a parumount sovereign. Nor does it appear that they were Sīmantas under the successors of Lakshmanasena, who somehow maintained the position as Grudescara and paramount sovereign within the Paundravarddhana bhukti at least for seventeen years after the death of Lakshmamasina. The length of the reign of Kesava, the second son of Lakshmanasona, is not as yet determined. But certain it is that the reign of Madhumathana-Madhusūdana at least was synchronous with that of the two later Söna kings. Hal Damodara or any of his two predecessors succeeded in supplanting the Senas within the Paundra varddhana bhukti, he would have usurped forth with all the high-sounding epithets including Gaudēśvara, as was done subsequently by Dasarathadēva. But Damodara passed as the Arirūja-Chūnura-Mādhava without the title Gaulēsvara. It is in the Mehär plate of Dümüda radova that Samatata finds mention, perhaps, for the first time as a mandala, within, of course, the Paundravarddhana bhukti. And this may have been a creation of Purushottama's family for distinguishing it from Vanga, apparently a mandula under the rule of the later Sēnas within the same Paundravard dhana bhukti, which included in it Vikramapura and
1 Inscriptions of Bengal, III, p. 182.
: Kitangapali must then have comprised a much larger area than it doos now. XVI.1.20

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Navya We need not bring in here other mamalax within the same bhukti, viz., Nivya, Adhah. pattana, Khadi, Varēndri (?) and Kumaritalaka, that may serve only to fix the limitation of the extent of the Sumataţa mandala in Dämõdara's time.
The really plausible explanation of the position of the Deva kings arising out of the Mchar plate would be that, while they were reigning in the Samatata madala of the laundravarddhana bhukti, the Sēnas held supremacy over the region of Vanga including Vikramapura and Navya and passed as Gardeners within the same bhukti. Their supremacy was disputed but could not till then be shaken off. If this inference be correct, one may even go further and suggest that the river Meghna was the natural boundary between Damodara's territory and the dominion of Vanga under the latest Sēna rule.
The position of the early Devas even as regards their suzerainty over the whole of the district of Tippera is rendered anomalous by the Mainimati plate of Ranavarkamalla Harikaladeva, issued in the 17th year of his reign which corresponded to the year 1141 of the Saka era ( A.D. 1218). From the date of this grant and the length of the reign indicated therein, it is evident that if Raņavankamalla Hariküladorit was not a contemporary of both the father and the grandfather of Dāmõdaradēva, he was at least a contemporary of his father, king Väsudova. When precisely Harikaladeva's reign ended or what happened to his line, we cannot say. From the inclusion of the city or town of Pattikērā with the Maināmati (Lālmāi) hillock as its probable natural landmark, it is certain that his principality was situated in close neighbourhood of the kingdom of the early Dēva rulers. Whether a scion of the Deva family or not, his rule would seem to have been confined to a small portion of Tippera.
The main object of the present plate is, however, to give away by a royal charter certain plots of land in the village of Mohar to twenty Brahmins of high distinction, together with their annual income, with a perpetual right of enjoyment and use. The donces are all mentioned by name. It is not unlikely that their names have been arranged in groups. At all events, some have been distinguished by the götras to which they belonged, and some by the villages from which they came. The götras mentioned are three in all, namely, Sāvarnya, Bhäradvāja and Atrēya. The villages mentioned consist of Kanyamala, Pūrvagrāma, Si[dk]dhalagrāma, Dindisā and Kēśaraköņā. One of the Brahmins is distinguished from the rest as grihi-pandita. The charter is said to have been received from king Chāņūra-Madhava by Kapadi of the Sivarnya götra on behalf of himself and the other donees concerned.
This matter which is presented in the form of a prose statement in a most business-like way has been inserted between two sets of Sanskrit stanzas, the first consisting of seven slokas, and the other of five.
Along with the four members of the Deva family, the plate immortalises the name of Gangādharadēva, the highly eulogised generalissino of Dämöilara. It mentions also Munidäsa as Damodara's chief minister for war and peace (Mahāsindhivigrahika), and Dalaēva as Mahūkshagaļalika, both of whom joined with the king in the recorded work of merit.
To what extent the Mehir grant may be taken to bear information concerning the origin of the gūsis of the Bengal Brahmins is difficult to say. The qani as a technical term denotes the social status of a Brahmin determined by his original connection with a particular village in Bengal. According to the Rādhiya sect of Brahmins, the social distinction goes to 56 villages. It is noteworthy that no fewer than four villages, viz., Pūrvagrama, Siddhala, Dindisã and Kökarakönä. mentioned in the inscription, are included in the list of 56 gañis. The location of the fifth village, Kāṇyamala, remains yet unknown.
Lastly, the authors must express their indebtedness to Mr. N. N. Dasgupta, for some valuable suggestions regarding the reading of the inscription, to Mr. T. N. Ramachandran,

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187 Superintendent, Archaeological Section, Indian Museum, for all the official facilities offered, specially in preparing the estampage of the plate, and lastly, to Dr. N. P. Chakravarti, Director General of Archaeology, and Dr. B. Ch. Chhabra, the Government Epigraphist for their many valuable suggestions and helpful criticism.
TEXT: [Metres: V. 1 Upajāti, v. 2 Pushpitāgrā, v. 3 Sārdülavikridita, v. 4 Malini, v.5 Āryā, vv. 6-8 Sragdharā, vv. 9-11 Anushțubh, and v. 12 Mandākrāntā.]
Obverse 1 Om [!] Yal j*] jāgrato yāti jagat=prakāśam nidrāyamāņē punar=ēva yasmin [l*]
niliyamānam=bhavati kshaņēna namõ=stu ta2 smai Purushottamāya[ 1*] Tri-bha(bhu)vana-jayinaḥ smarasya sastram hariņa-dřiśām
lalit-aika-drisht(t)i-pātram [l*] sakala-sura3 gurõh siro-vatamso jagati tanotu sudkám=asau Sudhāmśuḥ [1 2 *] Vamśē tasya Purü
ravaḥ-prabhțitayā jā4 tāḥ sata bhūbhujo yēshär vikrama-dana-sila-charitair-ady=āpi prithvi dhřitā [l*] ētasmin
Purushottamaḥ sa5 mabhavad=Dēvāṁ(v-ā)nvaya-grāmaṇiḥ prakhyāt-ādbha(dbhu)ta-buddha-kirtti-visarad-vya
pta-triloki-talaḥ [l 3*] Sa Madhumathanal 6 dēvaḥ prād[u]räsid=amushmāt lalita-madana-mūrtti[r]=viśva-vibhranta-kirttih [l*] tadanu .
jagati sākshād=Vāgu7 dēvõ=vatīrṇo vidita-sakala-śāstraḥ sastra-vidya-dhurīnaḥ Ill 4*) Tasmād=Gajapatir
abhavad-Arirā. 8 ja-Chāņūra Mādhavo viraḥ [[*] sri-Damodaradövő jagati rājanvati yễna [1-5*] Yat
sangrām-ātisajja9 di(dvi)rada-vara-ghatā-kalpa-kādamvi(mbi)n=iyam tat-ka[r]nn-Ōttāla-vātyā-vraja iha maruto
nyüna?-pañchāśad=ė10 va yat=tat=sind[ū]ra-bhūshā sirasi samuditasetēgmatējāņe-sahasram manyē tad=vidvishān=
tat kha- . 11 lu kamalabhuvo rātrir=ākasmik-iva [16] Dēvēndrasya yath=aiva Mātalir=abhūt Krishna
sya yantā varah 12 khyāto Där[u]ka-vandhulasya 16 npipatēr=Vārshņēya-līlādharaḥ [l*) tat-tulyö-bhavad
asya vāraņa-ghatā-sa13 tpătra-mukhyaḥ kṣiti sri-Gangadharadēva ēsha samarē Prăgjyotishāndr-opamah11
ILI 7*] Srimad Ari= 1 From the original plate and its inked estampage. * Expressed by a symbol.
Here in the adulatory stanza, this epithet of Vishņu is chosen in honour of Purushottama, the adipurushe of the royal dynasty.
Cf. Adávidi copper-plate of Dasarathadeva (Bhäratavarsha, 1332 B.S., pp. 78-81 ; Inscriptions of Bengal, III, p. 181): Dev-anvaya-kamala-vikasa-bhaskara.
The same as Madhusudana of the Chittagong plate.
Similar epithets are applied to the Sena kings in the inscriptions of Kētavasõna and Vivaclipasõna, and the biruda assumed by Dasarathadēva.
Wo have to take it in the sense of ikonapakchabad. • Read samuditam. . Read ligmalējal. 10 Horo vandhul-bandhur, bandhuli, 'friend.' 1 Allusion is to Bhagadatta.

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[ Vol. XXVII
14 rāja-Chāņura-Mādhava-dēva-pādā vijayinah sri-Paundravarddhana-bhukty-antah
pāti-Samata15 ţa-mandalē Paralāyi-vishaya-prativa(ba)ddha-Vāyisagrāmat-khandaliya-Mahāra
grāma-niva16 si-yathā-pradhana-janapadān mahattarāıs=cha samādisanti viditam-astu bhavatām 17 upari-likhita-grāmē Sāva[r]nnya-sagotra-pari-sri- Kāpaļikasya pañchavimšati-pu18 rān-otpattika-griha-vātik-ādis-ți p? byā-bhū® * săn-hito PX" tathā v(b)rā 12-sri
śānkokasya pañcha-pura19 -opatti13-chati ? hya-bhū sām-hi tathā brā-sri-Sudokasya chati vyā
bhū !// sā-hi 5 ta20 thí v(b)ra-Kālēmikasya ţi byā-bhū // sūr-hi v(b)rā-Tārāpatēḥ chati bya
bhū // * Sārn-hi Bharadvā21 ja-sagotra-para-sri-Pandokasya gri-tji i był-Whū !//x sīm-hi for tathā v(b)rā-sri
Dēdakasya griha-ti byā-bhū //x 22 sar-hi tathā v(b)rā-sri-Sudökasya gļiha-ți bya-bhū | * sā-hi 5 \/ // Kāṇyamaliya
v(b)ra-sri-Kēsavasya gri23 ți ? byā-bhū // sām-hi XII/! tath=âsya mu-ție byā-bhū / san-hi II/ tathā
v(b)ra-sri-Brahmokasya gri24 ti ? hya-bhū /// sām-hi Re-da? tath=åsya mu-ți ? byā-bhū // si-hi18 [ta]th=&sya
nā-bhū19 //* sārı-hi? 1 The name of the Khandala is Väyian (=Bengali Bass, Skt. Dvavimša) and not Váyimi. A village of the name of Vaishgion still exists at a distance of six miles south-east of Mehår.
2 An abbreviation of pandita.
Kāpadika is the same person as Kāpadi in line 30.
*Cf. Tarpanadighi copper-plate of Lakshmanasēna, lines 36-37: satirutsarena kaparddaka-purana-sarddhaint-aik-otpattiko; also Madhainagar copper-plate of Lakshmanasina, lino 43 : c atsarēna .. maly-otpattiko: Madanapada copper-plate of Visvarūpasēna, lines 44-45.
The lower vertical of the i-sign is wanting. . Is li an abbreviation of váti or chati ? 7 The numbers are all shown in Dēvanāgari characters to avoid confusion.
* For bya-bhi or vya-bha, cf. Sahitya Parishat copper-plate of Visvarüpasõna, line 44. The word also occurs twice in the Chittagong plate, J.A.S.B., Vol. XLIII, p. 323. Its meaning has so far been missod. The SahityaParishat platé clearly attests that it stands only for Chatuh-sim-avachchhinna-vastu-bhūmi, i.e., vyāvritta-västubhimi, demarcated homestead land or residential site". In it, vya bhi is aptly distinguished from nala-bhu. precisely as in our plate.
• The asterisk is added to indicate that or a similar notation in this plate denotes a fraction of an area, a measure or an amount.
10 N. G. Majumdar (Inscriptions of Bengal, Vol. III, p. 146, f.n. 3) explains sām in the sense of sakalyena in all' while on page 25. f.. 2, he rightly suggests that si-hi stands for saxlam. In the Edilpur copper-plate of Kesavasēna, så or säin stands for så(sā)śvatan-lay-olpattib(m), hi being obviously sahih (Madanapada copper. plate of Visvarūpasēna, line 44).
11 Evidently the number 2 is represented by two different signs and <, 2, 2, 12 Vrá or brá stands for brāhmana. 15 Read n-otpatti. 14 Read sā.
10 gri-ti = griha- ti = griha-vāļi, cf. line 27; griha-chati, cf. line 31 vīļi compounded with pushpa, udyang and lavan-btsavu has been used on p. 320 of J.A.S.B., XLIII.
*mu-fi is obviously = mukhya-vă fi or mukhya-chati. 178-da seems to have been an abbreviation of Evari dallam. 18 The letter denoting the amount is missing.
18It stands for nala-bhūmi, colloquial nal-jami. The word in discussed on p. 320 of. J.A.S.B., XLIH. . of. chatuh simūvuchchhinna-vastu-nalubhumi

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MEHAR PLATE OF DAMODARADEVA
Obrerse
.y?" ! .; এখন। {(বে'
মনমানব মেঘ : 2 6:15 (S":" { দিন ৫৫:৫২ 2749:
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73. {{২} }} ]ena) J!S", "] ৯!ি 0.8 ! ( + = 1,5 12 ) 6 . (78 ]; //2.57][== " + স + ৮৭, ১! | 54{' {{-
2 7 6 :/25 । ৮। ' !! 7.! || । * 18 )", " { {(। ৪. a 712 212)" (১৬ (
৫১৭)বিৰ্তিীযে নাযম & 1248, ৪। . ", "কেন। • 'নী! !নৰাৰ5থম7 (5। 7 6 2){ /পে। 10:/; 3 সুষ। {(SS?= হি5ে56255 = 3.5 দ্বিদ্ধি 35 )10
a * ({{' */Af+ ৭৫*, (451]]( মা!!22527;& 12 5}}\(SH? এ গার্মেয়ন নরঃ5-1|| S (5]।"{2}{x, 12
. || 3 ! (19] ।(২৫7 বএ > (7' কিং:4(6(১৫। ১৯নক 14 = 1.2 {2+(7, 4া। বা2 আগে। বয়ন নুg! !ি5. 14 | 7 {\ৰ লিমিটি বাযিম (নী(মাস্তা,বগনি বা 16 22/12{{457ছন, মত3qমমষ্টি, ১/বি ফ্রিদিম উল।।। (s strQf2d55/মােহ= '
গােবগাছীকম। থ্রিতিA sl0ia 3G" | F6:192। "¢ং তালা( + ) | 402 14
(লে৯ি ১৯৩৮ | ১,5alঠানোকু-কাতি, ১ | হা f> T2 .. 20 | allaষান-দ/ ('!905 সার্মি চাকাত5ং ১৪ x (ড়ি ১ 3.161
BA(FIGগাম||)!= & 520 | ''.) > | | 5 9 " ({{(f || 5' ' । । মtc{(যত্ব। । » « 22 {{: ) . ঘড়ি, ঔ ={{ "/B.” '
১ ৯ । ” ” = 2. { } { ।। E; } : ২৯। কত !
{{{{ Ct... 24
.
SCALE: THREE-FIFTHS
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.
B, CH, CHHABRA. Reg. No, 347 E 36-4s40.

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Rererse
১ 5থা ম! al faqার ১৯ মাছি | গ্রামীয়া ভুবক! (0) 28ম, ১}{১১) **সড়ৎ। (
মাম}}}}}}ot!); //ৎ! 28 . ( Aঠা = ক / নাই। Ab১দিৎিরংসহা= £ পর্ণ, দুর'। হ/ হাঁচি ৩। ডিভানযােক স্নাতুন। যদি ১াসকে || ড:42 22}" | 28 {21%ap|50[১ঠ স্, ম['ডি 3। ব্রাতৰি(খts].ভিং ']9া। 'ব । (কলাব্রাতেঃ45ামফিবি প্রতিবেদম নিডম(নি। মঙ5) ঠাহর 30 ঠীৰ মা মাগ|('লিকপ্টন কবিতার???:১১ ই, কার
সবঠzbঃ<০াং। ১২ ইচ্ছে নানৰ অহ ); ২ মেমতারমৰুে বকমন্থন |ণখান মির্গে হাগু। তামনি যথA” নিসান নীন! (FI I'না-মিমি(মার। সে। ১৫l/42ঞ্চ 729/7: <56ানি (সী । যে কবিতা, (s 2( সূ22 (g) য মta.( A4 সা: ৪:24Gজ।
sad কি সুxtfডই। তি2,মা বহির্টি ) =]]যহাব ৭, বিয়ের মাস ফ্লাচার{
Sধু হৰি সয়ালি : হাতি আ১) তোয়ামিনিয়ানো
#btc arণা ৯gযাব্রিজ নি মাস্টার্সালল্লাহি বqে, । চ'সেনিয়া -হা ৫০ হে মেীনি মাটি কেড়ে নেয়। 42} & 27 2 2 6 = ১১{{মতিক ন £ত স্বী হ! ১া ৫:42
')) * ৪. স্লম ( ।

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No. 33 ]
MEHAR PLATE OF DAMODARADEVA
189
Reverse
25 tath=åsya brā-sri-Sirökasya griba-tibva-bhū //x sam-hi X II Purvagrāmiya-brā-Sri
Dharaņikasya Guņo 26 mbh-årddha-chati ? byā-bhū /X sām-hi RII* Si(a)dhalagrāmīya-pam-sri-Pā(mdukasya
(9) chati byā-bhū * sāin-hi Atrē27 ya-gotra-bri-sri-Śānkokasya-na-bhū l* sam-hi 8* Dindisāyiya-brā-sri-Prajāpatēḥ griha
vātyāṁ 28 bhū /* sūr-hi * gļihi-par-sri-Nathökasya na-bhū 1/ sām-hi RI* brā-Sri-Jano(10)
kasya grā-hi // brā-sri29 Visvarūpasya gri-ți bya-bhū //x sār-hi /// brā-sri-Mādhökasya bi-khi-mu-ția bya
bhū * Kēśara30 koniya=v(b)rā-śrī-Śpi(Śrī)patēḥ mahāsāndhivigrahika-śri-Munidāsa-kārita-śāsana-chați
byā-bhū III 31 brā-sri-Śși(Śrt)vatsasya mahakshapatalika-sri-Dalaēva kārita-śāsana-gri-cbați byā-bhū
1/ evam 32 śāsanika-brāhmaṇa po vāți pe bhū-dro \\/ nāla-bhū-dro sāṁ-hi 800ll 33 Grāmē Māhāra-sarjñe sakala-guni-gaņāvāsa-bhūmau prasiddhë kritvā tāmrē niv(l)addhari
mama [ *] 34 yathā-samvibhāga vibhaktam [*] nānā-gotr-ābhidhāna-prativihita-sadāchāravadbhyo
dvije35 bhyaḥ prādāt chūrņņi-satasya d[v]irada-patir=asan sāsanām sāsit-ärih 1[] [8*)
Sāvarnnya36 gõtra-sambhūtaḥ Kāpaçi dvija-sattamaḥ [1] Chāņūra Mādhavād=ētat pratijagrāha 37 śāsanam [1][19] Bahubhir=vasudhā dattā rājabhiḥ Sagar=ādibhiḥ [ 1*] yasya yasya ya38 dā bhūmie tasya tasya tadā phalam [l] [10*] Sva-dattām para-dattām vā yo harēta vasun
dharām [*] 39 sa vishthāyām ksimir=bhūtvā pitçibhiḥ saha pachyatē [1][11*] ity-ādi muni-vachanam=
avaloka (kya) 40 Ābrahmāņdam khalu jagad=idam svapna-māyā-vināsi jñātvā jõatvā Gajapatir=asau yā 41 chatë bhāvi-bhūpān [l *] bhūyo' bhūyaḥ kṣita-kara-putö mauli-māņikya-kõtau kirtti42 ḥ satyam sva-krita-rabhasāt pālanīyā mam=ēti [ 1 ] [12*] Saka-nipatēr=atīt-āv(b)dāḥ 43 1156 sam 4 Jyaishtha-dinē 22
TRANSLATION Lines 1-2. Om || On whose awakening the world comes to manifestation, in whom, while reposing, (it) becomes merged again instantaneously,-- obeisance be to that Purushottama (i.e., Vishņu). (v. 1.)
1 Cf. Barrackpore copper-plate of Vijayasēna, line 32: Tikshnadanda-jal-arddha-sima. * The name does not seem to be Paúka. * This probably stands for grāhya-samasta-rajabhögya-kara-hiranya-pratyaya-sahita.
It stands obviously for bila-khila-mukhya-vāti. 5 For ēva used as a sort of surname, cf. Maināmati copper-plate of Ranavankamalla Harikā ladēva, 1 8.. Vol. IX. May be ēva = dēva.
& bhu-dro = bhūmi-dröna; nala-bhu-dro = nála-bhumi-drona. * This is evidently a sign to indicate the end of the prose statement. * The 2nd påda is wanting in three syllables after mama. Read bhumis .

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190
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXVII
Lines 2-3. The weapon of Cupid (who is) the conqueror of the three worlds, the only target of sight to the deer-eyed (women), the adorner of the head of him who is the foremost of all the gods (Siva) --let that Moon shed nectar into the world. (v. 2.)
Lines 3-5. In his line were born hundreds of rulers of the earth, Purüravas and the like, by whose acts of valour, charity and virtue the earth is sustained even to this day. In his (line) Purushottama appeared as the leader of the Dēva family (whose) far-reaching, marvellous (and) pure fame radiating, pervaded the three worlds. (v. 3.)
Lines 5-7. From him emerged the illustrious Madhumathanadēva with the lovely appearance of Cupid, (whose) fame bewildered the universe. After him, appeared Vāsudēva in the world (as if Vasudēva) incarnate, versed in all the Šāstras, (and) foremost in military skill. (v. 4.)
Lines 7-8. From him arose the hero Damodaradēva (adorned with the epithet of) Gajapati and Arirāja-Chāņüra-Madhava in whom the world found its own king. (v. 5.)
Lines 8-11. Whose column of the best elephants, well-equipped in battle-array, (stood as it were) the evening cloud ; the high winds fanned by their ears were as it were the forty-nine maruts themselves. The vermilion decoration on various parts of their forehead were as if a thousand rising suns: that appeared indeed, methinks, to his enemies like the sudden appearance of the night of the Lotus-born (Brahma's night, i.e., pralaya-kāla). (v. 6.)
Lines 11-13. Just as Mātali was to Indra, (just as) Dăruka was the well-known charioteer and friend of Krishna, so to this king was the illustrious Gangādharadēva, the foremost among the honest courtiers, resourceful like the scion of the Vrishội family (i.e., Krishna). His elephant column was like his (i.e., of the king). He equalled in battle (even) the lord of Prāgjyotisha (i.e., Bhagadatta). (v. 7.)
Lines 13-16. His Majesty the victorious Arirāja-Chāņüra-Mādhava orders the chief citizens and the officers (mahattaras) inhabiting the village of Möhāra belonging to the khandala (subdivision) (called) Vāyisagrāma included in the vishaya (district) of Paralāyi in the mandala (division) of Samataţa lying within the bhukti (province) of Paundravarddhana:-"be it known to you:
Lines 17-32. in the above-mentioned village are thus given away to Pandita Sri Kāpaçíka of the Sävarnnya götra one chati (together with) the household garden and the like, demarcated homestead land 2 (dröna), yielding an (annual) income of 25 purānas; likewise to Brāhmana Sri Sanköka one chati, demarcated homestead land 7 (dronas), yielding an annual) income of 5 (purānas) ; likewise to Brāhmaṇa Sri Sudoka one chati, demarcated homestead land * (drona), income 8 (purānas); to Brāhmaņa Kālēmika one chați, demarcated homestead land is (drona), (income) 4 (purānas); to Brāhmaṇa Tārāpati one chati, demarcated homestead land (drona), (income) (purānas); to Pandita Sri Pāpdoka belonging to the Bharadvāja götra one complete homestead, demarcated homestead land (drona), (income) 10,1% (purānas) ; likewise to Brāhmana Sri Dödaka one complete homestead, demarcated homestead land 1. (drona), (income) 4 (puranas); likewise to Brāhmaṇa Sri Sudoka one complete homestead, demarcated homestead land (drona), (income) 87 (purānas); to Brāhmana Sri Kobava of Kanyamala one complete homestead, demarcated homestead land 2 (drona), (income) 41 (puranas); likewise to him one main house, demarcated homestead land 1 (drona), (income) & (puräna); likewise to Brāhmaṇa Sri Brahmoka one complete homestead, demarcated homestead land (drona), (income) 2 (puränas); likewise to him one main house, demarcated homestead land (dröna), (income) (9)" (purānas); likewise to him arable land 1 (drona), (income) 2
1 The word mahattara here has the meaning of an official. . The location of the place is unknown.
As the total of the yearly income from different lands as given here falls short by 1 puräna from the total given in line 32, we may take the income of Brahmőka's land as 1 (puräna) yearly,

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No. 33] MEHAR PLATE OF DAMODARADEVA
191 (purānux); likewise to Brāhmaṇa Sri Siröka one completo homestead, demarcated homestead land, (drova), (income) 52 (purānas); to Brahmana Sri Dharanika of Pūrvagrāmal one chadi; with a half of the tank Gunāmbha (?), demarcated homestead land te (drona), (income); 2 10 (purana) to Pandita Sri Pāņduka of Sid(a*)halagrāma? one chati, demarcated homestead land 1. (droya), (income) 4 (purūnas); to Brāhmaṇa Sri Sanköka of the Ātrēya götra arable land
(dröya), (income) 1 (puriyas); to Brāhmana Sri Prajapati of Dindisa homestead land ta (dronn), (income) 3 (part was)to the householder Pandita Sri Näthöka arable land * (dröna), (income) 11. (puränas); to Brāhmaṇa Sri Janóka the receivable income of 1 (purūnas); to Brāhmania Sri Visvarüpa one complete homestead, demarcated homestead · landa (dröna), (income) 3,8 (purūnas), to Brahmana Sri Mădhöka one main house with low and fallow lands clemarcated homestead land * (drona); to Brämaņa Sri Sripati of Kēsarakonā one chati included in the charter, which was caused to be made by Munidāsa, the chief minister of peace and war, demarcated homestead land (drona); to Brāhmaṇa Sri Srivatsa one complete homestead included in the charter (which was) caused to be made by the chief accountant Dalaēva demarcated homestead land (drona).
Thus (altogether) 20 Brahmins mentioned in the charter, homesteads (numbering).16, (plots of) land (measuring) 2 H (drūnas), arable land (measuring) 2 drönas, the income (amounting to) 100 (purūnas)."
Lines 33-35. In the well-known village of Mēbāra, the abode of all talented persons, that famous Gajapati, the subduer of enemies, having it recorded in a copper-plate in a well-divided form, granted the charter (yielding an annual income) of one hundred churnīss to the Brahmins of different gotras who were accustomed to observe the rule of good conduct. (v. 8.)
Lines 35-37. The best Brahmin Kapadi of the Sävarnya götra received the charter (on behalf of all) from Chäņūra Mādhava (i.e., Damodara) (v. 9.)
Lines 37-38. The land has been given away by many kings, Sagara and others; whosoever at any time owns the land, to him belongs the fruit thereof." (v. 10.)
Lines 38-39. He who takes away the land given away either by himself or by another person rots, being a worm, in ordure (dirty hell) together with his (deceased) forefathers. (v. 11.)
Lines 39-42. Taking note of such sayings of the wise,? This world, nay the whole universe, is indeed perishable like dream and illusion. Knowing (this) for certain, that famous Gajapati entreats the future kings again and again with joined hands touching the edge of the gem adorning his head, " surely you should maintain the noble deed of mine thinking it to be your own." (v. 12.)
Lines 42-43. (Recorded in the expired year 1156 of the Saka era, the regnal year 4, on the 22nd day of Jyaishtha.
In the Kulapak jikās of Bengal, Pūrvagrāma, Siddhala, Dindisã and Kēkarakāņā are counted among the 56 original villages of the Radhiya Brahmins. See Gaudė Brahmana, page 164. In the Malakāpuram atone-pillar inscription (1262 A.D.) of the time of the Kakatiya queen, Rudradovi, Pärvagrama is located definitely in the
Radba division of Gauda', and also in " Dakshina-Rādha in Gauda." See Madras Epigraphical Report for 1917, page 122 ; N. N. Das Gupta in Indian Culture, April, 1939, page 358.
N. N. Basu, Prāchyavidyāmahärņava, identifies it with the present village of Pūrvagrāma, 7 miles to the west of the town of Murshidabad. See Bangera jātiya itihasa, Radhiya Brahmana vivarana, pp. 119-25.
* The so-called Bhuranēsvara inscription of Bhafta-Bhavadēva locates the village of Siddhals in Radha, and the Belava copper-plate of Bhöjavarman, in Uttara-Radha, and both mention it as a locality, in which the Brahmins of the Sävarnya götra settled down. Harekrishna Mukherjee in his Birbhuma vivarana, Pt. II, page 234, identifies Siddhala with the present village of Sidhala near Ahmadpur in the District of Birbhum.
Dindisā is identified with the present village of Dimsā or Disa in the District of Burdwan. Seo Bangera jäliya-itihasa, pp. 119-25.
• The same as Kēsarakāņā, a village in the District of Bankura.
The churnis, as mentioned in the present grant, are the same as Puranas. • The biruda really means Madhava, the subduer of his rival Chanura, i e., Chandra-marddam Madhan. * The italicised portion is the rendering of the prose statement.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXVII No. 34-A FURTHER NOTE ON THE EPOCH OF THE GANGA ERA
V. V. MIRASHI, AMRAOTI
Since my article on the Epoch of the Ganga era was sent for publication more than six years ago, one new record of that era has been published in this Journal, viz., the Tekkali plates of Anantavarman, above, Vol. XXVI, pp. 174 ff. These plates record the grant of a village by the Gănga king Anantavarman on the occasion of a solar eclipse. Tho plates are dated in the year 358 (expressed in words) of the increasingly victorious reign of the Gānigēya family. It would be interesting to see how far this date agrees with the conclusion in my previous article that the Gänga era commenced on amānta Chaitra su. di. 1 in Saka 420(=A.D. 498).
According to the aforementioned epoch, the Gänga year 358 should be equivalent to the Chaitrādi Saka year 777 (A.D. 855-56) if it was current, and to the Saka year 778 (A.D. 856-57) if it was expired. There was, however, no solar eclipse in Saka 777, while there were two such eclipses in Saka 778, viz., on the amāvisyū of the amänta months Ashādha and Pausha (5th July and 31st December respeotively in A.D. 856). The Tekkali plates (ho not specifically mention in which particular month the solar eclipse occurred, but their evidence, such as it is, is in agreement with the epoch fixed by me. The date of the plates is thus in an expired year. This is as it should be ; for, as shown above, the usual practice in ancient times was to date records in an expired year. This new date may, therefore, be said to confirm the epoch fixed in my previous article.
On the other hand, the evidence of this date is definitely opposed to some of the epochs proposed by other scholars. Leaving aside such impossible epochs as A.D. 349-50, A.D. 741, A.D. 772 and A.D. 877-78, I shall examine only those that approximate to the one fixed by me, viz., A.D. 494 proposed liy Mr. Subba Rao, A.D. 496 by Mr. J. C. Ghosh and A.D. 497-98 hy Mr. B. V. Krishna Rao.
According to the epoch of A.D. 494, the Ganga year 358 would correspond to A.D. 852, but there was no solar eclipse in the latter year. The epoch of A.D. 496 would make the Ganga year equivalent to A.D. 854, in which case there was a solar eclipse (on the 1st February), but this epooh would not suit some other dates such as that of the Indian Museum plates of Dēvēndravarman II. According to the third view, the Gānga year commenced on amanta Bhädrapada va, di. 13 in Saka 419 (A.D. 497). The first Gănga year, according to this view, extended from Bhadrapada va. di. 13 in Saka 419 to Bhadrapada va. di. 12 in Saka 420. It will thus be seen that this year partly coincided with the first Gănga year which, according to my view, commenced on Chaitra su. di 1 in Saka 420. It is, therefore, not surprising that there was a solar eclipse in the expired Gāngn year 358 according to this eponh, vit. that which occurred on the amāvāsyā of amūnta Ashādha (5th July A.D. 856). 1 have, howover, shown that this epoch also does not suit the date of the Indian Museum plates of Dëvendravarman II.
The only epoch of the Ganga era which suits all the verifiable dates discovered so far is thus the one fixed in my previous article. According to it, the Ganga era commenced on the aminta Chaitra su. di. 1 in the Saka yoar 420 (the 14th March A.1). 498).
See Indian Ephemeris, Vol. II, pp. 114-15.
Above, Vol. XXVI, p. 329. MGIPC-S1-XVI-1-20 (DGA)-9-9-49—150.

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fo.. 35) NAYANAPALLE INSCRIPTION OF GANAPATIDEVA
193 No. 35-NAYANAPALLE INSCRIPTION OF GANAPATIDEVA
V. VENKATASUBBA AYYAR, MADRAS The subjoined inscription is found on a stone built into the back wall of the Chennakēsvara temple at Nāyanapalle, a village about 3 miles from Mötupalle in the Bapatla taluk of the Guntur District. The stone is fixed into the wall horizontally while the lines of writing are vertical, thus indicating that it must have been introduced in its present position sometime later when the temple was renovated; but in the attempt to fix the blab into the wall, its top and bottom portions have been chiselled away causing damage to a few lines at the beginning and end of the inscription. A big portion in the middle of the inscribed surface is also very much worn out. As it is, the record is incomplete; a few lines forming the concluding portion of the inscription are probably to be found on the other face of the stone not open to view now.' Since even in the present state, the inscription is of great value, I edit it with the permission of Rao Bahadur C. R. Krishnamacharlu, Superintendent for Epigraphy.
Owing to the damaged condition of the record, its importance has not so far been properly assessed ; but an attempt is now made to read the inscription in its proper perspective and interpret its historical significance.
The epigraph is in Telugu prose and is engraved in characters of the 13th century A.D. Its orthography does not call for any special notice. The word sèyumu used in 1.21 offers some difficulty, especially as the inscription is fragmentary. Whether it is used as an order of Ganapati to a subordinate official, or, whether the word has to be corrected into sēyimchi so as to accord with the sense conveyed by gānki-goni vachchi (11.15-16) and mathamu kattinchchi (11.18-19) is not evident. The interpretation of this word does not, however, alter the main historical bearing of the record.
The epigraph is not dated, but it states that the Kākati king Gapapatidēva-Maharafu, in the course of his victorious digvijaya campaign, (proceeded to the southern direction, killed Bayyana and Tikkana who had burnt Nellüru, and proceeding to Dravidamandala, won over Kulottumga-Rajēmdrachöda, received presents of elephants from the ruler of Nellūru, constructed a matha at Sriparvata, called Bhringi-matha, described as belonging to the lineage (santānamu) of Mallināthadēva and that he consecrated at Chaitrapura alias Mottupalli an image called Kumăra-Ganapēsvara, after his name.
It is to be regretted that the concluding portion is lost, but its purport can be easily guessed, It must have contained particulars of some grant of land at Nāyanapalle, made to god KumāraGanapēsvara set up by Ganapati at Möțupalle, a village close to Näyanapalle. Since the introduotory passage has not suffered any damage, the historical portion of the record may be said to be complete.
"The present inscription confirms and supplements the literary evidence available regarding * This is registered as No. 769 of 1922-23 of the Madras Epigraphical colleotion.
* Mr. H. K. Narasimhaswami who went to the village at my request to examine the other fact oould not dis lodge the stone from its present position in the wall.
[See below p. 197, n. 2-Ed.)
Since sending this article for publication, my friend Dr. N. Venkataramanayya of the Madras University has published his study of this inscription in the Telugu Journal Bharati (February, June and Jaly parts 1945) wherein he seeks to identify Kulottunga Rajendrachöda with a Velanändu chief of that name. I bave, however, to differ from the identification proposed by him. It may be pointed out in this connection that in an inscription from Srirangam (8.1.I., Vol. IV, No. 600) dated in the 9th year of Märavarman Sundara-Pandya (acoession A. 1216) the temple managers are said to have colluded with the Ottar to the detriment of the moome of the templo. Dr. Venkataramanayya takes the word 'Ottar' as Oddiyar, i.e., people of Orissa, and postulates a Kalinga invasion of the south as far as Srirangam about A.D. 1224. The inscription does not refer to any invasion or confusion consey quent on the inroad. The word • Ottar' must be taken to mean those who have undertaken to do a thing or given an agreement' (to the temple) and not as referring to the people of Orissa, for the latter are referred to in Tamil insoriptions as 'Oddiyar. The theory of Kalinga invasion as far as Brirangam based on the interprotation of this word by Dr. Venkataramanayya is therefore not acceptablo.
XVI-1-8

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194
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXVII
the assistance given by Ganapati to the ruler of Nelluru. This evidence is found in the Sōmadevarajiyamu1 and also in the Siddhesvaracharitramu. The former gives the motive for the destruction of Nelluru mentioned in our inscription. The relevant passage in this connection may be freely rendered thus:
(Poet Tikkana to Ganapati) Hear me ! 0 King! It is only an act of Dharma that I request of thee. King Manmasiddhi of the Solar race, ruling in splendour at Nelluru has, alas ! been driven into exile by Akkana and Bayyana and his kingdom usurped. I pray you that you may be pleased to chastise them and restore Nelluru back to my sovereign.'
Ganapati, assenting, started on a campaign and, having on the way destroyed and burnt Velanādu defeating the Velanaḍu King and subjecting him to tribute, attacked Nelluru and conquered Akkana and Bayyana. He restored the city to Manmasiddhi and crowned him there. Proceeding further, he captured sixty-eight towns and made them over to king Manmasiddhi. Thereafter, he caused a big tank to be constructed at Nelluru which spread his fame to the ends of the directions. Then, staying at Nelluru for some months, he instructed Manmasiddhi in kingship and statecraft.'
From this reference it is clear that the ruler of Nelluru at the time was Manmasiddhi, that his rivals were Bayyana and Akkana (Tikkana), that Ganapati personally came to Nelluru to restore to Manmasiddhi his territory and that he halted at this place for some time, evidently to settle his protégé in the region. The name of the associate of Bayyana is given as Akkana in the Siddhesvaracharitramu, but he is definitely called Tikkana in our inscription. The defeat of the Velanādu king mentioned above seems to refer to some local rising, especially as the Velanādu territory had passed under the suzerainty of Ganapati by about Saka 1123. Further, our record gives the information that, in this connection, Ganapati won over Kulottunga-Rajendrachōda in Dravila-mandala. The association of Dravila-mandala with the Chōla sovereign Rajendra-Chola (III) in the record is helpful in identifying the king. If so, his full name, i.e., Kulottunga-Rajendrachōda, establishes that he was the son of Kulottunga-Chōla III, which relationship is a new piece of information supplied by the present inscription.
The ruler of Nelluru whom Ganapati restored is not mentioned by name in our record, but as stated in the previous paragraph, he may be identified with Manmasiddhi (II), the patron of the Telugu poet Tikkana-Somayajin, the translator of a portion of the Sanskrit Mahabharata into Telugu and the author of Nirvachanottara-Ramayanamu. How long he continued in power after his restoration is not definitely known, but according to the Nandalur record mentioned below he was in power in A.D. 1257-58. The Pandya king Jaṭavarman Sundara-Pandya I claims to have killed a Gandagopala by A.D. 1258" and entrusted the kingdom to another Gandagopala. The Telugu-Chodas seem to have ruled the region comprising both Conjeeveram and Nellore. If the order of events mentioned in the prasasti of Sundara-Pandya is to be relied on, the latter claims to have killed Gandagopala and occupied Conjeeveram and thereafter to have proceeded to Nelluru, where he performed the anointment of heroes.
1 Quoted in 'Lives of the Telugu Poete' by K. Viresalingam Pantulu, Vol. I pp. 92-93; See also Chilukuri Virabhadra Rao, Andhrulacharitramu, pt. II, pp. 75-79. I am indebted to Mr. M. Venkataramayya for the refer.
ence.
Akkana and Bayyans were the dayddas of Manmasiddhi, according to the Siddhebvaracharitramu: see note
above.
The confusion probably arose by reading a for ti in the word 'Tikkana'
An. Rep. on 8. I. Epigraphy for 1909, p. 121, and for 1936-37, p. 65
The relationship between Rajaraja III and Rajendra-Chola III is not definitely known, though tentatively it has been suggested that they were brothers, from a reference in their records to Kulottunga-Chola III as Periyadevar (An. Rep. on S. I. Epigraphy for 1909, part ii, para. 52).
An. Rep. on 8. I. Epigraphy for 1900. para. 48.
The earliest record where this incident is referred to is dated in the 7th year of Sundara-Pandya.

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No. 36)
NAYANAPALLE INSCRIPTION OF GANAPATIDEVA
195
It is necessary to settle the date of the present inscription. Since in this record Ganapati is stated to have come in contact with Rājēndra-Choda in Dravila-mandala and as records mentioning Ganapati and his general Samarta-Bhõja are actually found at Conjeeveram and Kalahasti' situated in this mandala, the former of which is dated in Saka 1172, corresponding to A.D. 1249, we may assume that Conjeeveram was also taken in the course of the campaign of the Kakatiya king against the enemies of the ruler of Nellúru. About this time Allon-Tikka Gandagopala was ruling at Kāñchi, as a record of his, dated in Saka 1168 (A.D. 1246-47), definitely mentions him as ruling at the place. In the fifth year of this chief Kön Kättaiyan described as the minister of Ganapati figures as a donor to the Aruļāla-Perumāļ temple at Little Conjeeveram. In the next year of the same chief, the misdeeds of the adherents of Ganapati with regard to temple property are noticed in an inscription at Vēppanguļam, near Conjeeveram. This would probably indicate that Ganapati withdrew from Kāñchi by the sixth year of the chief, who now seems to restore order in the country after the foreign occupation.
In the above context, the position of the Chāļa king Rājēndra-Chola III needs elucidation. In A. D. 1249, the date fixed for our record, both Räjaräja III and Rājēndra-Chola III are mentioned in their records as rulers of the Chola empire. Rājēndra-Chöļa counted his regnal years from A.D. 1246, but his predecessor Rājarāja III lived on till A.D. 1260, corresponding to his 44th year.? Räjëndra-Chēļa III is stated in a record of the 3rd year of his reign, corresponding to A.D. 1249-50,8 'to have been seated along with his queen on the throne of heroes.' He could not have occupied the throne when the previous sovereign was also ruling. We cannot, therefore, have records of Rajarāja III beyond A.D. 1249-50 which would correspond to his 33rd year, but we actually find his records dated in the 36th, 38th, 39th, 41st and 44th regnal years-all coming from and round the present Gudiyattam taluk of the North Arcot District, with two more stray inscriptions, dated one in the 36th and the other in the 37th year, from the Nellore District.10 These records indicate that subsequent to A.D. 1246, Rājarāja III's influence was mostly confined to the present North Arcot District, while the rest of the Chola empire with the exception of the Kāñchi region passed under the suzerainty of Rājēndra-Chōļa III. Our record states that Ganapati won over Kulottunga Rājēndra-Chöļa (i.e., Rājēndra-Chēļa III) in Dļaviļa-maņdala, presumably without any conflict, and established friendly relations. This will be evident from the fact that Manmasiddhi, not long after, figures as a subordinate of the Chola king and evidently in that capacity proceeds to the aid of Ganapati against Kalinga to the banks of the Gödāvari." This expedition was probably undertaken by Manmasiddhi to show his gratitude to Ganapati, his erstwhile benefactor, and to forge further the friendly relations between the Kakatiya monarch and his overlord, the Chola.
After reinstating Manmasiddhi, our inscription states, Ganapati constructed at Srisailam a matha called Bhringi-matha; then Chaitrapura" alias Mötupalle is mentioned where a new
1 Ind. Ant., Vol. XXI, pp. 197 ff.; No. 2 of 1893 of the Madras Epigraphical collection ; 8.1.1., Vol. IV, No. 814. * No. 201 of 1892 of the Madras Epigraphical collection; 8.I.I., Vol. IV, No. 149. * Nellore District Inscriptions, p. 206.
No. 608 of 1919 of the Madras Epigraphical collection. 5 8.1.1., Vol. VIII, No. 2.
• Ind. Ant., Vol. VIII, p. 7. A fow inscriptions from the Nellore District indicato A.D. 1243-44 as his initial year (Ne. Dist. In., pp. 410, 439 and 445).
* An unpublished inscription from Virinchipuram in the N. Aroot Dist. • 8.1.1., VOL VII No. 541.
Nos. 162, 188, 199 of 1921 of the Madras Epigraphical collection, and 8.1.1., Vol. I, No. 106. 10 Nel. Dist. Ins., p. 789; Gudur, p. 405. 1 No. 680 of 1917 of the Madras Epigraphical colleotion.
11 Whether this Chaitrapura is connected with Charitrapura mentioned by Hiuen Twang (Ind. Ant., Vol. VII, p. 39) is more than what can be said at present.

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[VOL. XXVII image was consecrated after his name Kumara-Ganapesvara, for the worship of which an endowment was probably made. The grant portion, as indicated above, is lost, but it may be pointed out here that the endowment is made over to a Siva shrine, although at present the inscribed stone is found in a Vishnu temple. At present there is only one temple dedicated to Siva at Mōṭupalle, called Virabhadresvara temple, in which the image of Ganapesvaradeva set up by Ganapati must have been consecrated. But the god in this village is variously styled in inscriptions as MülasthanaRāmisvaradeva, Amaresvaradeva and Patesvaramuḍaiya-Nayanar. At Srisailam there appears to have been an order of Saiva monks named after Mallinatha. Apart from the Bhringi-matha constructed by Ganapati, there were also, on the bill at Srisailam, Gana-matha, Arusa-matha, Kalu-matha and the Saranga-matha. The existence of five mathas on the hill is explicitly referred to in an inscription at Srisailam.
196
In the manuscripts collected by the late Mr. Mackenzie there is an account pertaining to Nayanapalle which is therein styled Moṭupalle-Nayudupalle. It starts with a legendary history of the village which is traced from Udayana-Chakravartti, through Prōla, Ganapati, Gōparāju Ramanna, Siddhayadeva-Mahārāja, Bayyachōda-Mahārāja, Rudradeva, etc. It makes mention of some of the inscriptions found in the place of which, however, the present inscription is not one.
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
Of the geographical places mentioned in the inscription, Nelluru identical with the district headquarters of the same name and Srisailam in the Kurnool District are too well known. Mōṭupalle, also known as Desyuyyakonda-paṭṭana and Velanagara,10 was an important seaport in the time of Ganapati. This king issued an abhaya-sasana" in Saka 1166, corresponding to A.D. 1244, offering protection to foreigners at this port. Since in cases of shipwreck, Ganapati promised to take the usual customs duties only, this edict should have been particularly welcome to the merchants. A similar concession was extended to foreign merchants by the Reddi chief Anna-Võta in Saka 1280 (i.e., A.D. 1358) at this port. The Venetian traveller Marco Polo calls the Kakatiya kingdom, Mutfile, i.e., Motupalle, which according to him was reputed for its large-size diamonds and muslins as fine as the tissue of spider's web.'
"
18
2 sa[sti]sa[hita]....14
3 hämanḍalēsvara Kākati 15
TEXT
1 No. 600 of 1909 of the Madras Epigraphical collection.
No. 774 of 1922 of the Madras Epigraphical collection.
No. 775 of 1922 of the Madras Epigraphical collection.
The image of Bhringi set up at Srisailam by a merchant of Rajamahendravaram is one of the subsidiary deities worshipped in the place (A.B. No. 29 of 1915). A golden replica of this image was presented to the temple by Chandrasekharayya, an officer of Krishnadevaraya-Mahārāya (No. 14 of 1915). Reference to the cult of Bhringi in South India may be traced from the time of the Chola king Rajaraja I, during whose reign an image of this deity was set up in the big temple at Tanjore (S.I.I, Vol. II, pp. 190 ff).
No. 41 of 1915 of the Madras Epigraphical collection.
No. 309 of 1915 of the Madras Epigraphical collection. No 41 of 1915 of the Madras Epigraphical collection. No. 44 of 1915 of the Madras Epigraphical collection.
Non. 600 an 605 of 1909 of the Madras Epigraphical collection.
10 No. 606 of 1909 of the Madras Epigraphical collection.
21 No. 600 of 1909 of the Madras Epigraphical collection. Above, Vol. XII, pp. 188ff.
18 Nos. 01 and 602 of 1909 of the Madras Epigraphical collection.
1 This line may be filled up as 'Svasti Sri Samasta-pra'. Some more lines at the beginning are lost.
14 The mis ing letters in the gap may be read as Sriman-ma.
The letters Gana may be introduced here.

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No. 86] PRINCE OF WALES MUSEUM PLATES 0% DADDA III; YEAR 427 197
4 patidēva-Mahārāju[lu]... 5 gvijayamu sēsi para6 mam[da]lamulu sādhi7 mchchi dakshiņa-digu-bhāgamu8 na Nelluru gālchi[na] tad-vi]rodhu9 laina patihāri Bayyana Tikka10 nala verasina śātrava-siram11 bulan-gam[duka)-křidā-vino12 damu salipi [Dra]vila-mam13 dalamuna Gulottu]mga-Rājē14 mdra-Chodani [vahim]chchi koni Nellü15 rirāju chēta [yēnu]mgulam gānki16 goni vachchi gu[m]di.. [tijai Sripa17 rvvatamuna [prasidhulagu Malli)18 nāthadēvara samtānamu Bhřimgi-mathamu ka19 ttischchi Chaitravu']ramaina Möttupallim-da20 na pēram-Gumāra-Ganapēśvara-sri-Mahā (de') vara 21 pratishţa sēyumu dānki mukhya ... 22 da yani]. .......
TRANSLATION .... [Ma]hāmaņdalēsvara Käkati [Gaņa]patidēva-Mahārāja [who had all titles], having completed (his) digvijaya (and) conquered other countries and having in the southern region played (like) balls with the heads of his opponents patihāri? Bayyana and Tikkana who burnt Nellûru together with those of their allies, having won over Kulottumga Rājēmdrachöda in Dravila-mandala, (and) having received presents (in) elephants from the king of Nellūru, .... and built at Śrīparvata a matha called the Bhțingi-matha belonging to the lineage of the famous Mallināthadēvs and consecrated at Möttupalle alias Chaitravura an image (of god called) Kumāra-Gapapēsvara-sri-Mahādēva, after his name . . . . . . . . .
No. 36-PRINCE OF WALES MUSEUM PLATES OF DADDA WI; YEAR 427
(2 Plates)
S. N. CHAKRAVARTI, BOMBAY The grant edited below for the first time is engraved on two copper plates, each about 11" in length by 7' in breadth. It is the only inscription of the Gurjara chief Dadda III so far discovered. The plates were recently purchased by the Prince of Wales Museum of West rn India, Bombay. The owner was unable to give any information as to where, how and when they were
1 This gap may be filled up with the letter di. 2 [I would read [rakshim Jchchi.-N. L. R.] • The letter mu in muna looks like mri in the record. "The letter ou is engraved like ma. . The letter de is engraved below the line. • The continuation of the inscription is lost.
Vayirappa-Nayaka, a minister of Errasiddha, was called Padiyari (A. R. Nos. 378 and 364 of 1919).
• Receiving tributes in elephants was common in South India. Kulottunga-Chola I is stated to have roooivod tributes in elephants from the kings of remote islands (8.1.1., Vol. III, p. 144, 1.9). Muppidi-Nayaka also claims to have received such a tribute from the Pandya king (4 R. No. 724 of 1903).

Page #271

198
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXVII
first found. The plates are inscribed on one side only, and have raised rims. The inscription runs across the length of the plates and is well preserved. There are altogether thirty lines of writing, each plate containing fifteen. There are holes for two rings; but the rings, and the seal that must have been on one of them, have been lost. The two plates weigh 178 tolas.
The characters are of the western variety of the Southern alphabet and resemble those found on the inscriptions of the kings of Valabhi, both in the prevalence of round strokes instead of angular ones and in the size of the letters. The royal signature is written in perfectly formed Devanagari letters. With regard to the formation of individual letters we may note the immoderate length of the superscribed ā (lõkapāla, 1.4, and ōchitayā, 1.20) and ō (-prabhāvō, 1.11) and of the subscribed r (-pranīta, 1.8, and prachya-, 1.12). Attention may be drawn also to the form of the final t (vaset, 1.25, dadyat, 1.27 and samvat, 1.29). In the last example the right hand stroke of the letter is unusually long. The letter two forms, (kamal, 1.3, and likhita, 1.29). The first is by far the more frequent.
has
The language of the inscription is Sanskrit, and, with the exception of the imprecatory and benedictory verses at the end, the whole composition is in prose. In respect of orthography the following points are noticed: (1) anusvāra has taken the place of n (Vindhy, 1.25), m (gambhir-, 1.3), n (Gamgaditya-, 1. 19), and (-chamchala-, 1.22); (2) the vowel ri is replaced by ri (krishataḥ, 1.20); (3) a consonant after r is in most cases doubled (-Karnn, 1.2, the form of the subscript resembling that of n); (4) occasionally a consonant preceding r is also reduplicated (göttra and puttra, 1.19). The reduplication of sh in Harshsha (1. 4) and varshsha (1.24) is, however, ungrammatical. The text of the grant agrees closely with that of the Nausari plates1 of Jayabhața III and of the Prince of Wales Museum plates of Jayabhata IV.
The document is issued from Bharukachchha, which is modern Broach. Its object is to record the grant of the village of Uvarivadra in Kōrilla chaturasīti (i.e., a district or subdivision named Kōrilla, which comprised eighty-four villages) by the Gurjara king Dadda III. The donee's name has been omitted, perhaps inadvertently, but he is described to be son of Gangaditya, grandson of Dundubhibhațța, a resident of Savatthi (Srāvasti ?), a member of the Chaturvaidya community (of that place), and a religious student of the Bahvṛicha śākhā (of the Ṛigvēda), who belonged to the Bharadvaja götra. The date is given at the end in figures as Rathasaptami of the bright half of Magha in the year 427 (of the Chedi era3), corresponding to A. D. 675. The grant was written by the Mahāsāndhivigrahadhipati Sangulla, son of Durgabhața. The record ends with the sign manual of śri-Dadda.
The present inscription gives the following partial genealogy:
Dadda
Jayabhata
Dadda, or Bähusahāya
The dynasty is referred to here as Karn-anvaya, limeage of Karna'. It thus traces its origin to the Mahabharata hero Karna, the half-brother of the Pandavas. There is, however, no doubt that the chiefs mentioned in the present inscription belonged to the Gurjara dynasty. The names Dadda and Jayabhața occur in the two Kaira grants of Dadda II, who is distinguished by his second name Praśāntarāga. The dynasty in these two records is specifically mentioned as Gurjara (Gurjara-nripati-vas).
1 Ind. Ant., Vol. XIII, pp. 70-81, with a facsimile plate.
Above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 147-55, with a facsimile plate. This record is said to be that of Jayabhata III, but is, in reality, of Jayabhata IV.
The Chodi Era commenced on Kärtlika éu. di. 1 (the 6th October) in A. D. 248. See Prof. V. V. Mirashi. The Epoch of the Kalachuri Era'; above, Vol. XXIV, pp. 116 ff.
Ind. Ant., Vol. XIII, pp. 82 ff. and 88 ff.

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Page #273

PRINCE OF WALES MUSEUM PLATES OF DADDA III: YEAR 427
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No. 86] PRINCE OF WALES MUSEUM PLATES OF DADDA III; YEAR 427 1 99
Further, Dadda II, in the records of some of his successors, is credited with affording protection to the lord of Valabhi against the emperor Harsha. Now this description applies, in the present inscription, to Dadda who heads the genealogical list given here. He may thus confidently be identified with Dadda II. His grandson, Dadda III, is styled Bāhusahāya here as elsewhere.
Till now nine records of the Early Gurjaras, including the present one, are known to us; and Prof. V. V. Mirashi gives the following genealogy, as revised by him! :
Dadda I
Jayabhata I-Vitarāga
Dadda II -Prasantarāga
K. 380, 385, 391, 392
Jayabhata II
Dadda III-Båhusabaya K. 427 (the present grant)
Jayabhata III K. 456, 461
Ahirola
Jayabhata IV
K. 486 (two grants) The dates given above are from the records so far discovered. The present grant is dated (K.) 427, and thus is to be assigned to Dadda III.
TEXT
First Plate
1 Om Svasti eri-Bharukachchhät-satata-Lakshmi-nivāsa-bhūtē”. trishņā-samtāpa-bāriņa(ni)
din-ānātha-vista2 rit-anubhāvõ(vē) dvija-kul-opajivyamāna-vibhava-salini mahati maharaja-Karnn
ānvagē 3 kamal-ākara iva rājahansa(hamsa)h prebala-[Kali]kāla-vilasita(t-ā)kalita-vimala-svabhāvā:
gambhir-oddā(dā)ra-charita-visma
Above, Vol. XXIV, pp. 176 ff. From the original plates and photographs. 'Expressed by a symbol.
Read-bhute. . This mark of punotuation is unnecessary, as also thoue that follow, down to line 16

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200 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXVII 4 pita-sakala-lõkapäla-mānasaḥ paramēsvara-sri-Harshshadēv-abhibhūta-Valabhipati-parittrāņ.
opajāta-bhramad-a5 dabhra-subhr-ābhra-vibhrama-yaśā-vitānaḥ śri-Daddastasya sūnur=aśankit-agata-pranayi
jan-opabhukta-vibhava-sarichay-opachiya6 māna-mano-nirvșittir-anēka-kantaka-bhata'-samdõha-dāha-durllalita-pratāp-analo | nisita
nistri(strimsa-dhārā dārit-arāti7 kari-kumbha-muktāphala-chchhal-õllasita-sita-yaśā-mśuk-āvagunthita-digvadh[ū]-vadana
sarasijaḥ śri-Jayabhatas-tasy=ātmajā(jo) 8 mahămuni-Manu-pra[nita)-pravachan-adhigama-vivēka-gvadharmmanushthana-pravani(no)
varmn-āśrama-vyavasth-onmūlita-sakala. 9 ka(kā)l-āvalēpah pranayi-jana-manõratha-vishaya-vyatīta-vibhava-sampādan-āpanīt-asēsha
sēsha-pārthiva-dān-ā10 nimānos pada-vivas-ámkus-ātivartti-kupita-kari-nivāraņā-pilita-guru-gaj-ādhirõhaņa-pra11 bhāvol vipat-pratāpa -patita-nara pati-sat-ānyuddharana?-nikbila-lõka-visruta-par-õpakāra
karana-vyasanaḥ prachya-pratichy-adhirāja-vijțimbhita-mahāsamgrāma-narapati-sahasra-parivärit
ānēka-gaja-ghatā13 vighatana-prakațita-[bhu]ja-vīryya-vikhyāta-Bāhusahāy-āparama -nāmā parama māheśvaraḥ
samadhigata-pañcha14 mabāśabda[h*] Sri-Dadda[h*] kusali sarvvān=ēva rāja-sāmata-bhogika-vishayapati-rashtra
grāma-mahattar-adhika15 rik-adim(din) samanudarśayaty=astu vaḥ samviditam | [ya]thã mayā mātāpittrör=
åtmanas=ch=aihik-amushmika
Second Plate 16 punya-yaső-bhivriddhaye Kö[rējila-scha]turāsītirmadhyoo Uvarivadra-grāmaḥ södram 10 17 "parikara-danda-das-āparādhas-9-õtpadyamāna-vri(vi)shți[kah] sa-dhanya-hiramny."
ādēyaḥ ā-cbā(cha)ndr-ā[rkk-a*)18 rņņava-[kshi] Page #276

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Page #278

No. 37] EPIGRAPHICAL NOTES
201 19 dya-sămānya-Bharadvāja-sagöttra-Bahvri(vpi)cha-sabrahmachari-Dumdubhibhatta-puttra
Gamgāditya-sutāya pradattoda 20 k-ātisargga-nyāyēna [l*) yato=sy=ochitayā brahmadāya-sthityā bhumjataḥ(to) bhõjayato
vā kri(kļi)shataḥ karshayato 21 vā na kaiśchit-paripamthanā kāryyā [] "Jāgāmi-bhadra-nri(nți)patibhir=asmad-vamšajair
anyair=vvā sāmānyam bhūmi-dāna-phala22 m=avētya vidyul-lõlāny=anity-aišvaryyāņi tộiņāgra-jala-bindu-chamchala[ñ-cha) jivitam
åkalayya dāyā=yam=asm-ānu! 23 mamtavyaḥ pālayitavyasacha [*] yas-ch=ājñana-timira-patal-āvri(vpi)ta-matir=achchhi
dyad-achchhidyamānakam v-änumödēta 24 sa pañchabhir=mmahāpātakair=upapātakais=cha samyukta[h*) syād=ity=uktañ=cha bhaga
vatā Vēdavyāsēna | Shashțií varshsha25 sahasrāņi svarggē tishthati bhūmi-daḥ [] *) achchhētā(ttā) ch=ānuma[m]tā cha tāuy=eva
narakē vasēt || Vimdhy-āțavishv=atöyā26 su sushka-köțara-väsinaḥ[] *) kri(kți)shņ-āhayo hi jāyamtē bhūmi-dāyam haramti yē ||
Agnēr-apatyam prathamam suvarņņam bhū27 r=vvaishnavi sūryya-sutäs=cha gāvaḥ( *] lokattrayam tēna bhavēd=dhi dattam yah
kāñchanam gāñ=cha mahīñ=cha dadyāt || Bahubhir=vva28 sudha bhuktā rā jānē]' Sagar-ādibhiḥ [] *) yasya yasya yadā bhūmis-tasya tasya tada
phala || Māgha-buddha-Ratha-saptamyām ha29 stirathēna saha pradatta[h] [1 *] Sa[m*)vat 400 20 7 likhita[m] mahasandhivigrahādhi
patinā Durggabhata-sūnunā Sangullēn=ēti [1] 30 Sva-hasto mama sri-Daddasya 11
No. 37-EPIGRAPHICAL NOTES THE LATE RAO BAHADUR C. R. KRISHNAMACHARLU, MADRAS
KOROSHANDA PLATES OF VISAKHAVARMAN
Mr. G. Ramdas has published an article on the above plates. He does not notice the name of the executor of the grant in his introductory remarks. The published text (1.8) gives the name 48 follows: Ajnabhogikabödudevah. The index to the volume in question gives the article ājñābhögika in the sense of an official and his name as Bödudēva. There are one or two serious objections to this rendering of the original. If ajñābhogika is presumed to be an official, the oxpression as read in the text would carry no sense. It does not either form a sentence or signify a statement by itself. Moreover the official ajñābhogika is not known from any other record. But the official Bhogika figures in several documents like Amatya. It would, therefore, be more correct
* Read pradatta uda. Read asmad-dayo=yameanu. Read rajabhis.
[The ornamental treatment of the stroke indicating the vowellessness of the letter t is worthy of noto. In woset, 1. 25, and in dadyat, 1. 27, it seoms to be mixed up with the mark of punctuation.-E.1
. Above, Vol. XXI, p. 23. .D. R. Bhandarkar, List of Inscriptions of Northern India, Nou, 1104, 1198, 1196, 120%, oto, XVI-1-6

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202
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXVII
to amend the text as ajña Bhogika-Bodudevaḥ and render it as the ajña (executor) (is) Bhogika Bōdudēva.' The term ajñā is employed here in the sense of the official ajñapti or ājñāpti of other known records.1
Mr. Ramdas has pleaded inability to identify the gift village Tampoyaka. There is hardly any doubt that this is the same as the modern village Tampa which, like Kōrōshaṇḍā (the Kōrāsōdaka of the grant), lies in the Parlakimedi tāluk. It is noteworthy that this village is even now a zamindāri (gift) village.
RITHAPUR PLATES OF BHAVATTAVARMAN
Mr. Y. R. Gupte, who has published this record, reads the text in line 6 as
fats and adds a foot-note that the expression
this up with a note that perhaps fr is meant'.
(fa)
af is superfluous. The Editor follows
By this mis-reading and these notes thereon an interesting and vital point of the document is missed. A careful examination of the original would reveal the fact that a very important proper name is indicated here. The document actually reads मम चाचलीभट्टारिकायाश्च.
It is important in this connection to compare the forms of the letters pi and li as engraved in this record. In the former the medial i-sign is attached to the top of the left arm of pa (cf. pi in pindiraka in line 19 and pitroḥ in line 22). On the other hand, in the letters li and li the medials are attached at the top of the right arm of the letter 1 (cf. likhita in line 21 and kalika in line 23). It will thus be seen that the actual text must be rendered as मम च + श्रचलीभट्टारिकायाश्च and herein we get the name of the queen, viz., Achali-Bhaṭṭārikā. This is an important item of information for the history of the Nala dynasty.
Incidentally we may refer to another mis-reading of the text given by Mr. Gupte. In 1. 13 he reads and corrects it into. A close examination of the original would show that it actually reads: correctly. What Mr. Gupte takes for the ai-sign of lkaiḥ is only the l of lkah. The superscript is engraved on a miniature scale above the letter k which 'occupies the main portion of this composite letter. An analogous instance may be observed in the formation of the letter ddhya in upaddhyāya in 1.26. That the letter intended here is I will be borne out by a close comparison of it with the form for the ai-sign in kaiḥ in patakaiḥ (1. 15). The two prongs of the ai- sign converge to a point while the two arms of the superscript / touch the base of the letter independently.
The name of the engraver of the record is indicated thus : पद्दोपाद्धघायपुत्रस्य पुत्रेण बोप्पदेवेन. This passage has been rendered by Mr. Gupte as engraved by Boppadeva, the son's son of Paddōpadhyaya (loc. cit. p. 103 f.) This interpretation raises the question, rather the puzzle, as to why the name of the father of the engraver Boppadeva is not given. It is a well-known practice of lithic documents to give, wherever they do, the name of the father and not of the grandfather, of the engraver. And why a departure here? In fact, the case seems to be that here is given not the name of the grandfather but of the father of the engraver. If the author had intended to indicate the grandson he could and would have straightaway employed the term ' pautrēņa' with reference to Boppadeva instead of the round-about expression putrasya putrēna. I think that the father's nanie in this case is Paddopadhyayaputra, wherein the suffix upadhyayaputra must be understood to be the title of the father. It may, however, be argued that this title is not met with elsewhere in epigraphy; but this argument does not militate against the interpretation offered by me here. I am almost certain that the title was in vogue at that time on the analogy of epithets like arya
1 Above, Vol. XII, p. 5, text 1. 15; p. 135, text 1.10; Vol. XVII, pp. 337 and 339; Vol. XXIV, pp. 145,
303n.
Above, Vol. XIX, p. 100.

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NALAJANAMPADU OLD-TELUGU INSCRIPTION.
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No. 381
NALAJANAMPADU OLD-TELUGU INSCRIPTION
203
putra, Dēvaputra(title of the Kushāņa kings), bhatta putra! (found in names of donees and engravers in epigraphs) and Rājaputra (official).
In the light of the foregoing remarks we have to conclude that the engraver of the record was Boppadēva, son of Paddõpādhyāyapatra and not geando: of Paddlõpādhyāya.
No. 38–NALAJANAMPADU OLD-TELUGU INSCRIPTION
(1 Plate)
ALFRED MASTER, LONDON I an indebted to the courtesy of the Director General of Archaeology, Rao Bahadur K. N Dikshit, for excellent squeezes of this inscription which is transcribed in modern Telugu characters in Nellore Inscriptions, p. 676. A plate is given therein, but contains several obscurities. The inscription is generally considered to be later than the Addanki Inscription of 844-5 A. C.. but 1 had reason to suspect that it was, on the contrary, much older.
The inscription is engraved on the two sides of a stone. The village in a field of which the stone lies is situated about lat. 15° 05' long. 79° 30' in the heart of the Telugu-speaking area as shown in the Linguistic Survey of India, Vol. IV, Map of Dravidian Languages. The stone hay a bull at the head. Above it is a linga on a pedestel, on the left of whieh is a water-pot and crescent moon and on the right a partly defaced mark, which may represent the trifūla. The characters are of the Western Chalukya type and resemble those of the Badāmi Inscriptions of Vijayāditya. (696-733 A. C.). As regards orthography the following may be noted : a is occasionally written for ā; it is often impossible to distinguish d and !.
TEXT
Front
1 Svasti [1]*] Bha- - 2 gavad-Arhata-(pa)3 rama-bhattārakasya pā4 dānudhyāta parama-ma5 hēsvara Para[mējávara Pa 6 llavāditya sri-B[a]di7 rājula andu palle
8 yari koduku Bădi[rā)9 j=envānru rājam[änam)10 bu mūnfu vuţtu āşla11 pattu kshētra[m]bu pasri]. 12 si palleyāri-[dā)13 yana[m]bunāku ichiele
14 dini rakshinchinavāni[ki] Back
15 adug-adug= 16 aśvamēdha[m]bună 17 palamb=agu 18 dinilachchina19 văniki ekalu 20 Srīparvvatambu
1 Above, Vol. XIX, pp. 5, 6, 66, 96, 97.
Ibid., App. No. 249; Vol. XXII, p. 158. • Ibid., Vol. XIX, pp. 44, 135, 269. *Above, Vol. XIX, p. 274. . Ind. Ant., Vol. X, p. 103.
21 lachchina pāpam22 b=agu Vă[chcho].. 23 lāla koduku 24 Pallavācha25 rjyasya liki26 tam [II*]
B2

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204
EPIGRAPHIA INDIOA
(VOL. XXVII
TRANSLATION Hail! Paramēsvara Pallavāditya, a devoted worshipper of Mahesvara, meditating on the feet of the Supreme Master, the Lord Arhat. He who is named badirāju, son of the village chief in the family of the Badirajulu, divided off a field of three puttis of millet by the royal measure and gave it as the village-chief's hereditary land. He who preserves this (assignment) will have the reward of performing the horse sacrifice often. He who destroys it will ever have the sin of destroying the Sriparvvata. Written by Pallavācharya, son of Vāchcho.. lāļa.
The inscription is ordinarily supposed to have been engraved in the name of a small Pallava chief Badiraju and the expression Paramēšvara is held to be an epithet. Paramēsvara was a title assumed by Pulakēsin II after his repulse of Harsha and was used by the Western and Eastern Chalukyas after him. The Răshtrakūtas used it, but not regularly. The Bānas claim descent from the door-keeper of Paramēsvara and do not use the title for themselves. The Gangas do not use the title. And the. Chõlas at a later period avoid it. It is therefore unlikely that a small chief of Pallava descent would use it, particularly as the earlier Pallavas used the word only as a personal name and the later Pallava kings were recognised as paramount long enough to make it unlikely that any members of the clan would assume it as a title. Nandivarman Pallavamalla in the Käsākudi plates' (c. 730 A. C.) calls himself paramēšvara and in line 136 the word is used in parametvara-mahākoshţakärinä by the king's high-treasurer. If paraméívara is not a biruda, it must be a name. There is only one name that deserves consideration --that of the Pallava king Paramēsvara I (660 to 680 A. C.). There are the following definite reasons for making this attribution.
(1) The characters belong to the seventh and eighth centuries. They are later than the sixth century as k and r are no longer open. They are not later than the ninth century as they possess an earlier form of l.
(2) The inflection -ndu (modern Telugu -du and -ndu) in the Addanki inscription is represented here as-nou. The modern Telugu allu' a millet' is represented, not as ādlu as in the Addanki "record, but as ārlu. These forms are closer to the Tamil type, but are not Tamil. The freer use ofr is a sign of age.
(3) Paramēsvara I frequently calls himself in Tamil inscriptions Ichchuvaraparuma and Paramēchchu[valra and in Sanskrit Paramēsvaravarma with only a simple biruda, if any. Pallavdditya is one of the birudas of Narasimha II, Paramēśvara's son and Mahēsvara is & contemporary name of Siva, although I cannot find the term paramamāhēsvara until the ninth century in an Eastern Chalukyan grant. Paramēšvara, unlike many other kings, often does not use iri before his name.
(4) The vocabulary and structure of sentences are not less archaic than those of the Addanki inscription.
The language of the inscription is of special interest. It has been previously noticed,' that there are several unusual words and forms. Mūnru (1. 10) three may be compared with Tamil mantu and is certainly the oldest form known of the numeral substantive three. Palloyari
18. 1. I., Vol. II, p. 360, 1. 71. * Above. Vol. VII, p. 24; Ep. Carn., Vol. X, Mb. 211; 8.1. 1., Vol. VIII, No. 331 .8.1. I.. Vol. I, p. 148. • Ibid., p. 16.
Ibid., Vol. IV, p. 22. The following rulor of South India wbo flourished between 4th and 7th centuries A. D. had the biruda of paramama Móvara: (1) the Sālaskäyana king Vijaya-Devavarman (above, Vol. IX, p. 68). (2) the Kakaya chief Sivanandavarman (Ep. Carn., Vol. XI, p. 142) and (3) the Vishnukundin king Vikramandravarman (above, Vol. IV, p. 196).-N. L. R.]
Ibid., Vol. I, p. 31. Boo, for example, K. Ramakrishnayya : Studies in Dravidian Philology.

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No. 38]
NALAJANAMPADU OLD-TELUGU INSCRIPTION
6
(II. 8 and 12) which seems to be the form intended, can be compared as regards the formation with pālēru tenant'. It seems to have been formed from palle village' and the plural suffix -ār. Envanṛu (1. 9) may be compared with envor (enva or+, another form of -ar) found in a Kannada inscription1 of c. 700 A. C. but singular instead of plural. Pa[ri]si (11. 11 and 12) is uncertain and might be palisi or palisi or pa for pa, without altering the meaning, as Telugu pariya means fragment, pālu, share and Kannada has pari meaning' divide, palisu, pālisu meaning 'distribute'.
Reward is pala (1. 17) (not phala) as in the earliest Telugu and Kannada-Sanskrit inscriptions. Ekalu (1.19) may be for ēkāļu cf. ēkālamu meaning when. The final u is for the emphatic suffix and might be for u or um. The form of la (11. 18 and 21) is found in later inscriptions and also in early Kannada.
What Caldwell terms euphonic permutation is rare, the only clear example being vuṭṭu (1. 10) for puṭṭu in munṛu vuṭṭu. In the other inscriptions it is more frequent. So pandumbu, meaning 'ten tūmus, sēnu for chēnu, meaning 'field', sesiri for chesiri; again gānu for kanu meaning 'see, vē-gulluvu, meaning 1000 families' (vē+kuļļuvu), vē-seruvuļu meaning 1000 tanks' (ve+cheruvulu) in the Mālēpāḍu inscription. In the Addanki verse inscription the change is common but in the short prose portion rare, only enubadi vudlu, meaning 80 puṭṭas 'being found (puṭṭalu replaced by vuḍlu).
The grammar of the present inscription is closer to Tamil and Kannada than is modern Telugu. The plural termination kal or gal is already worn down to la via gala which actually occurs in the Bezwada inscription of Yuddhamalla (c. 880 to 926), in brōlagala meaning cities" (b is the form assumed by p after m). The ending nru for nominative masculine singular has been mentioned above. The neuter form mbu later mu already appears but seems to be confined to words considered to be of Sanskrit origin. Ichche (1. 13) meaning he gave' corresponds to ichchenu in modern Telugu and ichchen in literary Telugu for M. F. N. sing. and N. pl. Possibly the twin consonant is a sign of the past tense. The suffix aku (1. 13) corresponds with modern Telugu gā; Tamil āka, āki, Kannada āga are similar in origin. Agu (11. 17 and 22)) is a future or optative, cf. Kannaḍa akum and perhaps Tamil aka in the Daļavānur inscription.10 The uninflected form of the nominative used as a genitive (palleyari, 1. 8) is found in certain nouns in modern Telugu, but the genitive termination na (asvamedhambuna, 1. 16) is, in modern Telugu, only found in words such as ayana meaning 'his' and in relative participles. The former survives in modern Tamil and Kannada, and the latter only in Tamil.
From the linguistic point of view an early attribution is therefore perfectly feasible. From the epigraphic point of view it has been stated above that the characters are those of the seventh and eighth centuries. They may be somewhat later, for the style of the Telugu alphabet was changed in the course of the reign of the Eastern Chalukya Vijayaditya III (circa 844 to 888 A. C.); his later inscriptions were engraved in a new more regular style, which is found later in the Bezwada inscription. The latest date of this inscription is, therefore, c. 850.
Historically, the date can be pushed back still further. It has been argued above that Parameśvara must be a proper name, but there still exists the bare possibility that during a pro
1 Ind. Ant., Vol. X, p. 103.
Te. Addanki and Bezwada inscriptions; Ka. Mys. Arch. Rep. 1936, p. 126: Ep. Carn., Vel. II. No. 85 (Sans. krit portion).
Brown, Telugu English Dictionary, under eppudu.
See, for example, Ind. Ant., Vol. X, p. 164.
Nellore Inscriptions, p. 607, Pețlāru.
Above, Vol. XI, p. 346. [The expression ve-gulluvu has been taken to mean a thousand temples.-N. L. R.]
4
Ibid., Vol. XV, p. 150 [gala or kala here means only living' or existing '.-N. L. R.]
See Campbell, Teloogoo Grammar, 33.
Badami Inseription, o 590, Ind. Ant., Vol. X, p. 60.
10 Above, Vol. XII, p. 225.

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[VOL. XXVII longed period of disorder a local chief assumed the title of Parameśvara. There is, however, no sign of such a prolonged period of disorder. To the north of Addanki which is only about 30 miles from Nalajanampaḍu, the Eastern Chalukya kings reigned with unbroken power since c. 615. To the south the Pallavas still maintained their power. So late as 862 Aparajita won a victory over the Pandya king and was not defeated by the Chōla Aditya till the end of the 9th century. His predecessors Nandivarman Pallavamalla c. 740 and Dantivarman c. 824 were still recognised as suzerains by the Bana kings and although the Eastern Chalukya advance in 844 was probably due to the weakness of Dantivarman's successors, 20 years is too short a period in which to produce a Pallava chief claiming sovereign powers in a mixed Chalukya-Pallava style and calling his minister Pallavacharyya. The further we recede the less opportunity there is of finding any gap. The fierce Pallava-Western Chalukya conflicts resulted only in weakening both the sides so much so that they could be conquered by the Rashtrakutas and the Chōlas, but their kingdoms were not disrupted and there are no signs of administrative decay as in the last days of the Moghul Empire or the break-up of the power of the Delhi Sultans.
206
The inscription itself although simple in its preface in conformity with Parameśvara I's practice, is a formal document in the king's name. It invokes the support of his successors with the blessing of the horse-sacrifice and the sanction of a searing curse. If it had been written in the name of a petty chief, the blessing of the aśvamedha would have been ridiculous. The mention of the rājamāna or royal measure implies a strong central administration. A petty chief does not concern himself with prescribing standard measures. There need, therefore, be no hesitation in making the ascription to Paramesvara I.*
No. 39-A NOTE ON THE NALAJANAMPADU INSCRIPTION
N. LAKSHMINARAYAN RAO, OOTACAMUND
In his article on this inscription Mr. Alfred Master attributes the record, which he places in the 7th-8th century of the Christian era on grounds of palæography and language, to the Pallava king Paramesvara I. His main argument for doing so is that the expression Paramesvara occurring in line 5 of the record is a personal name and not a biruda of Badiraja (1.7) as has been hitherto supposed; for, according to him, it is not likely that a subordinate chief of Pallava descent could have used the biruda as the earlier Pallavas used the word only as a personal name and the later members of the family had no need to assume it. Moreover this title which was adopted by the Chalukyas and occasionally used by the Rahsṭrakūtas was not used by the Baņas, the Gangas or the Chōlas. But I may point out that there is at least one inscription at Kanchipuram which indicates that the early Pallava king Narasimhavishnu had the title of Paramesvara. In the context it is not possible to take the word used in double entendre as the proper name of the
1 Above, Vol. XI, pp. 224 and 225.
In the preparation of this paper, I have profited by some useful suggestions kindly put forward by Dr. L. D. Barnett. I also owe thanks to Mr. C. S. K. Pathy, D-es-L for his perusal of the rough draft.
S. I. I., Vol. I, No. 29.
Bharttub Pur-onmathana-drishta-dhanur-bbalasya Sailädhirajatanay-éva Vrishadhvajasya [*]
ya Kalakala iti viśruta-punya-kirtteh käntä nitänta-dayitä Parameévarasyab(sya)||[1*] Děvě jagad-valaya-rakshana-baddha-dikshë
nirbhinna-éatru-hridayê Narasimhavishnau [*] vallabhyam ürjjitam-aväpya virajatē yā nirjjitys garvvam-iva Pushkaradevatāyāḥ ||[2*]
As Narasimhavishnu was the name of the king, the expressions Kalakala and Paramesvara are to be taken as hie birudas.

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207 king which is given in the second verse of the record as Narasimhavishņu. Among the rulers who claim Pallava descent, Chāru-Ponnēra, who was also known as Pallavādhirāja, bore the title of Paramëtvara. Vira-Nombädhiraja (apparently Polalchõra, son of Charu-Ponnēra) had assumed the title Rājaparamēśvara. Several inscriptions of the later Pallava chiefs of the Telugu country apply this title to their ancestor Kāduvetti or Mukkaņţi Kāduvetti.. Of the other dynasties mentioned by Mr. Master, epigraphical evidence shows that the Western Ganga king Sripurusha (A.D. 725 to 788) used Paramēšvara as a biruda ;' his son Sivamāra also bore it ;' and a record of NanniyaGanga, a later scion of the same family, seems to give him the title. That the Chöļa king Virarājēndra who ruled from A.D. 1063 to 1070 was given the title Paramēśvara can be seen from his Chārāla plates? of Saka 991 and from the stone inscription of the 6th year of his reign at Pottapalli. The biruda of Rāja paramē svara is known to have been borne by Kulõttunga I. It is thus difficult to maintain that the word Paramēśvara used in the inscription is not a biruda of a Pallava chief.
Another reason adduced in support of the contention that the title could not be that of Bădirāja, who was a small Pallava chief, is the blessing of the asvamēdha which would be ridiculous in a record of a petty chief and the mention of the rājamāna which implies a strong central administration. I shall give here a few instances from inscriptions which, though they do not refer themselves to the reigns of sovereign rulers, invoke the blessing of aśvamëdha and mention rājamāna. One of them is the inscription of Přithivipati found in the Cuddapah District of the Madras Presidency.10 It is also written in the Telugu language and may be assigned on grounds of paleography to the 8th or 9th century A.D. During this period there was no independent ruler of the name of Prithvipati in this part of the country. He could be only a minor chieftain. But his epigraph contains & reference to the rachchamāna (rājamāna) as well as to asvamēda (asvamēdna). Another inscription1 of Saka 894 which was issued during the administration of Sāntivarmmarasa, who was not a paramount king, invokes the fruit of eighteen aśvamëdhas on the person who protected the gift recorded in it. An early Telugu inscription of about the 7th century A.D. at Bödanampādu in the Nellore District records a gift of land according to the rājamāna. It may be noted that this epigraph was not issued by a reigning king. Similarly an inscription at Kõļālu in the Chitaldrug District of the Mysore State dated Saka 953 which does not mention any ruling king registers an endowment of land measuring twelve-mattar by räjamāna..
Let me now proceed to the interpretation of the text of the record. After svasti, which can be regarded as a sentence in itself, the next sentence ends with ichche in line 13.' If it is considered that there is another sentence ending with Pallavāditya of line 6, it would have no predicate. It would not, therefore, be natural to take the passage beginning with Bhagavad and concluding with Pallavāditya as a complete sentence, nor is there any justification for doing so. The whole passage preceding $ri-Bădirājula would thus govern Bădirājula.
1 Ep. Carn., Vol. XI, Challakere 33 and 34. *8.1.., Vol. IX, No. 17.
See 8.1.1., Vol. IV, No. 1220; ibid., Vol. X, No. 362. • Mys. Arch. Rep., 1927, No. 4. Ibid., 1924, Nos. 46 and 80 (1.65).
Ibid., 1923, No. 113 (1.38). Some later chiefs of this family had this titlo; see e.g. Ep. Carn.. Vol. VII, Shikarpur 109 and 130 and Shimoga 4 and 39.
Above, Vol. XXy, page 262, text-line 156. . Ep. Carn., Vol. X, Chintamani 161.
8.I.I., Vol. VI, No. 200. 10 Journal of the Telugu Academy, Vol. 24, p. 160. 11 Ep. Carn., Vol. VIII, Sorab 44. 13 An. Rep. on 8.1. E., 1934, part II, paru. 40. 10 Ep. Carn., Vol. XI, Hiriyur 77.

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[Vol. XXVII In view of these considerations it would be highly problematical to ascribe this inscription to the Pallava king Paramēsvara I.
Incidentally I may notice here one or two points of the language of the record. The suffix āku (1. 13) is to be taken as a dative case-ending corresponding to the modern termination aku of the same case as in grihamunaku. The long à in āku is found in many early Telugu inscriptions.
In lines 11-12 I would read pa[la]si in place of pa[ri]si ; palasi may be either a variant of or a mistake for padasi meaning having obtained'. This word may be construed along with andu in 1.7 which, though locative, seems to have the sense of 'from'. Thus the passage in lines 6-12 would mean "he who was called Bădirāju, the son of Palleyaru, having obtained 3 vuttu of agla-pastu land from Sri-Bădirājulu'.
No. 40–TASGAON PLATES OF YADAVA KRISHNA ; SAKA 1172
(1 Plate)
G. H. KHARE, POONA Sometime in 1934, my friend Mr. V. T. Apte, M.A., LL.B., of Jamkhandi (the capital of the state of the same name in Southern Maratha country, now merged into the Indian Union) sent to me four copper plates with a tentative reading of the record inscribed on them. He informed me that he got them from Mr. S. R. Apte, the then Public Prosecutor of Jamkhandi who had secured them from Mr. Jog, a pleader at Tasgaon (Satara). On examining the plates, I found that the grant originally consisted of five plates of which the furat was missing. But having no hope of getting it in the near future, the incomplete record was edited jointly by myself and my friend Mr. V. T. Apte. After a lapse of 4 years, however, through the goodness of Mr. Vinayaka Dinakara Limaye of Tasgaon, who was the original owner of the four plates, I was able to get the missing plate, which I edited separately. I now re-edit the complete record in this journal for a wider circle of scholars.
The set consists of five plates, measuring 101, 6' and less than 1/10' in length, breadth and thickness respectively. They were strung on a circular ring, 21' in diameter, the two ends of which were soldered into a rectangular seal, bearing in relief, from left to right, the figures of a couchant bull and a flying garuda with folded hands. Garuda was the emblem of the Yādava dynasty and the bull probably that of the feudatory family brought to notice for the first time in these plates. The first and the fifth plates are inscribed on the inner sides only, while the remaining three plates are engraved on both the sides. The rims of the plates are turned either inwards or outwards, and the writing is well preserved on the whole. The set weighs 219 tolas.
The grant is written in characters of the southern Nägari type of the thirteenth century A.D. and calls for few remarks. The engraver being not sufficiently skilled in his craft has committed several mistakes. It is rather difficult to differentiate between dva and diha; ra, la and na also cannot be easily distinguished from one another.
About orthography, some points deserve mention. Jihvamüliya has been used in 19 places (11. 9, 12, 16, 19, 21, 24, 39, 42, 44, 51, 53, 62, 66, 68, 82, 91, 96) and upadhminiya in 8 places (11. 14, 15, 29, 30, 41, 19, 91, 96). S has been used for & in some places; e.g., Srichandra (1. 37), satam
Cf. Vasantibvarambundkichchinadi (i..., given to the temple of Vasantikvara) in No. 384 of 1904 of the Madras Epigraphical collection : below, p. 236, text-lines 15-16.
Palleyaru or Palleyaru may be a proper name or the designation of an official connected with a palli, i.. Jaina tomple or establishment to the god Arhat, of whom the chief Bădirajulu was a devotee. .. Sources of the Mediaeval History of the Dokkan, Vol. III, p. 9.
• Ibid. p. 65.

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209 (1. 73), vyādisyate (1.74), prāmāngatas-cheo (1. 91). In a few cases v has been used for b as in oto=mvarē (l. 78). There are instances where is has been substituted by ichh as in yat= chhaubhrātrao (1. 53-4), jyotchhnă (1. 58-9). Schha has been invariably used for stha.
The language of the record is Sanskrit, except in lines 100-115 which are written in Marathi prose. This passage is valuable as it furnishes a specimen of the rare Marathi of the preJñanēsvara period. It contains one definitely Kannada word odera. The whole of the Sanskrit portion is in verge except the last line.
The record opens with the details of the date cited below and refers to the grant of the village Marjaravätaka. Then after invocations to Siva and Vishnu in his boar incarnation, the record describes the members of the Yädava family thus : Formerly in the Yadava family was born the victorious Bhillama who built his fort Suragiri, i.e., Dēvagiri. From him was born Jaitra who subdued the angry Andhra king. His son was Simha born by the grace of the family-goddess Närasimhi. From him was born Jaitra who begot Kțishna. Conventional praise is bestowed on these princes. While Krishna was ruling, there prospered the family of Chandra and Kesava whose descent is described as follows: In Northern India there was a Gürjjara Brāhmana named Satānanda of the Krishnätröya kula (götra). He begot Sriyananda. From him was born Jalhaņa-Pandita. His wife was Kumāradēvi, the daughter of Prabhaditya of the Visvāvasu gotra. Their son was Chamdradēva whose younger brother was Kēšava. Here follows a description of the fraternal love that existed between them. Chandradēva who was the tilaka of the Yādava feudatories was also known by the epithet Kharahastamalla. In vv. 18 and 19 there is a veiled allusion to some historical facts and as such I translate them here very closely. (V.18) “Oh! be the king of Könkana and then I shall be Chandradova for a moment." "If you are the protector of Göpaka, then oh! I am born as Kēšava." "You protect your territory and then, oh! I shall take it by assault in a moment." "Thus was the tumult raised by the boys while playing in the palace." (V. 19) " Oh ! Lord ! if you are Jayakësin, the king of the sea; then drive the group of horses"; "Oh Chola ! send speedily a hundred pearls with fresh water": "Oh king of Nepal, make haste and send) a clean and white chamara and musk (to the brothers)". Thus spoke always, the parrots and särikäs (of the palace) in the morning. Though nothing has been said in these verses about the relations of the princes mentioned therein to the two brothers, Jayakēsin may be the Kadamba chief Jayakēģin III of Goa, who is assigned to the period between 1187-88 and 1210-11 A.D. by the late Dr. b'leet. MM. Prof. V.V. Mirashi has suggested with some diffidence that some Abhira king may have been referred to by the word Gõpakapālaka. But is it not better to take Göpaka to stand for Göpakapattana and the whole expression to mean the king of Goa?
These two brothers, out of devotion, constructed a unique temple of Kalidēva. Here follow three verses describing the sky-scraping pinnacles of the temple. For this temple the two brothers made a grant of the village Mamjaravātaka with the stipulation that half the income of the village was to be spent for the eight kinds of bodily enjoyment of the god (Kalidēva-Siva) and the other half was to be utilisod in feeding 25 Brāhmaṇas. Verse 24 is imprecatory and verse 25 informs us that one Mhāidēva who was well-versed in six languages and who was a favourite of both the brothers, Chandra and Kesava, composed this inscription. Now comes the Marathi portion which, besides referring to the village 'granted and the conditions of the grant, names the villages
1 Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. I, pt. ii, p. 571. Professor Moraes in his Kadambakula, however, has extended this period to 1216 A. D. in the genealogical tree given against p. 167; but on p. 204, he surmises that Jaykēkin might have reigned up to 1212-13 A. D. No evidene has been, unfortunately, put forward in either CNB. [Two records of this ruler which would take his reign up to A. D. 1218 or perhaps even up to 1217 bave been noticed in the An. Rep. on 8. 1. Epigraphy for 1925-26 (App. C, Nog. 437 and 439 and App. E, p. 83). -N. L. R.]
Above, Vol. XXV, p. 204 and note 4. XVI-1-6

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[VOL. XXVII
lying on the boundary of the village granted, and cites the names of nine (not eight as stated in the grant) out of the 14 donees who received shares in half the portion of the villages which was granted to Brāhmaṇas and who were to act as trustees for that portion. The temple was to be in charge of the Guravas who were to look after the bodily enjoyments of the god and the Brāhmaṇa grantees were to take care of the satra. In addition to these duties, the Brāhmaṇas were to perform daily pañchämrita, waving of lights etc. to the god. After the Marāthi portion the verse describing Mhäidēva, the composer, is repeated. The grant then ends with a benediction in verse and prose.
The details of the date are given thus in 11. 1-2: the Saka year 1172 represented by the words nētra (2), adri (7) and rudra (11), the cyclic year Sadhārana, the month Mägha and the day of Purāri, i.e., the 14th of the dark fortnight. The 14th tithi of the dark fortnight of Magha is the well-known Mahāśivaratri day; but as no week day is given, it is not possible to verify the date. The day on which the 14th tithi of the dark fortnight of a month falls at midnight is reckoned as the Sivaratri day. In the present case the 14th tithi was current at midnight on Monday, the 20th February A.D. 1251 and ended on Tuesday the 21st of February 1251 A.D. at.03 after mean sunrise. It follows, therefore, that the 20th was the date intended.
Of the place names oocurring in this grant Mamjaravātaka or Mamjarabāde is the modern Marjarde, a village nine miles to the north-east of Tasgaon, the headquarters of the taluk of the same name in the Satara District. Gövaru, Välagavāda, Hadhinaura and Pēdha are the modern Gövargaon, Balagavade, Hātnūr and Ped at a distance of 2, 2, 3, 3} miles respectively from the village granted. Suragiri is evidently Dēvagiri or modern Daulatabad. About Parnnakhēta a few words are necessary. Hēmādri in his introduction to the Vratakhanda, a part of the Chaturvargachintamani informs us that Mallugi, a Yadava prince, captured the town Parnakhēta from his enemies with a view to making it his residence. Prof. V. V. Mirashi has opined that this town must be situated somewhere to the east of Khåndēsh, possibly in Berar, and has suggested that it should be identified with Pätkhēd, a village about 4 miles to the south-west of Bārsi-Ţākaļi in Berar. Ordinarily the word Parnakhēta would be transformed into Pāņakhēda, Palakhēda or Pānakhēda, but not to Pätkhēda; for Pāna, Pāla, etc., are the derivatives of
Parna and Pāta, Patta, etc., of patra. I, therefore, think that Prof. Mirashi's identification does • not hold good as far as phonetics is concerned. I venture to suggest an identification of the place.
In the south-west corner of the West Khandesh District is a comparatively big village named Palkhed or Pankheda which may with greater probability be identified with Parnnakhēta.
-
TEXT [Metres : vv. 1, 2, 5-9, 11, 12, 14-24 Sārdülavikridita; 3, 25, 26
Sragdhara; 4 Prithvi ; 10 Giti ; 13 Arya; 27 Salini.)
First Plate
1 ओं ॥ स्वस्ति श्रीमति शाल (लि)वाहनशके नेत्राविरुद्रोन्मि
2
rest(at)etura
(*)
gfafectate
[g]erfeffa
I [ET]
1 Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. I, part ii, p. 271, v. 34. 2 Ahove, Vol. XXI, p. 131, f. n. 1. * From the original plates. • Shown by a symbol.
Read. griefcaret.

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3 मग्यो (ग्यो)प्रतचंद्रकेशवकृतो(ते) च्छ (स्वर्गस्य भोगाप्तये नाम्ना
4 मंजरवाटकस्य विकटं तच्छासनं लिख्यते ॥१॥
6 ऐश्वर्य स्छि (स्थि) रयत्सु(न्सु)खं विकसयन्श (छ)क्तित्रयं वर्धयं (य).
6 विज्ञानं धनयन्विवेकपदवीमुत्तालमत्थंभ (तम्भ)य
7 न् ॥ कीर्ति (ति) पल्लवयकृ (कृ)पां विकचयन्भो (भौ)मांस्तु वि
8 [स्तारयन्पायादन्धकभेदनस्त्रिजगती (ती) श्रीचंद्रचूडाम 9 णिः ॥२॥ श्रीभ x कोलमूर्तेxकुलिशसमषिकोदन10 बंष्ट्रामजानद्गर्वप्रध्वस्तवत्यप्रकटितवसुषोद्वार11 वीर्योद्धरस्य । पांतु त्रैलोक्यमुखद्वियुषजयज12 याध्यानपू(क)कारितान्त कोषाध्मातस्य गर्जध्धु ( )रुघु13 रुडघुरुत्कारवत्कृतानि ॥३॥ जयी समभव14 पुरा यदुकुले नृपो भिल्लस (म) प्रचंडभुजविक्र15 माक्क्रमितवैरिवर्ग-परं । विजित्य तुरगर्गजा: 16 नकृत यो निजे साधने धने कृतमति X क्षमात्छ (त्सु)र. 17 गिरि स्वदुग्गं व्यषात् ॥४॥ तस्माज्जैत्रपरंपरास18 मुक्यो श्रीजैत्रपालाल्यया प्रख्यातो विजिता
Second Plate; First Side 19 खिलप्रतिभटमोगीपतिर्जातवान् ॥ यः (क)बांध्रनरेंद्र20 मप्रचुलुकीकृत्या[थ] यल्लीलया लक्ष्मीमुखतकुंभसंभव21 मुने x कुर्वन्नवीनामिव ॥५॥ तद्भक्त्या कुलदेवतेति मुदिता स्त्री (श्री.) 22 पर्णखेटस्छि (स्थि)ता देवी बुषि]र चंडमुंडमथनी श्रीनारसि (सिं) हीति 23 या ॥ प्रात्मीयासनसंस्छि (स्थितं निजकलाप्रौढप्रतापानलज्वाला24 भिx कवलीकृतप्रतिभटं सि(सि)हं सुतं याकरोत् ॥६॥ एते घि25 कृतकविक्रमकथा[:*] संक्षिप्तकालानलप्रौढाहंकृत
orl

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26 यस्तिरस्कृतकृताहंकारहालाहलाः । प्रध्वस्तप्रलयप्रचं
27 उपवनक्षुब्धान्धिगर्जारवास्सिंहलोणिपतेजयन्ति भ.
28 पितभ्रूभंगहेलोधमाः। [*]॥ तस्माज्जंत्रनप[स्त]तस्समजनि
29 श्रीकृष्णपृथ्वीपति प्रौढारातिविमनस्त्रिजगतीसी
30 मंतरत्नांकुरः । उद्यज्जापवखर्वगर्वदलन प्रथि
31 नामर्थिनां दैन्यं सैन्यमिवाजयज्जगति यो वीरस्सुब
32 पसिना ॥८॥ यध्या (खा)डी (टी) बलमाकलय्य विमतैर्भूपैर्गजा33 श्वादिभिर्वाह्यालीश्रमकर्म शस्त्रविषयं स(सं)न्यस्यमेत34 द्व(ह)यं ॥ युद्धे चेतसि कौतुकं यदि भवेदी (बी)मावरोधो ज.
Second Plate ; Second Side 35 व[स्था] (स्था)ने तत्कलविं (धि) कलापककृता चौर्यक्रमावद्भया36 त् ॥६॥ तस्मिक(कृ)ष्णनरेशे शासति रसया समं यदोर्व37 शं ॥ जयतीह तत्प्रसादादंशस्त्री(श्री)चंद्रकेशवः प्राचं ॥ [१०॥ 38 जातः पूर्वमुदीच्यवर्त्मनि शतानंदो द्विजो गूर्जर39 Xकृष्णायकुले श्रुतिस्मृतिसदाचारकचातुर्यभूः । 40 विश्वस्मिन्कि]लिकालकल्मषमुषा तेनोदपा41 दि धियानंह (बः) श्रीपति[भ]क्तिता प्रविलसद्गोभी42 यर्याकरः ।[*]११॥ तस्माज्जल्हणपंडित x कुल43 मलंचके तदेव श्रुतौ साहित्ये गणिते कला44 सु च कलौ स्मार्तेखिले कर्मणि । यx केनापि 45 न साम्यमाकलितवानाकल्पमुखद्य- . 46 शोराशिव्याहृतविश्वसमितगुणग्रामैक47 जन्मावनिः ।[*]१२॥ तस्याभवदन्पू(क)पा कु48 मारदेवी सधर्मिणी बे(ब)यिता । यो विश्वाव49 सुगोत्र प्रथितामसवत्प्रभावित्य (त्यः) ॥१३॥*]

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TASGAON PLATES OF YADAVA KRISHNA; SAKA 1172
iia.
ANDशालकाहरी तनहावापात व विदितेमांवेऔरवि!ि 2
भातील नगरी यही तो पूरी ताकत 4साल कायम तिरदान
किसयजा लिईटाद। 65 रोजी या मु6
सकरामििजटको मनिडवानामा साउन 20 नकोसायी मयलीलाल मसइतका सात 20
सोडवेन बनविलालवते नमुदिता 22वेटनिवडक आयामला
चायासनसनिक कलाही जिलकात 4नी सिंह नया करना 24
मकालावलकालान घोडा 26ताह काडालाहताशयालयप्रकार
अपवाडा कोषागने यानि -लामोडीहाभानि वेव पल जम्मा 28
8सार सीमामा
TRAFTE
GESH
MARA9812 नासमत कुलाजिमोहनविन + Sahar
पनि न1ि6 विसरताजानती हो पिर रात
30 माकडाहाबदखवाव दस स याताय30
नगपिनादेवसबमियाजामडानियोतीर जिननियल डीचलमकार माविमलेनी 32
योसतिमी सालीयमानात बसयसमेत 349 को नशाइतकात34
22
iii,a.
ii,b.
50
darचरानिया 50
52
2074 मायधीनो मनि52 प्रविधि नियासमिन विहान का
शयन सया36
ERY 38
कुल माता 38 PRADनासीर में पानी 40 did मरमुनिक 40
याजदीप मानात बरबसरमा 42 धाक जातिमा हालत 42 अलपोत वातासा
- 44 सोस्पा विकासाथ44
स्थित मधदाता मागतोय तार कारिता मननी नहान्यता
सोदितिमलिग रागोस कारण याति कम मिली मंतर 58
सतनाम युगल र भूमिका
लीक तिलक ददानि 60
ਦੇ ਉਸ ਨੂੰ ਜਿਲਦਾਰ 62ीन 6ि2
यताई रागारम दाभवन गणे जातील या ना 64
4646
48
6
कार से नवराभ
4
SCALE: TWO-FIFTHS
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA
B. CH. CHHABRA REG. No. 3977 E'36

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8822222
66
78
iii,b.
80
72 वाल
तावनपाल में निका 74 टर समित
100
कपाल को सत
ir,b.
केविन
मंदिरे कला
यादव एक साता
रो 98तिविदित दी
dia
108 हार्दवन
विष्णुन
110
लगा सीमाप
104 दयादसीमाया
यति नित 1065
दादी
सूक्ष्मा कार
66
68
70
72
74
कालिंद सो हाँगो
102 मोदीमा102
76
78
80
98
100
104
106
108
110
90 190
सा 8271
84
86
124
118
iva.
94
96
7
88 Rakshane 88
रा
v.
काम
82
9292
84
8888822
महान
86
30 कशीद
दि
काना सदर 94
114
112 डेलिसि मोपलवार देवपलावावा दागी देवा सितिमृत्रिकाल पा पादसाद 116 दलितम श्रोम प्रकाश स्फू वर्क अस्पताशेषदाय पालका गतिविदितः 118 शारदा दोषापातकनीक वि कृत कृती शासन है २६६ ॥ तच सामान्य से 122 काले पुरु यो नदि सर्वानताज्ञादिनः 122 यावतेामदः॥
120
महा श्रीश्री श्री
96
112
114
116
120
124

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213
No. 40] TASGAON PLATES OF YADAVA KRISHNA; SAKA 1172
Third Plate; First Side 50 तस्याभूत्तनयः प्रभूतविनय (यः) श्रीचंद्रदेवाभिधस्त्रलोक्य
51 प्रथितप्रभावविभवस्तस्यानुज- केशवः । यत्प्रौढ52 प्रथितप्रतापतपः।(प)[न*]प्रासादिवांभोनिधि सेवते पार(परि). 53 पंथिन x किमुत यो (यः) स्तोत्रे कविX कत्छ (थ्य)ते [*] १४ [*] यत्छौ (त्सौ). 54 भ्रात्रमतंद्रमुद्रमनिशं किं द्वासुपर्णाविति श्रुत्या' य'55 द्गदितं [तदेतदखिलं प्रत्यक्षतामागतं । किं दा(वा) संप्र56 ति रामकृष्णचरितं ज(जी)णं नवीनं कृतं यत्प्रीति57 प्रणयप्रसादचरितैस्तत्किं गिरां गोचरं [1*] ॥१॥ [*] य58 सेवासमयानतिक्रममिलत्सीमंतरत्नांकुरज्यो59 त्छना (त्स्ना) जालविराजितांघ (घ्रि)युगलप्रांतं नुतं भु(भू) मिपैः ॥ 60 सोयं यादवमंडलीकतिलकश्रीचंद्रदेवाभिधः । 61 प्रख्यातः खरहत्छ (स्त) मल (ल्ल) इति यस्त[स्यानुजः 62 x केशवः [*] ॥१६॥ [*] यद्दानद्रविणव्ययव्यतिकरा63 कृ[ष्टं] बलाद्वैरिणां भांडागारमदायि येन ज64 गतं(ता) दौर्गत्यजात्य जलं । दानोच्छिष्टम
65 कारि येन व[सुधा स्वणं निशं (श)म्येति या
Third Plate ; Second Side
66 तैर (त:)स्वप्ने ४ कनकाचलोप्यनिमिषैस्संरक्ष्यते सां
67 प्रतं
॥१७॥ त्वं रे कोंकणभूपतिर्भव तदाहं चंद्रदेव
68 xक्षणं त्वं चेद्गोपकपालकोसि तदरे जातोस्म्यहं 69 केशवः । रक्ष त्वं विषयं निजं तदररे घाटपा ग्रहीष्ये
This srutiis met with in the Rik and Atharva Vēdas, the Mundaka Upanishai and the Nirukta (Bloomfield: Vedic Concordance, p. 514a).
. Balarama is implied by Rima.
. This letter is engraved at the bottom of the plate and the omission indicated by a kikapada below the letter tom. The numerical figure 7 by the side of bht shows that it is to be inserted in the 7th line from the bottom.

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[VoL. XXVII
14
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA 70 क्षणादिथं (त्यं) यंन (यन्न) पमंदिरे कलकलाक्षेपाः शिशुकी71 डने] ॥१८॥ देव त्वं जयको (के)सि सिंधुनृपतिस्तद्रोह वा72 जिवजं शीघ्र प्रेषय चोल [न]तनजलं मुक्तातुलाना 73 स(श)तं । त्वं नेपालमरक्तमच्छचमरं कस्तूरिकां च त्वरं 74 प्रातर्यछु (च्छु) कसारिकाभिरनिशं व्यादिस्य (श्य)तेत्छ (त्यं) मिथः । 75 [*] १६॥ तौ भक्त्या कलिदेवमंदिरमिदं लोकोत्तरं च 76 ऋतुस्सौरं मार्गमतीत्य यस्य महिमा कर्माप्यवाग्गो77 चरं । यद्भानोस्तुरगास्सुवर्णकलशेरुच्चावचैस्सर्वतो 78 विन्य (न्या)[स]रतिबंतुरे ध्वनिशतैयाँति स्खलंतोंव(ब)रे [*] ॥२०॥ 79 यत्प्राक्पश्चिमसंस्छि (स्थि)ता द्विजगणा जातोदयेस्तंगते 80 सूर्ये ये हवनं (ब)धा विदघते बह्रौ समं ते च ते ॥
Fourth Plate; First Side
81 सौरासौरविभागवीक्षणपरास्संध्याद्वये याजका82 स्सौवणे x कलशैर्विदन्निव रवेर्बिबोक्यास्तकर्म [*] २१॥ [*] 83 प्रत्याशं प्रतिपत्तनं प्रतिपथं प्रत्यापणं प्रत्यगं प्रत्य84 र्चि प्रतिकाननं प्रतिपुरं प्रत्यालयं प्रत्यहं । वापी85 कूपतडागदेवभवनारा मप्रपाखंडिकानिर्माणन 86 त[वस्ति] भू[मि]वलये क्षेत्र न यन्मुद्रितं ॥२२॥ भक्त्या
87 पर्वणि चंद्रकेशवकृतो प्रामोग्रहारं पुननाम्ना मं
88
जरवाटकं तदकरं देवद्विजप्रीतये । त[स्या] (3) क
89 लिदेवसंज्ञकशिवस्याष्टांगभोगस्छि (स्थि)तावद्धं (घ) बा.
90 ह्मण पंचवीं (वि)[श]तिगणत्याध (खा)त्सदा भोजनं ॥२३॥
91 कास (म) कोषवशीकृत खलवच प्रासा(मा) ण्यतश्च
1 This letter is engraved above the previous letter na. * The vortical stroko of sya denoting length is indicated by a sign overhead.

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215
No. 40] TASGAON PLATES OF YADAVA KRISHNA; SAKA 1172 92 न(५)पो सं(म)त्री वा यदि शौस्किको यदि पुनर्मूखोषि
93 कारी यदि । तद्वाषां कुरुते बुरन्तनरकप्रस्था(स्था)नपा94 थाग्रणीस्तन्माता नवरासभेन रभसा सोपस्करं
95 पभ्यते ॥२४॥ उद्द(च)च्चंद्रप्रसावधुतिदलिततम
96 स्तोमलब्धप्रकाश प्रख्यात केशवार्कप्रख
Fourth Plate; Second Side 97 रकरहताशेषदोर्गत्यजाडपः । भूपालंकार98 हारस्त्रिजगति विदित(तः) । शारदादर्पणो यष्वभा99 पाचक्रवर्ती कवि[रकृति (त) कृती शासनं म्हाई (इ)100 देवः [*] ॥२५॥ भंजरबाडे गावु अर्षु कलिदेवा 101 अष्टांगभोगा अघु पंचवीसा ब्राह्मणभोजना 102 प्रामासि पूर्व बीसे गोवर मर्या वसीमा दक्षि- . 103 ण दिसे वालगवाड सीमा पस्चि (श्चि)मे हधिनौर म. 104 दिसीमा उत्तर पेठ मर्यादसीमा एयाधर्मका105 र्या चिंता करिते वेवांगराशि गुरोस्छा (स्था)नापती 106 कांतवाहू
नरसिंप[भट्ट 107 अण्णंभट्ट
गंगाधरभट्ट म108 हादेवभट्ट
गोइंदभट्ट 109 विष्णुभट्ट
चांचरसु 110 खणभट्ट हे पाठ मुख्य करुनु चौदाही वृ. ill त्तिमंत सत्रपालक देवस्छ (स्थ)लासि गुरवि
Fifth Plate 112 प्रोडेरि सत्रस्छ (स्थ)लासि ब्राह्मण प्रोडेर सत्र 113 भोगु प(पा)लावा गुरवी देवभोगु प(पा)लावा बा(मा)
1 This danda is superfluous.
• The air languages meant here are: Maharashtra Or Prakhita, Saurasint, Migadhi, Paidiohi, Chi kika Paibichf and Apabhramba. (Vido Shadbhashachandrika, p. 4; Bombay Sanskrit and Prakrit Serios, No. 71).
From here begins the Marathi portion of the grant.
ला

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216
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXVII
114 ह्मणी देवासि नित्य पंचामृत त्रिकाल धूपा115 रनि(ति) नैवेद्य दीपवर्ति पुष्पे ॥ उद्यच्चंद्रप्रसाद116 तिवलिततमस्तोमलव्ध (ब्ध)प्रकाशप्रस्फूर्ज117 केशवार्कप्रखरकरहताशेषदोर्गत्य118 जाड्यः । भूपालंकारहारस्त्रिजगति विदितः 119 शारदादर्पणो यष्वभाषाचक्रवर्ती कवि120 रकृत कृती शासनं म्हांइदेवः ॥ [२६॥*] उत्कं (क्तं) च 121 मचंद्रेणा' (ग) सामान्योयं धर्मसेतु पाणां काले 122 काले पालनीयो भवद्भिः । सर्वानेतान्भाविनः
रा.
123 पार्थिवेंद्रान्भूयो भूयो याचते रामचंद्रः ॥ [२७॥*] मं
124 गलं
महा श्री
श्री शुभं भवतु ।
श्री
No. 41-PONNUTURU PLATES OF GANGA SAMANTAVARMAN ; YEAR 64
(1 Plate)
M. SOMASEKHARA SARMA, GUNTUR This set of plates was discovered, some time in 1941, by a peasant in a field named 'Lingalameraka ', belonging to the village of Ponnuţūru on the northern bank of the river Vamsadhārā, about a mile from Somarājapuram in the Parlākimedi Estate, in the Pūtapatnam täluk of the Vizagapatam District. The farmer gave the set to his landlord, Sri Vanam Rāghavadāsanaidugåru, six months after its discovery. Subsequently, my friend, Sri Bhyri Appalaswaminaidugāru, took these plates on loan for a short period from Raghavadīsunaidugaru, und was kind enough to send them on to me for decipherment and publication.
This set consists of three plates, each measuring 4.6' long and 2-1" broad. They are strung on a copper ring 2-5' in diameter, which is passed through a hole, 35" in diameter, near the left end of the writing. The ring was not cut when the plates were sent to me. The ends of the ring were connected at the bottom of a small rectangular seal, l' long and #85' broad. On the countersunk rectangular face, measuring 65' by .45', of this seal, there is a figure of a couchant bull. facing proper right. The weight of the plates with the ring and the seal is 41 tolas.
The inscription is engraved on the inner side of the first plate and on both sides of the other two, the second side of the third plate bearing only one line. The first and second plates appear to have received some mild crowbar blows probably at the time of discovery, but they did not damage the plates, as they are fairly thick. However, some of the letters on the first and second plates are slightly damaged. The edges of the plates are not raised into rims, yet the writing, on the whole, is in a good state of preservation.
1 Tbo vertical stroke of nå might have been intended to serve as a dayda.

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NJ. 41]
PONNUTURU PLATES OF GANGA SAMANTAVARMAN, YEAR 64
The characters are of the early southern type and belong to the Kalinga variety of the Telugu Kannada alphabet. They closely resemble those of the Urlam1 and Narsingapalli plates of Hastivarman, and Achyutapuram plates of Indravarman. The difference between cha and en is very little. The letter rua looks like a, the superscript r being indicated by a serif (11. 3, 27). The medial i is represented by an inner circle within the sign for medial i (11. 7, 17). The signs for the medial vowels ai (11. 11, 17) and au (in 11. 1, 4, and 13) are particularly noteworthy. Numerical symbols for 4, 8, 20, and 60 are used in the date portion (1.29). Final t can be seen in
1.24.
217
The language of the grant is Sanskrit. With the exception of five customary verses in the end, the inscription is in prose. As to orthography, there is little to note. A consonant before or after r is often doubled.
The inscription pertains to Samantavarman (1. 29), or Mahasamanta varman (1. 7), of the Ganga dynasty of Kalinga. It is issued from Saumyavana, the abode of the goddess of Viotory (Jayasri). Its object is to record the grant of the village of Pratishthapura, situated in the district of Dagha-pañchali, on the occasion of the Uttarayana, to four Brahmanas, Yajñasarman, Gaurisarman, Agniśarman and Umasarman by name, of the Vatsa götra, who were students of the Vajasaneyi sakha, for the increase of the merit of the king and of his parents. It is stated that the king made this grant at the request of his (?) uncle, Adityaraja (mām-Adityarāja-).
The date of this grant is given both in words and in figures. In words, it is the sixty-fourth year of the victorious reign, the thirteenth day of the bright fortnight of Pushya. In figures, it is the year 64, Pushya-dina 28.
The writer and engraver of the grant was Vinayachandra, son of Bhanuchandra, the very person who wrote and engraved the grants of the Early Ganga kings of Kalinga till the 91st year of the Ganga era. One Adityavarman acted as dutaka, here called rajajñāprada.
After the Jirjingi plates of Indravarman, the present is the earliest of the Early Ganga grants that have so far come to light. Like the other grants, it also begins with the prasasti or eulogy of the Early Ganga kings of Kalinga. Its prasasti, however, differs from that given both in the Jirjingi plates of Indravarman and in the grants of Hastivarman. This preamble attained a sort of standardisation only from the time of Hastivarman. His successors took the eulogy given in his grants as model in drafting their records. Another fact worth mentioning in this record is the title Trikalingadhipati. It is significant that, with the exception of Indravarman of the Jirjingi plates and Samantavarman of the present record, no other Early Ganga king had that title. The years mentioned in this grant and in the Jirjingi plates refer in all probability to the Ganga era. If this conjecture is correct, then, considering the nearness of time, it may be supposed that Indravarman and Samantavarman stand as father and son, or as brothers, in relation to each other.
This grant makes one point very clear, and that is about the system of reckoning of lunar months then in vogue in Kalinga. The 13th day of the bright half of Pushya in the given year was equal to the 28th day of Pushya. It can, therefore, be safely concluded that the Purnimanta system of reckoning was in vogue in Kalinga during the rule of the Early Gangas. This is confirmed by some other early grants also. The Urlam plates of Hastivarman record a grant made on the eighth tithi of the dark fortnight of the month of Karttika, which is equated with the eighth
1 Above, Vol. XVII, pp. 330 ff. and plate.
2 Ibid., Vol. XXIII, pp. 62 ff. and plate.
Ibid., Vol. III, pp. 127 ff. and plate.
[It may also mean 'the abode of victory and fortune'.-Ed.]
Above, Vol. XXV, pp. 281 ff. and plate.
Jour. Andh. Hist. Res. Soc., Vol. XII, p. 95.
XVI-1-6

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218
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXVII
day of the month of Kärttika. The Tekkali plates of Dēvēndravarman register a grant made at the time of a lunar eclipse, but the month in which the eclipse occurred is stated only at the end where it is given as "the 30th day of the month of Măgha." This day according to the Purnimānta system happens to be paurnami or the 15th day of the bright fortnight.
The localities mentioned in the grant are Saumyavana, Pratishthapura, and Dāghapanchali. It is of interest to note that this grant was issued from a forest-settlement, similar to Madhuvana, Tumbavana, Pusakavana (Pushyakavana), the dwelling places of some Buddhist monks and house holders which are referred to in certain Brāhmi inscriptions from Bhilsā and Amaravati.
Saumya is the name of one of the forests wherein the Pandavas resided for some time during the period of their vanaväsa. It appears that this Saumyavana was either within Kalinga or on the borders thereof; yet it cannot be located with certainty. In this connection it may be interesting to note that there was a town called Saumyapura' from which the Köņdēdda grant of Dharmaräjadēva of the Sailodbhava family was issued. This town has not been identified either. If it were the chief town of the forest colony of Saumyavana and named after it, then it may be concluded that this forest was in the direction of the ancient territory of the Sailodbhava kings.
It may not be out of place here to point out that Ranabhīta, the title assumed by Hastivarman, the successor of Sāmantavarman of the present grant, was actually the name of the earliest Sailodbhava king, referred to both in the Buguda plates of Mādhavavarman and in the Köņdedda grant of Dharmarajadēva, and that Hastivarman made a grant of some land to god Närāyana (Vishnu), known also as Ranabhitõdaya, who was probably consecrated by the king himself after his own name.
Pratishthapura, the village granted, I am unable to identify. It is possible that it is the Sapskritised form of some deti name like Pērūru, the word pēru being equivalent to the Sanskrit word pratishtha. That there was a tendency to Sanskritise ordinary village names in early times in Kalinga is proved by the Brihatproshthă grant of Umavarman.'
The village of Pratishthapura is said to have been situated in the district of Dagha-pafchalt. This territorial division is not mentioned in any of the Kalinga grants so far discovered, though the names of some vishayas or districts ending in panchāli occur in some of them. I know four such, namely, Koråsõdaka-pañchāli, Dévanna-panchali," Pushyagiri-pañchāli,10 and Chikhalipanchali. To this may now be added Dāgha-panchali. Its exact location is not possible at present.
"Ind. Hist. Quart., Vol. XI, pp. 300 ff.
2 The word vana in the present instance need not denote's forest'. There are instances of place-names ending in rana, like Kimyakavana ; 800 above, Vol. XXIV, p. 332 and n. 7. Their counterparts in Tamil are place-names ending in kadu, like Tiruvalangadu. The word vana often stands also for upavana which means
garden'. In this connection the use of the word irama as the place of issue of a royal charter may be compared. Rhovo, Vol. XXIII, p. 250 and n. 3, p. 251 text 1. 9.-Ed.]
See Lüders' List of Brahmi Inscriptions, Nos, 288, 291, 449, 450, and 1272. . Above, Vol. XIX, p. 269, text I. 42.
Ibid., Vol. III, pp. 41 ff. • Ibid., Vol. XXIII, p. 66, text 1. 13. * Ibid., Vol. XII, pp. 4 ff. and plate. . Ibid. Vol. XXI, p. 24.
Ind. Ant., Vol. XVI, p. 134. 10 Above, Vol. XXVI, p. 63. 11 J. A. H. R. 8., Vol. X, p. 165.
# Vido, my article on Panchacinhaya of the Early Ganga grania of Kalinga ", in the Proxedings of the Indian History Congress, Madras, 1944, pp. 220-28.

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PONNUTURU PLATES OF GANGA KING SAMANTAVARMAN, YEAR 64.
2 ada.
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SCALE ACTUAL SIZE
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.
B. CH. CHHABRA. R. No. 39E'36 =4748,

Page #301

it,໕.
22 ໃ ນ ໄe ພe 6 #ະ 14 ຊft 2 Wງ 22 _ ຂີ້ ຫວານຍອບ 20 -1 ສົgາza 28 ນ. 24 ສສ ຕິເນ ສະຫaddd d d(ທີ7: 24 _ 8 Curaseນໆນນາງ = ນອງ 26 ປອບ-ສຍ]cຈzaka pe=ບ=E ຂຽd 26 ....ມີລາສີ apanee
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483 ສgd.

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PONNUTURU PLATES OF GANGA SAMANTAVARMAN, YEAR 64
TEXT
First Plate
1 श्रोम् स्वस्ति [*] जयधीनिवासार सौम्यवनाच्चराचरगुरोर
No. 41]
2 सकलशशाङ्कुशेखरधरस्य जगतः स्थित्युत्पत्तिप्रल
3 यहेतोर्महेन्द्राचल शिखरवरनिवासिनो गोकर्ण
4 स्वामिनः सततप्रणामपरिचर्थ्यादिभिः र्मि [जी]त' का
5 लेयदोषो गाङ्गामल कुलगगनतल सहा रश्मिः
6 स्वासिधा परिस्पन्दाधिगत राजस्त्रिलिङ्गाधिपतिः
7 श्रीमहाराजमहासामन्तवन बाचालीविषये
Second Plate; First Side
8 प्रतिष्ठापुरनिवासिनस्सर्व्वसमुपेतान् कुटुम्बिनस्समा
9 ज्ञापयति विदितमस्तु वो यथायं ग्रामस्सर्व्वकराम्पर
10
त्याचन्द्रावतारकप्रतिष्ठमग्रहारगुरवा मामावित्य
11 राजप्रतिबोधितैरस्माभिर्मातापित्रोरात्मनश्च पुण्या
12 [भिवृद्धये वाजसनेयसबह्मचारिभ्यो बस्तसगो [ ]म्पो
13 यज्ञशर्म्मागौरिशम्र्माग्नि शम्ममश ( ) भ्य: '
पूर्व्व
14 सरायणे प्रत: [1] तदुपलभ्य यथोचितं भागभोगमुपSecond Plate; Second Side
15 मेयं भवद्भिरिति [ ॥*] अस्य weiनयस्यानुपासने भविष्या
ग्राः स्ववश्था [नापत्यम्यरच बोधयति धम्मक्कमविक
17 मैरुपलभ्य भूमिं भूमिपालेरयं दानधम्मोंनुपालनीय [ ः॥* ]
18 अपि च [* मा भूल
1 From the original plates.
* Indicated by a symbol.
This visarga is superfluous.
4 Read निर्ऋत instead of निद्धांत.
* Sandhi has not been observed here.
• Road स्ववंश्या
परवतेति पार्थिवाः [* ]
219
D-1

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[VoL.xxVII
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA 19 नात्फलमानम्त्यं परदानानुपालने ॥ तथा च व्यासगीता[*] 20 श्लोका भवन्ति [*] बहुभिर्वसुधा बत्ता बहुभिश्चानुपालिता [*) 2l यस्य यस्य यदा भूमिस्तस्य तस्य तवा फलं [u*] स्ववत्साम्पर
Third Plate ; First Side 22 [व]तां वा यत्नाद्रमा युधिष्ठिर [*] महीम्महीमतां श्रेष्ठ दाना23 च्छे योनुपालनं [*] षष्ठिम्बर्ष'सहनाणि मोदते दिवि भू24 मिवः [*] प्राक्षेप्ता चानुमन्ता. च ताम्येव नरके वसेत् [॥*) प्र. 25 वर्द्धमानविजयराज्यसंवत्सरस्य चतु[:*]षष्टिकस्य 26 पुष्यशुक्लपक्षत्रयोदशीदिन [n*] राजामाप्रबश्चादित्यवर्मा [॥*] 27 लिखितमुत्कीर्णञ्च भानुचन्द्रसूनना विनयचन्नणेति ॥ 28 गाङ्गान्वयाम्बरशरच्चन्द्रस्योर्जिततेजसः [*] शासनं
Third Plate ; Second Side 29 [शासिता] रा[तेः] श्रीमत्सामन्तवम[णः] । सं ६० ४ पुष्यबिन २० (८)
No. 42-TELUGU CHOLA RECORDS FROM ANANTAPUR AND CUDDAPAH
(2 plates) K. A. NILAKANTA SASTRI, MADRAS; AND M. VENKATARAMAYYA, OOTACAMUND Seven of the subjoined records, which come from the Cuddapah District, were first noticed in the early years of the last century by the Assistants of Col. Colin Mackenzie and described by them in their reports which are well-known as the Mackenzie Manuscripts Collection. The description of the contents of the inscriptions and their eye-copies found in these manuscripts revealed their importance for the history of the early Chola rulers of the Telugu country. Estampages of the inscriptions were secured by Mr. M. Venkataramayya in May 1937 when he was studying Telugu Chola history as a Research Scholar in the University of Madras, and they are now edited from those estampages. The rest, A, G, H, I and L, are edited from the estampages kindly supplied by Rao Bahadur C. R. Krishnamacharlu, late Government Epigraphist for India, Ootacamund. We are greatly obliged to Mr. N. Lakshminarayan Rao, Superintendent for Epigraphy, for his many useful suggestions and criticisms during the preparation of the article.
All the twelve records are in the early Telugu language and are engraved in the early TeluguKannada soript of the variety employed in the records of the Chalukyas of Badāmi. They are assignable on palaeographical and historical grounds, which we shall discuss presently, to differeut dutes from the second half of the 6th century to the end of the 8th century A. D. aud belong to different members of the dynasty of the Cholas of Rēnăndu.
1Rand षष्टिं 4.
. This collection which contains over tive hundred manuscript books and palm leaf records is now being studied and calendered by the Department of Indian History in the University of Madras.

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No. 42] TELUGU CHOLA RECORDS FROM ANANTAPUR AND CUDDAPAH
221 A. The Kalamalla Inscription of Erikal-Muturaju Dhananjaya This inscription' is engraved on two faces of a broken pillar in the courtyard of the Chennakokava temple at Kalamalla, Kamalapuram taluk.
It is damaged and several lines of the inscription are completely effaced and lost.
It is engraved in bold characters, and, in its palaeography resembles the Siragunda stone inscription of the Western Ganga king Nirvinita (i.e., Avinita)' of the last quarter of the 6th century A. D. The present record may also be assigned to that period. Apart from considerations of palaeography, we have to assign to king Dhananjaya some date about c. 575 A.D. on other grounds as will be explained in the sequel. King Dhananjaya is, without doubt, the same as Dhananjaya, the father of Chöla-Mahārāja Mahendravikrama, mentioned in the Mālēpādu plates of Punyakumāra.
The resemblance noted above between the present inscription and the Siragunda record is noticeable in almost all test letters like r, n, k, n, y and l both in their style and stage of development. Attention may be drawn to the medial long u sign in bi of 1.6 and nů of 1.8. The medial a sign in re of 1.7 resembles the same sign in the Tamil-Grantha script.4 Final win 1.5 is distinguishable from n by the absence of the serif, the presence of which signifies the voiced consonant.
The inscription is one of the earliest completely Telugu records so far discovered ; and consequently of great value for the history of Telugu language and orthography. It may be noted that at this early date Telugu had already begun to develop as a language distinct from Kannada although the script continued to be common. Although several Pallava records earlier in date than the present inscription contain Telugu words this is the first complete inscription in Telugu so far known.
The inscription has anfortunately suffered damage at many points resulting in the loss of several archaic Telugu words. It seems to record a gift to (or by) a certain Rovanakālu of Chirumbüru when [Eri]kal-Muturāju Dhananjaya was ruling Rênandu.
The king Dhanañjaya (Dhanamjayusu as in the inscription) bears the epithet Erikal-Mutila rāju, which is also borne by several of his successors, e.g., Punyakumāra (Punyakumărungu as in the inscriptions E and F below). A prince bearing a similar epithet, Erigal-Dugarāju, figures in the inscriptions of Chõla-Mahārāja edited below (inss. C and D). The word Erikal or Erigal which occurs as a prefix in these descriptive compounds seems to be the name of a place, while the suffixes Muturāju and Dugarāju seem to signify some official dignity, especially as Dugarāju may be taken to be a form of Yuvarāja or heir-apparent (vide B below, Erragudipādu inscription of Erikal-Mutturāju). This place, Erigal, finds mention in a more complete form as the name of a territorial division, viz., Erigalvādi-six hundred in the Maddagiri inscriptions of Dhananjaya IT and in the Chikka-Madhura inscription of Palla vadhiraja. Nolamba who is stated to have
1 No. 380 of 1904 of the Madras Epigraphioal collection. : Ep, Carn., Vol. VI, Cm. 50, plato opp. p. 105. 3 Above, Vol. XI, p. 341.
Cf. 8.1.1., II, pl. X, Vallam cave ins. 1.4, Kandasena. . Above, Vol. XXIV, p. 138.
• Ep. Carn., XII, Mi. 92-3, 97, 100: 94 and 101 are also his records. There is some difficulty in determining the exact form of the name of this territorial division. Rice road the portion relating to the country as either Alvadi 600 or Erigalvādi 600, while H. K. Sastri (above, Vol. XI, p. 341) preferred the reading Alvādi 600 treat. ing the term 'Eriga's part of the personal name of Dhananjaya. But an examination of the record shows that
Erigal' should be taken as part of the name of the region-witness the nominative singular form Dhananjayan (Mi. 92-3). Further the saino territorial division is called Irigalvädi (with short a in Irigal' which may well be i corruption of Erigal') in the Chikku Madhure inscription of Palluvadhiraja Nolamba (p. Carn., XI, 01. 34), A corling to the ingriptions edited here, the term has to be read either as Erigal or Erigal, the initial vowel being read no longe or short e for the form in which the initial vowel is written in both the cases is alike. But in viow of the extgterice of the term Trigalvādi with short i, the form Erigal has to be preferred. The long & in Erigal as rond by Rive need not be considered a difficulty. The existence of the form Irigal with rough and short u, the suflix-kal meaning rock, and the probability of the name of a place being Erigal or Erigal like Kunigal, Dorical (Chittoor Dt.) and Kapoyakal (Anantapur Dt.), all render it very probable that the name of the territorial division is Erigalvādi or Erigalvidi 000; the distinction between ordinary r and rough r being not strictly obsersal 6.9., in Rênadu and Renadu.
7 Ep. Carn. XI."a. 34.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
VOL XXVII
been ruling Irigalvădi as a subordinate of Prabhūta varsha Srivallabha, i.e., Govinda II (c. 775 A.D.). The territorial division takes its name after Erigal which has to be looked for somewhere in this region. It may be suggested that Nidugal of the modern maps in the Pavugada taluk of the Tumkur District is the ancient Erigal. The provenance of the Maddagiri inscription close by renders the identification very likely. It may be added that the antiquity of Nidugal is carried back to about 8-9th century A.D. by an inscription of Nolamba Pallava Bidichorarasa of the time of king Mahēndra at the place.
Moreover, except for a few brief periods in the 8th, 9th and part of the 10th century A.D. when it was wrested from the Telugu Cholas by the Nolambas in the reign of Pallavädhiraja Nolamba, the region was long associated with a line of Telugu Chola rulers, known as the Nidugal Cholas. Considering the early date to which the present inscription may be ascribed, the mention of the region Erigal in it leads to the conclusion that the region round about Nidugal on the borders of the Pallava and Kadamba dominions must have formed one of the earliest settlements of the Cholas in the Telugu country. It would appear that it was from this region that the eastward expansion of the Telugu Cholas into the neighbouring tracts of Ramadi-nādu", Rēnādu 7000, Siddhi 1000* and Hiranyarashtra seems to have taken place : and this appears to be conveyed by the epithets Erigal-Mutturaju and Erigal-Dugarāju by which some of the Cholas of Rēnādu describe themselves in their inscriptions found in the Rēnādu country (inss. A to F). Thus Dhanaħjaya, in describing himself as Erikal-Muturāja ruling Rēnāndu in the present inscription, signifies that he held the official position of a Mutturāju, being attached to Erigal, which was probably the ancestral seat. Similarly, Punyakumāra (inss. E and F below) holds the same official position, and in one inscription (F) he describes himself as the ruler of Rönandu with Chirpali as capital. Again in two subjoined inscriptions of Chõla-Maharaja (Cand D) an Erigal-Dugarāju figures as the donor, and he was probably a prince of the family holding the official position of Dugarāju or Yuvarāju at Erigal. - It may be objected that in the compounds 'Erigal-Duyarāju' and Erigal-Mutturāju', the prefix 'Erigal' may not signify a place but stand for the name of a dynasty or clan of chiefs in the same manner as the compounds such as Vallava-Dukarāju (ins, B below). Vaidumba Mutraju,? Chöļika Mutturăju (or Muttarasa), Kāduvețţi Muttarasa, Prithvi-kungani Muttarasa and Perbbana Muttarasar, the prefixes in all of which refer to a dynasty and not to a place. It is however quite possible that the prefix sometimes refers to a place namell and the more yo as a tract known as Erigalvādi is found. Further the forms Erigallu and Eya[ra]kallu (ins. I below, text II. 6-7 and J, text, 11. 14-15) point to the same conclusion.
1 Ep. Carn. XII. Pg. 45. * Ibid., Vol. XI, CI. 34.
Ep. Carn., Vol. X, Gd. 76. Above, Vol. XI, p. 345, Málēpādu stone inscription of Satyaditya. . Above, Vol. XI, p. 341, Mālēpādu plates of Punyakumara. • Vide page 224 below. 7 No. 347 of 1922 of the Mad. Ep. Coll. * No. 542 of 1906 of the Mad. Ep. Coll. "This occurs as the surname of Sripurusha in many records : En. Carn. IV, Ch. 03 ; III, Tn. 53, etc. 10 M. A. R., 1941, pp. 132-133.
11 This practice seems to have been widely prevalent in the Kerala cuuntry where the king was unlly designat. ed by the name of his kingdom (see Padmanabha Menon : History of Kerala, Vol. V, p. 4) in records issued by him and was referred to, for example, as Jayatunganattu-Müttatambiran without mention of his proper name (T.A.S. Vol. VII. p. 96) or Sirnivay-Mütta-Tamı biränar (T.A.S. Vol. VI, pp. 178, 181). Further, inscriptions issued barely in the designatory name of an official both in the North and South are not uncommon and are explainable by the importance of the office. See, for example (1) above, XXIV, p. 206 where an insuription recording a gift by. Mathuraka Kalavala', i.e., the Kalaväla (off.) of Mathura', is noticed : (2) ins, issued in the name of Konkani Muttartsa (Ep. Carn., III, Tn. 63; IX, Ht. 21).

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No. 42]
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Of the two terms indicating official dignity, Yuvarāju is the well understood term signifying the dignity of heir-apparent while it is not quite clear what official position is exactly indicated by the title Mutturăju. In the present context, the term is a title or dignity and not a personal or dynastic name like Chõļa or Pandya as we see from an examination of its derivation and the combinations in which it occurs. The term seems to be derived from Mudul or Mutu in Telugu meaning elder or advanced in age corresponding to Mätta in Tamil conveying the same meaning. The Tamil and Kannada renderings of the title Mutturāja appear to be Muttaraiyar and Muttarasa respectively. In this connection we may cite some of the titles of the Kērala kings occurring in their inscriptions, such as Tiruppapūr-Mutta Tiruvadi (or. Muttavar) Jayatunganättu-Mūttatambiran (or - Mütta-Tiruvadi), and Siraivāy Muttatambirån meaning "the First or the Senior prince or ruling chief (Tambirān) of (the royal family of) Tiruppapūr, Jayatunganādu and Siraivay (Attingal) respectively. Judging from the instances of its occurrence in the inscriptions of the Kerala kinge, it would appear that the prince who held the title issued records, making gifts, like a ruling prince in the same manner as the inscriptions of Erikal-Mutturāja, edited here, have been issued. Several Ganga inscriptions issued in the name of Konkani Muttarasa without any personal name or titles attached thereto, may be cited also as instances indicating that the person who held the title of Muttarasa enjoyed an official position comparable in dignity and status to, but not identical with, the Yuvarāja or the Adhiraja (Mahārāja, Mahārājādhirāja), who generally issued grants in an independent capacity. A Vaidumba inscription records the crowning or the binding of the fillet (pattaingatli......) of a certain Gandara Mutrăju (i.e., Mutrāju among the heroes') by the Vaidumbas presumably prior to his entry as general in the war in which he is stated to have been killed. It is not clear whether the dignity of Mutrāju was conferred on him during his anointment. That Mutturāju cannot be identical with Yuvarāju is clear enough if we compare the import of Yuva' meaning young and of Mūtta' meaning elder or advanced in age. But it is doubtful whether a prince referred to merely as Mutturāju (without supreme titlus like Mahārāja), e.g., Erigal Mutturāju, Konkani Muttarasa, Käduvetti-Muttarasa, Ilango Muttaraiyar, etc., enjoyed the position of an Adhiraja. It is significant that the personal names of the princes thus referred to are devoid of the honorific plural endings which characterise those of the supreme rulers. Thus Erigal Mutturāju Dhananjaya and Erigal Muturāju Punyakumāra are called simply Dhananjayu ru (ins. A) and Punyakumărunru (inss. E and F below) respectively with the nominative singular ending ru or nru attached to their names. Further in a few inscriptions they also figure in a subordinate capacity, as for instance, Erigallu-Mutturāju in the Nallacheruvupalle inscription (I) edited below. Käduvetti Muttarayan figures as the donor in an inscription of Pallava Dantivarman.?
Considering the occurrence of the term Mutturāju (Muttarasa. Muttaraiyar) in the inscriptions of all the dynasties, it would appear that the title, when not accompanied by any supreme title, Adhiraja or Mahārājādhirāja, was applicable to the seniormost among the princes of the family other than the ruling king and the Yuvarāja. "The dignity or status of first prince,
1 Mutuda or Mududa in the Kantoru Salankāyana plates occurring in the passage Mutuda-sahita.gråmeyakan' (above, XXIV, p. 281). The term obviously stands for an office or dignity corresponding to Kyaware of Tamil insa, meaning elders of the village.
*T. 4. . IV, pt. 1, p. 93; Vol. V, pt. 1, p. 27. ST. A. S. Vol. I, p. 299. •T. A. 8. Vol. VI, PP. 48-49; 164, 178, 181.
'Ep. Carn., III, Tn. 33; IX, Ht. 21; X, KI. 78: W.A.R. 1917, pp. 31, 38; M.A.R. 1926. Ine. 73; It is difficult to assign all these records to Sripurusha as has been done by some scholars. "They may belong to different kings of the Ganga dynasty, who held the dignity of Muttaran.
• No. 309 of 1922 of the Mad. Ep. Coll. No. 89 of 1921 of the Mad. Ep. Coll.

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the eldest (Mutta) among the princes (other than the king and the Yuvarāja) of the royal family, seems to be what is indicated by the title. In the compound titles like Perurbidugu Muttaraiyan, Videlvitugu Muttaraiyay), Vijayālaya Müttaraiyan, Anapaya Mūttaraiyan and l'arántaka Mūttaraiyan, the person referred to probably bore the title on the principle stated just now and exercised the authority of Mittaraiyar (thirri dignity of senior or first prince) in the time of that king whose surname he bore. In other combinations like Erikal-Mutturāju, Jayatunganáttu-Müttatambiran or Siraivāy Müttatambiran (Tambiran Raja), the prefix to the title stands for the seat or area of his authority.
Among the Telugu Cholas, Dhanañjaya, the third of the brothers, according to the genealogy found in the Mälēpádu plates is called Muturāju in the present inscription; his position in relation to the throne was thereby recognised, although he was the third brother and his two elder brothers Sundarananda and Sith havishnu had sons of their own (le putrānuputrywinubhüta-rājyasriyah). Similarly we find Punyakumara, the second son of Chõla-Mahārāja as stated in the Målēpădu plates, holding the title Erikal-Muturāju according to inss. E. and F below as he had an elder brother Guņamudita who probably held the position of Yuvarăja and who was perhaps the Erigal-Dugarăju of the two subjoined inscriptions of Chõla-Mahārāja (C and D). An important fact emerges when we understand the political significance of these three terms occurring in early Telugu Chola inscriptions, Mahārājādhiraja, Dugarāja or Yuvarāja and Mutturāja, viz., that the kingdom established by these Chõlas was divided into three well-defined charges each held by a prince of the royal family including the king who held direct rule over one part while exercising sovereignty as Adhiraja over the other units to which the princes of the royal family were sent out as viceroys. May it be, that succession to the throne was regulated by seniority in age and not by the law of primogeniture ?
The well-known expression applied to Karikala in the Mālēpădu plates, viz., Trairājyasthitim=ūtmasāt kritavatal has never been satisfactorily explained. It seems to us now that in the light of the foregoing discussion it must be taken to mean that for a part of his reign, if not the whole of it, Karikāla was his own Yuvarāja and Mutturāja and dispensed with the assistance of subkings of which lesser monarchs found need to avail themselves. The context in which the expression occurs fully supports this view..
Rēvaņakālu, who figures as the donor in the present inscription, may be identified with the donor of the Potladurti-Mälēpādu inscription of Chõla-Maharāja. The name seems to be a Telugu rendering of the Sanskrit name, Rēvanapādāḥ, the suffix pāda being literally rendered in Telugu as kālu or kāllu meaning foot or feet. Another person bearing a similar name, viz., Kundikā]lu, figures as the donor in the Erragudipadu inscription of Erikal-Mutturăju (inscription B below).
This would be the third dignity in the whole realm corresponding to Viroli (Vira-Elaya) of the Cochin Royal family-Padmanabha Menon : History of Kerala. Vol. I, p. 511.
Cf: Märpidugu Rattagullu meaning the person who held the office or dignity of Rattagudi in the time of the king who bore the surname Märpidugu. This rule applies only to really early instances; later, the term Mūttaraiyan lost its special significance and became a general title or nobility.
The rulers of Ceylon seem to have regulated their succession by the law of seniority; vide Cey. Journal of Science, Vol. I, pp 75-8. Or, the two principles were in conflict as was also the case among the Cholas of the early period of the Vijayalaya line.
It was precisely in this manner that Chalukya Vikramaditya I assumed full control of the kingdom of his father as implied by the words 'kritsaikadhishthit-atesha-rajyabharab' in the passage 'Svagurohériyam-avanipali. Irita vantaritam átmasåt-kritrā kritaikadhishthit-asisha rajyabharah tasmin rajyatrayē vinashani dēvabrahmadēyuni. dharma-yaso-bhi-vriddhayé sva-mukhena sthapilaran (Above, Vol. IX, p. 100).
11. V. R. Comm. Vol. p. 310. . Mr. M. S. Sarma bowover suggests that the suffix kalu is a variant in Telugu of the honoritid Tamil gaf or kul us in avargal.

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Of the localities mentioned in the inscription, Erigal may be identified with modern Nidugal. Rēnāņdu is roughly the country between the two tributaries of the R. Penvär, viz., the Chitravati in the north-west and Cheyyēru in the south-west comprising a major portion of the Cuddapah and parts of Kolar and Chittoor districts. The chief city or the early capital of this region appears to have been Chippili in the Madanapalle taluk, Chittoor district, which is referred to in a slightly different form, Chirppali, in the Tippalur inscription of Punyakumara (ins. F. below), wherein it is described as the capital (paļu) of the king. It has been supposed that Rēnāndu means Rēgadinādu the black-soil country' which is, accordingly, traced in the regions along the valley of the Kundőru river. The explanation is rather fanciful. The real meaning of the term appears to be 'the country of the king or Rēdu or Mahārāja', precisely the same as Mahārājapādi that finds mention in a good number of inscriptions later than the 10th cent. A. D. as the name of the region. Maharajapadi 7000 signified, doubtless, what had been once called Rēnāndu 7000 and they both refer to the same tract.
Chirumbūru to which Rövanakälu belonged may be identified with the modern Chilamakuru in the Kamalapuram taluk, a few miles E.S.E. of Kalamalla, the findspot of the inscription.
A. TEXT First side
2 kalmustura3 ju Dhanamhja4 yuru Rēnā5 ndu ēlan 6 Chirumbūri 7 Revaņakālu (pam-] 8 pu Chenūrukāju 9 alika!ā[ū]ri10 nda vārusūri].. 11-14 four lines damaged 15 .... pañchasma*-] 16 hāpāta kasa-- 17 [ku]
Second side-damaged. B. Erragudipadu inscription of Erikal-Mutturaju This inscription is engraved in bold and big size characters on two sides of a stone standing to the right of the Chennakēšava temple in the village of Erragudipadu, Kamalapuram taluk, Cuddapah district.
The palaeography of the inscription which resembles, in almost every detail, the Kalamalla inscription (No. A above) and is likewise assignable to the last quarter of the 6th cent. A.D. or slightly later calls for few remarks except that it is written in a more cursive style than A. Subscript 1 (1.2) may be noted as affording an instance showing that in early Telugu-Kannada script a letter even when used as subscript was written in full with no change. The Dravidian (1. 11) is also worthy of note.
As regards orthography, the syntax of the inscription is not clear. It is not apparent who the actual donor was, although the text may be interpreted so as to give the
1 H. K. Sastri : above, Vol. XI, p. 343 citing J. Ramayya Pantulu; J.1.H., Vol. XV, pp. 33-4.
From the estampages secured by Mr. M. V. R. A part of this inscription was copied by the Epigraphy department and numbered A.R.E. 98 of 1929-30.
XVI-1-6

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[VOL. XXVII meaning that the gift was made at the instance of Kundikāļu. The word nivabukānu in 11. 3-4 is peculiar and has been understood by us as nepamukānu which literally means 'being the pretext or reason,' taking nivabu (or nivambu) as the archaic form of nepamu. The name Dujayarāju appears to stand for Durjayarāju and Vallava Dukaraju may be taken to be a corruption of Pallava (or Vallabha) Yuvarāja. The letters v and p are generally substituted one for the other in inscriptions of this period. That the word Dukarāju which has other forms like Tugarāju (ins. C below) and Dugarāju (ins. D below), is a form of Yuvarāju is clearly borne out by the records of the Eastern Chalukya king Mangi Yuvarija in which the king is alternately described as Mangi Dogarajul and Manghi Duvarāju. These afford instances of the substitution of d for y. Further the distinction between k and g or between t and d (cf. Dugarāju and Tugarāju (ins. C): Erikal and Erigal; Dugarāju and Dukarāju) does not appear to have been maintained in archaic Telugu, a feature which persists in Tamil even to the present day.
The proper name, Kundikāllu and Kundikāllul with the honorific plural seems to be a Telugu rendering of the Sanskrit name Kundipādāḥ in the same manner as Rēvanakālu of ins. A above stands for Rēvanapādāḥ.
Attention may be drawn here to the term pannassa (l. 9) which is apparently a mistake for the usual form, pannasa. It has been stated that the term stands for a number, viz., 50, the word being supposed to be derived from the Sanskrit, panchasat. Although this is very plausible, especially as the word panna meaning 50 is in use even at the present day, the fact that several instances are found in inscriptions wherein the extent of land given is different from 50 units although the word pannasa is also used to denote such gifts, militates against this interpretation. In the present. inscription the extent of land given is stated to be 24 maruturs and the gift is, all the same, described as pannasa. The word has probably to be understood as denoting a kind of land-tenure. It has been suggested that the word is made up of the Präksit words paņa and nas meaning absence (nas) of money or tax (pana). In this connection attention may be drawn to the term pannäyam indicating a kind of income occurring in several inscriptions. Although the exact connotation of the term pannasa is not clear, it might be stated that it seems to contain some reference to a tax, on account of which, the grant is called pannasa. Support for this surmise is derived from the fact that in Telugu the word pannu at present indicates a tax generally, so that pannasa appears to be the Telugu counterpart of the Tamil term iraiyili meaning tax-free. The extent of land given away is not indicated by numerical symbols but written in words. The extent of land is stated to be iravadi-yādinālku marunturlu which, when translated, would read 'four-precededby-twenty marunturs'. A similar instance of indicating a number of two digits is found in the Dongalasäni inscription of Venkaya Chola, where the regnal year 41 is written in words as nalpädyādiyokoţi. This manner of signifying a two digit number describing the tens digit and the units digit separately would appear to have been followed in early inscriptions when expressing the number by means of figures, e.g., 20 (+) 4.
The inscription contains some words of literary interest. The word kotfambu, meaning either a settlement or a territorial division appears to be derived from Sanskrit goshtham, meaning a settlement of cowherds. The word, Boya-koffarbu, occurs in a few Eastern Chalukya inscriptions of the Nellore district' from which it may be concluded that the word meant a settle
1 Bharati, Vol. V, pt. 1, p. 949. 1J O.R., Vol. X, p. 28. *U. V. R. Comm. Vol., p. 305, f.n.
No. 287 of 1905 of the Mad. Epi. Coll. Irai, Irai-kaval, Iraiyili, Dr. 8. K. Iyengar Comm. Vol., p. 191. .A.R.E. No. 9 of 1939-40. Cf. also Telangana Inscriptions, p. 165 text 14; SII, Vol. VI, No. 114.
* Kandukuru inscription of Vijayaditya III: NDI, Vol. II, Kandukuru 31-2. p. 548; A.R.E. 888 of 1929 (Addonki inscription of Pandaranga): NDI, Vol. II, Ongole 3.

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ment generally. In Tamil inscriptions and literature the word kogtam conveys the meaning of a territorial division larger than a small settlement. The word sakshi in line 8 clearly stands for sākshi or witness.
The inscription records the grant of a pannasa of 24 marunturs of land in the territorial division (kottam) to a Brāhmaṇa (pāra) during the reign of Erikal-Mutturāju at the instance of (or by ?) Kundikāļļu, the witnesses to the deed being Dujayarājula Mutturājulu, Navapriya Mutturajulu and Vallava Dukarajulu.
The identification of the persons mentioned in the inscription presents much difficulty. It is not possible to state definitely whether the king Erikal-Mutturāju of this record is to be taken to be identifical with Erikal-Mutturāju Dhanañjaya of ins. A above, although the palaeography and the provenance of the record may render it plausible. Dujayarājula-Mutturājulu may be taken to refer to the official Mutturāju who was either called Durjayarāju himself or was a subordinate under the latter whose name or Surname was Dujayarāju. The identity of Dujayarāju is not easy to establish. It is perhaps to the point to recall here the descent claimed by some later royal lines of the Telugu country; the Kākatiyas, Kondapadumatis and the Velanāņdu kings claimed descent from a certain Durjaya of the Chaturthakula. It is possible that our Dujaya has greater claims to be considered as identical with this remote ancestor of the later Telugu monarchs than the Ranadurjaya of the Tändivāda grant to whom this position has been assigned by Mr. R. S. Panchamukhi, for the evidence is by no means clear that Raņadurjaya was a Chola monarch of the line of Karikāla.
Vallava Dukaraju was the Yuvarāja of the Pallavas) who must have been one of the contemporary Pallava princes of Kāñchi which was at this time ruled over by Simhavishņu (c. 575-600 A.D.). Navapriya Mutturāju may be identical either with Navarāma, the son of Sundarananda mentioned in the Madras Museum Plates of Srikantha-Chola or Navarāma Chola-Maharāja Mahendravikrama, the son of Dhanañjaya (of the Mälēpādu plates). It is more likely that he was the latter in view of the fact that he figures along with Vallava Dukarāja and bears the name Mahendra vikrama wbich was also borne by the contemporary Pallava prince Mahendravikrama I, son of Simhavishnu.
The mention of the Pallava prince in an inscription of the Telugu Chola may be taken to indicate political alliance either as between a subordinate and overlord or on equal terms.
B. TEXT
First side 1 Svasti Sri [li*] Erika
2 Imutturājulla 1 Above, Vol. V, p. 142; SII. iv, No. 692. * Above, Vol. XXIII, p. 96.
It may be asked whether Vallava Dukaraju may not, instead, stand for Vallabha Yuvarāju, Vallabha being a dynastic name indicating the Western Chalukya. Pulakēbin I calls himself Chalikya Vallabhēsvara (An. Rep. of Kannada Research in the Bombay Province, 1940-41, p. 9), and is also referred to as Vallabhs in the later Chalukya records (Fleet; Bom. Gaz. Vol. I, Pt. II, p. 344; Chiplun Plates of Pulakësin II, Ep. Ind. III, p. 51, 1. 3). Likewise, Pulakēsin II is referred to as the Vallabha king in Pallava records (Fleet; Bom. Gas. Vol. I, pt. II, pp. 324, 326, 361, 377) and also in his own records (Nerur Grant, Ind. Ant. Vol. VIII, p. 43, 1. 3; Kopparam Plates, E.I.XVIII, pp. 259, 260). Kirtivarman II is spoken of as Vallabhs in the Samangad grant of Dantidurga (Ind. Ant. Vol. XI, p. 112) as also, probably, in the Dasavatara Cave Ins. (Arch. Sur. of W. India, Vol. V. p. 88). While it is not im. possible that Vallava Dukaraju of the present record may be a Chilukya prince, it would seem more likely that he was a Pallava prince in view of the close political relationship that existed between the Pallaves and the Cholas of the early period as indicated by the close correspondence in their names and titles. There is however a atray instance of the Pallavas being called Vallabhas (Othgodu grant of Simbavarman II: Ep. Ind. Vol. XV, p. 256, 1. 17).

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3 Kundikāļļu (ni]vabuka4 nu ichchina pannasa 5 Dujayarājula6 Mutturājulu Nava7 priya-Mutturājulu 8 Vallava-Dukarajulu sakshi9 kūnu ichchi[na*]pannassa
Second side 10 kottarbuna pā11 raku Kundikāļļu12 la ichchina pannasa 13 iravadi y-ādi-na14 lku maruntuflu nola [I1*]
C. Uruturu inscription of Chola-Mabaraja This inscription is engraved on a slab near a well in the village of Urutūru, Kamalapuram taluk, Cuddapah district.
The inscription is written in a cursive style of writing as shown by the letters I, n, k and r, which in the next inscription (ins. D) of the same king are found written in a square ornamental style and may be assigned on palaeographical basis to the first quarter of the 7th century A.D. The letters and r are more developed than their usual form in this period. Attention may be drawn to the r subscript in nou in 1.7 which differs greatly from the r of 1.5 raising the question whether both signify the same consonant. More about this will be said below under ins. G, Rămēsvaram Pillar Inscription of Punyakumära.
As regards the orthography of the inscription attention may be drawn to the forms Maharājupla and Tugarājufla which contain the peculiar suffix rlu. Tugarūju, as has been noted under ins. B above, is a corruption of Yuvarāju.
It records that while Chola Maharaja was ruling, a certain Erigal-Dugarāja granted a pannasa of 50 (matlars ?) of land to a Brāhmaṇa of Tiruvula.
The Chõla king may be identified with Mahendravikrama Chola-Mahārāja, one of whose records has been edited by Mr. M. S. Sarma. Inscriptions issued by Chõla-Mahārāja are assigned to Mahēndravikrama on the following grounds : (1) Palaeographically, they fall in the early part of the 7th century A.D. and this period for Mabēndravikrama has been established on other grounds. (2) The title Pariprāpta-Chola-Mahäräja sabdah is borne by Mahondravikrama who further declares that he was a Mudita silākshara, a title borne out by the numerous eurly Chõla-Mahārāja inscriptions. From this it may be concluded that inscriptions issued barely in the name of a CholaMahārāja, of which there are several in the early period, are to be generally assigned to this king if their palaeography admits of this being done (See also H. K. Sastri, above, Vol. XI, p. 343). Although the successors of Mahendravikrama used the title their personal names are invariably stated in their inscriptions. If the identity of Chõla Mabăraja with Mahendravarman suggested above is accepted, Tugarāju has to be identified with the king's eldest son Guņamudita, who must have been the Tugarāju or Yuvarāja, while his father was king.
From impressions secured by Mr. M. V.R. The inscription has been copied by the Epigraphy Department and bumbored 330 of 1935-36.
G. V. R. Comm. Volume, p. 301. Madras Christian College Magazine, Vol. IX, p. 18; G. V. R. Comm. Val., p. 801.

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Tiruvula, probably the place to which the Brahmana belonged, may well be the same as Tiruvura, the scene of a battle mentioned in an inscription of Dhananjaya II of Erigalvāḍi.1
The same place appears to have been the scene of another battle in which a general of the Vaidumbu Mahārāja (c. 9th century A.D.) is stated to have lost his life 2; but its exact situation is not known.
1.[Chola-Mahārāju[rla]
2 [ēla]Erigal-Tuga
3 [raljurla ichchina pannāsa
4 rachamanambuna ĕbadi
5 Tiruvuļa pāraku ichchi[na]
6 pannāsa dēniki3 vakram[bu]
7 vachinavānru pañchamaha
8 pataku agu [*]
229
C. TEXT
D. Indukuru Inscription of Chola-Maharaja
This record is engraved on a stone at the entrance to the village of Indukūru, Kamalapuram taluk.
The record is engraved in bold square characters in a style which differes from that of ins. C although both may belong to the same period. The orthography of the inscription reveals a few interesting points. A clear distinction is noticeable in the forms of the full consonant and the final consonant in that the latter is written in a slightly dimunitive form without the top stroke, e.g., n, final, in 11. 2 and 5 and I final, in 11. 2 and 3. The phrase, [Re*]vasarmmarikin (1.5) perhaps shows that in popular pronunciation of the time Sarmavaru or Sarmayāru became Sarmāru. The ending, of the word, as in poetry, is also noteworthy. Similarly, in 1.7 in the compound word Samyyuktunṛugu which is made up of two words Samyyuktunṛu+agu either the letter a is elided or possibly we have an antique form of the sandhi, u+a. We may note here that in a similar sandhi (u+a) in the compound Uttamottamung-ayinavänṛu in the Tippaluru inscription of Punyakumara (ins. F below 1.4), the letter u is elided in the more usual way.
The consonant is found doubled after the repha in Rēvasarmma of 1. 5. In samyyuktunṛu (1.7) we have an instance of the doubling of the consonant after the anusvara. The distinction between t and d is not observed in the word têni in 1. 5 which stands for deni.
The inscription registers the gift of a pannasa to [Re*]vasarman, a Brāhmaṇa (pāra) of Kochchiya, i.e., of the Kausika-gōtra, by Erigal-Dugaraju while Chōla-Mahārājulu was ruling, The record is stated to have been composed or engraved (likhitam) by Asivairuvu.
The inscription belongs to the same king Chōlamahārāju of the Uruțuru inscription (inscription Cabove) and hence he may be Mahendra vikrama Chōla-Mahārāju and the donor Erigal-Dugarāju may likewise be Gunamudita.
1 Ep. Carn., Vol. XII, Mi. 101. If however, Tiruvula has to be interpreted as the getra of the Brahmana, it may be taken to stand for Traivana-götra.
No 439 of 1914: 8. I. I. Vol. IX, pt. i, No. 16.
de seems to have been omitted at first and then inserted below the line.
Read vachchina.
From the impressions secured by Mr. M.V.R. This has been copied by the Epigraphy Department aud numbered 310 of 1935-36.

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Asivairuvu, who is mentioned as the engraver or the composer of the inscription figures in another record of Chola-Mahārāja, evidently the same as the king of this inscription, viz., the Pōṭladurti-Mālēpādu inscription edited by Mr. Sarma.1
230⚫
The term Kochchiya-para may be rendered as the Brahmana of Kochchiya village, or of the Kausika-gotra, Kochchiya being a corruption of Kausika. The form 'Kōsiya' occurs in inscription J. below (Veludurti inscription of Uttamaditya Chōla), also evidently standing for Kausika.
1 Svasti śri[*]Chōja-Mahā
2
julijan Eriga[1]
3 Dugarajul ichchina pa
4 nnasa Kochchiya para[Re*]
5 van(6)armmarikin[*] těmi Ja
6 chchina vanru pañchamaha
7 pātaka sayyuktanruga
8 Asivairuvu likhitam [*]
D. TEXT
E. Veludurti Inscription of Erikal-Muturaju Punyakumara
This epigraph is engraved on three sides of a stone in front of the Chennakesava temple at Veludurti, Kamalapuram taluk. It is highly damaged, the inscribed portion on one side being completely effaced.
There is not much difference between the present inscription and the inscriptions of ChōlaMahārāja (inss. C and D) in point of palaeography and it may be assigned to the same period.
The portions of the inscription which are preserved furnish the information that a gift was made by (or to) a certain Atisaya-Rattakutta in the time of Erikal-Muturāju Punyakumarunru. The donee's name is given as Palaśarmmā.
The inscription belongs to Punyakumara who is probably the same as the second son of Mahendravikrama-Chōla Maharaja of the Mālēpādu plates. The record appears to have been issued by him while he was holding the dignity or office of Mutturaju, a rank which, as we have stated above, was lower than that of the Dugaraju or Yuvaraju, which was probably held about this time by Punyakumara's elder brother Gunamudita. In this connection the nominative singular ending nṛu to Punyakumara's name, the significance of which has been discussed above (p. 223), may be noted.
The information conveyed by the inscription is very meagre, except the mention of a personage, Atisaya Raṭṭakuṭṭa. The word Atisaya seems to contain a reference to the Adigaiman chiefs of the south who had their capital at Tagadür (Dharmapuri, Salem district), for it conveys more or less the same meaning as Adigan, i.e., one who excels (others). Or in the alternative, it may be thé title of the king which was borne by the subordinate official (Raṭṭagudi) as Atisaya-Raṭṭakutta. Instances of the latter kind are numerous in epigraphy. Attention may be drawn in this connec tion to the name Atisayachōla Viranarayana held by a prince of the Kongu country in the Chola period.
1 G. V. Ramamurti Puntulu Commemoration Vol., p. 310,
From impressions secured by Mr. M. V. R. and from those secured later by the Epigraphy Department and numbered No. 298 of 1987-38 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection.
Nos. 708, 710, 718 to 720 of 1905 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection.

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The same name Atibaya-Rattakudi occurs in the Chilamakūru inscription of Vikramaditya Chola II (ins. H below). Rattakuțța occurring in the present inscription seems to be a variant of Rattagudi or Rattakudi which, as explained by H. Krishna Sastril signifies an office or dignity. Various forms of this word such as Rattallu, Raffodi, etc., are found in early Telugu inscriptions. The exact nature of the office or dignity signified by the term is not clear. In its earliest form, i.e., Rattakudi or Raftagudi, the name seems to be made up of two words Ratta and kudi, the latter term conveying the meaning 'habitation' or 'settlement'. Rațfakudi may therefore be tentatively rendered as settler in the country (ratta)', or cultivator' as suggested by H. K. Sastri.
E. TEXT
First Side 1 Svasti Sri [l*) Erikal-Mu(tu]rājulpriti. ...m Punyakumărunsu 2 Atisaya Rattaküttana rkup...... rattakutta
Second Side 1 .... ebbadi ma.... 2 ....ri.. māsapurnya[mi].. 3 ...... Palasarmmāri [ki]..
Third Side 1 dini kächi kudipinavāru[bhū]midānambu palambu 2 vakrapalkinavāru pancha-mahāpāta[kam) bupadu [1]*]
F. Tippaluru Inscription of Erikal-Muturaju Punyakumara This inscription is deeply engraved on a red-stone in the village of Tippalūru, Kamalapuram taluk, in well-formed ornamental characters.
This is a unique record both for its palaeography and subject matter and for the particulars of the date it provides. In addition to the unique feature of possessing a date that mentions the week-day and the höra, instances of which are rare at such an early period, the record bears a striking palaeographical resemblance to the Vallam rock inscription of Mahēndravarman I Pallava. In general appearance this resembles more the so-called Pallava-Grantha script than the usual Telugu-Kannada script of this period and locality. The inscription may be assigned to the first half of the 7th century A.D. and would belong to the same king as inscription E above. Attention may be drawn to letters , k with the u medial sign, 1, 1, b, and y to indicate what has been stated above. The letter in this form is also noticeable in the early Kalinga grants.
As regards orthography the inscription does not provide any unusual features. The doubling of the consonant after the rêpha (r-superscript) in Tarkka (line 6) and Sarmma (line 7) and kārttiya (1. 8) may be noted. The practice, however, does not seem to heve been consistently
1 Above, Vol. XI, p. 343. * Written below the line.
. From estampages secured by Mr. M. V. R. and those secured later by the Epigraphy Department; A. R. No. 283 of 1937-38.
.SII, Vol. II, plato X; of. The Mahondravādi inscription of Gunabhara (Bp. Ind., IV, p. 152, plate); Siyamangalam cave inscription of Mahendravarman I (Ep. Ind.. VI, p. 319, plato); Dalavinurins of the same king (Ep. Ind., XII, p. 226, plate) and the Mandagapattu ins. (Ep. Ind., XVII, p. 12, plate) for forms of k, 1, 1, 0, , I and y.
Above, Vol. XVIII, plato opp. p. 310 (1.1): J.A. H. R. 8., Vol. III, p. 81, Jirjingi C. P. of Indrararma. 1 7.

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232 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXVII observed as the consonant is not doubled after the rëpha in Chirpaliya (1. 5) and Tirpalūra (1. 7). The distinction between k and g is not observed, e.g., piduku for pidugu. The object of the grant is described as a panāda which stands for pannasa, the meaning of which has been discussed above (ins. B). The inscription contains a few archaic words: paļu, in l. 5, may be taken to mean' seat or capital'. The meaning of the word Pāradāya, is not clear. In Tamil inscriptions we have a similar word Paradāyan. As suggested in the An. Rep. on S. 1. Epigraphy for the year 1938, it may be the corrupt form of Bhāradvāja, which was probably the yötra of the Brāhmaņa. Punaru-Pushyambu stands for Punarvasu which, in Tamil, has the form, Punarpūšam.
An instance of a single letter abbreviation for a word is found in dha in l. 11, which seems to stand for dharmam, unless the inscription is incomplete.
The inscription registers the grant of fifty (mattars) of land as panāsa in the village of Tir. palūru to Kattišarmmā of Kiļevūru, a pāradāya of (or at) Tarkkapulālu by Chāmaņakālu while Erikal-Muturaju Punyakumārunru endowed with the titles Marunrapiduku, Madamuditungu, Uttamöttamunyu and Ganyamánunru was ruling over Rënāvdu from his capital (pațu) at Chirpali. The gift is stated to have been made at the time of Brihaspati-höra, on the second tithi of the dark-fortnight of the month of Kārttika, Monday when the nakshatra of the day was Puna. rupushambu (Punarvasu).
Of the places mentioned in the inscription Erigal and Rënându have been identified already. Tarkkapulõlu may be identified with Takkavõlu in the Siddhavattam taluk of the Cuddapah district. It has not been possible to trace Kilevuru or Lēvuru in the modern maps. The name Tarkkapulolu, which is made up of two words Tarkka and pulolu, appears to have changed into its modern form, Takkavõlu, through successive forms like, Tarkkapurõlu, Tarkkaprõlu, Tarkkapõlu and Takkavõlu as indicated by Mr. M. S. Sarma in his disquisition on prölu and other archaic Telugu words. Thus the word prolu by which a place or settlement is generally indicated at present appears to have been derived from pulolu (cf. Kannada polal, meaning town).
Another early Telugu word found in the inscription is chiku which may be taken to mean dark' and to indicate the dark fortnight of the month. The word is at present preserved in chikati which means darkness.
The astronomical details provided by the inscription are unfortunately not enough for calculating the corresponding English date. But it may be remarked that the details constitute an exceptional occurrence in a single day. It is exceptional for nakshatra Punarvisu (PunaruPushyambu) to be associated with Kärttika ba. di. 2 for between paurnami and bidiya of the lunar month, four nakshatras, Krittika, Rohini, Mrigasira and Ardrā must have completed their duration. This would only be possible under the following conditions: (1) That the nakshatra, Ardrä must have ended before midday of Monday as during the
Brihaspati-höra of that week-day (on Mondays, Brihaspati-höra would fall
before midday) Punarvasu is stated to have commenced. (2) That, accordingly, the Kittikä nakshatra must have ended before the midday of
Friday. (3) That, as the month is Kärttika, the paurnami of the month should have begun on the
day which began with Krittikā and it follows that after the nidday of Friday,
paurnami should have commenced and ended on Saturday sometime after midday.. (4) That budaya on Monday continued up to the time of the Brihaspati-höra though this
"Q, V, R. Comm. Vol., p. 808 ; J.I.H. Vol. XV, p. 48.

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is perhaps not quite necessary as it should have been enough for the day to have
opened with dvitiya. It is noteworthy that the present inscription belonging to the early 7th century A. D. mentious the week-day and the hora. The mention of the week-day is rather a rare occurrence till about the 9th century A. D. The early Pallava Prākrit and Sanskrit charters make no mention of the week-day anywhere. It begins to be mentioned in Western Chalukya grants from about the time of Pulakēsin II, i.e., just about the same time to which the present inscription belongs.
On the höra.we have the views of Burgese and Svamikannu Pillai that its mention in Iudia, either in literature or epigraphy, prior to the 5th century A. D. is improhahle. The present instance is the earliest so far available in South Indian Epigraphy.
The inscription was issued by Punyakumara while he was ruling Rēnāņdu fronı his capital Chirpali; the title Erikalla Muttuāju indicates the position held by him while ruling Rönāndu. This together with the nominative suffix nru attached to his name, to which attention has already been drawn, may be taken to indicate that he had not become supreme ruler on the throne. This may have been in the period before he issued the Mālēpādu grant and the Rāmēśvaram pillar inscription (ins. G below) wherein he is found to assume supreme titles in place of tbe subordinate title of Mutturāju held by him oarlier. That he wielded considerable power and dignity even as a Mutturaju is indicated by the string of birudas with which he is described in the present grant. He assumed most of the titles in imitation of the Pallavas. Marunrapidugu, a thunderbolt to the enemies ', is analogous to one of the birudas of Pallava Mahendravarman I, viz., Pagāppidugu found in several of his inscriptions. It is almost synonymous with Mārpidugu a probable title held by Punyakumara (see ins. G below). Madamulitunr u seems to have been modelled on Mattavilāsu, one of the birudas of the same Pallava king. Some of the titles of Punyakumāra borne by him in the present record were improved upon and later added to by hitn as noticeable in his Raměsvaram pillar inscription (ins. G below) and the Mälēpādu plates.
F. TEXT 1 Svasti Sri [1*] Erikalla-Mutu2 [ra]ju Punyakumărunru ganya3 månunru mafunrapiduku madamu4 ditung-uttamóttamuns-avinavā. 5 nru Chirpaliya pațukānu Rênande6 luchu Tarkkapulola pāradaya 7 Kilēvuru (Kilevuru) Kattisarmmaku Tirpalū. 8 ra panāsa konda Kārtti]ya-chiku9 na Bidiya Sõmavārambu Punaru10 Pushyambu Bra(Bri)haspati-höra ka11 nu ēmbadiye Chamanakäla dha [*]
TRANSLATION Hail! prosperity! While Punyakumăra, the Erikalla-Mutturāju, who was held in 1 MASI, No. 18, p. 37; J.R.A.S. 1912, pp. 1039 ff.; K. O. Sesha Iyer, Ceras, pp. 108-9. * The Kopparam plater, above, Vol. XVIII, p. 257. Indian Ephemeris: Vol. I, pt. 1. p. 19. Abovn, Vol. XI, p. 341. - Vallam rock ins. s.1.1., II, pl, X, pp. 340-1.
• The long medial á is attached to the letter p on its nght prong instead ot on its left prong by mistake. That this does not make it ha can be seen by comparing the latter lotter in l.10 where its right prong is tower down.
XVI-1-6

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[VOL. XXVII high esteem, was the thunderbolt to hostile kings, was happy in his pride and the noblest of the noble, was ruling (the) Renāṇḍu (country) with Chirpaliya as his capital (patu), a panāśa at Tirpaluru given to Kilevuru or Lēvuru Kattisarmma, the paradaya of Tarkkapulōlu,1 on the second day of the dark fortnight of Konda-Kärttika, Monday, Punaru-pushyambu and (at the time of) Brihaspati-hōra, (is) fifty (mattars ?). (This is) the charity of Chamaņakāla.
G. Ramesvaram Pillar Inscription of Punyakumara Cholamaharaja: 5th year
This inscription (No. 384 of 1904 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection) is engraved on a pillar set up in the courtyard of the Ramalingesvara temple at Ramēs varam near Proddaṭūru, Proddaturu taluk.
The inscription is marked by a few paleographical and orthographical peculiarities to which attention may be drawn here. The long medial i is indicated by a circular loop attached to the short medial i sign as in nti in line 9. The letter which has been read as ri in pori of line 7 presents a problem. It differs from thi of Prithivi of line 3 in having a bar instead of a dot in the centre. Compare ri in lines 10 and 21 and ru in line 13. The subscript of nri in line 9 closely resembles ri in pori. It may be doubted whether this letter has to be pronounced as r or th; on the whole it seems best to take this letter as an alternative form of r, a letter for which we get three different forms in this inscription, in 11.7, 10 and 21. The letter r in line 8 may be noted as it appears to be in a transitional stage between its earlier and later forms. The subscript in line 9 is of peculiar interest as it appears as a miniature replica of the consonant.
Pri is written for pri in prithivi in line 3. The absence of the usual doubling of the consonant after the repha in rmu in Põrmukha of line 2 may be noted. The word, Märpidugu (1.14) has to be split up as Mar+pidugu meaning the thunderbolt to the opponent (cf. Marun rapiḍugu of inscription F. Tippalur inscription of Punyakumara, above).
The form Devulu, the honorific plural of Devi, in line 8 is noteworthy.
The inscription states that in the fifth year of the reign of Pōrmukharāma Prithivivallabha Puṇyakumara-Chōļamahārāja, (his) queen Vasantipōri Chōlamahādevi granted to the temple of Vasantiśvara in Tarumungi, two gardens of the extent of threehundred (martüru) at Viriparu with Marpiḍugu Raṭṭagullu as the Anatti (ajñapti). The blacksmith (kammari) of Viriparu is stated to have engraved the inscription.
Regarding the persons mentioned in the inscription, besides the king who is the same as the donor of the Mālēpāḍu plates, Vasantipori Chōlamahādēvi, the queen, does not find mention elsewhere. It is not 'unlikely that she belonged to the Pōri family several records of which, assignable to the 7th century A. D., are found in the Chittoor Dt. The dominion of these Pōri chiefs lay in the Madanapalle taluk, Chittoor District, and was not far removed from Chippili, the capital of Punyakumara, which was situated in the same taluk. Raṭṭagullu, who was the inatti (executor) of the grant must have been an official who derived his surname Marpiḍugu from the surname or title of Puṇyakumara, viz., Marunṛapidugu which he is found to bear in the Tippalur inscription (ins. F above). Of the places mentioned in the inscription Viriparu and Tarumunru can
1 Lines 6-7 may be read alternatively as 'Tarkkapulōla paradāya Kilevuru Kattiéarmmaku 'and rendered as Kattisarmma of Kijevůru, a paradaya (i.e., Bharadvaja) of or at Tarkkapulōlu'.
*ARE. 1923, part II, para. 21, p. 101; ins. Nos. 307 and 329 of 1922 of the Madras Ep. Coll.
* Attention may here be drawn to a chief, Vayandippiriaresaru, figuring as a subordinate of Pallava Mahendra I in a record at Vallam (8.1.I., II, plate X, pp. 340-1). It is difficult to say if he is connected with Vasantipori of our record judging exclusively from the similarity of their names. If Vasantipori is to be equated with Vayandappiri, the change in the latter part of their names, that is, Pori-piri or vice versa is difficult to accept phonetically.
Vide, also H. K. Sastri, above, Vol. XI, p. 342 and n. 7.

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No. 42] TELUGU CHOLA RECORDS FROM ANANTAPUR AND CUDDAPAH 188 not be satisfactorily identified with any modern village. Bi(Vi)ripāfu is referred to in several other records, viz., the Mālēpādu plates of Punyakumara . and the Mālēpādu stone insoription of Rashtrakūta Nityavarsha (Indra III). In the former record the place is said to lie on the south bank of the river Suprayoga in Hiranyarashtra. The Suprayogā may be identified with the river Pennår while Hiranyarashtra may be taken to be identical with the region around the present Kamalapuram and Cuddapah taluks. Besides the above records in and around Mālēpădu, two more inscriptions refer to Viriparu. One is the Kopparam plates of Pulakēsin II and the other the Mayidavõlu plates of Pallava Sivaskandavarman. In the former it is stated that the 'road leading to Virpasu' (Virparu-patha) constituted one of the boundaries of the village granted, viz., Irbuli in Karmarāshtra (Guntur Dt.). In the second, Viripasa is described as belonging to Andhrăpatha. It is doubtful if the same village is referred to in all these records. The Viripāsu (Viripafu) mentioned in inscriptions in and around Mälēpādu may be different from the Virparu or the Viripara of the Andhrapatha mentioned in the aforesaid Kopparam and Mayidavõlu plates and which has been identified with Vipparla, Narasaraopet taluk, Guntur Dt.
Therefore, the Viriparu of our record has to be looked for in the region around Råmēsvaram and Mālēpāļu as stone inscriptions at the latter place also mention it. The importance of the place and its situation south of the river Pennār make its identification with Mālēpādu itself not unlikely, as both have their location on the south bank of the Pennär and their very names also appear to have a common import. The village Tärumunu cannot be located.
G. TEXT
1 Svasti sri [] Po2 rmukharāma Punyaku3 māra Prithivivallabha 4 Chola Mahārājulaku 5 pravarddhamāna vijaya rå-* 6 rājya samvatsarambul yē 7 nagu nändu Vasantipori 8 Cholamahādēvulu Täru9 mungi Vasa'ntisvarambuna Pulla10 vattambuna-vāriki Viripari11 (ti]-pulombuna rendu totaļu 12 [ri]hitambalo rāchamānambuna
1 Above, Vol. XI, p. 346, 1.20; H. K. Sastri's reading as Birapăru is to be corrected as Biriparu.
No. 391 of 1904 of the Mad. Ep. Coll..
3 JOR. Vol. XII, p. 363 : Mr. M. S. Sarma, however, identifies the rare with Arurornoi of Ptolemy and locates it in the Nellore district between the rivers Pennår and Suvargamukhi, Mal. Uni. Journal, Vol. XII, p. 153. In the An. Rep. on 8.1. Ep. for 1936, para. 7, pp. 56-7, the region is lo ated in the Atmakur taluk of the Nellore district.
*JTA. XI, p. 201; A. Bh. 0. 1. IV, p. 49; above, Vol. XVIII, p. 257.
Above, Vol. VI, p. 87, text I. 12. . Above, Vol. XXV, pp. 48-9.
+ Malépidu, a probable corruption of Mallopádu, means the place of jasminen (malle) and more or less the same meaning is conveyed by the name Biriparu or Viriparu which means literally the 'place of flowers'. The Virijaji is a variety of the malle or jasmine and the term viripuuou is the colloquial name of this flower. Cf. also male, garland. It has been suggested (An. Rep. on 8. I. Rp. for 1936, para. 7. Pp. 19-7) that Billupadu in the Atmakur taluk, Nellore district, must have been the ancient Biriparu; but there are no vestiges of Telugu Chola rule in that region in this period.
Canoel this rå as the letter is repeated at the beginning of the next line.
First written as ba and then corrected into aa. 1 This may be read as [aa]kitamba.

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[Vol. XXVII
.
13 munnūru nēla Ma14 rpidugu-Rattagu!ļu 15 anati gānu Vasantista16 rambunāk=ichchinadi (1*] de17 [ni]ki vakraṁbu vachchuva- 18 nu.. nēni Bāra19 ņåsi vě [vu]ru pāça 20 sjampina vānpu[*]Gattu 21 Viriparitit kamma[ri]Vini29 yana vrane [*]
TRANSLATION Hail! Prosperity! In the 5th year of the increasing victorious reign of Pörmukharima Punyakumara Prithivivallabha Cholamahārāja, (queen) Vasantipori-Chlamahadēvi yave to the people of the flower garden (pūlla-vatļam) in the temple of) Vasantīśvara in Târumungu, land of the extent of three hundred (mattars?) by the royal measure including two gardens in the field belonging to Viriparu, Märpidugu Raţtagul!u being the anati (i.e., Ajñapti). He who destroys this gift (incurs the sin of killing 1000 Brahmanas at Väränasi (Benares).
The black-sinith (kammari) of Gattu-Viriparu, Viniyama, wrote this.
H. Chilamakuru Inscription of Vikramaditya Chola-Maharaja II
This inscription (No. 400 of 1901 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection), which is damaged towards the end, is engraved on one of the three faces of a pillar that once stood in front of the Agastyasvara temple at Chilamakuru, Kamalapuram taluk, Cuddapah district. The stone has since been removed to the Madras Museum. The other two faces of the pillar contain two other inscriptions which mention a certain Bandaya but are not issued in the name of any ruling king.
Some words of linguistic interest are found in the record. The word Sämantakamul in lines 6-7 aflords another instance, like devul in line 5, of the uso of the honorific plural for sāmantakam or kamu. The word tēni in line 21 is used either for deni or dini, meaning which' or this respectively. The distinction between t and d which exists in Sanskrit, does not appear to have been observed in early Telugu, a feature which is also characteristic of other Dravidian languages.
Lines 4-5 which seem to have been read as Elañchõlamahädēvul as reported in the Epigraphical Report for the year 1905, have been re-read here as elan-Cholamahādēvu! so as to comprise two words and not one compound word taken to refer to a queen of Elancho!a!. The inscription abounds in archaic Telugu words, the meaning of some of which it has not been possible to determine exactly.
The record reveals a few peculiarities of palaeographical interest. The letter which has been read as the final l in jul of line 4 is worth noting. It is not certain if the letter stands for the final las a sign of répha is found attached to it, rl. It is possible that the medial vowel signu has been omitted to be attached to rl in which case the letter intended would be rlu the honorific plural suffix of Rāju (Rājurlu). The distinction between the short e and the long e, initial, is not indicated, e.g., in ēlan in line 4. The distinction does not arise in Sanskrit as the short e has no
1 Space for two linee left between lines 20 and 21, but there are no traces of writing.

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TELUGU CHOLA RECORDS FROM ANANTAPUR AND CUDDAPAH (II)
G. First piece
Pad
G. Second piece
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అది.
శ్యం -- నలుగా
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రాలకు arey yourముహమందు త్రులు, పీపురు తుప్పలు కారణాలు అతను నా తలను అదృచుకృతం తేరీలో విజయం సామాని తెలుసు అన్ని దరి రాముడి గ్రామం లోని పుకూరాలు తరువాత ఆ సంతకు కొంత కాలం ప్రాజు తల విశారు Maa Aavaram
u కలలు ఉండాలని రాష్ట్రాలలో
Aదకు దంపతూ వసరం
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SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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ല്ല നമ്
SCALE: ONE-FOURTH

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No. 42) TELUGU CHOLA RECORDS FROM ANANTAPUR AND QUDDAPAH 2 37 place in Sanskrit orthography. But in Telugu the distinction is observed from early times although the same letter indicates both the long and the short forms. The initial long i in line 8 (üra) and medial u in pūrivam of line 20 may be noted.
On palæographical grounds the inscription may be assigned to a period later than the Rāmēśvaram pillar inscription of Punyakumara (ins. G above), i.e., to about the beginning of the 8th century A D. It may accordingly he assigned to Vikramaditya II, the father of Satyāditya, the donor of the Mālēpādu stone inscription.
The record under study states that in the reign of the Vikramaditya Chola-Mahārājul while the queen, Cholamahädēvu), with Uttamāditya (probably the king's son) as aämantaka was ruling at Chirumburu (i.e., Chilanakūru) a gift of land (?) was made, the details of which are lost. Elupärla are mentioned. They were probably the recipients of the gift.
In regard to the persons mentioned in the inscription, if Uttamāditya is taken to be the king's son, which is very likely in view of his status of Samanta ruling in conjunction with the queen, probably his mother, he would be another son of the king, besides Satyaditya, donor of the Mālēpadu stone inscription.
A number of other persons are also mentioned in the inscription, viz., Tolpakami-Rattaguļļu, Choliya Rattagullu and Atiśaya-Rattugullu, the exact nature of whose connection with the dona. tion is not clear. It is probable that they figure in the record as witnesses.
Further Rallagullu is common to all the names thus indicating that it refers to the office of the Rattagudi or the head-man of the village. The prefix in these compound names represents either the personal name of the Raltagullu or village-headman or the dynasty of the community to which he belonged. Atisuya, as pointed out above (ins. E, Veludurti ins. of Punyakumara), may stand for the Adignimin rulers of Tagadūr or Dharmapuri or it may be his personai name.'
Above, Vol. XI, p. 345. H. Krishna Sastri translates the genealogical portion of the record as 'Satyaditya of the Kasyapa-yötra, non of eaktikomāra Vikramaditya (and grandson of) the great lord, the glorious Chola Maharajadhiraja Vikramaditya , thus making out three generations of kings. But as the text had no word describing Satyadityn as grandson, and since only one relationship is stated, viz., that he was the mon, the passage may better be rendered as Satyadityunru, of the Kasyapa-gotra, son of the great lord, the giorious Chola. Mahārājadhiraja, Vikramaditya-Saktikomara-Vikramaditya'. The supreme titles have to be attributed to the second Vikramaditya in the compound, who being described as Vikramaditya-Saktikomära-Vikramaditya, WAR evidently the son of Satikomira and the grandson of Vikramāditya. Thus four generations are made out in the record, viz.,
Vikramaditya 1
Saktikomāra Vikramaditya II, Chola-Mahārājādhiraja, Parameávarr
Satyādityunyu The objection to this construction on the ground that only three generations are generally stated in inscriptions and not four does not arise in the present case as the record does not purport to give three generations but simply describes the donor, Satyadityunru, as the son of the king Vikramaditya. It may not be far wrong if we take Satyadityunru figuring in the record only as a prince, as his name ending in nominative singular 'n without the usual honorifie ending of a ruling king, may be taken to indicate. If so, the ruling king of the record is Vikramaditya II bearing imperial titles, whose ancestry is, as usual, indicated for only three generations including himself in the threefold name he bears. Proof that such a practice was prevalent in the Telugn country is afforded, although at a late period, by such names as Ramarāja-Timmarja-Vitthalaraja (4.8. B. 1908-9, p. 195).
*Above, Vol. XI, p. 343, where the names of other Rattagudis are cited from the other inscription on this stone.
Cf. also, above, Vol. XI, 1, 343, where H. K. Sastri notes the instances Salki Rattagudi, Gonga Battarudi, oto.

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H. TEXT 1 Svastil. Árimat. 2 Vikramaditya 3 Cholamahāra { julblan Chỗ 5 lamahādēvu?' 6 Uttam[a]ditya-si 7 manta kamu! Chiruri8 buru ēļan üra 9 elupärla[pā). 10 kāțuluna vanam (pa)11 riyaramu maru(tu) 12 ndu pā.. (pra). 13 sådachēsiri acha14 ndradararkambu nilva[nu][*] 15. Tolpa-Kāmi-Raţtaguļļu 16 Choliya-Rattaguļļu 17 Atisa[ya-Ra]ttagullu 18 Aliko...... ri19 ikki prasāda 20 pūrvyama.... 21 tēni lachchu.. 22 hāpāta[ka). [gu]
I. Nallacheruvupallo Inscription (of Vikramaditya-Cholamaharaja II) This inscription (No. 495 of 1906 of the Madras Ep. Collection) is engraved on two sides of a pillar near the well called kattubhāus on the way to the Mõpār temple from Nallacheruvupalle, Pulivendla taluk, Cuddapah Dt. It is damaged and fragmentary. The first few lines, probably two in number, containing the name of the king are lost.
It is written in characters which are cursive and lacking in uniformity; see letters ., and . The long i in l. 5 is noteworthy as the same form persists in Tamil at the present day while in Telugu it has undergone considerable change.
The inscription contains a few orthographical peculiarities which are common to the period. Thus the use of k for g in Kangaļünşu of l. 8 and that of t for d in tēvul in I. 10 and in tëni ofl. 3 of the second side show that the distinction between t and d or k and g was not always strictly observed in the early Telugu of the period, as in other Dravidian languages.
The proper name Markhi (Mañchi ?) porsiyaru in l. 12, seems to be made up of the name Mainkhi (Mañchi) porri and the honorific suffix ru which is a shortened form of ranu (gåru). Markhi (fichi?) porri and are became Mamkhi nchi?) porriyūru, the letter being the usual euphonic insertion in such cases. A similar instance is found in Sarmmäru in ins. K, Chamalūru inscriptiou of Vijayaditya[obola) below. The word koloche in line 9. (second side) moaning
engraved' (Skt. ukirnam) appears to be the earlier form of krochche which occurs in later inscriptious with the same meaning. The change from koloche to krochche is easily understandable (of. Pulolu which underwent the changes purõlu, prolu and prolu). It is possible that the Tamil word kulittal and the Telugu koloche are related. The meaning of some other words in the inscription is not clear.
The reading adopted by Venkayya is. Elai-Cholamahädevul' i.e., the queen of Elan-Chöla.

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On palaeographical grounds, the inscription may be assigned to the same period as the foregoing inscription H, i.e., the beginning of the 8th century A.D. It may also be noted that perhaps the same queen Chōlamahārājuladevul is mentioned in both considering that the records come from places within 15 miles of each other. If so the king of the two records may be the same, Vikramaditya Chōla II. The queen's name is given in this record as Mamkhi (Mañchi) porriyāru and she seems to be ruling, residing at Ujjayini, a place which may be identified with Ujjini in the Kudligi taluk, Bellary district, about 100 miles west-south-west of Erigal (Niḍugal).
As the inscription is highly damaged, the names of some persons mentioned in it are lost. An Erigallu-Mutturaju is referred to and he may have been a prince of the family holding the official dignity of Mutturaju. It is not unlikely that he was the son of the king and queen of the record, but his identity with any of the known sons of Vikramaditya cannot be established at present. As can be gathered from the Malēpāḍu stone inscription of Satyaditya and the foregoing Chilamakuru inscription of Vikramaditya II (ins. H), Vikramaditya II had evidently two sons, Uttamaditya and Satyaditya; it may be suggested that the Erigallu-Mutturaju of the present inscription may have been one of these, probably the younger, being only a Mutturaju and not a Yuvaraja. As Uttamaditya is seen to be ruling from Chilamakuru in company with Chōlamahādēvi (his mother) during the reign of his father Vikramaditya as recorded in the Chilamakuru inscription (H above) it may be inferred that he was the Yuvaraja (although referred to by the general epithet of Samantaka in the record) and hence, the elder of the two brothers; Uttamaditya succeeded to the throne as he has left an inscription (J, the Veludurti inscription below) in which he bears kingly titles and is described as ruling the earth.
1-3 lines lost. 4. r[ā]ju..
5 nḍu ēļa Int[e]
6 ddivāḍi Eriga
7 llu-Mutt [u] rāju
8 ēļa Kangalūnṛu ē
9 la Chōlamaha
10 rajula tēvul Ma
11 khi (nchi ?)[po]rri
12 yāru [u]ndē
13 lu Ujjayi
14 ni ichchi [na*] pannavi 15.ga [m]ji[pā]ra mā16.diyäriki tēni
17 [niki.. nrugo
18 [dap.. Iva]
1
2 kalunje
3 [t]tēni lachchuva
4 [di] valvar-acha[ndra]
5 dirru bāraṇā
6 si věvura vadhi[*]
I. TEXT First Side
Second Side

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7 sina vanru Āļu[Bā ?]
8 pasindi mire
9 koloche [*]
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXVII
J. Veludurti Inscription of Uttamaditya-Cholamaharaja.
This record is engraved on the three sides of a stone in front of the Chennakēsa vasvamin temple at Veludurti, Kamalapuram taluk, adjacent to the inscription of Erikal-Muturāju Punyakumāra, edited above (Ins. E).
On palaeographical grounds the record may be referred to about the same date as the Mālēpāḍu stone inscription of Satyaditya and may be assigned to the second quarter of the 8th century A. D.
The writing is more cursive than ornamental and the engraving has not been done in a uniform manner. The same letter is written in different styles. Thus the forms of b in lines 17 and 22 differ from each other. The latter b is of the same form as the b in line 13 of the Mālēpāḍu stone inscription of Satyaditya.
Attention may be drawn to subscript (1. 15), (1. 18), r (1. 12), which appear to be in a transition stage from the earlier square type to the later cursive form.
The record reveals a few orthographical peculiarities and contains some archaic Telugu words.
It is interesting to note that in the word kunṛugu (1. 26) which is made up of two words kunru and agu the initial vowel of the latter word is dropped instead of the final vowel of the former as is obtaining in similar sandhis of u and a at present. A similar instance has been noted in ins. D. above (1.7).
The word chakshi in 1. 20 meaning witness' (sakshi) may have been pronounced popularly as chakshi and then contracted into chakshi. Koṭṭali (1. 30) may be taken to mean 'engraver'. In the proper name, Vēna Võjanru (11. 18-20) the suffix -vojanṛu occurs in combination with many proper names in Telugu inscriptions of a later period. The word võja (voju) seems to signify an artisan or one who is skilled in the use of tools. It is probably derived from the Sanskrit ojas meaning skill in the use of weapons' or alternately from upadhyaya (Skt.) through its Prakrit forms, Uvajjha, Ojha, etc. In the latter case voja should be taken to mean teacher.
The record is issued in the reign of king Uttamaditya Chōla-Mahārāja and registers the gift of a pannavisa by a certain Immadi Ito (or Rato) to Chēdisarmma, a Brahmana of Kōsiya, i.e., of the Kausika-götra. The inscription is stated to have been composed (vräsiri) by Erama, the Brahmana (para) of Kacheru and engraved (kotte) by the koṭṭali, Kuṇandāluvänṛu. The witnesses to the deed were Eyarikallu-kulagaṭṭudu (i.e., kulagaṭṭudu of Eyariakallu, possibly same as Erigallu) and Vendarambuļu Vēņa Võjunru, i.e., Vēņa, the võju of the place called Vendarambuļu.
The king of the present inscription, Uttamaditya Chōla Mahārāja, can be identified with Uttamaditya, evidently the son of Vikramaditya II, who figures as a Samanta in the Chilamakuru inscription of Vikramaditya II (ins. H) wherein it is stated that in company with (his mother) Chōlamahādēvi, he was ruling at Chirumburu (modern Chilmakuru). He seems to have succeeded his father, and the present inscription was issued when he was ruling the earth (prithivirajyamcheya). Thus, of Vikramaditya's two sons, Uttamaditya I and Satyaditya, Uttamaditya was probably the elder as he is found associated with the queen (his mother) and holding the office of Samanta while his father was reigning and later on succeeded him. Regarding Satyaditya it is
1 From impressions secured by M: V. R. and from those secured later by the Epigraphy Department, A. K. No. 297 of 1937-38.
Above, Vol. XI, p. 346, plate. H. K. Sastri thinks that the inscription is engraved in characters similar to the Alupa inscriptions at Udiyavara (Ep. Ind., Vol. IX, pp. 15-24) of about 800 A. D,
MGIPC-SI-XVI-1-6-8-3-50-450,

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Of the places mentioned in the inscription, Vendararibuļu (ll. 17-18) may be taken to be the old name of Veludurti, the find place of the inscription. Kachiru (I. 27) to which Erama, the composer belonged cannot be identified. Eya(ra)kallu may be identical with Erigal, the identification of which has been discussed already.
J. TEXT
First Side 1 Svasti Srilli1 2 Uttamā. 3 ditya-Cho4 la-maha5 rāju pri6 thivirajya[11] 7 choya 8 Immadi9 Ito? ichchi10 na pannavi11 sa' Kõsiya12 para Chedi13 sarmmako(k=i)chchiri
Second Side 14 Eya[ra]. 15 kallu kula 16 gattuļu 17 Vendarambu18 !u Vēņa19 võja20 nu chakshi [i*} 21 [da]niki vas 22 krambu va
Third Side 23 .......... 24 pancha-mu25 bäpāta26 kunrugu 27 Kachepu pa28 lu(ra) Erama 29 (vra]siri [M] 30 Kottali 31 Kunandi32 luvānu 33 kotte (.*)
TRANSLATION Hail! Prosperity! Whilo Uttamāditya-Cholamahäräja was ruling the earth, Irmmadi Ito gavo to Chodisarmmā, the Brāhmaṇa of Kõsiya, (i.e., of the Kausika-götra) a pannavisa, May also be read rato.
* This line is completely lost. XVI-1-5

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[VOL. XXVII
Eya[ra]kallu-kul-au apd Vendaram bulu-Vēņa võjanru being the witnesses. He who destroys this (gift) becomes guilty of the five great sins. Erama, the Brāhmana (?) of Kaeberu wrote this. This is) engraved by the Kottali, Kuņaņdāluvāngu.
K. Chamaluru Inscription of Prithvivallabha Vijayadistya] Chola: 22nd year
The inscription is engraved on four sides of a stone lying in a field on the borders of the village of Chamalūru, Jammala madugu taluk. The stone is broken and fragmentary and the inscription damaged in places, although at the time when the Assistants of Col. Mackenzie inspected it and took an eye-copy, it was in a better state of preservation. The lost portions are here restored with the aid of the eye-ropy left by them.' Portions of the record appear to have been damaged even before it was noticed by them as there are some blanks in their copy also.
The record is written in the Telugu language. slight mixture of Telugu and Sanskrit prose in the sentence describing the donee presents a peculiarity.
The inscription is engraved in bold characters. The letters j, and bare in a transitional stage from the earlier square type to the later cursive type. The subscript / which, in earlier inscriptions, is in the form of a miniature of the consonant, is bore found in an attenuated form.
Several words of linguistic and orthographical interest are found in the record The word ebhädi in l. 5 of the third side corresponding to the modern form ëbhadi meaning 'fifty' is noteworthy. Penbāru in 11.7- (sume side) meaning the chief (or big) (pen or penu) Brahmaņa is a word of rare occurrence. It is made up of two words pen and pira which, when compounded take the form penbara,' p being changed into b. Chacuchchararibu! in 11.4-5 (first side) is a corrupt form of the Sanskrit Sancatsara. The donee's name, Aygisūrwmāru (11.8-9 of the third side) is a shortened form of Ayni Sarmmugaru with the y elided. Similar instances occurring in ins. D (Indukuru inscription of Chõla-Mahārāja) and ins. I (Nallacheruvupalle inscription) have been noted above; ugyi, the Telugu form of Sanskrit agni, is in use at the present day. The words tambul in 1. 9 and awww. in l. 10 meaning younger brother (or sister) und mother respectively may be noted as instances of the early use of these words in the Telugu language.
The record seems to register a grant by the queen-mother (Chola-Mahārājulu-ammu of ChõlaMahārāja whey Bānarāja was ruling (at) Pămbuliggi in the 22nd year of reign of king Pri. thvivallabha Vijayadistya)-Chola. The queen's relationship to a Pallavädhiraja is mentioned though its exact nature is not clear owing to the archaic wording of the record. The passage describing this relationship. Pallavadhirajula Kuchapöriväri tänbul Cholamahärājula amma may be understood cither as Cholamahārāja's mother (who was) the younger sister (tambul) of Kuchaporiyaru (the queen?) of Pallavādhiraja or the mother of Chölamahüraja who was the younger brother (tanbul) of Küchapöriväru (the queen?) of Pallavidhiraja. In cither case the relationship through marriage between the Pallava king and the Telugu Chola king is indicated and is noteworthy.
The inscription is dated in the 22nd year of the reign of king Vijayadistval-Chöļa who might hare been so named by his father after his Chalukya overlord; Vijayaditya, who is known to have ruled from A.D. 696 to 733. If so, the period of rule of the king of our record has to be put a generation later, say about A.D. 750 and he would have ruled sometime after Uttamāditya and Satyadity. The palaeography of the inscription though a little archaic for the period may be taken to support this date. Thus the record is important in that it adds one more name to the dynastic list of the Cholas of Rõnāļu. Several points of historical interest arise out of this and from other facts mentioned in the record. In the first place, the supreme title of Prithvivallabha
Mack. M88. 15-3-60 Ms., pp. 74.75; vide photo plate subjoined.
1 The Kannada counterpart Hebharura retained in the name of the Hebhar community of Mysore may be compared with this name; vide Hayaradana Rao, Mys. Ga... Vol. 1, p. 925.

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held by the Telugu Chōla, Vijayaditya indicates that after he became king, he threw off his allegiance to the Chalukyas and assumed independence. In the wake of his assumption of independence, the Bana subordinates of the Chalukyas in this region were subdued, and they passed under his suzerainty from that of the Chalukyas as indicated by the mention of the Bāņa in a subordinate capacity in the record under review.
It would be of interest to trace here the activities of the Banas during the period prior to their subjugation by the Telugu Chōla Vijayaditya of the present record. Several inscriptions of Chalukya Vijayaditya found in the locality around the place where the present record has been discovered, mention a number of Bana chiefs ruling over this region. One of these dated in his 23rd year (A.D. 719) found at Kondupalli, Gooty taluk, Anantapur District' mentions Vikramaditya Bali Indra Baṇarāja, son of Balikulatilaka Narasimha Baṇādhiraja, as ruling over Turumaravishaya. At Betapalli in the same taluk, an undated record of the same Chalukya king is found mentioning an unnamed Bana as ruling the same vishayas while the Bana's uncle, Vikramaditya, . was ruling Ayiradi. Another record of Vijayaditya (date lost) is found at Danavulapadu in which a chief, Bhupiditya, finds mention. This Bhupaditya may be identified with Bhujan gadi Bhupaditya of the Perbana family, who figures as the donor in the Arkaṭavemula inscription. of Sri-Vallabha, which has been assigned to Vikramaditya I on the ground that the title Srivallabha was an epithet of Vikramaditya I assumed by him after his conquest of the Pallavas'. another record The same Baņa, Bhupaditya, is mentioned as ruling Renanḍu in of Vijayaditya at Rajolu, Sirvel taluk, Kurnool District, which has been noticed and copied by the Assistants of Col. Mackenzie." The Baṇa subordinates of the Chalukyas under Vijayaditya seem to have extended their rule from Turumara-vishaya, north of the river Pennar, to the south of the river, into Renandu. They appear to have been in occupation of Chilamakuru (Chirumburu of the inscription) in the Kamalapuram taluk, Cuddapah District, as evidenced-by an inscription of an unnamed son of Vikramaditya Perbaṇādhiraja at the place. As the Telugu Cholas up to the time of Satyaditya were ruling over Renandu, the Bana occupation of their territory must have taken place during or subsequent to his rule. The conquest of their own dominions (i.e., Rēnāṇḍu) as also those of the Banas by the Telugu Chōlas under Prithvivallabha Vijayaditya Chola seems to be indicated by the record under review. The Perbana family to which some of these Banas of the Ceded Districts are stated to belong, may have, as their family name indicates, belonged to the Brihad-Bana line, the foes of Kadamba Mayurasarman, mentioned in the Talagunda inscription of Kakusthavarman."
Regarding the other persons mentioned in the inscription and their identification, Pallavadhiraja may probably be identified with Nandivarman Pallavamalla (acc. c. 725 A.D.) as the date assigned for this inscription falls during the period of his rule. The mention of the Pallava in terms of family relationship to the mother of the Telugu Chōla king would indicate that friendly relations that had subsisted between the two dynasties earlier in the time of Mahendra vikrama Chōlamahārāja, were again established. This was evidently made possible by the assumption of independence as his title Prithvivallabha indicates-by Vijayaditya-Chola from the yoke of the
1 No. 359 of 1920 of the Mad. Ep. Coll.
2 No. 333 of 1920 of the Mad. Ep. Coll: SII, IX, Pt. I, No. 47.
3 ARE, 1921 pt. ii, para 2; Turumara-vishaya of these records corresponds to a portion of the Gooty taluk, around Chitrachēdu.
ARE, 339 of 1905; SII, IX, Pt. 1 No. 49.
No. 474 of 1906 of the Mad. Ep. Coll. : JTA, Vol. XXIV, p. 160.
JOR, Vol. X, p. 34, n. 4; above, Vol. XXIV, p. 185, #. 8.
7 Gadval plates; above, Vol. X. p. 103, text l. 18.
Mack. Mss. 15-4-30, Ms. p. 242.
Above, Vol. VIII, p. 24; XXIV. p. 185, n. 8. A Perbbana-Muttarasar figures in a record of the W. Ganga king, Durvinita; MAR. 1941, pp.132-3.
A 2

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(Vol. XXVII Chālukyas, the inveterate enemies of the Pallavas. The Baņa king, who ruled from Påmbuliggi, may have been a successor of Vikramaditya Bali Indra Banarāja, son of Balikulatilaka Narasimha Bāņādhiraja, who figures in the inscription of the 23rd year of Vijayāditya Chalukya at Kondupalli noted above. The Cholamahärāja referred to in the record was evidently the king of the record, Vijayādistya)-Chöļa. Pämbuliggi from where the Bana is stated to be ruling, may be identified with Håvalige in the Gooty taluk, Anantapur District. An inscription of the time of Tribhuvanamalla Vikramaditya VI found at this placel gives Hambulige as its name, evidently a later from of Pärbu liggi occurring in our record. .
K. TEXT
First Side 1 to 3 Svasti Sri [!!*Prithivivallabha-Vijayādistya*]-Chöļarīju! iru?4 (vādire]ndu [cha]va5 chcharambuļ pravartti6 llan Vāņarājul P7 mbuliggi ēļuchu Palla8 vădirājula [Kü]chapo9 riyāri tanbul Cho-• 10 lamahārījula amma
Second Side All lines lost.
Third Side 1.. pāgadansa... 2 loļuru Kūchapõriki3 [nētra) .. da .. ichchi a[na]nta4 nāka .. de (rlana) rachama5 nambunan ēbhādi maru6 ntuşlu nēla ala[gha) chinta u7 [ttara]bu kattu Kaundilya-gðtrasya pe8 nbāra Rēvas(4)armaņa (pulttrasya Aggi9 S(S)ārmărik-ichchina dati [*]
Fourth Side [Svadatām paradatām vā yo harēti vasundhara[ riu*} shashți-varusha-sahasrāņi visbţā).
1 yä[mi] jā2 yāsya)tē. 3 krimi[bi]
L. Budidigaddapalle Inscription of Mahendra (II) This epigraph' is engraved on a hero-stone set up to the north-east of the village of Būdidigad!dapalles in the Hindupur taluk of the Anantapur District.
No. 410 of 1920 of the Mad. Ep. Coll. We are obliged to Mr. N. Lakshminarayan Rao for this identi. fication.
? The first three lines have been restored from Mack.us. 15-3-60, p.74-75; see photo plate. Owing to the fault of the eye-copyist lye has been omitted.
• Restored from Mack. M88. 15-3-60, p. 72-75: nee photo.plute. • No. 797 of 1917 of the Mad. Ep. Coll.
. In the same village there is an inscription of a Cholamaharaja mentioning as his (many )son (or subordinato) a certain Aravala Mahendra Ratjagudi (No. 798 of 1917 of the Mad. Ep. Coll.).

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On palaeographical grounds the record has been assigned to about the latter half of the 8th century A.D. which may be accepted as correct, as the inscription shows, especially in the letters k, r, 1 and j later forms than the Veludurti inscription of Uttamāditya-Chola (ins. J. above) which we have assigned to about the second quarter of the 8th century A.D.
The letters are deeply engraved and are well-formed. While, as we have noted, a few letters are of later development than the Veludurti inscription of Uttamāditya, only the letter! (line 4) appears more archaic than the l of the Veludurti inscription. This need not be taken to militate against its date being later than that of the inscription of Uttamāditya. The persistence of old forms of certain letters in later inscriptions is not uncommon in South Indian Epigraphy.
Attention may be drawn to the letter r in l.1 which is exactly in the form in which it is written as subscript in wru of lines 2 and 3. The absence of the serif in n final (lines 1 and 4) may be noted. The u, medial sign, attached to m in lines 2 and 3 presents a peculiar form.
The inscription records that a certain Arivarajama fell after piercing Dantiyamma-Mangu while Kāpi-Boļa-Mutturāju, the ruler of Pudali (Pudali ēluvānu) and the son of Mahēndran surnamed Mänaravi and Mārurāpi[dugu), was looking on with wonder.
The title Mārurápidu[gu], thunderbolt to enemy kings', of Mahendra recalls a similar title of Punyakumāra, viz., Marunyapidugu (ins. F. Tippalūr inscription) meaning thunderbolt (pidugu) to the enemies (marunru)'.
The meaning of the title Mānaravi is not clear but it seems to be identical with Mānāditya which was the name of a Telugu Chola subordinate of the Kalinga Ganga kings."
The place Pudali, which is stated to be under the rule of Kapi-Böļa may be identified with Būdili, a hamlet of Budidigaddapalle, where the present inscription has been found.
The inscription is important for the several personalities it mentions and for the useful information it provides in regard to the Telugu Chola genealogy. Mahendra, who bore the birudas, Mārurāpidugu and Mänaravi, father of Käpi-Bola Mutturāju, may be identified with Mahendravarman II of the line of Sundarananda mentioned in the Madras Museum plates of Srikantha. The E!añjola (crown-prince or Yuvarāja) mentioned as the successor of Mahendravarman in the record of Srikantha may have been another son of Mahēndra besides Käpi-Bēļa-Mutturāju of the present record. Kapi-Boļa, being a Mutturāju, was probably the younger brother. Further, the Choļika Muttarasa figuring in several inscriptions at Sravanagudie Midagēši hobli, Tumkur District, (a place which is 30 miles west of Būdili and 10 miles south-east of Nidugal or Erigal) and in another record at Nagaragere, Goribidnur taluks (a place 10 miles south west of Būdili), wherein he is described as holding sway over Kandakotta and Rāmadi-nādu, may probably be identified with Kapi-Böla-Mutturīju. Probably he is the same prince mentioned in an inscription at Dapavulapādu in the Jammalamadugu taluk of the Cuddapah District, as Kāpyana, son of .... Cbõlamahārāja (name lost).
Regarding Dantiyamma-Mangu, the opponent of Arivarajama, it may be stated that he is probably identical with Mangi, who seems to have renewed a grant of a Chola Mahādēvi at Chilamakūru.? His surname, Dantiyamma (i.e., Dantivarmma), would make him either a contemporary
Narasapatam plates of Vajrahasta III, above, Vol. XI, p. 148. The full name of the Choda is given as Mänidityachöda. Cf. Mahimanachoda in the Telugu Chola genealogy (An. Rep. on 8. I. Epigraphy. 1909, p. 16).
. Although the record which is a riragal inscription, does not specifically describe Mahendra us a Chola, considerations such as the title he bore which are similar to those used by the princes of the family, the provenance of the inscription in Telugu Chola territory and the identifications proposed above would ronder it quite likely that he was of Telugu Chola extraction.
: JIII, Vol. XV, p. 32. " Ep. Carn., XII, Mi. 94, 95 and 96.
Rp. Corn., X. Gn. 76. • No. 341 of 1905 of the Mnd. Ep. Coll. 1 No. 396 of 1904 of the Mad. Ep. Coll.

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246 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXVII or, more appropriately, a subordinate of the Rashtrakūta Dantidurga (c. 750 A.D.)' whose name Dantivarmma he bears. The subjugation might have taken place when Dantidurga conquered Kāñchi and the Srisaila region.
L. TEXT 1 Sri Mahēndran Malnaravi Mārurāpisdugu) 2 maganru Pudali eļuvānru Kāpi-Bola-Mutturāju 3 achcha[r*]vvuganu Arivarajamungu anvānu 4 Dantiyamma-Mamgu tolan poduchi padiyen.[*]
TRANSLATION While Kāpi-Bola-Mutturāju, son of Sri Mahöndra Mänaravi Maguräpidugu, the ruler of Pudali, was looking on with wonder, he who was called Arivarajama (death to the best of enemies) fought with Dantiyamma-Mangu and piercing, fell.
We may proceed to discuss the origin, genealogy and chronology of these rulers. Only & few inscriptions of the Cholas of Rēnādu have so far been edited and their historical contents elucidated. They are: 1) The Mālēpūdu plates of Punyakumara, three of whose stone inscriptions, E, F, and G are edited by us here. 2) The Malipiidu stone inscription of Satya. ditya". 3) The Mālēpīdu-Poțladurti record of Chõlamahārāja", two of whose inscriptions (C and D) are edited here. 4) The Madras Museum plates of Srikantha-Chöļa.?
In a note on the date of the Mālēpādu plates of Punyakumara, Dr. N. Venkataramanayya has discussed the history and chronology of these rulers expressing certain views different from those held by the late Rao Bahadur H. Krishna Sastri. A brief account of their history has been furnished by Dr. M. Rama Rao.
In regard to their origin, beyond the bare statement that they belonged to the family of Karikāla, we have no information in their inscriptions as to the date and manner in which they established themselves in the Telugn country. The circumstances of their migration to the north can, however, be ascertained by a study of the legendary traditions which are found embedded in their prasastis regarding their ancestry.
As stated already, the Cholas of the Telugu country included Karikala among their ancestors in their inscriptions from very early times.
In them, the common fact mentioned is the construction by Karikāla of the Kávēri banks to which an additional detail is sometimes added, viz., that the work was effected with the help of the dependent kings led by Trilochana.
Traditions like these may not constitute conclusive proof for the solution of historical problems. But what they reveal to us in a general way is that a live connection may have existed between these Telugu Choda chiefs and Karikāla, who may be taken to be a historical figure. The nature of this connection has been envisaged by several scholars in a variety of ways. Venkayya" and
The Pallava Dantivarman was removed from the time of the Chola by over a generation as his rule lasted from c. 790 to 840 A.D.
ASWI, V, p. 88; the Dasavatara cave ins. of Dantidurga.
• The word tolan meaning 'with' is evidently the earlier form of todan, la heing replaced by da. Cf. Nola bi töli kayya buna (in the fight with No!ambi). Above, Vol. XXIV, p. 192, 1.3 of text of ins. C.
Above, Vol. XI, p. 337. Above, Vol. XI, p. 345.
01.V. R. Comm. Vol. p. 301. * JIH, Vol. XV, p. 30; C.P. No. 5 of 1935-6 of the Mad. Ep. Coll. • M. C.C. Mayazine, Vol. IX, pp. 7-18.
JAHRS, Vol. VII, pp. 215-228 : ride also Colas, Vol. I, pp.122 ff. and Trilochrana Pallars and Karikhla Choli. ** Above, Vol. XI, PP. 339-40, 344. 11 Jad. Ant., 1908, p. 200; AS1, 1905-6, p. 175. . 8.

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H. Krishna Sastri' stated that the Telugu country may have once forined part of the dominions of Karikāla whose empire was believed to have extended to the river Krishņā. Recently the nature of Telugu-Chola migration has been sought to be explained by attributing it not to any activity on the part of Karikāla but to that of the Pallavas, who under Sinhavishņu, brought to subjugation the Cholas of the Kávēri region and who thereby served as the medium through which the drift of the Cholas to the north took place. Although it is true that the Telugu-Cholas of the early period bear names and titles which betray strong Pallava influence, a fact that renders the above view plausible, yet it would appear that long before the Pallava conquest of the Kūvēri basin took place in the time of Sinhavishnu (c. 575-600 A.D.)', the Telugu-Chõlas had already established themselves as a dynasty in the Telugu country. The first known member of the family, Nandivarman, obviously bears the surname of the Pallava mona M Nandivarman, who preceded Sinhavishņu. In the whole genealogy of the Pallavas of the period prior to Sithavishņu, there figures only one Nandivarman', viz., the grandson of Sinhavarman, lord of Kāñchi (c. 435-461 A.D.) mentioned in the Lokavibhāgu' and the son of Skanda varman (c. 461-485 A.D.) who installed Madhava II (c. 475-600 A.D.) on the throne. This Pallava Nandivarman (c. 485-510 A.D.) is likely to have been the king after whom Nandivarman-Chõla was named by his father probably in token of submission. This would also presuppose that even for a generation prior to Nandivarman Chola, the Cholas were probably under subjection to the Pallavas.
We have therefore to assume the existence of the Telugu-Cholas in the Telugu country earlier than the Pallava conquest of the Chola country of the Kāvēri basin. Further, the probability of a Chola occupation of Kanchi earlier than the time of Siri havishņu leads us to the supposition that the migration was part of a general northward movement caused by the conditions following upon the disturbances due to the Gupta raid into E. Deccan in the 4th century A.D. But whether such a major conquest on the part of the Cholas took place under Karikāla, as has been supposed by some scholars, is more than what can be said at present in view of the absence of a more direct and concrete piece of evidence, epigraphical or otherwise, than what has boon adduced so far. And so long as the question remains open, no final account can be given of the nature and circumstances of Chõla migration to the Telugu country.
We may proceed to examine the chronology and genealogy of these rulers. The chief records that furnish data besides those edited by us are (1) the Mālēpādu plates of Punyakumāra, (2) the Mālēpāņu stone inscription of Satyaditya' and (3) the Madras Museum Plates of SrikanthaChoda. The following genealogical table can be constructed on the basis of the above records and those edited by us here..
V.B.-The family tree as here constructed cannot be strictly caller genealogical as the relationships at several points of the genealogy are not definitely known. In the table where relationship as between father and son is definitely known, descent is indicated by a straight line, and where such relationship is not known and only sequence in succession is established, a dotted line represents the probable descent.
1 Above, Vol. XV, p. 284 and 1. 2.
Colas, Vol. I (1935). . 119, N. * SIT, II, p. 501.
Above. Vol. III, p. 142: Udayondiram plates of Nandivarman I: the Valurpalayam platos (811, II, p. 501). The latter record gives the genealogy after Nandivarman as:
Nandivarman
Sithavarman
(son)
Sinhavishnu. .JRAS, 1915, p. 471. • Penukonda Plates : above, Vol. XIV, p. 334.
Venkayya : 4. S. R. 1905-6, p. 175, N. 8: H. K. Sastri, above, Vol. XV. p. 248 and 9; Gopalan: Pallavas, pp. 65-66. Mr. Gopalan notes several objections against a Chola interregnum (1) that Kumaravishņu may have conquered Kanchi from one of his collaterals or from the Kadambas and not necessarily from the Cholas. (2) Kumaravishnu is not credited with the conquest of the Cholas even in the verbose Velárpalayam plates (3) the reign of Karikala, who it was that could have caused an interregnum cannot be made to fit into the events of the 4th cent. A. D. See also K. A. N. Sastri: Studies in Chola history an' administration, PP. 16-7, 69.70; J.O.R. Vol. X, p. 38: Madrw Christian College Maguzine, Vol. IX, p. 7 . Above, Vol. XI, p. 337.
• Ibid, p. 345.
19 Journal of Indian History, Vol. XV, p. 32.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXVII
Solar race.
Karikala (who approprinted the Trairijayasthiti and conquered the Kivëri region.)
Generations
Nandivarman, of the Kaçyapa-yóira (c. 550 A.D.).
Sirihavishņu (c. 575 8. D.)
Sundarananda (e. 575 A. D.)
Dhananjayavarma (c. 575 A. D.)
Nivarama (c. 600 A. D.)
Mahendravikrama I
(e. 600 A. D.)
Navrama, Muditafilakshara, Lord of Chera, Chola and
Pandya countries
Eryammu (c. 625 A. D.)
Gunamudita (c. 625 A. D.)
Punyakumara. m.
Vasantipori Chola Mahadevi
(e. 625 A D.). sur. Põrmukharana,
Purushaśārdüla, Madanavilāsa, Madamudita, Uttamóttama.
Vijayakama (c. 550 A. D.)
Vikramaditya Il
(c. 650 A. D.)
Virarinna (6.675 A. D.)
Agranipidu.ru (c. 700 A. D.)
Saktikomāra
(c. 675 A. D.) Vikramaditya II. Cholamahārāja (c. 700 A. D.) m. Cholamahādēvi.
Kökili (e. 725 A. D.)
Utta miditya (c. 725 A. D.)
Satyāditya (c. 725 A. D.)
(Bana interregnum)
Mahendravarman II
(e. 750 A.D.) sur. Ninaruvi, Mirurūpidu"
Prithivivallabha Vijayaditya Chola
(c. 750 A. D )
Elanja (c.776 A. D.)
Kipi-Böln-Mutturaju
(c. 77.5 A. D.)
Nripakaran (e. 600 A. D.)
XII
Divakara
(c. 825 A. D.) SrikanthaAdh raja
(e. 850 2. D.)
XUL
1 lhe assignment of the kings from Vikramaditya I onwards to the line of Punyakumāra is based upon bistori. cal and chronological probability as explained in the body of the article rather than upon any definite evidence connecting them with this line to the exclusion of the two other lines.

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The genealogy consists of two collateral lines representing the descendants of two of the three sons of Nandivarman. Of the decsendants of the remaining son, viz., Simhavishnu, the eldest, if there were any, we have no knowledge. But that the sons were each endowed with the wealth of a kingdom that remained in the continuous and separate enjoyment of their sons and grandsons is implied by the statement in the Mālēpāḍu plates of Bunyakumara viz., të pu[tra]nu-pusry anubhūta-rajya-sriyaḥ, made in reference to all the sons of Nandivarman. The passage conveys the meaning that at the time when Punyakumara, ruling over Renaḍu and Hiranyarashtra, issued the plates, the two senior lines were in existence exercising sway at other centres1; probably Erigal and Budili which are known to have been other capitals of the Telugu Chōlas.
The descendants of Sundarananda, who are represented in the lineage of Srikantha seem to have carved out a separate territory for themselves, viz., the country round Budili, as can be gathered from the fact that Mahendravarman II and his son Kapi-Bila-Mutturaju of this line are stated to be ruling from Budili in the Būḍidigaḍdapalle inscription (ins. L above).
Coming to the third branch founded by Dhananjaya I, it becomes known from the Mālēpāḍu inscriptions and other records in the region of Renäḍu left by the members of this line (inss. A to K) that Dhananjaya I and his decendants who hailed from Erigal established themselves in the territories of Renau, Hiranyarashtra, and Siddhi 1000. They seem to have exercised sway from two capitals, Chirpali or Chippili in Madanapalle taluk, the capital of Renadu, and from Biriparu or Mālēpādu in Hiranyarashtra. The details as to whether the three branches held independent charges over their respective territories or ruled conjointly over the entire Chola dominions are by no means clear in the present state of our knowledge.
Examining the collateral lines more closely it is found that there are some gaps in the genealogy. Among the descendants of Dhananjaya I, the immediate successor of Punyakumara remains unknown. But palaeographical and historical considerations point to the probability that the four generations of kings detailed in the Malēpādu stone inscription of Satyaditya3 must have immediately followed Punyakumara and hence probably belonged to his line-the historical considerations being that the set of kings ending with Punyakumara bear the titles of the Pallava kings while the set ending with Satyaditya have names of Chalukyas of a later date, and both are found ruling over the same tract. The resemblance between Punyakumara and Saktikumāra, the names respectively of the predecessor and the son of Vikramaditya I may perhaps be taken to give some support to this arrangement, besides the more general considerations of history and palaeography. The two inscriptions found so far of Vikramaditya-Chōla-Mahārāja (inss. H and I) have to be assigned on palaeographical grounds to the second king of that name. His queen Chōlamahādēvi alias Mamkhiporri seems to have been an important personage as she is represented in the Chilamakuru inscription of Vikramaditya II (ins. H) as ruling at Chirumbūru (i.e. Chilamakuru) in company with her son Uttamaditya. It is not known to which line Prithvivallabha Vijayaditya Chōla of ins. K belonged. As his record is found in Renaḍu (at Chamaluru, Jammalamadugu taluk, Cuddapah District) he may have belonged to the line of Dhananjaya and ruled the Renāḍu tract subsequent to Satyaditya after driving out the Bāņas who had temporarily occupied his ancestral dominions. If so, he would be the last known member of the line of Dhananjaya.
The line of kings founded by Sundarananda, which held sway from Budili, and Kandakoṭṭasome members of this line are described as ruling from these places-seem to have lasted longer
1 JAHRS, Vol. VII, p. 223.
A certain Adhiraja Dhanafijaya of the Chola family is mentioned as ruling Erigalvadi 600 in several epigraphs at Maddagiri (Ep. Carn., XII, Mi. 92, 93, 94, 97, 100 and 101). He lived about the middle of the Sth cent. A. D. and was a contemporary of Sripurus a of the Gangas, Balavarma of the Chalukyas nad Krishna I of the Rashtrakutas. His conne tion with the ma in dynasty is not known.
3 Above, Vol. XI, p. 345
XVI-1-5

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than the rest. After the extinction of the other two collateral lines Srikantha remained the sole representative of the progeny of Nandivarman, and he accordingly assumed the title of ChõļaAdhiraja. Stray inscriptions of a slightly later date than Srikaộtha which mention Chõļa names like Mayindama-Chöļa, Mayindavikrama and Chõļa Perumanadi are found in the vicinity of Būdili, at Nagaragere' and Bangavādi?. It has been correctly stated that the Mayindavikrama who took part in the battle of Söremadi was a Telugu Chola king. He is therefore the third of that name among the Telugu Cholas. At Budili itself is an inscription, later than the above, of a Sola-Mahārāja who is found to adopt the Aridurddhara, etc., prasasti' and whom we may designate Chöla-Mahārāja II to distinguish him from the Chola Maharaja I alias Mahendravikrama of the carly Ronādu-Chõla family. This king has left a good number of records in the Rēnādu and other tracts in which he describes himself as the ruler of Rēnāndu 7000. It is not known definitely if all these later chiefs belonged to the line of Srikantha. But as they are found to hold sway over the region of Būdili, in and around which their records are found, they may be assumed to have been his descendants, or, better, political successors who, in spite of constant conflicts with the Banas, Vaidumbas and Nolamba-Pallavas, continued to hold sway over the region. Chola-Mahārāja II extended his rule over the whole of the dominions of the Telugu-Cholas as the distribution of his records shows.
Turning to the chronology of these rulers, it has to be remarked that there are no definite dates to work upon as none of the inscriptions under consideration bear any date, either in the Saka or any other era. Our construction has therefore to depend upon palaeographical and historical considerations alone which, however in this instance are found to be rather weighty owing to the number and variety of inscriptions on stone and of copper-plates that are available. The method we shall follow will be to fix a probable date for one or two members of the line on palaeographical and historical considerations and assign corresponding dates to the other members calculating on the basis of twenty-five years for a generation.
On palaeographical grounds, the records of some of the members of the family edited above have been assigned to dates ranging from the 6th to the 8th century A. D. Apart from palaeography, other considerations such as the similarity of the names and titles held by these chiefs with those of the Pallavas and the Chāļukyas render it necessary to treat them as their contemporaries and place them accordingly in the same period, during which the Pallavas and Chalukyas also held sway. The above arrangement may also be supported by reference to an ancient practice of feudatories assuming the names and titles of their overlords which affords a reliable canon for chronological studies as it enables us to treat the feudatory and the overlord as contemporaries. In accordance with this practice it will be seen that Nandivarman
Ep. Carn., X, Gn. 69, 72, 73 and 75. ? Ep. Carn., X, Mb. 227 and 228 ; above, Vol. VII, p. 22.
Above, XXIV, p. 183. Söremadi can be identified with Choļamari on the east bank of the Pennar, a few miles west of Penukonda in the Anantapur District. The place is situated about 20 miles west of Väņavõlu and 20 miles north-west of Būdili; vide ournal of the Madrax Unirersity. Vol. XII, p. 193.
• No. 892 of 1917 of the Mad. Ep. Coll. ; SIT, IX, pt. i, No. 401.
. Nos. 405,406 and 408 of 1904 ; 352 of 1905 : 466 and 517 of 1906 : 104 of 1929-30 and 174 of 1931-32 of the Mad. Ep. Coll.
• Numerous examples of this practice can be cited. To mention a few, the Western Ganga kings of the Penukonda Pla es of Midhasa Il (above, Vol. XIV. p. 331) are found to bear Pallava surnames like Simhavarman and Skandavarman consequent on the fact, clearly stated in the record, of their having been installed on the throne by the two Pallava kings bearing the shine names. The Kadamba king Simhavarman, son of Vishnuvarman of the Iarnir plates (Ep. Carn. Vol. VI, Kadur 162) and the Hebata record (Mys. Arch. Report, 1925, p. 98) evidently bears the Pallava namo of Simhavarma in consequence of the fact that Vishnuvarman had a Pallava overlord (Uruvapaili grant of Simbavarman, Ind. Ant., Vol. V, p. 52: Trilochana Pallava and Karikala Choja, p. 54).

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and his son Simhavishnu, the earliest known members of the Chola family, bore the names of their Pallava contemporaries, Nandivarman and Simhavishnu who were ruling in the 6th century A.D. and of whom they were evidently feudatories. Accordingly, Nandivarman-Chõla must be taken to have been ruling in c. 550 A.D. and this date affords a workable basis for the calculation of the dates of his successors and it is found that the results so obtained accord well with the facts of contemporary history. Thus we find the Telugu Chola Mahendravikrama I Cholamahārāja, the grandson of Nandivarman, adopting the name of the Pallava Mahendra I of whom he was evidently a contemporary. The available records of Chõla Mahendravikrama I, bearing evidence of his activities, enable us to state that he was in close connection with both the Pallava monarchs, Sim havishnu and Mahendra I. That he was also associated with Simhavishnu may be accepted for a fact for, as recorded in the Mālēpådu plates of his son Punyakumāra, he gets the title 'Lord of Chēra, Chola and Pandya countries' which Siris havishy of the Pallavas is said to have conquered'. It is probable that the Chöja took part in the campaigns of the Pallava in the southern regions.
Similarly, Guņamudita and Punyakumara bear some of the surnames of Pallava Mahendra I indicating that they were all contemporaries. The name Guņamudita is, doubtless, modelled on that of Guņabhara, a surname of the Pallava king. Again, the epithets Marunțapidugu (or Märpidugu), Madanavilāsa and Madamuditundu of Punyakumāra can be traced to similar titles, Pagāppidugu and Mattavilāsa of the Pallava king. If he is treated as a contemporary of Mahendra I, Pallava, whose latest date has been placed at A.D. 630, the year in which his son Narasimhavarman I is known to have come to the throne, his date would fall about A.D. 6258 and this date is also arrived at by calculating the generations from Nandivarman-Chola (c. 550 A.D.). Confirmation of the above dating is afforded by the inscriptions of Punyakumāra. Of this king three inscriptions have been edited above (viz., inss. E, F and G) of which the second (ins. F) viz., the Tippalūr inscription, bears a striking palaeographical resemblance to the Vallam rock inscription of Mahendra I, Pallava, on the basis of which it might be stated that Punyakumāra and Mahēn. dra' could not have been removed from each other in date by more than a generation.
Another factor supporting the above scheme of chronology is that these dates can also be obtained by working independently from other starting points, of which, the Madras Museum plates of Srikantha is one. Professor Kielhorn who compared the palaeography of these plates with those of the Masulipatam plates of Vijayāditya III (A.D. 854-897) was of the opinion that they may be assigned to the same period.
It is found that nearly the same date for Srikantha is arrived at by counting the generations from the time of Punyakumara.
1 Kasakudi plates : SII, II, p. 342.
This date is obtained for him by calculating from the Bädämiins of the 13th year which is supposed to coincide with the last year of Pulakēsin's rule, in A. D. 642 (Bom. Gaz. Vol. I, pt. II, p. 359.)
.M.C.C. Mag. IX, p. 17.
If, as stated by the late Rao Bahadur H. Krishna Sastri, the Punyakumara of the Mālēpădu plates has to be assigned to the end of the Sth cent. A. D. (above, Vol. XI, p. 344), the Punyakumara of the above stone records which are of the 7th century A. D. is to be considered as a different and earlier member of the family. But for reasons stated above we have not accepted Krishna Sastri's dating of the Maiepādu plates and are inclined to treat the Punyakumara of the stone records as identical with his namesake of the copper-plates. Atten. tion may, however, be drawn here to two other chiefs of the same name figuring in stone records from Bodináyanipalle (A. R. No. 183 of 1931-32) and Chippili (A.R. No. 299 of 1905) in the Chittoor District. The script of both of them is referable to the 8th or 9th cent. A. D., but it is not clear if they were of Chõla extraction.
Above, Vol. V, p. 123 and n.

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No. 43-NANDSA YUPA INSCRIPTIONS
(2 Plates) A. S. ALTEKAR, BANARAS
Inscriptions on the Yüpa of Malava King-[Śri ?]Söma, Ksita Year 282
The two inscriptions on the yüpa of a Malava king whose name cannot be completely deciphered, which I am editing here, were discovered in February 1927 by the late Rai Bahadur M.M. Dr. Gaurishankar H. Ojha in the village of Nändsă, situated in the Sahara District of the Udaipur State. This village is about 36 miles to the east of the Railway Station, Bhilwara on the B. B. & C. I. Railway, and about four miles to the sonth of Gangapur, a town in the jurisdiction of the state of Gwalior. Both the inscriptions are inscribed on one and the same stone pillar, about 12 feet in height and 54 feet in circumference. The pillar stands in the bed of a lake near the village, and 80 remains under water in the rainy season wben the lake is full, but emerges out in view in the hot season when the water level goes down. The inscription A is written vertically along the pillar, reading from the top downwards. The inscription B is engraved in horizontal lines.
These inscriptions were noticed for the first time by Mr. R. R. Halder, who published a short note about them in the Indian Antiquary, Vol. LVIII, p. 53, along with the facsimile of a portion of the first line of the inscription A, giving its date, both in words and in numerals. This short note was an important one, as it gave publicity to the discovery of the oldest inscription in the Krita, i.e., Vikrama era. The information, however, which this note gave about the names of the sacrifice and the sacrificer and the number of lines in the inscription B was inaccurate. In February 1938, ink-impressions of these inscriptions were prepared and sent to Ootaca mund by Mr. A. K. Vyas, M.A., Superintendent, Victoria Hall Museum, Udaipur, at the request of Dr. N. P. Chakravarti, the then Government Epigraphist; and under his instructions Dr. B. Ch. Chhabra, the then Assistant Superintendent for Epigraphy, kindly forwarded the ink-impressions to me for editing them in the Epigraphia Indica. Dr. Chhabra has helped me in my work by a number of valuable suggestions, for which I am highly indebted to him.
It appears clear from the records on the pillar that it was erected as a yüpa to commemorate a sacrificial sattra performed in the locality early in the 3rd century A. D. The Vedic texts require the yüpa to be an octagonal pillar ; the sacrificers at Nändsă do not seem to have paid attention to this injunction. I do not know whether this yüpa has a chashāla near the top or a girdle at the centre, as is the case with one of the Isāpur yüpas preserved in the Curzon Museum of Archeology at Mathura. For further information and discussion about the yūpas I would refer the reader to my paper on 'Three Maukhari Inscriptions on yüpas', published above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 43-55.
The two inscriptions engraved on the yüpa are practically identioal in their contents. The only difference that can be seen in their preserved portions is that the date in the opening line is given both in words and in numerals in the vertical inscription, henceforth called inscription A, and only in numerals in the horizontal inscription, henceforth called inscription B. Why one and the same pillar should contain two copies of one and the same record is really a mystery. It may perhaps have been solved if both the records had been preserved in their entirety : for it is possible, though not probable, that after recording the performance of the Ekashashţirātra sattra, the record, later inscribed, may have commemorated a different benefaction of the king, as, for instance, is done in the inscription on the Allahabad Municipal Museum yūpa. It would appear that the inscription A, written in vertical lines, was the first to be engraved. Its execution is more careful and characters more graceful than those of the inscription B ; its
1 Above, Vol. XXIV, pp. 250-1.
49.55

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date is also given both in words and in numerals. Inscription B appears to be engraved later. If such is the case, and if the inscription B was nothing more than a copy of the inscription A, it is likely that it may bave been subsequently engraved to make the task of the reader easier. Inscriptions written in vertical lines, six or seven feet in length, are difficult to read ; those written in horizontal lines, about three feet only in length, are easier to scan. I have, however, to admit that both the above explanations about the existence of two apparently identical copies of the same record on the same pillar are not quite convincing.
The length of the extant portions of the vertical lines of the inscription A is five feet. But ten to twelve letters of each line have been completely destroyed. So originally its lines must have been about six feet in length, covering approximately half the height of the pillar. Letters it the ends of its lines have been considerably damaged. The damage is most extensive in the last line, nearly half of which is completely peeled off, resulting in the loss of about 34 letters, supposing of course that originally it was of full length. The extant lines on the average contain about 72 letters each, the number of the letters in the first three lines being about ten less than those in the last three. The average height of a letter without a vertical is # inch, that of a letter with a vertical or a subscript being about twice as much.
The inscription B is written in horizontal lines, commencing at the same height of the pillar as the inscription A, and covering practically the whole of the remaining portion of the surface of the pillar. The two recordr, have, however, been neatly and carefully separated from each other by a blank gpace of nearly four inches at one end and six inches at the other. The length of each line is about three feet, and each line on the avetage contains about 22 letters. The height of the extant portion of the record is about five feet; but there is space for two lines more at the end, which have been probably peeled off. Considerable portion of the first half of each line has been damaged, the damage being more extensive in later lines. The letters of this record are larger than those of inscription A; those without verticals are about 1.1 inch in height, those with verticals and subscripts having about twice that dimension.
The engraving of both the records has been done fairly carefully ; mistakes like purvvāyā for purvvāyāṁ (B, 1.1) and paitāmahim for paitāmahim (A, 1.2; B, 1.4) are really few. If there is a solecism in the record after the end of the series of absolute clauses, the mistake is probably of the drafter and not of the engraver.
These records are the earliest inscriptions dated in the Krita, i.e., Vikrama era, and so, we may note the peculiarities of their characters rather carefully. The letters ka, ra and fia have developed tails at the ends of their verticals ; cf. gurunā in A, 1.1 and B, 1.2 ; -rātra in A, 1.2 and B, 1.3; yajna in A, 1.4 and B, 1.10. Ya has a loop on the left; cf. Kritayor- in A, 1.1, māyām=iva in A, 1.3 and B, 1.7. The subscript ya is usually bipartite; cf. samud dhşitya in A, 1.2 and B, 1.4. In a few instances, however, the cursive form of the later period makes its appearance ; cf. niravakāšasya in B, L9. The letters ma and va have a triangular base and the horizontal bar of la does not yet reach the other side ; cf. māyām-iva in A, 1.3 and B, 1.7, sakti in A, 1.! and B, 1.2. Letters pa, sha, ha, gha, and ba have an indent in their left limb; cf. mahatā and purnnamasi in A and B, 1.1, -shashti- in A, 1.2 and B, 1.3, Brahm-ēndra- and kāmaugha-in A, 1.3 and B, 1.8 and 1.7. The vertical line of la has developed a curved ornamental tail ; cf. suvipulaṁ in A, 1.2 and B, 1.5, Mälava in B, 1.3., etc. The form of the letter da, resembling the reversed form of the modern Dēvanāgari letter ta, is rather peculiar; cf. tаdāka in A, 1.4 and B,
1.10.
The medial ā is usually denoted by a small horizontal stroke to the right, but in the case of ma, nă, dhā, sā, and tha this stroke is attached to the centre of the letter on the right ; cf. purnnamäsi in A and B, 1.1, gurunā in A, 1.1 and B, 1.2, dharari in A, 1. 3 and B, 1.7, yath-arttham in A, I. 5 (but not in B, 1. 13), vaisvānarëshu in A, L. 3 and B, 1. 8, etc. In the case of me the

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stroke for the medial vowel is similarly attached at the centre to the left of the letter, cf. anuttamēna in B, 1. 5. In the case of jā also the medial a-mātrā is attached to the centre of the letter, but it develops into an ornamental curve; cf. Prajāpati- in A, 1. 3 and B, 1. 8, prajā- in A, 1.4 and B, 1. 10, etc. Short medial i is denoted by an ornamental curve opening to the left, and the long one by a similar curve opening to the right; cf. siddham and purnnamäsi in A and B, I. 1, etc. Medial si is denoted by a short curve or stroke attached to the left of the letter usually at its bottom; the subscript ra differs from it only in being a little longer ; cf. sattra in A, 1. 3 and chandra in B, 1. 2, with pitri- and samuddhritya in A, l. 2 and B, 1. 4; see also vipraghrishta, A, 1. 6. In the case of kri, this stroke is attached, however, at about the middle of its vertical, in order to distinguish it from the tail, which the letter has developed, cf. kļi in Kritayor-, A, 1. 1. Medial au is denoted by a curve above the letter with a horizontal line on its either side ; pautrasya in A, l. 5 and B, 1. 15. The curve is attached at the end of the right hand stroke in the case of mau; cf. bhūmau and kām-augha- in A, 1. 3 and B, 1. 7. The stop m occurs in siddham at the beginning of the inscription A; it is denoted by a smaller form of the letter ma, but written below the line.
Most of the palæographical peculiarities noted above occur also in the Girnar rock inscription of Rudradaman I, dated in the Sakal year 72. Our inscription is only 76 years later than this record. As will be presently seen, Nändsă was under the Saka rule for a fairly long time. The palæographical resemblance, therefore, need not cause any surprise. It may also be pointed out that many of the palæographical characteristics of this record also recur in the Kushāna inscriptions of the 2nd and the 3rd centuries A. D.
Numerical symbols for 200, 80, and 2 occur in both the records in the opening line. The symbol for 200 is exactly similar to that occurring in the inscriptions on the three yūpas at Badvā. Symbols for 80 and 2 are the normal ones for the period.
As regards the orthography, the following points deserve to be noted :-The usual symbol for upadhmāniya is used in inscription A, 1. 4 ; cf. prasangaih purāna-. In the corresponding place of the inscription B, however, the visarga has been engraved ; cf. 1. 11. But the most interesting orthographical peculiarity of the records is the surmounting of the anusvåra by a concave semicircle, when it is followed by a va or a sa or a ra; cf. dhārāṁ vasor= in A, 1. 3 and B, 1. 7; var së Mālava-van de in A, 1.5 and B, 1. 14; purānam rājarshi in A, 1. 4. In the last case both the anusvāra and the concave semicircle above it are midway between na and rā; but there can be no doubt that they were intended to be engraved above the na in purānam. In siddhim vitatya, A, 1. 3 and B, 1. 7 we expect this concave semicircle above the anusvāra, as it is followed by a va ; but it does not occur. The medial i mark has, however, a natural concave semicircie in it, and the anusvāra has been engraved under it ; this may possibly be the reason for an additional semicircle not being engraved over the anusvāra. It is difficult to give a satisfactory explanation for this concave semicircle mark in the above cases. One is tempted to think that it may be possibly the Vedic -mark, which is common in the text of the Yajurvēda. Such, however, does not seem to be the case. This mark is used in the Yajurvedic text when an anusvāra is followed by sa, sha, sa, ha, and ra. In our inscription it is no doubt used when the anusvára is followed by ra and ba. But it is also used when the anusvāra is followed by a va as shown above, and not used when it is followed by a sa; cf. dharmmamatram samuddhritya, A, 1.2 and B, 1.4. The occurrence of the mark is thus a puzzle, difficult to explain.
The language of both the records is Sanskrit. There is some influence of Prakrit as in kritēhi for kritaih in B, 1.1. The language is on the whole correct ; we, however, have an incorrect
1 Above, VoL XXIII, plate facing p. 52.
* A madrasya ityddtbah bahasaharopheshu tasya traividhyamakhyalam. The Pratijñāstra of Yajar. rida, No. 3.

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PHOTOGRAPH OF THE STONE YUPA AT NANDSA
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA
В. Сн. СннАВКА Reg. No. 3977 E 36 - 475'50.

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form in avatarayitva for avatarya in A, ll. 1-2 and B, 1. 3. If the record has been correctly copied, we have to admit that there is a glaring syntactical irregularity in it. The series of the absolute clauses with which the record commences is left without any subject, nor are they fol lowed by a principal clause, as is usually required. The author of the record adopts the ornate style of Sanskrit prose. There are several similes and metaphors; anuprāsa is not forgotten (B, 1. 9), compounds are frequent and some of them are very long (A, 1. 4). The record is a prakasti, and it must be acknowledged that the language used is appropriate for the occasion. It gives a vivid idea of the fame and exploits of the hero it commemorates.
255
Both the records are dated. The date, which is given in numerals as well as in words in inscription A and in numerals only in inscription B, is the full moon day of the month of Chaitra of the Krita (i.e. Vikrama) year 282. The corresponding year according to the Christian era would be A.D. 226. The inscriptions are thus the earliest records of the Vikrama era so far known. They are two years earlier than the Barnala yupa inscription A, and 11 years anterior to the three yupa inscriptions of the Maukharis discovered by the present writer at Baḍvä.
The inscriptions are primarily intended to commemorate the performance of the Ekashashtirātra sacrificial session, which, as its name indicates, used to extend over 61 days. The following constituent sacrifices were offered in this session in the order given below:
1st day, 2nd day,
Prāyaṇīya sacrifice. Chaturvinsa sacrifice.
3rd to 20th day, 21st to 26th day, 27th to 35th day, 36th to 41st day, 42nd to 47th day, 48th day,
Three Abhiplava sacrifices, each lasting for six days. Prishthya sacrifice.
Navaratra sacrifice. Pratiloma Prishthya sacrifice. Abhiplava sacrifice. Ayu sacrifice.
49th day,
Gau sacrifice. Dasarātra sacrifice.
50th to 59th day, 60th day,
Mahāvrata sacrifice. Udayaniya sacrifice."
61st day,
The Brahmanas and Srauta Sutras give several details of each of the above sacrifices, but it is unnecessary to discuss them here. The purpose and significance of the session itself will be discussed later on.
We have so far noticed several yupa inscriptions, but they usually refer to short sacrifices. The longest sacrificial session, so far discovered from epigraphs, was the Dvadaśaratra-saltra, performed at Isäpur near Mathura in the 28th year of the reign of the emperor Huvishka by Brahmana Drōnala. A long sacrificial session, lasting for as many as 61 days, is referred to for the first time in the present records.
A sacrificial sattra can be performed only by Brahmanas; but the potentate who is eulogised in our records was a Kshatriya. So it is stated that he did not himself perform it, but caused it to be performed; cf. avatarayitv=ai(avatary-ai)kashashtiratram-atisatram, B, 11. 3-4. Not
1 Above, Vol. XXVI, pp. 118 ff.
* Above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 43 ff.
Panchavimsa Brahmana, XXIV. 18; Katyayana Śrauta Sutra, 25, 18, 17-24.
• Kaushitaki Brahmana, XXIV, 1-3; Aitareya Brahmana, IV, 10-16 Sankhayana Srau'a Sutra, IX, 22:
etc.
A. R., A. S. I., 1910-1, p. 41.
• ब्राह्मणानां वेतरयोरार्त्विज्याभावात् ॥ Parocamimarad, VI, 6, 18,
6

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less than 17 Brāhmanas are required for å sattra ; " they are both ritviks (priests) and yajamānas (sacrificers). Since a Kshatriya could not be a sitvik at the time of our record, he could not himself perform the sattra; he could only get it performed for him by Brahmanas officiating on his behalf. All the Brāhmaṇas had to be of the same gotra and kalpa ;' otherwise there would result & conflict at the time of offering the Apri oblations.
It is indeed a strange irony of fate that there should be an uncertainty about the full name of the king, whose exploits are described on the pillar, though he had taken the precaution of getting the record engraved twice on it. In inscription A, the concluding part of I. 5, where his name occurred, has been peeled off ; in inscription B the relevant portion in II. 15-16 has been so heavily damaged, that no confident reading of the text is possible. After mentioning the donor's father's name as Jayasõna, the records proceeded to give his own name. It is giverr in apparently eight letters. The first two of these letters are Sögi. In inscription B 30, which is the last letter of I. 15, appears to have a subscript, and the next letter gi, which is the first letter of l. 16, looks more like gni than gi. But if we examine these letters in inscription A, 1.5, it becomes clear that neither 8ð nor gi had any subscript. The reading Sögi may therefore be taken as certain. The succeeding two letters are quite illegible in inscription A. Inscription B (1. 16), however, shows that the first of them was certainly nē; the next letter, (which is the 3rd letter of l. 16), appears most like a damaged tuh. These four letters may therefore be read as Söginētuh, meaning of the leader of the Sögis':
It appears that before giving the king's personal name, an epithet of his has been given. Who then were the Sögis, whose leader the king claims to be? The mystery is solved by a fragmentary inscription which is being edited at the end of this paper as C. This inscription was also found in the village Nändsä, where the yüpa bearing inscriptions A and B was discovered. It is also inscribed on a pillar, standing not far away from the other yüpa. Palæography shows that ite time is not far removed from that of the former inscriptions. Unfortunately this inscription is extremely fragmentary, but its 7th line distinctly refers to a Mahasenapati Bhattisöma, who is styled Sogi; cf.
Mahäsènäpatisya Bhattisomasya Sögisya ma-.
It is therefore clear that the Mālavas had a subclan called Sõgi, probably so-called after its gðtra, Saugi.' The hero of our record was a leader of these Sögis and was very proud of that fact. His personal name is therefore preceded by the title Söginētuh. The Sögis still exist in Mewar as a caste group, and have been so recorded in the census of 1941.
The 4th, 5th, 6th and 7th letters of l. 16 of inscription B give the personal name of the hero. Of these the 5th and the 6th letters, though considerably damaged, definitely look like soma, and the succeeding letter, though partly obliterated, looks like sya. The space between ma and syā is not greater than the ordinary space between two consecutive letters of this record. What there fore looks like the remnant of a damaged letter after ma would probably be nothing more than a mere damage in the stone surface. The 5th, 6th and 7th letters of l. 16 are therefore sömasvā. The hero's name therefore ended in soma, as was the case with that of his father and that of the Sögi general, mentioned in inscription C below. It was preceded by only one letter, but it cannot be made out with certainty. It is considerably damaged, but a portion of what remains looks like a part of ga or sa, with perhaps an i-mātrā above it. I would therefore suggest, not without some diffidence, that the letter may have been Sri: one can hardly think of any other suitable monosyllabic letter to precede Soma. The king's name was therefore most probably
rataract: HARI Sabara on ibid. VI, 6, 1. 2 rifaruiasámuuta safragrau
I ibid, VI, 6, 1, See also the commentary of Sabara. GStrapravaranibandhakadambaka. (Mysore edition), p. 977,

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257 Srisõma, the first letter being merely an honorific prefix. As, however, the reading of this letter is very doubtful, I would prefer to restore it conjecturally as Sri ?] söma. It is very likely that this [Sri ?] sõma is identical with Mahāsēnāpati Bhattisoma mentioned in inscription C below.
The name of the father of the king, Jayasõma, is clear in both the inscriptions (A, 1. 5 and B, 1. 15). The grandfather's name again is seriously damaged in both the inscriptions. In inscription A the letters are partly blurred and partly damaged, and what we can read does not make out a good sense. All told 11 letters are used in this connection. The first two letters are fairly clear in both the records and they are Jaya. The last three letters are legible only in inscription A, and ther are certainly rarddhana. The three preceding letters, which have been completely peeled off in inscription B. can be seen in inscription A, but in a damaged condition. The first of these letters looks like a pu but may also have been a pra; the second letter undoubtedly looks like rbhā, and the third one mar appear to be a damaged ga or dha with & subscript. This letter has a round hack, which is always the case with the ga of this record and never with the dha. I would amend rbhā into bha and read the last six letters as Prabhāgravarddhana. The preceding five letters seem to have denoted an epithet of Prabhāgravarddhana which began with Jaya. The next three letters look like natana in inscription A, but in inscription B (1. 15), there is a clear mark of the superscript r over the second of these letters, which is otherwise completely destroved there. I therefore think that the grandfather of the donor is described as Jayanartana, and that Prabhāgravarddhana was his proper name. The epithet Jayanartana probably had a reference to the real or imaginary victories of Prabhägravarddhana, which perhaps made him dance in joy. The readings proposed are of course not free from doubt, but I wonder whether we can propose anything better in the present state of our knowledge and with the present inkimpression.
The sacrificer claims that he was a scion of the royal Mālava family (Mālava-rājarshi-vamsa. prasūta), which was as famous as the Ikshvāku family of Pauranic fame (A, 1. 5). The expression used in this connection is Ikshrāku-prathita-rājarshi-vam se Mālava-vamśė prasūtasya, and it is possible to explain it as Ikshrākūnām prathite räjarshi-ra mée Malava-vaņģē prasūtasya, 'of one born in the Mālava family, which was a royal family of the famous Ikshvākus'. This construction is, however, unnatural and involved and the expression Ikshvāku-prathita really means Ikshvākuvat-prathita and maintains that the Mālava royal family was as famous as that of the Ikshvākus, from which Śri-Rāmachandra had sprung.
The Mālavas bad issued a very copious copper currency in this part of Rājputāna during the 2nd and 3rd centuries A. D. Bhapamvana, Magaja, Mapaya, Magajasa, Magõja, etc., are some of the queer personal names occurring on these coins, and as they all look extremely un-Indian, it has been suggested by Smith that the Mālavas were probably a foreign tribe, which had not been yet completely Hinduised during the 3rd century A. D. This suggestion will have now to be given up, for the present record, which is almost contemporaneous with the coins in question, clearly states that the Mālava stock was as respectable as that of the Ikshvākus. They were zealons champions of the Vedic sacrifices, and though Kshatriyas by caste, were adopting Dames like Javasoma and Srisoma which showed a keen appreciation of the Brahmanical Vedic religion. The performance of the Ekashashțirātra-sattra does not support the theory of their foreign descent. It is true that the Pancharimsa Brāhmaṇa informs us that this sattra was performed by Vrātyadēvas (XXIV, 18), but it does not state that, as a result, they ceased to be vrátyas and became pure gods. Had such been the case, it could have been argued that king (Sri ?)-soma performed this sattra to make himself a Hindu or Kshatriya of the bluest blood. Of course the names on the contemporary Mälard coins are foreign-looking. They may be either unintelligent attempts to
* Smith, Catalogue of the Coins in the Indian Museum, Vol. 1, pp. 174-6. XVI.1-5

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reproduce parts of the legend Mäluvānāṁ jayaḥ, as Mr. Allan has recently suggested, or they may be contraction of Mahārāja followed by his individual name as Jayaswal had thought. It has to be admitted that neither explanation is convincing.
There is, however, no doubt that the Mālavas were & people of great antiquity in ancient India, and that they were enjoying a high status and respectability even in the epic period. In the great war between the Pandavas and the Kauravas, they had thrown in their lot with the latter, and on several critical occasions their battalions had saved Bhishma himself. The mother of Kichaka was a Mälava princess and so was the wife of the Madra king Aévapati, the father of famous Savitri. Yama, the god of death, informed Savitri that the hundred sons that would be born to her father and Malavi mother as a result of one of his boons, would be known as Mālavas.. The political geography of the present version of the Mahābhārata generally holds good for the period between 300-100 B.C. The above statement of Yama would therefore lead us to infer that during this period the Mālavas were closely allied to the Madras. The latter are known to have been in the occupation of the Central Punjab; the Mālavas were most probably their southern neighbours.
The Mālava-gana-vishaya or the country of the Mälava tribe, which is referred to in the present inscriptions was, however, not located in the Southern Punjab. It was obviously a portion of Eastern Rajputana, where Nāndsă is situated. The fact is that during the different periods of Indian history different tracts were known as Mūlava country. Besides Mālwā, the well known province in Central India, even to-day a large part of the Southern Punjab, comprising the districts of Ferozepore and Ludhiana and the Indian States of Jind, Patiāla, Nābhā and Malerkotlā is known as Mälwă. There is no doubt a tradition to the effect that this name is a modern one, the title of Mälava Singh having been conferred upon the Sikhs of this tract by Banda Bairāgi in the 18th century, who promised that the tract would be as fruitful as Mälwa." There does not seem to be any truth in this tradition. We have already seen that one of the boons given to Savitri clearly shows that the Mālavas were close allies and neighbours of the Madras, probably occupying the territory to the south of the latter's. It is precisely this territory that is now being occupied by the Mälava Sikhs.
The Mahābhārata, however, refers to the Mālavas of the east, the north and the west. It would therefore appear that the Southern Punjab was not the only tract occupied by them in c. 300 B.C. In numerous places in the epic the Mālavas are closely associated with the Kshudrakas; the dvandva compound, Kshudraka-Malavāh is usually used to denote them. Thus the Kshudrakas and the Mälavas had come together to offer tribute to Yudhishthira at the time of his Rājasūya sacrifice (II, 78,90); in the disposition of the Kaurava forces on the eve of the great war, the battalions of the Kshudrakas and the Mālavas were grouped together (V, 57, 18); both of them suffered severely when Arjana had launched a heavy attack on the Kaurava forces on the third day of the great war (VI, 59,136). This close association of the Kshudraka, and the Mālavas, disclosed by the great epic, is confirmed by the Greek historians of Alexander the Great. They describe how the leaders of these tribes, whom they name as Oxydrakai and Malloi, had decided to offer a joint resistance to Alexander the Great, and how Alexander smashed the
1 Allan, Catalogue of the Coins of Ancient Indio, Introd. p. ovii. • Hindu Polity (Ist edition), i, p. 218.
ateite: fanerant: stout: gatautateuhrata: FIAT T EHTOH TELAITT: fará: TT: VI, 198, 6-7, (Rumblakonam edition.)
'पितुश्च ते पुत्रशतं भविता तव मातरि। मालव्यां मालवा नाम शाश्वताः पुत्रपौत्रिणः॥ WTCC Warsufre fanfetaalya: TII, 298,60-1. (Kumbhakonam edition.) Imperial Gazetteer, Vol. XVII, p. 105.

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Malloi before they could effect a junction with the Oxydrakai. At this time the Kshudrakas were occupying the territory roughly corresponding to the Bahawalpur State and the Mālavas were their northern neighbours in the occupation of the Ravi-Sutlej Doab, from Multan to Kasur. These were probably the Mālavas of the West referred to in the Mahābhārata.
But apart from the south-eastern and the south-western Punjab, portions of Rājputāna were also occupied by the Mālavas fairly early. At Nāgar, 25 miles south-east of Tonk, a very large number of Mālava coins were discovered, some bearing the names of individual rulers and some having the legend, Mālavānāṁ jayaḥ or its equivalent. The former coins are no doubt of the 3rd or the 4th century A. D., but the latter ones are much earlier. Cunningham thought that the earliest of these go back to c. 250 B. C., but Rapson and Smith felt that their antiquity could be taken back to only c. 150 B. C. The latest writer on the subject, Mr. Allan, thinks that they are not earlier than the second century A. D.: Unfortunately the coins are too small to enable us to form any decisive opinion about the time suggested by their palæography; but I think that the earliest of the Mālava-gaña coins are not later than c. 150 B. C. If such is the case, we shall have to postulate the Mālava occupation of this tract in central Rājputāna in about 150 B. C. ; it may have been necessitated by the pressure of the Greek invasions under Demetrios, Apollodotus and Menander. From the 2nd century A. D. we get ampler proofs of the occupation of this tract by the Mālavas. The Nasik inscription No. 10 shows that the Mālavas were a strong power in the territory round Ajmer, and were in a position to harass the Uttamabhadras, who were the allies of the Sakas (Ante, Vol. VIII, p. 78). This inscription does not give the precise location of the Uttamabhadras and the Mālavas, but it says that after relieving the former, Ushavadāta, the son-in-law of Nahapana, bathed in the lake of Pushkara near Ajmer. The Mālavas therefore must have been occupying the tract near Ajmer. The Malava-gana-vishaya, mentioned in inscription B, included the territory round about Nāndsā, which is about 75 miles south-south-west of Ajmer and 110 miles east of Nāgar. In 1940 a seal bearing the legend [Māslava-janapadasa was found at Rairh in Jaipur State about 56 miles from its capital, which from its characters appears to be as old as the 2nd century B. C.
It would thus appear that Mālava-gana-vishaya, referred to in our record, extended over a considerable portion of south-eastern Rājputāna, comprising parts of the States of Udaipur, Jaipur and Tonk and the district of Ajmer. Whether the Mālavas continued to occupy their old homeland in the Southern Punjab at this time is not known. But there is nothing improbable in such being the case, when we remember how the tract is still known as Mālwā.
The expression Mälava-gana-vishaya occurring in our record thus signifies the territory of the Mālava gana or republic. It would therefore appear that the term yana in expressions like Mālava-gana-sthiti-va säl cannot mean gananā or counting as Kielhorn had thought. Expressions like Sri-Mālava-gan-āmnātë and Mälava-gana-sthiti-va śāt ought therefore to be translated as 'according to the era current in the Mālava Republic' and 'according to the usage of the Mālava Republic.' There is no justification for the view that these expressions refer to an era founded to commemorate the constitution of the Mālava Republic, that was established in 57 B. C. The Mālava republic existed several centuries earlier, as shown above.
1 Smith, Catalogue of Coins in the Indian Museum, Vol. I, p. 162. * Allan, Catalogue of the Coins of Ancient India, p. cvi.
* It is interesting to note that the Mahabharata, while narrating the conquests of Nakula, states that the Pandava hero first defeated the Mālavas and their neighbours, and then on return defeated the Utsavagankētas Rear Pushkara (II. 35, 7-8). If we assume that the Utaavasamkētas were the same as Uttamabhadras, it would follow that the relative geographical situation of the Uttamabhadras and the Malavas was the same in the 2nd century A. D., as it was in the 3rd century B. C., when probably the Mahabharata account was written.
J. N. 8. I., Vol. III, p. 48, pl. IV A, No. 6. See J. R. 4. 8., 1913, p. 913 and p. 995 ; and 1914, p. 413 and p. 745.

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Let us now proceed to discuss the historic data supplied by the record. It is a eulogy of the Malava king [Sri ?]soma. It is interesting to note that neither this king nor his father or his grand-father bears any royal, feudatory or military title, like mahārāja, rajan or senapati. It would appear that the republican traditions were still strong among the Malavas, and no regal titles were permitted to their rulers even when they had established hereditary dynasties ruling at least for three generations. Inscription B, 1. 4 refers to the hero supporting the ancestral yoke of administration borne by his father and grandfather, and 1. 15 gives their names. Inscription B, 11. 5-7, informs us that the hero had filled the space between the earth and heaven by his allexcelling fame, and had heralded an era of uncommon prosperity for his country. The fame of the king and the prosperity of the country must have been the result of some signal victory over an important enemy; it is a pity that the record does not preserve his entire name.
We know that during the reign of Rudradaman I, in c. A. D. 150, the sphere of influence of the Saka power had extended to Bahawalpur; for the Girnar inscription of the above king informs us that he had conquered Maru (Marwar), Sindhu and Sauvira (Southern and Northern Sindh). Rudradaman also claims to have defeated the Yandheyas, who were then occupying the Bahawalpur State and the territories beyond. It will thus be seen that both the earlier and later homelands of the Malavas had come under the rule of the Sakas in A. D. 150. The Saka rule over these territories continued for about half a century. Then, however, started a struggle for the Saka throne, lasting for about 15 years from c. A. D. 181 to 196, between the Mahakshatrapa Jivadaman and his uncle Rudrasimha I. This must have weakened the Kshatrapa power and given an opportunity to the Mälavas to assert themselves. The father Jayasōma and the grandfather Prabhagravarddhana (?) of the hero of these records were ruling from c. A. D. 180 to 200 and from A. D. 200 to 220 respectively. Whether they initiated any revolt against the Kshatrapa power is not definitely known.
If the record really uses the epithet jayanartana with reference to its hero's grandfather, it is likely that he may have scored some victories. But these need not necessarily have been in any open revolt against the Sakas. Probably he fought as a partisan either of the uncle or of the nephew in the struggle for the throne that was being fought in the Saka kingdom at that time; his victories may be the victories which he had won for his suzerain. The real revolt must have been initiated by [Sri?]soma himself. He describes his bravery as sva-sakti-guna-guruṇā 'great on account of the quality of his own prowess'. This epithet is more or less similar to the title svayam-adhigata-maha-kshatrapa-nämnä, which Rudradaman I had taken for himself, and may have been even suggested by it. The Saka ruler defeated by [Śri ?] soma may have been either Rudrasena I (A. D. 200-222) or one of his younger brothers, Sanghadaman (A. D. 222-3) or Dāmasēna (A. D. 223-235). Most probably it was Sanghadaman, the shortness of whose reign may have been due to his having died in the struggle against the Maälavas. It is interesting to note in this connection that his death took place only three years before the date of our record, and after a short reign of only about one year.
It was probably to celebrate his signal victory over the Sakas that king [Śri ?]soma performed the Ekashashtirätra sacrifice. The sacred texts state that as a result of this sattra, nature regains its original vigour and brilliance and there ensues a period of all round prosperity.
During the
1 Since both the records are almost identical, they will henceforth be referred to in the singular. gengewwwwwwyfingahuteggereerafaatandet foret after ablamat saghmeier
•
Above, Vol. VIII, p. 44.
Rapson, A Catalogue of Indian Coins, Andhras, Kshatrapas, etc., p. cxxv.
'अथ ह वै तर्हि नौषधीषु पय प्रासीन्न क्षीरे सर्पिनं मांसे मेवः । तद्यत एतदेकषष्टिरात्रं देवा व्रात्या उपामंस्ततो बतानि भूतानि एतंवीर्यः समसूम्यन्त तेजस्वन्ति एवं ग्रासन् पयस्वन्ति च । ते सर्वामृद्धिमार्बुवन् । सर्वामुद्धिमनुवन्ति य एतवुपयन्ति। Pahichavimba Brahmaya, 24, 18.

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foreign rule of the Sakas, the country of the Mālavas must have been squeezed out, and as a result of the victories of Sri ? Jsoma it must have been restored to its prosperity.
We should not, however, exaggerate the importance of these victories. They secured in lopendence for the Mälavas, and to that extent circumscribed the boundaries of the Saka empire. Perhaps they brought about the death of Sanghadaman. But they did not give any serious setback to the Saka power. There is no break in the dates of the Saka coins at this period, nor do we find the title Mahākshatrapa in abeyance, as it subsequently became, during the first half of the 4th century A. D.
We shall now briefly review the contents of the record. While doing so, we shall refer to the lines in inscription B, as they are shorter and therefore easier to follow. L. 1 (with the exception of the last two letters) gives the time of the record as the full moon day of the month of Chaitra, which would appear to be the last day of the Ekashashtirätra sattra. The sattra must have started about the full moon day of the month of Jägha, falling sometime in the month of February or March A. D. 226. The next clause from mahatā to dharımamitram (11. 1-) refers to the sacrificer (Sri ?]soma and the sattra performed under his auspices. It is worth noting that the causal construction is used here. We are told that the king caused the Ekashashtirātra saftra to descend to the Mālava country.' Prima facie this causal construction seems inexplicable, but the mystery is solved when we remeinber that this sattra, like all other sattres, could be performed by Brāhmaṇa sacrificers (yajamānas) only. The chief (Sri ? Jsoma was a Kshatriya and so could not be consecrated as a yajamāna at this sacrificial session, but he could only get it performed under his auspices. The next two clauses, from samuddhritya to yasasā, II. 4-6, describe (Sri ?lsoma as belonging to a well-established house and his own fame as having filled the entire space between the earth and the heaven. The implications of this statement have been already discussed above. The next clause, from sva-karma-sampadayā to vitatya, 11. 6-7, points out that the fame of the hero was not an empty one ; his achievements enabled him to acquire riches, which were so immense that they appeared to be as it were a result of magical power (atmasiddhi). The next clause, from māyām=iva to hutvā, 11. 7-8, describes how very liberal presents were given to Brāhmaṇas on the occasion of the sattra. It is interesting to note that according to the traditional practice, no dakshinā can be given on the occasion of a satira. This was but natural. The sacrificer gives the dakshina to the priests ; in a sattra, the priests themselves are the sacrificers; 80 no gift of a dakshină was possible. Brāhmaṇas were, however, naturally not unwilling to permit their patron to depart from the usual practice in this respect. He may have stated that the dakshina was being given to them not as ritviks (priests) of the sattra, but simply as learned Brāhmaṇas. The words used in this clause have a double entendre. The Purohita is called Agnivaisvānara in the Aitarēya Brāhmaṇa, VIII, 25. One way in which the present clause can be explained is as follows:- having offered to the sacrificial priests, who are veritable Agnivaid vānaras, a stream of wealth as it were, which was sufficient to satisfy all their desires. But the clause also recalls the concluding scenes of the sacrificial session. Vasöradhara is the technical name of the final oblation offered to Agnivaisvānara at the end of the sacrifice, when he is made whole and entire. Agni is the priest among the gods, and so the compound Brāhman-āgniraisvānara would, in this case, mean Agnivaisvanara, who is Brāhmaṇa. Vasor-dhārā consisted of 401 ghee offerings made continuously to fire. They were so called, because when Agni receives them, he satisfies all the desires of the sacrificer. While they are being offered, the mantras in the Vājasanēyi Samhitā, XVIII, 1. 29, are recited for the fulfilment of all varieties of desires of the sacrificer. Vasör-dhārā also represented the consecration ceremony of Agni as King. It was therefore regarded as a kind of superior consecration ceremony for the royal sacrificer himself,
Pari rayascha tādarthyal. Pürvamimarinsa, X, 2, 35: Sattrishu dakshipa na sat. Sabara's commentary on the above.

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more potent than the Rājasūya or the Vājapēya. It is but natural that king [śri ?]soma should have shown unstinted liberality on the occasion.
Grammatically, the clauses in 11. 2-8 are defective as no subject whatever is supplied to the verbal forms occurring in them. After a series of absolute clauses, we expect the main clause, but it does not make its appearance. In its stead we have a series of compounds ending in the genitive case in 11. 8-16, which further describe the achievements and lineage of the royal patron.
The first of these epithets, Brahm-endra-.... niravakāśasya, Il. 8-9, describes how the king who gave no room (avakāša) to sin, had allotted space (kerit-āvakaśasya) at places sacred to Brahma, Indra, Prajapati, Vishnu and Maharshis. There is a pun on the word avakāśa, but there is some uncertainty about the meaning of krit-li unikāśasya; it seems that the royal patron had allotted extensive sites (avkusa) or landed properties or both to the temples of the above deities. Whether Brahma was at this time regarded as a god separate from Prajapati, or whether the two expressions have been used by oversight, cannot be definitely stated. Temples of Maharshis or great sages are not known in modern times; but it appears from our record that in the 3rd century A. D. there used to be shrines dedicated to sages like Agasti, Vālmīki and Vasishtha.
The next epithet sita-sabha.....nischayasya, in II. 9-12, describes how king (Sri ? sõma had resolved to follow unswervingly the path chalked out by ancient royal sages by building magnificent (sita, literally, white) halls, rest-houses and temples, by digging wells and tanks, by following injunctions about sacrifices, charity and truth and by properly protecting his subjects. The succeeding clause, sva-gun-ātisaya..........m=anubhavataḥ, II. 12-4, states that the numerous qualities of king (Sri ? Jsoma were as high and genuine as those of Manu. The next clause Ikshvāku... vam se.....somasya, (11. 14-6), discussed already, (p.257), describes the family and genealogy of the donor. The next four letters, which occur only in inscription B, cannot be confidently read and interpreted. The first of these is seriously damaged, but may have been a na, the second is certainly a ka, the third may be a damaged sa and the fourth is a ta. The reading -8ywaneka-sata-gö-sahasradakshinā gives an excellent meaning. The king claims to have given several lakhs of cows in charity. There is nothing improbable in this. Ushavadāta had given three lakhs of them. It is true that we expect sata to go along with sahasra, and not to be separated from it by the word go. Transposition of adjectives in compounds is, however, sometimes done in this record ; immediately in the next sentence we have upisha-pramatta- instead of pramatta-usisha-. The same may hav been the case here.
The last sentence, vrisha....yüpa-pra, 11. 16-18 is both incomplete and considerably damaged It is possible that it could have contained many words more after pra, if we merely take into consideration the remaining space of l. 6 of inscription A. Such, however, was probably not the case, this line being shorter than the earlier ones. The stone ylpa on which the records are inscribed is even to-day standing in the bed of a tank at Nändsă. I therefore think that the clause very probably ended with yūpa-prastishthā kritā]. There may have been some more adjectives, but it is doubtful whether any other sentence or clause followed this sentence. The word samkata in the first compound of the sentence is to be taken in the sense of 'full'; it states that the bank of the tank was full of wooden yüpas, against which bulls scratched their horns. This reminds us of Kalidasa's description of the Sarayü as a river, whose bank was full of yüpas. It appears that the custom was to perform the sacrifices on the banks of rivers or tanks or to transplant the yūpas in these places, after the sacrifices were over. The expression Pushkara-pratilambhabhüte states that the lake was a 'reproach to,' i.e. a rival of the famous Pushkara lake near Ajmer in sanctity.
Soo 8. B. E., Vol. XLIII, pp. 213-6 and the note on pp. 213-4.. af at arcfare te the Tamil Raghuvansa, XIII, 61.

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If our restoration of the text is correct, it would follow that the stone yüpa on which these records are engraved, was installed in the bed of the holy lake of the village, where it is still standing even after the lapse of seventeen centuries, a silent monument to the piety and bravery of king [Sri ?]soma.
TEXT1
INSCRIPTION A 1 सिद्धम् । कृतयोर्द्वयोवर्षशतयोघशीतयोः २०० ८० २ चैतपूर्णमासी (स्या)म
स्याम्पूर्वायां महता स्वशक्तिगुणगुरुणा पौरुषेण प्रथमचन्द्रदर्शनिमिव मा"] [लवगण
विषयमवतार-] 2 "यित्वकषष्टिरात्रमतिसत्तमपरिमितधर्ममा समुद्धृत्त्य (त्य) पितृपैतामहि (ही)न्धुरमावृत्त्य (त्य) सुवि
पुलं द्यावापृथिव्योरन्तरमनुत्तमेन [यशसा ] [स्वकर्मसंपदया. विपुलां समु-] 3 पगतामृद्धिमात्मसिद्धिं वितत्य मायामिव सत्तभूमौ सर्व कामौघधारां वसो ‘रामिव
"ब्राह्मणाग्नि वैश्वानरेषु हुत्वा ब्रह्मेन्द्रप्रजापतिमहर्षिविष्णु[स्थानेषु कृतावकाशस्य पापनि-] 4 रवकाशस्य सितसभावसथतडाकक"पदेवायतनयज्ञदानसत्यप्रजाविपुलपालनप्रसङ्ग पुराणं (ण)
राजर्षिधर्मपद्धती (ति) सततकृतसमनुगमननिश्च यस्य स्वगुणातिशयविस्तरर्मनु-] 5 निर्विशो (शे)षमिव भुवि मनुष्यभावं यथार्थमनुभवत इक्ष्वाकुप्रथितराजर्षिवंशे मालववंशे"
प्रसूतस्य जयनर्तनपु (प्र) (भा) प्र (?) वर्धन पौत्तस्य जयसोमपुत्तस्य सोगिने[तुः श्री(?).
सोमस्यानेकशतगोसहस्र-14] 6 दक्षिणा [1] वृषप्रमत्तशृङ्गविप्रघृष्टचित्त्यवृक्षयूपसंकटतीरो"(२) पुष्करप्पतिलम्भ भूते स्वधर्मसेतो
महा तडाके यूपप्र][तिष्ठा कृता" ।]
1 Edited from ink-impression. 2 These letters are partly legible. * Letters in the square brackets are supplied from the text of inscription B.
Read otary-aika. T
u nnecessary stroke engraved to the left of the vertical of ka, below the left side horizontal line • A concave semicircle has been engraved above the anusvåra mark. 7 An unnecessary dot has been engraved in front of the letter 80. 8 The first letter of the conjunct looks more like p than b, but obviously b i intended. Read bra.. . The subscript is faint, but it is clear in inscription B. 10 There is an unnecessary dot over the letter bhā. 11 Through carelessness, ani mātrā has also been engraved on ka.
There is an unnecessary anusvåra over this letter, over which there is engraved a concave semicirela as is done on the letter vam in vamść. In inscription B the reading is purana and not puranam ; Ho there was on oocasion here for the introduction of this mark.
13 For the reading of the grand father's name, see introduction, p. 257. 14 Supplied from inscription B. For the reading of the name Srisma, see introduction, pr 286-57. " This letter can also be read as ia. 16 The subscript letter is damaged, but obviously it was a bha. 17 This portion is conjecturally supplied. Soo introduotion, p. 262.

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INSCRIPTION B
1 सिद्धं (खम् ) [1] कृतेहि (तैः ) २०० ८० २ चैत्रपूर्णमासी (स्या) मस्यां यु (पू) वीया (यां)
264
मह
2 ता स्वशक्ति गुणगुरुणा पौरवेण प्रथमचन्द्रदर्शनमि
3
व मालवगण विषयमवतारयित्वे 'कषष्टिरात्रमति
4 सत्रमपरिमितधर्म्ममात्रं समुद्धृत्य पितृपैतामहिं (हीं) भु
5 रमावृत्य सुविपुलं द्यावापृथिव्योरंतरमनुत्तमेन यश
6 सा स्वकर्मसंप' दया विपुल ( लां) समुपगतामृद्धिमात्मसि -
7
द्धि (सिं) वितस्य मायामिव सत्रभूमौ सर्वकामोषवारा बसोड
8 रामिव म्यूा (ब्रा) ह्मणाग्निवैश्वानरेषु हत्वा ब्रह्मव्रप्रजापतिमह
9 बिंविष्णुस्थाने [ष] कृतावकाशस्य पापनिरवकाशस्य सितस
10 भावसथतो (त) डाककूपवेवायतनयशवा 'नसत्यप्रजावि
11 पुलपालनप्र' संगैः पुराणराजर्षिधर्म्मपद्धती (ति) सत
12 ततसम [ग] मननिश्चयस्य स्वगुणातिशयवि
13 स्तरैर्मनु निर्विशेषमिव भुवि मनुष्यभावं यथार्थम
14 नुभवत इक्ष्वाकुप्रचि "तराजविंवंशे मालव वंशे प्रभूत
15 स्व जयनसंगप्रभाव"वर्द्धनपोत्रस्य जयसोमपुत्रस्य सो
16 पिनेत (तु) ["श्री सोमस्याने "कशतगोसहस्रदक्षिणा [] बुष
1 Read -tary-aika.
s The letter pu is damaged.
The letter pa is damaged.
4 The letter mi is damaged.
The anusvära here is surmounted by a concave semicirole.
• The letter dā is damaged.
• The letters palanaprasaris are damaged.
The letters nuga are damaged.
[VOL. XXVII
⚫ Letters rvise are damaged.
10 Letters Ikshvāku are completely, and prathi, partly, damaged.
1 Letters Prabhagra are completely damaged. For this reading, see the discussion in the introduction,
13 The reading ári is not certain. See the introduction.
18 The traces of ne are certain in the original.
14 The letter go looks more like 45, but there can be no doubt that go was intended,

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17 प्रमत [ शृङ्गविप्र' ]घुष्टचित्यवृक्षयूपसंकटतीर (रे) [पुष्क']
18 रम[तिलम्भभूते स्वधर्म' सेतौ महातडाके यूपत्र [तिष्ठा कृता ।]
NANDSA YUPA INSCRIPTIONS
265
TRANSLATION
(References are to the lines in inscription B.)
Line 1 Be it auspicious! On the full-moon day of (the month) of Chaitra (of the year) 282 by the Krita (era).
Ll. 1-4 On the afore-mentioned (day), king [Sri Jsōma, having caused by means of his valour, remarkable on account of the qualities of his prowess, the great Ekashshtirātra sacrificial session, (a source of) incalculable merit, to descend down to the country of the Malava republic,-(the sacrificial session, which was as welcome) as the sight of the new moon,
Ll. 4-5 having supported the yoke (of administration) descending down from (his) father and grandfather,
Ll. 5-6 having covered (i.e., filled) the ample space between the sky and the earth with his unsurpassable fame,
Ll. 6-7 having made the great prosperity produced by the richness (i.e. excellence) of his karman (i, bravery, ii, religious merit) (appear like the result of) his own spiritual power,
Ll. 7-8 having offered on the sacrificial ground in Agnivaiśvānara fires, Brahmanas (by caste), Vasōr-dhārā oblation series, magical as it were, (as it produces the satisfaction of) the stream of all desires,
Ll. 14-16 a fee of several hundreds of thousands of cows (was offered) by [Śri ?]sōma, the leader of the Sōgis, son of Jayasoma, grandson of Prabhagra(?)vardhana, dancer at victory, born in Malava stock, as famous as the royal stock of the Ikshvākus,
Ll. 12-14 (king [Sri ?] soma), who was experiencing (i.e., having), on account of the extent of his excellent qualities, genuine human qualities in no way different from (i.e. inferior to) (those of) Manu,
Ll. 9-12 who had formed a continuous (ie., standing) resolution to follow the footsteps of the ancient royal sages in connection with the full protection of his subjects, the (construction of) white (ie., splendid) assembly halls and rest-houses, (the digging of) wells and tanks, (the erection of) temples, (the grant of) gifts at sacrifices, and (the telling of) truth, and who had thus left no room for sin,
Ll. 8-9 (and) who had given space (i.e., building sites or lands) to the temples (literally, establishments) of Brahma, Indra, Prajapati, the great sages and Vishnu.
Ll. 16-18 The (stone) yupa pillar (was erected at the end of the sacrificial session) in the great tank, which is a landmark of Dharma, which is (as it were) a censure (i.e., a rival) of Pushkara (lake) and the bank of which is full of yupas of holy trees against which bulls with full youthful vigour scratch their horns.
The letters in the brackets are supplied from the text of the inscription A.
These letters are conjecturaly supplied. See introduction, p. 262.
The word iva in the original is inapplicable in this rendering. For the meaning of this expression, nes introduction, p. 261.
The other meaning of this clause suggested by the double entendre is as follows:- having sacrificed (6.4. offered) to Brahmanas (as pure as) Aguivaiévinara a stream of wealth as it wore, on the sacrificial ground ruagical as it were (as it led to the fulfilment of) the stream of all desires.
The tank may have been excavated by king [8rt 7Jaoma.
XVI-1-5

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266 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXVII Inscription C A Fragmentary Inscription of Mahāsēnāpati Bhattisoma Not far from the yüpa which bears the above inscriptions, there are two other pillars at Nändsā, situated only within a distance of about a quarter of a furlong from it, in the same lake. According to the information supplied by Mr. A. K. Vyas, M.A., Superintendent, Victoris Hall Museum, Udaipur, one of these pillars, which is uninscribed, is undamaged; but the other which was inscribed, was broken into several fragments by a stroke of lightning some years ago. One of these broken pieces has been preserved in the kõtāļi (store room) of the village and the inscription, which is being edited here for the first time, is inscribed upon it. It is unfortunate that other inscribed fragments of the pillar should not have been found. I am editing here the fragmentary record that is available, because even in its present condition it is historically important.
The inscription consists of seven lines of very uneven length. It does not seem very probable that there were any letters to the left of the present first five lines. It would then follow that they were shorter in length than the subsequent lines. How far each line extended to the rigt cannot be ascertained or inferred. Nor do we know whether the inscription began with y tsya, which is the opening word of its present first line. It did extend further than the seventh fire, for we can clearly see the medial matrā signs of the letters of the eighth line.
The engraving of the record is careful, and its letters show the same palæographical peculiarities as those in inscriptions A and B above. It would therefore appear to be not faz rol oved in time from them. Its extant portions contain no date, but we may place it in the 3rd century A. D.
The language is Sanskrit, but there is occasional influence of Prakrit, as in the forms sēnāpatisya and Sõgisya in 1. 8. The record was probably in prose; the word yasya in the first line and gralokāh in the second could, however, well have been the beginning and concluding words of a line of verse.
The first two lines were probably a eulogy of Mahāsānāpati Bhattisoma, as they state that all the worlds were filled by his fame'. The 3rd line reads : sva-dēše Kotiti[rthe], which would show that the fief of Bhattisoma was in the vicinity of Kõțītirtha. The passage probably refers to some of his benefactions at that holy place. There are several Kötītirthas in India in places like Banaras, Mathurā, Kurukshetra and Ujjayini, each of which boasts of one. Which one is intended here is difficult to say. The fourth line [pā]rsvē Salmali-vrikshah refers to a salmali tree in the vicinity of something. Why this tree is mentioned here we do not know. It was not one of the trees out of which & yüpa could be made. The fifth line is tāpas-aśrama-va[na] ; it probably refers to a forest given as an asrama to ascetics. The sixth line probably refers to something done by Bhattisoma for the increase of his family and gotra, and refers to his sons and grandsons. The last line describes Bhattisoma as & Mahäsēnāpati. In contemporary Maukhari, Satavahana and Ikshvāku records, this title seems to denote a feudal chief of considerable importance, ruling over a fairly big district. The same probably was the case with Bhattisoma.
Bhattisõma is further described here as a Sögi. We have seen above that the records of the Mālava chief [Sri ?Jsoma on the yüpa in the tank describe him as a leader of the Sögis. We have already discussed the significance of this term. It would appear that the Sögis were a subclan of the Mālavas and that some of their generals had acquired the leadership of the whole state.
Abovo, Vol. XXIII, p. 47; VOL. VIII, p. 94; and Vol. XIX, p. 1.

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No. 43] NANDSA YUPA INSCRIPTIONS
267 Can we identify Mahāsēnāpati Bhattisoma of this fragmentary record with [Sri?] soma, the hero of the inscriptions A and B of the Nāndsä yüpa ? The question is difficult to answer with certainty, but the probability is that the two personages are identical. It is true that the title Mahäsënā pati is not given to Sri.?]sõma in inscriptions A and B. The records however make it clear that he was a distinguished general, who had a number of victories to his credit, and there is nothing improbable in the Mālavas having formally conferred that title upon (Sri ?]soma in recognition of his great services to the republic. A Yaudhëya record, no doubt about two centuries later in date, shows that the titles Mahārāja and Mahāsēnāpati were conferred upon the highest dignitary of that republic, who was elected to the post.1 [Sri ?} sõma may have got this honour later than 226 A. D., when the Nändsä yüpa records were inscribed. That the fragmentary inscription we are dealing with here was issued late in the life of Sēnāpati Bhattisoma is made clear by its referring in 1. 6 to his sons and grand-sons as well established in life. In favour of the identity of Bhattisoma with [Śri ?]soma, it may be further pointed out (i) that the palaeography of the three records is of the same period (ii) that both [Sri ?]soma and Bhattisoma are described as the leader of the Sögis and that (ii) Śrīsoma is hardly different from Bhattisāma, both Śri and Bhatti being honorific prefixes. Inscriptions A and B refer to [Sri ?]soma's benefactions in favour of gods and sages; the fifth line of the present record, which refers to a forest asrama of ascetics, probably ment ons & similar donation of Bhattisōma: This may also lend additional weight to the view that Mahäsēnāpati Bhattisõma is identical with (Sri ?]sõma.
TEXT
INSCRIPTION O
1
T
2 [#]uitet: [!! - 3 parents petefica] 4 [9] anfech: 0] 5 I (ET) [a] 6 grafara darat(a)? garatasferfosa7 HET ATT feren (wa:) wfgetarialforres ()
#
Fleet, C. I. 1. Vol. III, p. 252. * From ink-impression. • The letter sva looks like me. • The letter pd was probably at the end of the previous line.
The restoration of nd is conjectural.
The turning of the curve for the medial mind to the right is inscriptions A and B. Compare kúpa in A, 1. 4 and B, L. 10.
Lotters Ndrihaith aro oarelosely engraved and tha is rather faint.
peculiarity shared by this inscription with

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268 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXVII No. 44--DOMMARA-NANDYALA PLATES OF PUNYAKUMARA ; 10TH YEAR
(1 Plate)
H. K. NARASIMHASWAMI, OOTACAMUND During my tour in the Jammalamadugu taluk of the Cuddapah District in the year 1940-41, while I was engaged in copying some stone inscriptions in the village Dommara-Nandyāla, some villagers brought the set of copper plates under review to me. They said that several years ago one of their kinsmen, while ploughing a field struck against a sealed earthen pot which contained these plates preserved in paddy-husk. It is remarkable that to this day the plates are quite wellpreserved. The owner of the plates was sorely disappointed when he learnt that the strange record which he thought preserved the secrets of some hidden treasure was merely a document referring to some gift-lands. As the plates were useless to him he readily consented to make a gift of them to the Government Epigraphist's office where they are now preserved. I edit the inscription on the plates with the kind permission of the Government Epigraphist for India.
The set consists of three rectangular copper-plates, each measuring 7" by 27" and strung on to a circular copper ring of about 2" in diameter and made of copper wire " thick with its ends soldered into a circular seal which depicts on its flat surface, in high relief, a rampant lion with a prominent mane and raised left paw. The rims of the plates are slightly raised so as to protect the writing they bear. The plates along with the ring and the seal weigh 704 tolas. For their neat execution with regard to the inscription as well as the seal, these plates show a marked contrast to the Mālēpādu plates,
The initial à is used only once in Atrêya in 1.17. The initial vowel i occurs in Iruga-sarma in 1.15. The forms of k and r, though narrow and elongated, have developed complete loops and may be favourably compared with their forms in the Kendür and the Vakkalēri plates of Kirttivarman II. The slight contrast that these forms bear to their earlier forms with loops still incomplete as in the Jejūri plates of Vinayādityas and their shorter, rounder and therefore more developed forms as in the Eļēru plates of Vijayaditya II', may be noted. The letter b which occurs twice in 1.8 is noteworthy for, it shows the open form which, as will be alluded to in the sequel, gives an indication of the period to which the charter may be assigned. In the Mälēpādu record itself there are both the closed as well as the open forms of this letter--the b in bādhā being of the open type and that in the superscript of abbhir, of the closed type, both occurring in 1.23 of the text. The letter ! is used thrice in the inscription, once in the expression Chõla-Mahärāja" (1.7), and twice in the words Chola and Kerala (1.8). The final form of t and u may be noted in lines 1 and 12 respectively. They are, as usual, cut in a diminutive form.
As regards orthography, the doubling of consonants either before or after a répha, usual in · records of this period, is not observed. Such minor grammatical discrepancies as (i) the wrong
1C. P. No. 35 of 1940-41.
• As instances of copper plates preserved in this manner in ancient times, the Chendalur plates of Kumarsvishpu and the Chendalur plates of Sarvalókäsraya may be cited ; above, Vol. VIII, pp. 233 and 235.
. Above, Vol. XI, plate opp. pp. 338, 344 ff. . Above, Vol. IX, p. 204 ; above, Vol. V, p. 200. "Above, Vol. XIX, p. 64. plate. . Above, Vol. V, p. 120. *Above, Vol. XI, plate opp. p. 345, 1.23.
"The Milēpädu plates of Panyakumara u well as the stone inscriptions of this period belonging to this dynasty invariably use the form Chola.

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DOMMARA-NANDYALA PLATES OF PUNYAKUMARA ; 10TH YEAR
269
use of the visarga, as for example, in nāmaḥ for nāmā (1.5), paurnamāsyāḥ for paurnamāsyāṁ (1.14), dattah for dattam (11. 16, 17, 18, 20, 21 and 22); (ü) the omission of the visarga as in kārina for kārinah (1.4), pāraga for piragal (1.8) and krimi for krimih (1.23); (iii) wrong sandhi as in adhipati tasya for adhipatis-tasya (1.8), Punyakumāra nāma for Punyakumārō nāma (1.12), etc.; (iv) the use of d for t in adma (1.4), the aspirate dhi for the unaspirate in vidhitam (1.13), the unaspirate for the aspirate in vishāyāṁ (1. 23), and a few other errors which have been duly corrected in the body of the text itself may be noted. Except for the invocatory verse at the beginning and the imprecatory verse at the end, the one in the Arya-giti and the other in the Anushtubh metres, the entire record is in Sanskrit prose. The text contains no signs of punctuation anywhere in its body.
Coming to the contents of the record it may be remarked at the outset that the text of these plates is almost identical with that of the Mālēpāļu plates, but for a few variations here and there. The opening verse is in praise of Siva in his form as Lakutapāņi. Nandivarman, described here in terms similar to those used in the Mālēpādu plates, had three sons named Simhavishņu, Sundarananda and Dhananjayavarman, of whom the youngest and the last, viz., Dhanañjayavarman, had a son named Mahēndravarman who acquired or obtained the title Chola-Mahārāja, was well versed in grammar and other sciences, was the lord of the Pandya, Chola and Körala (countries), and possessed many titles such as Muditasilākshara, Navarāma, eto. His son was Guņamudita whose brother was the glorious Punyakumāra who bore the epithets Põrmukharāma, Mārdavachitta, Madanavilāsa, etc., and was the lord of the Hiranyarashtra. The object of the inscription is the grant by Punyakumāra in the 10th year (of his reign), while he was camping at Pudorūr, of lands in the villages Nandigāma and Pasirndikuru to five Brāhmaṇas. The inscription closes with the usual imprecatory verse and mentions towards the end Kottikuntarāja as the writer of the charter. This chief, it may be observed, figures in the Mālēpädu plates as the ajñapli.The record is not
Reference to Siva as Lakutapāņi in this record is of considerable interest. It has been shown by Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar that Lakuli, the last incarnation of god Mahēšvara, could be placed in the first quarter of the 2nd century A.D. and that the worship of Śiva in the form of Lakulisa or Lakutapāņi was prevalent not only in Central India but also in regions as far south as Mysore and as far east as Orissa (An. Rep. Arch. Sur. of India, 1906-07, pp. 179 ff. and J. B. B. R. A. S., Vol. XXII, pp. 151 ff.). The earliest inscriptional reference hitherto known for the Lakulib-pasupata cult in South India is furnished by the Chikballapur plates of the Ganga king Jayatēja of A.D. 810 (Mys. Arch. Rep. for 1914, p. 29 and para, 60). That this cult flourished in the Telugu as well as the Tamil countries further south also is vouched for by references to teachers or pontiffs of this school in inscriptions (above, Vol. XXII, p. 162; An. Rep. on South Indian Epigraphy, 1908, p. 75 ; South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. III, No. 18.; A. R. No. 100 of 1906). But none of these reforences, it may be noted, takes us to a date prior to the 9th century A.D. It will thus be seen that the record under review and the Mälēpádu plates (see f.n. 6 on p. 274) give the earliest epigraphic reference so far known to the worship of Śiva in the form of Lakuţapāņi or Lakulisa in South India. It may not be out of place to quote here a verse which gives the characteristics of the image of Lukulīša from Visva. karmavataravāstusüstra, a Ms. in the Dekkan College Library, cited by Dr. Bhandarkar.
Na(La)kulisam urdhvamëdhram
padmāsana-susamsthitam dakshiņë mätalingam cha
vámē dandan prakirttitam ||
Dr. Bhandarkar has also cited several images answering to this description, but all thoso sculptures are confined to Central India ; and, so far as I know, no image of Lakuļisa or Lakutapani has come to light in South India.
1 Above, Vol. XI, pp. 339 and 345; the chief's name which was read as Kottikuldaraja can be clearly read as Kottikuntaraja as in the record under review. The name Kottikunta sounds very much like a place name and it is possible that the chief derived his name from the region over which he wielded authority or the place be hailed from; but I am unable at present to identify any place in the region which conforms to this name.

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270 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXVII dated. As in the case of the Mālēpādu plates, the date of this inscription can only be approximately fixed, mainly on palaeographical considerations.
In his learned article on the Mālēpādu platest my father, the late Rao Bahadur H. Krishna Sastri has assigned that charter, on palaeographical and other considerations, to about the end of the 8th century A.D. While discussing the palaeography of the plates under review it has been shown that the forms of the letters in this record compare well with the forms of those of the Kendur and the Vakkalëri plates of Kirttivarman II. The open form of b to which attention has already been drawn calls for some remarks. The short vertical stroke inside the closed form of the letter found in records as early as Saka 500 onwards is perhaps a precursor of the loop with which the open form of this letter begins. This stroke which persists in the Kendür plates referred to above is already seen to assume the rudimentary loop noticeable in the Vakkalēri plates. But it must be borne in mind that all these forms are only transitional stages from the closed form found for this letter in earlier records leading to its open form as it occurs in the inscription under review. It is true that this letter retains its closed form in a dated copper-plate grant of Rashtrakūta king Govinda III (A.D. 804) which has been the basis for Dr. Fleet's theory that the later cursive form of this letter which can be traced back to the time of Amõghavarsha I cannot however be carried back to an earlier date than A.D. 804. If this were really so, the present record will have to be assigned to a date posterior to A.D. 804, a date somewhat later than that assigned for the Mälēpādu plates. Now, except for this single letter , all other test letters and especially kh, I and j still retain their earlier forms in this as well as in the Mälēpādu plates, and it may be observed that in their execution both these records show a moro archaic type of writing than that found in the Rashtrakūta record cited above. Their palucography may be favourably compared with that of the Kendür and Vakkalēri plates of Kirttivarman II and they may be, therefore, assigned roughly to the same date viz., the middle of the 8th century A.D. It will be seen in the sequel and from the synchronistic table appended hereto that this date fits in very well with the contents of the record. As for the cursive form of b that we have in the record under review, we have indeed a case here answering that cited by Dr. Bühler of the occurrence of numerous cursive forms together with very archaic ones, both in the Asöka edicts and also in later inscriptions. The charter being dated in the 10th regnal year of Punyakumara, the initial year of the king might be fixed at c. 740 A.D. Assigning arbitrarily a reign of 15 years for his brother Guņamudita who preceded him and a reign of 25 years, as usual, to Mahendravarman and again a period of 15 years to each one of the three brothers Simhavishnu, Sundarananda and Dhananjayavarman--for it is said of them that they enjoyed the fortunes of the kingdom (i.e., ruled) in succession--and 25 years to Nandivarman, we get for the initial year of this king the year c. 630. The Pallava and the Chalukya contemporaries who were reigning at this period were Narasimhavarman I and Pulakësin II. The names of Nandivarman's BUOOBssors Sinhavishnu, Mahēndravarman and Guņamudita at once bring to our mind the names of Narasimhavishnu, Mahendravarman and Paramēśvaravarman I (Gunabhājana) of the Pallava family.
Above, Vol. XI, pp. 337 ff. * Ind. Ant., Vol. X, plato opp. p. 58.
Above, Vol. V. p. 202, 11.16, 16, 17, 18, 52, 56, etc., on plates opp. p. 202. . Above, Vol. III, p. 163.
Compare platos on p. 126, Ind. Ant., Vol. XI. • Thid., Vol. XXXIII App. 30, Seot. 14. -

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No. 44]
DOMMARA-NANDYALA PLATES OF PUNYAKUMARA; 10TH YEAR
271
TELUGU CHOLAS
PALLAVAS
CHALUKYAS
Simbavishnu c.575-600-A.D.
Mahēndravarman I
c.600-630 A.D.
Pulakēsin II 609-642 A.N.
Nandivarman c.630-655 A.D.
Narasimhavarman I (Narasimha vishnu)
c.630-668 A.D.
Simhavishņu c. 665-670 A.D.
Sundarananda c.670-685 A.D.
Dhananjayn c. 685-700 A.D.
Mahendravarman II
c.668-670 A.D.
Vikramaditya I 655-680 A.D.
Paramēśvaravarman I
Gunabhājana c.670-690 A.D.
Vinayaditya 680-696 A.D.
Mahēndravarman
c. 700-725 A.D.
Narasimhavarman II
c.690-715 A.D.
96.716 ADI
Vijayāditya 696-733 A.D.
09
D.
Paramēsvaravarman II
c. 715-731 A.D.
Vikramaditya II 734-747 A.D.
Gunamudita c.725-740 A.D.
Punyakumira .740; c.745 ; c.750 A.D.
Nandivarman IT (From Historical Inscriptions
of Southern India.]
Kirttivarman II 747 A.D., 757 A.D. [From Dr. Fleet's Tables.]
Málēpādu plates, 5th year. * Dommara-Nandyala plates, 10th year, *Seo f. n. 4, pago 272.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXVII
The similarity of names and titles assumed by the three generations of these Chola kinge to those of the Pallava monarchs of this period only shows, as has been pointed out by Mr. Krishna Sastri, an undefined relationship between members of these two dynasties. If it meant any relationship of a political nature, the omission of its mention in the records of either the one or the other dynasty is very unusual. If, on the other hand, it implied any matrimonial relationship between these two families, all the records hitherto known of both these families are silent about it. It may be recalled that it was Choļa Mahēndravarman that acquired the title of Choļa-Mahārāja. The possible reason for his apparent bid for independence is perhaps to be sought for in the great political upheaval that occurred at this period on account of the wars between the Pallavas and the Chāļukyas. Or more probably it may be that Mahendravarman obtained or was bestowed with (pariprāpta) this title by the then suzerain power which wielded authority over the tract held by the Chöļa kings. Which could this power be ? By their proximity and their great strength the Pallavas must have undoubtedly made their influence felt over these Telugu Chola kings. The assumption of names or titles similar to those of the Pallava monarchs by these kings already alluded to makes this inference obvious. It is likely that the powerful king Paramēs varavarman I conferred this title of Chõla-Mahārāja on Mahendravarman whose predecessors were mere nripatis. Instances of subject or subordinate chiefs raised to a higher status or allowed to retain their royal preroga. tives and privileges by the suzerain power are not wanting in the history of the South Indian ruling families. The Penukonda plates of Madhavavarman (II) specifically state that the Pallava kings, Simhavarman and qis son Skandavarman installed the Ganga kings Āyyavarman and his son Mädhava Mahadhiraja respectively, allowing the latter to retain his royal titles. Sivamāra II, a later king of the same dynasty who is also said to have been crowned by his Rashtrakūta and Pallava suzerains bears all the paramount titles characteristic of his family. The Bâņas though figuring as a subordinate power, are invariably characterised by their titles Mahābali Bānarāja or Bāņādhirāja.
Of Guņamudita, the elder son of Mahendravarman, nothing is known. It was during the reign of Paramokvaravarman II that the power of the Pallavas was completely eclipsed by the Chāļukyan onslaught under Vijayāditya, his son Vikramaditya II and the latter's son Kirttivarman II. The reign of Punyakumara, the brother of Guņamudita, probably coincided with the fall of the Pallava power; and with the conquering power of the Chāļukyas situated far away to wield any effective authority over the conquered territory, he probably found it conducive to rule as an independent king. He now calls himself lord of the Hiranyarashtra'. His authority over this territory while issuing the Mālēpādu charter five years prior to this grant was implied as he is then said to have addressed the subjects of his territory along with those of Hiranyarashtra.
It is evident that the territorial division of Hiranyarashtra must have included in it parts at least of the present Jammalamadugu and the Prodduţūru taluks inasmuch as the villages Nandigama, Pasimdikuşu and Pudoruru mentioned in the record can all be identified as shown in the sequel, with villages bearing more or less similar names in these two taluks, though, it must be admitted, there is no definite statement in the record that the villages wherein the gift lands lay
1 Above, Vol. XIV, p. 335. * Ep. Carn., Vol. IX, N1. 60, p. 47. . Abovo, Vol. V, p. 50; ibid., Vol. XI, pp. 224. etc.
An inscription of the Western Chalukya king Vijayaditya copied recently at Ulchal in the Kurnool District by Mr. N. Lakshminarayan Rao, is dated in his 35th regnal year and refers to an expedition undertaken by Yuvarája Vikramaditya, son of Vijayaditya, against Pallava Paramé varavarman (II). This obviously is Vikramaditya's first attack on Kanchi. His two subsequent expeditions against his hereditary foes are thoso mentioned in the Vakksleri plates of his son Kirttivarman (abovo, Vol. V, pp. 200 f.).

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DOMMARA-NANDYALA PLATES OF PUNYAKUMARA; 10TH YEAR
273
were situated in this territory of the three villages, the first and the last are situated on the northern bank of the river Pennar while the second, identified with the village Paidēla, is on the southern bank of the Kundern, a tributary of the Pennär. It is strikingly singular that neither of these rivers is mentioned in the record. The only other inscription which mentions Hiranyarishtra is, as far as I know, the Mālēpadu plates which state that the village Biripāsu wherein the gift lands were situated, lay in Hiranyarashtra and was on the southern bank of Suprayogā. Basing his conclusions on the probable identity of this village with Billupādu situated about 4 miles to the south of Pennar in the Atmakur taluk of the Nellore District, the late Rao Bahadur C. R. K. Charlu surmised that this territorial division must have included in it the northern and the western parts of the present Nellore District. Mr. M. S. Sarma has pointed out that the river Suprayogā identified with Pennār must have formed a natural boundary between the Mundarashtra on the north and the Hiranyarashtra on the south, as the villages Uruvupalle and Biriparu, the one situated in the former and the other in the latter of these territorial divisions, lay on the river's northern and the southern banks respectively. But if the identification of the villages mentioned in the record under review is correct, it clearly points out that Hiraṇyarashtra extended even to the north of the river, in fact more in this direction than towards its south. In his Notes on the Ancient Political Geography of South India', while attempting to fix the boundaries of Mundarashtra, my colleague Mr. M. Venkataramayya, M.A., has identified the river Suprayoga
Above, Vol. XI, p. 339. An inscription of Rashtrakūta Krishna III (A.D. 939-968) from Pushpagiri in the Cuddapah District has been cited as furnishing yet another reference to this province (J.O. R., Vol., XI, p. 363). The inscription is in Kannada and the relevant portion construed as referring to this territory reads as follows
1. 15 int-i dharmavan-ara.
16 [num honna madi Muļuki 17 nädanāļdu maharajyam 18 geyvaru i dharmavanu kam19 disade nadasidade, etc.
(8. 1. 1., Vol. IX, Part I, No. 69.) On examining the impression of the epigraph, the words honna muli are unmistakably clear. As it is, the reading presents some syntactical difficulties which, however, can be got over by considering the words i dharmavann repeated in 1.18 as redundant, and taking the expression horns midi to mean having made fruitful(?)'. But the usage of this phrase in this sense seerns to be very rare. If honna widi is to be considered a mistake for Honna. vadi, we have certainly a territorial division of this name in this tract which could no doubt have formed part of the aneient Hiranyarashtra inasmuch as Pushpagiri irr the Cuddapah taluk is not far removed from that part of the Jammalamadugu taluk which we now definitely know formed part at least of this territorial division. But the evidence afforded by this record for establishing the identity sought between Hiranyarashtra and Honnavādi, taking the latter as a vernacular rendering of the former, is unsatisfactory not only on account of the uncertainty of the interpretation of the readings, as we have already observed, in the epigraph but also for the great disparity in date between the two records.
An. Rep. on 8.1. Epigraphy, 1935-36, p. 56. Journal of the Madras University, 1940, p. 140.
The main reason adduced by Mr. Surma for identifying Suprayoga with Pennar seems to be that Mundarashtra of which the former forms the southern boundary corresponded with the Kovur taluk of the Nellore District and Pennar being the only prominent river flowing through this tract, it (Suprayoga) could, without any hesitation, be safely identified with the Pennar'. The evidence cited from the various Puranas in support of this identification presents certain difficulties in our accepting it. All the rivers according to these Puranas are said to have originated from the Sahyadri. Mr. X. Lakshminarayan Rao kindly drew my attention to the fact that the river Pennár takes its origin not in the Sahyadri which is usually identified with the Western Ghats, but in the small hill-range round the Nandi-bills in the Kolar District of the Mysore plateau. These bills are no doubt far removed and isolated from the Western Chats and could hardly be considered as part of these Ghats though perhaps, in the days when these Puranas were composed, they were included in the Sahyadri or possibly the composers of the Puranus inadvertantly made a mis-statement in saying that this river, viz., Suprayoga, alung with the other well-known rivers, took its origin in the Sahyadri. XVI-1-5

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[VOL. XXVII with Pennar and the villages Uruvupalle, Kenḍukura, Karupura and Kondamuruvudu of the Uruvupalli plates with villages of similar names like Ulavapalle, Gollakandukuru, etc., evidently on the phonetic similarity of names. While the identification of the river Suprayoga with Pennar may be accepted for reasons pointed out by Mr. Venkataramayya, it is doubtful if the identity of the villages could be upheld-unless we consider the river to have changed its course-for the mere fact that the modern Ulavapalle identified with the Uruvupalli of the plates lies to the south of the river whereas the inscription definitely mentions the river as the southern boundary of the village or in other words, the village was located on the northern bank of the river. It is not unlikely that Mundarashtra extended on the southern side of the Pennär also. For, if the identification made by Mr. Venkataramayya of the village Pikira situated in Mundarashtra with the village Pigilam in the Venkatagiri Division of the Nellore District be accepted, it would be obvious that this territorial division extended far to the south of the river Pennar. And this surmise is strengthened if Takkulam, a village referred to as situated in Mandainaḍuprobably a mistake for Muṇḍainadu-in an inscription at Chikavõlu, a hamlet of Erraguntapalem in the Rapur taluk, could be identified with the village Chikavõlu itself which also lies to the south of the river Pennår. It is thus obvious that the river Suprayoga identified with Pennar runs through the territories of Hiranyarashtra and Mundarashtra whose boundaries however cannot yet be conclusively fixed with the material now available.
Of the place names occurring in the grant, the villages Nandigama and Pasindikuru wherein the gift lands were situated may be identified with Dommara-Nandyala, the find-spot of the plates and Paidēla (Paidi being a corruption of Pasindi) situated about 15 miles to the north of Proddaturu, and Pudorür wherein Punyakumara is stated to have encamped is, in all probability, identical with Proddaṭūru itself.
TEXT First Plate
1 Om
Svasti śrimat [*] Jayati dhṛita-chandrarekhad(kham)-vipul-mala-tārakā-su
2 bha[in] lōke [*] gaganam-iva suprasannam vapur-apratimai Lakuṭapaneḥ [*] Dinakara-ku
3 la-Mandarachala-Mandara-padapasya Kavi(vē)ratanaya-vel-ōlagha(llangha)na-prasa
4 mana-pramukh-idy-anēka(k-)tidaya-kāriṇa[b] trairajya-sthitim-idma(tm)
5 vat-kritavatah Karikálasy-invayê Nandivarma-namaḥ(mā) nṛipatir-abhavat-tasya tray[8*=] sū
6 navah Sinhavishy[a]-8n laca auds Dh[ns Jijayavarm-titshämma(m=å)nupārv anubhūta-rajya
7 ariyah] kaniyas Dhananjayavarmayah putraḥ paripeäpta-Chōla-Mahārāja
1 Ind. Ant., Vol. V, p. 50.
1 Journal of Oriental Research, Vol. XII, p. 361.
Inscriptions of the Nellore District, Vol. III, p. 1216, R. 8.
From the original plates.
Expressed by a symbol.
This verse is identically the same in the Malēpāḍu plates also, and portions of it in that (Mälēpādu) record which could not be made out precisely then due to the corroded state of the plates, can now be emended or restored in the light of the readings afforded by the record under review. But even then the verse is defective and with the emendations suggested in the body of the text itself it may be translated as follows:
May the bright and matchless form of Lakutapāņi (Siva), adorned with the crescent-moon and auspicious on account of the wide, spotless pupils (of its eyes), comparable to the sky (which is similarly) crescent-adorned, expansive, spotless, starry, bright and matchless, be victorious in this world'. The Malapadu plates correctly read atmasalRead Dhananjayavarma ch➡éli.

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DOMMARA-NANDYALA PLATES OF PUNYAKUMARA, 10TH YEAR.
2 4
ਵੀ ਉਹਨਾਂ ਨੂੰ ਰਾਤ ਨੂੰ A ) ਨ ਨ ਨੂੰ ਦੋ ਹਨ , ਏ ਸੀ
ਨ ਰਾ , '' ਨੇ 37 ਸਾਲ 2024 ਹ ਸ ਕ ਲਦਨ ਦੇ ੨ ੭ ॥ ੧॥ ਰ ॥
h,1.
10
ਦੇ ਨੋ
ਟ • ਨਦੀਪ ਭੀ ਤਾਂ 26 7 ਹੋਰ ਹੋਰ ਵਰਤ ਰਾਤਾ Cਰ ) , ਰ -- in ਝਾਨ ਨਵਰ ੫
॥ 3 4 9) in 1 : 03 ਰ ਰ ) ਦੇ 16 ਦੇ 10 ਓ ਮ ਪ ) ਅ ਹ ਤ : i ) 3 : ਤ ਜ ਨਵਾਂ ਹੈ ਤੇ ਨਸ਼ਾ । ਨਿਤ ਨੇ 29
12
ਕੇ 14 75
| 18
16
-
ਕੇ , ਉਸ ਉੱਤੇ ਰੱਖ 2 - ਛਾਂ
ਹੈ :) 5 6 ਚਲਾ ੪ਨ ਨੂੰ
ਵਿਸਾਨਣe S5) 1854 ਵਾਲਾ੧੪੪੯ ਪਛੁ ਪਇਲ ਚ 'ਜ਼) 48, “ ਪ
ਵਨ
18
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.
SCALE: NINE-TENTHS.
B. CH. CHHABRA. RE. No. 3977 E:38-49s 49.

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? :: ਹਨ 5 ਸਾਲਾਂ 'ਚ 135 ੪੦ ਨੂੰ ਨਜਰ
:* | ਮਨ ਨੇ ਮਾਣ ਨੂੰ ਨਾਲਾ : ਖੋ ਖੋ | 22 } - ਮੁੱਨੇ ਨੂੰ y ( 3 ਜਾਵੇ ,
Seal
From a photograph

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No. 44] DOMMARA NANDYALA PLATES OF PUNYAKUMARA ; 10TH YEAR 275
Second Plate; First Side 8 sabdaḥ sabdasastra-vidy-ānēka-pāraga[h*) Pandya-Chöļa-Kēraļānām-ä(m=a)dhipati ta(s=ta) 9 sya sri-Muditasilākshara Navarām-ady-anēka-namadhěya[sya*] Mahendravarmanaḥ 10 putraḥ Guņamudito nama nsipatir=abhavat-tasya priyabhrātārah Põrmu11 kharama-Panyakumara-Mārdavachitta-Madanavilās-ådymanēka-na12 na'madhéyasya sriman Punyakumāra(ro) nāma Hiranyarashtr-adhipati[h*] sva-ra13 shtra-na(ni)vāsinājñāpayitvā vidhi(di)tam=astu võ=smābhih daśa[mē*) varshē Pudo
Second Plate ; Second Side 14 sūr-adbivasati(dbhi)ḥ Phalgunyām paurņamāsyah(syäm) Nandigama-grāmēt uttara15 disā(si) rājamānē[na*) kshētram dattam [l*l Gaundilya(Kauņdinya ?)-gotrasya Iruga
sarmaņa-putra-Dévasa16 rmanah rājamānē[na*] pañchadaśam kshếtram dattah(ttaṁ) [l*] Bhiradvāja-gotra
Mādisarmaṇaḥ-7 17 putra-Kavilasarmanah rajamano na*) pañchadasamkshētram dattah(ttam) [l*]
Ātra(trē)ya-go18 tra-Kondisarmaņa'-putra-Döņaśarmaṇaḥ r ājamānē na*) pañchadasaṁ kshetram
dattah(ttam) [l*] Gau19 ndilya(Kaundinya ?)-gõtra-Mārisarmaṇaḥ-putrah-Duggaśarmanah rājamānē[na*) pañcha
dasar kshe
Third Plate 20 tra[m*) dattah(ttan) [l*] Pasimdikuru-nāma-grāmē dakshinadiśā(4i) rājamānē na*) pamcha
daśam kshē21 tram dattah(ttar) [l*] Bharadvāja-götra- Dēvasarmaņaho-putrah - Vēdisarmanah
rājamānēsna*) pañcha22 daśam kshetram dattah(ttan) [*] Sva-dattām paradattim vã vo(yo) harēti(ta) vasuddha
(ndha)rām[!*] shashtim varsha23 sahasrāņi vishtā(thūlyām jāyatē krimi[h*] Kottikuntarāja-likhitah(tar) [*]
. TRANSLATION Lines 1-2.- A verse in praise of Lakutapani (see f.n. 6, p. 274).
11. 2-5.- In the lineage of Karikala (who was like) the Mandāra tree on the hill) Mandarachala which was the solar race, who was famed for many astounding deeds like the stopping of the overflow of the river Kävēri (the daughter of Kavērn), etc., who made the Trairijyrsthiti as his own, was born a king named Nandivarman.
1 Read priyabhrala . The syllable nå is repeated unnecessarily here.
Read namadhēyah . Read niväsina ajapnyati . The sandhi has not been observed here. • The syllablo na is redundant. 7 The syllablo nah or in redundant. • The visarga is redundant.

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[Vol. XXVII
11. 5-9.- His three sons were Simhavishņu, Sundarananda and Dhananjayavarman who enjoyed in succession the fortune of (their) kingdom ; of them the last (was) Dhananjayavarman whose son (was) Mahendravarman who had acquired the title of Chöļa-Maharaja, who was well-versed in grammar and other sciences, who was the overlord of the Pandya, Chola and Kerala (countries), and who bore the titles Muditasilākshara, Navarama and many others.
11. 10-13.-His son was king Gunamudita whose dear brother was Punyakumara who had several names such as Põrmukharāma, Punyakumāra, Mārdavachitta, Madanavilasa, etc., and who was the lord of the Hiranyarashtra. (He, Punyakumāra) orders the inhabitants of his territory.
11. 13-14. --Be it known to you that we, in the 10th year (of our reign), while camping at Pudorür, in the month of Phälguna, on the day of Paurņamāsi, endowed land by the royal measure in and to the north of the village Nandigama.
11. 15-22.-To Dēvasarman, son of Irugasarman, of the Gaundilya(Kaundinya ?) götra, 50 (units) by royal measure.
To Kavilasarman, son of Madisarman, of the Bhāradvāja götra, 50 (units) by royal measure. To Donaśarman, son of Kondisarman, of the Ātrēya götra, 50 (units) by royal measure.
To Duggasarman, son of Mārisarman of Gaundilya(Kaundinya ?) götra, 50 (units) by royal measure. And in and to the south of the village Pasimạikuru, 50 units by the royal measure to Vēdisarman, son of Dēvasarman, of the Bhāradvāja gotra.'
11. 22-23.-Imprecatory verse. (This is) written by Kottikuntarāja.
No. 45-KONI INSCRIPTION OF KALACHURI PRITHVIDEVA II ; K. E. 900
(1 Plate)
V. V. MIRASHI, NAGPUR This inscription is edited here from an excellent ink impression which I owe to the kindness of Dr. B. Ch. Chhabra, Government Epigraphist for India.
The inscription was discovered at Koni, a small village on the left bank of the Arpā, about 12 miles south by east of Bilaspur, the chief town of the Bilaspur District in the Chhattisgarh Division of the Central Provinces. The circumstances of its discovery are stated in the following note kindly supplied by Dr. Chhabra.
"Early in November 1945, I received information, almost simultaneously from the following three gentlemen, Pt. L. P. Pandeya, Raigarh, Mr. P. L. Gupta, Bilaspur, respectively Honorary Secretary and Joint Honorary Secretary of the Mahakosala Historical Society, and Mr. G. L. Kumar, Executive Engineer, Public Works Department, Bilaspur, to the effect that a stone slab bearing & finely engraved longish inscription had then been dug up at an ancient site, not far from the village of Koni, about 12 miles from Bilaspur. Subsequently I visited the place on the 8th January, 1946, in company with Mr. G. L. Kumar, Mr. K. L. Agnihotri, President of the Mahakosala Historical Society, and Dr. B. P. Mishra, Principal, S. B. R. Arts College, Bilaspur. Up to the village of Darri on the left bank of the river Arpa, 74 miles from Bilaspur in the easterly direction, we drove in a truck. Further on, to reach the site, we walked about 5 miles, almost following the river downstream, passing the villages of Lāwar and Koni on the way. The site with a black granito Siva linga prominently standing in the centre, then recently exposed, lies about milo west of Koni. At that point the river takes a graceful bend towards the south, thus providing an excellent site for a sanctuary. The one that stood there in the 12th century was a Siva temple, as indicateil by the surviving liriga. The temple is referred to in the inscription by the special designation of the type, Sivaparichayatana. The site consists of a small mound strewn over with

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No. 45] KONI INSCRIPTION OF KALACHURI PRITHVIDEVA II ; K. E. 900 277 brickbats. The protruding bricks had attracted the attention of some villagers who started digging there and laid bare the linga, the inscribed slab and a number of sculptures. Among the latter I saw two images, one of Vishnu and the other of Sürya, and a couple of lintels each with a figurine of Ganēsa in the centre and some carvings on either side."
The inscription is incised on a stone measuring 3' 5' broad and 1' 10" high. It consists of 28 lines, each of which is 3' 3-2" long except the last one which measures only 1.2" long. The record is in a good state of preservation except in the last three lines where a few aksharas here and there are now damaged. Most of these aksharas can, however, be restored conjecturally from the context as well as from the traces left behind.
The characters are Nāgari. The record is well written and engraved, but in both writing and engraving a few mistakes have reinained unnoticed. The average size of letters is .4". As shown below, the present inscription was incised only twenty years after the Sarkhổ plates were issued by Ratnadēva II in K. 880, but its charaeters in some cases show considerable development over those of the latter record. As regards individual letters, attention may be drawn to the form of the initial i consisting of two curves, one below the other, which are still unconnected; the upper one is as in the Sarkh8 plates, but the lower one is shaped differently, see iha, 1. 12 and idam-, 1. 24 ; initial e has a form similar to that of p with this difference that its vertical stroke on the right is not lengthened below the base, see états, 1. 23; medial u is, in some cases, indicated by a curve attached to the middle of the vertical and turned downwards, see sahasradyutir, l. 26; medial é and o are generally indicated by prishthamātrās, but in the case of ai and au one of the mātrās appears on the top ; in such aksharas as ku, kri and kra, k has an unlooped form, see akuntha-, 1.2; a-sakit-, 1. 2; and krida-, 1. 25; subscript g of the conjunct gg appears almost like n, see ggämbhiryam, 1. 16; # is still without its dot, see -ottunga-rangat-, 1. 2; the conjunct nn is indistinguishable from Il, see vinirnnaya., 1. 17; subscript this placed horizontally exactly like subscript chh, see kar-Odara-stham, 1.3; dh has developed a horn on the left which now clearly distinguishes it from u, but it is still without the horizontal stroke at the top and the two vertical strokes of dha are still joined by a bar in the middle, see dharmma-murttih, 1.6 and sudhā-srishtih, 1. 10; v and b are written alike in all cases not excepting even the form babhūva; the left limb of the palatal has now assumed the modern Nägari form, see Sivāya, 1. 1. Thé avagraha is used to denote the elision of a in karttan'tha, 1. 19 and manye-'mushmin-, 1.23. The vertical dash is used at the end of several lines to denote an incomplete word.
The language is Sanskrit. Except Oń namah Sivāya in the beginning and the mention of the date and the ruling king at the end, the record is metrically composed throughout. There are, in all, 38 verses, all of which are numbered. The record is composed in a verbose style full of hyperbolical expressions, well-known from the records of later periods. The poet shows considerable command over the language, though here and there one comes across a grammatical solecism or a metrical irregularity. See, e.g., adhiropyata in l. 21 for adhyarõpyata. Lakhamă in l. 15 should be Lakhmā to suit the Mālini metre of the verse. As regards orthography, the consonant follow. ing ris reduplicated in many cases, see, e.g., karnna-, 1.2; the dental 8 is occasionally used for the palatal & as in sikhara-, 1. 2; y is used for j in paurusha-yushän, 1. 15; n is used for ñ in panchayatanam, and for anusvāra in vidhvansa- both in I. 23. As stated before, v is used for b throughout. Finally, in nihkan taka, 11. 18 and 19, the visarga takes the place of sh.
The inscription refers itself to the reign of Prithvidēva II who belonged to the Ratanpur branch of the Kalachuri dynasty. The object of it is to record the construction of a five-shrined
Some mistakes were corrected subsequently, see, e.g., the anusvåra on the second nå in durjjanānam, 1.6, has been oan oolled and the word darhda which was at first omitted was incined subsequently in ll. 19-20.
Above, Vol. XXII, pp. 169 f. See especially the forms of i, di and S.

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[VOL. XXVII
[temple of Siva by Purushottama, a minister plenipotentiary (Sarvadhikarin) of Prithvidēva's father and predecessor, Ratnadēva II, and the grant of some land in honour of the gods installed in the temple and to a Bramhana named Vasudeva.
The record is dated in the year 900 (expressed in decimal figures only) of an unspecified era, without any further details such as month, fortnight, tithi and week-day. The date must evidently be referred to the Kalachuri era which was current in that period in Chhattisgarh. It falls in the reign of Prithvidēva II whose known dates range from K. 8901 to K. 915. Verse 35 mentions a solar eclipse, on the occasion of which Prithvidēva II granted a village to the minister Purushōttama. No year is mentioned in connection with this eclipse, but supposing that it occurred in the same year in which the present record was put up, we get some data for verification. I have shown elsewhere that the epoch which satisfactorily explains all later dates of the Kalachuri era is A. D. 247-48 and that the Kalachuri year began on the 1st tithi of the bright fortnight of the purnimanta Kärttika. According to this epoch the year 900 mentioned in the present inscription will have to be taken as current; for there was a solar eclipse in the current Kalachuri year 900 (corresponding to A.D. 1147-48), which occurred on the purnimanta Vaisakha amācāsya (20th April A.D. 1148), while in the expired Kalachuri year 900 (A.D. 1148-49) there was no solar eclipse at all. The date may therefore be said to be regular. This is one of the few later dates of the Kalachuri era, mentioning a current year.
After four mangala slokas in praise of Šiva, his vahana (the bull Nandi), the goddess of speech and Ganapati, the author states in one verse the importance of having a poetical record of one's achievements. He then proceeds to state the pedigree of the ruling king Prithvidēva II from his great-grandfather Prithvidēva I who is called the lord of Tummana. The description of this king as also of his son Jajalladeva I and grandson Ratnadeva II is mainly conventional. The only historical event referred to is the defeat which a king of Kalinga suffered for the first time at the hands of Ratnadēva II. The reference is evidently to the defeat which that Kalachuri king inflicted on the mighty Ganga king Anantavarman Chōdaganga and which is mentioned in several records of his descendants."
With verse 14 begins the genealogy of Purushottama who erected the temple of Siva recorded in the present inscription. His ancestor Sōdhadeva belonged to a Brahmaṇa family which served the Kalachuri princes for several generations. Sodhadeva was appointed Minister by Prithvidēva I (v. 15). His son was Nimbadeva. He and his wife Lakhamā (Lakshmi) are glorified in three verses (vv. 16-18). Their son was Purushottama who was appointed to the post of Sarvadhikarin (Minister Plenipotentiary) by Ratnadeva II. He is eulogised in as many as eight verses. We are told that all kings having been subdued by the policy or prowess of this minister, the king Ratnadeva II was able to rule without any trouble.
1 This date is furnished by the Daikoni plates still unpublished, of which a set of ink impressions has been kindly supplied to me by the Government Epigraphist.
This date occurs in the Ratanpur stone inscription of Brahmadeva. See Hiralal's Inscriptions in C.P. and Berar, 2nd ed., p. 127.
See my article Epoch of the Kalachuri-Chedi Era', above, Vol. XXIV, pp. 116 ff.
Another solar eclipse had occurred just before the commencement of that Kalachuri year, on the amaväsyä of the purnimanta Kärttika (26th October A.D. 1147).
5 The original epoch of the Kalachuri era was A.D. 248-49 which suits early dates of the era found in Gujarat and Northern Maharashtra as shown by me elsewhere (A.B.O.R.I., Vol. XXVII, pp. 1 f.). That epoch does not suit later dates of the era and would not at all suit the date of the present inscription; for according to that epoch the solar eclipse should have occurred in A.D. 1148-49 if the year 900 was current and in A.D. 1149-50 if it was expired. But in neither of these years was there any solar eclipse.
Tummana was the earlier capital of the Kalachuris in Dakshina Kõsala. That Prithvidēva I was ruling at Tummana is known from line 28 of his Amoda plates, above, Vol. XIX, p. 80.
See, e.g., the Ratanpur stone inscription of Prithvidēva II, dated V. 1207, above, Vol. I, pp. 45 ff.; the Mallär stone inscription of Jajalladeva II, dated K. 919, above, Vol. I, pp. 39 ff.; the Pendrabandh plates of Pra tapamalla, above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 1 ff., etc.

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No. 45]
KONI INSCRIPTION OF KALACHURI PRITHVIDEVA II; K. E. 900
Verse 26 mentions the exploits of Purushottama. He conquered the Khimmindi Mandala, made the Talahari Mandala attractive, punished Dandapura, subjugated Khijjinga, killed Haravōhu and threatened the ruler of Dandabhukti. It may be noted that some of these countries are also mentioned in a fragmentary verse eulogising the Kalachuri king Jajalladeva I, which occurs in his Ratanpur stone inscription dated K. 866. Jajalladeva is said to have received annual tributes from the rulers of Dakshina Kōsala, Andhra, Khimidi, Vairāgara, Lañjikā, Bhāpāra, Talahari, Dandakapura, Nandavali and Kukkuta. It will be noticed that Khimidi, Talahari and Dandapura are common to the two lists of countries. It may therefore be conjectured that Purushottama took a prominent part in the expeditions of Jajalladeva I against the rulers of these three countries. The present inscription no doubt states that Purushottama was made Sarvadhikarin by Ratnadēva II, but that does not necessarily imply that he first came into prominence during that king's reign. He may have held the office of a minister under Jäjalladeva I also, and may have distinguished himself during that king's wars. Of these three countries Talahari Mandala was probably the name of the southern portion of the Bilaspur tahsil and the adjoining portion of the Janjgir tahsil. Jajalladeva's conquest of Talahari is mentioned in some other records of the period. Khimminḍi or Khimidi may be the modern Kimedi Zamindari in the Ganjam District. Jajalladēva I's expedition against this country which probably owned the suzerainty of the Eastern Gangas may have provoked Anantavarman Chodaganga into launching his invasion of the Kalachuri kingdom during the reign of Jajalladeva's son and successor Ratnadeva II. Nothing is known about the expedition against Dandakapura. That it was different from Dandabhukti is clear from the separate mention of the latter in v. 26.
279
The remaining three events mentioned in-v. 26 may have occurred during the reign of Ratnadēva II. The first two of these, viz., the subjugation of Khijjinga and the slaying of Haravōhu, are not known from any other source, but the third one, viz., the intimidation of the lord of Dandabhukti, may have happened during the expedition against the Gauda king which Ratnadev II launched probably soon after inflicting a crushing defeat on Anantavarman Chōdaganga. This expedition is mentioned in several records of Vallabharaja who was a feudatory of both Ratnadēva II and Prithvideva II. Vallabharaja is said to have fought valiantly in the presence of his lord (Ratnadēva II) and captured many elephants in the enemy's city. This invasion of the Gauḍa kingdom is probably referred to also in the Ramacharita of Sandhyakaranandin. From v. 133 of Canto IV of that kavya we learn that Madanapala drove back to the Kalindi (which flowed near his capital) the vanguard of the forces that had destroyed a large number of soldiers on his side. The invader who is not named in Sandhyakaranandin's kavya was probably Ratnadeva II. Like Vallabharaja, Purushottama also seems to have distinguished himself in this expedition in the course of which he intimidated the ruler of Danḍabhukti (modern Midnapur District of Bengal).
Purushottama was probably an old man when the present inscription was put up. Verse 27 states that he had four sons, Madhusudana, Lakshmidhara, Yasodhara and Gangadhara, all of whom turned out to be very able statesmen. The eldest of them Madhusudana is said to have attained great renown. He may have been appointed a minister, though not Sarvadhikarin, by Prithvidēva II. Nothing is known about the other three sons of Purushottama.
1 Above, Vol. I, p. 36.
See, eg., the Rajim stone inscription of Jagapaladeva, Ind. Ant., Vol. XVII, pp. 135 ff.
See, e.g., the Akaltara stone inscription (Hiralal's Inscriptions in C.P. and Berar, 2nd ed., p. 121). See History of Bengal, pub. by Dados University, Vol. I, p. 170.
Prithvideva II's Sarvadhibärin seems to have been his Mandalika Brahmadiva whom he specially called from the Talahari Mandala and made his chief minister as stated in a Ratanpur inscription dated K. 915.

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280
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXVII
Verse 29 states that, being convinced that human life is transitory and full of sorrows and that wealth is very unsteady, Purushottama became intent on acquiring religious merit. He raised several groves, erected many mathas and mandapas (temples) and excavated a deep tank at Ratnapura. He also built the five-shrined temple of Siva where the present inscription was put up, and laid out a pleasure-garden near it. From v. 35 we learn that Prithvidēva (II) donated the village Saloni to Purushottama on the occasion of a solar eclipse.
Verse 37 eulogises Kasala, the poet who composed the present prasasti. He is said to have been proficient in various arts and sciences including those of medicine and elephants. He had also mastered the agamas of the Buddha and others. The description is interesting as it clearly indicates that though Buddhism which was once flourishing in that part of Chhattisgarh ceased to have any followers there, its religious and philosophical works continued to be studied in Dakshina Kōsala down to the 12th century A.D. It may be noted that the earlier Ratanpur stone inscription of Jajalladēva dated K. 866 also mentions a Saiva ascetic named Rudrasiva as proficient in the works of Dinnaga and others.1
The last verse (38) records two gifts, one of four plough-measures of land made to the gods installed in the temple and the other of two plough-measures made to the Brahmaņa Vasudeva who was evidently a priest of the temple.
As for the localities mentioned in the present prasasti, Tummana still retains its old name in the form Tuman and lies about 45 miles north of Ratanpur, in the Bilaspur District. Khimmindi may be identical with modern Kimedi Zamindari in the Ganjam District. Talahari seems to have comprised the country round Mallar in the Bilaspur and Janjgir tahsils. Its ancient name seems to have been Taraḍamšakabhukti mentioned in an old copper-plate grants of Mahasivagupta-Bälärjuna, found near Mallar. Khijjinga and Dandapura cannot be identified. Dandabhukti is mentioned in several old records and probably comprised parts of the Midnapur District. Finally, Saloni, the village granted to Purushottama, may be identical with Saraoni which lies only about a mile and a half south by west of Koni where the present record was discovered.
TEXT
[Metres Vv. 1, 8, 10, 12, 13, 17, 19, 20, 27, 29, and 34 Sardulavikridita; vv. 2, 9, 11, 36, and 37 Sragdhara; vv. 3-5, 7, 14, 21-23, 26 and 28 Vasantatilaka; vv. 6 and 32 Mandakräntä; v. 15 Harini; vv. 16 and 18 Malini; vv. 24, 25, 30 and 38 Anushṭubh; vv. 31, 33 and 35 Argd.]
1 श्रों नमः शिवाय 11 पादन्यासनमस्थिति विलसद्दोः काण्ड चण्ड भ्रमिभ्रान्तप्रान्तनाभिघातविवहिक्पालपर्याकुलं (लम् ) । खट्ाङ्गोत्कटकोटिषृष्टिविचट (ब्र) ह्याण्डमुडा (ड्डा ) मरं पायालाण्डवडम्ब (ब) रं पुरभिदो देवस्य वः सर्व्वदा ॥१॥ व्र ( ब्र) ह्मा
2 ण्डं चण्डरोमप्रततिभिरसकृत्क्लेशयं ( यन् ) निष्ठुराभिनिर्घाता कुण्ठकण्ठ स्वनजनितक कुम्कुम्भिकर्णज्वरार्त्तिः ।
श्रत्यन्तोतु (तु) ङ्गरङ्गत्खुरसि (शि) खरपरिक्षुन्न (ष्ण ) भोगीन्द्रभोगः स्थेयाद्ध्वस्तारिपुवी 'स्त्रिभुवननमितो गृष्टिरिष्टाप्तये वः ॥ २॥ यस्याः
1 Above, Vol. I, p. 36.
2 Ind. Ant. Vol. LIII, pp. 267 f.
Above, Vol. XXIII, p. 120.
[Khijjinga is apparently the same as modern Khiching in Mayurbhanj, Orissa.-Ed.]
Above, Vol. XXII, pp. 154 f.
• Perhaps the intended reading was ध्वस्तरिपुः श्री-, but the compound should correctly bo ध्वस्तारिपुरभीaccording to Panini, V, 4, 74. This would hot however suit the metre.

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No. 45] KONI INSCRIPTION OF KALACHURI PRITHVIDEVA II; K.E. 900 281 -3 प्रसावमधिगम्य करोदरस्थं भूतं च भावि च भवच्च मनन्ति सन्तः । तां वाचमच्युतपदोदयहेतुभूतां
बन्दामहे त्रिभुवनव्यवहारहेतुम् ॥३॥ नृत्यावताररभसोच्छलवच्छवानपानप्रमत्तमघुपतजंगुजितेन ।
यो विघ्नवृन्दमुरु तर्जय4 तीव देवो द्वैमातुरः स भवतां हितमातनोतु ॥४॥ कुर्वन्तु कीर्तनशतानि रणाङ्गणेषु
मथ्नन्तु वैरिनिकरं धनमुत्सृजन्तु । कालान्तरे तदखिलं प्रव(ब)लान्धकारनृत्योपमं कवि
जनरनिव (ब) द्ध्यमानम् ॥५॥ तुमानेशः कलचुरिकुले निर्म5. लप्रौढकीर्तिविश्वं शश्वत्सुकृतशरण (णं) स्थापयं (यन्) दण्डनीत्या । पूर्व गवर्वोत्तरनरपतिध्वान्त
विध्वन्स'भास्वान् पृथ्वीदेवो नृपतिरभवद्भूषणं भूतधात्र्याः ॥६॥ पुत्रः पवित्रमहसः समभूवमुष्य
श्रीमानमानुषगुणः प्रगुणस्वभावः । जा6 बल्लदेव इति विश्वविसारितेजा राजा प्रजाहितमतिः खलु धर्ममूर्तिः ॥७॥ गर्वः सर्वमहीभुजा -
प्रणयिना दारिद्रचिन्ताज्वरस्त्रासातिः स (श) रणागतस्य वसतिः सा दुजनानामपि । प्रणयितां .
यस्मिन्सर्वजनोपकारिणि यशःसम्भारविस्तारि7 णि प्रोवरिकरी[न्द्र]दारिणि महीं पाति क्वचिन्नाभवत् ॥८॥ उद्यत्कालिङ्गभङ्गप्रथमगुरुरतिप्रौढ
कीर्तिप्रतानः षट्त्रिंशच्छस्त्रविद्यास्वधिकपरिचयः प्रौढदोर्दण्डदर्पः । प्रोद्यद्भपालरक्षःक्षयकरण
महासिद्धमन्त्रो धरित्र्यां राजा श्री8 रत्नदेवस्त्रिभुवनविदितस्तस्य सूनुर्व (ब) भूव ॥६॥ स्तोतव्यः समरोत्सवैकरसिकः श्रीरत्नदेव[:*]
स कि सर्वत्रैव सदैव सैन्यनिवहः साकन्तथैकाकिना । सारंभं परिभर्स्यन्निव
मुहर्युद्धाय व(ब)बादरो भूपानामुपरि स्फुरत्यविरतं 9 यस्योपयोगारवः ॥१०॥ यस्मिनिःसीमभीमाद्भतमहसि दिशां चक्रमाक्रतुकामे ढक्कानिर्घोषघोरप्रति
रवरसितैः सर्वतः पर्वतेन्त्राः । नुढेलद्भ'रिसेनानिवहगुरुधराधारणव्यग्रतार्त्तित्रासान्मुक्तप्रचण्डध्वनि
भिरिव दिशामीश्वरा- . . 10 नाह्वयन्ति ॥११॥ भानुः सानुमतस्तटादिव सुवासृष्टिः समुद्रादिव प्रद्युन्मः (म्नः) पुरुषोत्तमादिव हरिः
श्रीनन्दगोपादिव । स्कन्दश्चन्द्रशिरोमणेरिव महीपालादितो जातवान्पृथ्वीदेव इति क्षितीश्वर
शिरोनेपत्य (थ्य) रत्नाङ्करः ॥१२॥ संग्रामे क11 ति नो जिता भुजभूतः प्रीता न के सज्जना: केषां द्वारि न वन्दिना मवमुखा व(ब).
द्वा महादन्तिनः । सम्प्राप्ताः शरणं रणे कति न वा संरक्षिता[:*] माभुजः पृथ्वीदेवमहीभुजो विजयिनः के के न रम्या गुणाः ॥१३॥ एषामशेषगुणगौरवभारभाजां
भूमीभु1 Read विध्वंस.
The redundant anusvāra on this akshara has been cancelled. * Tho vertical dash here in the original is superfluous. • Read उदलग-.

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282 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
. VoL. XXVII 12 जां क्रमसमागतपात्र भावः । प्रासीद्विजातिकुलभूषणरत्नकल्पः कल्पद्रुमः प्रणयिनां किल
सोढदेवः ॥१४॥ य इह महिमागारः पारं जगाम गुणांवु(बु)धेर्जगदपि सदा यस्योद्दा
मैर्यशोभिरशोभि च । स इह नृपतिः पृथ्वीदेवः प्रकाशित13 विक्रमः क्रमजमकरोत्पात्रं चित्रप्रभूतगुणं . च यम् ॥१५॥ निजतनुजितकामः सर्वविद्याषिरामः
सुजनमुकुटदाम श्रीयशोदिव्यधाम । नृपसदसि ललामः सज्जनानामवामः समभवदथ पुत्रो
निव(ब) देवः स्तदीयः ॥१६॥ यो वासः प्रियभा14 षितस्य सवनं धर्मस्य विस्रा (श्रा)मभूः कारुण्यस्य निवेशनं सुमनसां प्रज्ञगुण स्याश्रमः ।
प्राधारो विनयस्य मन्दिरमुरु स्थर्यस्य वेश्म श्रियः कान्तेरायतनं धृतेरपि सदः
कीर्तेरनन्यालयः ॥१७॥ रतिरिव सु(शु) भमूर्त्यारुन्धती सच्चरित्रनिजभवनवि15 भूतेोहदं धर्मव(ब)द्धिः । अभवदय समस्तो (श्रे)यसामेकपात्र (त्र) निजतनुरिव लखमा'
नाम पत्नी तदीया ॥१८॥ तस्यासीमदमक्षमादिकंगुणग्रामकविश्रामभूर्भूदेवान्वयमण्डनो नयवि
वामाचोनवयक्रमः । प्रत्युद्यद्गुरुचारुपौरुषयु(ज)षां प्रज्ञावतामुत्तमः 16 पुत्रोभूत्पुरुषोत्तमो भुवि दधन्नाम स्वकं सार्थकम् ॥१६॥ यो जग्राह समुन्नति सुरगिरेग्र्गा
म्भीर्यमम्भोधितस्त्यागित्वं रवि[न*]न्दनाद्दिनफ्तेस्तीव्रप्रवाहं महः । पंचास्यादुरुविक्रमं शुचि
यशोरासि (शि) वशास्यान्तकात्पाण्डित्यं च गिरांपते रतिपतेः सौन्द17 यमूर्जस्वलम् ॥२०॥ कल्पद्रुम श्रममपास्य. सुखी भव त्वं हे रोहण वणभयं विगतं
तवापि । सा कामधेनुरपि गच्छतु वत्समद्य दीर्घायुरस्तु भुवने पुरुषोत्तमोसौ ॥२१॥
यो मन्त्रसंशयविनिर्णयसाधुवु(बु)द्धिः शक्तित्रयप्रणयत (न) प्रगुणस्वभावः । षाड्गुण्यपुण्यम___18 हिमाव्यपनीतगर्ध्वः सोपधाभिरभिलक्षितसाधुशीलः ॥२२॥ तं वीक्ष (क्ष्य) कोशलपतिर्नुपरत्नदेवः
सव्वरमात्यगुणरासि (शि)रभ्युपेतं (तम्) । सर्वाधिकारपदमद्वयमस्य दत्वा (त्वा) निःकण्टक भुवि चकार चिराय राज्यम् ॥२३॥ सर्वाधिकारितां नीतो यदि नाम स
भूभुजा । चा19 [तु][वि]क इत्येष तथापि भुवि विश्रुतः ॥२४॥ तस्य मन्त्रेण शस्त्रेण निजिते राजमण्डले
निःकण्टक मिला (लां) चक्रे चक्रे राज्यं स भूपतिः ॥२५॥ खिम्मिण्डिमण्डलहरत्तलहारि
हारि कर्ताऽथ दण्डपुरदण्डनचण्डवा (बा)हः । खिज्जिङ्गभङ्गचतुरो हरवोहहन्ता यो दं1 What appears like an anusvara on tra, is a defect in the impression. • The visarga is superflous. • Read प्रज्ञागुण• The metro roquires this name to be लखमा, or ita Sanskrit form लक्ष्मीः . - Read निष्कण्टकं. • Read चातुरिक. - Read निष्कण्टका-- The correot reading may be मण्डलहरस्तलहारि.

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No. 45) KONI INSCRIPTION OF KALACHURI PRITHVIDEVA II; K.E. 900 283 20 डभुक्तिपतितजनदुर्जयश्रीः ॥२६॥ तत्पुत्रो मधुसूदनस्तदनुजो जातश्च लक्ष्मीधरो धन्यात्मा
च यशोधरो धृतगुणो गङ्गाधरश्चापरः । साक्षादेव हि जङ्गमा इव चतुर्वर्गा . महीमण्डले चत्वारस्तनया इमे नयविदस्तस्याभवन्धीभृतः ॥२७॥ तेषास (म)
21 शेषगुणरासि (शि) रसीमधामा सीमा न यस्य विनयस्य विनोदभूमिः । ख्याति जगाम
महतीं मधुसूदनोसौ येनाधि (ध्य) रोप्यत पिता धुरि पुत्रिणां सः ॥२८॥ मानुष्यं करिकर्णतालचपलं तिःसख्य दुःखास्पदं (दम्) । लक्ष्मी च क्षणभङ्गसङ्गविरसामेकान्तमालो
22 [क्य] च नानाशास्त्रपुराणवेदसतताभ्यासैः समुन्माज्जितं तस्य श्रीपुरुषोत्तमस्य समभूद्धम्मकनिष्ठ
मनः ॥२६॥ यस्यानेकविधाराममठमण्डपकीर्तनः । समन्तान्मण्डिता धात्री घि(वि)तनोत्यद्भूतश्रियम् ॥३०॥ गम्भीरं व(ब) हुसत्वं (त्त्वं) निर्मलमतिशोभ
23 नं] जनैः] सेव्यं (व्यम्) । हृदयमिव स्वकमकरो[द*] रत्नपुरे सागर' यश्च ॥३१॥ एतत्तेन
त्रिभुवनतम स्तोमविध्वन्स हेतोः शम्भोः पन्चा (ञ्चा) यतनमनघं कारितं चारुरूपं (पम्) । मन्येऽमुष्मिन्विहितवसतिदिव्यपूजोपहारः कैलासस्य स्मरति न मनाक्सोपि विश्वक]ना
24 थः ॥३२॥ इदमपि पंचायतनं कमलादपि तस्य कारितं तेन [*] यच्चक्रे निजरूपरवनितले
द्वारकाद्वैतम् ॥३३॥ क्रीडन्मंजुमधुव्रतं प्रविलसत्प्रोत्पु (त्फु)ल्लवल्लीशतं नानापुष्पफलोदितं प्रमुदितानन्तद्विजोत्कूजितं (तम्) । तेनैवात्र विचित्रपादपलता
सन्तानरुद्धाम्ब (म्ब)रं चक्रे विक्रमशालिना मुरुजितः क्रीडावनं शोभनम् ॥३४॥ राहुमुखस्थे
भानौ पृथ्वीदेवेन शासनीकृत्य [1] एष सलोनी] ग्रामः पुरुषोत्तमधीभृते दत्तः ॥३५॥
यावज्जाग[त्ति] मृत्युंजयसि (शि) खरसरिनिःक (निष्क) लंक: [शशां]कः । श्रीमानूः 26 सहस्रद्युतिर पि] जगतीं यावदेतां पुनीते । यावद्धते फणाः स्थिरतरमवनीमंडलं मण्डलीशो
भूचक्रे श्रीमदे| तत्तिभुवन म[ हितं कीर्तनं तावदा[स्ताम्] ॥३६॥ निस्ना (रुणा)तः शस्त्रविद्यास्वधिगतविविधा[न]ल्पसि (शि)ल्पप्रकर्षोहस्त्यायुर्वेदवेत्ता सक
1 The word दंड, which was omitted at first, was added subsequently, being written at the end of line 19, and in the beginning of line 20.
+ Read निःसंख्य• Read सागरं. • Tho vianrga after in dropped according to tho Värttika on Panini VUIT. 3. 36. • Read विध्वंस. • The third akshara of the village-name, which is damagod, in conjecturally restored. | Read श्रीमानुस्रः .

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[VOL. XXVII 27 लकविकलांभोजिनीराजहन्सः । ज्ञाता रत्नत्रयस्य प्रथिततरमतिः श्रेघनाद्यागमोघे श्रीमानेता (तां)
प्रशस्ति (स्तिं) समकृत सुकृती) काशलः [पे]शलात्मा ॥३७॥ मेदिनीहलचत्वारि देवेभ्यो
[ ]awat ara faceret] [atgjata mtaa: 28 ३८॥ सम्वत् ६०० श्रीपृथ्वीदेवराज्ये ॥
TRANSLATION Om! Obeisance to Siva !
(Verse 1).-May the terrific and violent tāndava of the god Siva always protect you ! – (the tandava) which bewildered the guardians of the quarters by the dashings of his shining arms against the mountains on the borders as he whirled them violently, while the earth sank under his steps, and in which the brahmānda was pierced by the sharp points of his khatvānga which struck against it!
(V. 2).-May the Bulls of Siva grant you the attainment of your desired object! - (he) who frequently torments the brahmānda by the hard and dreadful rows of hair (on his body); who, by the noise of his thunder-like unchecked bellowing, causes intense pain to the ears of elephants (stationed) in the different quarters; who, by the edge of his very high-jumping hoofs, bruises the hoods of the lord of serpents; who destroys the splendour of enemies' cities; and who is adored by the three worlds !
(V. 3).-We bow to that Speech who makes the practical life in the three worlds possible ; who causes the attainment of the imperishable goal; and by attaining whose favour, good people regard the past, present and future as (placerl) on the palm of their hand.
(V. 4).- May that god, the son of two mothers i.e., Gavēša) increase your welfare !-(the god) who threatens, as it were, a large multitude of obstacles by the humming of bees intoxicated by the drinking of the limpid rutting juice as it gushes forth with force at the commencement of his dance !
(V. 5).-(People) may construct hundreds of temples, perform glorious deeds on battle-fields, exterminate a host of enemies and give in charity (plenty of) wealth ; but all that would, in course of time, be like dancing in pitchy darkness' in case it is not recorded by poets.
(V.6).Formerly there was, in the family of the Kalachuris, a king (named) Prithvidēva (I). the lord of Tummana, of spotless and abundant fame, who by his administration of justice, made the whole world always seek refuge in righteous deeds; who was the sun to the darkness in the form of arrogant kings, and an ornament of the earth.
(V. 7).-From him of holy lustre was (born) an illustrions son, namely, the king Jäjalladēva (I), who was possessed of superhuman virtues and an excellent nature, whose prowess spread in the (whole world (and) who, being intent on the welfare of his subjects, was indeed an incarnation of righteousness.
1 Read A. · The visarga is superfluous.
Read HARI. For a similar idea, see the Bilhári stone inscription of the rulers of Chēdi, above, Vol. I, p. 254.
• Generally the word grishti is feminine and signifies a cow that has had only one call. When masculine, the word means a boat. Here it is used in the sense of Siva's bull.
• Gaņēša is so called because he was brought up by two goddesses Durgā and Chamundā. i.e., it would remain hidden from the people.
The meaning may also be that he was an incarnation of Yudhishthira, the eldest Pandava prince, who was well-known for his righteous conduct.

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(V. 8). While he, who conferred obligations on all people, spread the mass of his fame and destroyed advancing lordly elephants of his enemies, was ruling the earth, there were nowhere (to be seen) the arrogance of any kings, the fever-like anxiety, due to poverty, of supplicants, the affliction, due to terror, of the person who sought protection and also the habitation of wicked
persons.
(V. 9). To him was (born) a son (named) Ratnadēva (II), the king well-known in the three worlds, who was the first to teach humiliation to the flourishing lord of Kalinga; who had an extremely developed and spreading fame; who had full knowledge of thirty-six sciences of weapons and the pride of fully developed arms; (and) who was the great magical incantation for the destruction of evil spirits, namely the rising kings on (this) earth.
(V. 10).--Does that illustrious Ratnadēva (II) need to be praised-(he) whose sole delight at all places and times was in the festivity of battle whether he was followed by a host of armies or was alone, and the great noise of whose dreadful marches incessantly hovers over (other) kings, proudly rebuking them as it were and challenging them to fight again and again!
(V. 11). When he, possessed of boundless, dreadful and mysterious prowess was about to invade the circle of quarters, the highest mountains all round, with the resounding and dreadful reverberations of the sound of his war-drums, were, as it were, calling out to the lords of regions, uttering terrific cries, being apprehensive as regards the support of the earth burdened with his large marching hosts.
(V. 12). From that king was born (a son) named Prithvidēva (II), the off-shoot of gems in the head-dress of the lords of the earth,' even as the sun rises from the slope of a mountain, as the moon was produced from the ocean, as Pradyumna was born from Purushottama, Hari from the illustrious cowherd Nanda, and Skanda from the moon-crested (Šiva).
(V. 13).--How many warriors did he not vanquish? What good people did he not please? At the doors of what panegyrists did he not keep lordly rutting elephants tied? How many princes did he not protect when they sought refuge on the battle-field? What excellences of the victorious Prithvidēva (II) are not attractive?
(V. 14). There was Söḍhadeva like a jewel adorning a family of Brahmanas, who received the hereditary ministership of these kings that bore the burden of all good qualities (and) who was verily a wish-fulfilling tree to supplicants.
(V. 15).—Who being an abode of greatness crossed the ocean of excellences, whose great fame adorned the world and whom, possessed of many and marvellous qualities, that (famous) king Prithvidēva (I) made his hereditary minister.
(V. 16).-His son was Nimbadeva who in his personal form surpassed the god of love, who looked attractive with all (kinds of) learning (and) who was a wreath on the crown of good people, the heavenly abode of wealth and fame, an ornament of the royal assembly and a friend of good persons.
(V. 17). Who was the dwelling place of pleasing speech, the abode of religious merit, the resting place of compassion, the resort of good people, the hermitage of wisdom, the support of modesty, a large shrine of steadiness, the residence of wealth, the dwelling of beauty, the house of contentment and the sole receptacle of glory.
(V. 18). He had a wife named Lakhama who was, as it were, his own body, the sole receptacle of all virtues, who resembled Rati in lovely form and Arundhati in righteous deeds and who, being religious-minded, was the desired object of the prosperity of her house.
1 This suggests that his feet were bowed to by the heads of these kings.

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(V. 19).--He had a son (named) Purushottama who bore his name significantly, who was the sole resting place of a multitude of excellences such as boundless self-control and forgiveness, the ornament of the family of earthly gods (i.e., Brāhmaṇas), the foremost among statesmen, the performer of blameless deeds and the first among wise persons possessed of great and attractive prowess.
(V. 20).-Who adopted exaltation from the celestial mountain (Mēru), serenity from the ocean, munificence from (Karna) the son of the sun, vigorous lustre from the sun, great prowess from the lion, bright mass of fame from (Rāma) the exterminator of Rāvaņa, learning from Bțihaspati and a strong and beautiful form from the god of love.
(V. 21).- Wish-fulfilling Tree! be happy, getting rid of all exhaustion ; 0 Mēru, you also ate now free from the fear of being wounded;" that celestial Cow also may now repair to her calf ! May that Purushottama be long-lived in (this) world!
(Vv. 22-23).-Having seen him whose intellect was adept in deciding doubtful matters of royal policy, who had an excellent nature on account of his use of the three royal powers, who was free from pride because of the great religious merit accruing to him by the use of the six measures, whose good character was tested by all kinds of tests: and who was endowed with the multitude of ministerial qualities, Ratnadēva (II), the lord of Kösala, gave him the unique post of Sarvadhikärin and ruled without any trouble for a long time.
(V. 24).-Though he was elevated to the position of sarvādhikärin, he became famous on the earth as one who bore the burden of the four (purushārthasa).
(V. 25).- The multitude of princes being vanquished by his policy as well as by his weapon, the king freed the earth from all troublesome persons and (himself) ruled without any trouble.
(V. 26).-He (i.e., Purushottama) captured the Khimmiņdi mandala and made the Talahāri (mandala) attractive. He had a fierce arm in subduing Dandapura and was clever in overcoming Khijjinga. He killed Haravõhu (and) his valour was invincible in threatening the lord of Dandabhukti.
(V. 27).-His son was Madhusudana ; (then) was born his younger brother Lakshmidhara and the blessed Yasõdhara and another meritorious one named Gangadhara. That wise (Purushottama) had these four sons well-versed in statecraft, who were, as it were, the four objects of human life incarnate, moving about on the orb of this earth.
(V. 28).- Ameng them this Madhusūdana, who has a multitude of all noble qualities, infinite prowess and modesty and who is an abode of humour, has attained great fame whereby his father has been placed in the forefront of all fathers of sons.
(V. 29).--Having realized that human life is unsteady like the flapping of the elephant's ears and is subject to innumerable sorrows, and that wealth, being momentary, is extremely disagreeable when enjoyed, the mind of that illustrious Purushottama which had become purified by the constant study of the various Šāstras, Purāṇas and Vēdas, became solely intent on the acquisition of religious merit.
(V. 30). Having been adorned all round by various kinds of groves and meritorious works of monasteries and temples erected by him, the earth has attained marvellous splendour.
11.e., he was the best of men. 2 The wounds of Mēru are caused by the gifts of gold from the slopes of the monntain. • For the various upadhaa or tests of honesty, see Kautilya's Artha bästra (second ed. by Shama Sastri), p. 16. . These are dharma (religious merit), artha (wealth), kama (enjoyment of pleasures) and mõksha (liberation), . This and the following verse are relative olauses.

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(V. 31).--He made a lake at Ratnapura which is deep, contains many creatures, is clear, extremely beautiful and fit to be used by all people (and thus) resembles his heart (which is serene, very courageous, pure, very fine and fit to be resorted to by all people).
(V. 32).-This faultless and beautiful five-shrined' temple of Sambhu has been erected by him with a view to dispel the mass of darkness (i.e., ignorance) of the three worlds. Having made his abode here, even (Siva), the sole lord of the whole universe, does not, I fancy, think at all of Kailasa on account of the excellent offerings of worship (here).
(V. 33).-This five-shrined temple also of him (i.e., Sambhu) has been raised by him from water - the temple) which, by its forms, makes itself identical with Dvärakä on the earth.
(V. 34).-He himself, shining with valour, has raised this pleasure garden of the conqueror of Muru (Siva), in which beautiful bees disport themselves, which has hundreds of beautiful blossoming creepers, which contains various flowers and fruits, which resounds with the warbling of innumerable joyful birds and which has covered the space in the sky with rows of strange trees and creepers.
(V. 35). While the sun was in the mouth of Rāhu, Prithvidova (II) granted by a charter this village Saloni to the wise Purushottama.
(V. 36).- As long as the moon with its stain washed by the river flowing from the head of Siva is wakeful as long as the resplendent sun sanctifies the world with its rays, as long as the lord of serpents supports very firmly the orb of the earth on the top of his hoods--even so long may this glorious temple honoured in the three worlds last on this circle of the earth!
(V. 37).-The illustrious, clever and compassionate Käsala who is skilled in the sciences of arms, who has attained proficiency in numerous and varied arts, who is conversant with the science of elephants and that of medicine, who is a swan (sporting) among lotus-plants which are the entire poetic arts, who knows the three ratnas and whose intellect is well-known in (expounding) the multitude of the āgamas of Srighana (the Buddha) and others, has composed this prasasti.
(V. 38).-He (Purushottama) gave four plough-measures of land to gods and two ploughmeasures of land) to the learned Brāhmaṇa Vāsudēva.
The year 900, in the reign of the illustrious Prithvidēva.
No. 46-BARDULA PLATES OF MAHASIVAGUPTA : YEAR 9
(1 Plate)
P. B. DESAI, OOTACAMUND These copper plates were found buried underground some years back at Bārdülā, a village in the Sarangarh State, Central Provinces. They were traced and sent for examination to the Government Epigraphist for India by Pandit L. P. Pandeya, Secretary, Mahakosala Historical Society, Raigarh. As a member of the office of the Government Epigraphist for India, I had an opportunity of studying them critically. I am grateful to Mr. Pandeya for his kind permission to edit them here.
The temple is called pauchayatana, because the main structure was surrounded by four small shrines dedicated to Durgā, Ganapati, Sarasvati, etc.; cf. above, Vol. XXII, p. 130. For another such temple of a slightly earlier period see the Rewah stone inscription of Vapullaka, Haihayas of Tripuri, etc., p. 131.
* Lit. celestial.
* This verse is rather obscure. Perhaps the temple was surrounded by water on all sides and therefore resembled the city of Dvárakā. • According to the Mahabharata and the Purāpas, Muru dr Mura was killed not by Sive, but by Krishwa.
.e., at the time of a solar eclipse.
. As the author speaks in this verse of his knowledge of the Buddhist agamas, the three rainas may be the Buddha, Dharma and Sangbs.

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[Vol. XXVII The set consists of three copper plates of which the first and the third are inscribed on one side, and the second on both the sides. The letters are deeply engraved and show through on the back of the first and the third plates. All the plates are of equal dimensions, measuring 9' in length, 6' in breadth and about l' in thickness. The second plate is slightly thicker than the other two. The rims of the plates are not raised; still the writing is in an excellent state of preservation. A sinall rectangular piece is cut off from the right corner at the bottom of the third plate without affecting the writing in any way. The plates are held together by a copper ring which passes through a hole, '6" in diameter, bored in the middle of the proper right side of each plate at a margin of about 1.5'. The ends of the ring which is about 4' in thickness and 4:5' in diameter are soldered below a circular seal, 3.2' in diameter. The surface of the seal, which is deeply countersunk, is divided into three parts. The upper part bears in relief the figure of a couchant bull (Nandin) with a trisüla in front and a pürna-kumbha behind. Below this is en graved the legend (identical with that on the seal of the Mallar plates') in two lincs, consisting of a verse in the Anushtubh metre, which is separated from the upper device by two horizontal parallel lines. Below the legend is depicted a large full-blown lotus flanked by two leaves. The execution of the plates and of the seal resembles that of the Mallar plates. The whole set inclusive of the ring and the seal weighs 261 tolas. The ring and the seal taken together weigh 120 tolas.
The charter eontains 30 lines, there being eight lines on each of the first three inscribed surfaces and six on the fourth one. The letters are neatly and boldly engraved and their average size is 1. The characters are of the box-headed variety and closely resemble those on the Rajim and Baloda platos of Tivaradēvs and the Mallar and Lodhia plates of Mahisivagupta. No Houbt a few letters seem to evince a tendency for elongation, e.g., the form of the letter tha in the Baloda plates (11. 23, 29, 30, 35) is roundish; while the game is somewhat elongated in the present plates (U. 7, 9, 14, 21, 24). But if we examine the Lodhia plates we find that the same roundish form of the letter is consistently retained (II. 8, 12, 14, 15, etc.). It may be noted in this connection that the Balods plates are dated in the 9th regnal year of Tivaradēva and the Lodhia plates were issued in the 57th regnal year of his grand-nephew Mahāśivagupta. This will show that the two records were removed from each other by about a century. Still the scripts of the epigraphs do not show appreciable difference. From this we may conclude that what appeared As a tendency for elongation in the above particular case is not a general sign of developinent in the script, but only an individual trait of the scribe. The letter sri is invariably written as srii or brii (fy or t) in all the four records under reference. The palaeographical peculiarities pointed out in connection with the other plates of the series, such as the length of the medial i being denoted by a dot inside the circle at the top of the letter, etc., are common to these plates also.
The language of the record is Sanskrit. The composition is in prose excepting the benodictory and imprecatory verses at the end. There are a few instances of faulty spelling, some of · which may be noted here. The short form of the medial i is written for the long one, and vice
versa: as in Kshitida 1. 1, pidü 1. 10, prithivi 1. 14. Likewise b is written for vand vice versa ; as in briddhave 1.16. pastabyam 1. 19 and vahubki 1. 27. The final n is changed to anus vāra ; as in Brāhmanarin and mapradhanase 2.6 and -purushāṁ 1. 8. The anusvira is consistently changed to before a sibilant; as in varsa 1. 4, anyānscha 1. 8. Among the orthographical
Above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 119 ff. • C. 1. 1., Vol. III, Plate XLV. • Above, Vol. VII, between pp. 104-108. • Under publloation by Pt. L. P. Pandeya in this journal.

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peculiarities may be noted the occasional doubling of the consonant before or after ; as in pillrör 1. 16, sauryya 1. 3, sarvva 1. 8, varjjitaḥ 1. 10.
The inscription purports to record the gift of a village named Vaṭapadraka situated in the Kösira-Nandapura vishaya to several Brahmanas by the illustrious Mahāsivaguptarāja, son of Harshadēva, of the lunar lineage, an ardent worshipper of Mahesvara, for his own merit and that of his parents. The gift was made on the 12th day of the bright half of the month of Kärttika in the 9th year of his increasingly victorious reign. The grant village was to be divided into thirteen shares, twelve of which were full and one was half. The full shares were to be enjoyed by Brahmaņas, whose names are specifically mentioned and who it seems had settled in the region. of Chhatranaṭā. The half share was to be allotted to a Brahmana of unimpeachable character (a-vigraha-charitaya). The royal order communicating this grant was addressed to the residents of the village, including the chief members amongst them (sa-pradhanan prativāsinaḥ), as also to the royal officials, Samahartri, Sannidhätyi and others including the Karanas.
This Mahasivagupta belonged to the earlier line of rulers known as the Pandava or Sömavamsi kings of South Kōsala and is identical with his namesake, who bore the distinctive epithet Bālārjuna as known from stone inscriptions discovered at Şirpur. He had a distinguished career and was credited with an unusually long reign of about sixty years as indicated by the Lodhia plates. About half a dozen stone inscriptions and three copper plate documents assignable to his reign have so far been discovered. Of these records only two are dated, namely the Lodhia plates and the present ones and the dates are in regnal years. But unfortunately these dates are not verifiable for want of sufficient details. So we have to fix his date by approximation only on consideration of palacography and other circumstantial evidence.
The latest attempt in this direction has been made by Principal V. V. Mirashi, in his 'Note on the Date of the Somavamsi Kings". I generally agree with his views and place Mahasivagupta in the first and second quarters of the 7th century A.D. In view of the high regnal year accorded to him by the Lodhia plates, viz., 57th year, it is likely that his reign extended still further into the third quarter of the century.
The following places are mentioned in the charter. The grant village Vaṭapadraka may be identified with modern Baṭapadaka, a small village about four miles from Bardūla, the provenance of the present plates. The territorial division (vishaya) Kösira Nandapura, wherein the grant village was situated, appears to be identical with Nandapura bhoga mentioned in the. Pipardula plates of the Sarabhapura ruler, Mahārāja Narendra. The headquarters of this Nandapura vishaya, which is qualified by the epithet Kōsira (probably meaning scrubby from kusara) to distinguish it from its other namesakes, may be identified with the site of the two adjoining villages, Nandapur big and small, in the Bilaspur District, not far from Sakti on the Bengal-Nagpur Railway. This site is reported to contain some ancient vestiges and herein was discovered a silver coin of Prasannamatra of the Sarabhapura family some years ago. There is a reference in I. 11 to a tract named Chhatranață wherein the donees, it appears, had settled down (Chhatra nālā-sima-nivishṭa). This name is similar to some of the Dravidian names denoting territory, such as Punnața and Karnata. I am unable to identify this region.
1 This passage may also be interpreted so as to mean that only the first person mentioned among the doneer, viz., Nārāyaṇopadhyaya was a settler in the region called Chhatranață.
Above, Vol. XXIII, p. 115.
See below, pp. 319-325.
Above, Vol. XXVI, pp. 227 ff.
I am indebted to Pt. L. P. Pandeya for this suggestion.
I.H.Q., Vol. XIX, p. 144.
1. H. Q., Vol. XIX, pp. 144-45.
XVI-1-25

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TEXT
First Plate । प्रोम् ।। स्वस्त्यशेषक्षिति (ती)शविद्याभ्यासविशेषासावितमहनीयविनयस
2 म्पत्सं (त्स)म्पादितसकलविजिगीषुगुणो गुणवः (व)त्समाश्रयप्रकृष्टत3 रशौर्यप्रज्ञाप्रभावसम्भावितमहाभ्युदयः कार्ति (ति) केय इव कृत्तिवा4 ससो [रा][:*] [शि] (श्री) हर्षदेवस्य सूनुः सोमवश सम्भव[:*] परममाहेश्वरी मा5 तापितृपादानुध्यातः शी(श्री) महाशिवगुप्तराजः कुशली ॥ कोशीरनन्द6 पुरविषयीयवटपरके ब्राह्मणां (णान्) सम्पूज्य सप्रधानां (नान्) प्रतिवासिनो 7. यथाकालाध्यासिनस्समाहर्तृसन्निधातृप्रमुखानषिकारिणस्स8 करणानन्याश्च (न्यांश्चा)स्मत्पादोपजीविनः (न) सर्वराजपुरुषां (पान्) समाज्ञा
Second Plate ; First Side 9 पयति [*] विदितमस्तु भवतां यथास्माभिरयं प्रामस्सनिधिः सोपनिधिः 10 सदशापराधः सर्वकरसमेतः सर्वपि (पी) डावर्जितः प्रतिषिद्धll चाट भटप्रवेशः च्छा (शश्छा) बनाटासीमनी (नि) वी (वि)ष्टच्छान्दोगच्छात्र नारायणो12 पाध्याय । त्रैलोक्यहन्सो (हंसो)पाध्याय । विद्याधरहङ्सो (हंसो)पाध्याय । परम13 हङ्सो (हंसो)पाध्याय । नक्षत्ररूप । सलोणविद्याधर । विदग्धासुर । पृ14 थिवि (वी)रूप । दुर्गकलश । पोववराह । तालरूप । मध्याह्नरूपेभ्यो द्वा
1 From the original plates. - Expressed by a symbol. • Read वंश. • The dandas are superfluous.
• The word chala has been usually translated as 'irregular troopa'. But etymology would, I think, help us in arriving at a better and more correct meaning of the term. Chåfa, according to lexicographers, means & rouge, cheat, swindler', etc. This, however, cannot be applied with any propriety to the military or police force, constituting the irregular section'. The word chhatra is substituted for chata in some earlier inscriptions in & similar context. For instance, the Rithpur plates of Queen Prabhāvati-Gupta has the term abhata-chhatra-prastiyaa (J.P.A.S. B.,N.S., Vol.XX, P,59, textl. 18). After addressing the bhatasand chhatras among the royal officers, the Chammak copper plate record of the same king introduces the phrase a-bhafa-chchhatra. pravèsyal (C.I.I., Vol. III, No. 55, 11. 22 and 26). Thus we may be justified in equating chafa with chhatra. The word chhatra seems to have been originally derived from the root chhad=concesl, hide. It would hence mean one who is concealed or disguised', in other words' a member of the secret service'. If chdta is a variant of chhatra, it would also mean the same. For a different view expressed by Prof. Vogel, seo above, Vol. XXIV, p. 134.
• The word chhatra seems to have been substituted here for the usual expression sabrahmacharin,

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ਸਬੰਦੀ ਡੀਲ ਤੇ ਤੀਜੀ ਏਸ ਦਾਤੇ ਹੈ ਹੈ ਹੈ ਜਗਤ ਦੇ ਲੰ ਜੁ ਨ ਮੈਂ ਵੀ
।
ਮੈਂ ਜੀ ਦੇ ਹਜੇਦੇ ਹੈ ਜੋ ਘਰ ਹੁੰਦਾ ਰਹਿੰਗ ਵੀ ਹੋਰ ਹੋਈ ਗੁਰ ਕਰ ਤੋਂ ਹੋ ਚ ਵੀ ਗਏ ਜਾਰੀ ਨਾ ਕਰ ਬਈ ਰਾਜੀ ਹੋ ਦੇਣੀ ਚ ਉਹ ਹੀ ਸੇ ॥ ਤ੍ਸਬੇ ਵਾਹ ਜੀ ਦੇ ਹੀ ਰਣਬ ਦੇ ਲੋਕਾਂ ਦੀ ਜੜ ਗਈ ਦਾ ਜ ਹੈ ਕਿ ਦੀ ਵੀ ਸ ਨੂੰ ਹੱਲ ਕਰ ਕੁੱਝ ਹੈ ਵਿਚ ਕਈ
ਨੂੰ ਵੀ ਕਿਧੀ ਹਰ ਜਾਈ ਤੋਂ ਹੀ ਮੈਂ
ਨੂੰ
ਦੇ
ਗ
B. CH. CHHABRA.
Ree. No. 3977 E86-495'49.
ii,a.
ਸ ਦੇ ਸੰਦ ਬਣ ਬਣਦਾ ਜੋ ਸ ਕ ਹੈ ਜਾਣੀ ਹੈ।
ਰਾਗ ਬੇੜੇ ਦੇ ਸੁ ਜਾ ਰਹੀ ਹੀ ਨਹੀ ਸੀ ਨਾ ਹੀਰਾ ਹੈ ਸੀ ਬੇਰੀ ਪਾਈ ਹੈ ਵੀ ਬਹ ਦਾ ਹੈ ਸ: ਤੂੰ ਏ ਪੰਜ ਵੰਸ ਦਾ ਓਥੇ ਬਾਈ ਓਹ ਵੀ ਬਣੀ ਰਹਿੰਦਾ ਤੇ ਧੀ ਬਾਰੇ ਵੀ ਪਈ ਹੈ ਦੀ ਹੀ ਕਰ ਜਾ
ਚ
ਹੈ
12
ਦੀ ਹੀ
ਜੀ ਨੂੰ ਧੜ ਸੁਰ ਹੋ ਗਈ ਹੈ ਹੈ ਤੇ ਤੂੰ ਲੜ
ਦੱਸੀ ਹੈ। ਹੈ ਦਾ ਹੋਈ
GÅ
Ãਬਈ ਦੇਬ ਹੀ
ਦੀ
ਜਾ
ਸੀਹ ਦਾ ਜਾਰੀ ਰਹੀ
16
ਦੇ ਤਾਂ ਉਹੀ ਹੈ ਤੇ ਨਾਂ ਹੀ ਥ ਖ ਮੰਗ ਦੇ ਹੋ ਜਾ ਸੀ। ਹੋ ਸਕ
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.
2
SCALE; TWO-THIRDS.
4
6
8
10
14
16

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220 분리한
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20
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24
26
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2011
No. 46]
BARDULA PLATES OF MAHASIVAGUPTA : YEAR 9 15 बो (श)भ्यस्तवाश्व (दश)भावस्व(के योदशमविपहचरिताय कार्तिक शुक्ल16 बारश्यां मातापिचोरात्मनश्च पुण्याभिवृ(ब)जये तामा(च)शासनेनाचन्द्रा
Second Plate ; Second Side 17 समकालोपभोगार्थ (4) मुक्कपूर्व प्रतिपादित इत्यतो विषय18 तया एभ्यः समुचितं भोगभागादिकमुपनर्याः भ(र्भिवद्भिः सुखं प्र19 तिवस्तव्य (व्य) मिति ॥ भाविनश्च भूमिपालानुद्दिश्येवमभिधीयते [*] भू20 मिप्रदा विवि ललन्ति पतन्ति हन्त हत्वा महीं नृपतयो नर21 के नृशमसात् (शंसाः) । एता(ड)यं परिकलम्य चलाञ्च लक्ष्मीमायुस्तथा कु22 लत पडूबतामभि (भी)ष्टं (ष्टम्) [॥१॥*] अपि च [*] रक्षापालनयोस्तावत्फलं सुगतिदुर्गती [1*] को 23 नाम स्वर्गमुच्छिज्य () नरकं प्रतिपद्यते ॥[२॥*] व्यासगीता (तां)श्चात्र इलोकानु
. बाहरन्तिः (न्ति) [*] 24 अग्नेरपत्यं प्रथमं सुवर्ण भूर्व () नवी सूर्यासू (सु)ताश्च गावः [*] बत्ता यस्ते
Third Plate 25 न भवन्ति लोका प[*] काञ्चनं . गाञ्च मही[च'](ञ्च) वद्यात् [॥३॥*]
पष्टी (ष्टि) बर्षसह28 लागि स्वर्गे मोवति भूमिवः [*] माक्षेत्पा(प्ता) चानुमन्ता च तान्येव नरके 27 बसेत् [url"] (ब)हुभिर्वसुधा दत्ता रामभि[*] सगराविभि[*] यस्य यस्य यदा भूमि28 स्तस्य तस्य तदा फलं (लम्) [॥५॥*] स्वत्ता(ता) परबत्ताम्बा (तां वा) यलाश
- युधिष्ठिर [*] मही(ही). 29 मही(हि)मता (ता) भेष्ठ बानाच्छयोनुपालनमिति ॥ प्रवर्द्धमानविजयराज्य30 सम्ब(संब)त्स["] ६ । कात्तिकशुक्ल दि १० २ [*]
The Seal 1 रा[*] श्रीहर्षगुप्तस्य सूनो[:] सगुणशालिन[:] [*] 2 शासनं शिवगुप्तस्य [स्थितमा [भाव[न]स्थिते[:][[*]
1 This passage in faulty in expression and requires reconstruction. The word bhåga occurs in l. 18. The term ardhshlablay ooourring in l. 18 indicates that the village was divided into thirteen shares, twelve of which were full and one half. While the names of the recipients of the twelve full shares are mentioned, the hame of the thirteenth who ww to roovivo the balf share is not specified. The selection was to be made latter, the condition for rolotion being laid down that his character should be abovo suspicion,
. Read रत्तास्त्रयस्. । . This akshara is wțitton below the line. • Bond पालनम् [uru"] इति.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXVII No. 47–TIRUVORRIYUR INSCRIPTION OF CHATURANANA PANDITA :
20th year of Krishna IIL.
(1 Plate)
V. RAGHAVAN, MADRAS
The inscription' edited here is well-known and has tempted every writer to refer to it for the interesting account it gives of the romantic career of a distinguished Chola general. A sad interest attaches to this contribution, owing to the unexpected passing away of Mr. A. S. Ramanatha Ayyar of the Epigraphy Office, Madras, who, during the study of it for editing, brought it to me for correction and interpretation of the Sanskrit portion. For enabling me to edit it in these pages, I must thank the Government Epigraphist for the permission given by him, and the Superintendent for Epigraphy, Madras, for the facility he gave for consulting the impressions and trangcripts of this and the related inscriptions.
The inscription is engraved on a stone slab built into the floor between the first two pillars in the inner prākāra on the southern side of the entranos to the garbhagriha of the main shrine of Adhipuriśvara at Tiruvorriyür near Madras. The lower part of the stone has evidently been cut off and consequently some of the lines towards the close of the inscription have been lost. An examination of it on the spot now shows that, since the time when it was copied by the Department in 1912, further obliteration of some letters, especially towards the end, has been caused.
The inscription, which is engraved in an ornamental style, is in two parts, Sanskrit and Tamil, the former being in Grantha characters. In the Sanskrit part, the following orthographical peculiarities may be noticed. The avagraha is omitted (1.6); in two places where the visarga coalesces with a following 8, only one s is written (Il. 4,8); in some cases, a gonsonant following & répha is duplicated (11.7,8,9,11). In writing the name of the place, Tiruvorriyür the peculiar Tamil sound , is written in Tamil character (1. 11). The marking off of the halves and ends of verses is irregular ; the halves are not marked at all, and, except in one case, the ends are shown by a single danda. In one instance, even the third quarter of a verse is so marked off. : In the Tamil part, the chief feature is the writing of Sanskrit words and sounds in the text in Grantha characters, sri, dēva, bha, bali, dhū and dēvāra. Long medial é is always written only with the sign of the short medial. Some of the expressions in the Tamil part are literary.
The palaeography of the inscription does not call for any remarks. .
The object of the inscription is to record a gift of one hundred gold Nishkas, bearing an interest of three Mashas per Nishka per annum, to the assembly of Narasimhamangala, by Vaļabha Chaturānana for conducting a special service on the day of Dhanishthā, the star of his nativity, to Lord Siva at Tiruvorriyür.
The inscription is dated in the 20th year of Kannaradēva, the conqueror of Kachchi (Kāñchi) and Tañjai (Tanjore), i.e., the Rashtrakūta king Krishna III who came to the throne in A.D. 939. It therefore belongs to the year A.D. 959, which is ten years after the battle of Takkõlam to which our inscription has a vital reference. It is stated here that the subject of the account herein who was the beloved general of Räjäditya eould not, unfortunately, be present on the battle field of Takkolam.
1 No. 181 of 1912 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection. • Above, Vol. XXVI, pp. 164-165.

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No. 47] TIRUVORRIYUR INSCRIPTION OF CHATURANANA PANDITA
293 Our inseription gives in broad outlines the full career of this general of Rājāditya. The first verse of the inscription describes the nativity of the general; and it is therefore unfortunate that parts of the first half of this verse are lost. From what has been left it is clear that the general was called Valabha and he was the son of Rājasēkhara, the chief of Vallabharashtra. This Rājaśēkhara, it is also clear, stood in some relation, as a subordinate or general to the lord of Kērala (Kéraļīnām nāthasya ..... . ...). Vaļabha became a scholar even as a boy, was valorous and was seized with an enthusiasm to go forth and be of service to the world. It was the time when the Chõla king, Parantaka I, had married a Kērala princess and this intimate alliance had led a number of Kerala warriors to seek the Chõļa country for service under the Choļa king and his son. Valabha, as one of these, reached the Chõļa country and became greatly attached to Rājāditya, who, though the inscription calls him Rājan, was at this time, a Viceroy under his father Parāntaka I. Valabha rose to the position of a general under Rājāditya, but when the latter was attacked by the Rashtrakūtas at Takkõlam, Vaļabha was not by his side. He would have desired to lay down his life for his master or with him, but fate willed otherwise, and he was stricken with deep grief for his absence and failure to die with his master which were unworthy of himself, his family and his master. He therefore renounced worldly life and went to the Ganges. Having bathed in the celestial river, he wandered back to the south and reached Tiruvorriyūr which was famous for its religious and spiritual associations. There he entered a cave called after Niranjanaguru, the head of affairs at Tiruvorriyür. He attained spiritual enlightenment there and omerged as a siddha. Gradually the cave rose to importance and was converted into a regular matha. Assuming the spiritual name Chaturānana Pandita, the ex-general Valabha began to administer this matha, as also the affairs of the temple. Thus did position and authority, which he had once renounced, come back to him, he succeeded to the important place previously held by Niranjanaguru as the head of affairs at Tiruvorriyūr, and it is as the head of his own malha, that our general, now Chaturanana Pandita, made an endowment which was the occasion for setting up this inscription.
The Tamil part of the inscription which follows mentions the 20th year of the reign of) Kannaradēva, the victor over Kāñchi and Tanjore, and says that Tiruvorriyür was in the division called Pular-kõttam; and adds that, for the purpose of the conduct of worship on every Avittam, his natal constellation, Chaturānana Pandita Bhatāra of the matha, gave to the Lord an endowment. The actual mention of the gift is lost and the major part of the epigraph in the Tamil portion is taken up by an enumeration of the details of articles and persons required for the service.
It is possible to reconstruct the full civil name of Chaturanana Pandita from a close interpre. tation of the first verse. The verse calls him Valabha and son of the chief of Vallabharashtra : therefore Valabha seems to be only a form of Vallabha, which is the name taken after his Rāshtra. His father is called Rājasēkhara which means also, by double entendre, Siva (the moon-crested god); and Valabba is said to have been born to Rājasekhara, even as Guha to Rajasēkhara, i. e., Siva. The completion of the rhetoric here requires that Valabha also had a personal name meaning Guba or Subrahmanya, and that was, in all probability, Kumāra.
1 See An. Rep. of the A.S.1., 1905-6, p. 181. Venkayya says that several of the Tirunāmanallur inscriptions mention natives of Malabar among the servants of Rājāditya, and given in the footnote the..ames of six such Mala. yāļis. See also, .1.., Vol. II, p. 386, verso 8; and K. A. N. Sastri : Colas, I, pp. 162-3 According to Venkayya (loc. cit. p. 182) Rajaditya's mother Kökkiläpadligal was the Kerala princess married by Parantaka I (sce also A. R. on S. I. E. 1912, p. 56), but according to Prof. Nilakanta Sastri (Colay, I, p. 162), it was Ariðjaya's mother who was a Kerala princess.
That is, in the cave. The word used in the text is gahna which means 'n depth', 'an inaccessiblo place' Seo Vāchaspatya and Apte. It has thus been taken in the sense of cave.
• The village of Pulai or Polal is about loven miles to the west of Tiruvorriyur in the Chingloput District.

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[VOL. XXVII
The suggestion Kumara is based on the identification, which I am disposed to make, of this general of Räjäditya, with Vellan-Kumāra or Vellan-Kumaran, a Kerala general of Räjäditya who figures in two inscriptions' of the Siva temple at the village of Gramam in the Tirukkōyilür taluk of the South Arcot District. The date of one of these corresponds to A.D. 943 and it has been edited by Venkayya. From this inscription, we learn that this Kerala general was called Vellan-Kumaran, that he hailed from Puttur or Navagrahara, more fully Nandikkaraipputtür, in Malai-naḍu, that he was an eminent Malayali (Uttamaḥ Keralānām), that he was the grandgeneral of Räjäditya (avichalita-chamunayaka and Perumpaḍai-nayakar) and that he built the Šiva temple at Mauligrama or Tirumuḍiyur on the banks of the Pennar. Earlier, in A.D. 935-6, the same Vellan-Kumāra had made a gift of sheep for a lamp in the same temple, as can be seen from the other inscription in the same place, and there he is described as the Mula-bhritya of Räjäditya which may mean that he was the general of the permanent and personal forces of that prince.
294
Now, we can see that both Valabha of our inscription and Vellan-Kumara of the two Grāmam inscriptions are described as very intimate generals of Räjäditya. Secondly both are described as natives of Kerala. In our record, he is described as the son of the chief of the Vallabharashtra in Kēraļa, i.e. Valluva-nāḍu in Malaināḍu; and in the Gramam inscriptions, he is said to have hailed from the village of Nandikkaraipputtur in Malai-naḍu, i.e. Kerala. From an inscription of the 18th year of Rajaraja I,' at Nandikkarai we learn that Nandikkarai was taken as belonging to Valluva-nadu. Thirdly, he is called Valabha in our inscription after his Rashtra and I think, Vellan in the name of Vellan-Kumaran of the Gramam inscriptions, is only a form of Vallabhan." Fourthly, as I have already pointed out, the rhetorical implications of the first Sanskrit verse of our inscription require the assumption of a word meaning Subrahmanya or Guha as part of the
1 Nos. 735 and 739 of 1905 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection.
2 An. Rep. of the A.S.I. 1905-6, pp. 171 ff.
An. Rep. of the A. S. I. 1905-6, p. 182.
मौलि: पुत्तूरजन्मा कलिबलजयिनामुत्तमः केरलानाम् राजावित्यस्य साक्षादविचलितचमूनायको माधुरान्तेः । #frismawrfufumref मन्दराभ
माहादेवं महाश्रीः स्थिरतरमकरोत्र बोलंकुमारः ॥
नदीस्वीकृतनिरते: शिवास्पदं शिलास्पलीमभिरतये पुरद्विषः ।
निजामिम मियमिव सुप्रतिष्ठितां कुमार इत्यकृत नयाहारक: 11
No. 739 of 1905 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection.
[In the other record at the place (No. 735 of 1905 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection) edited by Mr. V. Venkayya, he is called the Müla-bhritya of the Cholas (solargal mula-bhrityar).-Ed.]
The expression in our record Prakata-tara-guru-sněha-samanta-bhavam compares with the Avichalita-chamuniyaka, Mülabhritya and Perumpadainayaka of the Gramam inscriptions.
7 Trav. Arch. Ser. Vol. I., pp. 291-2.
Valluva is a well-known Tamil form of Vallabha; that in Malayalam, Vallabha becomes Vella can be seen from the old list of Sanskrit Malayalam equivalents in personal names published in the journal of the Travancore University Oriental Mss. Library, IV. iii. Oct. 48, p. 45, Mss. Notices and Studies, verse 15.

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No. 47] TIRUVORRIYUR INSCRIPTION OF CHATURANANA PANDITA 295 general's name, and it may well be Kumāra. Fifthly, and this is only of cumulative value, the Gramam inscriptions are in a locality over which Rājāditya was Viceroy, and it is natural that his general of the Tiruvorriyūr inscription was also in the same place.
Unfortunately, the inscriptions afford no clue to know his caste; in one of the Grāmam inscriptions, his native place is called Navägrahāra ; we do not know if we can put too much meaning into the word Agrahāra and suggest that he was a Brāhmaṇa. But the general impression left by a consideration of his life and career is clearly in favour of taking him to be of high caste.
The descriptions of the positions occupied by the general, which have been noted above, show him to have been an intimate guard of the king and a general of his chief forces. The last we hear of him as a Chola commander in the Tirumunaippādinādu is in 943 A.D.;' next, he figures at Tiruvorriyūras & Mathapati, in the eighteenth year of king Krishna III, i.e., in A.D. 957. From his second record at the latter place, i.e., the present inscription, dated in A.D. 959, we learn that his absence from the scene at Takkõlam led him to renounce worldly life. Where he was between the years 943 and 949, the date of the battle of Takkõlam, what his pre-occupation was and why he could not be by his master's side on the occasion of the fatal engagement are more than what we can say or suggest at present. But one thing is certain, viz., the alleged treachery of Chaturā. nana Pandita and his turning a spy of the Răshtrakūta king, etc.,' is, as Prof. Nilakanta Sastri says, "a most baseless conjecture." The misunderstanding was inspired not only externally by Fleet's wrong translation of the passage in the Ātakür inscription but also internally by the wrong import attached to the word Vallabha occurring in the first verse of our inscription. Vallabha refers to the general's father as the chief of Vallabha Rashtra i.e., Vaļļuva-nādu, (- --Vallabha-samāhvaya-rāshtra-nāthāt) in Kerala, and not to the Vallabha Rashtrakūta.
1 That this identification had also suggested itself to Prof. Nilakanta Sastri may be seen from his remarks "One wonders if this man (Chaturanana Pandita) was the same as the Kerala general of Räjāditya who built the Siva temple at Gramam ....." (Colas, Vol. II, Pt. I, p. 496, f.n. 71).
In his short account of Chaturanana Pandita (Colas, Vol. II, Pt. i, p. 496), Prof. K. A. Nilakanta Sastri saya that this general' came to be closely 488ociated with king Räjāditya as his guru, friend and så manla.' The expression in the inscription Prakatatara-guru-enéha-samanta-bhavam means really that he became the general (Samanta) of king Rajāditya by virtue of his great (guru) and very transparent (prakatatara) attachment (snéha) to the king. Prof. Sastri says also that ' in spite of their proximity, (italics mine) he did not have the pleasure of dying with his friend', and in support of this is found his citation in the foot-note sannidhanat hamaranasukham. As has been pointed out while drawing attention to the peculiarities of the writing in this inscription, an avagraha is omitted here, and the correct word is asannidhanal- owing to his absende (from the scene). If the negative a is not to be had there, the sandhi will not be at a but will be strereaft ra. Further, a locative and not an ablative is needed for the sense in spito of'.
Further our inscription says that the general became a scholar even as a boy ; thus, though he became military figure, he retained his scholarly and spiritual background, the full and eventual manifestation of whicla found a sufficient cause and occasion in the sad demise of his beloved master. That even as a general in Tiru. munaippadinādu, he was of a spiritual bent can be seen in some of the descriptive attributes and fancies in the Grāmam inscription referring to his construction of the Siva temple. The first verse describes him as Maulid ....... Kalibala-jayinām-'foremost of the victors over the strength of the Kali age, and the second verse says that he erected for Siva a temple, well established even as his own well-established mind.
Silasthaliri abhiratayé puradvishah nijāṁ iman dhiyan iva supratishthitam (akrita) He was thus & supratishthita-dhi or more or less, in the language of the Gita, sthita-prajia. • No. 735 of 1905 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection. .No. 177 of 1912 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection. • See A. R. on 8.1. Epigraphy, 1913, pp. 93-4 ; also Journal of Oriental Research, Madras, Vol. VI, pp. 229-235. • Colas, Vol. I, p. 160, f.n.
• Colas, Vol. I, p. 444. The information in the summary of our inscription given here, "favourite of the Vallabha king" is also wrong, not only wrong but contradictory to what Prof. Sastri had said earlier on p. 160, f.n.*

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[ Vol. XXVI
We are told in our inscription that the general, after his return from the Ganges, had his initiation from the cave of Nirañjana-guru, who was the head of affairs at Tiruvorriyūr. From an inscription at Tiruvorriyūr' dated in the 19th year of Vijayakampavarman, we learn that a Niranjana-guru built the Siva shrine at Tiruvorriyūr naming the shrine after himself as Niranjanēsvarati, Nirañjana-guru is here stated as playing a prominent part in the Tiruvorriyūr temple. The date of this record is, however, not known, for neither the exact identity nor the date of the Pallava Vijayakanipavarman is settled. That this Pallava king was connected with the Tiruvorriyur temple is further evident from the name of another deity at Tiruvorriyūr, Kampisvaramudaiyar, mentioned in inscriptions.? Vijayakampa's period extended over twenty-six years, and he is taken by some scholars as a contemporary of both Nộipatunga and Aparajita ;" this may, roughly speaking, place Kampa somewhere round about 875 A.D. Niranjana-guru,who built the shrine at Tiruvorriyūr in his 19th year, cannot be brought to a date later than 900 A.D. Anyway, he could not have been living at the time of the Chõļa general's entry into the holy order. The Takkõlam battle was fought in A.D. 949 and the first inscription mentioning this general as head of a matha at Tiruvorriyūr is dated A.D. 957. Even allowing the shortest time for his journey to the Cines and return to the south, say two years, we cannot suppose that he could have been at Tiruvorriyūr earlier than A.D. 951. Probably he took a longer time to return to Tiruvorriyūr; for one who had renounced life and had chosen the path of the passionless, there was no particular hurry and his hitting upon Tiruvorriyūr for stay and sādhanā could not have been according to any pre-meditated plan. I reconstruct the conditions under which he became a siddha differently from what they have appeared to be for others. The important word in the inscription, gahva, meaning guha, should be properly understood. It may be by subsequent semantic shift, the word guhai in the Tamil Dictionary has come to acquire the general meaning' abode of a recluse ;' such an abode may be a monastery, a cave or any secluded place; a cave may be natural, excavated or artificially constructed; but a guhā especially when it is used in Sanskrit does not necessarily mean a matha. Now, in the times of Vijayakampavaraman, there was a great Saiva at Tiruvorriyūr named Niranjana-guru who was an important figure in the temple. His habitation, or more probably the place where he had his sādhani originally, was a cave or cave-like dwelling which during his time and after b un, fitnes 13 the Vira ijuna-guhi. When our general came to Tiruvorriyūr, he was an obscure aspirant; he saw a guhi there associated with a great siddha and which he therefore took to be highly efficacious for his own sūdhani also ; he entered it, performed sädhani inside for a considerable time and then emurged one day as a siddha. The guha then became doubly sacred with the association of two siddhas, and devotees began to esteem it all the more. The new siddha, who had now assumed the name of Chaturānana Pandita, continued to inhabit the same guhā, which by the attention paid by the public gradually grew in importance and was built over into a regular matha by the time of the visit of the Manyakheta merchant in A.D. 957. If we interpret
No. 372 of 1911 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection. * A. R. on S. 1. Epigraphy, 1913, p. 88. * Above, Vol. XXIII, p. 146.
. See Colas, Vol. II, pt. 1, p. 498, f.n. 72. Chaturanana Pandita as the name points is a Saivite recluse; according to the cunonical works of the Pasupata sects, one of the prescribed habitats of a Saivite recluse is a yuha which is expiained as u cuvo; the mention of a cave is said in some texts to include man-forsaken buildings too, sūnyuyara; but nowhere is a sudhaka referred to as resorting to an established matha for his adhana. See Pasupala Sitrus, Tri. Skt. Series, CXLIII, p. 116, and Canakarika, Gaek. Or. Series, XV, pp. 16-17.
. d. l. on J. I. Epiyraphy, 1913, para, 17, page 94.

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No. 47] . TIRUVORRIYUR INSCRIPTION OF CHATURANANA PANDITA 297
No. 371 of 1911 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection too literally Tiruvorriyūr-udaiyār-köyilil-madamudaiya Chaturanana Panditanum-we may suppose that the malha was within the temple.
If, as has been supposed by some scholars, Chaturānana had received initiation directly at the hands of Niranjana-guru himself, we may expect the text and the wording of the inscription to have been different. As the wording of the inscription is, it is gahva or guh, that is emphasised and it is from the guha (gahvăd ya ăpta-vratah) that Chaturānana is said to have obtained his spiritual re-birth. In spirit, therefore, he was a pupil and successor of Niranjana, but not in person.
Chaturānana then established a monastery at Tiruvorriyür whose successivo heads came to be called Chaturānana Panditas after the founder. The following Chaturānana-Panditas aro mentioned at Tiruvorriyūr in inscriptions belonging to different periods. (1) Chaturānana-Pandita I (Vaļabha or Civil life at Grūmam A:D. 935-6 Vellankumāra); of the time of
and 9436 Parantaka I, Rājāditya and Kan. paradēva.
Spiritual caroer at
9576 Tiruvorriyūr
9597
(2) Chaturānana-Pandita (of the time of Rājēndra Chõļa I)
Tiruvorriyūr
10439 A certain architect Ravi
built the Vimāna under his aegis
unknown
date (3) Chaturānana-Pandita (of the time of
Tiruvoşriyür
107710 Kulottunga Chōļa). (4) Chaturānana-Pandita, (contemporary
1171-117211 of Vägisa Bhatta, a Soma-Siddhāntin ;
of the time of Rājādhirāja II) 1 There is at present no trace of the Chaturanana-Pandita mritha at Tiruvorriyür, either outside or inside the temple. The matha-like hall in the Sannidhi street vory near the main gõpura of the temple having an image of Dakshiņāmārti, Sankaracharya, etc., is a very recent one, owing its origin to an Advaitic Sannyasin, popularly known as Yögfávara, who was there some decades ago. This has nothing to do with the Chaturānana matha. There is also a local tradition in the place that to protect the purity of the priest, there used to be a cavo passage between the priest's house on the northern main street to the east of the tank, and the temple, but such a passage, if it was there, must have been different from the Niranjana-Guha.
? T.N. Ramachandran : Vijayakampavarman, JOR, Madras, Vol. VI, pp. 224-235.
+ Therefore, the whole argument of Mr. T. N. Ramachandran in his article that the Niranjang-guru of Vijayakampa's time being the same as the Niranjana-guru of our inscription, the date of Vijaya-Kampavarman would come to 907-33 A.D. seems to be wrong. It is unnecessary to assume too long period for the Niranjana of Kampa's inscription and the Chaturanana of Kanparadēva's inscription or to identify the latter with the Chatu. ranana of Rajendra Chola's time. Having proposed this last identification, Mr. Ramachandran differentiates the Chaturananas of the two Rajendra inscriptions, while the more natural assumption is to take these two se the same. It is acceptable to Mr. Ramachandran that the successors of the first Chaturanana-Papdita were also called by the same name. See also above, Volume XXIII, p. 145, f.n. 1.
• No. 739 of 1905 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection. • No. 735 of 1905 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection. • No. 177 of 1912 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection.
No. 181 of 1912 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection. * 8.1.1., Vol. V, No. 1354 ; No. 104 of 1912 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection. • No. 126 of 1912 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection. 10 8. I. I., Vol. V, No. 1356.
11 Nos. 403 of 1896, 371 of 1911 and 206 of 1912 of the Madras Epigraphion Collection, XVI.1-25

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298
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXVII
From the description of the Chaturanana-Panditas in these inscriptions, we understand that though when the first Chaturanana made an endowment, he entrusted it with the Sabha of Narasimhamangala, the Pandita himself was also in charge of the affairs of the temple at Tiruvorriyür. The record of the Manyakheta merchant at this place refers to Mathapati Chaturanana as bearing the office of Dharma. Niranjana-guru is described in the insoription of Vijayakaṁpavarman as the lord of Tiruvotriyur (Tiruvorriyur udaiya) and in our own inscription as Adhigramapati. In similar terms, the inscription of Rajendra Chōla' refers to Chaturanana as one in charge of the temple and the matha at Tiruvorriyür [Tiruvorriyür-tirumayanamu(m)maḍam(um)-uḍaiya). It was at Chaturanana's instance that Ravi built the Vimana (Chaturanana-chöditena) of the Adhipuriśvara shrine. In the time of Kulottunga I, the Pandita is entrusted with the scrutiny of the temple accounts. The Chōla king Rajadhiraja II is stated to have attended the temple festival at Tiruvorriyur with Chaturanana by his side,' and in another inscription of the same king we find the Pandita ordering the recording of some gift left unrecorded. The position of authority held by Chaturanana is borne out by the Sanskrit portion of the inscription of Rajadhiraja II in which Chaturänana who looks into the accounts is expressly called Vārēśaḥ,
वारेशचतुराननो महपतिः स्थित्यर्थमालेखयत् ।
that is, head of the Väriyam which was an executive committee functioning under the Sabha.
Mr. T. N. Ramachandran says 10 that there was an order of Sannyasins at Tiruvorriyur to which both Niranjana and Chaturanana belonged. This is not likely. There was no succession of Nirañjana but only one Niranjana of Kampavarman's time. Both Niranjana and Chaturanana were Saiva gurus and even as their names, which are different from the advaitic appellations ending in Atman, Ananda, etc., show, they had nothing to do with Advaita. That Sankaracharya visited the place and put down the Vämamarga obtaining there is known from tradition; what we actually know from the inscriptions is that so late as the time of Räjädhiraja II, one Vagisa Bhaṭṭa was there expounding Soma-Siddhanta, quite in keeping with the Bhairava and Pasupata traditions of the place. But this hardly means that other forms of worship and currents of thought did not join to build up the richness of the spiritual associations of Tiruvorriyür. The tradition of Sankara brought Advaita and the worship of Devi on refined lines; the tradition of Vyakaranadāna, revelation of grammar, shows the probability of the upasana of Sabdabrahman attaining some importance at the shrine; and above all, the hymns of the Saiva Nayanars relating to Tiruvorṛiyür show the growth, at the place, of the path of Bhakti to Siva.
1 No. 177 of 1912 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection: farragend mount amat ge
No. 372 of 1911 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection.
No. 181 of 1912 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection.
S. I. I., Vol. V, No. 1354.
* Nos. 105 of 1892 and 126 of 1912 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection.
8. I. I., Vol. V, No. 1356.
No. 371 of 1911 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection.
No. 206 of 1912 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection.
(Jolas, Vol. II, Pt. i. pp. 281-5 on Väriyam.
J. O. R., Madras, Vol. VT, p. 231.
There is an image of Saakaráskárys in the Gaultivara shrine here.

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No. 47]
TIRUVORRIYUR INSCRIPTION OF CHATURANANA PANDITA
Besides the matha of Chaturanana-Pandita, there were others called after Rajendra Chōla,1 Tirujñānasambandha, Nandikēśvara, Kulottunga-Chōla, and Angaraya at Tiruvorryür. The Rajendra-Chola-matha was evidently founded during the king's time. It was a matha for the Mähesvaras and is referred to in inscriptions Nos. 127, 132 and 135 of 1912 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection. It was built by the wife of Prabhakara Bhaṭṭa of Merkalapura in Aryadeśa, who became a resident of Tiruvorriyür. It is clear that this matha must have been founded after the expedition of the king to the Ganges, for Prabhakara Bhatta and his wife from Aryadesa, along with scholars and Sivacharyas like Sarvasiva Pandita of the Tanjore temple, must have been brought from the north by Rajendra's generals on their return from the Gangā-vijaya.
299
The Nandikesvara-matha, reference to which is found in an inscription of the third year of Vijayagandagopala (c.1238 A.D.), can be identified at the village even now on the north-western corner outside the temple."
We may now proceed to discuss the details of the gifts mentioned in the inscription.
It says that for the conduct of the worship of Siva at Tiruvoṛriyur, Chaturanana-Paṇḍita entrusted the endowment to the assembly of Narasimhamangala (Narasimhamangala-sabhām= akalpam-agrahayat). The express mention of a different name Narasimhamangala in connection with the Sabha shows that the Sabha was not exactly at Tiruvorriyür. In the Tiruvorriyur inscriptions we find that the administrative affairs at Tiruvorriyür were carried on by the Sabha of the village of Manali, otherwise called Singa or Simha vishnuchaturvedimangalam. In No. 372 of 1911 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection of the time of Vijayakampa, though not styled as Simhavishnuchaturvedimangalam, Manali figures as transacting through its sabha important affairs at Tiruvorriyür. It is clear from the epigraphs that the administrative Sabha for Tiruvorriyur was not at that place itself, but at Manali or Simhavishnuchaturvedimangalam which is only two or three miles from Tiruvorriyur. It seems therefore very probable that the Narasimhamangala of our record refers only to Manali. If this view is correct, Narasimhamangala, which is the name in the earlier record, must be the proper name but which later came to be mentioned also as Simhavishnuchaturvedimangalam. Simhavishnu and Narasimha are not after all different names and the full name of king Simhavishnu might have been Narasimhavishnu.10 In the introductory portion of the Avantisundarikatha, the king is mentioned as Simhavishnu and in the Arya uttered as a blessing by the Gandharva in which there is a vague but relevant élesha implied, the name
1 Nos. 127, 132 and 135 of 1912 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection.
2 No. 238 of 1912 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection. 15th year of Vijayagandagopala (c. A.D. 1250: See Madras Epigraphical Report 1890, May, p. 2.)
No. 239 of 1912 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection.
Madras Epigraphical Report 1913, p. 86. Fifty Saivas were fed here every day.
5 No. 205 of 1912 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection of the time of Harihara II of Vijayanagara. No. 239 of 1912 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection.
In the Tiruvortiyur-Puranam (Canto 3, verse 8) we find that Nandikesvara performed penance to see the dance of Siva at Tiruvorriyur on the banks of a tirtha (tank) to the northwest of the temple. The neighbourhood of the place now shows that there must have been a tank and other structures here.
Nos. 102, 112, 128, 142, 156, 211, 228 of 1912 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection.
In fact, the expression Tiruvotriyur-purattu-Manali in Inscriptions warrants our holding Manali as having been a part of Tiruvorriyür. We may in this connection compare Palalyanur and Tiruvalangaḍu (near Arkonam); though the former village is about a mile from the latter place, the temple at the latter place is said to be situated at Palaiyanûr (No. 459 of 1995 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection).
10 See also Memoirs, Arch. Survey of India, No. 26; and S. I. I., Vol. XII, No. 17.
2 A

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300 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXVII Narasimha occurs. The Tamil part of the inscription, if it was intact, might have thrown some light on this problem.
From this association with the Pallavas, we may take that the Tiruvorriyūr temple developed greatly in Pallava times and became a famous centre of Mahavrata Saivas. That the lives of one of the minor Saiva Näyanārs, Kaliya Nāyanār and of Sundaramürti Näyanar, one of the Saiva saints of the Pallava period, are associated with this temple would also show that the shrine had become famous in the Pallava times.
Our record says that Chaturānana arranged for a special service for the Siva at Tiruvorriyūr. The deity meant is evidently the primary one in the central shrine, referred to as Adhipuriśvara which is but a translation of the Tamil name Orriyūr-Udaiyār. The Tamil name orri and its Sanskrit synonym adhi mean mortgage'; what story in the local purāņa gave this name to the deity is not known. Nor is it known if it was the central deity that was renamed NiranjanēśvarattuMahādēvar by Nirañjana-guru, for, the subshrines and deities at Tiruvorriyūr are numerous.
1 The names Narasimhamangala and Simhavishnuchaturvedimangalam clearly show the association of the Pallavas with the shrine at Tiruvorriyūr and with its adjacent village, Manali: In the 12th canto of the Tiruvorriyūrp-Purānam, we find an account of a Tondaimãn of Kanchi and what he did for the Tiruvorriyūr tem. ple. The Tondaimān who was engaged in rounding up the chieftains Kurumbas, Kurunilamannar, who were harassing the people, had to encounter two of their chieftains, Bana and Ona, in the northern direction, from where they were fighting with the help of Bhairava, the deity of their worship. Unable to stand against these, the Tondaimán sought the help of Vishnu at Tirupati, which being of no avail against the Bhūta sent by Bhairava, he sought the aid of Siva at Tiruvorriyūr. With the help of the last mentioned, he could destroy the Kurunbas and in gratitude, Tondaimān orected a regular temple for the Siva at Tiruvorriyur with vimana, prākā 12, etc. What follows is interesting : the Tondaiman established 500 Sivalingas and brought from the banks of the Ganges five hundred Brāhmana Maharratine. For guarding the temple, ho set up an image of a Viramahakali and in front of it a round stone (vattapparai in Tamil) having a mantrachakra ; and this Kāļi is evidently the one on the southern side of the central shrine now going by the name of Vattapalli-la corruption of Vattapparai) Nacchiyar. The Tonelaiman then consecrated here seven Kāļis and Bhairavas and a figure of Siva in the form of a teacher of the Maharratins. The last is evidently the image referred to as Gaudēsvara or Gaulīśvara found behind the shrine of Tyagarāja, to the west, in the southern präkära. Therefore Gaulīśvara or Gaudēśvara, like the Uttarā pathēsvara at Tiruchchenkittangudi, refers perhaps to the bringing of the worship and the followers o: Jahavrata from the north. It may be pointed out in this connection that both this Gaudēvara image and the image of Bhairava or Kshetrapal in the northern prākāra appear old and may belong to later Pallava times.
* The available Tiruvorriyir-Purinam not only does not contain any story to explain this name but says also that Orri in the name refers to the fact that floods subsidel at this place. Adhi in the name is taken as Adi moaning primary' In canto two (Linyol patti-Sarga) the Purana says that the chief deity at Tiruvorriyur is of the form of a painted plank (chitraphalaka), surrounded by Agni; the deity is hence called Phalakakaranatha. In a subsequent canto (eight) of the same Purina, the story is told of how the serpent king Väsuki became one with the deity, and from that aroso another name of the deity, Padan-pakka-natha, the Lord with the serpent's hood attached to His form. A stray verse of Kamban also points to the main deity being of the form of Valmika or anthill, for he refers to the Kāļi there is the Goddess by the side of man or earth (ralnika)', Matpakkanách. chiyar. Such Valmika forms of deity are known in other sbriucs too like Tiruvarur and the painted plank referred to in the Purana means a plank placed in front of the Valmika with some chakru. Instead of giving any detailed articles for the bathing (abhishēlu) of the deity, our inscription simply inentions Tirumeyppichchu or the vil essence of frankincense (rem piriniltailam) which is the u
wittailam) which is the usual substance with which & periodical aprinkling in lieu of abhisheken is given for Vilmika-murtis. However, if Padampakkanayaka is tho name of the main deity in the form of a Valmika, there is it real difficulty in explaining the inscription 232 of 1912 of the Maanus Epigraphical Collection found at the basement of the Gaulisvara shrine which refers to Padampakkanayakit as a stone-image (sila-mayattirumeni). Perhaps this latter refers to what is called Adhilingam which is raid to be on the north of the Valmika-murti. In a late work (c.1800 A.D.), called Sarvadevavilasa, containing descriptions of temples in Madras city and environs, this Gaulisvara is referred to as Tryambakesa; and ne deity of the central shrine is called Valmikanátha.
"We must suppose that what was originally an early Pallava structure was rebuilt by Niranjana-guru towards the close of the Pallava period, and was again rebuilt by architect Ravi in Rajendra Chola's time. From the numerous and informative inscribed stones in the temple, it would indeed he an interesting work to recon. struct the original plan and subsequent growth and modification of the structure of the Tiruvorriyūr templo.

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No. 47] TIRUVORRIYUR INSCRIPTION OF CHATURANANA PANDITA 301
Some of the words in the inscription need explanation. By Nishka (1.11) we have to understand Kalasju and by Mäsha (1.12) Mañjādi and this interpretation gives us the interest as three Mañjādis per Kalanju which was the rate obtaining at Tiruvorriyūr as stated in inscriptions of those times.
Of measures of capacity, the inscription mentions the Kādi and Nali with reference to rice, ghee and sugar. The Kādi, the Tamil Lexicon suggests, is the Sanskrit Khari, which is a measure of grain, etc., equal to sixteen Dronas, a Dröna being equal to one or four Adhakas. As eight Adhakas now make a measure, the Kādi may mean two or eight measures, but in view of the fact that the rice offering mentioned is meant for a round of four services in the day (mälu-poldaikku), we may take Kādi as eight measures. The Nāli is mentioned by the Tamil Lexicon as a measure or one-fourth of a measure and here again, the former seems to suit our context.
Next to the rice offering mentioned as Tiruvamirtu, the inscription mentions another riceoffering called Perumtiruvamirtu, followed by a mention of ghee and sugar. The editor of the Tamil Lexicon thinks that the addition of Perum adds no significance, but I think Perumtiruvamirtu (1.16) or the grand rice-offering, for which ghee and sugar also are mentioned, is sweet rice offering called Akkūravališal, a variety of Sakkaraippongal.
The Tirumeyppūcchu occurring in the inscription has already been explained as the oil essence of frankincense p. 300 f.n. 2.
Divīramanis (1.20) are reciters of the Devaram hymns. Māņi is either a student or Brahmachari (Mänavaka, Mānākka), an: refers porhaps to the class of temple singers solely devoted to the recital of Devaram hymns, at service time.
The expression Pūšai kattuvān (1.21) may mean the person who arranges the things in order for the service, especially the assistant who brings the offerings from the temple kitchen.
I must now express my thanks to my friends who helped me in editing the inscription and preparing this article: Mr. M. Venkataramayya, Dr. N. Venkataramanayya and Prof. S. Vaiyapuri Pillai and Mr. G. V. Srinivasa Rao and Mr. V. Venkatasubba Aiyar of the Epigraphy Officer, Madras.
TEXT:
1 [mt]: stratat fa q'[fa]a[11f ]a[1]a[ra]--U U U 2 3 न वि केरळानाम्[1*] नाथस्य वल्लभसमाह्वयराष्ट्रनाथात् :: [EU at TOERT+262H1 TET*:* I [*] ara fa THT (FAT)4 स्स्वयमधिगतवान् बाहुशाली विशालीभूतोर स्थापितश्री वन[हि]त5 autodai H [1*] Torfatura TR: CATTOCHTA
time
and
1 Inscriptions show that recital of these hymns in the temples was known even in lator Pallave had become a regular feature from the time of Parantaka I. See Colas, II, i, p. 470.
After pra the letters are mostly damaged ; parts of 1, bh and alone are soon. These seven letters are totally destroyed. Metre : Vasantatilakā. * Read TAT. [The omission of the visar4 hore is in accordance with the vårttika: fatatal #54:-Ed.]
afa

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302 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXVII 6 न्तभावं यः प्राप्तो[*] सन्निधानात्सहमरणसुखं संयुगे तेन मा7 PRAT: 2 [*] Prearataracterest rafratgart Amador 8 farctrangaren taferumfa*fer[ *) afartarafatsunaga9 र्गवाच प्राप्तव्रतस्तदक्षातमहाव्रतः पुनरवाल्लक्ष्मीमिवानुव्रताम् ॥ [३] 10 नाम्मा भीचतुराननो मठधुरम् विभ्रनिष्ठाह्वये जन्म; स महा11 forwartet atrri(rri)gefert: [*] s laagavuf "farmacmafia12 fahrfa'w spraw face the auteur [18*] 13 Kachchiyun-Taiñjaiyun-konda brito Kapnaradē varkku yāṇdu irupa14 d=āvadu Pular-kottattu-tiruvorriyür madam-udaiya Chaturāņa[ra]pandita bhatā[ra]15 r tām piranda avittan"-tõrum bali nadappadaku[m] Dēvarkku tiruv-amird=arisi na16 lu pā!daikku arisi oru kāờikkum perun=tiruv-amirdiņukku arisi padiņāru-na. 17 likkun-neyy-amirdu nälikkus-sarkkarai nälikkum välaippalam padina. 18 rinukkun-kariy-amidiskun-kāyattirkun-tayir-amidirkumm-adaikkäyl=amidu n[a]19 rpadinukkun-tirumeypüchchukkun-dhūt pattirkun-nārupū virkumma?-äga enk[ä]20 [di] nā[!] munnāliyun dēvāramāņiga) mūvarkkun=tirumadaip-pa!ļi attuvār iru21 [var]kum virak=iļuvār=iruva[r*]kkum pūšai=kattuvāņ=oruvanu[kku]n tirumelikk=iduvär
iruva[r*]kku22 ..... [nä*]lvarkkun=tiruv-alak-iduvär mūvarkkum-aga [ne]"
TRANSLATION [Verse 1] Of the chief of the Rashtra, called Vallabha, of the well-known name Rajasekhara (who was, ......10 to the lord of the Kerala, was born Valabha, renowned through his excellences even as god Guha was born of the moon-crested Siva.
1 One letter is redundant here. Read Oplah. ? Metre : Sragdhara. • Read a to • Metre : Särdülavikridita. Ir non-Sanskritic sound written in Tamil • Needless duplication of .
Read 'fan. • Stroke unnecessary.
Metro: śärdülavikridita. 10 Sri written in Grantha.
11 de
11 bha . >
> 10 Read ariffam. 14 ba written in Grantha, 15 Read amidiplum-adaikkay: needless duplication of m. 1 dhe written in Grantha. 11 needless duplication of m: read pūvirkum-aga.
16 This ne may be 'nel, meaning paddy, to be given according to the measure to be spocified in the factor minsing portion, to the above mentioned persons.
** A word bhuvi clear in this part of the verse is left untranslated, as it is not known with what other words it has to be taken.

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TIRUVORRIYUR INSCRIPTION OF CHATURANANA PANDITA:
20TH YEAR OF KRISHNA III.
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TIRUVORRIYUR INSCRIPTION OF CHATURANANA PANDITA
303
[V2.) Himself having acquired in his boyhood all the loros, the valorous (Valabha), with the goddess of fortune established on his broad chest, devoting himself to the welfare of the world, came to the Chola country, obtained the position of a general of king Rájāditya by virtue of his great and very transparent attachment (to that king), (but) could not, owing to his absence (from the scene), obtain the happiness of dying in battle along with the king.
[V3.] Perturbed (in mind) that this act (absence and not dying with the king) was unworthy of his class, his own self, family and master, he became, owing to indifference, bereft of all worldly attachment, bathed in the waters of the Ganges, had his initiation from (in) the cave of Niranjana-guru, the head of Tiruvorriyūr (Adhigrāma), and taking upon himself the sacred duty of maintaining that cave, he received back the goddess of fortune who was like one (ever) devoted to him.
[V4.] Chaturanana by name and bearing the burden of maintaining a monastery, he, for the purpose of continuation of special worship to god Siva at Tiruvorriyür on the occasion of his natal constellation, the Dhanishthā, made the assembly of Narasimhamangala receive till eternity a hundred pieces of pure gold with an interest of three mäshas per nishka per year.
In the twentieth regnal year of Sri Kannaradēva who captured Kachchi (Kanchi) and Tañjai (Tanjore), Chaturānana Pandita Bhaţărar of the Maha at Tiruvorriyur (situated) in the division called Pular-kottam, for the conduct of worship on every Avittam in which (constellation) he was born, (provided for) the Lord ........ for one kāli of rice for the ordinary) rice offering, four times in the day), for sixteen nälis of rice for the special rice-offering, for ono nāli of ghee, for one nāli of sugar, for sixteen plantain fruits, for curry (vegetables), and asafoetida, for curd, forty areca-nuts (and betel leaves), for Tirumeyppicchu. for frankincense, and for fragrant flowers eight kādis, and at three nālis ; for three Dēvāramānis, for two cooks in the temple kitchen, for two fuel-assistants, for one person to assist during the temple service, for twv prisons who smear the ground (clean) with cow-dung, for four .......... (and) for three persons who sweep with broomsticks ......
I Having become head of a matha, position, power and polf which he had noe ronounced, came back to him, as if they were wedded to him.
: Diksha-naman, name after becoming siddha.
The expression in Sanskrit here is rather unusual - hi-bali-bhrum', there is no other reulint pucible : shrama or revolving is taken by me as continuation or regular conduct (which is about the best rounning possible in the context). Compare bali nadappadarkku in the Tamil part.

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No. 48-SRIRANGAM INSCRIPTION OF KAKATIYA PRATAPARUDRA; SAKA 1239 V. VENKATASUBBA AIYAR, MADRAS
The subjoined inscription' is engraved on the south wall of the Chandana-mandapa in the Ranganatha temple at Srirangam in the Trichinopoly District. It is badly damaged; lines seventeen and eighteen containing the donative portion are irretrievably lost. However, it has been possible to rescue the remaining portion by carefully removing the chunam that has accumulated through ages, by periodical whitewashing of the temple. Moreover, the inscribed surface shows a tendency to exfoliate, as the granite selected is not of the hard variety. In spite of these defects, the portion now preserved is valuable, as it notices the part taken by the Kakatiya king Parataparudradeva in the Second war of Pandya Succession which convulsed the Tamil land in the fourteenth century, bringing in foreign aid in support of the opposing parties.
It may be stated at the outset, that a duplicate for a portion of this inscription, consisting of seven lines, is found in the Jambukesvara temple at Tiruvaṇaikkaval, close to Srirangam.
The language of the present inscription is Telugu, but it is engraved in Grantha, a script. better known in the locality. The date of the record is given as Saka 1239, Pingala, Chaitra, su. 14, Monday, lunar eclipse, which corresponded to A.D. 1317, March 28, Monday.
As stated above, the portion containing the object of the grant is completely lost, but the last two lines indicate that some land or village was given as sarvamanya, evidently to the Ranganatha temple at Srirangam. The introductory portion of the record states that while Mahāmaṇḍalēsvara Kakatiya Prataparudradeva-Mahārāya was ruling from Orungallu, Dēvari-Nayaka, son of Machaya-Nayaka fitted out an expedition to the South against Pañcha-Pandya, defeated ViraPandya along with Malayala Tiruvadi Kulasekhara at Tiruvadikuṇḍram, and that he finally installed Sundara-Pandya at Viradhavala. This victorious event, Devari-Nayaka celebrated by an endowment to the temple at Srirangam, as also to the one at Tiruvāṇaikkaval.
The Muhammadan historians Wassaf and Amir Khusru point out that Malik-Käfür " was informed that the two Rais of Ma'bar, the eldest named Bir-Pandya and the youngest SundarPandya, who had up to that time continued on friendly terms, had advanced against each other with hostile intentions". Our inscription states that the Kakatiya general restored SundaraPandya to power after defeating Vira-Pandya and the Malayala Tiruvadi. Further, an inscription from Poonamalle near Conjeevaram, in the Chingleput District, states that a Chera king conquered Sundara-Pandya. Evaluating these statements, it may be inferred that there was
1 No. 79 of 1938-39 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection. During the recent renovation of the temple, a greater portion of this inscription is covered with cement plaster.
For the first war of Pandya succession when the Chola and the Singhalese kings espoused the cause of opposing parties, see above, Vol. XXI, pp. 186 ff.
Published in S. I. I. (Texts), Vol. IV. No. 430. This inscription is only a fragment. It is also engraved in Grantha script.
In this connection it may be pointed out that the Arulala-Perumal temple inscription of this king (Prataparudradeva) is in Sanskrit and Tamil (above, Vol. VII, pp. 128 ff). An inscription dated in Saka 1172 in which a merchant of Pandalayani Kollam figures as donor is engraved in Tamil acknowledging the rule of the E. Ganga king Vira Narasingadeva at Visakhapatnam (No. 98 of 1909). There is also another inscription of the king from Gundalur, the language of which is Telugu, the script being Tamil (No. 619 of 1907).
But the statement made in the Cambridge History of India, Vol. III, p. 487 that Sundara-Pandya was placed on the throne by Malik Käfür needs revision.
See n. 3 above.
Elliot and Dowson: History of India, Vol. III, p. 88.
No. 34 of 1911 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection.

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rivalry between the two Pandya brothers and that Sundara-Pandyas ought the help of the Kakatiya king, while Vira-Pandya resorted to Malayāļa Tiruvadi. The present epigraph therefore is important inasmuch as inscriptional reference to this hostility between the Pandya brothers has not so far been found. These Pandya princes are mentioned by the historian Wassaf as the legitimate and illegitimate sons of Kulasekhara, who by preferring the illegitimate Vira-Pandya to succeed him drove Sundara-Pandya to turn a parricide and establish his claim with help from outside. From the date A.D. 1317 of the present record, it may be inferred that Malik-Käfür's invasion of the south in 710 H. corresponding to A.D. 1310 was a general campaign for loot, and had no connection with the rivalry for power between the Pandya princes.
Vira-Pandya and Sundara-Pandya mentioned in our inscription may be identified with the Pandya kings of the names who bore the title Jaţăvarman and whose dates of accession were A.D. 1296 and 1303 respectively. From Wasgaf's statement, their animosity seems to have arisen lately, probably before A.D. 1317, the date of our record. Vira-Pandya's latest regnal year is 471 (46+1), corresponding to A.D. 1343, while that of Sundaru-Pandya is 17,9 carrying his reign to A.D. 1319, i.e. 2 years posterior to the date of our record. It will thus be evident that ViraPandya ultimately gained his object as the rule of his rival was short.
We shall first take up for consideration the connection of the Pandyas who were the supreme power in the Tamil land with the Travancore country, known as Malai-nādu, Malai-mandalam or Vēņād. The Pandya kings who were in power towards the close of the 13th and the beginning of the 14th centuries were (1) Märavarman Kulasēkhara (A.D. 1268-1310), (2) Vikrama-Pandya (A.D. 1283-1296), (3) Vira-Päydya (A.D. 1296-1343) and (4) Jatavarman Sundara-Pandya (A.D. 1303-1319).
Māravarman Kulasēkhara seems to have conquered Malai-nádu errly in his reign, as some of the records found in the Tirunelveli District give him the titles 'the conqueror of Malai-nādu,' Sēranaivecra, Kollam-Konda', etc. A Sanskrit inscription from Tirunelvēlio mentions that he
· Pudukkottai Inscr., No. 440. * Pandyan Kingdom, p. 214.
According to Muhammadan historians, Ma'har, i.e. the Pandya country extended from Kulam (.e. Quilon) to Nilewar (Nellore) nearly 300 pharasegs along the sea coast and the king was called Dewar signifying the lord of the empire' (Elliot and Dowson : History of India, Vol. III, p. 32). Marco Polo who visited the coast of Tirunelveli in A.D. 1292 says that Mo'bar'is the best of all the Indies and the finest and noblest province in the world' The Chinese Annals contain a description of an embassy which the Pandyas sent to the Moghul emperor, Kublai Khan in A.D. 1286 (Tin. Dist. Gaz., p. 55).
Malai-nādu roughly comprised the present Malabar district, Cochin and the northern portion of Travan. oore to the exclusion of Vēnad. Vēņåd is taken to include the present Travancore Stato with its capital at Kollam (Quilon) and sometimes it is used as a comprehensive name to include the territories ruled by all the branches of the Vañchi dynasty. In the Travancore State Manual, Part II, p. 292 it is stated that the whole country between the Western Ghats and the sea stretching up to Kollam in the north formed the territory of the Vēņád kings who were also known by the name 'Kapakas'.
His latest regnal year is 13 (No. 539 of 1916 of the Madras Ep. Collection).
• Pandyan Kingdom, p. 214. Pandya connection with the Chera country is indicated oven earlier during the roign of Maravarman Sandara-Påndys (accn. A.D. 1216) in a record of his mentioning Chéra Pandyadēva "who took the eastern country" from Tiruvengavāśal in the Pudukkottai State (No. 235 of 1914 of the Madras Ep. Collection). A verse inscription from Chidambaram (No. 354 of 1913 of the Madras Ep. Collection) in which Sundara-Pandya is atuted to have conquered Venadu may be assigned to Jatavarman Sundara Pandya I (accn. A.D. 1251). A record of Jatavarman Kulasēkbara with the introduction Pülala-vanitai' notices & Kerala prince named Ködai Ravivarman as the brother-in-law of the king (No. 665 of 1916 of the Madras Ep. Collection).
* No. 698 of 1916 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection, dated in the 11th year.
No. 126 of 1907 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection, dated in the 8th regnal year. • Ep. Rep. for 1927, para. 42, page 91.
10 No. 29 of 1927 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection. This record is signed to the king of scen. A.D. 1190 in the Rp. Rep. for 1927, pars. 41, but it is too early for a Påndya claiming victory over the Hoysales. XVI-1-25

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built the high prākāra wall of the local Nelliyappar temple from the booty obtained from the Kēraļa, Chola and Hoysala kings. The titles Kulasēkhara, Märavarman, etc., adopted by the Vēņād king Ravivarman are taken as indicating his subordinate position to the Pāndya king.
Vikrama-Pāndya was the younger brother of Māsavarman Kulasēkhara and an inscription from Chidambaran refers to his exploits in Vēnād. In his prasasti beginning with the words Sama stabhuvana karira, etc., he is called the sun to the dense darkness of the Kēralı race': The Malavālam grammar Lilililakan mentions the defeat evidently of this king at the hands of the Kēraļa ruler Kulasekhara Ravivarman who subsequently married the daughter of the Pandya king. A verse quoted in the same work ascribes to this Pāndya king victories over Muhammadans whose cavalry he defeated and pursued.
Vira-Pandya, according to Muhammadan historians, was the son of Máravarman Kulusokhara I whose choice of succession to the Pandya throne fell on this prince in preference to his natural son Sundara-Pāndya. The order of succession of Pāndya kings in the region surrounding the present village Tiruvēndipuram' in the South Arcot District is given in an inscription as (1) Perumā! Sundara-Pāņdyadēva, (2) Perumā! Vikrama-Pāndyadēva, (3) Perumā! Vira-Pāņdyadēva and (4) Jațăvarman Sundara-Pāndyadēva ;a while at Kättumannärköyil in the same district, it is given as: (1) Perumā! Sundara-Pandyadēva,
(2) Kulasēkharadēva, (3) Vira-Pāndyadeva and
(4) Jaţāvarman Sundara-Pāņdyadēva ( acen. A.D. 1303). All writers' on Pandya-Kerala relationship of this period suppose that the Vira-Pandya who is mentioned in the Aruļā!a-Perumi! temple inscription" as having been defeated and driven into Konkaņa and thence into the forests by Ravivarman Kulasēkhara, is identical with the Pandya king of this name who ascended the throne in A.D. 1 296. With this identification as the basis it has been postulated that this Pandya king was driven out of Kerala and Konkan, that he reappeared and raised a standard of revolt11 in Kerala against Ravivarman and in favour of his rival l'daya Märttändavarman and that Ravivarman espoused the cause of Sundara-Pāņdya as against that of Vira-Pandya.12 But according to our interpretation of the present record, Ravivartan. came to support Vira-Pānılya against Sundara-Pandya and as such Vira-Pandya, the Pandya king, could not have been an enemy of the Kerala king. Vira-Pandya who sustained defeat at the hands of Ravivarman must therefore be not the Pandya king Vira-Pandya of the name, but must be taken as some other prince whose identity is not evident. Further, we find Ravivarman
1 No. 350 of 1913 of the Madras Ep. Collection, belonging to Māravarman Tribhuvanachakravartin Vira Kerala alias Kulasēkhara must be ascribed to Ravivarman. See also Ep. Rep. for 1914, para. 24. Mr. N. Lakshmi.
uck silver coins, round in shape, of a Vira Kerala found at Vaigai. Fulam in the Tirunelveli District, which may be assigned to Ravivarman Kulasekhara. The legend on the ohverse and reverse reads Sri-Vira Keralasya' and Sri Gandarāmkušasya' respectively. [Mr. N. Lakshmi. Larayan Rao gesigns them to Vira Kerala of A. D. 1127. See J. N. 8. I., Vol. IX, pt. ii, p. 103.--Ed.)
· No. 462 of 1921 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection. * No. 365 of 1913 do. do. • Ep. Rep. for 1914, para. 20. * J. O. R., Vol. XII, p. 900. 6 Travancore State Manual, Vol. II, p. 98. 7 8. 1. 1., Vol. VII, No. 761. The date of this record would correspond to A.D. 1312, July 24.
S. I. I., Vol. XII, p. 173. New Ind. Ant., Vol. VI, p. 37; Ep. Rep. for 1914, pars. 21; T.4. ., Vol. IV, p. 89. 10 Above, Vol. IV, p. 146. HJ. O. R., Vol. XII, pp. 200 and 201. 12 New Ind. Ant., Vol. VI, p. 37.
13 The name Vira-Pandya occurs in Kongu and Alupa genealogies in the second half of the 13th centure and not about 1817 A.D., the date of our rocord.

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assuming the Pandya title and names like Märavarman, Kulasēkhara and Vira-Pandya' which would indicate, either (1) that he wanted to consider himself a Pāņdya with rights to sovereignty in virtue of his having married a Pandya princess, or (2) his subordinate position, first under Kulasekhara and thereafter under Vira-Pāņdya, the then supreme rulers of the Tamil land. The former alternative is perhaps emphasised by Ravivarman's coronation on the banks of the Vēgavati in the Madura District and by the presence of the emblem of a fish surmounted by an arku sa (the elephant goad) found engraved near his inscription in the Perumal temple at Poona malle.
From our record we find that Vira-Pāndya was defeated by the Kākatiya general about A.D. 1317 but after the withdrawal of the Kakatiya forces, this Pandya king must have regained power, for his rule was acknowledged in the very next year, i.e., A.D. 1318 at Virinchipuram, not very far from Conjeeveram.
Wassaf is the only authority who states that Sundara-Pandya took refuge under the protection of Ala-ud-din of Delhi when his half-brother Vira-Pandya collected an army in the middle of the year 710 H. and marched against him. This statement has rightly been questioned by scholars,? as nothing is known about the effects of Muslim help, if any, given in this connection on the relative position of the two royal brothers of the Pandya country. What we definitely know from the present inscription is that Sundara-Pandya received help from the Kakatiya ruler who was instrumental in restoring the Pandya king to power through his general. In gratitude for this help Sundara-Pandya made an endowment at Vșiddhachalam for a service instituted in the local Siva temple called after the general Muppidi-Nāyaka.Sundara-Pandya's inscriptions are found from the Tirunelveli District 10 in the south right up to Viriñchipuram" (North Arcot Dist.) in the north.
IT. A. S., Vol. XI, p. 59. ?T. A. S., Vol. IV, p. 90.
S.I.I., Vol. VI, No. 330 ; No. 344 of 1923 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection. Like Ravivarman, hie successor in Vēnād, viz. Udaya Märttindavarman had the name Vira-Pandya (7. 4. S., Vol. IV, p. 90).
• Ep. Rep., 1911, para. 40.
Xo. 177 of 1939-40 of the Madras Ep. Collection, dated in Saka 1239 and 21st year of Vira-Pandya with the title Maravarman which is evidently a mistake for Jaţāvarman. The details of date given in this record are correct for A.1). 1318, February 5 with the emendation su. 3 for su. 13. It may be noted in this connection that in the same village there is also an inscription of Sundara-Pandya (acen. 1303 A.D.) which combines Saka 1227 with the ne regnal year (No. 189 of 1939-40).
• Elliot and Dowson ; History of India, Vol. III, p. 54. ? Pandyan Kingdom, p. 207; J. 0. R., Vol. XII, p. 198.
# Wassaf who describes Sundara-Pandya's visit to Delhi does not refer to any help rendered by the Sultan. The other Muhammadan writers do not also refer to this incident or to any expedition which the Sultan sent to the Pandya country after Malik Kafür's return. (A record of Jatavarman Srivallabha ( L I., Vol. VIII, No. 247 atates that Räjarājan Sundara Pandya invaded the country in alliance with the Muhammadans. Vide Karly Mwalim Expansion in South India, p. 89 and n. -Ed.]
No. 72 of 1918. While reviewing this record in the Ep. Rep. for 1918, parat. .50, it is stated that the older Irother of Sundara-Pandya made the endowment for the service instituted in the name of Muppidi-Xayaka. This record dated in the 13+ 1st year of Sundara-Pandya would be assignable to 1316-17 A.D. I am inclined to interpret the words our elder brother nam-tama yanår occurring in this inscription is referring to Muppidi. NĀyaka and not to any elder orother of the Pandiva king. It is even suggested in J.0. R., Vol. XII, p. 199. that this elder brother may be Vira-Pandya himself. But Vira-Pandya is known from the present record to be an enemy of the Kakatiya forces and he could not have made any endlowment on behalf of his enemy. The text of this inscription runs :
'Yundu 13-vadin ediram-andu Chittirai-mad. mulalaivar Tirumulakumramudaiya-Nay inirkku nam. lamayanar Prutāparudradeva Mahārāja-Pradhūnigalil Muppidi-Nayakkar peral nām kattina yandikkum, etc.
10 No. 60% of 1915 from Malayadikurichchi, cated in Saka 1236 and 12th regnal year. 11 No. 189 of 1939-40, dated in Saka 1227 and 2nd regnal year.

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(VOL. XXVII The reason why the Kakatiya king Pratāparudra despatched an expedition to the south is easily guessed from the present inscription. I have shown elsewhere that about A.D. 1249 Kākatiya sway in the south extended as far as Conjeereram during the time of Ganapati. The presence of the Kakatiya army near Conjeeveram was evidently resented by the Tamil people, as an inscription from Vēppangnlam' near Conjeeveram mentions the wrongs done by this force. The Kakatiyas soon lost their foothold in the south, as the Pandyas under Jațavarman SundaraPandya I (acen. A.D. 1251) gained in power and extended their conquest in the north as far as Nellore, where the Pandya king claims to have anointed himself. This Sundara-Pandya further signalised his victory over the Kakatiyas by issuing a new type of coin depicting a boar on the obverse and the legend "Sundara-Pandiyan" in Tamil on the reverse. When sometime later, another Pandya king, viz., Sundara-Pandya (accn. 1303) sought help, Pratāparudra did not let clip the opportunity to re-establish Kakatiya power in the south. In the expedition sent by Pratāparudra, two generals Muppidi-Nayaka' and Divari-Nayaka took prominent part in the Tamil country, but it was left to the latter to reinstate Sundara-Pandya after defeating Vira-Pandya and Malaiyāla Tiruvadi Kulasēkhara.
This Malaiyala Tiruvadio Kulasekhara is identical with Ravivarman Sangrāmadhira alias Kulasēkhara, the king of the country round the present town of Quilon known as Vēņād. He ascended the throne in A.D. 1299 in his 33rd year and was crowned on the banks of the Vēgavati at the age of 46, corresponding to A.D. 1312-1313, after subduing the Pandya and the Chõļa countries.10 His exploits are detailed in an inscription from the Aruļāļa-Perumal temple at Little Con
See also J. O. R., Vol. XII, pp. 202 ff.
* Above, Vol. XXVII, p. 195. Ganapati's inscription is found at Conjeeveram (S.I. I., Vol. IV, No. 814) and his ministers Samanta Bhoja (Ind. Ant., Vol. XXI, pp. 197 ff.), Kön Kättaiyan (No. 608 of 1919), and Brahma Setti (8. L. I. , Vol. IV, No. 860) figure in the inscriptions at Conjecveram.
• S. 1. I., Vol. VIII, No. 2. Vide his introduction beginning with the words "Samasta Jagadadhara ", etc., S. I. I., Vol. V, No. 483.
Seo Sir T. Desikachariyar, South Indian Coins; Plato 111, Nos. 58 and 59. On the obverse of this coin is found n boar facing the proper right on a pedestal with the sun and the crescent moon above, while the reverse depicts two carps separated by a sceptre with the legend Sundara-Pandiyan " in Tamil; see also Prof. K. A. Nilaknnta Sastri : Proceedings, Indian History Congress, 1938 (Allahabad), pp. 42-43.
In this connection it may be mentioned that there is a stray verse in the Tamil Navalar Charitai attributed to Kamban praising Rudra of Warangal. There is a persistent tradition in the Tamil country stating that Kamban the poet of the Chola court, went over to the Kakatiya king who accorded him all the honours due to a great poet. The colophon appended by the redactor of this verse explains that this verse was sung by Kamban when he went over to the court of Prataparudra and when he was following this king as valet (J. A. H. R. S., Vol. VII, p. 103).
? Above, Vol. VII, pp. 128 ff. Muppidi-Nayaka's return from Kanchi is recorded in a fragmentary inscription from Mallam in the Nellore District (No. 524 of 1908). This inscription registers a gift of land as Yaträdana to the temple by Muppidi.Nayaka, on his way lark to Orangal. He is said to have conquered the Pandya king, to have received elephants (froin him) as tribute and to have entered Nellore on his way.
The VelugonväriTamarali gives a detailed account of the expedition sent to the south. Besides Muppidi. Năvakn and Devari-Nayaka, Pedul-Rudra (son of Muppili), Erra-Dacha and Nalla-Dacha of the Recherla family, Prolayn Vemn, founder of the Reddi kingdom of Konda vidu, Rudra of the Induluri family and Bölněningāru alina Görälavardhana who claims to have routed the Pandra king (No. 325 of 1915), 2180 joined the expedition.
l'irurudi is a term applied to satinya ains, gods and kings (T. A.S., Vol. III, p. 31).
Dr. Venkataramanayyn is inclined to identify Malaivāla Tiruvadi with Udaiya Märttándavarman (J.O.R.. Vol. XII, p. 206), but this is not correct since the latter is not known with the name Kulasekhara explicity given in our inscription and also became he is not known for any exploit outside his country. Anandaba.kavya in Malayalam called 'Unnunila sandekam describes Ravi as Vēnādār-kön (New Ind. Ant. Vol VI, p. 36). The Travancore State Manuel, part 11, p. 294, states that " Vēņād extended at least as far as Quilon in the north, over the whole urca between the mountains and the sea".
10 Above, Vol. IV. p. 146. .

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No. 48] SRIRANGAM INSCRIPTION OF KAKATIYA PRATAPARUDRA; SAKA 1239 309
jeeveram1 and more can be gleaned from records found at Shermadevi, Kil-Ambur, Suttamalli, Srirangam, Tiruppangili, Tiruvadi, Chidambaram, Valuvur and Poonamalle all lying outside his original territory. He is also known as the author of a drama called Pradyumnabhyudaya which is said to be enacted during the Yatrotsava of Lord Padmanabha at Trivandrum." His greatness as a scholar and as a liberal patron of learning is emphasised by the title 'DakshinaBhoja,' given to him in inscriptions.
Two points arising out of the Arulala-Perumal temple inscription of Ravivarman mentioned above require clarification, viz. (a) his coronation on the banks of the Vegavati in A.D. 1312-13 and (b) his stay at Kañchi in his 4th year. Dr. Kielhorn has identified Vegavati with the river of the name that flows into the Palar river near Conjeeveram, and the 4th year as corresponding to A.D. 1315-16. On the lead given by this scholar subsequent writers on the subject have taken that Ravivarman was at Kañchi from A.D. 1312-13, the date of his coronation, till A.D. 1315-16, the supposed date of the Arulala-Perumal temple inscription. The difficulty that confronts us here is that we find Vira Champa at Käñchi and Tiruvallam in A.D. 1314.14 This Vira Champa may be identified with the chief of the name with the surname Ediriliśōla-Sambuvaraya figuring as a subordinate of Jatavarman Sundara-Pandya (accn. A.D. 1303) who was restored to power according to our inscription, at Virinchipuram, 15 not far from Conjeeveram and Tiruvallam. If Ravivarman was the lord of the region round Conjeeveram about A.D. 1313, Vira Champa could not have been there immediately thereafter without mentioning his overlord. The coronation in A.D. 1313 was not celebrated at Kañchi, but on the banks of the river Vegavati in the Madura District. The Sultanate at Madura had not by this time been established and between A.D.. 1310 and 1326, the first and the second Muhammadan invasions of the south, Ravivarman was free in the Tamil land. As suggested above, Ravivarman probably coveted the Pandya sovereignty which he evidently signalised by crowning himself in the heart of the Pandya country. This coronation was celebrated in his 4th regnal year which must correspond to A.D. 1313, according to an inscription from Tiruvadi1 which equates his 4th regnal year with Saka 1235 and Kali 4414. When therefore Muppidi Nayaka came to Käñchi, his opponent in A.D. 1316 was not Ravivarman. 1 Above, Vol. IV, p. 146.
18
No. 671 of 1916 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection.
No. 518 of 1916
do.
do.
No. 463 of 1909
do.
do.
Above, Vol. IV, pp. 148 ff.
No. 172 of 1938-39.
Above, Vol. VIII, pp. 8 ff.
No. 350 of 1913. In this and subsequent references like this the nos. relate to the Madras Epigraphical
collection.
No. 54 of 1908.
10 No. 34 of 1911.
Proceedings, Ninth All Ind. Orl. Con., p. 804.
18 Above, Vol. VIII, p. 9.
1 Ibid., Vol. IV, p. 146.
14 Ibid., Vol. III, pp. 70-71. The records are dated in Saka 1236.
15 No. 189 of 1939-40. The date given here is Saka 1227, 2nd year, Mina
Friday, which
corresponds to A.D. 1306, Feb. 25, Friday.
1 Pandyan Kingdom: p. 212 n.
17 Mys. Gaz., Vol. II, Part II, p. 1401.
18 It has to be noted that Udaya Märttändavarman, the successor of Ravivarman in Venäḍ, counts his regnal year from A.D. 1313, the year in which Ravivarman was crowned on the banks of the Vegavati (T. A. 8., Vol. IV, p. 89). Udayamärttända probably never expected Ravivarman back in Vēņāj.
1 Above, Vol. VIII, p. 8. The details of date given in this record are correct for A.D. 1313, Dec. 29, Saturday. The details given in another inscription of Ravivarman at Valuvür (No. 54 of 1908), i.e., 5th year, Tula, Su. 3, Saturday, Anilam, point to A.D. 1314, Oct. 12, Saturday as its date. From these two records, it may be inferred that Ravivarman calculated his regnal year from A.D. 1309, when probably he was crowned in Vanad, i.e, nine years after his accession to the Kerala throne.

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310 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXVII The latest regnal year of Ravivarman given in an inscription from Tirunelveli is 7, which according to our calculation would correspond to A.D. 1316-17. Ravivarman seems to have remained in the Tamil country from A.D. 1312 to 1317 without returning to his native country, and by the latter date, we find his successor Udayamārttānda firmly established in Vēņād. According to our inscription Ravivarman was defeated at Tiruvadikunram. After this defeat which may be placed in A.D. 1317 he disappears from history and is not heard of either in the Tamil country or in Kerala.
of the persons mentioned in the record, the Kākatiya king Pratāparudra is the most important. His seat of government was Warangal in the Nizam's Dominions where he ruled from Saka 1215° to 1248.? The Kākatiya power reached the zenith of its glory during his reign. His dominion embraced the entire Andhra country with the exception of Kalinga, and as shown above, he was able to extend his influence far into the Tamil country. During the Muhammadan invasion, he was taken captive, and according to one version is said to have died in the way by committing suicide, and according to another, to have returned to his country after escape and died thereafter about A.D. 1326.
Next in importance is Devari-Nayaka, the donor. It is stated in the inscription itself that he was the son of. Māchaya-Nayaka who was an important officer in the Kakatiya court. This Michaya was the king's Gajaxhiwi and held the titles Simidrohara-ganda, Immadi-Nissankavira, Samayachakravarti, Kaliyugurirabhadra, Kirtisamudra, etc. His son Dēvari-Nāyaka was equally famous and was governing the country round Mahādēvicherla (modern Mācherla) in Saka 1237," just two years prior to the date of our inscription. He had the reputation of being the rescuer of the kingdom of Küketa (Kakatiya) family. In the prasasti of an inscription from Darsil in the Nellore District, he is given the titles Chalamartiganda, Sevimidröharaganda and is praised for his generosity, piety, knowledge of politics and patronage of learned men. He is mentioned finally in Saka 1241 in an inscription at Durgi? in the reign of Prataparudra as making an endowment of land to the temples at Dāra vēmula.
1 No. 77 of 1927.
? There is, however, no evidence for the statement that Ravivarman had gone as far north as Nellore (Cambridge Hist. of Ind., Vol. III, p. 487); Trav. State Man., p. 104.
• Trav. Archl., Ser., Vol. IV, pp. 89-90. Ravivarman's death did not take place in A.D. 1313, as suggested in the Trav. State Max., pt. II, p. 117, and therefore the year of his death was not the same as that of the accession of his successor (ibid., p. 118).
The statement made in the race. Stale Jan., p. 108 about Sangramadhira that 'no defeat has ever been recorded' must be revised.
His name is associated with Kannanur in the kil-Vembånadu and Poonamalle in the Chingleput district by surnaming them Ravivenra Chaturvēdimangalam and Chera-Pandya Chaturvēdimangalam respectively (No. 75 of 1927 and Ep. Rep. for 1911 para. 40).
• No. 545 of 1909. 7 No. 308 of 1915. & Ep. Rep. for 1910, para, 18. • No. 386 of 1909. 10 Above, Vol. IX, p. 330 and Ep. Rep. for 191v. pag109.
i 35, Nellore Ins.. Vol. I, p. 334. 11 No. 574 of 1909.
11 There is however one inscription from Tirukkadaiyur in the Tanjore District mentioning an unsuccessful attempt made at partitioning the kingdom. This is dated in the 34th regnal year of Maravarman Kulasēkhara and the astronomical details given in it correspond to A.D. 1301, September 10, Sunday. This inscription notices a confusion (kalagam) brought about by the king making over a portion of his dominion to his younger brothers * lirukkai-tafakkam. As a consequence the people were in distress and realising the futility of this course they migrated to other lands. The king thereupon gave way and resumed supreme authority, evidently cancelling the divisions when his people returned to their homes (A. R. No. 46 of 1906). From No. 462 to 1921, it is known that Vikrama-Pandya was one of the younger brothers of Maravarman Kulasekhara. The confusion or robellon ta and around Tirukkadaiyur about A.D. 1301 is not connected with the rivalry L

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No. 481 SRIRANGAM INSCRIPTION OF KAKATIYA PRATAPARUDRA ; SAKA
311
"Pancha-Pandya " referred to in our inscription must be taken to refer to the Pandya ruler in general and not to any co-regency of five equal rulers. Neither the Pandya nor other records indicate the division of the kingdom into five separate units, though some later inscriptions by convention refer to the Pandyas as the Five Pandyas'. This is evidently due to the fact that the Pandyas are generally known as Pancharr and are traditionally connected with the five Pandava brothers of the Mahābhārata. The words pufichavar airar, i.e., Five Pandyas occur first in the prasasti of Kulottunga-Chöļa l' where he is given the credit of destroying the jungle which the "Five Panchavas" had entered as refuge. The late Mr. Swamikannu Pillai' advocated the theory of simultaneous rule of the Five Pandyas', but this has been refuted by Robert Sewell who came to the conclusion that we must hold the evidence to be overwhelmingly in favour of a single monarchy, and that the theory of co-regency of five kings may be altogether set aside". Considering the history of the Pandyas, the position taken up by Sewell is acceptable.
The identification of Viradhāvalam where Sundara-Pandya is said to have been re-instated is a disputed point. The Arab historian Abulfeda who lived about the time of our inscription tells us that the capital of the prince of Ma'bar who was a great importer of horses was called Biyyardāwal; but this was known as Birdhūl to Muhammadan historians of whom Amir Khusru states that it was the capital of Bir-Pändi while Madura was the residence of his brother Sundara-Pandi.? Scholars have indentified this place variously with Jayangondasolapuram® in the Trichinopoly Dist., Vriddhachalam and Marakanam in the South Arcot District. That Viradhävaļam was an important city is known from a number of inscriptions found in the Pandya country." An inscription from Alagarköyil definitely locates this city in Uraiyūr-kūrsam, a sub-division of Tenkarai Rājagambhiravalanādu. This city has therefore to be looked for in the neighbourhood of Uraiyūr, a suburb of the present town of Trichinopoly. An inscription from Uyyakkondan-Tirumalai's situated within four miles of Uraiyur suggests the identification of this town with Viradhävalam, for it records an endowment of land included in the dēvandana of god Viļumiya-Nayanār, to 'two images consecrated in the garden-land attached to the royal palace at Viradhāvalam. The construction of the temple here on a small eminence is peculiar. The central shrine is built within a fortified area over a spacious closed mandupu surrounded by numerous shrines and halls.
The village Tiruvadikundram where the Chēra king was defeated may be identified with the village of the same name in the (ingee taluk of the South Arcot District.
Rudra of the Induluri family is said to have defeated the five Pandyas 'as also Annayadeva, the Brahman commander of Pratáparudra, belonging to the same family (J. A. H.R.S., Vol. VII, p. 51 and Proceedings of the Seventh All India Oriental Conference, Baroda, pp. 588-89).
• The prasasti beginning with the words Pugal šūļnda punuri etc., 8.1.., Vol. II, p. 236 and 8.1.1., Vol. III, p. 147: Vids Also above, Vol. V, p. 104.
• Ind. Ant., Vol. XLII, p. 166. • Ind. Anl., Vol. XLIV, p. 176.
. Därava in Tamil is a town or place of residence. Viradhavalain may be explained 18 miltary camp or a fortified town. An inscription from Piranmalai (Ramnad Dist.) refers to 64 Ghatikai-chava!am in connection with merchant guilds (8. I. 1., Vol. VIII, No. 449).
• Foreign Notices of South India, p. 214. * Elliot and Dowson : History of India, Vol. 111, pp. 90-91. • South India and Her Muhammadan Invaders, p. 110. .Yule ; Travels of Marco Polo, Vol. II, p. 335. 10 J. A. H. R. S., Vol. XIII, pp. 1 ff.
11 No. 318 of 1930: 182 of 1939 : 381 of 1940 : 258 of 1941 : 242 of 1942 No. 348 of 1916 from Tiruvälisva. ram (Tirunelveli Dist.) mentions Viraka(da)valakkottai, as a hamlet of Rajaraja-Erivira pattanam which was probably identical with Tiruvilibvaram itself.
11 No. 319 of 1930.
11 No. 381 of 1940. This village was originally known in inscriptions as Xandiranma-mangalam, evidently after the Pallava king of the name and there flourished in thir village in the 12th century A.D. & class of architects known as Rathakaras (Ep. Rep. for 1909, p. 95).
This fortified temple played an important part in the Anglo-French wars in the 18th century A.D. (Castles of the Trichinopoly District, Vol. I, p. 341).

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXVII
TEXT
1 Svasti *]Sriman-Mahāmandalēšva2 ra Kāka[ti]ya Pratāparudradēva-Mahārāja(ju)lu Oruó3 gallu nijarājadhānigānu prithivirajyam sēyuchu - 4 odagānu ū rāju nāyamkul-aina svasti [ 1 *] Srimatu Kakata 5 rayasthāpanāch[ä*]rya Svāmidroharaganda Machaya6 Nāya[nilgāri kodukku(ku) Dēvari-Nāyanigāru dakshi-- 7 nadēšamu Pancha Pandila minda dandu vachchi ēnugulu 8 [moha]ricchina pottilättanu! Tiruvadikuņdrā(ra)mu vira - 9 kshēs trānanu Vira-Pāņdininni Malaiyāļa Tiruvadi Kul10 sēkha runinni vrigaındõli enuku(gu)lānu sarvasrijinigu 11 [ni) Sundara-Pāņdini Viradhavaļāräna sthäpyamu12 sēši a jaya[muhurta]muna svasti sri-Sakavarsha13 mbulu vēyinni [irujnū[ta] muppaistom]mi14 di [a]ku nēsti] Pi[m]gala-(samvatsara] Chaitra . 15 [cha]turdagini Sõ[ma]vāramunn (Soma]graha[ņa)16 punyakāla[mu]nandu à Rudradēva-[Mahārājula] 17 & 18 damaged. 19 . . kalaya sabitamu sarvamänyamu-gänu achandrārkka20 sthāyiganu yichchiri [] *) maṁgala mahā-sri sri sri 6
Svasti[l[*]
TRANSLATION
Hail ! While the illustrious Mahā mandalēśvara Käkatiya Pratāparudradēva-Mahărāja was ruling the carth from his Capital (at) Orungallu-that king's chief-Hail !--the glorious Dāvari-Nayanigāru, son of Māchaya-Năyanigāru, (entitled) Kākatarāyasthāpanācharya(and) Svāmidrõharaganda, (having) undertaken an expedition to the southern territory against PanchaPandya, faced the array of elephants in battle, routed Vira-Pandya and Malaiyala Tiruvadi Kulasēkhara (on the battlefield at Tiruvadikundram, seized the elephants (and) all the wealth (and) established Sundara-Pāndya at Viradhavalaram. (On) this victorious occasionHail the prosperous Saka year one thousand two hundred and thirty-nine), Pingala.
: : Chaitra, Chaturdasi, Monday, lunar eclipse, (for) ... . of that RudradēvaMahārāju, (he) gave as sarvamānya . . . . . . . to last as long as the moon and the sun endure. May it be auspicious! Great prosperity; Hail !
No. 49.-KHANAPUR PLATES OF MADHAVAVARMAN
V. V. MIRASHI, AMRAOTI, AND Y. R. GUPTE, POONA
(1 Plate)
These plates were discovered in 1927 in the possession of Mr. Dadasaheb Mane at Khānapur, the chief town of the Khānäpur tālukā of the Sātārā District of the Bombay Presidenoy. They were briefly noticed by Mr. Y. R. Gupte in the Bhārata Itihäsa Sambodhaka Mandala
1 Read po Häfanu. • Read virugandoli.
· The letters ji and ni seem to have been transposed by mistake. The correot reading would be sarvatrini (**) jt je gulgo)ni.

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No. 49] KHANAPUR PLATES OF MADHAVAVARMAN
313 Quarterly (in Marathi), Vol. VIII (1927), pp. 163 f., and again in the Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society (New Series), Vol. IV (1928), p. 89. The platos are not forthooming now. In view of their importance for the ancient history of Maharashtra, they are edited here from photographs and impressions taken by Mr. Y. R. Gupte twenty-two years ago.
The grant appears to have originally consisted of three plates strung together by a ring, but the first plate and the ring together with the seal, if it had any, have long been lost. The second plate which is inscribed on both the sides, is irregularly broken at the top and the bottom with the result that two lines, one at the top and the other at the bottom, are almost completely lost. This plate was too brittle to yield an ink impression. Both the sides of it had, therefore, to be photographed. The third plate which is inscribed only on the inner side was in a good state of preservation. The photographs of the second plate and the ink impression of the third are reproduced here. Judging by the impression of the third plate, the plates appear to have been of the size 10.9" by 5.5". Their weight has not been recorded.
The characters belong to the southern alphabet. They have been boldly, but carelessly, incised, and resemble, in a general way, those of the grants of the Early Rashtrakūtas discovered in Maharashtra, with this difference that some lettere like ch, th, m and sh show a notch at the base. The letter b has such notches all round, see, e.g., Kadambatirtharn, lines 16-17. The writer may have been a resident of the Andhra country where such characters are seen in the records of the period. As regards individual letters, we may note the rare initial ai in aišvaryyêna, lines 3-4, the medial u which is generally shown by a curve turned to the right, see bahubhir, line 2, and châturvvarnna, line 4, (but see in bahusuvarnn, lines 2-3), the cursive medial o in koša, line 21, and the bipartite au in sāruvabhaumasya, line 3. Kh appears cursive in Malakhețaka, line 14, and likhitam, line 30; chh is written either horizontally as in Chhandöga, 1.8, or slantingly as in āchhēttā, lines 26-27, and dānachhë(ch=chre)yo, line 28; t appears generally unlooped, but its looped form occurs sporadically, as in stor, line 4;d in many cases shows a notch, see daśa, line 3 and dāna, line 6, being then indistinguishable from d', see Pundari(ri)ka, line 2; & las & peculiar cursive form in some places, see sya in sārvabhaumasya, line 3, and tasya, line 23.
The language is Sanskrit and, except for the benedictive and imprecatory verses at the end, the extant portion is in prose. The record is very carelessly written and contains several mistakes of grammar and orthography. As regards orthographical peculiarities, the only points that call for notice are the use of ri for ri as in -vabhrithē, line 2, the reduplication of the consonant after ras in chäturvvarnna, and the use of chh for chchh as in achhëltā.
The inscription refers itself to the reign of Mahārāja Mādhavavarman who performed several śrauta sacrifices such as Pundarika, Bahusuvarna and eleven others which are not specified. He is said to have assumed the title of Sārvabhauma (Emperor) and resembled the sun in splendour and Indra himself in prosperity. He is eulogised as the mainstay (setu) of the religious duties of the four varnas and the four asramas.
The plates register the grant, by this Mādhavavarman, of the village Rēţturaka together with three tirthas or fording places, viz., Vaňkatirtha, Tambatirtha (or Stambhatirtha) and Kadambatirtha, and three vā tikās, or hamlets, viz., Bēlavăţikā, Kõlikāvātikā and Vaţtarikā. Rēţturaka, the
i Seo, e.g., the Chikkulla plates of Vikramendravarman II, above, Vol. IV, pp. 193-8, and plates. · [See below, p. 316, note 8-Ed.)
• See, for instance, the description of the donees and of the village granted. The formal part of the grant has been composed in a slipshod manner.
[See below, p. 316, n 8-Ed.) XVI-1-25

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Voi.. XXVII
donated village, was situated to the south-east of the river Krish vavēni in a territorial division (bhõga) whose name is lost. It was bounded on the north-east by Machhadaryā, Devabhirya and Sēnavarya, on the south-east by the village Kolika and on the west by Malakhotaka. The grant was made on the occasion of Mahāvaisakhi or the full-moon day of Vaisakha. No year of any era, not even a regnal yoar, is mentioned in connection with it. The donces were two Brahmanas, viz., Bõlasvāmin of the Salankāyana götra and Kosavasvamin of the Bhāradvāja gotra. Bõlasvāmin is described as a very pious Brāhmaṇa engaged in the six duties laid down for the members of his caste and intent on the performance of religious rites of the Sanatanadharma enjoined in the Srutis and Smritis. This is the earliest epigraphical mention of the term Sanātanadharma which is so commonly used in these days. The charter was written by Sripala who is described as a devout Kayastha. This is perhaps the earliest mention of the Kayastha caste.
Though the present plates were discovered twenty-two years ago, no satisfactory attempt has yet been made to identify this Madhavavarman. The first plate which probably contained the name and description of the family and some of the immediate ancestors of the king has been lost. This makes the task of his identification very difficult. The description in the extant portion of the grant, however, affords a clue. It shows that this Madhavavarman was a very pious king who performed, inter alia, Pundarika, Bahusuvarma and eleven other sacrifices whose names have, inadvertently been omitted. He is also said to have attained the position of Sürabharma. Thu characters of the present grant show that this Madhavavarman flourished in the sixth century A.D. The only king in this period to whom this description could be appropriately applied was Madhavavarman I of the Vishņukundin dynasty who flourished from about A.D. 510 to A.D. 560. From the description of this king in his own grants and in those of his descendants, we loarn that he was a staunch supporter of the Vodic religion. He performed a thousand Agnishtömas, eleven den mēdhas as well as several other srauta sacrifices such as Bahusuvarna, Pundariku, Purushamedha, Vājapēya, Shodasin, Rājasuya, Prājāpatya, Prādhirajya and others and attained svārājya. A comparison of this description with that in the present plates would show that the sacrifices Pundarika and Bahusuwarna are common to both the lists. Again, the eleven sacrifices which are
1 According to D. R. Bhandarkar, the Sanjan grant of Amoghavarsha I (A.D. 871) and the Gurniha grant of Jayadityadeva (A.D. 870) are the earliest records mentioning the Kayastha caste. [There is no indication in the present record that the term Kayastha here stands for the caste of that name. Dr. D. C. Sircar draws attention to the five Damodarpur copper charters, four of which mention, among other officials, a Prathama hayotha se above, Vol. XV, pp. 130, 133, 139 and 142. The earliest of these records refers itself to the reign of Kuimaragupta and is dated in the Gupta year 127 (=A.D. 446-7). I may add that the writer of the Gunaighar plate, of the Gupta year 188 (=A.D. 507–8), is one Kayastha Naradatta, attached to the office of the external affairs (sandhivigrah-adhikarana); IHQ, Vol. VI, p. 55. Here the term most probably denotes writer'. -Ed.)
[See below p. 315, a 10-Ed.]
* Mirashi at first conjectured that he might have been of the Early Rashtrakūta dynasty of Mänapura. ABORI. Vol. XXV, p. 46. Ho had then no access to the text of the record. Subsequent study of the text suggested to him the identification stated here.
• Both the Ipur and Pulomburu plates of Madhavavarman I mention his performance of thousand Aynish. pomas and elven Abwamedhas; above, Vol. XVII, p. 336, and JAHRS, Vol. VI, p. 20. These criticus aro aldo mentioned in the granta of his grandsons Madhavavarman II and Indravarman, above, Vol. XVII, p. 33, suc Vol. XII, p. 134. Finally, the Chitkulla plates of his great-grandson Vikramendravarman II give a long list of the morifoon performed by Madhavavarman I, viz., sloven Afvamedhos, # thousand Agnishlomas, Bathur a, Poundarika, Purushamedha, Vajapeya, Rajasdya and others; ibid., Vol. IV, p. 196.

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No. 49] KHANAPUR PLATES OF MADHAVAVARMAN
315 not specified in the present grant, were in all probability Asvumädhas. The conclusion is therefore irresistible that these two Madhavavarmans were identical. The present grant was thus made by the Vishņukundin Emperor Mādhavavarman I.
This Mādhavavarman was a very powerful king. He married a Vākāțaka princess who was probably a daughter or some near relative of the last known Vākāțaka Emperor Harishēņa (circa A.D. 475-500). The cighth chapter of the Dasakumiracharita, which probably contains a reflex of the events in the last period of the Vākāțaka rule, shows that the Vākāțaka Empire crumbled soon after the death of Harishēņa owing to the imbecility of his successor and the treacherous defection of his feudatories. Madhavavarman I who rose to power about this time took advantage of the opportunity that had thus presented itself and extended his dominion far and wide. He performed no less than eleven Asvamēdhas and thus attained a position of unquestioned supremacy in the Deccan. He is known to have overrun Dakshina Kösala or Chhattisgarh and occupied for a time the capital (Sripura) of Trivara or Tivaradēva of the Sömavarsi dynasty. That he had annexed Maharashtra also can be conjectured from the description in the Ipūr plates of his grandson Madhavavarman II as the lord of Trikūta and Malaya.. Trikūta is the well known name of the hill which borders the Nasik District on the west.? Malaya is the equally well known name of the southern portion of the Western Ghats. In the absence of corroborative evidence this description of Madhavavarman II was believed to be an empty boast. Prof. Hultzsch, for instance, remarked while editing the Ipār plates that both Trikūţa and Malaya were at a safe distance from the dominions of Madhavavarman II although he claims to have ruled over them." The discovery of the present plates which, as shown below, record the grant of a village in the Sātārā District, proves that Mahārāshtra was included in the empire of Madhavavarman I.. It
The number ēkida sa (eleven) in line 3 of the present plates can not be connected with Bahusuvarna, for, firstly. ēkudaku is an adjective, not a noun like sahasra, and must therefore preeerle, not follow, Bahusuvarna : secondly, Bahuxncarna which is identical with Bahuhiranya (also called Danasa) is a minor ēkāha (one-day) sacrifice. See Asaliya -áru-sitra, XXII, 8. 26. There is no special point in mentioning that Madhavavarman I performed cleven Bahusu carwas. On the other hand, we get several references to the performance of eleven I remedhat: by the Vishmukundin king Madhavavarman I as shown above. [See below p. 316, n8-Ed.]
* See the expression Vishnukundi-Vākā tava maa-dray-ala in krita-janmanah in the description of Madhavavar. man l's son Vikramendravarman in the Chikkulla plates, above, Vol. IV, p. 196, text line 10.
* Mirashi: Vakataka Inscription in Cave XVI at Ajanta (Hyderabad Archaeological Series: No. 14), p. 9.
Mirashi : Historical Data in Dandin's Dušakumaracharita, ABORI, Vol. XXVI, pp. 20 f.
• Both his Ipar and Pulömburu platos refer to his dalliance with young ladies in the city of Trivara. For the identification of Trivara, see Mirashi's article on the Thakurdiyā plates of Mahā-Pravararaja, above, Vol. XXII, p. 19. For the location of the capital of Trivara or Tivaradeva, see Mirashi's article on the three incientlynasties of Mahakisala in the Bulletin of the Deccan College Research Institute, Vol. VIII, pp. 47 f.
(f. Triki-Malay-udhi patir in the description of Madhavavarman II.
: The recently discovered plates of Bhogasakti found at Anjanēri near Nasik inention Purva-Trikūļa. vishay (Eastern Trikāta District) in connection with certain taxes levied in favour of a temple situated in the Yasik District. This whows that Trikato was the name of a hill which bordered the Nasik District on the west. See above, Vol. XXV, p. 232.
# Iul. Hist. Quart., Vol. XXII, p. 315.
Above, Vol. XVII, p. 338. 10 One of the reasons for Madhavavarman's conquest of Kuntala or Southern Mahārāshtra may have been the treacherous defection of the Kuntalaputi when his liege-lord, the Vākāțaka Emperor who was probably a brother. in-law of Madhavavarman I was attacked by the king of Vanavāsi. See A BORI, Vol. XXVI, pp. 21 f. Again, tho Vikatakas were probably allied matrimonially with the king of Dakshina Kosala or Chhattisgarh, if the description in the Dasukumüracharita is historically true. Cf. Kõsal-Endral Kusumadhanvanõ=sya mātā jāta, said with reference to the boy prince of Vidarbiba. (Dasa kumāracharitu, B. S. Series, p. 139). The ruling dynasty of Dakshina Kösala was about this time overthrown by an ancestor of Tivaradeva. See Bulletin of the Deccan College Research Institute, Vol. VIII, pp. 47 f. [The authors of this article, after having identified the Madhavavarman of the present charter with the Vishnukundin Madhavavarman I, have obviously been driven to the necessity of assigning euch a vast empire to the otherwise little known dynasty of the Vishņukundins. The identification, to say the least is not very convincing.--Ed. Madhavavarman I performed eleven Aśramēdhux, which shows that he had a large kingdom. Even if the reading Shorlasi is accepted, the identification of this Malhavavarman with the Vishnu. kodin Aladhava varman I does not fall to the ground. (Y. R. G.).
4A

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[Vol. XXVII
probably continued to be under the rule of the Vishnukunding during the reign of his grandson Madhavavarman II. As suggested elsewhere, the extensive empire of Madhavavarman I appears to have been divided after his death. The western portion including Mabārāshtra and Karņātaka was ruled by his grandson Madhavavarman II, while the eastern portion comprising Kõsala, Kalinga and Andhra was governed by his other grandson Indravarman.
Madhavavarman II or his descendants do not seem to have held Maharashtra for a long time; for we find that the Rashtrakūtas. of Kuntala who had laid low for a time soon raised their heads and turned out the Vishnukunding. No other record of the Vishņukundin dynasty has been found in Maharashtra, nor are any references to their supremacy discovered in any records of the later members of that family. On the other hand, we know that in the beginning of the seventh century A.D. Southern Mahārashtra was ruled by Govinda who subsequently became an ally of Pulakēsin. That he probably belonged to the Rashtrakūta dynasty has been shown elsewhere.
As for the localities mentioned in the present grant, Rētturaka is Retare in the Karhäd taluka in the Sätāra Distriot. There are two villages of this name situated on the opposite banks of the Krishna. The village mentioned here is probably Retare Budrukh (Larger Retare), which lies to the south-east of the river Krishņavēņā or Krishņā as stated in the present grant. Machhadaryā is now called Rajmachi and lies 4 miles to the east of Retare Budrukh. Sēņavaryā is probably Sbenõli, a station on the Miraj-Poona line of the M. S. M. Railway. Kõlika which lay to the south-east is represented by modern Kolā, about 3 miles south-east of Retare Budrukh. Some of the hamlets situated in the vicinity of Rétturaka can also be identified. Bēlavātikā is Belvade and Kõlikāvātikā Kõlavade, both situated at & distance of 3 miles to the west. Vattarikā is Väthär aboat 2 miles to the norch-west, and Mullakhēţaka is Malkhet about the same distance to the south-west. Of the tirthas or fording-places, only Tambatirtha can now be identified. It is probably Tambvē on the right bank of the Krishņā about 3 miles south of Retare Budrukh. Kadambatirths may be Khubi on the left bank of the river, almost opposite Tambvā. Vankatirtha can not now be traced."
TEXT
Second Plates ; First Side 1 ..... [] [feae)......... 2 [a] (a) afaraiva (at) afw() FATENT [8]424*(*)? 3 वर्ण(ग)कादश याजिनः सार्वभौमस्य भास (सा) भास्करस्य ऐश्व
gosfe(&)#agy
· Mirashi: Thakurdiya plates of Maha-Pravararaja, above Vol. XXII, p. 20. · Mirashi : The Rashtrakūtas of Månapura, ABORI, Vol. XXV, pp. 46 f.
• The identifications of Bolavātika, Vattarika and Tambatirtha were first suggested by Gupte. See BISMO Vol. VIII, p. 164 and JBRBAS (N.s.), Vol. IV, p. 89. For all these villages see Degree Map No. 47 K.
From the photographe of the second plate and ink impressions of the third, taken by Gupte twenty-two years ago.
• The first plate is not forthcoming. • Only a few traces of letters in the first line are now left.
In the absence of the portion on the first plate, these expressions can not be properly construed.
The writer has formed a likod. See dana, 1.0, and Chhandoga and drivedo, 1. 8. [The reading appears to be बहसुवर्णकाशयाजिनः; the intended reading waperhaps बहसुवर्णकषोडशियाजिन:-Ed.]

Page #412

KHANAPUR PLATES OF MADHAVAVARMAN
ii,a.
a
20
ii,..
(From Photographs)
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA
B. CH. CHHABRA Reg. No. 3977 E'36

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21 2LJ65 30 2 2897 Re: 30A โน
toFFEN UITZ Lido Y TX | 22 PONDING MACHAR
30
(From Photograph)

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No.49]
KHANAPUR PLATES OF MADHAVAVARMAN
317
4 hण स्वयमिन्द्रस्य चातुर्वर्ण'चातुराश्रम्यधर्मकर्मसे तो]महा5 राजश्रि(श्री)माधववर्मणो मतिरुत्पन्ना पात्रभूताभ्यां ब्राह्म
.6 णप्रवराभ्यां य[ज नयाजनाध्ययनाध्यापनदानप्रतिग्रहाया'
7 श्रुतिस्मृतिविहितसनातनधर्मक[म्म]निरताय द्विवेदनि (ग) हि(ही)तसहस्रशालकायन8 [सगोत्रछ (च्छ)न्दोगबोलस्वामिन(ने) ता (भा) रद्वाजसगोत्रद्विवेदो (दा) हार*]णल[ता]ति' 9 . 'केशवस्वामिने च चतु (तुःषष्टि 10 - [दत्त] चतुर्गुण भाग. . . . 'कसंवतः बा....
Second Plate ; Second Side
11 .. 'दानप्रभृति स[+] . . . . . . . 12 · · भोगे योजनाद्दक्षिणतः पूर्वोत्तरेण मछ[दा देव
13 भिा सेणवा पूर्व[तः] दक्षिण भागे कोलिकानामग्रामः पश्चिमे14 न मलखेटकनामग्रामः हेतेषु मध्ये षट्कर्महैतुक"यज्णा (ज्ञा)चस्व15 [[]पवर्गसिध्यर्थ" वाटिकामिः सहितं निविश्यते[*] कृष्णबेणापूर्व16 दक्षिणतः रेट्टरकं नाम ग्रामः । वंकति (ती) तथा तंबतीर्थ (य) कद17 बतीर्थ बेलवाटिका कोलिकावाटिका बट्टरिका सर्वादानविशुधमताभिर्वाटि
1 Read चातुर्वर्ण्य-- See Varttiki on Pahini V, I, 124. • This has an extra prong. • Read प्रतिग्रह-[Better प्रतिग्रहाय-Ed.] · [This letter books like fes which may be corrected into F4-Ed.] • द्विवेवगृहीत like द्विवेदाहरण in 1. 8, seems to convey the donee's proficieney in two Vedas. • This and three expressions further on in lines 9 and 10 are unintelligible to us.
This akshara is written above the line. [The reading is percutat: -Ed.) • The name of the bhoga or territorial division is lost. • Read एतेषां. • Read हेतुक
Road fe ddhya .

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. [Vol. XXVII
18 2:(काभिः) संयुक्तं महावैशाखपौर्णमास्यामह्न (ह्नि) त्रिभ (भा) गशेषं विधिवदुदक19 पूर्व रेडरकं बत्तमिति ॥ कल्पसहनसंख्यातो भट्टनामः उवकी20 ... - [पिण्डद] - - [व]त[:*] . . 'तारं . . . . ..
Third Plate
21 वाप्यते पा(प) मृषि (वृद्धिः) तथा धर्मकोशवृधि (दिः) विपुलश्च (ञ्च) यशः परि
धावति । बहु22 भि-सुषा भुक्ता राजनैः' सगराविभिः [*] यस्य यस्य यदा भु(भू) मिस्त23 स्य तस्य तदा फलं (लम्) [॥१॥*] स्ववत्तां परवत्तिा] वा यो हरेत वसुंधरा
(राम्) [*] षष्टि24 कल्पसहन (स्त्रा)णि विष्ठायां जायते कि(क)मिः [॥२॥*] स्वदत्तां परबत्ता वा यो 25 भु(भू) मि परिरष (अ) त्ति[*] षष्टिकल्पसहन (ना)णि स्वर्गलोके प्रमो26 [व]ति [॥३॥*) षष्टि वर्षसहस्त्राणि स्वग्गै तिष्ट (ठ) ति भु(भू) मिदः [*] प्रा27 छ (च्छे ) ता चानुमंता' च तान्येव नरके वसेत (त्)[us[i] पूर्ववत्तां द्विजतिभ्यो यत्ना28 दक्ष (य) षिष्ठिर [*] महिम्महिमतां छठं दानाछेयोनुपालन (नम् ) [॥५॥*] तस्मा29 सर्वप्रयत्नेन पु() वदतां वसुन्धरां (राम्) [*] किछोपि' पालयेद्राजा पातकि (की) स्या:30 न() पालयन (न्) [॥६॥*] कायस्थेन त्रि(श्री) पालेन लिखितमिति सत्यधर्मसंस्थितेन
अब(खा)न्वितेन [*] H
| Read राजभिः 1 The metre of this and the next five verses: Anushtubh. • Read प्रमोदते • Read चानमन्ता • Read महोम्महीमा श्रेष्ठ. • Read न्छ यो• [The reading is कि पि . --Ed.] Read कुच्छेऽपि
This figure indicates the end of the record.

Page #416

LODHIA PLATES OF MAHA-SIVAGUPTA; YEAR 57
No. 50-LODHIA PLATES OF MAHA-SIVAGUPTA; YEAR 57
(1 Plate)
L. P. PANDEYA, RAIGARH
Lodhia is a small village in the Saria Pargana of the Sarangarh State, now a sub-division in the newly formed Raigarh District of the Central Provinces, 15 miles east of the town of Sarangarh.. The village of Thakurdia in the same sub-division, where a copper charter of king MahaPravararaja of the Sarabhapura1 family was unearthed in 1932, is about 15 miles to the west from Lodhia on the other side of the hills, dividing the Saria Pargana from the Sarangarh Pargana. About six miles to the north-east lies the big village of Saria with its adjoining little village named Pujārīpālī, where there stand a number of ruined brick-temples and sculptured stone door-jambs, the former resembling, in style and architecture, the famous Lakshman temple at Sirpur (old Sripura) on the Mahanadi in the Raipur District of the Central Provinces, which was erected by queen Vasață, the mother of king Maha-Sivagupta Bālārjuna, the donor of the present charter. These ruined temples and carved pillars do suggest the existence of some famous town, now lost for ever, about 600 A.D. in the vicinity of Lodhia. Within this village itself some Sivalingas of polished stone, sculptured stone pillars, beautifully carved images and statues have been found and are preserved by the headman there. Two of the images represent Vishnu reclining on the serpent, and Nrisimha tearing the demon Hiranyakasipu. There is a heap of ruins about a furlong from Lodhia, which discloses the fact that in olden days some fine structure stood there. Old tanks, wells and remains of what is called 'fort' with a moat within the village boundary all bear witness to its antiquity. The village of Bar or Bayar, where a number of punch-marked silver coins were found about the year 1921, and which are deposited in the treasury at Sarangarh, is
within three miles from Lodhia.
No. 60]
319
The present plates were discovered at a depth of about two feet from the surface of the earth on July 11th, 1942, by one Dolo Ganda in the back-yard of his house in the course of digging earth while repairing the parapet wall of the yard (kolā, to use the local term). They were produced before the headman of the village, Babu Vijaya Shankar, who is a member of the Maha-Kōsala Historical Society of Balpur, District Bilaspur, Central Provinces, and is interested in historical finds. The plates were then forwarded to the Police Station at Baremkela to which the village of Lodhia is attached and were duly despatched to the office of the then Ruling Chief of Sarangarh
State.
As soon as I came to know of this find, I addressed the enlightened Raja Bahadur Jawaher Singh Sahib, C.I.E., through whose kindness the set of plates complete with the seal, reached my hands on July 23rd, 1942.
I edit the charter from the original with the permission of the late Raja Bahadur in whose possession the plates then were and to whom our Society is grateful for kindly sending them to us for decipherment.
The charter consists of three copper plates, of which the first and the third are inscribed on one side and the second on both the sides. The writing on them is in a fair state of preservation.
1 Above, Vol. XXII, pp. 15 ff.
2 Above, Vol. XI, p. 185.
They are now deposited in the National Museum of India, New Delhi.
The contents of the record have since been noticed in the following publications: Quarterly Journal of Mythic Society, Bangalore, Vol. XXXVI, No. 1 (July 1945), pp 1-4; Proceedings and Transactions of the AllIndia Oriental Conference, Twelfth Session, Vol. III, pp. 595-6 (1948); Journal of Kalirga Historical Research Society, Vol. II (September and December 1947), Nos. 2-3, pp. 121-24.

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[Vol. XXVII The weight of the three plates with the uncut ring is 255 tolas. They resemble the Mallār plates of Maha-Sivagupta' in shape and size. The rims of the plates, like those of the Mallār plates, are not raised. The surface of the seal which is deeply counter-sunk, is divided into three parts. The upper part bears in relief the figure of a couchant bull with a trisüla in front. Close to the trisüla to the proper left side is seen one figure, which we may take for a horn (sringa) or a trumpot. To the right side is found the figure of a kamandalu or water-jar having some object on it which is not distinct. Below this comes the legend in two lines, which is separated from the device by two horizontal parallel lines. Below the legend is shown a large full-blown lotus flanked by two leaves.
The record consists of 32 lines, there being eight lines on each inscribed face. The letters are neatly and deeply engraved. Their average size is .4' in height. The characters are of the boxheaded variety and closely resemble those on the Mallār plates of the same king and on the Baloda and Räjim platest of Tivaradeva, the grand-uncle of the donor of the present plates. The peculiarities worth noticing here are: (1) The frequent use of medial si instead of subscript r; o specially in the word sri it is very conspicuous (lines 4, 13). (2) There is absolutely no difference between the signs of medial 7 and au. Perhaps the same sign is used for both and we have to read it according to the context. See, e.g., saurya in line 3, paurnna-in lines 10 and 32, gauravāt in line
28.
The language is Sanskrit, and with the exception of the customary benedictory and imprecatory verses at the end, the whole record is in prose. The first sentence is almost identical in wording with that found in the Mallär plates.
Liko tho Mallār plates, this charter also does not contain the name of the place of issue, but unlike them, it gives the date in the regnal year of the king in clear words and figures, which is 57.
The plates were issued by the illustrious Mahă-Śivaguptarājadēva, son of the illustrious Harshadēva, who was born in the lunar dynasty and was a devout worshipper of Mahēśvara (Siva). They record the donation of the village Vaidyapadraka in the bhoga or sub-division of Oni.
The donation was made for the offerings to and worship, with music, dancing and feeding. of god Siva Išāneśvara enshrined in the temple at Pattanz Khedirapa:lra-tala, and for the repairs and maintenance of that structure. It was made on the full-moon day of Kārttika.
This Mahi-Sivaguptarāja, son of king Harshagupta, also called Harshadēva as the texts of the present plates and the Mallār plates have, is described as Bālārjuna in the Lakshman templo insariptions belonging to his mother Vasată who was the daughter of king Suryavarman of the Varman dynasty of Magadha. This Sūryavarman was the son of the Maukhari king Išānavarman and had at least a son named Bhaskaravarman, at whose request, his nephew (sister's son) king Maha-Sivaguptarijadléva, had donated a village cailed Kailasapura to a Bhikshu-Sangha. The Haråhå stone ingaription? which gives the genealogy of the Maukhari kings, has the date 611
1 Above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 113 ff.
3 Above. Vol. XXIII, pp. 113 ff. Mallar is in the adjoining district of Bilaspur and is about 57 miles northwest of Lodhia.
Above, Vol. VII, pp. 102 ff. Baloda is in the Phuljhar Zamindari within the district of Raipur and is about 30 miles south-east from Lodhiä.
.CII. Vol. III (Fleet's Gupta Inscriptions), pp. 291 ff. . Above, Vol. XI, pp. 184ff. . Mallår plates of Maha-Sivagupta, above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 113 ff. Above, Vol. XIV, P. 115.

Page #418

No. 50] LODHIA PLATES OF MAHASIVAGUPTA ; YEAR 67
391 (Malava Bamvat) for king Süryavarman. Apparently king Suryavarman was living in the year 611 (Mälava Samvat) which is equal to A.D. 555. He is stated to have attained a position of pride hy bestowing his daughter, Vāsaţă, on Maha-Sivaguptarājadēva's father Harsbagupta whom thu Lakshman temple inscription describes as Prāk-parametara, 'the Lord of the eastern region'. Evidently Harshagupta ruled over the country known as Kdeala or Präk-Kosala, which probably comprised Dakshiņa Kõsala, East Kõsala with Tõsala, Utkala and Odra, extending it! limit up to the eastern sea-shore.' His uncle Maha-Siva-Tivararkja bad his capital at Sripura (now Sirpur) from which place his Baloda and Räjim plates were issued. He is described as praplasakala-Kösal-adhipatyah in the Baloda plates, the seal of which mentions him as Kosalādhipati. Maha-Sivaguptarājadēva must have succeeded his father or unclo and was, therefore, the supremo lord of Kõsala, apparently Maha-Kösala or Dakshiņa-Kosala.
In what part of India king Suryavarman was reiguing, and whether his son Bhāskaravarman succeeded him or not, cannot be definitely ascertained now for want of evidence. This muobis, no doubt, clear that Süryavarman's father was ruling over a kingdom within which was includod the Bäräbanki District in Oudh, where the Haraha stone inscription of king Suryavarman was found. The Asiragarh seal of the Maukhari king Sarvavarman might establish their conneotion with a part of the Central Provinces bordering on Mälava, i.e., the Nimar District, where the seal was found.
The present plates disclose the fact that, although king Maha-Sivaguptarāja was a devout worshipper of Siva (Parama-mähèsvara), he did patronise Buddhism and was a symbol of religious toleration, being averse to no other sects. As we know from the Mallär plates, he donated a village to the community of venerable (Buddhist) monks', residing in the small monastery (Viharika) situated in Taradambaka.
In his time, his mother Väsata constructed a superb temple of Hari (Vishnu) at Sripura, the capital town, and donated a number of villages to Vedic Brahmans engaged in the worship of the deity. This temple still stands at Sirpur.
In the present plates, he makes a donation of a village to a temple of Sive named Isānēsvars, probably consecrated by one of his forefathers, to wit, Isånadēva of the Kharod stone inscription. The donation was made in response to the request of a certain Saiva ascetic, & disciple of Pramathācharya whose preceptor hailed from the Panchayajña tapovana in the Dvaitavana forest.
The box-headed script as well as the Kuţila type of the Nagari characters were simultaneously in use during the reign of Maha-Sivaguptarāja as both his Mallär plates and the Lodhjā plates. together with Lakshman temple inscription (in the Kuțila script) belonging to his mother Väsata, show. It may be noted here that the Harābā stone inscription of king Suryavarman," father of Väsata, is also in the Kuțila variety of the Nägari script. Up till now not a single stone inscription
Close to Vidarbha was Präk-Koala as stated in the Mahabharala and the Harivamba. • Vijitya Parvambudhi-kala-pilih
pålih samadaya sa Kosalendrat niranlar -odväsita-vairi-dhama dham-adhipas khadga patir-ya dast |
Bilhari inscription. Hiralal: Inscription in the C. P. and Berar, 2nd ed. p. 24. In the prosent Ballora District (Orissa), there is a place called P&lis, about 8 miles from the sea-shore. It had an old templo with damaged in oriptions on the door.jambe, now deposited at Cuttack in the Ravenshaw College Museum. I have tried to identify this Palia with the Pal of the Bilhari insoription, in a paper published in the Hindi journal Budha of Lucknow, for May 1928.
OI1, Vol. III, pp. 210 fr. Altragarh in hill-fort formerly belonging to Soindia in the north-east of Bur. hanpur in the Nimar Distriot.
Hiralal's Inscriptions in the C. P. and Berar, 2nd ed., p 126. . Above, Vol. XIV, pp. 110 ff. XVI-1-25

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[Vol. XXVII
in the box-headed characters has been discovered in Chhattisgarh (old Mahā Kösala), although during my visit to Sripura (Sirpur) I noticed more than half a dozen stone inscriptions, on pillars, plinth and pavement of the Gandhēsvara temple there. Almost all of them mention Mahā Sivagupta and are decidedly of the same period. All are in the Kutila script, not one of them is incised in the box-headed characters.
In a damaged temple at Pujäripali near Saria, probably of the time of Maha-Sivagupta, thor is a small inscription on a stone slab in the Kutila script of the 7th century A.D.
What I mean to say is that thero is a total absence of the use of box-headed characters for records incised on stone slabs at Sirpur and Mallar, as also at Pujāripūli about 5 miles from Lodhi.. As stated before, not a single stone inscription in Maha-Kõgala is found to be incised in box-headed characters.
The Räjim and Balodā plates of Maha-Siva-Tivararāja (with Sripurn as his capitul), the Mallär plates, and our present Lodhia plates of Mahi-Sivaguptarāja, the Thakurdiyā plates of Maha-Pravararāja, which were issued from Sripura, and the other six sets of copper-plates issued from Sarabhapura by Maha-Sudēvaraja and his paternal unclo Maha-Jayarīja, are all incised in the box-headed characters and have been discovered from time to time in the Raipur, Bilaspur and Sambalpur Districts, which are within the Maha-Kõsala kingdom of old.
Our Mahäkösala Historical Society of Bälpur was able to discover two silver coins of king Prasannamätra, bearing his namo in beautiful box-headed script on them, from somewhere in the Bilaspur District.
Was it that the box-headed script was exclusively meant for copper plates and silver coins or metals like these, during the reign of Maha-Siva-Tivararāju and of his grand nephew MabaSivaguptarāja Bālärjuna and of the Sarabhapura kings, Maha-Pravararāja, Maha-Sudēvarāja and their uncle Maba-Jayaraja, whose capital town Sarabhapura is now untraceable and has not yet been identified ?
. As for the goographical names occurring in the present plates, Dvaitavana in the term Dvaitavaniya-frimat-pancha-yajña-tapovana,' attracts our attention most. It is a very familiar and favourite name in the Mahabharata. During the exile of the Pandavax, when they dwelt in that forest, it is stated to have been flooded with Brahmaņas. This Dvaitavana was considered by all as a Free Land over which there was no sway of any monarch. It was an abode of 'penancegroves' and the Panchayajña tapovana was one of them. The place was so called because there was a lake called Dvaita, within its boundary. Dvaitavana, says the Mahabharata, was close to a desert (Maru-bhūmi) and the river Sarasvati flowed through it. It was not far from the Himalayas, lying between Tangana on the north-east and Kurukshētra and Hastinapura on the south-east. It was from Dvaitavana that the Pandavas started on a pilgrimage as, described in the Vanaparva of the Mahābhārata.
The name of the bhoga or sub-division, wherein the donated village Vaidyapadraka was situated, is given as Oņi. To which particular place the bhöga refers, it is difficult to ascertain at present. Next comes Vaidyapadraka. This is indeed the present day Baidpāli village in the Borasambar Zamindāri under Gäisilāt Police Station in the Bargarh tahsil of the Sambalpur Distriot, Orissa. The place Pattana Khadirapadra-tala is no other than Khadia padra which is mentioned in the Sonopur plates of Maha-Bhavagupta (II) Janamējaya.' The presont Khairpali village, about 2 miles from the Ang or Ong river in the Borasambar Zamindāri, formerly in the
Sneh tapiconas were attached to different tanas or forest regions, and we find moontion of one Chandradvipe-tapovans referred to by Bhavabhati in the Utarardmacharila (Act IV).
Above Vol XXIII, pp. 249, 261 (test fine 18). My attention to this was kindly drawn by Dr. B. Ch Chhabra, to whom my thanks aro duo.

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No. 50] LODHIA PLATES OF MAHASIVAGUPTA; YEAR 57
323 Chhattisgarh Division and now iu Orissa, is the old Khadirapadra. This Khairpali is about 10 miles from Baidpāli. About a mile from Baidpāli there is a village called Jogimath where there are remains of an old temple which has already collapsed.
Unlike the Mallir plates of Maha-Sivagupta, the Lodhin plates are dated, the year being the 57th regnal year of the king. The grant was made on the full-moon day of the month of Kärttika. The donor's reign must have been a long one extending over half a century and by the time of this grant he would have been over 70 years of age. We have no clue to find out the exact equivalent of the given date in the Christian era or in any of the Indian eras.
TEXT
First Plate [*] स्वस्त्यशेषक्षितीशविद्याभ्यासविशेषासावित'महनीयन यवि. 2 नयसम्पस (त्स) म्पावितसकलविजिगीषुगुणो गुणवत्समाश्रय: प्रकृष्ट3 तरशो (शौ)य प्रज्ञाप्रभावसम्भावितमहाभ्युदयः कात्तिकेय इव कृति (ति). 4 बाससो राज्ञ: श्री (श्री) हर्षदेवस्य सु(स) नः सोमवकश (वंश) सम्भव[:*] परम5 माहेश्वरो म(मा)तापितृपादानुध्यातः श्री (श्री) मा (म) हाशि"बगुप्तराजदेव[*] कुशली 6 [प्रोणिभोगि (गी) यग्रामवैधपद्रके । ब्राह्मणान्*] सम्पु (म्पूज्य तत्प्रतिनिवासिकुटुम्बि7 नो यथाकालाध्यासिनः समाहर्तृसन्निधातृप्रभृतीनस्मत्पादोपजीविन[:*] 8 समां (4) राजपुरुषा[*] समाज्ञापयति' विदितमस्तु भवतां यया प्रामोयमस्मा
Second Plate : First side 9 भि स्प्रतिसनिधानः सोपनिधानः सर्व(+)करदानसमेतः सर्व(व)[पीडाविव10 जि (जि)तः सदशापराधः प्रतिषिद्धचाटभटप्रवेशः अस्यां कात्तिकपो (पौर्णमा
Khadirapadraka and Vaidya padraka have however been identified with the villages Khairpadar and Bojipadar respectively in the Kalahandi State by Mr. K. N. Mahipatra. (Jour. Kal. Hist. Res. Soc., Vol. II, Nos. 2-3, p. 171.)
+ From the original plates and inked estampages. DExpressed by a symbol.
* This letter looks like di in the impression. The original shows it to be correctly di. The dot soen within the medial i sign in the impression, making it into i, is due to a natural depression on the plate.
After the letter ta there are two superfluous dots after the fashion of the visarga sign. • After the letter ya also there is a superfluous visarga sign.
The medial i signs in pi and ji of vijigishu, each show faint traces of a dot within, which is superfluous. • The lower dot of the visarga is mixed up with the extreme and of the subscript r of the following lottor, pru. . Again there is a superfluous visarga sign after the letter rya.
10 The downward stroke to the right of ti is missing here as in yajña of 1. 13. It is clearly soon in jild of rajña, 1. 3 and sam-ajña payati, 1. 10.
11 The 4 of Siva shows a superfluous cross-bar, due to a flaw in the plate. 11 This danda is not necessary. BHere aandhi has not been obsorred.

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324
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXVI
Second Plate : First Side. । स्यां पत्तनखबिर पतलप्रतिष्ठितभी (श्री) मदीशानेश्वरभट्टारकाय ।' ब. 12 ली(लि)चरुनिवेद्यसत्रनृत्तवावित्रखण्डस्फुटितस (सं) स्कारार्थ द्वैतवनी-'
13 यथी (श्री) मत्पञ्चयज्ञ'तपोवनविनिर्गतञ्च (च? )पलगोचरिणः भगवच्छि (च्छी-)
1 प्रमथाचार्यशिष्यथी (श्री) शूलपाणिभगवत्पादप्रार्थनया मातापित्रो15 र(रा) त्मनश्च पुण्याभिवृ(व)द्धये समक (का) लोपभोगार्थमाचण्द्रतारकार्क' पय:*. 16 पु(पू) व (4) कं ताम्ब (म्र) शासनेन प्रतिपादितो यतोवगत्य समुचितभोगभागादिक
Second Plate : Second Side
17 मुपनयन्तो भवन्तः सुखं प्रतिवसन्तु ॥ भाविनश्च भूमिपाला नुबि (दि-) 18 श्येदमभिधीयते भूमिप्रदा दिवि ललन्ति पतन्ति हन्त हत्वा महि 19 नृपतयो नरके नृत्सा':[1*] एतन (६)यं परिकलय्य चलाञ्चल्लक्ष्मि (लक्ष्मी) मायुस्त20 याकुरुत यद्भवतामभि (भी)ष्टम्*ि] [*] अपि च रक्षापालन[त्य]वत्फलं सुग21 तिदुर्गति (ती) [*] को न (ना)म स्वर्गमुत्सृज्य नरकं प्रतिपद्यते ॥ म्या (व्या) सगि(गी)22 ताञ्च (तांश्चा)त्र श्लोकानुदाहरन्ति । अग्नेरपत्य (त्यं) प्रथ[मं] सुवर्ण भूई (व्व). 23 णवि (वी) सुय (सूर्य) सुताश्च गाव[*] दत्तास्त्रयस्तेन भवन्ति लोका · यः काञ्चनं गाञ्च म24 हिञ्च दद्यात् । षष्टिम्ब (ष्टि वर्ष सहस्राणि स्वार्गे मोवति भ(भू) मिदः [*]
म(मा) च्छेत्ता चा
Third Plate
25 मुमन्ता च तान्येव नरके वसेत् । बहुभिर्व () सुधा दत्ता राजभि :*] सगरादि
भूमिस्तस्य तस्य तदा फलं (लम्) [*] स्वदत्ता (ता)
29 भि:*] यस्य यस्य यदा
परदत्ताम्बा (त्तां वा)य
Thin dunda is not necessary. . The ansarira meant to be over rtha is slightly misplaced, being nearer to the next letter,doai. • The downward stroke to the right of i is missing here as in räjrah of I. 4. • Better read chandra-larak-arkka-samakal-opabhiig-artham. • The à sign of là has not come out in the impression. • The impression does not show the dot of the 1 sign in dhi. The original does have it, though very shallow.
Instend of nritsah read nrihainsah. . Instead of Ryavat=pha read yos=lavat=phao • The à sign of ttä as well as of ra has not come out in the impression. 1. The impression shows it to be bhi. The dot is not to be seen in the original.

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Lophia PLATES OF MAHA-SIVAGUPTA: YEAR 57
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[3] 336,Jalalay中国 18 自己的 回 己与阿司 18 点力压日斗直升回到日回 20 850, playa anda 20
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SURVEY OF INDIA. CALCUTTA

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時開辟alig"到尼到二 26 回到三國兒回電已到 26 | 4月4日即可出三点五回回话, 29 11, D串可能即到。 19 |
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彭有益年召稱
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TANZTEÍLIENÈTELJA 82 89年首部过导引部件 32
口吃
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Seal - From a Photograph

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325
No. 51]
TWO PLATES OF DEVANANDADEVA 27 स्लम युधिष्ठि (लि) र [*] महि (हिं) महिभृतां श्रष्ठ'[*] दानाओं (च्छे) योनु
पालनं (मम्) ॥ भस्मा28 कमुपरोधेन नित्यं धर्मस्य गो (गौ) रवावस्मद (ह)ति[*] स्वकि (को) येव पाल्या भा29 [कि] शिति (ती)श्वर[:] ॥ इति कमलबलाम्बुविदुलोला (ला) थि(श्रि) यमनुची (चि)30 स्य मनुष्यजि (जी) वितं (त)ञ्च[i*] सकलमिदमुवाहतञ्च बुध्वा (खा) न हि पुरु31 ः परि (र) कि (को) तयो विलोप्या[:*] ॥ प्रवर्द्धमानविजयराज्ये सम्म (संव) त्सरे सप्त32 पञ्चाशत्तमे कात्तिकपो (पो)नम (मा)स्यां भरन सम्ब (संव)त् ५७ कात्तिक दिन ३०
The Seal
1 राज्ञः श्रीहर्षगुप्तस्य सूनोः सद्गुणशालिनः[*] 2 शासन शिवगुप्तस्य स्थितमाभुवनस्थिते:[*]
No. 51.-TWO PLATES OF DEVANANDADEVA
(1 Plate)
DINES CHANDRA SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND There are impressions of two copper-plate grants of king Dēvānandadēva in the office of the Government Epigraphist for India, Ootacamynd. The original plates were secured on loan a few years back by Dr. B. Ch. Chhabra, Government Epigraphist for India, for examination. I edit the records from impressions for the Epigraphia Indica with the permission kindly accorded to me by Dr. Chhabra.
1.-JURERPUR PLATE OF DEVĀNANDADEVA The copper plate under discussion belonged to one Pathani Mahāpātra, an inhabitant of the village of Jurerpur within the jurisdiction of the Bantla Police Station in the Angul sub-division of the Cuttack District, Orissa. The plate seems to have been secured from the owner by Mr. Radhamohan Garnaik of Angul who showed it to Mr. G. 8. Das, Secretary of the Orissa Provincial Museum at Cuttack (recently transferred to Bhubaneswar). On receiving information about the inscription from Mr. Das, Dr. Chhabra secured the plate on loan for examination about the end of the year 1945 with the help of the Revenue Commissioner and Collector of Cuttack..
This is a single copper plate measuring about 91' long by 7' broad. There is a circular projection, 2' in diameter, at the centre of the left end, forming the seal which resembles that attached to other records of the family discussed below. On the soal, which has its rim slightly raised all
Theen is a muperkuona visarga sign after whitha.
be urinal plate is now in the Orios Provincial Museum. Later I received it on loan for examination from Mr. K. C. Panigrahi, Carator of that Museum. I thank Mr. Panlapi for his kindness,

Page #425

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXVII
round, are found in relief the figures of the sun (or star) at the top with a crescent below on the left and a conch on the right; below these is a couchant bull, facing proper right, under which there is the legend śri-Devānandadevasya. The legend is found underlined by two parallel straight lines. At the bottom of the seal there is an expanded lotus. The plate weighs 109 tolas. It contains writing on both sides. The letters are deep-cut and the inscription is in a good state of preservation. There are 18 lines of writing on the obverse and 17 lines on the reverse.
326
The characters belong to the northern class of alphabets and closely resemble those employed in the Baripada Museum plate1 of Devanandadeva and also the Talmul plate of Dhruvanandadēva which is now usually believed to be dated in year 293 of the Harsha era corresponding to A. D. 899. The confusion between subscript u and u is present also in the present record.
The language of the record is Sanskrit. There are eight verses about the beginning and the usual imprecatory and benedictory verses about the end; the rest of the record is written in prose. The eight introductory verses are all found also in the Baripada Museum and Talmul inscriptions, in both of which, however, we have an additional verse. The carelessness exhibited by the engraver of the inscription under discussion suggests that the verse in question has been inadvertently omitted in the present record. In orthographical peculiarities also this inscription resembles closely the above two records, the only difference being that there are more mistakes and omissions of aksharas and passages in the present inscription.
The inscription is not dated; but as already indicated above, it may be assigned to a date about the end of the ninth or the beginning of the tenth century.
The charter was issued from the city of Jayapura by king Devanandadeva of the Nanda or Nandödbhava family of Orissa. In the introductory portion in verse the king seems to be called Vilasatunga who is described as the son of Devananda (I), grandson of Sivananda, greatgrandson of Parananda and great-great-grandson of Jayananda after whom apparently the capital city of this line of rulers was named Jayapura. In the formal part of the record king Devanandadēva (II)-Vilasatunga is described as a devout worshipper of Mahesvara (Siva) and as paramabhaṭṭaraka-samadhigata pañchamahāśabda-mahāsāmantādhipati. Mahāsāmantadhipati is known to have been the title of feudatories of the foremost rank under an imperial ruler of the post-Gupta period. The king further claims to have acquired the five great sounds from his Paramabhaṭṭāraka, i.e., overlord, whose name is, however, specified neither in this record nor in the Baripada Museum plate. It is wellknown that when a feudatory became very powerful, then only he issued a charter without specific reference to his overlord. In passages like the one under notice, the ambiguity (as it may also suggest that the ruler in question was himself a Paramabhaṭṭaraka) may be intentional. But it is difficult to determine the overlord of the Nanda kings. The discovery of the records of this family in the Dhenkanal and Narsingpur States as well as in Angul in the Cuttack District shows that their territories must have partially covered the above regions. Their capital Jayapura has been identified by Mr. K. C. Panigrahi with a village of that name in the Dhenkanal State. It may possibly be suggested that it was the later Bhauma-Karas of Tosali who were the nominal suzerains of the Nandas of Orissa. Although
1 Above, Vol. XXVI, pp. 74-82. JBORS, Vol. XV, pp. 87-100.
Mahasamantadhipati is included in the customary list of officials in the Pandukeévar plates of king Padmata. deva and of king Subhiksharajadeva., See E. T. Atkinson, The Himalayan Districts of the North-Western Provinces of India, Vol. II (forming Vol. XI of the Gazetteer, N.W.P.), p. 479. It was also used by influential feudatories like Dommapapala of the Sundarban plate (Ind. Cult., Vol. I, pp. 679-82; above, Vol. XXVII, p. 188, text 1. 3). C. Corpus. Ins. Ind., Vol. III, p. 296, note.
Above, Vol. XXVI, p. 77.

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327
No. 51]
TWO PLATES OF DEVANANDADEVA little is known about the latter's rule at the close of the ninth century, there is no doubt that the era used in the Talmul plate of Dhruvānandadēva is the same as that employed in the records of the Bhauma-Karas. The use of single plates for their charters and the design of their seal also appear to connect the Nanda kings with the family of the Bhauma-Karas. The family seems to have originally owed allegiance to the Bhauma-Karas and begun to rule more or less independently after the latter's decline.
Whether the Nanda or Nandödbhava chiefs of Orissa actually claimed descent from the mighty Nandas of ancient Pāfaliputra cannot be determined in the present state of our knowledge. There may have been a confusion, as Mr. Panigrahi suggests, between nanda and ānanda (the name-ending of the rulers of this family) just as in the case of the Bhaumas of Orissa, who had the name-ending kara and akara and later styled their family as Kara. But this theory can hardly explain the name Nandödbhava also applied to the Nanda family. Unless it is believed that Nandödbhava was a name coined arbitrarily after Sailodbhava, it is probably to be suggested that the Nandödbhavas claimed descent from a certain person or family called Nanda. Considering the facts that the rule of the ancient Nandas in Orissa is actually suggested by the Häthigumpbā inscription and that the claim of descent from the ancient Nanda family is not unknown in Indian epigraphy, I do not consider it impossible that the Nandodbhavas of Orissa claimed descent from the Nandas of Pataliputra. Whether their claim was genuine or fabrioated is of course a different matter. It is also difficult to determine what relation these Nandas may have had with king Nanda-Prabhañjavarman of the Chicacole grant.*
An interesting passage in the description of king Vilásatunga-Dévānandadēva II found in this record as well as in the Baripada Museum plate is sitadhātumaya-godha-sikharikrita-lohitalöchanambara-dhvaja. This is also applied to king Dhruvananda in the Talmul plate. It shows that the banner of the Nanda kings was a piece of cloth with the emblem of lohita-lochana having an alligator (gödha) above, which was made of sitadhātu. The expression lõkita-lôchana may indicate a species of snakes; but it is possible to interpret it as "two eyes made of copper". The expression sitadhātu usually means 'chalk '; but it can be so interpreted as to suggest that the alligator on the banner of the Nanda kings was made of silver.
The inscription records the grant of a village made by king Viläsatunga-Dövänanda II in favour of a Brāhmaṇa. The name of the village is given as Palāmūnā. It was situated in the vishaya of Kahäsringa within the mandala of Airavatta. The donee was the Brahmana Kuladēvapāla Bhatta son of Dévapāla and grandson of Samarapala Bhatta. He is said to have belonged to the Uluka götra and the Paryārisi pravara. The word paryārisi seems to be a mistake for pañch-arsheya, referring to the five pravaras attached to the götra. It should, however, be pointed out that the Götra-pravara-nibandhakadamba recognises only three prtvaras for the Uluka götra (viz., Udala, Dēvarāta and Viśvāmitra). The douce or rather his family is further said to have originally hailed from Rādhā and was living at a place whose name ended with the word pura. This place may have been situated in the dominions of the Nandas; but Rādhā was the name both of a country and of its capital about the present Burdwan District of West Bengal. So the donee was a Rādhiya Brāhmaṇa settled in Orissa.
1 Tho li symbol in the date of the Talmul plate may actually indicate 100 instead of 200 ns in the Orissa Museum Plate of Dandimahadevi to be edited by me in this journal.
* Select Inscriptions, Vol. I, pp. 208-13, 489-90. . Successors of the Satavahanas, pp. 216, 226.
Ibid., p. 77 and n. Bombay ed., p. 114.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXVII
Of the geographical names mentioned in the record, the location of Jayapura and Radhā has already been discussed. Jayapura is said to have resembled Ujjayini (modern Ujjain in the Gwalior State), the capital of king Vikramaditya of Indian tradition and folklore. The Airāvattamandala is also known from the other records of the family as well as from the Balijhari inscription of Mahābhavagupta Uddyõtakësarin. Airāvatta, after which the mandala was named, has been identified with modern Rațägarh in the Banki Police Station of the Cuttack District. In the description of Jayananda, founder of the Nanda dynasty of Orissa, that king is said to have been sun-vikram-ākrānta-samasta-Göndrama. Jayānanda thus claimed to have subdued or overrun "the whole of Göndrama". Göndrama is also known from several other records from Orissa in all of which it is either found in conjunction with the word sakalı or with the word a hädasa. Mr. Panigrahi suggests that ashtādaśa-Göndrama is the same as Oriya athara gadhjāt, a name applied by people collectively to all the feudatory states of Orissa. The vishaya of Kithaspingi and the village of Palāmūnā cannot be satisfactorily identified.
TEXT
Obverse : 1 [Siddhamli svasty-akalita-kalikāla-kalmasa(sha)-pravēš-avakāśātā(t) vijit-āšēsh-Öjjava
punis maniņani2 rāj Jayapurāts Vabhu(Babhūva Nandodbhava-va[m]sa-sambhava[h*) Sva-vikram
äkrinta-samasta-Gondramo dhar-adhipo dharmmadha sri3 mā? Ja (7-Ja)yā[na*]nda iti pravirachill*** Yasmina(n) rājani di(di)nan-akshara-yuyu[11*]
deh-iti (n=aiva] śrutar n=ātarkā[h*) kusitish*kü(ku)to 4 wa cha mrishā dvanda(ndvam) na ch=āsi(si)n=n[i]ņāın karvvaryam-ava(a)la sahaya
vikalal-ilankira-jhankariņi kshikshi)va 5 yapajanēto yadi punavä(r=vā)rtti Dilipo nyipē [121*]" Kanuka-ruchirakāntiḥ prõuanna)tu[h*]
pu(pū)rita(t-a)śaḥ sphurita6 vimala-ratnah12 sūra-durllangha(nghya)-mu(mū)rtti[h*] vu(bu)dha-jano(na)-nuta-pädo Mora
(ru)vat-tasya sākshāto(t) piyata7 namatayõbhuch-chhi-Pärānda-nimā''[1131*]** Tasy=āpi ch=isit-su-visuddha-pakshö vasaj
janās khalu mānasē cha [l*)haIJ BORS, Vol. XVII, p. 17, text 1.33. The record is sometimes also styled the Narsingpur inscription after the name of the State in which the village of Balijhari, its actual tindspot, is situated.
From the impressions and photographs preserved in the office of the Government Epigraphist for India, Ootacamund. The text has also been checked with the help of the original plate kindly supplied by Mr. K. C. Panigrahi, Curator of tho Orissa Provincial Museum, sometime after the paper was completed
• Expressed by a symbol usually interpreted as On. • Read-Ojjnyinipura-gu -Riku'. . It is better to have a danda here. • Read Göndramah.
Read dharmadharah sudhiman. * Metre Uprjāti. . Read vikalo 10 Read yaly-ajané vane. 11 Metre Sardúlavikridita. 11 The danda is superfluous. 13 Read priyatama-lanayo-bhuchuchhrl. Parananda nama. 14 Metre Malini. 16 Read vasantsjana näin.

Page #428

Two Plates of DEVANANDADEVA: 1. JURERPUR PLATE
Obverse
ਵਿਚ ਰਹਿਣ ਦਾ ਕਾਨੂੰਨ
ਜੋ ਇਹ ਕਹਿ
ਕੇ ਬਤ ਕਰਨ
ਨਾਲ ਉਸ ਨੂੰ ਦਾ ਹੈ । ੨ਧਦੀ ਹੈ। ਬਾਰ ਬਣਾ ਕੇ
P
12
14
ਨਾ
14 ਉਹਨ1 (51) ਜE
ਨੂੰ ਨਿਤ ਹੀ, 16 ਨੂੰ 14 ਦੇ
ਵ ਹਾ | ਹੋ ਕੇ 18 ਨਹi
(4)
ਹੈ
Reverse
ਹਨ ਜੋ ਕਈ ਪਕਾ ਕੇ 20
1/
477 ' ਚ
7 ) । ਜੋ
ਕਦੀ ਇਹ 24 ਸਾਲ
ਦੀ ਹੈ ਤਾਂ ਨੇ
ਜੋ
ਇਸ
ਹਰ
ਦੇ
ਕਈ ਰੂਪਾ ਧਨ
32
ਕਰ
ਸ ਕੀ
ਧe
34
B. CH. CHHABRA. Rea, No. 397 E36
(From Photographs)
PRINTED AT THE SURVEY OF INDIA OFFICES. PLO..

Page #429

Two PLATES OF DEVANANDADEVA: 2. NARSINGPUR PLATE
Obverse
जाना 563hanाबवताना तक हालात पर विजय पासवानतिमा लामिगत माह hीर टायर वा कोला त माया कर वाव रयत ताज कार रवी मारकाचा मारतानाचा निताना भार मानला जारी हायरी न की बात
लाई पूरी करताना दिनान 10 पारि मानव अपमानवान्चलकमलव 10 NMC सारजासत्यात 12M
M ENTRIESENS 12
Reverse
तिला दोन 14 Page #430

No. 51] TWO PLATES OF DEVANANDADEVA
329 8 (nso) yatha hanga-yamana-kirttan-namat Sivānanda iti prasiddhi(ddhah) [111411** Tasy
ābhu(bhūttanayastřiņikri9 ta-ripu-vrata-svalat-pävako vālēnāka iv=ānvay-a(y-a)mva(mba)ra-gato yo=bhūtta(t)
priyah prāņi10 năm | taruge(avẽ) taruni-vi(vi)löchaua-pu(putair=&pi[ta*]-ru(cũ)p-ãiritô Dõvănanda iti
prasi11 ddbim-agamad-yah svair=gguņaini(r=ni)rmmalai[h*] | [15:*]* Durvvār-äri-karinda(ndra).
kumbha-dalane spha(spbūrjat-kara[h*] 12 kosari áva(sa)śvan-mānavati(ti)-mukhāvja(bja)-jayakțit-tivrā[11 * Jśu-māli sada | tasmād=eva
Vi(Vi)la13 satunga--nți[pa*]tibhū(r=bhūytas=satām-argra(gra)niya(r=ya)sy=ochai(chchaiḥ) sa(sa)rad
inda(ndu)-dhama-dhavala[rii*] nitya[m*) yaço varddhatē[|16||*|*tamas 14 ndira-dhvad dhva)ja-disi prótta(attu)nga-hattāvali subhrú chāru-sudha-vikära-rachanais
chandr-ātapa-spa15 rddhini [l*] dürād-bhati disab pathan-gatavati(ti) lokasya sanchirinah(=no) ni(ni)har
õtkara-bhūdha16 rād-iva sanair=mmandā*]kini syandati(të) (1117)*]' Sa sri-Nandakul-amvumbu)j-akara
ravih sad-va[*]sa-di(di)po nripa17 4-chand-ārāti-vadhu(dhū-mukhävja(hja)-sasi(sa)bhřid-rakta(kt-)[nta)-dighe(rgh-)kshana
DI *] kamvõhannaprõdupõdha' pulakiku18 rvvana-ja(n=ja)na[1* cheshtitai[h*] satya-tyāga-kulābhimāna-vinaya yaxy=īgajā[h*]
sad-gunah 183*]Dipya-qırat-pra)lāp-āna
Reverse
19 la-plusht-āräti-müttis chaturambhodadhi-paryanta-bhrānta-sat-kitta 10 yath-ochita-sthan
avasthāpita-varuna-chatu20.shtayaḥ pūrit-āšēsba-pranavi(yi)-jana-manõratha[h*) sajjana-jan-ananda-dayi rakt-amva
(mba)ra-pramandi(ndi)tat
Road hamad yath, hand- a-kiritiran namna • Metre Upajati. * Road bal-uinanka. Metre Sardūlavikridita.
Read yasy=ochchaih sita-mao. Before this the Baripada Museum and Talmul plates have another vorse reading : Nakshatr-avali-hara-damakavati nityani nabho-maxdire jyotsna-chandana-lèpan-alidhavala sandr-andhakarambara yasy--ttunga-sudhå-grihe tidhavale dig-yoshitan-darpané srai rūpa ii vara-kamin= iva rajani chandr-anana pasyatill
• The Baripada Museum and Talmul plates have padan" which is preferable.
The meaning of the passage cannot be determined. There are no doubt some errors hore. The Talmul plate has karmmohanna nayed=u põdha. [The correct reading must be ka mohani na nayed uporha pulakt-kurvain janari cheshfitaih, meaning by his deeds sending people into thrills of joy, whom may he not folhato' 1-Ed.)
. Metre : Sardulavikridita
Read mürttit-chatur-ambhodhi
10 Rend kirttih. XVI-1-26

Page #431

ra-dhi
350 EPIGRAPATA INDICA
[Vol. XXVII 21 kaladhauta-dolliki-chanuara-pralamvimbi)ta-pra(pra)nta-króla-disa vin yasta-mayūra-chandi
(ndri)kā-nikara-si 22 ta-chchhatr-avabhásananalbitudbātumava-gödhå-sikhari(ri)ksita-lõhita-lõchan-amva(mba)
ra-d vajalho parama23 mähēsvara-mätäpitri-pad-inwohváta-paramabhattaraka-namaehigatapanchmahakuvdu bl
maha24 samantadhipati-ri-Dövånandadöva[h*kuali Airavatta-muda*]la-ramvauda-Kaha
sringha-vi[shalya(yo) 25 bhavisbyad-yathakal-adhyadhyā)sino rūjanakan ja rä-putrana Vra(Brā)hmaņa-purūgan
samanta-niva26 (si*)-janapadānapadan-adhikarinā(no) nras-cha chattata)-bhatta(ta)-vallara jāti(ti)
yan rāja-păd-ūpa 27 (jiviana[b) saruvan yatharham mānayati võõethyati. kulayaty Wiaty anyata(t)
vi litam astu 28 (bhavată*)m=ētad-vishaya-prativa(ha)ddha-Palāmūnāgrām-õılaya. chatu-simā-paryanta[l*:
Rădha-vinirggata29....pura’-vāstavya Uluka-kðtra-puryārisi-prara vara"-Samarapala-bhatta-sū(su)ta-Dēvapala30 (sū(su)]ta-Kuladevapālabhatta(tiảya) nātā-pitrõr=ātma[na*Iszeha- rumya(nya)-ya mü(55)
bhi(bhi)vsiddhaya(yo) tāmuru(mra)-> (5ā)sane31 na pradatto amablir-yatan-tamyramira)sāxana-darkanad-asmat-kiryanurdhal vathakāla.
pha' 32 nimõbhujyamānah kēn-spipuripanthina ne bharitaryam | * Ma-bhu(bhū)d=aphala
Na(sa)řka va[h*) para-attati 33 pārtbiva[l*] | dva-dánát phalamanantyafti*) prara-latt-anupälanatis(nē); Va(Ba)hubhir
Vrasndha dettä răja hi[b] Sa34 gar-Adibhihi yasya yasya ta(ya da bhumis-tasya tasya tadi phalamilantyāpara-datt
anupalana(nē) 35 vasha)hubhir-vvasudha datvätta) rajabhih Sagar-üdafeli)bhil!* yana yana yada
bhu(bhū)mis-tasya (tasya] tada phala[moil
Road nambaddha Kaharinga * Road naja-putran. Rajanakn is found in some records in place of the canal jawab. • Read ja napadan= • Better road vallabha m in the Baripada Museum and Talmul plates.
Read gråmoyari. • Road chaluheima.
Two or three letters forming the first part of the name of the locality are lost a Arenult of the soldering of tbe seal. Read vastavyouku'.
The intended reading rooms to be piticharahiya-pravara. Road trydrahéynt.". In in the namo Samatupala looks like da ; but of. as in sadgunakan 1.18.
Bend phala-niyam-pablwjyaminasya; of the Baripada Museum plato. 10 Ouly one danda is necessary for proper punctuation. » Read phalam Tho romaining letters in reduplioation of the varies were ongraved due to carolessneye. # The intended reading is onandyath,

Page #432

No. 51) TWO PLATES OF DEVANANDADEVA
331 II.-NARSINGPUR PLATE OF DEVĀNANDADEVA In July 1943, a person named Arta Sahu got the copper plate under discussion from a streamlet valled Chitra flowing by Narsingpur, the headquarters of the Narsingpur State in Orissa. Without disclosing the fact of this discovery, he stealthily sold the plate to a goldsmith. There being dissension regarding the payment of its price, the matter was brought to the notice of the Narsingpur Darbar which then secured the plate. It was found that the goldsmith had cut off & small portion of it apparently for the examination of the metal. With the help of the Political Agent of Orissa States at Sambalpur, Dr. B. Ch. Chhabra arranged to get the plate for examination and registration in November, 1944.
This is a single plate, having writing on both the sides. There are 12 lines of writing on the obverse and 13 lines on the reverse. The plate measures abont 7}" by 5%' and has a circular projection from the middle of its left end, forming the seal about 2" in diameter. On this seal, wbich resembles the seal of the Jurerpur plate described above, are found the cinblents of the crescent and sun (or star), a couchant bull facing proper right and another symbol looking like an elephant goad but apparently representing a conch. Below these emblems is engraved in early Nagari characters the legend Sri-Devina dadrive. Below the legend are two parallel straight lines. At the bottom of the seal is an expanded lotus. The plate weighs 66 lulus. The lost portion at the bottom right out off by the goldsmith measures about " by 51". This has resulted in the loss of more than half of the last line of the inscription on the obverse and that of the first line on the reverse
The characters resemble those of the Baripada Museum and Jurerpur inscriptions of Devanandadēra and the Talmul inscription of Dhruvananda, although there are many cases of careless engraving. The language of the record is incorrect Sanskrit ; but in this respect, as will be shown below, the present inscription cannot be compared with any other record of the family. It has certain orthographical features in common with the other inscriptions, although in a number of casos letters have been ongraved without any idea of forming by them any word hearing sense. This is because the record under discussion is not a regular and complete charter. It appears to be a hopelessly defectivo ropy of some portions of two regular charters.
Before analysing the contents of the present inscription, I may offer a tentative suggestion regarding the circumstances leading to the preparation of such a peculiar document. It seems that two genuine charters of king Dēvāna dadēva in the possession of a family became very much damaged possibly as a result of having been burnt in fire. The seal of one of tho plates appears to have been totally lost and the writing on both the plates became in most places unreadable. Owing to difficulties in getting a reissue of the chartery, the family enjoying the lands granted probably managed to forge the present document. The seal of one of the original charters being saved was attached to a new copper plate prepared for the purpose of engraving the records afresh. The engraver, howover, moant to incise only the letters that could be read ly him on the dainaged originals, but he did it in a consecutive manner without thinking whether the lectors engraved would form correct words and offer any sense at all. The most interesting thing in the present record is that it contains portions of several verses in the Sārdülavikridita metre and that these stanzas appear to be different from those found in the known charters of the family. The beginning of the record also differs from that of the other records
The record begins with the symbol for siddham followed by the word svasti just as other records of the Nanda family of Orissa. Then comes & passage (II.1-2) which, although defective, seems to be an adjective, qualifying the place wherefrom the original charter was issued. From other records of the family, it is known to have been Jayapura, the capital of the Nanda kings: Next
84

Page #433

332 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXVII follows the passage viprānāín vēda-sõstra-dhvani-janita (11.2-3) which appears to be an incomplete adjectival phrase, qualifying the same city, the concluding part of it having been omitted. Then the reigning monarch willing to make a grant of land is abruptly introduced as paramabhattaraka! Nanda-maharaja-ränaka-Sri-Devanandadēvah kusali, although the usual epithets of this king and the metrical description of himself and his ancestors found in other records are absent. It seems that a big section of the original charter, possibly containing number of verses, has been omitted here. Reference is next made to the officers and others relating to the Karadāspiágaya vishaya attached to the Eravatta mandala which is no other than the Airavatta known from other records of the family. But without even completing the list of officials and furnishing a verb to the sentence, the engraver then offers us, strangely enough, portions of some verses. It is not improbable that these verses belong to the introduction of second charter of the same king. In lines 7-8 there appears to be the concluding part of the first verse in which a king hits beun described as sadvikrame Südrakah. It is possible to suggest that this ruler was no other than Jayānanda, founder of the Nanda dynasty of Orissa. The second verse' begins in line 8 with the passage tasmād=eva Viläsatungu-narao and shows that this stanza dealt with king Vilawatunga, who was the son of the king described in the first verse. From the inscriptions of the family we know that Jaya - nanda was succeeded by his sou Parānanda who was followed by his son Sivānanda. As this Sivānanda is actually mentioned in a following verse, it is possible to suggest that it is his father Parananda who has been called Vilásatunga in the record under discussion, although other inscriptions of the family apply the biruda Vilăsatunga ouly to the grandsons of Sivananda. The verse doscribing Vilásatunga (possibly the same as Parananda), which could not be engraved in its entirety and bears many mistakes in the engraved portions, seems to ond with the charana : kshmäpäl-anata-mauli-ratna-nikara-pradyotit-anghri-dvayah in lines 10-11. In line 15 the last charana of verse 4 of the original record, marked as such, which describes Sivananda, runs: suro bhānur-iv-aparah prakaitah Srimän Sivanandakah. The next verse, which is inarked as verse 5 of the original record (line 18), begins with the words sūnus-lusya and apparently dealt with Śivānanda's son Dövānauda. Lines 18-19 bear only a small part of a verso, marked as the sixth. In it the name of Devānanda is atually mentioned. The following verse is represeuted only by the first four syllables of the first charam at the end of line 19. In line 20 the reigning monarch is again introduced, without any of the royal titlos, simply as sri-Deväsandardevah kusali. There is little doubt that a large number of words of the original document has boen omitted between line 19 and line 20 of the present record. Reference is next made (lines 20-21) to the village culled Dölöshara-gräma situated in the Kalēda khaida which formed a part of the Eravatta nua lalu. This seenus to have been the village granted by the king. Lines 21-23 refer to a person who belonged to the Dälbhya götra and was the grandson of Sibata and the great grandson of Vithu. This may have been the doneo of the grant. His own name and that of his father cannot be satisfactorily determined; but the word trinoka in line 23 may actually stand for Triloka which may be suggested tu have been the original donee's name. Next follow portions of the customary list of officers. It has to be pointed out that the list of officers should have come earlier. Possibly two lines of the original have been transposed here. This list is followed abruptly by the expression chaturusimä-parja no doubt standing for chatuh-simā-paryantah usually qualifying the word yrúmuh in indicating the gift village. The charter ends here.
Considering the nature of the document, it is not possible to say definitely whether the king named Dëvänanda mentioned in lino 4 as well as in line 20, apparently as the issuer of charter, was Sivananda's son Dövänanda (I) or Sivānanda's grandson Viläsatunga Dēvānanda (II). The
108. paramabhaffaraba-ramadhigalapanahamahäsabda-mahasamantadhipati found in other records of the family.

Page #434

No. 51]
TWO PLATES OF DEVANANDADEVA
338
facts, however, that we have two other charters of Vilăsatunga Dēvānauda (II) and that no record of any of his ancestors has yet come to light make the case of this king more likely.
TEXT:
Obverse 1 Siddham svi(sat)sti L.*] Prötta(ttu)nga-madyata(t)-kari(ri)-karata-taţa-praśra(sra)va-dana
tõyasusiku(kta)-prārya-märjja(rjji)ta-prasa ramaya-vasa-prāpta-tushți(shți)-prachäräta(t)' vipra3 [nā(nan) vīdu-sāshtra(stra)-dhvani-janita paramabhattārarka(rka)-Nanda-mahārāja
ra(rā)4 naka-sri-Dāvānandadēva” • kusya(sa)li Erāvatça-mandala5 shamva-Karaļāśpingaya’-visa(sha)ya-bhavivyathakala' bhubhavi 6 nő rajakāl -rajaputra-pū(pu)rögā[n*) sămamanta" nivåņi(si)-ja7 napadan-adhi(dhi)kāri(ri)nah||"2 sa-karaṇiḥ(ņān) püti vaprana y Hyad-vikrame Sūdrakah Tasmid=ēva Viläsatunga-nara9 yöyyē köpyatokah - Shthita-mädyata!? vājayavükü10 mripi nahalana 18dalana-prāpta-pratăp-õdayah| 1®kshā(kshmă)pala(l-a)naII tita)-mauli(li)-ratna-ni(ni)kara-pradyat-a(dyõtit-ā)ngi(nghri)-dvayaḥ||ya thoto krita 12 karala-ni(ni)karalyil"
From the impressions preserved in the Oftice of the Government Epigraphist for India, Ootacamund. * Expressed by the symbol usually interpreted as om.
Although defective, the whole paysage sooms to have been originally used as an opithot of Jayapural, Jayapura being the capital of the king.
* This likewise sooms to be an incomplete opithet of Jayapurât although the remaining aksharas of the opithet as weli as the name of the city have been onnitted.
The danda is superfluous. Real sumbaddhu. * Tho ya at the end of the name may be superfluous. * Read bhavishyad-yathakalao
Read bhāvino. 10 Read rájánaka. 11 Read samantart. 12 The dandas are superfluous.
1. The dandas are superfluous. From this place the engraver abruptly begins a verse in the Sürdülavikridita motro; but he has omittod some syllables, while some have been oarelessly substituted by othor akaharas. It should bo noticed that the description of the king and his ancestors should properly havo preceded that of the grant partially quoted in lines 3-7.
1. The following soven syllables appear to have been the ending part of the first verse of the original.
16 The dandas probably indicate the end of the first verse. Only the first eleven syllables of the following vorse appear to be true to the original.
16 The dandas marking probably the end of a charaza of the verse aro superfluous.
11 It is tempting to suggest the emendation splitu-nádyal; but that does not suit the beginning of Sarduluvikridita foot.
16 The following ten syllables appear to be true to the original. 10 The dandas are probably unnecessary.
Hore the verse seems to end
11 Owing to a portion of the plato being out off, only the upper part of about fourtow aksharwe are notiood after this.

Page #435

334
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXVII
Reverse 13 nfityanti pūrvvaravapu? 14 yâmbhirya lamväshyāpi sasudutva visēshu-sha(sa)tva-nilakshii 15 sūvä(ro) jjā(bhā)nū(nu)r-i(r=i)v=āparah!" prakațitahl: śrīmā=si(max=Chhi)vānanda16 kaḥ |14||Su(sū)nuss=tra(=ta)sya sa(a)tru-nī(ni)kra(ka)ras=tējās viyanih|sha (sa)dāla17 kshä(ksha)na-lakshitaḥ *kshita(ti)bhujām-agrēnu(sa)raḥ || shu(su)udaraḥ " ja18 tusaptarito vi(vi)nīta-nēpupidra !1511° Mpisi Dēvā[nanda-upipo 19 suddhamati vāngāta-vanimāmamha(ga)lah |16||10 sarva-prāņu20 sri-Dāvānandavānandadīva" ||-* kusiu (Aa)li Erāvatta21 mandala-Kalēda-khanda-Põlösbaragräma-Vi . 22 thu-suta-Sihara-shu(su)ta-nata-suta-Dālabhya-18 götri-pārryä 23 rishaya-spra]varah! triņāka"-pāñchapala || vibhyutha. 24 kalē-bhabhavi[no] ra(rā)japutra-purogām(gün) såmunta-nivåsi25 janapadän-adhi(dhi)kāri(ri)nab || chatura-simā-parja
1 About 14 or 15 letters are lost after this. * The dandas are superfluous. • The dandas are superfluous.
Here ends the fourth verse of the original charter. It is in the Sanlūluvikridita metre, but only the last foot can be satisfactorily made out. Although these verses appear to be different from those found in the other grants of the family, it has to be noticed that even in those records Sivananda's description occupics verso 4, while verses 1-3 describe his grandfather Jayananda and father Parananda.
. The sign is not found in its proper place and is attached to the subscript .
• Tho dandas aro superfluous. Here ends the first foot of a verse in the Gardúluvikridila motro; but this foot cannot be satisfactorily made out.
The dandas are superfluous. • Powibly only one danda is necessary.
. This marks the end of the fifth vorne of the original charter; but a large number of the syllables of its second half have been omittod.
1. This marks the end of the 6th verso of the oricmal charter ; but a large number of syllables has been omitted. 11 Read Depanandadtpad. u Tho dandou are superfluous. 1 Road Daibhya-gdtriya.
# Probably we have to suggest tryårshtya-pranarayanas the Dalbhya yotra has throb pravaras, viz., Angirus (or Mandatai), Ambarlaha and Yuvanäsva (Götra pravaraxibandhakadamba, Bombay, p. 114).
ut the name of the doneo i osposted hero wo may probably suggest Trilolodya in place of trixolbapa. 1* Rand bhavishyad-yathabla-bhdaino. 17 The dando aro superilous. Many words have been left out bore.
the danda wa mapeetlwoan. Rendahetub elmd-paryantal; but the root of tho obarter hos bomu left out.

Page #436

N9.52]
NOTE ON THE SALEM PLATES OF GANGA SRIPURUSHA
335
No. 52.-NOTE ON THE SALEM PLATES OF GANGA SRIPURUSHA.
G. 8. GAT, OOTACAMUND
APTER my article on this inscription was sent to the press, I noticed the Rashtrakūta names Sivarāja and his son Govindaraja mentioned in the Narwan plates of Chalukya Vikramaditya II,2 & study of which would throw welcome light on the pedigree of Kanchiyabbá given in the Salem plates of Ganga Sripurusha. In the Narwan grant which bears the date Saka 664, i.e., A.D. 742, the king is stated to have made, while his victorious camp was at Adityavāda, a gift of the village Naravana at the request of Govindaraja, son of Rāshtrakütn Sivaräja. Adityavāda is identified with modern Aitavade in the Satara District and Naravana with the village of the same name in the Guhagar Petha of the Ratnagiri District. So the Rashtrakūta Govindaraja seems to have held a feudatory position under Vikramaditya II in portions of Satara and Ratnagiri Districts of the Bombay Presidency. Possibly Govindaraja's father Sivarāja also held the same position in the same area under the same king or his father and predocessor Vijayaditya.
Now the following genealogy is supplied by the Salem plates :
Nannapp:1
Sivarāja
Govindaraja md. Vinayavati, dau. of king Vikramaditya
KanchiyabbA (A.D. 771) md. Dnggamára, son of
Sripurusha.
Indarija
We find that in both the Salem and Narwan records the names of Sivarāja and Govindaraja occur in identical forms and bear the same relationship, viz., father and son. The date of Govindarāja in the Narwan plates, corresponding to A.D. 742, would place his father Sivarāja in c. A.D. 725. These dates would very well agree with the period of Govindaraja and his father Sivarāja of the Salem plates as Govindaraja's daughter Kanchiyabbá was alive in A.D. 771, when the Salem plates were issued. And Sivaraja's father Nannappa has been assigned to the end of the 7th or the beginning of the Sth century A.D. Further, as noted above, the Narwan grant indicates that Govindaraja was holding a subordinate position under Vikramaditya II. The Salem plates inform us that Govindaraja's queen Vinayavati was the daughter of a well-known king Vikramaditya who in all probability is identical with this very Chälukya king Vikramaditya II. A consideration of these facts lead us to identify Sivarāja and his son Govindaraja mentioned in the Salom plates with their namesakes of the Rashtrakūta family referred to in the Narwan plates. Thus we
* Above, p. 145. . Above, p. 130, text line 57. . Above, p. 147 and noto.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXVII
get four generations of these Rashtrakuṭa princes from Nannappa to Indaraja who seem to have ruled in Northern Karnatak in a feudatory capacity under the imperial Chalukyas.
The Salem record states that Govindaraja's daughter Kañchiyabba was the wife of Duggamara, son of the Ganga king Sripurusha. It is quite possible that this matrimonial relationship between the Western Gangas and this Rashtrakuta family was brought about through the influence of the Chalukyas; for, according to our identification, Kañchiyabba was the granddaughter of Vikramaditya II through his daughter Vinayavati, married to Govindaraja.
Dr. Altekar has shown that it is not possible to connect Govindaraja and his father Sivaraja of the Narwan plates either with the ancestors of Dantidurga of the main Rashtrakuta line or with the predecessors of Karka II of the Antroli-Chharoli record. I have pointed out the difficulties in identifying Sivaraja's father Nannappa of the Salem plates with his namesake mentioned in the Tiwarkhed, Multai and Daulatabad plates. Prof. Mirashi has tried to show the existence of a ruling family called Rashtrakutas of Manapura in the 4th and 5th centuries A.D. in the area known as Southern Maratha country, with Satara District as headquarters. He has also suggested that following the defeat of Govinda, supposed to be a prince of the Rashtrakuta family, at the hands of Pulakesin II on the north of the Bhimarathi, as stated in the Aihole prasasti, the Rashtrakutas appear to have moved to Berar where they founded a principality with Achalapura as their capital. Yet we are not in a position to establish any connection between any of these rulers and the family of Nannappa of the Salem record. It may, however, be possible to assume that this Nannappa might have been a grandson of Nannaraja of the Tiwarkhed plates, though they would be separated from each other by about 70 years. But there is one difficulty in the supposition. Nannaraja of the Tiwarkhed plates belonged to Achalapura in Berar whereas the Nannappa and his descendants were supposed to be ruling in Northern Karnataka, in portions of Satara and Ratnagiri Districts. In such case, we will have to assume that one of these Rashtrakutas migrated again to their earlier home in Northern Karnataka. Another possibility is that Nannappa and his line of the Salem plates belonged to an altogether different branch of the Rashtrakutas. Aud Govindaraja and his son Indaraja of this family, instead of joining hands with Dantidurga and his uncle Krishna I in overthrowing the Chalukyas, perhaps actually opposed then on behalf of the Chalukyas with whom they were matrimonially connected. In this encounter, the Western Ganga king Sripurusha might have also lent his support on the side of the Chalukyas and their Rashtrakuta allies, since he was interested in them. Probably to avenge this act of Śrīpurusha the Rashtrakuta king Krishna I invaded Gangavadi and encamped at Manne in the Mysore State, from where he issued his Talegaon plates in A.D. 768. In this connection. we may note that the Salem plates of A.D. 771 announce the death of Indaraja, son of Govindaraja, which seems to have taken place only a few years prior to the date of that record. We must, however, say that these are only suggestions about the probable course of events and, of course, they are to be confirmed or modified in the light of future discoveries.
1 The Rashtrakutas and Their Times, p. 15.
Above, p. 147 and note.
Annals, Bhandarkar Or. Res. Inst., Vol. XXV, pp. 39-46; Dr. Altekar, however, does not subscribe to this view: ibi, Vol. XXIV, pp. 149-55.
Above, Vol. VI, p. 5.
ABORI, Vol. XXV, p. 47.
G Prof. Mirashi's latest view is that the Tiwarkhed plates are spurious while the Multai record is genuine, (See Ind. Hist. Quart., Vol. XXV, pp. 138-43). I have already shown that Nannappa and Nannaraja of the Salem and Muliai records respectively would be contemporaries (above, p. 147 note).
1
Above, Vol. XIII, p. 280. MGIPC--81-XVI-1-25-12-9-51-450.

Page #438

No. 53) PETTASARA GRANT OF NETTABHANJA
337 No. 53-PETTASARA GRANT OF NETTABHANJA
(1 Plate)
C. C. DAS GUPTA, CALCUTTA This set of copper plates was recently acquired for the Orissa Museum at Bhubanesvar by its Curator. I edit it with the kind permission of the Government Epigraphist for India who supplied me with an excellent set of impressions."
The set consists of three copper-plates, each measuring 7.7" x 4.5". The plates are strung together on a ring with a seal which is worn out. Together with the ring, they weigh 138 tolas, the ring alone weighing 22 tolas. The first and third plates are engraved on one side only, the second on both sides. The inscription consists of 35 lines, the first plate containing 8 lines and the other three inscribed sides of the plates 9 lines each.
The characters used in this inscription belong to the East Indian Nagari type and may be assigned to the 9th or 10th century A.C. The language of the record is Sanskrit and the composition is in verse and prose. As regards palaeography, language and orthography, the inscription closely resembles other Orissan records of the period in question.
Nēttabhañja mentioned in this inscription is the same as Nētsibhañja noted in three Ganjam grants on account of the following reasons. First, the script used in all these four inscriptions is exactly the same. Secondly, the drafts of all these records are of the same nature. Thirdly, all were issued from Vañjulvaka. Fourthly, the officers named in this inscription as serving Nēţtabhañja are found mentioned only in the inscriptions of Nētribhañja as serving that ruler. For example, the officers Kakkāka, Durgadēva and Vāchchika mentioned in this inscription are also known from other inscriptions of Nētribhañja'. Lastly, the ruler Nettabhañja of this record and Nētsibhañja of the other inscriptions have the common secondary name Kalyānakala sa. These inscriptions together offer the following genealogical table :
Silabhañja Satrubhañja Ranabhanja
Nētřibhañja There is another ruler with almost the same name, i.e., Nēttabhañjas; but there is no doubt that he is an altogether different monarch though belonging to the same dynasty. There are also two other rulers named Nēttabhañja I and Nēttabhañja II who belonged to an altogether different dynasty as their genealogy is entirely different.?
1 [This inscription was published with plates by Pandit Satyanarayan Rajaguru in the Journal of the Kalinga Historical Research Society, Vol. I, No. 4 (March 1947), pp. 285 ff., under the title " The Kshatrivarapur Copperplate Grant of Nettabhañjadeva alias Kalyāņakalasa (Samvat 59)." According to him, the plates were discovered by the villagers of Kshatrivarapur in the Ghumsar Subdivision of the Ganjam District, Orissa, while digging the earth for the construction of a school building and he received them for examination in Ootober 1946 through Mr. Banchhanidhi Patnaik of Gobara and Mr. Nabakisor Das of Cuttack.-D.C.S.]
• Bhandarkar, List, Nos. 1497-99. [The correct reading of the name in all the three cases is Neffabhanja D.C.S.)
• Ibid., Nos. 1497-98.
Ibid., Nos. 1497-99.
Ibid., No. 1502. . This point was discussed by me in A BORI, Vol. XII, p. 240. 7 Bhandarkar, List, No. 2057.

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There are three letters in line 35 on the third plate between the words chaturdasi and su-di which are not very easy to explain. But, as there is mention of the month (Margasiras) and the year, there is no doubt that these three letters indicate numerical figures, although the position of the numerals is rather unusual as it should have been placed after the word samvatsara. In support of this suggestion we may say that two Bhañja inscriptions of king Ranabhañja contain dates in an era, viz., Samvat 2881 and Samvat 293. The present grant seems to be the third Bhanja record which contains a similar date. The first of the three letter-symbols may represent 200. The symbol used here is very similar to the sign given in Bühler's Tafel IX, 200, IX. The numeral 200 expressed in the two other inscriptions mentioned above is the letter lu which is different from the sign used in this inscription to indicate the same number. This sign for 200 is derived from another symbol noticed in Bühler's Tafel IX, 200, IX. The second of the three signs resembles the numeral 70 as given in Bühler's Tafel IX, 70, VI. If we consider the cursive stroke before su as a mark of punctuation, the third sign may be read as 9 as it closely resembles the form of that numeral noticed in Bühler's Tafel, IX, 9, XVII. The year of the date may thus be read as 279. If we refer the year 279 of the inscription under study to the Harsha era, we get 279+606, i.e., 885 A.C. as the date of the grant."
The object of this inscription is to record the gift, by Neṭṭabhanja, of the village of Pētṭasara in Mändidḍā-vishaya on the fourteenth day of the bright fortnight of the month of Margaśirsha for the benefit of his parents and himself to Bhatta Kesavarudra, son of Kshēmarudra and grandson of Damodararudra.
The places mentioned in this inscription are Mänḍiḍda-vishaya and Pēṭṭasara-grāma. These two place-names are not mentioned in any other inscription of the Bhañja rulers of Orissa. It is not possible to identify them. However, for the first time, we find here the name of another vishaya within the territories of the Bhañja rulers of Khiñjali-mandala.
TEXT
[Metres: V. 1 Malini; v. 2 Särdülavikridita; v. 3 Arya; v. 4 Vasantatilaka; vv. 5-8 Anushtubh; v. 9 Pushpitāgrā.]
First Plate
1 Om3 svasti [*] Jayatu kusuma-va(ha)na-prāņa vikshē(kshō)bha-daksham sva-kirana
2 parivésbé(sh-au)rjitys-jirop-ndu-lékha[m] tri(tri)-bhuvana-bhavan-Antar-dyota-bhasva
[*]-pradi
3 par kanaka-nikasha-gai(gau)ram charu-nettra[m*] Harasya|| [1*] Sesh-aher-iva ye phaṇāḥ pra
4 viralasantud bhisvar-Fadu-tvishab präley-achala-spinga-kötayn iva tvangs
5 nti ye-ty-unnataḥ [*] nritt-aṭopa-vighati(tti)ta iva bhujā rājanti yē Sambha
6 vās tē sarvv-agha-vighatina[ḥ*] sura-ssa (sa)rit-toy-ormmayaḥ pantu vaḥ [ 2*] Vijaya-Va
1 Bhandarkar, List, No. 1487.
Above, Vol. XXV, p, 157.
[The existence of a date in an era in the present record is extremely doubtful. See below, p. 340 notes,
3-Ed.]
The point has been discussed by me in ABORI, Vol. XII, pp. 231-45.
Expressed by a symbol.
Read pravilasanly-udbhäevar-endu.

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2
4
और तूप
20
● होया शीरः तुतः कष्ट कमी दिवस
my दिन धन द
8
सुविहवा चलत वार्ड जीवन पंदन करने से अगर रेडॉक्टरॉलच विदिषः प्राचे
sia.
PETTASARA GRANT OF NETTABHANJA
থজ:) (सी) (A) এTR:
निः
10 देवता:
अब दुई 12 विषनिंदर
14
Tany
N. LAKSHMINARAYAN RAQ. REQ. No. 3977 E'36-479'54.
PRINTED AT THE SURVEY OF INDIA OFFICES (P. L. O.), CALCUTTA.
কজের
2
ल
2
6
6
8
10
10
मानहाति दातव्यक्ति दि सहित 14 ४. रुमलिनताबा भादयितव करारा
12
10
16
SCALE: THREE-FOURTHS

Page #441

ii,b.
1 वा 18 बावचा
20 विविशे तिची दिन:
पर रहे धर दीव 22 दिनदनी
24 शादी 24 हे सुहारात
26 दिखाया 26
₹.
प
iii.
28
30
B
वा संज20
ने
निराला
चालक दयावतु डियस
13
भिर आहे. परतुर । बाच
दारा जीवित छ कुडिः कामाला (A ব
य सখন मला 30 कल टि
28
32
24 ধদক বাদसाला 4 सरळ साथ। उ

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339
No. 58]
PETTASARA GRANT OF NETTABHANJA 7 õjulvakät [l*) Asti jaya-śri-nilayah prakața-guna-grasta-surva-ripu-garvva[h 1*] 8 sri-Kalyāņakalasa-nāmā rājā nirdhsū]ta-kali-kaluśa(sha)b [ll 3*] Bhañj-āma
Second Plale ; First Side
9 la-kula-tilakah ari-Silabhañjadõvasya prapauttrah Sri-Satrubhañjadēvasya napti ári
Ranabhajadēvasya su(sūnuh paramamahokvarö mi11 tā-pitsi-prādünudhyāna-ratah sri-Nēttabhaħjadāvaḥ kukali 1*Mawlid al-vishayē raja
rājanaka-rajaputtram(ttrăn) vishayapati-dandapatikan 13 yathākāl-adhyāsino vyavahāriņo Vrā(Brā)bmaņām(nan) Karama-purāyām(gân) ni14 väsi-janapadāns-cha yathārha[m*) mānayati võ(bo)dhayati samadišati cha sa15 rvvatah sivamarmikam atya(nyn)t viditam-astu bhavatim(tim) tad-vishayil-samva(mba)
ddha16 Pētasara-grūmah chatull*)-simā-parichchhinõ(nn)-smūbkih mātā-pittrör rätınanah 17 puny abhivriddhaye Vājasina-charanāya' Kāņva-sūkhiya Bhāradlvāja
aba
Second Plate ; Second Side
18 sya(sa)gotrāya A(Z)ngirasa-pravariya || vīrhihaspatyavat’ Bhatta-Dāmādi19 rarudra-naptā(ptri)-Bhatta-Kshēmarudira-suta-Bhatta-Krinvarulrena(elraya) pratipăditaḥ
dbära20 salila-purassarēna vidhinā pratipiditah i-chandr-irka-tārā(ra)m yavainta a-cha21 ța-bhata-pravēšēna sarva-vā bīdha-paribāriņā(na) akurat vina [i*tona bhuñadbi 1.*| dha22 rma-gauravat na kinachid-vyāhananiyah [l*) Asmat-kula-krumam-u23 dāram=udīs ha*jrahdhir=ani(nyai)s=cha dānam idam-abhyanumădaniyani(yam Lakshmy
ās-ta24 dit-salila-vu(hu)dvu(dbu)da-chañchalāyā dānan phalati parayažah-pripala25 nañ=cha ||[4*] Uktan-cha dharmma-śāstre || Va( Bat)hubi(bhi)r-vvasudha datta rajabhih Bugara 26 dibhih (1") yasya yasya yada bhu(bhūmis - tasya tasya tadi phalari (lam) || 5* Ma bhūd-apla
Third Plate
27 la-sunkā vat(vaḥ) para-datt-oti pürthivāh (I*) sva-clānāt phalam-ānantyan para-datt-ā28 nupālanam(nē) ||[6*] Sva-dattāri para-dattam vā(ttūri vii) yö harūti(tu) vasundharūri(räm)
sva-vishthāyām kri29 mir-bhūtvā pit;ibhiḥ ssa (sa)ha pachyatē || [7*] Shashtiri varsha-sahasra(srā)ņi svurye mõiati
1 Read Vajasaneya-charayāya. * The dandas are superiluous.
• Road Barhaspatya. (Better read Burhanpaty-anu prararıy; of above, Vol. XXVIII, p. 277, note 9.-- D.C.8.]
. Read ydpat which is, however, redundant. The word prati partitah has been unnecessarily duplicated.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXVII
30 bhu(bhu)midaḥ [*] akshēptā ch-anumanta cha tany-eva narakam vrajet [|| 8*] Iti kamala
dal-ā
340
31 mvu(mbu)-vindu-lölãm śriyam-anuchintya manushya-jivitan-cha sakalam-ida
32 m=udahṛitadbhi(ñ-cha) vu(bu)dhva na hi purushaiḥ parakirttayo vilōpyaḥ(pyäḥ || 9) svayam
ādi
33 shtō rājñā dutako tra śrī-Rajakanṭakadeva[h*] likhitan-cha sandhivigrahi
34 na Kakkākēna | Utkirnņam ch akshasali-Durgadēvēna || Lañchhitam valgu
35 lină Vachchhikāyām' samvatchhara Mārgasira-chaturdasi (syam) 200 70 9 su-di [*]
1 Read Vächchhikēna.
* Read samvatsara. [What has been read as tchhara was deciphered by Pandit Rajaguru as 59. The correct reading of the two signs may be 10 2, i.e., year 12 of Nettabhañja's reign.-D.C.S.]
[The three aksharas were read as sangatya by Pandit Rajaguru; but they look like sankatya. The reading intended seems to be sankräntyäm.-D.C.S.]

Page #444

INDEX
BY M. VENKATABAMAYYA
[The figures refer to pages ; n, after a figure refers to footnotes and add to additions. The following other abbreviations are used : au.=author; ca.=capital;ch.=chief; Chron. Chronicle ; ci.=city; Co.=country; com.= composer ; dl. district; dn. division; do.=ditto ; dy.=dynasty; E.=Eastern ; engr.=engraver; ep.=epithet ; f. female ; feud. feudatory; gen.-general; hist.=historical ; k.king; 1.-locality: lit. literary : l.m. - linear measure or land measure; m. male; min.=minister; mo.=mountain ; myth. mythological ; m.name; N = Northern; off.office or officer ; pr.=prince ; pro.=province; q.=queen ; rel.=religious; ri.=river ;8.=Southern ; 8.a.same as; our.=surname; Tam.Tamil; te.=temple ; Tel.-Telugu ; 1.d.territorial division; tit. title tn.town; tq.taluq; vi.=village; W.=Western; wk.=work.)
A
PAGE.
Adityavarman. Youth
a, inicial, . . . 6, 34, 42, 49, 120, 133 å, initial,
. 34, 120, 133, 268 à, medial,
. 28, 49, 60, 253, 254 abhaya-sasana, .
. . . . 196 Abhimanyu, pr. of Kashmir, .
154 and n. Abhimanyu, Rashfrakú fa ch., .
• 7,8 Abhiplava, sacrifice, . .
256 Abhira, dy.,. . .
• 209 Abulfeda, Arab Historian, . . . 311 Achalakulóttaman, ep., . . . 85, 87, 91 Achalakulóttaman Atkondanayan Kadavarayan,
Kadava ch., . . . . 104, 108 Achalakulóttaman Elisaimõgan Manavalapperu. mal alias Vänilaikandaperumal alias Kādavarkyan. Kadava ch... .
. . 87 Achalapura, co., . . .
336 Achalt-Bhattárika, Nala princess, . . 202 Achyutapuram Plates of Indravarman, .. . 217 Adage, vi.. . . . . .
179, 182 Adanúr, vi... . . . .
. 97 Adivadi Plate of Dasarathadēva, 120, 184, 185, 187 n. Addanki inscription, 203, 204, 205 and 1., 206, 228 R. Adhabpattana, ca.. .
. . 186 adhaka, measure of capacity,
301 Adhigrima, ei.,
302, 303 Adhipurtávara, god, .
298, 800 Adhiraja, off. .
223, 224 Adı, i . .
179 Adigaimán, ch.. .
. 91, 230, 237 Adigaimanagar, . a. Tiruvadi, vi., . . . 98 Adigan, ch., . . . . . . . 230 Adirijamangalliyapuram, vi., 83, 98, and n., 102,
107 Aditi,
. . 16, 16 Aditya, Chala k...
. . 206 Aditym, . . .
. . . 26 Adityandiya, donor, . . . 29, 32, 33
PAGE. Adityaraja, ch., . . . . 217, 219 Adityasina, Laler Gupta k.. . . . 64 Adityavāda, camp .
126, 127, 130, 335 Adityavāra.
. . . . . 127 Adityavardbane, m., .
. . 29, 32, 33 Adityavarman, Maukhari k., . . . . Adityavarman, off. . .
217, 220 Adiyarsiyamangalam, .. a., Tiruvadi, vi...
• 98 adiu., 'millet'
• 204 Adyaguna, min., . . .
. 23 Agali, vi., .
. .
. . 147 Agam, Tamil wok.,
. 96 7., 97 m. Agasti or Agastya, aage, . . . . 6, 262 Agastyēsvara, god, . . . . . . 236 Aggalanemmadi-chaturvedimangalam, vi.. 99. Aggisarmmá, M., . . . . . . 244 Agnisarman, doncs, . . . . 217, 219 Agnishfoma, sacrifice, . . . . . 62 Agnivas vanara, . . . . 281, 263, 264,
286 and . agrahara, . .
. . 34, 35, 36 Agraņipidugu, Tel. Chofa k.,
. . . . 248 akára, 1. d.,
4, L. .. . . . . . . 75, 76, 79 Ahavamalla, Silähdra ch., . . . aya, dy., . . . . . 67.
. . . 199 as, initial,
. 318 ai, medial,
. . 217 Aihole inscription of Palakesin II, 6, 8, 88, 836 Airavata, n. of Indra's elephant. . . 14 r. Airavatta-mandala, I. d., . 327, 328, 830, 332 Aitareya Brahmana, . . . 255 *., 281 Aitavade, ti., . . .
. . 127, 385 Aitavārs, . . .
. . 127 Ajanta, . .
. . . 816. Ajanta Cave Ins. No. 1,. . • 48 and Ajja I, Silahtra ch., .
. 00, 71, 74 Ajja II, do., . . . .
. .
. 66, 72
Ahirola, Gurjara k.,
.
292
10 DGA/54

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342
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXVII
.
.
.
59, 321
163
PACE Ajja III, sitahara ch., . . . . 67 Ajmer,
. . . 269 ajña, . , .
. . 201, 202 ajid-apti, off.
. . . 44 n. ajrapli or ajñāpti, off,. . 44 n., 202, 234 ajñāsañcharin, off., . . . . . . 78 Akaltara, vi.. Akkalkot, vil. . 65, 67, 68 and 1., 69, 70, 71 Akkans, wrong for Tikkana, ch., . .194 and n. A kkäravadikal, .
. . 301 Akshasālin, off, . .
. . . 340 Alayarköyil, vi., . . . . . . 311 Alagiyapallavan, ep., . . . . 86, 91 Alagiyapallavan, Kadata pr., .
ponavad. Muqaru pr... . . . 155 Alagiyapallanap-sandi, . . Alagiya-Pallava-Viņpagar-Emberuman, god, Alagiyapallavan Virarāyan alias Kachchiyar..
yan, ch., . . . . . . . 94 n. Alagiyaslyan, ep. . . . . . 90 n., 91 Alagiyaklyan, Kadava ch., . . 166 and n., 167 Alagiyafyan, , a. Jiyamahipati, Kädava ch.. . 86 Alagiyaltyan Avaniyālappirandán Köpperuðji
nga, Kadava ch., . . . . 86, 90 Alagiyasiyap Sambuvarāya, ch., . . . 167 Alando, t. d., . . . . . . Alappäkkam, vi... . . 97, 101, 107 Alappirandān, ch., . . . . .. 82, 83 Alappirandan Alagiyaslyar, Kadava ch , . 86, 87, 90n. Alappirandan Arabanārāyanan, ch., . . . 84 Alappirandāŋ Araikanārāyanan KulottungasolaKachchiyarāyap, Kådava ch.,
• 103 Alappirandān Elisaimögan, ch.. Alappiranda Kādavarāyar, ch., . . 84, 86 Alappirandan Mögan alias Kulotungachola
Kachchiyarāyan, Kadava ch.. . 103, 107 Alappirandãn Virasēkharan alias Kädavariyan,
ch., . . . . . . . : 81 Alattar, place of battle, . .
149 All-ud-din Khalji, Sultan of Delhi, 12 n., 307 Alexander the Great, Macedonian k.,
258 Alkondavilli, m., . , .
101 Allahabad inscription of Samudragupta,.. Allahabad Municipal Museum Yüpa, . . 262 affu, 'millet', . . Allun-Tikka Gandagopala, ch., . . . alphabeto :
Asokan, . . . . Box-headed, , . 76, 288, 320, 321, 322 Brühml, . . . .
48, 49, 168, 218 Devanagari, . .
188 ., 198, 263 Grantha, .. . 59, 60, 80, 94, 292, 302, 304 Gupta, . . . .
. . . 19 Gupta (Eastern) . Gupta (Southern). . . . . . 12
PAGE. alphabets :-contd.
Kalinga, . . . . . . . 217 Kannada, . . . , 65, 158, 176 Kushåņa, . . . . . . . 49 Kutila, . .
. . . 321, 322 Kharõehthi, . . . . 52, 55, 56 Nägarl, . . . . 30, 277, 321, 331 Nagari (East Indian) . . . . . 337 Nagart (Southern),
. . . 208 Nail-headed, .
132, and 1., 133 and 1. Northern, . . . . . 28, 63, 326 Pallava-Grantha, . . . . Proto-Bengali, . . . . 25, 120, 183 Proto-Nägart,. . . . . 163, 170 Särada,. . . Southern, 6, 34, 37, 42, 109, 116, 126, 132, 133,
146, 217, 313 do (Western Variety) . . . . 198 Tamil, . . .
80, 94, 292, 302 Tamil-Grantha, . . . . . 220 Telugu, . . . . .
. . 42, 173 Telugu-Kannada, . . 217, 220, 225, 231 Altēm Plates of Pulakēsin,
. .
6 Alupa or Aluva, dy.. . . 167, 16., 240 n., 306 Alvadi 600, t. d., . . .
221n. amacha, 3, 4., amatya, off., .
51, 52 Amaipallam, n. of land, . . . . . 101 amanta,
. . 192 Amarakantaka, mille,
• 135 and 1 Amaravati, 1., , . 1 and 1., 3 and 1., 4, 59, 218 Amarēsvaradēva, yod, . .
. . . 196 amätya, off.,.
. . . 50, 52, 201 Ambi inscriptions, . . . . . . 10 Ambāda, vi.. . . . . 126, 127, 130, 131 Ambarasa, ch.,
. . 73, 74 Ambarisha, myth. k., . . . . 39, 334 n. Ambāv, vi.. . . . . . . 127 n. Ameen-ool-Mulk, oft. . . . 173, 174 Angipodi, f., . . . . . 116, 118 Amir Khusru, au. .
. : 304, 311 Amma I, E. Chalukya k., 42, 43 and 1.., 44 and 1., 45, 47 Ammarāja II, E. Chalukya k., . , 42 1., 48 n. Amoda Plates, . . . ,
278 n. Amoghavarsha, Rashfrakūta k., . . . 70 Amöghavarsha I, do : . 270, 314 n. Anantavarman, Kalinga k.. . . . 192 anitya, . . . . . .
. . 16 n. Anivärita, ep.,
• 117, 118 Anivāti (Anivärita), ep.,
127, 131 Afijadaperumal Gangayarāyar, ch., . . . 94 n. Axjaneri, vi., .
. . . 315 n. Ankl, vi.. . .
. . . . 179 Ankol, vi.. . .
.
179 Ankalagi or Ankulago, vi., .68 n., 71, 73, 179, 182
.
.
83
19
204
196

Page #446

Ankulage, t.d., ankusa, emblem on seal, Annaprȧbana,.
Appambhatta, m.,
Anna-Võta, Reddi ch..
Annayadeva, gen., Antroli-Charoli record,
anuprāsa,
anusvära,
used for class-nasal, Aparajita, Pallava k., Aparamahāvinasēliyas, Aparasēlikas,. Apastamba, writer on law, Apastamba brautasutra, wk.,
Aphsad stone inscription of Adityasena,
changed to,
changed to class-nasal,
not changed to final m at the end of a pada,
omission of,.
substituted for m, final,
surmounted by concave semi-circle,
Apollodotus, Greek ruler,
Appar, Tam. saint,
Apri,
Arale,
Araiśürudaiyan, pr., Araisüruḍaiyan Sōlakōṇār, ch., Arakaṭavemula, vi., ȧrāma,.
Senkanivayar
alias
PAGE.
66 m., 67 42
Ariñjaya, Chōla prince, Ariraja, ep.,
•
43 and n., Ariraja-asahya-Sankara, cp., 46 Ariraja-Chaṇura-Madhava, ep., 215 Ariraja-Danuja-Madhava, ep., 196 Ariraja-Madana-Sankara, ep. .311 n. Ariraja-nibbanka-Sankara, ep., 336 Ariraja-vrishabhanka-Sankara, ep., 255 Ariraja-vrishabha-Sankara, ep., Arivarajama, ch.,
13, 28, 288 Arjuna, epic hero, 146 Arjuni, vi.,
Arkonam, vi.,
Arikesarin, Nigumba ch.,
Arikesarin III, Chalukya ch.,
28 134 34, 109 254 28, 146, 198 206, 296
Pillai
INDEX
Aranyakaparvan of the Mahabharata,
Arabilvär, f.,
Arasanarayanan, ch., Arasanarayanan Alappirandan Virasekharan alias Kadavarayan, Kadava ch.,
Arasanarayanan Elisaimōgan alias Jananatha Kachchiyarayan, Kadava ch., Arasanarayanan Kachchiyárayan, ch.,
Arasu-matha,
Araéür, vi.,
Araéür-nādu, t.d.,
Araéürudaiyan Perumalpillai alias Šolakön, ch.,
Aravala Mahendra Rattagudi, m.,
Arhat,
"
13, 15, 17 and n,
18
50 and n. 90 and n., 91 82, 83
arlu, millet' arohaka, off., Aruornoi, t.d. Arpä, ri.,
3
3 Arulalaperumal, 8.a. Vishnu, god...
61 n.
6 n. Arunagiripperumal, ch.,
90 n. 91 243
Arthabastra, Sansk. wok.,
aruhana, tax(?),
64 áruvana, lax,
259 Arvalam, vi.,
98 Aryadesa, co., 256 äryaputra, ep., 311 Aryyaguna, min., 90 a-sarvabhauma, Asēkatin, vi.,
84, 91, 103, 108
Ashlädhyayi, grammatical wk., Asikhetaka, vi., Aétragarh, fort,
Aétrgadh seal of Sarvavarman,
Asivairuvu, engr,
Asitädri, mo.,
Askhēdā, vi., Aéōka, Aéōkan, Asokan Edicts, àérama, .. Asugi-nayaka, donor, Aévalayanasrautasutra, atvamëdha, sacrifice,
91
. 81, 82,
84, 85, 87 196 Abvamedhayajin, ep., 99 n., 156 Aévapati, Madra k.,
293.
184
184
184, 185, 190,
185
184
184
184 184
245, 246 81, 258 76 .299 n. 204, 208 122, 123
. 235 n. 276 286 n. 127, 131
89, 195 89, 156
127 n. 179 and n. 182
99 n. 299 203 21, 22, 23 6 n. 171, 172 44 n., 141n.
37, 39, 40
321 and n..
63, 64, 321 229, 230 66, 71, 74
39 55, 270 50 69 n. 21, 22, 23 11 315 m. 5, 6 n., 8, 9, 19, 22, 23, 61, and n., 62, 128, 206, 207, 315 .. 6., 8 258 185 114 n. 113, 114 n.
ep.,
. 114 m. 295
25 m., 213. 263, 264
.
99 Akvapati-Gajapati-Narapati-raja-trayadhipati,
156 Aávattha, tree,
244 m. Aévatthachchhěda, hamlet,
203, 204, Afvatthakhetaka, vi., Atakür inscription, Atharvaveda, .
208 n. 179, 182
178 n. atisattra, sacrifice,
PAGE.
.
343
•
.
c2

Page #447

344
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXVII
126
РАав.
PAGA. Atibaya, ep. . . . . . . 230, 2376, represented by v, . . . . . 28, 134 Atiśayachola-Viranarayana, ch., . . . 230b, used for . . . Atiśaya-Rattakutta or Rattakudi, n., . 230, 6 and 0, samo sign used for . . . 109, 277
231, 237, 238 and v, distinguished, . . . . . Atkolliyar alius Kādavarayar, ch., .
81, ba,
. . . 253 82, 84, 86, 87, 90 7. Badagangi, ri., . . 18, 19, 21, 22, 23 Atkolli Kulöttunyasola-Kādavariyan, ch., . 82 Badakhimedi plates of Indravarman,. . .109. Atkondadevan Vēņāvudaiyan, ch., . . . 105 Badāmi, ca.,. . . 4, 5, 6 and 1., 7, 8, 37, 62, Atkondmövan Vênävudaiyan alias Kadavakumaran,
148, 220, 251 n. Kaduvu ch.,
91, 100 Bādāmi inscription of Kirtivarman I, Ātkondanáchchi, S.,
• 91 | Bådämi inscription of Narasimhavarman I, 59, 60, Atkondaniyan, ep., . . . 85,91
61 atmasiddhi,
. 261Bädänni inscription of Vijayaditya, . . 203 Atti, vi., .
.
• 841
Badavi, "temple-priest', . . . . 9 Attingal, I.... .
• 223 Baciamaioi, eu. Bådāmi, vi.. . . . . 6 n., 8 Attinūr, l.d.. . .
• 69. Badiraju, .. .
203, 204, 206, 207, 208 Atyantakāmi, Pallava k., . • 60 n. Bulirajula, ch., .
203, 204, 207, 208 and Attur, ui.,
• 95 n. au, bipartite,
75,313 Balvi, ni.. .
. . 254, 255 au, initial, .
133 Bāghapokhiri, vi., .
. . 185 ru, medial,
. .*217, 254, Baghanra Narayana image inscription, . . 19-20 313 Baghelkhand, co., . .
167, 168 an and o, medial, no distinction between 3:20 Bahawalpur, Stale,. . .
259, 260 Autshi, ri.. . . . . . .
26 Bahubalendra, 1. of family, .
. . 174 n. nugrahu, une bo denote delision of a,
· 277 | Buhuhirunya, sacrifice, . . . . 61, 315 n. arngraha, omitted . . . . . 292 Bahusahaya, ep., .
. . 199, 200 Aruni-alppiramdan, 1. of forchcal-plate,. . 92 n. Bakusuvarna, sacrifice . . . 60, 61, and R., Api-ilppirundan. ep.. .
. . . 94
62, 313, 315 *. Avanikarpagaviļāgam, ci., . . 98 R., 102, 107 Bahvpicha, . . . . .
. . . 118 Araniyalappirandän, ep., . . . . 156 Baidpali, tl.,. . . . : 322, 323 Avaniyalappirandān Kõpperunjinga, ch., . . 86 Baigram plate, . . . . . . 22 Errentin nukarikathi, Nannkrit sek., . . . 209 Bajaur, co., . .
53 Avantivarman, Jaukharik., . . 64, 65 and 1. Balacléva, epic hero,.
. . . . 16, 17 Avanyavanasambhavab, ep. . . . . 92 n. Baladhikritu, off., . . . , 50, 51, 52 Avidheya, Rashtrakūtal., 6, 7, 8, 132 1. Balagavade, vi., .
. . . 210 Avinitat, W. Gangu k.,
. . 149, 221 Balaghat Plates of Prithivishēna II,. . 135, Aviyanür-nadu, 1.d., . . . . 99
137 ayaku, . . .
3 Balajika, cute,
26, 27 dynka-kharbha
3 Bälärjuna, ep. of Mahäsivaguptarijadeva, . 289, 320, Ayiradi, 1.. . . 243
322 Ayodhya, ci., . .
120, 121 and n., Balavarma, Chalukya ch.. . . . . . 249 *. 122, 124 Balijhari, vi., .
. 328. Ayomukha, ci., . .
. . 168 Balijhari inscription of Mahabhavagupta Uddyola. Ayu, sacrifice, . . .
. . 255 kesarin . . ayuktaka, off., . . • 40 Ballaha, Jhalukya k.. .
. .178. Ayyavarmman, W. Ganga k...
272 Ballála, Silahara ch., . . . 177, 178, 181 Ayyapa, n., . . . . . 46 and 47 Baloda, vi.,
.
. 320 . Baloda Plates of Tivaradeva, . . 288, 320, 321, 322 Bambani, vi., . . . . . 132, 133 , 134
and m, 136 m.
Bana, ak.. . . . . . b. . . . 60, 133, 146, 231 and >., 240, Bana, k., . . . . . . 244, 300 ..
242 Bana, dy.. . . . 204, 206, 248, 248, 249, 250, b, open and closed types, 268, 270
272
.
328
closed types,
.

Page #448

Bānādhiraja, Buna tit., Bāṇapuram, vi.,
Bāṇarāja, ch...
Banaras, tirtha,
Banavasi, ca.,. Banaväsipuravaradhisvara, ep..
Banda Bairagi, n., Bandarasa, Silähāra ch.,
Bandaya, m., Bandhuvarman, ch., Bangavādi, vi.,
Bankapur, ca.,
Bannahalli, vi., Bappa, k., Bappadeva, off.,
Bār or Bayar, vi.,
Barah Plate of Bhojadeva,
Barai, com., Bardamāna, l.,
Bärdülü, vi.,
Bardwan, tn.,.
Bargaon, vi.,
Barhaspatya cycle,
Baripada Museum Plate of Devanandadeva,
.
Barkhuga, 8.a., Badaganga, ri.,.
Bārnāla yapa inscription, .
Barrackpore Plate of Vijayasena,
Bärsi-Takali, vi.,
Barua, vi.,.
Bārujivi, com.,
Basarh (Vaisali), L.,
Bäsavura, t.d.,
Basim Plates of Vindhyasakti II, Bassein grant of Seunachandra,
Batapadaka, vi.,
Bāva, ri.,
Bélúr, ca.,
Belvade, vi.,
Bayalnaḍ, co.,.
Bayya Choda-Mahārāja, ch., Bayyana, ch.,
Beas, ri., Beejanagar, ca.,
Bēlāva Plates of Bhojavarman, Belavätika, hamlet,
158, 159, 160 and n., 161
329 n.,
INDEX
PAGE.
Bemkolvana-kol, measuring rod, Benaras inscription of Karna,
Benaras inscription of Pantha, Benaras Plates,
Bennur Plates of Krishnavarman II, Bēta, sur. of Vijayaditya V, E. Chalukya k.,
272 Betapalli, vi.,
174 Betka, vi.,
242 Betul plates of Sankshōbha, 266
-
158 Bhadra, donor,
258 Bhagadasta, k. of Pragjyötisha, 69 Bhagadatta Jalhapa, au.,.
236 Bhagavat, god.,
12, 15 Bhagavati, goddess, emblem on seal,
250 Bhagirathi, ri.,
158 Bhagiyabbarasi, n.,
5 n. Bhairava, cull,
164 Bhairava, god,
75, 79 Bhāpāra, co., 319 Bhañja, dy.,
168 n. 26, 27
287, 289
Bhanuchandra, writer and engraver, Bhapamyana, legend on coin,
2 Bharadiva, tribe, Bharata, epic hero,
Bezwada inscription of Yuddhamalla,
2 Bharatabala, Pandava k.,
172 n.
326, 327, 330 On., 331
6 Bharatamvalla-perumal, ep., Bharatanatya, .
Bharatanatya sastra, wk.,
18 Bhargava-Brahmanas, com.,
255 Bharia, caste,
189 n.
193, 194 and n., 197
Bharukachchha, ca.,
70
52 n. Bhatta-Bhavadeva, m.,
178 bhattaputra,
289 Bhattaraka, god,
127 . Bhattiprolu, vi...
158 Bhattisoma, Mahāsēnapati, 196 Bhattiyaka, m., Bhattōjidikshita, au., 134 Bhauma-Karas, dy., 174 Bhavabhuti, au., 191 n. Bhavanaga, Bhārativa k., 313, 316 and n., Bhavishya, Rashtrakuta ch., 317 Bhay-bulundar, ch., .. 158 Bhera-Ghat, I.,
316 Bhikshu-sangha,
73 Bhillama, Yadava k., 167 .
31 m. Bhillama III, do., 169 n. Bhilsa, L.,
210 Bhasa, au.,
113 n. Bhaskaravarman, Mankhari k.,. 26 Bhaskaravarman, k. of Kamarupa,
14 bhatta, off.,
7 Bhilwara, Ry. station,
44 Bhima, ri.,
and . Bhimadeva, Shahi k. of Gandhara,
345
PAGE
243
26 169 205 and ". 29, 32, 33
187 m., 190
. 135 m.
.
50, 51, 52
63
24
73, 74 298 300 n. 279 338, 339 217,220
134, 136, 137, 138, 141, 143 and n., 144, 145 94 m., 99, 100, 104
90
94
29
132
198, 199
257 61, 76 137 n.
.
63 n. 320, 321
19, 21, 22
122, 123, 145, 290
and n., 330 . 191 m. 203 25 and n. 1
256,257, 266, 267 29, 32, 33
46 n. 326, 327 322 n. 76 7 174 166 and ". 320
177, 178, 181, 209, 211
178 218 252 6, 7, 8
•
154

Page #449

346
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXVII
..........
PAGE.
PAGE. Bhimarathi, ri, .
. . . 336 Bodhgayā inscriptions, . . . . . 183 Bhimata, Sanskrit poel, . . . . 169 Bodhisiri, f. .
. . . 1 Bhishma, epic hero, . . .
268 and . Bodinkyanipallo, vi.
. ,
. . . 251 bhogapati, off... . . . . . . 40 Bödudēva, m.. .
201, 202 Bhögabakti, Sendraka k... . . . .315 . Bolasvamin, donee,
314, 317 Bhögavatt, q. of Kamarüpa, . . . 22 Bölneningäru, gen., .
. 308 n. bhogika, off... . . 40, 200, 201, 202 Bonangi, vi., .
• , 173, 174, 175 Bhoja, Silahara ch., . . • 176, 177, 178, 180 Boppadeva, 7., .
. - 202 181 Boppéyavāda, ci. .
179, 182 Bhöjs (I), silahara ch.. . • , 177, 180 Borneo, . . .
. 62 Bhojadeva, ch., . . . . . 168 Böya-koffarbu, .
. 226 bhojaka, off. . . . 3.7, 36 Brahmi, deity,
. 9 n., 262, 263, 264, 265 Bhojavarman, k., . . . . . 191. Brahmacbäri-chchhēda, .
. 114 n. Bhojavarman, Chandella k., .
. 166 Brahmadesam, vi... . . . . 95. Bhopati-näyska, donor, . 11 Brahmadova, gen., . .
172 1., 278 7., Bhringt, aage, . . • • 1961.
279 n. Bhringi-maths, . . 193, 195, 196, 197 Brahmann, . .
. . 255, 250, 339 Bhubanesvar, . . . . . . 337 Brahmina, wok.. . . . . . . 255 Bhujabala Siddharasa, ch.. . . . . 156 Brahmaputra, ri., . . . . 19, 20, 21 Bhāpaditya, ch., . . . . . . 243 Brahma Setti. gen., . . . . . . 308 1. Bhäpälanodbhava, ep.. . .
• 156 Brahmüka, m..
. . 188, 190 and n. Bhüpälanodbhava Nilaganganripa, Kadava(?) ch. 89 Brihad-Bäņa, Bana ch.,
. . . . 243 Bhupendravarndan, E. Ganga k.. . 109 n., 110 Brihaspati,
. 13, 17 Bhativarman, k. uf Kamarupa,. . 19, 21, 22, Brihaspatihorn, .
232, 233, 234
23 Brihatproshtha grant of Umavarman, 34, 35 n. Bhuvanaikamalla (Sömësvara II), W. Chålsleya k., 70 Brihatsu mhita, wk.,.
. 12, 13.5, 168 1. Bhuvane var inscription of Bhattabhavadēva, .191. Buddha, . . . . . 2, 13, 16 n., 17, 54, 280 Bhuvikrama, W. Ganga k., . . . . 149 Buddhagupta, ... Bibbana, Silahara ch.. . .
. . 66, 71, Buddharaja, Kalachuri k., . . . . 167 72 Budjelhisiri, m, . . . . .
.
. I, 2, 3 Bidichðrarasa, Nolamba-Pallava ch., . . 222 Buddhism, . . . . . 1, 13, 18 ., 57, Bijjal, Kalachurya k., .
321 . . . . Bijjale, ch., . . . . . . 178 and n.
Buddhist, . . . . I and n., 2, 12, 13, Bijapa of the Solar race, ch...
177,
16 #., 50, 122., 218 178 and n., 180
Budhi[vāniya, ., . . . . . . 3. Bikkarasa, Silahara ch.. . .
Būdidigaddapalle, vi.. . . . 244, 245, 249 Bilakinds, vi., .
Budili, vi., . . . 245, 248, 249, 250 and n. Bilaspur, tro., . . . . . . 276
Buguda Plates of Malhavavarman, . . . 218 Bilbari, vi., .
. 321 .. Bull, emblem on seal,
157, 160, 208, 216, 288, Bilhari inscription, . . • 166 7., 169 n., 284 m.,
3:20, 3:6, 331 Billapadu, oi... .
. . .235 n., 273 Bundelkhand, co., . . . . 166, 167, 168 Bimaria rare,
. . . 53
Burhår, vi.. .
. . . . . . . 132 Birane, Nigumba ch., .
. 179, 182 Burmese, . . . . . . . 21 Birapära, o.a. Biripära, vi., . . . 236. Bütuga, W. Ganga k., .
.
. 177 Birdhal, ca., . .
311 Biriparu, vi., . .
249, 273 Btr-Pandi, ... Vira Påndy, Pandya k... . 304,
. . . . . . . . 313 Birth Platon of Vishnuvarman, . . 7, 250 R., chu,
. 115 Blygardawal, ca., . . 311 Chaidya, 3.9. Kalachuri, dy. .
. . 168 bour, emblem on seal, . . 41, 116, 126 Chaitrapura, vi., . . . 193, 195 and n., 197 Bobbili, si., . . . . 33, 34, 36 Chaitya,. . . . . Bodenamplida, vi.. . . . . . . 207 Chakradhara, rel. teacher, . . . . 10 Badhadate, donne, . . . 48 m., 60, 61 62 Chakrapuruah, icon, .
. 26
67
11ch,

Page #450

chakshi, 8.a. sakshi, 'witness', Chalamartiganda, ep., Chalikya Vallabhéévara, 8.a. Pulakeáin I, W. Chalukya k., Chalikya, 8.a. Chalukya, dy.,
[Chōla],
Chamanakala, m., Chamba, state,
Chambal, ri.,
Chamcharasu,. Chamdradeva, m.,
Chamunayaka, off., Chammak plates,
Chamunda, ch., Chamundika, goddess,
Chalukya, dy.,
227 n. 5, 6, 8, 9, 115, 117 6, 8, 41, 60, 62, 115, 118, 126, 128, 167, and n., 177, 178 and n., 224 n., 242, 243, 244, 250, 270, 271, 272, 335, 336 Chalukyas, Eastern-, dy., 42 and n., 43, 44, 45, 46 n., 47, 111, 112, 140 m., 204, 205, 206, 226 Chalukyas, Western-, dy., 37, 38, 65, 70, 71, 74, 79, 148, 159, 203, 206, 220, 227, n., 233, Chaturänana-Pandita, ascetic, 292, 293, 295 and n., 296 and n., 297 and n,. 298 and n., 299, 300, 302, 303
Chalukya-Bhima I, E. Chalukya k.,
249 43, 44, 45, 47 and n. chaturasvamëdha, sacrifice, 181 Chaturthakula, 242, 249 chaturvaidya-maryādā,
61
Chalukya-Chakri, ep. of Vikramaditya (VI),
Chamaluru, vi.,
227 78
Chamaluru inscription of Vijayaditya
210
255
.
Chandasiri, m.,
Chandavarman, Kalinga k.,
Chandella, dy..
Chandeyaraja, m., Chandika, goddess, Chandra, m., Chandra, Silähāra ch., chandrabindu (anunäsika), Chandraditya, Silahāra ch., Chandradvipa-tapovana, I., Chandragupta, k. of Kapili co., Chandragupta II, Gupta k.,
chandalas, community, Chandaladevi, Silahāra q.,
Chandavar, vi.,
Chandavura or Chandaura, Kadamba ca.,
INDEX
PAGE.
240, 241 Chänüra-Madhava, ep., 310!
232, 233, 234 132 n., 140 168 215
209, 212, 213, 214,
215, 216
Chandragupti or Chandragutti, vi., Chandramukhavarman, k. of Kamarupa, Chandrasekharayya, off.. Chaņūra, myth. demon,
.
294 and n., 290 n. 178 66, 73
Chaturvargachintamani, Sansk. wk., 238 Chaturvimsa, sacrifice, Chaturvaidya, community, Chaubala-Mahapatra, ep.,. Chauryasi, Chavundarasa, Silahāra ch., Chedi, co.,
Chārāla plates, charanas.
Vajasaneya Pravachana, Charitrapura, vi.,
Charu-Ponnĕra, Nolamba-Pallava ch.,
164, 166 and n., 167 n.,
chashala, chatas, off., chați, l. m., chatta, off.,
Chedi, dy.,
Chêdinagari, ca.,
Chêdisarman, donee,
Chendalur Plates of Kumāravishņu, 47 Chendalur Plates of Sarvalōkāśraya,
13, 14, 15, 16,
66, 72 Chengama, ca., 160 Chennakēšava, god, 159, Chera, co., 160, 161, 163 Chera, dy., 48 n. Chëra, k.,
30, 34 and n. Chera-Pandya-chaturvedimangalam, vi.,
35, 36 Chera-Pandyadeva, ch., chetiyaghara, Chěvůru, vi., Cheyyaru, ri., Cheyyēru, ri., chha,
PAGE.
183, 186, 187,
188, 189, 190, 191
207
113, 115, 339 and n. 148, 151, 152 195 n. 207 252
145 and n., 290 and R., 330 190, 191 122, 123
168 and n. 42, 46 29, 31, 32 209 176 n., 180 Chhändöga-parisishta, wk.,
120 chhatra, off.,
177 Chhatranata, I., 322 n. Chhattisgarh, dn., 20 Chhota Rawoot, ep., Chhoti Deori, vi., 138 Chicacole, vi., 177 Chidambaram, vi.,
22
196 n. Chidivalasa, vi.,
183 Chikati, vi.,
347
•
268 n. 268 n. 97 and n. 225, 230 251, 269
81, 96, 105 n., 248, 304, 305 n., 311
88 . 310 n. 305 n.
1 41, 45 n. 97 225 49, 313 134 n.
78, 290 and n.
289 and n., 290
. 167 n. 173 163, 164, 169 n., 170 108 90, 94, 95 and n.. 155, 305 n., 306, 309
108
112
198
173 and n., 175
10 69
135 and n., 168, 169 284 n. 169 240, 241, 242

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chikati, .
.
37, 39
PAGE. Chola-vishaya, t.d., . . . .
. 118 Choļika Mutturāju, ch., . .
222, 245 Choliya-Rattagullu, off., . . . 237, 238 Chulukiki, 3.a. Chalukya, . . . Chunar, I., . . . . . . churnis, money, . . . . . 191 n. Chutu Nägaka, ch., . . . . 171, 172 conch, emblem on seal, ,
. . 63 Conjeevoram, o.a. kañchi, ca., 89, 94, 95 n., 194,
195, 304, 307, 308 and 1., 309 Conjeeveram Inscription of Vikramaditya II, 126 Cossimcota, vi.. . . . . 173, 174 n. Cuddalore, in., . .
. . 95 n. Cuttack, 19.,. . . .
. . 337 n. Cuttack Musenm Plates of Madhavavarman, 137 n.
:. . . d, (in Kharðshtht), . . de substituted for y, . d and 4, not distinguished,
. . .
. .
49, 313 . 56
.
.
226, 236, 238
PAGE.
. . 232 Chikavõlu, vi.,
. . 274 Chikballapur Plates of Jayatēja, . 269 n. Chikhali-panchali, t.d., . .
• 218 Chikka-Madhura, vi., . .
221 and n. Chikkulla Plates of Vikramëndravarman II, 313 n.,
314 1., 316 1. chiku, . . . . . . . . 232 Chilamakuru, vi., 225, 236, 237, 243, 245, 249 Chilamaköru inscription of Vikramaditya Chola
• 231, 240 Chiñchmandal, vi., . . . . . . 76 Chindramāda, vi., . . . . 126, 127, 131 Chindravla, vi., . .
. . 127 Chinese,
20, 21, 305 n. Chinmalli, vi.. .
. 67 ., 69 n. Chintapalli, vi., .
. 174 and n. Chiplun, 1.d., . .
. . . 127 Chiplun Plates of Pulakēsin II,
38, 227 n. Chippili, vi.. . . .
225, 234, 249, 251 n. Chiprarulana, 1.d., . . . 126, 127, 130 Chipurapalle Plates of Vishnuvardhana I,. 140 n. Chirpali, ca., . 222, 225, 232, 233, 234, 249 Chirurburu, vi.. . 221, 225, 237, 238, 240, 243, 249 Chitrachödu, vi... . . . . 243 n. Chitrakuta, l, .
168 and n. Chitrāvati, ri., . . . . 225 Chittagong Plate of Damodara, 120, 183, 184, 185,
187 18., 188 n. Choda, oh.. . . . . . . . 245 n. Chola, co., . . 251, 268, 269, 272, 275, 276 Chola, dy. 24, 80, 81, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 92
and n., 93, 95, 96, 97, 105 n., 116, 124, 128, 130, 194, 195, 196 n., 204, 206, 207 209, 214, 223, 224 n., 227, 230, 247, and 1., 248, 293, 294 n. 296, 296, 298, 303,
304 n. 306, 308 and n. Chöln, dy., 220, 222, 224, 227 n., 228, 242, 245 1.,
249 n., 250, 251 and n., 268 n. Cholms of Renandu, dy. . . . . 246 and 1. Choladhiraja, ep. . . .
. . 250 Chöļa-Mahädēvi, q. . . . 245, 248, 249 Cholamahädēvul, Tel. Chola q., . 237, 238 Chola-Mabárája, Chola k., 221, 222, 224, 227, 228,
229, 230, 242, 244 and 7., 245, 246, 268, 272,
274, 276 Chols-Maharaja I, Tel. Chola k., . . . 250 Chola-Maharaja II, Td. Chola k., .
250 Chöla-Mahāraja, tit.
.
. . 235, 269 Cholamaharajuladóval, Tel. Chola q., : 239 Chola Perumånadi, ch...
• 250 Cholanari, vi.. . . . . . 250 n.
da, . . . . . . . . 253 Dabhála, «.a. Dahaļā, co., . . . . 169 Dabhra-sabha, . . . . . . 95-6 Daboka, vi., . . . . . . 18, 20, 21 Dadda, Gurjara k., . . . . . 198, 200 Dadda I, Gurjara k., . . . 199, 200 Dadda II alias Praśāntarāga, Gurjara k., 198, 199 Dadda III alias Bāhusahāya, Gurjara k., 198, 199,
201 Dadda III, Gurjara k... . . . 197, 198 Dagha-Panchali, i.d., . . 217, 218, 219 Dāhala, co.,. . . 165, 166 and n, 167 Daikoni Plates, . . . . . 278 n. Dakarasa II, Silahara ch. . . 67, 69 and n. dakshind. . . . . : 261 Dakshina-Bhoja, ep., . . . 309 Dakshina-Kösala, co., 10, 50, 278 ., 279, 280 315 and
N., 321 Dakshinamurti, deity. . . . . 297 Thakshiņåpatha, . . . . . . * Dakshina-Radha, co. . .
24, 191 n. Dakshina-Siva, god, . . Dakshina-Värāņasl, 3.. Bijapur, ci.. . 68 n. Dalaēva, of.. . . . . 188, 189, 191 Dalavanor inscription, . . . . 205, 231 m. damas, 8.a. drammas, coin, . . Dāmadikshita, donee; .
. 37, 40 Damau Dahri, n. of pool, . . Damar-nadu, t.d., . . . . . . 99

Page #452

INDEX
349
217
Рдав.
PAGE. Damasēna, saka k., . .
. . 260 Days of the fortnight, lunar-conid. Damodara, k., 183, 184, 185, 186, 187, 190, 191 BrightDamodara, ch., .
. . . 120, 121 10th Damodararudra. m., . . . . 338, 339 Damodarpur Charters, . . .
314 . 13th
.
. 192, 217, 220 Dazzodaravarman, k. of the Ananda-gotra. 9 n. 15th (Purņima), .116, 118, 158, 161, 218, 315 Damodarpur Plate, .
(Mahāvaikäkhi), 320, 383, 328 Danarnavadēva, Ranaka, E. Ganga k., 109 n., 110 DarkDinavulapādu, vi, . . . .
243, 245 2nd. .
. . . . 232, 233, 284 Dandabhukti, t.d.,... 24, 279, 280, 286 8th. Dandabrahman, ch. of Kundi, . . . 178, 181 10th
. 174 Dandaka-nādu, i.d., . . . 92, 156 14th
. 173, 175,210 (Mahilivritel) Dandakapura, co., . . .
. . 279
Days of the fortnight (Sasons),Dandanayaka, off., . 50, 51, 52, 92, 122, 123,
2nd. . ..
. 48, 50, 51, 52 dandapă fika. off.,. .
• 339 5th (socond fortnight) . . . . 34 Dandapura, I., . . . 279, 280, 282, 286 10th
. . 48 ., 50, 52 Dandimahädēvi, 9., . .
327 n. 14th (Bright) . . Dandin, au., . .
.
315 n. Days of the month (lunar). Dänka I, Silāhara ch. . .
66, 72 8th.
. . . . . . 218 Dantidurga, Rashfrakliga k., 227 *., 246 and n., 336 14th (Kärttika), . Dantivarmman, e.a. Dantidurga, Rashfrakufa k., 246 15th Dantivarmma, ch., . .
. . 245 22nd (Jyështha). . . . 183, 189, 191 Dantivarman, Pallava k. . 206, 223, 248 n., 25th (Vaisakha), . . . . . 53 Dantiyamma-Mamgu, ch., . . . 245, 246 30th (Kärttika). .
. . 114, 118 Danujamādhava, ch., . . . . . 185 30th . . . . . . 218 Däravēmula, vi.. . . . . . . 310 Days of the week. Darri, vi.. . . .
. . . 276 Friday (Sukravira), 65, 73, 148, 161, 162, 309. Darsi, vi.. . .
. 310 Monday,
. 173, 178, 304, 319 Däruka, charioteer of Krishna, . . 187, 190 Saturday,
. 309. Dasaharávrata, . .
. .78 n. Sunday, . .
. 10. Dalakumaracharita, Sanskrit wok., . .315 and n. Thursday,
. 158, 161 Dabapura, 8.a. Mandasor, ci... . 12, 13, 14, 15
. . 174 Dabarathadēva, k., . . . . 184, 185, 1871. Wednesday, . .
.. 179, 182 Dabarathadēva, ch., . .
. 120 Dasaratra, sacrifice, . . . . 255 Dēdaka, m.,. .
. . 188, 190 Dabarna, co., . . . . . 135 and n. Dēggulisvamin, donec,
126, 131 Dadasvamēdha, sacrifice, . 60, 61, 62 Demetrios, Greek ruler, .
. 259 Druivatára Cave Inscription,. . 227 7., 246 x Delhi, ca., .
12 m., 307 sed. Dattabbata, Gupta gen., . . . 15, 17 Deori, vi., . .
170, 171 Dattakasūtra, tk., . . . 149 Deorighar,
. . . 18 Daulatabad, fort, • .
2101 Desai-nayaka, donor,
. . . 11 Daulatabad Plates,
. 336 dešākshapa faladhikrita, off., . . . 34, 36 Daulatabad Plates of Sankaragana,
147 n. Dësyuyyakondapattana, 8.4. Mötupalle, vi., 196 Daváka, co., . . . .. 18, 19, 20, 21, 22
Déuka, ch., . . . . . . 164, 169, 170 Divafam, . . . . . . 311 n. Dēvabhirya, vi.. . . . . . 314, 317 Days of the fortnight, lunar,
Dēvaghara, vi.. . . . . . 127. 2nd. . . . 148, 151, 152
Dēvagiri, ca., . . . , 189, 209, 210 12th .
. 73
Dēvagupta, Later Gupta k.. . . . 75, 77 13th .
134, 143, 145 Dēvalla, donor, . . . . . 29, 32, 33 Bright
Devananda (I), Nandodbhava k.
826, 332 . 192 Devanandadiva, emblem on seal, . . 381 Sed . .
. . 116 . Dövänandadeva, Nandodbhava l., 326, 326, 329, 380, 7uh (Rathasaptam!). . . . 201
331, 332, 333, 334 and # 8th . . . .
. 179, 182 Devanandadova (II) VHietange, Nandithans k., 398
Tuesday, .
dayada,
.
44
ribar
.
10 DGA54.

Page #453

350
Devanandadevasya, legend on seal, Devanna-Pañchall, t.d.,
Devanür, vi.,.
Devänvaya, family,
Devapāla, m.,
Devaram, Tam. wk.,
Devarahalli Plates of Sripurusha,
Devaramalagiyan, ep.,
Devāramāni,
Devaraja, Rashtrakuta ch.,
Devarāta, rishi,
Devari-Nayaka, ch.,
Devasarman, donee,
Devasarman, m.,
Děvavärikä, off.,
Děvrukh, vi.,
Divuļu,
Děvupalli, vi., Dewar,.
Devendravarman, E. Ganga k., Devendravarman II, do.,
326
218
83, 98, and n., 102, 107 184, 185, 186, 187 327, 330 97, 301 147 n. 94 301, 302, 303 6, 7, 8
275, 276
139, 142, 145 218 192 127 n. 234 174, 175 305 n.
dh, 49, 56 (in Kharoshthf), 120, 133, 277 dha, abbreviation for dharmam, Dhakad, 8.a. Dharkkata, family., Dhämahitha, vi.,
232 29 120, 121, 122, 124 16 n. 3 and n. 29, 31, 32
Dhamma, Dhammavaniya,
Dhanada, 8.a. Kubera, deity,
Dhanai, donor,
Dharanika, m., Dharkkata, family., Dharmaditya, k.,
327
304, 308 and n., 310, 312 109, 113, 115
Dhananjaya II, Tel. Chola pr, Dhananjaya, Adhiraja, Tel. Chola k., Dhananjayavarman, Tel. Chōla k.,
Dharmanka, ch.,
Dharmapala, k.,
Dharmapuri, vi.,
Dharmaraja, epic k.,
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
Dharmarajadeva, Sailōdbhava k.,
Dharmarajaratha inscription,
PAGE.
11
Dhananjaya, Chofa ch., 221 and n., 222, 223, 224, 225
227 221, 229 249 n. 269,270,271, 274,276
248, 249
109 aud n.
Dhananjayavarman I, Tel. Chola k., Dhanantara Plates of Samantavarman, Dhanasangraha, Silähära ch., Dhanasangrahayyarasa, Silähära ch., 69 and n., 72, 74
66, 67, 69
189, 191 29, 32, 33 22 153, and n., 154, 155 24 230, 237 14:
Dharmärka, ch.,
Dharmasastra,
Dharmavaram, vi.,
Dharmavardhana, place name,
Dhomhdhiğ, donor,
Dhruvananandadeva, Nandodbhava k.,
.
•
+
218
60 154
154 n, 339
174 2 n. 11 326, 327
•
.
[VOL. XXVII
Dhruvasvamini, s.a. Dhruvadevi, Gupta q., Dhundhumara, myth. k., Dhúsara, com.,
14 39
29, 32, 33 154
Di, legend on coin, indicating Didda., Didda, queen of Kashmir,. 153 and n., 154 and n., 155 Didda-Kshēma, k. of Kashmir,. Digambara,
digvijaya,
154 5 6 n. 39, 328 191 n.
Dilipa, myth. k., Dimsa or Disă, vi.,. Dinḍisă, vi., Dinika, n.,
186, 189, 191 and n.
50 n., 52
Dinnaga, philosopher, Dipavamsa, Buddhist chron., Diti,
280 3
15, 16 248
Diväkara, Tel. Chōla k., Diväkarasarman, donee, Divyavadana, Buddhist wk., Dogaraju, s.a. Yuvaraju, off., Dölöshara-grāma, vi., Dommaṇapāla, k., Dommanapaladeva, Dommara-Nandyala, vi., Dōnasaraman, Dōņasvamin, m.,
109, 113, 115 139 226 332, 334 326 n. 122 n.
268, 271 n. 274 275 126, 131 Dongalasani inscription of Venkaya-Chōla, 226 Dōrigal, vi... 221 n. Draksharama, vi., 85, 86, 89, 90, 93, 94, 95 and n., 157 dramma, coin 11 Dravida, co., 124 Dravidamandala, ca., 193, 194, 195, 197 drona, I.m., 190, 191 drona, m. of capacity, 301 Dronabhaṭṭärikä, q., Drönagraka, off., Drōnala, Brāhmaṇa,
255
139 139
dronamukha, dronamukhya, Dūdrupaka, vi., 45, 46, 47 Dugaraju or Dukaraju, a.a. Yuvaraju, off., 221, 222, 224, 226, 230 147, 148, 151, 152, 335, 336 275 16 n. 4 226, 227
Duggamāra, W. Ganga prince,.
Duggasarman, m., Dubkha,
duhutaya, duhutuya,
Dujayaraju, Durjayarāju, n., Dujayarajula Mutturajulu, ch.,
227, 228
Dūnāsa, sacrifice, Dundubhibhatta, m., Durgadeva, off., Durgakalasa, donee, Durgākho, cave, Durgapati, off.,
PAGE.
·
.
.
136, 140, 143 139, 142, 145
315 n. 198, 201 $37, 340 290 132 n., 133 n.
44 n.
.

Page #454

INDEX
351
PAGE. Durgalhatta, m.,. . .
. 198, 200 Durgganāgasvāmin, W.,
. 126, 131 Durgarāja, Rashtraküļa ch.,
147 n. Durgi, vi., . .
• 310 Durjaya, ch., . .
. . 227 Durvinita, W. Ganga k.,
149, 343 n. Duryodhana, epic k., .
144 n. daluka, off. .
14, 75,139, 340 Datarakya, sk., .
. . . 63 n. Duridttsa-růtra-satira, ancrifice,. .
. 255 Dvaita, lake, . .
. 322 vuitavana, I., .
. 321, 322, 324 Dvärahatāka, I., . . 120, 121 and 1. 122, 124 Dvaraka, ci., . . . . . 283, 287 and n. dvirasva mēdha, sacrifice, . . . . . 61
PAGE. Elisaimugan Kadavarayan, ch., . 81, 82, 83 Elisaimõgan Manavāļapperumal alias Vånilai.
kandaperumal alias Rajaraju Kadavarayan of Kūdal, Kadava ch.
. . Efisuimõgar-tirumandapam, . . . . 83 Elupāsla, . . . . . . . Eluru, ti. . . Elūru grant of Mangi Yuvaraja, . Emapprūr, vi.. . . . . . . Emapperur-nadu, 1.d., . . . . 99 and n. Erai, ci.. . . . .
. . 76 Erama, writer,
240, 241, 242 Pravatta-nandala, bod., . . . 332, 333, 334 Ereyamin, Tel. Chõla k., . . . 248 Eriga!, I., . . 222, 239, 241, 245, 248 Erigal-Durgarāju, ch. . 221, 222, 224, 228,
229, 230 Erigalli, 8.11. Erigal, I., . . 222, 240, 241, 242 Erigallu Mutturaju, Tel. Chofa ch.,
223, 229 Erigal Mutturaju Dhanañjaya, do.,.
223,
227 Erigal Muturaju Punyakumara. do.. , 223,
230,
e, modial, . ē, initial,
. 42, 133, 277 è, medial indicated by Sirömätra . . . 28 ē, medial , 5, 60, 221, 253-4, 277, 292 e and e, distinction not marked in early Telugu alphabet,
. . 236, 237 Eclipses
Lunar. . . . . . . . 161 Solar,
• . 192 Ederu Plates of Amma I, . . 43, 44 n. Edēru Plates of Vijayāditya 11, . . . 268 Edilpur Plate of Kēšavasēna, . . . 188 n. Ediriganayan Pottappichola, ch.,
94 n. Edirilisolanallür, vi., . . . 81, 101, 107 Edirilisola Sambuvarāyar, ch.,
1., 309 Elūdasasvamēdha, sacrifice,
. . 61 ekäha, sacrifice, . . . . 315 n. Ekalingaji, god, . .
. . 165. ēkapatra, off. (?), . . . 122, 123 and n. Ékärjunaka, vi., .
. 75, 76, 77 Ekashash thirätra-attra, sacrifice, 252, 255, 257, 260
and n., 261, 263, 264, 265 Ekavallivadam, ornament, 97, 103, 104, 108 Ekavāram, do. . . . . . 97 n. Ekavaffam, do. . . . . 97 n. Ekavidukodi, do. . . . . 97 n. Elamēla, 3.a. Almēl, ca., . . . . 69 Elañchola, n., . .
. 236 Elañ Chola, Chola pr.,
238. Eļañ-Chöļamahädevul, 9. .
238 n. Eañola, Tel. Chola k...
245, 248 elephant, emblem on seal, Elisaimögan, tit., . .
. 85, 91 Elisaimögan alias Jananātha-Kachchiyarāyan,
ch., . . . . . . . . 84
231, 232, 233, 240 Erigälvādi 600, 1.d., 221, 222, 229, 249 n. Erikal, Erigal or Erigal, I., 221, and ». 222,
225, 226, 232 Erikal-Muturāju or Erikalla-Mutturäju, ep., 221, 222
223, 224, 227 Erra-Dacha, gen., . . . . . 308 n. Erragudipādu, vi., . . . 221, 224, 225 Erraguntapālem, ri, . . . . . 274 Erramatham, vi.,.
. . . . 70 Errasiddha, Tel. Choda ch., . . 197. Ettappanai, vi., .
.98 n. Eya[ra]kallu, s.a. Erigal, I., .
222 Eyarikallu-kulagattudn, m.,. .. 240, 241, 242 Eydanûr, vi.. . . .
. 98, 101 Eydanūr-katlalai,. .
. 98 eras,
Chalukya-Vikrama, . . 65, 67, 68 n. 73 Chēdi, . . .
. . 198 and n. . . . 111 and n., 192.217 Gupta, . . . 21, 22, 23, 138 n., 314 n. Harsha, . . . . . 30, 325, 338 Hijra, . . . .
. . 307 Kalachuri, 132 n., 166, 171, 199, 277, 278 and n.,
279 and n., 284 Kaliyuga, . . . . . . . 124 Krita, . .. . 252, 253, 255, 263, 264,
Ganga, .
.
.
•
146
.
.
Lakehmaņasēna, Laukika, Mālava Saṁvat
. 183
153 13, 14, 15, 163, 321
D2

Page #455

352
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXVII
PAGE. Eras-contd. Saka, 5 and n., 6, 8, 9 and 1., 10 and 1., 11 and
n., 38 and n., 41, 49, 79, 81, 85, 116 and 1., 118, 120 and n., 121 1., 123, 124, 126, 127 and 2.. 130, 147 1., 148, 152, 158, 161, 165, 173, 174 and 1., 175, 176, 177 and n., 178 and n., 179, 182, 183, 186, 189, 191, 192, 194, 195, 196, 207, 250, 254, 270, 304 and n., 307 n., 309 and
n., 310, 312, 335 Silivahana Saka, . . . . . 210 Vikrama Samvat, . 27 n., 31 and 4., 32,
252, 253, 255, 278 n.,
fish surmounted by ankusu, emblen, . . 307 fish and cobra, cmblem on banner, . 179, 182 Fortnights of seasons, 4th (Hēmanta)
. 48 and W., 50, 51, 52 6th (Grishma). . . 48 and n., 50, 51, 52 nel,
. . . . 34 4th, . . .
. . 101, 106
РАав. Gaņāditya, donor, . . . . . 29, 32, 33 Ganamatha, .
. . . 196 Ganapati, deity, .
. . 29, 278 Ganapatidēva-Mahärāju, Kakatiya k., 89, 93, 193, 194,
195, 196, 197, 308 and n. Ganapēśvaradēva, god, . . . .
195 Gandagöpāla, ch., . . . , 93, 156, 194 Gandaka, off. . . . 139, 142, 145 Gandamba, Iree, .
. . 54 Gandarāditya, silahara ch., 176 n., 178, 181, 182 Gandaraganda, ep. of E. Chalukya k. Amma 1, 44, 45, 46 Gandarūminku surya, legend on coin, . . 306 n. Gandara-Mutrāju, off... . . . . 223 Gāndhāra, co., . . . . . . 154 Gandhēévara, god. . .
322 Ganēsa, yod,. .
· 277 Gangas, dy., 71., 167 n., 177, 192, 204. 206, 207,
217, 219, 220, 223 and n., 245, 249 .,
269 n., 272. Gangas, Eastern-, dy., 85, 109, 110 and 1., 111, 112,
113, 114 and 1., 278,
279, 304 n. Gangs, Western-, dy., 147 and n., 150, 151, 152, 221,
243 n., 250 n., 335, 336 Ganga-6000, 1.d., . . . . . . 147 Gangadāsa, donor, . . . . . 26, 27 Gangaiova, Silāhāra ch., . . . . 177 Gangadhara, m., . . . . 279, 283, 286 Gangā haradova, gen., . . . 186, 187, 190 Gangāditya, m.,
. . 198, 201 Gangaikondasola-vaļanādu, 1.d., . . 99 n., Gangapur, vi.,
.
. 252 Ganga-Rattagudi, off.. . . . . 237 n. Gangavādi, co., Gangayan, ep., . . , 100, 105, 106 gariis, . . . .
. . . . 186 Ganjam. dl., . .
. . . 337 n. Ganjam Grants.
. . : 337 Ganjam (North) Platey of Bhupendravarman, 109 n. Ganjam (North) Plates of Danirnavadēva, 109 n. Ganjam. (North) Plates of Jayavarman, . 109 r. Ganjam Plates of Prithivivarman,
109. Ganjam (North) Plates of Ränaka Jayavarman, 109 ». Ganyamananru, ep.,
. . . 232 Garga, . .
.
184 . Garga, donor. .
. . 29, 32, 33 Garga-Yavan-anvaya-pralayakäla-Rudra, ep., 184 and n. Gärgi Sanchită, ok., .
184 n. Garo, hills, . .
. 20 garta, 'valley'. . . . . . . 134 Garuda, . . .
119 Garuda, emblem on seal, . . 63, 176,208 Gattu-Viriparu, vi., Gau, sacrifice, . . . . . . 255
9, . . . . . 49, 56 (Kharoshthi), 133 9. subscript, .
. .
277 yand k, not distinguished, 226, 232, 238 Gada, ri,
127 n. Gava Mathuri, vi..
. . . . 121 Cadeghāt, vi.. .
. . . . 76 gadhaiya, coin,
. . . . 42 n. gadiyana, roin., .
.
. . 10 Gadval plates, .
. . 115, 116, 118 . gady, coin, yadyana, coin,
10 and n., 11 and n. gadya nakas, coin, . +2 and n., 46, 47 Gähadavala, dy. . . . . . . 63 gahapati, . . . Gäisilāt, vi...
322 Gaja inkus-kula, family,
. 73, 74 Gajanana, 8.0., Ganapati, god, . . .32 n. Gajapati, ep.,
.185, 187, 189, 190, 191 Gajapatinagaram, vi. .
. . 174 Gajasähini, off., . gandhakudi or gandhakuti,
3 Gangadhara-Bhatta, mn.,
215 gampana, 1.d.,
179 gana, . .
259 Ganes, .
63 Ginadēva, ob. .
173
.
.
310

Page #456

Gauda, co., Gandesvara, ep., Gaudeévara, god,
.
Gauhati, ci., Gaullavara, god,
Gaurl, goddess, Gaurisarman, donee,
Gautami, Väkätaka q.,
Gautami Plates of Indravarman,
gavyūti, 1.m.,.
Gaya inscription of Govindapala,
Gaya Vasudeva temple inscription of Govindapāla,
Gayakarna, Kalachuri k.,
Gedilam, ri.,
gha,
Gōbara, vi.,
Godachha, min.,
Gōdāvari, ri.,
Goindabhatta, m., Gökarna, vi.,.
Ghantasala, vi.,
Gharj, co.,
Gharjisthän, co., Ghatikai-dhavalam
Ghor, co.,
Ghumli plates,
Ghumsar, Subdivision,
Gimavi, vi.,
Girmagara, l.,
Girnar, vi.,
Girnar Edict,
Girnar inscriptions,
Girnar rock inscription of Rudradaman I,
Gilā,
Goa, ca.,
Goa, Kadamba ca.,
Goa Plates,
Gōkarṇasvāmin, god,
Gōlaki-matha,
Gollakandukuru, vi.,
Gomanta, mo.,
Gomantaka,
Gōmantha, fort,
Gomedha, sacrifice,
Gonds, people,
Göndrama, I.,
Gönkala, Silahāra ch.,
PAGE.
185, 191 m., 279
185 300 n.
18, 67 7.
298 m., 300 n.
147 217, 219 77 109 n. 116, 118
183
Gönkala (I), do,
Gopaka or Gōpakapattana, ca.,
Göpälapalli, vi., Gopala-Sistrulu, donee,
Göpälavardhana, gen., Geparaju Ramanna, min.,
120
166
97, 98 253
I and n., 2, 3n.
184 n.
184 n.
311 n.
184 n.
137 337. 127 n. 37, 38, 40 38 .50 n.
260 254 295 n. 209 158, 150, 160 38 337 n. 48, 50, 51, 52
195 215
157, 158, 161
110, 113, 114 and n.
•
INDEX
.
165, 166 and n., 167
274 177 177
177, 179, 180
62 132 328 and n. 176 m., 177 m., 180 177 209, 213
174 175 308#. 196
.
•
.
Gōrāņa, vi., gösahasa, gift, go-sahasra-dakshina, gōsh tham, gosh thikas,
götras,
.
Amgirasa,
Atreya,
Bhargava, Dalbhya,
Gaundilya (Kundinya), Harita,
Kamakayana,
Kāṇvāyana,
Kasyapa,
Kaundilya(nya), Kausika,
Krishnātreya, Löhita,.
Löhitya,
Manavya,
Paradaya (Bharadvāja), Sālankayana,.
162, 163 186, 189, 191, 275, 270 Bharadvaja, 43 m., 113, 115, 186, 188, 190, 198 201, 232, 275, 276, 314, 317, 339
161, 162, 163 332, 334 and n.
275, 276 148, 151, 152 116, 118 148 237, *., 248 244 126, 131, 229, 230, 240, 241, 242 209, 212 75 n. 75, 77
38, 39, 45, 47
234 n. 314, 317
Saugi, Savarni,
Väjilōhitya (?), Värdhinasa,
Vasishtha,
Vatsa,
•
Govindaraja, Rashtrakuta k., Govindaraja, Rashtrakuta ch...
•
PAGE.
39
48 n., 52
262
226 29, 32
.
256 37, 40
Sävarnya, . 186, 188, 189, 190 191, and n. Tiruvula (Traivana ?), Traivana,
·
Ulüka,
229 n. 229 n. . 327, 330 77 n. 120, 122, 124 161, 162 134, 142, 145, 217, 219 76 158, 161, 162 209, 212
Vishnuvṛiddha, Visvamitra,
Viśvāvasu, Götrapravaranibandhakadamba, wk., 75 n., 327, 334, n. Govargaon, vi.,
210 210, 215
Gövaru, vi.,
15, 16
177, 178, 181
Govinda, 8.a. Vishnu, god, Govinda, ch.,. Govinda, Rashtrakuta k., Govinda II, do. Govinda III, do.
316 222 270
Govindachandra, k. of Vangala, 24 and n., 25, 26, 27 Govindagupta, Gupta k.,. 13, 14, 15, 16 and ., 17 Govindapāla, k.,
Govindapala, ch.,
Govindapur Plate of Lakshmanasena,
Govindaraja, Nikumbha .ch.
183 120 . 121 178 335, 396 126, 130
•
353
.
•
•
•

Page #457

354
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXVII
320, 321
PAGE. Govindarāja, Rashtrakufa pr., 147 and 16., 148, 151
and 152 Göviyanaka, vi.. . . . . 37, 39, 40 Grāmakūta, off., . . . . 139, 142, 145 Gramam, vi., . . gråmani, 'village lord', off.. . • 42 46, 184 Greek,. .
2, 6 n., 52, 58, 258, 259 Grdhragrāma, vi..
. 76, 76, 77 grihi-pandita,
. . . 186 Gudalur, vi...
. . 98 Gudivāda, vi.. . Gudravāra, i.d., .
• 42, 45, 46, 47 Güdüru, ni... . Guha, family,
. . 25 Guba, .4. Kunara, deity,
293, 294 guhå, . . .
.296 and n. Guhagar, l., . .
127 Gujarat, co.,. . .
. 139, 167 Gumti, ri., . .
. . . 168 Gunabhājana, Pallava k.,
. . 270, 271 Gurabhara, do. .
.231 n., 251 Guņabharavichchuram, le.,
. . 98 Gunaighar Plate,. .
. 314 n. Guņakkenalla, tit. of Vijayaditya III, E. Chalukya
.
42, 46 Guņamudita, Tel. Chöla k., 224, 228, 229, 230, 248,
251, 269, 270, 271, 272, 275, 276 Gundalur, vi.. . . .
. . 304 n. Gunji, vi.. . . . .
. .
. 48, 49 Gupta, dy., 6 n., 13, 14 and R., 15 and n., 16, 17, 21,
22, 63, 132 7., 138, 139, 247, 314 7., 326 Guravas, community,
. 210, 215 Gurjara, dy., .
. . 197, 198, 199 Gurjara-Prathara, dy., . .
121 n. Gürjjara Brāhmana, community, . 209, 212 Gurmha grant of Jayadityadēva, . 314 n. Gurusishya, writer, . . . . . . 152 Gūvala I, Silahára ch., . -. 176 n., 177 and n., 180 Güvala II, do, . . 176 1., 177, 180 Gwalior, ci., . . . . . . . 12
PAGE. Hara-Dharani-prasūta, ep., . , 160, 161 Haraha stone ins., .
. . Haralahalli, vi.. . . . .
. 159 Haravöhu, ., .
279, 282, 286 Haridatta, m..
36. Harihar inscription of Bijjala,
. 178 Harihara II, Vijayanagara k., . . . 299, Harihara-Dandanayaka, Hoysafa gen., . . 92 Harikāladēva, ch., . . . .
186 Harikaladeva Ranavankamalla, ch., . 120, 121 Harishēna, Vakafaka k., . . . . . 315 Hariti, sage,. . . 38, 39, 45, 47, 116 Harivarsa, ik.. . . . . . 321 1. Harivarman, Kadamba k., . . 5, 7 and 1. Harivatsakotta, fort, . . . . . 7, 8 Harivarma-mahadhiraja, W. Ganga k., 149 Harivarman, Maukhari k., . . . . 64 Harkāti, ri,. . . . . . . 18 Harshadēva or Harshagupta, Saradhapura k., 289, 290,
291, 320, 321, 323, 325 Harshavardhana, k. of Thanēsvar, 19, 22, 28, 38, 63,
112, 117, 128, 167, 199, 200, 204 Harshacharita, lit. wk., . . 19, 21, 22 Harshagupta-bhattarikā, Maukhari . . .64 n. Háshimpur, vi. . .
. . 185 Hastin, Parivräjaka k.. .
. . 132 Hastinapura, ca. .
. . 322 hartiratha, gift given on Rathasaptami. . Hastivarman, E. Ganga k.. . Häthigumpha inscription, . . . Hätiya, ri., .
. . . . . 25 Hátnür, vi., . . . . . . . 210 HĀvalige, vi., . . .
• 244 Hebbär, community,
242 n. Hebbāruva,. .
242 n. Hebbata, vi., . .
. . 250 n. Himachandra, Prakrit grammarian, 49, 50 n., 51 n., 169 Hemadapant, s.a. Hēmadri, min., . . . 9 n. Hēmadri, au.,
. 9 ., 210 Hēmädri, min., . . . . . . 9 . Hemmadidēvarasa, ch., . .
. . . 69. Hemmälikachaitya,
. . . 64 Hēramba-Ganapati,
. 94 Hinay na. . . . .
. .
. 13, 18 n. Hiranyi, ri.. .
. . 75, 76 Hiranyagarbha, .
. 5, 8, 9 and 1. Hiranyakasipu, demon,. . . . . 319 Hiranyarashtra, i.d., 222, 236, 248, 269, 272, 273
and R., 275, 276 Hire-Muddanür inscription, . . . 178 Hiuen Tsang, Chinese traveller, 19, 20, 196. Hodal, vi.. . . Hojai, vi., . . Honavar, vi.,
. . . . 160
.
3, 22 210, 215 38, 118 n.
67 n.
.
Hadhinaura, vi.. . Haidarsbad Plater, Haihays, dy., Halkür inscription of Sripurusha, Hamsavega, M., . . hana or pana, . . Hänaval, Kadamba a.. Hanuman, epic hero, Hars, god, . . .
. . . . .
. . 19 . 179. 1 158, 159, 160
18, 22, 81 . . 338

Page #458

INDEX
355
höra,
PAGE. Honnavadi, 1.d., . .
273 R. Honnür Plates of Vikramaditya I,. 116 n.
... 231, 233 Horima, Nikumbha ch., . .
. 179, 182 Hoshang Shah, Sultan of Malwa, . . .12 n. Hoysala, dy... 88, 89, 92 and n., 159, 305 ., 306 Hūnas, tribe,
14 and . Hurrycundur, Ch., . . . . . 173 Huvishka, Kushana k. . . . . . 255
Mae. Indulāri, family, .
308 n., 311 n. Ipūr Plates of Madhavavarman I, 314 n., 315 n. Ipur Plates of Madhavavarnan IT,. .315 and n. Tranian,
. . . . . . 57, 58 Trandāyiravar, connunity., . . . 101, 107 Trbuli, vi.. . . . . . . . 235 Irigalvādi, 8.a., Erigalvādi, td., 221 1., 222 Irugašarman, M., Irungolappādi, t.d., . . . 92 n., 97 n. Išāna, m., . . . . 134, 143, 145 and n. Išanadēva, ch., . . . . . . 321 Isänavarman, Maukhari k., . . . 64, 320 Isanēsvara, god, . . .
320, 321, 324 Isapūr, vi., . . . .
255 Išāpur yapas,
. 252 Islampur Plates of Vijayāditya,
· 147 n. Isvara, k., . . .
. 117 Isvara, goldsmith,. . . 134, 143, 145 and n. Isvaraghosha, ch., . . . Isvaramāū (Hindaria) inscription. . . 166 Isvarapotarāja, (Pallava) k., . . . 117 Távaravarman, Maukhari k., . . 64 and n. Távaraiva, Saiva ancelic, . . . 166 R.
.
121
i, initial, . . . 42, 49, 120, 163, 176, 268 i, medial, .
. 2, 37, 115, 234, 254 i, do, indicated by Siro-måtrå, . . . . . 28 i, initial,
. . .5, 126, 133 n., 238 1, medial, . . . . 37, 115, 217, 234, 254 i, do., indicated by Siro-matra, . . . 28 Ibrahim Kootb Shah, Muslim k., Ichchuvaraparuma, Pallava k., . . 204 [I]dadēva, n., . .
. .50 1., 52 and . Idaiyaru, vi.. . . . . . .99n. Idaiyaru-nadu, 1.d., . . . . . 99 Ikshvāku, dy.,
. 121 and ., 266 Ikehväku, k.,
. 257, 262, 263, 264, 265 Ilangó-Muttaraiyar, ch., .
. 223 Ilvala, myth. hero, . . Immadi Ito (or Rato), m., . · 240, 241 Immacļi-Nissankavira, ep., . . . 310 Inda I, Silahara ch., . . . 66, 71, 74 Inda II, do. . . . . . 66, 72 Indaraja, Rashtrakufa ch., 147, 148, 151, 152, 335, 336 Indarasa (Inda III), silahāra ch., 65, 66 and n.,
67, 68 n., 69, 72, 73, 74 Indarasa IV, do. . . . . . 67 Indarasa V, do. . Indian Museum Plates of Devendravarman II,. 192 Indian Museum Plates of Indra varan, 109 n. Indo-Sassanian, . . . . . . 42 R. Indore Plates of Pravarasina II, . . . 79 n. Indra, deity, . . . 13, 17, 33, 262, 263, 264, 265 Indra, l. . . . 136, 141, 143 and x., 144 Indra III, Rashfrakufa k., . . - 168 n. Indrabala, Panduvansi k., . . . . 138 Indrabhattariki, Maukhari q. 64, 65, 136, 141,
143 and n. Indradeva, min., .
50 and n., 52 and n. Indraprastha, ci., . . . . . . 121 Indravarman, Kalinga k., .
. . 34 Indravarman, E. Ganga k., 109 n., 110, 217, 231 n. Indravarman II, do. . . . . . 109 r., 110 Indravarman, Vishnukundin k., 8, 314 n., 316 Indukuru, vi.
. . . 229
3. . . . . . 133, 171, 242, 245
. . . 28 Jagudek- Śüdraka, ep. of Pallavamalla, 43 n. Jagapāladēva, m., . . . . 279 n. Jaggayyapēta, vi., . . . 1 and n., 2, 3 Jäikn I, Saindhava k., .
. . . 137 Jaitra, Yadava ch., . . , 209, 211, 212 Jain, Jaina, Jainism, 5, 24, 69 n., 70, 95, 208 n. Jaintia, hills, . . . . . . . 20 Jaipur, state, . . .
. . 259 Jājallaulēva, Kalachuri k., , . 280, 281 Jájalladēva I, do. . . . 278, 279, 284 Jajalladeva II, do. .
. . 278 n. Jalhaņa-Pandita, m., .
. 209, 212 Jambukēsvara, god,
. 304 Jamkhandi, ca., .
. 208 Jananátha-chaturvēdinangalam, vi.,
.99 . Jananitha-Kachchiyariyan, Kadava ch., . 84, 87, 91 Janapadas, perple, Janoka, m.,
. . 189, 191 Jäpila, ca., . .
123 n. Jaţår Deul, te., Jațăvarman, sur., . . . . 305, 307 1. Jaţăvarman Kulasēkhara, Pandya k., . 305 n. Jatāvarman Srivallabha, do.
307 . Jatavarman Sundara-Pāndya, do.
93, 305, 306, 309
339
120 n.

Page #459

356
PAGE.
Jatavarman Sundara-Pandya I, Pandya k., 194, 305 R., 308
93
do.
Jatavarman Vira-Pandya, Jatiga I, Silähära ch., Jatiga 11, Jatilavarman, sur., Javalage, I., Jayabala, k...
Jayabhata, Gurjara k., Jayabhata I, Vitaraga, do. Jayabhata II, do. Jayabhata III, do. Jayabhata IV, do... Jayadityadeva, Malayakētu k., Jayakarna, W. Chalukya pr., Jayakēsin III, Kadumba ch. of Goa, Jayananda, Nandödbhava k., Jayanartana, ep., Jayangondasolamandalam, t.d., Jayangondasolapuram, vi., Jayangondasolavalanādu, f.d., Jayanta, myth. ch., Jayantachandra, ch...
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
do.
176, and n.. 177, 180 176 n., 180 125 and n.
73 136, 138, 140, 143 198 199, 200 199
198 and n., 199, 200 n. 198 and n., 199
314 m.
71 and ., 178 209 and n., 214 326, 328, 332, 334 n., 257, 260, 263, 264, 265 97 n. 311 .99 n. 159
Jayanti, s.a. Banavasi, vi., Jayanti-Madhuke svaradeca-labdha-vara-prasada, ep.,
Jejüri Plates of Vinay aditya,
Jeulla, m.,
jk,
120 n. 160, 161
158 71, 74
326, 328, 331, 333 n. 116, 118 7, 8 164
178 . 7, 8 179 256, 257, 260, 263, 264, 265 339 64 and n. 269 n. 223
vadi, ch.,
Jayavarman, E. Ganga k.,
Jayavarman, Ranaka-, E. Ganga ch..
Jayantipura, ca..
Jayapura, ca.,
Jayasena, comp., Jayasimha, W. Chalukya pr., Jayasimha, Kalachuri k., Jayasimha III, Chalukya k., Jayasingha, gen., Jayasinghpur, vi.. Jayasoma, Malava k., Jaya-sri-nilayah, ep.. Jayasvamini-bhaṭṭārikā, Maukhari Jayateja, Ganga k., Jayatunganadu, t.d., Jayatunganattu-Müttatambiran or Mütta-Tiru.
222
.
n., 223, 224 109 n., 110 109 .. 110, 111 268 29, 32, 33 28, 120 31 ซ. 146, 208
Jhalrapatan inscription, jikvāmālīya,.
Jimütavahana, myth. k., . Jind, state,
65, 67, 72, 181 258
Jirjingi Plates of Indravarman, 34, 217, 231 n. Jivadaman, Mahakshatrapa, Saka k., 260
Jiyamahlpati, Kadava ch.. 84, 86, 90, 91, 95, 155
ji,
28
.
.
Jñanasiddha, rel. teacher, Janesvara, saint,
323
Jogama or Jogamarasa or Jõgamarāņa, Kalachurya k., 67 and n., 178 Jogimath, vi., Jögimārā caves, Jokahi, l., Jubbulpur, ci., Jugijän, I., Jurerpur, vi., Jurerpur plate,
K
Kadambachakravarti, tit., Kadambasaraka, I., Kadambatirtha, do.,
Kādavakumaran, tit., Kadavarayar, ch.,
[VOL. XXVII
kadaru (Sanskrit. kridara), 'granary', Kadava or Kadavaraya, dy.,
k,
133, 221, 228, 231, n., 245, 253,
k, used for g
k and y, not distinguished, ka, Kachar, hills,
238 226, 232 2 20
Kachchi, s.a. Kanchi, ci., Kacheru, vi.,. Kadamba, dy.,
292, 293, 302, 303 240, 241, 242 5, 6 and n., 7 and n., 8, 38, 149, 157, 158, 159 and n., 160, 161, 177, 179 n., 180, 209, 222, 243, 247 n. 158, 161, 163
PAGE. 73 209
•
.
48
170
166, 168
21
325 331
75, 76, 77 313, 316, 317 171, 172 80, 81, 82, 88, 89, 90, 99, 155, 156, 157 99, 100, 104, 156 84, 86, 91, 92 m., 93, 97 and n.,
223
98 Kadi, measure of capacity 301, 302, 303 Kaduvetți or Mukkanti Kaduvetti, Pallava ch., . 207 Kaduvetți Muttaraiyan, ch., Kāduveṭṭi Muttarasa, ch., Kahasṛinga-rishaya, t.d.,. Kahla Plates of Sodhadeva, Kaikalur, vi.,.
+
222, 223 327, 328, 330 168, 169
Kailasanatha temple inscriptions, Kailasapura, vi.,
Kaira grants of Dadda II, Kakandakutu, t.d., Kakatiya, dy.,
45 n. 60 n. 320 198 171, 172 89, 93, 153, 154 n., 157, 191 n., 193, 195, 196, 227, 304, 305, 307 and n., 310, 312 Kaketa, s.a. Kakatiya, dy., Kakkika, off..
310 337, 340 147 n. 164, 165
Kakkarāja (I), Rashtrakuta k.,
Kakreri, vi., Kakusthavarman, Kadamba k., Kalabhra, dy.,
7 n., 243
128, 130
+

Page #460

PAGE.
Kalachuri, dy., 164 and n., 165 and n., 166 and n., 167 and n., 168, 169, 172 n., 277, 278 and n., 279, 281, 284 67, 157, 178 and n. 67 n. 94, 195 164, 169, 170 206 n. 221, 225
Kalachurya, dy., Kalachuryas of Kalyana, dy... Kalahasti, vi.,
Kalaireya, ch.,
Kalakala, ti!.,
Kalamalla, vi.,
Kalanjara, ca., Kālāñjara, fort, Kalañjara-maṇḍala, t.d., . Kalanjara-pariyanta-desädhisvaram, ep., Kalanjarapuravaradhisvara, ep.,
Kalanju, coin or weight, Kalankaykkanni-narmudi-Cheral, Chera k.,
Kalavala, off.,
Kalavali, vi.,.
67 n., 168, 169
301, 302
96
222 n.
.97 n.
332, 334 188, 190 153 43, 46, 47
12, 63 n., 262 209, 214, 215
20 279
Kalindi, ri., Kalinga, co...
34, 35, 36, 109, 110, 111, 112, 113,
114, 193 n., 195, 217, 218, 231, 245, 278, 281, 285,
310, 316 34 n., 35
109, 110 and n., 111, 112
300 70 310 20
256
Kaleda-khanda, t.d.,
Kälemika, m.,
Kalhana, au., Kali, age,
Kalidasa, Sanskrit poel, Kalideva, god, Kalikapurana, lit. wk.,
Kalingadhipali, ep., Kalinganagara, ca., Kaliya Nayaṇar, Saiva saint, Kaliyammarasa, Silahāra ch.,
Kaliyugarirabhadra, ep., Ka-lo-tu, sa. Karatōyä, ri., kalpa.
Kalu-matha.
Kalyana, co.,
166, 167 and n., 168 and n. 66, 67, 69, 71, 72, 74 168 n. 69
Kalyanakalasa secondary, n., Kamadeva, Kadamba ch., Kāmakkōṭṭam,
Kaman stone inscription, kamandalu, emblem on seal,
Kamarupa, co., Kambalikoppa, ri.,
Kampiévaramuḍaiyār, god,
Kamtabahu, m., Kamtakasola, vi.,
Kamban, poet,
Kamera, co.,
Kammāka, t.d.,
kammari, 'blacksmith',
Kampa, Kampavarman, Pallava k.,.
10 DGA/54
.
INDEX
•
196
67 n., 159, 178 and 2. 337, 339 158, 159, 160, 161, 163
104 31 25, 320 18,19, 20, 21, 22 159, 160 300 n., 308 n.
128 2 234
59, 296, 297.,
298 296 215 2, 3
•
•
PAGE. 218 94
Kamyakavana, l., Kanakändölana, Kancha, Silähära ch., Kanchi, vi.,
66, 69, 71
5 n., 87, 89, 92, 93, 95, 99, 104, 116, 117, 118, 126, 128, 130, 156, 157, 195, 227, 246, 247 and n., 272 n., 300 n., 308 n., 309 Käñchiga, Silähära ch.. Kanchipuram, vi., . Kañchiyabbā. Ganga princess,
69 206
147 and n., 148, 151, 152, 335, 336 59. 245, 249
38 10 46, 47 .226n. 134 10 .67 n. 10 9, 10, 11 98 n. 105 88
83, 98 n., 102, 107
88, 92, 310 n. 292, 293, 297 and
n., 302, 303
Kanchivayal, s.a. Kāfichidvāra, vi., Kandakotta, vi.,
Kandalgaon (spurious) Plates of Pulikoéin Il, Kandhära, s.a., Krishna, n.,
Kandu(?), grain measure,
Kandukuru ins. of Vijayaditya III,
Kangra, dt.,
Känha, 8.a. Krishna, n.,
Kanhagiri or Kanhēri, 8.a. Krishnagiri, mo., Kanhara, 8.a. Krishna, 7.,
Kanhiradeva, 8.a. Krishna, Yadava k., Kanichchampakkam, vi., Kankala, s.a. Siva, Kannadar, people, Kannamangalam, vi., Kannanur, ca.,
Kannaradēva, Rashtrakuta k., .
Kannaki, f...
Kaṇṭakasōla, vi.,
Kantakossyla,
Kanyamela, vi., Kapadi, m.,
Kapadika, s.u. Kāpadi, m.,
Kapi-Bōla-Mutturāju, ch., Kapili, ri., Käpyaṇa, pr., Kara, family, Karad, Silähära ca., Karadaáringa-vishaya, t.d.,
Karamjige, vi., Karana, off., Kārāņai, vi.,. Karatoya, ri.,
Kargudari ins. of Tailapa, Karikala, Chōla k.,.
.
Karikatin, vi., Kärltalai, vi.,
Kärltalál ins. of Lakshmanaraja, Käritaläl ins. of Lakshmanaraja II, Kariyanadan, ep. Käriyundikkadavul,
.
.
357
2 n. 1 and n., 2, 3 1, 2 186, 188, 190 186 188 and n., 189, 190, 191 245, 246, 249 18, 20, 21
245
•
.
327 176
332, 333 65, 67, 73
289, 290
108 20 179 n. 224, 227, 246, 247 and n., 248, 274, 275 171, 172 171 30, 171 169 n. 101 and n. 97

Page #461

358
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXVII
251 n.
PAGE. Karka II, Rashtraküfa k., , .
336 Karkadagamārāyan, dy. .
. . 91 Karkarēdi, ca., . .
164, 167 n. Kärle, L., .
. . 35 n. Karmarashtra, 1.d., .
- 235 Karna, epic hero, . .
. 135 n., 198 Karna, Kalachuri k., 164, 165, 166, 167 and 1. Karņinvaya, dy.
. . 198 Karnataka, co., 157, 158, 180, 289, 316, 336 Karnātas, . . 88, 92, 93, 100, 105 and n. Karnnesaka, ri. . . . Karpa fivrata,
. . 46 n. Karpüramarijari, wk., . . . . 135 n. Kärttikėya, god,
. 48 n., 50, 136 Karunadar, 8.a. Karnata,
. . . . 100 Karunātar, people, . .
. . . 80 Karupura, vi.. . .
. . . 274 Karvi, ri., . . .
. . 168 Käbikudi, ti, . . Käsikudi plates,
• 204 Kasala, poet composer,
. 280, 284 Kasapura, ci., .
. 164, 169, 170 Kabeļi plates,
. . 177 n. Kashmir, co., Kasia inscription,
. 168, 169 Käsipura, ci.,
. . . 164 Kasur, tn., . .
• 259 Katahadi, personal n... .
. . . . 48 . Katakarāja, off.. . . Katakēśa, do., . Katakēšvara, do.,. .
. . 44, 46, 47 Kathaka, 8.a. Kādava, dy., . . . 93 Kathasaritsagara, wk., . 50 n., 67 n., 134 n. Katiyana, m. . . Kattisarmmā, donee, . 232 233 234 and n. Kattumannárkoil, vi., .
. . 306 Kättupakkam, vi., . . 83, 99 n., 102, 107 Kalyāyanaśrautasútra, wk., .
255 . Katyayani, goddess,
. 69 and n. Kauravas, epic heroes, . . . . 258 Kaushitaki Brahmana, wk.,
. . 256 n. Kausiki, . . .
. 38, 39, 45, 47 Kautilya, au., .
. . 286 n. Kauthiya or Küchiyabbā, donee, 116, n. 118 and 1. Kaveri, ri., 92, 116, 118, 157, 159, 246, 247, 248
.
.
.
153
PAGE. Kayastha, caste, . . . . 314 and n., 317 Kayavapakkai-nādu, 1.d., . . . . 99 Kedilam, 6.a. Gadilam, Ti., . . . . 101 Ken, Ti., . . .
. . . 170 Kendukura, vi.. . . . . 274 Kendür Plates of Kirttivarman II, 126, 130 71.,
268, 270 Kerala, co.. . 292 n., 223, 268, 275, 276, 293 and n., 294 and n., 295 and 1., 301, 302, 302, 305 1.
306, 309 n., 310 Kerala, dy...
.
. . . . 128, 130 Késarakoni, vi.. . . 186, 189, 191 and . Kēsarinayaka, ch, . . . . 73, 74 Késava, m., . 188, 190, 209, 212, 213, 214, 215, 216 Kēšavabhattopadhyāya, m. . . . . 161 Kēśava Dandanayaka, Hoyaala gen., . . 92 Kebavarudra, 7.,. .
. . . 338, 339 Kēsavaséna, Sena k.. . 184, 185, 187 n., 188 n. Kēbavasvamin, donee, . .
, 314, 317 Kētängapala, vi.. . .
. 185 and n. Kētangyäpädi, vi., .
. . . 185 kh,
49, 120, 133, 146, 313 kh, use of sh, for Khachara, race,
. . 70 Khadgamalla, tit., .
. 94 n. Khadi, vi.. . .. .
. 121 Khadi, ca., . .
186 Khadiapadrn or Khadirapadra, vi... 322, 323 and . Khadi-mandala, 1.d., . . . . . 121 Khairha Plates of Yasahkarna, . . . 165 Khairl, vi., . . .
. . . . 76 Khairpali, vi..
. . 322, 323 Khajuraho inscription, .
. 168 n. khala, . .
115 n. khali,. .
113 and n., 115 n. khalla,. .
115 n. Khámkhôd plates,
. . 132 n. Khănã pur, vi,
. 312 khandala, t.d., . khandali, i.d.,
188 and n., 190 Khandēlā, vi.,
. . 27 Khandesh, dt.,
. . 210 Khandēsvara, god,
9 and n., 10 khanduka, . . . . .
. 151, 152 Kharahastamalla, ep., . . . . 209, 213 Kharepatan Plates of Rattarāja, . 10, 68 n. khari, measure of capacity, kharihan, . . . . .
. 132 Kharod inscription, . . . 321 Khasi, hilla. . .
.
20 khafika, land, (. . . . . 121 Icha franga, . .
. . . 280, 284 Khiching, tn., .
280 n. . : : 279, 280 and 1., 282, 286
.
185
.
.
.
.
301
Kavilisa, Silahara ch., Kaviläsa I, do., Kavilāsa II, do.. Kavilāsa III, do., Kaviläsa IV, do., Kavilisa V, do., Kavilatarman, m., Kavisarvabhauma, ep..
. 69 .66, 71, 74 66, 72, 74
66,72 66, 67, 72
. 67
275, 276 . 94
. .

Page #462

INDEX
359
.
338
.
. •
169 101
PAGE. Khimidi, co., .
279, 280 Khimmindi Mandala, 1.d., 279, 280, 282, 286 Khifjali-mandala, co., . . Khoh C.P. ins. of Samkshõbha.
. 312 n. Kholievera, gen.. . . .
. . 10 Khotanese, . . .
. 57
. Khubi, vi., .
316 Khurai, vi... . . Khutunda, vi.,
171 Kichaka, epic hero, Kil-Ambür, vi., .
.
309 Kil-Amür-nadu, t.d., 83, 85, 87, 98, 99, 102, 107 Kilavar, off., . . . .
.
223 n. Kilevuru, vi., . . 232, 233, 234, and n. Kiliyūr, vi., . . . . . 98 n., 99 n. Kil-Kumaramangalam, vi., 83, 98 and 7., 102,
171
.
.
274
.
.
258
107
Kil-Vēm būnädu, i.d., . . . . 310 n. Kirari, vi., . . .
. .
. .
48, 51 Kirátäritnīys, w , . .
. . 149
. . kirli,
• 164, 100 Kirtisambhu, Saiva ascetic, 166 and n., 167 n. Kirtisamudra, ep.,
. . . 310 Kirtiśiva, 8.a. Kirtiśambhu, ascetic, . . 167 n. Kirtivarman, W. Chalukya k., . . 37, 39, 58,
115, 117 Kirtivarman I, do. . . . 62, 126, 128 Kirtivarman II, do. . . . 126, 227 n.,
268, 270, 271, 272 and R. kirtimukha, Kirttiräja, Silahāra ch., .
. . 177 Kirttīsašarma, donee, . . 109, 113, 115 Kitavas, people, . . . . . 258 n. Kochchadei Varmā, k.,.
. . . 124 Kochchiya, vi. (?), . .
.. . 229 Kochchiya, 8.a. Kausika, götra, . , 229, 230 Kõdai Ravivarman, Kerala prince,. . 305 n. ködevana, tax . . .
179 and n., 182 Kökalladeva (I), Kalachuri k.,. . 164 n., 169 Kokila, vi., . .
. . 75, 76, 77 Kökili, Tel. Chõla k.,
. . 248 Kökkala, ch.,
177, 178 181 Kokkilänadiga!, Chola princess, . 293 n. Kola, vi., . .
. . . 316 Koleha], vi., .
.
119 Koļalu, vi, , .
. . 207 Kolavade, vi.,
. : 316 Kolhapur, tn.,
• 68, 176, 179 Kolhapur ins. of Vijayaditya, .
. . 177 Kolika, vi. .
314, 316, 317 Kolikāvātikā, hamlet, .
313, 316, 317 Kollam (Quilon), ca., . .
. .
. 305 n. Kollam-Konda, ep.
. 306 koloche, 'engraved', . . . . . 238
ΡΔΟΣ. Komaramangala, u., . . 148, 151, 152 Komarti Plates of Chandavarman, . 30, 34, 111 Komkana, co., . . . . Kommārai-VIrrirundilvăn, m., . Köna, family, . . . .
. 42, 46 Kõnamandala, 1.d., . . . . 677. Koñchaütthā, 8.a. Kuched, vi., . , 79, 80 Kondamuruvudu, vi.. . . . Kondapadumati, family,
· 227 Kondavidu, ca.,
173, 308 n. Kondedda grant of Dharmarājadēva,
218 Kondisarman, m.,. . . . . 275, 276 Kondupalli, vi.,
. . 243 244 Kongaja, dy., . . .
177 178, 180 Kongani-mahādhirāja, W. Ganga k., . . 149 Konganivarma Dharma-Mahadhiraja, do. 147, 148 Kongoda, 1.d., . . . . . . 112 Kongu, co.,. .
178, 230, 306 n. Koni, vi.. . .
. . 276,280 Konkana, co., 69, 139, 167, 177, 179, 181, 209,
213, 306 Konkani Muttarasa, off.. . .
222 n., 223 Kön Kättaiyan, ch., . . .
195,308 n. Kontala-Narayana, donee, . . . 126, 131 Kopana, 8.2., Kopbal, ca.. . . 69 and n. Kopana puravarādhibvara, ep.. . . 69 and n. Kopparam Plates of Pulakabin II 38227 n...
238 n. Kopperuñjingadēva or Peruðjingadēva, ch., 80,
82, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89 and 1., 90 and n., 92 and n., 93, 94 and 7., 95 and n., 97 n., 99, 101, 104 and 1.,
106, 155 and n., 156, 157 Koråsodaka, vi.,
. . 262 Köräsõdaka-pañchält, i.d., . . . . 218 Körilla-chaturasiti., 1.d., . , 198, 200 and 1. Körillä-pathaka, 1.d., . . . . 200 n. Koroshanda, vi., . . . - 202 Kösala, Southern- pro., . Kosala, co., . 10, 50 and n., 136, 137 and n., 138, 141 and n., 144, 282, 286, 287, 289, 315 n.,
316, 321 and n. Kõraladhipati, ep., . . . . . . 321Kösavardhana, place name, . . . . 23. Kõsara, vi., . .
. . . 76 Kösira-Nandapura-vishaya, 1.d., . , 289, 290 Kösiya, vi., .
230 Kõsiya, 8.a. Kausika,
. 240, 241 Kotavalli, vi.. .
. 177 Kotharaka grant of Pravarasēna II, 76, 77 n. Kotitirtha, . .
. : 266 kotfali, 'engraver,
240, 241, 242 k8ffam, 1.d., . . . . . kotfamba, . .
. 226, 228
E 2

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360
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
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305
.
.
200
PAGE.
PAGE. Kottikuldaraja, wrong for Kottikuntarija, 2691. Kukkuta, co. .
. . . 279 Kottikunta, vi.. . . .
. .
269 n. Kukura, do... . Kottikuntarija, writer, 269 and n., 275, 276 Kundēvapala Bhatta, donee,. . . 327, 330 Kottisampikkam, vi.. . . 83, 98 m., 102, 107 kulagattudu,. . .
. . 240, 241, 242 Koval (Tirukkovaldr), vi..
92, 99, 104, 156 Kulam, 3.a., Quilon, ci., . Krishna, epic hero,. . . . . . 187, 190 Kalapan jiha, . . . .
191. Krishni, w... . 1, 7, 169, 174 and n., 247, 316 Kulabēkhara, lit.. . . .
306, 307 Krishna, Yadava k., .
. 9, 10, 209, 212 Kulasekhara, Kerala k., 304, 308 and n., 312 Krial na I, Rashtrakita k.. . . 249 ., 338 Kulasekhara, Pandya k., . . 305, 306, 307 Krishna III, do.
. 188 n., 273 n., 292, Kulabēkhara, I, do.. . . . . 124
295 Kulasekhara I, Jatavarman do.. . 124, 125 Krishnadeva-Mahārāya, Vijayanagara k., 196 R. Kalagokhara Ravivarman, Kerala k. . . 306 Krishnadevi, J.. 164 and 1., 169, 170 kuļittal, . . . . .
. . . 238 Krishnadri, ... Asitädri, mo... . .
Kulkudi. ni.. . . . . . . 24, 25, 26 Krishnagiri, mo.. . . . . . 671., 74 Kullong, ri., . . . . . . . 20 Krishnarja (I), Rashtrakafa k., .. . 147 n.. Kullüke, commentator. . . . . 61, 134 n. Krishnarkja II, Saindhava k... . . . 137 Kulottunga 1, Chola k... . 89, 96, 98, 197 n., Krishnavarman I, Kadamba k.. . . . 6 .
207, 311 Krishnavarman IT, do.. . 5, 7 and 7., 8 Klöttunga II, dn..
80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 96 Krishnavarman-mahadhiraja, do. . . 149 Kulõttunga III. do.. . . 80, 82, 84, 85, 87, Krishna Vasudeva. a form of Vishnu . . 183
88, 90, 194 and n. Krishnaveni,ri... .
. . 314, 317 Kulottunga Chola, do.. . 81, 101, 102, 103, krochche, 'engraved', .
. . 238
104, 106, 108, 156, 157, 297, 198, 299 Kshaharata, tribe. . .
35. Kulottunga-Rajendrachóda, do... 193 and Kshatrapa, dy.. . .
., 194, 195, 197 Kshatrivavapur. ri..
. 337 n.
Kilóttungasola Kachchiyarayan. Kadava ch., 91, 103 Kshatriverapur Copper plate grant of Nettabhan.
Kulottungasola-Kalavarāyan.ch., . 82, 83, 91 jadira alias Kalyanakalaba . . 337 n. Kulottungaśőlapallur, vi.. . . . 101, 107 Kshatriya, caste... 139, 184, 185, 255, 256, 257
K o ngo-Solan-ula, Tam. wok., . 95 n., 96 and Kshēmagupta, k. of Kashmir, . .
154 and n. Rulottungasola Sambuvariya, ch., . . !57 Kshomarudra, W... . .
. . 338, 339
Kulottunasola Vänakovaraiyar, ch., . . 157 Kshetrapala, deily,. . .
Kumra, *.a. Valabha, gen., . , 293, 294, 295 Kshudrakas, people,
258, 259
Kumiracletta, 1... . . . . 50 Kubēra, god,. .
13, 17
Kumiradovi, f. . . . . 209, 212 Kublai Khan, Moghul emperor,
305 n.
Kumāra-Ganapēsvara, n. of image,. 193. 196, 199 Kücbaporiyaru, f., .
242, 244
Kumargupta I. Gupta, k., 12, 14, 15, N., 22, 314 n. Kadal or Kadalur. ca.. 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85,
Kumarapalavarman, ch., . . . 164, 167 *. 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 98 and R., 102, 103, 104, 107,
Kumaritilaka, ca.. . . . . . 186 108, 155, 156, 157
Kumaravara, a.a. Kartikeya, god. . . 48 Kadal Alappirandan Arabanarayanan alias Kumiravaradata (or datta), k., 48 n., 50, 51, 52 Kadavariyan, ch., . . . . . 83
Kumära Vasanta, utong for Kumkravar alata,. 48 Kadai Alappirandān Mögan alins Rājarāja
and a. Kadavariyar, ch., . . . . .
Kumáravishnu, Pallava k., . 247 ., 268 n. Kudal Avaniyālappirandan, tit., . . . 99 Kumari, . . . . . . 103 Kadal Rlisaimõgan Manavalapperuma Vāņilai. Kumaridatta, n., . . . . . .50
kandan alias Kädavariyan, Kadava ch., 87 Kumbakonam, in.. . . . . .95 . Kudárkot stone inscription, . . 28, 30, 31 Kumta, mi... .
. . . 160 Kudavibal, vi., . . . 59 7. Kumuda, 1. of elephant .
144 . Kuddhanapay 1 or Kuchchalapälu or Kuvvala Kunandāluvanru, .. .
240, 241, 242 pâlc, ui, . · 116, 118 and 1., 119 Kundati, Nigembo ch, .
179, 182 budi, . . . .
. . . 231 Kundlēru, Ti.,
. 226, 273 Kudappaajirror, vi.. . . . . 99. Kundi, e.,. .
• 178, 179, 181 Kukkantru, vi., . . . 118 7., 119K undipadab, , , Kulars, family name, . . . . . 176 Kundikalu, n., . . . 294, 236, 227, 228
300 N.

Page #464

INDEX
361
PAGE. Kunigal, vi., . .
. . . 221 n. Kunra-nadu, i.d., . . . . . 97 n. Kuntala, co., . . . . 139, 315 n., 316 Kuntalapati, . . . . . 315 n. kapa,. . . .
. 13, 15, 18 Kúpakas, dy., . . . . 305 n. Kuppadēva, Silähära k., .
. . 67 Küpwād, vi.,
. 179 Kuram grant of Paramēsvaravarman, 60 and n. Kurangu, 'monkey', emblem on banner, . . 81 Kurañja, co. (?),
. . 177, 178, 181 Kurukshetra., 1. . . . . Kurumbas, people, . . . . 300 n. Kuuntogai, Tom. wk., .
. 96 n. Kuruva, vi.,. . .
. . 162 Kusbäņa, dy.,
111, 203, 254 Kusiara, Ti., . Kusumadhanvan, k.,
315 . Kutub-ud-din-Aibak, Muhammadan k., . 168 n. Kuvaläla-nadu, i.d., . . . . 147
.
.
3, 4, 63
.
19
1,
.
.
2, 49, 120, 133, 171, 228, 231,
and n., 242, 245, 253 . . . . 229
225, 234, 240, 242
.
1, final, . I, subscript,
. .
РАав. languages contd. Kannada, . . 66, 67, 158, 176, 178 n., 205, 209,
221, 223, 242 n., 273 Magadhi, . . . . . 50, 215 11, Maharashtrl, . . . . . 210 1. Malayalam, . . . 294 n., 306, 308 n. Marathi,. 9, 10 and 11., 11 n., 37, 115, 125, 127
and n., 176, 179 1., 209, 210, 313 Oriya, . . . . . . 175, 328 Pali, Praksit, . . 1, 10, 49, 50, 51 n., 671., 172 11.,
215 n., 226, 233, 240, 254, 266 Sanskrit, . . 1, 2, 5, 9, 10, 12, 15 n., 22, 25,
26, 28, 34, 37, 51 n. 53, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 64, 65, 76, 85, 86, 95, 109, 115, 120, 125, 126, 134, 139, 148, 153, 158, 164, 168, 169, 171, 176. 183, 184, 186, 194, 198, 204, 205, 209, 217, 224, 226, 233, 236, 237, 240, 242, 254, 255, 266, 269, 277, 288, 292, 296, 298, 301, 303 *.,
304 n., 305, 313, 320, 320, 331, 337 Saurasēni, . . . . . 216 n. Tamil, 2 n., 24, 59 and 7., 80, 86, 89, 94, 95,
96, 97, 98, 146, 204, 205, 218 n., 223 and n., 226, 227, 232, 238, 269 n., 292, 293, 294 n., 296, 800, 301, 303n., 304 and 2., 305, 307,
308 and n., 309, 310, 311 m. Telugu,
Il n., 42, 45, 47 7., 173, 175, 193 and 1., 194, 203, 204, 205, 207, 208, 220, 221, 222, 223, 224
and n., 226, 227, 232, 236, 237 and n., 238, 240, 242, 246, 247,
269 N., 304 and . Lažjika, co., . . .
278 Lanki, co., . . . . . . . 64 Lauhassingāra, 1.d.,
109, 112, 113, 114 Lauhitya, 6. a. Brahmaputra, ri.,
, ., . . . 20 Lawar, vi. . . . .
276 Lēvuru, vi., . .
232, 234 li, Chinese mile,
. . 19, 20 li, medial, . . . . . . . 76 Lisacharidra, Marathi sok, ,
10 and . Lulatilatam, Malayalam grammar, . . . 300 lion, emblem on seal, . . . . 159, 288 Lodhiä, vi... . 319, 320., 321, 322, * Jodhin Plates of Mahadivagupta, . 288, 289 Löhanagara, ci., . . . 37, 39, 40 Labaner, Di., . . . ! Lohara, ca., . .
. . . 18 Lohitaarnsvamin, donce, . 134, 142, 145 Loininga, vi., . Lokioharya, Vainkan leacher, . . 156
.
.
.
268
.
.
174
I. lingual substituted for dentall, . . 176
• 42, 228, 245 Laghu- Ramayana, wk.,
. 135 n. Lakhama, f., . .
. 278, 282, and , 288 lakhauli, . . . 10 and 1. 11 and n. Lakkavarapukota, i Lakhanabhatta, m., . . . . . 215 lakshāvali, . .
. . 10 . Lakshmanarāja, Kalachuri k., . . . . 30 Lakshmanarāja I, do.
. 168, 171 Lakshmanarija II alias Rājaputra, do. . 168,
169 and .., 171 m., Lakshmanasina, Sena k., . . . 121 and n.,
184, 185, 1881. Lakshmēsvar ins., .
. . 127 Lakshmidhara, m., . . . . 279, 288, 286 Lakshmidina, m., . . . . 26 », 26 n. Lakshmivati-bhattariki, Moukhari q., . 64 Lakuli, Lakuliga or Lakutapani, . . 269 . Lakulisa-Pabupata, cult,
269 n. Lakutapani, form of Sira, . . 269 and N.,
274 and 1., 276 Lalidaana, Langanges :
Ardhamagadhi, Bengali,. .
. . 35 n.
.
.
.
68

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362
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXVII
Madara, ci...
.
.
267
257
•
272
322
PAGE
PAGE. Lokaprakisa, q., 136, 137, and 1., 138, 141, Madra, people, .
. . . 258 and 1., 1441 Madras Museum Plates of Srikantha 227, 245, Lokavibhaga, Sanskrit. sol., . . . 5, 247
246, 247, 251 Lökottaravadin, Buddhist sect., . 13, 18 n.
94, 309, 311 Lököttars-Vihara, I., . . . . 13, 18 Madvana, m..
. 29, 32, 33 Lonär, vi., . . .
. . . 10 Magadba, co.,
. 320 Lõniya-vamsa, family,
. , 169, 170 Magaja, legend on coin, la, symbol for 100,. . : . 327 . Magajasa, do. .
. . 257 la.. symbol for 200, . . . . 338 Magoja, do. . Mahabaļēsvara, god,
. 158, 161, 163 Mahābali Banarāja, Bara til., . Mahabalipuram, vi.,
. 60 . . . 133 Mahabharata, epic, . . 50, 61 and n., 135 and n., m, final, . . . 34, 42, 254
144 n., 168, 169, 198, 258, 259 m, final, changed to class nasal, . . . 13
and 1., 311, 321 n., 322 me, . . . . . . . . 2, 253 Maha-Bhavagupta (II) Janamējaya, k.,. 322 Ma'bar, co., . . . , 304, 305 n., 311 Mahābhavagupta Uddyōtakēšarin, SomaMachaya Nāyaka, gen., . . 304, 310, 312
sami k., . . . . . . . 328 Machchadarya, vi., . .
: 314, 316, 317 Mahachetiya,. . . . . . . 1 Madamudita, ep. of Tel. Chola k. Punyakumara, 248, Mahädänas, . . . . . 9 ... 50 and n.
251 Mahadeva, Yadava k. of Dēvagiri, . . . 9n. Madamuditungu, ep., . . . 232, 233 Mahādēvabahtta, ., . . . . Madanapada Plates of Visvarūpasēna, 183, 188n. Mahādēvicherla s.a. Macherla, vi.. . .310 Madanapala, Pala k., . . 122 n., 279 Mahāganapati, god,.-. .
31, 32 Marianaviläsa, ep. of Tel. Chala k. Punyakumara, 248, Mahā-Jayarāja, Sarabhapura k.. . 251, 269, 275, 276 Mahäkāla-Bhatta, comp.. .
. 44, 46, 47 Maddagiri, I., . 221, 222, 249n. Mahi-Kösala, co.,. . .
315 n., 321, 322 Mädhi Deori, vi... . . . 170, 171 Mahakshapatalika, off... . . . 186, 189 Mädbiinagar C. P. of Lakshmaņasēna, 1881. Mahakshatrapa, ep.. .
. 260, 261 Madhoka, m.,
. 189, 191 Mahiküta inscription of Mangalēsa, . . . 91. Madhava, 8.. Vishnu, god, .
. 183 Mahaksamahatmya, wok.. . .. . . 6 Madhava II, W. Ganga k., . . 7 n., 247, 250n. Mahamahē svara, ep. . . . . . 160 Madhava III, do. . . . . . 7n. Mahämalla, Pallara k.,
. 117 Mädhava- Mahādhirāja, do. . . . 149, 272 Mahamandalika, ep., . Madhavavarman, Sailõdhava k.. . 137 ., 218 Mahamandalesvara ,ep., . . 65, 67, 69 and Madhavavarman-Janāsraya, Vishnukndin k., 8
n., 70, 71, 72, 73, 74, 304, 312 Madhavavarman, Maharaja 313, 314, 315, 317 Mehāmāyā, kill, . . . . . 18, 21 Madhavavarman I, Vishnulundin k., .314 and n., Mahanadi, ri., . .
. . . 319 315 and n. Mahanavika, . . . . 2 and n., 4 Madhavavarman II, do. . . . 314 n., Mahanayaka, off.,
2 n., 123 n. 315 and 1., 316 Mahanubhavan, rel. sect, . . 10 Madhavavarman (II), W. Ganga k., . , 272 Mahapasayita, ep., . . .
. . 73 Madhuban Plate of Harsha, . . 28, 30, 31 Mahapatra, ep., . . .
. 174 Madhukēsvara, god. . . . 160 and 1., 161 Mahaprachanda-dandanayaka, off... . . . 73 Madhumathanadēva, 6.a, Madhusudana, ch., 184, Mahapradhani, off
. . . 92 185, 187 and n., 190 Maha-Pravararaja, Sarabhapura k., · 315 7., 316 n., Madhusudana, m., . . . . 279, 283, 286
319, 322 Madhusudana Bhatta, m., . . . . 161 Maharaja, tit., . 14, 34, 35, 36, 44, 53, 110 Mahuvana, I., . . . . . 218
and n., 113, 114, Madbyahnarüps, donee,. .
136, 223, 260 Madhyama-Kalinga, t...,
. 111 Maharajadhiraja, tit., . . 6, 19, 23, 44 and .., Madisarman, m., 116, 118, 275, 276
45, 46, 84, 71, 110 and n., 120, Madommar Sla, ch., . 120, 121 and n.,
122, 123, 164, 165, 168, 169, 122, 123 and n., 124 *.
170, 223
290

Page #466

Mahārājapäḍi-7000, t.d., Maharajasimha, Kadava ch.,
Mahārāṇaka, off., Maharashtra, co.,
Maharshis, temples of Mahasamanta. lit.. Mahasamantadhipuli, f..
326 and Mahāsāmantavarman, E. Ganga k., Mahāsandhivigraha, off..
Mahasanghikas,
Mahāsēna, god,
Mahäsenäpati, off.,. Mahasivagupta, k.,
Mahasivagupta, Somavamki k.,
Mahasivagupta-Bälärjuna, do.,
Mahäsivaratri,
Mahasiva-Tivararaja, k..
Maha-Sudēvaraja, do
mahasvana, tax,
mahattara, off..
Mahavaisakhi, festival, Mahavamsa, Ceylonese chronicle,
Mahavrata, sacrifice,
Mahāvrata-Saivas, sect,
Mahavratins, sect,.
Mahendra, ch.,
Mahendra, mo.,
Mahendra, Pallave k., Mahendra I, do..
Mahendravarman II, do., Mahendravarman, Tel. Chola k.,
Mahendravarman II, do.,
Mahendravikrama, do.,
Mahesvara, god,
Mähesvara, sacrifice.
PAGE.
225 84, 85, 89, 91 120, 122, 124
167, 313, 315 and n., 316 262, 263, 264 69, 70 120, 122, 123, ., 330, 332 n. 217 116, 118, 127, 131, 186, 189, 198. 201 3 45, 47
113 n. 231 n.
Mahendra, Nolumba Pallava ch., Mahendratanaya, ri., Mahendravadi ins, of Gunabhara, Mahendravarman I, Pallava k., 59, 60, 61, 98, 227, 231 and n., 233, 271 271 269, 270, 271, 272, 275, 276
245, 248, 249
Maheśvara-Bhatta Ahitagni, donee,
Mahimana-Chōda,
Mahindravarman. E. Ganga k.,
.
INDEX
256, 257, 266, 267 320, 321, 322, 323. 325 288, 289, 290 280, 319
210 321, 322 322 179 n. 188, 190
314, 318
3, 54
255 300 300 n.
245, and n. 246
110, 113 and n. 117 234 .. 251
222
.
•
221, 227, 228, 229, 230, 243, 248,
250, 251
46 62
158, 161, 163
245 n. 110
Mahipala, k. of Varēndri, Mahishasuramardinl, goddess,
Mahishmati, ca.,
Maikua, m.,
Mainamatı (Lalmai), mo.,
Mainamati Plate of Harikäladeva, Maisoloi, Maisolos, ri., Maitrayanika, Majhgawām, vi., Majhgawam ins..
Majhgawam Plates of Mahārāja Hastin,
Majjhima Nikaya, Makara, dy.,. Makaratōrana, Malaimandalam, co., Malai-nādu, t.d.,
Malavänäm jayah, legend on coins,
Mälava Singh, tit.,
Malaya, ..
Malayadikurichchi, vi.,
Malayala Tiruvaḍi, Kerala k.,
Malayāļi, people,
male, garland', Målepaḍu, vi.,
Malēpidu stone ins. of Nityavarsha, Malēpādu stone ins. of Satyaditya,
Mālēpādu Plates of Punyakumara,
Mallaikavalan., ep., Mallām, vi., Mallar, vi.,
Mallar ins. of Jäjalladeva II, Mallar Plates of Mahasivagupta,
Mallepădu, vi., Mallideva, Kadamba ch.,
PAGE.
.
.
363
·
24
29
167, 168
132 186
186, 189 m.
2
1
8, 221, 222 n., 224, 227, 230, 233, 234, 235, 246, 247, 249, 251 and N., 268 and n.,
270, 271 and n., 272, 273, 274 and n. Mālēpāḍu-Potladurti record of Chōlamahārāja, 246 Malerkotla, state,
258
Malik Kafür, Muslim gen.,
Malkapuram inscription of Rudradeva,
Malkhot, vi.,.
Mallai, vi.,
Mallai (Mahabalipuram), vi.,
37, 40 133 n.
138 n.
132, 133
15 n. 88 94 305
294, 305 258,259 258
315 and n. 307 n. 304, 305, 308 and n., 312. 293 m., 294 235 n. 235 n., 249 235 205, 222 n., 237, 239, 240,
241, 246, 247, 249
304 and n., 305, 307 n.
. 165, 166,
167 316
156
89, 92, 94, 95,
99, 104 99 308 n. 280, 288, 320 n.
278 n. 288, 320
and n., 321, 322, 323
235. 159 n.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
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193 11.,
PAGE. Mallidēva, Silähdra ch...
. 67 Mallikarjuna, Yuvarāja, Chafukya pr, . 69 n., 71 Mallināthadēva, Saiva pontil,. . . 193, 196,
197 Malloi, people, . . . .
. 258, 259 Mallugi, Yådava pr., . .
. .
. 210 Malwi, co., . . . . . Mamjarabäde, a.a. Mamjarde, vi... 210, 215 Marjaravătaka, vi.. . . . 209, 210, 211,
214 Markhiporri, Tel. Chola q. . . . . Markhi (Mañchi)porri, n., . . . 238, 239 Månaditya, ., . .
. . . . 245 Mänāditya-Choda, ch., . . . 245 .. Manahali inscription of Madanapala, . 122. Mänaikan, 8.a. Mahanavika, . . . Mänakantan, 1. of stream, .
101, 107 Manali, vi., . . . 299 and 1., 300 n. Manakka, Manaraka, student, . Mânănka, Rashtrakufa ch., . . 616., 7 Manapura, ca. .
314 n., 316 7., 336 Mānaravi, ep.
• 245, 246 Mänaravi, ep. of Tel.Chöja k. Mahendravarman II, .
248 Manavilapperumal, ch., . . 84, 85, 86, 87, 88,
89, 91 Manavālapperumal, Kadavaraya ch., . . 155 Mandaikula-nadu, td. . . . . . 97 n.. Mändainādu, t.d., . . . . Mandagapattu ing.,
231 n. Mandakini, 8.a. Ganga, ri., Mandana, donor, . .
29, 32, 33 mandapa, . . . . ..2, 3, 28, 32 Mandasor, ci., . . . . 12, 13. Mandasor inscription of Kumāragupta, . . 19 Mandhata, myth.k.,
. . 73 Mändhātri, rishi,. .
334 n. Mindidda-vishaya, t. d. . . . 338, 339 Mandubāka, donor, .
29, 32, 33 manedere, 'house-tax .
179 n. Mangalavada, 8.a. Mangalavēdhe, ca. 178 and 1. Mangalēéa, W. Chafukya k., . . . . 91. Mängalûr grant of Simhavarman, . . 183 Mangi, ch., . . . . . . . 245 Mangi Dogariju or Mamghi Duvarāju, 8. a. Mangi Yuvarāja, E. Chalukya k., .
226 Mangi-Yuvarāja, Sarvalökäsrayado., . 43 n., 226 Mari,. . . . . . . . 301 Maniküla, . . . . . Māņinallür, vi, . . . . 83,98 1.., 102,
107 Marijadi, coin or weight,
. . 301, 302 Manmasiddhi II, Tel. Chöja k.. . 194 and n..
195
PAOL. Manne, ca. . . .
. . . . 336 Manohitaryya, m., . .
. . 42, 46 Manu, Law-giver, Manu, myth. k., . . . . . 39 Manusmriti, wk.,.
43 n., 61, 134 n. Manvarthamuktavali, wok., . . . 134 1. Mānyakhēta, ca.,.
. 296, 298 Mapaya, legend on coin, . Marachchara Pukhariya, vi., . . 185 Märadāsa, scribe, . . . . . 75, 79 11. Marakanam, vi.. . . . . . . 311 Marasimha, Silahāra k., . . 176 and ..,
177 n., 180 Māravarman, ep.,
. 306, 307 and n. Máravarman Kulabēkhara, Pandya k., 305, 306,
310 n. Märavarman Kulasēkhara I, do., . . 306 Maravarman Sundara-Pandya, do.,. .
305 n. Māravarman Sundara-Pandya I, do.,
88 Marco Polo, Venetian Traveller,
196, 305 n. Märavarman Tribhuvana-Chakravartin Vira
Kerala alias Kulasēkhara, Kerala k.. . 306 . Márdavachitta, ep.,
. . . 269, 275, 276 Mardi, vi, . . .
. . . . 76 Marisarman, m., . . . . . 275, 276 Märkandi, vi. . . . . . . 10 Murpidugu, ep.. . . . . . 233, 234,
251 Mārpidugu Rattagullu, ch., . .
236 Maru (Marwer), co.,
260 Marunrapiduyu, ep., . , 232, 233, 245, 246,
251 Māurāpidugu, ep. of Tel. Chola k. Mahēndravarman II,
. . . . 248 marufur or maruntur, l.m.,
226, 227, 228 Maruvakkasarpa, ep., . . . . 180, 181 masha, coin . . . . 292, 301, 302, 303 Masulipatam, tn., . . Masulipatan. Plates of Amma I, . 43, 44 Masulipatam Plates of Ammaraja II, . 42 . Masulipatam Plates of Vijayaditya III,
251 Matajunapalita, o.a. Mātrijanapalita, n., . . 51 Mätali, Indra's charioteer, . . 187, 190 Mathapati, . . . . . . 298 Mathura, tirtha, Mathura, ci., . . . .
222 1., 255 Mathurā, l.,. .
.51 n. Mathuraka-Kalavāla, off. . .
222 n. Mathurāpur, vi., .
• 121 Mātrigana. . . . . . . 38, 39 Mātrijanapalita, min., .
. 50, 51 n., 52 Mātrivara, m., . . . . 24, 36 and n.
•
70
18

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INDEX
365
PAGE. Matsyapurana, . . 9 n., 50 n., 169 and n. Mattavilasa, ep., . . . . 233, 251 Mattēpād Plates of Damodara varman, . 9 n. Maukhari, dy. . . 63, 64 and 1., 60, 101
252, 255, 206, 320,
321
Mauligrāma, vi., .
. . 294 and n. Maurya, dy., . . . . .
. : 178 Māyavaram, tn., . .
95 n. Mayida võlu Plates of Sivaskandavarman, 50 n., 52 n.,
235 Mayilai (Mylapore), vi., . . 92, 94, 95, 99, 104,
156
61
Mayindama-Chola, Tel. Chola k., . . 250 Mayindavikrama, Tel. Chola pr., .
250 Maynämati plate of Harikaladēva Ranavankamalla, . . . .
120 Mayurāja, Sanskrit au., - .
. . 169 Mayūrasarmman, Kadamba k., . . 243 Mēdhātithi, commentator, Mēghadūta, Sanskrit wk., . . 12 and n. Mēghanäda, epic k., . . . . . 62 Mēgbåvati, ri. . . . . 113 and n., 115 Möghna, ri.. . . . . . 19, 25, 186 Mehar, vi.. . . . . 182, 185, 186, 188 1. Mēhära, vi... . . 185, 188, 189, 190, 191 Mēkalā, province, · 132 ., 134, 135 and n., 136, 137,
and n., 138, 139
140, 142, 143, 145 Mēkala, mo., . • Mo., . .
. . . . . . 135 Mēkalakanyaka, 4.a. Narmadā, ri.,, 135 and n. Mēkalasutā, 3.a. Narmadā, ri., .
135 n. Mēkhalasutā, 8.0. Mēkalasută, q.v. . . 135 n. Mel-Amūr-nadu, l.d., . Melpādi, vi., . . . . Mēl.Sevūr, viu,
84 n. Mēlūr-nādu, t.d., . . . .. 99, 103, 108 Menander, Greek k., . .
259 Menandros Maharaja-, Greek ruler, 52, 53, 54, 55,
56, 58 Meridark), Greek tit., . , . . 52, 56 Merkalāpura, vi., .
. . . Mérkā-nadu, i.d., . . . . . 97, 98, 99,
101, 107 Mēru, myth. mo., . . . . . 96 metres, Anushubh, . . 5, 12, 31, 46 n., 116 n.,
118 n., 119 n., 123 #., 125, 127n., 131 n.. 139, 179, 187, 269, 280,
318n., 338 Arya, . . 39 n., 46 n., 139, 187, 210,
280, 299,338 Arya-Giti,
. . . 269 Champakamála, . . . . 72n.
PACE. metres,-contd.
Giti, . . . . . . . 210 Harini, . . . . . . . 280 Indravajra,
. . : 139, 179 Kanda, . . .
17, 72 n., 74 Mahasragdhară,
71 n., 72 n. Malini, . . 31, 139, 154, 179, 187, 277,
280, 328 n., 338 Manda kränta. . . . . . 187, 280 Mattēbhavikridita, . . . , 72n. Prithet, . . .
12, 31, 39 n., 71, 210 Pushpitágra,
. 123n., 187, 338 Sardūlavikridita,
31, 139, 154, 179, 187, 210, 280, 302 n., 328 n.,
329 N., 331, 333 n., 334n., 338 Slöka, (Innehubh). . . . 36n., 123n. Sragdharu,
31, 139, 187, 210, 280, 302 n. U pajati, . . 12, 139, 187, 328 n., 329 n. U pajati of Salini, and Vaisivadevi, . . 31 Utpalamāla,
• 72 n., 73 n. Vaišvadevi,
. . 31 Vamsastha, .
172 and n. Vasantatilaka, 12, 139, 179, 280, 301n., 338 Mhäidēva, com., .
• . 209, 210, 215, 216 Mhaswad, I., . .
. 178 n. Mihiraka, engr., . . . 134, 143, 145 and n. Milalai, l.
. . . . . 101 Miraj, tn., . .
. . . . . . 179 Miriñje, t.d., .
179, 182 mitradana, .
120, 123 Mittandar Nächchiyar alias Nambirättiyar, Kadaval..
. . . . . 90 millanachcha (mitrāmatya). . . Migan Ālappirandān alias Anapāya Kādavarayan, ch., .
. . . . Möga Alappirandan Atkolliyār alias Kädavara
yar alias Kulottungabolā Kādavariyar alias
Anapaya-Kädavariyar, do. . . . 91 Mögan Atkolli alias Kulottungasola-Kādava
ch., . . . 81, 82, 101, 102, 107 Moghul, . . . . . 206, 305 n. Mõpūr, vi., . . . . . . . 238 Moramba, 8.2. Morab, I., . . . 66, 67, 72 Mosam, ri., . . . . . . . 39 Mõshini pathaka, t.d., . . . 37, 39, 40 Motab Daulat, ep., . . . . . . 174 Möttupalli, .a., Mötupalle, vi., .
193 Mötupalle, vi., . .
193, 195, 196, 197 Mötupalle-Näyudupalle, vi., . . . 196 monthslunarAshädha,
30, 31, 32, 33, 153, 154,
192 Asvina . . . . . 118n.
10 DGA/54

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PAGE.
N
PAGE. months--contd.
Murugamangalam, vi., . .
. . 97 n. imar--conid.
Mūrūr, vi.. . . . 158, 160, 161, 162, 163 Bhadrapada, . . 134, 143, 145, 192 Murwārā, l., . .
. . 170 Chaitra, . . 76, 174, 192, 255, 261, Mushkara, W. Ganga k., . . . . . 149
263, 264, 265, 304, 312 Mutfile, 8. a. Mötupalle, vi.. . . . . 196 Chandra (Bhadra) pada, . . 148, 151, Mütta,. . . . . . . 223, 224
152 Muttagi, vi., .
.
. 67 n., 68 Jyēshtha, . 75, 76 n., 79, 153, 154, 183, Muttaraiyar, off., . . 223, 224 and n. 189, 191 Muttarasa, off., . .
222, 223 and n. Kärttika,. 23, 53, 114, 115, 178, 182, 217, Mutuda or Mududa, off., . . . . 223 n. 218, 232, 278 and 1., 289, 291, Muturāju or Mutturāju, ofl., 221, 222, 223, 224, 320, 323, 325
227, 230, 233, 239, 245, 246 Konda-Kärttika, .
. . 233, 234 Muttuvadam., ornament, . . . . . 97 n. Mágha, 23, 158, 161, 173, 175, 198, 201, 210,
261 Mārgasira or Mārgasireha, . . 338, 340 Phalguna, . . .
25, 26, 275, 276 , used for anusvāra, . . . . . 13 Pushya, . . . 65, 73, 192, 217, 220
n . . . . . . . 133, 277 Suchi (Jyeshtha or Ashādha).. . 153, 154, 155
. 133, 253 Vaišākha, 58, 116 and ., 118, 120, 122 7. .
. 2, 28, 60, 133, 221, 231, 240 and n., 124, 314, 318
. . 2, 221, 228, 231 n. solar
n, final,
. . 42, 221, 229 Chittirai, . . . . . 307 n. n, final, changed to anusvāra, . . . , 134 Makara, . . . . 127 and n. , subscript, . .
. 146 Mine,. . . . 309 n. 1h, used for . .
. 37 Sinba, .
. . .
In and t, final . . 101, 106
. .
268 Tula, . . . . . 309 n. Nábhā, state, . .
• 258 Mrichchhakatika, Sanskrit wk., . . .
Nābhāga, myth. k., . .
. 39 Mțitachchhadā, vi., . . . 185 Nābhirāja, ch., .
. . 69 n. Muditaśilākshara, ep.,
228, 248, 269, 275, Nāchirāja, mistake for Nābhiraja, ch., . . 69 n.
276 Nadatūra, vi., Mudräråkshasa, Sanskrit wk., . . . . 48 n. Naddhaka, m.,
29, 32, 33 Mudu or Mutu, , . . 223 and n. Nāgabala, k.,
. . 136, 140, 143 Mugdhatunga, biruda of Sankaragana II, Kala- Nāgabhata, Pratihāra k.,
. . 168 n. churi k., . . . . . 169 and n. Nagadi-dikshita, donee, . . . . 126, 131 Muhammadan, . . . . . . 125 Nāgaię, donor, . . . . . . 11 Muhammadan rulers, . . .
168 Näganikā, Andhra queen, , 48 n., 50 n., 51 . mukti-bhūmi,. . . 120, 121, 122, 124 n. Nagar, vi., . . . . . . . 259 Mukunda Bahubalēndra, ch.,. . 174 and n. Nagaragere, vi., .
. 245, 250 Mukunda Bhay-bulunder, ch., . . . 174 Någarakhanda, co., . . . . . 178 Müla-bhritya, off., . . . 294 and Nāgārjuna, Silahara ch., . . Mālasthāna Rāmīśvaradēva, god, . . . 196 Nägarjunikonda inscriptions, . .
• 30 Mülavarman, k. of Borneo, . .
61 n., 62 Nagarjunikonda, I., . . . , 3 and ., 50 Muļbāgal, vi.,
. . . . . 147 Nahapūņa, Saka ruler,. . Multai plates,.
147, 1., 336 and n. Nahusha, myth. k., . . . . . Multan, ci., . .
nakshatras, Muluki-nādu, t. d., . . . .273 n. Anilam, . . .
309 n. Munaiyarādittachaturvēdimangalam, vi., . . 99 n. Ardrã, .
. . 232 Mundaka Upanishad,
. . .213n. Avittam (Dhanishtha) . . 293, 302, 303 Mupdarashtra, t. d., , . 273 and 1., 274 Dhanishthā, . .
292, 293, 302, 303 Munidasa, min., . . . 186, 189, 191 Krittikā, . . . . . . . 232 Muppida-Nayaka, gen., . , 197 n., 307 and n., Mrigasiras, . . . . . . 232
308 and n., 309 Punaru-Pushyambu (Punarvasu), 232, 233, 234 Maruga, i.e., Subrahmanya, god, . . . 104 Punarvasu, . . . . . 232, 234
.
259

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INDEX
367
.
. .
206 64
63
PAGE. nakshatras.--contd. Pushya, . . .
. . 143, 145 Revati, . . . . 101, 106 Tiruvānam (Sravaņam), . . . 94 Uttara-Phalguni,
148, 151, 152 Nakshatrarūpa, donee, .
. . . 290 Nakula, epic hero, • .
. 259 n. Nala, dy.. . .
202 Nalajanampadu, vi.. . Nalanda, I., . Nalanda seal of Sarvavarman, nāļi, measure of capacity,
301, 302, 303 Nallacheruvupalle, wi.. .
223, 238, 242 Nalla-Dacha, gen., . .
308 n. Nālūr, vi.. .
. . 99 n. Nalvar, Tamil saints,
. . 146 Nambipillai, m.,
. . 101 Nambirättiyār alias Udaiyaļvār, kādava princese 90 Namda, ... . . . Nänāghat Cave inscription of Näganika, 48, ., 50 n.,
51 . ! Nanda or Nandödbhava, dy... 326, 327, 328, 329,
331, 332, 333 Nandas of Pataliputra, dy. . . . . 327 Nandalūr, vi.. . . . . . Nandapur, vi.,
. . 175, 289 Nandapur Bhüpatis, dy., . .
173 Nandapura-bhāga, i.d., . .
289 Nandapandita, commentator, Nanda-Prabhañjanavarman, k.,
327 Nandavali, co., . .
PAGE. Nannarāja, Rashtrakūta ch... 147 n., 336 and . Nannasvänin, donee, . . . . . 126 Nanniya-Ganga, W. Ganga ch., .
207 Naradatta, m., . . . . . 314 n. Naraka, hell . .
. . . . 340 Naralokaviran, ch., Narasannapēta, vi.. . . . . 108 Narasapatam Plates of Vajrahasta III, .245 n. Narasimghabhatta, m.,. . Narasimha, god. . . . Narasimha, Kalachuri k., . . . 164, 165 Narasimha, n., Narasimha, Pallava k., , . . . . 117 Narasimha II, do.
. . . 204 Narasimba II, Hoysala k., . 88, 89, 92 and 1. Narasimha-Banādhirāja, Balikulatilaka, Bana
ch., . . . . . . . 243, 244 Narasimhamangala, ti., 292, 298, 299, 300 n.,
302, 303 Narasimhapõtavarmman, Pallava k., . 130 Narasimhavarman I, do.. . . 59, 60, 61, 62,
251, 270, 271 Narasimhavarman II, do., . . . . 271 Narasimhavishņu, do. 206 and n., 207, 299 Narasimbi, goddess, . . , 209, 211 Narasinga-Munaiyaraiyan, ch., . . . 98 Narasingapalli Plates of Hastivarınan, . 217 Naravana, vi., .
. . 126, 127, 335 Nārāyana, god, . 45, 47, 116, 117, 122, 123,
61
147
279
Nandgaon
.
51
Nandi. Siva's bull . . Nandigama, vi.. . . . 269, 272, 274, 275,
276 Nandikēsvara, deity,
. . 299 and n. Nandikkaraiputtūr, vi., , . . 294 Nandipõtavarınman, Pallara k., . . . 129 Nandivarman, Tel. Chola k... 247, 249, 250, 269,
270, 271, 274, 275 Nandıvarman I, Pallava k., . .
247 n. Nandivarman II, do., . 59 n., 60 n., 85, 271 Nandivarman Pallavamalla II, do., . 85,
204, 206, 243 Nandivarmamangalam, vi.. . . . 311 n. Nānda, vi., . . 252, 254, 256, 258, 259,
262, 266, 267 Nangai-Alvār, kādara q. . . 89, 91, 94 n. Nangai-ā vichuram, te., . . . . . 94 n. Nanna, Rashtrakita k., . . . . 147 n. Nannan, ch., . . 80, 81, 96, 97 n., 100, 105 Nannan Verpu, hill of of Nannan . 96, 97 Nannappa, Rashtrakú fa pr., 147 and n., 161, 162,
• 335, 336 and nt.
Nārāyana-Bhatta, m., . . . 161, 162, 163 Nārāyanopādhyāya, donee, .
289 n., 290 Narendra or Narēndrasēna, Vākā taka k., 137, 138,
139, 145 n. Narendra, Sarabhapura k., . . . . 289 Narendravarman, Pandya (?) k., . . 124 nárgávundas, off... . . .179 and n., 182 Narmadā, ri., . , • 135 and n., 168 Narsingpur, ri., . . . . 328 1., 331 Naravarman, k., . . Narwan, vi., .
. 125 Narwan Plates of Chalukya Vikramaditya II, 335 nasal, guttural-, used for anusvāra, . . 134 Nasik, l., . . . . . 12, 35 +.., 259,
153 n. Nasik cave inscription,. . . . . 67 n. Nasik cave inscription of Gautamiputra
Satakarni, . . . . . . . 49 n. Nasik inscription of Uehavadāta, . . . 49 Na-mandir, . . . . . . . 18 Natarāja, .a. Siva, god, . . . . 95, 96 Näthöka, m., . . .
. . 189, 191 Nausari Plates of Jayabhata III,
198. 200 n. Navagrahāra, vi., . . . 294 and 1., 295

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!
.
.
248
PAGE. Navakāma, W. Gangu k., .
. 150 Navalar-caritai, Tam. tek., .
308 n. Navapriya-Matturajulu, ch. . . 227, 228 Navarama, Tel. Chola k., . 297, 248, 269, 275,
276 Navaratra, sacrifice, . .
. . 255 Navasari, t. d.,
. . . . 79 Naviram, hill,
. . . . 97 Návya, ca., . .
· 186 Nayaka, off., . . . . . . 139, 142, 14 Näyakappillai, m., .
. 101 Nāyanapalle, vi...
. 193, 196 Nayanasõbhā, q. of Kaarūpu,
. . 22 Nayima, Silahara ch. . 178 n., 177, 180, 182 Nedungunram, vi., . . .
. . 97 R. Negapatam, ci., . . . . . . 116 Nelliyappar, god, . .
. . . 306 Nellûru, ca.,. .
193, 194, 195, 196, 197,
310 . Nepal, co., . . . . . . 209, 214 Nerkuppai, s.a. Vriddhachalam, . . . 92 n. Nerür Plates of Pulakēsin II,. . 37, 38,
227. Nētribhañja Bhanja k... .
• 337 Nettabhañja 8.d. Netsibhañja, . . 537, 338, 340n Nottabhanja I, Bhanja k., . . . Do. II, do.. .
. . . 337 Nettabhañjadēva, do., .
.
339 Nibbana, . . . .
. 161. Nidānasūtra, Buddhist wk.,
. 17. Nidhanpur Plate of Bhaskaravarman,
19 Nidugal, I... . . . 222, 223, 239,
245 nigraha, 'reducer', . . . . . . 8 Nikumbha, dy., . .
, 178, 179, 182 Nilachala, mo.. . . . . . . 67 n. Nilagangaraiyan, ch., . . 155, 156, 157 Nilagangaraiyan, Alagiya Tiruchchirranbia
mudaiyan-, Kaduva ch., . . 89, 90, 91 Nilagangaraiyan, Avaniyāļappirandän-- pr., 89 and
n., 91, 94n. Nilagangaraiyan, Pillaiyar Panchanadivänan Kadava ch., .
. . 89 Nilakantha, m., . . .
148. 151, 152 Nilakanthaéarman, donee. . . 148, 151, 152 Nilawar (Nellore), tn.. .
. 305 n. Niligrāma, vi., .
75, 76, 77 Niljai, vi.. . . .
. . . 78 Nimbadēva, m., . . , 278, 282, 285 Nipravur, vi... . . . . . 97 n. Niranjauuguru, preceptor,
294, 296, 297, and
W., 298, 300 and 1., 302, 303 Xirašjana-guha,
. . . 297 Niranjaniavaram, te., . . . . .246
Рлав. Niranjanēsvarattu-Mahādēvar, god,. . 300 Niravaciya-bhatta, ., . . . . 44, 46, 47 Nirulta, . . . . . . 213 n. Nirupania (Dhruva), Rashtrakūta k.. 147 n. Nirvuchanottara-Ramayanam, Tel.wk., . 194 Nirvinita, W. Ganga k., . . . . . 221 nishka, gold coin, . 292, 301, 302, 303 Nissankamalla, ep. . . . . 178, 181 Nissankamallan, ep.
91, 100, 104, 105, 106,
199 Nityavarsha (Indra III), Rashtrakufa k., 235 niyogn, off.. . .
... 78 niyuktaka, . . .
. . 78 Nöhala, Kalachuri q.. .
166 and n. Nolamba. ch., . .
178, 179, 182 Nolamba-Pallaya, dy. . . 222, 250 Nriya, wyth. k., . .
. 39 Nripakāma, Tel. Chola k., . Nripatunga, Pallava k.,
. . 296 Nriša nisa pāla,
. . . . 122 n. Nrisimha, avatar of Vishnu, . . 119, 319 Nudia, ci., . .
. . . 121 Numerals,
. . . 25, 120, 124
25, 27, 34, 36, 75, 143, 143, 183, 184, 254, 263, 264, 291. 338 n.
. 27, 75, 284 . . . 34, 36, 49, 51, 52, 75 n., 217,
220, 226 . . . . 34, 36, 49, 51, 52, 111, 114,
115 6,. . 30 and 1., 31, 32, 33, 49, 52, 75
12., 111 and .
. . 30, 201 30, Ill and n., 114, 115, 120,
124, 217, 220, 284 : 25, 30, 31 and 1., 32, 33, 120,
124, 184, 291, 338 10,. . . . . 30, 49, 51, 52, 291. 338 .
. . 184, 291, 217, 220, 220
. . . . 184 . !14, 115, 325 . . . . 325
338 n. . 217, 220
338 n. . 111, 254, 263, 261
• 75 7., 111, 114, 115, 327 n. 200,. . . 254, 263, 264, 327 n.,
3.18 400, . . .
. 75 and n., 77, 201
. 600,.
. . . . . 75 n.
. . . 284 1000, . . . . . . . 49, 52
900.

Page #472

INDEX
369
PAGE.
Pali, vi.,
.
.
129
• 322
7, medial,
5, 277, 313 o and au, medial, no distinction, Odra, co., . . . .
. . 321 Ojha, .
. . 240 Omgödú grant of Simhavarman II,. . 227 n. Ona, ch.,
300 n. Ong, ri., . ini, i.d., .
320, 322, 323 Onfudaru, off. . Onntiya, vi., . . Orangal, co., . .
SOS 11., 312 Orissa,
337 n., 338 Orissa Museum, . Orissa Museum Plate of Dandimahadev!,. 327 n. Orraivadam, ornament, Orriyur, vi..
. . 302 Orriyūr-Udaiyar, v.a., Adhipersvare, god, 300 Orungallu, ca., .
• 304 Osiä, vi.. .
29 Osvāls, com... Ottar, 8.a., Oddiyar (?),
193 n. Ottakküttan, au... . Oxydrakai, people, . .. . 258
-
97
96
PAGR. Palgunrakkottam, i. d.,. . . . 97 and 1. Pali, co., . . . . . 92, 99, 104
. .
321 1. Pali, in.,
. . 97, 99 Pália, vi., . .
. . . 321 n. Palichchilambu, hill, . . . . 97 pålidhuaja, . . Palkhéd, vi.,
. 210 Palkulam, vi.,
. 101 Pallava, dy... . 57., 6 n., 59 and n., 60 and
n., 62, 85, 93, 98, 99, 104, 117, 118, 129, 133, 138, 139, 150, 156, 157, 204,
206, 207, 208, 221, 222, 223, 227 and 1., 231, 233, 234 n., 235, 242, 243, 244, 246 n., 247, 249, 250 n., 251, 270, 271, 272, 296, 300 and 1.,
301 n., 311 n. Pallavāchariya(rya), engraver, . 203, 204, 206 Pallavadhiraja, ch., . , 207, 242, 243, 244 Pallavädhiraja Nolamba, Nolamba Pallava
ch., . . . . . . 221 and 1., 222 Pallavāditya, ep...
.. 203, 204, 207 Pallavamalla, ch.,
43 i. Pallavändär alias Kādavarayar, ch., . 84, 91 Pallavarayanpettai, vi.,
. . . 157 Palleyāri, . . . . 203, 204, 208 and n. palli, . . . ,
. . 208 n. Palli-Alappirandåp Arasanārāyanan Kachchi
yarayan, Kadava ch., . . . . 91 Palli-Alappirandān Elisaimögan, do., . . 91 Palli Aliappirandän Mögan alins Kulottungabóla
Kachchiyarayan, ch., . . . 82, 83 Palli-Kalyana- A drama,
. . 26 Panchavimša-Brāhmana, Sanskrit. wk.. . 200 . Pambuliggi, ca.. . . . . . 242, 244 Påmduka, m., . . . . . 189, 191 pana, coin, . . . . . . . 127 n., 226 Pansiyür-nādu, t. d.,
. . . . 99 Panchagartā, 1. d.,
. . 134, 142, 145 Panchakhanda, t. d., .
. . . 19, 21 panchali, t. d., . . . . . 218 Panchanadivänan, ep., . . . 89, 157 Pafchanadivånan Nilagangaraiyar, ch., . 156 n. Pafcha-Pandya, .
. . 304, 311, 312 panchasat, .
. . . 226 Panchavan Brahmadhirayar, ch., . . 156, n. Panchavar, a.a. Pancha-Pandyas, . . 311 Paichavin sa Brahmana, ack.,. . .255 n. 257 Panchayajña-tapovana, I., . . 321,322, 324 Pāņdagartā, vi.. . . . . . 142 n. Pandalāyani Kollam, vi., . . . 304 n. Pandaranga, gen., . . . . 226 n. Pândarangapalli (Pandharpur), vi.,
6., 8 Pandarangapalli grant of Avidheya, .6, 7, 132 n.
•
24
P .
. . . . . 71, 253 p, substituted for
. . 926 Pachgaon, vi., . . Pachmarhi, vi., Padampakkanātha, yod, .
300 . pad-anudhyāta, . .
. 164 Paddopadhyāyaputra, m., . 202, 203 Padhamattahana, 8.4., Parthân, vi., . .. 79, 80 padiyari, off.. . . .
. . 1971. Padma, ri... Padma, 8.11. Lakshmi, goldean,
147 Padmanabha, god, . .
309 Padmanabhasvamin, god,
165 n. Padmapurina, wk., .
135 n. Padmatadēva, k.,. .
326 n. Padmavati, Jaina goddess,
70, 179, 182 Pagāppidugu, ep., .
233, 251 Pagara, vi... . . Paidela, vi... . .
273, 274 Päikpära, vi..
. . . 26 Pāla, dy.. 24, 120, 121 and n., 122, 123 ... 124 Palaiyanür, vi.,
. . . .299 n. Pālaiyûr, vi., . . . . . . . 99 n. Palaiyur-nādu, t... . . . . 99 n. Palamūnā, vi., . .
. 327, 328, 330 Palär, vi., , .
. . 309

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370
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXVII
PAGE. Pāndavas, epic heroes, . . . 136, 137, 138,
144 n. Pandava, lineage, ... 134, 218, 258, 284 n.,
311, 322 Pandavas of Kõsala, dy., . . . 138, 289
Do. of Mēkala, dy.. . . 138, 140, 143 Pāndoka, m.,
188,190 Pandora, vi., . .
. . . 142 n. Pandharpur, vi., . ,
10, 11 and n. Pāņdukēsvar Platos of Padmatadeva,
326 n. pandumbu,
. . . . . . 205 Pandya, co., . . . , 269, 275, 276 Pandya, dy.. . . 81, 88, 92, 93, 95, 96, 105 n.,
124, 128, 130, 194, 197 n., 206, 223, 248, 251, 304 and n., 305 and n., 306, 307
and n., 308 and n., 309, 311 Pandya, k.. . . .. .
. . 311 n. Påndagartā, ri.. . . . Pangala-nādu, 1. d.,
.
97 . Panini, grammarian, 15., 44 n., 141 n., 280 n.,
283 n., 317 ». Panjkori, ri.. .
. . . 53 Pankhedā, vi.. . .
210 panitsu, 8.11. pannus,
232, 233, 234 panna, 50,. .
. . . 226 Paññigamuttarayan-Alappiranda Arasanára.
yanan alias Kulõttungasola-Kachchiyariyan, ch..
. . . . . 83, 102, 107 Paññagamuttaraiyan Alappirandan Elisaimogap
alias Kulottungašola Kadavarayap. ch., 83 Paninigamuttaraiyan, 'Xāludikkumveprip Kadlaw ch., .
. . 91 pannaanu, pannada, pannarisa, .
240, 241 pannayam, tax, .
. 926 pannu.tar, . .
• 226 Pantha, donor, .
31n. Pāradāsa, m.,
, 26, 27 Paradayı, 8.a. Bharadvaja,
232, 233, 234 Parakēsarivarman, Chola til.. . . 83 Parikrama, ep., . . .
. 37 . Paralayi-vishaya, I..., . . . 185, 188, 190 Pāram, in.. . . . . . . . 97 paramabhåg vala, ep. . . . 23, 35, 40 Paramabharaka, til., 44 and n., 45, 46, 71, 110
and n., 136 n., 164, 165, 168, 169
170, 320, 330, 332 and 1., 333 paramadaivata, ep.. . . . 23, 136 n. paramadaivatādhidaivata, ep., . . . 136 n. paramagurudevaladhidaivatarisēshah, ep., 136, 140,
141 Paramebambopadhyāya, donee, Paramamakébvara, lit., 44, 45, 46, 64, 120, 122,
165, 204, 321, 323, 330, 339
PAGE. Paramčkvara, tit... 44 and n., 45, 46, 110 and n.,
117, 128, 164, 165, 168, 169,
170, 204, 206 and n., 207 Paramēsvara, god, . .
. . . . 204 Paramēbvara I, Pallava k., . , 204, 206, 208 Parame dvara-mahāköshtakarin, off., . 204 Paramosvara-Pallavāditya, ch., . . 203, 204 Paramisvaravarman, Pallava k., .
204 Paramēśvaravarman I, do.. . 60 and n., 270,
271, 272 Paramēśvaravarman II, do., . .271, 272 and n. Parananda, Nandodbhava k., 326, 328, 332, 334 n. Parāntaka I, Chola k., . 96, 293 and 1., 297, 301 Parantaka Muttaraiyan, ch., . . . 224 Pärasiyaka, co., . . . . . . 128 Parbhani Plates of Arikēsarin III, . . .178 n. Parivrājaka, dy. . . 132 and n., 138, 167,
169 Parnnakheta, vi... . . . . 210, 211 Parthian, . . . . . . . 58 Parukandaru(?), vi.. . . . . 116, 118 Paruvür-kūrram, t. d.,
. 92 n. Paschimakhātikā, l.
. . . 121 Pakchimasamudradhipati, ep., .
160, 161 Pasimdikuru, vi...
269, 272, 274, 275, 276 Pāśupata, secl, , . .
296 1., 298 Pataliputra, ca., .
.
327 Patan, vi.. . . . . . . . 118 Patana, I., . . Patēsvaramudaiya-Nayanar, god, . . 196 pathaka, t. d., .
. . 37, 39, 40 Patiãkellä plate, .
. . 136 n. Patiala, state, patihari, off... .
197 and . Patika inscription,
: 55 Patiyā, vi.. . . .
• 185 Pätkhod, vi., . .
210 Patna, state, .
113 Pattadukal inscription, Pattan Plates of Pravarasēna II, .
75 Pattana-Khadirapadra-tala, I., 320, 320, 324 Pattanpakkam, vi.. . . Pattānpakkam or Pattān-pākkai-nādu, t.d., 97 Pattikērā, R., . . . . . Pattuppaltu, Tam, wk.,.
96 n., 97 n. patu, seat or capital, . . . 232, 233, 234 pavajitikā,' female ascetic . l'aundravardhana-bhukti, t. d. 185, 186, 188, 190 Pēd, vi.. . .
. . . . . .
. .
. 210 Pedavégi plates, . .
. il n. Pedda-Rudra, gen., . . . . . 308 n. Pēdha, vi.. . . . . . 210, 215 Pelnagara, place of battle, . . . . 149 Pendra bandh Plates of Pratápamalla, 278 n.
227
126
.
290

Page #474

INDEX
371
PAOK
•
29
.
.
96
PACE. Penna, ri., . . . . . 92, 99, 104 Pennai-nadu, t.d., . . Pennär, ri., . , 225, 235, and n., 250 n., 273
and n., 274, 294 and n. Pennarasiyar, ep., . . . . . . 90 Penukonda, vi., :
250 n. Penukonda Plates of Madhava III,. 7 n., 250 n., 272 Perambalam, . . . . . . 95, 96 Perambalam-pon-meynda-perumal-wallür, vi., 95, 96, 97 Perambalur, vi., .
. . . . 92 Perbāna, dy.. . . . . . . 243 Perbāna-Muttarasar, ch., .
222, 243 Periyapuranam, Tam.wk.,
. . . 95, 96 Pēringur, vi., . . .
. . . 99 n Peringūr-nādu, t. d., . Periyalēvar, ep.. . : : : 155, 156, 194 n. Periyanür, vi.. . . Perumānadi Ganya, ch., . . . . 177, 180 Perugai, ti.,.
. . 86, 92, 99, 104 Perugai, ca., . . . .
90 n., 99 Peruganûr, vi., . .
. . 98 Peruganur-nadu, t.d., . 82, 83, 85, 86, 98, 99, 102,
103,107 Perumal Nächchi, J., . . . . . Perumāpillai, ep., .
. . 90, 156 Perumāļpilla i alias Solakóņår, ch., . , 90x Perumal Sundara-Pāndyadēva, Pandya k.. . 306 Peruma! Vikrama-Pāņdya, do., .
306 Perumā! Vira-Pāndya, do., . Perum barrappuliyür, 8.a., Chidambaram, vi.. . 93 Perum bidugu Muttaraiyan, ch., . . . 224 Perumpadai-nayaka, off., - . . . 294 and n Perundurai, vi.. . . . . . . 96 Perungadai, Tam, wk., . . . . 97 n. Perungudi, vi.,
98 n Peruñjānpakkam, vi., .
. 101 Peruñjinga, ch... . .
. 81 Peruñjingadēva, see Köpperuñjingadēva, . . Peruntiruvamirtu,.
. 301, 302 Pērūru, vi., . . . . . . . 218 Pētha-Pangaraka, vi.. . . . . . Pēttasara
or Péttasaragrāma, vi.. . . . . 338, 339 ph., distinguished from p.. .
Guined from P., . . . . 146 Phalakākāranātha, god., . . . , 300 n. Pharsange. . . . .
. . 305 n. Phērava, vi.. . . . 109, 113 and 1., 114 Phërava grant of Samantavarman,. . 109 n. Pidāriyar, goddess, . Pigilam, vi., . .
. . . 274 Pikira, vi., .
. 274 Pillai Araišarudaiyān Perumā-pillai alias Sõlakon,
ch., . . . . . . . 90 n.!
Pillai Senkanivayan alias Solakonär, ch., . 90 n. Pillai Sölukonār, Kadara ch., . . .
90 N. Pimpa ner Plates of Pulakorin, . . . Pinakin, god. Pindan, ch., . . . . . . . 97 Pipardūla Plates of Narendra, Pipläd-mata, goddess, Pirāgam, n. of land, .
101, 107 Pirambu, in., . . . . . . 97 Piranmalai, vi.. .
311 n. Piriya Covenarasa, Silahāra ch., . . . . 69 Pirudigangar, ch., . . . . . . 156 Pitribhaktah, legend on seal, . . . . 33 Pittama I, Silahāra ch., . . . 66, 67, 71, 74 Pittama II, do. . . . . . 66, 72 Podavaráha, donee, . . . . 290 Polakēsin (I), Chalukya k., . . . 126, 128 pofal, . .
• 232 Polalchora, Nolamba Pallava ch.,
.. 207 Polamūru Plates of Madhavavarman-Janasraya, 8 Ponmaligai, 'golden palace', . . Poņmeyndaperumalnallur, vi., . . 101, 107 Ponni, ri., . . .
. . . .
.
. . 88 Ponnuţūru, vi.. . .
216 Poona Plates of Prabhāvatigupta,
76, 77 n.,
132, 133 Poonamallo, vi.. . · · 304, 307, 309, 310 n., Pori, family, . . . . . . 234 Põrmukharama, ep., . 234, 235, 236, 248,
269, 275, 276 Poruļare, place of battle,. .
. . 149 Põțladurt-Málēpādu inscription, . , 224, 230 Pottapalli, vi.. .
. . . . 207 Prabhāditya, m., . . . . 209, 212 Prabhāgravardhana, n., Prabhāgravardhana (?). Mälava k., 260, 263, 264 Prabhākara, k., . . . . 13, 14, 15, 17 Prabhākara-Bhatta, 7., . . . . . 299 Prabhāvasiva, Saiva ascetic, . . . 166 n. Prabhāvatigupta, Väkā taka q. . . 76, 77
und n., 132, 133,
138, 290 n. Prabhūtavarsha Srivallabha, Rashtrakaja k., . 220 Pradyumnäbhyudaya, wk., . . . 309 Prāgjyotisha, co.,. . . . . 19, 190 Prajāpati, m., . .
. . 189, 191 Prajāpati, deity, . . , 262, 263, 264, 265 Praka fa-guna-grasta-sarva-ripu-garvah, ep., 339 Pråk-Korala, co., . . . . 321 and 1. Prak-paramédvara, ep. . .
321 Pramathacharya, aacelic,
321, 324 prapa,. . .
13, 15, 17 and 1., 18 Prapta-sakala-Kosaladhipatyah, ep. . . . 321 Prasannamätra, Sarabhapura k., . . 299, 322
.
.
.
257

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXVII
•
.
196
•
2.16
PAGE.
PAGE. Prosiddhadhavala, biruda of Sankaragana II,
privileges, --contd. Kalachuri k., . . .
. 109 and n. 82-klipt-opukliptak, . . . . . 78 Pratápadhavala, ch., . ,
123 n. 8-amra-madhukah, . . . . 122 Pratapamalla, Kalachuri k., . 278 n. sa-nidhih,
78, 142, 290, 323 Prataparudradeva, Kakatiya k., 304, and n., sarwi pida-virarjitah, . .
. . . 290 307 n., 308 and 1., 310, 311 n., 312 sarww.kura-sau méluh,
. 290 Prathama-Kayastha, of... . . . . 314
Mire-ish Li-pariharu-parikritah, . . . 78 Pretthāra, dy.
. 63, 137 and n., 168 and n. 8-idrungah, . . . 11., 200 and n. Pratitiasútra, . . .
. 25n. 8- panidhih. . . . 78, 142, 290, 323 Pratiloma-Prishthya, sacrifice, . . . . 255 8-o parikarah. . . . . . . 142 Pratishthapura, vi., . . . 217, 218, 219 8-opurikuradundah, . . . . 200 and n. Pravarasena I, Vakafaka, k.,.
77 Prod latūru, vi., . .
234, 274 Praudhapratāpa-chakravartin, fit.,, . .9.11 Prola, Kakuliya k., Antogtrasa pravaras, . .
. 339 Prolays Vēma, Reddik...
. 308 1. Bärbaspatya (anupravara) , . 339 prolu, . . . .
. . . 232 Paryarisi (Pancharshēya), ya), . .. 327, 330
I'wleiny, Greek gengrupher, . . : 6 n. Pravarasēna II, Vakațaka k.,. 75, 76, 77 .. 79. Pubbaselikas, Prayanlyä, sacrifice, ,
. . : 255
Pudali, ca. . . . . • . 245, 246 Prince of Wales Museum Plates of Jayabhata IV. 198 Pudorūru, ca., . . . 269, 272, 274, prathamätra, . . 28, 277
275, 276 Prishthya, sacrifice, .
Pudukanda, t.d., . . . . 148, 151, 152 Prithivipati, ch., . .
. . . 207 Pudur, vi., . . . .
. .
. .
. 148 Prithivirüpa, donee, . . 200 Pūjäripali, vi. .
. . 319, 322 Prithivishēņa, Vakataka k., .
Pulakësin, Pulikcsin, W. Chalukya k.. . 6,37,39, Prithivishēņa II, do., . .
115, 117, 251 ., 316 Prithivivallabha, ep., . 117, 234, 235, 236 Pula kesin I, Pulikösin I, d.,.
Cand n., Prithivivarman, E. Gangu k... : 109 n., 110
7. 8, 62, 227 n. Přithvidēva I, Kalachuri k., . . 278 and n.. Puhkësin II, Pulikesin II, do.. . . . 6,
281, 284, 285 8, 37, 38, 47., 60, 115, 167, 204, 227., 233, 235, Prithvidēva II, do.. . · 277, 278, and n., 279
270, 271, 336 and n., 280, 281, 282, 283, 284, 285, 287 Pulal or Polal, ti., . . . . . .93 1. Prithvikongani-Mahārāja, 8.a. Sripurusha. W.
Pularkottam. i.d, . . . . 293, 302, 303 Ganga k., . . . . . . 148, 150 Puliyur, u.,. Prithvikongaņi-Muttarasa, ch., . . . 222 Pallavattambu, I., . . . . . 235 Prithvivallabha, ep. . . . . 242, 213
Pulólu, . . .
232, 238 privileges,
Puloinbûru Plates of Madhavavarman I, 314 n., abhyantarasiddhi sahitan, . . . . 131
315 1. a-bhafa-chchhatra-prarēsyah,
78,290 . Pawaru-Pushya inbal, 8.11. Punarvasu, nakshatra, 232 a-chäfa-bhafa-pravēša. . 40, 131, 142 Punarvast, nakahat. . .
• 232 a-chatta-bhatta-gravēšah, . . . . 122 Pundarika, sacrifice. .
. 313 a-chat-asana-charm angārah, . : 75 Pundarika, w. of elephant,
144 n. a-karadayin, . . . 78 Pundravarthana, co., . .
- 20 a-kifichit-kara-gråhynh, 1291 Punnāta, co... . . ..
. 289 a-lavana-klinna-kreni-khanakah, 78 Punyagiri, I., . .
. . 174 a-parampara-go-balivarddah,
78 Punyakumara, Tel. Chāla k... 8, 221, 222 and 1.., u-pushpa-kehira-sandóhah, .
223, 224, 225, 228, 229, 230, 231, 233, 234, 235, chora-danda-varjam, . .
236, 237, 245, 246, 247, 248 and 1., 249, 251 and parikrita-sarvapidah, .
N., 268 W., 269, 270, 271, 272, 274, 275, 276 pratishiddha-cha ta-bha fa-pravēéyah, 290, 323 Punyavallabha, cum.. . . . 127, 131 sa-bhogam,
• 131 Puram, l'an. wk... . . . . 96 . sa-da sāparādhah, . . 200, and 1., 290 Purinis, . . . . . 136 and 7., 138 8a-gart-sharah, .
. . . 122
purana, money, . . . 190, 191 and n. 8a-jala-athalah,. .
Purari, 3.. Siva, god. . . . . . 96 sa-jhafa-vitapah, . . . . . 122 Puri, in.. . . . . . . . 671..
LHA
.
.
.
-

Page #476

INDEX
378
124
PACK.
PAGE. pürna-kurbha, emblem on seal, . . 468
Rsirh, I., .
259 pirnimanta,. . . . . 192, 217, 218 Räjādhiraja II, Chilak
84, 297, 298 purőlt, prólu, prolu, . . . . . 238 Räjādittapuran, vi. . . 99 7., 103, 208 Purushottamapuri Plates of Ramachandra, 10 Rājāditya, Chola pr.
292, 293 Aad ., 294 and Purugupta, Gupta k., . . . 14
., 295 and ., 97, 301, 303 Purusha särdüla, ep. of Punyakumara, Tel. Chola k., 248 Rājāditya, m., . . . . . 42, 46 Purushottama, a form of Vishnu. . 183, 184, 187, Räjāditya, Silahara ch., . . . . . 70
189 råjaguru, . . . . . . . 166, 167 Purushottama, ch.. . 184, 187, 190 rajajnáprada, off. .
. 217, 220 Purushottama, min., 278, 279, 280, 282, 283, Rajakantakadēva, dataka.,
. . 340 286, 287
Rajamahendra, ep. of Amma I, E. Chalukya k... 44, Purushottan.a-Bhatta, m., . . . . 161
45, 46 Purushottamadēva, n., . . . . 120, 122, Rajamahendratsam, vi., .
Rajamalla, ep.,
. . 117 Pärvagrama, vi... , 186, 189, 191 and n., rájamana, .
206, 207 Purvakhātikā, l. . . . 120, 121, 122, 124 Rajānaka, off
330, 339 Pusakavana (Pushyakavana), l., . . . 218 rajanyaka, off. . . . . . 122, 128 Pushkara, lake, . . . 250 and n., 262, 263, Rajaparamēšvara, ep. . .
. . 207 264, 265 Rajaputra, Kalachuri k.,
• 188 Pushpadanta, n. of elephant,. . . 144 r. Raja putra, off-, . 122, 123, 203, 330 and 11., 339 Pushpagiri, vi.. . . . . . 273 n. Rajaraja, ck. of Moranba, . . . 66, 67, 72 Pushyagiri-pañchall, 1.d. . . . . . 218 Rajaraja I, Chöja k.. . . . 98 n., 198, Puttur, 8.a. Navagrabára, vi... . 994 and 12.
294 Puttali, vi.. . . . .
Rajaraja II, do. . . . . . 82, 83 puffi, land and grain measure, .
46, 471 Rajaraja III, do... , 85, 88, 89, 90, 92 and ..., Puvialappirandän, ep., . . . . 156, 157
93, 156, 167, 194 n., 196 Rājarāja Chēdiyarāyan, ch., . . . 01 Rajarajadēva, Chola k., . . . 82, 88
Rajarajadēvan Malaiyan Válavarayan, ch., 94 m. Quilon, tn., . .
. 308 and n. Rājarija-erivirapattanam, vi., . . . 311 . Quli Kootb Shah, Muslim ruler, .
174 Räjarāja Kādavariyan, ch., . . 83, 85, 87, 91
Rajaraja Sambuvaraya, ch.. . . . . 156 Rajarajun Sundara-Pandya, Pandyo k... 307 n.
Rajaraja-sõjan-ula, Tam.wk., . . . 96 n. 2, 133, 221, 228, 231 and n., 245, 253 Rajaraja-valanādu, 1.d.,. .. 98, 99 n., 101, 102, r, doubling of consonants after 12, 22, 28, 34,
103, 107, 108 109, 277, 289, 313 Rajarājēsvara, te., . . . . . . 97 r, doubling of consonants before and after, 12,134, Rājarasa, Silahara ch., . . . . . 67
289 Rajasekhara, au... . . . 135 n., 169 r, subecript, . .
28, 115, 120, 254 Rajabékhara, ch., . . . 1, Dravidian,. . 42, 176, 225, 228, 240, 245, 292 Rajasinha, Pallava k., . . . . 60 r. r. subscript, . .
. . . . 228 Rajasimbēsvara, god, .
. . 130 I, three forms of
Rajastiya, sacrifice, . . . . 62, 268, 262 Racha-chenu, land,
Rajatarangini, chron, . . . . . 163 Radbi, co., . .
191 1., 327, 328, 330 Rajendra-Chola, Chola k.. . . . . 24 Radhiya Brahnine,
Rajendra-Chola I, do. . . 81, 297 and n., 298, Radhiya sect, . . . 186
290, 300. Rahosadhikata, off.,
Rajendra-Chola III, do... , 93, 186, 187, 194 Rahasika, off., . 134, 139 and W., 143,
And n., 196 145 and n.. Rajaraja-Kadavariyar, Kadava ch., . . 01 Rahawa, off.. . 139 and n., Rajendrasimba-valanādu, t.d.,
. . .999. Rahasyadhikrita, off. .
. . 139
Rajandrabolauallar, vi., . . 99 m. Raigarh, In... .
276 Rajendrasolevalandu, 1.d., . . . 99 n. kaipur, tr.,
172 . Rajim Platos of Tivaradeva,. 288, 320, 331, 322
139
10 DGA 54

Page #477

374
Rājim stone inscription of Jagapaladēva, Rajmachl, vi.,
rajni,
Rājōlu, vi.,
Rajputana, co.,
Rakkasa, Silaharu ch.,
Rakshaskhili, island,
Rama, commentator,
Rama, epic hero, Rama, m.,
Ramabhadra, Pratihåra k., Ramachandra, epic hero,. Ramachandra, Yadava k. of Devagiri, 9 n., 11, 166 n.
257
Ramacharita, Sanskrit wk.,
Ramadi-nādu, t.d.,.
279 222, 245 234 237 n.
Ramalingeévara, god,
Ramaraja-Timmaraja-Vitthalaraja, ch.,
B
S
Rāmāyaṇa, epic.,
62, 135, and .
Rāmēávaram, v.,
233, 234, 235
Ramëévaram Pillar Inscription of Punyakumara, 228,
237 51 337, 338
339 218
218
Ramatirtha, vi.,
Ramatirtham Plates of Indravarman,
Ramgarh inscription,
Ranabhañja, Bhanja k..
Raṇābhañjadeva, Bhanja k.,
Ranabhita, tit.,
Rapabhitodaya, n. of god Narayana,
Ranadhiramangalam, ri.,
Rapadurjaya, ch.,
ranaka, off.,
Kanarasika, ep.,
Rapasimha. ep.. Ranaéūra, Süra k., .
PAGE.
279 . 316 122,123 243 259
66, 72
119, 129 and n.,
122 .
135 n.
62, 137.
29, 32, 33
137 and 1.
+
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
.
Rashtrakutas of Manapura, dy., rashtrakuta, off.,
Ratägarh, vi.,
Ratanpur, ca.,
99 . 227 122, 123 117 173, 175
24 120
Ranavankamalla, ep.,
Rapavankamalla Harikāladeva, ch.,
186, 189 ".
Ranavigraha, biruda of Sankaragana II, Kalachuri k., 169 and ". Rapavikrama, sur. of Pulakesin and Satyaáraya (Pulakesin II), W. Chalukya k... 37, 39, 40
304
Ranganatha, god, Rashtrakuta, dy., 6., 8, 43,.70, 126, 130, 139, 147 and n., 167, 168 and n., 169 n., 204, 206, 235, 246, 249 n., 270, 272, 273 n., 292, 293, 295, 313, 314 n., 316, 335, 336
316 n. 40 328 277,280 280
278 n., 279 and ". 311 .
.
Ratanpur inscription of Jäjalladeva, Ratanpur Stome inscription of Brahmadēva,
Rathakaras, com.,
.
.
Rathasaplami,
Ratnadev II, Kaiachuri k.,
Ratnagiri, tn.. Ratnapura, cu...
ratnatraya,
[VOL. XXVII
PAGE. 198 277, 278,
279, 281, 282, 285, 286 125 280, 283, 287 122 n. 178
Rattas of Saundatti, dy..
Rattagudi, Rattakutta, Raṭṭallu, Rattodi, off., 224 n.,
230, 237
Rattagull, off.,
234, 237
10 2
164, 169, 170
Rattaraja, Silähara k., Rattha, t.d., Rävärуarija, ch., Ravi, architect, Ravi, Kerala k.. Ravi, ri.. Ravila, composer, Ravisaruan, donee, Ravi-Sutlej Doab,
298, 300 n., 308 n. 134 15, 18
109, 113, 115
259 306
Ravivarn.an, k. of Venad,. Ravivarnian, Kadamba k.. Ravivarman, Kerala k.,
7 n.
309 and n., 310
Ravivarman Kulasekhara, do..
and n. 306 and n., 307 and n. Ravivarman Sangramadhira alias Kulasekhara, do.,
Ravivenrachaturvedimangalam, vi.,.
Rawoot, fit... Rawoot-Raya, ch., Recherla, family. Reddi, dy., Rēdu or raja, off., Regndi-nadu,. Renadu-7000, d., Renadu-chola, dy... Rênandu, t.d.,
ri, used for subscript, r,
ri, medial,
ri,
308 310 n. 173 173, 174
308. 196, 308 n.
225 225 22, 241, 250 250 220, 221 and n., 222, 225, 232, 233, 234, 242, 243, 248 repha, consonant doubled after115, 176, 231, 234, 268 316 313, 316, 317, 318 135 n. 221, 224, 225, 226 224, 226 229, 244 287 n. 164
166 n.
126, 198, 313
126 320
75, 115, 254
234
•
Retare Budrukh, vi., Rettüraka, vi.. Rēvā, ri.. Rēvapakālu, m., Revanapādāḥ, m., .
Rēvasarmman, donee,
Rewal stone inscription of Vapullaka, Rewah Plates of Kumarapalavarman, Rewah Plates of Trailōkyamalladeva, ri, substituted for ri, i, used for ri,
•
.
•

Page #478

INDEX
375
PAGE. Rigvēda,
140 n. Rik-V ēda,
213 . Rishabhatirtha, l.,
• 50, 51 n., 52 Rithpur Plates of Prabhāvatiguptă, . • 290 n. ritviks, . .
. : 256 Rudra, ch., .
308 n., 311 n. Rudra of Warangal, k.,. . . 308 n. Rudradaman I, Sakn k., . . . . 254, 260 Rudradatta, m., . . . 34, 36 and n. Rudradēva (Rudrām bā), kikatiya q., . 165 Rudradēva-Mahārāja. . . • 153, 1., 154, n.
196, 3 2 Rudradēvi, do., .
191 n. Rudramba, do.,
93, 153 n., 154 . Rudrapāka, vi., . .
. 45 Rudrărya, donee, . . . 75, 77 and n. Rudrasēna 1, Saka k., .
· 260 Rudrasena 1, Vakataka k.,
• 77 Rudrasēna II, do., .
77, 138 Rudrasimha I, Saka k.,. Rudrasiva, ascetic,
280 Rūgi, vi., . . Rūpnäth, 1.,. ruuvi, coin, . .
260
69
10
PAGE. sacrifices, ---contd. ukthya, . . . . . . . 76 vājapēya, , . . 37, 38, 50 and n., 76, 314
and n. Sadaka, vi.,
. . . 112, Sadbhāvasambhu, Saiva ascetic, . . . 165 Sädum perumäl, Kudal Alappirandän- Kadava
ch., . . . . . . . 90, 91 Sahdol, ri., . . . . . . . 134 Sahitya Parishat Plates of Viávarūpasõna, 183, 188 n. Sahitya-ratnakara, ep. . . . . 94 n. Sahyadri, mo. . .
. 273 n. Sailodbhava, dy.. . . 112 and 1., 218, 327 Saindhava, dy.. . . .
. 137 Sainyabhita II, Sailodbhava k...
. . 112 Saiva, . . . . 10, 165, 166 and n. Saiva saints, . . . . .
. 95 Saka, dy.. . . . 254, 259, 260, 261 sakadágāmi, .
. .
16 n. Sakalabhūpatichakravartin, ep., . . . 185 Sakalabhuranachakravartin, tit., 85, 92 and n.,
99, 101 Sakalabhuvanachakravartin Alagiyasiyan
Kādavarāyan Avaniyālappirandān
Kopperuñjingadēvay, Kadava ch., . 90, 91 Sākambhari, goddess, . . . . 27, 28 Sakhas,Bahypicha, . . . . .
.
. . .
. 198, 201 Chhändöga, . .
290 Känva, . .
120, 122, 121. 339 Madhyandina, . . . 134, 142, 145 Vajasaneya, . .
. . 75, 217, 219 Saklaraipeignl, . . . . . . 301 Sakral, ti.. . . .
. 27, 28, 29 Sakti, ri., .
. . . 48, 289 Saktikomára, Tel. Chöļa k., . . . 248, 249 Saktikomāra Vikramaditya, Tel. Cholu pr., 236 n. Saktiśambhu, Saiva ascetic, . 166 and 1, 167 n., Saktikiva, 8. a. Saktisambhu, Saiva ascetic, 166, 167 n. Sākyamuni, 8. a. the Buddha, . . . 54, 58 Salankāyana, dy., . . 34 n., 223 n. Salem, tn., . . . . . . 145 Salem Plates of Sripurusha, Salki-Rattagudi, off., .
: : 237 n. Salona-Vidyadhara, donee,
• 290 Saloni, vi.. . . . .
280, 283, 287 Sālötgi, vi.,. . .
. : 69 Samachāradēva, k., .
. . 22 Samadhigatapanchamahäsabda, .
158 Samahartri, off. . . 289, 290, 323 samajñapti, off.. . Samangad grant of Dantidurga, . . 227 n. Samanta Bhöja, min. and gen., . . 195,308 n.
!
8, . . . . 49, 56 (Kharishthi), 313 8, used for á, .
. . . . . 42, 277 & not distinguished from Sh., . . . 22
, . . . . 56 (Kharöshthi), 133, 171, 213 Sabara, Sanskrit commentator, . . . 261 . Sabdabrahman, . . . . . . 298 Sabdupradipa, lit. c ., . . . . . 24 Sabhamandapa, . . . . . . 9. sacrifices, agnishtöma, .
. 76,314 and n. aptoryāma, . .
. . . 76 asvamēdha, . . . . 37, 38, 314 and n., 315 atirātra, . . bahusuvarna
. 37, 38, 313, 314, and N.,
316 and n. brihaspatisava. . .
. . . . 76 chaturaśvamēdha,
. . . 76 dasásvamēdha, .
. . 76 paundarika, . .
. , 37, 38 prājāpatya, . .
314 and n. pradhirajya, .
. 314 pundarika, .
313, 314 and 1., 316 purushamēdha,
. 314, and n. rājasûya, . .
. 141 n., 314, sådyaskara, . .
• 76 and n. shodasin, .
. . 76, 314
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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXVII
=
PAGE.
.
122, 123
61
•
196
134
PAGE. Samanta, off. . . . 40, 237, 239, 240 Samantakamui, . . . . . Samantarāja, ep., . . . . 120, 122, 123 Samantavarman, E. Ganga k., 109 and n. 110, 111,
112, 113, 114 and n., 217, 218, 219, 220 Samarapāla Bhatta, m., . . . . 327, 330 Samastabhuvanāšraya, ep. of Vijaya
ditya IV, E. Chalukya k., , . 43, 45 Samatata- mandala, t.d.,
18, 19, 20, 22,
185, 186, 188, 190 Samayachakravarti, ep., . .
. . . 310 Sambhuyasas, ch., . . . . . 136 n. Sangamasimha, k., . .
132 n. Samgha,
16 n. Samkshõbha, Parivrājaka k., . . . .132 n. Samudragupta, Gupta k.,
.6 n., 19, 20, 138 Sanatanadharma, .. .
. . . 314 Sanchi,l., . . . • . 50 . sandhi, non-observance of : 42, 120, 323 n. sandhi, omission of- . . sandhi, wrong forms of
. . 28, 134 sandhi, of u and a, . . . . . . 240 Sāndhivigrahin, off, :
. . . 340 Sandhyākaranandin, Sanskrit au., . . . 279 Sanghadāman, Saka k.,
. 260, 261 Sangolli Plates of Harivarman, . . 7 and n. Sangramadhira, Kerala k., . . . 310 Sangrāmarāja, k. of Kashmir, . . . . 154 Sangulla, off, . . . . 198, 201 Sažjān grant of Amõghavarsha I, . . 314 n. Sankara, donor, . . . . 29, 32, 33 Sankarā or Sankaradēvi, goddess, 28, 29, 32, 33 Sankarabhatta Ahitāgni, m.,
. . 161 Sankaracharya, teacher, . . 297 n., 298 and 1. Sankaraganadēva, Kalachurik., 147 n., 164 and
167, 169 and n., 170, 171 and n., 172 Sankaragana I, do., Sankaragana II, do.,
. . . 169 Sankaragana III, do., . . . . 169 Sankha, ri., . .
. 185 Sankhapurusha, icon,
. . . 26 Sankhiyana-srauta-sútra, . : 255 n., Sānkoka, m., . . . . 188, 189, 190, 191 sankrantis,
Mēsha, . . . . . . . 76 Sankshõbha, k., .
. . . 169 Sannidhatri, off.,.
289, 290, 323 Sānta or Sántayya, Kadamba k., santaka, off-, . . . Saptara, ch., . .
. 177, 180 Sāntivarman (II), Kadamba k., . . 177 Sāntivarm marasa, ch., . . . Sanyasayya, Jaina image,
174 Sapta-Kosalā, co.,. .
· 139
sa plūmatya, off., . Saplasāmasa inatha, group of sacrifices, Sarabhapura, ca... .
289, 319, 322 Säranga-matha, . Saranas, . . .
16 n., Sarangarh, tn., ,
. 319 Saraoni, vi., .
. . 280 Sarasa-sähitya-sägaro-sāṁyātrika, ep., . . 94 n. Sarasvati, ri.,
. . 322 Sarayū, ri.,
. . 262 Sarbhon, vi., . . . .
. 79 Sariā, vi.,
319, 322 Sarkarā, i.,
. 27, 28 Sarkhổ Plates of Ratnadēva II, . . . 277 Sarmmaguna, min., . . . . . 23 Sārada, ri., Sāradă, ri., . . . . . . . . . 174 Sārvabhauma, n. of elephant,. . . 144 n. sarvabhauma, ep., . . . 6 n., 137, 313, 314 Sarwdévavilāsa, wk., . . . . 300 n. sarvüdhikarin, off., . . 278, 279, and n., 282, 286 sarvadhyaksha, ofl. . . . . . 78 Sarvajñakhadgamalla, ep., . . 94 n., Sarvalokāsraya, E. Chalukya k., . 268 n. Sarvalökäsraya, ep. of Amma I, E. Chalukya k., 44, 45 Servarāja, ch., . . . . . . .174 Sarvasivapandita, m., . . . . . 299 Sarvavarman, ch., . . . . . 168 n., Sarvavarman, Maukhari k., 63, 64 and n., 321 Sastri, ri.. . . . . . 127 and n. Satakarni, Gautamiputra, Andhra k.,. 49 n.,
. 209, 212 Satara, dt., . . . .
.
208 Sätāra plates, . . .
177 n. Sātavāhana, dy.,
.9 n., 35 n., 51 n., 266 Satrubhanja, Bhanja k., . . . 337 suttra, sacrifice, , . . . . 252, 256 Satyaditya, Tel. Chola ch., .222 n., 237 and n.,
239, 240, 242, 246, 247, 248, 249 Satyarasa, Silāhāra ch., . . . . Satyášraya, tit., : . Satyasraya, Chalukya k., 37, 39, 71, 115, 117 Satyāáraya, sur. of Pulakēsin II, W. Chalukya k., 37,
39, 40, 47 n., 126 Satyäsraya-Vallabhēndra, do., 45, 47, and thu, Savara, m. . . . . . . . 4 Savatthi, vi.,. , . . . . 198, 200 Savitri, Madra princess, . . . . . 258 Savạūr, state,
. . 115 Saugor, vi., . . . . . 163, 167 n. Saulkika, off,
215 saumya, meaning 'lunar' and 'auspicious', 137 Saumya, I., . . . . . . . 218 Saumyapura, in., . . .
218 Saumyavana, I., . . . 217, 218, 219
.
.
169
207

Page #480

INDEX
377
97 n.
PAGE. Saundatti, ca., .
. . . . 178 Sauvira, co.,. .
. : 260 and n. Sauviras, people,
. : 258 . Schētaka, ca.,
. . 109, 112, 113 Beasons,Hemanta, . .
30, 48, 50, 51, 52 Grishma, . . 34, 36, 48, 50, 51, 52 Sébaka, k., . . . . . . 51 1. Sékhāvāti, province., .
. .
27 Sēkkilär, au., . . . . . 95, 96 Selara, Silara, Siyāla, .. a. Silähära, dy., 65, 68, 72 Sēliyaköņār, ch., . . . . . . 156 Sēmappillai, ch., . . . . . 156 Sembiyaņmidēvi-valanādu, t. d., . . 101, 107 Semmärrür, vi., .
99 n. Sēna, dy. . . 121, 123, 184, 185, 186, 1871). Sēna II, Ratta k., . . . . . . 178 Senapati, off., . . . . . 75, 260 Sēnavaryā, vi., . . 314, 316, 317 Sēndamangalam, ca., . . . 88, 92, 93, 94 Sengaimanagar, &. a. Chengma, ca., . . 97 n. Sengama, 8. a. Chengama, ca., .
97 n. Sengupra-nādu, 1.d., . Senkaņivāyar, pr., . .
. 90 Senkaņivāyan Sõlakon, ch.,
90 n. Sentamil-vālap-piranda-Kādava, ep.,
94 n. Sēnu or Chēnu, . . . . . . 2051 Seranai-venra, ep., . . .
. 305 serpent, emblem on banner, . Set cr Seth, s.a., Srēshthin, com.,
29 Sēta, ca.,
. 112 Sētu, l.,
. 88 Seuņa, Yadava ch., . .
· 178 Sēunachandra, do., . .
. 178 Sēvur, vi.. . . . .
84 and n. sh., . .
. . . . 253, 313 sh, not distinguished from . . . . 22 sh, used for kh, ,
. . . . 9 Shadbhashāchakravartin, ep., .
215, 216 Shadbhäshachandrika, wk.,
215 n. Shāhi, dy., . . . .
154 Shenõļi, vi., . . . .
• 316 Shashthadēva II, Kadamba ch. .
• 159 Shermādēvi, vi.. . .
• 309 Shinkot, vi., . . . .
. 53 Shiyali, tn., . . . .
95 n. Shorkot ins. of year 83,. .
132. Siddhagajjaśvara, god, . . Sird dhalagrama, vi., . . 186, 189, 191 and n. Siddhalingamadam, vi., . . 84, 99 n., Siddhantakaumudi, grammatical wok.. . 46 . ! siddhaya, kax., . . . . . . 46 Si[d]dha[t]thami[t]tä, fir . . . . . 4
PAGE Siddhayadeva-Mahārāja, ch.,. . .
. 196 Siddhesvaracharitramu, Tel.wk., . 194 and n. Siddhi-1000, t. d., . . . . 222, 241, 249 Sidhala, vi.,.
.
. . . . . . 191 n. Siyamangalam cave ins. of Mahendravarman I, 231 n. Siyamangalam, vi.,
. 97 n. Sihara, m., . . . . . . 332, 334 Sikāvana, tax,
. . . 179 n. Sikhs, people,
. . . 258 Silāhāra, dy., . 10, 65, 66 and n., 67 n., 68, and n.,
69 and n., 70 and n., 71, 74, 127n.,
176, 178, 180, 181 Silappadikāram, Tamil wk., 2 n., 97 n., 105 n. Silābhanja, Bhanja k., . . . . . 337 Silabhañjadeva, do., . . . . . 339 Silāvati, Kādava q. . . . 84, 90, 91 Simha, Yadava k., . .
. 209, 212 Simhachalam, vi., . Simhala, co., . . .
. .. 68-n., 128 Simhapura, ca., . . . . 35, 36 Simharāja, k. of Lõhara, . . . . . 153 Simhasūri, at.. . Simhavarman, Kadamba k., . . . 250 n. Simhavarman, Pallava k., . . 5 n., 60, 61, 62
133, 247, and n., 250 n., 272 Simhavarman II, do., . .
. . 227 n. Simhavishņu, do.. . 227, 247, 251, 271, 299 Smhavishņu, Tel. Chöļa k., 224, 248, 249, 251, 269
270, 271, 274, 276 Sinhavishộuchaturvēdimangalam, vi., 299, 300 n. Sipattaraiyan, ch., . . .
. 94 n. Sindhu, co., .
.
. 260 and n. Sindhuthayarashtra, t.d. Singapura-valanādu, 1. d., Singhalese, . . .
.. . . 304 n. Singhana, Yadava k., . .
10, 166 n. Singhana II, do... . . . . Singarāyapālem, vi., Singupuram, vi., . . . Siragunda stone inscription, Siraivāy (Attingāl), t. d., Siraivāy - Mütta-Tambirāņār, ch., • 222n., 223, 224 Sirigalabbe, f., Sirkap, I., .
. . 57 Siroka, m., . .
. . 189, 191 Siromatras, . . . , 27, 28, 31 n. Sirpur, ci., . . 289, 319, 321, 322 Sirram balam, . .
95, 96 Siruputtur, vi., . .
98 n. Siruvenpainallur, vi., .
. . 98 n., Siravágur, vi.. . . . 83, 102, 98 7., 107 sita-dhātamaya-gödhā-sikhartkrita-lõhita-1chanimbara-dhvaja, banner of Nandodbhava ., . . . . . . . 327, 330
.
159
.
65

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXVII
PAGE. . 99
.
276
PAGE. Srtávenga, caves, . . .
Sonmaraiyakkan, ep., . . Siva, comp, . . . . 134, 143, 145, and n. Sonne, ri.,
126, 127 and n., Siva, donor,• . . . 29, 32, 33 Sõnpat seal of Harsha,. .
. . 63 Siva, god, 50, 51, 59, 63, 97, 98, 136, 276, 277 Söremadi, vi.,
. . 250 and n. Sivagupta, 8. a. Mahāgivagupta, Sarabhapura Soro plate,
. . 23, 136 n. R., .
. . . . . . . 291 Suro Plate of Sambhuyaéas, . . . 136 n. Sivake, m., . . . .
. . . 2. 4 sotāpatti, . . . . . . 16 n. Sivamāra, W. Ganga k., . . . . 150, 207 Sotrāvu, ep., . .
173, 174, 175 Sivamära II, do... . . . 272 Sovana, Silāhara ch., .
. . 66, 72 Sivånanda, Nandödbhava k.,. 326, 329, 332,
Sravanagudi, vi., .
. . . . 245 334, and n. srauta, . . . .
. . 5, 8, 9, 313, 314 Sivanvāyal, vi., . . . . . 59 Srauta-sútras, wk., . .
. . 255 Sivapanchayalana, . .
Greshthins, community, . . . 28, 29, 32 Sivaraja, Rashtrakūta ch., 126, 130, 136 n., 147, 151, fri-Dadda, sign-manual,
198 152, 335 Sridharabarman, donee, . .
43 n. Sivaskandavarman, Pallava k., . . 52, 233
Srikantha-Chola, Tel. Chola ch., 227, 245, 246, Siwani Plates of Pravarasena II, . . . 75
247, 248, 249, 250, 251 Skandagupta, Gupta k., . . . . 14 Srikūrmam, u., . . . 112, 174, and n. Skandapurana, . . .
166 n. Sri Madhopur vi.. . . . . . . 27 Skandavarman, Pallava k.,
250 n., 272 Srimushņam, vi., . . . . . : 83 slokas, . .
. 12 Srinagar, ci., .
. . . . 153 and n. Smara, god of love, . . . . 13, 17 Sri[ngà*)sapala, . .
. 122 n. Smriti, . . . . . . . . 314 Sringavarapukota, vi., .
173, 174 Södhadēva, k.. . . . 168 Sripāla, writer,
• 314, 317 Sodhadēvs, m., .
, 278, 282, 285 Sriparākrama, surname of Kirtivarman, W. Sögi, clan, , 256, 263, 264, 265, 266, 267 Chalukya k., , .
. 37, 39 Söhāgpur, tn.. . . . . 132, 142 n. Sriparvata, I., . .
193, 197, 203, 204 Sohnag, vi., .
Sripati, m., . . . . . . 189, 191 Solakon, pr., 90, 92 n., 94 and n., 155, 156 Sripura, ca., .
. 315, 319, 321, 322 Solakulavalli, q. of Kulottunga I, . . . Sripurusha, W'. Ganga k., 7 n., 147 and 7., 148, 150, Sõlakulavallinallür, vi.,. . 97, 98, 101,
102, 207, 222 n., 335, 336 Sóla- Mahārāja, Chola k., .
rīrāmabhattan, m., . . . . 101 Solavalli, vi., . . .
Srirangam, vi.. . . 88, 92, 193, 304, 309 Sölinga Náchchi, f., .
Srisailam, vi... . . . 195, 196 and n., 246 Soma, n., . .
. . . 256 [Sri?)-Soma, Mälava k., 252, 257, 260, 261, 262, 263 Somadatta, ch., . . . . 136 n.
and n., 264, 265 and n. 266, 267 Somadēva, au., . . . . 134 n.! Srs. Tribuvanankuta, legend on seal, .
41 Somadēva, donor, . .
11 and n. Srivallabha, til., . . . . 6 n., 117 Somadēva, m., . .
120, 122, 124 Srivallabha, ch., . . . . . . 243 Sömadēvarājiyamu, Tel.wk.,. . . : 194 Srivallabha, W. Ganga K., .
. 150 Sömarajapuram, vi.,
216 Srilua jaapala-, . . .
. . 122 n. Somasiddhanta, Saiva philosophy,
298 Srivate, m., . . . .
. . 189, 191 Soma-Siddhăntin, . .
Brivikrama, W. Ganga k.,
149 Sómavarsi, dy., . . 167, 289, 290, 315, Sriyananda, m., . . .
209, 212 Sómösvara, Hoysala k.,. .
157 Srubi, . . . . Sõmēsvara, W. Chalukya prince, . .
71 Stambhatirtha, I., .
. . 313 Sómēsvara II, Chalukya k., . . . 178 Sthitavarman, k. of Kamarupa, Somödbhavā, ri.. . . . . . 135 n. stūpa,. . . . 1, 2, 13, 16, 17 and n., 18 Son, ri.. . . . . . . . 134 Subhiksharājadeva, k., . . . . 326 n. Sõnavi, ri., . . .
127 n. Subrahmanya, god, . . . , 293, 294 Sõndhaka, m., .
• 29, 32, 33 Sudoka, m., . . . . . . 188, 190 Sonepur Plates of Mahābhavagupta (II) Janu. Södraka, myth. hero, 43 and n., 46, 47, 332, 333 mējaya, .
. 322 Sadraka, au of Mrichchhakafika, . . 43 n.
297 323
•
314

Page #482

INDEX
379
PAGS.
, looped and unlooped, 1, substituted for . #, final, . . .
. .
.
12
.
.
109, 217, 268
PAGE. Sugata, a. a. Buddha, . . . 13, 15, 16 Süktimuktavali, wk.. . . . 135 n., 169 n. Sälapāņi-bhagavatpäda, ., . . 324 Sultans of Delhi, . . . . . 206 Sümēru, myth. mo., . . . , 31, 32 Sünão Kala Plates of Samgamasimha, . 132. Sundaramurti-Nayanar, T'am, arint,
99, 300 Sundarananda, Tel. Chola k... 234, 227, 245, 248,
249, 269, 270, 271, 274, 276 Sundaranandipanman, ch.. . . . 94 n. Sundara Pandiyan, legend on coin. 308 and n. Sundara-Pandya, Paniya k., 93, 194 and 1., 304
and n., 305 and n., 306, 307 and n., 311, 312 Sundarban plate,. .
. 326 n. Sundarban (Bakultala) ins. of Lakshmahasena, 121 n. Supratika, 1. of elephant, Supratishth-ahāra, l. d.,
. 75, 76, 77 Suprayoga, ri.,
. 235, 273 and 7., 274 Sūra, dy..
. . . . . . 24 Suragiri, .. a. Devagiri fort, . . 209, 210, 211 Surma, ri., . . . . . . Sürya, god, . . Süryavarman, Varman k. of Magadha, Susthitavarman, k. of Kamarūpa, . . Sutlej, ri.,
. .
134 sutra Varahaka, .
. . . .
.
. . . 37. 40 Suttamalli, vi.. . . . . . . nearna-gadiyana, coin,
. 10 Suvarna-garuda, golden eagle emblem un banner, . .
70 n. Suvarnnamukhi, ri.. .
235 n. Suvarna-upishabha, emblem on seal... . Svalpa-Velura grant of Anantavarman, . Svamidröharaganda, ep., . . .
310, 312 Svamikarāja, Rashtrakufa ch...
147. Svāmi-Mahasena, god, . .
38, 39 Svapnadaśanana, Sanskrit drama,
. 169 Svarajya, . . . .
• 314 Svarga.
.. 339 suaali, used as a substantive, . Svēta, ca., . .
113 Svētaka, cu... 109, 110, and 1., 111, 112, 113, 114 Svētajambu, I., .
. . . 94 Svētaka, cu...
. . . 112 Swat, ri., . . Syamidëvi, 9. of Kamarüpa, . syāmaka, corn, . .
. . 151, 152 Swat vase ins. of Theodoros,
. 52, 56
Tidapa, E. Chalukya k., Tadavalga, vi.,
. . . 69 Tagadur, co., . . .
. . 230, 237 Tagara, ca.,. . . . . . 88, 70 R. Tagarapura or Tagaranagara, ca., 65, 68 and 1.
179, 181 Tayarapuravaradhibvaru or T'agarapura.
varēsvara, tit.. . 68 and 1., 70 and n., 71, 72 Taila, Kadamba ch.. . 158, 159, 161, 163, 179 . Tailapa, Kumara-, W. Chalukya prince, · 71 and fl.,
73, 74 Takkavõlu, vi., . . . . 232 Takkolam, vi.. . . . 292, 298, 296, 296 Takkulam, vi.. . . . . . . 21 takman. . .
. . . 26., 26 takmi,. .
. . 26 and n. Talagunda inscription of Kakusthavarman, 8, 243 Talamanchi Plates, . . .
. . 116 Talahari-Mandala, t. d.,. 279 and 1., 280, 282, 286 Tälarūpa, donee. . . . . . . 290 Talmul Plate of Dhruvanandadēva, 326, 327 and
#6., 329 R., 330 n., 331 Tālru-mandals, . d., . . . . 174, 175 Tambatirtha, I., . . 313, 316 and 1., 317 Tambiran, ep. . . . . . 223, 224 Tainbve, I., . .
. . $16 Tamilnadukättaperumal, ep., . . . 94, 100 Tampa, vi... .
• 202 Tampoyaka, vi..
• 202 Tandaganādu, b...
95, 99, 104 Tändivida grant, Tandrangi, vi.. . . Tangana, vi.. . Tañjai s. a. Tanjore, ci... 292, 293, 302, 303 Tanjore, ca.,. . .
. . 196 n., 299 tapovanas. . . . . . . 922 . Taradamaka, . . Taradamsaka-bhukti, 1. d., . . . 280 Taragaikkõvai, ornament, . . . . 97 Tárápati, m.,
. . . 188, 190 Tirā(vadra, vi.. .
. . . 79 Tardavadi, 1. d., .
68, 69. Tarkkapõlu, vi., .
. . 239 Tarkkapróla, vi.. .
. . 238 Tarkkapujõlu, vi., .
232, 233, 234 and a. Tarkkapurölu, vi..
.. . 232 Tarpapadighi C. P. of Lakshmapins, 188 a. Tirumunru, vi.. . . . . . 234, 935 Tasgaon, vi., . .
208, 210
•
157
109.
. . .
. 227 . 174
322
140 n.
1, . . 3, 49, 56, (Kharðshtht), 231 m.
3. 49, 56. (Khandshtht). 221 t and d, not distinguished, . . 226, 236, 238
10 DGA/54

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336
big
70 168
.
.
.
.
277
PAGE.
PAG. Tatta, m., . . . 29, 32. 33 Tiruchchenkattångndi. vi..
300 n. Tattukoto, n. of gorye. .
Tirujñanasambandba, Saiva saint,.
299 Taxila, I., . .
. . 57
Tirukkadaiyur, vi., . . . . 310 . Taxila steatite, .
Tirukkālattidēva, ch., . .
.
156 Tekkali Plates of Anantavarman, .
192
Tirukkalukkunram, vi... . . . 61,08 . Tekkali Plates of Devendravarman,
218 Tirukkannappadevar, deily, . . 103 Tel, ri., . . 113 Tirukkoilur, vi. . .
95 7., 99 n. Telegaon Plates,
Tirukkovalūr, vi., .
. . . 95 Tellida .. a. Telāda, vi., .
79, 80 Tirumalai inscription of Rajendra-Chola . . 24 Telladáhära, 1. d.,. .
79 Tirumalai-Nambi, Vaishnavite teacher, . . 156 Tellaru, L., . . .
. . 88, 89 Tirumānikuli, vi.,. . 80, 81, 97, 98 7., 101 n. Telláru, place of battle, . . 155 and n. Tirumeyypůchchu, . . . 300 n., 302, 303 Telugu Choda, dy., . 157, 178 n., 194, 220, 222, Tirumudiyur, vi., . .
. . . 294 224, 227, 235 1., 242, 243, 245 and 1., 247, Tirumudugunram, .. a. Vșiddhachalam, vi., 92 T., 249, 250, 251, 271
971. Telungar, people,
80, 92, 93, 100, 105 and n.! Tirumudugunramudaiya Nayaņår, the deity at Tenäli Plates of Amma I,
. . . 43 Vriddhachalam, . . . . . 92, 307 n. Tenkarai Rajagarbhfra-vaļanadu, i.d., . 311 Tirumunaippadi-nadu, l. d. 83, 85, 87, 98, 99, Tenmahadevimangalam, vi.. . . . . 97
101, 102, 103, 107, 108, 295 and . Tennarrur-nadu, t. d., . . . .
97 R.
Tirumuttamudaiya Mahādēva, god, . . . 83 Ter, 8. a. Tagans, c.a., .
Tirunālaippavār, Tam, suint, . . . . 97 Terdal, vi., . . .
Tirunālaipwrpuranam, Tam, wk., 97 and n. Tewar, tn., . . .
Tirunamanallur, ri., . . 80, 82, 103 n., 293 . . 133, 313
Tirunāvalur, ri., . 98, 99 n., 103, 108 th, subscript, . .
Tirunavukkaraiyar, saint, . . . . 102 Thakurdiä, vi., .
. . 319 Tirunelveli, ci., . .
305 and n., 310 Thakurdiya Plates of Mahā-ravararaja, 315 N..
Tirupati, ri.,
. . . . 300 n. 316 r., 322 Tiruppangili, vi... .
. 309 Theodorog, Meridarkh-, Greek k., . . 52, 56 Tiruppipûr, vi., . . . .223 thera, . . . . . .
Tiruppappor Matta Tiruvadi (or Mättavar), ch., 223
Tirupperambalampon méyndaperumalnallür, vi, 81, Thüpārāma, I.. .
98, 101 tiger, fish and bow, emblems on seal,. .
Tiruppuvanam, vi., . . . . . 124 Tikka, Madhurantaka. Pottapi-Chola Tel. Tiruppuvanam Plates of Jatavarman KulaChöda ch., . . . . . . . 69 sekhara, .
. . 124, 125 Tikkana, ch., . . . . 193, 194 and 7., 197 Tiruttondarpuranam, Tam.wk., . 95 n., 98 n. Tikkana-Somayajin, Tel. poet. . . . 194 Tiruttundevaramudaiyar, god, . 82, 108 Tilaka, commentary on the Ramayana,
135 n. Tiruvadi, Kirala king, . . . . 304 Tillai, 8. a. Chidambaram, vi., . . . . 95 Tiruvadi, ti., .
80, 83, 87, 97, 98 and 7., 102 Tippalúr, vi.. . . . . .
229, 231, 251 --
., 103, 108, 309 Tippalur inscription of Punyakunkra, 225, 234, Tiruvadikunram, ti. . . 304, 310, 311, 312
Tiruvadisulam, vi..
. . . 89 Tippera, .
Tiruvālangădu, vi.. . . . 218 ., 299 n. Tipuri, legend on coins, .
. . 168 Tiruvālangadu grant, . . . 96, 96 Tirabhukti, t. d., .
Tiruvälisvaram, vi..
.
311 N. Tiribuvanamädēvichaturvedimangalam, ti., 101, 107 Tiruvallam, vi., .
. . . 309 Tirida, vi.. . . . . . . 35 . Tiruvaffûr, vi.. . . . . . . 59 Tiripuvanamuļududaiyar, q.. . . . . 102 Tiruvamirtu, . . . . 301, 302 Tiritthapa, vi.. . . . . 34, 35, 36 Tiruvāņaikkoval, vi.,
.
304 Tirodi plates, . . . . . 78 n. Tiruvannamalai, vi., . 80, 81, 86, 90, 92, 93, 95 Tirpalaru, 6. a. Tippaltru, . 232, 233, 234
16., 103 n., 108, 155, 156 Tirtha, . . . . . . . 60,81 Tiruvanukkan-tiruv yil, . . . .
. .
96 Tirthayatraparvan of Mahabharats, . . 50 ! Tiruvarur, vi.. . . . . . 300 R.
:
:
.
. 234
245
Tipuri, legend

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INDEX
381
.
218
PAGE.
PAGE. Tiruvayindirapuram, 8. a. Tiruvëndipuram, vi., 98, Trivandrum, cu., . .
• 309 101, 107 Tryambakosa, god, . .
300 n. Tiruvayindiran Vfraiyan Sénan, ch., . . . 98 Tugarajı, 8. a. Yuvarāju, off... . 226,228 Tiruvēndipuram, vi., 85, 86, 88, 89, 94, 98, 306 tulasi, plant, . . Tiruvengavāšal, vi.. . . . . 305 n. Tumbavana, L., Tiruvennainallur, vi.. . 80, 82, 83, 86, 90, 101 n. Tuman, vi.,. . .
. 280 Tiruviraiyakkali, I., . . . . . 102 Tummāna, co., . . 278 and n., 280, 281, 284 Tiruvirattāṇamudaiyar, god,. 83, 102 and n.! tūmu, grain measure, . . . 46, 47, 205 Tiruvorriyūr, vi., . • 292, 293 and n., 295, Tundaka vishaya, 1.d., . . . . . 129
296, 297 and 1., 298, Tunga, off., . . . . . . . 154 299 and n., 300 and n., 1 Tur rock ins. . . . . . 132 1.
301, 302, 303 Turumara-Vishaya, t. d., . . . 243 and 1. Tiruvorriyūr-Purānam, wk., . . 299 n., 300 n. Turashkaripati, k., . . . . . 173 Tiruvula, or Tiruvura, vi.. . 228, 229 and n. Tyagaraja, god., . . . . . 300 . Tivaradēva, Panduvamsi k.. . 138, 288, 315 and
11., 320 Tiwarked plates, . . 147 1.., 336 and n. Tolkappiyam, Tam.wk., .
. . 96 n.
u, initial, . . . . . 42, 120, 133 Tolpakāmi-Rattagallu, off. , . . 237, 238 u, medial, . . 2, 5, 37, 245, 277, 313, 326 Tondaimán, ch., . . . 300 n. ū, initial, . .
. . . . 237 Tondaimandalam, co., . . . 84, 94, 98 ū, medial, . ,
5, 37, 75, 221, 237, 326 Tonk, en., . . . . . . . 239
Uchchakalpa, dy., . .
. 138, 167 torana, . . . . .
Udaipur, cu... .
. 165 1., 259 Toruppādi, vi.. . . 83, 98, and n. 102, 107 Udala, rishi, . . . . . . . 327 Tõsala, co., . . . . . 321, 326 Udatia-Häghara, Sanskrit wk.,
. 169 Traigarta or Trigarta, t.d., . . . . 134 Udavi Tirumānikuli, 8, a. Tirumānikuli, vi., 97, 101 Trailokyahamsõpādhyāya, donee, . . . 290
107 Trailokyavarman, Chandella k., 164, 166, and Udaya Märttäņdavarman, Kerala pr. 306, 307 1., 167 n.
n., 308 n., 309 n., 310 Traipura, co., . . . . . 169 i Udayana, myth. k., . . . . 143 r. Trairajyasthili, . . . . 248, 274, 275 Udayana, Panduca mối k.. . 138, 143 %., 167 Travancore,.
. . 105 n. Udayana-chakravarti, myth. k., . . . 196 Tribhuvanachakravartin, tit., . . 81, 82, 92 n. Udayaniya, sacrifice, , .
255 Tribhuvanamádēvi, vi., . . . . . 94 Udayendiram Plates of Nandivarmap I, 59 n. 60 Tribhuvanamalladēva (Vikramaditya VI), W.
n., 247 n. Chalukya k.. . . . 65, 67, 71, 73, 74, 244 U ddanda-Raya, ch., .
. . . 173, 175 Tribhuvanaviradēva, Chola k., . . 86, 101, 106 Udiyan, Chēra pr.,
. 96 Tribhuvani, vi. . . . . . . 95 n. Udiyavara, ca., .
240 Trichinopoly, ci.. . . . 116, 311 Udrava, tax,. .
. 145 Trichinopoly Pallava Cave inscriptions, . 59, 60 Udyotana, donor, .
. 29, 32, 33 Trigartā, ci.,
134 and 1. Ujjayini, s. a.Ujjini, Dr., . . . 239, 328 and . Trikalinga, co., . . . . . . 111 Ujjayini, tirtha, . .
. 266 Trikalingudhipati, ep., . 167 n., 217, 219 Ukhasirivadhamana, vi...
. . . 2, 3 Trikalinga-Mahādēvi.g., . . . . 111 Ulavapalle, vi.. . Trikata, l.,
315 and . Ulchal, vi, . . . Trilochana, myth. k., . . . . 246 Umapatisivacharya, au.. . . . . Trilochana-Kadamba, myth. hero, 160, 161 Umarāņi, vi. .
69 Triloka, m., . . .
. . . 332 Umasarman, donee, . . . . 217 219 Triparvata, Kadamba ca.
. . 7 and n. Umavarman, Kalinga k., . 34, 35,7., 218 Tripurantakam, vi.. . 85, 89, 90, 93, 95 n., 86, Umikilf, vi., . . . 42, 45, 46 and n., 47 155 Un likavätikā, vi., .
. . 7 Tripuri, ca. . . . . 165, 1671., 168, 169 Undikavätiká grant of Abhimanyu,
7, 8 Tripuri-vishaya, t. d., . . 169 Unikilt, s.a. Unikäll, vi,. .
45 Trifala, 1. of hill,. . . . . 97 U nnamulai alias, Umi, goddess, . . 104
272 n.

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PAGE. Unnunila-aandebam, Malayalam wk.,. . 308 R., upadhmaniya, . 28, 126, 146, 163, 176, 208, 254 upadhyaya, . . .
• 240 Upagupta-bhattarika, Maukhari q., . wparikara, taz, .
.. . 145 updaaka, . . wpasika, . . Uragapura, vi., .
116, 118 Uraiyur, vi... .
. 116, 118 Uraiyurkārram, t. d.,
. 311 Urangavilli, m., . .
. 101 Urlam Plates of Hastivarman,
· 217 Urutūru, vi., . . .
. . 228 Uruvupalle, vi.. . . • 273, 274 Uruvapalli grant of Sinhavarmn, . . 250 n., 294 Usabha, *. a. Rishabha. . . . 49 Ushavadāta, Saka . . . 49, 259, 262 Ulara-duhulaya, . . . . . 4 Utkala, co.. . . . . . 135 and n., 321 Utsavasankētas, people, . . . . 259 ., Uttamabhadras, do. . . . . 258 and 1. Uttamāditya-Chola, Tel. Chola ch., . 230, 237
238, 239, 240, 241, 242, 245, 248, 249 Uttamóttama, epithet of Tel. Chola k. Punya
kumara, . . . Uta mõtta munr, ep. .
. . 232 U[t]tara, m., . . U[t]tarada[t]ta,... . Uttarapathēsvara, god,
300 n. Uttara-Radha, co., .
24, 191 m. Utararamacharitra, tol., .
. . 322 n. Uttara-rashtra, t. d., .
138, 142, 145 Uttarēsvara, god,. .
. . 69 Uvajjha, . . .
. . . . 240 Uvarivadra, vi., . . · 198, 200 and 1. Uyyakkondan Tirumalai, vi.. . . . . 311
.
.
248
PAGE. Vaidumba, dy., .
. .
. . . 223, 260 Vaidumba Mutraju, ch., . .
• 222 Vaidyapadraka, ri.. . 320, 322, 323 and n. Vaigaikulam, vi,
.. . 308 . Vsijayanti, Kadamba ca. . • 6, 7 and n., 8 Vaikunthanātha, god, . . . . 50 Vaikuntha-Perumal, 8. a. Vishņu, god, 82, 86,
101 .. Vaikuntha-Varadaraja Perumal, god,
. 59 Vailur, vi., .
88, 94 n., 155 Vairagara, co., . .
. 279 Vaikali, I., . . . Vaishgaon, vi.. . . Vaishnava, . . .
63, 117 Vaishnava, sacrifice, . . Vajapéya, sacrifice, Vajaraneyi-Samhita, . . . . . 261 Vajrabasta III, E. Ganga k., . . .. 245 n. Vākātaka, dy., 61, 74, 76, 77, 114 ., 132, 133,
135, 137 and 1., 138, 139, 145 n., 315 and 1. Vakkelēri Plates of Kirtivarman II, 126, 130 h.,
268, 270, 272 11. Valabha, gen.,
293, 297, 301, 302, 303 Valabha Chaturānana, donor,.
292 Valabhr, ca., .
. .
. . .
. 164, 198, 199, 200 Válagavāda, vi., .
. . 210, 215 Välaippandal-nādu, t.d., . . . . 97 7. Valandanar, Kadava ch., . . . . 87 Valandaņår alias Kädavariyar, ch., 81, 82, 91, 155 Valandandär, ch.,.
.
.
. . . . . 81 m. Valayavada, vi.. . .
. 179, 182 Valguli, off. . . .
. . 340 Vallabha, til, of early Chafukya kinge. . . 37 Vallabha, ep...
226, 227. Vallabha, ... Rashtraktta. dy. . 295 and. Vallabha, 3.. Valabha, gen., . . 293, 295, 302 Vallabha, ... Vells, name, . . 294 x. 301 Vallabharaja, gen., . . . .
• 279 Vallabharashtra, co., . . 293, 294, 295 Vallabha Yuvaraju, ch., . . .
227 . Vallabhedvara, tit., .
. . 5, 8, 9 Vallalasena, Sēna k., .
. . 184 Vallam, vi.. . . . . 221 n., 234 n., 261 Vallam inscription of Mahendravarman I, 231 Vallen rook inscription, . . . 233 *. vallava, off.. . . . . . . 330 Vallava Dukarāju, no.. . 222, 228, 227 and n., 228 Valluva, ... Vallabha, .. .
. . 294 . Valluva-nadu, t.d., . . . . 294, 296 Vallavarsiyag, ch., . . . . . 102, 103 Valmikanátha, god, .
300. Valmika-mertis, . .
300 Ylmiki, nago,
62. 282 Valuvör, vi... .
309 and ..
2, 49, 116, 120, 133, 253 . . . . 120
28, 109, 277 . . . . 226 . 337, 340 and s.
.
.
11 and ...
. . u and b, distinguished, v, used for b,. .
, substituted for p. . Vachchika, off, Vadali, vi. . Vadau or Vadavo, t. d.,. Vada vengadam, t. d.. Yadavå, 'royal functionary', Vadhván, vi.. Vāgai, tree., . . Våghadeva, ch., . . Vägbarajadēvs, ch., . Vughli inscription of Souna, Vigita Bhatta, m., .
.84
.
9, 11 and R.
.
. .
. .
81 166
164 m.
178
.
.

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INDEX
383
.
.
289, 290
.
.
. .
24 87
PAGE Valvalaperumil. ep. . .
. . . 100 Vimadeva, k. . . 164, 165, 166, 167 and .. Vamadeva-pad-dnudhyata, ep., 164, 165, 166, 167 and . Vamamarga, Våmana, n. of elephant, . . . . 144 n. Vimarijadēva, k... 164 and r., 167 and n., 168, 169,
170 Vimaseanbhu, Saioa pontiff . 165, and ., 166, 167 Vardaka, of.. . . Vamsadhäră, ri., . . . . • 216 vana, place-names ending in
218 .. Vanaparvan, . .
. . . . . 322 Vapavõlu, vi..
250 n. Vanavasi, ca., . . 116, 117, 128, 315 R. Vaichi, dy., . . . .
. 305 n. Vanga, co., . .
19, 24, 26, 185, 186 Vangala, co.,. . Värilaitandaş, ep... Vånilaikanda Manavalapperuma], Kadava ch... 88 Väņilaikandaperumal, ep., . . 85, 100 Vafljulvaka, ca. . .
337, 338, 339 Vankatirtha, I., . .
313, 316, 317 Vannēru, stream,
46, 47 var faka, distributor,
11 n. Vapullaka, . .
. 287 . varáha, coin, . . varaha-gadyana, coin, Varahamihira, au... .
. 135, 168 Vararuchi, grammarian,
60 n., 51 m. Vardhamana, place name, Vardhamanabhukti, 1.d., .
. . 121 Vardhamanaka, vi.. .
134, 142, 145 Vardhana, m.,
.
• 29, 32, 33 Varēndri, co., . .
. . 24, 186 Väreka, off-,. . .
. . . 298 väriyam, committee . . . . 298 and r. Varmans, dy.. . . . . . . 15 Varmans of Kimarūpa, dy.. . Varmans of Magadha, dy., . Varmans of Prāgjyotisha, dy.. .
. 19 Vasantipori-Cholamahädēvi, Chola q.. 234 and n. 235,
248 Vasantisvara, god, .
208 n., 234, 235, 236 Visata, q., .
. 319, 320, 321 Vesishtha, sage, .
. . 262 Vasithiputa, or Väsish thiputra, metronymic, 48 and R., 50 Vleishthi, Th. . . .
. . . 52 Vasöradhara, final oblation, . 261, 263, 264, 265 Vánudöva, ch., . . . 184, 186, 187, 190 Vasudēva, th, . . 278, 280, Vásudova, 6.a. Vishpu, god. .
. . 26. 27 Vlaudova-Bhattopadhyaya, n., . , 161, lus Vitudēvstarman, Mahari aka donce, 120, 182, 198,
18
PAGE. Vstapadraks, vi... Vitapi, hill fort, . . . 6, 6 and 7, Vätäpi, myth. hero, . . . . . 6 and . Vithár, vi...
. .
. . . . . 316 vå fika, hamlet .
· 313 Vatsarāja, myth. k., Vatsarāja or Vatséévara, k., 136, 140, 143 and . Vataas, peopl: . . . . . 143. Vatačkvara, . . .
140, 143 and ». vaffa-grāméyaka, . .
. . .11n. Vattarika, hamlet,. . . 313, 316 and ., 317 Vávaldr-nadu, 6.d., .
. .
. . . . 99 n. Vayandappiri, n., . . . . . 234 n. Vayandappiriaresaru, ch., Vayirappa Nayaka, min.,
. 197. Võyisagrăma, 1.d., . . . 185, 188 and n., 190 Väyurakshita, Gupta gen., . . 13 14, 15, 17 Vēdas
1, . . . . . . . 116 Yajurvēda, . .
. . 120, 122, 124 Yajurvēda (Black), .
Yajurvēda (White),. . . 134, 145 Vēdangas, Vedic, . . . .
· 46 n., 252, 254 Vēdisarman, m., .
. . 276, 276 Vegavati, ri., .
307, 308, 309 and n. Vēl, people,
. 96, 97 Velanandu, n. of co and family, 198 ., 194, 227 Vēlānagara, 6.a. Mötupalle, vi.. . . . 186 Vellan-Kumāra, gen., . . . 294 and ». 297 Veludurti, vi.. . . . 230, 239, 240, 241 Veludurti inscription of Uttamiditya, . 246 Velugofiväri-vambavali, Tel.wk., , . 308 r. Vēlürpālaiyam Plates, . . . . 247 m. Valdrpålaiyam Plates of Nandivarman II, 60*. Vēlusuka, ti. . . . . . 75, 76, 77 Ven.arija, gen., . . . . 42, 43, 46, 47 Venad, co., 305 and 1., 306, 307 m., 808 and n.
309 R. 310 Venādarkon.. ep... . . . . 308 1. Vēņādudaiyan, ch., . . 90 r., 91, 156 Vena Võjanru, m., . . . . 240, 241, 242 Vēņāvudaiyar, Kadava pr., 81, 86, 89 90 and n., 92,
93, 94 and ., 95, 96, 100, 155, 156 and 7. Vendarambulu, vi.. . . . 240, 241, 242 Vengi, co. . . . . . . 44, 46, 47 Venkaya-Chola, Tel. Chofa ch., Vēnugrama, vi. . . . 177, 178, 179, 181 Věppangulam, vi... . . . . 186, 308 Vesinik, 6.a. Vosma, vii, . Vetika, or vidika,. . . velika,. . Viohapa, gen., . . Vidagdhasura, done,
21
•
320
.
79, 80

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXVII
•
.
326
.
177
PAGE. Vidarbha, co., .
316 n., 321 n. Vidélvidugu-Chaturvedimaheslam. Vieviougu-naturvedimangalam, M., . . 98 . Vidélvidagu Muttaraiyap, ch., . . . . 224 Vidyadharas, .
i . 67 Vidyadhara, ch.. .
.
174 Vidyadhara-hamsõpådhyaya, donee,
290 Vihara,
. . . . . . 18 Viharika, . . . . . . . 321 Vijayaditya, Chalukya k., 126, 129, 203, 242, 243,
244, 271, 272 and 1. Vijayaditya II, E. Chalukya k., .
268 Vijayaditya fi d o. 42, 46, 205, 226 n.,
251 Vijayaditya IV, do. 43, 44, 45, 46, 47 Vijayaditya V, do..
43, 44, 46, 47 Vijayaditya, Silahara, ch., . . . Vijayaditya, W. Chalukya k., . 79, 335 Vijayaditya, W. Ganga pr.. . . . 147 n. Vijayaditya-Chola Prithivivallabha, Tel. Chola k., . . .
238, 242, 244, 248, 249 Vijayagandagopala, ch., 89,,156 and ., 299 and n. Vijayakima, Tel. Chola k... . . . 248 Vijaya-Kampavarman, Pallava k., 926, 297 n., 298,
299 Vijayalaya, Chola k., Vijayalaya Muttaraiyap, ch.. . . . . 224 Vijayamitra, ch., . . . . . 55, 57, 58 Vijayanagara, ca., . . . . . 299 n. Vijayapuravaradhisvara, tit., . . . 68 and n. Vijayapura, ca., . . . . 68 and ». Vijaya-Ranasimba, ep...
. . 173 Vijayasena, Sena k., . . . 184, 189 n. Vijayasimha, Kalachuri k., . . . 164, 166 Vijfánavatl, q. of Kamarüpa,. . Vikkiramasolanallar, vi.,
. . 101, 107 Vikramiditya, legendary hero, . . Vikramaditya, Bana ch., . . . . . 243 Vikramaditya, Chalukya k., . 147, 148, 151, 152 Vikramaditya I, W. Chalukya k., 115, 116 and n..
117, 118 n.. 224 n., 243, 271 Vikramaditya II, do... 126, 127, 130, 148,271,
272, 335, 336 Vikramaditya VI, do., . . . 70, 71, 177, 178,
180, 181 Vikramaditya, myth. k., . .
328 Vikramaditya Bali Indra Banarāja, Bara ch., 243, 244 Vikramiditya Chola-Maharajul, Tel. Cho la k., 237 and
PAGE. Vikramaditya Yuvarāja, W. Chalukya pr., 272 n. Vikrama Pandya, Pandya k., 305, 306, 310 n. Vikraniapura, ca., . . . . . 185, 186 Vikramasimhapura, a.a. Kannanur, ca., . . 92 Vikramabolanallûr, vi.. . . . . . 98 Vikrama-Cholx, Chola k., . 82, 96, 155, 157 Vikramachola Chëdiyarayan, ch., . . 156 Vikramendravarman II, Vishnukundin k., 313 n.
314 7., 315 n. Vilania, place of battle,. . . . 150 Viläsatunya, Nando lbhava k... Vilásutunga Devanandadēva II, Nmdodbhava k., 327,
329, 332, 333 Villiyanallur, vi., . .
98, 101, 107 Villiyanür, vi., . ,
. . 95 n. Vinalasiva, Saira ascetic,
. 167. Vinayachandra, writer and engraver, 217, 220 Vinayaditya, Chalakya k., 126, 129, 167 n., 268, 271 Vinayavati, Rāhtrakūta princes8, 147, 148, 151, 152,
335, 336 Vindhyas, mo., . . . Vindhyaka, dy.. . . . . . 138, 139 Vindhya aktı, Vaka taku k., . . . . 138 Vindhyasakti II, do.
. . . 52 n. Viniyana, 1., . . . . . . . 236 mpakaha-samanta, . . . . 122, 123 n. Vipparla, ri., .
. . . . . . . 235 Vira, Kalambu ch., . . . 158, 161, 163 Virabhadrésvara, gol, . . . . . 196 Vira-Champa, ch., . . . . . . 309 Viradhävalam, camp., .
304, 311 and n. Viraganganädalvan, ch., . . . . . 94 n. Vira-Kavadivarasa, Kadambu k., 158, 161, 162, 163 Virka(da)vațakkottai, ti., . .
311 n. Vira-Kerala, kerala k.,. .
306n. l'iraKéralusya, legend or coin,
306 n. Vira-Xarasingadēva, E. Ganga k., . . 304 n. Viranarasinha, Yadav ch..
. 88 Viru-Nombädhiraju, Nolamba Pallava ch... 207 Vira-Pandya, Ilupa k., . . . . 306 n. Vira-Påndyn, Kongu k., . . . . 306. Vira-Pandya, Pandya k., 304, 305, 306, 307 and n.,
308, 310 n., 312 Virapurisadata, k., . . . . Virarajendra, Chöļa k.. . . Vira-Rina tēvarasa, ch... . . . . 69 n. Virarjuna, Tel. Chola k.,
• 248 Virar. Viran Kädavarayar, ch., . . . 84,91 Virasani, ep., . . . . . . . 100 Virasēkhara Kadavariya, ch., . , . 84, 87 Vira46lanallar, vi., . .
. . . 108 Vira-Sömēsvara, Hoysala k... : 92 and n., 93 Virattanam, ... . . . . . . 94 Virattanesvars, 8. a. Siva, god, . . . 98
.
50
R., 238
Vikramaditya I, do 237 ... 248 and n., 249 Vikramiditya Chola II, do.
231, 237 and
1., 239, 240, 248, 249 Vikramaditya II, Cbola-Mabarajadhiraja, Paramèsvara, do.
. . 237 . Vikramiditya Perbinadhirija, Bapa ch., 243
1

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Virinchipuram, vi., virijaji, flower, Viripara, vi., . Viriparu, vi.,.
Viripäru, vi.,.
viripuvvu, flower,
Viroli (Vira-Elaya), off., Virparu, vi.,
Virudarajabhayankara-valanādu, t.d.,
Visakhapatnam, ci.,
Visalavadi, L.,
visarga,
visárga, changed to upadhmaniya, visarga, changed to a sibilant, . visarga, wrong omission of-, Vishamagiri Plates of Indravarman, vishaya, t.d.,
Vishayamatya, off., vishayapati, off., Vishnu, god,
k.,.
Vishnuvardhana I, E. Chalukya k.,
Vishnuvardhana III,
Vishnuvarman, Kadamba k., Vishuva,
do.,
vishuva-vachanaka, .
Vishvaksena, 8.a. Vishnu, god, Vispila, off.,
28
42 37 109 n. .42, 45, 46, 243 338 21, 23 .40, 200, 339 16, 23, 26, 37, 38, 51, 59, 60, 104 n., 115, 116, 119, 120, 262, 277, 319 Vishnu-bhatta, m.,. 161, 215 149 Vishnugopa-mahadhiraja, W. Ganga k., Vishnukundin, dy., 8, 62, 314, 315 and n., 316 Vishnu on garuda, emblem on seal, 183 Vishnupurana, wk.,. 135 n. 116, 118 263, 204, 265 61
Vishnusarman, m.,.
Vishnu-sthäna,
Vishnusutras,
Vishnuvāka, m.,
29, 32, 33
Vishnuvardhana, sur. of Amma I, E. Chalukya
vāju,
Vötür, vi.,
.
•
Viévakarmavatäravastusastra, wk.,
Visvamitra, rishi,
Viśvarupa, m.,
Vratakhanda, wk..
Vrálya-devas, Vriddhachalam, vi.,
PAGE.
195 n., 307, 309
235 n.
235 234 236 N. 235 n. 224 n.
235
99 n.
304 n.
11 n.
121, 254
235 and
.
.
.
a
"
7 n. 75, 77 60, 62
58 269 n. 327 189, 191
Visvarapasena, Séna k., 183, 184, 187 n., 188 n.
Vithu, m.,
Vitthal, god, Viyakamitra, ch.,
332, 334 11 55, 56, 57, 58 97 29, 32, 33 240
Viyalar, tn.,
Vödda, M.,
161
210
257
81, 88, 90, 92 and n., 94, 95 n.,
97 n., 98 n., 307, 311
INDEX
44, 45, 46
. 43, 140 n.
.43 n.
7 and n., 250 and n.
•
.
Vriddhagiri, hill, Vishui, family, Vyaghragrahara, vi., Vyakaranadana,
Vyasa, sage,. Vyavastha,
V.
Wadgaon, vi.,
74, 75, 76
Waliwade, vi.,
179 95 n.
. 153 n., 154 n., 308 n., 310
Wandiwash, vi., Warangal, ca., Wardha, ri., Warora, vi.,
76
76
Wassaf, Muslim historian, 125, 304, 305, 307 and n. Week-day, early instance of-,. Wunnā, ri,
233 76
Y
yujamānas, Yajnaparibhashasutra, wk., Yajñaéarman, donee, Yajurvēda, yaksha,. Yama, deity, Yamuna, ri.,. Yamunamukh, vi.,
Yasabkarna, Kalachuri k., Yasodhara, m, Yasovardhana, m.,. Yasovarman, Chandella k., yǎträdäna,
Yatröttava,
Yaudheyas, people, Yavanas,
Yayati, myth. k.,
Years of the Jovian cycle,
2, 3, 22, 31 n., 56 (Kharöehthi), 63, 221, 231 n.,
253
238 12 253 277
Bhadrapada,
Years of the sixty years' cycle,
Ananda,. Angirass,
Jaya,
Khara,
385
PAGE. 92 n.
60 62, 187, 190
95
y, as euphonic insertion, .
y, doubling of consonants before
y, subscript,.
y, used for j,
ya, used in the sense of cha in Prakrit,
50
Yadavas of Devagiri, dy., 9 and n., 10, 70, 88, 159, 166 n., 178, 208, 209, 210, 211, 213
256 61 n. 217, 219 254 and n. 31, 32 13, 17 18, 19, 20 21 164, 165 279, 283, 286
29, 32, 33
168 m. 308 n. 309 260, 267 184 n. 39
.
298
36, 46, 47, 114, 115
98
.
6
10, 11 67 65, 73 67

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386
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXVII
PAGE
Years of the sixty years' cycle, --conid.
Manmatha, Pärthiva, Pingala, . Räkshasa, Sådhårana . Sobhakrit, Vikari,
. Vyaya,
. Years of unknown era,
179, 182
173 304, 312 158, 161 . 210 . 67
174 173, 175
.
.
. . . .
PAGA. Yekkēri inscription, . . . . . 38 Yonur, vi. . . . Yöginis, . . . .
. . 166 Yöginitantra, lit. wk., . .
. . 20 Yögisvara, samnyāsin, . • 297 R. Yuddhamalla, E. Chalukya k., . . . 205 Yudhishthira, epic k., 36, 144 n., 258, 284 m. Yüpa, . . . . . . . Yüpa inscriptions of Molavarman, . . 61. Yuvanasve, n., .
. 334 n. Yuvarāja, ofl., 14, 221, 222, 223, 224, 226, 228, 230,
239, 245 Yuvarājadēva, Kalachuri k.,. . . . 165 Yuvarājadēva I, do., . . 166 and . Yuvarājadēva I, do.. . 166 and 1., 169
200,
185, 279, 288, 293,
. .
. . .
109 n. . 109 and ». . . 338 . . 338 . 338

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